La corónica. A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures, and Cultures [10.1]

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LA CCllONICA

Vol\ale 10, l1ullber 1 AutUIID 1981 '1'HB 1981

MCJ>BRII LAIUJAGBAIIOCIATIOII of Paper • and Li.at of Other sa • ion • of Inter .. t To

Abatracta

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ARTICLBS 'l'he Afrenta ~ Corpu and Other Stori• (Alan Deyemond and David Book) • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

12-37

Su,t,cm Prell CUCUll>er•? An Anbi • t'• Aa••• nt: of the State of lbarja ltucli•• (Alan Jonu) • • • • • • • • •

38-53

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Creaci6n poltica coleccion

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1980.

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• • • • • • • • Spain

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Introductory Biatorical 1181fark, Delawares Juan 4e la H. Dworkin) • • .• • • • • • • • • • •

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The 34th Annual Jtant.ucky Ponign Language Conference Kiah and JONpb Snow) •••••••••••••

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54-58

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Ruizianaa Research Material• .!!!:.,~Study·!!! •IJ.bro ~ buen amor,• ed. R. Mignani and Mario A. Di Cuare, Albany: SONY ire'ss, 1977, Concordances~ Texts ~!!!!_Royal Scriptorium Nanuacripta 2!. Al.fonao X, !! Sabio, Madi110n1 Biapanic Seminary of Medieval Stucliu, Lt.4., 1978. (Steven D. ltizl»y)

89-94

• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

The llolDance •Ata1 anda don Garcia/ por una • ierra adelanta" (Harold G. Jonas) • • • • • • • • • • •

95-98

IMISCELLARBA

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1981 ltalmezoo Congruaa Tristan

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(Courtesy of Harvey L. Sharrer)

99-100

•••

Concepts in Medieval Spain (Courtesy of

(Marilyn A. Olaen)

Pilm Reviwa

and Diacuaaion

Abatracta

Libro

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100-109

• • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

!?.!!!!!_ t!!!!. (Mary-Anne Vetterling)

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Recordings of the canti9aa de Santa Maria Contained in the Pacaiaile Edition Published by P.dilin (Roger D. Tinnell) Mec!ievalia

(Announcement)

Pordhamenaia

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112-113

114

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Dissertation Abstract, •'l'he Medieval Debate Between Wine and Water in the Pcwanc• Lang\lageas Tradition and Tranafoxaation•

(Belen McFie)

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• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Report frca the Saainary of Medieval Spanish Studies (Courtesy of Dennis P. Seniff) • • • • • • • • • • •

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THE 1981 MODERN LANGUAGE ASSOCIATIONcawENTION: ABSTRACTSOP PAPERS

The Division on Spanish Medieval Language and Literature has arranged three programs for the 1981 Modern Language Asaociation Convention to be held in New York City on December 27-30:

79. SPANISH SENTIMENTAL RR A IA RE'l'ORICAEN IA PROSA SENTIMENTAL DEL SIGLO XV Olga Tudorica Impey, Indiana university, Bloomington (Por abstract no. 418.)

of above,

see end of this

section

following

program

AU'l'BORS,CHARACTERS, AND READERSIN GRIMALTEY GRADISSA Barbara P. Weissberger, George Mason University both A marked degree of narrative self-consciousness--manifested as authorial self-awareness and as a merging of fiction and reality-characterizes the sentimental romance from its inception. In Juan de Flores' romance Grimalte y Gradissa this generic self-consciousness assumes a \Dlique form. In this paper I examine the ntmerous references to the acts of reading and writing made by the four principal characters of Grimalte, showing that their traditional ~lea as lovers and beloveds have been expanded and complicated by a new consciousness of themselves as authors, readers, and characters of books. Of central interest is the characterization of Gradissa, whose highly empathetic reading of Boccaccio's Fiammetta is responsible for bringing the Italian heroine to life in the pages of Flores' romance. The story

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of Grimalte and Gradissa thereby becanes entwined with the continued I attribute in part Flores' story of Pamphilo and FiaJllnetta. technique of merging fiction and reality through the medium of the book and his creation of a character who is "incited" by the written on the creation and experience of litword to the impact of printing erature during the final decades of the fifteenth century. I take of Alonso Gradissa's "incitation" by FiaJ11Detta to be a forerunner Quijano's similar relationship to the libros de cahaller!as. NUNCSCIO QUID SIT AMOR:LOVEAS DESTROYERIN GRISEL Y MIRABELLA ANDLA CELESTINA Patricia E. Grieve, Princeton University Within the tradition of profeminist and antifeminist literature of fifteenth-century Spain, Juan de Flores' Grisel y Mirabella is marked by a disturbing ambivalence. Critics have usually considered Grisel to be a profeminist work, but a careful study of the imagery and actions in the work tends to negate this view. This study attempts to show rather that what is present in Grisel is a destructive force, love, stemming from the beauty of Mirabella, the intentions of the actions the heroine, which Wldercuts and subverts hanm:>ny to a in Grisel. The accepted reality is that laws restore temporarily disturbed society. Justice is exacted no matter what the personal consequences may be. What is actually demonstrated in Grisel is the complete breakdown of social laws, family ties, and love relationships. process appears in La Celestina. Both works examine A similar love and its destructive nature. Rojas' debt to the sentimental romances may well include one to Grisel.

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199. SPANISH MEDIEVALLANGUAGE AND LITERATURE, DECF.MBER 28, 1:45-3:00 P.M., REGENCYFOYER, SHERATON. PRESIDING: RUTHH. WEBBER,UNIVERSITYOF CHICAGO NARRATIVE DEVICES IN FOURTEENTH-CENTURY SPANISH ROMANCES Anita Benaim Lasry, Vassar College

A short introduction will delve into the lack of critical work In the light of Alan discussing medieval Spanish romances as a genre. Deyermond's contributions to the study of romance ("The Lost Genre of Medieval Spanish Literature," HR, 43 (1975], 231-59), a historical reason for the neglect of thisgenre will be suggested. I intend to offer an analytical interpretation of the group of romances dealing with the subject of the woman wrongly accused of adultery and her subsequent exoneration. I have selected the following three fourteenth-century romances as representatives of the group: La enperatrfs de Roma (ed. A. B. Lasry, in Critical Edition and Study of Two Medieval Romances [Newark, Delaware: Juan de la Cuesta, 1981)),

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Carlos Maynes (ed. Ldsry, in Critical Edition), and Otas de Roma (ed. Herbert L. Baird, Jr., in BRAE, Anejo 33 [Madrid, 1976]). The reader must use two moral ideas that were convnon throughout medieval Europe to interpret these romances: (1) women were too weak to be trusted, and (2) impetuosity was condemned as a character trait. In this paper I shall show how these moral ideas were dramatized for heightened effect. These three romances were interspersed with proverbs and sententiae embodying the conventional wisdom of the times--women's moral frailty. The narrator dramatically cor.tr-dsted these sententiae with supremely virtuous heroines to show that -1omen ,,,ere by no means so frail as the sententiae said. I will attempt to illustrate the vision of woman in the world of the Spanish romance through a short catalogue of sententiae. Since it was widely believed that women were weaker than men, the merit of these noble heroines was all the greater, and this point was Wlderscored by pitting the forbearance and forgiveness of the heroines against the rash impetuosity of the heroes, who were punished with Dantean severity. Moreover, their punishment could be mitigated only by the dramatic intercession of their virtuous queens. Th~se moral contrasts strengthened the example of these worthy heroines as paragons to be emulated by the literate noble ladies o·f the time.

IA CELESTINA: EL FRACASODEL AMORCORTES EN LA SOCIEOAD MERCANTILY URBANA Maria Eugenia Lacarra, Occidental College El argwnento sucinto de la obra es la historia de un joven hidalgo, de familia venida a menos (se puede atisbar en su queja hacia los jueces independientes queen otro tiempo su familia habria podido ejercer influencia sabre la justicia), que llevado de una arrolladora pasi6n quiere conseguir su objetivo: la Wli6n carnal con la mujer objeto de sus deseos--Melibea. Calisto decide llevar esto a cabo valiendose de las reglas del amor cortes, que llevan explicitas la ausencia del matrimonio. (El matrimonio como contrato politicoecon6mico caracteristico de las instituciones fcudales es independiente de la pasi6n e incluso del amor). La situaci6n historica de Calisto--politica, econ6mica y social-no le permite en la realidad llevar a cabo sus propositos en la forma prescrita por las reglas. Por ello se ve obligado a entrar en relaciones mercantiles que conllevan la compra-venta de servicios. De ah{ que el servicio obtenido no sera compensado par la protecci6n o recompensa en especie, tipico de las relaciones feudales, sino por el pago monetario. (Las cien monedas y la cadena de oro son claramente un pago en efectivo). Calisto consciente de ello alquila los ~ervicios de Wla profesional, cuyo ofici0 es vender sus servicios al precio del mercado. (Este precio no es fijo. Depende de la dificultad de la empresa y de la categoria econ6mica de quien lo pide. Esto explica la duda de Calisto de haber sido en exceso g~neroso.)

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Fese al innegable caracter mercantil de su cr.ipresa, Calisto se aferra, coma unico camino de conseguir su objetivo, a la forma. de unas relaciones sociales en vias de desaparicion. La raz6n de est~ anacronismo se debe a que la ideologia que mantiene un sistema ecnnomico en crisis todavia sigue dandose 1or valida. Las relaci0nes soc1ale$ no cambian mecanicamente al ritmo de las cambios econ6micos. Sl! : P:::-manencia, o lentitud de cambio, en ara.rente desafio a los nuevo~- ~c::,> cte producci6n econ6mica, es solamente posible por su adaptaci6n a actuales modos de producci6n, yes por tanto sujeta a concretos analisis historicos. fruto El desajuste producido por la utilizaci6n de una ideoloqia del sistema feudal para una eco~omia rural y de especie, el arnor cortes, en un sistema econ6mico mercantil y urbane, produce en La Celestina el desenlace tragic.a. Todos los pPrsonajes que rometen ~l error decreer que van a obtener beneficios de uno y otro sistema, sequn la situaci6n Parmeno y Sempronio conpropicia, terminan en la sepultura. Calisto, stantemente jueqan el doble juego. (La relaci6n entre Calisto y sus servidores tiene esta ambiguedad, pues ademas de ser asalariados, demandan gratificaciones por servicios prestados fuera del contrato). que desde el principio parece ver con claridad la discreCelestina, pancia y antagonismo de ambos si stemas, acaba siendo victima de la ideolog!a feudal al creer que se puede evadir del contrato econom1co monetario adquirido con las criados a cambio de proteccion y favores personales. La situaci6n hist6rica de transici6n lleva al autoenqano de las personajes. El iinico personaje que se mantiene ajeno, por voluntad propia, a la nueva ideologia monetaria. Melibea, sufre la misma suerte al haberse roto la regla fWldamental de la sobrevivencia del amor cortes--el secreto. Ella juega hasta el final el papel de la amada. Su padre, al final de la obra, manifestara su impotencia, pues en la situacion actual, uno no puede ganar ni siguiendo el nuevo sistema mercantil, como el mismo ha hecho, ni aferrandose a los modelos su hija. anacr6nicos del sistema ya caduco, como ha pretendido Rojas, como tantos otros autores anteriores hicieron, desenmascara la hipocresia del aa::>r cortes en su esencia--pasion y no amor. Su verdadera contribuci6n a la critica del amor cortes es, sin embargo, el relacionarlo claramente a un sistema economico feudal, sin cuya existencia la practica se hace materialmente imposible. De ah! la anacr6nica y consecuentemente torpe actuacion de Calisto, a quien le faltan los medias econ6micos, sociales y "literates• para llevarlos a cabo. Rojas, come Cervantes un siglo despues, parodia la literatura tragic6mico a la vez que que le precede por medio de un personaje subraya las contradicciones existentes en su sociedad.

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LA ASTROLOGIAJUDICIARIA DEL LIBRO DE BUEN AMORY LA OBRA ALFONSI Nicolas Emilio Alvarez, Wayne State University La influencia de los !III libros de la ochava esfera y de las sc hace patente a lo largo del apoloqo Siete partidas alfonsies astrol6gico del LBA. Esta influencia conforma la ideologia cristiana albcdrio-general del ap6logo--especialmente la doctrina del libre y se constata textualmente en diversos aspectos del ap6logo: 1) La dispensa divina ante un hado nefasto, idea queen el LBA se respalda con las analogias del Rey y del Papa, quienesse arrogan el derecho de condonar la pena (Septima Partida); 2) La confrontaci6n entre predestinaci6n y libre albedrio que se le ha atribuido al ap6logo no lo es tal, sino que se objerarquia de valores presiserva en el apologo una rigurosa dida por Dias (Los IIII libros de la ochava esfera); 3) La legitimidad de los pron6sticos por el estudio de los astros (Septima

Partida);

4) El cumplimiento ineludible de los cinco vaticinios dado que la naturaleza no puede desviarse de lo dispuesto por Dias (Primera Partida); 5) La potestad divina de cambiar el curso normal de las leyP.s naturales (Primera Partida); 6) El concepto de que el poder sabre los hombres no radica en los astr6logos sino en las astros (Septima Partida). Todas estas determinaciones textuales le imprimen Wla facturaci6n distintiva al ap6logo astrol6gico del LBA, la cual es contraria a las opiniones sostenidas por Ullman y por Zahareas. qu~ le a.iiade el pasaje astrol6gico, En suma, la nota difcrencial en su totalidad, al hilo narrativo general del Libra es la clara conciencia del protagonista de su libre albedrio, su obstinaci6n no en obstante ello en el loco amor y su creencia en que ha de fracasar su empresa er6tica debido a su hado.

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418. ALFONSOEL SABIO: THE STATUS OF RESEARCH, DECEMBER29, 12:00 NOON-1:15 P.M., DIPLOMAT, SHERATON. PRESIDING: JAMES R. CHATHAM, MISSISSIPPI STATE UNIVERSITY; RESPONDENT:DENNIS PAUL SENIFF, MICHIGANSTATE UNIVERSITY

ALFONSINEPROSE: TEN YEARSOF RESEARCH Daniel Eisenberg, Florida State University Abstract

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"0 QUE QUEROE DIZER LOOR": RECENTCRITICAL APPRAISAL OF THE POETRY OF ALFONSOX, EL SABIO Joseph Snow, University of Georgia

Until the time of Mettmann's critical edition of the CSM (1959-72) and of Rodrigues Lapa's for the profane poems (1965), a good deal of the research in the area concentrated on the philological and the historical aspects of Alfonso's poetry. Recent trends are Wlcovering unmined riches in the art-poetry-music interrelationships, unheralded but important structural concepts, and valuable embedded cultural keys that at long last are succeeding in defining for us what an important "docuinent" the poems of Alfonso (and of his close transitional literary collaborators) were. And the doors to other future research areas are now opening. SURVEYOF SCHOIARSHIP ON THE ALFONSINESCIENTIFIC TREATISES Anthony J. cardenas, Wichita State University

A

This survey of studies dealing with the scientific prose emanating from the Royal Scriptorium of Alfonso X briefly highlights the major misconceptions and prejudices permeating the literature treating this corpus. Similarly and more importantly, it highlights those studies which have significantly contributed toward an accurate appreciation of this unique literary and scientific achievement in the Castilian vernacular of the thirteenth century.

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LA RETORICADEL AMORYEL AMORA LA RETORICA EN LA PROSASENTIMENTALDEL SIGLO XV Olga Impey, Indiana University ( Sn

,n~ra• 79, 1 ~DU)

El amor y la retorica son inseparables en loa libros aentimentales cuatrocentistas. En mi estudio destaco primero aquellas figurae y las reacsententiae que sirven para matizar el e • tado psicol09ico ciones emocionales de loa enamoradoa a• £ como los tropi que miden la intensidad y magnitud del amor. En segundo lugar, trato de mostrar que As{, la ret6rica del amor deriva en gran madida de la ara dictaminis. en el nivel de la historia sentimental la apis~olae's el m6vil de la accion1 en el nivel del diacurao ea la red de convergencia ret6rica. El canponente mas significativo de la carta y de la peroracion Habilmente empleada, la petitio adquiere una amatorias es la patitio. dobla finalidad: persuadir y conmover. Por esto, la petitio condensa toda una retorica y, al mismo tiempo, brinda una clave imprescindil>le de la din&mica erotica propia de la prosa sentimental espanola en el siglo xv.

maxima

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The following Special interests of the Division: 27.

Sessions

are also

directly

related

to the

THE TRANSFORMATION OF MEDIEVALLITERARYGENRESIN DONQUIJOTE:

THE STORYOF GRISOSTOMO AS PARADIGMATIC INTERPOLATION,DECEMBER27,

7:00-8:15 P.M., CONSULATE,SHERATON. DISCUSSION LEADER: JAVIER HERRERO,UNIVERSITYOF VIRGINIA

PANELISTS: Karl-Ludwig Selig, Columbia University; State University of New York, Buffalo

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*

Edward Dudley,

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589. POETRYAND MUSIC OF MUSLIMSPAIN: ZEJELS, MUWASHSHAHS ANDCANTIGAS, DECEMBER 29, 9:00-10:15 P.M., DIPLOMAT,SHERATON. DISCUSSIONLEADER: MADELEINEDEGOGORZA FLETCHER, TUFTS UNIVERSITY

PANELISTS: David Wulstan, University of Cork, Ireland; Israel Katz, Music Department, York College, CUNY; Raymond Scheindlin, Jewish Theological Seminary of America DISCUSSANTS:Thomas Binkley, Music Department, Indiana University, Bloomington; Samuel Armistead, University of Pennsylvania; Philip Schuyler, Music Department, Columbia University; Jozef Pacholczyk, Music Department, University of Maryland, Baltimore County

* * * 'fflE CONCEPTOF NOBILITY IN MEDIEVALSPANISH LITERATURE, DECEMBER 30, 10:15-11:30 A.M., DOMINIONA, SHERATON. DISCUSSION LEADER: JOHN RICHARDLAW, AUBURNUNIVERSITY, AUBURN

643.

PANELISTS: Vicente Cantarino, University of Texas, Austin; Richard P. Kinkade, University of Connecticut, Storrs; Reinaldo write to Ayerbe, Syracuse University. For summaries of papers, John Richard Law after December 1.

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The MLAConvention Program offers interest to Hispanomedievalists:

numerous other

sessions

of

132. BIBLICAL EXEGESIS AND K>DERNLITERARYTHEORY:THEOLOGIES OF THE TEXT, DECEMBER28, 10:15-11:30 A.M., ROOM529, HILTON. A SPECIAL SESSION; DISCUSSION LEADER: SUSANHANDEIMAN,UNIVERCOLLEGEPARK1RESPONDENT:KEVIN DUNGEY, SITY OF MARYLAND, UNIVERSITYOF MARYLAND, COLLEGEPARK

PANELISTS: G. Douglas Atkins, University of Kansas; Jerome Bump, University of Texas, Austin, Bainard Cowan, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge; Kenneth Dauber, State University of New York, Buffalo. For copies of papers, send $1 to Susan Handelman.

* * * 243. THE INFLUENCEOP THE TROUBADOURS OUTSIDE PROVENCE, DECEMBER28, 3:30-4:45 P.M., CONSULATE,SHERATON. PROGRAM ARRANGED BY THE DISCUSSION GROUPON PROVEN9aLANDCATALANIANGUAGEAND LITERATURE. MODERATOR: SUZANNEFLEISCHMAN,UNIVERSITYOF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY

AUSIAS MARCH'STRANSFORMATION OF TROUBADOUR POETICS Josep Miguel Sobre, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor FROMCANDORTO SUBTLETY: PROVENCECHANGESGALICIA Antoni Torres-Alcala, University of Texas, Austin THE ITALIAN TROUBADOURS: A TRANSITION IN TRADITIONS Vanni Bartolozzi, University of Georgia THE TROUBADOURS NORTHOF THE LOIRE Wendy Pfeffer, University of Louisville

* * * 248. ALLEGORY:HOWSHOULDWE DEFINE IT? DECEMBER28, 3:30-4:45 P.M., MADISON, HILTON. A SPECIAL SESSION1 DISCUSSION LEADER: CHERIE ANN HAEGER, GANNON UNIVERSITY

PANELISTS: Judith H. Anderson, Indiana University, Bloomington; Herbert Grabes, Universitit Giessen; John MacQueen, University of Edinburgh, Paul Piehler, McGill University. For background materials, write to Cherie Ann Haeger after November 15. *

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VARYrn•-::; MLTHODS OF EDITING

3: 30-4:45 LEADER:

P.M., JAMES

MCDIE\"AL

SENATE,

J.

Julia Balton Holloway, Rutgers t~n1versity; Lowry

Spc.·er,

DECC·tvEF

SESSION;

25,

CISCLSSIOr~

UNIVERSITY

Princeton Nelson,

PANELISTS:

TEXTS,

A SFECIAL

SHERATON. WILHELM, RUTGERS

*

*

Jr.,

University; Mary E. Yale l.lnivers1ty

*

320. RHETORICAL ~T1"'~GICS or PROVEN~AL LYRIC: CLASSICl~L LATH~, MEDIEVAL LATIN, ANC ARABIC ANALOGL'ES, DEC[MBER 28, 9:00-10:15 P.M., MONARCH B, SHERATON. A SPEC!!~ SESSIO?J; DISCUSSION LEADER: SAhAH SPENCE, AMERICAN ACADEMY IN ROME

PANELISTS:

Stablein, versity

Michel-Andre Bossy, Brown University; Patricia Harris Grand Junction, Colorado; Toy-Fung Tung, Columbia Uni-

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337. MEDIEVAL FRENCHDRAMA,DECEMBER29, 8:30-9:45 A.M., ROYALA, SHERATON. PROGRAM ARRANGED BY THE DIVISION ON FRENCHMEDIEVAL LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE. PRESIDING: GARI R. MULLER, UNIVERSITY OF MAINE, FARMINGTON LE BADIN, EMPLOI-CLEF DU THEATRE MEDIEVAL Jean-Claude Aubailly, Centre Universite de Perpignan QUELQUESDEBATSDU QUINZIEMESIECLE: Bruno Roy, Universite de Montreal

ALIRE

OU AJOUER?

