La corónica. A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures, and Cultures [21.2]

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Tableof Contents Articles: Two Spurious Chronicles of Pedro el Cruel and the Ambitions of his Illegitimate Successors Nancy F. Marino . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Further Early Arthurian Names from Spain David Hook . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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El manuscrito 11-1520de la Biblioteca de Palacio: un nuevo testimonio del Didlogode vita beata de Juan de Lucena Juan Carlos Conde L6pez . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Una copia del siglo XVIIIde los Castigose documentos del rey don Sancho IV en la collecci6n Iriarte · de la Biblioteca Bartolom6 March Hugo Oscar Bizzarri . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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On the Form connoscoof the Estoriade EspannaII and the Implications of an Overlooked Scribal Error Joel Rini ........................................................

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A Fourteenth-Century Spanish Life of St. Lawrence: Madrid, B.N. MS 10252 Dawn Ellen Prince . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86

Reviews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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La Cor6nica will need a new Editor: Having assumed duties with Volume 16-1 in the fall of 1987, and being of the firm conviction that the time-honored seven-year cycle applies to editors of scholarly journals in particular, the editor of La Cor6nica will step down from this position after the completion of Volume 22-2 (Spring 1994). The new editor will assume duties with the preparation of Volume 23-1 (Fall 1994). Any member of the Model'J! Language Association and its Division on Spanish Medieval Language and Literature who might interested in serving our profession in this way should contact the Chairperson of the Executive Committee:

Prof. Barbara Kurtz Department of Spanish and Portuguese University of Southern California Los Angeles, CA 90089

Interested persons are urged to make their interest known without delay: it would be our earnest hope to identify the new editor before the appearance of Volume 22-1 (Fall 1993), in time for public announcement at the meeting of the Modern Language Association in Toronto in December of 1993.

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PRIZE FOR OUTSTANDING ARTICLE Formal announcement is made here of establishment of the annual John K. Walsh Prize for the outstanding article in each volume of Li Cor6nica. Recipients of the prize will be announced at the annual meeting of the Modern Language Association, beginning with the award for Volume 21 (Fall 1992 and Spring 1993) at the December 1993 meeting in Toronto. The prize will be presented to the winning author at the social hour and cash bar sponsored by the Division of Spanish Medieval Language and Literature. We invite you to attend and participate in ceremonies to honor Jack Walsh's memory and recognize the achievement of the author of the article.

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Archivo Digital de Manuscritos y Textos Espaiioles: Volumen 1 (Charles B. Faulhaber and Francisco Marcos Marin) We are very pleased to announce that volume I of ADMYIE was released at the end of 1993. For a description of the project, see our earlier "ADMYTE: Archivo Digital de Manuscritos y Textos Espaiioles," La Cor6nica 18 (1990): 131-4S, and "La conservaci6n y utiliz.aci6n de textos en el futuro inmediato: ADMYTE, el archivo digital de manuscritos y textos espaiioles." Hispania 1S (1992): 1010-23. It contains approximately eight million words of text and some 10,000 images digitized from 4S early printed editions held in Madrid's Biblioteca Nacional containing a total of 61 works ranging in length from a few lines of poetry to massive texts like the Siete partidas, the dictionaries of Nebrija, and the Libro de propietatibus rerum of Bartholomaeus Anglicus. The earliest printing is the princeps of Nebrija's lntroductiones Latinae (1481), included because of the manuscript glosses contained in this copy, which formed the nucleus for the Spanish translation which appeared some five to seven years later. The latest dated printing is the 1524 edition of the Libro de las maravillas del mundo attributed to John of Mandeville, although it is probable that some of the Encina pliegos sueltos were printed later. The texts themselves range from the 13th century to the early 16th century and cover a broad variety of topics and genres. The intent was to reproduce the sorts of books which might have been found in the library of a contemporary of Columbus. Work is now going forward on "Volume O" of ADMYIE, which will appear later this year with a wealth of textual and bibliographical information-some 170 texts drawn from the Madison corpus as well as a set transcribed ad hoc by an international group of volunteers; the machine. readable versions of the Bibliography of Old Spanish Texts (C. Faulhaber, A. G6mez Moreno, A. Moll), the Bibliography of Old Catalan Texts (V. Beltran, G. Aveno7.a), and the Bibliography of Old Portuguese Texts (A. Askins, H. Sharrer, M. Schaffer, A. Dias); and a series of programs to manipulate both texts and bibliography (the Philobiblon data base program [J. May and C. Faulhaber, the UNITE textual criticism program [F. Marcos], the TACT text analysis program [J. Bradley], and the Trancalc lemmati7Jltionprogram [J.M. Blecua, J. Torroella]. ADMYIE I, published as a CD-ROM disk, contains approximately S47 MB of texts and images. It requires an 80396 MS-DOS computer with 4 MB of memory, Windows 3.1, and a standard High Sierra (ISO 9660) CD-ROM drive. It costs $600 (plus shipping) and may be ordered from: Micronet, S.A., Edificio Auge Ill, 6• planta, C/ Marla Tubau, 7, Madrid 280S0 (TEL: 34 1 358-9625; FAX: 34 1 358 9S 44). Wire transfers to:

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BancoBilbaoVizcaya BBV aaencia 915, account 01-589/600-2, Cl Goya 15, 28001, Madrid (send copy of transfer document to Micronet). Personal checks, university purchase orders and Visa cardsare accepted.

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Abbreviations BETA == BibUografla Espallola de Tatos Antiguos. Machine-readable version of BOOST, to appear in .,.Vol. O" of ADMYTE. BOOST= Charles B. Faulhaber, Angel G6mez Moreno, David Mackenzie, John J. Nitti, and Brian Dutton. Bibliography of Old Spanish Texts. 3d ed. Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1984. Cat. = Diosdado GarciaRojo y Goll7Jllo Ortiz de Montalban. Catdlogo tk incunables de la Biblioteca Nacional. Madrid, 194S; Supl., 19S8. (followed by the catalog number and the shelfmark of the digitimd copy) CNUM = Identification number of a specific copy of a given text in BOOST/BETA. It does not vary, whereas the sequence number within a given edition will changed with every new edition as more texts are added to the data base. ENCYCLOPEDIAS: 1. Alfonso de la Torre. V,si6n delectable. Burgos: Friedrich Biel, 148S [?], 1486 [?]. CNUM 1777 (BOOST 2131). Cat. 1873 (=I 2442). Transcr.: Isabel Maria Galiano Sierra; corr.: Rolando Cossio and Vicens Colomer. 2. Bartholomaeus Glanville. De proprietatibus rerum, Propiedades de las cosas. Tr. fray Vicente de Burgos. Toulouse: Enrique Meyer, 1494-9-18. CNUM 903 (BOOST 19S0). Cat. 266 (=I 1884). Transcr.: Marla Jesus Garcia Toledo, Isabel Maria Galiano Sierra; corr.: Aurora Martm de Santa Olalla, Antonio Cortijo, Daniel Kevin Gullo Pietkewitcz, Jose Carlos Pino Jimenez, M• Jesus Garcla Toledano, Isabel Muiioz Jimenez. DICTIONARIES and GRAMMARS: 3. Alfonso de Palencia. Universal vocabulario en latfn y romance. Sevilla: Pablo de Colonia, Juan Pegnitzer de Nuremberga, Magno Herbst de Fils & Tomas Glockner, 1490. CNUM 1S49 (BOOST 200S). Cat. 780 (=I 448449). Transcr.: Gracia Lozano L6pez, Maria Angeles Lamolda Gonzalez, Maria Dolores Fuentes Portillo, Cristina Ceballos Rodnguez, Carmen Ortega Alcaraz, Angel Romero Dfaz; corr. : Gracia Lo:zano L6pez. 4. Antonio de Nebrija. Dictionarium hispano-latinum. Salamanca: lmpresor de la Gramdtica de Nebrija, 149S. CNUM 1S01 (BOOST 2077). Cat. 125S {=11778). Transcr.: John O'Neill; corr.: Antonio Cortijo.

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S. Antonio de Nebrija. Dictionarium latino-hispanicum. Salamanca:lmpresor de la Gramdtica de Nebrija, 1492. CNUM 1498 (BOOST 2078). Cat. 1256 (=11778). Transcr.: Antonio Cortijo. 6. Antonio de Nebrija. Gramdtica castellana. Salamanca: Impresor de la Gramdtica de Nebrija, 1492-8-18. CNUM 1S06 (BOOST2019). Cat. 1259 (=I 2142). [f. 1r-v supplied from I 26S1.] Transcr.: John O'Neill; corr.: Stephen B. Raulston, Ann McCormick. 7. Antonio de Nebrija. lntroductiones latinae. Salamanca:Impresor de las lntroductiones latinae, 1481-01-16. CNUM 1S06 (BOOST2019). Cat. 1259 (=12142). Transcr.: Antonio Cortijo, Angel G6mez Moreno; corr.: Angel G6mez Moreno. 8. Rodrigo Fernandez de Santaella. Vocabulario eclesidstico. Sevilla: Juan Pegnitzer de Nuremberga, Magno Herbst de Fils & Tomas Glockner para Juan Lorencio, 1499-2-14. CNUM 2169 (BOOST 2006). Cat. 783 (=I 1408). Transcr.: Gracia Lo7JllloL6pez, Maria Angeles Lamolda Gon7Jllez, Maria Dolores Fuentes Portillo. LEGAL TEXTS: 9. Alfonso X. Siete partidas. Sevilla: Meinardo Ungut & Estanislao Polono, 1491-10-25. CNUM 130 (BOOST 210S). Cat. 1389 (=I 766). Transcr.: Cynthia Wasick; corr.: Rolando Cossio, Vicens Colomer. 10. Alfonso Dlaz de Montalvo. Ordenanzas reales. Huete: Alvaro de Castro, 1484-11-11. CNUM 2069 (BOOST1992). Cat. 619 (=11338). T~r.: Ivy A. Cortis; corr.: Jerry R. Craddock. 11. Fernando V & Isabel I. Cap(tulos de gobernadores, asist,:ntes y corregidores (1500-6-9). Sevilla: Juan Pegnitzer de Nuremberga & Magno Herbst de Fils [?] para Garcfa de la Torre & Alfonso Lorenzo, 1S00-6-9 a quo; Sevilla: Estanislao Polono [?], ·1s00-6-9 a quo. CNUM 2066 (BOOST 1977). Cat. 491 (=11427). Transcr.: Antonio Cortijo; corr.: Angel G6mez Moreno. 12. Fernando V & Isabel I. Cuaderno de las leyes nuevas de la hermandad (1486-7-7). Sevilla: Jacobo Cromberger, c. 1S11. CNUM S20 (BOOST 1986). Cat. 639• (=R 2462 4). Transcr.: Isabel Maria Galiano Sierra; corr.: Vicens Colomer. 13. Fernando V & Isabel I. Leyes hechas por la brevedad y orden de los pleitos (1499-5-26). Salamanca: Impresor de la Gramdlica de Nebrija para Fernando de Jaen, 1S00? CNUM S23 (BOOST 20S4). Cat. 1141• (=I 1801). Transcr.: Antonio Cortijo; corr.: Angel G6mez Moreno. Fernando V & Isabel I. Leyes de Madrid. Salamanca: Juan de Porras, c. 1S11. Cat. 1142 (=I 140S). Transcr.: Aurora Martln de Santa Olalla Sanchez; corr.: Maria Teresa Pajares Gimenez. Contains:

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14. Leya hechas por la brevedad y arden de los pleitas (1499-5-26). ff. lv-7v. CNUM 522 (BOOST 20SS). IS. Ordenanzas sabre los abagadas (1499-2-11). ff. 7v-10r.CNUM3162 (BOOST 2056). 16. Fernando V & Isabel I. Ordenanzas de la ciudad de Sevilla (1492-S-~0). Sevilla: Meinardo Ungut & Estanislao Polono, c. 1492. CNUM ·21ss (BOOST 2098). Cat. 1367 (=I 12432). Transcr.: Daniel Kevin Gullo Pietkewicz; corr.: Maria Teresa Pajares Jim6nez. 17. Fernando V & Isabel I. Ordenanzas sabre los escribanos de la ciudad de Sevilla (1492-5-30). Sevilla: Meinardo Ungut & Estanislao Polono, c. 1492. CNUM 2184 (BOOST2096). Cat. 1366 (=11243 1). Transcr.: Daniel Kevin Gullo Pietlcewicz; corr.: Maria Teresa Pajares Jim6nez. 18. Fernando V & Isabel I. Ordenanzas sobre los patios (1500-9-15). Sevilla: Estanislao Polono para Niculoso de Monardis, 1500-11-26. CNUM 3317 (BOOST2097). Cat. 1366• (=I 2559). Transcr.: Isabel Maria Galiano Sierra; corr.: Vicens Colomer. SCIENTIFIC TEXTS: 19. Al-Mubashshir ibn Fatik. Mukhtar al-hikam, Bacados de oro. Sevilla: Meinardo Ungut & Estanislao Polono, 1495-5-16. CNUM 697 (BOOST 1962). Cat. 396 (=I 187). Transcr.: Margaret Parker; corr.: Charles B. Faulhaber,Stephen B. Raulston. 20. Antonio de Nebrija. Tabla de la diversidad de los dtas y haras. Alcala de Henares: Arnaldo Guill6n de Brocar, c. 1516-1517? CNUM 2183 (BOOST 2083). Cat. 1264 (=I 1448). Transcr.: Antonio Cortijo; corr.: Angel G6mez Moreno. Sevilla: Meinardo Ungut & Estanislao Polono, 1495-4-18. Cat. 315 (=12438). Contains: 21. Bemardus de Gordonio. Lilium medicinae, Lilio de medicina. CNUM 720 (BOOST 1954). Transcr.: John Cull, Cynthia Wasick. 22. Bemardus de Gordonio. De ingeniis curandorum marborum, Tratado de las tablas de los diez ingenios de curarenfermedades agudas. CNUM 5813. Transcr.: Isabel Maria Galiano Sierra; corr.: Maria Teresa Pajares Gim6nez. 23. Bemardus de Gordonio. De regimine acutorum marborum, Regimiento de las agudas. CNUM 6494. Transcr.: Isabel Maria Galiano Sierra; corr.: Maria Teresa Pajares. Gim6nez.

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24. Bemardus de Gordonio. Tratado de los niifos, con el regimiento del ama. CNUM S814. Transcr.: Isabel Marla Galiano Sierra; corr.: Maria Teresa Pajares Gimenez. 25. Bemardus de Gordonio. Prognostica, Las pronosticas. CNUM S812. Transcr.: Isabel Maria Galiano Sierra; corr.: Maria Teresa Pajares Gimenez. 26. Fernando Alvarez. Regimiento contra la peste. Sevilla: Juan Pegnitzer de Nuremberga & Magno Herbst de Fils, c. 1S00. CNUM 3740 (BOOST 1939). Cat. 100 (= I 21822). Transcr.: Guadalupe Rodnguez L6pez-Lago; corr.: Angel G6mez Moreno. 27. Francisco L6pez de Villalobos. Sumario de la medicina. Salamanca: Impresor de la Gramdtica de Nebrija para Antonio de Barreda, 1498. CNUM 1341 (BOOST201S). Cat. 1169 (=I 13S0). Transcr.: Marla Jestis Garcla Toledo; corr.: Vicens Colomer. Zarago:za: Pablo Hurus, 1494-8-15. Cat. 1112 ( = I 51). Contains: 28. Johannes de Ketham. Fasciculus medicinae, Compendio de la salud humana. ff. 1-XXXIX. CNUM 2178 (BOOST 2050). Transcr.: Michael T. Ward; corr.: Marla Teresa Pajares Jimenez, Mana Jesus Garcla· Toledano. 29. Vasco de Taran ta. De epidemia et peste, Tratado de la peste. ff. 39v-48r. CNUM 2788 (BOOST20S1). Transcr.: Michael T. Ward; corr.: Marla Teresa Pajares Jimenez. 30. An6nimo. Tratado de la jisonomfa en breve suma contenida. ff. 48v-63v. CNUM 6542. Transcr.: Michael T. Ward, Maria Teresa Pajares Gimenez; corr.: Mana Teresa Pajares Jimenez. 31. Julian Gutierrez de Toledo. Cura de la piedra y dolor de la ijada y c6lica renal. Toledo: Pedro Hagenbach para Melchor Gorricio, 1498-4-4. CNUM 1184 (BOOST 2034). Cat. 924 (=I 1344). [Last leaf, with tasa, suppplied from I 648]. Transcr.: Linda S. Lefkowitz; corr.: Vicens Colomer, Rolando Cossio. 32. Manuel D{ez de Calatayud. Llibre del arte de menescalia, Libro de albeiterla. Tr. Marten Martfuez de Ampies. Zarago:za: Pablo Hurus, 1499-10-16. CNUM 2213 (BOOST 1990). Cat. 614 (=I 2342). Transcr.: Antonio Cortijo; corr.: Angel G6mez Moreno.

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TRAVEL LITERATURE: 33. [Jean de Bourgogne]. Juan de Mandevilla. Libro de las maravillas del mundo y del viaje th la Tierra Santa. Valencia, 1S24-10-13. CNUM 6933. R 13.148. Transcr.: Mana Jesl1s Garc{a Toledo; corr.: Charles B.

