Catalogus translationum et commentariorum: Mediaeval and Renaissance Latin translations and commentaries : annotated lists and guides., Vol. 8 9780813213002

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
PREFACE (Virginia BROWN, page ix)
PREFACE to Volume I (Paul Oskar KRISTELLER, page xiii)
BIBLIOGRAPHY (page xix)
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS (page xxiv)
GREEK AUTHORS
Damianus (Heliodorus Larissaeus) (Robert B. TODD (University of British Columbia), page 1)
Geminus Rhodius/Ps. Proclus (Robert B. TODD, page 7)
Hanno (Monique MUND-DOPCHIE (Université Catholique de Louvain), page 49)
Themistius (Robert B. TODD, page 57)
Thucydides (Marianne PADE (Københavns Universitet), page 103)
LATIN AUTHORS
Sallustius (Patricia J. OSMOND (Rome, Italy) and Robert W. ULERY, Jr. (Wake Forest University), page 183)
INDEX OF MANUSCRIPTS FOR VOLUME VIII (page 345)
INDEX OF TRANSLATORS AND COMMENTATORS FOR VOLUME VIII (page 351)
INDEX OF ANCIENT AUTHORS TREATED IN VOLUMES I TO VIII (page 355)
TABLES OF CONTENTS OF PREVIOUS VOLUMES (page 357)

Citation preview

CATALOGUS TRANSLATIONUM ET COMMENTARIORUM: MEDIAEVAL AND RENAISSANCE LATIN TRANSLATIONS AND COMMENTARIES VOLUME VIII

MEDIAEVAL AND RENAISSANCE LATIN TRANSLATIONS AND COMMENTARIES Executive Committee

V. Brown, Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, Toronto W. V. CLAUSEN, Harvard University

TF. E. CRanz, Connecticut College A. T. GRAFTON, Princeton University

J. Hankins, Harvard University R. A. KasTeEr, Princeton University +P. O. KRISTELLER, Columbia University

+B. M. Marti, University of North Carolina J. J. ODONNELL, Georgetown University N. G. Srraisi, Graduate Center, City University of New York

Editorial Board M. J. B. ALLEN, University of California, Los Angeles

M. CiacetT, Institute for Advanced Study

H. E Nort, Swarthmore College + R. P Ottver, University of Illinois D. PINGREE, Brown University

R. D. Srper, Dickinson College +C. R. THompson, University of Pennsylvania J. M. ZioLKowskI, Harvard University International Committee +G. BILLANOVICH, Milan V. BROWN TE E. CRANZ P, CZARTORYSKI, Warsaw

M. FERNANDEZ-GALIANO, Madrid

R. B. C. HuyGens, Leiden E. J. KENNEY, Cambridge R. KLIBANSKy, Oxford +P. O. KRISTELLER

C. LEONARDI, Florence

B. Munk OLSEN, Copenhagen S. Rizzo, Rome +G. VERBEKE, Louvain

+]. H. Waszink, Leiden N. G. Witson, Oxford

UNION ACADEMIQUE INTERNATIONALE

CATALOGUS TRANSLATIONUM ET COMMENTARIORUM: MEDIAEVAL AND RENAISSANCE

LATIN TRANSLATIONS AND COMMENTARIES ANNOTATED LISTS AND GUIDES

VOLUME VIII

EDITOR IN CHIEF

VIRGINIA BROWN ASSOCIATE EDITORS

JAMES HANKINS AND ROBERT A. KASTER

THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS WASHINGTON, D.C. 2003

Publication of this volume of the Catalogus Translationum et Commentariorum has been supported by a generous grant from the

Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation. ,

Copyright © 2003 The Catholic University of America Press

All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standards for Information Science—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, aNs1 239.48-1984. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA

Kristeller, Paul Oskar, 1905-1999 ed. Catalogus translationum et commentariorum. At head of title: Union Académique Internationale. V. 1: Editor in chief, Paul Oskar Kristeller. V. 2: Editor in chief, Paul Oskar Kristeller; Associate Editor, EF Edward Cranz. Vols. 3-5: Editor in chief, F. Edward Cranz; Associate Editor, Paul Oskar Kristeller. V. 6: Editor in chief, F Edward Cranz; Associate Editors,

Virginia Brown, Paul Oskar Kristeller. V. 7: Editor in chief, Virginia Brown; Associate Editors, F. Edward Cranz, Paul Oskar

Kristeller. V. 8: Editor in chief, Virginia Brown; Associate | Editors, James Hankins, Robert A. Kaster. Includes bibliographies and indexes. 1. Classical literature—History and criticism—bBibliography. 2. Latin literature—Translations from Greek—Bibliography. 3. Greek literature—Translations into Latin—Bibliography. 1. Cranz, F. Edward (Ferdinand Edward), ed. 11. Brown, Virginia, 1940-, ed. 111. Union académique internationale. 1v. Mediaeval and Renaissance Latin translations and commentaries. v. Title.

Z7016.K84PA3001 1991 016.88 60-4006 ISBN 0-8132-1300-2 (V. 8)

TO THE MEMORY OF

F. EDWARD CRANZ (1914-1998) Editor in Chief of this Series, 1973-85 Associate Editor, 1971-73, 1985—98

Erudite Scholar, Wise Counselor, Steadfast Friend

BLANK PAGE

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE, by Virginia BROWN ix PREFACE to Volume I, by Paul Oskar KrISTELLER Xill

BIBLIOGRAPHY X1X List OF ABBREVIATIONS XXIV GREEK AUTHORS

British Columbia) 1 Geminus Rhodius/Ps. Proclus, by Robert B. Topp 7

Damianus (Heliodorus Larissaeus), by Robert B. Topp (University of

Hanno, by Monique Munp-Dopcuie (Université Catholique de Louvain) 49

Themistius, by Robert B. Topp 57 Thucydides, by Marianne Papg (Kgbenhavns Universitet) 103

LATIN AUTHORS

Sallustius, by Patricia J. OSMOND (Rome, Italy) and Robert W. ULEry, Jr.

(Wake Forest University) 183

ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA

Columella, by José-Ignacio GARciA ARMENDARIZz (Universitat de Barcelona) 327

Tacitus, by Robert W. ULERY, Jr. 334 Vegetius, by Michael Idomir ALLEN (University of Chicago) 336

Xenophon, by David MarsH (Rutgers University) 341 INDEX OF MANUSCRIPTS FOR VOLUME VIII 345 INDEX OF TRANSLATORS AND COMMENTATORS FOR VOLUME VIII 351

INDEX OF ANCIENT AUTHORS [TREATED IN VOLUMES | To VIII 355

TABLES OF CONTENTS OF PREVIOUS VOLUMES 357

vil

BLANK PAGE

PREFACE For the general aims of the Catalogus Translationum et Commentariorum, reference should be made to the Preface to Volume 1, by Paul Oskar Kristeller, which is reprinted below. Various circumstances have delayed, unfortunately, the appearance of this volume; in the future we hope to publish volumes at shorter intervals. Of the six articles that Volume 8 contains, five treat Greek authors and only one deals with a Latin author; this continues the trend noticeable in Volumes 1, 2, and 7, all of which contained more articles on Greek authors. As in the case of the seven preceding volumes, we are publishing in Volume 8 those contributions which happened to be completed at the present time. Although they represent disparate fields (natural science, geography, philosophy, and history), the articles sometimes complement each

other, and four of the authors treated continue to exert in our own time the considerable appeal and interest noticeable in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. * KKK KK

Two articles concern scientific writers. Geminus (first century B.c.) compiled an astronomical survey (Elementa astronomiae). Several hundred years later Damianus (fl. between the fourth and the sixth centuries A.D.) wrote a treatise on optics (Capita opticorum). Both works were aimed at readers on an elementary level. But the number of surviving Latin translations and commentaries attest to the fact that Geminus enjoyed much greater popularity. The chief reason for this was the detachment in the fifteenth century of four chapters from his Elementa astronomiae, their rearrangement in a different textual sequence, and their subsequent attribution, under the title of Sphaera, to Proclus, the Neoplatonic philosopher of the fifth century a.p. Ironically, the Sphaera attracted far more interest (7 translations, 11 commentaries) than did the Elementa astronomiae (4 translations, 1 commentary) from which it had been excerpted. The Periplus of Hanno the Carthaginian (fl. before 200 B.c.?) is of an altogether different character. This is an account of a voyage around the coast of West Africa made by Hanno, who, as the purported author, relates his discoveries of certain marvelous places. The references to the Periplus in earlier authors such as Pliny the Elder, Solinus, and Pomponius Mela kept knowledge of the work alive in the Middle Ages. With the Renaissance came the return to a direct acquaintance with Hanno’s journey. Despite the scanty manuscript tradition (two witnesses) and the single Latin translation and commentary presently identified (both by Konrad Gesner in the sixteenth century), the Periplus appears to have exerted considerable interest and appeal: it has been regarded as a motivating factor behind the explorations of Vasco da Gama and Pedro Alvares Cabral, used as a source of information by mapmakers like Abraham Ortelius, and cited in controversies involving the Portuguese and Spanish claims to the coasts of Africa and America. The steady stream of editions and commentaries produced from the eighteenth century to our own time demonstrates that the Periplus has not lost its fascination. Themistius (fourth century A.D.) represents still another area of inquiry. He paraphrased the treatises of Aristotle that dealt with logic, psychology, and natural science and wrote speeches consisting of official addresses to the emperor. These Orationes, of which thirty-three survive, did not circulate widely in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, but the fortuna of the paraphrases was quite different during these periods. Not a profound thinker himself, Themistius provided, nonetheless, a useful service to later students of Aristotle, especially since his expositions often contain fragments from lost commentaries. Any study of Themistius’ influence has necessarily to consider other Aristotelian commentators. He was cited by his Greek counterparts (e.g., Simplicius) and translated into Arabic, Hebrew, and Syriac. References in Arabic sources to Themistius would ensure knowledge of this author in medieval Europe, and the first Latin translations of his works were made in the twelfth and thirteenth 1X

x PREFACE centuries (respectively, his paraphrases of the Posterior Analytics and De anima). By the fourteenth century Themistius had achieved such stature that other paraphrases were wrongly attributed to him. Evidence from library inventories and commentaries shows that he continued to be copied, read, and used in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The University of Padua, of course, played a leading role. Hermolaus Barbarus, who had studied there, translated into Latin between 1473 and 1480 the three surviving Greek paraphrases (Posterior Analytics, De anima, Physics) as well as four spurious paraphrases. Interest in Themistius as a philosopher began to decline from the seventeenth century on just as his Orationes came into some prominence. The articles on Thucydides and Sallust treat two influential and complementary historians. Sallust’s imitation of Thucydidean style was clear to Antiquity and the Renaissance, and in both periods they were read and regarded as equals. Their fortunes diverge in the intervening centuries: Thucydides was known and used in the time of the Roman and Byzantine Empires, but in the medieval Latin West knowledge of his writings comes through intermediaries; for Sallust, the fifth and sixth centuries represented a period of comparative neglect after his status as a school author in Antiquity and his influence on such authors as Tacitus, but he came into his own again in the Middle Ages when his works began to be copied and used for purposes of teaching. Hence it is to be expected that Sallust, not Thucydides, was the subject of the earliest commentaries on either author. Apart from the mostly lost commentary of Aemilius Asper (fl. between the first and third centuries a.D.) on Sallust’s Historiae (itself now fragmentary), the oldest surviving commentaries are those preserved in a late twelfth-century manuscript on the Bellum Catilinae and the Bellum Iugurthinum. Thucydides was not translated into Latin until the 1452 rendering of Laurentius Valla, and the commentary tradition begins in the sixteenth century, with the speeches attracting particular attention from translators and commentators. The interest that Thucydides and Sallust singly or collectively once generated in such diverse figures as Niccold Machiavelli, Thomas More, and Thomas Hobbes has continued unabated down to our own time. sere ok aK

Within two years the Catalogus has lost its founding editors and most faithful supporters: F. Edward Cranz (+15 May 1998) and Paul Oskar Kristeller (+8 June 1999). Both read in typescript nearly all the articles that make up the present volume and offered learned, helpful suggestions much appreciated by the authors and the editors. Our indebtedness to Professor Kristeller was officially acknowledged in the dedication to him of Volume VII, and we now dedicate Volume VIII to the memory of Professor Cranz. The international academic community recognizes him as a great scholar; those of us who were associated with him on the Catalogus project were, of course, aware of this, but we also knew him as the best of editors and an exemplary colleague. It is a privilege to acknowledge, among Professor Cranz’s many legacies, the unceasing kindness, gentleness, and generosity so integral to his character and so important for the success of the Catalogus. Our second debt is to the Section Editors and other appraisers who kindly read the articles in this volume and made cogent suggestions for their improvement. We express our gratitude once again for the continuing support of the Union Académique Internationale, under whose auspices the Catalogus is published. Running expenses for the project have been provided by the American Council of Learned Societies. The following scholarly organizations have given the Catalogus their moral support: in North America, the American Council of Learned Societies, the American Philological Association, the Medieval Academy of America, the Modern Language Association of America, and the Renaissance Society of America; in Europe, the Accademia Nazionale

dei Lincei, the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, the Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, the British Academy, and the Unione Accademica Nazionale. The Catholic University of America Press has supported the project from the beginning, and we are very grateful to the present director, Dr. David J. McGonagle, for publishing this volume without a subsidy. In previous volumes we have recognized the help of many libraries as an essential factor in achieving the accuracy and completeness to which every Catalogus article aspires. This remains no less true

PREFACE Xl for the present volume. Librarians throughout the world have freely given of their time and expertise in answering many questions about the rare books and manuscripts in their charge, in providing information not otherwise accessible, and in supplying microfilms and photographs. We heartily thank them all. Instances of special help are included at the appropriate place in individual articles.

April 2000 Virginia BROWN Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, Toronto For the Executive Committee

BLANK PAGE

PREFACE TO VOLUME I The present volume is the first of a series that will list and describe the Latin translations of ancient Greek authors and the Latin commentaries on ancient Latin (and Greek) authors up to the year 1600. The work is planned as a contribution to the history of classical scholarship. It is intended to illustrate the impact which the literary heritage of ancient Greece and Rome had upon the literature, learning, and thought of those long centuries of Western history usually known as the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. During that whole period, the acquaintance with, and the gradual appropriation of, this ancient literary heritage played a much more central and more productive role than has been true in more recent times, although the approach to this ancient material may have been imperfect, uncritical, and often wrong by present scholarly standards. Hence it is important to ascertain how much the Middle Ages, how much the Renaissance, how much each century or generation within those larger periods actually knew of the ancient Greek and Latin literatures. The widespread debate about the relative extent and merits of classical learning during those centuries can be settled only by a dispassionate, careful, and critical stocktaking of the relevant textual, documentary, or bibliographical evidence. We cannot merely examine such a vague and indistinct unit as ‘classical literature; but we must trace in detail the history and transmission of each ancient author, and of each of his writings. We must take ancient literature in the broadest possible sense, and include not merely the ‘classical’ authors of the earlier periods, but also their successors down to 600 A.D., and not only the poets and writers of literary prose, but also all authors, some of them obscure or anonymous, who wrote on philosophy or theology, on grammar or rhetoric, or on the various arts, sciences, or pseudo-sciences. All these subjects were to occupy an important place in the intellectual history of the later centuries, and they derived much of their subject matter, vocabulary, and method from the available ancient sources. Even within the area of poetry and belles-lettres, we must keep in mind that several authors now prominent were almost forgotten, and others now neglected occupied the center of attention. This fact will not disturb us, for we do not merely wish to find in the past the antecedents for our own interests, but also to know and understand the past in its own interests where they were different from ours. Perhaps the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, in emphasizing certain aspects of ancient literature that have disappeared from the modern view, may even have grasped some authentic traits of antiquity. In other words, this work addresses itself to students of classical antiquity as well as of the Middle Ages and of the Renaissance, to historians of literature as well as to historians of theology, philosophy, the sciences, and learning in general. Quite appropriately, scholars from all these fields have taken an active part in planning and carrying out this work. A complete study of classical scholarship during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, however, would include much material and many problems that are beyond the scope of our present undertaking,—e.g., the manuscript copies and printed editions in which a given text has been transmitted; the many short glosses and notes that were added to the text by the copyists, editors, or readers of these manuscripts and printed editions; the many quotations from classical texts, direct or indirect, precise or distorted, that are found in the works of mediaeval or Renaissance writers; finally, the vernacular translations of ancient texts that were produced with increasing frequency down to the sixteenth century, and that as far as the works of Greek authors were concerned were usually based on Latin translations. Without denying the importance of all these matters for a study of classical scholarship in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, we have singled out for our work two groups of material that are more limited, but that occupy a central place in the transmission of ancient texts in the West: the Latin translations from the Greek, and the Latin commentaries on Greek, and especially on ancient Latin authors. The translations prove through their very existence that a given text was available at a given time, and through the number of manuscripts or editions, how widely it was available. During the pexill

XIV PREFACE TO VOLUME I riod with which we are concerned, Greek was familiar to but a small group of Western scholars, a group that was almost negligible up to about 1400, and, despite its general increase, was still limited between 1400 and 1600. On the other hand, the vernacular tended to expand during the later Middle Ages at the expense of Latin. Nevertheless, up to the end of our period, Latin remained the language of the Western Church, of international scholarship, and of school and university instruction. Hence it is the Latin translation that made a Greek text available to the Western reader. The presence or absence, the rarity or frequency, finally, the relative merits of Latin translations determine and measure the degree to which a Greek author or a Greek text, whether great or small by our standards, was able to influence, through its form and content, the readers, writers, and scholars of a given period. The Latin commentaries have a similar importance, especially for the transmission of ancient Latin authors, for whom the problem of availability through translation did not exist. Here the question of availability is settled through the age, provenience, and frequency of extant manuscripts, through the testimony of old library catalogues, and later through the bibliography of printing. Yet the commentary proves through its very existence that a given author or text was carefully read and studied at a given time and place and, in many instances, that such texts or authors were used as textbooks or readings in some school or university. For the commentary as a literary genre is the product of the class lecture, and in its form, method, and content, it discloses the intellectual interests of the commentator and his approach to this text. Commentaries often indicate the connections in which a given author was read or studied, that is, the branches of learning which he served to illustrate, and the other ancient or mediaeval authors associated with him. The study of the commentaries will thus throw much light upon the curricula of the schools and universities in which they originated. The list of commentaries should include the Latin commentaries on original Greek texts, as well as _ the commentaries on Latin translations of Greek texts. The former, which are rather scarce and largely limited to the sixteenth century, will be treated as a kind of appendix to our main material. The latter, on the other hand, would include such large bodies of material as the commentaries on Scripture, on Aristotle, and on certain medical and mathematical authors, a kind of mass production which reflects the place of these texts in the curricula of the universities and other schools. Important as this is as a

cultural fact integral to the purpose of our work, the inclusion of so extensive a body of specialized material would seriously distort the perspective and balance at which we aim. It has therefore been decided to omit these groups of commentaries (as well as those on the Corpus Iuris), at least for the time being, although it is hoped that they may be listed and studied at some future date (the listing of the commentaries on Scripture has been carried almost to completion by FE. Stegmueller in his Repertorium Biblicum Medii Aevi [5 vols., Madrid, 1950-55]). The articles on these authors or subjects will therefore list their translations, but not their commentaries. Thus for two opposite reasons, commentaries on Greek authors will play a decidedly secondary role, and the lists of commentaries will primarily concern the articles on Latin authors. It may be objected that the mere listing and description of the Latin translations and commentaries is a very modest, pedestrian and, in a sense, bibliographical undertaking, and that the real bearing of this material on the history of learning can become apparent only if the texts are actually studied, analyzed, or even edited. We have no doubt that such further study is highly desirable, and we hope that many such studies may be stimulated by our work, and may be written by our contributors or by other scholars. Yet we feel that the collecting of the descriptive material is the necessary first step. This material in itself is sufficiently complex and voluminous to suggest that we concentrate our efforts for the time being on this more limited task.

If the listing of Latin translations and commentaries seems to be an important desideratum of scholarship, one may wonder why it has not been filled long ago. As a matter of fact, there is a good deal of scattered information in older and more recent reference works or editions. Latin translations of Greek texts that were made from the Arabic are listed by M. Steinschneider (“Die europaischen Uebersetzungen aus dem Arabischen,” Sitzungsberichte der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 149 [Vienna, 1904] and 151 [1905; reprinted Graz 1956]). Father J. T. Muckle published a preliminary list, entitled “Greek Works translated directly into Latin before 1350” (Mediaeval Studies IV [1942] 33-42; V [1943] 102-114). Information on Latin translations of Greek pa-

PREFACE TO VOLUME I XV tristic writings has been collected by G. Bardy (La question des langues dans l’Eglise ancienne I (Paris, 1948]), and by A. Siegmund (Die Ueberlieferung der griechischen christlichen Literatur in der lateinischen Kirche bis zum zwélften Jahrhundert [Miinchen-Pasing, 1949]). The need for more work in this area was emphasized by B. Altaner, who even refers to prewar plans for a Corpus of early Latin translations of Greek patristic writings (Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati | [1946] 519-520). These plans are now being carried out under the auspices of the Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften in Berlin (cf. J. Irmscher, Theologische Literaturzeitung 77 [1952] 52; 78 [1953] 126). The Corpus Platonicum Medti Aevi and the Aristoteles Latinus are both in process of publication, and will thoroughly cover the ground for Plato, Aristotle, and their commentators, at least for the period to 1350 or 1400. In our articles on these authors, we do not plan to duplicate these much more elaborate works, but shall refer to them directly for the material they cover, and supplement them in certain ways. The coordination between our work and these last two undertakings has been assured through the good offices of the Union Académique Internationale, and through arrangements made directly with Professor R. Klibansky for the Corpus Platonicum, and with Professors E. Franceschini and L. Minio-Paluello for the Aristoteles Latinus. Thus there is no lack of partial contributions to our work, but there seems to be a need for a Corpus or Catalogus in which all known evidence will be assembled and critically sifted,

and new evidence will be added as far as possible. ,

Our procedure is to give full information concerning Latin translations and commentaries down to 1600 A.D., but with only a summary account of such material as is easily available in recently printed works. We shall include the Latin translations and commentaries produced in antiquity and still extant, since they are few in number and will illustrate the relation between ancient and mediaeval learning. The list of translations will describe all Latin translations of Greek authors who wrote before 600 A.D., including patristic writers, apocryphal works attributed to Greek authors, and Latin translations derived indirectly from the Greek, especially through the Arabic (the latter to be described in abbreviated form). It will exclude translations of Byzantine writers. It will exclude for the present at least translations of scattered poems and prose sections that have been preserved in the original works of

later authors, but had no independent tradition before 1600. The list of translations will record all Latin translations made through 1600 A.D., and may go occasionally beyond that date. The list of commentaries will describe Latin commentaries on writers of Latin and Greek antiquity who wrote before 600 A.D. It will, however, exclude, for the present at least, commentaries on Aristotle; on medical, legal, and canonistic works; on the Bible; and on mediaeval Latin authors. It will also exclude scattered, anonymous glosses, as well as miscellaneous observations on various ancient authors. It will record in greater detail the commentaries made through 1475 a.D., and give more abbreviated descriptions for those made from 1475 through 1600 a.p. The work will be arranged according to ancient authors. The successive volumes will include the articles completed at the time, and hence an alphabetical order cannot be adopted. To facilitate consultation, alphabetical indices of ancient authors will be added when necessary. Each article devoted to an ancient author will give for each of his works a chronological list of translations or of commentaries, numbered consecutively. For each translation or commentary, the entry will give the following information: name of translator or commentator (if known); date, place, and circumstances of the composition of the translation or commentary; a list of all manuscript copies that can be located or used, with descriptive data and catalogue references; a list of all its printed editions, with bibliographical data; a list of relevant scholarly literature; an incipit and explicit (15 to 20 words) of the dedication, preface, introduction, and main text of the translation or commentary. For each manuscript or edition, the contributor will indicate whether he has seen the book itself or a microfilm of it, or received information from somebody who saw it, or merely relied on printed secondary information. At the end of each description, there will be a short biographical note on the translator or commentator, with bibliographical references. As might be expected, the project had to overcome a number of difficulties. Some of them bring to light, or emphasize, certain inadequacies and omissions of recent scholarship. The primary material on which the entire work rests, that is, manuscripts and early printed editions, is still difficult to control or to locate, as any worker in the field is bound to discover. For many manuscript collections there are no

XV1 PREFACE TO VOLUME I printed catalogues, but merely handwritten inventories that have to be inspected on the spot. Of the available printed catalogues, many are extremely rare, and many are quite inadequate. Even the best catalogues do not always give the full information needed for our purpose. The situation is much better for incunabula, since most of them have been described and located. Yet even the best bibliographies of incunabula often fail to analyze the content of a composite edition, and thus leave many questions to be answered. As to the editions of the sixteenth century, the field is a bibliographical chaos except for England, and the task of assembling the necessary data becomes almost hopeless once the safe waters of the catalogues of the British Museum and Bibliothéque Nationale have been crossed. In gathering bio-bibliographical data on the translators and commentators, many of whom were relatively obscure, the standard works of reference turned out to be often useless or unreliable, and it was necessary to draw on the resources of local or regional scholarship, or on the products of eighteenth century erudition. Unexpected difficulties arose in the establishment of a list of ancient Greek and Latin authors that were available before 1600. Such a list was needed as a kind of ledger for our whole enterprise. The initial hope that we could rely for this purpose on the standard reference works of classical scholarship turned out to be mistaken. Works now considered apocryphal or unimportant, but regarded before 1600 as authentic or significant, have often completely disappeared from modern editions or reference works, and their very existence must be recovered in earlier sources. It was for us a vital question to find out whether the works of an ancient author were preserved through direct transmission, and hence available to a translator or commentator before 1600, or whether they have been merely reconstructed in modern times out of fragments and citations. Yet this difference often does not seem to concern the authors of modern histories of ancient literature. At least in one instance the existence of a certain Greek text had to be ascertained with the help of a German school program of 1851, after Christ-Schmid and Pauly-Wissowa had failed to answer the question. In all these ways, the project served to expose serious gaps and shortcomings in our present scholarly and bibliographical information—shortcomings that are often overlooked with an unjustified complacency, but that ought to be faced and as far as possible overcome. Aside from the difficulties inherent in the nature of the material, there were a number of purely human ones. The project has received the generous help, not only of its contributors and editors, but also of many other scholars and librarians throughout the world, and it has obtained the approval of several great scholarly organizations and institutions. Yet it always had very limited financial resources, and very little clerical or bibliographical assistance. Most of the work had to be done by the editors in their spare time, or by volunteer helpers. Yet the editors have tried to encourage and help as best they could those contributors who were actively engaged in their work for the project. Some, but by no means all of these difficulties, were anticipated when the project was first started. The plan was initially proposed in 1945 in the Committee on Renaissance Studies of the American Council of Learned Societies, and Professor James Hutton and the writer were delegated by that Committee to seek the opinion of a wider circle of scholars. As a result, a meeting to consider the project was held in New York on March 2-3, 1946, under the auspices of the American Council of Learned Societies. The scholars present at the meeting decided to adopt the project, and to form, along with a few others, its Editorial Board. They laid down the general lines for the organization of the project as a cooperative enterprise and elected an Executive Committee which has held regular meetings ever since, and has been in correspondence with the other editors. It also designated some of its members as section editors responsible for certain areas of the work. Of the original members of the Executive Board, Professors R. V. Merrill and E. M. Sanford died, and their places were taken by Professors L. Bradner and R. P. Oliver. Of the original members of the Executive Committee, Professor P. Kibre resigned, but retained her place on the Editorial Board. The following members of the Editorial Board have served as section editors: Hutton (literary translations to 1400); Kibre (scientific and pseudo-scientific translations to 1400); Kristeller (philosophical translations to 1400); McGuire (patristic translations to 1400); Lockwood (translations after 1400); Savage (commentaries to 1100); Marti (commentaries, 1100-1300); Sanford (succeeded by Oliver, commentaries, 1300-1600). The Executive Committee invited a large number of American and European scholars to collabo-

PREFACE TO VOLUME I | XV rate on the project, and obtained from a good number of them promises to prepare articles dealing with specific Greek or Latin authors. After the preliminary Committee had obtained the official approval of the American Philological Association (1945), the Executive Committee also obtained that of the following organizations: Mediaeval Academy of America (1946), Modern Language Association of America (1947), British Academy (1947), Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei (1947), Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres (1950), Renaissance Society of America (1954), Francis Bacon Foundation (1957). When the UAI adopted the project as its enterprise No. XIV, an International Advisory Committee was added to the Editorial Board. Of the original members of the International Committee, Prof. R. A. B. Mynors subsequently resigned, and his place was taken by Professor A. H. McDonald. Information on the project has been printed in the following publications: Progress of Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies in the United States and Canada; Renaissance News; Comptes Rendus de l'Union Académique Internationale. The following documents were prepared for the project and distributed in

mimeographed form: Outline; Instructions; Bibliography; Sample Entry for Translations (Aesop, translation of Rinucius, by Prof. D. P. Lockwood); Sample Entry for Commentaries (Juvenal, commentary of Domitius Calderinus, by Prof. E. M. Sanford); List of Extant Greek Authors, and List of Extant Latin Authors (by Prof. J. Hutton, with the collaboration of Dr. H. King and of other editors). The bibliography, and the lists of Greek and Latin authors, have been included in the present volume. Dr. H. Nachod gave valuable help in the indexing of important bibliographical works for the project, and Mr. Thomas G. Schwartz did much preliminary work on the Latin grammarians. A number of publications grew out of the work for the project, and others, though planned independently, were spurred by its needs, especially Dean M. E. Cosenza’s Biographical and Bibliographical Dictionary of the Italian Humanists and of the World of Classical Scholarship in Italy 1300-1800 (distributed in microfilm by the Renaissance Society of America), and Kristeller’s “Latin Manuscript Books before 1600” (Traditio V1 [1948] 229-317; IX [1953] 393-418), which consists of a bibliography of printed catalogues of Latin manuscripts, and of a list of handwritten inventories of uncatalogued collections of manuscripts. The Executive Committee has also participated in the work of the Liaison Committee on Microfilming Manuscript Catalogues which has been engaged, under the chairmanship of Professor B. L. Ullman, in obtaining for the Library of Congress microfilm copies of the handwritten inventories of European manuscript collections. Finally, the members of the Executive Committee and the section editors have been in regular correspondence with many contributors, and have examined and edited all articles submitted. The difficulties I indicated may explain why it has taken us so long to be ready to bring out our first volume, and why this volume contains only a small and in a way random selection from the material which we ultimately hope to present. We are very happy indeed to see it in print. We thus hope to do justice to those active contributors who have done their work so well, to give an example of what our entire work may contribute, and also to encourage other contributors to complete their articles for subsequent volumes. We hope, too, that other scholars will decide to participate in our work and help us bring it to completion.

