La corónica. A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures, and Cultures [15.2]

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LACOR6NICA Volume15, Number2 Spring 1987 ARTICLES The Uses of Writing in the Spanish Epic (ThomasMontgomery)•.

179-185

Folk Literature, Related Fonns, and the Makingof the Poema de Mio Cid (John S. Mtletich) ••...•••• -. -.- .••

186-196

British Contributions to the Study of the Medieval Spanish Epic (Alan Deyennond) • . • . . . • • • . • • • • . .

197-212

Sentence- and Word-Lengthas Indicators of Register in Arcipreste de Talavera, Parts I and II: An Exercise in Quantitative Stylistics (Gustavo San Rom&n). • .

213-224

Fdrmulas juglarescas en la historiograffa romancede los stglos XIII y XIV (Fernando GdmezRedondo) • • . . Trabajos actuales sobre el Romancero(S. G. Armistead) NOTES El CondeLucanor: The Name(Robert B. Tate) A Sounding Brass and Tinkling Cymbal: Al-tlalll in Andalus (TwoNotes on the Muwallaba)(James T. Monroe) . • . . Guillaume de Deguilevtlle's El pelegrinage de la vida humana: NewInterest in a Forgotten Work(Maryjane Dunn-Wood). • • • • . . . . • . . . • . . • . • . . Berceo and the Cl~rigo simple (Gregory Peter Andrachuk) ....

. . 225-239 . 240-246

247-251 252-258

. 259-263 264-267

CONFERENCE REPORTS IX Congreso de la Asociacidn Internacional de Hispanistas (Courtesy of SamuelG. Amistead and Harvey L. Sharrer) . . . • • • • • . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 268-283 Louisiana Conference on Hispanic Languagesand Literatures (LACHISPA)(Courtesy of Maryjane Dunn-Wood and John R. Mater) . . . . . . . . . .......•.....

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REVIEW ARTICLES

287-292 Early Old Spanish Desfat-ido (-ado, -iado), Oesfaz-ido {-ado), Porfa-cado (-zido)---rvakov Malkiel) ....

293-301

REVIEWS Fernando de Rojas. Celestina: tragicomedia de Calisto y Helibea. Ed. Miguel Marciales. Illinois Medieval Monographs, 1. 2 Vols. Urbana; Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1985. {Adrienne Schizzano Mandel) ... Joseph T. Snow. Celestina by Fernando de Rojas: An Annotated Bibliograph~ of World Interest, 1930-1985. Madison, Wisconsin: H1spanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, Ltd., 1985. {Erna Berndt Kelley) . . • . .

302-307

. . 308-310

John S. Miletich, ed. Hispanic Studies in Honor of Alan D. Deyermond: A North American Tribute. Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1986. {John E. Keller) ...

311-314

Pero Ldpez de Ayala. Coronica del rey don Pedro. Ed. Constance L. Wilkins y Heanon M. Wilkins. Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1985. {Michel Garcia) .......•..............

315-317

Francisco Javier de Santiago y Palomares. Selected Writings, 1776-95. Study and Edition by Dennis P. Seniff. Exeter Hispanic Texts, 38. Exeter: University of Exeter, 1984. {ThomasD. Spaccarell;)

....

318-319

Haim Beinart. Conversos on Trial: The Inquisition in Ciudad Real. Hispania Judaica, 3. Jerusalem: The Magnes Press. The Hebrew University, 1981. And Records of the Trials of the Spanish Inquisition in Ciudad Real. Vols. I-IV. Jerusalem: The Israel Academyof Sciences and Humanities, 1974-85. (Jack Weiner) .......................

320-321

Haim Beinart. Trujillo: A Jewish Corrmunity in Extremadura on the Eve of the Expulsion from Spain. Hispania Judaica, 2. Jerusalem: The Hagnes Press. The Hebrew University, 1980. {Jack Weiner) ........

322-323

Santob de Carridn. Proverbios morales. Ed. Theodore A. Perry. Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1986. (Harriet Goldberg) .............

324-327

BIBLIOGRAPHIES Notas sobre la materia arturica (Harvey L. Sharrer)

hisp&nica, 1979-1986 ...............

328-340

ii

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Book Review Bibliography (1986) (Harold G. Jones) ...

341-344

RECENT PUBLICATIONS, PRESENTATIONS, ANDRESEARCH IN PROGRESS

345-346

ANNOUNCEMENTS

347-349

EDITORS'NOTE

350

1903-87: TWO MEMOIRS EDMUND DECHASCA

351-359

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ARTICLES

THEUSESOFWRITING IN THESPANISH EPIC

ThomasMontgomery Tulane University

The continuing debate about the role of writing in the composition of the Old Spanish epics--whether they originated in written form or derived from earlier written or oral poetic material--has been carried on without reference to the attitudes toward writing that are implied by the poems themselves. Looking at other traditions, we note that bards appear in the Beowulf, and that the hero of the Odyssey becomesone for a time. The Spanish epic mentions neither bards nor professional writers of poems, but it does refer occasionally to acts of writing. What kinds of acts are they and what do they te 11 us? Of the three most extensive epic texts or remnants, the Siete Infantes de Lara, the Cid, and the Mocedadesde Rodrigo,1 the second gives the most examples of writing, and the most varied. Someare of limited importance; they may be touched on briefly before proceeding to the more significant instances. The poet takes cognizance of several of the various possible uses of writing. Perhaps the most primitive is the making of inventories (e.g., Cid 1256-59) and, related to it, the keeping of records regarding property (902). From these a step is taken to the making of formal agreements (527), and another to the sharing of news, either personal (2600) or official (627). For these, the rather bland Gallicism mensaJe is used rather than carta. The mensaje may be largely informative, or it may be designed to produce action, as when the Cid sends for supporters in his siege of Valencia (1188). Finally, Jimena's prayer (330-55) implies a tradition of doctrinal training depending on written narrative and the remark that Bishop Jer6nimo "bien entendido es de letras" (1290) again associates writing with the learning of the monastery. But this list has noteworthy omissions; there is no trace of in medieval texts, either as a the appeal to written authority so corT1nOn plot element, e.g., "Dezir m'an la uertad, si iace en escripto 11 (Auto de los Reyes Magos),2 or in the references to textual sources so frequent in

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Berceo and the other clerical writers. Nor is there any overt acknowledgement of the higher potentials of writing, as an instrument for accumulat;ng facts or systematizing thought, or as a mediumof creative composition, of which, from Berceo and Alfonso X on, authors are plainly aware. The poem's varied instances of writing contribute to its humanbreadth, but are not central to its structure. There remains, however, one use of the written word that plays an essential role in the Cid and in the other two epics as well: the written conrnand. In each narrative, such letters motivate principal parts of the plot. In each, they represent an attempted abuse of power by authority, born of evil intentions, and in every case they fail to achieve their purpose, turning to a greater or lesser degree against their authors. In a society in which writing and its users are exceptional, the written order connotes privilege and secrecy. It admits no response in kind. Its translation into the realm of action is hazardous and unpredictable. Between the world of spoken words and action, on the one hand, and one-way acts of conwnunicationfrom a distance, on the other, there is a barrier. Since the sinister quality of written conwnandsis a recurring motif, determining important action in the three poems, we must seriously consider the are manifestations of a negative view of possibility that those co11111ands writing and writers that no hearer could fail to sense. Weshall see that each epic gives its own twist to this theme. The oldest of the three (at least in the date of its action) speaks of just one letter, one that possesses great and terrible power that goes awry, leading to the death of its author. In the tale of the Infantes de Lara, Ruy Vel&squez, a once heroic figure who has turned villainous after his marriage, sends his brother-in-law Gonzalo Gustioz to Almanzar, regent of Cordoba, to deliver a letter written in Arabic which contains two requests. The addressee is asked to have the bearer beheaded and then to ambush and behead Gonzalo's seven sons at Almenar near the Moorish-Christian frontier. The letter promises that, having done this, Almanzar will be in a position to dominate Castile. The letter is treacherous on a number of counts: against Gonzalo and his family and against Christian Spain, and also in several of the circumstances of its genesis. The Moorish scribe who prepares it is its first victim, murdered to preserve its secret. Ruy Vel&squez lies to Gonzalo about its content, assuring him that it is a request for financial help to defray the great expense of his recent wedding. Then the writer enlists the Infantes' aid in attacking the Moors while their father is purportedly enjoying the hospitality of Almanzor--a duplicity in which the brothers are curiously acquiescent. The Moor's reception of the letter seems at first to the reader to be straightforward, but one must keep in mind that it contains not one but two requests. On opening the letter, Almanzor tears ;t up and immediately

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decla,es to Gonzalo that it calls for his murder, but that he will instead place him 1n prison (perhaps to protect him; Religuias 187). He provides his captive with a female companion (his own sister in one of the legend's later versions, Reliquias 201). Of their union will be born Mudarra, the Infantes' avenging half-brother who, in due course, is to track down Ruy Vel&squez and bring him to justice in Lara. But Almanzar has said nothing to Gonzalo about the letter's second reconrnendation, and it is carried out as proposed, except that Almanzor does not himself go to Almenar to direct the massacre. Ruy Vel&squez leads the Infantes into the Moorish ambush, and supervises their decapitation, which is done ritualistically in the order of their birth. His great power is attested by the huge carnage of the battle, in which thousands of Moors are sacrificed, and seems to derive from the half of the letter that was kept secret, which appears not only to prescribe but to predict the exact course of events. It is typical of this poem that its actions are ruled not by rational or comprehensible humanmotives, but by obscure predetermining forces. The letter occupies a place among those forces, first as an expression of monstrously treacherous intent which involves the greatest army in Spain in the destruction of the seven youths, and then as a blueprint determining the manner of their death. But in its failure it is no less portentous, for out of it comes the avenger. The letter is both perfectly effective and wholly disastrous to its author. Once written, it determines all subsequent action and leads finally to the resolution of the narrative conflict, a conflict that begins and ends with death and destruction. It seems reasonable to conclude that, in this poem, the writing of a letter is a dangerous act, unpredictable in its results. In contrast with face-to-face verbal cortlTlands, normal illocutionary- acts whose effects are immediate and visible, the written order, with its aura of remoteness and secrecy, can easily go astray in its translation into action. It cannot make Almanzar accountable. A direct personal request would involve the recipient's personal integrity, but Almanzor is free to choose his responses to the written document according to his own best interests. In the light of this interpretation, which at this point must be offered as tentative, let us consider the role of written orders in the other, more civilized epics. In the Poemadel Cid, just one written order affects the plot significantly, and produces a strong emotional impact. The harsh decree of King Alfonso, proscribing any verbal contact between the people of Burgos and the Cid and his men, sets the tone and determines the action of the first part of the poem. The order, ritualistically sealed and stern beyond the limits of the law, creates a strange effect as the grieving citizens, forbidden to speak to the Cid, hide from his sight (30). The letter, admitting of no response, stifles all cortlTlunication, with a result so unnatural that even

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visual contact is avoided. The worlds of writing and of speaking are at odds as the Cid's men pass through the streets shouting, and meet only the eerie, incomprehensible silence that signals the presence of the silent, ifflnObilizing directive. But the order must be defeated or circumvented, both for the Cid to be successful and for the poem to moveforward. The world of action finds solutions: the nine-year-old girl breaks the silence, Martfn Antolfnez takes ~course to a legalistic loophole, the Cid secretly bilks the usurers, and is not prevented from the verbal act of praying to the Virgin. The decree, with its promise of death, damnation, and confiscation for those who deal with the Cid, is largely nullified as it confronts realityi its only lasting effect is to place the king in a bad light. In the Mocedadesde Rodrigo the mistrust of letters and their writers is more overt than in the earlier poems, and so perhaps more superficial. The written order that produces the greatest effect on the plot is one that reaches King Fernando from Paris, where the King of France, the Pope, and the Holy RomanEmperorhave banded together to composea message demanding annual tribute from Spain to include fifteen noble damsels and sundry items of property (754-59). The immediate reaction is the unification of Spain behind Fernando, as rebellious and treacherous counts are pardoned and join him in an expedition into France. The coalition soon falters, however, and Rodrigo becomesthe Spanish standard-bearer, bent on •repaying• the insulting demandsalmost singlehandedly, by dishonoring French womanhood in the person of the daughter of the Dukeof Savoy, by conquering French and allied forces, and by denouncing in person the letter's authors. The action of this decadent epic, preposterous as it is, shows curious parallels with that of the Siete Infantes. The letter, crossing a frontier, by failing in its intent, indirectly brings about the birth of a noble binational bastard--in this case the son of Fernando and the Duke's daughter--who is given a central role in resolving the narrative conflict. (As further coincidences, both boys are born shortly after conception and are presumed never to have children themselvesi cf. also Digenes Akritas in Greek tradition.)3 Other passages in this poemmingle bad opinions of writing with mistrust of the educated and with a generalized xenophobia. So Rodrigo admonishes his king to bewareof the three foreign rulers: •Ellos son muy leydos / Et andar vos han engannando" (1086). Earlier in the poem, a well-intended message from King Fernando awakens deep suspicions in Rodrigo and his father: "Dondiego cato las cartas / Et ovo la color mudado"(389, a formula for either fear or anger in the poem) 111 ••• Temome de aquestas cartas / que andan con falsedat'" (392). Fear is perhaps avowednowhere else in Spanish epic. An emotion that no seen enemyor battle can evoke is aroused by a mere letter. A glance at another epic text, the Poemade Fern&nGonz&lez,4considerably

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domesticated in the course of its adaptation by a clerical poet, 111yserve to round out our view of writing in the epic. A key element in the plot, the agreement of King Sancho of Ledn to pay Fern4n Gonz,lez 1001 interest, compounded daily, on the price of his horse and hawk (573) is consigned to written form, exemplifying an important and useful function of writing to which, as noted previously, the Cid also alludes. The Roland also knows the probatory use of writing, •11 est ecrit es cartres e es brefs,•5 while aware too of the more ominous potential of written messages (341, 487, 2413). Closer to our primary examples from the three relatively unrefined epics is a "falso ditado" in which Queen Teresa of Ledn, after having sent the hero, Count Fern4n Gonz&lez, to Navarra with the expectation of marrying Princess Sancha, urges her brother, Sancha's father, to seize and imprison the Count. This treachery is duly perpetrated, but its eventual consequences are less than devastating, as the hero, having been freed from the prison by Sancha and restored to power in Castile, blandly pardons his erstwhile persecutor. Perhaps, in a lost primitive version, the letter caused greater havoc, but here the emphasis is on its viciously feminine motivation rather than any Fern4n Gonz&lezis too reasonable, far-reaching or catastrophic results. too well assimilated to the world of literacy, to be a transcendental hero. The use of writing as an instrument of privilege, secrecy, and destructiveness which turns against the writer, deemphasized already in the Fern&n Gonz&lez, makes a surprisingly faithful reappearance in the capa y espada play La Estrella de Sevilla (1623?).6 Here another medieval traveler to Andalusia, the newly crowned King Sancho el Bravo, takes repeated recourse to written documents in his efforts to seduce the heroine Estrella. Each time he is foiled and shamedby face-to-face confrontations with Seville's nobility. The medieval attitudes are clearly present, although considerably elaborated and mingled with the conventional honor motif.7 The nobles scorn the king's letters as unworthy: a man's word is his pennanent bond, involving his whole person, while a letter can be torn to pieces (as also in the Siete Infantes) and disregarded. So the usual concept of the written word as permanent and definitive, and the spoken word as evanescent, is reversed; only a poor slave girl mistakenly places her faith in the king's documented co11111itment, which, ironically, we presume she cannot read. Uneasy confrontations between the worlds of speech and writing are co111n0nplace in literature and often in daily experience. One of particular interest is recalled by Claude L~vi-Strauss in his Tristes Tropiques,8 where he recounts how, while living amongthe Nambikwaraof Brazil, he undertook the rather unfortunate and disruptive experiment of giving them pencils and paper to see how they might react. Most merely played with the new objects, but their chief observed the anthropologist's notetaking and

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understood his tools as instruments of power (more than of co1T1T1unication). His pretense of using them, however, led to mistrust on the part of his group, most of whomabandoned him after the scholar's departure. "[Ils] comprenaient confus~ment que l'~criture et la perfidie p~n~traient chez eux de concert" The experience (345), as happened with the "cartas que andan con falsedat. led L~vi-Strauss to some reflections, or rather meditations, on writing as a means of social control--in fact, servitude (344)--that in turn evoked a testy response from Jacques Derrida, who accused him, amongother things, of ethnocentrism in his interpretation of the events observed, and of attributing to writing the "violence" that for him is the property of language itself.9 While I make no claim of doing justice to these stimulating essays, I would maintain that these key points bring out essentials of the confrontation, in the Old Spanish texts, between the literate and nonliterate. Here the barrier is expresserl not through direct analytical observation from the outside, but through narrative and within the culture. Here, as everywhere, ethnocentrism is inevitably present; the alternative would be no cultural orientation at all. The single culture has two subsegments, the literate ethnocenter and the much larger but less articulated nonliterate one, each with its own style of thinking, differently structured and based on different tacit assumptions.IO The Fern&n Gonz&lez, like Berceo, is solidly ensconced in the literary mode, with written sources and bookish conventions of form a~d style, and its listening audiences were expected to cross the barrier into a book-based experience, to hear stories that had been modified and as they passed through succeselaborated by means of authorial co11111entaries sive written versions. The epics also had contact with writing, but, if we may believe that the strong similarities in their treatment of written commands,so distinct from those of cultivated writers, are not merely coincidental, then we must admit that these poems evidence a latent suspicion and distaste felt toward writing, partly overlaid but not disguised in the elaboration of successive versions. Each poem is different, however, allowing no all-embracing generalizations. The Siete Infantes and the Mocedadestake a negative view of writing; in the first, it is deeply, mysteriously ingrained into the basic concept of the work, while in the second it is an explicit and rather strident concomitant of fourteenthcentury class prejudice. In the Cid, the realms of speech and of silent cormiunication are placed at odds early on, in a manner suggesting an ancient struggle for survival between the two; but in other instances the act of writing is accepted as useful and familiar. So the poemappears at a turning-point. In Spain, as in most countries where an epic developed, it did so at a time when vernacular literacy was first spreading. Its purpose is not This article does not advance an oralist thesis. 11

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185 to "prove" the presence of a preliterate component in the epic--this has been done on linguistic and stylistic grounds in work admirably sunwnarizedby Lapesa,11 and is evident to those who have worked closely with the romances or studied the workings of the literate and nonliterate minds. The intent, rather, is to single out one more area in which traditional oral expression and written accretions are seen in contrast and in interaction. The debate between supporters of oral and learned composition in the Spanish epic can have no resolution because it poses a false dichotomy. There are obviously oral and literate elements, as Men~ndezPidal assumed, and neither by themselves can prove a certain kind of authorship or make the poemswhat they are. The really pertinent questions relate to the nature of the oral and written contributions, their degrees of inventiveness, the reasons for their inclusion, and their role in giving artistic and humanvalue to each work. Close textual study will go far toward answering these questions. NOTES 1 RamdnMen~ndezPidal, ed., Religuias de la poesfa ~pica espanola ... , 2d ed., Diego Catal&n [ed.] (Madrid: Gredos, 1980), pp. 181-236; Poema de Mio Cid, ed. Ian Michael, 2d ed. (Madrid: Castalia, 1980); A. D. Deyermond, Epic Poetry and the Clergy: Studies on the Mocedadesde Rodrigo" (London: Tamesis, 1969), paleographic ed., pp. 222-77. 2 Auto de los Reyes Magos, ed. R. Men~ndezPidal, RABM, 4 (1900), 45762, at line 125. 3 Oigenes Akritas, ed. John Mavrogordato (Oxford: Clarendon, 1956). 4 Poemade Fern&nGonz&lez, ed. Alonso ZamoraVicente, 2d ed. (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1946). 5 Raoul Mortier, ed., Les Textes de la "Chanson de Roland,11 1: La Version d'Oxford (Paris: "La Geste Francor," 1940), line 1689. 6 RaymondFoulch~-Delbosc, ed., La Estrella de Sevila, RH, 48 (1920), 497-698. 7 Elias L. Rivers, Quixotic Scriptures (Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1983), pp. 79-88. 8 Claude L~vi-Strauss, Tristes Tropiques (Paris: Plon, 1955), pp. 33745. 9 Jacques Derrida, De la Gran1T1atologie (Paris: Minuit, 1967), p. 162. 10 See Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (London: Methuen, 1982), and bibliography there cited. 11 Rafael Lapesa, Historia de la lengua espanola, 8th ed. (Madrid: Gredos, 1980), pp. 215-26. 11

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FOLKLITERATURE, RELATED FORMS, ANDTHEMAKING OF THEPOEMA DEMIOCID

John S. Miletich University of Utah

There is a great deal to applaud in Colin Smith's The Makingof the "Poema de Mil Cid"l (not the least of which is his vast erudition), particularly if one has argued for the written composition of the Poemade Mio Cid. However, that it was, as Smith states, "the first epic to be composedin Castilian ..• and that it did not depend on any precedents or existing tradition of epic verse in Castilian or other Peninsular language or dialect" makes his recent book, as he himself states, a bold book indeed (p. 1). It is not my intention within the scope of the present schematic study to set forth in detail all of my objections to Smith's proposals. I shall, however, attempt to outline some of the more crucial questions that, in my opinion, require closer scrutiny in Smith's elaboration of the statement quoted above, and I shall do so in the light of folk literature and forms related to it. In his discussion of Hispano-Romancelyric poetry, Smith touches on the fundamental problem of the relation of folk lyric genres to learned lyric genres--"the mingling of courtly or learned and popular elements in lyricu (p. 21)--but does not, in my opinion, take this relation far enough. A closer investigation of the nature of this interdependence can shed further light on the degrees of dependence of various learned lyric genres on a folk lyric tradition with important implications for a similar dependence in the vernacular narrative tradition. For example, Smith recognizes that "Only in Galicia and in what became (after 1139) the kingdomof Portugal was a popular tradition of lyric and perhaps of dance taken up by literate poets and musicians ... from the late twelfth into the fourteenth century .... Within [that school of poetry] strong native habits such as the distinctive parallelistic structures of the cantigas d'amigo can be recognised as prime features" (p. 20; emphasis mine). The characteristic parallelism of the cantigas d'amigo, which, I reiterate, Smith admits as prime, is held by Alan D. Deyermondto be "one of the clearest indications of the popular origin of the cantigas d'amigo. 112 Furthermore, Francisco Rico, in his article on the mid-twelfth-century parallelistic song about Zorraqufn Sancho, a folk song in his view (pp. 553-57), considers the double parallelistic strophe, the form in which he casts the song

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situated at other points between those already suggested. An attempt at a comprehensive classification along these lines may indeed be illuminating for a better understanding of the function of folk traditions in the composition of the early medieval vernacular lyric of the Peninsula. The implications of the foregoing lyric scheme for formulating a similar model for the Peninsular versified narrative tradition in general are, of course, obvious, and I have dealt with this elsewhere.6 If the composition of early Peninsular lyric on the theme of love can reveal a relatively broad spectrum in its dependence on a folk tradition, can we not then expect degrees of reliance on a folk tradition dealing with heroic conflict, particularly in battle-scarred Castile, and all the more so, since a rich tradition of Hispanic folk balladry that has its roots in the Middle Ages reveals a vital interest in the Peninsula in the production of authentic folk narrative song? Conclusions that I have reached from an extensive analysis of stylistic features in folk narrative traditions and related forms do indeed point to such a dependence on a folk tradition, and in the most intimate way: the Poemade Mio Cid is indeed a learned work, but of the quasi-folk style type, that is, close to the left pole, or just next to an authentic folk narrative tradition.7 At the extreme right pole, we could situate the highly erudite Renaissance epic of CamOesor Ercilla, and not too far to the right of the Poemade Mio Cid, the Poemade Fern&n Gonz&lez, as probably an elementarylearned style type, different from Mio Cid, but still closer to it than to the right pole. Thus some of the learned features which Smith notes in the Poemade Mio Cid are cast in the quasi-folk style and hence reflect more closely features of a folk narrative style rather than those of a much more erudite tradition situated at the other end of the spectrum. For example, in his discussion of the Longinus sequence, Smith suggests that "Per Abad had before him as he composed, or had an extremely accurate memoryof, no fewer than three French passages" so that he produced the extant Cid passage with la sangre appearing inelegantly in successive lines, as it indeed must, according to Smith, since the poet is following two sources which lead to such repetition. Smith believes that such repetition is a defect that "the poet would surely have remedied in a later version" (pp. 119-20). Aside from the question of sources, to which I shall allude further on, a quasi-folk style is characterized to a significant degree by precisely such closely occurring repetition of the same terms so that I would not expect the poet to change it in a later version. It is crucial to the literary tradition he is working in. Similarly, three of the seven examples which Smith cites as vernacular versions of Latin "ablative absolutes," display the same general type of closely occurring repetition in their hemistichs (vv. 144, 147; 319, 320; and 1702, 1703). I cite but one example

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(p. 546), as the cdlula madre of cancioneiro poetry (p. 560);3 and, it should be noted, Smith himself suggests the possibility that such songs about the Cid may also have existed very early on, although he does not refer to them specifically as folk songs (pp. 63-64). Although Smith does not elaborate further on what other •strong native habits ... of the cantigas d'amigo can be recognised as prime features" in addition to parallelism, a cursory glance at the Galician-Portuguese examples in Deyermond'sliterary history of medieval Spain (pp. 15-20) reveals in these songs about women's love the atmosphere of a folk culture conmonto that of European folk lyric in general (e.g., Fran Kurelac's Croatian Jafke).4 In short, we have here a learned genre, but one that appears to draw heavily on the subject matter, social setting, stylistic features, and meter of what we can with some assurance surmise is an authentic lyric folk genre. Wemight designate such learned poetry as a "quasi-folk style" genre, very close to the style of folk lyric and extensively marked with its features, but at the same time different from it. In Smith's discussion of the Razdn de amor con los denuestos del agua y el vino, again in the context of the mingling of the popular and the culto traditions, he rightly stresses what he perceives as learned elements while at the same time recognizing "features ..• from the tradition of popular song• (p. 21). However, he does not go far enough in noting a fundamental difference in the use of the folk tradition in the Razdn de amor when compared to the parallelistic cantigas d'amigo. In the Razdn, we have basically a courtly frameworkinto which elements of the folk tradition are embeddedhere and there so that the differences between the courtly overall structure and specific uses of the folk tradition within that organizing frameworkare pointed up (incidentally, I do not agree on a numberof points with Margaret Van Antwerp's interesting analysis of the Razdn de amor, but this is not the occasion for voicing my objections).5 Wecan, then, characterize the style of the Razdn de amor con los denuestos del agua y el vino as a "sophisticatedlearned style" which draws to some extent on a folk tradition. In sunnary, if we posit as a left pole a folk lyric tradition and at the right pole a highly learned lyric tradition that is unmarkedby folk elements, we can situate the parallelistic cantigas d'amigo close to the left pole and the Razdn de amor con los denuestos del agua y el vino close to the right pole. In between the cantigas d'amigo and the Razdn, we may further be able to identify an "elementary-learned style," in which the folk elements are less pronounced than in the quasi-folk style poemsbut more so than in the sophisticated-learned style which draws to some degree on the folk tradition. At various points between the two poles, we may be able to identify other modalities that draw on the folk tradition to other degrees and that can be

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to illustrate the point: "la missa les cantava" (1702b)--"la missa dicha" (1703a). Finally, in a discussion of whether Latin chronicles or the Bible inspired the phraseology of "bien la ~erca mio Cid, que non i avia hart,/ viedales exir e viedales entrar" (1204-05), we note again the repetitive style of quasi-folk narrative in the reiteration of viedales. The foregoing remarks on closely occurring repetition are not intended to suggest that such style cannot to some degree occur in highly learned literature which does not rely on a folk tradition at all, but only that it is a significant feature of an authentic folk-narrative style which is displayed to a relatively high degree in quasi-folk style poems such as the Poema de Mio Cid. If the quasi-folk style as a genre can be used to explain such repetitive features as the foregoing, it is also helpful in understanding why the minor narrative lapses mentioned by Smith also occur (pp. 208-09). For example, Smith states that "Alvar Fcinez reports that the Cid has won 'tinco lides campales' in the Levante, but the poet has narrated only two." Such lapses are typical of folk epic and quasi-folk style poems as C. M. Bowra has pointed out,8 so that an audience accustomed to such lapses in the folk tradition would not be jarred by similar shortcomings in a tradition that is so closely re 1a ted to i t. Smith makes some further interesting observations that seem to show an awareness of the link between folk narrative genres and forms closely related to them. In his discussion of verismo in the Poema de Mio Cid, he states that development of the plot and character motivation in the poem surpasses by far the techniques of the twelfth-century epic poets of France. He adds that the medieval French poets 11often seem to be writing for the equivalent of not over-bright modern teen-agers, readily contented with accounts of Superman presented in strip-cartoon form, perhaps with dashes of James Bond here and there (indeed, the comparison might be worth making)" (p. 215). The comparison is indeed apt since it is precisely such literature--on Superman and James Bond--that can also be designated as close to a folk tradition under the more general category called in Serbo-Croatian pueka knji1evnost understood in the specific sense of a broad category of literature which draws on both folk and learned literature and involves a traditional orientation of both readers and composers.9 It is not fortuitous that Patricia A. Kraftik, a scholar of Russian literature, calls attention to the important device known as negative analogy or epic antithesis in Russian folk poetry, noting that it occurs in the folk literature of other peoples as well.10 She alludes specifically to its counterpart in Superman literature, which is surely familiar to us as "It's a bird, it's a plane, it's Superman" (p. 20). On the matter of the poet's use of sources in the Poema de Mio Cid, would certainly not discount some of Smith's examples from Old French and

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Latin, although considerable caution is required here as David Hookalone, and Deyennondand Hooktogether, have convincingly demonstrated.11 I wonder to what extent such motifs as the battle cry, call to action without delay, and cleaving from helm to waist may have sprung from the connon historical realities of battle in Spain and France, and the real practices associated with such battle (pp. 191-93). For example, Smith's suggestion that the Cid's praise of his horse, "en moros ni en christianos otro tal non ha oy• (3514), may perhaps echo two lines in the Prise de Cordres (".I. des mellors que l'an polst trover / N'en paienime n'en la cresti!ntf• [561-62), in which a chevalier is COffll)ared (p. 194]) needs to be reconsidered in light of a closer parallel in an authentic folk epic song of the nineteenth century, Milija's famous Banovi~ Strahinja, to which I shall return in a different context.12 The Serbo-Croatian instance is "Ima 6oga konja od megdana,/ Sto ga danas u Srbina nema, / U Srb1na, niti u Turfina•(11. 634-36), which translated reads: He had his white war horse, / The like of which does not exist amongthe Serbs today,/ Not amongthe Serbs nor amongthe Turks.•13 Wecannot rule out the possibility that such motifs may have sprung up from the similar conditions of heroic combat within different cultural contexts. I add that it is not by chance that a quasi-folk-style text such as the Poemade Mio Cid should reflect so closely a motif found in an authentic folk epic song. Smith's explanations of the origin of the meter of the Poemade Mio Cid appear to me to be the most controversial portion of his book. He suggests that the poet invented it (p. 104) and that "His decision rested upon a deliberate reinterpretation of French structures, perceived accentually not syllabically, and this was reinforced or perhaps preconditioned by much that he observed in the various fonns of twelfth-century Latin verse" (p. 128). However, I am not persuaded by Smith's arguments that the invention of a stress-based system with as much syllabic fluctuation in lines as Mio Cid shows could have been derived from Old French isosyllabic meters or twelfthcentury (or even earlier) Latin verse, from what I have observed in the latter case, such Latin verse may indeed have distinctive stress patterning, but also has more syllabic regularity than the meter of Mio Cid.14 Wherethen maywe expect to find a comparable meter, whose primary principle, that is, governing metrical principle, is stress, but which also shows approximately the same type of greater syllabic fluctuation as Mio Cfd? To make the case even more convincing, did such a metrical form exist for extensive narrative which was presented orally, whose subject matter was heroic, and which was e;ther part of a folk tradition itself or was closely linked with such a folk tradition (in the latter case, a quasi-folk-style poem)? The answer, of course, is affinnative, and the meter is that of the Anglo-SaxonBeowulf, a quasi-folk-style poem, in my view, and the Russian folk epic genre known 11

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as thepbylina.15 It seems to me that Mio Cid's stress pattern and degree of syllabic fluctuation should be comparedwith such features in Beowulf and the bylina so that we might solidly affirm that the meter of the Spanish epic is indeed a stress-based meter, similar to that of other heroic poetry which is either folk or closely folk-related. If, indeed, we could show an unmistakably close relationship in stress pattern and degree of syllabic fluctuation between the Spanish epic meter and one or both of the others, we might then be able to speculate with greater assurance on possible Germanic, and more specifically, Visigothic origins. To make a case for a genetic connection with Old Germanic prosody, however, we need to reexamine the thorny question of Visigothic origins, a question that has, in my opinion, been given rather short shrift. Robert A. Hall, Jr., states about the transitional period in question: NAperiod of bilingualism did prevail, while the Visigoths were giving up their Germanic speech for Ibero-Romance; it probably lasted for at least two centuries, though we do not knowhow long it persisted after the Moorish invasions. Scholars are now inclined to admit that multilingual speech coffll'lunities can maintain a fading language much longer than was formerly thought possible, so it is not inconceivable that Visigothic-Romance bilingualism should have continued in some regions well into the 8th or even the 9th century. 16 It is difficult, of course, to prove just how long Visigothic may have survived in the Peninsula, but it is certainly unsafe to argue that Hall's dates are unreasonable. A linguist, Patricia E. Mason, cites William Reinhart's hypothesis as follows: "Esta comarca [Castnla la Vieja) fue probablemente la llnica en que existid un biling[O]ismo hasta aproximadamenteel fin del siglo VII [o] principio del VIII, pues es de suponer que allf pudo mantenerse la lengua gdtica m&stiempo queen el resto de la Penfnsula.•17 On the other hand, we are told elsewhere by a historian that it is doubtful that the Visigoths spoke their native tongue after the fifth century (Wright, p. 184, on Roger Collins). Mason, in her su111111ry of the question, appears cautious and admits the possibility of limited use of their language beyond A.O. 600: "It is generally agreed that by the seventh century the Visigoths had largely abandoned their native speech in favor of Latin" (p. 270; emphasis mine). Arguments in support of Hall's even later date for the survival of Visigothic in some areas of the Peninsula can be found in the analogous evidence for the continued existence of the Gothic language of the Crimean Peninsula of the Black Sea. In a detailed analysis of the evidence for Crimean Gothic since the arrival of the Goths in that area in the third century A.O., MacDonald Stearns, Jr., points to hard linguistic evidence for the existence of Crimean Gothic as late as the mid-sixteenth century in the letter of the Flemish nobleman Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq, and to a reliable account that attests to 0

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its continued survival through the end of the eighteenth century (ca. 1780), at the close of which it passed out of existence.18 The foregoing remarks do not imply, of course, that we should posit some fifteen hundred years of spoken V1sigothic in Spain, nor return to a blanket acceptance of Ramdn Men~ndezPidal's proposals (Los godos y la epopeya espaftola: "Chansons de geste" y baladas ndrdicas [Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1956]), but rather that we should reconsider the question of stress-based meter and Visigothic origins in the light of comparative metrics and the comparative linguistic data of knownmultilingual speech groups.19 The foregoing remarks becomeeven more significant whenwe consider the likely folk character of the earliest Old Germanic verse20 and hence at least the possibility that the stress meter may have survived in more traditional, isolated pockets not only in Visigothic, but in the inherited language as well, when the latter definitively replaced Visigothic. The Visigoths, who kept themselves apart as a military aristocracy, preferred to live in the country rather than in the cities, and concerned themselves principally with war, were indeed likely candidates for safeguarding a heroic folk ethos and its oral poetic tradition and for eventually transmitting them to others who also became engaged for centuries afterward in heroic warfare against the Moors, cultivating similar poetic traditions as they did so.21 Smith dismisses the plausibility of the continuity of the stress system from Gothic verse on the grounds that umetrical systems surely die with languages, and there was no Gothic in Hispania after about A.O. 600, no written texts of Gothic being knownto have survived for imitation by later poetsu (p. 114). Aside from not taking into account the implications of Hall's statement cited above on a later date for the survival of Visigothic, which, in light of my foregoing observations, take on greater import, Smith does not consider the possibility that not written, but rather oral Gothic "texts" may indeed have existed in the form of heroic folk narrative. That no poetic form close to it in style survived as it has in the Anglo-Saxon tradition (Beowulf, for example) is not at all surprising since it was Latin only that the Visigoths used for official purposes rather than the vernacular, according to Robert K. Spaulding, in contrast to the Anglo-Saxons, who used both the vernacular as well as Latin.22 Stearns adds further support to the notion of a V1sigothic spoken, rather than written, culture in noting that Crimean Gothic may never have been written down by its own speakers, but that Greek instead may have been used for writing by Crimean Goths (p. 37, and n. 3).

Smith raises another crucial question which I shall address only briefly In since I have dealt with it in detail elsewhere ("Oral Aesthetics"). reaction to oralist critics who recognize the artistic excellence of the

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Poemade Mio Cid, Smith asks: "can all this complex composition really have (p. 216; emphasis his). Myanswer been improvised by a chanting illiterate?" is simply that it can, and I cite from my recently published article "that it is not safe to argue for written composition of a particular work on the basis of a highly organized aesthetic structure since such outstanding songs as Banovi~ Strahinja can reflect similar organization so that it seems that differences between the two types need to be identified at another level . the central interest of the South Slavic song is reflected throughout its structure by the same general kinds of patterning as occur in PMCand . the poem is as rich in its psychological portrayal and as universal in its humandimension as any classic work of art can be within the bounds of its literary tradition" (p. 192). It follows from this that not only subject matter, meter, stylistic features. but an overall aesthetic structure of a heroic folk narrative song may have contributed to the ultimate production of a quasi-folk-style poemsuch as Mio Cid. Smith adds that although he too recognizes the artistic merits of the Poemade Mio Cid, he cannot claim that it is a work of "infinite subtlety and complexity" (p. 216). If we view the poemas a quasi-folk-style work as I have argued in this study, we have no other alternative but to view its aesthetics within the less sophisticated limits of its literary tradition, which is close to the left pole, that of folk art, and not in the other direction, that of the highly wrought style of the erudite tradition of the Renaissance epic. From this perspective, we can certainly acco111110date legitimate objection of Samuel G. Armistead with regard to the theory of ballad fragmentation: how can folk ballads emerge from a tradition of thoroughly learned epic?23 They simply cannot. However, if we view the Spanish epic as a quasi-folk form, then it is indeed natural that at least some ballads should spring from that tradition and be folklorized in the oral tradition. In conclusion, it appears only normal that the Hispanic tradition, so rich in both lyric and narrative folk forms in its early literary periods, should, like its sister culture in this respect, the South Slavic tradition, reveal a broad spectrum of literary phenomena, a good number of which are linked to the folk tradition and not the least of which is the Poemade Mio Cid.24 NOTES 1 (Cambridge: University Press, 1983). 2 A Literary History of Spain: The Middle Ages (London: Ernest Benn; NewYork: Barnes and Noble, 1971), p. 16. 3 "Corraqufn Sancho, Rold&ny Oliveros: un cantar paralelfstico castellano del siglo XII," in Homenajea la memoria de don Antonio

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Rodrf,uez-Moftino 1910-1970 (Madrid: Castalia, 1975), pp. 537-64. For other exampes of parallelist1c structure in folk and closely folk-related poetry of Western and Eastern Europe, the Middle East, and Asia, see: Eugenio Asensio, Po~tica y realidad en el cancionero peninsular de la Edad Media, 2d enlarged ed. (Madrid: Gredos, 1970), pp. 78-86; Kenneth Jackson, "Incremental Repetition in the Early Welsh~," Speculum, 16 (1941), 304-21, at pp. 305, 311, and 312-13 (Welsh, Galician-Portuguese, Armenian, and Chinese); C. M. Bowra, Primitive Song (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1962), pp. 8182 (ancient Egyptian); Manuel Alvar, musical notations Marfa Teresa Rubiato, Cantos de boda ·udeo-es aftoles (Madrid: Instituto Arias Montano, 1971), pp. S-94 somewhatrevised version of "El paralelismo en los cantos de boda judeo-espano 1es, 11 Anuari o de Letras, 4 ( 1964], 109-59); and my "KureH!eve Jafke i njihove veze s tradicijom domovine" ["Kurelac's Jafke and Their Connection with the HomelandTradition"], Naufni Sastanafslavista u Vukove Dane (Belgrade) (forthcoming) (Serbo-Croatian). 4 Coll. and ed., Jafke ili narodne ~sme rosto a i ne rosto a uka hrvatsko a o fu ah ~o runsko, mo~onsko i fel~zno na Ur h Zagreb: Dragutin Abrecht, 1871 ; I have discussed the imp cations of some of the woman's voice lyric songs of that collection, both folk and closely folkrelated, for the study of the Mozarabic khar~as in my paper "La lfrica medieval y el folklore," which was read at t e ninth congress of the Asociacidn Internacional de Hispanistas, held in Berlin in August, 1986. 5 "Razdn de amor and the Popular Tradition," RomancePhilology, 32 (1978-79), 1-17. 6 "Oral Literature and 'Pufka Knjifevnost': Towarda Generic Description of Medieval Spanish and Other Narrative Trad1tions,u in Folklore and Oral Conwnunication--Folklore und mOndliche Ko111TIUnikation, ed. Maja Bo~kovi~-Stulli (Zagreb: Zavod za lstrafivanje Folklora, 1981), pp. 155-66 [special issue of Narodna Umjetnost]; in Serbo-Croatian, "Usmenaknjifevnost i 'puna knjifevnost': Prema generifkom prikazu srednjovjekovne ~panjolske i ostalih narativnih tradicija, Narodna Umjetnost, 19 (1982), 171-83. 7 For references to my work exploring this aspect, see my "Repetition and Aesthetic Function in the Poemade mio Cid and South-Slavic Oral and Literary Epic," Bulletin of Hispanic Studies, 58 (1981), 189-96, at p. 194, 11

n. 2.

