La corónica. A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures, and Cultures [23.2]

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A JOURNAL OF MEDIEVAL SPANISH LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

SPRING

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1995

Editor George D. Greenia. College of William and Mary lfa • agi • g Editor Isidro J. Rivera. University of Kansas Book Re•iew Editor E. Michael Gerli, Georgetown University Auociate Editor for l • fo1111atio • Tec• • ology a• d Hi1pa • ic Stadie1 Mark Johnston, Illinois State University Editorial Auiata • ta Jennifer Bradt and Cliff Roberson, University of Virginia Esec • tiYe Coaaittee, MLA Diri1l0 • o • Spa • i•• Medieval La • g • age a• d Litenture Anthony J. c,rdenas, University or New Mexico (1990-95) Julian Weiss, University of Oregon (1991-96) l:. Michael Gerli, Georgetown University (1992-97) Mary Jane Kelley, University of Ohio (199S-98) Ivy A. Cortis, Pennsylvania State University (1994-99)

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Editorial Policy

u,, amSnicawelcomes studies in English and Spanish dealing with medieval Iberian languages, literatures and their historical contexts. Contributors should submit two copies of their manusaipt accompanied by a self-addressed stamped envelope. Text, quotations, footnotes (rather than endnotes) and end bibliography of Works Cited should all be double spaced. Typescripts must adhere in format to TIii MU St,u Manual and employ the short internal reference system. For articles, do not send a diskette with the text until the submission is aaq>tm. All submissionsacrepted for publication must be submitted on disk, WordPerfect 5.1 or higher preferred. Foreign contributors may submit hard copy alone if necessary; consult with the Editor before submitting by e-mail. Guidelines for Articles and Guidelines for Book. ReYiewsare availablefrom the Editor, George D. Greenia, and Book.Review Editor, E. Michael Cerli, respectively.

u,, amSnicais issuedin the fall and spring of each academic year. Subscription rates

are $10/year and $1812yearsfor individuals and $25/year for instibltions. Subscription payments,changes of address and requests for back issues should be directed to Isidro J. Rivera, DcpL of Spanish & Portuguese, S062 Wescoc Hall, University of Kansas, Lawrence, KS 66049. E-mail to [email protected]. In Great Britain, cont.act John England, Department of Hispanic Swdi~, The University, Sheffield, Sl0 2TN, Great Britain; in Spain, ~n Suichcz Cuesta, S.A., Apodaca, I, 28004 Madrid, Espana; in Italy, Ora. G. Lizabe de Savastano, Cav. Vittorio Veneto 4F, Zeto Buon Persico, Milano 20060.

Editorial correspondence concerning articles, article-reviews and announcements for the Calendar of Conferences and Events should be sent to George D. Grccnia, Editor, La conSnica, Dept of Modem languages, Collegeof William and Mary, Williamsburg, VA 2S 187 USA. Tel. 804-221-S676; fax 804-221-S6S7. E-mail to [email protected] Submissions of articles and notes for the section on Information Technology and Hispanic Studies should be sent directly to Mark.Johnston, 2949 N. Sheffield #1, Chicago, IL 60657 USA. E-mail to [email protected] La cor6nica does not accept unsolicited book. reviews. Books to be reviewed should be sent dircdly to E. MichaelGerti, Dept of Spanish, School of Languages and Linguistics, Georgetown University, Washington, D.C. 20057 USA E-mail to [email protected]

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Copyright MLA Division on Spanish Medieval Language and Literature ISSN 0l 9S-S892

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TABLE OF CONTENTS FROM THE EDITOR

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ARTICLES

Andrew M. Beresford, "The Disputa ul cuerpo e tkl anima and the Vision tk Filiberto: A Reappraisal of Sources" Elaine S. Brooks, "Memory of An Alien Voice in the Cancionero

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tk Barna"

Steven N. Dworkin, "The Genesis of Old Spanish duecho: An Unrecognized Proven~alism"

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Harriet Goldberg, "Queen of Almost All She Surveys: The Sexual Dynamics of Female Sovereignty"

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Jose Manuel Pedrosa, "Una colecci6n de romances rarisimos recogidos en Villasumil de Ancares (Le6n)"

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Rafael Ramos, "Tirant lo Blanc, Lancelot du Lacy el Llibre th l 'Ordre th Cava/,leria"

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Thomas F. Sharp, "'Rosas y claveles': una metafora perdurable y sus antecedentes en un ciclo asturiano"

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Juan A. Estevez Sola, "La fecha de la Chronica Naiermsis"

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INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY AND HISPANIC STUDIES

Charles B. Faulhaber, "An Update on ADMYfE for 1995"

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"OmniPage and WordCruncher: Tools for Creating and Searching Digitalized Text Corpora". Software review by Mark Davies.

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Spain-A

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Story of Nations. Software review by Mark D. Johnston.

Grammatili for WordPerfect 6.1 for Windows, Spanish language version. Software review by Daniel Eisenberg.

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REVIEWS

Armistead, Samuel G. andjoseph H. Silverman. JuuoSpanish Ballads from Oral Tradition. 11. Carolingian Ballads ( 1): Roncesvalus. Berkeley: U of California Press, 1994. Reviewed by Manuel da Costa Fontes.

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Hook, David. Th. Earlust Arthurian NatMs in Spain and Portugal. St. Albans, UK: David Hook, 1991. Walsh, J oho K. Relic and Literature: Saini Tonbius of Astorga and his area sancta. Eds. Alan Deyermond and Billy Bussell Thompson. St. Albans, UK: David Hook, 1992. Reviewed by Connie L. Scarborough.

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Ladero Quesada, Miguel Angel. Fiscalida,d,y pour real ni Castilla (12,2-1369). Madrid: Editorial Complutense, 199S. Reviewed by Francisco J. Hernandez.

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Llull, Ramon. Doctor Illuminatus. A Ramon Llull Readn-. Ed. Anthony Bonner. Princeton: Princeton U Press, 199S. Reviewed by David J. Viera.

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O'Callaghan,Joseph F. T~ uarned King. T~ Reign of Alfonso X of Castile. Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania, 199S. Reviewed by Robert A. MacDonald.

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Upon My Husband's Death. Widows in the Literature and History of Metluval Europe. Ed. Louise Mirrer. Ann Arbor, MI: U of Michigan Press, 1992. Reviewed by Michael Harney.

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Whinnom, Keith. Medieval and Renaissance Spanish Literature. Seucud Essays. Eds. Alan Deyermond, W.F. Hunter, & Joseph T. Snow. Exeter: U of Exeter Press with the Journal of Hispanic Philology, 1994. Reviewed by Ivy A. Corfis.

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BRIEF NOTICES

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NECROLOGY

Victor Infantes, "Ha muerto Maria Brey Mariiio" CALENDAR OF CONFERENCES AND EVENTS

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From the Editor There has been a bristling debate over the last few months among hispanomedievalists who dialogue on the Internet. It concerns the perceived marginalization of medieval Hispanic studies and medieval studies in general. We are all somewhat resigned to the amused (or glazed) looks we get from colleagues and administrators when we identify ourselves as medievalists. In their eyes the study of the Middle Ages is probably more innocuous than necessary, and at any rate a standard adornment of programs in the humanities-a cheap adornment at that. What seems to bother us more is that fellow medievalists, in English and French ·literature and history, say, also seem to relegate our specialty to the margins, taking the geographical position of Iberia at the lower comer of a Europe centered on Paris as somehow emblematic of our merits. We bridle under a similar snub that seems to come from other colleagues who devote themselves to the study of more recent periods of literature. Among them literary theory is all the rage: they subject their texts to· exquisite analyses of intentionality, discursive subversion and novel models of historical awareness. Being sifted through a subtle theoretical grid is something they suppose our texts cannot endure, or that we ourselves could not endure since our training in only in philology. Perhaps our most distressing suspicion is that others in the academy never think of us at all. Many savvyvoices in the recent electronic discussions have reminded us that we tend to marginalize ourselves by only talking to ourselves. As one of them wrote me in private, "I confess some consternation regarding the recent debate among our colleagues over the 'marginalization' of medieval Hispanism. John Beverly once gave (around 1980?) a MMLA paper called something like 'Hispanism as Ghetto'. It was clever then, but it's getting tedious, IMHO [in my humble opinion]. Moreover, our colleagues in German history carried on a similar debate in postings to the list MEDIEVL recently". Chuck the whining, many hispano-medievalists insist, and trump our academic neighbors by submitting papers on Iberian issues for conferences on "Power and Discourse in the Middle Ages" when we know that the organizers are only thinking ofpower'and discourse in the French and English Middle Ages. I suspect that there is a good deal of healthy infiltration going on these days, and that we are already well represented, in some quarters at least, by colleagues in hispanomedievalism who are as adept at theoretical approaches as anyone on campus. I am pleased to announce an innovation in La cor6nica that we hope will bring more of these fresh voices to center stage. The next issue of this journal will see its first thematic cluster of articles under a guest

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editor, Michael Solomon of Emory University. His theme embraces theories of critical actualization, not only as a ways of seeing, but also as ways of denaturalizing the models and methods that have traditionally oriented our work. Contributing authors will include Toni Pila Esposito writing on "Reinventing the Jarchas: Dismemberment of Things Past", Catherine Brown on "Hot Learning and the Medieval Medievalism", and Linde Brocato on "Leading a Whore to Father: Confronting C.ustino". These three papers are unified by a problematization of wholeness and fragmentation that underlies the anxieties of many hispanomedievalists about (and resistance to) theory. Others scholars who read these pages are encouraged to propose their own thematic dusters of articles for future issues. We hope that new approaches and new forms of dialogue will both carry us closer to the lively work going on among colleagues laboring in their own selfproclaimed "centers" of medieval scholarship and alert them to our own lively work and to the unexpected perspectives available from out here "on the margins". Georre D. Greenia College of William and Mary

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THE DISPUTA DEL CUERPO E DELANIMA AND THE VISION DE FIUBERTO: A REAPPRAISAL OF SOURCES Andrew M. Beresford Queen Mary & Westfield College, London

If there is a genre in which the often bizarre and almost inaccessible philosophical and theological preoccupations of the latter Middle Ages cohere perfectly, iuis probably the body-and-soul debate. It seems strange, then, that while Spain's five extant debates have been commonly more read about than read, a number of widely held critical misconceptions should have relegated several of them to the rank of translations. 1 The Disputa,ul cunpo.ul anima (= Disputa) for example, according at least to Krzmer ( 1956), is little more than a Castilian translation of the LatinDialogw intn-corpus •I animam (= Dialogus). The same, it seems, is true of another great debate, the Vision u Filibn-to ( = Vasion): only in this instance the same unflattering judgements have been made without the presentation of formal evidence. 2 In this.discussion I should like to offer a reconsideration of the grounds on which these verdicts have been based, firstly by considering the handling of sources • I am grateful for the assistance kindly given to me by Professor Alan Deyermond during the production of this article. It should not be assumed, however, that his opinions necessarily coincide with my own. 1

These debates fall into three uneven groups. The Di.sputaMl alma , 1l eturJ>q (early thirteenth century) is a 74 line fragment based on the AngloNorman Un sa,rudi par nuit. The next three, the Vision tU Filihnto, the Di.sputa ,ul eunfH, • ul anima, and the RnJ1laeion t'6 un lwnnitaiuJall ultimately derive from the Diologu.s intn corpus 1t animam. The first is a substantial prose reworking (6,500words approx.) written around 1350; the second is a 136 line poetic reworking of the Vision which contains the internal date of 1382; the third is a close reworking of the second which also mentions the date 1382, while adding another 64 lines in order to incorporate a happy conclusion. Finally, Ant6n de Meta's Traaado ,ul cunpoI t'6la anima (early fifteenth century) is a later 344 line verse debate for which no apparent source has yet been discovered. 1

The Vision's most recent critic, other than those who have made a passing reference within a large volume on the literary history of medieval Spain, is Octavio de Toledo (1878). It seems incredible that the few rash comments he makes have been so widely accepted among Hispanists, especially as they are now over one hundred years old.

C Lo eot'Olliea.Ml.A Division on Medieval Spanish Language and Literature. 23.2 (Spring 1995)

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in these texts, and secondly the degree to which each poet develops his own material. As a result I hope to demonstrate that the Disputa is derived from the Vasionrather than the Dialogus, and that both Castilian debates contribute a considerable amount of fresh material to the genre. 5 Looking firstly at the relationship between the Disputa and the Dialogw, a relationship which Krzmer (1956) consid~rs in some detail, it becomes clear, even on the most cursory of readings, that links between these texts are, at best, rather diffuse. In the first stanza of the Castilian poem, although there are a number of superficial similarities to the Latin, the formation both of ideas and of expression attains a clarity which is almost completely absent from the supposed source: 4

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In contrast to familiar genres such as epic or lyric, the body-and-soul debate has received little critical attention. Octavio de Toledo (1878) edits four debates (excluding the Tractado dtl cturpo, dtla anima), and makes some brief introductory remarks to the subject. Solalinde's two contributions (1933 and 1987: 29-34) resolve the question of the Disputa dtl al.may ,l cturpo's source, concluding that had the fragment been complete, it would have been largely the work of the Castilian poet. The same poem is discussed by Green (1966: 85) who considers the theme of death, and also by Alvar (1985) who edits it along with the later Disputa. The only sizable contribution is that ofKrzmer (1956) who edits both the Disputa and its sister poem the Rro,lacion dt un hnmitano, adding at the same time a substantial critical introduction. Al var ( 1962) tackles the subject of dialectology in the Disputa, and Alcina ( 1992) the influence of the Dialogw in Spanish literature. Groult (1980) discusses the literary and theological merit of the R,v,lacion dt un hlrmitaiio, and Jones (1963) prov.ides the only edition and study of the Tractado dtl cturpo , dtla anima. In many respects it is necessary to supplement this slender bibliography with studies on debates from different languages. Moffat (1990) provides an excellent survey of the influence of the Anglo-Saxon Soul & Bod1 as well as a substantial bibliography dealing with the tradition as a whole. Conlee (1991) edits several Middle English debates, furnishing the reader with a succinct preface for each one. Ackerman (1962) considers the relationship between the body-and-soul theme and parochial Christianity, Bossy (1976) traces the tradition in English and Latin until the time of Andrew Marvell, and Bruce (1890) discusses English debates in the light of European traditions. Cross (1957), Dudley (1909), Heningham (1940), and Willard (1935) all provide invaluable information on the homiletic background. 4

In contrast to the manuscript tradition of the Dia/,ogus, a debate which exists in at least 133 different versions, the Vision exists in a single manuscript, and the Disputa in two slightly differing copies. In this article a number of slight textual emendations have been made: these include the regularization of i/y, rJc,and u/b/v, and the insertion of punctuation and accentuation conforming to modern standards.

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Tiu Disputa del cuerpo e del anima and Thi Visi6n de Filiberto

Noctis sub silentio tempore brumali, deditus quodammodo sompno spirituali, corpus carens video spiritu vitali, de quo mihi visio fit sub forma tali. Dormitando paululum, vigilando fessus (Wright 1841: 95-96)

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Despues de la primera hora pasada en el mes de enero la noche pnmera quatrocientos e veint, entrante la era, estando acostado en una posada, non pude dormir essa trasnochada; v1nome un sueno alla al maitino: dire VOS, senores, lo que me avino fasta que pas6 toda el alborada. (vv. 1-8)

In this stanza, while the Latin poem remains staid and descriptive, condensing the essential background to the vision into five lines, the Castilian work bristles with the energy created by a more prominent narrator and his direct address to an unspecified audience. Not only is there a dissimilarity in this respect, but one might also highlight a number of additional factors. The Castilian poem's time-frame, for instance, marks not only the hour of the vision, but also its day and date; an insomnia motif suggests the narrator's inner preoccupation with death and salvation; finally, introduction of the debate's protagonists is considerably delayed. 5 As none of these features play any part in the Latin, it would seem logical to question whether the textual relationship is as conclusive as Krzmer would have the reader believe. It would certainly be inaccurate to describe the Castilian debate as the work of a translator when the modifications undertaken are both prominent and poetically coherent. In the lines immediately following the introduction, the number of new elements increases, while the numbe~ of possible Latin echoes ·decreases significantly. Even according to Krzmer's study, in the subsequent twenty-four lines only three have any relevance to the Latin. Compare the interpolation of several innovative features within the following extracts: En un valle fondo, escuro, apartado, espesso de xaras sofie que andaba buscando salida e non la fallaba. Tope con un cuerpo que estaba finado; oHa muy mal, se{a finchado, 5

In the forthcoming article 'Theme, Style, and Structure in the Disputa Ml crurpo t Ml dnima', Rtvista tU Littratura Mtdilval (in press), I consider the functional and thematic impact of a number of these elements within the context of the Disputa's dream-frame.

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los ojos qucbrados, la faz dcncgrida, la boca abierta, la barba ca(da, de muchos gusanos bien aconpaiiado.

Per te nob is miscra est in inf emo scdcs. (v. 24) Juxta corpus spiritus stetit et ploravit (v. 9)

Mirando aqucl cuerpo de chica valor, o( una voz aguda muy fiera. Alce los mis ojos por vcr quien era: vi vcnir un ave de blanca color, deziendo contra cl cucrpo: 'Erejc traidor, del mal que feziste si eras represo, por tu vana gloria e muy poco scso jamas nel infiemo vivire en dolor.' Asentose queda a su cabecera e anduvo el cuerpo todo enderrcdor batiendo las alas con muy gran temor, faziendo llanto de estraiia manera, deziendo cuitada: 'ICommo soy sciiera,

Vere possum diccrc, heu! quod fui natal (v. 30)

non Callo lugar do pucda guarirl Escuro fue el d(a que ovc a vcnir a scr tu cercana e tu conpaiiera. • (vv. 9-32)

In these stanzas most if not all of the principal images cultivated by the Castilian text are lacking in the alleged source. The dark valley, a geographical concrei:ization of the narrator's inner feelings, plays no part; neither does the portrait of the rotting corpse, the winged soul metaphor, or even the use imagery associated with confinement and entrapment. These images are the structural and thematic heart of the Dispu,,a,. They represent a significant aspect of the poem's metaphorical foundation, and through them it acquires an impressive degree of theological and philosophical authority. One wonders to what extent the Dialogw could be considered the source of the Castilian debate,· if traces of its influence are so insignificant. Taking three further stanzas of the Castilian poem, once again it is not too difficult to notice that there is a marked divergence between the Dispu,,a and its alleged Latin source:

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Cui dixit anima, 'Adhuc volo stare, et, dum tempus habco, tecum disputare ( ... ]' (v. 188-89)

Quia pater pauperum non eras, sed przdo (vv. 88)

Ubi nunc sunt przdia quz tu congregasti? celasque palatia, turres quas fundasti? gemmz, torques, anuli, quos digito portasti? et nummorum copia quam nimis amasti? (vv. 42-45)

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En tanto que puedo agora aqu( estar quiero fablar un poco contigo. Bien sabes tu, cl mi mal amigo, quc por tus crrorcs e tu mal usar pecastc c fczistc a muchos pccar, de lo qual rcpriso scr non qucsistc, e aun pcnitcnciajamas non ovistc porquc yo, mczquina, avrc de lazdrar. Pe Dios c dcl mundo pavor perdiste, pasaste su ley e sus mandamientos. Incredulo fuste en tus pensamientos, juraste en vano, falsastc e mcntistc, a pobres cuitados sicnpre corristc. Por tu gran gula, luxuria, avaricia, acidia, homicidia, invidia, cobdicia, do yo era linpia, gran mal me fezistc. Md6 tus moradas, d6 es tu arreo, tu oro e tu plata c tu gran aver, tus joyas muy ricas e tu gran podcr? c!D6cs tu gracia, ad6 tu asseo, d6 cs tu argullo, ad6 tu mcnco? Mira agora que fue todo nada: todo fizo fin en una bra~ada de ticrra en que estas, segun que ora veo. (vv. 82-56)

In these stanzas once again the majority of material is the work of the Castilian poet. The inclusion of the seven deadly sins, the accusation that the body led others into iniquity, and the final acknowledgement that the sources of human pride amount to nothing, all display a substantial degree of innovation. Moreover, as for parallels between these texts, although it is clear that there is a similar thematic content, in each poem the wording is considerably different. Taking the fullest of'"these, that of the ubi sunt, it is evident that while the Latin poem mentions estates, palaces and towers, in the Castilian this is limited to dwellings, ',nortulas'. A similar disparity is shown by the substitution of gold, silver, riches and expensive jewels, for gems, necklaces, rings, coins, bedclothes and garments. A further distinction is underscored by the ~tilian poem's unparalleled concentration on the abstract qualities of power, grace and pride. Clearly these are different poems.

