La corónica. A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures, and Cultures [18.1]

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Joseph H. Silverman (1924-1989)

Our dear friend and colleague, Joseph H. Silverman, died on March 23, 1989, at Santa Cruz, California, after a long and heroic battle with cancer. He was sixty-four years old. Joe was born in the Bronx, New York, on October 15, 1924. He graduated Phi Beta Kappa from City College of New York, earned M.A. and Ph.D. degrees at the University of Southern California, and did advanced studies at the Universities of Mexico, Madrid, and California, Berkeley. He taught at the University of Southern California and at the Los Angeles and Santa Cruz campuses of the University of California. He was Visiting Professor at various other institutions in the United States and in Spain, and gave guest lectures at many more universities in this country and in Mexico, Europe and Israel. From 1974 to 1981, he was provost of Adlai E. Stevenson College at Santa Cruz and, from 1983 to 1985, he directed the University of California's Education Abroad Program in Madrid. J oe was an eminently learned man. His major concerns were with Spanish Golden Age Iiterature (particularly the comedia and the picaresque novel), with the role of converts from Judaism in Spanish life, culture and letters, and - in over thirty years of collaboration with Samuel G. Armistead and Israel J. Katz - with the traditional literature of the modern Sephardic J ews. But Joe's interests were by no means limited to these fields; they were far-ranging and variegated. His lmowledge of Spanish and Spanish American literature - and of other literatures too - was prodigious. He could write with authority on many different authors, epochs and genres: Cervantes, Ortega y Gasset, Pedro Antonio de Alarcón, Valle-Inclán, Ciro Bayo, Pfo Baroja, Unamuno, Amado N ervo, Fernando de Rojas and Jorge Manrique, among others. The last contribution published while he was alive was an article on Dickens in Spanish literature. 1 Joe was passionately concerned with truth Digitized by

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and justice, and his bibliography includes several contributions to newspapers in tbe United States and in Spain pertaining to political and other human issues. The list of bis publications totals over 300 items, including books, articles and reviews. As a public lecturer, Joe Silverman was spellbinding. As a teacber, he was unique. To attend one of his classes was to experience teaching at its very best: a presentation, scrupulously prepared in every detall, but, at the same time, spontaneous, dynamic, and humanized at the least expected moment by sorne inimitable, irrepressible, mischievous - even outrageous - comment, or a humorous comparison, that would bring sorne feature of the distant past into a modern, everyday perspective, actualize it and make it more real and immediate to bis listeners. His marvelous sense of humor was legendary. But, for many of us who knew and worked with Joe in professional terms, in addition to bis great learning, bis sensitivity to literary problems, and bis superb teaching, one of bis extraordinary characteristics was what can only be called his wisdom; bis unerring capacity to know what was right in prof essional and in human terms. We can point not only to bis long and successful service as provost of Stevenson College, but also to innumerable personal kindnesses, invaluable ad vice, and unf ailing help to colleagues and friends throughout this country and in Europe and Israel as well. One palpable expression of appreciation for just such things can be seen in the homage volume of studies by colleagues and former students published in Joe's honor in 1988 and reissued this year in a "Special Memorial Edition. "2 During · the months of bis final illness, there was an extraordinary outpouring of afTection for Joe: letters, calls, visita from friends, not only from the U .S., but also from overseas. And this brings us to an essential aspect of bis character: bis compassion, bis caring, bis humanity. After bis initial recovery, three years ago, Joe took time to visit others Digitized by

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wbo bad been struck by cancer, to ta1k witb tbem, to comfort them, to share bis feelings and bis experiences with them, to try to make it better. Tbere is a venerable and marvelous Jewish tradition, to the effect that there are just thirty-six tsaddikim, thirty-six truly righteous men, whose presence, whose intervention, sustains the world. Tbey are called lamedvavniks, after the Hebrew letters tbat represent the number 36. Unrecognized by each other, it is they, with their goodness and their compassion, who sustain civilization and who hold society together. We are quite sure that J oe Silverman must be counted among them.

Samuel G. Armistead Israel J. Katz Joseph V. Ricapito

1 "Dickens in Spain," Reading

"Han! Times": Resou~

Handbook Cor Teaching and Study, ed. John O. Jonlan and Murray Baumgarten (Santa Cruz: The Dickens Project, Kresge College, University of California, Santa Cruz, 1989), pp. 14-15. 2

Hispanic Studies in Honor of Joaeph H. Silverman, ed. Joeeph V. Ricapito, Newark, Delaware: Juan de la Cuesta, 1988. The volume includes a complete bio-bibliography up to the date of publication (pp. xv-miv).

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TABLEOF CONTENTS GUIDELINES FOR A CRITICAL EDITION OF THE Decadea of Alfonso de Palencia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Robert Tate LA "CRUELDAD DE LOS VENCIDOS" Un estudio interpretativo de Las memorias de dofta Leonor L6pez de C6rdoba . . . . . . . 19 Ruth Lubenow Ghassemi THE POET NAMED FLORENCIA PINAR . . . . . . . . . . . 33 Barbara Fulks SUFFIXAL DERIVATION AND BARRIERS TO THE DIPHTHONG ie IN OLDER SPANISH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Yakov Malkiel GUTIERRE DÍAZ, ESCRIBANO DE CÁMARA DEL REY, i-AUTOR DE El Victorial? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 Rafael Beltnin CONSIDERACIONES EN TORNO A LA ELABORACIÓN DE El libro de los dou sabios . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Hugo Bizzarri THE Duodenarium OF ALFONSO DE CARTEGENA: A Brief Report on the manuscripts and contenta . . . . . . . 90 Gerard Breslin NOTE: Chronicles and Epics in the 15th Century• ..... 103 S.G. Annistead

REVIEWS La, Leyenda del Caballero del Cisne. Edición, introduooión

y notas de Maria Teresa Echenique . . . . . . . . (Juan Carlos Conde López) Nancy F. Marino. La, Serranilla española: Notas para su historia e interpretaci6n . . . . . . . (Dorothy Clotelle Clarke) Maria Rosa Menocal. The Arabic Role in Medieval Literar;y_History: A Forgotten Heritage ....... (Peter Heath) Alberto Montaner Frutos. El recontamiento de al-Miqd4d y al-Maydsa, . . . (Consuelo López-Morillas) Frank Anthony Ramfrez, ed. Tratado de la comunidad.: Biblioteca de El Escorial MS. & 11-8 . . . . . . . (Dennis p. Senim Colin Smith. Christians and Moors is Spain. Volume I: AD 711-1150 .................. (Maria Rosa Menocal) MISCELLANEA Resources on Medieval Iberia at the Hill Monastic Manuscript Library . . . . . . . . . . Georp D. Greenia Meeting of the Association of British Hispanista Modem Language Association Sessions . . . . . . ANNOUNCEMEN1'S . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Digitized by

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Guidelines for a critical edition of the Decades of Alfonso de Palencia Robert B. Tat-e Nottingham This article followa directly on from a chronological aocount of the mea of Palencia's History; "Del manuscrito a la página de Alfonso de Palencia," in Homenaje al impresa; las Dbdas Profesor Antonio Vilanova (Barcelona) in print. In my previous article I mentioned the figure of fifteen extant mss. In this article I shall attempt to establish the provenance of aome of them. A number have been mentioned in the previous study, others not. As has been remarked, only circumstantial evidence survivea of the famous original in the Charterhouae of Seville; there is no trace of the Escorial ms mentioned by Nicolú Antonio. We have no lmowledge of what happened to the private copies of Argote de Molina, Alfonso Siliceo, Juan Lucas Cortes, the Marquás of Mondéjar. They may, of course, have passed to the Biblioteca Real and thence into the Nacional. In modem times, we lmow nothing of the copy belonging to Manuel Acosta, although it must be one of thoee at present in the Academy of History. Two more privat,e oopies are untraced, that of the Príncipe de Anglona and that of Academician Ranz Romanillos. 1 , lt was in the Biblioteca Real that the ftrst copies of the Dec-ades were locat.ed by the Academy Co111rnission. It will be recalled that there were six of theee available in 1833. Ali are now in the Biblioteca Nacional: BN 1710 (G.173), BN 1781 (G.43), BN 1772 (G.31), BN 1627 (G.32), BN 6544 (8.35), BN 7430 (T.217). Two important codices not mentioned were BN 1741 (G.226) and BN 1636 (G.29). The latt-er was certainly there in Agustín Dun\n's time, so perhaps both were overlooked by the Commisaion. During the search outside Madrid, the copy in the Archbishop's library at Seville was locat.ed. It was retumed, reborrowed and retumed again by Paz y Melia aome decades lat-er. Numerous attempts were made by scholars to relocate it without success. I found it buried at the bottom of a cupboard under a pile of mss while the library was cloeed and under reconstruction in 1979. Its original shelf mark was Estante 33 No. 225. Apart from Seville, there is only one other ms and that is in Salamanca University (MS 2559), which once was in the Biblioteca Real. I will retum to this manuscript in the Epilogue.

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Tat;e Finally, there are four mss not seen by the Commission, ali in the kademy of History: 9/5335, a pair 9/2185 and 9fJ,186, 9/453 (the famous Decade IV). These last three could not have been seen beca use they were transf erred there much la ter from the Cortes library when the kademy moved to the Calle de León. Furthermore, 9/5335 was a gift from an kademician who died in 1912. Let us now try and establish the provenance of some of these mas, particularly thoee in the kademy of History, which from 1850 housed the Salazar collection. As is well known, Luis de Salazar y Castro assembled a large library, just short of two thousand volumes, during the seventeenth century. 0n bis death he left bis library to the Monastery of Nuestra Señora de Monserrat, Madrid. In 1738, Juan de Iriarte, as librarian of Femando VI complet:ed an index in Jan. 1739 (MS 9/4918 of the kademy of History). There are two significant entries on Palencia (pp. 201-202): 2 tomos: El 1° P. Alphonsi Palentini Historia decas a8. Assí están rotulados estos dos oodices. Prima Decas incipit Alfonsi Palentini historiographi gesta hispaniensia ex annalibus suorum dierum colligentis. Prólogo incipit magna cum voluptate qui detuli jamdudum antiquitatam (sic) quae calamus horret etc. Deainit quam caducaetiori prefato presidü vastantis (sic for Baztensis) duci exordium adminiculantur libro subeequenti. Sfgueae esta subscripción en letra colorada: Belli Granatensis liber nonus explicit feliciter ejusdem belli decimus et ultimus incipit. Felicissime. y luego a la buelta empiessa el libro 10° con esta palabras: Seditionum (sic for deditionum) quarum facta mentio est mirabilis effectus. El 1° tomo destoe dos tendrá cerca de 300 folios, et 2° tendrá cerca de 250. Están ambos escritos en pergamino con títulos y iniciales coloradas y assules. estan como acabadas de escribir. parecen de la misma mano que los dos que acabamos de escribir, como se conoce de la letra y calidad del pergamino, del tamano etc. aunque estos dos últimos tienen en la letra y renglones un poco más metidos. son ciertamente alajas todas 4 tomos.

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La Cor6nica 18:1, 1989 In the last couple of linea Iriarte makes mention of two other volumes of hist:ory previously deecribed.They are ali given numbers: 149

A selection of Latin chronicles beginning with Isidore

Junior 150 151 152

Chroniclee of Isidore and Sénchez de Arévalo Palencia, ~des 1 and 2 3 and, as is evident from the above, Palencia, ~de the Granadine Campaign, ~de 4 could not fit here in so few folios.

Another catalogue of the same period from the Academy by Fr Mecolaeta (9/454 olim G.6), f.63•• lista the following: Tres decadas de la Historia de Eapa6a por Alonao de Palencia desde el ano 1460 hasta el 1490, G.n. 13 y 14 This means that the two volumes were onoo numbered G.13 and G.14, with the same contenta as before. But on cloaer inspection these figures were not the original shelf numbers; they were G.3 and G.4. If we tum to the list made out by Academicians Quadrado and Benavides on receipt oí the Salazar collection from D. Francisco Arg(lelles "oficial mayor de la Secretaria del congreso do los Sra Diputados," we find the followingon f. 13r, G.1 and G.2 correspond to 149 and 150 as before. But G.3 now reads:

Otro en folio, pasta G .3. Las dbdas de Tito Livio impreao;~rece completo - falta notada en la entrega de 1835; otro en folio, pasta, G.4 Rodericus Palentinus (i.e. Arévalo) ms. está inutilizado al principio; al parecer está completo. Otro en folio, pasta, j-5 Alphonsus Palentinus: está inutilizado al principio. Otro en folio pergamino G.6. Papeles de los religioaos. ms parece completo. The Indice de la, colecci6n de D. Luis Saltuar y Castro vol. 21 (Madrid, 1958) was based on research into mss. and past inventories. With referen~ to the four volumes in question, it gives the corresponding shelf numbers G .1 and G .2 as above. As for G .3 it saya:

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Tat:e G.3

Falta - según el inventario de esta colección de 1835, debería contener las Dbdas de Tito Livio, impresas. Sería un ejemplar de algunas de las ediciones de Salamanca. 1497: Burgos, 1505; Zaragoza, 1520; Amberes, 1552 y Colonia, 1553.

G.4

un códice en folio menor, encuadernado en piel de becerro, con dibujos en seco de estilo mudéjar con 168 hojas numeradas et:c.

(This turna out to be the Latin text of Sánchez de Arávalo'shistory but with additions up to 1516, so it cannot be confused with the same text in G.2). G.5

Tres décadas de la historia de Enrique IV, desde 1460 hasta 1490 por Alonso de Palencia. ms en latin del siglo xvii. Faltan 17 hojas al princi[pi]o del volumen y empieza en el capitulo de la Decada primera.

We can render this detailed survey in a simple chronological table (See next page). Now Gustave Cirot studied G.1 and G.2 in a totallx different context and he has obviously examined Iriarte's catalogue. 1 He notes that G.3 and G.4 no longer exist in the ~demy as parallel volumes to the parchment volumes G.1 and G.2 in black, red and blue ink. He further argues that, as G.2 belonged to Galíndez de Carvajal, the two volumes of the Decades must have been part of the series of well-edited Hispanic historical texts he had been preparing. From 1836/7, with the transfer of the Salazar collection from the Biblioteca Real to the Cortes library (under the direction of Gallardo), G.3 and G.4 went astray forever, forno ms extant today fits the past description. Not that the past description is altogether accurate, because 152 or G.14 must also have contained the Granada campaign, whoee ex,cipit is indicated in Iriarte. Furthermore, Mecolaeta's catalogue states the history covered from 1460 to 1490. The 1850 index introduces this phantom Livy (G.3) and a Sánchez de Arévalo history which still survives today. This was possibly due to a conf usion of the title "Decades." In the same index figures a Fourth Decade at G.5. This item was falsely entered in the printed 1958 index as Dec. 1.2.3., an item which must been been copied from the Mecolaeta index, given the identity of phraseology. So, although on the one hand a Fourth Decade has

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o

!..O. ;::;.: ¡:;::¡· (D

o.. O'"

'
-idad, few and far between, can only be ferreted out at high cost from painstaldngly meticulous paleographic editions of (preferably, careleasly scribbled) manuscripta, because in moat of the standard editions -idad uaecl in lieu of expected -iedad has simply been reoognized and, consequently, expunged by textual critica as a ailly blunder of the medieval copyist in charge, rather than as a symptom of that scribe'srealistic adherence to the spoken standard. A good deal depended al.so on the educational background of the author in question and, lastly, on the degree of leamedneas, as against folksiness, of the given lexical unit; contrariedad 'contradiction, was, ali told, better protected from recounter-argument' interpretation than, say, 1ffZiedad or auzi,edad, with propiedad - already tendentially shom of i~ second "etymological" /r/ oooupying a patch of middle ground. It will be noted that even in words of entirely diff erent structure (e.g., in derivatives Crom vago and vano), -«lad and -idad were locked Cor centuriea in keen competition, a fluid situation almost inconceivable in any asaortment of congealed modem Spanish derivatives. The one exiguous slice of medieval notarial documenta that I have so far managed to examine, by way of specimen (from Hueaca in Upper Aragón, ten pieces dating from 1250 to 1275), tumed out to be by no means devoid of telltale peculiarities, but contained ~ additional clues as to the distribution o( -iedad, -«lad, and -idad. V. From piedad to piadad (Within the bounds of Old Spanish) One of the most bizarrely structured word-familiea of contemporary Spanish lezis is the one that, at least originally, had pto < piu 'pious, merciful' at its center, even though that initial focal point, along with its antonym inipto 'pitileas, cruel' (plus that antonym's appendages: inipiedad 'pitileasneas' and impiedoso 'pitilees') have of late tended to recede into the background. lt is bardly the haplology of impiedoso (in lieu of ideally regular *impiedadoso) that one finds disturbing - we have already encountered on our way various examplea of that phenomenon, e.g., (h)um«lad and (h)eredad - but rather the curious Cact that the

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Malkiel pied- segment presides over only the fairly rare items just mentioned, plus one more offshoot, to wit, piedad 'piety, pity' - a straightforward eemi-Latinism - whereas the entire remainder of the constituents, truly vemacular, of the elusive family are squarely based on the variant piad- and, by the same token, offer increased aemantic variety (cf., in French, pieU va. pitU and their English echoes). Specifically, the powerful piad- branch brackets the adj. piadoso 'merciful, pitiful'; the verb apiadar (tr.) 'to move to pity' beside (refl. + de) 'to have pity'; and the two past-participial adjectives desapiadado 'mercileas, pitiless' and despiadado 'unmerciful', which jointly militate in favor of the at an earlier stage, of a parallel finite verb: dea(a)piadar. What one is surprised to discover about apiadar (and ita pronge) is the circumstance that this verb resta not on a primary adjective, namely pto - the way afear 't;o make ugly, deform, deface' resta on feo 'ugly', etc. - but on an ezpanded variant, namely piad-, which aeems to owe ita -d- augment to a varia,¡,, no longar eztant, of the corresponding abstract, namely piadad. As has been independently established, such a procesa is apt to occur in the event that the primitive happens to be atra-ahort; cf. the protracted rivalry, in the old days, of vil- 'base, mean', as in vil-aa, en-vil-ecer, with viU-, extra~ from the abatracts vil-tad, -dad 'meanneaa' (eztinct at present). Yet, an even more relevant idiosyncrasy of the pie-/piadcomplez surely has been the tendential substitution of unstreosed -ia- for -ie-. Unquestionably, -ia-, in general terma, is as legitimate a rising diphthong as is ie; yet, in connection with the unique Spanisb scene, ia, /ja/, at an early date,29 became relegated, acept in certain peripheral dialects, to the structurally irrelevant role of a aound sequence rigorously excluded, e.g., from the interplays of vowels peculiar to the conjugational paradigm, in polar opposition to ~ /jE/. As a result, replacing ie by ia was tantamount to neutralizing or even trivializing tbe diphthong. Studenta of metrical analysis of Old Spanish poetry aasureus in unison that pio at that juncture was bisyllabic, and pr«lad trisyllabic - in formal scanning for purpoees of recitation. Granting that much, we are free to assert that piedad was well-nigh irrmistibly bound to be compressed into [pje&a&], exhibiting the /jE/ diphthong in pretonic syllable, i.e., in an uncongenial environment. lf that was so, then it can be cogently argued that converting the untenable segment -iedad into -iadad was merely an alternativa to changing it, therapeutically, into «latl or -idad. There remains the crucial question as to whether pr«lad >

gwtence,

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Malkiel

compilad an impreasive inven1:ory of the appearancea of ali three derivativas ao far mentioned, in their alternativa garba (-ri-, -U-), but aomehow missed the crucially important variante in -idad and -iadad that had previously caught the att:ention of bis, for once, 35 apparently more alert pred~r. One reason for the tendential shift contrario > contrallo, etc., is ao transparent as to be indisputable: the point was the elimination of the clash between the two r's, exoept that the normal procedure (r - r > r - l) in this instance was slightly modified, 36 in tribut:e to the palatal semiconsonant following immediately u pon the second aonorant. The point at issue, then, is to determine whether any collateral, allied force was, additionally, operative. The chronological data assembled by Cuervo, Corominas, and others are insufficient to show unequivocally which member of the set contrario, contrariar, contrariedad was the first to switch to the alt;emative radical contra.U-. In the event that it was contrariedad, the chance to eliminate unstressed -ie- could have aded as a powerful stimulus; otherwise that same stimulus could simply have reinforced a course of evolution already on its way. The almost anecdotally flavored separate biographies of fieldad/fidelidad, ne(s)c(i)edad,piedad/piadad, contra-riedad/-lledad, etc. have until now provoked scant interest, in part because their common denominator remained unidentified, and in part because the questions at issue, straddling the domains of phonology and derivational morphology (with a few lexical implications), riveted no one's wholehearted attention. Yet, precisely problems of such unconventional soope urgently demand a aearch for some new approach and thus hold out the promise of a rewarding future.