8 Heroic Poetry (London: Macmillan, 1952), Chap. 8. 9 This is Maja Bo~kovi~-Stu111's notion of pu~ka knji!evnost. For my broader ose of this concept, see my "Oral Literature," pp. 162-63, where her work is also cited. 10 "The Russian Negative Simile: An Expression of Folkloric Fantasy," Slavic and East European Journal, 20 (1976), 18-26. For its use in the Romancero, see my "The Mennaid and Related Motifs in the Romancero: The Slavic Analogy and Fertility Myths," RomancePhilology, 39 (1985-86), 151-69. 11 For references to Hook's studies, see Smith, p. 48; Deyennondand Hook, "The Afrenta de Corpes and Other Stories," La Cordnica, 10 (1981-82), 12-37. 12 I cite the Old French verses from Prise de Cordres et de Sebille: Chanson de geste du x11e si~cle, ed. Ov1de Densus1anu (Paris: Soc1~t~ des Anciens Textes Fran~ais, 1896). EdwardA. Heinemannhas pointed out to me two other similar instances occurring in Old French epic, but here again the subject of comparison is not an animal but a character, the princess Orable: "11 n'a si bele en la crestlent~ / N'en paienie qu'en 1 sache trover" (254-55) and "Il n'a si bele en tote paienie" (277), both from the ABversion of the Prise d'Orange, cited from Les R~dactions en vers de la "Prise d'Orange, 11 ed. Claude R~gnier (Paris: klincksieck, 1966), pp. 93-176. For one study amongseveral in which Heinemanndeals with echoes in the

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chansons de geste, see his "M&loire, r~~tition, syst~me esth~tique dans la chanson de geste," in Jeux de mdmoire: As~ects de la mn~motechnie~di~vale, ed. Bruno Roy and Paul Zumthor (Montr~al:resses de l'Universitd de Montr~al; Paris: Vrin, 1985), pp. 23-33. 13 The original is cited from Sr ske narodne esme, coll. and ed. Yuk Stef[anovif] Karadfif, 2d State ed., II Be grade: tamparija Kraljevine Srbije, 1895), No. 43; the translation is from my "Oral Aesthetics and Written Aesthetics: The South Slavic Case and the Poemade Mio Cid, 11 in Hispanic Studies in Honor of Alan D. Deyennond: A North American Tribute, ed. John S. Miletich (Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1986), pp. 183-204, at p. 200, 11. 634-36. 14 For a discussion of degrees of syllabic fluctuation in PMC,see Alan D. Deyermond,"Tendencies in Mio Cid Scholarship, 1943-1973," in71'MioCid" Studies, ed. Alan D. Deyermond(London: Tamesis, 1977), pp. 13-47, at pp. 28-29. An examination of the following attests to the greater syllabic regularity in the Latin texts: F. J.E. Raby, A History of Christian-Latin Poetry from the Beginnin~s to the Close of the Middle Ages, 2d ed. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1953; rpt. 19 6), pp. 44-71 and 125-31; same, A History of Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Clarendon, 1934), I, 98-99, 142, 148-53; II, 236-47; Josef Szov~rffy, Weltliche Dichtungen des lateinischen Mittelalters: Ein Handbuch, I. Von den Anf~ngenbis zumEnde der Karolingerzeit (Berlin: Erich Schmidt, 1970), pp. 299-325 and 666-70; Carmen Campidoctoris in RamdnMen~ndezPidal, La Espana del Cid, 7th ed. (Mad~ Espasa-Calpe, 1969), II, 882-86; Poemade Almerfa in H. Salvador Martfnez, El Poemade Almeda" y la ~pica romcinica(Madrid: Gredos, 1975), pp. 22ff.; and Roger Wright, Late Latin and Early Romancein Spain and Carolingian France (Liverpool: Francis Cairns, 1982), passim; note that Wright's rendering of Latin verse in a vernacular spoken form does not show the greater syllabic fluctuation we find in PMC(pp. 180 and 182). In contrast to the foregoing, the psalms, of course, show greater syllabic fluctuation, but, on the other hand, also generally display a notably longer verse line than PMC. Thus it seems that a solution to the problem of metrical origin needs to be sought elsewhere. 15 For discussion of the meter of Beowulf and the bylina, see, respectively, John Miles Foley, "Tradition-Dependent and -Independent Features in Oral literature: A Comparative View of the Formula," in Oral Traditional Literature: A Festschrift for Albert Bates Lord, ed. John Miles Foley (Columbus, OH: Slavica, 1981), pp. 262-81, at pp. 268-70; and Patricia Arant, "Formulaic Style and the Russian Bylina," Indiana Slavic Studies, 4 (1967), 7-51, at pp. 15 and 30-31. 16 1101d Spanish Stress-Timed Verse and Germanic Superstratum," RomancePhilology, 19 (1965-66), 227-34, at p. 232. 17 Mason, "Social Implications of Borrowing: The Visigothic Element in Hispano-Romance,"Word, 30 (1979), 257-72, at p. 269. 18 Crimean Gothic: Analysis and Etymologyof the Corpus (Saratoga, CA: AnmaLibri, 1978), pp. 37 and 18-20. Patrick Stiles indicates that the difficulties surrounding the transmission of Busbecq's data result in an imprecise knowledgeof our only traces of Crimean Gothic, a fact noted by Stearns as well, as Stiles points out ("A Textual Note on Busbecq's 'Crimean Gothic' Cantilena, 11 Neophilologus, 68 [1984], 637-39, at p. 637). For the date of the Goths' arrival in the Crimea, see Alexander Alexandrovich Vasiliev, The Goths in the Crimea (Cambridge, MA:Mediaeval Academyof Ameri ca , 1936) , p . 3. 19 In addition to the well-known example of Judeo-Spanfsh, note also the survival of my mother tongue, the spoken language of the Croats of Gradi~~e or Burgenland (in the broad sense), residing today on both sides of the Austrian-Hungarian border, who emigrated to that area in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries from what is today Yugoslavia and who have essentially 11

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pres~rved their language in some areas of that region in spite of the pressures of Germanand Hungarian. 20 Jess B. Bessinger, Jr., "Old Germanic Prosody," Princeton Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics, 1974 enlarged ed., pp. 587-88, at p. 587. 21 Piergiuseppe Scardigli, accepting the survival of an epic tradition of Gothic origin in Spain, considers its continuity as an extraordinary phenomenon(Die Goten: Sprache und Kultur, trans. Benedikt Vollmann [Florence, 1964; trans. Munich: C. H. Beck, 1973], pp. 202-03, and 241, n. 12. For the rural nature of Visigothic society, see Mason, pp. 269, 270, and 272. 22 Spaulding, HowSpanish Grew (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1943; rpt. 1962), p. 48. 23 "Epic and Ballad: A Traditionalist Perspective," Olifant, 8 (198081), 376-88, at p. 385. 24 An earlier version of the present study was read at the session on the medieval Spanish epic which was organized and chaired by H. Salvador Martfnez and held at the MLAConvention in Chicago in December, 1985. I am grateful to the following for their helpful remarks, which I have taken into account in preparing the final version of this study: Samuel G. Armistead and Alan 0. Oeyermond; for Old French, Edward A. Heinemann; for Latin, Peter Marshall; and for Slavic, James 0. Bailey, Felix J. Oinas, and Svetozar Petrovi~. I am also grateful to the Robarts Library at the University of Toronto for use of research material and to James F. Burke for providing working space at the latter institution.

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BRITISHCONTRIBUTIONS TOTHESTUDY OF THEMEDIEVAL SPANISH EPIC

A1an Deyermond Westfield College, University of London

It is both flattering and embarrassing to be asked to speak on this subject and to this audience.1 There is no need to explain why it is flattering to be invited to address the North American branch of the Soci~t~ Rencesvals alongside John S. M11etich and Ruth House Webber. Myembarrassment may, however, require some explanation. It is due to your evident belief that there is a British school of Spanish epic studies, and to your confident expectation that I shall be able to explain to you how that school came into being and why it has formed a neo-individualist view of medieval Spanish epic. Since I am not convinced that there is such a school, or that 'neo-individualist' would be an appropriate label even if the school did exist, you will understand why I appear before you with some trepidation. I shall assume in this paper that the school does indeed exist--and I shall do so not as a matter of courtesy to my hosts, but because many hispanomedieval1sts outside Britain, who are not as far as I knowchronic sufferers from mass hallucination, are convinced that there is a British school and that it has certain clearly recognizable characteristics. I think, therefore, that you and I may be experiencing that interesting phenomenon,a clear perception from the outside of something that is invisible, or at best blurred, when seen from the inside. Perhaps my willingness to admit, however tentatively, that you may be right is due only to my substantial periods of professional residence in North America; I may be enjoying, or suffering, the double vision proper to one who is both insider and outsider. But enough of introspection. Let us pass to four factors that complicate the picture of a British school. First, and most obviously, there is room for a wide divergence of views: Colin Smith, in his most recent publications, is near to one end of the spectrum, and Kenneth Adamsis at the other extreme in his advocacy of oral composition of the Cantar de Mio Cid. I have observed elsewhere that "the school--if it exists--is a singularly ill-conducted academy, with raucous disagreement drowning the polite murmursof consensus" {Deyermond,1985, p. 122). I ought perhaps to mention that vigorous debate in no way jeopardizes friendly relations between colleagues; the American hispanist who feared that I might be distressed by appearing on the same platform as Colin Smith, "because everyone knows you have a feud with him,"

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was worrying unnecessarily. I regret his absence as much as he does, and he has asked me to convey his gratitude for the invitation and his acute disappointment at his inability to attend. A second complicating factor is that scholars change their views. The most spectacular example is again provided by Smith: when I first heard him speak on the epic, twenty-five years ago, he was making a vigorous neotraditionalist protest--in tones that would have delighted Men~ndezPidal, and that would astonish Samuel Armistead if only I had a tape of the discussion to play for you--against Rita Hamilton's paper on epic epithets (later published as Hamilton, 1962). Probably the only point in corT100n between the Smith of 1960 and the Smith of today is a wholehearted admiration for the artistry of the Cantar de Mio Cid. I do not say this in disparagement--far from it. Our subject is changing rapidly; it is exciting and alive; and the scholar whose views remain unchanged has probably not kept up with the subject. Although my own changes of mind are small in comparison with Smith's, they are real and numerous. Often they are caused by American colleagues from whomI am constantly, gratefully, and rather shamefacedly learning: Armistead showed that I had overlooked important evidence on the date of the Hocedades de Rodrigo's lost ancestor; Miletich's article in a volume which appeared only a few days ago shows how misguided I was to use the Cantar de Mio Cid's aesthetic quality as a proof of its written composition; and Webber and Montgomeryhave demonstrated that my attack on the neotraditionalist view of the Mocedadeswas in one respect too strongly influenced by neotraditionalist assumptions that I had unconsciously absorbed.2 A third factor that complicates the picture is that scholars change not only views but places (not, amonghispanomedievalists, in quite the way depicted in David Lodge's novel published ten years ago).3 Since I define a British hispanist not by birth or nationality but by professional residence-as we shall see, this has one very interesting result whenwe consider the nineteenth-century origins of epic studies--Peter Dunnwas a British hispanist when he published his first article on the Cantar de Mio Cid {Dunn, 1962), an article that seems to me even more important now than it did when it was published, but by the time he wrote his second Cid article he was a memberof what I suppose we must call the American school.4 (If the reference to an American school startles you, it may help to explain the embarrassment to which I referred at the beginning of this paper.) And, of course, there is no great difference between the British-school Dunnof 1962 and the Americanschool Dunn of 1970. The fourth and last complicating factor is that this is, as David Lodge points out in his latest work, a small world.5 The advent of jet-plane, direct-dialing international phones, and xerox have not brought to any hispanomedievalists of my acquaintance the exotic delights enjoyed by Lodge's jet-lagged but indefatigable characters, but they have undoubtedly

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made it possible for colleagues in different countries, even in different continents, to collaborate far more effectively. For at least ten years there has been, rather than a British group of hispanomedievalists and an American one, an Angloamerican group, and it is one that has rightly dominated scholarship in its field. Now,with the extraordinary resurgence of scholarship in Spain, we have not only the half-dozen senior and universally respected figures who carried the burden fo~ so long, but a numerous and brilliant new generation, eagerly making contact with anglophone colleagues. The most vivid impression that I brought away from the first congress of the Asociacidn Hisp&nica de Literatura Medieval, held at Santiago de Compostela earlier this month (December 1985), was of the intellectual vitality and depth of scholarship shown in papers by the young Spaniards (at least twenty of them under the age of forty, and some in their early twenties) and in their conversation between conference sessions. I have no doubt that the centre of hispanomedieval studies is now, as it was before the Civil War, in Spain; and this is of course where it should be. But there is one difference, and it is a major one: our younger Spanish colleagues see themselves as part of an international c00111unity,whereas pre-Civil-War Spanish scholarship was, for good reason, largely self-sufficient. Wenow belong not just to an Angloamerican but to a Hispanoangloamerican group, in which scholars from other countries (for example, Marcella Ciceri in Venice, Michel Garcia in Paris, MaximKerkhof in Nijmegen, Germ&nOrduna in Buenos Aires, and Alberto Vlrvaro in Naples) play a key role. There is indeed one living proof of the existence and value of of scholars: a Spaniard, a Madrid graduate, this new international co11111unity who went to Princeton for her PhDand whose thesis was directed in London, was at the Santiago congress with her Spanish contemporaries, presenting her arguments for a new type of popular epic in fourteenth-century Spain and Portugal.6 These observations have carried me too far from my announced topic, and I hasten to return to it. I do not knowwhen British scholarship on the Spanish epic began, and I have not made any systematic attempt to find out; the first publication of which I am aware is Robert Southey's Chronicle of the Cid, which appeared in 1808.7 Five years later Southey, "the most industrious of important English writers in the nineteenth century," was made Poet Laureate; I wish I could tell you that this was cause and effect, but honesty compels me to admit that there is no evidence linking his hispanomedievalist work with the Laureateship. After Southey, the next important name is that of Andr~s Bello--and before anyone protests, let me remind you of my definition of a British hispanist by professional residence rather than birth or nationality. Although Bello's edition of the Cantar was n0t published until 1881, sixteen years after his death, most of the work for it was done in the British Museum

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in 1810-29. Bella's Cid scholarship was for long overshadowed by the justifiably acclaimed publications of Ram6nHen~ndez Pidal, but it can now be seen that on a number of issues--for instance, the date of composition, which Bello put in the first half of the thirteenth century--he was right and Men~ndezPidal was wrong. Someof Colin Smith's recent work acknowledges a debt to Bello's researches, and it is a pleasure to pass on news that I received from Smith only a few days ago, that a team of Venezuelan scholars headed by Pedro Grases is republishing Bello's works with extensive studies, and that the volume containing his Cid edition is about to go to press.a The delayed publication of Bello's work, and the dominating position established by Men~ndezPidal soon afterwards, led, as I have already observed, to its comparative neglect. It is true that, in Smith's words, Bello's notes "have passed into the work of more recent scholars, not always with acknowledgment" (Smith, 1972, p. lxxxv), but he founded no tradition in Britain or elsewhere. The beginning of a British tradition of Spanish epic studies is to be found in the late 1920s, in the work of William J. Entwistle, and it is therefore at that point that my selective bibliography begins. It was said soon after his death that he did not "seek to fonn any disciples himself. His pupils ... would have looked in vain to him for any indoctrination. 119 think that is probably true; the fonnation of a personal school in the Spanish sense (perfectly exemplified in the United States by AnM!ricoCastro and his school), with its obvious strengths and equally obvious dangers, has never played a major part in British intellectual life. Yet it would be foolish to deny that there is a strong element of continuity, of a pupil developing lines of research that attracted his or her teacher. Peter Russell, whose 1952 article marks the beginning of an intense period of British interest in the Spanish epic, was Entwistle's pupil at Oxford, though never his disciple. Of the twenty-five scholars listed in the selective bibliography after 1952, seven (Deyermond, Gifford, Harvey, Hook, Lomax, Pattison, and Wright) are in some sense Russell's pupils, another six {Chaplin, Cox, Nathan, Plumpton, Walker, and West) are pupils of his pupils, and one (Pavlovif) represents yet another generation. This seems to make a tidy, even a cosy. pattern, and to offer ample material for the conspiracy theory of scholarship, especially if we add the information that six scholars on the list are graduates of King's College London (one of these, Rita Hamilton, taught medieval literature to two of the others), and that three (Morris, Powell, and West) are Smith's pupils; thus only four of the post-1952 scholars are outside the three groups (they are Aguirre, Cummins,Gornall, and Perry). You will, as experienced listeners to conference papers, have been waiting for me to say "But ... " That momenthas arrived; there are, indeed, several buts. The first is that 'pupil' covers a wid~ rdnge of meaning: at one

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extreme, having the same person as principal teacher in one's undergraduate work and then as thesis supervisor; at the other, attending one course of lectures by the teacher concerned. Secondly, only six of the scholars in the bibliography wrote, or even began, a thesis or dissertation on an epic subject (Chaplin, Morris, Pavlovif, Plumpton, Powell, and West). Thirdly, people do not stay tidily within a single category: West was Smith's pupil as an undergraduate, and I supervised his thesis. If he is part of a conspiracy, is it a Cambridge conspiracy, or a Westfield one, or (because Russell supervised my thesis) an Oxford one? Fourthly, there are sharp differences of method and conclusions within (as well as between) the groups I have mentioned: compare, for instance, Walker, 1977, with Deyermondand Hook, 1981-82. I have devoted some time to the academic pedigree of British scholars who work on the Spanish epic, not because I think it a major factor but because I believe that some scholars outside Britain may attribute to it a greater importance than it deserves. Muchmore significant than biographical statistics is the question of approaches to the epic. To a surprising extent, Entwistle's work--and especially his work of the five years when he was most intensely concerned with the epic--defines the area within which British hispanists studying the epic have been most active. His article on Bernardo del Carpio (1928a) is, of all the work of those five years, the part with which neotraditionalists are most likely to feel at home. He examines the evidence of Latin and vernacular chronicles, and agrees that there was an epic, now lost, about this hero. However, building on the work of a German scholar, Theodor Heinermann, he rejects the hypothesis that makes of every difference in chronicle accounts evidence for an epic refundicidn, and he concludes that there was a prose Estoria de Bernardo, probably in Latin and probably written as propaganda for the Santiago pilgrimage.IO This b~di~riste conclusion to what might have seemed at the outset a safely neotraditionalist article serves notice that Entwistle is moving Spanish epic studies in a new direction. The simultaneous "On the Carmende morte Sanctii regis" (1928b) takes a very similar line but, by virtue of its title, more obviously so. Entwistle again accepts that there was a vernacular epic, which now survives only in chronicle prosifications, and he accepts that it was the first poemon the assassination of Sancho II, but he turns neotraditionalist techniques against their originators by discovering in the prose of the Latin chronicles evidence for a Latin epic poem, probably linked to the monastery of San Salvador de Ofta. These two articles, then, concentrate on the relation of epic to chronicle, of vernacular to Latin literature, and of epic poetry to ecclesiastical interests. The first topic coincides with the prevailing tendency of neotraditionalist research in its starting point even if not in

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the conclusions which Entwistle reaches; the other two topics diverge sharply and obviously from the neotraditionalist approach. The question of epics and chronicles did not return to the forefront of British research on the epic until the early 1970s, but since then it has been a recurrent and major concern 1976; (Smith, 1971a, 1977b, 1983a, 1983b; West, 1974, 1975, 1977; C1111111ins, Pattison, 1977, 1983; Powell, 1983, 1984). It is--as Smith, 1983b, is rightly quick to point out--ironic that Armistead should in 1978 have diagnosed as a weak point in British studies of the Spanish epic a failure to take chronicle evidence into account in the editing and study of epic poems.11 Most of Armistead's criticisms in this article are well founded, whatever reservations one might have about points of detail, but to compare a chronicle prosification of an epic to an extant verse manuscript of the Libro de Buen Amorpushes a reasonable case too far, and the reproach for neglecting the chronicles cannot easily be sustained when one considers the record of British research. The most extensive and the best investigations of chronicle prosifications of epic for a generation (since, that is, Men~ndezPidal's Reliquias) are the books by Pattison and Powell. It is true that both were published in 1983, five years after Annistead 1 s article, but they cannot be accused of being a belated response to it, since Pattison had published a preliminary study in 1976, and Powell's book is a revision of his thesis, which was submitted in the same year. The use of chronicle evidence in epic studies is characteristic of British hispanism, but not distinctively so. Even the reluctance to use this evidence for emending extant verse manuscripts, criticized by Armistead, is shared by recent Spanish editors.12 For a distinctively British feature of Spanish epic studies, we must turn to the problem of ecclesiastical elements, discussed in both of Entwistle's 1928 articles. It is not surprising that Entwistle should have dealt with this question: Bldier was still alive, and the d~bfdi~risation of French epic studies was still a decade away. But Entwistle is muchmore cautious, and therefore more effective in his demonstration that some Spanish epics have connections with tomb-cults and with other aspects of ecclesiastical life. This question was not taken up again until Russell, thirty years later, examined the links between the Cantar de Mio Cid and San Pedro de Cardena (Russell, 1958). As he says, we lack the evidence that would enable us to decide the question, but he clearly established the existence of some kind of link between poemand monastery, and this has becomeeven clearer in the light of Smith's investigations (1976, 1979-80, 1982); his latest study, published this month, shows that the extant manuscript of the Cantar was in all probability copied at Cardena (Smith, 1985). The conclusive evidence that is lacking in this case is present in that of the Mocedade~de Rodrigo (Deyermond,1969, 1977-78)t as far as I know,

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203 this is not now seriously disputed. Other aspects of the ecclesiastical element in Spanish epic tradition have been studied recently (West, 1982-83; Nathan, 1984), but do not fundamentally affect the issue of epic origins. In 1933 Entwistle built on his earlier articles to produce a major theoretical statement. It is worth quoting his conclusion: To conclude the methodological discussion, I fonnulate thus the conditions of a satisfactory account of the origins of the Spanish epics: I. There must be a study of the plots and careful comparison with associated legends. Where possible, the history of their transmission to and in Spain should be determined. II. The historical facts must be determined. This work is probably not far short of completion owing to the bias of the historical theory. III. Wemust determine the transmission of these facts. IV. Wemust learn the circumstances under which the Facts and Fable were· united, by a particular poet in a particular place and time, to form the perfected cantar. (1933, p. 377) Half of the article (pp. 355-68) is devoted to the first of these questions; in those pages, Entwistle considers the folkloric element in epic (here he develops an area explored by the erratic but brilliant Alexander Haggerty Krappe), and initiates the literary criticism of epic structures. Someof my own work in both these areas (Deyermondand Chaplin, 1972; Deyennond, 1973, 1976, 1982) owes a considerable debt to Entwistle's article; folklore is treated in a different way by Gifford (1977), and the mythical dimension of the Cantar de Mio Cid by Dunn (1962). Entwistle did not concern himself with questions of epic style, but this area, examined in a schematic way by Ewald Kullmann in 1931, and with assured mastery by D&masoAlonso ten years later,13 has becomeone of the favourite topics of British scholars (Hamilton, 1962; Smith and Morris, 1967; Smith, 1971, 1972, pp. xliv-lx; Deyennondand Hook, 1979), as has the analysis of individual episodes (Hook, 1976; West, 1981; Harvey and Hook, 1982). Other areas of literary criticism have included thematic analysis (in the traditional sense. not that used by Parry and Lord) by Dunn (1962) and Walker (1976), and the study of individual adaptation of epic tradition (Deyennond, 1982). A much later article of Entwistle's, written in the innediate post-war period of bibliographical scarcity, is avowedly tentative, and has the inevitable weaknesses of its time (Entwistle, 1947-48). It deals with chronological problems, and is much closer to neotraditionalist orthodoxy than his other studies. Let me hasten to assure you that I do not link this

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fact to the material problems that affected the writing of the article; everyone accepted Men~ndezPidal's dating of the Cantar de Mio Cid until Russell (1952) reopened the debate with cogent evidence for much later composition; as for the chronology of the lost epics, I believe (though Smith, 1983a, does not) that he was right to accept Men~ndezPidal's view on Siete infantes de Lara, and I am inclined to stay closer to the neotraditionalist position on other epics than Entwistle did. Russell's view on the dating of the Cid has been reinforced by later British investigations (Pattison, 1967, 1985-86; Smith, 1971b), though some details of his argument have been questioned.14 Three of the distinctive strengths of British epic studies are in areas not covered, or touched only in passing, by Entwistle: editions of the Cantar de Mio Cid, the investigation of French and Latin literary sources, and the study of legal elements. The editions by Smith (1972) and Michael (1975) were prepared almost simultaneously, despite the three-year gap between their publication dates. The strong similarity in their approaches to the problems of editing the unique manuscript, leading to editions very close to the manuscript readings (in contrast to Men~ndezPidal's extensive emendations and interpolations), is therefore not the result of Smith's influence on Michael; it follows from the general atmosphere in British discussions of these matters in the 1960s. It might have been supposed that Smith's and Michael's radical departure from Men~ndezPidal's editorial practice would rouse hostility in Spain; on the contrary, both editions were rapidly incorporated in standard series of texts issued by Madrid publishers, and their approach has been followed in two editions by Spanish scholars (see note 12, above). Parallels between the Cantar de Mio Cid and French epic have been pointed out for two centuries, as Miguel Magnotta's bibliographical survey shows, and they are stressed by Bello; even during the period of almost unchallenged neotraditionalist dominance some parallels were acknowledged.15 Only recently, however, has there been a renewed and sustain~d attempt to discover the extent of the Cantar's debt to French {and also to Latin) secular literary sources; Smith is both the initiator of these researches and the most prolific contributor to them (1971a, 1975, 1977b, 1983a). His work inspired, and was in turn stimulated by, Walker's 1977 article; and it also provided the initial impetus for Hook's very different approach to the question {Hook, 1979a, 1979b, 1982; Deyermond&Hook, 1981-82) and for a study by West (1981). The Smith-Walker approach overreached itself, I think, in the late 1970s, by failing to take account of the chronological difficulties, by claiming an implausibly frequent consultation of epic manuscripts, and by not distinguishing sufficiently between close parallels and vague resemblances.16 Smith's 1983 book takes a more moderate and far more convincing line; though there are still some assertions with which I disagree, I find the case made in Smith's book and Hook's

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articles irresistible: the Cid poet did indeed draw on both Latin and French literary sources (written in the first case, largely oral in the second). The study of legal elements in the Spanish epic, promisingly begun by Eduardo de Hinojosa at the end of the last century and then neglected, was given new impetus by Russell (1952). His demonstration that legal knowledge and chancery practice are reflected in the Cantar de Mio Cid has been followed up by several scholars (Smith, 1977b, pp. 65-85; Hook, 1980a, 1980b; Pavlovi~ and Walker, 1982, 1983); each of these contributions opens up a new aspect, and cumulatively they show beyond doubt that the Cantar is the product of a lawyer's mind--which may help to explain the hero's often-noted mesura. Other poems are worth studying in the same light (Deyennond, 1969, pp. 63-80). This is one of the most distinctive contributions of British hispanism to Spanish epic studies, though of course the study of legal elements in the epic is not exclusively Britfsh.17 British hispanfsm is not, I suppose, generally associated with the study of oral style in the epic, and it is true that Smith (1983a) denies any tradition of oral epic in Spain. It is also true that the investigations of Parry and Lord were first applied to Spanish by Ruth House Webber, in her classic study of the ballad,18 but it should not be forgotten that the debate on orality in the Spanish epic, initiated in Lord's The Singer of Tales, was first taken up by L. P. Harvey (1963). The majority of the other British contributions to the debate favour oral composition (Aguirre, 1968, 1980-81; Adams, 1972, 1976, 1980); the main dissenting voice is that of Chaplin (1976), and I think she is right. The lost epics--their themes, structures, and relationships, rather than the evidence for their existence--have been studied, but not as much as one might expect after Entwistle had shown the way (Plumpton, 1962; Oeyermond&Chaplin, 1972; Cunwnins,1976; Deyennond, 1976 and forthcoming; Pattison, 1983; Powell, 1984). Aspects that have hardly been studied at all are versification (Smith, 1983a, chap. 4), language (Pattison, 1967, 1985-86), and the social, historical, economic, and ideological aspects. I hope that we shall not be judged too harshly for these omissions, which are the reverse side--perhaps to some extent the necessary condition--of strength in other areas. You will, I suspect, want to knowwhat we are up to now. Smith's recent book is one answer to that question, but I knowhe will not wish me to present the book as in any way a representative statement on behalf of British hispanism. It is, as I have said elsewhere (1985, p. 125), one of the most important books ever written on the Cantar de Mio Cid, but there are parts of it with which I still disagree. I should, however, draw your attention to the fact that, although it has not been well received on this continent (ThomasMontgomery's review-article is probably a typical reaction, though

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exceptional in its depth of learning), Spaniards seem to have reacted differently: a translation was inwnediately put in hand by a Spanish publisher, and it has just appeared.19 Another answer to the question is to mention work that has not yet been published. Powell is now putting the final touches to an edition of the chronicle generally, though rather misleadingly, called Crdnica de veinte reyes; it is one of the scandals of hispanomedievalist scholarship that an edition of this text, whose crucial importance for epic studies has been clear since Babbitt's book was published fifty years ago, has not been available, and I am glad that a British hispanist is meeting this long-standing need.20 Twoother, shorter, studies are listed in the bibliography: Hook has produced what seems to me to be a convincing alternative structure for the Mocedades de Rodrigo, and I have argued that Spain is an exception to the general rule that epic is men's poetry. I have already spoken for too long, but I hope I may make two points in conclusion. WhenI first visited America, eighteen years ago, I spoke at MLA, in Chicago, in a session on Spanish epic which was chaired by one of the American innovators in this area, ThomasR. Hart, and in which the other speaker was another innovator, Edmundde Chasca. To be thus associated with these two scholars was an honour that I still look back on with pride and gratitude. Today, I share a platform with Ruth Webber, whose pioneer work on oral style I have already mentioned, and with John Miletich, the only scholar who can compare Yugoslav and Spanish heroic poetry as an expert in both fields; you, Mr. Chairman, have written a definitive work on the Latin literary epic of medieval Spain; while among the audience is Samuel Armistead, who is, I fear, on the point of correcting some of my more egregious errors. Myother concluding·observation is this: at the beginning, I connented on the increasing artificiality of discussing British hispanomedievalism as if it were a separate phenomenon. It is not. It exists as part of a wider conwnunity, on which it increasingly depends for its intellectual health. The Smith-Armistead debate in Hispanic Review, which I hope will continue, is one manifestation of that relationship. This present session is another, and I thank you for giving me the privilege of participating in it.21 NOTES 1 This is the text of a paper read to the session on Problems in the Medieval Spanish Epic, organized by the Soci~t~ Rencesvals at MLA(29 December 1985), and chaired by Salvador Martfnez. Passages omitted for lack of time are restored, and notes are added; otherwise the text is unaltered, and the bibliography records the situation as known to me at that time. Any attempt to take account of, for example, the Wright-Armistead controversy in the most recent issues of La Cor6nica would involve a major reworking of the paper, and I prefer to record the situation as it was--or appeared to me to be--at the end of 1985.

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207 2 Samuel G. Armistead, "The Earliest Historiographic References to the Mocedadesde Rodrigo," in Estudios literarios de his~anistas norteamericanos dedicados a Helmut Hatzfeld (Barcelona: Hispam, 1974, pp. 25-34. John S. Miletich, "Oral Aesthetics and Written Aesthetics: The South Slavic Case and the Poemade Mio Cid," in Hispanic Studies in Honor of Alan D. Deyermond: A North American Tribute (Madison: HSMS,1986), pp. 183-204. Ruth House Webber, "Formulaic Language in the Mocedadesde Rodri~o,11 HR, 48 (1980), 195-211. ThomasMontgomery,"SomeSingular Passages n theMocedades de Rodrigo," JHP, 7 (1982-83), 121-34; "The Lengthened Lines of the Mocedades de Rodrigo," RPh, 38 (1984-85), 1-14. 3 David Lodge, Changing Places: A Tale of TwoCampuses(London: Secker &Warburg, 1975). 4 "Levels of Meaning in the Poemade Mio Cid," MLN,85 (1970), 109-19. 5 Small World: An AcademicRomance(London: Secker &Warburg, 1984). 6 Mercedes Vaquero, "El Poemade Alfonso XI: lcrdnica rimada o ~pica?" unpubl. diss. (Princeton Univ., 1984); "Relacidn entre el Poemade Alfonso !!. y el Poemada Batalha do Salado," forthcoming in proceedings of the first congress of the AHLM.Another view of the question of a British school is given by Keith Whinnom,"La Utt~rature exemplaire du Moyen-Agecastillan et l'hispanisme britannique," ~langes de la Casa de Vel&zquez, 15 (1979), 594-601, at pp. 594-96. 7 The Chronicle of the Cid, translated from the Spanish by Robert Southey with an introduction by V. S. Pritchett and illustrations by Ren~ Ben Sussan (NewYork: Heritage Press, 1958). I owe this item to the vigilance and generosity of Professor Paul C. Smith. The quotation in my next sentence is from V. S. Pritchett's introduction, p. xix. See also Smith, 1972, p. 85. 8 For the present, see Pedro Grases, La ~pica espanola y los estudios de Andr~s Bello sobre el "Poemadel Cid" (Caracas: Ragdn, 1954), Rodolfo Oroz, "Andr~s Bello y el Poemadel Cid," RFE, 47 (1964 [1967]), 437-43, and Colin SmHh, "Los trabajos de Bello sobreeT Poemade Mio Cid," in Bello y Chile: tercero congreso del Bicentenario (Caracas, 1981), pp. 61-73. 9 A. Ewert, "William James Entwistle 1895-1952," Proceedings of the British Academy,38 (1952), 333-43, at p. 342. See also S. Griswold Morley, "William James Entwistle," BHS, 29 (1952), 183-89, and Jessie Entwistle, "William James Entwistle, M.A., Litt.D., LLD, (Aberdeen and Glasgow), FBA, Aberdeen University Review, 34 (1952), 421-22. 10 Heinermann, Untersuchungen zur Entstehung der Sage von Bernardo del Carpio (Halle: Niemeyer, 1927). 11 Armistead, "The Mocedadesde Rodrigo and Neo-Individualist Theory," HR, 46 (1978), 313-27. 12 Poemade Mio Cid, ed. Marfa Eugenia Lacarra, Temasde Espana, 127 (Madrid: Taurus, 1983); Lacarra says that "Para el establecimiento del texto ... he tomado comobase la edicidn de Colin C. Smith por ser la m~s fidedigna al original" (p. 61). Poemade Mio Cid, ed. Pedro M. C&tedra & Bienvenido Carlos Morros, Cl&sicos Universales, 100 (Barcelona: Planeta, 1985). 13 Kullmann, "Die dichterische und sprachliche Gestalt des Cantar de Mio Cid," RF, 45 (1931), 1-65. Alonso, "Estilo y creacidn en el Poemadel Cid," Escorlal, 3 (1941), 333-72; reprinted in his Ensayos sobre poesfa espanola (Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1944), pp. 69-111. 14 Richard Fletcher, "Diplomatic and the Cid Revisited: The Seals and Mandates of Alfonso VII," Journal of Medieval History, 2 (1976), 305-38. Lomax, 1977. 15 Magnotta, Historia y bibliograffa de la crftica sobre el "Poemade Mio Cid," UNCSRLL, 145 (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1976), pp. 90-106. 11

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16 See also Smith, "Further French Analogues and Sources for the Poema de Mio Cid," f, 6 (1977-78), 14-21. 17 Anthony Zahareas, "The Cid's Legal Action at the Court of Toledo," ~~, 55 ( 1964), 161-72. Hilda Grassotti, "La ira regia en Le6n y Castilla," CHE, 41-42 (1965 [1967]), 5-135. Peter N. Dunn, "Poema de Mio Cid, vv. 23--:-48: Epic Rhetoric, Legal Formula, and the Question of Dating," R, 96 (1975), 255-64. Marfa Eugenia Lacarra, El "Poema de Mio Cid": reaTidad hist6rica e ideologfa {Madrid: Porrua Turanzas, 1980). Ivy A. Corfis, "The Count of Barcelona Episode and French Customary Law in the Poema de Mio Cid," f, 12 { 1983-84), 169-77. Anne-Marie Capdeboscq, "La Trame juridique de la l~gende des Infants de Lara: incidents des noces et de Barbadillo," CLHM, 9 (1984), 189-205. Ironically, Entwistle studied the Cid's own legal-knowledge, but did not go on to investigate the legal aspects of the Cantar or the question of the poet's background: "Hy Cid--Legist, Bulletinor~anish Studies, 6 (1929), 9-15. 18 £.2!:_~~listic Diction in the Spanish Ballad, UCPMP.34. no. 2 (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1951). See 19 La creaci6n del "Poema de Mio Cid" (Barcelona: Crftica, 1985). Montgome~yfhopoe-(a and Myopia: Colin Smith's The Making of the 'Poema de Mio Cid,"' JHP, 8 (1983-84), 7-16. Montgomery suggests (pp. 15-16) reasons for the divergence between American and British views of epic origins. 20 Joaqufn Rubio Tovar is now completing a Madrid doctoral thesis on the same subject, and Nancy Joe Dyer's book is also near completion. 21 Dr. David Hook and Professor Colin Smith very kindly read a draft of It hardly needs to this paper and saved me from a number of factual errors. be said that neither of them has any responsibility for the views I express. 11

BRITISHSCHOLARSHIP ONTHEMEDIEVAL SPANISHEPIC 1928-85: A SELECTIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY William J. Entwistle, "The Cantar de gesta of Bernardo del Carpio." MLR,23 (1928),

307-22,

432-52.

-----, -----,

"On the Carmen de morte Sanctii regis, BH, 30 (1928), 204-19. "Remarks Concerning the Historical Account of Spanish Epic Origins," RH, 81 (1933), part 1, 352-77. "La estoria del noble var6n el Cid Ruy Dfaz, HR, 15 (1947), 206-11. -----, "Remarks Concerning the Order of the Spanish Cantares de gesta, RPh, 11

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1 ( 1947 - 48 ) , 113- 2 3 .