Faulhaber. Zaragom: Pablo Hurus, 1498-1-16. Cat. 408 (=1727). Contains: 34. Martm Martinez de Ampies. Tratado de Roma. ff. 4v-43v. CNUM 1402 (BOOST 1963). Transcr.: Jose Carlos Pino Jimenez. 3S. Bernhard von Breydenbach. Peregrinatio in Terram Sanctam, Viaje siquier peregrinaci6n de la tie"a sancta. Tr. Martm Martlnez de Ampies. ff. 44r-199v. CNUM 1404 (BOOST 1964). Transcr.: Pedro Tena Tena; corr.: Isabel Muiioz Jim6nez. 36. Marco Polo. Libro de Marco Polo. Tr. Rodrigo Fernandez de Santaella. Sevilla: Juan Varela de Salamanca, 1S18-S-16. CNUM 6934. R 3379. Transcr.: Jose Carlos Pino Jimenez; corr.: Thomas D. Spaccarelli. CHRONICLES and BIOGRAPHIES 37. Diego Rodriguez de Almela. Valerio de las historias eclesidsticas y de Espalfa. Murcia: Lope de Roca, 1487-12-6. CNUM 1664 (BOOST, 2117). Cat. 1611 (=I 249 1). [Table of contents supplied from I 2077]. Transcr.: Karl W. Fisher; corr.: Jose Carlos Pino Jimenez. Murcia: Lope de Roca, 1487-5-28. Cat. 1610 (=I 2492). Transcr.: Guadalupe Rodriguez L6pez-Lago; corr.: Angel G6mez Moreno. Contains: 38. Diego Rodriguez de Almeta. Compilacion de las batallas campales. ff. lr-48v. CNUM 1633 (BOOST 2115). 39. __ . Letra sobre los matrimonios y casamientos entre los reyes de Castilla y de Leon de Espana con los reyes y casa de Francia hechos. ff. 49r-59r. CNUM 5806. 40. __ . Escritura de como y por que razon no se debe dividir, partir ni enajenar los reinos y senor(os de Espana. ff. 51r-55r. CNUM 1644 (BOOST 2116).

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POETIC TEXTS: SO. Ifiiao L6pez de Mendom. Blas contra Fortuna. Sevilla: Estanislao Polono, 1502-4-3. R 11.886. Transcr.: Antonio Cortijo; corr.: AngelG6mez Moreno.

i,Buraos: Juan de Junta?, 1531 ad quem. R 3642. Transcr.: Maria Teresa Pajares Gim6nez; corr.: Rolando Cossio. Contains: 51. Juan del Encina. Coplas del memento homo. ff. lva3rb. CNUM 5822. 52. Ambrosio Montesino. Coplas hechas sobre la Pasi6n. ff. 3rb-4rb. CNUM 1048 (BOOST 2147). 53. Juan del Encina. Villancico nuevo sobre el perdon de Santa Maria Magdalena. CNUM 5826. 54. Juan del Encina. Egloga de Fileno, Zmnbardo y Cardonia. N.p. N.d [c. 1520-1S50] R 4993. CNUM 10S1 (BOOST 2148). Transcr.: Maria Terea Pajares Gimenez: corr.: Rolando Cossio. Burgos: Alonso de Melgar, c. 1S19. R 4888. Transcr.: Antonio Cortijo; corr.: Angel G6mez Moreno. Contains: SS. Juan del Encina. Egloga de Pldcida y Victoriano. ff. alv-c2va (1va-18va). CNUM 6676. S6. [Cartagena]. "Es amor en quien se esfuerza". f. c2va

(18va). CNUM 6678. 57. Fernando L6pez de Yanguas. Nunc dimittis. ff. c2vc4vb (19v-20vb). 6679. 1,Burgos?, 1S31 ad quem. R 9448. Transcr.: Maria Terea Pajares Gimenez; corr.: Rolando Cossio. Contains: S8. Juan del Encina. Testamento de amores. ff. alr-a4rb (lr-4rb). CNUM 10S6 (BOOST 21S0). S9. Juan del Encina. A su amiga porque se le escondfa en viendola. f. a4rb-va (4rb-va). CNUM 6681. 60. [Juan del Encina?]. "Todos servid al amor." f. a4vb (4vb). CNUM 6683. 61. An6nimo. Coplas hechas sobre el casamiento de la hija del Rey de Espana. Burgos: Friedrich Biel, c. 1496-7? CNUM 288 (BOOST 1984). Cat. 61S18' (=1947). Transcr.: Guadalupe Rodriguez L6pez-Lago; corr.: Angel G6mez Moreno.

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41. Diego de Valera. Cr6nica tk Espalfa. Sevilla: Alfonso del Puerto para Michael Dachauer & Garc!a de Castillo, 1482. CNUM 1801 (BOOST2023). Cat. 847 ( = MS 1341). Transcr.: Maria Jesus Garcla Toledo; corr.: Vicens Colomer. 42. Gauberto Fabricio de Vagad. Cr6nica de Arag6n. Zaragoza: Pablo Hurus, 1499-9-12. CNUM 1139 (BOOST, 2136). Cat. 192S (=I 2258). Transcr.: Jose Carlos Pino Jimenez. Sevilla: Estanislao Polono para Garc{a ·de la Torre & Alfonso Lorenzo, 1500-4-24. Cat. 1569 (=I S66); Transcr.: Michael Dangerfield; corr.: Manuel Raindo. Contains: 43. Hernando del Pulgar. Claros varones tk Castilla. ff. lr-43v. CNUM 1604 (BOOST 2111). 44. __ . Letras. ff. 43v-91r. CNUM 6668. 4S. Cronica popular del Cid. Burgos: Friedrich Biel para San Pedro de Cardena, 1512-3-31. R 897. CNUM 6993. Transcr.: Maria Jesus Garc{a Toledo; corr.: Aurora Marten de Santa Olalla Sanchez, Maria Teresa Pajares Gimenez.

TREATISES on CHIVALRY and NOBILITY: 46. Alonso de Cartagena. Doctrinal de los caballeros. Burgos: Friedrich Biel, 1487-6-20. CNUM 932 (BOOST2016). Cat. 844 (=11249). Transcr.: Catherine Soriano; corr.: James Ray Green. Valencia: Juan Viiiao, c. 1517? R 2302. Transcr.: Felix Calero Sanchez; corr.: Rolando Cossio. Contains: 47. Diego de Valera. Tratado de las armas, Tratado de los rieptos y desaflos. ff. ff. a2r-c8v (2r-24v. CNUM 1837 (BOOST 2146). 48. Diego de Valera. Ceremonialde prfncipes. ff. dlr-d7v (2Sr-31v). CNUM 6992. 49. Fernando Mejla. Nobiliario vero. Sevilla: Pedro Brun & Juan Gentil, 1492-6-30. CNUM 1483 (BOOST 208S). Cat. 1280 (=I 1667). Transcr.: Maria Teresa Pajares Gimenez; corr.: Manuel Raindo.

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Two Spurious Chronicles of Pedro el Cruel and the Ambitions of his Illegitimate Successors Nancy F. Marino University of Houston There are few protagonists in Castilian history that provoke as strong a reaction among both defenders and detractors as Pedro el Cruel. Indeed, it is this disparaging epithet that has stimulated the debate about the true personality of the fourteenth-century king. Was Pedro in fact a cruel monarch who ordered his half-brothers and others murdered for hindering his ambition to consolidate royal power? Or should he instead be called el Justiciero,as his advocates have preferred, arguing that the executions were justifiable political decisions no more serious than similar offenses committed by other medieval kings: Pedro himself was killed by his illegitimate brother, Enrique de Trastmnara, no less an ambitious, political assassination. Among those who sought to have Pedro's epithet changed to el Justicierowere Isabel I de Castilla, who strongly objected to the term Cruel,and later Felipe II, who ordered that use of the derogatory title be discontinued, preferring the more favorable one (M~rim6e I, 358). Since the sixteenth century there have been numerous books written that defend Pedro's honor as well as some that maintain that he deserved the injurious reputation because of his ruthless behavior. Most of these works -on either side of the argument- are based on interpretation of the existing historical facts, not on the discovery of ally new material concerning the reign of Pedro I de Castilla. In fact, the controversy regarding his infamy stems from the question of the accuracy and integrity of the extant information about his monarchy, and is compounded by the scarcity of documentation belonging to that era. As Peter Russell has pointed out, after Enrique de Trastmnara usurped the Castilian throne in 1369, he set out to destroy the materials about Pedro's reign held in both public and private archives; his aim was to eradicate any information that might provide a more objective record of his predecessor's government (18). Enrique II was indeed successful in creating an ample void in the history of Castile

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Marino for a period of almost two decades, beginning in 1350 with Pedro's ascent to the throne. It was advantageous to the new king that his half-brother seem a tyrant deserving of his downfall, since this imposed perspective would establish the legitimacy of Enrique's own rule and eventual heirs (Deyermond 161-62). The effective purge of documentation concerning Pedro's era and the subsequent preparation of the murdered king's chronicle by Pedro L6pez de Ayala -who had left Pedro's camp to follow Enrique- certainly casts doubt on whether Ayala provided an impartial account of the events that led to the assassination. Although the chronicler was once a doncel of the fallen monarch, he abandoned Pedro in 1366, and was formally recognized by him as a traitor in a letter that is conserved in archives in Murcia (Sitges 142-43). The question of Ayala's historical accuracy has been raised a number of times, but apparently originated in the sixteenth century with Ger6nimo Zurita's Enmiendasy advertenciasa las Coronicasde

los Reyes de Castilla ...

que escrivioD. Pedro Lopez de Ayala.

Despite his elaboration on some of Ayala's data, however, Zurita defends the integrity of the chronicler, and over the years many other historians have concurred with his opinion of the validity of the Cronicade Pedro I de Castilla.In their recent edition of this work, Constance and Heanon Wilkins briefly discuss both sides of the issue of the chronicler's possible prejudice toward his subject. They explain that some experts have considered Ayala biased against Pedro, since he was a member of the noble class that sought to prevent the king from centralizing power; yet others who have studied the matter have located documents that corroborate some of the events reported by Ayala, making his history as a whole seem correct (Wilkins xix-xx). Russell sees the Cronicaas "a cautious attempt by Ayala to justify his own career while doing as little violence as possible to historical truths; he comments that the biographer focused on Pedro's transgressions while remaining silent with regard to his virtues and good deeds (18-19). Noting Ayala's loyalty to his own class as well as the fact that he wrote the history many years after the events occurred, Tate considers this work a justification of its author's break with Pedro as well as an official act of Trastamaran politics (37). 2

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La Coronica21:2, 1992-93 The possible one-sided nature of Ayala's history has fueled a dispute that also began in the sixteenth century, one that concerns the uncertain existence of a more objective account of the events of Pedro's life, the so-called Cr/micaverdaderasupposedly written by Juan de Castro, Bishop of Jac!n and later of Palencia. Although some historians have mentioned this work over the centuries, no one has ever claimed to have seen it. 1 The first reference to the survival of a different Pedro chronicle apparently occurred in the fifteenth century, in the Sumariode los reyes de Espana,attributed to Juan Rodrfguez Cuenca, dispenseroto Dona Leonor, the wife of Juan I de Castilla. In it the author alludes to two distinct cronicas,"una fingida y otra verdadera: la fingida fue por se disculpar de los yerros que contra 61 [Pedro] fueron hechos en Castilla" (Lafuente 311). The "true" version, of course, supposedly portrayed Pedro as the model monarch and justified the executions he ordered. Since the time of this reference to two opposing accounts, some historians and the heirs to Pedro's illegitimate line have quoted the passage in an attempt to modify the prevailing opinion about his alleged cruelty, calling Ayala's work "the false chronicle" written to rationalize the murder of the king, and declaring Juan de Castro's presumed biography to be the "true story." Many experts believe, nevertheless, that the allusion to two manuscripts only refers to the two variations of Ayala's chronicle, the Abreviadaand the Vulgar.Their differences were first explained by Zurita, who considered the latter version more complete and polished; nonetheless, neither biography is "truer" than the other in its historical veracity. Juan de Castro is said to have written the Cronicaverdadera in secret but never published it for fear of reprisals by the Trast4maras. As chaplain to Dona Constanza, one of Pedro's daughters, the Bishop accompanied her to England in 1366, where she eventually married the Duke of Lancaster. During the more than twenty years he spent outside Spain, Castro was named Bishop in Aquitaine. He was also one of Lancaster's ambassadors to Castile when the Duke communicated to Juan I his claim to the Castilian throne based upon his marriage to Pedro's eldest surviving daughter; Ayala confirms Juan de Castro's participation in the ensuing dialogue

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Marino in his Cr6nicade Juan I (112-14). The dispute over the crown was settledby an agreementthat Doiia Catalina,daughterof Lancasterand Dofta Constanza,would marry Juan I's heir, Enrique. In 1388, when Catalina traveled to Castile to fulfill this pact, Juan de Castro was a memberof her entourage.The Bishoppresumablywrote his chronicle of the life of Pedro sometimeduring the two decades he spent in the English kingdom, then took it with him when he returned to Spain. At this point he supposedly turned the manuscript over to the Monastery of Guadalupe; those who questioned the reason for his choosing this particular site might have been satisfied to know that one of Castro's fellow ambassadorsin the Lancaster claim was the Prior of Guadalupe. Accordingto those who defend the existence of the chronicle, the codex remained in the monasteryuntil the reign of the Catholic Monarchs. Don Sancho de Castilla, one of Pedro's descendants through an apparently illegitimate line and chaplain to Felipe II, explainedthe disappearanceof the Castro chronicle in his annotations to a work entitled Prdctica de las virtudes, written in 1517by his father, Don Francisco de Castilla:2

Estuvo esta historia muchos aiios en la libreria del monasterio de NuestraSenorade Guadalupe hasta que el Doctor Caravajal del consejo de los Reyes Catholicos, don Fernando y doiia Isauel, y su coronista, la sac6 della para su coronica y nunca mas la bolui6, ora fuesse por auerse le perdido, ora porque no se entendieronalgunascossas de las que se siguieron al rey Enrrique contra su rey natural, que era el rey Don Pedro, por donde aufa de resultar por fuer~ainfamia a sus descendientes.Como quiera que sea, esta Coronicano boluieronmu a Guadalupe.El prior . . . de aquella Santa Casa la pidi6 con gran hinstancia a los herederos del Doctor Caravajal, que de alli se lleb6 por vna cedula del enperador y rey Don Carlos nuestro Senor que le mand6 bolber a Guadalupea [?] de Abila Caravajal, hijo del Doctor Carauajal, en cuyo poder quedaron sus libros, 4

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La Coronica21:2, 1992-93 viendose apretado de los frayles por que bolbiesse la historia que aura llebado su padre; y no la hallando busc6 vna de mano que es la misma que aura escripto el cauallero que e dicho y entreg6 la a los frailes de Guadalupe; y pensando que era la suya, la pusieron en su libreria hasta que algunos religiosos de aquella cassa . . . , ley~ndola, entendieron el engano que aufan le auido en tiempo que no la pudieron remediar. Y asi esta [sic] escripto est4 en la primera oja del libro de aquella historia que est4 de mano en el segundo vanco de la libreria como entramos a mano izquierda; y desta manera que digo falt6 de Espana aquella historia verdadera de la qual sac6 mi padre todo lo que aqui dice del rey don Pedro porque la ley6 antes que el Doctor Caruajal la sacare de Guadalupe. This story of the disappearance of the Castro chronicle and its subsequent substitution by the Ayala work has been repeated by others, and also formed the basis of correspondence in 1570 between Ger6nimo Zurita and Don Diego de Castilla, Deacon of Toledo and first cousin of Don Sancho. The letters appear in the unpaginated introduction of the 1683 edition of Zurita's Enmiendas and demonstrate the dean's desire to have the skeptical historian accept the existence of an alternate, more positive version of Pedro de Castilla's reign. While he expresses hope that such a manuscript would one day turn up and prove a valuable addition to Spanish history, Zurita argues against the likelihood that Juan de Castro's chronicle ever existed, and contends that Ayala's biography was the only extant chronicle of Pedro I, as well as a totally trustworthy account. The fact that it apparently was never examined first-hand by any interested party is damaging to the contention that the Juan de Castro chronicle is a real, not legendary, work. But other, equally important doubts remain about its existence (Lafuente 312; Ferrer 212-13). What of the fact that the Bishop never sought to publish the 5

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Marino manuscript even after Pedro's life and death ceased to be important issues in the kingdom? Why did Castro not publish the chronicle in England during his long stay there? Surely its appearance would have enhanced the claims to the Castilian throne made by the Duke of Lancaster, who could only have welcomed a work that might help him restore Pedro's reputation. Why didn't the Bishop publish the chronicle when he accompanied Pedro's granddaughter Catalina to Spain for her wedding to the Infante Enrique de Castilla? Why did it remain "secret" even after Catalina became queen and mother of future Juan II, in whose person the blood lines of the murdered king and his usurper were joined? And is it credible that there was only one extant copy, the one presumably taken from Guadalupe? If this chronicle was indeed housed in the monastery until the reign of the Catholic Monarchs, why was it not brought to light at that time, when Isabel wished to remove the derogatory Cruel from Pedro's name? These unanswered issues do indeed detract from the probability that Juan de Castro ever wrote a history of Pedro I. In addition, it is possible that the manuscript taken from Guadalupe by Dr. Carvajal and later returned by his heirs was one and the same, a copy of the Ayala chronicle: Both Ferrer (213) and Lafuente (312) report that in 1539 Fray Diego de Ciceres traveled to Salamanca to recover the borrowed codex from the Carvajal family and was given the Ayala work, which he recognized as the one taken from the monastery by the doctor some years before. It may seem evident, then, that the Cr6nicaverdaderais an apocryphal work. Because there is no concrete evidence to suggest Juan de Castro ever wrote such a biography of Pedro, the issue probably would have disappeared in the fifteenth century after its oblique mention in the Sumariode los reyes if it were not for the recurrence of the subject in the writings of Francisco, Sancho, and Diego de Castilla, all descendants of the defamed monarch; their persistence in the matter fueled the fires of Pedro's subsequent vindicators. Why this insistence on an apparently fictitious work? That they simply wished to enhance their great-great-grandfather's diminished stature is probably too simple an answer. That desire must be coupled with their ambition to prove that their great-grandfather,

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La Coronica21:2, 1992-93 Pedro's presumably illegitimate son Don Juan de Castilla, was designated in the king's will as heir to the throne after his daughters. To this end the Castilla family may not only have intentionally perpetuated the apparent legend of the Juan de Castro history, but might also have had a role in the composition of another such work -the other spurious chronicle of the title of this essay- attributed to Pedro Gratia Dei, a rey de armas and chronicler of Fernando and Isabel. 3 The biography that Gratia Dei is supposed to have written is entitled Cronicadel Rey Don Pedroy de su decendencia,que es el linagede los Castilla.It contains a short history of Pedro's reign that highlights his virtues and disputes in general terms the negative image painted by Ayala. The greater part of the work, however, is dedicated to tracing the king's descendants. Although it apparently circulated in manuscript form in the 1500's, the Gratia Dei biography was not edited for publication until 1788, when it appeared in the Semanario eruditode Valladares.In addition to the history and genealogy, this edition of the work includes the marginal notes and comments added to the chronicler's original text at a seemingly later date, annotations that complete the data about family members that lived later in the sixteenth century. But historians have doubted Gratia Dei' s authorship of this biography since its polished style is so unlike the herald's inferior execution of his known works: his poetic compositions, in particular, are strange and often incoherent specimens. Sitges has suggested that this history was written by Diego de Castilla or his brother Luis, Archdeacon de Cuenca (30). It will be suggested below that this chronicle could have been composed by their uncle, Francisco de Castilla, author of the Prdcticade las virtudes. Authorship is not the only problem surrounding the Gratia Dei manuscript, however. The work also contains several historical errors that might serve to discredit its validity regardless of its origins. It states, for example, that at the time of Pedro's birth in 1333, his illegitimate brothers were already grown men; however, the authentic date for the birth of the eldest of them, Enrique de Trast&nara, was in 1332. Other errors also have to do with chronology, turning into years what were in fact periods of months.