NOTES 1 The pNNDt papar ia an outgrowth ol a more comprehenaive inquir:, into the abltract aufflx -tad, -dad (including the van. «lad, -idad, ancl -i«lad), not yet entirely completed, of which the ahort article •The Secret of Old Spaniah paridad• (in prea) ia another autonomOWI ofrahoot. Independently, thia piece entera into an ememble ol ltudiea concerned with the tendential monophthongization of older Spaniah diphthonp, a conatellation of inquiriell whoae center could well be the tollowing item: "The Fluctuating Intenaity of a 'Sound Law': Some Viciuitudea ol Latin l and 6 in Spaniah," RPh, 34:1 (1980), 48-63; for a ahorter veraion aee Papera from the 4th Intemational Conferentt on HiBtoriml Linguistica [Stanford, 1979], edd. et al., 321-30 (Amaterdam: .John Bez,Jamim, 1980). Tba EHubeth C. Traupt centerpiece ol my inw.tiptiom into the wicleapreadmonophthongiaation of heaW.,

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La Cor6nica 18:1, 1989-90 pie-, pia-dad representa a unique instan~ of this particular retreat, open to a few generations of speakers, from proeodic impropriety, or whetber additional examples of this temporary trend can be identified. Even though supporting illustrations are few, they are not altogether missing; thus, in qu. 1627 of the Libro de buen amor, one encounters, side by side, propiedad (MS S) and propiadad (MS T), and it is indeed a matter of regret that J. Corominas, in bis "critical" edition of that text, sbould have neglected to point out this peculiarity and to have inserted some suitable comment. 30 0n neciadat see supra, n. 21; and on contrariedad see infra. As Cor any specific reasons Cor the selection of a (qua ingredient of -ia- ), one negative factor that comes to mind, namely the extreme rarity in Old Spanisb of unstressed -io- (as in complexly architectured pordiosero 'beggar') and of -iu- as well, surely was balanced by a positive factor: the relative frequency of de-adjectival adverbs in -(i)amente, e.g.,prop(r)iamente 'properly, appropriat,ely'. 31 VI. From Standard contrariedad to Substandard contralledad

Latin, through leamld conduits, bequeathed to Spanish both

contra. and contrario (as against the verb encontra.r,which Spanish inherited through uninhibited folk speech; hence, the diphthong in encuentro). Alongside these "cultismos," there developed on the level of informal discourse, through substitution of [ .\] Cor [rj], the by-form contrallo which, in tum, in territories marked by tendency towards ye{smo, in the end was transmuted into contra.yo. The two consecutive changes spread tbrough the ranks of the sub-family of contrario, engulfing contrariar 'to counteract, oppoee, thwart'; contrariedad 1contrariness, interference, annoyance'¡ and the (quite rare) adj. contrarioso 1inclined to block or oppose'. 3 That great 19th-century pioneer of Spanisb philology, R. J. Cuervo, included in the torso of bis historico-synt:actic dictionary an excellent account of three members of this family: the verb contrariar; the adjective (or noun) contrario, -a; plus the abstract contrariedad - with full attention, as was bis wont, to tbe preClassical period; 33 in regard to the last-mentioned item, he cited from the arsenal of MSS of Fuero Juzgo - a legal text known for the archaicity of its wording - certain by-forms in -idad and -iadad, i.e., exactly the variante that one could have foreseen on the strength oí the preceding sections of the present article. Cuervo was aware of tbe existence of the var. contrallo, whicb he had come acroes in bis Old Spanish readings, but fell short of accurately interpreting it. 34 Approximately sizty years lat-er, Corominas 53

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La Cor6nica 18:1, 1989-90 atreaed diphthonp - an altopther dift'erent proceaa (cf. -iello > -illo, fruenll! > frente, and the like) - corresponda to the opening wtion of my monographlengt.h ..Etymology aa a Challenge to Phonology; the Cue of Romance Linguistica," in: Lautgeachichll! und Etymologie: Aiten der VI. Faditagung der lndo-germaniachm Gaellacha,ft, Wien, 24.-29. September 1978, edd. M. Mayrhofer, M. Petera, O. E. Pfeiffer, 260-86 (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1980). Other itema bearing on ac,me crucial aapect (e.g., in11ectional) of the unatable relationahip "diphthong va. monophthong" in Spaniah include the twin aaminationa of poat-tonic pronominal -i and -i«n) - -le(n): •Hiapanic algu(i)en and Related Formatiom: A Study of tbe Stratiftcation of the Romance Laicon in the Iberian Penimula," Uniu. of Cal.ifomia Publ. in Linguiaticll, 1:9 (1948), 357-442, and ..OJd Spaniah nadi(e), otri(e), • HR, 13 (1M6), 204-30. Supplementary ideu and atray bita of information can be gleaned from the following piecea, atretching over a period in acea of thirty-tlve yean: •A¡,retar, pr(i)eto, perta: hiatoria de un cruce hiapanolatino,• BICC, 9 ( 1953 (-65)), 1-139; •Diphthongization, Monophthongization, Metaphony: Studiell in tbeir Interaction in the Paradigm of the Old Spaniah -ir Verba," LanlP,Ullle, 42 (1966), 430-72; ..The Abandonment of the Root Diphthong in the Paradigma of Certain Spaniah Verba," lncontri linguiatici, 6 (1979 (1980]), 123-38 ( = V&ttore Piaani Testimonial); ..The Old Spaniah and Old Galician-Portugueae A«ijectiveledo, Arcbaic Spaniah liedo," La Cordnica, 9:2 (1981), 95-106; •Morpho-Semantic Conditioning of Spaniah Diphthongization; The Cue of tao - tieso," RPh, 36:2 ( 1982), 154-84; ..Old Spaniah Resiatance to Diphthongization, or Previoua Vowel Len¡thening'I, • LanlP,Ullle, 60 (1984), 70-114; "Riaing Diphthonp in the Paradigma of Spaniah LearMd -ir Verba,• HR, 52 ( 1984), 303-33; ..Spaniah Diphthongization and Accentual Structure (in Diachronic Penpective), • Diachronica, I: 1 (Fall 1984), 217-41; "Latin SUPERBUSJSUPERBIA: Their Reffexes in Spaniah and Portugueae (Older and Modern)," Kentucky Romance Quarterly, 36 (1988), 387-400; plus tbe review article: •Jeny Kur:,lowicz'• Analyaia of Old Spaniah Co... tional ClMNI, • General Linguiatica, 25:3 ( 1985), 141-70.

2 In a way, thia aegment of tbe praent paper invomw a partia1 reviaion of a ~ earlier item: •The Derivation of Hiapanic fealdad(e), fieldad(e), frialdad(e), • Univ. of Califomia Publ. in Linguiaticll, 1:5 (1946), 187-211. 3 The thorougbly 1eamM rendition of Lat. -1/Jteby OSp. -tal (var. -tad) wu poai1>1e ac,lely where the fint -l waa preceded by ac>mecomonant, preferably -e-, occuionally -l-, -r-, -n-, or -.,. C• ~-): amiatad and enemiatad, facultad and difu:ultad, libertad, ma¡¡atad, oneatad, pod,eatad, tempeatad, uo- beaide ue-luntad, ali of them of tranaparent meaning and deacent (yet a few of them of alightly later vintage, u ia a1ao true of pubertad); oblerve that oneatad involval haplology, and that both pod,eatad and the var. uell,ntad involve phonological departurea from the contoun of the model worda (Portugueae, however, goea much farther with ita congener uontade). A few apecial cuea o( -tad words, which invite circumatantial aeparate treatment, include: malvestad 'wickednea'; ri(c)tad •power, wealth'; vil-tad -dad, alonpide vüaa and a-vil-ant-ez(a) 'vileneu'; and mea-, mee-, mey-tad, the predeceaaon of mod. mi-tad 'halr. The acheme of a ret.reat from thia congaa1edpattern ia exemplified by the auhetitution of pobrezaor pobredad •poverty• for Claaa. paupert/Ja. 4 For the 15th-century record of confidencia aee my monograph •Development of the Latin Sufflxea -ANTIAand -ENTIA. .. ," Univ. of Califomia PubL in Lin.guiatica, 1:4 (1945), 41-188, at 117. An even higher degree of artificial Latinization, through congealment of a finite form of the relevant verb, ia viat1>lein E. af-ful-avit. An inquiry into the Hispano-Romance viciaaitudeaof Latin intervocalic ~- ia overdue; the traditional formula -VdV yielda zero in Galician-PortugueN, abowa preaervation

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Malkiel oftbe comonant., placed in Old Navarro-Arqonele (el. Goma1o de Berceo: püda 'leet'), and diaplaya waffring in tbe Central dialecta (nido 'neat' baaide 'wtJing'; f rlo 'colcl' alonpide frido fawred in toponymy, witnw F~rida)• inwlvel IJ'Ol8 aimplification; for an alternatiw view w my paper •paractigmatic Remtance to Souncl Chanp ... ," Lan.guage,36 (1960), 281-348.

ni-.,

6 A. ,r.l, at ftnt a two-a.,DabJeword, wu ~ moriDg in tba clincticn oC mowyllabicit7, tbe ..,.._.., allowuce lor tM dwnp of fW '1,ile', from the 8tart, into laia, became tbe principal IDNM fbr boJdtng at hay tbe thrMt of c:onfuain¡ ~-

8 PIOtracted ICriba1 ftCIJJation between tbe -,ellinp -dal ud. -dad ia U81M)]y dkm!ned u, phonoJosiceJly, inei..ant; tbe word-bal dental may actueJ\yhave been pronounced• [ &] or (8). Tbe more adYancedftriant -dd, endowed with aocia1 or aituational implicationa, turna out to be poat-medleval.

7 Tbe dual role aeeigned.to faeldad bu been tima summariud in my Tmtatiae Aulabibliography (RPh, Special INue, 1988-89), under No. 18: -rhe N1ation of Sp. (f!O ••• to . . . fealdad ... reprwnta an anomaly, on account of tbe wedpd-in -al,epnent. There aiat trace. of older derivativas, in ~. «lad, -alumbre, and -adumbre; thw before long were dialodpd by fealdad., taJam ovar from tha fami)_, of fW 'true', where fealdad initially wu a ftriant ot p.ldad < fidl/,ildte. Tbe modem langaap haa optecl for f ulelidad•. 8 Tba chief trouble with fe(e)dad wu tbat, p,mted the pouihility of eroaion of -f-, it N1Mined for a while on a colliaion coune with edad 1ap' < a.1/Ue. A rmtic medieval by-form of feo, namel7 lu!do, inpniouaJy capturecl by Juan Ruis, ~ illuatratM t.he interp)ay between two endangereclconaonanta: /· ancl -d-. 9 Briet and buir.aJ\, noDCl'rnmittal atatementa on tbe fortuw of Lat. -l4le in Spaniah (plua, in part, ita congenen) can be ferretecl out from a profumon of hiatoricaland comparatm gramman, and of aatellitea of etymological cüctionariM atretching from F. Die&,Grununatü der romaniachm Spradam, rev. 7.dedn., Vol [Formenlehre] {Bonn: E. Weber, 1858), pp. 336-3'7, to M. A1var & B. Pottiar, Mor(ologla hiat6rica del apaltol (Madrid: Gredoa, 1983), 1§291-293, u well • to R. Penny, •Derivation of Abatracta in Alfonaine Spaniah," RPh,· 41:1 (1987), 123 - a atatiatically underpinned inve.tigation. Ahead or Diez one can place only R. Cabrera( f 1833), Diccionario dimol/Jgicode la lengua COlllellana, ed. J. P. A,egui, Vol I (Madrid: M. Calero, 1837), pp. 105-10, while Penny'a piece, I undentand, ia to be aoon followed by a topically related atudy by S. N. Dworldn, to appear in BBS. Intermediate atationa along thia long road include: P. F. Monlau, "Rudimento. de etimologfa," included in hia Diocionario dimol/Jgico ele la lmgua oatellana (BueDOI Airea: El Ateneo, 1941), pp. 118-19, a nprint or the reviaed poathumoua 1881 edn. (the original goea back to 1866); P. Foenter, Spaniadac Sprochlehre {Berlin: Weidmann, 1880), p. 219; W. Meyer-Lilbke, Grrunmatü ,_,. romaniachm Spradam, Vol. D; Formenlehre (Leipzig: Fuea/Reiaberg,1894), §493; A. 1.auner,Altapaniacha EletMntarbucla (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1908), p. 102; R. Men6ndeaPidal, ed., Cantar de Mio Cid, Vol. I (Madrid: no pubL, 1908; nw. ecln., Eapua-Calpe, 1944), pp. 156, 242, u well u hia Ortgena del eapaltol . .. , rev. 3d edn. (M.ldrid: Eapua-Calpe, 1960), 1§48.3, 109. (in reterence to meytad and van.), and hia Manual de gromdtica hiat6rica espaltola, rev. 6th edn. {Madrid: EapuaCalpe, 1941), §83.3 {on adGata uwl u a lOth-eentury gloa); F. Han en, Gramdtica hiat6rica ele la lengua OtUJlellana(Halle: Nieme,er, 1913), §346; V. Garda

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La Cor6nica 18:1, 1989-90 de Diego, EIDMntoa de gramdtica hiat/Jrica caa~llana (Burp: •El Monte Carmelo," 1914), p. 191, aa well aa the aame author'• Gramdtica hiat/Jrica apaiwla (Madrid : Gredoa, 1951), p. 233 ; J. Alenian,y Bolufer, Tratado de la formacil>n de palabl'QIJ en la lengua caa~llana.: la derivacil>n y la oompoaicil>n. . . (Madrid: V. Suúez, 1920), §52 (= pp. 40-42); G. B. Pellegrini, Grommatica ,torica 1pa¡pwla (Bari: •Leonardo da Vmci," 1950), p. 219; and D. G. Patwon, Early Spaniah Suf{iza: A Fundional Study of tM Principal Nominal Suff ua up to 1300 (Publ. of the Philological Soc., 27, Oxford: Blackwell, 1975), pp. 133-41. To thMe may be heaitantly added one of m,y own juvenilia, whoae actual writing gl:IN back to 1939: •Probleme dea apaniacben Adjektivabatraktuma,• Neuphi/ologiache Mi~ÜUA¡/ffl, 46 (1945) , 171-91 ; 47 (1946), 13-45. Tbe moat tborough among the earlier p,-ntationa of the problem waa, clearly, Meyer-Ldbke'• ( 1894), not leut becauae it followed a1moat immediately bi, own earlier diuection of the data conglomerate: "Zur Ge.chichte der 1-teiniacben Ahatrakta," Archw filr ~inilche Lexikogrophie und Grammatik, 8 (1893), 313-38, at 321-34 . Hanuen derived profit from bis cloee reading ofMeyer-Ldbke'• analyaia, a1moat two decadea aft.er it, completion . Alenian,y Bolufer'• subtle interpretation of the preference accorded to -«lad or -idad in terma of varying numben of a,llablea falla ahort of carrying conviction . Two collateral contributiona, on the aide of PortuguNe, to the debate, bave remained, one regret, to admit, leu than exciting: J. M. Piel, •A formac;'o doa substantivoe abatractoa em portuguéa," Biblos, 16 (1940), 209-37, at 220; and J. H.

D. Allen, Jr ., Portuguae Word-Formation with Suffua, Univ. of Pennaylvania diu . 1941, Suppl. to Langua¡Je, 17:2; - §31, with a few uaeful bibliograpbic hints. Cf. Allen'• polemic witb L. Spitzer on the aegment .(da)do,o in PortuguNe in Langua¡Je, 16 (1940), 157-60; 17 (1941), 50-53, and m,y review of Allen'• diuertation, ibid., 18 ( 1942), 51-62. lO Amulad (and, bued on it, ita •mantic oppoaite: enemiatad) involve the 11\lbmtution, in Roman folk apeech, of -táú CorClaaa. -itia; ultimately, -atad replaced 4tad. The aucceuive wavea of Latiniama brought with tbem a aprinkling of latecomen, including pubertad long after libertad. 11 For quick orientation I have repeatedl,y had recoune to the gloaary - atill reliable except, in 80me inatancea, for the etymologiN aupplied - appended to J . D. M. Ford'• Old Spaniah Readin/11 (Boaton: Ginn & Co., 1911, 1939). 12 Cibdad, however, from the atart atood alone in that it lacked any primitive on the chronological level oí Romance, u apinat the atate of affain in Latín: cluia cluit&. Thia ia not entirely true oí ver-dad, given the uninterrupted exiatence of leamM compounda, auch u Veracruz, alonpide vemacular adverbs, among them de vel'QIJ= It. davvero . 13 Some of theae worda bouted idioayncratic evolutiona, which can at p,-nt only be hinted at. Thua the -'· of omildad eventually apread to the primitive, executing a leap reminiacent oí rebeldta - rebelde ; malus , already in Late Latín, began to aail in the wake of bonus (it, Nmantic polar oppoaite) by allowing malit& to flank bonit&, u apinat Claaaical uaage (malitia hu indeed aurvived in Spaniah u maleza, tending to acquire a apecial meaning: 'weeda, underbruab'); frialdad echoedfealdad, whoae zigzag coune hu already been here reconatructed ; beldad ia an old Occitanism, with the bel- ,egment failing to match the primitive bell-o, -a, with any degree of neatnea ; etc .

14 Meaquindad ia noteworthy to the extent that it involvea an Arabiam, acclimatized through the apeaken' thorough familiarity with numeroua Hiapano-Latin worda

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Malkiel ending in -ino/-tn: merindad and uezinclad (from merino < mai6rtiw and vaina < uic-Cnu) claarly pnceded it and p&fld tbe way lor it; ao did perbapa, ruindad, wboae tntjectory C. Stern and myaelf bave attempted to piec:etogether in BHS, 61 (1984), 137-60. Note the extra-cloN parallelimn of 411ua and -üwa, with -6l&ua (aa in biJn.ua) and 4llua (u in the Helleniam orp""1&u) cbiming in.

16 &Mro involvel 1ingul4ria, apowl and &¡gi d•• ive auffix -4riua.

to the inftuence ol the aceptionaJ)y common

18 Lib cibdad (w n. 12. above), e(n)gu«lad, witbin iu aubpoup, embodiea the 1one aample ol a derivative bereft ol ita primitift, which muat once hae been a local oatgrowth ol aequua, the naaal baving been intercalated out ol respect lor the •tes Aacoli, • ur)Me one prelen to atart out ftom (in}gffluu; w my paper, written in collaboration with B.N. Dworkin, C. B. Faulhaber,J. F. Levy, and J. K. Walah, in RPh, 32:1 (1978), 49-64. - Some ol the lormationa bere cited acquired a apecia1 connotation (or overtone) when uNCl, preponderantly, in the plural: anti¡¡ll,edada, bondadea,eredada. mooedada, nowdacla. - Haplological compreaion affected tbe appearance ol ermad and umedad. - Soledad may, at the outaet, bave atood cloae to vibdeclad. Striking by-lorma include ahort-liwd acunldad. Etymologically, ali the itema here adduced are tranaparent, except conceivably for the continued uncertainty aurrounding gafo and mO(:O. - Aa regarda the chronological documentation (u tentatively ucertained in J. Corominu' DCE ol tbe yean 195467), grawdad, preceded by groveza, made ita appearance at the very end of tbe Middle Agea (Palencia); ao did groaedad (Nebrixa), outflanked by groauro. But note the hiatua between vaglU!dad (Calderón) ancl van«lad (Berceo). One ia cliaappointed by the author'• inattention to the reapectm birthdatea ol brevedad and bruaquedad. 17 The mo8t intriguing formation in -úlad by far wu paridad (8UITOl1Dded by a hoat ol varianta) 'aecret', 'wrecy', •aecret report'. Aa I haw tried to demoutrate in a paper now in preu, the amootheat atarting point Cora genealogical tree for it woa1d be tbe adverbial phrue por puridad, tranamuted in careleu apeech into por paridad, with de, en, or a tending to replace por to lorecloae the huard of haplological contraction.