L'ANCIENNEFARCE Konrad.Schoell, Gesanmthochschule

Kassel

CERCLE MAGIQUE OR CERCLE VICIEUX:

THE MEDIEVAL

Moshe Lazar,

University

of Southern

THEATERIN THE

ROur;n

Califomia

.. * * 380. MEDIEVAL FRENCH LITERATURE, DECEMBER 29, 10:15-11:30 A.M., ROYALA, SHERATON. PROGRAMARRANGED BY THE DIVISION ON FRENCH MEDIEVALLANGUAGE AND LITERATURE. PRESIDING: WILLIAM CALIN, UNIVERSITY OF OREGON

THE LOGIC OF THE DEBATES IN THE CHANSONDE Jody M. Enders, University of Pennsylvania

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THE ROADNOT TAKEN IN THE CHARROI DE NIMES Gerard J. Brault, Pennsylvania State University,

University

Park

SPECULATIONAND INTERPRETATION IN MACHAUT'SVOIR-DIT Roberts. Sturges, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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• * * 482. RECENT CRITICAL APPROACHESTO THE OLD FRENCHAND OLD PROVENrtis viso conceperat ense: ille indignantem et nomen patris usque vocantem luctantemque loqui conprensam forcipe linguam ense faro. • • • (11. 522-57) abatulit

Ill

After this, Tereus rapes her again (11. 561-63). He then abandons her, apparenUy into the care of a rustic, and returns home to make excuse~ to his wife for the nonappearance of her sister. Philomela, however, manages to smuggle out a message to Procne, who rescues her, and together they wreak a terrible vengeance upon Tereus by cooking his son Itys and serving the flesh to the unsuspecting father. It will be apparent that this episode, as related by OVid, offers several interesting parallels with the afrenta de Corpes. In some ways certain of these are closer than are the parallels between the PMC and Florence. The OVidian myth may be s\Dlllarised as follows. A son-in-law asks permission of his father-in-law to take the latter's daughter on a journey to a distant place in which the son-in-law is of high status. (It is also interesting to note that two daughters are involved in the legend, though on the present journey only one is present and only one is assaulted.) 'ftle father has some forebodings, but the girl herself is willing to go with the villain. The latter contrives to separate her from the rest of the party, and when she is alone with him, retribution, assaults her deep in a wood. She warns him of possible and invokes the deities. She also hopes for death at his sword, but in vain, for she is physically maltreated and injured. She is then abandoned, but is subsequently rescued after being cared for by locals. is the fact that the victim loses consciousAnother point of similarity ness, and although OVid's woods do not apparently contain dangerous

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wild beasts, illage• inwlving ~th bird• and beasts of prey abound in hi• account. It is, aoreover, curious to note that OVid ref•r• to woodland spirits in deacribing Pbilomela'a beauty.34 Thia ayth offer• of parallel• for the PMCepiaode, but before a remarkable collection to asaeaa its significance, it is worth examining another attaapting rendering of the .... legend, that in the General eatoria of Alfonao X, 5 The overall developaent of el Sabio (Pt. II, Chapa. cm-cxlvii).3 this version follows OVid, vholl Alfonao names as bis 110urce, quite closely, but in certain aapecta the Spanish rendering ia of intereat for what it reveal• of the 118diaeval interpretation of the circuastances depicted by Ovid. Let us take firat the parting between Pandion and Phil0118la when the latter leaves for Thrace with Tereua (cxxxv):

Et el ray Pandion leuantosse otroasi buena aannana pora enuiar los, e espidiensse uno de otro, e t0111&xon ae por las ma.nos, e comen~ el rey Pandion a llorar con piedat de au fija que partie dessi, et dillD al rey Thereo: •Rey Thereo, tu eres aio yerno, casado de mi fija, por que e yo razon de querer te bien, e te amo co1110a fijo, e pues que mis fijas amas quisieron esta piedat me mueue a ello, uista e quaaiste lo tu otrossi, et yo dote a Philomena, mi fija, que la lieuea a au hermana, et ruego te et coniurote por la lealtat e por el dabdo del parentesco que entre nos ha, e por los Et luego nueatros dioses qua tu la guardes como padre. qua ae uieren ella et au henana, que luego me la enuies, ca tan poco non la ternedes alla que a mi mucho se me non faga. Et tu, fija, otrossi por el debdo que camigo as, te ruego que tenon detengas alla poco nin mucho, ca uaaz ay en que, en yr var tan aluenne a tu heraana." Et rogando la e mandandol que se le non oluidaa de tornar ae luago a ell, si alCJlDlApiadat auie en ella, e coaan~o la a beaar llorando grieua mientre de aus oios, e cayendol las lagrimaa por la cara.

One should note here the stress on the marital relationships and the and hence hie eon: a point status of Tereu• u Pandion' • eon-in-law, familiar fro• the PMC.36 The depiction of eaotion i • also of detail forms are recognieably stronger than in Ovid, and its external mediaeval. Alfonso also remarks upon Pandion's forebodings ("e que se ouo mi.ado del mal que oyredes quel acaescio deapues, et que era He retains OVid'a aquello cuemo qua gelo adeuinas la uolmitat"). In describing the rape, there are SOiie interestimages of predators. ing additions to the Latin original: Pves qua passaron la mr e salieron coaan~on de yr au carrera, e luego jomada, ca non quiso Thereo detener mucho cobdiciaua, e fuesse luego en

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appartando de las otras conpannas, leuando a Philomena por la rienda como por onrra, ca assi era, faziendo lo ell dotra guisa a buena entencion; et desque se fueron las conpannas adelantando tanto que se non auien ya a oio ellos e Thereo e Philomena, c!asuios Thereo con la infante, e dexo la carrera por o auien de yr, e dio con ella por unas seluas adentro, que aran muy antiguas e muy pauorosas, e llenas de serpientes, e de uestias brauas, e de mucha mala uentura por qua estauan yermas; pero cato Thereo contra adelant a uio estar una cho~a duno ~ue criaua uacas en aquel m:>nt, e descendio el alli dntes que ella llegasse e trauo de Philomena pora desceri•l•,r la (cxxxvi) otroasi.

Philomela questions Tereus, mentioning the wild beasts, and he reveals Her protests are cut short by to her that she is about to be raped. his aaaault. OVid's images of rapine are mentioned. On recovering Philomela lacerates herself and reproaches Tereus, askconsciousness, ing him why he did not kill her first (cxxxvii: "l,por que me non aacu ell alma, por que ta non finque ninguna nemiga de fazer? E ( queaiera yo muy de grado que lo ouiesses fecho antes que ouiesses dessonrado mio cuerpo"), and invokes divine punishment against him. Thia leads to the scene in which Tereus draws his sword, an action which Philomela interprets, in Alfonso as in OVid, as an offer of welcome death (cxxxvii: "et en tod esto Philomena paraua la garganta qua la degollaae, pues que uio la espada, asmando qua aquello querie fazer"). Tereus then abandons her after raping her again, leaving her who live nearby. There are variations upon in the care of the rustics OVid' • account in the excuses he makes, both to the cowherds and to hia retinue, whom he overtakes, but these and the rest of the legend are of little concern here. The elaboration of Ovid's account by Alfonso has some feature• of interest in relation to U-·~ afrenta de Corpes. The depiction / of emotion at parting and its mec~~eval manifestation, the presence of wild beasta in the woods, the stress on kinship resulting from mar1t riage, all coma to mind. Thi • episode of the General estoria has an \.admitted classical source, Ovid, who is in other respects followed relatively cleaely. These added elements would seem, therefore, to aspect • of the situation which were felt to be essential by represent of this classical myth has the mediaeval mind. But the very existence IIOID8 implications for the interpretation of the apparent similarities between the PMCand Plorance since it contains in it an obviously related • ituatlon. In the first place, the psychopathic and sadistic elements noted by Walker as important evidence of a connection between simply because they are the PMC and Florence become less significant alaofound in OVid. Tereus is, like the Infantes and Milon, heedless of poaaible conaequencea to himself and obsessed with his own intention •, and it .would also be possible for anyone so minded to see him as a case of sexual deviancy.37 The strongest part of Walker's case

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for aeeing a direct relationship between Florence and the PNC thus falla. OVid' • version of the ayth of Phil0111ela and Tereuacontains not anly the ac>re general parallels and the overall outline • of the epiaode • 1n the two aadiaeval pom111 (including, in 801118 instancea, better parallel• for the PNC than are offered by Florence), but alao the 110re apecific points such as the psychology of the villains and the vaaen' a deeire to have their beads cut off. The only detail of any illportance not to be found in Ovid is the use of spurs. Ovid, however, does IIBDtion laceration, albeit self-inflicted, and an alternative aource for the use of spurs baa been suggested in the aartyrological tradition. It is alao significant that, as Walker hilllaelf states (p. 337), the story in Florence is much more diffuse than the \ afrenta de Corpes and contains various extraneous incidents "which have no echo in the PMC.• Ovid's account, however, is not broken up in this way, but describes the same sequence of events as the PNC with no additional episodes. It would seem a remarkable coincidence PMC then, if from the more eventful tale unfolded in Florence,the those incidents, and only those incTcients, poet had selected precisely which are found in Ovid. It seems more convincing to suggest that both the PMC and Florence are drawing upon an established tradition, of which tiie" myth of Philomela and Procne as recounted by Ovid repreSuch a situation would account for the unsents one manifestation. doubted general similarities between the two mediaeval works. At this point it is probably necessary to emphasize that Ovid's Metamorphoses . is not being advanced as a putative source for the PMC. 0ur purpose ~ is simply to point out that both the PNC and Floren~ are to be situmani{ ated within a tradition which had. already produced a literary \ festation in Ovid. The background to the afrenta de Corpes is much more complex than any attempt to indicate a single source would allow since there are also the folkloric and martyrological parallels to take into account. to the major problems of It is thus apparent that, in addition between chronology outlined above, the alleged textual parallels Florence and the PNC are far frca convincing, and, even if accepted, are far from conclusive evidence of a direct connection between the two texts such as that suggested by Walker. Nor is the case for by other similarities Florence as a source of the PNC strengthened Following Walker's which have been claimed between' the two works. six further details in which he consi4ers study, Colin Saith listed the PNC to have been influenced by Florence. 38 Smith's case is, of problems already discussed, course, weakened by the chronological drawn are not particularly but quite apart fr0111this, the parallels convincing as evidence of a specific debt to Florence on the part of the Spanish poet.39 Smith claims that the description of the destruction of the enemy camp in the PMC is based on that in Florence, remarking that "el motif de las tiendas destrozadas en el campamento enemigo no es frecuente en la epica francesa" (p. 133). He sees Florence, 1. 2529 ("Que done ve!st abatre et paveillons et trez") as the source of ~, 11. 1141-42:

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Tanta cuerda de tienda arancarse las estacas los tendales.

&

y veriedes acostarse

quabrar, a todas partes

Smith suggests that the Spanish poet was attracted by the details of 16gica le obliga a apuntar the tents falling, but that "su mentalidad primero las cuerdas y que las tiendas nose acuestan sin cortarse arrancarse las estacas. " However, the motif of tents being destroyed A very similar line to is by no means as uncOD'IDOnas he believes. 1. 3154: "Souvent that in Florence is found in Garin le Loherain, abatent maint tref, maint pavillon."40 There are many other examples in French epic, and it should be noted that a conaon detail is the cutting of the cords supporting the tents: Devant ton tref a'en vinrent Tes laz deroq:,re et ton tref

por lancier. trebuchier. (Charroi,

Es tres as Turs les vetssi,s ferir, destre et senestre ces paiens assaillir, colper ces cordes et pavillons chair. (~,

11. 231-32)41

11. 1861-63)

En l'ost

se fierent Fran~ois et Alemant, tranchent ces cordes; ces pez vont esraiant, Bs liz les prennent, si las vont detranchant. (~, 11. 340-42)

Fran90is fierent copent lor braze

des lances, des espiez noelez, testes, vorsent cordes et trez. 42 (Floovant, 11. 2462-63)

Si est venuz as tentes l'amiral, Trenche lea fates, lea cordes et les Mil pavelions i verse d'un estal. (La

las, Mort

Narbonne,

Aymari de 43 11. 783-85)

All these texts thus offer the detail of cutting the cords, which is to be the product of not found in Florence and which Smith considers the logical mind of the Spanish poet. It is also worth noting that in La Chevalerie d'Ogier de Danemarche, which Sllli.th himself has clai•d descripas another French source of the PMC, there occur very similar tions to those already cited fromOther French epics: Au tref trencent

JCallon fu tenus li tornois: lea cordes, ces tantes font (11.

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Trancent

ces cordes,

ces tentea

font calr. (1. 7338) 44

There is, therefore, no jus_tification for seeing Florence as the source of this detail in the PNC, and in view of the obviously C011110nand formulaic character of~ese descriptions, it would be hard to claia any other specific French text as the source either.45 A lexical detail provides another parallel between the PNC and Florence which leads Smith to claim the latter as the source for the Spanish poem. In describing the landscape around Valencia, the poet states in PNC, 1. 1615, "miran la huerta, espessa es & grand." Smith notes . a similar word in Florence, 1. 3676 ("Et la forest fu large, espesse, et longue et lee") and remarks upon "la relativa rareza de la palabra espesse/espessa en las descripciones de paisajes" (p. 132). in French epic in The word is, however, quite conaonly encountered descriptions of landscapes (e.g., Girart de Roussillon, 11. 1802, 46 3512, 6494, 8443, 8457; Floovant, l. 1932) and its occurrence in Florence does not mean that this work was the source used by the Spanish poet. The similarity between the scene in Valencia when the Cid's family and that in Florence when the view the enemy camp from the alcazar heroine sees the enemy army from her window and is comforted by her Smith cites this as anfather was first noted by Menendez Pida1.47 other example of the dependence of the Spanish poem upon Florence (p. 133), but the resemblances between the two scenes are very general. In Florence, the heroine goes to the window and looks out upon the helmets of the enemy, then--apparently having left the window ("el est venue au roi," l. 1066)--begs her father to deliver her to the enemy rather than give battle. In reply he boasts that when he goes into battle, he will cut down the enemy. In the PMC, the Cid takes his family up to the alcazar to see the enemy tent's, and when his wife asks what the tents are, the Cid jestingly replies that there is no need to worry since it is all a present brought frcm overseas for his family, which will provide a dowry for his daughters. There are neither detailed similarities nor verbal correspondences between the two scenes, and we are surely faced with an interesting analogue rather than anything else. This is, in fact, an established motif-cases of women watching andes from various vantage points ahoWld in literature. An early example is in Book III of the Iliad, where Helen identifies the Greeks from the walls of Troy for the benefit of Priam. Later, in Book VI, Andromache, carrying her infant son, is fom1d in a similar position by Hector and is caaforted by him. In both cases we have a war situation, a vantage point, a watching woman, and a male relative. ·In addition, the case of Andromache offers the concept of distress in the female and comforting words from the male, and also adds the offspring which are fo\D'ld in the PMC, where, too, it is the husband who offers comfort to the wife Hin the Iliad, rather than to the child as in Florence. Variants of this situation occur frequently in literature, and to cite further examples

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for buen in the light of the following French examples: "Abanz iront en deiitre li bon cheval" (Girart de Roussillon, 1. 1601) and "En destre (Aymeri de Narbonne, 1. 2134).52 And font mener lea bona destriers" if - are to accept the possible argument that the poet of the PMC could have substituted buen for riche in imitating the line from Florence, then we must equally accept that he could have performed an inversion such as that which would be necessary to produce "li bon cbeval en destre" froa the line in Gira.rt de Roussillon. In general, formulaic material such as that advanced by Smith in these two instances ia not reliable evidence of literary dependence upon particular works.SJ which is itself of Quite apart from the question of chronology, primary importance, none of the parallels offered by either Walker or Smith is thus sufficiently convincing to make it probable that Florence de Rome ·was known to the author of the PMC. In the case of the afrenta de Corpes, the relation of this major episode to European traditions attempt to find a single source would is far more complex than walker's The martyrological tradition has been shown by Walsh and allow. Nepaulsingh to contain detailed parallels for many of its constituent elements, aimilar parallels, not only for the details but also for the overall situation, can be found in classical myth. This is in addition to any possible contribution from folk-tradition, in which, besides the elements noted by Gifford, tales of abandonment in forests abound. 54 until the interaction of learned classical and ecclesiastical traditions, popular folklore, and vernacular literature is better to take a simplistic view of the understood, it would be inadvisable genesis of the afrenta de Corpes. until there has been a detailed and comprehensive comparison of the Spanish and French epic traditions, it would be premature to claim with excessive confidence that similarities bet-en individual works in the two traditions are the results of direct influence, save in the most closely defined and rigo:rously examined cirCUDllltances. 5 5

NOTES

l; Ernst R. Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. Willard R. Trask (London: Routledge, Kegan Paul, 1953), p. 202 1 John K. Walsh, "Religious Motll&-1n..the.Eal:.ly S_1>:lll)ish~pie," RHM, 36 1970-71 (1974 ) 165-72; Colbert I. Nepaulsingh, "The Atnn'tr Coff.s and t~~~MartyroToglcal ra on, orf.hcomin g) ; Douglas e r a de Corpe s ," in Mio 1""G1ffor , "Eu:ropean Fol -Trad t on an , Cid Studies, ed. A. D. Deyarmond (Lendon: Tamesis, 1977), pp. 49-62; 1 ✓ Ram6n Men6ndez Pidal, "Mitologia en el Poema del Cid," in~ philologica et litteraria in honorem L. Spitzer (Bern: Francke, 1958), pp. 331-34; and Deyermond, "Lyric Traditions in Non-Lyrical Genres," Jr. in Studies in Honor of Lloyd A. Kasten, ed. Theodore S. Beardsley, 1975), et al. (Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, pp. 39-52, at pp. 41-42.

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would prolong this article excessively. In the absence of precise correspondences of detail and verbal form, there is no reason to consider Florence the source or inspiration of the episode in the Pr«:. Another similarity between the PMC and Florence claimed by Smith too. He cites the occurrence of romanz in the proves to be illusory PMCand refers to its use in Florence (p. 133). However, the word does not appear in the poetic text of the PMC, but is found in the socalled segW1do explicit, a short jingle requesting wine, which is universally agreed to have been added to the extant manuscript some time after the latter was copied in the fourteenth century.48 There is no evidence that the word was used by the PMC poet with the meaning of "poem, story," and by the time the wine-jingle was added, it was, of course, a standard word for "poem" in Old Spanish, having been used with that meaning in, for example, the Libro de Apolon..i.~)and Berceo's Loores de Nuestra Senora.49 Romanz proves nothing about the supposed debt of the PMC to Florence. TWo other points raised by Smith have similar implications and are best dealt with together. He draws attention to the reference in the PMC to "buenos ~ndales d'Andria" (1. 1971) and sees a "parecido estruc'tural ••• muy notable" between the latter and Florence, 1. 451, "de riches cendaus d'Andre" (p. 131). He also claims that a notable structural parallel exists between PMC, 1. 1548 ("e buen cauallo en diestro") and Florence, 1. 169 ("riche cheval en destre") (p. 132). In both cases, Smith's case rests upon the fact that the form of the phrases in Florence is closer to that of the Spanish than are other French examples known to him. Thus, cendal d'Andre in the the singular occurs in Fouques de candie, which Smith also considers Florence as a Spanish poet to have known (p. 131), but he prefers source apparently because of the presence there of the plural and the preceding adjective. In the case of the phrase riche cheval en destre, similar considerations seem to apply since the basic element of cheval en destre is not uncommon. Both these instances raise a f\D'ldamental question of procedure when dealing with formulaic material of this nature. As Smith himself recognises elsewhere, the extant verin sions of French epic texts may differ in detail from the versions 50 There is circulation at the time of the composition of the PMc. often, in fact, a notable divergence between differerit manuscripts of the same chanson de geste.51 In the case of formulaic material, then, inadvisable to rely upon minor verbal it is as a general principle details (such as the plural cendaus of Florence, or the use of an adjective) in attempting to show dependence of one work upon another, simply because there is no guarantee that those particular verbal details were present in the version(s) of the French epics in circulation at the date at which a Spanish poet was working. A further point is that dependence upon such precise verbal details as the existence of a plural and an adjective negates the whole concept of free variation within a formulaic tradition, and one's alleged sources will begin to depend upon which verbal details are selected as important. Taking the case of the riche cheval en destre, it could be argued, for instance, that riche is not a particularly good parallel

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2. "A Possible Source for the Afrenta 1 ./ Poema de Mio Cid," ~, 72 (1977) , 335-47.

de Corpes Episode

in the

3. More recently, Walker has asserted his hypothesis as proven "It has recently been shown that the poet of the Poema de mio fact: Cid found in it inspiration for certain important narrative and stylistic elements in his own great work. But his source was the splendid Chanson itself, not a pedestrian prose remaniement, and what captured his imagination was precisely that evocation of pathos and that poetic detail which the later prosifier was to tone down or expunge altogether" ("From French Verse to Spanish Prose: La Chanson de Florence de Rome and El cuento del enperador Otas de Roma," MD, 49 [1980), 230-43, at p. 241). He cites as authority for this as'sertion his own 1977 article and two studies by Colin smith which, as we shall as their starting point. see, take that article

/

'\

4. Smith, "Temas carolingios y franceses en el Poema de mio Cid," in his Estudios cidianos (Madrid: CUpsa, 1977), pp. 125-59, and "Further French Analogues and Sources for the Poema de mio Cid," La Cor6nica, 6 (1977-78), 14-21. The words quoted are on p. 14 of the second article. 5. Smith and Walker, the Cid's Daughters?"~,

"Did the Infantes 56 (1979), 1-10,

de Carrion at p. 9.

Intend

to Kill e

6. Florence de Rome: chanson d'aventure du premier quart du XIII siecle, 2 vols. (Paris: SATF, 1909 and 1907). It is true that Walker also cites two other scholars of that period, Guillaume Servais (editor of Guillaume de Dole in 1893) and F. Kraus (author of a book who wrote the Roman de la Violette). His of Gerbert de Montreuil, references to these scholars are, however, identical to those given and he gives Servois's initial not as G. but as M. by Wallenskold, (Wallenskold refers to M[onsieur] Servois). It therefore seems fair to conclude that he relies entirely on wallenskold.

7. Le Roman de la Rose ou de Guillaume de Dole, ed. G. Servois Servois sums up his opinions (Paris: SATF, 1893), pp. xliii-lxxxviii. on pp. lxxxv-vi. Paris's acceptance of those opinions is given in his essay on the lyrics of Guillaume de Dole in the same volume (p. ciii). LejelUle-Dehousse, L'Oeuvre de Jean Renart: contribution romanesque au Moyen Age, Bibliotheque de la Faculte de Liege, 61 (Liege: Univ.; de Philosophie et Lettres, Universite Paris: Droz, 1935); and Le Roman de la Rose ou de Guillaume de Dole, ed. Rita Lejeune (Paris: Droz, 1936). Another doctoral thesis was published in the same year as LejeWle's, and by the same publisher: Pauline H. Beekman, Jean Renart and his Writings (Paris: Droz, 1935). This is shorter and less detailed than Lejeune's work, and Beekman gives much less attention to chronology. It is, however, of interest 8. Rita

a l'etude

du genre

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to note that, having surveyed what she describes as the usual datings of Renart'& works (Guillaume "dates possibly before 1214," p. 18), Beekman re-examines the question. She does not suggest a date for production, emphasizing Guillaume, but she places it late in Renart's its artistic maturity, and she concludes: "we may state in all probability that he lived and wrote between 1198 and 1260" (p. 21). 9. L'Oeuvre, p. 73. These dates, which differ slightly from those proposed by Kraus and adopted by Walker from Wallenskold, are given by Douglas Labaree Buffmn, ed., Le Roman de la Violette ou de Gerart de Nevers (Paris: SATF, 1928), p. lxxiii. 10. Levy, Chronologie approximative de la litterature fran9aise au Moyen Age, Beihefte zur ZRP, 98 ( . !bingen: Max Niemeyer, 195 7) , pp. 12, 19. 11. Jean Renart, romanziere del XIII secolo (Milano: Cisalpino, (1950?]), pp. 13-14. Cremonesi, who is not much interested in the problem of date, does not deal with the second half of Lejeune's argument. 12. "Sur la date de Guillaume de Dole," Romania, 82 (1961), 379402. Lecoy's arguments are summed up in his edition, Le Roman de la Rose 011 de Guillaume de Dole, CFMA, 91 (Paris: Champion, 1962), pp. vi-viii. LejeWle maintains her position, and explains why she rejects Lecoy's arguments, in "Le Roman de Guillaume de Dole et la Principaute de Liege," CCM, 17 (1974), 1-24. She reiterates her view au XIIIe siicle," in her article on "Jean Renart et le roman r6aliste in Grundriss der romanischen Literaturen des Mittelalters, VI: Le Roman jusqu'a la fin du XIII@ siacle, 1. Partie historique, ed. Jean Frappier and Reinhold Grimm (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1978), pp. 40053, at p. 440. 13. "Per la datazione 91-112.

del Guillaume

de Dole,"~,

25 (1965),

14. Roman rosP et rose rouge: le "Roman de la Rose ou de Guillaume de Dole" (Paris: Nizet, 1979), pp. 9-14. Ernest

15. A Literary History of France: Benn; New York: Barnes & Noble,

Encyclopaedia 16. cassell's Cassell, 1973), II, 739.