I should like to thank first of all our active contributors and the other members of our editorial committees who did most of the painstaking work that made this volume possible, although they urged me to assume the chief responsibility for it, thus giving me more than my deserved share of the credit for this enterprise. We all are indebted to many librarians and scholars in this country and in Europe for much information generously supplied. I also wish to thank M. F. Masai for his permission to have the article on Arator reprinted in this volume after it had been published in Scriptorium (6 [1952] 151-156). We are grateful to the American Council of Learned Societies which through a series of small grants has covered the running expenses of our Committee; to The Catholic University of America, Columbia University, Princeton University, and Sweet Briar College for occasional small grants; to the Columbia University Seminar on the Renaissance for secretarial help. The publication of this volume has been made possible by a grant of $500 from the Francis Bacon Foundation in Pasadena, California, and by the generosity of The Catholic University of America Press, which has agreed to assume the remainder of the costs.

XV1ll PREFACE TO VOLUME I The proofs of the articles on Juvenal and Salvian have been read by Prof. Berthe Marti (Bryn Mawr College), and those of the article on Arator, by Prof. Herbert B. Hoffleit (University of California, Los Angeles).

New York, Columbia University, For the Executive Committee April 21, 1958 Paul Oskar KRISTELLER

BIBLIOGRAPHY The following listings contain a) titles which have been added since the appearance of vol. VII and b) titles which are regularly cited by their authors only, or by authors and abbreviated titles, or by the first word of their titles. A list of other abbreviations will be found at the end of the bibliography. I. GENERAL REFERENCE WORKS AND BIOBIBLIOGRAPHIES Aa, A. J. van der, Biographisch Woordenboek der Nederlanden, 21 vols. (Haarlem, 1852-78). Allgemeine deutsche Biographie, 56 vols. (Leipzig, 1875-1912; rpt. Berlin, 1967-71).

American Biographical Archive. A One-Alphabet Cumulation of the Most Important English-Language Biographical Reference Works on the United States and Canada Originally Published between the 18th and the Early 20th Centuries, 1842 microfiches (London and New York, 1986-91) and 6 vols. (index) (London, 1993). Series II, 730 microfiches (Munich, 1993-96). Archives biographiques francaises. Fusion dans un ordre alphabétique unique de 180 des plus importants ouvrages de référence biographiques francais publiés du 17° au 20° siécle, viii, 1065 microfiches (Lon-

don and New York, 1988-90) and 4 vols. (index) (London, 1993). Series II, xx, 644 microfiches (Munich, 1993-95) and Supplement, iii, 106 microfiches (Munich, 1993). Archivo biografico de Espafia, Portugal e Iberoamérica. Una compilacion de 300 obras biograficas, las mds importantes y representativas, editadas entre el siglo XVII y los inicios del siglo XX, xxxix, 1105 microfiches, including Supplement (Munich and New York, [1986—90]) and 4 vols. (index). Series II, xlii, 976 microfiches at present (Munich and New York, 1990). Archivo biografico de Espafia, Portugal e Iberoamérica 1960-1995, xxiv, 447 microfiches (Munich, 1996-98) and 10 vols. (index, 3d revised and enlarged ed.) (Munich, 2000). Archivio biografico italiano: cumulativo di 321 repertori biografici fra i pit importanti a partire dal sec. XVII sino allinizio del sec. XX, xxii, 1024 microfiches, including Supplement (Munich and New York, 1988—), and 4 vols. (index) (Munich and New York, 1993). Series II, xx, 690 microfiches (Munich, 1992-94). Series III, x, 447 microfiches (Munich, 1998-2000). Baltisches biographisches Archiv, xvi, 420 microfiches (Munich, 1995-98). Bietenholz, P. G., and T. B. Deutscher, eds., Contemporaries of Erasmus: A Bibliographical Register of the Renaissance and Reformation, 3 vols. (Toronto and Buffalo, N. Y., 1985-87). Biografisch Archief van de Benelux, vi, 754 microfiches and 2 microfiches with Appendix (A-V) (Munich, 1992-94); 4 vols. (index) (Munich, 1997). Series II, iii, 301 microfiches (Munich, 1999—2001). Biographie nationale (Belgium), 44 vols. (Brussels, 1866-1986). Biographisches Archiv der Antike. Biographical Archive of the Classical World, xxxiii, 623 microfiches, including Nachtrage A-Porcius Cato (Munich, 1992-). British Biographical Archive. A One-Alphabet Cumulation of 324 of the Most Important English-Language Biographical Reference Works Originally Published between 1601 and 1929, xVi, Vi, 1781 microfiches,

including Appendix (through Wyatt) (Munich and New York, ca. 1984—ca. 1995), and 4 vols. (index) (Munich and New York, 1990). Brunhdlzl, E, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 2 vols. at present (Munich, 1975-92). Calder, W. M., II, and D. J. Kramer, An Introductory Bibliography to the History of Classical Scholarship Chiefly in the XIXth and XXth Centuries (Hildesheim and Zurich, 1993). Cavallo, G., C. Leonardi, and E. Menesto, eds., Lo spazio letterario del Medioevo, 5 vols. (Salerno, 1992-98). Cesky biograficky archtv a Slovensky biograficky archiv, vii, 680 microfiches (Munich, 1993-ca. 1998). Chevalier, U., Répertoire des sources historiques du moyen dge, part 1: Bio-bibliographie, new ed., 2 vols. (Paris, 1903-1907). xix

Xx BIBLIOGRAPHY Christ, W., Geschichte der griechischen Literatur, rev. W. Schmid and O. Stahlin, 6 vols. (Munich, 1920-48). Cioranesco, A., Bibliographie de la littérature francaise du seiziéme siécle (Paris, 1959). Cioranescu, A., Bibliographie de la littérature francaise du dix-septiéme siécle, 3 vols. (Paris, 1965-66). Cosenza, M. E., Biographical and Bibliographical Dictionary of the Italian Humanists and of the World of Classical Scholarship in Italy, 1300-1800, 6 vols. (Boston, 1962-67). Deutsche Biographische Enzyklopddie, ed. W. Killy et al., 12 vols. in 14, including addenda and indices

(Munich and London, 1995-2000); Supplement vol. (German-English glossary) (Munich and London, 1996). Deutsches Biographisches Archiv. Eine Kumulation aus 254 der wichtigsten biographischen Nachschlagewerke fiir den deutschen Bereich bis zum Ausgang des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts, xvi, 1431 microfiches, including Supplement (Munich and New York, ca. 1982—[1987]), and 8 vols. (index, 2d en-

larged ed.) (Munich and New York, 1998). ,

Dictionary of National Biography, ed. L. Stephen and S. Lee, 63 vols. (London, 1885-1900). Dictionary of Scientific Biography, ed. C. C. Gillespie, 14 vols. (New York, 1970-76). Dictionnaire de biographie francaise, 113 fascicles through Latreille (Paris, 1933-). Dizionario biografico degli italiani, 57 vols. through Gonzaga (Bari and Rome, 1960-), including Supplement (A—C) and Index (A-C). Diztonario enciclopedico della letteratura italiana, 8 vols. (Bari and Rome, 1966-70). Eckstein, F, A., Nomenclator philologorum (Leipzig, 1871). Enciclopedia italiana, 36 vols. (1929-39, new ed. 1949), including 1 vol. of indices; 5 sets of appendices,

to 1992, in 15 vols. (1938-95); Appendice 2000 in 5 vols. (2000), including 2 vols. of indices 1929-2000. Ersch, J. S., and J. C. Gruber, Allgemeine Encyclopaedie der Wissenschaften und Kuenste (A—Ligatur and O-Phyxios, with several Supplements), 157 vols. in 85 (Leipzig, 1818-89). Fabricius, J. A., Bibliotheca graeca, 14 vols. (Hamburg, 1708-28); 4th ed. by G. C. Harles, 12 vols. (Hamburg, 1790-1809). ———, Bibliotheca latina, 2 vols. (Venice, 1728); ed. J. A. Ernesti, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1773-74). Graf, F, ed., Einleitung in die lateinische Philologie (Stuttgart and Leipzig, 1997). Grendler, P. F, ed., Encyclopedia of the Renaissance, 6 vols. (New York, 1999). Grente, G., Dictionnaire des lettres francaises. Le seiziéme siécle (Paris, 1951); Le dix-septiéme siécle (Paris, 1954).

Griechisches Biographisches Archiv, xxvii, 426 microfiches, including Supplement (Munich, 1998-). Herzog, R., and P. L. Schmidt, eds., Handbuch der lateinischen Literatur der Antike, Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft, 8. Abt., vol. 4: K. Sallmann, ed., Die Literatur des Umbruchs: von der rémischen zur christlichen Literatur, 117 bis 284 n. Chr. (Munich, 1997); vol. 5: R. Herzog, ed., Restauration und Erneuerung. Die lateinische Literatur von 284 bis 374 n. Chr. (Munich, 1989). French translation of vol. 5: Restauration et renouveau. La littérature latine de 284 a 374 apres J.-C. (Paris and Turnhout, 1993). Hoefer, F., ed., Nouvelle biographie générale, 46 vols. (Paris, 1853-70). Institut de Recherche et d’Histoire des Textes and Hill Monastic Manuscript Library, In principio. Incipit Index of Latin Texts. Inventaire des textes latins. Index lateinischer Textanfange, 9th computer release (Turnhout, 2001). Jocher, Chr. G., Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon, 4 vols., A-Z (Leipzig, 1750-51); 7 Supplement vols. through Romuleus (Leipzig, 1784-1897). Jiidisches Biographisches Archiv, xxix, 661 microfiches (Munich, 1994-95) and 4 vols. (index) (Munich, 1998).

Keller, A., Translationes Patristicae Graecae et Latinae. Bibliographie der Ubersetzungen altchristlicher Quellen, part 1: A-H (Stuttgart, 1997). Kraye, J., ed., The Cambridge Companion to Renaissance Humanism (Cambridge and New York, 1996). Maillard, J. F, et al., L’Europe des humanistes (XIV°—XVII siécles) (Brussels and Paris, 1995).

BIBLIOGRAPHY XXl Manitius, M., Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 3 vols. (Munich, 1911-31). Mellot, J.-D., and E. Queval, Répertoire d’imprimeurs/libraires XVI°-XVIIF siécle (Paris, 1997). Michaud, M., Biographie universelle ancienne et moderne, 2d ed. in 45 vols. (Paris, 1880). Moreau, B., Inventaire chronologique des éditions parisiennes du XVI’ siécle, 4 vols. (Paris, 1972-92). Munk Olsen, B., I classici nel canone scolastico altomedievale, Quaderni di cultura mediolatina 1 (Spoleto, 1991).

Neue deutsche Biographie, 20 vols. through Piiterich (Munich, 1953-). Der neue Pauly. Enzyklopddie der Antike: Altertum, vols. 1-11 (A—Tal) (Stuttgart and Weimar, 1996-); Rezeptions- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte, vols. 13-15 (A—Ot) (Stuttgart and Weimar, 1999-). Nesselrath, H.-G., ed., Einleitung in die griechische Philologie (Stuttgart and Leipzig, 1997). Nieuw Nederlandsch Biografisch Woordenboek, 10 vols. (Leiden, 1911-37; reprinted Amsterdam, 1974, in 10 vols. with an index volume). Pauly-Wissowa-Mittelhaus-Ziegler, Real-Encyclopddie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft (Stuttgart, 1893). Series I A-Q, 47 vols. through Quosenus (1963); Series II R-Z, 19 vols., completed in 1972; 15 Supplement vols. For an index of names and an index to the additions and supplements, see respectively: T. Erler et al., eds., Gesamtregister I. Alphabetischer Teil (Stuttgart, 1997) (with CDROM); H. Gartner and A. Wiinsch, Register der Nachtrage und Supplemente (Munich, 1980). Petitmengin, P., and B. Munk Olsen, “Bibliographie de la réception de la littérature classique du [X* au XV‘ siécle,” in C. Leonardi and B. Munk Olsen, eds., The Classical Tradition in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Proceedings of the First European Science Foundation Workshop on “The Reception of Classical Texts” (Florence, Certosa del Galluzzo, 26~27 June 1992), Biblioteca di Medioevo latino 15 (Spoleto, 1995), 199-283. Pokel, W., Philologisches Schriftsteller-Lexikon (Leipzig, 1882). Polskie Archiwum Biograficzne, xx, 613, Gi—-3 microfiches and 135 supplementary microfiches (Munich, 1992-97); 4 vols. (index) (Munich, 1998). Series II, xvi, 463 microfiches (Munich, 1999-). Sandys, J. E., A History of Classical Scholarship, 3 vols. (Cambridge, 1903-1908), vol. 1, 2d ed. (1921); the whole work reprinted New York, 1958. Sarton, G., Introduction to the History of Science, 3 vols. (Baltimore, 1927-48). Scandinavian Biographical Archive. Two Single-Alphabet Cumulations of more than 400 of the Most Important Biographical Reference Works Originally Published between the 17th and 20th Centuries (Munich and New York, 1989—). Section A: Denmark, Iceland and Norway, x, 383 microfiches. Section B: Sweden and Finland, ix, 445 microfiches. Schanz, M., Geschichte der rémischen Literatur, 6th ed. by W. Kroll and F. Skutsch, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1913-20).

Sharpe, R., A Handlist of the Latin Writers of Great Britain and Ireland, Publications of the Journal of Medieval Latin 1 (Turnhout, 1997). Thorndike, L., and P. Kibre, A Catalogue of Incipits of Mediaeval Scientific Writings, rev. ed. (Cambridge, Mass., 1963).

Tiraboschi, G., Storia della letteratura italiana, new ed., 9 vols. (Florence, 1785-92), and many other editions. Ungarisches Biographisches Archiv, xv, 647, Gi—25 microfiches (Munich, 1993-99). Whitaker, G., A Bibliographical Guide to Classical Studies, 3 vols. through Pindaros (Hildesheim, 1997-). Zedler, J. H., Grosses vollsttindiges Universal-Lexicon aller Wissenschaften und Kiinste, 64 vols. in 43 and 4 vols. of supplement (Halle, 1732-50).

II. CATALOGUES OF PRINTED EDITIONS Adams, H. M., Catalogue of Books Printed on the Continent of Europe, 1501-1600, in Cambridge Libraries, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1968). Baudrier, H. L., Bibliographie lyonnaise, 12 vols. (Lyons, 1895-1921); Tables by G. Tricou, 2 vols. (Geneva, 1950-52), with a supplement by H. July (1963).

XXil BIBLIOGRAPHY Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. Inkunabelkatalog. BSB-Ink, ed. E. Hertrich et al., 5 vols. (Wiesbaden, 1988-2000). Belgica typographica 1541-1600, ed. E. Cockx-Indestege and G. Glorieux, 4 vols. (Nieuwkoop, 1968-94). Berkowitz, D. S., A Manual of Bibliographic Guides to Inventories of Printing, of Holdings, and of Reference Aids (Waltham, Mass., 1967). Bibliotheca Nationalis Polona. Incunabula quae in bibliothecis Poloniae asservantur, 3 vols. (Wroclaw, 1970-93). Bibliothéque Nationale (de France). Catalogue général des livres imprimeés, 231 vols. (Paris, 1897-1981). Bosco, G., and A. Pesante, Bibliografia di bibliografie. Edizioni italiane del XVI secolo (Pisa, 1988).

British Library. The British Library General Catalogue of Printed Books to 1975, 360 vols. (London, 1979-87) and 6 Supplement vols. (London, 1987-88). (Also available on CD-ROM, with periodic updates). (British Museum). Catalogue of Books Printed in the XV" Century Now in the British Museum, parts I-IX (London, 1908-62). —. General Catalogue of Printed Books, 263 vols. (London, 1965-66). Brunet, J. Ch., Manuel du libraire, 5th ed. In 6 vols. with 3 Supplement vols. (Paris, 1860-65). Copinger, W. A., Supplement to Hain’s Repertorium bibliographicum, 2 vols. in 3 (London, 1895-1902). Ebert, FE. A., Allgemeines bibliographisches Lexicon, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1821-30).

(Edinburgh). A Short-Title Catalogue of Foreign Books Printed up to 1600. Books Printed or Published outside the British Isles now in the National Library of Scotland and the Library of the Faculty of Advocates, Edinburgh (Edinburgh, 1970). Flodr, M., Incunabula classicorum. Wiegendrucke der griechischen und rémischen Literatur (Amsterdam, 1973).

Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke, vols. I-VIII:1 through Federici (Leipzig, 1925-40); publication resumed in 1978 at Stuttgart, Berlin, and New York. Vols. VIII:2 (Eike von Repgow-Fliihe)—X (Gratia Dei-Hierocles). Goff, E. R., Incunabula in American Libraries, Third Census. Reproduced from the Annotated Copy Maintained by Frederick R. Goff, Compiler and Editor (Millwood, N.Y., 1973); Supplement (New York, 1972).

Graesse, J. G. Th., Trésor des livres rares et précieux, 7 vols. in 8 (Dresden, 1859-69). Hain, L., Repertorium bibliographicum, 2 vols. in 4 (Stuttgart, 1826-38).

Hoffmann, S. F. W., Bibliographisches Lexicon der gesamten Literatur der Griechen, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1838-45).

The Illustrated Short-Title Catalogue on CD-ROM. Incunabula: The Printing Revolution in Europe, 1455-1500, 2 discs (Reading, Eng. and Woodbridge, Conn., 1997).

Index Aureliensis. Catalogus librorum sedecimo saeculo impressorum, Prima pars, vols. I-VIII through Clayton (Baden-Baden, 1965-); tertia pars, vols. I-II, Indices (Baden-Baden, 1967-). Indice generale degli incunaboli delle biblioteche italiane, 6 vols. (Rome, 1943-81). Maittaire, M., Annales typographici ab artis inventae origine ad annum 1664, 4 vols. in 8 (Amsterdam and London, 1722-41). Mittler, E., ed., Bibliotheca Palatina. Druckschriften—Stampati Palatini—Printed Books. Katalog zur Microfiche-Ausgabe, 4 vols., including 2 vols. of indices (Munich, 1999). National Library of Medicine. A Catalogue of Sixteenth Century Printed Books in the National Library of Medicine, ed. R. J. Durling (Bethesda, Md., 1967). See also P. Krivatsy, A Catalogue of Incunabula and Sixteenth Century Printed Books in the National Library of Medicine. First Supplement (Bethesda, Md., 1971). The National Union Catalog. Pre-1956 Imprints. A Cumulative Author List Representing Library of Congress Printed Cards and Titles Reported by Other American Libraries, 754 vols., including 69 Supplement vols. (London, 1968-81). Palau y Dulcet, A., Manual del librero hispanoamericano, 2d ed., 28 vols. (Barcelona, 1948-77). See also A. Palau Claveras, Indice alfabético de titulos-materias, correcciones, conexiones, y adiciones, 7 vols. (Empuries and Oxford, 1981-87).

BIBLIOGRAPHY Xx Panzer, G. W., Annales typographici, 11 vols. (Nuremberg, 1793-1803). Primo catalogo collettivo delle biblioteche italiane, vols. -IX through Barquero (Rome, 1962-).

Reichling, D., Appendices ad Hainii-Copingeri Repertorium bibliographicum, 7 vols. with Supplement (Munich, 1905—11 and 1911).

Renouard, P., Imprimeurs & libraires parisiens du XVF siécle. Ouvrage publié d’aprés les manuscrits de Philippe Renouard, 5 vols. through Bonamy (Paris, 1964—) and 4 unnumbered fascicules (Breyer, Brumen, Cavellat/Marnef & Cavellat, Loys) (Paris, 1982-). Répertoire bibliographique des livres imprimés en France au seiziéme siécle, 28 livraisons, arranged by towns, plus one of Tables and one of Additions et Corrections (Baden-Baden, 1968-80). Sajé, G., and E. Soltesz, Catalogus incunabulorum quae in bibliothects publicis Hungariae asservantur,2 vols. (Budapest, 1970). Schweiger, F. L. A., Handbuch der classischen Bibliographie, 2 vols. in 3 (Leipzig, 1830-34). Shaaber, M. A., Check-list of Works of British Authors Printed Abroad, in Languages Other Than English, to 1641 (New York, 1975).

Sheehan, W. J., Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae incunabula, 4 vols., Studi e testi 380-383 (Vatican City, 1997).

Short-Title Catalog of Books Printed in Italy and of Books in Italian Printed Abroad, 1501-1600, Held in Selected North American Libraries, ed. R. G. Marshall, 3 vols. (Boston, 1970). Verzeichnis der im deutschen Sprachbereich erschienenen Drucke des XVI. Jahrhunderts, Abt. 1, vols. 1-22 (Stuttgart, 1983-95). Walsh, J. E., A Catalogue of the Fifteenth-Century Printed Books in the Harvard University Library, 5 vols., Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 84, 97, 119, 150, 171 (Binghamton, N. Y., 1991-96).

III. CATALOGUES OF LATIN MANUSCRIPTS Catalogo delle biblioteche d’Italia, 28 vols. at present (Milan, 1993-). Cranz, E E., A Microfilm Corpus of the Indexes to Printed Catalogues of Latin Manuscripts before 1600 A.D. (New London, Conn., 1982). ———., A Microfilm Corpus of Unpublished Inventories of Latin Manuscripts through 1600 A.D., 2d ed. (New London, Conn., 1988).

Dolbeau, F, and P. Petitmengin, Indices librorum II. Catalogues anciens et modernes de manuscrits médiévaux en écriture latine. Sept ans de bibliographie (1984-1990) et compléments pour 1977-1983 (Paris, 1995). Jeudy, C., and Y.-F. Riou, Les manuscrits classiques des bibliothéques publiques de France, 1 vol. at present

(Agen-Evreux) (Paris, 1989-). Kristeller, P. O., Iter italicum, 7 vols. in 9 (Leiden, 1963-97). (Also available on CD-ROM, ed. L. Floridi [London and New York, 1995]). ———., Latin Manuscript Books before 1600. A List of the Printed Catalogues and Unpublished Inventories of Extant Collections, 4th ed., revised and enlarged by S. Kramer, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Hilfsmittel 13 (Munich, 1993).

Mazzatinti, G., Inventari dei manoscritti delle biblioteche d’Italia, 111 vols. at present (Forli, 1891Florence, 1999). Munk Olsen, B., L’étude des auteurs classiques latins aux XI° e XII° siécles, 3 vols. in 4 (Paris, 1982-89).

E. Pellegrin et al., Les manuscrits classiques latins de la Bibliotheque Vaticane, 3 vols. in 4 at present (Paris, 1975—).

Rubio Fernandez, L., Catdlogo de los manuscritos cldsicos latinos existentes en Espana (Madrid, 1984).

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

| REGULARLY USED IN THIS VOLUME (*) not seen (micro.) microfilm used (photo.) photographs or photocopies used

Inc. Incipit

Expl. — Explicit Gr.-Lat. Greek and Latin BAV ___ Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana

BL British Library BM British Museum, General Catalogue of Printed Books BMC Catalogue of Books Printed in the XV" Century Now in the British Museum BNF __ Bibliothéque Nationale (de France); Catalogue général des livres imprimés

C Copinger

CCCM_ Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio mediaevalis CCSL Corpus Christianorum, Series latina

CR Copinger-Reichling DBE _ Deutsche Biographische Enzyklopddie

DBI Dizionario biografico degli italiani DK Deutscher Gesamtkatalog DNB ___ Dictionary of National Biography

DSB _ Dictionary of Scientific Biography

GL (H. Keil, ed.), Grammatici latini GW Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke

H Hain

HC Hain-Copinger HCR _ Hain-Copinger-Reichling

HR Hain-Reichling IGI Indice generale degli incunaboli delle biblioteche italiane NUC _ National Union Catalog. Pre-1956 Imprints

PG Patrologia Graeca PL Patrologia Latina PW (Pauly-Wissowa-Mittelhaus-Ziegler), Real-Encyclopddie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft

R Reichling

STC (Pollard and Redgrave, eds.), Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England VD Verzeichnis der im deutschen Sprachbereich erschienenen Drucke des XVI. Jahrhunderts

, XXIV

DAMIANUS (HELIODORUS LARISSAEUS) ROBERT B. TODD

| (University of British Columbia)

Fortuna. 1 Bibliography. 4 I. Capita opticorum. 5 Translation.

