Catalogus translationum et commentariorum: Mediaeval and Renaissance Latin translations and commentaries : annotated lists and guides., Vol. 4 2f75r835x

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
PREFACE, by F. Edward CRANZ (page IX)
PREFACE to Vol. I of CTC, by Paul Oskar KRISTELLER (page XIII)
BIBLIOGRAPHY and LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS (page XIX)
GREEK AUTHORS
Dioscorides, by John M. RIDDLE (North Carolina State University) (page 1)
Paulus Aegineta, by Eugene F. RICE, Jr. (Columbia University) (page 145)
LATIN AUTHORS
Ausonius, by Howard L. FELBER (Topeka, Kansas) and Sesto PRETE (University of Kansas) (page 193)
Cato Censor, by Virginia BROWN (Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, Toronto) (page 223)
Martialis, by Frank-Rutger HAUSMANN (University of Freiburg i. Br.) (page 249)
C. Plinius Secundus (Naturalis Historia), by Charles G. NAUERT, Jr. (University of Missouri-Columbia) (page 297)
Carmina Priapea, by Frank-Rutger HAUSMANN (page 423)
Varro, M. Terentius, by Virginia BROWN (page 451)
CORRIGENDA TO VOLUME III (page 500)
INDEX OF MANUSCRIPTS FOR VOLUME IV (page 501)
INDEX OF TRANSLATORS AND COMMENTATORS FOR VOLUME IV (page 509)
INDEX OF ANCIENT AUTHORS TREATED IN VOLUMES I-IV (page 517)
TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME I (page 519)
TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME II (page 521)
TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME III (page 523)

Citation preview

UNION ACADEMIQUE INTERNATIONALE

CATALOGUS TRANSLATIONUM ET COMMENTARIORUM: MEDIAEVAL AND RENAISSANCE LATIN TRANSLATIONS AND COMMENTARIES ANNOTATED LISTS AND GUIDES

VOLUME IV

EDITOR IN CHIEF,

F. EDWARD CRANZ ASSOCIATE EDITOR,

PAUL OSKAR KRISTELLER

THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS WASHINGTON, D.C. _ 1980

’

CATALOGUS TRANSLATIONUM ET COMMENTARIORUM MEDIAEVAL AND RENAISSANCE LATIN TRANSLATIONS AND COMMENTARIES

VOLUME IV

MEDIAEVAL AND RENAISSANCE LATIN TRANSLATIONS AND COMMENTARIES Executive Committee L. BRADNER, Brown University

V. Brown, Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, Toronto W. V. CLausen, Harvard University F. E. Cranz, Connecticut College T. P. Hatton, Catholic University of America J. Hutton, Cornell University P. O. KRISTELLER, Columbia University

B. M. Marti, University of North Carolina Section Editors M. CLaGETT, Institute for Advanced Study W. V. CLAUSEN T. P. HALTON J. HUTTON

P. KiBre, The City University of New York P. QO. KRISTELLER

B. M. Martl R. P. Oxiver, University of Illinois

Other members of the Editorial Board R. J. Ctements, New York University J. R. STRAYER, Princeton University

R. D. Sweeney, Vanderbilt University C. R. THompson, University of Pennsylvania

International Committee G. BILLANovicH, Milan B. BiscHoFF, Munich

F. Biatr, Aarhus P. COURCELLE, Paris

F. E. CrRanz E. FRANCESCHINI, Milan

E. J. KENNEy, Cambridge R. KLiBANsky, Montreal

P. O. KRISTELLER , F. Masal, Brussels A. H. McDona _p, Perth, Australia G. VERBEKE, Louvain.

UNION ACADEMIQUE INTERNATIONALE

CATALOGUS TRANSLATIONUM ET COMMENTARIORUM: MEDIAEVAL AND RENAISSANCE

LATIN TRANSLATIONS AND COMMENTARIES ANNOTATED LISTS AND GUIDES

VOLUME IV

EDITOR IN CHIEF,

F. EDWARD CRANZ ASSOCIATE EDITOR,

PAUL OSKAR KRISTELLER

THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS WASHINGTON, D.C. 1980

©Copyright 1980 by

The Catholic University of America Press, Inc. All Rights Reserved Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data (Revised)

Kristeller, Paul Oskar, 1905 ed. Catalogus translationum et commentariorum.

Vol. 4. F. E. Cranz, editor-in-chief. At head of title: Union académique internationale. 1. Latin literature—Translations from Greek—Bibl. 2. Greek literature—Translations into Lat-

in—Bibl. 3. Classical licerature—Hist. & crit.—Bibl. I. International Union of Academies. II. Title. III. Title: Mediaeval and Renaissance Latin translations and commentaries.

Z7016.K96 016.88 60-4006 ISBN 0-8132-0547-6 (v. 4)

TO THE MEMORY OF

BERNARD M. PEEBLES (1906-1976) VALUED FRIEND AND COLLEAGUE

BLANK PAGE

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE, by F. Edward CRANZ IX PREFACE to Vol. I of CTC, by Paul Oskar KRISTELLER XIII

BIBLIOGRAPHY and LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS XIX GREEK AUTHORS

Dioscorides, by John M. Ripp.eE (North Carolina State University) 1 Paulus Aegineta, by Eugene F. Rice, Jr. (Columbia University) 145 LATIN AUTHORS

(University of Kansas) 193

Toronto) 223

Ausonius, by Howard L. FELBER (Topeka, Kansas) and Sesto PRETE

Cato Censor, by Virginia Brown (Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies,

Martialis, by Frank-Rutger HAUSMANN (University of Freiburg 1. Br.) 249

Missouri-Columbia) 297 Carmina Priapea, by Frank-Rutger HAUSMANN 423 C. Plinius Secundus (Naturalis Historia), by Charles G. NAUERT, Jr. (University of

Varro, M. Terentius, by Virginia BROWN 451

CORRIGENDA TO VOLUME ITI 500

INDEX OF MANUSCRIPTS FOR VOLUME IV 501 INDEX OF TRANSLATORS AND COMMENTATORS FOR VOLUME IV 509

INDEX OF ANCIENT AUTHORS TREATED IN VOLUMES I-IV 517

TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME I 519 TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME II 521 TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME III 523

BLANK PAGE

PREFACE

For the general aims of the Catalogus Translationum et Commentariorum the reader is referred to the Preface to Vol. I, by Paul Oskar Kristeller, which is reprinted below. The articles of the present volume do not reflect any special choice; as in the past we are simply publishing those which happen to be completed. We hope that the material here presented will not only throw additional light on some patterns of tradition already seen in earlier volumes but will also exhibit other Fortunae of different format.

Three Latin poets are included: Ausonius, the Carmina Priapea, and Martial. Ausonius was well known throughout the Middle Ages, but the transmission was fragmented, and there

are no known commentaries before the fourteenth century. In the cases of the Carmina Priapea and of Martial, however, there was little medieval tradition, and they were both ‘discovered’ by Boccaccio. For all three authors the commentaries may be grouped as usual into

an early Italian stage and a later one in which scholars from Northern Europe were pre-

dominant. Cato and Varro represent a somewhat different tradition. Their works De re rustica circulated within the corpus of the Scriptores rei rusticae; both authors were also important as test1-

monies to Latin usage, and Varro himself dealt directly with linguistic problems in his De lingua latina. As writers on agriculture, Cato and Varro were overshadowed during the Middle Ages by the more popular works of Columella and Palladius; both came back into prominence with the renewal of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. They were carefully studied during the early Renaissance, but the commentary tradition begins only in the middle of the

sixteenth century with Petrus Victorius. And while Cato and Varro continued to be used by agriculturalists, the commentary tradition of the De re rustica is dominated by philological and textual interests; we have no commentaries by farmer-scholars attempting to relate Cato and Varro to their own practical experience. Varro’s De lingua latina had a separate tradition from the De re rustica. It was little known in the Middle Ages, but the number of manuscripts and of early editions evidence an active interest in it during the Italian Renaissance. Pomponius Laetus prepared an edition c. 1471 and later commented on it. The next commentary, by Michael Bentinus, appeared at Basel in 1526, and there were six more commentaries in the later sixteenth century. The other three articles in the present volume are on Dioscorides, Paul of Aegina, and Pliny the Elder; those on Dioscorides and Pliny are by far the longest, and together they constitute roughly half the volume. None of the three authors falls within the primary area of humanist concern, but their Fortunae strikingly illustrate the importance of the humanists for the medical and encyclopedic traditions. To look at the Greek medical writers first, both Dioscorides and Paul of Aegina had an active tradition in Byzantium and exercised a significant influence among the Arabs. However, though both were translated into Latin during the late ancient period, the medieval Western tradition was very thin, and few manuscripts of the Old Latin translations survive (though a pseudonymous work of Dioscorides, the Ex herbis femininis, was more popular). There was only one medieval commentary, that of Petrus Padubanensis on the Latin Alphabetical Redaction of Dioscorides. The study of Dioscorides and Paul revived in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and the

context is humanist in the broad sense rather than medical. Hermolaus Barbarus, for exIX

PREFACE

ample, was the first to translate Dioscorides and to comment upon him; he did so as part of his general plan to make available in good Latin Aristotle and the other lights of Greek learning. Gulielmus Copus, whose translation of Book I of Paul of Aegina was published in 1511, regrets in his preface that medicine is now neglected by students of humane letters because it has been almost obliterated barbarorum faecibus; his intention 1s to make Paul and the other Greek medical writers accessible in good Latin so that they may take the place of the ‘most

barbarous’ writers to whom his contemporaries are addicted. About 1525 Euphrosynus Boninus sent what purported to be a complete translation of Paul to Pope Clement VII as part of a more ambitious plan, suggested to him by Clement himself before his elevation to the papacy, to put into Latin hitherto untranslated Greek works, especially medical ones. One may thus credit humanism with the restoration of Dioscorides and Paul to the Latin reading public and to doctors in particular, and from the prefaces to the translations and commentaries one can find good evidence for a ‘medical humanism’. Toward the middle of the six-

teenth century, however, the context begins to shift, and the scholarship on Dioscorides is drawn more and more into the contemporary medical and botanical traditions. The commentaries now emphasize questions of fact rather than of philology; the commentators are more often doctors and scientists interested in the content of Dioscorides rather than the earlier humanist scholars trying to establish and explain a Greek medical and scientific text. At the same time publication of Dioscorides gradually shifts from Latin into the many European vernaculars, and the most famous of all the commentaries, that of Petrus Andreas Matthiolus, appeared first in Italian in 1544 and only in 1554 in a Latin form. Thus in the Fortunae of Paul and of Dioscorides one sees the gradual movement of a modern science away from the context of Latin humanism and toward its own specialized tradition in the vernaculars. In the same period one also sees the increasing tendency of humanist scholarship to concentrate upon what served literary and historical purposes, particularly in relation to the Latin authors. In the case of Dioscorides, for example, there was a great Latin Opera omnia edition with commentary in 1598, but it had no successor and was not even reprinted during the following centuries, even though the publications of the De materia medica continued actively in vernacular translations. With the revival of scholarly study of Dioscorides in the early nineteenth century, one can almost speak of a ‘Renaissance’ which looks back to the sixteenth century across the ‘Dark Ages’ which succeeded it. The Fortuna of Pliny the Elder shares many features with those of Dioscorides and of Paul

of Aegina, but it also presents sharp contrasts. In the first place the Historia naturalis had a strong medieval tradition, and there was no need to ‘rediscover’ it. What the Renaissance brought, however, was a new philological interest, and this was particularly important in view of the bad state of the text of Pliny. As in the case of Dioscorides, Hermolaus Barbarus played a decisive role, and his Exercitationes Plinianae served the same general purpose as his trans-

lation and commentary of the De materia medica. It is well for us to remember his often quoted judgment that without Pliny ‘Latin scholarship could hardly exist’ (sine quo vix potest Latina res consistere). The commentary tradition is for Pliny roughly as extensive as for Dioscorides, and forty-six commentaries have survived on all or part of the Historia naturalis. The commentary tradition through the first decades of the sixteenth century is Italian, with very few exceptions. In the 1520’s the scene changes and thereafter, again with very few exceptions, the commentators are from Northern Europe. As in the case of Dioscorides, we find a shift after the middle of the sixteenth century to a greater interest in the things themselves discussed by Pliny in contrast to the earlier concentration upon a text to be illuminated by other texts. However, in contrast to Dioscorides, Pliny is in no way abandoned by Latin scholarship after 1600, and there are important editions and commentaries from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Admittedly the nineteenth century inaugurates a new epoch with its modern philoX

PREFACE

logy and its emphasis on the manuscripts, but there was no need for any such ‘Renaissance’ as occurred with the study of Dioscorides. a6 6 ok 2 KK

In conclusion it is a pleasure to thank those who have made this volume possible. The first place again belongs to Professor Kristeller who despite heavy other commitments has given unstintingly of his time and vast learning. As in the past, Leicester Bradner as Chairman of the Executive Committee has provided valuable advice and support. The Section Editors have again contributed largely to the excellence of what finally appears in the volume; Professors Marshall Clagett and James Hutton have in this instance borne exceptionally heavy burden in a most generous spirit. Finally, and in sadness, there is the debt of gratitude we all owe to Bernard M. Peebles, to whose memory the present volume is dedicated; up to the time of his tragic death in November, 1976 he played an active and helpful role in all our planning and doing; for a tribute to him, see Germain Marc’hadour, ‘‘In Memoriam Bernard Mann Peebles (d. 22 Nov. 1976)’, Moreana XIV, nos. 55-56 (1977) 79-88. We are grateful for the continuing support of the Union Academique Internationale, under whose auspices the Catalogus is published. The American Council of Learned Societies and, more recently, the National Endowment for the Humanities have provided the running expenses of the Project. We continue to be indebted to the scholarly bodies which have given their approval to the Catalogus: the Mediaeval Academy of America, the Modern Language Association of America, the American Philological Association, the Renaissance Society of America, the British Academy, the Academia Nazionale dei Liucei, the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, the Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, and the Unione Accademica Nazionale. Finally, we are indebted to the Catholic University of America Press for publishing this volume, like volumes II and III, without a subsidy. The Catalogus could not proceed without the help of countless libraries throughout the world, and we thank the many librarians who have so generously assisted us by providing books, by supplying microfilms and xeroxes of their holdings, and by answering questions about rare books and manuscripts in their charge. Special thanks are owed for the present volume to John B. Blake of the National Library of Medicine, to Ferenc Gyorgyey of the Historical Library of the Yale Medical Library, and to Helen K. Aitner and James MacDonald of the Connecticut College Library. Further instances of special help are acknowledged in the individual articles. Personally, I am indebted to Connecticut College for help over the years, and to the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, for the privilege of being a member there during the academic year 1976-77. ;

Connecticut College For the Executive Committee January, 1978 F. Edward Cranz

XI

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PREFACE TO VOLUME I

The present volume is the first of a series that will list and describe the Latin translations of ancient Greek authors and the Latin commentaries on ancient Latin (and Greek) authors up to the year 1600. The work is planned as a contribution to the history of classical scholarship. It is intended to illustrate the impact which the literary heritage of ancient Greece and Rome had upon the literature, learning, and thought of those long centuries of Western history

usually known as the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. During that whole period, the acquaintance with, and the gradual appropriation of, this ancient literary heritage played a much more central and more productive role than has been true in more recent times, although the approach to this ancient material may have been imperfect, uncritical, and often wrong by present scholarly standards. Hence it is important to ascertain how much the Middle Ages, how much the Renaissance, how much each century or generation within those larger periods actually knew of the ancient Greek and Latin literatures. The widespread debate about the relative extent and merits of classical learning during those centuries can be settled only by

a dispassionate, careful and critical stocktaking of the relevant textual, documentary or bibliographical evidence. We cannot merely examine such a vague and indistinct unit as ‘clas-

sical literature,’ but we must trace in detail the history and transmission of each ancient author, and of each of his writings. We must take ancient literature in the broadest possible sense, and include not merely the ‘classical’ authors of the earlier periods, but also their successors down to 600 A.D., and not only the poets and writers of literary prose, but also all authors, some of them obscure or anonymous, who wrote on philosophy or theology, on grammar or rhetoric, or on the various arts, sciences, or pseudo-sciences. All these subjects were to occupy an important place in the intellectual history of the later centuries, and they derived much of their subject matter, vocabulary, and method from the available ancient sources. Even within the area of poetry and belles-lettres, we must keep in mind that several authors now prominent were almost forgotten, and others now neglected occupied the center of attention. This fact will not disturb us, for we do not merely wish to find in the past the

antecedents for our own interests, but also to know and understand the past in its own interests where they were different from ours. Perhaps the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, in emphasizing certain aspects of ancient literature that have disappeared from the modern view, may even have grasped some authentic traits of antiquity. In other words, this work addresses itself to students of classical antiquity as well as of the Middle Ages and of the Renaissance, to historians of literature as well as to historians of theology, philosophy, the sciences,

and learning in general. Quite appropriately, scholars from all these fields have taken an active part in planning and carrying out this work. A complete study of classical scholarship during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, however, would include much material and many problems that are beyond the scope of our present undertaking, — e.g., the manuscript copies and printed editions in which a given text has been transmitted; the many short glosses and notes that were added to the text by the copyists,

editors, or readers of these manuscripts and printed editions; the many quotations from classical texts, direct or indirect, precise or distorted, that are found in the works of Mediaeval or Renaissance writers; finally, the vernacular translations of ancient texts that were produced with increasing frequency down to the sixteenth century, and that as far as the works of Greek XIII

PREFACE TO VOLUME I

authors were concerned were usually based on Latin translations. Without denying the importance of all these matters for a study of classical scholarship in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, we have singled out for our work two groups of material that are more limited,

but that occupy a central place in the transmission of ancient texts in the West: the Latin translations from the Greek, and the Latin commentaries on Greek, and especially on ancient Latin authors. The translations prove through their very existence that a given text was available at a given time, and through the number of manuscripts or editions, how widely it was available. During the period with which we are concerned, Greek was familiar to but a small group of Western scholars, a group that was almost negligible up to about 1400, and, despite

its general increase, was still limited between 1400 and 1600. On the other hand, the vernacular languages tended to expand during the later Middle Ages at the expense of Latin.

Nevertheless, up to the end of our period, Latin remained the language of the Western Church, of international scholarship, and of school and university instruction. Hence it is the Latin translation that made a Greek text available to the Western reader. The presence or absence, the rarity or frequency, finally, the relative merits of Latin translations determine and measure the degree to which a Greek author or a Greek text, whether great or small by our

standards, was able to influence, through its form and content, the readers, writers, and scholars of a given period.

The Latin commentaries have a similar importance, especially for the transmission of ancient Latin authors, for whom the problem of availability through translation did not exist. Here the question of availability is settled through the age, provenience, and frequency of extant manuscripts, through the testimony of old library catalogues, and later through the bibliography of printing. Yet the commentary proves through its very existence that a given

author or text was carefully read and studied at a given time and place and, in many instances, that such texts or authors were used as textbooks or readings in some school or university. For the commentary as a literary genre is the product of the class lecture, and in its form, method, and content, it discloses the intellectual interests of the commentator and his approach to this text. Commentaries often indicate the connections in which a given author was read or studied, that is, the branches of learning which he served to illustrate, and the other ancient or mediaeval authors associated with him. The study of the commentaries will thus throw much light upon the curricula of the schools and universities in which they originated. The list of commentaries should include the Latin commentaries on original Greek texts, as well as the commentaries on Latin translations of Greek texts. The former, which are rather scarce and largely limited to the sixteenth century, will be treated as a kind of appendix to our main material. The latter, on the other hand, would include such large bodies of material as

the commentaries on Scripture, on Aristotle, and on certain medical and mathematical authors, a kind of mass production which reflects the place of these texts in the curricula of the universities and other schools. Important as this is as a cultural fact integral to the purpose of our work, the inclusion of so extensive a body of specialized material would seriously distort

the perspective and balance at which we aim. It has therefore been decided to omit these groups of commentaries (as well as those on the Corpus Iuris), at least for the time being, although it is hoped that they may be listed and studied at some future date (the listing of the commentaries on Scripture has been carried almost to completion by F. Stegmueller in his Repertorium Biblicum Medii Aevi [5 vols. Madrid 1950-55]). The articles on these authors or subjects will therefore list their translations, but not their commentaries. Thus for two opposite reasons, commentaries on Greek authors will play a decidedly secondary role, and the lists of commentaries will primarily concern the articles on Latin authors. It may be objected that the mere listing and description of the Latin translations and commentaries is a very modest, pedestrian and, in a sense, bibliographical undertaking, and that

the real bearing of this material on the history of learning can become apparent only if the XIV.

PREFACE TO VOLUME I

texts are actually studied, analyzed, or even edited. We have no doubt that such further study is highly desirable, and we hope that many such studies may be stimulated by our work, and may be written by our contributors or by other scholars. Yet we feel that the collecting of the descriptive material is the necessary first step. This material in itself is sufficiently complex and voluminous to suggest that we concentrate our efforts for the time being on this more limited task. If the listing of Latin translations and commentaries seems to be an important desideratum of scholarship, one may wonder why it has not been filled long ago. As a matter of fact, there is a good deal of scattered information in older and more recent reference works or editions.

Latin translations of Greek texts that were made from the Arabic are listed by M. Steinschneider (‘Die europdischen Uebersetzungen aus dem Arabischen,’ Sitzungsberichte der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 149 [Vienna, 1904] and 151 [1905; reprinted Graz 1956]). Father J. T. Muckle published a preliminary list, entitled ‘Greek Works translated directly into Latin before 1350’ (Mediaeval Studies IV [1942] 33-42; V [1943] 102-114). Information on Latin translations of Greek patristic writings has been collected by G. Bardy (La question des langues dans I'Eglise ancienne | [Paris 1948)), and by A. Siegmund (Die Ueberlieferung der griechischen christlichen Literatur in der latetnischen Kirche bis zum zwolften Jahrhundert [Miinchen-Pasing 1949]). The need for more work in this area was emphasized by B. Altaner, who even refers to prewar plans for a Corpus of early Latin translations of Greek patristic writings (Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati I [1946] 519-520). These plans are now being carried out under the auspices of the Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften in Berlin (cf. J. Irmscher, Theologische Literaturzeitung 77 [1952] 52; 78

[1953] 126). The Corpus Platonicum Medii Aevi and the Aristoteles Latinus are both in process of publication, and will thoroughly cover the ground for Plato, Aristotle and their commentators, at least for the period to 1350 or 1400.

In our articles on these authors, we do not plan to duplicate these much more elaborate works, but shall refer to them directly for the material they cover, and supplement them in certain ways. The coordination between our work and these last two undertakings has been assured through the good offices of the Union Académique Internationale, and through arrangements made directly with Professor R. Klibansky for the Corpus Platonicum, and with Professors E. Franceschini and L. Minio-Paluello for the Aristoteles Latinus. Thus there is no

lack of partial contributions to our work, but there seems to be a need for a Corpus or Catalogus in which all known evidence will be assembled and critically sifted, and new evidence will be added as far as possible.

Our procedure is to give full information concerning Latin translations and commentaries down to 1600 A.D., but with only a summary account of such material as is easily available in recently printed works. We shall include the Latin translations and commentaries produced in antiquity and still extant, since they are few in number and will illustrate the relation between ancient and mediaeval learning. The list of translations will describe all Latin translations of

Greek authors who wrote before 600 A.D., including patristic writers, apocryphal works attributed to Greek authors, and Latin translations derived indirectly from the Greek, especially through the Arabic (the latter to be described in abbreviated form). It will exclude

translations of Byzantine writers. It will exclude for the present at least translations of scattered poems and prose sections that have been preserved in the original works of later , authors, but had no independent tradition before 1600. The list of translations will record all Latin translations made through 1600 A.D., and may go occasionally beyond that date. The list of commentaries will describe Latin commentaries on writers of Latin and Greek antiquity who wrote before 600 A.D. It will, however, exclude, for the present at least, com-

mentaries on Aristotle; on medical, legal, and canonistic works; on the Bible; and on mediaeval Latin authors. It will also exclude scattered, anonymous glosses, as well as miscelXV

PREFACE TO VOLUME I!

laneous observations on various ancient authors. It will record in greater detail the commentaries made through 1475 A.D., and give more abbreviated descriptions for those made from 1475 through 1600 A.D. The work will be arranged according to ancient authors. The successive volumes will include the articles completed at the time, and hence an alphabetical order cannot be adopted. To fa-

cilitate consultation, alphabetical indices of ancient authors will be added when necessary. Each article devoted to an ancient author will give for each of his works a chronological list of translations or of commentaries, numbered consecutively. For each translation or commentary, the entry will give the following information: name of translator or commentator (if known); date, place and circumstances of the composition of the translation or commentary; a list of all manuscript copies that can be located or used, with descriptive data and catalogue references; a list of all its printed editions, with bibliographical data; a list of all relevant scholarly literature; an incipit and explicit (15 to 20 words) of the dedication, preface, introduction, and main text of the translation or commentary. For each manuscript or edition, the contributor will indicate whether he has seen the book itself or a microfilm of it, or received information from somebody who saw it, or merely relied on printed secondary information. At the end of each description, there will be a short biographical note on the translator or commentator,

with bibliographical references.

As might be expected, the project had to overcome a number of difficulties. Some of them bring to light, or emphasize, certain inadequacies and omissions of recent scholarship. The

primary material on which the entire work rests, that is, manuscripts and early printed editions, is still difficult to control or to locate, as any worker in the field is bound to discover.

For many manuscript collections there are no printed catalogues, but merely handwritten inventories that have to be inspected on the spot. Of the available printed catalogues, many are extremely rare, and many are quite inadequate. Even the best catalogues do not always give the full information needed for our purpose. The situation is much better for incunabula, since most of them have been described and located. Yet even the best bibliographies of incunabula often fail to analyze the content of a composite edition, and thus leave many questions to be answered. As to the editions of the sixteenth century, the field is a bibliographical chaos except for England, and the task of assembling the necessary data becomes almost hopeless once the safe waters of the catalogues of the British Museum and Bibliothéque Nationale have been crossed. In gathering bio-bibliographical data on the translators and commentators, many of whom were relatively obscure, the standard works of reference turned out to be often useless or unreliable, and it was necessary to draw on the resources of local or regional scholarship, or on the products of eighteenth century erudition. Unexpected difficulties arose in the establishment of a list of ancient Greek and Latin authors that were available before 1600. Such a list was needed as a kind of ledger for our whole enterprise. The initial hope that we could rely for this purpose on the standard reference works of classical scholar-

ship turned out to be mistaken. Works now considered apocryphal or unimportant, but regarded before 1600 as authentic or significant, have often completely disappeared from modern editions or reference works, and their very existence must be recovered in earlier sources. It was for us a vital question to find out whether the works of an ancient author were preserved through direct transmission, and hence available to a translator or commentator before 1600, or whether they have been merely reconstructed in modern times out of fragments

and citations. Yet this difference often does not seem to concern the authors of modern

histories of ancient literature. At least in one instance the existence of a certain Greek text had to be ascertained with the help of a German school program of 1851, after Christ-Schmid and

Pauly-Wissowa had failed to answer the question. In all these ways, the project served to expose serious gaps and shortcomings in our present scholarly and bibliographical information

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— shortcomings that are often overlooked with an unjustified complacency, but that ought to be faced and as far as possible overcome.

Aside from the difficulties inherent in the nature of the material, there were a number of purely human ones. The project has received the generous help, not only of its contributors and editors, but also of many other scholars and librarians throughout the world, and it has obtained the approval of several great scholarly organizations and institutions. Yet it always had very limited financial resources, and very little clerical or bibliographical assistance. Most of the work had to be done by the editors in their spare time, or by volunteer helpers. Yet the editors have tried to encourage and help as best they could those contributors who were actively engaged in their work for the project. Some, but by no means all of these difficulties, were anticipated when the project was first started. The plan was initially proposed in 1945 in the Committee on Renaissance Studies of the American Council of Learned Societies, and Professor James Hutton and the writer were

delegated by that Committee to seek the opinion of a wider circle of scholars. As a result, a meeting to consider the project was held in New York on March 2-3, 1946, under the auspices of the American Council of Learned Societies. The scholars present at the meeting decided to adopt the project, and to form, along with a few others, its Editorial Board. They laid down the general lines for the organization of the project as a cooperative enterprise and elected an Executive Committee which has held regular meetings ever since, and has been in correspondence with the other editors. It also designated some of its members as section editors responsible for certain areas of the work. Of the original members of the Editorial Board, Professors R. V. Merrill and E. M. Sanford died, and their places were taken by Professors L. Bradner and R. P. Oliver. Of the original members of the Executive Committee, Professor P. Kibre

resigned, but retained her place on the Editorial Board. The following members of the Editorial Board have served as section editors: Hutton (literary translations to 1400); Kibre (scientific and pseudo-scientific translations to 1400); Kristeller (philosophical translations to (1400); McGuire (patristic translations to 1400); Lockwood (translations after 1400); Savage (commentaries to 1100); Marti (commentaries, 1100-1300); Sanford (succeeded by Oliver, commentaries, 1300-1600). The Executive Committee invited a large number of American and European scholars to collaborate on the project, and obtained from a good number of them promises to prepare articles dealing with specific Greek or Latin authors. After the preliminary Committee had obtained the official approval of the American Philological Association (1945), the Executive Committee also obtained that of the following organizations: Mediaeval Academy of America (1946), Modern Language Association of America (1947), British Academy (1947), Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei (1947), Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres (1948), American Council of Learned Societies (1950), Union Académique Internationale (1950), Renaissance Society of America (1954), Francis Bacon Foundation (1957). When the UAI adopted the

project as its enterprise No. XIV, an International Advisory Committee was added to the Editorial Board. Of the original members of the International Committee, Prof. R. A. B. Mynors subsequently resigned, and his place was taken by Prof. A. H. McDonald. Information on the project has been printed in the following publications: Progress of Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies in the United States and Canada; Renaissance News; Comptes Rendus de ['Union Académique Internationale. The following documents were prepared for the project and distributed in mimeographed form: Outline; Instructions; Bibliography; Sample Entry for Translations (Aesop, translation of Rinucius, by Prof. D. P. Lockwood); Sample Entry for Commentaries (Juvenal, commentary of Domitius Calderinus, by Prof. E. M. Sanford); List of Fxtant Greek Authors, and List of Extant Latin Authors (by Prof. J. Hutton, with the collaboration of Dr. H. King and of other editors). The bibliography, and the lists of Greek and

XVII

PREFACE TO VOLUME I

Latin authors, have been included in the present volume. Dr. H. Nachod gave valuable help in the indexing of important bibliographical works for the project, and Mr. Thomas G. Schwartz did much preliminary work on the Latin grammarians. A number of publications grew out of the work for the project, and others, though planned independently, were spurred by its needs, especially Dean M. E. Cosenza’s Biographical and Bibliographical Dictionary of the Italian Humanists and of the World of Classical Scholarship in Italy 1300-1800 (distributed in microfilm by the Renaissance Society of America), and Kristellers’s ‘Latin Manuscript Books before 1600’ (Traditio VI [1948] 229-317; IX [1953] 393-418), which consists of a bibliography of printed catalogues of Latin manuscripts, and of a list of handwritten inventories of uncatalogued collections of manuscripts. The Executive Committee has also participated in the work of the Liaison Committee on Microfilming Manuscript Catalogues which has been engaged, under the chairmanship of Professor B. L. Ullman, in obtaining for the Library of Congress microfilm copies of the handwritten inventories of European manuscript collections. Finally, the members of the Executive Committee and the section editors have been in regular correspondence with many contributors, and have examined and edited all articles submitted. The difficulties I indicated may explain why it has taken us so long to be ready to bring out our first volume, and why this volume contains only a small and in a way random selection from the material which we ultimately hope to present. We are very happy indeed to see it in print. We thus hope to do justice to those active contributors who have done their work so well, to give an example of what our entire work may contribute, and also to encourage other

contributors to complete their articles for subsequent volumes. We hope, too, that other scholars will decide to participate in our work and help us bring it to completion. I should like to thank first of all our active contributors and the other members of our edi-

torial committees who did most of the painstaking work that made this volume possible, although they urged me to assume the chief responsibility for it, thus giving me more than my deserved share of the credit for this enterprise. We all are indebeted to many librarians and scholars in this country and in Europe for much information generously supplied. I also wish to thank M. F. Masai for his permission to have the article on Arator reprinted in this volume after it had been published in Scriptorium (6 [1952] 151-156). We are grateful to the American Council of Learned Societies which through a series of small grants has covered the running expenses of our Committee; to the Catholic University of America, Columbia University, Princeton University and Sweet Briar College for occasional small grants; to the Columbia University Seminar on the Renaissance for secretarial help. The publication of this volume has been made possible by a grant of $500 from the Francis Bacon Foundation in Pasadena, California, and by the generosity of the Catholic University of America Press which has agreed to assume the remainder of the costs. The proofs of the articles on Juvenal and Salvian have been read by Prof. Berthe Marti (Bryn Mawr College), and those of the article on Arator, by Prof. Herbert B. Hoffleit (University of California, Los Angeles). New York, Columbia University,

April 21, 1958 For the Executive Paul Committee Oskar KRISTELLER.

XVIII

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The following listings contain a) titles which have been added since the appearance of v. III b) titles which are regularly cited by their authors only, or by authors and abbreviated titles, or

by the first word of their titles. A list of other abbreviations will be found at the end of the bibliography. I. GENERAL REFERENCE WORKS AND BIOBIBLIOGRAPHIES.

Aa, A. J. van der, Biographisch Woordenboek der Nederlanden, 21 vols. (Haarlem, 1852-78) Allgemeine deutsche Biographie, 56 vols. (Leipzig, 1875-1910). Biographie nationale (Belgique), 28 vols. (Brussels, 1866-1944). Chevalier, U., Répertoire des sources historiques du moyen age. Pt. I, Bio-Bibliographie (new ed., 2 vols. Paris, 1903-07). Cioranesco, A., Bibliographie de la littérature francaise du seiziéme siécle (Paris, 1959). Cioranescu, A., Bibliographie de la littérature francaise du dix-septiéme siécle, 3 vols. (Paris, 1965-66). Cosenza, Mario E., Biographical and Bibliographical Dictionary of the Italian Humanists and of the World of Classical Scholarship in Italy, 1300-1800, 6 vols., (Boston, 1962-67). Dictionary of National Biography, ed. L. Stephen and S. Lee, 63 vols. (London, 1885-1900). Dictionary of Scientific Biography, ed. C. C. Gillespie, 14 vols. (New York, 1970-76). Dictionnaire de biographie frangaise, 80 fascicles, through Forot (Paris, 1933-76). Dizionario biografico degli italiani, 19 vols, through Cardinali (Rome, 1960-76). Dizionario enciclopedico della letteratura italiana. 8 vols. (Bari-Rome, 1966-70). Eckstein, F. A., Nomenclator philologorum (Leipzig, 1871). Enciclopedia italiana (36 vols., 1929-39, new ed. 1949, and 3 appendices in 5 vols. 1938-61). Ersch, J. S. and J. C. Gruber, Allgemeine Encyclopaedie der Wissenschaften and Kuenste (it

covers A-Ligatur and O-Phyxios, with several supplements; 157 vols. in 85; Leipzig, 1818-89).

Fabricius, J. A., Bibliotheca Graeca (14 vols. Hamburg, 1708-28; 4th ed. by G. C. Harles, 12 vols., Hamburg, 1790-1809). ——-—., Bibliothecca Latina (2 vols. Venice, 1728; ed. J. A. Ernesti, 3 vols. Leipzig 1773-74). G. Grente, ed. Dictionnaire des lettres francaises. Le seiziéme siécle (Paris, 1951); Le dixseptieme siécle (Paris, 1954). Jécher, Chr. G., Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon (4 vols. A-Z, Leipzig, 1750-51; Supplement of 7 vols., through Romuleus, Leipzig 1784-1897). Manitius, M., Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 3 vols. (Munich, 191131).

Michaud, M., Biographie universelle ancienne et moderne, 2nd ed. in 45 vols. (Paris, 1880). Neue deutsche Biographie, 10 vols, through Kaffsack (Munich, 1950-74). Nieuw Nederlandsch Biographische Woordenboek, 10 vols. (Leiden, 1911-37). Nicéron, J. P., Mémoires pour servir a l‘histoire des hommes illustres 43 vols. in 44 (Paris, 1729-45).

Nouvelle biographie générale, ed. F. Hoefer, 46 vols. (Paris, 1853-70). XIX

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Pauly-Wissowa-Mittelhaus-Ziegler, Real-Encyclopddie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. (Stuttgart, 1893. Series I A-Q 47 vols., through Quosenus (1963); Series II R-Z 19 vols., completed in 1972; 14 Supplement vols.). Poekel, W., Philologisches Schriftstellerlexicon (Leipzig, 1882). Sandys, J. E. A History of Classical Scholarship, 3 vols. (Cambridge, 1903-08), Vol. I, 2nd ed. 1921; the whole work reprinted New York, 1958. Sarton, G., Introduction to the History of Science, 3 vols. (Baltimore, 1927-48).

Schanz, M. Geschichte der rémischen Literatur, revised by C. Hosius and G. Kruger. I (4th ed. Munich, 1927); II (4th ed. 1935); III (3d ed. 1922); IV, 1 (2nd ed. 1914); IV, 2 (2nd ed. 1920). Schottenloher, K. Bibliographie zur deutschen Geschichte im Zeitalter der Glaubensspaltung 1517-85, 2nd ed. 7 vols. (Stuttgart, 1956-66).

Teuffel, W. S. Geschichte der rémischen Literatur, 6th ed. by W. Kroll and F. Skutsch, 3 vols. (Leipzig 1913-20). Thorndike, L. and Kibre, P., A Catalogue of Incipits of Mediaeval Scientific Writings, rev. ed. (Cambridge, Mass., 1963). Tiraboschi, G. Storia della letteratura italiana, new ed. 9 vols. (Florence, 1785-92) and many other editions. Zedler, J. H., Grosses vollstindiges Universal-Lexicon aller Wissenschaften und Kiinste, 64 vols. in 43, and 4 vols. of supplement (Halle, 1732-50). II. CATALOGUES OF PRINTED EDITIONS.

Adams, H. M., Catalogue of Books Printed on the Continent of Europe, 1501-1600, in Cambridge Libraries, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1968). Baudrier, H. L. Bibliographie Lyonnaise (12 vols., Lyons 1895-1921; Tables, by G. Tricou, 2 vols., Geneva 1950-52 with a supplement by H. July, 1963). Belgica typographica 1541-1600, ed. Elly Cockx-Indestege (Nieuwkoop, 1968) I Bibliotheca Regia Bruxellensis.

Berkowitz, D. S., A Manual of Bibliographic Guides to Inventories of Printing, of Holdings, and of Reference Aids (Waltham, Mass. 1967). Bibliotheca Nationalis Polona. Incunabula quae in Bibliothecis Poloniae asservantur, 2 vols. (Wratislaviae etc. 1970). Bibliothéque Nationale, Catalogue général des livres imprimés, vols. 1-224, through Winmann (Paris, 1897- )=BN. British Museum, General Catalogue of Printed Books, 263 vols., (London, 1965-66). =BM. Brunet, J. Ch., Manuel du Libraire, Sth ed. in 6 vols. with three vols. of supplements (Paris, 1860-65).

Copinger, W. A., Supplement to Hain’s Repertorium bibliographicum, 2 vols. in 3 (London), 1895-1902)=C. Ebert, F. A. Allgemeines bibliographisches Lexicon, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1821-30). (Edinburgh). A short-title catalogue of foreign books printed up to 1600; Books printed or published outside of the British Isles now in the National Library of Scotland and the Library of the Faculty of Advocates, Edinburgh (Edinburgh, 1970). Flodr, M., Incunabula classicorum. Wiegendrucke der griechischen und roémischen Literatur (Amsterdam, 1973). Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke, Vols. I through VIII, 1 through Federici (Leipzig 1925-40).

Publication resumed in 1972 at Stuttgart, Berlin, and New York. Vol. VIII, 1 (1972), begins again with Eike von Repgow and VIII, 4 (1976) goes through Festus, S. Pompeius.

=GW.

XX

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Goff, F. R., Incunabula in American Libraries (Third Census, New York, 1964); Supplement (1972).

Graesse, J. G. Th., Trésor des livres rares et précieux, 7 vols. in 8 (Dresden, 1859-69). Hain, L., Repertorium bibliographicum, 2 vols. in 4 (Stuttgart, 1826-38) = H. Hoffman, S. F. W., Bibliographisches Lexicon der gesamten Literatur der Griechen, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1838-45).

Index Aureliensis, Catalogus librorum sedecimo saeculo impressorum Prima pars, vols. I-VI through Carroli (Baden-Baden, 1965- ); Tertia pars, vols. I-II, Indices (Baden-Baden,

1967- ).

Indice Generale degli Incunaboli delle Biblioteche d'Italia. 5 vols (Rome, 1941-72).

Maittaire, M., Annales typographici ab artis inventae origine ad annum 1664, 4 vols. in 8 (Amsterdam and London, 1722-41). (National Library of Medicine). A Catalogue of Sixteenth Century Printed Books in the National Library of Medicine, ed. R. J. Durling (Bethesda, Maryland, 1967). See also P. Krivatsy. A Catalogue of Incunabula and Sixteenth Century Printed Books in the National Library of Medicine. First supplement (Bethesda, 1971). The National Union Catalog, pre-1956 Imprints, a cumulative author list representing the Library of Congress printed cards and titles reported by other American libraries, 539 vols. through J. M. de Sevilla (London, 1968- ) = NUC.

Palau y Dulcet, Manual del librero hispano-americano, 2nd ed., vols. 1-27, through Vox

(Barcelon, 1948-76). Panzer, G. W., Annales typographici, 11vols., (Nuremberg, 1793-1803). Primo Catalogo Collettivo delle Biblioteche Italiane, vols. 1-7 through Azz (Rome 1962-73). Reichling, D., Appendices ad Hainii-Copingeri Repertorium Bibliographicum, 7 vols. with Supplement (Munich 1905-11 and 1911) = R. Renouard, P., Imprimeurs et libraires parisiens du XVI’ siécle. Ouvrage publié d'apreés les manuscrits de Philippe Renouard, 2 vols. through Banville (Paris, 1964-69). Répertoire bibliographique des livres imprimés en France au seiziéme siécle (Baden-Baden, 1968- ) Twenty-two /ivraisons, arranged by towns, have appeared. Sajo G. and Soltesz, E., Catalogus incunabulorum quae in Bibliothecis Publicis Hungariae asservantur, 2 vols. (Budapest, 1970). Schweiger, F. L. A., Handbuch der classischen Bibliographie, 2 vols. in 3 (Leipzig, 1830-34). Shaaber, M. A., Check-list of Works of British Authors Printed Abroad, in Languages other than English, to 1641 (New York, 1975). _ Short-title Catalog of Books Printed in Italy and of Books In Italian Printed Abroad, 1501-1600, Held in Selected North American Libraries, ed. R. G. Marshall, 3 vols. (Boston, 1970).

III. CATALOGUES OF LATIN MANUSCRIPTS.

Catalogues of Latin manuscripts are regularly cited in short form; for the full titles, see: Kristeller, P. O., Latin Manuscript Books before 1600, 3rd ed. (New York, 1965). Lohr, C. H., “Further Additions to Kristeller’s Repertorium’” Scriptorium XXVI (1972) 34348.

Catalogue général des manuscrits latins de la Bibliothéque Nationale. Vols. 1-5 (1939-66), covering Mss. 1-3535. Tables de tomes I et II, by P. Gasnault and J. Vezin (Paris, 1968). Catalogue général des Bibliothéques Publiques de France, Octavo series, 59 vols. (Paris, 18861975).

Kristeller, P. O., Iter Italicum, 2 vols. (Leiden, 1963-67). XX]I

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Lieftinck, G. I., Manuscrits datés conserves dans les Pays-Bas, vol. 1 (Amsterdam, 1964). Mazzatinti, G., Inventart dei manoscritti delle Biblioteche d'Italia, vol. I (Forli, 1891) to 89 (Florence, 1974). Manuscrits datés conservés en Belgique, ed. F. Masai and M. Wittek, vol. I (819-1400) and IT (1401-1440), Gand, 1968-72. Samaran, C. and Marichal, R., Catalogue des manuscrits en écriture latine portant des indications de date, de lieu, ou de copiste, vols. 1, 2, 3, 5, and 6 (Paris, 1959-74).

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS REGULARLY USED IN THIS VOLUME

* not seen

(micro.) microfilm used (photo.) photos or xerocopies used

Inc. Incipit

Expl. Explicit

Gr.-Lat. Greek and Latin BM British Museum, Catalogue of Printed Books

BMC Catalogue of Books printed in the xvth Century now in the British Museum

BN Bibliotheque Nationale, Catalogue des livres imprimes.

C Copinger

DK Deutscher Gesamtkatalog

H Hain NUC National Union Catalog, pre-1956 Imprints. GW Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke

R Reichling ,

STC (Pollard and Redgrave, eds.) Short-title Catalogue of Books Printed in England. For American libraries, the same abbreviations are used as in the National Union Catalog pre-1956 Imprints.

XXII

DIOSCORIDES JOHN MARION RIDDLE

Fortuna 4 Bibliography 13 North Carolina State University

I. Composite Editions: 15 1. 1478 Edition and Reprints. Z. 1516 Edition and Doubtful Editions. 3. 1529 Edition. 4. 1537 Edition and Reprints. 5. 1538 Edition. 6. 1543 Edition. 7. 1546 Edition and Reprints. 8. 1549, Frankfort Edition and Doubtful Edition. 9. 1549, Two Paris Editions. 10. 1550 Edition and Reprints. 11. 1554, Venice Editions, Reprints, Revisions, and Doubtful Editions.

12. 1554, Lyons Edition. |

13. 1558 Edition, Reprints, and Doubtful Editions. 14. 1583 Edition. 15. 1598 Editions. Genuine Works of Dioscorides

II.Translations. De materia medica. 20 , 1. Anonymus A. a. Oldest form. __b. Latin Alphabetical Dioscorides Redaction. 2. Hermolaus Barbarus. 3. Johannes Ruellius. 4. Marcellus Virgilius Adrianus. 5. Janus Cornarius. 6. Janus Antonius Saracenus. 7. Doubtful or Lost Translation: a. Hieronymus Bagolinus.

1

GREEK AUTHORS

a. Petrus Padubanensis. 44

Commentaries.

b. Hermolaus Barbarus. c. Johannes Baptista Egnatius. d. Marcellus Virgilius Adrianus. e. Johannes Manardus. f. Franciscus Frigimelica. g. Otho Brunsfelsius. h. Cornelius Petrus. i. Benedictus Textor. j. Amatus Lusitanus.

k. Dionysius Corronius.

1. Valerius Cordus. m. Conradus Gesnerus. n. Johannes Lonicerus. o. Gualtherus Hermenius Rivius. p. Leonardus Fuchsius. q. Anonymus B. r. Jacobus Goupylus. s. Anonymus C named ‘“H.B.P. Medicus,”’ possibly Johannes Bruyerinus.

t. Andreas Aurifaber (lost). 83

u. Lucas Ghinus. v. Melchior Guilandinus. w. Gabriel Falloppius. x. Andreas Lacuna. y. Petrus Andreas Matthiolus. z. Anonymus D. aa. Janus Cornarius. bb. Ulysses Aldrovandus. cc. Aloysius Anguillara.

dd. Robertus Constantinus. 103

ee. Bartholomaeus Marantha. ff. Antonius Pinaeus. gg. Justus Mollerus. hh. Johannes Sambucus. ii. Janus Antonius Saracenus. jj. Caspar Bauhinus. kk. Nicolaus Maronea.

li.1.Doubtful and Lost Commentaries. 113 Guilielmus Rondeletius. 2. Johannes Cosmas Holzachius. 3. Antonius Stupanus. 4. Laurentius Gryllus.

Spurious Works of Dioscorides

,|

II. Alphabetum empiricum. 116 Translation. 1. Casparus Wolphius.

DIOSCORIDES

IV. De naturis et virtutibus aquarum Dioscoridis. 117

V. De purgantibus. 117

VI. De venenis and De venenatis animalibus. 118 Translations. 1. Hermolaus Barbarus. 2. Johannes Ruellius. 3. Marcellus Virgilius Adrianus. 4. Janus Cornarius. 5. Janus Antonius Saracenus. Commentaries. a. Marcellus Virgilius Adrianus. b. Johannes Manardus. c. Johannes Lonicerus. d. Anonymous C, named *‘H.B.P. Medicus,”’ possibly Johannes Bruyerinus. e. Andreas Lacuna. f. Petrus Andreas Matthiolus. g. Janus Cornarius. h. Baldellus de Baldellis. i. Janus Antonius Saracenus. J. Prosper Alpinus.

VII. Ex herbis femininis. 125 1) Full version. 2) Short version.

VIII. Liber herbarum virtuosarum lapidibus preciosis propriarum. 134

IX. Liber parabilium remediorum or Euporista. 134 Translations. 1. Johannes Moibanus and Conradus Gesnerus. 2. Janus Antonius Saracenus. 3. Doubtful Translations. Commentary a. Janus Antonius Saracenus.

X. DeQuid physicis ligaturis. 139 XI. pro quo. 140 XII. Poem: ‘‘Quod natum Phebus docuit....’’ 141

XIII. Synonyma. 142 Appendix. 142 A. Improperly catalogued treatises attributed to Dioscorides. B. Manuscripts with illustrations and without texts and said to be by Dioscorides.

3

GREEK AUTHORS

FORTUNA* Dioscorides said he arranged material in a

Dioscorides is among the most influential way superior to that of his predecessors, but of the ancient medical writers, standing per- the rationale for the arrangement is difficult haps after Hippocrates and Galen. On ma- to follow. His system is as follows (the numteria medica he was preeminent. Flourishing bering of items is approximate): Book I (129

around 50 A.D.-70 A.D., Dioscorides was items) deals with aromatics, oils, salves,

for sixteen hundred years considered a fore- trees, and shrubs (liquids, gums, and fruits); most authority in medicine, so much so that Book II (186) with animals, animal parts,

many sixteenth-century universities had a animal products, cereals, pot herbs, and lecturer on Dioscorides—the equivalent to sharp herbs; Book III (158) with roots, juices,

today’s chair of pharmacy. herbs, and seeds; Book IV (192) with roots

Little is known of the actual life of Dio- and herbs not previously mentioned; and scorides. The tradition which originated Book V (162) with wines and minerals. with the Byzantine compilers, that he was a Wherever he travelled he recorded informamilitary physician attached to the Roman tion mainly of plants indigenous to the east-

army stems from an exaggeration of Dio- ern Mediterranean; because of this geoscorides’ statement in the prefatory letter of graphical limitation, users of his work in the his work that he had lived a “‘soldier-like West, especially northern Europe, had some life’ as he travelled gaining information of difficulty in relating the information to their medicines. This information resulted in a own environments. (See, C. Vaczy, ref. bemajor work, the title of which, wepi vdns low in bibl.) Whether or not from the beginiatouxyns (De materia medica), is taken from ning Dioscorides’ work was illustrated for

Book III and is the same as that of a lost botanical identifications is uncertain but,

work of Sextius Niger. In five books he con- in any case, he seldom gave anything but few veys medicinal, zoological, botanical, miner- and sketchy descriptive details, e.g., white alogical and pharmaceutical information in flower, broad leaves, etc. All of this plus the

precise Greek with no traces of the philo- sheer magnitude of the work, made Diosophical prejudices which then characterized scorides particularly amenable to synthesis, medicine. That he may have been a member commentaries, redaction, and scholastic dis-

of the Empirical School 1s uncertain but ts course. The preeminence of his name enasserted by those who say his work is in ac- couraged many scribes to attach his name to

cord with the method of the Empiricists. various and sundry anonymous tracts. Fur-

—$————$____—_- ther, because of its practical medical nature, *With deep gratitude I wish to acknowledge the as- his text was subject to numerous changes as sistance of the National Endowment for the Humanities, copyists contributed their own understandthe American Philosophical Society, and the American ings and findings.

Council of Learned Societies. Each supplied generous The transmission of the Greek text is grants over a seven year period for this research. Li- complex and, despite the efforts of Curt brarians here and in Europe have assisted me beyond Sprengel and Max Wellmann who produced the call but, especially, I thank the librarians at the critical editions, many questions remain as Wellcome Medical Library, Dr. John B. Blake of the to what may or may not be authentic Dio-

National Library of Medicine, Bethesda, Maryland, scorides passages. Papyri reveal that as and Margaret A. Sugg and Ann S. Smith of D. H. Hill early as the second-century different recenLibrary, North Carolina State University. Professor sions had already appeared in Greek. The F. E. Cranz, Professor P. O. Kristeller and other edi- survival of a beautifully illustrated codex tors of the CTC have contributed numerous and helpful produced about 512 A.D. as a wedding gift suggestions. Finally, I am thankful to my wife, Mar- for Anicia Juliana, daughter of emperor garet. As Dioscorides said in his preface that he was Flavius Olybrius, reveals that Dioscorides'’ tireless in searching for plants so has my wife been tire- order of presentation had by then been al-

less in helping me search for Dioscorides. tered in favor of alphabetization. The Juliana 4

DIOSCORIDES

Anicia manuscript came to Europe in the but for the sake of brevity we have referred sixteenth century and now is in Vienna to these books simply as one tract, called De (Nationalbibliothek Ms med. gr. 1). The venenis. By this device of convenience I do manuscript has scholia and their presence in not intend to prejudice the case or to imply so early a copy is one reason for asserting an opinion on the question whether it is one that scholia may have assumed their medi- or two works by different authors. Various eval form in late antiquity, not in the Mid- sixteenth-century translators included De

die Ages as is more commonly thought venenis in their translation of Dioscorides (Nigel G. Wilson, see below, bibl.). while others ignored it. I found no expresGlosses to most chapters in De materia sion of doubt as to the authorship of Diomedica were included in such Greek manu- scorides until Ioannes Albertus Fabricius

scripts as the Anicia Juliana, the Neapol- (Bibliotheca Graeca ...ed. Harles [Ham-

itanus (s. VII, Vienna, Nationalbibliothek burg 1795] 4, 679-680). Greek manuscripts Ms Suppl. gr. 28), and Marcianus Venetus of De venenis are listed by H. Diels, Hand(s. XII, Ms 273); and these glosses were also schriften der antiken Artze (Berlin 1905) 2, included in the editio princeps, Aldus 1499, 31-32.

and integrated into the text itself. The There is yet another Greek treatise, called glosses come at the beginning of most chap- TEpi ATAOV pappaxwyv or Evadptota (Paters and consist chiefly of a list of synonyms rabilia remedia or Euporista), whose authen-

in a wide variety of languages. The name ticity is uncertain. It was first published in Notha came to denote the glosses, and in- Greek and in Latin translation in 1565 by

deed Wellman’s critical edition of the Greek Johannes Moibanus and Conrad Gesner while

text gives the Notha as alternate readings. another text and translation were published Sixteenth-century printings of the Greek in 1598 by Ianus Antonius Saracenus. Modtext and Latin translations treat the Notha ern scholarship—and there is little on the in various ways, (see below, p. 9). Since the subject—is divided about attributing authorNotha are inextricably tied to the Greek text ship of this Greek treatise to Dioscorides. and many fifteenth and sixteenth century Fabricius, Sprengel, Meyer and Behrends Latin translations include the Notha as part rejected it as a work by Dioscorides. Wellof Dioscorides’ text, the Notha are treated in mann at first agreed with these scholars but this article not as a separate, spurious work then changed his mind, thereby placing this but instead as a part of the Dioscoridean text treatise as the first of two works written by with discussion about the Notha under each Dioscorides. (See summary of scholarship, translator and often under each edition since Spurious Works, IX.). I do not intend here various publishers and editors followed dif- to express any opinion on the authenticity of

ferent practices. the work but simply note that most scholars

Some Greek manuscripts (e.g., Escori- regard it as spurious. alensis III R 3, s. XI, and Paris BN Ms Finally there are modern errors in attribgraec. 2183, s. XV) attach to De materia uting tracts to Dioscorides. Chr. Joecher medica a treatise or treatises on poisons. It (Lexikon, 3 [1751], 2296) ascribes the work is uncertain whether this is one work in two on veterinary medicine known as the Hippia-

books (sometimes divided still further into trica as translated by Johannes Ruellius four) or two works by separate authors. The (Basel 1537) to Dioscorides; however, neither titles are: mepi SydAnTnNpiwy pappaxwy (On Ruellius nor any other sixteenth-century or poison drugs); and mepi toBdd\wv (On ani- earlier scholar made the claim. mal and deadly poisons). The Aldine edition H. Diels (Handschriften der antiken Arize, of 1499 published the tract(s) on poisons as Berlin 1905, 2, 33) lists some tables of weights

Books VI-IX of De materia medica. Mod- and measures authored by Dioscorides and ern scholarship regarding these books is gives the title: Tlepi pérpwv xai oradpov. summarized below, Spurious Works, VI, Diels says that the tract was published by

5

GREEK AUTHORS

Fridericus Hultsch, Metrologicorum script- explicatio in librum Dioscoridis, etc. [and orum reliquiae, Leipzig 1864, pp. 239-244. a marginal note] Pars huius edita est Anno A tract by this name is published by Hultsch 1570.”’ Similarly for the holdings of the

on pp. 239-242, plus two similar but sepa- same library, Johannes Georg Schenck rate tracts on pp. 242-244. Diels gives a (Biblia iatrica sive Bibliotheca medica..., Latin translation of the tract as De mensuris Francofurti 1609, p. 437) lists: “‘Michaelis

et ponderibus found in Laon Ms 418, s. Pselli explicatio in lib. Dioscoridis servatur XIV/XV. no. 10. According to F. Ravaisson in bibl. Constantinopolitana Illustriss. Prin(Catalogue général des manuscrits..., 1 cipis Manuelis Eugenici.’’ Fabricius (Biblio-

[1849] 221-222) there is a tract: ‘‘Inter- theca Graeca...ed. Harles [Hamburg 1807] pretatio ponderum et mensurarum pertinen- 10, 68), citing Du Verdier and Schenck,

tium medicine, secundum Dyascoridum, says that the book was “in Bibliotheca Archigenem, Andromacum, Serapionem, Manuelis Eugenici, et Ioannis Suzii’’; howAlkindum, Galienum et alios quam plurt- ever, it is not listed by Du Verdier among mos.”’ This is found is Laon Ms 418. The in- Suzius’ library holdings. Psellos was such a

cipit and explicit read: Granum _ hordei prolific writer that his works could very well vel.../...ordei secundum Avicenam Deo have included a commentary on Dioscorides. gratias. Since there is no evidence of an as- No modern scholar has listed such a comsertion of Dioscorides’ authorship before mentary among Psellos’ works. In the late 1600, De mensuris et ponderibus is excluded thirteenth century Petrus Padubanensis

from this article. probably studied the Anicia Juliana manu-

To the extent that it can be traced, Dio- script of Dioscorides when he visited Conscorides’ De materia medica seems to have stantinople. Finally there exists a Pseudocontinuous influence in Greek medicine, be- Dioscoridean lapidary in Greek which F. de ginning with Galen who borrowed from Méely (Les lapidaires de Il'antiquité et du Dioscorides for his treatise on simples. Ori- moyen age [Paris 1902] I, 179-183) has pub-

basius (s. IV) and Paulus Aegineta (s. VII) lished; he traced its origins to the Alexan(see p. 000 f. below) relied extensively on drian lapidary tradition, but the work was Dioscorides. So much did Paulus base his unknown to Latin writers. information on simples on the text of De Dioscorides’ De materia medica was transmateria medica that Johannes Ruellius em- lated into Latin in its entirety probably in the ployed an old codex of Paulus Aegineta in sixth century. Charles Singer and Pierre Paul order to make corrections to Dioscorides’ Courcelle (see below, p. 20-1) are incorrect in text when Ruellius made his popular Latin stating that there are two or three old Latin translation of De materia medica in 1517. translations. Actually there were simply sevAfter Paulus the influence of Dioscorides is eral copies of a single translation. One manuless clear. We know that Emperor Constantin script of this translation (Munich CLM 377) VII Porphyrogennetos sent to the first West- has some crude illustrations which do not re-

ern Umayyaden Caliph Abd al-Rahman an late to the Greek manuscript illustrations. illustrated Greek Dioscorides as a diplomatic Otherwise, the Latin manuscripts are not il-

gift. In the eleventh century Michael Psellos lustrated, and this holds true for the later the Younger (1018—died after 1078) may medieval Latin Alphabetical Redaction as have written a commentary on Dioscorides. well.

Two sources attribute such a work, given in During the early Middle Ages (ca. a Latin title, as being in one or two private 500-1000) in the West there is little direct libraries. No extant copy is known. Antoine evidence of the influence of De materia Du Verdier (1544-1600; La bibliotheque medica, despite its availability in Latin. A d'Antoine du Verdier, Lyon 1585, p. 64) remark by Cassiodorus (see below, p. 20) lists among the holdings of Michael Cantacu- reveals that monks could read Dioscorides zenus’ library: ‘‘Eiusdem Michaelis [Pselli] in Latin translation. Early medieval phar6

DIOSCORIDES

macy literature was mostly in the form of of numerous physicians, undertook a new receptaria and antidotaria which often drew version in Arabic. It was not a full, new upon the De materia medica in some form. translation but a reworking of the earlier More popular than the De materia medica versions. In addition Ibn Gulgul, working in during the period was Ex herbis femininis, a cooperation with Nicolaus and the other tract probably of the fifth century which is scholars, undertook to explain the poorly largely based on literal translations from De understood Greek names. Ibn Gulgul promateria medica but which also contains new duced two works: Corrections of the Names information. Most manuscripts of Ex herbis of the Simple Cures of Dioscorides’ Books; are beautifully illustrated and they are asso- and later, Concerning the Useful Cures for ciated in most codices with the illustrated the Physician which are not Mentioned in the Herbarius attributed to Apuleius. Frequently Book of Dioscorides. Although there is no during the early Middle Ages, when Dio- present evidence, I believe that Ibn Gulgul’s scorides was cited or when his influence 1s works were known in the Latin West. Re-

seen, it is through Ex herbis femininis and cently another Arabic translation of Dionot directly from De materia medica. Its scorides’ De materia medica has been dispopularity is evidenced by the relatively covered (Albert Dietrich, see below, bibl.). large number of manuscript copies dating In northern Mesopotamia Mihran ibn Mihfrom this early period and by a partial Old ran produced an Arabic translation out

English translation of it. of the Syriac for the Sultan Alpi ibn Timur-

Among the Arabs Dioscorides’ De materia tas ibn Ilgazi ign Ortog (ruled 1152-1176 medica enjoyed both popularity and pres- A.D.), A manuscript of this translation is in tige. Several Arabic scholars worked on Mashad, Iran, and is illustrated. Arabic writranslating Dioscorides into Arabic but the ters on materia medica, e.g., Serapion the Arabic tradition had no direct influence on Elder, Avicenna, Rhasis, and ibn al-Baitar, the West, and despite modern claims to the based their works on Dioscorides, so much so

contrary, no Latin translations of De materia that Conrad Gesner (in: Valerii Cordi. .. medica were made from Arabic or Hebrew. Annotationes in Pedacii Dioscoridis libros V,

In the ninth century Stephanos, son of Strasbourg 1561) lists ibn-Baitar’s work as a Basilios (Istifan ibn Basil), was the first to commentary on Dioscorides.

translate Dioscorides from Greek into Syr- Sometime in the late eleventh or early iac. The translation was in seven books, two twelfth century an unknown editor, possibly - of which contained the De venenis. At least Constantine the African (d. ca. 1085), drasone manuscript, however, has the first four tically revised the Old Latin Translation. books of De materia medica followed by De The arrangement was made alphabetical venenis. Stephanos’ teacher, Hunain ibn and much new information was added. The Ishaq, improved the translation. An Arabic basic text was the Old Latin Translation. text, based on the Stephanos-Hunain trans- The additions come in the form of new in-

lation, has been published by César E. formation about substances in the Old Latin Dubler and Elias Terés (see bibl. below). As Translation and, at the same time, new substated above, Emperor Constantin VII sent a stances are introduced, some from Arabic Greek manuscript copy of De materia me- sources. Some material and whole entries dica to Caliph Abd al-Rahman in Spain. De- from the Old Latin Translation are omitted. spite the general availability of the Stephanos- This up-dated Dioscorides soon eclipsed the

Hunain translation, the Greek text could Old Latin Translation in popularity as wit-

not be effectively used by the Arabs in nessed by the fact that there is no manuSpain, so the Caliph asked the Emperor to script copy of the Old Latin Translation send him someone to translate it. A monk later than the tenth century. Fabricius (see named Nicolaus arrived in Cordoba in 948 below p. 23) and others mistakenly thought in answer to the call and, with the assistance that this new version was a Latin translation

7

GREEK AUTHORS

from the Arabic. Shortly after 1300 Petrus with a pharmacy component, herbals, lapPadubanensis glossed the Alphabetical Dio- idaries (mostly medical), or tracts on simscorides, and this version with the gloss 1s ples and compounds. De materia medica inthe first printing of Dioscorides (Colle 1478, fluenced in form and substance the herbals

HC 6258). of Pseudo-Macer’s Herbal, Matthaeus PlaEvidence exists for postulating another tearius’ Circa instans and Matthaeus Sil-

version of Dioscorides of which no copies vaticus’ Opus pandectarum medicinae. Lexihave survived. In the second half of the thir- con and recipe literature, two quite distinct

teenth century Rufinus wrote his Liber de types of medical literature, became more virtutibus herbarum and quoted extensively popular, and both reflect more generally from Dioscorides whom he cites by name. Dioscorides’ influence. That the De materia As observed by Lynn Thorndike (The Herbal medica itself had less influence may be partly of Rufinus, Chicago 1946, p. xxviii), Rufinus attributed to the fact that it did not contain employed the Latin Alphabetical Dioscorides the Galenic theory of degrees for simples. but some of his citations of Dioscorides are to With the translations of Isaac Judaeus, be traced neither to this version, nor to the Serapion, Mesue, Averroes, and Avicenna,

Old Latin Translation, nor to the Pseudo- the influence of De materia medica re-

Dioscorides’ Ex herbis femininis. My own mained indirect. However Latin encycloresearch confirms Thorndike’s observation. pedists, such as Bartholomaeus Anglicus, This means that there may have been an- Arnoldus Saxo, and Vincent of Beauvais, other medieval Latin version of Dioscorides extensively employed De materia medica for

for which there is presently no manuscript their books on herbs and stones. With the

evidence. exception of the glosses by Petrus Padu-

Stephen of Antioch (fl. ca. 1127) wrote a banensis there appear to be no medieval glossary of technical terms in Dioscorides commentaries and also, with the same exwhich is appended to his Latin translation ception, there is no direct evidence of the

of Haly Abbas in some manuscripts. Stephen’s use of Dioscorides’ De materia medica as a

Medicaminum omnium breviarium or, as principal work for examination in the mediknown to later writers, Synonyms is an al- eval medical university curriculum. It is not, phabetical list, Greek, Arabic, and Latin, in for instance, a part of the Articella although parallel columns. It has a short preface and formulary quotations from Dioscorides were closing but is otherwise without text except expected to be learned by medical students.

for the listing of terms. The text appears to With the advent of printing the Colle be only a partial list of Dioscorides’ terms. 1478 edition of the Latin Alphabetical DiosThe work has not been studied by modern corides Redaction with the glosses of Petrus

scholars to determine its significance or Padubanensis marks the first publication of fortuna but it cannot be considered a com- De materia medica. Around 1481 Hermolaus mentary. (See description in: Valentin Rose, Barbarus completed the first new translation Verzeichnis. ..zu Berlin [1905], pt. 3, 1059- but his work was not printed until 1516. His 1065, for text of Synonyms in Berlin Ms accompanying commentary reveals direct obLat. fol. 74 (898), which is missing since the servation of plants in an attempt to supply war; also, see, Charles Homer Haskins, identifications of flora based on experience Studies in the History of Mediaeval Science rather than to rely exclusively on older au-

[1924] 132-3). thorities. Probably, however, more of Dio-

During the later Middle Ages (1000-1400) scorides’ influence in the fifteenth century Dioscorides’ influence was mainly exercised came through the printing of newly comnot directly from the De materia medica but posed herbals, especially in the Latin Herthrough writers who employed his books for barius published by Peter Schoffer in Mainz their own works on pharmacy, whether they in 1484 (HC 8444; H 84437), followed a year be in the form of general medical works later by a German translation Herbarius zu 8

DIOSCORIDES

Teutsch (Mainz 1485). A series of herbals on plants described below, p. 141. were published under the generic title Hortus Later Greek texts of De materia medica sanitatis which dominate herbal literature reveal varied practices. A 1529 Cologne edi-

until about 1530. tion printed by Johannes Soter with Greek

The history of the early printings of Dio- and Latin text (see below, p. 39) followed scorides’ Greek text demonstrates the dif- the 1499 Aldine printing but it placed the ficulty in arriving at an agreement on au- Notha in brackets and De venenis as one thentic texts. The first Greek text was the book, Book VI of De materia medica. In the Aldine printing, Venice 1499 (HC 6257), same year, 1529, in Basel a new Greek text which included De materia medica (Tlepi was edited by Janus Cornarius and pubUAns LaTptxys) in five books with the Notha lished by Johannes Bebellius. Cornarius as part of the text among the individual placed De venenis as Books VI-VIII of De chapters. In this edition De venents was materia medica while the Notha and Adprinted as Ilept édnAntnpiwvy pappaxwv and scripta followed separately at the end of Ileoi ioBd6d\wv with each divided into two Book VIII. In 1549 (Paris: Apud Petrum books but printed together as a composite Haltinum) Jacobus Goupylus prepared a part of De materia medica as Books VI-IX. Greek text together with his corrections of

At the end there were seventeen chapters on Johannes Ruellius’ Latin translation. Goupyas many herbs which were not considered to lus placed De venenis as Books VI-VIII of be by Dioscorides but which were recognized De materia medica and the Notha and Adas interpolations with useful information. scripta at the end. Through many years of re-

These chapters were called the Adscripta. search, Janus Antonius Saracenus prepared

Parts Two and Three were devoted to a Greek-Latin edition of the ‘‘complete

Nicander’s Theriaca (Onptaxa) and Alexi- Dioscorides” which was published in Frankpharmaca (AdeEtgappaxa) together with furt by Andreas Wechelus in 1598. The first Greek scholia. Because of similarity of sub- volume began with Ilepi amdav gappaxwv

ject matter and occasional confusion of the (Liber parabilium remediorum) in two names of De venenis with Alexipharmaca books. The second volume contained [epi the juxtaposition of these works in the same vAns tatpuxHs (De materia medica), Books Aldine printing led to some later confusion. I-V, while De venenis was printed as two

A revision of the Greek text was accom- separate works: Bk. I: Tlepi dydntnpiwv plished by Girolamo Rossi and Francesco Pappdxwv Bk. Il: Tept toBddwv; SaraTorresani in an Aldine printing (Venice) of cenus had the Notha and Adscripta com1518. This edition published a letter by bined at the end of volume two. All in all,

Franciscus Asulanus to Hieronymus Roscius the sixteenth-century printings of the Greek which acknowledged that Roscius was con- texts of Dioscorides show many differences vincing when he argued that the Notha were not only in the organization of the material

not part of Dioscorides’ original text. The but also in the texts themselves; they thus editors’ decision was to combine the Notha reflect the extraordinary variations in the and Adscripta at the end of Book IX while Greek manuscript tradition. the text of De venenis was published as be- Sixteenth-century interest in Dioscorides _ fore as Books VI-IX of De materia medica. was intense and manifested in various ways. While Nicander is omitted from the printing, Dioscorides moved into the universities and an anonymous poem in Greek of 190 hexa- the newly founded botanical gardens, which

meters describing twelve plants (Carmina de also served as teaching institutions. A

virtute, sive facultate quarundam plantarum manual for medical students and new medi-

In antiquis reperta exemplaribus) was ap- cal practitioners discloses that by 1520 pended. The poem, however, has no known ‘“Dioscorides de simplicibus” was considered

Latin translation and is not to be confused required reading at least by one author on with the Pseudo-Dioscoridean Latin poem medical education, Martin Stainpels (see 9

GREEK AUTHORS

Richard J. Durling, biogr. below), but it re- ca. 1572); and Bartholomaeus Marantha mains uncertain whether the Alphabetical (Naples 1560’s). The concern of Brunfels, Dioscorides Redaction, or translations by Cordus, Gesner, Fuchsius, Falloppius, AlHermolaus, Ruellius or Marcellus was in- drovandus, Ghinus, Anguillara, Marantha,

tended. Early translators, lecturers and and a few others was to identify, classify commentators were mainly inclined to in- and discuss plants and, tn some cases, terpret Dioscorides’ text literally. Their con- minerals for their own intrinsic value and cern was chiefly philological and, where not for their therapeutic effects. For reasons botanical, to identify the plants in such a not entirely clear, there seems to be a conway as to defend Dioscorides’ accuracy. nection between Protestantism and the new

Hermolaus Barbarus, Johannes Ruellius, botanical interest in the sixteenth-century

Johannes Manardus and Marcellus Virgilius Universities, perhaps, in part, because Prot-

Adrianus are examples of this type. After estant universities were less tradition-

1530 there came others whose concern was oriented. A recent examination of botany in

pharmacy and medical practice, such as the universities has been made by Karen Franciscus Frigimelica, Benedictus Textor, Meier Reeds (“‘Botany in Medieval and Justus Mollerus and, probably, Johannes Renaissance Universities,’ Harvard thesis, Cosmas Holzachius. During the same time 1975). Many of the sixteenth-century stuthe philological-lexical approach was con- dents of Dioscorides knew and inter-reacted tinued by such authors as Janus Cornarius, with one another. Johannes Sambucus, and Robertus Constan- Of all sixteenth-century commentators, tinus. For others, like Cornelius Petrus, the Petrus Andreas Matthiolus and Andreas objective was to relate Dioscorides’ plant Lacuna were the most important in terms of names to those in their respective regions, in influence, popularity and, in the case of this case Holland. Another category is ap- Matthiolus, controversy. Both Matthiolus parent by the early 1530’s and this group and Lacuna display catholic interest in De became almost predominant, namely, a materia medica in all its aspects, botanical, number of scholars whose interest was more mineralogical, pharmaceutical, and medipurely botanical, as for example, Otto Brun- cal. Matthiolus’ commentary appeared first fels, Valerius Cordus, Conrad Gesner, Leo- in Italian (Venice eds. of 1544, 1548, 1550, nardus Fuchsius, and others. Some of the 1551, 1559, 1568, 1573, 1581, 1597); it was commentaries are either lecture notes taken followed by a revised, Latin commentary by students or autograph notes for lectures. in 1554 which ultimately saw two major reAlthough some had principally pharmaceu- visions. In addition there were two French tical interests while others were more botani- translations of his commentary: one by Ancal, the following are examples of university tonius Pinaeus (Lyon 1560, 1561, 1566, lectures on De materia medica: Franciscus 1567, 1572, 1627, 1655, and 1680) and one Frigimelica (lectured on Dioscorides at by Jean Desmoulins (Lyon 1572, 1578, 1579). Padua, 1530); Valerius Cordus (Wittenberg, In Italian Antonius Pasini published anno1539-1543); Gabriel Falloppius (Padua, tations and corrections to Matthiolus in edi1553, 1560-1561); Guilielmus Rondeletius tions of 1591, 1592, and 1600, all at Ber(Montpellier 1545, 1558); Ulysses Aldrovan- gamo. Georg Handsch (1529-1578) transdus (Bologna 1555 [?] - 1561); and Caspar lated into German Matthiolus’ commentary, Bauhinus (Basel 1598—although his com- without the text of De materia medica, and mentary is based on lecture notes it seems it was edited by Joachim Camerarius (Frankspecifically prepared for publication). Four furt eds. of 1586, 1590, 1600, 1611, and commentators were themselves directors of 1626). Finally there was a Czech translation

botanical gardens: Lucas Ghinus (Pisa ca. by Thadeasse Hagka z Hagku (Prague 1551); Aloysius Anguillara (Padua 1546- 1562). Most of Matthiolus’ editions in1561); Melchior Guilandinus (Padua 1561- cluded woodcuts, with new and revised ones 10

DIOSCORIDES

in various editions, which unquestionably corides influence in the period before 1600.

enhanced his popularity. In most of these Despite English interest in herbals, there editions, the commentary was accompanied were no Englishmen, Scots or Irish who by Matthiolus’ corrections of Johannes Ruel- translated Dioscorides either into Latin or lius’ Latin translation of De materia medica English; they wrote no commentaries; and and De venenis. Matthiolus’ importance is no printer from the British Isles printed any so great that the publication of his commen- edition. It would be tempting to conclude tary has been called the first basic work that the English found Dioscorides less useof modern botany. The extraordinary popu- ful because his plants were mostly confined larity of Matthiolus in the vernaculars is at to Mediterranean habitats, were it not for

least in part attributable to Matthiolus’ the fact that there had been active English scientific-medical appeal rather than to interest during the Middle Ages, as wit-

purely humanistic interest. Andreas Laguna’s nessed by copies of Dioscorides manuscripts

Castilian translation and commentary on known to have been in English monasteries

Dioscorides exercised a less broad influence and by the Old English translation of Pseudo-

than did that of Matthiolus, but his work was Dioscorides’ Ex herbis femininis. Other of tremendous importance in the Iberian pen- areas of northern Europe found Dioscorides’

insula. The Laguna translation and com- De materia medica useful, with Matthiolus mentary were first published in Salamanca writing in Prague, Sambucus in Vienna, in 1555; there were later editions of Sala- Cordus in Wittenberg, and Aurifaber in manca 1563, 1566, 1570 and 1586; Valencia Konigsberg. Why Ditoscorides’ appeal was

1626, 1635, 1636, 1651, 1677, 1695; Ma- so slight in the British Isles remains undrid, 1733; and there is a recent facsimile certain. reprint of the Salamanca 1570 edition. La- In this article the entire extent of Diosguna’s importance to Spanish science is corides’ influence cannot possibly be measured exemplified by the fact that P. Font y Quer because it is not limited to those who transpublished a study of the medicinal plants of late and comment directly on him. Of inthe Iberian peninsula in Barcelona in 1962 terest are remarks such as those of Antonio which has as its bases Laguna’s translation Brasavola (1500-1555) who said that the

and commentary on Dioscorides (Plantas herbs described by Dioscorides did not in-

medicinales; el Dioscorides renovado). clude one in a hundred of those on earth Dioscorides’ De materia medica was trans- and of Nicolaus Monardes (1493-1588) who lated into a number of Western vernacular asked how Dioscorides could have possibly

languages and vernacular commentaries known plants found in the New World. were produced. Palleys translated it into Nonetheless Brasavola and Monardes as Dutch in an edition of Antwerp 1520. French writers on botany themselves used informatranslations were made by Martin Mathée tion collected by Dioscorides. (Lyon 1553, 1558 ?, 1559, and 1580) and by In general those who wrote herbals, alAntonius Pinaeus and Jean Desmoulins of though based on Dioscorides, are not inMatthiolus’ corrections to Ruellius’ trans- cluded in this article. Some bibliographical lation (eds. given above). In addition to guides, e.g., S.F.W. Hoffmann, BL, 1, 606, _ Matthiolus’ Italian editions, there were list Ioannes Agricola’s Medicinae herbariae

Italian translations by Sebastiano Fausto libri IT...., Basel 1539, as a commentary

(Venice 1542) and Marcantonio Montigiano (Erlduterungsschrift). Works of this nature (Florence 1547, 1550 and 1552). A German which draw from other authorities in addi-

translation was made by Johannes Dantzius tion to Dioscorides, have been excluded (Frankfurt 1546, 1586, 1590, 1598, and from this article.

1600). There are a number of important works

For reasons not entirely clear, the British on Dioscorides which are not commentaries, Isles seemed almost immune to direct Dios- although mistakenly treated as such. Johannes

11

GREEK AUTHORS

Dantzius wrote Tabulae simplicium medt- scripts listed for Michael Cantacuzenus’ camentorum, quae apud Dioscoridem, Library, there is a paraphrase of Dioscorides Galenum et Plinium sunt..., Basel: Apud by Johannes Razendita and the title is given Henrichum Petrum 1543. This is an ela- in Latin by Antoine Du Verdier (La biblioborate classification scheme of placing drugs theque d'Antoine du Verdier..., Lyon 1585,

in alphabetical order and charting their p. 62; see same information in loannes qualities in tables according to certain Georg Schenck, Biblia iatrica..., Frank-

categories (calefaciendi, refrigerandi, sic- furt 1609, p. 437, and Albert von Haller, candi, humestandi; dissilarem, tenuem, Bibliotheca botanica..., London 1777, pt.

crassam, acrimoniam, etc.) 1, p. 84). There is no indication who Razen-

Similarly there is much on Dioscorides’ dita might be other than that his manuscript text and its interpretation in the defense of was in the library of Cantacuzenus but, since Melchior Guilandus by Paulus Hessus. Guil- the other titles in the collection are either

andinus was a botanist who was involved in Greek authors or Greek translations of a dispute with Matthiolus (see below, pp. Arabic works, the probability is that Razen86-88). Neither Dantzius’ nor Hessus’ works dita’s work was in Greek. are considered to lie within the parameters of The seventeenth century saw a decline in

this article. the study of Dioscorides except for the

About 1574 Joseph Scaliger wrote a letter abiding interest in the translations and comto Franciscus Venturianus (Ep. 17, pp. 103- mentaries by Ruellius-Matthiolus and by 108 in: Epistolae omnes..., Lugduni Bata- Lacuna. As discussed above (p. 10) there vorum: Elzevir 1627) in which he discussed were one seventeenth-century printing of difficulties in translating herbs. He was es- Matthiolus in Latin and three in French and pecially critical of Robert Constantine’s six printings of Lacuna in Spanish (above, p. commentary perhaps in part because Con- 10-1). In Germany Peter Uffenfacher corstantine had inherited some of the older rected Ioannes Dantzius’ German translaScaliger’s notes and manuscripts. Scaliger’s tion of Dioscorides which saw six printings letter, despite references to the contrary, (Frankurt, 1609, 1610, 1611, 1614, 1626, could not reasonably be considered a com- and 1654). A new commentary on De ma-

mentary. teria medica was prepared by Jacques and Conradus Forerus (d. 1594) was a col- Paul Contant and published in editions of

laborator with Conrad Gesner on the Fisch- 1628 and 1640, both at Poitiers. About 1655

buch. In a letter on Dioscoridean com- John Goodyer translated De materia medica mentaries which was published in Valerii into English from the Greek but the work Cordii...Annotationes..., Argentorati was not published until 1959 when edited by 1561, Conrad Gesner wrote: ‘“‘Conradus Robert R. Gunther (New York). There exists Forerus Vitoduranus, iuvenis doctissimus, in manuscript an anonymous and partial amicus noster, easdem ut Benedictus Tex- English translation of Saracenus’ Latin comtor Stirpium differentias digessit, non qui- mentary on De materia medica (see below, dem e Dioscoridis solum sed etiam Plinti et p. 41). Albert von Haller (Bibliotheca boTheophrasti editionibus. Nondum excusas tanica... [London 1771], pt. 1, p. 84) lists puto.”’ This is repeated in the second edition two commentators by their last names only, of Gesner’s Bibliotheca instituta et collecta Reinesius (‘In var. lection.’’) and Salmasius. ..., Tiguri 1583, p. 161. There is no record Presumably these are the two seventeenthof Forerus’ work having been published. century authors: Thomas Reinesius, VariaWhile Forerus drew upon Dioscorides for rum lectionum libri..., Altenburg, 1640; his work, he also used Pliny and Theo- and Claude de Saumaise or Salmasius (1588phrastus, and his Stirpium differentiae can- 1653), Plinianae exercitationes in Caii Julti

not be regarded as a commentary. Solini Polyhistora..., 1689 (cf. Fabricius Among the fifty-seven books and manu- BG, 1717 ed., 3, 98), used by Wellmann in

12

DIOSCORIDES

his critical edition of Dioscorides. theca botanica qua scripta ad rem herThe low ebb of Dioscorides’ influence bariam facientia a rerum initiis recencame in the eighteenth century which had sentur. 2 pts. London 1771.

but one printing of Lacuna (Madrid 1733). Mangetus = Joannes Jacobus Mangetus, The main reasons must have been first, the Bibliotheca scriptorum medicorum. .., knowledge of newer plants coming from var- 4 vols. Geneva 1731. ious areas of the world during the Age of Pritzel = G. A. Pritzel, Thesaurus literaExploration and second, the revolutionizing turae botanicae omnium gentium inde

botanical studies of Carl Linnaeus. Mean- a rerum botanicarum initiis ad nostra

time the humanistic interest in Dioscorides usque tempora quindecim millia

had declined. operum recensens. Leipzig 1851; repr. The nineteenth century witnessed the fa- Milan 1950.

miliar revival in classical philology and a re- Wellcome = Wellcome Medical Library,

turn of interest in Dioscorides. In Prague, London, England. 1821, Caspar a Sternberg published Catalogus plantarum ad septem varias editiones commentariorum Matthioli in Dioscoridem. In his Lectures on Roman Husbandry (Ox-

ford 1857), Charles Daubeny sought to iden- SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

tify many of the plants in De materia medica

in the Linnaean system but his effort was no The following constitutes only a partial _ more than a beginning and a pioneer work. listing of the large number of writings availAs can be seen in the bibliography below able. With a few exceptions, the titles below others have since attempted to make identifi- are those which are listed under specific cations but many, if indeed not most, of Dio- headings throughout the article. scorides’ plants cannot be identified with spe-

cific modern species, probably in some in- I. MODERN EDITIONS. stances because Dioscorides may have only Curt Sprengel, in: Medicorum Graecorum had in mind generic plants. Curt Sprengel in opera quae exstant, C. G. Kiihn, ed., vols. 1829-30 made the first modern effort to pro- 25-26 (Leipzig 1829-30); Max Wellmann, duce a critical text, and in 1907-14 Max Pedanitt Dioscuridis Anazarbeit De materia Wellmann published the standard edition of medica libri quinque, 3 vols. (Berlin 1907-14;

the De materia medica. repr. 1958). In addition to the regular Catalogus ab-

breviations, the following specialized citations II. TRANSLATIONS. are used throughout the present article. Arabic: Edited principally from Madrid BN Ms 5506 but using other manuscripts by César E. Dubler and Elias Terés, in vol. 2 of

Beccaria = Augusto Beccaria, I codici di César E. Dubler, La ‘Materia Médica’ de medicina del periodo presalernitano Dioscorides. Transmisién medieval y rena(secoli IX, X e XI). Rome 1956. centista, 6 vols. (Barcelona 1953-1959). Choulant = Ludwig Choulant, Geschichte English: Prepared by John Goodyer beund Literatur der dlteren Medicin, vol. 1. tween 1652 and 1655 and edited by Robert

Leipzig 1841. R. Gunther, The Greek Herbal of Dioscorides

Durling = Richard Durling, A Catalogue (New York 1934; repr. 1959), with Notha in of Sixteenth Century Printed Books in brackets. the National Library of Medicine. Bethes- German: Julius Berendes, Des Pedanios

: da Md., 1967. Citations to entry Dioskurides aus Anazarbos Arzneimittellehre

numbers. in fiinf Biichern (Stuttgart 1902), with attempt

Von Haller = Albertus von Haller, Biblio- to identify plants.

13

GREEK AUTHORS

III. GENERAL. idem, “‘Greek Biology and its Relation to

César E. Dubler, La ‘Materia Medica’ de the Rise of Modern Biology,”’ Studies in the Dioscorides. .. .(Barcelona 1953), vol. 1; John History and Method of Science (Oxford M. Riddle, ‘“‘Dioscorides,”’ Dictionary of Scti- 1921) vol. 2, 1-101; H. Stadler, ‘‘Lateinische

entific Biography, C. C. Gillespie, ed. vol. 4 Pflanzennamen in Dioskorides,” Archiv fiir (New York 1971), 119-123; Max Wellmann’s lateinische Lexikographie und Grammatik preface to his edition of De materia medica, 10 (1898), 83-114; Ernst W. Stieb, ‘Drug vol. 2, v-xxvi, and his article: ‘‘Dioskorides,”’ Adulteration and its Detection in the Writ[No. 12], Real-Enc., vol. 5, 1131-1142. ings of Theophrastus, Dioscorides and Pliny,” Journal mondial de pharmacie, 2 (1958), IV. SPECIALIZED STUDIES. 117-134; Jean Théodoridés, ‘‘Intérét scienti-

Jacques André, ‘‘Les noms de plantes fique des miniatures zoologiques...,’’ Acta latins du Pseudo-Dioscoride,’’ Latomus 14 biol. debrecina (1969-1970), 7-8, 265-272; (1955) 517-524, on Notha; idem, “‘Sur quel- C. Vaczy, ““Nomenclatura Dacica a planteques noms de plantes,’’ Revue de philologie lor la Dioscorides si Pseudo-Apuleius,’’ de littérature et d'histoire anciennes 28 (1954) Muzerl de Istorie. Acta Museu Napocensise, 52-64; Odysseus Apostol, ‘‘Oinotherapy ac- Cluj, 5 (1968), 59-74; and Max Wellmann,

cording to Dioskorides,’’ 22nd Int. Cong. ‘Die Pflanzennamen des Dioskurides,”’ Hist. Med., Bucharest 1970, Comptes Hermes 33 (1898), 360-422. rendus, pp. 317-318 (not seen); E. Bonnet,

“Etude sur les figures de plantes et d’ani- V. GREEK MANUSCRIPT AND

maux...,” Janus 14 (1909), 294-303; TEXTUAL PROBLEMS

and his other articles in Janus 8 (1903), A facsimile reprint of the Vienna Ms

169-177, 225-232, 281-285; J. Lachs, “‘La Med. Gr. 1, with beautifully colored plates gynécologie chez Dioscoride,’’ Prace Kom. is published as Codices Selecti Phototypice Medyc. i Nauk Mat.—przyr., 3 (1, Krakow, Impressi, 12 |Graz: Akademische Druck- und Polish Academy of Sciences and Letters, Verlagsanstalt, 1970]. R. Bianchi Bandinelli, 1950), 46 pp. (not seen); Edmund O. von ‘“T] Dioscoride di Napoli,’’ Accademia NaLippmann, “Die chemischen Kenntnisse des zionale dei Lincei, Classe di Scienze moral, Dioskorides,’’ Abhandlungen und Vortrdge storiche, e filologiche, Rendiconti, Ser. 8a. zur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften, 2 vol. 11 (1956), 77-104; Paul Buberl, “‘Die vols. (Leipzig 1906-1913), 1, 47-73; R. Mock, antiken Grundlagen der Miniaturen des Pflanzliche Arzneimittel bei Dioskurides die Wiener Dioskurideskodex,’’ Jahrbuch des schon im Corpus Hippocraticum vorkommen deutschen archdologischen Instituts, 51 (Tiibingen 1919, thesis); Achille Morricone, (1936), 114-136; G. E. Dann, “Ein Faksimile-

“I medicamenti di origine animale ricavati Druck des Wiener Dioskurides,’’ Zur

dal mare nell’opera di Dioscoride,’”’ Pagine Geschichte der Pharmazie, 18 (1966), 9-11; di storia della medicina, VII, 5 (1963), 24-28; Ulrich Fleischer, Review of: The AntinoLeon Moule, “‘La zoothérapie au temps de opolis Papyri. Part 3. Ed. with Transl. and Dioscoride et de Pline,’’ International Con- Notes by J. W. Barns and H. Zilliacus. Longress for the History of Medicine, Antwerp don: Egypt Explor. Soc. 1967. ..(Graeco-

1920, 451-461; Vincenzo Pedicino, ‘‘Medi- Roman Memoirs, 47.), in: Gnomon 41 camenti di natura minerale ricavati del mare (1969), 640-646; A. Forese, ‘‘Un nuovo nell’opera di Dioscoride,’’ Pagine di Storia erbario greco di Dioscoride,’’ Rassegna della Medicina, VII, 3 (1963), 55-61; R. medica e culturale (convivium sanitatis) 36 Schimdt, Die noch gebréuchlichen Arznei- (no. 3), 169-184; Antonio Giuliano, “Il mittel bei Dioskurides, (Tubingen 1919, _codice di Dioscuride a Vienna in una notizia thesis); Charles Singer, ‘The Herbal in An- di Giovanni Tortelli,’’ La parola del passato, tiquity and its Transmission to Later Ages,”’ Naples. 23 (1968), 52-54; William T. Stearn, Journal of Hellenic Studies 47 (1927), 1-52; “Codex Aniciae Julianae,”’ Graphis 10 (1954), 14

DIOSCORIDES

322-329; G. Swarzenski, ‘‘Mittelalterliche VIII. WeEsTERN MEDIEVAL. Kopien einer antiken medizinischen Bilder- Jerry Stannard, “Medieval Italian Medihandschrift,’’ Mahrbuch des _ kaiserlichen cal Botany,’’ Atti del XXI Congresso Interdeutschen archdologischen Instituts 17 nazionale di Storia della Medicina, Siena (1902), 45-53; A. von Salis, “‘Imagines Illus- 1968, vol. 2, 1554-1565; idem, ‘‘The Herbal

trium,”” in Eumusia. Festgabe fiir Ernst as a Medical Document,” Bulletin of the Howald zum Sechzigsten Geburtstag am 20. History of Medicine 43 (1969), 212-220; April 1947 Erlenbach-Ziirich, 11-29; and idem, ‘‘Graeco-Roman Materia Medica in Otto Waechter, “The ‘Vienna Dioskurides’ Medieval Germany,” Bulletin of the History and its Restoration,’’ Libri 13 (1963), 107- of Medicine, 46 (1972), 455-468; idem,

111. ‘‘Medieval Herbals and their Development,”’ Clio Medica 9 (1974), 23-33.

rt. , TX. RENAISSANCE.

VI. BYZANTIUM.

Hi. Hunger, Johannes Chortasmenos, enn Agnes R. Arber, Herbals, their Origin byzantinischer Intellektueller der ‘Spaten and Evolution; a Chapter in the History of Palaiologenzeit,”” Wiener Studien, Zeitschrift Botany. 1470-1670 d. Cambrid

. ; / Yy, , Yrev. ed. Cambridge

fiir klassische P hilologie 70 (1957), 153-163; 1938; Peter Dilg, ‘‘Die botanische Kommen-

Nigel G. Wilson, Two Notes on By zantine tarliteratur in Italien um 1500 und ihr EinScholarship Greek, Roman and Byzantine fluss auf Deutschland,’ in: August Buck

Studies 12 (1971), 557-358. and Otto Herding, eds, Der Kommentar in der Renaissance (Kommission fiir Human-

VII. IsLAM. ismusforschung, Mitteilung I) Bonn 1975, Albert Dietrich, ‘‘Eine wenig beachtete 225-52; Richard J. Durling, ‘‘An Early Manarabische Ubersetzung der Materia Medica ual for the Medical Student and the Newlydes Dioskurides,’’ Medizingeschichte in fledged Practitioner: Martin Stainpels’ Liber unserer Zeit. Festgabe fiir E. und W. Hei- de modo studendi seu legendi in medicina schekel-Artelt zum Geburtstag (Stuttgart ({Vienna] 1520,)’" Clio Medica 5 (1970), 1971), 69-78; idem, ‘‘Quelques observations 7-33; Karen Meir Reeds, ‘‘Renaissance Husur la matiére medicale de Dioscoride parmi manism and Botany,” Annals of Science 33 les Arabes,’’ Convegno Internazionale. Ori- (1976), 519-542. ente e Occidente nel medio evo: filosofia e scienze, Rome 1969 (Rome, 1971), 375-90;

M. L. Leclerc, “De la traduction arabe de I. COMPOSITE EDITIONS

Dioscorides,’’ Journal Asiatique 90 (1867),

5-38; Leonello Manzi, ‘‘Il codice arabo di 1. 1478 EpITION AND REPRINTS. Dioscoride della Biblioteca Universitaria di (micro.) 1478, Colle (Colle di Val d’Elsa): Bologna,”’ Bollettino delle scienze mediche. Per Johanem Allemanum de Medemblick. Bologna 139 (1967), 365-376; idem, ‘‘Le Alphabetical Dioscorides Redaction of Old manuscrit arabe de Dioscoride de la Biblio- Latin Translation with glosses by Petrus théque Universitaire de Bologne,”’ Verhand- Padubanensis. Goff D-261; Hain HC 6258; lungen des XX. Internationalen Kongresses Polain 2, 56-7 (1315); Pritzel 2299; NUC. fiir Geschichte der Medizin. Berlin, 1966 BM; BN; (DLC; PML; PPC). -(Hildesheim 1968), 246-255; Max Meyerhof, 1512, Lugduni, (Lyons): Per Gilbertum de “Die Materia Medica des Dioskurides bei Villiers expensis honestissimi viri Bartholo-

den Arabern,” Quellen und Studien zur mei Trot. With letter by Anthonius de ToGeschichte der Naturwissenschaften und der ledo Lugdunensis, March 29, 1512, Lyon,

Medizin 3 (1933), 280-292; Fuat Sezgin, addressed to medical professors. Petrus’ Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 4 Preface is omitted. Pseudo-Dioscoridean

vols. (Leiden 1970), 3, 58-60. ‘“Tractatus de naturis et virtutibus aquarum

15

GREEK AUTHORS

dyoscoridis,’’ fols. 119-120v. Panzer VII, Comm. by Hermolaus Barbarus and ab302, 217; Graesse 2, 403; Brunet 2, 735; breviated comm. by Marcellus Virgilius Choulant 1, 79-80; Pritzel 2300; Durling Adrianus. Panzer VI, 115, No. 786; Graes1138: NUC. Wellcome; BN, Seville; (DNLM; se 2, 403; Schmidt RES 50; Durling 1144;

MnU; NNNAM). Pritzel 2304; NUC. BN; Oxford, Bodl.; (DNLM).

Doubtful or Rejected Edition:

1514, Venetiis (Venice): per Georgium 4. 1537 EbDITION AND REPRINTS.

Arrivabenum. Panzer VIII, 418, 662; Graes- 1537, Parisiis (Paris): Apud Simonem se 2, 403, who says it 1s a copy of Lyon, Colinaeum. Translation by Johannes Ruel-

1512. lius, with claimedtranslation revisions to Ruellius’ by Dionysius Corronius (Leaves 2. 1516 EpiTIOoN AND DOUBTFUL EDITIONS. [6]-[10]). Bks. I-V, fols. 1-229; De venenis

[1516, Venice]: Aloisius et Franciscus as Bk. VI, fols. 239v-246; Notha and AdBarbari et Ioannes Bartholomaeus Astensis scripta combined at end. Durling 1146; curarunt in Gregoriorum Fratrum Officina. Graesse 2, 403; Renouard, Colines 277-78; Dioscorides’ De materia medica (Bks. I-V) NUC. BM; Uppsala; (CtY-M; DNLM). and De venenis as Bks: VI-VIII of De ma- 1539, Basileae (Basel): Apud Mich. Ising.

teria medica. Translation by Hermolaus Translation by Ruellius, with claimed reBarbarus with the Notha; commentaries by vision to translation by Dionysius Corronius,

Barbarus on Books I-V and by Ioannes fols. a2-b3v, and Bks. I-V, pp. 1-479; De Baptista Egnatius on Book I. Barbarus’ venenis as Bk. VI, pp. 480-534; Notha and comm. is to De materia medica, Bks. I-V, Adscripta combined at end. Graesse 2, 403; only, and is published with a separate title Hoffmann BL 1, 601-603; Durling 1149;

page (undated; 116 fols.). Panzer VIII, NUC. (DNLM). 429, 767; Proctor-Isaac 2, 403; Durling (micro) 1542, Basileae (Basel): Apud

1140; Pritzel 407; NUC. Wellcome; BN; Mich. Ising. Translation by Ruellius, with

(DNLM; ICJ; WV). claimed revision to translation by Dionysius Corronius, fols. a2-bv, and Bks. I-V, pp.

Doubtful or Rejected Editions: 1-430; De venenis as Bk. VI, pp. 431-479;

1492, Rome. “Cum praefatione Jo. Bapt. Notha and Adscripta combined at end. Egnatii.’’ Joannes Franciscus Sequierus, Choulant 1, 80. NUC. (CtY-M; MH; micro. Bibliotheca Botanica, sive catalogus auc- at DNLM). torum et librorum, qui de re botanica...

(Lyons 1760) 1, 53. This is probably a con- 5. 1538 EpITION.

fusion with Hermolaus Barbarus Castiga- (micro.) 1538, Venetiis (Venice): [Per

tiones plinianae, Rome 1492. Ioan. Ant. de Nicolinis de Sabio.] Ioannis 1540, Venetiis (Venice). ed. Joan. Bapt. Ruellius’ translation, Bks. I-V, fols. 1-

Egnatius. Hoffmann BL 1, 603; Catalogus 190v; De venenis as Bks. VI-IX, fols. 191-

librorum bibl. Academiae Upsaliensis 1, 211. Notha in text. Adscripta, fols. 211-

242, but in a letter to the author Gert Horn- 212. Commentary by Benedictus Textor with wall reports that the copy is not at Uppsala separate title page. Durling 1148; Choulant University Library (January 22, 1975). 1, 80; NUC. Cambridge UL; (DNLM).

3. 1529 EpiTIon. 6. 1543 EpiTIon.

1529, In inclyta Argentorato (Stras- [1543), Franc[oforti and Marburg]: Apud bourg): Apud Io. Schotum. Edited by Otto -Chr. Egenolphum. Translation by Johannes Brunfels. Translation by Ioannes Ruellius. Ruellius, Bks. I-V, pp. 1-421; De venenis Bks. I-V, De venenis as Bks. VI-IX, 340- as Bk. VI, pp. 421-439; Notha and Adscrip-

361v; Notha in text; Adscripta, fol. 362. ta wanting; commentary by Gualtherus H. 16

DIOSCORIDES

Rivius following each chapter; and commen- therus H. Rivius following each chapter, tary (fols. 81v-84) by Johannes Lonicerus at and commentary by Valerius Cordus, pp. end with separate title page. Colored wood- 449-533; Euricius Cordus’ Iudicium de

cuts. In the Wellcome copy the t.p. and herbis; and Conrad Gesner’s Herbarum

much of introductory letter is missing and a nomenclaturae, pp. 541-554. Woodcuts for restoration of it omits a large part of Rivius’ most chapters. Josef Benzing, Walther H.

introductory letter. In BM copy Lonicerus’ Ryff..., No. 134; Durling 1152; Pritzel comm. is bound with Jani Cornarii Medici 2308; NUC. Wellcome; BM; BN; Augsburg

Physict Commentariorum medicorum in StuStB; Basel UB; Leipzig UB; (DNLM;

decem libros Galeni de compositione medi- NcU; NNBG). camentorum..., Basel, 1537. Pritzel 2307; Graesse 2, 403; Josef Benzing, Walter H. Doubtful or Rejected Edition:

Ryff..., No. 133; NUC. BM; Wellcome; 1545, Francoforti (Frankfort). Fabricius BN; Augsburg StuStB; Leipzig UB; Wolfen- BG 3, 97: “fol. cum notis G. Rivii, Val.

biittel HAB; (MiU; WU). Cordi, nomenclaturisque herbarum, vario idiomate per Conradum Gesnerum.” Hoff-

7. 1546 EDITION AND REPRINTS. mann BL 1, 603; Pritzel 2307; Josef Ben1546, Lugduni (Lyons): Excudebant Ioan- zing, Walther H. Ryff..., No. 15: ‘“‘die aber nes et Franciscus Frellonii Fratres. Transla- sonst nicht auszumachen ist.”’ tion by Johannes Ruellius, Bks. I-V, pp. 6-

487; De venenis, as Bk. VI, pp. 488-543; 9. 1549, Two Paris EDITIONS. Notha and Adscripta combined at end on 1549 (1), Parisiis (Paris): Apud Petrum unnumbered leaves. With Anonymus C Haultinum. Colophon: Excudebat Benediccommentary. Graesse 2, 403; Durling 1151; tus Prevost...mense Augusto, 1549. Greek

NUC. Wellcome; (DNLM; ICJ; MB). and Latin. Translation by Johannes Ruellius 1547 (1), Lugduni (Lyons): Theobaldus with Jacobus Goupylus’ corrections and

Paganus. Graesse 2, 403; Wellcome. editing of Gk. text, Bk. I-V, fols. 1-316;

1547 (2), Lugduni (Lyons): Apud Ioan- De venenis as Bks. VI-VIII, fols. 316-345; nem Frellonium. Graesse 2, 403; Pritzel Notha and Adscripta combined at end, fols.

2306; NUC. (CtY-M; ViRA). 353-382 (‘Inter Dioscoridis verba haec falso

1550, Venetiis (Venice): Dominicus Lilius. adscripta in quibusdam codicibus erant.’’). Bks. I-V, fols. 3-246; De venenis as Bk. VI, Commentary to De materia medica only by fols. 246y-274. Notha and Adscripta at end, Jacobus Goupylus. Ebert 1, 489; Harles fols. 274v-ovii. Pritzel 2306; Graesse 2, BNG 319; Fabricius BG 4, 98; Pritzel 2295;

403; Durling 1154; NUC. Wellcome; Durling 1135; NUC. Wellcome; BM; BN;

(DNLM; ICU; MH). John Rylands Lib.; (DNLM).

1554, Lugduni (Lyons): Apud Jacobum 1549 (2), Parisiis (Paris): Arnoldus BirkFaure. Contents same as 1550, Venice ed., manius. Another issue by B. Prevost for except pagination rather than foliation num- widow of A. Birkmann. Graesse 2, 403;

bering used. Fabricius BG 4, 97; Durling Durling 1136; NUC. Wellcome; BN;

~ 1155; NUC. Wellcome; BN: Lyons; (DNLM; (DNLM). MoSB; OU).

10. 1550 EDITION AND REPRINTS.

8. 1549, FRANKForT EDITION AND DouBTFUL 1550, Lugduni (Lyons): Apud Baltha-

| EDITION. zarem Arnolletum. Translation by Johannes [1549], Franc[oforti] (Frankfort): Apud Ruellius, Bks. I-V, pp. 1-723; De venenis _ Chr. Egenolphum. Translation by Johannes as BK. VI, pp. 724-786; Notha omitted. Ruellius, Bks. I-V, pp. 1-723; De venenis Comm. by “H.B.P. Medicus,’ possibly as Bk. VI, pp. 430-448; Notha and Adscrip- Johannes. Bruyerinus. Woodcuts for most ta wanting. Expanded commentary by Gual- chapters. Graesse 2, 403; Durling 1153;

17

GREEK AUTHORS

Pritzel 2306; NUC. Wellcome; BM; BN; Apologia with a different t.p.: Venetiis, Ex

(DNLM; CtY; PP)}). officina Erasmiana, V. Valgrisii et B. Con(*) 1551, Lugduni (Lyons): Apud Baltha- stantini, 1558). Graesse 2, 404; A. von Hal-

129. MH).

zarem Arnolletum. Reissue of 1550 ed. H. ler 82; Pritzel 5985; Durling 3309; NUC. L. Baudrier, Bibliographie Lyonnaise 10, Wellcome; Oxford, Bodl.; (DLC; DNLM;

1552, Lugduni (Lyons): Apud Baltha- 1559, Venetiis (Venice): In officina Valzarem Arnolletum. Colophon: Excudebat grisiana. Another issue of 1558 ed. Durling Viennae Balthazar Arnoullet. Same as 3010; Pritzel 5985; NUC. BM; Cambridge Lyon, 1550, except this issue adds thirty UL; (DNLM; MH; RPB). extra woodcuts at end by Jacob Dalechamp. 1560, Venetiis (Venice): In officina ValNew illustrations either serve as a correction grisiana. Another issue of 1558 ed. New t.p. _ of the woodcut used earlier, e.g. meum (I, for accompanying Apologia adversus Ama-

3), or a supplementary illustration where thum Lusitanum, dated 1559. Graesse 2, there was none in prior section, e. g. hyco- 404; NUC. Wellcome; BN; (NNBG; TXU).

campus (II, 2). Graesse 2, 403; Hoffmann 1563, Lugduni (Lyons): Apud Gabrielem BL 1, 603; Baudrier, Bibliographie Lyon- Coterium, 1562 [i.e., 1563]. Colophon: Joannaise 10, 130; NUC. Wellcome; BM; BN; nes d’Ogerolles, 1563. Ruellius trans. with

(DNLM-?; MH; NNBG). Matthiolus’ comm., Bks. I-V, pp. 1-1754; De

Doubtful: 1593, Basil. (Basel). Fabricius venenis, pp. 755-837. New t.p. for accomBG 3, 97; Johann Heinrich Zedler, Grosses panying Aplogia..., Apud Gabrielem Coter-

vollstindiges Universal-Lexikon 7, 1024. ium, 1562. Durling 3011; A. von Haller 82; Graesse 4, 446; NUC. Wellcome; BM; 11. 1554 Venice Epition, REPRINTS AND Lyons; (DNLM).

REVISIONS. 1565, Venetiis (Venice): Ex officina Val-

1554, Venetiis (Venice): In officina Eras- grisiana. Ruellius trans. with Matthiolus’ miana, apud Vincentium Valgrisium. Trans- comm. Bks. I-V, pp. 1-1393, with revision lation by Johannes Ruellius with corrections of comm. Notes are added in this edition to by Petrus Andreas Matthiolus, Bks. I-V, Ruellius’ translation based on new findings pp. 1-639; De venenis, fols. 640-707; Notha by Matthiolus which include Oribasius and and Adscripta are omitted in this and all the Constantinopole Ms. For instance on p. subsequent editions. Comm. by P. A. Mat- 29, under Meon (I, 3) M. puts some words

thiolus to De materia medica, Bks. I-V, of R.’s trans. in brackets with a marginal

and De venenis, pp. 642-707. Chapter head- note: “Oribasius non legit conclusa.’’ He ings in Gk. and Lat. Woodcuts drawn by follows the same procedure with Asarum (p. Giorgio Liberale and cut by Wolfgang Meier- 27; I, 9) and notes: “‘Addit Catac. [Cantacu-

peck. Graesse 2, 404; Fabricius BG 4, 97; zenus spoken of in preface) Bordvn evudns Durling 3008; NUC. Wellcome; BM; aTegavwpaTixy 1. herba odorata, coronaria.

(DNLM; KU; NcU). Meum vero habet of 6€ vapdov aypiav 1558, Venetiis (Venice): ex officina Eras- xadovar, TOM EVwWdNns OTEGAYwWLATLAXY. Con-

miana Vincentii Valgrisii. Trans. by Ruel- clusa non legit Oribasius.’’ New woodcuts by lius with Matthiolus’ comm.: Bks. I-V, pp. Hagek z Hagku taken from Prague, Melan-

1-709; De venenis, pp. 710-775, with trich, 1562, ed. of comm. in Bohemian.

comm., 712-776. Same woodcuts as Venice, Fabricius BG 4, 97; Durling 3012; Graesse 1554, with some additional ones. e.g., ad- 2, 404; A. von Haller 82; Pritzel 5985; NUC. ded cut of Iris sylv. altera (p. 18) and Aco- Wellcome; (CtY-M; DNLM; NNBG). rum falsum (p. 20). In two parts with second 1569, Venetiis (Venice): Ex officina Valpart containing Apologia adversus Amathum grisiana. Ruellius’ trans. and Matthiolus’

Lusitanum by Matthiolus with separate revised comm., Bks. I-V, pp. 11-886; De t.p. (p. 50). (Wellcome ed. has an issue of venenis, pp. 887-956. Graesse 2, 404; A. 18

DIOSCORIDES

von Haller 82; Pritzel 5985; Fabricius BG 4, 12. 1554, Lyons EDITION. 97; NUC. Wellcome; Vienna NB; BN; 1554, Lugduni (Lyons): Apud Balthazarem

(MH-A). Arnolletum. Johannes Ruellius’ trans. with

(*) 1570, Venetiis (Venice): Ex officina Petrus Andreas Matthiolus’ corrections: Valgrisiana. Said by Wellcome Catalogue Bks. I-V, pp. 1-506; De venenis as Bk. VI, (p. 220) to be same as Venice 1569. With pp. 507-564. And with Commentary of “De ratione distillandi aquas...’’[12] p. at Anonymus D, pp. 7-377, on Books I-V. end. Durling 3013; Graesse 2, 404; NUC. Fabricius BG 4, 97, BM; BN. Wellcome; BN; Uppsala; (DNLM).

1583, Venetiis (Venice): Apud Felicem Valgrisium, 2 vols. Ruellius’ trans. and 13. 1558 EDITION AND REPRINTS. Matthiolus’ revised comm. as in 1565 ed., 1558 (1), Lugduni (Lyons): Apud GulielBks. I-V, vol. 1, pp. 1-717; De venenis, pp. mum Rouillium, sub scuto Veneto. Colophon;

718-772. New Woodcuts by Iacobus An- Excudebat vidua Balthazaris Arnolleti. tonius Cortusius. Graesse 2, 404; A. von Amatus Lusitanus’ commentary edited by Haller 82; Fabricius BG 4, 97; Pritzel 5985; and with additional comm. by Robertus

NUC. Wellcome; BN; (DNLM; MH-A). Constantinus. Woodcuts by Leonhart

1598, [Francofurti: Ex officina typographica Fuchsius, Jacobus Dalechamplus, et al. Nicolai Bassaei], 2 vols. Ruellius’ trans. and Graesse 1, 97; Pritzel 124; Check List of Matthiolus’ revised comm. as in 1565 ed., Sixteenth-Century Editions of Works of SixBks. I-V, vol. 1, pp. 1-895; De venenis, vol. teenth-Century Latin Authors (New York 1, pp. 967-1027. With Apologia..., With 1963) 64; Rep. Bibl. Fr. 1, 1165; José-Lopes new comm. by Caspar Bauhinus. Graesse 2, Dias, ‘““Commentarios ao ‘Index Dioscoridis’ 404; Durling 3007; Pritzel 5985; NUC. Well- de Amato Lusitano,’”’ IV Centenario de Joao

come; BN; (ICU; DNAL; CtY; NcU; Rodrigues de Castelo Branco—Amato Lusi-

NNAM). tano (Castelo Branco 1968) p. 87n. Well1674, Basileae (Basel): Sumptibus Ioannis come; BM; BN; Munich; Vienna.

K6nig. 2 pts. in 1 vol. Pritzel 5985; Graesse (*) 1558 (2), Lugduni (Lyons): Apud

2, 404; NUC. BM; BN; (DNLM). Mathiam Bonhomme sub Claua Aurea.

Colophon: Excudebat vidua Baltazaris

Doubtful or Rejected Editions: Arnolleti. Another issue of above. Wellcome. 1557, Basileae (Basel). Cited by Johannes Checklist. ..(supra), 64; Rep. Bibl. Fr. 1, Jacobus Mangetus, Bibliotheca Scriptorum 1165; Baudrier 10, 258; NUC. Wellcome.

Medicorum, Veterum et Recentiorum, 4 (*) 1558 (3), Lugduni (Lyons): Apud vols. (Geneva 1731) vol. 1, pt. 2, p. 182. Paganum Theobaldum. Same pagination 1562, Venetiis. Hoffmann BL 1, 603: given as other 1558, Lyons eds. Rep. Bibl. “-4.-cum iconibus et apologia adversus Fr. 1, 1165; Dias, ref. (1) above, p. 87n. _ Amatum, indice curativo et notis. Venet.”’

1571, Venetiis (Venice). Hoffmann BL, Doubtful or Rejected Editions: 603: ‘‘-4.-addita Fr. Calceolarii descriptione 1548, Lugduni (Lyons): Apud Viduam itineris sui a Verona in Baldum montem, Arnolleti. Jo. Antonius Bumuldus, Biblio-

plantis refertissimum. Venet.”’ theca Botanica...(Lugduni Batavorum, 1593, Basileae. Hoffmann BL 1, 603: ‘‘in- 1760), p. 25.

terprete I. Ruellio. Basileae.” Fabricius BG 4, — 97; Zedler 7, 1025: “‘in fol. mit. H.B.P....’’

. 1604, Venetiis. Hoffmann BL 1, 603. 14. 1583 EbIiTion.

1678, Basileae: Johann Kénig. W. L. (*) 1583, Marpurgi (Marburg): Christianus Schreiber, “‘Die Krauterbiicher des XV. und Aegenolphus excud. Trans. by Johannes XVI. Jahrhunderts,’’ in Hortus Sanitatis Ruellius with comm. by Marcellus Vergilius

(Mainz 1485; facs. 1924), p. 45. and Johannes Lonicerus. Adams D-674.

19

GREEK AUTHORS

1S. 1598 EpITIONs. tions of Greek terms with the translator fre1598 (1), [Frankfurt]: Sumtibus haeredum quently not seeking a Latin equivalent for Andreae Wecheli, Claudii Marnii et Ioan. the substance described. The Latin gram-

Aubrii. Greek and Latin in three parts. mar reflects late ancient changes in gender Translation by Janus Antonius Saracenus of and case and a general decline in endings.

Pseudo-Dioscorides’ Liber Parabilium Re- There are some omissions of chapters, mediorum or Euporista (1, pp. 1-125), mostly in Book II; however, an exact comDioscorides’ De materia medica (2, pp. parison is difficult because the Latin trans-

1-393), Pseudo-Dioscorides’ De venenis in lator frequently combined entries. A use of two, separate bks., (2, 395-414) and com- the Semitic work, girba, suggested to Schanz mentary by Saracenus (Liber Parabilium (below) and Mihaescu (‘‘La versione latina,”’

Remediorum, 1, 128-135; De materia p. 339 below) an African origin while V.

medica, 3, 1-124; De venenis, 2, 124-133- Rose (v. 2, 115, below) believed that the 140). Notha and Adscripta together, 2, pp. origin is Ostrogothic Italy. Mihaescu points 441-479. Commentary to Bks. 1-4 of De to the use of the Germanic word zuccar as materia medica by lohannes Sambucus, 2, well as other words of diverse origin. Hence pp. 141-144. Pritzel 2296; Graesse 2, 403; the translator’s location seems uncertain. Brunet 2, 734; Ebert 1, 459; Durling 1137; Gargilius Martialis (fl. 222-235) is the NUC. Wellcome; BN; Oxford, Bodl.; first known Latin writer to cite Dioscorides

(DNLM; ICU; MH). but, since no other late Latin authors cited 1598 (2), [Frankfort]: Apud heredes Andreae him, it is possible that Martialis was using a

Wecheli, Claudium Marnium et Ioan. Greek version. A suggestion that Martialis Aubrium. This 16mo size edition was pub- was responsible for the translation seems lished at the same time as the one above doubtful and is contrary to the linguistic evi(in folio) but this one lacks Greek text, the dence cited by Schanz, Mihaescu, Stadler, two commentaries and Liber Parabilium Bulhart, and Niedermann. Seemingly also, Remediorum. Bks. I-V, pp. 1-627; Notha if a translation were completed by the early

and Adscripta together, pp. 704-766; De third century, other Latin writers would

venenis as two, separate treatises; Bk. I, pp. have used it. 268-654; II, 660-699. Graesse 2, 404; NUC. Cassiodorus (Unstitutio divinarum liter-

pecial Note. . . , , i .

Wellcome; (DNLM). arum, c. 31) wrote: “‘Si vobis non fuerit

Speci graecarum litterarum nota facundia, imThere were no composite editions in Latin primis habetis herbarium Dioscoridis qu after 1600 with the exception of the 1074 seruit atque depinxit.”’ This passage is cited edition of Ruellius-Matthiolus, above I, 11. by Hermann Stadler (“Der lateinische D.”,

, P s herbas agrorum mirabili proprietate dispp. 548-549, below) to support the assertion

that the Old Latin Translation was at Vivarium in the sixth century; however, Max

I]. DE MATERIA MEDICA Wellmann (PW, 11, 1135) and Pierre Paul TRANSLATIONS Courcelle (below, pp. 21) believed that it is

1. ANonyMus A equally possible that Cassiodorus was refer-

a. Oldest form. ring to the Pseudo-Dioscorides, Ex herbis

Linguistic evidence is the principal basis femininis, which was illustrated. On the for postulating a sixth-century date for the other hand, Charles Singer (below, p. 21) translation although a date in the early third believed that Cassiodorus was referring to a century has also been suggested. The anony- second Latin translation which he called the mous translation is a fairly accurate, often Dioscorides vulgaris; however, Singer’s arword for word, account of the non-alphabetic guments are faulty because he says the verrecension. There are numerous translitera- sion is represented by the Vienna palimpsest, 20

DIOSCORIDES

Ms lat. 16, ca. 600. After World War I this there were three Latin translations of Diosmanuscript, which I have seen, was trans- corides, the misunderstanding apparently ferred back to Italy, and it 1s now in Naples, stemming from H. Moerland’s review of Biblioteca Nazionale (Ms gia Viennesi lat. 2, Mihaescu’s book (Gnomon, 15 [1939], 222s. V, VIII and IX). The text is in Latin, and 224). What should have been stated is that on fols. 62 r&v and 65 r&v beneath a Latin there were three copies (Munich 337, Paris hand of Bobbio, there are fragments of the 9332 and Bern A. 91,7) of the one translation.

Greek, not Latin, text of Dioscorides. (See, Rubric (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Cataldus Iannellius, Catalogus Bibliothecae Ms. lat. 12, 995, fol. 1). [Inc]ipit Prefatio

Latinae veteris et classicae manuscriptae Dioschoridis in libro De virtutibus herbarum.

quae in Regio Neapolitano Museo Bor- Preface. {Inc.]: Multi voluerunt auctores

bonico adservatur. Naples 1827, pp. 5-9; antiqui de virtutib(us) herbarum et con[m]J. V. Eicherfeld, ‘‘Fragmente des Dioscor- positiones holerum scribere et quam plurim1 ides,’ Jahrbiicher der Literatur, vol. 25, iuniores scholastici, amabilis Arie frat(er), Vienna 1824, 35-37). In the section below temptabo et ego probare tibi in hac presenon pseudo-Dioscoridean treatises, I shall tia mea et non qualia illi qui nec inicium cite the evidence for believing that Cassio- nec finem potuerunt conplere. Sed ex istoria dorus was referring to Ex herbis femininis. hoc est ex diversa instructione pando tibi et Here it is best to mention two pieces of cir- probaudiligenter [probabiliter?] ostendo et cumstantial evidence supporting the possi- singularum rerum confectiones et pigmenbility that the Old Latin Translation was at torum virtutes. Nam et quae ab antiquis Vivarium. Cassiodorus refers to an ‘“‘herbal”’ scripta sunt vel ex his quae probanda vel which, strictly speaking, De materia medica reprobanda sint diligenter tibi monstrabo. is not because it describes substances from Nam Iolaos vitinienssis et Heraclides tarenall kingdoms. But the incipit to the Old Latin tinus leviter huiuscemodi tetigerunt doctrinam

Translation, found in Paris BN lat. 12,995, praetermittentes herbarum virtutes.../...

s. IX, and not known to any of the other [Expl.]:(fol. 2v) quod si ad oculorum medicawriters, describes the work as an herbal. mina sucos servare volueris, quae recipient The second piece of evidence for supporting in confectione sua picem liquidam vel acetum

De materia medica as the object of Cassio- aut cedriam in vasis haeneis aut stagneis dorus’ description (‘‘depinxit’’) is that, while facis. Explicit epistola.

as a general rule manuscripts of De materia Text. [Inc.]: (fol. 4) (De hiri hirillirica. I, medica are not illustrated and those of Ex 1) Hyris illirica folia habet silfio similia sed herbis feminimis are illustrated, there is a maiora et vastiora et pinguiora floris.../... single exception, namely Munich Ms 337. [Expl.]:(fol. 197) (CLXXVIII. De adremenio. The illustrations in the Munich Ms are in- Bk. V) Myrnomelani conficitur sic fumi(o)

frequent, crude and uncolored. Stadler (14, tede...dimittis quamdiu sicca ceciderit. 166, below) says that the sketches derive Amen deo gratias. either from nature or from the description Bibliography: in the text. The illustrations do not relate to K. Hoffmann and T. M. Auracher began the famous Juliana Codex (Vienna, NB, Ms editing Munich 337 (Romanische ForschunGk. 1) or, seemingly, to the Crateuas tradi- gen, 1 [1882], 49-105) and the project was

tion, or to the illustrations in the Ex herbis continued by H. Stadler (ibid. 10 [1897],

feminimis. Since Munich Ms 337 is definitely 181-247, 369-466, 11 [1899] 1-121; 13 [1902],

of south Italian origin, it is possible that its 161-243; 14 [1903], 601-637. Stadler had ancestor could have been the object of Cas- the advantage of the discovery of BN 9332, siodorus’ remark. Courcelle (p. 403) is in- which he used for editing Bks. II-V but he correct when he says manuscripts of Ex her- did not reedit Bk. I, which in Munich 337

bis femininis are without illustration. is incomplete. Book I has been reedited by Courcelle is also in error when he says that H. Mihaescu, using BN lat 9332 (and the

21

GREEK AUTHORS

fragmentary Ms. Bern A 917) in Dioscoride Manuscripts: latino materia medica libro primo (Iasi, Ru- Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek,

mania, 1938). No edition has employed BN CLM 337, s. X, 160 fols. The first folio is lat. 12, 995, which is the most complete missing. Folio two contains a portion of the copy since both BN 9332 and Munich 337 table of contents. The “‘Preface’’ beginning omit sections especially those on stones. For on fol. 2v is mutilated, and the Ms has some reports, see: Vinzenz Bulhart, ‘“Lexikalisches crude sketches of plants not related to the zum Spatlatein,’’ Wiener Studien. Zeitschrift Dioscorides-Crateuas tradition. The date of fiir klassische Philologie, 67 (1954) 145-161; the Ms is given by various authorities from Pierre Courcelle, Les lettres grecques en Oc- the eighth through the tenth centuries. It cident, de Macrobe a Cassiodore. . . Rev. ed. was once at Monte Cassino, but sometime

(Paris 1948), p. 383; Gargilius Martialis, after 1490 it came into the possession of De oleribus. ed. Valentin Rose in his Anec- Marcellus Vergilius Adrianus who employed dota Graeca et Graecolatina (Berlin 1870) 2, it in his commentary. For the later history 105-150; H. Mihaescu, ‘“‘La versione latina of this manuscript, see p. 35 below. It passed di Dioscoride, tradizione manoscritta, critica from Marcellus to Salnuccius, to Cardinal del testo, cenno linguistico,’’ Ephemeris Capuanus, to Johann Albert Widmanstad, to Dacoromana, 8 (1938) 298-348; H. Moerland, Landeshut, and finally to Munich. (C. Halm,

“*Review of Mihaescu...,’’ Gnomon, 15 Catalogus Codicum I, 1 62; Augusto Bec(1939) 222-224; Max Niedermann, Recueil caria, [ codici di medicina del periodo presaMax Niedermann (Neuchatel 1954), 39-43 lernitano (secoli IX, X e XI) (Rome 1956, et passim.; John M. Riddle, ‘“‘Dioscorides,”’ 222-223; Konrad Hofmann and T. M. AuDictionary of Scientific Biography, 4 (New racher, “‘Der Longobardische Dioskorides

York 1971) 119-123; Martin Schanz, des Marcellus Virgilius,’’ Romanische For-

Geschichte der rodmischen Litteratur bis zum schungen, 1 (1882), 49-52; for further refs.

Gesetzgebungswerk des Kaisers Justinian see bibl. above.)

(Munich 1920) 2, pt. 2, 296-298; Charles Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, Ms lat. Singer, ““The Herbal in Antiquity and its 9332, s. IX, fols. 234-321v. Inc.: ‘“‘xxxiii. de Transmission to Later Ages,’ The Journal Balanino./Balaninum confici sic...’’ Missof Hellenic Studies, 47 (1927), 34-35; H. ing leaves in Bern, Burgerbibliothek, A. 91. Stadler, ‘‘Lateinische Pflanzennamen in 7. According to E. A. Lowe, Scriptura BeneDioskorides,’’ Archiv fiir latetnische Lexiko- ventana..., (Oxford 1929), p. XLII, this

graphie und Grammatik. ed. Eduard Paris Ms and the Bern Ms are fragments of Wolfflin. (Leipzig 1898) 2, 83-114; idem, the same corpus which contained in se“Der lateinische Dioscorides der Miinchener quence: Oribasius, Synopsis medica; Alex-

Hof- und Staatsbibliothek und die Bedeu- ander the medical writer, Therapeuticon; tung dieser Ueberzetzung fiir einen Teil der Dioscorides, De materia medica; (P. Courmittelalterlichen Medicin,”’ Janus 4 (1899) celle, Les lettres grecques..., p. 383; Delisle, 948-550; idem, “‘Der lateinische Dioscorides Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des Chartes 23 [1861-

der Miinchener Hof- und Staatsbibliothek 1862], 304; Beccaria, 157-159; Ernest und die Bedeutung dieser Ueberzetzung fiir Wickerheimer, Les manuscrits latins de einen Teil der mittelalterlichen Medicin,”’ médecine du haut moyen age dans les bib(dif. from previous article), Allgemeine liothéques de France (Paris 1966) 89-93).

medicinische Central-Zeitung, 14 (1900) _, __, lat. 12,995, s. IX, fols. 165-166; 15 (1900) 179-180; Max Wellmann, 1-197. “Dioscorides,’’ (No. 12) in Pauly-Wissowa, (L. Delisle, “Inventaire...”’ Bibliotheque

S (1903) 1131-1142; idem, ‘‘Praefatio,”’ de l’Ecole des Chartes 28 (1867), 548; Pedanii Dioscuridis Anazarbet De materia Beccaria, 174-5; Wickersheimer, 125-126).

medica libri quinque, 3 vols. (Berlin 1906- Fragments of Mss. | , 1914, repr. 1958), 2, v-xxvi. (micro.) Bern, Burgerbibliothek, Ms A.

22

DIOSCORIDES

91, No. 7, s. X, fol. 1lv-2v. Contains two b. Latin Alphabetical Dioscorides Redac-

leaves from Paris BN lat. 9332. Fol. lv: In- tion

cipiunt capitula Dioschoridis de virtutibus The Latin Alphabetical Dioscorides Respecierum. I. De hyris illirica, II. De daction of De materia medica is a major reachoru... Fol. 2; [From chap’t XIX, De vision of the Old Latin Translation with sigbrion] caedria ut populi haudardini...”’ nificant changes made in order to bring the Fol. 2v [From chap’t. XXXII, De amigdalinu] text up-to-date with newer drugs, new in...vino mixto tiniolas et furforis emendat. formation on old ones, deletions of previously (See comments above for Paris BN lat. 9332; prescribed pharmaceutical effects, revised

H. Hagen, Catalogus, 118-125; Beccaria, plant descriptions, etc. The manuscripts

352-353). date from the twelfth century. Dioscorides’ (micro.) . _, Ms 363, s. IX [date dis- ‘‘Preface’’ to De materia medica is the same puted], fols. 1v, 195-7v. Fragment of Index to in both the Old Latin Translation and the Dioscorides. Fol. lv from Book V, Inc.: de Latin Alphabetical Redaction. This ‘‘Pref-

atramento smyrnomela...CLXXXVIII ace’’ is included in a miscellaneous medical fini.../...[Expl.]: lib. quinte di... Fol. 195, collection found in Bamberg Ms Med. 6, s. Inc.: Dioscorides de arboribus et de herbis. . . XIII, fols. 28v-29. The rubric says that (Hagen, 347-9; Beccaria 356-8; H. Diels, Constantine, presumably Constantine the

Die Handschriften der antiken Artze, 2 vols. African (d. ca. 1085), is responsible for the [Berlin 1905] 2, 3], lists a manuscript, ap- alphabetical arrangement. Henry Sigerist

parently this one, as Bern Ms 525). (pp. 420-421, bibl. below) believed that, (micro.) Gd6ttingen, Niedersdchsische even though Constantine the African may Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek, Ms Hist. not have been the editor, the rubric indinat. 91, s. XI, fols. 1-4. Fragment in Lom- cates that such a work was thought by the

bardic script from Book 3, Inc.: [KB De rubric’s author to have come from the aloen] sine lapide et rufus et fragilis et citius Salerno region.

mittens... XXIII [KA ? in Munich 337]: De Even though the arrangement is alphaabsentiu. Absentium omnibus notus est... betical, that is by first letter only, this ver[fol. 4v] XXXIIII. [Book 3.AH] De timmu sion is not related to the Greek Alphabetical (?). Timmu herba est. ..mella addito ortop- Redaction. Approximately 696 entries are

noicis et as[maticis].... included but the exact number will depend Fol. 5 begins from Book 4, no. 64 in on the counting procedures; for instance, Paris 9332, ‘“‘De itosquiamo.’”’: milace under ‘‘arboris’ in the Latin Alphabetical similia s[emen] nigru et folliculos. . .[fol. Sv] Redaction there are a variety of products re-

LXII. de psillion. Psillion aut quinos.../ lated to the pine tree. In comparison the Expl. [fol. Sv] “LXIII. de stringnu [Book 4, Old Latin Translation has 831 chapter enNo. 66 Paris 9332]. ..folia eius cum pulenta. tries and the Greek text by Max Wellmann Folio 6 is a mutilated excerpt from Book 5, 827. However, a comparison of items in the OB in Munich 337, ‘‘De b[v] ino tymbritem: Latin Alphabetical Dioscorides reveals that (first two words illegible). ..inest illi virtus the version has excluded many more entries quanta et timmino. Folio 6v is also mutilated than the statistics suggest because it in-

and from Book 5 with the expl.: LXXXII cluded entries on many new drugs, some

De vino lelisfaco [Book 5, IIB in Munich with Arabic names, not in the Greek

337]...dolore renum vessice et lateris Dioscorides. Among the 96 items beginning

con[pescet]. The items are numbered by Ro- with the letter “‘A’’, some fifteen are not man numerals, not by Greek letters as in found in Dioscorides’ Greek text or the Old Munich 337. Moreover, the numbers cor- Latin Translation.

respond to the Roman numbers in Paris The Latin Alphabetical Version was not a 9332. (Verzeichnis der Handschriften im new Latin translation from the Greek,

preussischen Staate, 2, 311-2). Arabic or Hebrew but a new pharmaceutical

23

GREEK AUTHORS

treatise based directly on the Old Latin Arnold of Saxony “‘Aristotle’s lapidary transTranslation; and it contains a significant lated by Dioscorides,”’ the actual source was amount of new information on old drugs Damigeron. (See Riddle, ““Marbode,’’ below). and their virtues. A.majority of the entries, Petrus Padubanensis (d. ca. 1316) reports some fifty-four of the ninety-six ‘‘A’s’’ for in the preface of his gloss to the alphabetinstance, take the Old Latin Translation as ical Dioscorides that there are two arrangethe basis but add to the text. Ioan. Fabricius ments of Dioscorides’ books, one divided (below) says that this version came, “‘non ex into five books, as Galen stated, but this

graeco, sed ex Arabico,”’ a statement re- version, he says, is rarely found (i.e.,. the peated by a number of later writers. Conrad Old Latin Translation) and it has more but Gesner (in: Valeriti Cordii...Annotationes. . ., shorter chapters than those in the other verStrasbourg 1561) says of this version: ‘Petri sion. The second version, Petrus says, is Paduani additiones quasdam in veterem trans- arranged according to alphabetical order. lationem Dioscoridis (quae fere integra Although the chapters are fewer in number, habetur in Sylvatici Onomastico et Io. filti they frequently have new material added at Serapionis libro de simplicibus) extare aiunt.”’ the ends of the chapters which was placed An estimated thirty percent of the text is there by the “‘translator’’ whose sources were from entirely new, undetermined sources. In a ‘Galen, Pliny and others posterior to Diobrief note in 1874, Valentin Rose (below) said scorides.’’ Petrus’ assertion is incorrect since

that the new sources added to this version the new information is interspersed through-

were from: ‘‘Galen. ad Paternian.= Ps.- out the chapters, not confined to the end, Oribas. lat. V, Isidorus, Garg. Mart., Evax- and he is wrong about the use of Pliny as a

Damigeron, Galen de simpl. VI sqq., Urivas. source. (See, below, p. 44.) Simon of apla.= Ps.-Orib. lat IV etc.” No further Genoa (fl. late s. XIII, in Opusculum, Prefstudy has been done; however, in attempting ace) in writing of the Alphabetical version

to verify Rose’s report, I can confirm that also noted both versions: ‘‘Multa etiam the editor-author employed: Oribasius, Apla capitula in hoc desunt quae ille continet; Urivasii de herbarum virtute (Euporistes) aliqua in hoc libro sunt addita quae ipsius in Latin trans.; Pseudo-Galen, Liber de sim- auctoris non sunt...”’

plicibus medicaminibus ad Paternianum in At the present state of research, it can Latin; Pseudo-Apuleius, Herbarium, Gar- only be stated that in the eleventh or early gilius Martialis, Medicinae ex oleribus et twelfth century an editor-author, possibly pomis; Pseudo-Hippocrates’ Dynamidia (in Constantine the African, revised the Old several versions); Isidorus, Origines; Dami- Latin Translation by alphabetizing the en-

geron, De _ lapidibus; and _ Pseudo- tries, omitting some, adding to others, and Antonius Musa, De herba vettonica. None- including entirely new drugs. Of the sources theless, these sources account for only a part known, all are in Latin but a significantly of the new added material and, of course, large amount of the new material derives since all are Roman or early medieval Latin from an unknown source or sources.

sources, they do not account for the new A shortened version of the Alphabetical material derived from Arabic sources. In the Dioscorides is found in one manuscript copy, case of the Old Latin Translation’s discus- Krakow Ms 788, s. XIV. It precedes the full ion of stones in medicine, the Alphabetical text, is called the “Canons of Dioscorides,’’

Dioscorides Redaction excises Dioscorides’ and is more elaborate than an index. The text entirely and replaces it with Damigeron’s Canons identify the substances. The rubric account. This fact presumably accounts for reads: (fol. 1) “Incipint Canones Dyascoridis the confusion in later writers of Damigeron De simplici medicina,’” and the incipit is: with Dioscorides. For instance, when Vincent (fol. 1) “‘De acoro qui dicitur herba venerea of Beauvais and Bartholomaeus the English- et producit florem album. De acoro herba

man cite “Dioscorides de lapidibus’’ and quas habet indices....’’ And the explicit

24

DIOSCORIDES

has: (fol. 4) De zimziber iterum secundum Ulisse Aldrovandi. (L. Frati, Studi italiani folia et fructum. De zedoario. Explicit.”’ XVI [1908], p. 245, no. 378).