,

The Middle Ages (London: 1974), p. 211.

of World Literature,

2nd ed.

(London:

17. Henry, Chrestomathie de la litterature en ancien franyais, 4th ed. (Bern: Francke, 1967), p. 138 1 Zumthor, Histoire litteraire (Paris: PUF, 1954), p. 212; de la France medievale: v1e-x1v8 siecles and Topsfield, The Penguin Companion to Literature, ed. Anthony K. Thorlby, II ·(Penguin: Harmondsworth, 1969) , p. 399.

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18. The reference is to the following version of Naissance: La Naissance du Chevalier au Cygne ou les enfants changes en cygnes,MLA, 1889; also published in PMLA, ed. Henry Alfred Todd (Baltimore: 4). This is the version now generally known to scholars as Elioie:'" 19. Romania, 19 (1890),

314-40,

at p. 320.

20. Barron, •versions and Texts of the Naissance du Chevalier au in the Epic Cygne,• Romania, 89 (1968), 481-538, and Smith, •studies Poem Godefroi de Bouillon,• PMLA, 27 (1912), 142-67, at p. 149. 21. The Old French Crusade Cycle, I: La Naissance du Chevalier ed. Jan A. au Cygne: Elioxe, ed. Emanuel J. Mickel, Jr.; Beatrix, Nelson; with an essay on the manuscripts of the Old French Crusade Cycle by Geoffrey M. Myers (university, Ala.: univ. of Alabama Press, 1977), pp. lxxxxv [sic], cxv. 22. Naissance, ed. Todd, 11. 3101-04. The edition by Mickel in Crusade Cycle reads "Garsile,• not "Garfile," in 1. 3103, but otherwise agrees.

The Old French

23. We should recall here the Raman de Florence de Rome, pubThis lished by Wallenskold as an appendix to vol. I of his edition. reworking, which differs greatly from the thirteenth-century Florence, gives a clear indication of the extent to which not only the words but It should also be the detailed plot of this story could be changed. noted that if the Cid poet had used not the extant thirteenth-century Florence but a twelfth-century predecessor, this would no longer be evidence, as Walker claims (p. 347), in support of an early thirteenthcentury date for ~24. In a different context, Walker dismisses the possibility version of ate could have influenced the extant Florence (p. 336).

that

an early

\

, I

--f~

25. Such marginal observations by the poet occur elsewhere in the poem, in more than one case in contexts involving the Infantes: cf. of 11. 2538-39 by Miguel Garci11. 2538-39, 3706-07. (The interpretation G6maz, "Mio Cid": Estudios de endocritica [Barcelona: Planeta, 1975), and these lines make perfectly good sense pp. 241-45, is not convincing, an aside.) They are also co111D0nduring the eu,tional intensity of renta de Co s: cf. 11. 2704, 2741~42, 2752-53, 2774. The use of ·s also interesting. As Israel G. Burshatin notes: "The rtarse rily defines amusements with weapons and games, but, in this instance, the Infantes• diyersion with torture. It is a contest of cruelty." ("Narrative~d Cycle: The PMC-and the Mocedades_ de_7fodrlgo-;" Diss. Columbia 1980, p. 92)-.-This verb would seem inappropriate to an excuse for remaining behind, whether the excuse was addressed to their wives or to the retinue, and would better suit a camnent by the poet.

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26. 364. holds the attitude 17-24, at

p.

'"

"'l'heme and Myth in the PNC," Rolllania, 8) (1962), 348-69, at It is, however, only faFto point ·012~ that '1'homu R. Bart view that there ia not a very significant change ;in the Cid's to the Infantes: "The Infantea de carri6n," BBS, 33 (1956), pp. 19-20. -

27. CoJ11>are the distinction made between sorrow and foreboding in Alfonaine version of Pandion'a farewell to TereWI and Philoaala, cited below, where sorrow ia expressed in direct speech to the departing pair, but foreboding is described in the narrative. the

28. Doon de la Roche, ed. Paul Meyer and Gedeon Huat (Paris: SATP, 1921), and La Chanson de Roland, ed. Frederick Whitehead, 2nd ed. (1946, rpt. oxford: Blackwell, 1975). singh

to Professor 29. "The Afrenta de Corpes•--we are grateful for allowing us to consult this important paper.

Nepaul-

30. The uae of spurs held in the hand seems to occur in another Spanish poem if Menendez Pidal's emendation of the Poema de Fernan Gonzalez, 1. 567d, is accepted: "espuelas [e] a~tes en [las] manos tomauan• (Reli as de la s1a e ica espaiiola [Madrida Instituto de Cultura His ica & CSIC, 1951), p. 120). The Escorial MS. readsa "las espuelas en los pyes a'-otes en manos tomauan." 31. Por the historical Diego Tellez, see R. Menendez Pidal, Cantar de Mio Cid, 4th ed., J vols. (Madrida Espasa-calpe, 1964-69), from the PNC are from his palaeographic ediII, 627-28. All quotations tioo, III, pp. 909-1016, with capitaisand word spacing regularized. See alao Men6ndez Pidal, La Espaiia del Cid, 7th ed. (Madrid: Espaaacalpe, 1969), II, 559. 32. "Religious

Motifs,•

p.

172.

33. QuDtationa are from the Loeb Classical Library edition, Metaaorphoses, ed. Prank Justus Miller, 2 vols. (London: Bein811aDD; Caabridge, Mass.: Harvaxd University Press, 1960), I, 316-34 fBook VI., 11. 438-674) • 34. Thia may reaind us, perhaps, of the curious reference to "Alli son caiioa do a Blpha enro de Apolonio, ed. C. Carroll Marden, Elliott Monographs in the Romance Languages and Literatures, 6, I (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press1 Paris: E. Champion, 1917), st. le, and Gonzalo de Berceo, Obras completas, III, ed. Brian Dutton: El duelo de la Virgen. Los himnos. Los loores de Nuestra Senora. Los signos del juicio final (London: Tamesis, 1975), Los loores, 1. 232b. SO. "La mtrica del PMC: nuevas posibilidades," 30-56, at p. 46, n. 29. --

!!!!:!!_, 28 (1979),

51. Colll>are two versions of Aye d'Avignon--1. 1785 of the manuin the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris (ed. s. J. Borg, TLF, 134 (Geneva: Droz, 1967), p. 221) reads "En la chanpaingne furent [plus] de .c. chevalier," but the equivalent line in the Vuillafans fragment reads "Et aunt en sa compaigne plus de .c. chevalier" (1. 151 Borg, Thus anyone seeking French parallels for PMC, 1. 16 ("En su p. 297). conpmla .Lx. pendones•) would, in the case of Aye, have to·face the at the date in quesproblem of deciding which version was available tion, and there may, of course, have been circulating still other versions which have not left manuscript texts. See also n. 23 above. script

52. Aymeri de Narbonne, ed. Louis Demaison, 2 vols. SA'l'F, 1887).

(Paris:

53. Jtenneth Adams, "Possible French Influence on the Use of the Historic Present in the PNC," MLR, 75 (1980), 781-96, offers the kind of detailed study ofa specific aspect of epic diction which would be necessary in this area, but even this author's final suggestions for future work (p. 796), fail to allow for the versions available to us being rather different in verbal detail from those in circulation at the beginning of the thirteenth century. 54. David Mackenzie, "Spanish Studies: Medieval Literature," YWMLS,39 (1977), 280, refers to "striking parallels" in coa:manting on Walker's article, but notes that "the question of dating is crucial if a direct dependence is to be established, and it is perhaps more rewarding to consider a tradition of woman beaten, along the lines taken by Gifford." An interesting footnote to the afrenta is provided by a rural Welsh cu~tQJ!--J. Geraint Jenkins, Life and Tradition in Rural Wales (London: Dent, 1976), p. 141, refers to the practice of holly beating known in many parts of lfalea on Boxing Day. Thia was a "furious onslaught made by men and boys armed with large

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bushes of prickly holly en the naked and unprotected araa of female domestics and others of like clus until their U'IIIII bled." The custc:a was still apparently obaerved u late u 1879 in • caa areu. It has obviowa affinities with the folk-traditional 11Aterial noted by Gifford. 55. The chronological atudy and notes 1-24 are the work of Deyermond, and the reaainder of the article and notu 25-54 are by Hook. The article u a whole reflect • the view of both authors, who are grateful to Professor ltarl D. Uitti for nading a draft of the first section and for help with an elusive bihli09raphical it•, and to Dr. Ian Short for a number of helpful ccwnerta. Since thi• article wu written, we have read the review of Walker's article by Ruth H. Webber, Olifant, vol. 7, no. 4 (SUllllll8r 1980), pp. 413-16 £'actually published in septeaber of 198jl. webber finds walker'• parallels unconvincing u evidence for •direct textual borrowing", but ..... prepared to accept the influence of Florence on the Pt«: through oral tranai • sion. our evidance (and in particular the ovTciian myth discussed in our article) would suggut that this is not very likely.

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SURBF.ANSF8'M STUDIES

Alan Jones,

CUCUMBERS?AN ARABIST'S ASSESSMENTm' THE STATE OF JQIARJA

oxford

University,

The Oriental

Institute

Rallance scholars who know that I have undertaken the task of producing a critical edition of the whole corpus of extant Andalusian Arabic muwashshabit have froaa time to time ur9ed me to write an assessment of "kharja scholarship" fr0111 the perspective of an Arabist vit.h apecial interests both in the muwashshabit and in Arabic palaeography. They have, normally been fobbed off with a few gruff sentences, for I I am afraid, would have much preferred to aee my edition of the corpus into print before adding to the long list of atudiea on the muwashshabit and on the kharjas.

However, the edition

is taking longer than I had hoped, and the continues Wlal)ated. TWo works • et out the extent of this secondary literature. They are Dr. Richard Hitchcock's ~ ICharju: ! Critical Biblioqraphy (Grant , cutler, London, 1977) and Professor Samuel ~istead'a article,~ Recent Developments.!!!., Kharja Scholarship(~ Coronica, VIII, Spring 1980 No. 2, pp. 199-203), effeca ·supplement to the fozmer.l tively

flood of books and articles

I propose to divide my c01111D8ntsinto two •ections: Past and Present, and the Way Ahead?. I have acme ahup criticisms to make, but trust that The crucial questions concern assessmy c0111D&ntswill be seen to be fair. ment of evidence. I should very much like to be able to accept Professor Armistead'& proposition that "kharja scholarship /is/ potentially one of and ecumenical of disciplines." (p. 201) .- As of the most international now I cannot -- there is too much to be done on the Arabic side first. In saying this, I am not trying to 'corner the market' or to scare away Their turn surely comes when the basic evidence has Romance scholars. been made available and then examined in a thorough way. That at least is my view and that of the Romance scholars with whom I have had the good fortune to cooperate. Though my remarks are confined largely to the Arabic muwashshabit, I should like to emphasize the importance of the Hebrew muwashshabit. Though fewer in number and somewhat overshadowed, the problems that their and the texts available are more script poses are much less intractable, reliable. It appears to me that it is the clearer infol'1ftation provided by Hebrew script that is the main point of interest for Rallance scholars. In other respects, despite the very obvious differences in cultural background and ethos, the poetic technique i • very • imilar in both Arabic and Hebrew.

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Past and Present

in the • uwaahshabit vu first arouaed by the Por one whose interest on the subject in the late 1950a, the quality late S.M. Stern's cluses of the majority of offerinCJ• covered by the two bibliographical surveys is depresaing. In fact, careful usesament leada M to dillllisa u of very little value a great part of tha work that has ao far appeared on the Romance kharjas found in Arabic muvuhahabit.2 Due to their nature these iaolated lines offer fomidabla difficulties for those who work on them. care and caution should therefore be ~ rigueur. Instead, the heady excitement caused by the discovery of the Ranance kharjaa baa in many cases swept aside the norms of Nrious acholarship. The impetus has been to produce complete realisations of the Ranance kharjas and to fit thmn into a framework of early Romance poetry. Thus Stern, one of the few to resist these trends, found himaelf lambasted for his alleged in refusing to resort to aver wilder conjectures. I fancy that timidity in the end his caution will be vindicated. The zeal is understandable, but the lack of perspective, the ignorance and the hubris that have all too often accompanied it are inexcusable. To take an example close to heme, how Hriously can one take the anendationa of Peter Dronke, a acholar with no knowledge of Arabic palaeography, however great his 9eneral erudition, however appropriate in theory hia suggestions?l It may be axgued that it ia the fault of Arabists that other scholars have not had available the evidence that they require, and that it is up to the Arabists to provide critical editions of the whole corpus, together with all the relevant analyaea and aupporting material. This is true in part, but not entirely ao. There has, for example, been a 9reat deal of discussion on the origins, nature and form of the muwashshab and on the form and function of that tends in my view to be based on the flimsiest the kharja, discussion of evidence or no real evidence a• all. In part this is due to imperfect assessment of the only two relevant pieces by Arab writers vho can be classed aa early authorities. The firat, and the more important, is the very brief passage in the Dhalchlra of Ibn Baaaim of Santarem. The second of the F.gyptian writer is the introductory section of the Dir al-tiriz Ibn Sani' al-Mulk. Perhaps it is t:htibrevity of Ibn Basaim's camnents and his decision to exclude muwashshab&t fran his book that have been responsible for the relative lack of attention paid to the words of this leading Andalusian critic. Ibn Sani' al-Mulk, on the other hand, is much more widely quoted and is to all intents and purposes treated as the basic literary authority. This may be true for the transfer of the mwa'shshab to the East and for its development there (not the subjects of our immediate interest), but it is not the case with the Andalusian muwashshab. In the first place Ibn Sani' al-Mulk makes it clear that the views he expresses are his own and that he did not have a teacher -- and auch an admission on the part of an Arab writer usually calla for very cautious assessment of

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those viwa. Secondly, while Andalusian IIIUWa&hshab!tthat brought into consideration. available for his thesis, u published abr idg•ent. 4

hi• ata~ts are apposite for the 34 be ·quotea, they are not ao when others are Stern found this with the 60 poems he had can be ... n by anyone who cares to read the

Moreover, the relatively small Nlection of poems available to Stern in the late 1940s has gradually been added to, even if the major anthology, the CUddat al-jalis of Ibn BishrI, has yet to reach general circulation. With the publication of such works as the Mugrib of Ibn SaCid and the Jaysh al-tawahih of Ibn al-Khatib there have been near in print for well over a decade -enough to 300 Arabic poems available and the material they contain makes the views of Ibn Sani' al-Mulk seem However, though the existence of these editions even more subjective. is common knowledge, there has not, as far as I am aware, been any great material. effort by western scholars to see what is in this additional amount of eclectic analysis, and, ironically, There has been a certain but careful attention has been paid to Ibn Sani' al-Mulk'a selection,5 enough for Professor Armistead to argue this is hardly justification that, "In the last three years research on the kharjas has concentrated corpus of Arabic kharjas as a upon the interpretation of an extensive coJll)arative vantage point ••• ".6 It must be added that it is perhaps no bad thing that Niji and Mldur'a edition of the Jayah al-tawshih (Tunis, 1967) has not been widely used. It is generally inadequate, and its handling of the Romance lines is a disaster.? The smallness of the sample used by most critics has been responsible for the propagation of the notion that the kharja is a species of and a cursory reading of the Ranance kharjas and the prefeminine lyric, as a ceding verses might provide apparent ;rounds for such a auggestion, large majority of these kharjas are introduced by "she • aid/sang". HowNor is it the case, as ever, this is atypical of the corpus as a whole. been suggested, that the rest of the corpus is predominantly has recently masculine in tone. 8 Three persons of the verb are found in appreciable numbers in verbs of transition. They are, in order of frequency: a)

b) c)

the first the third the third

person person person

Of these, the first person tion for gender, is by far

singular, masculine aingular; feminine • ingular. aingular, which in Arabic the moat 001111110n.9

shows no differentia-

The disproportionately high number of Romance kharjas introduced by ia very striking (over three quarters, the third person feminine singular compared with a ratio of one fifth for the whole of the CUddat al-jalts, But what that signiffor example), and must in some way be ai911ificant. icance is simply cannot be determined from the evidence that we have. There is certainly no justification for jwnping to conclusions about the feminine lyric (or to soma much more aimple explanation for that matter)

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or about a dichotomy between an Arabic corpus

and a Noaarabic

corpus.

We have not bad thirty wuted yeara, far fram it. But aucb that is false has been uaiduously propaqated, and aucb baa to be unlearned before progress can be made (if real prOCJr••• can be llllde). In particular, the pioneering work of Garc!a Galez will need radical reappraisal. I have already shown (Journal of Arabic Literature 11, 1980, pp. 36-55) that little or no value attaches to acme of the texts published by the learned Spanish pxofessor and used by him u evidence for his proposition that the scansion schemes of tha muwaahshahlt are Raaance, as his printed versions are very heavily emended, often incorrectly, in silentio. I had to point out that this silence misleading in fact if not 'Inintent, and that the manuscript readings when examined with due care provide evidence against the Romance hypothesis. I have also just finished an article in which I have ahown that there is no justification for the high regard generally accord.ad to the Arabic texts of the Raaance kharjas published in the faaous article Veinticuatro jar§as ranances ~ muwallahas arabes (al-Andalus 17 (1952), pp. 57ff.). These texts have been the basis of much later work deapite the fact that Garc!a Gomez warned us in the article that at the time of writing ha had not aeen the original manuscript and that hi • work vu of a 'provisional character'. (In fact, there is not one transcription that is completely accurate.) unfortunately, little attention baa been paid to Garc!a Ganez' warning, and the trend of hi • own later work, with its emphasia on 'realizations', has taken us still further frcm the manuacript reading•.

"as

I must also iaolate myaelf further frca current trend.a elsewhere by declaring that I am una»le to accept aany of Profuaor James Monroe's ideas. I aay this with regret, u with ;reater rigour the work of this very active scholar would be of real value. That this 1a not the cue is due largely to hi • faith in the notions of Garc!a Gomez, together with a certain carelessness in handling the Arabic texts. I aa least convinced by what he has to say about metre and laJMJUACJe,but there are other pmblaas. For example, I do not see how it is possible to argue that the Arabic muwashshablt with Raunce kharju are not juat a apecial aub-Nt of the Arabic corpus but a separate corpus distinct fraD it, a augqution made despite ~bsrecognition that the ocaposers of the two of poems are the same. Other questions will be touched on in the course of thia article, but one particular uaay can be dealt with here. I can aee no solid basis for hia structural analy • i • of a muwuhshab.11 The nub of my objection is quite simple. The text of the Jayah al-tawahlh, fram which Profesaor Monroe takes his example, ha• perforce a etanza order and thi • duly forms the basis of his analysis, as it is the only order known. However, there is no means of knowing whether this is either the correct or even the normal stanza order. In the majority of cases where a muwashahap is to be found in more than one recension the stanza order varies.

••ts

On the other hand there are difficulties of quite a different kind about some of the emendations au99ested by Dr. HitchcocJc.1 2 His view that many of the accepted Romance readings are \D'ltenable and that in cases of

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doubt we should look for po • sihle reading• on the buia of an Arabic are by text i• reuonable, but his swaveated reading• and explanationa and luge too recondite to carry conviction. 'l'ha muwashahablt may be very aophisticated lyrics, but by tba D0Dl8 of classical Arabic poetry their language is relatively atraightfon,ard -- and this appli .. in particular to the Jcharjaa. Punch linu of this • ort should at least be c0111prehenaihle without dictionaries or -O-Bowever, it i • another decision by Dr. Hitchcock that highlights a on the Raaance aide. In his bibliovery serious problem of perapective graphical survey he writes (p. 8), •1teu in Arabic are 9enerally excluded, and it is acknowledged that auch an exclusion will limit the usefulness of the list." One must asaume that Professor Axmistead has alao adhered to this decision. In the ex>ntext of "kharja studies• this but in the context of •muwashahablt is, I suppose, understandable, atudie ••, the basic field of atuclies, it is deplorabla.13

No matter how interesting the Ranance fragments are, we should alway• bear in mind the fact that essentially the Andalusian Arabic muwashshablt were composed. by Arabs for Arabs or Arabic •peaking Berbers, by Muslims for Muslims.14 The poets and their peninsular audiences were undoubtedly bilingual to varying degrees, and it is not unreasonable to believe that soma of the singing 9irls involved spoke Romance as their first language, though we have no firm evidence on this latter point.15 Nevertheless, it must be ramembe-.:ed that all the washshabs whom we know of by name composed classical Arabic poetry 1n addition to muwashshablt. had Moreover several of them, including SClll8 of the most celebrated, close ties with the Maghril>, including periods of residence there. A few examples will illustrate this. The earliest and perhaps most interesting case is that of al-l}U,ri. He vas born at Qayrawln c.1029. Because of bedouin invasions he left Qeyravin in 1058, eventually moving to Ceuta. In 1069 he crossed to Spain and atayed there for just over twenty years, being made welccme at the courts of aeveral of the muluk al-tawi'if. In 1090 he moved to Tangier where he remained until his death five years later. According to the CtJddat al-jalls and the Tawsh1C three of hie muwashshab&t have aurvived -- though the Jayah al-tawahih, al-tawshlh attributes all three to Ibn ArfaC Ra' suh. After the fall of the CAbbidids in 1091, Ibn al-Labhina found refuge for a time with the Hammidid Bidis, to whom the famous muwashshab Binarjisi '1-ahdiq is dediAccording to reputable aourcea Ibn Baql was rescued from a cated.16 straitened way of life by Ya\lyi b. CAlI b. al-Q&si.m, whose main base was at Sali in Morocoo. Several of hi • poems mention Yal;,lyi (and other members of his family) and Sali. Two of his muwashsha,b&t also mention Fez. Al-A0mi also composed a gyida for a member of the Banii '1-Qisim, the gidl Abu 'l-CAbb~s,17 and muwashshal)lt dedicated to members of the family are also attributed to him. At a slightly later period Ibn Zuhr was active as poet, doctor and minister of the Almohads both in al-Andalus and the Maghrih. More dramatically Ibn Sahl perished in a shipwreck in 1251 in the company of his patron, the ruler of Ceuta.