1. Egnatius Dantes.

FORTUNA * sive, unsystematic and non-technical,” character-

a . . . izes the work as a “low-level, carelessly organized

_ This article deals with a minor treatise on op- _ and inaccurately executed compilation of materi-

tics composed in later antiquity (probably be- als”; he also criticizes its unsystematic presentatween the fourth and sixth centuries). It was tion of material and its lack of geometric conknown to Byzantine scholars in the thirteenth structions and proofs.! These are all features and fourteenth centuries and circulated widely in entirely typical of works composed for elemenWestern Europe during the fifteenth and six- tary scientific instruction in later antiquity.

teenth centuries. The date and authorship of the Capita are uncertain, but overt references to the Catoptrics of

A Hero Mechanicus (fl. ca. 62 A.D.; 20.12—-13), to a NTIQUTTY a lost book of the Optics of Ptolemy (fl. 127-148

The Greek title of the treatise is Kedahaa A.D.; 4.17~20), as well as to the Roman emperor TaV omTiKwV vTrobecew (Summary of the Basic Tiberius (14-37 A.D.; 4.10-11) provide a secure Principles of Optics), or Capita opticorum, as ren- terminus post quem in the second century A.D. dered by Egnazio Danti (1536-86), the sole Latin However, two passages in the Capita (8.13—14 and translator (I.1 below). Fourteen propositions On = 10,12—13) are also identical with the recension of optics and the theory of vision are first stated and — Euclid’s Optics by Theon of Alexandria who was elaborated in a brief and informal way. Wilbur R. active in the second half of the fourth century Knorr, who describes Damianus style as “discur-__4.p., and so a date close to that period is widely accepted in the scholarly literature.’ Johan Lud*The text of Damianus will be cited according to the page and line numbers of the edition by R. Schéne, Dami- 1. W. R. Knorr, “Archimedes and the pseudo-Euclidean anos Schrift iiber Optik, mit Ausziigen aus Geminos (Berlin, — Catoptrics: Early Stages in the Ancient Geometric Theory 1897). I acknowledge support from the Social Sciences and of Mirrors,” Archives internationales d’histoire des sciences Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Univer- —_ 35 (1985) 89.

sity of British Columbia, and I am grateful for the help 2. This was the consensus reported in “Damianos (3),”

and advice of the CTC editors. PW 4 (1901) 2055 (F. Hultsch). 1

2 DAMIANUS vig Heiberg (1854-1928) suggested the Capitaasa the title. Even if Heliodorus is a source for the source for Theon,’ but, as Knorr has noted, the contents of the Capita, he still cannot be firmly informal and eclectic nature of the treatise,andin identified with any independently documented particular its critique of Euclidean optics, is in- figure. Knorr’s suggestion that he was Heliodorus compatible with any proposed use by Theon. _ of Alexandria, an able astronomer and the brothKnorr suggests that the Capita could have been _ er of the late fifth-century a.p. Aristotelian comcomposed even as late as the fifth or sixth centu- mentator Ammonius, is geographically implausi-

ry.' ble.’

A date cannot be fixed from the authorship of While a precise dating of the treatise is imposthe treatise. The title in most manuscripts identi- sible, the intellectual milieu of the Capita is defies the author as a Damianus “of Heliodorus of _ fined by the foundation of its geometrical optics Larissa’, and for that reason Damianus must be_ on a theory of vision that implies links with Plaidentified as its principal author. Since there isno _ tonic exegesis. Sight is said to occur by the emisindependently documented figure with that sion of light (2.2-5; 4.2-5), a process which can, name, he has been linked, rather implausibly, under certain conditions, cause vision independwith the similarly named, but technically superi- _ ently of any external source of light (4.6-15). This or, fifth-century mathematical writer, Domninus _ theory is ridiculed in a text attributed to Alexanof Larissa.’ As for Helidorus, he may simply be _ der of Aphrodisias (second century a.p.),® but in Damianus’ father, although he has also been tak- the Capita (20.5-7) it is based on a text (Republic en to be his teacher or even the author of the 6, 508b3—4) from “the great Plato” in which sight Capita (of which his son would have been the ed- _is characterized as the “most sunlike” of the sensitor).° But if, like other scientific and philosophi- es. Hence the lengthy analogy between the eye cal writers of the fifth and sixth centuries, Dami- and the sun (14.16-20.7) may have been derived anus did, in fact, reproduce Heliodorus lectures, from an exegesis of this Platonic text. Other signs this would probably have been made clearer in of philosophical ideas in the Capita? suggest that Damianus (and perhaps Heliodorus) may have 3. J. L. Heiberg, ed., Euclidis Optica (= Euclidis Opera been P rimarily a P hilosop her rather than a math-

omnia 7) (Leipzig, 1895), xxxi-xxxii. ematician, and, if active in the fifth or sixth cen4. Knorr, “Archimedes,” 95-96. He also speculates that tury A.D., then a Platonist. the author is “more likely” a Byzantine scholar of a much later date. But this overlooks the links between the treatise

»-UnN Nim see m > 1 1521-2 . . ° ° °

and later Piatonisins see below. > pw ; BYZANTIUM AND THE RENAISSANCE Hultsch), This possibility is cchaideree Me V1 Helteng After antiquity, there is no evidence for the Litterargeschichtliche Studien iiber Euklid (Leipzig, 1882), knowledge or use of the Capita opticorum until

ences mathémati ues, 2 er., 1 200— = émoires 1 1 il; Ps

137 and Pe dannery pomninos (oe) aaa wat dessci- the fourteenth century when the earliest Greek scientifiques, ed. J L. Heiberg and H. G. Zeuthen, vol. 2 Fae de F f the text eae Bibliotheque Ke [Paris and Toulouse, 1912], 105-17), but rejected by Knorr, lonale ce rance, gf. 2342, was COplec. 1S “Archimedes,” 96. Domninus of Larissa belonged to the codex contains an astronomical and mathematimilieu of Proclus at Athens, and he was engaged in more _ cal collection originating in the Palaeologan peri-

sophisticated mathematics than is found in Damianus’ od and perhaps traceable to Maximus Planudes

Capita. . De (end ofmathesios the thirteenth century).!° Two other man.G. J. Voss, universae natura et constitu.

tione liber (Amsterdam, 1660), 353-54, argues that he was uscripts can be dated to the fifteenth century, the father; E. Bartholin, ed., Damiani philosophi Heliodori and most of the remaining twenty-four witnesses Larissaei De opticis libri II (Paris, 1657), 97, inclined to the view that he was a teacher; Hultsch, “Damianos (3),” 2055,

considered both possible. Knorr, ibid., 91, suggests that 7. Knorr, ibid., 95. On Heliodorus see “Heliodoros Damianus edited Heliodorus’ treatise some time after its (13), PW 8 (1912) 18-19 (F. Boll).

composition; a pupil, however, could publish a lecture 8. De anima liber cum mantissa, ed. I. Bruns, Supplecourse in a teacher’s lifetime, as happened with John mentum aristotelicum 2.1 (Berlin, 1887), 127.34—128.11.

Philoponus’ versions of Ammonius of Alexandria’s lec- 9. Note, for example, the emphasis on the teleological tures on Aristotelian treatises composed in the early sixth — aspects of vision; see 6.4—8, 8.2-4 and cf. 20.16-17.

century A.D. See R. B. Todd, “Héliodore de Larissa,” Dic- 10. M. Decorps-Foulquier, “Un corpus astronomicotionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol. 3 (Paris, 2000), | mathématique au temps des Paléologues. Essai de recon-

544-46, for a further review of the evidence. stitution d'une recension,” Revue dhistoire des textes 17

FORTUNA 3 were copied in the sixteenth century when the form of a Byzantine recension of Euclid’s Optics.”

Capita circulated widely. The textual relation- Some manuscripts of the Capita omitted the ships have not yet been explored in detail. name of Damianus from the title, and Egnazio In the late fifteenth century Giorgio Valla Danti used one of these codices for the editio (1447-1500) owned a manuscript of the Capita’’ _princeps in 1573. He appended to his annotated and probably referred to the work in his encyclo- _ Italian translation of Euclid’s Optics an annotated pedia De expetendis et fugiendis rebus opus in re- Italian translation of “Heliodorus” and added the marks on the theory of vision that precede his Greek text accompanied by his own Latin translatranslation of parts of Euclid’s Optics.’ Valla, tion. Danti’s edition made the Capita more acceshowever, did not translate passages from Dami- _ sible, if only as an ancillary to Euclid’s Optics. anus treatise as he often did for other ancient sci- Bernardino Baldi (1533-1617), the pioneer histori-

entific works. an of mathematics, subsequently wrote a brief

A third of the copies of the Capita made inthe vernacular life of Heliodorus, but, by depending sixteenth century were the work of two well- on Danti, did not identify him with Damianus."® known and prolific scribes: Andreas Darmarius (1540-last quarter of the sixteenth century) and

Angelus Vergecius (first quarter of the sixteenth THE MODERN PERIOD century—1569).!° Darmarius made at least five Danti’s edition was reproduced twice in the copies of the work.'* Vergecius, as Paul Tannery seventeenth century (1610 and 1670). In 1657 the (1843-1904) showed, made three copies and sup- Danish Cartesian scientist Erasmus Bartholin plied a second book of Damianus’ treatise in the —_ (1625-98)!” published an edition based on his collation of a manuscript (Vatican City, Biblioteca (1987) 15-54. This study deals with two manuscripts of Apostolica Vaticana, Barb. gr. 131) that included Damianus: Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale de France, gr. the spurious second book of Damianus inserted 2342 and Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, A 101 sup. by Angelus Vergecius. He also had access to the 11.existence It does see notG.seem to have survived. For the evidence t £Me theutch Dutch scholar V (1618-89) of its Mercati, Codici latini Pico Grimani NOtES OF scholar sSaacI OSS (101 _ 9 ? Pio e di altra biblioteca ignota del secolo XVI esistenti who was reportedly preparing his own edition nell’Ottoboniana e i codici greci Pio di Modena, Studie and had earlier transcribed Barb. gr. 131.” testi 75 (Vatican City, 1938), 204. On Giorgio Valla see Bartholin’s commentary is the most extensive CTC 1.126, 2243 4.3513 6.56-573 7.83 8.24-26.

12. See De expetendis et fugiendis rebus opus 15.3 (Venice, 1501), where Valla ridicules Damianus’ favored 15. For Vaticanus Barb. gr. 131 see P. Tannery, “Les hy-

theory of vision by emitted light in the same terms as pothéses optiques de Damianos et Ange Vergéce,’ MéAlexander of Aphrodisias (De anima 128.7-10) by arguing moires scientifiques 2.319-23 and Capocci, ibid., 224-25.

that in darkness an increase in the number of viewers Vergecius also copied Vaticanus Barb. gr. 20 (Capocci

should produce increased illumination. 22~23) and Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, I 84 inf. (Tan13. On these scribes see E. Gamillscheg and D. Harlfin- nery 323). ger, Repertorium der griechischen Kopisten 800-1600, vol. 1 16. On Baldi’s lives of Damianus and Heliodorus, see (Vienna, 1981), Part A, 25, 29 and vol. 2 (Vienna, 1989), E. Narducci, “Vite inedite di matematici italiani scritte da

Part A, 25-27, 32. Bernardino Baldi,” Bullettino di bibliografia e di storia delle 14. Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Barb. scienze matematiche e fisiche 19 (1886) 335-489 at 343-44.

gr..129 (V. Capocci, Codices Barberiniani graeci, vol. 1 These lives are preserved in Stresa, Centro Internazionale [Rome, 1958], 220-22); El Escorial, Real Biblioteca de San _— di Studi Rosminiani, Archivio Storico dell’Istituto della Lorenzo, Gr. 567 (w. IV. 15) (G. de Andrés, Catdlogo de los Carita, cod. Boncompagni 65 (olim 156), fols. 355v—357r cédices griegos de la Real Biblioteca de El Escorial, vol. 3 and fols. 357v—-358v respectively. See also P. L. Rose, The (Madrid, 1967), 219-20); Munich, Bayerische Staatsbiblio- Italian Renaissance of Mathematics: Studies on Humanists thek, Cgm 165 (I. Hardt, Catalogus codicum manuscripto- | and Mathematicians from Petrarch to Galileo, Travaux

rum graecorum Bibliothecae Regiae Bavaricae, vol. 2 d’Humanisme et Renaissance 145 (Geneva, 1975), 253-54. [Munich, 1806], 196-98); Hamburg, Staats- und Univer- Bartholin included Baldi’s vernacular life of Heliodorus sitatsbibliothek, Cod. philol. 91 (lost at the end of World in the introduction to his edition of 1657, and Baldi inWar II; letter of Dr. Harald Weigel, 11 February 1993) (= _ cluded brief lives of both Damianus and Heliodorus in his no. 50 in H. Omont, “Notes sur les manuscrits grecs des Cronica di matematici overo Epitome dell’istoria delle vite villes hanséatiques Hambourg, Bréme et Ltibeck,” Cen- loro (Urbino, 1707), 45—46, where reference is also made to tralblatt fiir Bibliothekswesen 7 [1890] 351-77 at 366-67); Giorgio Valla’s use of Damianus (see n. 12 above).

San Juan Capistrano (California), Robert B. Honeyman, 17. On Bartholin see DSB 1 (1970) 481-82 (A. R. Hall) Jr. Collection, General Science 7 (Faye and Bond, Supple- and Dansk Biografisk Leksikon 1 (1979) 475-76 (H. M. ment to the Census, 20), fols. 61-73 (= lot 1127 in the Sothe- |= Hansen).

by sale of 2 May 1979 and now in a private collection). 18. His transcription is found in Leiden, Bibliotheek

A DAMIANUS ever written on the Capita. Like Danti, Bartholin Il. TExT AND MANUSCRIPTS deals mainly with geometrical optics, but he also J. G. Schneider, Eclogae physicae, vol. 2 (Jena includes a valuable discussion of the theory of vi- and Leipzig, 1801), 235-40, 250-54; P. Tannery, s10n 1m which Damianus theory is contrasted “Rapport sur une mission en Italie,” Archives des with other ancient theories as well as that of missions scientifiques et littéraires, 3d Ser., 13 (1888)

Descartes. an 405-55 at 446-49 (= Mémoires scientifiques, ed. J.

There was one inferior eighteenth-century |. Heiberg and H. G. Zeuthen, vol. 2 [Parisedition based on Danti. Johann Gottlob Schnei- Toulouse, 1912], 269-331 at 319-23); E. Hultsch, reder (1750-1822) discussed the text selectively in view of R. Schéne’s edition, Berliner philologische

his Eclogae physicae (1801). In 1897 Richard Wochenschrift 46 (12 November 1898), cols. Schone (1840-1922) published the only modern 1413-17; M. Decorps-Foulquier, “Un corpus critical edition of the Capita; accompanied by a astronomico-mathématique au temps des PaléoGerman translation, the Greek text was based on logues. Essai de reconstitution d’une recension,” the earliest manuscript, Parisinus gr. 2342 (s. Revue @histoire des textes 17 (1987) 15—54. XIV), with Schéne’s corrections from two sixteenth-century manuscripts (Vaticanus Barb. gr.

20 and Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cgm II]. GENERAL

165) and some modern emendations.”° 5) Fabricius-Harles 5.648 and

7.128-29; Hoff-

mann 3.202; “Damianos (3), PW 4 (1901) 2054-55 (F. Hultsch); G. Sarton, Introduction to the History

BIBLIOGRAPHY of Science, vol. 1 (Baltimore, 1927), 354; “Dami1. EDITIONS AND TRANSLATIONS anus, Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, vol. 2

a (Paris, 1994), 594-97 (R. B. Todd); “Héliodore de

Heliodori Larissaet Capita opticorum (Ham- Larissa,’ ibid., vol. 3 (Paris, 2000), 544—46 (Todd). burg, 1610); E. Bartholin, ed., Damiani philosophi Heliodori Larissaei De opticis libri II (Paris, 1657),

with a Latin translation; T. Gale, ed., Opuscula IV. StupIEs mythologica, ethica et p hysica (Cambridge, 1671) J. L. Heiberg, Litterargeschichtliche Studien

A. Matani, ed., Heliodori Larissaei Capita optico- .,°° —",.. an §

CO, th ; | liber Euklid (Leipzig, 1882), 136-39; P. Tannery,

rum (Pistoia, 1758), with a revised Latin transla- “Domninos de Larissa,’ Bulletin des sciences

tion; .R. ed., Damianos Optik, er f . ; Schone, mathématiques, 2d Ser., Schrift 8 (1884)iiber 288-98 (= Meémitlati Ausziigen aus Geminos (Berlin, 1897),J.with a é

Dant’ ; clidis (= Euclidis Opera omnia 7) (Leipzig, anti’s text Optica and translation see I.1 below). . pe 1895), XXxI-xxxil; A. Lejeune, Euclide et Ptolémeée: deux stades de l’optique géométrique grecque (Lou-

vain, 1948), passim (see Index); Lejeune, der Rijksuniversiteit, Vossianus Gr. Q. 75, fols. 1r—-11v; see =» Recherches sur la catoptr que grecque apr és les K. A. de Meyier, Codices Vossiani graect et Miscellanei (Lei- sources antiques et médiévales, Académie Royale

den, 1955), 191-92. De Meyier speculates that the manu- qo Belgique: Classe des Lettres et des Sciences

script transcribed here may be Vaticanus Barb. gr. 20, also | ; liti pe the work of Angelus Vergecius, but it seems clear from the MOFales et po itiques, Mémoires, 2d Ser; 52.2

introduction to Bartholin’s edition (fol. eiii’) that he and (Brussels, 1957), passim (see Index); Lejeune, Voss had transcribed the same manuscript. Voss’s plans L’Optique de Claude Ptolémée dans la version lafor an edition are reported by his father, Gerard Johann = gj) d’apres arabe de Pémir Eugene de Sicile, 2d Noss (5771649): in De universae mathesios natura (n. 6 edition (Lei den and New York 1989) 3*, 272; W

above), 353-54. elcen » 13", 272; W.

19. Bartholin, Damiani ... De opticis (n. 6 above), . Knorr, Archimedes and the pseudo-Euclidean 99-102. Catoptrics: Early Stages in the Ancient Geometric 20. Schéne, ix—X1i, tentatively labelled an untitled text Theory of Mirrors,” Archives internationales

(22.10—-30.11), appended without indication of authorship ae . _ _ to many manuscripts of Damianus, “Ausziige aus Gemi- d histoire des sciences 35 (1985) 28-105 at 32-33 and nos” (“Selections from Geminus”). This text is not inte- 89-96.

gral to the content or original form of the Capita and was , probably added by a scholarly scribe.

I1,.EGNATIUS DANTES 5 Il. CAPITA OPTICORUM emittitur a nobis lux est... /... [Expl.]: (fol. s3r; p. 22.5-9 Schéne) Ac supra docuimus in refrac-

TRANSLATION tionibus aequales a solaribus radiis confluere et 1. Egnatius Dantes constare angulos angulis visus nostri, quem ad The Latin translation by Egnatius Dantes (Eg- _ aequales angulos frangi, demonstratum est.

nazio Danti) of what his manuscript identified as ,

Heliodorus’ treatise on optics accompanied his Manuscripts: — , editio princeps of the Greek text and formed an (micro.) Florence, B iblioteca Nazionale Cenappendix to his annotated Italian translation. trale, Magl. VIII 1492 (XXV bis), tasc. 10, s. XVI, Both translations and the edition were a further U2numbered fols. i 3V (Kristeller, Iter 1.1364, appendix to an annotated Italian translation of where fasc. 10 is not identified). The translation, Euclid’s Optics and Catoptrics. The Greek text of like the one in the printed edition, lacks indicathe Capita opticorum is described as “tale quale io ton of authorship; it is uncertain whether this is Phebbi dalla Libreria Vaticana” (fol. p2r), but this Danti's autograph copy or a copy of his edition. Greek manuscript cannot be located at present in There are some corrections in a later hand. since

the Vatican Library. Danti was in Florence at the time of the publicaDanti’s edition and translations of the Capita "0°? of his edition, the printed text can be aswere published at Florence in 1573 as part of a se- sumed to have had his app roval. . ries of scientific works that he prepared for teach- (micro.) Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale de ing purposes during a period (1562-74) when he France, gt. 2476, s. XVI, fols. 71-121 (H. Omont, was professor at the Florentine Studio and “Cos- Inventatr © SOMmInGITe des manuscrits grecs de la

mografo” of the Medici (for further details of Bibliotheque Nationale, vol. 2 [Paris, 1888], 267). Danti’s program see Settle, cited below). He thus The Latin translation follows the Greek text (fols. almost certainly translated the Capita in the years 1r-6r), and both appear to have been copied from

immediately preceding its publication. Danti’s printed edition. The printer reports in a note to the reader (fol. Missing manuscript: q4r) that Danti included Heliodorus instead of Cambridge, Trinity College, 1350 (0.7.22) (M. some practical material on optics and catoptrics R. James, The Western Manuscripts in the Library only because Bernardinus Martiranus (whose of Trinity College Cambridge, vol. 3 ,[Cambridge, dates are uncertain; see Cosenza 3.2212) was 1902], 361). The title is given as Heliodori Larissaei about to publish on that subject. Danti may also Optica Graece cum translatione Latina Ignatii have been influenced by the Parisian scholar Jo- Danti auctiora editis et cum aliis codicibus collata. hannes Pena (Jean de la Péne, 1528-58), whose No folio numbers are provided. The manuscript edition of the Euclidean optical treatises (Paris, was recorded as missing in 1855.

1557) he used for his Italian translation of the Editions:

Capita (see p. 5). Pena had prefaced his edition ; alo ‘ae (Fl fecina Tunct;

with a lengthy essay on the theory of vision in re- G, 3 TL ween . orence: C onneina Ginn. lation to cosmology; see P. Barker, “Jean Pena and na. Gsr.-Lat. ditor’: i Fires “™ aeioe (El curl Stoic Physics in the Sixteenth Century,” Southern i Hpograf nf Hort a hirenze 1571-1625 (Florence,

Journal of Philosophy 23 (Supplement) (1985) 1979), a tis aie BL; hbee Ma ). , G 93-107. Danti may have become interested in He- 7 re | ditic ur g|: d ; be “e biblicchec, Te

liodorus’ treatise because it too included material “4%, + DE edition 1s said to be ex biblotheca Linon the physical theory of vision as well as a dis- denbrogi’ (i.e. Friedrich Lindenbrog [1573-1648 }

cussion of sight in relation to celestial bodies, a ORY DB 14 [1894], 596-97). NUC. BL; BNF;

subject that Pena addresses in arguing for the in- ( p). Cantabrici Cambridge): I compatibility of Aristotelian celestial matter with C 1670, Cantabrigiae (Cambridge): Toannes

geometrical optics. reed. Gr.-Lat. The edition of Damianus (based Heliodori Larissaei Capita opticorum (ed. of on that of [Hamburg], 1610) is the last of the ten Florence, 1573). [Inc.]: (fol. r2r; p. 2.3-5 Schéne) fasicules (dated 167 ° and 167 1) of T. Gale, ed., Quadam a nobis proiectione ea, quae sub aspec- Op uscula mythologica, ethica et physica (Camtum cadunt, attingimus. Id quod proicitur atque bridge, 1671) and has separately numbered Pages

1-12. It was omitted from the second edition

6 DAMIANUS, CAPITA OPTICORUM (Amsterdam, 1688). NUC (under Gale). BL; BNF; grandfather Piervincenzo’s Italian translation of

(CtY; MH). Johannes Sacrobosco’s Sphaera (Florence, 1571; 1758, Pistorii (Pistoia): Antonius Bracalius. rpt. Perugia, 1574 and Florence, 1579), and pubGr.-Lat. The editor was Antonio Matani (1730— _ lished an annotated Italian translation of the ps.79); he revised Danti’s translation slightly and Proclan Sphaera (Florence, 1573). In Bologna he added some notes. NUC. BL; BNF; (ICU; ICJ). published Le scienze matematiche ridotte in tavole

iography: é i? . ss

Bi (1577) and Anemographia (1578). His final publi-

E ‘o Danti born Carlo Pellesrino Ri- cation was a second edition of Latino Orsini’s

eeeat a Wes ee Cae Trattato radio latino naldi Perugia in .1536 intodel a family with(Rome, a tradi-1586). 13

tion of scientific, literary, and artistic interests. He Bibliography: was educated by his family and entered the Do- Cosenza 2.1181; DBI 32.659—63 (with extensive minican Order in 1555. From 1562 to 1574 he was___ bibliography) (F. P. Fiore); Enciclopedia italiana in the service of Cosimo I de’ Medici at Florence. 12.349-50; DSB 3.558-59 (M. L. Righini-Bonelli); There he prepared maps, constructed a terrestrial P. Riccardi, Biblioteca matematica italiana. Dalla

globe and astronomical instruments, initiated origine della stampa ai primi anni del secolo XIX studies on the reform of the calendar, and lec- (Modena, 1873-93; rpt. in 2 vols., Bologna, 1985), tured on mathematics at the Florentine Studio. 1.387—943 2.53-54. Following Cosimo I’s death in 1574 Danti left J. del Badia, Egnazio Danti cosmografo e Florence, and in 1576 he accepted a chair in math- matematico e le sue opere in Firenze (Florence, ematics at Bologna. In 1580 he was calledto Rome 1898); T. Frangenberg, “Egnazio Danti’s Optics.

by Pope Gregory XIII to assist in the reform of Cinquecento Aristotelianism and the Medieval the calendar and to undertake cartographical Tradition,” Nuncius 3 (1988) 3-38; T. B. Settle, “Egprojects. In 1583 he was made bishop of Alatri, nazio Danti and Mathematical Education in Late

where he died in 1586. Sixteenth-Century Florence,” in J. Henry and S. Hutton, eds., New Perspectives on Renatssance

Works: Thought: Essays in the Hist Science, Ed During his stay in Florence Danti publisheda |. Ons F hi ° oh 6 MstOry of oe Ch ] NCA

Trattato dell’uso della sfera (Florence, 1569; rpt. tion and Philosophy in Memory of Charles B. os . Schmitt (London, 1990), 24-37. Florence, 1578), arranged the publication of his

GEMINUS AND THE PS.-PROCLAN SPHAERA ROBERT B. TODD

Fortuna. 8 Bibliography. 15 (University of British Columbia)

Genuine Work of Geminus.

J. Elementa astronomiae. 16

Translations.

1. Gerardus Cremonensis.

: 2. Abrahamus de Balmes (fragment). 3. Thomas Savilius. 4. Edo Hildericus.

~ Commentary. a. Thomas Savilius.

IT. Ps. Procli Sphaera. 24

Pseudonymous Work.

Translations.

1. Georgius Valla (partial). 2. Thomas Linacrus. 3. Bilibaldus Pirckheimerus (partial). 4. Elias Vinetus. 5. Martinus Rakocius Turociensis (verse). 6. Georgius Henischius. 7. Anonymus Monacensis.

Commentaries. a. Georgius Collimitius (lost). b. Johannes Stoeflerus. c. Jacobus Zieglerus. d. Georgius Rheticus. e. Jacobus Tusanus. f. Elias Vinetus.

g. Erasmus Schreckenfuchsius. |

h. Anonymus Hauniensis. i. Johannes Hagius. j. Georgius Henischius. k. Joachim Camerarius (lost).