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Marino But the Gratia Dei document does not seem to be primarily concerned with historical details about individual events; the sole intention in this biographical account is to defend Pedro against Ayala's adverse report and justify the many deaths ordered by him: "Las muertes de criados y personas favorecidas del Rey tuvieron dependencia de las conjuraciones y alianzas secretu que el Rey Don Pedro descubri6 que trataban contra 61, y era forzoso hacer justicia de los culpados" (237). The author's major objective can be found in the second part: the chronicle also contains a copy of Pedro's will, followed by a long narrative that lists and discusses his descendants. This is the part that most interested the Castilla family: all of them have Pedro's son Juan as their common ancestor and founder of the Castilla line. And although Don Juan's legitimacy and inheritance are historically doubtful, his heirs seem to have attempted to prove both, probably in an effort to enhance their own honor and importance in the royal house. Before examining Don Juan's life, it will be useful to review Pedro de Castilla's complex marital history and mention his other offspring. In June of 1353 he married Blanca de Borb6n, niece of the French king. Apparently Pedro had protested the marriage before it took place, perhaps on the grounds that her dowry had neither been paid in full nor was forthcoming.• Within days of the wedding he abandoned her, returning to his mistress Doiia Marfa de Padilla, a member of an influential family that initiated and then used her relationship with the king to gain further authority. During their almost ten-year liaison (which ended with her death in 1361), Dona Marfa bore Pedro four children: Beatriz (promised to and repudiated by the heir to the Portuguese crown, after which she retired to a convent where she died); Constanza (mentioned above as the wife of the Duke of Lancaster); Isabel (who married Lancaster's brother, the Duke of York); and Alfonso (who died as a small child soon after his mother's death). Marfa de Padilla was expecting their second child when Pedro initiated proceedings to annul his marriage to Doiia Blanca; the purpose of the dissolution was not to enable him to wed Marfa, however, but another young woman named Juana de Castro.

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La Coronica21:2, 1992-93 Doiia Juana, of the powerful and noble Castro family, was the widow of Don Diego L6pez de Haro and second cousin of Pedro de Castilla; it was said that the king was captivated by her renowned beauty. Juana's brother, Fernando de Castro, was Pedro's mayordomo mayorand most faithful subject until the end of his life. Historians differ on Juana's motives for marrying Pedro. Some portray her as a chaste woman pursued tirelessly by the libidinous monarch; they contend that because of her noble status, Doiia Juana refused to become his mistress and insisted on marriage (Mariana I, 489; Storer 111-12; M6rim6e I, 177-78). Sitges, however, believes that she held out for matrimony only in order to satisfy her own ambitions. He maintains that Juana was abundantly aware of Pedro's legitimate marriage to Blanca de Borb6n, and might even have attended the wedding with her brothers, who are known to have witnessed the ceremony. Although she did ask Pedro to seek an annulment, Juana did not solicit papal dispensation for their own union, required because of their close degree of consanguinity (Sitges 406-07). The annulment was approved by the Bishops of Salamanca and Avila without the authorization of the Pope. Pedro apparently referred to his reluctance to wed Blanca de Borb6n and the protests he lodged before their nuptials, as well as the fact that their marriage was never consummated. Some believe that the bishops consented to the dissolution for fear of the king's wrath. While Juana and Pedro prepared for their wedding in Cu6llar, the king's half-brothers Enrique and Fadrique were plotting against him, planning to offer the Castilian throne to the Infante of Portugal. The envoys they sent to the crown prince were Alvar P6rez de Castro and In6s de Castro, illegitimate brother and sister of Pedro's betrothed.' On the day of their wedding in March 1354, the king was informed that the conspirators were planning to enter Castile; the next day he left Cu61lar to tend to the crisis. Ayala wrote in his Cronica that at this moment Pedro abandoned Juana de Castro, never to see her again (53). Although the chronicler does not explicitly say so, one might conclude from this fact that the king feared she might be part of the conspiracy. While many historians have repeated Ayala's contention that the marriage lasted only one day, they are divided 9

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Marino about whether or not Dofta Juana subsequently gave birth to a son,

namedJuan. Although there remains no documentation of Don Juan de Castilla's birth, there can be no disputing that l'edro did indeed have a son with this name. 6 Whether or not he was the result of the king's marriage to Dofta Juana remains an enigma. Zurita does not believe that Don Juan was her son, since Ayala does not refer to his birth (283). Sitges states that he searched in vain for the identity of this man's mother (447). If one believes the claim that Pedro and Juana were together for but one day after their wedding, then it may be a reasonable (but not necessary) conclusion that they had no children together. But it is difficult to accept Ayala's argument in light of some evidence that seems to suggest the contrary. As a result of their approval of Pedro's annulment of his marriage to Blanca, the Bishops of Salamanca and Avila were summoned to appear before Pope Innocent VI several months later "para dar razon de su conducta en este asunto"; the Pope also warned Dona Juana to separate from the king, and when she did not, threatened her with excommunication (Montoto 49). On January 19, 1355, ten months after the wedding, Pedro, Juana de Castro, and also Marfa de Padilla were named in a papal decree of excommunication in Toledo (M~rimoo I, 226). While such citations take time to process and serve, the date of the papal ruling might indicate that Juana and Pedro did remain together for longer than the twenty-four hours that Ayala reported. In any case, there remains no record of their annulment, and neither Pedro nor Juana remarried afterward. 7 If Don Juan de Castilla was in fact their son, he probably was born in late 1354 or early 1355, and would have been about fourteen at the time of his father's death. Marfa de Padilla gave birth to Pedro's daughter Constanza in June, 1354, three months after the king wed Doiia Juana. It is not clear when the king and Juana de Castro finally parted, but he did return to Doiia Marfa, perhaps when Constanza was born. Dona Juana apparently went to Duenas after she and Pedro separated, then to her native Galicia, where she died in 1374 having retained the title of Queen of Castile. By 1360 Pedro and Marfa had two more children. Pedro's faithfulness to her was not complete, 10

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La Coronica21:2, 1992-93 however: in 1360 he also had a son with one of her cousins, Marfa de Hinestrosa. • According to Fl6rez, a document in the Archives of the Dukes of Medina-Sidonia reports that this child was named Fernando, and that he was given the title of Senor de Niebla. On January 9, 1361, the diputadosof Carmona (Seville) were asked to pay homage to Fernando as the son of the king and Marfa de Hinestrosa. Florez says that no further mention is made of him, so he may have died as a small child (649-50). After Marfa de Padilla's death, Pedro had two more sons with a lady-in-waiting known only as Isabel; they were named Sancho and Diego. To this list of offspring we can add Marfa de Castilla, born of a relationship between the adolescent Pedro and a young woman living at the palace, Teresa de Ayala (niece of the chronicler); this daughter later became the prioress of Santo Domingo el Real in Toledo. At the time of his death in 1369, the king appears to have had seven living children (Padilla's three daughters9, Juan, Sancho, Diego, and Marfa). The Castilla family that descended from Don Juan seems to have taken a particular interest in Pedro's will, which they apparently had in their possession for some time. Zurita examined this document in June of 1570 when he visited Diego de Castilla in Toledo (introduction to Enmiendas,n. pag.) As we have mentioned above, Don Diego and his relatives were insistent on proving that their greatgrandfather had been named in the testament as heir to the Castilian throne after the Padilla daughters. While his name is indeed in the document, it seems to have been clumsily added at a later date. Ignacio de Hermosilla, a member of the Real Academia de la Historia, described the apparent alterations made to the original will: On the lines containing the name of Pedro's son, a word of more than four letters was scratched out, and "Juan" was written in a different hand, leaving space after it; in the areas where the son's mother is mentioned, the name "Juana de Castro" was inscribed over some rasped letters that also had required more space, leaving a blank area at its end as well (Rosell 595-96, n. 8, 9, 14).10 Exactly when this modification of the testament was executed is not clear. However, when Zurita examined the original in 1570, Juan's name was already to be found there. 11 In addition, a sixteenth-century document in the 11

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Marino archives of the cathedral in Toledo refers to the will as in the possession of Luis de Castilla (Diego's brother) and mentions the designation of Don Juan as alternate heir (Sitges 34). Rosell believes that the alteration of Pedro's testament constitutes proof that someone wanted to make it seem that Don Juan de Castilla was indeed the son of the king and Dona Juana, and also concludes that she had no children of this marriage (597, n. 2). When Pedro had the document prepared in 1362, his only sons were Juan and Fernando, child of Marfa de Hinestrosa, since Sancho and Diego had not yet been born. Had he in reality designated Fernando, as a member of the Padilla family? The longer spaces required for both this name and that of his mother make this a possibility, together with Hermosilla's conjecture that the first letter of the deleted heir's name was an Sor an F. 12 While Don Juan de Castilla might not have been called to the throne in his father's testament, he did have an unfortunate life after Pedro's murder because of his relationship to him: The Trastmnaras evidently considered any son, legitimate or not, a threat to the stability of their claim to rule. At some point Juan went to England, (perhaps with his half-sisters in 1366) and apparently remained there until his niece Dona Catalina returned to Spain in 1388 to wed the future Enrique III. According to Sitges (448) and Fl6rez (645), the treaty with England that put an end to the struggle with Spain by stipulating this marriage also had as one of its conditions that the Duke of Lancaster tum Don Juan over to Juan I de Castilla, who promised to spare his life but keep him imprisoned. 13 He spent the rest of his life in the fortress at Soria, despite the fact that Enrique III seems to have desired his freedom and that of his half-brothers: in his testament Enrique leaves to the "better discretion" of its executors' judgment the future of these three men "porque la nuestra anima sea desembargada" (L6pez de Ayala, Crtmicas193). In confinement Don Juan married Doiia Elvira de Falces, the daughter of his jailer, Beltr4n de Eril. Together they had a son, Pedro, and a daughter, Constanza. The lot of the entire Castilla family improved considerably when Doiia Catalina, Pedro's granddaughter that became Queen of ~astile, took the responsibility of protecting Don Juan's children. She

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La Coronica21:2, 1992-93 chose the most obvious shelter, the Church: Pedro became Archdeacon of Alarc6n in 1402, Bishop of Osma in 1432, and in 1440 was appointed Bishop of Palencia by Juan II; Constanza entered the royal convent of Santo Domingo el Real in Madrid, where she eventually became prioress. She petitioned her nephew Juan II to have her father's remains taken from his tomb in Soria to her monastery for burial; the request was carried out in 1442. Four years later Dona Constanza asked that King Pedro be interred with Don Juan, and had him removed from the church of Santiago in Alcocer, where he had been laid to rest after being sent from a monastery in Montiel, the place of his murder. The sepulchre of father and son was located in the main chapel of Santo Domingo el Real, a monastery with a long history of royal patronage. Two praying statues knelt over the tombs; Don Juan's figure had shackles on its feet to symbolize the imprisonment in which he lived and died. Fernando and Isabel later improved the tomb, substituting a black marble sarcophagus atop which the statues were placed. The crypt remained intact until the Revolution of 1868, when the church was assaulted and partially burned. At some unknown time the figure of Don Juan disappeared; his remains and those of his father were subsequently placed in velvet-lined coffins and sent to the Archeological Museum in Madrid, where they were displayed in the "Gabinete de curiosidades." Based upon Pedro's testamentary request that he be interred in Seville, the Ayuntamientoof that city requested the transfer of his coffin in 1875; by early 1877 both the king and Don Juan were buried in the Cathedral of Seville, next to Marfa de Padilla. The famous statue of Pedro I de Castilla remained in the Madrid museum (Moya 102-10). The attentive treatment given the memory of Don Pedro and Don Juan de Castilla beginning in the mid-fifteenth century is indicative of the attitude of the royal family toward its assassinated predecessor: with the threat of usurpation by this branch of the family a past fear, and with Pedro's blood mixed with his own, Juan II was prepared to honor his ancestors, following his mother Catalina's initiation of this reversal of opinion. The descendants of Don Juan de Castilla soon were awarded prominent positions and married into distinguished families (See Selected Genealogy, next page). 13

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Selected Genealogy of the Castilla Paally 0 (0.

;::;:

N. (D

0...

DonaJuana de Castro?

Pedro I de Ca7

0-

'
1 Doze trabajos fue objeto de una reproducci6n facsimilar muy especial: la efectuada por Jose Sancho Ray6n. Yul. para sus especialcs caracteristicas el trabajo de V{ctor Infantes, Una coleccion de burlas bibliogrdjicas: las reproducciones fotolitogrdjicas de Sancho Ray6n (Valencia: Albatros, 1982), pp. 24-25 (trabajo publicado con antcrioridad en Cuadernos de Bibliofilia, 5 [pp. 61-82), 6 [pp. 43-S8], 7 [pp. 5-29) y 8 [pp. 19-42)). No creo deba echarse en saco roto a la hora de dar cuenta de esta edici6n conjunta de Villena y Lucena el hecho de que de las prcnsas zamoranas de Centenera saliera en 1483, ademas de la edici6n de la obra de Lucena mcncionada mu arriba, una ed. de los Doze trabajos de Villlena: vid. Morreale, LVI, y Vindel, El arte tipogrdjico ... Salamanca, Zamora ... , op. cit., pp. 246-53. 29

Vease Gallardo, III, col. S46b; Palau, VII, p. 703a; Sim6n D!az, III.2, p. 3SSb, n° S75S; F.J. Norton, A Descriptive Catalogue of Printing in Spain and Portugal, 1501-1520(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), p. llla-b, n° 307 (en adelante Norton); Catdlogo colectivo de obras impresas en los siglos XVI al XVIII existentes en las bibliotecas espaffolas. Seccion I. Siglo XVI. Letras H-1-J-K. &lici6n provisional (Madrid: Ministerio de Educaci6n y Cicncia, 1975), sub nomine Lucena, Juan de [en adelante Cat. colectivo]. A los ejcmplares conocidos (como el R/3382 de la Nacional de Madrid, que he manejado y al que volvere a rcferirme por otras razones mis adelante) hay quc aiiadir en los ultimos tiempos el localizado en la Biblioteca Municipal de Madrid (C/XVl-24) por Jose Sim6n D!az, del quc da noticia en su trabajo "La literatura medieval castellana y sus ediciones espaiiolas de 1S01 a 1S60", en M.L. L6pez-Vidriero y P.M. Citedra, eds., El libro anliguo espaffol, op. cit., p. 390. Es curioso y digno de ser reseiiado el hecho de que Jose Sancho Ray6n en sus Ensayosfotolilogrdjicos (Madrid, 1873) reprodujo la portada de csta edici6n, mu accesiblcmente reproducida, si bien en muy pequeiio tamaiio, por Sim6n D!az, loc. cit. Sim6n reproduce la portada del ejemplar de la Nacional. Para los Ensayosfotolitogrdjicos de Sancho Ray6n y sus otras labores fotottpicas y facsimilarcses inexcusable la consulta del trabajo de Vfotor Infantes citado en la nota preccdente. 30

Dicha xilograria (San Agustm rodeado de monjes con rosarios) es la misma que aparece en los Sermones de sant Agustin imprcsos por Pegnicer y Herbst en Sevilla, 14-V-1S02 (Norton, n° 723), segun seiiala el propio Norton al referirse a nuestra edici6n. Aventura cl bibli6grafo britinico (p. 347b) la posibilidad de que Varela hubiera sido empleado de Pegnicer y Herbst.

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CondeLopez " Donde tan grato1 momento1 de solar.bibliogr4jicohe tenido el gusto de vivir, 1iempre de la mano de dona Dolores Vives, a quien digo aqu{ de grado mi agradccimiento. Norton, loc. cit., 1enala la exiltcncia de ejernplarea en la British Library y en la Ostcrrcichische Nationalbibliothek de Viena, adernu de en la mcncionada Bibliotcca March. 32

Sim6n, p. 356a, n° 5757; Cat.colcctivo, sub nomine Lucena, Juan de (amboa hacen referencia al R/13754 de la BNM, que perteneci6 a Gayangos).

n Se trata de Gallardo, col. 546; C. P6rez Pastor, La lmprenta ,n Medina d,l Campo (Madrid: Sues. de Rivadeneyra, 1895), pp. 12b-13a, n° 23; Palau, p. 703a y Sim6n, p. 356a, n° 5756. Esta cdici6n aparcceconvenicntcmentc consignada en el R,p,rtorio d, impr,sos 1sp1floks p,rdidos , imaginarios, I (Madrid: Direcci6n General de Bellas Artes, Archivoa y Bibliotecu-Instituto Bibliogdfico Hisp4nico, 1982), p. 244b, n° 3706, con base en la infonnaci6n de P6rez Pastor. 34

Ha de tratarse de las Apuntaciones h,chas por Don Josi Cevallos d,sd, ,l alfo 1758 hasta 1762 para la Biblioteca Espalfola, escrilas por II mismo [. . .], actualmente en la Biblioteca Colombina, ms. 82-6-21, segun la refercncia de F. Aguilar Pinal, Bibliografla de autor,s ,spalfoles d,l siglo XVIII, II (Madrid: CSIC, 1983), p. 398b, n° 2933. Jos6 Cevallos, sevillano (1724-1776), fue uno de los fundadorcs de la Real Academia Sevillana de Duenas Lctras, acad6mico de la Real de la Historia y conspicuo representante de la erudici6n dicciochesca. ,., Ejemplar en la BNM, R/10862. 36

BNM 1/1826. lnformaci6n sobre estas cdiciones en Incunables, II, pp. 182-83, n• 5116-S118 y Sim6n, pp. 167b-168a, n• 3899-3903 (adem4s de la curiosidad recogida en el n° 3929). 37

La monda y lironda enunciaci6n del problema planteado por la referencia del Ensayo aparecc en Sim6n Dfaz, p. 169a, n° 3915. 31

Paz y Melia tambien edita en este volumen la Epistola exhortatoria a las letras del mismo Lucena, pp. 207-17. 39

La necesidad de una edici6n crltica del Didlogo de Lucena aparece mencionada en el recenttsimo artfculo de Ana Vian, "El Libro de vita beata de Juan de Lucena como di4logo literario", BHi, 93 (1991), 61-10S, p. 66 nota 7, ultima contribuci6n a la bibliogratia critica sobre Lucena. Prccisamente el trabajo que cierro con estas lineas quiere ser un primer paso hacia la realizaci6n de una cdici6n critica, que vem la luz en la editorial Akal.