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Latin text. Indeed, it is possible that rather than being a first-generation descendant of the Dialogus,the Castilian poem could have absorbed its Latin through an intermediate text. Since the Disputa is not the earliest Castilian work to be derived from the Dialogus, it would make sense to investigate whether the Vision contains any evidence for the existence of this missing step. Examining the links between the Dialogus and the Vision one finds that in contrast to the Disputa, where Latin echoes frequently appear to be second-hand, in this work there is a very strong degree of structural and thematic- parallelism. There are, of course, a number of slight divergences, and in the following extracts although it is clear that there are a number of significant interpolations and expansions, it is not too difficult to discern that both thematically and lexically the Vision is following the Dialogus ~lmost to the letter: Non est nunc in turribus de petris quadratis, sed nee in palatio magnz largitatis; nunc jaces in feretro parvz quantitatis, reponenda tumulo qui minimo est satis! Quid valent palatia, pulcrz vel quid zdes? vix nunc tuus tumulus septem capit pedes. (vv. 17-22)

Ya non estas en las torres nin en los palacios muy espaciosos e de grand largura que auias fechos de los alcaceres do tu aufas grandes deleites, mas yazes agora en ese ataud pequenno e en esa fuesa de pequenna quantidat. Pues dime, lque te aprovechan agora tus moradas e tus grandes onrras e tan grandes palacios e tan rricos commo aufas fechos? Pues esta casa lobrega et monimento en que yazes tiene largura et espacio a malabes de siete pies. (Octavio de Toledo 1878: 51)

In this passage the fall of the body from a position of opulence and power to the dark confinement of the grave is evoked not merely through the same dwelling-place metaphor, but frequently the same lex is: 'ya non estas', corresponds to 'non est nunc', 'torres' to 'turribus', 'palacios' to 'palatio', and so on. The lexical similarities are so frequent that they hardly seem worth counting. As one examines the text more closely, however, it becomes apparent that despite retaining the fundamental characteristics of its original, the Castilian text interpolates some important details. The body's thievery, a theme which is touched upon at several different points within the Spanish so as to form an important mundus inversus image, is not mentioned in the Latin. This, however, is only a relatively small example of textual divergence. In later passages, the delicate balance of the scales between trans~ation and . innovation begins to tip more noticeably towards the latter:

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Considering two stanzas drawn from the conclusion to the Disputa, it is once again not too difficult to appreciate that while the Castilian text contains a number of Latin echoes, there is a significant amount of interpolated material: Postquam tales anima dixisset moerores, ecce duo dzmones, pice nigriores, quorum turpitudinem totius scriptores mundi non describerent, nee ejus pictores, Ferreas furcinculas manibus ferentes (vv. 259-63)

voce lamentabili et quzrula clamavit, 'Creaturam respice tuam, fili David!' (vv. 294-95)

Talia dum videram dormiens expav1, et extra me positus fere vigilavi (vv. 305-06)

Estando mirando esta porfla, sali6 un diablo negro de una espcssura,

mortal espantoso de fuerte figura. Tenezas de fierro en la mano trafa. E dixo contra el ave: 'Vos sodes mfa, conmigo iredes a ver mi posada donde seredes por siempre heredada; alli fallade~ assaz grand compafita.' El ave essa hora dio grand apelido e dixo: 'Dios mio, tu que me crieste, Rey de piedat, Hbrame deste, Senor, pues tenes el poder complidol' T6mala el diablo, con ella ha fuido. Con el gran pesar luego desparte: del suenno que vi pasmado finque, aina perdiera todo mi sentido. (vv. 121-36)

Here, in contrast to previous extracts, there is a slightly greater proportion of Latin echoes. The appearance of a black devil, the frightening steel pincers, and the narrator's mortal terror, are three factors which demonstrate the connection between these works. e On the other hand, however, there is a substantial amount of fresh material: the devil emerges through a thicket (a detail which, like the valley, represents an aspect of the poem's symbolic geography), it then invites the soul to join him in hell, and finally the narrator is unable to remain conscious at the end of his vision. Given that this pattern remains constant throughout the poem, it is clear that in contrast to the thesis proposed by Kr~mer, the relationship between these two works is actually very shallow. There are occasional lexical echoes, and even some strong verbal correspondences; it is evident, nonetheless, that as the Castilian poet incorporates a substantial amount of fresh material, there is insufficient evidence to prove that he drew first hand on the • It is worth bearing in mind, however, that in the Latin poem there are two devils rather than one.

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10 Non sunt tibi volucrcs, nee caro fcrina; non cignis nee gruibus redolct coquma; nee murcnz nobilcs, nee elccta vina; cs nunc csca vcnnium: hzc est vis divina; tallis pcccatoribus imminct ruinal

No me parccc quc ticnes agora aves grucsas commo solias, nin carncs salvages c salpresas commo solfas, nin tiencs otros( cames mortesinas de que te mucho pagabas, nin vinos escojidos; c agora para mientes si tc hucle la cozina tan bien commo soUa, quc tc pon(an delante carnes de cisncs c de asnares e pcrdizes e gallinas. Bien crco que non te huele agora tan bicn por quc ya tu non comes nin puedes comer, e agora comen a ti muehos busanos et lonbrizes e muchas rretillas e muchas maneras. De que esto es manifiesto que la Icy de Dios dize que estos galardones ban los pecadores, que beviendo e perseverando e acabando su vida en pecado mortal. (52)

(vv. 50-54)

In this extract the Castilian text is clearly using the Latin poem as its source; the development from descriptions of rich and luxurious foodstuffs through to the irony of the glutton becoming food for worms, undoubtedly represents evidence of copying. The verbal and thematic correspondences are too frequent and too obvious to be merely coincidental. There are, however, a number of conspicuous additions. While the Dia/,ogus mentions birds, wild game, swans and choice wine, the Vision adds a description of salted meats, asses, partridges and chickens. The same criteria apply to the maggots, worms and various reptiles which devour the dead body, for in the Latin this delight is reserved exclusively for the worms. In this light it is clear that although the Castilian text is derived from the Latin, it considerably amplifies its basic structure. In later passages noticeable lexical correspondences become vaguer and less frequent. In the following extract although there are many convincing similarities, the Castilian text develops in a direction which is quite different from that of its source: Si tu apud inferos anima fuisti, die mihi, te deprecor, ibi quid vidisti? Si qua spes sit miseris de dulcore Christi? Die, si quid nobilibus pareatur personis,

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Rruego te agora anima que me digas que cosa es el infierno con que a m( me amenazas, o si estoviste en el, o que cosa es lo que en el vistc, o si lo o(ste dizcr. Dime sc sabcs si ay csperan~a a los que est.an en cl infiemo de aver gloria o la dul~or de Ihesu Christo. Dime agora que

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TA. Disputa dcl cuerpo c del anima and Thi Visi6n de Filiberto illis qui dum vixcrant sedebant in thronis? si sit illis aliqua spes redemptionis, pro nummis et przdiis, czterisque donis? (vv. 232-38)

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acorra Dios, sabcs si pcrdona en cl a los que eran omnes honrrados et a los que eran fidalgos ct a los omnes de grandes ufanas et muy rricos quc soHan en cl mundo. Somos partidos ser en grandes tronos et en ricos asentamientos et ay esperan~a si quier por hcrcdades o por dineros, o los rrcycs o los condcs o los otros ricos omncs. D(mclo agora si quiera por quc me fagas buen cora~on de quanto espanto me posiste et con tu lloro que te veo fazer. (56-57)

While the Dia/,ogus remains taut and descriptive, putting remarkably little expression into the body's questions, the corresponding passage of the Castilian text presents a more engaging speaking voice endowed with a theological ignorance that is truly breathtaking. The Latin poem presents the body's queries as a series of straightforward questions. In the Vision the body weaves in and out of rhetorical modes, adding a number of ghastly misconceptions, and thereby generating an atmosphere of ignorance more successfully. In this light the soul's subsequent lecture on the ethics of Christian salvation is afforded a more credible exposition because the reader can appreciate the necessity for this misguided body to· receive_ some understanding of Christian precepts. Moreover, in terms of specific details there is a further divergence, for while the Latin poem through its allusion to thrones, 'thronis', isolates kings as the butt of its criticism, the Castilian text achieves a broader scope, attacking not just the pride and vanity of kings but also 'hidalgos', 'ricos omnes', and 'contks'. In this respect the reworking demonstrates a greater awareness of _classstructure than its original. In terms of thematic, structural, and lexical development, then, it is clear that while the Vision contains a significant amount of fresh material, it remains closer to its Latin source than to the Di.sputa. Moreover, whereas the first of these appears· to have inherited a Latin ancestry, more often than not the Vision appears to be a direct product ofit. In consequence, the long-standing view advanced by Krzmer, that the Dialogus independently gave rise to these two works, is open to question, for there is a strong likelihood that the Vision is the primary source of the Di.sputa. On inspecting the links between these texts one finds that there is indeed a recognisably smaller :disparity between noticeable verbal correspondences and the inclusion of fresh material. In the following extract, for example, although the image of the winged soul does not feature in the earlier text, it is not too difficult to

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appreciate that the Di.sputais closer to the Vision than to its alleged Latin source: Asent6sc cerca de cl llorando e gimiendo con grandes sospiros, doliendosc mucho [ ... ] e mal deziendo al cuerpo comenz6 a razonarsc lo que se sigue (51)

Asent6se queda a su cabccera e anduvo el cuerpo todo enderredor batiendo las alas con muy gran temor, faziendo llanto de estrafia manera, deziendo cuitada [ ... ] (vv. 25-29)

In these extracts there is a high degree of both lexical and st~ctural similarity; the verbal forms 'asrntos~' and 'dnirndo', for instanc~, appear in both works. Likewise, it is probable that the semantic group 'llorando', 'gimiendo', 'dolwndo', and 'sospiros' suggested 'llanto' and 'cuitada' to the Disputa's author. Furthermore, given that the Latin presents this description in the past tense ('Juxta corpus spiritus stetit et ploravit'), the appearance of so many present participles is a further indication of influence. Certainly, given the number of ways in which the Latin poem could be translated into fourteenth-century Castilian, it seems highly unlikely that these similarities are coincidental. Word for word, then, there is a stronger case for seeing the Vision as the source of the Disputa. In other sections there is an equally noticeable·degree of similarity. In the following extracts, for example, the soul's desire to voice its feelings seems to have passed almost directly from one text to the·other: Aun quiero estar aqu( et desputar contigo mientra me dexan y tengo tiempo. (55)

En tanto que puedo agora aqu{ estar quiero fablar un poco contigo. (vv. 32-33)

Here, in alluding to the ancient folkloric belief that the souls of the dead are released from their torment in hell each seventh night to wander the earth until day-break, both texts display a convincing degree of thematic affinity. 7 In the Latin poem, of course, this theme is also present, ('Adhuc volo stare, I~,, dum tempus habeo, tecum disputare'), but faced with 7

This theme is central to- the body and soul tradition and is made particularly clear by the Anglo-Saxon Soul & Body: 'Sceal sc gzst cuman geh}>um hremig / sy(m)le ymb scofan niht; sawle findan / }>one lichoman }>eheo zr longe wzg / preohund wintra butan zr < }>eodcyning>, / zlmihtig god, ende worlde' (Moffat 1990: 48). Bossy (1976: 145) considers this theme in relation to the Middle English debate Th6 D1sputisoun bitw.n th.I Bodi and th.I Souu, and also Shakespeare's Haml1t.

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the lexical relationships created by •~star aq,u", 'contigo', 'quino', and 'fablar I usputar', it is again attractive to see the Vision rather than the Dialogus as the Disputa's immediate source. At other points in the Disputa the possibility that the poem has a Castilian rather than Latin ancestry is all the greater, because the text contains a number of passages which are derived from the non-Latin sections of the Vision. In the following extracts there is a persuasive degree of similarity as the Devil addresses the soul: De aqu{ adelante estaras por sienpre en nuestra conpaiifa et conosceras como sabemos consolar a nuestros amigos aquellos que por nos algo fazen. (58)

( ... ) 'Vos sodes mfa, conmigo iredes a ver mi posada donde seredes por siempre heredada alla fallades assaz grand compaiifa.' (vv. 125-28)

In this stanza it is beyond doubt that a number of elements have been borrowed from the Vision. In addition to the grim humour with which the Devil greets his new plaything, there is a semantic relationship between 'siempre' and 'u aqui atklant~', as well as a repetition of 'compania' in both texts. What is surprising in this instance, however, is not that there are parallels of this nature, but that even Krzmer himself, someone who argues passionately for a Latin ancestry, fails to find anything remotely similar in the Dialogus. As this link is exclusive to the Vision and the Disputa, it follows that his hypothesis can no longer be sustained. In other passages the absence of a Latin original is even more striking: • Aun non me puedo nin tengo fuer~a para .me defender de tan pequenna cosa commo son estos busanos que me rroen los costados. (55)

Si non, ves agora quanto es mi poder, que aquestos gusanos non puedo toiler que comen las carnes del mi criamento. (vv. 70-72)

Here as the body belittles its own power by stating that it can not defend itself from the ~orms that are eating it away, there is the clearest evidence yet of a relationship which remains exclusively Castilian. Though there are differences, the words 'gusanos' and 'non puedo' are common to both texts, 'comm las carn~s' could have been inspired by '"°ni las costados',and similarly, 'quanta es mi pour' by 'non m~ pu~do nin Inigo fiurf4'. Once more the real significance of these lexical similarities lies not merely in the fact that they are there, but that even according to Krzmer there is no corresponding parallel in the Latin.

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In contrast to the hypothesis advanced by Krzmer, we may conclude that the actual line of textual decent between these works is one of Dialogus... Yasion...Di.sputa;in other words, Latin verse ... Castilian prose ... Castilian verse. It should be recognised, however, that although each Castilian version is based upon a tangible base text, at the same time, there is a considerable degree of modification, addition, and deletion. Each author uses a base text as a point of departure, but by moulding a familiar theme to his own designs, he creates an important, and ultimately independent work of literature. The Vision and the Disputa are, therefore, fascinating works in their own right; works with an artistic unity and a style and structure all of their own. In the light of the evidence presented here it would be fallacious to maintain that they are merely translations of a Latin original, for as we have seen, they are clearly not so. It is time, therefore, for a thorough reappraisal of the Castilian body-and-soul debate tradition, for this is a genre that contains several fine compositions which merit considerably greater attention.

Works Cited Ackerman, Robert W. "TM Debate of tM Body and tM Soul and Parochial Christianity", Speculum S7 (1962): 541-65. Alcina, Juan F. "Un fragmento de la Visio Philibmi y la tradici6n hispana del 'dialogo del alma y el cuerpo'". Nurva Rroista u FilologiaHispanica40 (1992): 51S-22. Alvar, Manuel. "Rasgos dialectales en la Disputa ul alma y ,l currpo (siglo XIV)". In Strm~: estudios u filologia e histori.a d,dicados a/, profesor Manuel Garda Blanco. Acta Salamanticensia, Filosofia y Letras 16. Salamanca: Universidad, 1962. S7-4 l. --. Antigua poesia espanola Linea y nan-ativa. Ed. Manuel Alvar. Colecci6n ."'Sepan Cuantos ... ", 15. Mexico: Porrua, 1970; repr. 1985. 127-42. Bossy, Michel-Andre. "Medieval Debates of Body and Soul". Comparative Literature 28 (1976): 144-6S. Bruce, J .D. "A Contribution to the Study of TM Body and Soul Poems in English". Motkrn Language Notes 5 (1890): S85-401. Conlee,John W. Midd/,eEnglish Debate Poetry: A Critical Anthology. East Lansing, MI: Colleagues Press, 1991. Cross, J.E. "The Dry Bones Spealc: A Theme in Some Old English Homilies". Joumal, of English and Germanic Philology 56 ( 195 7): 4S4S 9.

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Dudley, Louise. "An Early Homily on the Body and Soul Theme". Journal, of English and Germanic Phi.lology 8 (1909): 225-5S. Green, Otis H. Spain and tlw Westnn Tradition: T~ Castilian Mind in Lun-alurefrom "El Cid," to Cauln-on. Vol.4. Madison: Wisconsin UP, 1966. Groult, Pierre. "La Disputa ul alma y el cuerpo: fuentes e originalidad". In Literatura espiritua/, espanola: Ed,a,J,MetUa y Rmacimindo. Tr. Rodrigo A. Molina. Biblioteca del Hispanismo 4. Madrid: Imprenta Universitaria, 1980. 99-109. Heningham, Eleanor K. "Old English Precursors of the Worcester Fragments". Publications of thl Modern Language Association of America 5 5 ( 194 0): 2 91-S O7. Jones, Cyril A. "Algunas versiones mas del debate entre el cuerpo y el alma". In Miscellanea di Studi Ispanici 1963. Collana di Testi e Studi Ispanici 6. Pisa: Universidad, l 96S. 110-34. Krzmer, Erik von. Dos versiones castellanas de la di.sputa ul alma y el cuerpo ul siglo XIV. Memoires de la Societe Neophilologique 18. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Kirjapaino, 1956. Moffat, Douglas. The Old English Soul and Body. Woodbridge: Boydell • and Brewer, 1990. Octavio de Toledo, J.M. "Visi6n de Filiberto". Zeitschrifl for Romanisclw Philologie 2 (1878): 40-69. Solalinde, Antonio G. "La Disputa del alma y el cuerpo: comparaci6n con su original £ranees". Hispanic Review 1 { 19SS ): 196-207. --. Poemas breves medievales. Ed. Ivy A. Cortis. Spanish Series 19. Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1987. Willard, Rudolph. "The Address of the Soul to the Body". Publications oft~ Mourn Language Association of America 50 ( 1935): 957-83. Th6 Latin Poems Commonly Attributed, to Wa/,ter Mapes. Ed. Thomas Wright. Camden Society 16. London:John Bowyer Nicholas, 1841.

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MEMORY OF AN ALIEN VOICE IN THE CANCIONERO DE BA.ENA. Elaine S. Brooks Univenity of New Orleans For Samuel G. Armistead

Alien voices in the Cancionn-o tU Bania(= C tU Bania) are textual sources whose original aesthetic appeal has been altered for the purpose of transmission, reception, and expansion in cancionno verse. 1 Some of these distant references are echoes of biblical and medieval exegeses which have been reworked by the cancionn-o poet into art~ mayor verse for the pleasure of both listener and reader. Yet this networking of voice transmissions does not easily make its way through time to the modem reader. The force of medieval verse, its sudden impact of familiar sounds made different through imitated variations so cherished by cancionno poets, does not immediately win over the reader accustomed to less textual repetition in lyric expression. Therefore, it is the medievalist's task to attempt to recreate the poetic chain of communication that will in turn allow the modern reader to take on the active role as the text's addressee. The active reader or addressee's role in the unification of distant texts into a synthesized historicity derives from Hans Robert Jauss's theories regarding the aesthetic reception of a text as a "changing horizon-of-experience ... in which the perpetual inversion occurs from simple reception to critical understanding, from passive to active reception, from recognized aesthetic norms to a new production that surpasses them" (Towards an A~stMtic of R~c~ption 19). In this study, the reading process of "simple reception to critical understanding" begin~

1

Castilian debate poetry has been linked to the 13th-century Proven~l tnlso, the 14th-century Galician-Portuguese ltnfons, and the late 14th- and 15century Catalan debates (John G. Cummins "Methods and Conventions" and "The Survival in the Spanish Caneiomros"). More recent studies on the Caneionno tU Bama debate genre discuss the orality of improvised verse production during recitals for court celebrations and festivals (Claudine Potvin) and caneionno poets as possible generators of renaissance thought in Spain, such as in Helen Nader: "Like their Florentine contemporaries, [the caneionwo poets] look to the ancient church rather than to medieval theologians for religious erudition" (99). CIA ammica, MLA Division on Medieval Spanish Language and Literature, 23.2 (Spring 1995)

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by reestablishing in the poetic construct the exegetic tradition of divine authority remembered, revitalized, and imitated. 2 Scriptural passages which were appropriated and adapted to fit the rhetorical and dialectical modus d.icrnd.iof ct.mcionn-o verse construction also functioned as a spiritual bridge between addresser and addressee, and between divine inspiration and human expectations. 1 Spiritual inquiry delivered divine text, rich in its allegorical content, to an audience accustomed to receive the canon of the Scriptures as textual authority. 4 As perceived by the cancionn-o poet, the alterity of the "other's" discourse, be it the divine voice, a classical auctontas, or a revered medieval auctor, produced a dense synthesis of shared communication, understanding, and experience. The reproduction of biblical text in the Cu Bania also exemplified the medieval model of variation through imitation which in turn fulfilled the expected aesthetic experience as a communicative and

2

Paul Zumthor points out the difficulties in determining the point of departure for the process of decoding the procedures and rules by which the medieval text was conditioned where he remarks that the medievalist's aesthetic grasp of the text may be impeded by "naive historicism" (370) or by "blind modernism"(371) even if the modern critic acknowledges the problems evoked by the distant text's alterity. 1

The medieval addresser who incorporated scriptural discourse in his verse expected from his addressee a natural reaction of acceptance regarding the omnipotent nature of divine authority, and the poetic expression through which such authority was revealed. Conversely, the addressee expected, or at least did not find it unusual, that scriptural texts were utilized in verse construction when commenting on the Bible, and did not question the incorporated text's merit or authority. 4

Although scriptural imitation in late medieval Castilian eaneionn-os maintained its divine authority as the word of God, the tradition of scriptural exegesis was transformed ultimately into a game of questions and answers between the poets.· Thus, what remained of the exegetic tradition of "bringing forth and transferring to another mind the action of the mind in the person who makes the sign" (St. Augustine, On Christian Doetrim 2.2.3), meaning the transmission of signs given by God, became the foundation on which the 15thcentury eaneionn-o disputatio was able to perform its play of words. An example of divine authority and ludic performance can be observed in Diego Mart(nez de Medina's challenge to Fray Lope del Monte on the question of original sin and the oonccption of the Virgin Mary. Medina makes use of Christian exegetes as the voice of authority, including St. Augustine. However, the question is not an appeal to collaborate in scriptural elucidation, but rather the motivating force behind a contrived game of who knows the truth: "me declara la verclat / abro mano d'estejuego" (Cu Bama S2S: 55-56).