C. M. Bowra, Heroic Poetry (London: Macmillan, 1951). P. E. Russell, "Some Problems of Diplomatic in the CMCand their Implications," inRussell, 1978, pp. 13-33. MLR,47 (1952), 340-49. Sp~nish translation -----, "San Pedro de Cardena and the Heroic History of the Cid," MAe, 27 (1958), 57-79. Spanish translation in Russell, 1978, pp. 71:-ff2. Peter N. Dunn, "Theme and Myth in the PMC .'' !!, 83 (1962), 348-69. Rita Hamilton, "Epic Epithets in the PMC, RLC, 36 (1962), 161-78. Jill E. Plumpton, "An Historical Study of the Legend of Garcf Fern&ndez, unpubl. B.Phil. diss. (University of St Andrews, 1962). L. P. Harvey, "The Metrical Irregularity of the CHC, BHS, 40 (1963), 137-43. C. C. Smith, "Did the Cid Repay the Jews?"~, 86 (1965), 520-38. D. G. Pattison, "The Date of the CMC: A Linguistic Approach," MLR,62 11

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209 C. C. Smith & J. Horris, "On 'Physical• Phrases in Old Spanish Epic and Other Texts," Proceedin s of the Leeds Philoso hical and Literar Societ , Literary and Historical Section, 12 1967 , 129-90. Revised Spanish version in Smith, 1977b, pp. 219-89. tradici6n creadora y J. M. Aguirre, "~pica oral y ~pica castellana: tradici6n repetitiva, RF, 80 (1968), 13-43. A. D. Deyermond, E ic Poetr and the Cler : Studies on the Mocedades de Rodrigo" (London: Tamesis, 1969 . Colin Smith, Latin Histories and Vernacular Epic in Twelfth-Century Spain: Similarities of Spirit and Style," BHS, 48 (1971), 1-19. Abridged Spanish version in Smith, 1977b, pp-:-S7-106. -----, "The Personages of the PMCand the Date of the Poem," MLR,66 (1971), 580-98. Spanish translation in Smith, 1977b, pp. 35-62.Kenneth Adams, 11The Metrical Irregularity of the CMC: A Restatement Based on the Evidence of Names, Epithets, and Somecfther Aspects of Formulaic Diction," BHS, 49 (1972), 109-19. A. D. Deyennond& Margaret Chaplin, "Folk-Motifs in the Medieval Spanish Epic,"~. 51, no. 1 (Jan. 1972: Hispanic Studies in Honor of Edmund de Chasca), 36-53. Colin Smith (ed.), PHC(Oxford: Clarendon, 1972). 2nd ed., with introd. and notes in Spanish, Letras Hisp~nicas, 35 (Madrid: C&tedra, 1976). Fully revised ed. in press. A. D. Oeyermond, "Structural and Stylistic Patterns in the CHC, in Medieval Studies in Honor of Robert White Linker by hisColleagues and Friends (Madrid: Castalia, 1973), pp. 55-71. Colin Smith, "Per Abbat and the PMC,"MAe, 42 (1973), 1-17. Spanish translation in Smith, 1977b~p. 13-34. Ian Michael (ed.), Rita Hamilton, &Janet Perry (tr.), The Poemof the Cid (Manchester: University Press; NewYork: Barnes &Noble, 1975). Spanish text without translation, Cl&sicos Castalia, 75 (Madrid: Castalia, 1976; 2nd ed., 1978). Colin Smith, "literary Sources of TwoEpisodes in the PHC," BHS, 52 (1975), 109-22. Spanish translation in Smith, 1977b, pp.W7-2rGeoffrey R. West, "History as Celebration: Castilian and Hispano-Latin Epics and Histories, 1080-1210 A.O.," unpubl. Ph.D thesis (Westfield College, University of London, 1975). Kenneth Adams, "The Yugoslav Model and the Text of the CMC, in Medieval Hispanic Studies Presented to Rita Hamilt0n (London: Tamesis, 1976), pp. 1-10. Margaret Chaplin, "Oral-Formulaic Style in the Epic: A Progress Report," i bid . , pp. 11- 20. John G. Cunrnins, ..The Chronicle Texts of the Legend of the Infantes de Lara," BHS, 53 (1976), 101-16. Alan Deyennond, "Medieval Spanish Epic Cycles: Observations on their Formation and DevelopTTlent,"~. 23 {1976), 281-303. David Hook, "SomeObservations upon the Episode of the Cid's Lion," MLR, 71 (1976), 553-64. Ian Michael, "Geographical Problems in the PMC. I. The Exile Route," in Medieval Hispanic Studies Presented tolffta Hamilton (London: Tamesis, 1976), pp. 117-28. Colin Smith, "The Cid as Charlemagne in the Leyenda de Cardena,"~. 97 ( 1976), 509-31. 11

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Roger M. Walker, "The Role of the King and the Poet's Intentions in the PHC," in Medieval Hispanic Studies Presented to Rita Hamilton (London: Tamesis, 1976), pp. 257-66. A. D. Deyermond, "Tendencies ;n Mio Cid Scholarship, 1943-1973," in "Mio Cid Studies, ed. Deyermond(London: Tamesis, 1977), pp. 13-47. -Douglas Gifford, "European Folk-Tradition and the Afrenta de Corpes, ibid .. pp. 49-62. Derek W. Lomax, "The Date of the PHC, ibid., pp. 73-81. Ian Michael, "Geographical Problems in the PMC. II. The Corpes Route," ibid., pp. 83-89. D. G. Pattison, "The Afrenta de Corpes in Fourteenth-Century Historiography," ibid. , pp. 129-40. Colin Smith, "On the Distinctiveness of the PMC," ibid., pp. 161-94. Revised Spanish version in Smith, 1977b~p. 63-85. -----, Estudios cidianos, Ensayos Planeta, 57 (Madrid: Cupsa, 1977). Roger H. Walker, "A Possible Source for the Afrenta de Corpes Episode in the PMC, MLR,72 (1977), 335-47. Geoffrey West, "King and Vassal in History and Poetry: A Contrast between the Historia Roderici and the PMC, in "Mio Cid" Studies, pp. 195-208. Alan Deyermond, The Mocedades de Rodrigo as a Test Case: Problems of Methodology," f, 6 (1977-78), 108-12. Peter E. Russell, Temas de "La Celestina" otros estudios del "Cid" al "Quijote, Letras e Ideas, Haior, 14 Barcelona: r1e , 978, pp. 13205. Alan Deyermond&David Hook, "Doors and Cloaks: Two Image-Patterns in the CMC,"MLN,94 (1979), 366-77. David Hook, "The Opening Laisse of the PMC, RLC, 53 (1979), 490-501. - -- - - , "Pedro Bermudezand the Cid's Standard, !!_, 63 (1979), 43-53. Colin Smith & Roger M. Wa1ker, "Did the Inf antes de Carri dn Intend to Kn 1 the Cid's Daughters?" BHS, 56 (1979), 1-10. Roger Wdght, The First Poemon the Cid: The Carmen Campi Doctoris, in Papers of the Liverpool Latin Seminar, 2, Arca, 3 (Liverpool: Francis Cai r ns , 1979 ) , pp. 213-48. Colin Smith, "The Choice of the Infantes de Carridn as Villains 1n the PHC,t' JHP, 4 (1979-80), 105-18. Kenneth Adams, "Further Aspects of Sound-Patterning in the PHC," HR, 48 (1980), 449-67. L. P. Harvey, "Medieval Spanish, in Traditions of Heroic and Epic Poetry. I. The Traditions, ed. Arthur T. Hatto, Publications of the MHRA,9 (London: MHRA,1980), pp. 134-64. David Hook, "On Certain Correspondences between the PMCand Contemporary Legal Instruments," _IB, n.s., 11 (1980), 31-53.11 -----, The Legal Basis of the Cid's Agreement with Abbot Sancho,"_!!, 101 (1980), 517-26. Colin Smith, "Sobre la difusi6n del PMC,11 in Etudes de lhilologie romane et d'histoire litt~raire offertes ~ Jules Horrent Li~ge, 1980), pp. 417-27. J. M. Aguirre, "El nombre propio como f6rmula oral en el CMC, f, 9 (1980-81), 107-19. 11

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, "On Editing the Poema de Mio Cid," Iberoromania, n.s., 23 (Homage to Charles V. Aubrun, in press). Tone of Voice in the Poema de Mio Cid," JHP (in press). -----, "The First Prose Redaction of the Poema de Mio Cid," MLR(in press). -----, "Some Thoughts on the Application of Oralist Principles to Medieval Spanish Epic," in homage volume for Gareth Davies (in press). 11

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211 .Geoffrey West, "A Proposed Literary Context for the Count of Barcelona Episode of the CMC.'' BHS, 58 (1981), 1-12. Alan Deyermonda David Hook, "The Afrenta de Corpes and Other Stories," f., 10 (1981-82), 12-37. Alan Deyennond, "The Close of the CMC: Epic Tradition and Individual Variation,• in The Medieval Alexander Legend and RomanceEpic: Essays in Honour of David J. A. Ross (Millwood, NY: Kraus International, 1982), pp. 11-18. L. P. Harvey &David Hook, "The Affair of the Horse and the Hawkin the Poemade Fern&nGonz&lez," MLR, 77 (1982), 840-47. David Hook, "The PMCand The Old French Epic: SomeReflections," in The Medieval Alexander Legend and RomanceEpic, pp. 107-18. Mil ija N. Pavlov1~ & Roger M. Walker, "Money, Marriage and the Law in the PMc,• MAe,51 (1982), 197-212. Colin Smith, "Leyendas de Cardena," BRAH,179 (1982), 485-523. Geoffrey West, "Hero or Saint? Hagiographi c Elements in the Life of the Cid," JHP, 7 (1982-83), 87-105. D. G. Pattison, From Le end to Chronicle: The Treatment of E ic Material in Alphonsine Historiography, MAeMonographs, n.s., xford: Society for the Study of Mediaeval Languages and Literature, 1983). Milija N. Pavlovi~ & Roger M. Walker, "RomanForensic Procedure in the Cort Scene in the PMC, BHS, 60 (1983), 95-107. Brian Powell, Epic and Chronicle: The "PMC"and the "Crdnica de veinte reyes," MHRA Texts and Dissertations, 18 (London: MHRA,1983). Colin Smith, The Making of the "PMC" (Cambridge: University Press, 1983). -----, "Epics and Chronicles: A Reply to Armistead," HR, 51 (1983), 409-28. Geoffrey West, "Medieval Historiography Misconstrued: The Exile of the Cid, Rodrigo Dfaz, and the Supposed Invidia of Alfonso VI," MAe,52 (1983), 286-99. Alan Nathan, "The Clergy as Characters in the Medieval Spanish Epic,"_!!, n.s., 20 (1984), 21-41. Brian Powell, "The Partici6n de los reinos in the Crdnica de veinte reyes," BHS, 61 (1984), 459-71. Alan Deyennond, "A Monumentfor Per Abad: Colin Smith on the Making of the PMC.''BHS, 62 (1985), 120-26. L. P. Harvey, "(A)guisado in the PMC: The Ghost of a Pun in Arabic?" BHS, 62 (1985) , 1-6 . Colin Smith, "l.Se escribid en Cardena el PMC?"in Homenajea Alvaro Galm~s de Fuentes, II {Oviedo: Universidad; Madrid: Gredos, 1985), pp. 463-73. chan~e . . . : Rodrigo's Hocedades and the Earlier John Gorna11, "Pl us Legend," f., 14 1985-8 ), 23-35. D. G. Pattison, "WordFonnation in the PMC: A Second Visit," f., 14 (198586), 86-88. Roger Wright, "HowOld Is the Ballad Genre?" f., 14 (1985-86), 251-57. Alan Deyennond, "La sexualidad en la epopeya espanola" (forthcor,ing). David Hook &Antonia Cox, "The Mocedadesde Rodrigo Reconsidered" (forthcoming). Colin Smith, "The Dating and Relationship of the Historia Roderici and the Carmen Campidoctoris, Olifant (in press). 11

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SENTENCEANDWORD-LENGTH AS INDICATORS OF REGISTER IN ARCIPRESTE DETALAVERA, PARTSI ANDII: ANEXERCISE IN QUANTITATIVE STYLISTICS

Gustavo San Rom&n EmmanuelCollege, Cambridge

It has been established for some time as a notable feature of the Arcipreste de Talavera that it displays a combination of two different styles or registers. On the one hand, the work presents the formal speech typical of pulpit preaching; on the other, it is innovative in that it portrays the colloquial language of the man and (especially) the womanin the street. Amongthe earliest modern critics to notice the contrast of registers was M. Men~ndezy Pelayo, who stressed the positive contribution that the work makes towards the eventual rise of the modern novel: ( ... ) influy6 como pocos en el desarrollo de la literatura novelesca, transformando el tipo de la prosa, sac&ndola de la abstracci6n y aridez did&ctica, ( ... ) y derramando un tesoro de dicci6n popular en el cauce de la lengua culta.l A similar assessment of the fusion of styles was made by another early and authoritative voice of Spanish scholarship, that of Ram6nMen~ndezPidal. He commented that: Este libro es importante en la historia de la prosa castellana por dos razones: representa de un modJ especial una manera de estilo elegante que domin6 en el siglo XV, y nos ofrece, por primera vez que sepamos, el habla popular tratada bajo una forma artfstica en prosa.2 Men~ndezPidal went on to note, briefly, some of the characteristics of the two styles: latinizing devices such as hyperbaton, end-of-clause infinitives, use or conceits and a periodic sentence structure are contrasted with such features of colloquial speech as "verbosidad," use of rhyme, and introduction of popular sayings. O&masoAlonso, in a similar appraisal, seems to have moved one step further and tried to provide a functional explanation for the fact:

Se juntan, pues, aquf, dos abundancias idiom~ticas: la de la expresi6n popular de intenci6n particularizadora y la del moralista que da una serie de alternativas para que su doctrina tenga gran genera 1i dad. 3

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The German scholar E. von Richthofen, for his part, noted that the fusion of registers in the Archpriest's work, although relatively original, did however have non-Spanish precedents in medieval preaching (and he gave the specific case of Jacques de Vitry): Wir glauben indes nicht fehlzugehen, wenn wir die gleichzeitige Verwendunglehrhaft-latinisierender und volkstUmlicher Ausdrucksmittel als mittelalterlichen Predigtstil bezeichnen, der sich im Arcipreste de Talauera zwar in einer ungewOhnlichen Form, jedoch nicht ohne Vorbild offenbart.4 Von Richthofen then moved on to analyse in greater detail the kind of stylistic features which had been only sunrnarily noted by Hen~ndez Pidal. More recently, E. M. Gerli has insisted on the didactic purpose behind the mixture of styles in the Corbacho, suggesting that the choice is a conscious one on the part of the Archpriest: The two modes, erudite and popular, are in fact deliberate elements of our author's unique style. The motivating force behind this at first paradoxical verbal dialectic is, we believe, rooted in the preacher's desire to appeal to a diverse audience.5 All these critics seem to agree, then, that the presence of the two styles constitutes an outstanding feature of the Corbacho. Some insist on the originality of the fact in the context of Spanish literary history (Men~ndezPelayo and Men~ndezPidal), whilst others suggest that there are rhetorical reasons behind the choice (D&masoAlonso, von Richthofen, and Gerli). Furthermore, it is implicit in all these scholars, and explicit in Gerli, that the mixture of registers is fairly consistently spread across the work. Cf. Gerli's words (op. cit., p. 88): Throughout the Arcipreste de Talavera the deliberate scholastic and colloquial diction predominates( ... the popular element understandably holds sway in the its exempla, it also appears in the most cultivated, narrative, parts of the work.

fusion of ). Although dialogues of strictly

Also, more emphatically: Indeed, to appreciate the extent to which this intennixing of seemingly antagonistic elements is carried out, one need only open the Whip at random. (p. 89) The aim of the present study is to test, using the tools of quantitative stylistics, statements such as the last two by Gerli. It is an attempt to establish whether the stylistic dichotomy is indeed so consistent throughout

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or, as can be felt intuitively by the author of the study, some sections of the work are more formal/less colloquial than others. It seems clear, for example, that Part I displays a more compact sermon-like structure than the two middle parts,6 whilst the latter appear to include more stretches of (colloquial) direct speech than either Part I or Part IV. Parts I and IV seem furthermore to be thematically more "loaded," and Parts II and III give the impression of being lighter and more colourful. Intuitions such as these can be tested, and what follows is the description of one possible procedure for doing so, by making use of quantitative techniques. In order to carry out such a test it was necessary to specify one clear, unambiguousstylistic feature. It was decided therefore to study the relationship between sentence- and word-length on the one hand, and register on the other. Underlying the exercise is the assumption that a connection does exist beb,een the length of words and sentences in a text and the style of that text, namely that the longer the former, the more formal the latter. Intuitively, this seems an acceptable claim, if one thinks for example of the language of newspapers in English: it seems reasonable to suggest that a so-called quality paper would tend to use longer sentences and words than a tabloid.7 At this point, two issues need to be raised, however. The first concerns the universality or otherwise of the assumed relationship across different discourses. Clearly, the language of newspapers displays peculiar characteristics which may not obtain in other types of text. In the case of literary works the assumption could well be quite irrelevant--consider the extreme example of sentences which span several pages in the work of some modern authors. Thus it may prove futile to contrast the fiction of two different writers in terms of the length of their sentences. The assumption may still apply, however, if the analysis is kept within the samework (since it forms part of the same discourse), as is the case with the present study. A second and for our purposes nore fundamental consideration is whether the link between style and word-/sentence-length holds in languages other than English, and specifically whether it applies to Spanish. (See note 7 for a study on a Russian text.) It was felt intuitively that the relationship was still valid as regards sentence-length, although it did not seem as clear in the case of word-length. Hence, and for want of a corroborative study of the latter aspect, the hypothesis based on word-length should be taken as less powerful than its complementaryconcerning sentence-length. Bearing in mind the above provisos, it was still considered worthwhile to carry out the exercise, as it was based on a very specific (and testable) assumption. The results might, at best, make a concrete contribution to the otherwise rather general issue of the mixture of styles in the Corbacho; at

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worst, they might test the present author's intuitions as a reader on the distribution of registers in the work. In order to limit the study to as specific an area as possible, it was decided to select an equal nu~ber of sentences from each of Part I (which seer,ed, intuitively, to be the most formal) and Part II (which similarly seemed the section where most use is made of colloquial language). The data chosen were fifty sentences from each part. It would, of course, have been better to include a larger saMple, but this was impractical given that the data were to be stored in a computer file and needed therefore to be typed in (the sentences turned out to be fairly long, as will be seen below). The sentences were selected by means of a random nunber table. In the edition used,8 Part I consists of 38 chapters/78 pages (from p. 67 too. 144) and Part II covers 14 chapters/60 pages (pp. 145-204). The text includes occasional additions to the 1466 Escorial manuscript based on early editions of the work (see op. cit., pp. 47f), and these were included if words, but excluded if full sentences. [This is because, in general, the added words contribute to the sense of the sentence, whilst additional sentences (i) are more likely to be of doubtful authorship, and (ii) are in any case not relevant, since the data did not aim at structural unity of discourse: it is after all a random saMple.] The selection procedure was carried out in two stages. Firstly, fifty pages were chosen from each part by means of a random number table.9 The second step was to select one sentence from each page. Given the edition's lay-out, it is not unlikely (although not the general case) for a chapter to begin on a new page and, since each chapter tends to open in a similar fashion (following th~ rhetorical practice of announcing the major preMise to be expounded), it was decided to avoid the first sentence on the page. Given also that the sentences could be quite long (thus making it difficult for, say, more than four or five sentences to appear on every page), the choice fell on the second full sentence on each selected page. A final probleM of data selection involved the definition of a sentence. In principle, a sentence is defined as a string of words ending in any of .?!." This definition works well for indirect speech sentences or for direct speech sentences within a stretch of direct speech. However, difficulties arose with (in fact, very rare) cases such as: 11

Item, por un huevo dar~ bozes corno loca e fenchir~ a todos los de su ca sa de pon~ona: l. Qu~ se f i zo es te huevo? l qui ~n 1o ) (p. 149) tom6? lqui~n lo lev6? lA do le este huevo? ( ... 11

It was decided that if the sentence in question was ~ade up of a reporting clause (in indirect speech, by the Archpriest), both it and the first sentence in direct speech would be counted as one--i.e., everything up to

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the first full stop was included; in the case cited above, the sentence stopped before the last question (following the editor's choice of punctuation). This seemed "fairer" than either removing the reporting introduction (which would shorten even further what was intuitively felt to be the briefer sentences of Part II, where dialogues are more conwnon)or including an extra sentence from the piece of direct speech (which would involve semantic considerations of discourse unity that were felt to be irrelevant to the aim of the exercise). Once the sentences had been selected they were fed into the computer, in the same file, and two programs were written (i) to isolate and count sentences and give their mean length and variance of sentence length; and (ii) to do the same for words and word-lengths. The computer language used was SPITBOL,a version of SNOBOL, which is particularly good at handling linguistic (rather than arithmetical) data. The results of the processing are displayed below, in the following diagrams: Table 1 shows the list of frequencies for each of the two sets of data (sentence-length and word-length), as well as the corresponding measures of central value (mean, median, and mode) and dispersion (variance and standard deviation--the latter being the square root of the former, and the value of Table 1 also includes the dispersion more cor.wnonlyused in statistics). percentages of word-length frequencies in order to level out the differences in number of words in the two parts (Part I having 2,108 words and Part II 1,327). Figures 1 and 2 show the distributions of sentence-length and wordlength respectively in terms of frequency polygons. Weare now ready to move to the next stage in the exercise, namely to conwnenton the distributions of the data ("descriptive statistics"); finally, it will be necessary to test the significance of the results ("inferential" statistics). The most striking feature of the data is the contrast between Part I and Part II in terms of sentence-length (cf. Fig. 1). The data were combined in groups of 15 words, and the graph shows a clear contrast in distribution; whilst Part I peaks at sentence lengths of 31-45 words, Part II's mode (or most conwnonscore) falls within the range 1-15. This is an important difference, which is further confinned by the respective median values (or middle scores) of 68 for Part I and 45.5 for Part II (cf. Table 1). The median is relevant in this case due to the fact that the distribution of scores is very skewed. Yet another measure of central value, the mean (which will be useful when the results are tested below), also corroborates the variation: Part l's average sentence has 42.96 words, whilst Part Il's is only 26.86 words long. As far as measures of dispersion are concerned, moreover, the range of the distribution for Part I is not only much wider than for Part II, but it also extends much further to the right (to include

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three sentences of over 100 words, notably one of 153 words). Part I's ratio of shorter sentences (1-15 words), moreover, is considerably smaller than that of Part II. Such features of distribution can also be confinned mathematically by the corresponding standard deviations (measures of the average of the differences from the mean)--cf. the latter being 29.59 and 19.49 respectively. These measures (standard deviation and mean) were used when the Z-test was applied to the results as is mentioned below. It looks from the above as if the predicted difference in sentence length, namely that Part I, being more formal, should have longer sentences, has been corroborated by the results. Not only are the modal and median values quite indisputably distinct, so are the shape of the distributions and the mathematically significant P1ean(I) an1 standard deviation (i). The next step is to consider the shape of the frequency distribution of word-lengths in the two parts. The prediction, once again, had been that Part I would have longer words than Part II. The results fn this case, however, show no signs of such a distinction, and there seems to be no correspondence with the outcome as regards sentence lengths. Fig. 2 shows howthe two distributions are of virtually identical shape: both Part I and Part II have a modal value of three-letter words, closely followed by two-letter words. Furthermore, in both cases there is a second important peak at fourand five-letter words. (The difference in height between the two curves would disappear if percentages--cf. Table 1--were used instead of actual values, since the latter are based on different total numbers of words in each part). The result is an indisputable resemblance between the samples of each part in terms of word-lengths. In fact, given the highly unlikely possibility that two such similar distributions should have occurred by chance (i.e., that the two samples happened to be virtually identical by chance), it seems reasonable to claim that they come from the same population. In other words, Part I and Part II as a whole are identical in terms of their choice of word lengths. It is now necessary to turn to the final stage of the exercise, namely that of testing the results and the predictions stated at the outset. A coTTITlon test, Z-test, was applied. The choice of the Z-test is justified by the fact that the samples (i.e., the words and sentences chosen) are ratio (i.e., they belong to a scale where a ratio exists between the units--e.g., six-letter words are twice as long as three-letter ones), independent (as they were chosen randomly), and sufficiently large (as the nunber of sentences,~, is 50).10 By means of the Z-test, it is possible to convert the features of a graph into numerical values which can then be looked up in a table (the one used here can be found in Miller op. cit., p. 131f). The table allows one to assess whether or not a given claim is justified. Let us first take the results of the word-length data. The procedure

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219 for a statistical test demands the statement of the so-called null (Ho) and alternate (Hi) hypotheses, which represent respectively the claims that (i) there is no significant difference between the two sets of scores (those Since we are from Part I and Part II); and (ii) there is such a difference. interested in using samples (i.e., the two sets of randomly selected sentences) to make statements about populations (i.e., the whole of Parts I and II of the Corbacho), we use the symbol u, which stands for the mean of the population, when we state the hypotheses. Other symbols used are i (sample mean);! (standard deviation of samples);! (total number of scores); ~ (probability of results occurring by chance; this sets the significance level); and subscripts 1 and 2 to refer to the samples from Part I and Part II respectively. Given that the results of the word-length data are so similar, the alternate hypothesis is only nondirectional (i.e., no claim is made as to the direction of the difference):

Ho

IJ1

Hi

Ul

~ ~

0.05

,

Part I

Part I I

4.24

4.29

!

2.50

2.43

N

2180

1327

IJ2

x

u2

=

The formula for the Z-test is as follows:

X1 - X2

z =~+

:

which applied to the data yields 0.63. The significance level for a two-tailed (or nondirectional) test is, according to the relevant table, 1.96. The Z-score of 0.63 is too low, and therefore the null hypothesis cannot be refuted: it is necessary to conclude that there is no significant difference between the populations of Part I and Part II in terms of word-length. The same test was applied to the sentence-length data, this time with a alternate hypothesis, namely that Part I more specific (i.e., "directional") should score higher than Part II: Hi = IJI > 1-'2· The significance level in this case was more stringent at ti (i.e., E ~ 0.01). The result (from the data displayed in Table 1) was a Z-score of 3.21, high enough compared with the value requested by the table at 0.0099 (nearest score to 0.01), namely 2.33. This means that the Ho can be rejected, and the Hi therefore accepted. The results of the Z-test confirm what the graphs had stated in rather

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general terms. The fate of our two predictions has, then, been clear: wordlength, against expectation, turns out to be virtually identical in the two parts of the work. It is not therefore a relevant measure of the stylistic variation which had been felt intuitively (although with an important proviso); it is rather a feature corrmonto the two parts and probably of the book as a whole. Sentence-length, on the other hand, has proved a relevant parameter. These results, although they do not represent a conclusive proof (given the possibility that the underlying assumption can be questioned), can still be related to certain intuitions about the different degrees of register formality in the two parts as well as to some of the critical conwnentscited at the beginning. One explanation for the findings may lie with the fact that Part II includes more passages in direct speech than Part I. This would account both for the iMpression of informality of register in Part II and for the presence of shorter sentences there, as they resemble spoken language. This also relates, furthermore, to the feeling that in Part II the Archpriest concentrates on a style more typical of drama, as pointed out by O&masoAlonso (Op. Ci t. , p. 127) :

Aquf el lenguaje directo adquiere sustantividad, tanto que muchos pasajes, si por un lado parece que nos llevan a la novela moderna, por otro se dirfa estar en los bordes de la dramatizacidn. (The style is also an effective tool to portray a misogynous view of women.) Part I, on the other hand, seems to be concerned with a more rational (and In it, the Archpriest complicates his stereotypically "male11 ) discourse. style by using longer, and often periodic, sentences. The two parts would therefore serve distinct rhetorical aims, and be geared towards different audiences or readers. The similarity of word-length across the two parts--if considered significant--may also relate to the didactic nature of the work, inherent to pulpit oratory. This has also been pointed out by critics, as was mentioned above. The sermon aims at being fully understood by its audience, an audience that may tolerate a dose of structural complexity, but who would demand lexical simplicity throughout. If one accepts that there is a relationship between word- and sentencelength, or even only sentence-length, and formality of register, then the present study may be taken to show that the two styles are not evenly distributed throughout the Arcipreste de Talavera, but rather that certain parts are more formal/less colloquial than others. For some readers, this may come as a justification of their intuitions about the work. NOTES I would like to thank Christine Whitbourn and Chris Butler for their helpful conrnents on an earlier draft of this paper.

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1 Marcelino Men~ndezy Pelayo, 0rfgenes de la novela (Madrid: CSIC, 1943), Vol. 1, 175 (originally published 1905-15). 2 RamdnMen~ndezPidal, Antolo fa de rosistas es anoles, 4th ed. (Buenos Aires: EsQasa Calpe, Col. Austral, 1945, p. 44 origina y published Madrid, 1923). 3 0&rnasoAlonso, De los siglos oscuros al de oro (r~adrid: Gredos, 1958), p. 135. 4 Erich von Richthofen, "Alfonso Martfnez de Toledo und sein Arcipreste de Talavera, ein Kastilisches Prosawerk des 15. Jahrhunderts, 11 Zeitschrift fUr romanische Philologie, 61 (1941), 503. My thanks to Greg Bond for the following translation of the quotation: "For this reason it seems appropriate to characterize the simultaneous use of both erudite and latinizing, as well as popular means of expression, as the style of the medieval sermon; this is revealed in the Arcipreste de Talavera in an unusual fonn which is nonetheless not without its progenitors." 5 E. Michael Gerli, Alfonso Martfnez de Toledo (Boston: Twayne-GKHall, 1976), p. 88. 6 Cf. E. Michael Gerli, "Ars Praedicandi and the Structure of Arcipreste de Talavera, Part I, 11 Hispania, 58 (1975), 430-41. 7 I know of no study which has established that there is a predictable link between length of word or sentence and register. Length as a parameter is, however, cort1n0nlyused in linguistic stylistics: cf. for example, the following--Christopher S. Butler, "Poetry and the Computer: Some Quantitative Aspects of the Style of Sylvia Plath," Proceedings of the British Academy, 65 (1979), 291-312; C. English, "A Computer-Assisted Analysis of Russian Prose," ALLCBulletin, 5 (1977), 249-58. These two articles concentrate on a single author's work; for an application of stylistic parameters which include wordand sentence-length to authorship studies, see Geir Kjetsaa, "'And Quiet Flows the Don' Through the Computer," ALLCBulletin, 7 (1979), 248-56; and Geir Kjetsaa, "Written by Dostoevsky?" ALLCJournal, 2 (1979), 25-33. 8 Alfonso Martfnez de Toledo, Arcipreste de Talavera, ed. E. Michael Gerl i (Madrid: C&tedra, 1979). 9 The table used, a list of random numbers chosen by computer, was "RandomNumberTable A," in Colin Robson, Experiment, Design and Statistks (Hannondsworth: Penguin, 1973). It might be relevant to provide more details of the steps taken. The starting point in the table was chosen "pseudorandomly" (i.e., by "sticking a needle into the page") fro~ number 45. Numbers were chosen from the line moving upwards to the top and then across to the right, until enough numerals were collected. The aim was to obtain the first ten figures under 61, which represented those pages of Part II to be excluded, and these were, rearranged in increasing order, 7, 15, 18, 19, 29, 31, 45, 49, 57, and 60. (Each page of Part II had been numbered from 1 to 60; those of Part I, 1-78.) The same process was repeated for Part I, but this time only numbers beyond 78 were excluded, which yielded those already mentioned plus 4, 8, 11, 12, 16, 20, 32, 36, 37, 50, 56, 61, 62, 63, 65, 66, 74, 78--i.e., 78 - 28 = 50. 10 The reader could find an introduction to statistics and to statistical testing in Stephen H. Miller, Experimental Design and Statistics (London: Methuen, 1975). The relatively technical language used here should not obscure the argument presented: the tests used are simply a way ~o en~ure_ that any inferences made are justified against mathematically valid cr1ter1a.

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Table 1.

Frequency Distributions of Word Length and Sentence Length in Parts I and II

Wordlength

Uumber of letters 1 2 3

i

198

10 11

23

12 13 14 15 16

17

5 6

7 8 9

Total

9.39 19.31 19.45 12.14 12.95 8.68 6.88 4.65 3.04 1.19 1.09 0.81 0.09 0.24 0.09

407 410

256 273 183 145 98 64 25

4

Sentence length Part II

Part I

2 5 2

i

100 240 295 145 208 104 70 79 39 30 7

7.54 18.09 22.23 10.93 15.68 7.84 5.27 5.95 2.94 2.26 0.53 0.30 0.23 0.07 0.07 0.07

4

3 1 1 1

2108

100.0

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1327

100.0

Number Part I of words 1-15 16-30 31-45 46-60 61-75 76-90 91-105 106-120 121-135 136-150 151-165

9 11

14

Part

II

19 10

4

11 8

5 4

1 1

1 1

1

50

50

Mean

4.24

4.29

42.96

26.86

Median

8

8.5

68

45.5

Mode

3

3

31-45

1-15

Variance

6.263

5.901

875.427

379.715

Standard deviation

2.50

2.43

29.59

19.49

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20

19

Dotted line:

18

Part I

Continuous line=

17 16 15

14

13 12 ~

11

u C cu ~ 10 cu s-

~

/\

I \ ' '

9 8

7

'' '' 'I ,

6 5

4

~

3

2 1

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Gooqle 1. !re~~cy

r1umberof words IV

~1~!ributions of se en

IGAN

Part II

La. Cort,,,rioa 15:2 1986-81

224

420

,-- -, ' ' ' '' 'I ',' '

400

Dotted line=

I

Contin~ous line=

I

380 360 340

260

, I' I

240,

I

280

C

er

QJ

L

I

'

'

A

., \ ¥., \ \

I

,

200

j

::::,

'

'

220

a.,

\

'

I

300

>i

Part II

I

I I

320

u

Part I

\

I

\ \

\

u..

'

180

\

\ \

160

\

\

140

"

\

\

120

\

\

\

100

\ \

\

80

\

'\

60

40

--.....-~

20

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

' ' __..,...,..__=13

14

15

Numberof letters ~igure 2.

Frequency distributions Digitized by

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225

F6RMULAS JUGLARESCAS ENLAHISTORIOGRAF(A ROMANCE DELOSSIGLOSXIII Y XIV

Fernando GdmezRedondo Universidad Complutense

Fdrmulas ~picas y fdrmulas Juglarescas El an&lisis del estilo formulario en la historiograffa romance de los siglos XIII y XIVrepresenta uno de los canales m&sadecuados para (1) verificar el proceso de configuracidn de los diversos discursos gen~ricos de la primera prosa vern&cula, (2) observar la creacidn del "espacio textua1Nl cronfstico y (3) mostrar la constitucidn de los recursos expresivos, modeladores de las lfneas argumentales y de su posterior desarro11o tem&tico. El estilo fonnulario concreta y mantiene un amplio mosaico de posibilidades creativas: por medio de ~1, pueden determinarse desde perspectivas de caracterizacidn de personajes y planos intensificativos de la accidn, hasta distribuciones espacio-temporales y regulaciones narrativas. La fdrmula ser& la unidad mfnimade expresi6n de estos procedimientos.2 Surgida para adecuar el ritmo y la sintaxis del verso ,pico a un contenido preciso, traspasa el grupo gen~rico de los cantares de gesta para informar otras modalidades literarias como la poesfa clerical,3 las primeras obras prosfsticas de ficcidn (librosdeaventuras, o "romances"),4 y las diferentes propuestas de historiar creadas a lo largo del siglo 1111 y sistematizadas en la Estoria de Espafta alfonsi.5 La fdrmula determina un espacio comanal que acuden autores de muy variados g~neros en busca de t~cnicas de desarrollo literario; resulta, por lo tanto, la fdrmula un marco compartido, abierto a m~ltiples pos1b1lidades expresivas y, tambi~n, a evoluciones internas que afectan su tratamiento y alteran sus significaciones. Quiz&esta adaptabilidad de sentidos sea una de las caracterfsticas "'4is peculiares del estilo formulario y uno de los criterios en que se debe apoyar una clasificacidn de estas unidades. Como ejemplo, puede analizarse la transformacidn sufrida por la fdrmula intensificativa 'de este hecho se hablar& por largo tiempo' a trav~s de tres textos de muydiferente fndole: (1) Poemade Fern&nGonz&lez(= PFG), (2) Versiones vulgar y amplificada de la Estoria de Espana(= EE) alfonsf y (3) Crdnica de veinte reyes (= CVR).6 Se elige la secuencia tem&tica de la batalla de Hacinas y, dentro de ella, una microsecuencia narrativa: intensificacidn desde la voz del narrador, que detiene la accidn y reflexiona sobre lo referido, resaltando la mortandad de los combatientes: 7 I.

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1. Poemade Fern4n Gonz&lez: Cristianos otrros muchos por ende y morieron, ellos en todo esto en valde non [sovieron]; en los pueblos paganos grand mortanda[!] fyzieron, fablaran dello syenpre [todos] quantos lo oyeron.B Preciosa perspectiva dispuesta por el narrador para potenciar la intriga del relato; detennina dos planos, uno por cada bando (ab cristianos frente a cd paganos); f~rrea voluntad sillN!trica que convierte la inicial condicidn catastrdfica del verso! en la jubilosa prernonicidn del triunfo militar del verso !t• Quiere decirse con esto que el autor interioriza la accidn en ese narrador para adelantar el desenlace de la accidn; crea un par~ntesis argumental y echa mano, entonces, de tres fdrmulas para marcar ese espacio reflexivo: el verso~ seftala la prisa del combate (es una unidad resumen), se proyecta como consecuencia en elf y desembocaen la perspectiva general de~. anticipacidn narrativa ('prolepsis') dirigida al oyente. 2. Estoria de Espana alfonsf. Texto de la 'versidn amplificada' de 1289: Otros rnuchosmurieron y otrossi de la parte de los cristianos de que non podemosdezir los nombres de todos. Et comoquier que los cristianos fuessen muchos, tantos eran los moros masque ellos non auien cuenta; et tan muchosfueron daquella uez los moros en aquella batalla, que entre los que y murieron et los que catiuaron et los que ende escaparon et fuxieron, que por siempre iamas auran ende que contar los que uinieren.9 El tratamiento narrativo se ha modificado en virtud de la disposici6n formularia: m&sque intensificar y concluir una unidad de accidn para dar lugar a otra nueva (como en el PFG) se busca ahora establecer un signo reflexivo que muestre la funcidn de la autorfa en el nuevo espacio textual de la prosa histdrica: para ello se crea la fdrmula "de que non podemosdezir los nombres de todos," ausente del PFGpero necesaria aquf por la conciencia analfstica del ystoridgrapho, a quien sdlo le interesa amplificar el dafto causado a los moros, rompiendo la simetrfa anterior; la visidn de la materia ~pica sigue actuando a trav~s del despliegue de fdrmulas 1ntensivas, repetidoras de "tantos ... tan ... "; pero lo notable es que la fdrmula ~pka del verso~ transporta en la EE un contenido distinto. matizado por el verbo "contar 11 y el sintagma "los que uinieren," seftalador de la conservacidn memorfstica, asegurada por la crdnica.10 Ha sucedido. pues, que el historiador, actuando con una voluntad de composicidn m&sreflexiva, ha doblegado la fdrmula ~pica a sus necesidades expresivas. Por su parte, la 'versidn vulgar' se acerca m&sa la fuente: 11

11

Otros murieron y otrossi de la parte de los cristianos

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227 uos non podemosdezir los nombres de todos. Et comoqu1er que los cristianos fuessen muchos, non auien cuenta los moros ca atantos fueron que por s1empre iamas auran ende que dez1r los que lo oyeren.11 Resalta la conservacidn del oralismo a trav~s del "uos," del "dezir" y del sintagma •10s que lo oyeren": fdnnulas convocadoras de la atencidn del auditorio. 3. CVR(el an&lisis de este caso incide de nuevo en la vinculacidn de esta crdnica con el borrador 'vulgar' de la EE alfonsf): •.. e otrosi muchos mur1eron e dela parte de los xpanos, de quien non vos podemosdezir sus nonbres; mas comoqu1er que los xpanos fuesen muchos, los que murieran de los moros non abia quenta, ca tan muchos fueron ca sienpre auran ende que dezir en los que bivos so[n].12 Mantenimiento del oralismo, incluso en la ruptura de la dltima fdnnula, que amplfa el aud1tor1o a un gen~rico "los que bivos son," propic1ador por su brevedad de una mayor fuerza comun1cat1va.13 Este breve an&lisis ha mostrado: (1) el espac1o textual de la prosa histdrica mantiene el estilo formulario; (2) cada autor combina y modifica la potencialidad expresiva de la fdrnJla segdn sus necesidades;l4 y (3) la Este fdrmula sostiene una distinta distribucidn de las unidades narrativas. dltimo aspecto es el NS destacable, ya que la fdrmula pierde su car&cter tdpico, 1ncorporando un nuevo valor: el de organizacidn de la materia textual. Es precisa, por lo tanto, una distincidn entre fdrmula ~pica -annonfa entre ritmo, sintaxis y contenido-15 y fdnnula juglaresca -salvada la imposicidn estructural del ritmo, se mantiene la funcidn organizativa y distributiva como dnica virtud esencial-. La fdrmula juglaresca es un resultado de tradiciones compositivas: mantiene el recuerdo de los cantares de gesta, transforma las lfneas argumentales ~picas en histdricas y pennite canalizar motivos tem4ticos hacfa fonnulaciones prosfsticas de ficcidn, inspiradas en las crdnicas.16 II.