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La Coronica21:2, 1992-93 Addenda: Continua el inter6s por este ms. 11-1520de la Biblioteca de Palacio. El trabajo de Ian Michael que se dijo estaba en prensa en la Revista de UteraturaMedievalha visto ya la luz en su tomo III (1991), 14961. Por otro lado, la tarde del s4bado cuatro de julio de 1992tuvo lugar en Londres, como cierre del IV Colloquium on XV Century Literature organizado por el Department of Hispanic Studies del Queen Mary and Westfield College, una mesa redonda sobre el fragmento celestinesco contenido en nuestro ms. Con Alan Deyermond como chairman, participaron en ella los profesores Dorothy Sherman Severin e Ian Michael, junto con el firmante de esas lfneas. Las m4s interesantes conclusiones a las que se llegaron, tras animada y general discusi6n, fue que el fragmento est4 copiado por m4s de una mano -contra lo que afirmo supra: entono la palinodia-, y que es del m4ximo inter6s para interpretar correctamente las implicaciones de tal situaci6n conocer la constituci6n de los cuadernos del c6dice, pr4cticamente imposible de advertir en su estado actual. No ser4, estoy seguro, la ultima sesi6n de una reuni6n cientffica dedicada a nuestro manuscrito.

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Una copia del siglo XVIlI de los Castigos e documentos del rey don Sancho IV en la colecci6n Iriarte de la Biblioteca Bartolom~ March Hugo Oscar Bizzarri Seminariode Edicidn y Crftica Textual Universidadde Buenos Aires

In memoriamDennisSeniff 1. Un poco de historia personal Dentro del equipo de investigacidnque congrega y fomenta el hispanista argentino Genn4n Orduna en el Seminariode Edici6n y CrfticaTextual, en BuenosAires, comenc6a profundizarhacia el aiio 1985 el conocimientode las coleccionessapiencialesdel siglo xm. Y si bien en un comienzoatrajeron mi inter~ las obras del perfodo alfonsf, poco a poco los Castigose documentosque el rey don Sancho IV orden6 componerpara la instrucci6nde su hijo, Fernando IV, fue ganando mi inter6s. Un par de aiios mggtarde, en ocasi6nde celebrarseen Buenos Aires las SegundasJomadas de Literatura Medieval, los hispanistas norteamericanosasistentespropagabana viva voz la noticia de que el profesor Dennis Seniff estaba trabajando un nuevo manuscrito de Castigose documentosen vistas a una futura edici6n de esta obra. 1 Como estaba dentro de mis intereses inmediatos revisar la tradici6ntextual de Castigose documentosy emprenderla ardua tarea de realizar una edici6n crftica,2 escribf al hispanista exponiendomis puntos de vista. Al poco tiempo recibfa contestaci6na mi carta, cuyo cuerpo central transcribopor declarar de una manera Ilana y generosa todo el proyecto del ilustre hispanista: 1 de octubrede 1988 [... ] Sf, el prof. Keller y yo hemos comenzado la edici6nde Castigos,yo el responsablepara la edici6n misma y 61la introducci6nhist6rico-literaria.El ms. base es el 3993 [errataevidentepor 3995] -el m'8

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La Coronica 21: 1, 1992-93 antiguo- de la BN (Madrid). Parece que representa la versi6n "primitiva" de la obra. En adelante, parece haber dos etapas (o versiones) de aiiadiduras y enmendaciones posteriores: la primera se encuentra en el ms. Escurialense (yen otros mss.), editado por Agapito Rey en su ed. de 1952; la segunda, que por lo visto estcigobemada por otra est6tica tilos6fica por parte del redactor, se conserva s6lo en un manuscrito muy tardfo (l,S. XVI?)que obra en manos privadas en Madrid actualmente. El formato de nuestra ed. obedecer4 en gran medida al de mi ed. del L. Monterla (1983) que ud. habrci visto (l,?), con todas estas aiiadiduras sefialadas en cursiva y entre corchetes -si no, serfa gran labor (y muy costosa) el publicarla. Estos son los problemas fundamentales relacionados con los textos. Adem4s, hay el problema de autoda (l,es de verdad del rey Sancho?), el de la fecha de los mss., etc. 1Una "caja china"! Espero que haya resuelto algunas de sus preocupaciones respecto a esta obra. Puede ser que hagamos alglin tipo de colaboraci6n sobre ella en el futuro, si le interesada [ ... ] Un abrazo, Dennis Seniff Pero una terrible enfermedad vino a frustrar tan importante proyecto, sin que nosotros hayamos tenido m4s noticias de su labor que las que esta amable carta nos declara. De ahf que nos hayamos atrevido a redactar este estudio donde exponemos nuestros personales puntos de vista. Esperamos que estas notas nuestras sobre el manuscrito que interes6 a D. Seniff sean un justo homenaje a su memoria.

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Biu.arri 2. El manuscrito l 7/6/3 de la Biblioteca Particular de Bartolom6 March Cerv{ Se trata de un manuscritodel siglo XVIlI que perteneci6 a D. Juan de Iriarte (1702-1771). Como se sabe, a su muerte su biblioteca pasd a manos de su hijo, Bartolom6,mu conocido por su labor de fabulista.3 Los herederos de Iriarte a principios del siglo XIX la vendieron a Thomas Phillips, cuya familia la conserv6 hasta 1964, momentoen el cual nuevamenteel dinero volvi6 a pesar mu que los viejos libros, siendo comprados en pdblica subasta londinense los ciento noventa y ocho voldmenes de la biblioteca por el financiero mallorqu{Bartolom6March, en cuya bibliotecamatritense lo hemos consultado.4 El manuscritoposee un total de 224 p4ginas(la paginacidnes moderna, en 14piz).Los folios miden 21,50 x 15,50 mm.; caja de escritura 15,50 x 7,50 mm.; escrito a plana entera. Encuadernacidn original con tapas azules de cartdn. Tejuelo: "Yriarte / Mss. / A / Mystery / Play / 11361." En el vuelco de la tapa se encuentra el ex libris de la BibliotecaMarch: "B. M. Non ego argento sed argentum bono et amicis meis." Se guardan dentro del volumen dos tarjetas. Una de Phillips: "A Play ending: 'Et nos el Rey Don Sancho que fezimos este libro lo acabamosaqui en este capitulo en la era de mill y trezientos y treinta y un aiios' in the autographof Juan de Iriarte. 4to. XVIII Cent". La segunda, mu moderna, es de I. Michael: "Iriarte / Comentario sobre los Castigos del Rey Don Sancho, capftulo por capftulo (a base de un Ms. que Iriarte tuvo en su posesidn). [La atribucidn de Phillips "Translation of one of the Mystery Plays" es completamenteerrdnea]. Nota de Ian Michael; 24.IX.81". En la pagina 1 se halla la anotacidnrefutadapor Michael; las p4ginas2 a 4 se encuentranen blanco. En la pagina 5 comienzael prdlogo: "Pr61ogoI Por tal como nuestro Senor Dios es ynfenidabondat por tal todo lo que / el faze es bueno". El texto finaliza en la pagina 237: "Et nos el Rey don sancho f~ic] que / fezimos este libro lo acabamosaqui / en este capitulo en 60

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La Coronica 21: 1, 1992-93 la era de mill & trezientos& treynta & un anos. I Finis". Las ultimas p4ginasdel manuscritopermanecenen blanco. Este manuscrito no contiene una copia "estricto sensu" de Castigos e documentos, ni es un comentario como apunta Ian Michael, sino m4s bien extractosde los pasajes de cada capftuloque m4s interesaron a Iriarte, quien persegufa, por lo que se ve, una finalidadlingiifstica.Damos algunos ejemplos: "mmsiempre por DQ / nin siempre por ni / [... ] comencamientopor principio" (p4g. 5), "Una uegada andaua a monte con muy grand / frio (a caza)" (p4g. 29), "El alimosna laua todos los pecados asi / como el agua laua todas las cosas lixosas / (lixososignificasucio o puerco)" (p4g. 30),

etc. Tambi6nde la colecci6nIriarte se conserva otro manuscrito de mano del bibliotecario,con signatura 17/6/2, que posee id6nticas caracterfsticasde encuademaci6nque el nuestro. En este manuscrito anot6 Iriarte la fecha de copia: "Hoy 25 de Enero de 1744 traslad6 este pr6logo de don franciscode quevedo,de su original escritode su propio puiio que est4 al principio de Don Antonio Xerlei Conde de Leste contenido en un ms. en 4° de la librerfa de don Andr6s Corralesde Barcia. El pr6logode la obra empiezaconfuso.Estoy con qu6 tftulode recomendaci6ndeue presentar este tiempo del Universo y esphera del mundo en seruicio de V. E. Juan de Iriarte" (p4g. 3). A continuaci6nse copian obras de Quevedo.Si la encuadernaci6nde estos manuscritos es la original, como suponemos, es posible que ambos, que no son otra cosa que cuadernosde trabajo, pertenezcan a la misma o cercana 6poca de composici6n,aunque en el caso de Quevedolas obras se transcribenen forma completa. 3. El texto del manuscritoIriarte Cabe preguntarsesi Iriarte realiz6 su copia sobre la base de alguno de los manuscritos conocidos o si manej6 alguna copia actualmenteperdida. El manuscrito que manej6 Iriarte contenfa una copia de la versi6n de noventa capftulos,que se remonta a la era de 1331 (aiio 1293).

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Biu.arri De la p4gina 67 a la 72 se extracta un texto religioso, que no he podido identificar. Este manuscrito estaba escrito a dos coumnas, segdn se evidencia de las citas que del mismo hace Iriarte: "La verdad es hija / de Dios: y del diablo la mentira. fol. 14 col. l" (p4g. 66); "Constantino emperador santissim: pen- / sando enxalcar la iglesia: democola. ibid. b. col. 2" (p4g. 71). De la p4gina 73 a la 76 hay otro de iguales caractedsticas, que tampoco he podido identiticar, y comienza: "Aquel que tan atento nos escucho / Juan de Lucena es familiar del / Papa Pio (aqu{ noticia el autor. fol. 18. col. 2" (p4g. 73). Luego se sigue en la p4gina 77 el texto de Castigose documentos,pero recomenzado desde el capftulo I: "A mi puecles :mil: cadagpe/ gyisieres (cada vez que quisieres)" (p4g. 77). En la constitucidn de un texto cdtico de Castigos e documentos,el manuscrito de Iriarte ocupa un puesto secundario, dado no s61o que se trata de un extracto, como ya apuntamos, de la obra, sino que el manuscrito que utiliz6 es el 6559 de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid y no "un Ms. que Iriarte tuvo en su posesidn" como apunt6 Ian Michael. Un cotejo de ambos textos nos convencer4 r4pidamente de ello. Ms. Iriarte, pag. 2S Leese de una noble reyna de nauarra fija de un noble rrey de fran~ia que nunca consentio echarse en una cama con el rrey de nauarra su marido sy non uestida ella en camisa y el cal~dos los pannos menores (de aqu{ parece inferirse que en el tiempo del rey que esto dice las mugeres se dormian en cueros con sus maridos).

Ms. 65S9, fol. lSr Leese de vna noble rreyna de

nauarra de vn noble rrey de fran~ia que nunca consentio echarse en vna cama njn dormir conel rrey de nauarra su marido synon uestida ella en camjsa y el cal~os pannos menores [. . .]

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La Coronica21:1, 1992-93 Ms. Iriarte, pag.48 Mio fijo vi estar un rrey muy noble asentado en una sylla e estaua y guarnido en la mafia que te yo agora dire (guamido vestido). La su corona que tenia en la ca~ era toda de oro e enderecho dela fruente tenia un rubi del themor de Dios . . .

Ms. 6559, fol 37v Mio fijo vi estar vn rrey muy noble asentado en vna sylla % E estaua y guamido en la manera que te yo agora djre. La su corona que tenia enla ca~ era toda de oro E enderecho dela fruente tenja vn rrubi del themor [fol. 38r] de dios % E por eso dixo el rrey dauid y el rrey salamon ynicium sapien est timor domini % que quiere dezir El comien~ dela sabidoria es el themor de dios % Otrosy dixo el rrey salamon quien teme a dios faze las buenas obras % por ende tal piedra commo esta del themor de dios deue ser engastanada en la corona en medio de la fruente por que en ella se comien~e la rredondera de la corona E ella este mas alta sobre todo guarnimiento [. . . ]

por ende tal piedra como esta del themor de Dios deue ser engastonada en la corona m medio de la fruente porque en ella se comien~e la redondera de la corona e ella este mas alta sobre todo el guamimiento.

Ms. 6559, fol. 49v % muchos son aquellos que cuydan por non saber que la piedat & la mesura es toda vna cosaa & non es asy % La piedat es bondat del alma del omne que tomo ensise auiendo piedat del alma de su christiano & la mesura es bondat del cuerpo del omne % La qual bondat se rrayga y por buenas costunbres & de la verguen~ que ha en si se faze la mesura [. . . ]

Ms. Iriarte, pag. 89 Muchos son aquellos que cuydan por non saber la piedat e la mesura es toda una cosa e non es asy. La piedat es bondat del alma des omne que tomo ensise auiendo piedat del alma de su christianoe la mesura es bondat del cuerpo del omne la qual bondat se ragya y por buenas costumbres e de la uerguen~ que ha en si se faze la mesura.

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Bizzarri DurantecuarentaaiiosIriarte trabaj6en la BibliotecaNacional de Madrid (su actividaden la BibliotecaReal se remontaal aiio 1729) ocupando diversos cargos (escribientesegundo, tercer bibliotecario, segundo y primero). De manera que su lugar de trabajo le brindaba una posici6n de privilegiopara utilizar este c6dice. El conocimiento,pues, de esta copia de Iriarte nos aporta unicamentela certeza de que el Ms. 6559 hacia mediadosdel siglo XVIII ya conformabalos fondos antiguasde la BibliotecaReal, hoy Nacional.Pero, volvemosa insistir, su importanciaen la constituci6n de un texto crftico de los Castigose documentoses nula. No dudamos que las prisas y las dolencia de su enfermedad hayan sido la causa de esas primeras impresionesque Dennis Seniff nos expuso en su carta y que, estamos seguros, un hispanista de su talla hubiera corregidoal darlas a conocimientopublico en un estado m4s avanzadode la investigaci6n.5

NOTAS: 1

Las actas fueron publicadas bajo el t{tulo Studia Hispanica Mediavalia. II Jornadas de Literatura Espalfola. Eds. L. Teresa Valdivieso y Jorge H. Valdivieso (Buenos Aires: Facultad de Filosoffa y Letras, Universidad Cat6lica Argentina, 1987). As{, Nancy Joe Dyer en su comunicaci6n "El decoro femenino en Castigos e documentos del rey don Sancho" (pp. 21-30) con mis parquedad anunciaba: "Aunque ninguna de estas ediciones [se rcfiere a la de Pascual de Gayangos (1860) y Agapito Rey (1952)] ha fomentado mucho el interes en los estudiosos de la literatura medieval, es probable que se incluya entre las 'obras estudiadas' despucs de la pr6xima edici6n de los colaboradores estadounidenses John Keller y Dennis Seniff" (p. 22). 2 Actualmente me hallo abocado a este trabajo. Por el momento he hallado una nueva copia manuscrita del siglo XV que estudio y transcribo on "Los Castigos e documentos del rey don Sancho IV en otro fragmento desconocido" de pronta aparici6n en la revista Dicenda. 3 Bartolom~ Iriarte nos leg6 la primera de las biograffas escritas sobre su padre al encabezar el primer volumen de las obras patemas bajo el tftulo de Obras

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Lo, Coronica 21:1, 1992-93 sueltas (Madrid [?], 1774). Actualmente contamos con una murecicnte de Gregorio de Andr6s, MElbibliotecario D. Juan de Iriarte", en Homenajea Luis Moraks Oliver (Madrid: Fundaci6n Universitaria Espanola, 1986), pp. 587-606. 4 Su bibliotecaria, dona Marla Dolores Vives, nos ha permitido gentilmentc intemamos y conoccr dctalladamente los fondos de csta bibliotcca. s Quisiera agradccer a Angel G6mez Moreno y a Charles Faulhaber cl habermc facilitado 101 datos almaccnados sobrc los Castigos e documentos para la cuarta edici6n del BOOST, mediante los cualea llegu6 al conocimicnto de cstc manuscrito.