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communal poetic act. 5 Meaning was infused through a density of discursive voices, and the pleasure which this literature afforded the listener or the reader was deeply rooted in the poets' ability to vary the appropriated line or lines of verse. Discursive parallels between the old and the new produced formulaic and generic rhetorical constructs of verse production familiar to the transmitter and the receiver. An understanding of this verse production will bring the· modern reader closer to an aesthetics of reception as enjoyed by the community of 15thcentury poets in the courts of Castile. Injauss's words, the text will be enjoyable again for the modern reader when one dismantles the classical barriers to reception, places oneself within the expectation implied by the text, and recognizes in which direction the rules of the genre are pointing. ("The Alterity" 186) Learning to recognize the "rules of the genre" is what Jauss considers to be the first hermeneutic step in response to an alien text: "to take in bit by bit an unfamiliar attitude and thus to broaden one's own horizon of experience" ("The Alterity" 185). Modern reevaluation of medieval textual production through an aesthetics of reception is echoed in A.J. Minnis's investigations on medieval academic prologues and their contribution to the development of medieval literary theory. Briefly, Minnis discusses three centuries (12th-14th) of exegetical tradition in which the medieval exegetes, mostly theologians, in their prologues to sacred and secular texts, proposed theories regarding authorial intent. Biblical texts described and allegorized in these prologues were considered a primary authority or auctoritas, while the human authors or auctores, the saints and apostles, were regarded as the tools through which the will of God was revealed. However, by the end of the 13th century the medieval exegete had "two major new interests in mind-the human auctor as efficient cause and the literal sense [of the Bible] as the personal meaning of the human author" (A.J. Minnis 86). Thus the term "efficient cause", which was appropriated from Aristotle's Physica and initally signified "the 5

If the modern reader orients his or her reading pleasure in the direction of the C tUBama poets' medieval tradition of continuity through imitation and variation, there is a possibility that "the reader's pleasure can spring today, as it already did with the medieval listener, from an attitude which docs not presuppose a self-submersion in the unique world of a single work, but which rather presupposes an expectation which can only be fulfilled by the step from text to text, for here the pleasure is provided by the perception of difference, of an ever-different variation on a basic pattern" (Jauss, "The Altcrity" 189).

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causation whereby the divine auctor had directed the human auctores to write" (28), came to be understood in the 14th century as the guiding or motivating force by which the human auctor interpreted his experience with divine communication, his memory of having received a divine message for future promulgation. If the modern reader, who must traverse five centuries or more to grasp this motivating force, learns to remember the authority upon which the medieval text moves its discourse, then this recognition may be used to approach a 15th-century text which reproduces the human auctor's memory of divine revelation. The idea that scriptural exegesis should provide for the spiritual community an eloquent and clear expression of the memory of the will of God is an Augustinian notion: "For those things which are well written are not only read with pleasure by those becoming acquainted with them for the first time, but they are also reread not without pleasure by those who know them well and who have not forgotten them (On Christian Doctrine 4.10.25). In the C de Baena, poetic communication relies on a communal memory of ancient texts and biblical verses which are reproduced for commentary and debate. But unlike Augustine's allegorical method of scriptural interpretation, the reproduced texts are transcribed literally so that they may be modified in arte mayor verse in order to fit the late medieval dialectical model of efficient cause. I do not mean that scriptural explanation in the C u Baena lacks allegorical imagery which was, in the Augustinian tradition, interpreted in order to heighten the spirit and bring Christian believers closer to the unknown origins of divine inspiration. What I mean is that the appropriation of Scripture in 15th-century Castilian court poetry reverted into a_kind of power play between poets who made use of the human auctores' discourse for cancionero debates. In this way, the poets played at being medieval exegetes by reinventing themselves as the memory which bore witness to divine revelation. However, even in play, the cancionero poet as exegete did serve to mediate between the biblical human auctor's discourse and the future addressees: the 15th-century poet himself, his contemporary addressee, and all future recipients. According to Minnis, "while we cannot re-experience the past, we can recognize the integrity of past experience and apply the resultant information in evaluating our present experience of the past" (7). Let us go further to assert that as a future addressee, the modern reader will need to take into account the discursive past which serves as the poetic text's efficient cause and at the same time attempt to assimilate this past not as an alien voice, but as a distant voice whose aesthetic referent still needs to be discovered by the modern "eye not yet experienced aesthetically" ijauss,Aesthetic Experience 75). Essentially, the motivating

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force of modem readers will be to balance their reading between the aesthetic process of. "recognition and application" and the medieval poet's verse production based on "accumulation and refinement" ijauss 7, S). It is this cycle of"mutual dependence" (I.A. Richards 242) between appropriated linguistic patterns and the modem reader's gradual understanding of possible poetic meanings (the hermeneutic process) which will determine an aesthetics of reception in relation to Fray Pedro de Colunga's transmission and commentary on St. John's apocalyptic revelation from the New Testament. We need concern ourselves only with Colunga's first two stanzas: Seiior Alfonso Alvares, grant sabio perfeto en todo fablar de linda poetria, estrenuo en armas e en cavalleria, en regir compaiias sin algunt defeto, que abrades ruegovos el vuestro D~cr~lo e me declaredes aquella vision que puso Sant Johan en revela~i6n en el Apoca/,ipsioscuro e secreto.

5

Dixo que viera muger en persona vestida del sol, so sus pies la luna, e en la cabe~a una sobrefortuna, de doze estrellas pre~iosa corona. Clamava de parto en faz de Oriana: que un fijo var6n avie de parir, e todas las gentes avie de regir, con verga de fierro, non se si es azcona.

10

15

(B 82: 1-16) 6

St. John's description of the woman who arose from his visions of the Apocalypse as rendered in Colunga's second stanza, need not be considered by the sensitive reader solely as a petition posed by Colunga to be answered by the explicit addressee Alfonso Alvarez de Villasandino. Instead, a reader might consider the second stanza as a series of transmissions delivered to a multitude of receivers. As such, CA>lunga'stext functions as an invitation to his contemporary audience and to all future addressees to remember the biblical text recapitulated in am ma.,orverse-to remember the divine message, to remember the • Individual compositions in the CM Banaa will be abbreviated in the same manner.

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divine voice. Then, if the modern reader reacts to the text as a possible receptor, the text will develop outside the parameters of the simple transinission from Colunga to Villasandino to include the distant voices of the appropriated text's efficient cause and the silent reception of the unknown future other. Colunga directs this future other (which conversely can be thought of as an alien voice to the distant other) and his contemporary other, Villasandino, to open the Bible and reveal to him what he already knows, what he remembers regarding the dark and secret event of the Apocalypse: "que abrades ruegovos el vuestro D•cr•to I e me declaredes aquella vision / que puso Sant Johan en revela~i6n / en el Apocalij,si oscuro e secreto" (B 82: 5-8). And so I, the future other, open the Bible and read St. John's Revelation. As I read, I remember Colunga's invitation to rnMmbrr, and as I enter the biblical text I mentally record the discursive voices which will lead to the origin of Revelation's efficient cause and ultimately that of Colunga's second stanza. An index of narrative voices will in essence become a diachronic synthesis requiring some type of linguistic apparatus as a means by which discursive development can be measured. For such an endeavor, I appropriate I.A. Richards's adaptation of a linguistic formula for encoding and decoding textual transmissions and receptions (242-24S). The cycle of textual transmission is described as two series of communicative events from the "SOURCE" ([S] = selection - [E] = encoding - [T] = transmission) to the "DESTINATION" ([R] = reception - [D] = decoding - [DV] = development). Richards is especiallysensitive to the task of the literary composer who "is pressed fairly continuously into a dual role. He has to be his own pilot audience, to destination as well as source and go through [R], [D], and [DV] in critical response to his own transmission" (24S). So, if the original act of encoding and decoding of St. John's Revelation is considered as a series of transmissions and receptions, and as the original source of CA>lunga'ssecond stanza, then Colunga can also be perceived in a dual role. He is transmitter and receiver of the biblical text, that is, of Revelation's message. Revelation begins byunveiling the levels of its own communication, announcing the initial addresser and addressee: "This is the revelation given byGod to Jesus Christ" (Rev. 1.1). Due to the divine nature of the transmitted message, the original selection, encoding, and transmission are left to the imagination of both God's servants and all humankind. The message is received by Jesus Christ who represents God incarnate, and therefore, divine revelation is revealed to itself. But I shall call this communication [S]-[E]-[T] .... [R]-[D]-[DV] .... 1. The unknown and invisible text is then relayed to Christ's servants or angels and may have

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been developed or transformed by Christ, but this can never be known. I designate this second transmission and reception as (S]-[E]-[T] _. [R][D]-[DV] _. 2. The angel who reveals the divine text to the prophet John represents Jesus Christ's voice or presence as Holy Spirit, whose interaction with the earthly prophet constitutes the third transmission [S][E]-[T] • [R]-[D]-[DV] • S. The fourth addresser is St.John, who must remember the now thrice transmitted text so that he may bear witness to the word of God and likewise communicate the message to the seven churches in the province of Asia, [S]-[E]-[r] • [R]-[D]-[DV] • 4, as told by Revelation's narrator to all those who read the Bible, our fifth communication from addresser to addressee, [S]-[E]-[T] • [R]-[D]-[DV] 5. These narrative voices which originate from a divine yet unknown source are expressed in Revelation's first two verses: ..This is the revelation given by God to Jesus Christ. It is given to him so that he might show his servants what must shortly happen. He made it known by sending his angel to his servant John, who, in telling all that he saw, has borne witness to the word of God and to the testimony of Jesus Christ" (Rev. 1.1-2). Now that we have a clearer understanding of the multitude of discursive voices which develop the transmissions and receptions of Revelation's divine message, it is possible to seize Colunga's second stanza and reevaluate its recapitulation of the biblical text which comes from Revelation 12.1-2,5. At this point in the revelation of divine retribution, the seventh angel has already blown his trumpet, the heavens have parted and the ark of the covenant is visible within the temple. The following verses are the textual source for Colunga's second stanza: •

Et signum magnum apparuit in coelo: Mulier amicta sole, et luna sub pedibus eius, et in capite eius corona stellarum duodecim: Et in utero habens, clamabat parturiens, et cruciabatur ut pariat. Et peperit filium masculum, qui recturus erat omnes Gentes in virga ferrea. (Rev. 12.1-2, 5) By establishing a complete memory of the original source and an index to the series oftransmissions ·that led to the final encoding of the message, the reader can now re-link the source to Colunga's selection and encoding of the biblical narration; an encoding which, in the exegetic tradition, serves as a mini-commentary of St.John's visionary journey. In other words, our analysis of Revelation's initial levels of discourse reestablishes for the modern reader the depth of textual

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substance, not in the recapitulation of the apocalyptic event, but rather by expanding the discursive levels behind the verb d.ixowhich initiates Colunga's second stanza. Colunga's role as addresser can now be understood to serve as another link in the chain of divine communication, a communication from which the modern addressee has learned not only to recognize the content of Revelation, but also to participate as an addressee who remnnbn-s. Colunga's text reunites the modern reader to his or her original link to the eternal message and in this way, the cancionwo text becomes pleasurable to read. Through its echo effect of a more distant text-that is, until the last hemistich of line 16-scriptural verse is more or less comfortably transcribed into Colunga's verse according to his own aesthetic reception and perception. The juxtaposition of St. J oho' s interpretation of divine revelation with Colunga's derivative verse expands the communicative process of addresser to addressee to include the modern reader who, as activating agent, receives and reactivates the· poetic message by surmounting temporal barrie~ and producing a textual register of similitude and of difference. Thus, the semantic correlations constructed by the modern reader between Revelation's text and Colunga's verse also highlight the surprising elements or unexpected discursive differences. In turn, these elements of surprise help to define a textual horizon of unexpected difference, of alienness, of otherness, which the reader must learn to approach as a receiver of the text's message. From this convergent point between time and space, a "modern" memory is forged by "a unique past and recovered world" (Jauss, Aesthetic Experimce 91 ). In other words, by reflecting on the medieval addressee's aesthetic experience, the modem addressee takes the second step in the aesthetic process of literary hermeneutics. Let us recall that the first step constitutes the "immediate or prereflective reader experience" ijauss, "The Alterity" 182) through which the reader begins to assimilate an unfamiliar attitude. The second step arises from the reader's mediating effect upon the newly acquired understanding of the hitherto alien voice. "The mediating effect or hermeneutic function ·of the aesthetic pleasure proves to be that, whether through progressive agreement or through a via negationis, through the displeasure which occurs during the reading, one becomes aware of the astounding or surprising otherness of the world opened up by the text" ("The Alterity" 182).

Once the modern reader reflects upon the surprising textual elements which highlight the contrast between modern and medieval aesthetic reception, the final step of Jauss's method for hermeneutic understanding, "the model character" creates a nexus between the

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contemporary addressee's aesthetic response to the text and the modem reader's ("The Alterity" 182 and A•sth.lic Expninac• 9S). 7 The model character "disposes the individual more strongly to adopt a model" (A•slh.lie Expni,nc• 9S) and to take pleasure or displeasure in that literary model, depending on the cathartic effect the text may arouse. 1 When the modern reader engages in the reconstruction of Colunga's biblical source, the effect of St. John's authoritative text reappropriated in a secular format (the ctmcionwo stanza) produces a variety of echoes between divine and human discourse which the modern reader registers, identifies and remembers as correlative transmissions between literary texts. However, the last hemistich of line 16 disrupts the smooth flow of our newly acquired horizon of aesthetic experience. We do not expect a seemingly superfluous commentary on the nature of the divine rod, "non se si es azcona". 9 Nevertheless, in keeping with the gradual process of the text's hermeneutic design, and our own understanding with each successive reading, the final hemistich brings into focus the inclusion of Fray Pedro de Colunga as fellow witness to the memory of Revelation's textual and spiritual communication, whose origins remain a mystery, but whose reality is so tangible that the poet must place himself, his poetic s•lf as addressee, within the realm of the biblical paradigm. We may even view the interpolation of Colunga's poetic voice as the final attempt in the second stanza to 7

InJauss'sA1sthltie &J>nvne1, the model character refers to the reader's pleasurable response to a text. This newly acquired pleasure allows for the reader to adopt the literary model as a means to "self-enjoyment" (93) and to "aesthetically mediated identification" (169) with the "recognizable literary interaction patterns" (169). 1 Jauss defines the communicative function of aesthetic experience as a cathanis, "as the enjoyment of affects as stirred by speech or poetry which can bring about both a change in belief and the liberation of his mind in the listener or spectator" (A1sthltie&pnime1 92). See also Adela Yarbro Collins' Crisis and Catharsis. TM Pawn of t'IMApoeal.,;s~. Collins comments on Revelation's terrifying images as a cathartic effect "in the sense that it clarifies and objectifies the conflict. Fearful feelings arc vented by the very act of expressing them, especially in this larger-than-life and exaggerated way" (153). 9 Alonso Zamora Vicente points out in his edition of the Ponna tU Fnndn Gtnw:Un.that the term auona which refers to a type of lance usually hurled at a target, is the weapon least mentiom;d in medieval Spanish literature (17). Colunga's reference to the lance may provide for the reader a transitional link between the serious posturing of the first two stanzas and the jocular tone of the remaining stanzas in B 82. In stanzas four and five (vv. 25-40), Colunga extracts Revelation 12 from its narrative construct and playfully asks Villasandino to examine the heavenly woman's body (essentially to disrobe her). In his answer (B 83), Villasandino docs not inspect the allegorical body but rather responds according to the laws of the Canon.

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coalesce distinct discursive voices. In this way Colunga transcends the otherness of scriptural text, and in tum, his addressees, both contemporary and modem, remember a distant text and through this memory participate actively and anticipate a pleasurable response from the textual message. 10 Active participation between texts is the most common characteristic of the C tU Baena's debate poetry. 11 Yet even such obvious poetic behavior can escape the modern reader's scope of aesthetic appreciation. Regarding verse production Qf the "poisi~ fonMll~ of the canzon~", Jauss explains: "While ready to be considered as one of the beginnings of autonomous art, the canzone nonetheless was not isolated in the manner of a work, but rather was received as plurale tantum with the aesthetic charm of variation from text to text" ("The Alterity" 190). We have already discovered this "charm" through a diachronic synthesis of poetic voices in Colunga's second stanza, but a better test of aesthetic appreciation of the medieval composition as plurale tantum can be demonstrated by establishing both diachronic and synchronic syntheses, from text to text, or from line to line. Again, the notion of efficient cause must be considered and even reconsidered as a transitional exegesis, in which the other human auctor, the ctmeitmn-o poet, usurps the human auctor of sacred text. Transitional exegesis in the C th Baena transmits a new division or development of the traditional efficient cause: ( 1) divine authorial intent and the human auctor; and (2) the contemporary author (the cancion"o poet)-a 12 In order to illustrate this authority as a discursive different authority. resonance of overlapping voices through verse appropriation and reappropriation, I have chosen to focus on one line of verse found in Ferran Sanchez de Calavera's question concerning predestination, B 517. The line reads: "las cosas que fueron e son e seran" (B 517: 14). The conflict posed in Calavera's question revolves around divine intent and human incomprehension. Calavera emphasizes eternity as God, or rather, God as past, present, and future. Time is conceived as 10

"Aesthetic experience gains this hermeneutic function not only through the idealizing and preserving contribution of art, but also as a medium of anticipation and compensation" (Jauss, "The Alterity" 193). 11

For a more theoretical approach regarding active participation between poets by means of rhyme reduplication sec my article, "Rhyme, ~eason, and Absence in Ferran Sanchez Calavera's Debate on Predestination". 12

We are able to discuss this transitional development of exegesis in the C tU Bania due to our new understanding or even greater appreciation for Our "horizon of expectations" is able to medieval verse construction. approximate the literary experience of poetic expectations which the eoncionwo poets enjoyed.

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continuous and convergent on a single plane or line of verse which linguistically unites the will of God (divine authorial intent), and also reflects human limitations. Such limitations are described in B 51 7 in these terms: Individual human comprehension of time begins with birth, but God is aware of each person's destiny even before the moment of conception, " ... ante qu'el ombre sea engendrado" (B 517: 18). Therefore, the dual role of divine and human authorial intent based on the exegetic tradition of efficient cause (the origin of intent), can be translated in Calavera's question about predestination as divine time or eternity vs. human time (or the poet's conception of human time). 15 The line to which I have already referred comes from Calavera's second stanza: Notorio es que Dios es tan poderoso en todas las cosas e sabio perfeto, que al su saber divino, glorioso, non se le ampara escuro secreto, mas antes El sabe, sin ningunt defeto, las cosas que fueron e son e seran, e en un momento, sin ningunt afan, faze e desfaze su poder decreto. (B517:9-16)

,,

Since Calavera does not indicate where in the Bible he appropriates scriptural verse which incorporates the leveling of tenses in one line (past, present, and future), it is possible to produce a variety of biblical sources. Certainly there are many lines in the Bible which equate God with eternity. In Revelation, whose discursive depth of verse transmission is well known to us (and well remembered), Jesus Christ describes himself through the voice of his apostle John: "dicit Dominus Deus: qui est, et qui erat, et qui venturus est, omnipotens" (Rev. 1.8). Later in Revelation's text, John witnesses the opening of the door to heaven. Here, around Heaven's throne, were four creatures "covered with eyes, Colbert I. Nepaulsingh's analysis of Juan de Mena's Lah,rinto rufortuna examines the relationship between divine and human time, and the temporal divisions of past, present, and future through which apocalyptic narratives may move their discourse: "Like the authors of Al,xandr,, F,rnan Gonz.al,z, Zifar, and Rima.do, and like such classical apocalyptic writers as the authors of Ezekiel, Daniel, and Revelation, Mena makes analogies between the remote past and the present or recent past in order "to predict and effect a desirable apocalyptic future. Providencia is made to clarify this approach to history before she reveals it Cdctrcs edades que quiero dccir: / passada, prescntes e de por venir', st. 58)" 11

(114).

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in front and behind" (Rev. 4.6-7). These creatures, who were able to view past, present, and future sang without pause, "Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus, Dominus Deus omnipotens, qui erat, et qui est, et qui venturus est" (Rev. 4.8). Such visions which depict divine authority as related by the human auctor, the Christian prophet John, are possible sources for Calavera's synthesis of the flow of eternity. By suppressing any reference to the human auctor (whether it be St. John or another scriptural source), Calavera's stanza acknowledges only divine command and the stanza's own poetic voice. To this voice and to and developed divine this new authority which has reappropriated testimony, Pero L6pez de Ayala (B 518) responds by including in •his second stanza the same temporal sequence of past, present, and future. 14 However, Ayala's verse emphasizes human incomprehension rather than the relationship between eternity and divine intent. Consequently, Ayala advances his own line of textual exegesis. That is, Ayala continues the development of a·n originally divine transmission through the exegetic tradition of accumulation and refinement. Here are the supporting three lines from Ayala's second stanza, B 518: "serfa a todos grant yerro de plan, / que nu;nca fueron nin son nin seran / que aquesto puedan saber en perfecto" (B 518: 14-16). Francisco Imperial (B 521) also employs three tenses in one line in his response to Calavera, although he adapts the temporal plane by changing the verb ser to hacer: "e tener que Dias fizo e faze e fara, / e quien sotil mira muy claro vera / que en El fue siempre lo que ha de ser" (B 521: 12-14). A possible source from which Imperial's text may have been derived is that of the Old Testament's Ecclesiastes. The Speaker of Ecclesiastes, Solomon, describes human life and human time as a gift from the eternal and incomprehensible God: " ... he has given men a sense of time past and future, but no comprehension of God's work from However, as Imperial states, beginning to end" (Eccles. S.11-12). human-kind must allow the omniscient God to rule the universe and to allow for each tum of events to occur when it is meant to occur, for" ... 14

Although Calavera's question regarding predestination (B 517) was directed to Pero L6pez de Ayala (B 518), six other poets also responded: Fray Diego de Valencia (B 519); Fray Alfonso de Medina (B 520); Francisco Imperial (B 521); Mahomat El Xartosse de Guadalfaxara (B 522); Garcia Alvarez de Alarc6n (B 523); and Ferran Manuel de Lando (B 524). Only Valencia and Medina do not imitate Calavera's appropriation of the verb srr in three tenses to characterize divine will. And, ifwe recall, Charles F. Fraker pointed out in "The Theme of Predestination in the Caneion1ro tU BMna" that these two poets, Valencia and Medina, may have known "a predestinarianism more like Wyclirs than the one expounded by Talavera" (241 ). Therefore, the two friars would be less inclined to appropriate verse structures that referred to Calavera's initial view of predestination as eternally immutable.