Preface (Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, Cambridge, Jesus College Ms. Q. D. 2 Ms 6819, fol. 1). [Jnc.]: Multi voluerunt [44], s. XII-XIII, fols. 17-145. Contains auctores antiqui de virtutibus herbarum et some marginal notes, mostly describing

compositione olerum scribere, et quam plu- medical virtues outlined in the text; V. Rose rimi iuniores scolastici, sed amabilis Aerie fra- ascribed the notes to Peter of Abano but ter, temptabo et ego probare tibi in hac pre- they were not made by him. (M. R. James, sentia mea et non qualia illi qui nec initium A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts nec finem conplere potuerunt.../...[Expil.]: in the Library of Jesus College, Cambridge (fol. 1v) quod si ad oculorum medicamina su- [London 1895] 67-9; Lynn Thorndike, A cos servare volueris, quae recipient in confec- History of Magic and Experimental Science, tione sua picem liquidam vel acetum aut ce- 8 vols. (New York 1923) 1, 610; reported by

driam in vasis eneis aut stagneis facis. L. Thorndike and P. Kibre, A Catalogue of Text. [Inc.]: (fol. 1v) Acorus id est herba Incipits...Rev. [Cambridge, Mass. 1963] 28, veneria vel affrodisia vel piper apium herba as with Peter of Abano’s commentary).

est folia habens yri similia lata et oblonga (micro.) Cracow, Biblioteka Jagiellonska, et exalbida in summo tensa et acuta quasi Ms. 788, s. XIV, fols. 4-64.

gladius. Florem aurosum, radicem dis- Adds the following herbs (fols. 35 r&v): similem, obtortam et non rectam genicula- gisamia, gipserithis, gischimola, gipsam,

tam et nodosam, gustu acrem et aliqui tenus gisex, gismela, gerbum, giorobus, gipporitum,

odoratam.../...[Expl.]: (Zedoar. fol. 70) and gemeocalles. Omits the following:

Zedoar calide virtutis et viscide est unde et herbum, hierobus, hipporis, and hemerocal. lumbricos occidit ructum facit et sto(macho) (W. Wislocki, Catalogus 1, 243-5). aptum est, cuius dolerem antiquum ieiunis (micro.) Erfurt, Wissenschaftliche Biblio-

(sic) sumptum masticatione tollitt. thek der Stadt, Ms Ampl. F. 41, s. XIV,

Bibliography: fols. 2-62v. Omits entries for pirgitis, sisa-

Ioannes A. Fabricius, Bibliotheca Graeca morum, and timbra. (W. Schum, Beschrei...ed. Harles 4, 695; John M. Riddle, ““The bendes Verzeichnis 151-2; erroneously reLatin Alphabetical Dioscorides,” Proceedings ported by H. Diels, Die Handschriften der of the XIlIth International Congress of the antiken Arzte [Berlin 1905], 2, 32 as (Pseudo-) History of Science (Moscow 1974) Sections Dioscorides, De facile parabilibus). III, IV, 204-209; idem, Marbode of Rennes’ (micro.) Leiden, Bibliotheek der RijksDe lapidibus...(Sudhoffs Archiv, Betheft universiteit, Ms. Voss lat. Q. 1, s. XI, fols.

20), Wiesbaden, 1977 (for confusion be- 1-32v. Incomplete; contains Preface and

tween Dioscorides and Damigeron); Valentin items Acorus through Ficus maritima. (BibRose, ‘‘Ueber die Medicina Plinii,’’ Hermes liothecae Academiae Lugduno-Batavae Cat-

8 (1874), 38n; Henry Sigerist, ‘‘Materia alogus 1, 7; Codices Vossiani Latini Il, by Medica in the Middle Ages,”’ Bulletin of the K. A. De Meyier (Codices Manuscripti XIV),

History of Medicine 7 (1939), 420-421; Leyden, 1975 p. 5-6). Hermann Stadler, ‘“‘Die Vorrede des lat- New York, Pierpont-Morgan Library, Ms. einischen Dioskorides,” Archiv fiir lateinische 760, s. XIII, fols. 1-60v. (Seymour DeRicci,

Lexikographie und Grammatik 12 (1902), Census 2, 1498). 11-20 (text publ.); Max Wellmann, ‘Dio- (micro.) Padua, Biblioteca del Seminario,

scorides,”” PW 5 (1903), 1135-1136. Ms. 30, s. XIV, fols 1-116. Incomplete;

Manuscripts: on folio 9lv, there is a lacuna which starts

Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria, Ms under the chapter for peplos (‘‘...oxifabo

620, s. XII, fols. 22-104v. On fols. 3-7 is a uno’’) and the text resumes on fol. 92 under table of contents in numbered alphabetical ponfolix with ‘‘cadimia trita ut superius order. Manuscript was once in possession of dixit.”” Thus part of the text for ponfolix is 25

GREEK AUTHORS

mistakenly copied under peplos and the sure] Ego magister petrus frater praedicti chapters for polipodium and policomas are scripsi. amen. Folio 127 has three illuminaentirely omitted. The same omission is found tions of plants labelled: ‘‘anrolla id est corain Paris BN 6821. Folio 112 ends “‘T’s”’ with lio,’’ ‘‘silemonum,’’ and ‘‘asna bacuna.”’ thimus, thereby omitting timbra, taxus, tor- (Catalogus 4. 281).

menti, terra talipsos, testudinis and tragos. (micro.) Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Folio 112 adds information for taxus. Just Ms 955, s. XIV, fols. 1v-183. Omits sisaas in Paris BN 6821, the text ends under morum, vaxus, vinatia, and vinum manysopum with “‘...fumigationi adhibitum dragoratum. sonitus aurium mitigat. Amen. Explicit liber (micro.) Sankt Gallen, Vadianische Bibdiascoridis. feliciter deo gratias. Amen.”’ liothek, Ms 318, s. XIII, fols. 4v-102v. There follows a short, fifteen line treatise: Complete preface; omits entries for pirgitis,

Expl(icit) ventris farina si ligino vinge cum timbra and vinum mandragoratum. (G. suco ebuli et melle...; and ending “...ad Scherer, Verzeichniss der Manuscripte 86-7; nascorum liga supra auriculas.”’ (Kristeller, G. Haenel, Catalogi librorum manuscrip-

Iter II, 7). torum qui in bibliothecis Galliae. . . 730; er(micro.) Paris, Arsenal Ms 979, s. XIV, roneously reported by H. Diels, Die Handfols. 112-145v. Complete preface and text. schriften der Antiken Arzte (Berlin 1905) 2,

(Henry Martin, Catalogue 1, 204-5; er- 32, as (Pseudo-) Dioscorides’ De facile roneously reported by H. Diels, Die Hand- parabilibus). schriften der antiken Arzte [Berlin 1905] 2, (micro.) San Candido—Innichen (Bol32, as (Pseudo-) Dioscorides’ De facile para- zano), Biblioteca della Collegiata, Ms. 48.

bilibus...). VII. d. 9, s. XIII, fols. 1-134v. Adds laudaParis, Bibliothéque Nationale, lat. 6819, num; omits alsinen, anagiros, alinea,

s. XIII, fols. 1-70v. (Catalogus 4, 281; Lynn asquiron, antilios, afroselinum, avena, batalThorndike, ‘‘Manuscripts of the Writings of mos, brion, balbus, bleta, bridoteris, balanus, Peter of Abano,”’ Bulletin of the History of calamus, coccus, crisocolla, crisogonom, colMedicine, 15 [1944], 216, states incorrectly tico, capnos, crision, comecissos, catanance,

that this Ms has Peter of Abano’s commen- canna, cendros, cordilion, clinopodiom,

tary). cameropa, codilion, cameleonta, cinosbatu, _ i, _ slat. 6820, s. XIV-XV, fols. comarus, crisocolla, circea, coniza, cinnabi, 1-72 (fols. 72v-74 are a table of contents) cepea, corium, camepitis, clematis, cancalis, With Petrus Padubanensis’ gloss. (Catalogus dipteris, dafrioides, dorignum, eupatorium, 4, 181; for other notices see bibl. below, II.1). effemeron, edilops, ercinos, erifitium, ert-

__, —_______ lat. 6821, s. XIV, fols. droda, epimedium, furca, felicteron, falan1-126v. Incomplete; marginal notes number gion, glautium, galisobsis, gieritrias, gichia, the entries in Greek letters but the numbers gicimolia, giampelitis, hipporis, ion, tescolneither run consecutively nor do they corre- lex, iacinctus, iuscalcus, licena, lochitis, spond with the Greek letter numbering sys- leutis, leucisa {a different text for ligusticus], tem of the Old Latin Translation. Text adds lactuce, leptopodion, litura, libar, limonion, a chapter on ‘“‘vaxus,”’ a tree, not found in lapis frigius, lapis pirrites, mali granati, mala

other copies. The omissions and additions matiana, malis cidonus, mespilla, male

are similar to Padova Ms 30 with the same arboris foliorum succus, medica, miconcera, ending under the entry ysopum:...fumi- mecon, meconium, mandragora alia, melangationi adhibitum sonitus aurium mitigat: teria, medion, oleum camomon, othoma, Amen. Explicit liber Diascoridis feliciter. onomia, ochimonides, persica, piri, pardeo gratias. There follows in the same hand temon, policomas, ponfolix, pirgitis, panax a short treatise: Expl. ventris farina si ligino cironium, panax asclepii, pelecimis, penivinge cum succo evuli...ad nascorum liga diarum, pullum, quitissos, quianos, rosa, supra auriculas. Liber iste est magistri [era- rodia, sumum, Ssidericis, strignus manicos, 26

DIOSCORIDES

smilaceles, sisamus, staquin, sericis, soncis, ‘“*...dolores matris suppositum mitigat. Est

sertula, scandix, thalsmum, taurocolla, eius adra...’’ Folio 160v is illegible. (H. O. vela, viola, xifion, yppoglossos, ydea, zormon, Coxe, Catalogus 1. 64-5).

and zizira. (Kristeller, [ter II, 140). Doubtful or Lost Manuscript: Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica, Ms. Urb. Venice, S. Michele di Murano, Ms. 6, s. lat. 1383, s. XII, fols. 1-116. Complete pref- XIII. (J. B. Mittarellius, Bibliotheca Codicum, ace; text omits sisamus, scandix or scintus, col. 329-30 lists it as containing ‘‘Dioscorides

and vinum mandragoratum. (Stornaiolo, de simplicibus... Incipit ab herba Achorus Codices 3. 296. Stornaiolo states incorrectly ad Zedea vel Zodoar,’’ and he cites an inci-

that this version is translated from the pit from the preface: ‘Etiam in ordine pec-

Arabic). caverunt.”” H. Diels [Handschriften 11,32] lists Murano 6 as being a copy of DioFragments: scorides, Liber parabilium remediorum or Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek Ms. Med. 6 Euporista.).

(L-ITI-9], s. XIII, fols. 28v-29. Contains only Editions. the Preface of De materia medica but Rubric 1478. See above, I, 1. states that this is to be followed by the Alpha- 1512. See above, I, 1. betical Dioscorides according to Constantine. Doubtful or Rejected Edition:

This Ms was seen by Karl Sudhoff, who 1514. See above, I, 1. signed the library register in March, 1915,

and it was reported by Sudhoff’s student, 2. HERMOLAUS BARBARUS. Henry E. Sigerist, ““The Latin Medical Lit- The translation was probably made in erature of the Early Middle Ages,’’ Journal 1481-82, whereas the commentary may have of the History of Medicine and Allied Sci- been added in 1489. See Hermolaus’ letters ences, 13 [1958] 133, and “‘Materia Medica to Giorgio Valla (January 8, 1489, ed. Branin the Middle Ages,” Bulletin of the History ca, vol. 2, pp. 52-7) and to Roberto Salviati of Medicine, 7 [1938] 420. Lynn Thorndike (Oct. 21, 1489, no. 115, vol. 2, pp. 32-3; cf. (A History of Magic and Experimental Sct- Zeno, vol. 2, p. 373). We learn from the atence, 1. 610) reported the Ms to be the AI- tached letter of Leo X (May 20, 1516) that phabetical Dioscorides version. As noted, the work was published posthumously by however, it contains only the Preface which Hermolaus’ brother and nephew. In a dedis the same in both the Alphabetical and icatory letter of Hermolaus’ edition of CasOld Latin versions. The rubric does, none- tigationes Plinianae (Rome 1493; ed. of theless, state that Constantine the African Basel 1534), Johannes Oporinus (1507-1568) (d. ca. 1085) was the editor responsible for places the Dioscorides translation between the Alphabetical edition. The codex con- Hermolaus’ paraphrase of Themistius (1481) tains other works of Constantine. The rubric and his study of Aristotle in 1483-4. While ' reads: (fol. 28v) Incipit prologus sequentis in Padua during the summer of 1484, Herlibri per alfabetum transpositi secundum molaus told how, at the end of the day: constantinum. Another treatise, immediately [when supper is over] close to eleven p.m., I following Dioscorides’ Preface, is not Dio- go down into the garden or into my neighborscorides: (Inc.) Apoplexia morbus est capitis hood; in either place, we contemplate the

replens tres cellulas et verso sensus cor- herbs there and we think about Dioscorides poris...(F. Leitschuh and H. Fischer, Kat- (which no doubt we will publish soon [or

sometime (aliquando)]). In this I use up half

alog I, pt. 2, 433-9). an hour. Then I go to bed. (Hermolaus to (micro.) Oxford, New College, Ms 168, s. Pontico Faccino, July 1484, vol. 2, p. 61 XIV, fols. 159-160v. Contains Preface and Branca ed. and translated by Karen Meier entries On acorus, asarus, amonitum, aspatos, Reeds, ‘“‘Botany in Medieval and Renaissance

aspaltum, anagallidos, alimus, acacia, Universities,’’ [unpubl. Harvard diss., 1975,

amurca and andrafagis with explicit: p. 42]

27

GREEK AUTHORS

The editor of the 1516 edition, Ioannes tors as well as Wellmann’s critical Greek Baptista Egnatius, reports (letter attached text, place bunion in Book IV (chapter 123, below) that Hermolaus first made his trans- Wellmann ed.). In Book II, chapters 353-4 lation and sometime later added a commen- (Hermolaus) and 137-9 (Ruellius) both have

tary which he called Corollarium. In this in reverse the chapters on portulaca and edition De venenis appears as Books Six- portulaca sylvestris or Hermolaus’ andrachne Eight (fols. 120-133) after Dioscorides’ De (II, 124, Wellmann ed.). materia medica, Bks. One-Five. At the end Dedication (ed. of Venice, 1516). Ioannes of Bk. VIII, there is appended a short, two- Baptista Egnatius Venetus serenissimo et

page tract: In codicibus reperiuntur et haec optimo principi Leonardo Lauretano, quae sequuntur quae tamen Dioscoridis esse Senatuique amplissimo felicitatem. [Jnc. }: non arbitror. [Inc.]: Febres Anthemis trita Phocionis illius uxorem, cui probi cognomen

et cum Rosaceo diluta sanat.../...[{Expl.] fuit a vitae morumque sanctitate dicere Parva herba. Foliis exiguis. Iocinorum vitiis solitam accepimus Princeps Serenissime. . . /

utilissima et contra venena pota. Notha are ...lum supremo vitae suae tempore translated by Hermolaus Barbarus and in- Dioscoridis Anazarbei libros de medicinali cluded within the text. In comparison with materia in latinam linguam felicissime vertit, the Wellmann Greek text, Hermolaus Bar- et ne non vita eius proposita et addicta studio barbus’ translation adds chapters on the fol- iuvandi omnes videri possit, quinque libros, lowing: (items marked with an asterisk are quos Corollarii nomine appellari voluit, ad given as alternate reading by Wellmann but Dioscoridis tralationem addidit.../...Et

thought to be interpolations) 1asminum Dioscorides quidem ipsum ita edendum

- _ungentum (Book I, chapter 79 of H. B.’s volui, qualem iile suprema lima perfecerat,

text), iberis (I, 199), alicacabus (1, 200), cui tunc ne quid deesset, annotamenta iecur mergi (II, 252), *argemone altera (II, quaedam in usum etiam mediocriter 413), myosotis altera (II, 420), arabis (II, eruditorum adnexui. Ut si quos librorum

423), ruta (III, 477—some additional text), eorum utilitas immensa invitaret non retard*hieracium maius (III, 498), *hieracium aret interim obscuritas, simul et studio meo minus (III, 499), *paeonia (III, 587), *saxi- praecurreret delicato etiam lectori et saepe ad fraga (III, 614), britannica iterum (IV, 610), levissima quaeque nauseanti. In Corrol*chrysanthemon (IV, 669), *cynoglosson larium ante libros praefationes quae deside-

(IV, 741), *leontopodion (IV, 743), *bromos rari videbantur, tantum addidi.../...

(IV, 752), *cynia (IV, 810) and lapis aetites [Expl.]: quando te ipso superstite et incolumi (V, 995). Hermolaus Barbarus’ translation Senatu de totius orbis salute christianoque

omits the following chapters: aiOvias (II, 55 nomine optime sperandum sit. Bene ac Wellmann), ovovpBrov (III, 41), edéivn (IV, feliciter vale. 85) adoivyn (IV, E6) exivos (IV, 141), otxus Papal privilege. Leo Papa X [Inc. ]: Univernueoos (IV, 151), BodBos:*-énercxos (IV, sis et singulis praesentes litteras inspecturis

156), and oivos Oupedaitns (V, 68). Salutem...Cum dilecti fili1 Aloisius et Fran-

Chapters in Books I-V are numbered con- ciscus Barbarus cives Veneti Dioscoridis tinuously. Hermolaus Barbarus is more in- libros a graeco in latinum sermonem a bo. clined than most later translators to trans- me. Hermolao Barbaro Patriarcha Aquileiliterate terms for plants and minerals. The ensi homine doctissimo, et eruditissimo vertexts that Hermolaus Barbarus employed sos, eiusdemque Hermolai Corollarium edere bear resemblance to the ones Ruellius had in manus hominum statuerint ac propterea although Ruellius employed the 1499 ut quam emendatissimi edantur, conductis a printed Greek edition which Hermolaus se impressoribus nec impensae dispendiisve could not have seen. Hermolaus Barbarus ullis nec plane diligentiae sint parsuri, Nos places bunion (chapter 345) 1n Book II as ratum existimantes, ut si qui fructus percipi does Ruellius (II, 129), but all other transla- ex eo labore possunt, ti ad ipsos potius quam 28

DIOSCORIDES

ad alienos deferantur, tum ut eius rei cura 3. JOHANNES RUELLIUS apud illos maneat, qui eam propterea, quod Ruellius completed his translation of the Hermolaus ipse alteri eorum frater, alteri De materia medica at Paris in 1516 according patruus fuit, caeteris studiosius exerce- to the Dedication (see below). His translation

bunt.../...[Expl.]: Datam Romae apud included the Pseudo-Dioscoridean treatise

Sanctum Petrum sub annulo piscatoris. Die De venenis as Books VI-IX of De materia

xx, Mai. M. D. XVI. Pontificatus Nostri An- medica. Here Ruellius followed the same ar-

no III. Bembus. rangement of Dioscorides as that of the AlA short poem in Greek follows which is dine Greek edition of 1499. Ruellius included

dedicated to Dioscorides and edited by the Notha as part of Dioscorides’ text, again

Egnatius. following the Aldine edition. After Ruellius’ Dioscorides, De materia medica. Preface. translation and Hieronymus Roscius’ objec[Inc.]: Cum multi non modo veterum sed re- tion (before 1518) to the Notha in a corrected

centium quoque auctores sint qui medica- Aldine Greek edition of 1518, many

menta ipsa quas nam haberent virtutes: et publishers removed the Notha completely quae praeparandi ea ratio foret.../...[Ex- from Ruellius’ translation while others placed pl.|: Nam aenea medicinis oculorum et qui- them separately at the end. Ruellius also atbuscunque liquentibus privatim dicantur, et tached to the end a translation of the Adlis, quae aceto, aut pice liquida, aut cedria scripta which are notes on some fifteen herbs condiuntur. Medullae, seuum, adipes, published in the 1499 Aldine edition, also at

plumbo albo praeclare custodientur. the end, but acknowledged as not being by

Liber I, 1 (Inc. ]: (Iris Illyrica, fol.1). Iris, Dioscorides. Some later publishers and edialii iris illyrica: alii thalpide: alii Urania hoc tors who removed the Notha from Ruellius’ est coelestis: alii cathaeron: alii thaumastos translation integrated the Notha and Adhoc est admirabilis: Romani radix murica: scripta into one text. Under each edition bealii gladiola: alii opertrites: alii consecratrix: low the publishers’ practice in respect to the Aegyptii nar, ab arquu coelesti nomen accepit. De venenis, Notha and Adscipta will be Folia habet gladiolii, maiora dumtaxat, latt- noted insofar as the information is available. oraque atque pinguiora. Flores in caule ipso Ruellius was apparently unfamiliar with alternis semper caliculis inflexos, diversi col- Hermolaus Barbarus’ translation, published

oris specie, candidos, pallidos.../... earlier in the year. Ruellius relied on the Al-

[Expl.]: (Liber V. 1017; V. 162 Wellmann dine edition, but he stated in his prefatory ed.; fol. 120.) Atramentum Scriptorum... letter that he had used an old Paul of Aegina Ambustis igni cum aqua illinitur crasso tec- codex for De venenis. Given Ruellius’ reputa-

torio: Nec removetur donec_ persanet. tion as a manuscript collector, it is curious Quoniam continuo curatis ulceribus sponte that he had not seen manscript copies of

decidet. Dioscorides. Bibliography: Ruellius’ translation was often revised. DeKaren Meier Reeds, ‘‘Botany in Medieval scribed below will be (a) the original version and Renaissance Universities,’’ (Cambridge, of Ruellius in various forms, (b) the version Mass., unpubl. Harvard diss., 1975) p. 42; corrected by Jacobus Goupylus, (c) the revithe same, ‘‘Renaissance Humanism and Bot- sion attached by Petrus Andreas Matthiolus any,’”’ Annals of Science 33 (1976), 519-542. to his commentary. In the Paris 1537 edition

Edition: there is a claim both on the title page and in

1516: See above I, 2. Corronius’ dedicatory letter (see citation be1492. See above I, 2. a revision with the assistance of Corronius.

Doubtful or Rejected Editions: low, p. 64) that Ruellius himself contributed

1540. See above I, 2. The extent or accuracy of the claim is See p. 343 below. In comparison to Wellmann’s Greek edi-

Biography: unclear.

29

GREEK AUTHORS

tion, Ruellius added the following chapters: tentes, dici docti haberique quam esse (items marked with an asterisk are noted by malunt. Quod ut in caeteris ferri dissimulartWellmann as a variant reading but believed que fas sit, in ea tamen arte nefarium est, by him to be interpolations) pseudocasia (I, quae ad tuendam salutem hominum nata, in-

13); pseudocinnomonum (I, 15); iasminum corrupta semper augustaque esse debet. ungentum (I, 76); iberis (1, 187); halicacabus Quae tamen fere iam inde ab avorum nostro(I, 188); mergi iecur (II, 51); phasiolum (I, rum memoria tam turpi ac desidioso consen118); bunion (11,129, cf. with IV, 125: bu- su deserta exolevit, ut verear ne flagitiosa for-

nion napus genus); *altera argemone (II, tasse suis professoribus aut inhonesta 197); muris auricula altera (II, 204); videatur, qui principem eius partem quae *hieracium magnum (III, 70); *hieracium cognitione delectuque medicamentorum con-

parvum (Ill, 71); *delphinium (III, 82); stat, vel rei difficultate deterriti, vel ingenio *naeonis (III, 159); vetonica (IV, 3); *saxi- diffisi, vel tudicio lapsi, a se abdicarunt, rudi-

phroga (IV, 18); erinus (IV, 32); *chrysan- que medicamentariorum ministerio delethemon (IV, 61); *cynocrambum (IV, 202); garunt, existimantes fortasse dignitati amand lapis acetites (V,152). Ruellius omits: plitudinique suae non parum detractum aidvias (II, 55 Wellmann ed.); ovovpBptov iri suamque auctoritatem elevari, si ea ipsi (III, 41); AcBavwris (ITI, 74); exéivyn (IV, tractent, quorum officinae sibi iam cogni85); xjpos (IV, 133); and exivos (IV, 141). tionem vendicarunt, cum caeteri artifices igRuellius is the only Renaissance translator to nominiosum sibi esse putent, si imprudentes

include BodGos epetiexos (IV, 156 W.) sui negocii conspiciantur, aut universam inwhich he renders bulbus vomitorius (IV, strumentorum supellectilem non plane ac

162). memoriter teneant. Proinde ars illa praestanRuellius brought to his translation three tissima, sine qua natura manca merito ac

special interests with a talent in each: clas- mutila esse censetur, priscis temporibus clara

sical study, medicine, and botany. He was et percelebris, literarumque monumentis more inclined to translate rather than simply diligentissime tradita, posterioribus saeculis transliterate technical terms, especially ones adeo a se ipsa degeneravit, ut simulacrum

for plants, than was Hermolaus Barbarus. eius tantum, vel potius umbra nomenque remanserit. Quippe cum olim herbarii iidem

a. (1) Ruellius’ original translation. atque medici essent, scidit inde se studium, Dedication (of Paris, 1516). Ioannes Ruel- hominumque inertia simul et incuria fac-

lius Suessionensis Antonio Disomo Regio tum est, ut ab itis destituta quorum erat Consiliario Utriusque Linguae Peritissimo. propria, circulatorum ne dicam impostorum S.P.D. [Inc.]: Cum saepe mecum reputarem praeda facta fuerit. Cum igitur pluribus humanissime simul ac eruditissime Antoni scriptorum monumentis admonerer, apud Disome omnium ferme disciplinarum condi- antiquos gloriae fuisse simplicium curam, ac tionem, illud imprimis cum admiratione memorabiles illos Graecorum duces hoc ilmichi, tum miseratione dignum occurrebat, lustri studio semper floruisse, huic parti quod saluberrimae humano generi artes vel ruinosae, nutanti brevique casurae adhibendivinitus nobis datae, vel mortalium studio dam esse manum duxi. Nec aliud occurrebat adinventae, ita affectae iaceant, ut ad in- praesentius auxilium, ut a mediis ignorantiae teritum spectare videantur. Quibus olim ex- tenebris assereretur, ac errores expiari in-

colendis veteres usque eo diligentiam numeraque monstra domari possent, quam omnem et operam impenderunt, ut intenta- ut ea quae graecis literis hac de re tradita

tum nihil indiscussumque reliquerint. erant, latinis illustrarentur, ac quae sine Etenim per aliquot iam saecula, et qui dis- gtavi pernicie dissociari non poterant, a

cunt et qui docent, neglecta vera liberalium caeteris medicinae partibus avulsa, suo cor-

scientiarum maiestate, ad echinatas cap- pori restituerentur. Pedacium igitur Diostionum cavillationumque argutias diver- coridem praestantissimum huiusce partis 30

DIOSCORIDES

auctorem, tot saeculorum suffragiis com- viribus atque probatione commentati sunt, probatum, pro mediocritate nostra latinitate nobis tamen nec vanum, nec a ratione.. ./ donavimus, tuoque nomini dicamus, quia te ...(Expl.]: aut cedria, componuntur. Adiacerrimi iudicii virum, omnium bonarum pem autem et medullas stagneis vasis reliterarum ac utriusque linguae studiosis- condi convenit. simum cognovimus, nec parum laudis tibi Liber I, 1, (nc.]: Iris ab aliquibus illyrica, ex ea re peperisti. Simul ut extaret pignus ab aliis thelpide, ab aliis urania, a nonnullis mutuae inter nos benivolentiae, simul ut cathaeron aut thaumastos, a romanis marica mortales officio cumulatiore demereremur. radix, a quibusdam gladiola, ab aliis conseQuod quidem opus non parvo sane negotio a cratrix, ab aetyptiis nar appellatur. A coe-

nobis elucubratum, veluti primitias in- lestis arcus similitudine nomen accepit. dustriae nostrae et maioris laboris prae- Folia fert gladiolae, sed maiora, latiora, et ludium laeta fronte suscipias...Quae vero pinguiora. Flores summo caule, alterno situ meae partes fuerunt, quoniam in propria incurvi evariant. Siquidem candidi, pal-

harena, ut dicitur, versari videbar, cum lentes, lutei,.../...[Expl.]: (Liber V, 174; sim professione medicus, dedi operam, V, 162 Wellmann ed.) De atramento liutinam et praestiterim, uti omnia ex fide brario...non pro operis modo, quem desresponderent, et ut latina oratio graeci auc- tinaveramus sed pro materiae et auxiliorum toris sensum fideliter redderet, ne absurda medicinalium copia. peregrinitas medicinam quoquomodo pol- De venenis is added to De materia medica

lueret, etiam si res ipsa elegantiam ac and follows as Libri VI-IX. See _ below, nitorem non facile admittat. Curavi praeterea p. 119. ut idem utr obique sensu servaretur, nulla a. (2) Translation with Notha removed.

yocum novitas, nec trivialia verba aut ex- De materia medica. Liber I, 1 (ed. of posita, quibus quaerendis Latinos fere omnes Basel, 1542) [Inc.]: Iris a coelestis arcus sievolvimus. Cum vero latina me defecerunt, = snititudine nomen accepit. Folia fet gladioli, graecis quidem et fere 1am receptis uti malut, sed maiora, latiora, et pinguiora. Flores a

quam vova (sic: nova) aut barbara licenter caule. ..

admittere. Sed nihil aeque me torsit quam veterum manuque exaratorum exemplarium a. (3) Adscripta when not integrated with

inopia (illud enim tantum nactus sum quod Notha. bibliopolae typis excusum circumferunt) in Running title (ed. of Paris, 1516). quo permulta manifestissime depravata ex Adscripta.

varia auctorum lectione, et praesertim in Rubric. Quae sequuntur non videntur libris venenorum ex vetustissimo Pauli esse Dioscoridis. Aeginetae codice ad pristinam syncaeritatem Text. [Inc.]: (De rhamno.) Rhamnum si restituimus, In quibus studiosos omnes quis eruat silente luna, et secum ferat, con-

rogatos velim ut boni consulant. Vale tra venena et improbos homines proderit. Parisiis. Calendis Mati. Anno Domini. M. D. Pecoribus iuvandis appenditur. Navigiis cir-

XVI. cumponi solet. Valet contra capitis dolores et There follows a four-line Greek poem and laruas. (De Artemisia.) Artemisiam herbam

a six-line Latin hexastichon to the reader by Si quis teneat.../...[Expl.]: (De HelleIacobus Musurus Rhodius and a hendeca- borine.) Frutex est exiguus, minimis foliis syllabic by Io. Oliverius Abbas S. Medardi constans. Bibitur contra omne venenum et Suessionensis which addresses Dioscorides iocineris vitia. Herbs included are: rham-

as translated into Latin by Ruellius. num, artemisia, pentadactylum, verbenaca, Dioscorides. De materia medica. Praefatio dictammum, salvia, cupressus, centarium,

[Inc.|]: Quamquam amicissime Ari, com- bubphthalmum, paeonia, moly, marina, plures non veterum modo, sed recentiorum quaercu, chrysanthemon, erysimon, and quoque de medicamentorum compositione, helleborine. 31

GREEK AUTHORS

a. (4) Notha when separated from text and 1549: See above I, 8.

integrated with Adscripta. 1550: See above I, 10.

(ed. of Basel, 1542). [Inc.]: Iris ab ali- 1550: See above I, 7. quibus illyrica, ab aliis thelpide, ab aliis 1551: See above I, 10.

urania, a nonullis cathaeron aut thaumastos, 1552: See above I, 10. a Romanis marica radix, a quibusdam gladi- 1554: See above I, 7.

ola, ab aliis opertritos, ab aliis consecratrix, (Reported by Y. Tito) 1555, Lugduni ab Aegyptiis nar appellatur.../...[Expl.]: (Lyons): Apud Ioan. Franciscum de Babiano (De Helleborine.) Frutex est exiguus, mini- (Colophon: Excudebat Iacobus Faure). Bks. mis foliis constans. Bibitur contra omne I-V, pp. 1-487. De venenis as Bk. VI, pp.

venenum, et iecinoris vitia. 488-543. Baudrier, Bibliographie Lyonnaise,

Editions: 7, 195. Montpellier, Faculté de médecine.

1516, [Paris] In officina Henrici Stephani. 1583: See above I, 14. Bks. I-V, fols. 1-141. Notha in text. Ad- (*) 1586, Lugduni (Lyons): Apud Alexanscripta, fols. 156v-157v. Panzer VIII, 32, drum Marsilium Lucensem. Baudrier, BibNo. 872; Renouard, Estienne 1, 18-9; Prit- liographie Lyonnaise 2, 170. zel 2302; Durling 1139; NUC. Wellcome; Doubtful or Rejected Editions:

(CNLM; CtY-M; OCU). 1545: See above I, 8.

1526, Bonon[iae] (Bologna): Apud Cyn- 1593: See above I, 10.

thium Achillium. Bks. I-V, fols. 1-254v. Notha in text. Adscripta, fols. 282v-283v. b. Jacobus Goupylus’ corrections of Ruel-

Panzer IX, 414, No. 143b; NUC. BM; lius’ translation.

(DNLM; PPC). Iacobus Goupylus’ corrections of Ruellius’

(micro.) 1527, [Venice]: Per Io. Antonium translation were published in two identical et Fratres de Sabio. Bks. I-V, fols. 1-190v. issues in Paris, 1549, one by Petrus HaulNotha in text. Adscripta, vols. 211v.-212v. tinus and the other by Arnoldus Birkmanius. t.p.: “suis erroribus castigati atque noviter An improved Greek text is printed parallel impressi.”” Panzer VIII, 506, No. 1426; to the translation. The need for a new Greek Durling 1143; NUC. (DNLM; CtY). text and translation is explained in the prefa-

1529: See above I, 3. tory letter (below) by Franciscus Fontanonus.

1537, Parisiis (Paris): Apud Simonem Co- Goupylus made changes throughout Ruellius’ linaeum. Bks. I-V, fols. 1-229. De venenis translation. He placed the plant bunion (Bk.

as Bk. VI, fols. 239v-246. Notha and Ad- II, 129 in Ruellius’ 1516 Paris edition) in scripta at end. Graesse 2, 403; Renouard, Book IV, 129, and he omitted Ruellius’ enColines 277-8; Durling 1146; NUC. BM; tries sativi cucumeris (IV, 157) and bulbus Uppsala; (DNLM; CtY-M; MH-A). vomitortus (IV, 162) as well as earlier printed

1537: See above I, 4. Greek texts for these plants. On fols. 391v-2 1538: See above I, 5. there is a chapter on iasminum which 1539: See above I, 4. Goupylus said Ruellius omitted but ‘“‘we 1542: See above I, 4. have found it” in an old codex. Goupylus 1543: See above I, 6. also had commentary, see below, p. 81. The

(micro.) 1543, Lugduni (Lyons): Ioannes et Notha are printed at the end.

Franciscus Frellonii. Bks. I-V, pp. 1-554. Preface (1549, 1, Paris ed. by Petrus De venenis as Bk. VI. Notha and Adscripta Haultinus). Fanciscus Fontanonus Monspesat end, unnumbered pages. Graesse 2, 403; sulensis ®iAcaTp os. [Inc.]: Magna profecto

Choulant 1, 80; Durling 1150; Pritzel 2306; habenda gratia, et bene praecandum his

NUC. (DNLM). hominibus est, qui operam, studium, cogita-

1546: See above I, 7. tiones denique omnes eo conferunt, ut ve1547(1): See above I, 7. teres scriptores enarrent. Ab his enim non 1547(2): See above I, 7. minus beneficium accepimus, quam si Go7ep-

32 ,

DIOSCORIDES

vexpopavTia Tivi eos nobis excitarent, a qui- Caeterum habes amicissime Aree [Ari] fere bus ad omnem humanitatem informaremur, [abunde] quae tradenda duximus pro operis

cum nihil aliud sit audire eum, qui Hippo- modo, quem destinaveramus et [sed pro] cratis, Platonis, Aristotelis, et Galeni scripta materiae [et] auxiliorumque medicinalium ita enarret, ut mentis eorum sensum aperiat, copia. quam eos loquentes adhuc audire: quod Iac. Editions: Sylvium Lutetiae professorem Regium, Ioan. 1549 (1): See above I, 9. Schironium, Anto. Saportam, Guill. Rondol- 1549 (2): See above I, 9. letium, Petr. Guichardum Monspess. med- c. Petrus Andreas Matthiolus’ corrections. icos eximios facere quotidie experimur. Qui- Credit is not given to Ruellius on any of

bus Iacobum Goupylum annumerandum the title pages of the many editions of putamus, qui Socratis illud apud Xenophon- Matthiolus’s commentary to Dioscorides. tem probe tenens..., praeterquam quod This has led many to believe that Matthiolus bonos auctores nobis interpretatur, diligen- translated Dioscorides, though Matthiolus tissime etiam conquisitis vetustis exemplari- himself acknowledges in a lengthy dedicabus eorum scripta magna fide ita emendat, tory letter his use of Ruellius’ translation.

ut in eis tuto versari possimus. Cuius rei (Letter quoted in part below, p. 194.) Alfidem facit Dioscorides, ita ab eo suo nitori though Matthiolus said that he consulted restitutus, ut de alio non melius, quae ad Hermolaus Barbarus’ and Marcellus Vermateriam medicam pertinent, discere pos- gilius’ translations, he indicated Ruellius’ simus. Itaque hos bonos et doctos viros was the one he would use because “.. .eius amemus, colamus, et observemus atque tan- conversio omnibus facta sit vulgatior, ac fre-

dem non opinione, sed firma persuasione quentior in studiosorum manibus versetur. imbuamur, ut ab iis pendeamus, qui vetus- (Venice, 1554, fol. [a 7]).’’ Consequently he tate quandam auctoritatem praese ferunt, et states: ““Fateor ingenue me Ruellii versionem

certa scribendi ratione rectissime nos infor- secutum esse...(ib.).’’ Matthiolus ‘‘mod-

mant. Dioscoridem igitur verissimum fidelis- ernized’”’ Ruellius translation: ‘‘Adde etiam,

simumque plantarum descriptorem, tam quod haec communi fere, medicorum praebene castigatum, pulchreque expressum dili- sertim, iudicio praeferatur, cui nimirum genter legamus, eiusque perdoctum explana- nobis quoque libuit subscribere (ib.).’’ Furtorem beneuole attenteque audiamus. Bene ther, he says: ‘‘Satis enim fore putavi, si hic Valete. Ex Lutetia Parisiorum ad III. Cal. studiosos certiores facerem, me Ruellio Dio-

Augusti. scoridis conversionem acceptam referre, si!

Dioscorides, Praefatio (italics represent praeterea rationem reddidissem, cur illi non changes from the original text of Ruellius). semper addictus esse voluerim (ib.).’’ The [Inc.]: Quanquam amicissime Aree [Ruellius: changes in Ruellius’ text, however, are modAri], complures non veterum modo, sed re- est and few. The Latin edition of Matthiolus’

centiorum quoque de medicamentorum version of Ruellius and his Latin commencompositione, viribus atque probatione com- tary appeared in 1554 and, as suggested in a

mentati sunt, nobis tamen nec vanum nec a letter dated January 1, 1554, both the text ratione.../...[Expl.]: aut cedria, compon- and the commentary were probably written untur. Adipem autem et medullas stagneis at Gorz. In most editions there are extensive

vasis recondi convenit. woodcuts drawn by Giorgio Liberale and cut

Liber I, 1. [Inc.]: Iris a coelestis arcus s1- by Wolfgang Meierpeck, with some variamilitudine nomen accepit. Folia fert gladioli, tion appearing in various Latin and vernased maiora, latiora, et pingiora. Flores in cular editions. The Notha and Adscripta are

caule aequalibus inter se spatiis distant, in- omitted from all editions except that of curvi, varii. Siquidem candidi, pallentes, Lyon, 1554; Ruellius’ translation of De lutei.../...[Expl.]: (Liber V, 183; V, 162 venenis is always included as additional Wellmann ed.) Atramentum librarium... books to De materia medica. Ruellius’ chap33

GREEK AUTHORS

ters on pseudocasia and pseudocinnomum the King Francis I and the Queen Mother,

(I, 13 & 15) are dropped throughout. Mat- Louise, he later became a doyen of the thiolus used the Goupylus revision of the Faculty of Medicine at Paris (November 3, Ruellius translation, perhaps in the edition 1508—November 3, 1510) where one of his

of Paris, 1549. , pupils was Andreas Lacuna. He pursued the

Dioscorides. Praefatio. De materia med- studies of both medicine and natural philoica (edition of Venice 1554). [Inc.]: (itali- sophy, especially botany. Following the sized portions represent changes from Ruel- death of his wife, he entered the services of

lius’ text) Quanquam, amicissime Aree, Etienne Poncher, bishop of Paris and procomplures non veterum modo, sed recenti- tector of science. He died of a stroke on orum quoque, de medicamentorum com- September 24, 1537, while a canon of Notrepositione, viribus, atque probatione scrip- Dame and 1s buried in the cathedral. serunt [commentati sunt]; nobis tamen nec Works: Scribonii Largi de compositiont-

vanum, nec a ratione.../...[Expl.]: aut bus medicamentorum liber unus, Paris 1528; cedria, componuntur. Adipem autem. et Veterinariae medicinae libri II (a Latin medullas stagneis vasis recondi convenit. translation of Greek veterinary texts dediLiber I, 1. [Inc.]: Iris a coelestis arcus si- cated to Francis I), Paris 1530, and a later

militudine nomen accepit. Folia fert gladioli, edition in Basel 1537; Interpretatio latina sed maiora, latiora, et pinguiora. Flores in Anatolii de mulo-medicina, Basel 1530; De summitate cuiusque caulis, aequalibus inter natura stirpium libri tres (dedicated to se spatiis distant, incurvi, varii, siquidem Francis I), Paris 1536, Basel 1537; Prima

candidi, pallentes, lutei.../...[Expl.}: (-secunda) pars de natura stirpium libri tres, (Liber V, 140; V, 162 Wellmann ed.) Atra- 3 vols., Paris 1538; In Ruellium de stirpibus

mentum librarium...duximus [Ruellius epitome..., Paris 1539, etc.; In P. Virg.

addit: non] pro operis modo, quem destina- Maronis moretum scholia..., Paris 1542; veramus, et materiae [Ruellius: sed pro ma- trans. Pollydore Vergile, Le hystorioteriae|, auxiliorumque medicinalium copia. graphe..., Paris 1544; trans., Actuarius,

Editions: De medicamentorum compositione (edited 1554, Venice: See above, I, 11. by D. Corronius), Paris 1539. 1554, Lyons: See above, 1, 12. Bibl.: Biographisches Lexikon der hervor-

1558, 1559, 1560, 1563, 1565, 1569, 1570, ragenden Arzte aller Zeiten und Volker 4,

1583, 1598, 1674: See above, I, 11. 916; P. Delaunay, in: Dictionnaire des let-

Doubtful or rejected editions: tres francaises...: Le seiziéme siécle, Ed.

1857, 1562, 1571, 1593, 1604, 1678: See G. Grente (Paris 1951) 622; Se. Dupetit-

above, I, 11. Thousars, in: M. Michaud, Biographie Biography: universelle ancienne et moderne, 2nd ed.

Johannes Ruellius Suessionensis (Jean (Paris 1880) vol. 37, 43-44; Paulus Freher, Ruel or du Ruel) was born in Soissons around Theatrum virorum eruditione clarorum 1474 (George Gibault gives 1479) of a family (Niiremberg 1688) 1223-4; Paul Jovet and assumed to be well-to-do since Ruellius’ hu- J. C. Mallet, in: Dictionary of Scientific

manist passion for collecting books and Biography 11, 594-5; Ernst H. F. Meyer, manuscripts required large support. Sup- Geschichte der Botanik (Konigsberg 1854-7; posedly he was self-taught. Little is known repr. Amsterdam 1965) 4, 249-53; Lynn

of his life, and it is uncertain when he Thorndike, History of Magic and Experimoved from Soissons to Paris where he mental Science 5, 463-4.

spent the remainder of his life or when he |

matried. He became a doctor regent on June 4. MARCELLUS VIRGILIUS ADRIANUS

27, 1502, although the date 1508 is also Following a long time interest in Diosgiven. He was a friend of Guillaume Budé. corides, Marcellus Virgilius completed his Refusing a call as physician in ordinary to translation and commentary by October 15,

34 .

DIOSCORIDES

1518, according to the colophon of the editio translation. On folio 195v, Marcellus wrote: princeps, with the project itself taking Mar- “‘Nos enim Dioscoridem interpretamur, et cellus three years, according to his prefatory quae in eo recte legenda sunt vertimus, non

letter in the same 1518 edition (see letter medicinam docemus nec precepta eius artis below). He worked in Florence. W. Ruediger, prosequimur.”’ Ruediger (p. 18) quotes from

Marcellus’ biographer (Marcellus Vir- a letter of Marcellus to Manardus (Florence

gilius..., p. 1) reports that Marcellus’ in- Bibl. Riccardiana MS 767) in which Marcellus tention to translate Dioscorides was formed says he had not answered earlier because he

when he was a student. had been kicked by a horse. He defended

The translation received mixed reviews. In his translation and said: “Ego enim Diosthe Preface to Hecuba et Iphigenia Euripidis coridem interpretatus sum, non Galenum, Erasmo interprete (Florence 1518), Ant. et alios illi concordes efficere studium mihi Varchiensis stated: ‘‘Nos ergo, qui semper fuit.’”’ Manardus wrote and pubstudiosis prodesse quoquomodo voluimus, lished two letters, one written not earlier than ad meliorem ipsorum frugem nuper Dios- 1521, probably in 1522, and the other dated coridae Anazarbei de Medica materia libros, January 15, 1523, which continued his critiinterprete Marcello Virgilio Secretario cisms of Marcellus’ translation of Dioscorides

Florentino, viro nostri saeculi literaturae (see below, p. 151). nobilitate clarissimo, edidimus, grave qui- Marcellus had in his library a manuscript

dem opus, et in quo multum excusores copy of the Old Latin Translation, now

laboraverint... (see A. M. Bandini, Juntae, Munich 337. On folio 160 of Munich 337, vol. 1, 38-45, 126). But to Varchiensis’ inside the back cover, there is written: ‘Idem praise is added the severe criticism of Johan- Marcellus Vergilius in praefatione super nes Manardus who wrote a letter, subse- translat. Dioscoridis Florentiae anno 1510 quently published (see below, p. 150), to in folio edita: habuisse nos tamen eius antiMarcellus in 1519 from Ferrara. Although quissimum codicem Longobardis literis Manardus closed his letter on a note of scriptum antiquitate egregium, et ob id salpraise, he was highly critical of Marcellus’ tem multifaciendum monumentum: quod translation. Marcellus wrote a defense of his quantus quondam Dioscorides fuerit, in-

work, apparently to Manardus, which he culte quidem sed multa fide ostendit.” If

dated March 8, 1520, at Florence. The let- the reading of 1510 is correct, someone, perter is now in Milan, Ambrosiana, Ms. S 81 haps Joh. Albert. Widmansted a later owner Sup., fols. 192-197v, and begins: ‘‘Egregie of the MS, thought Marcellus’ Preface was vir etc. Post tres annos, a quo tempore quum done in that year. On the cover a note by in agrum ab urbe proficiscerer, importune Widmansted reads: ‘‘f. °64 et 102 indubie ad equo lapsus sinistraque corporis parte collige hunc codicem fuisse Marcelli Virgilii laesus, et altero oculo paene captus, non- quem R™ Cardinalis Capuanus a Salnuccio dum convaluissem, de Dioscoride, qui tunc Sangeminianensi dono acceptum mihi in a me edebatur, hoc primum a te iudice eius testamento reliquit.”” And on folio 32: ‘‘ubi audio; credebamque ego non placuisse eius cum hoc libro confer commentaria Marcelrei peritis, qualis tu es, laborem illum meum li’; and, immediately following in another

sapienteque censura ab illis damnari.’’ hand: ‘‘Haec I. A. Widestadius (sic).’’ In

(Bandini, Juntae 1, 41, writes: ‘‘Hisce obser- his Preface, Marcellus wrote of the manuvationibus longa Epistola ms. apud nos re- script (see below). The MS is believed to pondidt Marcellus, quae ita incipit: Ioanni have been at Monte Cassino, sometime prior

Manardo Medico Ferrariensi Marcellus to Marcellus’ possession of it, but how it Virgilius salutem. Egregie vir....’’ How- came into his hands is unknown. Throughever, in the Milan MS I could find no such out Marcellus’ commentary to Dioscorides statement as to whom it was addressed.) In there are references to ‘‘antiquissimus latihis letter Marcellus specifically defends his nus Dioscorides longobardicis litteris 35

GREEK AUTHORS

scriptus’. tura et ad utramque partem continuo naturae Marcellus includes the treatise(s) De motu variatae raro easdem se undique osten-

venenis as Book Six. In his translation Mar- dunt. Accessisse naturae difficultatibus his cellus includes the Notha as part of the text diversas gentium indicationes, quibus quod although some later editions placed the alioquin idem naturae semper fuit diversum Notha portion within brackets. In compari- et aliud seapenumero a scriptoribus creditum son with Wellmann’s Greek text, Marcellus est. Auxisse postremo et paulo minus quam adds the following entries: (those marked inextricabiles tam multas difficultates fecisse with an asterisk are said by Wellmann to be novam posteriorum scriptorum medicinam, interpolations) iasminum ungentum (1, 68 of quae mixtis cum antiquis graecorum vocibus Cologne ed., 1539); hiberida (1, 151); phasi- barbaris appellationibus suis quid qualeve olum (II, 99); *altera argemone (II, 168); hoc aut illud in antiquis scriptoribus fuerit muris auricula altera (II, 176); hieractum aegre cognoscendum reliquit. Nocuisse illi maius (III, 66); *hieracium minus (III, 66); etiam herbariorum in observando, medi*delphinium (III, 73); *glycysidis sive corum in censendo, librariorum vero in exscripaeonia (III, 140); clematis altera (IV, 8); bendo duas bonarum artium maximas labes

*saxifraga (IV, 17); aquaticum ocimoides negligentiam et imperitiam, quorum illi (IV, 30); *chrysanthemon (IV, 56); *cynog- plantarum similitudine aliqua nec observatis

lossum (IV, 124); *bromos (IV, 137); *cynia quamdiu et quomodo oportebat earum brassica (IV, 184); and lapis aetites (within notis, ceteri vocum et rerum ignorantia deV, 100). And he omits the following: atyav cepti plurima in disciplina hac adeo misSvuxes (II, 44, Wellmann ed.); 7rap atyos cuerunt ut in plantis et medicae materiae (II, 45); nxap xampov (II, 46); xuvos cognitione et usu non respondeant aliquan\vooSvros nrap (II, 47); aidvias (II, 55); do notae, discrepet historia, fallat experiony (II, 65); avépaxvy UI, 124—a portion entia, graecorum fides hoc, posteriorum of text dealing with a wild variety); ovovpBprov auctoritas et usus illud magis ostendat et

(III, 41); edéivn (IV, 85); adoivn (IV, 86); probet eamque ob causam in docendis xnpos (IV, 133); exivos (IV, 141); ofsxus huiuscemodi ad officium et laudem satis fpepos (IV, 151); BodBos epetixos (IV, conantibus solam fuisse semper et posthac 156); and xAnpa7is (IV, 180). All editions fore voluntatem merito aliquis crediderit. except two publish Marcellus’ commentary Docuisse multos per tempora medicam ma-

along with the translation. teriam et quae simplicia posteriores nomi-

The editio princeps was edited by Johannes naverunt, graecos, latinos et barbaros, sed Baptista Egnatius who had previously edited omnium certissime et optime, testantibus id

and commented on Hermolaus Barbarus’ cunctis graecorum medicis Galenoque pre-

translation-commentary on Dioscorides. sertim, Pedacium Dioscoridem AnazarAn abridged version of Marcellus’ trans- beum, esseque hunc quem illi tantopere lation found in a manuscript copy is dis- laudant et caeteris anteponunt, recepta ab cussed below (b), following the description illis et in commentariis suis exscripta tota

of the complete version. aliquando eius decreta manifeste indicant. Posseque id inter latinos ex Plinio etiam a. Complete Version. manifeste deprehendi. Nullum aut exiguum Marcellus Virgilius Adrianus, Statement interpretibus eius futurum aetate hac nostra to the Reader (ed. of Florence, 1518). Quae laborem, si integer et qualis quondam legelegentes novisse toto hoc opere et meminisse batur antiquus hic scriptor ad nos pervenisoportet haec sunt. [Jnc.]: Difficilem in quo- set. Turbasse infinitis pene locis intellectidiana multiplicique naturae varietate fuisse tum eius praeteritorum temporum iniurias, semper et adhuc esse plantarum et medicae quibus miscente humanas res _ fortuna, materiae disciplinam. Temporibus siquidem perierunt in graecis non minus quam in locis annorum temperamentis humana cul- latinis, quae optima in doctrinis legeban-

36 |

DIOSCORIDES

tur. Turbasse itidem professorum ignoran- antiquiorem illam interpretationem nullo tiam et sine antiquo illo ingenii cultu tracta- bonarum literarum cultu tractatam, sorditas ubique bonas artes. Nocuisse postremo dam et inutilem iacere et praeter id plus quod vix credat aliquis, superstitionem, alienae opis quam suae habentem. Ex intercuius importuno studio translata, addita pretibus vero illis alterum impresso tantum mutataque toto Dioscoridis opere multa Dios(coridis) codice, cuius plura pene sunt fuerunt. Circumferri passimque inter latinos vitia quam integrae partes ad eam usum legi aliquot nunc eius interpretationes. Anti- fuisse, nec in labore illo suo praeter bonam

quam, cui praeter alia quae habet inutilia, interpretis fidem ex proposito sibi scripincredibile est quas tenebras obduxerit pos- toris huius exemplari legentibus aliud praesteriorum medicorum continuum et impor- tare voluisse, alterum vero morte praeventunum quoddam studium adiiciendi in dies tum quale cogitaverat illud aedere non aliorum commentariis, dum collecta simul potuisse omnesque nihil quod ad medicinae et parata eodem loco omnia habere volunt, rationem, morborum indicationes et cura-

quae ab aliis pro eadem re dicta aliquando tionis usus pertineret, aeditionibus suis fuerint. Habuisse nos tamen eius antiquis- addidisse ne quis in scriptore hoc aliquot simum codicem longobardis litteris scrip- locis pendere animo cogeretur, quartam nos tum, antiquitatis egregium et ob id saltem eius interpretationem suscepisse, nullo sane multifaciendum monumentum, quod quan- maledicendi studio, nullius laudi invidentes, tus quondam Dios(corides) fuerit, inculte nec ex etratis aliorum, quod primum sibi quidem, sed multa fide ostendit. Quoque in hoc laudis genere arripit ambitio, gloriam minus elegantioris ornatus in eo erat, eo nostram augere cogitantes, sed quod proplus fidei nobis et veritatis habuit. Legi post bum hominem decebat, pro salute hominis hanc et in manibus omnium triennio iam et scriptoris huius dignitate, totam susciesse quam Suessionensis Ruellius in [erased in pientes rem.../...[Expl.]: Quod ut fiat 1518 DNLM copy] Gallia a se confectam nunquam dolebimus quae a nobis toto hoc aedidit. Legi itidem quam Aquilegiensis opere tradentur una peritioris alicuius litura Patriarcha patritiae gentis Venetus homo omnia deleri. Hermolaus Barbarus, addito Corollario iam- Dedication. Marcellus Virgilius Florentipridem a se confectam morte praeventus nus Sanctissimo Leoni Decimo Pontifici

aedere ipse non potuit, sed agentibus iam Maximo. [Inc.]: Potuerunt, beatissime idem hoc nobis, nomini et memoriae homi- Pater, qui gentibus toto orbe aliquando imnis consulentes, qua decebat pietate fratres peraverunt in amplissima quem gerebant

eius aediderunt. Legendam ut speramus regii honoris fortuna, multiplici laudum non multo post et quam nos inter tot alias nominumque amictu a suis et alienis quoti-

publicae privataeque rei sollicitudines et die ornari.../...[Expl.]: meninerint semoccupationes, non plene integris tribus annis per et laudent posthac omnes omnibus huabsolvimus. Cogitasse nos saepius aeditis manis malis qua ratione pontificem decebat duabus eiusdem scriptoris interpretationi- medicinam fecisse Leonem decimum. bus, nec utilem nec necessariam videri posse Dioscorides, De materia medica. Praehanc nostram, quando ut Homerus cecinit, fatio. [Inc.|]: Post multos non veteres tanovv Te Ov Epxopévw, satis ad scriptoris huius tum sed iuniores etiam, qui de medicamenintellectum fore legentibus opinari omnes torum confectionibus, viribus et probatione verisimile erat. Et quoniam non fore hones- scripserunt, conabimur et nos charissime tum nobis eum laborem ipsi etiam credere- Aree de nobis id tibi ostendere non vano nec

mus, in quo doctissimi viri antea laboras- sine ratione studio.../...[Expl.]: erunt

sent, inceptum bis deposuisse opus, et eo aenea vascula. Adipes medullasque omnes quidem animo ut quoniam tempore nos illi stamneis vasculis servari oportebit.

praevenerant, potiore iure in eo honore Liber 1, 1 [Inc.]: (De iride.) Irin sunt qui etiam uterentur. Cum videremus deinde et haec Illyrida, qui Thalpidem, qui Urani37

GREEK AUTHORS

am, qui Cathaeronta, qui Thaumastum: ‘“Suplementum,”’ [Inc.]: (p. 90) post cap. qui Oportritem appellent. Aegyptii Nar, de hypocistido. Libro primo fol. 7. deest inRomani radicem maricam, Gladiolum et frascriptum cap. De Ladano. Seu cisto alia:

Consecratricem dicunt. A coelestis arcus Est et alterum cisti genus quod.../...

similitudine qui Iris a graecis dicitur: plan- [Expl.]: (De hyssopo. p. 93) Duum generum ta haec etiam iris dicta est. Folia gladiolae hyssopus est, montana altera, hortensis al-

herbae similia.../...[Expl.]: (Liber V, tera. Origanoque similia folia habet, et

103; V, 162 Wellmann ed.) De Atramento umbellam rote figura in orbem circumactam librario...ulceribus decidit. Et haec quidem profert.

quousque satis fore credidimus Carissime Manuscript:

Aree pro longitudine operis materiaeque et London, Wellcome Medical Library Ms remediorum copia dicta hactenus sint. 245, ca. 1525. Flyleaf is signed ““H. Drury,” who is Henry Joseph Drury (1778-1841), a

b. Abridged Version. classical scholar whose collection of manuAn abridged version of Marcellus’ trans- scripts and rare books was sold in 1827 and lation of Books I through IV is found in a 1837. (S. A. J. Moorat, Catalogue of Wesmanuscript dated c. 1525 of the Wellcome tern Manuscripts on Medicine and Science Medical Library; no headings or other indi- in the Wellcome Historical Medical Library. cations are present to identify either Mar- I. MSS Written Before 1650 A.D. [London cellus or the epitomizer. The epitomizer was 1962] 151). only interested in plants, omitting animal Bibl.: (The following scholars note the reand mineral substances. He did not include lationship between Munich 337 and Marmaterial concerning the medical virtues or cellus.) A. M. Bandini, Juntae, I, 38-45,

other of Dioscorides’ statements about 126-9, 190-1; C. Halm, G. Laubmann et

qualities. The manuscript is dated approxi- al., Catalogus codicum latinorum Bibliomately 1525, although a later hand on the thecae Regiae Monacensis, 2 vols. in 7 pts. fly-leaf has pencilled ‘circa 1460 G.W.”’ (Munich 1868-81) 1, pt. 1, p. 62; Konrad The water-mark of the paper, according to Hofmann and T. M. Auracher, “Der longoS.A. J. Moorat, appears to be Briquet’s No. bardische Dioskorides des Marcellus Vir539, which is entered as Brescia 1502. Be- gilius,’’ Romanische Forschungen 1 (1882), ginning with iris (I, 1) each plant’s descrip- 49-52; H. Stadler, “‘Ein ungedrucktes Dios-

tion taken from Marcellus’ translation is koridesfragment,’’ Philologus. Zeitschrift given in some ninety-three pages, plus thir- fiir das classische Alterthum 50, N.F. 9 teen preliminary pages of an alphabetized (1896) 187-8; idem, ‘“‘Der lateinische Diosindex. On page 90 the regular text ends with corides der Miinchener Hof- und Staatsscorioides (IV, 191 Wellmann ed.) and im- bibliothek und die Bedeutung dieser Uebermediately there follows a supplement which setzung fiir einen Teil der mittelalterlichen contains some fourteen plants previously Medicin,’”’ Janus 4 (1899) 548-S0; idem, omitted and keyed to the preceding books same title as previous article but added text

and folios. in: Allgemeine Medicinische Central-

Dioscorides. De materia medica. Marcel- Zeitung 15 (1900) 179-180, where he says lus Virgilus’ abridged version. (Wellcome Marcellus came into the possession of the Ms 245) Liber 1, 1 [Inc.]: (De iride.) Iris Ms around 1490; also, see W. Ruediger, a coelestis arcus similitudine dicitur. Folia Marcellus Virgilius Adrianus aus _ Flogladioliae herbae similia ex se mittit; maiora renz... (Halle 1898).

tantum, latioraque pinguiora. Flores in Editions:

summis caulibus.../...[Expl.]: (De scor- (micro.) 1518, Florentiae (Florence): Per pioide herba. p. 90; IV, 191 Wellmann ed.) haeredes Philippi Juntae. Notha in text. Brevibus foliis herbula est: semina scorpionum Bks. I-V, fols. 1-330. With De venenis and

caudis aequalia habens. comm. Edited by Ioannes Baptista Egna-

38 |

DIOSCORIDES

tius. Panzer VII, 27-28, No. 138; Bandini, ard Thomson, Nicolaus Valorius and Juntae I, 38-45, 126-129, 190-1; Renouard, Michael Venturius, with all of whom he corAlde, p. xlviii; Hoffmann, BL 1, 602; Dur- responded. His pupils included: Petrus Vic-

ling 1141; Choulant 1, 80; NUC. BN; Ox- torius, Andreas Dactius (Dazzi), Petrus

ford, Bodleian; Cambridge UL; (DLC; Martyr, Henricus Caiadus, and Fabius

DNLM; MH-A). Agathimus. His library included the famous 1523, Florentiae (Florence): Per haeredes old Dioscorides Latin translation, now Mu-

Philippi Iuntae. Contents as in 1518 ed. nich 337. In 1498 he became the Secretary Graesse 2, 404; Panzer VII, 39, No. 209; of the Republic of Florence, and Nicolaus NUC. BM; BN; (DNLM; MH-A; NNNAM). Machiavellus, Marcellus’ dependent, was (*) 1528, Florentiae (Florence): Per haere- placed in charge of the “Prima cancelleria”’ des Philippi Iuntae. Panzer VII, 45, No. (on Foreign Affairs). He remained Secretary 249; Graesse 2, 404; Choulant 1, 80; Re- until his death on December 1 (or Nov. 27),

nouard, Alde, p. 11. 1521, and is buried in San Miniato. His son

1529, Coloniae (Cologne): Ioannes So- was Johannes Baptista Adrianus and his ter. Gk. and Lat. Gk. text is that of 1518 grandson, Marcellus Virgilius Adrianus

Aldine ed. Dedicatory epistle by Ioannes (Minor). In addition to Dioscorides, MarcelSoter. Notha part of text but within brackets. lus studied Homer, Demosthenes, Plutarch, Bks. I-V, pp. 1-699. With De venenis and Horace, Lucan, Silius Italicus and Statius.

comm. Panzer VI, 407, No. 539; Graesse Works: (in part) Excerpta ex variis auc2, 403; Brunet 2, 733-734; Ebert 1, 489; toribus Graecis et Latinis (chiefly Greek); Harles BNG 320; Durling 1134; NUC. Well- Nil admirari; De puerperio Socratis eiusque

come; BN; Cas; Palermo; Vienna NB; obstetricio; De risu et lacrimis; Oratio de

(DNLM; CtY-M; MH). militiae laudibus (Basel 1518); De opificio

1532, Basileae (Basel): Per And. Cratan- et omnibus singularibus partibus hominis; drum et Io. Bedelium. Translation without Omnia mea mecum porto; Oratio in funere commentary. Notha part of text but within Marsilii Ficini; De laude agriculturae; Pro brackets. Bks. I-V, pp. 1-622; with De dandis reipublicae militaribus signis imperavenenis. Durling 1145; Pritzel 2306; Panzer tortis Magnifico Laurentio de Medicis; Pro

VI, 289, No. 875; Graesse 2, 404; NUC. eligendo Paulo Vitellio...duce; Lezioni

Wellcome; (DNLM, MH-A; TxU; PPC; sull’ educazione della nobilta florentina; on

MoSB). the happiness of man under Saturn and his

1538, Venetiis (Venice): Ex officina D. sorrow under Jupiter; on the art of poetry, Bernardini. Colophon: Venetiis per D. Ber- failures, flattery, grammar, progress; nenardinum Stagninum M.D. XXXVII. Trans- crology, letters, and poems. lation without commentary. Notha part of Bibl.: Cosenza, 1, 58-9; 5, 17-8; G. Mictext but within brackets. Bks. I-V, fols. 1- coli, ‘‘Adriani,’’ 1n: Dizionario biografico 393v; with De venenis. Durling 1147; NUC. degli Italiani (1960) 1, 310-311; Emilio

Wellcome; (DNLM; ICU). Santini in: Enciclopedia Italiana 1, 534; J. H.

Biography: Zedler, Grosses vollstaendiges Universal-

Marcellus Virgilius Adrianus (Maior) was Lexicon... (Halle 1732-50) 47, 712. born in Florence in 1464 to Piera Strozzi and W. Ruediger, Marcellus Virgilius AdriVirgilio Adriani. His teachers included Cris- anus aus Florenz; ein Beitrag zur Kenntniss toforo Landino and Angelus Politianus. He seines Lebens und seines Wirkens (Halle was a Professor in Florence (ca. 1497-1502) 1898). and was one of the Dieci di Balia. Amon

his friends were: Robertus Acciaiuolus, 5. JANUs CORNARIUS

Lucas Albitius, Demetrius Chalcondylas, Some years after his Greek text edition of Nicolaus Machiavellus, Cardinal Franciscus Dioscorides was published in Basel by JoSoderinus, Aldus Manutius (Maior), Rich- hannes Bedelius in 1529, Janus Cornarius 39

GREEK AUTHORS

prepared and published a translation and aakigpayov); éxivos (IV, 141); ofxus commentary. The work was dedicated to the Huepos (IV, 151); BorABos Everexds (IV, 156);

Saxon dukes, Johann Friedrich Sr., Johann and xAnparis (IV, 180). Wilhelm, and Johann Friedrich Jr., Cor- Dedication (ed. of Basel, 1557). Ad illusnarius’ epistola nuncupatoria is dated April trissimos principes, Ioannem Friderichum 12, 1555 at Zwickau. He said that he had Seniorem, Ioannem Gulielmum, et Ioannem seen the translations by Ruellius and Her- Friderichum Iuniorem, Saxoniae duces, molaus, ‘‘quos tamen rarissime et in paucis Thuringiae Landegravios, et Misniae Maradmodum produximus.”’ Like Ruellius, Cor- chiones, dominos suos clementiss. Iani Cor-

narius was both a humanist and a practic- narii medici Physici, 1n suam recentem ing physician. But, Cornarius’ translation of Dioscoridae ad Latinos translationem, et

Dioscorides, unlike that of Ruellius, re- sua in eundem Emblemata Praefatio. ceived little attention. The only printing [Inc.]: Materiae medicae cognitionem necescontained no wooducts which would have in- sariam esse medico, adeo clarum est.../...

creased its popularity. [Expl.]: tum aliorum optima scripta, ipsoThe tract De venenis is published sepa- rum typis invulgarentur. Zviccavit XII.

rately at the end after De materia medica, Calend. April. M.D. LV.

Books 1-5, and it is called “‘Dioscoridae de Dioscorides. De materia medica. Preface. bestiis venenum eiaculantibus et letalibus [inc.]: Quum non solum veteres multi, sed medicamentis Libri II.” In his earlier edi- etiam recentiores, de medicamentorum

tion of the Greek text (1529) he had in- praeparatione, et facultate, ac probatione

cluded De venenis as Book Six of De ma- scripserint, conabor tibi, charissime Arie, teria medica but with separate title. In the declarare me non vano, neque temerario.. .

Greek edition (pp. 401-446) as well as the /...[Expl.]: aut cedria parantur. Adipes later translation, Cornarius publishes the autem et medullas in stanneis vasis re-

Notha separately: ‘Quae ut supposititia ex ponere oportet. . oo. Dioscoridae contextu. removimus, hic Liber 1, 1 [Inc.]: (De iride.) Iris a simili-

subiecta habentur” (fol. 491, 1557 ed.). At tudine arcus coelestis nomen habet. Folia the end (fol. 518) there is a letter of Cor- profert similia gladiolo, maiora tamen et narius to Johann Schroeder, a physician and latiora ac pinguiora. Flores in caule aequali

mathematician from Jena. inter se distantia sitos, incurvos, varios, aut In comparison with Wellmann’s edition enim albi.../.. .[Expl.]: (V, 146; V; 162

. . . Wellmann ed.) De atramento scriptorio... Cornarius adds the following chapters: (those os tssuf-. ,items . , est charissime Arie, in quantum nobis marked with an asterisk saidlongitudinem by . ,; was pro. ; ; ficere visum est, etare operis

Wellmann to be interpolations) phasiolus , a aor ; ;tudinem colligere. num (Ill, 62); *hieracium paruum (III, N, re * otha [Inc.]: (De iride.) Alii iris illyrica, 63; delphinum (III, 74); *paeonia (III, 141); i : . . ve , alii (IV, thelpide, alii .urania, alii(IV, cathaeron.. erinos 25); *chrysanthemon 48); ..proiece. , ./ ...LExpl.]: De irione....in domum

Sy aeasedition) yg ducere, et materiae auxiliorum multi(II, 96, Cornarius’ *hieractum mag-atque .

*cynocrambe (IV, 168); and Japis aetites ris ad bellum et pugnam concitatio erit (V, 124). And he omits the following: , aiyav ovuxes (II, 44 Wellmann); jaap Edition:

avyos (II, 45); nxap(xampov) (II, 46); 1557, Basileae (Basel): Per Hieronymum XUVOS dvoowros nxap (II, 47); atdvias (II, Frobenium et Nicolaum Episcopium. With 55); aoyenwvn évépa (II, 177-a portion of commentary following each chapter and De

chapter in some Greek texts); ovotpBptov venenis (Bk. I, 519-539; II, 540, 559). (III, 41); oagippayor (IV, post 15, con- Graesse 2, 404. BM; BN; Oxford, Bodl. sidered by W. as interpolation but published

as authentic ‘by most 16th c. eds.); xpos Biography: (IV, 133); Bp opos (IV, post 137, same as for See CTC II, 118. 40 .

DIOSCORIDES

6. Janus ANTONIUS SARACENUS manuscripts found at Lyons, the Vatican, Working over an extended period of years and Florence. In De materia medica, SaraSaracenus collected texts, helped in estab- cenus added Me opowing chapters which lishing Greek texts of what he thought to be "© “iter not ounce tn‘ elimann's ‘ree

. edition or considered by him to be interpo-

the complete Dioscorides, translated them, lations: ked with terisk and added his commentary. A six-year privi. __'@tions: (Items marked with an asterisk are

lege was given Rudolph to An-yaehim as alternate redeings by wenmann, arby.Emperor ; t are thoug to be interpoiladreas Wechelus’ heirs, Claudius Marnius and u oer ;

Johannes Aubrius. The privilege is dated tions.) tberis (I, 150), Saeed 1530), May 20, 1582, Vienna, and printed near the ©4-)s mergt tecur (11,50); phasiolus (II, 130), fr ee f th ° ditio rinc P ublished in *delphinium (III, 84); *paeonia (III, 157); 1598. This edition is the most complete of | 7S locum CIV 120) toro AW. 140)

all sixteenth century publications because CY OBNOSSITT 9 OOM A

Saracenus included not only a new Greek *cynocrambus (1V, 192); and lapis aetites text, Latin translation, and “commentary of (V, 161). He omits the following: alBuors

De materia medica together with separate we oman ne ‘te fie vot ga “at texts of the Notha and Adscripta but also 41); - (IV, 133): Pos (IV 141): sins

new;Greek texts,(IV, Latin translation com- ee.says EX itare : : Hueoos 151—note byand Saracenus is mentaries for two pseudo-treatises, Euporis . lation). d XB6s 3 s (IV

ta (2 bks.) and De venenis (2 bks.). 156) polation); and Sodsos euerixos (IV,

In an epistolary dedication to King mc

Henry IV of France (March 1, 1598), Sara- . There is an unpublished English translacenus explains that his mind was giving tion of Saracenus’ commentary (bks. I-V of birth to the work when the king appointed De materia medica), perhaps by John Heath,

him to his ‘‘medicorum...collegium.”’ oat Oxford, Magdalen College Ms 229,

Henry became king in 1589. In an open let- s.

ter to his readers, Saracenus says that Johan- Dedication (ed. of Frankfort, 1598). Hennes Sambucus sent to Henricus Stephanus rico IV Regi Galliarum et Navarrae Chrishis readings on Dioscorides and urged him tianissimo. [Inc.]: Importunus haud dubie, to publish a text and that Stephanus asked Rex Christianissime, parumque circumspecSaracenus to edit the translation of Ruellius tus, imo vero temerarius fortasse videbor.

to accompany the Greek text; however, .../... |Expl.]: qui fatorum tuorum ausSaracenus was forced by the number of er- picia sequimur, totique Christianae Reipubli-

rors in Ruellius to make a separate transla- cae servet incolumem. Kal. Mart. 1598. tion. He had almost finished the work when Tuae Maiestati addictissimus Jan-Antonius the death of his taskmaster Sambucus (d. Saracenus Lugdunensis. 1584) and the loss of interest by Stephanus Ad candidum lectorem. Candido lectori delayed the completion of the work. These salutem. [Inc.|]: Mirabere forsan, Candide statements, plus the 1582 privilege which Lector, undenam mihi in mentem venerit,

had Saracenus as a physician at Lyons, ut novam Dioscoridis interpretationem sim would indicate that, whereas Saracenus aggressus, praesertim cum tot clarissimi viri probably started the project in the late eloquentia, doctrina, iudicioque insignes, 1570’s while he was at Geneva, where he Hermol. Barbarus, Marc. Virgilius, Ianus lived from around 1574, he completed the Cornarius, et Io. Ruellius in eo vertendo work by 1598 at Lyons where he had moved magna quasi contentione ac dimicatione

during or before 1582. satis superque iam pridem elaborarint egreIn his scholia on the Greek text, Saracenus giamque operam magna cum laude navaacknowledged assistance in sending him rint. Sed tum demum mirari profecto desines readings from Henricus Stephanus, D. Op- cum, quibus rationibus eo adductus impulsopoeus, and Io. Sambucus and the use of susve fuerim, tute intellexeris. Iam olim

41

GREEK AUTHORS

utriusque linguae, tum Graecae, tum Lati- praeripitur. Tum Stephanus animum quasi nae peritissimum typographum Henricum despondere, imo, quantumvis et alii comStephanum per literas frequentiores urgebat plures instarent operi, moras varias nectere,

: piae memoriae D. Io. Sambucus Caesareus diemque de die ducere, sive per iustas oc-

Medicus et Historiographus, uti Regiis typis cupationes, quibus interdum distrahebatur, elegantioribus Dioscoridis Graecolatinum Sive propter peregrinationes, quae inter ea contextum mandaret, eiusque margini mis- temporis frequentiores ac pene perpetuae

sas paulo ante suas notulas, seu potius illi fuere, non daretur promissum implere varias in eum autorem lectiones, e com- fidemque datam exolvere. Atque inde adeo plurium vetustorum codicum in diversis factum est, ut meae illae in Dioscoridem Principum bibliothecis repertorum fida dili- lucubrationes in scriniis meis plusculis annis gentique collatione a se magno labore de- delituerint. Id porro, cum Andreae Wecheli cerptas, adiiceret. Dum vero ad opus accin- haeredes rei literariae ituvandae quam git sese Stephanus, Ruellianam versionem, studiosissimi animadverterent cuperentque quam quidem ceu caeteris merito anteferen- nonnullorum bonorum virorum desiderio et dam ex adverso Graeci contextus locare expectationi satisfacere, hoc a me tandem consilium erat, deprehendit esse, uti revera impetrant, eas uti patiar in hominum aspecest, multis in locis paulo liberiorem, ita ut tum lucemque proferri. Hae sunt, ut semel Graecis Latina non satis apte responderent; dicam, operis instituti, simulque tamdiu ad icciro me pro ea, quae mihi cum illo inter- haec usque tempora retardati causae. Quod cedebat familiaritate, rogat, imo vero exorat, ad Graecum contextum attinet, id operam ut eam accurate recognoscerem, et locorum dedimus, ut quoad eius fieri posset, nitori omnium in quibus Ruellius, seu temeratum suo pristino restitueretur. Et si enim doctisquempiam codicem secutus, seu etiam simi Goupyli editionem Parisiensem [1549] Plinio, uti fere est, nimium addictus sensa tanquam omnium, quotquot extabant, inDioscoridis illiusque verborum vim non satis tegerrimam et emendatissimam, religiose expressisse videretur, emendationem mar- secuti sumus, typographica tamen scriptu-

gini adscriberem. Sed vix dum aliquot rae quae adhuc superarent menda, quan-

priores paginas contuleram, cum veluti de- tum fieri potuit, sustulimus; quae vero, et territus oneris gravissimi difficultate, fui res ipsa, et exemplarium seu impressorum,

coactus a proposito declinare mutareque seu etiam manu exaratorum certa fides

sententiam. Tot enim (venia sit dicto) subin- et autoritas immutanda suadebant, audacter de occurrebant censura et animadversione immutavimus; at nusquam seu nostris, seu digna, ut partim odiosi laboris defugiendi aliorum coniecturis tantum tribuimus, ut gratia, partim et invidiae atque offensionis citra meliorum codicum fidem quicquam eorum vitandae, qui me nimium in Ruellii ausi fuerimus, eas contenti notasse intermanes iniuriosum suspicari potuissent, lineari asterisco, qui te, Lector, ad Scholia

satius duxerim novam interpretationem nostra relegaret. Sin, quod rarius accidit,

adornare quam alienam interpolare. In ea loca quaedam comperimus adeo corrupta et certe quidem non Paraphrastae, sed Inter- depravata, ut ex lis sensus nullus elici popretis officio me defunctum vere affirmare tuerit, neque tamen ulli, seu ex coniectura, possum, ut qui, quantum in me fuit, ne seu ex antiquarum lectionum vestigiis relatum quidem unguem a Dioscoridis mente medio locus fuerit, asterisco marginem con-

recesserim, ac interim Pliniani sermonis signavimus. Varias autem tum Clariss. viri puritatem mordicus retinuerim. Sed _ illi, D. Sambuci, tum et aliorum hinc inde in malo, iudicium faciant, qui cum illorum Dioscoridem depromptas lectiones (nam et versionibus meam bona fide contulerint. nonnullas idem ille D. Stephanus, nonnullas Utut sit, opus propemodum ad coronidem etiam D. Opsopoeus ex Palatinorum exemperduxeram, cum ecce nobis Sambucus dili- plarium collatione nobis communicarunt) gentissimus Epyoduwxrns praematura morte eas, inquam, etiam citra delectum, ut de iis

42 |

DIOSCORIDES

liberum foret unicuique iudicium, margini Liber 1, 1 [Inc.]: (De tride.) Iris a coeleseidem adscribere visum est, insuperque non- tis arcus similitudine nomen obtinuit. Folia nullas etiam interpretum animadversiones et fert gladiolo similia, sed maiora, latiora et emendationes, additis perpetuo singulorum pinguiora: flores vero in caule ita e regione

nominibus, ex quibus eas desumpsimus, ut inter se collocatos ut sibi mutuo responne suo quenquam merito defraudasse videre- deant.../...[Expl.]: (V, 183; V, 162 Wellmur. Caeterum nostras annotationes ad mann ed.: De atramento librario.). . .sponte Operis calcem reiecimus, in quibus dis- sua excidit. Caeterum, amicissime Aree, crepantis a caeteris interpretationis nostrae tum pro operis modo quem destinaveramus, ratio plerunque redditur, nec non et varia tum pro materia auxiliorumque medict-

nostra in Dioscoridem coniectanea in nalium copia quam colligere licuit, hucus-

medium proferuntur. Sed et multa ibidem que dicta sufficiant. obiter ac velut in transcursu reperias in Notha, with title: Inter Dioscoridis verba,

auctores alios, praesertim vero Theophras- haec in quibusdam codicibus falso adscripta tum ac Plinium, animadversa, quae sese sub reperiebantur. [Jnc.]: (De iride.) Ab aliquimanum dederunt. Denique velut e£ exiperp ov bus iris illyrica, ab aliis thelpide, ab allis diversas discrepantesque de medica materia, urania quasi coelestis, a nonnullis cathae-

seu priscorum, seu etiam recentiorum sen- rum quasi purgatrix, ab aliis thaumastos tentias proponimus, interdumque concilia- quasi admirabilis, a Romanis marica radix, mus, praetereaque dubia multa, quae pas- a quibusdam gladiolus, ab aliis opertritis, sim occurrebant, solvere ac diluere nitimur. ab aliis consecratrix, ab aegyptiis nar apAttamen velim scias, eo praecipue nos omni pellatur. (De acoro.) aliqui choron.../... studio incubuisse, ut ipsius Dioscoridis cor- [Expl.]: (De erysimo.)...grana septem in

ruptiora, obscuriora, difficilioraque loca domum proicerit, rixae et iurgia concitarestitueremus, illustraremus, et explicare- buntur. mus. Habes, Lector benevole, quae in hac Editions: editione sint a nobis praestita: e quibus si 1598 (1): See above I, 15.

fructum aliquem percepisse te animadver- 1598 (2): See above I, 15S. tero, addetur animus ad alia fortasse maiora Biography: utilioraque in apertum proferenda. Interim Janus Antonius Saracenus (Jean-Antoine

Vale. Sarrasin) was born in Lyons on April 25, There follow a group of Latin and Greek 1547, the same city where he died. His

poems in praise of Dioscorides and the edi- father, Philibert Saracenus, was a physician tion of Saracenus. The Latin poems are by at the Hotel-Dieu in Lyons. He retired to Ioan. Paludius, Paulus Stephanus, Theo- Geneva where Janus Antonius first studied dorus Beza Vezelius, Paulus Melissus Fran- medicine. In 1571, Janus published a book cus, Iohan. Posthius, Ioan. Tornaeius, and describing a plague in Geneva. In 1573 he

Georg. Ienischius, and the Greek poem is was awarded a doctorate in medicine by by Is. Casaubonus. The treatise Parabilia Montpellier. Returning to Geneva he was remedia, 2 books (see below, p. 137), fol- named to the Board of Two-Hundred and, lows next with Greek text, translation and in 1584, he accepted a chair in medicine at commentary, and, following it, comes: Geneva. Near the end of his life he returned Dioscorides. De materia medica. Preface to Lyons. Most sources give his death date as [Inc.]: Quoniam, amicissime Aree, conscrip- 1602 (on the authority of Guil. Fabricius

sere multi, non modo veteres, sed et recen- Hildanus Centur. epistol. ep. 53 although tiores, de medicamentorum cum praepara- November 29, 1598, is also given.) Three

tione, tum etiam facultate atque examine, sons survived him, Jean, Philibert and demonstrare tibi conabor.../... [Expl.]: Jacques, all of whom achieved some disaut cedria componuntur. Adipes autem ac tinction. medullas stanneis vasis recondi oportet. _Works: His only work is De peste com-

43

GREEK AUTHORS

mentarius, Geneva 1571, Leiden 1572, lin 1905) 2, 29.

Lyons 1572 and 1589. Biography:

Bibl.: Jean Astruc, Mémoires pour servir See CTC I, 109.

a@ histoire de la faculté de médecine de C

Montpellier (Paris 1767) 354; P. Delaunay p p OMMENTARIES in: Dictionnaire des lettres frangaises...: Le a. PETRUS PADUBANENSIS.

seiziéme siécle, ed. G. Grente (Paris 1951) The explicit to the only manuscript copy 631; Joecher, Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon of Petrus’ gloss on De materia medica states

4, 142; Chr. W. Kestner, Medicinisches that Petrus ‘‘corrected it in lecturing on it Gelehrten-lexicon (Jena 1740; repr. Hildes- and in expounding it brought the secret heim 1971) 747; M. Michaud, Biographie parts into the light.’’ Petrus expounded the universelle ancienne et moderne. 2nd. ed., Latin Alphabetical Redaction. The gloss was 38, 27; Nouvelle biographie generale 43, probably written sometime between 1307 or 341-2; Zedler, Universal Lexikon 34, 57. 1311, when he began lecturing at Padua following his return from Constantinople in 7. DouBTFUL OR Lost TRANSLATION 1303, and ca. 1316 when he died. The Pre-

a. HIERONYMUS BacoLinus face (printed in its entirety below) says that John Rhodes used a commentary of Dios- he has seen an Alphabetical Version of corides by Bagolinus (d. 1552) in his edition Dioscorides in Greek. Possibly it was the of Scribonii Largi Compositiones Medicae, Anicia Juliana codex (Vienna N.B. Ms Gr. Padua, 1655. In the Preface he wrote: (fol. Med. 1) because he had been in Constanti-

viii verso) ‘‘Ingenui nempe animi semper nople between ca. 1293-1303 where the credidi, suum cuique reddere, maximeque manuscript was then located. The most likeHieronymo Bagolino cuius nomen nescio ly time for his writing of the gloss was the

qua manu ex fronte operis nondum editi later period of his life when he lectured at derasum vestigiis subobscuris restitui, ne Padua. qua laude viri manes fraudarentur, quem Petrus noted that there were two versions Patavii anno supra millesimum quingen- of Dioscorides’ work, one in five books with tesimum vicesimo secundo ordinarium e many chapters and a short text for each one primo suggestu medicinae, ut vocant, prac- and another version in alphabetical order ticae doctorem in Gymnasii tabulario depre- with fewer but more lengthy chapters with hendi. Operam ipsius vertendo Dioscoridis additions from later authors at the end of siluisse Onuphrium Panvinium diligentem Dioscorides’ regular text. (Petrus was partly suorum Veronensium praeconem nihil mistaken because the additions to De materia miror, quandoquidem superiori saeculo af- medica are found throughout, not merely at fectum opus abstrusis recondebatur scriniis, chapter ends.) On folio 28v of BN 6820 unde bono eventu in meas tandem pervenit there is Petrus’ gloss to the chapter on the

manus.”” On page 175 in discussing Dios- herb diptarmicem which appears in this corides: “Hieronymus Bagolinus tamen, qui manuscript but is not present in any other apud me ineditus, x rwy Buxa@y vertit, ex manuscript copy of the Latin Alphabetical doliis.’’ And on p. 191: “Quod Hieronymus Redaction. The gloss reads: “‘Istud capiBagolinus Veronensis Medicus optime red- tulum communiter non reperitur in hac Dyadidit Baslus Tilaeus in Latina interpreta- (scoridis) ordinatione sed in altera.’’ Theretione Dioscoridis apud me inedita, simulque by, Petrus reveals that he was here using the Ruellius.’’ Other citations occur on pages Old Latin Translation. Elsewhere, e.g. folios 228, 285, 301, 308, and 432. There is no in- 40, 57v, and 59v, he indicates that he is redication that the commentary was ever pub- ferring to the older version when he refers to lished. See Albert von Haller, Bibliotheca ‘the other Dioscorides.”” The printer of the Botanica..., London 1771, p. 84; H. Diels, editio princeps of the Latin Alphabetical ReDie Handschriften der antiken Arzte (Ber- daction together with Petrus’ gloss, Colle

44 |

DIOSCORIDES

1478, sometimes, though infrequently, con- natio in latino. Altera communis continens fused Petrus’ gloss with the Dioscorides text capitula pauciora sed prolixiora, inducens and printed the gloss as if it were part of the aliquando Galienum, Plinium, et alios pos-

text. teriores Dyascoride, (quod) translatore fit, At the end of some chapters there are ad- describens medicamina peramplius et in fine

ditions to the regular text, e.g., under the non raro aprocricant (?) capitulorum. Cuius chapter Amonium, fol. lv, there is added: quidem scriptura per litteras ordinata Alfa‘“‘Nascitur in Armenia.’”’ In addition to his beti amplior est priori, in qua etiam capiextensive gloss, Petrus added to the text the tula inveniuntur quae non in illa et econtra. following chapters which are found neither Eam Aggregator siquidem immitatur magis in the Old Latin Translation nor the Alpha- plura capitula in unum colligens sepe.

betical Version: heraclea, hiera, oleum Quaedam tamen capitula in Dyas(coride) ro(sa), oleum elatinum, oleum mellinum, reperiuntur utroque sed in Aggregatore

oleum manthinum, oleum tellinum, oleum minime inventa, alia autem in eodem repersamsucinum, oleum ocimum, oleum abro- ta que non in alterutroque reperiuntur neque

tani, oleum anecinum, oleum susinum, etiam a Galieno, inventa enim sunt postea.

oleurn marcissum, olei crotini, oleum cipri- Vidi etiam in greco eum. secundum alfabe-

num, olet amarcini, oleum sinapinum, tum eius ordinatum.

oleum scininum, oleum gabalinum, oleum Gloss to Preface beside:“. . .compositiones

scininum, oleum gabalinum, oleum cina- oleorum scribere et .A. quam plurimi monium, oelum nardinum, oleum nardinum juniores scolastici amabilis Arie (?).B. frater alio modo, oleum storacinum, oleum cam- temptabo...’’ [Inc.]: A. discipuli vel glosa-

baca, olei pampinei, oleum ad omnes do- tores. B. (L)i(tte)ris (e)n(im) alphabeti et lores ossitum et aurium, oleum de radicula, est ordina(n)do (sic) et sermone planiori.. ./

oleum ad omnes dolores coxarum, oleum ...LExpl.] (last gloss beside: ‘‘Ellebori

pupulinum, oleum savininum pirgitis (added ambo albus et niger. C. anno uno durare as a gloss, fol 56, and published as part of possunt.’’) ““C. co(n)t(ra) avic(ennam) i(n) - Dioscorides’ text in the 1478 editio prin- 2° qui po(n)it 30 a(n)nos.”’

ceps), and saxifraga. Gloss to Text, De materia medica [Inc. ]: The authorities cited by name in Petrus’ (beside herb acorus, fol. iv) Dicitur gladionotes are: Serapion’s Aggregator, Galen, lus et gelia a quibusdam sed quod non sit Stephanus (Stephen of Antioch?), Avicenna, gladiolus.../...[Expl.]: (herb zedoar, fol. Mesue, Isaac Judaeus, Constantine’s Dez 72) Zedoaria calida et sicca est in tertio.”’

gradibus, Isidore and Pliny. Galen and Avi- (Immediately following De materia medica’s

cenna are more frequently cited than the text is added): “‘In vino coctum et potatum

others. cunctis, ma(s)ticis causis fisicum dividitur.

Rubric (Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, Ms Explicit Dyascorides quem Petrus Paduanlat. 6820, fol. 1). Dioscorides per Petrum de ensis legendo correxit et exponendo quae

Padua correctus et elucidatus. occultiora in lucem deduxit.”’

Preface [Inc.]: Notandum quod libri Bibl.: S. Ferrari, ‘““Per la biografia e per Dyascorides dicti dupliciter reperitur ordi- gli scritti di Pietro d’ Abano,” Atti della R. natio cum eodem tamen prohemio omnino, Accademia dei Lincet, anno CCCXII 15

una quidem in quinque libros partita (ut (1915), 629-725, esp. 682-3; L. Norpoth, testatur etiam Galienus Farmacorum 6to “Zur Bio-Bibliographie und Wissenschafts[sexto] ubi non parum hunc Dyascoridem lehre des Pietro d’Abano,”’ Kyklos 3 (1930), recommendat.) in qua plura continentur 291-353, esp. 306; L. Thorndike, ‘‘Manucapitula sed breviora ita ut volumen sit scripts of the Writings of Peter of Abano,”’

minus totum, rem enim unam quandoque Bulletin of the History of Medicine 15 incidit in plura capitula, ut Halya[bba]s (1944), 201-219, esp. 216; idem, History of Practice secundo et haec raro reperitur ordi- Magic and Experimental Science 1, 610-1; 45

GREEK AUTHORS

2, 874-947, esp. 877, 923-4. Ferrari, Nor- bat, errata eius nonnulla comperi. Ea tecum poth, and Thorndike all incorrectly report ut communicem oportet.”’ (Ep. 135, vol. 2, BN 6819 to be Petrus’ gloss on Dioscorides. 52-57, Branca ed.) The rest of the letter con-

Manuscript: cerns problems in interpreting specific pas-

Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, lat. 6820, sages. In Egnatius’ preface (which is written s. XIV-XV, fols. 1-72 (fols. 72v-74 are a in the first person, thereby making it possitable of contents). (Catalogus... Bibliothe- ble to mistake Egnatius’ text for Hermolaus)

cae Regiae 4, 281.) to the first book of the Corollarium, EgnaEditions: tius connects Hermolaus’ work on the cor1478: See above I, 1. rections to Pliny with his commentary on 1512: See above I, 1. Dioscorides. Hermolaus worked on Pliny Doubtful or Rejected Edition: late in his life and the Castigationes of Pliny 1514: See above I, 1. was published in Rome in 1492. In the

Biography: Corollarium Hermolaus used Pliny to help See CTC I, 127. identify many items, thus it seems likely that the Corollarium was also not produced

b. HERMOLAUS BARBARUS until his older age, perhaps around 1489 Although it seems likely that Hermolaus when his letter indicated intense interest wrote his translation of Dioscorides around in Dioscorides. But since the other letter 1481-2, it is less clear when he wrote his shows that Hermolaus was spending half an commentary which he called Corollarium. hour a day on Dioscorides the material was As with his translation, the commentary was probably collected over a long period. Durpublished posthumously in 1516 when it was ing this period, i.e. 1481-1489, Hermolaus edited by Johannes Baptista Egnatius, who al- was in a number of places, including Venice,

so supplied an introduction to the Corolla- Bruges, Milan, Rome and back to Venice

rium as a whole and to each of its five books. near his life’s end. The date of Hermolaus’ commentary may be The commentary is extensive but occasometime after the translation. In a letter sionally he listed an item without comment, written at Padua in the summer of 1484, namely, myrrha Boeotica, myrrha Rhodides,

quoted above (see p. 27), Hermolaus re- lecur caprinum, tecur hircinum, scorodofers to his work on Dioscorides, expresses prason, androsaces, hypecoon, galion, and the belief that it will soon be published, and oleum terebinthinum. He added a commenobserves that he takes half an hour of each tary on crocodilea (fol. 31, 1529 ed.) to a day before retiring to contemplate Dios- text not found in De materia medica. There corides while he is in the garden or neigh- is no commentary to Dioscorides’ preface.

borhood. In the Corollarium he makes In contrast to all other translator-commen-

numerous references to the Paduan garden tators, Hermolaus does not have a commenof his friend, Foelix Sophia. In a letter of tary to the apocryphal De venenis. January 8, 1489, written in Venice to Gior- Egnatius Lectori (ed. of Venice, 1516). gio Valla, Hermolaus reveals that at that [Inc. ]: En tibi Lector optime Barbari Coroltime he was concerned about interpretations larium libris quinque tandem absolutum of Dioscorides. The letter begins: ‘““Cum emittimus. Quos non dubito tanto tibi grasuperioribus diebus incidisset in manus tiores 1tucundioresque fore quo tibi magis iam meas, ipsum Perotti Cornucopiae illexit pridem persuasum forsitan erat aut ab aucet omen et nomen ad legendum, praeser- tore non perfectos suo aut ab aliis interceptos tim qui Dioscoridem editurus essem paulo aud apud Hermolai fratres situ squalloreque mox proindeque universum percurrere nec obsitos atque etiam capite diminutos latere. ocium nec voluntas fuit: vellicatim et saltua- Sed et ille iandudum coepto operi fastigium tim legere satis habui. Intra quatriduum ab- imposuerat et sartum tectum (quod aiunt) vel solvi quatenus ad negotium meum specta- ad libellam exhibuerat et Didymus Fertinus

46 |

DIOSCORIDES

elus anagnostes diligenter admodum asser- partem illustrandam suscipiunt, solent illud varat fratres quoque ipsi ut Thesaurum ac in primis profiteri, nihil sibi maiori curae

gemmas condiderant. Naec [sic] sane esse, nihil aeque studere, quam ut vitae fallebantur opinione sua. sunt enim hi libri usuique mortalium consulant. Hanc laudem tales quibus nihil eruditius cultius copiosius atque eorum animi propensionem ipse etiam

ornatius centesimum ab hinc annum in a puero semper admiratus, quantum mihi lucem prodierit. Qui cum latinam linguam Ocii a privatis publicisve officiis impetrare plurimum illustrent, graecam etiam aliud licuit, id totum honestis artibus ac liberaliagentes non negligant. Qui quicquid veteres bus disciplinis percipiendis impendi. Nec graeci latinique scriptores in hoc olim genere Sane quicquam antiquius unquam habui,

prodidere memoriae complectantur, ut quam ut studio, cura, industriaque mea

tamen recentia quaedam foeliciter attingant. vitae hominum prodessem, deque ea optime Accessit ad hoc singulare quoddam Barbari meritus existimarer. Assecutus id sim necne iudicium et candor animi quidam egregius aliorum malim esse iudictum quam meum. in his aut aestimandis in quibus auctores ipsi Ilud certe pro ture meo testar1 possum, nos diversi abeunt aut arguendis in quibus vel in- hac mente animoque elaborasse, ut quiccuria vel imperitia peccatum ab allis sit. Quid quid cogitando scribendo consequi possem, dicam quanto studio quantis vigiliis qua in- id omne ad mortalitatis fructum et utilitadustria in hisce libris usus ipse fuerit. Nam ut tem transferrem. Quamobrem Themistium Plinianae castigationes non parva cum laude adolescentes pene civitate Romana primum virum ad rem literariam tuvandam natum ex- donavimus, tum vertendis omnibus Aristoteercuerint, ut Aristoteles latinitate donatus lis elusque interpretum voluminibus omnem clariorem illustrioremque illum facturus mox operam atque industriam adhibuimus. Quod est, sic sane libri hi quinque ab illo perpoliti opus infiniti pene laboris cum mihi Plinianae et per nos tandem editi in omnes aetates il- castigationes excussissent de manibus, his

lustrare illum et patriam etiam atque etiam mox editis, tanto animi ardore, quae repossunt. quae cum reliquas urbes domestica miseram, absolvenda suscepi, veteraque externaque laude facile antecellit, tum in- studia revocavi, ut non multa mihi vertenda

geniorum copia et sublimitate null superessent. Subiit interim, non minor hisce italicarum cesserit. Ex quo enim literae omnibus cura, ac nescio, an maior etiam latinae ac graecae reuirescere atque ef- cogitatio Dioscoridis in Latinam linguam florescere apud nostros homines coepere cum transferendi. Quem cum emittere vel hormulti et clari in literis Patricii nostrates tantibus amicis vellem, eadem animi inducsemper viguere: tum vero in hac una familia tione, quam a teneris hauseram, promerendi Hermolaus senior Franciscus avus et ipse omnium opus omnium maximum ac laboridenique Hermolaus noster adeo praestitit: ut Osis. uum aggressus, Dioscoridis ac Plini et

obscurare maiorum suorum pene laudem (ut ingenue fatear) omnis rei literariae 1Ipotuerit. Quae cum ampla et multiplex sit, in lustrandae nova commentatione suscepi, ut literis tamen iuvandis et ornandis aliquanto nihil vel apud Graecos vel apud Latinos ad

amplior et uberior extat. Quare eo libentius hanc diem extet in hoc scribendi genere, id nostri praestare debent, quanto eorum in- quod non in hosce commentarios regesgenia longe aliorum excellant et virtutis serim. Ausus etiam non pauca ex recentioriampliora praemia illis proposita sint. Bene bus attingere corrupta scilicet et indoctorum

vale. pertinacia non satis adhuc explosa. Hosce Egnatius’ Introduction to Corollarium. libros Corollarii nomine nuncupare volui Ioannis Baptistae Egnatii Veneti in primum quod hi velut appendix additamentumque corollarii librum Hermolai Barbari Patritii essent legitimo iustoque operi tralati Dios-

Veneti et Aquileiensis Patriarchae Praefatio coridis neque vero Dioscoridis solum, sed

UInc.]: Qui populorum ac principum res meorum plane studiorum scriptorumque

egregie gestas aut quamvis aliam studiorum omnium. Sic enim mihi persuadeo me quan47

GREEK AUTHORS

tum ingenio proficere, quantum industria BNG 320; Durling 1134; NUC. Wellcome; elaborare, quantum studio ac cura consequi Palermo; Vienna ONB; (CtY-M, DNLM;

potui, quantum denique iudicii in literis NNNAM). habui, in hosce libros contulisse. Qui si tales Doubtful and Rejected Editions: erunt, quales ut essent contendimus, gratu- 1492: See above I, 2. labor mihi et omnibus quibus haec scripsi- 1518, Hagenoae (Hagenau). Fabricius BG

mus. Sin vero aliud doctorum fuerit de his ed. Harles 4, 699; Hoffmann BL 1, 606; judicium, non recuso, quin quantum de his Panzer VII, 86, no. 153. libris, tantumdem de _ studiis ac _ vigiliis 1534, Basileae (Basel). Fabricius BG ed. detrahatur meis. I[llud certe petitum ab Harles 4, 693. Hoffmann BL 1, 606; Panzer omnibus velim eodem animi candore nostra VI, 303, no. 995.

aestiment, quo vel ipsi nostra scripsimus, 1540: See above I, 2. vel nos de alienis iudicavimus, vel ut illi 1560, Venetiis. J. DeSartori, Catalogus bibperpendi examinarique sua ab aliis vellent. liographicus...(Vienna 1703) 4, 42. Hermolaus’ Corollarium [Inc.|]: (Uris Ilyri- 1580, Coloniae (Cologne). J. DeSartori, ca. Cap. 1) Iris aestate floret. Folio arundi- Catalogus bibliographicus...(Vienna 1703) naceo. Caulem habet cubitalem atque rec- 4, 42: editio rarissima. v. Banks Catal. T.

tum.../...[Expl.]: (V, 1018; V, 162, Well- l.p. 276. Bibl. Windhag. p. 413. Edit. mann ed.) Atramentum Scriptorium.... Colon. 1530. et Venet. 1560. dictum est in fulgine pictoria, chalcantho: Biography:

melanteria. See p. 343 below. Manuscript:

Rubric (Perugia, Bibl. Commuale Augusta C. JOHANNES BaptisTA EGNATIUS

Ms C 61). Hermolaus Barbarus Patritius Neither the introductory letter in the venetus Dioscoridem medicum e Graeco Venice, 1516, edition written to the

Latinum reddidit, cui et totidem reddidit Doge Leonardo Loredano and the Venetian

capitula.../...{Expl.]: (Introduction to Senate nor the preface to Hermolaus Bar-

Bk. V) quam praestare consilii nostri nun- barus’ Corollarium is dated. (Both Egnatius’

quam fuerit. letter and preface are printed above in en-

Commentary. [Inc.]: (De saccaro.) Sac- tirety, see p. 46.) Since he was a Professor carum laudatum ferebat india: nunc popu- of Letters at Venice beginning in 1496 and laris ortus eitus est in Aegypto, Cypro, Rhodo, became actively engaged in politics in 1515,

Creta.../...[Expl.): (De Caero.) solis tam it seems likely that he started his commen-

(?) longus ordo ciminum ut plane diem red- tary as a supplement to Hermolaus’ Corol-

dant. larium, which he edited along with Hermo(micro.) Perugia, Biblioteca Commuale laus’ translation (ed. 1516). Probably his

Augusta, Ms C 61, s. XVI (?), fols. 40-41. work was done in Venice when Aloisius and

Fragment from Hermolaus’ chapters 306 Franciscus Barbarus, Hermolaus’ brother and 307, Bk. 2, 1516 ed.; II, 82-83, Well- and nephew, gave him their relative’s work mann ed. (Kristeller, Iter II, 54; Mazzatinti, for editing, probably shortly before 1515.

V, 96-97). Egnatius’ commentary covers only the first Editions: book of De materia medica. Only fifty-seven

(1516): See above I, 2. of Hermolaus’ 188 chapters to Book One 1529: See above I, 3. are commented upon but Egnatius’ chapter

1539, Coloniae (Cologne): Apud Ioan. numbers do not correspond to Hermolaus’ Soterem (February). Comm. only. Separate numbers in the editio princeps. The title of t.p. but in some copies, including one in his commentary is: ‘‘Morborum ac remediWellcome Library, it is bound with 1529 ed. orum vocabula apud Dioscoridem obscuriora

of Marcellus Virgilius. Panzer 6, 407, no. breviter ab eodem Egnatio explicata in

539; Brunet 2, 733-734; Ebert 1, 489; Harles usum etiam mediocriter eruditorum, simul

48 ,

DIOSCORIDES

errores, qui incuria negligentiaque librart- Franciscus (Venetus), Hercules Gonzaga,

orum irrepsere, castigati.”’ Antonius Marsilius, Marcus Molinus, MarCommentary (ed. of Venice 1516) [Inc.|]: cus Sanutus, Antonius Trivultius, Nicolaus

(I, 1) Carne convestit. Emendandum pro Ursinus, and Petrus Paulus Vergerius

convertit. Pessi. foeminarum medicamenta the Younger. Although much of Egnatius’

sunt, quae molli lana genitalibus earum interest seemed to center in history, he conduntur.../...[Expl.]: (I, 199; I, 129 studied the following authors: Arrianus, Wellmann ed.) Hiberis....Galenus certe et Celsus, Cicero, Eutropius, Gellius, Historiae

Avicenna et Serapio capitella dixerunt. Augustae Scriptores, Juvenal, Lactantius,

Editions: Ovid, Paulus Diaconus, Persius, Servius, 1516: See above I, 2. Suetonius, Valerius Flaccus, Valerius Maxi-

Doubtful or Rejected Editions: mus (thereby earning the name, Valerius

1492: See above I, 2. Maximus), Valerius Probus, Vergil, S. 1540: See above I, 2. Aurelius Victor and Aulus Sabinus. He re-

Biography: tired on a pension from Venice in 1549 and Johannes Baptista Egnatius (Giovanni Bat- died in Venice on July 4 (or 2), 1553.

tista Cipelli or de’Cipelli) called himself Works: De Caesaribus, libri III, a dictaEgnatius from the town of Egna which is tore Caesare ad Constantinum Palaeologum, near Bolzano. Various authorities give 1473 hinc a Carolo M. ad Maximilanum Caesand 1478 as his birthdate but all agree that arem, Venice 1516, 1588 and in Abbé de he was born in Venice. He studied in Venice Marolles’ Addition a l'Histoire romaine, and his teachers included Benedetto Brognoli 1664; De origine Turcarum, 1539; Ad Fran-

and Francesco Bragadin. A fellow student ciscum...primum De eius in Italiam advenwas later to become Pope Leo X. In 1496 tu and Panegyricus, 1540; De exemplis viroEgnatius became a professor of literature rum illustrium Venetae civitatis atque alioat Venice where he taught until his retire- rum gentium, Venice, 1554; Exemplorum ment in 1549. His early career was marked Libri IT, Paris 1554; Raecemationes quae

by a bitter, public debate with an older obscuriores aliquot authorum locos inter-

colleague, Marc-Antonio Sabellico, said to be pretantur, Venice 1508 and Frankfurt 1607;

jealous of the younger Egnatius’ success. about seventy orations; he edited and annoIn 1502 Egnatius wrote a bitter tract, called tated Cicero, Ad familiares (Venice, 1508; Racemationes, attacking Sabellico’s views Frankfort, 1607), Suetonius (Basel 1556), on ancient writers, but with Sabellico’s death and Ovid (Frankfort 1601). in 1506, Egnatius magnanimously delivered Bibl.: Cosenza, 2, 1281-1284; 5, 646-647;

the funeral oration. In 1515 he went to Ginguené, in: M. Michaud, Biographie uniMilan, as one of a four-man delegation verselle..., 12, 311-312; Chr. G. Joecher, representing the Venetian Republic to com- Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon, 2, 290-291; pliment Francis I and wrote a Panegyricus Nouvelle biographie générale 15, 735; J. H. on the King’s victory over the Swiss. Egna- Zedler, Grosses vollstaendiges Universaltius was a corrector for the Aldine Press and Lexicon... 8, 324-325. a member of the Aldine Academy. Aldus Giovanni degli Agostini, ‘Notizie istoriche

Manutius the Elder dedicated a part of the spettanti alla vita e agli scritti di Batista Orationes rhetorum Graecorum to him and Egnazio, sacerdote viniziano,’’ Raccolta likewise Sebastianus Corradus, one of his d’opuscoli scientifici e filologici, ed. A. pupils, dedicated to him (as well as to Jo- Calogera (Venice 1745), xxxiii, 1-191; James hannes Pierius Valerianus) the tract Egna- Bruce Ross, ‘‘Venetian Schools and Teachers, tius, sive Quaestura. Among his other pupils Fourteenth to Early Sixteenth Century: A were Erasmus, Paulus Manutius and Cun- Survey and a Study of Giovanni Battista radus Thiloninus. His friends included Gas- Egnazio,”’ Renaissance Quarterly 29 (1976), par Contarenus, Petrus Dovitius, Andreas 521-57, at 536-56 (with references). 49

GREEK AUTHORS

d. MARCELLUS VIRGILIUS ADRIANUS Edition of Abbreviated Commentary:

The commentary was completed in, or 1529 (Strasbourg): See above I, 3.

shortly before, 1518, in Florence. Marcellus’ , ;

interest in Dioscorides, however, dates back b. Letter in defense of translation.

to the early 1490’s when he came into the Text without title or name of addressee possession of the ninth century copy of the (Milan Ms S 81 Sup.). [dnc. ]: Egregie vir etc.

Old Latin Dioscorides Translation, now Post tres annos, a quo tempore.../.. . satis Munich Ms 337. (See above, p. 35) The com- erit quae pro officio in bona fide habenda est.

mentary is extensive, covering each of Bene vale Florentiae die Vill. Martii M D Dioscorides’ chapters in De materia medica. XIX Fr. Marcellus Virgilius Secretarius flor.

Among the authorities cited are Hermolaus’ Manuscript:

Corollarium, Ruellius’ translation, Theo- (micro.) Milan, Ambrosiana Ms S 81 phrastus (De plantarum historia), Celsus, Sup., s. XVI, fols. 192-197v. (Kristeller, Hippocrates, Pliny, Paul of Aegina, Homer, [ter I, 313; microfilm made available by Columella and Galen. Marcellus became Frank M. Folsom, Ambrosiana Collection, embroiled in a controversy with Manardus University of Notre Dame). (discussed above, p. 35, and below, p. 50) Biography: See p. 39 above. regarding Marcellus’ translations and iden-

tifications. Marcellus wrote a long letter, e. JOHANNES MANARDUS.

probably to Manardus, on March 8, 1519,

in defense of his translation; the letter con- The commentary comes in the form of stitutes a kind of commentary and is three letters published in Manardus Epistodescribed below (b). In the Strasbourg lae medicinales. In the first letter, written

1529 edition there are Marcellus Annota- at Ferrara in 1519, Manardus writes directly tiones abbreviatae, prepared and edited by to Marcellus and speaks of the arrival of Otto Brunsfels from the published commen- Marcellus’ book. Manardus found a number

tary (described below, a.2). of objections to Marcellus’ translation, iden-

Bibl.: See above p. 38. tification of plants, and interpretation, but Manardus’ comments are restricted to Book a. 1. Full Commentary: I of De materia medica. In self-defense Commentary to Preface, De materia Marcellus replied on March 8, 1520, from

medica (ed. of 1518). [Inc.]: Incipiemus Florence (see above, pp. 35,50). In Manardus’

bona fide ex hoc loco reddere.../... first letter, he employed a Greek manuscript [Expl.]: lignescunt eorum caules radicesque: text (“In bonis enim codicibus legitur.. .’’)

et in cremia transeunt. plus other authorities such as Galen to assist Text. [Inc.}: (1, 1) Non veritus quondam in interpreting De materia medica to which Hippocrates est tantus faciendae.../... criticisms Marcellus wrote that he was trans[Expl.]: (V, 102; 161 Wellmann ed.) As- lating Dioscorides, not Galen (see above, bolen...ut ostendi a nobis aliter non de- p. 35). Manardus’ third and largest letter,

buerit. addressed to Bartholomaeus Tingus Pistoriensis, comments on De materia medica a. 2. Abbreviated commentary. (Bks. I-V) and De venenis (Bks. VI-IX), and Text (ed. of Strasbourg, 1592). [Inc.]: it is dated January 15, 1523, at Ferrara. In

(I, 1) Primum in iride animadvertisse opor- this letter Manardus is aware that Marcellus tet, non esse.../...[Expl.]: (V, 173; V, 161 had died (Dec. 1, 1521). Manardus’ second Wellmann ed.) De fuligine pictoria...re- letter, which comments on Dioscorides, is un-

petita, ut ostendi a nobis aliter non de- dated and is addressed to an unnamed friend

buerit. who, at Manardus’ request, had defended Editions of Full Commentary: Marcellus. This then places the second letter

1518, 1523, 1528, 1529 (Cologne): See as not earlier than 1521 and probably 1522

above II, 4. and also written at Ferrara, because the first

350 |

DIOSCORIDES

letter was of 1519, then there followed the pernatus, lucraturus, profectum videlicet, et friends’ defense of Marcellus, and Manar- tuam amicitiam, ad quam mihi nihil deesse dus’ defense against his friend. The second putabam, nisi ut qui a me ob eximias et letter, however, remained unsent for more tota Europa notissimas animi dotes diligeris, than two years (‘‘supra biennium apud me hoc ipsum a me diligi te scires, non ambidelituissent’’). In the opening sections of gens, quae tua praedicabatur humanitas, the third letter to Tingus, Manardus speaks quin me vicissim esses amaturus. of the reasons why he had not published the Commentary. Praefatio. [Inc.|]: Hac ergo letters earlier and of how Tingus had advised spe animatus a prooemio exordior. In quo against it. Now, however, that Marcellus non probo quod pro axpy graeca dictione, was dead, he is ready to publish them and integram aetatem convertas.../...[Expl.}: suggests that they might be printed by Tin- non solum in herbis et morbis, sed aliis quogus’ relatives, the Giunti, or with Tingus’ que in rebus vim dictionis, meo iudicio, permission be published elsewhere. Although commode exprimemus. Et hoc quidem in Manardus’ Epistolae medicinales (Books I- prooemio.

VI) were published in Ferrara in 1521 (and Liber I.1. [Inc.]: In ipso vero tractatu, again, Paris 1528; Strasbourg 1529; and cap. de. Iride, suspectum est mihi quod

Bologna 1531), the early editions did not dicitur.../...[Expl.]: (p. 138, I, 139, contain the letters on Dioscorides. ficus; 1, 127 Wellmann ed.) qua parte verManardus’ commentary, especially in Let- rucas et thymos tolli per eos scribit Dioster III, is rather full. He cited a number of corides addendum videtur credi. Non video other authorities, whom he used in his com- etiam cur non potuerit humidum sinapi mentary on De materia medica and De intellexisse Dioscorides. venenis, such as: Hippocrates, Plato, Aris- Conclusion. (p. 138) Haec sunt, mi Martotle, Hierophilus, Pliny, Galen, Oribasius, celle, quae percurrenti mihi primum tui

Paul of Aegina, and Serapion. Dioscoridis librum moram attulere, quorum

te ipsum censorem et arbitrum constituo, id

a. Letter I (Liber VIII, 1). probaturus reprobaturusue, quod abs te Io. Manardus Marcello Vergilio viro doc- probatum reprobatumve iri cognovero. Ea

tissimo S.D. (ed. of Venice, 1542). Intro- igitur ut aequi bonique consulas rogo, duction. [Inc.]: (p. 120) Contigit nescio meque in eorum numero esse scias, qui te quo fato, Marcelle doctissime, ut paulo suspiciunt, atque in hoc nemini cedere. Val. postquam Dioscorides tuus ad nos pervenit, Ex Ferraria, M. D. XIX. dolore pedum vexatus, surgere e lecto per

dies multos non potuerim. Cui malo non b. Letter II (Liber VIII, 2). aliud magis praesentaneum remedium in- (Cuidam viro doctissimo pariter et amicisveniens, primum tuae interpretationis volu- simo, qui Marcelli defensionem rogatus acmen sine interspiratione percurrens, magno- ceperat.)

pere levatus sum reconditam lectionem, ex- Introduction. [Inc.]: (p. 139) Legi, vir actissimam diligentiam, gravissimum iudi- doctissime, quae pro Marcello adversus me cium, et (quod veluti nostro saeculo rarius, acutissime simul et eruditissime disputasti. impensius sum admiratus) ingenuae mentis Quibus primo congressu adeo deterritus candorem in eo apertissime cognoscens. prostratusque sum, ut deditionem vel fugam Huic maxime confisus, simili ingenuitate et potius quam defensionem cogitarem. Verum notare et tibi significare non sum veritus, quum post primum illum impetum, epistoquae inter legendum non usquequaque a me lam tuam humanitatis et modestiae, qua probata sunt. Non monendi tui gratia, ut semper tua scripta scatent, undique refer-

quem in eo albo esse dudum scierim, ut tam relegerem praesertimque eam partem docere, non doceri, a mei praesertim simili- in qua ais, obsequendi mihi gratia, magis

bus, debeas, sed duo ex hoc labore, si quam veri delectu te contendisse, resumptis meum hoc studium non penitus fueris as- aliquantisper viribus, quoniam amant qul51

GREEK AUTHORS

que sua, coepi respirare simulque cogitare, coridem librum per Marcellum latinitate an meos illos quanquam abortivos partus, donatum consultis Graecis exemplaribus tueri quoquo pacto a morte valerem, arrep- sub examen rationis adduxeram. Quibus toque calamo tumultuatim, ut occurrebant, ego morem gerere prius nolui, quam tuam quaecunque mihi favere videbantur, in in hoc sententiam explorassem, qui ad ausunum acervum collegi, digesturus, si tibi picandum inter nos amicitiam veluti proxedigna viderentur, ut prodire in conspectum neta extiteras et mediator. Consultus igitur hominum possent. Ea ad te hactenus non tu a me per literas, eam minime publicanmisi, pudore quodam prohibitus, quod te dam duxisti, parum decere putans, ut quae alioqgui maioribus rebus occupatum tam amice inter nos fuerant agitata, in omnium crebro in haec adeo exilia demitterem. Nunc notitiam pervenirent. Tuis itaque monitis vero postquam, ni fallor, supra biennium acquiescens, non solum ab aeditione episapud me delituissent, aliud quaerenti, quum tolae abstinui, sed et examinare reliquum se mihi obtulissent, devorato pudore, ac- operis destiti, uni tibi plus in hoc tribuens, cedere ad te iussi reverenterque veluti man- quam plerisque contrarium suadentibus cipia salutare, sententiamque tuam, etiam si inter quos erant qui affirmarent, Marcellum capitalis esset, demissa fronte expectare. apologiam et conscripsisse, et Leoni pontifi-

Commentary. Praefatio. [Inc.|]: Celsus ci nominatim dicasse, ut vel ex hoc me

morbi tempora enumerans eam morbi par- quoque ad aeditionem animarent, nullam

tem quam Graeci axpnv vocant.../... iniuriam amicis fieri dicentes, si seposito [Expl.]: materia medicinalem diligere potius omni livore quisque quod sibi videtur, veri-

australia, quam aquilonaria loca. tatis studio et legentium usui quieto et

Liber I. 1. [Inc.]: De floribus iridis, ad pacato animo, ut scribit, et publicat. Nullis ipsosmet provoco.../...[Expl.]: (I. 144, p. tamen rationibus adduci ad hoc potui, ne 139; I. 123 Wellmann ed.: amydala) ut id importunus videri possem, si seni amico et

efficiat bibitum. valetudinario negocium facesserem et mo-

Conclusion. [Inc.]: Boni itaque interpretis lestiam adferrem, amico praecipue alio, te officio melius functus erat Marcellus, s1, videlicet, dissuadente. Postquam vero moesquoties nulla est apud Dioscoridem, medi- tissimum de illius morte nuntium accepimus, camini cuipiam calculi frangendi vim adscri- negare itidem effiagitantibus amicis non bentem, renum vesicaeve mentio, nihil ipse amplius potui, quin residuo libri perlecto, plus addidisset, quam quod apud Dioscort- quae secus ac ille vel legebam vel intellidem legebat; sed integrum reliquisset legen- gebam, annotarem. Ea qualiacunque sunt,

tibus medicis, num tanta vis medicamini ad te mitto, ut vel, si tibi videbitur, una

adesset, qua vesicae calculus posset per- cum ipso Marcelli Dioscoride quem et nunc fringi. [p. 146] Sed hac de re nimis multa, (ut audio) sub praelo affines tui Giontae ut de qua superius fuerit sermo. Receptui habent, in lucem veniant, vel cum bona tua iam canendum, ut si quae supersunt copiae, venia alibi publicentur. Quanquam enim in ad feliciorem pugnam integrae adserventur. his, ut in prima etiam epistola, nonnulla Vale vir doctissime pariter et amicissime. sunt quae leviuscula mihi ipsi etiam viden-

Ferrariae. tur, nonnulla in quibus facile defendi Marcellus possit, videbis tamen (ni fallor) multa

c. Letter III (Liber VIII, 3). ad rem, id est, medendi artem spectantia,

(Io. Manardus Barth. Tingo Pistoriensi in quibus ille veluti homo, atque homo qui medico S. D. Interpretatio Marcelli in re- in his libris poetarum et oratorum magis

liquos Diosc. libros examinatur. ) quam medicorum versabatur, aperte est lap-

Introduction. [Inc.]: (p. 146) Suadebant sus, quae si incastigata remanserint, possint olim nonnulli amici, quorum consilio in re et multis medicis imponere, et hominum literaria uti soleo, ut eam cum aliis in publi- vitae non parum obesse. Nec est ut quiscum epistolam darem, in qua primum Dios- piam vereatur, manibus Marcelli iniuriam

52 |

DIOSCORIDES

hac editione fieri. Si quis enim harum re- 1549 (1), Basileae (Basel): Apud Mich. rum illi sensus est, putandum est gavisurum Insingrinium. Letter 1, pp. 156-181; 2,

potius bonique consulturum, quicquid bono 181-190; 3, 190-248 (comm. for De materia animo, veritatis investigandae gratia, cuius medica ends p. 240). Durling 2917; NUC. inter nos agens studiosissimus semper fuit, BM; (DNLM; MiU; NN).

scriptis mandatum est. Non secus etiam te 1549(2), Lugduni (Lyons): Ex officina facturum confido, atque quoscunque Mar- Godefridi et Marcelli Beringorum fratrum. celli studiosos, ut faciant, moneo rogoque. Letter 1, pp. 169-196; 2, 196-206; 3, 207Nec me aliam ob causam haec et scripsisse 267 (comm. for De materia medica ends p. et publicasse putent, quam ob veritatis 298). Durling 2918; NUC. Wellcome; BN;

amorem et amicorum id petentium ob- CtY-M; DNLM; InU). sequium. Sed iam rem ipsam aggrediamur, 1556, Lugduni (Lyons): Apud haeredes orsi ab his quae in fine primi lib. adversus Jacobi Juntae. In Epitstolae medicinales

Hermolai aeditionem disputavit. diversorum authorum.... Letter 1, pp.

Commentary. Liber I, 1 (without com- 61-70; 2, 70-74; 3, 74-94 (comm. for De mentary to Preface). [Jnc.]: Probari inquit materia medica ends p. 91). Durling 1372; Dioscorides iridem quae.../...[Expl.]: NUC. Wellcome; BM; (DNLM). (V, atramentum, p. 184; V, 162 Wellmann 1557(1), Lugduni (Lyons): Apud haeredes ed.) chalcanthi unciam unam semis. Jacobi Iuntae. Reissue of Lyon, 1556. DurCommentary continues to include De ling 1373; NUC. BM; (DNLM). venenis, see below, p. 000, as Bks. VI-IX, (*) 1557 (2), Venetiis (Venice): Apud Jo. and with the explicit to Bk. IX (p. 191): et Franciscum Camotium. Colophon: Jo. Gryhic quidem est theriacus modus. XV. Ianu- phius excudebat. Durling 2919; NUC. BN;

arii, M.D. XXIII. Wellcome; BM; (DNLM; NNNAM). |

Bibl.: 1611, Hanoviae (Hanau): typis Wechelianis.

Wilhelm Ruediger, Marcellus Virgilius Letter 1, pp. 113-130; 2, 130-137; 3, 137Adrianus aus Florenz. Ein Beitrag zur 173 (comm. for De materia medica ends p. Kenntniss seines Lebens und seines Wirkens 168). NUC. Wellcome; BM; (DNLM).

(Halle 1897) pp. 1-19. Biography: Editions: Johannes Manardus (Giovanni Manardo)

(micro) 1532, Lugduni (Lyons): Apud Seb. was born on July 24, 1462, in Ferrara of a Gryphium. Edited by Francois Rabelais. distinguished family. His father was a notary Baudrier 8, 64-5; Durling 2913; NUC. BN; and a great uncle, Antonius Manardus, an

(DNLM; RPB). apothecary. Educated in Ferrara where he

1535, Basileae (Basel): (Johann Bebelius). attended the University, Manardus received Edited by Hieronymus Artolphus. Letter 1, a doctorate in arts and medicine on October pp. 125-146; 2, 146-154; 3, 154-203 (comm. 17, 1482, and became a lecturer. His adfor De materia medica ends, p. 196). Dur- vancement was said to be blocked because ling 2914; NUC. BM; (CtY-M; DNLM; of his attacks on astrological and theoretical

NNNAM). medicine. He married and lived between

1540, Basileae (Basel): Apud Mich. In- 1493 to 1502 in Mirandola where, in addisingrintum. Letter 1, pp. 156-181; 2, 181- tion to being a physician to Giovanni Fran190; 3, 190-248 (comm. for De materia cesco Pico, he assisted the latter in editing medica ends p. 240). Durling 2915; NUC. the works of his uncle Pico della Mirandola.

BM; BN; (DNLM; NN; NNNAM). After brief lectureships at Perugia, Padua,

1542, Venetiis (Venice): Apud Petrum and Pavia, he returned to Ferrara. Between Schoeffer. Letter 1, pp. 120-138; 2, 138- 1513 and 1518 Manardus went to Hungary 146; 3, 146-191 (comm. for De materia where he served as a royal physician to the medica ends p. 184). Durling 2916; NUC. successive kings Vladislaus Jagellon and

BM; (CtY-M; DNLM; PPC). _ Louis II. After returning to Ferrara in 1518,

53

GREEK AUTHORS

he became a professor of medicine at the 17, 1553, Bologna. Since there is no evidence University in 1524, succeeding Leoniceno. that Frigimelica lectured at Bologna (Dallari He also served as a personal physician to is silent) and he is known to have lectured at Alfonso I d’Este, duke of Ferrara. At the age Padua, the version dated at Bologna may be of seventy-three, his marriage to a young girl, student notes especially since it is less full Giulia dei Sassoli da Bergamo, produced than the earlier version. The earlier version censures by Paulus Jovius and others. The may be the actual notes by Frigimelica and rest of his life was spent in Ferrara where he is now at Oxford. The 1553 manuscript,

died on March 7, 1536. His teachers in- now in Erlangen, came from the medical cluded Battista Guarini, Niccolo Leoniceno, faculty’s library at Padua. In the commenand Francesco Benzi (son of Ugo Benzi). tary, Frigimelica’s interest was in plants and His pupils included L. G. Giraldi. Leonhar- animal substances while omitting the minedus Fuchsius is said to have borrowed from tals. Mostly he was concerned with the him. Throughout his life he combined a purely medical aspects, including numerous strong humanistic approach to medicine with prescriptions, rather than with identifica-

clinical observation. tions and classifications. It is noteworthy

Works: His stress on precision in transla- that neither Conrad Gesner in his discourse tions is notable, especially in his major con- on Dioscorides’ scholarship (Preface, fols. tributions in the Epistolae medicinales (be- 1i1-ix, anno 1559, in: Valerii Cordi Simesusii ginning with the Basel, 1540, ed., and even- Annotationes in Pedacii Dioscoridis... De

tually coming to twenty books). His other materia medica, Tigurini, 1561; cf. also works are a commentary on Pseudo-Mesue, Gesner, Bibliotheca Universalis) nor any Simplicia et composita or Grabadin (Venice other sixteenth-century author mentioned 1542, 1558, 1561, 1581, 1589 and 1623; Frigimelica’s work on Dioscorides; thus, it Basel 1535, 1540, and 1549) and a partial appears to have gone unnoticed. translation and commentary on Galen’s Ars medicinalis (Rome, 1525; Basel, 1529, 1536,

1540, and 1541; and Padua 1553 and 1564). a. Earlier version. Bibl.: Cosenza, 3, 2098; 5, 1070; Juliana Heading (Oxford Bodl., Ms Canon. lat. Hill Cotton, in: Dictionary of Scientific misc. 31): Dioscorides Clarissimi Francisci

Biography 9, 74-75; Chr. W. Kestner, Frizimelicae.