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On the Form connosco in the Estoria de Espanna II and the Implications of an Overlooked Scribal Error Joel Rini University of Virginia One of the many repercussions of Roger· Wright's controversialbook of 1982, Late Latin and Early Romance in Spain and CarolingianFrance, is that some Romance philologists are no longer quick to take at face value the early chartulariesof the Iberian Peninsula. Blake (1991:3), for example, writes the following with regard to the interpretationof these texts as "Old" Old Spanishrather than Latin: Latinate documentsare a primary source of data for Old Spanish. They have long been overlooked, given the mistaken but persistent belief that people always read words aloud phonetically, exactly as they write them down . . . . Linguists should know that very few writing systemsare ever closelyphonemic, much less phonetic. But has this careful, scrutinizing approach regarding the value of textual evidence reached the works of later periods? Perhaps one could answer "yes" with regard to diachronicphonologicalanalyses. Certainly no one would operate with the assumption that what is found on a given medievalmanuscripteven approximatesa phonetic/ phonemictranscriptionof the speech of the time. On the other hand, one does tend to trust that the written language of Medieval Spain, specifically prose from the 13th century onward, is indeed a representativesample of what was spoken, especiallyin the realm of morphology.In this regard, I believe we have been too trusting, often to a fault. The present study is a case in point. In the Estoriade EspannaII, on folio 276r, line 6, one finds the form connosco= "with us" (henceforth "connosco" 276r 6). It may seem, at first, that there is nothingunusual about the form, given that it is one of the "expected" intermediatestages of development 66

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Lo. Coronica21:2, 1992-93 between Latin NOBISCUM > OSp. connusco.Indeed, few would object to the following chronological development of Latin NOBISCUM (and 2nd person plural UOBISCUM = "with you"): NOBISCUM, UOBISCUM > noscum, uoscum (attested in the Appendix Probi) > *[n6sku], *[b6sku] (attested in Old Sardinian as noscu,uoscu[Lausberg 1966:164]) > *[n6sko], *[b6sko] (attested in Old and dialectal Italian as nosco,uosco[Lausberg 1966: 164]) > *[konn6sko], *[komb6sko] (based on Old and Modem Portuguese 1 connosco,convosco)> OSp . connusco,convusco. The truth of the matter is, however, that attestations of *[konn6sko] or *[komb6sko] in Old Spanish are nearly nonexistent. From the earliest texts, one already finds, with the exception of "connosco" (276r 6), only the fully developed connusco,convusco, with the final /o/ > /u/ change. 2 Observe the attestations of *connoscol*convosco vs. connuscolconvuscoin just a few 13th-century texts: Table I Attestationof connosco connusco convosco convusco Text Cid 0 7 0 1 V. San lid. 0 0 1 1 Gen. Est. I. 0 25 0 19 0 Gen. Est. Iv. 27 0 23 0 Est. Esp. I. 0 0 1 0 1S Est. Esp. II. 1 s TOTAL

1

60

0

6S

In view of these data, one begins to realize that our lone example, "connosco" (276r 6) of the Estoriade EspannaII, is indeed a rare find. Yet many historical manuals claim that *[konn6sko] and *[komb6sko] constitute the plural forms of the Old Spanish comitative pronominal paradigm, opposing the singulars, co(n)migoand contigo (cf. Hanssen 1913:75; Garcfa de Diego 1951:177; Lezama 1979:247-48; Urrutia Cm-denas and Alvarez Alvarez 1983: 143). 3

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Rini Surprisingly enough, though, in none of these manuals are any examples cited, with the exception of Hanssen (1913:75), who refers to the very form "connosco" (276r 6) of the Estoriade EspannaII: "En Le6n y 4 veces tambi6n en Castilla, se encuentran connosco, convosco(Cr. G. 666a, 32 ... ). "' Even so, some have gone so far as to treat *[konn6sko], *[komb6sko]as the common forms, mentioningonly as an asidethe forms connuscoand convusco,despite the fact thatthe latterare the forms which are abundantlyattested. For example, UrrutiaC4rdenasand Alvarez Alvarez (1983:143)

write: NOBISCUM-> (1) NOSCUM -> (2) CUM-NOSCUM > connosco . . . VOBISCUM-> (1) VOSCUM -> (2) CUM-VOSCUM > convosco .. .

En castellanoantiguotambi6n aparecen otras formas como: connusco, 5 convusco. The data in Table I suggest that "connosco" (276r 6) is aberrant and anachronistic. So how does one explain the appearance of this form? Some might wonder whether it is a bit of linguistic residue; that is, the last glimpse of *[konn6sko], as [konmtsko] had already diffused throughout the rest of the Medieval Castilian speech community. Others might ask whether "connosco" (276r 6) may be a western borrowing, given the attestations of connoscoand convosco in Galician-Portuguese and Leonese. However, I shall demonstrate below that this form is the result of a scribal error, which has been overlooked precisely because researchers of historical morphology, for the most part, have persistently taken at face value the forms they have come across in Medieval Spanish texts. But before doing so, I first wish to discuss why "connosco" (2':/6r 6) is not likely to be either a residual form or a western borrowing. With what is known about the diffusion of linguistic changes, to some, "connosco" (276r 6) might not seem so odd. Certainly the forms *[konn6sko], *[komb6sko] did not evolve to [konnusko], [kombusko] in all speakers of Old Castilian simultaneously. Rather, this shift was likely a gradual process, which spread slowly

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Table III TEXT A TIEST A TION OF connusco connosconvusco convos LBA 2 1 2 1

cc

1 1

Cor.

35 1

4 0

17 5

Based on the exclusive use of synthetic structures in the literary language of the 13th century as seen in Table I, one would assume that analytic connos and convos did not come into existenceuntil the 14th century, as seen in Table 111.1 However, two non-literary sources reveal that the constructions con nos and con vos indeed appeared before the 14th century and rivaled strongly the synthetic connusco,

convusco. The Fazienda de ultra mar (henceforth FUM) and the Documentacidn del monasteriode las huelgasde Burgos(henceforth DMB), both of the 13th century, display the following number of synthetic and analytic structures in competition (For examples, see Appendices A and B): Table IV TEXT ATTESTATIONOF connusco con nos convusco con vos

FUM DMB

2 1

5

5

2

0

9

189

One notes that although connos is not found in the DMB, con vos dates back to 1220 in these documents (DMB#153, line 4). Con vos, in fact, is even older than this. In DocumentoslingQ(sticos,a mid-12th-century attestation of con_vos, though disguised as con uobis, is found in a text from Burgos: ... et con uobisFerant Torto, damus la quarta hen Chintana de Fornellos ... (DL #149 [1148]). And in Orlgenes,Men~ndezPidal offers an 11th-centuryexample:

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La Coronica 21:2, 1992-93 throughout the early-medieval Castilian speech community, as depicted in the following hypothetical scheme of the development [n6sku > n6sko > konnosko > konnusko] (where T = time period and C = community of speakers, either social or geographic): Table 116 Tl C[n6sku C[n6sku C[n6sku C[n6sku

T4 TS T6 T7 konn6sko konnusko konnusko konnusko konnusko] n6sko konn6sko konnusko konnusko konnusko] n6sku n6sko konn6sko konnusko konnusko] n6s1cu n6sku n6sko konn6sko konnusko] T3

T2

n6sko n6slcu n6slcu n6slcu

Taking into account this view of the spread of the change *[konn6sko] > [konnusko], one could argue that we have here in the Estoriade EspannaII a moment in time, frozen, as it were, when some people were still saying *[konn6sko] while most were saying [konnusko], as depicted in T6 of the hypothetical model. But the question remains: would not one expect such a form to have surfaced earlier than the late 13th century? The appearance of a *connoscoor *convoscoin the Cid or the Vidade San Ildefonso, for example, would make for a more believable residual form. Not only does the relatively late appearance of "connosco" (276r 6) cast doubt on its legitimacy, but so does the relatively early appearance (heretofore unrecognized) of the analytic con nos, con vos. I shall explain the relevance of these structures in this matter presently. It is well known that OSp. connuscoand convuscowere replaced by con nos and con vos as demonstrated in the following unilinear scheme: *[kon-n6s-ko] > [kon-nus-ko] :: [kon n6s]. One may assume, however, that in the social and geographic diffusion of this development, each speech community retained for some time the older form while experimenting with the innovation, before settling on the latter, i.e., *[kon-n6s-ko] > *[kon-n6s-ko]/[kon-nus-ko] > [kon-m1s-ko] > [kon-m1s-ko]/[kon n6s] > [kon n6s]. Fourteenthand con century texts testify to this fact, where connuscolconvusco, nos/convos are found in competition':

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La Coronica21:2, 1992-93 Ego Elo Didaz sic fatio concambiationcon uos ... Santoiia, Cartul., fol. 16v.).

((1096]

Based on these examples, then, we may date the analytic structures at least as far back as the late eleventhcentury. But their genesis may have been even earlier. While it is difficult, if not impossible, to ascertain exactly when con nos and con vos originated, judging from the paradigmatic difficulties which had ultimately arisen with the forms connusco, convusco, it is quite possible that speakers of ancient Castilian experimented with the analytic structures, con nos and con vos not long after the final change of *[konn6sko/kombosko]> [konnusko/ kombusko]was completelydiffusedthroughoutthe MedievalCastilian speech community.10 · In an attempt to date the appearance of *[konn6sko], [konnusko],and [kon n6s], relative to one another, I have constructed a hypothetical model of the diffusion of these changes in Table V. For the sake of space the number 1 = *[konn6sko],2 = [lconnusko], and 3 = [kon n6s]:

Cl: C2: C3:

Tl 1 1 1

T2

T3

1/2 1 1

1/2 1/2 1

Table V T4 TS T6 2 2 2/3 1/2 2 2 1/2 1/2 2

T7

2/3 2/3 2

TS 3 2/3 2/3

T9 3

TIO 3

3 2/3

3 3

If this model represents, in the least, the way in which the diffusion of *[konn6sko] > [konmtsko] :: [kon n6s] transpired, and if we assume that con nos and con vos appeared in the DMB and the FUM around the time that some communitieswere either waveringbetween [konnusko] and [kon n6s], or using the latter exclusively, i.e., between T6 and TS, then we can fix roughly, based on the dates of these documents,time periods 6-8 as 1100-1250.It follows, then, that the Alfonsine corpus would fall somewhere·betweenTS and T9, a time during which form 2, [konmisko], was losing ground in the speech communities.Note, moreover, that the last time *[konn6sko] 71

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Rini was a competitive, spoken form, according to the model, was TS and earlier. 11 Thus although connuscoand convuscowere the "proper" written forms to expr~s "with us" and "with you" throughout the thirteenth century, one must conclude in light of the early attestations of the analytic con nos and con vos in the FUM and the DMB, together with the way in which linguistic changes diffuse throughout a given speech community, that by the late thirteenth century, many speakers had settled on [kon n6s] and [kom b6s], while others were possibly still wavering between [konnusko], [kombusko] and [kon n6s], [kom b6s]. It therefore seems impossible that our one example of "connosco" (276r 6) of the late-thirteenth-century Estoria de Espanna II could be a legitimate representation of what any speech community was actually saying at this time, at least in Castile. Based on Old and ModPort. connosco, convosco and ModAstur-Leon. cunnosgu,cunvosgu(Garcfa de Diego 1978:170; Zamora Vicente 1967: 170), forms which to date maintain the morphemes -nos-, -vos- (opposing OSp. -nus-, -vus-), one can reconstruct with a fair degree of certainty the forms *[konn6sko], *[komb6sko] for Old Leonese and Old Galician-Portuguese. Thus some might ask whether "connosco" (276r 6) could be a western borrowing. If one were to suggest that "connosco" (276r 6) is Galician or Leonese, one would have to explain how the form was transferred from the western part of Iberia to Castile. The logical approach would be to try to find out who copied "connosco" (276r 6), and if possible, the origin of this man. Mem!ndez Pidal (1955:LVIII) wrote about the different scribes of the Estoria de Espanna II, concluding that there were six different "hands" involved. The fifth scribe, according to Men6ndez Pidal, was responsible for folios 257-320, !n which "connosco" (276r 6) is found. While there is no way to find out the origin of this man, one can point out, against any "westernism" argument, that, aside from the "western-looking" "connosco" (276r 6), there are no other dialectal features in his portion of the text. Moreover, in Galician-Portuguese one finds wavering between [(kon-)n6sko], [(kom-)b6sko] and [(kon-)misko], [(kom-)busko].12 Thus, even if we 72

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La Coronica21:2, 1992-93 could ascertain that scribe number 5 was from the west, how could one be sure, then, whether he said in everyday speech [(kon-)n6sko], [(kom-)b6sko] or [(kon-)nusko], [(kom-)busko]. Such wavering cuts in half the chance that our scribe used [(kon-)n6sko], [(kom-)b6sko]. 13 Combine this with the fact that he probably resided in or near the court of Alfonso X, in either case, spending most of his days where, as demonstrated above, everyone else was saying either [konnusko] / [kombusko], or [kon n6s] / [kom b6s], and the chances are reduced even further. I now wish to explain why, in all likelihood, "connosco" (276r 6) is an error, and how it came about. I have attempted to show above that, despite not appearing in the earliest literary texts, from the 11th century on, analytic con nos and convos competed in other Castilian texts with synthetic connusco and convusco,and that, in all likelihood, [kon n6s] and [kom hos] were, by the late thirteenth century, the preferred forms in the spoken language. Thus, our scribe, though schooled to write connuscoand convusco,in all probability, in his every-day speech, said [kon n6s] and [kom b6s]. I propose, therefore, that the form "connosco" (276r 6) of the Estoriade EspannaII is a linguistic conflation of the two forms with which the copyist was familiar, the spoken [kon n6s] and the written connusco:i.e., [kon n6s] X connusco= "connosco" (276r 6). While this explanation may appear to be a shot in the dark, there is evidence to explain the reason for such a conflation. Of the Estoriade EspannaI and Estoriade EspannaII, there exists "la versi6n real" (MS E) and "la versi6n vulgar" (based on various manuscripts). Men~ndez Pidal (1955: XXX) believed that both versions were copied from an original draft or "borrador", which has since been lost. 14 We have no way of knowing what form the original "borrador" had, i.e., connosco,connusco,or con nos. However, whereas manuscript E reads as follows: [fol. 276r] {CB2. razonadas. & dichas, con todas me plaze. & tengo las todas por muy bue73

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Rini

5

nas. & otorgo de seer en ellas. % Dixo el Rey don Sancho hermano Rey don femando mucho uos lo gradesco. quanto dezides. & dios es connosco.pues uaya adelante este fecho. % Onde te < n > go

the lines of MS F (one of the manuscripts on which the "versidn vulgar" is based) which correspond to lines 6 and 7 of MS E read as follows:

. . . & dios es con nos. pues va adelante este fecho ... (Men6ndez Pidal 1955: 666, fn.). Given this occurrence of con nos in MS F, together with the almost fixed expression "Dios [ + /- VERB (ser)]con nos/convos" as found in the FUM (see examples in Appendix A), it is not out of the question, then, that the "borrador" too read *&dios es con nospues . . . , and that the scribe, while copying this line, conflated what he saw, i.e., *con nos, with what he knew to be the more acceptable written form, connusco.The conflation of these two forms would have been further reinforced by the form of the scribe's own linguistic competence, [kon n6s], yielding "connosco" (276r 6) of the

Estoriade EspannaII.15 I therefore conclude that while diachronically speaking one may speculate, based on Galician-Portuguese and Astur-Leonese evidence, that *[konn6sko] (and *[komb6sko]) were forerunners of OSp. connusco (and convusco), we must insist that they are hypothetical in the reconstructed history of Latin NOBISCUM, UOBISCUM > OSp. connusco,convusco,despite the occurrence of "connosco" (276r 6) in the Estoriade EspannaII. In fact, there is no direct evidence that *[konn6sko], *[kofnb6sko] ever really existed at all in Castile. Synchronically speaking, then, one must insist that 1st and 2nd persons plural of the Old Spanish paradigm of comitative pronouns consisted of connuscolconnos, convuscolconvos, and not *connosco/connusco,*convoscolconvusco as stated by Hanssen

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(1913:7S), Garcfa de Diego (19S1:177), Lezama (1979:247-48), and Urrutia Cu-denas and Alvarez Alvarez (1983:143). Though the present study touches on a minor point of Spanish linguistic history, it should also make a broader methodological statement. The nature of textual evidence in this study is found to be paradoxical: It is at once absolutely necessary, and yet cannot be taken at face value. The exclusive use of 13th-century synthetic connuscolconvusco reveals the anachronistic nature of "connosco" (276r 6), while in turn, analytic con nos/convos from non-literary sources reveal the "artificial" nature of the 13th-century synthetic connuscolconvusco.One begins to wonder what type of textual evidence can be totally trusted. Certainly, we are reminded that in our reconstruction of historical linguistic events, what really matters is the type of textual evidence which is consulted. With a variety of texts, of both a literary and non-literary nature, together with the comparison of several manuscripts of a given literary text, one is more likely to get a clearer picture of what is underlying the written word. We are further reminded by this study that, no matter how close the spoken and written forms of any particular language may be during a given period, the latter is still a human invention, totally artificial, and often somewhat contrived. As it was once said, written language is little more than a canned version of real language. 16 Appendix A: Synthetic vs. Analytic Structures in the FUM Fabio el sennor de la tierra connuscodurezas e dixo que eramos barruntes e oviemos con el grant razon, . . . (FUM p. SS, 11.22- 24). He agora, yo te trayo de la preson. Sit plad venir conuscoa Babilonia, anda, fertemos bien (FUM p. 168, 11.7-8). Sil embiaredes con nos yremos e si non, no (FUM p. 55, 1. 37). Fabla tu con nos e oyrtemos [ ... ] (FUM p. 76, 1. 23). Sea el Nuestro Sennor Dios con nos cuemo fue con nuestros parientes (FUM p. 148, 1. 1).

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Rini [H]e la manceba concibra e parra fijo e clamara so nonbre Emanuel, 'Dios con nos' (FUM p. 163, 11.26-27).

~

es:

Afe la manceba concibra e parra fijo, e clamara so nonbre Emanuel, 'Dios con nos' (FUM p. 211, 11.19-20).

~

es:

No ira mio fijo conbusco, ca Joseph perdi e remaso solo de su madre (FUM p. ss, 11.31-32). Juronos el sennor de la tierra e dixo non vengades ante mi si no aduxierdes westro ermano conbusco (FUM p. SS, 11.35-37). Quando menbrara al Criador de vos, levat myos huessos conbusco (FUM p. 61, 11.24-25).