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en El fue siempre lo que ha de ser". Imperial echoes the Speaker in Ecclesiastes: "Quod factum est, ipsum permanet: quae futura sunt, iam fuerunt: et Deus instaurat quod abiit" (S.15). It is possible to summarize both divine and human communication from Imperial's stanza in these very obvious terms: all that is, is as it should be. Yet the modern reader, sensitive to the efficient cause of Imperial's verse and to his utilization of the verb hacn, may add further to the development of divine and human communication by considering the use of the active verb hacn-, rather than sn-. Imperial's medieval/aur actualizes the concept of an eternal God as the hand that guides the course of human destiny. In essence, Imperial employs the verb hacer as metonymy. The invisible hand (my metaphor) creates pathways, both good and bad, which humankind must choose in the course of life. Each choice leads either to lasting condemnation or to eternal bliss. Thus, when Imperial speaks of what God does rather than what God is, the verb acts as a concretization of divine acts, each act expressed in a different time, a different part of the whole ("e tener que Dios fizo e faze e fara"). Like the contemporary addressees of Calavera's debate series, I am reacting to the text within the boundaries of its poetic and hermeneutic tasks-to remember and revitalize older works as authority, to imitate them, and then develop authorial intent, divine or human, as a mediating procedure to a greater understanding of poetic meaning; a meaning, although invisible and literally unheard in its original state, transmitted, received, and developed through overlapping levels of textual authority and spirituality. In the C th Ban,,a, such textual depth depends not only on the acceptance of established secular and sacred authorities, but also on the contemporary (medieval) human authority which dictates the cancionero taxonomy of appropriated verse structures, like the textual parallels of Calavera's line 14 from B 517. Another example of Calavera's scriptural imitation as textual authority is found in Mahomat el Xartosse de Guadalfaxara's response in B 522. The Muslim poet advances the debate's projected exegesis also through the process of accumulation and refinement. He imitates Calavera's authoritative text, and divine authorial intent from which the cancionero verse is contrived when he refers to divine knowledge as eternal. Here are the supporting lines from B 522: Dezides que Dios, que es sabidor de todas las cosas que son e seran e antes que sean, sin ningunt afan las sabe e ordena como Criador (B 522: 9-12)

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Garcia Alvarez de Alarc6n responds to Calavera by contrasting human mortality and divine immortality in two distinct stanzas from his poem B 52S. Alarcon also advances the idea of predestination as eternal, divine, and incomprehensible through the leveling of tenses in line S2, "assi c6mo son e seran e ban seido" and in line 54, "quien fueron e son e seran .... " 15 The final poet to respond to Calavera, Ferran Manuel de Lando (B 524), approaches the subject of predestination by first describing his own fear and then elaborating on the evil endeavors of man who is condemned throughout eternity. In this way, Lando is able to focus on both the uselessness, even the sin, of attempting to understand divine behavior, and the characterization of divine knowledge as an expansiveness of time. Only after these deliberations does Lando include the past, present, and future tenses of the verb ser in one line: "las cosas que fueron e seran e son" (B 524: 98). 16 15

Lines 32 and 54 cited in this study come from Alarc6n's fourth and seventh stanzas: Saber acabado e poder complido sin contradi~i6n en Dios es por ~ierto, mas es por tal guisa a nos encubierto que lo non alcan~ar pudo omne nas~ido; sin compara~i6n de todo sentido sabe todas las cosas ans( en general, que dezir non se pueden por espe~ial, assi c6mo son e seran e han se(do. (B : _ ) 523 25 32 qu'El sabe los salvos e los condenados, quien fueron e son e seran e quales, por tan ex~elentes cursos divinales que son ya del todo a nos ocultados. (B 18

Here are a few supporting

: _ ) 523 53 56

lines from Lando's response:

Saber los secretos del Justo pre~ioso, eterno durante, yo non acometo, antes re~elo e s6 temeroso: (B 524 : Q-l2) a El s6lo santo lojuro e prometo; Otorgo que Dios, sin mas reprovan~a, su saber sin fin, sin tiempo ordenado, supo ah ,t,mo la su condenan~a del corro malino e descomulgado; (B 524 : l 7- 2 0) Que, maguer Dios sepa desde ab ,umo las cosas que fueron e seran c son, (B 524 : 9 7_9 8)

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Calavera terminates the debate on predestination by proposing a different point of view concerning the metaphysics of time and predestination. If eternity is not composed of past, present, and future, which are the essential components of human time, then divine knowledge or predestination does not necessarily have to be preordained. That is, if the directives of the universe are not bound by a chronological time frame, then perhaps predestination takes shape as human events unfold. A single instant might contain both divine intervention and man's own free will to choose between good and evil. In this way, Calavera concludes the debate by conceptualizing a God whose acts ultimately do not correspond to a capricious nature, but rather to human choice. Here are the supporting stanzas, three and four, from Calavera's concluding answer to the debate series B 517 - B 525:

20

25

SO

Tenga e crea con pura emaginan~ que Dios non ha tiempo por venir nin passado, nin faze acto que por ordenan~ toviesst El antes ass( acordado; mas en un estante, sin ser mudado, es su etemo e infinito saber; e quanto a nos fue e es e ha de ser en El es presente en un estado. Quantos fueron e son e seran nas~idos Dios nunca ~esajamas de mirar, e los que son salvos e los que perdidos non ~esan sus obras e Dios su judgar; assi qu'el tiempo a nos es de dar, ca en la simpleza de Dios sin repuno, son todas las cosas en sf de consuno en una esen~ia sin fin e sin mudar. (B 525: 17-32)

Calavera appropriates fragments from the responses to his initial question (B 51 7) in order to reestablish his verse as textual authority, and to grant to the other poets further access to the divine authoritative text. In line 2S cited above, he takes the phrase "ha de ser" from Imperial's line B 521: 14. 17 But it is more than appropriation, imita 17

Calavera's line 25 (B 525), "Quantos fueron c son c scran na~idos", syntactically parallels his line 14 (B 517), "las cosas quc fucron c son e scran" and line 54 in Alarc6n's B 523, "quicn fucron c son c scran c qmles". Calavcra also incorporates the active verb /f.&'Uf' in line 19 (B 525), "nin faze acto que por

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tion, and repetition. Calavera remembers the answers to his question and utilizes verse parallels in order to render in his verse the eternal instant to which the stream of discourse has flowed: "mas en un estante, sin ser mudado, / es su eterno e infinito saber; / e quanto a nos fue e es e ha de ser / en Eles presente en un estado" (B 525: 21-24). In essence, the diachronic and synchronic syntheses of voices ultimately sound as one voice, like the divine presence-always present, beyond time and beyond movement: "son todas las cosas en sf de consuno / en una esen~ia sin fine sin mudar" (B 525: Sl-S2). The culmination of these syntheses, the diachronic and the synchronic, in one resonating voice is realized or activated by a mediating voice which can combine the structural ·dialectics of the cancionn-o discursive text with an aesthetic response to the medieval notion of textual accumulation and refinement. Then, even if tools of linguistic inquiry are utilized, they too will serve to construct accumulative patterns of reproduced text as a guide to the reader's "horizon of expectation". Consequently, by adopting Richards's formula for textual encoding and decoding, the past experience of verse production evaluated in this study can be synthesized in a new way in the present, as a way of breaking through the historical barriers which surround the cancionn-o text in order to "re-enter the territory of medieval Spaniards and their theological dialogues" (Edwards 42). The synchronic synthesis of line to line recreates, at the poetic form's most dense level of juxtaposed discourse, the "sacred landscape" (44) transmitted, received, and developed. Each line can be perceived as a textual link in a series of

communications within the poetic paradigm: [S]-[E]-[T]-1 = the biblical source and [R]-[D]-[DV]-1 = "las cosas que fueron e son e seran" (B 517: 14) [S]-[E]-[f]-2 = B 517: 14 and [R]-[D]-[DV]-2 = "que nunca fueron nin son nin seran" (B 518: 15) [R]-[D]-[DV]-S = "e tener que Dios fizo e faze e fara" (B 521: 12) (R]-[D]-[DV]-4 = "de todas las cosas que son e seran / e antes que scan, sin ningunt afan" (B 522: 10-11) [R]-[D]-[DV]-5 = "ass( c6mo son e seran e ban sefdo" (B 52S: S2) [R]-[D]-[DV]-6 = "quien fueron e son e seran e quales" (B 52S: 54) [R]-[D]-[DV]-7 = "las cosas que fueron e seran e son" (B 524: 98) [R]-[D]-[DV]-8 = "e quanto a nos fue e es e ha de ser" (B 525: 2S)

o~" which may correspond to Impcrial's use of the verb /GU'r in line 12 (B 521), "e tener que Dios fizo e faze e fara".

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= "Quantos fueron e son e seran nas~idos" (B 525:

In this synchronic synthesis consisting of semantically equivalent linguistic features, we can observe poetic meaning as poetic movement through the reappropriation of biblical text and its alien voice-the allegorical rendering of divine presence as eternal-reactivated as efficient cause for a poetics of rivalry within Castilian verse production. Each line envisages the "understanding consciousness" Gauss, Toward an Aesthetic 79) of the other as a communicative act and as an act of individuation. This means that each reproduction of the older text (I refer to both the biblical source and Calavera's catalytic line from B 517: 14) develops the sacred message as an altered transmission, reflecting a different version, a more individualized version of the incomprehensible aspects of the divine presence within the human sphere. Therefore, cancionero structural poetics and hermeneutics are linked where biblical allegory is expanded and employed to create both poetic form and poetic meaning; meaning which reverberates between the diachronic synthesis of scriptural text with poetic text, and the synchronic synthesis of restructured memory based on imitation, accumulation and refinement. This literary continuum which Jauss defines as plura/,e tantum, al~ers the modern reader's horizon of literary reception of the cancionero text through a "reflective aesthetic pleasure" ("The Alterity" 187) and through "recognition of the contrast with modem experience" (187) which, in turn, fosters "a reflective passage" ( 198) through the alterity of cancionero poetics. Along this "reflected passage", the modern reader has learned to identify with the "aesthetic affect of projecting oneself into the alien self', (Aesthetic Experience 172) where the other is discovered, remembered, and reinvented by every future modern addressee.

Works Cited Augustine. On Christian Doctrine. Trans. D.W. Robertson,Jr. 1958. New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1989. Biblia Sacra Latina. Ex Biblia Sacra Vulgalae Editionis. London: Samuel Bagster & Sons Limited, 1977 • .BroQks, Elaine S. "Rhyme, Reason, and Absence in Ferran Sanchez Romance Notes SS:2 (1992): Calavera's Debate on Predestination". 161-168. Cancionero th Juan Alfonso th Baena. Eds. Brian Dutton and Joaquin Gonzalez Cuenca. Madrid: Visor Libros, I 993.

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Collins, Adela Yarbro. Crisis and Catharsis. Thi Power of the Apocal:ypse. Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1984. Cummins, John G. "Methods and Conventions in the 15th-Century Poetic Debate". Hispanic Review S 1 (196S): S07-S22. --. "The Survival in the Spanish Cancioneros of the Form and Themes of Proven~al and Old French Poetic Debates". Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 42 (1965): 9-17. Edwards, J oho. "The Conversos : A Theological Approach". Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 62 (1985): S9-49. Fraker, Charles F. "The Theme of Predestination in the Cancionero u Baena". Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 51 ( 1974): 228-243. Jauss, Hans Robert. Toward an Aesthetic of Reception. Trans. Timothy Bahti. Theory and History of Literature. Vol. 2. Minneapolis: Minnesota UP, 1982. --. Aesthetic Experience and Literary Hermeneutics. Trans. Michael Shaw. Theory and History of Literature. Vol. S. Minneapolis: Minnesota UP, 1982. --. "The Alterity and Modernity of Medieval Literature". New Literary History 10 (1979): 181-227. Minnis, A.J. Medieval,TMory of Authorship. London: Scolar Press, 1984. Nader, Helen. TM Mendoza Fami/,yin the Spanish Renaissance JJ,0-1,,0. New Brunswick: Rutgers UP, 1979. Nepaulsingh, Colbert I. Towards a History of Literary Composition in Medieval Spain. Toronto: Toronto UP, 1986. Thi! New English Bible. With the Apocrypha. Oxford Study Edition. Eds. Samuel Sandmel, M.Jack Suggs, and Arnold]. Tkacik. New York: Oxford UP, 1976. Ponna de Fernan Gonzalez. Ed. Alonso Zamora Vice~te. Madrid: EspasaCalpe, 1970. Potvin, Claudine. Illusion et pouvoir: La poetique du 'Cancionero de Baena'. Montreal: Cahiers d' etudes medievales, 1989. Richards, I.A. "Variant Readings and Misreading". Style in Language. Ed. Thomas A. Sebeok. New York & London:John Wiley & Sons, 1960. Zumthor, Paul. "Comments on H.R. Jauss's Article". New Literary History 10 (1979): 367-376.

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adjective survived independently in the spoken Latin underlying Galician, Portuguese, and Leonese. It also presupposes that du•cho is an early Leonesism in thirteenth-century Riojan and Castilian, although its absence in Old Le~nese sources seems to weaken this hypothesis. The record of Sp. dtucho is very thin. This adjective first came to the attention ofHispanomedievalists through its appearance at St. 149a in the Ibarreta manuscript (based on a lost thirteenth-century quarto) of Berceo's Milagros: "La Madre Gloriosa d,,ucha de acorrer" (MS F = Real Academia Espanola 4: ducha).2 The manuscript tradition of the Pnmna Cronica Grnn-al offers two instances of this adjective. The Royal Scriptorium manuscript Escorial Y-1-2 reads "e las otras bestias brauas que son d,,uchas de comer los cuerpos muertos" (ed. Menendez Pidal, 209b28); MS Q (BN MS 5795) offers the variant reading d.u•chos in the passage "et no eran duchos de obedecer a ningun sennor estranno" (ed. Menendez Pidal: 210b48). Two instances of d.u•clw turn up in the Gm•ral •stona, I: "Sobresta razon que tanto era Balaam du•cho de veer marauiellas" (ed. Solalinde 19S0: 667b29); "Cuemo lidiassen con sos enemigos e fuessen d,,uchos de la batalla" (GE, II: 1, ed. Solalinde et al 1957: 1S4a40 =eds.Kasten andjonxis-Henkemans 199S fol. 97r26). 5 MS M of the Cavalln-o Zifar also contains two examples of duecho: "l>,ucho fuestes de andar de cavallo"; "que los pies du•chos de andar no pueden quedar" (ed. Gonzalez Muela, 1982: 129 and 42S). 4 It is impossible to determine the degree of vitality vis-a-vis ducho which dtucho may have enjoyed in the spoken language; this adjective is recorded in Pero Guillen de Segovia's fifteenth-century rhyme dictionary Lagayacinu:ia (ed. Casa Homs 1962: 146, 176) and surfaces again in a line spoken by Mingo in the Leonese playwright Juan del Encina's £gloga tk Mingo, Gil y Pascua/,a: "Quien es duecho de dormir / con el 2

Dueho is found in Vida tU Santa Oria 55c ("Bartolomeo, ducho de escribir passioncs", ed. Uria Maqua 1981: 106). The presence of dtucha in the Milagros led Dutton to emend the aforecited instance of ducho to dtucho in his critical edition of the Santa Oria ( 1981). 1

This reading comes from the fourteenth-century BN Madrid MS 10237; the critical appara~us offered by the editors lists here the variants duchos, aauchos, usados, acostumlrrados. Two instances of ducha appear in this manuscript (ed. Kasten and J onxis-Henkemans 1993, fols. l l 6v62; 19 lv 16). 4

The corresponding passages in the version of the Zifar preserved in MS P read "pucs usado sodes de andar de cauallo" (ed. Olsen 1984: 33) and "los pies que usados son de andar, que non pueden quedos estar" (147). The second The example is presented in the text as being an "enxienplo antiguo". concordance to MS P prepared by Gago Jover (1994) offers no examples of tlueho or tlwcho.

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THE GENESIS OF OLD SPANISH DUECHO: AN ~RECOGNIZED PROVENc;ALISM Steven N. Dworkin

Univenity of Michican The genetic relationship between the rare OSp. adjective d,,ucha 'accustomed to, experienced' and its synonym du.chaposes a problem, which also concerns Lusists dealing with the histories of synonymous OGal.-Ptg. tloito and duilo. Do all four forms represent regionallydifferentiated products of the same base, or is more than one source involved in their genesis? Specialists have unhesitatingly linked ducho, to DUCTUM, pastparticiple of DUCE.RE. 'to lead, guide', which must have survived in Spoken Hispano-Latin as an independent adjective after DUCE.RE. had fallen into disuse. On phonological grounds the stressed vowel of DUCTUM does not readily lend itself to interpretation as the source of the diphthong in du~cho. 1 Nor could DUCTUM have yielded d,u~cho in Castilian via an intermediate *doito (cf. AUGURIUM > •agoiro > agun-o 'augruy', CORIUM > •coiro > c,uro 'leather'), as the offglide in •aouo would have been absorbed in the palatalization of the -t- (Craddock 1980: 66). In contrast, formal and semantic considerations make DOCTUM, past-participle of DOC8RE. 'to teach, instruct', at first glance a strong candidate to be the etymon of du~cho. Within the framework of Castilian diachronic phonology, there remains one serious obstacle to the attractive etymological equation DOCTUM > du~cho: diphthongization of tonic I>is normally blocked by a following palatal (e.g., COCTUM > OSp. cocho 'cooked', NOCTE.M > nocM 'night', ocTO ocho 'eight'). To the best of my knowledge there exists no evidence for an autochtonous •d,ocho. However, diphthongization before a palatal characterizes neighboring Leonese and Aragonese. On the basis of the parallels offered by OLeon. cu.echo 'cooked, boiled', nuecM 'night', uecho 'eight', the derivation of du~cho from DOCTUM is feasible in the eastern part of the Leonese linguistic domain, which, unlike Aragonese, shares with Castilian the evolution -CT- > -ch-. Although one can argue that Gal.-Ptg. tloito flows smoothly from DOCTUM (cf. oCTO > oito 'eight', NOCTEM > noite 'night') while duito continues DUCTUM, I shall demo ·nstrate below that doilo and d,uito clearly go back to DUCTUM. The analysis of duecho and doito as reflexes of DOCTUM assumes that the Latin 1

Torreblanca (1990) offers a detailed discussion of the development medieval Hispano-Romance of Lat. tonic u followed by a palatal.

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ganado de noche, / No creas que no reproche / el palaciego vivir" (ed. Perez Priego 1991: vv. S45-S48). A lone instance of d:uechoturns up in the Bum plau,- trobado m tnu tliscantes ( 1550) of the poet Juan Hurtado de Mendoza: "De aqu{ cogemos que nos cumple y presta / ser d:uechosy abezados de asanar" (fol. 24v). Alonso (1957: 219) notes that Hurtado de Mendoza usa muchas voces que eran ya arca{smos o iban a serlo pronto, y que a mediados del siglo XVI ya no aparecen con tanta frecuencia en los escritores cultos, aunque seguramente la mayor parte de ellas eran todavfa usadas a diario en los medios rurales ... Among the specific examples cited by Alonso is duecho. The Comedia UamadaFlorinea of the Bachiller Joan Rodriguez Florian, published in Medina del Campo in 1554, offers one example of duecho "Porque quien de mucho mal es duecho, poco bien le empalaga" (ed. Menendez y Pelayo, 242). The first of the Canas m refranes of Blasco de Garay, Racionero of the Toledo cathedral contains the adage "que ya duecha es la loba de la soga". 5 The Origm y etimologia th totlos los vocablos originaks u la lmgua casullana of Francisco del Rosal ( 1601) records a form tloecho as an equivalent of ducho. 8 In his Tesoro tU la lmgua castellana o espaiiola (ed. Riquer l 94S: s.v. ducho ), Covarrubias gives the impression that ducho had already become antiquated ("En lenguage antiguo castellano vale tanto como acostumbrado") 7 and then adds the observation "Algunos clizen diucho: no estoy duecho". This adjective found its way at least once into the Quijote in a phrase reminiscent of the aforecited use of duecho in the Cavallero Zifar: "el [Sancho] no estava duecho a andar mucho a pie" (Bk. 1, Chap. 7). 1 Gonzalo Correas's Vocahulano tu nfranes y frases proverbia/,es contains the following two versions of the 5

I have taken this quote from fol. 388r of the version printed together with

&frams o provnbios m romane1q,u coligio y gloso 1l Com1ndadorHrrr&an Nufilz and Juan de Mal Lara, La Fi/,osofia vulgar by Juan de la Cuesta (Madrid, 1619). 6

The entcy reads "Do1choo Ducho de ducto Lat que es guiado o llevado de la costumbre y assi Conducho" (ed. G6mez Aguado 1992: fol. 132v). In the Didlogo u la lingua Valdes observed "Nuestros passados dezian dueho por ve7.ado o acostumbrado. . .. Agora ya pareceria mal" (ed. Quilis 1984: fol. 66v). Argote de Molina included ducho 'acostumbrado' in the list of archaic vocabulary appended to his 1ditio prinups (1575) of the Co111U Lucanor. 7

• Fernandez G6mez (1962) records no instances of dueho in the works of Cervantes. Despite its presence in the QJl,ijot1,dtucho did not receive an entry · in the DiecionariotMautoridatusand is not ev~n mentioned in the entry for dueho.