18 Modern flpanich aJac, aporta a tiny group ot abatracta in -eidad uwl aolely in ctidacticprme: •lf-esplanatory espontaneidad, aimultaneidad, from learnM primitiwa in -dneo. Even lea common are equally erudite formation.1 in -u.id.ad,e.g., acuidad '(viaual) acuity', oblicuidad 'obliquity (ot the ecliptic)', admiuible only in acientiftc diacoune. CC.Fr. 1pontanlitl, ,imultaMiU, lJl!UiU 'high pitch'. ltalian toleratea ailnulttJMü4, apontaMit4, obliquitb-, but prelen acume for 'aharpnea'. Theae far. fetched modelawere alien to medieval Spaniah. ·

19 Propi«lad, e.g., -~ acceptable to Juan Ruiz (490c), an acellent judge or lelicitoua ear).y 14th-century uaap, while tJOCi«ladwaa tolerated even earlier by Gonzalo de Berceo (Santo Domingo, 87b). 20 For the aake ol impartiality, thia compoaite deftnition hu been bonowed in ita entirety from E. B. Williama, Spaniah el Bngliah Dictionary/Dicdonarioinglb el eapallol (New York: H. Holt & Co., 1955), II, 405a. Aa a center or derivation, necprevaila over neci- in yet other pronp; witneu n.ec-ear 'to talk nonaeme', 'to looliahly peniat', u againat, it ia true, enneciar 'to become fooliah, get atupid'; both verba, incidental)y, are condemned to marginal uae at preaent.

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21 The reducüon of OSp. neciedad to mocl.MCedad wu obaerved ancl characterized aa a wuqueprocea by Alem&D)' Bolufer, loe. cit.; ,et the aplanation there offerad falla ahort of carrying conviction. Aa reprda detaila, R. S. B01P et al., Tentatiue Dictionary of Medialal Spaniah (Chapel Hill, 1946), p. 357, may Nrve u a reliable pide not only to MCio (Berceo, Milagroa, 92a; Don Juan Manuel, Lucanor, p. 'J:1.28;Ruiz, 16a, 1620d); but alao, more atimulatingly, to hypocoriatic ~-uelo (Ruiz, 1573a) - the forenmner of mod. nec-ez-uelo, u aanctioned by the 20th edn. ( 1984) of the Madrid Academy'a dictionary - , plua, above ali, to the triad IU!C(i)edad - neciadad (or -dat), carved out from paaapa in Berceo and Ruiz MSS. May one take it for granted that a miaprint hu crept into Brian Dutton'• ot.herwiae meritorioua edition of El Sacrificio de la m.iaa (London: Tameaia, 1981)? Trua glON&I)' liata Af!IICktat '..tupidas' (p. 188a), whila text and note. read mateadtbe mora f9miliar nacfedat (pp. 64, 161: •Jatiniamo").

From tma Nt of data it N8IU aafe to infer tbat MCio, u an autonomoua word, at no time underwent compreaaion, while, u haad of a aprawling familiY, it auft'ered protracted wavering between the rival van. ~- and n«:i(e)-, with the former gradually winning out. The longer variant'• tough reaiatance to eroeion ia exemplified by neci-arr-6n 'bobarrón', which F. Rodrfguez Marfn, Doa mil quinienta, vocea caatizaa y bien autorizada.a. .. (Madrid, 1922), p. 258, atracted from Act II of the playwright A Cubillo de Aragón'a comedia: El invisible prlncipe del batd. Cl. Sp. enneciar (refl.) is documented by J. Mir y N08U8ra, Rebuaco de vocea castizas (Madrid, 1907), p. 327. Cluea to the record of the verba necear (nec + ear or nece +ar?), u captured by R. Reatrepo (1943), and neciar (neci + ar?), u overheard in Honduraa by A Membreño (1912), and other helpful hinta bave been obligingly prorided by M. Romera-Navarro, Regiatro de laicogrofla hiapdnica(Madrid: CSIC, 1951), p. 701b. No anawer to the cballenge of nece~iado, Cor whoee relation to necio (ü there exi9ted any) eYen a H. A Rennert could not vouch in editing ( 1911) the play FarpJ a man.erade tragedia, waa fumiahed in the three decadea aeparating that editorial venture from C. Fontecha'a Gloaario de vocea comentada& (Madrid: CSIC, 1941), p. 251. The apeakera' fierce reaiatance to any temptation to block the threatening disintegration of the family through any experimenta with •rezo ia beat accounted Cor by the vogue of acijectivea in -io, aa explored in my paper: •Multiple va. Simple Causation in Linguistic Change," To Honor Roman Jakobson: E,,ays on the Occasion of his Seuentieth Birthday, Vol. ll (The Hague & Paria: Mouton, 1967) pp. 1228-46. 0n the •pedal aigniíicancell in a related contat, of the infrequent var. neciadat aee Section V, infra.

22 In Berceo MSS, auzie-, upon occaaion, wu aubject to contraction to auzi- (but not to auz-, counter to earlier opinion), when it preceded other derivational auftixea. Thua, one ímds s11.ziedum.ne •dirtinesa' (also figuratively, aa in the phrue de muy grant s1aied1u11.ne 'in vile taahion', San, Milldn, qu. 371c, in rhyme with aeroidumne and fi.rmedumne) beside the diminutive s,ai•uelo (ibid., 214b); alao, through Dutton'• felicitoua emendation, in Milagros, 271a: su.zi-huela in lieu of the earlier apurioua reading BUZ-uda; aee hia innovative edn. (London: Tameaia, 1971), pp. 103, 256a. or immediate concern to ua ia the triad au.z-iedal - -edat - -id.al carved out by BORP et al., op.cit., p. 485, from the sum total of their ímdinp, which included Milo.groa, 549d (in rhyme with desonestat, CtJBtidat, and soceedat) and Loores de Nueatra Seftora, 43c (in rhyme with actoridad and humil[i]dat; Dutton, in his 1975 edn., refen the reader to 24, where uniilidat rhymea with verdat, prenn.edal, and certenedaJ). The copyiata of Ruiz, more panimonioua in their diaplay of varianta, wavered between auz-iedal and -edat 'dirt, fllth' (456b, 1176c); aee H. B. Richardaon,

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Malkiel An Btymologiml

Univenity Prea, raio andauzio.

to tM •Libro de Bum Amor• . .. (New Haven: Yale 1930), p. 214. Note the aecondary character ot-io (from -ldu>in

Vombulary

23 The reduction of raie- to rai- before a auftix introcluced b., a atJ aaaad vowel waa practica]ly unawidable; note raiu.ra in a pe•aaefrom D. 8'nchea de Badajoz aingled oat for mention by C. Fontecba, op.cit., p. 308.

24 For imtaDCM of the, ali to)d, cownatmt tnatment ol COAtrari«lad w F. Huerta Tejada, Vombulario de llu obra. de don Juan MGIUIM (12Jl2-18481 (Madrid, 1956), p. 44, u well u Barldn e Joaphd, ed. G. Moldenhauer, foL 174v0 bia, and Confu,i6n del aman.te, ed. H. Knuat, fola. 33r 0 , 143r0 , 325v0 ; u a matter of fact, don Juan Manuel did not bMitate to bancJ1e even a word M ponderoua• corporalidad. wben preaent-day uaap baa opted inatead for corpomdad. 26 See T. Navarro [Tomú], ed., Docwnmtoa lingalatit:Joadel AlJa A,.,,... (SJNCUN, N.Y.: S)TIICUNUnivenity Pna, 1967), noa. 31-40. Tbe forma tbat criecl out for doN acrutin-, included Mredat ( - -tal), milal, poateridat, Nlvedal ( - -tat), aecurüat (- -guridat), verdal, voluntat (- -onlal), tbe upabat of the protuaion of varianta being tbat we are faced ben, for the moat part, with the protracted con.flict of natift va. imported rather than, u elaewbere, of vernacular va. learnM forma. One inclinee to judge aimilarly the rivalry of varianta that contain the locally prominent diphthonp ia and ua (niata, aetiambre, nouiambre, buana, buaatro, luago) with counterparta that are equipped with ie and ue, u in Old Cutilian; having diacovered a w.tip of janero, I wou1d not be aurpriNd to atumble over a trace of euro. 26 For defenaible reaaona, it ia cuatomary to •parate from the pil!-/piad- complex the onomatopoeically colorad family (pi)piar 'to chirp, peep', coll. 'to cry, whimper', with ita own nominal aatellitee: prada 'chirping' (subat.) and prador 'peeping, chirping' (aq.). Deapite the dift'erence in ayllabic conftguration between the nuclei piad- and prad-, the pouibility of a contact at the crystallization of the atage 'to cry, whimper' (• 'have pity on me!') need not be peremptorily cmcarded. 0n the deacent of piara 'bercl' Ne my paper: ..Eatudi011de láico putoril: piara y manada,• Bulletin hiapaniqUI!, 53 (1951), 41-80. 'n In the put, however, forma lib piadad and piedat fteely coemted; Forcl, Old Spaniah Readings, p. 267b, tracee the former to ~ general de la mUl!rle and the latter to the Poema de Femdn Gonzdla, correctly calling hia readera' attention to mod. piadoao, apiadarse, but remaining diaappointingly aatiafied with an excluaively phonetic interpretation. If ao, one ia left wondering why arbitrariedad 'arbitrary act, abwle, outrage', ebriedad 'inebriation', nimiedad 'exceu', seriedad 'aeriouanw', sobriedad 'moderation', turbiedad •muddinea, confuaion', variedad 'variety', etc. have reai.etedthe lure ora tendential 1hift to -iadad. For other atatementa on predad > pie-, pia-dad aee G. Baiat ..Die spanilche Sprache," in: G. Grober (ed.), Grundrifj der romaniaclum Philologie, rev. 2d edn. (St~ Triibner, 1904-06), §35; Hanuen, GHLC, §97 (with the memorable comment: •Respecto a Berceo, • puede observar. . .: prior, religi6n, región, pepi6n tienen i ailébica; oroci6n, bendición, con.dici6n tienen generalmente contracción, pero hay acepcionea . .. •); Men6ndez Pida!, Manual de gramdtica.. . (1941): •pi/!1411! > piedad (en el aiglo XIII aun • p1'0nunciaba pi-edad)".

28 The complicated Romance phue of the hiatory or uUia 'mean' muat be pieced together on aome future occaaion; for a few preliminary hinta, aee my article •La

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La Cor6nica 18:1, 1989-90 awni6n al moJ10lilabiamoen loa adJetm,a del Mp&Aol antiguo y moderno,• Lengua apallola actual, 6 (1984), 5-27, u well u tha piece, written in collaboration with Charlotte Stern: "The Etymology of Spaniah uillaneico 'Carol'. . ." BHS, 61 ( 1984), 137-60. The inventory of lexical itelll8 of immediate relevancy bere comprilea tbe verl> aviltar (Craoentia, ed. A. Mn•efia, cbap. 6; Confiai6n del amanlei!ol 211r 0 and the corresponding abatract aviltamimto (in the latter tat, Col 386r-,.

29 The c)aetdc locua Cor an aamination of the aplit ol AD0111tral atr•aad I into iA, aa apiM id, remaina Menbdes Pida), Orl¡Jena del apallol. . ., nw. 3d edn. (Madrid: Eapua-Calpe, 1950), pp. 144-68. 30 Juan Rui&, Libro de blUIII amor, ad. Joan CorominM (Madrid: Grecb, 1967), p. 601: •Buena prop¡«lat ha, doquiera que ..... 31 Thua, in Don Juan Manuel'• didactic proae, tbe aequence ~ occun at evary atap, prelmiMD~ in adverba derived from put participa: abierta-, abreviada-, acordada-, afanada-, apoatada-, aprnurada-, arrebatada-num.te,etc.; Ne F. Huerta Tejada' Vocabulario. >.. regarda abstracta, thoN in -amiento vutq outnumber thoN in -imifflto: abmta-, aba.:m-, ahonda-,Ol:tlba-,ambclella-, acalolla-, acrecenta-, atklanta-mUmto, etc., va. aborraci-, abaolui-, ameci-mimto, etc. 32 P. M. Lloyd, From Latin to Spaniah, Vol 1: Hiatorical Phonolo111and Jlorpholo111 of 1M Spaniah Lan.guage (Amar. Philoa. Soc., Memoir 173; PbiJactelphia, 1987), p. 345, trace. to Maico City (AD. 1527) contra,m 'c:ontrallen'; Le., in the ftnal ~ contrarien (6 prea. aubj.). 33 Diccionario ele conatruod6n y Ñ¡/imm tI. la lmgua caatellana, 11(Paria, 1893; repr. Bop4: lmtituto Caro y Cuervo, 195'), 497.a-498b. 34 Tbe compariaon drawn with Sp. maravilla 'marvel' < müdbilia (pl) aomehow laila to atrib home. 36 To conftne the diacuuion to the tn¡edory of conlraril!tlad, Cuervo bad citad pa•aa- from the Siete partidas, Calila e Dymna, Corta ele Alcald (A.D. 1348), Cr6nica de Alf OIUIO XI, Rimado de palacio, the cancioneroa ol Baena and of St6fliga, etc.; Corominaa, Diccionario critico etimol6gico . .. , I (Madrid: Gredoa & Berna: Francke, (1954), 890a-89la) ia oí help but indirectly, by expanding the record of contrario - contrallo, contrariar - contrallar, aJao by bringing in the apntiw OArag. contrariador; and I am in a poeition to toa in, Cor good measure, tbe eridence oí Barldn e Joaaphd, fol. 174v0 , and Confiai6n del amante, fola. 33r 0 , 143r0 , 325v0 , bellide oontrariar in Grail Fragmenta, ed. K. Pietach, fol. 2609°.

36 For detalla ... R. R. Pomar, Conaonantal Diuimilation in ths Romance Languagea (Publ. 19 oí the Philol Soc., OxfQrd: Blackwell, 1961), pp. 105-26; in Spaniah, it ia the Latín prototype'• aecond r tbat uaually givee way, e~g.,drbol 'tree', mdnnol 'marble', cdrcel 'jail', and the lib. See aJao K. Togeby, •Qu'eat-ee que 1a dUurimiJation?," RPh, 17:3 (1964), 6'2-67, at 660, with a hint of an earlier inquir:, by M. Niedermann

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Gutierre

Dfaz, escribano de cámara del rey, ~utor de El Victorial? Rafael Beltrén

1. Letrados, cronistas y escribanos: las armas contra las letras. Cuando repasamos los retratos que nos han dejado dibujados de sf mismos los autores de algunas de la principales crónicas y biograf[as del XV, llama la atención el hecho, común a muchos de ellos, de la auto-alabanza que realizan de su propias virtudes bélicas. La auto-alabanza de fomtudo se realiza sin menoscabo - pero por lo general mucho más enfatizada - de la que dedican a otras virtudes relacionadas con la sapientia, virtudes estas últimas que eran las que, a fin de cuentas, les iban a rrmitir, como letrados, pasar a la historia y llegar hasta noeotros. Empezando por el Canciller Pero López de Ayala; siguiendo con Gonzalo Chacón, autor de la Cr6nica de don Alvaro de Luna; Carrillo de Huete, el autor de la Cr6nica de Halconero; Pedro de &lcavias, propuesto autor de los Hechos del condestable Miguel Lucas de lranzo . .. Todos ellos, en la línea de los grandes cronistas de los dos siglos anteriores, desde Ramon Muntaner a Joinville, apa~n autorretratados al menos una vez en sus obras como partícipes, y aun heroioos protagonistas, de al menos un importante hecho bélico. Acción que los hará también acreedores siquiera de una pequefta parte - en proporción a su estatus social - , de la fama que a sus biografidados, por su más clara nobleza o alta posición, !,nfa que corresponderles de manera mUcbo más indiscutible. No es la excepción a esa regla, sino en t;odo caso una primera y contundente confirmación de la misma, el caso de Gutierre Dfaz de Games, el autor de El Victorial. Se sitúa a sf mismo como protagonista de algunas acciones bélicas, siempre acorde con su anuncio previo el Proemio: "E yo, Gutierre D(ez de Games, criado de la casa del conde Pero Nifto (. . .) fui vno de los que con él regidamente andauan, e ove con él mi parte de los trauajos, e pasá por los peligros dél. . ." 3 La ocasión mú notoria será la del desembarco de Poole, donde, tras un elogio a la bandera (al alférez, cargo que en aquella empresa ocupaba el propio escritor), Gutierre Dfaz se muestra a sf mismo como parcial artífice de la victoria, al hacer de vanguardia y guía del grupo castellano en una avanzadilla contra los enemigos ingleses (págs. 208-209). Contradice, sin embargo, esa similar actitud respecto al resto de autorretratos, el hecho de que Gutierre Díaz de Games va a ser prácticamente el único bi6graf o que se presente a sí mismo 62 Digitized by

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La Cor6nica 18:1, 1989-90 actuando exclusivamente en su faceta bélica. Y, a diferencia de los demés, el único que confiese abiertamente su autoría de la obra. Porque tocios los otros autores, que nunca confiesan su autoría y que sin embargo aparecen es sus propias obras camuflados entre los muchos secundarios del relato, intentan destacarse a sí mismos, sin aparentamente romper ese supuesto anonimato, ademés de - en oomo militares oompetent:es, también y los casos vistos fundamentalmente como los secretarios, fieles oonsejeros, contadores, emisarios o encargados de decisivas funciones dipJométicas que verdaderamente fueron. En resumen, oomo letrados. Naturalmente, oonocemos asimismo a cargo de esas funciones a quienes no se autorretratan en sus obras, sino que mantienen un reservado y profesional silencio en su labor. Alvar García de Santa Maria, Fernén Pérez de Guzmán, Fernando del Pulgar, Diego de Valera, Pero Guillén de Segovia. . ., tocios ellos eluden el autorretrato, en principio con la convicción de que la ausencia de su nombre en la obra redunda en objetividad del relato histórico, y de acuerdo con el triple requisito que Pérez de Guzmán exponía en el prólogo a sus Generacionesy semblanzas. Casi en su totalidad se trata de escritores que estén ligados y dependen eoon6micamente, cuando no de la misma cancillería real, de la secretaria de algún se6or poderoso, normalmente aquél a quien prestaban el servicio del retrato. Vinculación de oficio que en muchas ocasiones hundía sus raíces en una tradición profesional familiar. Al alcaide de Andújar, Pedro de Escavias, por ejemplo, la función de letrado le venía de muy lejos. Su abuelo, Juan Gonz41ez de Priego de Escavias, había sido escribano del rey Alfonso XI, seguramente también de Pedro I y luego de Enrique 11, según confirman el linaje de Salazar y Castro, aportado por Avalle-~ en su estudio. También Juan de Mata Carriazo descubrió una importante nota de Rafael Floranes en la que ~ hablaba del padre de Femando del Pulgar, Diego Rodríguez de Toledo (o de Pulgar, Toledo), como escribano de la lugarcillo oorcano a la mF,a audiencia de aquella villa. Gonzalo Chacón era, .lo sabemos, secretario personal de Álvaro de Luna, amén de "su camarero, e persona a quien él mucho avía amado e amaba, e de quien mucho se confiaba" (Cr. del . Halconero, pág. 239). Carillo de Huete, flamante Halconero de la reina, cargo honorifico sin verdaderas atribuciones, trabaja en realidad también como secretario de Juan 11,quien le encomendaba con total oonfianza tocia clase de misiones políticas y embajadas diplomáticas (Cr. del Halconero, págs. lxiilxv, 5-6 y 14). El mismo Diego de Valera, hijo de Alonso de Chirino, el -famoso médico de Juan Il - a quien por tanto .venía también 63

