La corónica. A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures, and Cultures [7.2]

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LA COR0NICA Volume 7, Nwnber 2 Spring

1979

ARTICLES Melibea's Demise: The Death of courtly Love (Daniel E. Gulstad) ••.••••• 71 The Several Faces of Ugliness in Medieval castilian Literature (Harriet Goldberg) ••••••••••••••••••.••••••••••••••••••.••..•••.•••••••••••••• 8O Structure and Ideology in the Libre de buen ~ (Anthony N. Zahareas) •• 92 NOTES

The Judea-Spanish Ranancero in Israel (Samuel G. Annistead and Joseph H. Silverman) •••••.••.•.••••••••••••••.•••••.•••.•.•.•••••••••••••••••• 105 Poema de Mio Cid: Rima y oralidad (J.M. Aguirre) ••.••••.••••.••••.••• 107 1 'CUchillo muy agudo: Was Don carnal a Jewish Ritual Slaughterer? (Edna Aiz enberg) ••••••••••••••••••••••.•••••••••.•••••••••••.••••••••••••• 109 ,Envi6 Mois6s una carta a la Trinidad? (Rimado, MS. E, 866ab) (Jos6 Luis coy) •••.•.•••••••••.•••.••....•••••.••••••••.••.•••••••••..•••.••••• 112 The Editing of Alfonsine Juridical Texts: Addendum (Robert A. MacDonald) ••.•••.••••••••••.•.•..............•........••....•..•.•.•...••••••• 119 CONFERENCE REPORTS

Macroconununity and Microcommunity in Medieval Catalonia torical Association, San Francisco, December 28-30, Burns , S • J • ) • • • • . . . . . . • • . • • • . • • . • • . . • • . • • • • . • • • . . . .

(The American His1978) (Robert I. . . . . . • • • • . . • • • • •• 12 0

BIBLIOGRAPHIES

Bibliography of the Libre de buen ~ Since 1973 (Eric w. Naylor, G. B. Gybbon-Monypenny and Alan D. Deyermond) •••••••••••••••••••••.••••••• 123 Bibliography of Medieval Spanish Literature (Courtesy of Oliver T. Myers) •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••..•.••••.••••••••••

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Book Review Bibliography (1978) (Harold G. Jones) .•..............•.•••• 141 BOOK REVIEWS John Esten Keller, Pious Brief Narrative in Medieval Castilian and Galician Verse (From Berceo to Alfonso X). Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1978. (Roger D. Tinnell) .............•..........•..••• 145

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Juan Ruiz, The Archpriest of Hita, The Book of True Love, ed. Anthony N. Park: The Pennsylvania Zahareas, trans. Saralyn R. Daly. University State University Press, 1978. (Steven D. Kirby) ••..•••••.••.•.••••• 146 ANNOUN'CEJ.tmTS • •.•••.••••••.•••••...•••••..•.••.•.••••••••.••.••••.•..•..•.•• 14 7

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71 ARTICLES MELIBEA' S DEMISE: Daniel

E. Gulstad,

THE DEATH OF COURTLY LOVE University

of

Missouri-Columbia

Melibea has been thorThe courtly love theme in the Comedia de Calisto~ oughly identified, with considerable discussion and difference of opinion as to its function in the work.l It has also been early observed that the deaths of Calisto and Melibea are in some respect reminiscent of those of certain and Thisbe, Hero and Leander, and perhaps Dido mythical lovers, such as ~ramus when abandoned by Aeneas.2 A close examination of the text suggests that an but an allusion to Pyramus and Thisbe (Act I, p. 36)3 is not a minor motif, important key to the author's unique treatment of courtly love within the gen114 eral theme that Am6rico Castro has identified as a "contienda literaria. Besides this overt allusion to Pyramus and Thisbe, certain important correlations between the circumstances of Calisto and Melibea and those of the of Pyramua and Babylonian lovers can also be cited.s For example, the families Thisbe had known each other for years, and as we learn from Melibea in Act XX, " ••• '1'6 (i.e., the parents of the Spanish lovers had known each other also: Pleberio] bien conosciste [a Calisto]. Conosciste assimismo sus padres e claro linaje ••• " (p. 196). Furthermore, as we shall see, the wall symbol so ingeniously employed by Rojas has a more than coincidental resemblance to the one which separated Pyramus and Thisbe. On the other hand, there is very strong evidence that, as Cejador notes, 6 Melibea the author had Hero in mind when he wrote Act XV of the Comedia, placing in a tower and making her suicide--like that of Hero--a plunge to earth. The analogy with Dido is less complete, but there is some similarity between Melibea and Dido in regard to their deliberate and reasoned decision to end their lives. All together, these reminiscences of ancient myths are far too numerous in the framing device of the drama to be considered trivial, and I shall attempt below to show that they play an important role. But first we must look at another problem. While discussing the structure of this work, it is necessary to distinguish the comedia from the Traqicomedia, for there were at least two, and probably three, steps in the creation of the work, each separated from the next by a span of several years. 7 'in other words, if one assumes that Act I, whether or not Rojas found it already written as he says, was at least revised bv him, and that the remaining fifteen acts of the Comedia were designed by him to complete a drama into which the first act would fit perfectly, then there are two major creative moments--the one in which Rojas conceived and wrote the first sixteen acts and titled the work Comedia de Calisto y Melibea, and the one in which Rojas alone, Rojas with collaborators, or some third individual or group, reThese modeled the sixteen-act Comedia into the twenty-one act Tragicomedia. are two very distinct creative moments, and it would be a fallacy to speak of the author's "intention" in regard to the Tragicomedia as if it were conceived as such from the beginning. Without taking any position as to the authorship, then, I shall carefully discriminate between the comedia and the Tragicomedia in terms of the probable intention of the author at the respective momenta of creation, and most of my arguments will concern the Comedia more than the Traqicomedia. Another matter that must be discussed in connection with the primary concern of the present essay is the technique of foreshadowing employed by Rojas. Few, in fact, are the events in La Celestina which, upon the reader's reflection, are not found by him to have been predicted, foreshadowed, or otherwise motivated. In the first scene of Act I (p. 34), Melibea classifies Calisto'& evidence that when she love as "ylicito" and its objective as "deleyte," clear later agrees to meet him she knows to what she is consenting. In the following scene, Calisto refers to Melibea's heart as "Pleberico" and alludes to Pyramua Digitized by

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72 and Thisbe (Act I, p. 36). It is noteworthy that putting these words in calisto's mouth makes him sound more affected than he later turns out to be. This could be explained as being merely the work of the "antiguo auctor" (p. 7), who is wordier than Rojas, but it is more likely that the author deliberately exCalis~o is playing the ~espondent/ecstatic courtly ploits a momen! in_which in order to introduce the tragic love theme by mention of lover to the hilt Pyramus and Thisbe, and to identify Pleberio by name as one intimately associated with her heart, as partial motivation of his final lament, and of course as the guardian of her honor. There is no question in Sempronio's mind either (nor does Calisto contradict him), when he hears of calisto's love, what the latter's intentions are, as is made clear by his suggestion that Calisto, who has called Melibea his god, desires to fornicate with his own deity (Act I, p. 44). In a subsequent passage (Act I, p. 58), Sempronio promises, jokingly, to bring Melibea "all the way to Calisto's bed," once again presupposing without being contradicted that such was Calisto's desire. There is even a crude, but realistic and humorous, instance in which P4rmeno construes the eager whinny of the stallion he is saddling for Calisto as a symbol of Calisto's intentions toward Melibea, and says: "lNO basta vn celoso en casa? ••• lO barrunt4s a Melibea?" (Act I, p. 124). There is also ironic humor in this remark,since up to that point calisto's worthiness to have himself equated sexually with a stallion is at least in question. During Celestina's first visit to Melibea, the supposedly naive virgin again reveals that she understands the nature of Calisto's passion, as well as the consequences of giving in to him, which as she describes them to Celestina sound like an augury of precisely the eventual outcome of their affair: "lOuerrias condenar mi onestidad por dar vida a vn loco? lDexar a mi triste por t6 el prouecho de mi perdici6n, el galard6n de mi yerro? alegrar a el e lleuar lPerder e destruyr la casa e la honrra de mi padre ••• ?" (Act IV, pp. 178-79). These words once more remind the reader that there can be only one outcome for in to passion, and that her "perdici6n" will not affect Melibea if she gives only her, but will destroy her father's honor and wealth as well. Although the augury is correct insofar as the perdition of Melibea and her parents is concerned, there is a pathetic irony in the fact that when Melibea does carry her eyes, romantic ·idealism to the extreme of committing suicide before her father's his grief is motivated only by selfless love, with no apparent concern about the loss of family honor. As for the question whether Melibea would give in to Calisto's desire, 11 Avnque al presente la ruegue, al fin me ha de rogar .•• 11 ••• Celestina promises: (Act III, p. 139), which is fulfilled to the letter in Act X: "Melib.--iO c6mo me muero con tu dilatar! Di, por Dies, lo que quisieres, haz lo que supieres, tan 4spero que yguale con mi pena e tormento. Agora que no podr4 ser tu remedio toque en mi honrra, agora dane mi fama, agora lastime mi cuerpo, avnque sea romper mis carnes para sacar mi dolorido cora~6n, te doy mi fe ser segura e, si 11 (p. 56). siento aliuio, bien galardonada There are also numerous passages which presage calisto's second tryst with Melibea and its fatal consequences (in the Comedia). The wall and the ladder are used to evoke images of the impregnability of Melibea's heart: "Pues paned escalas en su muro: vnos ojos tiene con que echa saetas, una lengua de reproches although metaphorically referring to Melibea's e desuios ••• 11 (Act VI, p. 221): defenses and suggesting Cupid's arrow, this is also a motif foreshadowing the actual scaling of Melibea's wall (in addition, of course, to the clear sexual symbolism, unflattering to Calisto). Again, when Sempronio admonishes Calisto to be more patient, on the day preceding the first conversation with Melibea que se concluya en through the wall, he uses the following words: "Si tu pides harto, no es mucha tu vida" (Act VIII, p. 20). vn dia lo queen vn ano seria These words are a significant foreshadowing of Calisto's death in less than forty-eight hours (in the Comedia) as a result of his impatience (if he had been content to court Melibea through the accepted means, openly, his accidental death would not have occurred). In another passage, Calisto says he fears that Digitized by