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same proverb: "Al no ducho de bra gas las costuras le hacen Ila gas" (ed. Combet 1967: S9) and "al que no es du.echo de bragas las costuras le hacen llagas" (42). Correas (d. 16Sl) taught at Salamanca's Colegio Trilingiie and collected many of the refranes from the local rural population. Du•cho seems to have survived in parts of the AsturoLeonese linguistic domain; Catalan (1989: 182) includes duecho and duocho in a list of modern Asturian forms displaying the results of diphthongiztion of o before yod.° Cano Gonzalez (1982: 202) reports dunto 'acostumbrado a hacer algo' in the western Asturian subdialect spoken in the village of El Puerto located in the Concejo de Somiedo, as do Neira Martfnez and Pineiro ( 1989: 45 lb). 10 A review here of scholarly opinions on the genesis of d1Ucho is in order. The first genetically-slanted statement seems to have come from the eighteenth-century pioneer Tomas Antonio Sanchez (1780: 50S) who declared that the diphthong in du.echo indicated that derivation from DOCTUM rather than DUCTUM was more likely. It would be anachronistic to criticize Sanchez for being unaware of the effects of a following palatal on diphthongization in Castilian. Diez did not treat either ducho or duecho in his EtymologicMs Worterbuch ur romanischrn Sprachm ( l 85S ), but operated with a mixing of the paradigms of DOC ERE and DOC6RE to account for the form and semantic range of OFr. OProv. tluir• 'guide, conduct; train, teach'. Note that many members of the paradigms of DOC6RE and D0CERE, especially the past participles DOCTUM and DUCTUM, form a set of semantically-overlapping near homonyms. On the Hispanic side this entry is marred by the inclusion of a non-existent Sp. verb *ducir. Cornu (1884: 29S) viewed duecho as a variant of du.cha, which could not come from DOCTUM. In his discussion of ducho Cuervo (189S: s.v. ducho) observed "du~cho es menos facil de explicaren cuanto a la fonetica". Lanchetas (1900: S05) linked d1Ucho to DOCTUM. Throughout ·the successive editions of his Manual u gramatica historica espanola Menendez Pidal operated with the equation ducho < DUCTUM; in his pioneering monograph on Leonese (1962: 40) he included duecho < DOCTUM among the examples of Leonese diphthongization before a palatal and erroneously attributed this form to 9

He includes as members of the same family the verb aduitar 'dormir al nino' and cites the phrase no sta adtuitu a 1sto 'acostumbrado'.

° Kuhn (1935: 18) and Andolz (1977: s.v. du.cha) record in varieties of Upper Aragonesc a noun dweho 'steering device on a plough', which, on semantic grounds, seems to be a reflex of the Latin noun DUCIUM 'act of leading, guiding'. I wish to thank David Pharies for supplying some of the dialect material quoted here. 1

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Lucas de Fern4ndez (rather than Juan del Encina). 11 Docs this imply that in his view OSp. tltucho constitutes a Leonesism? In commenting on Piedmontese dint 'friendship, friendly treatment' which he derived from DUCTUM (as opposed to Nigra and Korting who had opted for DOCTUM), Salvioni (1902: 281) remarked: "Nella terra di cipnia < CICONIA, -wo (tmiePlailolog, 14: 24 7- 76. Urfa Maqua, Isabel, ed. 1981. Ponna u St.mlo Oria. Madrid: Castalia. 1928-34. Franzosisclws •tymologisclws Wartburg, Walther von. Wtirlnbud&. UM Danwlang us gollorofft4'nischna Sprochschatus. Vol. S. Berlin & Leipzig: Teubner. Williams, Edwin B. 1962. Froa Lalin lo PorlagtUs•. 2d. ed. Philadelphia: Pennsylvania UP. Zamora Vicente, Alonso. 1962. "Los grupos -uil-, -oil- en gallego modemo. Su repartici6n gcografica". Bokli,n u ftlologia 21: 57-68. --. 1967. Diakclologio tspoiiola. Madrid: Gredos.

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QUEEN OF ALMOST ALL SHE SURVEYS: THE SEXUAL DYNAMICS OF FEMALE SOVEREIGNTY Harriet Goldberg Villanova Univenity

An exploration of the popular view of female sovereigns in medieval tradition inevitably leads to an awareness of the limitations imposed on women rulers, who were, after all, only women. Even Elisa Dido, a widow who had acquired great power, not by inheritance but through her own efforts, behaved like a weak woman when she made a disastrous choice of a second husband. Was the legend of her suicide intended to condemn her for her womanly weakness? Was she blamed instead for breaking the rules, for being a clever, independent woman who had achieved great power? Was her emotional downfall inevitable? Was she the medieval icon for flawed feminine rule? Some questions about medieval attitudes toward feminine sovereignty are answered in the most influential of the catalogues of celebrated women, Boccaccio's /k Claris Mulimlnu, translated and printed at the end of the fifteenth century. Although a Spanish translation and gloss -D• ilwlr•s mujw•s m roffltfflc•, Zaragoza, 1494-was published at the end of the fifteenth century, it was familiar to peninsular authors earlier.• What is more, many of the stories themselves must have been in circulation in the oral tradition. In this celebration of womanly virtue, the triumphs of the Amazons are aberrant phenomena caused by historical or even physiological anomalies. Of course, there had also been.a handful of normal strong women who had unexpectedly achieved power, when their fathers or husbands died. Some of these widows and orphans had even gone on to rule like men.t 1

The book was cited by D. Alvaro de Luna in D• las elaras • virluosas •ujw•s (1446), M~ Diego de Valera (1412-1488) in D•fm.sa tu virluosas •ujn•s, and the Marqu~s de Santillana in Glosa u las provnbios ,noraus (1437). 1

Estelle Iriuny includes the princess Sancha who rescued Fernan Go~lez as a spiritual descendant of the Amazons because of her great physical strength. She carried him on her back for a night and a day as they escaped from prison, and helps him kill the lecherous priest who had waylaid them (59). However, I do not agree with her term "amazonic vengeance" with regard to the imaginary harridans who attacked the Archpriest of Talavera in the jocular palinode to the AreiJw•su tu Talavna (65). Sec also Fray Mart(n de C6rdoba's instructions to the princess Isabel that outline the special responsibilities of a woman who will rule (Jardin tU nobus tlonullas 2.5-6.218-20). 0

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Accounts of the reigns of female sovereigns (either Amazons or inheritors of thrones) show that the popular imagination was uneasy with the idea of womanly strength and competence coupled with temporal power. In fact, the ideal female sovereign was a queen like Grimanesa in Amadis whose wisdom and beauty only shone in the shelter of her husband Apolidon's governance and adoration. It is to this unease that this study addresses itself. Perhaps the most threatening manifestation of fem~nine power is in tales that deal with those peculiar women who had wielded unusual power independently-women whose political organizations even excluded men-those anomalous warrior women, the Amazons. From Antonia Fraser we learn that in the classical period these women represented an inversion of societal values: "Classical writers described the Amazons originally as an example of how badly things would tum out if the world was turned upside down" (22). 5 The tale of their origin has its roots in probable reality, although historians and story tellers later embellished their accounts with fantastic details that support the abiding impression that their very existence was unnatural. There was a sense that they belonged to the realm of the possible, but not necessarily to the realm of the probable. 4 First, it was important to explain the existence of this exotic society of superwomen 1

Fray Mart(n de C6rdoba celebrates their strength and daring, as well as their chastity. He even associates the practical removal of their right breast with their chastity: "Quedadas siempre a castidad, no consentfan entrellas morar var6n, mas cortauanse las tetas derechas por que mas expcdita mente pudiessen husar encl oficio del sagetar con arcos". They were invincible until Alexander the Great came and defeated them (249). Irizarry summarizes their appearance in medieval Castilian texts and suggests that the story of the unusually strong princess who rescued Fernan Gonzalez was an echo of these legendary women (57-58). 4

The Prim1ra Cr6niea Gmrra/, describes their appearance: "los uestidos trayen con departimientos de muchas maneras; ccrcenauansc los cabcllos dclant, ct dctras dexauan los lucngos; taiauan sc las tctas dicstras ct trayenlas muy apretadas a los cuerpos con los uestidos" (1.390.220). Boccaccio is more colorful: " & siendo ternezitas: o con fuego o conotra cosa quitauan les que la teta derecha no les cresciesse: porque despues de mujeres fechas no les diesse empacho al tirar conel arco las flechas: & dexauan les la teta yzquierda sin lision para criar los ftjos. delo qual nasdo el vocablo de amazonas. & en criar sus fijas no siguieron la costumbre & manera delas nuestras: mas dexada la rueca: & dexadas a parte la costura labrar de manos: & los otros officios mujeriles: auezauan las mochachas mayorcitas a ca~ar & a correr & a domar cauallos & alos trabajos delas armas & a tender el arco & semejantes cxercicios: para quc touiessen la misma habilidad denuedo & fuer~a que los hombres" (llustr1s mujrr1s 17•-1sr).

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by concocting a plausible reason for the absence of a masculine presence in their community. There are two explanations: Boccaccio writes of some widows in Asia Minor whose land had been devastated by invaders. Outraged, they fought back and in the process found that they did not need husbands to defend them: "E finalmente pensando ellas: & considerando ser mas seruidumbre que matrimonio el ayuntar se a hombres estranjeros: y quelas mujeres solas podian abastar para la guerra & las armas: & mataron todos los maridos que les quedauan" (/lustres mujrr•s 1r'). Alphonsine historians omit some of the novelesque details, and merely identify the Amazons as widows of the Goths who had settled in Scythia. In a strangely egalitarian move, these survivors decided to eliminate any remaining husbands as a way of ensuring peace among themselves: "por que fincassen todas bibdas et non ouiessen embidia las unas a las otras, et fuessen tenudas egualmientre de uengar la sangre de sos maridos" (Primera Cronica General l .S90.2 l 8-220). These first Amazons, motivated by grief and rage, not only reconquered all their own territory, they had eventually conquered most of Europe when they chose two sisters, Marsepia and Lampedon, as their going off to war and the queens. These women shared governance-one other staying at home to rule. Unfortunately, co-queen Marsepia was defeated because of an excess of confidence: "marsepia fiando mucho de si misma: tomada en descuydo por vn subito assaute delos barbaros que estauan enla frontera: con parte de su gente fue muerta" (/lustres mujeres 18r). Thus despite their talent for battle and their remarkable triumphs, they were vulnerable, perhaps because they were women. Moreover, since these semi-fantastical women could not reproduce . parthogenetically, they did require masculine servicing from time to time to provide continuity, and various stories of encounters with celebrated men provided them with opportunities to reproduce. 5 Marsepia the queen, killed because of her excessive pride in her martial skill, left a daughter Orythia, who also shared governance with a sister, Anthiope.· These two queens were so feared that their enemies sent the great Hercules to capture the queen's girdle as a trophy or sign of victory ([lustres mujeres 25r-v.)o Here the Amazon story begins to take 5

In a famous encounter, Queen Talestris (Calectrix) requested that Alexander the Great father a child with her after she had appraised his spiritual and physical condition: "Demas quiero un dono de tu mano levar: / haver de ti un ftio, non lo quieras dexar ... "(Libra tu Al1xandr1 1886a-b). If the child is a boy he will be sent to his father and if it is a girl she will remain in the community. • The stories vary as to the name of the Amazon whose girdle was to be the trophy-Anthiope, Hippolyte or Orythia.

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on an unreal quality as it en ten the area of fantasy. Some storytellen explain that their enemies could only defeat these seemingly invulnerable women bydepriving them of a magical source of power, a sash or a girdle. Although originally tradition had concocted a realistic origin for their power, their extraordinary military successes had put them at the threshold of becoming magically omnipotent like the fairy queens in El Cavallno Zifar. It is at this intersection between a legend about a fierce group of women warrion and myth that we find the all-powerful woman ruler whose strength is magically dependent on an item of clothing. She is vulnerable,and dearly not equal to her male counterparts who could rule and defeat his enemies without resorting to magical aids. Sometimes their magical powers deserted these fantastical women when they fell in love. Even the powerful Penthesilea (daughter of Orythia) was ultimately destroyed by misdirected love. She fell in love with the great warrior Hector without ever having seen him: ..oyda la fama dela virtud de don Hector el Troyano: se enamoro mucho del: y antes de ver le: & con desseo de hauer nobles fijos del: para succession del reyno: con priessa & importunidad con gran copia de su gente: vino a le ayudar contra los Griegos" (llwlr•s •ujw•s 58'). Ovennatched in battle she was killed before she could have his babies. Although on the surface it might seem that her hul,ns in daring to do battle with the Greeks had defeated her, it also might be said that because she was a woman in love she had been too distracted to fight well. 7 Let us return now to Dido, the emblem of the inherently flawed female sovereign. A woman who wields great power must first put away her womanly ways. Even her new name showed this determination. It meant manly woman: ..& assi dexada a parte la mollez & delicadez mujeril: & confinnado y enfort~do su cora~n con esfue~ varonil por lo qual merescio despues ser Hamada Dido que en lenguaje delos phenicos quiere dezir mujer varonil" (lluslr•s ,n,ujw•s 4 7'). While all stories about her agree that she committed suicide, the principal accounts differ substantially. In one branch of her story, she 7

According to Alphonsine historians, Penthisilea's decision to help Troy was not based on love of Hector: "E esta reyna Pentisilca, cstando en su rcyno de Fcminea, sopla soberuia de lo~ griegos de commo tenicn ~ercada a Troya. E oyera fablar de Ector e de la su grand proeza, e asmo de venir a el por veer la su fucl'9l c co~ aquclla su proe7.a e·su cauallcria, c que por ventura que alli podrie seer cUacontra los griegos e tener Jesdanno por que la auicn corrida ya una vez". The Trojans were, however, impressed by her great beauty: ..tan fermosa era; maraullauanse de su fennosura e en la procza della" (Gnan-al Estoria 2.592.152). See also "El planto que hizo Pantasilea" attributed to the Marq~ de Santillana, but now thought to be by Juan Rodrfgucz dcl Padron (lriurry S7, n.6).

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55 is a widow committed to perpetual chastity who is tricked into a promise of marriage: "Muger casta fund6 Cartajena & esta misma ciudad despues en loor de castidad acab6" (Mart(n de C6rdoba 261); "pensando antes de morir que hauer de quebrantar su castidad ... rancado vn cuchillo que se hauia leuado debaxo de sus vestidos: & puesto a los pechos llamando a sicheo dixo. 'O ciudadanos assi como vosotros quereys voy a mi marido'" (llwlr•s 11111,jw.s 48•). In another account her feminine vulnerability is highlighted by the devious way the envoys of a neighboring king manipulate her. They ask why she has not sought to improve her subjects' lives, although they understand that as a woman she lacks the requisite authority. She needs to find a king to many, however no king would consent to leave his own land and come to live among such primitive people. To improve the quality of life in her realm "por que fuessen sos gentes mas apuestas en sos comeres y en sus uestires y en sos costumbres" she must permit the women of Carthage to intermarry with people from other lands. Once she has consented, they remind her that as queen, she is obliged to make the first such marriage. This woman who had previously shown herself to be astute and daring had allowed herself to be coerced into agreeing to an unwanted marriage (Pnmn-a Cronica Gmn-al I. 56.S7-S8). If ever one needed evidence of popular discomfort with the idea of female sovereignty this bit of narrative supports the conjecture. A variant version accords Dido a more traditional point of honorwhat might be called the Lucretia syndrome-that she will die rather than be dishonored by breaking her word: "si lo cumpliesse, que farie muy mal fecho en casar con omne que serie mal casada ... e dotra parte si no lo fiziesse, ... amenguaric mucho de su prez c de su onrra, assi quc non serie tan preciada ni tan amada por el mundo com ante era. E por cndc touo por meior de morir que non fazer ninguna destas cosas" (Primn-a Cronica Gmn-al l.56.S7-S8). King Alfonso's historians offer their audience still another Dido, a model of womanly sovereignty-decisive, astute, enterprising-who surrenden her will when a bold adventurer lands in Carthage. She falls in love with him, makes him her consort, and bears a child by him. Olga Impey calls Dido both strong and weak at the same time. She finds astounding the fact that the power of Eneas's words was stronger than the military might of thousands of real e~emies in the field (15). Ovid had clearly been struck by the contrast when he imagined what Dido might have written to Eneas (Pnmna Cronica Gmn-al l.59.S9-4S). 1 • See Mar(a Rosa Lida de Malkiel's survey of the Dido legend. In Hwoitus Ovid treated the legend as the tragic ta~e of a pregnant woman abandoned by a treacherous lover/husband. Dido had become a part of the cultural heritage of the pan-European community. See, for instance, the account in the thir-

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Clearly the compelling aspect of this tale is the contrast between Dido, the powerful monarch, and Dido the shattered woman. Departing the mythical world of the Amazons and Elisa Dido, we come to accounts of the experiences of two purely fictional royal women whose loven disappointed them-the Dueiia del Lago and the empress Nobleza in El cavallno Zifar. James Burke thinks that these two stories -the adventure of the Cavallero Atrevido in the mysterious underwater realm of the Lady of the Lake, and Roboan's stay in the Islas Dotadasare two allegorical ~x~mpla that illustrate treachery and cupidity (1972, 49-50). On the other hand, the focus can be turned round so that these episodes can be read as stories of omnipotent queens betrayed by lovers. 0 The operative word is stories, since in Zifar their narrative value supersedes their symbolic value. Cristina Gonzalez, disagreeing with Burke and Ana Diz, has shown convincingly that the two episodes are parallel and that they are not mere ~x•mpla (99-105). The essential story is simple. A female monarch falls in love with a traveler who comes to her realm and marries him, and in keeping with fairy tale tradition, the actions of her royal consort are restricted by a Proppian interdiction. 10 To support the contention that these episodes are intrinsic parts of the whole narrative, we call attention to the author's style. Whenever he wants to instruct the audience with an exemplum he announces that he is about to do so. For instance, in the Castigos tkl Rry tk Mrnton Zifar

teenth-century (;mnal ,storia (Prim,ra cr6nica g,mral) for a translation of Ovid's touching letter (1.38.57-59). Impey wrote: "In its totality, Alfonso's Castilian version ... is not a translation but a creative adaptation". She finds Alfonso's Eneas to be crueler than Ovid's, and his Dido "more tender and more appealing" (286). 9

See Stith Thompson F252.2. Fairy quun; F302. l, Man go,s to fairyland and manvs fairy. 10

In his analytic scheme of functions (events that advance the action) in Russian fairy talcs, Vladimr Propp found that a prohibition or an interdiction was a frequent component of many tales. The o.malln-o Atr,uido must not speak; Roboan may not return to the Islas Dotadas if he leaves. Even in the case of Encas, the interdiction is hinted at by his shame on scing the wall display of the events at Troy and his part in them, "y Eneas, maguer que muchas uezes uiniera a aquel templo c uiera las otras estorias, no auie visto la de Troya ... y cl, quando la uio, ouo ende muy grand pesar; pcro sopos encobrir tan bien quc non gclo sopo ninguno, c puso en so cora~on dirse daquella tierrra e numqua tomar y mas" (1.58.39).

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shares wisdom with his sons and to illustrate his thoughts he signals the ~x~mplum that follows: "asy commo contes~io a vna dueiia de Gres~a desta guisa: Dize el cuento que esta dueiia ... " (82). See also Nobleza's warning to her husband that he is about to commit an irrevocable act. She illustrates her argument with the tale of the water and the wind, saying: "asy como dixo la verdat [al] agua e al viento". The feckless husband gives the customary response: "E commo fue eso?" and she res~nds: "Yo vos lo dire" (1S6). Thus it is my contention that because neither the adventure in the Enchanted Lake, nor the stay in the Fortunate Isles, are explicitly designated by the author as examples, they are integral parts of the narrative. 11 We are ready, then, to look at these events without concerning ourselves with their exemplarity. Michael Harney calls attention to the inherent paradox of ordinary stories that convey special meaning: "While religious and homiletic elements play an important role in Z[ifar] ••. thoroughly mundane themes are the vehicle of the work's didactic intentions" (586). 12 Despite the welter of fantastic elements, the 11

Lest a critic protest the inclusion of outright fantastic stories in a chivalric nanative in which many events are presented as though they reflected reality, Walker suggests that the author has prepared us for "visits to the supernatural plane" and for "the return to the natural world" throughout the whole text (90). Gonzalez identifies three kinds of narrative in Zifar: stories told as diversions that also offer the audience a model of conduct; 1x1mpla intended to instruct and secondarily to divert; and cautionary tales whose primary purpose was instruction (65). Since any kind of narrative that describes human behavior (either good or bad) fits into her first category, I would combine the second two categories, reducing the tripartite classification to two. 12

F707 Extraordinary kingdom; C4 l l. l. Tahu: asking for reason of an unusual action. King forbids that anyone ask him why he never laughs. Zifar 180. C4 l l .2. Tahu: speaking. Consort of fairy queen must not address her subjects nor ask questions of them. Zifar 67. See also C4 l l .8. Tahu: asking questions. Swan Knight tells new wife that she must not ask him his name, nor what country he came from. Ultramar 1.68.120. DI 181. Magic castle. Knight led to magic castle at bottom of magic lake. Zifar 67. D 1400.1.16.1. Magic pennant which enables bearer to succeed in any undertaking. Zifar. 188.; T584.9. Unusually short parturition. Enchantress gives birth seven days after ooncciving child. Zifar 68. D 1400.1.16.1. Magic pennant which enables bearer to succeed in any undertaking. Zifar. 188. Pl4.24. King does not permit anyone to ask him why he never laughs. Penalty is beheading. Spares life of respected stranger who violated prohibition. Zifar 180. Q481.4. Visiting prince who violated royal prohibition against asking why king never laughed is banished from realm. Sent away in an oarless boat. Zifar 180. Fl29.4. Journey to otherworld island. Princeling in oarless boat lands on shore of otherworld where doors open magically to him. Zifa.r 188. Fl74.l. Hero welcomed.to otherworld by beautiful women who bring him a palfrey to ride to the court of

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The ruler of this enchanted realm has the gift of hindsight; she knows instantly all there is to know about Roboan, but she cannot predict the future. Ushered into the imperial presence, the mystified visitor tries to kiss the empress's hands but she refuses this honor and takes him by the hand and seats him beside her (IS4). This is the first evidence ofa continuing sbuggle between the empress and her consort that manifests itself in the kissing of hands. Just twelve days short of a year (a magical time period) the hero inevitably falls into temptation. 11 He is tricked by the devil in the guise of a beautiful woman into making a series of requests for enchanted animals under the empress's control. She accedes because she is unable to deny him anything: "non deuedes dubdar que vos non diese qualquier cosa que yo tuviese, por pre~iada que fuese. E el dia que vos yo res~ibi a vos por senor, me desapodere de mi e de quanto auia e fize vos senor dello" (1S5). 14 Certainly her power was less than absolute. Upon seeing the first of these magical gifts, his new mastiff, Roboan is elated and kisses her hands, but when she in tum wants to kiss his hands, he will not permit it, shaming her by his refusal. Her rebuke speaks to the balance of power between them, and reveals her vulnerability: "Sciior, ... c!queouistes agora comigo fazer tan grand pesar en me fazer ne59a delante esta gente?" He replies that his refusal is his way of showing his great gratitude (1S5), but the refusal is more than a sign of gratitude, it is a repetition of her imperial welcome. The balance of power has shifted. The scene is repeated when he returns from the hunt determined to acquire a magical hawk under her control. Once again he will not permit her to kiss his hands. This time she is angry: "fue ella muy sanuda e dixole que sy gelas non diese a besar, que nunca cosa le demanclaria que gelo diese" (1S5). He explains that it would be wrong for her to do so, but at the same time, pretends inattention so that she can seize his right hand and kiss it more than a hundred times while he feigns inability free it from her grasp (1S5). That evening after disporting themselves in bed, he asks her very tentatively for another gift, the hawk described by his demon lover. She assures him that there is nothing he cannot request from her since her worth is enhanced by the act of giving: "la nobleza estables~io en sy esta ley, que sy en sus donas 11

Could it be that he would have been safe from temptation if he had completed a year? Sec Stith Thompson folk motif F2 l l. l. l: Door to fairyland opens once a year. •

14

Compare Dido's reproach: "tc yo Calle ... pobre c muy lazrado; ct tomct por scnnor de mi c de mi tierra, ct meti los mios grandcs rcgnos so los tus pies; y csto fiz sin ninguna tardan~" (Estoria u Espana [Primrra Croniea Gmn-al) 1.59.41).