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Beltrán por línea paterna su oficio liberal - , pudo subvencionar gran parte de sus exótioos viajes y caballeresco lancea gracias a ser embajador, primero de Juan 11, y después de Enrique IV y los Reyes Católicos. Acabaría, como Escavias, siendo alcaide, en su a1SO de Puerto de Santa Maria. Y ni siquiera un supuestamente libre y despreocupado turista, interesante escritor de un libro de viajes autobiográfico y que por tanto no debiera escapar de nuestro grupo - , el famoeo Pero Tafur, se libraba de los encargos diplomátioos del rey Juan al visitar loa lejanos reinos de Europa y Asia. 6 La posición económica de estos personajes, en consonancia con su vinculación y servicio, era en general desahogada, e incluso a veces ciertamente acomodada. Alonso Maldonado es el único de quien sólo podemos 808pechar una más humilde posición como secretario personal de su biografiado Monroy. Pero no encontramos con hombres como Femando de Pulgar, quien como secretario de los ~es Católicos disfrutaba de una posición privilegiada; o como Álvar García de Santa Maria o el mismo Juan de Mena, ambos cronistas oficiales del reino, que ocuparon asimismo importantes cargo de representación ciudadana, en Burgos y Córdoba, respectivamente (Mena como veinticuatro de esta segunda, al igual, por cierto, que Pero Tafur en la misma ciudad). De ese conjunto, sin embargo, solamente la nobleza del sefior de Batres, Femén Pérez de Guzmán, fue lo suficientemente poderosa como para no obligarle nunca a tener que ejercer un oficio remunerado afln a loa de sus respetados y admirados Álvar García de Santa Maria o Alonso de Cartagena. Gutierre Dfaz de Games, decíamos, sustituye el anonimat;o por una abierta y rotunda confesión de autoría (que buscaremos en vano el las obras de Chacón, Carillo de Huete o Escavias): "E fi~ dél [de Pero Niño] este libro" (45.4); y cambia el ropaje gris del letrado que hallamos en el resto de autores (coloreado a veces, como hemos señalado, por algunas auto-alabanzas de la fortitudo) por el més vistoso del alférez: "E yo, Gutierre D(ez de Games, criado de la casa del conde don Pero Niiio, conde de Buelna, vi deete sefior todas las més delas cavallerias e buenas fazañas que él hizo, e fuf presente a ellas [ ... ] E fui uno de los que con él regidamente andavan, e ove con él mi parte de los travajos, e pasá por los peligros dél, e aventuras de aquel tiempo; porque a mf era encomendada la su bandera" (44. 15-23) Su orgullo es el del escritor, y por tanto el del buen lector: "E yo, aviendo leydas e oydas muchas grandes cosas de las que los nobles e grandes cavalleros fizieron [... ] ans{ leyendo e buscando" (43. 26-44. 5); el de la autoría, no el orgullo del servidor, fiel 64

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La Cor6nica 18:1, 1989-90 adulador desde la secretaria o la escribanía. No ezist;e en él el compromiso de anonimato, puesto que tampoco se baila atado a las leyes de la objetividad del pnero cronístico, del que en su obra pugna por distanciarse constantemente. Al contrario, pondrá su propio testimonio - con el mismo orgullo con que lo bacía el Canciller ~ - como prueba de veracidad:"E vi t;odas las 00888 que aquf son escritas, e otras que serian luengas de contar" (44.25). Pese a las peculiaridades literarias de El Victorial, que lo desmarcan definitivamente de la crónica histórica (la voluntad eq,resa del autor es la de escribir un "tratado," distinto a la crónica), no podemos negar que la sustancia y base de la obra, su tema fundamental - incluidas la pret;ensiones de reivindicación política - , e incluso su forma lingüística son las de la prosa histórica. Sin embargo, frente al panorama de los escritores de prosa histórica coetáneos, Gutierre Dfaz de Games es el único de quien no conocemos, ni por las llamativas menciones que de sí mismo da en la obra, ni por noticias ext;emas, más oficio o cargo q'+e el de alférez y criado - ni siquiera secretario - de Pero Ni6o. lEs que fue tal vez el único no-letrado entre el grupo de aquéllos, la única excepción a la regla común? ¿por qué no encontramos - empezando por su autorretrato - ninguna noticia que nos lo presente deeempefiando, como parece habría sido lógico, funciones diplomáticas o administrativas ligadas a la casa de Pero NiAo? La contestación tácita que se ha solido dar a este nunca expreso interrogante parece la más acomodaticia, pero también la menos convincente: Gutierre Díaz de Games no era ni secretario, ni consejero, ni diplomático, ni escribano, porque fue sencillamente (tal como él mismo declara) el alférez de Pero Ni6o. Es la tópica concepción del autor rendidamente agradecido y sumiso, que no puede más que escribir el panegírico como tributo de servicio. Opinión que resumen peñectamente las siguentes palabras de Carriazo: "el autor vivió por lo menos cuarenta y siete aiios en la casa y al servicio del héroe, sirviéndole en un pues1:o de la mayor confianza [. . .] su imparcialidad resulta condicionada por la subordinación personal y el afecto creado en tan larga convivencia" (niv). Sin embargo,808t,enerla atribución absoluta y única de alférez para el autor de una biografla medieval de reconocida calidad literaria resulta, como poco, simplificador y falsamente generalizador. Confarmarse solamente con ese marbete de al.f'rez par tratar de analizar la personalidad literaria del autor de El Victorial significa en primer lugar considerar a Gutierre Dfaz de Games como una 65 Digitized by

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Beltnin nuu avia entre loa autores de prosa historiogréfica del periodo. En segundo tármino, implica que se continíte manteniendo el int;errogante acerca de cómo un hombre dedicado básicamente a las armas pudo llevar a cabo una obra en la que, además de sus indiscutibles méritos literarios, Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel aunque afirmaba que "su autor es mucho més caballero que letrado, y ni ooncibe siquiera otra gloria que la del oombate o del torneo· -, ha tenido que reconocer una "recia armazón escolástica." Finalmente, significa no sólo reconocer que hubo de mantenerse junto al futuro conde de Buelna durante toda su vida sino, como parece pretender Carriazo, que BU empleo con él seria siempre el de alférez (un cargo que sabemos era temporal y honorifico), como si la vida entera de Pero Nitio hubiese dejado nunca de estar "al servicio del héroe." En conclusión, y es lo més grave, al mantener esa atribución para su autor, nos obligamos a seguir considerando El Victorial como una obra extratia, sólo en ciertos aspectos literaria, lejana, exótica - como su mismo autor - , y casi a6lo casualmente vinculada a las inquietudes y corrientes literarias de loa círculos de escritura del reinado de Juan 11. Gutierre Dfaz de Games no se avergOenza de mostrarse autor de su obra. Muy al contrario, exhibe en el Proemio, como hemos visto, su conciencia orgullosa de creador. u, que sí nos oculta convenientemente camuflado, él también, de alférez - es su verdadero oficio, si es que '8te era, como suponemos - y trataremos de demostrar que fue - el del letrado en alguna de sus m6ltiples facetas, el mismo que ejercieron el resto de los biógrafos de su tiempo. En principio, como primera, si bien insuficiente, explicación a BU renuencia a reconocerse como letrado, nos puede servir la hipótesis que ofrecía Licia de Malkiel sobre que "es muy verosímil que estimase desdoroeo para él, alférez del seiior conde de Buelna, aspirar a la gloria no como actor de hazafias, sino como escritor, como 'clérigo' ocioso, de esos que no tienen corazón para sufrir trabajos y disuaden a los caballeros a hacer la guerra" (pég. 239). Esa resistencia a ganar fama como letrado no tiene nada de extraiio en un momento y en un reino en el que, como señala Peter Ruseell, todavía existía "un importante sector de opinión que consideraba profesionalmente arriesgado y socialmente indeseable que algún miembro de la clase caballeresca se comprometiera seriamente en el estudio de las letras, aunque no se objetara a que los caballeros, como diversión, ejercitaran la pluma, escribiendo poesía cortesana tradicional" (pág. 209). Sin embargo, esa resist;encia se continúa contradiciendo con su valiente profesión de autoría. Es evidente que Gutierre Dfaz de Games sf pretendía la 66

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La Coronica 18:1, 1989-90 fama de la escritura, seguramente porque la diferenciaba y le parecía más digna y notable que la burocrática de la escribanía. Precisamente porque vemos ligada esa ambición de fama literaria (con su declaración consiguiente de autoría) con la resistencia a ganar fama como letrado (con la ocultación consiguiente de su probablemente verdadero oficio), paradoja sobre la que habremos de volver al final de este artículo, me ha resultado casi providencial el descubrimiento de un personaje coetáneo al autor de El Victorial, de nombre Gutierre Díaz, y he procedido a abrir vías a la posibilidad de que esa en principio azarosa coincidencia entre dos rostros (dos nombres) pudiera dar sentido a la realidad de un Gutierre Dfaz letrado, homónimo y tal vez identificable con la personalidad de nuestro autor. 2. Gutierre Dfaz, escribano de cámara del rey. Si seguimos el puntual relat,o que Álvar García de Santa María hace de los episodios de la primera guerra de Granada del siglo XV,9 nos encontramos con que, entre mediados y finales de mayo de 1408, en plena guerra, la muerte del rey moro Mohammed VII (el 11 de mayo del mismo aiio; AG, cap. 109, p. 241) y su sustitución por su hermano Yusuf m, motivan algunos momentos de incertidumbre, que los infieles aprovechan para romper las treguas pactadas (caps. 103-05, págs. 229-35). Uno de esos momentos es la toma de Priego (cap. 113, págs. 248-53), de la que El Victoria.l también se va a hacer eco (290. 29: "Priego" corrompido como "Pego"). A raíz de la toma de Priego, se inicia una reclamación de la cancillería castellana por el quebrantamient;o de la tregua. Encontramos que para la negociación de ésta había sido llamado un "escriuano de cámara del Rey," llamado Gutierre Dfaz: Luego que la Reyna e el Infante sopieron lo que avfa aca~do en Priego, pesóles mucho. E escriuieron sus cartas para Gutierre Díaz, escriuano de cámara del Rey, que estaua en Granada sobre fecho de la tregua, segund que la Historia lo ha contado, adelante, en que le enbiaron dezir todo lo aca~do en Priego; que lo dixeses al rey de Granada [... ] E Gutierre Dfaz, tanto que vido las cartas de la Reyna e del Infante, fué al rey de Granada, e dióle vna carta que sobre ello le enbiauan, e dfxole todo lo que le enbiaron a mandar que le dixeses. E el rey de Granada le respondió, e dixo [que] este 67

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Beltnin lugar de Priego no hera del Rey de Castilla, anta era del rey de Granada ... (cap. 114; pég. 253) Hemos de hallar a Gutierre Dfaz transitando con familiaridad y asiduidad por las páginas de la crónica real entre este momento y el final de la guerra. Sus misiones fueron siempre las de enlace diplomático. Pero el simple hecho de que Álvar García detalle todos sus pasos con relativa minuciosidad revela, además de cierta estima por parte del escribano mayor hacia la persona del seguramente subordinado, que la labor de álte requería, por su trascendencia y dificultad, peculiares dotes que Gutierre Dfaz, el escribano de CJúllara del rey, debía de poseer con creces. Pero sigamos el desarrollo de las negociaciones. Una vez expuesto el problema, se inicia la conversación entre el mensajero y el rey. Una de las razones que debían pesar en la elección de Gutierre Dfaz para el cargo diplomático que desempedó seria la del conocimiento del dialecto árabe de los granadinos. Y aunque debían contar también con trujamanea (traductores o intérpretes), Gutierre Días es citado siempre como interlocutor directo del rey moro (cap. 114; pág. 254). Concluye la primera conversación con muestras de buena voluntad por parte de rey granadino y con el envío de su emisario, Abdalá Alamín, a la corte castellana, para que ratifique las treguas hasta finales de marzo del afio siguiente. Juran las treguas la reina madre y el Infante, y entonces vuelve a ser enviado Gutierre Díaz para comprobar el juramento del rey de Granada (cap. 116; págs. 257-58). A est;os hechos remite el capítulo 122 de la Cr6nica, que cuenta el regreso de Gutierre Díaz, el 16 de febrero de 1409: Ya avedes oydo, e la Historia lo ha contado, en cómo partió Gutierre Dfaz, escriuano de la cámara del rey, de Guadalajara, con Avdalla Alamín, mandadero del rey de Granada. E juradas las treguas, Gutierre Dfaz vino a la corte del rey, a Valladolid, en sébado diez y seis de febrero. (pág. 267) Esta vez ha venido con él un alcaide moro, consejero del rey, un tal Zoher, quien propone alargar las treguas. Se acepta esta

prolongación por cinco meses, y de nuevo será enviado un escribano de cámara del rey para que verifique el juramento, aunque esta vez ya no se tratará de Gutierre Díaz, sino de otro escribano llamado Diego García (cap. 122; pág. 269). Gutierre Dfaz welve a ser mencionado otro par de veces, aunque como personaje secundaria ya, 68

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La Coronka 18:1, 1989-90 dentro del episodio del converso Rodrigo, un curioao capítulo que narra novelescamente la labor de espionaje urdida justamente por aquel alcaide Zoher con quien había regresado el escribano castellano de su embajada en Granada (cape. 156-57; págs. 334-42). Finalmente, en la redacción incompleta de la Cronica referida al a6o 1419, enoontraremoe una última noticia sobre la continuidad de la labor diplomAtica del escribano del rey: Notar como Gutierrez (sic] Diaz fue al rey de Granada a oonfirmar las treguas oon el rey de Granada por dos a6os desde veinte y quatro de abril primero que viene en un a6o que sera fasta veinte y quatro de tt,bril de mil e quatrozientos e veinte y un aftoe se cumplirén. 1 Es decir, diez aftos deepuál, en 1419, Gutierre Dfaz continuaba su labor diplomática al servicio del rey Juan Il, a travál de su

cancilleria. Importante labor a juzgar, de nuevo, por la mención que Álvar Garcfa apuntaba, junto oon otras pocas, en el curioso borrado que nos ha llegado de BUS anotaciones para desarrollar la crónica oorrespondiente al afto 1419. Ninguna otra noticia conocemos sobre este escribano de la cancillería real. Su nombre habría quedado para nosotros confundido oon el de tantos otros actores secundarios que desfilan casi anónimamente por las crónicas del reino, de no ser por su homónimo oon el nombre y apellido del autor de El Victorial. Homónimo imperfecta, sin embargo, en la que hemos de detenemos antes de pretender sustentar la hipótesis de identificación entre ambos personajes. 3. Un problema previo: ¿ofez o Dfaz? Naturalmente, para poder plantear seriamente la posibilidad de identidad entre nuestro Gutierre Dfaz, ecribano de cémara del rey, y el Gutierre Dfaz (o "Dfez") de Games, autor de El Victorial, hay que partir de la premisa de una homonimia, ciertamente algo dudosa, entre ambos apellidos. ¿pueden ser homónimos los apellidos y, por tanto, factible la identidad entre ellos? Vamos a tratar de demostrar que, en este caso, sf pueden serlo (lo que no quiere decir que forzosamente lo sean). Empeoomos por el segundo apellido. ¿"Games," "Gámez," "Gámiz," "Guemes". . .? Todas estas variante nos han sido ofrecidas en un momento u otro de la tradición manuscrita y critica de la obra. 11 Tanto Gudiel como Argote de Molina se referían a "Gutierre Diaz de Gamez," aunque era Nicolás Antonio quien, en BU Biblioteca hispana, vetus, aceptaba

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La Cor6nica. 18:1, 1989-90 ms. catalogado por Carriazo como D, es decir el ms. 5978 (olim Q311) de la Biblioteca Nacional ofrece el desconcertante "Gutierre Gomez de Gamez" (fol. 12v), si bien luego se decanta también por "Gutierre Diaz" (fol. 50). Finalmente, el despreciado por Carriazo - que no lo llegó a ver - , pero importante ms. F, ms. 328 de la Biblioteca Menéndez Pelayo, da "Gutierre Diaz de Games" (fol. 28) y "Gutierre Diaz" (fol. 137). Y quizá sea el testimonio de est.e último ms. el decisivo, pues, como trataré de demostrar en un futuro, el ms. F no depende ni de A ni de B, sino que parte, como '8tos, de un ms. común, hoy perdido. La versión "Díez" fue la que acabó por dominar porque, como hemos dicho, Llaguno y Carriazo realizaron sus respectivas ediciones siguiendo exclusivamente el ms. A. Pero recordemos que Gudiel, Argote de Molina - que pretendía hacer su propia biograffa de Pero Nifto -y Pellicer hablaron siempre de "Díaz." ¿Qué variante daría el ms. origina1?14 Una razón final hará que me decante todavía más decididamente por la hoy relegada opción de "Diaz." Si acudimos a los testimonios documentales externos a la biograffa, en el famoso testamento de 1435 de Pero Nitio (transcrito parcialmente por Llaguno y completo por Vargas Ponce), encontramos citado hasta tres veces al autor de El Victorial. Dos v~ como Gutierre Díaz y una tercera como Gutierre Díaz de Games. Reconozco, con todo, lo peligroso de decidirse definitivamente por una opción en casos de fluctuación come éste. Como muestra, un botón cercano. El ms. A editado por Carriazo nombra varias veces a otro ''Dfez": "Rui Diez de Mendoza," apodado "el Calvo" (Vict., 78, 96, 97, 291). Pues bien, Alvar García de Santa Maria presenta al mismo personaje como "Ruy Dtaz de Mendoza" (cap. 61; pég. 150). De nuevo dudamos entre si el personaje se llamó D{ez o D{az, aunque en est.e caso ciertamente no nos importe excesivamente (por cierto que Galíndez confundió mucho más gravemente a est.e mismo personaje nada menos que con "Hurtado de Mendoza"). Pero, as( las cosas, i,qué de extrafio tiene que pensemos en una corrupción por parte del ms. A (y de su descendencia manuscrita) en el mismo sentido? Tras esta exposición, el crítico será libre de juzgar hasta qué punto es factible la identificación del biógrafo individual con el letrado profesional. Pero antes quisiera hacer un advertencia esencial. Casi tan importante come demostrar que Gutierre Díaz de Games realmente fue escribano de la cancillerfa real, algo por ahora, sin mayor documentación que la que conocemos, imposible de confirmar, será que el hallazgo de su homónimo pueda ayudar a ver que Gutierre Díaz de Games pudo haber sido - aun en el caso de 71

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Beltnin las tres varianta: 11Guterius Didaci de Gamez," "Gut:erius Garniz, • "Guterius de Guemez." Si en Pellicer encontnibamos por vez primera "Gutierre Diaz de Guemes," el padre Flórez acogía las dos posibilidades: "Gutierre Diez de Gamea (o Guemes)," y hasta los escritores fran(9188 recogían también como plausible ese extnúio "Guemee." La critica decimonónica de la obra (Gallardo, Amador de loe Ríos) despreció, sin embargo, las variantes "Gámiz" y "Guemes," para, tras un periodo de duda entre "Gáme7/Games," decantarse definitivamente por el segundo término del doblete, ~ acorde con la fonética medieval y fiel a loe mejores manuscritos. 1 La explicación de tal desorden y desooncierto se encuentra en la rareza del patronímico. Se aceptamos que, como parece obvio, est:e segundo apellido procede de un topónimo (lo mismo que el Fernando de(l) Pulgar, y tant;os otros), ya en el pasado siglo dejamos de encontrar "Games" como topónimo (al menos en el completo Diccionario de Madoz que, en cambio, sf recoge tanto "Gámiz" como "Guemes"). 13 Pero de nuevo a vueltas con la fonética, y yendo al doblete decisivo para una posible identificación: ¿"Dfez" o "Dfaz" . . . de Games? Si seguimos el ms. A de El Victorial (que a su vez siguen las eds. de Llaguno y Carriazo) parece que hemos de hablar indiscutiblemente de "Díez." En efecto, el ms. 17648 de la Biblioteca Nacional (olim G[ayangoe], 209) da claramente "Gutierre Diez de Games" en los Cols.22 y 110v. Igualmente, los mss. que parecen seguirle. Así, el ms. que Carriazo ordena como C, que corresponde al ms. H-16 de Salazar y Castro de la Real Academia de la Historia, da "Gutierre Diez de Gamez" (fol. 48), m6s adelante "Gutierre Diez" (sin numerar), y en el último folio, con letra distinta: ". . .compuso est;e libro Gutierre de Gamez. . ." También el ms. E, ms. 9/5618 (olim 12-26-1/D-8), de la Real Academia de la Historia, da "Gutierre Dies de Games" (fol. 28), "Gutierre Diez" (fol. s.n.), y "Gutierre Dfez de Gamiz" en el título. E igualment;e el ms. parcial 1622 de la Biblioteca Nacional concide en "Diez de Games" (fol. 232 v). Se seguimos, sin embargo, la mucho menos conocida - pero valiosa, pues A y B proceden ambos de un original perdido tradición del ms. B (es el ms. que leyó Vargas Ponce y que les fue copiado a loe condes franceses para su excelent;e traducción de la obra) nos encontraremos, con casi la misma contundente infalibilidad que en la rama del ms. A, con la lectura de "Dfaz." Así en el ms. B, ms. 9/5112 (olim 9-24-2/ B-28) de la Real Academia de la Historia, "Gutierre Dias de Games" (fol mi) y "Gutierre Diaz" (fol s.n.), si bien después aparece "Dies de Games" (fol mi v). El 70

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Beltrán que efectivamente no lo fuese - un escribano, un letrado profesional. Bastaré esta posibilidad, menos interesante y sugestiva, pero más segura que la de la identificación, para que hayamos avanzado algo más en la idea ítja e incompleta que hasta ahora teníamos del autor de El Victorial y de su obra.