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Far aore important than this, the a110unt of Arabic material available or potentially ffailable is so much greater. 'ftlere is wane slight evidence to show that the Romance kharjaa were more ausceptible to disappearance than purely Arabic ones, and pr:ima facie one would expect this to be so.18 Nevertheless, even if we make aane mental allowance in the quantities of extant material should make for this, the disparity kharja specialists pause. There are las• than 400 words of possible Romance material in a corpus of approximately 600 complete Arabic muwash•habat, at a generous estimate no more than 1 Ralance word for every 300 Arabic. To put it another way, the CUddat al-jalis has 323 kharjas that, with one possible exception,19 do not contain a word of Romance, as opposed to 29 that do.20 In the Jayah al-tawahih there are no less than By any count, the 157 kharjaa without Romance and at the most 22 with. RDllance element is minute, perhaps a molehill is not a bad description.21 The most cogent reason for giving priority to the lesser as opposed to the greater amount of material is when the lesser can be shown to be the basis for the rest. I have yet to be convinced that this is the case with the muwashahab!t, that, for example, the kharjas, and in particular the Romance kharjas, are linea of verse of a traditional type emerge fran that might be the origin of the 9enra. This may eventually close examination of the whole corpus, though I must say that I have so far seen little evidence to support auch a view.22 Furtbezmore, priority in time, another telling point, also cannot be demonstrated. Neither of the two extant muwashshab!t of eub&da b. Ml' (t 1028) the earliest washshib to have poems • urviving, has a al-Sa.a' Rollance element in its kharja.23 Two poems can hardly be • aid to give does not an adequate sample, but their wholly Arabic content certainly argue for Romance priority. The incidence of muwashshablt containini Romance kharjas that are attributed to named authors is as follows. 2 Roughly half are by poets active chiefly under the muliik al-tawi'if and half by poets vho flourished mainly undar the Almoravids or slightly later.25 This means that one fifth of the muwashshablt by named authors of have Romance kharjas. While this is a the period of the muluk al-tawi'if auch higher proportion than we find later, it is hardly one that can be called daDinant, unless the most extrava9ant allowances are made for losses. As far u individual poets are concerned, the peak (if auch it 6 Ralance kharjas) and Ibn can be called) comas with al-ACmi (tll25 Baql (tll45 - S Romance kharjas). Given these facts, it is surely obvious that we ought to aee what can by treating the muwashshablt as an offshoot of Arabic poetic tradition.26 In this area Arab scholar• cane into their own. Their ability to spot a quotation from one of the clasaical poets, or to see the between the pl'rraseology of, • ay, al-ACmi and one of the early parallels Arab love poets such as CUmar b. CAbI Rab1Ca (t c. 720) can be matched by no oriantalist I know or have known. on the other hand, when one comes in aaying that nonto the Romance lines they nomally have no hesitation Arabic elements are involved, without being tempted to seek an 'Arabic solution•.27 This is the caae even with Nijr and Midiir, neither of whom

be gleaned

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is a scholar re1D0taly of the quality to ba found in auch leading figur .. as I\l•in CAhbis, CAbd al-CAziz al-Ahwlnt, ShawqI \)ayf and Jawdat RiklbI. The fact that such serious acholars have nozmally written in Arabic that their writing • cannot be read by thoae who do not know that language seems to ma to be all the more reason for there to be rein the bibliographical survey •• ferences to them, with brief aasesamants, Even when they are writing 9enerally on Andalusian literature, their work is a good deal more apposite than many of the items that find a place in To give one amall example, the innate literary conthe bibliographies. to look to the eastern Islamic servatism of al-Andalus and its propensity models, factors which all those interested in world for its literary kharja studies should be aware of, are tellingly highlighted by Shawqi fran Ibn Bassam: Dayf with a brief quotation and hence

If or a /the as if

a crow croaked in that part of the world /the east/ fly buzzed on the far lx>rders of Syria or Iraq, they people of al-Andalus/ would prostrate themselves before an idol.

On a more specific problem, the vexed one of prosody, Professor Sayyid GizI's analysis of 109 muwaahshab&t ~ traditional Arabic methods unknown outside the Arab world. 8 Yet he shows clearly that is virtually of Arabic acansion are less than is frethe problems of the application further. quently alleged -- surely a point to be noted and investigated

There is one final point to which I think attention should be drawn. It will, I am afraid, add further doubt to the already uncertain situation. The bilingualism of the muwashsha))it is of a very one-sided kind, and in such circumstances it is more than likely that the predominant on the weaker. 29 In this kind of language will act as a strong filter usage in the weaker linguistic ambience it is not unknown for incorrect and gramaar, to be ccmprehensil>le and language, both in pronunciation It is also true that mistakes of this sort can be amuseven acceptable. that the Romance of the Jcharjas is heavily ing. I am not suggesting arabicized or replete with intentional errors, but the assumption that it Ranance is not one that I would like is all good, linguistically correct, to make. The Way Ahead?

My remarks about the quality of the texts available have, I hope, made clear what I feel to be the first priority. Proper facsimile reprocanmunity can see ductions are the only means through which the scholarly what the basic evidence is and what reading problems the manuscripts present. Most urgently needed is a facsimile edition of the hitherto unof Ibn Bishrl, but the three manuscripts of the published CUddat al-jalls and that of the TawshIC Jaysh al-tawshlh are almost as important, containing the first Romance line in an Arabic muwashshab to al-tawshlh,

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came to light, also deserves a place. Other 1'0rks that I should like to see in such a series are at least one manuscript of the Dir al-tiriz and that of al-Hilll's al-CAtil al-hal.I. Though it would beof less direct importance, it would be of 9reat value if a new, improved facsimile edition of the Leningrad manuscript of the Slll&ll Diwin of Ibn Quain could alao be published.JO Chief among my reasons for •UCJCJe&tingthat a full aeries of facsimiare the very difficult palaeographic problems lies should be available posed by the lines containing Romance elements. In brief, the manucontain indications of considerable uncertainty on the part of acripts Ranance. Vocalization, the scribes when they had to copy lines containing becomes much more •parse, and in fft'/ view there are if nonaally present,31 instances of letters being written lllllbiguously, the acribe hoping no doubt This that the reader, or perhaps just a reader, aight know what is meant. means that before turning to the examination of the Romance lines one needs to learn what are the general characteristics of a • cribe's copying. This is particularly important with the manuscrit Colin, the unique copy of the CUddat al-jalis. Five scribes are involved in the copying of those of its poems that contain Romance kharjas and the characteristics of each acrihe' • handwriting are very different. Such problems can readily be • ean if facsimile copies of the originals Moreover, if a are available. It is impossible to envisage them without. to a facsimile, he scholar knows that his work can be checked 1)y reference to be accurate, whether he is producing is under much greater constraint assessment or a aimpl• transcription. And this is where a palaeographical the Romance scholar begins to benefit. Thar• will no longer be scope for the sort of sloppiness that allowed such readings as!!!!_ for firJm/birim or lfrt for lgrti (or lqrti) in the kharja of CUddat al-jalis poem 22 (Garc!a Go•z I; Veinticuatro juju p. 72) to feature in the printed text We might then expect textual work on the kharjas to rise without remark. to the level that is taken for 9rantad in virtually every • imilar aubject. t

Next in my order of priority canes the corpus. The basic aims of the corpus are simples to make available in a relatively atraightfon,ard printed form all the relevant extant material, and to show as clearly u possible the range of variation, wlwther of word, line or stanza, to be found in those poems that occur more than once; in short, to provide a sound fundamental text for general use.3 2 With the corpus available we • bould at least be able to examine a • ufficient quantity of evidence to allow us to investigate aane of the assertions that are at present accepted as received knowledge both about the muwashshal)lt and about the kharjaa. Foremost among these is the quastion of metre, a aubject that has ao As I have written elsewhere, I have far generated more heat than li9ht. ayatem of the muwashshabKt is anystill to be convinced that the metrical thing other than an expansion of the classical Arabic metrical aystem. 33

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one~ the reasons for this 1a ~t I have not yet aeen the Rcaance the • ia cogently presented. The evidence bu always been eclectic, with inaufficient fOCWI (if any) on such central probl ... u bow the atreaa is applied to Arabic word•• I • bould lika to • ee the whole corpus • canned according to both ay • tellll, with all tha difficultiu and anaaalies noted. I suspect that there aay still be no agreeaent, but it would at least atop the CJZ'OlfincJ tendency to diamias Arabic acanaion because aoat of the metrical patterns in the muwuhshabit are not the atrict classical patterns. This is to adduce and demolish an argument that bas never been propounded by those who think that the Mtrical • yatem is baaed on the classical Arabic syatem.34 It baa alvaya been oamon ;round thatextensiona to the classical system are involved.ls A study of the vernacular usa;e in the kharjas i• perhaps equally illp)rtant. The overall impression produced by reading or listening to the Arabic kharjas is that in the majority of cases in which colloquial language is used the kharjaa are not genuinely colloquial but are merely decked out with a colloquial 9lo••• Thia arises from the admixture of classical and colloquial fOXIIUI,a clear indication that we are not being This general impresented with lines that are truly in the vernacular. prusion needs to be turned into • cmething more substantial, ao that we can speak with reasonable conviction about these 'colloquial' kharjas. It is a difficult task that needs to be undertaken by that rara avis, an experienced and ccmpetent dialect expert. 36 There are other aspect.a of the kbarja that merit detailed investigation. For example, it has long been axi0111atic that the most distinctive features of the kharja are its different register, its • eparateness from nature. Yet there the rut of the muwashshab and its quaai-quotational are many muwashshablt in which one or 110re of these features are missing, and all such poems need careful • tudy if we are to try to increase our understanding of the relationship of the Jcharja to the rest of the muvashahab and in particular to the rest of the last atanza. We • hall at any rate have more examples available than did Ibn Sani' al.-Mulk, whose C01111lentaabout the best known group, those with a kharja in classical Arabic, were misconceived because his • ample was too mu11.37 Equally deserving of our attention are those muwashshablt that lack a verb of 38 and those in which the kharja appears not to equate with the transition, final .!!5.139 in others it appear • to start before the simt..40 There is even the remarkable cue of muwashshab 200 in the CtJddat al-jalis, PI'l-nuhiil. This poem is a muClrada of 1111Vaahshab199, !!, balchll. Aa it stands in the manuacrit Colin, the kharja consists of the mat.lac and the three ageln of the first stanza of !! bakhll. I was at first inclined to dismiss this as a copying mistake, but that argument is not easy to sustain. The manuscript text may be correct, in which case we have a break with traditional fona unparalleled in the extant texts. Clearly then there is much to be done in the field of kharja studies Yet I must reiterate if we are to try to understand the lines adequately. that it ia the whole muwaahshah that llhould be the focal point of attention, not just its last line -- or for that matter its first line, because the

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maµac too is not without its problems. As I have previously indicated, a crucial topic is the relationship of the muwashahab to cluaical Arabic poetry. With the obvious exception of the metres and the kharja, the links appear very close indeed, in ethos just as much as in language. But appearances are not enoughs solid work is required. We cannot cobble together our evidence by drawing •electric parallels between phrases in, say, Bashshir or Abu Nuvis or al-Mutanal:ml and aomething we find in the muwashshablt or by noting quotations in the muwashshagat of lines fran those or other poets. For accurate and credible assessment, we need detailed analysis, however tedious it may be to accanplish. Until such evidence is available, those who • tudy the Jcharjas or the muwashsha!)At might feel that they have much in camD0n with those sternly described in the work moat freqwantly alluded to in the poems -- the Quran: "They have no knowledge thereof, they • imply follow 9Uessvork1 and guesswork is of no avail in the face of the truth. "41

Appendix Impgrtant

* indicates Early

an

autbora ~

author

- no extant b. M~

Muqaddam h.

Rc:mance

in the kbarja

material al-Qabr1

MuCifa al-QabrI

Ihn CAbdi Rabbihi Al-RamldI

of a poaa with

Wubah'ibs

(died 939)

(died 1012)

Authors with poems extant CUhida b. Mi' al-Sami'

(died 1027)

*

Ihn al-MuCallim

*

Ihn ArfaC Ra' suh (served

*

Ihn Labbun (Also served al-Ma'mun)

*

CtJbida (At court

(Minister

of al-MuC~id,

reigned

al-Ma 'mlin b. DhI' '1-Niin, reigned

of al-MuCtatim,

reigned

Al-Hu!5rI (Came to Spain fran North Africa

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1043-69)

1051-1091) 1058, died

1095)

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1043-75)

48

Appendix (con' td.)

*

Al-MuCtamid (Reigned 1069-10911 died 1095)

*

Al-Jazzir

*

Al-lCWnayt (time of al-MustaCin

*

Ihn al-Labbina

*

Al-ACmi (died

(fl.

1081-S)

b. Bud, reigned

1085-1110)

(died 1113)

1125)

Al-Abay~ (died c.1130)

*

Ihn RW}Aym (fl. Ibn Zaqqiq

c.1121)

(died 1135)

Ihn Bijja

(died 1138)

*

Al-Manishl

(originally

*

Ihn BaqI (died 1145)

ccapanion

of al-Acma)

Ihn Yannaq (died 1151)

*

Al-Xabbiz

(Said to have taught

Ibn Sharaf

al-Qul.lCI

(contemporary of Ibn Shara£ and Ibn Quzmin; only waaan washshib of distinction)

Ibn Quzmin (died 1160) Ibn al-SayrafI Ihn Nizir

*

from 1119 to 1187)

(Said to have flourished at beginning of Almohad period, father born no later than 1060, died 1139)

Nazhun bint

*

•caeone who lived

(died 1161)

(died 1164)

Ahmad b. Milik

(died 1174)

Ibn Hardus (died 1177) Al-Ru!llfi

(died 1177)

Ibn al-Faras

(died 1198)

Ibn Zuhr (died 1198)

.

Ibn al-SibunI

(died 1207)

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Appendix

lbn

~

(alive

in 1217)

(died 1241)

Sahl b. Malik

Ibn Sahl

(concluded)

(died 1251)

Abu l}ayyin

(died 1344)

Ibn Xit:hu. (died 1368)

Ihn al-Xatib

(died 1374)

Ihn Zamrak (died 1393) Ibn Bishrl

(no information, Ibn al-xattb)

of Religious

poems

Ihn CArabI (died

1240)

Authors

Ibn al-Sahbiqh Al-Shuatart

(poems

but includes

collected

poems by Ibn Xitima

in reign

of al-Murta~i,

and

1248-1266)

(died 1269)

NOl'ES

1. Th••• two essential publications give full bibliographical details of all the non-Arabic books and articles I have referred to that were published before 1980. I have therefore emitted mention of pubin my references to such worka. lishers

2. Romance is used as a tem of convenience to describe a Jcharja in which Romance words occur. A large majority of these are of course bilingual. I personally am very much disinclined to treat as 'Rcmance' a kharja containing only the word mammi, which appear • very much to have a bilingual existence (Romance/colloquial Arabic). I would think that the aame can be (in the kharja of Ibn CtJbida, bi-ab~ Cilgu (Dir al-tiriz, said of•~• poem 9), a poem which has not yet crept into the 'Mazarabic corpus', as some prefer to call it). to use the term 'Romance' to refer to the languages and I have preferred dialects of the Christians of the peninsula in preference to the more apecific 'Mozarabic'. The vaguest appellation • eems appropriate when the that has come down to us does not appear to be hcmogeneous. little material Lyric

3. See, for example, Medieval (oxford, 1965), I, pp. 26-32.

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Iatin

~~!!!!_~European~

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50

(cont'd.)

Rot•

4. ~

See Bispano-Arabic

Stxopbic

Poetry (OXford, 1974), p. 39.

s. I,1 oda Pish caapton. Andalusian Lyrical Poetry ~ ~ SpanJ.ah SOngss !!!!, Muwasbshab !!!!!,_!!:!_ ICharja (Bew York, 1976) 6.

Be naturally includes the khar:)as to be found in Jamaa Monroe Ninety-three Arabic Baria&!!!, Hebrew Nuwallahs, JN:S 97 (1977) pp. 141-163. However, thia can only be justified if one aa• umes fidelity of quotation on the part of the Hebrew poets -- which we know quite frequently not to be the cue. There are also grave doubts about the extent to which these kharjas can be assessed without a good deal more detail about the poems involved and extended discussion of the problems raised by the use of Arabic kharjas in Hebrew muwashshabit. For one thing Judaeo-Arabic (and the us• of Hebrew acript puts these Jcharjas into that category) haa its own peculiarities, even wen apparently aimple copying is involved. and David SViatlo

7. For once I share a view with Garc!a Gaaez: see his review in al-Andalus 34 (1969) pp. 205-216. However, the tenor of many of his remarks is to be regretted, not least because it aeems to have paved the way for the intemperate and offensive contributions of Ramirez Calvente that haw so disfigured al-Andalus in recent years.

e. by Professor Linda Fish Compton, ap.cit. and Professor Monroe, ICharjas in Arabic !!!2_ Romance (in Welch and Cachia, Islam: ~ Influ~ !.!!!!.Present Challenge, F.dinbur9h, 1979) 9. The figures for the Coddat al-jalis are: Is 1301 3 m.s. 181 3 f.s. 101 no verb 541 other 12, 4 lacuna.

10.

ICharjas !!!_ Arabic !!!!_ Romance, p. 182.

11. The Structure (Edebiy8t (Philadelphia) 12.

Sobre

of an Arabic Muwuhshab with a Bilingual I (1976) pp. 113-123)

!! •mama• !!!. !!!.,

juYu

JHP 2,

(1977),

ICharja

1-9.

13. I wonder what would be thought of bibliographies of the cantigas amiqo that omitted all contributions in Portuguese. Be that as it may, Dr. Hitchcock's work is extremely usef\ll, and it is 9ood that Professor Armistead should help to keep our information up to date.

~

14. bit

There are apparently

15. For good incidential see Stern, Hispano-Arabic

one ar two Jewish personalities evidence Strophic

involved.

of ainging girls ainging muwashshaPoetry, p. 44 and p. 106.

16. Reigned 1105. The capital of the Hammidids was at QalCat Hamnid inland fran Bougie in Algeria. Bidis is described by the Encyclosituated pedia of Islam as 'a caligula whose bloody tyranny fortunately endured less than a year'.

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51

Notes (cont'd.)

17.

See

DIiiin

(eel.

Il}ain CAbbas ,- Beirut,

1963) , p.

89 ff ..

18. e.g. CUddat al-jalis 49 is essentially the same poem as Jaysh al-tawshlh S, 4, but lacks the • tanza containing the Rcaance kharja, CU&lat al-jalis 347 appears to have two stanzas that have • uitable lines line, and • tanza 5 with a Romance for kharjas, stanza 4 with a colloquial line. 19. I have doubts about the ver • ion of the Jcharja of A-ufridta lli_busni as it is fo\md in the CtJddat al-jal!:a, poem 287. The kharja of the version of this poem to be found in the E!!_ al-tiriz (poem 10) is certainly wholly in Arabic.

20. This includes repetitions. are here counted aa Ranance. 21.

ICharjas with only one word of Ranance

See Jareer Abu Haidar, Journal

of Arabic Literature

9, 1978, p. 8.

22. It should be noted that I am not trying to deny the possibility of the existence of some f~ of Romance lyric poetry. see, for example, G. von Grunabaum (al-Andalus 21 (1956) pp. 403-5), who has ahown that there is sane evidence for the viw that a fonn of Ranance lyric antedates the arrival of the Arabs. What I have yet to be convinced of is that the kharjas themselves show evidence of this Ranance tradition. 23.

pp. 426-7.

See al-KutubI, Fawit al-wafayit (ad. MtJtlyI al-Din, cairo 1951) I, The first is also to be found in the Tawshic al-tawshih, poem

32. 24.

There

are twelve anonymous m1.1Wuhahab!t with Rallance kharjas.

25. As far aa named poets are concerned, the period of the Ranance kharjaa stretches roughly fran 1043 A.D., the year of the accession of al-MuetasUd, patron of Ibn al-Mucallim, and al-Ma 'munb. DhI '1-Nun, patron of Ibn 'ArfaC Ra'auh, to 1174 A.D., the data of the death of the vashshil) Al}mad b. Milik. I share Stern' • view that the classic period of the Andalusian muwashshab ends just after 1200 A.D., though there are acme important later 0011lpO&ers,particularly Ibn Sahl (tl2Sl). A list of the most important washshl\l& ia 9iven in the appendix. 26. In doing this, one is • imply foll.awing the lead of Ibn Sani' al-Mulk, who points out in the Dir al-~iraz that Ibn BaqI used a partial quotation of a line by the poet Kushlj:im in the second • of his muwashshah Ashkii wa-anta taClamu bal-1 and a line of the poet Ibn al-MuCtazz as the kharja of the 1DUWaahshab Lastu min !!!! hawi-ka IIIUkhalll (E!!_ al-tiriz (ed. Riklbl, Beirut, 1949) p. 34 and p. 33 respectively).

imx

27. see, for example, a typical ,,,...,,.nt tion of the otwan of al-ACmi (p. 289)1 "This phraseology to be Romance (Cajaml), and I do nice point is that it is supposed to be what

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by ~in CAbbis in his edikharja appears fran its not know what it means. The Qays said to CAbla."

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52

(cont• d.)

28. Sayyid Gld, !!_ 3:!!!, il-tarahih (Alexandria 1976), pp. 121-203. Thia fm:m of analysis ia applied to a auch lar9er n\llllber of poeaa in the same author' a Dtwln al-111UWuhahablt al-andalwsiyya (2 vols. , A.1exandria, 1979). 29.

Thia point

applies

equally

to the aa:tals.

30. Professor Cord.ante's recently does not obviate this need. (Pranciaco Texto !!!!_ cancionero BiapaDOarabe de~ de CUltura, Madrid, 1980.)

31.

within

Thia varies from manuscript the manuscript.

publisbed

eclition

Corri.ante,

Gr-tica, Quaaan, Inatituto

to manuscript

of Ibn Quzmin Netrica %. Hispano-Arabe

and in acae

cases

32. Spelling difficulties are responsible for ac:meof the delay in producing the corpus. It would be relatively easy to bring out a version with 'normalized', i.e. moderni&ed., spelling. However, this would obscure many of the manuscript readings. In tha way that is typical of medieval manuscripts, spelling may vary frcm one line to the next for no particular reason. For palaeographical reasons these variations ahould be preserved if possible. If there ia only one version, this is no 9reat problem, but when there are more than one, inconsistencies alx>und. It has also taken time to work out acceptable conventions to denote the correction of partially dotted or incorrectly vocalized . words. To have to deal with all these in full in the apparatus would be a titanic task -- and the apparatus would becoma unusable. 33.