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73 " ••• me acontezca coma a Alcibiades or a S6crates, que el uno son6 que se veya e no houo quien le alembuelto en el manto de su amiga e otro dia mat~ronle, de la calle ni cubriesse, sino ella con su manto: el otro via que le ~asse llamavan por nombre e muri6 dende a tres dias ••• " (Act VI, pp. 219-20), which although uttered in relation to his receipt of Melibea's girdle, truly foreshadows his impending death. Although the subject of this essay is the love and deaths of Calisto and Melibea, the protagonists of the framing story, it seems useful to demonstrate that there is relevant foreshadowing of events involving the lowborn characters of the interwoven subplots as well. For example, the reader is forewarned that not defend Calisto on his first visit to Melibea by Sempronio and P4rmeno will their general behavior beforehand, but especially by Sempronio's remark to P4rmeno that if Melibea's invitation turns out to be a double cross, Calisto can Furpay the price: as for them, they have "buenos pies" (Act XI, p. 73). thermore, their third-person threat against Celestina, spoken when she was out "i ••• Gu4rdese del diablo, que sabre el partir no le saquemos el of earshot: alma!" (Act XI, p. 74), as well as Elicia's scolding Celestina about being on " ••• Trope~ar4s donde caygas e mueras [,] " (Act .XI, p. the street so late: 74), are preparations for the moment when the servants murder Celestina. Celesmoreover, is a tina's response to Elicia's solicitude (Act XI, pp. 74-75), presage of the same sort of overconfidence that is to be her undoing. The topic of death overall, and the likelihood of its imminence for the characters, has been suggested by Celestina's remark to Melibea: "Tan presto, senora, se va el cordero coma el carnero. Ninguno es tan viejo, que no pueda viuir vn ano ni tan mo~o, que oy no pudiesse morir" (Act IV, p. 170). Even the ignoble deaths of Sempronio and P4rmeno are described in the abstract beor fore the fact when Calisto, awaiting word from Celestina of the success failure of her first visit to Melibea, says: "Agora tengo por cierto que es m4s penoso al delinquente esperar la cruda e capital sentencia, que el acto de which besides alluding to capital punla ya sabida muerte" (Act v, p. 201), ishment also resembles Sosia's description of the two servants as "no longer feeling anything" at the moment of their decapitation (Act XIII, p. 110). The purpose of the foregoing was to establish the importance of foreshadowing as an artistic device in this work, in order to motivate interpretation of a particular instance of such foreshadowing which is an important key to the interpretation of Melibea's final scenes and Pleberio's lament. During the course of the speech in which Sempronio is warning Celestina to be careful on (Alisa and her first visit to Melibea, he says: "Melibea es vnica a ellos Pleberio): falt4ndoles ella, f4ltales todo el bien" (Act III, p. 140). It "falt4ndoles is extremely significant that Sempronio employs here the expression ella," rather than the seemingly more fitting "deshonrada ella," since the threat of Celestina and Calisto was to Melibea's honor, not to her physical loss of existence. It is also important to the plot that Melibea be "unica": one child would not be as devastating if there were siblings who survived. Clearly the author not only restricts the number of children in Pleberio's family for a reason, but he also wishes to make absolutely certain that the reader realize the importance of Melibea's being an only child. It is equally important that Calisto have no one to grieve for him, for if he did this would adversely counterbalance Pleberio's grief, hence Calisto is portrayed as living alone, except for his servants, with no evidence of surviving relatives. In summary, it was determined early in the work that Melibea was not to survive and that her absence was to bring devastating grief to her parents. This returns us to our original thesis: that Rojas began his drama with a definite framing device in mind, which was probably a composite of myths in lo~er, when separated from the male lover, either by death or which the female abandonment, ended up taking her own life. We could almost restrict the hypothesis to include only those cas~s where the male lover preceded the female in death, of which the most noteworthy examples are Hero and Leander and Pyramua and Thisbe, but because of the traditional importance in medieval literature of the story of Dido, and because Melibea's final speech is somewhat reminiscent Digitized by

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of

that of Dido, we can not exclude this possible influence. At the beginning of this essay it was noted that the wall in the Comedia de Calisto y Melibea may have as one of its origins the wall of the legend of Pyramus and Thisbe. This possibility grows stronger, I think, when one takes into consideration the metaphorical use of the term !!!!!!_Q, previously alluded to, in which there is a double-entendre between "defenses" and "hymen. 118 The object of Calisto's ardor is to penetrate Melibea's defenses, but the varied symbolism of penetration directed toward the figurative wall in Calisto's lament (Act VI, p. 221) also clearly symblizes Calisto's frustration in his failure thus far to breach the membrane that stood between him and physical relief from his sexual desire. It is appropriate that symbols of the hymen should play an important role in a work whose most striking personage is a "maestra de fazer ••• virgos" (Act I, p. 70), the need for which is indicative of the overriding importance of this physiological evidence of maidenhood. It might be added, also, that Calisto's view of Melibea's defenses in terms of objects usually indentified as phallic symbols, shows the skill of the dramatist in creating a subjective image of an indecisive, quasi-impotent male, who perceives the object of his affections as having assumed the masculine role of defender of her honor and aggressor. Another function of the wall in the Comedia is to keep the lovers apart on Calisto's first night visit to Melibea's garden, but to allow them to communicate verbally, just as the wall of the myth permitted Pyramus and Thisbe to communicate their love, but not to consummate it. At this meeting Melibea's other defenses have been overcome by the persuasive powers of Celestina, all that stands now is the real wall, but for Calisto this existential wall is a symbol of the psychological block of all his earlier feelings of inadequacy, which he has yet to overcome. A resourceful lover would have foreseen the inconvenience of this obstacle and provided himself with a ladder, but self-doubting, adolescent Calisto has not. In fact, he is so prepared to find himself "burlado" (Act XII, p. 82) that when Melibea, playing the changeable female, greets him by asking him to leave, he replies: "A los cora~ones aparejados con apercibimiento rezio contra las aduersidades, ninguna puede venir que passe de claro en claro la fuer~a de su muro [once again using the image of the wall, applying it to himself as evidence of his vulnerability, as if assuming the female anatomy in his subconscious image of himself, and seeing himself as the violated one). Pero el triste que, desarmado e sin proueer los enganos e celadas, se vino a meter por las puertas de tu seguridad, qualquiera cosa, queen contrario vea, es raz6n que me atormente e passe rompiendo todos los almazenes en que la dulze nueua estaua aposentada" (Act XII, p. 83). In other words, ready to abandon his attempt to penetrate her "puertas" at the first discouraging word, he is ready to succumb to heartbreak. After this outburst has overcome Melibea's last bit of resistance and she has revealed her true feelings, Calisto threatens to risk everything by having his servants chop down the "puerta" (Act XII, p. 86) (he does not offer to do so personally). Despite whatever bluff there is in this, we are witnessing here a degree of change in Calisto. For him to have scaled the wall and achieved his final objective this first night would have been too sudden a reversal both of his lack of aggressiveness and of his good fortune, but this night is the turning point. The return on the following night is the climax, both in the development of Calisto as a character and in the literal orgasmic relief of the lovers' mutual desire. For Calisto, the story must end here, or an anticlimax will result. At least in the case of Calisto, therefore, the interpolations of the Tragicomedia distort his personality and damage the integrity of the work. But the death of Calisto was not one of grief-inspired, ironic suicide, as in the case of Pyramus. Instead, as with Leander, Calisto's death was accidental, and it took place under conditions which elicited a feeling of guilt in Melibea (he died while hastily leaving her side: Leander died trying to reach Hero), as Leander's did in Hero. Moreover, Melibea's suicide was effected by throwing herself from a tower, a transparent imitation of Hero's death. One

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might consider this analogy coincidental or superficial if it were not forcer(Act XX, p. 191), tain other details, among them the single reference to "nauios" which have been inserted primarily to evoke an image of a tower overlooking an expanse of water, imitative of the Hellespont, over which Hero's tower loomed. 9 To those who prefer to interpret La Celestina as a moral work, Melibea's suicide is an embarrassment, lO while for those who wish to defend the work as rooted in castilian tradition, the suicide must be conceded to be an anomaly. 11 Melibea mentions that Calisto died "sin confessi6n," but attributes his unshrishows no real concern for the state ven death to "las hadas" (Act xx, p. 197), of his soul, and in a very pagan manner, reminiscent of the Classics, goes on sin dito say: "Su muerte combida a la mia, conbidame e fuerc;a que sea presto, iO mi amor laci6n, muestrame que ha de ser despenada por seguille en todo. e senor Calisto! Esperame, ya voy: detente, si me esperas: no me incuses la tardando esta vltima cuenta a mi viejo padre ••• " (Act XX, pp. 197dan~a que hago, 98). Those who wish to interpret this scene within either Christian or Jewish tradition have always been obliged to seek some extremely involved or recondite explanation,12 whereas a much more straightforward explanation is that the mention of confession in this scene, like all such invocations in the work, is purely formulaic, a means of maintaining a rapport with the late-[ifteenth century reader, while the behavior of the character is drawn directly from the Classical environment being simulated, in which reunion in the underworld for fornicators and suicides does not imply fire and brimstone. Melibea has stated: " Seremos juntos yo e aquel mi querido amado Calisto" (Act XX, pp. 191-92). It is unnecessary to look beyond the Classical models to see why Melibea opts to join her lover in death, and it is a fallacy to assume that because Rojas lived in fifteenth-century Spain this work, one which deliberately avoids being set in a definite time or place, is meant to depict characters out of contemporary Spanish society, without endowing them with more universal traits, creatively selected from the author's literary erudition. All speculation as to the ethnicity of the various characters aside, an otiose pursuit at best, Melibea's suicide clearly falls within the tradition of mythical heroines who choose to die rather than live without their departed lover, and in this tradition, with a license similar to that with which Renaissance poets people their poetry with pagan gods and heroes, Rojas chose as a framing device for his dramatic work the Classical theme of young lovers whose romance ends in the death of the hero and the suicide of the bereaved heroine. From a strictly structural point of view, Melibea had to die in order not to leave the weave of the plot with a loose end dangling at the end of the play. If this were the only reason for having her commit suicide, however, then it would be legitimate to ask why she could not be eliminated by some other form of death more in keeping with Spanish tradition. Under the assumption that her suicide was merely a means of terminating her life for artistic ends, one would have to say it was much more believable in the Comedia than in the Tra~icomedia, since romantically inspired acts of transported self-immolation are Ii elier at the earlier stages of an affair of this sort than after a month of secret rendezvous. If Melibea's death had been inspired only by blind, selfish passion, however, then she would not have shown the understanding and true compassion that she showed toward her father, saying: "Gran sinraz6n hago a sus canas, gran She is, ofensa a su vegez. En gran soledad le dexo" (Act xx, p. 192). rather, a tragic figure, impelled by destiny, keenly aware of the effects of her behavior on others, truly compassionate, but unable to act out of character. If Pleberio had assailed her with recriminations, turned his back on her, threatened her with grave punishments, then her suicide would have been easier, an escape from retribution and an act of filial defiance, but Pleberio's calm willingness to accept whatever has happened without reproach clearly eliminates the motivations of escape from retribution and defiance of authority. The interlude with Calisto has opened Melibea's eyes. She never had been the naive child her parents had assumed she was, but she has now suffered an extreme crisis which has given her a brief but indelible experience of life on a Digitized by