4. Gutierre Díaz, posible autor de El Victorial Salvado el problema de la aparente diferencia de apellidos, ¿podemos identificar a nuestra escribano de la Cr6nica de Juan 11 con el autor de El Victorial? Una reacción impulsiva, quizás todavía algo imprudente, nos precipita hacia la más convencida afirmación. Esta afirmación está justificada por el lógico entusiasmo al descubrir que el hallazgo de un nombre, Gutierre Díaz, puede ayudar a iluminar la encubierta personalidad de otro, del que justamente nos faltaba por identificar toda una faz oculta, la que en cuanto a autor literario más nos interesaba desvelar. Preferimos, con todo, en aras de una conveniente cautela, conformamos oon exponer las posibilidades que podría tener esta todavía sólo plausible identificación. Vayamos, por tanto, a los pocos datos biográficos concretos que conocemos de Gutierre Dfaz de Games y que puedan facilitar u obstacular la identificación propuesta. Entra al servicio de Pero Niiio cuando cuenta con aproximadamente veintitrés años. Él mismo nos proporciona la noticia: "porque yo bibí en su men;ed dest;e sefior oonde desde el tiempo que él hera de hedad de veynte e tres afios, e yo de ál tantos, poco más o menos" (44. 18-20). No nació, por tanto, en la casa del futuro conde. Tal vez ni siquiera le oonoció hasta aproximadamente 1402 (Pero Niiio nació en 1379), puesto que afirma tan clarament;e que "yo bibí. . . desde el tiempo que él hera de veynte e tres ... " La ooncesión regia a Pero Niiio, en 1404, de una pequeña hueste coincidirá con su partida como capitán de una flotilla de policía marítima, en expedición por el Mediterráneo contra los corsarios y contra las costas africanas. El mismo Dfaz de Games pudo llegar entre esos hombres del rey, aunque, si las fechas son exactas, llevaría ya un par de años al servicio de Pero Niiio cuando zarparon. Su vida con anterioridad a esos veintitrés afios es para nosotros un total misterio. Sin embargo, de la escritura de la obra se desprende que el autor de El Victorial realizó estudios prolongados, seguramente hasta estos veinte o veintitrés aiios, que le proporcionaron conocimientos bastante profundos en artes liberales, y que le hicieron aficionarse a la lectura de la historia y a 72 Digitized by

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La Cor6nica 18:1, 1989-90 la de la ficción, dos pasiones que su escritura delata con trasparencia. ¿eon qué mandado acudió a la casa de Pero Niño? Pudo ser solicitado para desempeiiar diversos trabajos, desde el de llevar la contaduría de la casa hasta el de guiar la educación del malogrado Pedro, su primer hijo. En todo caso, la relación de servicio es reconocida por el autor: "E yo, Gutierre Díez de Games, criado de la casa del conde don Pero Niiio, conde de Buelna. . ." (44.15-6). Reoonocimiento cálido de servicio que contrasta en cierto modo con la frialdad con la que el conde, en su propio testamento, hablará de él, como si fuese alguien ajeno, que está realizando un trabajo pagado y nada más: "Y mando que el libro de mi historia, que la hAM Gutierre Dfaz de Games, que lo t;enga la condesa en .da -;;¡4'VI: • • • Pese a esa calidez primera, tampoco se referiré Dfaz de Gamea nunca en su obra a Pero Nifto como a "mi ae6or," sino como a "un buen caballero," el "conde don Pero Niiio," "este ae6or," "este seiior conde," "el conde don Pero Nifto," cuando no sencillamente como a "Pero Niiio" o "el capitán Pero Niiio." Hay por ambas partes, por tanto, un cierto distanciamiento, como un mutuo respeto, reflejo de lo que debieron ser sus relaciones desde que se conocieron hasta que Díaz de Games murió, seguramente antes que el longevo conde, dejando parcialmente inconclusa su obra. Cuando Pero Nii\o parte en su expedición al Mediterráneo, Dfaz de Games zarpa con él. No sólo avisa en el Proemio de que "fuf con él por los mares de Levante e de Poniente," sino que haré constar su presencia en determinados momentos concretos (206, 269, 270). Es también en el Proemio cuando pergefia su primer esbozo de autorretrato como soldado: " ... a mi encomendada la su bandera: tenfa cargo della en los lugares donde hera menester" (44. 20-4). "Los lugares donde hera menest:er" la bandera no eran muchos, sin embargo. Solament:e aquellos que requerían una determinada estrategia bélica. Por tanto, lcuál era el papel verdadero de Dfaz de Games en esa expedición, además de portar la bandera? La contestación más lógica parece ser la de que cumplirla el de un soldado más, o tal vez el de un suboficial. Sin embargo, en otro trabajo, alguna de cuyas conclusiones seria pertinente traer a colación aquí, hemos intentado desarrollar una idea al~ más compleja sobre su verdadera función en estas expediciones. 7 La segunda parte de El Victorial, la más larga y completa de la obra, y justamente la que corresponde a estas campafias de Levante y Poniente que se dieron entre 1404 y 1406, hubo de ser escrita, pensamos, a poco tiempo de acaecido los hechos relatados, en lo que serla una primera redacción de la obra. Redacción 73 Digitized by

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Beltrán primitiva que partirla del diario de a bordo que de la campa1ias marítimas llevaba puntualmente, como era pe~ptivo, el escribano de galera. Solamente asf se explica el detallismo, minuciosidad y verismo de un relato de casi doscientas páginas dedicado a acontecimientos que transcurren a lo largo de tan sólo unos meses, un relato que parece no dejar nada en el tintero, y cuyo autor fue, tal como reconoce Díaz de Games, testigo de los hechos, pero no pudo contar con una memoria tan excepcional como para gravarlos con la exacta fidelidad con la que, casi treinta aiios después, están plasmados en la redacción definitiva. Los procedimientos y el lenguaje empleados en esa primera redacción cercana a los hechos coinciden, además, con loe utilizados por otros diarios de a bordo, casi coet.áneos (de 1407 y 1410), que encontramos integrados en algunos capítulos de la Cr6nica de Juan 11 de Álvar García de Santa María. Son loe procedimientos lingOístioos de la relaciones de campaiias Mlicas (en estos casos, campaftas marítimas), dirigidos con criterios uniformes por y para la cancillería regia. Tengamos en cuenta, por tanto, que al escribir esa redacción original, el escribano estaría muy posiblemente pensando en que su destino último seria no el de la biograffa particular, sino el de la cronística oficial, que sin embargo, a causa de la enfermedad y muerte del Canciller Ayala, nunca llegaría, que conozcamos, a plasmar las vicisitudes históricas de esos at\oa. Estos supuestos nos permiten de nuevo pasar al campos de la razonable hipótesis: i,quién mejor para escribir esa primera redacción, y a partir, además, de sus propias ricas anotaciones que el mismos Gutierre Días de Games? Él fue seguramente, pensamos, ese escribano de galera, responsable ante el capitán Pero Niño, pero responsable en último término también ante el rey. La relación de esos diarios de campaña sería su primer trabajo de relevancia, trabajo de obligado cumplimiento para el que fue seguramente propuesto por el propio Pero Nifio. Las pruebas se precipitan, por tanto, en favor de la condición de escribano de Games. De una parte, igualdad de procedimientos lingüísticos y retóricos en su escritura respecto a loe de la cancillería. A ello se suma el hecho de que el autor de El Victorial manejó en diversas ocasiones, diferente y a veces más completa información cronística que la que ha llegado hasta nosotros a través de las crónicas ayalinas y de Álvar García de Santa Maria, lo que sólo puede ser explicado por el acceso especial a información cronística desconocida por el mismo Ayala.18

De ser, como pensamos, escribano de galera, el cargo de Díaz de Games era el de un oficial (junto con el mismos capitán, el

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La Cor6nica 18:1, 1989-90 patrón, el cómitre, el subcómitre y el oonsejero, algunos de Mtos unificados), bien diferenciado del de los artesanos (calafateador, maestro de galera, et-C.),del de loe ballesteros y del de loe remeros. De ah( que su función en la batalla - la de un alférez-escribano - fuera también de mayor responsabilidad, ooncedida, oomo dictaban las Partidas y repite él mismo, a "hombre de seso." Y, así, lo que en principio seria una relación insulsa y fria de los hechos de las campa1ias (rumbos, derrotas, puertos, vientos, fenóminos atmosféri00S. . .), por mor de las incidencias bélicas (acciones, enfrentamientos, verdaderas batallas campales ... ) pasarla casi insensiblemente a convertirse en el bocet:o de un apasionante relato, rica metamoñósis a la que no seria ajena la fruición con la que Dfaz de Games escribiría sus hojas, pero tampoco el ansia comprensible que Pero Nifto, por su parte, ezperimentarfa al sentirse protagonista de una historia, que sabfa y reconocía orgullosamente como su historia. La mayor parte de las cartas informativas de sucesos, de las relaciones de campañas bélicas, pasaban a ser expedientes que se archivaban y acumulaban en los estantes, y todo lo más se convertían en materia informativa para loe cronistas, que las resumían, confrontaban, corregían y ordenaban, con mayor o menor pericia, en sus obras. Sólo alguna de aquellas cartas o relaciones, escrita con especial minuciosidad y esmero (y los protagonistas de los hechos contados eran los principalmente interesados en su literariedad) merecería ser conservada como pieza literaria valiosa por sí misma, independientemente de su utilización histórica. Ese seria el caso de la primera redacción de las campadas de Pero Nifio, conservada romo oro en paiio por su protagonista, quien habría de esperar muchos ados, y más exactamente la concesión del condado y su rehabilitación política, para exhumarla y proponer a su primitivo autor, a su antiguo alférez, la corrección de la misma y su inserción en una biografla panegírica de altos welos. Pero sigamos con las noticias sobre Gutierre Dfaz de Games. Las campaff.as acaban y nada nos obliga a pensar que el autor de El Victorial continuase al servicio de Pero Niño. Nunca ya se volverá a autorretratar junto a su señor, ni como alf6rez, ni de ninguna otra manera. Ni la más mínima mención a su persona welve a aparecer en la obra. La única noticia posterior que tenemos suya existe fuera del text:o, aunque viene justamente a legitimar y reforzar el hecho de su autoría. La de la mención vista del testamento de 1435 de Pero Niff.o, en el que se cita en lugar destacado "el libro de mi historia, que hace Gutierre Díaz de Games," concediéndole, como pago parcial o t:otal, una heredad. Pero durante el lapso de tiempo

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Beltn\n que va de 1405 a est:e 1435, su personalidad se mantiene totalmente oculta. ¿Estamos obligados, por el hecho de que enoontremos en 1405 y en 1435 asociados los nombres de biografiado y biógrafo, a inferir que este último pasó esos treinta ai\os al servicio de Pero NiAo? Pienso que no, aunque tampoco cuente con una propuesta alternativa a lo que pudo ser la vida de Gutierre Dfaz de Games. A no ser, claro esté, que volvamos la vista a nuestro escribano del rey. En ese caso, su presencia iluminaría algunos aft.os - si bien desafortunadamente pooos - de ese largo lapso. Puesto que no contamos por el momento con más documentación exterior que nos ayude a avanzar en la investigación, acudamos a la noticias internas que nos pueda proporcionar El V&dorial. Tras las campaiias marítimas, el siguiente capítulo que merece la atención de Díaz de Games es el de la guerra de Granada. Alli acude Pero Nii\o, o que al menos estuvo en frontera, puesto que el capítulo dedicado a esas campafias, si bien no tan exótico, original ni minucioso como el de las anteriores, está narrado con fidelidad y relativa exactitud. Ahora bien, al confrontar el relato de los hechos de ese capítulo con el de los mismos hechos en la Cr6nica de Juan 11 de Alvar Garcia de Santa Maria, descubrimos una nueva faceta de nuestro autor, que viene a confirmar nuestras anteriores impresiones (a partir de los capítulos de participación del joven Pero Nifto en la guerra de Portugal y del mismo Cuento de los Reyes, una curiosa historia-exeniplum de los reyes Pedro I y Enrique 11 que incluye El Victoria!) sobre el conocimiento que debió tener Dfas de Games de un rico material de fuentes históricas, potencialmente cronístico. En concreto, en lo que se refiere a la guerra de Granada, las divergencias entre su relato - a veces incluso más rico en detalles - y el del cronista oficial, nos permiten soe~ar que manejó material pre-cronístico común a 9 ambas versiones. ¿ne qué manera puede ayudar eso a nuestra identificación? Sencillamente, porque ese conocimiento por parte de Díaz de Games implica una estrecha relación con una información que sólo era manejada por los miembros de la cancillería, desde emisarios hasta el propio cronista real. Sumemos a ese conocimiento, propio de alguien ciertamente vinculado a la escribanía real, los datos que oonocíamos de Gutierre Díaz, el escribano de cámara del rey, a quien hallábamos mencionado entre 1408 y 1411 (y luego, en 1419), precisamente en Granada, o entre Granada y el Real, instalado áste provisionalmente en la frontera. Su presencia ali( casaría peñectamente con el conocimiento - ya no como testigo presencial,

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sino partiendo de relaciones - que demuestra tener Dfaz de Games de los hechos de la contienda. Tras esta primera fase de la guerra, Pero Nifto recibe, tal vez por su arrojado comportamiento en ella, la capitanía de la guardia real, cargo que sustenará durante casi una década, exactamente basta que su diffcilmente defendible implicación en el atraco de Tordesillas, así como otras reincident.es muestras de fidelidad al partido de los infant.es de Aragón, le obliguen a exiliarse t;emporalmente al reino de Aragón. La carrera de Díaz de Games, repito, nos es totalmente desconocida durante este periodo. P~ dificil que acompaiiara a su seiior al exilio. De hecho, las noticias que proporciona El Victoria! sobre la vida de Pero Niiio después de Granada son ~fsimas. Solamente el original episodio de los amores de Pero Niiio con Beatriz de Portugal. (Vict., 299-314) salva una Tercera Parte alicorta, donde, para no entrar en detalles, digamos solamente que más de cuarenta afio de vida del conde (1411-53) están ventilados en apenas treinta desorganizadas páginas (314-48). Parece evidente que Gutierre Díaz de Games ya no se pudo ha~r totalmente responsable de esa última parte. Se limit,6 a tratar de exculpar y justificar el comportamiento rebelde de Pero Niiio contra el rey y a acabar mal que bien una biografla, en la que la última época del conde parece no hallar su espacio. De manera que si, por una parte, supo replicar a la objetiva versión de Álvar García de Santa Maria en su propía versión de atraco de Tordesillas, y supo intercalar noticias sobre las fiestas de Valladolid, la batalla de La Higueruela, etc., por otra, permanecería tan distanciado del conde como para silenciar hechos tan importantes como la concesión del condado, y hasta toda una etapa entera y larga de su vida, la que va desde 1432 hasta 1442. De nuevo la trayectoria del escribano Gutierre Díaz no tendría por qué ser contradictoria con esa oscuridad. Como he dicho, continuaría como funcionario del rey durante la década siguiente, puesto que lo encontramos de nuevo en una embajada en 1419. Su permanencia en la corte, a partir de 1409 (desde entonces encontramos a Diego García sustituyéndole en la embajada), le permitiría escuchar todo tipo de versiones sobre un acontecimiento que debió ser el más escandaloso eco de sociedad del momento, el affaire entre Pero Niiio y Beatriz de Portugal, que tan bien supo novelizar Díaz de Games en El Victoria!. Su aplicación al trabajo profesional explicaría el distanciamiento de la persona del conde y, por tanto, esas treinta últimas páginas de la Tercera Parte que descompensam con su insuficiencia las dos estupendas Partes I y 11 de la biogragfa. Evidentemente, el Díaz de Games que selló el

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Beltnin contrato para la escritura del libro a cambio de una heredad equivalent;e a 3.000 maravedfa de 1435, actuaba como un profesional oonsciente del valor de su trabajo (todo lo oontrario de la idílica imagen del servidor desinteresado que de él se hacía Carriazo). Justamente por su falta de vinculación de servicio, es por lo que el autor puede distanciarse, oonvertir la base histórica de su relato en un trabajo personal de panegírioo novelesco, elevar a su biografiado a la categoría de Alejandro Magno y exhibir sin miedo y con orgullo su propia autoría. Como he sei\alado anteriormente, esa ambición de fama literaria estaría directamente relacionada con el silencio mant:enido sobre su exacta vinculación - la de un escribano de galera (y no sólo alférez), la de un escribano real, o bien ambas cosas - oon el futuro conde de Buelna. Antít:eais, por tanto, sólo en apariencia, ambas posturas serian las dos caras de una misma moneda: la que representa al alférez-escribano. 5. Sobre la personalidad del autor de El Victorial. He pret-endido demostrar que El Victorial pudo ser la obra original de un profesional de la pluma, escribano de la cámara real y eficiente diplomático y embajador del rey en el reino de Granada. ¿En qué af ectarfa esa identificación a la personalidad e ideología del autor, tal como nos eran conocidas hasta el momento? Juan Marichal había propuesto la atribución segurament:e más acertada - aunque también más arriesgada - para nuestro autor, al definirlo oomo hidalgo-burguás. lUn hidalgo que se llama a sf mismo "criado" de Pero Nifto? ¿por qué no? Partiendo de las ideas de Américo Castro, Peter Russell ha explicado que el rechazo a las letras en Castilla puede vincularse al hecho de que los hombres de letras profesionales, tanto de la Iglesia oomo fuera de ella, pertenecían oon frecuencia al grupo social de los conversos. Parecería bastante improbable - aunque no seria imposible que, dadas las pruebas de antisemitismo explícitas en la obra, pudiéramos adscribir a nuestro autor a dicho grupo. Más bien la defensa del armamentismo y sus explícitas declaraciones antisemitistas pudieran andar ligadas si, oomo también opina Juan Marichal, deducimos que en esas manifestaciones hay resabios de "resentimiento del plebeyo 'educado' [llos sabidores?] contra los hebreos que ocupaban los cargos de gobierno y las funciones administrativas en Castilla." 2º A su vez, ese probable resentimiento de plebeyo educado, "sabidor" - la oonsecuente posición de diferente socialmente estaría relacionado con la realidad del peculiar orgullo de aut:oría 78

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La Cor6nica 18:1, 1989-90 de Gutierre Díaz de Games. Pues si su misma emblemática declaración autorial lo ligaba, bien a su pesar, al grupo funcional de loe conversos (liderado en lo que se refiere a la historiografla por el cronista Álvar García de Santa María), significaba al mismo tiempo una ligazón singular, y diríamos que rebelde. Con su propuesta literaria, plena de distanciamiento y de ••voluntad de estilo" respecto a la prosística oficial, estaba marcando claramente sus diferencias profesionales con ese grupo, al tiempo que definía su personalidad de creador. Con su protagismo como guerrero, estaba imponiendo sus diferencias ideológicas personales. Esa proclamación de autoría resulta ciertamente insólita dentro de un género naciente, el biográfico, en el que los autores, al considerar sus obras sucesoras de la cronística, conservan su anonimato en aras de la presunta objetividad. En principio, Gutierre Díaz parece que debía haber seguido ese ejemplo. Para Vargas Ponce, el biógrafo romántico de Pero Niiio, así como para los condes Circourt y Puymaigre, el móvil exclusivo del autor procedía de su leaJt9:d oon el caballero y con loe valores nobilarios que representaba. Era, romo vimos, si bien más matizada, la opinión del mismo Carriazo. No puedo seguir compartiendo esa visión desinteresada del trabajo autorial. Por supuesto que Dfaz de Games resalta su coincidencia de voluntad con Pero Niño. Por ejemplo, en cuanto que alférez: "combiene al alférez que sea conforme a la voluntad de su sefíor, e non faga más de lo que le es mandado" (209, 31-32). Pero, desde luego, no por motivos de subordinación, sino - y es muy distinto - de integración. De ahf que comparta plenamente la opinión de Juan Marichal sobre que: "Dfez de Games, como muchos escritores posteriores a él (y casi siempre pertenecientes a la burguesía europea), se asociaba espiritualmente con la aristocracia para respaldar la afirmación literaria de su persona y para marcar su 'voluntad de ruptura' respecto a su propia clase social [. . .], no podía referirse en su libro en forma personal a su propia experiencia del mundo [... ] ni tampoco le era posible ser testigo activo de la 'gran' historia de su época como el canciller Ayala" (pág. 58). Las características específicas de su obra literaria nacerían precisamente de esa singular forma de tratar de identificarse con la concepción aristocrática de la vida del siglo XV. La biografia ideal de la clase burguesa era todavía una biografia caballeresca. Cuando llega la hora del contrato de la obra Díaz de Games lo acepta porque escribir ese libro, tratado de caballería y biografía (que permitiría incluso un resquicio para la firma de autor autobiográfico), era la manera para un hombre modesto (plebeyo o hidalgo-burgués) de afirmar su derecho a la participación en el 79 Digitized by