Journal

of Arabic Literature

11, 1980, pp. 36-55.

34. Monroe~ SViatlo,. who take this line, do not help their case by stating (p. 157) that there ia no known Aral)ic metre exactly resanbling __,_, _____ Thi• is one of the foma of mutadirik 111U11addas muraffals vv-

- ---.

35. It is of considerable analysis of the metres of the system, much expanded, though is the key factor (Cancionero are as yet unproven, but they

interest that Professor Corriente's za:tals of Ihn QUZmin is baaed on the Arabic he believes that • treas rather than quantity !!!, !!!!!!_ Quzman,pp. 69-77). His theories merit clo • e attention.

36. I must also counsel 119ainst any reliance l)eing placed on the remarks of Monroe and Swiatlo on dialect features. Having rigidly applied stress patterns to the kharjas, without any regard for Arabic • tress, they then say, "The stress syatem of Andalusian Arabic is not well known, but our prosodic attempts would seem to indicate that as is the case with aane modern Maghribi dialects, it differed considerably from the way classical Arabic is conventionally stressed today" (p. 143). The kharjas themselves tell us nothing of the sort -- it is the imposed patterns that produce these indications.

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Notes

(cont'd.)

53

The generalizations they make about pronunciation are equally implausible. To give but one example: we read "Note the hypercorrection nabdacii (for nabda'ii), which sug9ests that Cayn had lost its distinctive in the Andalusian dialect(a)" (p. 150). Two points phonemic features should be made: a) b) 37.

Though bada • a is the

normal word for 'begin' , badaca can also have that meaning. The correct reading ia in any case nalchdacii 'deceive'.

Dir al-tiriz

(ed. RilcibI).

p. 31.

38. Ibn Zuhr seems fond of this. For example, five out of the ten poans by him quoted in the Jayah al-tawahlh (Section 15, poems 2, 4, 5, 6, and 7) lack a verb of transition. There are many other examples.

final

39. See, for example, CUddat al-jalis poem 18 (Ibn Zuhr) where the line is gila!!!!!, wa-qilat tujib !!!!. khin ba))Ib All'lhu bas~b

He spoke to her and she said in answer, "He who betrays his beloved hu God as reckoner." 40. The classic biik (CUddat al-jalfa

example of this is the anonymous Bi-zaCmihimu gayyapoem 157), in vhicb the last~, like the kharja,

is in Romance. 41.

QUran, siira 53, verse

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28.

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54 NOTES

ARISTOTLE'S ETHICS ANDLA CELESTINA Dorothy Sherman Severin,

Westfield

College,

London

has been paid to the influence of Although considerable attention both Christian and neo-Stoic doctrines on Fernando de Rojas, no one has yet examined the possible influence of the ethical theories of that other great pillar of the medieval university, Aristotle. Elsewhere I have suggested that Aristotelian theory may have influenced Rojas' notions of time as expressed in the multiple time scales of the work.l Since then A.R.D. Pagden has demonstrated conclusively that the al)C?gee of Aristotelian influence in Spain was the late fifteenth century. 2 Aristotle's direct influence on Act I and early Act II has long 3 and it has been·acknowledged been identified, that he occasionally as in Parmeno's "No curo de lo que dices, surfaces in a parodic fashion, porque en los bienes mejor ea el acto que la potencia yen los males As! que mejor es ser sano que poderlo mejor la p:>tencia que el acto. ser. Y mejor es poder ser doliente que ser enfermo por acto, y, a°r tanto, es mejor tener la potencia en el mal que el acto" (p. 66). His presence in Rojas' part of the Tragicomedia is less provable. HowNicomachean (NE) and ever, even a cursory glance at Aristotle's Eudemian Ethics 5 reveals a corrective for the notion thatthe characters between them commit all the seven deadly sins and break of La Celestina The Christian scheme seems to ignore the gradathe ten coanandments.6 the fact that the evil tions of sin which are obvious to the reader, Celestina, the corrupt Sempronio, and the self-indulgent Calisto conspire to corrupt the two innocents of the work, P~meno and Melibea, and succeed totally. Aristotle's listing of vices and virtues provides two extremes of (NE, Bk. IV). Thus, for vice for each golden mean representing a virtue withthe extreme vices of example, the virtue of courage is contrasted be a simple task to judge rashness and cowardice. It would therefore on the Aristotelian scale: the failings of each character of La Celestina flattering or peevish, is he or she liberal, prodigal or mean, friendly, witty, buffoonish or boorish, modest, grovelling or shameless; righteous, envious or malicious? This superficial catalogue already suggests to the alert reader a fecWld line of investigation since many of these qualities are noted by the characters themselves. Calisto, for example, ("il es tan franco, que te is praised by Celestina for his liberality dar& para eso y para ~s," p. 180), but earlier she has warned the servants against his possible meanness tion, to stand by the conclusions of their deliberation, others because they have not deliberated are led NE 1150b, 19-23). Both PU'llleno by their emotion" (Ross trans., and Melibea start with clear views of good and evil, but succ\lllb to Parmeno their tempters through weakness rather than rashness. articulates his vision of things to come in the speech beginning as "Seffor, porque perderse el otro d!a el nebl1" (p. 77), follows: while Melibea has a clear vision of her danger at the beginning of --"Oh soberano Dios ••• des a Act X and prays for self-restraint mi herido corazon sufrimiento y paciencia con que mi terrible pasi6n pueda disimular" (pp. 153-4).

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51

Finally, Aristotle makes the of the pleasure principle per ae, pursuit of pleasure (!!!_, Bk. X). Christian ferent froa traditional Rojas' often ambivalent attitudes expressed in La Celestina.

point

that

he doe•

not disapprove excess in the This Aristotelian attitude, so difdoctrine, could have influenced toward the pleaaure of love••

but is only against

NOTES 1. Mea:,ry in •La Celestina• (London: Tamesia, 1970), I discussed Rodrigo Vaaurtus' Aristotelian In this chapter, which could have influenced the young Rojas. at Salaaanca,

2. A.R.D. Pagdan, •The Diffusion in Spain, ca. 1400-ca. 1600,• Traditio,

pp. 43-50. lectures

of Aristotle's Moral Philosophy 31 (1975), 287-313.

3. P. castro Guisaaola, Observaciones sobre las fuentes literarias de •1,a Celestina• (1924; rpt. Madrid: CSIC, 1973), pp. 23-34. He identifies the texts known to the anonymous author of Act I and early Act II as the Magna Moralia, the Metaphysica, and the Nicomachean Ethics. identifies a passage Of the part of the work by Rojas, he tentatively fran the Rhetorica, and another in Act VII, which in Act IV, possibly Of course caatro is found in several places and had beC0118 proverbial. from the anonymous sixteenthGuisasola took most of his material comentada (BN MS. 17631); see P.E. Russell, "El century Celestina primer comentario critico de La Celestina: c&no \D1 legiata del siglo XVI interpretaha la Tra9ico•dia," in Tamas de "La Celestina" y otros estudios del "Cid" al •0uijote" (Barcelona: Ariel, 1978), pp. 293-321. 4.

torial,

I quote from my edition 1969, etc.).

of La Celestina

(Madrid:

Alianza

Edi-

5. The former was known as the Ethica, the latter as the De Moribus. Ethics was best known in fifteenth-century Spain -- see For the NE, I quote fro• the translation by H. RackPagden, pp. 287-313. ham (19261 rpt. London: Beinemaii"n, 1952) and a recent paperback translation by Sir David Ross, rev., ed. J. L. Ackrell and J. O. Urmison (19251 rpt. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1980). The Nicomachean

6. See Dorothy Clotelle in "La Celestina," UCPMP, 91 1968) and carlos Ripoll, "l,a notas sobre la literatura de 1969), pp. 11-87.

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Clark, Allegory, Decalogue and Deadly Sin (Berkeley: Univ. of C&lifornia Press, Celestina• a traves del decalogo, y otras la Edad de Oro (New York: Las Americas,

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7. For my accowit of Aristoteleian theories of moral weatne·sa (NB, Bk. VII), I depend heavily on~ contemporary interpretations, JUJ/8& Conception of Moral Weakness (New York, JerOID8 Walsh, Aristotle's Ethical Columbia univ. Press, 1963), and W.P.R. Hardie, Aristotle's Theory (Oxford: Clarendon Presa, 1968). 8. Hardie,

pp. 258-93.

9. lfal.ah,

p. 157.

10. Nalah,

p. 111.

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principio de Bspinelo en au version antigua: •Nuy aalo estaba Bspinelo, / en una cw yac!a• (Pri.Jllav.152, v. 1). Ante esta aemejanza, la presencia de los versos aencionados no pa.race aer accidental. El prestamo de un pasaje de otro rOIIIIDC8de contanido lllllYparecido al del texto priaitivo vendr!a a suplir el olvido de los versos originales. Para concluir, las versiones bien conaervadas de Espinelo (ejemplo, nuestra version A) son el fruto de WlA larga elaboracion oral e llustran el proceao de la creacion poitica de tipo oral, tal co1110se desarrolla entre lo• aefard:les de Marruecoa: la tradici6n -conaerva el texto primitivo, cuya estructura p08tica se articula en torno a ciertos DK>tivos tradicionales. Pero aste reapeto a la tradicion no impide la reelaboracion intuitiva de estos y SU asociacion can otroa motivoa que vienen a enriquacer el caudal inicial. Asf., en nuestro romance, los motivoa de las aeiialea y del manta, combinadoa con la tonalidad a:,riaca del incipit toaado de Abenam&r,contribuyen a crear un heroe rodeado de lllisterio e intensamente p0etico, nacido en ese preciso 111>mentoen qua el mar esti an calma y la lwia crecida, pero no en san Juan ni en la Pascua Florida. Destinado a perecer en el mar, ae aalva en una cajita en forma de una bot.ella y, en au exilio, ailagrosamante borda un manto maravilloso, gracias al cual se da a conocer a sus padres.

Version A

5

10

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20

-AbenUIU', AbenUIU', moro de la morer !a, y el d!a que tu nacistes grandes senales hab!a: la luna estaba crecida, estaba la mar en calma, moro queen tal siglo nace no debe decir mentira. -Yo te las dire, mi senor, aWlque me cueste la vida, de una cristiana cautiva. porque soy hijo de Wl moro, El d!a qu tu naciste grandes senales hab!a: la l\Dla estaba crecida.estaba la mar en calma, Un preg6n pregon6 el rey, un pregon que as! dec!a: -Todo el que tuviera mellizos a la mar le arrojar!a.Quiso Dios y la fortuna que la suerte cay6 en ella. Mand6 hazer una cajita en forma de una botella. All! matiera a Espinel ya la mar le arrojar!a. Un manta labr6 Espinel, Wl manta a la maravilla. LLoque se qued6 en labrarle? Siete semanas y Wl d!a. Y acabara de labrarle para en ca del rey se iba. -Tom!, senor, este manto que a vos se vos merec!a. -Quedate aqu{, Espinelo, qu9date a almorzar un d!a. -No puedo, mi senor rey, que yo malo me sent!a. Mandara haferle la cama, la cama de enfermer!a; mandara por los doctores, dutores de toda Espaiia. Unos le miran el pulso, otros le miran las aguas. Todos dicen a una voz: -Espinel no tiene nada. LEn que d{a naciste, Espinel, en qued.!a nacer!as?

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CREACIOHPOETICAEN TRES VERSIONESSEPARD{ESDBL ROIWICEDE ESPINELO Oro Anahory Lihrowicz,

Vieux-Montreal

College

en Caracu, Venezuela, Durante dos breves encuestaa romanc.laticaa en junio de 1972 y enero de 1981, tuve la • uerte de recoger, entre otros muchos rONDces cantadoa por aefard!es de origen 11arroqu!, el de Espinelo,luno de los mis raros de la tradici6n judeo-esp&nola, encahezado por los rar!simoa versos de Abenaaar.2 El teaa folklorico del poema--la aadre que abandona a uno de sus mellizoa por considerar el doble parto como una deshonra--pierde vitalidad como tema central en nueatraa versiones.3 Sin embargo, otros motivoa po8ticos cobran intenaidad con bastante acierto art!atico--el motivo del manto bordado por Eapinelo 4 y el signo en que nace el beroe. servir!a para identificar al protagonista, El aanto, que originalmente pierde au funcion prictica y, C01D0 tal, aauaa un valor puramente estitico. Nuestras tres versiones, incluao la masestropeada (C), se eSlleran en detallar la confeccion del maravilloso manto yen identificar a sus artesanos.5 Pero el IIOtivo que, a mi parecer, domina la materia y la orientacion p0eticas de Espinelo es la seiial en la que nace el heroe, motivo de difusion pan-europea. Tanto en la antiguedad grecolatina como en la Espana medieval y renacentista, el h•froe nace bajo un signo o wia estxella. Entre los sefard!es, esta creencia corresponder!a al sinnan, 6 y el de Espinelo es, sin duda alguna, un "buen simman". Ya en el texto antiguo de Primavera, Espinelo se destaca por la excelencia de su signo.7 Tanto Abenimar como Espinelo nacen en Wl dia en que "'grandes senales hab!a: 8 Por si esto // eataba la mar en calma, / la luna estaba crecida'". fuera poco, se aiiade que Espinelo no naci6 en San Juan ni en la Pascua d!as nefastoa, enque nose Florida, que, en la tradici6n, representan debe concebir criatura.9 de Espinelo y Abenamar, que debe ser As! es que la contaminaci6n bastante antigua, emana del signo de excelencia en que nacen los dos protagonistas. Adamis, ya en la version de Espinelo en Primavera interviene el elemento morisco, annque en un plano secundario.10 Yen las versiones marroqu!es, Espinelo pasa a ser "'hijo de un moro / de nna cristiana cautiva'" (v. 6, cODlUJla las versiones A, By C). 11 A partir de este verso desgastado, propio de los rODIAnces de-cautivos y que pudiera referirse a Espinelo o Abenimar,12 se integran de manera ejemplar los dos textos para venir a constituir el ny5vo romance mixto, tal como se conoce hoy d!a en las mejores versiones. Por ultimo, cabe mencionar la presencia en nuestra versi6n A de los vv. 19-23 tomados indudablemente de La muerte del pr!ncipe don Juan. 14 En efecto, la asonancia de a-a de los vv. 21 a 23 desentona con el resto del poema y revela el caracter extraneo de este pasaje. Sin embargo, lo que a primera vista parece ser una vulgar contaminacion, podr!a indicar la antigiiedad y el conservatismo de la tradicion judeomarroqu!. Estos versos, aunque tomados de otro romance, recuerdan el

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l,Si naciste en San Juan, o en la -Ni nae! yo en San Juan, ni en la Mi madre era la reina, la reina En mi.tad de SU reinado, mando a que el que tuviera mellizos que Quiso Dios y la fortuna • • • • Todos dicen a una voz: -El hijo

Pascua Florida? Pascua Florida. que aun todav!a. pregonar un dla a la mar le arrojar{a. • • • • • • • 1~ • • del rey era.-

4a: Lease •signo•. 6a: Variante •ray•. que ae trata de la reina. llb: Me explica mi infonaante llb: Mi informante aiiade qua •un moro le recogi6 en el mislOO - reino, le educ6 y enNiio a bordar". llh: Variante "la reina•.

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-Abeniaar,

5

10

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Abeniaar, 110ro de la morer!a, el d!a que tu naeiste, grandas aenales hab!a: estaba la mar en calma, la lwia eataba cracida. no debe decir 1M1Dt4ra. Moro queen tal siglo na.ca -Yo te la dire, Espinel, aunque 11& cueste la vida, porque soy hijo de un moro, de una criatiana cautiva. Cuando yo era chiquito, mi padre me lo dec:!a, que mentiras no dijera, que era grande villan!a.Un pregon pregono el rey I UD preg6n que as£ dec!a: -Todo hijo que naciera, a la mar lo echar!a.Quiso Dios y la fortuna, que la auerte cay6 en ella. de modo de una botella. Hicieran una cajita, Y ah! metiera a Espinel ya la mar lo echar!a. Yun manton labro Espinel, un manto a la aaravilla. Cuando acab6 de labrarle, a casa del rey •• irla. -Tomfiis, senora, este manto, bordado a maravilla. LLoque tard6 en labrarlo? Siete semanaa y un d!a. La gente que lo labraba tres doblas ganaba al d!a. Y el dla que no labraban, otras tantaa que perd!an. -l,Hijo de quien aoa Espinel, hijo de qui4n aer!as? -Mi madre era la reina, la reina que un todav{a. El d!a qua yo nae!, grandes senalea hab!a. Un preg6n pregon6 el rey, Y de ah! se conocieron la~; ~o~ ;u·hlj~.i 6 •

Lease "signo •. 18a: Variante "las cien damas que lo labran". 21b: 1"ase "aun•.

4a:

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-M>enfnn•, N>eefrnr... ac,ro de la ac,rer!a, el Ma qua tu naciate, grandea • enalea bab!a: estaba la aar en cal.Ila, la luna estaba crecida. Y ballbre que tal d!a nace, no debeis decir •ntira. -Ro voe la dire, Iii aeiior, aunqua aa cueate la vida, porque soy hijo da un moro, de una criatiana cautiva. Cuando yo niiio y IIUChacho, Iii madre • lo dec!a, qua no dijera aentiras, qua era grande villan[a.on aanto labro Espinel, Wl aanto a la 11111ravilla. Uta que ae quedo por labrarle? Siete l'eMMa y wi d{a. Y el 110ro que le labraba trea dohlaa gana en el d!a, la una por la lllllnana y la otra el medioclia, y la otra por la tarde, cuando el sol ya ae pon!a. on preg6n pregon6 el rey, un pregon que aa! dec.!a: 17

Ns) de la provincia de Albaceta, a lo• qua 4eben aitadirae unoa 15 de otru IDU una cancion Hfard! de Salonica (La pal0111ba). Bl total provincias, 77lde Albacete5 y 318 de de veraiones sobrepaaa 11111pliaaanteel aillar, diversu pmvinciaa, cui el 301 ban aido r9COCJidu por a!. -- en algunos casoa, ayudado por Iii aujer --, y el r•ato ae 4eben caai todaa a Ilia alU11DOa,cuya aportacion ha aide auy illlportante. Loa pwitoa explorado• en la provincia de Albacete - que comprende a 54 ayuntamientoa: eate 86111\UUcipio• - ucienden a 68, pertenecientes dato y lu cifru anterior•• testimonian que All>acete •• una 4e las provincias eapa&olu major conocidaa en cuanto a au Romancero, aunque no • ea rica en tanas raroa. Del re • to de Espana, utu\ representada• en mi coleccion lu aiguientea provinciaa:6 Alicante (una version), Avila u OViedo (4), Barcelona (1), Burgos (1), caceres (41), cad.is (50), Ciudad Real (4), COrdoba (2), CUenca (71), Granada (4), Guadalajara (18), Jaen (17), La Coruiia (2), Madrid (3), Mal.&9a (8), Murcia (11), Salamanca (3), Toledo (62), Valencia (4), Valladolid (3) y Zamora o Murcia (1). No hay granc!ea rarezu en mi coleccion, • i bien no deben de • er corrientea alguno• temas que no he logrado identificar aun, como los albacetenses que titulo La buanaventura, Dolor de Cristo en la cruz y La Virgen recoge la sangre de cristo, as! come el tir'ifefto El--roirto de la alameda (relacionado con Preguntl .!!. hab!a .£!!!!_, !!. dijeron "Si, seftor"). Relativamente raros pueden conaiderarse Aliarda %!! alabancioso (solo o con Caatigo ~ sacristan, !:!, divina panadera, g_ reguftir, Conde Claros fraile), ~ regai\ar, ·~ !!!,! hierba (solo o con divez;,sas contami~ciones, come ~ infanta parida) y !!. prisionero (~-•> ; en caceres recogi. ~ mujar ~ pastor y ~ ~ comadres borrachas, y asimismo poseo dos versiones de !! f'jaro verde y una tarifefia de El soldado desenvuelto. Pero, cano ya dije en el art!culo ante• citado (pag. 443), mi colecci6n fomada principalmente por romances raligioaoa7 -- qua presentan numerosu contaminacionea y ..palmes -- e infantiles, utas dos clues paracen las m&8resistentes a la deaaparicio'n, y lo• primaros •• conservan en su mayor{a por utilizar•e C01D0 oraciones. A pe•ar de todo, creo que la coleccion es intereaante, y abrigo la esperanza de qua la parte albacetense pueda publicarse dentro de un par de aKos, con ello loa utudioaos podran conocer mejor una parte de nuestro Romancero traclicional.

••ta

NOTAS

1. Publicado en El Rcmancero ~: Historia, eomparati81110, Bibliograf!a cr!tica (Madrid-;- dtedra-Seminario Menfndez Pidal y Editorial Gredos, 1979), pp. 199-310; vid. tambian otro art!culo del mi.s1110 autor: "Recent Field Work on the Hispanic Ballad in Oral Tradition", en El Romancero hoy: Nuevaa Fronteras (Madrid: Catedra-Seminario Menendez Pidal y Editorial Gredoa, 1979), pp. 53-60. Sobre inveatigaciones posteriores, •Hispanic Ballad vid. el art!culo de S. G. Armistead, D. Catalan et al. Field Work During the SWIID8r of 1980", an !:!, COronica, (Fall 1980) , pp. 2936.

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2.

Publicado

en!!

Raaancero ~:

Nuevu Fronteru,

pp. 423-447.

3. En el art!culo des. G. Arllliatead y J. H. Silvenaan •Rcmancero Annali dell' Istituto Uniantiguo y moderno (Doa notas documentales)", varsitario orientale,16 (1974), 24S-259 (vid. pp. 252-259). 4. No contabilizo algunos dudosoa y loa rcmancea de ciego (pliegos sueltos mamorizados • in indicios de tradicionalizacion), oracionea, canvillancicos, etc., que aparecen cui aiempr• con loa ciones popularu, cuando ae buscan estos. romances tradicionales mas amplio -- el Romancerillo de Mila y -- •• el Ranancero popular ~ !!, Montafta, de J. M!.de Coaa!o y T. Maza Solano: 530 versionea de 161 temas, algunoa no romances. Tengase en cuenta que, ademas de mis materiales, existen al menos 276 versiones ineditas de Albacete, conaervadaa en el Archivo Menendez Pidal, qua anaden a mi cosecha albacetenae una docena de temas y algunaa combinaciones o empalmes.

~

5.