Medicinisches Gelehrten-Lexicon (Jena 1740; Commentary. Preface. [Inc.]: (fol. 1)

repr. Hildesheim 1971) 507. Medicus iuxta Galeni sententiam in libro de Atti del Convegno Internazionale per le constitutione isto (sic) artis 13° et 14°. Ip-

celebrazione della nascita di Giovanni Ma- sum ister (sic) cognitione rerum.../... nardo, (1462-1536) (Ferrara 1963) with ar- [Expl.]: (fol. 1) isti compositione medicinae

ticles by: Mirko D. Grmek, Robert Herr- sint facti. linger, Pierre Huard, G. A. Lindeboom, Liber I, 1. [Inc.]: (fol. 1, De hirrido.) Iris Heinrich Schipperges; Arpad Herczeg, ‘‘Jo- menses repelit pota cum vino, ut si ita fiat

hannes Manardus Hofarzt in Ungarn and R vini potatis____u(nciae) ij Ferrara im Zeitalter der Renaissance,” Janus iridis_____—u(ncia) i

33 (1929), 52-78, 85-130. Exhibit (?) calidum iris valet in hydrope se cum hidromellit sucus tris exhibeatur.../... f. FRANCISCUS FRIGIMELICA [Expl.]: (fol. 75v; IV, 190 Wellmann ed.: Franciscus Frigimelica’s commentary to De heliotropio.) Heliotropion scorpinom

the first four books of De materia medica herba et nota...et haec satis dicta ita et

was never published and is found in two ver- 4° libro. Finis 4: libri in laudem et gloriam il-

sions in two manuscripts. The earlier and lius, a quo caelum et tota natura dependet. more complete is dated April 7, 1530, proba- Finem imposui vij. Mensis Aprilis anno bly at Padua, while the other is dated October domini nostri Jesu Christi 1530. 54

DIOSCORIDES

Manuscript: us Galeni practica explicatur, Jena 1640;

Oxford, Bodleian, Ms Canonicianus Lat. De balneis metallicis artificiose parandis Misc. 31, anno 1530, fols. 1-75v. Frontis- liber posthumus novi argumenti, ex biblio-

piece: In Dioscoridis tratatu De simplici theca Johannis Rhodii, Padua 1659 and Frigimelica Lectore Patavino, 1648. There Nuremberg 1659; Tractatus de morbo Galfollows, fol. 75v, a short tract: De dolore lico et lucubratiuncula adversus defluvium capitis, eximii domini Francisci Frizimelicae pilorum, edited by Aloysius Luisinus, Patavini. (H.O. Coxe, Catalogi, 3, 454). Venice 1566-7; Consiglio sopra la pestilentia qui in Padoa dell’ anno MDLV...Padua

b. Later version. 1555; De dolore capitis, Oxford Bodl.

Heading (Erlangen Ms 909, fol. 48): In Canon Lat. Misc. 31, s. XVI, fols. 75-77v; Dioscoridem annotatiunculae D. F. Frize- he translated, De utilitate viperarum, pub-

melicae. lished posthumously by his brother, Anton1-

Commentary. De materia medica. Liber I, us; Scriptum in libro De sensu et sensato 1. [Inc.]: Iris menses pellit cum vino pota. of Aristotle, in: Padua, Museo civico Ms Dracma rad. in hydrope. Nam surcus radi- C.M. 102, anno 1551, 95 fols. cis.../... [Expl.]: (fol. 76, Heliotropius; Bibl.: Catteau-Calleville, in: M. Michaud, IV, 190 Wellmann ed.) aliquod mixia im- Biographie universelle 15, 198; J. Facciolati, ponenda. Finis imponatur Bononiae 17, Oc- Fasti Gymnasii Patavini pt. 2, 291, 311,

tobris 1553. 313, 337, 342, 363; Paul Freher, TheManuscript: atrum virorum eruditione clarorum...

(micro.) Erlangen, Universitatsbibliothek, (Nuremberg 1688), 1244; Chr. G. Joecher, Ms 909, anno 1553, fols. 48-76. Added to Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon 2, 767; Chr. heading in hand of the s. XVII: “‘med. Prof. W. Kestner, Medicinisches Gelehrten-LexiPatavini et Bonon. scriptum hactenus non con (Jena 1740; repr. 1971) 318; Charles H. editum.”’ (H. Fischer, Katalog, 2, 503-504). Lohr, ‘“‘Renaissance Latin Aristotle Com-

Biography: mentaries: Authors D-F,’ Renaissance

Franciscus Frigimelica was born in Padua Quarterly 29 (1976), 744; Nouvelle bioon January 15, 1491, although some sources graphie génerale...., vol. 18; G. Vedova, give the date as 1490. He received a docto- Biografia degli scrittori padovani (Padua

rate in arts and medicine from Padua on 1832) 1, 426-432; J. H. Zedler, Grosses April 1, 1518. Between 1518 and 1525 he vollstindiges Universal-lexicon...9, 2131.

taught sophistic and moral philosophy at OTHo BRUNFELSIUS

Padua, and he was named professor extra- 5:

ordinarius in 1522. He lectured on Aristotle, Dioscorides widely influenced Brunfels Galen and Dioscorides. From 1525 to 1532 and certainly one, possibly two, works by he lectured on medicine and then from 1532 Brunfels may be considered commentaries. to 1546 on theoretical and practical medi- The first appears in Brunfels’ Novi herbarii cine. In 1546 he left the university because tomus II, edited by Brunfels in 1531 and

of ill health. Pope Julius III (1550-1555) published by Ioannes Schottus in Strascalled him to Rome in a letter of January 5, bourg, 1532. This work, entitled Exegema 1555, published by G. Vedova. He served as omnium simplicium quae sunt apud Diospapal physician until the Pope’s death, but coridem et collatio eorundum cum iis quae reputedly he did not like life in the papal in Officinis habentur, is devoted to Books court. He returned to Padua where he died I-IV of De materia medica and is chiefly on April, 1559 (1558?).-Marc’ Antonio Mo- lexiographic. His procedure is to discuss rizio da Fermo delivered his funeral oration. each chapter by identifying the plant or Most of his works were published after his animal. Frequently he cites other authorities

death. and he employs the nomenclature of many Works: Pathologia parva, in qua method- languages for equivalents. With disputed

35

GREEK AUTHORS

claims—most chapters have them— he re- November, 1534, intervened. This led pubsolves the controversy at the end by stating lisher Schott to print the unfinished work in “in Officinis...,’’ which is his corrective. 1543 anonymously because he did not feel it This tract appears to be working notes Brun- possible to give credit to the author. Probfels probably produced for his massive three ably this work was prepared by Brunfels volume herbal, often called Herbarum vivae around 1533-1534 in Bern where he spent eicones from the title of volume I, edited the last year of his life. by Brunfels in 1530 and published by the same publisher in 1532. Also the notes may

have been gathered for his large tract, a. Exegema omnium simplicium quae sunt

‘Ovopaotixdvy (Strasbourg, 1534). In apud Dioscoridem.

1529 Brunfels edited a printing of Ioannes Text, without commentary to Preface, Ruellius’ translation of Dioscorides (see De materia medica. Liber I, 1 (ed. of Strasabove, p. 16). The Exegema, Brunfels’ first bourg, 1536) [Inc.]: Iris tametsi illiryca commentary on Dioscorides, was written in inscribatur, et in primis probatur, tamen et Strasbourg, Basel or Bern in the late 1520s in Italia habetur. Et consensu omnium est

or early 1530s, no later than 1531. radix alba, digituli crassitudine. Quae ab

The second commentary, if such it may officinis irios, gignendi casu, pro nominativo

be called, is a tract printed anonymously usurpatur. Acorus.../...[Expl.]: (IV, 193, entitled, In Dioscoridis historiam herbarum Wellmann’s number) Scorpiodes videtur certissima adaptatio, cum earundem iconum esse quam Plinius calendulam vocat: quamnomenclaturis Graecis Latinis et Germani- quam Herm. Barbarus Leontopodio tribuit cis. Anno Christi 1543. Argentorati Joannes hoc nomen, ut supra diximus.

Schottus aere perennius dedit. In 371 pages Editions: it is without preface or text except for iden- (*) [1532], Argentorati (Strasbourg): tifications of woodcuts. Jean Francois Se- Apud Ioannem Schottum. Index Aureliensis guier (Bibliotheca botanica, Liége 1760) and 5S, 343, no. 125. 643; Rép. Strasbourg 55, the Catalog of the British Museum (1960 No. 122; Durling 725; Michel Guédés, “‘Noed., vol. 53, 111) give Leonhardus Fuchsius tules de bibliographie botanique V-VIII,” as the author, but Ernst H. F. Meyer (see Journal of the Society for Bibliography of

bibl. below), after a close examination, Natural History 6 (1972), 177-179; NUC. argues convincingly that it is the work of BN; Cambridge, UL; (DNAL; DNLM).

Otto Brunfels and the engraver, Ioannes 1536, Argentorati (Strasbourg): Apud Guiditius (Hans Weydiz). This work consists Ioannem Schottum. In appendix to vol. II, of woodcuts for some 218 chapters, labelled pp. 90-126, of: Now Herbarii Tomus II. and keyed to Dioscorides, but there is no in- Index Aureliensis 5, 348. No. 125. 676;

dication of the edition used. Beside each Durling 726; NUC. Wellcome; (CtY-M;

woodcut is an identification in Greek, DNLM). Latin and German. Many woodcuts are (*) 1537, Argentor. (Strasbourg): Apud taken from the three volume Herbarum Ioannem Schottum. In: Herbarium tomis vivae eicones with woodcuts by Guiditius but tribus...absolutum, Edidit M. Herr. Index

new ones are added, a fact that may have Aureliensis 5, 346, No. 125. 665. Berlin; led Seguier to consider Fuchsius as author Gotha; The Hague. since Fuchsius is associated with new Dios- (*) 1539, Argentor. (Strasbourg): Apud corides wooducts during the period. Meyer, Ioannem Schottum. Herbarium tomis trion the other hand, suggests that Brunfels bus...absolutum. Index Aureliensis 5, 347, was actively directing Guiditius in preparing No. 125. 670; Sartori 4, 44; Rep. Strasbourg new woodcuts to help in identifying Dios- 1, 200; NUC. BN; Lund; Uppsala; Vienna; corides’ plants when Brunfels’ early death in (NNNAM?).

56

DIOSCORIDES

b. In Dioscoridis historiam herbarum cer- Weydiz) for realistic woodcuts of plants for

_ tisstma adaptatio. Herbarum vivae eicones in 3 vols. The first

Bibliography: two volumes were published in 1530 and Ernst H. F. Meyer, Geschichte der Bo- 1531; the third was edited posthumously

tanik, 4 vols. (KOnigsberg, 1854-1857; repr. by Michael Heer in 1536. This Herbal, plus

1965) 4, 298-299. his other writings, earned Brunfels a place

Edition: among the three ‘German fathers of botany’, 1543, Argentorati (Strasbourg): Ioannes the other two being Hieronymus Tragus

Schottus. Panzer [X, 361, No. 287b; Brunet (Jerome Bock) and Leonhard Fuchstus.

1, 1295; Schmidt RES 19; BM Cat. at- On October 3, 1533 he received a call as tributes authorship to Leonhardus Fuchsius, town physician at Bern, where he moved 53, 111. NUC. BM; (CtY-M [copy auto- and where he died of diphtheria on Novem-

graphed by Andrea Cesalpino]; MH-A). ber 23 (?), 1534. His wife is said to have

Biography*: aided in preparing some of his works for

Otho Brunfelsius (Otto Brunfels) was posthumous publication. Among his pupils probably born in 1488 or 1489, though va- was Gualtherus Rivius. rious authorities place his date between 1464 Works: His works may be classified as and shortly before 1500. Most authorities pedagogical (for example, his Aphorismi

agree that his birthplace was in or near institutionis puerorum (Strasbourg, 1519), Mainz where his father was a cooper; the theological (like his Pandectarum veteris family name was taken from Castle Brunfels et novi testamenti libri XII (Strasbourg, near Mainz. He was educated in Mainz, 1527), polemical (such as his defense in 1524

where he was a student of Nicolaus Ger- of Ulrich von Hutten against Erasmus’ belius; he received a master of arts degree Spongia), and, most important during the in 1508/09 and subsequently entered a Car- last years of his life, medical, pharmacologi-

thusian monastery in Strasbourg. In 1521, cal, and botanical (notably the Herbarum after supporting the movement away from vivae eicones). For a complete listing see Roman Catholicism, he fled the monastery F.W.E. Roth, “Die Schriften des Otto Brunwith the help of Ulrich von Hutten and be- fels 1519-36 bibliographisch beschrieben,’’

came a pastor in Steinau, where Erasmus Jahrbuch fiir Geschichte, Sprache, und

befriended him. Perhaps the sale of his con- Literatur Elsass-Lothringens XVI (1900) siderable theological works enabled him in 257-88.

1524 to open his own school in Strasbourg Bibl,: Allen, V, 367-68; H. Grimm, in and at the same time to marry Dorothea Neue deutsche Biographie II (1955) 677-78; Heiligenhensin. Exactly when his interests E. H. F. Meyer, Geschichte der Botanik, 4 shifted to medicine is uncertain, but his first vols. (Kénigsberg 1854-57, repr. Amsterpublished medical work was an edition of dam 1965) IV, 295-303; Claus Nissen, Die Alessandro Benedetti, Anatomice sive De botanische Buchillustration. Ihre Geschichte hystoria corporis humani libri quinque und Bibliographie (Stuttgart, 1951), II, 25(Strasbourg, 1528). He studied medicine at 26; J. Stannard, Dictionary of Scientific the University of Basel, precisely when is not Biography II (1970) 535-38 (with bibliogclear, but he apparently received his medical raphy). degree between May, 1532 and March, 1533. Hermann Christ, “Otto Brunfels und Much of his time after 1528 was devoted seine Herbarum vivae eicones. Ein botanito collecting material, writing, and super- scher Reformator des XVI. Jahrhunderts,”’ vising the engraver Johannes Guiditius (Hans Verhandlungen der Naturforschenden Gesellschaft in Basel, XXXVIII (1927), 1*The biography is based in part on information 11; Michel Guédés, ‘“‘Notules de bibliograsupplied by Eugene F. Rice, Jr. (Columbia University). phie botanique, VIII. Le second volume des

57

GREEK AUTHORS

Herbarum vivae eicones de Brunfels (1531- mediately following the Annotatiunculae 1532),’’ Journal of the Society for the Bib- there is a short tract by Petrus: ‘‘De herbis liography of Natural History, VI (1971- quarum apud Dioscoridem nulla fit mentio.” 1974), 177-80; F.W.E. Roth, “Otto Brun- Introduction (ed. of Antwerp, 1533). Corfels. Nach seinem Leben und litterarischen nelius Petrus physicus et civis clarissimae Wirken geschildert.’’ Zeitschrift fiir die Leydensis urbis candidis lectoribus. SaluGeschichte des Oberrheins, XLVIII (1894), tem. [Inc.|]: Hortati sunt me saepius amici 284-320; idem, “Otto Brunfels, 1489-1534. aliquot haud vulgares, immo in paucis Ein deutscher Botaniker,’’ Botanische Zei- numerandi, ut codicillum de simplicibus tung, LVIII (1900), 191-232; Erich San- medicamentis a me nuper ex diversis tam wald, Otto Brunfels, 1488-1534. Ein Beitrag veterum, quam recentiorum medicorum zur Geschichte des Humanismus und der voluminibus in compendium relatum publiReformation. 1. Halfte 1488-1524 (Bottrop, carem, cum scirent (ut affirmabant) me 1932); T.A. Sprague, ‘““The Herbal of Otto multis non artis medicae tantum candidatis,

Brunfels,’’ The Journal of the Linnean sed et pharmacopolis, medicamentariis et Society of London (Botany), XLVIII (1928- herbarum collectoribus, qui in harum rerum

1931), 79-124. cognitionibus saepe numero falluntur et caecutiunt, plurimum gratificaturum, quorum

h, CORNELIUS PETRUS Sane errore sublato cum aegrotis tutius

The introductory letter by Petrus is dated ageretur. Coeterum (ut verum fatear) fuit December 1, 1532, at Leyden and the pub- ista compilatio mihi quum laboriosa tum lisher’s colophon is dated January, 1533, etiam taediosa, praesertim quum offenderim Antwerp. Petrus’ commentary, called An- descriptiones herbarum mirum in modum

notatiunculae, is devoted exclusively to depravatas, subditicias, frequenter etiam plants in Books I-IV of Dioscorides’ De ineptas et confusaneas, adeo ut scriptores materia medica. The commentary itself ipsi nonnulli mihi videantur aut nihil in re fills only nineteen unnumbered folios (14 medica novisse, aut parum sobrie rem hercm.). In his introduction Petrus disparaged bariam tractasse, tanta enim erat opinionum the poor knowledge of medical students, controversia, tanta varietas, ne dicam, con-

apothecaries, medicamentarii et herbarum trarietas, ut mihi cum Baldo et Bartholo collectores, and he attempts to address et horum nepotibus (quos ferunt in opinionithat ignorance. Not all plants are covered, bus raro concordes) nescio quid affinitatis but Petrus tries to give information about contraxisse visi sint, ut crediderim ne Apolthe names, identifications, and medical data linem quidem cuius herbarum potentia of plants for practitioners in Holland. A subiecta est, nec eius filium Aesculapium sample entry reads as follows: ‘Aspalathus, litem hanc facile compositurum, nisi Chiron crescit in maritimis Hollandiae Hollandice herbarum antistes cui iusto cognomentum scijbesien, cum tamen vuae [sic] astrictoriam inditum est, herbarios istos in concordiam vim habeant cum acredine.’”’ Chapters have gratiamque reducat. Istud cum crebrius no numbers but are in the order of the ac- animo voluerem plane deterruit me operis cepted text of De materia medica. Few out- incoepti difficultas. Sed victus tandem, side authorities. are mentioned: Matthaeus partim amicorum admonitionibus, partim Sylvaticus, Stephanus (Stephan of Antioch etiam rei per se compendiosae utilitate. ../ ?), and Pliny, each once. Twice he mentions ...LExpl.]: Verum ut ad id quod institui“antiqua Diosc. translatio,’’ but otherwise mus properemus, exhibeo vobis lectores there is no indication of what other texts he candidi libellum minutulum quidem, sed (ut employed. It would appear, however, that Spero) non usquequaquam contemnendum, he used a Latin translation because seldom neque infrugiferum, quo velut signaculo is the Greek given and then in a context quodam ostendam, quantum praestet sim-

which suggests a Latin translation. Im- plicibus medicamentis uti alia quaedam 58 |

DIOSCORIDES

vobis fortassis incognita et inaudita, a me culum de pestilentia..., Filippo Beroaldo, vero verius experta, non modo grata futura Cologne 1552) and De rebus occultis in studiosis, set et lectoribus omnibus. Absit natura mirandis, et alia quaedam lectu livor, absit invidia et mordacitas, scripsimus digna. Historia herbarum seu stirpium is haec candidis, non tenebricosis. Stili elegan- given in some bibliographies.

tiam non ubique servavimus, non ignorantes Bibl.: Joecher, Allgemeines GelehrtenManilii illud monosthicum: Ornari res ipsa Lexikon 3, 1474 and 9, 2091; Chr. W. Kestnegat, contenta doceri. (III 39). Vale lector, ner, Medicinisches Gelehrten-Lexicon (Jena et fruere commode. Ex Leyde Kal. Decemb. 1740; repr. Hildesheim 1971) 644; Johannes

Anno M.D. XXXII. Jacobus Mangetus, Bibliotheca Scriptorum Text. Commentary to De materia medica, Medicorum Veterum et Recentiorum, 4 vols.

Liber I, 1 [Jnc.]: Dioscorides ille Anazar- (Geneva 1731) 2, 489; A. Schillings, Mabeus diligens materialium medicinarum tricule de l'Universite de Louvain Publiée scriptor, ab iride vel iri exordium sumens, Tome IV, Fevrier 1528—Février 1569 (Brusnullam facit differentiam iris et ireos.../... sels 1961) 201. (I am grateful to Mr. Albert [Expl.] (IV, 191 Wellmann ed.) Scorpioides, Marshall for assistance on this biography.)

Dioscorides herbula est foliis exiguis, , semine caudae scorpionis effigie. 1. BENEDICTUS, TEXTOR Bibliography: Textor’s work was probably completed in L. Thorndike, History of Magic and Ex- Paris in or shortly before 1534 and repre-

perimental Science 5, 462. sents an attempt to facilitate the study of

Edition: Dioscorides through a series of elaborate

(micro.) 1533, (Antverpiae): Ioan. Graph- classification schemes. The title is: Stirpium eus. With other short tracts, see below under differentiae ex Dioscoride secundum locos

works. Panzer IV, 351, 177b; Nijhoff- communes, opus ad ipsarum plantarum

Kronenberg 1, 609; Durling 3608; Pritzel cognitionem admodum conducibile. Textor’s 7091; Seguier, Bibliotheca botania 54; A. prefatory letter was written in the house of von Haller 83; NUC. Staatsbibliothek, Ber- Johannes Tagautius (Tuyaut), a physician of lin; Musaeum Plantin-Moretus, Antwerp; Paris, and says that Textor was encouraged Rijksuniversiteit, Leiden; Ned. Maatsschap- by Jacob Sylvius (Jacques Dubois). Textor pli tot bevordering der Geneeskunst, Amster- used Marcellus Virgilius’ translation. The

dam; (DNLM. Copy bears signature of first classification is a listing of plants acAdebersius Vander Nyenburrh on the titlepage cording to habitats differentiated by: sub-

with date, 1577). stantia, qualitas (numerus, magnitudo),

Biography: qualitas (qualitas visilis, i.e. fulgor and Cornelius Petrus is simply cited on the color, odor, sapor, tactilis qualitas, figura,

title page of the Annotatiunculae aliquot as and similitudo, i.e. unius duorum aut pluri-

a citizen and physician of Leyden. A list of um), situs, tempus (ortus, occasus, and matriculates for the Medical Faculty, Uni- maturitas), actio, and usus. Other headings versity of Louvain, lists a Cornelius Petri de for classifications are: (2) Plantarum disAntwerpia, with the date of January 26, crimen a toto acceptum. Substantiae plan1540. Possibly these two are the same since tarum genera; (3) Plantarum inter se similiPetrus could have practised medicine with- tudo et diversitas eo ordine qui elementis out a degree and then later matriculated at graecis cernitur; (4) Stirpium partes praeciLouvain. Otherwise, there is no information puae; (5) Stirpium differentiae ab iis tractae

about him except his published works. quae caulium vel ramorum rationem haWorks: Contained in the Annotatiunculae bent; (6): Plantarum differentiae folio

aliquot with the commentary on Dioscorides mutuatae. The intent was to provide a pracare shorter works: Experimenta et antidota tical guide to Dioscorides’ work for physi-

contra varios morbos (reprinted in Opus- cians and apothecaries. Modern scholars 39

GREEK AUTHORS

have not studied his text to determine its [Inc.]: Arbores. Ricinus, smilax quae Latinoriginality or to assess Textor’s contribution; is taxus dicitur, cornus, oxyocantha, sabina, however, Conrad Gesner wrote around 1561: tilia lyctum, arbutus, sycomorus. Arbuscu-

‘‘Benedictus Textor Segusianus, medicus lae. Rhu, sabina altera.../...[Expl.]:

pereruditus, libellum De stirpium differen- Situs. ..Spina quae ex medico prodit echitiis ex descriptionibus Dioscoridis utili sane num matinum aut oinaram aemulante, chaet pulcherrima methodo digessit.’’ (fol. 4 of maeleon albus.

Valerii Cordii...Amnnotationes. . .Strasbourg, . Editions:

1501). Parisiis (Paris): Qe Apud Praefatio1534, (ed. of Paris, 1534). Benedictus ee eenSimonem ee ityel 9174.

Textor Segusianus Candido Lectori Salutem. R d Cc i 537. NUC Well

(Inc.|: Inter tam foedas tamque monstrosas BM: (DNLM). nes, , » Wellcome, labes, quibus conspurcatus et adulteratus 1537 Vv tii (Venice): In officina Divi est aliquot iam seculis priscus ille medicinae B » wenetis enice): “a onmcina "vi decor ac splendor, ut non alia pertinacius ernardini. Durling 4330; Pritzel 9174;

é ; NUC. BM; (DNLM). i . : 1538: See above, I, 5. stirpium, quae tanto studio tantoque honori 1552, [A , i ; ; rgentorati (Strasbourg): Vuenhaeret eorum medicamentorum maximeque

veteribus modo medicis, verum 597; regibus del; 9174; oe ; 7 a ,;ipsis . non elinus Rihelius.] Durling Pritzel quoque fuerunt, ignorantia et neglectu; Ré oa: ; Ls a . ; ép. Strasbourg (In: Hieronymi Tragi; ;De

ita nihil est homini medico magis puden- stirpi libri tres): NUC. BM: BN: O

dum. Quibus quidem investigandis cum ford. Bod ; (DNLM , pee

hodie doctissimi quique mirum in modum ord, Bodl.; ( ).

sese torqueant, nec quicquam fere obscura- Biography: tum sit in tota Medicina, quod illis plus Benedictus Textor’s birthplace is variousfacessat negotii quodque deplorare sit ly given as in the Earldom of Bresse, Pont aequius, quidnam evenisse putandum, si de Baux, or in the Forez region. His father non extarent praesertim Dioscoridis illius was Claude Textor. No dates in his life are (qui vel Galeni sententia omnium absolutis- established except through his printed works

sime rem tractavit) monumenta, ad quae which allows one to say that he flourished ceu sacram (quod aiunt) ancoram confugias? 1530-1556. As indicated in the letter, partly

Proinde quando hunc unum propemodum quoted above, he lived for a time with

habemus sarciendae rei longe praestantissi- Tuyaut, who is associated with a commen-

mae ac nobilissmae tantopere commenda- tary on the Mass, and he also knew the tum, praeceptor ille noster Iacobus Sylvius famous Jacques Dubois or Sylvius. praeter summam eruditionem publicae uti- Works: De cancri natura et curatione, ex litatis studiosissimus saepe numero me hor- probatissimis quibusque autoribus, tum

tatus est tota ex illo authore historia per Graecis, tum Latinis..., Lyon 1550, and partes plantarum digesta, rursus singula Fr. trans., Lyon 1550; De la maniere de membra dissecarem per locos communes, preserver de la pestilence, et d’en guerir,

ille inquam magno usui id fore affir- selon les bons autheurs..., Lyon 1551. mans.../...[Expl.]: Interim quicquid Bibl.: Biographie universelle ou dictionhine percipies emolumenti, id acceptum naire historique 8, 105; Chr. G. Joecher, Alferas velim viro illi clarissimo, cuius impulsu gemeines Gelehrten-Lexikon 4, 1079; Chr.

hoc operis susceptum, eiusdem auxilio con- W. Kestner, Medicinisches Gelehrtenfeci, eiusdem opera evulgatum est. Vale, Lexicon (Jena 1740; repr. Hildesheim 1971)

Lutetiae ex aedibus Ioannis Tagautii doc- 839; F. G. LaCroix du Maine, Les bib-toris Medici doctissimi. Ad Idus Iunias. liothéques francoises...1, 70; M. Michaud, Anno Christianae salutis. M. D. XXXIIII. Biographie universelle 41, 207-208; Zedler, Heading, Plantarum discrimen a toto Grosses vollstandiges Universal-Lexikon acceptum.’ Substantia plantarum genera. 43, 316-317. 60

DIOSCORIDES

j. AMATus LuSITANUS medica (Venice 1544). In a letter of July 13, Amatus Lusitanus wrote two commen- 1553, to Ulysses Aldrovandus, Matthiolus taries on Dioscorides. The first is entitled writes: ‘Soon your Lordship will see an Index Dioscoridis and encompasses only the Apologetic Epistle in print at the end of my

first two books of De materia medica. As he Latin Dioscorides addressed to a certain explains in his prefatory letter, it represents Amato Lusitano, a Marrano physician, for only the first part of a full commentary but whom it was not enough to have stolen the he thought it best to publish the first part at entire commentary from my work but who that time. The Index was completed at Ant- has also had the effrontery to write against werp and published in 1536. After each of me in more than 20 places in his wretched Dioscorides’ chapters there is a three part commentary on Dioscorides.’’ (quoted by

commentary. The first part, called ‘Philo- Friedenwald, p. 622, see ref. below). It was not

logia,”’ consists of a multi-lingual vocabulary until 1558 that Matthiolus’ Apologia in an attempt to identify the substance. The Adversus Amathum Lusitanum, cum Censecond part, called ‘‘Dioscoridis Historia,”’ sura in eiusdem enarrationes appeared as an is a recounting of Dioscorides’ description. appendix to his Latin commentary (Venice). The third, “‘Iuditium Nostrum,” is Amatus’ In an introductory letter to his Centuria V

commentary. Among the authorities cited in 1559, Amatus speaks of his answer to are Homer, Hippocrates, Varro, Celsus, Matthiolus which he had sent to a Venetian Pliny, Columella, Galen, Oribasius, Aetius, publisher. He wrote: ‘‘Since there is a law in Rasa (Rhazis), Avicenna, Nicolaus (Salerni- Venice that nothing can be printed without tanus ?), Michael Savonarola, Lonicerus, license of the Church, I do not know whether Petrus Crinitus (De honesta disciplina), and anything may have been added or deleted.

Mainardus (Manardus). I believe that the clergy has completely

Amatus completed his second commen- destroyed my defense written against (the tary, according to Harry Friedenwald (see attack of) Matthioli; for everyone must know Biography, below), in 1549 in Ancona. This that I would promptly answer this Apolowas the complete commentary on De ma- gia.”’ (Friedenwald, p. 623) Amatus’ answer teria medica with a revision of the earlier was never published but the wide circulation commentary on books I-II. He had left Fer- of Matthiolus’ Adversus Amathum may rara for Ancona to await a decision of the have been a pretext for some of the persecuSenate of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) which was tion which befell Amathus. Among the other considering him for a position as municipal writers mentioned in the Enarrationes are physician. In 1551 Amatus left for Rome to Ruellius, Antonius Musa Brasavola, Jacques treat Pope Julius III. While there he wrote Dubois (Sylvius), Leonard Fuchsius, and V.

the introductory epistle (May 25, 1551) Bauer (Agricola). dedicating the work to the Senate and lead-

ing men of Ragusa. Finally in 1553 the com- a. The first commentary, called ‘Index

mentary was published. Amatus’ principal Dioscoridis.”’

interest was to observe the errors in De ma- Ad lectorem (ed. of 1536) [Inc.]: Ne forteria medica and in its interpreters. The title san mireris, optime lector, quonam consilio of the work is: In Dioscoridis Anazarbei De factum sit, ut tantum duos nunc priores medica materia libros quinque enarrationes. libros emittamus, cum tamen quatuor He does not comment on all Dioscorides’ omneis me emissurum in praefatione polchapters but in the second full version he licerer, scito a nobis non temere id factum lists all the chapters even when he gives no fuisse, adeo enim liber a quodam (nomen

comments. subtacebo) cui corrigendi absens provinAmong the numerous authors whom he ciam demandaveram depravatus erat, ut

criticizes was Matthiolus who had published parum abfuerit, quin in totum supprimere-

a commentary in Italian on De materia mus. Ne tamen omnino opus iam diu ab ali61

GREEK AUTHORS

quot amiculis petitum illis quasi invidere b. The second commentary, called “Enar-

viderer, permisimus utcunque hos duos in rationes.”’

lucem exire. Tu vero lege libenter, et cae- Introductory letter (ed. of 1553). Illustriss.

teros indies expecta. Viris Rectoribus, et Ampliss. Senatui RhaCommentary. In three parts, Philologia, cusino Amatus Lusitanus Medicus Physicus

Historia, et Iuditium. Liber I, 1 [Jnc.}: salutem et felicitatem. P.D. [Jnc.]: Quum (Philologia) Graece tpts, Latine iris, radix superioribus annis Ferrariae medicinam

marica, radix consecratrix, lilitum coeleste, publice profiterer, viri clarissimi, patritius

Gallice des flambes, du glaiz, Lusitanice quidam vester Orator, nomine (ni fallor) lirio cor de ceo, Hispanice el lirio cardeo, Sebastianus Menseus, quod inter pleraque Germanice Violiwourtz, Theutonica lelie. alia mandata a vestra clarissima Republica Dioscoridis Historia. Iris folia gladiolae her- illud non postremum habebat, ut de medico

bae similia. Ex se mittit maiora tantum, apprime docto vestrae civitati conducendo latioraque et pinguiora, flores in summis diligenter inquireret, illuc advenit. IIle ut caulibus, et in singulis recta paribusque inter erat sui obeundi muneris studiosus, Anse spaciis in altum surgentes, in arcum tonium Musam Brassouolam, virum et docflexos, colore in candidum, viridem, luteum, trina et usu rerum praestantissimum, ac purpureum, et ceruleum variantes. Ex quo illustrissimi ducis illis civitatis medicum priquoniam diverso colore floret, reddita coe- marium adit, consulturus quis nam illi huic lestis archus imagine ab eo nomen invenit, negotio aptior et ex usu magis videretur.... radices habet geniculatas, solidas, odora- Et ecce se mihi offerunt quaedam in Diostasque, quae in taleolas sectae siccataeque coridem Anazarbeum commentaria, quae in umbra, tunc funiculo traiectae pendentes, annis ab hinc quindecim Antverpiae coein usus suos servantur. [uditium Nostrum. peram, atque in primum et secundum eius

Qui aut maiorum suorum tes egregie gestas, autoris librum edideram. Quae, quum aut materiam.../...[Expl.|: (II, 136; I, scirem per multos claros in medicina viros 186, Wellmann ed.) Philologia...Graece post illam meam editionem de ea etiam re Tynrégeov, Latine telephium sedum agreste locupletissime scripsisse, inter quos con-

crassula maior faba grasse, Italice fran- numerantur Ruellius Gallus, Brassavolus grossa. Historia Dioscoridis. Telephion, superius memoratus, Sylvius Parisiensis, foliis et caule...locis cultus inter vites. Leonardus Fuchsius Germanus, Ioannes Iuditium Nostrum. Telephium...crassam Agricola Ammonius, et plerique alii, quorum nominant sed de hac lib. iiii magis. Finis eo tempore scripta nondum extabant, sup-

Secundi Libri. primere utcunque decreveram. Praetereo Mathiolum Senensem virum doctissimum, Bibliography: qui nuper Dioscoridem e Latino Hethrus-

José Lopes Dias, “‘Comentarios, ad ‘Index cum reddidit, et illum commentariis illusDioscoridis’ de Amato Lusitano,’”’ IV Cen- travit, atque complures alios, qui ut rem

tenario de Judo Rodrigues de Castelo medicam locupletent quotidie multa eiusBranco—Amato Lusitano (Castelo Branco modi moliuntur et edunt. Ego minime

1968), 87-109. deinde tantorum virorum scriptis deterritus coepi quae edideram relegere, atque de

Edition: integro in omnes quinque libros Dioscoridis 1536: Antverpiae (Antwerp): Vidua Mar- novas enarrationes cudere, ut haberem

tini Caesaris. Title: Index Dioscoridis. munusculum quod vestrae nobilissimae

Comm. only. Under the name of loannes amplitudini dicarem, ad quod perficiendum Rodericus de Castello Albo Lusitanus. Prit- hon tam me doctorum virorum adhortationes zel 123; Nijhoff-Kronenberg 2, 195; Adams impulerunt, quam meum vobis gratificandi A-923; Antonius, Vetus, I, 63. Univ. Lib., studium excitavit, a quo, etsi non solum ne-

Cambridge; BN. gotia domestica, sed etiam medendi cura 62

DIOSCORIDES

averterent, succisivis tamen post studia tem- et ad iridis caput calamum divertamus.

poribus, amore vestri incitatus, id tandem Liber I, 1 [Inc.]: Graece, tots; latine Deo Optimo Maximo auspice perfeci. En iris, radix consecratrix, lilium coeleste; igitur in Dioscoridis libros quinque enarra- Lusitanice, lirio decor de ceo; Hispanice, el tiones meas, in vestram clarissimam Rem- lirio cardeno; Italice, giglio azzurro, lilio publicam observantiae testes, vobis dedico. . . celeste; Gallice, des Flambes, du glaiz; GerVenio ad Dioscoridem, cuius opus de medi- manice, blauulilien, violuurtz; Theutonice

cae materiae cognitione inscribitur. Qui seu flandrice lelie. Iris cuius tantum radix caeteris de ea re scriptoribus antecellit, a medicis commendatur, ea est herba, quam atque ideo a Galeno doctissimo ac locuple- hodie officinae sub nomine ireos montissimo medicinae authore non solum laud- strant.../...[Expl.]: (De atramento libraatur, verum etiam reliquis antefertur, cuius rio, V, 141-2; V, 162 Wellmann ed.) De doctrina praeclara Galenus ipse perterritus lis libro secundo abunde diximus; proinde non ausus est de ea re, quum de innumeris nunc supersedemus huic quinto et ultimo scripserit, quippiam commentari. Hic nos- libro finem imponentes. cuntur omnes fere herbae, fructices, arbores, Editions: plantae, fructus, gummi, resinae, pisces, 1553, Venetiis (Venice): Apud Gualterum

metalla, lapilli, gemmae, perinde ac si Scotum. Comm. only. Pritzel 124; Graesse penicillo depingerentur. Hinc sibi Plinius 1, 97; Durling 214; NUC. Wellcome; Berlin;

multa deprompsit, hinc totius medicinae (DNLM).

fundamentum, quod est potissimum in sim- 1554, Argentorati (Strasbourg): Wendeliplicium cognitione, certa et indubia depre- nus Rihelius. Comm. only. Pritzel 124;

henditur, quae tamen omnia nostris com- Graesse 1, 97; Durling 215; NUC. BM;

mentariis lucidiora facta, non iniquo, sed BN; (DNLM; MsSB; NN). candido lectori videbuntur, ut iam quivis (*) 1555, Argentorati (Strasbourg): Wenaromatarius a simplicium scopo aberrare delinus Rihelius. Reissue of 1554 ed. José haud quaquam possit, atque ideo herbarum Lopez Dias, p. 87n, see bibl. above.

et caeterarum rerum nomenclaturas, non (*) 1557, Venetiis (Venice): Apud Jor-

solum Graece et Latine, sed Italice, His- danum Zilettum. Comm. only. Pritzel 124; panice, Gallice, et Germanice expressimus, Graesse 1, 97. BM; Wellcome. ut unus quisque tanquam e penu quod sibi (*) 1557, Venetiis (Venice): Apud Gugconducat depromere possit. Dioscoridi anti- lielmum Rovillium. Dias, p. 87n, see bibl. qua adiecta nomina, ut pote hodie inutilia, above. consulto detraximus, quem ordinem ab aliis 1558 (1): See above I, 13. post me tentatum videre quivis poterit. De- 1558 (2): See above I, 13. beant ergo viri Rhacusini, omnes quibus hoc (*) 1558 (3): See above I, 13.

nostrum opus placebit, post deum vobis, (*), 1557, Venetiis (Venice): Apud

quorum est auspiciis coeptum et perfectum, Jordanum Zilletum. Dias, p. 87n, see bibl. quem tamen si vobis non ingratum laborem above.

sensero, vestra fretus humanitate, ad alia Doubtful or Rejected Edition: maiora sub vestra autoritate edenda liben- 1548: See above I, 13.

tissime accingar, ut cognoscat tota Italia, Biography:

ne dicam Europa, vos optimarum literarum The life of Amatus Lusitanus (Joao Rod-

et omnium disciplinarum, et esse, et semper rigues de Castello Branco) is filled with perfuisse fautores. Valete viri clarissimi. Romae secution despite his remarkable achieve-

decimoquinto die Maii, 1551. ments. He was born in 1551 in Castello

' Commentary. Preface. De materia medica. Branco, Portugal, where his parents had [Inc.]: Quod medicus non solum herbarum fled because of the Spanish expulsion of the ac simplictum medicamentorum notitiam Jews (1492). Since his parents were forced

tenere debeat.../...[Expl.]: at de iis satis, into being baptised, Amatus was a Mar-

63

GREEK AUTHORS

rano. He attended the University in Sala- cenna, never seen again. Leaving Ancona, manca where he studied medicine. Among Amatus remained for a short time in Pesaro his teachers were Pontanus, Olivares (Royal and then moved to Ragusa around 1555. Court Physician), and Alteretes (who was a Establishing a practice there he finished physician). About 1530 he graduated and in his Centuria VI in 1558. About 1559 he 1532 he returned to Portugal in the com- moved to Salonika where there was a company of Juiz Nufiez (Luios Leonardo Nufies). munity of Jews who had escaped Spain. He became a friend of Nufiez (Enarrationes Here he wrote Centuriae VI and VII. AlI, 148: ‘“...Leonardus Nunius medicus though the date is not certain, he died probapud Lusitanos, dignus ut primas apud ably on January 21, 1568, in Salonika.

regem dignitates obtineat....’’). Nunez Works: Centuria I (Florence 1551; Paris

became a close friend also to Andreas La- 1552); Centuria IIT (Venice 1552); Cencuna who wrote on Dioscorides. After prac- turiae I and II (Paris 1554; Lyons 1559 and ticing medicine, probably in Lisbon, for a 1560); Centuriae IIT and IV (Lyons 1556); short time, Amatus was forced to flee be- Centuriae IV (Basel 1556; Venice 1557 and cause of official persecutions of Marrano 1559); Centuriae V and VI (Venice 1560), physicians and the threatening Inquisition. and Centuriae I-VII (Venice 1566, Lyon He went to Antwerp where he practiced 1567-70, in 3 vols.; Lyon 1580 in 3 vols.; medicine and earned a great reputation. At Bordeaux 1620, etc. See Friedenwald, p. the Portuguese College in Antwerp he knew 652, for later editions.)

Nunez, Manuel Brudo, Manuel Reinel, Bibl.: Ernst H.F. Meyer, Geschichte der Pedro Fernandes, Ioannes Agricola and Botanik (K6nigsberg 1854-1857; repr. 1965)

Luis Vives. Invited by Duke Ercole II 4, 385-390; M. Michaud, Biographie unt-

d’Este to a chair of medicine, he moved verselle 1, 563; Giuseppe Favaro, Gabrielle to Ferrara in the summer or fall of 1540. Falloppia. ..(Modena 1928); Harry FriedenHere he developed a friendship with An- wald, ““Amatus Lusitanus,’’ Bulletin of the tonius Musa Brasavola (a well-known writer Institute of the History of Medicine 5 (1937)

on medicinal plants), Canano (an anato- 603-653 (with bibl. of earlier works); Symmist), and Falconer (a botantist). The young posium Amati Lusitani, in: Atti del XXI Gabriele Falloppio probably met him on Congresso Internazionale di Storia della visits to Ferrara in 1545 and 1547. Amatus Medicina, vol. 2 (Siena 1968); Maximiano negotiated for an offer as municipal physi- Lemos, Amato Lusitano. (Porto 1907).

cian with the city of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) . and, expecting a definite contract, he re- k. Dionysius CORRONIUS

signed his chair at Ferrara to move to An- Corronius wrote one of the more modest cona in May, 1547. When the final offer did of the commentaries in size (some nine pages

not come, he occupied himself with prac- in the editio princeps). The dedicatory letter ticing medicine and writing. In 1549, he is dated December 4, 1538, from St. Gercompleted his first Centuria. In May of main in Paris. The rather long letter is ad1550 he went to Rome to treat Pope Julius dressed to Cardinal Franciscus Turnonius III, who was also being treated by Andreas and in it Corronius claims to have worked Lacuna but there is no indication in the with Ioannes Ruellius in correcting Ruelrecords that they knew one another. In Rome lius’ translation but the accuracy or extent in 1551 he wrote his Centuria II. Later he of the claim is unclear. Corronius enters a returned to Ancona, but in 1555 Pope Paul long plea for purity of language and against IV issued a number of degrees restricting creeping ‘‘battologia.” His commentary is Jews and Marranos. Amatus’ home was ran- called: “‘Variae aliquot in Dioscoride lec-

sacked and two of his manuscripts were tiones e diversis exemplaribus collectae.”’ taken, one was Centuria V, later recovered, In addition to correcting Ruellius’ reading and another was a commentary on Avi- of the Greek, Corronius employs the trans-

64 |

DIOSCORIDES

lations of Marcellus Virgilius and Hermo- et tanquam incunabulis artis prolatis, viaque laus Barbarus and he cites such authorities ad hunc modum tricis sentibusque expur-

as Pliny, Galen, Paul of Aegina, Serapion gata, expeditius ad haec summa rerum,

and Manardus. quae nunc videmus, fastigia perveniri posse. Poem. Epitaphium Ioannis Ruelli Diony- Nec vano augurio animus eius ductus est, sio Corronio authore (ed. of Paris, 1537) siquidem extitere haud ita multo post, qui

[Inc.]: Hic situs est, in quo viguit medicina, certatim hoc saxum in commune volverent.

Ruellus.../...[Expl.]: A mille haud quis- Attamen res ipsa loquitur, quanto incertius

quam tanti opus ingenil. alii omnia reddiderint, sive Hermolaus BarIntroductory letter. Dionysii Corronii ad barus, vir alioqui suae aetatis doctissimus Reverendissimum illustrissimumque Cardi- (huius enim subinde prodiit in Dioscoridem

nalem Franciscum Turnonium in Dioscori- interpretatio, quamuis multo antea eam dem praefatio. [Inc.|]: Annos abhinc plus conscripsisset) sive Marcellus Vergilius, minus viginti, Maecenas optime, cum literae qui etiam illius et Ruellii versiones prius bonae medicinaque primum in Gallia nostra legerat quam suam aederet. Tametsi ipsi, a tenebris tanquam Cimmeriis seculorum — ut ego quidem sentio, ingens habenda est permultorum emergere coepissent sermoque cum laude gratia, cum ob multa alia, tum literatus nomine tantum appellationeque quod in conferendis hanc ad rem graecis latinus, ad dictionis elegantiam ab infantia latinisque exemplaribus, non parum diligens luculentis incrementis adolescere, Ioannes fuerit. Verum quod illi ambo minus absoRuellius vir peringeniosus et medicus pere- lutum, uterque suum, emiserint Dioscori-

ruditus Dioscoridem graecum authorem dem, ii statim plane norint, qui transla-

lingua iam plane latina donavit, aut linguam tionibus eorum perlectis et cum nostra col-

latinam verius Dioscoridi. Quem authorem latis, rerum quae depinguntur naturam sic translatum primus, quod sciam ex quo penitius perspexerint intellexerintque. Ets1 homines meminerunt, in publicum aedidit, rursus silentio transmittere non queo, cum quod cum bona venia dictum velim virorum magnopere cupiam, quod Marcellus in suis quorundam doctissimorum, alioquin de commentariis sic passim Hermolai aeditioliteris literatisque egregie meritorum potis- nem vellicat et refellit, ut de eius integritate simumque de ipso Dioscoride. Quantum ac fide aliquis optimo iure dubitet. Vicissim autem laboris et vigiliarum Ruellius in eo vero idem Marcellus, tam luculentis arguopere vertendo exhauserit, iis conticere mentis ac testibus ab Ioanne Manardo refelpromptum est, qui compertum habent no- litur et redarguitur, atque (ut plerisque digbiscum, unico eum exemplari usum esse nus videri potest) pari talione incessitur, ut

eoque permendoso, nec tantum multis in sine illustri ipsorum nota (ne quid durius

locis mutilato sed etiam universo multi- | dixero) res componi posse non videatur, nefatiam confuso, adeo illud incoeptum non dum aliquid ex eiusmodi scriptis, quae ita magis hominem acrem et doctum, quam mutuo se elidunt, firmum, stabile, aut cerariolantem et divinum poscebat. Et res certe tum statui. Id vero cum animadverteret miraculi non absimilis videri potest, homi- Ruellius, praetereaque videret nullum rixnem quamlibet singulari acumine atque acie andi modum fore, sed aliquid etiam eo per-

mentis praeditum et oculatum, potuisse niciosius, talium rerum studiosis, si pari

aliquid cernere in tanta rerum caligine, ac cum illis contentione ac stomacho, sua denon quidvis potius ex incondita verborum fendens altercaretur, ut erat ille summa congerie quam sensum eximii scriptoris aequitate ac morum probitate praeditus, elicere et exprimere, id quod si non est maluit quae ipse verterat, recensere, et quaubique ab eo factitatum, ut saepe sibi usu cunque posset ratione meliora facere, quam

evenire non nesciebat, cum tot verborum insectari aliena, nedum illis concedere. totque rerum prodigiis ac vere monstris col- Cumque aetate iam et valetudine ipsa, qua,

luctans, spes tamen fuit, istiusmodi exordiis pro dolor, nobis nimis cito ereptus est, 65

GREEK AUTHORS

magis impediretur, quam ut posset tanto ratione aut iudicio certe aliquo a nobis faclabori sufficere, me quoque in operis partem tum sit, consulta plerunque ad id rerum, de pro nostra familiaritate et amicitia adscivit, quibus agebatur, natura et effigie. Quae vel et vero. socium consortemque studiorum oculis subiecta agnitaque saepenumero opomnium suorum effecit. Itaque ei totum timam picturae quaesitae se ducem exhibuit.

Dioscoridem recognoscenti quam _ potui Non neglectis interim, quam multa licuit operam diligentissime navavi, nihil aliud intervisere, exemplaribus ex quibus si qua (me Deus amet) eo labore sequutus, quam nobis consentanea visa sunt, ea in rem ut publice prodessem, quod etiam antea nostram communemque vertere non piguit, feceram in libris eius de stirpium natura. tum ex illis varias aliquot lectiones seligere, Quod obiter solum tibi dictum volui, Car- si qua legentes queant ad res sanius intellidinalis amplissime, ut intelligeres, totum gendas illicere. Quicquid igitur est in hac hoc triennium mihi perquam operosum nova Dioscoridis facie, et tanquam persona, fuisse. Usque adeo multum mihi negocii vel laboris vel industriae meae, id totum, indulgentia tua exhibuit, quae tantum otii purpuratorum antistum splendor ac decus, _jiterarii tribuit, ex quo me procul esse ab tibi dico et nuncupo utque aequi bonique aulica observatione atque obsequio non consulas, etiam atque etiam rogo et obtesnolueras, ut hisce literis operam non minus tor. Lectoresque itidem omnes ut faciant in commune quam mihi impenderem. Quo obsecro, seque non parvam gratiam a nobis hercle nomine, vel multum tibi debeam inituros existiment, si non graventur aedinecesse est, tum ii etiam debituri sint, qui- tione hac cum caeteris collata, vel graeco cunque ex his nostris lucubratiunculis fruc- potius exemplari, si ita lubet, rem propius tum aliquem percipient, si qui modo per- nosse, quae et qualis ea sit, prius experiri, cipient. In futurum vero sic me enixurum quam de nobis sententiam ferre. Quod ut speres velim, ne me hic frustra vixisse facias, si forte tibi per reipublicae occupaaudias, quin curaturum potius, ut quam tiones non licet, utique multum occupato temporis et studiorum meorum tacturam in ista Gallia Lugdunensi, ubi Christianisolim feci, regium istum comitatum quocun- simi Regis legatus regni florentissimi haque sors tulit auspiciis tuis sequutus, eam benas moderaris, domi habes, qui id posaliqua saltem ex parte resarciam. Quod ad sint, cum Hieronymum Fundullum virum ipsum vero attinet Dioscoridem, scito tan- utraque perornatum lingua, tum loannem tum nogotii in eo reconcinnando nobis fuisse, Bruyerum Campegium medicum tibi fidelisquantum si de integro totum vertendus fuis- simum curaeque valetudinis tuae addictis-

set. Est enim alius a capite (quod dicitur) simum, qui ut harum rerum est aequus ad calcem pene factus, ne tam multis in aestimator et iudex, omniumque philosolocis vehementer quidem suspectis lector phiae partium bene prudens, ita morum posthac animi penderet. Itaque circunducta suavitate nobis cum primis charus et tan-

sublataque a nobis fuere capita etiam num quam complectendus.../...[Expl.]: His

integra, quae authori accrevisse certius erat, etenim studiis potius immori mihi certum quam ut ullis rationibus indiciisve demon- est, quam tuae expectationi pro virili mea strari debuerit. Tum alia cum suis membris non respondere. Vale o huius aevi et litera-

ad unitatem redacta, in quae plus aequo rum decus et praesidium meum, e monasminutim conscissus Dioscorides paulo minus terio tuo sancti Germani a pratis ad Luteobsoleverat, cum neque suo quarundam re- tiam, quarto Idus Decembris, 1538. rum corpori caput ullum, neque suo quarun- Commentary [Inc.|]: Pedanius Dioscorides, dam rerum corpori caput ullum neque pes non Pedacius, Iano Lascari dictus est semneque manus essent....Hoc autem loco sig- per hic author, qui habere vetustissimum

nificandum fuit omnibus studiosis, nihil in graecum exemplar assereret.../...[Expl.]: toto Dioscoride immutatum, demptum, ad- hastulae regiae, aliqui habent, centaurii. 30. ditum, emendatumve fuisse, quod non certa cardamomum. nonnulli, nasturtium. 66 |

DIOSCORIDES

Editions: of a new manuscript or an annotated re1537, 1539, 1542: See I, 4 p. 16 above. vision of the Rivius’ edition, but, if it were

Biography: the latter, then someone had to have taken

Dionysius Corronius was probably a monk lecture notes or writings by Cordus and in St. Germain des Prés who flourished in annotated Rivius’ edition since Rivius’ edi1538. He was a friend of Cardinal Franciscus tion was published five years after Cordus’ Turnonius and he edited Johannes Ruellius’ death. In Gesner’s edition there is also a lettranslation of Ioannes Actuarius’ De medi- ter from Johannes Crato to Gesner, dated camentorum compositione, Paris 1539. 1559, in which Crato told of his friendship Bibl.: Corronius’ letter to Cardinal Tur- with Cordus since the days of their attendnonius cited above; Bibliotheque nationale, ing together Melanchton’s lectures on Ni-

Catalogue 32, 706. cander’s Alexipharmaca. Crato acknowledges Gesner’s sending to him a copy of Cordus’

I, VALERIUS CORDUS Annotationes. He said that Cordus had

Valerius Cordus lectured on De materia three times lectured on Dioscorides but he medica in the winter semesters of 1539/40 has no idea what became of the lecture and 1541/43 and presented a smaller series notes. Gesner was undoubtedly attempting in the summer semester of 1543. Some five to emend the Annotationes still further by years after Valerius’ death in 1544, Gual- tracing down lecture notes. therus Rivius edited Dioscorides’ works, Valerius Cordus’ lectures on Dioscorides published in 1549; he included the commen- are important in the history of botany betary of Cordus, though he admitted that the cause he departed from the older practice of work had not undergone final revision (“Ets a philological approach to Dioscorides and autem fata non permiserunt autori ultimam preferred instead to make observations on manum huic atque aliis operibus quae in- plants to students and friends while on walks choaverat imponere...’’ (See Rivius’ com- in the country-side and longer excursions. plete Preface below, a.). The second version On these field trips he observed directly the was edited by Conrad Gesner and published plants and related them to Ditoscorides. in 1561. In a letter, published in the 1561 Among the students said to have heard Vaedition, to the son of Ioannes Ralla, the lerius’ lectures on Dioscorides were: Johanuncle of Cordus, Gesner said he had received nes Placotomus, Johannes Crato of Krafftfrom Johannes Ralla later revisions made by heim who became the imperial physician in Valerius Cordus. In the same letter Gesner Vienna, Pierre Belon (Peter Bellonus), a said the revisions came through lIoannes naturalist, Hieronymus Schreiber, a physiPlacotomus, a Danzig Physician and Profes- cian-mathematician, and Andreas Aurifaber sor at Konigsberg (‘“‘...hunc enim ad me of Kénigsberg who later wrote his own committendum a parente tuo, ni fallor, Ioan. mentary on Dioscorides (see below, p. 83). Placotomus insignis medicus accepit’’). In In the Annotationes Cordus seems to show the Preface (see below, b), Gesner said he more interest in the descriptions of the plants had a corrected version through De materia than previous commentators. He quoted for-

medica, book II, chapter 108, and for the mer authorities, among them Antonius

rest he followed Rivius’ editon but he has Musa, Pliny, Galen, Paul of Aegina, Serasome very brief manuscript or oral correc- pion, Marcellus Virgilius, and Georg Agritions from Cordus for the rest (‘‘Emen- cola, but he appears less scholastic. He dedatiora tamen ea quoque et explicatiora voted special attention to establishing the dedimus, cum alias, tum ex brevissimis proper equivalents in German. Probably he quibusdam ipsius Cordi (aut ex eius ore relied on Ruellius’ translation. exceptis) in V Dioscoridis libros Annota-

tionibus manuscriptis.’’) It is unclear a. Rivius’ version of the Annotationes.

whether Ralla’s corrections were in the form Rivius’ Praefatio. In commentarium Valerii 67

GREEK AUTHORS

Cordi (fol. a3v, ed. of Frankfort, 1549 and ceret, neve aliorum narrationibus (quod shortened version reprinted in 1561 ed., pluribus accidisse videbat) deciperetur. Ac edited by Gesner). [Jnc.]: Cum hos Dio- primo quidem perlustravit omnem fere Gerscoridis libros de materia medica pene maniam, ac vicinas Septentrionales regiones, absolvissemus, amice Lector, forte fortuna intravit horrentes saltus, superavit aeditisincidimus in Annotationes Valerii Cordi, sima montium iuga, demisit se in profundisquas ille iam olim in Academia Witem- simos specus, et pleraque summa diligentia bergensi nonnullis medicinae studiosis dic- pervestigavit, quae in his partibus gignuntaverat. Perlegimus cupide totum libellum, tur, paucis hucusque nota. At quoniam rati videlicet, id quod res erat, divinitus bona pars medicamentorum exoticis connobis oblatam occasionem, qua Dioscorides stat, ne illa parum cognita haberet, conillustrior exiret, et maiore cum fructu post- vertit se ab Aquilone ad alteram mundi hac in manibus studiosorum versaretur. plagam, adscitoque uno atque altero comite Verum ne nobis nimium fideremus, explor- pervenit in Italiam ubi brevi novus ille avimus et aliorum doctorum hominum de hospes propter ingenii praestantiam multis libello Cordi 1udicia. Visus est omnino dig- admirationi esse coepit. Sed, quae est nus qui in publicum quamprimum emitter- . humanarum rerum fragilitas, in ipso studioetur, indignus qui iam annis aliquot intra rum cursu e medio sublatus est, magno cum paucorum scrinia delituisset. Etsi autem dolore omnium doctorum, et inaestimabili

fata non permiserunt autori, ultimam iactura totius medicinae. Non est dubium, manum huic atque aliis operibus, quae in- quin unus Valerius omnes in hac parte

choaverat, imponere, tamen res ipsa indicat medicos longo intervallo post se_ relinhas Valerii primitias multis magnis ac per- quere potuerit, si diutius superfuisset, fectis (ut videri volunt) monumentis aliorum et habituri eramus certi aliquid, quod in longe praestare, quod nemo non fatebitur, tanta caligine rerum tuto sequi licuisset, postquam has Annotationes cum scriptis qui nunc novis subinde opinionum praesaliorum contulerit. Fuit enim in hoc Valerio tigiis circunducimur, dum nobis quilibet Cordo (ut obiter de autore nonnihil dica- suas coniecturas, deum immortalem, quam mus) cum in universa medicina perdiscenda, frivolas saepe et inanes, obtrudit, nullus tum vero praecipue cognoscendi Simplicia, non de herbis sua somnia prodit. Lugeat ut vocant, incredibile studium, ad quod itaque Germania, lugeat orbis egregii casum illum parens Euricius medicus idemque juvenis et spem medicinae reflorescentis poeta clarissimus et autoritate et exemplo interceptam. Sed omittamus querimoniam, inflammavit, qui filtum ab incunabulis inter atque hoc potius agamus: Quoniam fata ipsas herbas ac flores educari voluit. Acces- nobis inviderunt speratos fructus, quos dare sit ad optimam institutionem ingenium acre ingenium Cordi poterat, fruamur interim his et rara naturae felicitas, cui nihil arduum primitiis easque grato animo amplectamur,

aut inaccessum esse posset. Ad haec, mi- ac si quid, ut in opere non absoluto, derabilis industria atque assiduitas in in- siderari forte queat, id iniuriae fortunae imquirendis rebus, insuper et perceptorum fi- putemus, quae non passa fuit nascentem dissima custos, memoria, qua ita excellebat foetum omnibus numeris absolvi, non hic Cordus, ut integras descriptiones singu- persequamur nevos, quibus fere nullum corlarum rerum ac diversorum autorum secum pus quantumvis insigne carere potuit. Neubique animo circunferret ac expromeret, que enim inficiamur etiam Valerium maiore ubi opus esset. His dotibus brevi tempore eo rerum experientia edoctum quaedam muta-

progressus est, ut excellentes medici ac turum fuisse, si vita ei longior contigisset. senes discendi gratia adolescentem frequentes Verum certent alii adiicere, quod huic deesse accederent. Subinde etiam varias peregrina- iudicaverint, id erit multo laudabilius, quam

tiones suscepit, quo certius et exactius si bene meritum de communi hominum vita omnia suis ipsius oculis subiecta cognos- obtrectationibus impugnent. Caeterum ut 68 .

DIOSCORIDES

medicinae studiosis etiam amplius gratifi- vestri redamate. Valete. Tiguri tertio Cal. caremur, subiunximus huic Commentario Iunii anni M. D. LXI.

Valeriano Epitomen Botanologici Euricti Con. Gesnerus magnae spei iuveni N. Cordi propter autorum et materiae cog- Ioannis Rallae pharmacopolae Lipsensis, nationem, unde et utilitatis plurimum nec foelicis memoriae, filio. Salutem. [Inc.|: minus voluptatis ad amantes Medicinae (fols. a3v-a4) Auctas et emendatas ab rediturum esse speramus. Tu fruere lector autore Valerii Cordi in Dioscoridem An-

his omnibus, ac bene vale. notationes, meo studio edendas, optimo et

Annotationes Valerii Cordi Simesusii (p. praeclaro in arte sua viro Ioan. Rallae pa449, I, 1) [Unc.]: Iris, sive ireos, sive iridis, renti tuo, Cordi autem avunculo, nuper in genitivo proferas, eadem est planta. Qua dedicaram, ne videlicet posthumus liber, propter inepte distinguunt quidam, quasi qui nunc vigesimo fere anno a conditoris diversae sint herbae, iris et ireos. Est autem sui obitu in publicum prodit, inter tot iris ea radix, quae a Germanis violwurtz vo- Momos et alienae gloriae fucos sine tutore catur, non quod vere sit violae radix, sed aliquo appareret. Aequum autem videbatur, quod odore violas aemuletur. Et hoc quidem ut liber ab eo mihi communicatus primum, nomen iridi illyricae proprium et peculiare (hunc enim ad me mittendum a parente tuo, est, quae omnium optima censetur.../... ni fallor, Ioan. Placotomus insignis medicus [Expl.|: (p. 533, V, 96; V, 162 Wellmann accepit) ad ipsum reverteretur. Praesertim

ed.) Atramentum librarium. Omnibus cum maximam studiorum suorum partem

notum est quo scribimus atramentum. Hodie libri author, eius ex sorore nepos, ipsius tamen alia ratione fit, quam qua Dios- benignitati promotionique, ut fama praedi-

corides docet. plicibus medicamentis dignoscendis summa

Editions: parentis tui industria ac eruditio esset, id [1549]: See above I, 8. quod et aliis argumentis et misso ad me

1551, Parisiis (Paris): Apud Guil. Mo- olim cultissimi horti vestri locupletissimo

relium. In: Eurict Cordit Simesusii Botano- stirpium catalogo facile cognovi. Neque me

logicon... Annot., pt. 2, pp. 1-395. Pritzel olim cultissimi horti vestri locupletissimo

1883. BM; BN. . stirpium catalogo, facile cognovi. Neque me Doubtful or rejected edition: latet multa egregia medicamenta, pharma-

1545: See above I, 8. copolis et medicis plerisque ante ipsum incognita, ab ipso primum vestra in regione

b. Gesner’s version of the Annotationes. demonstrata fuisse. Itaque inscriptam in Gesner's first letter (ed. of Strasbourg, eius nomen dedicationem primae huius 1561). Inclyto et spectabili collegio medi- Cordi operum partis ante paucos menses corum in illustri Academia Witebergensi, ad typographum miseram, nullo mihi domi Conradus Gesnerus medicus et philosophiae exemplari servato. Paulo post vero simul et

interpres in schola Tigurina salutem et optimum parentem tuum fatis concessisse, pacem Christianam. [Jnc.]: (fols. a2-a3) et dedicationem meam in via, nescio quorum Valerii Cordi scripta quaecunque colligere hominum perfidia, intercidisse intellexi. I]potui (clarissimi viri et medici praestantis- lam quidem sibi non ingratam fore persimi) ut in publicum tandem ederentur cum benignis ad me literis, paulo ante mortem, adornassem nuper et singulos libros singu- iam significaverat pater. Quod si exemplar lis patronis, illis fere a quibus aliquos eorum mihi superfuisset, omnino idem denuo ad acceperam, dedicassem. Primum qui eius in typographum misissem excudendum. Vera Dioscoridem Annotationes continet, in enim solidaque gratitudo, non erga viventes Iohannis Rallae pharmacopolae Lipsensis solum, sed etiam defunctos, suum tuetur ac avunculi eius et studiorum promotoris be- servat officium. Et sane doleo ita contigisse. nignissimi nomen inscripsi.../...[Expl.): Memini etiam de Cordo in epistola illa quaemeque amantissimum observantissimumque dam me protulisse, ab amicis accepta, 69

GREEK AUTHORS

quorum non amplius recordor. Ne vero sine Dioscoride) continuavimus. Emendatiora patrono in manus hominum, quorum pleri- tamen ea quoque et explicatiora dedimus, que alienis laboribus utcunque elaboratis, cum alias, tum ex brevissimis quibusdam

obtrectant et insidiantur, liber hic imper- ipsius Cordi (aut ex eius ore exceptis) in fectus perveniret, unius defuncti loco plures V Dioscordis libros Annotationibus manuexcellentissimosque patronos delegi, totum scriptis. Hoc non dissimularim, nonnulla

nempe in illustri Academia Witebergensi quae superflua mihi videbantur, et nihil

Medicorum Collegium, qui omnis hosce post- quam oneratura lectores (ut capita quaedam

humos Cordi libros tueri ac fouere, ut equi- in libro secundo, super aquatilibus quibusdem spero, dignabuntur. Tibi autem priva- dam animantibus, Cordo altisque eo temtim, egregii patris optime fili, has in Dios- pore per Germaniam eruditis adhuc incogcoridem Annotationes nuncupare volui, ut si- nitis) penitus a me recisa esse, quod non cuti unicus ab eo filius es relictus, annum solum utile nihil ex professo, sed ne obiter

aetatis, ut audio, vix decimum sextum agens, quidem continerent quicquam.../... ita ut ad paternae etiam gloriae, industriae, [Expl.]: Porro omnia ubique recte dixisse et doctinaeque fastigium aspires, te cohor- iudicasse Cordum, ego mihi defendendum

tarer et currenti (quod aiunt) calcar ad- non sumo, nec libuit meas censuras ubique derem.../...[Expl.]: Nam vel ex amicis, addere, etiam ubi potuissem, nam in multis quibus aliquos huius voluminis dicaveram ne potuissem quidem. libros, perbrevi sane tempore, non solum There follows a tract: Quinam scriptores parens tuus, iam senex, sed etiam Philip- Dioscoridis De medica materia libros et pus Bechius medicus eruditione praecellens, quomodo explicaverint. De nonnullis, quam in vigore aetatis, cum hactenus semper op- qui hodie vivunt liberius iudicabunt posteri. time valuisset Basileae, et iuvenis omnino [Inc.]: Amatus Lusitanus medicus, primum Caspar Collinus pharmacopola non vulgaris, Ioan. Roderici Castelli Albi Lusitani no-

apud Vallesios, obierunt. Meditemur igitur mine, in duos priores Dioscoridis libros, communem omnium finem, ne nos miseros commentarios quosdam edidit...(Gesner inopinato opprimat. Vale, et me ama, meque reports to the reader about previous translavicissim tui amantissimum fore, propter Cor- tors and commentators on Dioscorides’ De dum praecipue cognatum tuum, quem vides materia medica. In his discussion, while quanti faciam, tibi persuadeas. Tiguri Hel- sometimes stating that he has not actually vetiorum, anno salutis M.D. LXI. Calendis seen the works, Gesner reports on the fol-

Augusti. lowing: Amatus Lusitanus, Andreas Lacuna,

Conradus Gesnerus Candido Lectori Bartholomaeus Marantha, Benedictus TexSalutem. [Inc.]: (fols. a4-bblv) Doctissimae tor, Conradus Forerus, Conradus Gesner utilissimaeque istae Valerii Cordi Annota- (himself), Faustus Longianus (in Italian), tiones in Dioscoridis libros V plurimum ab Gualtherus Rivius, “‘H.B.P. medicus,”’ Her-

ipso authore, paulo ante mortem eius, molaus Barbarus, Iacobus Goupylus, Ianus emendatae (asterisco * ubi aliqua super Cornarius, Ioannes Agricola (on Dios-

genuina lectione dubitatio, aut aliquid im- corides, Galen and Serapion), Ioannes Baperfectum erat adiecto) auctaeque ab initio ptista Egnatius, loannes Dantzius (in Geroperis usque ad Libri II, Caput CVIII (quod man), Ioannes Lonicerus, Ioannes Manarest de hordeo) nunc primum prodeunt. Inter dus, Ioannes Ruellius, Marcellus Virgilius,

quae etiam pulcherrimae sunt de succini Melchior Guilandinus, Oribasius, Otho

deque sacchari naturae disputationes. Quae Brunfelsius, Petrus Matthiolus, Petrus Padu-

vero deinceps sequuntur, quoniam ab anus, Robertus Constantinus, Valerius Corauthore morte praevento absolvi non potue- dus, Aloisius Anguillara (whose works he

runt, ex prima editione (quae scripta ab eo had not seen), and “Aben Bitar’ or ibnantequem in Italiam venisset, Francfordiae Beitar). [Expl.]: Eos brevi latine edendos olim publicata est, cum Gualtheri Riffii spero, Io. Moibano doctissimo Reipub. 70

DIOSCORIDES

Augustanae medico interprete. plantarum for publication; the Historia

Letter of Crato. loannes Crato Ferdinandi plantarum (4 bks.), Sylva observationum

Caesaris Augusti Medicus, Conrado Gesnero variarum Valerii Cordi; Loca medicaminum Medico Tigurino Salutem. (fols. b2-b3) feracia in Germania; V. Cordi de artificiosis; [Inc.|]: Quam syncerus et candidus sis aesti- V. Cordi compositiones medicinales aliquot, mator voluntatis amicorum, optime et doc- non vulgares, Stocchornii et Nessi in Gerna-

tissime Gesnere, abunde satis testantur tium Helvetiorum ditione montium... a

literae tuae 23 Augusti scriptae. Eas cum Benedicto Aretio; Horti Germaniae authore heri acceperim, vides quanto post ad me Conrado Gesnero. Graesse 2, 264; Pritzel perlatae sint, quam fuerant datae....Ac 1884; NUC. BM; BN; Cas; Oxford Bodl; nunc nihil aeque cupio, quam iuvare me Uppsala; (CtY-M; DNLM).

posse editionem tuam scriptorum Valerii Biography:

Cordi mihi, dum in vivis esset, coniunctis- Valerius Cordus was born in Erfurt (alsimi et amicissimi. ..Dioscoridem in schola though a tradition says Siemershausen) on Witebergensi ter legit, ac primo quidem ea February 18, 1515, to Euricius Cordus, a dictauit, quae nescio quomodo extant.../... famous botanist-physician. According to [Expl.]: Salutat te et Laelium Soccinum, Rivius (see p. 68 above), he was raised by cui et ego salutem opto, Zacharias Ursinus. his father “qui fillum ab incunabulis inter Vratislauiae ex meis aedibus die Lucae ipsas herbas ac flores educari voluit.”’ Euri-

medici et evangelistae anno 1559. cius took the family to Marburg where he (There follow several short excerpts: one taught, and where Valerius matriculated

from a letter of Georg Agricola in praise and received his first degree in 1531. In of Valerius Cordus, Gualtherius Rivius’ pre- 1533 Valerius studied at Leipzig where his

face to Valerius’ Amnotationes, 1549 ed., mother’s brother, Johannes Ralla had an and Gesner’s Bibliotheca on Valerius.) apothecary shop. About 1539 he went to Andreae Ellingeri medici epigramma de Wittemberg where he received a degree and inventoribus scordti et chamaedryos in Ger- lectured. It is uncertain whether he ever mania (fol. b4) [Inc.]: Scordion a Scorodo practiced medicine. At what period he wrote

dictum, quod spiret odore.../...[Expl.]: his Dispensatorium is uncertain but the

Grati agnoscamus Cordi Rhallaeque fi- manuscript, apparently not written for pubdelem/Quam studiis operam navat uterque lication, was submitted to the city council of

bonis. Nuremberg by his uncle, Johannes Ralla.

Valerit Cordi Annotationes. Liber I, 1 The council officially adopted it and ordered [Inc.]: Iris, sive ireos, sive iridis, in genitivo its printing in 1546. Throughout his life casu proferas, eadem est planta, quaproter Valerius was known to have combed the inepte quidam tanquam diversas distinguunt, country-side in search of plants. His friends iris et ireos. Est autem iris illyrica ea radix, were said to include the older Melanchthon quae in pharmacopoliis ireos et Germanice and among younger scholars, J. Crato von violwurtz appellatur. Non quod vere sit Kraftheim, George Omler, and Hieronymus violae radix, sed quod odore violas imita- Schreiber; his students included Johannes

tur, ea propemodum sola ab authoribus Placotomus, Andreas Aurifaber and Pierre cunctis aliis eius speciebus praefertur.../... Belon (see above). Paracelsus may have visi[Expl.]: (V, 183; V, 162 Wellmann ed.) ted him in Leipzig. Accompanied by SchreiAtramentum librarium. Omnibus notum est ber he went on a trip to Italy in 1542 where

quo scribimus atramentum. Hodie tamen he visited Padua, Pavia, Ferrara, Bologna, alia ratione fit, quam qua Dioscorides docet. Florence, Pisa, Lucca and Livorno. He died

Edition: in Rome, following either an injury from a

1561, Argent. (Strasbourg): Josias Rt- horse’s kick, or a severe fever on September helius. Also included are: a letter by Gesner 24, 1544, at the age of 29 years.

dealing with the preparation of the Historia Works: In addition to Annotationes, Dis71

GREEK AUTHORS

pensatorium and titles in 1561 ed., he wrote: Ziirich 1542, the preface is undated and De halosantho seu spermate ceti vulgo dicto there is no certainty when he wrote it. In liber, in: C. Gesner, De omni rerum fossi- 1541 Gesner became a lecturer in natural lium genere, Zurich 1555; Stirpium descrip- philosophy and ethics at Ziirich and in that tionis liber IV (Strasbourg 1563); Epistola same year he published his own herbal, de trochiscorum viperinorum adulteratione Historia plantarum et vires ex Ditoscoride,

in the letters of Laur. Schulz, Frankfurt Paulo Aegineta, Theophrasto, Plinio et

1598. recentioribus Graecis Juxta elementorum Bibl.: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie 3, ordinem..., Basel: Apud Robertum Winter

479-480; Biographisches Lexikon der hervor- (copy examined in BM). It begins with ragenden Arzte aller Zeiter und Volker 2, Abrotonum and ends with Zizipha. Possibly

108-109; Du Petit-Thouars, in: Michaud, it was the research done on the Historia Biographie universelle, 9, 204; Eckstein, plantarum or the preparation for lectures Nomenclator Philologorum, 100; Ernst H. F. that he first compiled the identifications of Meyer, Geschichte der Botanik (Konigsberg, the plants in De materia medica. The com1854-1857; repr. 1965) 4, 317-322; Neue mentary on Dioscorides is a lengthy alphaDeutsche Biographie 3, 359; Nouvelle biog- betical list of synonyms involving many lan-

raphie générale, 11, 804-806. guages and employing the Adscripta, the Georg Edmund Dann, ‘Leben and Leis- Notha and what is now considered the au-

tung des Valerius Cordus aus neuerer Sicht,” thentic Dioscoridean text. Gesner noted that Pharmazeutische Zeitung, 113 (n. 27, July the Adscripta at one time accompanied the 4, 1968), 1062-1072; Edward Lee Greene, text and that they were useful in identifying Landmarks of Botanical History. . .(Smith- the materia medica of Dioscorides. sonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 541, The second tract is a commentary on De Washington, 1909) 263-314; Rudolf Schmitz, materia medica, IV, 76 and 77 (Wellmann in: Dictionary of Scientific Biography, 3, ed.) dealing with axdévitoy and axdviTov

413-415; idem, “Zur Bibliographie der erepov. The first is a variety called pardaErstausgabe des Dispensatoriums Valerii lianches, so translated by Hermolaus BarCordi,”’ Sudhoffs Archiv fiir Geschichte der barus, and the second aconitum lycoctonum Medizin und der Naturwissenschaften 42 vel napellus or wolfsbane, so-called because (1958), 260-270; Karl Sudhoff, ‘‘Valerius its poison kills wolves. The work is called Cordus, der Ather und Theophrast von Ho- De aconitro Primo Dioscoridis asseveratio henheim,”’ Festschrift fiir Alexander Tschirch and is principally concerned with pardazu seinem 70. Geburtstag am 17 Oktober lianches. It was published with a separate 1926 (Leipzig 1926), 203-210; T. A. and title-page in Gesner’s Epistolarum mediM. S. Sprague, ““The Herbal of Valerius cinalium...libri and it was edited by CasCordus,”’ The Journal of the Linnean Society parus Wolphius (Wolf) of Ziirich who

of London. Botany. 52(1939) 1-113. wrote an accompanying prefatory letter on

September 7, 1577, addressed to Georgius

Cellarus, a Ziirich physician. Though m. CONRADUS GESNERUS the work was not oublished until 177, it Gesner’s lifelong interest in botanical his- was written by Gesner in 1558 as the result

tory, and in Dioscorides in particular, re- of an argument he had had with Matthiolus sulted in two small commentaries. The first in 1542. In the introduction Gesner states: is called Herbarum nomenclaturae variarum ‘‘Argumento est liber noster trilinguis ante gentium, Dioscoridi Adscriptae, secundum 16 annos editus, etc. spatium itaque utrique literarum ordinem expositae. Although the interiectum, annum hunc 1558, circiter depreface by Gesner and the tract were first terminat.’’ Casparus Wolphius explains in published in Gesner’s Catalogus plantarum his introductory letter that he is publishing

latine, graece, germanice et gallice..., the work from the notes (schedae) left by

72

DIOSCORIDES

Gesner and he is doing so because of the a. Herbarum Nomenclaturae Variarum long delay with his promised edition of Ges- Gentium, Dioscoridi Adscriptae, Secun-

ner’s Stirpium historia, therefore ‘‘operae dum Literarum ordinem expositae. pretium existimavi, ut edito hoc fragmento, Gesner’s Preface (ed. of Frankfort, 1549) ceu futuri de Stirpibus operis specimine, in- [Inc.]: Occurrunt aliquando apud quosdam telligatur me neque quicquam quod ad medicinae scriptores herbarum nomina inusicommunem utilitatem conferri debeat ac tatiora, quorum multa intelligi posse in spem

possit, quantum in me est, reliqui facere, adducebar, si quis Dioscoridi adscripta neque pollicitationis meae penitus oblitum variarum gentium nomina per alphabeti

esse.’’ There is no indication that the Stir- ordinem cum interpretatione distribueret. pium historia was ever published unless Itaque laborem illum mihi ipsi imposui, ut Wolphius was speaking of a new edition of tibi candide Lector, quicquid in eo posset

Gesner’s Historia plantarum (Basel 1541) emolumenti contingere, communicarem, cer-

which has an entry on aconitum (pp. 6-7) tus quidem maximam partem_ huius

and is different from De aconitro Primo nominum sylvae apud autores non extare, si Dioscoridis. In a letter (Ep. IV. 9) to Jo- quae tamen vel pauca hinc disceres olim,

hannes Kertmann on August 25, 1558, Ges- labori te meo gratiam habiturum mihi polliner wrote: “ut libellum de Aconitis, quem citus. Nam e sterquilineo gemmas repertas

meditor brevi edere (saltem ad nondinas contemptui habere non oportet. Exempli vernas) in quo multa mirabilia, citius ab- gratia: Iloddvevpos [HoAtvevpov, Scribosolvam....’’ Gesner’s use of libellus de acon- nius, ed. Leipzig 1887, p. 10, 2] a Scribonio

itis would seemingly indicate that he saw it Largo ad Epilepsiam et crapulam comas a Separate tract but Wolphius later may mendatur, eam ex hoc Elencho plantaginem

have once intended to make it part of a esse deprehendes. Vales. larger work before deciding on the separate Commentary [Inc.|]: Abiblabon, Hemeropublication. In the work on aconitum Ges- calles./ Abiblabon Aphris, Lilium./ Abioner cites Matthiolus, Marantha and Fuch- ton, Cicuta./ Absinthium, Abrotonum./ sius, with woodcuts derived from each of Absinthiomenon, Abrotonum./ Absinthium their works, in order to distinguish species. Ponticum Romanis, Abrotonum.../... Gesner also mentions that: ‘‘misit hanc her- [Expl.]: Zuoste Dacis, Artemisia./ Zugis bam pro Aconito Eustathius Quercetanus sylvestris, Serpyllum.

anno 1555, in fine Aprilis talem tantam- Editions: que.’ With this date then, we judge that 1542, Tiguri (Ziirich): Ap. Christoph.

probably the treatise was written in Ziirich Froschauer. fols. 146-158 in: Gesner’s Cata-

in 1555 or soon thereafter. In a letter to U. logus plantarum...Graesse 3. 69; Pritzel Aldrovandus, P. A. Matthiolus wrote from 3298; NUC. BM; (DNALM; DNLM; Prague on November 26, 1558: ‘‘I] Gesnero NNAM).

...havendo veduto la mia appendice nel 1549: See above I, 8. commento dell’ Aconito et la Epistola contra Doubtful or Rejected Editions: al Guilandino scritta al Faloppia come 1’ (*) 1542, Tiguri, (Ziirich), Apud Froschohebbi scoperto haver errato nel carpesio verum. Johannes Jacobus Mangetus, Biblioet nel zurumbeto, ha hauto paura che dan- theca Scriptorum Medicorum, Veterum et do fuor volumi di piante io non li scriva il Recentiorum, 4 vols. (Geneva 1731) 1, 465. diavolo contra.”’ (C. Raimondi, ‘‘Lettere di 1545: See above I, 8. P. A. Mattioli ad Ulisse Aldrovandi,’’ Bul-

lettino Senese di Storia Patria 13 [1906], b. De aconitro primo Dioscoridis, as162.) (I am grateful to Dr. John B. Blake, severatio. National Library of Medicine, for assistance Prefatory Letter (ed. of Zurich, 1577). Inin locating aconitum in Gesner’s Historia signi doctrina et eruditione viro, D. Georgio

plantarum.) Cellario, amplissimae Reipublicae Tigurt73

GREEK AUTHORS

nae medico, amico veteri et collegae, Cas- guram, vel ut fictam, vel ut facultatibus parus Wolphius Tigurinus S.D. [Znc.]: Pos- atque descriptioni minus convenientem, vi-

teaquam, vir doctissime, gravissimorum tuperat. Interim tamen neque Matthioli virorum authoritate factum est, ut com- Aconitum uspiam ex professo redarguit, munis amici ac praeceptoris nostri D. Con- neque contra suum, quibus potuisset rationradi Gesneri Epistolas Medicinales et Philo- ibus, diligentius defendit, sed utrunque se sophicas omnes, quotquot amicorum bene- facturum in sua Stirpium historia polliceficentia hoc tempore habere potui, in lucem tur. Ergo cum utrinque rationes non omnino darem, visum est hanc Gesneri de Aconito vanae aut infirmae afferri possint, ut quam

primo Dioscoridis Asseverationem, et ijustis de causis doctissimi Matthioli AconiOxymelitis Elleborati utriusque descrip- tum reiiciat, perspicuum esset, et contra, tionem et usum ex relictis e1usdem schedis quam yere suum Gesnerus asserat, ex incollectum libellum ceu corollarium quod- choatae Stirpium historiae, capite tricesimo,

dam iis statim subiungere. Atque ut id hance copiosam et integram Gesneri de

facerem confidentius, non nullae non om- Aconito in utranque partem agitatam disnino leves causae me impulerunt. Ac ante putationem, Corollarii loco, uti dixi, huc afomnia quidem, cum mihi ipsi ego conscius ferre volui.../...[Expl.]: ut quae nobisessem, quantam de Conradi Gesneri Stir- cum adolevit ac iam etiam consenuit pene pium historia perficienda atque publicanda, amicitia, nullis malevolorum obtrectationipublice edito scripto, viris eruditis spem bus dissolvatur, quin potius, quod olim a te fecerim; nec praeterea ignorarem, quam dif- Monspessulum mihi perscriptum memini, ficulter plerique eius historiae desiderium Valeant qui inter nos dissidium volunt. Vale ferentes, me meamque fidem utcunque et me ama. Tiguri. 7 Idus Septembris, Anno suspectam habeant, operae pretium existi- 1577.

mavi, ut edito hoc fragmento ceu futuri de Commentary. [Inc.]: Aconitorum duo Stirpibus operis specimine intelligatur me genera prima facit Dioscorides, lib. de maneque quicquam quod ad communem utili- teria medica quarto, capitibus 75 et 76, quotatem conferri debeat ac possit, quantum in rum prius id est, quod Pardalianches nomi-

me est, reliqui facere, neque pollicitationis natur: de quo etiam.../...[Expl.]: alias meae penitus oblitum esse. Quod vero dixi lib. de Animalib. Est et altera taura,

hucusque nihil laude dignum, quod quidem de qua Hermolaus Barbarus.

publice extet, in ea praestiterim, neque neg- Editions: ligentia neque laboris impatientia aut etiam 1577, Tiguri (Ziirich): Excudebat Chrispromissi taedio factum esse existimandum toph. Frosch. Pt. 2, fols. 2-20v with sepaest; quin potius, si quid hac in parte prae- rate t. p. of: Gesner’s Epistolarum meditermissum, id totum aut operis magnitudini cinaltum...libri IlI...partim vero emendaatque moli aut negotiorum publice mihi tiora et auctiora, per Casparum Wolphium. atque privatim perpetuo incumbentium NUC. Wellcome; BN; Manchester; (CtY-M; multitudini ac importunitati, quae vel Am- DNLM; MH-A). pliss. Magistratus nostri itussu, vel liberorum Doubtful or Rejected Editions: et rei familiaris causa necessario subeunda, (*) 1565, Tiguri (Ziirich): In: Epistolarum

ascribendum erit....Et haec quidem una medicinalium libri tres, ed. per C. Wolcausa est, propter quam historiae Stirpium phium...De aconitro...Oxford, Bod.

fragmentum hoc publicarim. Alteram vero (Cat. 2, 142). occasionem haec ipsa Epistolarum Medi- (*) 1584, Vitebergae (Wittemberg): Ex cinalium praesens editio obtulit. Gesnerus officina typographica Simonis Gronenbergii. ad amicos scribens frequenter in eam con- In: Epistolarum medicinalium liber IV...

troversiam, quae illi De Aconito primo Dios- Joa. Kentmannus ed. Graesse 3, 69, but De coridis cum Excellentissimo Matthiolo fuit, aconitro not specifically mentioned. NUC.

abripitur, qua eius exhibitam Aconiti fi- (DNLM). 74

DIOSCORIDES

Biography: gans, reliqui, quorsum enim attinet de inte-

See CTC II, 307-08. gro Dioscoridem Latinum facere, quum proprie nobis et Romane loquatur Virgilii Mar-

n. JOHANNES LONICERUS celli eloquentissimi viri vigiliis. Quae in DioThe Nova Scholia were written in Marburg scoride manca sunt, nisi e melioribus Graecis

and completed in or before 1543. The idea exemplaribus restitui non possunt, quibus was suggested by Christian Egenolph when qui destituitur, imprudenter mea quidem Lonicerus was in Strasbourg (1524-1527). It sentencia agit, si vel fide vel diligentia vel was published by Egenolph in the controver- eloquentia superare Marcellum in animum sial edition of 1543 (see below, p. 77,79) with inducat. Enimvero quum Marcellus in plethe allegedly plagiarized woodcuts and with risque locis in suis commentartiis prolixius another commentary by Gualtherius Rivius aequo rhetoricari ac nonnullis eruditis plurias well as in another edition of the same mum ossium, minimum vero carnium, canyear. The commentary is based on Marcellus crorum instar, hoc est multum verborum, Virgilius’ translation which Lonicerus con- parum vero rei habere iudicaretur tuque iam sidered ““Romana”’ and “elegans.” Lonicerus decreveras, in studiosorum medicae artis brought to the commentary his background gratiam, venustissimis herbarum ideis et iconias a philologist and theologian although he bus adiectis Dioscoriden denuo publicare,

had previously also done some medical ne volumen in immensum crescens (si prowriting. In addition to a commentary on De lixae istae Marcelli exegeses una Hermolai materia medica there is also a commentary Barbari Corollariis adiiciendae essent) cum on De venenis. A list of seventy-six authors tibi impensas, tum emptoribus precium au-

or books, including the Bible, cited in the geret, egisti mecum tantum, ut nova haec commentary is found on fol. 2v of the edition eaque succincta scholia conscriberem. Venio with Rivius. Frequently Hebrew equivalents autem in spem haec non displicitura iatrices

are named in Hebrew script. To some de- amatoribus, maxime si deprehendant me gree Lonicerus showed an interest in the tex- non mea in rebus arduis proferre, sed ipsistual tradition but for the most part the con- sima naturae sacerdotum decreta et eiusmodo, cern was with nomenclature; there is a pau- quod doctissimis hac in professione autoribus

city of medical commentary. placuerunt. Ebraea rerum vocabula nonnun-

Lonicerus’ Prefatory Letter. Ingenio et quam adieci, quia observarem unam et alhumanitate conspicuo Christiano Aegenolpho, teram Ebraeas nomenclaturas, barbarae et civi ac typographo Francofordiensi, Domino et exoticae nominum (quae in Dioscoridem opamico suo veteri, Ioannes Lonicerus S. D. P. timum autorem irrepsit) congeriei insertas. (ed. of Frankfort and Marburg, 1543). [Inc.]: Non tam, quod quicquid ad rem faciant,

Quem susceperam laborem, partim amicitia quam sacrae Iehudaeorum [sic] linguae quae inter nos iam olim Argentorati coaluit gratia. Praestabilius erat, meo quidem iudiac deinceps arctiore consuetudine confirmata cio (quod exiguum admodum est) unum et

est persuasus, partim integritate tua, hu- alterum nomina solummodo adducere, quimanissime Aegenolphe, compulsus, ad um- bus apud probatiores autores herbae adpelbilicum, sit Christo gloria, perduxi. In quo larentur. Verum tanta barbaries ex barbarisetiamsi diu multumque sudarim, ob publicos simis Arabum medicorum interpretibus inac domesticos labores, quibus praepeditus vecta est in scholam medicam, ut Hercule non potui pro animi mei sententia insistere fortiore aliquo heroe opus sit, qui stabulum operi, ipsa tamen rerum naturae perquisitio, isthuc Augiae repurget. At optimus est medmirifica Dei sapientia, nec non amplissima icus Avicenna. Fateor equidem, si latine ita Maiestas, quae ubique in creaturis sese ex- loqueretur, ut posset intelligi, idem de reerit, me alacriorem quadantenus reddidit, liquis barbaris iudicandum. Maiores et praequo minus sub suscepto onere succumberem. stantiores sunt illis Graeci principes medici, Marcelli versionem, quia Romana est et ele- Hippocrates, Galenus, Dioscorides, Aetius, 75

GREEK AUTHORS

Paulus Aegineta, Simeon Sethius, ut alios where he engaged in translating Luther's praetermittam. Qui et Graece et Latine ita Bible into Latin. In April, 1527, he accepted loquuntur hodie ut possint intelligi. Quia an invitation from Philip of Hesse as Profesvero de simplicibus nemo unquam melius sor of Greek at the newly opened University scripserit Dioscoride, bene merentur de hu- of Marburg. In 1536 he succeeded Sebastian mana salute, boni et eruditi viri, quotquot Nautzenus in the chair of Hebrew. On May in eo autore illustrando bonam operam nav- 15, 1564 (15547), he was awarded a doctorate

arunt. Hic sua laude florent Ruellius, Her- in theology from Wittenberg. He died on molaus Barbarus et Virgilius Marcellus. June 20, 1569, in Marburg and was survived Evehitur etiam suis praecontis Hieronymus by five sons, the first of whom, Adam, marTragus, qui accuratiore simplicium censura ried the daughter of the publisher Christian barbara vocabula et Germanicas herbarum Egenolph and became a famous botanist. adpellationes Dioscoridae librorum capitibus Works: Lonicerus’ works included: Contra diserte adiudicavit. Cuius diligentia et mihi Romanistam fratrem Augustinum Alvadensem

in hisce lucubrationibus profuit...Ad te (1520); Biblia nova Alvedensis (155); transitaque hypomnemata haec nostra recipe, hu- lations and editions of Homer (1525 and manissime Aegenolphe, sedulo incumbens, 1542), Pindar (1528, 1535 and 1560), Nicanut quam emendatissime in lucem cum Dhio- der (1531), Sophocles (1533), Callimachus

scoride prodeant. Quod si curatum dederis, (1533); Galen (1550), Paul, Letter to the non poenitebit me susceptae operae, neque Romans (1537), Graecae Grammaticae sumptus tuos quos feceris Ate, sed iusta laus Methodus (1536), Artis dicendi methodus honestumque lucrum, Cristo duce, sequetur. (1536), Oratio funebris in J. Fictum (1543),

Vale. Marpurgi 1543. De meteoris (1548 and 1550), and Oratio in

Commentary. Preface of De materia med- obitum Ferrari (1558). ica [Inc.|: Locum Dioscoridis, quo dicit 7& Bibl.: F. A. Eckstein, Nomenclator Philodé Norma.../...[Expl.]: extortus vel tusus logorum (Leipzig 1871) 342; Horawitz in

est, igni exudatas. Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie 19, 158-163; Liber 1, 1 [Unc.]: Iris, illyris dicitur, ac- Ernst H. F. Meyer, Geschichte der Botanik

cepto ab gente, apud.../...[Expl.]: (V, (Konigsberg 1854-1857; repr. 1965) 4, 336103; V, 162 Wellmann ed.) quam Dioscoridi. 337; Nouvelle biographie générale 31, 600-

Alia etiam est in lumine vel tenebris phar- 601; Weiss, in: M. Michaud, Biographie

macopolarum. universelle 25, 88-89. Editions:

fa) 18A3: Sen abore L 14. o. GUALTHERUS HERMENIUS RIvIus

Biography: Rivius’ dedicatory letter, addressed to the

Johannes Lonicerus (Johann Lonitzer) was Senate of Frankfurt, is dated September 1, born in 1499 in Artern in the region of Mans- 1543, in Frankfurt. In 1541-1542, he had feld and received his early education in Eis- been in Strasbourg. Benzing (p. 37, ref. beleben. He attended the universities at Erfurt low) says the commentary belongs to Rivius’ and Wittenberg where he received a master’s Strasbourg period. Rivius’ procedure was to degree on January 24, 1521. While a student comment on each chapter of the full De mahe became an Augustianian. Briefly he was teria medica, but not on the accompanying a lecturer at Frankfort on the Oder. On the De venenis. Normally the first part of the recommendation of Philipp Engentinus he commentary consists of a discussion of the undertook the study of Hebrew at Freiburg nomenclature (nomina), and then of the exUniversity under the direction of Thomas plicatio. Occasionally the nomina are omitted. Blaurer, but Lonicerus was suspected of He discusses the names, particularly German plotting against the Franciscans. He fled to and French equivalents, views of other au-

Esslingen and then to Strasbourg (1523), thorities, habitats, and additional medical 76

DIOSCORIDES

qualities often without citing an authority. nomenclaturis...libri tres, Strasbourg, On page three of the editio princeps, for in- 1552, fol. xii).

stance, he says of acorus that ships now Rivius’ dedicatory letter (ed. of Zurich, bring it from India ‘‘ut audio.’’ In his pref- 1543) [Inc.]: Quum summus rerum opifex atory letter, Rivius writes: “‘Quamvis me deus homini nihil praestabilius mente, ra-

non lateret viros cum singulari tum exactis- tione atque intelligentia dederit.../... sima doctrina in hac re summum studium [Expl.]: studium, industriam, quicquid est impendisse, in quorum albo Hermolaus Bar- in me vel ingenii vel virium, vestrae ampli-

barus, Marcellus Virgilius, Leonicenus, tudini esse paratissimum. Francoforti ad Manardus, Ruellius, lac. Sylvius, Anth. Moenum, prid. Cal. Septem. Ann. Do. Musa, et ex nostris, his nullo modo inferi- M.D. XL. III. ores, Cornarius, Cordus uterque, pater et Commentary. Nomina et Explicatio, Liber filius, Brunfelsius, mihi olim praeceptor I, 1[Inc.]: Ipus, Graecis. Latinis Iris. Gercharissimus plurimumque observandus, et manis himelschwertel et violwurtz. Gallis Hieronymus Tragus, homo in diijudicandis, des flambes, a foliorum similitudine, quae explorandis, examinandisque simplicium, flammae linguas referunt dicta. Quinetiam maxime stirpium differentiis extra omnem nonnulli glatiolum appellavere eadem ratione (quod de Cicerone dictum est) ingenii aleam unde in quibusdam Galliae partibus nomen positus, post quorum luculentas conceptiones adhuc retinet: vocant enim du glaiz. Officinis

rem paulo auctiorem facere institui, nec id proprium nomen retinuit. Explicatio. Iris fore citra communem utilitatem putans.”’ radix laudatior parva, densa, frangi conThe 1549 ed. has an expanded comm. on tumax.../...[Expl.]: (V, 93) Alii plures lathe nomina but the explicatio is the same. pides...Plura de lapidibus et gemmis, vide Rivius’ commentary (Nomina et explicatio) in annotationibus nostris in Theophrast. lib. and the edition in which it was first published 1 de gemmis sive lapidibus.

became the center of a large controversy. Commentary. Nomina et Explicatio (ed. His publisher, Christian Egenolph, included of 1549). Liber I, 1 [Jnc.]: IPIZ, Graecis; Rivius’ Nomina et explicatio along with the Latinis, iris; Germanis himelschwertel, blauNova Scholia by Johannes Lonicerus together lilien et violwurz. Brabantis. Lis over Zee. . ./ with Ruellius’ translation of Dioscorides in a ...[ Expl. same as ed. of 1543].

de luxe edition with woodcuts. Most of the Bibliography: woodcuts, however, were taken from an edi- On the controversy between Rivius-Egetion of Rosslin’s Krduterbuch but some “new” nolph and Fuchsius-Isingrin, see W. L. pieces were commissioned by Egenolph to be Schreiber, ““Die Krauterbiicher des XV. und made by a Marburg artist. Nonetheless these XVI. Jahrhunderts,’’ publ. in the reprint of pieces were allegedly simply poor copies of Hortus Sanitatis (Mainz 1485; repr. Munich

the woodcuts in Leonardus Fuchsius’ De 1924), pp. xxxvi-xxxvii; Eberhard Stiibler, historia stirpium commentarii insignes (Basel: Leonart Fuchs. Leben und Werk (Munich in officina Isingriniana, 1542). Moreover, it 1928), 245-262; Lynn Thorndike, History of was alleged by Fuchsius that Rivius had pla- Magic and Experimental Science 5, 442-443. giarized from his work. The publisher Michael Editions:

Isingrin protested Egenolph’s edition and 1543: See above I, 6. Fuchsius was prompted to write a defense in 1549: See above I, 8.

1544 in refuting the reprehensiones of Doubtful or Rejected Edition:

Rivius (see below, pp. 78-9). There is no 1545: See above I, 8.

record that Rivius ever answered the charges. Biography: Conrad Gesner condemned Rivius’ com- Gualtherius Hermenius Rivius (or Walther mentary in his Bibliotheca universalis (Tig- Hermann Ryft, or Ruff, or Reift, or Riff)

uri 1545, fols. 284v-285; cf. Gesner’s letter was a prolific writer (Benzing lists some

to Hieronymus Tragus in Tragus’ De stirptum 194 titles) and a controversial figure, but lit77

GREEK AUTHORS

tle is known of his life. He was born at an Works: (for full listing, see: Josef Benzing, unknown date, probably around 1500, in Walther H. Ryff und sein literarisches Werk. Strasbourg, although Wagner says possibly Eine Bibliographie, Hamburg, 1959). New in Nuremberg. One of his teachers was Otto erfundne, heylsame und bewdrte artzney Brunfels. In 1533/4 he matriculated at the gewisse hilff unnd radt, nit allein die frant-

University in Basel. He made a botanical zosen oder bdésen blatern..., Strasbourg study-trip through Germany, Switzerland 1541, Basel 1559; Practicirbiichlein der Letb-

and Poland. The details of the next decade artznei, Frankfurt 1541; Die kleinere are vague. Some sources say he was a physi- Chirurgi..., Strasbourg 1542; latromathecian and surgeon in Strasbourg for a period. maticae ad astrologicam raionem enchiriDuring this decade, he first wrote under the dion..., Strasbourg 1542; Medicinae theopseudonym Q. Apollinaris, according to Josef ricae et practicae enchiridion semeioticis Benzing. According to Liidtke, sometime aphorismis totam rem complectens, Strasbetween 1533 and 1537 he became an apoth- bourg 1542; Das new gross Distillierbuech ecary in Giistrow to Duke Albrecht VII of wol gegriindter kiinstlicher Distillation...,

Mecklenburg. He wanted to undertake a Frankfurt 1545; Die gross Chirurgei...,

general pharmaceutical guide but he learned Frankfurt 1545; New Kochbiich fiir die that Brunfels had already begun one. When Krancken..., Frankfurt 1545. Brunfels died in 1534, having published only Bibl.: Biographisches Lexikon der hervorthe first part of his work, Rivius went back ragenden Arzte aller Zeiten and Volker 4, to Strasbourg to pursue his plan. Liidtke says 936-937; Chr. W. Kestner, Medicinisches possibly he saw Brunfels’ notes. He may have Gelehrten-Lexikon (Jena i740; repr. 1971) lived in Mainz around 1539 and moved back 734-735; K. Schottenloher, Bibliographie 2,

to Strasbourg in 1541-1542. In 1540, he 184.

published a pharmaceutical study called in Josef Benzing, Walther H. Ryff...(Hamlater editions, Der erste theyl der kleynern burg 1959); Carl Liidtke, ““Walther Ryff und telitschen Apoteck. He is also known for seine ‘Tetitsche Apoteck’,’’ Zur Geschichte

writing on mathematics, astrological med- der Pharmazie 14 (1962) 25-28; F. W. E. icine, surgery, anatomy, architecture and Roth, “‘Hieronymus Bruschwyg und Walter dentistry. In 1542 and 1545 respectively Ryff, zwei deutsche Botaniker des XVI. Leonardus Fuchsius and Conrad Gesner de- Jahrhunderts,’ Zeitschrift fiir Naturwissenlivered attacks against him blaming him both schaften 75 (1902) 102-123; W. L. Schreiber, for lack of intelligence and plagiarism though ‘Die Krauterbiicher des XV. und XVI. Jahr-

in the case of Fuchsius the plagiarism was hunderts,”’ in: Hortus Sanitatis (Munich more the responsibility of the publisher, repr., 1924, of Mainz 1485 ed.), pp. xxxv-xl; Egenolph. Vesalius too accuses Rivius of Charles Singer, ‘‘Brain dissection before theft in his Omnium humani corporis partium Vesalius,’’ Journal of the History of Medicine descriptio but Charles Singer believes Rivius and Allied Sciences 11 (1956), 261-274; Lynn

was merely describing the Parisian tech- Thorndike, History of Magic and Experiniques for brain dissection between 1533 and mental Science 5 (1941), 442-443; I.-V. 1536. Recent evaluations of Rivius’ writings Wagner, ‘‘Walther Hermann Ryff—seine in dentistry, surgery and, to some degree, Verdienste um die deutsche Zahnheilkunde,”’ distillation and pharmacy, allow the possi- Deutsche Zahn-, Mund- und Kieferheilkunde bility that Rivius may have been more of an 20 (1970), 314-16. innovator than Fuchsius, Gesner and Vesalius

assert. He was in Frankfurt in 1543-1544 and p. Leonarbus Fucustus at Mainz in 1544-1545. In 1546 he alienated This commentary on portions of De mahimself from Egenolph and went to Nurem- teria medica comes in the form of a Streitberg then to Wiirzburg where he died on schrift written against Gualtherius Rivius’ *

September 29, 1548. commentary on Dioscorides (1543, Frank-

78

DIOSCORIDES

furt et Marburg: Egenolph). Fuchsius’ ire hiberi curaverit. Sed cum non magni faciat was apparent earlier in 1542 when in the commoda studiosorum et ad rem augendam ‘“‘Epistola nuncupatoria’ of De sanandis magis attentus sit, nihil mirum ex illius oftotius humani corporis malis, he accused ficina prodire eiusmodi libros.’’ In 1544 Rivius of plagiarism. Fuchsius’ commentary, Christian Egenolph wrote a reply (Adversum which covers some 96 chapters of Books I-IV illiberales Leonharti Fuchsit...calumnias De materia medica, is almost a chapter by responsio, Frankfort) but he left unanswered chapter ‘correction’ of Rivius’ alleged errors. Fuchsius’ charges against Rivius. Book V which deals mostly with minerals Epistola dedicatoria. (ed. of Basel, 1544) was omitted by Fuchsius who was a botanist. Ornatissimo viro Vito Rudolpho Specklim The title is: Apologia Leonharti Fuchsii Sculptori Argentoracensi solertissimo Leonmedici, qua refellit malitiosas Gualtheri hartus Fuchsius medicus S. P. D. [Jnc.] InRyffit veteratoris pessimit reprehensiones, cidi nuper in Dioscoridem qui magnifico quas tlle Dioscoridi nuper ex Egenolphi offi- titulo ornatus furtivisque Gualtheri Ryffi

cina prodeunti attexuit obiterque quam plumis vestitus, proximo mercatu Franco-

multas, imo propemodum omnes, herbarum fordiensi ex Egenolphi officina prodiit. Quem imagines e suis de stirpium historia inscrip- quum obiter perlustrarem, talem certe esse tis commentarus idem suffuratus sit ostendit. deprehendi, qualem fore iamdudum animo The dedicatory epistle was written by Fuch- ac mente conceperam, nempe in hoc editum, sius to Vitus Rudolphus Specklim, a Stras- ut existimationem meam, cui illum _perti-

bourg sculptor, and is dated February 12, naciter infensum esse scio, violaret, Isin1544, at Tiibingen. A Spanish translation of griniique commodis adversaretur: imo ut the Apologia was made by Ivan Iapaua imprudentibus ac herbariae medicinae parum (Antwerp, 1557). Nowadays it is difficult to peritis (dicam enim ingenue quod res est) understand the bitterness of the controversy fucum faceret, ac scelerate suis impudentisbut the immediate provocation was appar- simis mendaciis imponeret. Quid enim inently two-fold: first, the Rivius-Egenolph solentius, quid impudentius ab eo dici poedition had some 200 woodcuts from the tuisset, quam quod se omnium quotquot a Fuchsius herbal (Historia stirpium, 1542, Dioscoride sunt descripta medicamentorum Basel: Isingriniana) and, second, Rivius in vivas dare imagines ac picturas nugatur? his introduction (see above, p. 77) failed to quum nemo hodie sit in universo hominum name Fuchsius among the leading experts coetu, qui illa omnia perspecta et cognita on Dioscorides. However in the work itself habeat, tantum abest ut viderit, et ut nativa Fuchsius emphasizes the alleged errors rather eorundem lineamenta exprimerentur, cura-

than the plagiarism he found in Rivius’s verit.../...in medio adversariorum noswork. In the ‘‘Epistola nuncupatoria”’ of trorum. Bene vale. XII. Calend. Februarii, ,

Historia stirpium, Fuchsius wrote: ‘‘Inter Tubingae, anno M.D. XLIIII. omnes herbarios libros qui hodie extant, Commentary to Preface, De materia mednulli sunt, qui plus crassissimorum errorum ica [Inc.]: Tam plenus est mendaciorum |

habeant, quam illi quos iam iterum atque Ryffus, ut sibi temperare.../...[Expl.]:

iterum edidit Egenolphus typographus. Nam furtivae picturae satis testantur.

multis in locis unam atque eandem herbam Commentary, Liber I, 1 [Jnc.]: Ut Ryffi pro duabus tribusve, atque et forma et facul- impudentiam omnes agnoscant, et quam ille

tatibus distantibus pingit...De picturis... studeat.../...[Expl.] (IV, 168, De cnico; hoc dixisse satis sit, me mirari maiorem in IV, 188 Wellmann ed.) dicto verius est, modum cur suis pyxidibus non appinxerit dtaBondy. .. aodeveotéepa yivetau

etiam assidentes pharmacopolas, aut il-

lorum[?] ministros praecinctos corio, cum Edition:

melli advolantes muscas et aquae maves, 1544, Basileae (Basel): Apud Mich. Ising. atque in iis ad transtra sedentes nautas ad- Pritzel 3144. BM; Landesbibliotek Darm79

GREEK AUTHORS

stadt; Dresden; Staatsbibliothek Berlin; fended Hermolaus Barbarus, Marcellus Vir-

Univ. Bibl. Marburg. gilius, Johannes Ruellius and others. He is

Biography: especially noted for his close work with enLeonardus Fuchsius (Fuchs) was born on gravers for the botanical drawings in his

January 17, 1501, in Wending in Bavaria. herbal. He died on May 10, 1566, in He lost his father when he was five. At age Tiibingen(?). ten his mother sent him to school in Heil- Works: (For full list see Stubler, ref. below) bronn and, a year later, to the Marienschule Errata recentiorum medicorum LX nu-

in Erfurt. At the age of twelve he matricu- mero..., Hagenoae 1530; Paradoxorum

lated in the Arts Faculty of the University of medicinae libri tres..., Basel 1535; ApoloErfurt; when he had become a Baccalaureus gia contra Hieremiam Thriveritum Brache-

artium he returned to his native city where, lium...Haganoae 1534; Apologiae tres, despite his youth, he established his own cum aliquot Paradoxorum explicationibus, school. At the age of eighteen in 1519, he Basel 1538; De historia stirpium commenwent to study at Ingolstadt under Joannes tarit..., Basel 1542; Adversus mendaces et Reuchlin (Capnio) and Jacobus Coporinus Christiano homine indignas Christiani Ege-

and where he specialized in Greek and He- nolphi typographi Francofortani, suique brew. Despite an emphasis on religious Architecti calumnias responsio, denuo in studies, he was attracted to medicine. In lucem edita, Basel 1545; Appendix in qua 1521 he was awarded a magister artium criminationibus ac calumniis Ioannis Placofrom Erfurt and three years later he received tomi obiter respondetur..., Frankfort 1566; a doctorate in medicine from Ingolstadt. Be- Institutionum medicinae. . . libri, Lyon 1555;

tween 1522 and 1524 he was in Munich Dispensatorium perfectum..., Frankfurt where presumably he practised medicine. 1566.

He married and in 1526 he became a profes- Bibl.: Allgemeine deutsche Biographie 8, sor of medicine at Ingolstadt but, because of 169-170; Biographisches Lexikon der herthe tumultuous religious disputes and his vorragenden Arzte aller Zeiten und Volker support of Luther, he left in 1528 to become a 2, 637-639; Paul Freher, Theatrum virorum physician to George of Brandenburg, Mar- eruditione clarorum...(Nuremberg 1688) grave of Ansbach. During the period from 1257; Nouvelle biographie générale 19, 1-2; 1528 to 1533 Fuchsius began his prodigious K. Schottenloher, Bibliographie zur deutmedical writings and earned a high reputa- schen Geschichte im Zeitalter der Glaubens-

tion for successfully treating a plague. In spaltung, 2nd ed., 1, 275. 1533 he returned to the professorship at In- Agnes Arber, Herbals, Their Origin and golstadt but his protestant religious views Evolution; A Chapter in the History of Botdrove him back to the Margrave. On August any 1470-1670. New ed. (Cambridge 1938) 13, 1535, he accepted a chair of medicine in 64 and passim.; Gerhard Fichtner, ‘‘Neues Ttibingen where he taught for the rest of his zu Leben und Werk von Leonhart Fuchs aus

life, some thirty-one years. He rejected a seinen Briefen an Joachim Camerarius I. professorship offered at Pisa by Cosimo de und II. in der Trew-Sammlung,”’ Gesnerus Medici, and he declined an invitation to 25 (1968) 65-82; Edward Lee Greene, Landbecome a personal physician to the King marks of Botanical History... (Washington

of Denmark. His friends included Joachim 1909) 192-219; Ernst H. F. Meyer, Ge-

Camerarius, with whom he collaborated in schichte der Botanik (Konigsberg 1854-1857; some writing, and Vesalius, and he knew O. repr. 1965) 4, 309-317; Eberhard Stubler, Brunfels and Valerius Cordus. Also he was Leonhart Fuchs. Leben und Werk (Munich familiar with the botanical works of Tragus 1928).

(Bock) and Gesner. Despite the contempo- q. ANonyMus B

raneous German efforts to depreciate Italian The commentary was first published in and French authors, Fuchsius strongly de- Lyon in 1546 as an Annotatio to Ruellius’ 80

DIOSCORIDES

translation. Explanations are given only for 1549; see above, p. 32) praised Goupylus the following animal substances and plants; and sought to establish his work’s importance

irts (I, 1, 1546 ed.), montanum nardum (I, in relation to other writers both on Diosco8), asarum (I, 9), malabathrum (1, 11), hip- rides and in the general area of pharmacy pocamus (II, 2), brassica sylvestris (II, 113); and medicine. Conrad Gesner wrote (in:

sonchus thymum (III, 35), hieractum (III, Valerti Cordi...Annotationes..., Stras61), peucedanum (III, 74), polium (III, 105), bourg 1561, fol. v): “‘Ilacobus Goupylus rei hemerocallis (III, 117), asplenum (III, 128), medicae hoc tempore disertissimus professor

parthenium (III, 132), ascyron (III, 147), Luteciae dedit Castigationes in Dioscoridis polemonia (IV, 7), quinquefolium (IV, 34), libros brevissimas sed utilissimas, quibus lotus Aegyptia (IV, 99), chamaeleuce (IV, contextus Graecus collatis exemplaribus di34), buglossum (IV, 112), tripolion (IV, 119), versis, excusis et manuscriptis, et locis vetand thapsia (IV, 138). In some instances, the erum medicorum Dioscoridem citantium et comments are fairly extensive. Authorities interpretationibus quibus Latine recentiores cited by name are Virgil (Georgics), Pliny, quidam huius scriptoris libros verterunt, ac Marcellus, G. Rondelletius, and Leonardus olim Plinius, et cetera, emendatur. Arnoldi Fuchsius (De historia stirpium commentarit). Bircmanni vidua publicavit Parisiis 1549. in Commentary (ed. of Lyons, 1546). [Inc. ]: 8. una cum Graeco Dioscoridis contextu, et (p. 7) Censetur galanga officinarum. Nec interpretatione Ruellii e regione.”’

enim acori genuinam.../...[Expl.]: (p. Typographus lectoribus (ed. of Paris,

378, thapsia) satis innuit parum idoneum 1549, 1.). [nc.]: Cum dei optimi maximi be-

ostendat. nignitate consequutus essem, ut hae literarum Editions: formae, quas exculpsi, multis probarentur,

1546, See above I, 7. hoc mihi studium fuit, ut optimum quenque 1547 (1), See above I, 7. librum in guamplurima exemplaria hac 1547 (2), See above I, 7. scribendi ratione transfunderem. Initium 1550, See above I, 7. itaque huius rei a sacris mihi faciendum 1554, See above I, 7. putavi; quas veluti primitias cum Deo persolvissem, alios huius linguae auctores prae-

r. Jacopus GouPYLus sertim bonos exprimere aggressus sum. The Castigationes were produced as Gou- Quam ad rem cum aliorum etiam doctorum

pylus served as editor of the Greek text in et nobis amicorum hominum, tum lIacobi Petrus Haultinus’ 1549 edition of Dioscorides Goupyli medici opera ac iudicio usi sumus, with Ruellius’ translation. At the time Gou- qui nobis ut Dioscoridis libros ita exprimerepylus was a physician in Paris where he had mus, ut in angustum quoddam spatium con-

begun to practice in 1548. Goupylus’ com- traherentur, consilium dedit, benignissimentary is for De materia medica, 5 books, meque pollicitus est se ea diligentia, quam and it excludes De venenis. The commen- maximam adhibere posset, effecturum, ut tary is published at the end of Ruellius’ hic auctor ex multorum veterum codicum translation and is keyed to the sections in fide emendatus in manus hominum perthe preceding text, marked by pagination, veniret. Quod ut praestaret exemplaria ab verse and asterisk. Numerous references are aliis excusa cum multis veteribus libris made to various readings in ‘“‘most old manu- manu scriptis contulit, locosque omnes, qui scripts” as well as to translations by Pliny (!), perverse descripti aut deficientes essent, asSerapio, the ‘vetus interpres’, Hermolaus terisco annotavit, ut eos postea restitueret (ea

Barbarus, Marcellus Virgilius, and loannes enim libros castigandi ratio potior ei visa Ruellius and to authorities, such as, Theo- est, quam ut ea, quae iam recepta essent, phrastus, Pliny, Galen, Oribasius, Paul of induceret). Id autem quanta fide ac diligenAegina, and Serapion. A prefatory letter by tia ab eo sit praestitum videbitis in castigaFranciscus Fontanonus (Paris, August 3, tionibus, quas is in hunc auctorem scripsit; 81

GREEK AUTHORS

vos igitur his nostris laboribus interim fru- to Franciscus Sangelasius, Dean of the imini, dum vobis expressam imaginem plan- Church at Angouléme (Francois de St.tarum, de quibus in hoc auctore tractatio Gelais of Angouléme). S. DuPetit-Thouars est, apparamus. Valete. There follows a let- believed that H.B.P. Medicus is Johannes ter by Franciscus Fontanonus (see above, p. Bruyerinus (Jean-Baptiste Bruyerin). H.B.P.’s

32), an excerpt from Pliny, the Greek text of introductory letter noted that the author De materia medica and De venenis and had assembled material for a Dioscorides

Ruellius’ translations of them. commentary and, further, that he was busy

Goupylus to the Reader [Inc.]: (fol. 382v) translating into Latin the Arabic authors. Cum multum dissidentia inter se quibusdam In fact, Bruyerinus published a tract on in locis vetera horum librorum exemplaria Avicenna in 1555. Bruyerinus, according to invenerim, nec facile statuere fuerit, quae DePetit-Thouars, might understandably potissimum lectio vera sit, satius esse duxi have been reluctant to reveal his real name restitutis iam illis locis, quos me tuto emen- because the commentary appears to have dare posse putavi, hoc quoque in quibus borrowed heavily from Matthiolus, presummaior scrupulus inest, adnotare, quanquam ably from the 1548 Italian edition, although in his etiam sunt varietates quaedam, quae it is specifically geared to Ruellius’ translaparum sententiam immutant ut omni re cog- tion and not to the Greek text. H.B.P.’s nita possit unusquisque, quod ipsi melius commentary also covers the tract De venenis, videbitur, sumere. Neque vero codicum tan- published as Bk. VI of De materia medica tum in hac diligentia fidem spectavi, verum in Ruellius’ translation. In the editio prin-

etiam, quam scripturam sequuti sint, qui ceps of Matthiolus’ Italian commentary

olim in Latinum sermonem hos libros con- (1544) only De materia medica (5 bks.) is verterunt, animadverti, Plinium dico, Sera- covered whereas the 1548 edition adds De pionem, veterem interpretem, Hermolaum venenis as Bk. VI. Barbarum, Marcellum Virgilium, et loannem The commentary is rather extensive, often Ruellium. Et quoniam medici omnes ambi- surpassing in quantity the text of Dioscorides. tiose multa ex hoc auctore sumpserunt, legi- Most chapters in the editio princeps have mus etiam eorum commentarios, ut quod woodcuts. The commentary adds a nomenexemplar hi sequuti essent videremus. Om- clatura to each chapter of Ruellius’ transnino effecimus, ut multis locis obscuris lux lation in which equivalent words for the afferretur, et quae perverse descripta essent substances are given in Greek, Latin, Italian,

emendarentur. Vale. French, and German. Among the authorities Castigationes [Inc.]: (fol. 383) Fol 4. pag. cited by name are Hippocrates, Theophras1. vers. 12. alter codex manu scriptus. ../ tos, Antonius Musa, Pliny, Galen, Serapion, ...[Expl.] (fol. 391)cuius vestigia adhuc in Isaac (Judaeus ?), Manardus, Valerius Corveteribus libris extant. Castigationum in dus, Matthiolus, and Iulius Alexandrinus.

Dioscoridem Finis. Introductory letter. (ed. of Lyons, 1550)

Editions: Praestantissimo et peraeque eruditissimo 1549 (1): See above I, 9. viro, D. Francisco Sangelasio, Engolismeae

1549 (2): See above I, 9. ecclesiae decano H.B.P. Medicus S.D.

Biography: [Inc.|]: Quandoquidem id actutum apud See p. 184 below. me statuerim, vir ornatissime.../...[Expl.]: , , est hoc Dioscoridis scholion et tuere et lege.

s. A Possin: C, NAMED Boe MEDICUs, Vale Lugduni, sexto a Liberalibus die 1580. OSSIBLY JOHANNES BRUYERINUS Et horae et genio.

This rather extensive commentary was first Nomenclatura [Inc.|: Graece, "pus. published in Lyons in 1550 and the author is Latine, iris. Italice, la iride. Gallice, Flambe. identified only as ‘‘H.B.P. Medicus.”’ The Germ. Himelschvests.

edition has a dedicatory letter from H.B.P. Commentary, Liber I, 1 [Inc.]: Inter Illy82

DIOSCORIDES

ricas seu Sclavonicas irides ea melior t. ANDREAS AURIFABER (LOST)

est.../...[Expl.]: (V, 96, Atramentum The only known copy of Aurifaber’s Praelibrarium; V, 162, Wellmann ed.) a fabris fatio in Dioscoridem in qua praecipuae exlignariis, nigra creta appellatur. Caput 95 plicantur utilitates, quae tum ad philosoet 96, e scripto Dioscoridis satis nota sunt. phos ac medicos, tum ad omnes simul

Bibliography: homines affatim redeunt ex simplicium

S. DuPetit-Thouars, ‘‘Bruyerin,” in: M. medicamentorum diligenti cognitione was in Michaud, Biographie universelle, 6, 73-74. the Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, Berlin, but it

Editions: disappeared during World War II. The book

1550: See above I, 10. was published in Konigsberg in 1550 where 1551: See above I, 10. Aurifaber was then a professor of medicine. 1552: See above I, 10. (Reported by Direktor Rother, Institut fiir Doubtful or Rejected Edition: Leihverkehr und Zentralkatalog, and by Dr. 1593: See above I, 10. Willy Unger, Direktor der Benutzungsab-

Biography: teilung, both of the Deutsche StaatsbiblioJohannes Bruyerinus (Jean-Baptiste Bruy- thek, DDR.)

erin) was born in Lyons near the beginning Edition: of the sixteenth century. He was the nephew (*) 1550, Konigspergae (K6nigsberg): of Symphorien Champier. He practised Lufft. 8vo, (52) pp. Index Aureliensis 2, medicine and was called to the court of 476, No. 110.834. Francis I and was physician to Henry II. He Biography: may be the Johannes Bruyerus Campegius Andreas Aurifaber (Goldschmidt) was born

medicus living at the time with Cardinal in 1512 in Breslau. He studied philosophy Franciscus Turnonius and mentioned in a and theology in Wittenberg. In 1540 he beletter of Dionysius Corronius, Paris, Decem- came Rector of the Marienschule in Danzig ber 1538 (see above, p. 66). He died around but after a year he returned to Wittenberg

1560. and studied medicine. Probably it was dur-

Works: De re cibaria libri XXII. ..Lyons ing the 1542-43 term when he attended Va1560; Frankfurt 1600, 1606—said by dedi- lerius Cordus’ lectures on Dioscorides. In catory letter to have been composed in 1530; 1544, Aurifaber joined Duke Albrecht of Collectanea de sanitatis functionibus, de Prussia’s expedition to Italy where he consanitate tuenda, et de curandis morbis, ex tinued his medical education. He returned Averrhoe sumpta, Lyons 1537; trans. Avicen- in 1545 to be named Professor of Medicine na, De corde ejusque facultatibus libellus, at K6nigsberg, succeeding Placotomus who Lyons 1559; Averrhois Collectaneorum sec- first held the post. He became a close adtiones tres, secundo, sexto, et septimo Col- viser to the prince and married a daughter

liget libris respondentes, in latinum ser- of Duke Albrecht. He was appointed city monem conversae, in ed. of Averrhoes pub- physician of Konigsberg and died on De-

lished in Venice, 1555. cember 12, 1559.

Bibliography: Biographisches Lexikon Works: Phaemonis (veteris philosophi Cyder hervorragenden Arzte aller Zeiten und nosophion) seu de cura canum liber... AcVolker, 1, 741; Dionysius Corronius, in: cesserunt annotationes..., Wittenberg 1545 Pedanii Dioscoridis De re medica Ioanne (repr. in Rei accipitr. Scriptor., Paris 1612); Ruellio Suessionensi interprete, Basel 1542, Ein gut Regiment fur die gifftige Kranckheit

sig. A5; S. DuPetit-Thouars, in: M. Mi- der Pestilentz..., Leipzig 1543; Ein niitzchaud, Biographie universelle, 6, 75-76; lichs unnd trostlichs Regiment wider die

Chr. W. Kestner, Medicinisches-Gelehrten anfallende Gifft..., Koénigsberg 1549; SucLexicon (Jena 1740; repr. 1971), 154; J. H. cini Historia, Konigsberg 1561 (repr. in ConZedler, Grosses vollstindiges Universal- silia et Epistolae Jo. Cratonis, Laurent Scholz

Lexicon 4, 1698. ed., Frankfort 1593).

83

GREEK AUTHORS

Bibl.: Allgemeine deutsche Biographie |, Ghinus’ method was to relate Dioscorides’ 690; J. Caspary in: Biographisches Lexikon plant descriptions (and one animal product, der hervorragenden Artze...1, 248; Deut- scorpio marinus) to his own observations scher Gesamtkatalog, 8, 667; Richard Dur- based on his famous garden at Pisa and on

ling, A Catalogue of Sixteenth Century expeditions in the Apennines, along the Printed Books in the National Library of Tuscan shore, and on a trip to Elba. The Medicine (Bethesda, Md. 1967), nos. 2132- trips are mentioned in the Placita. Also he

2133; Chr. W. Kestner, Medicinisches procured specimen plants and seeds from Gelehrten-Lexicon (Jena 1740; repr. 1971) sailors and merchants who traveled to

66-67; Michaud, Biographie universelle 3, Greece, Syria, Egypt, Spain, Crete, Sicily 87; Neue deutsche Biographie 1, 456; Nou- and Calabria. He had a Greek maid with velle biographie générale 3, 770; Realency- whom he consulted about the proper Greek

klopddie f. prot. Theologie u. Kirche 2 equivalents. Ghinus was a pioneer of the

(1897) 287-288. herbarium (hortus siccus) or pressing and

Georg Edmund Dann, “Leben und Leis- drying leaves on paper, a method he must tung des Valerius Cordus aus neuerer have used to send specimens to Matthiolus Sicht,” Pharmazeutische Zeitung, 113 (1968) and others. He follows Dioscorides’ order,

1070; Ed. Dan. Schnaase, ‘Andreas Auri- but in this letter, at least, only a small profaber und seine Schola Dantiscana. Ein portion of chapters are discussed: Book I= Beitrag zur Geschichte der Schulen in Dan- 8; II=5; HI=16; IV=26; V=0. Some samzig,’’ Altpreussische Monatsschrift 11 (1874) ples of his methodology are: ‘‘Observavi

304-325; 456-480. alteram hujus speciem [anthillus] in Apenini montibus....’’; ‘“‘De papyro. Singulis

u. Lucas GuINUs annis plurimae naves ex insula di Madera, This commentary was written as a letter di S. Thomas e del Brasile in Labronensem from Pisa on October 1, 1551, to P. A. Mat- portum...appellunt”’; ‘Hance aliqui pro thiolus in answer to Matthiolus’ request for Acathio substituere conantur, quorum assistance in identifying plants in Dios- opinionem ego plane approbare non audeo corides. Although Ghinus is regarded as one eo quod putem lanuginem illam non aptam of the most influential of the sixteenth cen- esse....’” Nor did he restrict himself rigidly tury botanists through his research, teach- to Dioscorides’ text: “‘De poterio...quam ing, and correspondence, he published noth- Fuchsius in suo herbario genistellam vocat. . .

ing during his life-time. The commentary ts desintque quaedam aliae notae quas Dioscalled Placita, and was not published until corides suo poterio assignat.”’ 1907 by De Toni from a manuscript in the Heading (Bologna Ms Aldrovandi 98, fol. Aldrovandi collection in Bologna. Ghinus 33). Clarissimi atque Excellentissimi D. Lucae contemplated publishing his own commen- Ghini in celebri Pisana Academia materiae tary but, upon Matthiolus’ request for assist- medicae professoris doctissimi de quibus-

ance, chose to pass his findings to him, a dam simplicibus placita, ad Andream

fact gratefully acknowledged by Matthiolus Mathiolum Senensem celeberrimum medi-

in his published letters. In his 1554 edition cum conscripta, idibus Octobris an.° LI.

of Dioscorides, Matthiolus wrote: “Inter Pisis.

quos potissimum non gravarer hoc loco com- Text. [Inc.]: De balsamo. (I, 19 Wellmemorare, si possem illis ex beneficii ac- mann ed.) Retulit mihi Monachus quidam

cepti commemoratione aliquam referre gra- graecus qui praeter.../...[Expl.] De tiam, Lucam Ghinum Forocorneliensem minore sesamoide. (IV, 163 Wellmann medicum ingenii et doctrinae singularis, ed.)...quemadmodum neque picnocomum Pisis magna cum omnium laude rem her- neque Empetron. bariam profitentem....(Epistola nuncupa- Manuscript: toria, fol. [a4-a5], Venice 1554 ed.).”’ (*) Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria, Ms 84

DIOSCORIDES

98 (Aldrovandi), s. XVI, vol. 2, fols. 33-53. students include Aldrovandus, John Fal(L. Frati, Catalogo det manoscritti di Ulisse coner, Andrea Cesalpino, Bartholomaeus

Aldrovandi [Bologna 1907], 99). Marantha, William Turner, and, probably,

Edition: Aloysius Anguillara. Aldrovandus studied Giovanni Battista de Toni, “I Placiti di With Ghinus in 1549 at Bologna where

Luca Ghini intorno a piante descritte nei Ghinus was vacationing at the time. In 1S54 commentarii al Dioscoride di P. A. Mat- Ghinus returned to Bologna where he died

thioli,’’ Memorie del Reale Istituto Veneto on May 4, 1556. .

di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, 27 (1907, no. 8), _, Works: In addition to the manuscripts

1-46, with text pp. 17-42. cited above, all in the Aldrovandi collection,

there is Ms Aldrovandi 98, vol. 1, fols. 62-

Biography: 64 (‘‘Petenda a Domino Luca Pisis,’’ Frat,

Lucas Ghinus (or Ghini) was born around p. 99) and vol. 2, fols. 55-59v (‘‘Plantae ab 1490 in Croara d’Imola, where his father, Excellentissimo Luca Ghino ad Mathiolum Ghino Ghini, was a local notary. Lucas Senensem cum precedentibus scriptis missae studied medicine at Bologna where between quibus subsequentia epigramata coniuncta 1527 and 1532 he read practica medicina. erant, Anno LI, VII cal Novembris,” Frati, In 1532-1533 he is listed in the Rotuli Unt- p. 99, and publ. in de Toni, see ref. above). versitari as ‘“‘ad Lecturam Medicinae ordi- Also Morbi neapolitani curandi ratio perhariam vesperi,” and, revealing progressively brevis in: J. Marquardus, Practica Theospecialized interest, in 1534-1535, as “ad rica..., Spirae 1589; Experimenta in praxi, Lecturam Medicinae statim post lectionem in: G. H. Velschius, Curationum et Obserin tertiis, with the clause ‘““Legat de simplict- vationum Medicinalium Chiliades duae, bus.”’ In 1537 he lectured on Galen’s De Ulmae 1676; Lectionum de herbis ex Luca simplicibus and in 1539 he received a chair. Ghino epitome (see de Toni in A. Mieli, His lectures for 1539-1540 were simply ed., Gli scienziati italiani..., pp. 3-4); Simdesignated “‘de simplicibus medicinalibus.”’ plicium medicamentorum nomina et com-

In 1544 he went to Pisa as a professor of munia, et Dioscoridis, et aliorum autho-

simples where he remained until 1554. One rum...(see de Toni, ib., p. 4); and various of his students, Ulysses Aldrovandus, pre- letters, see G. B. de Toni, Cinque lettere serves an outline of Ghinus’ lectures (Bo- di Luca Ghini ad Ulisse Aldrovandi tratte logna, Biblioteca universitaria, Ms Aldro- dagli autografi, Padua 1905. vandi 98, vol. 2, fols. 69v-148) which shows Bibl.: Chr. C. Joecher, Allgemeines that his usual method was to devote each Gelehrten-Lexicon, 1, 977; A. G. Keller, lecture to one plant. Ghinus’ connection Dictionary of Scientific Biography 5, 383with Bologna was never broken because he 384 (with refs.); Nouvelle Biographie Unimarried a Bolognese, Gentile Sarti, in 1528 verselle 20, 396-397. and maintained a house and a garden there. A. Chiarugi, ‘‘Nel quarto centenario della In Pisa he founded a Botanical Garden and morte di Luca Ghini,’”’ Webbia 13 (1957),

in 1545 he helped with the foundation of 1-14; Giovanni Battista de Toni, ‘I placiti another in Florence. Aldrovandus owned a di Luca Ghini intorno a piante descritte catalogue (Ms Aldrovandi 136, vol. 14, fols. nei Commentarii al Dioscoride di P. A. 17ff) which lists some 610 plants in Ghinus’ Matthioli,’’ Memorie del reale istituto Veneto garden. Ghinus was active in taking botan- di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti 27 (1907, No. 8)

ical field trips as well as in collecting seeds 1-46; Idem, “‘Luca Ghini,’’ In: A. Mieli, and specimens from merchants and sailors. ed., Gli scienziati italiani (Rome 1921) 1-4. In 1551 Ghinus contributed to Matthiolus information coming out of his own researches V. MELCHIOR GUILANDINUS on plants. Ghinus is credited with being the Melchior Guilandinus made extensive first to use and develop the herbarium. His marginal notes in a copy of Petrus Haultin’s 85

GREEK AUTHORS

Paris edition, 1549, of Dioscorides (8 books side) Tous wyoia, Xyris. Dios. 202 in nomine

incl. De venenis with Greek text, Ruellius’ Ephesus: non. f. 222 et confirmat Galenus

translations, and Goupylus’ corrections). in simpl.../...[Expl.]: (left side, V, 181, Probably they were not intented as a prepa- Terra ampelitidis; V, 160, Wellmann ed.) ration for a separate commentary, although et Philander (?) in Vitruvium lib. 8 cap.

they could have been reformulated, but, 3. p. 329.

more likely, they were simply for Guilandi- Manuscript: nus’ own use as a botanist. On the title page (micro.) Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale is an almost illegible note: “Biblioteca ex Marciana, Ms Gr. V, 3 (1280), s. XVI. (?) sr. Melchioris Guilan./R...Venat... (Kristeller, Zter II, 237b.) Privilem. lega....’’ Before 1558 Guilandi- Biography*: nus was in Venice, having followed his pa- Melchior Guilandinus (Wieland, Guilantron there from Rome at an unknown date. dini) was born around 1520 in Prussia, in In 1558 he published an attack on Mat- Konigsberg according to some authorities; thiolus’ commentary on Dioscorides (see dis- he died in Padua on December 25, 1589. cussion below in biography). Since Guilan- Little is known of his formal education, but dinus’ notes do not mention Matthiolus he learned Latin and Greek as well as mediand Matthiolus published his Latin com- cine and natural science. At an early age he

mentary in 1554 (his earlier Italian com- went to Sicily and then to Rome where, as mentary of 1544 is noted as having little cir- he stated later, he was so poor that he lived culation although later ones were popular) on roots which he sold along with medicinal

it seems likely that Guilandinus’ commen- herbs carried on a donkey from town to tary was written between 1550 and 1554. town. While at Rome he attracted the attenThe authorities whom Guilandinus cites in. tion of the Venetian ambassador, who took the marginal commentary are Theophrastus, him to Venice. There he found another Columella, Pliny, Galen, Oribasios, Her- patron, Senator Marin Caballo, one of the molaus Barbarus (Castigationes Plinianae), curators of the University of Padua. With and Valerius Cordus (‘“‘Com. in Dios.’’)— the help of Caballo, Guilandinus was able the most recent authority cited being Vale- to undertake a trip in 1558-60 to Greece, rius Cordus while most of the citations were Syria, and Egypt in order to procure rare from Pliny and Galen. Even though Guilan- plants. He planned also to go to America for

dinus is known as a botanist, his commen- botanical investigations, but in the port of tary includes animal and mineral _ sub- Cagliari he was captured and enslaved by stances. Many notes are cross-references Algerian Corsairs and taken to North Africa. to other sections of Dioscorides’ De materia His friend and patron Gabriel Falloppio, Promedica and to other authorities often with fessor of Anatomy and Surgery at Padua, specified numbering. There are numerous ransomed him. In 1561 Falloppio secured for underlinings and, in some cases, the words Guilandinus the directorship of the Botaniof Ruellius’ translation have been crossed out cal Gardens in Padua, and he remained and corrections made. The commentary is there the rest of his life. He was soon given made for the Greek text as well as Ruellius’ teaching responsibilities, and after the death translation. Some plants receive elaborate of Falloppio in 1562, he was named to the commentary. The commentary extends from Chair of Botany at the University; in 1578 the printer’s preface through the books of he was given an appointment for life, and he De venenis and the Notha and Adscripta. died shortly thereafter.