7

8 GEMINUS FORTUNA* independently, namely, an elementary survey

. of astronomy entitled the Eitocaywyn e€ls Ta Geminus was a Greek author, probably from dawopeva (Elementa astronomiae),* and also Rhodes, who was active in the first century B.c.'_ with an excerpt from it misattributed to Proclus He may have been a Stoic since he was familiar and known as the Sphaera. Translations and com-

with the ideas of Posidonius of Apamea (ca. mentaries involving quotations from Geminus’ 135-€a. 50 B.C.); whose Meteorologica he epito- mathematical treatise (epi Tig Tév waOnudTov mized. Geminus also wrote works on mathe- r@&ewe [or Pewpiac]) will be fully treated in the matics and optics, which survive mainly in quota- article on Proclus.

tions in the commentary by Proclus (ca. 410485 A.D.) on Euclid’s Elements.° This article will

deal with the only work by Geminus to survive ANTIQUITY *The following abbreviations will be used: The Elementa astronomiae may have b een Aujac = G. Aujac, ed., Géminos: Introduction aux Written for pedagogical Purposes. It contains a

phénomenes (Paris, 1975); description of the signs of the zodiac (chs. 1-2), a

ioe (L = kK ys ed.,(Gemini JPlementa 1898; as- —_ list of constellations (ch. 3), an1974); account of the. ristronomiae Leipzig, rpt. stuttgart, :_ Todd, “The Manuscripts” = R. B. Todd, “The Manu- Ings ane settings of et (cs 7s 135 14" anc sur

scripts of the Pseudo-Proclan Sphaera,” Revue d’histoire V©YS° terrestrial and celestial geography (chs. 4,

des textes 23 (1993) 57-71. 5, 15, 16), lunar phases (ch. 9), lunar and solar _ The text of Geminus and the ps.-Proclan Sphaera is eclipses (chs. 10-11), and variations in days and

cited according to the page and line numbers of Manitius’ ~~ wy onths (chs. 6, 8). Geminus denied (ch. 17) that

edition. I acknowledge the support of grants from the So- the stars had nfl t logical cial Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Cana- € S al S Mad any inttuence on Meteorologica da, and I am grateful for the help and advice of the CTC predictions, and he generally rejected astrology.

editors. His discussion of planetary motion is elementary

1. On his origins and date see Aujac xiv-xxiv. — (ch. 12) and contributes nothing to planetary 2. Simplicius (sixth century A.D.) supplies in his com- theory. A final chapter (18) deals with calenmentary on Aristotle’s Physics 193b22—35 the fragment of dari . An ded calend Geminus’ epitome of the Meteorologica of Posidonius; it is Aric computation. appended calendar (or Fragment 18 in L. Edelstein and I. G. Kidd, eds., Posido- TapaTNypLa) is thought to be derived from an nius, vol. 1: The Fragments (Cambridge, 1972), withacom- __ earlier source.

mentary by Kidd in vol. 2.1 of this edition (Cambridge, Unlike Cleomedes’ Caelestia, the other major

1988), 129-36. See Aujac 111-13 for the Greek text and element tr mical nual ‘ving j

French translation; for English translations see T. L. ementary as on 0 ; al Manual sur ViVI 8 1

Heath, Aristarchus of Samos, the Ancient Copernicus: A Greek, Geminus treatise does not deal with the History of Greek Astronomy to Aristarchus ... (Oxford, geocentric cosmology presupposed by spherical 1913; rpt. New York, 1981), 275-76 (also reprinted in M. R. Cohen and I. E. Drabkin, A Source Book in Greek Science [Cambridge, Mass., 1969], 90-91) and B. Fleet, Simplicius. Book of Euclid’s Elements (Princeton, 1970), 31-35. For oth-

On Ar istotle's P hysics 2 (London and Ithaca, N.Y., 1997), er studies of Geminus’ mathematical ideas see below, Bib47-48. Simplicius’ commentary was translated by Lucilio _liography III. Proclus’ reports were known, for example, Filalteo (ca. 1510-78; CTC 2.92-93), and five editions ap- _— to Petrus Ramus (Scholarum mathematicarum libri unus peared between 1543 and 1587. The passage from Geminus et triginta [Basel, 1569], 35) and to Bernardino Baldi; the was used by Benito Pereira (ca. 1535-1610) in his De com- _latter noted in his life of Geminus (ed. Narducci, ibid.,

, munibus omnium rerum naturalium principus et affectio- 483-84) that they had been translated by Giorgio Valla in nibus libri XV (Venice, 1586); see N. Jardine, The Birth of his De expetendis et fugiendis rebus opus 1.21. The Greek History and Philosophy of Science: Kepler’s A Defence of Ty-_ text of Proclus’ commentary was first published at Basel cho against Ursus, with Essays on Its Provenance and Signif- in 1533; the first Latin translation was made by Francesco

icance (New York, 1984), 237-38. It was translated by Barozzi (1537-1604; CTC 2.209), Procli... In primum EuBernardino Baldi (1533-1617) in his life of Geminus writ- clidis Elementorum librum commentariorum ... libri IV ten in 1595 and edited by E. Narducci, “Vite inedite di (Padua, 1560). matematici italiani scritte da Bernardino Baldi,’ Bullettino 4. This Latin title originates with Hilderich’s edition. di bibliografia e di storia delle scienze matematiche e fisiche The Greek title means “Introduction to the phenomena’,

19 (1886) 481-83. . - ie., the observational data of astronomy. Attempts have

3. Proch Diadochi In primum Euclidis Elementorum li- _ been made to interpret Td ¢aivdpeva as the title of Arabrum commentarii, ed. G. Friedlein (Leipzig, 1873), 38-42 _ tus’ astronomical poem, but this view has not won wide is the most important passage, a classification of the —_ acceptance. It was proposed as early as Bernardino Baldi mathematical sciences; French translation by Aujac (d. 1617), Cronica di matematici overo Epitome dell’istoria 114-17; English translation by Cohen and Drabkin, ibid., —_—_ delle vite loro (Urbino, 1707), 48-49. 2-5 and G. R. Morrow, Proclus: A Commentary on the First

FORTUNA 9 astronomy.’ There are references to the Hellenis- limited circulation of both translations can be tic writers Crates of Mallos and Pytheas of Mar- gauged from references in Albert the Great (1206seilles; Aratus and Homer are quoted, but Posido- 80), Roger Bacon (ca. 1212—-ca. 1292), and two thir-

nius is not named. Karl Reinhardt argued that the teenth-century Jewish authors.’ These sources all whole treatise was pre-Posidonian, and not the mention a passage (Geminus ch. 16, p. 74.11-18 work of the Geminus to whom sophisticated Manitius) in which Crates is reported as quoting mathematical writings are attributed.® His view Homer regarding the location of the Ethiophas won some support but not universal accept- ans. This suggests reliance on an intermediary ance. Unlike Geminus’ other writings, the Ele- source.” menta is also not mentioned by any later ancient Neither the Hebrew nor the Latin version inauthor, but this does not in itself throw his au- _ fluenced the transmission of Geminus in Western

thorship into doubt. Europe in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.

The Hebrew text, however, was translated into Latin in the early sixteenth century by Abraham

THE MIDDLE AGES AND de Balmes ben Meir (d. 1523), an Italian Jewish

THE RENAISSANCE physician, but his version was never published The medieval fortuna of the Elementa began and only a fragment survives (I.2 below). An Enwith an Arabic translation made perhaps as early — glish scholar, Thomas Savile, acquired an appar-

as the eighth century. This is lost, but we know ently complete copy of de Balmes’ translation that it identified the Elementa as Ptolemy’s intro- from Gian Vincenzo Pinelli (1535-1601) during a duction to the Almagest.’ Gerard of Cremona (ca. visit to Padua in 1589 and cited it in marginal 1114-87) produced a Latin translation from the notes to his own translation of Geminus (1.3 beArabic ca. 1170 in Toledo (see I.1 below), and low) and in marginalia on a Greek text of GemiMoses ben Samuel ibn Tibbon (fl. 1240-83) made _ nus."’ This copy was later used by James Ussher a Hebrew version in 1245, perhaps at Naples.’ The (1581-1656) and John Selden (1584-1654) in their chronological studies (p. 11 and n. 23 below).

86. For Cleomedes see CIC 7 Geminus ch. 7, B The Greek text of the Elementa was preserved sphericity as an assumption. from physical theory. ~ by Byzantine scribes, but in tar fewer manuscripts 6. K. Reinhardt, Poseidonios (Munich, 1921), 178-83. than Cleomedes’ Caelestia and without scholia. 7. There are no specific references to this work in the The earliest surviving witnesses of the Elementa Arabic ‘See M. Steinschneider, ;Geminus iscner,tradition hebraischer und Zwel r iateinl r rset- in ara consist of four manuscripts from the fourteenth zung, Bibliotheca mathematica, N. Bo 1 (1887) 98. r here century, whereas there are at least twelve manuare also no references to Geminus himself, since it is now

accepted that the “Aghanis” mentioned in the commen- 9. Albert the Great, De natura loci, Tr. 1, cap. 7, lines tary on Euclid by Anaritius (al-Nayrizi) (translated by 52-67, ed. P. Hossfeld (Aschendorf, 1980) (= Alberti Magni

Gerard of Cremona) is not Geminus, as M. Curtze Opera omnia 5.2). Albert refers specifically to Ptolemy “in claimed in his edition of the Latin translation, Anaritii In libro de dispositione sphaerae qui est introductorius ad decem libros priores Elementorum Euclidis commentarii | Almagesti’. Roger Bacon uses only the title “de disposi(Leipzig, 1899); see “Geminus,” DSB 5.346 (D. R. Dicks) tione sphaerae” (J. H. Bridges, ed., The ‘Opus maius’ of and earlier P. Tannery, “Le philosophe Aganis est-il iden- Roger Bacon, vol. 1 [Oxford, 1907], 294). On the Jewish autique a Géminus?,” Bibliotheca mathematica, N.E.,3 (1901) thors Gerson ben Salomo and Levi ben Abraham, see M.

9~11. Steinschneider, “Geminus in arabischer, hebraischer und 8. The Hebrew manuscripts are Paris, Bibliotheque zweifacher lateinischer Ubersetzung,” 97; Steinschneider, Nationale de France, hébr. 1027, s. XIV, fols. 1-56 (J.-A. Die hebriischen Ubersetzungen des Mittelalters und die JuTaschereau, Catalogues des manuscrits hébreux et samari- den als Dolmetscher. Ein Beitrag zur Literaturgeschichte des tains de la Bibliothéque Impériale [Paris, 1866], 185); Man- —_ Mittelalters, meist nach handschriftlichen Quellen (Berlin,

tua, Biblioteca Comunale, ebr. 4, undated, fols. 1-50 (M. 1893), 539.

Mortara, Catalogo dei manoscritti ebraici della Biblioteca 10. Steinschneider, “Geminus in arabischer, hebraidella Communita israelitica di Mantova [Livorno, 1878], scher und zweifacher lateinischer Ubersetzung,” 97-98, re3); for a third codex, dated to 1554 and privately owned in _ ferred it to Geminus. Albert the Great offers a translation

the nineteenth century (current location unknown), see that corresponds closely to Geminus p. 174.13-20 ManiM. Steinschneider, “Zur Geschichte der Ubersetzungen __ tius. Hossfeld (ed. cit. in the preceding note) does not aus dem Indischen ins Arabische und ihres Einflusses auf identify this source, and he does not notice that the whole die arabische Literatur,” Zeitschrift der deutschen morgen- of De natura loci, Tr. 1, cap. 7, lines 58-67 is a quotation.

lindischen Gesellschaft 25 (1871) 378-428 at 394 and 11. Oxford, Bodleian Library, ms. Savile 10, fols. 51r-77r 403-404. It was Steinschneider who first identified the (see I.a below). Hebrew version as the text of Geminus.

10 GEMINUS scripts of Cleomedes for the period around _ these copies was written in part by Sir Henry Sav1300. The absence of manuscripts in Western _ ile (1549-1622) during a visit to Vienna in midEurope in the fifteenth and most of the sixteenth 1581.'’ He took this manuscript to Italy where it centuries partly explains why the first printed edi- was copied twice for Gian Vincenzo Pinelli by tion of the Elementa did not appear until 1590, Camillo Veneto (fl. 1540—89).'®8 The Paduan schol-

and why the excerpt known as the Sphaera and ar Francesco Barozzi (1537-1604) may have inattributed to Proclus (see below) took so long to _ tended to use one of Pinelli’s copies for an edition be identified as a section of Geminus’ Elementa. of Geminus.” Janus Lascaris (1445-1535) had the work on his list Barozzi’s edition never appeared, but Henry of desiderata for the library of the Medici, but he Savile initiated the process that led to the Greek did not acquire a manuscript.’ Konrad Gesner _ editio princeps. His younger brother Thomas had (1516-65) knew of only two manuscripts of the _ translated the Elementa by 1588 and subsequently Elementa in Italy and thought that their different studied the text, but he published nothing (see titles indicated different treatises.’ Petrus Ramus _1.3). The elder Savile, however, sent an apograph (1515-72), who knew of Geminus only asa mathe- of the manuscript copied at Vienna to Andreas matician (see n. 3 above), regarded the Sphaeraas Dudith (1533-89),”° and he and Dudith both sent

one of Proclus’ mathematical treatises.” copies to the astronomer Johannes Praetorius By the 1580s, however, manuscripts of the (1537-1616). The latter then arranged for his colGreek text of the Elementa were finally becoming league at the Academy of Altdorf, Edo Hilderich available. A copy of a Greek manuscript at Con- von Varel (1533-99), to prepare the editio princeps; stantinople was brought to Vienna by Ogier Ghi- _ it was published in 1590 along with a Latin transselin de Busbecq (1522-92) in the 1560s and served _lation on the basis of these manuscripts (1.4 beas the source of several other witnesses.'° One of low). 12. The editions of Aujac and Manitius provide inven- Blass, “Die griechischen und lateinischen Handschriften

tories for Geminus; for Cleomedes see CTC 7.2. im Alten Serail zu Konstantinopel,’ Hermes 23 (1888) 13. See K. K. Miiller, “Neue Mittheilungen tiber Janos 622-25 (“Nachtrag”); D. A. Deissmann, Forschungen und Laskaris und die Mediceische Bibliothek,” Centralblatt fiir | Funde im Serai, mit einem Verzeichnis der nichtislamischen

Bibliothekswesen 1 (1884) 333-412 at 369. Handschriften im Topkapu Serai zu Istanbul (Berlin and 14. Bibliotheca universalis, vol. 1 (Zurich, 1545), 2677: Leipzig, 1933), 74-78; Aujac xcili. De Busbecq’s manuscript “Geminus philosophus, cuius alicubi meminit Proclus di- —_ is now Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Phil. adochus [cf. n. 3 above], scripsit Isagogen in Meteora, et _— gr. 89; see H. Hunger, Katalog der griechischen Handin Phaenomena graece. Prima extat Romae in Vaticana, _schriften der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek, vol. 1: alteram servat Diegus Hurtadus 4 Mendoza Caesareus _— Codiices historici. Codices philosophici et philologici (Vienlegatus Venetiis” (Petrus Ramus, Scholarum mathemati- na, 1961), 199.

carum libri unus et triginta, 35 paraphrases this report). 17. Oxford, Bodleian Library, Savile 10, fols. 80r—117v The rare title “in Meteora” proves that the Vatican manu- _ was copied jointly by Henry Savile and George Carew and script is the present Vat. gr. 318. Mendoza’s manuscript dated (on fol. 117v) to 18 June 1581. Fols. 51r—-77v are entire-

was later at the Escorial but has not survived; see E. ly in Carew’s hand and may have been copied at the same Miller, Catalogue des manuscrits grecs de la bibliotheque de __ time. The description in E. Gamillscheg and D. HarlfinPEscurial (Paris, 1848; rpt. Amsterdam, 1966), 345; C. ger, Repertorium der griechischen Kopisten 800-1600, vol. 1 Graux, Essai sur les origines du fonds grec del’Escurial..., A (Vienna, 1981), 58, no. 64 is incorrect.

Bibliothéque de l’Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Sciences his- 18. See P. Costil, André Dudith: humaniste hongrois toriques et philologiques 41 (Paris, 1880), 243-44, 390; and 1533-1589. Sa vie, son oeuvre, et ses manuscrits grecs (Paris, G. de Andrés, Catdlogo de los cédices griegos desaparecidos 1935), 306-308. The two copies are now Milan, Biblioteca de la Real Biblioteca de El Escorial (El Escorial, 1968), no. Ambrosiana, C 263 inf. and I go inf.

186. Mendoza’s manuscript may have been copied from 19. See the preface to Barozzi’s Cosmographia in the present Vat. gr. 381, which, like Vat. gr. 318, was in the quatuor libros distributa . . . (Venice, 1585): “Gemini insti-

Vatican Library by the late fifteenth century (R. De- _ tutio ad Phaenomena ... quam nos brevi perfectam ex vreesse, Le fonds grec de la Bibliotheque Vaticane des ori- _ vestustissimo exemplari recognitam edituri sumus.” The gines a Paul V, Studi e testi 244 [Vatican City, 1965], 58, 59) “exemplar vetustissimum” could be one of Pinelli’s recent

and in circulation (M. Bertola, I due primi registri di copies, if Barozzi is referring to the authority of this prestito della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana...,Codicese source. Vaticanis selecti quam simillime expressi 27 [Vatican City, 20. Costil, André Dudith, 307-308 and also 442-44,

1942],10 n. 4, and 19 n. 6). 446-47 where Costil prints letters sent from Italy at this

15. Petrus Ramus, ibid., 35 and 37. time by Savile to Dudith that provide the circumstantial

16. The Greek manuscript at Constantinople is the — evidence for Savile’s having also sent him a copy of his present Istanbul, Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi, G.I.40; see. W. — manuscript of Geminus.

FORTUNA 11

. ian 24

MopDERN STUDIES tion and revised version of Hilderich’s transla-

Joseph Scaliger (1540-1609) used the calendar 00." — Co in the Elementa for his chronological studies,” as Geminus was discussed in histories of astrondid later James Ussher, John Selden, and the my during the seventeenth and eighteenth cenFrench Jesuit Denys Petau (Dionysius Petavius) ‘ries. For example, Ismael Bouillaud (1605-94), (1583-1652). Petau produced the first critical edi- 4 Ploneer historian of astronomy), compiled CX"

tion of Geminus in 1630 from a manuscript tensive notes on the text.” Petaus edition was then at Paris (now Berlin, Staatsbibliothek zu reprinted in 1703 and once in the early nineteenth Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Phillipps 1546). century. In 1819 Nicolas Halma (1755-1828) proThrough Lucas Holstenius (1596-1661)” Petau duced a Greek edition with a French translation also obtained from the Savilian professor of 4S Part of his extensive editorial work on ancient geometry at Oxford, Henry Briggs (1561-1630), astronomical texts. Then, apart from an edition readings acquired by Sir Henry Savile from Vati- of the calendar in 1866 by Kurt Wachsmuth (1837— can City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. gr. 1905), there was No further editorial work until

318.27 These confirmed readings in Petau’s Paris the Greek edition and accompanying German manuscript and established the basis for his edi- translation of Karl Manitius in 1898. Manitius was unable to consult the manuscript at Constanti21. See J. Scaliger, Opus de emendatione temporum, 2d nop from which, _as WE nave nd. ie ace Si

ed. (Leiden, 1598), pp. 58, 63, 68, 69, 75, 80, and A. Grafton, teenth-century copies were erive . His account Joseph Scaliger: A Study in the History of Classical Scholar- of the manuscript tradition was incomplete, and ship, vol. 2: Historical Chronology (Oxford, 1993), 411-12 __he relied heavily on the readings of other printed

on Scaliger’s use of Hilderich’s edition. editions

22. Holstenius’ request was made to Patrick Young :

(1584-1652), the Royal Librarian, in a letter of 2 November The Elementa continued to interest historians 1624 from Paris; see J. Kemke, ed., Patricius Junius (Patrick of astronomy in the nineteenth centur Y while at Young): Bibliothekar der Kénige Jacob I und Carll von En- the turn of that century classical philologists in gland, Mitteilungen aus seinem Briefwechsel (Leipzig, the heyday of Quellenforschung tried to link it to 1898), 53. Holstenius spent 1622-24 in England where he — posidonius (see Bibliography III) and generated

established the contacts used here; see M. Feingold, The h ‘tical theories ab .

Mathematicians’ Apprenticeship: Science, Universities and some ypercritica theories about its provenance Society in England 1560-1640 (Cambridge, 1984), 141-42. and constitution. There has been little recent Patrick Young confirmed that he had sent Holstenius the scholarship, and the relationship of the Elementa information requested in a letter of May 1625; see Kemke — tg other writings by Geminus has not been re55+

23. A copy of Briggs’s letter to Holstenius, along with assessed. oy ees .

his comments on readings that he had entered in the mar- Germaine Aujac’s edition (1975) with a French gins of a printed edition, is found in a copy of the editio translation offered a more precise account of the princeps of Geminus (London, British Library, C.44.c.14). | manuscript tradition and made fuller use of the Another copy of the editio princeps (Oxford, Bodleian | atin translation. Its notes are more extensive Library, Savile C.c.7) has the same readings in its margins,

although the Bodleian copy (possibly Briggs’s source)

is missing the prefatory pages that may have included 24. Manitius, praef. v, misunderstood Petau’s preface Briggs’s letter. The copy that Petau received from Briggs § and thought that the readings which Petau had received via Holstenius has not been traced. The original source of from Briggs came from one of the texts of Geminus in Briggs’s readings is Vat. gr. 318. At p. 17 of both editions Oxford, Bodleian Library, Savile 10 (see n. 17 above). reference is made to a diagram missing “in Vaticana” [sic] | Manitius consequently reconstructed a phantom “cod.’ that is indeed absent from the manuscript (see Aujac xcv). _ Pet.” that was identical with the editio princeps, rather Savile’s readings from Vat. gr. 318 were originally in a __ than, as Petau himself says, an improvement on it; see, for manuscript (as the British Library copy notes), which he — example, Manitius’ apparatus at 6.1, 14.10, 48.28, 60.16 etc.

subsequently loaned to James Ussher; see Ussher’s De = Manitius’ “cod. Pet., on the other hand, is the consensus Macedonum et Asianorum anno solari dissertatio(London, __ of the readings from Briggs and Petau’s own Paris manu-

1648), 63. This manuscript, no longer extant, must have script. These readings Manitius was able to identify only been annotated after a death a Thomas Savile in 1593, where they were rejected and therefore noted in Petau’s since there are no readings from Vat. gr. 318 in his margin- = apparatus. alia on Geminus (I.a below). As Henry Savile’s brother, he 25. See Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale de France, would surely have had access to this material (had it been _ suppl. gr. 20, fols. 65r—7or, described by C. Astruc et al., available). The elder Savile probably obtained the read- — Bibliothéque Nationale. Catalogue des manuscrits grecs, ings of the Vatican manuscript while preparing his fa- _ part 3: Le supplément grec, vol. 1, fasc. 1: N* 1 a 50 (Paris,

mous edition of John Chrysostom in the 1590s. 1989), 38.

12 GEMINUS than those of Manitius and represent the only _ tion of that version published at London around |

modern commentary on the work. 1522. Most later editions, however, followed the edition published at Basel in 1523. Of the other six

Latin translations published, only those by Elie

THE Ps.-PROCLAN SPHAERA Vinet (II.4) and Georg Henisch (II.6) were reproFour chapters excerpted from the Elementa duced. Editions of Linacre’s translation thus repfirst appeared in manuscripts written in Italy in resent about seventy percent of all printed ediabout the last quarter of the fifteenth century.” tions of Latin translations, while ten of the The chapters (4, 5, 15, 3) are out of sequence; they remaining nineteen editions contain Elie Vinet’s were probably deliberately rearranged to create a translation. short manual.” In the process they lost their link There were five vernacular translations, the with Geminus and were mistakenly attributed to _ earliest of which was French (by Vinet, the only Proclus, the Athenian Neoplatonist of the fourth translator to use both Latin and the vernacular) century A.pD., and entitled Sphaera (Xdatpa).* and appeared in 1544; it was followed by one EnThis transformation seems to have been complet- _ glish and three Italian versions, each of which ap-

ed by the middle of the fifteenth century. peared only once.” The first Latin translation (II.1) was a partial The earliest recorded commentary on the one made before 1491 by Giorgio Valla (1447- Sphaera was written in 1511 by Georg Tanstetter 1500). Thomas Linacre (ca. 1460-1524) did the (1482-1535) of the University of Vienna (see II.a first complete Latin translation (II.2); it was pub- _ below). By 1526 the Sphaera was being used at the

lished by Aldus Manutius at Venice in 1499 and University of Wittenberg where Georg Joachim became by far the most popular Latin version of | Rheticus’ lectures on the text survive in a stuthe Sphaera, with forty-four printed editions by _ dent’s notes from the 1530s (II.d).*!

the early seventeenth century. Linacre’s transla- Most of the commentaries on the Sphaera tion, based on a manuscript different from Aldus’ _ published in the sixteenth century were designed

accompanying Greek text, was sometimes re- for students competent in mathematics and vised. For example, in the early 1520s Thomas geometry.** Two exceptions were the humanist Lupset (ca. 1498-1530), an English scholar and commentaries by the French scholars Jacques friend of Linacre, lectured on the Sphaera at Ox- Toussain (II.e) and Elie Vinet (II.f), in which ford.” He must have used Linacre’s translation, philological notes were combined with parallel and he may have been involved in the revised edi- _ passages from ancient poets and ancient elementary manuals. Toussain was a lecteur of the so26. On the manuscript tradition and the early printed

editions of Linacre’s translation, see Todd, “The Manu- 30. On Vinet’s translation see II.4 below. The other

scripts,’ passim. vernacular translations (in chronological order) were by

27. The Sphaera consists of Geminus chs. 4 and 5 (the William Salysbury (ca. 1520-ca. 1584) (London, 1550) general description of the celestial sphere), with chs. 15 (STC 20398.7, 20399); Tito Giovanni Scandanese (1518-82)

(terrestrial zones) and 3 (constellations) added in that or- (Venice, 1556) (S. Bongi, Annali di Gabriel Giolito der. Ch. 5 was often subdivided into twelve or thirteen —de’Ferrari da Trino di Monferrato, stampatore in Venezia, chapters in editions of the sixteenth century; see M. C. P. vol. 1 [Rome, 1890], 485); Pietro Catena (1501-76) (Padua, Schmidt, “Philologische Beitrage zu den griechischen 1565) (R. B. Todd, “Pietro Catena’s Vernacular Translation

Mathematikern,” Philologus 45 (1886) 315. of the Pseudo-Proclan Sphaera in Context, Physis 32 28. This title is retained in most of the printed edi- [1995] 105-107, and II.2 below under the edition of Padua, tions. The title De sphaera is first found in the 1547 Basel 1565); and Egnazio Danti (1536-86) (Florence, 1573) (L. S.

edition of Linacre’s translation and in some subsequent Camerini, I Giunti tipografi editori di Firenze 1571-1625.

editions. Annali inediti, con un’appendice sui bibliografi dei Giunti 29. See J. A. Gee, The Life and Works of Thomas Lupset (Florence, 1979], 47-48, no. 22). On Danti see also CTC

(New Haven and London, 1928), 96-97. The source is 8.56, Lupset’s letter to Linacre from the University of Oxford, 31. See W. Friedensburg, ed., Urkundenbuch der Unidated 1521 (Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley 282, fol. versitat Wittenberg, vol. 1 (Magdeburg, 1926), 146 and II.d

44v); see F. Madan et al., A Summary Catalogue of the below for Rheticus. Western Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, 32. On the wider issue of the different ways in which vol. 2.1 (Oxford, 1922), no. 2949 and the translation in J. N. an ancient scientific text was received in the Renaissance, Johnson, The Life of Thomas Linacre, ed. R. Graves (Lon- see C. G. Nauert, Jr., “Humanists, Scientists, and Pliny:

don, 1835), 180-82. Lupset was Cardinal Wolsey’s reader in Changing Approaches to a Classical Author” American ,

“humanitas” at Oxford from 1520 to 1523. Historical Review 84 (1979) 72-85.

FORTUNA 13 called Collége Royal from 1530 until 1547, and his _ of Sacrobosco’s Sphaera with the imprimatur of a commentary, of which there were six editions be- _ preface by Philipp Melanchthon (1497-1560) aptween 1543 and 1562, was derived from his lec- _ peared in at least seventeen editions between 1531

tures.> Elie Vinet taught at the Collége de and 1591, while there were only four editions in Guyenne in Bordeaux, and his translations into that location of the ps.-Proclan Sphaera.’’ Since both Latin and the vernacular as well as his short | there may have been between two and four huncommentary all show the use of the Sphaera at an dred editions of Sacrobosco’s Sphaera in the six-

elementary level. teenth century, clearly it was vastly more popular This humanist approach was rare and even _ than the ps.-Proclan work.”

resisted. The English mathematician Robert Competition came also from numerous other Recorde (ca. 1510-58) urged that the ps.-Proclan astronomical manuals by sixteenth-century auSphaera be used only in a mathematical curricu- thors for whom the ps.-Proclan work was just a lum.** He recommended that Johann Stéffler’s minor ancient source.” Examples include the magisterial commentary (II.b) be read along with Cosmographia of Peter Apian (1495-1552)” and Euclid’s Phaenomena and Cleomedes Caelestia, the Cosmographia of Oronce Finé (1494-1555), a

and he distinguished this more technical ap- work particularly popular in England and preproach to astronomy from the study of authors scribed at Oxford together with Sacrobosco.*! such as Pliny, Hyginus, and Aratus, all of whom __ Frequently reprinted as well were the commen-

are widely cited in the commentaries by Vinet

and Toussain. Jakob Ziegler’s commentary (II.c) 1544 and 1593, but twenty-nine editions of his commencert ainly exemplifi ed the approa ch recommended tary on Sacrobosco’s work between 1551 and 1629. For the

bydRecorde. deed. Indeed, in th fini;thelatter see the inventory in L. Desgraves, Elie Vinet, humapre ace to an car ler niste de Bordeaux (1509-1587): vie, bibliographie, corre-

commentary on book 2 of Pliny’s Naturalis histo- _ spondance, bibliotheque, Travaux Phumanisme et Renais-

ria, Ziegler had criticized the humanists’ reliance _sance 156 (Geneva, 1977), 75-82. . on “vulgati auctores”, such as poets and other 37. The figures for Sacrobosco are taken from the bibnon-technical writers (see CTC 6). Othe liographies in E. Zinner, Geschichte und Bibliographie der writers \s 4.3/0). ; T astronomischen Literatur in Deutschland zur Zeit der Recommentators on the Sphaera followed Ziegler’s naissance, ad ed. (Stuttgart, 1964) and J. Hamel, Zenapproach, notably Egnazio Danti in the notes to _tralkatalog alter astronomischen Driicke in den Biblio-

his vernacular (see n. 30), the “Anonyeben he POR (bis 700 Vie ecowngen der . >?translation . rchenhold-Sternwarte 16—19 (Berlin, 1987-90). qT S Hauniensis (II-h), and Johannes Hagius 38. See E. R. Johnson, “Astronomical Textbooks in the

(II.1) Sixteenth Century,” in Science, Medicine and History. EsThe popularity of the ps.-Proclan Sphaera says on the Evolution of Scientific Thought and Medical

never equalled that of Sacrobosco’s Sphaera, a Practice Written in Honour of Charles Singer, ed. E. A. Un-

work on which some of the authors included in detwood, vol. 1 (Oxford, 1953), 285-302 at 293-94.