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more universal plane. In platonic terms, she has seen the bright world outside the dark cave of her past experience, and she knows she can not return. It is this sad awareness that makes her death tragic. She has become an altogether different person, who would no longer fit into the world that so recently had been her own world, the traditional world that her parents lived in: they would try to understand and would be forgiving, but no true reconciliation with that world is now possible. It is not by accident that Melibea is placed on the roof, overlooking Pleberio, when she gives him her final farewell, nor is she being impertinent in instructing him not to interrupt her speech (Act xx, p. 195). The rooftop symbolizes the pedestal upon which she has stood in her father's eyes, the pedestal from which she is about to precipitate herself. Pleberio is a good man, an obviously kind and gentle man, but he is also a personification of the world of affairs, where power and influence reign, a world of rigid traditions, of social stratification, of prescribed behavior. Melibea has the advantage of knowing how her father is conditioned to think, what his arguments would be, as well as having her own expanded view of existence, within which all that is important to her father is seen by her to be valueless. Her time on earth could be extended by not committing the act she is about to commit, but what she now perceives as life ended with Calisto's death. Her one earthly opportunity to transcend a fixed world of materialism transpired along with her lover. Her Melibean purpose has been fulfilled, she is a goddess bereft of her only worshipper, to live on would be anticlimactic. Pleberio's idol and Calisto's god comes crashing down at Pleberio's feet. The pedestal is now empty. Melibea's plunge to her death is the last fall in the chronology of the work, but is nevertheless the model upon which the other "falls" take place. As is well known, Rojas employs duplication in characters and events as a means of adding depth and complexity, as well as perspective, to his work. 13 In many cases the model is presented with chronological anteriority to the copy, but in relation to the most important themes an even greater complexity is achieved by arranging duplications that temporally precede the elements being duplicated. Such is the case with the fall, which is interpretable only in relation to Melibea's final scene. The fall of Calisto precedes that of Melibea in time, but even though she speaks of the need to "despenarse" because Calisto had so met his end (Act xx, p. 197), it is clear that Calisto could have died in any of a number of ways, and very plausibly, such as by the hand of an overzealous constable who mistakes him in the dark for a dangerous criminal, or the like, whereas Melibea must die of a fall in order to fulfill her thematic purpose. In fact, the only reason at all that Calisto's fatal fall does not over-strain our credulity is the fact that he has by that time demonstrated such ineptitude that we can imagine him clumsy enough to fall off a ladder. For such a thing to have happened to Tenorio would be unthinkable, but of Calisto we can believe it. But simply because it is credible does not make it the most probable mishap to betide our hero, so one must still ask why he must die of a fall. The simplest answer, and the least tenable, is that the physical falls of Sempronio, P4rmeno, Calisto, and Melibea are symbolic of their moral fall. As we have seen, however, Calisto's death by falling off a wall is so unheroic as to introduce comedy into a tragic event, rather than one which would show the presence of divine wrath. For that purpose, a bolt of lightning would be much more effective than an accidental fall. When we consider the fall of Sempronio furthermore, also more comic than tragic, we are confronted by the and P4rmeno, paradox that when they arrived they were apparently able to stand at street level and tap on Celestina's window (Act XII, p. 95), but once they had killed her and, hearing the constable's patrol arrive, jump out a window in an effort to escape, the window now is high off the ground, as confirmed by their injuries and by sosia's testimony: " ••• Saltaron de vnas ventanas_muy altas ••• " (Act 13, p. 110). Now, if they were to be captured by the alguacil, brought to justice firs~? Obviously as an even and beheaded, why did they have to suffer a fall more ridiculous instance of the sort of fall that Calisto was to take, so that

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77 when mention is later made of calisto's brains being "repartidos por las piedras11 (Act xx, p. 197), this grotesque image would remind the reader that Sempronio and P4rmeno were, even in their manner of dying, caricaturesque duplilleua=ndo todos los sesos de la cates of Calisto, one of them also cabe~a de fuera ••• (Act XIII, p. 110). In other words, the fall of Sempronio and P4rmeno is a duplication of that of Calisto, which in turn is motivated by that of Melibea. This last assertion requires more evidence, however. Let us consider first the relationship between Calisto and Melibea. Calisto has said: "Por Dios la creo, por Dios la confiesso e no creo que ay otro soberano en el cielo ••• (Act I, p. 44), also creating a cult in which he is the sole worshipper: "Melibea so ea Melibea adoro e en Melibea creo ea Melibea amo" (Act I, p. 41). In jest, Sempronio reminds Calisto that his desire for physical lovemaking is a sacrilege under these circumstances {Act I, p. 44), a remark which not only amuses the reader but even makes Calisto laugh, against his will. In Act I this joke seems to serve no purpose other than to provide humor, unless it would be to show that even Calisto, whose courtly-love roleeve~ in his own eyes, is playing at that stage has become somewhat exaggerated capable of seeing the humor in his own behavior. But like almost every other detail of the Comedia, this seemingly off-the-cuff remark of SempLonio's takes on deeper meaning after the affair has been consummated (Act XIV), for now Calisto has indeed had carnal union with his goddess. In the Comedia Calisto falls and dies immediately after the act of consummation has taken place, in the Tragicomedia a month later. It is more fitting that he die immediately, but even in the Tragicomedia his death is not without meaning. However, in the Comedia Calisto has returned to Melibea's garden the second night with a new pair of servants, Sempronio and P4rmeno having been executed that morning, and with the knowledge that Celestina was dead and his own honor probably dead with her. In short, he had burned his bridges behind him for that one supreme moment of love. The author did not wish to tell the story of Calisto's later struggle to save his name, or whatever else might have ensued. He felt an obvious artistic need here to terminate calisto's life, but in such a way to symbolize what would have happened to him anyway. The ladder symbolizes the route Calisto took in reaching his Melibean goal, and the rungs he fails to negotiate represent his burned bridges: Celestina is dead, his honor compromised, he can not return to his old existence. His destruction is certain. By allowing him to die of a fall from this ladder, Rojas symbolizes all that would have happened to Calisto, and at the same time conveniently disposes of the character at a dramatic juncture, just as he had disposed of Celestina and the servants when they had fulfilled their roles. To summarize, although it is probably the fact that Melibea is destined to die of a fall that suggested to Rojas that Calisto's destruction be effected by this means, he then cleverly exploited the ladder as a symbol of the events leading up to the moment of consummation, thereby symbolizing that the course Calisto had embarked on was fatal and that there was no retracing his steps. This was necessary in the case of Calisto, because unlike Melibea, he neither had the intelligence to see this for himself, nor the courage and dignity to seek his own exit. It was up to the author to dispose of him. As mentioned at the beginning of this study, Calisto has been identified by most critics, at least in this century, as a fairly typical courtly lover,14 although it has been argued that he is a comic courtly lover who flubs his lines at times. 15 Melibea is not always considered typical of the duena, although there are numerous scenes in which most critics see her behavior as being in keeping with the tenets of courtly love. 1 6 Some critics see Calisto as a sort of Don Quijote of courtly love and Melibea as its Dulcinea.17 While none of these critics provide a comprehensive statement, a composite picture composed La of the more compatible elements of these various viewpoints seems to portray Celestina as a literary tour de force that synthesizes and parodies the various medieval genres, particul3rly the courtly-love theme, while introducing new techniques that herald in the modern age. However, because the critics are so divided over whether the work truly means to show the folly of those who in life 11

•••

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78 practice courtly love, rather than simply to parody a genre, it is difficult to include that aspect in such a composite. In this study we are not dealing with the internal structure of the work, so we need not comment on those aspects of the composite analysis that do not concern our interpretation of the framing story, which in most respects is quite compatible with this composite. If it is conceded that calisto's "madness" does not reach the reality-distorting dimensions of Don Quijote's, and that Melibea exists in the real world, with a character of her own, besides being an idealized literary abstraction in Calisto's mind, it can be acknowledged that Calisto is to courtly-love literature what Don Quijote is to the chivalric. On the other hand, such an interpretation of the framing story is overly simplistic. If Calisto is a comic character, Melibea is a tragic one. Only Melibea weeps for Calisto, but we all feel sadness at Melibea's death. The fact that Melibea sometimes assumes the role of the male courtly lover can not be explained merely as another parodistic twist, for her behavior is too well motivated by her own well-defined character to be interpreted as merely the compl&ment of Calisto's courtly-lover ineptness. In the present study, Melibea has been identified as on the one hand being modeled after the tragic heroine of certain ancient myths, and on the other representing a medieval lady who, rebelling against the life she must lead, finds an escape through an affair with Calisto, then, when confronted with the need either to rejoin traditional society or die, chooses death. In the denouement, Calisto, a mere vehicle for Melibea's break with her past, is sacrificed. All eyes now focus on Melibea alone, including those of her bewildered, anguished father. Melibea on the tower is a symbol of the medieval woman on her pedestal. In fact, she is a synthesis of the two medieval depictions of woman, for she stands there as the traditional lady, looked up to by her father in the conventional way, but she stands there also as a woman who has lost her virginity and, in theory, has been the perdition of a noble young man. These two medieval visions of womanhood step up onto the pedestal one last time, say their farewell, and plunge earthward. The medieval lady, courtly-love duena, as well as the medieval view of womanhood, has been dashed to earth. At least in the author's view, courtly-love literature is dead, and so are the values upon which it had thrived. NOTES 1. See June Hall Martin, the Parody of the Courtly Lover 143, for a thorough discussion works on the topic are mentioned tics, notably A. D. Deyermond, even, to a point, Sra. Lida de libea is well within the tradition wondering why it was necessary position more to Mrs. Malkiel's presents the facts entirely. 2.