86 ,

Commentary to Preface, De materia Guilandinus in 1557 published his De

medica. [Inc.]|: (at bottom) Omnes auctores

quos Diosc. nominat.../...[Expl.]: alii *The biography is based in part upon information ubi. Porro etc. inul ns (?) folio. supplied by Charles G. Nauert, Jr. (University of MisCommentary, Liber I, 1. [Inc.]: (at right souri-Columbia).

DIOSCORIDES

stirpium aliquot nominibus vetustis ac novis, Storia Patria X (1903) 279-89; Josephus and in the period from 1558 through 1562 Justus Scaliger, Scaligerana, in P. Desmai-

he was engaged in a bitter controversy zeaux, ed., Scaligerana, Thuana, Perroniarising out of his criticism of Matthiolus’ ana, Pithoeana, et Colomesiana, 2 vols. translation of Dioscorides’ De re medica. (Amsterdam, 1740), II, 99,361; Jacobus Guilandinus’ criticism led to a counter- Augustus Thuanus, Historiarum sui tem-

attack by Matthiolus, and Paulus Hessus poris... libri CXXXVIII, 5 vols. in 4

Germanus published a defense of Guilan- (Geneva, 1620-26), IV, 475; idem, Monudinus against Matthiolus. Guilandinus was menta litteraria (London, 1640) 270-71. also engaged in controversy with Julius Caesar Scaliger over the latter’s claim to be w. GABRIEL FALLOPPIUS

related to the former ruling family of Ve- Falloppio is known primarily for his rona, the Scaligeri. This conflict may partly anatomical contributions, and his interest in

explain why Scaliger’s son later wrote so and important contributions to pharmacy hostile a refutation of Guilandinus’ com- and botany are little recognized. Two com-

mentary on Pliny, Papyrus. mentaries on Lsioscorides by Falloppio sur-

Works: De stirpium aliquot nominibus vive. The first one, containing a discussion vetustis ac novis (Basel, 1557); Apologiae of some thirty-one plants in the first four adversus Petrum Andream Matthaeolum books of De materia medica, survives only (1558); Papyrus, hoc est commentarius in in one manuscript; the second commentary

tria Caii Plinii majoris de papyro capita covers Book I and was published in the (Venice, 1572); Synonyma plantarum (printed fourth edition of his collected works in 1600.

in J. G. Schenck von Grafenberg, Hortus The two versions are different from one Patavinus {1608]); Judicium...de quibusdam another; though they contain some of the

plantis horti Petri Ant. Michaelis, ed. G. B. same chapters and have some parallel De Toni in Mem. Acc. Sc. lett. ed arti phrases, they have, for the most part, a dif-

Modena, ser III, vol. LX (1908). ferent text. The manuscript contains lecture Bibl.: M. Adam, Vitae Germanorum notes in an unpolished, rough state, with medicorum (Heidelberg, 1620) 309-11; Biog- the heading: “‘Lectiones Gabrielis Fallopii in

raphie Universelle XVIII (1857) 134-35; Dioscoridem.’”’ A marginal note adds: “‘InBiographisches Lexikon der hervorragenden cipit 26 febrvar 1553.’’ These lectures are Arzte II, 902-03; C. W. Kestner, Medici- likely to have been delivered at Padua. The nisches Gelehrten-Lexicon (Jena, 1740; repr. published version appears to be a revision 1971) 368-69; H. F. Meyer, Geschichte der of Ms lecture notes with some deletions and Botanik, 5 vols. (K6nigsberg, 1854-57; repr. additions. These are based on lectures given 1971) V, 403-04; Nouvelle biographie géneé- in the academic year, 1560-1561 (Favaro, rale XXII (1858) 583-84; L. Premunda, in, pp. 100, 131-132). Each version contains a Dictionary of Scientific Biography XIV lengthy, but differing, exposition and expli(1976) 335-36; G. B. de Toni, in: Gili scien- cation of Dioscorides’ Preface to De materia ziati italiani, ed. A. Mieli (Rome, 1921) medica in which Falloppio discusses simples, 73-76; Thorndike, History of Magic and Ex- the necessity to recognize distinctions among

perimental Science, V, 336, 531; VI, 224, plant species and the botany of plants in 258, 260, 279, 446; Tiraboschi, VII (x1), 872- general. The Ms version has chapters on

73, 886-87, 924-26. the following plants: iris (1.1) Wellmann

Giuseppe Favaro, Gabriele Falloppio ed.), acorus (I. 2), meum (I. 3), cyperus (Modena, 1928); G. C. Pisanski, Nach- (I. 4), cardamomum (I. 6), nardus (1. 7), richt von dem gelehrten Konigsberger, M. nardus celtica (I. 8), nardus montanus (I. Guilandi (Kénigsberg, 1785); C. Raimondi, 9), asarus (I. 10), phu (I. 11), casia (I. 13),

“Una lettera inedita di P. A. Mattioli a pseudocassia, aloe (III. 22), myrobalanis

Gabriele Falloppio,’’ Bollectino Senese di (I. 12?), hamar indus, manna, scrum lactis, 87

GREEK AUTHORS

rosa (I. 99), viola (III. 123; IV. 121); absin- dias Orientales, redeat ad nos incolumis.”’ thium (III. 23), stoechas (III. 26), fumus Since Cornarius’ edition did not come out terrae (II. 80?) eupatorium (IV, 41), epithi- until 1557 and Guilandinus did not return

mum (IV. 177), prunus, psilium (IV. 69), from the East until 1561, it seems likely capillus venus (?), asarus (I. 10?), turis gal- that the printed version, a revision of his lus, scammonium (IV. 170), and turbuis 1560-1561 academic year lecture notes, was (?). The printed version has: iris (I. 1), not prepared by Falloppio at Padua until acorus (I. 2), meum (I. 3), cyperus (I. 4), 1561-1562, the last year of his life. cardamomum (I. 6), spica nardus (I. 7), A. Lecture Notes on De materia medica. spica nardus celtica (1. 8), nardus montanus Commentary on Preface, De materia (I. 9), asarus (I. 10), phu (I. 11), mala- medica (Erlangen Ms 909). [Inc.]: (fol. 233) bathum (1. 12), cassia (1. 13), cinnamomum Inter prolegomena illud primum.../... (I. 17), amomum (I. 15), balsamum (1. 19), [Expl.]: (fol. 238v) quae libris solis similitabasamum aartificialum, asphalatum (1. 20), tis (7). ..conteruant (7).

santalis, muscus arbor, muscus (I. 21), Liber I, 1 [Inc.]: (fol. 238v) Iris quis ambra and zibettum. Thus, the commentary calida et sicca.../...[Expl.|: (fol. 284v, treats material not in Dioscorides’ original turbuis) cui non submittit zinziberis comtext, which did not have ambra, for instance, modissime.

even though it appears in the Latin Alpha- Manuscript: betical Dioscorides Redaction. In the printed (micro.) Erlangen, Universitatsbibliothek, version there is a notable emphasis on local- Ms 909, anno 1553, fols. 233-284 with fols. ities of plants with a particular stress on 253-255v, 260v-262, 263 r-v blank. In another

eastern localities. As noted above under hand below the heading: Liber iam editus Melchior Guilandinus (see above, p. 86), cum aliis ejusdem auctoris operibus. OriginFalloppio was a patron of Guilandinus and ally from the Medical College at Padua. it is possible that Guilandinus’ eastern jour- (Hans Fischer, Katalog der Handschriften ney was undertaken through Falloppio’s der Universitdtsbibliothek Erlangen 2, 503sponsorship. Guilandinus may have increased 504).

Falloppio’s awareness of the importance of B. De materia medicinali in libro I Dios-

habitat to plants. It might be noted that coridis. Marantha (see p. 104 below) had sent to Commentary on Preface, De materia

Falloppio sometime early in July 1558 his medica (ed. of Frankfort, 1600). [JInc.]: manuscript of a Dioscorides commentary. (II. 2, p. 25) Dioscoridis de medicinali maFalloppio first encouraged Marantha in the teria liber primus interpretandus sive a project but in March 1559 he recommended nobis.../...[Expl.]: (cap. 5, p. 31) conto Marantha that he abandon it. And Mat- servatione. Sequitur modo singularium tracthiolus (see p. 93 below) was in correspon- tatio. dence with Falloppio regarding Dioscorides. Liber 1, 1. [Inc.]: (cap. 6, pl. 31) De iride Falloppio cites numerous authorities in his primum tractat Dioscorides inter aromata, printed commentary and among the contem- qui reuera aroma.../...[Expl.]: (cap. 25, porary or near-contemporary authors are: p. 59, zibettus) qui in ea ingentem excitat Hermolaus Barbarus, Ioannes Ruellius, delectationem.

Manardus, Amatus Lusitanus, Cornarius, Editions: Lonicerus, Fuchsius, Brasavolus, Matthiolus, 1600, Francofurti (Frankfort): Apud

Guilandinus, Julius Caesar Scaliger, and haeredes Andreae Wecheli, Claud. Marnium Ioannes Baptista Pedaldus Florentinus (‘‘qui et Ioan. Aubrium. Published in: G. Fallopnavigavit in Indias Orientales...’’). In the pius, Operum..., Tomus Secundus. NUC. chapter on balsamum (19, p. 52) we read: Wellcome; (CtY-M; DNLM; NNNAM).

“Deus praestet, ut solers simul et vafer (*) 1606, Venetiis (Venice): J.A. et J. de Guilandinus. qui iam capessit iter ad In- Franciscis. In Opera. BN. 88

DIOSCORIDES

(*) 1606, Francofurti (Frankfort): typis and consequently was not immediately recWechelianis. Apud Claud. Marnium et ognized but its originality comes in the form haeredes I. Aubrii. In Opera. Joh. Jacobus of corrections he intended to the De humani Mangetus, Bibliotheca Scriptorum Medi- corporis fabrica of Vesalius. He died of pulcorum, Veterum et Recentiorum 1, 256, monary tuberculosis in Padua on October 3rd Says commentary 1s in vol. 1, pt. 6. NUC. or 9th, 1562.

(CtY-M; DNLM). Works: Observationes anatomicae, Venice

Biography: 1561, Padua 1562, Paris 1562, Cologne Gabriel Falloppius (Gabriele Falloppio) 1562, Helmstedt 1588; De corporis humani

was born in Modena in 1523. His early anatome compendium, Venice 1571; Lecstudies were interrupted by the financial re- tiones de particulis similaribus humani corverses of his father. He first seemed directed poris, Venice 1571; De parte medicinae quae towards a church career but, upon his father’s chirurgia nmuncupatur, necnon in librum financial recovery, he turned towards med- Hippocratis de vulneribus capitis dilucidissima icine, studying under Niccolo Machella in interpretatio, Venice 1571; Libelli duo; alter

Modena. On December 13 and 14, 1544, de ulceribus, alter de tumoribus praeter he performed a dissection before his teacher. naturam, Padua 1563; Opuscula, edente Before completing his medical studies he Petro Angelo Agatho, Venice 1566; De practiced surgery but, after some disastrous morbo gallico tractatus cum scholiis margioperations, he returned to full-time medical nalibus Petri Angeli Agathi, Venice 1564,

studies. Possibly he spent some time at 1566, 1574; De medicatis aquis libri sepPadua under Giambattista da Monte and tem; De metallis et fossilibus libri duo, nunc Matteo Realdo Colombo, the successor of primum editi per Andream Marcolinum, Vesalius. He probably met Amatus Lusi- Venice 1564; De simplicibus medicamentis tanus in Ferrara in 1547 and in his printed purgantibus tractatus, nunc recens exactisDioscorides commentary Falloppio mentions sima cura ab Andrea Marcolino collectus, him disparagingly as ‘‘semihebraeus.’’ About Padua 1565; Opera genuina omnia..., 1548 in Ferrara he studied under the direc- Venice 1584, 3 vols.; tbid. 1606; Frankfurt tion of ‘‘my teacher’? Antonio Musa Brasa- 1600, 1606.

vola, a noted herbalist, and Giambattista Bibl.. Chaumeton in: Michaud, Biogra-

Canano. He was appointed to the chair of phie universelle 13, 560-561; Paul Freher, pharmacy in Ferrara and in 1549 he went Theatrum virorum eruditione clarorum... to Pisa to accept a chair of anatomy. At Pisa (Nuremberg 1688) 1253 (with list of writhe was accused—wrongfully, modern schol- ings); C. D. O'Malley, in: Dictionary of ars assert—of practising vivisection. For a Scientific Biography 4 (1971), 519-521 (with short time he dissected lions in the Medici bibliography of earlier studies; Lynn Thornzoo in Florence. Towards the end of 1551, dike, History of Magic and Experimental

he assumed the chair of anatomy at Padua, Science 6, 311-312. Giuseppe Favaro, succeeding to the post of Colombo, and held Gabrielle Falloppia Modenese (MDXIIIit until his death. Among his students was MDLXIT), Modena 1928.

the famous anatomist Volcher Coiter. He A L supported Melchior Guilandinus and corres- Xe ANDREAS LACUNA

ponded with P. A. Matthiolus, U. Aldrovan- Lacuna’s Latin commentary on Ruellius’ dus, L. Ghinus, G. V. Pinelli, L. Corbi- translation was completed in 1553 and was a

nelli, G. F. Canani and B. Marantha. In preliminary to his more famous Castilian 1561 he published the Observationes anato- translation and commentary on Dioscorides,

micae, the only work to appear during his first published in Salamanca in 1555. In an lifetime; all other writings were said to be introductory letter (see below) addressed to lecture notes published posthumously. Ob- Gonzalo Perez, Secretary to King Philip servationes is not a complete anatomical text (dated November 4, 1553), Lacuna spoke of 89

GREEK AUTHORS

his intention to produce a Spanish transla- abs te haud ita pridem e Graeco in vernacu-

tion and commentary. The statement of lum Hispaniae idioma conversam, quam privileges to. the Lyonnaise publishers of the sane quum raptim atque obiter perlegissem, Latin commentary is dated April 15, 1554. non minori delinitus voluptate ac dulcedine, In 1554 Lacuna was in Venice, where he is quam si Homericam loton illam gustassem, said to have planned to journey to the East, in primis quidem puritatem sermonis, ver-

and where he fell under the influence of sionis fidem, incredibilem diligentiam, ac

Matthiolus whom he mentioned in the Epis- raram facilitatem, quam nemo imitari pos-

tola nuncupatoria to King Phillip, Septem- sit sum admiratus; dein vero, praeclaro ber 25, 1555, written at Antwerp: ‘‘Sir- tui exemplo adductus, inexplebili exarsi viéronme no poco en este trabajo tan impor- cupiditate iuvandi simili industria patriam, tante los comentarios de Andreas Mathiolo ac proinde confestim ad vertendum in HisSenes, médico excelente de nuestros tiem- panam linguam Anazarbeum Dioscoridem pos, el cual con incréible destreza trasladé el illustrandumque scholiis minime poenitenmismo Dioscorides en lengua toscana y le dis me accinxi. Quo labore dum fungerer, dio grandisima claridad con las singulares annotavi septingentos vel plureis locos, in exposiciones que sobre él hizo, de las cuales quibus autor ille, partim perversus ab internos aprovechamos en algunos lugares de pretibus Latinis, partim mutilus ac truncus, nuestras anotaciones.”’ (from fasc. repro. of partim genuina sua priscaque destitutus dicSalamanca 1570 ed., p. xxiv) But it is un- tione conspiciebatur, quos omnes quam accertain whether Lacuna knew of Matthiolus curatissime fieri potuit, castigavi ac restitui,

when he wrote the Latin commentary. adiutus interim singulari opera et beneficio Matthiolus mentions Lacuna in the intro- eiusdem tui Ioannis Paccii Castrensis, antiduction to the Venice, 1565 ed. In the Latin quarum rerum vindicis atque indagatoris commentary Lacuna said that he had studied acerrimi: qui ad subeundam provinciam all the Greek texts of Dioscorides, both in tam arduam tamque meis humeris imparem print and in manuscript, which he could (ut est animo liberali, et ingenuo) mihi fecit find in Italy. However, César E. Dubler copiam cuiusdam antiquissimi et integerrimi (ref. below, I, 65) says that Lacuna employed codicis manuscripti, ex cuius fide recognosci

certain Greek Mss (Escorial Ms III-R-3 and aliorum exemplarium omnes mendae

Biblioteca del Palacio Ms) now in Spain for potuerunt. Eas igitur Castigationes Annota-

the Spanish translation and commentary. tionesve, illustratas hac praefatione tui

M. Wellman noted that Escorial Ms III-R-3 nominis, dum totum opus in lucem prodit, varies to a considerable degree from most emittimus: quas quidem si tuo patrocinio Greek Dioscorides texts. In any case through- dignaberis, vir amplissime, non erit cur aut out the Latin commentary Lacuna corrects ipsae pertimescant vitilitigatorum calumnias,

Ruellius whom he alleged to have used the aut ego desinam in dies maiora sub tuo

wrong Greek texts. The commentary covers nomine in publicam omnium commoditatem also De venenis, published as Book VI, and edere. Vale. Romae, IIII. Kalen, Novem. it contains no woodcuts although the Spanish Anno M.D.LIII. translation has woodcuts which reflect heavy Commentary. Liber I, 1 [Inc.]: Capite de

influence from Matthiolus’ edition. iride, statim in ipsis auspiciis, vertit hunc in Lacuna's introductory letter (ed. of Lyons, modum Ruellius: Purpurei, aut.../...

1554). Clarissimo viro D. D. Gonzalo Perez, [Expl.]: (V, De atramento librario; V, 162 a secretis Philippi Hispaniarum Principis, Wellmann ed.) Putrilaginosis ulceribus, amAndreas Lacuna Segobiensis S. P. D. [Inc. ]: bustisque convenit, etc.

Ostendit mihi superioribus diebus Ioannes Edition:

Paccius Castrensis, utriusque Iuris Doctor, 1554, Lugduni (Lyons): Apud Gulielmum extra omnem ingenii aleam positus tuique Rovillium, sub scuto Veneto. Comm. only nominis amantissimus, Odysseam Homeri with Comm. to De venenis as Bk. VI of De 90

DIOSCORIDES

materia medica, pp. 306-340. Pritzel 4992; left Rome, stopping in Venice where he NUC. BM; BN; Madrid BN; Uppsala; doubtless met Matthiolus. Lacuna is said to

(DNLM; Mi). have planned an eastern voyage but instead

Biography: resumed his journey through Germany to Andreas Lacuna (Andres Laguna or Antwerp and to Segovia where he arrived in

DeLaguna) was born in Segovia in 1499 to 1558. He died early in 1560, while returning well-to-do parents; his father, Diego Fernan- from a trip to Madrid.

dez de Laguna, was a physician. Andreas Works: (For full list, see Dubler, ref.

studied Greek and Latin first under Juan Oteo below) Aristotelis...de phisonomia liber, y Sancho de Villaveses and in 1520-1521 he Paris 1535; Galen de urinis libri duo, Paris went to Salamanca to pursue his studies and 1535; Ocypum et Tragopodagra, una cum

later to Paris where he studied under Johannes libro Aristotelis, de Mundo, Alcala 1538; Cas-

Ruellius, Pierre Danés, and Jacques Tous- tigationes...in tralationem octo ultimorum saint. He is said to have had contact with librorum de re rustica Constantini Caesaris, Johannes Manardus (d. 1536), whose work he per lIanum Cornarium...Cologne 1543; knew. He was a friend of the Portuguese Europa sese discrucians, Cologne 1543; De naturalist Luis Nufies who was also a friend origine rerum turcarum compendiosa quaeof Amatus Lusitanus. In 1535 he published dam perioche...Cologne 1543; Aristotelis his first work, Aristotelis...de phisonomia ...De plantis, Cologne 1543; Ex commenliber and in 1536 he returned to Spain and tarlis Geoponicis ...Cologne 1543; Geoponiwas called to a position at the University at con...Cologne 1543; Galeni...de philoAlcala. In 1539 he joined Emperor Charles sophica historia liber unus, Cologne 1543; V’s expedition to the Netherlands with a brief Aristotelis de Mundo...Cologne 1543; stopover in London. Between 1540 and 1545 Epitome Omnium Galeni Pergameni he was in Metz where by invitation he prac- Operum, Venice 1548; De ponderibus ac tised medicine during a plague. Here he be- mensuris, 1548; Pedacio Dioscorides Anazar-

came a close collaborator in writing with beo, acerca de la materia medicinal...,

Johann Giinther of Andernach. Near the end Salamanca 1555, 1563, 1566, 1586, Valencia of 1542, by permissions of the Metz authori- 1626, 1635, 1636, 1651, 1677, 1695, Madrid

ties, he taught at the university in Cologne 1733; Quatro elegantisimas y gravisimas where an oration, “Europa sese discrucians,”’ oraciones de M. R. Ciceron contra Catiattracted attention. During this period he lina... Antwerp 15957. wrote a criticism of Janus Cornarius’ trans- Bibl.: Enciclopedia universal ilustrada lation of the De re rustica of Constantinus Europeo-Americana 29, 306-307; ReCaesar. He returned to Metz, but, becoming nauldin, in: M. Michaud, Biographie univerrestless, he traveled in the summer of 1545 to selle 22, 540. East Prussia, perhaps to Kénigsberg. Late in Andrea Laguna Pedacio Dioscorides Ana1545 he went to Rome, via Bavaria, stopping zarbeo (1555) ahora nueuamente publicado

at Bologna (November) to receive a degree por el Instituto de Espana, 2 vols. (Madrid and at Padua to assist in public dissections 1968-1969); César E. Dubler, La ‘Materia and to meet Gabriel Falloppio. During the Médica’ de _ Dioscorides. Transmision stay he probably also met Melchior Guilandi- medieval y renacentista, 6 vols. (Barcelona nus since they were acquainted. For the next 1953-1959)—with bibl. of works; vol. 3 refive years he served Pope Julius III as physi- produces in facsimile the Salamanca 1570 cian. He was in Rome at the same time as printing of Lacuna’s Castilian translation Amatus Lusitanus. Lacuna’s own observa- and commentary; V. Peset, ‘‘A Note on the tions and Matthiolus’ Italian commentary Spanish Version of Dioscorides’ ‘Materia made him aware of difficulties in Ruellius’ Medica,’ ”’ Journal of the History of Meditranslation of Dioscorides as a practical guide cine and Allied Sciences 9 (1954), 49-58; in pharmacy. After the death of Julius III he Theodore Rothman, “De Laguna’s com91

GREEK AUTHORS

mentaries on hallucinogenic drugs and witch- (‘“‘apud Germanos clarae eruditionis medcraft in Dioscorides’ materia medica,’ Bul- icus’’), Antonius Musa, Otto Brunfelsius, letin of the History of Medicine 46 (1972), Iacobus Sylvius and Aloysius Mundella. In

562-567. the preface to the editio princeps (fol. 7), Matthiolus explained the reasons for his un-

y. PETRUS ANDREAS MaTTHIOLUS dertaking his earlier commentary in Italian

Reversing the usual practice Matthiolus of De materia medica: *“‘Ad quod ea mihi first wrote his Dioscorides translation and visa est ratio commodissima, ut ipsum Diocommentary in Italian and only ten years scoridem in nostram Italicam linguam translater in Latin. While serving in Gérz (Gori- ferrem in eumque commentarios a nobis

zia) as town physician, he published Di Italice item conscriptos adijcerem, quod

Pedacio Dioscoride Anazarbeo libri cinque tunc nos privatum studium maiorque cura della historia et materia medicinale tradotta subiret Italos adiuvandi quam caeteros.”’ in linqua volgare italiana, Venice, per Nicolo The relationship of the Latin edition to the de Bascarinia da Pavone di Brescia, 1544. earlier Italian commentary has not been Although the purpose of the work is stated to established. In the commentary Matthiolus be a practical handbook for practicing phy- says that he made attempts to identify the sicians and apothecaries, the first edition plants according to Italian flora and in subwas relatively unsuccessful, perhaps because sequent revisions he broadens this to include of the obscurity of the publisher, but subse- more northern European flora. In the prefquent printings were made in Florence 1547, ace of the printer to the editio princeps we and in Venice 1548. The Venice edition was read that Matthiolus had prepared an anhighly successful and was published by the swer to Amatus Lusitanus’ charges of errors Valgrisi firm which printed most later Latin but the Apologia adversus Amathum Lusi-

editions. The Italian commentary was also tanum (dated Vienna, September 9, 1557) published in Mantua 1549, and Venice was not published until 1558 as an adden1552. In Gérz Matthiolus prepared a Latin dum to the commentary. There are revisions commentary which was published by Vin- of the commentary made in the editions of centius Valgrisius in 1554. The editio prin- Venice, 1558, and Venice, 1565. The latter ceps, as well as all subsequent revisions and revision is double the size of the original printings, is accompanied by Johannes Ruel- commentary and has superior, enlarged lius’ Latin translation with minor corrections woodcuts taken from the Prague, 1562, ediby Matthiolus although in no case does the tion of the Czech translation of Matthiolus’ title page credit Ruellius (see above, p. 33). commentary. Each revision will be discussed Nonetheless in his preface Matthiolus is gen- separately below. It is noteworthy that in the erous to Ruellius. Most editions, including 1565 edition Matthiolus had available to the first, have excellent woodcuts and add him in Prague the famous Juliana Anicia or Ruellius’ translation and Matthiolus’ com- Constantinopolitanus Codex of the sixth mentary to De venenis which is published as century, now Vienna Nat. Bibl. MS Med. Bk. VI of De materia medica. Matthiolus’ Gr. 1 (see above, pp. 14-15). In a letter to Epistola nuncupatoria, dated January 1, Nicholas Michault from Ogier Ghiselin De-

1554, is addressed to King Ferdinand I. Busbecq, writing around 1562, probably Later in 1554 Matthiolus accepted a position from Frankfurt, DeBusbecq says that he from Ferdinand and moved to Prague where was in correspondence with Matthiolus to Matthiolus worked on later editions and re- whom he had sent ‘‘a good many specimens visions to Dioscorides. In his dedicatory let- many years ago.” (The Turkish letters of ter Matthiolus mentioned the work of others Ogier Ghiselin DeBusbecq..., trans. by Edin the field: Hermolaus Barbarus, Nicolaus ward Seymour Forster, Oxford, 1927, pp. Leonicenus, Johannes Manardus, Ruellius, 241-242). In the preface to the 1565 ediMarcellus Virgilius, Leonhartus Fuchsius tion Matthiolus states: (fol. **4) ‘“‘Atqui 92

DIOSCORIDES

nunc ad hoc munus latius obeundum me translated into German by Georgius Handsch summopere iuvit clarissimus vir Augerius de (Venice 1562) and edited and corrected by Busbeke Belga, qui annis continuis septem Joachimus Camerarius of Nuremburg (Frankapud Soliman Turcarum Imperatorem pro furt aM 1590, 1598, 1600, 1611, 1626; Basel

Caesare Ferdinando Oratorem egit. 1678, edited and revised by Bernhard VerSiquidem is duo Dioscoridis exemplaria an- zascha), into French by Antonius Pinaeus tiquissima Constantinopoli secum_ tulit, (DuPinet) (Lyons 1561, 1566, 1576, 1579, quorum alterum Antonio Catecuzeno pattri- 1605, 1680, Jean Baptiste de Ville, ed.), and tio Constantinopolitano, alterum cuidam by Jean des Moulins (Lyons 1572), into Czech Imperatoris Interpreti (Dragomanum Tur- by Thaddeus Hagek (Létha Panie 1562) and

cae vocant) mei tantum iuvandi causa by Adam Huber and Dan. Adam (Prague mutuo acceptos referebat. Quorum exem- 1596).

plarium auxilio non solum permultis in locis In 1571 a compendium of the commentary Dioscoridis exemplar, quod publice circunfer- (below ‘‘B’’) of Books I-IV was published tur, sed etiam Ruellii ipsius versionem casti- under the editorship of Franciscus Calcegavimus, ut ex quam plurimis adnotationi- olarius, a Verona apothecary, under the title:

bus ad marginem dispositis unusquisque Petri Andrea Matthioli Senensis Medici, facile intelliget. Ut autem omnibus perspi- Compendium De Plantis omnibus, una cum cuum esset, unde illas acceperimus, Catecu- earum iconibus, de quibus scripsit suis in zeni, Dragomani, meique exemplaris nomen commentariis in Dioscoridem editis, in eorum

omnibus et singulis annotationibus ad- studiosorum commodum atque usum, qui

didimus.” plantis conquirendis ac indagandis student. Indeed Matthiolus’ published correspon- Each chapter has a woodcut of the plant or

dence (Epistolarum medicinalium libri item, nomenclatura (Latin, Greek, Arabic, quinque, Prague, 1561) and various manu- Italian, German, French, Spanish, Czech, script letters, some of which have been men- and Polish) and a listing of the genera (sometioned above, reveal that Matthiolus was in- times omitted when only one species is clear), defatigable in pursuing knowledge of plants forma, locus, qualitates and vires. with leading experts over Europe, notably with Conrad Gesner, Ulysses Aldrovandus, a. Commentarius Matthiolt.

Bartholomaeus Marantha, Gian Vincenzo Dedication (ed. of Venice, 1554). SerenisPinelli, Francesco Calzolari, Giacomo An- simo ac potentissimo principi Ferdinando tonio Cortusio, Gabriele Falloppio, and Romanorum, Pannoniae, et Bohemiae, etc. Luca Ghini. The latter’s letters to Matthiolus Regi...Domino suo clementissimo. [Inc. ]: (see above, p. 84) reveal that Ghini was Cum universam medicinam non modo vetushimself preparing a commentary but in 1561 tissimi quique scriptores, serenissime Rex

when Matthiolus wrote him he contributed Ferdinande, sed recentiorum quoque plerique

his findings to Matthiolus’ work. diis immortalibus receptam.../...[Expl.]:

The strength of Matthiolus’ work and a Quae si in lucem quandoque prodibunt, ea reason for its extraordinary popularity lies universa posteritas serenissimae maiestati not only in the fact that his work was practi- tue accepta feret. Cui non solum haec sed et cal, dealing with all aspects of plants, in par- meipsum et servitutem meam dedico, dono, ticular with their identification, curative pow- ac voveo. Goritiae, Calen. Ianuarii, M.D. ers, living properties, and habitats and with LITII. methods of collecting, preserving and prepa- Typographus Lectori: Cum non possumus ration, but also in the fact that his publishers id facere quod volumus, id velimus quod printed attractive editions, normally folio possimus necesse est. Non temere neque insize, which were well-indexed for a variety of epte quidem cogor nunc iis verbis uti; nam si

purposes and were accompanied by reliable, ego, qui omnem meam operam in tuum realistic woodcuts. The commentary was usum libenter conferre soleo, non uterer 93

GREEK AUTHORS

nunc tecum excusatione officii, quod mihi quoque ingenue facere possem. Nam ea maxima de causa intermittendum fuit, eius animi propensione ab ipsa iuventute, quanfacti conscientia mihi iniucunda esset. Huius tum mihi otii ab artis medicae exercitatione

operis calci Matthiolus praeclarus author et cura familiari impetrare licuit, id totum adiecit Apologiam, qua se ab erroribus et ad bonorum authorum libros evolvendos, ad calumniis vindicat, quibus notatur ab Amato simplicium medicamentorum cognitionem

-Lusitano medico in suis enarrationibus, assequendam, ac demum ad scribendum quas ille in Dioscoridem nuper edidit. Apo- contuli. Qua in re, ut certe apud omnes teslogiae subinde idem attexuit obiectiones, in tatum relinquerem, me hac mente animoque quibus contra errata illius patefacit. Utrun- elaborasse, ut quantum studio, labore, atque que libentissimo animo excudendum sus- industria consequi possem, humanae vitae ceperam, ratus rem tibi non ingratam, neque prodessem, deque ea optime meritus exisprorsus inutilem me facturum. Cur autem id timarer, Dioscoridi omnem meam operam

modo non praestiterim, in causa fuit (ut ac diligentiam adhibui, ut quantum in me dicam ingenue quod res est) angustia esset, illustrior redderetur, atque omnium temporis et rerum nostrarum infirma satis manibus tereretur...Cum enim ab eo tria conditio: quarum ut rationem haberem, nul- potissimum comprehendantur, Dioscoridis

lum tempus erat nobis reliquum. Sane ma- contextus, nostri in eum commentarii, et ximas impensas feci, et vix nostris viribus plantarum imagines, de singulis aliqua nobis

pares, ex quibus ut iam fructum aliquem reddenda ratio est, ut qualem me in unocaperem, opportunum valde visum est ex quoque gesserim, quod confitendum sit, non usuque meo, hunc librum ad proximum dissimulem. De contextu itaque Dioscoridis, mercatum Francofordiensem mittere. Qua quem nequaquam praetermittendum censu-

praeterea ratione celerius a nobis satisfiet imus, ob plures causas, quas hic referre exterarum gentium expectationi, quam illis nimis longum esset, quaeret aliquis, cur librum hunc de se concitasse intelligo. Habes Ioannis Ruellii Galli medici eruditissimi inigitur causam, cur hoc tempore satis angusto terpretationem praetulerim dignamque ex-

maluerim meis commodis, quam tuae utili- istimaverim, quae prae caeteris in nostris tati consulere, quam etiam Matthioli volun- commentariis legatur; cum tamen duo alii tatem exequi, quibus tamen iandudum me vir! summi pariter et doctissimi, Hermolaus meamque operam dicavi, id quod feci utri- Barbarus et Marcellus Virgilius Florentinus usque humanitate fretus. Quare si nunc non in idem studium naviter incubuerint. Fateor potui (quod non ab re praefatus sum) id fa- ingenue me Ruellii versionem secutum esse, cere quod volebam, si id volui quod potui, sed non propterea aliorum praeclaros conamihi ignoscas abs te peto. Dabo equidem tus contempsisse unquam, quin potius utrioperam, ut quae nunc remisi, quam primum usque studium semper admiratum, quippe absolvam, adeo ut huic libro etiam empto, quod uterque in eo maximam laudem proea commode assuere possis. Atque etiam ad- meruerit. Illud autem me magis movit, ut nitar, ut plura alia, quae scio vir hic claris- Ruellium admiserim, quod eius conversio simus exornat, a nobis excudantur. In summa omnibus facta sit vulgatior ac frequentior non committam posthac, ut meam diligen- in studiosorum manibus versetur. Adde

tiam desideres, quinimo efficiam, ut me etiam, quod haec communi omnium fere,

tuae magis quam meae utilitatis cupidissi- medicorum praesertim, iudicio praeferatur,

mum cognoscas. Vale. cui nimirum nobis quoque libuit subscribere Petri Andreae ad medicae materiae studi- ...Frequens namque hodie est, indiesque

osos, praefatio. [Inc.]: Si vellem eorum mo- magis pullulat huiusmodi genus hominum in rem sequi, qui antequam opus suum aggre- Italia (nescio quid fiat aliis regionibus) qui

diantur, illud in primis profitentur, nihil nullum in toto vitae suae cursu fructum sesibi maiori curae ac studio esse, quam ut menve proferunt, alienos tamen avide carvitae usuique mortalium consulant, hoc ipse punt, mox lacerant, et pedibus obterunt... 94

DIOSCORIDES

[Expl.]: Ab iis certe, qui grati sunt, me gra- auxiliis praesentium et posterorum vitam iutiam initurum spero; quandoquidem mihi vandam statuimus, complurium aetatis nos-

communis utilitatis cupidissimo hoc opus trae clarissimorum doctorumque virorum non aggrediendi voluntas defuerit, sed per- institutum sequuti, in quorum catalogo ficiendi facultas, quam tamen omni studio praecipui sunt Hermolaus Barbarus, Nicoconsequi assidue conamur. Bene valete, et laus Leonicenus, Ioannes Manardus, Ioannes

nostra boni consulite. Ruellius, Marcellus Vergilius, Leonardus

Commentary. Dioscorides, Praefatio. [Inc.]: Fuchsius apud Germanos clarae eruditionis Quantum oportet Medicos omnes, qui legi- medicus, Antonius Musa Brasavolus, Iacobus timum in arte nomen sibi comparare stu- Sylvius, Aloysius Mundella, et alii, qui cum dent, simplicitum quoruncunque medica- animadverterent, Medicam materiam, nullis

mentorum.../...[Expl.]: et situs tumorum olim non seculis celebrem, medicorum, qui

et meatuum referunt. nos praecesserunt, incuria segnitieque ob-

Liber I, 1. [Inc.]: Iris in universum sativa soletam, intentatam, et incultam iacere, est, et sylvestris. Haec duorum est generum: adeo ut perpauci reperirentur Medici, qui altera sativae, et vulgari similis, foliis tamen, alias fere plantas quam olera, quorum freflore, caule, radiceque paulo minoribus. . . / quentior est in cibis usus, cognoscerent, hu...LExpl.] (Book V, 140; V, 162 Wellmann manum genus miserati, strenuam navarunt

ed.) Quare iam una cum authore nostro operam, ut discussa superioris seculi calihuic quinto libro finem imponamus, atque gine Medicam materiam e tenebris eripeinsuper Deo, cui omnia quae a nobis fiunt rent et suae pristinae luci restituerent.. ./ aut dicuntur, accepta ferre par est, immensas ...[Expl.]: Interim me totum Caesareae

agamus gratias. Maiest. tuae dedico, dono ac voveo. Cui

1558 ed.: Deus Opt. Max. felicia omnia concedat. Same inc.’s and expl.’s for letter, preface, Pragae. Ultima Ianuarii. M D LXV.

comm. to D.’s preface and same inc. for Petri Andreae ad medicae materiae studicomm. to Bk. I, 1, but exp/. to comm., Bk. osos praefatio. [Inc.|]: Si vellem eorum V, 140 is different: [Exp/.] Quod vero péXav morem sequi, qui anteaquam opus suum ag-

yoad.xov Graeci, Latini Atramentum li- grediantur, illud in primis profitentur, nihil brarium, Itali Atramento librario, aut Inchi- sibi maiori curae ac studio esse, quam ut vi-

ostro nominant. tae, usuique mortalium consulant, hoc ipse

1565 ed.: quoque ingenue facere possem. Nam ea

Dedication (ed. of Venice, 1565). Invic- animi propensione ab ipsa iuventute, quantissimo Potentissimoque Romanorum Im- tum mihi otii a medendis aegris, et cura faperatori semper Augusto Maximiliano sec- miliari impetrare licuit, id totum ad bonorum undo, etc....Ferdinando, et Carolo, Austriae Autorum libros evoluendos, ad simplicium Archiducibus, etc. ac caeteris universae Ger- medicamentorum congitionem assequendam,

maniae principibus, dominis meis clementis- ac demum ad scribendum contuli. Qua in simis. [Inc.]: Herbariam medicinam (ut ab ea re, ut certa apud omnes testatum relinqueprimum sermonem exordiar) Invictissime Im- rem, me hac mente animoque elaborasse, ut

perator ac Serenissimi Principes, antiquis quantum studio, labore, atque industria, temporibus a Chirone illo magni nominis Cen- consequi possem, humanae vitae prodessem,

tauro, Saturni ex Phillyra filio, primum reper- deque ea optime meritus existimarer.../... tam esse testantur, cum Plinius, tum plerique [Expl.] quandoquidem mihi communis utilihistoriarum antiquarum autores...At nos tatis cupidissimo, hoc opus non aggrediendi elaborata ac iis nobisque laboribus ingen- voluntas defuerit, sed perficiendi facultas, tissimis parta abscondere atque supprimere quam tamen omni studio consequi assidue cupimus, et fraudare vitam alienis bonis ? conamur. Bene valete, et nostra boni con-

minime omnium, imo non tantum aliorum sulite. inventis, sed propriis nostris comparatis Liber 1, 1 [Inc.]: Iris in universum sativa

95

GREEK AUTHORS

est, et sylvestris. Sativa passim in hortis hab- 1562: See above I, 11. etur, folio gladii formam referente, striato, 1571: See above I, 11. acuminatoque; caulem praefert laevem, ro- 1593: See above I, 11. tundum, geniculatum, a quo ramuli in sum- 1604: See above I, 11.

mitate exeunt...[Expl.]: (Book V, 140; V, 1678: See above I. 11.

162 Wellmann ed.) Quare iam una cum au- —_

thore nostro huic quinto libro finem impo- b. Compendium Matthiolt. namus atque insuper Deo, cui omnia, quae Matthiolus’ letter (ed. of Venice, 1571). a nobis fiunt and dicuntur, accepta ferre par Serenissimo Principi Ferdinando Archid.

est, immensas agamus gratias. Austriae, Duci Burgundiae, etc., Comiti Ty-

Bibliography: rolis, etc., Domino suo clementissimo. [Jnc.]: Jerry Stannard, “‘P. A. Matthioli and Tametsi ingravescente iam aetate decrevis-

Some Renaissance Editions of Dioscorides,”’ sem Sereniss. Princeps, omissis studiis ac lu-

Books and Libraries at the University of cubrationibus.../...[Expl.] et modis omniKansas, 4:1 (1966), 1-5; idem, ‘‘Dioscorides bus florentem quam diutissime conservet. E. and Renaissance Materia Medica,”’ Analecta Serenissimae Celsitudinis tuae fidelis et huMedico-Historica. I. Materia Medica in the milis servitor Petrus Andreas Matthiolus. X VIth Century. Ed. by M. Florkin (Oxford, Matthiolus’ introductory letter to Franciscus

c. 1966) 10-11; idem, ‘‘P. A. Mattioli: Six- Calceolarius. Petrus Andreas Matthiolus teenth-Century Commentator on Dioscorides,”’ Senensis, Medicus, Francisco Calceolario Bibliographical Contributions (University of Pharmacopaeo Veronensi. S. P. D. [Inc.]:

Kansas, Lawrence, 1969), 59-81; for Matthi- Quod iam diu desiderasti compendium a olus’ correspondence especially concerning nobis conscriptum de plantis omnibus de plant identifications for his research on the quibus diffuse satis in commentariis nostris

commentary, see bibl. above, p. 88, on in Dioscoridem meminimus.../...[Expl.]: Marantha and, p. 84, on Ghinus, in G. B. Quae a nostris prodeunt manibus caeteris de Toni ed., “I placiti di Luca Ghini intorno fore praestantiora. Bene Vale. Tridenti, Idia piante descritte nei commentarii al Dio- bus Ianuarii M. D. LXXI.

| scoride di P. A. Mattioli,’’” Memorie de R. Compendium de plantis omnibus, Liber I, Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti 27 1 (Inc.]: Iris, Graece.| Arabice, Asmeni iuni,

(no. 8, 1907). et Aiersa.| Italice, giglio celeste, et Giglio Manuscript: pauonazzo.| Germanice, Blaugilgen, VeilMilano, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms Q 117 wurtz, et Himel Schwertel.| Hispanice, Lirio

Sup., misc., s. XVI, fols. 346-361v. Contains Cardeno.| Gallice, Glayeul, et Flambe.| extracts from Matthiolus’ commentary. Boemice, et Polonice, Kosatec. Genera. Al(Kristeller, Iter I, 308b; Adolfo Rivolta, Ca- terum domesticum, alterum sylvestre. Ilius talogo dei Codice Pinelliani dell’ Ambrosiana tres numerantur species, versi color, lutae,

[Milano, 1933], 54). candidia.../...[Expl.]: (IV, 181, Vitis vini-

Editions: fera; IV, 181-3 Wellmann ed.) Pensiles si

1554: See above I, 11. prius maturae sunt, et dulces, caeteris minus 1558: See above I, 11. ventriculum inflant, et alvum convenienter

1559: See above I, 11. emolliunt.

1560: See above I, 11. Edition:

1563: See above I, 11. 1571, Venetiis (Venice): In officina Val1565: See above I, 11. grisiana. Woodcuts. Durling 3028; NUC. 1570: See above I, 11. Wellcome; BN; Oxford, Bodl.; (DNAL:

— 1583: See above I, 11. DNLM; MH-A).

1674: See above I, 11. Biography:

Doubtful or rejected editions: Petrus Andreas Matthiolus (Pietro Andrea

1557: See above I, 11. Mattioli) was a son of a physician. He was

96

DIOSCORIDES

born in Siena on March 12, 1501, and moved castaneo... Prague 1558; Epistolarum medwith his family to Vienna. He attended the icinalium libri quinque, Prague 1561, Lyon University of Padua where he studied med- 1564, Frankfurt a/M 1598, Basel 1674; Adicine and natural philosophy. He received a versus XX. problemata Melchioris Guilandini degree in medicine at Padua in 1523. At his disputatio, Padua 1562.

father’s death he and his mother moved Bibl.: U. Davau, in: M. Michaud, Bio-

back to Siena, where he first practised med- graphie universelle 27, 290-291; Ernst H. F. icine, and subsequently to Perugia where he Meyer, Geschichte der Botanik (Ko6nigsberg studied surgery under Gregorio Caravita. 1854-1857) 4, 366-378; Girolamo Tiraboschi, Around 1520 he moved to Rome where he is Storia della Letteratura Italiana, 9 vols. associated with the Santo Spirito Hospital (Rome 1784), 7, pt. 2, 2-10; Bruno Zanobia,

and the San Giacomo Zenodochium for in- in: Dictionary of Scientific Biography 9 curables. At the time of disturbances in (1974) 178-180 (with added bibl.). Rome, he moved to Trent in 1527 where he La vita di Pietro Andrea Mattioli (Siena married, sired a son who died in childhood, 1872), not seen (collected from Matthiolus’

and practised medicine. Here he became a works by Giuseppe Fabiani, edited with close friend of Cardinal Bernardo Clesio, additions and notes by Luciano Banchi). bishop of Trent, and wrote his first book in 1528 on syphilis as well as a poem of some

~ 450 octaves on the court life of Cardinal z. AnonyMus D Clesio. In 1539, Matthiolus accepted a call This is a composite of Matthiolus’ commento go to Gérz as city-physician. His long in- tary, Anonymus B (Lyon 1546), and probably

terest in medicinal plants resulted in his some new material, but the title and pubItalian translation and commentary on Dio- lisher’s letter credit Matthiolus as author: scorides in 1544. In 1554, following the Latin Pedacit Dioscoridis Anazarbei De materia

edition of his commentary, he accepted a medica libri sex Innumeris locis ab Andrea call to go as physician to the court of Fer- Matthioli emendati, ac restituti. Accesserunt dinand I[ and later, as dedicatory letters to tres indices: unus propriorum nominum, alvarious editions of Dioscorides reveal, served ter nothorum, tertius remediorum isque Maximilian II. His attack on Amatus Lusi- maximi usus. The printer’s preface is dated tanus, who in his commentary on Dioscorides Lyons, August 7, 1554, which follows the had pointed out errors in Matthiolus as well January, 1554, Valgrisi printing of Matthiolus’ as in many other writers, is judged by mod- commentary. It is noteworthy that there is ern experts to be a bitter, personal recrimi- no indication that Ruellius is the translator nation with anti-semitic overtones. After the but a comparison reveals that the publisher death of his first wife in 1557, he remarried has used Matthiolus’ corrections to Ruellius’

and had two sons. In 1570 he had a third translation. The annotationes are not extenwife and subsequently three more children. sive and represent only a small portion of In 1570 he left Prague, visited Verona and the earlier works. On page 13, the first parareturned to Trent where he died during a graph of an annotatio after Nardum Monplague in January or February of 1577. He tanum (I. 8) reads: “‘t In Oribasio, (qui

is buried in the cathedral at Trent. simplicium descriptiones Dioscoridi acceptas Works: De morbi gallici curandi ratione refert), legitur \evxo7epar, hoc est, can-

dialogus, Bologna 1530; Magno palazzo del didiores. ..Mat.”’ But the next paragraph of cardinale di Trento, Venice 1539; Geografia the same annotatio begins: ‘‘*Minoribus. ] di Claudio Ptolemeo Alessandrino, Venice Fuchsius in opere de stirp. maioribus....”’ 1548; Apologia adversus Amathum Lusita- which is the same text as the Anonymus B num cum censura in eiusdem enarrationes, of the Lyon, 1546, ed. There is a text of the Venice 1558, and in various editions of Com- De venenis, printed as Book VI, but without mentarii as noted above; Epistola de bulbo- commentary. It seems likely that the Mat97

GREEK AUTHORS

thiolus portion is pirated. There are no Commentary to Dioscorides’ preface (ed.

woodcuts. of Basel, 1557). [Inc.]: In hac praefatione

Tipographus lectori (ed. of 1554). [Inc.]: nihil memorabile est, quod aliquem.../... Dioscoridem e typographia nostra proficis- [Expl.]: expressi, ubi nullam privatim mencentem sine literis ad te venire noluimus ne tionem fecero.

mutus videretur esse nuntius. Neque rursum Liber I, 1 [Inc.]: Quae in priore Aldina eum literis oneravimus, ne illis legendis gra- editione Graeca leguntur singulis capitib. vareris. Tantum sic habeto: tum, quod sit adiectae. ..[Expl.]: (V, 146, fuligo pictoria; materia medicinalis, autor luculentissimus et V, 161 Wellmann ed.) nostrorum in illos cornucopiae locupletissimum tua de causa a Emblematum hic finis esto.

nobis in hoc parvum volumen fuisse colla- Edition:

tum, et contractum, ut quocunque terrarum 1557: See above II, 5 p. 40.

te conferes, tecum quasi eyxerptidsov cir- Biography: cunferre, et aeque rusticando peregrinan- See CTC II, 118. doque iucundo comite, ac domi et in otio

fido familiari uti et libenter velis, et com- bb. UxyssEs ALDROVANDUS mode queas. Ad haec eum squalore, naevis, Aldrovandus was a great expert on Dioatque maculis, quibus hactenus scatuit in- scorides and, although he never published numeris, beneficio Andreae Matthioli, ho- on him, a large amount of Dioscorides maminis in hoc genere versutissimi et doctorum terial is found in the Aldrovandus manu- — approbatione medici doctissimi, elatis atque script collection at Bologna. Examples of expurgatis probe curatum, nitidum et tersum the variety of material are notes for lectures,

a nobis emitti. Castigationes praeterea a large index, general notes, numerous letquamplurimorum locorum, eiusdem Mat- ters concerning plants in Dioscorides (to thioli solertia, et ingenio elucubratas, et per Matthiolus, Ghinus, Marantha, Anguillara, nos hac nota Tf insignitas, ad calcem capi- etc.), and notes on the works of other schol-

- tum fuisse cusas.../Lugduni ad 7. calend. ars on Dioscorides (e.g., Ms 44, fols. 295-

Aug. 1554. 334, notes on Antonio Pasini’s commentary Commentary. Liber I, 1 [Inc.]: Malui hoc on D. in Italian; Ms 98 on Anguillara’s

in loco Marcelli interpretationem sequi, quem- comm. [see below, p. 101]; and Ms 98 on

admodum alibi quandoque.../...[{Expl.]: Ghinus’ comm. [see above, p. 84]. The (IV, 122, chamaeleuce; IV, 126 Wellmann earliest dated commentary comes from a

ed.) Buglossum, lingua bubula. short series of lectures begun on June 15,

Edition: 1551 or 1555, the reading of the Ms being 1554: See above I, 12. unclear. The date of 1555 seems more likely

since he did not receive his degree until 1553.

aa. Janus CORNARIUS These lectures were probably delivered at The commentary was written at Zwickau, the Collegio dei Dottori in Bologna; they April 12, 1555, and accompanied his trans- cover only the chapters in Book One. An exlation of Dioscorides. In the commentary, tensive commentary was a series of lectures called Emblemata, Cornarius cites Hippo- which began on November 8, 1556, and con-

98 :

crates, Theophrastus, Nicander, Celsus, cluded with the last lecture dated December

Pliny, Galen, Marcellus, Scribonius, Paul of 11, 1561. These were probably also given at Aegina, and Aetius but he does not appear the Collegio dei Dottori. The commentary is to have used any recent authorities. He gives bound in three volumes and there seems German equivalents, printed in Gothic script, some confusion in the way the leaves are arand frequently quotes in Greek. The com- ranged. Thus there are two commentaries mentary follows each chapter and is pub- on Dioscorides’ preface found in vol. 2, the

lished without woodcuts. first of Aldrovandus’ commentaries begins Epistola nuncupatoria: See p. 40 above. on folio 169 (present numbering), and a sec-

DIOSCORIDES

ond commentary appears on folio 110 on the addendum est verbis eius.../...[Expl.]: preface. Following on folio 110v is the comm. (fol. 93, De sorbo) nascitur in silvis et opacis.

for iris which is Book One, chap. one. I [Inc.]: (fol. 169) Observandum est Dioscorihave studied this commentary only through dem tantum quinque libros scripsisse. . .

microfilms of selected folios at the begin- Manuscript:

nings and endings; it is entirely possible that (micro.) Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria,

errors occur in the description. Ms Aldrovandi 44 (Aula II-B-49), s. XVI, Other Dioscorides material includes a 266 fols. 86-93, fol. 169- ? (Autogr.) (Lodovico page index, a “Collecta in herbis et adnotata Frati, Catalogo dei manoscritti di Ulisse AIin Diosc(oridem),’’ ‘‘Annotationes in que- drovandi [Bologna 1907], 50). dam ca. Dioscoridis,’’ and “‘Consyderationes

in Dioscoride.”’ Since this material is un- b. Manuscript Two. dated and included in several codices it is Heading (Bologna Ms Aldrovandi 77, vol. possible that it was once part of one corpus 1, fol. 3). Die octava Novembris 1556. Lecof lecture material. According to ‘‘La vita tio prima. Ulixis Aldrovandi Comentaria in

d‘Ulisse Aldrovandi...,’’ (in: Intorno alla Dioscoridem. vita e alle opere di Ulisse Aldrovandi [Bo- Vol. I. Text (Inc.]. Veteribus medicis ac logna 1907], p. 13) Aldrovandus lectured on philosophis fuisse morem video ut.../... Dioscorides’ Book III in 1562 in some 63 [Expl.]: (fol. 234) cum vino potam inulae lectures and in 1565 he lectured on Book IV. radicem remedio esse. Omphacinum OleBetween 1581 and 1586, Aldrovandus (ibid., umque Cap. XXVIII.

pp. 17-18) began a new interpretation of Vol. IT. Heading. (fol. 3): Annotationes in Dioscorides’ Book I, ‘*...havendogli inserte Dioscoridem. In Prooemis. XVI. Text. [Inc.]: molte varie piante, et altre cose naturali che Obscuritatis in Dioscoridem latinum quinque

in quel primi anni non tratto per haver di libros.../...[Expl.]: (fol. 169v) apud nos continuo osservato cose nove, delle quali elevant.

molte non sono state note a li antichi.”’ In Heading (fol. 110). In prohemio Dioscori1586 he began to lecture on Book II. His let- dis annotationes. ters reveal a continuing and abiding interest Text. [Inc.]: Circa eos auctores de mediin pursuing Dioscorides studies. Aldrovan- camentis scribentis [?].../[Inc.]: (commendus owned a copy of the Latin Alphabetical tary on regular text, fol. 110v, In capitulo Dioscorides Redaction, now Bologna Ms de iride.) Advertendum propter quae multae 620. It is uncertain if the Mss described here .../...[Expl.]: (fol. 123, De fuligine thuris, include the material from Aldrovandus’ sec- cap. 70; I, 68 Wellmann ed.) cum vino [or ond commentary on Dioscorides. A closer teum?] facile parare possit. examination of the entire Aldrovandus col- Vol. II. Heading (fol. 237). Lectio 414 De lection may very well bring to light more Mytrha. Cap. LXVIII. [I, 64, Wellmann ed.]

Dioscoridean material than I, relying on Text. [Inc.]: Cum myrrhae, nomen equiFrati’s catalogue description and on a par- vocum sit ideo eius significationes.../...

tial microfilm, have been able to outline. I [Expl.]: (fol. 622v) Lectio 84...11? Decemam very grateful to Professor Diego Maltese bris...1561. De alno...enim dolor mitigaand Signore G. Folli of the Biblioteca Uni- tur et calor ac lassitudo extrahitur. versitaria di Bologna for invaluable assistance Manuscript:

in reading the incipits and explicits. (micro.) Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria,

Ms Aldrovandi 77 (Aula III-B-53), s. XVI,

a. Manuscript One. 3 vols. (Frati, Catalogo, 74-76).

Heading (Bologna Ms Aldrovandi 44, fol. c. Manuscript Three: 86). A di 15 Gennaro del 1551 [or 1555]. Vol. I Heading (Bologna Ms Aldrovandi Text [Inc.]: In cap. De Acoro (I, 2 Well- 98, fol. 92). Collecta in herbis et adnotata in

mann ed.) Omnia recte sentit illud tantum Dioscoride.

99

GREEK AUTHORS

Text. [Inc.]: Lachryma [L. oleae, I, 105 notary. He first studied mathematics under Wellmann ed.] quae Aethyopica putant qui- Annibale della Nave, but as a youth he dam esse gummi Elenii.../...(fol. 148 proved restless by running away from home Smilax levis.../...[Expl.]: (fol. 148v) et frequently, once as far as Spain. In Bologna

fiat unguentum molle. he studied under the humanist Giovanni Vol. IV. Heading (fol. 2). Annotationes in Gandolfo, and under maternal pressure he

quaedam cap. Dioscoridis. followed a seven year course of study in juris-

Text. [Inc.|]: Cap. De cucumere agresti. prudence but, on the brink of receiving a (IV, 150 Wellmann ed.) Hoc medicinae ela- degree, he decided to go to Padua to study terium est praestantissimum.../...[Expl.]: philosophy. There he also studied medicine (fol. 9) Adstringit. Avicenna iubet nos sec- and, under Pietro Catena, mathematics. Reurum (?)....[Line crossed out]. Other items turning to Bologna, he was charged with discussed: glaux (IV, 138 Wellmann ed.), heresy and went to Rome to defend himself. aegylops (IV, 137), bromos (interpolation to There he met Guilielmus Rondeletius, then

De materia medica), xanthium (IV, 136), personal physician to Cardinal Tournon,

adiantum (IV, 134), trichomanes (IV, 135), and became involved with Rondeletius’ retripoliam (IV, 132), catanance (IV, 131), search on fish. He also devoted much of his antirrhinon (IV, 130), hippoglosson (IV, 129), attention to the archaeology of the Roman leontopodium (interpolation), phyteuma (IV, ruins. Upon clearing his name of heresy, Al128), cynoglossum (interpolation), and bu- drovandus returned to Bologna and met Lucas

glossum (IV, 127). Ghinus whom he subsequently followed to Heading (fol. 44). Consyderationes in Pisa when Ghinus accepted a chair there.

Dioscoride. Forced by economic necessity to earn a

Text. [Inc.]:; Omnium medicamentorum living, Aldrovandus received a medical desimplicium cognitio quae in duobus.../... gree on November 23, 1553, at Bologna. On [Expl.]: (fol. 48) differat queque herba a December 14, 1553, he was admitted to the

cognatis speciebus. Collegio di Filosofia e Medicina which en-

Manuscript: abled him to teach and to practice medicine.

(micro.) Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria, In 1554-S he taught logic and in 1555-6, Ms Aldrovandi 98 (Aula III-B-111), 4 vols., philosophy, but his interest was natural scis. XVI, vol. I, 92-148; IV, fols. 2-9, 44-48. ence which he pursued with frequent field

(Frati, Catalogo, 98-101). trips with students, friends and colleagues. In 1551 he went on a botanical trip to Monte

d. Manuscript Four: Baldo with Aloysius Anguillara and Luigi

Heading (Bologna Ms Aldrovandi 104, p. Alpago. In 1556-7 he began lecturing on 1). Index omnium rerum naturalium prae- ‘““simples.’”” On February 11, 1561, he recipue ex Dioscoride collectarum, quae tra- ceived a chair at Bologna. Throughout this

huntur ad usum medicum. f. 247. period he wrote much but did not publish,

Text [Inc.]: (fol. 1) Acetum ex floribus most of his publications being posthumous.

caryophyllorum: acetum ex.../...[Expl.): His voluminous manuscripts reveal both

(p. 266) Zoophyton. 253. universal and specialized interests. His cor-

Manuscript: respondents included P. A. Matthiolus,-:

(micro.) Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria, Conrad Gesner, Gabriele Falloppio and Ms Aldrovandi 104 (Aula III-B-III), s. XVI, many others. His two great concerns were

pp. 1-266. (Frati, Catalogo, 103). natural history for its own sake and a general

Biography: commitment to public health. Throughout

Ulysses Aldrovandus (Ulisse Aldrovandi) his life he was involved in controversy and was born in Bologna on Sept. 11, 1522 as was the center of many arguments, especially the son of Teseo Aldrovandi, a nobleman and in connection with his appointment as cura-

100

DIOSCORIDES

tor of the Botanical Gardens at Bologna. He cc. ALOYSIUS ANGUILLARA

died in Bologna on May 4 (107), 1605. In the Aldrovandi manuscript collection Works: Published works: all in folio and in Bologna there is a twenty-two leaf compublished at Bologna: Ornithologiae, hoc mentary on Dioscorides’ De materia medica est, de avibus historiae libri XII, 1600; Or- with the heading: “‘Judicitum Aloysii Herbarii nithologiae tomus alter de avibus terrestri- Patavini de materia medica Diosc(oridis).”’ bus, mensae inservientibus et canoris, 1600; This manuscript probably contains AldroDe animalibus insectis libri VII, 1602; Orni- vandus’ notes taken from a more complete thologiae tomus tertius et ultimus de avibus commentary by Anguillara. The botanicalaquaticis et circa aquas degentibus, 1603; zoological aspects of 163 chapters of DioDe reliquis animalibus exanguibus, utpote scorides Books I-III are discussed in Diode mollibus, crustaceis, testaceis et zoophy- scorides’ order of presentation (Book I—70 tis, libri IV, 1606; Quadrupedum omnium chapters; II—S2, some of which are animal bisulcorum historia, 1613; De piscitbus libri substances; III—41). No discussion 1s made V et de cetis liber unus, 1613; De quadrupe- of the medical virtues. Almost certainly the dibus digitatis viviparis libri III, et de quad- author, ‘‘Aloysius,’’ is Aloysius Anguillara rupedibus digitatis oviparis libri II, 1637; who was director of the botanical gardens at Historiae serpentum et draconum libri duo, Padua between 1546-1561 with a four year

1640; interruption, 1551-1555. In 1550 Matthiolus

Bibl.: Carlo Castellani, in: Dictionary of referred to the director of the botanical garScientific Biography 1 (1970) 108-110 (with dens. “in cui per opera ed ultima diligenza bibliography); Cuvier, in: M. Michaud, Bio- di M. Aluigi Romano herbario et semplicista graphie universelle 1, 378-379; P. Delaunay, eccellentissimo’’ (Discorst su Dioscoride, in: Dictionnaire des lettres frangaises. Le set- 1550 ed.). Similarly L. Ghinus writing to zieme siécle (Paris 1951) 612; Chr. G. Joe- him in 1551: ‘‘Aloistus Romanus olim discicher, Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexikon, suppl., pulus meus” (de Toni, ““Nuovi documenti,”’ 1, 535-537; G. Montalendi, in: Dizionario below, p. 291n.). Allegedly he was born in biografico degli italiani 2, 118-124; Nouvelle the village of Anguillara, from which he took

biographie universelle 1, 740-747. his name, but Matthiolus suggests other posAldo Adversi, “‘Nuovi appunti su Ulisse sible places of birth. This treatise on DiosAldrovandi bibliofilo, bibliotecario e biblio- corides is actually in two parts without a grafo, e sulla sua inedita Biblologia,” La break: the first (fols. 37-S1v) is the commenBibliofilia 68 (1966), 51-90, with large bib- tary; the second (fols Slv-S8v) gives reliography; Intorno alla vita e alle opere di gions, e.g., Appeninus, Lucca, Bononia, Ulisse Aldrovandi (Bologna 1907) with: L. Calabria, etc., and below each are plants Frati, ‘La vita di Ulisse Aldrovandi,’”’ and found in the area. Anguillara was noted as a A. Sorbelli, ‘“‘Contributi alla bibliografia wide traveller but when these travels took delle opere di Ulisse Aldrovandi,’’ Mario place is not known. The commentary does Maragi, ‘‘Corrispondenze mediche di Ulisse not cite authorities and the entire approach Aldrovandi coi paesi germanici,’’ Pagine di seems a highly personal attempt to employ storia della medicina 13 (1969), 102-110; observations as a means of identifying plants Oreste Mattirolo, L'Opera botanica di Ulisse and animals. In one place he states: “‘Ego Aldrovandi (1549-1605), (Bologna 1897), it puto....’’ There seems no certainty when does not contain discussion of the commen- Anguillara might have written the commentary on Dioscorides; C. Raimondi, ‘‘Lettere tary but it was probably after his acceptance di P. A. Mattioli ad Ulisse Aldrovandi,”’ of the position at Padua (1546) and before Bullettino Senese di storia patria 13 (1906), 1561 when he left because of a disagreement

121-185; L. Samoggia, Ulisse Aldrovandi with Aldrovandus and Matthiolus. I am

medico e igienista (Bologna 1962). grateful to Signore G. Folli and Professor

101

GREEK AUTHORS

Diego Maltese of the Biblioteca Universitaria at Padua, a position which brought him into

di Bologna for assistance in reading the in- contact with many visitors and botanical

cipits and explicits. students. Alfonso Pancio, a professor of medicine, was his friend. With a four year interruption in 1551-1555, he remained as

Section I, Descriptions of plants. director until 1561, when he left perhaps be-

Heading (Bologna Ms Aldrovandi 98, fol. cause of the displeasure of U. Aldrovandus 37): Judicium Aloysii Herbarii Patavini, de and P. A. Matthiolus. In 1550 Matthiolus

materia medica Diosc(oridis). had spoken warmly of him but later in his Liber I, 1 [Inc.]: De iride. Incurvi et 53 biography of Aldrovandus, Matthiolus at-

in sumitatum florum et ibi varii sunt eius. . . / tacks Anguillara severely, calling him ‘‘olitor

...[Expl.]: (fol. Slv, Laserpitium; III, 80 Patavinus.”’ Anguillara’s only known printed Wellmann ed.) In horto nostro ligusthium. book, Semplicit..., is a series of fourteen Altera species est nostra species odorata. Opinions (pareri), the earliest (Parere VII)

Section 2, Locations of plants. being written in 1549 and the last (Parere V)

[Inc.]: (fol. 51v) Alyllum. Hic faciunt in 1560. Semplici is chiefly devoted to plant Dioscorides et Galenus.../...[Expl.]: (fol. identification based on his observations and S8v) Argenti vivi una Ursi Galeni Barberis. travels and written as letters to Marinello.

D. Lucae. Upon leaving Padua in 1561 he moved to Manuscript: Ferrara where he became herbalist to the

(micro.) Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria Duke but his interest in traveling continued. Ms Aldrovandi 98 (Aula III-B-III), s. XVI, It is uncertain whether he also taught in Ferin 4 vols., vol. 1, fols. 37-S8v. (Frati, Cata- rara. He died in a plague in Ferrara on Sep-

logo, p. 98). tember 5, 1570. Biography: Works: Semplict...liquali in piu pareri a Aloysius Anguillara (Luigi Anguillara, diversi nobili huomini scritti appaiono, et

Luigi Squalerno, Aluigi Anguillara or Aluigi nuovamente da m. Giovanni Marinello manRomano). The date and place of his birth are dati in luce, Venice 1561; trans. into Latin uncertain. Matthiolus seemingly believed his with notes by Gaspar Bauhin, Basel 1593;

native city was Rome in calling him M. Letters publ. by de Toni, ref. below.

Aluigi Romano. A later tradition ascribing Bibl.: S. DuPetit-Thouars, in: M. MiFerrara as the birthplace can be rejected. chaud, Biographie universelle 1, 709-710; More likely he was born sometime around Chr. G. Joecher, Allgemeines Gelehrten1512 in Anguillara Sabazia, where Tiraboschi Lexikon 1, 419; Ernst H. F. Meyer, Geschich-

places him. When or whether he attended te der Botanik (K®onigsberg 1854-1857, any Italian universities is uncertain, but he repr. 1965) 4, 378-383; Nouvelle biographie

traveled extensively and observed plants: in universelle 2, 674-676; Kurt Sprengel, Italy from Sicily to the Alps, southern Swit- Geschichte der Botanik, 2 vols. (Altenburgzerland and France, Dalmatia, Illyria, Sla- Leipzig 1817-1818) 1, 289-293; Jerry Stanvonia, Macedonia, Greece, Cyprus, Crete, nard, in: Dictionary of Scientific Biography Corfu and other Grecian islands. In his 1 (1970), 167; Girolamo Tiraboschi, Storia Semplici, he refers to the apothecary, Cos- della Litteratura Italiana, 9 vols. (Rome tantino Rodioto (Rhodes) as ‘il mio car- 1784), vol. 7, pt. 2, 10-13; Albert von Halissimo Maestro.’’ He was in Bologna in 1539 ler, Bibliotheca Botanica, 2 vols. (Tiguri and in Pisa in 1544-1545 where he corre- 1771) 1, 329-330. sponded with Lucas Ghinus. Anguillara, spoke Ettore de Toni, ‘‘Luigi Anguillara e Pietro highly of Ghinus and in a letter to Anguillara, Antonio Michiel,’”’ Annali di botanica, 8 Ghinus speaks of him as discipulus meus. On (1910), 617-685; Giovanni Battista de Toni, August 20, 1546, Anguillara was appointed ‘Nuovi documenti intorno Luigi Anguillara,

as the first director of the botanical gardens primo prefetto dell’Orto Botanico di Pa102

DIOSCORIDES

dova,” Atti dell’ Instituto veneto di scienze, cuts by Iacobus Dalechampius of Lyons, pub-

lettere ed arti 70 (1910-1911, no. 2) 289- lished two to a page at the end. Throughout 307; idem, ‘‘Luigi Anguillara,’”’ in Aldo the regular text there are also woodcuts but Mieli, ed., Gli scienziati italiani dall'inizio the only statement as to the designers comes

del medio evo ai nostri giorni, 1, pt. 1 on the title pages: ‘‘...nec non simplicium (Rome 1921) 76-78; Ludovic Legre, in La picturae ex Leonharto Fuchsio, Iacobo Dalebotanique en Provence au XVI* siécle: Louis champio, atque aliis.”” Joseph Scaliger, the

Anguillara, Pierre Belon, Charles de son of Julius Caesar Scaliger, bitterly criti-

l’Escluse, Antoine Constantin (Marseilles, cized Constantinus for his treatment of ‘‘good

1901) 5, 9-34. authors.” The attack came in a letter Scaliger dd. Roserrus CoNsTANTINUS wrote to Franciscus Verturianus in Decem-

, ber, 1574, and published in his correspon-

The Adnotationes are in the form of a com- dence (Epistolae omnes..., Lugduni-Batamentary added to the 1558 Lyons edition of vorum, 1627, p. 104, Bk. I, Ep. 17): Accepi Amatus Lusitanus’ Enarrationes which Con- alteras literas cum Commentario Constantin1 stantinus also edited and corrected. A dedi- pharmacopolae in Dioscoridem. Cujus ego catory letter by Constantinus to his friend, doctrinam, industriam atque acumen laudo, Jacobus Dalechampius, is undated and no non est quod dubitet de emendationibus PIliplace of publication is given. Prior to 1558 nianis ex capite de Croco. Nam tam verae Constantinus was in Agen where he studied sunt quam verum est, quod ipse deprehendit,

under Julius Scaliger but upon the latter’s Robertum Constantinum asinum esse in death and in the same year Constantinus bonis auctoribus tractandis. Nullius enim undertook an extended journey through Ger- ignorantiam insectatus sum, a me ipso enim

many where he studied Greek and collected incipiendum esset. Impudentiam tantum material for the Lexicon greco-latinum un- ferre non possum, quam si ferrem in Roberto dertaken at the behest of Scaliger. Constan- Constantino, mihi contra bellum gerendum tinus’ Adnotationes do not cover all chapters esset cum modestia, cum qua mihi semper but some 105 chapters throughout the five bene convenit. Sed non tanti est Constanttbooks of De materia medica. The commen- nus, ut modestiam meam ab eius impudentia tary covers, however, all three kingdoms, ani- superari sinam. Hoc dico, quia, ut recte Conmal, vegetable, and mineral. Some chapters tentus noster animadvertit, homo ineptissi-

are brief, not more than a few lines, while mus ex Plinianis male intellectis bonam

others extend to several printed pages, e. g. sententiam se eruere posse speravit, et quod marinus alga, which is five pages in length. Plinio ne in somnis quidem in mentem venit, There seems to be a stress on hallucinatory tanquam Plinianam mercedem nobis vendi-

drugs. Against the background of Amatus tare conatur. Idem dico de Matthiolo,

Lusitanus’ Enarrationes, Constantinus adds Amatho Lusitano et aliis latrantibus canicorrections of his own, principally noting culis, quibus Ladanum Plinii non bene olet... Amatus Lusitanus’ errors and calling upon Dedication (ed. of Lyons, 1558) R. Conthe authority of Pliny. He also cites numerous stantinus Iacobo Dalechampio Cadomensi, other authorities. Among them are: Demo- Medico literatissimo et celeberrimo. [Jnc.]: critus, Aristotle, Theophrastus, Cato, Col- Solent scriptores non parum multi huius temumella, Vergil, Strabo, Josephus, Plutarch, poris atque aetatis (quod et a pluribus et Nicander, Galen, Marcellus Empiricus, Or- humanioribus quidem ut malo exemplo ac pheus (on stones), Alexander of Tralles, more introductum iam video improbari) tanJerome, Simeon Sethus, Mesue, Serapion, quam affixis praeludiis librorum initia nimis Nicolaus Myrepsos, Marcellus Virgilius, longis praefationibus farcire atque onerare, Ruellius, Cardanus, Fuchsius, Matthiolus quod fastidiosum lectorem avertit, prius(frequently cited), and Johannes Agricola. quam alliciat....Id vero effugiam, ut spero, The edition includes some thirty new wood- quia paucis praefari et verba in compendium 103

GREEK AUTHORS

conferre voluerim, praesertim cum horum ed.) absque dolore vulneret. Cardanus lib.

bona copia non magis mihi defutura sit vii. de subtilitate. quam caeteris, nec per se sterilius sit argu- Editions:

mentum, si collibuisset spatiari et longius ex- 1558 (1): See above I, 13.

currerre. At istud facere in privo campo et 1558 (2): See above I, 13. fundo non placet, minusque in hoc alieno, ne Doubtful or rejected: parum civiliter et decenter id fieri videatur. 1548: See above I, 13. Itaque cur in hunc doctum et diligentem her- 1548: See above I, 13.

bariae scriptorem extemporalem hanc Biogr.

recognitionem paraverim, et minusculas ob- See CTC II, 272. servationes etiam miniatula cera, sed levi manu oblitas, causa una extitit Gulielmi ee. BARTHOLOMAEUS MARANTHA Rovilii optimarum partium studiosi civis et Bartholomaeus Marantha began a comutriusque nostrum amantissimi viri petitio, mentary on the first three books of the De

cui nihil honeste possum denegare. Nam cum materia medica at the urging of Lucas Ghinus denuo hoc opus imprimi coeptum esset et in (d. 1556); it was completed by 1561 or a little

lemmatibus praesertim ab ipso deprehensa earlier, but fragments, found in two manugravissima quaedam errata, continuo coepit scripts, of parts of the first book are all that a me contendere, ut singula folia dum excu- survive. Both manuscripts appear to be in the derentur, quoniam medicinalis esset trac- same hand, one (Milan Ambrosiana Q 122 tatio, relegere ne gravarer atque etiam casti- Sup., fols. 31-36v) contains commentary only gare. Equidem eius amicitiae plus tribuens on the chapter iris (Bk. I, 1), while the other quam meae famae (quantulacunque est illa (Milan, Ambrosiana D 477 Inf. fols. 1-60)

modo aut futura) consulens, hoc in me covers the chapters from acorus (I, 2)

amice magis quam consulte recepi, nempe through casia (1, 13). ut quantum mihi a privatis studiis daretur Our knowledge of the composition of the Otii, ea succisiva et subsecundaria tempora commentary is derived from the corresponad haec recognoscenda conferrem. Ideoque dence of Marantha with Gabriele Falloppio

ut alter Aristarchus, censoria quadam and Ulysses Aldrovandus. In July, 1558,

virgula, quae falso irrepsisse et subdititia esse Marantha sent Falloppio a draft of his comconstabat, summovere familia occoepi, et pleted tract, Methodi cognoscendorum medtialia propria in sublatorum locum subrogare camentorum simplicium libri tres; Marantha atque asciscere, breviterque omnia praestare, explained that much of the work derived

quae res exigere videbatur...Quapropter from Dioscorides, whose study was encourhaec sint temporaria, Iacobe Dalechampi op- aged by his late teacher, Lucas Ghinus, and time et politioris humanitatis peritissime, ut by Johannes Vincentius Pinellus, ‘‘qui dum illa mansura et aetatem ferre posse confido, me hortatur, rogat, increpat.’’ He explained quae post ea severae tuae censurae commis- to Falloppio that he planned a commentary

sa in lucem proferemus...[Expl.]: Hoc si- on Dioscorides which he could not surely quidem Ausoniii versu velut exordio con- finish, he thought, in two years: “Itaque vix cludam extemporalitatis epistolam, et in qua tribus absolutis, quos de ratione cognoscennihil est nisi dictum populariter. Vale et dorum medicaminum methodo conscripseram,

salue. libris, suadet [sc. Pinellus], ut haudquaquam

Commentary. Liber I, De nardo Gallica (I, extrema commentariorum manu expectata 8 Wellmann ed.) [Inc.]: (p. 27) Longe aliter (quippe qui ne biennio quidem absolvi pos-

legitur apud Plinium; nam addit de suo, sint) in lucem illos aederem.”’ Amatus Lusitanus. in coronas: quae voces, in Falloppio in his reply of August, 1558, Plinii codice non leguntur. Rursus omittit printed at the beginning of the 1559 edition haec verba: radici numerose cohaeret.. ./ of the Methodus, praised Marantha’s work ..-[Expl.]: (V, magnes; V, 130 Wellmann and encouraged him to complete his proposed 104

DIOSCORIDES

commentary: “Librum hunc tuum de methodo didit Methodi cognoscendorum simplicium

cognoscendorum simplicium medicamen- medic. lilbros tres, eleganter profecto et : torum, quem ad te remitto, ea cum animi erudite, quos suis typis publicavit Vincentius voluptate perlegi, quam hominis mihi in Valgrisius Venetiis, anno 1559. in 4. Hi ad | primis cari labor eruditissimus afferre potuit Dioscoridis innumera loca recte intelligenda | ac debuit....Fac igitur ut studiosa 1uventus utilissimi sunt, ut commentarii quidam in

| exoptata hac methodo frui possit, quoniam eius libros, non grammatico tamen, sed : obtrectatorum calumniae sub amplissimo philosophico more instituti videri queant. : Iohannis Vincentii Pinelli patrocinio tibi Promittit autem ex professo etiam in Dios: nullo modo sunt pertimescendae. Interim coridem commentarios, quos valde desider: vero commentarios, quos in Dioscoridem amus.”’ | Luca Ghino sanctissimae memoriae potissi- It does not appear however that the com| mum suasore scribis, perfice, ex quibus non mentary was ever published, and no complete

! dubito hanc de simplicibus medicamentis manuscript of it has so far been found. scientiam maximum incrementum esse sus-

cepturam. Vale Patavii III. Non. Augusti Bibliography: M.D LVIII.’’ Marantha sent the finished Giuseppe Favaro, Gabriele Falloppio commentary to Falloppio, but Falloppio was Modenese (MDXILI-MDXLII), Modena

: unimpressed and urged Marantha to aban- 1928, pp. 81, 130; Werner Vallieri, ‘‘Le 22

don the project (see the letter of Marantha to lettere di Bartolomeo Maranta all’ AldroAldrovandus of April 20, 1561, as published vandi,’’ Rivista di storia della medicina

by W. Vallieri, ref. below). (Roma), vol. 8 (1964) 197-229. Marantha had however also sought advice Fragment 1.

: elsewhere, and in the same letter of April 20, Rubric (Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana Ms Q | 1561, he tells Aldrovandus that he had re- 122 Sup., fol. 31). Iris. Libro primo cap. 1 ceived a favorable judgment from loannes Dioscor.

| Vincentius Pinellus at Padua: ‘‘De miei studi Commentary. [Inc.|]: Sub rufo_ colore. ho raguagliato ms. Adamo, benché assai Galenus iiiii simplicium cap. xxili. In quoque brevemente et...mente come io ho fatto tre genere inquit, in universum.../...[Expl.]: libri comentando Dioscoride nella. ..medi- (fol. 36v) magni esse irim ad omnia usus.

cinale sola et ne ho mandato il capo dell’ At bottom: Maranta in caput de iride Iride a Padova per saperne il giudicio di Dioscoridis (sic) Sig. Gia. Vincenzo Pinelll.

qualche valente huomo et mi scrive il Sig. Manuscript: Gio. Vincenzo Pinelli che uno assai dotto (micro.) Milan, Ambrosiana Ms Q 122

comenda la mia faticha.”’ Sup., s. XVI, fols. 31-36v. (Adolfo Rivolta, Finally, in a second letter of March 4, Catalogo dei Codici Pinelliani dell’ Am1562, to Aldrovandus, Marantha says that he brosiana 63; Kristeller, Iter 1, 309a. Micro-

has reworked the commentary and hopes to film available at the University of Notre

have it ready to publish in September. Dame Library).

(‘“Dapoi attendero alli commentarii di Fragment 2.

Dioscoride et ranconciar6 i primi tre libri et Rubric (Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana Ms D spero prima di settembre haverli a ordine per 477 Inf., fols. 1-60). In partem Dioscoridis istamparli et per agio poi attender6d al notae Maranthae. © restante vedendone prima intra questo mezzo Commentary. Liber I, 2 [Inc.]: (fol. 1. il sagio di questi tre.’””) Meanwhile Conrad Acorum libro primo cap. 2 Diosc.) Optimum Gesner knew of the writing of the commen- est densum candidum plenum etc. Haec nota

tary and in his introductory letter to the Stras- ad radicem pertinet, quia haec sola in bourg, 1561, edition of Valerius Cordus’ An- usu.../...[Expl.]: (fol. 60; I, 13 Wellmann notationes, Gesner wrote: (fol. a4) ‘‘Bartho- ed.) Casia...nunc casiam nigram nunc lomaeus Marantha Venusinus medicus con- fistulam. 105

GREEK AUTHORS

Manuscript: tiones, Basel 1564; Della theriaca et del Milan, Ambrosiana Ms D 477 Inf., s. XVI, mithridato libri due (Venice 1571), translated

fols. 1-60. (Kristeller, Jter 1, 288b.) into Latin by Joach. Camerarius, Frankfort,

Biography: 1576; Letters edited by Matthiolus (Book V Bartholomaeus Marantha Venusinus’ of Epistolae medicinales.)

(Maranta; Bartolomeo Marantha). His life is Bibl.: Biographisches Lexikon der hervorlittle known. He was born in Venosa in the ragenden Arzte aller Zeiten und Vélker, 4,

kingdom of Naples at an unknown date. He 65; G. B. De Toni, “‘Marantha,” in: Gi studied at Pisa under Lucas Ghinus (ca. Scienziati italiani. ..Adolo Mieli, ed. (Rome 1549— 1556) who held a chair at Pisa between 1921), 68-70; W. Kestner, Medicinisches

1544 and 1555. A close relationship between Gelehrten-Lexicon...(Jena 1740; repr. Ghinus and Marantha is apparent in Maran- 1971), p. 511; Johannes Mangetus, Biblio-

tha’s correspondence with Aldrovandus, in theca Scriptorum Medicorum..., 4 vols. Marantha’s dedicating his publications to (Geneva 1731) 2, 258; C. M. Pillet, in: M. Ghinus, and in the fact that, for his part, Michaud, Biographie universelle..., vol. 27, Ghinus willed Marantha his manuscripts. At 414; Girolamo Tiraboschi, Storia della Let-

some point Marantha returned to Naples to teratura Italiana, 9 vols. (Rome 1784) 2, be associated with the Botanical Gardens 14-15; L. Thorndike, History of Magic and founded by Io. Vincentius Pinellus. Undoub- Experimental Science, vol. 4, 260.

tedly through Ghinus, Marantha corres- G. Micca, “Il ‘Della theriaca e del

ponded about plant identifications regularly Mithridato’ di Bartolomeo Maranta,” Minerwith Aldrovandus, Ghinus’ colleague at va medica (Torino), vol. 61 (1970), 705-715; Bologna, and with P. A. Matthiolus, who in- Adolfo Rivolta, Catalogo dei Codici Pinelcluded one of the letters in Book IV of his liani dell’ Ambrosiana (Milan 1933), pp. Epistolae medicinales (pp. 159-164). He also Xvili-xix; Werner Vallieri, ‘“Le 22 lettere di

corresponded with G. Falloppio and aided Bartolomeo Maranta all’ Aldrovandi,”’ Ferrante Imperato in his Historia naturalis. Rivista di storia della medicina (Roma), vol. At one period in his life, however, Marantha 8 (1964), 197-229. proposed to abandon the study of plants in

order to work on his poetical dialogues on ff. ANTONIUS PINAEUS Vergil, but, as seen in his published works, The date of Pinaeus’ prefatory letter to

he returned to botanical studies. Marantha’s Duke Nicolaus Henricus is January 15, 1561, last published work, Della theriaca et del at Lyons. In the letter he mentions his French mithridato libri due (Venice: Marcantonio version of Matthiolus’ Dioscorides and his Olmo, 1572) was dedicated by Marantha to commentary reveals much of Matthiolus’ in-

Melchior Guilandinus, custodian of the fluence. The commentary was published

Botanical Gardens at Padua. Included in this without the text of the De materia medica work is a letter (Naples, October 30, 1570) and is in the form of a ‘““manual”’ with several

from Bartholomaeus Marantha to M. Fer- separate works, some little more than inrante and Gli Otto of Naples. This letter is dices. The manual is entitled, Historia planthe last known date in Marantha’s life, the tarum, and the first and largest tract is place and time of his death being unknown. Earum imagines nomenclatura qualitates et Works: De aquae Neapoli in Luculliano natale solum. The commentary covers only scaturientis, quam ferream vocant, metallica Books I-IV of De materia medica and only materia ac viribus, Naples 1559 and 1681; the plants. Each chapter of Dioscorides is Methodi cognoscendorum medicamentorum discussed in the following way: (1) there is (in simplicium libri tres, Venice 1559; according the copy I saw) a colored woodcut of the

to Graesse 4, 379, this was reproduced plant—some 635 throughout; iris, for in-

106 ,

anonymously under the title, Novum her- stance, has three varieties; (2) there is a para-

barium ...Venice, 1571; Lucullianae quaes- graph on nomenclature in Latin, Greek,

DIOSCORIDES

Arabic (Roman script), French, and German; Iris Graecis. . .Gallis, Glayeul, sive Flambe./ (3) there is a statement concerning the plant’s Locus ex Fuchsio. Nascitur in hortis, et location and habitats with other authorities vinearum septis. / Qualitates ex Matthiolo. often cited, e.g. Apuleius, Pliny, Matthiolus, Excalefacit ordine secundo completo, vel terand Fuchsius; (4) the plants’ physical and tio inchoante, et pariter siccat. / Ex Fuchsio. medicinal properties are described. Marginal Abstergit et maturat.../...[Expl.]: (p. 640, notes are keyed to Dioscorides with Galen, with vitis vinifera listed as ‘“‘Diosc. 1i. 5, cap.

Theophrastus, and Pliny also sometimes 1” but it is Bk. IV, 181, Wellmann ed.) et cited. The second treatise is called Simpli- sicca est: matura autem calefacit et humeccium medicamentorum facultates secundum tat primo ordine, ex Symeone Sethi. locos ex Dioscoride. This lists afflictions

beginning with the head and generally mov- b. Simplictum medicamentorum faculing downwards to the feet. Then below are tates secundum locos ex Dioscoride. appropriate remedies according to Dios- Heading, pt. 2, p. 1: Ad capitis dolorem ex corides. The last three tracts, much shorter frigiditate genitum. than the others, are specialized indices. Commentary [Inc.]: Iris illyrica cum aceto Introductory letter (ed. of Lyons, 1561). et rosaceo illita. Oleum sylvestris.../... Splendidissimo viro D. Nicolao Henry, D. a [Expl.]: (p. 199) Seminis lini decoctum potui Cremyeu, Trevoulx, Feurs, et Viennae Gal- datum. Oryza decoctum potum. liarum Praetori, Antonius Pinaeus S. [Jnc. ]:

Ferianti mihi, Praetor ornatissime, incidit in c. Simplicitum medicamentorum facul-

manus anno superiore Matthiolus in Dios- tates quae decorem praestant, ex coridem: quem ubi Gallice reddidissem, Dioscoride. placuit etiam...manualem ipsum facere in Commentary {Inc.]: (p. 200) Decoris. Ad nominis tui gratiam. Ex quo enim te primum alopeciam. Myrrha cum ladana.../... vidi semper observavi unice, cum ob raras [Expl.]: (p. 217) Mel sinapi appositum. animi tui dotes, tum maxime ob sublimita-

tem illam ingenii, quae te valde spectabilem d. Simplicium medicamentorum vires, apud omnes nostros reddit. Mirum est enim quibus exuberantes in corpore humores quantum in hoc tuo aetatis flore adolevit ratio, vomitu et alvi deiectione excernuntur,

ita exacte de omni re iudicas. Quo preiudi- ex Dioscoride.

cio quid certius habere potest frequentissimum Commentary [Inc.]: (p. 218) Expellentium

hoc Galliarum emporium ad confirmandam medicamentorum. Ad bilem educendam.

illam quam de te concepit expectationem? Iris illyrica drachmarum.../...[Expl.]:

Talis ergo cum sis, ad te velut ad exactissi- (p. 225) et cibum devorati. mum Censorum hoc telluris promptuarium

mitto, ea descriptum arte, ut quicquid de e. Mensurarum et ponderum typi, ad plantarum ratione summi in re medica prin- Dioscoridis mentem, ex Galeno. cipes senserunt, in hoc Enchiridio possis con- Commentary [Inc.]: (p. 226) De ponderum

Spicere, serioque ludere in hoc vasto naturae ratione. Siliqua pendet chalcum.../... horto cum summis authoribus, sive piscari, (Expl. ]: (p. 229) De mensuris mellis. . .Oxyenari, aucupari, sive demum rusticari animi gaphus drach-(marum) 27. Cyathus drach gratia libeat. Quam omnem operam boni ae- (marum) Chemle drach(marum) 5S.

quique consules. Vive et vale, vir ornatis- Editions: sime, Pinaeumque tuum ama. Lugduni XV. 1561, Lugduni (Lyons): Apud Gabrielem

Ianuarii, M.D.LXI. Coterium. Title: Historia plantarum..., in 2 pts. Hoffmann BL 1, 608; Durling 1317; a. Earum imagines, nomenclatura, quali- NUC. BM; (DNAL; DNLM; NNNAM).

tates, et natale solum. 1567, Lugduni (Lyons): Apud viduam

Commentary. Liber I, 1 [Inc.]: (pt 1, p. 5) Gabrielis Coterii. Reissue but new title: Ac107

GREEK AUTHORS

cessere simplictum medicamentorum facul- Siecle, 16, 276; Destianges in: Dictionnaire tates, secundum locos et genera ex Dios- de biographie francaise 12, 372; Emile Fourcoride, 2 pts., with added letter by Coterius. quet,...Les homnes celebres et les personnalDurling 1328; NUC. Wellcome; BM; (CU; ities marquantes de Franche Comte. ..(Be-

DLC; DNLM). sancon 1929) 17, 80; Eugéne Haag, La Biography: France protestante...(Paris 1877-1888) 5,

Antonius Pinaeus (Antoine DuPinet, sieur 851-883; Francois G. La Croix du Maine, de Noroy) was born in Baume-les-Dames, ac- Les Bibliothéques Francoises... (Paris cording to his friend Louis Gollut (1535- 1772-1773) 1, 47-48; Weiss in: M. Michaud, 1595), an historian, but, according to La Biographie universelle 12, 9-10. Croix du Maine, he was born in Besancon

around 1510. He studied in Paris under gg. Justus MoLLERus Johannes Sturm, a friend of Melanchthon, The work of Mollerus is entitled: Fasci-

and under the Catholic Canon Guillaume culus remediorum ex Dioscoride et Mathiolo Paradin. Between 1537 and 1543 he was a omnibus humani corporis affectibus methominister in a village near Geneva, possibly, dice accommodatorum. It is not so much a according to Haag, in the village of Ville-la- commentary as a paraphrase of Dioscorides’ grand in Chablais. He corresponded with De materia medica and Matthiolus’s comCalvin during this period, beginning in 1538. mentary with stress on medical descriptions Calvin wrote to him on January 5, 1539, “Op- and uses of drugs. In the dedicatory letter

timo fratri Antonio Pigneto Veliensis ec- (January 1579) written from Pritzwald, clesiae ministro....’’ With zeal Pinaeus sup- Brandenburg, to Duke Udalricus, Mollerus ported Calvin’s cause. In 1543 he moved to explained that as a physician he had had difLyons in the service, probably as secretary or ficulty using Dioscorides and had produced tutor, of some important person whose name this arrangement to facilitate his own use of is unknown. Most of his works were written the work. However, he was persuaded that during this period at Lyons. He died in Paris other physicians and heads of families would

in 1565 or 1566. benefit in their medical practice by it. The Works: Familiere et briefue exposition method he followed was to list a malady, e.g.,

sur l’‘apocalypse de Sainct Jehan lapostre, upset stomach or melancholy, and all

Geneva 1539; Le troisiéme livre ou tome des remedies for it in Dioscorides and in MatEpitres illustres composées en espagnol par thiolus’ commentary. Although the work is ex-

don Ant. de Guevare..., Lyons 1560, Cate tensive, amounting to 797 pages, no exPline second: l'histoire du monde colla- amination has been made to determine its tionnée et corrigée..., Lyons 1562; Plantz, originality. pourtraitz et descriptions de plusieurs villes Dedicatory Letter (ed. of Basel, 1579). et forteresses, tant de l'Europe, Asie et Afri- [Inc.]: Illustrissime Princeps ac Domine,

que que des Indes et Terres-Neuves...., Domine clementissime, Praeclara et digna Lyons 1564; La conformité des églises homine....Huius [Matthiolus’] scripta ego réformées de France..., Lyons 1564; Taxes nuperrime perlustrans, cum _ perspicerem des parties casuelles de la boutique du quantum utilitatis mortalibus suis illis comPape..., Lyons 1564; Les secrets miracles de mentariis praestitisset, institui eosdem et nature. .., Lyons 1566; Les commentaires de Dioscor. libros de medica materia in certum Pierre Mathiole sur l'histoire des plantes de ordinem secundum locos congruentium Dioscoride, trad. en frang., Lyons, 1566, 1577, secum materiarum mihi in privatum usum 1580, 1619, 1655, 1680; and Les lieux com- colligere. Quod cum aliqui amici quibus

muns de la _ sainte Ecriture, par W. plurimum debeo apud me vidissent, me

Musculus, trad. en frangois, Geneva, 1577. adhortati sunt, ut hunc laborem meum Bibl.: Robert Barroux in: Dictionnaire des qualemcunque etiam aliis communicarem et lettres Francaises..., ed. Grente, Le Seiziéme in lucem ire paterer, quibus tandem ob prae108

DIOSCORIDES

clara in me collata beneficia obtemperare an addition to Janus-Antonius Saracenus’ coactus, collectanea mea in meliorem or- elaborate edition of Dioscorides published in dinem, quantum fieri potuit, distribuere coepi 1598 (see above p. 41). In Sambucus’ comet omnia remedia, quae in Diosc. et Math. mentary he refers to the reading of a very old unicuilibet morborum generi vel speciei ac- Byzantine codex which is almost certainly the

commodata sparsim et diversis in locis Julia Anicia Codex (Vienna N.B. Ms Med. describuntur, in unum fasciculum collegi, ita Gr. 1). As stated under Matthiolus above ut unusquisque paterfamilias, nec non medi- (p. 92), this codex had arrived in Vienna by cinae candidatus, praesertim iis in locis ubi 1565. Sambucus died in Vienna on June 13, methodice in curando procedere non licet, ad 1584, and so this work of his was written in quosvis morbos depellendos, remedia facilia, Vienna sometime between 1565-1584, proquorum copia nobis adest, et etiam nostro bably towards the end of the period. In the temperamento familiariora esse iudicantur, introduction to his translation of Dioscorides,

atque illa, quae ex pereginis regionibus, Saracenus said that Sambucus had urged nobis corrupta et adulterata advehuntur, in Henricus Stephanus to print Dioscorides and

promptu et ad manum quocunque tempore that Sambucus had sent him notes on habere possit, praesertim cum saepissime readings. Since the printer was sent Samunico simplici medicamento (modo dextre bucus’ notes which serve as a commentary, it adhibeatur) periculosissimos morbos, qui seems likely that Sambucus’ work must be alias compositis quibusdam satis preciosis, si dated near the end of his life in 1584. The inDiis placet, a tribus mundi partibus, cor- troductory letter to the reader which precedes rasis, expugnari nequeunt, cedere cognatur Sambucus’ commentary is unidentified but it

(sic).../...{Expl.]: pectore oro. Datae Ii- would seem to be by Saracenus. Sambucus’ lustrissimorum Marchionum Brandeburgen- commentary covers only Books I-IV and, alsium oppido Pritzwald, mense Ianuario Anni though it occupies only pp. 141-144 of Part

1579. II, it is in double columns and in folio size.

Commentary. [Inc.|]: Omnium morborum, Not all chapters of the De materia medica are tam universalium quam particularium, cum covered. As stated in the opening letter, Sam-

totum corpus, tum partem quamdam.../ bucus examined many manuscripts as well as

..-[Expl.]: Gallorum praesagium. cap. the readings of other authorities. In one

DCLX si currit araneus, pestilentium mor- place (I, 8) he refers to a Spanish Greek Ms

borum praesagium est lib. 1, cap. 122. and in another place (I, 180) to a Florentine

Edition: Ms. He corrected Matthiolus’ commentary in

1579, Basileae (Basel): Ex officina Petri a number of places. Since they both served Pernae. Durling 3213; NUC. BM; BN; Ox- the same Emperor, Sambucus from Vienna

ford, Bodl.; (DNLM; NNUN). and Matthiolus from Prague, and since they

Biography: both were experts on Dioscorides Mss, es-

Justus Mollerus (Moller; Moeller) was a pecially Vienna Ms Gr. Med. 1, it seems liketemplar and a physician in the town of Pritz- ly that they knew one another.

wald. His father was Christophorus Mollerus, Lectori S(alutem) (ed. of Frankfort, mentioned in his letter above. He flourished 1598). [Inc.]: Clariss. vir lo. Sambucus Pan-

in 1579. nonius, Caesareus olim Consiliarius et His-

Bibl.: Dedicatory letter as cited above; toriographus, praeter varias in Dioscoridem Chr. G. Joecher, Allgemeines Gelehrten- lectiones, quas ex complurium manuscrip-

Lexicon, 3, 594. torum exemplarium fida diligentique collatione hinc inde excerpserat, notas etiam suas

hh. JOHANNES SAMBUCUS et observationes in eundem auctorem nonThe commentary of Johannes Sambucus, nullas nobis simul et semel quam liberalisentitled In Dioscoridem observationes seu sime communicavit, quibus te quoque denotae, is difficult to date. It was published as fraudare neque volui neque debui, quando109

GREEK AUTHORS

quidem ut loca quaedam difficilia aut alioqui Edition: sat obscura lis interdum illustrantur, ita et ad 1598 (1): See above I, 15. alia praeterea diligentius examinanda via tibi Biography:

quasi patefit. Occurrent, fateor, haud ita See p. 43 above.

pauca, quae ut mihi ita et tibi fortasse merito ..

suspectiora aut veritati dudumque receptae Jj. CASPAR BAUHINUS medicorum opinioni minus consentanea vide- Caspar Bauhinus’ Additiones to Dioscoribuntur; attamen malui, qualiacunque erant, des and Matthiolus’ commentary were writiudicio tuo subiicere, quam temere nimiumve ten at Basel in 1598 according to the dedicaaudacter quicquam immutare. Tuum erit, tory epistle to the 1598 Frankfort edition of quicquid id est, aequi bonique consulere, Matthiolus’ Omnia Opera, which Bauhinus hominemque literariae Reipub. quandiu vixit edited (see above, p. 92). He brought to his iuvandae quam studiosissimum pro tua pru- commentary a rich background in botany dentia excusare, quippe cui, ceu aulicam which derived from his famous father, Joan-

vitam agenti, quum alia quam medica sae- nes Bauhinus, whose herbal Caspar had penumero tractanda essent, ad amussim sin- edited. In Karen Reed’s study of Renaissance gula expendere non ita licuerit. Caeterum botany (see ref. below), she noted that Bauhihoc unum monitum te volui, lector, ut hisce nus insisted that his students follow Diosoptim! viri lucubrationibus non nisi adhibito corides’ example and observe plants in the

maturiore iudicio favaris. Interim vale. field but Bauhinus also stressed the imporIn Dioscoridem observationes sive notae. tance of the classics in learning botany. In the [Inc.]: (I, 1, pt. III, p. 141) Iridem bulbosam. commentary, Bauhinus gives his additions Recentiores veram nondum mihi videntur after almost every chapter of Dioscorides with

ostendisse. Cap. II. De acoro in Nothis.. . / Matthiolus’ commentary, but there is no ...[Expl.]: (IV, 194, pt. III, p. 144) Picturae commentary for the animal section of Book II antiquae simplex ac parvum ponunt, ubi or the minerals of Book V. His principal con-

Mathiolus magnum. cern seems to be to identify and to distinguish

Edition: properly the various species with new syno1598 (1): See above I, 15. nyms extracted from the writings of 1’Obel, Biography: Dodoens, |’Ecluse and others. On page 319

See CTC II, 36-7. there is a woodcut of American corn, labelled ‘“Frumenti indici spica.”’ ws Epistola Dedicatoria (ed. of Frankfort, ll, JANUS ANTONIUS SARACENUS 1598). [Inc.]: Memorabile est, Illustrissime

Saracenus’ commentary, called Scholia, ac Clementissime Dux, Regum illud sapienwas published as part three of his edition of tissim1 Salomonis exemplum.../.. .[Expl.]: the ‘‘complete works” of Dioscorides with his Quod unum superest, Deum unum et trinum Latin translation. (See above p. 41). He prob- precor, ut Celsitudinem tuam ad Christianae ably began the project while he was in Geneva Reipublicae bonum incolumem diu_con-

in the 1570’s and completed the work in 1598 servet, clementer protegat atque regat. at Lyons. The bulk of the commentary is Basileae XVI. Kal. BR. anno. M. D. CIIC. philological, not clinical, despite the fact that T. Celsitudinis humilis et observantissimus

Saracenus was a medical doctor. Casparus Bauhinus D.

Scholia (ed. of Frankfort, 1598 [1]) [Jnc. ]: (Then follows Matthiolus’ Epistola Nuncu(pt. 3, p. 1) In Praef. Bagoos o IvXatios Vetus patoria and Prefatio.)

exemplar et Aldinum habent TvAatos quae Prefatio ad lectorem Caspari Bauhini. quidem secutus est Marcellus Virgilius. Qui- [Inc.]: Quid operae in hoc volumine praesti-

dam Tvuddios legunt.../.. .[Expl.]: (pt. 3, p. terim, candide lector, paucis aperiam.../ 124) quae totius medicamenti basis est, ad ip- ..-[Expl.]: Haec est, candide lector, instituti

sum gummi proportio. ratio, quae si abs te probata cognoverimus, 110

DIOSCORIDES

ad botanica nostra absolvenda nos accinge- Theodore Zwinger and received a bachelor of mus, alteramque phytopinacis partem absol- philosophy degree in 1575. In 1577 he went to vemus. Vale, et vive, et fave caeptis, eadem- Padua where he studied anatomy with Giro-

que move et promove. lamo Fabrizio (Fabricius ab Aquapendente)

Poems by Iacobus Cargillus Scotus. In effi- and attended the lectures of Marco degli Odgem Cl. D. Caspari Bauhini... [Jnc.]: Pinge di and Emilio Campolongo at the Hospital of

mihi, vitam cui debet virbius, umbra.../... St. Francis. Probably he also received in[Expl.]: Tergeminum tandem pingere posse struction from Melchior Guilandinus at the

putas? Idem. In Pet. Andreae Matthioli... botanical gardens at Padua. He visited [Inc.]: lam pridem fasces melior sceptrum- Bologna and learned anatomy from Giulio que superbum.../...[Expl.]: Intexet pro- Cesare Aranzio. In the spring of 1579 he mapriam perpete fronde comam. A Greek and a triculated at the university in Montpellier to

Latin poem, both to Partinus Cuthenus study under Parrein Dortoman but spent Pragensis, follow the indices. [Jnc.]: Cedant more time in Paris attending lectures and

Hesperidum, cedant et Adonidis horti.../ anatomical demonstrations of Sévérin ...[Expl.]: Ipsa Dioscorid Graeca docta suo. Pineau. In 1580 he was in Tiibingen and (There follows Ruellius’ translation of the next year he returned to Basel where he Dioscorides’ Preface and Matthiolus’ com- publicly dissected on February 27. He re-

mentary.) ceived a doctorate from Basel on May 2,

Bauhinus' Commentary on Dioscorides’ 1581, and was made a member of the medical Preface. |Inc.]: Cum Dioscorides de materia faculty. In April, 1582, he also became a Promedica perfectum opus se scripsisse in fessor of Greek. He was widely recognized in

Praefatione testetur; et Galenus.../... the university community for holding many [Expl.]: et particulari methodo librorum positions and for having a private medical

Dioscoridis de materia medica eorundemque practice at the same time. In 1589 he was

capitibus. named to a special chair in anatomy and Following Ruellius’ translation of Liber I, botany. His first major botanical work,

1 and Matthiolus’ commentary: Phytopinax, was published in 1596. In 1597, Additiones Caspari Bauhini. Liber I. 1 along with his brother Jean, he was appointed [Inc.]: Theophrasto 6. de causis plant. 13. physician to Duke Frederick of WiirttemIris odorata est, et a gratia palati nomen ac- berg. Caspar corresponded with Gesner. In cepit.../...[Expl.]: (IV. 20, Scorpioides; both botany and anatomy his contributions, IV, 191 Wellmann ed.) ut apud Theocritum made in numerous works, were mostly in videre est, qui ob id philtrum quoque ap- nomenclature, particularly that of muscles.

pellarunt. In 1614 he was appointed city physician in Edition: Basel and died there on December 5, 1624. 1598: See above I, 11. Major Works: AXTOOEPAITEIA IATPIKH Biography: Quam medicae laureae causa Casparus Caspar Bauhinus (Bauhin) was born in Bauhinus...subibit, Basel 1581; De cor-

Basel in 1541, where his father, a physician poris humani partibus externis Tractatus, and French Protestant, had sought refuge. Basel 1588, 1591; De corporis humani fabriHis early education was by his father and his ca..., Basel 1590, enlarged, Lyons 1597, brother Jean, who, twenty years his senior, 1604, Basel 1609; @TTOIINASE seu enu-

was a student and protégé of Conrad meratio plantarum ab herbariis nostro seculo Gesner and an herbalist of some repute. descriptarum...., Basel 1596; IIPOAPOMOXL Brother Jean had at various times been Theatri botanici in quo plantae supra secentaught by Gesner, Leonhard Fuchsius at tae ab ipso primum descriptae cum plurimis

Tiibingen and G. Rondeletius at Mont- figuris proponuntur, Frankfort 1620, Basel pellier. Caspar attended the university in 1671; TMNA# Theatri botanici sive Index

Basel and studied under Felix Platter and in Theophrasti, Dioscoridis, Pliniti et

111

GREEK AUTHORS

botanicorum qui a seculo scripserunt opera mentary on Dioscorides’ account (pp. 1-46) plantarum, Basel 1623, 1671, 1740. For and another on Pliny’s account (pp. 47-71). other titles, see Whitteridge, cited below. Each is preceded by the Latin text of the Bibl.: Jean Astruc, Mémoires pour servir classical authors. The concluding section is a l'histoire de la Faculté de medecine de entitled: ‘‘Consensus Dioscoridis et Plinii Montpellier (Paris 1767) 349; Albrecht de Amomi Historia.”’ (pp. 72-75) Maronea Burckhardt, Geschichte der medizinischen concludes that apparent differences between Fakultdt zu Basel, 1460-1900 (Basel 1919) Pliny and Dioscorides over amomum are, 95-123; Jeffen in: Allgemeine deutsche Biog- upon his examination, unimportant because

raphie 30, 307-308; Joannes Jacobus Man- the authors agreed substantially in their getus, Bibliotheca Scriptorum Medicorum. . . descriptions. An Italian translation of Ma(Geneva 1731) 247-248; M. Michaud, Biogra- ronea’s Commentarius in Tractatus Diosphie universelle 3, 301-304; Nouvelle biogra- coridis et Plinii De Amomo was made by phie générale 4, 810-813; K. Schottenloher; Francesco Pona and published in Venice in Bibliographie zur deutschen Geschichte im 1617. Zeitalter der Glaubensspaltung, 2nd ed., 1, Prefatory letter (ed. of Basel, 1608). Nico38, No. 963; Gweneth Whitteridge in: Dic- laus Maronea Joanni Ponae Amico Optimo

tionary of Scientific Biography 1, 522-525. S. D. [nc.]: Amomum apud veteres erat Halmai Janos, “Caspar Bauhin,”’ Orvosi vulgaris notitiae, ut.../...[Expl.]: quod Hetilap (Budapest), 106 (1965), 276-277; publicis literis comprobavi. Karen Reeds, “Botany in Medieval and Maronea's Preface. (Inc.|: Hoc commenRenaissance Universities,” (unpubl. disser- tario sumus explanaturi Amomi, admodum tation, Harvard, 1975); the same, ‘‘Renais- .../...LExpl.J: quae vulgarem caphuram sance Humanism and Botany,’ Annals of quodammodo sapit. Science 33 (1976), 519-542; Kurt Wein, Commentarius in Dioscoridem De Amomo. “Caspar Bauhin an Ludwig Jungermann...,”’ [Inc.]: Amomum est parvus frutex, cuius Sudhoffs Archiv fiir Geschichte der Medizin fructus est.../...[Expl.|: habent surculos und der Naturwissenschaften, 30 (1937) integros. 152-166; H. Zoller, “Das Herbarium von Maronea’s Commentary. [Inc.|]: In his de Caspar Bauhin,”’ Proceedings of the XIXth materia medica libris Dioscorides describit

International Congress of the History of simplicia.../...[Exp/.]: in Indico etiam Medicine. Current Problems... (Basel 1966) racemo conspici.

464. Commentarius in Plinitum De Amomo. [Inc.]: Hac secunda nostri commentarii kk. Nicoaus MARONEA parte.../...[Expl.]: haec de Cardamomo

The commentary of Nicolaus Maronea is dicta sint. devoted to Dioscorides’ single chapter on the Consensus Dioscoridis, et Plinii de Amomi shrub amomum and on Pliny’s description Historia. [Inc.]: Iam vero ostendendus est. . . /

of the same plant. The work is published ...[Expl.]: et legitimum Dioscoridis et as a single title in the Basel edition of 1608 Plinii amomum.

and is likely to have been written at Verona Edition: since the title page has ‘‘Nicolai Maroneae 1608, Basel: Sumptibus Lazari Zetzeri. Veronensis Philosophiae et Medicinae Doc- Pritzel 5818; Hoffmann BL 2, 607; NUC. toris.’” An undated, introductory letter is BM; BN; (DNLM; DDO). written by Maronea to Johannes Pona. The Biography*: treatise consists of a preface, followed by Nicolaus Maronea (Maronna or Marogna) two woodcuts (one is ‘‘amomi indici racemus was born in Verona, became a doctor of sive uva legitimi amomi’”’ and the other “‘car- *The biography is based in part on information supdomomi, tres species.’’). The commentary plied by Charles G. Nauert, Jr. (University of Missouri-

proper is divided into sections: one a com- Columbia). 112

DIOSCORIDES

philosophy and medicine, and practiced pellier, where he received his baccalaureate medicine in his home town. He flourished on May 3, 1531. During his university studies,

around 1608, the date of his only published G. Rondeletius became a close friend of work, the Commentarius on Dioscorides Rabelais. Details of his early medical trainand Pliny; the Commentarius was later trans- ing are uncertain, but, after 1531, he prac-

lated into Italian by Francesco Bona (pub- ticed medicine in Pertuis en Vaucluse, a

lished at Venice, 1617). small village in Provence. He returned to

Bibl.: Ferrari, Onomasticon, 444; C. G. Paris in the mid 1530’s to study Greek as Joecher, Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon III, well as anatomy under Jean Gunthier 194; C. W. Kestner, Medicinisches Gelehr- d’Andernach. He earned his living by tutorten-Lexicon (Jena, 1740; repr. 1971) 518; S. ing the son of the Viscount of Turenne. A Maffei, Verona Illustrata (Milan, 1825) III?, friendship developed with his teacher, Gun360; Pier Andrea Saccardo, La Botanica in thier d’Andernach, an anatomist. Guilielmus

Italia: Materiali per la storia di questa determined to return to the university at scienza (2 vols.; Venice, 1895 and 1901: Montpellier, but stopped first at Marinques Memorie del R. Instituto di Scienze, Lettere where he practised for a period. He returned

ed Arte, vol. XXV,2 and XXVI,6) I, 104; to Montpellier in 1537 and by December II,67; J. H. Zedler, Grosses vollstadndiges of that year received a doctorate. In January

Universal-Lexikon XIX, 1643. of the next year he married Jeanne Sandre

and practised medicine. He maintained

Il. DOUBTFUL AND Lost COMMENTARIES a friendship with the naturalist Guillaume

1. GUILIELMUS RONDELETIUS Pellicier, the bishop of Maguelone and MontOn July 30, 1566, L. Joubert, one of Ron- pellier. Upon the recommendation of Jean

deletius’ students, included in a list of his Schyron he accepted a position with the teacher’s works a commentary on some entourage of Cardinal de Tournon, amchapters of the first book of Dioscorides bassador of the King of France. With the (“‘commentarius in aliquot capita lib. primi Cardinal he visited Antwerp, Southwestern

Dioscoridis’’). Rondeletius lectured on France, and Italy, where he arrived by sea Dioscorides at Montpellier in 1545 and again in 1549. While remaining a year in Rome,

in 1558. he met Ulysses Aldrovandus. In November, Bibliography: 1550, he started a long return to France by

L. Joubert, Gulielmi Rondeletii vita, mors visiting en route Venice, Padua, Ferrara, et epitaphia cum catalogo scriptorum ab eo Bologna and Pisa. Back in Montpellier he relictorum quae ad D. Jouberti manus per- practised and taught medicine. In 1545 he venerunt. In: Operum latinorum tom. se- succeeded Pierre Laurent in a chair of medicund. E. Michel, Lyons 1582, pp. 185-222; cine and discontinued his service to Cardinal Jo. Ant. Bumaldi, “Bibliotheca Botanica...” de Tournon. He was elected chancellor of in: Joannes Franciscus Seguierius, Biblio- Montpellier in 1556, the year when an anatheca Botanica (Lugduni Batavorum 1760), tomical theater was constructed there, prob-

p. 25. ably for him. His students include: Francois Biography: Fontanon, Jacques Dalechamps, Jean MollGuilielmus Rondeletius (Guillaume Ron- nus, Jacques Salamon d’Assas, Charles de

delet), coming from a family whose ancestors l’Ecluse, Félix Platter, Gaspard Wolf, Jacques

included apothecaries, was born in Mont- Utenhovens, JérO6me Martius, Léonard Raupellier on September 27, 1507. His father, a wolf, Jean Bauhinus, Pierre Pena, Matthias spice merchant, died while Guilielmus was de Lobel, and Janus Antonius Saracenus.

young, leaving his elder brother to bring Also Conrad Gesner and Pierre Belon are him up. Guilielmus began his studies in Paris thought to have studied under him but did in 1525 at the age of 18, but on June 2, not register at the University. After the death 1529, he entered the university at Mont- of his first wife, he remarried in 1560 and by 113

GREEK AUTHORS

1563 he adopted the Protestant cause. He of those ‘‘bibliographical ghosts.’’ Portdied in Réalmont, Tarn, France on July 30, mann’s investigation is confirmed by my

1566. own search. Since Gesner and Holzachius Works: De piscibus marinis libri 18..., were friends it is likely that such a book was

Lyons 1554; Universae aquatilium histo- at least planned to be published, however. riae..., Lyons 1555; De materia medicinali et (I wish to acknowledge the assistance of compositione medicamentorum brevis metho- Herr Rother, Direktor des Instituts fiir Leth-

dus, Padua 1556; De ponderibus..., Padua verkehr und Zentralkataloge, Deutsche 1555; De dosibus, Venice 1562; De fucis, Staatsbibliothek, who kindly attempted to Padua 1566; De morbo gallico, Venice 1566, locate a copy in West Germany and East and other titles; see Louis Dilieu, below, for Germany.)

complete list. Biography: Bibl.: Jean Astruc, Mémoires pour servir a Johann Cosmas Holzachius (Holzach) was

V'histoire de la Faculte de Medecine de Mont- born the second son of twelve children in the pellier (Paris 1767), 236-239; Biographisches village of Ziegelhof, near Basel, around 1518. Lexikon der hervorragenden Arzte aller Zeiten His father was later the town physician in

und Volker, 4, 871; Cuvier in: M. Michaud, Schaffhausen. Holzachius studied in Basel Biographie universelle, 36, 424-426; P. De- and, at around fifteen years of age, went to launay in: Dictionnaire des lettres francaises. Paris to study. He was suspended from his Le seiziéme siecle, G. Grente ed. (Paris 1951) studies by Johannes Sturm and it is not 612; Chr. G. Joecher, Allgemeines Gelehrten- known when or where he received a doctorate

Lexicon, 3, 2209-2210; A.G. Keller, in: in medicine but it was before 1549. AccordDictionary of Scientific Biography 11, 529- ing to municipal records on July 23, 1549,

530. Dr. med. Johann Cosmas Holzachius marLouis Dulieu, ‘‘Guillaume Rondelet,’’ ried in Schaffhausen Gertrud von WaldClio Medica 1 (No. 2, 1966) 89-111, with kirch. He had three sons and five daughters

full refs. and on February 25, 1559, he became a burgher of Schaffhausen. In the same year

2. JOHANNES CosMas HOLZACHIUs he was registered as a physician. In 1570 he In the 1583 edition of his Bibliotheca also became a schoolmaster, in 1581 a marInstituta et Collecta...(p. 177), Conrad riage counsellor, and in 1570 a member of Gesner (d. 1565) is quoted as follows: “‘Cos- the committee ‘‘die armen krankhen prestmas Holtzachius, Basiliensis, medicus Scha- haften liith zu beschowen.’’ Between June

phusiae, scripsit annotationes quasdam in 22, 1553, and September 24, 1564, fifteen Dioscoridem, Lugduni ante paucos annos letters were exchanged between Conrad Gesexcusum apud Frellonium. Floret anno D. ner and Holzachius. These letters show that 1554.”" The Annotationes in Dioscoridem Holzachius had a medicinal herb garden.

(12 vo.) of Holzachius are mentioned by Other Holzachius letters show that he corJohannes Jacobus Mangetus (Bibliotheca responded with Bonifatius Amerbach, Felix Scriptorum Medicorum, Veterum et Recen- Platter, and Ulrich Iselin. He died in Schafftiorum Geneva 1731), Jo. Antonio Bumaldo, hausen on June 15, 1595. (Bibliotheca Botanica. ..Lyons 1760, p. 25); Works: Prob des Uszatzes, Ziirich 1588; Pritzel (no. 4188), Hoffmann (BL 1, 607), Experimentum et examem leprae (lost). and Joannes Franciscus Seguierius (Biblio- Bibl.: Dictionnaire historique et biogratheca Botanica...Lyons 1760, p. 53). How- phique de la Suisse 4, 149; Chr. G. Joecher, ever, Marie-Louise Portmann (see ref. below) Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon 2, 1681; reports that an intensive search failed to Chr. K. Kestner, Medicinisches Gelehrtenproduce an extant copy. She and Hans Lieb Lexicon (Jena 1740; Hildesheim 1971), p. of the Schaffhausen Staatsarchiv conclude 412. that the Annotationes in Dioscoridem is one Marie-Louise Portmann, ‘‘Der Schaff114

DIOSCORIDES

hauser Stadtarzt Johann Cosmas Holzach says was by Thibault Lespleigney and edited

(1518-1595) und seine Schrift ‘Prob des by Stupanus. He translated into Latin the Uszsatzes,’ ’’ Gesnerus 28 (1971), 147-153; works of Albohazen Haly ibn Abenragel Epistolarum medicinalium Conradi Gesneri (Ali ibn Ali al-Hazm), De judiciis astromedici et philosophi Tigurini libri Wl. Liber rum..., & bks., Basel 1551 & 1571. Also he 3, pp. 81-88, Ziirich 1577; Casimirus Chris- edited Jean Tagault’s, De chirurgica institutophorus Schmiedel, Vita Conradi Gesneri tione libri quinque, Venice 1549; Loys Vas-

in C. Gesner, Opera Botanica..., 2 vols. se’s, In anatomen corporis humani tabulae

(Nuremberg 1751), 1, pp. xvii-xviii. quatuor...Venice 1549; and Jean Vassés’

De judictis urinarum tractatus..., Venice

3. ANTONIUS STUPANUS 1549. Stupanus died of the plague in Basel

Albert von Haller, Bibliotheca Botanica... in 1551. (London 1771), p. 84, mentions a commen- Bibl.: Biographisches Lexicon der hervortary by Stupanus, as follows: ‘‘Huc etiam ragenden Arzte aller Zeiten und Volker 5, Antonii Stupani Rhaeti simplicitum medica- 467; H. L. Baudrier, Bibliographie Lyonmentorum facultates ex DIOSCORIDE naise, vol. 5, 189, 202, and 218; Richard J. Lugd. 1561: 16° cum iconibus Matthioli.” Durling, A Catalogue of Sixteenth Century

Again S. F. W. Hoffmann (BL [1838] 1, Printed Books in the National Library of 608) lists: “‘Ant. Stupani Simplicium medi- Medicine (Bethesda 1967), No’s. 166-7; camentorum facultates ex Dioscoride. Lugd. 2802-2803; 4300; 4547; 4551; General Cata-

1561, 12— Mit Matthioli’s Zeichnungen.”’ logue of Printed Books, British Museum, Stupanus either wrote or edited a dispensa- London, 232, 51; Conrad Gesner, Bibliotory of recipes written by Thibault Lespleig- theca universalis...Ziirich 1545, fol. 63; ney (1496-1550) with the title: Enchiridion Chr. W. Kestner, Medicinisches Gelehrten(Dispensarium vulgo vocant) compositorum Lexicon (Jena 1740; repr. 1971) 818; Chr. ab antiquioribus junioribusque archiatris G. Joecher, Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexikon medicamentorum tum copia, tum eruditione 4, 908; J. H. Zedler, Grosses vollstdndiges cunctis artis medicae candidatis satisfaciens, Universal-Lexikon 40, 1372. Lyons, Joannes et Franciscus Frellonti, 1543.

The Preface by Stupanus begins: ‘‘Hoc 4. LauRENTIUS GRYLLUS quoque Frelloniorum fratrum labore fruere

laetabundus. Nam quum aediderint illi In 1620 Melchior Adam (see ref. in Bibl. nupetrime forma enchiridii Dioscoridem below) reported that Laurentius Gryllus was illustriora simplicia medicamima veterum- in the process of writing a commentary on

que aliquot usitatiores mixturas pertractan- Dioscorides when he died in 1561 (or

tem, pro suo non mediocri adiuvandorum 15607). Still later in 1771, Albert von Haller rei medicae studiosorum desyderio, hunc (ref. below) repeated the assertion. Gryllus item pari formula libellum in lucem emit- was a professor of medicine at Ingolstadt tunt, composita posteriorum medicorum who had a knowledge of simples. No trace Graecorum, Hebraeorum, Arabum, Mauri- of the commentary, finished or unfinished, tanorum, Latinorum, et nonnullorum recen- appears to have survived.

tiorum medicamenta continentem.”’ It is Biography:

dated Lyons, August 6, 1543. Laurentius Gryllus was born in Landeshut

Biography: around 1484 but little is known of his life.

Antonius Stupanus was a physician from He took a trip around Europe to study simGrisons (Graubiinden) who practised in ples. He was a professor of medicine at In-

Basel. Most authorities say that he enlarged golstadt where he died in 1560 or 1561. Nicolaus Myrepsos’ Dispensarium which ap- Works: Reportedly he wrote: De thermis

parently is the Enchiridion (Lyons, 1543) and De componendis. His work, De sapore mentioned above which Richard Durling dulci et amaro libri duo (Prague 1566), pub115

GREEK AUTHORS

lished posthumously, had a preface written Greek Mss.; Ernst H. F. Meyer, Geschichte

by Tadeas Hajek. der Botanik, 3 (1856), 365-379; George Sar-

Bibl.: Melchior Adam, Vitae germanorum ton, Introduction to the History of Science, medicorum . . .(Heidelberg 1620) 118; Albert 1 (1927), 727; 2 (1931), 1094; Lynn Thorn-

von Haller, Bibliotheca botanica...(London dike, ‘‘Relation between Byzantine and 1771), pt. 1, p. 84; Chr. G. Joecher, All- Western Science and Pseudo-Science before gemeines Gelehrten-Lexikon 2, 1221; C. W. 1350,” Janus, 51 (1964), 20. Kestner, Medicinisches Gelehrten-Lexicon

(Jena, 1740; repr. 1971) 366; Johannes An- TRANSLATION

tonides van der Linden, De scriptis medicis 1. CASPARUS WOLPHIUS libri duo (Amsterdam, 1651) 434; J. H. Zed- As he explains in his open letter (see beler, Grosses vollstindiges Universal-Lexikon low) Wolphius worked from a Greek Ms

11, 1156. (now in Vienna according to Meyer) once belonging to the library of Conrad Gesner,

which Wolphius had bought at no small cost; the manuscript itself had been given to Ges-

SPURIOUS WORKS OF DIOSCORIDES ner by Augustinus Gadaldinus, a Venetian physician. Wolphius probably made the

Il. ALPHABETUM EMPIRICUM translation in Zurich, and he published it in The author is probably Stephanos Mag- 1581. He noted parallel-textual similarities netes who, according to Ernst Meyer, wrote in Dioscorides’ De materia medica, Pseudo-

around 1100. One Vienna Ms attributes the Dioscorides’ Euporista, and a few from work to Dioscorides alone while another Nicholaus Myrepsos (13th c.). gives as authors Dioscorides and Stephanos Open letter. (ed. of Zurich?, 1581) Casof Athens (fl. under Heraklios, 603-41). The pari Wolphii Tigurini Medici De Latina treatise is an alphabetical listing of diseases Alphabeti empirici editione, ad lectorem and below these headings a discussion of admonitio. [Jnc.]: Cum Gesnerianae Biblioremedies. Much of the material does derive thecae, quam non exiguis sumptibus mihi from Dioscorides’ De materia medica and comparavi, Dioscoridis et Stephani Athenien-

Pseudo-Dioscorides’ Liber parabilium re- sis Philosophorum et Medicorum, zepu mediorum or Euporista. A Vienna Ms used gappaxwp [sic] exer pias librum, Graeco by Wolphius for his translation, has as the idiomate manuscriptum et nunquam, quod title BuBdos Atooxoptédov xat Lredavou sciam, prius editum, liberali Augustini GaA@nvaiov Tov ¢gtrodogou’§ TEpLtexovoa daldini medici Veneti excellentissimi donaPAPWaxwy EpMerpias xaTa AdpaBnTov tione Gesnero oblatum, novitate tituli invigoyas ExTevdeionw (Lambecius, Comment. de tatus, repetita lectione percurrerem, usquam

bibl. Caes. Vindob. 2, 598; 6, 99). In Wol- adeo placere coepit.... Inter transferendum, phius’ rendering, the title is translated: Alpha- omnia aut paucis neglectis contuli cum betum empiricum, sive Dioscoridis et Steph- Dioscoridis de Materia Medica libris, quaeani Atheniensis philosophorum et medicorum dam vero etiam cum eiusdem Euporistis.

de remediis expertis liber juxta alphabeti Quamobrem ubicunque D. M. literae ocordinem digestus. Ernst H. F. Meyer re- currunt, memineris ea, quae iisdem statim jected Stephanos of Athens (fl. under Herak- postponuntur, Dioscoridis esse in lib. de lios, 603-641) as a possible author but be- Mat. medica: sicubi vero D. P., ex paratu lieves the author to have been the Byzantine facilium libris apposita. Alicubi quaedam, medical writer, Stephanos Magnetes. The sed pauca, ex Nicolai Myrepsi antidotario

Greek text has not been published. inserta reperies, quod vel ad rem ipsam, vel

Bibl.: , ad sensum illustrandum accommodata vide-

H. Diels, Handschriften der antiken Artze bantur. Ac mutua illa authorum collatione (Berlin 1906) vol. 2, 33, 97, who lists the effectum puto, ut propositorum medicamen116

DIOSCORIDES

torum formulae integritati restitutae, earum Michaud, Biographie universelle 45, 13-14; et tutior et commodior in praxi usus sit K. Schottenloher, Bibliographie zur deutschen futurus.../...[Expl.]: sed praeterea ad alia Geschichte im Zeitalter der Glaubensspaltung.

eius generis maiora elaboranda excitabis. 2nd ed. (Stuttgart 1956-66), 2, 401; J. H.

Vale. Zedler, Grosses vollstindiges UniversalText, Alphabetum empiricum. (Inc.|: Lexikon 58, 546.

Abortum ne faciat mulier gravida ante completum gestationis tempus. Rubi et cumini radices linteolo involve, quod collo IV. DE NATURIS ET VIRTUTIBUS eius alligabis, neque enim unquam abortum AQUARUM DIOSCORIDIS faciet.../...[Expl.]: idem restabit. Habet autem haec herba rutae folia, sed simpli- This small tract is only known as an ap-

ciora. pendix to the second printing of the AlphaEdition: betical Dioscorides with Peter of Abano’s 1581, [Ziirich ? n.p.). Pritzel 10679; gloss. The treatise discusses the types of

Choulant, Handbuch 1, 83; Fabricius BG, water, e.g., sweet, salty, cold, warm, etc., Harles ed. 4, 683; NUC. BM; (DNLM). which have medical application. Waters with

Biography: added substances are described, such as ni-

Casparus Wolphius (Wolf) was born in trum, aluminum, sulphur, bitumen, etc. Ziirich around 1525 and had a brother Some waters are good for fever, others for named Johannes. He studied in Montpellier head-aches, migraines, eye-washes, dolores where he received a doctorate in 1558. A stomachi, gout, and so forth. Most ‘‘waters’’ friend and follower of Conrad Gesner, Wol- are what would now be called solutions or phius bought Gesner’s large library after his suspensions. Thorndike and Kibre (A Cata-

death in 1566 and succeeded him in the logue of Incipits..., col. 120) says the tract chair of natural philosophy at Ziirich. In has additions and corrections of Peter of

1577 he was named Professor of Greek at Abano but my reading of the text makes the Ziirich where he attempted to carry on Ges- assertion uncertain unless they refer to three ner’s work and to edit his letters. He died unnumbered folios at the end which serve as

in Ziirich in 1601. an index.