Tipologfa de las fdnnulas Juglarescas cronfsticas La figura del juglar se tine de prejuicios en las crdnicas: se muestra comoejemplo negativo de conducta, aunque se atestigua su ineludible presencia en las fiestas.17 Rechazo y atraccidn se funden, por tanto, en la nocidn de lo juglaresco, perfilada por la historiograffa romance; nocidn no sdlo compositiva, sino teNtica a la vez: las "fablas de gesta, 11 que suministraron tantos motivos, ideas y personajes a la historiograffa,18 movieron, tambi~n, una manera de "contar" y de 11decir 11 ~pica, cuya m&sclara manHestacidn son

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estas f6rmulas juglarescas, conservadas pese a la crftica en alguna ocasidn se despreciaban estas fuentes:

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objetiva con que

... et dizen en los cantares de las gestas que la touo cercada VII annos: mas esto non pudo ser, ca non regno el mas de VI annos segund que lo fallamos escripto en las cronicas et en los libros de las estorias desto et en estos VI annos fizo el todo lo que auemos ya contado dell.19

Es posible distinguir siete categorfas en el estilo fonnular1o de las crdnicas; las cinco primeras mantienen el poder evocador del espfritu fpico, mientras que las dos llltimas organizan el espacio textual histdrico con una nueva voluntad compositiva. 1. F6RMULAS DE 0RALISMO:el mantenimiento de la oralidad pennite al narrador disponer la materia histdrica en unidades que, supuestamente, son dirigidas a un auditorio, al que se le debe seleccionar lo m&sdestacable e indicar las situaciones de mayor intriga en el relato. El narrador es consciente de su funcidn mediadora en la exposicidn argumental: a. testifica asf los hechos referidos: "e si alguno me preguntase quien era, yo le diria •.. N (Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, I, 388, 22); b. interrumpe la normal consec;ucidn de las lfneas argumentales: "E porque uos alongaremos la razon mas?" (EE, I, 305!, 5-6); c. e, incluso, establece una vinculacidn personal con la materia narrada: Ne non vos sabria contar ni podria el gran plazer," Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, II, 331, !i o "E que vos yo quisiese dezir e contar las bondades de su termino, non podria, 11 Cr.1344, XLIV, 77, 5-6. La forma m&scorriente de canalizar estas unidades comunicativas se produce mediante los verbos "saber" y "decir, 11 en construcciones perifr&sticas con "deuedes.'' obligacidn vinculable dirigida al pllblico, asf, en la EE: "Et deuedes a saber ••. ," II, 453~, 17 (fdrmula ausente en los mss. !, I,~. l de la redaccidn vulgar, lo que indica que este estilo formulario puede , 11 I, 97~, 53; en la Gr.Cr.Alf.XI: usarse para amplificar); "ca sabet ... "Dicho auemos, segund auemos oydo e la ystoria vos a contado," II, 103, 2 (caso en que la fdnnula de oralidad se une a la funcidn de la autorfa ya la concepci6n de la 11historia" como materia); en la Cr.1344: "Ssabet que este II, ti enpo . . . , J, V, 4; "E por ende queramos que sepades que . • . , " CXXVI 205, 97; en la Cr.E.P.: "Con aquella gent que dixemos," 48. Estas f6rmulas no cumplen la misidn de organizar el material narrativo, sino de incidir en lo ya dispuesto, para aumentar de esta forma el inter~s por la lectura o la audici6n. 11

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2. F6Rl'IJLAS DESCRIPTIVAS:pretenden reconstruir la ambientacidn ~pica y, para ello, recrean las tdpicas c1rcunstancias argumentales de los cantares de gesta, con la funcidn de ofrecer al receptor cuatro secuencias amplias de comprensidn textual: 2.1: Oescr1pc1dn espacial: se puede conseguir por medios 11ngUfsticos, o bien delimitando un marco que perm1ta enfocar la accidn interna de la historia 11 ( e vinieron ay con el muchos buenos caualleros e escuderos e otras muchas buenas conpaftas de la frontera:• Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, I, 456, 24, ?_, 25), o bien intensificando la accidn militar medfante la ponderacidn de un escenario ("e este lugar era alto e graue de subir,• Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, II, 140, 8). 2.2: Oescr1pc1dn de personaJes: son las m&snumerosas y su funcionalidad es mdltiple. En alglln caso, conservan por completo el sentido t!p1co: 0 sennora donna Sancha, en buen punto fuestes uos nas~ida pora castellanos ...• " EE, II, 415~. 5-7; 11 ••• et si los saluaredes, fuestes nascido en buen dia, 11 II, 518!, 21-22. Pero en otras ocasiones, proyectan al personaje hacia formulaciones de ficcidn, manifestando el control del autor sobre esa caracterizacfdn (• ... el rrey don Alonso de Castilla se haze marauillado ... ,• Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, II, 391 14), lo que muestra, er l1lt1ma instancia, la conversfdn de la materia t!pica en materia caballeresca ("sal1o don Enrrique ," Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, II, 154, 16). a guisa de buen cauallero ... La serie m&samplia de este grupo son las fdrmulas presentadoras de actitudes internas del personaje: a. encauzadas desde el autor; asf en Cr.1344: "e dixo como aguel que avia muy gran duelo," LXXXV,17, 5 (la cl4usula comparativa subrayada aparece sdlo en el ms.~. el m&santiguo; ello es indicio de que la amplificacidn reduce formas de literariedad); "e muchos hy fueron muy buenos, XCVI, 150, 34; "e se fallaron despues bien de lo que fiz1eron," XCVIII, 155, 21 (fdrmula cercana a los esquemas narrativos con.que don Juan Manuel conclufa sus "exemplos"); b. o surgidas del desarrollo de la accidn, para servir de conclusidn a una determinada lfnea argumental; como ejemplo, puede destacarse el siguiente paralelismo antit~tico, que permite comprender las decisiones de los 11 personajes: E desque los suyos lo vieron, ouieron con el muy gran plazer; e 1os que estauan ~ere ados tomaron muy gran pesa r . . . , Gr. Cr. Alf.XI, II, 161, 6-7; otra forma de explicitacidn del car~cter del personaje se encomienda a los verbos 'dicendi "E commolo ovieron dicho, asi lo cumplieron ... , Cr.Mo.Ra., CII, 117, 53; o bien: "Corm,olo dixo ansi lo fiezo, Cr.1404, 276, 376. 2.3: Oescripci6n intensificativa de una acci6n: de claro recuerdo ~pico; mediante estas f6rmulas el autor orienta, en dos direcciones, las unidades tem~ticas con las que dise~a el argumento: 11

11

11

1

:

11

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a. puede proyectarlas hac1a la categorfa del personaje. a fin de que dentro de ~1 culm;nen su s;gn1ficado y adquieran otro nuevo; por ejemplo, en la Gr.Cr.Alf.XI: •que por t1enpos de su v1da gelo tern1a en grado,• II, 191, ~i "e ellos fazien lo ansi, que nin de d1a nin de noche no les dauan vagar ... ," II, 161, 11; ne anduv1eron quanto pud1eron," II, 274, 38; "que le non darie tal vagar el rrey don Alonso,• II, 394, li; en cada una de estas situaciones el autor ha finalizado una serie de acontecimientos y ha propic1ado su continuacidn; sin el personaje tal funcidn no hubiera sido posible; b. y puede vertebrar una estructura de dinamismoargumental, a trav~s de repet1ciones intensivas ("Y otro dia fueron a la Puente de P1nos; y otro dia Sabado vispera de Sanct Joan fueron ~erca de Granada, y moraron ay vn dia. Y otro dia ( ... ) e ouieronse de tornar otro dia Lunes,• Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, 465, 17-22) y de giros oracionales fpicamente estereotipados (• .•• dexaron le degollado en rnedio de la pla~a, et fueron su uia,• EE, I, 129!, 20-21; "E anduvieron por sus jornadas ...• • Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, I, 462, 12; •e tom sus jornadas a gran priesa,• ibfdem, II, 362, 10; •e non quedo de andar,• Cr.1344, LXXXIX,102, 19-20 [el ms.~ aftade: "noches e dias"]; "E fueron su carrera ... ,• ibfdem, XCV,148, 20), alguno de ellos con clara intenc1dn de transcurso temporal (sdlo en Cr.1344: "E tanto que fue de maftana,• LXXXV, 118, 22; •quando quebrava el alba," LXXXV, 120, 62; "Luego otro dia quando el alua queria salir .•. ,• LXXXVII,127, 1; "quando vino otro dia por la maftana,• LXXXVII,128, 35; "Tanto que la noche vino ... ,• XCI, 138, 1; en todos los casos se enmarcan acc1ones militares). 2.4: Descripciones de batallas: esta serfe de fdrmulas transforman el herofsmo colectivo de los cantares de gesta en herofsmo particular caballeresco, anuncfador de los esquemas narrativos de los •romances• prosfstfcos de f;ccfdn.20 Se busca en las crdnicas matizar el valor individual del caballero, destacando en muchoscasos las batallas personales ("e 11dfaron en uno, e fue la batalla muy ferida," EE, I, 23~. 6-7) y sometfendo a los enfrentamientos militares de moros y cristianos a una 1mag1nerfa casi ficticia: "ferieron en los moros atan rreziamente que fue estrafto a marauilla e de tal guisa se juntaron con ellos que los moros non los pudferon sufrir ..• ," Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, II, 428, 62 y 24; "E fue la muerte tan grande de la vna parte e de la otra que marau;11a fue de la contar," Cr.1344, XCIV,146, 8-9; fncluso a personajes m;to16gicos se les puede aplicar esta termfnologfa caballeresca: "[H~rcules] entrose'nde por Asia, do f;zo muchas batallas con las gentes de aquella tierra. Et uen~iolas todas ... ," Gr.Cr.Esp., 216. El modorncfsfrecuente de describir una batalla es fragmentarlo en unidades sfgnicas conformadas por los combatientes ("Et fue y muy bueno Gustio Gon~alez ... 0trossi fue y muy bueno don Velasco ... ," EE, II, 395!,

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DE INTENSIFICACI6N LINGUfSTICA:son recuerdo de los recursos 3. FORMULAS expresivos con los que el ritmo del verso ~pico convertfa el contenido dpico en clich~s seftaladores de una muy precisa funcidn comunicativa, a trav~s de la cual se resaltaba algo importante o se marcaban hechos y circunstancias que debfan recordarse para la comprensidn lineal del argumento. Asumidospor la prosa, estos proced1mientos se liberan de su constriccidn rftrnica y se someten a un nuevo sistema de realizacidn lingUfstica, al que imponen la regulacidn de literarfedad que habfa sfdo dfseftada por los cantares de gesta.21 Las fdnnulas m&sdestacables son las construcciones oracionales apoyadas en las siguientes partfculas: a. "tan/tanto"; suelen desarrollar una funcidn conclusiva: "Se perdio en aquella guerra la mayor perdida del poder de Roma;tantos caualleros en tantos nobles omnesy murieron, EE, I, 199~, 18-21; "batalla tan fuerte et tan aspera que numqua. . . , i bfdem, II, 444!, 40-41; y pueden generar perspectivas de ficcidn: "tan marauilloso que non ha omneen el mundoque lo viese que lo podiesse dezir," Cr.1344, CXCIII, 104, 26; en ocasiones, sirven para concluir una accidn fundi~ndola en el interior del personaje: mataron lo, por que lo non podian sofrer, tanto era malo ombre, Cr.1404, 272, 343; b. "muy+adjetivo/mucho"; ejemplos de Gr.Cr.Alf.XI: "e alli fue la pelea muy ferida e muymortal," II, 428, 22; e vinieron ay con el muchos buenos caualleros e escuderos e otras muchas buenas conpanas de las fronteras," I, 456, 24-25, I; c. "grand": "sonaron otra uez comode cabo nueuas que uinie grand poder, EE, I , 293!, 26-29; 11

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"mayor+infinitho": "passaron los christianos al mayor andar que 11 pudieron, Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, II, 416, 14; e. 11al mejor": 11e cr1olo al mejor que el pudo," Lib.Gen., 318, 14; f. •10 m4s que•: f1r1endolos lo masque podien, EE, I, 81!, 18; "lo mas rrezio que pod1a ser ••. ," Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, I, 484, !Habrfa que 1nclu1r, tambifn, en este grupo fonnas poliptdticas, guiso desarrolladas luego con amplitud en obras de materia caballeresca: sus cauallerias muchas et bien guisadas,• EE, I, 172!, 51-52; y sdlo en la Gr.Cr.Alf.XI: •en este peligro que era muy peligroso,• II, 351, 73; "e sospirando grandes sospiros,• II, 435, 139; "noble en toda nobleza, II, d.

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4.

F0Rr«JLASDESENTIMIENTO: merecerfan haberse incluido en el grupo

2.2, pero dif1eren de ,1 porque en estas fdnnulas los personajes no son descritos para construir o perm1tir el desarrollo de la accidn argumental; al contrario, s1 resultan mostrados interiormente, es para convertirlos en signos comprensivos de la materia referida, es decir en planos carentes de significacidn, pero que pueden estructurar la realidad tem&tica, porque permiten observarla desde otra perspectiva. Podrfa decirse que, hasta cierto punto, es el personaje el que se convierte en fdrmula. Se usan 111&s fdrmulas de pesar y de dolor que de alegrfa, en parte por la procedencia ~pica yen parte por razones narrativas, puesto que se busca generar una caracter1zacidn que provoque un violento contraste respecto a los hechos contados y propicie de este modola aparicidn de nuevas lfneas argumentales. Son frecuentes los siguientes conceptos: a. "pesar": "ovo tanto pesar que maravilla es," Cr.1344, LXXXII,113, 43-44; "tomo tan gran pesar que se queria ensande-.er, 11 ibfdem, LXXXIII, 114, 6; b. 11safta11 : revelador de comportamiento social; en Gr.Cr.Alf.XI: "ouo muy gran safta, econ gran pesar que ouo," II, 341, 3-4; "[el rey] fizose muy marauillado, econ gran safta dixo que •.. ," II, 150, "E por esto el ," II, 97-99; rrey partio dende saftudo ... c. "cuyta"; en Cr.1344: "fueron en muy gran cuyta," XCI, 139, 26-27; fueron muy cuytados," XCV I, 150, 37; d. y expresiones con "llorar"; en Cr.1344: "dixole llorando con muy gran pesar," LXXXII,112, 2; "non quedaua de llorar," CXCV,113, 35; "llorava muy de rrezio e maldezia la ora en qu'el fuera nas-.ido, LXXXVIII, 130, 25-26. En el campo sem~ntico contrario, destacan: a. "plazer": "tomaron grande esfuer~o e ouieron gran plazer," Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, II, 25, 23;

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nobleza, ~ierto yo non sabria dezir con verdat, Cr.1344, 131, 4-6; yen ," II, 341, 8; "Non vos Gr.Cr.Alf.XI: "E ome non vos podrie contar ... podria hombre contar," II, 421, 40; "Contar non vos podria ome," II, 423, 11. Se provoca, por tanto, la fusidn del narrador en el espacio textual a trav,s de estas fdrmulas, con el propdsito de integrar su presencia creadora en cuatro momentoscruciales del desarrollo argumental; de este modo, al narrador le cumple: a. resumir y pretextar que se ve obligado a abreviar el contenido: "A las duennas plogo mucho desto, et fizieron bien assi C0f11110ellos les auien dicho," EE, II, 354~, 38-40; "e otros muchos e muy buenos que aqui no nombramosporno prolongar la historia, 11 Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, II, 412, 30; b. delimitar las relaciones dialdgicas; valga comomuestra el siguiente ejemplo: "E respondiol don Pelayo en esta guisa et dixol :" EE, II, 323!, 8-9; c. provocar desvfos verbales con la intencidn de introducir un componente maravilloso: "E por eso, salio de Benneo e fue a ~ercar la Pefta ( .•. ); y esta pefta es muy fuerte, ca la ~erca toda la mar sino solamente vna estrecha entrada, Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, II, 86, 19-20: el presente ha causado una ruptura de la accidn narrada en pasado para dirigir la atencidn del receptor hacia esa unidad descriptiva; en este sentido, se emplea tamb14!nel gerundio: e andando a ca~a. el rrey paso ~erca del castillo de Yscar ... ," ibfdem, II, 11

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d. y cerrar la presentacidn de lfneas argumentales: Y el rrey Botexefin llamando: Treme~en, esfor~ando los suyos; mas su esfuer~o no valio nada, Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, II, 235, 1..-~. 11

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7. FORMULAS ORGANIZATIVAS DE LAMATERIA ARGUMENTAL: la importancia de este grupo es transcendental para el desarrollo de las fonnas gen~ricas de la prosa medieval; son procedimientos formularios que, conteniendo todo el efectismo expresivo de la ~pica, lo someten a una nueva distribucidn textual en las crdnicas y lo proyectan hacia planos de realizacidn literaria que impregnar&ndistintos g~neros prosfst;cos del siglo XIV, sobre todo textos de materia caballeresca. Se produce. por lo tanto, una fusidn entre el oralismo y el discurso reflexivo de la historiograffa, que abre cauces de literariedad distintos a los ya existentes; por ejemplo, para intensificar la descripci6n de la montura de Alfonso XI se d;spone una red de t~minos provenientes del campo sem.intico de la ~pka: (a) "cauallo de gran pres~io"; (b) "la silla y el freno c) "labrado muy sot 11 mente e tan Men que (. . . ) era de muy ~ran va11a ante de aquel tienpo nunca en Cast;11a fue fecha tan buena obra de silla, Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, I, 508, 9-13; en la cr6nica estas im~genes se han desvirtuado y han perdido su carga ideo16gica, al ingresar en otro orden de disposicidn 11

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b. "bien•: "E ellos dixeron que dezian muy bien e que les plazh muy mucho," Cr.1344, XC, 136, 47; "e los chdstianos estou1eron bien firmes," Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, 427, 49; c. y "ledos": "E ellos fueron muy ledos," Cr.1344, CLVI, 88, 41. 5. F6RMULAS-MOTIV0S ~PIC0S: son expres1ones que transcr1ben en integridad recursos formularios de los cantares de gesta; se conservan, asf, referencias a los agUeros, al dfa de nacimiento (en Cr.1344: "E en buen dia fuera nas~ido el que de tal ~ibdad fuere senor," XCVI,148, 18-19; "1Malo fue el dia en que yo nas~1 .•. ! 11 C, 160, 35), al acto de cabalgar, al dfa ya la noche comot~rminos ponderativos ("Eel rrey quando esto oyo, cayo en el vn tal pensamiento que ni supo sy era de noche sy era de d1a ..• ," Gr.Cr.Alf. XI, II, 379, I), a la jornada como resumen de desplazam1entos ("E andouo tanto por sus jornadas muygrandes •.. , Cr.1344, CXCIV,107, 11-12), al hecho de maravfllarse, a los ojos (en Gr.Cr.Alf. XI: "los moros estauan a ojo del, II, 62, 32; "vieronse a ojo las flotas," II, 134, 16). 11

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INTENSIFICAD0RAS DELASSERIESNARRATIVAS: son un1dades 6. F6RMULAS expresivas sugeridoras de oralismo, aunque con una clara funcidn de 1ncidir m&sen el desarrollo de los hechos argumentales queen la perspectiva de un narrador dirigi~ndose a un auditor1o para llamar su atencidn. Resultan, en sf m1smos,procedimientos que sobrevaloran determinadas zonas de la exposicidn narrativa, a fin de que el lector u o1dor pueda establecer una v1sidn de conjunto sobre los hechos histdricos mostrados. La impersonalidad resulta el medio mis adecuado para crear efectos sorpresivos que destaquen lfneas de argumentacidn narrativa; suelen usarse los t~rminos neutros "cosa" ("uino a la ysla de Ponto que es cosa muy nombrada," EE, I, 84~, 7-8) y "omne.' este llltimo genera m&srnatices al implicar una perspectiva desde la que se puede visualizar la escena: "et tantos fueron los que y morieron de los franceses que non a omneque los contasse, EE, II, 332~. 26-28; "Et atan grant fue el alegria queen vno fizieron que non a omneque uos lo sopiesse fablar," ibfdem, II, 594~, 1618; en la Cr.1344 es donde m&sabunda este t~rmino: por ejemplo, en un solo capftulo, el LXXXIX, aparecen siete casos, uno de ellos formalizado en una curiosa variante: "e non avia ya onbre nin muger que los ayudase si non ellos mesmos,11 133, 32-33; en Gr.Cr.Alf.XI: " ..• de guisa que ome del mundono le podia acometer, 11 I, 325, 25. El narrador puede acudir, tambi~n, al extrema de resaltar la propia accidn de "contar, es decir, el modode disponer el relato, surgiendo asf de su interior intrigas textuales, que facilitar&n la recepc1dn del argumento: "fallaron y tantas que serie grieue cosa de contar," EE, 26!, 32-33; "E que vos yo quisiese contar col11TIO el rrey don Rodrigo era vestido e de la su 1

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textual, influyente a su vez en la deterrninaci6n de la prosa de ficci6n y del Romancero. Quiere decirse con esto que la fdrmula juglaresca puede alternarse con fdrmulas de tratamiento ficticio; en la Gr.Cr.Alf.XI se describe, de esta manera, un torneo con elementos formularios ~picos: "Soltaron las rriendas a los cauallos los vnos para los otros se dexaron yr, e alli vierades dar muy fuertes golpes de espadas de la vna parte e della otra ••• "; sobre esta visi6n externa de la accidn se alza un entramado de fdnnulas de ficcidn, puesto que se introducen en el personaje: "E los cuatro caualleros ... veyendo el grand afincamiento en que estauan e la gran priessa que se dauan los vnos e los otros e la grand porfia que tenien ..• • (II, 101, 15-20); estas ~ltimas im&genesser&n las que se cana11cen a los grupos de ficcidn de la prosa medieval, pero ellas existen sdlo porque dentro de las crdn1cas han obten1do su rea11zac1dn. Es decir, la organ1zac1dn textual puede abrirse a nuevas ideas argumentales ya nuevas formas de construir la textua11dad de la obra, clasif1cables en tres grupos: 7.1: Fdrmulas indicadoras de nuevas narrac1ones: las m&scorrientes; presentes en toda la historiograffa romance de los siglos XIII-XIV: a trav~s de ellas, el narrador rompe la linealidad textual y descubre los principios organizativos con que coordina las series argumentales. Son expresiones conectadas con los recursos oralistas y que pretenden, en apariencia, llamar la atencidn sobre un determinado epfgrafe, porque su verdadera funcidn se orienta a disponer intrigas internas dentro de la estructura narrativa, con la finalidad de despertar inter~s por los personajes y las acc1ones a ellos encomendadas. Estas intrigas se consiguen de tres maneras: a. interrumpiendo el relato de unos hechos, anunciado que luego ser& proseguido: "Et de cuemofue grand la mortandat que ellos fizieron en los cristianos, adelante lo oyredes,• EE, I, 167!,, 47-48; "Contar vos emos anssi co111t10 oyredes adelante .•.• " Cr.1344, XVI, 20, 5; "Segund que adelante oyredes en la ystoria," Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, II, 72, 4; b. seftalando que ese asunto ha sido ya tratado: "asst como la verdadera histor1a vos lo a contado,• Gr.Cr.Alf.XI, II, 291, !; "ya auedes oydo desuso en esta estoria ..•• • Cr.1344, CXCIII, 103, 3; c. e 1ncid1endo en que se va a abordar tal punto de la materta; en la EE: "Et oyt por qua1 razon:" I. 146!, 15i "Et entende 1o en aquesta manera.'' II, 326~•. 3-4; "Et fue en esta gu1sa:" II, 336~. 7; en Gr.Cr.Alf.XI: " . segund que agora oyredes," II, 399, 32; en Cr.1344: "Ede tanto vos digo que dizen ... ," LXXVIII,98, 5-6; "E por ende queramos que sepades que ...• " CXXVIII,205, 97; "Agora vos queremos contar ...• " CCL, 205, 79.

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La misidn de estas fdrmulas consiste, pues, en la distribucidn de unidades temporales: dan origen a proleps1s narrativas o anticipaciones argumentales {por ejemplo, en Gr.Cr.Alf.XI: "segund adelante oyredes a do fuere su lugar,• I, 309, ~. o •ans1 como lo contara la ystoria adelante en su lugar,• I, 455, 5, donde •1ugar" es tlrmino que muestra la idea de un espacio textual concebido comodiscurso lineal; o en EE: •conuiene que uos ,• I, 5!, 44-45) y prop1c1a, talllbi~n, digamos primero quamannaes Europa ... analepsis infonnativas (en Gr.Cr.Alf.XI: "Ya oyste dezir ... ,• II, 342, ~; "Segun vos el cuento a dicho," II, 242, ~). 7.2: Fdnnulas estructuradoras de la acci6n'argumental: conservan el brillo de las descripciones ~picas, aunque en las crdnicas se utilizan para objetivar la escena por medio de tensas pinceladas de accidn; asf, un combate se presenta con el siguiente entramado formulario: (!) •1as adargas en los bra~os e las espadas en las manos,• (~) •por bondad de los moros ... ," (f) "estuvieron en aquel lugar a gu1sa de moros," (~) "dauan se alli grandes cuchilladas,• en donde ! y ~ son fdnnulas intensificadoras del combate, mientras que ~ y ~ son tdpicos designativos de las cualidades de los personajes. Sumadasestas fdnnulas externas e internas, el autor podr& ya estructurar la accidn en dos niveles: (1) valoraciones y juicios suyos ("sufriendo gran trabajo por guardar verguen~a e lealtad que todos los omes son tenudos de guardar") y (2) exposicidn de la materia histdrica (ver Gr.Cr.Alf. XI, I, 484, ~-!! y 8-12); este esquema ser& luego aplicable a los comportamientos narrativos de los libros de caballerfas. 7.3: Fdrmolas senaladoras de fuentes: a travls de ellas, el autor, al tiempo que ratifica el valor documental del contenido, dispone un espacio textual cuya funcidn es mostrar reflexivamente el modoen que ha sido planeado y concebido; por ejemplo, en la EE se lee: "que non dize en ell estoria su nombre," I, 24!, 15-17; "e maguer la estoria no nombra qual, tenemos que, 11 I, 27~. 12-15; "de que non diz ell estoria el nombre,11 I, 32!, 26-27; o el genf!rico "otros cuentan," I, 38!, 46, presente tambiln en ," 234, 283. Son, por lo el Liv.Linh.: "Comtano liuro dos rreys que ... tanto, las f6rmulas que m&sclaramente permiten fundir al autor en la materia expuesta. Cone1us i 6n La fdrmula juglaresca, una vez desprendida de su significacidn ~pica, manifiesta ser uno de los recursos estilfsticos m&sv61idos a la hora de determinar la nocidn de espacio textual en diferentes grupos gen~ricos de la literatura medieval. Ce~ido este estudio a las crdnicas, cinco clases de estas fdrmulas han permitido observar el mantenimiento de los recursos expresivos de los cantares 11I.

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de gesta; procedim1ento que deber& comb1narse con las estructuras argumentales proporcionadas por la historiograffa latina. Los dos ~lt1mos grupos de fdnnulas juglarescas han enseftado cdmoestas unidades no sdlo cumplen la funcidn de repetir un contenido, sino que generan formas de argumentacidn y modelos de construccidn textual. La fdrmula juglaresca resulta, asf, un puente tendido entre la imaginacidn del poeta ~pico y el pensamiento del historiador oficial; puente por el que transitaron casi todos los grupos gen~ricos de la literatura de los siglos XIII y XIV.

NOTAS 1 "Espacio textual

equivale a materia11dad o corporeidad textual; es concepto que 1ntenta exp11car el modoen que el autor inventa el diseno formal del texto, a la par que lo escribe; ello se logra mediante la adecuacidn de unos recursos est11fsticos, asegurados por la trad1c1dn, a unas intenciones temc1ticas, canalizadoras ya de informaciones gen~ricas, que, al pasar del tiempo, podr&no no constituirse en grupos diferenciados. 2 •une formule est un moule expressif, triplement d~fini: par un rythme (4 ou 6 syllabes), par un sch~mesyntaxique et par une certa1ne d~termination lexicale," ver Paul Zumthor, Essai de po~tigue ~di~vale (Parfs: Seuil, 1972), p. 333. 3 No sdlo caracter1zada por el empleo de los recursos juglarescos de composic1dn, sino determinada por la relacidn cl~rigo-juglar, tal comoya estudid RamdnMen~ndezPidal, "Cap. XI: Apogeode la poesfa narrativa, juglaresca y docta, 1236-1350," en Poesfa juglaresca y orfgenes de las literaturas rom~nicas (Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Polfticos, 195761";ver, en concreto, pp. 272-81. Francisco Ldpez Estrada ofrece un resumen de la cuestidn en "Los comienzos de la literatura extensa: la funcidn literaria de los juglares y cl~rigos, 11 en Introduccidn a la literatura medieval espaftola (Madrid: Gredos, 19794), pp. 300-26. 4 Aun planteada en otro &mbito, esta relacidn ha sido ana11zada por Aurora Aragdn Fern&ndezy Jos~ MAFern&ndezCardo, El estilo formular1o en la ~pica yen la novela francesas del s. XIII (Oviedo: Universidad-Serv. de Publicaciones, 1985). 5 Incluyendo las crdnicas latinas y sus 11traslaciones 11 ; para Francisco Rico, la Najerense prosifica "un poema~pico al parecer con todos los clich~s del poema~pico erudito ode tradicidn oral (asf, entre lo resumido, el consejo previo al combate, las bravatas f&ciles de expresar en series o mlcleos paralelos, sin duda la misma batall4), 11 ver "Las letras latinas del siglo XII en Galkia, Ledn y Castilla," en Abaco, 2 (Madrid: Castalia, 1969), pp. 9-91; cita en pp. 82-83. Indica Louis Chalon: "Soucieux de ne laisser se perdre aucune source d'information possible, Alfonso X a systematis~ le processus demise en prose des textes ~piques, textes auxquels les chroniqueurs ~crivant en langue latine n'avaient jamais recouru qu'occasionnellement ... ," L'Histoire et l'epop~e castillane du moyenage (Parfs: Champion, 1976), p. 563. 6 Seglln senalan Alan Deyermondy Margaret Chaplin, "when there is a high concentration of apparent folk-motifs or apparent formulas, we are forced to conclude that the author is, whether consciously or not, using folklore material, or that he is using a traditional formulaic style," ver "FolkHotifs in the Medieval Spanish Epic," en Philological Quarterly, 51 (1972), 36-53, p. 40.

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7 Destacar los muertos de la batalla es una posible fdrmula argumental, que aquf carece de la precisidn nu~rica de que se acompaftaen el Poema de Mfo Cid. 8 Alonso Zamora Vicente, ed., Cl&sicos Castellanos, 128 (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 19704), pp. 155-56, str. 529. 9 Primera Crdnica General de Espana(= EE) RamdnMen~ndezP1dal, ed. (Madrid: Gredos &Seminario Men~ndezPidal, 1977~), II, 404a, 20-29. A fin de simplificar el aparato de notas, dar~, a continuacidn de la-cita, su localizacidn textual; para la Gran crdnica de Alfonso XI (= Gr.Cr.Alf.XI) uso Diego Catal&n, ed. (Madrid: Gredos &Seminario Hen~ndez Pidal, 1976); para la Cr6nica de 1344) (= Cr.1344) utilizo D. Catal&n y Mi Soledad de Andr~s (Madrid: Gredos & Seminario Men~ndezPidal, 1970); si el cap. est& subrayado, la cita se extrae del ms.~En este mismo volumen, figuran como ap~ndices el Libro de las generaciones (= Lib.Gen.), el Livro das linhagens (= Liv.Linh.) de D. Pedro de Barcelos y la Crdnica de 1404 (= Cr.1404), tambi~n utilizados. Para la Crdnica del Moro Rasis (= Cr.Ho.Ra.) se usa Diego Catal&n y Ml Soledad de Andr~s. ed. (Madrid: Gredos & Seminario Men~ndezPidal, 1974). Para la Cr6nica de los estados eninsulares (= Cr.E.P.) sigo Antonio Ubieto Arteta, ed. Granada: Universidad, 1955. Y para la Grant crdnica de Espanya de Juan Fern&ndez de Heredia, sigo Regina af Geijerstam, ed., Studia Romanica Upsaliensia, 2 (Upsala: Univ., 1964). 10

"Contar'' determina el desarrollo argumental de la crdnica en su transcurso tem&tico; "fablar• -vinculado a la oralidad fpica- convierte en comunicable ese contenido; en Gr.Cr.Alf.XI se manifiesta esta diferencia: "Has agora la ystoria dexa de contar e fablar desto, por contar lo que acaes~io •.. ," ver I, 382. 11 Reconstruyo el ms. T, segdn notas a pie de p&gina de la edicidn de R. Men~ndezPidal; el ms. forma parte de la familia Y, T, G, Z, borrador alfonsf de 1271, opuesto a la amplificacidn de El£. (desde el cap. 628 hasta la mitad del 896); ver Diego Catal&n, De Alfonso X al conde de Barcelos {Madrid: Gredos, 1962); en concreto, pp. 50-63 y pp. 172-204. 12 Cito por el ms. 1501 de la Bibl. Nacional de Madrid: "Comien~a la Coronica de los onze Rreyes de Espana ... ," ver fol. 25!. 13 Es lo que Nancy Joe Dyer seftala: •the conversion of the epic's language into chronistic prose was regulated by uniform editorial consistency which, on the CONTENT level, controlled the elimination of irrelevant or incompatible material," ver "Cr6nica de Veinte Reyes' Use of the Cid Epic: Perspectives, Method and Rationale," en RomancePhilology, 33 (1979-80), 534-44, p. 542. 14 Proceso de variantes ya apuntado por Zumthor, aunque referido sdlo a la ~pica: " ..• l'effet de r~p~tition s'associe avec la plus grande diversitt!. D une chanson, l autre, d'une version l l'autre d'une ~me chanson, il en rt!sulte parfois de consid~rables diff~rences stylistiques, ver Essai de po~tigue ~di~vale, pp. 334-35. Rita Lejeune sf muestra esta "De 1 '~popt!e, la formule passe dans les chroniques adaptabilidad formularia: anglo-normandes et m~medans les ro~ans courtois," ver "Technique fonnulaire et chansons de geste, en Le MoyenAge, 60 {1954), 311-34, p. 315. 15 La definicidn cl&sica de Milman Parry (1930) la matiza Edmundde Chasca: "Para nuestros prop6sitos, pues, definiremos la fdrmula como cualquier procedimiento ~pico habitual a) del estilo, y b) de la disposici6n narrativa, ver El arte juglaresco en el "Cantar de Mio Cid" (Madrid: Gredos, 19722), p. 167. De Chasca juzga 1110 que es f6rmula a partir de tres o m.fs ocurrencias" (p. 534). 1

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pertenecen a la amplia imag1nerfa de los cantares de gesta, f1jan el paso de la hfstorfa a la leyenda o al mito," ver •Reflexfones sobre las relacfones entre cantares de gesta e histor1a• [1957], en Epopeya e historfa, Victoria Cfrlot, ed. (Barcelona: Argot, 1985), pp. 41-63; cita en p. 47. 17 La presentacidn de Nerdn en la EE se concluye asf: "E este desuergon~amfento de cantar en los teatros cuemo foglar fue el tomando poc a poco," I, 122!, 40-42; en otra ocas1dn: "Et el Cid quando lo oyo, pesol, pero que lo comen~oa meter en jugleria,• II, 624b, 24-25. En cuanto a las fiestas, dice la EE: "Los castellanos del un cabo alan~auan et crebantauan los tablados, los otros tenien armas et bofordauan, del otro cabo corrfen los toros, et los joglares otrossi fazien y lo suyo andando por la villa fazfendo muchas alegrias, II, 415~, 18-21; Gr.Cr.Alf.XI: "ovo muchas dan~as de omes e de mugeres, con muchos joglares de boca y de penola que trayan cada vnos dellos," I, 399, 12-!. 18 R. Men~ndezPidal ha senalado que •no es de extraftar que las crdn1cas aprovechasen habftualmente esa informacidn u laresca" y ha enurneradovarias de estas narraciones en "Relatos po t,cos en as er nicas medievales,• en RFE, 10 (1923), 329-72, p. 330. De todos modos, el mejor estudio de esta interrelacidn se debe a D. G. Pattison, From Legend to Chronicle: The Treatment of E ic Material in Al honsine Historio rah , MediumAevum Monographs, n.s., 13 Oxford: Society for the Study of Mediaeval Languages and Literature, 1983); esta obra -en palabras del autor- "gives us a fascinating glimpse of how the chronicler's craft developed, changed 1n emphasis and critical criteria, and led eventually to something approaching a fictional or novelesque view of the historiographic process," p. 10. 19 Tres determinaciones gen~ricas -"cantares de gesta, 11 "crdnfcas," "lfbros de estorias"- compitiendo por la verdad histdrica, decidida al Hnal por el autor; ver EE, II, 509!, 37-43. 20 No hay que olvidar que las crdnfcas eran lefdas ante los nobles como bien indfca Rodrfguez de Almela en su Compilacidnde todas las crdnicas de Espana: As1 que aquellos Rreyes e principes antiguos, considerando el muy gran rresplandor de los fechos e atos de guerra, mandanque les leyesen las Coronicas de los fechos famosos de caballeria que sus antepasados fizieron; e por estar mas desocupados quando com1ane cenaban. Et quando se acostar querian, rnandauanotrosi que los menestrilles e juglares viniesen con sus laudes e vihuelas e otros ynstrumentos, para que con aquellos les taniesen et cantasen los rroman~es, que eran ynbentados de los fechos famosos de caballeria. Todo esto mandabanpara atraer et rreduzir les a memoria aquellos buenos fechos e de los contrarios apartarse; e por ~ierto si en ello consideramos et paramos mientes del probecho o vtilidad que nos biene de las escripturas, hallaremos que por ellas venimos en conos~imiento de la verdad e somos sabidores de las cosas antiguos [sic] de la rrazon e del mundo ... [Dice el Cid comoprueba] que la caballeria es prueba del arte en nobleza e fama del prin~ipe por quanto de las ystorias o coronicas son memeria [sic] de los buenos fechos de los rreyes e prin~ipes e caballeros, que con hazanas sobrepujan la nobleza de la fama. (Cito por BNMadrid, ms. 1525, fols. ly-2r.) 21 Esta traslacidn de los elementos po~ticos de un sistema a otro fue ya analizada por Bernard Cerquiglini, quien estudia la prosificacidn de Le Romandu Graal efectuada por Robert de Boron, destacando: "Ilse produit done dans le passage en prose une redistribution des formes, due~ l'aspect tr~s contraint des r~gles de reconnaissance et de production. Cette redistribution n'est cependant pas qu'une simplification. Les r~gles de la prose peuvent conduire ~galement ~ un sur-fonctionnement de la 9ra111na ire . :. ., ver La Paro1e m~di ~vale: di scours, syntaxe, texte (Parfs: Les Editions de Minuit, 1981), p. 85. 11

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TRABAJOS ACTUALES SOBRE EL ROMANCERO*

S. G. Armistead University of California,

Davis

Es un honor acceder a la amable invitaci6n de mi amigo, el prof. Germ~n Orduna, a que diga algunas palabras sobre lo que est& pasando actualmente en el campo del romancero. Loque resulta de lo m~s notable--y alentador--es queen los ultimos quince a~os los estudios romancfsticos, de haber sido el coto privado de unos pocos especialistas--y un campo marginado respecto a las investigaciones literarias--han pasado ahora a ser una sub-disciplina reconocida y productiva del hispanismo. He podido documentar con cierta exactitud el desarrollo--digamos la expansi6n numerica--de semejante actividad: Durante los anos 1971-1978, han visto la luz m&sde 450 publicaciones pertinentes; para los anos 1979-1983, hay m&sde 350; y ahora, para el ano 1984 solamente, cuento con bastante m6s de 150 libros, artfculos, y resenas. Para ofrecer un m~ximode informacidn en un mfnimo de tiempo, he preparado una bibliograffa en la que van detalladas las publicaciones m&s importantes segun las categorfas que, a continuacidn, voy a mencionar. (Ver el final de la presente comunicaci6n.) Dividamos los estudios romancfsticos en tres grandes categorfas: romancero viejo; trabajos de campo en la tradicidn oral moderna; y estudios crfticos. Las investigaciones sobre el romancero v1ejo han sido revolucionadas, claro est~, por las contribuciones de Rodrfguez-Moftino. Gracias a lo que hizo don Antonio, ahora disponemos de un extenso aparato de textos, sobre el que ya podemos realizar rigurosos trabajos de crftica textual. Sobre las bases establecidas por Rodrfguez-Honino, siguen haciendo importantes contribuciones los profesores Askins, C~tedra, Di Stefano, Garcfa de Enterrfa, Infantes, Ledda y RomeroFrias, y Piacentini. Ya contamos con no pocos descubrimientos que han venido a aumentar nuestros conocimientos del corpus antiguo. La edici6n crftica que actualmente elabora el profesor Di Stefano, a base de toda la documentaci6n impresa del romancero viejo, nos ha de proporcionar un instrumento de trabajo indispensable para futuras investigaciones. Huelga decir que toda esta actividad en relaci6n con el romancero viejo es tambi~n de importancia crucial para nuestros trabajos sobre la tradici6n moderna: lmposible estudiar ~sta sin contar con la antigua y vice versa. Ultimamente se han realizado grandes encuestas de campo, que van sacando a