El Romancero provincial

!!2!:, 2, la maranuela son regionales

6. Aiiadanae 4 ain lugar y 3 de Andaluc!a • in lugar. El total puntos exploradoa fuera de la pzovincia de Albacete asciende a 64.

de

7. Entre elloa, al menos 8 , 110nranancea profanes vueltos a lo di, vino. Quiza no carezca de interes senalar que casi la mitad de las versiones corresponden a aolamante W'la veintena de romance •, que enumero a continuacion (no praguntamos por algunos quiza corrientes aobre todo infantile& come Carabi, ~ Mant>ru, ~ pastor&, etc.): Tamar I. Amnon (25 veraiones albacetenas/13 de otras provincias), ~hermana ~!!:!!. (21/17) 1 La doncella guerrera (27/6), Delgadina (23/9), ~!!!!_ suegra (23/9), ~ sefias ~ marido(-i, (20/9), Conde Nifto (22/6), !:!. fe ~ ciego (11/15), !!, quintado (15/8), Jesucristo I.!!. iiicrldulo ,re productive view, perhaps, would be to see in the text a genuine innovation in the fictional world: the introduction of the confessional mode. This is brought about in turn, in large part, by the opening up of the dramatic fictional present through expansion into a narrated fictional past through the device of memory (so nicely delineated by Dorothy Sherman Severin). What forces the difficulty for the critic of genre is that in the passage from present to past, the reader/listener recedes from the foregrowid, his focus is altered and an alienation or distancing occurs. The point was illustrated through a discussion of Celestina's recollection of her former associate Claudina, Parmeno's mother. Theodore s. Beardsley, Jr. (The Hispanic Society of America) followed with "The Antwerp Editions of La Celestina (1539-1601)." In this entertaining exposition, the audience was treated to some deft analysis in microcosm of various aspects of the Spanish book in the sixteenth century as well as of the Celestina text tradition. The Lowlands editions witness a reduction in size (all the way to duodecimo), a shift from Gothic to Roman type (with a few exceptions), and an elimination of illustrations (a "pernicious change;• in the speaker's words). They--there are seven in all--represent a large proportion of the Celestina editions in that century and only the editions printed at Seville and Venice are in the same class. Careful analysis of the

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specific content of each of these Lowlands editions will provide clues important to the further clarification of the fortwies of the Celestina in the sixteenth century. [Beardsley's study has since been published: Celestinesca, 5, No. l (1981), 7-11.) presentations: Richard The program concluded with the following "A Note on the Biography of Juan del Encina"; Sherr (Smith College), Dramaturgic Edward M. Malinak (Nazareth College), "Torres Naharro's Contributions to the Spanish Theater"; and Antony van Beysterveldt in Spain's Pre(Bowling Green), "The Hampered Process of Secularization Renaissance Literature." The well attended Medieval Literature section featured six presentations. Pilar Liria (Oklahoma), with the aid of color slides, illustrated the striking parallels between the description of the months in ins. Isidoro de Leon." "El libro de Alexandre and the Paintings Raising the possibility that the latter (produced between 1175 and 1180) may have influenced the former (dated 1249), she pointed out that other known iconographic representations of the months were either quite different later than the Alexandre or, being based on the zodiac, Since Leonwas an important point on the pilin style and content. grimage route to Santiago, and since the author of the Alexandre may have been Leonese (as Menendez Pidal suggested), it is probably safe to say that the camino de Santiago was the true source of the representation of the months in both the artistic monuments studied. John Steven Geary (Colorado, Boulder), following Joseph J. Duggan's lead, examined "The Formulaic Element of the Poema de Fernan Gonzalez." The handout that he distributed provided an introduction to between the central text the methodology employed, allowed comparisons and others (notably PMC and ·MR), and demonstrated that PFG could have borrowed heavily froiiia' primitive oral cantar. The proof adduced for this hypothesis was the portion of the poem devoted to the battle of Hacinas. Here (stanzas 484-95) we find the poem's heaviest formulaic 25\ (compared to 17\ overall, and to the 14\ of MR). In addidensity, tion, there is a unique case in PFG of the repetition of asingle many times in the same scene (stanzas formula (fazer grand mortandat) 499-502, 514, 529, 556), somethir. that is characteristic of oral poetry, whereas minimal repetition is the rule for PMC, MR, and PFG. (SONY, Albany), in an effortto show that Colbert I. Nepaulsingh medieval writers were above all menestrales, dealt with the topic "Books on a String: Notes on Medieval Spanish Literary Composition ... These literary craftsmen were, in effect, stringing beads, concocting the figural equivalent of those artifacts that had long been univer'11le medieval sally employed both for coWlting and for praying. rosarium (ancestor of the modern rosary, whose form was codified by the Dominicans in the sixteenth century) was one of the structural models for medieval authors, whether it took the appearance of a rose garland or garden or of a string of beads. Its companion, the Psalter their other compositional inspira(consisting of 150 hymns), provided tion. Concrete examples of the influence of this dual tradition were Milagros, and, more cited in the Cantigas de ~anta Maria, Berceo's

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surpriain9ly, in tba Poe11&de Nio Cid. The speaker indicated that these were only illustrative speciaena of a videapread phenoaenon. A bit of aagic with words vaa the theae in Edvard Urbina'• (Saginaw Valley State Coll •• Michigan) ·Now You see It, 110V You Don't: The Antithesis Corteza-Neollo in the Libro de buen aaor.• Juan Ruiz, who knew preciaely what he vu about, alcheaizes wordS and action• into a journey exploring the nature of folly, of wisdoa and of love. At the very .... ti.lie he turns an often paradoxical aixture of voice• and exinto a cobeaive literary dDcullent. The Arcbprieat'• warnings peri•ce• about the interpretation of the Lihro (a theaatic leitaotif), far frca alleqory, parohelping the ruder to underatand any posaible didactic diea inatead faailiar ••getical models. Through his use of parody he creat:ea, waing the baaic atructural and narrative ironies that give of a fixad aeanin9. Taken as a ori9iD to the Libre, only the illuaian whole, the Lihro'• overall atructure and creatiw will, u reflected in the written text evolved fraa perfonaance •text•,• •rvea the aelfand a beraeneutical journey: be recanaci01111 poet as both a apiritual aolves the body-aoul conflict and the reality-appearance • paradox through a pzoceN of ircmic 4iatancinCJ in which be ia both perfonar and intezpnter, actor and reader, protaganiat and author, victia and deliverar. 11arta ADIi Dia (Maryland) apoke on •Blrmlplea 26 and 431 Moral Axia of the 0ande Lacanor Storie •.• Tbe atoriea of the di•i•ian of the tree by 'ln&b aad Decei~ (no. 26) and of the deceit practiced by Evil over with tba full lmawlec!C)e and acqui•cence of Good, .. it tu.ma.out, Good) with ita happier ••Ung (no. 43) both illuatrate the idea that Good'• ~r ia in •c.toing good• and that Virtue i • it • awn reward. !'be behavioral IIDdel eJIIUl)lified in theae storie • i • at the heart of the aoral of the C0nde Lucanor. Richard P. Einkade (Connecticut), in •flle Literary IIDtifs of lledi.,,al Spani • h Iconography," provided a conci • e account of the •thodology and bihliOCJrapby that he and John Keller (Kentucky) are uain9 in their aabitioua ongoing study of the relationahip between art and literature in -dieval Spain (for a brief overview of the project, aee: •The 1979 South Atlantic ll0dern Language Convention,• Robert R. Stinaon, La eor6nica, 8 (1979-80), 56). With the use of bandouts with illustrafzoa northern Spain, literary aotifa froa tions of aany colmm capital• lives, the life of Cbarle1111gne, the list of the deadly sins, saints' the Bible, the zodiac and aytholOCJY were described and ccaaanted upon. The aearch ia on for cloM counterparts of specific narrative work• and iconographic (either antecedent or subsequent) representations aaaociated with tbelll. The Spani • h 5 Section (llixed Topic •, organized by John Lihani, Jtentucky, chaired by Donald R. Laraon, Ohio State) offered tvo papers of interest to aedievalista. First wu Mercedea Vidal Tibbits (Tulane), wbD offered in her •Mio Cid, bollbre beroico, y Beowulf,. heroe aobrehmlllDO• • detailed coapariaon of the trait• of each of these epic persanalitiea and of the actions each was called upon to deal with to atreN the eaaentially different epic intentions underlying the Northern and Southam traditions. Second was the informative survey

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provided by Juan Fernandez-Jimenez (Behrend College of Penn. State in his "La estructura del Siervo libre de amor y la cr!tica University) reciente." He showed that the differing approaches to the meaning of text (e.g., with a the work, its ambiguous status as an unfinished possible missing third part), and its utilization of a sentimental illustration of a variously interpreted chivalric episode as a possible message, all combine to make the Siervo a fascinating work to study. The clear conclusion of the survey was that much more remains to be said about the place of the Siervo in the evolution of the multiple literary currents in fifteenth-century Spain. Special events at the Conference included symposia on Chretien de Troyes and Martin Luther, several fine foreign films, and a student (in English translation) of Calder6n's Peor est& gue estaba, production which delighted a large Friday evening crowd. This is one meeting which seems to improve with age, and all signs are that it will continue to do so.

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1'holllaa A- Lathxop. '1'he holutian of Spaniah: An Int.roc!ucto9 Bi •torical Gr...ar. llewark, Delavan: Juan da la CUeata, 1980. xiii+ 172 pp.

Reviewed by Steven••

Dllorkin,

~ivar

• ity of Nicbigan

Lathzop ha • written the pnaant volume •to introduce the novice gr...arian to SOiie of the facts and problea • of the develophi • torical mant of Spanish and to prepare hill or her for a ac,re detailed study in the aaaterworka of Spanish historical graaaar• (x). He does not presuppose an tba part of the intended reader any knowledge of Latin or of the basic principle • of diachronic linguistics. Within this fruework, textbook. Lathrop has produced a useful introductory '1'he opening chapter outline • the main features of Latin phonology and inflectional 1110rpbology, includes 80118 observations on syntax, and describes how "Vulgar Latin" aw1t have differed froa the Classical nor11. Despite the aany valid critici&111 le~lled at the term for over a century (see now P. M. Lloyd's suney, !!!!,80 (1979), 110-122), the author followa tradition in labelling the source of the Rollllnce Language • a • •vulgar Latin," which he defines as "the spoken language of largely illiterate speaker • " (2, emphasis Lathrop's). Be unwittingly its chronological iJlprecisian by citing exaaple• of alleged illuatratee Vulgar Latin phenomena in written aources ranging fraa the coaadie• of Plautus to the Raichenau Glo • sea (ca. A.D. 800). Lathrop belie'Ns it unnecesaary in an ele-ntary textbook to diatingu.i • b by -ana of an uteriak hypothetical bases and pre • mptive interaadiate fora. The next two chapters aurwy tho• phonological and aorphological change • which are uaually treated in a cour• on Spaniah historical gr...ar. Since 1111nyof this work'• potential readan will have had no in Latin, the author should have gloa • ed the Latin bue • • In training tbi • way, th• atua.nt could gain a011e idea how lexical •anin9 bu chanqed through tiaa. Lathrop' a cc ntaries often take into account the findinga of racent xeNarch in Spanish diachronic pbonoloff and 1K>rpbology. SOIia of the author'• exaaples and explanatian• cto call for brief cnu. nUlllber of orally-tran • -itted PBCIIOLOGY.I 81a. A • ignificant with a e yielded • rather than ie, vitne •• c a e • p i t e Latin > ccfaped 'turf, gru •', f a e e > !!!.!, ••cliaent, dreg', f a e n u > heno 'hay', p r a e d a > prea 'booty', • a e t a > Nda ' • ilk', Tiii,. The reductian of OSp. -iello to -illo probably :re• ult • in large part froa the aodal pzovided by the dillinutift suffi•• -ico, -ino, -ito rather than fxa11 •th• •eew:lngly exce •• ive nUllber of vowe18oundain cloae proxillity", 1102. Unlike rapid u > raudo 'rapid, swift', aoat proparoxytonic adjective • in-id u failed to undergo syncope, > lilllpio 'clean', • u c i du 'juicy' e.g., 1 i • p i d u 'traneparent'

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> sucio 'dirty', discussed by Lathrop in a different context at I 108 1 I 115b. I doubt that the beginner would make much sense of Lathrop's explanation for the genesis of /&/ from OSp. /ts/; I 126a. Sp. agrio •sour' does not continue *I c re u, Late Latin a c r u (Cl. I c re) eventually gave way to agrio, coined within yielded OSp. ~,which Spanish, I 129. Pora different analysis of the fate of -d- in Bispanoof referring the reader to my "Phonotactic Romanca, I take the liberty 3 Awkwardness as an Impec:liaent to Sound Change," Forum Linguiaticm, 47-561 I 128b. Sp. sombrero 'hat' represents a Romance (1978-(80)), um b r i r i u, for formation rather than a descendant of •sub I 138b. Two of which the other Romance Languages offer no support, Gozar 'to enjoy' is a denominal verb the examples here are incorrect. from~< g au di u (which also cast off asp.~>, extracted agu.zar 'to aha~• goes back to •a c u t i i' r • +-a c ii t u, not I 142b. The diphthong of viejo 'old' may reflect a •a c ii di I: re; blend involving the progeny of vet u 1 u and OSp. viedro 'old' u; I 146. Is it necessary to posit a stage /uty/ in the

muito evolution /ult/> /uyt/ > /u!/, > mucho (the phonetic symbols are Lathrop's)? 11:>RPK>LOGY. I 168a. The development of ~ 'I' < e (g) o can be viewed in the wider context of the sound correspondence /EV/> /jl,/, discussed at length by Malkiel, RPh, 29 (1975-76), 435-soo, I 179. Why does Lathrop posit *d a o and •st a o to account for OSp. do, eat6, the forerunners of doy, estoy?; I 185. Disyllabic OSp. aeya I 188. 'termino(pres. subj. of seer) does not contain a triphthong, logical confusion appears to have cropped up when the author speaks of "Classical Latin future passive participles ••• alao called the GERUND", I 190b. For another genetic analysis of such OSp. imperfects as (el) comi,, parti,, sea Malkial, •Toward a Reconsideration of the Old BR,26 (1959), 435-4811 § 191b. The author Spanish Imperfect in !a-i,," thep0saible impact of the paradigm of dar should have mentionedhere on the rise of the OSp. preterite endings -iaaos, -ieatas, -ieron.-An Errata Sheet listing soae two dozen misprints,vhich might confuse the uninitiated reader,acoompanies the volume. Several other ii such slips have caught my eye: I 83a. r. Vulgar Latin stressed I 99a r. 1 it t er It u > letrado; I 113 r. • ii tu> audo and rug! tu> ruido; I 124c r. the b was thrown in contact with ad; I 125a r. •et u mi.ado, I 152d r~ Classical Latin fifth declension; I 165a no• tr a, v o st r a should be transcribed with an open stressed vowel. One facet of the Bibliography, which record• only a few standard •, manuals, and historical Latin, Romance, and Spanish dictionarie grammars, might mislead the neophyte. The listing of reprint editions of several important works could give the impression that they are of more recent vintage. P. Hanssen's respectable Gr-tica hist6rica de (a self-translation and revision of the 1910 la lengua caatellana German original) goes back to 1913; w. J. Entwistle's The Spanish Language ••• was published in 1936, R. Menendez Pidal' a venerable Manual de grmtica hist6rica espafiola underwent its definitive revision in 1941.

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Actual classroom experience provides the best measure of a textbook's value. Readers of La eor6nica who teach Spanish historical gramar should seriously consider trying out The EVolution of Spanish, a work froa which the beginner, with aome guidance, can benefit.

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MICROFICHERESEARCHTOOLSFOR THE S'ruDY OF OLD SPANISH ARTICLE LITERARYIIANUSCRIPTS: A REVIEW Steven D. Kirby Data-processing technology is increasingly being put to very good use in Old Spanish studies as I have reported in this journal: "Report from in two previous articles La Coronica, 5 (1976-77), 40-41 the Wisconsin Project," Texts: Present Status and "Concordances to Old~panlsb and Proposed Future Guidelines," La Coronica, 6 (1977-78), 38-40. The use of computers to generate indexes and referof these aweence concordances is an obvious application some technical capabilities.1 But computers can do more they than generate lists of words, or names or titles; have the capability of permitting storage and retrieval in page layout of each surviving usable form of the physical 11S studied and of providing comparative statistical analyses (concerning spelling, length and frequency) of the lexicon used in the works examined. The voluminousness of such computer output can rapidly exceed the limits of both manageability and affordability in the case of bulky works or of exhaustive analyses. For just such cases were microfiches invented. Present-day microfiches are printed directly from data stored on computer tape or disc; in this way there is no separate, intermediate photoreduction phase in fiche production. This direct-transfer process should guarantee very high-quality page images, even on high-density fiches. Two such research tools have been published to date in the among Old Spanish field and they merit wider circulation scholars than they have apparently received so far. The two works are, respectively, Rigo llignani and Mario A. Di Cesare, Ruiziana: Research llaterials for the Study of "Libro de Buen Amor" (Albany: SUNYPress71'9'TTY, 9 fiches, and Llciyd--xisteii"'and John Nitti, Concordances and Texts of the Royal Scriptorium Manuscripts of Alfonso X:-ei SabiO(llia'ison: Hispanic Seminary of Medlival StudTes~Ltd., 1978), 112 fiches.2 Since the respective aims different, my direct of these two works are considerably evaluation will be restricted to those characteristics in common; further remarks will be which the two exhibit offered as necessary on individual features distinctive to either work in particular.

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with simply locating each occurrence of a word by MS, folio, column, and line, thereby leaving it to the user to select his own context. This method is partly a consequence of the fact that this material is a core portion of the corpus for the forthcoming Dictionary of the fil S¥anieh Language (DOSL) which will be a citatloniI', not a de lnlng, lexicon. Aiiotlier reason for this arrangement is that it is much less easy to subdivide the running prose of Alfonso into manageable contextual phrases than it is to do so with Juan Ruiz's more consistent verse forms. At any rate, this unavoidable, though awkward, setup compels the researcher to have access to two separate, side-by-side fiche readers (one each for concordance and text) if be is to make efficient use of the information available. Otherwise he is bound to waste untold time in flipping back and forth between two kinds of fiches --· ·even with a dual-carriage reader. Unusual fatigue and proneness to error are sure to result if the scholar is reduced to using such an unhandy method of information retrieval. Researchers are clearly very fortunate that these comprehensive investigative tools exist to facilitate the study of two such monumental writers of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, respectively, as Alfonso el Sabio and Juan Ruiz. Extra benefits accrue, however, to the purchasers of either or both of these sets. The Alfonsine corpus includes complete transcriptions of the Estoria de Ee£aiia (Primera cr6nica general), General Eetoria part (w ose 1930 edition by Solailnde has long been out of print), General Estoria part IV (never before published), and the Libro dei saber de astrolog!a (unavailable for decades), among others, ailWith exhaustive concordances and other aids. Ruiziana provides, in addition to the basic features enumerated previously, a graphemic distribution analysis (e.g. of prefixes, suffixes, desinential endings, and the like) by MS (likely to interest students of word formation and etymology), a list of text words grouped by length (of use to editors who might know the number of letters in a MS gap), cross-reference lists of words after and before normalization by the editors, as well as before and after (of interest to students of orthography), a list of words containing enclitics (useful in studies of historical syntax), a comparative vocabulary of the MSS (of use to editors and to scholars studying the author's revision), and lists of unique words by MS (of particular interest to lexicographers), as well as a dubious list of words capitalized in the USS (revealingly dominated by such unimportant cases as ! and !:, • !!:=_).

r

while

All of this information is a bonanza to scholars and, not exactly inexpensive, both publications are real

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Both fiche sets under review offer complete, semias well paleographic transcriptions of the MSS treated, as a concordance to each text supplemented by a reverseword list and the usual word-frequency lists. alphabetical Transcriptions are adequate in both cases, though the editors of Ruiziana experienced some difficulty with the sibilants written as sigmas in the MSS (notably Gayoso and Salamanca) and settled on representing them as a small z which can jolt the researcher who encounters the odd- looking word z·obacoz ( sobacos). Concordances in both sets are exhaustive, allowing no omission of high-frequency words, a most welcome feature. Each work's reverse-alphabetical word list should interest researchers studying rime as well as philologists who occasionally need to restore a word whose final letters have survived without the initial syllable(s). The customary word-frequency lists can help indicate habits of diction or lexical preferences in these authors that might otherwise go unnoticed. In short, both of these works deserve high marks, in these fundamental areas, for their adherence to standards which should become international norms in publications of this kind, as I recommended in 1977. But even these four basic elements reveal differences of plan and method between the two projects. For instance, a synoptical, line-by-line text of all · R11i·z·ia·na provides three Mss in lieu of a comfortable reading text. In this way it serves a valuable supplement to the Criado/Naylor (1965; stanza-by-stanza synoptical paleographic edition revised 1972) for purposes of collation, studies of verse structure and the like. co·n·cordances and Texts, on the other hand, preserves as closely as possible the exact page-for-page layout of the original MSS, including bracketed notations indicating the location and size of initials, illuminations, miniatures, diagrams, and symbols, as well as catchwords and other significant textual details. All of this material should be helpful to those who study medieval book production or medieval art, or both. Like its text, Rui·zi·ana' s concordance cabulary each combine the composite lexicon known MSS into one merged list, though the lists are broken down by MS. co·ncord ·ances vides separate such features (concordance, ulary, frequency lists) for each individual merging them into one summary concordance

and inverse voof the three word-frequency and Texts proinverse, vocabMS before at the end.

Even the respective concordances themselves differ. Rt1i·z1·ana' s is contextual in that it prints every occurrence of each key word together with the whole line in which it co·nc·orda·nc·es· !:!!,!! Texts has had to content itself occurs.

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bargains in terms of unit pricing. Ruiziana ($20 for nine fiches) provides the equivalent of 1,652 printed pages of material (maximum• 208 ·pages per fiche); the Alfonsine corpus (112 fiches at $100 per set for individuals, $150 for institutions) supplies the equivalent of 20,256 pages (maximum= 300 pages per fiche).3 By using the Mignani/Di Cesare/Jones Concordance to Juan Ruiz: Libro de Buen Amor SONYPress, 19717;iIIT.~ pp., $50)asn'orm it (Albany: is possible to calculate easily the theoretical bulk and price of these materials if they were issued in similar book form. Ruiziana would occupy five volumes and the set would be priced at nearly $250. Concordances and Texts would likely occupy sixty-two volumes(!) and have a price of almost $3,100. Even if two fiche pages could be accompage prices would still be unafmodated on each printed fordable. When seen from this perspective, the perceived awkwardness of having to use a fiche reader to retrieve this information is considerably diminished. While I remain in favor of traditional books, no user can fail to appreciate the compactness and portability of these reference tools. Both fit comfortably into a conventional briefcase (with much room left over) and they require little shelf space for storage. The fiches can also be stored in standard 4 x 6 index-card files if one favors this arrangement. Aside from some relative inconvenience, the chief drawback to the use of microfiches is the inevitable eye fatigue (and consequent headaches) that comes from poring over pages which are luminous. Eyestrain, together with the fixed (upright) reading angle, limits productive reading and study time considerably. That both of these microfiche publications are highly useful for a variety of tasks should be obvious. Textual criticism (including editing), linguistic, syntactical and lexicographical research as well as literary analysis and criticism can all benefit importantly from the careful and thorough use of these reference tools. Rigo Mignani and Mario A. Di Cesare deserve the gratitude of Libro de buen ·amor scholars for this important work, the first oTirsluiia in the Old Spanish field. Even greater thanks (because of the magnitude of the project) are due Lloyd A. Kasten, John J. Nitti and their collaborators for the Alfonsine corpus as well as for all their desvelos on behalf of the forthcoming medieval Spanish dictionary. Their work is proving useful to other editors as is demonstrated by the fact that a set of the Alfonsine Lapid·ario concordance fiches were included as a supplement to the recent Diman/Winget edition of that treatise (cited in note 1).