Works: Edited works both of ancient Text (ed. of Lyons, 1512). [Inc.]: (fol. 119) authors and of contemporaries, including: Aqua omnis frigide et humide et dulcis virJacques Houllier (Viaticum novum, Zirich tutis est. Quia in omnibus infirmitatibus 1565, 1578); Cleopatra, Moschio, Priscian aquarum necessaria est. oportet et mediand various anonymous gynaecological tracts cum eius virtutem cognoscere.../...[Expl.]}:

(Basel 1566, 1597); Conrad Gesner (Letters, (fol. 120v) De aqua ut supra. ..aluminata Ziirich 1566, 1577; Euonymus, n.p. 1569; numeris solutis etc. nec retro dictum est. Tabula, 1587); Hippocrates (Aphorisms, Bibl.: Thorndike-Kibre, Incipits, col. 120; Sangalli 1584); Domenico Massaria (De L. Thorndike, History of Magic and Experiponderibus et mensuris medicinalibus libri mental Science 2, 923.

tres, Ziirich 1584); and Galen (De secretis, Edition:

Ziirich 1594). 1512: See above I, 1.

Bibl.: Allgemeine deutsche Biographie 43, Doubtful or rejected edition:

777; Biographisches Lexikon der hervor- 1514: See above I, 1. ragenden Arzte aller Zeiten und Volker 9, 979; Chr. G. Joecher, Allgemeines Gelehrten-

Lexikon 4, 1045; Karl Krumbacher, Ge- V. DE PURGANTIBUS schichte der byzantinischen Litteratur bis zum

Ende des ostrémischen Reiches (527-1453). The author of the treatise, found in only

(Munich 1897) 2, 617; Renauldin in: M. one manuscript, claims it to be a list of 117

GREEK AUTHORS

purgatives or “cleaners”? from Dioscorides seller, noted that there were two tracts and but the text does not appear to be from that neither is certainly by Dioscorides (FihDioscorides. The medical uses of the eighty- rist. ed. and trans. Bayard Dodge [New York

four drugs listed are broader than merely 1970] 2,690). In 1829, Curt Sprengel (Medi-

purgatives, e.g., there are remedies for corum Graecorum opera..., vol. 36) bedropsy and lapis lazuli is listed for fear and lieved that the same author wrote both

as a cordial. tracts, while Ernst Meyer (Geschichte der Rubric: (Oxford, Bodleian Ms Canon. Botanik, vol. 2, 110) believed that there

Auct. class. Lat. 272, fol. 55") De were two separate authors because of the

purgantibus diversimode diversos humores differences between the two works. Meyer secundum Diascoridem et primo de flegmate. conjectures that the two works were comText [Inc.]: Elleborus albus purgat fleg- bined in the seventh or eighth centuries. Alma cerebri in iniectum per nares ex stoma- though a thorough study of the commencho.../...[Expl.]: (fol. 56) Sene conficit.. . taries, etc., has not been made, the sixteenth-

admixta reperitur cum spica. century writers seemed to have expressed no

Manuscript: doubt concerning the genuineness of the

Oxford, Bodleian Ms. Canon. class. Lat. treatises. Some sixteenth-century writers, 272, s. XIV, fols. 55-56. (H. O. Cox, Cata- however, ignored the work(s) on poisons by logi... 3, 224-225; Thorndike and Kibre, translating and commenting only on De ma-

Incipits, col. 497). teria medica while others, following the published Greek texts, included them as additional books. Sometimes they are published as Books VI-IX, other times as Books VI-

VI. DE VENENIS AND OE VENENATIS VIII, or Books VI-VII, or simply as Book VI by combining both treatises, or they are

Photios (Codex 178) lists Dioscorides’ published separately at the end of Book V writings as Ilepé vdns tatorxns (De materia as a different treatise by Dioscorides. Hermedica), Ilept dndntnpiwy gappaxwy (De molaus Barbarus and Saracenus called the

venenis) and Ilepi toBd\wv (De venenatis works Alexipharmaca and Theriaca, reanimalibus). The 1499 and 1518 Aldine spectively. Greek texts published the last two tracts as Bibl.: Books VI-[X of Dioscorides’ De materia Greek Mss for both treatises, some con-

medica. This was done by printing the pre- taining one and not the other, are listed by face to De venenis as Book VI and by divid- H. Diels, Die Handschriften der Antiken ing De venenatis animalibus into two books. Arzte (Berlin 1905) 2, 31-32; the Greek texts Janus Cornarius’ Greek edition of 1529 pub- are published by C. Sprengel, Pedanii Dioslished the two tracts as Books VI-VIII by coridis Anazarbei de materia medica libri dividing De venenis and leaving De venena- quinque, vols. 25-26 of Medicorum Graetis animalibus as a separate unit. (See dis- corum opera quae extant, C. G. Kiihn ed. cussion of Greek texts in Fortuna, pp. 5,9 (Leipzig 1829-1830) 26 (2), 1-91. There is a above.) The authorship of the tracts is un- German translation by J. Berendes, ‘‘I. Des known but a date before Dioscorides is sug- Pedanios Dioskurides Schrift tiber die Gifte gested, perhaps at Alexandria. Dioscorides’ und Gegengifte. II. Des Pedanios Dioskuown preface speaks of five books and Galen rides Schrift tiber die giftigen Tiere und den (vol. 11, 794 Kiihn ed.) says Dioscorides is tollen Hund,” Apotheker-Zeitung, nos. 92in five books. Later writers, e. g. Paul of 93 (1905S), 933-935, 945-954. See also, LudAegina, Oribasius, etc., fail to cite these wig Choulant, Handbuch der Biicherkunde tracts on poisons despite their great atten- fiir die dltere Medicin (Leipzig 1841) 76-77; tion to Dioscorides. Muhammad ibn Ishaq Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Bibliotheca Graeca 4, ibn al-Nadim (d. 995), a professional book- 94; ibid., ed. Harles, 3, 94-95; H. F. Meyer, 118

DIOSCORIDES

Geschichte der Botanik (Konigsberg 1854- De venenis, quoque modo arceantur viten1857; repr. 1965) 2, 107-110; Max Well- turque, liber sextus.

mann in: PW 5 (1903) 1140. Text [Inc.]: Superioribus, amicissime Ari,

libris tradidimus de aromatibus, oleis, unguentis, arboribus, et eorundem fructibus

TRANSLATIONS lachrymisque, item animalibus, melle, lacte, 1. HERMOLAUS BARBARUS sevo, frumentis, oleribus, herbis, radicibus,

liquamentis, vinis, metallisque. In hoc vero

For date and circumstances, see above totius operis ultimo, facultates eorum recenunder II, 2, p. 27. De venenis was treated as sebimus, quae prodesse nobis aut officere

Books VI-VIII of De materia medica. possunt. Vitantes itaque nomenclationis Text. Book VI (ed. of Venice, 1516; fols. taedia ad institutum revertemur.../...

120-133): De noxiis venenis ut caveri vita- [Expl.}: (De aqua frigida. Cap. XXXIIII; fol. rique possint liber sextus. [Jnc.]: Superioribus 148) Verum quoniam aliis in locis diligentis-

libris, Aree suavissime, rationem odorum sime scripta sunt, hic ab eorum descriptione

oleorum unguentorum = arborum.../... supersedemus.

[Expl.]: (Epilogus)...dicta accurate haben- Liber VII (fol. 148v): De venenatis anitur perscripta, supersedendum nobis hoc malibus et rabioso cane liber.

opere censuimus. Text [Inc.]: De bestiis quae virus eiacuBook VII (fols. 126-129v): De venenatis lantur, et exitialibus venenis, ut circuitus animalibus et rabioso cane... quid sit Theri- medicinalis ad umbilicum perveniat.../... acon quid Alexipharmacon. [Inc.]: De [Expl.]: De ratione victus in morsu rabiosi venenatis animalibus et medicamentis quae canis. Cap. III; fol. 152v) Cursim postremo

pernitiem afferre consueuerunt.../... subiungemus ea, quae sua proprietate non[Expl.|: (De curatione morsus canis post nullis auxilium praestare possunt. Subnecte-

primos dies. XVIIII) simul et iis quibus mus etiam venenata quae nullis cedunt

omnino leviter occurri potuit. remediis.

Book VIII (cols. 130-133): De notis eorum Liber VIII (fol. 152v): De notis eorum quos animalia venenata morderint. [Inc.|]: quae venenatis demorsi sunt. (De signa phalangii C.X.) Ubi phalangium Text [Inc.]: (De phalangiis. cap. 1) De nocuit rubor loco affunditur; qui et com- morsis a phalangiis locus quidem ipse, quasi puncto similis fit.../...[Expl.]: (Ad basil- ab impacto aculeo rubet, non intumescens, iscum curatio. C.XLI) et haec contra ser- nec per ambitum calidus, sed mediocriter pentes praeceptio, quam Theriacam vocari subrubens. ../...[Expl.]: (Communis curatio

praediximus. in omnes ictus virulentos. Cap. XVI; fol. Editions: 154yv [two folios numbered 152].) De peSee above under II, 2, p. 29. culiaribus remediis contra bestias quae Biography: venena vibrant consequenter est dicendum.

See p. 343 below. Liber IX (fol. 155): De remediis contra venenatos morsus.

2. JOHANNES RUELLIUS Text [Inc.]: Inter ferientium venenatorum For date and circumstances see above notas nihil de vespis et apibus articulatim under II, 3, p. 29. Ruellius’ translation digessimus, quae conspicuae omnibus forent, was attached in the editio princeps to De et nihil excellens aut notatu dignum in his materia medica as Bks. VI-IX, but sub- observaretur, inter remedia tamen earum sequent publishers and editors varied the meminisse non fuit alienum. De remedziis

practice, as noted under each edition. contra vesparum apumque ictus. Cap. I.

Adversus apum vesparumque ictus.../...

a. Ruellius’ unedited translation. [Expl.]: (De basilisci morsu. cap. XV; fol. Liber VI (ed of Paris, 1516, fol. 141v). 156v) Ad basilisci morsum, ut Erasistratus

119

GREEK AUTHORS

author est, auxiliatur castorii drachma in Text. [Inc.|]: Adversus quidem omnem vino pota. Item papaveris succus. Ictuum animalis ictum, quod venenum vibrat, oris

remedia ita se habent. suctio convenit. [same as Ruellius VIII,

Editions: 16].../...[Expl.]: (A basilisco morsi, cap. See above under II, 3, p. 32. XVI, fol. 352v) Ad basilisci morsum, ut

Erasistratus author est, auxiliatur castorii b. Jacobus Goupylus’ Corrections of Ruel- drachma in vino pota. Itam papaveris suc-

lius’ Translation. cus. Ictuum remedia ita se habent.

For date and circumstances of the revision, Editions: see above under II, 3, p. 32. Goupylus pro- See above I, 9, p. 34. vided an improved Greek text parallel to the

translation. Goupylus divided the treatise c. Petrus Andreas Matthiolus’ Corrections differently than Ruellius. He ended book of Ruellius’ translation. seven with chapter nineteen, which Ruellius For date and circumstances, see above had as a part, not the ending of bk. seven, under II, 3, p. 33. He combined Ruellius’ and Goupylus began book eight (Ruellius’ Books VI-IX into Book VI which was at-

Bk. 8, chapter fourteen) with a chapter, tached to De materia medica. Italicized

‘communis curatio in omnes ictus virulen- words represent Matthiolus’ corrections. tos,’’ and included Ruellius’ book nine with- Liber VI (ed. of 1554, p. 640): De lethaliin his book eight. Italicized words repre- bus venenis eorumque praecautione et cura-

sent Goupylus’ corrections. tione.

Liber VI (ed. of Paris, Petrus Haultinus, Text. [Inc.|]: Superioribus, amicissime

1549; fol. 316). De venenis quoque modo ar- Aree, libris tradidimus de aromatibus, oleis,

ceantur vitenturque. unguentis, arboribus, et earundem fructibus

Text. [Inc.]: Superioribus, amicissime lacrymisque, item animalibus, melle, lacte, Aree, libris tradidimus de aromatibus oleis, sevo, frumentis, oleribus, herbis, radicibus, unguentis, arboribus, et earundem fructi- liquamentis, vinis, metallisque. In hoc vero bus lachrymisque, item animalibus, melle, totius operis ultimo, facultates medicamenlacte, sevo, frumentis, oleribus, herbis, radi- torum recensebimus, quae prodesse nobis, cibus, liquamentis, vinis, metallisque. In aut officere possunt. Vitata igitur orationis hoc vero totius operis ultimo, facultates prolixitate, opus institutum prosequamur. . ./ medicamentorum recensebimus, quae pro- ..-LExpl.]: (Basiliscus, cap. LV; fol. 707). Ad desse nobis, aut officere possint. Vitata basilisci morsum. ut idem Erasistratus author igitur orationis prolixitate, opus institutum est, auxiliatur castorii drachma in vino pota.

prosequamur.../...{Expl.|: (fol. 332v) Item papaveris succus. Ictuum remedia ita se Verum quoniam aliis in locis diligentissime habent.

scripta sunt, hic ab eorum descriptione Editions:

supersedemus. See above under II, 3, p. 34. Liber VII (fol. 333): De venenatis, in quo Biography: et de cane rabioso. See p. 96 above. Text. [Inc.|]: De bestiis quae virus eiaculantur, et exitialibus venenis, ideo scribere 3. MARCELLUS VirGILIUS ADRIANUS

aggredimur, ut tota curationis remediorum- For date and circumstances, see above gue ratio ad umbilicum perducatur.../... under II, 4, p. 35. De venenis is combined in [Expl.]: (Basiliscus. Cap. XIX, fol. 345v) all editions as Book VI of De materia

Transeuntes utique ad medendi rationem, medica, which was also translated by primum, ut fieri poterit, de communibus Marcellus. disseremus. [same as in Ruellius; VIII, 15]. Liber VI (ed. of Florence, 1518): De letaliLiber VIII. (fol. 346): De curatione ab bus venenis eorumque praecautione et cura-

animalibus venenatis morsorum. tione. 120

DIOSCORIDES

Text. [Inc.|: Tradidimus in his quae hac- [Expl.]: (De aqua frigida, et vino...cap. tenus scripta sunt, charissime Aree, omnem XXXVIII) quoniam in libris De antidotis de aromatis, oleo omni, unguentis, arbori- exactissime descriptae habentur, hoc loco bus earumque fructibus et lachrymis, ani- illas describere supervacuum dux1i.

malibus itidem, melle.../...[Expl.|: (Basil- Edition: iscil morsus curatio. cap. Ixxi) cum vino See above, under II, 6, p. 40. pota: Similiterque papaveris liquor quod Biography: opium est. Et haec talisque contra venenata See CTC IT, 118.

theriacae curatio est.

Editions: 5S. JANUS ANTONIUS SARACENUS

See above, under II, 4, p. 38. For date and circumstances, of the trans-

Biography: lation see above under II, 6, p. 41. SaraSee p. 39 above. cenus considered De venenis to be two separate works, De venenis and De bestiis venena-

4. Janus CORNARIUS tis..., and he published them in a large

For the date and circumstances of the edition of what he considered to be Diostranslation, see under II, 5, p. 39 above. corides’ complete works. He also provided a The translation was included in the edition Greek text and commentary.

of Cornarius’ translation of De materia Treatise 1, title (ed. of Frankfort, 1598).

medica, but the De venenis appears as a Liber de venenis eorundemque praecautione separate work in two books. In Cornarius’ ac medicatione.

earlier Greek text (Basel 1529) he had in- Text. [Inc.]: (pt. 2, p. 395, Gk. and Lt.

cluded De venenis as Books VI-VIII to De ed.) Quoniam superioribus libris, amicismateria medica. Preceding the translation sime Aree, tradidimus de aromatibus, oleis, of De venenis is a letter to Ioannes Schro- unguentis, arboribus ac earundem fructibus

derus Vinariensus. The translation is ac- et lacrymis, insuperque de animalibus,

companied by a commentary. melle, lacte, sevo, frugibus, oleribus, radiciLetter. (ed. of Basel, 1557) Ianus Cor- bus, herbis, succis, denique de vinorum

narius Medicus Physicus, Ioanni Schroedero metallicorumque generibus, in hoc operis Vinariensi, Medico ac Mathematico insigni, totius ultimo, de viribus noxiorum medicaNeacademiae Genensis in Thuringis profes- mentorum ac eorum quae contra prodesse sori, S. D. [Jnc.]: Quandoquidem ita con- possunt disseremus. Vitata igitur sermonis tigit ut ad me accederes, charissime Schro- prolixitate opus in institutum prosequa-

dere.../...[Expl.]|: filiis invitatus es ac mur.../...[Expl.]: (De aqua frigida...cap.

vocatus. Vale et me ama. Zuiccavii XII. XXXIIII, p. 414) quod e sanguinis variis

Calend. April. M.D. LV. generibus, et quod e scinco paratur. Verum Liber I: De bestis venenum eiaculantibus. quoniam inter antidota accuratissime deText. [Inc.]: De bestiis venum eiaculanti- scripta sunt, visum est hoc loco ab eorum

bus et de letalibus medicamentis ser- descriptione supersedere. monem habere proposui, quo curatorius Treatise 2, title: De venenatis animalibus modus plene absolvatur. Neque enim ullo et ab iisdem inflictorum vulnerum signis et

aliquo minus necessarius hic est his qui curatione. medicinam.../...[Expl.|: (Curatio morsus Text. [Inc.]: (pt. 2, p. 415, Gk. and Lt. basilisci. cap. XXXIII) de bestiis venenum ed.) De bestiis venenatis et exitialibus venenis

eiaculantibus modus. agere iccirco nobis propositum est, ut curaLiber IT: De letalibus medicamentis. tionis remediorumque totus expleatur Text [Inc.]: Post theriacum de bestiis modus. Siquidem pars haec non minus venenum eiaculantibus sermonem sive quam caeterae.../...[Expl.]: (pt. 2, p. modum, deinceps alexipharmacum recen- 439, De basilisci morsu. Cap. XXXV) Morsebimus, de eorum medicamentorum.../... sis a basilisco Erasistratus auxiliari asserit 121

GREEK AUTHORS

castorii drachmam unam in vino potam, (Ex libro sexto, p. 258) Aut oblata occasione itidemque papaveris succum. Et ictuum qui- etc. M. [in some ed.’s Man.] Aliter meo

dem morsuumque venenatorum remedia ita iudicio fidelius et plenius.../...[Expl.]:

se habent. (Ex libro nono, p. 267) et totius libri in meo Editions: codice sic clauditur, et hic quidem est therSee above, under I, 15, p. 43. iacus modus. XV. Ianuarti, M. D. XXII. Biography: Editions: See p. 43 above. See above, under II, e, p. 53. Biography:

COMMENTARIES. See p. 53 above. a. MARCELLUS VIRGILIUS ADRIANUS For date and circumstance, of the com- c. JOHANNES LONICERUS mentary see above, under II, 4, p. 34. Fol- For date and circumstances of the comlowing each chapter is the commentary which mentary, see above, under II, n, p. 75. is published as Bk. VI of De materia medica. The commentary, called Nova Scholia, was

At least three editions have different expli- published as part of a commentary on De cits from that of the editio princeps since materia medica with De venenis being treated

they omit several lines at the end. without a separate title as Book VI.

Commentary (ed. of Florence, 1518 to Commentary (ed. of Frankfort and Mar-

Bk. VI titled De letalibus venenis eorumque burg, 1543, fol. 81v) [Znc.]: De noxiis vene-

praecautione). [Jnc.]: Si fuisset quondam nis eorumque praecautione et curatione aut saltem nunc.../...[Expl.]: (ed. of praefationem Dioscoridis ad Areum Paulus 1518; Chapter 71, Basilisci morsus curatio) Aegineta.../...[Expl.]: (fol. 84) opus ea hoc modo videlicet. fo. 3, 1, 50 et sic dein- huc transferre, tametsi ab Dioscoride hoc in ceps. [Expl.]: (eds. of 1523, 1529 [Cologne] loco non recedat.

and 1529 [Strasbourg]) volumine librarios et Edition:

Editions: Biography:

legentes defatigare visum non est. See p. 75, above. For editions, see above, under II, 4, p. See p. 76 above.

38-39.

Biography: d. ANonyMus D. NAMED “H.B.P. MEDICUs”

See p. 38 above. (JOHANNES BRUYERINUS?)

b. JoHANNES MANARDUS For date and circumstance of the comFor date and circumstances of the com- mentary, see above, under HI, s, p. 82. The mentary, see above, under II, e, p. 50. The commentary treats De venenis as Book VI to commentary comes in the form of the last De materia medica.

, Commentary (ed. adof Lyons, 1550, p. of three letters, the last letter being ry yons, »P730). dressed to Bart. Tingus Pistoriensis and Unc.]: Venenum omne aut pet os. . / oe dated at Ferrara, January 15, 1523. The [Exp .J: (p. 790) si tantula haec iatrices letter is published in Book 8 of Manardus’ ee perplacere senserit.

Epistolae medicinales. The early editions, S aie der I

namely Ferrara 1521, Paris 1528, Stras- Bic a he under II, s, p. 83. bourg 1529, Bologna 1531, do not include Seen 183. b this commentary, which first appears in ce Pp. Ov above.

the edition of Paris, 1532.

Letter III (Liber VIII, 3; ed. of Basel, €. ANDREAS LACUNA

1549). Io. Manardus Bartholomaeo Tingo For date and circumstance of the com-

Pistoriensi medico S. D..... mentary, see above, under II, x, p. 89. The Commentary on the De venenis. [Inc.]: commentary on De venenis is published as

122 —

DIOSCORIDES

Bk. VI of De materia medica without a from his translation and commentary of De

break or separate title. materia medica.

Commentary (ed. of Lyons, 1554, p. 306). Commentary. Liber I (ed. of 1557, p.

[Inc.]: Statim in ipso prooemio, ubi Ruellius 522): De bestiis venenum eiaculantibus.

vertit, herbis radicibus, additur in veteri Text [Inc.|]: Non pertinere hos duos libros,

codice.../...[Expl.]: (p. 340) solo virtus, de bestiis venenum eiaculantibus.../... industria, et omnis sapientia emanat. [Expl.]: (Curatio morsus basilisci, cap.

Edition: Xxxliii, p. 539) nunc absoluta, deinceps ad See above, under I], x, p. 90. posteriorem transit. Biography: Liber II (p. 541): De bestiis venenum

See p. 91 above. elaculantibus.

Text [Inc.]: Qui hune posteriorem Diosf. Perrus ANDREAS MATTHIOLUS coridis de letalibus medicamentis librum. . . / For date and circumstances of the com- -- -LExpl.]: (De aqua frigida . - Cap. XXXVI,

mentary, see above, under II, y, p. 92. The p. 560) ex ipsis autoris verbis productis commentary is published as Book VI of De com Propavimus.

materia medica. Matthiolus made little S a 5 40 change in this part of his commentary from Bin 4 hy. >» Pe one edition to the other and the incipits See CTC IL 1 18

and explicits remain the same throughout °c. ae

all editions. As an example of the paucity h. BALDELLUS DE BALDELLIS

of revision, in the Venice 1558 ed. in Chapter , ,

46 on mice, Matthiolus merely dropped The heading of the only manuscript copy

from the editio princeps two sentences which a , nes ween per Baldellum

state that there are errors in certain letters. © Pa ae Is, pubilce egentem in studio

Heading (ed. of Venice, 1554, p. 642): In pisano. Baldellus de Baldellis lectured on lib. sextum Pedacii Dioscoridis Anazarbei ne phi losophy and botany in Pisa from

de lethalibus venenis eorumque praecau- ; 2 to his death in 1596. He was for a

tione et curatione. period custodian of the Botanical Gardens Commentary [Inc.]: Magnum sane et in Pisa. There is no other evidence as to immensum beneficium acceptum referre when Baldellus de Baldellis might have

debent sapientissimo Dioscoridi non solum vurroundite or the circumstances medici orbis universi.../...[Expl.]: (Cap. . , ,

55, Basiliscus, p. 707) et omnia accepta 62). Saree IDI. eae arcana a

; tractationem venenorum, alteram quae

referimus, et honorem ac gloriam tribuimus » Linc.J; Lupiicem Proponit MIOScoricls

om mnam. docet nos quo pacto possimus praecavere See above under II, y, p. 96 venena.. Sf. . .[Expl.]: cui aliquo sanguines.

Biography: oe Manuscrip aa wade , See p. 96 above. (micro.) Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana Ms lat. VII 5 (2892), s. XVI, fols. 156-163. Cf. Valentinelli V 134-35 (Class

g. JANUS CORNARIUS XIV, no. 62).

For date and circumstances, of the com- Biography: mentary, see above, under II, aa, p. 98, Baldellus de Baldellis (Baldello Baldelli) and VI, 4, p. 121. Cornarius separates the is mentioned by the Dominican Vigna as tracts on poisons from each other in two dis- Baldello Baldelli di Cortona which indicates tinct books, ‘‘De bestis venenum eiaculanti- he was probably born in Cortona. Fabroni bus et lethalibus medicamentis, libri II.’’ A on Pisa indicates that he taught in Pisa from new introduction separates these two books 1572 to his death in 1596 with the title of 123

GREEK AUTHORS

Botanices Magister. G. Mazzuchelli says artem qua medici venenatis saepe auxilio that he lectured on natural philosophy and esse solent, et vos quoque ad maiorem medi-

botany and was custodian of the Botanical cinae studii gloriam et incrementum, as-

Gardens in Pisa. sequi possitis, praesenti hoc anno, qui XVII

Bibl.: Angelo Fabroni, Historia Acade- agitur ex quo in hoc celeberrimo Gymnasio miae Pisanae (Pisa 1791-1795), vol. 2, 61- medicamentariam ut ita loquatur medici62, 470; Giammaria Mazzuchelli, Gli scrit- nam, quae medicamenta simplicia ipsorum-

tori d'Italia...(Brescia 1778), vol. 2, pt. que vires atque usus ad medendum docet,

1, 99. ordinarie professi sumus nunc ipsum librum

, Diosc. commentandum suscipimus.”’ The

i. JANUS ANTONIUS SARACENUS manuscript appears to be Alpinus’ autoFor date and circumstances, of the com- graph and not lecture notes taken by a stu-

mentary see above, under II, ii, p. 110. dent. The commentary is divided into two The Greek text, translation and commentary books, although not called such. Other autreated De venenis as a separate work from thorities are cited, e.g., Theophrastus, Cel-

De materia medica. sus, Pliny, Galen, C. Aurelianus, Rhasis, Commentary. Liber I. (ed. of Frankfort, Mesue, Avicenna, Conrad Gesner, and 1598, Bk. I, pt. 2, p. 124). [Inc.]: In librum Franc. Alpinus “‘meus pater” (fol. 121y). AAEZI®AITPMAKON) epi dndnrypiwv Also from time to time he cited Dioscorides Papp.) Si Cornarii, Guillandini et plero- in Books I-V, De materia medica. Scholasrumque doctorum virorum.../...[Expl.]: tic discourse seems not to be the commen(Bk. I, pt. 2, p. 132) secare oportet, et per tary’s main characteristic but it is instead an

clysterem vacuare. elaborate, detailed clinical study.

Liber II (pt. 2, p. 133). [Inc.]: Onptaxod: First Preface and Liber | (Vicenza, Bibl.

Tov meptodeuTitxov TOXOV Quanquam etiam Com. Bertoliana Ms 7. 3. 34, anno 1599, Troxov lectionem tolerari posse minime.. ./ fol. Al). [Inc.]: Sextum ultimumque librum

...LExpl.]: (pt. 2, p. 140) semen pro succo Diosc. de re medica conscriptum quo ille

papaveris perperam legi crediderim. medicamenta.../...[Expl.]: (fol. 143) pluri-

Edition: mum devoratum surg. socc. (?) refungis.

See above II, ti, p. 110. Second Preface, preceeding first, dated

Biography: November 1610, fol. 1. [Inc.|]: Rumores belli See p. 43 above. quod plures in Italia futurum.../...[Expl.]:

; (fol. A3v) irrita, invenenatis corporibus red-

j. PROSPER ALPINUS deretur.

Prosper Alpinus, the author of by far the Liber IT (fol. 143). UUnc.]: In lib. VI Diosc. largest commentary on De venenis, probably Partem Secundam Commentarius.: Cum lectured at Padua on the treatise(s) in 1599 hunc sextum Diosc. librum in duas partes

and again in 1610. The large codex has two distinxit.../...[Expl.]: (abruptly, fol.

prefaces in the same hand: the earlier one of 224, with notation at top “224 + 5S’’) sic 1899 has as its heading “‘Prosperi Alpini tempus est finem imponendi, ut.

Marosticenis in lib. VI Dioscoridis. De re Manuscript: medica commentaria habita anno 1599;” (photo.) Vicenza, Biblioteca, Comunale

the later preface of 1610, placed in the front Bertoliana, Ms 7. 3. 34(509, formerly, 6. 9. in the codex, has ‘‘Praefatio in lib. VI Dios- 11), s. XVI (-XVII). Frontispiece has: ‘Codex coridis De re medica habita anno MDCX a Prospero Alpino propria manu scriptus, et mens. novemb.”’ In the margins are nota- ab Antonio Larber (?) Bassanensi medico tions for lecture breaking points, e.g. “Lectio Dominico Thiene Vecentino medico dona42”” (fol. 17v), but these notations go only tus, suadente Francisco Testa, in publica through folio 109v and ‘“‘Lectio 32.” Also in Bibliotheca Vicentia custodiendus reponitur. the 1610 preface Alpinus wrote: “Nos, ut Idib. jun. An. MDCCCXXXIV.”’ At the end 124

DIOSCORIDES

there is a transcription of the 1610 and the pontico—disputatio in gymnasio Patavino 1599 Prefaces with the beginning note: habita, Padua 1612; De plantis exoticis libri “Copia tratta...il Sr. Dr. Thienne....”’; duo, Venice 1627; De longitudine et brevitate and the closing note: ‘“‘Non ebbi commodita morborum libri duo, Marostica 1966. di transcrivere di piu—il volume originale e Bibl.: Biographisches Lexikon der hervor-

grosso in 4'°—.’’ (Kristeller, IJ, 303; Maz- ragenden Arzte aller Zeiten und Volker, 1

zatinti, Inventari..., 2, 82, no. 509). (1929) 100-101; Chaussier et Adelon, in: M.

Biography: Michaud, Biographie universelle, 1, 531-532;

Prosper Alpinus (Prospero Alpino) was Nouvelle biographie universelle 2, 211-214; the son of Francescus Alpinus, a physician, G. Lusina in: Dizionario biografico degli and was born on November 23, 1553, in italiani (Rome 1960) 2, 259-530; Jerry StanMarostica, near Venice. In spite of an in- nard, in: Dictionary of Scientific Biography, clination for a military career, he went to 1, 124-125 with bibl. the University at Padua. His master was A. Baldacci and P. A. Saccardo, ‘“‘Onorio Melchior Guilandinus, who is named as a Belli e Prospero Alpino e la flora dell’ isola respondent in Alpinus’ dialogue, De plantis di Creta,”” Malpighia 14 (1900), 140-163; Aegypti. He received his doctorate in medi- Augusto Béguinot, in: Aldo Mieli, ed., Gili cine on August 28, 1578. After practising scienziati italiani dall’ inizio del medio evo medicine for a short period in Camposam- ai nostri giorni, I, pt. 1 (Rome 1921) 84-90 piero, near Venice, in 1580 he accepted a (with refs.); Giuseppe Ongaro, ‘‘Contributi position as physician to Giorgio Emo and in alla biografia di Prospero Alpini,’’ Acta September of that year accompanied Emo medicae historiae Patavina, 8-9 (1961-1963), to Egypt where Emo was the Venetian am- 79-168. bassador. The journey was an opportunity for Alpinus to explore the flora of Crete and Egypt and to gather research for De plantis

Aegypti. The sexual pollination of the date VII. £X HERBIS FEMININIS palm is described as well as the coffee bush, Ex herbis femininis is a late Roman or early banana and baobab. After three years in medieval Latin treatise based on Dioscorides’ Egypt, Alpinus returned to Italy where in De materia medica but also employing other 1584 he was attached as a physician to Gio- sources. Dioscorides is frequently named in vanni Andrea Doria, prince of Amalfi. He manuscripts and manuscript catalogues as

returned to Venice in 1586 (or 1590?). In the author. The treatise discusses some

1594 the Venetian Senate elected him lec- seventy-one herbs by giving briefly their deturer on simples at the University at Padua. scription, medical uses and, often in early In 1603 he became director of the Botanical manuscripts, a picture of the herb.

Garden at Padua and enriched it with plants The author or translator of Ex herbis is which he had imported from Egypt. Alpinus unknown nor is it known when he lived. died on January 7, 1617 (or November 23, Hermann Stadler (“‘Dioscorides als Quelle

1616) in Padua. Isidors,”” Archiv fir lateinische Lexikographie

Works: Among his published works are: und Grammatik 10 [1898] 411.) postulated De medicina Aegyptiorum libri 4, Venice an African origin on the basis of linguistic 1591, Padua 1639, Paris 1645; De balsamo evidence, citing synonyms for herbs. Charles

dialogus, Venice 1591, Padua 1640; De Singer (‘““‘The Herbal in Antiquity and its plantis Aegypti liber, Venice 1592, Padua Transmission to Later Ages,” Journal of 1640, Historiae naturalis Aegypti libri 4, Hellenic Studies 47 [1972] 47) believed that Leiden 1735; De praesagienda vita et morte the author or translator lived in Ostrogothic aegrotantium libri septem, Venice-Frankfurt Italy (ca. 560-636 A.D.). Three pieces of 1601 etc.; De medicina methodica libri tre- evidence support the contention that the decim, Padua 1611. Leiden 1719; De rha- work was in existence by the sixth century: 125

GREEK AUTHORS

(1) Cassiodorus’ statement (discussed text of Dioscorides. Most of Ex herbis is an above, p. 20-7) that monks who do not know abbreviated, but often fairly literal, translaGreek “‘can turn to the herbal of Dioscorides tion; however, the author or translator went which describes and draws the herbs of the beyond his source in some herbal discussions field with wonderful faithfulness.” Cassiodorus and sometimes modified his material. The

is probably referring to Ex herbis and not to herbs he chose to discuss were generally the Old Latin Translation of De materia those most commonly found in Europe. The medica because: (a) He said herbal whereas author or translator used his discretion in the complete De materia medica discusses listing synonyms and in relating plant deitems from all three kingdoms, animal, veg- scriptions, their locations and their medical etable and mineral (although one rubric to virtues. the Old Latin Translation, BN 12995, calls The sources, if any, which the author or De materia medica an ‘‘herbal’’). (b) He re- translator used in addition to Dioscorides fers to drawings of wonderful faithfulness. are uncertain. Kastner (see ref. below) and Most manuscript copies of Ex herbis are il- Singer said the author or translator also lustrated whereas only one copy of the Latin used Pliny’s Natural History, PseudoDe materia medica, Munich 337, has any Apuleius’ Herbarius and, according to KAast-

drawings and they are crude ones. ner, Galen’s On simple medicines. Max

(2) An anonymous letter to Marcellinus, Wellmann (‘‘Dioscorides,’”’ no. 12, Paulyperhaps by Cassiodorus, refers to ‘“‘a little Wissowa Real-Encyclopddie 5 [Stuttgart botanical book from Dioscorides’ works, 1903] 1134) rejected Pseudo-Apuleius’ Hertranslated into Latin, in which are drawn barius as a possible source. In some findings herbal representations (Jibellus botanicon ex which I hope to publish soon, I can report Dioscoridis libris in latinum conversus in quo that none of the above mentioned authors depicte sunt herbarum figure). The letter were employed by the unknown author or is found in BM Harley 4986, s. XII, fol. translator nor were any other known, literary 44y, and Lucca, Biblioteca Governativa, Ms sources used. There is present in Ex herbis 296, fol. 18v (see, P. Giacosa, Magistri Sal- new material, not derived from De materia ernitani nondum editi [Turin 1901] 351) and medica, and, possibly, the author or transit is attached to Pseudo-Apuleius’ Herbarius. lator used new information based on his I believe that this Marcellinus may possibly own experience. be Marcellinus comes (fl. ca. 534) the secre- Preceding the full version of Ex herbis in tary of Justinian who continued Eusebius’ some manuscripts, there is an abbreviated chronicles. If this conjecture is correct, then edition which will be discussed under (b)

the letter itself may be by Cassiodorus. below. (3) Isidore of Seville probably used Ex Of the twenty-eight manuscripts of the

herbis as a source for the herbs in his Ori- full version, thirteen, possibly fourteen (begines, Book 17, Chapters 7-11. Valentin cause a Torino Ms, dated s. XII-XIII, was Rose (‘Ueber die Medicina Plinii,’’ Hermes destroyed by fire), are dated twelfth-century 8 [1874] 38) proposed that Isidore of Seville and earlier. Five are from the ninth-century knew Ex herbis and used it as a direct source alone. Given the statistical probability of a

and Hermann Stadler (see above, II, 1, a, greater loss of earlier manuscripts than of p. 22) added some instances of textual simi- later ones, this demonstrates the popularity larity. The instances are infrequent, however, of Ex herbis during the early middle ages and it is possible, although not likely, that the and its relative decline thereafter. In most of author or translator of Ex herbis had instead the early codices the Herbarius of Pseudo-

used Isidore. Apuleius precedes Ex herbis, thus the two

Unquestionably the author or translator treatises, each discussing different herbs, of Ex herbis relied primarily on the Greek were associated with one another.

126 |

DIOSCORIDES

a. Full version of Ex herbis femininis. ten gives the text of the shortened version. [Rubric]: (London, British Museum, Ms. The edition is defective in many ways: Harley 5294, fol. 43v). Incipit liber medicine ‘‘Pseudo-Dioscoridis ‘De herbis feminis,’ ”’ Dioscoridis ex herbis femininis numero Ixxi. Hermes 31 (1896), 578-636; 32 (1897) 160. per singula nomina. [Although promised, a See also, Henry Sigerist, ‘“The Medical Litlist of the names of herbs does not follow. ] erature of the Early Middle Ages: A Program [Inc.]: (fol. 43v) Nomen herbe afri sefram and a Report of a Summer of Research in vocatur. Nascitur in montuosis et lapidosis Italy,” Bulletin of the Institute of the History locis et arenosis, folia habet similia camel- of Medicine 2 (1934) 36, who reports that he leona...[Order of herbs described. Beside found “‘nearly fifty manuscripts’ of Ex her-

the name of each herb is an illustration of bis but unfortunately he never published the plant showing full stems, flowers or fruits his list nor is it known where his notes are; and root systems. 1. afri sefram [echinum in Charles Singer, ‘“The Herbal in Antiquity some Mss], 2. buglosos, 3. acantum, 4. heli- and its Transmission to Later Ages,’’ Jourlis faci sive salvia, S. cyminon, 6. camelleon, nal of Hellenic Studies 47 (1927), 35-37; 7. herpillos, 8. camedrum, 9. pilogonos sive Hermann Stadler, “‘Review of H. F. Kastner policarpus sive carcineton, sive teloma, sive ..., Archiv fiir lateinische Lexikographie mirta 10. samsucon, 11. cestros, 12. aristolo- und Grammatik 10 (1898), 310-311; G. cium, 13. schycas, 14. adiantos vel gallitricos Swarzenski, ‘‘Mittelalterliche Kopien einer vel gallcericos vel pollitricos, 15. mandragora, antiken medizinischen Bilderhandschrift,”’

16. thlaspis sive mia, 17. sisimbrion, 18. Jahrbuch des kaiserlich Deutschen Archdoceledonia, 19. camemelos, 20. sideritis, 21. logischen Instituts, 17 (1902), 45-53; Lynn flommos, 22. linozostis [altera, ipiozostis], Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experi23. antirenon, 24. britannica, 25. psillos, 26. mental Science 1, 609. What purports to be melena, 27. tribolosa, 28. conite [coniza], 29. an Anglo-Saxon translation of Ex herbis is strignos, 30. buotthamon, 31. spyeritis, 32. found in London, B.M. Ms Cotton Vitellius yppiris, 33. aizos, 34. tytymallos, 35. helitro- C Ill, s. XI, fols. 58/14b-74°/31b; B. M. pios, 36. scholismos, 37. acillea, 38. stafis Harley Ms 585, s. X, fols 66%/111-101'/114; apria, 39. camellea, 40. hecios, 41. splenios, B. M. Harley Ms 6258b, s. X, chapters inter42. tytymallos, 43. glyciriza, 44. bulbus ru- spersed with Pseudo-Apuleius; Oxford, Bod. fus, 45. draconthea feminina, 46. mecon, Ms Hatton 76, s. XI, fols 110a/20a-124/29b 47. colocyntios agria, 48. delfion, 49. centi- and printed in Rolls Series (Rerum Britanni-

morbia, 50. viola, 51. cappare, 52. ancusa, carum medii aevi scriptores, 35 in three 53. cynosbatos, 54. anagallis, 55. yppicos parts, London, 1864-66) and in vol. I of sive corion, 56. lapatium, 57. heliotropie, O. Cockayne, Leechdoms, Wortcunning, and 58. arnoglossos, 59. cameleuce, 60. scilla, 61. Starcraft of Early England, 3 vols. (London erygion, 62. hiera, 63. strucios, 64. panacra, 1864-66; reissue with new introduction by 65. purpurea, 66. zamalenticion, 67. zama- Charles Singer and omission of Cockayne’s

lenticion masculinum, 68. syon, 69. licanis, original introduction with discussion of 70. abrotanum, and 71. aperine.].../... manuscripts, London, 1961). My preliminary [Expl.]: (fol. 58 Nomen herbe Aperine. . . Item study of this text reveals that, although it sucus eius auribus instillatus dolores aurium has elements of Ex herbis, it is not a straight curat. Liber medicine Dioscoridis ex herbis translation.

femininis explicitur feliciter. Manuscripts:

Bibliography: (micro.) Cambridge, Trinity College, Ms (In addition to the items given above). 0. 2. 48, s. XIV, fols. 39v-63. Illustrated

Heinrich Kastner, employing only three man- (Robert T. Gunther, The Herbal of Apuleius

uscripts, prepared a text of the longer ver- Barbarus from the Early Twelfth-century sion of Ex herbis; before the chapters he of- Manuscript Formerly in the Abbey of Bury

127

GREEK AUTHORS

St. Edmunds (Ms Bodley 130 [Oxford 1925] viola purpurea est. Huius herbe viole purp. xvii; not identified by M. R. James, The purea folia...It ends (fol. 73) under aparina: Western Manuscripts in the Library of Trin- ...instillatus earum dolorem curat et med-

ity College, 3. 162-3). etur. Explicit atque perficitur liber mediciFlorence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, narum Dioscoridis ex herbis masculinis atque Ms Plut. LXXIII, Cod. XVI, s. XIII, fols. de herbis femininis sive semininis [sic]. Feli183-228. Folio 178 has a full folio size por- citer. The treatise is preceded by the shorter trait of Dioscorides. Folios 178-81v have a version of Ex herbis and by Pseudo- Apuleius’ shorter medical version of Ex herbis femininis. Herbarius. (S. Ayscough, Catalogue {London

Folios 183-228 contain beautiful, well-pre- 1782] 1, 635-637; Scott, Index 145; Lynn served illustrations of plants. Every other Thorndike, History of Magic and Experifolio is blank. This Ms was used by H. Kist- mental Science 1, 609).

ner for his edition, Hermes 31(1896) 578- (Reported by H. J. de Vriend) London, 636. (A. M. Bandinius, Catalogus III, 40-41). Wellcome Medical Library Ms 573, mid s.

_____, Ms Plut. LXXIII, Cod. XLI, s. XIII, fols. 46v-68v. Illustrated. [Inc.]: NoXI, fols. 86v-119. In Lombardic script. Fo- men herbe licanis stefanotice. Folia habet lios 84-6v have the shorter version or Book oblonga.../...[Expl.]: et storacem calaOne. Manuscript has unpainted drawings. mitem statim eum liberabit./Expliciunt cure (Bandinius 3, 80-4; Beccaria 281-4; this Ms herbarum feliciter. According to H. J. de used by H. K4stner for his edition, Hermes Vriend who kindly sent me information on

31 [1896], 578-636). this manuscript, the arrangement of the London, British Museum, Ms Add. 8928, chapters after abrotanum are different from

s. X, fols. 64-76. Folio 76 is cut in half. those in Lucca Ms 296. (S. A. J. Moorat, The last complete entry, cinosbaros, is on Catalogue of Western Manuscripts on Medifolio 75v. The last partial entry, fol. 76, is cine and Science in the Wellcome Historical for the herb licanis. Spaces were left for Medical Library, 1 446-449, who does not drawings that were never added. (Index to identify Ex herbis).

the Additional Manuscripts... [London (Reported by H. J. de Vriend) Lucca,

1849] 56; dated by Beccaria, I codici..., Biblioteca Governative Ms 296, s. XI, fols.

268-271, as s. X but by H. Diels, Handschrif- 26v-45y. Illustrated. Same incipit as Lonten der antiken Arzte 2, 31, as s. IX; Brian don, Wellcome Ms 573 but ending with herb Lawn, The Salernitan Questions {Oxford polypodion. (I am grateful to H. J. de Vriend

1963] 7, 12, n. 4). for sending me information and a descrip__, ____, Ms Harley 5294, s. XII, tion of this manuscript; see, de Vriend, The

fols. 43v-58. Illustrated; preceding Ex herbis Old English Medicina de Quadrupedibus is Pseudo-Apuleius’ Herbarius. The scribe [Tilburg 1972], xxxiii-xxxiv; manuscript is numbered the herbs in both treatises conse- described by P. Giacosa, Magistri Salernicutively; hence those in Ex herbis are num- tant nondum editi (Rome 1901) pt. 2, pp. bered from cxli through ccxxi. (A Catalogue 351-353, as Pseudo-Dioscorides ‘‘Trattato di of the Harleian Collection 3, 259; Singer, materia medica,”’ however, Augusto Beccaria,

“Herbal,” JHS. 47 [1927] 35). I codici..., 287 describes the tract [fols.

_____, _____, Ms Sloane 1975, s. XII, 27v-46v] as “Curae herbarum,” as in explicit fols. 53-73. Illustrated; it has an explicit af- to London, Wellcome Ms 573). ter the entry for panatia: (fol. 71v) Explicit (micro.) Montpellier, Ecole de médecine, liber Dioscoridis medici de herbis muliebri- Ms 277 s.XV, fols. 101v-111. bus. There follow immediately herbs missing [Rubric]: (fol. 101v) “Incipit liber apulien-

| in the previous text: purpurea, zamalention sis platonis de herbis femininis quem simon feminea, zamalention masculus, syon, lyca- januensis vocat librum antiquum istoriatum.”

nis, abrotanus and aparina. The added sec- [explicit]: (fol. 111) “Explicit liber plation begins: Nomen istius herbe sequentis tonis apuliensis de herbis femininis quem

128

DIOSCORIDES

simon januensis vocat librum antiquum A History of Magic and Experimental Sci-

istoriatum.”’ ence 1, 609). Not illustrated; this is the regular text of ; , Ms Ashmolean 1462, s. both the shorter and the longer sections of XIII, fols. 63v-80. Illustrated; preceded by

Dioscorides’ Ex herbis. The text of the shorter shorter version of Ex herbis and by Pseudo-

version follows each herb’s entry in one inte- Apuleius’ Herbarius. (Black, Catalogue, grated treatise. The herbs are numbered by col. 1266-1268).

Arabic numerals and there are only seventy ; , Ms Auct. F. 5. 31, s.

herbs numbered. This is because the scribe XIII, fols. 23-44. Illustrated through fol. failed to assign a number to scolimbo (fol. 31v (31v-44 have blank spaces for drawings);

106). preceded by Pseudo-Apuleius’ Herbarius. (Catalogue général, quarto series, 1 (1849) (F. Madan, H. E. Craster and N. Denholm-

394-9; Henry E. Sigerist, ‘Early Medieval Young, A Summary Catalogue 2, 714-5).

Medical Texts in Manuscripts of Montpel- (micro.) Paris, Arsenal Ms 1031, anno

lier,’’ Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 10 1333, fols. 48-62v. Rubric: (fol. 48) Incipit (1941) 42-7; James Corbett, Catalogue des particula secunda libri IITI° tractatuum que manuscrits alchimiques latins, 2 vols (1939- libellus Diascoridis de simplicibus herbarum

1951) 2. 82-3). feminearum virtutibus appellatur. Illustra(micro.) New Haven, Yale Medical Li- ted; preceded by Pseudo-Apuleius’ Herba-

brary, Ms 18, ca. 1400, fols. 63v-86. rius; omits the following herbs: camelleon, [Inc.]: (fol. 63v) Prima herba nomen prae- herpullos, camedrios and poligonos. (H. dicte herbe echinum. \atini vocant eam spi- Martin, Catalogue. . .II (1886) 243; H. Diels, nam albam. arabes bedeguard vel bedoard. Handschriften 2, 31). dragdes(?) achantisleuce. Stephanus achate- (micro.) Soissons, Bibliothéque Municilem. Nascitur quoque in locis montuosis et pale, Ms 50, s. XV, fols. 33-49. Illustrated; lapidosis.../Expl./(fol. 86) Explicit liber with Pseudo-Apuleius’ Herbarius. (Catalogue medicinae ypocratis, platonis et dyascor- Général. . .3 [1885] 82-83; H. Diels, Handidis philosophorum de curis herbarum, best- Schriften 2, 31).

iarum et animalium et quomodo ex pre- (micro.) Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vadictis medicamenta debeant fieri. Illustrated; ticana, Ms Barberinianus lat. 160, s. IX, fol. 63 has a full illustration of a man, pre- fols. 39v-48y. No illustrations; with Pseudosumed to be Dioscorides, seated on a bench Apuleius’ Herbarius. (Beccaria, I codici... and holding a book. Codex includes Pseudo- 324-331; Theodore Silverstein, Medieval Apuleius’ Herbarius. It also contains addi- Latin Scientific Writings in the Barberini tions to the text giving synonyms of herbs. Collection [Chicago 1957] 34-36; Charles Like Montpellier Ms H. 127, this copy places Singer, “Greek Biology and its Relation to the text of the shorter version of Ex herbis the Rise of Modern Botany,” Studies in the

at the end of the regular text under each History and Methods of Science, 2 vols. plant. C. U. Faye and W. H. Bond say that [Oxford 1921] 2, 31; Thorndike, History of

this copy is a Latin translation from the Magic and Experimental Science, 1, 609;

School of Salerno written in Lombardy. The handwritten catalogue by S. Pieralisi, ‘‘Intranslation, however, is the same as the ventarium codicum mmss. Bibliothecae Barother texts which long preceded Salerno. berinae,”’ says s. X or s. XI). The text is complete with all 71 herbs. (C. U. Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, Ms Lat. VII Faye and W. H. Bond, Supplement 57). 17 (3091), s. XV, fols. 33v-49v. No illustraOxford, Bodleian, Ms Ashmolean 1431, s. tions; follows Pseudo-Apuleius’ Herbartus. (J. XI, fols. 31v-43. Folios 31v-36v are illustra- Valentinelli, Bibliotheca manuscripta 5, 75-

ted; this treatise follows Pseudo-Apuleius 76). :

Herbarius; it omits one herb, psillos. (Black, Vienna, Osterreichisches NationalbiblioCatalogue, cols. 1165-1166; L. Thorndike, thek, Ms lat. 93, s. XIII, fols. 137-158v. 129

GREEK AUTHORS

Illustrated; preceded by Pseudo-Apuleius’ 8) camerops, 9) staphys agria (textual addiHerbarius; used by K4stner in his edition of tion), 10) camelleia, 11) ecios sive alcibiados,

Ex herbis. (Tabulae Codicum Manuscrip- 12) splenios sive colopendarios (numbered

torum...1, 14). 40 by scribe), 13) tytimallos [numbered 41], Fragments of Ex herbis. 14) clytirza [42], 15) bulbus rufus, 16) dra-

(*)Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale, Ms conten feminea, 17) meochon (moecon}, 18) 5413-22, s. IX. fol. 108v excerpts from colocynthios agria, 19) coryon [ipericon], chapters on heliotropios and arnoglossus. 20) lapatium (48], 21) elyotropium, 22) plan[Inc.]: I. Erba heliotropium ubicumque tains [arnoglossos|, 23) cameleuce, 24) anfuerit, nec fastus neque striga accidit.../... chusa, 25) cynosbatos, 26) anagallis, 27) a[Expl.]: II...Erba arniglossus...cum umo- brotani, and 28) aparyna. (A catalogue of sico sale trita instruit. (H. Silvestre, ‘‘No- the Harleian Collection of Manuscripts ..., ticés et extraits des manuscrits 5413-22, 4 vols. [London 1808-1821], 2, 145; Thorn10098-105, et 10127-44 de la Bibliothéque dike, History of Magic and Experimental Royale de Bruxelles,’’ Sacris Exudiri. Jaar- Science, 1, 609). boek voor Godsdienstwetenschagpen 5 (1953) (micro.) Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuni-

182-3, full fragment published). versiteit, Ms B.P.L. 1283, s. XV, fols. 36v-

Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, 50. [Rubric]: (fols 36v) “‘Nomen herba lycaMs Strozz. 73, s. XII, fols. 44v-48. Incipit nis stephanotice.”’ [Incipit]: (fol. 36v) ‘Folia

immediately after Shorter Version of Ex habet oblonga angusta lanuginosa sub alherbis. [Inc.|]: Hec autem herba hecinum bia....’’ Has the following herbs—those not nascitur in montuosis et lapidosis locis... in Ex herbis are marked with an asterisk(*): The Ms contains the text from Ex herbis lichinis, abrotonum, euzos [aizos} minor, of the following herbs in order: 1) hecinum, menta*, elleborum*, tytymallan, bustalmon, 2) buglosos, 3) achantum, 4) helylysfacos, urtica*, tribulsa, coniza, vitis alba sive citha5) cyminon, 6) cammelleon, 7) herpulos, rosis*, cacabulum*, achillea, echios, ligeicia*, 8) cameropers, 9) poligonos, 10) sansucon, spericon, amortitumica, fionticosa*, fronticosa

11) cestros, 12) aristhosochia, 13) stycas, angulosis*, grumillus*, synosarcin*, atri14) adianthos, 15) mandragora feminea, plex*, veruena*, colocintis agria, polipo16) thlaspis sive mia, 17) sisimbrion, dium, gorgon, cynosm|b|atos, stafis agria, 18) celidonia (text different from other bublus roseus*, viola, sirim*, beotonia*, copies), 19) cammelleon, and 20) cammel- sclenas*, and purpurea. This appears to be

leon (text with an addition). There follows a a compilation from Ex herbis, Pseudo-Apucontinuous list of herbs (botration, artemesia, elius’ Herbarius and other unidentified monoglos, artemsia tagantes, lapatium, dra- sources. The manuscript 1s illustrated. Folio

contea, satyrion, priapisci and gentiana). S50" ends with the poem of Jacobus’ proThe addition appears to be from Pseudo- logue to Quintus Serenus. Fol. 50v: ExpliciApuleius’ herbarius, beginning with botration unt cure herbarum feliciter quas scripsit statice (No. IX, p. 41, Ernest Howald and henricus dictus le galoys de wallia oriundus. Henry Sigerist, ed. [Berlin 1927] 41 ff.). The Explicit hic totum pro christo da michi potext of Dioscorides Ex herbis ends under tum. (Bibliotheca Universitatis Leidensis 3,

camemedron. (Inadequately described by 156-7).

Bandinius, 2, 407-8). London, British Museum, Ms Royal App. London, British Museum, Ms Harley 3, s. XIV, fols. 20v-21v. Imperfect and

1585, s. XII, fols. 8iv-92v. Beautifully illus- without illustrations; Ms has the text only trated. The order from fol. 89 is considerably for the following: hecinum, buglossos, achan-

different from other versions and it has a tum, helysiffatos, cuminon, camelleon, hernumber of omissions. Order of herbs: 1) he- pullos, camerops, poligano, sansucou, cescynum, 2) buglosos, 3) achantum, 4) saliva, tros and aristolochia. |Expl.|: et hereutes

5) cyminon, 6) cammelleon, 7) herpullos, fetus discutit. Rotundo vero hoc ipsum in 130 ©

DIOSCORIDES

omnibus facit. (George F. Warner and Julius bis interspersed with Pseudo-Apuleius’ Her-

P. Gilson, Catalogue..., 4 vols. [London barius. Ulustrated. Where Ex herbis and

1912] 2, 390). Pseudo-Apuleius discuss the same herb, one

(micro.) Monte Cassino, Biblioteca dell’ illustration sometimes suffices. The following Abbazia, Ms 97, s. X, pp. 476, 523-532. herbs from Ex herbis are included: arnoglossa Illustrated; with Pseudo-Apuleius’ Herbarius. (fol. 25r-v), lapatium (fol. 33 r&v), dracontea

Page 476 contains herbs echinum, buglos- (fol. 36r&v) with two illustrations, one for

sos, acantum and cyminum, the text Pseudo-Apuleius and another for Ex herbis, for the last being incomplete. Page 523 poligonos (fols. 37v&38) with illustrations, resumes for cyminum, followed by elilisfacos aristolociae (fols. 37vy-38—bis), camedris

(Ms no. 5) and cameleone (No. 6) and it (no. 8, fol. 41), camellea (fol. 42) with two ends (p. 532) panacea (No. 43, ‘‘‘...et speni illustrations, britannica (fol. 50 i.e., fol. 44) superposite prosunt.’’ (M. Inguanez, Codi- with two illustrations, ippirum (“‘alii anacum casinensium manuscriptorum catalogus, basia,’’ fol. 55 i.e., fol. 50) with two illustra3 vols. [Monte Cassino 1915-41] 1. 96-8; tions, colocintis agria (fol. S6v i.e., SSv) with Beccaria J codici..., 297-303; Diels, Hand- two illustrations, moecon (fols. 61v-62 1.e.,

schriften..., 2. 34.) fols. 56v-57) with two illustrations, bulbus Oxford, Bodleian Library, Ms Bodley rufus (fol. 64 1.e., fol. 58) with two illus-

130, s. XI, fols. 57-66 [fol. 60 is blank]. II- trations, and splenios (fol. 65v i.e. fol. 59v), lustrated; the codex is chiefly an herbal, with two illustrations. This Ms was used by consisting of descriptions of one hundred H. Kastner for his edition, Hermes 31 (1896) and forty-two plants from Antonius Musa’s 578-636, (Catalogus 4, 286; Wickersheimer, De herba vettonica liber, Pseudo-Apuleius’ Les manuscrits latins...., 67-8; Beccaria, I Herbarius and Pseudo-Dioscorides’ Ex Her- Codicit..., 143-5; Singer, ‘Herbal,’ JHS, bis femininis. [Inc.]: CXIC [B]uglossos ex eo 47 (1927) 35).

dicta quod folia aspera in modum linguae pbs ; ; 955, s.inIX, fol. 145. [Inc.]: vel with texts (herbs shown brackets have , suntAbrotonum , oy. es aeraclion. Huius genera duo. Ad susnames omitted by scribe): cxix. buglossos; or .; bubule habeat....It has the following herbs Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Ms lat. 13,

; etary pirosos et sciaticos... Includes the following cxx. [achantum]; cxxi. [ca2 -? ; herbs from Ex cyminon; herbis withcxii. numbers: abro-

melleon|; cxxiii. [herpullos|; cxxiv. [came- ;

viola purpurea (SQ), drum]; cxxv. [samsacon]|; [cestron]; , ,[elleborum ; . nigrum (51),; tonum not (48, incxxvi. Ex herbis|, samsucus

cxxvii. [adiantos]; (two omitted numbers) , : aye

exxxv. [antirenum]; cxxxvi. [psillios]; cxxxviit (S2), and yppericon (93). (Delisle, Biblioexxiiii[ipiozostis Ti , ti ; lin | théque de des Chartes lommos];1:cxxiiit. sivefilinozostis|; Re|'Ecole caria, I codici..., 176, 29 who[1868] lists the123; fol-

cxxxv. [antirenum]; cxxxvi. cxxxvil. lowi- ,é; , to 7 ;cxxxvil. wes owing herbs[psillios|; after yppericon as belonging [melena]; [tribulosa]; | cxxxviii. Ex herbis: satureia, eruca, urtica, urtica [coniza]; cxl. [buothalmon]|. (F. Madan et , cantirina, rubus, cicuta, fenum grecum al., A Summary Catalogue, 1, 302-3; Bec- and verbena) caria, I codici..., 273-5, who says folios 66v-67 are also of Pseudo-Dioscorides’ Ex St. Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, Ms 751, s.

herbis, however, the herbs discussed do not IX, pp. 339-340. [Inc]: Ad aurium dolorem belong to the Ex herbis; printed in facsimile: dragontea semen eius tritum expressum cum

The Herbal of Apuleius Barbarus from the oleo mixtum.../...[Expl.]: non fuerit disEarly Twelfth-Century Manuscripts formerly tilicium sit. Contains excerpts from Ex in the Abbey of Bury St. Edmunds (Ms herbis in codex with Pseudo-Apuleius’ Her-

Bodley 130). Described by Robert T. barius. (Beccaria, I codici..., 372-381; G.

Gunther. [Oxford 1925]). Scherer, Verzeichnis der Handschriften der Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, Ms lat. 6862, Stiftsbibliothek von St. Gallen [Halle 1875] s. IX. Sections of Pseudo-Dioscorides’ Ex her- 246-7). 131

GREEK AUTHORS

(*) Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, Ms. Lat. terial is added. At some time, during the VI, 59 (2548), s. XV, pp. 5, 7, 18, 23, 25. twelfth century or earlier, as revealed in Valentinelli says Ms has Plato Apuliensis De three manuscripts, all of the twelfth century, herbis femininis, following De herbis mas- some unknown author expanded the capitula culinis. (Valentinelli, 5, 61-67; Kristeller, by increasing the textual discussion of the

Iter I, 221). medicinal uses of herbs while at the same

(micro.) Wroclaw, Biblioteka Uniwersy- time the author dropped eight herbs from tecka, Ms III. F. 19, s. IX, fols. 118v-119. the text: centimorbia, purpurea, zamalentiFolio 118v only has: ‘‘Nom(en) Harbaru(m) tion, zamalentition masculum, sion, lycanis, Fem----- Dioscoridis LXXI.’’ Folio 119 has a abrothonum and aperine. In some instances list with the following legible herbs: eliotro- the author added new medicinal uses found pios, scolimos, arthemisia, ---anon, ... stafi neither in the regular text of Ex herbis nor (agria), camelle, ecios, splenios, tytymallos, in the first form of the shorter version (Capigliciriza, bulbus rufus, dracontea, mecon, tula). In every manuscript copy of the shorter polios, colocinctios, ypericon sive eliorion, version expanded, as with the capitula, the lapatium eliotropion, arnoglossos, latyri- text preceded the text of Ex herbis femininis.

clem, cameleuce, pentafillos, and hiera. In preparing the edition of Ex herbis, (Beccaria, I codici..., 341-343; Diels, K4stner often, although not for each chap-

Handschriften 2, 34). ter, added in parenthesis before each chapManuscript known to be destroyed: ter the text of the shorter version expanded. Torino, Biblioteca Nazionale, Ms K. IV. Since confusion is possible and since the 3, s. XII-XIII, fols. 21-32. Burned in the expanded shorter version qualifies as a new

fire of 1904. (J. Pasinus, Codices manuscripti version because of the additions, I have

Bibliothecae Regii Taurinensis Athenaei, included the descriptions of both (1) the 2 vols. [Turin 1749] 2, 101; Diels, Hand- shorter version (capitula) and (2) the shorter schriften 2, 31; Beccaria, I codici..., 332-3; version expanded.

Singer, “Herbal,” JHS 47 [1927], 35; Piero (1) Capitula Giacosa, Magistri salernitani nondum editi Rubric (Florence, Bibl. Med. Laurenziana

[Rome 1901] 2, 358-9). Ms Plut. LXXIII, Cod. XLI, fol. 84): Incipit

Edition: liber medicine Dioscoridis ex herbis femininis 1896, ‘“Pseudo-Dioscoridis “De herbis femi- numero Ixxi per singula nomina.

ninis,’ ’’ Ed. Heinrich Kastner. Hermes 31 [Inc.]: I. Herba hecinum facit ad emptoi-

(1896), 578-636; 32 (1897) 160. cos, ad urinam, ad livores, et ad fugandos serpentes. II. Herba buglosos facit ad ilari-

b. Shorter version of Ex herbis femininis. tatem convivii. III. Herba acantum facit.. . / The shorter version of Ex herbis femininis ...[Expl.]: (fol. 86v) LXXI. Aperine...

is an abbreviation of the full version and idem eius sucus stillatus dolores aurium comes in two forms. The first form, dating acurat. Explicit brevis liber medicinae de

from the ninth century or earlier, is merely herbis femininis.

capitula to the seventy-one herbs of Ex Manuscripts:

herbis. This form is found in manuscripts of Florence, Biblioteca Med. Laurenziana,

the ninth, tenth and eleventh centuries. Ms. Plut. LXXIII, Cod. XLI, s, XI, fols.

The text includes only the medicinal uses of 84-86v. Lombardic script. (Bandinius, Cata-

the herbs and doubtlessly served as brief logus 3, 80-4; Beccaria, I codici...218-4). guide for easy reference by a physician. The London, British Museum Ms Add. 8928, text of the shorter version preceded the s. X, fols. 62v-64. [Expl.]: Explicit brevis

regular text of Ex herbis. liber medicinalis Dioscoridis de erbis feminiThe second form of the shorter version is nis. (Dated by Beccaria, I codici. . .268-271,

an expansion of the capitula, and new ma- as s. X but according to Diels, Hand-

132 |

DIOSCORIDES

schriften..., 2, 31, as s. IX; B. Lawn, The bos, 37. achilleia, 38. stafis agria, 39. cameSalernitan Questions [Oxford 1963] 7, 12 n. leia, 40. ficios, 41. splenion, 42. tytimallos, 4; Index to the Additional Manuscripts... . 43. glyzyriza, 44. bulbus rufus, 45. dracon-

, [London 1849] 4, 56). tea feminia, 46. mvecon, 47. colocinthios (micro.) Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica agria, 48. yppericon, 49. lapatium, 50. elyo-

, Vaticana, Ms Barberiniano lat. 160, s. IX, tropium, 51. arnoglosa, 52. cameleuce, 53. , fols. 38-39v. (Beccaria, [ codici... 324-331; scylla, 54. herygion, 55. iera, 56. strutios, | Theodore Silverstein, Medieval Latin Scien- 57. delphyon, 58. viola, 59. capparra, 60. . tific Writings in Barberini Collection [Chi- ancusa, 61. cynosbatos, 62. anagallis, and : cago 1957] 34-36; Charles Singer, ‘Greek 63. panacia]...[Expl.]: (fol. 82v) Nomen : Biology and its Relation to the Rise of Mod- huius herbae Ixii [sic], panacia. Haec autem

: ern Biology,’’ Studies in the History and herba facit ad cancrum quo dentes deci: Methods of Science, 2 vols. [Oxford 1921] dunt. Semen eius contritum in vino mens| 2, 68, who says this is the earliest manu- truas amovet. Si cum melle mixtum, fetus : script; Diels, Handschriften... 2, 31; Thorn- discutit. Splenem desiccat. Expliciunt capidike, History of Magic and Experimental tula herbarum feminearum. Science 1, 609; handwritten catalogue by S. Manuscripts:

Pieralisi, ‘“Inventaritum codicum mmss. Bib- Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, liothecae Barberinae,” who says s. X or s. XI). Ms. Plut. LXXIII, Cod. XVI, s. XIII, fols. (2) Shorter version expanded of Ex herbis 179°’. Folio 178 has a full portrait of Dios-

femininis corides. (A.M. Bandinius, Catalogus, 3, Rubric (London, British Museum, Ms 40-41.)

, Harley 1585, fol. 79). Incipit liber Dioscori- _ i, tt, ~ Ms«. *Strozz. 73, s. XIII, dis. In hoc enim libro continentur herbae fols. 39v-44v. (Bandinius, Supplement 2, femininae numero sexaginta una. Utilissime 407-8). pro usu medicine cuius canones subterscripti London, British Museum, Ms. Harley

sunt. Primae nomen hecynum. 1585, s. XII, fols. 79-82v. Rubric: Incipit

[Inc. ]: (fol. 79) Haec autem herba facit ad liber Dioscorides. In hoc enim libro contihemptoycos et ad cyliacos et ad stomaticos nentur herbe feminee numero sexaginta una et ad provocandam urinam, ad livores feti- utilissime pro usu medicine. (A Catalogue dos, ad dolores dentium sedandos, ad spas- of the Harleian Manuscripts... 2, 145).

mum infantium, ad morsus serpentium, ad __, __, Ms. Royal App. 3, s.

fugandos serpentes. Nomen herbae secun- XIV, fols. 18-20v. (George F. Warner and dae: buglosus. Haec enim herba: facit ad Julius Gilson, Catalogue... 2, 390). hylaritatem convivii. Nomen tertiae herbae: ____, ____, Ms. Sloane 1975, s. XII, acantum. Haec herba facit ad combustionem fols. 49v-S2v. Omits viola. (S. Ayscough, et luxationem. ..[List of herbs: 1. hecynum, A Catalogue....1, 635). 2. buglosus, 3. acantum, 4. helylysfacos, 5. (micro.) Oxford, Bodleian, Ms. Ashmole cyminon, 6. camelleon, 7. erpullos, 8. came- 1462, s. XIII, fols. 61-63v. (W. H. Black drios, 9. polygonos, 10. samsucon, 11. ces- and W. D. Macray, Index... 10, 1266-8). tros, 12. aristolochia, 13. stycas, 14. adian- Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek,

tos sive pylitricos, 15. mandragora, 16. Ms. lat. 93, s. XIII, fols. 133-135y. Folio thlaspis sive mia, 17. sisimbrium, 18. came- 133 has a full illustration of Dioscorides melos, 19. celidonia, 20. syderitis, 21. flom- similar to Florence Laurent. Plut LXXIII, mos, 22. lynozostis, 23. brittanica, 24. an- Cod. XVI, Folio 133v is blank. Folio 134

| terinon, 25. psillios, 26. melena, 27. tri- begins the text. Facsimile reproduction with bulenta, 28. coniza, 29. strygnos, 30. bustal- colored plates: Medicina Antiqua: Codex , mon, 31. isfieritis, 32. hyppyres, 33. ayzos, Vindobonensis 93, Codices Selecti Phototypice | 34. tytimallos, 35. elyotropium, 36. scolym- Impressi, 27. Graz 1972. (Tabulae...1, 14).

133

GREEK AUTHORS

VIII. LIBER HERBARUM VIRTUOSARUM modo debent herbe colligi.../...[Expl.]: LAPIDIBUS PRECIOSIS PROPRIARUM (p. 14) esse mundus artifex. Oratio dicenda in collectione herbarum.

Two manuscripts, both of the fifteenth Ending Prayer. |Inc.|: (p. 14) Omnipotens century, have the text of this lapidary-herbal. sempiterne deus qui tue immense potenFifty-six stones are combined with fifty-six tie.../...[Expl.]: (p. 14) mundo loco reherbs according to similar effects the stones ponenda quosquem ponatur in anulum./ (p. and herbs are alleged to produce. First listed 15) Explicit liber a Dyascoride philosopho

are stones and the order of presentation compositus. seems related to Marbode’s De lapidibus. Manuscript: The effects of the stones and herbals are (micro.) London, Wellcome Library, Ms. described in a way closer to the lapidary tra- 748, s. XV, pp. 8-15. (S. A. J. Moorat, dition than to that of the herbals. Both lapi- Catalogue of Western Manuscripts on Medidaries and herbals normally have separate cine and Science in the Wellcome Historical manuscript traditions and only in rare in- Medical Library 1 [London 1962] 550). stances are stones and herbs combined in

one tract. It 1s true that Dioscorides’ De ma- b. Text Two.

teria medica has stones in Bk. V but far Preface without title (Montpellier, Ms. fewer than the fifty-six found in this trea- 490, fol. 208). Ego Dyascorides potentias in tise. Some of the herbs discussed, e.g. , plan- aliud.../...[Expl.|: (fol. 208) herbas protago and rosmarinus, are found in the Old prias propriis lapidibus assignare. Latin Translation of Dioscorides but not in Text [Inc.|: (fol. 208) Adamantis herba the Latin Alphabetical Redaction. Since the artemisia lucrum dat. Demones fugat.../ two texts have dissimilar incipits and explicits, ...[Expl.]: (fol. 210) Dyonsia herba maceas well as different epilogues, though with the donia. Hec robur dat corporis somnum redsame closing prayer, they will be described dit, radicis solum.

separately. Epilogue. |Inc.|: (fol. 210) Scito quod hec herbe lapidibus pretiosis appropriate sunt. . . / a. Text One ...LExpl.]: (fol. 210) et debet mundus esse

Rubric (London, Wellcome Library, Ms artifex. 748, p. 8). Incipit liber herbarum virtuo- Ending Prayer. [Inc.]: (fol. 210) Omni-

sarum lapidibus preciosis appropriatarum a potens sempiterne deus qui tue immense Dyascoride philosopho compositus foeliciter. potentie.../...[Expl.]: (fol. 210v) mundo Preface in full. [Inc.]: At Dyaschorides cog- loco reponenda usque ponatur in anulo. Exnoscens herbarum vires in humane salutis plicit liber herbarum propriarum lapidibus consetvationem nec non in egritudinis ex- preciosis a Dyascoride composita sub laude pulsione considerans herbarum virtutes et dei et eius adiutorio.

corporeis creaturis suffragata conspiciens Manuscript:

etiam hoc suffragium in verbis (sic) et lapi- _ (micro.) Montpellier, Bibliotheque del dibus in anulis nec ludebant [sic] conatus Ecole de Médecine, Ms. 490, anno 1464, docente (?) herbas proprias propriis lapidi- fols. 208-210v. (Catalogue Général, Quarto

bus assignare. Series 1, 471; Thorndike and Kibre, Jncipits, Text. [Inc.]: (p. 9) Adamantis herba Ar- cols. 486, 994, 1410).

etuusia, Lucrum dat, demones fugat, sanum

conservat, foliorum radicis ana. Achatis

herba Absinthium: lepram curat.../...

[Expl.]: (p. 14) Dyonisie herba Macedonia IX. LIBER on ELPORIG MEDIORUM

hec robur dat capitis et corporis et sanum

reddit radicis solum. Quomodo herbe colll- The genuineness of the treatise Ilept gende sunt. Epilogue [Inc.]: (p. 14) Quo- amhav Pappaxwy is difficult to determine, 134

DIOSCORIDES

as the history of the scholarship on it reveals. was incorrect where he said the treatise was

In 1558 Johannes Moibanus, the physician not cited by later writers; Aetius and Orito the city of Augsburg, found a manuscript basios, for instance, both cite from it. In his in Greek which was attributed to Dioscorides. article in Pauly-Wissowa Real-Encyclopaedie

The treatise is in two books with a letter (1914), Max Wellmann argued that the tract to Andromachus, Nero’s physician, which should be considered a pseudo-Dioscoridean

serves as a preface. The chapters are ar- work of the 3rd or early 4th century. He ranged by ailments and afflictions from the made the treatise, evaoptora, as he calls head to the foot and the proper remedies it here, analogous to the Medicina Plinii, or, prescribed for their treatment. As Moibanus succinctly, evmoptora is to Dioscorides what prepared an edition of the Greek text with Medicina Plinii is to Pliny. In a partial GerLatin translation, he recognized some ana- man translation in 1907, J. Berendes cited a chronisms and used his wide knowledge of number of anachronisms, including linguisthe Greek physicians, especially of Galen, tic ones, and asserted that the treatise does to help in interpreting the text. For a time not date before the middle of the fourth cenhe doubted the ascription to Dioscorides, tury. Further study by Wellmann led him to

but he eventually gave up his doubts; Ges- reverse his earlier position and to include ner wrote of Moibanus in the preface to the the treatise in the third volume of his edition Moibanus-Gesner editio princeps: quoti- of De materia medica (Berlin 1914). Also he

dianis documentis evidentissime tandem wrote Die Schrift des Dioskurides Ilepi convictus atque ita persuasus est, ut hosce aTAav dappaxwv (Berlin 1914) to argue

duos ad Andromachum libros non ad alium for the basic Dioscorides’ authorship though ullum quam ad ipsissimum Anazarbeum allowing for some interpolations by a ByzanDioscoridem referendos esse adfirmare mihi tine compiler of the 11th, 12th or 13th cennon dubitarit. Gesner agreed, though noted tury from Galenic works and from John of

that he too had once had his doubts about Damascus. He maintained that the usual the authorship: quaamobrem genuinum hunc title evroptora, found first in Moibanusesse Dioscoridis librum et minime wevdemt- Gesner, is not the proper title, its claim ypadov mihi quoque nunc videtur, etsi olim being based on Aetius VIII 2, in which, diversum autorem suspicatus sum. Janus Wellmann says, Aetius was not referring to Antonius Saracenus recognized some inter- a work by Dioscorides. In his examination polated passages but he argued for its basic of the Greek Mss Wellmann notes that the Dioscorides authorship based partly on the oldest one, Florence, Laurentian Ms 74. 10, ground, as asserted in various places in his is of the fourteenth century. He examines commentary, that Aetius of Amida (fl. mid the fragments in Aetius, Oribasios, etc., and 6th c.) employed the text. Jo. Alb. Fabricius the parallels in De materia medica. He con(Bibliotheca Graeca, ed. G. Chr. Harles, vol. cludes that Dioscorides was the author and 4, Hamburg 1795, 682-683) considered it that he wrote it before De materia medica. spurious. Curt Sprengel in his 1829-1830 Wellmann does not cite Berendes’ article.

edition of Dioscorides includes the text but Bibl.: observes that some passages are much later, Modern editions are: Curt Sprengel, Pee.g., I. 154, which describes a plant first danii Dioscoridis Anazarbei. Libri [lept mentioned by Moses of Chorene (fl. mid SydnTnpiwv, loBodwy xat EvTOpLOTWY spuril.

Sth c.) and II. 63 which uses the word In: Medicorum Graecorum opera quae ex-

efaduov, first on a gold coin after Constan- tant, C. G. Kiihn, ed. XXVI; and Max Welltine the Great and used by physicians first mann, Pedanii Dioscuridis De materia me-

by Actuarius and Myrepsos in the 13th c. dica..., 3 vols. (Berlin 1906-1914; repr. Ernst H. F. Meyer (1854-1857) places em- 1958) 3, 150-326 (Gk. text only). The Greek phasis back on the basic core of genuine Mss are listed by H. Diels, Die Handschriften Dioscorides material and says that Sprengel der antiken Arzte (Berlin 1905) 2, 32. See 135

GREEK AUTHORS

also, J. Berendes, ‘“‘Die Hausmittel des Pe- Consuli et Senatui inclytae Reipub. Augus-

danios Dioskurides. Ubersetzt und mit tanae, dominis patronisque suis bene meriErklarungen versehen,”’ Janus 12 (1907) tis et observandis, Conradus Gesnerus Ti10-33; 79-102; 140-163; 203-224; 268-292; gurinus. . .[Inc.]: Nova haec huius voluminis,

340-350; 401-412; Fabricius, Bibliotheca amplissimi viri, in illustre nomen vestrum Graeca, Harles ed. 4, 682-683; Friedrich nuncupatio (admirationem ut statim initio Ernst Kind, in: Jahresbericht tiber die Fort- vobis eximam), non meo, sed Ioannis Moischritte der klassischen Altertumwissenschaft. bani nomine, optimi sane viri, et omni litevol. 158 (1912) 165-168; vol. 180 (1919) 39- rarum genere doctissimi, reipublicae autem

41; Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist. ed. and trans. vestrae medici excellentis, ante biennium Bayard Dodge, 2 vols. (New York 1970) apud vos pie defuncti, instituitur.../...

2,690; Max Wellmann, Die Schrift des Dio- [Expl.]: Redeo ad Moibanum vestrum ac kurides Tlepi awh@v dappaxwv Ein Beitrag meum: de quo quidem eiusque laudibus

zur Geschichte der Medizin (Berlin 1914); satis multa D. Ioannes Crato Caesarae

idem, “‘Dioscorides,’’ in PW 5 (1903), 1140. Maiestatis medicus, vir omni doctrinae et virtutum genere praeclarus, 1n narratione

TRANSLATIONS illa de ipso, quam mox praefation1 nostrae

1. JOHANNES MOIBANUS AND CONRAD GESNERUS subiiciam, luculenter perscripsit, quibus

In 1558 Johannes Moibanus found a ego praeteritis, ea solum quae ad praesens manuscript in the city of Augsburg (now volumen eiusque nuncupationem pertinent, Munich, Hof- und Staatsbibliothek Ms gr. in medium proferam. Moibanus igitur inter 389, s. XV) and determined to reproduce alia erudita atque utilia studia, quibus asthe text and make a translation of it. Work- sidue vacabat, cum in bibliotheca vestra

ing on the text while he served as city- exemplaribus Graecis dicata, Dioscoridis physician to Augsburg, Moibanus employed Parabilium remediorum libros manuscriptos his rich knowledge of the Greek physicians, invenisset, et vestra benignitate illis fruereespecially Galen, to help him interpret it. tur, publica luce dignos, et medicis apprime However, he died on May 9, 1562, before it omnibus utiles futuros iudicavit. Itaque non was completed. In July, 1562, Achilles P. tantum in Latinam linguam e Graeca transGasserus, a physician in Augsburg, sent a ferre, (quarum utriusque doctissimus erant)

letter (published in the edition) to Conrad sed etiam symphoniis aucta mactaque, id Gesner to inform him of the situation. Also, quod ei annuat et largiatur Deus Opt. Max.

Johannes Crato sent a letter (likewise pub- qui vos omnes cum tota republica quam lished in the same edition) from Breslau to diutissime florentes et incolumes conservet.

Gesner on November 22, 1562, urging the Amen Tiguri in Helvetiis. Anno Salutis completion of Moibanus’ project. In the M.D.LXIIII. Junii 20. Preface Gesner says he received Moibanus’ Letter of Gasserus. Clarissimo viro Conmanuscript notes on January 22 (15637). rado Gesnero, Tigurinae reipublicae archiGesner is said to have given much work in atro meritissimo philosophoque doctissimo, completing the project and when published amico suo Achilles P. Gasserus L. medicus in 1565 the title was: Evaoptora...ad An- Augsburgensis. S.D. [Inc.]: Eximius medi-

dromachum, hoc est De curationibus mor- cinarum doctor Ioannes Moibanus.../...

borum per medicamenta paratu facilia, libri [Expl.]: Vale et me tui amantissimum amare IT, Nunc primum et Graece editi, et partim perge. Mense Iulio anni factae per Christum a Joanne Moibano...partim vero post hujus redemptionis M.D. LXII.

mortem a Conrado Gesnero in linguam Letter of Crato. Clarissimo et doctissimo Latinam conversi.... Gesner’s preface is viro D. Conrado Gesnero medico et philo-

dated Ziirich (Tiguri), June 20, 1564. sopho eximio, ornamento Germaniae,

Gesner’s Prefatory Letter (ed. of Stras- Johannes Crato Vratislaviensis S.D. [Inc.]}: bourg, 1565). Amplissimis et magnificis viris, Infandum Gesnere iubes renovare dolorem,

136 .

DIOSCORIDES

cum a me petis ut optimi et doctissimi viri tenberg. Johannes’ early study was under his

Iohannis Moibani Vratislaviensis medicae pastor, Johannes Hessus, and he learned artis doctoris eximiil, vitam aetatem et vir- Hebrew at an early age. His first teachers tutes memorabiles literis nostris mandare, were Andreas Winglerus, M. Balthas Neanac ad posteritatis gratam memoriam pro- drus, Antonius Carchesius and Jeremias pagare velim.../...[Expl.]: et nos ipsos Venetus, from whom he learned Greek, podivinae benignitatis curae atque conservationi etry, music and arithmetic. Johannes Crato commendemus. Vratislavia ex aedibus meis asserts that he had training in art (picturae xxii Novembris, qui natalis mihi dies est, studiosus). He went to study at Wittenberg

anno M.D.LXII. where Phil. Melanchton taught him phi-

Conradi Gesneri ad aequum lectorem losophy. On Melanchthon’s advice he went praefatio. [Inc.|]: De his duobus parabilium to Nuremberg to continue to study Greek libris Dioscoridis, studiose lector, eorum and Latin. D. Geiderus gave him private translatione per Ioannem Moibanum, et iis instruction in Greek and Latin but at what quae ab eo morte praevento relicta erant per place is uncertain. He came to know D. me adiectis, quae in dedicatoria epistola Cornelius Sittardus, a botanist from Conostra ad amplissimum reipub. Augustanae logne, and came to share with him an inSenatum a me.../...[Expl.]: Nos modum terest in Dioscorides. He took a trip to Italy, laudamus, ostentationem et quicquid super- visiting Padua and Bologna, where he stud-

fluum est, damnamus. ied Italian and Greek. Upon receiving the Liber parabilium remediorum. Preface news of his mother’s death, he returned to

(fol. A{1]v). [Znc.]: Simplictum medicamen- Germany in 1555 and practised medicine in

torum doctrina, Andromache honorande, Amberg. The following year he went to hoc praestat ea quae de varie compositis Augsburg, became city-physician, and maragit, quod non solum expeditior sit, sed et ried. In 1558 he discovered the Pseudoparatu facilior tum et.../...[Expl.]: (fol. Dioscorides manuscript, described above, in A[2]) victus ratione gubernationeue vulgo a library in Augsburg and the project of nota minimeque operosa, emendari solere. editing and translating the text occupied Liber I (p. 3) (Inc.|: Doloribus capitis recen- the rest of his short life. He died on May 9, tibus citra febrem ortis, auxilio sunt haec: 1562. There are no other published works. infusa capiti, oleum sylvestris olivae [,], Bibl.: Biographisches Lexikon der hervor-

rosaceum.../...[Expl.|: (I, p. 512) in ragenden Arzte... 4, 229; Casimirus Chris-

sudoribus aqua rosacea abstergenda. tophorus, Vita Conradi Gesneri, in: Gesner, Liber II (p. 513) Inc.|]: Cum simplicium Opera botanica... (Nuremberg 1751) vol. medicamentorum, honorande Andromache, 1, p. xxix; Paul Freher,...Theatrum virooperationes, in duos tibi.../...[Expl.]: CII, rum eruditione clarorum...(Nuremberg, p. 876) quae de simplicium medicamen- 1688) 1251 (most detailed); Chr. G. Joecher torum viribus experiundo nobis explorata, Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon 3, 583. duobus digesta libris ad te mittere voluimus.

Edition: 2. JANUS ANTONIUS SARACENUS 1565, Argentorati (Strasbourg): Iosias Saracenus published the work as the first

Rihelius. Gk. and Lat. Graesse 2, 403; Ebert work in his edition of Dioscorides (see above,

1, 489; Durling 1167; NUC. BM; (DNLM; p. 47). In a letter to D. lo. Saporta and

MnU; NNC). other professors of medicine at Montpellier Biography: which precedes the work, Saracenus declared Conradus Gesnerus. See CTC II. 307. the text highly corrupted and interpolated.

Johannes Moibanus (Johann Baptista Mot- The letter is dated 1598 and was probably banus) was born in Breslau on February 27, written at Lyons. He used the same Augs1527. His father was Ambrosius Moibanus, burg Ms as Moibanus and there is no india physician who was once professor at Wit- cation of his having employed any other text. 137

GREEK AUTHORS

Letter (ed. of Frankfort, 1598). Eximio eosdem libros iam antehac e Graecis Latinos viro et amico integerrimo D. Io. Saportae, fecerunt atque suis doctissimis annotationiRegio apud Monspelienses Medicinae Pro- bus et Galeni aliorumque Graecorum artis fessori, Ianus Antonius Saracenus Salutem. medicae principum symphoniis illustrarunt, [Inc.]: Duos hosce libros, vir clarissime, qui nec non et quamplurima depravatissimi quidem omnium prope morborum cura- exemplaris Augustani manuscripti ogadpaTa tionem per evzép.oTa remedia eaque sim- emendarunt, ac denique in illis edendis ita plicia aut certe ex paucioribus composita foeliciter elaborarunt, ut a nemine vix quiccomplectuntur, plerique Dioscoridi Anazar- quam amplius sperari expectarive debuerit. beo ascriptos falso fuisse suspicantur, nec Attamen et nos, ne officio nostro defuisse immerito. Enimvero vix quisquam reperie- videremur, eosdem ipsos denuo recensendos tur, cui vel prima inspectione non videantur atque recognoscendos sumpsimus. Non

partim ex illius libris de materia medica, pauca ex coniectura (quando subsidium partim ex aliorum quorundam autorum nobis non aliunde suppetebat) restituimus. scriptis, non quidem ipsius Dioscoridis, sed Multa (nisi fallor) in meliorem ordinem re-

alius potius cuiuspiam opera, collecti et degimus. Capitum quorundam seriem imquasi consarcinati, quippe quae apud illum mutavimus; quae perperam disiuncta videextant, ac soloecismi etiam complusculi, in bantur, coniunximus, adeoque numerum quos vix alibi autor ille impegisse deprehen- capitum imminuimus; quae Dioscoride ditur, passim occurrant. Attamen cum alio- authore penitus indigna legebantur, tanqui dicendi genus unum idemque constet quam spuria et adulterina, ad operis calcem esse, aut certe non ita ei dissimile, quo Dios- reiecimus; denique cum prior illa interpretacorides noster ev rots u\txois usus est, prae- tio minime sibi cohaerens aut continuata,

tereaque saepe numero ab Aétio ad hunc sed velut abrupta, imo vero plerisque in

eundem autorem remedia varia referantur, locis manca et mutila esset, eam non reconquae non aliunde quam ex his ipsis Parabil- cinnavimus modo, sed etiam renovavimus. . . /

ium ad Andromachum libris deprompta ...[Expl.]: Interea vale, artis medicae annemo non iudicet, una cum piae memoriae tistes praestantissime, et me meosque, sicuti doctissimis viris Moibano et Gesnero eo facis, amare perge. Datum Kal. Mart. anno facile adducor ut credam et hosce libros, supra millesimum quingentesimum nonageaeque ac priores illos, Dioscoridi Anazarbaeo Simo octavo.

attribui oportere...Nihilominus ut quae- Preface, De facile parabilibus tam simplicunque Dioscoridis nomine circunfereban- cibus quam compositis medicamentis ad tur opeta uno volumine comprehenderentur, Andromachum. [Inc.]: (pt. 1, pref. and hos etiam libros prioribus addiiciendos existi- chapter 1, p. 1) Doctrinam de simplicibus mavimus. Praesertim cum, praeter ea re- medicamentis, spectatissime Andromache, media quae in libris de materia medica ea quae de varie compositis agit gratiorem reperiuntur, quamplurima etiam alia mini- acceptioremque esse constat, quia non modo me spernenda contineant, quae deinde a intellectu facilior est, sed et expeditior.. ./ Paulo, Oribasio, Aétio, ac ipso quoque Plinio ...[Expl.]: (p. 2) Capiti vero, fronti ac temtranscripta facile est animadvertere. Quae- poribus cataplasmatis in modum adhibeto que tuto, ceu tot gravissimorum medicorum panem, cum posca et rosaceo tritum.

authoritate confirmata, pauperum maxime Liber 1, chapter 2, pt. 1, p. 2. [Inc.]:

gtatia usurpari possunt, ut quibus ad le- Doloribus capitis inveteratis haec cum aceto vandos sumptus paratu quam facillima per- et rosaceo utiliter irrigantur: Spondylium, petuo praescribi debeant, non item operosiora peucedanum,.../...[Expl.]: (p. 67) illasque illa xod\vpuyn, quae inanem plerunque osten- edurat. Et de his quidem hactenus, reliqua tationem potius quam certam utilitatem prae proxime sequenti libro prosequemur.

se ferunt....Etsi porro excellentissimi viri Io. Liber 2. [Inc.]: (pt. 1, p. 68) Quoniam,

Moibanus simul et Conradus Gesnerus hos spectatissime Andromache, morborum cura138

DIOSCORIDES

tiones per simplicia medicamenta duobus ordei. dccc.xx.viil.”” Then immediately follibris distinximus.../...[Expl.]: (pt. 1, p. lowing is the text for the Alphabetical Dios125) illi enim argentum vivum propter cog- corides. The tract preceding Dioscorides is nationem circunfunditur et adhaerescit, ac identified by Thorndike and Kibre, Incipits, simul etiam lubrico lapsu per sedem egeri- col. 1059, as De ponderibus Almansoris et tur. Epilogus. Haec sunt, charissime Andro- Serapionis, found in Vienna, Nationalbibliomache, quae tibi de simplictum medica- thek Ms 5358, s. XV, fols. 191°’. mentorum usu experimentis comprobato

duobus digesta libris mittere visum est. COMMENTARY

Edition: a. JANUS ANTONIUS SARACENUS

1598 (1): See above I, 15. For date and circumstances, of the com-

Biography: mentary, see p. 47 above.

See p. 43 above. Scholia (ed. of Frankfurt, 1598, pt. 1, p. 128) [Inc.]: (Cap. II. aptvyédarta mixpa 3. DouBTFUL TRANSLATION. Amygdalae amarae frustra hic repetuntur,

_H. Diels, Die Handschriften der antiken quoniam earum.../...[Expl.]: (pt. 1, p.

Arzte (Berlin 1905) 2, 32, lists five manu- 135) in Alexiph. itemque a Paulo Aegineta: scripts which he says are Latin translations uti cum oleo, a Nicandro. of Ilept evroptorwv or De facile parabilibus Edition: tam simplicibus quam compositis medica- See above, I, 15, p. 20.

mentis libri IT. They are: Erfurt, Ampl. F. Biography: . 41, fol. 1-62v; St. Gallen, Vadian. 318; See p. 43 above.

Paris, Arsenal 979, fol. 112; Salamanca, Bibl. univ. 2. 4. 6; and Venice, S. Michele di Murano Ms 6. I have examined all these

Mss but the Salamanca MS, which is of the X. DE PHYSICIS LIGATURIS seventeenth century, and the Venice manu-

script which cannot be located but whose The De physicis ligaturis is a short tract description more aptly fits the Latin Alpha- describing amulet properties of both herbs betical Redaction (see p. 23 above). Diel’s and stones. It is extant only in two manu-

references to the Erfurt, St. Gallen and scripts. The earliest, a Cambridge manu-

Paris Mss are erroneous since all these Mss script of the fourteenth century, is in two contain the Alphabetical Dioscorides. Diels parts while the more recent, a seventeenth gives the inc. and expl. for the Erfurt MS; it century London manuscript, contains only is that of the Alphabetical Dioscorides. He the second part with the title: Liber diassays that the Arsenal MS has the same con- coridis de physicis ligaturis. The tract is diftent as the Erfurt MS (which is correct). For ferent from Costa ben Luca’s work of the the St. Gallen, Vadianische Bibliothek Ms same title. As is frequently the case, this 218, s. XIII, he correctly gives the inc. as: example of herb-stone literature can not be ‘““Pondera medicinalia signa conati sumus precisely dated but it belongs to the milieu narrare....’’ Both the incipit and explicit of the literature of late eleventh through the are the same as in the Erfurt Ms. Folio one thirteenth centuries. |

of St. Gallen has as a rubric: ‘‘Liber dyas- Manuscript:

corid. de virtutibus medicinarum’’; followed Part One. by a table: “Leptomis .1. extenuatoria. Eteri- Rubric (Cambridge, University Library, cus.i. maiteus.../fol. 2/ ...crocordinas .1. Ms Additional 4087, fol. 244v). Incipit liber pomos. Malactici .i. mollitina’’. This is ad secretis [sic] nature diversos auctores et followed (fol. 2) by a short tract with the dicitur liber diascorides de fisicis ligatu(ris). . . inc. as given by Diels and an expl. on fol. (Inc.]: Nemo equius inter stolidos reputari 3 ‘‘...autem maioris magnum pensat grana debet quam qui sola est.../...[Expl.]: (pt. 139

GREEK AUTHORS

1, fol. 245v) accedant non modica tunc ag- liber iste in arte medicine, multis enim

gregatur demedietas. medicinarum accidit ut ea que utilissima

Part Two. sunt electionibus inveniri non possunt. Dica[Inc.]: (fol. 245v) Iohannitius in libro de mus ergo breviter quid pro quo poni debeat.

animalibus apud antiquos expertum quod Text. [Inc.]: Pro aristologia longa vel romullier puerpera si vestibus.../...[Expl.]: tunda ruta dupla ponitur. Acacia ponitur (fol. 254v) difficultatem ab emonia sunt sucus lentisa.../...[Expl.]: (fol. 123) Zanomnia que supra diximus multi sapientes siel duplex est irsutum et non irsutum. Irsu-

expertum fuisse mitto affigunt. tum sanat vulnera, non irsutum restringit

Manuscripts: matricem et votatinei (?) latini sunt: baxiflach.

Cambridge, University Library, Ms 4087, Manuscripts: s. XIV, fols. 244v-254y. (Thorndike and (micro.) Brno, Universitni Knihovna, Ms

Kibre, Incipits, cols. 777, 910). Mk 107, s. XV, fols. 173-174v. Preface, London, British Museum, Ms Sloane [Inc.]: (fol. 173) Hunc librum dyas-

3848, s. XVII, fols. 36-40. Contains only corides noscitur fecisse, quem misit avunculo

part two. (Thorndike and Kibre, Incipits, dicens.../...[Expl.]: Dicamus ergo quid

col. 777; Thorndike, History of Magic and pro quo debeamus poni.

Experimental Science 1, 611). Text. [Inc.]: Pro aristologia ro. vel longa.../...[Expl.]: (fol. 174v) Pro zinziber...pro zeduardus....Contains 79 drugs with substitutes in alphabetical order. (V. Dokoupil, Soupis Rukopisi Mikulovske Dietrichsteinské Knihovny [Brno, 1958], 189, who suggests that Roger of Salerno is the author). (micro.) Copenhagen, Kongelige Biblio-

XI. Quip PRO Quo thek, Ms GI Kgl.S 1653 4 to, s. XIII, fols. A variety of tracts dealing with the sub- 148-149. stitution of one drug for another passed Rubric. Anti balomenon. Incipit prologus under the name of Dioscorides. They range istius libelli.

from the thirteenth through the fifteenth Preface {Inc.]: (42 lines long) Quem anti century and no two are alike but they all ballomena (sic) librum et Dioscorides noscicontain the same elements in a short intro- tur fecisse.../...[Expl.]: (Preface, fol. 148) ductory paragraph, excepting Copenhagen hic prologus in principio debet fieri libri. Ms 1653 which has a much longer preface. Text [Inc.|]: Pro achantum semen: lichnis./

In no instance is there any indication of an Pro aromaticis calamo aromatico.../...

author other than Dioscorides, who is always [Expl.|: Pro xilobalsamo. leucun radices. cited. V. Dokoupil suggests Roger of Salerno Contains around 100 substitutes for drugs.

as the author of the Brno Ms, but he cites (J¢rgensen, Catalogus 426-428; H. Diels, no evidence for the suggestion. These tracts Handschriften..., 2, 34-35). were undoubtedly useful in this era of poly- London, British Museum, Ms Harley pharmacy. The Preface of Vienna Ms 5371 2378, s. XV (?), pp. 208-213. Preface. [Inc.]: is cited in full below but under each manu- Diascorides noscitur fecisse hunc librum quem script the incipits and explicits are separately misit avunculo suo.../...[Expl.]: quid pro

given. quo debeat poni accipe a nobis. Rubric (Vienna, Osterreichische National- Text [Inc.]: Pro actacia.../...[Expl.]: Pro bibliothek, Ms. 5371, fol. 121v). Incipiunt yris yllirica. yreos a cetera. Contains substi-

utilitates quid pro quo. tutes for 113 drugs. (A Catalogue of the Har-

Preface: [Inc.|: Liber diascorides quem leian Manuscripts, 2, 674; Thorndike and misit avunculo suo dicens. Utilissimus est Kibre, Incipits..., col. 412). 140

DIOSCORIDES

(micro.) Prague, Universitni Knihovna, Ms ab occultis tribuens miracula verbis.’’ The XII F 11 [2349], s. XII-XIV, fol. 189v. Explicit in the Bologna Ms is different from Preface [Inc.]: Quoniam antibalamenon that in the London and Paris texts, the latter (sic) librum Diascorides noscitur fecisse one being used in the printed editions.

quam misit.../...[Expl.]: invenire non Rubric: (Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria,

possunt. Dicamus ergo breviter quid pro Ms 620, fol. 12) Versus diascoridis in comen-

quo poni debeat. datione libri et sue scientiae. Text [Inc.]: Pro aristologia rotunda ruta [Inc.]: (fol. 12)

2,Vatican, 246-247). Achillem Bibliotheca Apostolica Vati- Quod didicere olim Podalirius atque dupla./ Pro acacia. . .(J. Truhlar, Catalogus Quod natum Phebus docuit, quod Chiron

cana, Ms Vat. lat. 5373, s. XIV-XV, fols. Machaon 36v-41. Preface [Inc.]: Dyoscorides noscitur A genitore suo qui quondam versus fecisse librum quem misit avunculo suo in anguem

dicens.../...[Expl.]: loco eius in omnino. Templa Palatinae subiit sublimia Text [Inc.|: Absintium loco eius ponit.../ Romae....

...LExpl.]|: Zizamie lo. po. secundum lini: [Expl.]: (fol. 12v) finis Explicit liber quam diascorides apellat Pro vanis verbis montanis utimur herbis quid pro utilis inno (?) dicitur. Contains 412 Pro caris rebus pigmentis et speciebus.

substitute drugs in alphabetical order. Explicit dictamen Dioscoridis.

Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbiblio- Alternate Expl.: (Niedermann ed. from thek, Ms 5371, s. XV, fols. 121v-123. Con- BM Ar. 166 and BN 6880) Sed procul a tains 169 substitute drugs in alphabetical curis et sano corpore vivas, Quotque hic order. (Tabulae... 4, 110; Thorndike and sunt versus, tot agant tua tempora Ianos.

Kibre, Incipits, col. 818). Manuscripts: Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria, Ms _ 6 620, s. XII, fol. 12 r-v. Text precedes Latin All. Poem: d Quod natum Phebus Alphabetical Dioscorides. (Frati, Studi italt-

ocull... ani 16, p. 245, n. 378).

In the Bologna Ms alone, this 74 line London, British Museum, Ms Arundel

poem on drugs is attributed to Dioscorides. 166, s. X, fol. 12 r-v. There is no rubric

It precedes the Alphabetical Dioscorides Re- or other identification. (Catalogue of Manudaction. In all other manuscript copies, dat- scripts in the British Museum, New Series, ing from the ninth through the twelfth cen- pt. 1 [1834], 1, 45-46; Beccaria, I codici...,

turies, it is anonymous. In two manuscripts 264-268). ;

(London BM Arundel 166 and Paris BN (*) Montpellier, Bibliotheque del Ecole de 6880) the first item in the codex is Marcellus Médecine, Ms 491, s. XI, fols. 122-124. Empiricus’ De medicamentis liber. Perhaps (Thorndike and Kibre, Incipits, col. 1253; for this reason, because I have found no not described in Montpellier cat.). other, the poem was attributed to Marcellus (*) Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Ms lat.

in the 1547 Aldine printing as well as in 6880, s. IX, fol. 150 r-v. Probably from Maximilian Niedermann’s critical edition of Fulda. (Catalogus IV, 289; Delisle, Le cabi-

Marcellus (1916). No analytical study has net des manuscrits, 1, 362; Beccaria, [ been made of the work. Specific drugs are codici..., 145-147).

named in categories, such as aromatics. Editions:

Lines 14-18 read: ‘“‘Sume igitur medicos (micro.) 1547, Venettis: (Apud Aldi filios). pro tempore proque labore/ Etatisque habitu In: Medici antiqui omnes qui latinis litteris summa ratione paratos, / Gramine seu malis diversorum morborum genera et remedia aegro praestare medelam/ Carmine seu po- persecuti sunt, undique conquisiti, et uno tius: nam eque est res certa saluti / Carmen volumine comprehensi, ut eorum qui se 141

GREEK AUTHORS

medicinae studio dediderunt commodo con- James (A Descriptive Catalogue of the West-

sulatur...Durling 3050; NUC. (DNLM). ern Manuscripts in the Library of Corpus

1916, in: Marcelli De medicamentis liber Christi College, Cambridge, 2 vols. |Camrecensuit Maximilianus Niedermann, vol. 5 bridge 1905] 2. 397-398.) as De gradibus et of Corpus Medicorum Latinorum (Leipzig virtutibus simplictum secundum Dioscori-

and Berlin 1916), 282-284. dem, but it is Constantine the African’s De virtutibus simplictum medicinarum. (micro.) Modena, Biblioteca Estense, Ms

XIII. SYNONYMA Alpha L 9, 28 (Est. lat. 993), s. XV, anno

Two texts, each different, exist in one 1458. The explicit to this illuminated herbal manuscript codex of the twelfth century. The ends: “Explicit tractatus herbarum Dhiostexts are lists of items in the Dioscorides’ corides et Platonis atque Galieno et Macrove text with synonyms and other information. (sic) translatate manu et intellectu BartholoThe first text has no title or identification; mei Minid.s (?) senis in arte speciare semper it is found between the table of contents and infusus.’’ The incipit to the preface is: “Circa the main textual body of the Alphabetical instans negotium in simplicibus medicinis Dioscorides Redaction text. This text very nostrum...’’; and to the text: “Aloen calide briefly lists the items of the full Alphabetical et sicca complexionis est in secundo...’’ The Redaction along with synonyms, variant preface is that of Platearius’ De simplicibus spellings (e.g., botonica, vetonica) and drugs or Circa instans (Thorndike and Kibre, which weaken or counteract effects (e.g., Inc., col. 211) and the text has the same be-

“asafetida lassat silfium et silfer,’’ ‘‘anti- ginning as an herbal found in BM Sloane

monium stibeus miseo’’). The second text is 2269 [Thorndike and Kibre, Inc., col. 84].

identified as “‘Sinonima nomina, D(ios- See Kristeller, ter I, 383a).

corides).”’ Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, Ms lat. 6822, s. XIV, fols. 1-135v. The incipit with-

a. First Text: out a heading reads: ‘“‘Artemisia media quid

[Inc.]: (Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria, scribo et aut fagautis....’’ It ends: ‘‘ExMs 620, fol. 8) Asafetida lassat silfium et plicit tractatus herbarum dyascoridis et silfer./ Apium ornumon. ornimon./ Arbor platonis atque gallieno. Si macoau (?).

malorum id est./ Antimonium stibeus translati manu et intellectu Bartholomet miso.../...[Expl.]: Pastinaca agrestis id Mindi senis etiam...semper infusus deo

est daveus. gratias. amen.”’ Like the Modena Ms above, this is an illustrated herbal in alphabetical b. Second Text: order. See Catalogus 4, 281.

[Inc.]: (fol. 13) Aparine id est nomina (micro.) Sélestat, Bibliothéque Municipale, sanetion./ Amaritia id est centaurus minor./ Ms 96, s. XII, fols. 107v-108. [Rubric]: (fol. Aurosum id est auroplemun colore./ Acri- 107v) “‘Incipit de S. Dioscorides.” [Inc.|]:

monia id est caliditas.../...[Expl.]: (fol. ““Vidimus et alium venerabilem patrem

21) Zuna id est aperaflaticum./ Zureambitis apud Thebaidam Dioscorum nomine.../...

id est sanbascus. [Expl.]: et species sanitas expetenda est.”’ A

Manuscript: life of Saint Dioscorides but ascribed by H.

Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria, Ms Diels (Handschriften der antiken Artze, 2, 35) 620, s. XII, fols. 8-11, 13-21. (Frati, Studi as being Dioscorides, author of De materia

italiani 16, p. 245, n. 378). medica. See, also, Catalogue Géneéral..., 3.

APPENDIX 989.

A. IMPROPERLY CATALOGUED TREATISES B. MANUSCRIPTS WITH ILLUSTRATIONS AND ATTRIBUTED TO DIOSCORIDES: WITHOUT TEXT AND SAID TO BE BY DIOSCORIDES:

Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, Ms Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica, Ms Chigi 466, s. XII, pp. 13-100. Identified by M. R. F. VII. 158. s. XV, fols. 1-108v. This is an 142

DIOSCORIDES | unknown materia medica manuscript with XVI, fols. 1-239. This is also an unknown numerous illustrations and little textual de- materia medica manuscript with full folio scription. Folio 1 has a drawing of five plants, illustrations of plants, animals, etc. There is plus an old man, labelled ‘‘dyascorides,”’ no accompanying text except an identification

who touches the herbs while an unidentified of drawings, frequently in both Latin and young man stands by and points to the plant. Greek. There is an alphabetical list of conFolio lv has a list of medical items in three tents, beginning: “‘Abiolabon 60, Abiblabon columns all beginning with ‘‘A’’. The list 6, Abrotanum 6, Absintium 5....”’ Folio 10 begins: ‘‘aurum metallum, argentum metal- has the folllowing note: “Finis 1511 die V lum, aurum romanum arbor, auromi mati’; and it is followed by “Species omnium

idem...’’ Folio 2 has a picture of a man, cardonia et spinarum spina arabica vel ‘Galienus,”’ holding gold and silver in his acatis arabica.’’ The section on plants ends hand. On the same folio are drawings of of folio 219v with “‘otpoBirar. Sirobiloea’’.

gold, silver, the tree called aurum romi Folio 221v begins illustrations of animals, shown with a root system, a drawing showing insects, birds, stones, etc. Folio 224 has four how a man gathers argentum bivim with a drawings depicting the manufacture of pitch long handled spoon and a vessel, and a gum for sealing ships. Folio 234v has a figure of arabic plant. Typical other folios have three Sophia giving to seated Dioscorides a manor more plant drawings, frequently with the dragora plant. Presumably the artist of this reference to Dioscorides (e.g., folio 3v has Ms had seen the copy of the Anicia Juliana an acacia plant with the label, “‘Regre dya. Palimpsest (Vienna Ms Med. Gr. 1). Folio propter capitulo.’’ Other folios have draw- 235 has a drawing of seven wise men: Craings of Johannes Mesue, Alexander, Ysaac teuas, Galen, Dioscorides [below name is: (Judaeus), Aliabas (alli Abbas), Albucasis, ‘‘Latinit Dioscoriden dicunt’’|] Nicander, Rasis, Avenzoar, and Macer. (Kristeller, Iter Ruphus, Andreas and Apollonius. (Kris-

II, ;474). teller, Iter, 2. 474.) , Ms Chigi F. VII, 159, s.

143

BLANK PAGE

PAULUS AEGINETA EUGENE F. RICE, JR.

Fortuna 146 Bibliography 148 Columbia University

Composite Editions 149

I. De re medica. 150 Translations. 1. Anonymus A, s. X. 2. Georgius Valla. 3. Guilielmus Copus. 4. Thomas Linacer. 5. Euphrosynus Boninus. 6. Otho Brunfelsius.

7. Albanus Torinus. |

8. Johannes Bernardus Felicianus. 9. Johannes Guinterius Andernacus. 10. Ianus Cornarius.

Commentaries. 176

a. Anonymus B, s. XVI. b. Johannes Guinterius. c. Albanus Torinus. d. Christophorus Oroscius. e. Sebastianus Austrius. f. Hieronymus Gemusaeus. g. [acobus Goupylus. h. Johannes Baptista Camotius. 1. [anus Cornarius. j. Iacobus Dalechampius. k. Georgius Edrichus. Appendix.

Other Evidence of the Diffusion of De re medica 189 145

GREEK AUTHORS

FORTUNA this brief collection from the works of the Paul of Aegina was the last representative ancients, and have set down little of my own, of Greek medicine before the Muslim supre- except a few things which I have seen and macy. We know little about him. The Suda tried in the practice of the art” (ed. Heiberg, Lexicon is unhelpful: “Paul of Aegina was a I, p. 3; tr. Adams, I, xvii-xviti). He principhysician and wrote several medical books.”’ pally drew on Oribasius and Galen (though

The physician Abu al-Faraj, commonly he effectively used most of his other predeknown as Bar Hebraeus (1226-1286), is more cessors as well) and produced a compreheninformative. He records that Paul was best sive manual for the practicing physician. known among his contemporaries as a gynae- De re medica is clearly organized and cologist and implies that he was practicing simply written. Book I deals with hygiene medicine in Alexandria when the city fell to and diet, Book II with fevers, Book III with the Arabs in 643 (Historia compendiosa dy- bodily ailments arranged topically “‘from the nastiarum, authore Gregorio Abul-Pharajio, crown of the head to the nails of the feet,” historiam complectens universalem, ed. and Book IV treats of cutaneous afflictions and tr. Edward Pocock, Oxford, 1663, pp. 114- of intestinal worms, Book V deals with the 115), a date and locale supported by persua- __—s treatment of poisonous bites and stings, sive internal evidence. The tradition that he Book VI with surgery, and Book VII with

was much travelled in the cause of learning medicines and drugs. In short, the book derives from an epigram found in several contains, as the author promised, the ‘‘deearly manuscripts of his work (Briau, p. 27). scription, causes, and cure of all diseases.”’ He was probably a Christian (Heiberg, Rev. Modern historians of medicine have been des études grecques, XXXII, 1919, p. 270). particularly interested by Book VI, the most Although Arabic sources credit Paul with detailed account of ancient surgical practices treatises on gynaecology and toxology, only to have come down to us. an encyclopedia of ancient medicine in seven Chapter 100 of Book I (ed. Heiberg, I, books survives. The work has no formal title, 68-72) is a brief medical vademecum in the but in his preface Paul calls it his tp ayparera form of a letter to King Antigonus attribu(ed. Heiberg, I, p. 3, line 3) or his Excropos ted to Diocles Carystius, a physician active

Ex TOV Apxatiwy...cvvayuwyy (I, p. 3, I. in Athens in the late fourth century B.C. 24-25). Paul’s sixteenth-century translators The letter of Diocles is preserved and transvariously named it Opus de re medica, De mitted principally through Paulus Aegineta arte medendi, Totius rei medicae libri sep- (see Werner Jaeger, Diokles von Karystos,

tem, De medica materia libri septem, ot Berlin, 1938 pp. 70-112). The independent

Medicinae totius enchiridion. tradition of the letter in Latin translation

Paul himself clearly explained the purpose and commentary will be treated in the artiof his work: “‘It is not because the more an- cle on Diocles in a later volume of CTC.

cient writers had omitted anything relative Of no other ancient Greek text, except the to the art that I have composed this work, Bible and some patristic works, have so but in order to give a compendious course of many codices earlier than the thirteenth ceninstruction (avvyTopos dudaoxadia); for, on tury survived. The many later manuscripts the contrary, everything is handled by them confirm that Paul was admired and read in properly, and without omissions, whereas Byzantium until the end of the empire (Diels,

the moderns have not only in the first place Handschriften der antiken Arzte, pp.

neglected the study of them, but have also 77-81). About the middle of the ninth cenblamed them for prolixity....But to remem- tury Hunayn ibn Ishaq (died 873) translated ber all the rules of the healing art, and all De re medica into Arabic. Later Muslim the particular substances connected with it, physicians made detailed use of it (Manfred is exceedingly difficult if not altogether im- Ullmann, Die Medizin im Islam, Leiden, possible. On this account I have compiled 1970, pp. 86-87; only fragments of this 146

PAULUS

translation survive). In the medieval Latin The fourteen commentaries (by eleven West, on the other hand, De re medica was commentators) are of marginal interest. virtually unknown. Book III was translated They range in date from the early sixteenth from the Greek into Latin in southern Italy, century to 1588 and vary from slight annotaprobably in the tenth century, but the diffu- tiunculae to more extended discussions of sion of this partial translation was extremely substance. The majority are philological limited. After the twelfth century references rather than medical. They illustrate well to Paul and quotations from De re medica both the cooperative effort, stimulated by that were derived from Latin translations of printing, to improve a classical text and the

Arabic medical works made his name in- polemical alertness of sixteenth-century

creasingly familiar, but Western Europe as- scholars to each other’s errors. Two comsimilated the work itself, directly and in its mentaries discuss matters of substance in

entirety, only in the sixteenth century. some detail: that on Book I by Sebastianus The Greek text was issued twice in the Austrius of Ruffach (1538) and pharmacoRenaissance, in 1528 and 1538. The Aldine logical excursuses on selected chapters of press issued the editio princeps (Venetiis in Books I-III by the Oxford physician Georgius

aedibus Aldi et Andreae Asulani soceri, Edrichus (1588). mense Augusto M. D. XXVIII). The editor, The location of printers and publishers Franciscus Asulanus, dedicated it to Stephen who issued editions of Paul and the number Gardiner, then in Italy as English ambassa- of editions published in the various centers

dor to the pope, in a letter dated 1 July. are as follows: Basel 16, Venice 15, Paris 7, The Aldine edition reproduces codex Marci- Strasbourg 7, Lyons 5, Cologne 3, London 2, anus gr. V 1, which in the fifteenth and six- Geneva, Frankfurt, Nuremberg and Antwerp

teenth centuries was in the library of the 1 apiece—a fairly typical sixteenth-century convent of S. Giovanni di Verdara in Padua pattern for a Latin text with an international (Heiberg, Rev. des études grecques, XXXII, professional audience, though the predomp. 271). A second edition, prepared by Hier- inance of Basel is especially marked. A map onymus Gemusaeus, appeared in Basel in of the geographical origins of the translators, Aug. 1538 and was reissued in 1543 (see be- commentators and editors yields a similar low p. 181). Gemusaeus collated Asulanus’s pattern: German and German-Swiss 7, Ittext with a manuscript ‘‘vetutissimae fidei’”’ alian 4, French 2, English 2, Spanish 1. lent him by the Parisian physician Johannes As translations and editions multiplied, so Ruellius and identified by Heiberg as Par. did references to Paul and quotations from

gr. 2206. De re medica by sixteenth-century physicians Nine Latin translations appeared between and scholars. Symphorianus Champerius the late fifteenth century and 1600. Five of used the book for his Myrouel des appothithese were translations of only one book or quaires (see below, Appendix, no. 1). Carolus fragment of a book. A sixth and more ex- Stephanus used the book for his De /atinis tensive partial translation, that of Euphrosy- et graecis nominibus arborum, fruticum, nus Boninus (ca. 1525), has survived in two herbarum, piscium et avium liber (see below, manuscripts. Although both title pages pro- Appendix, no. 3), Conradus Gesnerus for mise a translation of all seven books, one his pharmacological compilations (App. 4 manuscript contains only Book I, the other and 5), Georgius Pictorius for his alphabet-

Books I-III and VII, chs. 1-3. Three trans- ical list of ailments and the simples and

lators published complete versions of De re composites that alleviate them (App. 9), and medica, all three stimulated by the publica- Henricus Stephanus for his medical dictio-

tion of the Greek text in 1528: Albanus nary (App. 10). Hubertus Barlandus comTorinus (Mar. 1532), Johannes Guinterius mented in some detail on Book III, chs. 40 Andernacus (Oct. 1532) and Ianus Cornarius and 59, ‘‘De levitate intestinorum’’ and “‘De

(published in 1555 but begun by 1531). haemorrhoidibus,’’ using both the Greek 147

GREEK AUTHORS

text and the unrevised translation of Guin- IX!-? (Leipzig and Berlin, 1921-1924). Enterius (App. 2). Gulielmus Insulanus Mena- glish translation by Francis Adams, with a pius reprinted Paul’s chapters (Book II, chs. full and valuable commentary (London, ‘22 and 23) on quartan fever (App. 6), Di- 1844-1847); French (Book VI only, accomonysius Fontanonus and Ioannes Raenerius panied by an edition of the Greek text and those on internal ailments (App. 7), Thomas a useful introduction) by René Briau (Paris,

Iunta on baths (App. 8), and Ioannes 1855); German by J. Berendes (Leiden,

Ferrandus on kidney stones (App. 12). By 1914); and Italian (again Book VI only) by the end of the third decade of the sixteenth Mario Tabanelli (Studi sulla chirurgia bizancentury, Paul’s work had been fully assimi- tina. Paolo di Egina, Florence, 1964).

lated and was easily accessible to anyone For earlier work on the manuscripts and

who read Latin. printed editions see S. G. H. Hoffmann,

The last translation appeared in 1555; the Lexicon bibliographicum sive index editionum last commentary in 1588. Several of the ear- et interpretationum scriptorum Graecorum lier translations and commentaries continued tum sacrorum tum profanorum, III (Leipzig, to be reissued until the end of the sixteenth 1836), 199-202; Ludwig Choulant, Handcentury. No new translations or commen- buch der Biicherkunde fiir die dltere Medtaries appeared in the seventeenth and eigh- icin, 2nd ed. (Leipzig, 1841), 141-144; H. teenth centuries and none of the sixteenth- Diels, Die Handschriften der antiken Arzte,

century ones was reprinted. II. Teil. Die tibrigen griechischen Arzte ausPierre Tolet, a physician of Lyons, and ser Hippokrates und Galenos, Abhandlungen

Jacques Daléchamps each translated Book d. kénigl. preuss. Akademie d. WissenVI into French. Etienne Dolet published schaften (Berlin, 1906), 77-81; and Heiberg, Tolet’s translation in 1540 (other editions: “De codicibus Pauli Aeginetae observationes,”’

Paris, Les Angeliers, 1541; Lyons, Dolet, Revue des études grecques, XXXII (1919), 1542; and Lyons, Jean de Tournes, 1552); 268-277.

the translation of Daléchamps, entitled The only indispensable work on Paul Chirurgie francoise, appeared in 1570, pub- since Heiberg’s edition is the article by H. lished in Lyons by Guillaume Roville (re- Diller in Pauly-Wissowa, XVIII* (1949), printed in Paris by Olivier de Varennes 30 2386-2397. See also Max Wellmann, Die April 1610). A fragment of Book VII, ch. pneumatische Schule bis auf Archigenes 26, “‘Paul Eginete des pois et des mesures,”’ (Philologische Untersuchungen, XIV Berlin,

was several times printed at the end of Lyons 1895), 116 ff.; A. P. Kouzis, ‘‘L’oeuvre editions of the French translation of Leonard médicale de Paul de Nicée,’’ Janus, XVI Fuchs’s Historia plantarum: Balthazar Ar- (1911), 738-755; K. Staubel, Zahn- und

noullet, 1550 (Baudrier X, 125); Thibaud Mundleiden und deren Behandlung bei Payen, 1558 (Baudrier IV, 276); and Guil- Paulos von Aegina (diss. Leipzig, 1922); E. laume Roville, 1558 (Baudrier IX, 250). Melchior, “‘Studien zur antiken Chirurgie, Book I was available in German in Sebas- III. Paulos von Aegina,”’ Bruns Beitrége zur tianus Austrius’s vernacular translation klinischen Chirurgie, CLIII (1931), 335-350; (1539) of his own Latin commentary on that Dimitri C. Ioannides, La gynécologie et ob-

book (see below p. 181). stétrique de Paul d’Egine et son influence

The work both of translating Paul into sur la médecine arabe (Cairo, 1940); M. P. the vernacular and of establishing the Greek Gallois, “‘La ligature des artéres d’aprés text was resumed in the nineteenth and Paul d’Egine,’’ Mémoires de la Société frantwentieth centuries by physicians of anti- ¢aise d Histoire de la Médecine, I (1945), quarian interests and by professional scholars. 45-51; E. Coturri, “‘Considerazioni intorno al dottrinario chirurgico di Paolo d’Egina,”’

BIBLIOGRAPHY Minerva Medica, L (Turin, 1950), 1165-1168;

Critical edition of the Greek text by J. L. H. Jahier, “‘Les textes obstétricaux de Paul Heiberg, Corpus medicorum Graecorum, d’Egine,’’ Histoire de la Médecine, IIS (1952), 148

PAULUS

3-10; W. Emmott, “Ophthamology in Clas- NUC. BM; BN; London, Royal College of sical Medicine,’’ The Ophthalmic Optician, Physicians; Munich, StB; Oxford, Bodleian;

V2 (London, 1965), 14-22, 81-82; S. (CtY-M; IU; MBM; MH; MiU; NIC; Remo, “Ostetrica e ginecologia nel bizantino NNNAM; NNC-M; PPC; PPPH).

Paolo d’Egina e nell’arabo Albucasi,” Mi- 1533, [after 1 Sept.], Basileae (Basel): nerva Medica, LVIII (1967), 4118-31; Carlo Andreas Cratander [and Ioannes Bebelius]. Agostini, “Paolo d’Egina e la chirurgia ocu- The translation by Felicianus of Book VI, lare,”’ Acta Medicae Historiae Patavina, XIV without his prefatory epistle, followed by (1967-1968), 27-36; Phillip Drennon Thomas, Torinus’s Castigationes in suam Aeginetae

‘Paul of Aegina,’’ Dictionary of Scientific tralationem. Poynter 4875; Durling 3566;

Biography, X (1974), 417-419. NUC. Basel, UB; Rome, Vaticana; (ICJ; NNNAM).

1534, Aug., Coloniae (Cologne): Ioannes

COMPOSITE EDITIONS Soter. Books I-VII translated by Guinterius and Guinterius’s Annotationes. Panzer VI,

Publications containing more than one 428, 741; Poynter 4866; Durling 3552;

translation or commentary. NUC. BN; Cambridge, University Library;

1531, Sept., Argentorati (Strasbourg): Munich, StB; (CtY-M; ICU; MnU; NNNAM; Georgius Ulricher Andlanus. Translations of NNC-M).

Book I, chs. 73-99 by Guilielmus Copus 1538, Aug., Basileae (Basel): Balthasar and of Book VII, ch. 3 by Otho Brunfelsius. Lasius. Torinus’s revised translation of Panzer VI, 120, 830; F. N. L. Poynter, A Books I-V and Book VII; Torinus’s translaCatalogue of Printed Books in the Wellcome tion of Book VI, which appears here for the Historical Medical Library, 1. Books Printed first time; and Torinus’s Annotatiunculae. Before 1641 (London, 1962), 4874; Richard J. Poynter 4864 (in this copy the date on the tiDurling, A Catalogue of Sixteenth-Century tle page has been altered from 1538 to 1548);

Printed Books in the National Library of Durling 3553; NUC. Basel, UB; Munich, Medicine (Washington, 1967), 3565; Ritter StB; Prague, Strahov; (CtY-M; IaU). 1801; NUC. BM; Basel, UB; (MH-A; MoSB; 1541, Venetiis (Venice): Ioannes Farreus

NNNAM). and the brothers Rivoltella for Andreas Ar1532, Parisiis (Paris): Christianus Weche- rivabenus. Title page dated 1542. Books Ilus. Translations of Book I, chs. 73-99 by VII translated by Guintertus and Guinterius’s Copus and of Book VII, ch. 3 by Brunfelsius. Annotationes. Poynter 4867; Durling 3555;

NUC. BM; BN; London, Royal College of NUC. (CtY-M; KU-M; MnBM; MnU; Physicians; Munich, StB; Oxford, Bodleian; NNC-M; NNNAM).

(NNC). 1542, Sept., Argentorati (Strasbourg): 1532, Aug., Venetiis (Venice): Lucas An- Wendelinus Rihelius. Books I-VII in Guintonius Iunta Florentinus. Title page dated terius’s revised translation accompanied by October. Books I-V and Book VII in the Guinterius’s Commentaria. Poynter 4868; translation of Albanus Torinus; Book VI in Durling 3554; NUC. Basel, UB; Munich, the translation of Ioannes Bernardus Fellt- StB; Paris, Mazarine; Prague, Strahov; cianus. Durling 3550; NUC. Rome, Vaticana; (CtY-M; IaU; MdBW; PPL).

(ICJ; ICU; NNNAM; NNC-M). 1551, Lugduni (Lyons): Philibertus Rolle1532, [after 1 Oct.], Parisiis (Paris): Simon tius for Guilielmus Rovillius. Edited by Colinaeus. Books I- VII translated by Ioannes Jacobus Goupylus. Books I-VII in the reGuinterius and accompanied by his Annota- vised translation of Guinterius; Guinterius’s tiones. Panzer VIII, 154, 2126; Renouard, Commentaria; scholia by Goupylus, which Colines, 188-189; Sir William Osler, Biblio- appear here for the first time. Baudrier IX, theca Osleriana; A Catalogue of Books Il- 193; Poynter 4869; Hans Sallander, Biblio-

lustrating the History of Medicine and Sct- theca Walleriana: The Books Illustrating ence (Oxford, 1929), 439; Durling 3551; the History of Medicine and Science Collected 149

GREEK AUTHORS

by Dr. Erik Waller and Bequeathed to the Munich, StB; Oxford, Radcliffe Science LiLibrary of the Royal University of Uppsala brary; (CLU-M; CtY-M; FU; MBM).

(Stockholm, 1955), 7247; Durling 3558; 1567, Venetiis (Venice): Hieronymus ScoNUC. Munich, StB; (CLU-M; CtY-M; InU; tus. Books I-VII in Guinterius’s revised

MnU; NjP; OCIW). translation; Guinterius’s Commentaria; and 1553, Venetiis (Venice): Federicus Tur- the scholia of Goupylus. Poynter 4871;

risanus and Aldus. Edited by Ioannes Bap- Durling 3562; NUC. (CaBVaU; ICJ; PPC). tista Camotius. Books I-VII in Guinterius’s 1589, Lugduni (Lyons): Guilielmus Rovil-

revised translation; Guinterius’s Commen- lius. Reproduces Lyons, 1567. Osler 440; taria; the scholia of Goupylus; the scholia of Poynter 4873; Durling 3564; NUC. BM; Camotius, which appear here for the first (ICU; KU-M; MiU; PPC; ViU). time. Poynter 4870; Durling 3559; NUC. BN; Cambridge, University Library; Oxford, Bodleian; Rome, Vaticana; (CLU-M; DFo;

KU-M; MBM). I. DE RE MEDICA 1554, Venetiis (Venice): Federicus Turri-

sanus and Aldus. Another issue of Venice, TRANSLATIONS 1553, the only change being the date on the 1. AnonyMus A, s. X title page. Renouard, Impr. des Aldes, I, This is a translation of Book III made di375; Durling 3560; NUC. Oxford, Bodleian; rectly from the Greek and not older than the

Rome, Vaticana; (NNNAM; NNC-M). ninth century. On paleographic and lin-

1556, Basileae (Basel): Ioannes Hervagius guistic grounds J. L. Heiberg, who edited Junior. Books I-VII translated by Cornarius the text in 1912, placed the translation (proband Cornarius’s commentary. Durling 3561; ably) in the tenth century and in southern NUC. BN; Basel, UB; London, Royal Col- Italy: “Interpretatio igitur circiter saeculo X

lege of Physicians; Munich, StB; Prague, facta est, sine dubio in Italia inferiore. Strahov; Rome, Vaticana; (CtY-M; ICU; Cum hoc tempore concordat et sermo semi-

MBM; NNNAM; PPC). barbarus interpretis et ratio Graecae linguae

1567, [Geneva]: Henricus Stephanus Hul- tractandae; verbum enim verbo reddit et drichi Fuggeri typographus. Cornarius’s Saepe errores ridiculos committit’’ (ed. Heitranslation of Books I-VII and his commen- berg, p. xili). tary. Stephanus reprinted Hervagius’s Basel Text. (ed. Heiberg) Pauli Liber de cura1556 edition in its entirety as one item in a tione egritudinum partium tocius corporis. massive two-volume collection of medical I. De alopitia et calvitio. [Inc.]: (p. 1) Queworks: Medicae artis principes, post Hippo- madmodum plantarum quedam quidem hucratem et Galenum, vol. I, sig. gq, ti-mm, moris indigentia corrumpuntur arentia.../ i. Durling 3049; Sallander 6417; Paul Chaix, ...[Expl.]: (p. 215) cum uero exciderit unAlain Dufour, Gustave Moeckli, Les Livres gula, cerotum mirtinum inpone paululum imprimeés a Geneve de 1500 a 1600, 2nd ed. habens dia tis ritinis farmacu. Explicit liber (Geneva, 1966), 67; NUC. BM; BN; Basel, Pauli. Deo gratias amen.

UB; Oxford, Bodleian; Rome, Vaticana; Manuscripts:

(CtY-M; MBM; NNNAM). Monte Cassino, Archivio della Badia, 1567, Lugduni (Lyons): Guilielmus Rovil- cod. 351, s. XI (Diels, Handschriften der

lius. Edited by Ioannes Molinaeus. Books antiken Arzte, p. 78; Heiberg, pp. iti-v;

I-VII in Guinterius’s revised translation; E. A. Lowe, The Beneventan Script, Oxford, commentaries by Guinterius and Cornarius 1914, 350; D. Maurus Inguanez, Codicum (abridged); the scholia of Goupylus; and the Casinensium manuscriptorum catalogus, scholia of lacobus Dalechampius, which ap- Monte Cassino, 1928, II, 196; A. Beccaria, pear here for the first time. Baudrier IX, I codici di medicina del periodo presalerni315; Poynter 4872; Durling 3563; NUC. BN; tano (secoli IX, X, e XI), Rome, 1956, no. 150

PAULUS

97, pp. 305-306; Thorndike and Kibre, col. Kibre, col. 53; E. Wickersheimer, Les Man-

913). uscrits latins de médecine du haut Moyen Vatican, Vat. lat. 4461, s. XIII. (Diels, p. Age dans les bibliotheques de France (Paris, 78; Heiberg, p. v; Thorndike and Kibre, 1966), no. CXVIII>, p. 188. col. 1190).

Cambridge, Jesus College, ms. 44, s. XIII,

ff. 2v-4v (= ed. Heiberg, p. 1, line 1- p. 10, 2. GEORGIUS VALLA line 5). (M. R. James, A Descriptive Cata- Books XLVI-XLVIII of Georgio Valla’s logue of the Manuscripts in the Library of encyclopedic De expetendis et fugiendis reJesus College, Cambridge, Cambridge, 1895, bus opus bear the title De corporis commopp. 67-68; Heiberg, pp. v-vi; Thorndike dis et incommodis libri III, quorum primus

and Kibre, col. 520). totus de anima, secundus de corpore, tertius

Edition: vero de urinis ex Hippocrate ac Paulo Ae-

Pauli Aeginetae libri tertii interpretatio gineta, deque Galeni quaestionibus in Hiplatina antiqua, ed. J. L. Heiberg (Leipzig, pocratem. The third chapter of the third

1912). book of De corporis commodis et incommo-

Note. The following manuscripts have dis is a translation of De re medica, Book been said to contain early Latin translations II, ch. 13. The subject is urine. Valla died

from Paul of Aegina but do not do so: in 1500. His De expetendis et fugiendis reBamberg, Staatliche Bibliothek, cod. bus appeared posthumously in 1501. I have med. 2 (L. III. 6), s. [X-X, ff. 93v-232: (ff. not been able to date his translation from 93v-95) Index; (f. 95v) Incipit liber Pauli. Paul more nearly than the later fifteenth Ad purgationem capitis. Oportet diu_per- century. manente capitis dolore precipue sine febrici- Text (ed. of Venice, 1501). Aliud [de uritate materia (sic) detrahere.../...[Expl.]: nis] praescriptum ex Paulo Aegineta. [Inc.|]:

(f. 232) et intermisso uno die iterum triduo (sig. RR, iii) Sicut in excrementis ita in facis. There is a nineteenth-century copy of urinis convalescentium ex aegritudine signa this manuscript in the Bibliothéque Nation- capiuntur. Urina igitur optima est sanis siale, Par. lat. 11217 (L. Delisle, Inventaire millima.../...[Expl.]: (sig. RR, 111, v) id omdes manuscrits conserves a la Bibliotheque nium est optimum urinarum, praesertim si Imperiale sous les numéros 8823-11503 du huiusmodi fuerit hypostasis. Secundo autem Fonds latin |Paris, 1863], 114). The ‘‘liber loco sublationes, tertio nebulae; ac prorsus Pauli’ is an epitome of Pseudo-Pliny, De quo magis quae in urinis apparent subsede-

medicina (ed. V. Rose, 1875). See Rose, rint, eo meliora iudicari debebunt.