See

F. Castro

"La Celestina," Revista Hist6ricos, 1924), pp. ramus and Thisbe): pp. that Menendez y Pelayo marks on Cejador's use

Love's Fools: Aucassin, Troilus, Calisto and p~71(London: Tamesis Books Limited, 1972), of the subject in which all important previous " ••• most criand discussed. She states that Otis Green, Erna Ruth Berndt, J.M. Aguirre, and Malkiel, agree that the love of Calisto and Me[of courtly love] " (p. 73). Except for to add the qualification "to a point" in regard than anyone else's, I believe this statement re-

Guisasola, Observaciones sobre las fuentes literarias de de Filologia Espanola, 5 (Madrid: Centro de Estudios14-17 et passim (on Hero and Leander): pp. 73-74 (on Py64-65 (on Aeneas and Dido). Castro mentions especially held the Hero and Leander source to be certain, and reof this theory.

3. All references to the text of La Celestina are to the following ediLa Celestina,ed. Julio Cejador y Frauca, 9th ed., tion: Fernando de Rojas, (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1968). Rather than cite the volume number, 2 vols. cite the act and the page number. A reference to Act XIV of the Comedia,

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79 however, excludes the italicized material in that act of the Cejador edition, and includes the unitalicized material in Act XIX of this edition. Since Cejador's use of orthographic accents is now out-dated, I have taken the liberty of updating it considerably in quotations. Aml!ric.o Castro, "La Celestina" come contienda literaria (Madrid: Re4. vista de Occidente, 1965),especially pp~-81. According to this theory, La Celestina not only depicts a moral and social contienda, but. also pits the medieval against the Renaissance stylistically, thematically, etc. It must be added, unfortunately, that the work is seriously flawed by ethnic explanations extrapolated from external Spanish history which are not only extraneous and speculative, but also extremely exaggerated.

5.

See note

6.

Act

2,

XX, p.

above. 190,

n.;

p.

199,

n.

See also

note

2 above.

7. For a detailed discussion of the filiation of early texts of both the Comedia and the Tragicomedia, see J. Homer Herriott, Towards~ Critical Edition of the "Celestina" (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1964). There is still much doubt and much controversy over which texts really ante-date which, and which stemma leads back most directly to the princeps. There is no certainty, therefore, as to the date of publication of the earliest edition of eiquo for the ther the Comedia or the Tragicomedia. Herriott places a terminus~ Comedia at 1446 (p. 9), and for the Tragicomedia at 1500 (p. 10). In other words, the two creative moments are separated by at least four years, and there is of course no telling when the work was actually begun. It is also important read, to bear in mind that the Comedia was already a widely distributed, widely and popular work by the time the Tragicomedia was first published. der,

8. A somewhat similar observation about appears in June Hall Martin, p. 83.

this

9. As commented observation (see

10. Bulletin (1967-68),

above, n. 2 and Act XX, p. 190,

n. 6, n.).

the Cejador

See Gerard J. Brault, "Interpretations of of the Pennsylvania State Modern Language 3-8, for some discussion of the question

wall,

also

y Frauca

including is

the

lad-

responsible

for

the Celestina, Old and New," Association, 46, Nos. 1-2 of the moral interpretation.

11. E.g., Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo, Or19enes de la novela, Nueva BiblioIII, p. 51, observes that teca de Autores Espanoles, 14 (Madrid: 1910), vol. "s61o aquel texto cl4sico [Musaeus' Hero and Leander] pudo sugerirle [a del suicidio ••• " (emphasis mine). RojasJ la idea tan EQ£Q. espanola 12.

two such, see Fernando Garrido Pallard6, Los problemas de Calisto el conflicto de su autor (Figueras: Ediciones Canig6, 1957), pp. Marcel Bataillon, "La Celestine" selon Fernando de Rojas (Paris: LibMarcel Didier, 1961), pp. 171-200. -

y Melibea 85-86; rairie

For ~

13. Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel, La originalidad artistica de "La Celestina" (Buenos Aires: Editorial Universitario de Buenos Aires, 1962), devotes a chapter to the subject (Chapt. 10, pp. 265-80), but she admits that Stephen Gilman, The Art of "La Celestina" (Madison: University of wisconsin Press, 1956), " ••• e&el primero en entrever el alcance de la geminaci6n come principio estructural de La Celestina, bien que se ha limitado a la geminaci6n de situaciones; vease •• • p4g-.41 y, sabre todo, p4g. 118 ••• " (p. 274, f .n.). 14.

See note

1,

above.

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80 "The Text-Book Mishandled: 15. Cf. A. D. Deyermond, Neophilologus, and the Opening Scene of La Celestina," June Hall Martin, pp. 73 ff. et passim. 16. Cf. Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel, pp. 441-45: tine" et sa descendance directe (Bordeaux: Institut Ibero-Americaines de l'Universite de Bordeaux, 1973),

45

Andreas (1961),

Capellanus 218-21, and

Pierre Heugas, "La Celesd'Etudes Iberiques et pp. 355-408.

a

Dulcinee, •• 17. Cf. Pierre Heugas, "variation sur un portrait: de Melibee 5-30: June Hall Martin, p. 109. These writers Bulletin Hispanigue, 71 (1969), do not see the analogy as clearly as one might, however, so I may be exaggerating slightly in attributing this concept to others rather than proposing it as an original interpretation. THE SEVERAL FACES OF UGLINESS IN MEDIEVAL CASTILIAN LITERATURE Harriet

Goldberg,

Villanova

University

Paul Michel, in his study of ugliness in Middle High German literature 11 cites Victor Hugo who wrote: "Le beau n'a qu'un type: le laid en a mille. 1 It is to the range of variations in descriptions of human ugliness in medieval Castilian texts that I intend to address myself. Even a brief survey of descriptive passa~es in the literature makes us aware of their primarily non-visual character. In fact, medieval authors most commonly made use of rhetorical topics in describing human beauty or ugliness: never before seen, without equal, !Q..Q.!l again, details omitted to avoid prolixity~or ugliness we not to be~ can add: all who beheld the sight were terrified.3 Nevertheless, when the individual descriptions are examined, we find a wider range of characteristics used to describe ugliness than to depict beauty. Even the lengthy portrait of the lovely Queen Calectrix in the Libro de Alexandre relies on formulaic comparatives and superlatives.4 Perhaps, becauseugliness inherently carried a more complex moral message than did beauty, the author was free to deviate from a conventional portrayal to make his description apply to a specific need. Alice Colby points out that conventional ugliness is less easily defined than beauty because of the relative unpopularity of unattractive descriptions. She cites the frequent use of idealized beauty as the reference point for the portrayal of ugliness: "The fixity of the ideals of beauty enables the writer to deviate from them in any way he wishes, fully confident that all such deviations will be accepted as signs 11 of ugliness by every initiated listener. 5 In those cases where the emotional content of the description of ugliness was either satirical, humorous or even hostile, they tended to be more original than the mere deviations from beauty to which Colby refers. As we consider the moral or emotional content of the depictions in medieval Castilian texts, we can set up three categories--absolute ugliness, relative ugliness (in which it is clear that the portrait is subjective), and a hideous appearance resulting from a transformation or a loss of beauty. The loathsome example of the absolute sort,6 while Endriago in Amad1s ~~ Gaula is an excellent PQrtrait of a rival in the Arcipreste de Talavera is typical of the vituperative the relative kind.7 Evident in descriptions of unattractive old age or illness, or in certain magical metamorphoses, is the idea of ugliness as a part of a process. The boastful speech of Dolencia, who challenges the other human woes to a debate, serves to demonstrate the idea of ugliness as beauty transformed.a Just as it is possible to outline a composite portrait of idealized human beauty, within certain literary and cultural limits, it should be possible to establish a notion of idealized ugliness. To the reservation expressed by Colby that some descriptions were mere deviations from the idealized idea of beauty, we can add a cultural one. One wonders, for example, what the Western Christian reader must have thought when he read the Pseudo-Aristotle's counsel to Alexander that the young prince not trust blue-eyed blond men because of their treacherous Digitized by

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81 that he was reading a cowardly natures. Did he adjust his thoughts remembering work translated from Arabic which was written for a readership whose ideal human darkconfiguration was different from his own? In the Poridat de las poridades, haired, dark-eyed men were described as sensible and as lovers ot justice.9 ComPerez de Guzm4n's Generaclones pare the composite ideal man of affairs in Fern4n y se!1:lb!._~nzas (c. 1450). He was of better than average height, light skinned and good looking.lo In Middle English literature, w.c. Curry notes that ugly people generally had black eyes and that obesity was ugly.11 On the other hand, Richard Ettinghausen writes that in the Umayyad culture, the ideally beautiful woman was ~at she could not rise without difficulty and consequent shortness of so fat breath. Nevertheless, within a given culture, we can admit the existence of the general notion of the ideally ugly being. We can further assume that, in the absence of a complete and detailed description, the reader would have been accustomed to fill in the details of brief references to ugly beings whose hideous appearance was not being used to illustrate a major point in the narrative. It was off the young prince Galaor, was so enough to write that the jay4n who carried big and deformed 'dessemejado' that all who beheld him were terrified (I,iii,36). The real horror was conveyed by the fact that the child's father watched helplessly as his son was kidnaped. Before examining the portraits themselves, certain definitions must be agreed upon. In a most general sense, De Bruyne defines ugliness as the absence of beauty. He cites Ulrich of Strasburg (a pupil of Albertus Magnus) who wrote in his Summo Bono (1262-72) that ugliness is the triumph of chaos over order.13 The order to which he refers is the organization of light perceived by the human eye, ordered as to form, color and context (subject to the intervention of the soul's potentialities--reason, memory and will) (III,258-266). Colby ex"The choice of the ideals of ugliness is based on one of two aespresses it: thetic principles: either any physical characteristic diametrically opposed to the ideal of beauty is ugly, or ugliness consists of the possession of an excessively large or small amount of that which is thought to be beautiful" (p. 72). Much critical attention is paid to the medieval reliance on the classical rhetorical pattern of ordering the physical attributes of the human form, the D4maso rules for which were set forth, among others, by Geoffrey of Vinsauf.14 Alonso observes very sensibly that this may be the normal order in which we perceive the physical characteristics of another person, or even more to the them.ls In regard to a description of Alda, point, the order in which we report a hideous mountain-girl, in the Libro de buen amor, Zahareas observes that Juan orde'r:- ~goes downward and then up, ending Ruiz did not follow the classical side.16 Looking for mechanical adin the middle at her huge ribs in her filthy herence to an artificial pattern of ordering is a fruitless approach to the analysis of descriptive passages since the precept seems to have been more theoretical than practically applied. Another area of critical interest, stimulated in 1957 with the publication of the seminal study of Wolfgang Kayser, is in the grotesque nature of some ugly 1 7 For the purpose portrayals. of this investigation, it will suffice to recog"the £.Q_-presence [his italics) of the ludicrous nize what Philip Thomson calls the disgusting, or t~e horrifying," in depictions of growith the monstr~Ms, tesque figures. In fact, Arthur Clayborough qualifies: "Grotesqueness is not, of course, synonymous with ugliness; there may be grotesqueness of a kind without the introduction of deformity--possible--and without the introduction of the 'monstrous' phenomena (the dinosaur, the rhinoceros, the dragon) or any of the bat the puppet, 'uncanny' phenomena to which Kayser draws our attention--the 19 the skeleton, &c. It may lie in the juxtaposition of objects." Thus far we have said that ugliness is defined as either the absence of beauty or the exaggeration of attributes normally thought to be beautiful. To these generalizations, we can add a curious observation by Curry: "Practically every detailed description of beauty or ugliness in Middle English literature depends largely for its effects upon the color, length, and condition of the hair" (p. 11). In Castilian texts, we might also note the mention of location and abundance of hair as well. We are ready to include one more element to our