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two stories arc about a powerful woman who marries a visiting stranger

and who is betrayed by him. The 6nt adventure begins when the CauallnoAmuitlo is enticed into the magical lake by the Lady of the Lake. There are men in this kingdom, but they seem to have no evident part in the power structure. The Lady of the Lake presents her new consort to the court: "E ally vieron delante dellos muchos condes e muchos duques ... e fueronle besar la mano al cauallero por mandamiento de la dueiia, e res~ibieronlo por seiior" (67). In fact, there arc ten thousand of them and the Cavallno speculates about the great power he would have enjoyed in the real world with such an army (68). He notices that nobody speaks in this strange realm and is told by the Lady: "Non les fabledes, nin a ninguna dueiia, maguer vos fablen, ca perderme-yedes porende . . . Guardevos [Dios] que me non querades perder nin yo a vos, e en seiial de buen amor verdadero fagovos seiior de aquesta ~ibdat e de quanto he" (67). Perhaps this interdiction reflects the Lady of the Lake's lack of confidence in her new husband. She rules her underwater realm absolutely, but she is not sure she can control the actions of her new consort. Her distrust is justified when, on one of his first royal progresses through the realm, he sees a woman more beautiful than his wife and breaks his magical queen's warning that he not speak to her subjects (68). Upon his return to the palace, he finds the Lady of the Lake transformed by anger as she declares herself to be "la Seiiora de la Tray~ion" (70). It is only after he has betrayed her that she is transformed (perhaps only in his mind) into "vn diablo muy feo e mucho espantable" doing unspeakable things to two prisoners (116). As in a nightmare, the power of her fury causes an earthquake and a great wind that transport the Cavallero Atreuido and his son back into the real world (70). In the second fantastic episode, Prince Roboan is transported in an oarless boat to an enchanted kingdom. There he is greeted by two handmaidens who tell him that he is to marry the empress of this realm and to receive homage from the kings who are her dependents (ISS).

their empress. Zifar 133. Fl85. Otherworld queen gifted with second sight but cannot foretell future. Zifar 133. G303.3.l.12.2. Devil as a beautiful young woman seduces man. She offers him a hunting dog that can catch any beast, a hawk that can capture any prey and a horse that is faster than the wind. He must ask his wife the empress for the dog, for the hawk. Zifar 134-36. F84 l .2.8. Boat without oars. Comes to shore long enough for man to get in. Zifar 130. Bl 72.5.1. Magic hawk. Catches all prey at which it is loosed. Zifar. 137. Bl82.l.3.2.- Magic mastiff able to bring down any fleeing stag. Zifar. 135. Bl84. 1. I .4. Magic horse that neither eats nor drinks is faster than wind. Zifar 1S7.

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non acres~iese toda via, que non tiene que ha dado ningun[a]" (1S6). Having given him the key to the hawk's chamber, she assures him: "sed bien 9erto que nunca vos sera dicho de non; ca el primer dia que vos yo res~iby por mio, puse en mi cora~on de vos nunca negar cosa que demandasedes" (IS6). Now she re-asserts her power reminding him that once having lost her love and trust he can never regain it: "E pues en vue.stro poder so e me tenedes, guardatme bien e non [tiredes la mano de mi e non] me querades perder; ca yo guardarvos-he [bien e tenervos he] verdat e lcaltad; ca sy vna vegacla me perdedes e vos salga de las manos, creedme que me nunca auedes a cobrar" (1S6). After she has told Roboan that great love can turn to great hatred, the author intervenes to remind the reader that Nobleza has been aware all along of the devil-woman and her husband's infidelity: "E esto le dezia porque sabia quien le mal consejaua, e [la follia] a quel [metia] con codi~ia de aquellas cosas quel descobria" (1S6). Despite past experience she continues to hope that he will change, asking him to desist: "avn non sodes castigado de la otra vegada que me fezistes ensaiiar? c;,ertas grant sabor auedes de me perder" (1S7). Once more she asks to kiss his hands after which they spend a rapturous fortnight. She knows, however, that a new request will bring their life together to an end. He returns home, does all the things that give her pleasure, and spends a restless night: "E desque fue la noche e se fueron para su camareta, comen~la a falagar e a le fazer todos los plazeres que podia" (IS 7). 15 When he finally falls into a deep sleep, his unhappy wife is afraid to waken him: "E la enperatris non osaua reboluerse en la cama con miedo que despertase, teniendo que luego le quer[r]ia fazer la demanda que estaua cuydando" (1S8). That day passes uneasily and when night falls she is reluctant to retire hoping he will forget to make the request for the magical horse that would carry him away from her: "que non se quiso echar cuydando que se adormiera el enperador e non se acordaria a fazer la demanda" (1S8). Resigned to his betrayal, she commands her ladies-in-waiting to prepare a magic pennant for him that will guarantee success in the future. In a long speech, she veers between calling him cruel, and then expressing great sorrow, and finally threatening him: "que nunca en peligro vos veredes que vos veades la mi semejan~a delante que non 15

Aycrbe-Chaux is of the opinion that their relationship was based on the rules of courtly love and that the carnal relationship was reserved for the devilwoman. He does not believe that there had been carnal union between Noblcza and Roboan but the cited passage seems to deny his proposal.

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[ere a des que] aquellos peligros en que fueredes que por el tuerto que me tenedes vos vienen; e querredes tornar e non podredes, e non tomaredes plazer nin alegria, nin reyedes asy commo soliedes, e desearme-hedes e non me podredes auer" (139). We can now answer our initial queries. Unlike their Ovidian model, neither Nobleza nor the Dueiia del Lago commit suicide. Nobleza declares she will remain a widow forever, but her anguished plea echoes Dido's .passionate letter in Ovid's Herouus (Burke 1970, 59). The author tells the reader that she had undergone the same betrayal before. us If she is, as we suspect, immortal, then she must be doomed to an eternity of failed consorts. Finally we understand that we have unearthed one more medieval model for the inher~ntly imperfect or flawed nature of feminine sovereignty-a model even more powerful than Dido, or the Amazons, in these puis-sant fairy queens who were brought low by their own weakness. Although the two magically omnipotent rulers had not killed themselves like Dido, they were trapped in an eternal emotional prison. The Dueiia del Lago showed her anger, banishing her betrayer in a cataclysmic whirlwind, but still she was left to wait until she could find a replacement for her faithless husband. Both of them are destined to spend an eternity of marriage and betrayal. Perhaps the tragic error of the Amazons, of Dido and of the fairy queens was that their great power and independence constituted a violation of the natural order that could be restored only by their suffering.

Works Cited

Alfonso X. Estoria th Espana (Primera cronica general). Ed. Ramon Menendez Pidal. 2 Vols. Madrid: Gredos, 1955. --. Gnwral Estoria, Seguntla Parle. Ed. Antonio G. Solalinde, Lloyd A. Kasten, Victor R.B. Oelschlager. Madrid: CSIC Instituto de "Miguel de Cervantes", 1961. Ayerbe-Cbaux, Reinaldo. - "Las Islas Dotadas: Texto y miniaturas del manuscrito de Pads, clave para su interpretaci6n". In Hispanic St""'1us in Honor of Alan D. Deyermond. A NorthAm~rican Tribut~. Ed.

16

The first foreshadowing occurs when the emperor of Tigrida tells Roboan: "e poner vos he en tal logar que por ventura scra mejor la mue"rte quc la vjda, o por ventura sera grand vuestra pro e grand honrra vuestra sy fuerdcs ombrc de buen recado" (130). In Nobleza's kingdom, Roboan asks if the empress had ever been married. The ladies-in-waiting answer: "Sy fuc ... con vn cmpcrador quc la pcrdio por su desaucntura ... " (133).

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John S. Miletich. Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1986. S 1-50. Burke,James F. History and Vision: Thi Figural Stnu:tur• of tlw "Libra tkl Cavalln-o Zifar". London: Tamesis, 1972. --. "The Meaning of the Islas Dotatlas Episode on the Libro ul Cavalln-o Cifar. Hispanic Rroin» S8 (1970): 56-68. Fraser, Antonia. T#w Wamor Q,ums. New York: Knopf, 1989. Goldberg, Harriet. Jardin tu nobus tlonulla.s: Fray Manin u Cordoba:A Critical Edition and Stud,. North Carolina Studies in Romance Languages and Literatures 1S7. Chapel Hill: North Carolina UP, 1974. Gonzalez, Cristina. "El Cavallno Zifar" y •l rnno ujano. Madrid: Gredos, 1984. Hamey, Michael. "The Libra tkl Cabaluro Zifar: Recent Editions and a Recent Monograph". Romane~ Philology 4S ( 1989-90): 569-601. Impcy, Olga Tud6rica. "Ovid, Alfonso X, and Juan Rodriguez del Padr6n: Two Castilian Translations of the Hwoitks and the Beginnings of Spanish Sentimental Prose". Bull•tin of Hispanic Studus 77 (1980): 28S-S08. Irizarry, Estelle. "Echoes of the Amazon Myth in Medieval Spanish Literature". In Womna in Hispanic Litnalurt: Icons and Fallna Idols. Ed. Beth Miller. Berkeley, Los Angeles & London: California UP, 198S. Jordan, Constance. Rrnaissanct Ftminism: Lit~rary T•xts and Political Mauls. Ithaca and London: Cornell UP, 1990. --. "Boccaccio's Infamous Women: Gender and Civic Virtue in the D• muli•ribus clans". In Ambiguous Rtaliti•s: Womna in tlw Mitldk Ag•s and R~naissanc•. Ed. Carole Levin and Jeanie Watson. Detroit: Wayne State UP, 1987. 25-47. Keightley, R.G. "The Story of Zifar and the Structure of the Libra tkl Cavaluro Zifar". Motlnn Languag~ Rwin» 7S (1978): S08-S27. LibrouAkxandr,. Ed.Jesus Caiias Murillo. Madrid: Editora Nacional 1978. Madrid: Ediciones Catedra, 1988. Libra ul Cauallno Zifar. Ed. Marilyn A. Olsen. Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1984. Lida de Malkiel, Marfa Rosa. Dido en la lit•ratura ,spanola: su r•trato , ufmsa. London: Tamesis, 1974. Ovid. Heroitus and.Amores. Trans. Grant Showerman. 2nd ed., revised by G.P. Gould. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard UP, and London: William Heinemann, 1977. Propp, Vladimir. Morphologyof th. Folktal.•. Trans. Laurence Scott. Ed. Louis A. Wagner. Intro. Alan Dundes. Austin & London: UP of Texas, 1968.

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Walker, Roger M. Tradilion and, T•clmiqu,• in "El Libra ~l Cavalln-o Zifar.

London: Tamesis, 1974. Tiu, Zaragoza 1494 Edition of "D• las ilustr•s mujn-•s .n romanc•"· Ed. Harriet Goldberg. Microfiche edition with Introduction. Madison, Wisconsin: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1992.

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UNA COLECCI6N DE ROMANCES RARiSIMOS RECOGIDOS EN VILLASUMIL DE ANCARES (LE6N) Jose Manuel Pedrosa

En mis encuestas de rccogida de materiales de literatura tradicional realizadas cntre los aiios 1989 y l 99S en el valle de Ancares (Le6n)una de las tierras mas aisladas geograficamente y mas arcaizantes desde cl punto de vista etnocultural que hay en Espaiia-tuve ocasi6n de visitar y trabajar en los pequeiios pueblos de Cand(n, Pereda, Tejedo, Balouta, Sucrtes, Espinareda, Sorbeira y Villasumil, amen de poder tambien entrevistar a una extraordinaria informante nacida en el ya La riqueza y completamente deshabitado pueblo de Villarb6n. especifidad de la cultura folcl6rica del valle me deslumbr6 desde la primera encuesta 1, y los materiales recogidos, almacenados en docenas de cintas de cassette, llegaron a sumar un corpus amplisimo y variadfsimo-romances, canciones, cuentos, leyendas, refranes, adivinanzas, materiales d.ialectales y etnograficos de muy diverso tipoque espero tener alguna vez tiempo de editar crfticamente. En tanto llega esa futura edici6n, y atendiendo a la sugerencia de algunos maestros y amigos de que publique alguna primicia con los materiales mas importantes de la colecci6n, me decido ahora a editar los romances recogidos en Villasumil, aisladfsimo e impresionante pueblo de menos de diez vecinos en el que s6lo permaned la tarde del 16 dejulio de 199S, en compaiifa de tres amigos-Pablo Maroto, Pascal Drougard y Pascal Lemaire--que me condujeron hasta all{ en coche y me acompaiiaron en la encuesta. Dos extraordinarios infonnantes, Consuelo Carro L6pez, que iba a cumplir 80 aiios en el siguiente mes de agosto, y Enrique L6pez Fernandez, de 86 aiios, arriero durante mas de cincuenta aiios, ayudados ocasionalmente por otros hombres mas j6venes que aportaban o completaban algun verso, abrieron sus memorias para recordar un repertorio de romances-ademas de canciones y cuentos que no se editan aqu{-de rareza y calidad talespese al fragmentarismo de algunos--que seguramente no puedan encontrar ya demasiado parang6n en los que se pueden recoger en otros pueblos de la geograffa espaiiola. Fue Consuelo la que record6 la mayorfa de los romances que recogf, ayudada por Enrique en los casos de La pmitmcia tkl rry don Rodrigo, Gaif•ros libnador tk M~lisrndra, La 1

Los aspectos mas susta11:cialesde la cultura etnografica, lingii(stica y material del valle ban quedacio reflejados el fundamental libro de J .R. Fernandez Gonzalez, Etnografta, cultura dll vall1 tU Ancar1s.

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aposa don Garcia, El moro cautivo y Flor•s Blancaflor. Enrique fue el que record6 a solas los fragmentos de Sufrir callando y El arrin-o y las ladrrma. Algunos romances, como Balaovinos y B•lardo y La •sposa u don Garcia necesitaron varias recitaciones, que yo ahora combino en textos que suman versos de cada una de ellas. S6lo en el caso de El moro cautivo, y atendiendo a su extrema rareza en la tradici6n oral y a la profundidad de algunas variantes, transcribo tal cual las dos versiones sucesivas de Consuelo. Todos los romances fueron recitados; ninguna versi6n fue recordada con su melodfa musical. Villasumil habia quedado, hasta ahora, fuera de la ruta de los colectores de folclore que, en todo caso, se habfan asomado a otros pueblos de Ancares, principalmente a Cand{n, en busca de las preciosas piezas que guarda la memoria tradicional de la zona. La edici6n ahora de una colecci6n de romances tan raros como estos debe, igual que siempre, hacemos reflexionar con modestia sobre lo mucho que, como colectores y crlticos de la literatura tradicional, nos falta por conocer en este terreno. Y, sobre todo, debe servirnos de esdmulo para que sigamos saliendo a rescatar en el campo todo lo que aun sea posible salvar de una fonna de transmitir la cultura y de cantar y sentir la propia identidad y la propia historia, que cada vez pertenece a un pasado mas alejado de nosotros.

***** Romances recogidos a partir de 1977 en otros pueblos del valle de Ancares, especialmente en Candin, que funciona como su centro local, fueron editados en: YNR

RGL

LTO

- Voces nuevas del romancero castellano-leonis. AIER: Archivo Internacional Electr6nico del Romancero, 2. Ed. Susan H. Petersen. 2 Vols. Madrid, Gredos-Catedra Seminario Menendez Pidal: 1982. - Romanc•ro gen•ral de Leon. Eds. Diego Catalan, M. de la Campa y otros. 2 Vols. Madrid: Catedra Seminario Menendez Pidal-Universidad Complutense-Diputaci6n de Leon, 1991. - Alicia Fonteboa, Literatura de tradici.6n oral en El Bi•n.o. Ponferrada: Diputaci6n de Le6n, 1992.

Bajo el lltulo

de cada romance establezco bibliograficas con cada una de estas obras.

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La J,niletu:ia del rr, do• Rotlri10 (a-a) (VNR n° l; RGL n° l; LTO pp. 268 y 271-272)

Alla arriba en aqucl alto le Haman sierra montina, dondc cac la nicvc a copos, cl agua mcnuda y frfa; allf habfa un cnnitaiio quc vida santa hacfa. Fuc por allf un cazador quc vida santa qucrfa. 5 -Dfgamc uste, cl crmitaiio, dfgamc uste, por su vida, si cl quc trata con mujcrcs si ticnc cl alma perdida. -El alma perdida no, no sicndo hcrmana o prima. -Ay de m(, tristc, coitado, que esa fue la mi desdicha; de una hcnnana tengo un niiio y de una prima una niiia. 10 Conficseme el ermitaiio, confie~eme por su vida. -Confcsar, confesare, pcro scrvirte no podfa. -Dfgamc la penitencia scgun yo la merecfa. Lo mcticra en una cueva con una scrpientc viva. La serpicntc cs scr feroz, quc sictc cabczas tcnfa, 15 la mas chiquitina de ellas era la quc mas comfa. Y cl cnnitaiio trcs veces va a vcrlo al dfa. Una cs a la maiiana y otra es al mediodfa y otra era por la noche, cuando la gente dormfa. -eQue tal, que tal, penitente, con tu mala compaiifa? 20 -Penitente, seiior, buena, mejor que yo la merecfa. De la cinta para abajo, ya comido me tenfa, de la cinta para arriba, luego me encomenzaria. Las campanas de aquel barrio todas juntas se taiifan

por el alma del penitente que para el cielo camina.

Sufrir callando (i-o) (RGL n° 75) Ay, Dios, si les digo a mis hermanos, mataran a don Rodrigo. Si se lo digo a mi madre, se pondra a llorar conmigo. Es mejor callar las penas de mi marido.

Gaiferos liberador de Meluendra (6 + a) (VNR n° 11; RGL n° 17; LTO pp. 254-256) castillo y s~ la robaron los moros.] Estando Melisendra bordando en su balc6n, pas6 el rey moro y en su caballo la llev6, (La tmta mun

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................ y al castillo la llev6. [Y ll ftU a buscarla, estaban ni misa.] -Yo soy un rico tendero que vengo de alla del mar, 5 traigo joyas y dinero, cuenta no les puedo dar.' Si usted me abriera la puerta, le entregaba la mitad. El moro con la cobicia las abri6 de par en par. [Agan-6 a Melisnidra y la puso ni la mulita. Dice ella:] -iSi esta fuera la mulita de mi tfo don Roldan, apretando la cincha, aflojando el petral, 10 las siete cercas de moros muy bien las ha de saltar! Voces daba el perro moro que hace la tierra temblar: -Salgan, salgan de mezquita, salgan, salgan de rezar, que llevan a Melisendra, que se la salgan quitar. -Dejen, dejen a Melisendra, dejen, dejensela llevar, 15 que la sangre de los moros hacia un rio caudal.

Baldovino• 'J Belardo (a-a) (VNR n° 10; RGL n° 14)

Baldomino va en la caza, Baldomino no vcnfa. -Vete a buscarlo, Bernardo, por Dios y Santa Marfa. -lC6mo quiere que vaya, madre, c6mo quiere que vaya, madre mfa, si me rob6 cien ducados y un anillo que tenfa? 5 -Vete buscarlo, Bernardo, por Dios y Santa Marfa, que es chiquillo muy joven, jugar armas no sabia. [Y cogi6 ,l caballoy marcho. No m, acu,rdo ahora th la sinra. Baldovino ,staba alli. Yun gigante. Baldovino estaba murinitlo. Ya el otro lo matara.] -c!Que haces ahf, Baldovino, que haces ahf, por tu vida? -Estoy mirando a las yerbas que mi caballo comfa. Estoy mirando la sangre que de mis venas salfa. 10 -c!Quien te ha herido, Baldovino, quien te ha herido, por tu vida? -El que me hiri6 a mf, Bernardo, Dios te aparte de su vida. Cuatro cuartas de ojo a ojo, siete de cara tendida, dieciocho tien de espalda, veinticuatro de petrina. Y cuando lleg6 Bernardo, se estaba alabando a la puerta de su am1ga: 15 -He matado a Baldovino, tras de Bernardo corrfa. -El matar a Baldovino no era gran maravilla, que es chiquillo muy nuevo y jugar annas no sabfa. Pero el matar a Bernardo lo creo por gran mentira. -Hombre que desaffa a hombre, para el campo lo convida.