‘ . . article . 39. The standard of these handbooks remains this also wroteaccount commentaries. Juan Luis a: ; Johnson, ibid. For a general survey of astronomy and its

Vives (1492-1540) may have regarded the two textbooks in sixteenth-century universities see J. Gasworks as interchangeable.’ > Yet Elie Vinet’s com- _—_coigne, “A Reappraisal of the Role of Universities in the

mentary on Sacrobosco, for example, appeared in Scientific Revolution,” in D. C. Lindberg and R. S. Westthree times as many editions as his versions of the ™4™ eds., Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (New

Proc] 35 At Wittenb local editi York, 1990), ch. 5, 229-32.

pS.-FrOCian WOFK. ittenberg a 10Cal ediuion 40. The work was revised by Gemma Frisius, and there were at least sixteen editions in Latin as well as transla33. By 1566, however, the Sphaera was being read atthe _ tions into Dutch, French, Spanish, and Italian. In the def“Collége Royal” together with Sacrobosco’s Sphaera, Eu- _ inition of the axis of the sphere, this manual offers an ex-

clid’s Elements, and Aristotles De caelo; see C. T. panded version of the first chapter of the ps.-Proclan Waddington, Ramus (Pierre de la Ramée): sa vie, ses écrits Sphaera; see fol. 3v of the 1564 Antwerp edition. Apian’s et ses opinions (Paris, 1855), 174-79, with references to the manual is the only contemporary work cited in Jacques

Sphaera at 178-79. Toussain’s primarily philological commentary (ILe be34. R. Recorde, The Castle of Knowledge (London, low).

1556), 98—99; see also 179-80 and 269. 41. S. Gibson, ed., Statuta antiqua Universitatis Ox35. De tradendis disciplinis libri quinque 4.5. For an En- oniensis (Oxford, 1931), 390. On Finé’s use in England see

glish translation see F. Watson, Vives: On Education. A S. K. Heninger, Jr., “Oronce Finé and English Textbooks Translation of the De tradendis disciplinis of Juan Luis for the Mathematical Sciences,” in D. B. J. Randall and

Vives (Cambridge, 1913), 206. G. W. Williams, eds., Studies in the Continental Back-

36. There were ten editions of both Vinet’s French and — ground of English Literature. Essays presented to John L. Latin translations of the ps.-Proclan Sphaera between Lievsay (Durham, N. C., 1977), 171-85 at 172 and 176.

14 GEMINUS tary on Sacrobosco by Christopher Clavius (1538- mentary (see n. 54 below).”” Yet when in 1619 Sir

1612) and the Epitome astronomiae by Michael Henry Savile established a chair in astronomy at M§stlin (1550-1631), Kepler’s teacher at Tiibin- Oxford, he included the ps.-Proclan Sphaera as a gen.” These manuals were often a prelude to required text in a statute that also prescribed the more advanced works on planetary theory, such works of Copernicus and Brahe.* Indeed, it was as the Theoricae novae planetarum of Georg Peur- the first occupant of the Savilian chair, John Bainbach (1423-61), itself often printed with editions bridge (1582-1643), who in 1620 published at Lonof Sacrobosco, though never with the ps.-Proclan don the last Latin translation of the work (STC Sphaera.® Later in the sixteenth and the early sev- _20398).”°

enteeth centuries we can find copies of the ps.- Geminus’ authorship of the Sphaera seems to Proclan Sphaera owned by Tycho Brahe (1546- _ have been first noted in print in 1585 by Francesco 1601) and by some English contemporaries.“ Jo- Barozzi.*° It was also evident to Thomas Savile hannes Kepler (1571-1630) used the work in his around 1590.°! Edo Hilderich likewise acknowltreatise on optics.” Elie Vinet’s successor at the edged Geminus as the author of the Sphaera (1.4 Collége de Guyenne at Bordeaux, Robert Balfour below). While Barozzi referred circumspectly to (ca. 1550—ca. 1620), used the Sphaera in lectures the circulation of an incomplete portion of and in a commentary on Cleomedes.” After 1600 Geminus “under the false title of the Sphere of there were few translations and only one com-__Proclus” (sub falso Sphaerae Procli titulo), Hilderich reasoned that the quotations attributed to 42. On Clavius’ work see J. M. Lattis, Christopher Cla- Geminus in Proclus’ commentary on book 1 of vius and the “Sphere” of Sacrobosco: The Roots of Jesuit As- | Euclid’s Elements (n. 2 above) showed that Pro-

tronomy on the Eve of the Copernican Revolution (Diss. clus must have appropriated material from GemiUniversity of Wisconsin, 1989), who lists (p. 358) twenty- yiye 52 But it would then be unclear why Proclus

one editions (five doubtful) between 1570 and 1618. The . . ‘ously ; 7 edition of Rome, 1606 (pp. 18, 258-59, 357, 369) has refer- cited Geminus punctilious y mM one Case, while ences to the ps.-Proclan Sphaera. There were seven edi- appropriating material from him in another. The

tions of Mastlin’s handbook between 1582 and 1624; seeR. _ result was that, for nearly three more centuries,

A. Jarrell, The Life and Scientific Work of the Tubingen As- Proclus was widely thought to have, as one

tronomer Michael Maestlin, 1550-1631 (Diss. University of ‘neteenth t histori fast tit

Toronto, 1971), 128-37, 206. For the definition of the hori- nine een “century Historian ol as ronony pucit, zon cited from the ps.-Proclan work, see the edition of committed a brazen act of plagiarism.’’ NonetheTubingen, 1597 (pp. 132-33).

43. There were at least fifty-six editions between 1472

and 1619; see E. J. Alton, “Peurbach’s Theoricae Novae 47. In addition to the Latin translation by Bainbridge Planetarum,” Osiris, 2d Ser., 3 (1987) 5—44 at 7. Philip Api- (n. 49 below), the only other new Latin translation made an (1531-89), the son of Peter Apian, used the ps.-Proclan after 1600 was by Johannes Laurenberg (1590-1658); it was Sphaera in his lectures at Tubingen in the 1570s along with —_ published at Rostock in 1611 (copies at Oxford, Bodleian Peurbach’s treatise and his father’s Cosmographia. See R. _ Library and Gottingen, Niedersachsische Staats- und UniS. Westman, “Three Responses to the Copernican Theory: __ versitatsbibliothek). Johannes Praetorius, Tycho Brahe, and Michael Maestlin,” 48. For this statute see Gibson, Statuta antiqua Untver-

in The Copernican Achievement, ed. R. S. Westman sitatis Oxoniensis (n. 41 above), 528-30. (Berkeley, 1975), 285-345 at 330. Erasmus Schreckenfuchs 49. Bainbridge’s Latin translation was based on Ox(II.g below) produced an edition of Peurbach’s treatise as ford, Bodleian Library, Savile 10 (see n. 17 above).

well as a set of notes on the ps.-Proclan Sphaera. 50. Barozzi, Cosmographia (n. 19 above), praef., fol. 44. Brahe had a copy of the 1547 Basel edition of Lina- b3v. Bernardino Baldi, in his life of Geminus of 1595, cre’s translation, now Prague, Narodni knihovna Ceské recorded Barozzi’s view; see the edition cited in n. 2 above, republiky, 5.J.20); see Westman, ibid., 324. Forexamples of 487 and also Baldi, Cronica di matematici (n. 4 above), 55. ownership at Oxford in the 1570s and 1580s see Feingold, 51. See Thomas Savile’s notes on his brother’s manuThe Mathematicians’ Apprenticeship (n. 22 above), 116-18. scripts in Oxford, Bodleian Library, Savile 10, where he 45. Ad Vitellionem paralipomena, quibus astronomiae cites the ps.-Proclan Sphaera in connection with textual pars optica traditur (Frankfurt, 1604) in W. van Dyck and _ matters at fols. 69v, 85v, 86v, and gov. M. Caspar, eds., Johannes Kepler: Gesammelte Werke, vol. 2 52. “Proclus ... in suam Sphaeram multa ad verbum

(Munich, 1939), 135 and 136. transferre non dubitat;” see I.4 below for this passage in

46. On Balfour see CTC 7.10. His lectures on astrono- context. my are preserved in Bordeaux, Bibliothéque Municipale, 53. J.-B.-J. Delambre, Histoire de ’astronomie ancienne, ms. 1588; the reference to Proclus is at fol. 10v of the sec- vol. 1 (Paris, 1817; rpt. New York, 1965), 313: “Un des plation “Astrologia”. Balfour’s commentary on Cleomedes, __ giats les plus impudents qui aient jamais été commis.” published at Bordeaux in 1605 (CTC 7.10-11), has refer- | Denys Petau, in the preface to his edition in the Uranoloences to the ps.-Proclan Sphaera at pp. 148, 215, and 216. gion sive Systema variorum authorum qui de sphaera ac

BIBLIOGRAPHY 15 less, the misunderstanding was insignificant de Constantinople par les Turcs ..., vol. 2 (Paris, since, except for a few editions of the Greek text 1819), 7-88 (edition and French translation); K. in the eighteenth century and a German transla- | Wachsmuth, ed., Ioannis Laurentii Lydi Liber de tion in the early nineteenth century, the Sphaera _ostentis ex codicibus italicis auctus et Calendaria was then ignored.** Karl Manitius (praef. graeca omnia (Leipzig, 1863; 2d ed., 1897), 173-87 xxiv-xxv) finally showed conclusively in 1898 that (edition of the calendar); K. Manitius, ed., Gemt-

the manuscript tradition of the Sphaera was de- ni Elementa astronomiae (Leipzig, 1898; rpt. rived from fifteenth-century manuscripts of Stuttgart, 1974), with a German translation and

Geminus and had no Proclan origins.” an appendix including a partial edition on pp. 285-89 (ch. 1.9-12 and ch. 3) of the Latin translation by Gerardus Cremonensis; E. J. Dijksterhuis,

BIBLIOGRAPHY ed., Gemini Elementorum astronomiae capita I,

II-VI, VIII-XVI (Leiden, 1957); G. Aujac, ed.,

I. MODERN EDITIONS AND Géminos: Introduction aux phénomenes (Paris, TRANSLATIONS 1975), with a commentary and French translation. D. Petau, ed., Uranologion sive Systema vario-

rum authorum qui de sphaera ac sideribus e0- Il. GENERAL

rumque motibus graece commentati sunt (Paris, _o.

1630), 1-70, with a revised version of Edo K. Gesner, Bibliotheca universalis, vol. 1 Hilderich’s Latin translation (1.4 below) and with (Zurich, 1545), 2675 Fabricius-Harles 4.31-34 (with

in D. Petau, Opus de doctrina temporum toria astronomiae sive De ortu et progressu as(Antwerp, 1703), 1-39 and in PG 19.745-867; !onomuae liber singularis (Wittenberg, 1741), N. B. Halma, Chronologie de Ptolomée. Table 144-46; J.-B.-J. Delambre, Histoire de l'astronomie chronologique des régnes, prolongée jusqu’a la prise SNClenne, vol. 1 (Paris, 1817; rpt. New York and London, 1965), 190-213; M. Cantor, Vorlesungen

———————___. _ tiber Geschichte der Mathematik, vol. 1 (Leipzig, sideribus eorumque motibus graece commentati sunt (Paris, 880) 6: Maniti 82: “Gemi (1)>

1630), judiciously states that “Procli Sphaera nihil aliud est 1000), 343-49; anil US 237- 3 eminos 1);

praeter Isagoges Gemini capita quaedam,” but J. F. Weid- PW 7 1026-50 (K. Tittel); G. Loria, Le scienze esatler, Historia astronomiae sive De ortu et progressu astrono- __ te nell’antica Grecia, 2d ed. (Milan, 1914), 643-51;

im as saying that “Proclum capita quaedam in Sphaeram . or

mae liber singular’ (Wittenberg, 1740); 145 parapnrases T. L. Heath, A History of Greek Mathematics, vol. 2 suam transtulisse,” making this a deliberate act by Pro- (Oxford, 1921; ’P te New York, 19 81); 222-343 P.

clus. Brunet and A. Mieli, Histoire des sciences: antiqui54. Editions of the Greek text were published at Sedan _#@ (Paris, 1935), 422-23, 5315 “Geminos,” Der kleine

in 1629 (V. F. Goldsmith, A Short Title Catalogue of French Pauly 2 (1967) 731-33 (J. Mau); “Geminus,’ DSB Books 1601-1700 in the Library of the British Museum, vol. 5 5.344-47 (D. R. Di cks); Auj ac i-xc; “Géminos,”

[London, 1971], 447, no. 1484) and at Yanina in 1730 and Dicti re des phil h ti 1.3 (Pari

1749 (copies at BL). I have not been able to locate the edi- ictionnatre des piilosopnes antiques, VOl. 3 \x ars, tion of the Greek text reportedly published at Vienna in 2000), 472-77 (R. B. Todd). 1801 (Fabricius-Harles 9.414) as a supplement to a Greek translation by a certain Athanasius Georgius Manusius of

a work identified as “Wuchereri Physica” (presumbly the III. SPECIALIZED STUDIES

treatise by the Jena theologian, J. F. Wucherer [1682-1737], . cr Le

on physics and mathematics published in the first two J. A. Reinhard, Erlauternde Anmerkungen decades of the eighteenth century). The German version liber die GUVOLKOL, TEPLOLKOL, QAVTOLKOL des

is the work of J. Gutenicker: ITpékAov Xdaipa iam pri- Geminus und die AVTLYXOOVEC des Achilles mum in linguam vernaculam translata notisque illustrata, — Tatius” Programm des Freiburger Lyceums 8

Program: Gymnasium Regium Miinnerstadt, September (1846); H. Brand “Uber das Zeitalter d 1830 (Wiirzburg, 1830) (copy provided by the Univer- 49); - Dran ES, er das deilalter des sitatsbibliothek, Bayreuth). There are also notes, mainly Astronomen Geminos und des Geographen in German, in a manuscript at Uppsala, Universitetsbib- | Eudoxos, Neue Jahrbiicher fiir Philologie und liotek, Cr 54; see C. Graux and A. Martin, Notes som- —_ Péidagogik 13 (1847) 199-221; FE. W. Blass, De Gemt-

maires des manuscrits grecs de Suéde (Paris, 1889), 68. no et Posidonio (Kiel, 1883); M. C. P. Schmidt,

These were written at Strasbourg, probably in the seven- _ «,, . . . . .

teenth century. Philologische Beitriége zu den griechischen 55. See further Todd, “The Manuscripts,” passim. Mathematikern,” Philologus 42 (1884) 82-118 and

16 GEMINUS, ELEMENTA ASTRONOMIAE ibid. 45 (1886) 63-81, 278-320; K. Manitius, “Zu VI. THE Ps.-PROCLAN SPHAERA Geminos,” Jahrbiicher fiir classische Philologie 131 K. Gesner, Bibliotheca universalis (Zurich, (1885) 511-12; P. Tannery, La géomeétrie grecque. 4545), 571; Fabricius-Harles 9.412-14; Hoffmann

Comment son histoire nous est parvenue et ce que 3 0)-93; M. C. P. Schmidt, “Philologische mous en SAVONS. Essai critique (Paris, 1887; tpt. Beitrage zu den griechischen Mathematikern,” Hildesheim, 1988), chs. 1-3; K. Manitius, “Des Philologus 45 (1886) 313-20; Manitius xxiii-xxv; Geminos Isagoge: nach Inhalt und Darstellung Aujac cii-ciii; R. B. Todd, “The Manuscripts of kritisch beleuchtet,’ Commentationes fleckeiseni- the Pseudo-Proclan Sphaera,” Revue @histoire des anae (Leipzig, 1890), 95—119; K. R. Tittel, De Gemi- textes 23 (1993) 57-71; Todd, “Pietro Catena’s Ver-

ni stoici studiis mathematicis quaestiones philologae yacylar Translation of the Pseudo-Proclan (Leipzig, 1895); E. Martini, “Quaestiones Posido- Sphaera in Context,” Physis 32 (1995) 105-107. nianae,” Leipziger Studien zur classischen Philologte

17 (1896) 339-402 at 364-92; J. G. van Pesch, De Prochi fontibus. Dissertatio ad historiam matheseos VII. BIBLIOGRAPHIES USED FOR EDIgraecae pertinens (Leiden, 1900), 87-113; G. Aujac, TIONS OF THE Ps.-PROCLAN SPHAERA

“Une source de la pensee scientifique de Proclus: J. E. Scheibel, Astronomische Bibliographie. Géminos de Rhodes, Diotima 4 (1976) 47-52; B. L. Schriften aus der andern Hilfte des sechszehnvan der Waerden, “Die gemeinsame Quelle der jeq Jahrhunderts bis 1590 ..., 3 vols. (Breslau,

erkenntnistheoretischen Abhandlungen von 1784-98) (arranged chronologically; continuous lamblichos und Proklos,” —Sitzungsberichte pagination); J. J. de la Lande, Bibliographie asder Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, tronomique, avec Vhistoire de l'astronomie depuis philosoph.-hist. Klasse, 12 (1980); van der Waer- 4781 jusqu’a 1802 (Paris, 1803; rpt. Amsterdam, den, “Greek Astronomical Calendars. V. The Mo- 4970) (arranged chronologically; cited by page tion of the Sun in the Parapegma of Geminos and —_ pymbers); Schweiger 1.275; J.-C. Houzeau and A. in the Romaka-Siddhanta,’ Archive for History of Jancaster, Bibliographie générale de l'astronomie

Exact Sciences 34 (1985) 231-39; S. Drake, jysqu’en 1880, 3 vols., new edition with introduc“Hipparchus-Geminus-Galileo,” Studies in History ‘tion and index by D. W. Dewhirst (London, and Philosophy of Science 20 (1989) 47-565 A.C. 4964) (cited by page numbers; the work is contin-

Bowen and B. R. Goldstein, “Geminus and the ously paginated); E. Zinner, Geschichte und Concept of Mean Motion in Greco-Latin Astron- Bjbliographie der astronomischen Literatur in omy,” Archive for History of Exact Sciences 50 Deutschland zur Zeit der Renaissance, 2d ed.

(1996) 157-85. (Stuttgart, 1964) (arranged chronologically; cited by numbered items); J. Hamel, Zentralkatalog al-

IV. A ter astronomischen DriickeAND in den ;Bibliotheken der . ARABIC, HEBREW, 7 MEDIEVAL TRANSMISSION DDR (bis 1700), Veréffentlichungen der Archen- _ - hold-Sternwarte 16-19 (Berlin, 1987-90) (cited by

_ K. Manitius, “Eine lateinische Geminos- items serially numbered); G. Grassi, Union Cata-

Ubersetzung,” Jahrbiicher fur classische Philologie logue of Printed Books of the Fifteenth, Sixteenth 133 (1886) 475-78; M. Steinschneider, “Geminusin — gy Seventeenth Centuries in European Astronomarabischer, hebraischer und zweifacher lateini- j¢g] Observatories (Rome, 1989), 561-63. scher Ubersetzung,” Bibliotheca mathematica, N. F, 1 (1887) 97-99; P. Tannery, “Le philosophe Aga-

nis est-il9-11; identique Geminus?,’ ibid.,WoRK N. F, 3OF GW G (1901) Aujacaciv-cix. ENUINE GEMINUS I. ELEMENTA ASTRONOMIAE

V. THE GREEK MANUSCRIPTS AND TRANSLATIONS

MANUSCRIPT TRADITION 1. Gerardus Cremonensis

F. W. Blass, “Die griechischen und lateinischen Soon after his arrival at Toledo ca. 1144, Gerar-

Handschriften im Alten Serail zu Konstan- dus Cremonensis (Gerard of Cremona, ca. 1114— tinopel,’ Hermes 23 (1888) 219-33 at 226 and 7) translated into Latin the Arabic version of 622-25 (“Nachtrag”); Manitius vi-xvili; Aujac Geminus’ Elementa astronomiae known as the XCI-CXIX.

I.1. GERARDUS CREMONENSIS 17 Liber introductorius Ptolomei ad artem spericam. (micro.) Dresden, Sachsische LandesbiblioThis is no. 23 in the list of Gerard’s works ap- _ thek, Db 87, s. XV in., fols. 72r-102v (K. Manitius, pended to his translation of Galen’s Tegni; see FR “Eine lateinische Geminos-Ubersetzung,” JahrWiistenfeld, “Die Ubersetzungen arabischer _ biicher fiir classische Philologie 133 [1886] 475-78; Werke in das Lateinische seit dem XI. Jahrhun- Manitius, “Des Geminos Isagoge: nach Inhalt und dert,” Abhandlungen der Gesellschaft der Wis- Darstellung kritisch beleuchtet”’ Commentationes senschaften zu Gottingen 22.3 (1877) 55-81 at 64 _fleckeisenianae [Leipzig, 1890], 97-98; Manitius and K. Sudhoff, “Die kurze ‘Vita’ und das Ver- _ xviii—xix; Aujac cvii; Kristeller, Iter 3.376b). There zeichnis der Arbeiten Gerards von Cremona,” _ is neither a title nor a subscription.

Archiv fiir Geschichte der Medizin 8 (1914) 73-82 at (micro.) Florence, Biblioteca Medicea 77. (For an English translation of the list see M. _Laurenziana, Fiesol. 168, s. XIV, fols. 112r-118r (A. McVaugh in E. Grant, ed., A Source Book in Me- M. Bandini, Bibliotheca Leopoldina Laurentiana

dieval Science [Cambridge, Mass., 1974], 35-38). seu Catalogus manuscriptorum qui iussu Petri On the medieval fortuna of the translation see p. Leopoldi nuper in Laurentianam translati sunt, 9 above. No Arabic manuscript is extant. vol. 3 [Florence, 1793], cols. 112-113; Aujac cvi). The Latin version differs from the Greek in the (micro.) Oxford, Bodleian Library, Digby 168, arrangement of chapters (see Manitius xxix-xxx) s. XIII-XIV, fols. 18r, 120v (Catalogi codicum and in having a complete version of Geminus ch. manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Bodleianae. G. D. 1 (sct. 9 Aujac; Manitius 285-86). There is no crit- Macray, Pars nona, Codices a viro clarissimo ical edition, but Manitius 285-89 edited Elementa, Kenelm Digby, Eq. Aur., anno 1634 donatos, comch. 1, scts. 9-12 and ch. 3 from the manuscripts at _ plectens [Oxford, 1883], 174). Two brief excerpts

Dresden and Florence. Both he and Aujac also from Geminus chs. 1-3. See also M. Steinschneicite the Latin version in the apparatus criticus of _ der, “Geminus in arabischer, hebraischer und their editions and adopt some of its readings. zweifacher lateinischer Ubersetzung,” Bibliotheca The titles in three of the manuscripts listed be- | mathematica, N. F., 1 (1887) 97-99 at 98; Manitius low are Sperica Ptolemei (Mazarinus 3635); Ab- xix; Aujac cvii and n. 3. breuiatio libri introductorii Almagesti Ptolomaei (micro.) Paris, Bibliothéque Mazarine, 3635, s. (Fiesol. 168); and Ptholomei Liber introductorius XIII—XIV, fols. 123r-135r (A. Molinier, Catalogue in Almagesti (Kues 208). The index in Dresden Db — des manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Mazarine, vol. 3

87 identifies it as Introductiones Ptholomaei in Al- [Paris, 1890], 147; Aujac cvi). This manuscript magesti (see Manitius xviii—xix). The titles of the omits chs. 17, 18, and the calendar.

two fragments in Digby 168 are variants on the (micro.) Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale de

spericam. cvii).

form Ptholomei Liber introductorius ad artem France, lat. 16198, s. XIV in., fols. 1661-177v (Aujac

Elementa astronomiae (Florence, Biblioteca (*) St. Petersburg, Biblioteka Rossiiskoi Medicea Laurenziana, Fiesol. 168). [Inc.]: (fol. Akademii Nauk, AB-III, E N. 8, s. XII, fols. 112ra; p. 2.5-6 Manitius) Dividitur orbis signorum 25r—35v (“Gerard of Cremona,’ DSB 15.178 [R. in XII partes et nominatur unaquaeque partium Lemay]). The manuscript has no title, but its inelus nomine.../... [Expl.]: (fol. 1181; p. 232.21- _cipit and explicit are exactly as given above, and its

22 Manitius) Et in XXIX secundum considera- subscription is identical with that in the manutionem Democriti incipit stella Superbi oriri et scripts at Florence and Paris (Bibliothéque Naaccidit cum eo aqua. Explicit quod abbreviatum _ tionale de France).

est de libro introductorii Ptolomei ad librum Edition: ition:

nominatum Almagesti. 1898 (rpt. 1974), Lipsiae (Leipzig): in aedibus B.

Manuscripts: G. Teubneri. K. Manitius, editor of the Greek text, (micro.) Bernkastel-Kues, St.-Nikolaus Stift, included (pp. 285-89) an edition from two manu-

208, s. XIV, fols. 42v—-53v (J. Marx, Verzeichnis der scripts of Elementa, ch. 1.9-12 and ch. 3.

Handschriften-Sammlung des Hospitals zu Kues

bei Bernkastel a. Mosel [Trier, 1905], 195; Aujac Biography: 4:

. ae 7 7 CTC 1.89, 170-71. Add to the Bibliography:

cvii). The subscription reads: “explicit abbrevia- “Gerard of Cremona,” DSB 15.173-92 (R. Lemay)

cio introductorii libri ptholomei ad almagesti. Ww deo gracias.”

18 GEMINUS, ELEMENTA ASTRONOMIAE 2. Abrahamus de Balmes brosiana, P 167 sup., unnumbered fol. 45r). InciAbrahamus (Abraham) de Balmes’ Latin ver- pit Isagogicon Astrologiae Ptolomaei interprete sion of Geminus (under the title of Ptolemy’s in- _ Abramo de Balmes. [Inc.] (unnumbered fol. 451; troduction to the Almagest) was made from a_ p. 2.5-7 Manitius) Orbis signorum partitur in

manuscript, no longer extant, of a thirteenth- duodecim partes quarum unaquaeque graece century Hebrew translation from the Arabic by vocatur communi nomine dodecatemorion

Moses ibn Tibbon (see p. 9 above and Manitius .../... [Expl]: (unnumbered fol. 47v; xxii). De Balmes’ work should probably be dated p. 286.23-25 Manitius) sed in toto anno dies to the first quarter of the sixteenth century when coaequatur nocti in duobus diebus qui sunt dies

he was associated at Padua with Cardinal duorum aequinoctiorum. Domenico Grimani who may have supplied the Manuscript:

manuscript. , , Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, P 167 sup., s. Only or a part of the translation and survives XVL unnumbered fols 2 d are ; ch.; 1.of45r-v 47r—v (Kri -_ . steller, Iter 1.306b).

(Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, P 167 sup.), but originally it must have included the whole work.

John Selden (1584-1654) certainly used a copy Biography: that contained the parapegma at the end of the Abrahamus (Abraham) de Balmes ben Meir Elementa (see Selden’s OedvOpwtr0c, or God Made__ was born at Lecce, probably in the third quarter Man. A Tract Proving the Nativity of Our Saviour of the fifteenth century, and died at Venice in 1523.

to be on the 25. of December [London, 1661], He was a physician and during his last decades 17-18), while Thomas Savile cited it for all parts of served Cardinal Domenico Grimani (d. 1523) in the text in marginalia to Oxford, Bodleian Li- _ this capacity at Padua. He may also have taught at

brary, Savile 10 (see I.a below). the University of Padua. De Balmes’ translation was never published. Works: Later in the century Gian Vincenzo Pinelli owned De Balmes’ translations from Hebrew into a copy that he made available to, and probably | atin include the Epistolae expeditionis of Avemhad copied for, Thomas Savile when the latter vis- pace (ibn Bajja) and an astronomical treatise (the ited him in Padua in 1589-90 (see 1.3 below). A Tiber de mundo) by Ibn al-Heitham, both found note in Savile's hand on the text of Geminus in in Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, ms. Savile 10 (fol. 53r) describes a reading as €X Vat. lat. 3897. He also translated into Latin AverArabica versione G. V. Pin(elli) . The sUIVIVINS —_roes’ epitomes of Aristotle’s Sophistici elenchi (Vat-

fragment, which is preserved in a manuscript ican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Ottob. owned by Pinelli, is interleaved with a folio of Jat. 1401) and Rhetorica (Vatican City, Biblioteca notes in Thomas Savile’s hand (see I.a below). _ Apostolica Vaticana, Ottob. lat. 1861), both of Sir Henry Savile later loaned his brother's which were published at Venice in 1523. Vols. 1, 2, manuscript of de Balmes translation to James and g of the Giunta edition of Aristotle (Venice, Ussher (1581-1656); See Ussher sD e Macedonum et 1550-52) contain corrected versions of several of Astanorum anno solari dissertatio (London, 1648), his Latin translations of Averroes’ commentaries

ch. 6, p. 63. Ussher in turn loaned it to John op Aristotle (see vol. 1, fol. 8r for the preface by Selden (see Oedvépwrroc, or God Made Man, yfarcus de Odis who criticized de Balmes). His 17-18). The libraries of both Ussher and Selden Hebrew grammar, published at Venice in 1523, are known to have suffered extensive losses dur- was later translated into Latin (Antwerp, 1564). ing the seventeenth century, and this manuscript fo, manuscripts of his other works see the inmay have been among those codices that were gies to Kristeller, Iter. vols. 1 and 2

dispersed. es

The fragment quoted below is from Geminus, Bibliography: Elementa, ch. 1, scts. 1-9. Like the medieval Latin Fabricius-Harles 4.33; G. Mazzuchelli, Gli

translation of Gerard of Cremona (I.1 above), it Scrittori d'Italia 2.1 (Brescia, 1758), 191; Enciclopecontains material not found in the Greek; for 4a italiana 12.434; Encyclopaedia judaica 3.1008— Gerard’s version see Aujac at ch. 1, sct. 9, and 1009; The Jewish Encyclopedia 1.99; Jiidisches Lexi-

Manitius 285.9-286.28. con 1.701; Bibliotheca judaica 1.82; J. Winter and A. Elementa astronomiae (Milan, Biblioteca Am- Wiinsche, Die jiidische Litteratur seit Abschluss des

I.3. THOMAS SAVILIUS 19 Kanons, vol. 2: Geschichte der rabbinischen Litte- then probably used for the fair copy (Milan, Bibratur wahrend des Mittelalters und ihrer Nach- lioteca Ambrosiana, P 227 sup.), which also be-

bliithe in der neueren Zeit (Trier, 1894), 226. longed to Pinelli. M. Steinschneider, Catalogus librorum hebraeo- Elementa astronomiae (Milan, Biblioteca Amrum in Bibliotheca Bodleiana (Berlin, 1852-60), _brosiana, R 124 sup., fol. ir). Gemini in phaenocols. 667-668; Steinschneider, “Une dédicace mena, interprete Thoma Savilio Anglo. Breslae. dAbraham de Balmes au Cardinal Dom. Gri- 1588.14 Nov. [Jnc.]: (fol. 1r; p. 2.5—7 Manitius) Cirmani,” Revue des études juives 5 (1882) 112-17; culus zodiacus in partes XII secatur et communi Steinschneider, “Geminus in arabischer, hebrai- quidem nomine quodlibet segmentum dodecate-

scher und zweifacher lateinischer Ubersetzung,” morion vocatur .../... [Expl.]: (fol. 48v; p. Bibliotheca mathematica, N. F.,1 (1887) 98 andn.7; | 232.20-22 Manitius) Eudoxo Orion incipit oriri. Steinschneider, Die hebriiischen Ubersetzungen des XXIX Democrito Orion incipit oriri soletque in Mittelalters und die Juden als Dolmetscher. Ein eius ortu tempestas esse. Finis.

es ; anuscripts:

Beitrag zur Literaturgeschichte des Mittelalters, M, meist nach handschriftlichen Quellen (Berlin, Milan. Bibl; Ambros; p 893), 54, 358, 530-40, 560, 972-73: N. Ferorelli an, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, P 227 sup., s. 1993)> 34s 35% aoe a, > XVI, fols. 6r—49r (A. Martini and D. Bassi, Catalo-

Abramo de codicum Balmes ebreo di Lecce e i suoi paren; 44: ; 59 im . gus graecorum Bibliothecae Ambrosianae

ti,’ Archivio storico per le province napoletane 31 (Milan, 1906: rpt. Hildesheim, 1978], no. 652;

(1906) 632-54; H. A. Wolfson, “Plan for the Publiittcthe: Tron ue » 1978) HO , — risteller, [ter 1.3074).

cation of a Corpus commentariorum Averrots in R ;

>. ——,H.R124 sup., s. XVI,infols. 1r—48v Aristotelem,” A. Wolfson, Studies His_. .; are(Marti. - ; ni in and Bassi, Catalogus, no.the726; Kristeller, Iter tory of Philosophy and Religion, vol. 1 (Cambridge, 1.3124)

Mass., 1973); 430-54 at 437-38; F. E. Cranz, Edi- Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 719, tions of the Latin Aristotle Accompanied by the

, i s. XVI, fols. 71r-74v Halm eted., al.,oarCatalogus Commentaries of Averroes,’ in-?E. P.(C. Mahoney, ; — codicum latinorum Bibliothecae Regiae Monacen-

Philosophy and Humanism: Renaissance Essays in. ; sis, vol. 1.1, 2d ed. [Munich, 1892], 184). A fragHonor of Paul Oskar Kristeller (Leiden, 1976), f ch d >of the EI ; Oo) 116-28 at 123 and n. 30, 124, 126 ment of chs. 1 and 2 of the Elementa astronomiae: ee ae [Expl.]: (fol. 74v; p. 34.9 Manitius) est enim ex

3. Thomas Savilius astra ,aequinoctialis parte. Quomodo igitur Three manuscripts are presently known to a

contain Thomas Savilius’ (Thomas Savile’s) Biography: translation of Geminus. Of these, two witnesses Thomas Savilius (Thomas Savile), Sir Henry (Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, R 124 sup. and _ Savile’s younger brother, was from a family of Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 719) gentry in Over-Bradley, near Halifax, in the West date the completion of the translation to 14 No- Riding of Yorkshire. The place and date of his vember 1588, at Breslau, while Savile was visiting birth are unknown. He obtained his bachelor’s Andreas Dudith (1533-89). If composed entirely degree at Oxford in 1580, became a fellow of Merat Breslau, then the translation was probably ton College in 1581, and was admitted as Master of based on a Greek manuscript which Dudith had Arts in 1584.

acquired from Savile’s brother Henry; this codex, Between 1588 and 1591 he travelled extensively | now apparently lost, seems to have been derived in Europe. His college’s records show that he left from the present Vindobonensis Phil. gr. 89 (see on 4 June 1588 and returned in late 1590 or early

p. 10 above and n. 20). 1591; see Registrum annalium Collegii Mertonensis

Although none of the surviving manuscripts 1567-1603, ed. J. M. Fletcher, Oxford Historical of the translation is an autograph, Milan, Biblio- Society N. S. 24 (Oxford, 1976), 237 and 273. teca Ambrosiana, R 124 sup. contains corrections He probably first visited Johannes Praetorius and insertions in Savile’s hand (fols. 1r, 1v, 24r, 33r, (1537-1616) at Altdorf; his letter of 28 February 36r, 391, 421, 471, 47v; see also I.a below). They 1589 to Praetorius from Breslau (copy at Paris, could have been added when this copy was made __Bibliothéque Nationale de France, Dupuy 348, for Gian Vincenzo Pinelli (1535-1601) during Sav- _fols. 128v—129v) refers to their “studia communia” ile’s visit to Padua in 1589-90. Ms. R124 sup. was and suggests prior contact. While at Breslau he

20 GEMINUS, ELEMENTA ASTRONOMIAE visited Andreas Dudith and witnessed Dudith’s Works: death in February 1589: see Costil 218, 342 and the None of Thomas Savile’s surviving works has letter of 10 October 1588 from Breslau to his Ox- _ been published. In addition to the translation and ford colleague John Rainolds (1549-1607) (Ox- notes on Geminus, there are mathematical treaford, Corpus Christi College, 318, fols. 141r-142r). _ tises De rationum additione et subtractione (Mi-

Savile assisted Dudith in a contribution toa new lan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, P 227 sup., fols. edition by Friedrich Sylburg (1536-96) of Apollo- 69r-80v) and De rationibus (Milan, Biblioteca nius Dyscolus’ De constructione verborum (Frank- Ambrosiana, S 83 sup., fols. 3r—13r); notes on Strafurt, 1590); see Sylburg’s preface in E. Legrand, bo (Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, D 251 inf., fols. Bibliographie hellénique, vol. 2 (Paris, 1885), 72, 2r—121; Iter 1.3074); adversaria on an edition of

and Costil, André Dudith, 317-21. Ptolemy's Geography (Oxford, Bodleian Library, After visiting Prague and Vienna, Savile Rawl. C. 850, fol. 126r); notes on Ptolemy’s Alreached Italy by mid-1589 (Registrum 248; Costil, magest dated January 1589 and thus written at André Dudith, 97 and n. 4) and by the second half Breslau (Dublin, Trinity College, 382, fols. 45rof 1590 was in Germany whence he corresponded __ 51r); and notes on manuscripts of Ptolemy made with Isaac Casaubon (1559-1614) (London, British at Vienna (Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, R 119 Library, Burney 366, fol. 54r) and Tycho Brahe sup., fols. 34r—37v; see Costil, André Dudith, 306 (1546-1601) (see J. O. Halliwell, A Collection of n. 4). A translation of Theodosius’ De diebus et Letters Illustrative of the Progress of Science in En- _ noctibus mentioned in a letter to William Camgland (London, 1846], 32-33). In Europe he pur- den (Gulielmi Camdeni ... Epistolae [London, chased books (Registrum 248, 273, 274, 277) and 1691], Ep. 8, p. 12) has not survived. Savile also made numerous scholarly contacts (see Fein- copied some Greek astronomical and mathemati-

gold). He also visited Gian Vincenzo Pinelli cal treatises in Oxford, Bodleian Library, Savile (1535-1601) at Padua; see Costil, André Dudith, 97 _ 10, fols. 132r-152v (these folia were incorrectly asn. 4, and also Savile’s letters of July 1589 and May _ signed to Henry Savile by E. Gamillscheg and D. 1590 to Hugo Blotius (Vienna, Osterreichische Harlfinger, Repertorium der griechischen Kopisten Nationalbibliothek, 9737, vol. 17, fols. 55r and 85r), | 800-1600, vol. 1 A [Vienna, 1981], 79, no. 116).

in which he refers to his contacts with Pinelli. On 1d:

his ret to England. Savil das Sen; Bibliography: is return [0 Engiand, savie served as ent DNB 16.859; Jécher 4.167; J. Foster, Alumnt oxProctor at Oxford in 1592. He died at London in .; A Wood. Ath

January 1593 (Registrum 289) 1500-1714, 1319; A. a Wood,1.591 Athenaeand oxi as , onienses, ed.onienses P. Bliss (London, 1813),

Savile’s scholarly activities and connections 5 ; the indices to Kristeller, and also Col ; .; , ollege (Oxford,[ter 1899), 240; Feingold G. Casaubon C. Brodrick, and Levy) with contemporaries such as ;

é 2.25758; a Wood, Fasti oxonienses, ed. P. Bliss, vol. cana,be, 2traced through his correspondence (see (London, 1815), 227; B. W. Henderson, Merton

of Merton College (Oxford, 1886), 62; A. (London,- Memorials British CCl ; of oeOxford, a . Library, Clark, ed.,Burney Register366, of thefols. University

541-55v; Isaaci Casauboni Epistolae [Rotterdam, | 2.1 (Oxford, 1887), 93, 246 and 2.2 (1887), 190, vols.

1710], 568), eee Brahe (see above), Tadeas Hajeked., (ca. ; 194 and 2.3 (1889), 88—89; C. Plummer, Eliza-

1525-1600) (London, British Library, ; of Rare Tracts, Oxford a bethanHarley Oxford.7011, Reprints

fol. ir), Jean Hotman (1552-1636) (see Francisct et Historical Society 8 (Oxford, 1887) 6: Joannis Hotmanorum [Amsterdam rea OY 1007)» 230» 2525 2505 ere eeEpistolae -°? GH. Martin and J. R.XLOTCs L. Highfield, A History of 1700]), and the imperial librarian at Vienna, Merton College, Oxford (Oxford, 1997), 167

Hugo Blotius (ca. 1533-1608) (see Feingold). Like 170-71 8% ‘

his elder brother Henry, Thomas Savile had an in- P. Costil, André Dudith: humaniste hongrots

terest in ,English antiquities, thiset was reflectedgrecs - 1533-1589. Sa vie, sonand oeuvre, ses manuscrits in some of his letters to William Camden (Pari & ae aris, 1935), 306-307 andbelow). index; R..;Birley, “The (1551-1623) (edition cited , is ; ; ; History of Eton College Library,” The Library, 5th an accomplished philolo1 now . Thomas - Ser., 11Savile (1956)was 231-61 at 244 (on Savile’s books

gist, .mathematician, astronomer who,ofgiven a c . . Br1Dp. . at Eton); EF. J.and Levy, “The Making Camden’s longer life, might have undertaken important ed- tannia.” Bibliotheque @h + Renai itorial work on ancient mathematical and astro- 6 (1 NG lanes "8 9 “DB Ouir nd NM.

nomnical texts. 26 (1964) 70-97 at 84-85; D. B. Quinn and N. M.

I.4. EDO HILDERICUS 21 Cheshire, eds. and trans., The New Found Land of study of astronomy may also be modelled on a Stephen Parmenius. The Life and Writings of a widely reproduced preface by his former teacher Hungarian Poet, Drowned on a Voyage from New- Philipp Melanchthon (1497-1560) to an edition of foundland, 1583 (Toronto, 1972), 13-16, 26-37, 216; | Sacrobosco’s Sphaera; for the text see Corpus ReM. Feingold, The Mathematicians Apprenticeship: formatorum, vol. 2 (Halle, 1838), 530-37.

Science, Universities and Society in England 1560- The dedication to Christian I, Elector of Sax1640 (Cambridge, 1984), 130-33; R. B. Todd, “Hen- ony (1586-91) and the concluding reference to ry and Thomas Savile in Italy,” Bibliotheque periculosissima tempora reflect the religious ten-

@humanisme et Renaissance 58 (1996) 439-44; J. sions of the period. In 1586 Kaspar Peucer Woolfson, Padua and the Tudors: English Students (1525-1602), who had taught Hilderich at Wittenin Italy, 1485-1603 (Toronto and Buffalo, 1998), berg, was released by the Elector from an impris-

269-70. onment of twelve years for his Calvinist tendencies, while a decade earlier Hilderich himself was

4. Edo Hildericus dismissed from the University of Heidelberg on In 1590 Edo Hildericus (Edo Hilderich) pro- similar grounds (see below). duced the first published translation of Geminus’ Dedication (ed. of Altdorf, 1590). Illustrissimo Elementa astronomiae into Latin, along with the Principi ac Domino, Domino Christiano, Sacri editio princeps of the Greek text. He used manu- Romani Imperii Archimarschallo atque Electori, scripts which Andreas Dudith (1533-89) and Sir Duci Saxoniae, Landgravio Thuringiae, MarchiHenry Savile (1549-1622) had sent to his colleague oni Misniae, et Burggravio Magdeburgensi, etc. at the University of Altdorf, the astronomer and Domino suo clementissimo, s. p. d. [Inc.]: (fol. mathematician Johannes Praetorius (1537-1616), aiir) Si qui homines tantum ingenium divinitus

who proposed the project to Hilderich. These int adepti ut ex optimarum artium studio sibi manuscripts were virtually identical, since Du- _ solidae eruditionis laudem ad gloriam Dei et utilidith’s codex was itself acquired from Savile; see tatem ecclesiae et reipublicae comparare possint, Costil, André Dudith, 307-308 (cited in 1.3 above). hi certe etiam in astronomia, nobilissima phiHilderich’s manuscripts and Dudith’s copy _losophiae parte, cognoscenda ponere debent temhave not survived, but Henry Savile’s manuscripts pus non contemnendum ... (fol. avr) Item nunc

of Geminus are extant in Oxford, Bodleian Li- experior verum esse quod de iucunditate studii brary, Savile 10, fols. 51r-77r and 80r-117v. Both astronomici Iohannes Regiomontanus in sua are copied from the present Vienna, Osterreich- Epitome profert cum inquit: “Quid iucundius, ische Nationalbibliothek, Phil. gr. 89 (Manitius quid amoenius, quid denique suavius afficere xvi and p. 10 nn. 17, 20 above). Manitius’ appara- _oculos potest quam illa tot et tantorum luminum

tus criticus records the frequent agreement be- venustissima atque ordinatissima series? Eo tween Hilderich’s edition and the Vienna manu- quippe si rapieris animo, experieris nihil te script (€.g., 56.7, 61.22, 126.12, 128.7, 132.18, 136.23, umquam in omni vita sensisse delectabilius.” 148.17, 172.26, 184.22-24, 196.1, 196.14, 204.28), Haec Regiomontanus.

with only occasional deviations (e.g., 20.18, 60.23, Cum igitur astronomia sit praestantissima

90.16-17, 94.23—-2.4, 122.1314). philosophiae pars et dignissima quam homines Hilderich’s introduction links his edition with summo studio excolant, expetenda et magni faNuremberg’s traditions both in astronomy and in cienda sunt etiam illa summorum artificum the publication of astronomical works by refer- scripta quae nobis huius artis initia erudite et ences to Johannes Regiomontanus (1436-76), Jo- __ perspicue tradunt. Talis artifex est Geminus, et

hannes Schéner (1477-1547), Johannes Werner tale hoc eius scriptum quod nunc primum in (1468-1522), and Willibald Pirckheimer. The pas- lucem editur. Quantus enim philosophus et sage quoted below from Regiomontanus is froma quam excellens mathematicus apud Graecos dedicatory letter to Cardinal Bessarion in the Geminus fuerit, facile apparet ex Proclo DiadoEpitome in Claudiu Ptolemaei Magnam composi- cho Lycio, summo et ipso philosopho platonico et

tionem, first published in 1493 (= Ioannis de mathematico, magni illius Syriani philosophi et Monte Regio et Georgu Purbachtt Epitome in Cl. auditore et successore, qui in quattuor libris suoPtolemaeit Magnam compositionem (Basel, 1543], rum doctissimorum commentariorum quos in

2). Hilderich’s humanist justification for the primum librum Elementorum Euclidis scripsit,

22 GEMINUS, ELEMENTA ASTRONOMIAE passim eius scripta mathematica citat, eius- genere scripta Johannis Regiomontani, Iohannis demque auctoritatem et demonstrationes ubique Schoneri, JIohannis Werneri Noribergensis, in difficillimis philosophicis et mathematicis dis- Bilibaldi Pirckheimeri Noribergensis et aliorum

ceptationibus multorum veterum philosopho- insignium mathematicorum, quae non minus rum sententiis non dubitat anteponere. Ita cum urbem hanc quam multa alia civilia ornamenta Geminus a Proclo laudatissimo viro laudetur, perpetua nominis fama nobilitant. eam laudem veram esse non dubium est. Quod Quod autem illustrissime Princeps Elector, satis etiam probat ipsa Sphaera Gemini in qua Domine clementissime, hunc Gemini libellum a multa digna cognitu leguntur quae alibi non me latine translatum tuae Celsitudinis nomini infacile reperiuntur. Unde Proclus etiam ipse in scribere volui, non aliam ob causam factum est suam Sphaeram multa ad verbum transferre non quam ut aliquam saltem mei grati animi erga dubitat, ut facile apparebit ei qui utriusque Academiam Witebergensem, eius professores et

Sphaeram inter se conferre voluerit. pios nutricios eiusdem, inclitos Saxoniae Duces, Ad meas autem manus huius tam praestantis Electores significationem praeberem. Nam si philosophi Sphaera, ne quis sua laude defraude- quid profeci in studio vel doctrinae christianae, tur, hac occasione pervenit. Viennae enim accepit cuius Dei beneficio iam professorem ago, vel lin-

a clarissimo viro Domino Iohanne Sambuco guarum vel liberalium artium et mathematum, id Henricus Savilius Anglus, vir non minus generis totum magna ex parte secundum Deum debeo nobilitate quam philosophiae et mathematum acceptum referre et Philippo Melanchthoni et cognitione clarus. Ab hoc Anglo Vratislaviae ean- _collegis eius et multis aliis viris doctis qui meo dem accepit magnificus et generosus Dominus tempore in Academia Witebergensi adolescentes Andreas Duditius, Caesareae Maiestatis consilia- discendi cupidos partim publice, partim privatim rius, vir pietatis et eruditionis laude per totam docebant. Divino enim beneficio mihi adolescenEuropam celeberrimus. Horum uterque postea ti contigit illud immortale decus Germaniae hanc Gemini Sphaeram communicavit suo amico Philippum Melanchthonem per sex postremos M. Iohanni Praetorio, publico mathematum pro- _ aetatis eius annos [sc. 1553-60] audire, et post obifessori in hac Altorphiana Noribergensium Aca- tum eius fere per novennium in eadem Academia demia. Huius rogatu ego hunc Gemini sphaeri- mea studia continuare cum discendo, tum etiam

cum libellum ex graeco idiomate in latinam lin- docendo, sicut utrumque, Domino Philippo guam transtuli, qua potui perspicuitate, quod Melanchthone adhuc vivo, per annos aliquot feci tamen ipse, si voluisset, propter maiorem rerum .../... [Expl.]: (fol. aviiir) et reipublicae utilicognitionem felicius me, qui nunc in alio doctri- _ tatem in hisce periculosissimis temporibus nobis

nae genere versor, praestare potuisset. diu incolumem servet, ex animo precor. Datae AlCum autem summi reipublicae noribergensis torphii Noricorum, Calendis Maii, anno Christi gubernatores et scholarchae per doctissimos viros 1590. Celsitudini tuae deditissimus Edo HilderiM. Esromum Riidingerum et M. Iohannem Prae- cus D.

torium intellexissent maximam fuisse et erudi- Elementa astronomiae (ed. of Altdorf, 1590). tionem et auctoritatem philosophi et mathemati- Gemini De apparentiis caelestibus liber. [ Inc.]: (p. ci Gemini eiusque hanc Sphaeram non parum 2; p. 2.5-7 Manitius) Zodiacus circulus in duodeutilitatis posse afferre elementa astronomiae dis- cim dividitur partes, atque horum segmentorum centibus, et eandem hactenus nusquam, quod sci- unumquodque generaliter quidem vocatur dode-

amus, praelo fuisse excusam et nunc primum a_ catemorium, id est, pars duodecima .../... me in latinum sermonem esse conversam, man-_ [Expl.]: (p. 266; p. 232.20-22 Manitius) Die 29 daverunt huius suae academiae typographis, me Democrito Orion incipit oriri et solet Democrinihil tale petente aut sperante, ut hunc Gemini _ tus in ipso significare. Nihil restat amplius. Laus sphaericum libellum quam primum typis expres- Deo.

sum in lucem ederent. Qua in re nihil alienum Editions: neque @ sue dignitate neque a perpetua suae lau- 1590, Altorphii (Altdorf): Christophorus

datissimae civitatis consuetudine fecerunt. Nam Loch t Joh Hof Hamel quanti haec urbs aliquot iam saeculis sanctissima oeeees eee ent one eae mathematum studia fecerit et quantis sumptibus VD G-10775 Zinner 33773 NUC. BL; BNF Bodlei-

ae — an Library; (CtY; DLC; MH; NN; NNC). ea excitari curaverit, satis testantur edita in hoc ,

I.A. THOMAS SAVILIUS 23 1603, Lugduni Batavorum (Leiden): Altorphii, COMMENTARY Christopherus Lochnerus et Johannes Hofman- a. Thomas Savilius

Biography: ae é

nus (sic). Contents the same as in the preceding Thomas Savilius (Thomas Savile) did not entry. Hamel 1280; NUC. BL; BNF; (NN). write a full commentary on Geminus but left four

; sets of critical and exegetical notes prepared in

4s 4s the course of his private study. They Edo Hilderich Varel) . are discussed . : Hildericus : ; below (Edo according tovon their mostwas probable chrono-

born in 1553 at Jevern, in the Frisian region of logical ord Germany. He studied at the University of Witten- Ogical rect. berg between 1553 and 1560, where one of his 1. Annotationes dublinenses (before 1589?) teachers was Philipp Melanchthon (see the Dedi- These untitled, undated, and incomplete notes cation above). Hilderich obtained the degree of on Geminus are preserved in one of the manumagister in 1556 and taught mathematics at the scripts (Dublin, Trinity College, 383) that be-

universities of Jena (1564-67), where he published longed to John Bainbridge (1582-1643), the first a Carmen gratulatorium (Adams H-s560), and Savilian Professor of Astronomy at Oxford. They Wittenberg (1567-70), where in 1568 he published may be preparatory notes for Savile’s translation Logistice astronomica (Hamel 1527). In the preface and could antedate his continental travel in to the latter he mentions as his teachers at Wit- 1589-91 since there is no reference to Abraham de tenberg Kaspar Peucer and Sebastian Theodori- Balmes’ translation which he acquired in that pecus. In 1573 Hilderich was rector of the University _ riod; see nos. 2 and 3 below.

of Magdeburg and taught subsequently at Frank- Notes (Dublin, Trinity College, 383). [Jnc.]: furt an der Oder and at Heidelberg (where he ob- (fol. 9r) Eioi yap Twec OpiCOVTEG (5.373 Pp. 56.6 tained the degree of Doctor of Theology). He was Manitius). Jam autem reperiuntur quidam hori-

dismissed from Heidelberg for refusing to sign zontes quorum circuli paralleli sunt .../... the Formula of Concord and spent the last nine- [Expl.]: (fol. 10v) Avro wev yap nAtov (17.17; p. teen years of his life (1581-99) at the Academy of 186.17 Manitius). A sole vero et luna notum est ab

Altdorf, the institute of higher education for iis mitti vim .... ex stellarum ortu et occasu Nuremberg. On his appointment see his letter of _maximam novitatem inducente et [... | raritas 1 May 1581 (London, British Library, Add. ms. atque aestus, et aliquando in regione fit [ ... ].

22960, fol. 20r) to the Calvinist theologian oe Sibrandus Lubbert (1555-1625), and for his pres- Manuscrip 2

, a ; P Dublin, Trinity College, 383, s. XVI, fols.

ence at Altdorf see Costil, André Dudith, 443. At

gr-1ov (T. K. Abbott, A Catalogue of the Manu-

Altdorf he was professor of theology and also ots in the Lib Trinity Collece Dubli

taught Greek, Hebrew, and" history scripts the t40rary of Trinity Co ege ten [Dublin and in London, 1900; rpt. Hildesheim,

Works: 1980], 59).