1

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82

basic definition of ugliness. Almost as common as exaggeration is the distortion or deformity of features. Very flat noses, or long hooked ones were ugly as were sunken deep-set eyes either large or small. Frequently, ugly-features were presented in animal terms--horse teeth, rat's eyes, donkey's ears, dog's snout, so that along with deformity we can add the element of inappropriateness 20 --the juxtaposition of the human and the bestial. Having established the general parameters of the ideally ugly human being, we are prepared to consider the examples of ugliness (absolute, relative and transformational) in the texts themselves. If we are to be able to recognize the variations in these descriptions, we must also look for a difference in the emotional reactions they might have provoked in the reader as well as any symbolic values they conveyed. In considering the appearance of absolute ugliness our first concern is to identify the emotional content of these portraits. Although many descriptions of horribly hideous, frequently menacing beings were intended to frighten the reader, causing him to ponder the consequences of sin, it is undeniable that they also must have caused him to experience a frisson of delight. He had, after all, undergone vicariously a perilous encounter. De Bruyne sees the source of pleasure in ugliness differently, remarking that when a deformed creature's glance inspires terror, it is beautiful because of its expressive force (II, 39). Is this expressive force an explanation in part of the greater range of attributes of ugliness than the relatively standardized depiction of beauty? Frequently the ugly served to contrast with the remarkable beauty of another character in the narrative--the folkloric theme of beauty and the beast. The Marqu~s de Santillana, shaken by his fear at the sight of a monstrous boar, is especially moved by the beauty of Theseus, his guide to the Infierno de los .,!!1amorados (st. xix, xx, 12). The author of Amadis specifies that Apolid6n had selected the most delightful spots into which he put his entertainments for his guests--those strange and vicious sights which served as fun-house diversions for his noble friends (II, 563-564). Safe in this idyllic spot, they could be menaced by the savage beasts without any personal risk at all. Wild men like the salvaje, the jailer of the C4rcel de !!!Q!_, undoubtedly inspired the s~e kind of sheltered, protected terror.21 The nature of the sexual fantasy inherent in the encounter of innocent, vulnerable beauty with an ugly, lascivious, unrestrained creature is evident. Bernheimer sees the similarity between literary encounters with wild women and sexual nightmares: "It is true, ••• that the wild woman behaves, when she meets a man, as if she were a volatile transient figure out of a dream. She changes appearance with rapidity, transforming her youth. 22 He gives the chronology monstrosity into the semblance of glamorous of man's reaction to these erotic savagely ugly women, beginning with "the primitive reaction of fear and terror with which the spiritually unprepared confronted a creature compounded of intransigence, lust and violence," to the time when he can laugh about his fear (p. 4). Logically the time period described can be imagined to encompass the moments in a meeting from the first frightening until the man, having recovered his composure, reports glimpse of the selv4tica the encounter in a semi-humorous way relieving his terror with an aire of bravado. The chronology of the individual encounter has a parallel application to the historico-literary transition. In both instances the terrifying is controlled by humor. This insight into the progessive stages of the emotions of the victim of a wild woman can serve to make understandable some of the problematic aspects of the Archpriest of Hita's meeting with the grotesquely ugly mountain-girl of Tablada.23 Her not inconsiderable ugliness is described in grotesque terms. As Mikhail Bakhtin has written about Rabelais: "The author of grotesque is carried away, is 'drunk' with hyperbole, at times forgetting the true role of 1124 Obviously exaggeration and losing his grip on satire. Alda can not be studied in a cultural vacuum as though she were the only ugly sheperdess in European medieval literature. James Burke acknowledges the critical opinions which characterize the serranillas as parodic versions of Old French or Provencal poetry. Without denying the relationship, he identifies the episodes as a part of a 11

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83 sexual ritual of renovation, a spring rite and a pre-Lenten experience. Indeed the French connection is underscored by a reference to the possibility that Juan Ruiz was recognizing the punning relationship between Old French seraine 'siren' and serrana.25 A persisting problem of Juan Ruiz criticism is the apparently contradictory statements about Alda. The poet himself tells the reader that he had difficulty in portraying her: "Mas non pud' bien pintalla," warning that we can laugh and then be quiet if we don't like his songs (st. 1021). In the song following the grotesque description, she is first called "fermosa, lo~ana e bien colorada" (1024cd) and later when she has refused to extend credit to the lover she is called "heda" 'ugly' (1040a). Instead of imagining that the two sides of Alda represent the dual nature of feminine sexuality, as does Burke, is it not possible to ascribe her changing nature t~ the dream6 In any event, like shifting images of the wild women described by Bernheimer? whether she stands for the two sides of feminine sexuality (as experienced by a man) or for the wild temptations of life with which man must deal before Lent, the reaction to her ugliness is surely fear mingled with delight and subsequent amusement. Another absolutely ugly creature is Endriago.the fruit of the incestuous union of the giant Bandaguido and his matricidal daughter Bandaguida (Amadis, III, lxxiii, 793-94). Although at first glance, it might be said that this is a description without any trace of levity or humor, we cannot be sure that we are not confronted with some comic exaggeration in spite of our awareness of the shifting nature of what is considered funny across the centuries. If we recall Thomson's remarks about the ludicrous in conjunction with the horrifying (see p. 5 above), then we can view the incongruous inclusion of nursery details in connection with this beastly spawn as suggestive of humorous intent. The new mother had an easy delivery: "Venido, pues el tiempo, pari6 vn fijo, y no con mucha premia, porque las malas cosas fasta la fin siempre se muestran agradables" (III, 796). The nursemaids are astonished but swaddle the newborn creature in the cloths they had ready. One of the more daring of them begins to suckle him, until she cried out in pain and falls dead. Contact with the hideous infant had killed her because of the poison he exuded which penetrated her through her breast. He keeps on destroying his wet nurses until one wiser than the rest weans him to cows' milk on which he thrives. After an interval of a year, Endriago's parents are permitted or permit themselves to visit him: "y luego entraron en la c4mara donde estaua, y vieronle andar corriendo y saltando. Y las vnas coma el Endriago vio a su madre, vino para ella, y saltando ench6le al rostro y fendi6le las narizes y quebr6le los ojos: y antes que de sus manes saliesse, fue muerta" (p. 797). Alice Colby wondered if the Loathly Damsel in Perceval (4614-4637) is not described at least in part comically because of the elements of "antithesis, humorous understatement, irony, precision where precision is impossible" which she finds in the passage (p. 176).27 In his summary of IJaganza. Translation of Walter Starkie, with introduction. In Eight §.E.~nish Plays of the Golden A3e, trans. and introduction of W. Starkie, New York: Random House (The Modern Library), 1964. Digitized by