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Beltrán 7 El tftulo XIX de la Partida 11 dedb 811 lay 18 a •Qualdebe .... el a)f.,. del NJ, • que coa • la que pertenMce a 811 oftcio.• De la ley • dMpNnden que aua atribucioDM principalea eran Ju de lugarteniente (•guiar Ju hueatea•) del rey, _, juez (•entendido et de buen__,•). FuncioDN U1Jmidu por el autor de El Vlclarial en su elogio a la bandera, donde alaba (auto-alaba) eapecialmente laa cualidadee de mtWUra, gula, y juicio o •buen --," (209). Para m6a inlomaci6n aobN el cargo, debe conaultane el estudio de IDM Carruco, •Contribución al Mtudio iuituciona1 en Laa Panidaa, el alflres, • RFE, 68 ( 1976),

241-49. 8 La idaJ ü la fama en la Edad Jledia outellana untoí the serranilla.'s French and Proven~ antecedents, and a minute analysis of the prevailing Hispanic patterns to the end oí the fifteenth century. The text, interspersed with serranilla quotations, is followed by an appendix, and a six-page "Indice de temas," which includes names of works of modem serranilla scholars, and the first linea of tezts discussed. The title of the introductory chapter, "Hacia una definición de serranilla," indirectly warns us not to expect a hard-and-fast definition oí the serranilla. The chapter summarizes serranilla. antecedents, particularly French and Proven~, and describes persuasion methods (sometimes brutal if oral attempts are unsu~ful) employed by the passer-by "gentleman" of the minidrama. Types of women involved - varying from gentle rustic to grotesque virago - are a1so pictured. The chapter ends with a diagram neatly summarizing the sequence of events occurring in the narrative. Chapter II is titled "La cuestión del origen: Pastourelle provenzal, pastorela galaico-portuguesa y canción tradicional." Early twelfth-century Marcabru's 13-stanza pastourelle beginning "L'autrier jost' una sebissa" is offered asan early example in which "el caballero acaba burlado y sus amaneramientos cortesanos sufren el mismo destino. Esto apoya la tesis de Jackson que, por lo menos al principio, la pastorela tiene la intención de burlarse del amor cortés y de sus amantes." The next step is the thirteenth-century appearance of the Galician pastorela and certain songa of the lovelom lass, hardly to be classified with the above, though a certain relationship exists. Other pastorelas quoted indicate a development in the direction of the serranilla. The controversial "Serrana de Sintra" is discussed at length. The author concludes that the serranilla seems to be the result of the "encuentro de lo popular y lo culto, influído en gran parte por la lírica provenzal." Chapter m, "Las cénticas de serrana de Juan Ruiz," concerns strophes 950-1042 of the Libro de buen amor, in which are narrated four chance-meeting episodes of Archpriest and rustic, each narration (in cuaderna vta) followed by a short-line poem. Marino 110

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La Cor6nica 18:1, 1989-90 summarizes previous opinion on these selections, and raises the question of authorship. For clarification oí the matter, the 25-line passage attributed (with some doubt) to Domingo Abad, contemporary oí Alfonso X, is here presented alongside corresponding linea oí Juan Ruiz's "Cerca la Tablada." With factual backing, Marino offers further obaervations on the parodie aspect of the Libro de buen anior and the probable origina oí its ingredients. In short, whereas the "courtly" serranilla outcome generally favors the man, Juan Ruiz gives the edge to the husky serrana, and senda the hypocrite on his way - which makes us wonder whether the Archpriest's ridiculous exaggerations simply indicate that the Hispanic serranilla type was already flourishing in Juan Ruiz's time. Marino raises similar questions - and discusses poesible answers. Noting additional parodie features (unromantic winter instead of spring sea.son, fear oí the woman instead of desire for her, food and coziness preferred to ")ove," praise to avoid battery, appetite being Cor food, and so on). Our author points to early antecedents in other pastoral poetry, and examines the poesibilities. The third poem of the series, more subdued in both word and action, offers difficulty in classifying: "En efecto, seria diffcil clasificar como pastorela a esta composición: la apariencia de una serrana no hace una serranilla, sino sólo una cántica de serrana." Finding this compoeition clearly diff erent from the others, Marino suggests that this fact "nos podría llevar otra vez a la cuestión de paternidad." As for the fourth poem, Marino calls attention to radical differences between it and the expected - e.g., no intention of seduction, emphasis on the avarice exhibited by the serrana - and observes that "otra vez sugiere la doble paternidad de la obra." The final paragraph of the chapter ends with the statement that the four compositions just discuseed "no sólo reflejan alg6n propósito didáctico de su autor, sino son a la vez únicas en su forma innovadora - una combinación de poesía culta (de la tradición pastoral), verso popular (villancico serrano), parodia, y tradición medieval 0a virago montaiiesa)." Chapter IV, "Las serranillas del MarquáJ de Santillana," brings us to the genre at ita zenith. The one eztant -emmillarelated compoeition by Pedro González de Mendoza, grandfather of Santillana, is the desir commo a manera de canti.ga, beginning "Menga, dame el tu acorro," bearing clear - and hardly fortuitous -similarities to the third cdntica de serrana of Juan Ruiz, "debería llamarse una cántica de serrana y no una serre.nilla," according to Marino, who believes that the poem is simply an elaboration on Juan Ruiz's piece. The fact that this composition is 111 Digitized by

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Clarke the only one of ita kind by Gonzalo de Mendoza bringa us again to the question of low survival rat.e of this type of entertainment piece. Santillana's father, Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, whoee quot.ecl 12-line serrana "parece ser la primera serranilla en castellano que representa el esfuerzo sincero de reproducir la pastorela de Provenza y Galicia sin el propósito de parodiar esta forma" is credit.ecl with being, according to Lapesa, the "primer paso en la dignificación del pnero." Marino considera it the bridge between ita p~BSOrs and the serranillas of Santillana. As CorSantillana's serranillas (1429-1431), Marino follows the order and the texta of the Lapesa edition, and attempta to dat;e individually each of the eight selections there preaent:ed. The makeup of each composition, the sou~ of its various ingredients, and innovations contained in it are not:ed. Abundance of geographical detail gives a special realistic effect. Poesible borrowings, such as social class of the charactera, methods of seduction, influence of foreign poetry o( similar genre are not:ed. A special touch of humor - the use of ref eren ces and language familiar to bis aristocratic audienoe but out of place in deecribing a rustic - is not.eclin the discussion of serranilla number six, which a1so contains references to details lacking in the other serranillas, such as By means of clothing, geographic location, olive harvesting. historical and regional implication, Marino dates it 1438; and, through the action involved, relates it to Proven,;al troubadour style. Number seven, the famous "Vaquera de la Finojosa," in which the rustic maiden outsmarts the courtier, seems to Marino to be a dream-poem. She considera this one of the best of Santillana's serranillas. The eighth, lasto( the series, she dates 1440, and since it contains reminiscences of several of the others, may have been int.ended to summarize and to serve as conclusion to the previous aeven, according to our author. Other Santillana poems relat.ecl to tal casamiento," the serranilla. are discussed: "Serrana, "Madrugando en Robredillo," and the co-authored "De Lozoya a Navafria." In fine, "Santillana no simpatiza con los campesinos y aunque tiene interés artístico en el verso popular en otras obras que compuso, sus serranillas pertenecen sólo a la lit;eratura cortesana." Clearly, the serranilla is a learned form - and, perchance, an underside picture of the courtly love-lyric? Chapter V, "La serranilla despuál de Santillana (Siglo XV)" calla attention to the waning quality of the work, the tendency to idealize country life, the replacing of pastora with the lady of nobility, and the addition of the rustic male to the cast of characters. In Carvajales, for instance, we find, on the one hand, 112

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La Cor6nica 18:1, 1989-90 his calm and lovely country maidens enjoying their simple diet and entertaining themselves with music of their own making - and on the other hand, such thinge as grot:esque Juan Ruiz-like characters lacking the Juan Ruiz touch and spirit, a hazy separation of genres, the use, in rustic surroundings, of mythological and other leamed references, and that in metrics, he alone compoeecl serranillas in arte mayor. Serranillas of Pedro de Eacavias, Fernando de la Torre, Francisco Bocanegra, Mando de Campo, and Diego de San Pedro are diacussed briefly. The study ends with the stat.ement that •De las ser.ranillas no paródicas, las del Marqu• se destacan; ,1 definió el pnero, y sus ejemplos no han sido igualados por otros poetas que componían aeffll.ni1Jas-" The ~ contains aamplea of semmilla-type poetry. . Marino's valuable work goes well beyond the •notas" stage suggested by the title. In atraightforward style, the economically worded study bringa to light (often indirectly) details that reveal veiled elements of the psychology of the medieval courtly gentleman (e.g., misogyny, contempt for those of low social status, scom and diadain hidden behind hypocrisy); and we find that though the beauty of sorne of the aerra.nas gives pleasure, the exaggerated hideousness of others in both looks and manner lacks humor. A model of concisa style, careful study, and logical reasonin& this book wi1I long be useful to both studenbl and acholara.

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Maria Rosa Menocal. The Arobic Role in, Medieval Uterary Hiatory: A Forgotten Heritage. Pbiladelphia: University of Pennsylvania Presa (Middle Agea Series), 1987. xvii + 178 pp. (Reviewed by: Peter Heath, Washington University, St. Louis) In the introduction to his classic study, (Fi l-adab al-j4hilt [On Pre-Islamic Literatura], Cairo: Dir al-ma'Arif, 1927), written in the early part of this century, the well-lmown Egyptian author and critic, 'f4h41:lusain, argues for the reconstruction of literary studies in his country. The first step, he contends, is to undertake basic pedagogic ref orms on the primary and aeoondary levels of education. Language instruction must be revitalized and a deep-seated love for Arabic literature must be instilled in the hearts of Egyptian children. At the undergraduate and graduate levels, the study of literature must be prof essionalized. How is it poesible, he asks, to underst.and the history of Arabic literature, and critically evaluate its texts, without first undergoing appropriate preparation and methodological training? Literary preparation should consist of a good grounding in relevant secondary languages and literatures, including ancient (Akkadian, Hebrew, Latin, Greek), Islamic (Persian and Turkish), and modem European (French, English, German). Methodological training should impart a thorough knowledge of Arabic literary history and ita poetic traditions and foster apertise in modem critical and comparative theory Q.lusain, Fi l-adab 14-18). In essence, 'fAha1:lusain demanda the creation of good schools and strong research universitiea, the latter driven by dynamic interdiaciplinary and inter-cultural programa of literary and historical study. Few rariea, the tollowing volumea have appeared. Volume l· Geraa, Ga..ing, Haua, lnnabrud& Wilten, Sabburg E.b. Konaiatorialarchiu, Sabburg E.b. Priall!rseminar, Sabburg Mu.aeum Carolino-Auguateum., by Donald Yatea (Collepville, MN, 1981); Volume 11: Sl. Georgenburg-Fi«ht, by Peter Jeft'rey and Donald Yatea (Collegeville, MN, 1985); and Volume 111:Henogenburg, by Hope Mayo (Collegeville, 1985). 5 lndividuala willing to contn'bute offprinta or their work are encourapd to donate them to the library.

6 Catherine

M. Cantleberry and Georp D. Gnenia, •Tentativa Bibliography of Sourcea CorIberian ManWICript Stumea,• (Collepville, MN, 1989), 35 pp.

7 See Harold G. Jonea, review otCludtliat o( Manuacripta.. ., Volume II, Spain, Part 1, in La Car6nica 8 (1979): 77-80; and Julian G. Plante, •Catalan ManWICripta in HMML," La Cor6nica 4 (1975), 40-43. L. Amoa, The Man,u,cripta o( tite Fundo ~ o( tlu! Bibliot.eca Nacional, Liaban, Volume 1: Man1U1Cripla1-150, Deacriptive Inventoriea. . ., Portugueae L11>rariea, 1 (Collegeville, MN, 1988); and Volume 11: Man.UtJCripta 151301, Descriptive Inventoriea ... , Portugueae Lllmuiea, 2 (Collegeville, MN, 1989). The third volume of thia aeriea by Thomu L. Amoa and Jonathan G. Black will appear later thia year. 8 Thomu

9 Mostly in Latín but aome Spaniah, Hebrew, Greek, Arabic, and Catalan mu. u well. The contenta of the ma. held in individual collectiona (Barcelona through Zaragoza on the liat) bave been deacribed in Julian G. Plante, Clu!clt.lial af ManutJCriplll Microf umed far lhe Hill Manaalic Manuacripl Library, Vol. 11, Spain (Collegeville, MN, 1978). lO Thirty-three

printed boob on Spaniah Ciatercian and Benedictina history.

11 A1aofilmed: 1,191 charten; 42 latten; 5 printecl worb. 12 Moetly in Latin, but a high proportion in Port~; aa well.

ac,me Spaniah ancl ltalian

13 A Three-volume catalogue Cor thia portion of the ~ collection hu been iuued by the Hill Monaatic ManWICript Library (cf. endnote 10) with indice8 of incipita in Spaniah and Portugueae. 14 Included in Vol.

m of the

Aleo~

cataloguea.

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Aaloclatlon of Hispanista of Great Britaln and lreland St. Andrewa, 1989 • Oiga Tudorica lmpey (lncllana), "F6rmulu épicas en la proaiflcacl6n alfonaf del Poema tk Fcmdl&Gonmld' Summary of the papar:

La ponencia ofreció los resultados de una comparación detallada del episodio del la batalla de Hacinas en dos manifestaciones: la del Poema de Femd.n Gonzdlez y la de la Primera Crdnica General alfonsí, la cual está derivada del Poema. Se enfocó, en especial, en la presencia, frecuencia y método de empleo de fórmulas verbales en las secciones paralelas de los respectivos textos. Del estudio realizado quedaban revelados varios aspect;os de las actitudes y de los métodos de los prosificadores alfonsíes. Era evidente que intervenían activamente en la transmisión de la historia y que eran ronscientes del efecto que deseaban producir en su propia versión. Quedaba claro que deseaban ocultar la naturaleza poética de su original, y, por lo tanto, omitían muchas de las fórmulas del Poem,a. Estos procedimientos respondían a su deseo de manipular el original con el fin de crear una versión que reflejara las actitudes apropiadas según su punto de vista. Así, eliminaron pensamientos pesimistas del héroe a la vez que aumentaron la celebración ideológica tanto del ronde como de Castilla. Para terminar, la ponente reflejó sobre las fórmulas que había encontrado en sus textos y sus posibles orígenes poétioos o prosísticos, orales o escritos, latinos o romanooe. Notó que, hasta cierto punto, el historiógrafo alf ons( parecía a veces actuar como un juglar en su uso de fórmulas. Sin embargo, quedaba mucha investigación por hacer en este campo antes que pudiéramos comprender bien todos los procesos que operaban en la composición de las crónicas medievales. Discussion:

La discusión romenzó ron una consideración de posibles influencias en la creación de fórmulas que aparecían en la prosa alfonsí. El Profesor Livermore recordó que en esa época, las crónicas en latín probablemente eran leídas por individuos para sí, mientras que las crónicas vernáculas se componían para ser leídas en voz alta a grupos de oyent;es. Esta circunstancia afectarla al estilo empleado. El Profesor Michael observó que textos como la

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La Cor6n.ica 18:1, 1989-90 llias Latina eran textos de escuela leídos con frecuencia y de varias formas, siendo, por eso, muy conocidos y hasta de memoria. El Dr. Powell preguntó cómo era posible definir una fórmula de una manera satisfactoria y si frases relativamente sencillas como 'ferir de rezio' podrían considerarse verdaderas fórmulas poéticas aun cuando se encontraban repetidas en los textos. La Profesora Impey reconoció que era problemática la definición y pidió al Dr. Powell su solución. No pudo ofrecer ninguna, pero notó que el cuerpo de textos épicos en castellano era tan exiguo que hada muy dificil avanzar hacia una solución convincente en el contexto de la épica. Refiriéndose al lenguaje formulaico en una perspectiva más amplia, el Prof eeor Lomax observó que el uso de fórmulas puede ser tanto inconsciente como consciente. Ofreció como un ejemplo con ciertos paralelos con el caso medieval el reflejo de lenguaje bíblico en escritores y oradores del siglo diecinueve. Af\adío que algo que sí era consciente sin duda alguna era el uso en la Primera Cr6n.ica, General de fórmulas para elogiar a Fernán González, a Castilla y, como consecuencia, al mismo Alfonso X. El rey sabio era inspirador de la crónica, y sin duda él representaba el verdadero motivo implícito de estos elogios y de otros parecidos de la obra.

Brian Powell (H;ull)

Douglaa Gifford (St. Andrewa), "Flying Kitea and Other Metaphors of lrresponsibillty: a Last Look at the Poema di! mio Cid" Summary of the paper: Professor Gifford began by oontrasting the Pidalian 'scientifichistorical' view with the more recent approach in structuralism which consists of compari.sons of models drawn from the study of myth in different cultures. He thus attempted to bring to the study of the epic an anthropological view of mythology although by no means belittling the value of Pidal's methods. Within this anthropological approach, he saw the diecrepancies which ezist between Poema and recorded history as deriving from what he termed 'compensatory echo.' For example, the single period of exile and the single confrontation with the Count of Barcelona might well be seen as a poetical conflation of the historical two occurrences of each incident, but the cabalgada of linea 1425-1509 was an echo of

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Britiah Hispanista Conference the incuraion into territoiy protected by Alfonso which was the immediate cause of the Cid's ezile. Another mrarnple migbt be the poetical leniency to Moslem enemies, echoing the aervice to the King of Zaragoza discreetly kept out of the Poema. This mythological dimension was now applied by the speaker to the affair at Corpes. Given that the poet wished to depict the Cid as a man whose family was very important to him and as a man whose feelinga were deeply wounded, why is bis son Diego not mentioned? Why is Diego's demise at Consuegra in 1097 not referred to? Why instead is a fictitious ordeal devised for bis daughters as the emotional clima of the work? This migbt be eapecially likely had Diego been in any way a disgrace, perhaps througb dying shamefully, being mentally handicapped or an epileptic. Such reincamations as may have occurred here are by no means unusual in rnyth, as in the personifications of the struggle between good and evil in the Trickster cycle, or in the Twin myth. Did Corpes, then, harbour the shade of Diego? Discussion: Initial discussion conoemed whether Diego's abeence was really odd. Dr. Powell obeerved that the evidence that he had ever exist:ed was late and scanty. Professor Gifford wondered why, if he had not existed, it had been neoossary to invent him. Professor Round suggested that the Cid in the poem did not need another faithful 'junior;' Professor Michael noted that dynastic considerations would have made the son unimportant, since it was through the daugbters that the Cid's blood had passed to 'los rreyes d'España.' Prof essor Macpherson queried whether, if the poet was working with myth, any explanation for Diego's abeence was needed. Professor Round mentioned Inés de Castro as another case in which myth had no difficulty in overriding the details of history. Professor Gifford maintained, however, that Diego's abeence was nonetheless odd, since the Poenia was so family oriented. Dr. Cummins, in support, thought tbat Diego's possible crime, cloaked by Corpes, might have been incest. Mr. Hodcroft wondered whether the disproportionate nature of the Infantes response at Carpes to the supposed insult of the lion risked making the poem comic. Prof essor Round thougbt that the poem was about how to exercise restraint when one had power, and the infantes failed in tbis. Professor lmpey recalled the poet's own comment 'qui buena dueiia escamec;e e la dexa despues / atal le contesca o siquier peor.' Querying whether the Poema

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convinced as an heroic poem, Profeaaor Lomu streooed ita comic elements, adding that the hero'o use of the spoils of war to ingratiate himself with the king marked bis carear as one of 'obsequious banditry.' Someone considerad this phrase to be a good definition of chivalry. John Gornall

Barry Taylor (The Britlsh Library), "Some CompleDties of the Eumplum in Ramon Llull's Llibre d. lo bhlties" Summary of the paper: The paper examined some of the ways in which the Uibre de les bistia is unusual in the immediate contmt of the Uibre de meravelles, of which it is the seventh book, and in the broader context of medieval chiefly Hispanic exenipluni-books. In Bestia the frame is instructive, the exempla explanatory: in Mera.velles, the frame is dynamic (modelled on Kalila and Dimna, chapt:ers 3-4) and the exempla largely persuasive. Llull's exempla are unorthodox in an number of respects. First, on occasions the int:erpolated stories seem unsatisfactory because they are too much like the extemal frame to which they ref er: the orthodox exemplum, it was suggested, brings together two things which are alike, but not identical. Second, the tale, from Kalila, of the bird, the monkeys and the glowworm, used conventionally and explained in the earlier Blanquema but left obscure in Besties, is int:egrated into the frame so as to endow it with greater significance than it had in either of the two earlier texts: its importance is made manifest when King Lion's failure to understand the story, a symptom of bis sinfulness, results in the death of the narrator. Third, the charact:ers in the frame understand one another's stories even when no explanation is provided for the reader: in the majority of medieval exemplum-books, explicit explanation is the norm. The deliberate difficulty of the ezempla of Bestia can be related to statements by the author in Meravelles on the salutary function of obscurity. There are parallels in lslamic tradition notably among the Sufis to whom Llull ref ers in the Blanquema, but this paper concentrated on relating the Lullian exempla to the treatment of the parables of Christ as obscure stories in the New Testament exegesis, exemplified here by Bonaventure and El Tostado on John 16-25 and Matthew 13-10.