Assi sea Dios conbusco como yo assi vos enbiare con westra conpanna (FUM p. 68, 11.18-19). Dizras a fijos de Israel: vos viestes que de los cielos fable conbusco (FUM. p. 77, 11.3-4). Esperadme vos aqui troa que tomemos amos. Avedes Aaron e Hur con vos (FUM p. 78, 11.12-13). Afe Booz que vinie ver sus segadores e dixoles en ebray[co]: Adonay himuem, ~o es: 'Dios con vos' (FUM p. 200, 11.1-2).

Appendix B: Synthetic vs. Analytic Structures in the DMB Notum sit presentibus et futuris quod ego, don Peres del Poi, et uxor mea domna Bibema, non per metu neque turbato sensu, set spontaneanostra uolumptate, uendemos la nuestra part del azenia que abemos conbusco en rio qui corre entre Uergonedo et Sanct Ciprian pro LXXX morabetinis a uos, don Andreo de Sancti Ander, et ad uxor uestra domna Alez ... (DMB #SS [1200] 11.1-6). Notum sit omnibus hominibus tam presentibus quam futuris quod ego, S[ancia], abbatissa Sancte Marie Regalis, cum consensu et uoluntate tocius

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La Coronica 21:2, 1992-93 nostri conuentui, ortorgamos (sic) uobis, dompno Lupo e don Peles, los molinos que fi~iestes en Pennafidel, en Duraton, a fondos tierra, en la heredad que fue de la abbatissa Maria Gutierrez; e fi~iestes hi 1111ruedas en una casa e partiestes connusco, e por suert sabuda cayo a nos la una rueda, ... (DMB # 106 [1211] 11.1-7). Notum sit cum yo, Gon~uo Perez, fago cambio conbusco, donna Sancba, abbadessa de Sancta Maria la Real; (DMB #139 [1219] 11.1-2).

In Dei nomine. Conno~uda cosa sea a los ommes que son cumo a los que son por uenir cumo yo, donna Sancha, por la gracia de Dios abbadessa del monesterio de Burgos, qual di~n Sancta Maria la Real, en uno con todo nuestro conuiento fazemos camio con uos, Don Guiralt Aymar, econ uuestra mugier dona Esteuania de la nuestra propria tierra que auemos en el termino de Villagon~luo en el Ual de mi Ama; (DMB #1S3 [1220] 11.1-6). Notum sit cum yo, P. Petriz, con mi mugier Maria G~uez, de nuestras buenas uolUDtades fazemos cambio e robramiento con uos, donna Sancba, abbadessa de Sancta Maria la Real, daquella nuestra propria tierra, la qual nos auemos en La Uega; (DMB #1S7 [1221] 11.1-4).

In Dei nomine. Notum sit quod ego, Gon~luo Perez, fago cambio conuusco, donna Sancha, abbadessa de Sancta Maria la Real, de aquellas mis proprias tierras, las quales yo e; (DMB #161 (1221] 11.1-3). In Dei nomine. Conno~uda cosa sea a todos los ommes que son cumo a los que son por uenir cumo yo, dona Sancha, por la gracia de Dios abbadessa del monesterio de Burgos, qual di~n Santa Maria la Real, en UDOcon todo nuestro conuiento, sin entredicho ninguno, fa~mos camio con uos, dona Maria Armilez, sennora del monesterio de Tortoles, e con otorgamiento de todo uuestro conuiento; (DMB #163 [1221] 11.1-6). Notum sit quod ego, don Gon~aluo, el clerigo, fago cambio con uos, donna Sancba, abbadessa de Sancta Maria la Real, daquella mi propria tierra que yo e en Cannamares; (DMB #169 [1222] 11.1-3). In Dei nomine. Notum sit omnibus cum yo, don Dominico, yemo de don Rich, en UDO con mie mugier Maria Johannes, de nuestras buenas uoluntades, sin entredicho ninguno, fazemos cambio con uos, donna Sancha,

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Rini abbadessa de Sancta Maria la Real, e con todo u~ro conuiento de la nuestra propria tierra que auiemos carrera de Trasloma, a la Arrotura, e del n~ro proprio solar con su hera; (DMB #178 (1222] 11. 1-6).

In Dei nomine. Ego, don Garzia e de (sic) mea ermana Mioro de nostras bonas uoluntates femos cambium con uos, frei Iohan, de ilia nostra propria terra, qual abemos tras San Martin; (DMB #179 (1222] 11. 1-3). In Dei nomine. Conno~uda cosa sea a todos los ommes que son cumo a los que son por uenir que yo, dona Sancha, por la pacia de Dios abbadessa del monesterio de Burgos, qual di~ Sancta Maria la Real, en uno con otorgamiento e con pl~r de todo nuestro conuiento, sin entredicho ninguno, ~mos camio con uos, ommes connonbrados de Pampliga, ... (DMB #186 (1223] 11. 1-S). Notum sit omnibus cum yo, donna Sancha, fago cambio con uos, donna Sancha, abbadessa de Sancta Maria la Reyal; (DMB #193 (1224] 11. 1-2). Notum sit omnibus cum yo, Maria Dominguez, fago cambio con uos, donna Sancha, abbadessa de Sancta Maria la Real; (DMB #19S (1224] 11. 1-2). Notum sit cum yo, Iohan de la Calleia, fago cambio con uos, donna Sancha, abbadessa de Sancta Maria la Rea (sic); (DMB #199 [122S] 11. 1-2). Notum sit cum yo, don Ordonno, fago camio con uos, donna Sancha, abbadessa de Sancta Maria la Real); (DMB #200 [1225] 11. 1-2). In Dei nomine. Conno~uda cosa sea a todos los que son cumo a los que son por uenir que yo, dona Sancha, por la gracia de Dios abbadessa del monesterio de Burgos qual di~n Sancta Maria la Real, en uno con todo nuestro conuiento, sin entredicho ninguno, fa~emos camio con uos, don Munno, el de la uilla de Munno; (DMB #201 [1225], 1-S). In Dei nomine. Connos~uda cosa sea a todos los ommes que son cumo a los que son por uenir cumo yo, don Guiralt, en uno con mie mugier dona Esteuania, de nuestras buenas uoluntades, sin entredicho ninguno, fa~mos camio con uos, dona Sancha, abbadessa del monesterio de Burgos qual di~n Sancta Maria la Real ... (DMB #20S [1226] 11. 1-S).

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La Coronica 21:2, 1992-93 In Dei nomine. Conno~uda cosa sea a todos los ommes que son cum a los que son por uenir cumo yo, dona Sancha, por la gracia de Dios abbadessa del monesterio de Burgos qual di~ Sancta Mariala Real, con otorgamiento de todo nuestro conuiento, f~emos camio con uos, don Rodrigo, fiio de Martin Apparicio de Palaciolos; (DMB #206 [1227] 11.1-S). In Dei nomine. Notum sit omnibus cum yo, Peydro Petriz, e mi mugier Maria Petriz fazemos cambio con uos, donna Sancba, abbadessa de Sancta Maria la Real; (DMB #210 [1227] ll. 1-3). Notum sit omnibus cum yo, Peydro Calleia, fago cambio con uos, donna Sancha, abbadessa de Sancta Maria la Real, . . . (DMB #222 [1228] 11. 1-2). In nomine Domini. Notum sit omnibus hominibus tam presentibus quam futuris qe yo, don Guiralt Almeric, fago tal playt e tal paramiento con uos, don Remont Bonifaci, . . . . Et, otrosi, yo, don Remont Bonifaci, fago tal pleyt e tal paramiento con uos, don Guiralt Almeric, ... (DMB #230 [1228] 11.1-3, 13-14). Notum sit omnibus presentibus et futuris cuenio yo, donna Sancha, abbadessa de Sancta Maria la Real, con plazemiento de todo nuestro conuiento fazemos cambio conuusco, don Ferrando de Uarrio de Yus; ... Et conuusco, Peydro Martinet del Palomar, fazemos cambio; ... Et conuusco, Peydro de la Calleia, fazemos cambio; ... Et conuusco, Iohan Pelayz, fazemos cambio; (DMB #232 [1229] 11. ... Et conuusco, don Gil fazemos cambio; ... 1-18). In Dei nomine. Notum sit omnibus hominibus tam presentibus quam futuris cum yo, don Iohan de Sotragero, fago cambio conuusco, domna Sancha, abbadessa del monesterio de Burgos qual dizen Sancta Maria la Real . . . (DMB #248 [1230]).

Notes: 1

I normally prefer to employ the asterisk, marking the form as hypothetical, unless the form is attested in that particular language, no matter how great the chances are that a form in a closely related language might represent an

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Rini intermediate stageof development. In the cue of OSp. coMuco, convusco, u will be seen immediately below, we have only the Medieval Spanish connusco, convusco and the Latin forms (both NOBISCUM, UOBISCUM and no.scum, uosc,an): The form •convosco is not attested, and thus far we have only the one attestation of "connosco" (276r 6), the subject of the present investigation. Until the latter is explained below, I shall mark it u hypothetical, i.e., *[konn6sko] (u well u *[komb6sko]) in the diachronic schemes, but represent it u "connosco" when referring to the form found in the Estoria de Espanna 11, folio 276r, 1. 6. 2 This change is considered one of the mysteries of historical Spanish grammar. Though still not entirely proven, the authorities agree that the change of *[konn6sko], *[komb6sko] > [konm1sko], [kombusko] "probably reflects the front high vowel of the singular forms" (Lloyd 1987:278). Malkiel concurs (1988:SS n. 25): "OSp. colfusco ( < no{bi).scum preceded by cum) tended to crowd out the expected outcome, namely •coflosco. Its rise was motivated by symmetry: Nuclear o was raised to u, much u the e of sego < secu(m) underwent raising to i." Mcn6ndez Pidal (1941:251) wu the first to put forth this hypothesis, combining it with a factor of dissimilation: " ... la u dcl esp. ant. [con nusco, con vusco] es disimilaci6n de las dos o .. o contiguas, sugerida por la vocal cerrada de-migo -tigo." 3 Men6ndez Pidal (1941:251), Lloyd (1987:278), and Penny (1991:121), on the other hand, state that the forms connusco, convusco alone belong to this Old Spanish paradigm. 4 Hanssen's reference "(Cr. G. 666a, 32)" is to Men6ndez Pidal's edition of the Primera cronica general de Espaffa 11, otherwise known as the Estoria de Espanna 11(eds. Nitti and Kasten 1978). Both arc based primarily on MS B. Thus Hanssen's "connosco" (Cr. G. 666a, 32) and our "connosco" (276r 6) are one and the same form. ' As seen in the chronology I have posited above, I do not agree with the chronology of NOSCUM, UOSCUM > CUM-NOSCUM, CUM-UOSCUM proposed by Urrutia Cardenas and Alvarez Alvarez (1983:143). For a different view of the chronological development of connusco, convusco, as well as that of conmigo, contigo, consigo, see respectively Rini (1990a, 1990b). 6 This table (as well as Table V below) is adapted from Lloyd (1987:21), which was adapted from Wang (1969:20). 7 A major exception is El Conde Lucanor, which shows only nine occurrences of convusco (which are found on the following pages and line numbers of the Blecua edition: 75,12; 119,2; 151,4; 11s:26; 191,5; 191,6; 201,30 245,9; 263,26). There are no occurrences of connusco, con nos, or con vos. The sole use of this synthetic structure should come as no surprise, though, since the author of this work, Don Juan Manuel, was a nephew of Alfonso X, in whose court, as seen in Table I, for whatever reason, connusco and convusco were the only acceptable written forms.

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Garcia (1989) assumed just this. Basing her study solely on literary texts from the 14th-16th centuries, Garcia believed to have found that convusco was tint replaced by con vos when appearing with some kind of lexical modifier (e.g. B mioa fijos quando consejo vos demandarcn, ante aved vueatro acuerdo con vos mesmos o con aquellos de quien fiardes [Cavalkro Zifar MS M, 14th century]) and therefore concluded that: "Con vos evidentemcnte naci6 como variante condicionada, o alomorfo apocopado de conbusco" (1989:121). This conclusion implies that the chronology of developments must have been convusco > *convusco otros *[kombusko 6tros]/*[kombusk6tros] > *[kombus(ko)6tros] > con vosotros. However, problems such as the expected but unattested back-formations *con m,s, *con vus, the expected ModSp. *connusotros, *convusotros, the expected survival of convusco as a singular in voseante regions of America, and the almost non-existent connusco otros, *convusco otros (Garcfa [1989:117] does cite one example of colfusco otros from the Tristan de Leonls [13v 32]) make this an unlikely scenario. For a detailed discussion of the strengths and weaknesses of Garc!a's (1988, 1989) hypotheses, see Rini (1992). 9 One notes that there do not appear to have been any factors governing the choice of the synthetic or analytic structures: they appear to be virtually interchangeable. For example, in the FUM, both synthetic and analytic structures occur with the verb "fablar". Also either synthetic or analytic structures may occur with the expression "Dios [ + /- VERB (ser)]", though analytic structures are preferred 4 to 1, yielding an almost fixed expression. This fact is of particular importance to the present investigation. I shall return to it below. The only factor which appears to be involved in the choice between connusco, convusco or con nos, con vos is that of clarity. When there is some sort of definition given (as in FUM p. 163, 26-27; p. 211, 19-20; and p. 200, 1-2 [see Appendix A]), the analytic con nos or con vos is used exclusively, as if to spell out the meaning as clearly as possible. This is especially true when the author of the text considered a particular phrase to be of considerable importance. Lazar (1965:22) writes: "Lorsque l'auteur rencontrc une phrase importante, il nous la transmet en h&reu, y ajoute la traduction de la Vulgate et parfois aussi son interpretation en espagnol [emphasis mine]." 10 It is even quite possible that con nos began to replace connusco before con vos began to replace convusco. If indeed paradigmatic difficulties resulting from excessive analogical change led to the loss of connusco and convusco (as discussed in Rini 1990a), such difficulties would have been heightened by the potential palatalization to which the form connusco was subject, i.e. [konnusko] > [koiiusko] (Malkiel 1989). Note that in the FUM, though convusco occurred more frequently than con vos (at a ratio of S:2), con nos appeared more frequently than connusco (again at a ratio of S:2). 11 It is not impossible that in some regions of Iberia speakers experimented with [konn6sko] vs. [Iconn6s], which would be represented as 1/3 in the hypothetical model. Indeed, dialectal evidence from Astur-Leonesepoints in that direction, as one

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Rini finds today [kun61gu) vs. [kii n61). Zamora Vicente (1967:170) writes: "Nos, vos, son usualca en Miranda: ell no&: ell VO-' • ••• En cl partido de Belmonte, se usa cl plural NOSCUM, VOSCUM, cunnosgu,cunvosgM".Nevertheless, for the Castilian development *[konn6sko] > [koMusko] :: [kon n6s), it seems unlikely that speakers wavered between *[koM6sko), the oldest form, and [kon n6s], the newest. If these two pairs did compete in speech communi~ of Ancient Castile, one would expect to find *[koM6sko], *[komb6sko] attested more frequently, competing in written documents with the forms connu.sco,convu.scoand con nos, con vos, as do the latter two pain in the FlJM, DMB, and the post-Alfonsine texts. 12 One notes such wavering in the following lines of a Cantiga de escarnho e de maldiz.er(Roberts N.D.:269): no foy MOSCO c ora boa; no fuy MOscoe ora boa; non fuy uu.scoe ora boa. 13 One notes u well, though, that this scribe did not write coMuco or convu.scoanywhere in his portion of the text. 14 Mcn6ndezPidal (19SS:XXX) wrote: "La versi6n regia es la rcpresentada por los dos tomos escurialenses, que seguramentc se manuscribieron en la c4mara real de Castilla. La vcrsi6n vulgar la podemos leer en m4s manuscritos .... ,Ambas versiones remontan a un original perdido quc era una especic de borrador imperfecto." 15 One might also be tempted to suggest that the scribe, while copying *con nos from the "borrador", glanced immediately above and saw momentarily the form gradesco, and thus wrote "connosco" (276r 6). One problem with this explanation, however, is that "connosco" (276r 6) is written as one word. This hypothesis would be more appealing if the form were written as *"con nosco". The other problem with this hypothesis is that, though "gradesco" appears immediately above "connosco" (276r 6), one cannot be sure that *"gradesco" and *"con nos" would have been in the same respective positions in the "borrador". 16 I must credit this statement to Professor Ernst Pulgram, made in a course of his during Wmter semester 198S at the University of Michigan.

References: Blake, Robert. "Squeezing the Spanish Turnip Dry: Latinate Documentsfrom the Early Middle Ages." In Harris-Northall and Cravens. Garcfa, Erica C. 1988. "-go, cronopio entre los morfemas: consigo contrastadocon sf mismo". Neuphilologische Mitteilungen89, 197-211.

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. 1989. "La historia se repite con sigo". Actas del IX

Congreso de la Asociaci6n Internacionalde Hispanistas. 113-24. Frankfurt am Main: Vervuert. Garcfa de Diego, Vicente. 1951. Gramdticahist6rica espalfola. Madrid: Gredos. __ . 1978. Dialectologfa espallola. 3rd ed. Madrid: Centro Iberoamericano de Cooperaci6n. Hanssen, Federico. 1913. Gramdtica hist6rica de la lengua castellana.Halle: Max Niemeyer. Harris-Northall, Ray and Thomas D. Cravens. 1991. Unguistic Studiesin MedievalSpanish.Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies. Lausberg, Heinrich. 1966. LingatsticaRom4nica. Vol. Il. Madrid: Gredos. Lezama y Urrutia, Yosu de. 1979. Historiade la lengua espallola. Bogoti: Universidad Santo Tom~. Lloyd, Paul M. 1987. From Latin to Spanish. Vol. I: Historical

phonology and morphology of the Spanish language. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society. Malkiel, Yakov. 1988. "WhySpanishseso, butPortuguesesiso, from Ancestral SE(N)SU?" Neophilologus12, 44-55. __ . 1989. "Erratic Derivational or Compositional Designs as Clues to Word Origins". Transactions of the Berkeley

linguistics Society. Men~ndez Pidal, Ram6n. 1919. Documentoslingatsticosde Espana I: reino de Castilla. Madrid: Imprenta de los Sucesores de Hernando. __ . 1929. Orlgenesdel espallol.Madrid: Espasa-Calpe. __ . 1941. Manual de gramdtica hist6rica espallola. 6th ed. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe. Penny, Ralph. 1991. A Historyof the SpanishLanguage.New York: Cambridge. Rini, Joel. 1990a. "Excessive Analogical Change as an Impetus for Lexical Loss: Old Spanish connusco, convusco." RF 102,

58-64.