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134 220

221 222

223

224 225 226 227

228 229 230

231 232 233

234

235 236

Gumbrecht. Milnchen: wilhem LBA. Ubersetz ••• YQ!!. Hans Ulrich Fink (Klassiche Texte des Romanischen Mittelalten in zweisprachigen Ausgaben. Band 10.), 1972. Reviewed by: Horst Baader, RF, 89 (1977), 522-25. ______ The Book of Good Love. Translated by Rigo Mignani and Mario A. Dicesare. 2nd ed. Albany: SUNY Press, 1972. _____ LBA. Edited, with an Introduction and English Paraphrase, by Raymond S. Willis. Princeton: Princeton u·niversity Press, 1972. Reviewed by: Kenneth W.J. Adams, Modern Language Review, 69 (1974), 677-78. Supplem~nt, 2 Feb., 1973. A.O. Deyermond, Times ~iterary MLN, 89 (1974), 311-15. Brian Dutton, G.B. Gybbon-Monypenny. BHS, 49 (1972), 234. Mack Singleton, HR, 43 (1975), 409-11. Revista Hisp~nica Moderna, 73 (1972-73), 291James F. Burke, 97. _____ The Book of the Archpriest of Hita (LBA). Translation of Mack Singleton. Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies. 1975. Reviewed by: G.B. Gybbon-Monypenny. BHS, 54 (1977), 238. John E. Keller, Journal of Hispanic Philology, I (1976-77), 240-41. S~ez, Emilio. "Juan Ruiz de Cisneros (1295/1296-1353), autor del Buen Amor." ABC (Madrid), 11 de sept. de 1973, 3 and 5. "Juan Ruiz de Cisneros (1295/1296-1351/1352), _____ and Jose Trenchs. autor del Buen Amor." Actas !, pp. 365-68. Salvador Miguel, Nicasio. "Dos problemas lexicos en el LBA." Actas !, pp. 175-184. See Ruiz, Juan. S~nchez-Albornoz, Claudio. "Originalidad creadora del Ap. frente a la ultima teoria sabre el B.A." Miscelanea de Estudios Hist6ricos, Le6n: Investigaciones San Isidoro, 1970, pp. 493-506. Centro de Estudios-e IBeprint of CHE 31-32 (1960), 275-289J Segura Covarsi, E. "Comentario de un verso del Ap. 11 Revista de Estudios Extremenos (Badajoz), 27 (1971), 329-31. Schildgen, Brenda D. "The Conflict between Art and Morality in Two Fourteenth-century Poets: J.R. and Geoffrey Chaucer." Diss. Indiana University, 1972. [DAI, (1972-73), 4362A.] Segre, Cesare. "Los artificios estructurales del LBA." In Critica bajo control, Barcelona: Planeta, 1970, 285-91. (A translation by Milagros of! segni ~ ld critica, ToriArizmendi and Maria Hernandez-Esteban no: Einaudi, 1969, with additional material for the Spanish version, including the J.R. articleJ Dayle. "The Poet as Badger: Imagery and AutobioSeidenspinner de Nunez, graphy in the LBA." Diss, Stanford University (California), 1977. (DAI, 37 (1976-77), 7741AJ ______ "The Poet as Badger. Notes on J.R.'s adaptation of the Pamphilus." RPh, 30 (1976-77), 123-134. Sharrer, Harvey L. "The TWenty-first Anniversary of the Association of Hispanists of Great Britain and Ireland." La Cor6nica, 4 (1975-76), 96-103. (LBA, 99-102 .] Mack. See Ruiz, Juan. Singleton, Smirnov, A. "El LBA." In Iz istorii zapadno-europjskoj, Moskova: 1965, pp. 134-44. Reviewed by: Peter F. Dembowski. RPh, 25 (1971-72), 442-47 (LBA, 446-447). Sobejano, Gonzalo. "Consecuencia y di·Jersidad en el LBA." Actas !, PP• 717. Sola, Sabino. "Precisiones a la "Suplica inicial" del LBA." Actas .!, pp. 343-49. ______

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239 240 241 242 243 244 245

246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254

Sorrentino,

Fernando. Siete conversaciones con Jorge Luis Borges. Buenos Aires: ~ontains B.'s remarks on the LBA~ Reviewed in: ABC, julio, 1976. ABC, Ed. Semanal Aerea, 29 de julio de 1976, 24. Toro-Garland, Fernando. "El Ap., protagonista literario del medievo espanol. El case del "mal Arcipreste" del Fern4n Gonz4lez." Actas !, pp. 327-36. Trenchs, Jose. See S~ez, E. Tudorica Impey, Olga. See Impey. "La paradoja did4ctica y el LBA." Actas !, pp. 53-56. Ullman, Pierre L. Urrieta, J. "Estructura de lo c6mico en el ejemplo de don Pitas Payas." P. Hi., num. 242 (1973), 23-25. Vives, J: See Aldea. In Ess~ Vetterling, Mary-Ann. "Animals and J.R. 's Celebration of Women." in Honor of Jorge Guillen Q!!. the Occasion of his 85th Year. CamMass: Abedul Press, 1977, pp. 133-40. bridge, ______ "Animals as Images for Love in the LBA by J.R." Ciss. Harvard, 1977. ----~--"Juan Ruiz's Version of Alexander the Great." La Cor6nica, 7 (1978-79), 23-28. of M. Morreale. Thesaurus (Boletin Valderrama Andrade, C. On M4s apuntes del Inst. Caro y Cuervo), 29 (1974), 560. Waller, Martha s. "The Physician's Tale: Geoffrey Chaucer and Fray Juan Garcia de Castrojeriz." Speculum 51 (1976), 292-306. [Although it does not deal directly with the LBA, it contains information of interestJ Walsh, John K. "More on Arabic vs. Western Descriptive Modes in Hispanic Literature: Brantome's 'Spanish' Formula." Kentucky Romance Quarterly, 18 (1971), 3-16. "La figura aut6noma del Ap." Actas !, pp. 337-342. Webber, Edwin J. Whinnom, Keith. "A Fifteenth-Century Reference to Don Mel6n and Dona Endrina." Journal of Hispanic Philology, 2 (1977-78), 91-101. Willis, Raymond S. "Cuatro palabras oscuras del LBA." Actas !., pp. 161-70. KRO, 21 (1974), ______ "Thirteen Years: Seedbed of Riddles in the LBA." 215-27. Yndur4in, Francisco. "Una nota sobre la composici6n del LBA." Actas !., pp. 217-31. Yunck, John A. The Lineage of Lady Meed. (The Development of Mediaeval Venality Satire.) (Notre Dame Publications in Mediaeval Studies, 17), Notre Dame, Indiana: Univ. of Notre Dame Press, 1963. Zahareas, Anthony N. "Celibacy in History and Fiction: The Case of El LBA." In Ideologies~ Literature. (Minneapolis), 1, no. 2 (Feb. 1977)-,77-82. Zink, Michael. La Pastourelle: poesie et folklore au Mayen Age. ParisMontreal Bordas, 1972. (Ch. IX. "Serrana et femme sauvage." pp. 86-103 .)

=-

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Courtesy

OF MEDIEVAL SPANISH LITERATURE

of Oliver

T. Myers,

University

of

Wisconsin-Milwaukee

Following are items that will appear in the MLA International Bibliography for 1978, scheduled to be published in September 1979. Please bring any omissions errors to the attention of: Oliver T. Myers, Dept. of Spanish and Portuguese, University of Wisconsin, PO Box 413, Milwaukee, NI 53201. Bibliography

*Black, Robert G. Cor6nica 7:55-56. Digitized by

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General

Drama

HispanoArabic

"Early Spanish Manuscripts in American uni* Calomino, Salvatore. versity Libraries: Houghton Library, Harvard University." Cor6nica 5 (1977) :112-14. *Chatham, James R., and Carmen c. Mcclendon. "Dissertations in Medieval Hispanic Languages and Literatures Accepted in the United States and Canada, 1967-76. Part I: A-J." Cor6nica 6:97-103. * Chatham, James R., and Carmen C. Mcclendon. "Dissertations in Medieval Hispanic Languages and Literatures Accepted in the United States and Canada, 1967-76. Part II, L-Z." Cor6nica 7:43-50. *Mendez Aparicio, Julia. Catalogo de incunables de la Biblioteca Pu.blica de Toledo. Madrid: Servicio de Publicaciones de Educaci6n y Ciencia°; 1976. 243 pp. * Sconza-Carpenter, M. Jean. "Early Spanish Manuscripts in American University Libraries: Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley." Cor6nica 5(1977) :114-16. * Swietlicki, Catherine. "A Short-title Index to Medieval Manuscripts y curn-in B. J. Gallardo's Ensayo de™ biblioteca de libros raros sos." Cor6nica 7:51-55. * Benmayor, Rina. "New Directions in the Study of Oral Literature." Cor6nica 7:39-42. German. Antoloqia de la literatura espanola de las siglos *Bleiberg, XI al XVI. Madrid: Alianza,1976. 423 pp. *Camill~Ottavio di. El humanismo castellano del siglo xv. Manuel Lloris, tr. Valencia: Fernando Torres Editor, 1976. 308 pp. *Diaz y Diaz, Manuel c. De Isidoro al siqlo XI.· Ocho estudios sabre la vida literaria peninsular.-Barcelona: El Albir, 1976. 320 pp. * Flasche, Hans. Geschichte der spanischen Li terat ur. I: Von den Anf~ngen bis zum Ausgang des fUnfzehnten Jahrhunderts~ Bern: Francke, 1978. 488 pp. y diseno en la literatura *Gimeno Casalduero, Joaquin. Estructura Jose Porrua Turanzas, 1975. 275 pp. castellana medieval. Madrid: * Kirby, Steven D. "Facsimile Editions of Old Spanish Literary Manuscripts: Present Status and Proposed Future Guidelines." Cor6nica 6:112-15. * Kohut, Karl. "Der Beitrag der Theologie zum Literaturbegriff in der Zeit Juans II von Kastilien, Alonso de Cartagena (1384-1456) und Alonso de Madrigal, genannt El Tostado (1400-1455)." RF 89 (1977) :183-226. * Iglesias, Luis Gonzalez. "Las primeras representaciones castellanas de la pasi6n de Cristo: Estudio interpretative." DAI 38:7364A. * L6pez Yepes, Jose. "Una Representaci6n de las Sibilas y un Planctus Passionis en el Ms. 80 de la catedral de C6rdoba." RABM 80(1977): 545-67. * Butterworth, Charles E., ed. and tr. Averroes' Three Short Commen·taries on Aristotle's Topics, Rhetoric, and Poetics. Albany: State University of New York P, 1977. 206 pp. (Incl. Arabic text.) *Compton, Linda Fish. Andalusian Lyrical Poetry and Old Spanish Love Songs: The Muwashshah and its Kharja. New York: NYUP, 1976. 147 pp. * Dagorn, Rene, Teresa Losada and Maria Victoria Villuendas. "Un nuevo fondo de manuscritos ~rabes fragmentarios de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid." Andalus 42(1977) :123-66. Alvaro. "El dialecto mozarabe de Toledo, I. * Galmes de Fuentes, mozarabe." Andalus 42 Sistema de transliteraci6n del aljamiado (1977) :183-206. * Galmes de Fuentes, Alvaro. "El dialecto mozarabe de Toledo, II. Rasgos lingilisticos principales." Andalus 42(1977) :249-99. * Garcia-Arena 1, Mercedes. "Dos documentos sabre las moros de Ucles en 1501." Andalus 42 (1977) 167-81. Digitized by