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Discuaaion: Profeaaor Livermore opened the discussion by asking how long theae eumpla remained in circulation. Dr. Taylor replied that they were used in oratory into the 18th century when they were revived along with fables as a lit.erary form by neoclaseical writers. But their brevity ensured that they oontinued as motifs for much longer. Dr. Davies asked for further clarification of the way Llull re-used the same eumpla in different contexts. Dr. Taylor suggested that the practice was intended to demonstrat.e bow the same exemplum, such as the one about the monkey and the glowworm, should have different applications. Was this for the benefit of would-be users of the eumpla as sennon material? Dr. Taylor thought not, in this case: the Llibre de les buties was packaged more specifically. Dr. Pring-Mill wondered whether the baldness of Llull's t.echnique oorresponded to the practice of supplying material for elaboration by otbers. Dr. Taylor thought that this poesibility did not apply to Baties: although it was conceived as a didactic work it was not planned as a sourcebook for preachers. Admittedly, the material found in Besties could be re-used in sermons, but there were more suitable cases elsewbere in Meravelles, like the sun and moon eumplum he had cited. Dr. Pring-Mill enquired whether other books in Meravelles contained exempla largely deriving from a single lmown eource. The speaker replied that be didn't lmow of any research that showed this. Dr. Pring-Mill expressed fascination with Dr. Taylor's four rules of the exemplum, particularly the fourth. Professor Macpherson concurred and asked whether an explanation was always supplied for allegorical exempla (rule 4) in the Conde Lucanor. The speaker thought that this was invariably the case, even if it was only implied in a rubric. He agreed with Prof emK>r Macpherson's suggestion that this practice confirmed the usual pattem of authorial control. In response to further questions from Mr. Sanromán he conceded that the distinction would not apply to modem Cables in the work of Borges or Cortázar, for example, where the explanation is ostentatiously covered up: a feature of their modemity. Dr. Gibbe asked if anyone could recall a story text that had been analysed according to four levels of exegesis. Dr. Wright said that Dante had said that the Divina Commedia should be read in this way. Professor lmpey cited the parable of the Greeks and the Romane in tbe Libro de buen anior, but Dr. Gybbon-Monypenny objected that this involved mutually exclusive rather than parallel int;erpret:ations. Dr. Taylor concurred and added that this feature

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The Modern Lanpap Aaaoclatlon Convention: (Washinl(ton, 1989) Sesslons of Interest (Court.y

to Hispano-Medievalista

ol Jolm S. Miletich, with Samuel G. Armietead and Charlea B. Faulbaber.)

Seaaion 199: Literatura in Transition: The Age of Ferdinand and Isabel Decmnber 28, 1:45-3:00 P.M., Georgetown East (Hilton) Preaiding: Charlea B. Faulbaber, University of California, Berkeley.

l.

Lave and the Lure of Chaoa: Deflnition and Dlaorder In c--,¡na Theresa Ann Sean, University of Maine, Orono

Languaga, it might be argued, was born of the need to define, to aeparat-e the univerae into realms of signification and establish the boundaries between them. Such is the day, and such the night; here lies the water and ali that pertains to it, and there the domain of land. Love, on the other hand, cannot abide distance, difference. "Two hearts living in just one mind," singa the lover of his ideal, and queries: "How can I love you this much / And love you from this far?" That desire cannot exist without language to constitute it is only one of the paradoxes with which the sentimental mode in literature grapples. Most love tragedies result when the hopeless of yearning toward unity confronts the stubborn aistenoe boundaries in the very language of desire itself. Celestina, however, deals with the opposite case - the collapae of all systems of definition and separation - and in doing so, reveals the prof ound reasons for human culture's investment in such systems. When Calisto's lawless desire is awakened, he begins an assault on ali the walls, doors, and distances that separate him from the object of bis desire. Differences of gender, generation, social clase, and Ievel of discourse ali fall, as well as those of literary genre. The word "love" itself, used indiscriminately and constantly throughout the work, serves as the weapon that annihilates order and sets chaoe loose in the city. "Transitional" in Celestina's case means subversive, for perhaps no other sentimental work in the entire European canon makes the case so well for the very boundaries that love and its literatures seek to breach.

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2.

Celestina: A Hag Before and a Hag Atter Anthony J. Cárdenas, Wichita State University

The reign of the Catholic Monarchs is a fascinating one, characterized, on the one hand, by a persistenoe of medieval cultural constructs and, on the other, by the dawning of new ones that ultimately are to bloom in the Renaiseance. In my paper I propase to examine the character Celestina in the light of a literary predecessor and a literary descendant. The former is Juan Ruiz's generic trotaconventos and the latter Cervantes' demoniacal hag, Cañizares, of the Coloquio de los perros. Although at least one acholar claims that Celestina is the "illustrious predecessor" to the Cervantina hag and although many others have found various parallels between the Ruizian alcahueta and Celestina, what I propoee to show is that, although the three can be considered l&echiceras,Celestina stands midway between the LBA go-between and Cañizares. Celestina is more sat:anic than the pimping hag of the LBA and is certainly less so than Cañizares. Much like one of the old women depicted in the 1488 and 1489 Fdbulas de Esopo, Celestina's dealings with the devil are strictly commercial. While I do not wish to argue for any influence from the LBA to Celestina to the Coloquio, I indicate how, with regard to magic and witchcraft, Celestina is a transitional character between Juan Ruiz and Cervantes and, as such, provides one example of a literary transition occurring during the reign of Ferdinand and Isabel.

3.

La literatura polémica contra el Islam durante el siglo XV Vicente Cantarino, Ohio State University

Durante la segunda mitad del siglo XV, con la caída de Constantinopla y a medida que los avances del Islam en el Este cristiano aparecían más amenazadores para Occidente, la unidad política y nacional incluía cada vez más claramente y de manera más agresiva la idea de la unidad religiosa. Como efecto y, a la vez, motivadora de esta actitud, se reanuda la tradición de literatura polámica contra el Islam, que al reaparecer ahora, si bien continúa una tradición medieval, adopt:a formas y actitudes que mezclan el pasado con consideraciones, estilos y formas más actuales. Así, aunque los temas y loe argumentos usados pueden no variar de manera esencial, se percibe con toda distinción una mayor preocupación por la forma de su presentación y por la meU>dolog(a a usar; y en el contenido por el engagement político-nacional que ya 145 Digitized by

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4.

Narrative lnnovations in the Relgn of the Catholic Monarcha Alan D. Deyermond, Queen Mary and Westtield College, London

Most oí the innovations in narrativa technique that are, suppoaedly, the supreme achievement oí European and American fiction in the twentieth century are already found in Spanish in the lat.e fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. In this paper, building on the recent work of hispanomedievalisf:s, I propose t;o examine the following aspects: l. Precursora in the reign of Juan 11: a) Circular structure and life/art relationship in Sieroo libre de amor.

b) Structural symmetry and shifting sympathies in "Alora la bien cercada." 2. The reign of the Catholic Monarchs: _, a) The author presenta himself as a character whoee life is radically changed by the events he witnesses (events that he helped to bring about): Grimalte y Gradissa, Cdrcel de Amor. b) The barrier between two levels of fiction becomes permeable, as one book becomes a quasi-character within another: Grima.lle y Gradissa. e) A fictional character is a metonym for his real namesake•s writinge: Grisel y Mirabella. d) The withdrawal of an overall narrator clears the way íor the emergence of autonomous local narrators, one oí whom borrows memories from the real author•s childhood: Celesti.na. e) What we witness (Celestina) or are told by the overall narrator (Cdrcel de Anior, Grisel y Mirabella, Tratado de amores) is followed by its narration by one oí the characters. This enables us to judge the character and to reflect on the nature of narrative.

I hope aJso to ref er to innovations in Pulgar•s Claros varones and in Passion narratives in verse. 146

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La Cor6nica 18:1, 1989-90 Session 391: Cro88-Discipllnary

Approaches

to Medieval Spanlsh Llterature

December 29, 10:15-11:30 A.M., JefTeraon East (Hilton) Presiding: Samuel G. Armist.ead, University of California, Davis.

l.

Thaumaturglc Narratlve In Chronlcles: Facta and Fictlon

Medieval

CaatWan

Carmen Benit:o-Veesels, University of Mmyland, College Park The paramount presenoe of tbaumaturgic aooounts, folldoric traditions, and hagiographic narrativa - in texts tbat are suppoeecl to furnish factual information - is one of the most striking characteristics of medieval hist:oriography. The interwoven nature of medieval historical discourse, where fact and fiction seem to be indistinguishable, makes it difficult to eetablish clear parameters for this genre, particularly, since the ways we represent fact and fiction are very diff erent from thoee of the Middle Ages. Historical truth did not mean "authenticity" in the Middle Ages and, therefore, a broad spectrum of data was subsumed under the category of "history." lt was only in the fifteenth century that, in bis introductory pages to Aniad(s de Gaula, Garci Rodrfguez de Montalvo differentiated between real and fictitious histoey ("historia verdadera" and "historia fingida"). Castilian In my present research on fourteenth~ntuey chronicles, I have discovered a significant number of features characteristic of nonhistorical proee, such as oral devices, which, at one time, may have been used as actual techniques for oral delivery. Nevertheless, beca use of the public for which the medieval chronicles were written or to whom they were read - the aristocracy - the common tendency was to divorce physical and thematic remnants of popular culture from leamed historical texts. It is my contention that, once religious and folkloric accounts were integrated in historical narra ti ve, the purpoee for which they were originally used was def eated. That is, pious and traditional narrativa was maintained only at the level of signifiers, but it was overtly used with either pragmatic or literary goals. Also, beyond the physical borrowing of formulistic diction - from oral to written texts - marks of orality remained in the written proee versions of history and, eventually, became narrativa devices in the art of writing history. Therefore, once the means of telling stories became 147 Digitized by

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MLA Sessions a tool for the narration of bistory, the syncretism of orality and literacy was achieved and the use of common oral techniques acquired individual literary valuea. 2.

lberlan Wrlting about Other Worlda at the Cloae of the Mlddle Agee Clara Estow, University of Massachuaetts, Harbor Campus

Tbe rapid overseas expansion achieved by Spain and Portugal at the cloee of the Middle Ages has often been described as the natural outcome of the propitious geographic location of the two stat-88. lt has aleo been attributed to their long history of contact and conflict with an alien civilization in their midst (Islam). Some writers have even portrayed Spain's empire in America -in ita ideological and administrative dimensiona - as an extension of Castile's Reconquest efforts. Tbis might be a justifiable position if we take into account only the ideological motifs that recur in more than seven hundred years of Reconquest and the inescapable fact that Spain tried to adapt Peninsular institutions to American soil. A deeper look, however, reveals marked differences in the goals of ridding Iberia of Muslims - and the subsequent Iberian expansion into Africa - on the one hand, and the "Enterprise of the lndies" on the other. My paper compares how Christian writers of the Iberian Peninsula during the late Middle Ages understood cultures different from their own and the degree to which their perceptions were translated into official policy. Tbeir attitude toward Muslims, in general, and toward Muslims not living within the frontiers of Iberian Christian states, in particular, will be of special interest. The shared perceptions of these writers are set against early Spanish impressions of America's native populations as described by Columbus, Las Casas, Pedro Mártir, and other writers of the early years of the sixteenth century. The comparisons drawn in this paper show that, while early writers on America recognized the uniqueness and strangeness of the people and the region, they did not draw useful parallels between Americana and other nonChristians they had known. The paper will conclude with a discussion of why this rather narrow vision prevailed and dominated subsequent discourse on the New World.

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3.

Heroic Mythogenesis and Charismatic Authority In the Poema de Mio Cid and Other Folkloric Ten& Michael Paul Hamey, University of Texas at Austin

Our perception of the protagonist of the Poema de Mio Cid has been contaminat:ed by Ramón Menéndez Pidal's concept of the literary personage as "Spanish national hero." In reality the poem's protagonist has little to do with the historical figure upon which it is based: the poem's is a local heroism aimed at a "pre-state," "pre-political" audience for whom the concept of a Spanish national state, or even a uniquely Christian culture, has little or no meaning. 0n the other hand, parallelisms between the career of the poetic Cid (and, more indirectly, the historical one) and other local rebel-heroes from other folk-historical traditions (the biblical David, Robin Hood, Jesse James, Bonnie and Clyde, John Dillinger, Al Capone, Sbaka Zulu) suggest that cross-cultural analysis of the social functions of the rebellious hero leads to enhanced understanding of any particular literary exemplar of this type. The comparison to apparently unheroic personages from the Old West, twentiethcentury Chicago, or nineteenth-century South Africa is not meant as facile paradox. What must be remembered is that every folk hero is the antihero of a lost "black legend," while every folk villain might well have been a hero to a community of his own. Thus we think, for example, of Al Capone and Shaka Zulu as villains beca use we see them through a negative account of their lives and social impact promulgat:ed by their class and race enemies. Both of these personages, however, had a "constituency" of idolizing admirers, who - in disregard of any distracting unheroic personal attributes of the "candidate" for heroic status - wrote these figures into a soteric scenario. We see such figures as the Cid and Robin Hood as heroes, on the other hand, because they have, as mythic entities, won the "public relations" battle of folk history: their story became either the retrospectively concoct:ed "official" or "definitive" version of a myth of national origin, or the folkloric charter of a common man's "bill of rights." Had we known the Cid from the viewpoint of the upper-class homologues of the Infantes of Carrión or from that of bis Muslim victima; or had we seen Robin Hood from the perspective of the clase allies of Guy of Guisbome or the Sheriff of Nottingham, we would have had quite a different view of the Cid's or Robin Hood's "heroism." Instead, as protagonista of a soteric scenario, they exemplify the widely distribut:ed folkloric figure of the "orphaned savior" hero (Moses, Theseus, Oedipus) studied by Rank, Raglan, Campbell, Dundes, and others. Ali theee characters, 149 Digitized by

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MLA Sessions moreover, may be analyzed as examples of primitive rebellion and social banditry, as thoae ooncepts have been developed by Eric Hobsbawm and other social historians. All are practitioners of economic predation (tribute, extortion, protection rackets, banditry) and of economic redistribution within their own microcommunity; ali are the object of a sometimes ambivalent folk tradition in which they are beroes of a population which feels itself oppreseed either by foreign enemies or the hoetile attentions of an encompassing polity viewed as corrupt or merely bureaucratic; all are "magnets of the discontented" and vectors for recruitment of volunteer followers in aearch of positive social mobility; ali are represented not as revolutionaries but as restorers of an older social order ut.opically imagined. When these mythogenetic factors are conjoined with the "wide-open" political and economic poesibilities of a frontier contezt - as in the case of the Cid, of Shaka, of Jesse James - the heroes in question may best be understood in the light of Weber's ooncept of charismatic authority and its institutionalization - that is, as the nuclei of nascent communities whose existence is rendered precarious only by oommunal dependence on the personality of the hero-leader.

4.

Don Hurón as Trickster: A Psycho-Folklorlc Archetype Louise O. Vasvari, State University of New York, St.ony Brook

In a ludicrous, brief, narrativa episode in the Libro de Buen Amor (w. 1618-25), the male go-between, Don Hurón ('Ferret'), the highly inappropriate successor to the deceased old bawd Trot;aoonventoe, plays a nasty trick on the protagonist by reading aloud in the marketplace the love poema he was suppoeed to deliver to a lady. The piece, although funny, remains rather enigmatic, almost truncated, and with little relationship to its context. As in several other bizarre fragmenta in the LBA (e.g., that of the old lady with whom the narrator achanges insulta [945-49]), it is evident that sorne of the humor, including several potential word games and a joke rhyme, as well as plot motivation obvious to the contemporary audience, has been lost. For example, it is not immediately evident why the servant should have the nickname Hurón or why he should take such rather childish pleasure in playing a practica} joke from which he can have no personal gain. My aim in this paper is to work towards a reconstruction of the skeletal passage, which has become partially incomprehensible, by studying it in the context of other texts - literary and 150 Digitized by

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La Cor6nica 18:1, 1989-90 subliterary - which evoke identical stereotypical situations. Within the episode itself I will specifically study the following: - the camivalesque Natureingang drawing attention to seasonal renewal, which serves as a cueing device to the carnivalesque tone of the episode; - the invective, or abusive praise, in form of an enumerativa litany of the "only fourteen mejor defects" of the messenger, wbich ranges from insulting epithets to a list of dishonest occupations, which I shall compare with other medieval versions of tbis motif (e.g., the thirteenth~ntury Occitan, "truand aux cent metiera"; the nine faults of Boccaccio's Guccio Parco (Dec. VI.x), the Spanish Estudiante . . . hambriento, burl6n, algo ladr6n, mujeriego, holgazdn, ignorante y tonto; - the relation of Hurón to the tradition of spurious servants as erotic counselors, as well as to the "tricky servant" figure who spends ali bis time humiliating bis master by endless practical jokes; - the name Hu ron within the folk tradition of abusive, ridiculous, and bawdy nicknames, adopted by ali festiva genres (e.g., Fodius, Spurius, Sporca, Croceus, Viola in the comedia latina; Trigo, Salvado Ortiz, Sancho Panza, Till Eulenspiegel, et:c., in later tradition) and, finally, in its modem folk survival in oral childlore. From a detailed analysis of the episode, it becomea evident that Hurón possesses ali the characteristics of the trickster, one of mankind's oldest and most ubiquitous mythic figures. The trickster is a marginal or "liminal" ribald character of antistructure acroes ali cultural variations, from the trickster in primitive mythology through the more modem deritualized and more secularized fool, jester, clown, prankster, schelni, p(caro, et:c. He is the embodiment of humor, a disordered person who constantly breaks the norma created by society by ludie behavior, like playing tricks on others and flouting ali religious and social conventions, thus achieving the victory of laughter over the seriousness of taboos. Among the specific characteristics of the trickster, ali used to indicate the carnivalesque inversion of order, are: 1) bis cunning form of intelligence or "crooked thinking," by which he tests the boundaries of logical discourse; this includes purpoeeful clumsiness in carrying out verbal instructions and in transmitting messages; 2) bis physical abnormality, emphasizing the exaggeration of body parta or grotesqueness of bis body image, particularly of the generativa organs; and 3) playing tricks not just for gain but for the game of 151 Digitized by

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it, taking pleasure in the misfortune of othera, and thua also inverting through trickery the customary work-play distinction. In this context it can be more easily understood why Hurón connotes both 'f enet' and 'phallus' (as I have documented elsewhere), and why both Hurón and bis audience should think bis silly trick hilariously funny. Session 630:

Spanish Medieval Language and Literature December 29, 9:00-10:15 P.M., Thoroughbred Room (Hilt;on) Presiding: John S. Miletich, Las Vegas, NV.

1.