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20 A las dos primeras vueltas

la cabeza le ca(ra. La cogi6 por los cabellos y a Baldovinos la ensilla. Cuando lleg6 a Baldovinos, Baldovinos con Dios iba. Lo cogi6 en su caballo, a casa de su madre iba.

La esposa de don Garcia (a-a) (VNR n° 22; RGL n° S5; LTO pp. 251-252)

Estando cogiendo flores, el fuera de caceria, y cuando vino, ella aquel dia no saliera. Y le pregunt6 a su madre d6nde iba su hermosa Catalina. -F&l, meu fillo, marchou, va moi contenta cos mouros antes del dia, 5 y llevabaun pandero de oro en sus manos y muy bien que lo taiiia, y el cantar que ella cantaba: -iMuera el conde don Garcia! -Voy por casa de mi suegra, que me cuente la verdad y me niegue la mentira. -Dfgame usted, la mi suegra, d(game usted, suegra mfa, c6mo llevaban a mi esposa Catalina. 10 -Por aquf paso, mi yerno, tres horas antes del dfa, pandero de oro en sus manos, de pesar no lo taiifa, y el cantar que ella cantaba: -iViva el conde don Garda! Y el mas chiquitino de ellos, de bofetones le purrfa. -iQue llevara, la mi suegra? 15 -Lleva la cometa de oro, que ella te conoceria. Cuando toc6 la cometa estaban comiendo al pie de una fuente fria. -Guarden un vaso de vino pa' el que la cuerna taiifa. -Si es marido o hermano s( se lo guardarfamos. -No es hermano, y marido no lo tenfa: 20 es que siempre tuve afici6n al que la cuerna taiifa. -Dios ayude a los seiiores, Dios les bendiga la niiia, buena traici6n queda armando ese conde don Garcia. -Pues llevela usted, caballero, llevela usted, por su vida. -Yo llevarla no, por cierto, 25 iy si la niiia va preiiada? iay, que bien me serial -No,jure ella por su fe, yo jurare por la mfa, que yo la llevaba guardada pa' un infante que tenia. -Bueno, pues la llevarfa. [La agarro en el caballo y al marchar dice:]

-Quedaivos col diablo, moros, y toda la morerfa, SO mas os las lleve con mafias que con fuerzas que traia.

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El moro cautivo (i-a) I a versi6n (RGL n° 51) [El rr, tmia a un moro cau.tivo, 'J la hi,ja ul r~, ~l moro cantaba 'J cantaba mu, bin&:] -Canta, moro, canta moro, canta moro, por tu vida, que el cantar que el moro canta lleva a la niiia vencida. [Ella cogio las llav•s •l pad.r• las tnaia, J cogio la ,nula ta,nl,im 'J ,n,a,rchocon ~l ,noro. Andaban.] Una palabra no le hablaba Y cuando iban cerca de donde el moro vivfa: -cDe quien son aquellas luces que tan altas reludan? -Una es la de mi padre, y aquella la de mi hermana, y la que mas alta reluce es la de mi esposa Fermina. -Y, ya que tienes esposa, cpara quc llevas la niiia? -Para hacerte la vida que tu padre a mf me hada. Te he de dar de comer donde mi falcon comfa, te he de dar de dormir donde mi falc6n dormfa. -Oh, Virgen Santa del cielo, que milagros hacfa, que me vuelva la Babieca donde mi padre la tenfa, que le he de traer un mant6n de los mejores que habfa. [La Babi•ca m v~z u ir pa' alant• volvio pa' atras.) Aun no eran las doce ni el gallo cantar querfa cuando la infanta y el moro entran en cancelerfa. [Y il no supo qu,• volvia pa' atras.] -Canta, moro, canta, moro, canta, moro, por tu vida, que si mucha prisi6n tienes, la niiia mas te darfa. A la Babieca le daba tres veces cebada al dfa, y 1~compr6 a la Virgen el mant6n que mejor habfa.

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-Canta, moro, canta moro, canta moro, por tu vida, que el cantar que el moro canta lleva a la niiia vencida. Andan leguai sobre leguas, palabra no le deda. Cuando llegaron a un . . . altas luces relucfan. 5 -cD6nde me llevas, moro, d6nde me llevas, por tu vida? cDe quicn son aquellas luces altas que reludan? Una era la de su madre, otra la de su hermana y la mas alta de todas la de su esposa Fermina. -Y, ya que tienes esposa, cpara que llevas la niiia? 10 -Para hacerte la vida que tu padre a m{ me hacfa.

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Que te he de dar de comer donde mi falc6n comfa, te he de dar de beber donde mi caballo beb(a, te he de dar de dormir donde mi perro dormfa. Alz6 los ojos al cielo y estas palabras deda: 15 -Oh, Virgen santa del cielo, la que milagros hacfa, que me vuelvas la Babieca adonde mi padre la tenfa. La he dar la cebada unas tres veces al dfa, y te he de comprar un mant6n de los mejores que habfa. Aun no era la una ni el gallo cantar queria 20 cuando la infanta y el moro entran en canceleria. -Canta, moro, canta, moro, canta, moro, por tu vida, que si mocha prisi6n tienes, mocha mas te darfa.

La doncella iuerrera

(o)

+

El raptor pordiosero (o + •strof.) (VNR n° 16 y 41; RGL n° S9 y 44; LTO pp. 249-250)

En Sevilla a un sevillano siete hijas le dio Dios; ha tenido la desgracia de que ninguna fue var6n. -Maldita seas, Maria, por venas del coraz6n, que has tenido siete hijas sin ser ninguno var6n, 5 y ahora tengo que a la guerra irme yo. -No diga eso, mi padre, no eche tal maldici6n, ....................... que a la guerra me voy yo. -Esos tus ojos, mi hija, son de hembra, no de var6n. -Estos ojos, el mi padre, bajados los traigo yo. 10 -Y esas tus manos, mi hija, son de hembra, no de var6n. -Estas manos, el mi padre, guantes les pongo yo. -Y esos pechos, la mi hija, son de hembra, no de var6n. ........................... -Los apreto col jib6n. Se cogi6 el caballo y todo y a la guerra se march6. 15 Siete aiios estuvo en la guerra, ninguno lo conoci6, pero el ultimo ya el hijo del rey se enamor6 de aquel soldao. [Un dia la llroo a corrn caballos, pero cuando ll llego, eUa ya volvia pa' atras. La llroo a las timdas a comprar, y ella no u enamoraba tU nada, nada masque th cosas th hombres. Le pr•gunto a SU, madre:] -Llevala tu, el mi hijo, a las pozos a nadar, que ella si ha de ser mujer nose ha de querer desnudar. Un pie tenfa en el agua· y se puso a llorar. 20 -Lloro que mi madre se ha muerto y mi padre van a enterrar.

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Ya la mand6 pa' casa, cuando un dfa el la fue a buscar. [Prro lkvaba aeompaiiamirnlo. Y il iba tU ci•go. Y marcho al pu•blo atlonu •lla •staba. Lugo a casa u •lla. u msnianm. Y •lla k bajo un trozo u pan. P•ro ll l• cogio la mono. Y k dijo: -Oh, qui atrroitlo •s usud,, ffU6 m. cog• la mono. Coja usti •l pan. Y rntonc•s k die• ll qiu k f,ura a their por tlonu iba salia.] -Mire, vayase uste derecho, derecho a aquel pino. -Vayase uste delante, que yo no me endilgo. -iCoidao con el ciego, el ciego Remiro, 25 por fuera rizado y por dentro florido! [Die•: u vmgo a buscar. Y s• lo fueron a uci,r a los padres y se caso con .ua.]

Flores 'J Blancajlor (i-a) (VNR n° 14; RGL n° 69)

Iba el conde y la condesa juntos a una romeria. [u mataron •l ma.rid.a. Dieron a luz m un dia. Y k cambiaron al nino.] -),and ash (z) as such, in scanning the Gospel of Luke in Old English. This training mode is useful not only for standard characters from the alphabet of a certain language, but also for characters that are consistently difficult to recognize throughout a text, as in the case of the confusion between the "{" and the "f' noted above. Regarding the amount of time required to scan texts with OmniPa,g• and the difficulty involved in doing so, I offer the following comments. In a book with good quality typeface and the other characteristics noted above, I have been able consistently to average about 150-250 pages (75125 scans of facing pages) per hour. Factors that affect the scan rate are, of course, the quality of the printed text, the configuration of the computer, and the physical layout of the pages. Concerning the

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computer: a 486DX2-50 with 8 MB of RAM should be sufficient, and users of Pentium machines will obviously notice increased speed. Concerning the page layout: most researchers will want to eliminate from the electronic corpora all footnotes and page numbers. They can do this at the scanning stage, by choosing to "recognize" only the body text. It does take more time to identify the body text in each scan, but OmniPage can be set to recognize the same portion of the page from scan to scan, if the page numbers and footnotes are always in the same place. Alternatively, one can have OmniPage recognize all the text on the page, and then manually·edit out all unwanted material with a word processor. The steps required to set up OmniPage for scanning and then to make multiple scans are not complicated. Before scanning the first page, one has to identify the language of the text, the type of scanner, and the size of the page (legal, letter, A4). One also decides whether to scan in multiple pages and then save all of them together (the fastest option), or whether to save page by page (very slow, but the safest option). The user also chooses to have OmniPage automatically adjust for the darkness of the printed text (the slowest option), or can choose to set the intensity at the beginning, and then manually change the setting for especially light or dark pages. OmniPage provides the advantage of being able to change any of these settings between individual scans, which some other packages do not allow. Unless the page darkness changes markedly from page to page and one is forced to adjust manually for this (i.e., automatic brightness adjustment is not chosen), and unless one decides to identify manually the regions for OCR on each page, then OmniPage can often recognize the contents of the page in just a bit more time than it takes to flip to the next page. Once the pages have been scanned, OmniPage saves the contents to disk in one of several wordprocess~ng formats, including ASCII, RTF, WordPerfect, Word, etc. The next step is to edit the texts. I have found WordPerfect 5.1 for DOS to be ideal, because of its ability to handle large files (1-2 MB), its speed vis a vis Windows word processors, and its simple macro programming, which greatly simplify repetitive search and replaces. For example, I have created a macro that looks for characters that OmniPage was unable to recognize (usually replaced by a"-" sign), and then corrects them in one of several ways, depending on a one or two keystroke sequence.

Analyzing the text (with WordCruncher) To perform complicated proximity and Boolean searches on text data, it is necessary to search the corpora with a text retrieval and analysis program. There are several such products available, but I have found WordCruncher to be the most powerful, at least for my particular needs.

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In order to search the texts with WortlCninclaw (using its "WCView" module), the texts must first be indexed by WortlCninclaw (using its "WCindcx" module). To prepare the texts for indexing11 one needs to insert codes to identify page and paragraph divisions, although WortlCrunclaw can often do this automatically. On a 486DX2-50 PC, WortlCrunchn- can index a file of 500 KB in just over a minute. The indexing program creates a frequency count of each individual word in. the text, but more importantly, creates an index of the location of each individual occurrence of every word in the text. Once the every-word index exists, the WCView module can search the texts. Its fast yet advanced search capabilities are one reason that WortlCrunclaw has gained some measure of popularity in the humanities computing community. Consider an example from my 1,650,000-word corpus of Old and Middle Portuguese texts: WortlCrunchn- searched for every instance of the object pronouns "me", "te", " nos", "vos", "lhe", and "lhes" (25,000 cases) immediately followed by any forms of the verbs "poder", "dever", or "querer" (16,000 cases). All of the forms of the verbs had previously been identified, and a file had been generated that contained the location of all of these 16,000 cases. The ability to save search results in files and later to combine them is one of the most useful features of WortlCrunch6r. Once the pronouns and verbs were selected, WortlCmnchn- was able to find all 1000 + cases of a pronoun immediately foil owed by one of these three verbs in just two-tenths of one second. WortlCmnchn- then searched for all cases of these 1000 + constructions in which they were immediately followed by any infinitive (57,000 cases). This search, which resulted in 689 "hits" (on phrases such as "lhe quero falar", "me devem pagar", etc.) took another four-tenths of one second. Besides simple proximity searches of the type just described, one can also perform more complicated Boolean searches that include multiple combinations of "and", "or", and "not". Once all the relevant examples are found, WortlCrunclaw can also provide distributional information, including the number of examples in any "range" of dates, topics, or texts previously identified by the user (e.g. "1200s", "religioso", El Corbacho, etc.), and compare this against the expected number of examples in those ranges. The examples can also be sent to a printer or to a file, either as a list of references only, or with the examples preceded and followed by any given number of lines of text. In addition to these searching capabilities, of WortlCn,,ncMr possess many other features, such as the ability to create different types of concordances.

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Conclusion In summary, there already exist various powerful computer tools that permit researchen to create their own electronic corpora of texts. There are a number of OCR and text retrieval and analysis programs in addition to the two discussed here-OmniPag.r and WortlCrunchn. Depending on researchen' interests and resources, one of the competing products may be more suited to their particular needs. Regardless of the specific package used, however, a researcher can, in a matter of one or two days, scan a book-length text and then perform complicated searches on it. As humanities researchers become more skilled in creating and disseminating electronic corpora, the quantity of computer-based resources available to us as an academic community will expand significantly. Product Information: OrnniPa.g.rProfessional, Version 5.0 is available directly from Caere Corporation (l-800-462-2S7S) at a list price of $695.00, but also from software distributors at discounted prices around $400.00 WortlCrunchn is available only from the publisher, Johnston and Associates (l-812-SS9-9996), which offers an academic discount price of $299 for DOS venion 4.6 and $S99 for a new Windows version. The Windows version is still in development, and at present lacks some of the more powerful search features of the DOS version.

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Spain-A Story of NoJions. Version 1.5. Available directly from Pacific Odyssey, 4S5 Bark Drive, Redwood City, CA 94065. Phone orders: (415) 508-8Sl4. FAX orders: (415) 598-9919. List price: $129.00 (single copy), $249.00 (five copies), $450.00 (network site license). Requires: IBM PC 486, 8 MB RAM, 6 MB hard disk space, Windows S. l or later. The plummeting prices of high-powered PCs and the arrival of Windows 95 will soon make real multimedia instruction affordable for most undergraduate programs. Indeed, it's surprising that more Windows educational software isn't already available. Programs like Spain - A Story of NoJiom give some idea of the current limitations - and tremendous potential - that multimedia instructional software presents. Pacific Odyssey advertises this program as "a college-level interactive software product targeted for the Spanish Language or Spanish Studies curriculum. The software provides a unique graphical and interactive view of the history and geography of the Spanish nation. Historical text, maps, charts, and tables are easily referenced that cover the entire history of Spain from the first people of Iberia to today". This description is basically accurate, with the important qualification that all the materials are in English. The "graphical and interactive" elements of this program are its best features. It makes excellent use of the standard Windows interface. The program installs almost automatically and the subsequent menu screens are so easy to follow that the accompanying help module is hardly necessary. The program relies entirely on point and click navigation with a mouse to move between the text and graphics components of its three subject areas: history, geography, and royal genealogy. The links between components function virtually instantaneously on a 486 PC with the recommended 8 MB of RAM. All the tables, maps, and charts use vibrant colors and an intuitive layout. The historical text segments are brief, but comprehensive and up to date. An obvious limitation of this program is its lack of pictures or sound: it doesn't even include any line drawings or tinny music. The section on royal genealogy is well-done, but no substitute for a few pictures. Moreover, the text is not especially well-written: the diction ranges from the awkward (as in the last line of the blurb quoted above) to the confusing (as in a sentence that mentions "two main political factions - _the Republicans and the Nationalists· - led by Francisco Franco", where mispunctuation makes Franco the leader of both sides). Some of the links misfire: clicking on the town of Caspe from the map of Aragon always produces text describing the town of Sangiiesa. Ultimately, when this program costs two or three times as much as a typical CD-ROM encyclopedia like Microsoft's Encarta, it's hard to justify

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spending so much for a product that's not really "multi-media" and also suffers from poorly written text. Nonetheless, Spain - A Story of Nations offers a tantalizing example of the possibilities that exist for packaging data very attractively as Windows "courseware". Mark D.Johnston Chicago, Illinois e-mail: [email protected]

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Gt-awa1'1Gld for WordPerfect 6.1 for Windows, Spanish language version. Availablefrom Novell Corporation. Information and orders: 1-800 4515151. Cost: $99 to registered WordPerfect users. Requires: S86 PC or better, 6 MB RAM, S2 MB hard drive space (for full installation), Windows S.l or better, and Spanish version of WordPerfect 6.1 for Windows. An English-language grammar and style checker first appeared

some 10 yean ago. G,-a,nmatili for the CP/M operating system, a predecessor of MS-DOS, checked text against a categorized dictionary of wordy, obtuse, sexist, and jargon-filled words and phrases. At present there are to my knowledge four programs that assist writers of English both by checking against a dictionary of problems and errors, and by limited sentence and punctuation analysis. These are: Grammalilc(now owned by WordPerfect), Corr•cl GramWUJr, which I use regularly and which is now owned by WordStar, RightWntn- (which my wife uses regularly), and MLA's Editor. A comparison of these programs is outside the scope of this review. Since I write in Spanish and despite my best efforts make embarrassing mistakes in agreement or usage, and because I long for a way to automate the correction of routine errors in student compositions, I have long awaited such a program for Spanish (one for French has been available for some time). I have inquired in Spain of many vendors, and checked the ads in Spanish computer magazines. Finally I concluded that such a program would probably be developed in the U.S., as Spanish spelling checkers and translation software have been. (Does anyone remember Escnbiin, the first Spanish-language spelling checker? I am proud to say I bought the first copy sold, and later sold it to Tony Cardenas.) WordPerfect added a Spanish language spell checker and thesaurus (dictionary of synonyms and antonyms) with version 5.1. Publishers of computer-assisted translation programs offer programs that provide online display of grammatical rules and verb conjugations. Yet until November 1994, when the Spanish version of Grammalilc was released, there has never been a program that checked and corrected Spanish usage and grammar. If anyone knows of any other product I would be most grateful for information. As has been the case with spell checkers, that were originally accessories produced and sold by independent companies, style and grammar checkers have been purchased by major software publishers and incorporated in their programs. When WordPerfect acquired Grammatili in 199S, I suspected that here might be my solution. German and French versions of Gramma.tilc are for sale. A Spanish-language Grammatilc was soon listed as forthcoming in WordPerfect's product database (what their

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order-takers use), but it was never released, and the release date was constantly pushed back. In March of 1995 I investigated its status, and after two days of phone calls, which went up as high as the head of International Marketing for Novell Consumer Products, I did locate the Spanish G,-a,nmatili. The Spanish version of G,-ammalili is available only as part of the Spanish language version of WordPerfect for Windows (WPWIN) 6.1. It is NOT included in the optional Spanish language modules for WPWIN or WPDOS (although I urged Novell to reconsider this). Nor it is available for any other platform; the Spanish versions of WP 6.0 for DOS and Windows include only the English-language G,-a,nmalili. (Even though this version of Grammatili bears the revision number 6.0a, this does not mean that it was a part of WP 6.0; WP 6.0 included English Gra,nmalili 5.0. Spanish Grammalili 6.0 is the first version.) Plans for WP for DOS 6.1, English or Spanish, have not been announced. Because of the costs of supporting constantly changing file formats from a variety of word processors, the Spanish Gra,nmalili may never be released as a standalone product, according to Novell. Since the Spanish-language WPWIN 6.1 must be purchased through Novell's International Division, I add that the person who took my order, after instructions from the Novell department head already mentioned, was Becky Nichol, at 800 451-5151. The price for a registered user of any version of WP is $99. The English version of WPWIN 6.1 can also be purchased for this same price. Stand-alone Grammalili was itself going to cost $99, and one also has the benefit of the spelling checker, hyphenation module, and if wished, the menus and help files in Spanish. Stated hardware requirements include 6 Meg of memory. A full iostallation requires S2M of disk space; a minimum installation half of . that, llut omits G,-ammalili and the spell checker. Also required are Windows S.l or Windows for Workgroups S.11, and a VGA monitor. A mouse is described as optional, and mouse functions can be duplicated from the keyboard. Yet I have not found an exhaustive discussion of how to do this, and have yet to find how to access some very basic functions of the program without using the mouse. I tested it on a Gateway 486 4DX2-66V with 8 megabytes of RAM, using MS-DOS 6.0 and Windows S.l. The program runs slightly slower on this·machine than does WP 5.1 on a S86SX-16. The instructions nowhere explain how to install two different language versions of WPWIN on the same machine. I ran the install program for each with the default installation and the redundant program files overwrote themselves, so I ended up with approximately what I wanted, a single copy of shared program and font files, but both dictionaries, both Grammalilu, and help files and templates in both