Anecdota Graeca et Graecolatina (Berlin, Editions: 1864-1870), II, 106-107; ‘‘Ueber die Medi- 1501, Dec., Venetiis (Venice): Aldus cina Plinii,’’ Hermes. Zeitschrift f. klassische Manutius impensa ac studio Ioannis Petri Philologie, VIII (1874), 47-48; Diels, p. 78; Vallae. BM; BN; (MH). Heiberg, pp. vi-vii; Beccaria, no. 49°, pp. [ca. 1528], Argentinae (Strasbourg): Hen-

197-198. ricus Sybold. In Georgii Vallae Placentini

Venddme, ms. 175, s. XI, ff. 106v-108v: viri clariss. de Urinae significatione, ex Hip(f. 106v) Incipit de (sic) liber Pauli. Ad ma- pocrate, Paulo Aeginata (sic), ac Theophilo. mille nucleolos et ad dolorem dactulum pur- Item Galeni Quaestionibus in Hippocratem.

gatum.../...[Expl.]: (f. 108v) cum vino Dioclis epistola de bona valetudine tuenda mixto post dies X et VII et securus eris. See ad Antigonum regem, sig. B, 1, v- B, ii, v.

Diels, p. 81; Heiberg, pp. vii-vili; H. E. Preface by the editor and publisher H. SySigerist, “‘Early Medieval Medical Texts in bold, “artis medicae professor.”” BM. Manuscripts of Vendome,” Bulletin of the [ca. 1529], Argentinae (Strasbourg): HenHistory of Medicine, XIV (1943), 107-108; ricus Sybold. Follows the text and paginaBeccaria, no. 47!!, p. 191; Thorndike and tion of Strasbourg, [ca. 1528]. BM; BN. 131

GREEK AUTHORS

Biography: ideo per aetatis vigorem immatura morte See CTC I, 126. nobis sublati sunt, quod non iustam medi3. Gutietmus Copus cinae in suis lucubrationibus rationem ha-

° buerunt. Cum enim, ut est in oraculo, sum-

Cop translated Book I, omitting Paul’s ma hominis prudentia sit seipsum noscere, preface (ed. Heiberg, I, pp. 3-5). He dedi- nescio quomodo ille sese noscere putabit, cated the translation to Germain de Ganay, qui animorum semper indagine sollicitus bishop of Cahors and subsequently of Or- nullam corporalis naturae sibi rationem proléans, on 19 Mar. 1511. It was his first ponit. Animum enim sine corporis adminiculo translation from the Greek. He had learned viribus carere phreniticorum insania satis the rudiments of the language in Germany declarat. Itaque nemo se philosophum recte from Mithridates and Conrad Celtis, con- profitebitur nisi medicinam quoque didicerit, tinued his studies in Paris with Ioannes Las- qua duce in primis corporis naturam, deinde

caris (before 1503) and Erasmus (probably per reliquas philosophiae partes animum, summer of 1506), and solidified his knowl- postremo seipsum cognoscet. Huius monitis edge by following the lectures Aleander gave Pythagoras, Empedocles, Democritus, Diocles

at the University of Paris between 4 June Carystius, Praxagoras, Chrysippus, Plato, 1508 and 8 Dec. 1510. Since he began the Dionysius Heracleotes, Xenocrates Platonitranslation only after hearing Aleander for a cus, Carneades, Cleanthes, Xenophanes full year (see below), we may plausibly date Colophonius summi philosophi in ultima it between early summer 1509 and late win- senectute mortem obierunt. Aristoteles vero ter 1510-1511. His Greek text was the man- ipse, cum alioquin naturali stomachi inuscript later lent by Johannes Ruellius to firmitati crebrisque morbidi corporis offenGemusaeus (see below, p. 181) and identified sionibus obnoxius esset, ob animi tamen by Heiberg as Par. gr. 2206 (Rev. des études magnitudinem, quam ex medicinae scientia

grecques XXXII, 271). Portions of Cop’s conceperat, contra opinionem hominum ad translation were often published separately, sexagesimum usque tertium pervenit annum , and such publications will be listed following [Censorinus, De die natali, 14]. Id vero nosthe editions of the whole translation. tro aevo ob hanc maxime causam contingere Dedication. (ed. of Paris, 1510/11). Ad solet nemini, quod summorum medicorum reverendum in Christo patrem dominum monumenta, Hippocratis inquam, Galeni, Germanum de Ganay Caduricensem episco- Rufi, Oribasii, Pauli, Alexandri, pulveribus pum Guilielmi Copi Basileiensis in Pauli obsita iacent negligunturque, ac barbarissimi

Aeginetae Salubria praecepta praefatio. quique vel temporum iniuria vel circula[Inc.]: (sig. a, iij, v) Medicinam, non in- torum avaritia inducti, illorum loco habenfimam philosophiae partem, ornatissime tur in pretio. Ergo cum magna iam antipater, foelici illo seculo cum florerent bonae quorum optimorumque voluminum tum oraliterae summopere cultam, nescio quo pacto torum et poetarum tum philosophorum copia

humanarum literarum studiosi negligunt, Aldi Manutii, viri undecunque doctissimi, contemnunt atque a Musarum contubernio industria nobis restituta sit, laborandum repellunt. Nisi id est quod adeo barbarorum esse duxi, ut medicinae quoque auctores ad

faecibus obliterata est, ut nemo cultioris pristinae dignitatis lucem resurgant. Igitur litteraturae studiosus vel minimo, ut inquiunt Graecarum literarum prima rudimenta, [Terence, Eun. 740], digito eam attingere quae iam pridem in Germania sub Mithridignetur. Qua de re paucos hodie videas date et Conrado Celte degustaveram, sub magni nominis viros qui ad ultimam usque utriusque linguae doctissimis praeceptoribus senectam perveniant. Sane nostro aevo Picus Ioanne Lascari atque Erasmo Roterodamo

Mirandula, rerum naturae miraculum, at- in Parisiorum Academia excolere tentavi.

que Angelus Politianus, qui unus a Gothorum Sed ob eorum praecipitem in Italiam abitum, iniuria linguam Latinam vindicare potuisset, operam fere lusissem, nisi mox Hieronymum 152

PAULUS

Aleandrum, Graecae et Latinae et Hebrai- ad brumam usque, quare acerbissima quaecae, adde etiam Chaldaicae doctissimum, que tum exhibenda sunt, vinum suave bibenperpetuum annum poetas et oratores (absque dum, pinguibus uti atque exercitari conenim horum diligenti lectione nullus facile gruum est. Numerantur usque ad solstitium Graecas literas discere posse speret) Graece hyemale dies quinque et quadraginta.

legentem audivissem. Cuius praeceptis for- Editions: matus, ut studiorum meorum frugem ali- 1510/11, Apr. 4, Parisiis (Paris): Henricus quam reponerem, Theodorum Gazam atque Stephanus. Panzer, VII, p. 547, no. 398; Nicolaum Leonicenum, quanquam longo ad- Renouard, Estienne, pp. 8-9; Poynter 4859; modum intervallo, imitari ac veteres eosque Durling 3569; NUC. BM; Munich, StB; Oxeruditissimos Graecos medicos pro virili ford, Bodleian; Rome, Vaticana; Strasbourg; restituere nisus sum. Atque in primis Paulum (ICJ).

Aeginetam, qui universam medicinam a 1511, May 12, Argentorati (Strasbourg): Galeno et Oribasio per innumeros fere libros Matthias Schiirer. Panzer, VI, p. 33, no. traditam in septem libros compendiose re- 224; Schmidt, VIII, no. 54; Ritter 1800; degit. Horum primum, qui bonam valetudi- Durling 3570; NUC. BM; Basel, UB; Munich,

nem tueri docet (quod non solum medicis StB; Rome, Vaticana; (ICU; ViU). verum etiam mortalibus universis non medio- 1512, Apr. 16, Parisiis (Paris): Henricus criter conducat integram servare valetudi- Stephanus. Panzer, VII, p. 564, no. 551; nem) a reliquis sex libris separare ac Latio Renouard, Estienne, p. 12; Sallander 7248; sermone donare constitui, ne salubria prae- Durling 3571; NUC. BM; Paris, Mazarine;

cepta perpetuo ab ineptis Salernitanorum Rome, Vaticana: (CtY-M; MiU; MnU; deliramentis petere oporteat. Qua in re NNNAM;; PPC). quamvis elocutio forsitan foelicior desider- 1525, Feb., Norembergae (Nuremberg): abitur, quod tamen ad interpretationis fidem Ioannes Petreius. Contents: Cop’s translation pertinet, nisi nos aliquando exemplaris (quod of Book I, edited by Ioannes Petreius and unum duntaxat habere potuimus) deprava- accompanied by the Encomium artis medi-

tio fefellerit, nemini cesserimus.../... cae of Erasmus. Preface. Io. Petreius lec[Expl.|: (sig. a, iv, v) Quod si has nostras tori S. [Inc.]: (sig. a, i, v) Nemo non videt, lucubrationes excellentiae tuae placere sen- arbitror, omnes disciplinas...hactenus eo serimus, dabimus operam ut propediem contemptus adductas iacuisse, ut a solis his Galeni quoque opera, quorum ne umbram qui quaestum, bonorum studiorum mercedem quidem adhuc Latini viderunt, non minore vilissimam, sequerentur, sint excultae.... a Romanis quam Graecis (quantum Latini Damus igitur nunc studiosis omnibus doctissermonis inopia patitur) facilitate legantur. simi medici Pauli Aeginetae salubria de Vale pater ornatissime. Ex Parisiorum Lu- tuenda valetudine praecepta a doctissimo tetia, decimoquarto Kalendas Aprilis, anno Guilielmo Copo latinitati donata, ut vitam

1510. sanam in studio literarum diu prorogent,

Text. Pauli Aeginetae praecepta salubria quo commodius ad summum eruditionis fasGuilielmo Copo Basileiensi interprete. Qui- tigium perveniant, et rerum cognitioni, culus bus affectibus mulieres gravidae infestentur praestantissima pars a medicis tractatur, et qua victus ratione educandae sint. Cap. I. paulatim initientur et assuescant. Quae si [Inc.]: (sig. b, i) Quoniam mulieres gravidae (ut certe debent) grata fuisse cognoverimus,

his fere molestantur casibus, crebra vomiti- huius generis libellos magna diligentia one, sputo, cordis dolore, fastidio, haud ab emendatos in lucem subinde prodigemus. re fuerit praesidia quibus eis succurratur Bene vale. Panzer, VII, p. 468, no. 202;

praescribere.../.. .[Expl.]: (sig. g, ij) Dioclis Poynter 4860; Durling 3572; NUC. Munich, epistola de bona valetudine tuenda. Cap. C. StB; Prague, Strahov; Strasbourg; Venice,

Diocles Antigono regi salutem.... (sig. g, Marciana; (CtY-M; ICS). .

iv) Hoc tempore abundat in hominibus pituita 1525, Oct. 20, Venetiis (Venice): Bene153

GREEK AUTHORS

dictus et Augustinus fratres de Bondonis for qui salubrium quoque praeceptorum pars Ioannes Baptista de Pederzanis Brixiensis. est, praedictis subnectamus.../...[Expl.]: Reproduces the ed. of Nuremberg, 1525, (sig. G, 7v) In summa vero recentiora omnia Feb. Sallander 7249; NUC. (NNC-M; PPC). veteribus humidiora, molliora, et coctu 1527, July, Parisiis (Paris): Simon Coli- faciliora sunt. Similiter castrata iis quibus naeus. Reproduces the ed. of Paris, 1512, integri adhuc testiculi sunt, atque corpulenta

Apr. 16. Renouard, Colines, 93; Durling gracilibus.

3573; NUC. BM; Oxford, Bodleian; (CtY-M; Edition:

ICN). [1529?], Aug. Argentinae (Strasbourg): Henricus Sybold. Ritter 2379; Durling 4486. a. Cop’s translation of Book I, ch. 53. BM; BN; Oxford, Bodleian. Text (ed. of Cologne, 1526). Pauli Aegine-

tae De victus ratione quolibet anni tempore c. Cop’s translation of Book I, chs. 73-99,

utili. Une. |: (p. 426) Perpulch rem fuerit accompanying Otto Brunfels’s translaetiam anni tempora in victus ratione con- tion of Book VII, ch. 3. siderare. -/.. [Exp i]: (p - 427) Nec ab re Text. (ed. of Strasbourg, 1531) Paulus fuerit revolute aequinoctio vacuare corpus Aegineta, De ratione victus, Guilielmo Copo da aliquo eorum i diximus, ne redun- —_— Ba sitiensi interprete. [Inc.]: (f. 71) De ciqantie quaedam per hyemem retenta moles- borum facultatibus. Consequens est, ut de

Editions:.en}: Gh.(f. 86) Aponil Sermonem re , xpl.j: ophlegmatismis vero./.uti

1526, Jan., Coloniae (Cologne) Eucharius atque omnino victug rotionem calidiorem Cervicornus for G odefridus Hittorpius. Ac- aridioremque et exiguum alimentum excompanies Galen's De sanitate tuenda, trans- hibere, quandoquidem huiuscemodi affectus,

lated by Thomas Linacre. Panzer, VI, p. a frigidiore humidioreque materia cerebrum

397, no.:450; Poynter 2612; Osler 374. BM. crri 1a: . gante magna ex parte accidit. 1529, Basileae (Basel): Ioannes Bebelius. Editions: Accompanies Marsilio Ficino’s De triplici 1531. See Composite Editions.

ape os the last page Ok oy > 1532, Parisiis (Paris): Christianus Weche272, no. 753; Durling 1544; NUC. (NNNAM), _[US: See Composite Editions.

1532, Aug., Basileae (Basel): Andreas Cratander and loannes Bebelius. Reproduces d. Cop’s translation of Book I, ch. 81, one

the ed. of Basel, 1529, immediately above. of the selections comprising a work enPanzer, VI, p. 189, no. 881; Osler 2584; titled Schola Apiciana. Ex optimis quti-

Poynter 2260; Durling 1545; NUC. BM; busdam authoribus diligenter con-

(NNNAM). structa..._Polyonimo Syngrapheo 1541, Basileae (Basel): Bartholomaeus authore. Westhermerus. Reproduces the ed. of Basel Text. (ed. of Frankfurt, 1534) De cibis 1532, immediately above. NUC. (NNNAM). secundae mensae et fructibus arborum. Ex Paulo Aegineta de ciborum facultatibus. b. Cop’s translation of Book I, chs. 73-84, [Inc.]: (sig. D, 2) Ficus et uvae inter omnes edited by Henricus Sybold and accom- fructus autumnales praecipuum honorem

panying Giorgio Valla’s De tuenda obtinent .../... [Expl.]: (sig. D, 3v) Glandes sanitate per victum et quae secundum frumentaceis haud minus alunt, sed concoctu

cuiusque naturam in victu sequenda difficiles et crassi succi sunt, atque tarde

aut fugienda sunt. transmittuntur. Castaneae omni ex parte

Text. Paulus Aeginata (sic) de ciborum glandibus sunt meliores.

facultatibus. [Inc.]: (sig. G, 1) Consequens Editions: est ut de ciborum facultatibus sermonem, 1534, Sept., Francofordiae (Frankfurt): 154

PAULUS

Christianus Egenolphus. Durling 3709. BM; CII, 66a, 70b, 152b, 192b, 213b; Diction-

BN. naire de Biographie Francaise IX (1961), 1535, Antverpiae (Antwerp): Ioannes Gra- 555; Hartmann, Amerbachkorrespondenz, I, pheus for Ioannes Steelsius. Nijhoff-Kronenberg 199; J.-C. Margolin, “Le ‘Chant alpestre’

1974. BM; BN; Oxford, Bodleian. d’Erasme,” Bibliotheque d’Humanisme et

Biography: Renaissance, XXVII (1965), 49-54; ReGuilielmus Copus (Guilhelmus Copp, naudet, Préréforme et Humanisme a Paris,

Wilhelm Kopp, Guillaume Cop) was born in p. 650, note 3; Renouard, Badius, II, 459; Basel ca. 1466 and died in Paris 2 Dec. FE. Wickersheimer, Dictionnaire biographique 1532. He studied at the universities of Basel des médecins en France au Moyen Age (Paris, (matriculated 1478-1479, M.A. 1483), Co- 1936), 235-238.

logne, Ingolstadt and Paris (B. Med. 19 Mar. 1492; licencié 13 Apr. 1496; M.D. 17 4. ‘THOMAS LINACER May 1496). King Louis XII appointed him a On 25 May 1523 Thomas Linacre pubroyal physician ca. 1512. Following the ex- lished in London his translation of Galen’s ample of Theodore Gaza and Nicolaus Leoni- De naturalibus facultatibus libri tres, dedi-

cenus, he wished to reform his discipline cated to William Warham, archbishop of and profession by newly translating the Canterbury. He accompanied the Galen medical writings of the Greeks. He followed with a translation of Paulus Aegineta, Book

his translation of Paulus Aegineta, Book I II, chs. 6-11. At the end of the Galen and with translations of Hippocrates, Praesagia prefacing the translation of Paul is a note and De ratione victus in morbis acutis (Paris, presumably by the printer Richard Pynson Henri Estienne, [Mar.-Apr. 1511/12]) and (f. 90v). We learn from it that Linacre had Galen, De affectorum locorum notitia libri begun his translation of Galen’s De naturalisex (Paris, Henri Estienne, [1513]) and De bus facultatibus some considerable time bemorborum et symptomatum causis et dif- fore 1523, left it unfinished, then completed ferentiis libri sex (Paris, Badius Ascensius, it quite recently during remissions of the 25 Oct. 1523). The Vatican Library possesses painful disease that was to kill him the folan interesting manuscript book prepared by lowing year. Unfortunately Pynson is no Cop in the spring of 1493 and dedicated by help in dating the fragment from Paul. The him to one of his teachers at the University terminus ante is 1523; but since Linacre was

of Paris, Conrad Heingarter (Regin. lat. industriously translating from the Greek 1241). It contains several medieval astro- from the late 1490’s on and often published nomical works translated from the Arabic his translations only years later (or not at or closely based on Arabic originals: Gerard all), it is difficult to date the present text of Cremona’s Theorica planetarum with more nearly than first quarter of the sixcommentary; Thabit ben Qurra, De hiis que teenth century. According to a note on the indigent expositione antequam legatur AI- flyleaf, a fifteenth-century manuscript of magestum and De quantitate stellarum et the Greek text of De re medica now in the planetarum et proportione terre; Al-Fraghani, Bibliothéque Nationale belonged to Linacre

De scientia astrorum, translated by John (cod. Par. gr. 338 suppl.: Liber Thomae of Seville; Johannes de Lineriis, Opus tri- Linacri TIatvA\ouv Alyivyntou meptodevTov).

partitum or Canones astronomicarum tabu- Prefatory note (ed. of London, 1523, f. larum; and Messahala’s treatise on the 90v). Claud. Galeni Pergameni de naturali-

astrolabe. bus facultatibus libri tres, Tho. Linacro

Bibl.: Allen, I, 286; Catalogue des actes Anglo interprete, expliciti. In quibus si quid de Francois Ier, I, no. 2300; M.-L. Con- lector offendes quod omnibus numeris animo casty, Commentaires de la Faculté de Méde- tuo non satisfaciet, ignosces interpretis fato, cine de l'Université de Paris (1516-1560) qui opus ‘hoc olim inchoatum ac certa neces(Paris, 1964), passim., but esp. pp. XCIII, sitate post intermissum per gravissimi morbi

155

GREEK AUTHORS

remissiunculas potius quasdam quam in- coloribus. H. M. Adams, Cat. of Books ducias, absolvere tumultuarie est coactus. Printed on the Continent of Europe, 1501Boni consulas orat, et quod tibi pro corol- 1600, in Cambridge Libraries (Cambridge lario ex Paulo Aegineta de criticis diebus Univ. Press, 1967), I, p. 5, no. 134; Durling

adiecit. Vale. 2579; Index Aureliensis 100.500.

Text. Ex Paulo Aegineta de crisi et criticis Note. G. Barber in Linacre Studies, pp. sive decretoriis diebus eorumque signis, Tho. 320, 326 and 329, states that the fragment Linacro Anglo interprete. [Inc.]: (f. 91) from Paul translated by Linacre under the Quemadmodum praesciri possit quo pacto title De crisi et diebus decretoriis can also solvendus morbus sit. Qui calidi et urentes be found in Actuarius, De urinis, Parisiis, morbi sunt, ii et breves sunt et per decre- Iacobus Gazellus for loannes Roygnus, 1548 torios dies solvi solent. Qui mitiores lan- and in an edition published in Basel by the guidioresque sunt, hi et trahunt et in absces- heirs of Andreas Cratander in 1583. The sus plerumque finiuntur .../... [Expl.]: 1548 Paris edition does not contain the frag(f. 95) Quod si horum aliquo deficiatur, tanto ment from Paul. The 1583 Basel edition ap-

sane aberit ab optima quantum pollet id pears to be a confusion for Basel 1563. Al-

quo deficitur. though a copy is said to belong to the Cam-

Editions: bridge University Library, no such copy is

1523, May 25, Londini (London): Richar- recorded by Adams, nor have I been able to dus Pynsonus. STC 11533. Oxford, Bodleian. locate one elsewhere. The translation from 1528, Dec., Parisiis (Paris): Simon Coli- Paul entitled De victus ratione quolibet anni naeus. In this edition Linacre’s translation tempore utili and attributed to Linacre (pp. of Book II, chs. 6-11 [ff. 88v-91v] follows lii and 310) is a fragment of Cop’s translation his translations of Galen’s De naturalibus of Book I (see above p. 154).

facultatibus and De pulsuum usu. Re- Biography:

printed, according to Johann Winther’s Thomas Linacre (Linacer, Linacrus) was prefatory epistle to the reader, from the born ca. 1460, probably in Canterbury, and Pynson editions of De pulsuum usu (1522) died in London 20 Oct. 1524. Nothing cerand De naturalibus facultatibus and Paulus tain is known about his early education. He

Aegineta, II, 6-11 (1523), brought to him went to Oxford and in 1484 was elected from London by the physician Petrus Bellus. fellow of All Souls. He studied the humaniRenouard, Colines, 121-122; Durling 1776. ties and medicine in Italy from 1487 to 1499: BM; Oxford, Bodleian; (CtY-M; MBM; for two years (1487-1489) in Florence under

PPC). Poliziano and Demetrius Chalcondylas; for

1529, Nov. 27, Lutetiae (Paris): Christi- two years in Rome (1490-1491), where he anus Wechelus. Accompanies (sig. C, v-D, met Ermolao Barbaro and was elected Warij) Antonius Thylesius Cosentinus, Libellus den of the English Hospice of St. Thomas de coloribus. Panzer, VIII, p. 128, no. 1846. the Martyr; from ca. 1492 until 1496 at the Basel, UB; BN; Cambridge, University Li- University of Padua (M.D. 30 Aug. 1496); brary; London, Royal College of Physicians; and finally ca. 1496-summer 1499 in Venice,

Oxford, Bodleian. where he helped Aldus in the preparation of 1529, Basileae (Basel): Andreas Cratander. the Greek Aristotle and began translating Accompanies (pp. 438-443) Actuarius, De Simplicius’s Commentary on the Physics urinis, and Thylesius, De coloribus. Panzer, and that of Alexander of Aphrodisias on the

VI, p. 271, no. 739; Index Aureliensis 100. Meteorologiae as well as Proclus’s De 911; Poynter 26; NUC. Basel, UB; BM; BN; sphaera (published by Aldus in 1499). After

Munich, StB; (MBM; NNNAM). his return to England he practiced medicine,

*1563, Basileae (Basel): heirs of Andreas was appointed a royal physician, and in Cratander. Accompanies (pp. 443-[447]) 1518 played a major role in the foundation Actuarius, De urinis and Thylesius, De of the College of Physicians. He published 156

PAULUS

grammatical works and translations of the papacy (18 Noy. 1523): to put into Latin Galen: De sanitate tuenda (Paris, 1517), hitherto untranslated Greek works, especially Methodus medendi vel de morbis curandis medical ones. More will follow. He singles libri quatuordecim (Paris, 1519), De tem- out Paul of Aegina by name (Vat. lat. 4423, peramentis et de inaequali intemperie (Cam- f. 2v). Two other prefatory letters make bridge, 1521), De pulsuum usu (London, Bonini’s intentions clearer. One, addressed [1522]), De naturalibus facultatibus (London, to the reader by his sons Lorenzo and Fede-

1523), and De Symptomatum differentiis rigo Bonini, underlines their father’s plan to liber unus. De symptomatum causis libri translate Greek medical works: “‘Quaprop-

tres (London, 1524). ter cum Euphrosyno genitori nostro Graecos Bibl.: CTC, I, 100; Emden, II, 1147- veteres omnes authores medicinae vertere,

1149; W.F. Schirmer, Der englische Friih- diis annuentibus, mens sit... .Accipite haec humanismus, 2nd ed. (Tiibingen, 1963), rogamus prima illius enchiridia’”’ (ibid., ff.

pp. 154-161. 8v-9). The other, from Bonini himself to his Josephine W. Bennett, “John Morer’s readers, alerts them to expect a translation

Will: Thomas Linacre and Sellyng’s Greek of Paul of Aegina early the following winter:

Teaching,” Studies in the Renaissance, XV “...et Paulum Aeginetam aliaque forsan (1968), 70-91; Roberto Weiss, ‘‘Un allievo nonnulla prima adventante hieme a nobis inglese del Poliziano: Thomas Linacre,”’ expectate; haec interim legite, quae si vobis Il Poliziano e il suo temp. Atti del IV con- placuisse intelligam, promptius ad alia me vegno internazionale di studi sul Rinasci- conferam (ibid., f. 7). mento (Florence, 1957), 231-236; Francis It seems probable, therefore, that Bonini Maddison, M. Pelling, and C. Webster, eds., began to translate Paul in the summer of Linacre Studies. Essays on the Life and Work 1524, well before the appearance of the of Thomas Linacre c. 1460-1524 (Oxford, Aldine editio princeps, possibly using one of

1977), with detailed bibliography. the three complete manuscripts of the Greek

text still in the Laurentian Library (Bandini,

S. EUPHROSYNUS BonINUS Cat. cod. graecorum, III, 46-48, 130, 132On 15 July 1524 from the Studio Pisano 33). We do not know when he finished or, Eufrosino Bonino dedicated to Pope Clement indeed, if he finished. Although the title VII three translations from the Greek: two pages of both manuscripts promise all seven works of [pseudo-] Galen, the Definitiones books and the prefaces give no hint that the medicae and the Isagoge or Introductio in translation to follow is anything but comartem medicam (Florence, Laur. Plut. 73. 9: plete, both manuscripts presently known are

Bandini, Cat. cod. lat. UI, coll. 26-28 and incomplete: that in the Riccardiana conRome, Vat.lat. 4423: Kristeller, Jter, II, tains only Book I; the Verdun manuscript 327) and Philoponus’s commentary on the lacks Books IV, V, VI and a part of Book Analytica Posteriora of Aristotle (Vat. lat. VII. Neither manuscript is a presentation 5789: Iter, II, 335 and Florence, Ricc. 99 copy. Indeed the preface (see immediately (L I 35): Iter, I, 184). The identical prefaces below) reads like the preface to a printed dedicating Galen and Philoponus to the edition. Somewhere there probably survives pope (and the other prefatory material ac- the (possibly complete) manuscript presented companying them) explain something of to the pope. In neither manuscript, finally, the background of Bonini’s next translation, is the dedicatory epistle to Clement VII

the De re medica of Paulus Aegineta. The dated. But in view of his promise in July translations of Galen and Philoponus, he 1524 to have the translation ready for his writes, are only the first fruits of his recent readers in the winter of 1524/25 we may labors. They are part of a much more ambi- plausibly but tentatively date it Pisa, ca. tious project, one suggested to him in Florence 1525.

by Clement himself before his elevation to Preface (Verdun, ms. 420). Ad lectores 157

GREEK AUTHORS

quae meminisse illos oporteat toto hoc opere. compulit.../...[Expl.]: (f. 4v) Vires pos[Inc.]: (f. 1) Efflagitari quotidie Paulum tremo cum simplicium tum etiam composinostrum Aeginetam sentio, candidissimi lec- tarum medicinarum explanavimus.

tores. Quapropter non nostrum amplius Table of contents. (f. 4v) Quae mens fuerit sed vestrum iam illum esse volumus. Hunc authoris in septem totius operis libris.... igitur clementissimo clementissimi Clementis Index praesentis operis per capita.... Pauli pontificis maximi numini dicatum hodie Aeginetae liber primus. Incipit liber primus

vobis dare decrevimus....Nec vos oblitos in quo agitur de universali sanorum coresse velim quod et in hoc opere facimus et porum designatione....Capita primi libri. in aliis quoque nostris operibus fecimus: De his quae accidunt mulieribus utero gesquaecumque scilicet his notis'{ ] interclusa tantibus et qua victus ratione uti debent. invenietis verba (quae pauca sane erunt) Caput primum....(f. 8v) Diocle (sic) ad nostra esse, nec authori sed interpreti ad- Antigonum regem epistola in qua quo inscribenda esse. Qui dum verbum verbo in- gennio (sic) quisquis incolumen se praeserterdum reddere cogitur (quod fidi interpretis vare queat docemus. Cap. 100™.

munus esse rati sumus), si quid obscurius Text. [Pauli Eginete de Medica materia

in illis inspicitur, notioribus verbis aut sane libri septem, interprete Euphrosyno Bonino a pluribus intellectis aperit atque declarat. philosopho Florentino.] De his quae accidunt Nonnulla etiam in hoc nostro opere invenietis mulieribus utero gestantibus, et qua victus quae etsi nonnihil a communi recedant usu, ratione uti debent. Caput primum. [Jnc.]: non tamen adeo externa sunt quin facile in- (f. 8v) Inter illa quae utero gestantibus accitelligi queant. Quae omnia recensere ab re dunt cum maxime haec illas torquere videapenitus duximus....Quapropter ubicumque mus, exagitari scilicet et continuo vomitu crisim in hoc opere nostro inveniemus alteram cruciari et spuere et stomachi doloribus significationem secuti, non iudicium sed di- angi, et cibo ob fastidium vel invitas parcere, visionem separationemque ac dissolutionem non ab re erit illas quoque nonnihil edo-

vertemus, Galeni Pergamei authoritate nixi; cere.../...[Expl. Lib. Ij: Sunt autem ad ille enim in libro definitionum nuper a nobis solstitium usque hibernum dies quadraginta

verso his verbis crisim definivit.../... quinque.../...[Expl. Lib. III]: (ff. 301[Expl.]: (f. 2) Sed crisim naturae dissolu- 301v) Cum non unguem excidisse inspexeris, tionem non iudicium appellantes in aliis ceratum myrtheum apponito, cui nonnihil ex aliorum peritiorum opinioni adherebimus. medicamento illo addatur, quod ex resina Dedication. Sanctissimo Clementi vij® pon- conficitur. [Inc. Lib. VII): (f. 304) Pauli tifici maximo. [Jnc.]: (f. 2) Mos fuit, beatis- Aeginetae liber septimus. Incipit liber septi-

sime pater, Romanis imperatoribus dum mus et ultimus in quo agitur de viribus universo quondam orbi rerum domina leges pharmacorum tam simplicium quam com-

respublica Romana dabat, hilari vultu et positorum...tali ordine servato....(f. 305) magno totius populi plausu omnes illos sem- Pharmacorum vires neque colore neque odore

per excipere .../...[Expl.]: (f. 3) Haec diiudicari posse, sed solu (malim : solum) obiter hilari vultu accipiat clementissima gustu. Cap. primum. Ex odore haud quicsanctitas tua, quam longam Nestoris aequare quam sine fallacia coniectari licet de sensi-

senectam pia numina feliciter sinant. bilium corporum complexione.../...

Paul's preface. Pauli Aeginetae praefatio [Expl. Lib. VIII, cap. 3]: (f. 409) De ociin opus suum de medica materia. [Inc.]: mastro. Ocimastrum, philetaerum a nonnul(f. 3v) Veteres et qui ante nos fuere scriptores lis appellatum, radicem habet inutilem; semen

gravesque authores haud quicquam sane non vim habet subtiliandi et siccandi sine eotum quae ad artem medicinae spectant mordacitate. ommisisse (sic) ratus hanc scribendi provin- Manuscripts: ciam suscepi, sed ingens solum multa paucis Verdun, Bibliothéque Municipale, ms. verbis perstringendi desiderium ad hoc me 420, s. XVI, 409ff. Title page: Pauli Eginete 158

PAULUS

de Medica materia Libri septem. Interprete poetry. During 1525, and probably earlier Euphrosyno Bonino Philosopho Florentino. as well, he was an extraordinary lecturer in On unnumbered folio 412v is the note: ‘“‘Ap- medicine at a salary of 250 florins (A. Fa-

partient a moy Richard Guyot, prebstre broni, Historia Academiae Pisanae, Pisa, chappelain, ‘familier a Sainct Pierre de Bes- 1791, I, p. 400).

ancon. 1573.’’ Despite the promise of the It is clear that after Bonini received the title page the manuscript contains only Books M.D. (ca. 1515) he paralleled his careers as

I, Il, II, and VII, chs. 1-3. (Catalogue professor of humanities and editor with a

général des manuscrits des bibliothéques third active career as a professional physipubliques de France, XLIII (1904), 678-679; cian. In the dedication to Christoforo Sernigi

Diels, Handschriften der antiken Arzte, of Apollonius of Alexandria’s De construc-

p. 78). tione orationis (late 1515 or early 1516) he

Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana 967 (L III asks him to forgive any errors he may find 25), s. XVI, 86 ff. Title page: Pauli Eginete because “‘meque non Poetarum, non Rhe-

de medica materia libri septem interprete torum, non Grammaticorum praeceptis

Euphrosyno Bonino philosopho Florentino. imbutum esse memineris, sed aut febribus,

The manuscript contains only Book I. (Kris- ut medicum par est, pellendis aut igne

teller, Iter, 1, 212). ferroque secandis €\xeou doctiorem esse non

Biography: ignores” (Bandini, IJuntarum typographiae Neither the place nor the date of Eufrosino annales, II, 99).

(Frosino, Fruosino) Bonini’s birth is known The translation of Paul of Aegina was with certainty; but since he invariably called Bonini’s last work. No trace of him after himself a Florentine and since a document 1527 has yet appeared. of 1497 describes him as in ipsa adolescentia Works: adeo praestans, he was probably born in 1. Commedia di Justizia in rima. Florence, Florence ca. 1477. In the preface to his edi- Biblioteca Nazionale, Magl. Strozz. VII, tion of Hesiod he says that Poliziano was 1211 (Kristeller, ter, I, 124). quondam praeceptor meus. Beginning in 2. Canto della code, a lewd carnival song 1497 the records of the Florentine Studio preserved in two sixteenth-century miscellanies style him ‘‘magister.”’ In that year he was of Canti carnascialeschi, both in Florence: listed as a student of medicine, invited to BN, Magl. VII, 735, f. 30 (Mazzatinti, XIII, deliver the oration celebrating the reopening 163) and Riccardiana 2731 (0 III 20), f. 147 of the university and, on 20 November, ap- (Kristeller, ter, I, 182).

pointed a lecturer in Greek grammar and 3. Editions of Greek texts, all published literature. On 12 Nov. 1502 he received the in Florence by Filippo di Giunta, many with

chair of Greek literature. prefatory epistles: the editiones principes of

Between 1503 and 1511 he drops out of Xenophon, Cyropaedia et opera reliqua (29 sight. Then in 1512 he dedicated to Jacopo May 1516), dedicated to Lorenzo Salviati, di Giovanni Salviati, son-in-law of Lorenzo nephew of Leo X and patronus suus (Panzer, Magnifico and gonfaloniere di Giustizia, his VII, p. 23, no. 110 and B. Botfield, Prefaces Commedia di Justizia in rima, one of the to the First Editions of the Greek and Roman many “‘triomphi, comoedie et moresche’’ Classics, London, 1861, pp. 320-321) and given to celebrate the return of the Medici Aelius Aristides, Orationes (20 May 1517), to Florence. During 1515-1517 he was the dedicated to Bernardo Michelozzi, bishop of principal editor of Greek texts for Filippo di Forli (Panzer, VII, p. 26, no. 127 and BotGiunta. In 1515-1516 he styled himself field, pp. 328-329); four volumes of Greek doctor artium et medicinae and physicus. grammatical treatises (1 Feb. 1514/15 to late

He continued to teach at the Studio in 1515 or early 1516), dedicated to Luigi

Florence until he moved in 1522 to the Uni- Alamanni, Lodovico di Lorenzo Martelli, versity of Pisa as praeceptor in oratory and Cristoforo Sernigi, and Lorenzo Benivieni

159

GREEK AUTHORS

(Bandini, Iuntarum typographiae annales, 6. OTHO BRUNFELSIUS

II, 54-56, 76-77, 90-91, 98-99; Panzer, VII, Otho Brunfels translated Book VII, ch. 3, p. 17, no. 72; p. 20, no. 92; p. 22, no. 101; an alphabetical catalogue of simples with p. 23, no. 108; F. J. Norton, Italian Printers, their properties and powers. The dedicatory 1501-1520 [London, 1958], 30, 33-34); Theo- epistle to Otto and Wolfgang von Solms, critus (10 Jan. 1515/16), dedicated to Bonini respectively canons of Strasbourg and Coby Pier Filippo di Alessandro Pandolfini logne, is dated Strasbourg, Sept. 1, 1531. (Bonini says in his preface to Hesiod that Brunfels’s decision to translate this section he had worked on the text of Theocritus; of De re medica reflects his special interest Bandini, II, 72-73; Panzer, VII, p. 20, no. in botany and pharmacology. A few days 88); Hesiod, Opera (20 Jan. 1515/16), dedi- earlier (on 29 Aug. 1531), the same Stras-

cated to Jacopo da Diacceto (Bandini, II bourg publisher had issued his edition of 73-74; Panzer, VII, p. 20, no. 89); the Serapion’s De simplicibus medicinis opus comedies of Aristophanes (Sept. 1515 and praeclarum et ingens and treatises by Aver28 Jan. 1515/16), dedicated by Bernardo roes and Rhases on the same subject; and Giunta to Bonini’s former pupil Francesco he had dedicated the first volume of his faAccolti, bishop of Ancona and probably edi- mous herbal to the Senate of the city of ted by Bonini (Bandini, II, 91-93, 100-101; Strasbourg in 1530. The second volume ap-

Panzer, VII, p. 22, no. 102 and p. 20, no. peared 2 Dec. 1531, dedicated to Otto and

91). Wolfgang von Solms, like the translation of 4. Two letters in the Medici Archives in Paul, and to their father Bernard. In the Florence (M.A.P. CXV, 241, 15 June 1515 dedicatory epistle to volume one of the Her-

to Giovanni da Poppi, secretary of Lorenzo barum vivae eicones ad naturae imitadi Piero de’ Medici, later duke of Urbino, tionem, dated 7 Mar. 1530, he says that he and CXX, 204, 21 Sept. 1520 to Giovanni extracted his information from over forty

delle Bande Nere). writers, and goes on: “‘Aetium, Oribasium

5. Translations from the Greek: [pseudo-] et Paulum, tametsi authores alioqui optiGalen, Definitiones medicae and Isagoge; mos, tamen rarius citavimus, quod hos Philoponus, Commentary on Aristotle’s Graece desideravimus et Latinae tralationes Analytica posteriora (before July 1524); and malae fidei erant. Idem et cum Galeni simPaulus Aegineta, De re medica (ca. 1525). plicibus fecimus ex veteri tralatione. In qui-

For these, see above. bus tamen conquirendis nunc toti sumus, Bibl.: A.M. Bandini, Iuntarum typo- nec secundo huius operis tomo coronidem

graphiae annales (Lucca, 1791), 1, 67-72; addituri nisi ex his Graecis fontibus, aut si Cosenza, I, 663; G. Mazzuchelli, Git scrittori id non successerit, alteri demandaturi eam

d'Italia, II? (1762), 1659; C. Mutini, in provinciam.’’ In Mar. 1530, therefore,

Dizionario biogr. degli italiani, X11 (1970), Brunfels had still not seen a Greek text of

219-220. Paul. Some time after that date he acquired

Cotton J. Hill, ‘“‘Frosino Bonini: Politian’s a copy, no doubt the first edition of 1528. protegé and plagiarist?,’’ La Bibliofilia, The “‘nuper’’ in his preface (see below) sug-

LXXI (1969), 157-175; F. Pintor, ‘‘Una gests that he translated the section on sim-

commedia politica per la restaurazione ples in 1531. medicea del 1512,’ in Dai tempi antichi Dedication (ed. of Strasbourg, 1531). Inai tempi moderni. Da Dante a Leopardi. clytis et generosis dominis D. Othoni et Raccolta di scritti critici, di ricerche sto- Volphgango comitibus a Solms, duarum in_ riche...per le nozze di Michele Scherillo Signium ecclesiarum Argentinensis et Cocon Teresa Negri (Milan, 1904), 391-406; loniensis canonicis, dominis suis observanA. Verde, Lo Studio fiorentino, 1473-1503. dissimis Otho Brunfelsius S. D. [Inc.]: (sig. Ricerche e documenti (Florence, 1973), II, A, 2) En mitto Pauli Aeginetae De simplici-

p. 194, no. 67. bus medicinis libellum, quem iussu vestra-

160

PAULUS

rum Celsitudinum vertendum nuper suscepi. Editions: Quanquam non ea grandiloquentia eoque 1531. See Composite Editions. dicendi lepore redditum, quo ego eum au- 1532, Parisiis (Paris): Christianus Wechethorem Vest. Cels. depraedicavi, antequam us. See Composite Editions.

nossem quidem quale fuissem exemplare Biography: habiturus, et vestrae fortasse Celsitudines See p. 57 above.

sibi de me pollicebantur. In causa fuit valetudo illa mea....Deinde exemplare moro- 7, ALBANUS ToRINUS VITODURENSIS

sum ac paene prodigiose depravatum, qui- Alban Thorer translated Books I-V and bus factum est, ut votorum neutiquam com- Book VII at the request of the Basel pubpos fieri potuerim omniaque in irritum lisher Johannes Bebelius. He dedicated the ceciderint....Isthinc negotium faciebat co- translation to Matthias Lang, archbishop of dex aiviypaTwéyns, mendosus et mancus, ex Salzburg, on Mar. 1, 1532. In his Castigaquo me extricare non valebam. Et nisi tiones in suam Aeginetae tralationem (Basel, Galeni et reliquorum Graecorum adiutus 1533, sig. f, 3, v) he states explicitly that the commentariis fuissem, ex quibus mutuatus only Greek text he used was the Aldine ediest sua Aegineta, nonnunquam ad verbum, tio princeps of Aug. 1528; and since in the interdum sententiam ex sententia, fateor in- same place he attributes his errors to haste genue, sterilem me operam effecturum as well as to the insufficiencies of the Aldine fuisse, nec multum momenti fuisse consecu- edition (“...[errores] quos festinatio partim, tum....Testis mihi Iacobus Bedorottus, vir partim et maxime quidem depravatissimum

Graecae quoque linguae absolute doctus. exemplar Aldinum, quo unico sum usus, Queritur idem et D. Allanus (sic) Torinus, peperit”’), he apparently worked on his trans-

ut audio, Basiliensis medicus, vir alioqui lation between August 1528 and March doctissimus, qui nunc totum Paulum in 1532, and closer to the latter than the formanibus habet, cuius tralationem ut semper mer date, a dating confirmed and narrowed optavi extare.../...[Expl.]: (sig. A, 3v) Et to approximately the second half of 1531 by quam non laudem consecutus est vestra tam a passage in his Epistola apologetica against casta, pia et liberali educatione doctissimus Winther (Basel, 1539, sig. b, 5): ‘‘Musis praeceptor vester M. Ioannes a Daurnheym? itaque tam audacibus coeptis parum adspiErit ubi haec suis agentur locis. Nunc pen- rantibus (de linguis Graeca et Latina, quod

sum hoc meum benigne suscipite, for- fateor, haud ita bene meritus et rudis adhuc tunasque meas mecum boni consulite et va- philiatros) sex eius autoris libros senis menlete. Argentorati, Calend. Septemb. An. a sibus operis succisivis ad tumultuariam preChristo nostro servatore nato, millesimo lorum festinationem Latinitate donavi, adeo

quingentesimo trigesimo primo. praecipitanter ut persaepe stans pede in uno

[sig. A, 12, v]: Pauli Aeginetae vita ex paginas bene multas ex unico codice vulgato Suida. Tladd\os Alyerynrns, tatpos. Eypavev reddere coactus sim, unde et opus parum tarpuxa BiBdria diadopa. Paulus Aegineta elimatum in lucem prodiit.”” Cf. Otho Brunmedicus, et scripsit libros medicinales diver- fels writing on 1 Sept. 1531 (see above p.

SOS. 16l1a: “‘...Torinus, tum ut Paulum audio,...qui nunc toin manibus habet....”

Text. Paulus Aegineta De simplicibus In August 1532 Luc-Antonio Giunta pubOthone Brunfelsio interprete. [Jnc.]: (f. 1) lished in Venice all seven books of De re Abrotonum. Abrotonon simul et calefacit et medica, adding to Thorer’s translation of

Siccat, idque adeo in tertio ordine.../ Books I-V and Book VII a translation of ...[Expl.|: (f. 70v) Ocimoides. Ocimoides, Book VI by Giovanni Bernardo Feliciano quam alii phileterion vocant, radicem habet (see below p. 165). In October of the same

nullius frugi; semen attenuantium partium year Johann Winther of Andernach pub-

est, et sine mordicatione exiccans. lished in Paris another translation of all

161

GREEK AUTHORS

seven books and in his preface criticized princeps, quasi tuis non minus seriis quam Thorer for his errors and for omitting the arduis etiam studiis, clavo Christianae cymdifficult Book VI. Hoping to correct their bae incumbente, dignam offero....Paulus fortunes, Thorer’s Basel publishers issued ille noster Aegina Graeciae civitate natus, Feliciano’s translation of Book VI together Ulyssaeo a prima ferme ituventute animo with Thorer’s Castigationes (See Composite praeditus, non tam iugi variarum urbium Editions 1533, p. 149, above). Thorer later morumque mortalium desiderio quam indetranslated Book VI himself. It accompanies fesso quodam cognoscendae artis medicaeque

his revised translation of the other books in materiae studio allectus, permultos etiam the edition published by Balthasar Lasius in remotissimos mundi tractus praeter Grae-

1538. ciam omnium artium parentem peragraWinther fiercely attacked Thorer’s revised vit....maturo iam gravique iudicio principis

translation in a broadside (chartula) pub- medicorum Hippocratis et Galeni, cuius ablished in Frankfurt later in the same year. breviator esse videtur, Oribasii ttem et alioThorer replied with spirit: Ad clarissimum rum veterum monumenta evolvit, apumque dominum Guinterium Ioannem Andernacum more ex singulis succulentiora quaeque deEpistola apologetica Albani Torini, qua cal- cerpens, vastum illud Apollineae artis mare umnias illius impudentissimas refellit et ver- sparsim ab aliis ac diffuse plaustralibus lisionem etusdem Pauli Aeginetae mendosam bris comprehensum, dii boni quam Laconica, et mala fide natam ostendit, Basel, Baltha- quam divina quadam brevitate, summo cum

sar Lasius, 1539 (BN; London, Royal Col- ordine, tum artificio, stilo emuncto, mullege of Physicians). I have found no copy of taque verborum concinnitate, in septem volWinther’s invective, but in his reply to it umina quasi in compendium redegit, in quiThorer quotes directly the essential charge: bus medicinam per Apollinem integram non

‘Albani versionem non modo non Latinam, pluribus, non paucioribus quam res ipsa sed multis etiam modis imperfectam, nec cognitu necessaria postulare videtur commedico dignam, ne quid dicam gravius’”’ plexus est....Sed lubet nunc Graeci exem(sig. a, 3, v). “‘Aliis elocutione quidem,”’ plaris ut unici, ita et foedissimis mendis inThorer answered, ‘‘fide vero et integritate quinatissimi, vitia quaedam commemnemini cedere’’ (sig. a, 5; cf. the Dedication orare....Occurret aliquis forsan qui culpabit

immediately below). musam nostram Caricam: philologis me

Thorer continued to work on his transla- transtulisse haec, non logophilis respondeo; tion after 1538. A fragment from Book I aliis elocutione quidem, fide vero nemini ce(chs. 53-54) with which he prefaced his dere....Sumpsimus autem hanc interpretandi Paraphrases in libros omneis Alexandri provinciam [Ioannis Bebelii, viri talis ut brevi Tralliani (Basel, 1541) contains minor changes nullius officinae plus debuerint bonae lit-

in the 1538 text. In 1546 he published a terae, precibus et pretio tandem expugnewly revised version of all seven books. nati.../...[Expl.]: (sig. a, 3, v) Sic enim

non mihi modo maiora aedendi animum a. Torinus’s translation of Books I-V and eriges, sed etiam alios ad multa quae C. T.

Book VII. et aevum fortasse tuum illustrent scribenda

Dedication (ed. of Basel, 1532). Reveren- excitabis. Vale. Basileae, Calend. Mart. An.

dissimo in Christo patri illustrissimoque M. D. XXXII. principi ac domino D. Matthaeo, Ro. Ec- Index. (sig. a, 4-B, 4, v) Index rerum ac clesiae TT. S. Angeli prebytero, Salispur- vocabulorum totius operis compendiosus. gensi archiepiscopo, summo ac unico studio- Paul's preface. Pauli Aeginetae medici rum Mecoenati et incomparabili nostrae omnium praestantissimi in libros de arte aetatis decori, Albanus Torinus Vitodurensis medendi praefatio, Albano Torino VitoS. D. [Inc.] (sig. «, 2) Non hanc Celsitudini durensi interprete. [Inc.]: (sig. 8, 5) Non tuae lucubratiunculam meam, illustrissime qui veteribus, eorum quae ad artem spec162

PAULUS

tant, praetermissum quicquam putem, insti- Cratander and Ioannes Bebelius. Contents:

tutum nobis hoc opus est, sed qui in com- Books I-V and Book VII. Panzer, VI, p. pendium doctrina redigatur.../...[Expl.]: 288, no. 874; Poynter 4863; Durling 3549; (sig. 6, 5, v) Postremo de simplicium medi- NUC. Basel, UB; Cambridge, Trinity; Mucamentorum viribus compositisque sermonem nich, StB; Paris, Mazarine; (MBM; NNNAM).

fecimus. 1532, Aug. See Composite Editions. Table of contents. Quidam septem totius

operis voluminum (universum enim opus in b. Torinus’s revised translation of Books

septem libros diductum est) scopi... . Hypo- I-V and Book VII, completed now by thesis libri primi....Capita libri primi. De his own translation of Book VI, which his quae in foetura praegnantibus accidunt, appears here for the first time. quoque nutricatu alendae sint gravidae. Dedication I (ed. of Basel, 1538). IllustrisCaput I... .Diocli[s] epistola prophylactica. simo summaque veneratione dignissimo Text. Pauli Aeginetae medici praestantis- Principi ac Domino D. Matthaeo, Romanae simi de arte medendi liber primus, Albano Ecclesiae TT. Sancti Angeli Diacono CardiTorino Vitodurensi interprete. De his quae nali, Archiepiscopo Iuvaviensi, et patriae in foetura praegnantibus accidunt, quoque servatori, etc., Albanus Torinus Vitodurensis nutricatu alendae sint gravidae. Cap. pri- S. [Inc.]: (sig. a, 2) Cum superioribus alimum. [Jnc.]: (sig. a, 1) Quum foeminas quot annis omnium primus gravissimum utero gerentes elusmodi magna ex parte ca- pariter et difficillimum artis medicae autorem sus affligent, corporis fere totius redundan- Paulum Aeginetam latio ture. ..donassem.... tiarum moles, itugis vomitus, sputatio, ero- etsi bene multa fuissent, fateor, repraehen-

siones stomachi, et horror denique cibi, sione dignissima, quae a me inconsulta fesoperae omnino precium me facturum arbi- tinatione parum diligenter animadversa et tror, si suppetias, quibus eis subveniatur, inconsiderantius multo quam hutus saeculi scribere aggrediar.../...[Expl.]: (sig. V, 5) judicium postulabat effusa....Ipse quidem Atticus medimnus habet semisextaria (quae errores meos nunquam dissimulavi, imo in Graeci nuiexta appellant) duodecim, hemi- castigationibus nostris mox a praecipiti Aeectum choenicas 1iij. Sic medimnus contine- ginetae editione evulgatis, haud mediocri bit minas quadragintanovem, sextarios non- eius in lucem aediti poenitentia ductus, inagintasex. Verum istiusmodi mensurarum genue confessus sum....hoc qualecunque pondus exprimere arduum est, eo quod munusculum fronte serena accipias, et anaridae usiae haud modico inter se discrimine imo, ut soles, magnifico tuearis Aeginetam

trutinando lancisque momento dissident. longe omnium clarissimum medicinae au[Not in the Greek: Sales theriaci. Confec- torem, ex sqgualido tandem nitidulum, ex intura salis theriaci ad hunc modum praepa- effigiato formosum, ex mendoso emacularatur....tanta pastillorum mensura admixta, tum, ex mutilo integrum. Siquidem non quantam viperas quatuor habere coniectura- multa solum amputavimus, mendas extersibam, et sales effecti sunt vere praestantis- mus et potiora substituimus, sed etiam uni-

simi. | versum volumen sextum, ut praestantissimum Postscript. Lectori. [Inc.]: (sig. V, 5, v) ita et obscurissimum, adiecimus. Taceo

Si quid in hoc opere mutilum forte abrup- quod passim totque ac tantos Graeci exemtumve comperies, optime lector, exemplaris plaris quod in transferendo unicum secuti graeci quod unicum et quidem prodigiose sumus undique depravatissimi errores ceu depravatum interpreti praesto erat, vitio id Augiae stabulum expurgavimus, ita ut medaccidisse putato.../...[Expl.]: cognosces icorum res publica plus nobis debeat, quod autem hoc ipsum ubi ceratio pondus aliud Aeginetam utcumque emendatum quam

adiunctum esse deprehendes. quod latinitate donatum nostro beneficio

Editions: habeat. Nec invideo si alius meliorem codi1532, Mar., Basileae (Basel): Andreas cem nactus plura restituat, mutet, et quo

163

GREEK AUTHORS

nihil magis in votis est suppleat.../... Albano Torino Vitodurensi interprete. Pro[Expl.]: (sig. a, 3, v) Quod Deus Optimus oemium in artem medendi, quae administraMaximus sublevandis rebus mortalium pie- tione manuum absolvitur. Cap. I. [Inc. lib. tatisque ac literarum omnium studiis prove- sextus]: Sermonem super arte quae manuum hendis quam maxime longaevum esse velit opera exercetur bifariam dispescimus, in ea

et felicissimum. Basileae, Idib. Martiis. quae in carne et ea quae in ossium cum

Anno M. D. XXXVIII. fracturis tum luxationibus contemplantur. Dedication II. Reverendissimo...D. Sumptoque in praesentiarum ab iis quae

Matthaeo.. .Salispurgensi Archiepiscopo. .. carnem infestare solent exordio, de more Albanus Torinus...S. D. [Inc.]: (sig. a, 4) heic (sic) quoque nostro rem compendio Non hanc Celsitudini tuae lucubratiunculam perstringemus. Rursum itaque a supernis nostram, illust. Princeps, quasi tuis iam ar- partibus inchoantes, ad ustionem quae duis (clavo Christianae cymbae incumbente) capiti ac vertici eius potissimum admoveri

studiis dignam offerimus.../...[Exp/l.]: consuevit explicabimus.../...[Expl. lib. (sig. 8, 1, v) Sic enim non mihi modo ampli- sex.]: (p. 448) De luxatione cum fractura. ora aedendi animum eriges, sed etiam alios Cap. CXXIII. Quod si luxatio cum fractione ad plurima quae R. C. T. magis illustrent, citra hulcus acciderit, communis intendendi scribendum excitabis. Vale. Basileae, Cal- ratio et per manus conformis instauratio

end. Mart. An. M. D. XXXII. adhibenda est, veluti in capite de simplici-

Paul's preface. Pauli Aeginetae in suos de bus fracturis expositum est. Si vero cum arte medendi libros Praefatio Albano Torino hulcere rursus ex his quae de fracturis cum

Vitodurensi interprete. exhulceratione et luxationibus privatim exPauli laborem me nosce, qui plurimum plicavimus, conveniens repetenda est admin-

Peragravit terrae, Aegina natus patria. istratio.../...[Expl. lib. septimus|: (pp.

[Inc.]: (p. 1) Non qui veteribus, eorum quae 636-637) Atticus medimnus hemiecta, id ad artem spectant, praetermissum quic- est, semisextarios XII. Hemiectum sive sequam putem, institutum nobis hoc opus est, modius continet choenices III. Sic medimsed qui in compendium doctrina redigatur nus continebit minas XLVIII, sextarios .../...[Expl.]: (p. 2) Postremo de simpli- XCVI. Istiusmodi autem mensurarum poncium compositorumque medicamentorum dus exprimere proferreque expeditum non

facultatibus librum condidimus. est, quod aridarum rerum discrimina iuxta Table of contents. Quidam septem totius lancis momentum infinita existant.

operis voluminum (universum enim opus in Editions: totidem libros diductum est) scopi.. . . Hypo- 1538. See Composite Editions.

thesis libri primi....Capita libri primi. De 1541, Mar., Basileae (Basel): no publisher his quae in foetura praegnantibus accidunt, given. Contents: Book I, chs. 74-96 (pp. quoque nutricatu alendae sint gravidae. 117-139= “De facultatibus alimentorum ex Cap. I....Dioclis epistola prophylactica. C. Paulo Aegineta, Albano Torino interprete’’), Text. Pauli Aeginetae De re medica liber accompanying Thorer’s paraphrase of and primus Albano Torino Vitodurensi inter- commentary on Apicius, De re culinaria and prete. De his quae in foetura praegnantibus Bartolomeo Platina, De tuenda valetudine,

accidunt, quoque nutricatu alendae sint natura rerum, et popinae scientia (see CTC

gravidae. Cap. I. [Inc.]: (p. 6) Cum foemi- II, 324-325). DK. V, 777; Poynter nas utero gerentes eiusmodi magna ex parte 352; Durling 231; NUC s.v. Apicius. BM; casus affligent, redundatio stomachi, iugis BN; Basel, UB; Oxford, Bodleian; Rome, vomitus, sputatio, erosiones oris ventricull, Vaticana; (PBm; ICN; PPL). et horror denique cibi, operae me precium 1541, [Sept.], Lugduni (Lyons): Sebastianus facturum arbitror si suppetias quibus eis Gryphius. Reproduces Basel 1541 immedi-

subveniatur scribere aggrediar....(p. 354) ately above. DK. V, 778; Baudrier VIII, Pauli Aeginetae De re medica liber sextus 143; Osler 1821; Sallander 442; Poynter 164

PAULUS

351; Durling 232; NUC s.v. Apicius. BM; nitori denique suo tantum non ad unguem

BN; (ICJ; MiU; NN; NNNAM). restitui.../...[Expl.]: (sig. a, 5) Dominus lesus servet ac prosperet vitam tuam omnem,

c. Torinus’s translation of Book I, chs. unicum Abbatum decus, Albanumque tuum 53-54, accompanying Torinus’s Par- a longo iam tempore toto pectore tibi addicphrases in libros omneis Alexandri Tral- tum ames, foveas, ac tuearis. Ex Monte liani. The text is the revised version of Plusiaco. Pridie Calend. April. Anno M. D. 1538, but with further minor revisions. XLVI. Text. De victus ratione singulis anni tem- Text. Pauli Aeginetae liber primus Albano poribus utili, ex Paulo Aegineta.... Victus Torino interprete. De his quae in foetura ratio vitam negociosam transigentibus ser- praegnantibus accidunt, et quonam itIlis

vanda. [Inc.]: (sig. a, 5 v) Optimum sane victu utendum sit. Cap. I. [Inc.]: (p. 1) fuerit quaeque anni tempora observando Quum foeminas utero gerentes eiusmodi

victus rationem instituere....[Expl. cap. 53] magna ex parte casus affligent, redundatio (sig. a, 6) Nec alienum fuerit post aequinoc- stomachi, iugis vomitus, sputatio frequens, tium evacuatione ex commemoratis quibus- erosiones oris ventriculi, et horror denique dam rebus corpus inanire, ne quid super- cibi, operae precium fuerit documenta qui-

vacaneum in ipso per hyemem retentum bus eis subveniatur tradere.../...[Expl.]: noxiam inferat. [Inc. cap. 54]: Quisquis in (p. 761) De mensuris aridorum... .Istiusnegocio degit, spectare debet an superiore modi autem mensurarum pondus exprimere

se vita exercitare consueverit.../...[Expl. expeditum non est, quod aridarum rerum

cap. 54]: (sig. a, 6 v) Abstinendum itaque a discrimina iuxta lancis momentum infinita

cibis ac potibus, qui acervatam succorum existant.

congeriem insita quadam indole gignere Editions:

possunt. Omnibus autem his commune fuerit 1546, Mar., Basileae (Basel): Ioannes

auxilium ventris detectio. Oporinus. Durling 3556; NUC. BM; Basel,

Edition: UB; (MBM). 1541, Mar., Basileae (Basel): Henricus 1551, Mar., Basileae (Basel): Ioannes

Petrus. Poynter 207; Durling 155. BM; BN; Oporinus. (At the end, pp. 764-767: De

Oxford, Bodleian; (CtY-M). Paulo Aegineta Hieronymi Gemusaei iudi-

ctum. [Inc.|: Paulus hic noster, ut propria d. Books I-VII translated by Torinus, quidem philosophiae naturalis principia non again revised and with a new dedication attigit....) Poynter 4865; Durling 3557;

to Sebastianus Sema. NUC. Basel, UB; Munich, StB; Rome, Vat-

Dedication (ed. of Basel, 1546). Reveren- icana; (NNNAM).

dissimo in Christo patri ac domino D. Biography:

Sebastiano Sema, monasterii apud D. Erga- See CTC I, 325-27.

viae Urbanum abbati, omnibus regiis virtutibus insigni, domino suo summe observando 8. JoHANNES BERNARDUS FELICIANUS

Albanus Torinus S. [Inc.]: (sig. a, 2) Ea

mihi cum amplissima Celsitudine tua lustris Albanus Torinus had omitted Book VI ab hinc quinque, quum isthic essem, inter- from his translation of De re medica pubcessit familiaritas atque necessitudo....Hunc lished in Basel by Cratander and Bebel in

tam excellentem medicinae scriptorem olim March 1532. Thomas Giunta asked Giovanni primus. ..latinitate in maxima temporis an- Bernardo Feliciano to translate the missing gustia et praecipitantia ex unico vitiosissimo book so that the Venetian firm could bring

exemplari utcunque donavi. Nunc vero out a Latin translation of Paul’s complete maiore tandem cura et fide totum de integro, work. After some hesitation Feliciano agreed, codicibus Graecis emendatioribus et veritatis completing his assignment before August ipsius acriore iudicio adhibitis, recognovi ac 1532, the date of the colophon. His Greek 165

GREEK AUTHORS

text was almost certainly the Aldine editio Editions:

princeps. 1532, Aug. See Composite Editions.

Preface (ed. of Venice, 1532, Aug.). Io. 1533. See Composite Editions. Bernardi Feliciani in sextum librum Pauli Biography: Aeginetae prefatio. [Inc.]: (p. 232) Cum See CTC I, 90-91; Cosenza, II, 1372-73; Thomas Iunta, qui optimis quibusque auc- and Durling, p. 177.

toribus excudendis studiosos semper iuvare conatur, Paulum, qui e Germania adductus 9. JOHANNES GUINTERIUS ANDERNACUS

fuerat translatus, imprimere statuisset, Johann Winther dedicated his translation animadvertit ei sextum librum deesse sum- of De re medica, the first complete translamamque operam curam diligentiam col- tion by a single author, to Jean Du Bellay, locandam in eo sibi esse censuit, ut ad com- bishop of Paris, on 1 Oct. 1532. In his premunem utilitatem integer ex officina sua face he states that he used three Greek texts: egrederetur, mihique sexti libri vertendi pro- the Aldine editio princeps of 1528; an “‘anti-

vinciam demandavit....Verumtamen cum quum exemplar” belonging to Janus Lascaris obnixius instaret idem lunta, atque item vir (probably Par. gr. 2047, a fifteenth-century acerrimi iudicii atque optimae literaturae manuscript once owned by Lascaris that enAntonius Francinus, cuius opera et industria tered the royal collection at Fontainebleau

tam Latini quam Graeci libri castigatiores before 1544; see H. Omont, Catalogues in dies excuduntur, non solum rogaret sed des manuscrits grecs de Fontainebleau sous iure quodam necessitudinis etiam iuberet, Francois Ier et Henri IT, Paris, 1889, p. 140,

recusare amplius non potui.../...[Expl.]: no. 416 and p. 364, no. 186); and an “‘adTametsi spero me pro mediocri virium mirandae vetustatis codex’’ belonging to mearum facultate et temporis angustia, qua Johannes Ruellius (Par. gr. 2206). Although

urgebar, id studium huic rei adhibuisse, ut he says that he translated Paul ‘iam priin hoc sexto, licet multa alia fortasse de- dem’ and “‘superioribus annis,”’ it is clear siderari possint, Pauli tamen sententia ag- that he set to work only after he had corrected

noscatur. his own copy of the Aldine edition. If we are Text. Pauli Aeginetae medici praestantis- to believe his further claim, namely, that he simi de arte medendi liber sextus, Io. Ber- had almost finished his translation before nardo Feliciano interprete. Prohoemium Alban Thorer began his, we must conclude eorum quae manus opera administrantur. that he prepared at least a first draft between Cap. I. [Inc.]: (p. 235) Totum de iis quae the summer of 1528 and (probably) the end manus opera administrantur sermonem b1- of 1530. partito dividemus, in ea quae in carne et ea The almost simultaneous publication of quae in ossibus tam fractis quam luxatis two major translations caused much bitterconsiderantur, exordiemurque ab iis quae in ness. The Paris and Basel publishers were carne contingere consueverunt, solita usi each determined to be first in the field. Albrevitate, atque hic a superioribus partibus though Cratander and Bebel knew that incipientes eam, quae in capite ac praecipue Winther was already at work (according to in yertice adhibetur, ustionem referemus. . . / Winther, at any rate), they commissioned ...LExpl.]: (p. 287) De luxatione cum frac- Alban Thorer to make a rival translation. tura. Cap. CXXIIII. Si cum fractura absque Thorer himself several times confessed that ulcere luxatio fit, communi ratione exten- he had worked under pressure and in haste. dendum os est, ac manibus componendum, When the news reached Winther and Simon quemadmodum in simplicibus fracturis ex- de Colines in Paris that Cratander and Bebel plicavimus. Si vero etiam ulcus accedit, rur- had actually begun to print a Latin version sus ab iis quae de fracturis cum ulcere et of Paul, Colines extracted Winther’s manuluxationibus privatim dicta sunt, congrua script from him, ‘“‘nondum dedolatum imo

repetenda curatio est. ne runcinas quidem expertum’’ (see Preface

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PAULUS

below) and began to set it. The Basel volume bardicis scriptum, egregium vetustatis monunevertheless arrived in Paris before Colines mentum consului, quod sane quo minus ele-

had finished printing Book III. The rivals gantiae et ornatus, eo plus fidei et auctori-

exchanged insults for a decade. tatis habuit, unde non paucos correxi locos,

In 1542 Winther published, with com- quos Paulus ad verbum ex illo transscripsit. mentary, a thorough revision of his transla- Omitto quot ex Galeno, Hippocrate, Alextion (““maiore nunc cura et fide ad vetusta andro instaurarim, gui in omnibus exemplar1exemplaria...recognita’’?) and newly dedi- bus erant depravati. cated it from Metz, where he lived from 1537 Sed ecce, dum tanta solicitudine et dilito 1544, to Jean Du Bellay, now a cardinal. gentia pulcherrimo authori conor subvenire,

Publishers in Lyons and Venice subsequently rumor hic spargitur eundem Basileae Latiniissued six editions of this revised translation. tate donatum excudi. Quod sane non potui In 1546 Rembert Dodoens further retouched non demirari, quum typographi illic anno an-

Winther’s text of Book III (‘‘ad Graeci tequam interpres ille cogitasset eum vertere exemplaris et librorum Galeni fidem dili- me propemodum absolvisse per meas et genter recognitum’’) and published it in amicorum literas cognovissent. Non tamen

Cologne. ideo moerori me dedam, quasi oleum et operam perdiderim, quum opus non intea. Winther’s first version of Books I-VII. grum, ut in quo tum alia tum sextus liber ut

Preface (ed. 1532). Candido lectori S. optimus ita difficillimus desideraretur. Id [Inc.]: (sig. +4 A,i,v) Iam pridem Paulum tamen male me habuit, quod statim ubi huc Aeginetam a me conversum, optime lector, fama de Pauli impressione venisset meum aedidissem, nisi meliorum exemplarium spes coactus sum praelo committere, nondum dealiqua me detinuisset. Cupiebam enim optt- dolatum imo ne runcinas quidem expertum, mum authorem non mutilum, ut in impresso ut iam tertius liber esset impressus fere antecodice habetur, sed quatenus liceret integrum, quam ex Germania alter adveheretur. Illud fideliter ac pure expressum studiosis homi- verissimum, si domi libros istos diutius paulo

nibus impartire. Quippe videbam parum et in manibus habere atque regustare interim adeo utilitatis ad studiosos preventurum si ex intervallo licuisset, longe elimatiores Aldino exemplari duntaxat usus, in quo per- prodituros fuisse. Quum vero per typogramulta desiderantur, scriptorem interpre- phum id non licuerit, festinata operis destandum suscepissem. Imo plurimum digni- criptione factum est, ut aliquoties dictio una tati ipsius decessurum sciebam, tandemque pro altera posita sit, quae optime in praeinterpretis temeritate optimum authorem iri cedentibus habebatur. Sed omnia libris iam neglectum. Itaque primum laboravi sedulo impressis ad fidem restituimus, ut secundae ut codicem meum ex aliis exemplaribus recognitionis loco esse possint.../...[Expl.]:

manuscriptis, sine quibus neminem puto Vale lector candidissime. Et priusquam quamlibet ingeniosum aliquid profecturum, legas, vitiatam lectionem corrigito.

emendarem, deinde sententiam Pauli si qua Dedication. Ad clarissimum virum Ioanerat obscurior cum scriptoribus unde trans- nem Bellaium, praesulem Parisiensem et scripserat conferrem; ac statim in [oannis Francisci Christianissimi Francorum regis Lascaris viri incomparabilis antiquum exem- consiliarium in sanctiore consilio, Ioannis plar incidi, sed non ita per omnia fidele, ad Guinterii Andernaci in Paulum Aeginetam haec saepius Ruellii medici clarissimi ad- e Graeco in Latinum tralatum praefatio. mirandae vetustatis codicem inspexi, sed ne [Inc.]: (sig. + A, ij) Quoniam nuper lucuis quidem omni ex parte respondit, praesertim brationes nostras, praesul clarissime, tanta in Chirurgia, licet aliis quos viderim fuerit excepisti hilaritate et benevolentia... .offero emendatior. Porro non contentus fui iis solum igitur tibi integrum Pauli Aeginetae De re

exemplaribus, verum longis itineribus antt- medica opus in Latinam orationem a me quissimum Oribasii volumen literis Longo- superioribus annis conversum....Cum enim 167

GREEK AUTHORS

viderem medicos hactenus medendi rationem Tu interea hasce meas vigilias, Pontifex op-

a barbaris indoctisque scriptoribus petere, time, ne contemne, ad quas absolvendas omni cura authorem e Graecia aliquem in- et author et auxiliarius extitisti. Perge favere terpretandum mihi censui, ex quo rectius doctis, perge literas excitare, perge veterem practicen (sic enim vocant) suam condis- recipere medicinam, quae hactenus aegrota cerent. Occurrit autem in primis Paulus erat et prope desperata. Habes...Iacobum Aegineta excellens medicinae scriptor, annis Colinum..., habes fratres tuos..., qui te iam mille desideratus, qui compendio, or- veluti Hercules Atlantem strenue adiuvabunt. dine, artificio, perspicuitate et doctrina Vale praesul clarissime. Lutetiae, Calendis omnes facile superaverit. Adde quod multa Octobribus, anno ab orbe redempto millesimo feliciter tractet quae Galenus, Oribasius, quingentesimo trigesimo secundo.

Alexander, Aetius, Rufus, et reliqui huius Index (sig. ‘1 A, iij- C, ij, v).

disciplinae proceres omiserunt. Unde non Annotationes in primum librum (sig. 14 C, dubitem asserere hunc unum Paulum, si ij,v- h C, iiij,v; see below p. 176). Galeni theorica adiicias, ad medicinam per- Paul's preface. Pauli Aeginetae periodeuti fecte discendam sufficere. Toto igitur animo in suum De re medica opus praefatio.

et cogitatione incubui, ut hunc authorem in Pauli laborem nosce me qui plurimas

studiosorum gratiam quasi latinitate do- Invisit orbis terras, Aegina satus.

narem, in quo sane laboris mihi plurimum [Inc.]: (sig. Aa, i) Non equidem opus hoc, fuit subeundum tum exemplariorum vitio, quasi veteres aliqua arti necessaria praeterquamvis tria obtigerint diversa, tum quod in miserint, componere sum aggressus, sed chirurgica vel instrumentorum nomine diffi- totam ut disciplinam in compendium redicillima nulli fere latini authores habeantur, gerem.../...{Expl.]: (sig. Aa, i,v) Postrequos tuto queas aemulari. Quippe is semper mum autem librum de simplicibus commihi in vertendis Graecorum monumentis positisque medicamentis conscripsimus.

fuit animus, ut praeter fidem, qua nihil in Table of contents. Quid singuli septem interprete est optabilius, pure omnia, latine totius operis libri, nam totidem habentur,

et munde, quatenus liceret, exprimerem, contineant...[Argumentum libri primi] quanquam hodie multos agrestes hircososque Primus totius operis hic liber est, in quo philosophos, si diis placet, videam, quos im- omnia sanitatis tuendae praecepta tradidi-

polita magis et rudia delectant exasciataque mus....Capita primi libri. Quae gravidis magis quam dedolata, ex horum numero superveniant, et quae victus ratio conducat. nonnulli graviores disciplinas exponere ag- cap. 1....Dioclis epistola ad valetudinem gressi, vocabulis sordidis et ex intima plebei tuendam conscripta. cap. 100. sermonis faece acceptis, foedant contami- Text. Pauli Aeginetae liber primus Ioanne nantque. Unde fit ut qui paulo humanius Guinterio Andernaco medico interprete. educati institutique sunt, non reformident Quae gravidis superveniant, et quae victus illas adeo, sed fugiant, oderint et despuant, ratio eis conducat. Cap. I. [Inc.]: (sig. Aa, cum maxime referret, egregias mentes prae- 113) Quandoquidem inter ea quae gravidis claraque ingenia sermonis venustate et gra- superveniunt, haec potissimum infestare tia ad severiores illas, ut ita dicam, matronas solent, nausea, continuae vomitiones, sputa, allicere. Quae an ego praestiterim, quod in stomachi erosio, et cibi fastidium, non alietam grandi opere vix potest fieri, aliorum num fuerit remedia quibus ab eis vindicentur

esto iudicium, certe hoc audacter assero, qui perscribere.../...[Expl. lib. VII] (sig. nunquam inter politioris musae aemulos KKK, vij,v) Atticus medimnus habet semicertationibus disceptationibusque elimati, sextaria, quae hemiecta vocant, duodecim. nunquam per Celsi, Largi, Plinii, Varronis, Hemiectum choenices quatuor. Ita semi-

Columellae aliorumque literas sunt peregri- medimnus habebit minas quadragintanovem, nati, eos parum adeo fructus hinc relaturos. sextarios nonagintasex. Huiusmodi autem

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PAULUS

mensurarum pondus exponere haud facile, facies. Vale. Lugduni, in peregrinatione, quod aridarum rerum infinitae iuxta momenti 1541. Idib. Ian.

lancis rationem differentiae existant. Text. De compositione medicaminum

Editions: generalium, ex Paulo Aegineta. De pastillis. 1532, [after 1 Oct.]. See Composite [Inc.]: (p. 117) Pastilli Graece trochisci a Editions. figura nominantur. Tres sunt eorum species: 1534. See Composite Editions. alii nanque sunt potabiles, alii in alvum 1536, Parisiis (Paris): Christianus Weche- dantur, alii delinuntur.../...[Expl.]: (p.

lus. Contents: Winther’s first version of Rook 137) Iam nonnullis unguentis ob gratum

III. [Inc.]: (sig. a, ij) Quemadmodum stir- duntaxat odorem mulieres utuntur, ut

pium nonnullae quidem humiditatis defectu foliato, spicato, commageno, et quae mosinarescentes contabescunt, nonnullae vero chelaea, quasi dicas, ex moscho et oleo conalienis a natura sua humoribus infectae fecta nuncupantur. Baudrier, V, 184; Sallanemarcent, simili etiam ratione idipsum pilis der 3518a; Poynter 2773; Durling 2064. usu venit.../...[Expl.]: (p. 365) Cum autem Rome, Vaticana; (NNNAM).

unguis exciderit, ceratum myrteum, cui 1543, Venetiis (Venice): J. A. and P. de

medicamenti ex resina paululum adiectum Nicolinis de Sabio for M. Sessa. (A reprint sit, superaccommodatur. Poynter 4877; of 1542 above.) Poynter 2774. Durling 3574; NUC. BM; BN; (NNNAM). 1541. See Composite Editions.

1542, [ca. Jan.], Lugduni (Lyons): Ioannes b. Winther’s translation of Books I-VII,

et Franciscus Frellonius fratres. Contents: revised, and with a commentary by the Winther’s first version of Book VII, chs. 12- translator, newly dedicated from Metz to 20 (shortened), accompanying Conrad Ges- Cardinal Jean Du Bellay. sner’s Apparatus et delectus simplicium Preface. Candido lectori (see below, p. 177).

medicamentorum. Dedication (ed. of Strasbourg, 1542). Ad

Dedication. Clarissimo medico D. Chris- honoratissimum virum Ioannem Bellaium tophoro Clausero Conradus Gessnerus cardinalem et episcopum Parisiensem loanS. P. D. [Inc.]; (sig. a, 2) Dolenda profecto nis Guinterii Andernacit medici in Paulum res multaque reprehensione digna, Christo- Aeginetam praefatio. [Jnc.]: (sig. ©, ij,v) phore vir doctissime, cum nostro seculo artes Quam olim Pauli Aeginetae interpretationem ac disciplinae omnes barbaram quaeque suam Latinam tibi dicavi..., eam rursus maiore

exuerint leberidem et tanquam vere novo nunc cura et fide ad vetusta exemplaria iperuditorum ceu favoniorum afflatu foelici siusque artis rationem exactam recognitamrevirescere coeperint, solam adhuc medict- que ac brevibus quibusdam commentariis nam nondum undique vetus illud exuvium illustratam offero, non dubitans, quin illam exuisse....Proinde simplicia primum medi- eo sic animo excepturus quo olim veluti rucamina tum quae Dioscorides tum quae dimenta et prima operum nostrorum exercitia alii Graeci Latinique insignia tradiderant solebas. [Praises patron for his help. Notes in enchiridion redegi, historia quidem fuse unjust attacks on translators.) Id quod ego explicata, viribus autem brevissime tuxta annis iam sat multis experior, dum comPauli Aeginetae fere praescriptum. ...Visum munibus hominum studiis et publicae utiliest autem huc adiungere universalia Aegine- tati prodesse cogito. Cum enim olim Lutetiae

tae de medicamentorum secundum genera medicinam publice docerem, non paucos compositione praecepta, eiusdemque argu- obiter Graecorum libros scholae nostrae menti generalem Galeni doctrinam.../... quasi Latinitate donavi, ac in hoc praesertim [Expl.]: (sig. a, 4,v) Accipies igitur bono excudendos permisi, primum ut amicis alianimo, et pro eruditione tua si quid mutan- quot gratificarer, deinde ut haberem ex dum, demendum, adiiciendumve videbitur, veterum medicum (malim: ex veteribus

169

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medicis) quos studiosis praelegerem. Eos c. Winther’s revised translation of Book II,

tamen libros ex tempore sic potius quam newly revised and edited by Rembert cura tralatos, interim per intervalla revisere Dodoens.

ac recognoscere decreveram, maius aliquando Dedication (ed. of Cologne, 1546). Remotium et meliorum codicum exemplaria nac- bertus Dodonaeus studiosis medicinae can-

tus, sine quibus nihil posse quamlibet in- didatis S. [Inc.]: (sig. a, ij) Post magnos geniosum puto. Inter caeteros Paulum quoque illos medicinae principes, Hippocratem et Aeginetam, excellentem medicinae scripto- huius diligentissimum interpretem Galenum, trem, annis mille desideratum, primus inte- non pauci extitere, qui ab his duobus variis grum latinum facere sum aggressus, ea sane et multis prodita in unum opus, veluti comcausa et ratione, ut post ampla illa Galeni pendium, contrahere aggressi sunt... .Inter theorica compendiosum aliquem authorem Graecos Galeno posteriores, si quis Hipscholae nostrae haberent....Porro quod ad pocratis et Galeni opera in epitomen foelici-

partes meas attinet in hisce septem Pauli ter diligenterque contraxit, certe Paulus

libris plurimum laboris mihi subeundum Aegineta id omnium foelicissime diligentisfuit, tum exemplariorum vitio, quamvis tria simeque videtur praestitisse, qui. ..id omne contigerint diversa, tum quod in Chirurgica summa dexteritate septem libris foelicissime vel instrumentorum nomine difficillima nulli complexus est....Horum septem absolutis-

fere Latini autores habeantur, quos tuto simorum librorum secundum nunc vobis, queas imitari.../...[Expl.]: (sig. o, iij) medicinae candidati, in lucem do, a GuinQuod an nos in hoc opere praestitimus alio- terio Ioanne Andernaco primum quidem rum esto iudicium, certe sedulo conati Latine redditum, verum a me iam recens sumus. Vale vir clarissime, apud Medio- emendatum, ad Graeci exemplaris et libro-

matrices. rum Galeni fidem diligenter recognitum, et Text. Pauli Aeginetae liber primus Ioanne sublatis pluribus mendis, multis locis emen-

Guinterio Andernaco medico interprete. datiorem redditum, in quibus interpres ad Quae gravidis superveniant, et quae victus editionem properans aut alias cum bono rationis conducat. Cap. i. [Inc.]: (p.5) Quan- dormitans Homero lapsus fuerat.../... doquidem inter ea quae gravidis superveniunt, [Expl.]: (sig. a, v,v) Hoc ergo quicquid lahaec potissimum infestare solent, stomachi boris et industriae in libello hoc recognos-

exundatio, continuae vomitiones, sputa cendo insumpsi, id omne vobis medicinae crebra, oris ventriculi rosio, et cibi fastidium, candidati[s] dedico offeroque, nihil aliud a non alienum fuerit remedia quibus ab eis vobis referre cupiens quam ut hic labor meus

vindicentur perscribere.../...[Expl.] (p. vobis gratus sit et acceptus; quod si a vobis 489) Ita medimnus habebit minas quadra- consecutus fuero, ad maiora audenda anigintanovem, sextarios nonagintasex. Huius- mum adieceritis. Bene valete. Anno a Christo

modi autem mensurarum pondus exponere nato M. D. XLVI.

haud facile, quod aridarum rerum infinitae Text. Pauli Aeginetae De febribus, ex iuxta momenti lancis rationem differentiae Galeni et aliorum commentariis liber, Ioan-

existant. ne Guinterio Andernaco interprete, per Editions: Rembertum Dodonaeum recognitus et a 1542. See Composite Editions. mendis repurgatus. Praefatio. [Inc.]: (sig. a, 1551. See Composite Editions. vi) Absolutis de valetudine tuenda praecep1553. See Composite Editions. tis, ex aequi [malim: aequo] aggrediemur 1554. See Composite Editions. quomodo eos qui morbis iam conflictantur

1567, Venetiis (Venice). See Composite ad meliorem statum perducere oporteat, a

Editions. similaribus, utpote simplicioribus morbis 1567, Lugduni (Lyons). See Composite exorsi, quales nimirum sunt quos febriles Editions. appellant.../...[Expl.]: (sig. h, viij) Cap. 1589. See Composite Editions. LX. Quomodo ulcus circa os sacrum pro-

170

PAULUS

veniens curetur....Inflammatione autem Strasbourg, where he taught Greek and oborta cataplasma ex pane cum solano vel practiced medicine for the next thirty years. polygonio vel arnoglosso vel tenera brasica Works: Constructio verborum, excerpta applicatur. Si ulcus serpat, lenticula cum ex opere quod oxédnv Baowtxnv id est,

malicorio illinitur. Schedam regiam vocant Graece...Syntaxis

Editions: Graeca nunc recens et nata et aedita. Authore 1546, Coloniae (Cologne): Melchior No- Guinterio Ioanne Andernaco (Paris, Aegidius vesianus. BM. Gormontius, April 1527), dedicated, from 1575 [title page reads 1576], Venetiis the house of Nicole Bérault, to his first

(Venice): Gratiosus Perchacinus for Gaspar patron Anton von der Mark, abbot of BeauBindonus. (This volume, entitled De febribus lieu in the Ardennes, canon of St. Lambertus opus sane aureum, is an anthology by Gas- in Liége and archdeacon of Brabant (Panpar Bindonus of works or sections of works zer, VIII, p. 105, no. 1611); Institutionum on fevers by Greeks, Arabs and Latins. It anatomicarum secundum Galeni sententiam contains, on ff. 38v-44v, Rembert Dodoens’ ad candidatos medicinae libri quatuor (Paris, revised version of Winther’s translation of Simon de Colines, 1536; Basel, Balthasar

Book II, chs. 16-61 under the title Pauli Lasius and Thomas Platter, 1536; Venice, Aeginetae de febribus liber interprete Ioanne D. Bernardinus, 1538, an edition prepared Guinterio.) Poynter 6868; Durling 1105. BM; by Winther’s sometime pupil Andreas Ve-

Oxford Bodleian; (NNNAM). salius); De victus et medicinae ratione cum

1594, Venetiis (Venice): Robertus Meiet- alio tum pestilentiae tempore observanda, tus. Poyntner 4180. (A reprint of 1575 above.) commentarius...(Strasbourg, Wendelinus

Biography: Rihelius, 1542; Winther himself translated Johann Winther (Ioannes Guinterius, this work into French, Strasbourg, 1547

Guintherius, Guentherus, Guenther, Guin- [Ritter 1059]; a German translation appeared ther, Gwynther, Quinther, Winter, Jean Gon- in Strasbourg in 1564 [Ritter 1060]); Comthier, Iehan Guinter, Gautier) was born in mentarius de balneis et aquis medicatis in Andernach, near Koblenz, in 1505 and died tres dialogos distinctus (Strasbourg, Theoin Strasbourg 4 October 1574. He began his dosius Rihelius, 1565 [Ritter 1063]); De

studies in the Latin school at Andernach, medicina veteri et nova tum cognoscenda moved to Utrecht when he was twelve, then tum factunda commentarti duo (Basel, Henattended the trilingual Collegium Buslidi- ricus Petrus, 1571), 2 vols.

anum at Louvain. He apparently began the Winther edited Caelius Aurelianus (ie. study of medicine at Leipzig, but by the end Soranus of Ephesus) (1533); Galen, De raof 1526 or early in 1527 he was in Paris. tione medendi (1536); [pseudo-] Oribasius’s Here he published a Greek grammar, worked Commentary on the Aphorisms (1533); edited

closely with Simon de Colines on an am- and translated Alexander Trallianus (1549); bitious program of translating and publish- translated, in addition to Paulus Aegineta, ing Greek medical texts, and studied in the Andromachus the elder, some fifty Galenic medical faculty: bachelor of medicine 18 treatises, Hippocrates’s De natura hominis, Apr. 1528, licencié 4 June 1530, M.D. 29 and Polybus, De salubri victus ratione privaOct. 1532, docteur régent 6 Feb. 1533, and torum (Basel, Andreas Cratander, 1529).

professor of medicine 7 Nov. 1534. On 10 Bibl.: Allen, V, p. 99, line 38; K.-H.

Nov. 1534 the Faculty cancelled fees he still Burmeister, ed., Achilles Pirmin Gasser,

owed, ‘‘quod optime meritus esset de re 1505-1577. Arzt und Naturforscher, Hismedica et magno labore ac studio plurima toriker und Humanist, Wl. Briefwechsel Galeni opera et totam Pauli Aeginetae medi- (Wiesbaden, 1975), 288-89, 297, 362, 365, cinam latinitate donasset’’ (Concasty, Com- 368 and passim.; M.-L. Concasty, ed., Com-

mentaires, p. 241b). He left Paris for Metz mentaires de la Faculté de Médecine de at the end of 1537; in 1544 he moved to l'Université de Paris (1516-1560) (Paris, 171

GREEK AUTHORS

1964), 166, 198, 241; W. Haberling, in Bio. to Maximilian II and Rudolph II. He spent Lex. d. Hervorr. Arzte, II (1930), 883-85; his last years as professor of medicine at the Hartmann, Amerbachkorrespondenz, Ill, new University of Leiden. 505; C. D. O’Malley, in Dict. of Scientific Works: The revision of Winther’s transla-

Biography, V (1972), 585-56; Renouard, tion of Paul’s Book II that appeared in

Colines, passim. Cologne in 1546 was Dodoens’ first published

J. Bernays, ‘‘Zur Biographie Johann Win- work. (Although even recent notices of thers von Andernach,” Zeitschrift fiir die Dodoens attribute to him a revision of all

Geschichte des Oberrheins, N.F. XVI (1901), seven books of Winther’s translation of De

28-58; Allen G. Debus, ‘‘Guintherius, L1i- re medica and say that it was printed by barius and Sennert: The Chemical Compro- Oporinus in Basel in 1546, this edition is al-

mise in Early Modern Medicine,” in A. G. most certainly a ghost, the result of a conDebus, ed., Science, Medicine and Society fusion with the Cologne 1546 edition of Book in the Renaissance (New York, 1962), 151- II alone.) Dodoens’ masterpiece is the Stir-

154; W. Haberling, “Johann Winther von pium historiae pemptades sex. He himself Andernach, ein rheinischer Arzt und Lehrer saw the last edition through Plantin’s Antwerp der Heilkunde zu Paris, Metz und Strass- press in 1583. His other works are accurately burg,” Klinische Wochenschrift, X1V (1932), listed and amply described in Bibliotheca

616-620; “‘Die Wahrheit tiber den Namen, Belgica, II, 192-235.

das Geburtsjahr und die Jugendzeit des Bibl.: L. Voet, “‘Plantiniana 1943-1958,”’ Dr. Winther,’’ Scritti in onore del Prof. P. De Gulden Passer, XXXVII (1959), 36-38; Capparoni in occasione del XXX° anno di A. Louis, in Nationaal biografisch WoordenLaurea (Turin, 1941), 90-95; J. J. Hoveler, boek (Brussels, 1964), I, 414-419; and A.

‘“Toannes Guinterius Andernacus,” Jahres- Gerlo and E. Lauf, Bibliographie de

bericht iiber das Progymnasium zu Ander- l’'Humanisme belge (Brussels, 1965), 154-155.

nach fiir das Schuljahr 1898-99 (Andernach, 1899), 3-21; Tankred Koch, ‘Der 10. JANUS CORNARIUS ZVICCAVIENSIS

Lehrer Vesals,” Wissenschaftliche Zeit- On 1 April 1555 Ianus Cornarius dedicated schrift der Humboldt-Universitaét zu Berlin, his translation of De re medica to Michael

Math.-Natur. Reihe, XVI (1967), 734-36; Meienburg, a magistrate of Nordhausen, J. C. Trent, “The editio princeps of Guen- where Cornarius had been Stadtarzt in ther’s Institutiones anatomicae,’’ Bulletin of 1536-1537. Although it was the last complete

the History of Medicine, XVIII (1945), 109- Latin translation to appear in print, Cor111; E. Turner. “Jean Guinther, d’Ander- narius writes (see Dedication below p. 185) nach (1505-1574): Son nom, son age, le that he had begun it twenty-four years betemps des ses études a Paris, ses titres, ses fore, namely in 1530-1531, stimulated, like

ouvrages,” Gazette hebdomadaire de Alban Thorer and Johann Winther by the

médecine et de chirurgie, XVIII (1881), recent appearance of the editio princeps of

425-443, 441-448, 505-516. the Greek text. Andrea Alciato first sug-

Biography: gested to him that he translate Paul, in a The physician and botanist Rembert letter dated 7 May 1529. Cornarius was

Dodoens (Rembertus Dodonaeus) was born then in the middle of a year’s fruitful stay in Malines 29 June 1517 and died in Leiden in Basel, nearing the end of travels that 10 March 1585. He studied at the ‘‘Groot- had taken him from Wittenberg (matric. schole’’ in Malines under Hoverius, matricu- 1519, M.A. 1521, M.D. 1523) to Russia and lated at the University of Louvain (9 Aug. Sweden, the court of Heinrich IV, duke of

1530), and on 10 Sept. 1535 received the Mecklenburg, England, France and the licentiate in medicine. Between 1541 and Netherlands, and finally up the Rhine to 1574 he was city physician of Malines and Basel with a letter of introduction to Bonifrom 1574 to 1580 medicus caesareus in turn face Amerbach from Heinrich von Eppen172

PAULUS

dorff. The next year the publisher Hierony- modum adolescens in eam sententiam deveni. mus Froben renewed Alciato’s suggestion Nam cum puer domi satis negligenter quod and sent Cornarius, who had left Basel and ad victum attinet educarer et puer adhuc a

at last settled down at home in Zwickau as patre ad externas scholas emitterer, usque town physician, a copy of the Greek text, ad adolescentiae fere finem corpore non clearly the Aldine edition. That he indeed adeo firmo fui, sed quod ex facili afficeretur, began to translate Paul c. 1531 1s confirmed ob victus iusti negligentiam, imo ut rectius by the fact that he was able to add to his dicam partim ignorantiam, partim inopiam.

translation of Aetius, Books VIII-XIII, Quod ipsum cum non ita tarde intelligere dedicated to Emperor Charles V on 1 Sept. inciperem, circa annum aetatis decimum 1532, a version of Paul’s De ponderibus ac octavum, animum ad medicinae (quam et mensuris (= Book VII, ch. 26) identical with conservandae sanitatis et amissae recupetthe translation that appeared in 1556. How andae sive curandorum morborum artem much more he actually got done at this time esse audieram) studia adieci, non admodum is not clear. What may have happened is that probantibus id parentibus ac amicis, qui between 1530 and 1532 he worked on other sacris literis et pietatis religioni me addicere

things, notably Aetius. In the meantime, conabantur. His itaque etiamsi obsecundantwo other translations of the De re medica dum ducerem, tamen magis literarum ac appeared in quick succession, Thorer’s in linguarum studio inhaerens, per aliquot anMarch 1532 and Winther’s in October, pre- nos ita progressum faciebam, ut si omnino empting the market and persuading him to sacris initiandus essem, non ita ineptus ad

abandon Paul for the time being. hoc viderer, et medicinam tamen neutiquam In the dedicatory epistle of April 1555 negligebam, sed professores publicos audie-

Cornarius lists his major translations of bam, non velut artis assecla, sed ut verum Greek medical writers: Aetius (1533-1535 fatear velut explorator et prout aetas ferebat, and 1542), the Hippocratic corpus (1546), velut arbiter aliquoties his aures praebens. Galen (1549 and 1554), and the De materia Et quanquam tudicio meo non ita confiderem, medica libri V of Dioscorides, soon to appear ut quid de eius seculi medicina sentirem (1557), and adds: ‘‘After those mentioned publice proferrem, et esset quaedam quoque above I decided to translate into Latin and reverentia publice docentium, qualiacumque publish Paul of Aegina also,” language which videlicet didicissent, tamen non obscure insuggests that he resumed translating Paul telligebant illi quibus me associabam, non only in the 1550’s and finished the transla- videri mihi satis sanum esse hoc, tum autorum tion shortly before the date of its dedication. tum professorum genus, quod tunc scholas Dedication (ed. of Basel, 1556). Ornatis- medicas occuparet. Praelegebatur autem simo viro D. Michaeli Meienburgo, Northu- Avicenna, qui princeps totius artis habebatur

siensi consuli et compatri suo charissimo, ac appellabatur. Praelegebatur Rasis et Ianus Cornarius medicus physicus S. D. praesertim nonus ipsius ad Almansorem [nc.]: (sig. * 2) Si ullum aliquod studiorum liber, in quo absoluta curandorum omnium genus est, consul gravissime, quod aeque morborum ratio proponi ferebatur. Allegaomni utriusque sexus aetati, summis et in- bantur interim alii ab aliis faciendae medifimis, divitibusque pariter ac pauperibus, cinae, sive ut vocabant, practicae scriptores et utilitatem de se exhibet et necessario ab recentiores: Bertrutius, Gatinaria, Guainertius,

omnibus expetitur, id esse studium conser- Valescus, et aliorum innumerabilis turba. vandae sanitatis neminem negare audere Sed inter praecipuos producebatur Arculanus arbitror, cum hoc supra communem ex- quem alii Herculanum vocant. At Graecorum perientiam tot in vita vulgata dicta confir- medicorum, velut Megarensium, nulla ratio ment, inter quae etiam illa circumferuntur, habebatur, nisi obiter mentio incidisset Hiput ‘“‘sanitate vita nil melius habet’’ et ‘‘non pocratis ac Galeni et Dioscoridis; nam reliqui

est vivere sed valere vita.” Atque ego ad- penitus ignorabantur et nec nati sciebantur. 173

GREEK AUTHORS

Et illorum scripta nec Graeca nec Latina vicesimi octavi usque ad Septembrem anni extabant, nisi quod translationes quaedam vicesimi noni supra Christi nati maioris corruptissimae pariter ac barbarissimae ex numeri annos mille quingentos. Quo tempore Galeno a paucis magni thesauri loco possi- cum Erasmus Roterodamus in ea urbe vivederentur, et aeque vitiati ac non satis latini ret, etiamsi ob tumultuantem rempublicam Hippocratis exigui mole libelli haberentur, postea inde Friburgum Brisgoae se conferret, alter Aphorismorum, alter Prognosticon, qui multi quotidie docti homines ac studiosi

aliquando itidem in scholis praelegebantur, adolescentes ex Italia et Gallia aliisque ubi magni illi principes ultro his locum ces- regionibus ad illum et videndum et salutan-

sissent. Quod itaque hoc autorum ac pro- dum affluebant, quos etiam ut mihi fa-

fessorum medicorum genus nec sanum nec miliares facerem, ex illius et aliorum docrectum esse iudicarem, ex linguarum studio torum hominum Basiliensium civium faquod tum in Germania florere incipiebat miliaritate contingebat.

assequi mihi videbar. Cum enim omnes Inter hos autem non postremus I. Herva-

relatos autores barbarissimos esse viderem, gius fuit, qui defuncto Frobenio et in thoro ut nunquam quod dicere aut docere vellent matrimoniali et in officina successit, et possatis intelligendum exhiberent, et publici tea multos bonos autores et nunc Paulum professores adhuc illis longe inferiores per hunc typis excudit. Ex illo porro tempore reomnia audirentur, non dubitabam Graecos probatis ac reiectis medicis illis barbaris, medicos optima scripta prodidisse, et maxime quos per totos novem annos sequutus eram,

dolendum esse iudicabam eorum nihil ad totum me ad Graecam medicinam contuli nos extare aut haberi quod sciri posset. Graecisque medicis me totum addixi, quos Itaque etiamsi toto pectore a scholarum doc- et sequor et ad quorum imitationem medicitoribus abhorrerem et barbaros illos autores nam exerceo, et iam per viginti sex annos aversarer, tamen nomine arti dato, eo prog- Germaniae nostrae persuadere persevero hos ressus sum ut medicinam aliquot annis exer- esse veros medicos et rectos artis medicae cuerim ultra citraque Oceanum magnum autores, ipsorum maxime lingua legendos apud Livones, Rutenos, et in illustrium prin- ac sequendos. Et ut non esset quod quereciplum Megalopyrgeum ducatu ac aula, utens rentur aliqui, vel de Graecae linguae igquidem barbaris illis magistris praeviis (quid norantia aut horum autorum difficultate, enim aliud facerem in meliorum egestate?), conatus sum Graecos illos medicos facere sed sperans quotidie fore, ut aliquando in- Latinos, non obscura et perplexa sed lucida ciderem in optimos artis autores Graecos et explicata usus illorum in Latinam linguam sua lingua loquentes. Et hac de causa cum translatione. Extat itaque Hippocrates noster per Belgas ad Anglos, et rursus ab his per Latinus, magnae doctrinae, ingentis utilitaGallias peregrinatus, Italiam petere consti- tis, immensae difficultatis opus, supra duo tuissem, ubi Basileam perveni, commodum milia annorum ab omnibus in Latina lingua reperi illos penitus interitisse creditos medi- desideratum et a nullo unquam feliciter cos Graecos, Hippocratem, Galenum, Paulum ante nos tentatum. Extat Galenus totus Aeginetam, Dioscoridem, ex Aldina Venetiis magna ex parte per nos Latine loquens, et officina excusos et ad Ioannem Frobenium, reliquis aliorum translationibus nostra opera qui paulo antea e vivis excesserat, perlatos, castigatis. Extat Aetius, qui totam medicinam ita ut hi in officina Frobeniana, cuius tum sedecim libris includere conatus est. Prodibit Hieronymus Frobenius successor et haeres brevi nova nostra Dioscoridis translatio, erat, eo modo essent ut doctis ac studiosis nostris itidem emblematis illustrata. Nunc non solum legendi illos sed etiam utendi vero damus Paulum Aeginetam, qui idem larga facultas exhiberetur....Horum itaque quod Aetius septem libris efficere studio usus Italiae visendae desiderium plurimum habuit. Et ad hunc accesserunt nostri dolamihi mitigavit, et me per integrum annum bellarum libri septem, quibus difficiles et Basileae retinuit, qui erat a Septembri anni obscuros ac asperos eorum librorum locos 174

PAULUS

explicamus, illustramus ac dedolamus, non ciborum fastidium, commodum sane fuerit ad hunc alioqui autorem solum intelligendum ipsis consilia praescribere.../...[Expl.]: conferentes, sed etiam ad multos alios Grae- (p. 358) Atticus medimnus continet hemicorum medicorum locos. ...Proinde Graecos ecta XII. Hemiectum autem seu semodius, medicos, velut optimos ac cautissimos magis- choenices III]. Quo fit ut medimnus habeat

tros, et maxime admiror et libentissime modios VI, choenices XLVIII, sextarios

(dicam etiam felicissime) sequor, et aliis XCVI. Caeterum pondus harum mensurarum sequendos esse iudico. Et hac de causa post non facile est proferre, quod immensa diverillos supra relatos etiam Paulum Aeginetam sitas rerum aridarum iuxta lancis inclinaad Latinos transscribendum ac publican- tionem existat.

dum duxi, velut verae ac sanae medicinae Editions: certissimum exemplum.../...[Expl.]: (sig. 1556. See Composite Editions.

* dv) ita mihi satis est si vicissim intellexero 1567, [Geneva]. See Composite Editions. memoriam nominis nostri esse apud te inte-

gram, cul a prima nostra mutua cognitione a. Cornarius’s translation of Book VII, semper, sic nunc ita turbatis rebus vel max- ch. 26, accompanying his translation of ime, recte probari cupio. Vale. Zviccavil, Aetius, De cognoscendis et curandis

Calend. April. M. D. LV. morbis sermones sex (=Books VIIIPaul's preface. Paulus Aegineta de seipso XIII). ac opere suo....Praefatio totius operis. Text (ed. of Basel, 1533). De ponderibus

[Inc.]: (sig. * 5) Non sane quod a veteribus ac mensuris ex Paulo Aegineta. [Jnc.]: (p. quid circa artis tractationem praetermissum 439) Pondus gravitatis mensu iudicatur,

sit, ad huius operis compositionem perveni, mensura autem vasculi capacitate. Vasculum

sed compendiariae doctrinae gratia.../... vero tum aridae tum liquidae quantitatis [Expl.]: Postremum vero librum de medica- mensura existit.../...[Expl.]: (p. 441) mentis tum simplicibus tum compositis Ceterum pondus harum mensurarum non

conscripsimus. facile est proferre, quod immensa diversitas

Table of contents. Quae in VII. totius rerum aridarum iuxta lancis inclinationem operis libris contineantur....Ad finem vero existat.

quaedam ad componenda medicamenta Editions:

conducentia, et succedaneae inter se species 1533, Basileae (Basel): Hieronymus Froben

referuntur, ita ut totus liber in doctrinam de and Nicolaus Episcopius. Panzer, VI, p. ponderibus ac mensuris absolvatur. Primum 294, no. 914; DK. 2.2013; Cat. collettivo igitur librum iam exordiemur. [Argumentum delle biblioteche italiane, 2.607; Poynter 46;

libri primi] Primus totius operis praesens Durling 44; NUC. Basel, UB; Paris, Mazaliber existit, in quo omnem tuendae sanita- rine; (CLU-M; NNNAM; PPC). tis rationem percurrimus....Capita prima *1534, Venetiis (Venice): Lucas Antonius libri. De his quae accidunt praegnantibus, Junta. Contents: All sixteen books of Aetius. et quo victu uti debeant. Cap. I....Ditoclis Three vols. in one; vol. II contains Cornarius’s

epistola praeservativa, Cap. C. translation of Books VIII-XIII and, at the [sig. « , 1-8, 3v] In Paulum Aeginetam end, De ponderibus ac mensuris. Peter Kri-

index. vatsy, A Catalogue of Incunabula and SixText. Pauli Aeginetae rei medicae liber I, teenth-Century Printed Books in the National

Jano Cornario medico physico interprete. De Library of Medicine. First Supplement his quae accidunt praegnantibus, et quo (Bethesda, Md., 1971), p. 6, no. 2. victu uti debeant. Caput primum. [Jnc.]: (p. 1542, Sept., Basileae (Basel): Hieronymus 1) Quandoquidem ex his quae praegnan- Froben and Nicolaus Episcopius. Contents: tibus accidunt haec maxime ipsas divexant, All sixteen books of Aetius and (pp. 930humorum crudorum redundantia, assiduus 932) De ponderibus ac mensuris, ex Paulo vomitus, sputatio, oris ventriculi morsus, et Aegineta, Iano Cornario medico physico 175

GREEK AUTHORS

interprete. Poynter 50; Durling 46; NUC. 12 sanguinariam vocat.../...[Expl.]: (sig. Basel, UB; (CtY-M; ICJ; Ku-M; NNNAM). D, 2) Mandragora. Alterum somnum prae1549, Basileae (Basel): Hieronymus Froben ter reliqua inducendi miram vim habet. [A

and Nicolaus Episcopius. Contents: All nostris medicis est] usitata.

sixteen books of Aetius and, at the end, De Manuscript: |

ponderibus ac mensuris. Durling 48; NUC. London, Wellcome Historical Medical

(CtY-M; MH; NRU; PPC). Library, ms. 605, s. XVI, 26 fols. (S. A. J.

Biography: Moorat, Catalogue of Western Manuscripts See CTC II, 188. Add to the bibliography on Medicine and Science in the Wellcome

Pagel in Bio. Lex. d. hervorr. Arzte, U1 Historical Medical Library, London, 1962(1931), 15; G. Sarton, The Appreciation of 1973, I, 468). Ancient and Medieval Science during the Renaissance (Philadelphia, 1955), 10; and b. JOHANNES GUINTERIUS ANDERNACUS

Hartmann, Amerbachkorrespondenz, III, A. Annotationes (1532)

360-363, 380. In the first three editions of Johann Winther’s complete translation, several pages of

COMMENTARIES brief annotations precede each of the seven a. ANONYMUS B, s. XVI books of De re medica. ‘‘Praeterea in singuPharmacological notes on De re medica, los libros annotatiunculas fecimus quibus Book I are found in a manuscript of the locutiones vulgo incognitae exponuntur, aut Wellcome Historical Medical Library in quando exemplaria variant, nusquam inLondon. The author lists in the order of their terpretationem alteram reprehendimus. occurrence in the text the vegetable or other Nam id censui et parum candidum et prope materia medica recommended by Paul in infinitum...ne qui decipiantur eadem rathe first book. He usually gives the Latin, tione qua quis ante deceptus est.’”’ (ed. 1532, Greek and vernacular names of plants; cites sig. A, i1,v) Like the translation these notes complementary material from other authors, wete probably written up between summer most frequently Dioscorides and Pliny; and 1528 and ca. 1530. describes the medicinal properties of each Text. (ed. of Paris, 1532) Annotationes in

and the ill it remedies. The author’s ver- librum primum. [Inc.|]: (sig. 8 C, ij, v)

nacular was German. The date of his scholia Magisque Oribasium. Hanc sententiam ex cannot be fixed with any precision. They lis quae paulo ante capitum enumerationem

were written after 1514 because the author habentur, ita reddidi. Ad verbum autem refers to Budé’s De Asse, published in that sonat....[Expl. Annotat. in lib. primum): year. Although he evidently knew some (sig. 1 C, itij,v) Syrmesmos vocabant veteres

Greek, nothing in his comments requires us mediocres vacuationes, sive per alvum, sive

to assume that he had before him a Greek etiam per vomitus fierent.../...[Expl. An-

text of Paul; Cop’s translation of Book I, or notat. in lib. septimum|): (sig. * AAA, iij,v) a later one, would have served him equally Congius continet choenices quatuor, pendet

well. It is unlikely, on the other hand, that libras 9. he would bother to gloss Book I in this par- Editions: ticular way after the appearance in 1537 1532, [after 1 Oct.], Parisiis (Paris). See of the detailed commentary on the same Composite Editions. book by Sebastianus Austrius. Probable 1534. See Composite Editions.

termini are thus 1514 and 1537. 1541. See Composite Editions.

Text. In Paulum Aeginetam scholia. .

Caput I. [Inc.]: (sig. A, 2) Quod Graeci B. Commentaria (1542) polygonon, hoc Latini seminalem vocant A more elaborate commentary replaces herbam; xodv enim multum et yovos semen. the Annotationes in the edition published by

Vulgo weggrass... Plinius vero lib. 27, c. Wendelinus Rihelius at Strasbourg in Sep176

PAULUS

tember 1542. The commentary follows the autores quam ad alia quaevis idoneus. Vale. translation in a single unit, arranged by book Text. Ioan. Andernaci in librum primum and within books by chapter. The privilege Pauli Aeginetae commentarius. Caput I.

from King Francis I (ed. 1542, sig. « , i,v) [Inc.]: (Part II, sig. A, i) Quandoquidem giving the printer a three-year monopoly gravidis) Primum hoc caput Pauli ad verbum within the French kingdom for “ung livre en ex quinto Oribasii sumptum est, in quo medicine de Paule Egeneta, avec les scolies gravidis multa supervenire legimus, inter

de Andernac”’ is dated from Fontainebleau caetera stomachi redundationem.../...

29 Dec. 1541. Winther’s preface to the reader [Expl.]: (sig. H, iij) Commentarius in librum

(see below) makes it clear that he used Ge- septimum....In XVIII. caput....Copton) musaeus’s edition of the Greek text (Basel, Sic dicitur medicamentum quod non coquiAugust 1538) in revising his translation and tur verum tunditur, et succis aut liquidis writing his commentary. He therefore wrote affusis ad figuram malagmatis redigitur.

the commentary between late 1538 and the Editions:

end of 1541. 1542. See Composite Editions. Preface (ed. of Strasbourg, 1542). Candido 1551. See Composite Editions.

lectori. [Inc.]: (sig. « , ij) En tibi, candide 1553. See Composite Editions. lector, Pauli Aeginetae septem de re medica 1554. See Composite Editions.

libros exhibeo, quos olim Lutetiae primus 1567, Lugduni (Lyons). See Composite omnes in Latinam linguam converti, nunc Editions. autem recens ad meliora exemplaria adeoque 1567, Venetiis (Venice). See Composite ad veritatis ipsius iudicium réecognovi et pro- Editions.

pemodum nitori suo restitui. His nunc tuto 1589. See Composite Editions. et libere uti poteris. Adiunxi autem perbreves

quosdam commentarios sive annotationes, c. ALBANUS TORINUS quibus primum versionis meae rationem A. Castigationes (1533) reddo, deinde autoris sententiam sicubi ob- Alban Thorer’s Castigationes in suam scurior aut a Galeno dissentiens videatur, Pauli Aeginetae tralationem consist of apaut dictionem habeat minus facilem, explico proximately four and a half folio pages of et interpretor. Postremo vitiatam exemplari- corrections of and improvements to his transorum Graecorum lectionem plurimis locis a lation of Paul, the first edition of which had

nemine hactenus quod sciam animadversis appeared in March 1532. The preface is instauro, doctissimis quibusdam viris obiter dated 1 Sept. 1533. He was pushed to imrespondens qui melioribus usi codicibus, uti prove his translation by Winther’s sharp iactitant, priorem nostram versionem ca- criticism of it in the first edition of his translumniae potius quam veritatis studio emen- lation (after 1 Oct. 1532), and so prepared dare alicubi tentarunt. Oroscius enim His- his Castigationes sometime between Oct. panus dum aliorum censor esse studet, ipse 1532 and the end of August 1533.

in pudendos errores incidit, homo sane meo Preface (ed. of Basel, 1533). Albanus iudicio non ineruditus et suo valde doctus. Torinus lectori salutem [Jnc.]: (sig. f, 3,v) Sed ignosco illi facile qui gloriam ex aliorum Ki xuwy Yevdovoa tuddra@ tixter; quid mon-

erratis, suis autem virtutibus referendis stri aedat is, qui parere priusquam concecomparare instituerit. At Gemusaeus philo- perit enititur? partum nimirum non modo sophus, si Galeni et Pauli codices Graecos immaturum, informem et imperfectum, sed tam emendatos quam ipse venditat edidisset, ne inchoatum quidem planeque subvenprofecto haberet quod serio triumpharet. De taneum. Id quod ipse iam olim intellexi, et Albano qui sex libros Pauli eodem fere tem- in praecipiti Aeginetae nostri aeditione, pore a se conversos aedidit, postea vero ex lector candidissime, sensi. Fuit is primus nostra tralatione castigarit, nihil aliud dicam partus, qui adeo caeteris semper difficilior quam quod ei optem, ut tam sit ad vertendos existit ut saepius in eo abortivus gignatur, 177

GREEK AUTHORS

maxime si obstetrix vecors parientem im- Francisco de Mendoza y Bobadilla, bishop mature urgeat....cuius rei argumentum et of Coria, in an epistle dated from Salamanca, tanquam arrhabonem sumito hic simplicem 1 March 1533. The translators of the title errorum (quos festinatio partim, partim et are Alban Thorer, Johann Winther and Bermaxime quidem depravatissimum exemplar nardo Feliciano, although Orozco, still a Aldinum, quo unico sum usus peperit) con- very young man, disobligingly pointed out fessionem, in qua hallucinationes pleraeque the errors of Guillaume Cop, Johannes Ruelalicuius momenti, et in medicinae usu peri- lius, Marcellus Virgilius, Nicolaus Leonicenus

culosae, tum nostro tum exemplaris tum and Ermolao Barbaro as well. Three prefchalcographorum vitio conflatae compre- aces document the stages of composition. henduntur.../...[Exp/l.]: Vale felix, et The dedicatory epistle of March 1533 makes haec tantisper dum ex nostra recognitione it clear that Orozco then knew only Thorer’s

universus autor quemadmodum Bacchus translation, which had appeared in Basel a apud poetas renascatur, aequi bonique con- year earlier, for in it he deplores the errors

sule. Basileae, Calendis Septemb. and ambiguities of a single interpres Ger-

Edition: manicus and a single interpretatio Germanica. 1533. See Composite Editions. In a preface to the reader dated seven B. Annotatiunculae (1538) months later in October 1533, on the other

At the end of the second Basel edition of hand, he explains that he had already prehis translation Thorer added nine pages of pared his manuscript for printing in Venice textual notes arranged by book and chapter. (propter praelorum inopiam qua Hispania His preface to the reader is dated 2 March vel maxime abundat) when he received a

1538. copy of Winther’s translation. His fear that Preface (ed. of Basel, 1538). Albanus Winther might have anticipated him in

Torinus aequo lectori suo. [Jnc.]: (sig. LL, whole or in part was short lived; since Win3v) Quum iam integer Aegineta sub incudem ther was a man, he erred. Between March revocatus denuo in lucem prodiisset, rursum and October 1533, therefore, Orozco added aliquot loca curriculo percurrere atque re- his corrections of Winther to his more nugustare visum est, ut annotatiunculis brevi- merous ones of Thorer. Some time later, bus unum atque alterum emendarem.../... finally—how much later is unclear, though [Expl.]: Alterius tralationem nusquam no- before April 1536, the date of publication— minatim perstringo, nam id a candore nos- Orozco added a supplement to this book, tro alienum fuerit et propemodum inexputa- Posteriores annotationes in interpretes Pauli

bile. Valeto. Basileae, postridie Calendas Aeginetae (the preface is undated). These

Martii, Anno M.D. XXXVIII. new castigationes concern principally the Text. Annotationes in librum primum, in translations of Book VI (the book omitted

prooemio. [Inc.]: (sig. LL, 3v) Oribasii prae- by Thorer in 1532) by Winther and Bernardo

sertim qui) Haec germana nimirum est, Feliciano (Venice, Aug. 1532). quam reddidi sententia.../...[Expl.]: (sig. Orozco based his corrections on two manMM, 4) Ibidem lege: Succum vero panacis uscripts belonging to his teacher Hernan atque sagapenum, myrramque contusam Nunez (Pintianus), one of Paul, the other of malit, in pila per noctem macerato, deinde Oribasius’s Synopsis. The two are now in laevigato arida iniicito melleque optimo ex- the University Library in Salamanca. AI-

cepta, in, etc. though Orozco describes them both as “‘very

Edition: old,’’ the manuscript of Paul (ms. gr. M 7) 1538. See Composite Editions. dates from the thirteenth century, while the

Oribasius (ms. gr. M 567) was copied in d. CHRISTOPHORUS OROSCIUS Rome by Nicolaus Sulianus in 1524. (A. Crist6bal de Orozco dedicated his Anno- Tovar, Catalogus codicum graecorum Unitationes in interpretes Pauli Aeginetae to versitatis Salamantinae, 1. Collectio univer178

PAULUS

sitatis antiqua, Salamanca, 1963, pp. 15-16, Paulus hoc primo capite ea quae a conceptu

81-82). ad partum praegnantibus eveniunt.../... Dedication I (ed. of Venice, 1536). Reveren- [Expl.]: (p. 88) De succidaneis, ponderibus,

dissimo et illustri praesuli D. Francisco et mensuris magna est inter Paulum et GaBovadilae episcopo Cauriensi Christophorus lenum differentia. Quod Albanum Torinum

Oroscius S.D. [Inc.]: (sig. AA, ij) Apud et Andernacum in plurimis labi locis coegit, Graecos magis quam caeteras genteis a ut in posterioribus annotationibus in interprima origine excultam medicinam manifes- pretes Pauli annotavimus.

tum inde est..., ut negare nemo possit, si- Dedication IT. Reverendissimo et illustri cut philosophiam, ita medicinam et omnes praesuli D. Francisco Bovadillae episcopo ingenuas disciplinas a Graecis literis ortum Cauriensi Christophorus Oroscius S. [Inc.]: habuisse, quae tamen multis temporibus (Part IJ, p. 2) Cum animum ad restituendum nostra hac regione propter irruptiones et Paulum Aeginetam adpuli, praesul illustrisvastationes Gotticas in nocte densissima la- sime, eum esse quaestum in animum induxi

tuere.../...[Expl.]: Quae [annotationes] si maximum, quam maxime publicae utilitati tibi probantur, barbaros istos \oy.aTpous vitae salutique mortalium consulere. Cumque xat AwByTas TExvVyS Cum Universo sophis- post priorum annotationum editionem locos

tarum caetu nihil moror, te enim duce ac non paucos in sextum librum (quod in illis defensore xara TavTwy ExXw TA VvLXNTNP LA. desiderabatur) annotassem, restitutis etiam

Vale. Salmanticae, Calendis Martii, anno aliis pluribus in alios sex libros qui me in

ab orbe redempto M.D. XXXIII. prioribus castigationibus subterfugerant,

Preface. Oroscius lectori S. [Inc.]: (sig. nolui quae communi utilitati prodesse arbi-

AA, ij,v) Non me latet fore, optime lector, trabar...occultari.../...[Expl.]: quorum

ut hic noster in Paulum labor in varias re- aegritudo iam tam difficilem callum obduprehensiones incurrat. Nam cum post Albani xit, ut Paulus immo etiam ipsa si cupiat Torini unam, Guinterii Andernaci alteram salus, servare non possit eam familiam.

translationem hoc assumere mihi videor, Vale. ut neutram satis probem....selectorum Title. Posteriores annotationes in interauctorum lectione confirmans et doc- pretes Pauli Aeginetae Christophoro Oroscio

tissimi praeceptoris mei Pinciani codicibus authore, additis castigationibus in sextum li-

adiutus, Pauli Aeginetae altero, Oribasii brum. [Jnc.]: (Part II, p. 3) Ex libro secaltero, utrisque manuscriptis antiquissim- undo. Ex translatione Andernaci. Ex cap.

isque et multae fidei.... hoc te iuverimus, ut XVI. Putridae febres dignoscuntur his notis; opinamur, non parum, quod et probatos et nulla ipsas exterior causa praecedit. Graece gravissimos auctores citamus in testes et TO pndevy TOV MPOXATAPKTUXOY AULTLODV

fundamenta ita emendationibus iacimus, toonynoacbar, id est, nulla causa antecenon hoc tantum quod transferimus, sed vivis dens praecedit.../...{Expl.J: (Part II, p. rationibus antiquissimisque exemplaribus 18) Quo loco Andernacus pro verbis Pauli... unde quid potissimum sequare melius quam sic medimnus continet minas quadragine muta (ut ita dicam) translatione petes. . ./ taocto et sextarios nonagintasex transtulit ...LExpl.]: ita demum tudices, sic fiet, ut si ita semimedimnus habebit minas quadraginplus apud te aequi quam iniqui ratio valeat, tanovem, sextarios nonagintasex. Quo etiam

et nos minus temerarii ob editionem et ipsa loco labitur etiam Albanus Torinus, qui editio non infructuosa videatur. Bene vale minas quadragintanovem transtulit.

lector et fruere. Salmanticae, xvi. Calen. Edition:

Novemb. Anno a Christo nato M.D. XXXIII. 1536, Apr., Venetiis (Venice): Luca Text. Annotationum in interpretes Pauli Antonius Iunta Florentinus. Durling 3412. Aeginetae Christophoro Oroscio authore li- Rome, Vaticana.

ber. [Inc.|]: (p. 1) Quum foeminas utero Biography:

gerentes...scribere aggrediar. Commemorat Christophorus Oroscius (Cristobal de 179

GREEK AUTHORS

Orozco) published one other work, a critique anus Austrius, artium et medicinae doctor,

of Baptista Montanus’s and Ianus Corna- salutem et corporis incolumitatem optat. rius’s translation of Aetius, dedicated in [Inc.]: (sig. «, 2) Quum nuperrime, generose Feb. 1538 from Salamanca to Cardinal comes, in officinam D. Hieronymi Fabii dicFrancisco de Quifiones: Annotationes in in- tatoris nostri inciderem, hominis sane in terpretes Aetii medici praeclarissimi D. evolvendis historiarum heroicorumque facChristophoro Oroscio authore, Basel, Rob- torum monumentis propensissimi....Sunt ertus Winter, March 1541. In the preface he equidem mihi prae manibus Pauli Aeginetae

mentions his similar earlier work on Paul: ...praecepta quaedam salubria ad bonam “...Juvenis vis vigesimum primum annum tuendam valetudinem instituta, ab eo tamen egressus, Castigationes in interpretes Pauli adeo Laconico sive verius aphoristico sensu Aeginetae quanto maxima potui cura ac dil- comportata ut in paucissimis verbis aliigentia adhibita composui.’’ If we are to quando tot myriades sententiarum sint sub-

trust his own memory, Orozco was born intelligendae. Quo autem istiusmodi praeabout 1511, some authorities say in Valla- ceptorum fructus, qui quantus sit dici non dolid. He went to the University of Sala- potest, etiam alias in re litteraria bene emanca where he studied Greek with the well meritis et non tantum medicis ipsis usui es-

known scholar Hernan Nifiez de Guzman set, haec ex veritate sua, atque ex primis (See Enrique Esperabé Arteaga, La Univer- fontibus, nempe Hippocratis, Galeni, Orisidad de Salamanca, Salamanca, 1914-1917, basii, quorum ipse verum se abbreviatorem II, 378-79). In a document dated Valladolid, praestitit, aliorumque sententiis autorum 15 Aug. 1549, Orozco is termed “‘licenciado.”’ explanavi, neque plus adieci quam quod au-

In it he attests the hidalguia of his brother toris verba ex aliis depromi autoribus deJuan de Orozco, professor of Civil Law at poscere videbantur....Sanitatem equidem Salamanca (Vicente Beltran de Heredia, corporis si quis negligat, quam deinde ceteO.P., Cartulario de la Universidad de Sala- rarum rerum voluptatem habebit? Sanitas manca. La Universidad en el siglo de oro, proculdubio nulli non principi, nulli non

II, Salamanca, 1970, pp. 529-30). aetati, non sexui expetenda, si saltem suo Bibl.: Bio. Lex. d. hervorr. Arzte, IV, quisquis fungi officio desideret, quapropter

443-444, accuratius pensitandum in quonam haec Sanitas versetur cardine....Eapropter multi

e. SEBASTIANUS AUSTRIUS RUBEAQUENSIS praeclari viri regibus summisque principi-

Sebastianus Austrius dedicated his De bus, quo eis optatissima inter ceteras huius secunda valetudine tuenda in Pauli Aegine- mundi illecebras precarentur commoda, tae medici clarissimi librum explanatio, a conservandae sanitatis praecepta tradidere, commentary on De re medica, Book I, to veluti magnus Aristoteles Alexandro Magno, Count George von Erdtbach from Strasbourg Psellus philosophus Graecus Constantino on 1 Nov. 1537. He used the unrevised imperatori, Diocles cum Epistola sua protranslation of Alban Thorer, first published phylactica quam in calce huius libri habein March 1532, quoting the entire text sev- bimus Antigono regi, et alii aliis, omnes huc eral sentences at a time and following each spectantes neque regna, neque divitias, quoted fragment with a detailed commen- neque potestates in hoc humano saeculo sine tary. It is difficult to date the composition prospera valetudine quidquam aut voluptatis more nearly than between March 1532 and aut adiumenti praestatura.../...[Expl.]:

Nov. 1537. (sig. o, 3) Diu vivas precor comitum splen-

Dedication (ed. of Strasbourg, 1538). dor et tui stemmatis decus. Ex Argentuaria Clari sanguinis, generoso comiti Georgio ab imperiali civitate, prima die Novembris, Erdtbach, illustrissimae domus Palatinae, anno millesimo quingentesimo tricesimo sacri Rom. Imp. Electricis, pincernae haere- septimo. ditario, etc., domino suo gratioso, Sebasti- Text. Explanatio in Pauli Aeginetae med180

PAULUS

ici clarissimi de secunda valetudine tuenda sixteenth-century edition of the Greek text librum, universam sane super hac re mate- of Paul of Aegina to Philippe de Cossé, riam complectens, authore Sebastiano Aus- bishop of Coutances. At the end of the vol-

trio, artium et medicinae doctore. [Inc.): ume are six pages of textual notes, intro(p. 1) Ab utero gerentium foeminarum ad- duced by a few remarks to the reader. Since cidentibus eorumque curationibus non abs Gemusaeus tells us that he is writing after re author universam de tuenda sanitate ma- the body of the book had been printed (see

teriam auspicatur.../...[Expl.]: (p. 321) below), he probably gave these notes their quos dies augere phlegma asserit, itaque final shape in the summer of 1538. balneis ieluno utendum, sudores abstergenti. Preface (ed. of Basel, 1538). Lectori S. Haec si observaveris, inquit o rex, vives in- [Inc.]: (sig. D, 3v) Visum est operae pretium

trepide ac sine tristitia reliquum vitae. Ex fore, ut post emendationem totius operis divisione anni hosce dies numero .365. colli- huc apponantur errores aliquot inter excu-

guntur. dendum commissi, ignavia scilicet operarum, Edition: quas tamen typographus magno aere con-

1538, [after 1 Nov.], Argentorati (Stras- duxerat, ut hic autor citra ullam labem probourg): Ioannes Schottus. DK. 8.9362; In- diret. Deinde loci etiam illi qui in nostris dex Aureliensis 110.925; Ritter 2108; Poyn- codicibus ita leguntur varie ut citra hanc ter 559; Durling 367; NUC s.v. Austrius, operam fideliter vobis communicari non pos-

Sebastianus. BM; BN; Oxford, Bodleian; sint. Inter caeteros codices adfuit unus Rome, Vaticana; (MBM; NNNAM). vetustissimae fidei, quem magnus ille vir

Biography: Ioannes Ruellius ipse in hanc aeditionem

Sebastianus Austrius was born in Ruffach nobis communicavit, mire illum commenin Alsace and died in 1550 in Freiburg-im- dans, quo ipse etiam Copus pridem reveren-

Breisgau. He was doctor of arts and medi- ter fuerat usus. Is liber diligentissime a cine and in 1538-1540 was practicing his nobis fuit consultus. Caeteri adhibiti sunt profession in Colmar. He published a Ger- quoties id exigeret locus, aut varius, aut dif-

man translation of his Latin commentary on ficilis, aut alioqui saucius.../...[Expl.]:

De re medica, Book I together with a Ger- Quanquam etiam alii quidam nostrorum homan translation of Hippocrates, Epistola ad minum, eo ipso emendandi genere vehemenPtolomaeum regem (Colmar, Bartholomaeus ter se oblectent hodie.