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Furthermore, Nitti, Kasten and their collaborator, Jean Anderson, have announced the publication of Complete Concordances and Texts of the Fourteenth-Century AragoneBe ManuscriptSOf Juan Feriiaridez de Heredia, with characteristics and formit9Tientical to tDOse of the Alfonsine corpus here reviewed, for autumn 1981. It promises to be yet another indispensable tool. In short, the computer (with human guidance, of course) bas done some wonderful things for those of us who labor in the Old Spanish field. Still more remains in the offing. 4 Probably the most fascinating aspect of this whole technology is that it constitutes, in my view, the second great cultural (literary) revolution of history. The first was, of course, movable type; now there is computer output on mircofiche (COM) which is what is described above. H.J. Cbaytor once wrote an outstanding book titled From Script to Print; were he alive today he might composec5iie called "'Jrom Script to Microfiche" or even, perhaps, "From Script to Cybernetics." At any rate, it is pleasant to speculate that Alfonso el Sabio might be pleased to learn that his careful and stylish castellano drecho is now preserved in computer memory banks and on fiches. Juan Ruiz, too, might approve of this new form of immortality though he could feel the need to alter bis famous invitation/injunction (st. 1629ab) to read something like this: "Qualquier omne qu'esto lea, si bien ~rogramar sopiere, / pu8delo as{ grabar e conservar, si qu slere." NOTES 1. The indexing and bibliographical-listing functions have been particularly exploited in recent years as is evidenced by the following items: Bibliography of Old Spanish et Texts: Literary Texts, Edition 2, ed. AnthonYCardenas, al. (Madison: H.s.M.s., 1977);-Jacqueline Steunou and Lothar Knapp, Bibliograf!a de los cancioneros castellanos (Paris:~.N.R.S., 1975-78); Brian del siglo XV, 2 vols. lrutton basreported twice on the forthcoming "Catalogo/Indice de los Cancioneros del Siglo XV: that he and his collaborators are preparing with the aid of computers (La Cor6n·ica, 6 /1977-78/, 104-08 and La Cor6nica, 8 /197nf-80/, 113-25). Computer typesetting (phot"ocomposition) capabilities have been used on the Cardenas Bibliography, cited above, as· well as on Roger D. Tinnell 1 s An Annotated Discography of Music in Spain before 1650, L. W. Winget and R. C.~iman's edition of the AlfonsineLaBidario, and John J. Nitti's edition of Heredia's Libro ~arco Polo (all three

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published lladison: B.S. • .s., 1980). Another recent work done with co~uter methods is Manuel Alvar Ezquerra, Concordancias e I'ndices lexicos de la "Vida de San Ildefoiiio" (Milaga: Univ. de a,taga, 19lrn'):- Yet another useful work is Mary-Anne Vetterling's A Comfuterized Bibliograph1 for Juan Ruiz's Libro de buen imor Cambridge, i1: BrujerrrPress, 1981) which wasp'repared on a home computer.

nine fiches break down as follows: 2. Ruiziana'a text, one fiche; concordance, 4.5 fiches; inverse vocabulary, word frequencies and miscellaneous lists, 3.5 fiches. The Alfonsine Concordances and Texts set of 112 fiches devotes 33 of these to texts,714 to individual concordances and 15 to final sU111D&rylists. 3. Unit price differences between the two sets (Ruiziana • $2.22/fiche, $0.0121/page; Concordances and Texts a $0.89/fiche, $0.0049/page) are striking yet ias'ily explained by the fact that the Alfonsine corpus was published with the aid of a large NEB grant. But it is bard to understand why the publisher of Ruiziana supplies this valuable material in nothing but a cheap, flimsy paper sleeve. Concordances and Texts comes in two sturdy plastic binders In which each fiche bas its own protective plastic pouch, clearly a superior format. Moreover, Ruiziana's fiches have frequent annoying surface scratches which are inexcusable in microforms; the Alfonsine corpus is free of such flaws, a tribute to the Medieval Seminary's care in production and handling. 4. Brian Dutton's computerized Glossary/Concordance to his edition of Berceo's Obras Com¥letas will appear as part of the sixth and final volume o the series. Vetterling promises periodic updates to her bibliography on Juan Ruiz (cited in note 1). A French team of medievalists (including Lemartinel and Pellen) working with Jean Roudil continues to publish very worthwhile computer-based lexical studies in his Cabiers de Linguistigue Hispanique Medievale since 1976. And Joe Snoi plans to ring out a revised Cei-estina bibliography expanded to cover the years 1930-80 by using the Medieval Seminary's computer facilities in Madison. Other projects must surely be under way now also. Despite the inninent publication or completion of critical editions of Berceo (Dutton in Tamesis), Don Juan Manuel (Blecua in Gredos, 1982, the centennial year), and Rojas' La Celestina (Kelley and Scoles; Severin) there is an urgeiit need for scholars to have access to works comparable to the Alfonsine corpus herein examined for the full ranse of MSS and early imprints of the complete works of the former two authors and of all early primary texts of the latter work. At least so it seems to me.

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TEXTS

THE IOIAHCB "ATAL ANDADOHGARCU / POR UNASIERRA ADBLANTE• Harold G. Jones,

university

of Houston

Early manuscripts of romances viejos are extremely rare. until the sixteenth century these poeaa were not deemed worthy of transcription, being the entertainment, as the Marqu6s de Santillana noted, solely of "las gentes de baxa e servil condici6n.•l Even when the romance obtained acceptance among the literati and the nobility during the last quarter of the fifteenth century, the glossed or otherwise "improved" text was more appreciated than the romance viejo itself.2 Most early romances are known today because of their appearance in sixteenth-century cancioneros or pliegos aueltos, or because of their preservation in the oral tradition. Since a lack of early transcriptions has added to the difficulties of studying this complex art form, any discovery is to be welcomed by acholara. In the present instance we are fortunate to have a new text which is of considerable artistic merit. This version of "Atal anda don Garcia" vu copied during the second half of the fifteenth century. 'l'he text foxms part of a volume at the Vatican Library: codex ottoboniano 3324, which contains Pero L6pez de Ayala's Tratado de las aves de caza in a fifteenth-century hand. Thi • manuscript is not cited by modem bibliographers. It measure• 211/2 by 14 centimeters and is bound in a pasta binding dating from the second half of the eighteenth century. The first leaf was added at the time of binding. TVo vellwn leaves follow, containing scribbling and three prayers in Latin, as well as an erased inscription. The rest of the leaves are paper, foliated (2 blank), 1, (2), 1-73, (3 blank], (2 which have been removed and are now lost], [2], (1 added with the binding]. The Tratado de las aves de caza is found from the first numbered folio through folio 73, it is incanplete at the end. The first of the final two leaves of the original codex has a blank recto and its verso contains the rOIIIBDcein question, the second has a prescription in Spanish and a prayer in Latin on the recto, with a similar prescription and scribbling on the verso. The two hands which transcribed the ro11a11ce (22 veraea in the first hand and two more in the second) differ from other hands in the codex. A paleographic edition of the r01111nce ia in the appendix to this note. The known literary venions of "Atal anda don Garcia" are to be found in four pliegos sueltoe (n.d.) now located at the University of Prague (3) and in private hands (1) , 3 and in the cancionero de romances (Anvers, n.d., and Anvers, 1550) and the Silva de romances (Zaragoza, 1550). These versions differ only minimally am>ng themselves. Fortyeight verses in length, they tell of the desperate stratagems and ultimate ironic good fort\Dle of don Garcia in getting lifted a seven-

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year siege against his castle •. The new text i• an excellent exaJll)le of It is a deliberate trunwhat Rall6n Menendez Pidal termed fragaantiamo. cation of the longer poea which reaults in numarous modifications. Before considering these changes, I draw the reader's attention to the texts below. The new one is on the right. It has been DDdemized regarding abbreviations, orthography and punctuation, but errors have been preserwd (auch u in verse S, which reads "Contra Dioa vo• el cielo," perhaps for "Contra Dias voces al cielo•). The version on the left bu been taken from Antonio RodriguezMonino'a edition of the C&ncionero de romances (Anvers, 1550).4 It is reco,..nded that the longer text be read first. cancionero de romances Codex Ottoboniano 3324

Atalanda don Garcia por vna adarue adelante saetu de oro en la mano en la otra vn arco trae maldiziendo a la fortuna grandes querellas le dae crio me el rey de pequ~o hiw me dioa barragan dio me armas y cauallo por do todo hombre mas vale diera me a dona Maria por muger y por yguale diera me a cien donzellas para ella acolllpanare dio me el castillo de vruefta para con ella casare diera me cien caualleros para el castillo guardare

Atal anda don Garcia por una sierra adelante, saetica de oro an ma.no, en la otra \D'l arco trae. Contra Dios vos el cielo grandee querellas le dane: •cri6me el rey de pequeno en au palacio reale. Dierame armas y caballo por do todo hombre mas vale. Dierame a dona Maria por nnijer y por iguale. Diera las cien doncellas por a ella ac:ompaiiare. Di6rame los cien caballeros para con ellas casare.

arededor de una ciudade. Dierame el castillo de Urena por tenencia y por alcaide. Diiramelo por mi biene y tom6lo por mi male. basteciome le de vino baatecioma le de pane bastecio le de aqua dulce queen el castillo no la aye cercaron me lo lo• Moros

la maiiana de sant Iuane siete a.nos son passados el cerco no quieren quitare veo m:>rir a los mios no teniendo que les dar pongo loa por las almanas armados como se estan

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Cerca&> me la han lo• moros la maiiana de san Juana.

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porque pensuaen los Moros que podrian pelear en el castillo de Vruena no ay sino solo vn pan si le doy a los mis hijos la Iii auger qua harae silo COIDD aezquino los mios ae quexaran hizo al pan quatro peda90s y arrojolos al real el vn peda~ de aquellos a los pies del rey fue a dar Ala pesa a mis Moros Ala le quiera pesar de las sobras del castillo nos bastecen el real manda tocar los clarines y su cerco luego al~re. The shorter version has changed the setting from castle to mountain, and has eliminated the plot and the ironic unexpected "happy ending." By so doing it stresses the pathos of don Garcia's plight and introduces elements of mystery and fate. We do not know who don Garcia is, or why he is wandering in the mountain, though he seems to be hunting someone or something with a possibly magical, golden arrow. Rather than cursing Fortune, he is directing a more powerful complaint to God like some prophet of the Old Testament. Eq>hasis is placed on the anaphoric •dierame," and the climactic final verses 21-22--which do not form part of the longer version as preserved--are the perfect ending with their last anaphora and double for this dramatic soliloquy, antithesis di6ramelo / tomelo, por mi biene / por ai male. The reader, in his imagination, is left wonderwith the words "mi male" resonating ing about the nature of don Garcia's misfort\D'le, and about the events which await this driven and possibly accursed hero. Whom does he seek? Is he doomed to wander the wastes forever? Will he see his wife and vassals again if indeed they are still alive? Would they want to see him? I• don Garcia being p\Dlished for sins of coaaission or omission, or is he a hapless pawn of fate? Either way, the mythic theme of the fall from fortune is evoked. The final two verses added in a second hand show the writer's awareness of the longer version, but they detract fr0111the unity of the twenty-two-verse version. They provide answers to 1110atof the questions just posed and thus remove or mitigate the elements of aystery and fate. Once one knows that Moors have besieged don Garcia's castle, one can assmne that his grief is due to having surrendered. Such chagrin is certainly justified, but it is more prosaic than the unexplained grief example of of the shorter text. The added verses do provide a further the variability or amorphouaness of the traditional romance, but in this case, at least regarding literary value, it would be best not to take them into accoWtt.

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In brief, I believe that the naw,ahorter version is a better poea than the previously known text, though the latter is itself certainly an excellent poem.S The new romance shows many features of 8011119 of the fragmentism, with ex abrupto beginning and finest works of this genres truncated ending, reiteration, apostrophe, an unreal and imprecise atlDO&phere and an emotion-charged situation. The words of Menendez Pidal about the famous romance on Conde Arnaldos could be applied to the new text on don Garc!a as well: "la simple fragmentacion es un poderoso acto creador, desbordamiento de lirisn:, que infunde en los versos viejos una poesia nueva de incalculable virtualidad."6 APPENDIX A tal anda don garcia por vna fierra adelante Saetica doro en mano an la otra vn arco trae contra dios vos el cielo grandee ~rellas le dane palacio reale diera Cric:me el Rey de peqiiyo en Me armas y cauallo por do todo onbre mas vale Dierame a dona maria por muyer y por yguale Diera las C/ donzellas pora ella aconpanyRre [sic] diera Me los /C/ caualleros para con ellas ca.fare arede Dor dlD'la ciudade diera me el caftillo durenya Por tenencia y por alcayde diera melo por my Biene y tomelo por 1lf'J Male [2nd hand: ] Cerquado me la An an [sic] los moros la manyana de rant juhane

ru

NOTES

1. From "Proemio e carta que el marques de Santillana envio al conde Portugal con las obras suyas" (c. 1445-1449), cited by Ram6n destable Men6ndez Pidal, Romancero hisplnico (hispano-portugu&s, americano y sefard!): Teor1a e historia (Madrid: Espasa-calpe, 1953), II, 21. pp. 13-14 and 28-29. Men6ndez Pidal refers here to one 2. Ibid., romance copied from memory by Jaume de Olesa in 1421, and three more included by Juan Rodriguez del Padr6n an:>ng his own poems in the 1440 1 s. In the cancioneros up to and including the Cancionero general of 1511, only two other romances viejos without the "justification" of accompanying courtly glosses are to be found (in the Cancionero de Londrea, compiled between 1471 and 1500). 3. See Antonio Rodr1guez-Moftino, Diccionario de pliegos sueltos poeticos (siglo xvi) (Madrid: Castalia, 1970), nos. 21, 851, 1166 and 1174. 4. cancionero de romances (Anvers, 1550), ed. Antonio Rodr!guezMoftino (Madrid: Castalia, 1967), p. 301. 5. On the sources or antecedents of Don Garcia• s stratagems in the "Sources of the Spanish Ballad on longer poem, see Oliver M. Johnston, Don Garc{a," Revue Hispanique, 12 (1905), 281-98. 6. Men6ndez Pidal, I, 74.

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MISCELLANEA

THE 1981 KALAMAZOO CONGRESS:ABSTRACTSANDDISCUSSION TRISTAN STUDIES SYMPOSIUM:ABSTRACTS Courtesy

of Harvey L. Sharrer,

University

of california,

Santa Barbara

The following are the abstracts of papers given at the Tristan Studies Symposium on the medieval Prose Tristan in Spain held on May 9, 1981 at the sixteenth International Congress on Medieval Studies, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, Michigan. The symposium was organized by Merritt R. Blakeslee (Detroit Cowitry Day School). The session was presided over by Lewis A. M. Sumberg (Univ. of Tennessee at Chattanooga). THE SPANISH TRISTAN ROMANCES P. F. CaDJpa, University of Termessee

at Chattanooga

AD>ng the few ballads of the Breton cycle that have come to the Spanish Roma.ncero, there are four different versions of a Tristan romance. These ballads, all dating from the fifteenth to the sixteenth As Tristan lies centuries, relate King Mark's attack on Tristan. wowided kissing Iseut, their tears flow and a lily miraculously blooms. The incident so described with its four major variants does not appear in any of the versions or fragments of the Spanish Libro de Tristan. These ballads present us with another mystery of oral tradition. They prove the little known popularity of the Tristan legend in the Iberian tradition of prose sources. Peninsula in spite of the modest manuscript LETTERSIN THE HISPANIC PROSE TRISTAN TEXTS Harvey L. Sharrer, University of California, Santa Barbara

As Renee Curtis points out, the Prose Tristan contains letters written by different heroes and heroines which become progressively as if the enthusiasm of the author longer and more highly rhetorical And interpolations of addiof the romance grew with each new letter. tional letters at appropriate points in the narrative are to be found from Iseut the in later reworkings of the romance, among them a letter marriage to the other Blond to Tristan complaining of the latter's Iseut, Iseut of the White Hands.

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Six of the surviving nine Hispanic Prose Tristan texts include the Iseut letter, the earliest two sharing different but similar readings: the Catalan ms fragment of the Arxiu d'Andorra (second half of text of Vatican the fourteenth century) and the castilian-Aragonese MS. 6428 (late fourteenth or early fifteenth century). But in the later Spanish texts we observe significant changes. The Spanish imprints of the Tristin de Leonia (1501, 1528, 1534) and the recently discovered ms fragments of Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS. 22021 (early sixteenth century) contain very different versions of the letter, that of the fragments being even longer and more highly rhetorical. And the ms fragments reveal yet another letter, an equally long and rhetorical reply from Tristan to Iseut. This letter would of using the epistolary device to expand fit into the French pattern the romance, but it may be of Spanish invention, on the model of romances of the late fifteenth letters in the Spanish sentimental century. THE SENSE OF AN ENDING: THE TRISTANROMANCE IN SPAIN Dayle Seidenspinner-Niiiiez, University of California, Irvine

complete The 1501 imprint Tristan de Leonis (TL) is the earliest Tristan text in Spanish and is also related to two important earlier Tristan fragments. The author of the 1501 version was significantly influenced by Juan de Flores' Grimalte y Gradissa and five borrowings from the sentimental romance were interpolated in the final two chapwith ters of TL. By comparing the ending of TL (Chaps. lxxxii-iii) the French Prose Tristan and with the relevant Italian texts, it is possible to reconstruct the ending of the two earlier Tristan fragments. Once the structure of these fragments has been reconstructed, one may analyze the meaning of the Tristan romance which circulated in Spain during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and may assess the implication of TL's modified ending. AUTHORSHIPCONCEPTSPANEL: ABSTRACTSAND DISCUSSION Courtesy

of Marilyn

Olsen,

University

of Nebraska

"Concepts of Authorship in Medieval Spanish Letters, 1300-1450" was the title of a panel discussion held on May 9, 1981 and sponsored Intemaby the Medieval Association of the Midwe~t at the sixteenth tional Congress on Medieval Studies, Kalamazoo, Michigan. The meeting was organized and chaired by Professor Marilyn Olsen. Professor (SONY, Albany) was the discussant. The abstracts COlbert I. Nepaulsingh of the papers given and a very brief portion of the taped discussion follow.

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(SOme idea of the paper of Professor Reinaldo Ayerbe [Syracuse Univerin La sity] on Juan Manuel may be had from his proposal appearing Coronica, 9 (1980-81), 82.)

DISCUSSION PROF. NEPAULSINGH: Since I read in La Coronica the abstracts of at this meeting, I have been thinking of the papers to be delivered ways of focussing discussion around them. I decided to use as a focal point the classic work by E. R. CUrtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages. I can see now that this was a felicitous decision. You will see, perhaps, that a number of the key points that have been made so far, problems of collective versus individual authorship, commissions of stamp, personal devotion, even that beautiful point patrons, personal Steven's point about that Joe Snow made about Alfonso as architect, and pride, and Reinaldo's point about conciencia literary playfulness de clase,are touched upon in various sections of Curtius' book that deal with the topic that concerns us. For example, in chapter three, the sections "Curriculum Authors" and "Sententiae and Exempla" All of chapter sixteen, have a lot to do with what we are discussing. and particularly "The Book as Symbol," which I have quoted elsewhere, of the Medieval Poet," "The the excursuses "The Mode of Existence Poet's Divine Frenzy," "Poetry as Perpetuation," "Poetry as Entertainment," "Poetry and Scholasticism," and the "Poet's Pride" (a section that would interest Steven), all deal tangentially with how authors But the section of the book conceived of themselves and their craft. that deals most directly with our topic is the excursus entitled "Mention of the Author's Name in Medieval Literature." to castilian Of course, Curtius very rarely makes reference ideas from the latter excursus and letters, so I would like to extract see how they might or might not (and when they do not, even then they Curtius uses as are instructive) apply to the pap s we have heard. his point of departure a section uf a book by Julius Schwietering entitled "Veiled Expression of the Author's Name." Schwietering attributes complete suppression of the author's name to precepts which warn the writer against the sin of vanitas terrestris. If the author nevertheless gives his name, he does so, shows, "to gain forgiveneaa for his as Schwietering sins through the intercession of his hearers and readers," occasionally also because he at the same time gives the name of the person who coamissioned the work. Mention of the name without a prayer or a veiling modesty formula appears to be very rare in Middle High German literature. The twelfth and thirteenth cenfor ianortality of turies still lacked "any terminology

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the writer's name and illlperishability of poetic fame" (p. 16). Thia observation, which is true of Middle High German poetry, lllUSt not, however, be generalized. "In the Nor can I agree with H. WAlther, when he says: Middle Ages the individual personality was almost completely overshadowed by social rank ••• ; pride of authorship, which indissolubly connected the author's name with his poem, did not begin to flourish until the before then it occurs beginning of the Renaissance; only sporadically" (GGA (1932], 52). Clearing this matter up is not as superfluous as it might seem. It contributes to our knowledge of medieval man's conception of himself. (p. 515) Then Curtius goes on to show that in antiquity the epic poet omits his name "'because the poet merely reproduces what the Muses have told him concerning ancient things,'" but that in didactic poetry (Hesiod, names were clearly stated (p. 515). curtius concludes Theognis, Virgil) that "the model poets of Antiquity, then, appear to authorize both supand mention of the poet's name. As the texts cited by pression Schwietering show, giving the author's name is first prohibited in Christian times. But certainly not always and everywhere. Much that we call Christian is only monastic" (p. 515). remember that for Spain, for Castile, Curtius Now let us first the Jewish will not suffice. In order to attempt a thorough response, must also be examined in the conand the Arabic concepts of authorship text of Castilian letters. Nevertheless, let us begin with Curtius, pleading time or ignorance, or both, for the omission of the Jewish and Arabic elements, and let us see what answers might surface from our expert participants in response to the questions implied by Curtius' excursus. First let us restate the basic implication of Curtius' remarks as I see them. Curtius implies that most Christian writers (certainly not all) of the medieYal period might have omitted their names for fear of the sin of vanity, vanitas terrestris, unless they were writing a didactic work, mentioning their patrons, or appealing for intercession for their sins on the part of their readers and listeners, or unless they are exceptions to these generalities. NoW we can proceed with the questions for our participants in the context of the above premises. Perhaps we could start with Professor Ayerbe. Did Juan Manuel give us his name because he was writing works, because he was pleading for intercession, because he was didactic or because he forms an excepnot afraid of the sin vanitas terrestris, tion to these categories? the fact PROF. AYERBE: I think we have to take into consideration that Juan Manuel in one of his prologues says that he has been blamed for writing books and very proudly states: "I have spent my time writing them," so I don't know if it is humility or asking for mercy. There is that he has been put down because he spends time also the reference writing books •• ••

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PROF. KIRBY: Juan Manuel seems to have different attitudes toward his work depending on which prologue or editorial statement you read. I forget which of the writings it is, probably the Conde Lucanor, in which he talks about suggestions for salvation: "I am meeting my Christian obligations as a writer to show you the way by exempla," and yet there is always that overweening pride. There is that kind of ambivalence there. The man is saying, on the one hand: "I am a h\mble Christian showing you the way as best I can to save your soul," and on the other hand: "Don't tamper with my text." PROF. NEPAULSINGH: I think Ayerbe's answer also applies--that he is vainly conscious of his familia and of his clase so that I think this is where he might fit in that scheme. PROF. AYERBE: His references, for example, to his uncle and the literary ability of Alfonso is extraordinary in revealing how he literand going over his uncle's work. Then ally worked, in sunaarizing another interesting portion is about the salvation of the soul. Most of his works seem aimed at the education of the nobility because in the Libro del cavallero and the Libro de los estados he is sort of guiding that he was supposed to know about, e.g., the noble reader in matters military tactics, poetry, and the salvation of his soul. PROF. NEPAULSINGH: Well, Steve, did Juan Ruiz give us his name because he was writing a didactic work, because he was pleading for intercession, because he was not afraid of vanity, or because he was an exception? in the sense that he PROF.KIRBY: Well, I think he is an exception gave us a name which is more cryptic than his real name. I don't believe it's his real name. If it were, we would have other traces of him. PROF. NEPAULSINGH: so, then, why does he choose to remain anonymous? PROF. KIRBY: Getting precisely to your point, I think that he may be afraid perhaps of the vain impulse, which he very genuinely feels. In other words, he knows that he is being arrogant. I think I used a "The Archpriest was artistically serious to phrase like that before: the point of arrogance. " I don't :-.now whether there's any discovery there or not, but I think that's an important thing to keep in mind-that he is guilty of arrogance, literary pride if you will, and that may account, at least in part, for why he masked his identity so successfully. PROF. NEPAULSINGH: I think my second question would fit your response a little bit better than the first one. Joe, do I need to repeat the question? PROF. SNOW: No, actually you don't. I think the answer I would offer to the same series of questions is multifaceted as well. Obviously, it would have to be a little bit different, because I don't believe that Alfonso in fact, wrote all of these poems, as I've just tried to clarify.