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languages. To change the language of menus and help files requires exiting and restarting the program. One should note that according to the License, the program is sold "As Is". Technical support is offered on a "reasonable efforts basis only", and the ability to fill support requests (i.e., to provide answers to questions and solutions to problems).is specifically disavowed. It did not surprise me to find that the program is buggy, getting hung in loops, and crashing several times with messages such as "GKWIN60 caused a General Protection Fault in module GKWIN60.EXE at 0001:8S5S". The latter required resetting the computer. This is the program that has finally forced me to use Windows, which until now I have succeeded in avoiding. While WPWIN will import files from a variety of word processing file formats, and export the output back to them, the Spanish Grammatili must be run from within WPWIN. Those unfamiliar with Windows, and WPWIN in particular, should expect to spend time learning new commands, new key assignments, and puzzling out by trial and error the new ways to carry out familiar tasks, since the many changes are not always addressed in manuals and help files. Familiarity with WP 6.0 for DOS or Windows, with which WPWIN 6.1 shares file and macro formats, will make the process quicker. How long this will take I cannot say; my problems are not all resolved. WPWIN 6.1 does indeed come with many new and helpful features. Note that, as with the Spanish dictionaries of WP 5.1 and 6.0, Spanish text must be identified with a language code marker; the default language is always English, even in the Spanish version of the program. The insertion of this code at the beginning of every document can be automated. As a quick guide to the capabilities of the Spanish Grammatilc,the following is a list, exported from a help screen, of the classes of errors that the program flags. The errors of alphabetization in this list are present in the original, and an example of the unpolished air that the program often exhibits. For each type of error there is a discussion with examples of correct and incorrect usages. As reference works, the program cites F. Corripio, lncorr~cciones, dud.as y normas gramatical•s, J. Martinez de Sousa, Dudas y •f'Tores thl lmguaje, M. Seco Reymundo, Diccionario th dud.as y d.ificultatus th la lengua ~spanola, and L. Gomez Torrego, Manual th ~spanol cof'Tecto. It also claims, in word usage, to be fo~lowing the Real Academia Espanola. Accnto diacr(tico Abrcviaturas: usos incorrcctos Adjctivos: usos incorrcctos Advcrbios: usos incorrcctos Altcrnativas dcl usuario Altcrnativas autom,ticas dcl usuario

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Infinitivo I talianismos Latinismos Lcnguajc litcrario Marcas rcgistradas Mayusculas

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Softwa,-, R,vilws Anglicismos Ap6copc Arca{smos Catal,n. Gallego. Vasco Coloquialismos Comicnzo de Crase repetido Comparativo y Supcrlativo Com plemcntaci6n verbal Concordancia Concordancia: adjetivos espcciales Concordancia: otros casos Concordancia: pronombrc Concordancia: sujeto-verbo Concordancia: sustantivos especialcs Deque{smo Dcterminantes: usos incorrectos Escritura de los numeros Expresiones incorrectas Exprcsiones preferidas Extranjerismos Galicismos Grupos preposicionalcs Hom6nimos

121 Nombrcs gcogr,ficos Oraci6n demasiado larga Ordcn de palabras Ortografla Palabras repetidas Palabras scparadas Palabras scxistas Palabras superfluas Puntuaci6n incompleta Participio: usos incorrectos Poscsivo: usos incorrectos Posible confusi6n de significados Prcposicioncs: usos incorrcctos Pronombre: lo(smo, la(smo Pronombrcs: usos incorrectos Puntuaci6n Puntuaci6n y conjunciones Parrafo Rcdundancia Ticm po verbal Verbos: usos incorrcctos Voz pasiva

In the Grammatili help files there are discussions of each of these categories of rules, together with examples. The application of each type of rule can be turned on or off at will, permanently or temporarily. Their application can also be chosen through a menu of writing styles, each of which includes a profile of relevant rules and quantitative criteria: Ortograffa plus, Verificaci6n rapida, Verificaci6n exhaustiva, Texto formal, Texto no formal, Tecnico, Period{stico, Comercial. These rules are understandably chosen thinking of the needs writing a second language. Native speakers apparently do not make mistakes in the use of ser and estar, or write "quiero voy a casa", so these types of errors are not treated. Usage of the subjunctive is also missing. The program, which incorporates a sentence parser, is good at finding errors in adjective-noun and verb-subject agreement. "•Mi padres", "•Ia alma" (for "el alma"), and "•mi madre es hermoso" are flagged. However, it missed "•una estudiante malo", apparently because atudianu can~ of either gender. It will query the accentuation of homonyms (IHl, mi-mi), though "•se habla espaiiol" and "•no se como hablar el espaiiol" were ignored. It also failed on "•Voy a dar la palabra a la" (for "ella"), used by a panel member from eastern Europe at the Toronto AIH congress. Like every program of its class, Grammatili also queries many items that are correct. It can be used interactively, or a marked manuscript can be generated.

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In short, the program is, like its English siblings and cousins, an aid, not a panacea. Yet I anticipate using it regularly and am grateful that WordPerfect has finally brought it out. Daniel Eisenberg Florida State Univenity [email protected]

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REVIEWS• Armistead, Samuel G. and Joseph H. Silverman. J'IUUo-SpanishBallad.s from Oral Tradition. II. CarolingianBalla& (1): Ranc•svalus. With musical transcriptions and studies by Israel J. Katz. Folk Literature of the Sephardicjews S. Berkeley: U of California Press, 1994. x + 412 pp. ISBN 0-520-06572-7 This book is the third of a series, projected to reach a total of twenty volumes, dedicated to the authors' monumental collection of 1,485 JudcoSpanish ballads. In the previous volume, comprising six chapters, they studied seven text-types based on the Spanish epic. The present tome, the first one devoted to Carolingian ballads, consists of three chapters numbered 7-9 in order to emphasize that these ballads are also of epic origin. The three ballads studied here embody five text-types ultimately connected to the French epic and the defeat of the French at Roncesvalles; hence the subtitle. There is a substantial introduction (3-18), and each chapter begins with textual and musical transcriptions, as well as summaries keyed to synthetic Sephardic versions. A list of motifs precedes the detailed textual and musicological commentaries; unfortunately, this reviewer is not qualified to evaluate the latter. Chapter 7 focuses on the combined Almniqtu cuNarbona (i) + Rone~svalus (i) + Las bodasm Paris (i). The last is a novelesque ballad that also exists in Portugal, but the first two are exclusively Sephardic. Almniqtu derives from "Del soldan de Babilonia", first printed in 1550, and reflects only the first five of that ballad's 23 verses. InAlnan-iqw,a count fits out a fleet, takes it to France, and sails into the "sanjfr", which is too narrow for all the ships. In "Del soldan", the sultan fits out a fleet in order to attack Narbona, laying anchor at the port of San Gil. "Del soldan" continues with the imprisonment of count Benalmerique and his wife's attempts to ransom him with a series of offers. There are eight narrative correspondences between "Del soldan" and La Mon Ay,nnitll Narbonm, a thirteenth-century French epic, and the ballad's rhyme in f is identical to the related passages in that epic. Narbonne became useless to seagoing traffic after the collapse of a dam on the Aude river in 1320, but the ballad refers to that city as a functional seaport. This suggests that the ballad derives directly from the epic, and was sung continuously since the Middle Ages.

1

Two reviews authored by Ivy A. Corfis and Jerry Craddock and published in the last issue (23.1) of IA eor6niea also appeared unexpectedly in volume 17 of the Jouma/, of Hispanie Philolog,. Their publication in IA eor6niea was intended to ensure their swvival since the]ouma/, of Hispanie Philoloi,, for which they were originally commissioned under the care of the same Book Review Editor, had changed editorship, had not published an issue in over two years, refused to answer correspondence, and a·ppcared to be defunct. The Editorial Board apologizes to the authors and to our readership for any confusion.

C La t:anhuco.Ml.A Division on Medieval Spanish Language and Literature. 23.2 (Spring 1995)

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There arc two early venions of the Sephardic Ronusvall,s: a lengthy one that begins "Ya comien~an los franceses" (57vv.), and the more compact "Domingo era de Ramos" (18vv.). In the Sephardic poem, an unidentified speaker urges the fleeing French to return to battle. If the great count learns of their flight, he warns, the count will punish them with an elaborate curse. Spurred on by this warning, the French counterattack. The Sephardic poem corresponds to w. 3S-S8 of"Ya comien~an" and w. S-8 of"Domingo", but it does not depend directly on either. It combines verses from both, adding two features that they lack: the allusion to the "great count" and the curse. The "great count" probably rcfen to Charlemagne himself. Since the curse represents a formulaic migratory complex, it may constitute a later addition. Nevertheless, these two details may also be of epic origin, depending on a lost version more dosely related to the Ronusvall,s epic from which the ballad derives. Chapter 8 studies El cauliv,Tio tu Guannos (d-1), a variant of the early "Mala la vistes franceses". The sixteenth-century poem narrates the capture of Guarinos by the Muslims at Roncesvalles, his harsh imprisonment and subsequent escape. Very popular in the early tradition, the ballad is essentially Sephardic today. It exists in combination with other text-types, serving often as a prologue to El siufio tu dona Alda + IA miurt, tu don B,ltran. Armistead identifies no less than ten narrative features of epic provenance in the ballad. Those details are not brought together as a whole in any single epic, appearing only in part, and with variants, in seven versions of four chansons tu g1st1: the En/anus Vivun, the En/anus Ogur, the Cov,nans (or ChlvaJ.,ru) Vivun, and the Proven~l RonsasvaJ.s.Armistead notes a possible connection with Ogur l, Danois as well. Since the ballad does not depend on any single source, it must derive from a lost epic. Chapter 9 studies FJ,sumod, dona Alda (a-1) and IA miurt, tU don B,ltran (a-1). El stuiio survives only in the Sephardic tradition, and there is only one early vcnion, "En Pads est.a dona Alda" (1550). While in the company of her ladiesin-waiting, Alda falls asleep, has a terrible dream, and later receives news that Roland, her betrothed, has perished at Roncesvalles. The ultimate source for the story is an episode in the Oxford Roland where there is no dream and Charlemagne informs Aude of Roland's death. Although the rhymed r1mani1m1nts of the Roland include a similar dream, the Sephardic ballad has more in common with the Prov. Ronso.sva/,s,preserving several epic details that the version from 1550 changes or omits. Unlike that version, the Sephardic stress the high rank of Aida's companions. Furthermore, ballad and RonsasvaJ.s in the 1550 version the ladies-in-waiting ask Alda to tel~ them what is wrong when she wakes from her distressing dream; in the modern ballad and in Ronsasva/,sAlda asks them to interpret her dream as soon as she awakens. In the 1550 venion, Alda receives the news of Roland's death only sometime later; in the Sephardic ballad and in RonsasvaJ.s she learns of it immediately. In the 1550 version, Alda receives a letter; in the Sephardic poem a page brings her the news, thus paralleling RonsasvaJ.s, where a palmur,p,llmn or paj, docs the same. These correspondences notwithstanding, El stufio does not derive directly from Ronsasval.s. Aida's dream is much closer to the r,manum,nts of the Roland, and the rhyme in d,-, seems to be closer to them as well. IA mwrt, tu don B,ltran is still very popular in Northeastern Portugal and has been collected in Galicia, Leon, and Brazil, but in the Sephardic tradition it survives only as a fragment, serving as the conclusion to El siunotU dona Alda.

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The ballad was rather popular in the early tradition, existing in two forms: "Por la matall7.a va cl vicjo" and "En los campos de Alvcntosa". Briefly summarized, the two forms tell how the companions of the missing Don Beltran cast lots to determine who will return to look for the latter. All the lots fall to his elderly father, who finds him dead (in Roncesvalles), with seven lance wounds. The modem versions are closer to "En los campos" (40vv.) than to the shorter, less complete "Por la matan7.a" (2Sw.), but both early versions omit the modern description of Don Beltran's prodigious wounds: The sun shines through one, the moon through another, and a sparrow hawk flies through the smallest of them. Since a parody printed c. 1548 documents these wounds, the modem versions go back to a lost early version that also included them. The wounds may derive from some version of the Spanish Ronusvall1s epic, for such prodigious wounds have medieval counterparts in the French La morl du roi Artus and Chanson d'Asprnrumt, and in the Irish Tdin BoCuailng,. Although Beltran's name was not previously associated with Roncesvalles, it appears in the tenth-century Hagtu Frag,nmt,in the eleventh-century Nata Emilianms,, and in the fifteenth-century cpico-hagiographic legend of San Ginis tU la Xara. The first four Carolingian text-types studied in this book testify eloquently to the importance of the Sephardic ballad tradition, for it is the only branch of the pan-Hispanic Romaneno that preserves them today. At times the modem tradition is superior to the early tradition as documented during the sixteenth century, supplementing it considerably. The modern versions of El su,,io tu dona Alda arc more faithful to their epic antecedents than their sixteenthcentury congener. That may also be the case with Rone,svall,s and La mwrlt fM don B,llrtin, which derive from lost versions that were different from those that reached print, preserving narrative details that they lack. The relationship between the ballads and their epic antecedents is particularly instructive. Altnn"UJ'M M Narbtma is directly related to the thirteenth-century La Mort Apnni ti. Narbtm-M,which may have been sung continuously since the Middle Ages, for the ballad evokes conditions prior to the 1320s. El cautiv,rio tu Guarinos derives from a lost epic. Though related to two chansons tu g,su, El su,no tu donaAlda docs not derive exclusively from either of them. Rone,svalus derives from a lost venion of the eponymous epic that may have included narrative details that the modern ballad preserves. Besides testifying to the existence of epics that have not come down to us, and to the continuity that links the epic and the ballad tradition, these ballads make it perfectly clear that, like all orally transmitted poetry, epic poems existed in more than one form. The book concludes with an Appendix that brings together a number of profusely documented, illuminating supplementary notes (229-87), a thematic classification (291), a massive bibliography (295-369), eight indices (373-404), and a glossary (405-09). Twelve plates enrich this splendid book, to which it is impossible to do full justice within the present space limitations. The volume constitutes a watershed in Judeo-Spanish, ballad, and epic studies, and the Jewish Book Council of America has marked its distinction by honoring it with the Raphael Patai award. Manwl da Costa Fonus

Kent State University

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Hook, David. T#w Earlust Anhunm& NaJMs in Spain and Ponugal. Fontaine Notre Dame I. St. Albans, U.K.: David Hook, 1991. 25 pp. ISBN 0-9517564-0-0 Walsh,John K. &/.ic and. Liuralur•: Saint Tonbiw of Astorga and. his area sancta. Eds. Alan Deyennond and Billy Bussell Thompson. Fontaine Notre Dame II. St. Albans, U.K.: David Hook, 1992. SO pp. ISBN 09517564-1-9 . These arc the first two volumes in the "Fontaine Notre Dame" series published by David Hook at St. Albans. The volume by J oho K. Walsh is a posthumous work edited by Alan Deycrmond and Billy Bussell Thompson. Both of the volumes arc slim but each makes an important contribution to medieval Hispanism. David Hook, in Thi Et,,wst AnhurianNtJ11Ns in SJ,ainand Porlugal, reviews the heretofore accepted arguments for dating the appearance of Arthurian names, and hence the penetration of Arthurian materials, in the Iberian peninsula at about 1170. In 1170, we find allusions to Arthurian legend in verses by the Catalan troubadour Guiraut de Cabrera. 1170 is also the date of the marriage of Alfonso VIII of Castile to Eleanor, daughter of Henry II of England. It is widely held that after the marriage of Alfonso VIII, Arthurian material arrived in the Peninsula principally through the work of Geoffrey of Monmouth. Hook uses onomastic evidence from various collections of legal documents to support the conclusion that Arthurian names were known in the Peninsula before 1170. While he admits that the present study is far from exhaustive, the examples he provides do seem to establish a tradition of Arthurian names not only in Portugal and the Pyrenees, the two most often identified regions as entrance points in the Peninsula for Arthurian onomastics, but also in Castile and Leon. Hook relies on printed collections of cartularies and other monastic and cathedral archives for his evaluation. He readily recognizes that these are not the types of collections usually studied by literary scholars, but also points out that the historians and linguists, who are often the most assiduous students of such collections, usually do not read them with an eye to literary allusions. He rightly reasons that the increasing availability of modern editions of medieval legal documents may prove a gold mine for literary scholars, and, I might add, not only in the field of onomastics but also as regards the Church's role in the control of properties and local economics, practical applications of customary and canonical law codes, as well as bequests of books and libraries as stipulated in dispositions of wills, etc. Hook cites occurrences of the names Artus, Martin Galvan, Guillem Artus, Merlin, Ciprian Galvan, Galvan, Martin Merlin, Artux, Sancho Galvan, Galvan de Carrion, Martin Galvan, Pedro Galvanez, La Galvana, Juan Galvan, and Galvan de Nivcla (the latter in an addendum to the main body of the text). He discusses, at length, the arguments surrounding the dating of the first occurrence of Artus, in the Cartulario of Tavemoles, as either 1122 or 1151. Hook concludes that the later date is probably the most accurate but, since the Artus cited is a witness to a property transfer, he must be assumed to be an adult, having thus acquired his Arthurian name some 20 to 80 years before. Thus, even if one accepts a date of 1151 for this document, it nevertheless

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constitutes evidence of an Arthurian name in the Peninsula several decades prior to the entrance there of the work of Geoffrey of Monmouth. The text of this document is included in its entirety in an appendix. In his discussion of the name Martin Galvan, which appears in the Coueeion doeummlal dll arehivo tU la eat,dral, tU Lion, Hook believes that the document in question may date from 1136 or 1139 by virtue of the individual cited as bishop of Lc6n at the time. If so, this reference would predate the 1151 occurrence of Artus. Furthermore, if we speculate that the name Galvan is actually a patronymic, recorded here without the Spanish patronymic suffix -,z., there are larger implications concerning the existence in Spain of an Arthurian-based surname at a date earlier than heretofore assumed. Other interesting examples cited by Hook include a document from 1186 in which a Portuguese man named Martin Merlin is cited as a witness. This occurrence predates the previously accepted date of 1190 for the initial appearance of Arthurian material in Portugal. Hook admits that his study of Arthurian names actually raises more questions than it answers. For example, even with accurate dating of the documents under study (the precision of which is often debatable), it is still impossible to determine exactly how long Arthurian material had been known in the Iberian peninsula. Also, since the earliest occurrences of Arthurian names arc found in Catalonia, Castile, Leon, and Portugal, it is impossible to establish an initial point of penetration. Did the Arthurian legends reach different areas of the Peninsula from different routes, i.e., Western sea routes in the Atlantic and by way of the pilgrimage road to Santiago through the Pyrenees? Also, since the individuals in Hook's study come from a wide range of social classes and stations, his findings bring into question the commonly held theory that knowledge of Arthurian material was primarily restricted to the court. The second study in the Fontaine Notre Dame series, R,lie and Litn-atur,: St Toribiw and.his 'areasaneta' by John K. Walsh, is based on a lecture which Walsh delivered at Harvard University in March of 1988. As its title indicates, it is an investigation of the complex relationship between relics as powerful social, theological, and economic tools in the Middle Ages, and the generation and evolution of literary accounts of lives of saints. Although Walsh uses as his primary example the Vida or Estoria tU saneto Toribio tU Astorga (Bibliotcca Nacional MS 780 edited by Walsh and Billy B. Thompson in 1987), this study incorporates references to a number of other works including the Si,t, Partidas, Cantigas d., Santa Maria, Ponna cuMio Cid, El saenfieo cula misa, Vida cuSan Millan, Vida d, Santa Ona, Moe,datUs d, Rodrigo, and Ponna cuFWMn Gonz.duz.. Walsh first outlines the legend of the ark of relics which Saint Toribius, Bishop of Astorga, brought back to Spain from Jerusalem. These relics were first housed in Toledo but later moved to Asturias when Muslim invaders gained control of Toledo. The author sees the motif of the ark as a literary device which neatly linked the two great Christian causes of the Middle Ages-the Crusades to the Holy Land and the reconquest of Spain. Furthermore the transferral of relics, together with the movement of the scat of the Christian Church in Spain from the south to the north had a number of repercussions. The "new" homes of relics in the north became important stops, or detoun, along the Road to Santiago, which traversed northern Spain from east to west. Also, these sites both spawned literary accounts of the lives of the saints associated with the relics and/or led to the embellishment of already existing accounts. Walsh secs this literature produced in the monasteries of the Nonh

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as a commingling of various currents associated with the reconquest and the pilgrimage road to Santiago. As relics moved north, the literature associated with them incorporated elements from the epic legends of Castile and Leoncrusading heros, perilous journeys, and stashes of treasure. Saints' lives, composed in and around Astorga, were also affected by texts of French romance and the French hagiographic tales so closely aligned to adventure romance, by virtue of French influence along the pilgrimage route. Walsh sees the cult of Saint Toribius and his area as part of "whole row of shrine-cults" (17), the Spanish portion of which has often been overshadowed by studies on French sites and hagiography. The final section of this study focuses on the relationship between locus and poetry as it relates to hagiographic texts. Walsh argues that the literary works associated with relics were composed for recitation at the relics' site and were rarely performed elsewhere. It is important not to lose sight of the fact that texts such as the Estoria tU Sando Toribio, or Berceo's San Millan and Santa Oria were not, in their original form, portable. They were intended for performance at the place where the text's recipients had tangible evidence at hand of the saint and hiwher relics. Walsh sees the primacy of relics as central to an understanding of medieval geography: "There came a time, I think, when geography was marked principally by the places of relics, just as the calendar was divided by the great feasts of the saints" (21 ). The veneration of relics at a shrine was not only a way to win indulgences for one's sins but also occasioned a communal experience which was distilled and brought to life by the literary works composed to accompany that experience. This study's trajectory from the motif of the area in the story of Saint Toribius to its far-reaching final conclusions is both cogently argued and skillfully drawn. Connu L. Searl>orough University of Cincinnati

Ladero Quesada, Miguel Angel. Fisca/,idady pour real en Castilla ( 12-' 21369). Madrid: Editorial Complutense, 199S. 445 pp. ISBN 84-74914Sl-0 A los hispanistas dedicados al estudio de las lenguas y literaturas medievales de Espana, especialmente dentro de lo que fue la Corona de Castilla en los siglos XIII y XIV, el dtulo de este libro puede sonarles a algo alejado de sus intereses. No obstantc, puedc ser para ellos un instrumento de gran utilidad. Para llegar aver en que modo puede realizarse esa posibilidad, es necesario pasar primero por una descripci6n general del libro. Fisealidad, po9endoTristana

~rEVA REVISTA DE FILOLOGiA HISP ..\:~ICA ~ una publicacion Sffll~ral