Gruninger, 1539 [DK. 8.9363 and Index Text. [Loci ex Paulo annotati.] [Inc.]:

Aureliensis 110.926]) and a reworking of the (sig. D, 3v) Caeterum ex locis qui per hunc

book on children’s diseases by Cornelius ita restituuntur is est unus.../...[Expl.]:

Roelans under the title De infantium sive (sig. D, 6) Hi sunt loci qui aut ab aliis prius puerorum morborum et symptomatum dig- tentati aut a nobis praetermissi fuerant. notione tum curatione liber (Basel, Bartho- Caetera in quibus omnibus indubitatam cerlomaeus Westhemerus, 1540 [DK. 8. 9360; tamque fidem codicum magna cum religione Index Aureliensis 110.927; Durling 365] and sumus secuti, collatione exemplariorum cog-

Lyons, Philibertus Rolletius and Bartholo- noscentur. Sunt autem infinita.

maeus Fraenus for G. Rovillius, 1549 [DK. Edition: 8. 9361; Index Aureliensis 110.928; Durling 1538, Aug., Basileae (Basel): Andreas

366]). Cratander. Poynter 4862; Durling 3548. Bibl.: Bio. Lex. d. hervorr. Arzte, 1, 249. NUC. Basel, UB; Munich, StB; Oxford, Bodleian; Paris, Arsenal; Rome, Vaticana;

f. HIERONYMUS GEMUSAEUS (MBM). A. Annotationes I (1538)

On 1 August 1538 Hieronymus Gemusaeus, B. Annotationes II (1543) professor physices in the Arts Faculty of the Some copies of Gemusaeus’s edition of University of Basel, dedicated the second the Greek text, although dated 1538 on the 181

GREEK AUTHORS

title page, have 1543 in the colophon: “‘Ba- litem hic cognoscendam tibi, vir prudentis-

sileae, per Andream Cratandrum, mense sime, iurisconsultorum huius aetatis ornaMartio, Anno M.D. XLIII.’”’ These copies mentum singulare, quam, uti spero, pro do not contain the Annotationes of 1538, ingenii tui clementia et aequitatis iustitiaeque but are normally bound with a much more amore singulari non aversaberis....Cum elaborate set of notes by Gemusaeus entitled ante non multos annos Pauli Aeginetae exIn libros Pauli Aeginetae omnes Annota- emplar vetustissimum a Ioanne Ruellio viro tiones nunc et primum concinnatae et in lu- eruditione et pietate singulari Parisiis nactus cem editae and published in Basel, also by essem, facta mihi fuit inde occasio super Andreas Cratander and also in 1543, and authoris huius aeditione meditandi. Putadedicated to Boniface Amerbach. What ap- bam autem non uno solo nomine studiosis pears to be the case is that Cratander had gratificaturum si codicis eius lectionem... on hand a number of unsold copies of the integram et plenam omnibus communicas-

1538 edition of Paul in Greek. In 1542 sem....Urgebat consultationem quod prior Johann Winther strongly criticized Gemu- aeditio in locis non paucis ita vitiis esset saeus’s text in the commentary accom- plena ut ipsis quoque interpretibus magpanying his revised translation (Strasbourg, nam errorum occasionem faceret. Sed et

Sept. 1542). Gemusaeus principally wrote Andreas Cratander typographus insignis alia his Annotationes to defend his text (and his quoque iam tum comparaverat quae ad aebrother-in-law Cratander’s investment) ditionem conducere posse videbantur... .Inagainst Winther’s criticisms. His marginalia terim in locorum quorundam emendatione a give the tone: Andernacus impudenter hic quibusdam hominibus doctis qui plusculum emendat; Andernacus novo errore lapsus; licentiae in castigando usurpasse videbantur Andernaci calumnia; Andernacus imperitus, dissentientes, id quod non calumniandi aut negligens, temerarius. Cratander published maledicendi studio, non venandae gloriae Gemusaeus’s Annotationes in exactly the cupiditate, nullaque ambitione faciebamus, same format as the Greek text, which he sed idcirco tantum ut nostram quoque senthen ‘‘reissued” by cutting out Gemusaeus’s tentiam de rebus obscuris ac dubiis, velut notes of 1538 and giving the book a new last inter homines studiosos fieri consuevit, in

leaf with a colophon dated 1543. medium proponeremus, quod unicuique in Preface. Lectori S. [Inc.]: (sig. a, 1) In sua disciplina liberum esse decet. Atque uti-

hoc Annotationum libro, candide Lector, lo- nam dum id ago primum in manus venissent

cos Pauli Aeginetae omnes, quotquot in mihi Christophori Oroscii annotationes, hunc usque diem a variis restitui potuerunt, neque enim id fueram dissimulaturus. Usus quam brevissime cognosces....Intelliges est vir ille exemplari multis in locis castigainsuper locos ab aliquibus nimium temerariis, tiore, quemadmodum nos quoque non inused non nimium peritis, perperam castigatos tile deprehendisse nonnulla videmur priores, et inversos, quosdam etiam ab aliis praeteri- quaedam uterque viderat in quibus codices

tos. Videbis itidem postremam Andernaci ambo consentiebant. Ea si quis universa versionem latinam nondum satis ubique tu- coniungat, cognoscet non multa superesse

tam et magnis adhuc erroribus refertam quae ad huius authoris emendationem de-

esse, ut non temere adiectum illi sit, princt- siderari queant. Sic autem conveniebat hopum edictis cautum esse ne infra septen- mines studiosos, in schola maxime Chrisnium integrum a quoquam vel emeretur vel tianorum, studia sua conferre et ad aedificavenderetur.../...[Expl.]: Caetera ex prae- tionem Civitatis Dei inter sese communicare,

fatione cognosces. Vale. non quemque proprios in contumeliam Dedication. Clarissimo iurisconsulto D. proximi triumphos agere....Solus Ander-

Bonifacio Amerbachio, bonarum disciplin- nacus novae et insolentis cuiusdam legis auarum omnium Mecenati unico, Hieronymus thor esse cupit, et authorum commentatorem Gemusaeus S. D. [Inc.]: (sig. a, 2) Adfero professus calumniarum magistrum et dicaci182

PAULUS

tatis artificem agere pergit. Caeterum eo- Biography: dem ego consilio quo illi fecerant Paulum See CTC II, 233. Add to the bibliography Aeginetam cum dudum aggressus fuissem, Allen, VIII, 169; A. Burckhardt, Geschichte postea in manus venissent mihi Oroscii, d. med. Fakultdét zu Basel, 1460-1900 (Basel, nunc autem aliorum insuper doctorum ho- 1917), 42-43; R. Creutz, in Bio. Lex. d.herminum lucubrationes; et ipse quoque rectius vorr. Arzte, VI (Nachtrage) (1935), 320; mihi invenisse nonnulla videar, putavi operae Hartmann, Amerbachkorrespondenz, II-VI,

pretium fore si ea omnia, quantum ad au- passim; Auguste Stoeber, “Recherches thoris huius instaurationem facere videren- biographiques et littéraires sur les étudiants tur et ad manum mihi essent, in unum li- mulhousiens immatriculés a |’Université de brum Annotationum conferrem et prius Bale” (Mulhouse, 1880), 16; Stoeber, ‘““Jerdme aeditis adiicerem; tum si quae mutari te- Gemusaeus de Mulhouse, philologue, philomere a quibusdam cognovissem, lectori ex- sophe et médecin, 1505-1544,” Bulletin du

ponerem et meam quoque sententiam inter- Musée historique de Mulhouse, V (Mulponerem alicubi, non sane maledicendi house, 1881), 65-84; and T. Vallauri, Storia studio, non gloriae aut triumphorum ambi- delle Universita degli studi del Piemonte tione, sed officiit tantum mei gratia... .Oro- (Turin, 1845-1846), 135 ff. scii sane diligentiam non probare vehemen-

ter non possum, acumen veneror, modes- g. lacosus GouPyLus tiam amplector....Verum Andernaci genium From Saint-Germain-en-Laye on 11 Sept. satis mirari nequeo, qui nulla iniuria laces- 1550 the Lyons printer Guillaume Roville resitus (nisi iniuria sit ab aliquo recte dissen- ceived a privilege from King Henry II to tire) iniquum bellum suscepit.../...[Expl.]: print “les oeuvres de Paulus Aegineta en (sig. a, 4) Ergo neque praeter officium ego Latin, avec les corrections et annotations de ista fecisse, et tu pro more tuo egisse vide- Monsieur M. I[aques Goupil Docteur en beris, dum eadem benevolentia haec audire Medecine.”’ The book appeared in 1551. In et cognoscere sustinebis, quam in arduis re- an undated preface dedicating it to Odet de bus suis experiri consultor nunquam non Coligny, cardinal de Chatillon, Goupyl imsolet. Basileae, Calen. Martiis, Anno M. D. plies that he had begun annotating Winther’s

XLII. translation three years before, and after he Text. In libros Pauli Aeginetae omnes had edited and published Alexander of

Annotationes nunc et primum concinnatae Tralles (namely in 1548). He composed his et in lucem editae. E libro Pauli Aeginetae Annotationes then sometime between 1548

primo annotata. [Inc.]: (p. 1) Pagina 3, and 1550. They consist of variant readings versu capitis primo, To weptoaivery, vox est of the Greek accompanied by translations, composita ex praepositione et oaivery, quod correcting Winther’s text on the evidence of apud Hesychium raparreobau significat. Est what Goupyl usually describes as a “‘vetus autem scribendum wepioaivery simplici o, codex’’ or “‘veteres libri manuscripti.’”’ The

et significat stomachi redundationem, quam notes appear at the end of chapters.

Aristoteles 7. de animalibus cap. 4. vocat Dedication (ed. of Lyons 1551). Ad illusnauseam.../...{Expl.]: (p. 60) Pag. 302, trissimum et reverendissimum cardinalem versu 13 [in reality lines 15-16). Quidam ita D. O. Collignium Castillionaeum Jacobi legendum opinantur, eyno.v obd’ Odws dE pet, Goupyli medici praefatio. [Jnc.]: (sig. a, 2) pera b€ TO ApodvvTOY yeveobaL THY EuTa- Cum apud me reputo qua ratione doctissimi

o7p ov. Hactenus. quidam homines medendi artem eiusque scriptores restituere non ita pridem aggressi

Edition: sunt.../...[Expl.]: (sig. a, 3) tamen quod

1543, Basileae (Basel): Andreas Cratan- a me praestitum est non levem victoriam tuder. NUC. Basel, UB; Cambridge, University dicabunt hi, qui multos huius auctoris locos

Library; (MdBP). perversos et conturbatos a nobis restitutos 183

GREEK AUTHORS

atque explicatos intelligent. Quem laborem habuit spectaculum propter rei novitatem”’ eo lubentius suscepi quod cum ab hinc tres (Concasty, Commentaires, p. 468a). On the annos Alexandri Tralliani libros ex Regia recommendation of the cardinal of Lorraine, Bibliotheca depromptos emendassem atque King Henry II appointed him “‘lecteur extraedidissem, sic studium hoc meum doctis ordinaire’’ in the Collége royal (1552) and quibusdam hominibus, qui mihi pro centum on the death of Iacobus Sylvius (Jacques

millibus sunt, probavi, ut nihil tam artis Dubois) (13 Jan. 1555) “‘lecteur royal en

medicae studiosorum interesse censuerint médecine.”’ His principal scholarly activity quam aetatis illius auctores restituere, in was the editing of Greek medical writers. He qua naturalis nitor medicinae inerat, non amassed a large collection of manuscripts fucatus. Ad te vero, patrone benignissime, and books, but in a riot in 1563 his house quod commentatus sum ob eam maxime was invaded and the collection destroyed. causam mittere volui, ut nihil mihi antiquius He is said to have been deeply depressed by esse intelligas quam ut tuae voluntati par- this experience, and he lived only a year

eam, hoc est, ut ex hoc otio quod mihi tua longer.

benignitate contigit aliquid ad communem Works: An edition of Alexander Trallianus,

fructum afferam. Vale. gr., accompanied by Rhazae De pestilentia

Editions: libellus ex Syrorum lingua in Graecam trans1551, See Composite Editions. latus, Jacobi Goupyli in eosdem castigationes

1553. See Composite Editions. (Paris, Robertus Stephanus, 1548; Basel, 1554. See Composite Editions. 1556); Ioannes Actuarius, De urinis libri

1567, Lugduni (Lyons). See Composite VII, translated by Ambrosius Leo Nolanus

Editions. and ‘‘ad Graecorum exemplarium fidem a 1567, Venetiis (Venice). See Composite Jacobo Gopylo recogniti’’ (Paris, 1548 and Editions. 1556); ed. Dioscorides, gr., with the Latin 1589. See Composite Editions. translation of Ioannes Ruellius (Paris, Bene-

Biography*: dictus Prevost for Petrus Haultinus, Aug.

Jacques Goupyl (Iacobus Goupylus, Gou- 1549); transl. Alessandro Piccolomini, La pilus, Gopylus) was born in the diocese of sphere du monde (Paris, 1550); ed. Ausonius Lucon (Poitou) ca. 1525 and died in Paris in (Paris, 1551); ed. Aretaeus, gr. (Paris, Adr. 1564. He studied in Poitiers and at the Uni- Turnebus, 1554); ed. Rufus of Ephesus, gr., versity of Paris: bachelor of medicine (after and Soranus, De utero et muliebri pudendo four years of study in the Faculty of Medi- (= wept yuvarxetwv wradwy, chs. 4 and 5) cine) 1 Nov. 1545, maitre régent 8 Nov. (Paris, Adr. Turnebus, 1554); transl. Galen, 1547, licencié 10 July 1548, M. D. October De parvae pilae exercitio (Paris, 1554); ed. 1548. In March 1549 the dean of the Faculty Actuarius, De actionibus et affectibus spiri-

rented him a house in the rue de la Bacherie tus animalis, ejusque victu, libri I, gr. de Petit Pont for six years at 30 1. t. per (Paris, Martinus Iuvenis, 1557); De partu year and in 1555 renewed the lease for an- cujusdam infantulae Agonnensis, published other six years. The records of the Faculty in the Opera of Jacobus Sylvius; In Episto-

note a postmortem he supervised in 1550: lam divi Pauli ad Titum paraphrasis ad “Circa principium martii, facta est anatome amplissimum cardinalem D. Joannem Bel-

corporis mulieris gravidae quae sub ipso laium, ed. Gabriel Naudé (Paris, 1644).

partu magna totius corporis convulsione in Goupylus also wrote Latin and Greek epiHospitio Dei interierat, interprete et doctore grams, and he is said to have written an unJacobo Goupyl, quae certe anatome celebre completed commentary on the works of

Hippocrates. .

* The Biography is based in part on information Bibl.: Bio. Lex. d. hervorr, Arzte, II supplied by John M. Riddle (North Carolina State (1929), 812; M.-L. Concasty, ed., Commen-

University). taires de la Faculté de Médecine de Il’Univer-

184

PAULUS

sité de Paris (1516-1560) (Paris, 1964), zionario bio. degli italiani, XVII, (1974),

passim., but esp. pp. 399b, 424a, 427b, 297-298.

436a, 440b, 441b, 448b, 468a, 484b; E. ,

Coyecque, Recueil d’actes notariés relatifs a i. [anus CORNARIUS

l'histoire de Paris et de ses environs au X Vle Cornarius’s commentary follows his transsiécle, II (Paris, 1924), p. 328, no. 5227; A. lation, but is newly paginated and has a sepDechambre, Dictionnaire encyclopédique arate title page. He dedicated it from Zwic-

des sciences médicales, 4e. ser., IX, 770; A. kau on Apr. 1, 1555 to Iustus Studaeus, Lefranc, Histoire du Collége de France chancellor of the prince-abbot of Fulda and (Paris, 1893), p. 381; Nouvelle Biographie formerly a professor of law at the University

Générale, XXI-XXII (1857), 430-32. of Marburg. It is textual rather than medi-

H. Omont, “Jacques Goupyl, professeur cal, and he no doubt prepared it as he transextraordinaire au Collége royal,’’ Bull. de la lated. Like the bulk of the translation it Soc. de l'Hist. de Paris et de I'Ile de France, should probably be dated c. 1550-1555.

XXI (1894), 184-5. Dedication (ed. of Basel, 1556). Clarissimo iurisconsulto D. Iusto Studaeo, praesu-

h. JOHANNES Baptista CAMOTIUS lis Fuldensis cancellario et compatri suo For an edition of Johann Winther’s transla- charissimo, Ianus Cornarius medicus physi-

tion of De re medica published in Venice in cus S. D. [Inc.]: (Part II, p. 3) Quas in 1553 Giovanni Battista Camozzi collated the Paulum Aeginetam scripsi Dolabellas, eas translation with the Greek text and contrib- tibi clarissime Studaee inscriptas mittere

uted marginal scholia. volui et 1udicio tuo permittere....Harum

Dedication (ed. 1553). Carolo Ruino iuniori autem Dolabellarum scribendarum haec equiti Bononiensi ornatissimo Ioannes Bap- mihi occasio fuit. Extant aliquot aliquorum

tista Camotius S. D. P. [Inc.]: (sig. * v, v) aliquoties repetitae Pauli translationes, in "H pa 707 hoav / xpvoetor TaN Kdpe_S, quibus illi...satis declarant se non tam oT avrediino oO gdidnOeis, ait Theocritus alios aut me quam seipsos praeoccupasse ac [Idyll XII, 15-16], id quod et aurea Saturni praevertisse. Nam de me non obscura fama

tempora facile testantur....Hac de causa fuit, et aperte fateor ante annos vigintiquaPaulum Aeginetam ab Andernaco.. .superi- tuor hanc translationem me instituisse, sed oribus annis in Latinum sermonem con- hactenus libenter illis cessisse, ut qui nullius versum et commentariis auctum, nostra pos- gloriae invideam, neque ullius utilitati quictremum industria recognitum et cum Graeco quam detractum velim. Quod si testibus res codice collatum, auctum guoque a nobis in- probanda sit, sunt apud me literae Andreae ter legendum quibusdam lucubratiunculis in Alciati iurisconsulti doctissimi ac clarissimi

margine repositis.../...[Expl.]: Et quan- viri ex Biturigibus Basileam ad me anno quam studia philosophiae magis nostra Christi M. D. XXIX. nonis Mati datae, in

sunt, add’ Guws mepi TO xP aTLOTOV THIS quibus maximus ille vir...hortatur me, ut pirovodias pépos dtaTp Bova TW LaTpLKw Pauli Aeginetae pauculos illos libros proQ@ploTov phy mpaypa xai OevoraToyv Laap- mulgem. Id enim esset, inquit, et Hippocra-

xeuv (cf. Isocrates, IIoos Anpovixor, 4 (ed. tem et Galenum et Oribasium compendio

Drerup, p. 94)] experitur quotidie genus edere. Sed et Hieronymus Frobenius se-

humanum. Vale. quenti anno postquam a Basilea digressus in

Editions: patria viverem ea de causa una cum literis 1553. See Composite Editions. huc inhortantibus etiam alterum dedit ad

1554. See Composite Editions. me Pauli Graecum exemplar... .cessi tamen

Biography: hactenus illis libenter, et neque adhuc e stu-

See CTC I, 100 and II, 203-204, 306-307. diosorum manibus excussas illorum translaAdd to the bibliography Kristeller, Iter, II, tiones volo. Sed quia neque adhuc illos sib1332, 380, 444, 459 and P. Schreiner, in Di- ipsis satis placere video, et palam suam in

185

GREEK AUTHORS

multis locis, partim haesitantiam partim ig- closing them in parentheses for proper iden-

norantiam ultro confiteri, edere tandem tification.

etiam volui meam translationem, eamque Jacques Daléchamps was at the same time

septem dolabellarum libris dedolatam ac and for the same publisher preparing a

levigatam, ut de nulla aspritudine conqueri French translation of De re medica, Book quis possit, qui non ipse spinas inducat, ad VI. The Chirurgie frangoise appeared only

nullas alioqui hic offensurus.../...[Expl.]: in 1570, but the privilege du roi is dated (p. 4) Ut enim ambos compatres in spirituali from Moulins, 20 Feb. 1566/67, precisely liberorum meorum regeneratione habeo, ita the same date as the privilege Rovillius seerga utrunque amorem meum ex aequo et cured for Jean des Moulins’s edition of all coniunctim, apud omnes publice testatum seven books of De re medica in Latin (ed. facere volui. Vale. Zviccavii, Calend. April. 1567, sig. «, 1,v). Daléchamps accompa-

M. D. LV. nied each chapter of his vernacular transla-

Text. Iani Cornarii medici physici Dola- tion with a detailed commentary. Possibly bellarum in Paulum Aeginetam liber pri- he put his manuscript at Jean des Moulin’s mus. [Inc.]: (p. 5) Pauli laborem me vides disposal. But since scholia identified as his [qui plurimum/Emensus orbis, ortus est ex occur elsewhere than in Book VI alone, he Aegina]. Duobus iambicis senariis praemis- must also have provided Jean des Moulins sis et se et patriam suam simulque pere- with other forms of help as well, manuscript grinationis studium declarat et opus hoc sibi notes or oral advice. vendicat. Peregrinationem certe, velut rem Preface (ed. of Lyons, 1567). Joannes laudatissimam et medico valde necessariam Molinaeus medicus lectori. [Inc.]: (sig. «, producit, ut non temere poeta Homerus 2) Paulus medicus eximius, Aegina ortus, etiam de Ulysse suo praedicarit, Multorum quem Honorii imperatoris tempore floruisse mores hominum cognovit et urbes [Ody. I, in Chronico legimus....Sed quod omnibus 3].../...[Expl.J: (p. 82) Reliqua in universo fere bonis scriptoribus praesertim Graecis hoc Pauli Aeginetae opere, aut ex nostra accidit, ut vix elapsi ex acerbitate superiorum translatione cognosci possunt, aut per se temporum corrupti divulsique ad nos persatis levia planaque ac expolita existunt, venerint, id his Pauli libris evenerat: erant neque dolabellis amplius adhibendis opus enim Graeci eius codices tot modis depravati habent, modo non quis ipse non satis dedo- et tam turpibus maculis inquinati, ut horum latus huc accedat, et ad spinas non hic re- librorum fructu carendum nobis fuisset, nisi

pertas, sed a seipso illatas offendat. aliquot viri cordati doctique medici in eo

Editions: corrigendo authore multum operae studiique 1556. See Composite Editions. posuissent. In quibus est Ioannes Guinterius

1567, [Geneva]. See Composite Editions. Andernacus. ..Janus Cornarius medicus.... 1567, Lugduni (Lyons). See Composite His successit Iacobus Goupylus, qui ex ve-

Editions. teri codice multos huius autoris locos perver1589. See Composite Editions. sos et conturbatos restituit atque declaravit.

Postremus Iacobus Dalechampius huic operi

J. [acospus DALECHAMPIUS manus admovit, medicus peritissimus, et in Around 1566 Jean des Moulins prepared a vetustorum scriptorum locis difficilioribus new edition of Johann Winther’s translation ponderandis synceri iudicii, et in maculis of De re medica for the Lyons printer Guli- quae eorum libris inhaeserint etiam abstruelmus Rovillius. After each chapter of the sissimis eluendis ingenii foelicissimi. Is cum text he added selections from the commen- aliorum librorum tum sexti huius operis taries of Winther and Cornarius. He con- libri qui de chirurgia est locos plurimos densed Goupyl’s notes and put them in the tanta dexteritate ac foelicitate partim intermargins. He also placed in the margins pretatus est, partim exposuit, partim ementextual scholia By Jacques Daléchamps, en- davit, ut omnes qui in hunc authorem ope186

PAULUS

ram suam contulerunt superasse diligens et preface to the reader Etherege says that his

eruditus lector facile sit perspecturus. Cum first intention had been to compare the igitur Gulielmum Rovillium Pauli opera ex Latin translations of Paul with the Greek

Guinterii conversione antea a se edita denuo text; but after he became aware of the adtypis excudere velle scirem, ne sine iis orna- mirable philological commentaries of Ianus mentis, quae post priorem editionem ili ac- Cornarius another textual work of this sort cesserant in publicum prodiret efficere vo- no longer seemed necessary to him. Instead

lui....Quare sic Paulum adornare visum he decided to supplement Paul’s suggested est: e Guinterii commentariis quaedam remedies, especially where Paul was too minus necessaria. ..delevimus....Hos com- brief or unclear, with prescriptions used in mentarios in angustius adductos, deinde his own day and either tested by him in the Cornarii annotationes ex eitusdem dolabellis course of his long experience or successfully in epitomen redactis singulis capitibus subi- used by others. He therefore chose to comecimus....Praeterea Cornarii annotationibus ment not on the whole book but only on non solum eius dolabellas, sed etiam locos those chapters to which he could add prac-

multos ex eius conversione aut aliter quam tical pharmaceutical recommendations, a Guinterio aut foelicius aut dilucidius ex- namely, Book I, chs. 1, 23, 29-31, 34-35, pressos complexit sumus. Goupyli annota- 42-44, 46-47; Book II, 15, 17, 19-20, 22, tiones, quas etiam contraximus, margini 24-26, 29, 32-36, 40-41, 44-45; Book III, adscripsimus citato semper autore. Dale- 1, 4-6, 9-15, 18-24, 26-27, 29-34, 37-39, champii doctissima scholia in margine etiam 40-45, 47-50, 53, 59, 61-62, 73, 77.

posita his notis ( ) conclusimus.../... In the body of his commentary (sig. B, iti, [Expl.]: (sig. o, 4 v) Quamobrem authorem r) Etherege says that he is 70 (ego. . .annos hunc...qui Graecos omnes Galeno posteri- iam agens septuaginta). According to the ores brevitate et doctrina superat, semper in university records, he was admitted to Cormanibus habete ac diligentius volvite, reiec- pus Christi College, Oxford, on 11 Nov. tis barbaris illis ac putidis practicarum, ut 1534 at the age of 15 years and one month. vocant, scriptoribus; hi enim imperite omnia If these latter figures are correct (and they atque indiserte confundunt, neque quid di- very likely are), he was born in October cant aut doceant ipsimet intelligunt, ille 1519, made himself marginally older than valetudinem tueri, morbis tum pharmaco he actually was when he called himself 70, tum manu mederi breviter, perspicue, ele- and wrote his notes on Paul very shortly be-

ganter docet. fore their publication in 1588. Editions: Dedication I (ed. of London, 1588). Illus1567, Lugduni (Lyons). See Composite trissimo viro D. Gualtero Myldmaio, reginae

Editions. serenissimae a consiliis prudentissimo, 1589. See Composite Editions. Georgius Edricus medicus salutem optat

Biography: perpetuam. [Inc.]: (sig. A, 111) In omni dis-

See CTC II, 257-258, and III, 79-80. Add ciplinarum genere, honoratissime vir, eos to the Bibliography Charles B. Schmitt, optime proficere comperimus, qui in anti-

“The Correspondence of Jacques Dalechamps quissimis scriptoribus accuratissime versan(1513-1588),”’ Viator VIII (1977), 399-434. tur et ad eos praecipue omnia sua studia referunt....Nam cum medicamenta nonnulla

k. GEoRGIUS EDRICHUS quae ex immenso quodam acervo praestanGeorge Etherege’s In libros aliquot Pauli tissima elegerim et annectenda curaverim tis

Aeginetae hypomnemata quaedam seu ob- quae apud Paulum sunt, ut in procinctu servationes medicamentorum appeared in quis habeat et ad manum, quod cuivis fere 1588, dedicated to Walter Mildmay, chan- morbo satis sit profligando, illis praecipue cellor of the Exchequer to Queen Elizabeth Graece aut Latine perlectis quae Paulus I from 1566 to his death in 1589. In his ante docuit, non alia ratione putavi tuvenes 187

GREEK AUTHORS

excitari posse ad probatissimum hunc scrip- servavi quam proxime accedere vel ad iptorem assidue manibus terendum (quem sius vel Galeni pharmaca et eorum quodamsane Graece et Latine a doctioribus legi per- modo vires per omnia aequare, praecipue cupio) quam ut hanc nostram appendicem benedicta (ut vocant) cum sint, et id efficere in studiosorum iuvenum gratiam adiicerem valeant quod deleteria (quibus raro utimur) .../...[Expl.]: (sig. A, v,v) Dominus Thesus apud veteres praestare solebant: breviter in te nobis diu incolumem ac salvum esse velit. capita quaedam ubi solum tyv mpaéu Dedication IT. Tw éxtorarn trys ovvddov docet, nostras qualescumque annotationes LaTpLXAS, Kau Tos GANots Evvapa Tao aut hypomnemata potius in studiosorum Novdoviauots iatpevar Tots Ext oyous ebdo- gratiam, qui rem medicam exercent, addexuymwraro.s, Tewpytos "Eéptxos, eb mparrev. mus.../...[Expl.]: (sig. B, i) Nam est ali[Inc.]: (sig. A, vi) "Eray 4d ded ovrwv cubi ubi non satis dilucide nonnulla explicat, TEDOANPAKOVTA TOLWY XQ PLAPOV TL TOS, Ww quia brevitati semper studet. Selegimus au-

Tiuw@TaTor Larpeis, ovvEBN pol, pEeLpaxiy tem ex toto opere capita quaedam in quibus OVTL, XL TOTE THS KAAALOTHS TAUTHS TEXVNS ex professo mpaéuv exercet solam et ubi sua

xANPOV hAXOVTL KAL KaTHPLOUNnpEVw aU medicamenta adfert, nos usitata iis temportTols WAAaLS LaTpOLs OfOVLaVLOLS, OAL'YOV TLYA bus, et potissimum evroptora pharmaca illis

Xpovov ev TH Toker TavTH StarpuBny aAei- adiungimus, quod facimus praecipue secundo noanobar, xat THS MPAXTLANS Women OEpedta et tertio libro. Bene vale, et hanc nostram op-

Tia mpoBadrc.v.../...[Expl.]: (sig. A, vii) eram boni consule quae fortasse plus emoluTO TedMeEvTALOV b€, yuuwptfw oagdws OTL TAVTA, menti adferet in recessu quam fronte promit-

pot xpos Tod Tlab\ov xpo07Bévta, ov Tod- tit, iis maxime quibus adhuc non vacavit per hoornpoptov toTivy Wy Lows ouventypadety omne genus practicorum immensis laboribus xODS Gv Qv Exov. Ada ob ApenEv Hynoa- percurrere et optima quaeque passim decerunv ets ovdev déov Tovs oyous paxpvvEeLD, pere. Quae si Pauli scriptis et methodo apSTAY AUTOS TAVTAXOD EkeTiTNdeEs TH Boaxo- pendantur, ut tuto, iucunde, celeriter quis

hoyia Expnoato. Eppwooove (sic). [Sig. A, medeatur, efficere posse mihi videntur. viii—47, ii]: Verses by G[eorgius]E[drichus]; Text. In libros aliquot Pauli Aeginetae hy-

D. S. ad G. Edricum; D. T. F. ad lectorem; pomnemata quaedam seu observationes D. C. Iohn. ad lectorem; D. Ed. Ats.; D. medicamentorum quae hac aetate maxime Rich. Fost. ad G. Edrichum; T. Edrichus in usu sunt per Georgium Edrychum medi-

ad lectorem. cum pro iuvenum studiis ad praxim medicam

Preface. Georgius Edrichus medicus can- collecta. In caput primum libri primi, quae dido lectori, ev rparrevv. [Inc.]: (sig. 47, iv) gravidis superveniant et quae victus ratio Cum aliquot ab hinc annis in mentem mihi eis conducat. [Inc.]: (sig. B, ii) Hic scopus a veniret, ut observationes quasdam in Paulum me continue observatur ut si quid unquam

Aeginetam conscriberem...decreveram invenerim quod quam proxime accedat ad

quidem Graeca exemplaria cum Latinis con- illa medicamenta quae apud Paulum sunt, ferre, et si quae non satis ad vivum erant et viribus ex aequo respondeant, id semper

excussa, illa omnia corrigere. Sed postea- annectere studeam.../...[Expl.]: (sig. G, quam in [ani Cornarii viri eruditissimi com- vit) Haec sunt medicamenta, quae a multis

mentaria incidi, non facile dixerim quanta selecta et experientia cognita si studiosi laetitia affectus sim, quod omni me labore adolescentes, cum iis quae a Paulo scribunhac in re levarit....Quare cum consiliorum tur, expenderint, et primum quae ab ipso meorum haec sola nunc mihi constet ratio, docetur, diligenter perlegerint, haud paeniut 7} mpax7TixH, quae apud Aeginetam est, tendam utilitatem adferre posse candidi lec-

ea tantummodo medicamenta addere velim, tores fortasse iudicabunt....(sig. G, viii) quae nostra hac aetate in usu sunt quaeque Lac caprinum epotum vel infusum valde vel ipse longa experientia didici vel ab alliis prodesse cognoscitur, aut serum eiusdem probata cognovi, maxime quaecunque ob- lactis similiter vel ebibitum vel infusum. 188

PAULUS

Manuscript: Emden, Biographical Register of the Univer-

London, Library of the Royal College of sity of Oxford A.D. 1501 to 1540 (Oxford, Physicians, ms. 111, s. XVI, fols. 80 [un- 1974), 194; Norman Moore, A Memorial of numbered]. Bound in vellum, on each side George Edrych and His Friends in Our Colthe arms of Elizabeth I. The manuscript be- lege [ie. the Royal College of Physicians], gins with six lines of Latin verse followed by 1518-1588 (London, 1911). a Greek version, also in six lines. These are

the verses by Etherege that appear on sig. APPENDIX A, viii of the printed edition. Neither the re-

maining poems nor the Greek dedicatory Other evidence of the diffusion of De re epistle of the printed edition appear in the medica. manuscript, which appears to be the presen- 1. [Symphorien Champier], Le myrouel tation copy sent by Etherege to Mildmay. des Appothiquaires et pharmacopoles par le-

Edition: quel est demonstre comment Appothiquatres 1588, Londini (London): Thomas East. communement errent en plusiers simples

STC 7498; Poynter 1978; NUC. BM; Oxford, medicines contre lintention des Grectz, de

Bodleian; (CSmH; NNNAM). Hypocras, Galien, Oribase, Paule Egynette, Biography: George Etherege (Georgius et aultres Grectz..., Lyons, Pierre

Edrichus, Edrychus, Edricus, Edrych, Mareschal, [ca. 1525-1531]. P. Allut, Etude

Ethrygg, Etheridge, etc.) was born in Thame, biographique et bibliographique sur Sym-

Oxfordshire, in 1519. He was admitted to phorien Champier (Lyons, 1859), pp.

Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 11 Nov. 235-242; Baudrier, XI, 515-516; NUC. BM; 1543, aged 15 years and one month; B.A. 15 BN; (CtY-M). (There is a modern edition of Feb. 1539; M.A. 11 July 1543; B. Med. and this work by P. Dorveaux, Paris, 1894.)

admitted to practice in 1545. In 1543-45 he 2. Huberti Barlandi Philiatri epistola was lector in Greek; from 1547 to 1550 regius medica, de aquarum destillatarum facul-

praelector of philosophy. He remained a tatibus, De Adriani Aelij Barlandi mortis Catholic and held no university post after the genere, hacque occasione, multa obiter de accession of Elizabeth. For the remainder of fluxuum ventris, et hemorrhoidum generibus his life he practiced medicine in Oxford. He inter quae enucleatur Pauli Aeginetae caput

is last heard of in 1588. de Hemorrhoidibus, eruditissimis etiam viris

Besides his commentary on Paul he wrote non satis intellectum ad clariss. medicinae an encomium of Henry VIII in Greek verse doctorem M. Petrum Morbecanum physicum which he presented to Queen Elizabeth when Antverpianum, Antwerp, Ioannes Steelsius,

she visited Oxford in 1566; a translation of 14 August 1536. Poynter 674. BM; BN; the second book of the Aeneid into Greek Rome, Vaticana. verse (London, 1553); and a Latin translation 3. (*) [Charles Estienne] De latinis et graeof a ‘“Martyrium S. Demetrii,’’ dedicated to cis nominibus arborum, fruticum, herbarum, Thomas Robertson, archdeacon of Leicester piscium, et avium liber: ex Aristotele, Theo(Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, ms. phrasto, Dioscoride, Galeno, Aetio, Paulo 229, 1). John Pits, De illustratis Angliae scrip- Aegineta, Actuario, Nicandro, Athenaeo, toribus, pp.784-85 credits him with a variety Oppiano, Aeliano, Plinio, Hermolao Barof other works: a) In musica libri plures; b) baro, et Joanne Ruellio, cum Gallica eorum

Psalmos Davidicos in quoddam breve genus nominum appellatione, Paris, Robertus carminis Hebraici vertit et ad lyram accom- Stephanus, 1536. Renouard, Estienne, p. 42.

modavit; c) diversorum carminum libri 1544, 6 Aug., Lutetiae (Paris): Robertus

plures; d) Justinum Martyrem vertit e Graeco Stephanus. Renouard, Estienne, p. 58; Durl-

in Latinum; e) alia plurima quae temporum ing 1393; NUC. BM; Rome, Vaticana; iniquitate et hominum nequitia perierunt. (CtY-M). Bibl.: DNB. VI (1908), 907-908; A. B. 1545, 1 Sept., Lutetiae (Paris): Robertus 189

GREEK AUTHORS

Stephanus. Renouard, Estienne, p. 64; NUC. 6. Encomium Febris Quartanae, Gulielmo

BM; BN; (CLU-M: MiU; MH-A; ViU). Insulano Menapio Greviburgensi autore. 1547, 20 July, Lutetiae (Paris): Robertus Adiecta quoque est eiusdem quartanae febris

Stephanus. Renouard, Estienne, p. 69; curandae exactissima ratio, ex doctiss. tam

Sallander 10792; NUC. BM; BN; Oxford, Graecorum quam Latinorum atque Arabum Bodleian; Rome, Vaticana; (CU; DFo; MnU; monumentis deprompta, Basileae (Basel),

MoSB; NNC). Joannes Oporinus, Nov. 1542. Durling 2555; (*) 1548, Lutetiae (Paris): Robertus NUC. BM; BN; Oxford, Bodleian; Rome,

Stephanus. NUC. (NNG). Vaticana.

(*) 1548, Lugduni (Lyons): T. Paganus. Following Guillaume de L’Isle’s mock ora-

NUC. (MH). tion in praise of quartan fever, Joannes (*) 1549, Lugduni (Lyons): T. Paganus. Oporinus prints selections from famous

NUC. (MH-BA). medical writers giving their remedies for it

(*) 1552, Pictavii (Poitiers): ex officina (see p. 60, Typographus lectori). The second Marnefiorum et Bouchetorum fratrum. BM; selection is an excerpt from Book II, in the

BN. unrevised translation of Johann Winther: (*) 1552, Lugduni (Lyons): J. Pidie for T. Quartanarum cognitio atque curatio, ex Paganus. Poynter 6078; NUC. BM; BN; Pauli Aeginetae lib. 2. cap. 22 et 23, Io.

(DFo). Guinterio interprete (pp. 63-65). (*) 1554, Lutetiae (Paris); Carolus 7. De Morborum Internorum Curatione

Stephanus. Renouard, Estienne, p. 107; Libri Tres, Dionysio Fontanono Doctore

NUC. BM; BN; Oxford, Bodleian; (DFo; Medico Monpessulensi Authore. Adiectis ab

NNC; NNNAM). Ioanne Raenerio Medico in singulis Capitum (*) 1559, Lutetiae (Paris): Carolus initiis morborum causis et signis ex Galeno, Stephanus. Renouard, Estienne, p. 112. Paulo Aegineta, atque Aetio Antiocheno

4. Succiduorum Medicaminum Tabula, desumptis, Lugduni (Lyons), lIoannes Frelquorum usus habetur reciprocus, Graece et lonius, 1549. Baudrier, V, 214; Poynter 2350; Latine. Eadem e Galeni, Dioscoridis, Aetij, Durling 1598; NUC. Rome, Vaticana; (CtYet Pauli Aeginetae libris passim excerpta, et M; NNNAM).

in unum diligenter conscripta, nmuncque (*) 1550, Lugduni (Lyons): lIoannes primum in lucem edita. Per Conradum Frellonius. Poynter 2350a; Durling 1599; Gessnerum Tigurinum, Basileae (Basel), NUC. (PPC). Robertus Winter, Mar. 1540. Rome, 1553, Lugduni (Lyons): Ioannes Frellonius

Vaticana. for Antonius Vincentius. Baudrier, V, (*) 1540, Basileae (Basel): Robertus 226-227; Sallander 3113; Poynter 2351;

Winter. In this edition Gessner’s Tabula ac- Durling 1600; NUC. BM; Rome, Vaticana; companies Actuarius, De medicamentorum (CLU-M).

compositione. Durling 2583. BM. (*) 1553, Venetiis (Venice): JIoannes S. Historia plantarum et vires ex Dios- Gryphius for B. Constantinus. Poynter 2352; coride, Paulo Aegineta, Theophrasto, Plinio, Durling 1601; NUC. (CLU-M; CtY-M; et recentioribus Graecis, tuxta elementorum Mnv). ordinem, per Conradum Gesnerum Tigur- (*) 1558, Lugduni (Lyons): S. Barbierus

inum, Basileae (Basel), Robertus Winter, for lIoannes Frellonius. Baudrier, V,

1541. NUC. BM; Oxford, Bodleian. 244-245.

1541, Parisitis (Paris): Ioannes Lodoicus (*) 1560, Lugduni (Lyons): Ioannes Tiletanus for Ioannes Roigny. Poynter 2771; Frellonius. Baudrier, V, 249; NUC. NUC. BM; BN. (The copy in the Wellcome (CtY-M). Medical Library, London, reads J. Lodoicus (*) 1560, Lugduni (Lyons): S. Barbierus

Tiletanus for G. Richardus.) for Antonius Vincentius. Durling 1602.

1541, Venetiis (Venice): Melchior Sessa. (*) 1573, Lugduni (Lyons): Antonius de BM. Harsy. NUC. (CtY-M).

190

PAULUS

(*) 1574, Lugduni (Lyons): Antonius de Oribasio, Rufo Ephesio, Aetio, Alex. Tral-

Harsy. Durling 1603; NUC. BN. liano, Paulo Aegineta, Actuario, Corn. (*) 1605, Lugduni (Lyons): Antonius de Celso. Cum Latina interpretatione. Lexica

Harsy. NUC. (PPJ; WU-M). duo in Hippocratem huic dictionario prae-

(*) 1607, Lugduni (Lyons): Antonius de fixa sunt, unum, Erotiani, nunquam antea

Harsy. NUC. BN; (MnU). editum: alterum, Galeni, multo emendatius 8. De Balneis. Omnia quae extant apud quam antea excusum, [Geneva], Henricus Graecos, Latinos, et Arabas, tam medicos Stephanus, 1564. Renouard, Estienne, pp. quam quoscunque ceterarum artium pro- 121-123; Sallander 2822; Poynter 6084; batos scriptores: qui vel integris libris, vel Durling 1402. BM; BN; Oxford, Bodleian.

quoque alio modo hanc materiam trac- 11. Contradictiones, dubia, et paradoxa,

taverunt: nuper hinc inde accurate conquisita in libros Hippocratis, Celsi, Galeni, Aetit,

et excerpta, atque in unum tandem hoc Aeginetae, Avicennae cum eorundem convolumen redacta, Venetiis (Venice), apud ciliationibus, Nicolao Rorario medico Utihaeredes Lucae-Antonii Iuntae, 1553. (The nensi auctore, Venetiis (Venice), Franciscus title page of some copies reads 1554.) Poynter and Gaspar Bindonus, 1566. Durling 3942; 652; Durling 1101; NUC. Oxford, Bodleian; Rome, Vaticana.

(CtY-M; MdBW: NNNAM;; PPC). (*) 1572, Venetiis (Venice): F. and G.

9. Medicinae tam simplices quam com- Bindonus, Poynter 5561; Durling 3943. BM. positae, ad omnes ferme corporis humani 12. [Jean Ferrand of Poitiers] De nephrisis praeter naturam affectus, ex Hippocrate, et lithiasis, seu de renum, et vesicae calGaleno, Avicenna, Aegineta, et aliis: per culi definitione, causis, signis, praedictione, Georgium Pictorium Villinganum, doctorem praecautione et curatione. Ex Hippocrate, medicum, ordine sic alphabetico in unum Dioscoride, Galeno, Avicenna, Aetio, et conscriptae, ut vel citra pulverem, exin (sic) Paulo Aegineta, altisque celeberrimis mediquisquis id quod concupiverit statim conse- cis, collectis, Parisiis (Paris), G. Julianus,

quatur, Basileae (Basel), Henricus Petrus, 1570. Sallander 3000; Durling 1490. BM; Mar. 1560. Sallander 7438; Poynter 5011; BN. Durling 3640. BM; BN; Oxford, Bodleian. (*) 1570, Parisiis (Paris): M. Sonnius. 10. Dictionarium medicum, vel exposi- Durling 1491. BN. tiones vocum medicinalium, ad verbum ex- (*) 1601, Parisitis (Paris): M. Sonnius. cerptae ex WHippocrate, Aretaeo, Galeno, Poynter 2220. BM; BN.

191

BLANK PAGE

DECIMUS MAGNUS AUSONIUS HOWARD L. FELBER Topeka, Kansas and

Fortuna 196 Bibliography 199 SESTO PRETE

University of Kansas

Composite Editions 200

I. Opera omnia. 201 Commentaries

a. Mariangelus Accursius b. Josephus Justus Scaliger c. Elias Vinetus Il. Precatio matutina [Ephemeris Ul, ‘Oratio’] (II,3). Commentary a. Franciscus Sylvius

Ill. Liber protrepticus (V). Commentary a. Claudius Minos

IV. Edyllion de resurrectione Dominica | Versus paschales| (VIII). Commentary a. Franciscus Sylvius V. Epitaphium 31 (XII,31). See below under XI. VI. Ecloga 1: De ambiguitate vitae eligendae XIII,1). Commentary

a. Claudius Minos 193

LATIN AUTHORS

VII. Ecloga XVI: In quo mense quod signum sit ad cursum solis (XIII,16). 214 Commentary a. Anonymus s. XIV (Vat. Reg. lat. 314)

VIII. Griphus ternarii numeri (XVIII). Commentaries a. Franciscus Sylvius b. Claudius Minos c. Franciscus Sanctius Brocensis

IX. Mosella (XX). Commentary a. Anonymus s. XVI? (Besancon, Bibl. Mun. 542)

X. Liber de claris urbibus [Ordo urbium nobilium]| (XXII). Commentary

a. Elias Vinetus XI. Epigrammata 26, 25, 27-29, Epitaphium 31 (XXVI,26,25,27-29; XII,31). Commentary a. Anonymus s. XV-XVI (Milan, Bibl. Naz. Braid., Ms. A.D. XI. 31). XII. Lost or doubtful commentaries a. Fabricius Varanus b. Claudius Minos Spurious Work XIII. Septem sapientum sententiae Commentary a. Desiderius Erasmus The extant literary pieces of Ausonius are as follows in the order contained in S. Prete, ed., Ausonius, Opuscula (Leipzig: Teubner Verlag, [1977/1978]):

I. Praefationes 1. Ausonius Lectori Salutem 2. Ausonius Syagrio 3. Epistula Theodosi Augusti 4. Domino meo et omnium Theodosio Augusto Ausonius tuus

II. Ephemeris 1. [sine titulo] 2. Parecbasis 3. Oratio 4. Egressio S. Locus invitationis 194

AUSONIUS

6. Locus ordinandi coqui 7. [sine titulo]

III. Parentalia IV. Genethliacos ad Ausonium nepotem

V. Liber protrepticus ad nepotem VI. De herediolo VII. Epicedion in patrem VIII. Versus paschales IX. Precatio consulis designati Item precatio kalendis Ianuariis X. Oratio consulis versibus rhopalicis XI. Commemoratio professorum Burdigalensium

XII. Epitaphia (35) XIII. Liber Eclogarum (26) XIV. Cupido cruciatus XV. Bissula XVI. Technopaegnion

XVII. Ludus septem sapientum

XVIII. Griphus ternarii numeri XIX. Cento nuptialis XX. Mosella

XXI. Ordo urbium nobilium XXII. De Caesaribus XXIII. De fastis XXIV. Gratiarum actio XV. Epistulae (26) 195

LATIN AUTHORS

XXVI. Epigrammata (112)

XXVII. In notarium XXVIII. Periochae Homeri Iliadis et Odyssiae SPURIOUS WORKS

XXIX. Septem sapientum sententiae XXX. De rosis nascentibus

XXXI. Nomina musarum XXXII. De signis caelestibus

FORTUNA it was obvious that his continued presence in Decimus Magnus Ausonius was born at Trier was unwelcome. He died soon after 390.

Bordeaux in 310 A.D. His father, Julius The texts of few classical authors were as Ausonius, was a skilled physician from Bazas well known in the Middle Ages and Renaiswho had settled in Bordeaux, where he had sance as were some of the works of Ausonius.

married Aemilia Aeonia, a member of a But it is surprising that not a single codex locally prominent family. Ausonius went to contains all of his works, and the textual Toulouse in about 320 and studied for a few tradition of the Bordeaux poet is fragmented. years in the school of his maternal uncle, In addition to a few manuscripts that contain Aemilius Magnus Arborius. After his uncle extensive portions of the Ausonian corpus, a had left for Constantinople to be the tutor number of his compositions are included with of Constantine’s sons, Ausonius returned to works of classical authors such as Cato, Bordeaux, continuing his studies under Mi- Ovid, Paulinus of Nola, Priscian, Sidonius, nervius Alcimius. He began to teach gram- Suetonius, Symmachus, and Vergil. This mar in 334 and continued teaching for al- fact creates innumerable problems for the most three decades. His reputation as a student of the Textgeschichte of Ausonius, teacher impressed Emperor Valentinian, particulary in respect to the search for and and Ausonius was called to Trier to be the classification of new manuscript examples tutor of Gratian. Ausonius acquired fame of Ausonian works. for his literary skills as well as the esteem Scholars have succeeded in grouping the and love of the Emperor and his son. In Ausonius manuscripts proper into four fami368-369, Ausonius accompanied them on a lies. The first, indicated by the letter V, is successful expedition against the Alamanni most notably represented by the codex Vosand from 375 to 378 was quaestor sacri sianus lat. F 111, in Visigothic script of the palatii. He was created praefectus Galliarum ninth century. It contains a bare majority in 378. The provinces of Gaul were combined of the works of Ausonius, but a number of with that of Italy, and Ausonius administered these are extant only in this codex. The text both with his son, Hesperius, the prefect of exhibits few errors and the works are arItaly. Ausonius was elevated to consul along ranged in a more logical order than in the

with Q. Clodius Hermogenianus Olybrius other families. It lacks the Mosella, the

in the following year. The poet lost his patron masterpiece of Ausonius, and many of the with the deposition and death of Gratian in Epigrams. 383 and returned to Bordeaux in 384 when The second family (Z) consists of inter196

AUSONIUS

polated manuscripts and is characterized by collections. A few of Ausonius’ epigrams are the inclusion of a majority of the Epigrams found in medieval anthologies. And finally,

and the Gratiarum Actio. The third family some epistles have a completely separate (B) descends from a lost Bobbio manuscript tradition in the collections of the recipients

described by Johannes de Matociis, com- of the poet of Bordeaux’s missives, Symmonly known as Mansionarius. A number of machus and Paulinus of Nola.

manuscripts probably dependent upon this The textual history of Ausonius has occodex exist. The two most important are cupied a number of scholars, e.g., Brandes, British Museum, Harleian MS 2613 and Jachmann, Leo, and Seeck. The only theory Paris, lat. MS 8500, once the property of that satisfactorily explains the fragmentary

Petrarch. nature of the Ausonian corpus is the “‘anIn an autograph copy of a work by Man- thological theory.’’ That is to say that the

sionarius—Vatican, MS Chig. I.VII.259, f. literary corpus of Ausonius was always amor-

119’—there is a description of the lost Bob- phous and that a number of anthologies bio manuscript. It informs us that a number were made from an original general collecof works by Ausonius were included in the tion and that these were later revised and codex which are otherwise unknown and ap- abbreviated.

parently perished with the codex. Among The writings of Ausonius did not find a them are: A book in hexameter, “‘de regibus commentator in the Middle Ages. The anqui regnaverunt in Italia inter bellum troi- thological nature of their transmission ap-

anum et principium romani imperii,’’ a pears to have discouraged systematic study ‘“cronica ab initio mundi usque ad tempus of his literary production. It was only with suum,” a “‘libellus de nominibus mensium the advent of the Renaissance that study of hebreorum et atheniensium,’’ and another Ausonius began and not until the mid-six“de eruditione hebreorum et interpretation- teenth century that the Ausonian corpus was ibus hebraicorum nominum.”’ It should be fully assembled and studied. noted that the codex described by Mansion- Petrarch possessed a manuscript of Auarius included the Periochae Homeri. This sonius from the B family (Paris, B.N., Lat. work has been previously classified as an MS 8500). He also had further acquaintance

uncertain composition of Ausonius, but with the text of Ausonius as he noted in a should now be considered as authentic. Suetonius manuscript which contains the

The last family of Ausonius manuscripts “De XII Caesaribus”’ by Ausonius, ‘in quiis designated as the Excerpta. Only a few busdam libris est poema Sidonti, sed utroworks are transmitted by this family; how- bique est error, vere enim sunt Ausonii.”’ ever, it does include the Mosella. The best (Paris, B.N., Lat. MS 5802, f. 82"). The De examples of this family are Sankt Gallen, Caesaribus is not present in the B manuMS 899, of the tenth century, and Brussels, script he owned.

MS 5369-73, of the twelfth century. A number of other noted humanists were

In addition to the four families of Au- attracted to the works of Ausonius but apsonius manuscripts, a number of his works pear not to have studied them in any detail. have separate traditions in that they are in- For instance, Boccaccio copied a manuscript cluded with the works of different authors of Ausonius but it perished in the Santo and in collections. These opuscula are: De Spirito fire; Coluccio Salutati had a manuCaesaribus, and various Eclogae, Epigram- script of Ausonius transcribed for him (Flomata, and Epistulae. The De Caesaribus 1s rence, Bib. Naz., MS Conv. Soppr. I. VI.29); found in many codices of Suetonius and Conrad Celtes transcribed the Ludus septem Sidonius and is often ascribed to them. sapientum sometime after 1495 (Cambridge, Eclogues are included among the works of Harvard Univ., MS Inc. 5549, ff. 140-144); Cato, Ovid, Priscian, and Vergil, and in and Jacopo Sanazzaro copied extracts from many medieval astronomical and calendrical the oldest extant manuscript of Ausonius (V) 197

LATIN AUTHORS

in 1503 (Vienna, ONB, cod. 3261, ff. 3-25). Angelus Decembrius in his Politia litteraria Scholarship on the works of Ausonius and written in 1470.

the many problems connected with them be- The Septem sapientum sententiae was gan after publication of the editio princeps commented upon by Desiderius Erasmus, by Bartholomaeus Girardinus (1472, Venice: ca. 1514. A French translation of the poem {[Epon. Press]. HC 2176). Various scholars by D. Laberius was first published at Poitiers, searched for manuscripts of Ausonius that ca. 1550, and an English version by Robert

might contain improved texts or unpub- Burrant appeared in 1553 in London. lished works. Two or three “‘ancient’’ manu- One aspect of Ausonius’ literary producscripts were discovered and circulated, in- tion which received some special attention in tact or in fragments, among humanists such the sixteenth century was the large number as Politianus, Mattheus Bossus, Georgius of epigrams, epitaphs, and eclogues which

Merula, Hieronymus Aleander, Fabricius Ausonius had translated or paraphrased Varanus, and possibly Mariangelus Accur- from Greek originals, primarily from the sius. Some of the information from these Anthologia Palatina. These Ausonian poems codices was added to successive editions of and their sources are: Ausonius. Fragments of the Ordo urbium nobilium were added to the second edition Epitaph. 3 Anthol. Pal. VII, 145

of Ausonius (ed. G. Merula: 1490, Milan: 8 VII, 144

U. Schinzenzeler. H 2177); the Ludus septem 14 VII, 139 sapientum, the Mosella, Periochae Homeri, 28 VII, 64-65 and Epistle 25 (Ad Pontium Paulinum, inc.: 29 VII, 66; “Proxima quae nostra...) to the fifth edi- XVI, 333 tion (ed. T. Ugoletus; Parma 1499); Ecloga 30 IX, 145 I: De ambiguitate vitae eligendae, Praefa- 34 VII, 228 tiones III and IV, Epistles 13 (Ad Symma- Epigram. 9 XI, 143

chum), 23 (Ad Paulinum, inc.: “‘Discutimus, 10 XI, 145, 149,

Pauline, tugum....), and 24 (Add Paulinum, 151 inc.: ‘‘Agnoscisne tuam....’’); and the 11 XVI, 317

Genethliacon to the seventh edition (ed. H. 12 XVI, 318

Avantius; Venice, 1507). 14 IX, 44 However, not all the works added to the 16 X, 30

editions during this period were authentic 18 XI, 254 and a number of spurious works were incor- 24 IX, 159 porated with the text of Ausonius. Some 33 XVI, 275 epigrams from the collection known as the 34 V, 21 Epigrammata Bobiensia were added to the 35 IX, 17, 18 fourth (Venice, 1496) and fifth editions. The 42 XVI, 263 inclusion of these works was probably the 43 VII, 229 result of confusion in Georgius Merula’s S1 IX, 506, 571 notes, where he had written these epigrams 56 XII, 200 next to his notes on an Ausonius manuscript 59 XI, 225 he had seen at Bobio. Other spurious works 61 IX, 489 added in later editions were the Septem sa- 63 XVI, 129 plentum sententiae (1499), De signis caelestt- 64 XVI, 174 bus (1499), and De rosis nascentibus (Paris, 65 VI, 1

1511). Discussions about the authenticity of 67 XVI, 162, 160 a number of works attributed to Ausonius 68-75 IX, 726, 713,

provided a topic for speculation among 730;

scholars as is recorded, for instance, by Cf. 714-742

198

AUSONIUS

80 XI, 114 1565), Petrus Pithoeus, Adversaria (Basel, 81 XI, 113 1565), and Justus Lipsius, Epistolae (Ant90 V, 68 werp, 1586). This phase of scholarship cul91 V, 88 minated in the editions and commentaries 95 XI, 163 of J. J. Scaliger and E. Vinetus. The next 96 V, 158 advancement came with the publication of 102 IX, 783 Iacobus Tollius’ edition in 1669 and his Eclog. 2 IX, 359 edition with commentary two years later.

20 IX, 357 Epigram. 44 Plutarchus, Apophthegmata Laconica, 15

Ecloga 5S Id., ve defectu oraculorum, BIBLIOGRAPHY 25 Anthol. Planud. (XVI), 92 D. I. EDITIONS OF AUSONIUS AND RELATED WORKS

Many of these poems by Ausonius, as well Among the most important modern edias most of the Epigrammata Bobiensia at- tions of Ausonius are those of K. Schenkl tributed to Ausonius, were included in col- (Berlin, 1886) in Bibliotheca Teubneriana; lections of Greek epigrams with Latin trans- of Agostino Pastorino (Turin, 1971); and of lations beginning with that by Joannes Soter S. Prete (Leipzig, 1978) in the Bibliotheca

in 1525 and expanded by Janus Cornarius Teubneriana. All references in the present (1529), Henri Estienne (1570), and John article are to the S. Prete edition. Stockwood (1597). One work by Ausonius Works attributed to Ausonius or conbased upon a Greek model, Ecloga II, was nected with him will also be found in the in turn translated into Greek by Federicus following: Anthologia graeca epigram-

Jamotius and published by J. Crespin in matum Palatina cum Planudea, ed. H. 1569 with other Greek Georgica. Stadtmiiller, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1884-1906); Active interest in Ausonius continued Epigrammatum Anthologia Palatina cum throughout the first half of the sixteenth Planudeis et Appendice Nova, ed. Fr. Didot century as the fifteen editions of his Opuscula (Deubner), 3 vols. (Paris, 1864-90); Anthoand numerous editions of individual works logia Latina, ed. A. Riese, 4 Vols. (Leipzig, testify. Nonetheless, only two scholars pub- 1887-1897).

lished commentaries on him during this period. Mariangelus Accursius commented II. GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY on a small collection of Ausonius’ works in- G. Billanovich, ‘“‘Nella biblioteca del cluding some that were yet unpublished, Petrarca,”’ Italia medioevale e umanistica 3 and Franciscus Sylvius published commen- (1960), 1-58, esp. pp. 28-32; W. Brandes, taries on the Griphus (1516), the Oratio “Zur handschriftlichen Uberlieferung des €1518), and the Versus Paschales (1518). Ausonius,”’ Jahr. f. class. Philol. 123 (1881), The literary corpus of Ausonius remained 59-79; C. Dionisotti, “‘Calderini, Poliziano essentially unaltered from the Paris, 1511 e altri,”’ Italia medioevale e umanistica 11 edition until the discovery and publication (1968), 151-185, esp. pp. 183-185; Epigramof the new works found in the V manuscript mata Bobiensia, ed. W. Speyer (Leipzig, in 1558. The appearance of these new works 1963); A. della Guardia, La ‘‘Politia litinitiated a new phase in Ausonian studies. teraria’’ di Angelo Decembrio e l’'umanesimo The text of the new codex received attention a Ferrara nella prima meta del secolo XV

from a group of scholars who published (Modena, 1910); J. Hutton, The Greek Anshort comments and emendations on the thology in Italy to the Year 1800 (Ithaca, text. This group comprises Gulielmus Can- N.Y., 1935); G. Jachmann, “‘Das Problem terus, Novae lectiones (Basel, 1564), Andri- der Urvariante in der Antike und die Grund-

anus Turnebus, Adversaria (Basel, 1564- lagen der Ausonius-Kritik,” in Festschrift 199

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der Universitat Koln zum 10jaéhrigen Beste- COMPOSITE EDITIONS hen des Deutsch-Italienischen Kulturinstituts

Petrarcahaus (Cologne, 1941), 47-104; F. (Micro.) 1588, [Geneva]: ap. Jac. Stoer. Leo, ‘“‘Zum Briefwechsel des Ausonius und Text edited by J.J. Scaliger; full commentary Paulinus,’’ Nachrichten der kénigl. Gesell- of Scaliger; Vinetus’ commentary on the Ept-

schaft des Wissenschaften zu Géttingen grammata; and notes of A. Turnebus, A.

(1896), 253-264; F. Munari, ‘‘Ausonio e gli Junius, G. Canterus, and J. Lipsius. Index epigrammi Greci,”’ Studi italiani di filologia Aureliensis I,ii, 284-85; DK VIII, 769; NUC; classica 27 (1955), 308-314; P. De Nolhac, Adams A-2285 and S-557. Cambridge Univ.; Peétrarque et |['Humanisme (2 Vols.; Paris, BM; BN; (CU; ICU; WU; IU; CtY etc.).

1907); A. Pastorino, ‘‘A proposito della (Micro.) 1590, Burdigalae (Bordeaux): ap. tradizione del testo di Ausonio,”” Maia 14 Simonem Millangium. Text edited by E. (1962), 41-68 and 212-243; R. Peiper, “Die Vinetus; full commentaries by Vinetus and handschriftliche Uberlieferung des Ausonius,”’ J.J. Scaliger; and notes by A. Turnebus, Jahrbr. f. class. Philol., Supplb. 11 (1880), A. Iunius, G. Canterus, and J. Lipsius. 180-253; A. Politianus, Miscellaneorum Adams A-2286; Index Aureliensis 1,11, 285; centuria prima (Florence, 1489), cc. 39,40,49, NUC; Desgraves, Bibliographie des ouvrages

and Miscellaneorum centuria secunda (Flo- imprimés par Simon Millanges 1572 a 1623 rence, 1972), cap. 5; S. Prete, ‘Problems of (Bordeaux, 1951) 117; DK VIII, 770. BM; the Text of Ausonius,” L’Antiguité Clas- BN; (CtY; NN; NIC). sique 28 (1959), 243-254; idem, Richerche (Micro.) 1595, Genevae: apud. Jac. Stoer. sulla storia del testo di Ausonio (Temi e A reprint of the 1588 edition. Index AureTesti, 7; Rome, 1960); idem, ‘““The Vossianus liensis I, ii, 285; NUC; DK VIII,770; Adams

Latinus 111 and the Arrangement of the A-2287. BM; Cambridge, Univ.; (MdBJ; Works of Ausonius,’’ in Didascaliae: Studies ICU; PU).

in Honor of Anselm M. Albareda (New (Micro.) 1596, Burdigalae (Bordeaux): ap. York, 1961), 353-366; idem, ““The Textual S. Millangium. A reprint of the 1590 edition.

Tradition of the Correspondence between Index Aureliensis I, ti, 486; DK VIII,770; Ausonius and Paulinus,” Collectanea Vatt- Desgraves, Bibliographie... Millanges...

cana (Studi e Testi, 220; Vatican City, 120. Vienna, ONB. 1962), 309-330; idem, ‘‘Notes on a Lost (Micro.) 1598, Burdigalae (Bordeaux): Manuscript of Ausonius,’’ Miscellanea apud S. Millangium. A reprint of the 1590 Teubneriana 2 (1965), 287-294; idem, “I edition. Index Aureliensis 1, ti, 486; DesCaesares di Ausonio ed il Ms 81 della Bib- graves, Bibliographie... Millanges 121; lioteca Comunale di Fermo.”’ Studia Picena Adams A-2288. Cambridge, Clare College.

39 (1972), 1-14; idem, ‘“‘Emendazioni di (*) 1604, Burdigalae (Bordeaux): ap. S. Giacomo Costanzi al testo di Ausonio,’’ Stu- Millangium. A reprint of the 1590 edition.

dia Picena 41 (1974), 1-9; R. Sabbadin1, DK VIII,770; NUC; Clarke I, 149; Brunet “Bencius Alexandrinus und der cod. Vero- 1,574. BM; BN; (ICU). nensis des Ausonius,’’ Rheinisches Museum, (*) 1608, Genevae: ap. Jac. Stoer. A re-

N.S. 63 (1908), 230-233; O. Seeck, Review print of the 1588 edition. DK VIII,770; of Peiper’s edition and theories in Géttin- NUC; Graesse I,259. BM; BN; (ICU; NNU; gische gelehrte Anzeigen (1887), 497-520; IEN). R. Weiss, Humanism in England during the (*) 1671, Amstelodami (Amsterdam): Apud Fifteenth Century (Oxford, 1957); idem, Ioannem Blaev. The text edited by Iacobus ‘“‘Ausonius in the Fourteenth Century,” in Tollius; with the complete commentaries of Classical Influences on European Culture, Scaliger, Mariangelus Accursius, Freiherus,

A.D. 500-1500, ed. R. R. Bolgar (Oxford, and Scriverius and with selections from

1971), 67-72. Vinetus, Acidalius, Gronovius, and Graevius as well as notes of Tollius and others in a

200

AUSONIUS

Variorum commentary. NUC; DK VIII,771. constituat, quorum iudicio ea ipsa cogno-

BM; BN; (MH; NjP). scenda deferantur, ne multorum subiturus aestimantium arbitria distrahi sibique diffidens ipsi aut in silentium descendere aut

I. OPERA OMNIA despondere animum cogatur....Hinc vicissim

lucubrationes quisque suas vobis devovent

COMMENTARIES (sic.). Quorum ipse primus, tanquam in aciem

a. MARIANGELUS ACCURSIUS provocanturus (sic) descendi nullius utique Accursius ‘commentary’ is a miscellany of ingenio vegetior aut sublimior, sed quod in emendations and explanatory annotations tanta spe multorum qui inciperet unum esse on the texts of Ausonius, Ovid, and Solinus oportuerat. Aggressi itaque sumus in Ausonii under the title Diatribae; in the commentary poetae non incelebris aliorumque nonnul-

Accursius often discusses several works at lorum codicibus errata plurima ruinasque the same time, and it is therefore impossible celsissimas instaurare. A quo enim nostra to cite incipits and explicits for his treatment tyrocinia commodius auspicium facerent? of particular poems of Ausonius. The Dia- quando ita domus ipsa vestra fieri edocet,

tribae appeared shortly after Accursius’ quae nihil prius habet, quam ut civium journey in 1522 to Germany, Poland, Lith- animos temperet, dissidia componat, demo-

uania, and Hungary where he represented lita reparet. Quamlibet autem multi hacthe interests of the house of Brandenburg. tenus illius opera ab interitu atque invida During this trek, Accursius found time to memoria reviviscere pedibusque stare firlocate manuscripts of Solinus and Ovid. mioribus effecerint, assequuti tamen haud The section devoted to Ausonius may have sunt, quo minus corruptissima exhiberentur. been the result not of his own scholarship Atque utinam nos quoque in his exercitabut of plagiarizing a commentary on Ausonius tionibus ac studiis pauca tantum assequuti supposedly prepared by Fabricius Varanus. arguamur. Quandoquidem posse omnia, nec The person who raised the charge against ausu temerario tentandum fuit, nec speraviAccursius remains unknown and that Varanus mus.../...[Expl.]: (f. 2") Quorum equidem did in fact prepare such a commentary has lites pariter et vitia, ex arce velut munitissima, not been verified, although it is known that despiciam, bonorum, hoc est vestro vestrique he was a student of Ausonius. In the text of similium, non quidem patrocinio, sed ex-

the Diatribae, Accursius alludes to having emplo. Nam qui patrocinari scriptis suis taken some of his readings from a fragment Principes ac praepotentes viros postulant, of an old manuscript of Ausonius owned by hoc fortasse minus arguendi sint, quod ab Hieronymus Cardinal Aleander. Whether ipsis quoque orsis damnandos se atque erthese readings were gathered by Varanus or rorem fatentur suum. Accursius 1s unknown. Whatever the truth Commentary. Mariangeli Accursti Diatribae of the matter, the publication of the Diatribae in Ausonium. [Jnc.]: (f. 3'—on Epigram 26) was a great aid to later students of Ausonius [A/rma inter Conosque truces, furtoque as it contained extracts of works which were nocentes Sauromatas. Qui Cimbros, pro not edited in full until 1558, e.g., Parentalia, Conos, emendandum atque imprimendum Commemoratio professorum Burdigalen- curavere, quam sequantur annalium fidem,

sium, De herediolo, etc. arbitrari satis non possimus. Fuit certe, Dedicatory Epistle (ed. of Rome, 1524). quando locum nos corrigere tentantes de

Mariangelus Accursius Ioanni Alberto et Conaeis quiddam suspicaremur, quod Lucani Humberto germanis fratribus March. Bran- carmen recordatus videretur Ausonius, quo denburgen. [Inc.]: (f. 2") [H]umani esse arbi- Conem ipsam insulam, ac Sauromantas

tror ingenii, praestantes animi Principes, ut comprehendit..../...[Expl.]: (f. 58'—on quo quisque studio publice profutura litteris Epitaph 14) Neque fieri non potuit, ut excrimandare decreverit, eo sibi unum aut alterum bentium (f. 58”) dormitatione quaedam 201

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fuerint inversa, quodque est detestabilius, came a familiar of Emperor Charles V and addita. Nam praeter ea, quae nos emendavi- transferred his services to the Imperial Court. mus, multa etiam concretis dictionibus per- His travels for the Emperor enabled him to verseque nexilibus confusa aegre oculis per- form friendships with the Fuggers, Albrecht,

legas. Ut et imperitum antiquarium aut Archbishop of Mainz, and Erasmus. quem vis denique amanuensem praeseferant Accursius left Imperial service in 1533, (sic.). (The remaining folios, 58’-59’, contain married, and settled in Aquila. He soon bethe following texts from Ausonius: Praefa- came involved in the communal government

tiones I, complete; Parentalia, 2, vv. 3-6; and undertook a few diplomatic missions 8, vv. 5-6; 9-10; Commemoratio professorum for the commune between 1538 and 1545. Burdigalensium 1, vy. 31-34; 3, vv. 11-12; He died in 1546.

20, wy. 7-14; 24, vv. 9-10; 25, vv. 7-10: The scholarly achievements of Accursius

De herediolo, complete.) were limited primarily to Ausonius, Am-

Edition: mianus Marcellinus, and Casstodorus. He

(Micro.) 1524, Romae (Rome): in aed. published the editio princeps of the last five Marcelli Argentei. Index Aureliensis, I, ii, books of Ammianus Marcellinus. He re482; DK I, 480; NUC, s.v. Accorso, Mari- portedly was engaged in preparing a work

angelo. Vatican; BN; BM; (ICN). on Claudian at the time of his death.

1671. See Composite Editions. In a Vario- Works: Prepared editions of Ammianus

rum commentary. Marcellinus and Cassiodorus, and wrote Biography: Osci et Volsci dialogus ludis romanis actus,

Mariangelus Accursius (Mariangelo Ac- Protrepticon ad Corycium, De priscis exocursio; M. Accorso) was born in 1489 in letisque antiquorum ac recentiorum vocibus, Aquila. His father, Giovan Francesco, chan- Dialogi duo elegantissimi..., and a number cellor of the city, possibly directed his son’s of unpublished works cited by A. Campana, early education. Mariangelus went to Rome below.

as a young man and joined the circle of Bibl.: See, especially, A. Campana, “*AcJohannes Angelus Corycius. He was accepted cursio (Accorso), Mariangelo,”” in Dizionario

into the circle of humanists surrounding the biografico degli Italiani (Rome, 1960), I, Roman curia by 1513 at the latest, when he 126-132, with bibliography. Also see Mipublished a satirical play on Roman life, chaud, Biographie universelle..., (1811), I, Olsci et Volsci dialogus. For Jacobus Ma- 129-131 and Bayle, Dict. crit. (1820), I, zochius, Epigrammata antiquae urbis (Rome, 135-138. 1521), the first large collection of Roman

inscriptions, Accursius contributed an

emended text of Valerius Probus, De notis b. JOsEPHUs JUSTUS SCALIGER

antiquarum litterarum, and he may have Scaliger’s Ausonianarum Lectionum libri assisted in the preparation of this volume in duo encompasses comments on and emen-

other ways. dations to the text of the Opuscula of AusonAbout 1521, his services were obtained by ius. The work published by Scaliger, however,

the House of Hohenzollern. He directed the is not all his own. He borrowed much from education of two sons of the margrave of Elias Vinetus with scant acknowledgement Brandenburg while they were in Rome, was of his debt. Vinetus asked for Scaliger’s

the majordomo of their household, and evaluation of the Ausonius edition he was performed a number of missions for the preparing for publication by Antoine Greyff margrave throughout Europe in the 1520's. at Lyon. Instead of replying to Vinetus,

These journeys afforded him ample oppor- Scaliger wrote his own commentary incortunity to pursue his passion for locating, porating much that had been suggested by transcribing, and collating old manuscripts. Vinetus. Scaliger finished it in August, 1573,

During a visit to Spain, 1525-1529, he be- at Basel, and published it in the following 202

AUSONIUS

year at Lyon. The accompanying text of the Mosellae principium quasi in ipso limine

Opuscula appeared in 1575. impetum lectoris remoratur, quod obscurum This commentary consists of a mixture of sit, et multa recondita habeat, quae a non

somewhat lengthy observations on a few vulgari historia haurienda sunt..../... Ausonian works with many emendations and [Expl.]: (p. 23) Praeterea considera, quam short observations, without logical order, on longe sint Tarbelli a Bigetronibus, cum inter

most of Ausonius’ works. This last aspect eos magna civitas seu populus Aturensis makes the commentary difficult to use es- interiectus fuerit de quo alibi satis. pecially since the index offers only marginal Comm. on the Griphus. [Inc.]: (Liber I, aid. The description of Scaliger’s commen- cap. XVI, p. 47) Nunc veniam ad Griphum tary presented below provides the incipit ternarii ingeniosum poema, quod ipse subito

and explicit both for each major section calore effudit, ne in uno tantum opusculo and also, for purposes of comparison, of ingenium tanti poetae admiraremur. In each single work treated below in sections II epistola quae ei poematio praefixa est legen-

through XI on which Scaliger made lengthy dum ex prisca scriptura Epyllia non Edylcomments. Scaliger authorized some minor lia..../...[Expl.]: (p. 53) Notum enim male changes in his commentaries for the 1590 audire hoc vocabulum, Morbosus. Catullus: edition, and they were included in subsequent ‘““Morbosi pariter, gemelli utrique.’’ At vul-

editions. These changes do not affect the in- gatam lectionem quis sanus volet tueri?

cipits and explicits. Quomodo inde bonum sensum efficiet? Epistle to Elias Vinetus (ed. of Lyons, Miror ergo minutos istos xat axavOodoyous 1574-75). Iosephus Scaliger Iul. Caes. F. interpretes, hoc non vidisse.

Eliae Vineto Santoni suo S. Burdegalam. Comm. on the Ordo Urbium Nobilium. [Inc.]: (p. 3) Antonius Gryphius noster, mi [Inc.]: (Liber I, cap. XXIII, p. 64) Libelli Vinete, ante hos tres menses scribens ad me de claris urbibus titulus in vetere libro est, Lugduno de Ausonio, quem edere in animo ORDO NOBILIUM URBIUM. In eo Alexhabebat, verbis tuis rogavit me, si quid ha- andriam, et Antiochiam ita alloquitur erudiberem, quo editionem suam meliorem fieri tissimus poeta: “‘Et vos ite pares Macediumposse putarem, ne se eo carere diutius paterer, que attollite nomen.” Sed vetus ille nunsed libenter ac benigne quod haberem sibi quam satis laudatus liber aliam lectionem communicarem. Id te pro ea, quae inter nos praefert: ‘“Macetumque attollite nomen.’’.. ./

est, amicitia summopere a me _ conten- ...LExpl.|: (p. 71) De hoc Constantino, ut dere..../...[Expl.]: (p. 6) Caeterum, mi coactus a militibus in Britanniis suscepit

Vinete, quia tu primus me ad haec scribenda imperium et filium suum Iulianum nobilisimpulisti, neque aliter, quam a te admonitus, simum declaravit, ut missu Honorii i1unioris

videbar ea scripturus fuisse, hoc quicquid Constantius et Gerontius eum Arelate obseest lucubratiunculae meae tibi do dedico- derint, deque eius exitu miserabili non pauca que, his legibus hisque conditionibus, ut Olympiodorus Graecus historicus, cuius supra quae tibi displicuerint, quae perperam a me memini, conscripsit. Sed ea nihil ad rem.

dicta sint, quae me fefellerint, ea pro tua , ; singulari eruditione et amore in me ne Comm. on the Liber Protrepticus. Unc. |: indicta neve inemendata relinquas. Vale, (Liber II, cap. XVII, p. 133) In Protreptico

Basileae. IIII. Kal. Septemb. 1573. Ausonium nepotem excitans exemplo sui et Commentary. losephii Scaligeri Iulii Caes. Val. Latini Euronii Thalassi patris et avunf. Ausonianarum lectionum liber primus. culi Hesperii Aquilii ait: “et cui / Proconsul [Inc.]: (p. 7 - on the Mosella) Argentoratus, genitor praefectus avunculus instant.” Nempe

Argentoratensis clades. Argentoratenses genitor eius Thalassius gener Ausonii, fuit campi. Nava. Nah. Nab. Bingium. Nivo- proconsul Africae Valente VI et Valentiniano magus. Taberna. Sauromatarum. Colonia. II Augg. Coss. Hesperius Aquilius autem fuit Argentuarensis clades. CAP. I. Ausonianae praefectus praetorio Galliarum, ipso Ausonio 203

LATIN AUTHORS

patre eius, et Olybrio Coss..../...[Expl.}: 1588. See Composite Editions. (p. 137) Sospes agam. lam nihil, quod dubi- 1590. See Composite Editions.

temus, reliquum est. Porro id carmen in 1595. See Composite Editions. veteri libro titulum hunc praefert, Ausonius 1595. See Composite Editions. avus Ausonio nepoti. Item delicatam coroni- 1596. See Composite Editions.

dem in fine: Vale nepos dulcissime. 1598. See Composite Editions. Comm. on Catonis disticha perperam 1604. See Composite Editions. Ausonio attributa. [Liber II) cap. XXXII. 1608. See Composite Editions. [Inc.]: (p. 174) Antequam Ausonium, quem 1671. See Composite Editions. Scaliger is a tyrannide correrectorum vindicandum here contained in a Variorum commentary. suscepimus, e manibus amittimus, omnia Biography: beneficia quae in illum contulimus ingrata See CTC II, 13-14. et irrita putamus, nisi ab illo onus grave, Additional Bibliogr.: Henri de la Ville de et ipsum quoque a grammaticorum factione Mirmont, Le manuscrit de l'Ile Barbe (Codex

ili impositum amolimur..../...[Expl.}: Leidensis Vossianus Latinus 111) et les (p. 176) Quid quod Cato maior librum de travaux de la critique sur le texte d'Ausone; moribus scripserat ad filium suum? Hinc l’Oeuvre de Vinet et !'Oeuvre de Scaliger. etiam potuit poeta ille Gnomographus lem- 3 fasc. in 4 (Bordeaux-Paris, 1917-1921), matis caussam expiscari. Utut illa se habent, esp. fasc. 1. hoc certissimum est, non dicam ea non esse

Ausonii, sed eum Grammatistam more suo c. ELias VINETUS

solemnia insanire. Vinetus was strongly encouraged by his Vita Ausonit. [Inc.]: (Liber II, cap. XXXIII, friends and colleagues to prepare an edition

p. 176) Iulius Ausonius patria Cossione with commentary of Bordeaux’s Roman poet. Vadarum, domo Burdegala, arte medicus He began this task about 1549. Two years uxorem duxit Aemiliani Aeoniam, natam later, the text of his edition appeared and Aquis Tarbellicis patre Caecilio Argicio was markedly better than its predecessors. Arborio Aeduo, primarii generis viro in The commentary, however, was not yet com-

Sequanis..../...[Expl.]: (p. 181) Fasti, pleted in 1551, having been delayed by the quos ab urbe condita ad suum consulatum many other projects that engaged Vinetus scripserat, item chronica Cor. Nepotis, et and by the appearance of new sources on Apologi Aesopi, quos pedestri stilo con- Ausonius. In 1557, Etienne Charpin notiscripsit, perierunt. Iosephi Scaligeri Iul. fied Vinetus of the discovery of an old manuCaes. f. Ausonianarum lectionum finis. script (Leiden, Voss. lat. F. 111 [V]) con-

Editions: taininghad many unedited ; , ; Vinetus to wait untilworks 1562oftoAusonius. obtain a

(Micro.) 1574-1575, Lugduni (Lyon): ap. ,

Ant. Griphium. Index Aureliensis I, ii, 484; COPY Of the Lyon, 1558 edition that incor-

P ; oa orated the new works and improved read-

DK VIII, 769; Baudrier VIII, 365-366; NUC; 9 PUR P Clarke I, 149. BN; BM; Cambridge, Univ.; gs taken from the manuscript. He was , » DM Be, quickly convinced that the edition contained (MH, NNC, NcU). — many errors of transcription and sought to (Micro.) 1588, Heidelbergae: (Heidelberg): procure the manuscript itself. While awaiting [Commelin]. DK VIII, 769; Graesse I, 259; its arrival, he was persuaded in 1565 to pubClarke I, 149; NUC, BM; Cambridge, Univ.; lish his commentary, completed in 1563, on

(ICU, MnU). the Ordo Urbium Nobilium (1565). (See p. (Micro.) 1588, Heidelbergae (Heidelberg): 219 below.) He later regretted this decision.

ap. Sanctandream. Index Aureliensis 1,ii, Vinetus greatly revised and improved this 285; Adams A-2283; DK VIII, 769. BN; commentary for the 1580 edition after he

BM; Cambridge, Univ. had received the V manuscript in 1564. 204

AUSONIUS

The Lyonese publisher, Antoine Greyff, Cupido cruciatur asked for Vinetus’ text of and commentary Mosella on Ausonius in 1565. Vinetus decided that Griphus he would publish it at Lyon since the re- Technopaegnion ligious wars made it impossible to publish Ps-Ausonius, De rosis in Bordeaux and he sent it to Greyff in 1567. Eclogae At this point, the Antwerp 1568 edition by Bissula Theodorus Pulmannus appeared. Although Cento nuptialis Pulmannus had not seen the V manuscript, Oratio consulis versibus his edition was superior to the 1558 edition. rhopalicis Publication of Vinetus’ commentary was Epicedion in patrem again delayed in order to incorporate the De herediolo suggestions found in the Antwerp edition. Liber protrepticus (Epist. Vinetus was unable to supervise the prep- XXII) aration of his work and wrote to Jacque Sal- Genethliacos (Epist. XX1)

mon for his aid. Salmon asked Josephus Section XII: Precatio consults designati

Justus Scaliger to perform this task. Instead, Precatio kalendis Tanuariis

Scaliger incorporated information and sug- Gratiarum actio text into one he then prepared and published XXIII-XXIX)

gestions from Vinetus’ commentary and Section XIII: Epistulae (Epist. IV-XX, at Lyon in 1574-1575. (See p. 202 above. ) Section XIV: Periochae Homeri Vinetus then turned to Simon Millanges Section XV: Epistulae, Symmachus ad

in Bordeaux to publish his text and com- Ausonium (Epist. I-III) mentary. The text was published in 1575, Section XVI: Epistulae, Pontius Paulinus but the commentary did not appear until ad Ausonium (Epist. 1580 primarily because of a paper shortage. XXX-XXXIV) Between 1576 and 1580, Vinetus labored to Section XVII: [Devoted to works Vinetus improve his commentary and continued this believed might not be effort until his death in 1587. The 1590 edi- by Ausonius. |

tion included these later additions and revi- Ecloga 26, Quinti Ciceronis sions, which were minor and consisted mainly hi versus eo pertinent of more lengthy descriptions and references Ps-Ausontius, Sulpicia

to additional classical texts and inscriptions. queritur de statu Reip. The order of the works by Ausonius as Id., Cytherii Sidonii ora-

found in the commentary are: torts epig. de pastoribus

Section I:. Praefationes tribus a . Section II: §_Epigrammata and De Id. Hadriani Imperatoris

fastis. epig. de trium AmaSection III: Ephemeris zonum pugna Section IV: Parentalia Id., In Faustulum staturae Section V: Commemoratio profes- brevis Anicit P robini sorum Burdigalensium Id., Sulpicii Lupert Sebasti

Section VI: Epitaphia tUnLOrIs. . Section VII: De Caesaribus Id., Biusdem de Cupiditate Section VIII: Ordo urbium nobilium Ecloga 27, Versus sine

Section IX: Ludus septem sapientum auctore — Hoc sic re-

Section X: Ps-Ausonius, Septem sa- fellendum

pientum sententiae The incipits and explicits presented below

Section XI: Edyllia: also include those for the works treated in Versus Paschales sections II through XI below.

205

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Introductory Epistle. (ed. of Bordeaux, fuisse, ad Charpinum scripsi; eiusque stu1575) Eliae Vineti Santonis Praefatio in sua dio, opera, merito cum 1n omnes litterarum Commentaria in Ausonii Burdigalensis studiosos tum in Burdigalenses Ausonii cives

Scripta. [Inc.]: (f. aa 2") Quod in aliis qui- collaudato petii, ut si quo modo posset, busdam vetustis scriptoribus sponte suscep- veteris libri mihi videndi copiam faceret. eram, id in Ausonio Burdigalensi non tam Qui rescripsit se libenter facturum, quum sponte quam rogatus tentavi. Burdigalae primum reddidisset Iacobus Culacius, cui nanque quum litteras iandiu profiterer, pe- commodaverat. Avarici tum iurisprudentiam tebant plerique cives, ut Ausonii sui scriptis profitebatur Cuiacius, vir non tantum legum valde corruptis obscurisque aliquid etiam op- iurisque, verum etiam omnium bonarum erae darem. Ceterum non videbam quid hic artium peritissimus, qui eum librum non possem sine vetustis exemplaribus quae nulla soli sibi habebat, sed communicabat cum reperire poteram. Mirabar equidem vehe- amicis, inter quos Ludovicus Russardus colmenter quod quum in antiquissima opulen- lega multa in eo observaverat, de quibus tissimaque civitate multae essent veteres Adrianum Turnebum monuerat et in sua bibliothecae variis scriptoribus instructae, adversaria coniecit Turnebus. Cuiacius ergo, in nulla extarent civis tam nobilis scripta. qui iampridem me audierat emendationem Cunctabar itaque quicquam aggredi viribus interpretationemque scriptorum Ausonii meis maius, donec ex Senatu tandem et aliis suscepisse, vetustum codicem sponte, pro ordinibus vir1 docti et graves a me famili- sua singulari humanitate, mihi misit, quem ariter saepe postularunt, ut quam possem si quum statim contulissem cum novis ac multa

non quam vellem Ausonio operam quoque quae ex eo restitueram, communicassem suo, vel potius, ut tpsi loquebantur, nostro cum amicis Burdigalensibus philologis qui

navarem quem tam perditum legerunt et et antiquum librum libenter viderunt et in tenebricosum. Quibus amicis et viris pri- eo sunt in primis mirati quod Divona scribe-

mariis visum est tandem obtemperare. retur [Ordo urbium nobilium XX, 160] qui Itaque coepi, quae habui formis exarata ex- in omnibus aliis, quos unquam viderant, emplaria aliquot conferre commentariaque Duiona esset, ille priscae Burdigalae fons, scribere quibus emendationum rationem coeperunt instantius efflagitare, ut emendaredderem et obscuriora, siqua possem, elu- tiorem iam Ausonium cum commentariis cidarem. Quae nostra commentaria dum edere nihil cunctarer. Quibus ut aliqua ex maturescerent, placuit primo quoque tem- parte satisfacerem, quando mea commenpore sola Ausonii scripta, ut restitueram, taria nondum satis tota esse matura exisemittere. Itaque Lutetiam misi Iacobo Gu- timabam, in lucem dare visum est, quae in pylo Pictoni, amico Latinis Graecisque litte- librum de claris urbibus scripseram, ubi

ris doctissimo, qui edenda curavit anno multa erant de Burdigala quae illos in Christi millesimo quingentesimo et quinquage- primis cupere cognoscere intellexeram. Haec

simo primo, eamque editionem illustrissimo igitur Enguilbertus Marnesius Pictavis imeruditissimoque Cardinali Bellaio, Burdiga- pressit anno Christi millesimo quingentesimo lensi Archiepiscopo dedicavit. Non multo post et sexagesimo quincto; nec multo post An-

Stephanus Charpinus Lugdunensis sacerdos tonius Gryphius a me litteris petiit ut si ad me scripsit, reperisse se in quadam ve- manum extremam apposuissem Ausonio ad tere bibliotheca agri Lugdunensis antiquum se mitterem, quem esset brevi excusurus. codicem, in quo multa essent Ausonii quae Misi ergo, sed sola Ausonii scripta, mea

nondum quisquam typis edita vidisset, commentaria adhuc retinui. Quae quum

eaque paulo post Ioanni Tornesio Lugdu- postea recognoscere coepissem, et in eo me nensi typographo edenda dedit. Quae quum frequenter opere offendisset, quum crebro ad nos tandem Burdigalam pervenissent, inviseret, Iacobus Salomo Narbonensis, juris avide percurrissem animadvertissemque, consultus doctus et bonus, qui eo tempore non satis fideliter ex suo exemplari descripta Tolosa Burdigalam, ubi res civiles paulo 206

AUSONIUS

pacatiores erant, secesserat, ad Iosephum mentariorum editionem differre fuit coactus. Scaligerum familiarissimum suum scripsit, Quod quum vidi, quia posteriores cogitame in castigando explicandoque Ausonio tiones solere sapientiores esse semper audi-

totum esse, locaque aliquot ex iis quae eram, placuit in ista cessatione Cuiacium emendaveram insigniora indicavit. Cui per litteras rogare ut iterum veterem librum quum rescripsisset Scaliger, ac mihi multa mihi commodaret quem ille statim misit

salute ascripta, locum illum de Vivisca [Mo- sicque totum iterum contuli. Rebus interea sella 438], pro vivifica mire probasset, addi- nostris aliquanto quietioribus accersitaque

dit in eodem Mosella esse non pauca, quae charta imprimere tandem coepit Simon ipse, qui Belgicam illam perlustraverat, ob- Millangius nostra in Ausonium commenservasset, nec multo post eas datas litteras taria mense Julio, quattuor annis postquam ex Aginnensi suo ad audiendum Cuiacium Ausonium edidisset. Quae quam iandiu sui se contulit. Docebat ille tunc Valentiae, ad expectationem concitasse audio, an eam sus-

quem et ad Scaligerum scripsi de Ausonio tinere ac tueri possint, nescio; ceterum ad Gryphium iam ante annos quinque magno mihi constitisse nemo dubitet, et de misso. Rescripsit Scaliger Valentia et Lug- lis hoc cognoscat, si quis volet legere, in iis

duno mense Aprili et Augusto. Promisit conficiendis me Servii, Placidi et aliorum omnem operam quo posset Ausonius, cuius veterum commentatorum exemplum esse erat studiosissimus, in lucem castigatior secutum. Quae vulgo nota sunt ea non atexire et meis commentariis illustratus. Ce- tigi. Quae vero visa sunt obscura et non terum quum veterem illum librum, quem eo adeo cunctis nota in iis tantum eiaboravi. tempore remiseram Culacio, nactus esset, Quorum nonnulla si tam tenebricosa etiam conferendum cum meo exemplari censuit si- fuerunt ut in iis nihil prorsus viderim, indi-

quid forte deprehenderet quod me fugisset. care non sum veritus, quemadmodum in Barbarica nanque scriptura erat. Quaedam aliis iam multis ostendi me nihil dissimulare litterae agnitu difficiles, multae fugientes, solere, sicubi haesito, ut se rudiores ibi diplerique multorum verborum versus in mo- utius non torqueant, qui vero ceteris ingenio dum unicae dictionis descripti et nonnulla et eruditione praestant, in istis se nodis exinterdum verba in duo plurave divisa. At erceant monstrentque, quanto nobis sint plus etiam sibi duxit faciendum Scaliger superiores, et sic nihil tandem remaneat in quam promiserat. Scripsit, Ausonianarum bonis auctoribus quod doctiorum studio et lectionum titulo, perquam doctum emenda- diligentia minus docti non intelligant. Nultionum expositionumque commentarium, lam Ausonius disciplinam ignoravit, omnes quod mihi pro sua in me benevolentia con- Latinos Graecosque scriptores, quorum maior

secratum Gryphio tradidit imprimendum. pars intercidit, ad unguem novit. Hinc in Tardius autem dum editionem aggreditur elus scriptis multa se ostendit et varia eruLugdunensis, typographi interim Burdiga- ditio, ut cuivis legenti non statim queant inlenses instituerunt a meque continuo peti- telligi. Deinde per ea tempora vixit, de qui-

erunt ut aliud emendarem exemplar, quo bus pauca in litteras extant relata, quare mox in sua civitate sui civis scripta excu- nonnulla, quae de suae aetatis rebus solum derentur castigatiora, simulque mea com- attigit, quomodo plene explicare queas? mentaria. Coepit itaque Ausonius edi Bur- Postremo, quod nobis omnium plurimum digalae mense Februario, quum ageretur exhibuit negotii, cuncta eius scripta perveannus a Christo nato millesimus quingente- nerunt ad nos mutila et indignis modis corsimus et septuagesimus quinctus, absolveba- rupta, in quibus non pauca quidem resttturque ineunte aestate quum a Gryphio ac- tuimus sed non potuimus omnia. Purioribus cepimus quod nimium diu expectaveramus. opus est exemplaribus quae fortassis alli-

Typographum autem quia defecit charta, quando reperientur, eruntque post nos qui nec alicunde, ob immanium latrociniorum aliquid quoque operae navent Ausonio. Cui frequentiam, nancisci statim potuit, com- quod interim sit a me praestitum ac in pub207

LATIN AUTHORS

licam utilitatem emissum, id iustos rerum (sic) imitationem duntaxat Maronianam aestimatores equi bonique consulturum esse. Est enim in ecloga septima Virgilii ad

confido. Priapum:

Ausonii Vita. |Inc.]: (f. aaa 4°) In iis au- Nunc te marmoreum pro tempore

tem, quae consideranda auctorum exposi- fecimus: at tu

tionem aggredienti censentur, si prima est Si foetura gregem suppleverit, aureus

auctoris vita, ab Ausonii vita et nos exordia- esto.

mur, primumque de nominibus eius quaere- Comm. on Ephemeris III, “‘Oratio’’ (Premus. Ipse, qui multis se locis nominat nus- catio Matutina): [Inc.]: (f. 1 3") Omnipotens, quam se vocat aliter, quam Ausonium, ut in solo mentis mihi cognite cultu. Sic vetus exepigrammate de fastis suis ad Proculum,.. ./ emplar Lugdunense, cum hoc titulo, Oratio.

...[Expl.]: (f. aaaa 5S") qui nihil non luce Alia ad hunc modum, Omnipotens, quem dignum exstimabant, quod tantus vir ali- mente colo, pater unice rerum. Hoc lemquomodo scripsisset. Ingenium et eruditio mate, Precatio matutina ad omnipotentem fuit in illo multa, sed stilus tempora illa, in- Deum, cum sola extaret, ex media sua Ephe-

quit Erasmus in Ciceroniano, aulae delicias meride excert[pJa..../...[Expl.]: (f. I 3”)

et licentiam resipit. Et responsuris. Vetus hic ecclesiae ChristiCommentary (ed. of Bordeaux, 1580). anae mos, cuiuS meminit ipse quoque

Eliae Vineti Santonis Commentarius in Au- Paulus in epistola priore ad Corinthios. sonii Burdigalensis Epigrammata. [Inc.]: (f. Comm. on Epitaphium 30. [Inc.]: (f. S4°) A'™—On Praefationes II) In vetere Lugdu- Sparge mero cineres. O hospes, inquit beanensi codice, qui multa illa Ausonii Burdi- tus hic mortuus e tumulo suo in quo carmen

galensis habuit scripta, quae Charpinus hoc fuit insculptum, sparge vino meos ci-

publicanda primus curavit, titulus hic fuit, neres ut Miseni: Relliquias vino et bibulam Ab hinc Ausonii opuscula, quem sequebatur lavere favillam Troiani libro sexto Aeneidos

carmen, Ausonius genitor nobis, cum titulo (VI, 227).../...[Expl.]: Felix, seumemini, Ausonius lectori salutem, sed libros suos sive nihil memini. Hic pentameter erat in Ausonius tam inepte inscripserit?.../... Lugdunensi vetere illo codice, Seu meminisse [Expl.|: (f. AT) Comis convivis. Et hoc disti- putes omnia, sive nihil.

chon de Luciolo rhetore. Grammaticae ad. Comm. on the Ordo Urbium Nobilium: Et haec disticha quattuor de Staphylio rhe- In Carmen primum de Roma, Constantitore. Commode. Hi vero versus duo de Attilio nopoli et Carthagine. [Jnc.]: (f. T3') Prima Glabrione, sed religui quattuor ex Coronide urbes inter: Prima et caput urbium omnium

sumpti. est Roma, divorum principum et imperaComm. on the Epigrammata: In Epi- torum domicilium et regia. Huius autem

gramma Primum (Epig. 26) [Inc.]: (f. A3*) libelli titulus est in antiquo Lugdunensi coImperator a multis hoc primo epigrammate dice Ordo urbium nobilium. Aurea. Pulchra, laudatur, nempe quod egregius sit poeta, Sicut accipiunt veteres grammatici, quum orator, pugnator, victor. Phoebe potens nu- auream Phoeben, auream Pallada, auream meris. Phoebus, Apollo, Sol, idem numen Venerem, aurea Capitolia dixit Virgilius. apud antiquos, a quo et a Musis dicunt Constantinopoli. quae est urbs Thraciae nopoetae sibi inspirari versus quos numeros bilissima, sicut Carthago olim Africae... ./ frequenter appellant. ..(On Epig. 29) [Inc.|]: ...LExpl.|: (f. Aa‘) Multi vero fuerunt nos(f. BY) Augustus frater. Binos legimus his tris temporibus, qui pulchrius vertere conati temporibus Augustos fratres, Valentinianum sunt, inter quos sic primus fecit Petrus Amiet Valentem, Gratianum et Valentinianum cus, ad quem extant Budaei litterae.

juniorem ut diximus in epigramma quar- “‘Quae peperit geminos, Lucillae hic tum..../...[Expl.]: Parisinus tamen codex Ossa quiescunt. admonet, hos versus sub Valentiniani 1u- Vir vivum, extinctum haec retinet. Sic nioris signo marmoreo fuisse positos; reliqui pignora secta.”’

208

AUSONIUS

Sic Antonius Goveanus iurisconsultus, mine partitur. Nomine vetus codex. quum sub fratre Andrea Ludimagistro lit- Comm. on the Mosella. [Inc.]: (f. Cc4") teras in schola Burdigalensi doceret... .(f. Ingenio eruditioneque eximia fuisse Ausonium

Aa’) Ioannes Rivasso Sarlatensis. vel hoc solum carmen probare potest. De Casta gemelliparae Lucillae hic ossa quo Symmachus quid senserit ex quartis ad

quiescunt. eum ipsum scriptis Ausonium litteris coget ipsi. depravatum ab veteribus librariis, quam alia

Pignora cui divisa, patri vivum, alterum nosces. Pervenit autem id ad nos non levius

Comm. on Ps-Ausonius, Septem Sapien- eiusdem auctoris, aliorumque antiquorum tum Sententiae: [Inc.]: (f. Bb3") In biblio- scripta..../...[Expl.]: (f. Gg2"’) De Sagra, theca sodalium Dominicalium Burdigalae Strabonis haec sunt verba libro sexto. pera antiquum membranaceum librum reperi in dé Aoxpovs Laypas, ov Ondruxas ovopafovor quo erat bona pars scriptorum utriusque De Crataeidis genere nemo, puto, dubitare

Senecae, ac inter alia sententiae illae seu debet, postquam Plinius et Solinus post

proverbia, ut dicebantur, Annaei Senecae, Homerum matrem Scyllae id flumen fuisse Mimi scilicet illi, quos Desiderius Erasmus fabulantur.

est interpretatus, quibus ascripta et haec Comm. on the Griphus. (Inc.|: (f. Gg2") heptasticha Ausonii erant, tacito auctoris Franciscus Silvius Ambianas eruditam in nomine adeo ut, siquis illa aliunde non Ausonii Griphum enodationem, ut appellavit,

novisset, Senecae opus esse credidisset. . . Est Lutetiae edidit me admodum puerulo, quem autem Ausonius vario metri genere hic usus, paullo pleniorem commentarium is adire poatque ab hexametro seu heroico coepit.. ./ terit, cui noster brevior visus fuerit. Est autem

...[Expl.]: (f. Bb3’) Periander trep. Hoc yetpos, ac neutro genere ypipoy sagena, rete loco primo, anapaestus est pro spondeo aut piscatorium, quod et aspirata littera in tedactylo. Ausonius autem in Ludo eorundem nuem mutata yptzos dicitur, id est Griphus septem sapientum aliam sententiam attri- in antiquis duobus libris, quibus usus sum, ut buit Periandro. De iisdem extant et haec, ypimets retia consuentem et piscatorem sig-

quae in antiquis libris post Sidonii Apol- nificat..../...[Expl.]: (f. Ii’) decies ternos. linaris carmina reperimus, cuiuscuius vete- Versus triginta. Suntque ter triceni, seu decies

rum poetarum sint. noveni, nonaginta. Liber, cui titulus Oeodo“Te solo praecipue laudavit Graecia, youpeva THS AplOpercxns, alia dabit de ter-

vosque. nario numero et Caelius Rhodiginus libri vi: ...[11 verses]... cesimisecundi capite nono lectionum | Primus temporibus dat res, et tempora antiquarum.

| rebus.”’ Comm. on De ambiguitate vitae eligendae : Comm. on the Versus paschales (De res- (Ecloga I). (Inc.]: (f. Ll 4") Cui dono lep. Car2 urrectione Dominica). [Inc.]: (f. Cc') Sancta men hoc hendecasyllabum Phalaecium eo | salutiferi. Carminis huius titulus in Parisi- loco edendum censui, quem constituebat an. ensi editione et aliis quibusdam est Versus tiquus Lugdunensis codex, in quo solo adhuc in Dominicam resurrectionem; in Lugdu- repertum..../...[Expl.]: (f. Mm 2°) optima | nensibus membranis Versus paschales Proco Graiorum sententia. Contra quam disputat | dicti. Ubi quid verbi sit procodicti non intel- Epicurus apud Diogenem et Lactantius Fir| ligo. Participium quidem dicti videri potest, mianus tertio Divinarum institutionum. Sed ut versus paschales dictos accipiamus, sed vide inter Erasmi adagia, optimum non

quid reliquum Proco?.../...[Expl.]: (f. nasci.

Cc’) Augustus genitor. Valentinianus im- Comm. on In quo mense quod signum sit , perator. geminum. Id est duorum Augusto- ad cursum solis (Ecloga XVI). [Inc.]: (f. Pp rum sator et procreator, Valentis fratris 3°) Principium Tani. Haec non ita accipienda, Gratianique filii sui, de quibus lege quae quasi primis ipsis mensium diebus in signa scripta sunt in epigramma quartum. Nu- illa Sol intret, sed Solem tunc in illis esse sig209

LATIN AUTHORS

nis, quae nominantur, in quae sit ingressus The 1590 edition and its reprints also conaliquot ante diebus mensis prioris..../... tain three pieces not present in the first edi-

[Expl.]: Scorpius. Et Scorpios et Scorpion tion: hic legitur, et Novernber et Novembrem. Simon Millangius Typographus Lectori S. Comm. on the Liber Protrepticus (Epist. [Inc.]: (f. *2') Qui cupiunt referri in nuXXII). Unc.]: (f. Ss 2") ad nepotulum meum. merum civium Burdigalensium non admitAusonium nomine, ut et in ipso Protreptico et tuntur prius,.../...[Expl.]: (f. #2”) Numeri in extremo Genethliaco avus ipse appellavit. autem minusculi, nulia linea notati, desigDe Hesperio et aliis Ausonii poetae liberis nant sectiones antecedentes aut sequentes, quesivimus in epigrammata De fastis et in de- ad quas lector remittitur. Vale. Burdegala

cimum carmen Parentalium..../...{Expl.|: Calendis Augusti, anni a Virgineo partu (f. Ss 4") Servius tamen in librum primum Ae- M.D.XC.

neidos onus et onerare sine spiritu scribi ait, Vita Eliae Vineti. [Jnc.]: (f. Ddd') Elias sed honustus cum spiritu, tanquam ab eo sit Vinetus vir et moribus et eruditione praes-

quod est honos. Eadem figura fastorum et tanti orlundus ex Andegavo fuit,.../... fastidiorum in Gratiarum actiones, ac in [Expl.]: (f. Ddd 2') Et quae praeterea viva Andria Terentii amentium, amantium. voce interpretatus magno audientum conComm. on Versus sine auctore (Ecloga cursu in publico Matheseos auditorio, vir XXVIII). (Inc.|: (f. Ppp 3") Ungues Mercurio. Graecis iuxta ac Latinis doctissimus.

Versiculi huius hic sensus est: Ungues die Epistle prefatory to Scaliger’s commentary: Mercurii, Barbam die Iovis, Crines die vene- Simon Millangius Typographus lectori S. (f. ris esse praesecandos..../...[Expl.]: (f. Ppp ai’) Cum superioribus annis apud me constitu3°) Mavors imberbes. mars adolescentem Gal- issem typis meis excudere commentaria in lum amavit, uti scripsimus in versum vicesi- Ausonium nostrum, quae Elias Vinetus, antemum septimum Griphi Ausoniani; et Luna quam e vivis excederet, emendatiora et correcEndymionem, ut dixit Ausonius in Cupidine tiora fecerat, admonueram Iosephum Scalicruci affixo, sed de cuius calvitio nihil legere gerum, virum eruditissimum, de eo, quod de-

meminimus. Dierum autem appellatio a creveram adiungere commentartis illis quaeplanetis, quam sit antiqua, quaesitum fuit cunque praeter illa alii scripsissent in eum in Edyllium Ausonii De nominibus septem auctorem; et praecipue duos libros quibus ipse dierum. Simon Millangius, typographus re- explicaret multos obscuros eiusdem Ausonii gius, excudebat Burdigalae, anno Christi locos, ac simul virum lum perhumanum ro-

M.D.LXXX. garam ne graveretur relegere et locupletiores

Editions: reddere illos libros. His meis precibus ille

(Micro.) 1575-1580, Burdigalae (Bor- commotus, cum, ut credo, per occupationes deaux); ap. Simonem Millangium. Index et varias temporis huius molestias non vacaret Aureliensis 1, 11, 484; Desgraves, Biblio- explicare plures Ausonii locos, correxit quae

graphie...Millanges, 35; DK VIII, 769; iam scripserat et detraxit nonnulla. Quae ne Maittaire III, 569; Graesse I, 259; Brunet I, quis me maligne suppressisse aut negligenter 573; NUC. BM; BN; Bordeaux; (MH; NNC). omisisse existimet, lectorem benevolum hic ad-

1590. See Composite Editions. This edi- monendum putavi me in eo secutum fuisse tion and later ones contain Vinetus’ com- auctoris voluntatem significatam scripto, quo mentary in its revised form, but as noted designavit addenda aut removenda. Caeterum

above the changes were minor. The only numeri qui in hac nostra editione appositi case in which Vinetus altered an incipit was sunt marginibus librorum, indicant sectiones

in the Vita Ausonii: (f. A 1) Si prima est contextus Ausoniani, qui explicatur. Bene auctoris vita in iis, quae consideranda auc- vale. torum expositionem aggredienti censentur, 1596, See Composite Editons. Contents as

ab Ausonii vita et nos exordiamur pri- in 1590 edition. mumque de nominibus elus quaeramus. 1598. See Composite Editions, Contents

210

AUSONIUS

as in 1590 edition. cap. XV et Marcus VII, bene prophetavit 1604. See Composite Editions. Contents Esaias de vobis, hypocritae, sicut scriptum as in 1590 edition. est.../...[Expl.]: (f. BX") in epistolas viroVinetus’ commentary on the Epigrammata rum illustrium XII plura scribimus.

of Ausonius was also reprinted in the Sca- Edition: liger composite editions 1588 through 1608. *1518, [Paris]; in aed. Ascensianis.

Biography: Renouard, Badius II, 64-65. Bordeaux;

See CTC III, 295. BM; BN (Description of the contents of this

Additional Bibliography: Louis Desgraves, copy was kindly supplied by Dr. Marcel

Bibliographie des ouvrages imprimés par Thomas). Simon Millanges 1572 a 1623 (Bordeaux, Biography: 1951), and Henri de la Villa de Mirmont, The life of Franciscus Sylvius (Dubois) is Le Manuscrit de l'Ile Barbe (Codex Leiden- recorded in bare outline. Born in the late sis Vossianus Latinus 111) et les travaux de fifteenth century south of Amiens at Loevilly,

la critique sur le texte d'Ausone. L'Oeuvre he was the third of eleven sons of Nicolas de Vinet et l'Oeuvre de Scaliger. 3 fasc. in 4 Dubois, a street vendor. He studied in Paris (Bordeaux-Paris, 1917-1919), esp. fasc. 1; and was appalled by what he believed was

*idem, Elie Vinet, Humaniste de Bordeaux the barbarous Latin taught and spoken

(1509-87), Geneva, 1977. there. Sometime prior to 1520, he became Professor of Rhetoric and Principal of the College of Tournai in Paris. For the remain-

ing years of his life he crusaded for reestablishment of good Classical Latin in Il. PRECATIO MATUTINA (EPHEMERIS Parisian schools. He prepared numerous

TIT) ‘“‘Oratio”’ commentaries, especially of the orations of Cicero, in close cooperation with Josse Badius,

COMMENTARY and also prepared a textbook on oratory that

a. FRANCISCUS SYLVIUS was widely employed for more than a century This and the commentary on the Edyllion following his death about 1535. de resurrectione Dominica (see p. 213 below) Works: Sylvius published at least 20 ediwere probably composed by Sylvius while he tions with commentaries of the orations of was a student in Paris shortly before he began Cicero and his Cato Major; editions with

his teaching career. commentaries of Sallust, In M. T. Ciceronem Dedicatory Epistle (ed. of Paris, 1518). and De conjuratione Catilinae; and editions Reverendo patri Joanni Blampanio coenobii of the epigrams of Martial and epistles of Bertholiani Abbati dignissimo Franciscus Politianus. He wrote Progymnasmatum in Sylvius S. [Inc.]: (f. AI’) Augustum Caesarem artem oratoriam centuriae tres (1516), which

proditum est albi panis usu fastiditum.../ was reprinted at least 12 times into the mid...[Expl.]: et assequor et confido. Vale. seventeenth century, and Poetica, a collection Parisiis ex collegio nostro Lexobiaco postridie of his poems.

eidus Aprilis MDXVIII. Bibl.: Bayle, Dict. crit. (1820), XIII, 278-

Preface. Francisci Sylvii in Ausonti Preca- 280; Louis Moréri, Le grand dictionnaire tionem Matutinam ad venerandum patrem historique (Paris, 1759), II, 644; Georges Joannem Blampanium coenobii Bertholiani Grente, ‘‘Dubois, Frangois,” in Dictionnaire

abbatem. Matutina precatio. [Inc.]: (f. des lettres francaises: Le seiziéme siecle

AII') Nocturnum tempus quam diurnum (Paris, 1951), 257; A. Labarre, ‘“‘Dubois, capiendis consiliis.../...[Expl.]: et mane Francois,’ in Dictionnaire de biographie

oratio mea praeveniet te. francaise (Paris, 1967), II, 931; Renouard, Commentary. [Inc.): (f. AII”) Mente colo: Badius, Il, 64-66, 241-243, 295, 309-322, mente non ore Deus est colendus, Mattheus III 183-186, 273-274, 384, 473.

211

LATIN AUTHORS

Ill. LIBER PROTREPTICUS consilium viris eruditis, qui mihi auctores

(EpisT. XXII) fuerunt ne eam commoditatem inviderem studiosis litterarum) quanquam non dubitem

“OMMENTARY quin prima fronte improbet cuius maxime a. CLaupius Minos interest, nempe interpres ipse: quem tamen

Minos’ commentaries on the Liber pro- spero mihi non fore molestum, ubi suorum trepticus and De ambiguitate vitae eligendae nuper auditorum benevolentiam plane sinwere not actually prepared by him for publi- gularem ac studium aestimarit. li enim doccation and were published without his prior torem absentem amant, requirunt, deside-

approval. The circumstances surrounding rant; et cuius vocem haurire non possunt, this development are presented in a letter by praelectiones avidissime memorant. Vellem

the publisher, Johannes Richerius, which pari liberalitate mihi adolescentes, de precedes the edition and commentary of these quibus modo dixi, exscriptas tradidissent two works. In brief, Richerius relates that eiusdem Minois maiorum vigiliarum notas he had been approached by some students in Ausonii Ludum septem sapientum, in who wanted him to publish Minos’ commen- duodecim Caesares, in Panegyricum, in taries on the Liber and De ambiguitate. The Parentalia, quae tamen omnia, si quid commentaries consisted of revised lecture impetrare possim ab ipsomet interprete, notes taken by students who had attended edenda curabo propediem. Tu interea, lector Minos’ lectures on Ausonius. They implored studiose, nostros conatus boni consule, neque Richerius to meet their request since Minos me audacem nimium, sed impense studiosum was no longer in Paris to deliver his lectures. putes, qui tui causa sim ausus aliquid, nedum

He had left the city in 1578 to escape the molitus, ad publicam omnium utilitatem. plague. After Richerius had received favor- Vale. able opinions from other scholars on the Comm. on Prefatory Epistle of the ‘Liber quality of the commentaries, he decided to protrepticus.’’ In Epistolam Ausonii. [Inc.]: publish them. He expresses the hope that (f. 3%) Protrepticum suum carmen mandat Minos will not object to their publication. It Hesperio legendum, utque liberius iudicet, is interesting to note that Richerius hoped rogat id seorsim examinet. Quod enim coram also to print Minos’ commentaries of the non recitarit, duabus maxime causis revocaLudus Septem Sapientum, De Caesaribus, tum se fuisse dicit, nempe quod ex auditione the Gratiarum Actio (Panegyricus), and the tam certum verumque iudicium ferri non Parentalia which were also preserved in possit quam lectione, et quod saepe auditores

student notes. non sint in itudicando liberi, quia moveantur

Introductory Epistle (ed. of Paris, 1583). praesentia recitantis, ex quo iudicium non (f. 2°) Ioannes Richerius Lectori S. Ante est ita sincerum.../...[Expl.]: (f. 4") Supeannos ferme sex venerat in manus meas rest igitur ut dicas) praeoccupatio. cum Ausonii Griphus cum explicatione Claudit tenuia scias eiusmodi carmina, quid ea vis Minois quam typis mandare statueram, a me legi? solvit ita: ego intus delector tis, deque ea re conferrem cum aliquot foris erubesco, scripsi enim non mei causa, studiosis adolescentibus, qui tum in Academia sed pueruli. versabantur, unus et alter ex iis me monue- Bis watdes of yépovTes post dicet, in carrunt habere se ad eiusdem Ausonii opuscula mine: - seni facies puerascere sensus. duo alia Minois nostri explicationem, quam Argumentum Protreptict Ausoniani [Inc.]: ex docentis ore fideliter excepissent, parique (f. 5‘) Ausonius itaque vir consularis et poeta studio ac diligentia una contulissent, quam- doctissimus scripsit hoc carmen ad nepotem

que mihi lubenti animo in manus traderent, Ausonium, ut eum ad litterarum studia exsi eam gripho vellem adiungere. Hanc ergo citaret, quibus sibi suo tempore laudis et ab iis acceptam commentationem duxi pub- gloriae praemia compararet. Huius Eidyllii licandam (sed primum quidem advocatis in haec est series: Primo quidem significat 212

AUSONIUS

musas, quanquam severas, id est litteracum prepared a French translation of Alciati’s (sic) exercitationem aliquanto difficilem, Emblemata. Sometime after 1585, Minos repeneque ob assiduos labores permolestam, turned to Paris and, by 1597, was Dean of habere liberales quasdam animi remis- the Faculty of Law and held a chair in Canon

siones.../...[Expl.|: Postremo claudit ad- Law. He retained these positions until his hortationem ad nepotem, ut patris et avi death on 3 March, 1606. exemplo sese ad summos honores obtinendos Works: Edited and commented on A. AI-

eadem, qua illi, via praeparet. ciati, Emblemata....1571 (the work was reComm. on the Carmina of the Liber: printed at least 21 times between 1573 and

Commentaria [Inc.]: (f. 5’) Sunt etiam musis 1781 and was translated into French in 1583);

sua ludrica) Musae, quanquam oeprat beat, Persius, Satires; Cicero’s Pro Sulla et Pro et circa res graves imprimis occupatae, habent Marcello; In partitiones oratorias; Consotamen suas intermissiones et ludicra quae- latio; the epistles of Horace and Pliny the dam. Sic loquitur apud Lucianum Cupido, Elder. Edited the Rhetorica of Omar Talon quo loco mater Venus ex eo quaerit cur and the Epistles of Arnoult, bishop of Lisieux. suum in musas arcum non intendat.../... He also composed a number of didactic works [Expl.]: (f. 21%) Natus esse bonis, inquit, on education, law, and oratory. vehemens est character, et insignis apud Bibl.: J.-P. Nicéron, Mémoires pour servir homines. Marcus Cicero pro Sextio: Omnes a l'histoire des hommes illustres....(Paris, boni semper nobilitati favent, estque Rei- 1727-1745), XIV, 81-99; l’Abbé Papillon, publicae utile nobiles esse homines dignos Bibliothéque des auteurs de Bourgogne (Disuis maioribus, valereque apud nos clarorum jon, 1745), II, 50-56; M. Michaud, Biogvirorum senem de Repub. meritorum men- raphie universelle ancienne et moderne... tionem, etiam mortuorum. Val. Max. cap. (Paris, 1811), XXIX, 21-22; A. Cioranesco, de faelicitate, inter partes faelicitatis Metelli Bibliographie de la littérature francaise du non praetermisit, quod parentes nobilissimos seiziéme siecle, 485-486.

habuisset. At de his quidem iam satis, et fortasse plus satis.

Edition: IV. EDYLLION DE RESURRECTIONE (Micro.) 1583, Parisiis: ap. loannem DOMINICA (VERSUS PASCHALES)

Richerium, ff. 1-21", with the text of and

commentary on Ecloga I, cf. VI. a. below COMMENTARY

Index Aureliensis 1, ii, 484; DK VIII, 777; a. FRANCISCUS SYLVIUS

BM; BN. On the circumstance of composition of this Biography: commentary, see p. 211 above. Claudius Minos (Claude Mignault) was Dedicatory Epistle (ed. of Paris, 1518).

born in the village of Talant near Dijon in Reverendo imprimis Lodovico Villersio Bel1536. He began his formal education rather lovacorum pontifici et Galliae pari Franlate, near the age of 24, and studied for seven ciscus Sylvius S. [Inc.]: (f. AI’) Gallorum years at the College of Dijon under the omnium bellicis laudibus cumulatissimorum Spaniard, Luis Baza. He taught at the College .../...hosce labusculos nostros tuos tuae of Reims, apparently holding a chair in nuncupamus benignitati. Vale. Parrhisiis ex Philosophy, concentrating his study upon the collegio Lexobiaco ad Idus Martias sub works of Plato, Pythagoras, and the Latin Pascha MDXVIII. writers on moral philosophy. In 1574, Minos Preface. Franciscii Sylvit in Ausonium De moved to Paris and became Principal of the Resurrectione Dominica... [Inc.]: (f. AII‘) College de la Marche. When a plague struck Edyllion poema parvum a Graecis appellari

in 1578,,-Minos moved to Orleans, studied in Griphon tradidimus.../...ligare aut

law, and became a king’s advocate in the tenere significant. Baillage d’Etampes. While in this post, he Commentary. [Inc.]: (f. AII’) Salutiferi, 213

LATIN AUTHORS

id est Salvatoris qui Hebraica lingua Jesus acciperentur:.../...[Expl.]: (f. 25bis’ [acdicitur. Quo nomine primus appellatus est tual 25’]) Post hunc iudictum) Plinius Secun-

Auses (sic) Nave filius.../...[Expl.]: (f. dus 6. epist. 15. Fam solicite recitaturis AVI") Placabilis, id est benignus, nulloque providendum est non solum ut sint ipsi sani,

scelere offensus. verumetiam ut sanos adhibeant.

Edition: Preface to ‘‘De Ambig. Vitae Elig.”’ *1518, [Paris]: in aed. Ascensiansis. Re- IIPOAET.OMENON. [Inc.]: (f. 26°) Nulla

nouard, Badius II, 65; Index Aureliensis vitae pars aut conditio miseriarum expers; I, tt, 482; NUC. Bordeaux; BM; BN (De- saepe humani animi vim adeo frangit aut scription of the contents of this copy was debilitat, ut nunquam nasci multo putet kindly supplied by Dr. Marcel Thomas); esse melius quam, quandiu vitae usura da-

(MnU). tur, cum tot malorum generibus necessario colluctari. Quam opinionem Cicero profectam scribit a Sileno, eam multi exag-

VI. EctoGA I: DE AMBIGUITATE gerant.../...{Expl.]: (f. 26") Sic CleomVITAE ELIGENDAE brotus Ambraciotes, lecto Platonis libello de

immortalitate animorum, praecipitem se de

COMMENTARY muro in mare dedit, ut ad vitam meliorem

a. CLAupius MINos transvolaret.

For the circumstances surrounding the Comm. on “De Ambig. Vitae Elig.’’. composition and publication of this com- Commentaria [Inc.]: (f. 27°) Quod vitae sec-

mentary, see p. 212 above. tabor iter?) Principium ducitur ab addubita-

General Preface (ed. of Paris, 1583). Prae- tione, in qua vis est propositionis cum asfatiuncula et argumentum in Ausonii De sumptione syllogisimi confusa.../...[Expl.]:

ambiguitate vitae eligendae carmen. [Inc.|]: (f. 35") Non plura video enim me interpellari (f. 23°) Explicaturus horis quibusdam sub- iam, qui nimium multa fortasse in tantillum secivis hoc Ausonii de vitae ambiguitate libellum, in quem si cuncta congessero quae

carmen, e Pythagoreorum officina petitum, veniunt in mentem, nullus neque modus vereor ne quis mihi tacite succenseat, quod neque finis erit. Quamobrem

in manus sumpserim id argumentum adeo Jam satis est, ne me Crispini scrinia gtave et molestum, niinimeque liberali studi- lippi orum remissioni accommodatum, sed potius Compilasse putetis, ad haec nihil am-

ad animos nostros vel perturbandos vel in- plius addam.

fringendos, qui videantur excitandi potius ad Edition: res maximas, quam ut eorum impetus re- (Micro.) 1583, Parisiis (Paris): ap. Ioantardetur aut etiam infringatur.../.. .[Expl.]: nem Richerium, ff. 23-35. With text and (f. 23%) Primam partem quadruplici induc- commentary of the Liber Protrepticus Ausonii

tione conatur ostendere: quarum prima et (see p. 213 above). Index Aureliensis, I, ii, ultima ducitur a rebus externis, altera a 484; DK VIII, 777; BM; BN. partibus aetatis, tertia a virtutum vel vitio- Biography:

rum comparationibus. See p. 213 above.

Comm. on Prefatory Epistle to the ‘Liber Eclogarum Ausonii’’. In Epistolam Ausonii

[Inc.]: (f. 25” [actual f. 24]) Cui dono lepi- VII. EctoGa XVI: IN QUO MENSE

dum) Mutuatus id ex primo epigrammate QUOD SIGNUM SIT AD CURSUM SOLIS. Catulliano, per dialogismum illustratum dis-

similibus. Non sicuti olim Catullus suum COMMENTARY lepidum libellum nepoti consecraturus ad- a. ANONYMUS dubitatione quadam usus est, qui sciret eum The origin of this commentary is comperdoctum esse, a quo sua scripta candide pletely unknown. The manuscript book in 214

AUSONIUS

which it is presently found is composed of Sex. Pompeius, crediderunt. In supponendis

numerous manuscript fragments. The ovis gallinis observari solitum esse M. Varro fourteenth century fragment containing the scribit, ut sint numero imparia [eumque commentary appears to be of Italian prove- prosperiorem...numero imparia om. ed. nance. The page containing the commentary 1516), castrensium fossarum latitudinem is difficult to read since it once was the ex- imparitati esse accommodandam Vegetius posed side of a manuscript book. The com- prodit.../...[Expl.]: (f. aiii% ed. 1522; f. mentary is one of 4 miscellaneous poems in all’ ed. 1516) Tertio a domo nostra ternarium

the same hand. non abesse numerum mente colligo. Nam ex

Commentary. Zodiacus [Inc.]: De capri- 1isdem patre et matre profecti sumus ter corno: Principium tani sancit tropicus capri- quini: quorum tres fato iam concesserunt. cornus / Cum deorum multitudo maxima Ter quaterni superantes vivimus sexus mulliquodam tempore egiptum convenisset repente ebris tres sunt, virilis autem novem, quorum

gigans quid tiphon nomine eodem ego natus [natu ed. 1516] sum tertius. Set

pervenit.../...[Expl.]: De Sagiptario. ad rem accedamus.

Sagiptarius eufemes...habetque caudam Comm. on Prefatory Epistle to the Griphus: satyricam quia sicut liber satiris ita et hoc Francisci Sylvii Ambianatis familiares in

muse delectate fuerint. Ausonii Griphon Commentarii ad Nicolaum

Manuscript: Sylvium patrem. [Inc.]: (f. I' both eds.)

(micro) Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Griphus (ut a titulo ipso ordiamur) est sermo Vaticana, Reg. lat. 314, s. XIV, f. 111”. (A. intricatus, quod insolubile vulgo dicunt, et

Wilmart, Codices Reginenses Latini, II, Graeci 76 ypigdov appellant. ypidos enim

184-193). rete est, quo implicatae res explicari non possunt, A. Gellius capite secundo primi libri. Aliosque id genus griphos neminem

VIII. Gripxus posse dicens nisi se dissolvere..../.. . [Expl]: (f. XV" ed. 1522; f. XVY ed. 1516) Quid

Braweiscus Sy: Franciscus Quintianus super eo dicat in Epi-

a. PRANCISCUS SYLVIUS graphia tertia, diceremus nisi plus nimio

Sylvius completed his first commentary on temporis in ea re posuisse nos sentiremus. the Griphus in 1516, possibly, while still a Scyrpea simulachra quae sint scire si desistudent at Paris. In 1522, he prepared a re- deras, Beroaldus ampliter multum in annovised edition based upon a broader compari- tationibus annotavit. / Finis Epistolae et son with classical and, to a lesser extent, explicationum eius. Christian authorities. The superior 1522 Comm. on the Griphus: Ausonii Griphus. / edition is the text used below, but the vari- Ter bibe:vel toties (v. 1)...Omnia in istis(v.

ants of the 1516 edition are also noted. 4)./ [Inc.]: (f. XV‘ both eds.) Abunde satis Prefatory Epistle. Francisci Sylvii Ambia- ante diximus ter bibendum esse his qui natis in commentarios in Griphon Ausonii amant Gratias, quibus autem musae sunt ad Nicolaum Sylvium patrem, Prefatio. gratae, his poculum nonum esse gratius. At[Inc.]: (f. aiié ed. 1522; f. aIY ed. 1516) Nu- tende praeter haec morem illum quondam merorum rationi tribuisse potestatem multam fuisse observatum, ut mensas tres ponerent:

Pythagoras perhibetur, quum ex numeris semirotundam domino et liberis, alteram facta esse omnia, sine numeris fieri nihil hospitibus, tertiam servis domesticisque, ut posse, constare numeris atque conservari tradit Bapt. Pius in commentariis in Stichum omnia autumavit. Sed impar numerus [im- Plauti. Servius libro commentariorum in pares numeri ed. 1516], authore Plinio, ad Aen. primo stratis tribus lectis antiquos omnia vehementior [vehementiores ed. 1516] epulari solitos dicit [Servius...dicit om. ed.

esse putatur [putantur ed. 1516] eumque 1516]. Unde appellatum est triclinium. .. ./ prosperiorem hominibus esse antiqui, ut ait ...LExpl.]: (f. LYWIY ed. 1522; f. XLIX" ed. 215

LATIN AUTHORS

1516) Transcurrat, id est praetereat, et finem Comm. on the Griphus: Commentarius. capiat. Numero inerti, id est, nullam habente [Inc.]: (f. 5%) Ter bibe vel toties) In ipso potestatem, quam ternario novenarioque carminis frontispicio tanquam Silenum.../ tribuit maximam. Ter decies ternos etc. id ...[Expl.]: (f. 12°) spatiis hucusque studiose est Edyllion istud de ternario numero atque collegit. novenario versus habet decies novenos, id Epilogue: Ad praeceptorem charissimum est nonaginta. / Finis rursum in aedibus D. Minoem. [Inc.]: (f. 12%) Invigilas studiis Ascensianis tertio Kalend. Novemb. M.D.XXII. et amore senescis amoenae.../...[Expl.]: led. 1516: Finis in aedibus Ascensianis tertio (f. 12") lux michi grata veni. Antonii Bou-

Editions: Editions:

Nonas Novemb. M.D.XVI.]. chardi Salvilocensis.

(Micro.) 1516, [Paris]: In aed. Ascensianis. *1574, Parisiis (Paris): ex typ. Dionysii a Maittaire II, 289; Adams S-2162. BN; Cam- Prato. BN. We are grateful to Dr. Marcel

bridge, Univ. Thomas, Conservateur en Chef, Section (Micro.) 1522, [Paris]; In aed. Ascensianis. des Manuscrits, Bibliothéque Nationale, Adams S-2163; NUC. BM; BN; Cambridge, Paris, for supplying the description of this

Univ.; (MH; MnU). edition. Biography:

See p. 211 above. b) The edition of 1583. This edition is much longer than the edi-

b. Craupius Minos tion of 1574 and is superior in quality. The

Claudius Minos completed his first edition incipits and explicits for the 1583 edition of the Griphus in 1572. After its appearance are: in print two years later, he made a thorough Prologue (ed. of Paris, 1583). Ad lectorem. revision of it in the following year. This was [Inc.]: (f. Ai) Studioso et candido et non infinally published in 1583 when Johannes ficeto (sic) lectori, de hoc Ausoniano Gripho.

Richerius undertook to publish a series of / Ter lege, ter doctum lepido sub carmine Ausonian commentaries. See p. 212 above. ludum, / Lector inhumana sed procul invidia. / Ter pure lecto recreaberis ipse libello, / Ter lege, ter doctus, ter tibi gratus

a) The edition of 1574. erit. / Iam si me audieris, facito licet ante

Introductory Epistle (ed. of Paris, 1574). periclum: / Ter lege, ter lecto, ter quoque Claudius Minos Divionensis ingenuo adoles- doctus eris.

centi Nicolao Fijanio Semurionensi, s.d. Dedicatory Epistle. Prudentiss. iuris utri[Inc.]: (f. 2") Pridem latuerat inter mea quae- usque Antistiti P. Sugerio Claudius Minos

dam scripta.../...[Expl.]: (f. 2”) antiquius S. [Inc.]: (f. 1°) Qui pridem libellus inter fuisse fateare. Vale ... Lutetiae Parisiorum, schediasmata quaedam mea latitabat, et

idibus sextilibus MDLXXII. quem nescio quo aetatis impetu edi ante

Comm. on Prefatory Epistle to the Griphus: sustinueram, ego nuper cum in meo Musaeo

In Epistolam Ausonii. [Inc.]: Occasio edi- nescio quid anxie perquirerem,.../...[Expl.]: tionis huius libelli.../...[Expl.]: (f. 4") ut (f. 2”) Quod si feceris, ut te facturum mihi

plurimum acuti et solertis. spondere ausim (si bene tuum candorem

Preface to Comm. on the Griphus: In novi) quem spurium olim et ferme subditiGryphum argumentum. [Inc.]: (f. 5‘) Cum tium habui, pro legitimo facile ali et foveri

numeri ternarii vis ea sit.../...[Expl.]: (f. sustinebo. Vale.

5‘) ab omni philosophiae parte deductis Comm. on Prefatory Epistle to the

explicat. Griphus. In Epistolam Ausonii. [Inc.]: (f. 4") Introduction to Comm. on the Griphus: Ad Symmachum|] Docti pene omnes ipsique [Inc.]: (f. 5‘) Ut apud Gellium.../.. .[Expl.]: Chronologi non dubitant, quin is cui suum

f. 5°) aut rete Graecis sonat. Griphum nuncupavit Ausonius, fuerit L. 216

AUSONIUS

Aurelius Symmachus, vir clarissimus urbis taedium) sed te tua delectant, me mea, quod praefectus, quemque reperio consulem fuisse ille ait. Finis.

cum Titiano (qui dicitur altis L. Titius Appendix: Appendix Apologetica pro Fabius).../...[Expl.]: (f. 6") Me desideres) Ausonii Gripho. [Inc.]: (f. 29° - actual 26°) noster hic imitatur Phaedriam Terentianam, Cum iam pervenissem ad huius explicationis

quae sic alloquitur Thaidem in Eunucho, umbilicum, measque ad Ausonii Griphum

[vv. 193-194] commentationes edi passus essem, eorum Dies noctesque ames me, me desideres, maxime precibus persuasus quibus mei ocii Me somnies, me expectes, de me co- rationem omnem constare cuperem, et quli-

gites, Etc. bus me charum esse sentirem, non potui

Preface to Comm. on the Griphus: In quin graviter ferrem id Ausonii argumentum Griphum Ausonii Argumentum. [Jnc.]: (f. minime probari Ioanni Vassorio Theologo, 7") Numeri ternarii vim efficacem et intellec- viro nunquam sine honoris praefatione mihi

tum caeteris praestantem numeris exempla nominando.../...[Expl.]: (f. 29°) Et sunt passim ostendunt apud scriptores erudi- ex literatorum turba nonnulli in quibus tantos.../...[Expl.]: (f. 7°) Hos itaque veteres tundem sensus est, quantum ingenii: qui de auctores imitatus Ausonius, impari tamen scriptis litteratis audacter admodum pronun-

argumento, hoc de ternario numero phi- cient, omniaque non natura rei sed sua losophiae divinae et humanae partibus, non facultate metiantur; alii, et plures fortasse, ordine, quem Griphi lex et natura non fere qui insana obtrectandi cupidine, nisi quod

patitur, sed avaxodovdus. ipsi fecerint, nihil eruditum aut dignum lec-

Introduction to Comm. on the Griphus: tione putent. Cum quibus, ne rixari habeant Griphus Ternarii Numeri. [Inc.]: (f. 7%) Ut necesse, a qua me molestia facile immunem apud Gellium nonnullosque alios, Griphus praesto, velim eos moneri serio ex pythagoreo hic pro nodoso argumento, sententia perplexa oraculo, 7 ovyav, n xpeiaoova aryns \adeElPv.

et implicata, quaeque facile solvi non possit, Lutetia. M.D.LXXV.

usurpatur peragopixas. Nam ypigw, vel Edition:

yolmw, aut yotgorv sagenam vel rete pisca- (Micro.) 1583, Parisiis (Paris): ap. Ioantorium Graecis sonat.../...[Expl.]: (f. 7") nem Richerium. Index Aureliensis I, ii, 484; In vetere quodam marmore haec parasiti DK VIII, 74. BM; BN (the BN copy lacks verba memorantur: Valete, abite in rem ves- the ‘Appendix apologetica’).

tram, viatores optimi: his nugis, griphis, Biography: ambagibusque meis condonate. De his griphis See p. 213 above. et aenigmatibus convivalibus multa Athe-

naeus dipnosop. 10. c. 17. c. FRANCISCUS SANCTIUS BROCENSIS

Comm. on the Griphus: Commentarius. Little is known about what led Sanctius to [Inc.]: (f. 8°) Ter bibe vel toties| In ipso compose a commentary on the Griphus. He eidyllii vestibulo, tanquam Alcibiadis ali- published the text with a short Argumentum quem nobis Silenum propositurus Ausonius in 1596 and the full commentary with text in ter vel novies esse bibendum monet, ut qui 1598 together with the text and commentary a rebus ludicris auspicatus statim ad peni- on Ovid’s Ibis.

tiora philosophiae, poeticae, historicae, et Introductory Epistle to Ovid's Ibis and

aliarum disciplinarum penetralia nos deducat Ausonius’ Griphus: (ed. of Geneva, 1766).