The Aula a amara in Caatillan and Catalan Literaturea of the Late Middle Ages: Adumbratlon of a Forgotten Genre Peter Cocozzella, State University of New York, Binghamton

From bis discovery of a ref erence to an auto de aniores within the exordium of Triste deley~i6n, a fifteenth-century intricate love story written partly in Castilian and partly in Catalan, Fernando Lázaro Caneter deduces that the auto in question designates a drama tic gen re, now extinct and forgotten, which, nevertheless, must have been quite fashionable in the aristocratic circles of the Spanish society of the late Middle Ages. In my paper I attempt to trace the salient characteristics of the auto de amores by focussing not only on Comendador Escrivá's Querella ante el Dios Amor, which Lázaro Carreter himself identifies as the primary ext.ant exemplar of its kind, but also on a number of kindred texts, including the renowned Didlogo entre el Anwr y un viejo by Rodrigo Cota and the not-so-well-known, but not lesa significant, La noche by Fray Francisco Moner, a bilingual (Catalan-Castilian) writer, who flourished in the second half of the fifteenth century. I intend to show that Moner's masterpiece, a rare manuscript of which I discovered and edited, exhibits the full evolution of a complex composition encompassing the multiple c.amal and spiritual dimensione of the lover's condition. The following are the salient points I deal with in my analysis: l. The distinctive traits of the auto inherited from Ausias March: 1. Intense introspection 2. "Dramatic personalism" 3. Development of a first-person awareness of the lover the consciousness par excellence of the anuulor 152

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4. Projection of the lover's consciousness into the centrality of the first-person speaker II. The auto in late-Medieval Catalan literature: 1. The tendency toward allegory 2. The objectivization of the lover's passion 111. The dramatic thrust of Moner's La noche l. Incorporation of sorne key features of medieval drama 2. Moner's peculiar elaboration of the auto according to the principies of eclecticism and amalgamation 3. The esthetics of the compendium, epitome, microcoam IV. Hypothesis: The evolution of the auto exhibits an overall ascetic orientation which foreshadows the mystical experience. I propoae to present the auto as a literary medium which conveys the overall dynamics and the essential semiotics of ascesis (that is, the via purgativa) leading eventually to the via unitiva of the mystical union. La noche embodies a paradigm of the literature of its age. As such, apparently it provides the missing link between the amatory literature of the fifteenth ~ntury and such inspired writers of the late 1500's as Santa Teresa and San Juan de la Cruz.

2.

The De~ Prindpum Tradition in Amadla M Gaula Harriet Goldberg, Vtllanova University

Garci Rodríguez de Montalvo, praising King Femando, echoed the sentiments of Femán Pérez de Guzmán to the effect that Spain did not lack heroes but rather authors whoee talents were equal to the task of praising them (Amad{s de Gaula). However, in the romance, many kings (most notably Lisuarte) are not equal to the task of goveman~. In fact, it would seem that the qualities of the ideal monarch ought to be thoee of the ideal knight. See Grimanesa's request that Apolidon ensure that the Insola Firme be ruled by the best knight in the world and, of course, that he be wed to the most beautif ul and constant woman in the world. I propoae examining the royal personages in Rodríguez de Montalvo's four books, comparing them with the knights who serve them, in the hope of identifying an indirect comment on governance.

3.

Discursive Strategies In the Libro tü Buen Amor: Confession, Autobiography, and Allegory Jerry Root, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor

In what is perhaps a Romantic sbortsightedness, we readily accept the Augustinian link of confession and autobiograpby. In 153 Digitized by

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MLA Seaaions apite of ali the personal touches of the Confaaio11,11, however, Augustine reads himaelf and his own personal experience in the world the way that he reads the Bible, that is, through a four-fold allegorical grid, a hierarchy that figures the disfigured and puts the personal into a context of divine signification. The obligat:ory confessional practice that develops afler the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215 puta an entirely different emphasis on the personal and the private. Medieval confessional practice authorizea, indeed compela, the individual to remain at the literal level, to speak and claim reaponsibility for bis or her experience and sins. In the autobiographical struggles of Margery Kempe, Petrarch, Guillaume de Machaut, Chaucer, we hear the overtones of a historically specific confessional practice - this practice breaks the dominant hold of allegory on the construction of character; literary types give way to cbaracters of private experience; the idealizing tendencies of the aempla are gradually replaced with a valorization of the idiosyncratic, "naturalistic" attention to detail. This confessional practice conditions a discourse of the self that can do without the Nowhere do theae allegorization of Augustine's Confessions. discursive strategies clash with more interesting results than in Juan Ruiz's Libro de buen anior. In my paper I propoee to draw out the atent to which Juan Ruiz's autobiographical stance is intimately oonnected with the historical practice of sacramental conf ession. The "I" constructed in this historical practice has no recouree to the hierarchical, allegorical grid that Augustine dispoeed of. After confession is made obligatory in 1215, confessional self-examination becomes an obeessive cultural preoccupation, but the definition of aelf that comes out of confessional practice must pass through the literal, the body, private experience. The LBA dramatizes this clash of self-definition. It provides an example of the struggle between autobiography and allegory, between a construction of the self based on experience and intention as oppoeed to authoritative, idealizad precedents. Juan Ruiz grounds bis self-presentation in a penitential stance. He speaks of himself as he speaks to Doña Endrina: "como en peniten~ia" (v. 703a). For all his failures and bad intentions, the "a~ipreste" does not become a negative example, an impersonal fa,uz, semblant. While it is pointless to attempt to determine whether or not this penitential "I" is genuinely autobiographical, we can examine the extent to which the construction of this "I" reflects a general shift in the medieval discourse of the self. With the help of confessional manuals and other literary self-presentations of the period, I will show how the historical practica of conf ession

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(translated into the lit-erary domain) displaces allegory as the privileged grid through which the "selr' can be spoken.

4.

Nebrija, the Gram4tü:a t:aBlellana, and the Rewriting Valla

~

Michael O. Zappala, University oí Maryland, College Park Nebrija's justly íamous prologue to the Gramdtica castellana is an interesting rewriting oí another equally íamous politicallinguistic program, the íoreword oí the De Elegantia Li,nguae Latinae oí Lorenzo Valla. Ií Valla's model served the debelador de la barbarie well in regard to the central concept oí language as companion of empire, Nebrija modifies Valla's plan in several striking ways which appear to have escaped critical notice. First oí all, to validate bis program of language and empire, Nebrija views history from a clearly peculiar angle. His presentation of the cultural apogee of the Jews, Greeks, and Romans is selected to fit a specific linguistic theory. Second, the role of religion in the program of empire and language is conspicuously unsystematic and fits Nebrija's program only obliquely. This "personal" view oí history and the inconsistent presentation of religion in Nebrija's program make the prologue a thoroughly idiosyncratic statement. Session 689:

Problema In the Medieval Romance Epic 11 December 30, 8:30-9:45 A.M., Georgetown East (Hilton) (Program arranged by the Sociétá Rencesvals, American-Canadian Branch, and organized by John S. Miletich, Las Vegas, NV; respondent: Alan D. Deyermond, Queen Mary and Westfield Collega, London.) 1.

Modern Bailada and Medieval Epica: Some Recent Hispanic Discoveries Samuel G. Armistead, University of Califomia, Davis

The current individualist-traditionalist polemic concerning the Spanish epic involves the genre's basic character: Is it of learned origin, authored by monks, lawyers, erudite individual poets? Or is it an essentially oral, traditional genre? Are the very few surviving texts a faithful and exclusive witness to what actually existed or are they fragmentary vestiges of a much more fully developed genre, part of a multisecular continuum, that - through indirect evidence 155

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MLA Seasions at least - can be traced back as far as the tenth century? Neecllea to say, I believe very strongly in thia latter modal: 'lbat the surviving texts are remnants of a much more ampla repertoire and that the Castilian epic, just like the medieval French and Germanic epics, began and continued to develop as an essentially oral form. A crucial component in the discussion oí the Spanishepic's origina and character pertains to its relation to the Pan-Hispanic bailad (or romance). Though neo-individualist critica are at pains to minimiza the evidence, it is peñectly clear that a number oí the Spanish bailada, first recorded in printed broadsides in the sixteenth century, must have developed from fragmenta oí late medieval epia1 that came to exist as independent poems in their own right. I believe that our recent work has uncovered additional, and now incontrovertible, evidence in support of such an idea. In studying the relationship of bailada to epica, even the most traditionalist approaches of previous critia1 have tended to concentrate on the sixteenth-century versions, on the assumption that, since theee early texts are older, they must therefore be cloaer and more faithful to their epic origina. lt was aleo assumed, by implication, that the modem tradition was secondary and derivativa, having no direct connection to epic antecedente and being based on sources essentially identical to those relatively few ballads whichjust happened to have been printed in the sixteenth centuey. But thia is a risky assumption and turns out to be erroneous. No geographic branch of the modem tradition has, until now, been systematically studied in terma of the poesible epic origina of the narratives that have survived down to the present day. For a number of years, I have been working on a collaborative project, with my friends Joeeph Silverman and Israel Katz, to collect, edit, and study the traditional ballads of the Sephardic Jews - exiled from Spain at the end of the Middle Ages. In contrast to most other Hispanic traditions, where the number of surviving epic themes is quite limited, the Spanish-speaking Jews have preeerved in their local traditions, in North Africa and the Eastem Mediterranean, a relatively rich assortment of ballads of epic origin: At least twenty different Judeo-Spanish text types can, in one way or another, be connected to epic antecedents. What we are currently doing is to study ali known variants (published and unpublished) oí each of these themes, in relation to their sixteenth-centuey congeners and in relation to surviving epic evidence. What is emerging is, I think, highly significant: In certain cases, the modem tradition turna out not to depend on any known sixteenth-century antecedent, but rather shows even greater affinity, than do the 156 Digitized by

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La Cor6nica 18:1, 1989-90 üt.eenth-century tezts, to the bailada' epic precursora. A case in point is the bailad of Afda 's Dream (Alda corresponda t:o Aude in the Chanson de Rola.nd). In this case, the modem Moroccan versions agree, in a series of details, more closely with the Provenc;al epic of Ronsasvals, than does the ballad's lone sixteenth-century text. The modem tradition turns out, then, to be an additional, independent witnese to the genetic relationship between bailad and epic - a witness which, until now, has not been taken into account; a witness which, from now on, will make it even more difficult t:o deny the direct, genetic relationship of epics and bailada and, consequently, to negat.e the traditionality of the epic genre. In the light of the additional relationships we are uncovering, the essentially oral nature of the ballad - in both the early tradition and in its geographically diverse modem forms - offers a new and cogent testimony in favor of the orality and the traditionality of the epic poema from which the bailada undoubtedly developed.

2.

Epic and Romance: Conflation in the Canlar Michael Gerli, Georgetown University

a

Mio Cid

As early as 1948, Leo Spitzer insisted upon the 1arge motivational role played by purely imaginativa episodea in the development of the Cantar de Mio Cid. For Spitzer, Ramón Menéndez Pidal's interpret:ation of the CMC as a historical epic, and the latter's repeated attempts to compare it to the hieratic, mythic, and martial Chanson de Rola.nd, were distorted and motivated primarily by the Spaniard's chauvinistic nationalism. After a lengthy and leamed argument, Spitzer concludecl that the CMC can only be best described as a biograf(a novelada, rather than an epic. Since Spitzer's landmark study, numerous critia1 have dealt with the nonhistorical aspects of the work, though few have considered these from the perspectiva of the most widely disseminated form of medieval fiction - romanoo. When closely scrutinized, the CMC shares not only many common interests and motifs with medieval romance, but traces of a common ethos as well. The greater part of Bodas, Corexample, is devoted to marking the procession of the Cid's family to Valencia rather than the epic deed of the city's conquest. It goes on to chronicle in scrupulous detail Rodrigo's great wealth, the grand nature of bis newly formed court, and the sumptuous wedding in which he gives bis daughters to the Infantes de Carrión. In fact, after the first Cantar, feats of arms and valor appear to play a secondary role in the CMC t:o the depiction of manners and morals. Indeed, the former are subtly

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displaced by an incipient interest in courtly themes: the relationship or men u, women; the latter's role in motivating combat; omament; colore; stylized Cashion; and other images of social refinement; as well as the portrayal of an emblematic landscape whose purpoee is to engage subjectively the audience of the text. In the poetic eoonomy of the CMC, there is a rudimentary romance subtext conflated with traditional epic elements. The fusion of theae two literary discourses places the CMC at the crossroads or medieval narrative fiction and is responsible for producing the uniqueneaa of the work and ita quality of biografla, novelada.

3.

Once Apin Jimena'• Prayer in the Canlar • Jlio Cid Ruth Houae Webber, emerita, Univeraity of Chie210

Jimena's prayer in Deati.errohas been, over the yeara, the object o( considerable critical attention, particularly, tbe question of ita origin or, more specifically, what its model was - the two principal candidates being the French epic and certain oommon Latin prayers. My intent is not to produce a new theory, but rather to re-examine the prayer cloeely by first submitting it to several forms of prosodic and linguistic analysis and then to review tbe eztensive work that has been published on the problem in an attempt to reconcile the variant points of view. Laisse 18, in which the prayer occupies 36 out of 109 verses, is the longest laisse in Destierro. Assonating in d - the assonance that is favored in the ílr&t part of the epic - neither in its verse terminations nor in its narra ti ve organization does it resemble the prevailing patterns found in ita immediate environment. A comparison with similar prayers found in the chansons de geste indicates that there is a strong generic resemblance, which, however, is far removed from direct imitation of any given epic prayer or prayers. The words and phrases that might appear to be of Iiturgical origin are paUemed in the same way as thoee of Spanish epic origin, so that attempts to prove direct imitation of the Iiturgy are not convincing either. What can be shown, however, is that Jimena's prayer is made up of universal)y familiar elements derived from oral souna.

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La Cor6nica 18:1, 1989-90 PLEASE NOTE: The Cash Bar arranged by the Division on Spanish Medieval Language and Literature has been scheduled for: December 29, 5:15-6:45 P.M., Military Room (Hilton). Readers should bear in mind that ali times and locations are tentative and subject to change at any time previous to the publication of the PMLA Program in November. We would like to expresa special thanks to Stacey Courtney and to Jim Harvey for their very kind help.

INDEX OF AUTHORS, WORKS, AND TOPICS Alora la bien cercada 199.4. Auguatine, St., Conf es1ion1 630.3. auto de amores 630.1. Boccaccio, Giovanni, Deca.meron391.4. Cantar de Mio Cid 391.3, 689.1, 689.2, 689.3 Cervantes, Miguel de, Coloq11.io de los perros 199.2. cluuuons de geste 689.1, 689.2, 689.3. Chan.son de Roland 689.1, 689.2. Cbaucer, Geoffrey 630.3. chroniclea 391.1. Columbua, Chriatopher 391.2. Conqueat oí America 391.2. Cota, Rodrigo, Didlogo entre el Anior y un viejo 630.1. Cruz, San Juan de la 630.1. De Reginiine Princip11.ni630.2. epic 391.3, 689.1, 689.2, 689.3. EacrivA, El comendador, (l,u!rella ante el Dios Amor 630.1. Eaopo, Fdbula& 199.2. Florea, Juan de, Grimalte y Gradissa, Griael y Mirabella 199.4. hagiography 391.1. Kempe, Margery 630.3. Lu Cuu, Bartolom, de 391.2. Machaut, Guillaume de 630.3. March, Auaw 630.1. Mártir, Pedro 391.2. Moner, Francisco, La noche 630.1. Mualima 199.3, 391.2. Nebrija. Antonio de, GrunuUica cmtellana 630.4. orality 391.1, 689.1, 689.3. P,rez de G6zman, FernAn 630.2. Petrarca, Franceaco 630.3. Poema de Mio Cid: See Cantar de Mio Cid.

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MLA Seasions pol6mica anti-iaJAmb 199.3. Pulpr, Hernando del, Clmw utJr011a ü Caatüla 199.4. Raconque.t 391.2. Rodrfgun del Padrón, Juan, Sivvo libre ü amor 199.4. Rodrfgun et. Montano, Gud, Amadla tu Gaula 391.1, U0.2. Roju, Fernando de, La Celalina 199.1, 199.2. 199.4. ~ro 199.4, 689.1. Ronaaavala689.1. Ruis, Juan, Libro ü bua amor 199.2. 391.4, 630.3. San Pedro, Dieaode, Cdrml M Amor, Tratado tu amara M Amala e Ül«nda 199.4. Suelo ü dalla Aula 689.1. T._. de J-68, Santa 830.1. nut. ~ 830.1. Valla, Lonmo, De B~ LinguM Latinae 630.4.

INDEX or PARTICIPANTS Armiatead, Samuel G. 391, 889.1. Benito-V-la, Carmen 391.1. Cantarino, Vicente 199.3. Cúdenu, Anthony J. 199.2. Cocozzella, Peter 630.1. Deyermond, Alan D. 199.4, 689.

Eatow, CJara 391.2. Faulhaber, Charlea B. 199. Gerli, Michael 689.2. Goldberg, Harriet 630.2. Mamey, Michael Paul 391.3. Miletich, John S. 630, 689. Root, Jerry 630.3. Sean, Thereaa Ann 199.1. Vaavari, Louiae O. 391.4. Webber, Ruth Home 689.3. 7.appala, Micbael o. 630.4.

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Conference on MedievalEuropean Hist.oriography From 30 March to 1 April, 1989, a conference on the above topic took place in the Centre de Rechercbes Historiques et Juridiques, Université de Paria I, under the auspices of the European Science Foundation. The idea was originally floated by Robert Brian Tate, and was ultimately organized by a European committee consisting of Bemard Guenée (París), Chairman; Paolo Brezzi (Rome), JeanPhilippe Genet (Paris), Antonia Gransden (Cambridge), Jürgen Miethke (Heidelberg) and Robert Brian Tate (Nottingham). About thirty papera were given over three fields by invited speakers. The fields were: compilation and utilization of sources; history and political power; the genre of universal history. Speakers came from Great Britain, Portugal, Spain, France, Belgium, Holland, West Germany, Denmark, Norway, ltaly, Czechoslovakia, Poland. The Luso-Hispanic contributions came from George Martin and José Mattoeo, on the treatment of sources in the Estori,a de Espanna and the Conde de Barcelos. The papers will be published by the CNRS. There may well be a follow-up to this original development, with the possibility of speakers from the Americas. One of the themes will be the ext-ended narrative in medieval bistory. Thoee interested should get in t.ouch with me. Robert Brian Tate Department of Hispanic Studies, The University Nottingham NG7 2RD

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ANNOUNCEMENTS Readera of La Cor6nica - which I am sure is to say most hispanomedievalists - may be glad to know of the existence of La Biblia en la q,ica medieval española by Aurelio Valladares Reguero, Madrid, 1984. 157 pages. The book came only recently to my attention, and I think many will not know of it: the author explains in a letter which replies to one from me tbat he had the book privately printed at his own expense; it will have circulated hardly at ali in commerce and, so far as I recall, it has not been reviewed. I can say - without writing a review that has not been sollicited by either joumal or author! - that it is a thoroughly well-presented and well-argued work on a neglected subject, and amply deserves to be better lmown. Dr. Valladares Reguero is Catedrático de Lengua y Literatura F;,spafiolas at the Instituto de Bachillerato 'San Juan de la Cruz' of Ubeda (Jaán), Spain, and anyone interested could writ,e to him there to ask for a copy (I do not lmow the price, but it would be very modest). Colin Smith St. Catherine's College, Cambridge

Colloquium on Fifteenth-Century Literature The Westfield College (now Queen Mary and Westfield College) Medieval Hispanic Research Seminar held a one-day Colloquium on 30 June 1989, at which ten papera were read. We intend to repeat this next year: the Colloquium will be on Saturday, 30 June 1990 (or, if the number of papera requires it, Friday, 29 June, and Saturday, 30 June). Offers of papera may be on any aspect of Spanish, Catalan, Portuguese, Hispano-Latin, Hispano-Arabic, aljamiado or H•no-Hebraic literature of the fifteenth century. They may be of any length from 10 to 40 minutes; ample time will be allowed Cor discussion. We have no funds to assist with travel or other expenses, but it should be possible to provide very inexpensive accommodation in College for a small number of visitora. Deadline for submission of titles of papera: 1 February 1990. We shall notify you of acceptance by 1 March (this can be done earlier if you need confirmation for grant applications). For further details, to receive the first circular, or to offer a paper, write to: Mrs. Muriel Hudson, Secretary, Department of Hispanic Studies, Queen Mary and Westfield College, Kidderpore Avenue, Hampstead, London NW3 7ST. (Courtesy of Alan Deyermond) Digitized by

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