In addition to the works mentioned above, (1590-91) ay ; ; aq: ; . 2. Marginalia Hilderich published inmediolanensia 1581These an philological editionandofexegetical ; é notes are Aeschines and Demosthenes with notes by Jo; ; 11: AmVd 4D found in the margins of Milan, Biblioteca

hannes Sturm. For Hilderich’s see London, ;ofonhis . ead: brosiana, RAdd. 124 sup., oneletters of fols. Savile’s copiesMuBritish Library, ms. 22960, 17r-20v; ; ; ae own Latin translation of Geminus. The notes innich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 10359, nos. lud . a Savile’ hand to th

04-305; Nuremberg, Stadtbibliothek, Cent. V, clude corrections in saves own hang wo ae

nPP mn34f 1, ‘ *tase. “translation, two of de which cite translation; the “Arabic” 4. (i.e., Abraham Balmes’ I.2 version above) Bibliography: in connection with lacunae in the text; see Mani-

Zedler 46.561; Jécher 2.1603; ADB 39.483-84; _ tius xxiii and the explicit below. Other notes are G. A. Will, Niirnbergerisches Gelehrten-Lexicon, written in another hand but were presumably vol. 2 (Nuremberg and Altdorf, 1756), 125-27 and composed by Savile and, like the translation itself, vol. 5, rev. C. C. Nopitch (Altdorf, 1802), 92-93. were probably copied from Savile’s papers on his visit to Gian Vincenzo Pinelli at Padua in 1589-90 (see I.3 above). These additional notes include references to ancient authorities and (fol. 43r) a

24 GEMINUS, PS.-PROCLAN SPHAERA critical comment on Joseph Scaliger’s Opus de Savile’s own emendations. The opening note (see emendatione temporum (see p.11n.21 above). Mi- _ below) records a reading derived from the copy of lan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, P 227 sup., a fair copy de Balmes’ translation acquired by Savile during of Savile’s translation of Geminus, contains a his visit to Gian Vincenzo Pinelli in 1589-90, i.e., slightly revised version of both sets of notesinan after the completion of Savile’s translation at

appendix (fols. 51r—-54r). Breslau in November 1588 (see I.3 above). This

Notes (Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, R 124 chronology explains the paucity of references to : sup.). In Geminum Notae. [Inc.]: (fol. 1v) Ac stellis | de Balmes’ version in the Marginalia mediolanen-

formata (1.4; p. 4.1 Manitius): Kataotnptypeva. sia described in no. 2 above. Savile must have Sed legendum, ut puto, et hic et ubique katn- compared ms. Savile 10 with de Balmes’ translaoTepiopeva.../...[Expl.|: (fol. 47v) [Ad lacu- _ tion only after his return to England in late 1590 nam inter Euctemoni et Vesperi (p. 226.8 Mani- or early 1591 (see I.3 above).

tius)] “Sagitta” ex Arabica versione. (See the Notes (Oxford, Bodleian Library, Savile 10). explicit of the Marginalia oxoniensia below and __ [Inc.]: (fol. 51r) Eavtaév Cwdiwv (1.1; p. 2.8 Mani-

Manitius’ apparatus criticus at p. 226.8). tius). Legendum twv Cwdiwy ex arabica versione

Manuscripts: J. V. pine veelans [Expl]: (fol. 771) Evxrrjpout Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, P 227 sup., s. Oncidit & ret (Aquarius; p. 226.8 Manitius).

XVI, fols. s1r—sar. See 1.3 above. ccidit Sagitta vesperino occasu. Arab. ——, R 124 sup., s. XVI, fols. 1r—47v (mar- Manuscript:

ginalia). See I.3 above. Oxford, Bodleian Library, Savile 10, fols. 3. Annotationes mediolanenses (1590-91) 5ur—77r (F. Madan et al., A Summary Catalogue of ‘A folio interleaved in a frasment of Abraham ester Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at

5 é pment © a of Oxford, vol.(1.2 2.2 above) [Oxford, 1937], no. 6557). de Balmes’ translation Geminus afore, > 19371» 99/ contains three notes on Geminus ch. 1. They rep- Biography: resent the beginnings of a detailed comparison See I.3 above. between de Balmes’ version and the Greek text that Savile continued in the marginal notes in

Oxford, Bodleian Library, Savile 10 (no. 4 below). PsEUDONYMOUS WoRK

Since this folio is from a manuscript belonging to

Gian Vincenzo Pinelli, Savile probably wrote it Il. Ps. PRocLI SPHAERA during his stay in Italy.

Notes (Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, P 167 TRANSLATIONS

sup.). [Inc.]: (unnumbered fol. 46r) i.'O Tov 1. Georgius Valla Cwdtov ... C@LoV (1.1; p. 2.5-8 Manitius). Arabs: Georgius Valla (Giorgio Valla) included a par-

Orbis signorum partitur in xii partes .../... tial translation of the Sphaera in his encyclopedia [Expl.]: (unnumbered fol. 46v) Ta kateotepiy- De expetendis et fugiendis rebus opus 16.1 (books eva (1.4; p. 4.1 Manitius). Arabs: Signa vero quae 1519 of this work deal with astrological matters).

describuntur stellis. Sicut apparet eum legere The translation must have been composed before KATEOTEPLOLEVA (cf. Dp. 4.1 Manitius), quomodo December 1491 when Valla reported in a letter to

nos legendum dicimus. Jacobus Antiquarius (Jacopo Antiquario) of Pe-

Manuscript: rugia (1445-1512) me competion of the nt nme (micro.) Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, P 167 een OORS OT ENE TAS EXPENENANS € Jugiendis bo

; opus; see J. L. Heiberg, Beitrage zur Geschichte

sup., s. XVI, unnumbered fol. 49 (Kristeller, Itereorg GC Vallas Vall dund seiner Bibliothek. seiner Bibliothek,Be; Beiheft zum 1.306b, who does not record these notes). Centralblatt fiir Bibliothekswesen 16 (Leipzig, 4. Marginalia oxoniensia (1591-92) 1896), 47 and 65. Books 15-19 were probably writThese marginal notes accompany the Greek ten at Venice where Valla was public professor of text of Geminus in Oxford, Bodleian Library, Latin from 1485 until his death in 1500 (Heiberg Savile 10, fols. 51r—77v. Most refer to the “Arabic” 16-26). Valla is not known to have lectured on the

version of Geminus, i.e, Abraham de Balmes’ Sphaera at Venice or elsewhere, although he did translation (I.2 above), although some contain lecture on another elementary astronomical

II.l1. GEORGIUS VALLA 25 manual, namely, book 2 of Pliny’s Naturalis histo- In the following quotations passages that in-

ria (Heiberg 26 and CTC 4.350-51). troduce and conclude the translations are cited to Book 16.1 (De pertinentibus ad sphaeram) in- _ provide a context, while Valla’s interpolations are troduces the geometry of the celestial and terres- _ italicized. trial spheres. Valla used material from all parts of De expetendis et fugiendis rebus opus 16.1 (ed. the Sphaera except the chapter (Geminus ch. 3) of Venice, 1501). (Introductory statement) (fol. on constellations. He summarizes the account of _bb2v7) Satis ergo hoc tempore putaverimus si ipcelestial circles (Geminus ch. 5) and ends with the sam [sc. terram] ut caelum distribuamus in circuchapter on terrestrial zones (Geminus ch. 15) be- los quo phaenomena melius innotescant; quae fore moving on to the related issue of the size of astronomorum omnium consensu _astrologiae

the earth by translating material from Cleo- primordia sunt repetemus. Ergo quaedam ex his medes, Caelestia 1.7 (as noted by Ruffo, “Le fonti quae iam dicta cursim et quasi a limine dei libri dell’astronomia,” [see below], 365-66; salutabimus, adieciemusque reliqua quae ad hanc

add to CTC 7.4a). capessendam disciplinam videbuntur necessaria. This translation is one of several in the De ex- (Translation) | Inc.|: (fol. bb2vio; p. 42.11-15 Mani-

petendis et fugiendis rebus opus. For others see tius) Axis itaque vocatur ipsius mundi diameter P. L. Rose, “Humanist Culture and Renaissance (quem Plinius [Naturalis historia 2.86—-87| dimeMathematics: The Italian Libraries of the Quat- tientem vocat) circum quem volvitur. Axis autem trocento,” Studies in the Renaissance 20 (1973) 46— extrema mundi poli nominantur. Polorum unus 105 at 97-98; P. L. Ruffo, “Note sulla Physiologia di septentrionalis, austrinus alter appellatur . . . (fol. Giorgio Valla, Physis 13 (1971) 13-21; Ruffo, “Le bb3r24; Geminus p. 62.19-21 Manitius) ratione

fonti dei libri dell’astronomia nell’enciclopedia di_ vero inspectus horizon est qui ad prospectum

Giorgio Valla,” in Il Rinascimento nelle corti usque non vagantium astrorum penetrat, in padane, [no editor] (Bari, 1977), 363-78 (at p. 365 qua plane sententia Ptolemaeus |Syntaxis 1.6, p. Ruffo identifies the ps.-Proclan text but does not 20.22-23 Heiberg], Cleomedes [Caelestia 1.4.228give detailed references); Ruffo, “Le fonti della 229 Todd] et Proclus est, in bina media universum “Medicina” nell’enciclopedia di Giorgio Valla.”’ in secans mundum.../... [Expl.] (fol. bb4r4g; p. V. Branca, ed., Giorgio Valla: tra scienza e sapienza 162.5—10 Manitius) Reliqua vero media inter illas

(Florence, 1981), 55-68. quattuor in ipso solis procursu posita torrida

Valla’s Greek manuscript was, as Ruffo, “Le nominatur. In duas autem medias haec dividitur fonti dei libri dell’astronomia,’ 366 suspected, ab aequinoctiali partes. Temperatarum autem Modena, Biblioteca Estense, Est. gr. 24 (alpha zonarum solum una a nobis habitatur, in Asiam R.7.14) (Gr. 24 in V. Puntoni, “Indice de’ codici Europam Africamque divisa, cuius ut inquiramus greci della biblioteca Estense di Modena,’ Studi magnitudinem primo quidem totius terrae ambitus italiani di filologia classica 4 [1896] 396; see also _ nobis est indagandus quo diameter proclivius nobis Todd, “The Manuscripts,” 58-59 and 69-70). Its innotescat et perinde universae terrae magnitudo.

contents may originally have been in another Edition: manuscript; see G. Mercatl, Codict latint Pico Gri- 1501, Venetiis (Venice): Aldus Romanus. The mani Pio e di altra biblioteca ignota del secolo XVI in title is De expetendis et fugiendis rebus opus;

esistenti nell’Ottoboniana e i codici greci Pio di ra ; P g DUS;

Modena, Studi e testi 75 (Vatican City, 1938), 213 the translations from the Sphaera are found in

a ‘ >“ book 16.1, fols. bb2vio—bb3r51. A. A. Renouard, no. 75,; and Heiberg, 123, no.des 87. Annales de Pimprimerie nnales de Beitrdge, limprimerie Alde (Paris, 1834;d ;rpt.

Valla’s manuscript was less corrupt than any

other manuscript of the Sphaera, and the superi- Bologna, 1953), 30-3 2 Adams V-147; NUC. Bl;

or readings transmitted in his translation were Cy B eniore: B OU PUPP DLC;

noted by Johann Stéffler in his commentary (II.b J » NOOK Mh eerennns

below). But the work had no title or indication of Biography: authorship and, since Valla refers to Proclus’ See CTC 1.126, 224; 4.351; 6.56-57; 7.8, 11, 305. agreement with the definition of the horizon in Add to the Bibliography: V. Branca, “L'umanesimo the Sphaera, he was clearly unaware that Proclus veneziano alla fine del Quattrocento. Ermolao was elsewhere identified as the author.

26 GEMINUS, PS.-PROCLAN SPHAERA Barbaro e il suo circolo,” in G. Arnaldi and M. Pa- Erasmus himself (Epist. 2422, p. 107.43—45) bestore Stocchi, eds., Storia della cultura veneta, vol. lieved that Linacre’s translation replaced an infe3.1: Dal primo Quattrocento al Concilio di Trento rior version whose author he does not identify. (Vicenza, 1980), 123-75 at 161-66; E. Rosen, Since this letter was written in 1531, the report of “Nicholas Copernicus and Giorgio Valla,” Physis an earlier translation may be doubted. Certainly 23 (1981) 449-57; M. L. King, Venetian Humanism Linacre’s translation could not have superseded in an Age of Patrician Dominance (Princeton, — the earlier one by Giorgio Valla. This partial ver1986), 439-40; “Giorgio Valla,” Contemporaries of sion, completed by 1491, was included without Erasmus 3.371 (J. E. D'Amico and T. B. Deutscher). overt identification of the Sphaera in Valla’s De expetendis et fugiendis rebus opus and published

_ 2, Thomas Linacrus by Aldus in 1501 (see II.1 above). Thomas Linacrus (Thomas Linacre) began his Linacre’s translation is based on a manuscript translation probably toward the end of a lengthy different from that used by Aldus for the accomstay (1487-99) in Italy, and it was published at panying Greek text (for the details see Todd, “The Venice by Aldus Manutius in 1499. The prefatory Manuscripts,” 66-68). The discrepancy may have

letter by Linacre’s friend William Grocyn (ca. resulted from the hurried inclusion of the 1446-1519) to Aldus shows that final arrange- Sphaera just before publication (see above). This ments for publication were made just after Lina- unaligned text and translation had inadequacies cre’s return to England, where he may have com-__ which later editors would address.

pleted the work (on Grocyn and Linacre see M. Aldus’ letter of dedication (ed. of Venice, 1499). Burrows, “Linacre’s Catalogue of Books Belong- _ Procli Diadochi Sphaera astronomiam discere ining to William Grocyn,’ in M. Burrows, ed., Col- cipientibus utilissima, Thoma Linacro Britanno lectanea: Second Series, Oxford Historical Series interprete, ad Arcturum, Cornubiae Valliaeque il16 [Oxford, 1890], 319-80; on Grocyn’s letter to _lustrissimum Principem. [Inc.]: (fol. trv) Aldus Aldus see pp. 350-53). Aldus’ dedicatory letter to Manutius Romanus Alberto Pio Carporum PrinPrince Alberto Pio of Carpi also mentions that cipi s. p. d. Etsi scio a plerisque me tarditatis Linacre had sent him the translation to be print- crimine accusari, Alberte, praesidium meum, ed. Since the date in the colophon at the end of quod plurimum differre videar.... Cum igitur Linacre’s translation is later than that in the earli- superioribus diebus curassem inprimenda Arati er part of the composite volume in which it ap- | Phaenomena cum Theonis enarratione, visum est peared (see below), Linacre’s work must have _ illis adiungere Procli Sphaeram, et eo magis quod been added in mid-1499. Linacre does, however, eam Thomas Linacrus Britannus docte et eleganquote from one of the other works in the volume, _ ter latinam nuper fecerit ad meque nostris excuGermanicus Caesar’s translation of Aratus’ dendam formis miserit. Est enim opusculum iis, Phaenomena (see below), and so he was probably qui in astronomiam induci atque imbui cupiunt, aware before his departure from Italy of the con- _utilissimum. Quod cum ipse Linacrus noster, acri text in which his translation of the Sphaera would _ vir iudicio, percenseret, Arcturo Principi suo hoc

appear. a se tralatum opusculum nuncupavit, quod adoThe dedicatory letter and a dedicatory aside _lescens ille bonarum litterarum studiosus astrolo-

within the translation are directed to Arthur, giae operam daret. Quamobrem et nos idipsum Prince of Wales (1486-1502). Hence, on his return opusculum nostra cura impressum ad te legento England, Linacre may have become, or have dum mittimus, quod iam peripateticus mathetried to become, Arthur’s tutor. Since 1496, how- _maticis disciplinis navare operam coeperis. Quod

ever, the blind French scholar and poet, Bernard eo etiam libentius leges, quod sit a Thoma André (ca. 1455~ca. 1522), had held that position. Linacro summa tibi familiaritate coniuncto inter-

André, according to Erasmus (Opus epistolarum pretatum. Qui utinam et Simplicium in Aris_. . Erasmi, ed. H. M. Allen and H.W. Garrod, vol. _totelis Physica et in eiusdem Meteora Alexan9 [Oxford, 1938], no. 2422, p. 108.65-74), turned drum [see CTC 1.100], quos nunc summa cura King Henry VII against Linacre by claiming that _ latinos facit, ad me dedisset ut et illos una cum Linacre had plagiarized an earlier version of the Proclo ad te mitterem. Quamque (ut spero) Sphaera. It is possible that Linacre’s dedication eosque et alios in philosophia medicinaque percaused this reaction on the part of André. utiles libros aliquando dabit ut ex eadem Britan-

Il.2. THOMAS LINACRUS 27 nia, unde olim barbarae et indoctae litterae ad si in Graecia esset. Ad cuius certe horizonta nos profectae Italiam occuparunt et adhuc arces sphaeram pinxit. Quod ita statim in ingressu tenent, latine et docte loquentes bonas artis ac- _ operis significasse, non fuerit fortassis ab re. cipiamus ac Britannis adiutoribus fugata barbarie Procli Diadochi Sphaera, Thoma Linacro Briarces nostras recipiamus, ut eadem hasta sanetur _tanno interprete (ed. of Venice, 1499). [Inc.]: (fol. a qua illatum est vulnus. Horum ego latinitatem t3r; p. 42.10-15 Manitius) De axi et polis. Axis

et eloquentiam admiratus, Gulielmi Grocini, viri mundi vocatur demetiens ipsius circa quam graece etiam nedum latine peritissimi atque un- _volvitur. Axis extrema poli mundi seu vertices decunque doctissimi, quam ad me doctam qui- sunt nominati. Horum alter septentrionalis, alter dem et elegantem dedit epistolam subiungere austrinus dicitur. .. . (fol. tar) [aside to the dediplacuit, ut pudeat philosophos nostros barbare et catee] Quos versus [sc. Aratus, Phaenomena inepte scribere aemulatique Britannos, non dico 497-499 cited in Greek within the translation of grandaevi—yepovTtov yap wiTTaKds adpedel the Sphaera] nos ita vertimus: oKuTaAny—, sed ceteri omnes latine et docte Huius in octonis dissecti partibus alta

philosophentur. Sed quod in ea me plurimum ' ‘avisunt qu; tres ima f, tant

laudat, facit amice. Venetiis pridie Idus Octob cane ee Weenduss tes tne neque

MID ’ Alterni et Phoebi reditus celebrantur eodem.

(For a French translation of this letter see A. Quamquam ne dissimulandum censuerim eosFirmin-Didot, Alde Manuce et Vhellénisme a dem antea a Germanico Caesare in Arato suo latiVenise | Paris, 1875], 129-31; for an annotated Ital- nos in hunc modum factos: “an transiation sre C. Dionisotti and G " Orlandi, Hunc octo in partis si quis diviserit orbem,

Aldo Manuzio editore: prefazioni, ai ; ; quinque super dediche, terras semper fulgerenote notabit.

testi, 2 [Milan, 1975], 216, 329). ; .; ; ay: ;vol. ; At tres subletter terris, sub William Grocyn’s to brevibusque Aldus (ed. of latere Venice, -_ umbris. .. . ; ,; Hoc Cancrum tetigit cum Titan orbe, timete

1499). Gulielmus Grocinus Britannus Aldo aestatem rapidam et solventes corpora morbos

Manutio Romano s. p. d. [Inc.]: (fol. trv) Rediit in P P Britanniam mnuper amicus meus summus Quos eo libentius, Arcture decus, commemoidemque tuus, Alde humanissime, Thomas Li- ravi ut intellegas maximos principes, quorum nacrus, salvus (est deo gratia) et incolumis gloriam te non solum aequaturum sed etiam su.../...[Expl.]: (fol. tav) De iis quae tibia nobis peraturum auguror, huiuscemodi studiis fuisse privatim debentur, noli laborare. Curavimus ut delectatos.../... [Expl.]: (t6v; p. 42.3-8 Manipropediem satis tibi fiat. Vale. Ex urbe Londinio, _ tius) At sidus quod in summo Argus gubernaculo

VI Calen. Septembr. fulget Canopus nominatur. Hic in Rhodo aegre Linacre’s letter of dedication (ed. of Venice, conspicitur, aut certe ab editis locis. In Alexandria 1499). Ad illustrissimum Arcturum Cornubiae vero prorsus non cernitur [adavyjc], utpote vix Valliaeque Principem Thomae Linacri Britanniin quarta signi portione supra horizontem extante. Procli Diadochi Sphaeram praefatio. [Inc.|]: (fol. Finis. / (ed. of London, [1522?]) (fol. c3v; p. 42.6-8 t2v) Cum statuissem, Arcture, princeps illustris- | Manitius) In Alexandrea (sic) vero prorsus est sime et totius aevi tui decus, pro mea incredibili conspicuus [davepdc?], cum ferme quarta signi erga te pietate summaque observantia mearum parte supra finitorem feratur (teratur ed.). / (ed.

lucubrationum monumentum aliquid tibi nun- of Paris, 1534) (p. 16; p. 42.6-8 Manitius) In cupare, succurrebat in primis Procli Sphaera, Alexandria vero sublimis [dvadavetc; correcting dignum ni fallor opus, cui tu praesertim aliquam dvadavye in ed. of Greek text, Paris, 1531] cerni-

partem studiorum tuorum impertias.... Feci tur, utpote quarta signi portione supra horizon-

; : anuscripts:

itaque tibi e graeco latinum Proclum de sphaera tem extans.

disserentem, non quod antea latine de ea prodi- M. a,

tum etiam ab homine nostrate non sit,Cambridge, sed quod ; . aCollege, 936, s. oa ae (micro.) Trinity multo certe melius a Proclo, ut taceam, si quid in XVI mm ; , part 3, fols. 1r-14r (M. R. James, The Western

nostrate requirimus,inquod etiam per alium e nos- MCollege oe ; i : -quoquo anuscripts thenon Library of Trinity Camtris modo sarciri fuerit fortassis be : ; é ridge, vol. 2 [Cambridge, 1901], 347, no. 936). An

alienum .../... [Expl.]: Sed nunc Proclum ip-with : . ; a; text - . undated calligraphic manuscript, sum, si libet loquentem audies, perinde tamen ac

28 GEMINUS, PS.-PROCLAN SPHAERA identical to that in the edition of 1499; perhaps (*) 1503, Rhegii Lingobardiae (Reggio Emilia): the presentation copy to the dedicatee. Linacre’s Franciscus Mazalis. Contents the same as in the letter of dedication to Prince Arthur, with the edition of Venice, 1499, except that the Greek texts subscription “Arcturus Princeps Wallie” (fol.14r), are omitted. The copy at Nuremberg is the only is the only prefatory letter found in the manu- one to be located that also retains the Latin text of

yu

script. the Sphaera. The copy at the BNF is incorrectly (*) Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, described in the Catalogue des livres imprimés

Magl. XI 121, s. XVI, fols. 320r-330v (Kristeller, (followed by Barber, “Thomas Linacre,” 308); the Iter 1.138a). Reportedly copied from a printed edi- Sphaera is mentioned in the Table of Contents

tion. but not actually included in the volume. Re-

oubtful manuscript: 14: . ported by Elisabeth Beare).

, D nouard, Annales de limprimerie des Alde, 20; J. P. Tomasini, Bibliothecae patavinae manu- Sander 27 82. Nuremberg, Stadtbibliothek (re-

scriptae publicae et privatae (Udine, 1639), 111, . pes Sy ,

refers to a manuscript of Linacre’s translation in (micro. ) [1503: Lipsiae (Leipzig): Martinus the library of Nicolaus Trivisanus. This witness Landsberg). The single p refatory letter to be ne

has not been located. cluded is Linacre’s letter of dedication to Prince

Arthur. On the date and publisher see Rhodes,

Editions: “Two Early German Editions,” 181-82, who argues

(The helpful inventory by G. Barber, “Thomas that this edition is not an incunable because it is Linacre: A Bibliographical Survey of His Works,’ based on the edition of Wittenberg, 1502. Barber, in Linacre Studies: Essays on the Life and Work of “Thomas Linacre,’ 308; BMC 3.643; Hain 13387; Thomas Linacre, c. 1460-1524, ed. F. Maddison, M. Hamel 2654; Klebs 807; Proctor 2982; Zinner 656. Pelling, and C. Webster [Oxford, 1977], 290-336 is BL; Halle, Marienbibliothek; Cracow, Biblioteka

enlarged and supplemented below). Jagielloriska; London, Library of the Royal Soci1499, Venetiis (Venice): Aldus Romanus. Gr.- ety. Lat. Title: Iulii Firmici Astronomicorum libri octo [1508-1516], Parisiis (Paris): Egidius Gouretc. With the Latin texts of Julius Firmicus and montius. Gr.-Lat. All the dedicatory letters are Manilius; translations of Aratus by Germanicus omitted. The termini for the date accord with the Caesar, Cicero, and Rufus Festus Avienus; and printer’s address between 1508 and 1516; see P. Greek texts of Aratus and Theon’s commentary. Renouard, Répertoire des imprimeurs parisiens The date given in a colophon at the end of the (Paris, 1965), 178. This edition is omitted from the text of Firmicius is June 1499; “October 1499” _ bibliography of early Greek typography at Paris: is given in the colophon at the end of the ps.- H. Omont, “Essai sur les débuts de la typographie Proclan Sphaera. A. Firmin-Didot, Alde Manuce grecque a Paris (1507-1516), Mémoires de la Soet hellénisme a Venise (Paris, 1875), 124-31; Re- _ciété de Vhistoire de Paris et de I’Ile-de-France 18 nouard, Annales de ’imprimerie des Alde, 20-21; (1891) 1-72 at 12-38. Omont, however, shows that

Barber, “Thomas Linacre,” 291-92. BMC 5.560; several editions printed by Gourmont were GW 9881; Goff F-191; Hain* 14559; Klebs 405; planned by Girolamo Aleandro (1480-1542; see Proctor 5570; Sander 2781. BL; BNF; Oxford, Bod- “Girolamo Aleandro,’ Contemporaries of Erasmus

leian Library. 1.28-32 at 29-30 [M. J. C. Lowry] ) for pedagogical (micro.) 1502, Vitebergae (Wittenberg): [Nico- _ purposes and included reprints of Aldine editions laus Marschalk et Henricus Sertorius]. The single such as this one. Aleandro, who taught at the Colprefatory letter to be included is Linacre’s letter of lége de la Marche between 1509 and 1511 (as did dedication to Prince Arthur. On the printer see D. Blaise Madronet, author of the dedicatory letter Rhodes, “Two Early German Editions of Proclus,” to this edition), may have arranged for the presin Beitrige zur Geschichte des Buches und seiner ent edition with Gourmont during this period. Funktion in der Gesellschaft: Festschrift fiir Hans Barber, “Thomas Linacre,” 308; B. Moreau, Inven-

Widmann (Stuttgart, 1974), 178-82 at 180-82; taire chronologique des éditions parisiennes du reprinted in Rhodes, Studies in Early European _ seiziéme siecle, vol. 2 (Abbeville, 1977), 396, no. Printing and Book Collecting (London, 1983), ch. 1466. Oxford, Corpus Christi College and Bodlei27. Barber, “Thomas Linacre,” 307; VD P-4974. an Library; Autun, Bibliotheque Municipale; Bor-

Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. deaux, Bibliothéque Municipale.