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Rini . 1990b. "On the Chronology of Spanish conmigo, contigo, consigo, and the Interaction of Phonological, Syntactic, and Morphological Processes." HR 58, 503-12. __ . 1992. Motives/or Unguistic Changein the Formationof the Spanish Object Pronouns. Newark, Delaware: Juan de la Cuesta. Roberts, Kimberley S. (ND). An Anthology of Old Portuguese. Lisboa: Livraria Portugal. Urrutia C4rdenas, Hemm and Manuela Alvarez Alvarez. 1983. Esquema de morfosintaxishistdrica del espallol. Bilbao: Universidad de Deusto. Wang, William S.-Y. 1969. "Competing Changes as a Cause of Residue." Language45, 9-25. Wright, Roger. 1982. Late Latin and Early Romancein Spain,and CarolingianFrance. Liverpool: Francis Cairns. Zamora Vicente, Alonso. 1967. Dialectolog(aespallola. 2nd ed. Madrid: Gredos. __

Editions of Medieval Texts:

Arcipreste de Talaverao Corbacho. Ed. Michael Gerli. Madrid: C4tedra, 1979. A Concordanceto Juan Ruiz. Libro de buen amor. Eds. Rigo

Mignani, Mario A. Di Cesare, and George F. Jones. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1977. A Concordanceto the Poemade mio Cid. By Franklin M. Waltman. Penn State University Press, 1972.

Concordancesand Texts of the Royal ScriptoriumManuscriptsof Alfonso X el Sabio. By John Nitti and Lloyd Kasten. Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1978. Concordanciasdel "Arciprestede Talavera".By Ralph de Gorog and Lisa S. de Gorog. Madrid: Gredos, 1978. Concordanciase indiceslexicosde la "Vidade San Ildefonso". Ed. Manuel Alvar Ezquerra. McOaga:Imprenta de la Universidad de Malaga, 1980.

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Documentaci6ndel monasteriode las huelgas de Burgos (11161230). Ed. Jos6 Manuel Lizoain Garrido. Burgos: Fuent~ Medievales Castellano-Leonesas, 1985. El CondeLucanor.Ed. Jos6 Manuel Blecua. Madrid: Castalia, 1982. La faziendade ultramar. Bibliaromanceadaet itin~rairebibliqueen prose castillanedu XII silcle. Acta Salmanticensia, Filosoffa y letras, 18:2. Salamanca, 1965. Libro del caualleroCifar.Ed. Marilyn A. Olsen. Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1984. Poemade mio Cid. Ed. Colin Smith. Madrid: C4tedra, 1983. Primeracr6nicageneralde Espalfa.Ed. Ram6n Men6ndez Pidal. 2 vols. Madrid: Gredos, 1955.

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A Fourteenth-Century Spanish Life of St. Lawrence: Madrid, B.N. MS 10252 Dawn Ellen Prince Iowa State University [T]odos aquellos que son christianos deven oyr e entender las vidas e las pasiones de los santos nwtires, en tal que tomen ende alguna fazafia. Ca las fazafias d'aquellos que grandes martirios sufrieron por la ley de Dios tener e guardar nos puede en derecha carrera. E por esto, vos dezimos que deve omne de grado oyr e entender las vidas e las pasiones de los santos mmtires, ca por Nuestro Seiior veo agora pocos mmtires prender muerte. B.N., MS 10252, f. 96ra With these words, the Castilian compiler of the Ystoriade santosexplicitly states his reason for collecting and recounting the forty-eight holy lives contained in this volume: his audience should follow the examples contained therein, i.e., "que tomen ende alguna fazaiia." His exhortation is meant both to inspire and frighten believers into leading pious lives by imitating the laudable examples of the early Christian martyrs. Among the exemplary lives retold by the compiler is that of St. Lawrence. 1 The legend of the persecution and death of St. Lawrence is a popular one in Peninsular culture, and has been since Visigothic times, perhaps because the saint is claimed as a native son, born in the Aragonese city of Huesca. The literary treatment of Lawrence's persecution by Gonzalo de Berceo reaffirms the saint's continued popularity well into the late Middle Ages. The fourteenth-century "Estoria de Sant Loren~o" edited here thus holds literary as well as philological relevance for those interested in the Spanish Middle Ages. The legend of the passio or persecution of St. Lawrence is one of the oldest and best-known episodes of the Roman martyrological tradition. St. Lawrence was a Spanish-born deacon and 86

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La Coronica 21:2, 1992-93 disciple of Pope Sixtus II. The Roman pontiff was martyred on 6 August 258 A.O., as a consequence of the religious persecutions of Valerianus (253-58). Lawrence followed in the footsteps of Sixtus, meeting his death at the stake only four days later (10 August). The account of the death of Lawrence, however factual it might have been in its initial formulation, underwent a series of embellishments throughout the fourth century, as witnessed in the writings of St. Ambrose of Milan and the Spanish poet Aurelius Prudentius (348-405), among others. 2 At this early date, the legend had already taken on its most dramatic elements: Lawrence's tearful farewell to Sixtus; his presentation of the poor to the emperor3 in lieu of the treasures of the church; and the death of the saint on the grill. Several references to Lawrence are found in the writings of St. Ambrose, including De officiis, Letter XXXVII, and a religious hymn attributed to him. In De officiis(I, 41), St. Ambrose describes Lawrence's ironic taunting of his persecutors while on the grill: "assum est, ... versa et manduca" [the roasting is done, ... tum (me) over and eat] (Delehaye 51). St. Ambrose repeats the infamous scene in his hymn: "Versate me, martyr vocat,/ vorate, si coctum est, iubet" [Tum me over, the martyr calls out,/ eat if it is cooked, he orders] (Delehaye 51). Prudentius may have been one of the first writers to bring the legend of St. Lawrence to Spain, eternalizing it in the second hymn 4 Like Ambrose, the Hispano-Roman poet details of his Peristephanon. the sarcastic retort of Lawrence on the grill: praefectus inverti iubet; tune ille: coctum est, devora et experimentum cape, sit crudum an assum suavius. [the emperor orders him to be turned over; then (Lawrence said): it is cooked, eat and make the test, (to see it) it is raw or roasted pretty sweet] Peristephanon,II, 5-8 (Delehaye 1933, 53)

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Prince Scholars postulate that the oldest narrative account of the percecution of St. Lawrence was the PassioSixti et Laurentii,which appears to have circulated towards the end of the fourth century. It was this imaginative rendition which attributed to Lawrence the infamous death by grilling, a fate virtually unknown among Roman martyrs. Delehaye (1933, 71) postulates that Ambrose and Prudentius based their writings on this early account of the deaths of Sixtos and Lawrence. Towards the end of the fifth century, a more elaborate version of the legend was compiled, intertwining the deaths of Sixtos and Lawrence with those of other figures, among them St. Hippolytus.6 The Passio Polychronit et Sodorum1 is the earliest extant manifestation of this labyrinthine version, designated by Dutton (1981, 164) "una especie de novela bizantina a lo divino de los martirios de muchos santos." Delehaye (1933, 71) accurately asserts that the primitive Passio Sixti et Laurentii forms the core of the

PassioPolychronii(=PP). Whether an established cult to St. Lawrence existed in fourth-century Spain or not has yet to be established. However, traces of some type of organized following date back to the Visigothic period (see Garc{a Rodrfguez 1966). As explained above, the favor enjoyed by St. Lawrence in the Peninsula is related to his Spanish birth. Although he himself confirms his Spanish lineage in the PP, when he declares to his persecutors "Quantum ad genus, Hyspanus," later versions of the legend more specifically identify him as a native of Huesca.• His life is also connected to that of another native of Huesca, the Spanish martyr St. Vincent (d. 304), as well as to that of St. Valerius, bishop of Zaragoza (d. 315): Vincencio e Laurencio, ambos de Uesca fueron, ambos fueron kat6licos, criados de Valerio

omnes sin despresura, dizlo la escriptura; ambos de grant cordura, e de la su natura. Martiriode San Lorenzo,estr. 2, (Dutton 1981)

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La Coronica21:2, 1992-93 Both Berceo's Martirlo and the Legenda Aurea claim these connections; Dutton (1981, 159), however, demonstrates that the possibility of these links is remote. The Castilian "Estoria de Sant Loren~ e de Sant Sisto e de sus conpaiieros" is found in Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS 10252 (BOOST3 1739). The text occupies ff. 126c-130c of the manuscript, which once belonged to the Marqu6s de Santillana.9 The parchmentbound codex contains 191 paper folios, 310 x 234 mm., in double columns of 31 to 34 lines, written in a fourteenth-century Gothic hand. Amador de los Rfos (1852) asserted that B.N. 10252 was a 10 copy of the popular Flos sanctorum. Schiff, however, explains that the manuscript actually contains three works: the Ystoriade santos (ff. 1-149),11 a fragment of the life of Jesus (ff. 141-48), and a Tractadode virios e virtudes(ff. 149-91).12 Forty-eight saints' lives are listed in the table of contents of the Ystoria de santos, however, only twenty-four are actually preserved. According to Schiff (1905, 249), lives no. 5, no. 20, and nos. 27-48 are missing. The mutilation 9f the volume likely stems from its somewhat damaged condition and the extensive repairs it has undergone. Deyermond (1990) explains that among the larger portion of missing lives (nos. 27-48), two-thirds describe female saints, indicating the loss of what seems to have been a female passionary. Schiff identifies the Ystorla de santos as a translation of Jacobus da Voragine's LegendaAurea. This is not quite true, as Thompson and Walsh have successfully shown in their studies on the Flos sanctorumor Legendatradition. The Dominican author of the thirteenth-century Legendaestablished a corpus of 225 saints' lives, a type of "inventario definitivo de los santos." This Latin corpus was adapted by each medieval compiler to fit the needs and traditions of his public. Thompson and Walsh (1986) have divided the extant medieval compilations of saints' lives in Castilian into three groups: 13 Compilation A (Granjlos sanctorum), Compilation B, 14 and two independent texts: Madrid, B.N. 10252 (BOOST3 1741) and the three-volume Madrid, B.N. 7098. Compilations A and Bare based on the Legenda,but neither is a complete or faithful translation. Neither 89

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Prince of the two independent collections has been studied in depth. There is, however, clear indication that the Ystoriade santosin B.N. 10252 is not a translation of the Legenda.Specific Latin sources for the lives of St. Lawrence and St. James have been identified, and they do not correspond to the Legendatradition. The story of St. James ·in B.N. 10252 has been recognized as a translation of Pope Calixtus' Uber Sancti Jacobi (Connolly 1990, 37). The story of St. Lawrence preserved in the same codex is actually a translation of the PP, as I will show below, and differs markedly from the Legenda version, which narrates the many miracles performed by St. Lawrence after his death·. Further research is needed to determine whether the remaining lives correspond to their Legendaversions, or whether they are all translations of independent Latin texts. This edited version of the life of St. Lawrence 'is the twenty-third life listed in B.N. 10252, titled "De Sant Loren~ e de Sant Sisto e de sus conpaiieros." This passiopresents a very detailed account of the martyrdom of St. Lawrence, beginning with the persecution and death of Sixtus, and concluding with the burial of Lawrence. 15 A summary of the narration follows: After addressing and comforting his followers, bishop Sixtus appears before the emperor, Decius, refusing to worship the pagan gods. He and two disciples, Felicisimus and Agapitus, are jailed. Lawrence laments the persecution of the bishop. Sixtus assures Lawrence that the young deacon will follow him in death in a few days' time. He then entrusts the treasures of the church to Lawrence, asking that he divide them among the Christians. Lawrence complies, distributing the treasures and curing the infirm: he heals Ciriaca's headache and dispels Crecencion's blindness. He meets St. Justin and washes his feet in respect. Sixtus, Agapitus, and Felicisimus are again asked to offer sacrifice to the pagan gods. Instead, Sixtus asks God to ravage the temple, and a portion comes crashing down, destroying the stone idols. Lawrence reassures Sixtus that the church treasures have been distributed. While Sixtus and his two followers are beheaded, Lawrence is imprisoned for refusing to surrender the church treasures

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La Coronica21:2, 1992-93 to Decius. Lawrence initiates several conversions while imprisoned, among them those of the blind man Lucillo, and the Roman guard Hippolytus. Lawrence is given three days' time to surrender the treasures to Decius. Rather than offering the treasures, however, Lawrence presents the poor to the emperor, claiming that they are the treasures of the church. Although Decius orders his torture, Lawrence refuses to worship the pagan idols. The emperor's soldiers cruelly torture Lawrence, who asks God to aid him. The soldier Romanus is converted when he sees the vision of an angel comforting the martyr, and he himself is killed. The emperor orders Lawrence burned alive on the grill. Before he dies, the martyr sarcastically instructs Decius to tum him over and eat his flesh when it is sufficiently roasted. The voice of God sounds from the sky welcoming Lawrence into heaven. The following day Hippolytus and Justin bury the saint, as the Christian community gathers to lament Lawrence's passing. The model for this translation of the persecution of St. Lawrence is the sixth-century Latin PP ;described above. A sample comparison of the PP (section 11) and B.N. 10252 reveals their similarities: Quando Sant Sisto oy6 el mandado, dixo [126d] a sus . . . dixit ad clerum suum: cl6rigos por los confortar: "Mis buenos hermanos e mis "Fratres et commilitones mei, muchos amigos, non ayades nolite pavescere; ningltn miedo, ca vos bien sabedes c6mo los buenos omnes sancti quanta passi sunt mmtires sufrieron grandes tormenta ut securi perpetuam martirios por yr a la vida obtinerent vitae aeternae perdurable. E Nuestro Senor palmam. Nam et dominus mesmo sufri6 muerte e pasidn noster Iesus Christos passus por n6s, e didnos a sy por est pro salute nostra, ut nobis exenplo, que asy como El fizo exemplum relinqueret." por nds, que asy fagamos nds por 61."

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Prince In fact, the Castilian version does not differ from the PP in any substantial way. The translator preserves the dramatic features and the witty dialogue of the original. All the episodes are analogous, as are the personal and place names. Certain elements in the Laurentine legend have been described as "episodios juglarescos" (Ortiz 1982, 38), that is, emotional or theatrical scenes and miracles; these are secondary to the core narration, e.g., Lucilius' dramatic profession of faith, the washing of the feet, Sixtus' ravaging of the temple, the sounding of the voice of God, the angelic visions of Hippolytus and Romanus and their conversions, and the description of the saint's tortures. While many versions of this legend omit these incidents as reported in the PP, the Castilian version perserves them all. Dutton (1981, 142) concludes that a text similar to the PP also served as a source for Berceo' s Manirio de San Lorenzo, from the persecution of Sixtus to the grilling of Lawrence. 16 Berceo strays from the PP by condensing many passages and eliminating most of the secondary episodes listed above. Although the Castilian narration traces the Latin text more closely, Berceo demonstrates greater accuracy in the reproduction of proper names. It is possible that his model was less faulty than the one used by the Castilian translator. Closer analysis of B.N. 10252 may yet reveal for what purpose the Ystoriade santoswas compiled. Scrutiny of the contents of the Ystoria suggests that the lives of the saints are typically dramatic, dialogued pieces, replete with examples of Christian virtue and divine intervention. As Johnson (1986, 2289-A) emphasizes, the Tractadode virios e vinudes, the third work contained in the mansucript, is a collection of exemplawhich appears to have been "a theological textbook that was used in the education of preachers in medieval Spain." The Ystoriaand the Tractado,together with the fragmentary life of Jesus, may well hav.e been intended as a source book for medieval Spanish preachers. The present edition of the Castilian life of St. Lawrence is based on a microfilm copy of B.N. 10252, as well as my personal inspection of the manuscript in January 1987. In order to facilitate efficiency in the reading of the edited text, some adjustments have

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been made in its representation. Scribal abbreviations have been resolved, and all editorialinsertionsare containedin square brackets. Punctuationand accentuationhas been added, and word divisionhas been regularized in accordance with modem usage. The Latin ampersandis replacedbye. Proper nounsare capitalized.In addition, the followingorthographicconventionshave been introduced:the use of ilj and u/v has been regularized;word-initialdoubled consonants, i.e., "-IR-,.ff-, and ss-, are simplified;the verb forms d6 (doy) and s6 (soy) are accented;the subjectpronouns and prepositionalobjects n6s and v6s have also been accented. Difficult lexical items are explainedin the notes, which also containsometextual commentaries and references to the Latin source. The following abbreviationsare used: MS = B.N. 10252; PP = Passio Polychronii et Sociorum (Delehaye 1933); Berceo = El martirio de San Lorenzo (Dutton 1981). Paragraph numbers correspond to divisions in the PP establishedby Delehaye(1933). [La estoria]de Sant Lorenro e de Sant Sisto e de sus conpail.eros

[11] [126C] [F]ue asy en el tienpo que D~io Cesar era enperador de Roma que aquellos que en Nuestro Senor crey6n e lo amavan eran martiriadose sufri6n grandes martirios por amor d'61. Aquella saz6n fue Sant Sisto que fue natural de Atenas e fue primeramentefi16sofoe depu6spun617 de seguir verdaderamentelas obras de Jhesu Christo. E fue apost6ligode Roma e de aquellos que en Jhesu Christo crey6ne su ayuda demandavan.E estos ensefiava61 muy de cora~6ndel verdaderoenseftamiento.QuandoC6sar e Valerio sopieron e vieron que la cristianidatse acre~entavapor Sant Sisto, mandaronuna noche que gelo troxiesendelante e toda la clerizfacon 8 61. Quando Sant Sisto oy6 el mandado,1 dixo [126d] a sus cl6rigos por los confortar: "Mis buenoshermanose mis muchosamigos, non ayades ninglinmiedo, ca vos bien sabedesc6mo los buenos mutires sufrieron grandes martirios por yr a la vida perdurable. E Nuestro Senor mesmo sufri6 muerte e pasi6n por n6s, e di6nos a sy por exenplo, que asy comoEl fizo por n6s, que asy fagamosn6s por El." 93