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la luz del dfa preciosos descubrimientos de todo tipo: romances por otra parte desconocidos desde la ~poca &urea; preciosas variantes textuales que refuerzan, en algunos casos, los nexos entre el romancero y la ~pica; descubrimientos de sub-tradiciones geogr&ficas previamente desconocidas; y, sobre todo, la recoleccidn de una ingente documentacidn textual, que ahora nos pennite estudiar la creatividad po~tica oral en toda su din&mica complejidad. Respecto a los trabajos de campo actuales, me limitar~ a mencionar, entre otras, las siguientes encuestas y publicaciones resultantes: Para el &mbito castellano-peninsular: las masivas encuestas de equipo del Seminario Men~ndezPidal, asf como las de Joaqufn y Luis Dfaz; para Canarias: Maximiano Trapero; para Hispanoa~rica: Gisela Beutler, Mich~le de CruzS&enz, John Donald Robb, y, ahora, Helia Betancourt; para el ~mbito lingOfstico portugu~s: Manuel da Costa Fontes, Jos~ Joaquim Dias Marques, Pere Ferr~ y su equipo, y Joanne B. Purcell; y para las comunidades sefardfes: Rina Be~mayor, Oro Anahory Librowicz, y nuestro propio proyecto colaborativo. N6tese tambi~n la publicacidn del tomo m~s reciente del Romancero tradicional de las lenguas hisp&nicas (XII, 1984-1985), a cargo de Beatriz Mariscal de Rhett, en el que se recoge, junto al fruto de trabajos de campo anteriores, el de las altimas encuestas realizadas (hasta 1983). En el &rea de la crftica, est&n pasando cosas interesantfsimas: estudios histdricos (fuentes antiguas, nexos ~picos, noticierismo, continuidad tradicional entre lo antiguo y lo moderno); contactos con la balada europea; problemas musicales; bibliograffa y catalogac16n; crftica literaria y creacidn po~tica oral; an&lisis semidtico; y estudios realizados con ordenadores electr6nicos. Imposible ni empezar a especificar todo esto aquf: Si fu~ramos a mencionar sdlo un par de publicaciones de inter~s trascendental en el campo de la crftica, tendrfamos que empezar con el masivo Cat~logo General del Romancero, reci~n publicado por Diego Catal&n y su equipo. Constituye una magna contribuci6n, por la gran originalidad de sus perspectivas y por su novedad te6rica y metodoldgica. Fundamental tambi~n, desde el punto de vista te6rico, es el artfculo monogr&fico de Diego CataUn, sobre "El romancero medieval, 11 en cuanto demuestra la imposibil idad de establecer un "texto" para las creaciones po~ticas orales. Para dos visiones de conjunto del romancero en la actualidad, remito a los excelentes estudios preliminares de dos antologfas recientes: las de Michelle D~bax y de David Pinto-Correia. Para m~s datos, v~ase tambi~n mi propio repaso de trabajos crfticos, en el homenaje a Edson Richmond, asf como los "estados de la cuestidn, 11 desde perspectivas distintas, publicados en Arbor yen La Cor6nica. Quisiera terminar con un breve comentario acerca de mis propias investigaciones sobre el romancero sefardf (en colaboraci6n con mis amigos, Joseph H. Silverman e Israel J. Katz). Desde hace unos cuatro anos,

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elaboramos un estud1o detenido de los temas romancfst1cos sefardfes de origen ~pico. Tr&tase de la primera vez que se exploran sfstetn&ticamente, tema por tema, los nexos entre la fpica medieval y una rama moderna del romancero (a diferencfa del romancero viejo, fmpreso en forma tan incompleta y tem&ticamente fragmentaria en el siglo XVI). Gracias sobre todo a los rfqufsimos fondos del Archfvo MenfndezPfdal, ahora contamos, para el efecto, con una masiva docwnentacfdn judeo-espaftola 1n4dita: un promedio de unas cuatro o cinco veces m4s textos sefardfes de los que han sido publicados hasta la fecha. Los resultados de esta compulsa han sfdo dram&ticos, pero, en fin de cuentas no del todo sorprendentes, dada la tradicfonalidad, tanto del romancero, como de la fpfca. En algunos casos, nos hemosencontrado con pequeftos detalles textuales presentes en el romancero sefardf modernoque remontan dfrectamente a fuentes fpfcas medfevales, sin que haya en el romancero antiguo el menor indicfo de tales mot1vos. Tr&tase de exiguos detalles, pero su fuerza acumulativa me parece innegable. 0 sea: El romancero sefardf resulta constituir otro documentom&s, independiente hasta cierto punto del romancero viejo, que aboga muyen pro de la continuidad tradicional fpfco-romancfstica. Semejantes testimonios sirven, junto con otros varios fndicios, para reafinnar --vigorosamente-- la validez del modelo pidaliano de un nexo genftico y directo entre la ~pica medieval y el romancero antiguo y moderno, comotres etapas inseparables de un solo proceso, sin solucidn de con~inuidad, multfsecular y plenamente tradicional. No tengo el menor deseo de ofender a mis colegas fndividualistas, cuya esplfndida erudicidn admfro y aprecio con toda sfncerfdad, pero conviene subrayar que estos nuevos testimonios van acumu14ndosepaulatinamente comopara constituir un nuevo y fuerte apoyo del neo-tradfcionalismo. Por ejemplo: Si en un caso dado--el del Suefto de dona Alda--Don Ramdnidentified, digamos, unos siete puntos de contacto entre el romance y sus antecedentes fpicos y ahora, ante nuestras variantes judeoespaftolas, nos encontramos con otros tres paralelismos y los encontramos exactamente donde tendrfan que estar en relacidn con las fuentes ~picomedievales pertinentes, el nexo gen~tico entre ~pica y romance parecerfa ser concluyente y diffcilmente podrfa ser negada por ningan argumento posftivista. Y conste que estamos obrando en este caso con textos concretos y palpables y no con los famosos "textos perdidos" tan repugnantes para el individualismo. Ante semejantes datos, me incumbe decir, que el modelo neo-positivista de orfgenes eruditos, de transmisidn escrita, de derivacidn directa y unfvoca, de cl~rigos, monjes y abogados, de 11textos" fijos, de fuentes latinas y manuscritos franceses, sencillamente no funciona; no nos sirve; no nos puede servir para explicar las complejidades de un romance tal comoEl suefto de dona Alda en sus multiples e intrincadas relaciones con la ~pica francesa y provenzal. (V~ase el estudio, continuacidn de los de Men~ndezPidal y de

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Cesare Segre, en nuestro Carolingian Ballads [1], actualmente en preparacidn.) En fin, para terminar, los estudios romancfsticos se nos ofrecen ahora cargados de fascinantes problemas, tanto concretos como tedricos, pero tambi~n nos brindan la promesa de dra~ticos y fructfferos descubrimientos, que auguran bien para el futuro de esta creciente y apasionante sub-disciplina del hispanismo. NOTA

* Se reproduce la comunicacidn presentada en el •Encuentro de investigadores: Literatura medieval" (presidido por los profesores Alan 0. Deyermondy Genn&nOrduna), el 20 de agosto, durante el IX Congreso Internacional de Hispanistas (Berlfn, 18-23 de agosto de 1986). BIBLIOGRAFiA --Bibliograffa actual: Samuel G. Armistead, "A Critical Bibliography of the Hispanic Ballad in Oral Trad~tion (1971-1979)," El Romanceroho~: Historia •.. , ed. S. G. Armistead et al. (Madrid: S.M.P.,1979 , pp. 199-310. S. G. Armistead, "81bl1ograffa crftica del Romancero(1979-1983)," Actas: Coloquio sobre el Romancero(Madrid, 1982} (en prensa). S. G. Armistead, Bibliograffa crftica del Romancero(1984),• Actas: Sim osio Internacional sobre el Romancero Cancionero Es afto Los An eles 1984 en prensa. Antonio S&nchezRomeralo et al., Bibliograffa del romancero oral, Madrid: S.M.P., 1980. 11

--Documentaci6n del romancero viejo: Antonio Rodrfguez-Moftino, Oiccionario bibliogr,fico de pliegos sueltos po~ticos (Siglo XVI), Madrid: Castalia, 1970. A. Rodrfguez-Monino, with Arthur L.-F. Askins, Manual bibliogr&fico de cancioneros y romanceros, 4 tomos, Madrid: Castalia, 1973-1978. A. L.-F. Askins, "Notes for the Diccionario de pliegos sueltos of Antonio Rodrfguez-Moftino," AFE, 2 (1985), 591-60 . A. L.-F. Askins, "The Pliegos Sueltos of the Biblioteca Colombina in the Sixteenth Century: Notes to an Inventory," RPh, 39 (1986), 305-22. A. L.-F. Askins, Plie os o~ticos es aftoles de The British Librar, 3 tomos, Madrid: Joyas Bibliogr&ficas en prensa . Pedro M. C&tedra, Seis pliegos po~ticos barceloneses desconocidos (Siglo XVI), Madrid: El Crotal6n, 1983. Giuseppe di Stefano, "La difusidn impresa del romancero antiguo en el s; g 1o xvI," RDTP,33 {1977), 373-411. Marfa Cruz Garcfa de Enterrfa, Cat~logo de pliegos po~ticos espanoles del siglo XVII en el British Museumde Londres, Pisa: Giardini, 1977. Vfctor lnfantes, "La coleccidn de pliegos sueltos de ThomasCroft ... ," BRAE,61 (1981), 497-516. V. Infantes, "Un volumen viajero de impresos espanoles del st9lo XVI: Los pliegos gdticos de J. J. Debure," Studi lspanici {1981), pp. 9-21.

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Paola Ledda y Madna RomeroFrfas, Catalogo di "pliegos sueltos po~ticos" della Biblioteca Universitaria di Cagliari, Pisa: Giardini, 1985. Giuliana Piacentini, "Romancesen 'ensaladas' y gcfoeros afines, AFE, 1 (1984), 1135-73. 11

--Romances viejos descubiertos en la tradici6n oral moderna: Jesus Antonio Cid, "Recolecci6n moderna y teorfa de la transmisi6n oral: El traidor Marquillos, cuatro siglos de vida latente," El Romancero hoy: Nuevas fronteras, ed. A. S&nchezRomeralo et al. (Madrid: S.M.P., 1979), pp. 281-359. S. G. Armistead et al., "Hispanic Ballad Field WorkDuring the Sumner of 1980, La Cordnica, 9:1 (1980), 29-36: pp. 31-32 (versi6n moderna de Durandarte y Belerma descubierta por Diego Catal&n). 11

--Nuevos nexos con la ~pica: Ursula Y Peter Dronke, Barbara et antiquissima carmina, Barcelona: Universidad Autdnoma, 1977. Cesare Segre, "Il sogno di Alda tra chanson de geste, chanson de fe111ne e romance," MRo,8:1 (1981-1983), 3-9. Jesus Antonio Cid, "Semidtka y diacronfa del 'discurso' en el Romancero tradicional: Belardos y Valdovinos, El Cid pide parias al moro," RDTP,37 (1982), 57-92. S. G. Armistead, Oro A. Librowicz, y Joseph H. Silverman, "El rey don Garcfa de Galicia y Portugal en un romance sefardf de Marruecos,t' La Cordnica, 12:1 (1983), 107-12. S. G. Armistead, "The Ballad of Celfoos at Uf\a de Quintana (In the EdmundL. King, ed. Footsteps of A~rico Castro)," Essays ... Sylvia Molloy y Luis Fern&ndez Cifuentes (Landres: Tamesis, 1983), pp. 13-21. S. G. Armistead, "The Initial Verses of the Cantar de Mio Cid, 11 La Cor6nica, 12:2 (1984), 179-86. Manuel da Costa Fontes, "The Ballad of Floresvento and Its Epic Antecedents, 32 (1985), 309-19. S. G. Armistead, 0. A. Librowicz, y J. H. Silverman, "El rey don Garcfa en el romancero: Un nuevo testimonio, La Cordnica, 14:2 (1986), 293-95. S. G. Armistead, J. H. Silverman, e Israel J. Katz, Judeo-S anish Ballads from Oral Tradition: II. Carolinian Ballads 1 en preparaci6n. 11

~,

11

--Sub-tradiciones previamente desconocidas: S. G. Armistead, "Romancestradicionales entre los hispanohablantes del estado de Luisiana," NRFH,27 (1978), 39-56. S. G. Armistead, "Meisromances de Luisiana, NRFH,32 (1983), 41-54. Jos~ Blas Vega, Los corridos o romances andaluces, Madrid: Jos~ Blas Vega, 1982 (sub-tradici6n gitana latente, tem~ticamente distinta de la andaluza corriente). Mich~le S. de Cruz-S&enz, Romancerotradicional de Costa Rica, Newark, Delaware: Juan de la Cuesta, 1986. 11

--Trabajos de campo: Ambito castellano peninsular: Suzanne H. Petersen et al., Voces nuevas del romancero castellanoleon~s, 2 tomos, Madrid: S.M.P., 1982.

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Luis Dfaz Viana, con Joaqufn Dfaz, Romancerotradicional soriano, 2 tomos, Soria: Diputaci6n Provincial, 1983 (con otras muchas colecciones regionales publicadas). Diego Catal~n et al., Romanceroleon~s, I: Antologfa del romancero tradicional de Le6n, Madrid: S.M.P. (en prensa). Canarias: MaximianoTrapero et al., Romancerode Gran Canaria, Las Palmas: Mancomunidadde Cabildo~982. M. Trapero, Romancestradicionales: Antologfa de romances recogidos en la tradici6n oral moderna, Las Palmas: Mancomunidadde Cabildos, 1982. M. Trapero et al., Romancerode la Isla del Hierro, Madrid: S.M.P., 1985. Hispanoam~rica: Gisela Beutler, Estudios sobre el romancero espanol en Colombia, Bogot~: Caro y Cuervo, 1977. John Donald Robb, Hispanic Folk Music of NewMexico and the Southwest: A Self-Portrait of a People, Norman: University of OklahomaPress, 1980. Helia Betancourt, Antologfa de la lfrica popular infantil de Costa Rica, San Jos~: Instituto del Libro, 1986. V~ase tambi~n: Sub-tradiciones previamente desconocidas. Ambito portugu~s: Manuel da Costa Fontes, Romanceiro da Ilha de S. Jorge, Coimbra: Universidade, 1983 (m&sotros tres tomos de romances recogidos entre emigrados portugueses en Am~rica: Canad&[1979]; Nova lnglaterra [1980]; Calif6rnia [1983]; y dos tomos de la tradici6n de Tr&s-os-Hontes [en prensa]). Jos~ Joaquim Dias Marques, "Romancesdos Concelhos de Bragan~a e de Vinhais," Brigantia, 4:4 (1984), 527-50 (primera entrega de una extensa colecci6n). Pere Ferr~ et al., Romancestradicionaes, Funchal: Camara Municipal, 1982. Joanne B. Purcell, Romanceiro Portugu~s das Ilhas Atlanticas, t. I, ed. Isabel Rodrfguez Garcfa, Madrid: S.M.P. (en prensa). Tradicidn sefardf: Rina Benmayor, Romancesjudeo-espanoles de Oriente, Madrid: S.M.P., 1979.

0. A. Librowicz, Florilegio de romances sefardfes de la di~spora, Madrid: S.M.P., 1980. S. G. Armistead, J. H. Silverman, e I. J. Katz, Judeo-Spanish Ballads from Oral Tradition: I. Epic Ballads, Berkeley y Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986. Romanceropan-hisp&nico: Beatriz Mariscal de Rhett, La Huerte ocultada, Madrid: S.H.P., 19841985 (Romancero tradicional de las len uas his ~nicas: Es anoltomo XII . portugu~s-catal~n-sefardf,

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--Crftica literaria y perspectivas tedricas: Diego Catal&n et al., CGR: Cat&logo General del Romancero, 3 tomos. Madrid: S.M.P., 1982-1984. D. Catal&n, •El romancero medieval,• El comentarfo de textos, ! (Madrid: Castalia, 1983), pp. 451-89. Michelle ~bax, Romancero, Madrid: Alhambra, 1982. J. David Pinto-Correia, Romanceiro Tradicfonal Portugufs, Lisboa: Editorial Comunica~ao, 1984. S. G. Armistead, "Estudios sobre el Romanceroen los Estados Unidos, Arbor, 116:451-454 (1983), 37-53. S. G. Armistead, "Current Trends 1n RomanceroResearch.'' La Cordnica, 13:1 (1984), 23-36. S. G. Armistead, "Hispanic Ballad Studies: Recent Trends in Criticism," Narrative Folksong: NewDirections, ed. Carol L. Edwardsy Kathleen E. B. Manley (Boulder, Colorado: Westvfew Press, 1985), pp. 108-30. 11

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NOTES

EL CONDE LUCANOR: THENAME

Robert B. Tate Nottingham University

Researches into the cultural background of Don Juan Manuel lead inevitably into contemporary French vernacular literature, particularly the prose romances. This moves me to suggest a possible source for the name Lucanor. I am no expert in this field and I hope I will be pardoned for any nalve errors I may make. The easiest entr,e is to consult the various indices of Arthurian names by scholars like Flutre, West, and Ackerman.I In various well-known prose and verse romances there occurs a group of nameswhich range from Lucan to Lucanor and Lucanere, and within a time bracket from mid-thirteenth to late fourteenth centuries. Let us dispose of the least likely first. Lucanor is the name of a foal, son of the enchanter Eliaures and a mare in Perceval le Gallois ou le conte du Graal.2 There is a giant called Lucanor who slew or imprisoned passing knights of the RoundTable, and was in turn dispatched by Tristan. This also sounds like an implausible source, but it is worthy of examination. Section 541 of LOseth's analysis of the prose Tristan refers to a conversation between Hector and Tristan as they journey through Val Brun. They arrive at a tower where one learns that a giant called nlucanor le Grand" had once lived. Tristan, on being pressed by Hector, recalls a "f!cheux passageN when fn the company of Oanafn le Roux he had tackled the giant who was making off with his companfon.3 Nowthis "Lucanor le Grand" seems elsewhere to be confused with a nlucan le Grand." Moreover, in Section 363 of L0seth's analysis there figures a Lucanor who rescues Merangis, son of King Mark;4he is clearly not a threatening giant, but indeed quite an honorable figure who is later defeated by a knight called Guiron. This Guiron is a figure of some stature and the protagonist of a prose romance called Guiron le Courtois.5 One of its many narrative branches concerns a knight of great esteem, "Lucanor le Grand" who, sitting at his table "a grant soulas" with his "haulz barons" receives a messenger who tells

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him of the marvelous exploits of Guiron. Lucanor decides to joust with this stranger, and goes to meet him in Val Brun. This is the place, it will be recalled, where Tristan encountered the giant Lucanor. In one preliminary adventure, this Lucanor frees Merangis after a battle with five knights and the lord of the castle where he was kept prisoner. Lucanor and Merangis then meet Guiron (accompanied by Danain) in Val Brun. Merangis demands first challenge and is quickly defeated, but Lucanor in turn offers violent resistance to this well-known champion. The grass is thick with blood around the pair and eventually Lucanor receives a deep wound on his right side. Danain is driven to exclaim that "grant temps ha" since he has seen such a valiant opponent. Guiron, in a noble gesture, allows him respite to bind the wound; Merangis's lady offers him her kerchief and a squire brings forward, on Guiron's corm1and,"ung pot du meilleur vin." They both drink a cup and lay to once again. It is only after the piteous pleading of Merangis's demoiselle that they stop, exhausted. lucanor proffers his name without any sense of dishonour (the usual ritual being that only the defeated declare themselves) and leaves for Ireland. This prose romance, Guiron le Courtois, exists in ten versions. No single manuscript of the thirty extant has a complete text, nor is the work an independent romance. It is variously called "le livre du roy Heliadus" or "l'ystoire de Meliadus et de Guiron le Courtois et du bon chevalier san Paour." The author's own prologue proposes the name Palamedes, but this renowned knight only plays a minor part in the narrative. The whole forms part of the second part of the famous Compilation of Rusticiano de Pisa, the same man who recorded the travels of Marco Polo while both were prisoners of the Genoese. The first reference to the Compilation occurs in a letter sent by the Emperor Frederic Barbarossa on February 5, 1240. Rusticiano said he had copied the story from a collection of romances in the possession of Edward I of England. The purpose of this collection was to add a new set of episodes in which appear an older generation of Arthurian knights: Meliadus, father of Tristan; Ban, father of Lancelot; Lac, father of Erec, etc.6 It seems as if, judging from the case of Lucanor, many of the episodes from the prose Tristan were transferred to Guiron le Courtois with a change of protagonist.7 Although it is late in date, something similar happens in Froissart's verse romance Meliador (written some time before 1383).8 Lucanor figures several times in lists of other knights attending jousts (11. 6640; 29332, 24473); he is also called Lucanor de Galdas (1. 25260). In the longest episode devoted to Lucanor, he is an Irish knight surnamed le Sage, well known for his effortless administration, authority, and tact (11. 25208252399):

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249 11 n'ot ne parent. ne cousin, Quine fust en s'obeissance. Pour sa tres bonne gouvernance D'ostel tenir. fu moult mesniers Plus que nulz aultres chevaliers.

(11. 25210-15)

He has four sons, loves birds--it does not say what sort--and the practice of arms. He jousts with the eponymoushero Meliador and in a fierce engagement is wounded in the shoulder: Quant Lucanors se sent navr~s Si est durement effra~s Car ses sans tout aval le mouille Qui jusques au braiier le souille. He collapses on the ground. yield:

(11. 25291-94)

Meliador descends and asks him, in Irish,

to

En son langage le demande 0 chevaliers, sans plus attendre, Yous vol~s vous point a moy rendre Et faire ce que je dirai Aultrement je vous occirai. (11. 25320-24) Lucanor yields and Meliador graciously helps him up and binds his wound. Whereuponthe vanquished invites the victor to dinner in his castle: Dal~s le bois, pri~s d'un closin Seoit li manoirs Lucanor. La re~urent Melyador Moult bellement 11 iiii. enfant.

(11. 25370-74)

They spend an evening and night together en famille; Meliador leaves for another adventure and nothing further is heard of Lucanor. One can see that this hard-fought contest in which Lucanor is grievously woundedand has this wound cared for by the barely triumphant victor is close to the situation in Guiron le Courtois. Not unconmon, one could say, given the monotonous repetitiveness of the romance; but both are connected with Ireland and Froissart explicitly declares his knowledge of Guiron le Courtois. I have not come across the name of Lucanor in any of the published material about the romances attached to the Tristan cycle in the Peninsula. But, of course, our knowledge of the circulation of the romances is still extremely sketchy.9 The only occasion that I know of when a copy of Guiron turns up in a Peninsular library is in the case of Carlos de Viana, that ill-fated son of Juan II of Navarre who died in peculiar circumstances in 1461 and triggered off the Civil War in Catalonia. He possessed a number

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of Arthurian items and two copies of this romance in French.lo To sum up this short note. The name Lucan, Lucanor, Lucanere occurs sporadically in French and English prose and verse romances from the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries. The knight Lucanor "le Grand," of normal size but outstanding military prowess, only occurs, so far, in Guiron le Courtois (and not in the printed versions). The name is sufficiently well knownfor it to be picked up and re-used with some variations by Froissart. It was printed in Paris in 1501, 1506, and 1519; it was popular with both Bofardo and Ariosto. It is not implausible that Don Juan Manuel had heard of Lucanor, although there is no clear evidence that he had read to him romances of chivalry. There is certainly no allusion to them in the Conde Lucanor. Chivalry as a calling was certainly a prominent subject, but the sentimental or the exotic aspects of the calling were never exploited by him. Perhaps, and this is certainly a risky conjecture, he used the name like he handled the Barlaam, for ends distinct from those for which the work was intended.11 NOTES 1 L. Fernand Flutre, Tables des noms propres avec toutes leurs variantes f1 urant dans les romans du mo en 3 e ~crits en Fran ais ou en roven al et actuellement publf~es ou analys~es Poitiers: Pub. du ESCM,2, 19 2; G.D. West, An Index of Proper Namesin French Arthurian Verse Romances11501300 (Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 1969); G.D. West, An Index of Proper Namesin French Arthurian Prose Romances(Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 1978); Robert WilliamAckerman,An Index of Arthurian Namesin Middle English (Stanford-London: Stanford Univ. Publ., Languageand Lit., X, 1952). 2 Ed. Charles Potvin (Mons: Soci~t~ des Bibliophiles Belges, 1866-71), l. 15162. A doubtful reading. 3 Le Romanen Prose de Tristan ... anal manuscrits de ar spar 1 ert Loseth ar s, Franklin, Research and Source WorkSeries 426: 49, 1911), p. 379. 4 See also Section 191, note 3, p. 137. Lucan is generally knownas the brother of Bedevere and King Arthur's butler. See Ackerman, 150, where one of the variants is Lucanere. Needless to say, he is not a giant. 5 Roger Lathuill~re, Guiron le Courtois, ~tude de la tradition manuscrite et analyse critique (Gen~ve: Droz, 1966), section 273, pp. 506-07. 6 Guiron le Courtois, ed. Cedric EdwardPickford from the printed version of Antoine Verard, Paris, 1501 (London: Scholar Press, 1977). See also John Colin Dunlop, History of Prose Fiction (First ed. London, 1888; revised by H. Wilson for Bohn's Library, 1911), I, pp. 233-38. Verard was something of a specialist in publishing Arthurian material. 7 Lathuill~re notes that situations in the Tristan are initiated in Guiron. Seep. 514. 8 Meliador par Jean Froissart ... publi~ pour la premi~re fois par Auguste Honor~ Longnon, 3 tom. (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1895-99). 9 Harvey L. Scharrer, "Malory and the Spanish and Italian Tristan Texts; The Search for the Missing Link," Tristania, 4, No. 2 (1978-79), 37-43;

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J.B. Hall, •A Process of Adaptation: The Spanish Versions of the Romance of Tristan,• The Legend of Arthur in the Middle A~es; Studies •.. Armel HughDiverres in Arthurian Studies VII (Bury St.dmunds: Brewer, 1983),

76-85.

10 Item 43: Nhunlibre intitulat Giron en Frances": item 37: "hun altre de Giron en frances.• Rudolf Beer, Handschriftenschatze Spaniens (Wien, 1894), 85. 11 HermannKnust confesses that the connection Lucanor/Lokmann,Lucaman, Lucaniam, etc., in the Oise. Cler., mentioned originally by Eugene Baret, Histoire de la litt~rature espagnole (Paris: 1863), never really satisfied him. But he had nothing convincing to put forward in "Die Etymologie des Namens'Lucanor, ' 11 ZRPh,9 (1885), 138-40.

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A SOUNDING BRASS ANDTINKLING CYMBAL: AL-ijALiLIN ANDALUS (TWONOTES ONTHEKJWASSAHA)

James T. Monroe University of California, Berkeley

A

Tadmin In his article "Eppur s1 muove• (La Cordnica, 12 [Fall, 1983], 45-70), Professor Alan Jones expressed some doubts concerning SamuelG. Armistead's and my own interpretation of Ibn Bassim's account of the origin of the muwa~~aba,amongother reasons, because (in Jones' esti1111tion)•the meaning of tadmln as 'internal rhyme' is an inference based solely on this passage. Howeverplausible it may seem, I knowof no substantiation for it elsewhere in Arabic, and [unnamed]modernArab scholars urge that it cannot be justified. The meaning must therefore remain doubtful. It is a problem that I wish to take up in one of the orientalist journals• (p. 67, n. 14). To the above, Armistead and I responded in "BeachedWhales and Roaring Mice ••• • (La Cordnica, 13 [Spring, 1985], 206-42, at pp. 219-22), providing further evidence in defense of the argt111ent,originally made by SamuelM. Stern, that tadmln can mean nothing other than 'internal rhyme' in the context used by Ibn Bassim. At best, Professor Jones was wrong when he asserted that there were no clear-cut cases of this usage to be found elsewhere amongArabic writings, and we hope to have convinced him of his error. As part of my ongoing discussion of the points he has raised, I shall now add further support to our arg1111ents. The Andalusian author Abu 1-Qisim Mubannad ibn lbrihlm ibn tfayra, alMawi1lnlwas a native of Cdrdoba, who took up residence in Granada. He was on friendly tenns with Abu Sa11d, son of the first Almohadcaliph 1AbdalMu'min(r. 1130-1163), and he died in Moroccoin 1168. He was a disciple of both Abu Bakr ibn al- 1Arabt (1043-1148) and Ibn Abl 1-Hi~il (1072-1145). 1 Hts surviving magnumopus is an adab work entitled RaYbinal-Albib wa-ray in al-~abab fl marittb al-idib ('The Fragrant Herb of Hearts, and the Juiciness of Youth, Concerning the Categories of Literature'). It fs divided into seven parts (maritib), and deals with the sciences in general; with the arts and sciences cultivated by the Arabs in particular; with figures of speech, rhetoric, poetics, and prosody; with genealogy, and history. As is typical

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of the adab genre. it is thus a succulent intellectual smorgasbord. both in conception and in scope. This work. which was written in 1163, when its author was secretary to the second Almohadcaliph Abu Ya'qub Yusuf I (r. 1163-1184). is preserved in four manuscripts, of which one is found in the Royal Academyof History in Madrid. while two are located in the Royal Library of Rabat. and one in Al-Fiti~ Library of Istanbul.1 In his study of the muwa!!ahacited inn. 1. above. Professor Al-Jariri reproduces a passage from Al-Mawi'lnl's Rayhan (fols. 147-48 of the Istanbul MS.) which has been overlooked by Orientalists. but which helps to clarify the meaning of the term tadmln as used by Ibn Bassam: wa-garibu t-ta~lbi mi an~ada-nl-hi abu 'imir1 bn1 yannaga gala: an~ada-nl 'ubidatu bnu mi'i s-sama•i 11-nafsi-hi min muwa~~ahatingalllati 1-amtali: [gusn 1] bi-abi -yastabi maghabi

lJ _ u 'tizal

[bar ~a

fl Ji lal

YU'zl 1n

dl ni'matin biyiti

tabta bul~

gatri n-nadl bahiti

[gusn 4] badrun ta11111 ~amsudubl maatanwn maaw~abi 1a jaram man lamahi [barja

usdu gll id yamll sal sabll

iabyu bimA tuknifu-hu lubbi bi-mi ya'tifu-hu gargafu-hu rasfu lami

4]

fa-1-bayal wa-1-wisal

mi gad 'aa magad baU

guinu naga mi awragi gad a~iga I

miskun tan,n mi atann gad ~urim

min nafasin bifiti min zamanin fayiti

wa-hlya min sittati abyatin fa-ta'a1111lalayyada-ka 1-lihu ibkima nahji-hi wa-ttifigu nazmi-hi arba'u tadmlnatin fl kulli gusnin [ ••• ] wa-fl 1-haraJiti tadminitun. 1

(An amazing muwassahais the one that Abu Amir ibn Yannaq [d. 1151] sang to me, saying: •'ubida ibn Mi' al-Sama' [d. 1027!] sang to me part of a muwassabahe had composed, to which few are similar. 11

[For the poetic quotation, see the Arabic text, above]

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It contains six abyit [• 'strophes']. Egad, consider next, the perfection of its method, for the arrangetnent of its structure exhibits [no less than] four tadmlns per gusn [ ••• ] while [even] the harJas contain tadmlns!) The two strophes so enthusiastically invoked by Al-Mawi.lnl are, in fact, the first and the fourth of a muwallabasix strophes long, which is aqra• (i.e., it lacks a matla•, or initial refrain), and which is usually attributed, not to •ubida ibn Mi• al-Sami•, as our text states, but to lbn •ubida al-Qazziz, a court poet of Al-Mu•taiim of Almerfa (r. 1051-1091).2 Since Ibn Yannaq (from whomAl-Mawi.lnl claims to have heard \his poemdirectly) died in 1151, he could hardly have gotten it fr011the mouth of •ubida ibn Mi• al-Sami•, who died 124 years before his owndemise. Therefore the attribution to •ubida stretches the imagination, whereas Al-Qazziz's candidacy to authorship continues to be persuasive. Nevertheless, Al-Mawi•lnl's literary connents on the poemare invaluable insofar as the problem of tadmln is concerned. That author is impressed by the poem's distinctiveness, which he attributes to its unusually complex pattern.3 He explains that it is six strophes long,4 which is confinned by the fuller version contained in the Dir al-Tiriz,5 and adds that its perfection lies in its structure: Each 9!!I!!,(• mudanza)contains the exceptional nt111berof four tadmlns which, of itself, constitutes an instance of virtuosity inviting connent, while even its barJas (• vueltas)6 contain tadmlns. Since the only elements that are consistently quadruplicated in the gusns of this poemare rhymedsegments, and since these are, from the Arabic viewpoint, all internal to the bayt or 'strophe' that enfolds them, we are justified in concluding that the term tadrnln, as it is used by Al-Mawi•lnl meanseither 'internal rhyme,' 'internal segment,' or both together. But since Ibn Bassim tells us that the primitive muwa!lahas invented by Al-Qabrl were made up of hemistichs (a~tir) lacking tadmln, and that later poets added tadmln to the caesurae, first to those in the markazes, and then to those in the gusns, adding that this was a fonn of reinforcement,7 there is little need to belabor the point: The tenn tadmln, as it is applied technically to the muwa!lahaby two Andalusian scholars whowere, furthennore, near contemporaries, can only mean 'internal rhyme.' Yet if this is still not the case, then perhaps Professor Jones can correct our •wild theories," in the article he hopes to write someday, in an oriental1st journal. B

Ahmadal-Tlfasl (1184-1253) In the same publication in which Professor Jones objected to Stern's translation of the term tadmln as 'internal rhyme,' he seized the occasion to

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J - lltl- (as in v er s u > OSp. viesso); see Meyer-LUbke,REW,3rd ed., §6425. On such dissimilatory loss see Rebecca R. Posner, Consonantal Dissimilation in the RomanceLanguages (Publ. of the Philological Soc., 19; Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1961), pp. 1 526; KnudTogeby, "Qu'est-ce que la dissimilation?" RPh, 17:3 (1964), 642-67. Conversely, to account for pesguisar 'to inquire,' asubstitute for older pesguerir, and for a whole string of offshoots (pesguis 'acumen, keenness,• pesquisa 'investigation,' pesguisador 'investigator,' etc.), it i~ safest to postulate a bl~nd of ex - and per-, especially since ex qui r ! re and per qui r ~re are both on record, as, for all practical purposes, a pair of synonyms ('to inquire after, research'); on this complexly stratified family see my paper, "Rising Diphthongs in the Paradigms of Spanish Learn~d -ir Verbs," HR, 52 (1984), 303-33. Accordin9 to J. Corominas, DCE, 3 (1956), 924!, a distinction should be drawn between (a) perpunte/OSp. perpunto, traceable toper pun ct u through the mediation of Catalan (cf. Prov. perponh and Fr. pourpoint), and (b) pespuntar, from *pospuntar through dissimilation of two consecutive back vowels, with Portuguese, more conservative as usual, still wavering between pos- and pes-pontar (= Fr. arri~repoi nter). 15 As is particularly visible in the contrast between the composite in Catalan, and (b) in prepositions (a) pera 1n Old Portuguese,~ Old Spanish, the forerunner of mod. para. 16 This family, in turn, was thrown off its balance through the impact of the compoundsoffer re 'to bring, carry• on fer 1 re 'to hit, wound'; for details see my paper, •El engranaje de las per1pecias rom4nicas de fer re y fer Tr e ••. ," Med. Romanzo,9 (1984), 161-81. 17 To this day one encounters zaher-idor (subst.) 'fault-finder,• {adj.) 'reproachful'; and -imiento 'reproach, calling-down.' makes its appearance in lieu of expected so-, occasionally 18 Where~som-, it has recently become clear that the word-initial affricate its/ in lieu o"r"s- plus the epenthetic nasal pertain to the domain of •phonosymbolismin diachrony," whereas the replacement of pretonic o by a (as an alternative to ~•cf.the con1nenton pespuntar, above) involves-a process of vowel dissimilation, cf. ahogar 'to stifle' from off o cir e. 19 This pre~minent use in congealed phrases entails the omission of the article and thus tends to camouflage the feminine gender of this variety of haz. There also exists, entirely independently, a masculine noun haz meaning Tfiunch, bundle, fagot, fascicle,• from fas c e; cf. the incomparably sharper contrast, in Portuguese, between face and feixe. One finds, vestigially, both sobrefaz 'surface, outside' and sobrehaz •~cover, superficial appearance,' beside far more coff1110n superficie which, unlike its obsolescent doublets, has become the active center of a small subfamily: -icial, -icialidad, -iciario, obviating the need for any such split as is observi6le in French: surface superficiel; and, in the wake of that language, also in English.

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20 In an effort to refrain from further complicating a situation already very intricate, I prefer to omit here two further evolutionary lines by no means lacking in symptomaticity: The widespread confusion, especially in Old

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REVIEWS

Fernando de Rojas. Celestina: tragicomedia de Calisto y Melibea. Ed. Illino;s Medieval Monographs, 1. 2 Vols. Urbana; Miguel Harciales. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1985. 372 + 306 pp.

Reviewed by Adrienne Schizzano Mandel

California

State University,

Northridge

The Venezuelan Hispanist and classicist Miguel Marciales has given us in these two volumes a truly monumental work. Wehave here "the best edition of Celestina so far produced," to use the words of the late Keith Whinnom. Marciales began his research in 1965 and devoted ten years of intense and unrelenting dedication to complete the work. Unable to find a publisher in the Hispanic world, he privately circulated the completed manuscript to a few people in 1977 in the form of five cyclostyled volumes. After Marciales' death in 1980, admirers, friends, and a few Hispanists joined in a concerted effort to explore all avenues of financial support to bring out a complete edition of this important scholarly achievement. Weare all indebted to the individuals who participated in this endeavor and who, as a result, helped launch the Illinois Medieval MonographSeries with these two hands0tne volumes. A short review does not permit a close examination of the voluminous linguistic data, the historical documentation, and the scholarly material that are brought to bear in the process of establishing the critical text of Celestina. Hence I will limit myself to a general account of the two volumes, but will also address specific points to offer a brief illustration of Marciales' reasoning and choice of evidence. Volume I contains an Introduction of 372 densely printed pages. It includes a relatively short Bibliography which deals primarily with the history of printing and typography in Spain, and it concludes with an excellent Index. In addition, the editors have inserted in both volumes a good number of illustrations drawn for the most part from the sixteenth-century editions and translations of Rojas' work. In this first volume, we are in essence given the complete procedure followed by Marciales, beginning with the circumstances that led him to undertake the project, as well as the evolution of his own thinking about the privileging of the Comedia over the

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Spanish historiography, of az < a c i e 'group of warriors,' comparable to E. oop.~band and to G. (Heer)ichar, with the vars. faz, haz, in response to h's oss of its consonantal substance; and the gradual crystallization of the preposition hazia. mod. hacia 'toward'< fa c i e ad, lit. 'with one's alien to Portuguese. which uses face to,' a preposition, characteristically, contra instead. On the latter process see my two mutually complementary articles: (a) "Espanol antiguo djs{de), fa{s)ta, fazia y fascas,• HomenaJe a Julio Caro Baro a (Madrid, 1978, pp. 711-33, at 722, 730-31; and !:,g_,55 b Prob ems in the Diachronic Differentiation of Near-Homophones.N (1979). 1-36, at 16-31. 21 Criticizing Dworkin, then, for having underestimated certain dimensions of the problem would be unfair unless the same reproach were directed at the writer of these lines for similar narrowness of focus in someof his own earlier work; e.g •• in his microscopic inquiry in ~-/por-/pro-.