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PROP. NEPAULSINGH: Let me just make one point, Joe, the question and collectivity. I liked your paper very much, but of individuality extent, a false question that we need I also see in it, to a certain not detain ourselves on too much. But let's use a contemporary example. Really, you know, we write books and we write articles, but really, in the same way that Alfonso was. The we're constructing an edifice work goes to five friends, who comment on it, six editors, who reject it, and when it finally appears, you know it appears with our name in the same sense that this building bears the name of the architect. The question of individual and collective authorship is neither new nor particularly profowid. I think we can still safely call him the author even though he was directing and editing. PROF. SNOW: I don't mean, or I didn't mean, to imply that I don't consider him to be the author. My opening statement, which I ought to repeat, was that I have not come here today to answer the question: "Did Alfonso X write the Cantigas de Santa Maria in the modern sense of the term, but in what sense did he write them?" The sense in which I think he was the author is that he was free to choose. I do think that the question of overweening pride is one here which Alfonso deals with as a literary problem all throughout the Cantigas. It's the centerpiece of an article I have in KRQ. Alfonso as an author realizes the problems inherent in this and there's a tremendous tension if you read the selected poems which tell the story of Alfonso. There is the idea that he is writing something which is vast, which is dedicated to the glory of Mary and for which he feels insufficient at times, but at other times there is meus cantares. He can call four hundred songs muito pocos and at the same time practically (in poems 400, 401, and in the poem: "Yes, I do deserve salvation." 402) tell Mary directly It's an expression of a tremendous didactic urge, the desire for salvation, but he's using this as well to stimulate other people to follow his example. He sees himself squarely in the middle of this work, but runs the risk constantly of overstepping the lines and placing himself too much in it. And I think that constantly he is putting himself in and drawing himself back in a very creative tension. In other words, I no longer see it as a collection of independent poems put together by an anthologist. On the contrary, Alfonso has a design which makes him the author in the same way that an architect is an author of a building and we are the inheritors of Western thought, and therefore the creators of multiple works every time we publish an article with our single name. I do define this as authorship and I quote myself at the end: "This idea of authorship is not new, but I think that we must return to it because we are getting too far away from it." PROF. NEPAULSINGH: Curtius also suggests that the tradition of using sententiae and exempla stems from the game of playing with "curriculum authors." For example, one person would start a quotation about a boring trip taken from soma author and the other person would as preaching have to complete it and so on. The use of quotations go back to Reinaldo again. Juan Manuel tools came later on. Now let's To what extent, if is fond both of the sententiae and of the exempla. any, is he affected by this tradition of sententiae and exempla as entertainment?

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PROF. AYERBE: I think the exempla are entertainment. The are the essence of the moralization that he is conveying. 3ententiae on the Conde Lucanor, pointed Joaquin Gimeno, in one of his articles out that the sententiae become the essence of the exempla. And here is something that I think is lacking in our criticism. We have to start exploring more comprehensively the literatura sapiencial--the Libro de los buenos proverbios and the Bocados de oro , for example. PROF. NEPAULSINGH: Steve, Juan Ruiz is also fond of the exempla and the sententiae. To what extent is he playing with them? And let me emphasize here that part where he invites people to add to his work. He qualifies that carefully, asking them to do so if they can, if they think they know how. PROF. KIRBY: Of course, I say that there is no evidence that anyone took that invitation seriously because there is no evidence involved in of any other hand in the Libro de buen amor being directly the text. But to get back to your original question, I don't think he does anything but play with the exempla and sententiae. And what he does is to take them out of their original context, the didactic works from which they proceeded, or out of the immediate context within the work. I don't think that the Archpriest ultimately takes didactics seriously at all. let's look at that. You call that PROF. NEPAULSINGH:All right, playfulness sinister and you say that the responsibility for the interpretation, good or bad, is the reader's. But, in fact, Juan Ruiz identifies himself in the text as a reader. He says that he is like all of the pecadores and he does not to any extent remove himself from the readers. He is in there with them. PROF. ICIRBYa But he is not interpreting his own book. He is a reader of the materials that he brought into his own book. He accepts no responsibility for the correct interpretation. PROF. NEPAULSI?«;H: I would say that he is as aware as Cervantes or Ununmo of being inserted in his own work. We are talking about concepts of authorship here and I find his concept of authorship as complex as any we can invent today. about his presence PROF. ICIRBY: Agreed, but again you are talking in the work, which I am not denying, but I am talking about him as, say, an assistant in the process of interpretation. We as modern writers, for better or worse, take some responsibility in order to make lucid to the readers. our ar(J\llents Are you talking PROF. NEPAULSINGH: Not at all, not at all. about creative authors? right now of the scholarly context. PROF. KIRBY: No. I'm talking PROF. NEPAULSINGH: We have to view this•• a creative work. PROF. JURBY: But I can't speak as a creative author, you see. about what creative PROF. NEPAULSINGH: You can speak about poetry, writings do. PROF. JURBY: Yes. PROF. NEPAULSINGH: And they do try to hide thelDSelves. They do not identify themselves with an art. Of course, that is precisely what Juan Ruiz is doing, and don't forget that he ia pleading for interce~sion from his readers.

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PROP. KIRBY1 Yes, he is. PROP. NEPAULSINGH: Joe, it is fair to say that Alfonso el Sabio seems to prefer folklore sources rather than leamed ones so that his exempla, even when they come frca Latin connections, have a vernacular flavor to thea. I speak of the refranes in the Cantigas rather than the sententiae. The examples are not of learned heroes but rather of ordinary people. Nevertheless, to what extent does Alfonso aee himself an author with the responsibility to entertain? PROP. SNes age mais quereu En todo

(No. 147) MEC 1023 B.

(No. 140) MEC 1023 B.

A Virgen

O

(No. 68) MEC 1023 B.

dos santos !oar fia

(No. (No.

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167)

(No. 136)

MEC 1023

MEC 1022

MEC

102 3 A.

A.

A.

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Santa

Maria pod'enfermos

Santa

Maria strela

do dia

Soltar

pode muit'agynna

Tantas

en Santa

Virgen

Santa

Maria

Maria

guarir (No.

(No.

21) MEC 1022 A.

100) MEC 1023 B.

(No. 176) MEC 1022 B. (No. 173) MEC 1022 A.

(No. 47) MEC 1023 A.

* John E. Keller very kindly allowed me to collect information from his personal copy of the facsimile edition. The two discs contained in the edition are MEC 1022 A & Band MEC 1023 A & B.

** The numerical listing of the cantigas recorded here is as follows: No. 1, 12, 21, 29, 34, 42, 47, SO, 68, 100, 111, 125, 127, 136, 140, 144, 147, 160, 167, 173, 176, 179, 183. For more recordings La Cor6nica, 5 (1976-77), and 8 (1979-80), 215-16.

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114

MEDIEVALIAFORDHAMENSIA Courtesy

of Joseph

Snow, University

of Georgia

The first issue of the Fordham University newsletter, Medievalia Fordhamensia (1, No. 1 [1981]), is an attempt to inform the Fordham community of events and activities of particular interest to medievalists, whether declared or secret. All are invited to make known to the Director of Medieval Studies any news that ought to be included in this communication in the future. Notices of lectures, conferences, programs, publications and so forth are solicited. Deo volente, Medievalia Fordhamensia will be issued each fall and spring. Medievalia Fordhamensia, and indeed all the labors of medieval studies at Fordham, are placed under the patronage of Alfonso X, el Sabio, the Learned, or the Wise, King of castile and Leon, 1252patrons of scholars in any age, 1284. One of the most distinguished about all branches of Alfonso X displayed a wide-ranging curiosity knowledge. Surrounding himself with a cosmopolitan band of scholars --Christians, Jews and Muslims--he directed the compilation of an These include the Estoria de Espaila, extraordinary variety of works. a general history of Spain from creation until his own time; the General estoria, an incomplete work, intended as a comprehensive history of the world; the Libros de astronomia, in which the astronomical knowledge of the East was disseminated in the West, and the Libra del fuero, a forerunner of the Siete partidas, a vast compilation of law and legal philosophy without parallel in Western Europe. In all of these works, as well as numerous others, he fostered the use of the vernacular as a means of making the wisdom of the ancients accessible to as broad a spectrum of the population as possible. He also founded a unique estudio general at Seville, where Arabic studies were given a prominent place. Withal that, Alfonso X was a polished poet in his own right, who, in his Cantigas de Santa Maria, recounting the miracles worked through the intercession of the Virgin Mary, ranged over the whole of human emotions and passions.

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DISSERTATION ABSTRACT

HELEN MCFIE. "THE MEDIEVALDEBATEBETWEENWINE AND WATER IN THE Ra-t.ANCELANGUAGES:TRADITION AND TRANSFORMATION." 204 pp. (Director: DISS. UNIV. OF PENNSYLVANIA1981. Samuel G. Armistead).

Ten poems based on the theme of the debate between Wine and Water remain extant in the Romance languages. Of these, two poems, dating back to the twelfth century, are in Latin: the Denudata Veritate and the Goliae Dialogus inter Aquam et Vinum. TWo are in del aqua y el vino, one of thP. Spanish: the Razon de amor y denuestos few examples of thirteenth-century Castilian lyric poetry, and the Pleyto del Agua con el Vino, a much later composition, preserved on an eighteenth-century broadside. In French there is the thirteenthcentury Desputoison du Vin et de l'Iaue, as well as the fifteenthor Debat du Vin et de l'Eaue. There are three Italian sixteenth-century forms preserved in fifteenthand sixteenth-century manuscripts and prints: version A, which bears the Latin Incepit Desputatio Aque et Vini in lieu of title; version B, the Historia della disputatione ~Vino e del'Acqua; and version-£, El Contrasto del'Acqua e del Vino. Finally, there exists a debate on the same topic in two Rheto-Romanic dialects, both of which are translations of a sixteenth-century German version found in a Niirnberg print of before 1529. The purpose of the present study is to establish the relationships among these poems and to discuss their merit as works of literature. Three of the poems can be seen to have a very close correspondence, and what may be considered the "central" tradition of the they constitute Wine and Water theme in the Romance languages: the Denudata Veritate, del agua y el vino, and the Debat du Vin the Razon de amor y denuestos et de l'Eaue. The Goliae Dialogus inter Aquam et Vinum, which leans heavily on scriptural references, is somewhat marginal to this tradition, as represented by the three poems just mentioned. The Desputoison du Vin et de l'Iaue, since it is principally a debate between different wines rather than a dispute between Wine and Water, also stands somewhat outside of the main tradition. The three Italian poems, all of which clearly belong to oral tradition, form a separate group though they poems. The Rheto-Romanic possess motifs in common with the principal text, since it is a translation from the German, is not really connecmay b". ted to the Romance tradition except insofar as the German tradition Of the ten poems, the Razon de amor y denuestos del agua y el vino the most interesting from a literary point of view, for is widoubtedly here the debate proper is prefaced by an extensive lyrical love poem, and the work offers a variety of interpretative possibilities. The attempts of scholars to interpret the text are analyzed, and the poem's debts to the goliardic, popular and courtly traditions are discussed. An edition of each of the poems is provided as well as that of a by JPan modern French song on the same theme, L'Eau et le Vin, recorded Boudet in Metz.

a

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REPORTFROMTHE SEMINARYOF MEDIEVALSPANISH STUDIES (University of Wisconsin-Madison, Summer 1981)*

Courtesy

of Dennis P. Seniff,

Michigan

State

University

Readers of La coronica (II, 1 /1973/, 3-9; III, 1 /1974/, 381 IV, 1 /1975/, 59-601 v-;-1 /1976/, 40-41; VI, 2 /1978/, 71-74; VII, 1 /1978/, 63-65; and VIII, 1 /1979/, 84-87) will be familiar with the history and scholarly activities of the University of Wisconsin-Madison'• Seminary of Medieval Spanish Studiea. During the Summer of 1981, many Hispanists visited the Seminary in order to benefit from its broad research and editing facilities, which either assisted them in planning new projects or expedited the canpletion of tasks already under way.

Newcomers this year to Madison were Professor Reinaldo AYERBE-CHAUX of Syracuse University, who is working on the Alfonsine Estoria de Espana and made use of the Seminary's microfilms and vocabularies, Professor Vivana BRODEYof Centre College of Kentucky, who is working on a paleocoplas de Mingo Revulgo based on a comparision of graphic edition of~ seven manuscripts and four editions; and Mme. Madeleine ROUGE-DITHIERof Louvain, a Hispanist and wife of the Belgian minister of education. Scholars who have a long-standing association with the Seminary and there this summer include Professor Anthony J. CARDENAS worked on projects who continued his transcription of the MSS of of Wichita State University, the Alfonsine Libro ~ saber ~ astrolog!a. Mrs. Beatrice COtCHEFF of Barcelona has for some time been working on a Bibliography£!_ Old Catalan Texts, and is now reaching a stage where the results can justifiably be published. Professor Robert A. MACDONALD of the University of Richmond has been preparing an edition of the Alfonsine Especulo de las leyes, which to the Siete paris now almost completed, he will then turn his attention tidas. Professor John MAIER of Bates College has, in collaboration with Professor Thomas SPACCARELLIof the University of the South, completed this summer an edition and study of El noble cuento ~ enperador Carlos Maynes ~ Rroma ! de la buena enperatris seuilla, ~ mugier. Professor Marilyn OLSENof the University of Nebraska-Lincoln has been working on an edition of the Caballero Zifar this sUll'lner, and will continue to do so during her leave of absence from Nebraska this fall. Professor Dennis P. SENIFF of Michigan State University used the interactive editing facilities of the Old Spanish Dictionary Project in order to complete the extensive text and introduction to his edition of the Libre de la monter!a, based on Escorial MS Y.II.191 this work is going through a final proofreading phase before its publication.

*I would like to thank Professor bulk of the information in this

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Preparing an annotated bibliography of Celestina Studies during the Joe SNCM of the University of Georgia; while past 50 years was Professor Professors Manuel and Aurora ALVARof the University of Malaga assisted in the continuing preparation of the Dictionary of the Old Spanish Language. by the Seminary staff toMuch effort this sunner has been directed ward the completion of the Texts and Concordances of the Aragonese Corpus editionoflS,ooo pages which of Juan Fernandez de Heredia, a microfiche this autumn. Another project is the edition of the will be published General Estoria v, in which the Seminary is collaborating with Dr. Wilof the University of Groningen, The Netherlands. helmina JONXIs-HENKF.MANs Frequent consultation has also taken place between the Seminary and The Hispanic Society of America, much of which is in connection with the preparation of the third edition of the Pibliography of Old Spanish Texts since the second edition. Another (BOOST), which has grown tremendously consulting project involves the Reichenberger bibliography of the comedia, which Professor Jose REGUEIROof the University of Pennsylvania, Managing F.ditor of the Hispanic Review, has been working on with the local assistance of computer prograaner James Gamage. Those wishing more information resources should contact Professor Spanish

Studies,

Madison, Wisconsin

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about the Seminary's projects and Lloyd A. Kasten, Seminary of Medieval Hall, The University of Wisconsin-Madison,

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ANNO{ ~NCEMENTS FORTHCOMING

MEETINGS

AND 3t=.JINJ4cR~

March 13-15, 1982, the Ur-.iversit:_.; 0f Let:-ds: t.lK third British feminar on Judeo-Spanish Studies. f'or furth~r information write:'.) Miss Penny Newman, Department of Spanish and Portuguese, The Unive:r.:::-ity of Leeds, Leeds L.S.::: 9JT, England. the Central Renaissance March 25-27, 1982, Wichita State Lniversity: Conference with the theme, "From Renaissance to Reformation." For further Deadline for receipt of papers is December, 1981. information regarding the submission of papers or the organizing J. K. Sowards, Chairman, Program of sessions, write to Professor Coltlllittee, c/o Department of History, Wichita State University, Wichita, KS 67208. May 6-9. 1982, Western Michigan University: the Tristan Studies Symposium to be held in conjunction with the seventeenth International Congress on Medieval Studies, Kalamazoo. Papers examining the Tristan legend from a literary-historical, semiotic, linguistic, musicological. or iconographic perspective are invited as are also papers adopting a comparatist or interdisciplinary point of view method_ Papers should be limited to or applying a recent critical twenty minutes in order to allow for questions and discussion. Each participant will be asked to prepare a 100-word summary of the paper. The summaries will be assembled, reproduced and distributed at the symposium. For further information write to Dr. Merritt R. Blakeslee, 22305 West Thirteen Mile Road, Birmingham, MI 48010.

July,

1982, Centre Culture! International de Cerisy-la-Salle: a ten-day international conference on narrative and the discourse of love. For further information write to Didier Coste, Murdoch University, 22, rue de Murdoch 6150, Western Australia, or Michel Zeraffd, Pomereu, 75016, Paris, France. thP tenth Congress of the 22-29, 1982, New York University: International Comparative Literature Association with thP themes, "General Problems of Literary Historytt and "Comparative Poetics." For the former, write to Professor Douwe W. Fokkema, Ramstraat 31, 3581 H.D. Utrecht, Netherlands, and for the latter, ProfeS$Or Claudio Guillen, Department of Comparative Literature, 401 Boylston Hall, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA 02138. For proposals for pPdaqogy, workshops and round tables on problems of methodology, translation, and theories of literature, write tn ProfPssor Daniel New York, NY 10003. Javitch, New York Pniverstt/,

August

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April

16-17, 1982. The university of the South, Swanee, Tenneaaee. The ninth annual SEIIAHDMEDIEVAL COLLOQUIUM will have the following themes aJRRENT NmlEVAL SCHOLARSHIP. HEW APPROACHES AND METHOOS. The featured • peakers will be Willibald Sauerlander, Director of the Inatitute for Art Hiatory in Munich and Vivian H. Green of Lincoln College, oxford. Of apecial interest to the program planner• ar• paper topic• dealing with the late • t opinions on all upecta of peninaular • cholarship. All work not previously presented or not being • ubmitted to other conferences The tiJN limit is 20 minute• and two doublewill b• considered. spaced typewritten copi .. of the C0111pletedpaper • hould be forwarded to the following address no later thdll January 15, 1982 (abatract.s cannot be considered): ERIC If. NAUiOR,Director, Medieval Colloquium, Dept. of Spanish, Univ. of The South, Swanee, TN 37375.

May 6-9, 1982. Weatern Michi9an Univeraity, two llfftinga to be held in conjunction with the • eventeenth annual Inter~nal Congreas on Medieval Studies, JCal••zoo, MI. There will be • ••ting of the Societe Ranceavala I AmericanCanadian Branch, and a • eriea of apecial aeasiona on the epic. The organizer of the latter ia Prof. Hana-Erich Jteller. If interested, contact him at the Dept. of Rcmance Languages, The Ohio State University, Colmabua, OHIO 43210. '!'he International Courtly Litara~ Society will alao ba aponaoring special H11aiona of open topica dealing with any upact of Por pzogram infonaation, contacts Prof. courtly literature. Merritt Blakeslee, Dept. of Franch 5 Italian, Tulane Univ., Nw Orleans, LA 70118. August 29-Septalll)er 4, 1982, l'Oniveraita 4i Padova, Italya the ninth Congreaa of the Societe Renceavala with the followInternational (a) levela of culture in the chaneona de 9eate, ing themua (b) French epic UM! non-French epic: contracts, derivations, de(c) th• relation between chansons de 9este and ramance viations, in the thirteenth century, and (d) Franco-Italian literature. Por further inother th .... may be treated by • pecial exception. foxmation wite to IX_. collgrea International Rencesvals, c/o Professor Alberto Limentani, Istituto di Filologia Neolatina, Facolta di Letter• dell' univeraita 4i Padova, via Beato Pellegrino, l, 35100 Padova, Italy, or Profuaor Robert F. Cook, Department of French Literature and General Linguistics, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, VA 22903.

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AClCIDILEDGIMBNS

Aa inccw1NJ editor of La Coronica, I would like to upreaa my gratitUIISe to Profesaor JCatbleell ICish for bar generosity in initiating• into the duties of editorship as well as for her ;racious hospitality during flf'/ stay in Greensboro last April. I am alao vreatly indebted to Prof•aor Joseph Snow, who 9eneroualy agreed to complete all the neceaaary work for the realization of the fall issue fran Septenber 15 on, which pendtted • to take my sabbatical leave during the fall quarter. J.M.

Ny thanks go to the ataff of the aecretarial pool of The University of the South for, without the willing aid provided, I should not have been able to 0011plete this issue while ••Y frcm my bollle inatitution. J.

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