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Prose Fiction

Prose

• Garcia G6mez, Emilio. "Una prueba de que el refranero frabe fue incorporado en traducci6n al refranero espanol." Andalus 42(1977): 375-90. 11 *Hitchcock, Richard. "Sohre la 'mam4' en las jarchas. JHP 2(1977): 1-9. Sir': Ha-hatiba ha'aharona be'Sire*Rosen-Moked, Tova. "'Ligmor 'ezor." Hasifrut 25(1977):101-108. (Cio~ural Feaiures of the Muwaisah, Eng. summ.) Elias. "La voz 4rabe 'al-wadi' reflejada en documentos la* Teres, tinos y romances." Andalus 42(1977) :25-~9: _.,. * viguera, Maria J. "Las cartas de al-Gazal1. y al-~rtus1. al soberano almor~vid Yusuf b. Talufin." Andalus 42(1977) :341-74. *Aguado Candanedo, David. "Notas morfosint4cticas a un villancico leones." LdD 7, xiii ( 1977) : 181-92. castillane du Moven Age: *Chalon, Louis. L'Histoire et l'epopee Le cycle du Cid, Le cycle des comtes de Castillo. Paris: Honore Champion, 1976. 584 pp. * Elia, Paola. "Una satira anonima del XV secolo: 'Abre, abre las orejas'." AION-SR 19(1977):313-42. [Incl. textJ *Galmes de Fuentes, Alvaro. Epica 4rabe ~ epica castellana. Barcelona: Ariel, 1978. 171 pp. * Jones, Harold G. "The Castilian Verse Epitaph of Ruy Garcia, A.D. 1297." Cor6nica 7 :59-61. * L6pez Estrada, Francisco. "Mester de clerecia: las palabras y el concepto." JHP 2(1978) :165-74. * Miletich, John s. "Medieval Spanish Epic and European Narrative Traditions." Cor6nica 6:90-96. *Miletich, Johns. "Narrative Style in Spanish and Slavic Traditional Narrative Poetry: Implications for the Study of the Romance Epic." Olifant 2(1975) :164-66. * Ochrymowycz, Crest R. "Oral Composition and Artistic Freedom in the Traditional Poetry of Spain." Conroy, 101-12 [see Romancero]. * Rodriguez, Victor Eloy. "Gestures and 'Physical' Phrases in Medieval castilian Epic Poetry." DAI 38:6115A. * Chalon, Louis. "La his tor icidad de la Levenda de la Condesa Traidor a • " JHP 2 ( 19 7 8 ) : 15 3-63 • *Sharrer, Harvey L. ~ critical Bibliography of Hispanic Arthurian I• Texts: The Prose Romance Cycles. London: Grant and Material, Cutler, 1978, 55 pp. *Smith, Richard Taylor. "The Partinuples, Conde de Bles: A Bibliographical and Critical Study of the Earliest Known Edition, Its Sources and Later Structural Modifications." DAI 38:4872A. (In Sp.) de Castilla: Lost and *Armistead, Samuel G. "MS z of the Cr6nica Found." Cor6nica 6:118-22. * Ayerbe-Chaux, Reinaldo. "Las memorias de dona Leonor L6pez de C6rdoba." JHP 2(1977) :11-33. * wmax, Derek W. "Algunos autores religiosos, 1205-1350." JHP Martin 2 (1978) :81-90. (St. Peter Pascual, Alfonso de Valladolid, Perez.)

Romancero

* Burt, John R. "The Motif of the Fall of Man in the Romancero del Rey Rodrigo." Hispania 61 :435-42. -*Foster, David William. "Closure in the Early Spanish Ballad." Papers Patricia Conroy, ed. Ballads and Ballad Research. Selected of the International Conference on Nordic and Anglo-American Ballad Research, University of washington, Seattle, May 2-6, 1977. Seattle: U of Washington, 1978, 136-46. *Webber, Ruth H. "Prolegomena to the Study of the Narrative Struc11 ture of the Hispanic Ballad. Patricia Conroy, ed. Ballads and Ballad Research. Selected Papers of the International Confereiice or\

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Alfonso Sabio

Amadis Gaula

Berceo

Caballero Cifar Celestina

el

de

Nordic and Anglo-American Ballad Research, University of Washington, Seattle, May 2-6, 1977. Seattle: U of Washington, 1978, 221-30. * Armistead, Samuel G., and Joseph H. Silverman. "Another Ballad Publication of Yacob Abraham Yon4." Cor6nica 5(1977):110-12. *Goldberg, Harriet. "Fifteenth-Century Castilian Versions of Boccaccio's Fortune-Poverty Contest." Hispania 61:472-79. * Sims, Edna N. "Resumen de la imagen negativa de la mujer en la literatura espanola hasta mediados del siglo XVI." REH 11,iii (1977) :433-49. *Ayerbe-Chaux, Reinaldo. "El uso de 'exempla' en la Estoria de Espana de Alfonso X." Cor6nica 7:23-33. * Chatham, James R. "The Alfonsine Prose Theophilus Legend--A Reading Text." Cor6nica 7:57-59. *Fraker, Charles F. "Alfonso X, the Empire and the Primera cr6nica." BHS 55(1978) :95-102. * MacDonald, Robert. "Progress and Problems in Editing Alfonsine Juridical Texts." Cor6nica 6:74-81. * Valentin, Eberhard. "L' Amadis espagnol et sa traduction f ranc;aise: Evolution stylistique et continuite thematique." LA 10(1976) :14967. * Raymond, H. Bruce. "The Courtly Ancestry of Amadis de Gaula." DAI 38:4151A. 80 * Devoto, Daniel. "Berceo antes de 1780." RABM 79 (1976) :767-833; (1977) :455-530, 777-835. *Dutton, Brian, ed. Obras completas. III. El duelo de la Virgen. ws himnos. Los loores de Nuestra Senora-.Los signos del juicio final. London: Tamesis, 1975. 163 pp. * Hern4ndez, Francisco, J. "El libro del cavallero Zifar, Meaning 11 and Structure. RCEH 2 :89-ITl. -"The Story of Zifar and the Structure of the Libr~ * Keightley, R. G. del Cavallero Zifar." MLR 73:308-27. * Ayerbe-Chaux, Reinaldo.--"La triple tentaci6n de Melibea." Celestinesca 2, ii(l978) :3-11. 11 * Bershas, Henry N. 'Testigo en el cuchillo de tu abuelo' (Celestina, I)." Celestinesca 2, i(l978) :7-11. * Burke, J. F. "Metamorphosis and the Imagery of Alchemy in La Celestina." RCEH 1(1977) :129-52. * Castro Diaz, Antonio. "Un nuevo estudio hist6rico-social sabre La Celestina." CHA 340 ( 1978) : 154-65. (Rev. art.) Alan.--"Symbolic Equivalence in La Celestina: A Post*Deyermond, script." Celestinesca 2, i(l978) :25-30. (See list for 1977 Vol. 2 , No • 5 60 6 • ) *Gurza, Esperanza. Lectura existencialista de la Celestina. Madrid: Gredos, 1977. 351 pp. * Hook, David. "' l.Para quien edifique torres?': A Footnote to Pleberio's Lament." FMLS 14:25-31. * Mandel, Adrienne, s. "La Celestina on Stage." Celestinesca 2, i (1978) : 31-33. *Mendeloff, Henry. "'Sharing' in La Celestina." Thesaurus 32(1977): 173-77. * Rubio, Carlos. "El juego de seducciones de La Celestina: Una estructura dramatica." Celestinesca 2, i(l978) :13-23. * Ruggerio, Michael J. "TheReligious Message of La Celestina." Michael J. Ruggerio, ed. Studies in the Literature of Spain: Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. ,Folio 10.) Broclq)ort: Dept-:----Of Foreign Langs., SUNY, 1977, 69-81. * sanchez, Elizabeth. "Magic in La Celestina." HR 46:481-94. * Snow, Joseph. "La Celestina: Documento bibliogr4fico. Cuarto suplemento." Celestinesca 2, ii(l978) :49-64. * Snow, Joseph. "La Celestina: Documento bibliogr4fico. Tercer Digitized by

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139 suplemento." Celestinesca 2, i(l978) :35-46. *Adams, Kenneth. "Pensar de: Another Old French Influence on the Poema de mio Cid and OtherMediaeval Spanish Poems." Cor6nica 7: - --8-12. Luis. "Conflictos interiores y batallas campales en el * Beltr4n, Poema de mio Cid." Hispania 61:235-44. * Bly, P(eter) A(nthony). "Beards in the Poema de mio Cid: Structural and Contextual Patterns." FMLS 14:16-24. * Magnotta, Miguel. Historia y bibIIog"rafia de la critica sobre el Poema de mio Cid (1750-1971). (UNCSRLL 145.) Chapel Hill: U.N.C. Department of Romance Languages, 1976. 300 pp. * Mena Benito, Francisco. "La dimensi6n humana del car4cter del Cid." ExTL 7, i(l978) :85-91. * Paden, William D., Jr. "L' Emploi vicaire du present verbal dans les plus anciens textes narratifs romans." Alberto varvaro, ed. ~ filologia romanza, XIV congreso internazionale di linguistica 15-20 aprile 1974: Atti, Vol. 4 Naples: Macchiaroli; Amsterdam, Benjamine, 1977, IV:545-57. Maria. "Tr as fondo estetico del Poe~a del mio Cid. " * Pascual, Antonio Arbor 388:39-50. Ernesto. "Descripci6n funcional del Cantar de * Porras Collantes, mio Cid. 'rhesaurus 32 (1977) :660-91. *Smit~Colin. "Further French Analogues and Sources for the Poema de mio Cid." Cor6nica 6(1977) :14-21. Jenaro. "Teoria y tecnica del an4lisis poetico. Jenaro * Taleni', Talens, Jose Romera Castillo, Antonio Tordera, & Vicente Hernandez Esteve. Elementos para~ semi6tica del texto artistico (Poesia, narrativa, teatro, cine). Madrid: C4tedra 1978, 63-109. M-.--"Parallel Expressions in the Cantar de Mio *Waltman, Franklin Cid." BHS 55(1978) :1-3. • Wilson, S. R. "The Form of Discovery: The Columbus Letter Announcing the Finding of America." RCEH 2:154-68. *Gimenez, Antonio. "Relate hist6rico y organizaci6n novelesca en la Cr6nica de don Alvaro de Luna." RABM 79(1976) :517-27. 11

11

Col6n Cr6nica de don A1varo de Luna Danza de la muerte Diez~ G~mez Fern~n Gonz~lez Guillen de Segovia Historia troyana Juan Manuel