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Tragicomedia. Thus, although the text of the critical edition occupies all of VolumeII, the critical apparatus is to be found in VolumeI. In the notes to the critical edition, Marciales lists the variants to identify each textual problem and to give supporting evidence for the reading selected. Marciales invites the reader to join him in the laborious search for that elusive, authoritative version or versions of Celestina that can guide us in solving the many riddles still connected with the text. He set.out with great determination to liberate the text or texts from linguistic errors, editorial carelessness, inaccuracies, misinterpretations, self-serving assertions, and previous conjectures. Indeed, no other critic has gone to greater lengths to substantiate his own hypotheses. The tortuous trajectory to unearth the most reliable text literally took him from continent to continent. In his densely woven arguments, he addresses himself to such basic problems as the composition of the text in its various stages, the identity of the author of each part, questions surrounding the activities of Rojas and of the other contributors to the text, and so on. It should be pointed out, however, that Marciales, in dealing with the above problems, does not lean heavily on previous scholarship. Though he carefully weaves into his arguments the findings of earlier studies, sometimes uncharitably and mockingly and at other times insufficiently, he does chart his own course, guided chiefly by his own impressive erudition and clear reasoning. Marciales guides us painstakingly, step by step, working and reworking his own hypotheses before establishing his conclusions. Someof these, nonetheless, do require a leap of faith on the part of the reader. Marciales examines all the extant editions of the Comediaand the Tragicomedia, including the Italian translation of 1506 by Orddftez, the Latin translation of 1624 by Barth, as well as the English editions of the 1631 translation by Mabbe. Careful consideration, too, is given to the anonymoussixteenth-century manuscript knownas Celestina comentada. He also notes the importance of the illustrations within the context of the editions and their relevance in determining the filiation of the texts. Marciales treats separately, however, three small woodcuts which are inserted in the octavas of the Valencia, 1518 and 1529 editions. These editions hold special interest, because they suggest a connection with the most important editions of the Tragicomedia, namely the lost Toledo, and the Zaragoza, 1507--the latter being the earliest extant edition in Spanish. The discussion centers around the indentations made in the octavas and the insertion of these woodcuts at very suggestive momentsof the text. In the octavas acrdsticas of the 1518 edition, a woodcut has been inserted inwnediately below the epigraph, "El autor escus&ndose de su yerro." The figure in it represents a man about forty-five years of age, dressed in the robes of a

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mag;strate--;n short a person of authority. In a later folto, the same woodcut has been inserted next to the octavas, "Pues aquf vemos ... ," so as to 11 have the epigraph, "Concluye el autor, by the figure's head. The conjecture here is that we have a realistic portrayal of Rojas, exhibiting the supposedly feminine tra;ts that his grandson is reported to have inherited (Gilman, The Spain of Fernando de Rojas, p. 483). As for the seated mature scribe, whose face is aligned with the words, "Alonso Proaza, corrector de la imprestdn, this is none other than Proaza himself. In the 1S29 edition, ho,1ever, the earlier woodcuts have been replaced by the portrayal of the youthful Rojas, wearing the conventional student dress, while the one portraying Proaza has been left out. The idea of our meeting Rojas face to face ts rather attractive, but I am not able to determine whether Marciales' conjecture is credible w;thout first examining sim;lar illustrations from other texts of the time. Though he feels certain about identifying Rojas in the woodcuts, Marciales is pessimistic about discovering a reliable edition of the work. He puts the blame squarely on Rojas, since the latter apparently never bothered to correct any of the editions of his masterp;ece. Marciales' examination of the thousands of variants suggests to him that the best editions have been lost. Textual evidence, offered by errors and contradictions in the different editions, indicates that we possess the least reliable ones. What we have left, states Marciales, are remnants of those editions which were not totally devoured by the readers of Rojas' time. The dral'latic hypothesis that entire editions literally disappeared in the hands of the public (p. 348) leads to the conclusion that any attempt to determine which of a number of readings is authentic will necessarily fail. In other words, the hope of reconstructing Rojas' text is conpletely illusory. But despite the questions posed and the difficulties raised, Marciales turns to the extant editions in order to establish the filiation of the earlier texts of the Comedia. As far as he is concerned, the Burgos, 1499, the Toledo, 1500, and the Sevilla, 1500, were composed from manuscripts sent from Salamanca. He then turns to the remarkable transfonnation wrought in the Tragicomedia, with its process of additions, substitutions, and suppressions, plus the "nueva adici6n" where the love episode is lengthened. This represents a new text brought out probably between the end of 1502 and the first half of 1503. At this point, he finds it reasonable to suppose that the lengthening of the work was carried out by the same group that produced the 16 acts. The next stage of the work is the lost Toledo, 1504 edition, which includes the genuine "Tratado de Centuria." This edition occupies a pivotal position, since it probably served Orddnez for his Italian translation, and suggests the connection with Rojas' friend in Toledo, to whomhe addressed 11

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the "Carta." This friend should be considered the sponsor of the mysterious Sanabria, to whomMarciales attributes the "Tratado de Centuria." It may be that Rojas' principal role in this edition was the modification of the acrostics and the writing of the prologue. Harciales separates the editions into groups for coMparative purposes. He includes tables, charts, graphs, and a detailed linguistic analysis of orthographic and stylistic variants. Furthermore, his study gives us the most comprehensive analysis yet of the various editions and their relationship to the activities and editorial practices of the major publishers of Rojas' time. This analysis of editorial and printing practices allows Marciales to determine the linguistic patterns of each publisher. In addition, the role of the "corrector" is further identified and defined. As a result, light is shed on the discrepancies, textual changes, modifications, orthographic variants, errors, and contradictions that appear in the different editions, translations, and family of editions, and the possibility of drawing conclusions with regard to the evolution of the text is achieved. The linguistic pattern, tone, and structure of the editions he compares finally leads Harciales to construct his own family of texts, different from those proposed by Herriott and Whinnom. Marciales' detailed linguistic data substantiate the editorial characteristics of each edition or family of editions. He uses linguistic evidence to reconstruct lost editions or pages missing from extant editions. And most important, he uses the linguistic comparisons as evidence for determining the authorship of the various parts of Celestina, and to seek a clarification of obscure passages and unresolved meanings. At every stage of his study, Marciales turns his attention to the authorship controversy surrounding the first act of the Comedia. He insists that this original sketch or "Esbozo" exhibits distinctive features in its style which identify it as the work of Rodrigo de Cota, written between 1470 and 1480. Marciales suggests that one of the reasons why Cota's manuscript came into Rojas' hands is that Rojas the lawyer, in his free moments, had translated the Historia de duobus amantibus of Eneas Silvio Piccolomini from the Latin. (The Historia de los dos amantes was printed in Salamanca in 1496.) It would seem then that the man who continued the original sketch was not a newcomerto the literary scene. Marciales rejects as totally unacceptable the idea that an uninitiated writer could possibly have written the other acts, the continuation. Besides, no one in Salamanca other than Rojas would have been capable of composing the great prose of the Comedia. Marciales leans heavily on the acrostics in the Comediafor his argument in favor of Cota's authorship. Twoof the octavas from the Toledo, 1500, and Sevi11a, 1501, indicate, "sin margen de duda, 11 that Rojas had a 1ready i dent i fied Cota in the Comediasas the author of the Esbozo. He points out that 11

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the line with •escritura corta,• should be read as "Cota.• This line was modified in the extant Tragicomedia, Toledo, 1510, to •cota o mena con su gran saber." The unwillingness of scholars to accept the above erratum represents for Marciales nothing more than "testarudez obcecada o simple ignorancia And if Cota fs the author of the first part del m&selemental castellano." of Celestina, •sin duda," according to Marciales, Proaza is responsible for putting it into Rojas• hands. Harciales urges us to turn to the Italian translation for conclusive support. Alfonso Orddftez wrote a preface-epistle for his Rome, 1506 edition-An additional conjecture based most likely on the lost Toledo, 1504 edition. here is that Orddftez belonged to Rojas' circle in Salamanca or Toledo. Moreover, it seems clear from the "Epistola dello interprete• that in 1505 Orddftez knew that an original author--"lo primo autore"--existed, and others alongside. The reference to these others in the epistle offers a •testimonio capital y deffnitivo" corroborated by the use of the plural fonn in referring to the authors. Marciales considers the testimony of Orddftez' statements in different parts of this same epistle to be irrefutable. In conclusion, the authorship controversy can be sunned up as follows: Cota is the •primer autor," as Rojas calls him; the others are Rojas and the author of the "Tratado de Centurfo"--whether this be the mysterious Sanabria or anyone else. As for the "Tratado de Centurio," Marciales views it as a magnificent entrenM!s, which to be fully appreciated should be examined by itself. Its text exhibits serious discrepancies from and divergencies with the rest of the work--namely, the "Esbozo, 11 the "ContinuacicSn,11 and the "Gran Adicidn" where it is intercalated. Though previous scholars have tried to account for these discrepancies, Marciales argues that Rojas purposefully left the obvious incongruities in the text to make it clear to his readers that the Tratado" was not part of his own work. At the same time, Marciales calls attention to the "Auto de Traso. This text exhibits general characteristics that connect it to the "Tratado de Centurio" to which it originally belonged, together with another auto which formed a pendant to it. Therefore he would reinstate the "Auto de la I~a" which ,1as eliminated when Act XVIwas intercalated. The assumption here is that the "Tratado de Centurio forms an original, totally separate work which Rojas received from Sanabria in Toledo in 1504, probably in manuscript form. He objects to the suggestion that the "Tratado" was included to lengthen the work. Rather, the conclusion to be drawn is that Sanabria did not want to attract attention to himself, and both Rojas and Proaza complied. A textual analysis, however, shows that the style of the "Tratado" is much less conplex and elaborated than that of the medieval sketch of Cota or of Rojas. Orthographic, phonological, and syntactic 11

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analyses show that the textual problems decrease as the text advances. The interpretive strategies of Marciales are consolidated in the text of the critical edition which appears in VolumeII. Marciales divides the acts into scenes, in an effort to retrace what he believes to have been Rojas' original plan for the distribution of the acts into scenes. He develops a complex system of dividing each act into numberedsegments or verses, as in the Bible, so that comparisons of texts can be carried out with greater accuracy and speed. Also, since he proposed separate authorship for the •rratado de Centurio,• he presents as an independent text Acts XIVto XIX, replacing Act XVIwith the •Auto de la l~a.• In the copious notes which appear at the bottom of each page, Marciales identifies the textual problems and gives supporting evidence for his reading by citing the editions which he discussed in VolumeI. In sum, Marciales has written a towering work with which every Celestina scholar will have to come to terms. Andone deeply regrets that the author did not live to see the volumes in print.

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Joseph T. Snow. Celestina b Fernando de Ro as: An Annotated Biblio rah of World Interest, 1 -1 8. d1son, Wsconsin: Hispan1c eminary of Medieval Studies, Ltd., 1985. iii+ 121 pp.

Reviewed by Erna Berndt Kelley, Smith College

Ever since the appearance of •un cuarto siglo de inte~s en La Celestina, 1949-1975: documento bibliogr&fico," Hispania. 59 (1976). 610-60. which Joseph T. Snow co-authored with Jane F. Schneider and Cecilia C. Lee. researchers and scholars have associated his name with Celestina bibliography. The above-mentioned document had seventeen supplements published in Celestinesca: boletfn international, the journal which Snow founded in 1977 The bibliographical iteas and of which he continues to be the editor. contained in all of these publications. plus reprints of earlier pieces which appeared between 1930 and 1985, and numerous new items are all now to be found in one volume, well organized and succinctly annotated, providing a handy and useful guide for students and researchers interested in Fernando de Rojas' masterpiece and its influence. The bibliography consists of three 111in sections: Part I. Studies on Celestina (1-974), which contains books about Celestina, studies or chapters included in books not concerned specifically with Celestina, theses, notes. and articles found in newspapers. journals, homage volumes, and other miscellanies. The items are listed by author in alphabetical order and are followed by their complete bibliographical citation. Except for a few asterisked entries. mostly theses, all items were seen and personally verified by Snow. The annotations following most entries briefly sunmarize the content and/or the point of view. In cases where. because of length or complexity. such sunnaries could only be sketchy, the user finds innediately after the annotation the listing of all pertinent reviews which Snowwas able to locate. In checking some of the entries, I found the information provided reliable and precise and I feel that Snow ought to be conrnendedfor a difficult task well done. Though in the words of Dr. Johnson "faults and defects every work of man must have,• I have been unable to find any of much significance. To item #377, a review by Nilita Vient6s Gast6n, entitled'"LaCelestina' vista por un h1spanista norteamericano, in the "Indice cultural" section of El mundo.which appeared on March 2, 1957, might be added. In the case of entry 1504, it might have been advisable to have clarified in the annotation that the three Venetian sixteenth-century editions in question are in fact Italian translations, a matter left unclear even in the title of the study 11

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by J. L. Laurenti and A. Porqueras-Mayo. Such small oversights, however, do which, on one hand, lead Celestina not diminish the value of the su11111aries scholars and students directly to the studies they must consult, while on the other, can save them many hours of needless pursuit of items that would be only tangential to their needs. Part II. Translations and Adaptations (975-1111). This section provides a mine of information regarding adaptations, translations, and theatrical performances of La Celestina since 1930. First, we find the Adaptations in Spanish (975-1001). Wheneverapplicable, the different stagings based on the listed version are conveniently grouped together and their productions are entered in chronological order. In addition to mentioning the theatres where the work was staged, and the producers/ directors, actors and actresses, etc., in most cases the productions are briefly described and peculiarities are pointed out or alluded to, so that students and scholars can gather the slant given by the producer to the work. Furthermore, whenever it was possible for him, Snowhas supplied reviews of the productions. All this information leads to the material that enables us to learn more about how Rojas• work has been perceived during the past fifty years, how it has been understood by playwrights, directors, actors, and actresses, and how it has been received by the public. Secondly, since translations often can hardly be differentiated from adaptations, Part II (1002-1111) also contains the listings of the Celestina versions which appeared since 1930 in sixteen languages other than Spanish: one in each of Arabic, Croatian, Czech, Danish, Hebrew, Japanese, Rumanian, and Russian; two in Dutch, as well as in Polish and Portuguese; four in Hungarian; five in German; six in Italian; twenty-three in French; and twenty-four in English. The entries include listings of reprints of adaptations for the stage of older versions, more recent translations, radio broadcasts, stagings, and even a videotape record of a performance. While some entries are rather sketchy, there are manywith detailed infonnation about the productions and, just as in the case of the adaptations in Spanish, here too the annotations are followed by the citation of the reviews of the items which Snowwas able to locate. Indeed, nowhere else can one find gathered in one place so muchdata on theatrical perfonnance of La Celestina as furnished in these pages. Finally, in Part II (1082-1111), under "Miscellaneous Items," we find listed various entries--on poems, operatic works, farces, a ballet, film versions, a disc recording, tapes, and other artistic works inspired by Celestina. The bibliographical information here provided enables us now to quickly locate these rare and often hard-to-find pieces. Part III. Editions (1112-1244). Here the user finds listed

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(a) facsimile editions, either produced or reprinted between 1930 and 1980; (b) critical editions; and (c) popular and student editions, which appeared during the targeted period of time. In each section the editions are listed in chronological order and are briefly described, and, in many instances, the annotations are followed by the citations of the reviews Snowwas able to find. While, as Snowadmits, his list of popular and student versions, for obvious reasons, can only be incomplete, he has furnished us with an astonishing amount of information concerning these •modern--and often execrable--editions• by which millions of readers have becomeacquainted with La Celestina. Not only did Snowprovide an extensive Index of Names,but also a very helpful Subject Index which in itself can whet the curiosity of scholars and students and which facilitates the task of locating information about all kinds of topics, themes, ideas, and subjects related to Celestina and its impact. Indeed, we owe Snowa great deal of thanks for this useful tool. The printing errors and typos are surprisingly few, for a project that requires so muchattention to detail. The layout, with information neatly arranged in two columns in a very readable format, makes this handsome book easy to consult and pleasant to work with. The Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies in Madisondeserves to be connended for its part in the endeavor.

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John S. Miletich, ed. Hispanic Studies in Honor of Alan D. Deyermond: A North American Tribute. Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1986. 324pp.

Reviewedby John E. Keller, University of Kentucky

This very handsome, clothbound book is indeed a tribute to one of the great hispanists of our time and to one of the most generous gentlemen as regards helping his friends and colleagues. Miletich's criteria for choosing authors are unusual and very sensible, since he chose American colleagues approximately in mid-career, who, he knew, had benefited considerably through professional contact with Professor Deyennond,and who were distributed evenly across the United States and Canada. The twenty-one articles, preceded by Miletich's Preface and Deyennond's curriculum vitae, ends with a copious Tabula Gratulatoria, which would have been much longer had colleagues been informed about the publication. •eerceo's Sacrificio de la Misa and the Cl~rigos Ignorantes" by Gregory Peter Andrachuk reveals that in the Sacrificio we see a work different from Berceo's other works in that it is for the priesthood, not for the public, as is usually the case in Berceo's works. It is designed to teach cl~rigos ignorantes. Reinaldo Ayerbe-Chaux's "Las Islas Dotadas: Texto y miniaturas del manuscrito de Parfs, clave para su interpretacidn" opines, correctly, I believe, that the entire episode is a theme of amor cort~s carried over into "El mundofanUstico o imaginario .•.. • Ten black and white reproductions are used to strengthen manyof his views. James F. Burke in "The 'Banquet of Sense' in La verdad sospechosa" believes that the drama "may then be taken as a subtle interplay between medieval and modern points of view. ... and that the message of the play is surely that there is a limit to which the imagination may be employed, and Garcfa can be seen to have passed that limit" (pp. 55-56). In "Pt!rez de Guzaunand Villena: A Polemic on Historiography?" Derek C. Carr believes that even though there is no direct connection between Villena's proemio to his translation of the Aeneid and the proemio of Generaciones y semblanzas, these at least represent the enunciation of two different cultural ideas, the medieval past in Villena and the more current Renaissance development. Jos~ Luis Coy in "La estructura del Rimadode palacio" makes it clear that to him "el poemadel canciller es como un trfptico, en el que la tabla central estarfa ocupada por el cancionero propiamente dicho; y las dos tablas laterales nos ofrecerfan una visidn

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completa de la moral crist1ana ... • (p. 80). Jerry R. Craddock in •How ManyPartidas in the Siete Partidas?• with interesting charts and his own vast expertise on the Partfdas states that the COllll)leteseries in the evolution of Alfonso's great codex of law was the Esp~culo, Libro del fuero de las leyes, Siete Partidas, and finally Setenarfo, if the last named is no more than an incomplete recasting of the preliminaries and the first four titles of the first partida. In •Dfd Cervantes Have a Library?• Daniel Eisenberg concludes that Cervantes did own books. One marvels how anyone could have doubted that he did. In °Towarda Revaluation of the Condestable of Portugal's S&tira de infelice e felice vida• E. Michael Gerli focuses attention on a muchmaligned work, revealing that ft may be the bridge of cofflrlunication between Rodrfguez del Padrdn and Diego de San Pedro without which their own sentimental novels might not have developed as they did. Harriet Goldberg in •The Proverb in Cuaderna vfa Poetry: A Procedure for Identification,• seeking proverbs in cuaderna vfa works, proposed •the compilation of a list of verified sayings, a list of image-based sayings, and message statements which will, in part, substitute for a knowledge of the medieval Castilian proverb repertoire,• (p. 126). Olga Tudoricl Impey in "Boccaccio y Rodrfguez del Padrdn: La espuela de la emulacidn en el Triunfo de las donas" concludes that "La lectura del Triunfo, del Corbaccio y del Filocolo prueban que, en cuanto a la influencia, la deuda de Rodrfguez del Padrdn no es tan despreciable y que, en cuanto al proceso creador, es muchomayor de lo que se sospechaba: la prosa italiana es ... un estfmulo, un acicate que lo lleva a dar muestra de su virtuosis1110 literar;o y componeruna de las mejores historias amatorias del siglo XV:" (p. 147). Steven 0. Kirby in "Juan Ruiz's Serranas: The Archpriest-Pilgrim and Medieval Wild Women•convinces the reader that •when viewed from the combined perspective of carnivalesque spirit and pilgrimage setting, the odd features of the serrana interlude becomeclarified in their own right and serve as a key to the interpretation of LBAas a whole• (p. 163). Kathleen Kish in "Celestina Speaks Dutch--in the Sixteenth-Century Spanish Netherlands" shows that this only translation into Dutch may •complete the picture of the European chain of diffusion of Celestina during its first wave of popularity" (p. 177). John S. Miletich in "Oral Aesthetics and Written Aesthetics: The South Slavic Case and the Poemade Mio Cid" states that 1t is certain that the principal interests of the South Slavic song are reflected throughout its structure by the same types of patterning as occur in the Poemade Hio Cid and that the poem is rich in psychological portrayals and is as universal in dimensions as other classic works can be within the bounds of its literary tradition. Eric W. Naylor's "Pero Ldpez de Ayala's Translation of Boccaccio's De Casibus" reveals that "there is nothing but the prdlogo y

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arenga to substantiate that the last section of the translation of the De Casibus was by Garcfa de Santa Marfa, and that what seems to have been the case is that the printed edition is based on a complete manuscript of the Ayala translation, revised and expanded somewhat, to which has been added the prologue, probably taken from another, now lost, manuscript tradition in which the final section had indeed been completed during the embassy [Ldpez de Ayala's] to the Portuguese court• (p. 212). Colbert I. Nepaulsingh, in "Notes for a Study of WisdomLiterature and Literary Composition in Medieval Spain," wisely offers as manyproblems as solutions. For example, he believes that from where a piece of literature originated is not as important as when it appeared in Spanish, since the causal links between one unit and another might have disappeared. This is but the tip of the iceberg in a most perceptive article. Marilyn Olsen's •Mesura and Cobdicia: The Ideological Core of the Cauallero Cifar• ends effectively: •we may conclude that mesura and cobdicia are a cohesive ideological core around which the author elaborates all basic conflicts in MS. P of the romance. If the author had not intended to stress these key themes, he certainly would not have made cobdicia responsible for all major conflicts and he would not have delegated to mesura the primary responsibility of counteracting cobdicia" (pp. 231-32). Jerry R. Rank in •Narrativity and La Celestina" ends his article as follows: "In conclusion, I do not claim that LC represents a developed novelistic style, but that there does seem to be a process peculiar to later narrative forms embeddedin its text, which sporadically surfaces. It is, as I have repeatedly tried to demonstrate, often triggered by a preoccupation with a past which infringes on the dialogic present of the work and stretches the frame to include it. It is a process which blends the present with the past and establishes a personal narrative of complexity and depth" (p. 245). George A. Shipley in "Lazarillo de Tormes WasNot a Hardworking, Clean-Living Water Carrier" thinks that the unperceptive reader may not see complexity in this part of Lazaro's life. He says: "More active and curious probers for significance •.• will earn an intriguing reward for their acuity and perseverence: participation in an ethical contest with a narrator who seeks to persuade that his faults are merely the generic blemishes of the underclass with which he associates himself in his recollection and that those faults are but peccadillos when judged alongside those of his privileged and despicable master" (p. 253). Joseph T. Snowin "Celestina's Claudina" traces Claudina's character from her first appearance in the 1499? text to Rojas's Celestina, which allows Celestina herself to characterize her one-time mentor. He ends this long and most valuable article with this thought: "While Celestina's coveting of all the gain for herself represents an obvious blind spot in her approach to life and to the

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treatment of her accomplices, and does lead to her death,• must also account for her misjudgments of P,nneno and of the potential in him for evtl. This has been done through an analysis of the psychological bearing that the figure of Claudina has had in the evolution of one of the tDOst important relationships defining the dramatic vision of Rojas• (p. 275). B. Bussell Thompsonin •La Alhotba arrtmada (o el Senndnde Rabad,n) y el mester de clerecfa• ends his article as follows: •Las conclusiones sacadas de este bosquejo preliminar no resuelven todos los enigmas de la Alhotba, pero abren el camino a unas nuevas consideraciones sobre la creacidn y el propdsito de la literatura aljamiada y su relacidn con la literatura occidental o crtstiana yen especial, con el mester de clerecfa• (p. 288). John K. Walsh in "The Other World in Berceo's Vida de Santa Oria• concludes: To proffer that Santa Orta 1s in largest measure Berceo' s creation (and that the genial paradisaical allegory that opens the Milagros ts also his own) ts more than conjecture around a poet's texts and method: the premise would allow unconmonentry into the authentic temper of the poet, into an intimate theology that took to the great narratives of the other world and preferred promises of incandescence, so that the meager profile of a saintly nun could swell easily in his hands to a full and lumtnant poem. The tenor of Santa Orta woulJ enfold fancies that were Berceo's own and distant from that of his other biographic and doctrinal poems, with their theology fonned in the 11geance of their sources• (p. 302). Lastly, in •oramatic Design in Berceo's Milagros de Nuestra Seftora• HeanonM. Wilkins, having mentioned the recent theatrical presentations of the Milagros in Madrid, opines that Berceo "improved markedly on his sources with respect to the overall dramatic design of his Milagros. Moreover, he has effectively heightened the dramatic thrust of his work by amplifying and transforming the original prose versions into a poetic dramatic narrative, whose plot, characterization and dialogue qualify the work as a representative antecedent of Spanish drama" ( p. 323) . 11

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Pero Ldpez de Ayala. Coron;ca del rey don Pedro. Ed. Constance L. w;1k;ns y Heanon M. Wilk;ns. Mad;son: Hispan;c Seminary of Hed;eval Studies, 1985. x11; + 300 pp.

Resenado por Michel Garcia, Universidad de Parfs III (Sorbonne Nouvelle)

Ningdn texto medieval castellano ha sido m&slefdo y peor conocido que las Crdnicas del Canc111er Ayala. La versidn m&sdifund1da reproduce paraddgicamente la ed1c1dn que Jerdn1mo Zurita no pudo llevar a cabo. La publicacidn de esos textos corresponde, pues, a una urgente neces1dad, y debemos celebrar la de la Coronica del rey don Pedro por Constance y Heanon Wilkins. Encabezan la edicidn unos capftulos de desigual 1nter~s. Los dedicados a la Vida y obras de Pero Ldpez, a la Historiograffa castellana y al Resumen de la Crdn1ca parecen conces1ones a la tradicidn de textos para escolares o estud1antes, ya que no aportan nada nuevo, si no es el riesgo de algunos errores: asf la denominac1dn del padre del Canc111er como Fern4n Ldpez de Ayala en lugar de Fern&n P~rez (p. vii). Muchom&sdt11 que el Resumen citado hubiera s1do sin duda un cuadro cronoldgico de los principales acontecimientos ocurr1dos a lo largo del re1no, con la 1ndicac1dn del capftulo correspond1ente y, sobre todo, un fnd1ce onom&stico que se echa muy de menos ya en la edicidn de la BAE. En el capftulo Resumende la crftica, los autores pasan revista, demasiado r&p1damentea mi ver, a los tres temas mayores que han 1nsp1rado la crftica ayalina: la objetiv1dad del cron1sta que se confirma cada vez que aparece un documento aut~ntico (v~ase La relacidn de Leonor de Cdrdova, sobre la muerte de su padre Martfn Ldpez de Cdrdoba); su pretend1do humanismo; el valor literario de las crdnicas. Pero el capftulo m&ssugestivo es el dedicado a los aspectos histdrico-literar1os de la Crdnica. Allf se hace un inventario de los recursos t~cnicos empleados por Pero Ldpez y de su influencia sobre la objetividad del relato. Ut11ic~ el mismo punto de vista en el capftulo titulado El sentido de la crdnica en mi Obray personalidad del Canciller Ayala (Madrid: Alhambra, 1982). Este tipo de estudios merece llevarse adelante. Los dem&scapftulos de la Introduccidn conciernen los criterios elegidos para la edicidn. En cuanto a la doble tradicidn textual existente, calificada por el propio Zurita respectivamente de Vulgar y Abreviada, los autores afirman que el fondo b&s1co de una y otra es igual "aunque difieren en el arreglo y organizacidn de la materia" (p. xxvii). Afirmaci6n algo aventurada ya que admiten, en cambio, que la Vulgar es m&sextensa que la Abreviada y,

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-rasgo m&ss1gnificativo aun-, la Abreviada contiene elementos originales. y hasta un capftulo entero (vt!ase mi artfculo "Los inicios del Gran Cisma: un documento castellano in~dito." Boletfn de la Real Academiade la Historia, TomoCLXXXI,1984, pp. 223-27). Las referenc1as bibliogrlf1cas que voy introduciendo en esta resefta se exp11can por cierta 1gnoranc1a manifestada por los autores acerca de la Parece ser que el trabajo de Constance y Heanon bib11ograffa mis reciente. Wilkins ha sido realizado hace ya unos anos y que no ha sido reactualizado antes de su publicacidn. Valga comoejemplo lo que sigue. Si bien no consta que antes de W. Holman(Tesis dedicada a la Crdnica de Enrique II en 1965) ''nadie habfa 1ntentado identificar y clasificar los manuscritos existentes," nose puede ignorar que Germln Orduna ha publicado un trabajo decisivo sobre el tema en dos nllmeros consecutivos de los Cuadernos de Historia de Espana (1980 y 1981): "Nuevoregistro de cddices de las Crdnicas del Canc111er Ayala." La toma en cuenta de la aportacidn de nuestro colega argentino hubiera permitido completar la lista de manuscr1tos, aftadiendo los tres que faltan en esta edicidn: el MS1158 de la Biblioteca Central de la Diputacidn Provincial de Barcelona; los MSS10234 y 13209 de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid. "El texto de nuestra edicidn no ha de ser una reconstruccidn ni del arquetipo ni del original, de los cuales es posible que ninguna fuera perfecta" (p. xxviii). Semejante justificacidn del criterio seguido en la edicidn provoca la perplejidad. Los autores parecen poner en tela de juicio cualquier intento de edicidn crftica en nombre de una "perfeccidn" que ningun fildlogo puede asignarse comometa ineludible. tlo cabe duda de que la labor crftica resulta dificilfsma, sobre todo en caso de doble tradicidn, pero nose puede descartar de antemano. Existe un proyecto de edicidn crftica de todas las crdnicas del Canciller Ayala por el SECRITdirigido por el ya mencionado Genn&nOrduna, y todo deja suponer que se llevarl a cabo a pesar de la dificultad de la empresa. Los autores han optado por una soluc1dn menos ambiciosa que la edici6n crftica pero que, mientras falte ~sta, puede rendir notables servicios: la edicidn de una de las versiones consideradas comoIMSfidedignas, acompaftadapor las variantes presentadas por las otras versiones con relacidn con aqu~lla que hace funcidn de testimonio base. La eleccidn del HS A-14 de la Real Academiade la H1storia est& plenamente just1ficada, dada la calidad del cddice, si bien su antigUedad no parece tan grande como lo dejan suponer los autores (principios del siglo XV), ya que G. Orduna considera la escritura comode mediados del siglo XV. Las pautas seguidas en la transcripci6n del texto son las tradicionales. Es una l~stima que nose intentara dar una imagen m~s exacta del texto,

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conservando todos los rasgos propios de la graffa (rr- o R-, ss-, ff, 1 larga), asf como la puntuac1dn del original, conforme a los principios defendidos y puestos en prictica por nuestro colega de la Universidad Parfs XIII Jean Roudil (v~ase en particular el ns 7 bis de los Cahiers de L1nguistique Hispanique ~d1~vale, 1982). A pesar de lo que anuncian los autores, las abreviaturas no han sido desarrolladas mediante letras cursivas. La puntuacidn moderna ha sido util1zada con prudencia, lo cual se agradece, porque nada contribuye us a desfigurar una transcr1pcidn que una puntuacidn excesiva. Las dltimas cien p4ginas de la edicidn corresponden al aparato crftico o al inventario, p&gina por p&gina, de las variantes de los dem&stextos cotejados. Esta parte de no f4cil lectura, -tipo reducido, abreviaturas y signos diacrfticos-, podrfa pasar desapercibida para un lector no prevenido. En realidad, es el resultado de una labor ingente y minuciosa, que hay que apreciar como se merece. A la espera de la edicidn crftica anunciada, esta edicidn resultar4 indispensable para los estudiosos de la cronfstica castellana.

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Francisco Javier de Santiago y Palomares. Selected Writfnys, 1776-95. Study and Edition by Dennis P. Seniff. Exeter Hispan c Texts, 38. Exeter: University of Exeter, 1984. xxxvi + 75 pp.

Reviewed by ThomasD. Spaccarelli,

Vanderbilt-in-Spain

One might ask why an edition and study of selected works of a relatively obscure eighteenth-century figure should be reviewed in a journal of medieval studies. Professor Seniff, the editor of Libro de la monterfa and no newcomer to the pages of La Cordnica, delineates the origin of his interest in Santiago y Palomares in the "Preface" to his edition. Sy P was a key figure in the manuscript tradition of the Monterfa and therefore of interest to Seniff. The book is first and foremost an example of the way in which unforeseen turns in research lead to new projects and undertakings. Seniff takes us along his path from the Honterfa and Sy P's apuntes to the eighteenth-century disputes concerning penmanship, back to observations and poetry on venatical themes. SenHf's "Introduction" contains three parts. Part I presents a chronological guide to Palomares' life and work within the general context of the Enlightenment in Spain. A second section provides a general bibliography of his works with 63 entries. The third part of the introduction discusses the potpourri of texts chosen for this anthology. The texts are (1) Arte nueva de escribir ... ; (2) Correspondence and "Observations• on the "Li bro de 1a monterf a"; ( 3) Gonza1o Argote de Ho1i na' s OISCYRSO/sobre el Libro/ de la Monterfa, along with Gdmezde Tapia Granadino's Egloga Pastoril. The volume is illustrated with plentiful plates of the selected works. Finally, Seniff provides a bibliography. Paleographers and others interested in the history of orthography in Personally, Spain will find the texts dealing with that material of interest. I am reminded of my granwnarschool days, the development of hand-eye coordination with cursive writing, and the criticisms madeby my teachers, each one of them an expert in the Palmer method: "Un caracter tan monstruoso como el pseudo-redondo establecido ya por magistral en la Nacidn, es preciso que de dfa en dfa produzca mayores y m&smonstruosas formas, y llegarfa el caso de que se escribiese tan mal, como si del todo se hubiese extinguido el buen gusto de nuestros caract~res ... " (p. 15). Seniff's work is careful, clear, and attractive and we owe him a debt of gratitude for rescuing from oblivion one of our predecessors in the

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preservation and study of Spanish letters. I could quibble with some minor issues such as the broad usage of the term "artist" when he calls Palomares "foremost an artist and scholar. {p. xv), but is clear and handsome penmanshipnot an art? 11

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Haim Beinart. Conversos on Trial: The Inquisition in Ciudad Real. Hispania Judaica, 3. Jerusalem: The Magnes Press. The Hebrew University, 1981. 342 pp. And Records of the Trials of the Spanish Inquisition in Ciudad Real. Vols. I-IV. Jerusalem: The Israel Academyof Sciences and Humanities, 1974-85.

Reviewed by Jack Weiner, Northern Illinois

University

The pogroms of 1391 placed great pressures upon Spanish Jewry. These acts of mob violence and this atmosphere of terror forced many Jews to convert. ManyJews converted because of this fear or because of some material benefit that total integration would offer them. There were those who converted out of religious conviction. Professor Beinart's detailed study of the general converso population deals in particular with the trials and tribulations of Ciudad Real 's converso population from 1391 until the early decades of the sixteenth century. Apparently there were no Jews residing in that city after 1391, only Judaizers. Professor Beinart's study presents a vivid picture of how the Inquisition in Spain. He functioned both in Ciudad Real as well as in other localities its techanalyzes admirably and clearly the raison d'~tre of the Inquisition, niques, procedures, methods, and brutality. A great part of his study is in essence a handbook of that institution's inner workings. Therefore, all students of the Spanish Inquisition in general would profit greatly from a study of this book. The study's originality stems mainly from Professor Beinart's re-creation of the daily life of those victims based on proceedings of Inquisition trials. Very often the evidence against them was their observance of mitsvot--the precepts which govern Jewish life. And to a remarkable degree the Ciudad Real converso did observe these precepts whether it be circumcision--sometimes performed very late in life--or observing kashruth or the Sabbath and other holidays. In Ciudad Real during the fifteenth century reversion to Judaism among the conversos was not uncorT1110n.Professor Beinart, upon examining these records, demonstrates beyond any doubt that the attraction of Judaism on the conversos was indeed great. They tended to live in propinquity and tended to mingle with one another and with Jews who came to visit. This is partly true because of converso blood ties to still practicing Jews. Amongthe more heartrending tales was that of Sancho de Ciudad Real and members of his family burned at the stake in Toledo in 1486.

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A~ important part of this book is its demographic information: Appendix II (pp. 301-12), "Places of Residence of the Inhabitants of Ciudad Real." Professor Beinart, based on the Ciudad Real Inquisition records, was able to establish in what neighborhoods many conversos lived. Appendix III (pp. 31316) is a list of Hebrew terms found in these proceedings. There are also excellent place, person, and subject indices. Professor Beinart's study of Ciudad Real conversos vis-~-vis the Spanish Inquisition constitutes a major step toward understanding that cormiunity and the great tragedy which the Inquisition visited upon all of Spain. Professor Beinart's formidable knowledge about the Ciudad Real converso conwnunityand its struggle against the Inquisition is already well known. Knowledge is one thing but what impresses the reader even more is how he combined his scholarship with his humanity and compassion. Professor Beinart's study functions like a time machine which transports us to less pleasant times and encourages us not to let history repeat itself. Four massive supplementary volumes complete Professor Beinart's study of the conversos in Ciudad Real. They are Records of the Trials of the Spanish Inquisition in Ciudad Real. Vol. I (1974) is entitled The Trials of 1483-1484; Vol. II (1977) The Trials of 1494-1512 in Toledo; Vol. III (1981) The Trials of 1512-1527 in Toledo, Documents and Biographical Notes-Indexes. These volumes have helped to preserve for posterity the proceedings of hundreds of trials which involved hundreds if not thousands of the prosecuted, the prosecutors, and their witnesses. These documents cor.,e from various Spanish Archives although mainly from the Archivo Hist6rico Nacional and the Archivo General in Simancas. Volume IV contains biographical sketches and indices of those who were involved in these trials. In particular, the detailed Index Of Names is of special interest to us because it contains names such as Cervantes, Horozco, and Cota. For years to come these volumes will provide a great deal of new information on the ancestry of many Golden Age luminaries and perhaps will make us rethink that period more. Professor Beinart's monumental study of the Ciudad Real conwnunityhas taken over three decades to complete. But it has been well worth the wait. Weonly hope that he shall continue in these scholarly endeavors for a long time. In sum, we are all very much indebted to Professor Beinart for his lasting contribution to our understanding of Spain under the Inquisition.

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Haim Beinart. Tru 1110: A Jewish Connun1t in Extremadura on the Eve of the Expulsion rom pan. span a udaica, 2. erusa em: he Magnes ress. The HebrewUniversity, 1980. 372 pp.

Reviewedby Jack Weiner, Northern Illinois

University

There is little knownabout the Jews of Trujillo until the end of the thirteenth century. However, we do knowthat in spite of the 1391 pogroms this middle-sized Jewish COftlllUnity flourished until the end of the fifteenth century. Professor Beinart has described admirably that life via numerous printed, hitherto unpublished sources, and visits to that city. For better or for worse that connunity enjoyed the same privileges that other Jewish connunities of Castile did (p. 6). With the suppression of the anti-Catholic Kings rebellion of 1475, the Jews of Trujillo initially received harsh punishment by the Crown, but apparently it soon let up. In this period of instability the Jews of Trujillo and their possessions were the object of hostility and attack. The Crownmade some attempt to protect that Jewish population but not with any great success. Professor Beinart's study covers many aspects of Jewish life in Trujillo, such as Christian pressures on them to convert their relationship with conversos and other Christians. Amongthe most fascinating cases in point is the one about dona Vellida, a wealthy Jewish widowand the mother of three sons. She had serious financial problems and quarrels with her son Meir that were so severe that he even refused to cross her threshold. In 1484 there erupted a major scandal concerning dona Vellida the cause of which was her adulterous relationship with Sancho del Aguila, corregidor and alcaide of Trujillo. And as Professor Beinart points out, "they had caught her red handed." The authorities arrested both of them, confiscated their property, and dismissed Sancho from his office. Apparently dona Vellida was a very independent and strong willed woman. She took up with another lover soon after her affair with Sancho. This time it was with Gonzalo de Herrera, an alguacil from Trujillo. Soon the authorities again caught them in the act. In 1490, Diego Arias de Anaya, the corregidor, accused her of having an affair with yet another Christian namedJuan Ruiz soon after which the Corregidor arrested, ~ortured, and exiled her. Whenshe later received pennission to return to Trujillo to put her business affairs in order, Arias arrested and hanged her.

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Santob de Carri6n. Proverbios morales. Ed. Theodore A. Perry. Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1986. xii+ 233 pp.