.../...[Expl.]: (f. 25") Non omnia in Com- D. Emanueli Sarmiento, doctori theologo, mentarium tantilli poematii ad nauseam amico magno, Franciscus Sanctius Brocenusque inculcanda, quod Sylvius facit: a cuius sis S.P.D. [Inc.]: (v. I1,199) Quum te, amice

ego studio et industria minime abhorrui magne, non ita pridem ad Sacra Bibliorum

(laudo enim non invitus hominis diligentiam, oracula penetranda propensum et paratum

quae mihi in quibusdam profuit ad levan- animadvertissem, autor tibi fui, ut prius dum vel certe imminuendum quaerendi poetarum Graecorum et Latinorum verba et 217

LATIN AUTHORS

sententias ad unguem percalluisses. Paruisti Scholiis ad Alciati Emblem. Gorgones tres candide monenti et intra paucos menses tanti fuerunt sorores Euryale, Steno, Medusa vide

negotii pensum absolvisti. Dixisti tamen te Ovid. 4 Metam. Vide Adag. Yopyov noluisse operam seriam [bidi Ovidianae im- Brémrecv: Furiae, quas ’"Epivvas Graeci pendere, ne praeclari tui conatus inutili vocant, tres sunt Acherontis filiae, Alectro, quasi mora retardarentur. Quum praecipue Moegera, Tisiphone.

Saepius ex me audisses, interpretes illius Editions:

operis fabulas aut historias saepe fingere, (Micro.) 1596, Salmanticae (Salamanca): quae, si quis non acriter advertat, mirifice ap. Ioannem Ferdinandum. Contains only proposito quadrare videantur. Facile huic the Argumentum and the Griphus text. malo, dixi, medicinam possumus adhibere; Palau y Dulcet, Manual del librero hispano-

nam aliquando in id poemation quaedam americano (Barcelona, 1948-1967), XIX, adnotavimus, quae minus ab interpretibus 288. BM; Madrid, Bib. Nac.

intelligerentur. Id quicquid est, tuo nunc *1598, Salmanticae (Salamanca): ap.

permissu in lucem prodit. Adiunximus etiam Didacum a Cussio. Palau y Dulcet, Manauctarii vice, et si non elusdem argumenti, ual. . .(1948-1967), XII, 120. Cited in Opera

similis tamen obscuritatis in Ternarium Omnia (1766), Il, p. 198. No copy of this

Ausonii Galli tumultuarias Annotationes. Id edition has been located.

totum quale quale est, tibi dicatur, et limato 1766, Geneva: ap. fratres de Tournes. ingenio tuo traditur examinandum. In Sanctius, Opera Omnia, II, pp. 252-268. Argumentum: D. Magni Ausonii Gryphus, BM; BN; (KU).

Ternarii Numeri. Argumentum. [Inc.]: (p. Biography:

252) Ausonius in Epistola ad Symmachum See CTC IIT, 300. Sic ait: Fuit autem ineptiolae huius ista ma- Additional Bibliography: M. de la Pinta teria. In expeditione, quod tempus, ut scis, Llorente y Antonio Tovar, El processo de licentiae militaris est,.../...[Expl.]: et ama- Francesco Sanchez de las Brozas (Madrid, torem primum philosophiae, Varronisque 1942); Raimundo de Miguel, Biography of numeros, et quicquid prophanum vulgus non Sanchez in his Catalogus librorum doctoris D.

ignorat. Joachim Gomez de la Cortina, March. de Comm.: Francisci Sanctii Brocensis, In Morante (8 Vols; Madrid, 1854-1862), V,

Inclyta Salmanticensi Academia Rhetorices 669-804; Gregorio Mayans y Siscar, ‘‘Fran-

Graecaeque Linguae Primarti Doctoris in cisci Sanctii Brocensis vita,’ in Sanchez’s Gryphum Ausonii Annotationes. [Inc.]: (p. Opera Omnia (Geneva, 1766), I, 1-121. 256) Griphus vel Gripus est proprie piscatorum sagena, id est, rete; capitur pro aenig-

mate, vel obscura quaestione, qua mens aut LX. MOSELLA et Eustathius, dicitur etiam Graece Bondos, COMMENTARY a jaciendo, Latine jaculum, Hispane spara- a. ANONYMUS

intellectus irretitur, ita Suidas, Hesychius,

vel, et redeguelle. This French(?) commentary, composed in

V.1. Ter bibe, vel totiens ternos. Plutar- the second half of the sixteenth century, is chus in libello de vita Homeri postquam concerned with the location and significance multa carmina poetae recitavit, de numero of the many rivers and sites, and identificaternario et novenario sic ait, ““Quur autem tion of the fishes mentioned by Ausonius in novenarius numerus est perfectissimus? quia the Mosella. Frequent references to other quadratus est, primum imparem numerum classical authors are made. The commentary radicem habens; in tres divisibiles terniones, was not completed. It begins with the first quorum quilibet in tres unitates dividitur’’ verse of the poem and ends in the middle of .../...[Expl.]: (p. 268) 82. De Gerione, f. 35” with the words ‘‘deiuge dorsum’’ from Chimaera, Scylla, et Harpyis late diximus in verse 164. 218

AUSONIUS

Commentary. Mosella Ausonii [Inc.]: Vir vivum, extinctum haec retinet. Sic Transieram celerem nebuloso flumine Navam. pignora secta.

Navam non navem legendum opinior (sic) Edition: qui fluvius Bingae in Rhenum influit, et vo- (Micro.) 1565, Pictavis, (Poitiers): ap. catur die (sic) Na. / Addite miratus veteri Enguilbertum Marnefium. Index Aureliensis , nova moenia Vico. / Aequavit Latias ubi I, 11, 483; DK VIII, 776; Maittaire III, 569; nuper Gallia Cannas. Loquitur poeta de in- Goettingen, Univ. signi ea clade qua Iulianus Caesar Germanos Biography:

affecit infra Argentoratum, videlicet apud See p. 211 above. Navam flumen. Ubi postea Huni quoque a

Germanis caesi eo tumulati sunt oppidumque

ibidem extructum denuo a Germanis quod XI. EPIGRAMMATA 26, 25, 27-29, AND

ab Hunis dirutum fuerat..../...[Expl.|: EPITAPHIUM 31.

(f. 35”) Garumna (v. 160) Fluvius est Gal-

liae Aquitanicae celebris gratia Burdigalae COMMENTARY

nunc Bordonay(?) quae civitas prima fuit a. ANONYMUS Ausonii, contra mare Gallicum se exonerat. / This commentary of the late fifteenth or Fluvalis margo. Nomen dixit fluvii ripa. / early sixteenth century is found at the end of a

Deiuge dorsum. miscellaneous collection of works which in-

Manuscript: cludes such items as epistles of Leonardo (Micro.) Besancon, Bibliothéque Munici- Bruni and sermons. The commentary was

pale, MS 542, s. XVIZ, ff. 31-35’. (Cat. Gen. apparently never completed as it covers only

32, 314-316). the first six epigrams as found in the Z family of Ausonius manuscripts; it ends in the

middle of folio 194°; folios 195-211 are

X. ORDO URBIUM NOBILIUM blank.

Commentary. Ausonii Epigramma pri-

COMMENTARY mum (Epig. 26) [Inc.]: (f. 192") Phoebe a. ELias VINETUS potens. Tria numina in Gratiani nomen in-

On the circumstances surrounding the vocat ob militarem et poeticen artem Phoecomposition of this commentary, see p. 204 bum. Phoebus enim poetarum deus est, ut

above. Ovi. de remedio amoris (v. 76): ‘‘carminis et Commentary (ed. of Poitiers, 1565). Eliae medicae Phoebe repertor opis.’’ Minerva Vineti Santonis Commentarius in Ausonil bellatrix dea nuncupatur; ex quo ei Aegidem Burdigalensis librum de Claris Urbibus. / / attribuunt, Victoriam autem in utriusque In carmen primum de Roma, Constantino- vim. Nam ita poetis favet ut imperatoribus

poli et Carthagine. [Jnc.]: (f. Bi") Prima quae a Varrone caeligena dicitur, sicut et urbes inter. Prima et caput urbium omnium Venus. est Roma, divorum principum et Imperato- Paulus Orosius, Eusebius In temporibus, rum domicilium, Regia. Huius autem libelli Paulus Diaconus de hoc Gratiano meminer-

titulus est in antiquo Lugdunensi codice unt. Orosius asserit Gratianum Funarium ORDO VRBIVM NOBILIVM.../... duos filios suscepisse, Valenti anum et [Expl.]: (f. Fitii') Distichum est hexame- Valentem superiorem; item duos, Gratianum trum: quod aliquando rogassem Briandum et Valentinianum, Gratianum cum Valente illum Valeam regium consiliarium, num fe- patruo regnasse et mortuo cum fratre sed cisset Latinum, sic a Petro Amico, ad quem annorum XXIX interfectum, fratrem Valenextant Gulielmi Budaei epistolae, conversum tinianum in Thraciam confugisse, paulo

tradidit. post a rege Theodosio Thracie in regnum reQuae peperit geminos, Lucillae hic ossa stitutum, adoptatus fuerat a Gratiano Theoquiescunt. dosius iure pietatis paternae restituit eum. 219

LATIN AUTHORS

Tritonia. (Epig. 26, v. 1) dicitur etiam tri- SPURIOUS WORKS togenia quia tria doceat bene dicere bene XIII. SEPTEM SAPIENTUM SENTENTIAE

cogitare et bene facere..../...[Expl.]: (f. 194") Epig. 5 (Epig. 29) Nunc et Mar[morem]. COMMENTARY De Valentiano legendum censemus qui fuit a. DESIDERIUS ERASMUS frater minor Gratiani cum dicat Augustus

frater. Et totum est ex Vergilio. The commentary on the Septem sapienEpig. [6] (Epitaph 31). Sparge mero. An- tum sententiae was included with that on tiqui parentando vinum fundere, nardum the Catonis Disticha de moribus in one of urere, rosas spargere et balsama consue- the books for use in grammar school which verunt. Vergilius in quinto de Anchise. Silius were prepared by Erasmus while he was rede Scipione in patris et patrui nonum diem. siding in Cambridge. The first edition ap-

Manuscript: peared in 1514 and remained a standard

(Micro) Milan, Biblioteca Nazionale Brai- textbook throughout the sixteenth century. dense, MS A.D.XI.31, s. XV/XVI, ff. 192'- The commentary on the Septem sapientum

194’. (Kristeller, Iter, I, 355-358). sententiae consists of little more than a line by line explanation of the meaning of the poem. The order of the poem is altered in the Erasmus editions: Sections IV, I-III, VI, V, VII.

Commentary (ed. of Basel, 1526). Des.

XII. LOST OR DOUBTFUL Erasmus Roteradamus. Dicta sapientum ex

COMMENTARIES Ausonio, carmina, atque in his extrema sententiae fere semper est gemina et disticho

a. FABRICIUS VARANUS comprehenditur. [Inc.]: (f. f 1”) Periandri, carmine Phalaecio. Numquam discrepat utile

Fabricius Varanus (Fabrizio Varano) was a decoro. Id est, nihil utile quod non hones-

the son of the Lord Camerino, Rudolfo IV tum. Plus est sollicitus, magis beatus. Id Varano, head of the most powerful family in est, quo quisque ditior, hoc magis sollicitus the region. He was bishop of Camerino from vivit. Mortem optare malum, timere petus. 1482 until his death in 1508. Varanus is re- Miser est qui taedio vitae mortem optat, sed

ported to have prepared a commentary, or miserior, qui semper timet mortem..../... at least had extensive notes, on Ausonius [Expl.] (f. f 4°) Cum vere obiurgas, sic which M. Accursius was accused of plagia- inimice iuvas. Praestat vere carpi ab inirizing for his Diatribae. (See p. 201 above). mico, quam falso laudari ab amico. Nil

Nothing further is known about the work of nimium, satis est, ne sit et hoc nimium. Ne

Varanus on Ausonius. quis nimis. Nam modus omnibus in rebus Bibliography: P. Bayle, Dictionnaire his- est optimus.

torique et critique (4 Vols.; Paris, 1720), I, Editions: Only the earliest editions are 50; R. Weiss, The Renaissance Discovery of listed below, because almost 100 editions Classical Antiquity (Oxford, 1969), 81; and were published by the year 1600. A large

the works listed p. 202 above. majority of them are listed in the BM, BN,

and Cambridge library catalogues. For a

b. Craupius Minos complete listing see Van der Haeghen, Bibliotheca Erasmiana (see bibliography below).

Notes taken from the lectures of Minos on *(1514: Louvain: Thierry Martin]. BM, Ausonius appear to have been prepared for BN. publication by his students but they were (Micro.) [1515, Strasburg: M. Schiirer]. not published and subsequently were lost. Contains commentary only on sections IV See p. 212, above, for further details on this. and I. BM; (MH; NIC); 220

AUSONIUS

*1516; Argentorati (Strasburg): M. but found the regime onerous and left the

Schiirer. BM; BN. college in 1496 to undertake tutorial teaching *(1517]; Caen et Rennes: [Michel Angier]. in Paris. A former pupil, Lord Mountjoy, BN; Courtances. _ invited him to England in 1499, In his first *(1517]; Lovanii (Louvain): Th. Martin. of many visits to the island, Erasmus formed

BN, BM. friendships with John Colet, Thomas More, *1520: Basileae (Basel): per I. Frobenium. Linacre, and Grocyn and decided to devote

BM; BN; Cambridge. himself to the study of theology. Between (micro) 1526; Basilaea (Basel): per I. Fro- 1500 and 1505, he worked in Paris, traveled benium. BM; BN. in France, and published the first edition of Erasmus’ commentary is also reprinted his Collectanae adagiorum with Jodocus following E. Vinetus’ commentary on the Badius. Erasmus went to Italy in 1506 and poem in the 1575-1580, 1590, 1596, and received his D.D. degree at Turin and by 1598 editions listed above under Composite 1508 had formed a friendship and working

Editions and p. 210-11. relationship with Aldus Manutius and his

Biography: circle of humanists which included men

Desiderius Erasmus was born as the son such as Marcus Musurus and Baptista of a priest at Gouda, near Rotterdam, on Egnatius.

the night of 27/28 October; the year of his Erasmus returned to England and in 1511 birth remains in dispute, and scholars have completed his Greek edition, with notes, argued for all the possibilities from 1461 and Latin translation of the New Testament, through 1469 (see in the bibliography below editions of the Letters of Jerome, and of A. C. F. Koch, M. M. Phillips, and R. R. Seneca. He published them with Johannes Post). He first attended school in Gouda and Froben in Basel in 1514. He left Basel for next at St. Lebuin’s church in Deventer England and France and aided Hieronymus from 1475-1484. He discovered what was to Busleiden found the Collegium Trilingue at be a lifelong love for the study of letters at Louvain. Returning to Basel in 1521, ErasDeventer under the guidance of Johannes mus became Froben’s general editor directSinthius and Alexander Hegius. Erasmus ing publication of a series of editions of was sent to school at Hertogenbosch to pre- Greek and Latin Fathers. His work was pare for monastic life by his guardian after aided by many scholars including Bonifacius his father’s death in about 1484. While Amerbach, Beatus Rhenanus, and Johannes there, Erasmus developed a distaste for regi- Oecolampadius. mented thought and austere physical life. In 1524, Erasmus felt compelled to print Nonetheless, he became an Augustinian something concerning the Protestant movecanon at St. Gregory’s in Steyn, near Gouda, ment and published his De libero arbitrio, and was ordained a priest in 1492. While at a critique of the determinism found in the Steyn, he was allowed to pursue his passion writings of Luther. Until his death, the of reading the Church Fathers and classics. Church entreated Erasmus to champion its In about 1494, Henry of Bergen, bishop of cause, but he politely refused to be dragged Cambrai, appointed Erasmus his Latin sec- into the fray. After Froben’s death in 1527 retary and became the first in a long line of and religious turmoil in the city, he left patrons of Erasmus. Thenceforward, Eras- Basel in 1529 and found solitude in Fret-

mus spent his life traveling throughout burg-im-Breisgau. In 1535 he returned to Europe seeking time for study and to write Basel and died there on 11 July, 1536.

under the patronage of many benefactors. Works: A complete list of the works of Erasmus entered the College of Montaigu Erasmus in contained in Ferdinand van der in Paris, then directed by Jan Standonck, a Haeghen, Bibliotheca Erasmiana. Répertoire

leader of the devotio moderna. Erasmus ad- des oeuvres d'Erasme. (7 Vols.; Ghent, mired some of the tenets of the movement 1893-1908). This compendium contains 221

LATIN AUTHORS

listings of all of the works and editions, trans- loquium Erasmianum. Actes du Colloque

lations and annotations by Erasmus, and International reuni a Mons du 26 au 29 biographies and other secondary works on Octobre 1967 (Mons, 1968); J. Coppens,

Erasmus and his work. ed., Scrinium Erasmianum, Meélanges his-

The ancient authors edited, translated, or toriques publiés sous le patronage de l'Uniannotated by Erasmus include: Ambrose, versité de Louvain a l'occasion du cinquiéme Aristotle, Athanasius, Augustine, Basil, the centenaire de la naissance d Erasme, 2 vols. New Testament, the Disticha Catonis, Cicero, (Leyden, 1969-70); W. P. Eckert, Erasmus Cyprian, Demosthenes, Euripides, Faustus von Rotterdam. Werk und Wirkung, 2 vols. ep. Reiensis, Galen, Gregory of Nazianzen, (Cologne, 1967); Hilary of Poitiers, Horace, Irenaeus, Isocrates, A. Gambaro, Il Ciceronianus di Erasmus Jerome, John Chrysostom, Flavius Josephus, di Rotterdam (Brescia, 1965); J. Huizinga, Lactantius, Libanius, Livy, Lucian, Origen, Erasmus (New York, 1924); A. C. F. Koch, Ovid, Plautus, Pliny the Elder, Plutarch, The Year of Erasmus’ birth and other conPrudentius, Ptolemy, Publilius Syrus, Seneca, tributions to the chronology of his life

Suetonius, and Xenophon. (Utrecht, 1969); E. W. Kohls, Die Theologie For Erasmus’ collected works see his Opera os crass, 2 vols. easel Ny 00) Ms Mann

omnia, 10 vols. in 11 (Leyden, 1703-06: Fee ees OdO). the carne “the tno rpt. London, 1962) and Opera oynnia ( Am. sance (London, 1949); the same, ‘The date of

steran dam 1969- )the Erasmus’ birth,” in English 6 (1973) 14-15; same, TheErasmus Adages of Erasmus Bibl.: Allgemeine deutsche Biographie VI (Cambridge, 1946); J. C. Margolin, Douze (1877) 160-80, by L. Kammel; Die Grossen années de Bibliographie érasmienne, 1950-—

der Zeit. ed. K. Fassmann IV (1974) 588- 1961 (Paris, 1963); R. Pfeiffer, Humanitas 613 by W. P. Eckert; Neue deutsche Biog- — Eyasmiana (Berlin, 1931); R. R. Post, “La raphie (Berlin, 1952- ) IV, 554-60 by Otto naissance d’Erasme,”’ Bibl. d'Humanisme et Schottenloher; Nouvelle Biographie Generale Renaissance 26 (1964) 489-501; C. Reedijk,

XVI (1857) 181-211. “Das Lebensende des Erasmus,” Basler ZeitP. S. Allen, Erasmus’ Service to Learning schrift 57 (1958), 23-66; F. Seebohm, The (London, 1925); idem, Erasmus, Lectures Oxford Reformers (2nd ed.; London, 1869);

and Wayfaring Sketches (Oxford, 1934) P. Smith, Erasmus, A Study of his Life, R. H. Bainton, Erasmus of Christendom Ideals and Place in History (2nd ed.; London,

(New York, 1969); L. Bouyer, Autour 1962); Thomson and Porter; Erasmus and

d'Erasme, Etude sur le Christianisme des Cambridge. The Cambridge Letters of Erashumanistes catholiques (Paris, 1955); Col- mus (Toronto, 1963).

222

CATO, MARCUS PORCIUS VIRGINIA BROWN

Fortuna. 223 Bibliography. 229 (Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, Toronto)

Composite Editions. 231

I. De re rustica. 232 Commentaries. 1. Petrus Victorius. 2. Fulvius Ursinus. 3. Ausonius Popma. 4. Johannes Meursius.

II. Fragmenta. 240 Commentaries. 1. Antonius Riccobonus. 2. Ausonius Popma.

FORTUNA* survived entire; the earliest example of Latin prose, it is a rather haphazard collection of

Often called the Censor or the Elder to proverbs, recipes, and agricultural precepts distinguish him from his great-grandson of the directed at farming in Campania and southern same name, Cato (234-149 B.C.) was a cele- Latium. Of the works that have perished we brated statesman, general, orator, jurist, and have remains of the following: (1) Origines, a the author of numerous works. Only the De history of Italy in seven books from the found-

agri cultura or De re rustica (the latter title ing of Rome to 149 B.C., composed not in the was used by humanistic commentators and annalistic fashion but divided according to will be cited in this article), composed some the various tribes and dealing with ethnology time after Hannibal’s invasion of Italy, has and antiquities as well; (2) orations, of which

—-approximately eighty are attested, although *This article was completed with the help of a Cicero (Brutus XVII. 65) claimed to have Canada Council Research Grant which enabled me found and read more than 150 of them by 46 to verify and finish my research at the Widener B.C.; (3) Carmen de moribus, a handbook of and Houghton Libraries of Harvard University. moral precepts which is, however, not to be 223

LATIN AUTHORS

identified with the Disticha Catonis, a collec- through an intermediary, but there is no in-

tion originating in the third or, at the latest, dication that an ancient commentary ever fourth century A.D. and circulating under the existed on the De re rustica or any of the name of ‘Dionysius Cato’; (4) Praecepta ad other works. In the period of the Republic filium, the first encyclopedia by a Latin and early Empire, Cato seems to have been author, which was addressed to his older son regarded as an authority both in matters of (Marcus Porcius Cato Licinianus) and em- content and style, and, as such, was often braced medicine, rhetoric, agriculture, mili- used. The earliest instance may concern Poly-

tary strategy, and jurisprudence; (5) De re bius, his contemporary, who, in connection militari, a separate treatise on warfare, which with book VI of his Universal History, seems

is not to be confused with an anonymous to have had access to, or at least was inRenaissance forgery with the same title and spired by, the De re militari; books IV-

ascribed to Cato, but composed of various VII of the Origines, which would also have passages from Vegetius (H. Keil, in Biblio- been relevant, were probably published too graphy IV. C); (6) Commentarii iuris civilts, late to serve his purpose. In the next cena separate treatise on jurisprudence; (7) let- tury there are more definite signs of the cirters. Nothing is extant of the Apophtheg- culation of his writings. Sallust, for example, mata, a collection of witty sayings, or the De was greatly influenced by Cato’s style and medicina, a separate treatise on medicine. archaic dictim. His tacit imitations did not Cato the man was widely esteemed in antiq- go unobserved, for Suetonius (Augustus uity. In the first century B.C., Cornelius LXXXVI. 3) reports that, while ridiculing Nepos wrote a biography of him which has Mark Antony’s command of rhetoric, Augusbeen lost, but a condensed version survives tus referred to Sallust’s excerpting of words in the division. De historicis latinis of De from the Origines. Lenaeus, a grammarian viris illustribus. The Cato Maior or De senec- and freedman of Pompey the Great, altute is a quasi-biography in dialogue form ludes to the same practice when denouncing by Cicero, perhaps his most ardent admirer, Sallust as ‘priscorum Catonis verborum inwhich describes an imaginary discussion eruditissimus fur’ (Suetonius, Gramm. 15). In of 150 B.C. whose participants include Cato, the Brutus Cicero praises Cato’s orations and Publius Scipio Africanus Minor, and Gaius extols him as a far worthier representative of

Laelius. Besides giving an account of his the Attic school than the orators currently life, the work endows Cato with the best read. Dionysius of Halicarnassus (I. 7. 3) lists characteristics of the ‘old Romans’, and it Cato as one of the authorities for his Antiqutwas in this light that he continued to be tates Romanae and seems to have drawn upon viewed by later authors. Horace (Epist. I. 19. the Origines. The Origines also served as a 12-14), Seneca (Epist. XI. 10, XCVII. 10), source for Livy when he recounts Cato’s exMartial (Epigramm. X.20.21), and Juvenal ploits in Spain in book XXXIV, and it has (Sat. 11.40), among others, bear witness that been suggested (J. M. Nap in Bibliography ‘Cato’ or ‘Catones’ (referring also to Marcus IV.A) that he knew the De re militari through Porcius Cato Uticensis, 95-46 B.C., renowned Valerius Antias. Varro and Virgil, the other

for similar high moral conduct and stern, agricultural writers at this time, were, as 1s uncompromising integrity) was synonymous to be expected, familiar with the De re ruswith irreproachable probity. Plutarch’s Vita tica. The former refers to Cato fourteen times, Catonis Maioris, which has much of the same all instances occurring in book I, and nearly information found in Nepos and Cicero, ex- every reference is introduced by Stolo, one of

hibits a similar tendency to portray Cato as the interlocutors. The result is an almost

the ideal Roman. equal share of praise and blame. (For Varro

There is evidence, too, that his writings see the article on pp. 451-500 below.) Virgil’s were popular, although sometimes it is diffi- debt to his predecessor is much less clearly cult to tell if they were known directly or defined since he never mentions Cato specif224

CATO CENSOR

ically, but modern scholars, basing their Cato’s influence upon him. Statilius Maximus, judgment in part on certain turns of phrase apparently a contemporary of Fronto and in the Georgics, agree that he was certainly Gellius, assembled Singularia, a collection of

acquainted with Cato’s treatise. words with obscure meanings and rare morCato was also read in the first century A.D. phology gleaned from Cato and Cicero and

Pliny the Elder numbers him among the preserved in the fourth-century grammarian authorities for books III, IV, VI, VIII, XI, Charisius through an intermediary, Julius XIV-XXII, XXVIII, and XXXVI of the Romanus (early third century). It is to interests Historia naturalis. He is described as the first of this sort that we owe the preservation by ‘to teach agriculture to speak in Latin’ by later writers and grammarians (Macrobius, Columella (see the article on this author in Nonius Marcellus, Priscian etc.) of a large CTC II 173-93), who cites Cato approx- number of the fragments which we now have. imately twenty times in his own De re rustica From the third century onwards there is

(books I-IV, VI, XI, XII) and occasionally not much evidence that Cato was read for disagrees with his dicta (IV. 11. 1; VI praef. his own sake or for the useful instructions 4-5). Cornelius Celsus, who wrote under Ti- contained in his manuals. The handbooks berius, composed an encyclopedia divided into of Columella and Palladius on farming were five parts after Cato. Only eight books on medi- much more systematically arranged and cine have survived; for the five books which consequently easier to follow, and Cato’s De dealt with farming, Columella (De re rustica re rustica gradually fell into disuse. In the now Ill. 2.31) appears to indicate that Cato was one fragmentary treatise on gardens, Gargilius of Celsus’ sources. It seems possible, if not Martialis (third century?) does not name Cato

likely, that Frontinus, author of a De re expressly, but he may depend on him (De re muilitari, knew Cato’s treatise on the same rustica 70-72) for certain sections of his work.

subject, but this cannot be determined with Nor is Cato mentioned by the veterinary certainty since the former’s work has perished. writers Pelagonius (second half of the fourth His Stratagemata, however, compiled between century) and Vegetius (fourth/fifth century). 84 and 96 A.D. and designed to supplement The latter also composed a De re militari and the De re militari, mentions six ruses (two each cited Cato as one of the sources, but it was

in books I-III) employed by Cato when he probably a second-hand knowledge at best. was serving in Spain (195 B.C.) and at Thermo- Servius seems to be a rare exception; he

pylae (191 B.C.). apparently still had access to the orations Cato’s choice and range of language that themselves (In Aen. VII. 259, XI. 301).

had long since passed out of daily conversation Cato’s works, except for the De re rustica, alwas another reason why his writings attracted most certainly did not survive into the Middle attention. Verrius Flaccus, tutor to the grand- Ages. Medieval knowledge of them derives sons of Augustus, wrote a De obscuris Cato- from quotations and information provided by

nis, and Cato’s vocabulary also figured in his earlier authors, and no commentaries date De verborum significatu. Both of these works from this period. Such references as could are lost as is the Dubius sermo of Pliny the conveniently be gathered are given here; the Elder who may have consulted Cato as well. In number will doubtless increase when more the second century A.D. writers strove for rhe- grammatical texts, now available only in torical effect by means of rare and unusual manuscript, are edited. vocabulary and phraseology, and they found a With regard to the De re rustica, Isidore ready supply in Cato. Fronto, tutor to Marcus Etymologiae XVII. 1) remarked that Cato Aurelius, was enamoured of the orations, and was the first to write about agriculture while communicated a similar enthusiasm to his Varro embellished and Columella encompupil. Unfortunately, however, the remains passed the whole science. This observation

of Fronto’s own speeches are too scanty to was repeated practically verbatim in the allow any conclusions regarding the extent of twelfth century by Hugh of St. Victor (Didas225

LATIN AUTHORS

calicon III. 2). Since Cato was not listed as century when Petrus de Crescentiis produced one of the authorities in the Geoponica, a his Ruralium commodorum libri XII which tenth-century compilation of agricultural contained material drawn from Cato, Varro, precepts based on the treatise of Cassianus and Palladius. It was not, however, until the Bassus (sixth century), it is perhaps not sur- fifteenth century that the De re rustica became prising that the earliest extant copy of the De relatively popular and available. At present re rustica, Parisinus lat. 6842 A, was written approximately thirty-five Renaissance manuin the twelfth/thirteenth century. Seemingly scripts are known; most of these were written there was not much demand for the manual in the Quattrocento, and only a few have been

itself, to judge from the lack of early manu- consulted by editors. The text is so often scripts and the absence of entries in edited combined with the treatises of one or more

medieval library inventories. of the other agricultural writers that codices

Other references to Cato include various such as Oxford, Bodleian Library MS.

fragments cited in the De dubiis nominibus, D’ Orville 148 and Vaticanus lat. 3390, contain-

an anonymous grammatical treatise from ing Cato alone, may be considered anomalies around the middle of the seventh century and suspected of being membra disiecta. The which seems to draw upon Caper, and the Ars majority of witnesses contain no marginalia grammatica of Hildericus (ninth century), who at all for the Cato section; where notes have took most of his quotations from Priscian. been entered, they are on the order of running

In the eleventh century Cato is listed in a titles. Some owners of the manuscripts are poem by a certain Winrich (of Metz?) as one Cardinal Bessarion (Venice Z. lat. 462: Colu-

of the authors of ancient Rome who should mella, Varro, Cato), Francesco Sassetti be read. Alphanus I (d. 1085), archbishop (Laurentianus 30. 10: Cato, Varro), Gaspar of Salerno, in a poem addressed to Gisulf, de Guzman (Escorial R. I. 7: Columella, notes approvingly (and rather curiously) his Varro, Cato), Hieronymus Surita (London, lack of the ‘gravitas Catonis’ (XVII. 10). The J. R. Abbey MS. 3226: Columella, Varro, Derivationes of Osborne of Gloucester (mid- Cato), Fulvius Ursinus (Vaticanus lat. 3390: twelfth century) contain examples from Cato Cato), and the Malatesta family (Cesena 24 as found in Priscian. William of Malmesbury sin. 2: Columella, Cato, Varro). Aulus Janus gives ‘excerpts’ from the Origines in Bodleian Parrhasius also owned or had access to a Library, MS. Selden B. 16 (f. 7°’), a codex manuscript containing both Cato and Varro, which he copied between 1126 and 1130; the since he entered its readings in his own copy of passages, however, are taken from such au- the 1482 Reggio edition, now S. Q. IX. H. 13

thors as Dares, Virgil, and Solinus. John of in the Biblioteca Nazionale, Naples, but his Salisbury refers to Cato often in the Poli- codex has not yet come to light (see U. Lepore craticus and cites not a few fragments, but in Bibliography IV. C). his information is all second hand, coming The editio princeps (HC 14564*) follows the from Priscian, Vegetius, and others. Cato, manuscript practice of grouping the Scriptores too, was familiar to such Byzantine authors rei rusticae together; produced at Venice by as Johannes Stobaios (fifth century), Jo- Nicolaus Jenson in 1472, it contains Georgius hannes Lydos (sixth century), Suidas (tenth Merula’s edition of the De re rustica of Cato, century), Johannes Tzetzes (twelfth century), Varro, and Columella and the Opus agriculand Theodoros Metochites (1260/1-1332); turae of Palladius edited by Franciscus ColuW. O. Schmitt (see Bibliography IV. B) has cia, together with Merula’s ‘Enarrationes brecollected evidence to show that their knowl- vissimae priscarum vocum’ (short definitions edge rested on the accounts of Polybius, of technical terms drawn from Cato, Varro, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Plutarch, Appian, and Columella). There are other incunabula Dio Cassius, Xiphilinos, and Zonaras. with the same format: three printed at Reggio Interest in at least the De re rustica was Emilia in 1482 (HC 14565*), 1496 (HC 14569), revived around the beginning of the fourteenth 1499 (HC + Add 14570*) and one at Bologna 226

CATO CENSOR

in 1494 (HC 14568*). Laurentianus 53. 19 is was apparently Vatican Library, Reginensis a copy of the 1482 edition, and Naples V A 5 lat. 1502, which displays printer’s notations.

(copied by Gianrainaldo Mennio) is also In the introduction, Victorius refers to two

derived from a printed edition. manuscripts which he had consulted, namely, In 1498 Johannes Annius (Giovanni Nanni a ‘vetustissimum volumen’ from the library of Viterbo, 1432-1502) published a collection of San Marco, Florence, and a codex written of fragments which purported to be from the ‘litteris Gallicis’. The latter is easily identified lost works of ancient historians, among them as Laurentianus 30. 10, copied in France in the Origines of Cato. This ‘editio princeps’, the early fifteenth century, to judge from the

dedicated to King Ferdinand and Queen palaeography (not in the fourteenth century Isabella of Spain, appeared both at Rome as has been stated by editors), and containing (HC 1130*) and at Venice (HC 12527), the for- the text of Varro as well. The more ancient

mer containing also a commentary. Towards witness originally contained Cato, Varro, the beginning of his annotations on Cato, An- Columella, and Gargilius Martialis, but nius reports that he discovered the fragments Victorius notes that the folios with Columella ‘in Collectaneis vetustis cuiusdam magistri and Gargilius Martialis had disappeared and

Guilielmi Mantuani’. Marcus Antonius that the last part of Varro was missing. PoliSabellicus, Petrus Crinitus, and Raphael tian, however, had examined the same manuMaffei immediately expressed doubts re- script in 1482 when it was still complete, entergarding the genuineness of the finds, and, ing the variants in his own copy of the editio despite later attempts to defend them (e.g A. — princeps; this book later came into the pos-

Flérchen and G. B Favre), they are now re- session of the Ricasoli family and is now garded as forgeries of Annius himself. His Rés. S. 439 in the Bibliothéque Nationale, procedure was to combine authentic fragments Paris. In 1737 Hieronymus Lagomarsinus preserved by Pliny, Macrobius, and others made a copy of Politian’s collation, and his with spurious lines of his own invention, and notes are preserved in Piacenza, Biblioteca to weave them into connected passages of Comunale MS. 117 (Landi 4) and Vaticanus prose. The collection was often reprinted, lat. 11646. To judge from the errors reported and certain portions from the Origines were by Politian and Victorius, the ‘vetustissimum occasionally thought to have some ring of volumen’ appears to have been copied from an authority and included among the genuine exemplar in Caroline minuscules. It is genfragments; examples are Ausonius Popma erally regarded as the archetype from which (see pp. 245,247 below) and Joseph Scaliger all extant manuscripts of the De re rustica of

(see E. Villa in Bibliography IV. C). Cato and Varro are descended.

. The De re rustica continued to be published To Antonius Riccobonus is due the credit during the first half of the sixteenth century in for the next commentary on Cato. In 1568 various editions of the Scriptores rei rusticae. he published a treatise on the nature and These include the Aldine (Venice, 1514) edited purpose of history (De historia commentarius)

by Johannes Jocundus, and the Giuntine which was accompanied by a collection of (Florence, 1515, 1521), which is notable for the fragments of Cato, Claudius Quadthe ‘Enarrationes super nonnullis dictionibus’ rigarius, Sisenna, Sallust, and Varro. He of Nicolaus Angelius, the editor, who tacitly was the first to assemble the remains of

based them on Merula’s ‘Enarrationes’ in the Cato’s lost writings, and his scholia, which editio princeps. In 1541 Petrus Victorius’ edi- deal with every work except the Epistulae, tion of Cato, Varro, and Columella appeared are brief but sufficient to constitute com-

at Lyons. He also published a companion mentaries. volume of castigationes to all three authors; Fulvius Ursinus produced the second this is the first commentary on any work of commentary on the De re rustica. It appeared Cato, and the manuscript serving as the source in an edition published at Rome in 1587 of the printed version of these castigationes which also contained a ‘commentary’ on Varro 227

LATIN AUTHORS

(see p. 494 below), notes on Columella, Petrus Victorius in his 7rattato delle lodi e various other texts with commentaries, and della coltivazione degli ulivi (Florence, 1569).

epigraphical studies. Three years later there Giovanvettorio Soderini (1526-1597) was appeared, for the first time, a volume with another Florentine humanist who wrote on the opera omnia of Cato (De re rustica and agriculture and referred to Cato; see the fragments); the text was edited by Ausonius Trattato dell’agricoltura, Trattato della Popma whose annotations embraced every- cultura degli orti e giardini, and Trattato thing but the Praecepta ad filium, Epistulae, degli arbori. Luigi Alamanni (1495-1556), and Commentarii iuris civilis. The second, who was originally from Florence but later revised edition (Franeker, 1620) made up settled in France, alludes to Cato’s eulogy the deficiency to a large extent, for he ex- of the properties of cabbage (De re rustica panded his comments to include every work CLVI ff.) in the La coltivazione (Paris, except the last named. Popma seems not to 1546), which he dedicated to King Francis I. have known Riccobonus’ edition of the Another French king similarly honored was

fragments; he never refers to it, and his Henry IV; to him is inscribed the famous arrangement of the texts, both in order and Le théatre d agriculture et mesnage des number, is quite different. In the preface champs (Paris, 1600) of Olivier de Serres,

to his edition of Cato, Varro, Columella, whose sources include Cato, Varro, Columella, and Palladius (Heidelberg, 1595), Hierony- Pliny, Palladius, and even Hesiod. Cato was

mus Commelinus stated that ‘notationes also used by Conrad Heresbach, author of criticorum’ had been purposely omitted but the Rei rusticae libri IV (Cologne, 1570). would be supplied when work on the Geo- The 1576 Basel edition of Cato and Varro

ponica was finished. His death in 1598 contained an outline of farming methods

prevented him from accomplishing this, and based on precepts advocated by the two thus the final commentary to be composed writers and arranged systematically by Theo-

before 1600 is that of Johannes Meursius dorus Zwinger. Finally, as evidence that on the De re rustica. It was published at Cato was known in England at this time, Leyden in 1598 together with the text and it may be pointed out that the antiquarian commentaries (first edition) of Popma. Since William Lambarde compiled in 1571 a com-

Popma also wrote a commentary on Varro’s monplace book of rules for farming (now De re rustica (see p. 493 below), Meursius 1s London, British Library Additional MS. the only commentator on Cato the farmer to 20709), which exhibits material from the content himself with just one of the Scriptores De re rustica.

rei rusticae. Despite this interest, there were no versions

From the practical side, interest in the in the vernacular until the end of the eighDe re rustica as a guide to farming was teenth century when the De re rustica was already apparent towards the end of the translated into French by C. F. Saboureux de fifteenth century since Michelangelo Tanaglia la Bonneterie (Paris, 1771) and Italian by (1437-1512) had referred twice to the treatise Giuseppe Compagnoni (Venice, 1792): T.

in his didactic poem on agriculture. In the Owen translated the work into English in sixteenth century and later, it was usual 1803, and a German rendering has become for writers of farming handbooks to quote available only in modern times. the ancient authorities, including Cato and Of the editions of the De re rustica produced Varro. G. E. Fussell (see Bibliography V) from the seventeenth century until the present, has made a survey of these works, and it the first worthy of note is that of J. M. Gesner

is necessary here to mention only a few of who in 1735 edited the corpus of ancient them. Two such examples were composed by writers on farming and produced a useful the commentators. In the De instrumento Lexicon rusticum. He utilized the 1595 edition fundi liber appended to the 1620 edition, of Commelinus and, indirectly, the collation Ausonius Popma often cites Cato, as does of Politian, and also had access to the un228

CATO CENSOR

finished edition of Christian Schoettgen (Leipzig, 1894); G. Goetz (ed.), M. Porci (1687-1751). Schoettgen, as Gesner notes Catonis De agri cultura liber (Leipzig, 1922); in the preface, had divided the text into more E. Brehaut (trans. and comm.), Cato the convenient chapters than had previously been Censor, On Farming (New York, 1933); the case; he reproduced Schoettgen’s division, W. D. Hooper-H. B. Ash (trans.), Marcus

and it is this system which has been followed Porcius Cato, On Agriculture. Marcus by succeeding editors. The second edition Terentius Varro, On Agriculture (The Loeb (1773) of Gesner’s text was the basis for the Classical Library) (London-Cambridge, Mass.,

editio Bipontina (Zweibriicken, 1787). The 1934); A. Mazzarino (ed.), M. Catonis De edition of J. G. Schneider was published at agri cultura (Leipzig, 1962); P. Thielscher Leipzig in 1794; it, too, embraced all the (trans. and comm.), Des Marcus Cato BelehScriptores rei rusticae and is justly famous for rung iiber die Landwirtschaft (Berlin, 1963);

Schneider’s monumental commentary. H. R. Goujard (ed., trans., and comm.), Caton, Keil, in the Teubner editions of 1884 and De lagriculture (Collection des Universités 1895, was the first to put the text on a sci- de France, Paris, 1975). entific basis through his investigation of the

manuscript tradition, his attempts to restore B. FRAGMENTS

the reading of the archetype, and his use of

Politian’s collation. The second Teubner H. A. Lion (ed.), Catoniana sive M. Porcii edition (Leipzig, 1922) was the work of G. Catonis Censorii quae supersunt operum Goetz, and A. Mazzarino's text, the third fragmenta (Gottingen, 1826); H. Jordan, M. in the series (Leipzig, 1962), aims to reproduce Catonis praeter librum De re rustica quae as nearly as possible the readings of the lost — ex tant (Leipzig, 1860); D. Kienast, Cato der

San Marco codex. R. Goujard is the latest Zensor. Seine Personlichkeit und seine Zeit. editor of the De re rustica (Paris, 1975). Mit einem kritisch durchgesehenen NeuabThe fragments are available in fewer edi- druck der Redefragmente Catos (Heidelberg, tions. Collections were published by H. A. 1954), pp. 158-67; E. Malcovati (ed.), OraLion (Gottingen, 1826) and H. Jordan (Leip- torum Romanorum fragmenta, 3rd ed., vol.

zig, 1860), and the remains of individual I (Turin, 1967), pp. 12-97; H. Peter (ed.), works have been edited by H. Peters, E. Historicorum Romanorum reliquiae, 2nd ed., Malcovati, D. Kienast, W. A. Schroder, and vol. I (Stuttgart, 1967), pp. cxxvii-clxiv,

P. Cugusi. 55-97, 389-91 (introduction, text of Origines, bibliography); W. A. Schréder, M. Porcius Cato, Das erste Buch der Origines. Ausgabe

BIBLIOGRAPHY und Erkldrung der Fragmente (Beitrage zur

I. EDITIONS, COMMENTARIES, AND TRANSLATIONS klassischen Philologie 41, Meisenheim am

Glan, 1971); P. Cugusi (ed. and comm.),

A. DE RE RUSTICA Epistolographi latini minores, vol. I/1

(Turin, 1970), pp. 65-69 (text of Epistulae)

J. M. Gesner (ed. and comm.), Scriptores and vol. I/2 (Turin, 1970), pp. 33-37 (comrei rusticae ueteres latini: Cato, Varro, Colu- mentary). mella, Palladius, quibus nunc accedit Vegetius De mulomedicina et Gargilii Martialis I. STUDIES OF CATO AND HIS WRITINGS fragmentum (Ast ed., Leipzig, 1735; 2nd ed.,

Leipzig, 1773); J. G. Schneider (ed. and A. GENERAL

comm.), Scriptores rei rusticae ueteres latint, . .

vol. I (Leipzig, 1794); H. Keil (ed.), M. Porci M. Schanz-C. Hostus, Geschichte der Catonis De agri cultura liber (Ast ed., Leipzig, romischen Literatur bis zum Gesetzge1884; 2nd ed., Leipzig, 1895) and Com- bungswerk des Kaisers Justinian, 4th rev. mentarius in Catonis De agri cultura librum ed., vol. I (Munich, 1927), pp. 178-93; M. 229

LATIN AUTHORS

Gelzer-R. Helm, ‘M. Porcius Cato Censorius’, N. F. 96 (1953) 184-87; Fraccaro (cited above PW 22/1 (1953) 108-65; Kienast (cited above II. A), pp. 227-62; N. Scivoletto, “L’Oratio

I. B); P. Fraccaro, Opuscula, vol. I: Scritti contra Galbam e le Origines di Catone’, di carattere generale. Studi catoniani. I Giornale italiano di filologia 14 (1961) 63-68; processi degli Scipioni (Pavia, 1956), pp. E. Fraenkel, Leseproben aus Reden Ciceros 115-262: F. della Corte, Catone Censore. und Catos (Rome, 1968), pp. 123-57; A. La vita e la fortuna, 2nd ed. (Florence, 1969); Primmer, ‘Der Prosarythmus in Catos Reden’, A. E. Astin, Cato the Censor (Oxford, 1978). Festschrift Karl Vretska zum 70. Geburtstag am 18. Oktober 1970 iiberreicht von seinen

B. CARMEN DE MoriBus Freunden und Schiilern, ed. D. AbleitingerG. B. Pighi, ‘Catonis Carmen de moribus’, H. Gugel (Heidelberg, 1970), pp. 174-80; M.

Latinitas 14 (1966) 31-34. T. Sblendorio, ‘Note sullo stile dell’ oratoria

catoniana’, Annali delle Facolta di lettere,

_ liari 34 (1971) 5-32.

C. DE RE RUSTICA filosofia e magistero dell'Universita di Cag-

G. Gentilli, ‘Catoniana’, Atene e Roma 7

(1904) 298-301; J. Horle, Catos Hausbiicher. G. ORIGINES

Analyse seiner Schrift De agricultura nebst

Wiederherstellung seines Kelterhauses und L. Moretti, ‘Le Origines di Catone, Timeo Gutshofes (Paderborn, 1929; rpt. New York, ed Eratostene’, Rivista di filologia e di is1968); A. Mazzarino, Introduzione al De truzione classica 80 (1952) 289-302; F. M. agri cultur a di Catone (Rome, 1952); S. Heichelheim, ‘Pap. Oxy. 2088. A Fragment Boscherini, Lingua e scienza greca nel ‘De from Cato’s Origines 1?’, Aegyptus 37 (1957) agri cultura’ di Catone (Rome, 1970); K.D. —_-59_58; A Grilli, ‘Miscellanea latina’, RenWhite, “Roman Agricultural Writers I: Varro diconti dell’Istituto lombardo. Classe di and His Predecessors , Aufstieg und Nieder- lettere e scienze morali e storiche 97 (1963) gang der rémischen Welt. Geschichte und 98-102 (Origines IV). Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung, ed. H. Temporini, vol. I/4 (BerlinNew York, 1973), pp. 440-58, 478-82, 494- II]. TEXTUAL AND PALAEOGRAPHICAL STUDIES

95 (bibliography). H. Keil, Observationes criticae in Catonis D. EPIstuLar et Varronis De re rustica libros (Halle, 1849);

J. Svennung, ‘Annotationes criticae in CaP. Cugusi, ‘Studi sull’epistolografia latina tonem’, Eranos 32 (1934) 1-29; R. Goujard, I: L’eta preciceroniana’, Annali delle Facolta ‘Sur une collation du Parisinus 6842 A (Caton, di lettere, filosofia e magistero dell’Universita De agricultura)’, Revue des études latines 28 di Cagliari 33/1 (1970) 46-54; P. L. Schmidt, (1950) 83-88; idem, “Etude critique de quel‘Catos Epistula ad M. filium und die Anfange ques passages de Caton, De agricultura’, der rémischen Briefliteratur’, Hermes 100 Revue de philologie, de littérature et d‘his-

(1972) 568-76. toire anciennes, 3rd Ser., 46 (1972) 266-74. E. PRAECEPTA AD FILIUM IV. INFLUENCE F. della Corte, ‘Catone maggiore e 1 “‘Libri

ad Marcum filium’”’, Rivista di filologia e A. ANCIENT d istruzione classica 69 (1941) 81-96. J. M. Nap, ‘Ad Catonis librum De re militari’, Mnemosyne N. S. 55 (1927) 79-87;

F. ORATIONES D. Schenk, Flavius Vegetius Renatus. Die

R. Stark, ‘Catos Rede De lustri sui fellt- Quellen der Epitoma rei militaris (Klio, citate’, Rheinisches Museum fiir Philologie Beiheft XXII, N. F. Heft IX; Leipzig, 1930); 230

CATO CENSOR

R. E. Smith, ‘The Cato Censorius of Plutarch’, économies, sociétés, civilisations 28, 5 (1973)

The Classical Quarterly 34 (1940) 105-12; 1280-1301; M. Gorrichon, ‘Influence des L. A. S. Jermyn, ‘Virgil’s Agricultural Lore’, agronomes latins sur O. de Serres’, Acta Greece and Rome 18 (1949) 55 ff.; E. Skard, conventus neo-latini Lovaniensis. Proceedings Sallust und seine Vorganger. Eine sprachliche of the First International Congress of Neo-

Untersuchung (Oslo, 1956), pp. 75-107; L. Latin Studies. Louvain 23-28 August 1971, Pepe, ‘Catone Maggiore e la scuola di Fron- ed. J. sewijn-E. Kessler (Louvain, 1973), tone’, Giornale italiano di filologia 11 (1958) pp. 253-59. 12-25; U. Kammer, Untersuchungen zu Ciceros Bild von Cato Censorius (Diss. Giessen, V. GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ROMAN

1963); H. Trankle, ‘Catos Origines im Ge- AGRICULTURE

schichtswerk des Livius’, Forschungen zur

romischen Literatur. Festschrift zum 60. J. Vahlen, “Zur Literatur des M. Porcius Geburtstag von Karl Biichner, ed. W. Wimmel Cato’, Zeitschrift fur die Osterreichischen (Wiesbaden, 1970), pp. 274-85; idem, ‘Cato Gymnasien 10 (1859) 468-89; H. Peter, in der vierten und ftinften Dekade des Livius’, ‘Bericht iiber die Literatur zu den rémischen Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Liter- Annalisten in den Jahren 1893-1905’, Jahatur, Mainz. Abhandlungen der Geistes- und resbericht tiber die Fortschritte der klassischen Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse, Jahrgang Altertumswissenschaft 126 (1905) 201; U. 1971, nr. 4 (Darmstadt, 1971), pp. 111-37; Zuccarelli, ‘Rassegna bibliografica di studi

C. Nicolet, “Polybe et les institutions ro- e pubblicazioni su Catone (1940-1950)’, maines,’ Entretiens sur l'antiquité classique Paideia 7 (1952) 213-17. XX (Geneva, 1974), pp. 247, 256, 264; J. E. K. D. White, Roman Farming (London, G. Zetzel, ‘Statilius Maximus and Ciceronian 1970); idem, A Bibliography of Roman AgriStudies in the Antonine Age’, Bulletin of the culture (Reading, 1970); idem, Country Life Institute of Classical Studies, University of in Classical Times (London, 1977); R. MarLondon 21 (1974) 107-23; G. Calboli, ‘Ci- tin, Recherches sur les agronomes latins et cerone, Catone e 1 neoatticisti’, Ciceroniana. leurs conceptions économiques et sociales Hommages a Kazimierz Kumaniecki, ed. A. (Paris, 1971); G. E. Fussell, The Classical

Michel-R. Verdiére (Leyden, 1975), pp. S1- Tradition in West European Farming

103. (Newton Abbot. Eng., 1972); J. M. Frayn, ‘Subsistence Farming in Italy during the

B. MEDIEVAL Roman Period: A Preliminary Discussion of the Evidence’, Greece and Rome, 2nd Ser.,

M. Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen 21 (1974) 11-18. Literatur des Mittelalters, 3 vols. (Munich, 1911-31), I. 128, II. 119, 611, 625, III. 118,

188, 469; W. O. Schmitt, ‘Cato in Byzanz’, COMPOSITE EDITIONS

Klio 48 (1967) 325-34. Only the De re rustica qualifies under this category. Until the nineteenth century the

C. RENAISSANCE treatise was usually published in editions containing similar works by Varro, Columella,

H. Keil, ‘Cato de re militari’, Philologus and Palladius. A chronology and brief deS (1850) 175-76; Sandys II, p. 154 n. 3; U. scription of editions produced from the fifLepore, ‘Catoniana’, Giornale italiano di filo- teenth through the eighteenth centuries is logia 7 (1954) 196-98; E. Villa, ‘Catone e la found in the editio Bipontina of the Scriptores Saturnia terra’, Rivista di studi classici 2 rei rusticae veteres latini, vol. I (Zweibriicken,

(1954) 114-19; C. Beutler, ‘Un chapitre de la 1787), pp. cxxxi-cxliv. The text is that of sensibilité collective: la littérature agricole en Gesner (Bibliography I.A), and the Bipontine Europe continentale au XVI° siécle’, Annales: list of editions is an enlarged version of those 231

LATIN AUTHORS

noted by him in vol. I, pp. xliti-xlviii (1st ed.) and enlarged the second edition, most notably

and vol. I, pp. xlix-lii (2nd ed.). There are by contributing a preface, correcting typofour editions which contain more than one graphical errors, and adding variant readings commentary on Cato’s De re rustica. to the text of Columella (from Leningrad MS. 1598, [Leyden]: Ex officina Plantiniana, F. v. Class. 1) and Palladius. NUC; Ed. Bipont. apud Christophorum Raphelengium, Acade- I cxliv. BM; BN; (MH). miae Lugduno-Bat. typographum. With the

text of Cato (De re rustica, fragments), com- I. DE RE RUSTICA mentaries of Ausonius Popma and Johannes

Meursius on the De re rustica, and commen- COMMENTARIES tary of Ausonius Popma on the fragments. 1. PETRUS VICTORIUS NUC; Ed. Bipont. I cxli; Adams C-1127.

BM; BN; Vatican Library; (DNAL; CtY; Victorius’ edition of Cato, Varro, and

PPULC). Columella was published at Lyons in 1541 1620, Franekerae (Franeker): Johannes and dedicated to Cardinal Marcellus Cer-

Lamrinck. With the text of Cato (De re rustica, vinus; his commentary took the form of a fragments), commentaries of Ausonius Popma companion volume of castigationes to all and Johannes Meursius on the De re rustica, three authors. According to the Dedicatory commentary of Ausonius Popma on the frag- epistle of the edition, he first annotated Varro

ments, and De instrumento fundi liber of and then turned his attention to Cato. The Ausonius Popma. For this edition Popma notes on Columella appear to have followed re-edited the text and enlarged his annota- almost as a byproduct and are much briefer.

tions. NUC; Ed. Bipont. I cxli. BM; BN; In the Introduction to his commentary on

(MH; NjP; PU; IU). Cato, Victorius gives considerable information 1735, Lipsiae (Leipzig): Sumptibus Cas- on manuscripts that he had consulted, some pari Fritsch (ed. Johannes Matthias Gesner). of which are still extant. The annotations With the agricultural treatises of Cato, Varro, themselves are largely textual in character, Columella, Palladius, Vegetius, Gargilius consisting principally of variant readings and Martialis; commentaries of Petrus Victorius, suggested emendations. Fulvius Ursinus, Ausonius Popma, Johannes The Dedicatory epistle given below is that Meursius on Cato; commentaries of Petrus found in Victorius’ 1541 edition, and the Victorius, Joseph Scaliger, Fulvius Ursinus Introduction and Commentary are from the

on Varro; commentaries of Julius Pom- manuscript (Vatican Library, Reginensis

ponius Laetus, Philippus Beroaldus, Johannes lat. 1502) of the castigationes apparently Baptista Pius, Petrus Victorius on Columella; used by the printer.

notes of Jacobus Constantius and Jodocus Dedicatory epistle (ed. 1541, Lugduni:

Badius Ascensius on Columella, De re rustica Apud Seb. Gryphium). Petrus Victorius X; and De instrumento fundi liber of Ausonius Marcello Cervino Cardinali s. [Jnc.]: Post Popma. The commentaries on Cato are not longum temporis spatium, Marcelle amplisgiven in theirentirety, and Gesner has arranged sime, reliquum tibi mei promissi _perthem according to his own system. The com- solvo. Neque tamen hocignavia aut negligentia

mentary of Ausonius Popma is the revised feci, sed molestis occupationibus impeditus and enlarged version of the 1620 edition. rem plus quam voluissem differre coactus NUC; Ed. Bipont. I cxliii-iv. BM; BN; (MH; sum. Nam animum meum incredibileque

CaOTU). : satis tibi faciendi desiderium primis illis meis

1773, Lipsiae (Leipzig): Sumptibus Caspari laboribus perspicere potuisti. Paucis enim Fritsch (ed. Johannes Matthias Gesner). This diebus toto animo in onus a te mihi impositum is a second edition; for contents see the 1735 incumbens, ea confeci, quae me non inertem

edition. According to the entry in the editio neque immemorem mandatorum tuorum Bipontina, Johannes Augustus Ernesti revised ostendere potuerunt. Secuta postea sunt 232

CATO CENSOR

tempora quae me in negotio illo, quod de- ad eum convenerat, concessit, mandata tua clinare non potul, novum atque inexercitatum exsecutus est. Exspectabatur enim cum

ita perturbarunt ut non dico rerum tuarum summa omnium laetitia qui ea quae ab oblitus sim, sed veniam mihi te daturum omnibus audiverant de optimis moribus,

sperarim, si meo illi tempori inserviens cu- eximia ingenii vi, summa omnium bonarum ram hanc aliquantulum distulissem. Idem artium eruditione videre cupiebant. Antea etiam me hoc facilius a te impetraturum enim cum in patria non admodum vixerit, confisus sum quod videbam te eodem tempore magis constanti omnium fama de praeclaris in publicis maximis rebus occupatum, ut si ipsius virtutibus delectati fuerant quam illo

haec studia ex animo non abiecisses, ne- praesente frui umquam potuissent. Brevi cessario te remissius illis navare operam igitur tunc paucisque verbis rem exposuit, putarem. Nam subito fortuna auctus es et nec tamen destitit, cum saepe ad eum (quem-

in eum dignitatis gradum pro multis tuis admodum dignitas illius ac nostra vetus meritis elatus, quo paucis aspirare licet et amicitia poscebat) omni illo tempore, quo quo altius ascendi nunc recte factis vix potest. apud nos mansit, ventitarem, urgere me ut Quae autem artes in tam illustri excelsoque id conficerem nec ullo pacto amplius proloco collocarunt, eaedem te in honestissimis crastinarem. Quare non multo post opus negotiis semper occupatum postea tenuerunt, aggressus sum et ita me in eo sedulo gessi

ut a nobis etiam diu abfueris, ad Carolum ut rem totam mature confecerim. Ut qui Caesarem missus, et apud eum personam tamen vellem temporis tarditatem aliquo maximi pontificis gesseris.Mirari igitur non munere compensare, veteres meos labores debes si tot curis te implicatum videns et in M. Varronem retractare coepi et accuratius

paene tibi haec nostra studia dimissa ex quomodo possem tibi plene morem gerere animo putans iis meis litteris tibi obstrepere mecum diu cogitavi statuique tandem cunctos,

nolui. ... Verum non multo post errorem qui de rebus rusticis Latine scripserunt, cum meum cognovi qui ex plurimorum ingenio antiquis codicibus conferre et quaecumque te iudicassem; illienim cum altius ascenderunt auxilio illorum emendassem libello aliquo saepe etiam artes illas, quae viam ipsis ad meo explicare. Ita enim tu quid de singulis eos honores patefecerunt, obliviscuntur. locis sentiam aperte perspicies et alii etiam Animadverti, inquam, me de te quem optime ex studio meo, quod ut a te ortum, ita etiam cognitum habere debebam non vere existi- tibi acceptum referri volo, fructum aliquem masse, atque hoc intellegere maxime potuicum capient. ... Quaecumque igitur possent hoc Romam reversus statim me huius aeris alieni meum negotium adiuvare, comparare coepi litteris tuis amantissime scriptis admonuisti. magnamque librorum copiam undique cor-

Et quamvis magnum illae apud me pondus rogavi, nec si quid in hac re industriae aut haberent nec possem ullo pacto amplius salva exercitationis habeo, id cessare passus sum fide creditorem ludificari, tamen eum mihi sed omnibus ingenii viribus huic studio inflagitatorem apposuisti, qui quamvis multis cubui. ... Habes igitur magni illius Catonis

de causis suavis tucundusque esse poterat, librum de re rustica, quantum fieri per me tamen quod ei mandaras impigre strenueque potuit, multis mendis inde sublatis non parum

procurabat. Cum enim Johannes Casa pub- expurgatum. Habes tres M. Varronis de licis de rebus huc a pontifice maximo missus rebus itidem rusticis libros doctissimi et esset, mandasti ei ut mecum accurate ageret gravissimi auctoris, in quibus etiam valde ut quam diligentiam olim in M. Varrone laboravi. Cum enim ille plurima scripserit purgando adhibueram, eandem in Catone, et omnes paene Romanos homines elegantia quemadmodum pollicitus fueram, expoliendo et multitudine scriptorum superarit omniaque

adhiberem. Vix igitur domum ad eum ac- fere vetustate, quae (ut ipse sapienter inquit) cesseram hominemque salutaveram cum rem pauca non depravat, multa tollit, absumpta

tuam ille agere coepit, et quantum tempus sint, et hi quoque rerum rusticarum, qui illud tulit ac multitudo civium, quae ingens cum paucis aliis dissectis mutilatisque de 233

LATIN AUTHORS

lingua latina libris supersunt, male affecti praebuit quam universi alii; superat enim essent, volui studio ac diligentia mea illis reliquos quos habui longo intervallo et vetus-

aliquid opis afferre .../...[Expl.|: Ac- tate et fidelitate. Nec tamen cuncti qui in

cesserunt tamen, tamquam cumulus quidam, eo continebantur auctores ad nos pervenerunt,

nonnulla quae in Columella emendavi, nam nam duo toti vetustate collapsi sunt et M. eum quoque scriptorem non neglexi. Quod Varronis extrema etiam pars defecit. Quemsi aut meliora ipsius exemplaria nactus essem admodum autem ex vetere inscriptione, aut ille fortasse magis emendatoris opera quae in fronte libri est, cognoscimus, Iunii eguisset, plura etiam in eo restituturus fui. Moderati Columellae XII libri illic etiam erant Totam huius mei negotii rationem in cas- et unus ante illos Claudii Martialis. Litterae tigationibus meis explicatam invenies, nam tamen et antiquitate et frequenti attritu in nonnulla etiam quae aut a Graecis optimis prima parte libri ita deletae sunt ut rubricam

auctoribus Terentius Varro acceperat, aut superinducere opus fuerit (rubrica enim declaratione aliqua indigere videbantur, notatae huiuscemodi inscriptiones in eo adnotavi; non pauca etiam vulnera quae sunt), quare macula aliqua in his nominibus Sanare non potui, aperui, in quibus nunc esse potest. ‘Martialis’ tamen aperte legitur purgandis studiosi litterarum operam ponere .../...[Expl.]: Hoc autem relinquere nolui debebunt. Hoc ut illi facere in animum in- quin notum facerem ut vetustas huius libri ducant et hos meos labores, qualescumque intellegeretur qui illis temporibus scriptus sunt, hilari vultu aspiciant, vehementer pre- fuit, quibus alii adhuc scriptores reperiecor, nec aliam ullam mihi tantarum mole- bantur qui postea negligentia hominum aut stiarum mercedem posco. Nam si iudicio saeculorum iniquitate perierunt. Ille autem tuo probatus discessero, optime et ornatissime si totus integerque conservatus esset, et lunium Marcelle, ab omnibus me magnifice laudatum Columellam fortasse emendatiorem et alium

esse non sine causa existimabo. Dat. XII Kal. quo caremus non negligendum scriptorem

Quintiles MDXLI Florentia (sic). haberemus. Habui etiam eosdem auctores Introduction (Vatican Library, Reginensis in alio volumine non adeo vetusto neque adeo

lat. 1502, ff. 139%-141). Petrus Victorius, fideli, quod litteris Gallicis scriptum videExplicationes suarum in Catonem, Varronem, batur [Laurentianus 30. 10]. Id autem e Columellam castigationum. [Inc.|]: Quia Medicaea bibliotheca prompsi et non paucos hunc laborem non ingenii aut doctrinae item alios qui illic custodiuntur, quos nunc ostentandae causa, sed optimum auctorem necesse non est omnes nominare. De uno eiusque studiosos adiuvandi suscepi, cupio tantum, qui diligenter exaratus fuit et e bono in primis fidem meam probari. Nam si medio- exemplari exscriptus Patavii, non tacebo. cris diligentiae laudem assequi potuero, non Francisci autem Barbari, patriciit Veneti, frustra mihi in tam molesto negotio versatus quondam fuit et eius studio in ea urbe, in qua

videbor. Quibus igitur auxiliis usus sim et doctrinarum domicilium est, diligenter dequomodo me in hac re gesserim explanabo. scriptus fuisse illic traditur. Hi sunt praecipue

Auxilia autem vetusti libri fuerunt, sine codices quorum auctoritate usus sum, nam

quibus nedum hoc opus aggressurus fuerim, alii aut de optimo illo descripti aut ita men-

vix hos rerum rusticarum scriptores ut ac- dose et negligenter scripti sunt ut eorum curatius legerem in manus umquam cepissem; testimonium parvum pondus merito habitu-

omnes enim omnium conatus sine illorum rum fuerit. Quomodo susceptum negotium ope aut irritos esse aut parum progredi posse administrarim, ex singulis nunc explicationi-

puto. Vetustissimum volumen est in divi bus meis apparebit. Marci bibliotheca, in quo M. Catonis unus Commentary. {Inc.]: (f. 141) In legibus liber est, quem de re rustica scripsit, ac tres posiverunt (Praef. 1). Testimonio grammaM. Terentii Varronis, rerum item rusticarum. ticorum cognovimus vetustissimos auctores

Is unus liber, ut verum fatear et ut veris ‘posivi’ saepe protulisse, quare cum hic et laudibus ipsum ornem, maiores mihi utilitates non multo post iterum sic in manu scriptis 234

CATO CENSOR

codicibus scriptum invenerim, Catoni suum appeared at Rome in 1587, and among this sermonem reddendum censul.../...[Expl.}: rather curious assortment were commentaries (f.162") Tertio die demito (CLXII.3). Ita on Cato and Varro. In the Dedicatory epistle

habent antiqui codices et ita arbitror legi to Cardinal Antonius Carafa, Ursinus ex-

debere, non ut in excusis omnibus ‘demit- plains that the commentary on Cato consists tito’. M. Varronis optimi codices ita quo- of observations which he had compiled ‘a que locum illum legunt circa finem primi: long time ago’ (iampridem) or had received ‘Si non dempseris ad edendum’ [De re rustica from Johannes Baptista Sighicellus (GioI. 68] etc. Loquitur autem de pensilibus qui- vanni Battista Sighicelli of Bologna, d. 1575,

busdam, quamquam illic etiam impressi whose contributions, however, are not specihabebant ‘demiseris’. Nos etiam sermone fied in the commentary itself). Ursinus’ library nostro familiari verbo in ea re exponenda included two fifteenth-century manuscripts utimur, quod egregie respondet ei quod hic (Vaticanus lat. 3310 and 3390) of the De

restituimus. re rustica and a copy of the 1482 Reggio Manuscript: Emilia edition of the Scriptores ret rusticae

Vatican Library, Reginensis lat. 1502, s. (Vatican Library, Inc. 394), and it is not XVI, ff. 139%-162"). This manuscript dis- surprising therefore that the commentary is plays printer’s notations. (Kristeller, Iter concerned with textual problems. He cites

II 403). numerous readings from a ‘vetus codex’ Editions: which has yet to be identified, and often (*) 1541, Lugduni (Lyons): Apud Seb. compares Cato’s archaic language with the

Gryphium. Baudrier VIII 153. more modern terminology of Varro and

1542, Lugduni (Lyons): Apud Seb. Gry- Columella. Other authors quoted in this rephium. Ed. Bipont. I cxxxviii; Baudrier gard include Pliny, Horace, Juvenal, Ovid,

VIII 169. BM; Vatican Library. Macrobius, and Petrus Victorius (commentary

1543, Paristis (Paris): Ex officina Roberti on the De re rustica). Some interest, too,

Stephani. With the text of Cato, Varro, Colu- is shown in ancient religious ritual and there mella, and Palladius; Enarrationes brevis- are occasional references to relevant inscripsimae priscarum vocum of Georgius Merula; tions.

and commentaries of Philippus Beroaldus on Dedicatory epistle (ed. of Rome, 1587). Columella and Petrus Victorius on Cato, Antonio Carafae Cardinali Fulvius Ursinus. Varro, and Columella. Ed. Bipont. I cxxxviil; [Inc.]: Superioribus annis, Antoni Carafa Renouard, Estienne 55. BM; BN; Vatican Cardinalis, cum tibi Gregorius pontifex

Library; (MH). maximus pro tua non solum in suscipiendis 1735. See above, Composite Editions. pro ecclesia Dei laboribus alacritate sed 1773. See above, Composite Editions. etiam in perferendis constantia, suadente

Biography: qui tunc cardinalis personam gerebat Sixto See CTC IT 35-36. pontifice maximo, Graeca Septuaginta inter-

Bibl.: La Biblioteca Medicea-Laurenziana pretum Biblia per delectos a te viros expolienda

nel secolo della sua apertura al pubblico (11 mandasset, conveniebant ad eam rem statis

giugno 1571) (Florence, 1971) 49-51 (‘Uti- diebus, ut scis, domi tuae cum alii praelizzazione di manoscritti Medicei nelle edizioni cellentes viri non sane pauci, tum vel in primis,

dei classici di Pier Vettori (1499-1585). quem tu ob ingenii iudiciique praestantiam Catone e Varrone De re rustica’). magni prae ceteris faciebas, Petrus Ciacconius homo Hispanus, cui Romae vixisse plures

2. Futvius URsinus annos contigerat; habet enim hoc caelum

semperque habebit ad excolenda ingenia A collection of his notes on various authors vim quandam praecipuam et auctoritatem.

and epigraphical subjects—nearly all at Solebamus autem eo tempore ego et Ciac-

least loosely associated with agriculture— conius (nam magnam inter nos benevolentiam

235

LATIN AUTHORS

conciliaverat artium studiorumque - si- humaniores adiungis et veteres doctrinas, militudo) post severiores illas de obscuris sanc- quibus maxime potes rebus, foves ac tueris.

tae scripturae locis apud te habitas dispu- Fungebatur modo cum viveret hoc munere tationes, interdum animi relaxandi causa, ad Gulielmus Cardinalis Sirletus, flos, ut ille humaniores has doctrinas et litterarum cul- ait, delibatus collegii et veteris tum officit tum mansuetiorum nos referre et aliquem tum probitatis exemplum, quo tu magistro ex nobilibus Latinis scriptoribus omni ratione —_— in Graecis praesertim litteris aliquando usus

perpoliendum suscipere. In quo quidem es .../... [Expl.]: Ei (sc. Sirleto) tu imgenere scriptionis cum multa ex illo congressu portuna morte bonis erepto quasi vicarius uterque nostrum ad communem utilitatem tum virtutis tum comitatis in apostolica etiam contulerit, tum praecipue in M. Varrone de re bibliotheca suffectus talem ad optima quae-

rustica post aliorum in eum editas lucubra- que propensionem repraesentas ut quae tiones perpurgando communis industria illius partes erant in hominibus promerendis, elaboravit. Ad cuius sane libros cum per- eae nunc ad te translatae plane videantur. multae tum ex vetustis codicibus per nos Itaque plures iam beneficam voluntatem collatis tum ex coniectura petitae correc- experti in tua apud Sixtum pontificem gratia tiones essent a nobis in adversaria relatae, multum ponunt. Tuae item pontifex ipse si nihil plane aliud restabat nisi ut occasio quid deliberandum prudentiae, si quid exaliqua daretur qua eiusmodi notationes in sequendum diligentiae plurimum tribuit, publicum emitti possent. Sed Ciacconius tecum arcana et gravissima quaeque commorte satis immatura praeventus cum id pro municat. A quorum tractatione cum te animi bono publico litterarum praestare, ut cupie- recreandi causa in Tusculanum tuum revocas, bat, non potuerit, ratus sum ego meas partes patiare ut ibi inter ceteras villaticas oblec-

esse et amici memoriae de.litteris optime | tationes haec quoque scripta praesto tibi meriti consulere et studiosorum simul uti- sint; quorum lectione non parum hoc etiam litati, quantum in me est, prospicere. Ad nomine oblectaberis quod per ea et memoriam quam sane voluntatem eo magis sum deductus praestantissimi viri, quem unice dilexisti,

quod in Italia superioribus mensibus tot | cum laude renovatam et perpetuum meum litterariae rei extinctis luminibus, nuper colendi tui institutum pro magnis tuis in autem in Hispania erepto nobis Antonio me meritis apud omnes et quidem illustrius Augustino qui et ipse Romae floruerat, iacent testatum his monumentis agnosces.

prorsus haec studia quasi tempestate quadam Commentary. Fulvius Ursinus, Notae ad perculsa, ne dicam obruta. Sed omnia quae M. Catonem De re rustica. [Inc.]: Et ita in Ciacconius in suo chirographo ad M. Var- legibus posiverunt (Praef. 1). Existimamus ronem notasset edere operae pretium visum designari legem aliquam ex duodecim tanon est, verum illa tantum ex iis excerpere bulis, licet haec non reperiantur in iis fragquae mihi vel penitus probarentur vel saltem mentis quae hodie in manibus habentur non improbarentur. Quibus praeter ea quae .../... [Expl.J: Salis Romaniensis (CLXII. a me fuerant in eundem scriptorem notata 1). Eadem plane forma in veteri inscriptione et cum Ciacconio cum viveret communicata, dictum est ‘Pistor Romaniensis’.

adiunxi etiam illa quae in M. Catonem et Editions: L. Columellam vel ipse iampridem scrip- 1587, Romae (Rome): In aedib. S. P.Q. R. sissem vel a Johanne Baptista Sighicello apud Georgium Fetrarium. With the text of clarissimo viro scripta accepissem. ... Haec the Kalendarium rusticum Farnesianum, igitur qualiacumque illa sunt, Antoni Carafa Fragmenta inscriptionum Fratrum Arvalium,

Cardinalis, domi tuae aliqua ex parte non Junius Philargyrius (commentary on_ the solum nata sed etiam alta quodammodo et Eclogues and Georgics of Virgil), Velius exculta, iure optimo tibi dicamus, qui ad Longus (De orthographia), commentaries on sacrarum litterarum studium, quod tibi Varro, Kalendarium rusticum Farnesianum, primum ac praecipuum est, has quoque and Fragmenta inscriptionum Fratrum Ar236

CATO CENSOR

valium, and Servius (commentary on the ab urbe condita ad tempora divi Augusti Eclogues and Georgics of Virgil), and notes on (Rome, 1577). Besides his commentary on Columella. Ed. Bipont. I cxl; Adams U-74. Cato, he also worked on Varro, Columella,

BM; BN. Caesar, Festus, Cicero, Sallust, Livy, Vel1735. See above, Composite Editions. leius Paterculus, Suetonius, and commented 1773. See above, Composite Editions. on and published for the first time certain

Biography: fragments of Polybius. Fulvius Ursinus (Fulvio Orsini) was born Bibl.: Cosenza IV 3522-3528; Eckstein in Rome 11 December 1529 and died there 414-415; Enciclopedia italiana XXV 607-608

18 May 1600. (T. De Marinis); C. Frati, Dizionario bioHe was the illegitimate son of a member bibliografico det bibliotecari e bibliofili

of the Orsini family; the identity of his father italiani dal sec. XIV al XIX (Florence, 1933)

has not been established precisely, but it is 421-422; Joécher IV 1736-1738; Michaud known that he was a commander of the XXXI 420-421; G. Tiraboschi, Storia della Knights of Malta. Nothing is known about letteratura italiana Vil. 1 (Milan, 1824) his mother. At an early age he was received 357-360. into the care of the clergy of St. John Lateran J. Castiglione, Fulvii Ursini vita (Rome, and attracted the attention of the canon 1657); P. De Nolhac, La bibliothéque de Gentile Delfini who taught him Greek, Latin, Fulvio Orsini (Paris, 1887; rpt. Geneva, and archaeology and inspired him with a 1976). passion for learning and antiquity. Because

he took only the subdiaconate, Ursinus was 3. AUSONIUS POPMA free to devote himself to study and to the Neither the first (Leyden, 1590) nor the assembling of a large library and collection second (Franeker, 1620) edition of this comof objets d’art. A number of benefices and a mentary contains a Preface or Dedicatory pension from Pope Gregory XIII encouraged epistle, and thus we have no information him in these pursuits. His scholarly reputation regarding the motives prompting Popma’s prompted Cardinal Ranuccio Farnese in 1558 composition and subsequent revision of his

to select him as his librarian, and Ursinus annotations or the date when he began the remained in the service of this family for the work. The second edition shows extensive rest of his life. He was much sought after by revision and expansion; he sometimes rethe literary figures of his day and had a wide arranged and often enlarged his comments circle of friends, among them Gabriel Faernus, from the first edition, while at the same time Octavius Pantagathus, Latinus Latinius, adding a considerable number of new lemmata Antonius Augustinus, and Petrus Ciacconius. and observations. In both versions, however, In 1578 he refused an invitation from the king the emphasis is on textual matters although

of Poland, preferring instead to remain in Popma does make more of an effort than . Rome. Ursinus bequeathed his manuscripts other commentators to deal with the subject and books to the Vatican Library (the former by occasionally explaining agricultural terms now constitute an important part of the fondo and tools and relating them to implements Vaticano latino), and many of his art treasures used in his time. He also cites the Geoponica

to Cardinal Odoardo Farnese. in addition to Varro and Columella when

Works: Virgilius collatione scriptorum comparing farming practices. Other ancient Graecorum illustratus (Antwerp, 1568); authors quoted are Cicero, Ovid, Tibullus, Novem illustrium feminarum et septem Terence, Horace, Pliny, Servius, Plutarch,

lyricorum carmina (Antwerp, 1568); Imagines and Nonius Marcellus. a et elogia virorum illustrium et eruditorum Gesner, in the preface to his edition of the ex antiquis lapidibus et numismatibus ex- Scriptores rei rusticae, reported that Popma pressa (Rome, 1570); Familiae Romanae was generally believed to have used too freely quae reperiuntur in antiquis numismatibus and without proper acknowledgement per237

LATIN AUTHORS

tinent passages in the Adversaria (Paris, 1735. See above, Composite Editions. 1564-5) of Adrianus Turnebus. This is a charge 1773. See above, Composite Editions.

which remains to be fully investigated, but in Biography: fairness it should be pointed out that Popma Ausonius Popma (van Popmen) was born does refer from time to time to Turnebus as in 1563 at Alst in Frisia and died at Ijlst in

ws Aa).

well as to the commentary of Victorius. 1613 (Eckstein, P6kel) or 1621 (Van der 7. ce he edition ed. of Leyden, 1590). Au- The youngest of four brothers, Popma was sonius Popma, Notae ad librum M Catonis ac tinct ° pecome more mows than any of

_ . them. His father died when Popma was a

ee rustice ne Hy nteraune a terpun. child, and his mother devoted herself to the gendus et est antiqua locutio; cui fere similis tadieg ane education nee ner sons. ned illa Terentii Hecyra ‘Si est ut velit reducere Neupagus who taught them Greek and Latin Se ee Le ral et 1 Epi and then went Cologne where they pur

donari possit’ [I. 12. 2-3] et Ciceronis in wards they studied ane ph SOR ny. Uon Laelio Est quatenus amicitiae dari venia returning to his native land, Popma’s chief

P _ ae on ae fee ih a mao occupation was the study of jurisprudence, omnibus libris ‘in alio’. Vult enim harundinem es Dhilological works. to produce a number

apponi membro affecto et dici ‘carmen s.f.’, Sixtus, the oldest of the brothers, was acid est sanitas fracto’; quod Turnebus frustra tive in political affairs. He composed a

mutavit. commentary on the /nstitutiones of Justinian

Editions: and edited the fragments of the De arte

often ”, Pee patavorum Wey den) Re dicendi of Cornelius Celsus. Titus annotated phelengium. With the ‘text of Cato (De re asconius Pedianus and rae waers to his

° riends, and _ publishe e TLabulae in

rustica and tragments) and commentaries on sphaeram et astronomiae elementa and De the fragments. NUC; Ed. Bipont. I cx!l. BM; operis servorum liber singularis. Cyprian,

BN; Vatican Library; (InU; NjP). ' who died at Alst in 1582, emended Sallust. 1598. See above, Composite Editions. Works: De differentiis verborum libri

b. The revision of 1620. quattuor (Antwerp, 1606) ; De usu antiquae Commentary (ed. of Franeker, 1620). locutionis libri duo (Leiden, 1608); De

Ausonius Popma, Notae ad librum M. ordine et usu tudiciorum libri tres (Arnheim, Catonis De re rustica. |Inc.|: De re rustica. 1617). He also annotated Varro (De lingua . Hunc unum titulum agnoscit tpse Cato apud latina, De re rustica, fragments), Cicero Ciceronem in dialogo De senectute ubi sic (letters to Atticus), and Velleius Paterculus.

loquitur: ‘Quid de utilitate loquar sterco- Bibl.: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie randi? Dixi in eo libro quem de rebus XXVI 416-418 (Eisenhart); Eckstein 444; rusticis scripsi’ [XV. 53]. Eundem prae- Hoefer XL 811; Jécher Ii] 1700 and Er-

ferunt omnes libri veteres sine ulla varietate, ganzungsb. VI 639; Michaud XXXVIII 99;

et laudat Gellius lib. X, cap. 26 [X. 26. 8]. Pokel 213; Van der Aa VII (rpt. AmsterEst interdum praestare (Praef. 1). Locus ita dam, 1969) 126-127. interpungendus et est antiqua locutio .../

wae [Expl. |: Dic una pares (CLX). Lego 4. JoHANNES MEURSIUS

‘dic, una partes usque’. Nimirum vult car-

men dici usque dum partes luxatae coeant. Dedicated to Lambertus Vanderburchius

Editions: and his brother Hadrianus (Lambert and 1620. See above, Composite Editions. Adrian van der Burch of Utrecht), Meur-

238

CATO CENSOR

sius’ commentary was published at Leyden in lucem proferrem, patronos alios nolui

in 1598 and joined to the edition and com- prae vobis .../... [Expl.]: Valete, viri mentaries of Ausonius Popma on the De re nobilissimi prudentissimique, et fratrantes

rustica and fragments which had appeared (liceat uti prisco verbo) litterarum poliin 1590. Gesner (Bibliography I. A, p. 229, tiorum dignitatem contra illos de fungino above) explains that the sale of the latter genere, ut Plautus loguitur [Trinummus was hurt by the 1595 Heidelberg edition of 851], pro more vestro et amore tueamini. Hieronymus Commelinus and that Raphe- Lugduni Bat. IV Id. Maias. MDXCVIII.

lengius otdered another title page glued Ad lectorem. [Inc.]: Habes, mi lector, to the remaining copies and Meursius’ notes Catonem severe anxieque castigatum. Usus to be added. Thus the new title reads ‘M. sum ad eam rem exemplari vetusto excuso

Porci Catonis ... liber post ultimam A, Basileae anno 1521 qui (sic) incredibile

Popmae editionem centum amplius locis quam fuerit bonae notae, quamvis et labem

auctus correctusque studio atque opera adspersam nonnumquam _habuerit....

Toannis Meurst. Praeterea inspexi quoque editionem ColoIn a ‘Nota ad lectorem’, Meursius an- niensem annis XV_ posteriorem, quam

nounces that he has provided a ‘Catonem Scriverius meus utendam suppeditarat, sed severe anxieque castigatum’ for which he inspexi tantum quia nihil fere ab illa Bahad consulted the Commelinus text as well siliensi mea _ differebat. Commelinianam as the 1521 Basel edition of Adamus Petri etiam anni 1595 adhibui, eam tamen peiorem and had at least looked at the 1536 Cologne deprchendi Plantiniana, quae quinque annis edition of Johannes Gymnicus. (A copy of istam: praecessit, quam et denuo exhibeo. II-

the latter was furnished by ‘Scriverius lud insuper moneo. Capitum singulorum meus’, that is, Pieter Schrijver, 1576-1660, em-y payas retinui, magis ad textus ornatum

of Leyden.) His interest in the commentary quam necessitatem, nam ut Cato illas is principally stylistic and textual. The range posuerit nemo sanus credat, ego quidem

of authorities is broad and includes Cicero, numquam; nullum earum in Basiliensi Hesiod, Statius, Seneca, Salvianus, Persius vestigium ut nec in Coloniensi Scriverii, and others, notably Varro, Pliny, and Colu- qui tamen ait repperisse in Regiensi anni mella from whom he often cites parallel 1499 [HC (+Add) 14570*]. Notum autem passages. Meursius has also drawn on the quam soleant librarii impensis huiusmodi commentaries of Popma (whom he calls bonos auctores etiam cum detrimento eorum ‘eruditissimus’) on Cato, of Joseph Scaliger farcire, quo scilicet nauseae delicati lectoris and Petrus Victorius on Varro, of Gulielmus subveniant, et Opekv aliquanto maiorem Philander on Vitruvius, of Gulielmus Can- moveant.../...{Expl.]: Quid vero praestiterus on Lycophron, and refers to his own terim, iudica et gratiam habe referque, sed observations on Theocritus, Arnobius, Ly- quomodo senatui Nero respondebat cum

cophron, and Macrobius. meruero. Vale et quisquis es, aeternitatem

Dedicatory epistle (ed. of Leyden, 1598). cogita. Viris nobilissimis prudentissimisque D. Lam- Commentary (ed. of Leyden, 1598). Joberto Vanderburchio decano, D. Hadri- hannes Meursius, Ad Catonis De agricultura ano Vanderburchio graphiario Johannes sive De re rustica librum notae. [Inc.]: De re Meursius d. d. {Jnc.]: Ex tribus, viri nobilts- rustica. Hicne genuinus libri huius titulus? simi, ob quae Socrates ille sapientiae veteris Ambigo et putem fuisse ‘De agricultura’. ocellus naturae gratias egisse memoratur, Agellius (sic) ita citat lib. III, cap. 14 [III.

primum illud fuit et praecipuum: quod 14. 17]: ‘M. Cato in libro quem de agriculhomo factus esset.... Ad vos convertor, tura conscripsit’. Varro etiam De re rustica quibus iudicium sanius bonaeque mentis lib. I, cap. 2 [I. 2. 28]: ‘An non in magni ilmaior amor. Itaque cum Catonem hunc lius Catonis libro, qui de agricultura est meum innumeris locis auctum correctumque editus, scripta sunt permulta similia?’... 239

LATIN AUTHORS

Est interdum praestare mercaturis rem Soroe; he accepted the post immediately and - quaerere (Praef. 1). Suppleo ex veteri codice taught there until his death.

‘praestare populo mercaturis rem quaerere’ Meursius had one son, also bearing the

.../... [Expl.|: Ne peruratur (CLXI. 2). same name, who came with him to DenVetus codex: ‘ne rigore peruratur’. Lego mark. The younger Meursius produced

‘ne frigore peruratur’. several scholarly works on miscellaneous

Editions: topics but never achieved the fame or

1598. See above, Composite Editions. volume of his father, who was a most pro1620. See above, Composite Editions. lific and indefatigable editor, translator, and 1735. See above, Composite Editions. author. The learning of the elder Meursius 1745, Florentiae (Florence): Sacrae Cae- was extensive rather than profound, and sareae Maiestatis typis apud Tartinium et Scaliger had little respect for his abilities.

Franchium (QJohannis Meursi operum Works: His output was both prodigious

volumen sextum, ed. Johannes Lamius). and diverse; the opera omnia, collected and NUC (s. v. Meurs, Johannes van). BM; BN; edited by Johannes Lamius, fill twelve

(MH). volumes (Florence, 1741-1763) and com1773. See above, Composite Editions. prise orations, poems, works on Greek and

Biography: Roman archaeology, histories of the Low

Johannes Meursius (Jan de Meurs) was Countries and Denmark, and numerous anborn 9 February 1579 at Loozduynen (neat notated Latin and Greek texts. Other Latin The Hague) and died 20 September 1639 at Uthors besides Cato whom he edited and

Soroe. commented upon are Apuleius, Arnobius,

He learned Latin from his father at an Macrobius, Phaedrus and Plautus; Greek early age and then studied in schools at The writers include C onstantine Manasses,

Hague and Leyden, making such rapid prog- Lycophron, Palladius, Philostratus, . Theoress that he was able to compose a Latin critus, Theophrastus, and the Musict SCTE oration and Greek verse by the time he was tor oh qraees (Alypius, Aristoxenus, Nicotwelve and thirteen years old respectively. At macnus). , , the age of sixteen he wrote a commentary Bibl.: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie on Lycophron. Upon the completion of his XXI 538 (Eyssenhardt); V. Andreas, Bibliostudies he acted as tutor to the children of theca Belgica (Louvain, 1643) 52; J. FopJohan van Oldenbarneveldt, and ac- pens, Bibliotheca Belgica II (Brussels, 1739) companied the family on their journeys 689-693; Eckstein 371; Hoefer XXXV 254through Europe. He took full advantage of 255; Jécher Hl 492-493 and Erganzungsb. the opportunity to meet various scholars and IV 1592-1595; Michaud XXVIII 155-157; explore the great libraries. In 1608 he re- Niceron XII 181-198 and XX 92; Pokel 17>. ceived a doctorate in law at Orléans. He was named professor of history at Leyden in 1610

and professor of Greek in 1611. After the I]. FRAGMENTA :

execution of Oldenbarneveldt in 1619, COMMENTARIES Meursius, because of his previous connec-

tion with this statesman, became a prime , 1. ANTONIUS RICCOBONUS target of abuse for Oldenbarneveldt’s ene-

mies. There was nothing, however, for them Riccobonus was the first to attempt a to attack as Meursius had always lived compilation of the extant fragments. His quietly and simply, taking no part in po- collection of the remains of Cato, Varro, litical or theological affairs, and he bore and other Roman historians, accompanied with resignation their insults and accusa- by commentaries, was published at Venice tions. In 1625 King Christiern [IV of Den- in 1568 and dedicated to Julius Canantus, mark offered him the chair of history at bishop of Adria, a member of the illustrious 240

CATO CENSOR

Canani family of Ferrara. The edition also ostendisti; quae Christianam religionem contains Riccobonus’ De_ historia com- studiosissime colens, unde Christianum mentarius, a treatise on the nature and pur- nomen depellebatur, ibi esse ne punctum

pose of history. quidem temporis voluit et ex Constanti-

Described as ‘scholia’ on the title page, nopoli, quam immanissimus Turcarum the commentaries consist of brief observa- tyrannus ceperat, in hanc Europae partem tions on all the surviving portions of Cato’s se contulit .../... [Expl.]: Ad me certe

lost writings except for the Epistulae. In a iuvandum omnem gratiam atque auc-

fair number of places he has merely noted toritatem tuam numquam non libentissime the name of the author who has preserved contulisti meque omni studio et officio ita the fragment; in many other cases he identi- complexus es ut propter tua plurima et fies the person(s) in question and expounds maxima beneficia, quibus me devinctum the history of various wars. Only occa- esse sentio quorumque memoriam nulla dies sionally does he cite textual problems. exstinguet, nulla obscurabit oblivio, quae a The order in which the commentaries gratissimo proficisci animo possint, omnia are listed below follows Riccobonus’ group- me tibi debere confitear. Quamobrem iam ing of the fragments, and, for the sake of diu nihil est quod ego magis cupiam quam

convenience, a reference to a modern exploratum esse omnibus quid ego de ma-

edition is supplied in parentheses after the ximis tuis clarissimisque virtutibus et imlemma. The ‘Liber contra Tiberium ex- primis de iustitia, integritate, beneficentia sulem’, ‘Liber de falsis pugnis’, and ‘Liber ac humanitate sentiam. Atque haec fuit de moribus Claudii Neronis’ occur in sepa- praecipua causa, Juli Canani, episcope rate entries and were evidently considered reverendissime, cur meum de historia comby Riccobonus to be independent works mentarium cum fragmentis aliquot vetus(although, regarding the first two, he admits tiorum historicorum et scholiis quibusdam the possibility that they may belong to the meis in tuo potissimum nomine voluerim

Origines). Popma and later editors, how- apparere. Hunc enim habebam modum ever, have placed them among the orations. testificandae apud omnes meae erga te

The ‘Liber de liberis educandis’, cited in the singularis observantiae, et simul sperabam catalogue of Cato’s writings given in the Ar fore ut meum hoc opus tua claritate ac splen-

gumentum operis, is actually a fragment, dore illustraretur. Non enim virtutes tuae without commentary, reported by Macrobius aut meo aut cuiusquam testimonio indigent, (Saturnalia II. 6. 5) and belonging to the sed illustrare potius illae alios quam aliena il-

Cato de liberis educandis of Varro. lustrari luce possunt. A me igitur hoc munus-

Dedicatory epistle (ed. of Venice, 1568). culum, quasi animi mei praedem, accipies, Julio Cananio reverendissimo Adriae epi- cuius remunerationem aliam non exspecto scopo Antonius Riccobonus Rhodiginus nisi ut contentus sis illud tui nominis fulgore s. d. [Inc.]: Dici non potest, Juli Canani, fuisse illustratum. Quod si tibi placuerit, reverendissime episcope, quanta cupiditate praeclare mihi collocasse operam videbor; ardeam meam ut erga te voluntatem illustri sin, quod metuo, nihil admodum in eo fuerit

aliqua significatione testatam relinquam. dignum quod a te mitteretur, peto

Eum enim te esse video qui cum sapientia et tamen a te ut spectes animum, non rem, tibiintegritate hominum tibi animos devincias, que persuadeas si maiora umquam conabor tum beneficentia et humanitate, ut omnes (nam me aliquid perfecturum affirmare non

tibi debeant, promerearis; quibus prae- audeo), qualiacumque fuerint, tua fore, id claris virtutibus effecisti ut dignitas tua alto est eius, cuius benignitati non modo digni-

sita sit loco. Te enim Julius III pontifex tatem meam, quae pertenuis est, sed vitam summus a secretis adhibuit cum auctoritate etiam ipsam acceptam refero. Vale. Rhosignandorum omnium....Etenim antiquis- digii, Kalendis Novembris MDLXVIII. sima familia in qua natus es dignissimum te Argumentum operis (sc. De_ historia 241

LATIN AUTHORS

commentaru). [Inc.]: Hoc commentario toriam, cuius inventionem Cadmo Milesio consilium est de historia disputare. Quae tribuit Plinius [Historia naturalis VII. 56.

quid sit et quibus legibus contineatur 205], generatim definire hoc modo pos-

primum ostenditur ut facile qui sint historici sumus ut sit narratio vel expositio vel de-

nomine digni, quique indigni, diiudicetur. monstratio rerum gestarum....Quanta in Deinde vero grammaticam, poeticam, veteribus historicis iactura facta sit. Utinam rhetoricam, philosophiam historiae auxilio egregios omnes rerum gestarum scriptores,

proponitur indigere ... Praeterea iactura in quos antiquitas habuit, ad nostras_per-

veteribus historicis facta deploratur, quorum venisse manus gloriari possemus, neque alios non integros haberi narratur, ...alios maximae eorum partis Romano _ labente

totos pertisse, ut inter ceteros Catonem, imperio atque oppressa saepius impetu

Quadrigarium, Sisennam, Sallustium (quod barbarorum Italia iacturam fecissemus, attinet ad libros Historiarum) et Varronem. quod historiae dignitas atque utilitas magis Atque horum fragmenta diversissimis in pateret neque longis opus esset disputationilocis dispersa colliguntur, in ordinem re- bus ut eius cognoscerentur laudes. Dolendiguntur et scholiis illustrantur. Et primum dum autem magis est quod malum ad Catonis, cuius citantur VII libri Originum; malum accessisse videatur. Nam non solum liber contra Tiberium exsulem, liber de falsis multis bonis auctoribus, quorum praeclaris

pugnis, qui fortasse erant in Originibus; scriptis omnis humanitas, omnis doctrina multae orationes; Carmen de moribus; Prae- elegans, omnis antiquitatis continebatur cepta ad filium; liber de liberis educandis; memoria, privati sumus, verum etiam ili, liber de moribus Claudii Neronis; liber qui nobis obtigerunt, ad nos integri non De re militart; Commentarii de ture civili pervenerunt.../...[Expl.]: Quid? Quod

.../... [Expl.|: Postremo Varronis, cuius in iis, qui ad nos pervenerunt, libris ita citantur XXV libri Rerum humanarum; multa corrupta sunt ut saepe ab iis, qui

XVI libri Rerum divinarum, quorum deci- legunt, vel non recte vel nullo intellegi modo mum sextum considerat D. Augustinus toto possint? Quibus omnibus malis illi mederi libro De civitate Dei septimo; liber De cultu aliquantulum meo iudicio videntur qui cum

deorum, liber De philosophia, cuius sen- pulcherrimas veterum reliquias dignitatis tentias exprimit D. Augustinus tribus capi- atque honoris expertes diversissimis in locis

tibus lib. XIX De civitate Dei; XI libri De et quasi obscurissimis in tenebris diutius vita populi Romani ad Atticum; IV libri iacentes in unum redigunt, tum vero locos De gente populi Komani; Catus vel De corruptos corrigunt, obscuros illustrant et liberis educandis; VIII libri Epistolicarum difficiles ita diligenter exponunt ut maxtiquaestionum et epistulae variae; XI libri mum eis lumen afferant et ornamentum. Hebdomadum vel De imaginibus; XX libri Huiusmodi autem labores si quis vel ut leves

De republica; XX libri Rhetoricorum;, V vel ut putidos vel certe ut non admodum libri De sermone latino ad Marcellum; II necessarios elevat atque damnat, eum libri De similitudine verborum; VIII libri quidem merito possumus ut amentem aliDisciplinarum; Logistorici de valetudine, de quem stupidumque contemnere, cum se origine humana, de insania, de historia, de latinae linguae dignitatem non diligere, pace, de fortuna; liber De comoediis Plau- veritatem fugere, lucem odisse, a rebus tinis; II libri Quaestionum Plautinarum; praeclaris abhorrere, veteris memoriae libri De poetis; II libri De poematis; liber De depravationem amplecti ac tenebras adacompositione saturarum; III libri De scae- mare ostendat. Mihi vero hoc ita studium nicis originibus; V libri De actionibus scae- placet ut, tametsi satis id praestare vel innicis; alii varii libri et saturae variae et varia genio vel doctrina non possum, tamen in eo

poemata. si non ingenii at saltem laboris, si minus

De historia commentarius. [Inc.]: Quid sit doctrinae at certe diligentiae aliquam historia et quae leges sint historiae. His- laudem quaeram. Quamobrem mihi con242

CATO CENSOR

silium accidit non modo aliquot histori- II 88)] .../... [Expl]: Pueris in ludos corum, et praecipue Catonis, Quadrigarii, (Malcovati, fr. 205, p. 83). Ex Nonio: ‘PasSisennae, Sallustii et Varronis, in hoc de ceolus ex aluta sacculus’ [De conpendiosa historia commentario, quas potero, reliquias doctrina II (Lindsay, p. 221)].

colligere, verum etiam pro viribus in or- Carmen de moribus. dinem redigere et aliquibus scholiis il- Commentary. Antonius Riccobonus, lustrare. Incipiamus autem a Catone. Scholia. [Inc.|]: Avaritiam (Jordan, fr. 1,

Origines. p. 82). Ex hoc loco Gellius lib. XI, cap. 2 Commentary. Antonius Riccobonus, Scho- [XI. 2. 3, 1] colligit ‘elegantem hominem

fia. Libro primo Originum. [Inc.]: Festus: dictum antiquitus non ab ingenii elegan‘Originum libros quod inscripsit Cato, non tia sed qui nimis laeto (sic) amoenoque satis plenum titulum propositi sui videtur cultu victuque esset, et huiusmodi verbum amplexus, quando praegravant ea quae sunt vitii non laudis fuisse’.../...[Expl.]: Vestiri rerum gestarum populi Romani’ [De_ ver- in foro (Jordan, fr. 2, p. 83). Hoc et seborum significatu XIV (Lindsay, p. 216)]. quentia fragmenta ex eodem Gellio, ibidem Mezentius (Peter, fr. 12, p. 59). Haec verba [XI. 2. 5-6]. citat Macrobius lib. Saturnaliorum III, cap. Praecepta ad filium. > [III]. 5. 9-11] qui exponens causam cur Me- Commentary. [Inc.|]: Dicam de istis Graezentium Vergilius appellaverit contemptorem cis (Jordan, fr. 1, p. 77). In hunc locum ita deorum ita inquit ‘Adeo omnem pietatem in Plinius, lib. XXIX, cap. 1 [XXIX. 8. 15sacrificii quae dis exhibenda sunt, posuit 16]: ‘Atque hic Cato DCV anno urbis nosut propter contrariam causam Mezentium trae obiit, LXXXV suo, ne quis illi defuisse

vocaverit contemptorem deorum.../... publice tempora aut privatim vitae spatia ad [Expl.|: Iurum (Peter, fr. 116, p. 92). Ex experiendum arbitretur. Quid ergo? DamCharisio, lib. I [[nstitutiones grammaticae | natam ab eo rem utilissimam credimus?’

(Keil I 93)}. .../... [Expl.]: Ille imperator (Jordan, (Ex incerto libro Originum) fr. 7, p. 79). Ex Nonio: ‘Mediastini (sic) non

Commentary. [Inc.|]: Sunt in his regioni- solum balnearum sed aedium quoque mibus (Peter, fr. 93*, p. 83). Ex Gellio, lib. II, nistri et curatores’ [De conpendiosa doctrina

cap. 23 [II. 22. 28-29] de vento Circio vel II (Lindsay, p. 208)]. Cercio qui ex terra Gallia flat. Haec autem De re militari.

scripserat Cato cum ageret de Hispanis Commentary. Antonius’ Riccobonus, Alpinis qui circa Iberum colunt; auctor Scholia. |[Inc.]: Scio ego (Jordan, fr. 1, idem Gellius .../... [Expl]: Mos apud p. 80). Plinius in praefatione lib. I [Historia maiores (Peter, fr. 118, p. 92). Ex Cicerone, naturalis praef. 30]: ‘Non queo mihi temlib. I Tusculanarum disputationum [I. 2. 3] perare quominus ad hoc pertinentia ipsa et lib. IV [IV. 2. 3]. Macrobius Saturnali- Censorii Catonis verba ponam, ut inde aporum lib. I, cap. 14 [I. 14. 5] probans ‘an’ pareat etiam Catoni de militari disciplina pro ‘circum’ veteres ponere solitos fuisse commentanti qui sub Africano, immo vero

citat Catonem in Originibus ‘oratorum’ et sub Hannibale, didicisset militare et ne eumque dixisse affirmat ‘an terminum’, id Africanum quidem ferre potuisset, qui — est ‘circum terminum’, et ‘ambire’ pro imperator triumphum reportasset, paratos

‘circumire’, fuisse istos qui obtrectatione alienae sci-

Orationes. entiae famam_ sibi aucupantur’.../...

Commentary. Antonius Riccobonus, [Expl.]: Tertia e castris (Jordan, fr. 12,

Scholia. [Inc.|]: Catonem scribit Plutarchus p. 82). Ex eodem (sc. Festo): ‘Propera in eius Vita [IV. 1] Demosthenem Ro- pro celeri et strenua’ [De verborum sigmanum fuisse appellatum. De Ptolemaeo nificatu XVI (Lindsay, p. 300)]. (Malcovati XLVI, p. 73). Ex Prisciano, lib. Commentarii turis civilis.

III Jnstitutiones grammaticae Ill. 1. 8 (Keil Commentary. Antonius Riccobonus, 243

LATIN AUTHORS

Scholia. |Inc.|: Mundo nomen (Jordan, discovered’ fragments of Cicero’s De conp. 84). Ex Festo: ‘Mundus, apud quem legi- solatione. He also became an enemy of Jo-

tur Capitonem Ateium in lib. VI pontificali seph Scaliger because he attacked the

scribere mundum ter in anno patere solere, fabulous genealogy that Scaliger had condiebus his: postridie Volcanalia et ante diem structed for himself, and Scaliger referred sextum Idus Novembris’ [De verborum sig- to him in subsequent letters and works in nificatu. XIII (Lindsay, p. 144)] .../... terms of contempt (‘Porcus Riccobonus’). [Expl.]: Servi si a domino. Ex Justiniano, Works: De consolatione edita sub nomine

lib. I Jmst. [{I. 11. 12]. Ciceronis iudicium secundum quattuor Ex Catonis opere incerto. disceptationibus explicatum, quibus se a

Commentary. Antonius Riccobonus, duabus C. Sigonii orationibus defendit

Scholia. [Inc.|: Si quis (Malcovati, fr. 124, (Vicenza, 1584); Praxis rhetorica sive de usu p. 50). Ex Gellio, lib. IV, cap. 13 [IV. 12. artis rhetoricae in tribus generibus causa1-2] .../... [Expl.]: Caduceatori (Jordan, rum et in orationibus ecclesiasticis libri X VI

fr. 4, p. 85). Hoc fragmentum cum se- (Cologne, 1588); Orationum volumina duo quentibus ex Festo [De verborum significatu (Padua, 1592); De gymnasio Patavino

(Lindsay, p. 41)]. commentariorum libri sex (Padua, 1598).

Editions: He also wrote treatises on the rhetorical

1568, Venetiis (Venice): Apud Ioannem theory of Cicero and Aristotle and translated Barilettum. NUC; Adams R-498. BM; BN; the Rhetoric, Ethics, and Poetics into Latin.

Vatican Library; (MdBJ). Bibl.: Cosenza IV 3046-3047; Eckstein

1579, Basileae (Basel): Ex officina Petri 471; Hoefer XLII 149-150; Michaud XXXV Pernae. NUC; Adams R-499, 500. BM; BN; 566-567; Nicéron XXVIII 158-166; Pokel

(MH; CtY). 225. Biography: G. Mazzacurati, La crisi della retorica Antonius Riccobonus (Antonio Riccoboni) umanistica nel Cinquecento (Antonio Ric-

was born at Rovigo in 1541 and died at coboni) (Naples, [1961]). Padua in 1599.

He had at least one brother (Barnabas)

but nothing else is known of his family or his 2. Ausonius PopmMA background, which was apparently very humble. He studied literature in Venice and In addition to the text of the De re rus-

Padua with Paulus Manutius, Carolus tica, the 1590 Leyden edition contains his Sigonius, and Marcus Antonius Muretus, collection of fragments from all other surand then turned to jurisprudence. When still viving works of Cato and commentaries a very young man, he was named professor on four of them, namely, the De re militari, of literature at Rovigo. In 1567 Riccobonus Carmen de moribus, orations, and Origines. delivered, with much success, a_ public When Popma revised the text and annotadiscourse in praise of jurisprudence which tions of the fragments for the second edition secured for him and his family an elevation (published in 1620 at Franeker and Amsterin social status. Having determined, con- dam), he rearranged in some instances the sequently, to give up literature for juris- order of the fragments, expanded his earlier prudence, he went to Padua in 1571 and observations, added new lemmata with comtook a doctorate in law. His friends, how- ments, and extended the scope of his comever, persuaded him to accept a chair of mentaries to include the Praecepta ad filium humanities and rhetoric at the university, and the Epistulae. Thus, the Commentarii and he remained in Padua until the end of turis civilis is the only work which he did not his life. He engaged in controversy with his annotate in either edition. Like Riccobonus, former teacher, Carolus Sigonius, when he he considered the quotation from Varro’s

exposed the latter’s forgery of the ‘newly Cato de liberis educandis preserved in 244

CATO CENSOR

Macrobius (Saturnalia III. 6. 5) to belong to 3. 3]. Itaque quod apud Ciceronem in libro

a work of the same name by Cato, and in- De senectute ita loquitur anno antequam cluded it, without commentary, among the mortuus est: ‘Causarum illustrium quas-

genuine fragments. cumque defendi, nunc quam maxime con-

The order in which the commentaries are ficio orationes’ [XI. 38], hoc ad eas oralisted below is in accord with the arrange- tiones pertinet quas in libris Originum

ment of each edition; a reference to a inseruit, sane multas et luculentas, ut Pro modern edition is supplied in parentheses Rhodiensibus, In Ser. Galbam. Fuerunt after the lemma. There is no Preface or autem orationes Catonis in universum CL in

Dedicatory epistle. quibus et pro se multae et pro aliis et in a) The edition of 1590. alios. ‘Nam vetus ille Cato lacessisse appel-

De re militari. lari,/quod ipse conscius non erat sibi’,

Commentary (ed. of Leyden, 1590). Au- inquit Lucilius, lib. XIV Saturarum [XIV. sonius Popma, Notae ad librum M. Catonis 478-479], quod est testimonium verae et De re militari [Inc.|]: Una depugnatio est plenae laudis. Ego mihi monumenta (Mal(Jordan, fr. 10, p. 81). Haec verba tran- covati, fr. 48, p. 24). Exstat hodieque in Hisscripsit Vegetius in lib. III De re militari pania a Catone positi monumenti inscriptio, [III. 20] ubi septem genera depugnationum sane digna immortalitate.../... [Expl.]: explicat. Antibus duces (Jordan, fr. 9, p. 81). Proditionem non haberes (Malcovati, fr. Antes vocat extremos ordines exercitus in *245, p. 96). Id est, ius producendi diem quibus stant duces, sicuti in vinea sunt antes, quod habebant tribuni plebis. Livius, lib. orixo. aprédwy apud Vergilium [Georg. II. III: ‘In carcerem est coniectus eique tribunus 417]. Vegetius ibidem: ‘Dux qui praecipuam diem prodixit’ (III. 57. 6] et ‘Adeoque consustinet potestatem inter equites et pedites in stantia sua et tribunos obstupefecit et plebem parte dextra stare consuevit. Hic enim locus ut diem ipsi sua voluntate producerent’ [II.

est in quo tota acies gubernatur, ex quo 61. 7]. Ita enim ibi legendum esse monuit rectus est liberque procursus. Ideo autem doctissimus Joseph Scaliger. inter utrosque consistit ut et consilio regere Origines. et auctoritate tam equites quam pedites ad Commentary. Ad libros Originum. (Inc.|:

pugnam possit hortari’ [De re militari II. Clarorum virorum (Peter, fr. 2, p. 55).

18]. Cicero in Oratione pro Plancio: ‘Etenim M.

Carmen de moribus. Catonis illud, quod in principio scripsit

Commentary. [Inc.]: Hic liber non fuit Originum suarum, semper magnificum et scriptus versibus sed habuit certa quaedam praeclarum putavi: ‘‘clarorum virorum capita brevibus verbis descripta ita ut disci atque magnorum non minus otii quam et recitari possent. Ex eo titulus ‘carmen’, negotii rationem exstare oportere’”’’ [XXVII. Sicut apud Ciceronem, II De legibus, liber 66]. Ad quod dictum Catonis respexit Co-

XII tabularum appellatur ‘carmen neces- lumella, lib. II, cap. 22: ‘Tam otii quam sarium’ [II. 23. 59] et Pro Murena formulae negotii rationem reddere maiores censujuris consultorum ‘carmina’ [XII. 26], apud erunt’ [{II. 21. 1] .../... [Expl]: Graeci

Livium ‘horrendi carminis lex’ [I. 26. 6]. tam impudenti. Haec Catonis nomine |

Porro huius libri titulus hominibus imperitis olim edidit Johannes Annius Viterbiensis fortassis occasionem dedit ut Catoni in- homo, ut illa tempora ferebant, et diligens scriberent Disticha de moribus, quae sunt et eruditus. Nec est mihi quidem dubium

Ausonii Burdegalensis poetae. quin sint excerpta ex II et III libris Origi-

Orationes. num, in quibus tractavit de origine et situ

Commentary. Ad Orationes. [Inc.]: M. urbium Italicarum. Cuius sententiae meae Cato orationem scripsit adulescens cum in ea ratio est quod hic scribitur: ‘Cum Orobiis

foro et causis agendis versaretur, auctore coloniis ibi primus insedit, quorum origo Cornelio Nepote [De viris illustribus XXIV. incerta, uti Comi, Bergomi, Licini Fori et 245

LATIN AUTHORS

aliquot circa populorum’. Rursus: ‘Ameria De republica ordinanda, ubi plura dixi in ferme nongentis annis et amplius restituta scholiis Sallustianis. Porro huius libri tituante Persei bellum’. Et hoc utrumque Ca- lus fortassis occasionem dedit ut Catoni tonem tradidisse auctor est Plinius, lib. ITI, inscriberentur Disticha de moribus, quae cap. 17 et cap. 14 [III. 17. 124, 14. 114]. sunt Dionysii Catonis. Grassator vocabatur

Sed non ausim affirmare esse contextum (Jordan, fr. 2, p. 83). ‘Grassari’ antiqui

verborum Catonis; quin potius crediderim ponebant pro ‘adulari’, teste Festo [De ver-

illum, qui excerpsit, summa rerum capita borum significatu (Lindsay, p. 86)]; qua partim Catonis, partim suis verbis retulisse. notione dixit Horatius, lib. II, Sat. 5 ‘obQuae causa me movit ut non putarem esse sequio grassare’ [II. 5. 93] et Livius, lib.

, operae pretium haec pluribus explicare. XLV ‘qui assentando multitudini . gras-

Editions: santur’ [XLV. 23. 9]. Hinc ‘grassator’ dice-

1590, Lugduni Batavorum (Leyden): Ex batur qui divites et potentiores quovis officina Plantiniana apud Franciscum officii genere, non aperte sed quasi ex in-

Raphelengium. With the text of Cato (De re sidiis, captabat, ut poetae, parasiti et alii rustica and fragments) and commentaries on sectatores epularum, quos Phocylides vocat the fragments. NUC; Ed. Bipont. I cxl. BM; Toanefoxopous, ‘mensarum tonsores’ [Ps.-

: BN; Vatican Library; (InU; NjP). Phocylides 91].

1598. See above, Composite Editions. Praecepta ad filtum.

b) The revision of 1620. Commentary. [Inc.|]: Praecepta_ erant

De re militari. diversi generis: De cura valetudinis; De

Commentary (ed. of Franeker, 1620). agricultura; De re militar1; De arte dicendi Ausonius Popma, Notae ad librum M. Ca- (de qua Catonem primum aliquid praetonis De re militari. |Inc.]: Qui vitilitigent cepisse testatur Quintilianus, lib. I [III. 1. (Jordan, fr. 1, p. 80). ‘Vitilitigo’, ‘vitupero’; 19]) .../... [Expl]: Lepus multum (Jorunde ‘vitilitigator’ ex ‘vitio’ et ‘litigator’ dan, fr. 3, p. 78). Hunc locum respicit .../... [Expl.]: Antibus ducas (sic) (Jor- Plinius, lib. XXVIII, cap. 19: “Somnos fier

dan, fr. 9, p. 81). Antes vocat extremos lepore sumpto in cibis Cato arbitratur’ ordines exercitus inter quos stant duces, (XXVIII. 79. 260]. Ex qua _ persuasione

sicut in vinea sunt antes, orixo. apméd\wy quidam conciliando somno leporinas aures apud Vergilium [Georg. II. 417]. Vegetius pulvino supponunt, alii leporis pedes nocibidem: ‘Dux qui praecipuam sustinet po- turno pilleolo applicant.

testatem inter equites et pedites in parte Epistulae.

dextra stare consuevit. Hic enim locus est in Commentary. [Inc.|]: Ad M. Popilium quo tota acies gubernatur, ex quo rectus est (Cugusi I/1, fr. 6, p. 67). M. Popilius

liberque procursus. Ideo autem inter Laenas cos. Liguriam sortitus provinciam

utrosque consistit ut et consilio regere et auc- ibi res bene gessit, ait Livius [XLII. 7. 4toritate tam equites quam pedites ad pug- 10]. In eius exercitu Catonis filius tiro mili-

nam possit hortari’ [De re militari III. 18]. tabat; quadriennio post Paulo Aemilio

Carmen de moribus. imperatore in Macedonia bello Persico miles Commentary. [Inc.|]: Hic liber non fuit fuit, ut refert Cicero, lib. I Officiorum [I.

scriptus versibus sed habuit certa quaedam 11. 36-37], etsi in eius verbis explicandis et capita brevibus verbis descripta ut disci restituendis docti viri valde laborant.

et recitari possent. Ex eo titulus ‘carmen’, Orationes. sicut apud Ciceronem, II De legibus, liber Commentary. Ad Orationes. [Inc.|]: M. XII tabularum appellatur ‘carmen neces- Cato orationem scripsit adulescens cum in sarium’ [II. 23. 59] et Pro Murena formulae foro et causis agendis versaretur, auctore juris consultorum ‘carmina’ [XII. 26], apud Cornelio Nepote [De viris illustribus XXIV.

Livium ‘horrendi carminis lex’ [I. 26. 6], 3. 3]. Itaque quod apud Ciceronem in libro Appii Caeci sententiae “carmina’ in epistula De senectute ita loquitur anno antequam 246

CATO CENSOR

mortuus est: ‘Causarum illustrium quas- ginum, in quibus tractavit de origine et situ cumque defendi, nunc quam maxime con- urbium Italicarum. Cuius sententiae meae ficio orationes’ [XI. 38], hoc ad eas ora- ea ratio est quod hic scribitur: ‘Cum Orobiis

tiones pertinet quas in libris Originum coloniis ibi primus incedit, quorum origo inseruit, sane multas et luculentas, ut Pro incerta, uti Comi, Bergomi, Licini Fori et Rhodiensibus, In Ser. Galbam. Fuerunt aliquot circa populorum’. Rursus: ‘Ameria autem orationes Catonis in universum CL in ferme nongentis annis et amplius restituta

quibus et pro se multae et pro aliis et in ante Persei bellum’. Et hoc utrumque Caalios. ‘Nam vetus ille Cato lacessisse ap- tonem tradidisse auctor est Plinius, lib. III, pellari,/quod ipse conscius non erat sibi’, cap. 17 et cap. 14 [III]. 17. 124, 14. 114]. inquit Lucilius, lib. XIV Saturae [XIV. 478- Sed non ausim affirmare esse contextum 479], quod est testimonium plenae et verae verborum Catonis; quin potius crediderim laudis. Ego mihi monumenta (Malcovati, illum, qui excerpsit, summa rerum capita fr. 48, p. 24). Exstat hodieque in Hispania partim Catonis, partim suis verbis retulisse.

a Catone positi monumenti inscriptio, sane Quae causa me movit ut non putarem digna immortalitate .../... [Expl.]: Pro- operae pretium haec pluribus explicare. ditionem non haberes (Malcovati, fr. *245, Editions: p. 96). Id est, tus producendi diem quod 1620. See above, Composite Editions. habebant tribuni plebis. Livius, lib. III: 1620 Amstelrodami (Amsterdam): Sump‘In carcerem est coniectus eique tribunus tibus Iohannis Commelini Viduae (Fragdiem prodixit’ HII. 57. 6] et “Adeoque menta historicorum veterum latinorum, ed. constantia sua et tribuna (sic) obstupefecit Ausonius Popma). This edition contains, for

Origines. _ . , ,

et plebem ut diem ipsi sua voluntate pro- Cato, the text (pp. 14-30, 30-31) of the dicerent [H. ol. 7). Ita enim 1b1 legendum Origines and De re militari only, together with

esse monuit doctissimus Joseph Scaliger. Popma’s commentaries on them (pp. 133Commentary. Ad libros Originum. Ad lib. Library: (aU TU: NB; ICU). SN; Vatican

I. [Inc.|]: Clarorum virorum (Peter, fr. 2, 1710. Cantabri ‘ae (Cambrid °): Typi

. 99). in Orationeapud pro Plancio: oe 5 Crownfield ; gts * YPIS Pp. > _Cicero , ; Academicis Cornelium

Etenim M. Catonis llud, quod in prin- celeberrimae Academiae typographum (C. ciplo sctipsit Originum suarum, _ Semper Crispi Sallustti quae exstant ... fragmenta magnificum et precelarum putavi: “cla- historicorum veterum, ed. Joseph Wasse). rorum virorum atque magnorum” ’ etc. NUC. BM: BN: (MH: CaOTU). [XXVIT. 66]. Ad quod dictum Catonis 1742, Amstelaedami (Amsterdam): Apud respexit Columella, lib. II, cap. 22: ‘Tam F. Changuion, J. Catuffe, H. Uytwerf (C otii quam negotii rationem reddere maiores Crispi Sallus tii quae exstan , fragmen ta

censuerunt’ [II 21. 1] .../... [Expt]: historicorum veterum, ed. Si ebertus Haver-

Graeciolim tam impudenti. Haec Catonis no- NUC°?™PUS)BM: BN: (MH. mine edidit L. Annius Viterbiensis OM CaOTU) IS OO A homo, ut illa tempora ferebant, et diligens

et eruditus. Nec est mihi quidem dubium Biography: | quin sint excerpta ex II et II libris Ori- See p. 238 above.

247

BLANK PAGE

MARTIALIS, MARCUS VALERIUS

Fortuna 250 Composite Editions 259 FRANK-RUTGER HAUSMANN (University of Freiburg 1. Br.)

I. Epigrammaton libri 260 Commentaries 1. Anonymus Bononitensis, s. XV. 2. Anonymus Florentinus, c. 1471-74. 3. Domitius Calderinus. 4. Georgius Merula. 5. Nicolaus Perottus. 6. Angelus Politianus. 7. Iacobus Micyllus. 8. Conradus Gesner. 9. Johannes Brodaeus.

10. Adrianus Iuntius. 276 11. Adrianus Turnebus. 12. Antonius Gryphius. 13. Theodorus Marcilius. 14. Fredericus Cerutus. 15. Desiderius Heraldus. 16. Matthaeus Raderus. 17. Ianus Gruterus. 18. Josephus Justus Scaliger.

19. Laurentius Ramiresius de Prado. 20. Stephanus Claverius. 293 , b. Guarinus Veronensis.

21. Petrus Scriverius. 22. Lost or doubtful commentaries. a. Johannes Maregus. c. Petrus Marsus.

249

LATIN AUTHORS

FORTUNA In spite of occasional hostility, Martial was held in high regard by his contemporaries, M. Valerius Martialis was born in Bilbilis, and even in Late Antiquity and the Middle a small Spanish town in the ancient province Ages he was never totally forgotten, though of Tarraco at the end of the third or begin- he does not appear to have been the subject ning of the fourth decade A.D. He early went of ancient or medieval commentary. He is one to Rome, where he gained access to the homes of those authors whose works were published of his fellow countrymen, Seneca and Lucanus. in late antiquity in emended form by en-

His poetic activity brought him into contact thusiasts for antique literature and culture.

with the imperial court. When the Emperor His corrector was a certain Torquatus Titus inaugurated the Flavian amphitheatre Gennadius from Cesena, a Roman lawyer, in the year 80, he presented the people with who corrected him in 401. Up to his redisa great many games which astonished the covery by the Italian humanists in the thirwhole world because of their unusual compo- teenth, and especially in the fourteenth censition. Martial took the occasion to write epi- tury, Martial is occasionally quoted by many

grams on the subject; he presented them to authors, but only three writers—Isidore of the emperor and in so doing, took his first Seville, John of Salisbury, and Vincent of step towards fame. Four years after the publi- Beauvais—had more extensive knowledge of cation of these first epigrams, a second collec- his work.” In comparison. with other authors, tion appeared. At the feast of the Saturnalia Martial’s influence was felt relatively little in it was the custom in Rome to send presents, the Middle Ages. For reasons as yet not com-

including poetic mottoes, or to draw lots for pletely clear, from the eleventh century them at table, the former being called Xenia onwards he was called Martialis coquus, and (presents for guests), the latter Apophoreta in addition was confused with his English (something to take away). However, the poet imitator Geoffrey of Winchester (c. 1050attained his greatest fame through the 12 1107), who was held in such high regard that books of epigrams, in which he proved him- the pen-name “‘Martial’”’ was attributed to self a painter of morals and a critic of the

society of his time, and in which he also showed ne

that he did not shy away from daring obsceni- romischen Literatur bis zum Gesetzgebungswerk

ties. These books were written mainly in the des Kaisers Justinian 1 (Miinchen, »°1959) years 85/86 to 96, that is in the reign of the §§412-415 (p.546-560); R. Helms in: RE II,

emperors Domitian and Nerva. The last 1S [1955] coll.55-85. The most important book was written between 101 and 102 under modern editions are those by D. F. G. Schneidethe reign of Trajan in Bilbilis, where he had win (Grimae, 1842; Leipzig, 71853); L. Friedlander retired, and where he died in the year 104. (Leipzig, 1886); W. Gilbert (Leipzig 1886; *1896 The value of Martial’s poems lies above all in [1912]); J. D. Duff (London, 1905); W. M. Lind-

their pungency and formal terseness. In their say (Oxford, 1902; and later); C. Giarratano later reception, attention was paid to both (Torino, 1919/25); W. Heraeus (Leipzig, 1925); these aspects, the socially critical and the H. J. Izaac (Paris, 1930/33; 1961). In the present formal. The corpus of the epigrams is com- article, all references to Martial are to the posed of three parts: the book on the games, edition of H. J. Isaac. later called the Liber Spectaculorum by Janus 2. M. Val. Martialis Epigrammaton libri, ed. Gruterus, the 12 books of epigrams, joined D. F. G. Schneidewin, Praefatio, Max Manitius, together by Martial into one complete whole, ‘Beitrage zur Geschichte rémischer Dichter im and the two books of mottoes (the Xenia and Mittelalter’, Philologus 49 (1890) 554-564; the Apophoreta) which, contrary to tradition, Giinter Bernt, Das latetnische Epigramm im

are counted as books XIII and XIV.! Ubergang von der Spétantike zum friihen Mit-

—_— telalter (Mtinchener Beitrage zur Mediavistik und 1. M. Schanz and C. Hosius, Geschichte der Renaissance-Forschung 2, Miinchen, 1968).

250

MARTIALIS

him.’ It is highly unlikely that the authors of This includes Martial, in whose case these Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages who quotations are so comprehensive as to elimmentioned Martial had a full knowledge of inate the use of a Florilegium alone.’

all his epigrams, but they were available However, Boccaccio must be considered in very comprehensive extracts, found in as the man who really discovered Martial, Florilegia‘’. It was only the early humanists finding him, it is presumed, about 1361/62 of Northern Italy, however, who were better in the Monastery of Monte Cassino, or in acquainted with him, although their dis- another library. From his bequest this manucoveries apparently left no lasting effects. script, together with other works, was handed The lawyer Albertano da Brescia (in the first down to the Library of Santo Spirito in half of the thirteenth century) quotes him in Florence, where it was catalogued in 1461.5 It

his marginal notes on Seneca, in a form must have been a codex vetustissimus, which which suggests that he knew of a more com- also included the so-called Liber Spectacuplete text than that offered by the Florilegia.° lorum, and possibly formed the model for the Geremia da Montagnone (in the second half Italian manuscripts of Martial belonging to of the thirteenth century) mentions him by the Quattrocento, which, as far as they conname together with Geoffrey of Winchester tain the Speculata, all contain the same mis-

some 70 to 80 times in his Compendium takes. However, this manuscript was later moralium notabilium.® As far as is evident lost, and it was only in the sixteenth century Geremia barely had contact with another in Italy that manuscripts of Group A4 (Flori-

circle of Paduan lawyers and humanists, legica) came to light, offering a better text whose most important members were Lovato and furthering a proper understanding of it. Lovati (d.1309), Albertino Mussato (d.1329), From Boccaccio onwards a lasting knowledge

and Zambono di Andrea (d.1315). Their of and a preoccupation with Martial can be work received hardly any attention, although seen. Almost all of the leading Italian HumanPetrarch and Salutati evidently knew of them. ists of the first half of the Quattrocento read

These lawyers, most of all Lovato, already him or owned a copy of his works. Coluccio quote ancient authors whose works did not Salutati (1331-1406) as well as his friend become common property until decades later. Domenico di Bandino da Arezzo (c.13351418) were better acquainted with him; Poggio

3. Paul Lehmann, Pseudo-antike Literatur Bracciolini (1380-1459) had a copy of Martial des Mittelalters (Studien der Bibliothek War- in his private library, perhaps the very copy

burg XIII, Leipzig/Berlin, 1927) 16 and 97; which had been given to him by his friend Hartwig Gerhard (Ed.), Der “Liber proverbiorum” Niccolo Niccoli; Gasparino Barzizza (1359/ des Godefrid von Winchester mit einer Einleitung 60-1431), and Francesco Barbaro (c. 1395(Wurzburg and Bonn-Beuel, 1974) and the

review by Wolfgang Maaz, Mittellateinisches TO

Jahrbuch XI (1976) 327-330. 7. Guido Billanovich, ‘‘‘Veterum _ vestigia 4. B. L. Ullman, ‘Classical Authors in Cer- vatum”’ nei carmi dei preumanisti padovani. tain Mediaeval Florilegia’, Classical Philology Lovato Lovati, Zambono di Andrea, Albertino XXVII (1932) 1-42; Ugo Carratello, ‘L’ ““Epigram- Mussato e Lucrezio, Catullo, Orazio (Carmina), |

maton Liber’ di Marziale nella tradizione tardo- Tibullo, Properzio, Ovidio (Jbis), Marziale, medievale e umanistica’, Giornale italiano di filo- Stazio (Silvae)’, Italia Medioevale e Umanistica

logia XXVI(N.S.V), 1974, 1-17. I (1958) 155-243.

5. Claudia Villa, ‘La tradizione delle ‘‘Ad 8. Antonia Mazza, ‘L’inventario della ‘‘Parva Lucilium” e la cultura di Brescia dall’eta caro- Libraria’’ di Santo Spirito e la biblioteca del lingia ad Albertano’, Italia Medioevale e Uma- Boccaccio’, Italia Medioevale e Umanistica

nistica XII (1969) 9-51. IX (1966) 1-74, 49; Giuseppe Billanovich, 6. Roberto Weiss, II primo secolo dell’umane- Petrarca letterato 1, Lo scrittoio del Petrarca

simo (Roma 1949) 38, and passim. (Roma, 1947) 109 sq., 263 sq. 251

LATIN AUTHORS

1454) read him together in Venice in 1407; few manuscripts which are not at least proBartolomeo Capra corresponded with Leo- vided with marginal or interlinear glosses— nardo Bruni (1369-1444) about the discovery which is no surprise, due to the difficulty of of a codex of Martial;’? Lorenzo Valla (1407- the vocabulary. '!! Particular importance is to 1457) quotes him frequently in the Eleganti- be attributed to the Roman professor Pietro

arum linguae latinae libri sex, and so does Odi, working in the footsteps of Lorenzo Giovanni Tortelli (c. 1400-1466) in his Valla, and above all to his pupil and follower

famous Orthogrgphia. Giulio Pomponio Leto (1428-1497), the head Giovanni Aurispa (c.1369-1459), who sent of the Roman Academy. In his capacity as

a copy to Antonio Beccadelli, named il professor, Leto gathered around him in his Panormita (1394-1471), played a significant villa on the Quirinal a group of like-minded

part in the rediscovery of Martial, but people, with whom he read the classical Beccadelli also worked on possible emenda- authors, especially the authors of the Silver tions of the epigrams, and especially imitated Age of Latin Literature. Editor of Silius them in his scandalous work Hermaphroditus. Italicus, Donatus, Frontinus, and many

The countless neo-Latin poetic imitations other authors, he may be counted as the in the Quattrocento cannot be entered into originator of exegetic commentaries of the here, but the most important names should classical authors. Of the numerous Martial be cited: Francesco Filelfo (1398-1481) with manuscripts in the Vatican Library, which De iocis et seriis, Maffeo Vegio (1407-1458) are in the main annotated or glossed, the with the Disticha, Enea Silvio Piccolomini majority were written either by Leto himself (1405-1464) with his Carmina, Cristoforo or under his direction by his pupils (Partenio

Landino (1424-1498) with the Xandra, Pallini, Marco Lucio Fazini, Oliverio PalGiannantonio Campano (1429-1477) and ladio, Antonio Settimuleio Campano, Giovanni Battista Cantalicio (1450-1515) Giovanni Battista Cantalicio, Niccolo Perotti).

with their epigrams, and many others. !° Both annotations and glosses frequently deMartial also had a firm place in the first rive from Leto’s lectures on Martial. “modern” literary history, the Scriptorum The history of the formation of Martial illustrium linguae latinae libri (about 1437) editions and commentaries is extremely

of Sicco Polenton (1375/76-1447). Over complicated, but very illuminating and 110 Quattrocento Martial manuscripts still important for an understanding of the extant in European and American libraries reception of classical authors by the humanshow how widely popular the poet was in ists. Besides Leto, the main protagonists were Italy of the time. Though no commentary on Niccolo Perotti (1429-1480), Domizio Calthe whole of Martial had yet appeared, there derini (1446-1478), and Giorgio Merula were countless glossators, and we find very (1430/31-1494). Calderini, a follower of Poggio, was offered a professorship in Rome

—_—___——— by Pope Paul II in 1470, and soon entered 9. Remigio Sabbadini, Le scoperte dei codict into competition with Leto, and, in so doing,

latini e greci ne’ secoli XIV e XV (Biblioteca with the Valla School. The quarrel which Storica del Rinascimento 2 and 5, Firenze, 1905,

and 1914) II 235. , —_————— 10. F. R. Hausmann, ‘Untersuchungen zum 11. Th.Simar, ‘Les manuscrits de Martial du neulateinischen Epigramm Italiens im Quat- Vatican’, Musée Belge 14 (1910) 179-215. trocento’", Humanistica Lovaniensia XXI (1972) Furthermore I should like to call attention to 1-35; idem, ‘Enea Silvio Piccolomini ‘‘Poeta”’ Cod.L 50 sup. of the Biblioteca Ambrosiana

und die Rezeption der heidnischen Antike’, (Milano) [Kristeller, Iter I, 301], and