* Basalisco, Lucio. "Sulla Danza de la muerte." QIA 49-50 (19761977) :37-46. • Gimenez, Antonio. "El arquetipo de caballero en la Cr6nica de Don Pero Nino." CHA 326-327(1977) :338-52. • Horrent, Jacque&. "Hernaut de Beaulande et le Poema de Fern4n BH 79, i-ii(l977) :23-52. Gonz41ez." * Marino, NancYF. "The cancionero de Pero Guillen de Segovia and MS. 617 of the Royal Palace Library." Cor6nica 7:20-23. * Brownlee, Marina Scordilis. "Towards a Reappraisal of the Historia troyana polimetrica." Cor6nica 7:13-17. Jose R. £1 libro de los estados. Don Juan Manuel *Araluce Cuenca, y la sociedad de~ tiempo. M~drid: Jose Porrua Turanzas, 1976. 182 pp. • Carreno, A(ntonio). "La vergilenza como constante social y narrativa en Don Juan Manuel: 'El Ejemplo L' de El conde Lucanor." LdD 7, xiii (1977) :5-21. • Carreno, Antonio. "La vergilenza come constante social y narrativa en don Juan Manuel: El 'Ejemplo L' de El Conde Lucanor." Thesaurus 32 (1977) :54-74. * Galbis, Ignacio R. M. "Germenes novelisticos en los cuentoa de Don Juan Manuel." ExTL 7, i (1978) :5-12. *Keller, John E., and L. Clark Keating, eds. and trs. The Book of Count Lucanor and Patronio: Translation of Don Juan Manuel's El Conde Luca nor. --(Studies in Rom. Langs., 161 "fr:exington: u of Kentucky P, 1977. Digitized by

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* Piccus, Jules. "The Meaning of es tor ia in Juan Manuel• s El Conde 11 Hispania 61:459-65. Lucanor. * Bishop, Sarah Gilbert. "The Leonese Features in the Madrid Mam"scr ipt of the Libre de Alexandre." DAI 38(1977) :758A. * Lugones, Nestor A. "El ave fenix en~ Libre de Alexandre. RABM 79(1976) :581-86. 11 * Nelson, Dana A. "Editing the Libra de Alixandre. Cor6nica 5 (1977) :119-20. *Artiles, Joaquin. El Libre de Apolonia, poema espanol del siglo XIII. Madrid: Gredos, 1976. 222 pp. * Coy, Jose Luis. "El Rimado de Palacio: Historia de la tradici6n y critica del texto." Cor6nica 6:82-90. *Coy, Jose Luis. "La genesis de las Flores de los • Morales sobre Job', de Pedro L6pez de Ayala." Hispano 63(1978):39-57. *Joset, Jacques, ed. Libre rimado del Palacio. Madrid: Alhambra, 1978. 644 pp. * wittlin, Curt J. "Hacia una edici6n critica de la traducci6n de las Decadas de Tito Livia hecha por Pero L6pez de Ayala." RCEH 1 (1977) :297-306. *Carr, Derek C. "Another Look at the Metrics of Santillana' s Sonnets." HR 46:41-53. * L6pez Bascunana, Maria I. "Algunos rasgos petrarquescos en la obra del Marques de Santillana." CHA 331(1978) :19-39. 0 J. *Cabada G6mez, Manuel. El perBOnaje oyente en las 'Coplas a la muerte de su padre,' de Jorge Manrique." CHA 335(1978) :325-32. * Colonnello, Pio. "Honra e honor nelle 'Coplas per la muerte de su 11 padre' di J. Manrique: Lora ambito semantico. AION-SR 19(1977): 417-34. -de * Bombin, Inocencio. "La Atalaya de las cor6nicas del Arcipreste de Talavera: Edici6n critica de parte del texto con un estudio introductorio y vocabulario. DAI 38:6155A-56A. * Gerli, E. Michael. "Boccaccio and Capellanus: Tradition and In11 novation in Arcipreste de Talavera. REH 12, ii(l978):255-74. * Viera, David J. "An Annotated Bibliography on Alfonso Martinez de Toledo: Arcipreste de Talavera." KRQ 24(1977) :263-80. * Viera, David J. "M~s sabre la influencia del Corbacho en la litera11 tura espanola. Thesaurus 32 (1977) :384-87. * Fainberg, Louise V., ed. Laber into de for tuna. Madrid: Alhambra, 1976. 232 pp. -*Fainberg, Louise vasvari, ed. Tr~tado sabre el titulo de dugue. London: Tamesis, 1977. 134 pp. * Keightley, R. G. "Boethius, ·Jillena and Juan de Mena. 11 BHS 55 (1978) :189-202. * Parker, Margaret A. "Juan de Mena's Ovidian Material: An Alfonsine Influence?" BHS 55(1978) :5-17. de *Armistead, Samuel G. "The Mocedades de Rodrigo and Neo-Indi"idualist Theory." HR 46:313-27. Prob* Deyermond, Alan. "The Mocedades de Rodrigo as a Test Case: lem • of Methodology. Cor6nica 6: 108-12. *Gualdani, Enzo, N., ed. Los dace triunfos de los dace ap6stoles. Vol. I. Messina and Florence: Anna, 1975. 284 pp. * Gasc6n Vera, Elena. "Una nota sabre la Fortuna en la vida y en las obras de don Pedro, Condestable de Portugal (1429-1466)." RABM 80 (1977) :531-44. * van Antwerp, Margaret. "Raz6n de amor and the Popular Tradition." R Ph 3 2 ( 19 7 8 ) : 1- 1 7 • de* Labandeira Fern~ndez, Amancio., ed. El passo honroso de Suero de Quinones. Madrid: Fundaci6n Universitaria Espanola, 1977. 440 pp. * Labandeira Fern~ndez, Amancio. "En torno al Passo Honroso de Suero de Quinones." RABM 79 (1976) :851-74. 11

Libra de Apolonia L6pez de Ayala

Lopez de Mendoza Manrique,

Martinez Toledo

11

Mena

Mocedades Rodriqo

11

Padilla Pedro de Portugal Raz6n de amor Rodriquez Lena

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141

Rodr1guez del Padr6n Ruiz

de dos *Andrachuk, Gregory Peter. "The Function of the Estoria amadores within the Siervo libre de amor." RCEH 2(1977) :27-38. * Bambeck, Manfred. "Tod und Rabe im LibrO de buen amor des Juan --Ruiz." RJ 27 (1976) :316-29. *Clarke, Dorothy Clotelle. "Libre de buen amor: Line 10343, Syn, and Speech Mimicry." Cor6nica 7:17-20. *Ferraresi, Alicia c. de. De amor ~ poesia !!!! la Espana medieval: ~ Juan Ruiz. Mexico City: Colegio de Mexico, 1976. 289 Pr6logo pp. *Kantor, Sofia. "Trotaconventos como actante adyuvante (primera parte). MedR 4 (1977) : 73-109. *Kirby, Steven D. "Juan Ruiz and Don Ximio: The Archpr iest 's Art of Declamation." BHS 55(1978) :283-87. *Leira, Gonzalo c. "Otras n6tulas al Libre de Buen Amor." PSA 89 (1978) :225-46. --* Tadlock, Gisela Dard6n. "La imagen gr4fica en el Libre de buen :365-80, also REH 12, ii(l978) :239-53. amor. 11 REH 11, iii(l977) *Vetterling, Mary Anne. "Juan Ruiz's Version of Alexander the Great." Cor6nica 7:23-28. *Whinnom, Keith. "A Fifteenth-Century Reference to Don Mel6n and Dona Endrina." JHP 2 (1978) :91-101. Cor6nica * Perry, T. A. "The Present State of Shem Tov Studies. 11

Santob Carri6n

de

✓ illena

11

7:34-38.

* Polit, Carlos E. "La originalidad expresiva de Sem Tob." REH 12, i (1978) :135-54. v. "El Arte cisoria de Enrique de -✓ illena: Borrador *Brown, Russell de una desconocida edici6n del siglo XVIII." RomN 18 (1978) :398-403. *Garbutt-Parrales, Ernestina Florencia. "Los latinismos en la obra de Enrique de Villena." DAI 38:6099A.

BOOK REVIEW BIBLIOGRAPHY (1978) Compiled

by Harold

G. Jones,

University

of

Missouri-Columbia

Alvar,

Manuel. Poesia espanola medieval (Madrid: 1978): Estafeta Literaria 641-42: 3289 (Francisco Salgueiro). Apollonius of~: Two Fifteenth-century Spanish Prose Romances--'Hvstoria de Apolonia' and 'Confisy6n del Amante: Apolonyo de Tiro', ed. A.O. Deyermond (Exeter: 197 3 ): MAE 46 (1977): 157-58 (P.E. Russell). Araluce Cuenca, Jose Ram6n. "El libro de los estados." Don Juan Manuel Y. la (Madrid: 1976) :aas 55: 61-~ (John England). sociedad de ~ tiempo Hispania (USA) 61: 377 (Gregory Peter Andrachuk). JHP 2: 138-140 (R.B. Tate). MLR 73: 212 (Ian Macpherson). CHA no. 332: 333-34 (Antonio Martinez Menchen). materia tradicional Y. originalidad Ayerbe-Chaux, Reinaldo. "El conde 1,11canor": creadora (Madrid: 1975): RPh 31: 618-30 (Alan Deyermond). (Begot,: Beneficiado de Obeda, Vida de San Ildefonso, ed. Manual Al~ar Ezquerra 1975): ZRP 93: 688-689 (Mechthild Crombach). Boase, Roger. The Origin and Meaning of Courtly Love (Manchester: 1977): BHS 55: 262 (John G. Cummins). Brotherton, John. The "Pastor-Bobo" in the Spanish Theatre Before the Time of RPh 31: 702-704 (Charlotte Stern). Lope de Vega (London: 1975): Burke, James F. 1fistory and Vision: The Figural Structure of the "Libre del MAE 46 (1977): 329-32 (David Pattison). Cavallero Zifar" (London: 1972): Chalon, L. L'Histoire et l'epopee castiITane du Mayen Age (Paris: 1976): BH 79 (1977): 548-551 (Michel Garcia), Der Cid. Das altspanische Heldenlied. Ed. Alfred Thierbach (Leipzig: 1977): Beitraege zur Romanischen Philologie 16 (1977): 350-351 (Gerhard Scheive). Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

· 142 Lucien and Jean - Claude Chevalier. Le Moyen Age espaqnol (Paris: 1972): Olifant 4 (1976): 100-101 (Ruth H. ;iebber). Compton, Linda Fish. ~ndalusj..?,;t ~_y_!__lc?J.Poetry and Olg ~aajsh Love Songs_; rtte 11 "Muwashshah II and Its l