Reviewed by Harriet Goldberg, Villanova University

At last a carefully prepared edition of Santob's Proverbios morales that is both reliably transcribed and intelligible has come along. Until now, the work has been regarded as a sort of refranero in which glitter occasional insightful quatrains. Who, among medieval Hispanists, has not been amused by Santob's declaration that he dyes his hair, not out of vanity but for fear that others might expect him to be as wise as a graybeard (vv. 113-20)? But it falls to this editor--equally at home in ~edieval Castilian texts and in Hebrew scholarship--to call attention to the Rabbi's paradoxical trick of deceiving in order not to deceive and to cite a Talmudic legend in which a wise youth's hair turned white upon being appointed head of the Sanhedrin (101). Perry's splendid glossary which also serves as a topical index (205-33) and his remarkably informative corrrnentary in the endnotes (95-203) help the reader to understand this difficult but interesting fourteenth-century Hispano-Jewish poem. He declares his intentions in the Introduction: "[The] focus of the present edition is lexical, literary and ideological rather than philological in the strict sense, interested more in what Santob said than in the dialect and phonology of his language" (iv). This concern with meaning apparently determined his choice of MSM which has "the best chances of preserving the ideology of the original text" (iv). This manuscript has not had a satisfactory modern edition since it was the object of George Ticknor's attention in 1849. Its value resides in the fact that it conta;ns sequences not present in other MSS: vv. 97-104, 109-12, 141-56, and an anonymous prose prologue (iii). Perry characterizes his variants as selective and limited to "attempting to highlight words and expressions of special ideological and lexical interest." He sends the reader to Gonzalo Llubera's edition of MS; for a complete listing of variants, a move which unclutters the apparatus (v). The variants are presented attractively to the right of the pertinent line in a smaller type face so that the pages are pleasant in appearance. The eye is not forced to jump to the foot of the paqe to examine them, nor is it distracted by them. Also designed not to distract the reader's eye are the notes which are placed at the end of the text (95-203). In these multi-level explanatory

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325 notes, puzzling usages and conceptual difficulties are clarified with citations from a multiplicity of medieval Castilian texts. Furthermore, many difficulties are resolved by allusions to the medieval Hebrew tradition. A good example of this process in operation is the note for "Por ende non s~ jamas / Tener me a vna estaca / Nin s~ qual me val mas,/ Sy prieta nin sy blanca" (vv. 293-96). A previous editor notes the proverb as an explanation: "El cuerdo no ata el saber a estaca. Perry expands by citing Isaiah 22:23: "E fincarle he una estaca en lugar seguro e ser& por silla de honra a la casa de su padre" and its Hebrew corm1entary: "En aquel dfa, dize el Senor de Sabaot, ser& arrancada el [sic] estaca que estaua fincada en lugar fiel e ser& quebrantada." Thus the stake is a symbol of certainty, but a certainty subject to a future insecurity. He completes the entry by citing previous occurrences of estaca in PMC1142; General Estoria I:48la, 34; LBA1201~; PCG64a,SO; and Zifar 405 , 2 (112 }. Perry's interpretative judgments are sensitive and perceptive. He alludes to "coded messages" which he says "address questions of attitude and behavior that had profound relevance to Jews in their self-image and in their daily dealings with the Christian host culture" (i}. In the notes one comes upon some instances which could use even more clarification. For instance, in a section headed as [Prologue II: El Autor y el Judfo] Santob continues the thought of the proverb: "Dizen que ave muda / Aguero nunca fas" with an enigmatic quatrain: "Porque pisan poquella / Sazon tierra, perlando, / Omes que pisa ella / Para sienpre callando;" (153-56). In his note the editor explains "Since humans tread upon the earth for but a brief time, speaking [i.e., while they are alive]; but the earth, without speaking a word, treads upon them forever [when they are dead and buried]." He views this as an encoded allusion to Jewish suffering with the promise of ultimate triumph (104-05). However, might one not say that this is merely an expression of the cyclical pessimism which recurs in medieval Castilian thought? One would hope that a promised forthcoming companion volume of co11111entary will answer this sort of question. A useful bibliography with a few minor flaws is supplied. Some later editions might have been used, e.g., the Crombach edition of the Bocados de oro, the Olsen edition of El caballero Zifar, and the Az&ceta Cancionero de Baena. An entry for a Libro de los exenplos edited by John Esten Keller (1941) is not properly identified. The Index (1-4) prepares the reader for the unified thematic content of the poem. The headings in the Index are the editor's guide to the reader. In the text they appear in square brackets and serve to show the organization of the poem. Of course, at times these divisions, which are for the Most part extremely helpful, blur the internal transitions or bridges. For Harruit

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instance Santob says ;n a section with the head;ng [3. La Ley del Trabajo]: "E quien por su cordura / Su enten~ion cunplid" (vv. 579-80). He goes on in the next section to treat the topic of the defects of •1a cordura humana.• The separation of a new heading [A. IncertiduMbre de la Cordura Humana] ;nterrupts the train of thought (vv. 581-680). A careless reading might lead one to think that the disquisition on 11cordura" was free-standing and not related to the previous passage. While many individual quatrains are deceptively simple and aphoristic, part of the complexity of the Proverbios morales lies in its overall organization. Perry's divisions and headings make apparent the poem's structure. For instance, Santob begins and ends with an address to King Pedro I (vv. 1-28. vv. 2601-72). He also ends the poem as it began with a clear statement of God's total dominion over humanaffairs even though to humaneyes the world appears to be chaotic (vv. 29-120, vv. 2433-60). Feigning modesty, the humble Jewish poet, wise or not, will describe this chaotic world as he sees it (vv. 120-316). Once again, at the end of the poem he repeats hfs description of the world which he knows is not governed by reason (vv. 2461-2540). In fact, the only certainty is that all things must be done in moderation (vv. 317-84). Even such good qualities as generosity (vv. 453-88) and humility (vv. 489-568) must be exercised with moderation. •Que non Nevertheless, one should not fall into the error of inaction: nasca pereza• (v. 566). Appropriate activity performed with moderation is the informative principle of the whole poem. Santob advocates striving even when one is unsure of its efficacy: •rrabaje asy conno / Sy en poder / Del omne fuese mfsmo / El ganar eel perder" (vv. 689-92). The golden rule must "Qual quieres rre~ebir, / Atal de ty rre~iban• (vv. govern this activity: 1189-90). "Que sabe The ideal person is wise insofar as he takes part in life: que non nas~iste / Por veuir apartado• (1213-14), another aspect of action preferred to inaction. A consequence of living in the world is that one must know how to deal with friendship and humancompanionship (vv. 1225-36, vv. 1941-2116, 2029-2100, and 2793-2872); when to speak and when not to (vv. 21172340). The poet peoples his poem with some interesting types: •El omre torpe es / La peor animaHa /Queen el mundo es" (vv. 1297-99); "El sabio, coronada / Leona semeja" (vv. 1325-26). He describes three worldly illnesses: "El pobre perezoso / Non puede aver consejo / Hal queren~ia de enbidioso, / E dolencia de onbre viejo" (1473-76) and three unhappy lives: "Fijo dalgo que menester / Ha al omne villano, /Econ mengua meter/ Se vyene en su mano" (vv. 1509-12), "--Fidalgo de natura, / Vsado de franqueza: jTraxolo la (vv. 1513-16), and "Sabio que a por premia / ventura /Amano de vyleza!-De serv i r se~or nesc i o" ( vv. 1521-22). 11

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The reader of this new, thought-provoking, handsomeedition will enjoy making the acquaintance of the Proverbios morales perhaps for the first time as something more than a refranero. Even though Santob does not appear fn 0. H. Green's Spain and the Western Tradition, I wonder ff ft will finally not be possible to consider the Proverbios morales as part of medieval Castilian thought.

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BIBLIOGRAPHIES

NOTAS SOBRELA MATERIA ART0RICA HISPANICA,1979-1986

Harvey L. Sharrer University of California, Santa Barbara

Las notas bibliogr&ficas que siguen representan una amplificacidn de mi informe oral sobre el tema en el Encuentro de Investigadores del IX Congreso de la A.I.H. en Berlfn. Es una lista comprensiva pero no exhaustiva de los trabajos que han salido desde 1979, anode la publicacidn de dos fragmentos de un Merlfn en gallego-portugu~s (v~ase la nota 10). Separo ediciones de estudios, aunque en varios casos el estudio que acompana la edici6n es m&sextenso o m&simportante que la edicidn misma. Entre par~ntesis pongo siglas que corresponden a referencias en mi A Critical Bibliography of Hispanic Arthurian Material, I, Texts: The Prose Romance ~~, Research Bibliographies and Checklists, 3 (Londres: Grant &Cutler), 1977. Senalo con un asterisco un trabajo que no he podido consultar. Al final, incluyo noticias de algunos trabajos en prensa yen preparacidn y tambi~n de dos proyectos que prometen facilitar el conocimiento y estudio de la literatura caballeresca en general. Ediciones: 1.

Anselmo, Artur. Hist6ria do mui nobre Vespasiano lmperador de Roma. Edi~ao fac-similada. Lisboa: Biblioteca Nacional, 1981. 82 p&gs. lgual que dos incunables y un impreso del siglo XVI espaftoles y una versi6n manuscrita espanola del siglo XVII, el incunable portugu~s {Estoria de Muynobre Vespesiano emperador de Roma[Lisboa: Valentim Fernandes, 1496]) interpola materia de la historia primitiva del Grial, derivada ode la primera parte del ciclo de la Vulgata ode su refundici6n en el Romandu Graal del ciclo de la post-Vulgata. En una "Nota Pr~via," Anselmo sigue la mayorfa de los manuales de literatura portuguesa al dar un ~nfasis desproporcionado a la relaci6n del Vespasiano con el ciclo del Grial.

2.

Bohigas, Pere, y Jaume Vidal Alcover. Guillem de Torroella. La Faula. Tarragona: Edicions T~rraco, 1984. lii + 84 o&gs. Es la primera

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edicidn completa de una de las obras m&soriginales de la literatura art~rica hisp&nica. la edicidn se basa en una lectura rigorosa del ms. Res. 48 de la B.N. de Madrid con variantes de los otros tres mss. conocidos. Hay un an&lisis de la lengua de los mss. y de su versificacidn y un glosario con definiciones en catal&n moderno. En la lntroducci6" se vuelve a estudiar lo que sabemos del autor, la fecha del poema, las fuentes e influencias (p.ej., la Mort Artu del ciclo de la Vulgata) y el tono did&ctico-moral de la obra. 11

3.

Castro, lvo. "Livro de Jos~ de Arimateia (Estudo e Edicao do Cdd. ANTT 643)." Tesis doctoral, Universidade Cl&ssica, Lisboa, 1984. xvii + 718 p&gs. El estudio incluye una descripcidn minuciosa del ms.--la unica versidn completa conocida de la primera parte del Romandu Graal del ciclo de la post-Vulgata--y se presenta de nuevo la h1pdtesis, muy de la crftica lusitana, de una fecha temprana (tal vez a mediados del siglo XIII, segan Castro) para la traduccidn original peninsular, con datos sobre la posible identidad de Joam Vivas (para Castro ~ste serfa el traductor del ciclo y no el copista posterior de 1313). La edicidn crftica se limita a los fols. lr-48r, con variantes de versiones francesas del ciclo de la Vulgata y del fragmento espanol del ciclo de la post-Vulgata en el ms. 1877 de la Bibl. Univ. de Salamanca. Castro anuncia la publicacidn en el futuro de una ed1cidn de todo el ms. que complementar&la edicion paleogr&f1ca de Henry Hare Carter (Ae3.10).

4.

Hook, David, y Penny Newman. Estoria do muy nobre Vespesiano Emperador de Roma(Lisbon, 1496). Exeter Hispanic Texts, 33. Exeter: University of Exeter, 1983. xxvii + 109 p&gs. Esta edicidn del incunable portugu~s sustituye la de Francisco Maria Esteves Pereira (Lisboa, 1905) y complementa el facsfmil que salid en 1981 (v~ase Nota 1). Hook, autor de la "Introduction," quita la importancia que suelen dar muchos crfticos portugueses a las interpolaciones del ciclo del Grial. (V~ase tambi~n el artfculo de Hook, "La transmisidn textual de La estoria del noble Vaspasiano," Incipit, 3 [19831, 129-72 [p4g. 1311).

5.

Martins, M4rio. Vida e Morte de Galaaz. Lisboa: Edi~Oes Brot~ria; Oporto: Livraria A. I., 1982. 172 p4gs. Martins condensa la Demanda do Santo Graal, editada por Augusto Magne (Ae6.11), de una forma amena para el lector contempor&neoportugu~s. Sus comentarios preliminares sobre el roman y su h~roe van encaminados al mismo publico. El texto lleva grabados basados en miniaturas de la Queste del ms. fr. 343 de la B.N. de Parfs.

6.

Naylor, Eric W. "Pero Ldpez de Ayala's Translation of Boccaccio's De casibus. En Hispanic Studies in Honor of Alan D. Deyermond: A North 11

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American Tribute. Ed. John S. Miletich. Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1986. P&gs. 205-15. El capftulo nueve (sobre el rey Arturo) de la Cafda de prfncipes, editado aquf por Naylor, es importante para el estudio de la autorfa de la traduccidn. En un prdlogo a la obra, conservado unicamente en las ediciones impresas (1495, 1511 y 1522). Juan Alfonso de Zamora declara que Ayala dejd la traduccidn a mitad de capftulo y que ~1 y Alfonso de Cartagena la acabaron en 1422. Entre los ocho mss. de la obra, Naylor descubre una versidn completa, que serfa toda de Ayala, y otra incompleta, precisamente a la mitad del capftulo nueve. Naylor cree que Zamora y Cartagena conocieron esta versidn defectuosa u otra semejante. La parte traducida nuevamente por Zamora y Cartagena queda perdida. 7.

Riquer, Martf de. Moss~n Gras. Trag~dia de Lantalot. Ambel facsfmil de l'incunable. Barcelona: Edicions dels Quaderns Crema, 1984. xxxiv + 53 p&gs. Riquer vuelve a publicar su edicidn de 1955 (Acl.l) del fragmento de la refundicidn de Gras de la Mort Artu del ciclo de la Vulgata. Hay un nuevo estudio preliminar (sobre Gras, la relacidn del fragrnento con la Mort Artu y otros aspectos literarios), el facsfmil y un breve glosario. Haebler (Bibliograffa ib~rica del siglo XV, Na 303[5]) atribuyd el incunable a la imprenta barcelonesa de Diego de Gumiel, hacia 1496. Recientemente Pedro M. C&tedra ha demostrado que serfa la obra de Juan Vald~s, un colaborador de Gumiel en Gerona, y que la fecha serfa entre 1497 y 1499. V~ase el estudio de C&tedra en Histbria de Parfs i Viana. Edicid facsfmil de la primera impressid catalana {Girona, 1495) (Gerona: Diputacid de Girona, 1986), p&gs. 80-82.

8.

Sharrer, Harvey L. The Legendary History of Britain in Lope Garcfa de Salazar's Libro de las bienandanzas e fortunas. Haney Foundation Series, 23. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979. vii + 151 p&gs. Es la tesis doctoral de Sharrer (Ae2.3) muy revisada con materia adicional: una edicidn y estudio de todos los pasajes y secciones de la crdnfca universal de Garcfa de Salazar que se relacionan con la materia de Bretafta. Las fuentes princ1pales son las Sumas de histor;a troyana de Leomarte, las tres partes del Romandu Graal del ciclo de la post-Vulgata, el Tristan en prose, una leyenda oral de marfneros de Brfstol sobre la desaparicidn del rey Arturo en la isla de Brasil y la Cr6nica del rey D. Pedro I de Pero Ldpez de Ayala.

9.

____ . "Letters in the Hispanic Prose Tristan Texts: Iseut's Complaint and Tristan's Reply. 11 Tristania, 7 (1981-82), 3-20. Es un estudio con edicidn parcial del cambio de cartas entre lseo y Trist&n

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enpel ms. 22021 de la B.N. de Madrid (copiado a principios del siglo XVI). La carta de Iseo es una refundicidn de otra de Iseo en el Trist&n en prosa, pero la respuesta de Trist&n parece ser la creacidn del autor espaftol. En la carta de Iseo Sharrer descubre unos prfstamos y ecos verbales de Grimalte y Gradissa de Juan de Flores. El lenguaje retdrico de las dos cartas tambifn refleja la influencia de la novela sentimental. Despufs de publicar el artfculo Sharrer encontrd en la carta de Iseo unos prfstamos verbales de la traduccidn espaftola de la Fiannetta de Boccaccio, sacados probablemente de la versidn impresa en Salamanca en 1497. 10. Soberanas, Amadeu-J. "La Version galalco-portugaise de la Suite du Merlin: transcription du fragment du x1ve si~cle de la Biblioth~que de Catalogne, ms. 2424." Vox Romanica, 38 (1979), 174-93. En un artfculo que todavfa no ha recibido la atencidn que merece, Soberanas da a conocer el primer vestigio conocido del Merlim gallego-portugu~s del Romandu Graal del ciclo de la post-Vulgata, dos fragmentos de pergamino descubiertos en la encuadernacidn de un incunable. Soberanas los transcribe rigorosamente (mi propia lectura revela sdlo un par de pequenas discrepancias y una palabra adicional que se puede descifrar) y coteja los pasajes con los episodios correspondientes en el Merlin francfs (el ms. Huth [ed. Paris y Ulrich] y el ms. Add. 7071 de la Bibl. Univ. de Cambridge) y el Baladro del Sabio Merlin [Burgos: Juan de Burgos, 1498) (ed. Bohigas [Ae4.4]). La letra, seg~n Soberanas, se remota probablemente a la primera mitad del siglo XIV, lo cual significa que los fragmentos son la reliquia m&sprimitiva que tenemos de la traduccidn peninsular del ciclo de la post-Vulgata. La lengua de los fragmentos le indica a Soberanas que el texto fue escrito al sur del Mino. Los arcaismos y la evidente fidelidad al arquetipo franc~s apoyan la idea de la prioridad gallego-portuguesa. 11. Surtz, Ronald E. Un senndn castellano del siglo XVcon motivo de la fiesta del Corpus Christi. Publicado con Alonso de Cdrdoba, Conmemoracidnbreve de los reyes de Portugal. Ed. Pedro M. C&tedra. Barcelona: Editorial Humanitas, 1983. P&gs. 73-101. El autor del sermdn incluye un resumen (p&gs. 96-97) de un pasaje del libro VIII de las Istorias de los britones (= Historia regum Britanniae de Geoffrey de Monmouth)sobre el engendramiento de Arturo, con el fin de aclarar dudas sobre la doctrina de la transubstanciacidn. Hay unos pequeftos errores en la transcripcidn del pasaje. (V~ase el estudio de Oeyennond, Nota 21.)

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Estudios: 12.

Aubrun, Charles V. Les trois romances de Juan Rodrfguez del Padr6n." En Etudes de philolog1e rornane et d'histoire litt~raire offertes ~ Jules Horrent ~ l'occasion de son soixanti~me anniversaire. Ed. Jean-Marie D'Heur y Nicoletta Cherubini. Li~ge: GEOIT,1980. Pigs. 15-26. Aubrun encuentra alusiones arturicas en el romance "A114 en aquella ribera que se llama de Ungrfa," p.ej .• el nombre Blandinos podrfa derivarse del roman provenzal (de posible autorfa catalana) Blandin de Cornouaille, aunque tambi~n se puede pensar en la influencia del nombre Valdovinos del ciclo carolingio.

13.

Bogdanow. Fanni. "The Changing Vh ion of Arthur's Death." En Dies i 11a: Death in the Middle Ages. Ed. Jane H. M. Taylor. Liverpool: Francis Cairns, 1984. Pigs. 107-23. Apoy&ndoseen la Oemandado Santo Graal del ciclo de la post-Vulgata, Bogdanowllega a la conclusidn queen esta obra se presenta una visidn tr&gica de la muerte del rey Arturo.

11

14. ____ • 11A Hitherto UnknownManuscript of th~ Post-Vulgate." French Studies Bulletin, N2 16 (1985), p&gs. 4-5. Bogdanowda informacidn de su descubr1miento que casi cien folios del ms. Rawlinson 0874 de la Bodleian Library de Oxford pertenecen a la Queste del ciclo de la post-Vulgata y que la narracidn es bastante fiel a la versidn conservada en la Demandado Santo Graal portuguesa.

. "01d Portuguese o bem: A Note on the Text of the 15. ____ offertes, Jules Portuguese Demandado Santo Graal. 11 En Etudes ... Horrent (v~ase Nota 12), p&gs. 27-32. Bogdanowcorrige la lectura de "e bem" de Magne (Ae6.11) cuando en el ms. se lee 110 bem," expresidn equivalente al espanol antiguo 110 bien 11 y el franc~s antiguo •voire. 11 . "The Post-Vulgate Mort Artu and the Textual Tradition of 16. ____ the Vulgate Mort Artu. 11 En Estudios rom&nicos dedicados al Prof. Andr~s Soria Ortega. Ed. Jesas Montoya Martfnez y Juan Paredes N~nez. Granada: Departamento de Filologfa Rom4nica, Universidad de Granada, 1985. I, 273-90. Apoy&ndoseen parte en lecturas de las Dema~das portuguesa y espaftola (~sta en la edicidn de Toledo de 1515 Ae5]), Bogdanowencuentra una estrecha relacidn entre la Mort Artu del ciclo de la post-Vulgata y la versidn de la Vulgata del ms. fr. 342 de la B.N. de Parfs, aunque a veces las lecturas de la versidn post-Vulgata (los textos hisp&nicos inclufdos) parecerfan corresponder mejor a un arquetipo perdido. . "The Spanish Demandadel Sancto Grial and a Variant Version 17. ____ of the Vulgate Queste del Saint Graal: The Final Scene at Corbenic. 11

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Boletim de Filologia, 28 (1983), 45-80. Es la primera parte de un estudio en que se observa que, a diferencia de la Demandaportuguesa, la escena final de las Demandasespaftolas (Toledo, 1515; Sevilla, 1535) se aproxima a la de una versidn variante de la Queste del ciclo de la Vulgata. 18. Campa, Pedro F. "The Spanish Trist&n Ballads." Tristania, 7 (1981-82), 60-69. Campareproduce cuatro versiones conservadas de "Herido est& don TrisUn" y estudia el simbolismo sexual de las im&genesde la azucena y el agua. Hay cierta confusidn en su empleo en ingl~s de la palabra "romance" en el sentido de "ballad" sin letra cursiva y sin explicacidn. 19. Castro, Ivo. "Sobre a Data da Introdu~ao na Penfnsula IMrica do Ciclo Boletim de Filologia, 28 (1983), 81-98. Arturiano da Post-Vulgata. Castro presenta argumentos sacados de su tesis doctoral (v~ase Nota 3) respecto de una fecha de mediados del siglo XIII y sobre Joam Vivas como traductor del ciclo. 11

20.

De Calu~, Jacques. 11Quelques r~flexions sur la p~n~tration de la mati~re arthurienne dans les litt~ratures occitane et catalane ~di~vales." En An Arthurian Tapestry: Essays in Memory of Lewis Thorpe. Ed. Kenneth Varty. Glasgow: French Department, University of Glasgow, 1981. P~gs. 354-67. De Caluw~ repasa los problemas m&s serios para el estudio de los textos art~ricos en provenzal, reiterando el car&cter catal&n de los romans Jaufre y Blandin de Cornouaille. Cita equivocadamente el ms. 321 (un error por 381) de la Bibl. Municipale de Carpentras como una adaptacidn catalana desconocida de la Mort Artu. Se trata de La Faula de Torroella, editada recientemente por Bohigas y Vidal Alcover con variantes del ms. 381 de Carpentras (v~ase Nota 2).

21.

Deyermond, Alan. "Problems of Language, Audience, and Arthurian Source in a Fifteenth-century Castilian Sermon." En Josep Maria Son-Sol~: homage, homenaje, homenatge (miscel&nea de estudios de amigos y discfpulos). Ed. Victorio AgUeray Nathaniel B. Smith. Barcelona: Puvill, 1984. P&gs. 43-54. Acerca del resumen de un pasaje de la Historia regum Britanniae en el sermdn editado por Surtz (v~ase Nota 11), 0eyermond concluye que es sorprendente que un predicador del siglo XVaproveche un relato de lujuria, adulterio, violaci6n y magia y, adem~s, que lo resuma con bastante exactitud aunque no cita con precisi6n sus fuentes patrfsticas.

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22. ____ . "Las relaciones gen~ricas de la ficcidn sentimental espanola." En Symposiumin honoremprof. M. de Riguer. Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona; Quaderns Crema, 1984. Pigs. 75-92. Deyermond encuentra unos pr~stamos importantes de la Mort Artu, probablemente de la versidn post-Vulgata, en la estructura narrativa de una serie de episodios en Clrcel de Amor(casi el 401 del libro): la acusaci6n de Persio a Leriano ya Laureola de amorfo ilfcito, la acusacidn a muerte de Laureola por su padre, el rey Gaulo, el rescate de Laureola por Leriano y el sitio de la fortaleza de Leriano por Gaulo. Tambi~n, seftala queen muchosde los nombres propios hay semejanza con nombres de diversos ~ art~ricos. 23. Eisele, Gillian. "A Comparisonof Early Printed Tristan Texts in Sixteenth Century Spain." Zeitschrift f0r romanische Philologie, 97 (1981), 370-82. Eisele estudia las diferencias entre las ed1ciones de 1528 (Sevilla: Juan Cromberger) y 1534, la Cordnica nuevamente emendaday aftadida del buen cavallero don Trist4n de Leonfs y del rey don Trist&n de Leonfs el Joven su hiJo (Sevilla: Domenicode Robertis). Dejando por un lado la continuacidn sobre el hijo de Tristln, concluye que el Trist&n de 1534 nose deriva de la de 1528 sino de una intermediaria perdida, posiblemente la edicidn atestiguada de Juan Varela (Sevilla, 1520) o m&sprobablemente una de fecha anterior de o Jacobo o Juan Cromberger. Desde la publicacidn del artfculo han salido a luz dos ediciones previamente desconocidas que tal vez apoyarfan la conclusidn de Eisele: una de Jacobo Cromberger (Sevilla, 1511), en la RosenwaldCollection de la Library of Congress de Washington, D.C. (PQ6437.T81511); y la otra de Juan Varela (Sevilla, 1525), en la Bibl. Mazarine de Parfs (370*). . "DonTrisUn de Leonfs y don Tristln el Joven: A 24. ____ Reappraisal of the 1534 Sequel to Don Trist&n de Leonfs." Tristania, 5, Na 2 (1979-80), 28-44. Eisele describe la edicidn y da un resumen muydetallado del contenido de la continuacidn, concluyendo que ~sta merece m&satencidn. 25. Gier, Albert. "Galaad an K0nigin Isabellas Hof. Zur kastilischen Demandadel sancto Grial . 11 En Artusrittertum im spaten Mittelalter: Ethos und Ideologie. Ed. Friedrich Wolfzettel. Giessen: Wilhelm Schmitz Verlag, 1984. P&gs. 73-86. Siguiendo el camino de los proponentes de la teorfa de la recepcidn, Gier razona queen la disensidn entre los miembrosde la Tabla Redonda, el lector espanol de la Demandadel siglo XVIverfa un reflejo de las luchas entre los caballeros de las 6rdenes militares antes de la centralizaci6n de

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poder por parte de los Reyes Catdlicos. El personaje de Gauvain le representarfa la disensidn en las drdenes y Galahad simbolizarfa la reforma. 26. Hall, J. 8. Nla Mati~re arthurienne espagnole: The Ethos of the French Post-Vulgate Romandu Graal and the Castilian Baladro del sabio Merlin and Demandadel Sancto Grial." Revue de Litt~rature Compar~e. 56 (1982). 423-36. Al comparar el Baladro de 1535 con la Suite du Merlin francesa y la Demandaespaftola de 1535 con la versidn portuguesa, Hall llega a la conclusidn que el refundidor de los dos textos espaftoles estaba muy de acuerdo con la ideologfa en pro de la caballerfa que se observa en la Suite. hasta tal punto que suprimid materia conservada en la Demandaportuguesa--escenas de violencia, brutalidad y lujuria-que representaba desfavorablemente a la caballerfa. 27.

____ . "A Process of Adaptation: The Spanish Versions of the Romanceof Tristan." En The Legend of Arthur in the Middle Ages: Studies Presented to A.H. Diverres by Colleagues, Pupils, and Friends. Ed. P. 8. Grout et al. Arthurian Studies, 7. Cambridge: Boydell & Brewer, 1983. Pigs. 76-85. Hall compara El cuento de Trist&n de Leonfs (ed. Northup [AdS.3]) y el Libro de Trist&n de 1501 y de 1528 (ed. Bonilla [Ad7.1 y Ad8.1]) y observa un cambio de tono en el Libro que parece reflejar el inter~s procaballeresco de la sociedad aristdcrata de aquel tiempo: se suprimen escenas ccSmicasy ciertos toques realistas y se elfmina de la narracidn o se rnodifica materia que darfa una fmpresidn desfavorable del caballero (p.ej., el car&cter de Oinad&nes m&scort4s en el Lfbro).

Pereira. "European Relations of Portuguese Arthurian 28. Hutchinson, ~lia Literature." Tesina de M.Phil., Univers f ty of Manchester, 1984. Aunqueesta tesina peca de ambfciosa y tiene importantes deficiencias bibliogr&ficas, es de inter~s por el ~nfasis que la Sra. Hutchinson da a la posible influencfa fnglesa sobre la literatura artarica en Portugal a fines de la Edad Mediay durante el siglo XVI (especialmente en el Memorial das Proezas da Segunda T&vola Redondade Jorge Ferreira de Vasconcellos). 29. Martins, S. J. 1 M&rio. "Merlim numaCantiga de Santa Maria." En Estudos de Cultura Medieval, III. Lisboa: Edi~Oes Brot~ria, 1983. P&gs. 45-49. En la cantfga N1 108 de las Cantigas de Santa Marfa de Alfonso el Sabio, el poeta afinna que oyd cantar el milagro de Merlfn que ahora est& a punto de narrar. Martins encuentra una versidn an&loga (con algunas diferencias. especfalmente de tono) en la breve narracidn de una profecfa de Merlfn, la "Du juif que estoit bossu par

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derri~re.• inclufda en las Prop~cies de Merlin. vol. 3 (= la editio princeps de Parfs: Antoine Y~rard. 1498. fol. 150~; reproduc1da en facsf • il. Londres: The Scolar Press, 1975) y editada por Lucy Allen Paton, en Les Prophlc1es de Merlin Edited from MS. 593 in the Biblioth~que Munic1pale of Rennes, I (Nueva York: ModernLanguageAssociation of America; Londres: Oxford University Press, 1926), p&g. 492. Martins no comenta la fecha de la profecfa francesa, pero Paton sugiere que materia adicional encontrada en la edicidn de 1498 (esta profecfa inclufda) habfa formado parte de un cuerpo de profecfas producfdo en la zona de Venecia entre hacfa 1272 y 1279 (Vol. II [1927]. pigs. 346 y 350). En una resefta de la edicidn de Paton, Giulio Bertoni propone una fecha de composicidn original de antes de 1250 (ArchivumRomanicum, 16 [1932], 171-72). 30.

. •o Pre-Cervant;smo em Tristan

de Leonis." Boletfm de Filologia, 28 (1983), 33-44. Martins presenta la hipdtesis (no muy convincente) que la caracterizacidn de Sancho Panza le fue sugerida a Cervantes por su conocimiento de la figura humorfstica de Dinad&nen la versidn impresa del Trist&n de Leonfs (cf. Hall. Nota 27).

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*31. Megale, Heitor. "'Le Jeu des remparts.' A Demandado Santo Graal: la structure id~ologique et la construction de la narration.• Tesis doctoral, Unfversidade de Sao Paulo, 1980. Vfase el resumen publicado en Bulletin Bibliographique de la Soci~t~ Arthurienne, 33 (1981), N£ 299, pig. 115. 32. Moralejo, Seraffn. "Artes ffgurativas y artes literarias en la Espana medieval: rom&nfco, romance y roman. Boletfn de la Asociacidn Europea de Profesores de Espanol, 17 (1985), 61-70 (pigs. 66-68). Moralejo sugiere que la figura de un caballero desfallecido o dormido sobre una barca, su espada y caballo a bordo, esculpida en una columna rom&nicade principios del siglo XII en la Catedral de Santiago de Compostela, puede representar a Trist&n. tal vez despu~s de su combate con Morholt (la espada del caballero parece tener una brecha, pero fsta se realza ligeramente en el dibujo reproducido en el artfculo). La hipdtesis serfa diffcil de probar, pero si es correcta se tratarfa de un conocimiento preliterario de la leyenda de Trist&n en la penfnsula. 11

33. Morris, Rosemary. The Character of King Arthur in Medieval literature. Arthurian Studies, 4. Cambridge: Boydell &Brewer, 1982. P&g. 28 et passim. Morris estudia el papel cambiable del rey Arturo (y de otros personajes que le rodean) en obras de distintas fpocas y pa1ses,

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337 c1tando de vez en cuando los s1guientes textos hisp&n1cos: el Baladro (1498), el Nobi11&rio(o L1vro de Linhagens) de DomPedro, Condede Barcelos, las Bienandanzas e fortunas de Lope Garcfa de Salazar, las Demandasespaftola y portuguesa, el Trist&n de Leonfs (1501) y el Sagramor (o Memorialdas Proezas da Segunda T&volaRedonda)de Jorge Ferreira de Vasconcellos. 34. Rossi, Luciano. A Literatura Novelfstica na Idade Mdd1aPortuguesa. Biblioteca Breve, 38. Lisboa: Instituto de Cultura Portuguesa, 1979. P&gs. 14, 17, 18 y 39-75. A pesar de alguna infonnacidn bibliogr&fica anticuada y de ahf unos comentarios no acertados, Rossi sugiere algunas ideas respecto de la materia de Bretana en Portugal que merecen mis invest1gacidn: p.ej,., el posible influjo del roman artdrico en el Orto do Esposo, de autorfa cisterciense (se ha atribufdo a esta orden la Queste del Saint Graal del c1clo de la do Santo Vulgata); el uso de la voz "roman~o•por roman en la Demanda Graal; y la posibilidad de un conocimiento del Perceforest por parte del autor de la Chrdnica do conde DomPedro de Menezes. En el "DocumentoAntoldgico• se incluyen un trozo del fragmento del Livro de Tristlo gallego-portuguls (ed. Pensado Tomd[Adl.2] y unos capftulos de la Demandado Santo Graal (ed. Magne[Ae6.11]). 35. Rubio Vela, A. "La as1stencfa hospitalaria infantil en la Valencia del siglo XIV: pobres, hulrfanos y expdsitos." Dynamis, 2 (1982), 159191 (p&g. 170 y nota 50). En un "Lfbro de Actas de 1396-1397• se ve la clara influencia de la historia del nacim1ento de Tr1st&n en el nombrede bautismo •Tristany," dado a un nifto abandonadoen el Hospital de En Clapers de Valencia. 36. Seidenspinner-Ndftez, Dayle. •The Sense of an Ending: The Tristan Romancein Spain.• Tristania, 7 (1981-82), 27-46. SefdenspinnerNdftezrecon~truye el fin del Trist&n en prosa espanola que circuld durante los siglos XIVy XV, bas&ndoseen el Analyse de Laseth (1890) de los mss. franceses yen los textos italianos del Tristan. En cuanto a las modfficaciones al final del Trist&n de Leonfs de 1501, Seidenspinner-Ndftezrechaza la idea de Pamela Waley (1961) de una condenacidn moral de los amantes por parte del refundidor, concluyendo que ~ste interpretd la historia de Trist&n e Iseo comouna tragedia de amor, o sea, comouna novela sentimental. 37. Sharrer, Harvey L. "Arthurian Literature, Spanish and Portuguese." En Dictionary of the Middle Ages. Ed. Joseph R. Strayer. NuevaYork: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1982. I, pigs. 575-76. Es una breve

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introduccidn a la historia 38.

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del tema en la penfnsula.

____ . •eretlo, Ciclo.• En Grande Dicion&rio da Literatura Portuguesa e de Teoria Liter&ria. Ed. Jolo Jos~ Cochofel. Lisboa: Iniciativas Editoriais, s.a. II, pigs. 148~-155~. Entregado en 1972 y publicado con ligeros retoques unos diez aftos despu~s, el artfculo describe con detalle la historia de la materia de Bretafta en Portugal.

• •Eighteenth-century ChapbookAdaptations of the Historia 39. ____ de Flores y Blancaflor by Antdnio da Silva, Mestre de Gram4tica.• Hispanic Review, 52 (1984), 59-74. En una de las adaptaciones de Flores y Blancaflor publicadas por Silva, el Labyrintho Affectuoso (Lisboa, 1750), hay unos pr~stamos del Trist&n de Leonfs. Despufs de publicar el artfculo, Sharrer descubrid en ~ste yen otros libros de cordel del mismoautor unos pr~stamos de Tablante de Ricamonte. . "La fusidn de las novelas artllrica y sentimental a fines de 40. ____ la Edad Media." El Crotaldn: Anuario de Filologfa Espanola, 1 (1984), 147-57. Sharrer da una sfntesis de la opinidn crftica sobre el tema y comenta la importancia de la fecundacidn cruzada de los dos gfneros para la cultura literaria de la ~poca. 41.

____ . "Malory and the Spanish and Italian Tristan Texts: The Search for the Missing Link." Tristania, 4, N1 2 (1978-79), 36-43. Sharrer estudia la cuestidn de la relacidn entre los textos hisplnicos e italianos y tambi~n el Sir Tristram de Malory. Sugiere una investigacidn sobre el posible papel intermediario de los fragmentos catalanes.

42.

____ . "Spanish and Portuguese Arthurian Literature.• En The Arthurian Encyclopedia. Ed. Norris J. Lacy. Nueva York y Londres: Garland Publishing, 1986. P&gs. 516-21. Se trata de una vista en conjunto (pero con cierto detalle) de la historia de la literatura artarica en las distintas &reas lingUfsticas de la penfnsula. En la misma Encyclopedia hay una serie de breves artfculos (la mayorfa escrita por Sharrer) sobre autores y obras individuales hispinicas (la traduccidn infeliz al ingl~s de algunos tftulos no es la obra de Sharrer).

43.

"A versidn galego-portuguesa da Suite du Merlin. u Grial, No. 76 ( 1982). 215-17. Es un resumen, publicado andnimamente, del estudio de Soberanas que acompaftasu edicidn de dos fragmentos del Merlfn gallegoportugu~s (v~ase Nota 10).

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Ha7'0tlfl L. 51,a.rrw,,-

Reimpresidn: 44. Lida de Malkiel, Marfa Rosa. •ta literatura artarica en Espana y Portugal." En Estudios de literatura espaftola y comparada. Buenos Aires: Losada, 1984. Pigs. 167-84. Este estudio sigue siendo fundamental por los juicios perspicaces de la autora, a pesar de algunas referencias bibliogrlficas ya anticuadas. El artfculo fue publicado primero en 1959 en traduccidn inglesa; la versidn original espaftola aparecid en 1966. En prensa: 45. Bogdanow,Fanni. •A NewlyDiscovered Manuscript of the Post-Vulgate Queste del Saint Graal and Its Place in the Manuscript Tradition of the Post-Vulgate.• En Studia in HonoremProf. M. de Riquer. Barcelona: Edicions dels Quaderns Crema. Vol. 4. 46. Hook, David. •t'Estoire del Saint Graal, fuente de un episodio de La estoria del noble Vaspasiano." En Estudios ofrecidos en homenaje a Don Claudio S&nchezAlbornoz en sus 90 aftos. Vol. 4. 47. Morros, Bienvenido. "Los problemas ecddticos del Baladro del sabio Merlfn." En Actas del I Congreso de la Asociacidn Hisp&nica de Literatura Medieval. 48. Seidenspinner-Nanez, Dayle, y Christina Gates (eds.). Cordnica nuevamenteemendaday aftadida del buen cavallero don Trist4n de Leonfs y del rey don Trist&n de Leonfs, el Joven su hijo. Sevilla: Domenicode Robertis, 1534. (Ad9.) 49. Sharrer, Harvey L. •La materia de Bretana en la poesfa gallegoportuguesa." En Actas del I Congreso de la Asociacidn Hisp&nica de Literatura Medieval. 50. Van Beyersterveldt, Antony. "El Romande Jaufr~ y la Crdnica de Tablante de Ricamonte.n En Studia Occitanica. Kalamazoo:Medieval Institute Publications. Vol. 2. En preparacidn: 51. Castro, Ivo. Una edicidn crftica del Livro de Jos~ de Arimateia. V~ase Nota 3. 52. Sharrer, Harvey L. Una antologfa de literatura artarica espaftola; una edicidn de la "Carta enviada por Hiseo la Brunda a TrisUn de Leonfs" y la "Respuesta de Trist4n" en el ms. 22021 de la B.N. de Madrid {v~ase Nota 9); una edicidn del Lanzarote de Lago del ms. 9611 de la B.N. de Madrid {Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies); una

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edicidn (con Ian Michael) de la Historia de Persefores de los mss. 266 y 267 de la s;bl. de Palac;o; vol. 2 de A Critical Bibl;ography of Hispanic Arthurian Material (Landres: Grant &Cutler); un estudio para una edicidn facsfmil de La cordnica de los nobles cavalleros Tablante de Ricamonte e de Jofre hijo del conde Donason (Toledo: Juan Varela, 1513); un estudio de los fragmentos catalanes del Tristany de Leonis. Proyectos de eguipo: 53. Blecua, Alberto, en colaboracidn con Carlos Alvar y Harvey L. Sharrer. La publicacidn en microfichas de primeras ediciones de libros de tema caballeresco. 54.

Infantes, Vfctor. La creacidn de un depdsito central, posiblemente en la Universidad Complutense, para el estudio de la literatura caballeresca, donde los interesados pueden consultar microfilmes, separatas, publicaciones actuales, etc.

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BOOK REVIEW BIBLIOGRAPHY (1986)

Compiled by Harold G. Jones, University of Houston

Alfonso X el Sabio, Cantigas de Santa Harfa. C6dice rico de El Escorial. Ms. escurialense T.1.1., tr. Jos~ Filgueira Valverde (Madrid: 1985): JHP 9 (1985): 247-49 (Anthony J. C&rdenas). Amezcua,Jos~. Metamorfosfs del caballero: Sus transfonnaciones en los libros de caballerfas espano1es (Mexico City: 1984): Hispania 69: 304-05 {Barbara F. Weissberger). ----- Insula nos. 476-77: 18 (Jos~ RomeraCastillo). Bibliography of Old Spanish Texts, comp. Charles 8. Faulhaber, Angel G6mez Horeno, David Mackenzie, John J. Nitti, and Brian Dutton (assisted by Jean Lentz), 3rd ed. (Madison, Wisconsin: 1984): JHP 9 (1985): 249-53 (Richard Hitchcock). Blecua, Alberto, Manual de crftica textual (Madrid: 1983): BHS63: 149 (F. W. Hodcroft). ----- HR54: 207-08 (Ivy A. Corfis). ----- RFE65 (1985): 137-41 (Angel GdmezMoreno). The Bookof the Knight Zifar: A Translation of 'El Libro del Cavallero Zifar,' tr. Charles L. Nelson (Lexington. Kentucky: 1983): Hispania 69: 537-38 (Mary Lee Cozad). Brownlee, Marina Scordilis, The Status of the Readin Sub ect in the 'Libro de buen amor,' (Chapel Hill: 1985: Cor6nica 14: 321-2 John K. Walsh). ----- Hispania 69: 860-61 (Dayle Seidenspinner-N~ftez). CGR[Cat&logo general del Romancero], 1.A., dir. Diego Catal&n, co-ed. J. Antonio Cid, Beatriz Mariscal de Rhett, Flor Salazar, Ana Valencfano, and Sandra Robertson (Madrid: 1982-1984): ZRP101 (1985): 578-79 (Albert Gier). CamarenaLaucirica, Julio, Cuentos tradicionales recopilados en la provincfa de Ciudad Real, prol. MaximeChevalier (Ciudad Real: 1984): BH86 (1985}: 568-70 (Fran~ofs Delpech). Cancionero de oesfas varias, Biblioteca de Palacio MS. 617: Estudio re iminar, numeraci6n relaci6n de oemas fndices, ed. Jos~ J. Labrador, C. Angel Zorita, and a ph A. Difranco C eveland: 1984): BHS63: 274-75 {Julian Weiss). Cantar de mfo Cid, modernized, ed. Francisco Marcos Harfn (Madrid: 1985): ZRP101 {1985): 571 (Albert Gier). Cantar de mfo Cid, Chansondemon Cid, ed. and tr. Jules Horrent, 2 vols. {Gand: 1982): Archiv 137 (1985): 461-63 (Michael ROssner). Catalogo degli antichi fondi spagnoli della Biblioteca Universitaria de Cagliari. I: Marina RomeroFrfas, Gli Incunaboli e le stampe cinguecentesche, intro. Giuseppina Ledda (Pisa: 1983): BHS63: 385-86 (Margaret Johnson). El cavallero Pl4cidas MSEsc. h-I-13, ed. Roger M. Walker (Exeter: 1982): BHS63: 154-55 John K. Walsh.