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Prince Pues que el santo omne los confort6 asy. Dixo: "Venit sin pavor." Eston~e le respondieron dos de sus di~fpulos que eran cl6rigos de missa. El uno avi6 nonbre Feli~(simo eel otro Agapito. E dixi6ronle: "Senor, l,d6 podremos n6s yr sin v6s?" (12] Eston~e levaron el apost61igo e sus di~fpulos delante el enperador, e el enperador dixo al santo omne: "l,Sabes tu por qu6 te fiz prender e traer ante mf'l" "Sy, s6 muy bien," dixo Sant Sisto. "Pues si lo bien sabes," dixo el enperador, "fazlo bien e fazlo de guisa que todos lo sepan, asy que tu puedas bevir e acr~entar tu clerizfa." E el apost6ligo dixo: "Eso fecho lo he e fago e far6." E el enperador dixo: "Ora nuestros dios 19 que non son mortales, e sey prfn~ipe e obispo de la nuestra clerizfa." E Sant Sisto respondi6: "Yo servy a Dios todo tienpo e sin achaque, que es Padre Poderoso de todas las cosas." Eel enperador le dixo: "Ave consejo sobr~to con tu clerizfa." E 61 respondi6: "Fata agora ove mi consejo con ellos. E el mi consejo es atal: que fagamos cosa porque podamos ser libres de la perdurable muerte." E D~io [dixo]: "Fazet sacrifi~io a nuestros dios, [127a] o sy non, bien te digo que todos los otros de ty podr4n tomar fazaiia." Eel santo omne respondi6: "Sienpre dixe que fago e far6 sacrifi~io a Jhesu Christo." Eston~e dixo D~io a sus cavalleros: "Tomadlo e levatlo al tenplo de Mars e faga ora~i6n a nuestros dios. E sy lo non quisiere fazer, tomadlo e metedlo~ en la cm-eel de Marmetina. " 21 Eston~e tomaron los cavalleros el Sant Sisto e lev4ronle al tenplo de Marse cuyt4ronle que fiziese sacrifi~io. E Sant Sisto les dixo: "Malditos e sin conocencia, ipor qu6 orades o por qu6 demandades ayuda a estas falsas ym4gines que son sin recabdo e fechas por manos de omnes que non pueden ayudar a sy nin a otra? Ay, mis buenos fijos, veet e entendet e librat vuestras almas de los tormentos que non abr4n fin, e non fuyades de los martirios deste mundo, que se pueden pasar, mas los del otro que sienpre 4n de durar. E dolet v6s de vuestros pecados e de los ydolos que orades que non prestan ninguna cosa que a todo daiio." Quando los cavalleros vieron que despreciava el mandado del enperador, fu6ronle meter en prisi6n a 61 e a Sant Felicfsimo e a Sant Agapito. [13] [Q]uando Sant Loren~, que era estonce ar~idiano, oy6 e vio c6mo levavan a Sant Sisto, fue a 61 e dfxole en llorando: "Buen

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La Coronica 21:2, 1992-93 padre, l,d6vas tu sin tu vestimenta e d6 vas tu, santo cl6rigo de misa, sin tu cl6rigo de evangelio? Ca Senor nunca canteste missa [127b] sin quien te sirviese. E la tu santa sufren~ia, ioomo se enoja agora de m17l,Prov6steme agora tu en alguna cosa que non fallases en vertat o que me non fallases tu por verdadero e por leal?n22Sant Sisto le dixo: "Buen fijo, non te dexo yo, mas asy es que tu as de pasar por mayores martirios e por mayores cuytas que yo. Ca yo pasar6 ayna por mi martirio porque yo s6 viejo, mas tu avru mayor vitoria emu noble de ven~imiento e mu acabada, porque eres man~ebo. E por ende te digo que te dexes de llorar, ca ayna yru en pos mf. Ca tu eres cl6rigo de evangelio e seguiru tu cl6rigo de misa d'oy a ter~er dfa.23 Mas vete e toma todos los tesoros de la eglesia e dalo todo a pobres." [14] E Sant Loren~o fizo asy: tom6 todo quanto aver avi6 en la eglesia, e and6 errando por d6 eran los christianos pobres e di6gelo todo. [D]epu6s desto, avino que entr6 en una casa de una muger biuda que morava en el monte de Celio. Esta muger biviera ya con marido xi aiios, e sin marido xii. 24 E esta muger teni6 en su casa muchos cl6rigos. E Sant Loren~ les lev6 una noche que vistiesen e lav6les los pies e bes6gelos. Aquella muger avi6 nonbre Ciriaca, e ech6se a los pies de Sant Loren~ e dfxole: "Seiior, yo te conjuro por el nonbre de Jhesu Christo, Fijo de Dios, que tu pongas tus manos sobre mi cab~a, ca mucho he en ella grant dolor." "Fazer lo he," dixo Sant Loren~. Eston~e le fizo la seiial de la cruz sobre la cab~a de sy, pusole las manos y [127c] de sy el paiio con que alinpiava los pies a los santos omnes, e ally fue ella guarida. [15] [A]quella noche se parti6 Sant Loren~ d'ally e andido buscando los christianos, como por casas, como por cuevas, como por cada lugar, fasta que lleg6 a una rua que 4 nonbre Camaria.25 Ally fall6 muchos christianos allegados en casa de un omne que avi6 nonbre Maraso. 26 Ally fall6 c!l un ciego que dizic!n Cr~en~i6n. e aquc!lpidi6 merced en llorando, e dfxole: "Ay santo omne, taiie mis ojos con tus manos." E Sant Loren~ fizo la seiial de la cruz e dixo: "Jhesu Christo te faga veer", e el ~iego vio luego. [16] Eston~e se parti6 Sant Loren~o e oy6 dezir que en una rua que llamavan Patrisa que avic!muchos christianos allegados en 95

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La Coronica 21:2, 1992-93 mandestedespenderya los he despendidos."Quando esto oyeron los cavall[er]osque y estavan,que Sant Loren~oavi6tesoros, prisi6ronlo e meti6ronlo en guarda. E de sy tomaron a Sant Sisto e a Sant Feli~fsimoe Sant Agapitoe degoll4ronlos,e los cuerpos fueron en la pla~a desamparadosfasta que lleg6 la noche. E vinieron grandes conpaftasde christianos,e tomaronlos cuerposde los santos mm-tires e soterr4ronlosen el ~iminteriode Calisto en aquella mesma carrera de Apia. (19] [D]epu~ desto que Santo Sisto fue muerto e martiriado de los cavallerosque prendierona Sant Loren~, di6ronlea Pereme30 que era justi~iaen Romade manode Valerio el Adelantado,e Pereme di6lo a Valerio. E Valerio dixo a D~io C6sar: "Yo tengo preso a Sant Loren~, ar~edianode Sisto, obispo de los christianosque teni6 muy grant aver escondidocomome fizieronentender." QuandoD~io C6sar esto oy6, fue muy alegre e mand6 que gelo aduxiesendelante. E quando lo vio, dfxole: "l,D6 son los tesoros de la eglesia que ascondiste?" E Sant Loren~ non le quiso responder, nin en todo aquel dfa non le quiso fablar. [128b][Q]uandoesto vio D~io C6sar, di6lo a Valerio e dfxole: "Demandatle aquellos tesoros tan sesudamentefata que los ayades, e depu6s fazerle fazer sacriti~ioa nuestros dios. E si lo fazer non quisiere, fazelle morir mala muerte." Enton~etom6 Valerio a Sant Loren~6e di6lo a guardar a uno de sus justi~ias que era omne fidalgo e avi6 nonbre Yp6lito. Aquel Yp6lito tom6 enton~ea Sant Loren~oe meti6loen la c4r~elcon otros presos que y teni6. (20] E en aquellac4rcelyazi6un omne en prisi6n tienpo avi6 que era paganoe avi6nonbreLu~ilo,e con cuyta de su prisi6n llorara tanto que ~eguara ya. E Sant Loren~o le dixo: "Hermano, cree en Dios e en su fijo Jhesu Christo e fazerte yo bautizar, e cobrar4sluego tu lunbre." "Sienpre dese6," dixo Lucilo, "de ser bautizado en el nonbre de Jhesu Christo." E Sant Lorenco le dixo: "iCrees tu en Jhesu Christode todo tu cora~6n?"E Lucilo le dixo en llorando: "Yo creo en Nuestro Senor Jhesu Christo e desprecio todos los falsos ydolos." Todo esto oye Yp6lito, mas nunca respondi6ningunacosa. Eston~ebendixo Sant Loren~oa Lu~ilo, e ech6 del agua en un vaso e dfxole: "Todos los pecados son lavadospor confesi6ne en todo lo

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Prince una cueva, e fue a ellos e didles lo que les fue mester. E eran bien lxiii entre omnes e mugeres. De sy tomd paz con ellos en llorando. [A]lly falld Sant Loren~ un santo omne que avi6 nonbre Justm, que ordenara de misa Sant Sisto, e echdsele a los pies por gelos besar, e Sant Justfn del otrosy por le besar los suyos. E Sant Lorenco·le dixo: "Amigo, Seiior, d6xame conplir lo que deseo. Dexatme lavar los westros pies e destos otros." "Fazet," dixo Justfn, "lo que vds quisi6redes en el nonbre de Jhesu Christo." E Sant Loren~ lavd los pies a todos e besdgelos en llorando. De sy espididse d'ellos e acomenddse a Sant Justfn e fu6se. [17] E en yendo, [127d] falld que levavan a Sant Sisto e a Sant Felicfsimo ea Sant Agapito ante el enperador e ante Valerio. E tanto que D~io 27 C6sar vio a Sant Sisto dixo: "Nds te consejamos, porque eres viejo, que fagas nuestro mandado. Ora nuestros dios e bivr4s." Sant Sisto les dixo: "Cativo, conseja a ti e non te pierdas, e faz p[e]na21 de tanta sangre de tantos santos omnes como as derramada por tierra." E De~io dixo a Valerio: "Sy este omne non fuere ayna muerto, nuestro poder non sent nada tenido. " 29 E Valerio dixo: "Fagamosle tajar la cab~a." E Sant Feli~fsimo e Sant Agapito respondieron eston~e: "Cativos, sy vds oy6sedes e entendi6sedes los mandados e los castigos de Nuestro Senor Jhesu Christo, vds podriedes bien aver e escapar de los martirios que non an de aver fin." E Valerio dixo: "iPor qu6 biven ya estos omnes tan luengamente, que nos prometen martirios e nos amenazan con ellos? Agora los lieven otra vez al tenplo e f4ganlos orar nuestros dios. Si non, t4jenles y las cab~as." Eston~e fueron levados los tres santos omnes al tenplo que era fuera del muro de la ~ibdat, a la puerta que 4 nonbre Apia. E tanto que entraron en el tenplo dixo Sant Sisto: "Veedes aquf los ydolos mudos e sordos ante quien los cativos fincan los ynojos e oran por que pierden la vida que sienpre 4 de durar." Eston~e cat6 al tenplo e dixo: "Jhesu. Christo, Fijo de Dios, te destruya." E todos los christianos que eran y dixieron "Am6n." E dex6se caer del tenplo una grant pi~a [128a] e quebraron cuantas ym4gines y eran. [18] [Q]uando esto vio Sant Loren~o, que estava con ellos, dixo: "Padre santo, non me dexes, ca ya todos los tesoros que me tu

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Prince que te yo dixiere respondru tu 'creo'." Depu6s desto, bendixo el agua e ffzolo desnudar e ech6gelapor la cab~ e d{xole: "Lu~ilo, l,Cr~ en [128c]Dios, Padre Poderoso sobre todas las cosas?" E 61 respondi6:"Creo." [... ]31 "l,E que fue muerto e soterradoea ter~r dfa resurgi6?" E 61respondi6: "Creo." "l,E qu6 subi6 a los ~ielos? l,E que d'all4 a avenir a judgar los bivos e los muertos e el mundo por fuego?" E respondi6 llorando: "Creo." E Sant Loren~ dixo: "Aqu61te bendiga e alunbra en cuerpo e en alma por la su santa gracia." E depu6sque le bautiz6, cubri6leuna saya blanca, asy como es costunbrede los que bautizan.E luego cobr6 su lunbre e vio como nunca viera e comen~ a dar bozes ea dezir: "Bendito sea Nuestro SeiiorJhesu Christo que es Dios perdurable,que me alunbr6por Sant Loren~." Quando esto oyeron muchos de y de la ~ibdat, fueron a Sant Loren~ que yazi6en la prisi6n de Yp61ito,e Sant Loren~ puso las sus manos sobrellose luego fueron sanos de las enfermadades. [21] [Q]uandoesto oy6 Yp6lito, dixo: "Loren~, ens6iiame los tesoros que ascondiste,si no, mal te vern4 del enperador." E Sant Lorenco le dixo: "Yp6litosy tu creyeres en Dios, Padre Podero[so] sobre todas las cosas, yo te mostrar6 los tesoros e prom6tote que bivas sienpre." "Sy tu," dixo Yp6lito, "me fiziereseso que dizes, eso luego yo fart! lo que mandares." "Agora me entiende," dixo Sant Loren~, "Faz lo que yo quiero. Dexa los ydolos e las falsas ym4ginesde los dios e bautfzate.Estoncever4s abiertamentlo que te yo digo." "Fazerlo quiero yo," dixo Yp61ito.E Sant Loren~ lo bautiz6estonce[128d]e lo co[n]firmoen la su santa creencia.Yp6lito dixo a Sant Loren~: "Agora quandome bautizavasvi en el ~ielolas santas almas alegrar a Nuestro Senor." Estoncerog6 Yp6lito a Sant Lorenco que bautizasea quantosavi6 en su casa, e Sant Lorenco asy lo fizo. E fueron xviii32 entre omnes e mugeres. [D]epu6sd'esto, mand6 Valerio a Yp61ito que aduxiese a Sant Loren~ ante el enperador. E Yp61itodixo a Sant Loren~: "Valerio me enbi6 dezir que vos levaseante'l enperador." "Agoravayamosde consuno," dixo Santo Lorenco, "ca perdurable gloria nos est4 guisado." Quando llegaron ante'l enperador, dixo Valerio: "Lorenco, dexa tu locura e mu~tranos los tesoros de la eglesia que n6s sabemosmuy bien que tu tienes escondidos." E Sant Lorenco dixo: "Datme plazo de dos 98

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La Coronica 21:2, 1992-93 dfas o de tres, e mostrar6 los tesoros." E 61 di6le plazo sobre sy e sobre su guarda. Asy tinc6 el pleito entonce. [22] E Sant Loren~ non quedo ciegos e mancos e cueros e dolientes e pobres de metellos en casa de Yp6lito escondidamente. 33 E Valerio dixo a C6sar que diera plazo de tres d{as a Sant Loren~, e que'l prometiera que en aquel plazo le mostrase los tesoros. E quando vino al tercer dfa, alleg6 Sant Loren~ conpaiia grande de pobres en el palacio de Sabastis34 6 eran allegados el enperador e Valerio. Eel enperador le dixo: "l,D6 son los tesoros que dexiste que me dari6s?" E Sant Lorenco dixo: "Estos pobres [129a] que tu aquf bees son los tesoros, que jamu non ser4n mal nin mengua." E Valerio le dixo: "iPor qu6 fablas tu tanto e dizes tantas cosas? Faz sacrificio a nuestros dios e d6xate de tus artes encantaderas en que '8 grant tiuza. " 35 E Sant Lorenco dixo: "l,Por qu6 vos cuyta el diablo tanto que osades dezir a los christianos que fagan sacrificios a westros dios, que non son verdaderamente sino diablos? l,E semeja v6s raz6n e derecho que nos oremos los diablos ante que aqu61 que fizo toda criatura? V6s mesmos lo judgat:si es mejor orar omne aquel que es fecho por mano d'ombre 36 o aqu61que lo fizo?" [E]l enperador le dixo: "l,Qui6n es aqu61que es fecho o qui6n es aqu61que lo fizo?" "Nuestro Senor," dixo Sant Lorenco, "es aqu61 que es fazedor de toda criatura, de omnes e de mugeres, de aves e de bestias e de p~es e del cielo e de tierra. l,E tu me ruegas que ore yo ante que 6ste, vna ymcigen fecha de piedra que es sorda e muda?" [23] Quando esto oy6 C6sar, el enperador fue muy saftudo, e mand6 que lo desnudasen e lo firiesen muy cntamente. "E d6 lo firi6n," dixo el enperador, "jamcis non fables en mis dios." "Cativo, yo d6 gracias a mi Dios que me llama para estos martirios que por 61 sufro e que'l plaze que sea martiriado entre los sus siervos. E tu ser'8 martiriado en el infiemo por tu locura." El enperador dixo a sus sergientes: "Tomad todas las [129b] maneras de tormentos que avedes e pon6tgelas delante e veellas ha." Estonce troxieron un lecho de fierro con sus vergas 37 luengas e agudas e tajaderas de parte de suso. E el enperador dixo a Sant L[orenc]o: "Aora nuestros dios. Si non, aquf prenderu martirios de grant crueza. Agora veru que comeres te yo dar6." E Sant Lorenco le respondi6: "Cativo mal aventurado, 99

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sienpre yo dese6estostus tales comeres, ca todos estos tormentosson a mf gloria e a ty trabajo e mala ventura." E C6sar dixo: "Pues que te esto non semeja si non gloria, e non deseu tanto al como estos comeres, mu6stranosdd yazen escondidoslos que son de tu creen~ia e comerm contigod'estos comeres." Sant Loren~ respondid: "Los nonbresd'aquellos que me tu demandasson ya en los ~ielose tu non ve