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Die Celestina-Obersetzungen von Christof Wirsung, ed. Kathleen V. Kish and Ursula Ritzenhoff (Hildesheim-Zurich-New York: 1984): ~ 39: 556-58 (Joseph T. Snow). Creation and Re-creation: Experiments in Literarl Form in Early Modern Spain. Studies in Honor of Stephen Gilman, ed. Ronald E. Surtz and Nora Weinerth (Newark, Delaware: 1983): BHS63: 275-77 (Maxi• P.A. M. Kerkhof). Dom f nguez Rodrf guez , Ana, ~As_t_r-ro_l o_f... a--a~r_te_e_n~e_1_-r---1:-=----.......-ir--r----.--X el Sabio (Madrid: 1984: pecu um ----- ZRP 101 (1985): 573 (Albert Gier). Encina, Juan del, Obras completas IV, ed. Ana Marfa Rambaldo(Madrid: 1983): BHS63: 386 (Nigel Griffin). Equipe de Philosophie Iberique et Ibfro-Amfricane, La Feaae dans la pens~e espagnole (Paris: 1983): HR54: 325-27 (Kathleen Kish). ----- MLR81: 1017-19 (Geraldine M. Scanlon). Estoria do muy nobre Vespesiano, Emperador de Roma,ed. David Hook and Penny Newman(Exeter: 1983): MLR81: 236-37 (David Mackenzie). Europlische Heldendichtung, ed. Klaus von See (Darmstadt: 1978): Olifant 11 (1986): 51-53(Edward R. Haymes). Flasche, Hans, Geschichte der spanischen Literatur, I: Von den Anflngen bis zum AusRangdes fUnfzehten Jahrhunderts (Bern-MOnchen:1977): Arch1v 137 (19 5): 459-60 (MaximP.A. M. Kerkhof). -Garcfa de Enterrfa, Marfa Cruz, Literaturas marginadas (Madrid: 1983): BH86 (1985): 565-68 (Monique Joly). Garcfa Montoro, Adri&n, El ledn el azor: Simbolismo tr1funcional en la p1ca medieva espano a t dr d: 524-26 (ThomasMontgomery). Gariano, Carmelo, Juan Ruiz, Boccaccio, Chaucer (Sacramento: 1984): Hispania 69: 538-39 (Graciela S. Daichman). Gonz&lez. Aurelio, Formas y funciones de los ~rincipios en el Romancero viejo (Mexico City: 1984): Hispania 69: 40 (Louise Mirrer). Gonzalo de Berceo, Milagros de Nuestra Senora, modernized, ed. Vicente Beltr&n Pep16 (Madrid: 1985): ZRP 101 (1985): 571 (Albert Gier). IX: La litt~rature Grundriss der romanischen Literaturen des Mittelalters, de la P~ninsule Ib~ri ue aux x1veet xve si~cles, d1r. Walter Mettmann, t. 1, fasc. 4 B. Les genres marratifs, I. astille] (Heidelberg: 1985): ZRP 102: 450-52 (Albert Gier). Hispania Judaica: Studies on the History, Language and Literature of the Jews in the Hispanic World, II, ed. Josep M. Sola-Sol~. Samuel G. Armistead, RF 97 (1985): 326 (Walter and Joseph H. Silverman (Barcelona: n.d.): Mettmann). Huerta Calvo, Javier, El teatro medieval y renacentista (Madrid: 1984): Hispania 69: 539 (Juan Carlos Temprano). Juan Manuel, Don, Libro del Conde Lucanor, modernized, ed. Reinaldo AyerbeChaux, estudio preliminar Alan Oeyermond(Madrid: 1985): ZRP101 (1985): 571 (Albert Gier). Llull, Ramon, Selected Works of RamonLlull 1232-1316, ed. and tr. Anthony Bonner, 2 vols. Princeton: 1985: HR54: 329-31 (J.M. Sobr~). L6pez de Ayala, Pero, Coronica del rey don Pedro, ed. Constance L. Wilkins and Heanon M. Wilkins (Madison: 1985): Hispania 69: 861-62 (E. Michael Gerl 1).

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343 ----- HR54: 468-70 (Mercedes Vaquero). Mackenzie, Jean Gilkison, A Lexicon of the 14th-Centur of Juan Fernfndez de Hereda d son: 4: Dworkin). ----- Speculum 61: 441-42 (Kelsie B. Harder). Haillo Salgado, Felipe, Los arabismos del castellano en la ea·a Edad Media Consideraciones hist r,cas o a amanca: 1 3: Franc sco Marcos-Marn. Manrique, Jorge, Coplas a la muerte de su padre, ed. CarmenDfaz Castaftdn (Madrid: 1983): BHS63: 386 (J. H. Aguirre). El 2): Medieval Manuscripts in the Library of the Hispanic Society of America: Religious, Legal, Scientific, Historical, and Literary Manuscripts, comp. Charles B. Faulhaber, 2 vols. (NewYork: 1983): BHS63: 272-73 (Dorothy Shennan Severin). ----- HR54: 85-87 (J. T. Snow). ----- RF 97 (1985): 491 (Walter Mettmann). Medieval, Renaissance and Folklore Studies in Honor of John Esten Keller, ed. Joseph R. Jones (Newark,Delaware: 1980): RFE65 (1985): 141-45 (Angel G6mezMoreno). Neira Fern&ndez, Cannenza, Antologfa de textos de literatura medieval (Bogot&: 1984): Thesaurus 40 (1985): 640 (Jos~ Nestor Valencia Zuluaga). -----, Literatura medieval (Bogot&: 1984): Thesaurus 40 (1985): 639-40 (Jos~ Nestor Valencia Zuluaga). Parker, Alexander A., The Philoso~hf of Love in Spanish Literature, 14801680, ed. Terence O'Reilly ( d nburgh: 1985): CL 38: 101-02 rr.-R.

H.).

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Pensado Ruiz, Carmen, Cronologfa relativa del castellano (Salamanca: 1984): Torreblanca). HR54 457-59 (M&ximo Poemade mfo Cid, ed. Jos~ Jesas de Bustos Tovar (Madrid: 1983): RCEH10: 333 (Rosa M. Garrido). -Poemade mfo Cid, ed. MarfaEugenia Lacarra (Madrid: 1982): CCM29: 160-62 (Ren~ Pellen). ----- RCEH10: 333 (Rosa M. Garrido). Poemas castellanos de cancioneros bilin Ues 63: 155-56 barce oneses, ed. edro-Manue te ra (Ian Macpherson). Reiss, Edmund,Louise Horner Reiss, and Beverly Taylor, Arthurian Legend and Literature: An Annotated Biblio~raphy, I: The Middle Ages (NewYork and London: 1984): RPh 40: 123-2 (Blake Lee Spahr). ----- Speculum 61: 991-92 (Valerie M. Lagorio). Literature (Boom ngton, nd ana: ----- CLS22: 542-46 (Daniel P. Testa). Roth, Norman, Maimonides: Essa sand Texts, 850th Anniversar 1985): HR54: 4 3-65 Marfa Rosa Menocal .

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El Rref Guilleme, ed. John R. Maier (Exeter: 1984): ZRP101 (1985): 574 ( lbert Gier). Ruiz, Juan, Libro de buen amor, modernized, ed. Nicasio Salvador Miguel (Madrid: 1985): ZRP101 (1985): 571 (Albert Gier). Runte, Hans R.• J. Keith Wikeley, and Anthony J. Farrell, The Seven Sages of Romeand the Book of Sinbad: An Analytical Bibliography (NewYork and London: 1984): Speculum61: 251 (Mary-AnneVetterling). Santillana, Harqu~s de, Iftigo Ldpez de Mendoza, Prohemios cartas literarias, ed. Miguel Garci-Gdmez(Madrid: 1984): ZR 101 (1985): 575 (Albert Gier). -----. Los sonetos 'al it&lico modo,• ed. MaximP.A. M. Kerkhof and Dirk Tuin (Madison: 1985): HR54t 331-33 (Robert G. Black). Sentaurens, Jean, S~ville et le th~ltre, de la fin du MorenAge I la fin du xcv11e si~cle, 2 vols. (Bordeaux: 1984):BH87 ( 985): 200-03 (Jean-Marc Pelorson). Teatro medieval castellano, ed. Ronald E. Surtz (Madrid: 1983): HR54: 327-39 (Oleh Mazur). ----- RCEH10: 333-34 (Rosa M. Garrido). Traditions of Heroic and Epic Poetrf• I: The Traditions, ed. A. T. Hatto (London: 1980): Olifant 11: 16 -63 (William Calin). Triste deleytacion, novela de F. A. D. C., autor andnimodel salo XVI, ed. Regula Rohland de Langbehn (Mordn: 1983): BHS 63: 366- (Olga Tudorka Impey). ----- JHP 9 (1985): 169-71 (E. Michael Gerli). ----- ZRP101 (1985): 575-76 (Albert Gier). Valera, Diego de, Doctrinal de prfncipes, ed. Silvia Monti (Verona: 1982): HR54: 89-91 (Ivy A. Corfis). V&rvaro, Alberto, Letterature romanze del medioevo (Bologna: 1985): ZRP102: 394-96 (Albert Gier). Structure et 9: BH8 (1985):

J

Whinnom,Keith, The Spanish Sentimental Romance, 1440-1550: A Critical Bibliography (London: 1983): MP83: 421-23 (Ruth House Webber). Williamson, Edwin, The Half-Wa House of Fiction: 'Don uixote' and Arthurian Romance Oxford: 1984: HLR81: 766-68 Frank Pierce. ----- ZRP101 (1985): 576-77 (Albert Gier).

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Slavista u VukoveDane: Referati i Saopstenja, Beograd-NoviSad-Tr~i~, 10-14. IX 1986 (Belgrade, forthcoming); "Folk Literature, Related Forms. and the Makingof the Poemade Mio Cid," La Cordnica, 15, no. 2 (1987) (forthcoming); "La tradition de la po,sie "populaire" croate des xve pour une et xv1e si~cles recueillie en Gradi~~e [Burgenland]. El-nts ,tude de litt,rature compar,e,N in Actes du 1ve SymposiumInternational d'Etudes sur l'Aire Culturelle Croate, Universit, de Paris-Sorbonne (Paris IV), 4-6. XII 1986, ed. Tomislav Rajif (Paris, forthcoming); "The Yuk Canon and the Eclipse of South Slavic Traditions," Southeastern Europe (forthcoming); •zbirke narodnih pjesama Vuka i Kurelca" ("Vuk's and Kurelac's Collections of Folk Poetry"], in Naufni Sastanak Slavista u VukoveDane: Referati i Saop~tenJa, Beograd-Novi Sad-Tr~if, 14-20. IX 1987 (Belgrade, forthcoming); •oral Style/Written Style in Ancient and Medieval Literature," in Acts of the International Conference on "Oral and Written/Literate in Literature and Culture,• Academyof Arts and Sciences of Vojvodina, Novi Sad, Yugoslavia, September 21-23, 1987 (Novi Sad, forthcoming); Book review of Jeff Opland. Xhosa Oral Poetry: Aspects of a Black South African Tradition. Cambridge, 1983, Comparative Literature, 38, no. 4 (1986), 395-96. SENIFF,Dennis P. (Michigan State University): 1--"Bernardo Gordonio's Lilio de medicina: A Possible Source of Celestina?" Celestinesca, 10 (1986), 13-18. •Alfonso X and the Literary Histories of Ticknor and Amadorde los Rfos," RomanceQuarterly, 33 (1986), 355-64; 2--"Aproximacidn a la oralidad y textualidad en la prosa castellana medieval," IX Congreso de la Asociacidn Internacional de Hispanistas, Berlin, West Germany, August 1986; 3--Moamfnel Halconero/Alfonso X, "Libro de los animales de caza": estudio, textos y notas. Alfonso XI, "Libro de la monterfa": The Text and Concordances of Escorial MSY.II.19. Ed. Dennis P. Seniff (Mad;son: H;spanic Seminary of Medieval Studies) (microfiche publication).

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The following numbers are used to indicate items: 2--papers presented; 3--works or research in progress.

1--recent publications;

COSTA,Marithelma (City University of NewYork): 2--Talk on Antdn de Montoro's Poetry on the MLAspecial session: Fromthe Middle Ages to the Modern Age: Alienation and Protest AmongSpanish conversos and Amerindians. The title of the paper was: "Poeta en la corte y sastre en la juderfa: La defensa de los conversos de Antdn de Montoro•; 3--Preparation of a critical edition of Antdn de Montoro's poems and a sociohistoric study of his Cancionero. MILETICH, John S. (University of Utah): 1 and 3--Hispanic Studies in Honor of Alan 0. Deyermond: A North AmericanTribute, edition (Madison, 1986); The "Burgar~tica•: A Bilingual Anthology of the Earliest Extant South Slavic Folk Narrative Song, edition, verse translation, introduction, and bibliography; foreword, Albert 8. Lord; afterword, Samuel G. Armistead (Urbana-Champaign,forthcoming, 1987); Oral Tradition, edition of Yugoslav special issue of journal, with introduction (forthcoming, Mayissue, 1989); "The Mermaidand Related Motifs in the Romancero: The Slavic Analogy and Fertility Myths,• RomancePhilology, 39, no. 2 (1985), 151-69; "Muslimanskausmenaep1ka 1 srednjovjekovna epika" [•MoslemOral Epic and Medieval Epic"], Izraz [Sarajevo], 58, no. 9-10 (1985), 163-79; English version, ModernLanguageReview (forthcoming); "Oral Aesthetics and Written Aesthetics: The South Slavic Case and the Poemade Mio Cid," in Hispanic Studies in Honor of Alan 0. Oeyermond: A North American Tribute, ed. John S. Miletich (Madison, 1986), pp. 183-204; "Sobre 'Los cantores ~picos yugoeslavos y los occidentales,' 11 in Actas del I Congreso Internacional sobre la Juglaresca (1986), pp. 23-39; same article in Serbo-Croatian: •o 'Jugoslovenskim i zapadnoevropskimepskim pevafima, KnJiZevna Istorija [Belgrade], 18, no. 67-68 (1985), 207-25; "The Religious-Heroic/HumanTension in Berceo's Vida de Santo Domingo,• in Studia in HonoremM. de Riguer, ed. Lola Badia, Carlos Alvar, Pedro C&tedra, and Jaume Vallcorba (Barcelona, forthcoming); •Kurelfeve Jatke ; njihove veze s tradicijom domovine[•Kurelac's Jafke and Their Connection with the HomelandTradition 11], in Naufni Sastanak 111

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ANNOUNCEMENTS

FORTHCOMING MEETINGS April 23-25, 1987, University of Kentucky, Lexington: University of Kentucky Foreign LanguageConference. For infonnation write to Joseph R. Jones, Department of Spanish and Italian, 1115 Patterson Office Tower, University of Kentucky, Lexington, KY 40506-0027. Hay 7-10, 1987, The Medieval Institute, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo: Twenty-SecondInternational Congress on Medieval Studies. For information write to Otto GrOndler, The Medieval Institute, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo,MI 49008. May13-15, 1987, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati: Seventh Annual Cincinnati Conference on RomanceLanguages and Literatures. For information write to Gis~le Loriot-Raymer, Department of RomanceLanguages and Literatures, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, OH 45221-0377. August 12-16, 1987, Los Angeles: AmericanAssociation of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese. For information write to AATSP,Mississippi State University, P.O. Box 6349, Mississippi State 39762-6349. August 20-22, 1987, Universidad Catdlica Argentina, Buenos Aires: II Jornadas Internacionales de Literatura Espanola Medieval. For information write to Marta Susana Campos,Secretaria, Facultad de Filosoffa y Letras, Bartolo~ Mitre 1869, C.P. 1039, Buenos Aires, Argentina. September 17-19, 1987, Appalachian State University, Boone, North Carolina: Southeastern Medieval Association. For information write to Judith Rice Rothschild, Department of Foreign Languages, Appalachian State University, Boone, NC 28608. October 5-9, 1987, Segovia, Spain: Asociacidn Hisp&nica de Literatura Medieval, II Congreso Internacional. For information write to Prof. Nicasio Salvador Miguel, Facultad de Filologfa, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 28040, Madrid (Spain). October 15-17, 1987, Boise State University, Bofse, Idaho: RockyMountain ModernLanguageAssociation. For information write to Charles G. Davis, Department of English, Boise State University, Boise, ID 83725.

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October 16-18, 1987, Villanova University, Villanova, Pennsylvania: Twelfth International Conference on Patristic, Mediaeval, and Renaissance Studies. For information write to Dr. ThomasA. Losoncy or Rev. Joseph C. Schnaubelt, PMRConference, Villanova, PA 19085. October 29-31, 1987, Houston, Texas: South Central ModernLanguage Association. For information write to Paul A. Parrish, Department of English, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX 77843. November5-7, 1987, Atlanta, Georgia: South Atlantic ModernLanguage Assoc;ation. For infonnation write to Siegfried Mews, 120 Dey Hall 014A, Box 4, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, NC 27514. November12-14, 1987, Columbus, Ohio: Midwest ModernLanguageAssociation. For information write to Maria A. Duarte, 423 English/Philosophy Building, University of Iowa, IowaCity, IA 52242-1408. December27-30, 1987, San Francisco: ModernLanguageAssociation. For information write to Convention Manager, MLA,10 Astor Place, NewYork, NY 10003. SPECIALISSUES THEAGEOF THECATHOLIC MONARCHS, 1474-1576. Literary Studies in Memoryof Keith Whinnom The Bulletin of Hispanic Studies is planning to publish a special memorial issue in honour of Keith Whinnom,in recognition of his outstanding contribution to Hispanism both through his persistently scrupulous and productive cOR1nitmentto medieval and Renaissance scholarship and in his unfailingly capable fulfillment of his academic responsibilities, as Professor of Spanish at the University of Exeter (1967-86), as President of the Association of Hispanists of Great Britain and Ireland (1984-86), and as a memberof the Editorial C0n1nittee of the Bulletin during ten generously dedicated years. The memorial work, to be edited by Alan Oeyennondand Ian Macpherson and to be published in Spring 1988, will contain SOiie twenty articles by leading scholars; a provisional table of contents is given overleaf. It will take the fonn of a Supplement (approximately 200 pages in extent) to the Bulletin's nonnal four issues per year, and will therefore be independently priced. A special fund has been opened to assist the Bulletin to meet the high additional costs of publishing this substantial special issue. The Bulletin now invites you to subscribe to this fund, and to add your name to the work's Tabula in Memoriam,by ordering a copy of The Age of the Catholic

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Monarchs, 1474-1576. Literary Studies in Memoryof Keith Whinnom at the special pre-publication price to individuals of £12.00 ($25) and to institutions of £16.00 ($40). Yours sincerely Dorothy Shennan Severin Editor, Bulletin of Hispanic Studies

EXECUTIVE COMMiffiE'S NOTICE Please send suggested topics for the 1988 MLAConvention to the chair, Kathleen V. Kish, Department of RomanceLanguages, University of North Carolina, Greensboro, North Carolina 27412-5001.

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EDIT ORSI NOTE

It is with mixed emotions that we complete the preparation of the eighth and last issue of La Cordnica under our editorship. In the past four years it has been our pleasure to be in contact, by mail and in person, with a large number of our hispanomedievalist colleagues. Getting to knowso many of you has been one of the most valued aspects of this work. Manyof you have supported us not only by your contributions to the journal but by your moral support and encouragement. Weowe a special debt of gratitude to several persons whose involvement with La Cordnica during our editorship has been invaluable: to John Miletich, the former editor, who passed on to us an established journal based on quality of content and organized editorial practices and who continued to be a valuable consultant; to all those who served as evaluators and especially to Alan Deyennondand SamArmistead who have generously contributed their time and talents fn a variety of ways; to Marina Brownlee, ManagingEditor, for an excellent job of handling the business aspects; and to Betty Marak for her skill and accuracy in typing materials in several different languages and her patience in accoanodating our schedules. Wehave received excellent support from MiamiUniversity, Dartmouth College, and from the Program for Cultural Cooperation Between the Spanish Ministry of Culture and North American Universities. Overseas subscriptions have been capably handled in England by Lynn Ingamells and in Spain by Juan Manuel Cacho Blecua and Marfa Jes~s Lacarra. In addition, our thanks go to the membersof the Executive COfflllitteeof the MLADivision on Spanish Medieval Language and Literature for their advice and cooperation. Finally, we are very pleased to announce that the new editor of La Cor6nica will be Spurgeon Baldwin of the University of Illinois at Champaign-Urbana. Marina S. Brownlee will continue as ManagingEditor. Their addresses can be found on the inside front cover of the present issue. Wewish Professor Baldwin every success in his term as editor, which begins w;th the fall issue of 1987.

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EDMUND DECHASCA 1903-87: TWOMEMOIRS

1. A TRANSATLANTIC VIEW

Alan Deyermond Westf;eld College, London

Edmundd_eChasca came late to Hispanic Hterary scholarship, later still to Hispanomedieval research. Though he wrote plays in his twenties {published 1934), and taught at Blackburn College, Illinois, for thirteen years from 1929, his first scholarly publication and the awardof the Ph.D. came only in 1941, and his first article on a medieval topic--after a period of concentration on Golden Age drama--waspublished in 1953, when he was fifty. Odd scraps of infonnation in printed sources, and the occasional remark rememberedfrom conversations, shed some light, but not enough, on the complex and culturally rich background and early life that prepared the way for his sudden emergence in middle age as a world authority on Spanish epic and ballad. I wish I had asked him to tell the story of those early years, but now it is too late. It is clear that, although he was born and raised in Guatemala {he came to the United States at the age of fifteen), his European roots were strong: he was educated at a Germanschool, and he was always proudly aware of his Polish ancestry. 'De Chasca' is a hispanicized form of the family name Trzaska, and his mother--who, as a handsomeand still vigorous lady of eighty-four, accompanied him to the II Congreso Internacional de Hispanistas in Mexico City in 1968--kept the original spelling {which I hope I have recalled correctly). De Chasca's first Hispanomedievalist article, "The King-Vassal Relationship in El poemade Mio Cid," HR, 21 (1953), 183-92, made a considerable impression. Goodarticles on medieval Spanish literature were far less frequent then than they are now, and the intellectual strength and critical perception of this one showed clearly that epic studies had gained an important recruit. Interest in the article was increased by its courteous but firm rejection of anachronistic elements in Gustavo Correa's "El tema de la honra en Poemade Mio Cid," HR, 20 (1952), 185-99. Correa was displeased, but it was clear that de Chasca had won the argument. The promise of this article was amply fulfilled three years later, in a short but major book, Estructura y forma en "El poemade Mio Cid": hacia una explicacidn de la imitaci6n po~tica de la historia en la epopeya castellana, State University

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of Iowa Studies in Span;sh Language and Literature, 9 (Iowa City: Univers;ty of Iowa PreSSi ~xico: Patria, 1956), 156 pp. This was not the first extended cr1t;cal analysis of the Cantar (Ewald Kullmann in 1931, and Eleazar Huerta in 1948, preceded it), but it was the first to have wide influence. De Chasca acknowledges two influences: RamdnMen~ndezPidal for his view of the Cid, and the then powerful Chicago Aristotelians for his critical method. He is probably too conscious of these debts, and the former is to some extent an obstacle to the full development of his critical insights. Yet the book goes far beyond any previous criticism of the Cantar, and--together with Thomas R. Hart's simultaneously published "The Infantes de Carridn•--1t begins a new phase in the literary study of the poem. It remains one of the classics of postwar Hispanomedieval scholarship. The analysis of "Alora la bien cercada, 11 printed as an appendix (pp. 147-54). is a forerunner of the studies of the romancero which were to become one of de Chasca's chief interests. Estructura y forma is the first product of de Chasca's years at the University of Iowa (he moved there in 1953), about which Joseph Snowwrites. Administrative labors--he was head of the Department of RomanceLanguages until 1967--must have slowed the pace of his research, but •Rimainterna en el Cantar de Mio Cid,• in Homenaje a Rodrfguez-Hoftino (Madrid: Castalia. 1966), I, 133-46, showed that he was still working on the Cantar, and it announced an important discovery. The statistical basis of de Chasca's conclusions about internal assonance was challenged successfully by Ian Michael (BHS, 45 (1968], 310-13), but even when the necessary reduction has been made, the basic conclusion remains valid, and it has become the starting-point for recent studies of sound-patterning by British and American Cid scholars (Smith, Adams, Webber), the only disagreement being the extent to which such patterning reflects conscious artistic purpose.I In the following year El arte Juglaresco en el "Cantar de Mio Cid" (Madrid: Gredos, 1967), 350 pp., obviously the fruit of years of reading and thought, attracted even more attention than its predecessor. El arte Juglaresco was planned as a second edition of Estructura y forma. at the suggestion of D&masoAlonso, but it outgrew the original intention (it is three times as long as the first book), largely because Albert B. Lord's The Singer of Tales (1960) had fired de Chasca's enthusiasm. He expands and refines his excellent stylistic and structural analyses, and examines the ways in which the text can be described in terms of oral-formulaic composition. This book, with its double focus, inevitably loses the unified conceptual force of Estructura y forma, but it gains in range of reference and in exploration of the oral-literate border territory (at that time generally supposed not to exist). De Chasca concludes that the Cantar is the oral composition

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of a Juglar, but he is aware of indications of written composition, and It is seems at times to be on the verge of attempting a synthesis. interesting, from this point of view, to compare his book with another excellent stylistic analysis by an oralist, Joseph J. Duggan's "The Song of Roland": Formulaic Style and Poetic Craft, Publications of the Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, University of California at Los Angeles, 6 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973); the doubts that are detectable not far beneath the surface of de Chasca's argument are absent from Duggan's. The question is one to which de Chasca returns in three articles written in the late 1960s. It was soon after reading El arte that I met de Chasca for the first time, at the 1967 MLA,when we were the two speakers in the Medieval Spanish session. I found the man as impressive as the book. At that meeting, and then in Mexico City, and in a visit to Iowa in the early fall of 1968, I found him as courteous and generous as he was learned. His enthusiasm for his subject was manifested equally in his eagerness to knowthe latest state of epic studies in Britain and in his willingness to share his materials (he had, for instance, just received Men~ndezPidal's "Los cantores ~picos yugoeslavos y los occidentales,• newly published and unknown in Britain, which he xeroxed for me). Another abiding memoryof the 1967 MLAis his rendering--half reading, half chant--of passages from the Cantar; for the first time, I had some idea of how a medieval audience might have experienced the poem. The friendship begun at that meeting brought us together on a number of occasions in America and Britain (he gave a memorable talk on Cervantes to my Westfield colleagues and students), and I came to knowEdmund's wife Edith and his sons Daniel and EdmundJr. (himself a scholar, and author of an important book on the Imagist poet John Gould Fletcher). Use of computer techniques enabled de Chasca to produce a Registro de f6rmulas verbales en el "Cantar de Mio Cid" (Iowa City: University of Iowa, 1968), 50 pp., nowa bibliographical rarity in its original form, though accessible as appendix 3 (pp. 337-82) of the second edition of El arte. The question of the Cantar's composition continued to exercise him, and in a 1968 conference paper ("Problemas en torno a la composicidn del Poemdel Cid," in Actas del Tercer Congreso Internacional de Hispanistas [t~xico: El Colegio de ~xico, for AIH, 1970], pp. 233-40) and its expanded version ("Composicidn escrita y oral en el Poemadel Cid," Filologfa, 12 [1966-67 (1968)], 77-94, corrected version rpt. in El arte, 2nd ed., appendix 2, pp. 320-36) he reaffirms his oralist conclusion while clearly uneasy about the application to the Cantar of the standard Parry-Lord definition of the formula. This unease led him to propose modifications ("Toward a

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Redefinition of Epic Formula in the Light of the Cantar de Mio Cid,• HR, 18 [1970], 251-63). The modifications seemedto many scholars to dilute the concept of the fonnula to a point where ft was no longer a precise working tool, and further progress was impeded by the belief, then generally held, that •1a incompatibflidad de la tfcnica oral y la escrita entre los cantores eslavo-turcos es un hecho comprobado. Claro que esta incompatibilidad nose puede demostrar experfmentalmente en cuanto a la composicfdn juglaresca medieval, pero nos parece razonable deducirla por analogfa• (•composicfdn, 1968, p. 94). Had de Chasca written El arte fifteen years later, he would have found in John S. Miletich's work the new data and the new theoretical insights that would have enabled him to weld together the two aspects of his book, giving ft as sharp a focus as Estructura y fonna. But even without that advantage, ft remains one of the few books that are truly essential to the student of the Cantar. De Chasca retired in 1971, and the occasion was marked by a lecture on one of his favorite books, Don Quijote, given by Juan Bautista Avalle-Arce, and by the issue of an elegantly printed three-page pamphlet. This was followed by a Festschrift, Hispanic Studies in Honor of Edmundde Chasca (= Philological Quarterly, 51, no. 1 [January 1972], vii+ 344 pp.). This splendid volume of twenty-five articles brings together scholars from six countries, and covers topics from the twelfth to the twentieth century. That same year also saw the publication of the second edition of El arte, expanded to 418 pages, and of two ballad articles: "'Alora la bien 11 cercada': un romance modelo, Explicacidn de Textos Uterarios, 1, no. 1 (1972), 29-37 (an expansion of the appendix to Estructura y fonna), and "Pluralidades anaf6dcas en la estructura de 'Cabalga Diego Lafnez' y resumen de las t~cnicas enumeratorias en el Romancerodel Cid," Revista de Estudios Hisp&nicos (Puerto Rico), 2 (1972), 21-32. This was also the year of a GuggenheimFellowship awarded for the study of the Cid ballads, a subject which had come to rival the Cantar itself for the center of de Chasca's attention. As well as the article on 11Cabalga Diego Lafnez" that study produced "Registro comparativo de los n~meros en el Romancerodel Cid y en el Poemade Mio Cid," Filologfa, 16 (1972 (1973]), 53-59, and "Algunos aspectos de la ordenac16n con numeros correlativos en el estilo del Romancero del Cid, in Studia hispanica in honoremR. Lapesa, II (Madrid: C&tedraSeminario Men~ndezPidal &Gredos, 1974), pp. 189-202, but not the book that Edmundhad planned to write. Health problems increasingly kept him in St. Louis, where he had movedwith Edith and Daniel on his retirement. and they slowed his pace of work. This deprived us not only of his bal_lad book but also of the one on Cervantes which, Edith told me recently, he had been preparing for manyyears (he had published a major article on Don Quijote in 1964). 0

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Yet there was one outstanding product of the retirement years: The Poemof the Cid, TWAS,378 (Boston: Twayne, 1976), 189 pp. The book is a distillation of Edmund'sCid scholarship, drawing on his previous books and articles and adding new reflections to makea volume that meets the Twayne objective of accessibility to nonspecialist readers but that is also valuable to Cid specialists. In it, he corrrnentsincisively from a neotraditionalist position on a number of recent studies. As Samuel G. Armistead said in his review, "Edmundde Chasca has combined a useful introductory synthesis with brilliant original scholarship to give us an indispensable book.••• all of us are in his debt for his consistently perceptive readings of the Poemas a work of art" (HR, 47 [1979], 105-07, at p. 107). A final article returns to detailed analysis: "Fdrmulas verbales y construcciones sint&cticas formularias en el Poemade Mio Cid: an&lisis de los versos 778-793," in Estudios ofrecidos a Emilio Alarcos Llorach (con motivo de sus XXVanos de docencia en la Universidad de Oviedo), IV (Oviedo: Universidad, 1979), pp. 375-92. After the first few years of Edmund's retirement, when he no longer attended congresses, friends had to keep in touch by mail unless their travels took them through St. Louis. None of my American travels included Missouri until January of this year, when I found that I should have to change flights at St. Louis. I called Edmund,made sure that he would be free that day, and arranged to meet for lunch so that we could catch up with the news. It was to be one of the highlights of my stay. A few days before I left England, a phone call told me that Edmundhad died of a heart attack on January 14, just two weeks before we would have met again. But one thing remains besides books and articles, and memories. In 1980 Charles Potter was planning his two-hour radio program, "The Poemof the Cid," for The 0/Aural Tradition. He had tried bilingual actors for readings from the text, but was disappointed. RememberingEdmund's juglaresque readings from 1967, I suggested his name, though uncertain whether his voice still had its old resonance. There was a trial recording: Charles Potter was delighted. As Salvatore Calomino says in his review (La Cordnica, 11 (1982-83], 106-08), Edmund"recites the text with the impassioned voice of a great minstrel" (106). "All listeners will be further inspired by de Chasca's performance of the text •... The medieval performer must have had any number of voices at his disposal in order to assume the roles of various characters in his poem. In our broadcast, de Chasca modulates his voice artfully to capture the conflicting tones of figures interacting in the epic" (107). And so the cassette of the broadcast brings us the authentic voice of Edmundde Chasca, reading the poemthat he loved so well and served with such distinction.

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NOTE 1 For an account of the present state of research on this topic, see Ruth House Webber, "The Cantar de Mio Cid: Problems of Interpretation," in Oral Tradition fn Literature: Interpretation in Context, ed. John Miles Foley (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1986}, pp. 65-88, at pp. 69-72.

2.

IOWA DAYS

Joseph T. Snow University of Georgia

Edmundde Chasca was, when I left tiny Montclair State College in New Jersey for the much larger University of Iowa in 1963, just a name to me. He was then, of course, chairman of the department of Spanish and Portuguese into which I had been accepted for Master's degree work and where I would begin, in effect, my college teaching career. I was there two years and it was, in large part, due to his vast influence on me--and on all graduate students across the spectrum of specializations--that my career (and that of so many others) has been rich and fulfilling. The department he chaired included Ruth Davis, E. Ringo, Walter Dobrian, Juan Villegas, HomeroCastillo, and perhaps a few others for the 1963-65 period. It was a small and, as I have every reason to know, very fine department with high standards and one of the very best M.A. programs then available in the United States. It was a reflection of the man who, in his last conrnunication to me at Christmas 1986, wrote: "Le agradezco entraftablemente su saludo navideno por el que V. sigue haciendo constar su amistad tan fiel. A trav€s de la larga carrera de su servidor mis mayores honores han sido los rendidos por antiguos alumnos como usted ... " The emphasis here ;s mine, not de Chasca's, but I daresay I speak for many others when I state that he meant what he wrote: this theme surfaced t;me and again in the many letters he wrote over the years. He was above all else a teacher who considered his greatest triumphs to be the increased love of literature he did so much to nurture in generat;ons of students, for whomhis classes in ep;c poetry, stylistics, and medieval and Golden Age Spanish literature are legend. His "people"--regardless of field--are everywhere, and they still share with others the passion and the power of de Chasca's approach to stylistics. Fellow students, who are also part of this reminiscence, many of whomI shared classes with, include Jack Kudlaty (now at Wabash), Willi Melczer (Syracuse), Bob Spires (Kansas), Beverly Delong-Tonelli (Long Beach State), Zunilda Gertel (Davis), Dana Nelson (Arizona), Stanko Vranich (Lehman),

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Dennis Perri (Grinnell), 8111 Bruhn (MiamiUniversity), John Hassett (Swarthmore), Patricia Longworth (MankatoState), and manymanyothers in whomde Chasca took great pride. Manyof us were gathered in Iowa City on Friday, April 23, 1971, when, on the occasion of his inninent retirement, the department he served from 1953 and the Graduate College joined to pay homageto him. I can still recall clearly the extraordinary glow of that occasion as manyof us renewed our personal contact with the campus, the town, and the by-then expanded faculty of Spanish and Portuguese. The occasion was specially selected because it would coincide with the conmemorationof the death of Miguel de Cervantes, and Juan Bautista AvalleArce was to deliver an t1ddress on "DonQuiJote or Life as a Workof Art. 11 To manyof us, and to me quite especially, this was an unforgettable occasion. Practically all Spanish M.A. students at Iowawere to read for the first time in Spanish Don Quijote with Edmundde Chasca. I can think of no one who would ever willingly miss one of those classes. I can perhaps think of no other way to say this than to state that for an hour, three times a week, we all inhabited the world of Don Quijote through the pull of the imagination of Edmundde Chasca. Not only was he a gifted reader and a brilliant exponent of Cervantes' style, but also there was his love and respect for the life, values, nobility of Don Quijote the man, the tenderness felt for his foibles, errant quest, and final peace. The beauty of the vision, its sweetness and clarity, often made him pause: there are those moments, he taught us, whenwords finally fail. This man was not afraid to make literature live for his students, or to shed a tear for truth perceived. The theme of Prof. Avalle-Arce's lecture that day, "life as a work of art," could easily be used to present a thumbnail portrait of the teaching skills of de Chasca. That day was an emotional one for the honoree and, in typical fashion, what gave it special meaning was, for him, the presence of so manyof his ex-alumnos. Amongthe many tributes he received, I can rememberone that particularly struck him as solidifying the linkage amongus all: the presentation, by the fonner students (manyattending; others unable to but contributing) of a Dor~-illustrated Quijote. Although, as I recall now, I had three classes with him in my two years at Iowa, it was this one on Don Quijote that is most deeply engraved: we were maybeeight or nine, seated around a large rectangular table in his book-lined office, seminar-fashion: it might as we11 have been--and in a way maybe it was--another "cueva de Montesinos." But I am certain that it was because of this experience, and the gentility of this essentially shy but exceedingly generous man who could open hearts even as he opened minds to the wondrous, unending world beyond the printing on the page, that I chose him as my "major Professor" for the

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La Co'l'6nioa 15:!

1986-81

M.A. orals. Manywill recall that fn those days, at Iowa, students had to sit rigorous written exams in three areas of which one was declared the special area. Whenthese were passed, there was the much-feared oral tribunal: a topic was assigned one hour prior to the beginning of the oral and the candidate had to present twenty minutes of~ to begin the hour-and-a-half grilling. A lot of things happened that day which are imprinted indelibly fn my mind's eye but what I will most cherish was the unfailing courtesy, support (his eyes sparkling when things were going well}, and pride demonstrated as I wove myway through twentieth-century poetry and modernism(my other two areas fn addition to Cervantes}. The man, the teacher, the scholar, the friend: he was all of them then, and he has continued filling those roles for me unto this day. I remember, too, and hear echoes of Edmundde Chasca on Don QuiJote even now, as I read ft with one of my students as an honors project this quarter. I hear still hfs voice as each of us fn his "baby• stylistics class (the •big" version was for doctoral students who'd been through the M.A.-level course} fs encouraged by him to be the best at whatever approach had been adopted for the explication of a particular work (and why else would I recall my own neophyte attempts with Unamuno'sNada menos que todo un hombre ff ft were not for the thoroughness he exacted from us all?). Wewere always to work ft out completely, the first step to working it out well. De Chasca was not a teacher to let a weak effort slip by (I recall with equal clarity our joint disappointment on one of my efforts fn his course on Golden Age drama), but he was generous with his praise and always fair. The breadth of his intellect and learning was never fully evident in his many publications: muchwas reserved for the classroom in which his intermingling of the perfect anecdote would eventually find its target and make several points simultaneously and shiningly clear. His was an imposing presence. At first, I was too fn awe of him to even think in terms of a long-standing friendship. Now, looking back, rereading a thick file of letters, cards, and copies of letters of reconnendation he wrote for me (which he sent me years after they'd been written), it occurs to me that what this man was, above all other things, was a friend, in the truest and most permanent sense. His interest in his students never waned. He was always grateful for any attention paid to him, any positive memory,any token of gratitude and admiration. I copy, from a letter written in Decemberof 1978, when his own health and the health of others in his family were weighing heavily upon him: uEstas cfrcunstancias me quebrantan, naturalmente, y me impiden trabajar comoquisiera. A pesar de todo, me considero muyafortunado por la buena suerte de mi carrera. Dios me depar6 la oportunidad de establecer empatfa con alumnos prestantes ...

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UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

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