IIl.2. THOMAS LINACRUS 29 1511, Viennae (Vienna): Hieronymus Vietor et _ tion see the explicit above. It is the last edition to Ioannes Singrenius. All the dedicatory letters are contain Linacre’s dedicatory letter and the aside

omitted. With an appendix De ortu et occasu to Prince Arthur in the translation. Barber, siderum ut est apud poetas by Georg Tanstetter “Thomas Linacre,’ 309; STC 20398.3; S. H. John(Collimitius) (ca. 1482-1535); see also II.a below. _ ston, Jr., A Study of the Career and Literary PubliBarber, “Thomas Linacre,” 308; M. Denis, Wiens cations of Richard Pynson (Diss. University of Buchdruckergeschichte bis 1560 (Vienna, 1782), Western Ontario, London [Ontario, Canada], 40-41; Proctor 14426; Panzer 9.10; Hamel 2655; 1977), 401-402. BL. VD P-4975; Zinner 948; NUC. BL; Oxford, Bod- 1523, Basileae (Basel): Johannes Bebelius. Gr.leian Library; Leipzig, Universitatsbibliothek; Lat. This was a revision of both text and transla-

(MH). tion with the help of a Greek manuscript belong-

(micro.) 1512, Cracoviae (Cracow): Florianus ing to the textual family of the manuscript used Unglerus. The single prefatory letter to be includ- _ by Linacre. The editor was probably Jacobus Ce-

ed is Linacre’s letter of dedication to Prince porinus (Jacob Weisendanger) (1499-1525); see Arthur. Barber, “Thomas Linacre,” 308; Hoffman CTC 3.40-41 and Todd, “The Manuscripts,” 66 3.293; Panzer 6.454. Cracow, Biblioteka Muzeum and n.16. The text and translation were more preNarodowego w Krakowie, Oddziat Zbiory Czar- cisely aligned, although some discrepancies and toryskich; Warsaw, Biblioteka Narodowa (two de- false readings remained. The sixteen chapters of

fective copies). Linacre’s translation were reduced to fifteen, an

(*) 1515, Coloniae (Cologne): Henricus de arrangement followed in all subsequent editions Nussia. Barber, “Thomas Linacre,” 308; H. Hart- except that described next. All editions of Linahausen, “Der K6lner Buchdrucker Heinrich von cre’s translation published after 1526 follow the Neuss,’ Annalen des historischen Vereins fiir den text of this edition, although some include emen-

Niederrhein 171 (1969), no. 47 (following a_ dations. With the Greek texts and Latin transnineteenth-century catalogue: L. von Bullingen, lations of Dionysius Periegetes and Aratus, Annales typographici colonienses, preserved in but without the scholia on the Sphaera by JacoCologne, Universitats- und Stadtbibliothek, ms. bus Ceporinus sometimes reported (Houzeau5.P.160, vol. 2, fol. 115v); Hoffmann 3.293; Panzer _ Lancaster 565; ADB 4.89) or implied (Zinner 1207, 6.376; Fabricius-Harles 9.413; Zinner 1035. Panzer 1558, 1820, 1910). “Cum scholiis Ceporini” on the

reports that this edition also contained Linacre’s _ title page refers only to the works by Dionysius dedicatory letter, and Fabricius-Harles that ithad Periegetes and Aratus. Adams D-645; Barber, a Greek text. No copies have been located. The “Thomas Linacre,” 309; Hamel 901; Panzer 6.241 copy at Liibeck, Stadtbibliothek reported by Pan- (1526 incorrectly given as the date of publication);

zer was destroyed in World War II. VD P-4963; CTC 3.25; NUC. BL; BNF; (CtY; IU; [before 15202], n. p. An edition with the title MH; MiU; NNC). Nobilissimus Procli libellus de Sphaera and the text 1526, Bonon[iae] (Bologna): Cynthius Achilliof Linacre’s translation divided into sixteen chap- _ nus. 1525 given on the title page, but 23 July 1526 in ters. The pages that would have identified its the colophon. With a dedicatory letter by Ludoviplace, date, and printer are missing. This is prob- cus Vitalis (Luigi Vitali, d. 1554) addressed to ably not the edition described in the preceding “Scholastici studiosissimi” and Vitali’s “Suppleentry since there is no Greek text and the typeface menta...in Sphaeram Procli” on elementary as-

does not mix antiqua with gothic (see Hart- tronomy but not directly on the Sphaera. These hausen, “Der Kélner Buchdrucker,’ 99 and n. 72, appendices were not reprinted in Theodori 147). VD P-4976. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbib- Prisciani Phaenomenon euporiston (Basel, 1532) as

liothek; Tiibingen, Universitatsbibliothek. G. Fantuzzi, Notizie degli scrittori bolognesi, vol. 8 [15222], Londinii (London): Richardus Pyn- (Bologna, 1790), 185, reports, nor were the transson. This edition, perhaps the work of Linacre’s lation and supplement reprinted in that work, as friend Thomas Lupset (see p. 12 and n. 29 Houzeau-Lancaster 429 (who give 1632 as its date) above), exhibits several revisions; mainly of a sty- claim. Revisions were based on the evidence of a listic and terminological character, these were not manuscript of a branch of the tradition different based on new manuscript evidence and did not from that represented both by Linacre’s translainfluence subsequent editions. For one emenda- tion and by the Aldine text; see Todd, “The Man-

30 GEMINUS, PS.-PROCLAN SPHAERA uscripts,” 70 and n. 20. Vitali also glossed exten- Gr.-Lat. With scholia and revisions by Jakob sively Linacre’s translation. Barber, “Thomas Lin- Ziegler (Jacobus Zieglerus) (see II.c below) to the acre, 310; Sander 5910; NUC. Munich, Bayerische Greek text and Linacre’s translation. K. SchottenStaatsbibliothek; (ICJ; InU; MB; MH; NNNAM). _ loher, Jakob Ziegler aus Lindau an der Isar (Miin1534, Basileae (Basel): Thomas Wolffius. Con- ster i. W., 1910), 386; Adams S-1577; Barber, tents the same as in the edition of Basel, 1523. No “Thomas Linacre,” 314 (under Sphaerae. . . ratio); edition was published by Johannes Bebelius at Fabricius-Harles 4.100; Panzer 6.315; Zinner 1653.

Basel in the same year, as reported by Panzer BL; BNF; Manchester, John Rylands University 6.302 and Zinner 1558. The error starts with Mait- Library; (CtY-M; ICU; MiU; NN; NNC; RPB; taire 2.807; see Fabricius-Harles 4.99-100. Adams RPJCB). D-646; Hamel 903; VD P-4964; CTC 3.25; NUC. (micro.) 1538, Vitebergae (Wittenberg): JoseBNF; Paris, Bibliothéque Mazarine; Nuremberg, phus Clug. Also includes In sphaericum instru-

Stadtbibliothek; (DLC; MH). mentum prolegomena by Johannes Schoner (14771534 (P), Parisiis (Paris): Christianus Wechelus. 1547); mnemonic verses listing the constellations;

This edition, which followed the text of the Basel, and Manilius, Astronomica 1.263-482. Zinner 1523 edition, introduced emendations found earli- 1695; Hamel 2657. Neuburg (Bavaria), Staatliche er in an edition of the Greek text (Paris, 1531: C. Bibliothek; Dresden, Sachsische LandesbiblioWechelus; copy at Oxford, Bodleian Library). See _thek; Zwickau, Ratsschulbibliothek.

the revised explicit above. The translation ap- 1539, Ex libera Argentina (Strasbourg): Wenpeared in several editions published at Paris and delinus Rihelius. Gr-Lat. Répertoire biblimarked P here and below, including editions of ographique des livres imprimés en Alsace au setthe commentary by Jacobus Tusanus (Jacques ziéme siécle de Ia Bibliotheque Nationale et Toussain) (II.e below). Its Greek text was also Universitaire de Strasbourg, vol. 3 (Strasbourg, used by Elie Vinet (II.4 and II.f below). Editions 1945), no. 1932; Barber, “Thomas Linacre,” 317; M. of the Greek text only were published by Chris- U. Chrisman, Bibliography of Strasbourg Imprints tianus Wechelus (Paris, 1536 and Paris, 1542, with 1480-1599 (New Haven and London, 1982), 251; copies at, respectively, BL and Universitat Bonn, Zinner 1724; VD P-4967; NUC. BL; Oxford, BodAstronomisches Institut) and by Petrus Colo- _ leian Library; Strasbourg, Bibliotheque Nationale

naeus (Louvain, 1554, copy at BL). Barber, et Universitaire; (MH). “Thomas Linacre, 314; Bibliotheca Osleriana 1543 (P), Parisiis (Paris): Jacobus Bogardus. 3740. BL; Paris, Bibliotheque Sainte-Genevieve. Gr.-Lat. With notes later (edition of Paris [Bogar-

1534, Tubingae (Tiibingen): Hulderrichus dus], 1547) attributed to Jacques Toussain (JaMorhart. Commentary of Johann Stéffler (Jo- cobus Tusanus) (II.e below). Renouard, Imhannes Stoeflerus) (II.b below) with lemmata primeurs & libraires parisiens du XVI’ stécle from Linacre’s translation. Adams S-1897; Graesse 5.173-74, nos. 163-164; Adams P-2131 (notes not 5.454; Hamel 3155; VD P-4977; Zinner 1579; recorded); Barber, “Thomas Linacre,’ 318; Graesse

Lhumanisme allemand, Colloque international 5.453. Cambridge, Trinity College; Géttingen, de Tours 18 (Paris, 1979), 617 and no. 41; NUC_ Niedersachsische Staats- und Universitatsbib(under Stdffler). BL; BNF; Paris, Bibliotheque de _ liothek; Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional.

l’ Arsenal; (DLC; ICN; InU; MH; NIC; NN; NNC; 1543, Lipsiae (Leipzig): Jacobus Berualdus.

NNH; RPJCB). Contents the same as in the edition of Witten1535, Basileae (Basel): Johannes Hervagius. _ berg, 1538. Barber, “Thomas Linacre,” 318; Hamel Gr.-Lat. The editor of this composite volume, 2659; Zinner 1830. London, Library of the Royal Jakob Molsheym (Jacobus Micyllus), was respon- College of Physicians; Greifswald, Universitatssible only for the editio princeps of Hyginus’ Fabu- bibliothek. _ lae. Barber, “Thomas Linacre,’ 314; Fabricius- (micro.) 1544 (P), Parisiis (Paris): Petrus GroHarles 4.100; Hamel 1509; Zinner 1592; VD morsus. BNF. P-4965; NUC (under Hyginus). BL; BNF; Paris, 1547, Basileae (Basel): Henricus Petri. Gr.-Lat. Bibliothéque Mazarine; (CtY; MH; NcD; NN; Contents the same as in the editions of Basel, 1523

PU). and 1534, with the addition of Cleomedes. Adams 1536, Basileae (Basel): [Johannes] Valderus. P-2131; Graesse 5.453; Hamel 2660; VD P-4968;

IIl.2. THOMAS LINACRUS 31 Zinner 1910, 1916; CTC 3.25 and 7.8; NUC. BL; 1561, Basileae (Basel): Henricus Petri. Gr.-Lat. BNF; Cambridge, Trinity College; (CtY; DLC; Contents the same as in the edition of Basel, 1547,

ICU; OkU; WU). except that the notes of Erasmus Schreckenfuchs

1547 (P), Parisiis (Paris): Jacobus Bogardus. (Erasmus Schreckenfuchsius) (II.g below) have Gr.-Lat. With the notes of Jacques Toussain been added. Adams P-2134; Barber, “Thomas Lin(Jacobus Tusanus) (Il.e below) identified and acre,” 325; Hamel 2664; VD P-4970; Zinner 2267, slightly revised (see edition of Paris [Bogardus], 2275; CTC 3.25 and 7.8; NUC. BL; BNF; Nurem1543). Renouard, Imprimeurs & libraires parisiens berg, Stadtbibliothek; (DFo; DLC; MiU-C; du XVI siécle 5.231-32, nos. 264-265; Barber, MoSW; NN; NNH; RPJCB). “Thomas Linacre,” 319. Oxford, Bodleian Library; 1562 (P), Lutetiae (Paris): Gulielmus Cavellat. Manchester, John Rylands University Library Contents the same as in the edition of Paris, 1560.

(Christie Collection). Renouard, Imprimeurs & libraires parisiens du

(photo.) 1547 (P), Parisiis (Paris): Christianus XVI siécle, fascicule Cavellat, 155, no. 179bis; BarWechelus. Contents the same as in the edition of _ ber, “Thomas Linacre,” 325. Paris, Bibliothéque de Paris, 1534. Graesse 5.454 erroneously reports that la Sorbonne (Collection Victor Cousin).

the commentary of Johann Stéffler (Johannes (micro.) 1565, Patavii (Padua): Laurentius Stoeflerus) (II.b below) was reprinted in this edi- Pasquatus. It.-Lat. Pietro Catena’s Italian translation. Maittaire 5:2.183; Fabricius-Harles 9.413; tion of the Greek text accompanied on each page Hoffmann 3.293. Universitat Bonn, Astronomi- _ by the facing Latin translation of Linacre. See R.

sches Institut. B. Todd, “Pietro Catena’s Vernacular Translation

1549, Basileae (Basel): Johannes Hervagius. of the Pseudo-Proclan Sphaera in Context,” Physis Gr.-Lat. Adams H-1252; Barber, “Thomas Lina- 32 (1995) 105-107. Houzeau-Lancaster 430; NUC. cre, 321; Hamel 1510; VD P-4969; Zinner 1958; Padua, Biblioteca Universitaria; Rome, Biblioteca NUC (under Hyginus). BL; BNF; Berlin, Staats- | Nazionale Centrale; (ICJ). bibliothek zu Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz; 1570, Basileae (Basel): ex officina Hervagiana.

(CtY; DFo; InU; MH; NN; NNC; OCU). Gr.-Lat. Adams H-1253; Barber, “Thomas Lina1553, Antwerpiae (Antwerp): Johannes Loeius. cre,” 325; Hamel 1511; VD P-4971; NUC (under

Gr.-Lat. Contents the same as in the edition of Hyginus). BL; Oxford, Bodleian Library; DresBasel, 1547. Belgia typographica 4058; Adams den, Sachsische Landesbibliothek; (DLC; IEN; P-2132; Barber, “Thomas Linacre,’ 323; Hamel MiEM;NNC; PPL; TU). 2661; CTC 3.25 and 7.8; NUC. BL; Cambridge, 1578, Parisiis (Paris): Gulielmus Julianus. Gr.Clare College; Dresden, Sachsische Landesbiblio- Lat. Adams H-1254; Hamel 1512; NUC (under Hy-

thek; (FU; IaU). ginus). BNF; Cambridge, Trinity College; Leipzig, 1553 (P), Parisiis (Paris): Martinus Iuvenis. Universitatsbibliothek; (DLC; ICN; IU; MH;

Contents the same as in the edition of Paris, 1547. MiU; NcD; ViLxW). (Bogardus), except that the Greek text is omitted. 1578, Parisiis (Paris): Johannes Parant. Gr.-Lat. Barber, “Thomas Linacre,” 323. BL; BNF; Man- Adams H-1255; Barber, “Thomas Linacre,” 326; chester, John Rylands University Library; Paris, _NUC (under Hyginus). BL; Oxford, Bodleian Li-

Bibliothéque Sainte-Genevieéve. . brary; (DLC; ICN). 1556 (P), Parisiis (Paris): Martinus Iuvenis. (micro.) 1579, Vratislaviae (Wroctaw): Gr.-Lat. Contents the same as in the edition of Johannes Scharffenbergius. Gr.-Lat. Barber, Paris, 1547 (Bogardus). Barber, “Thomas Linacre,’ “Thomas Linacre,” 326; Zinner 2898. Géttingen, 323. Manchester, John Rylands University Library; | Niedersachsische Staats- und Universitatsbiblio-

BNF (without the Greek text). thek.

1560 (P), Lutetiae (Paris): Gulielmus Cavellat. (micro.) 1584, Lipsiae (Leipzig): Johannes BeyContents the same as in the edition of Paris, 1553. er. Hamel 2665. Gorlitz, Oberlausitzische BiblioRenouard, Imprimeurs & libraires parisiens du thek der Wissenschaften. XVF* siécle, fascicule Cavellat (Paris, 1986), 144, 1585, Basileae (Basel): Sebastianus Henricpetri. no. 163; Barber, “Thomas Linacre,” 324; Bibliothe- Gr.-Lat. Contents the same as in the edition of ca Osleriana 3741; NUC. BNF; Paris, Bibliothéque _ Basel, 1561. Adams P-2135; Barber, “Thomas Lina-

Mazarine; (CU; IU). cre, 326; Hamel 2666; Zinner 3197; CTC 3.25 and

32 GEMINUS, PS.-PROCLAN SPHAERA 7.8; VD P-4973; NUC. BL; Oxford, Bodleian Li- recorded elsewhere. Harthausen suggests that the brary; Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek; (CtY; alleged edition of 1517 may have been a reprint of

DLC; NcD; NN; NNH; ScU). the edition of Cologne, 1515 (see above). 1589, [Heidelberg]: in officina Sanctandrea. 1538, Parisiis (Paris): Christianus Wechelus. Gr.-Lat. Pp. 1-35 of a composite volume entitled | Maittaire 2.432 reports this edition, but the only Astronomica veterum scripta isagogica graeca et editions by Wechel presently located are those of latina. With brief philological notes on the text by _ Paris, 1534 and 1542 (see above).

Hermann Witekind (1522-1603; ADB 43.554— (photo.) 1542, Parisiis (Paris): Christianus 56). M. C. P. Schmidt, “Philologische Beitrage zu Wechelus. Fabricius-Harles 9.413 note p reports den griechischen Mathematikern,” Philologus 45 _ that this edition contains the Greek text and Lin(1886) 316, erroneously gives Geneva as the place acre’s Latin translation. The single copy located of publication. Fabricius-Harles 4.102-103 (under (Universitat Bonn, Astronomisches Institut) has Aratus); Adams A-2076; Barber, “Thomas Lina- _ only the Greek text. cre, 326-27; Hamel 257; Zinner 3356; NUC (un- (photo.) 1543, Coloniae (Cologne): Johannes der Astronomica veterum). BL; Oxford, Bodleian Gymnicus. Houzeau-Lancaster 129 and Zinner Library; Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale; 1820 report erroneously that this edition contains (CtY; DFo; MH; MiU; NNC; OkU; PPULC). Linacre’s translation; in fact, it has only the Greek

(micro.) 1591, Vitebergae (Wittenberg): texts of Dionysius Periegetes’ Orbis descriptio, Zacharias Lehmann. Gr.-Lat. Graesse 5.454; Zin- Aratus, and the Sphaera, with Jacobus Ceporinus’ ner 3459; Hamel 2667. Dresden, Sachsische Lan- _scholia on Dionysius (to be added to CTC 3.40) desbibliothek; Poznan, Miejska Biblioteka Pub- and Aratus, as in other editions of this anthology

liczna; Wroctaw, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka. (see the edition of Basel, 1523 above). Fabricius(micro.) 1600, Lipsiae (Leipzig): Abrahamus Harles 4.101; Hamel 904; VD P-4962. Jena, Lambergus. Hamel 2669. Halle, Universitats- und Universitatsbibliothek; Leipzig, UniversitatsbiLandesbibliothek; Jena, Universitatsbibliothek. bliothek; Zeitz, Kollegiatstift, Archiv und Biblio1608, Lugduni (Lyons): Johannes Degabiano. _ thek.

Gr.-Lat. Barber, “Thomas Linacre,’ 327; Hamel 1547, Antwerpiae (Antwerp). According to 1514; NUC (under Hyginus). BL; Oxford, Bodlei- Houzeau-Lancaster 429, this is another edition of an Library; Erlangen-Nuremberg, Universitats- the anthology (first published at Basel in 1523)

bibliothek; (PPL; PPPM). containing Dionysius Periegetes, Aratus, and the 1608, Genevae (Geneva): Stephanus Camone- Sphaera. The alleged 1547 edition as well as the

tus. Gr.-Lat. BNE other editions (Antwerp, 1550; Paris, 1560) report-

1861, Cantabrigiae (Cambridge): e Prelo aca- ed by Houzeau-Lancaster 429 to contain the andemico. B. Botfield, Praefationes et epistolae edi- thology have not been located. tionibus principibus auctorum veterum praepost- 1549, Marpurgae (Marburg). Reported only by

tae, 239-42 (dedicatory letters of Aldus and Houzeau-Lancaster 129 and Zinner 1966. The edi-

Linacre; letter of Grocyn to Aldus). tion has not been located. Doubtful or spurious editions: 1570, Venetiis (Venice). Reported only by de la

Lande 94 and Houzeau-Lancaster 429. The edi1499, Ulmae (Ulm). Reported by de la Lande ~—tion has not been located.

25-and Houzeau-Lancaster 429, although . records, ; 1600, Basileae (Basel). Zinner 3862 Fabricius-Harles 9.413 had already doubted its ex, reprint ; ee, . ; ; , . : without naming that a printer, this edition as aof istence. It is unlikely the Aldine edition -;| ; .. of the edition of [Heidelberg,] 1589. The edition October 1499 was immediately reproduced in Germany. has not been located. Imctedt). ‘The ref 1517, Coloniae (Cologne). H. Harthausen, “Der 1661, He mstadii (Helmstedt). The references . ier 3 Buchdrucker to this edition by Houzeau-Lancaster and K6élner Heinrich von Neuss,’ An- ie OL:129 , i. Loe

a te ; . Schmidt, “Philologische Beitrége nalen des historischen Vereins fiir den Niederrhein . zu den griechiee schen Mathematikern,” 317 undoubtedly concern

171 (1969) 144, no. 54, reports this edition from L. ”

_ a spurious edition. The copy of the Basel, von Bullingen, Annales typographici colonienses, o Ca1561 Ly ; ean edition formerly owned by the Universitatsbibliopreserved in Cologne, Universitatsund Stadtbib! / . thek, Helmstedt was transferred in 1810 to the liothek, ms. 5.P.160, s. XIX, vol. 2, fol. 115v. It is not

II.4. ELIAS VINETUS 33 Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbiittel. The date Spica nuncupatur. At ea stellula quae iuxta dex‘1561 may have been mistranscribed and the edi- _ teram Virginis alam sita est... .

tion mistakenly associated with Helmstedt. (In- Manuscript:

formation suppres by vr R vormnann he (photo.) Nuremberg, Stadtbibliothek, PP. 88,

. | Biography:CTC 7: Biography:

Achecte dt.) emalge PHVETSHATSOIDMOMES — fols. r—4r (Kristeller, Iter 3.6704).

as 2.70-71; 6.20—21; 7.146. Add to the Bibli-

wn i a 5 A tthe Bie apap: bal PckemetCamemprar

O’Malley); “Thomas Linacre,” Contemporaries of ves of Erasmus 3.90-94 (B. Konneker).

Erasmus 2.331—32 (C. B. Schmitt); R. B. Todd, “The 4. Elias Vinetus

aa aero de nekeas Con) ee R& Elias Vinetus (Elie Vinet) translated the ps.

30993) 57-79. Proclan Sphaera twice. He used the Greek text of

ae , , the Paris edition of 1531, as is clear from his note Bilibal in SO Laan (Wilkeal d Pirck. the last sentence of the Sphaera where he con-

heimer) prepared a translation of part of the trasts adavnc (Aldine edition of Venice, 149 99 S66 Sphaera (Nuremberg, Stadtbibliothek, ms. PP. 88) oe apove) with cvacarnic ead oo edition) in- |

. . tee _. pea Stead of the correct form avadavetc found in

Geomupinn sce N a Nobbe, Wilttald Pine subsequent Parisian editions (see I.2 above). heimer: griechischer Humanismus in Deutschland mously in st vith (a) vaeunary (Lf below). (Munich, 1981); 335-37. The exact date of this Pal” The second (b) appeared in 1553 and was a revitial translation of the Sphaera is not known, but it sion of a both in style and terminology (see the

Tohaaines SchOnet (usp anar) who began tee incipit and explicit below where the changes in b

ng therein 5 (Harber) Tne at aged & pal examples ch 6 (Do east 3 rey Ot ensation between 1526 p. 56.14-25 Manitius) whose text is identical in Although the translation is not in Pirck- both a (fol. 8 r) and b “ol. 69r), except for the adheimer’s hand, there are autograph corrections dition of aliquando in b to render the word Tore

a pr ap (p. 56.20 Manitius) left untranslated in a and for

and revisions to the text. The translation was he follow; hrasing of th no cl

based on the 1499 Aldine edition of the transla- t < nas Mantis): “Fie ft nt noe ord vin \P. tion by Thomas Linacre (II.2 above) and is essen- ? atlelorom ‘dem fit aud omnes” (a * “On de

tially a revision of Linacre’s version (Holzberg P do auj ie d bj

5-36). Pirckheimer’s own copy of the Aldine nec ordo quinque parallelorum idem esse ubique 539739)» Py OF terrarum poterit” (b). edition is now preserved among the incunabula

in the Library of the Royal Society, London. In 1. Version a . |

the Greek text kiKAou (p. 64.18 Manitius) is delet- Although this may have been written in ed and replaced by kéonou which corresponds 1542-43, the first year of an absence (1542-47) with Linacre’s translation; it is uncertain whether from the Collége de Guyenne at Bordeaux

q°°

this correction is in Pirckheimer’s hand. The vol- (L. Desgraves, Elie Vinet, humaniste de Bordeaux ume does not contain any notes in Latinadded by (1509-1587): vie, bibliographie, correspondance,

Pirckheimer. bibliothéque, Travaux @humanisme et Renais-

Procli Diadochi Sphaera, Bilibaldo Pirck- sance 156 [Geneva, 1977], 5—6), it could have origheimero interprete. (Nuremberg, Stadtbibliothek, inated during his early years (1539-1542) of teachPP. 88). [Inc.]: (fol. 1r; p. 42.10-15 Manitius) De _ ing at that institution. Vinet’s authorship is clear

axi et polis. Mundi diameter axis vocatur circa from the similarities with the later translation quam volvitur. Axis vero termini mundi nuncu- _ that carries his name and from the following con-

pantur poli. Ex quibus hic quidem borealis, ille siderations:

vero australis vocatur .../... [Expl.] (fol. 4r; p. (1) the commentary accompanying a is re38.3-6 Manitius) Stella vero quae in summa Vir- _ printed in two editions of b (see below);

ginis manu sinistra collocata est, fulgens sidus (2) in the commentary (fol. 17v) Ausonius, the

34 GEMINUS, PS.-PROCLAN SPHAERA fourth-century poet who, like Vinet, was from ii. Version b Bordeaux, is described as “noster’, and Vinet This revision, which was probably made after himself edited Ausonius in a frequently repro- Vinet’s return to the Collége de Guyenne in 1547, duced edition (Desgraves 58-64, nos. 28-47); may have been prompted by his use of version a (3) in 1543 the printer of a, Jean de Loys de in teaching. In most editions b was substituted for Thielt, also produced Vinet’s edition of Theognis _ the section on astronomy in Vinet’s translation of (Desgraves 91, no. 184), and the preface to that Michael Psellus’ Quadrivium. Vinet explains that work shows (Desgraves 100-101) that Vinet was this change was owing to the inferior edition by

8 P ° e e ° e P e,e P PP | b DEst P | ne P eo .¢ e e ° P

on close terms with him; Arsenius of Monemvasia (Aristoboulos Apos(4) in 1544 Vinet’s French translation of the _ tolides [1465-15351) of the Greek text of the Sphaera appeared at Poitiers (Desgraves 87, no. Quadrivium, first published at Venice in 1532 (not 162 [no copies have been located]), and a revised Rome, as Vinet claims) and reprinted at Paris in edition was published at Paris in 1573 (Desgraves 1545 (Renouard, Imprimeurs & libraires parisiens 87, no. 164 and Renouard, Imprimeurs & libraires du XVI siécle 5.203, no. 217) in an edition that parisiens du XVF siecle, fascicule Cavellat, 250- _ Vinet probably used. The title Mathematicum 251, no. 305); the French and Latin translations breviarium given to Psellus’ work is also used in

were undoubtedly part of a single project. Vinet’s Schola aquitanica (Bordeaux, 1583; ed. L. Procli Sphaera (ed. of Paris, 1543). [Inc.]: (fol. Massebieau [Paris, 1886], 26), the published curar} p. 42.10-15 Manitius) De axe et polis. Axis riculum of the Collége de Guyenne. mundi vocatur mundi diameter circum quam Prefatory letter (ed. of Bordeaux, [1553]). Elias convertitur mundus. Axis autem extremae duae Vinetus mathematum studiosis s. p. d. [Inc.]: (p.

partes poli mundi appellantur, quorum alter 3) Michaelem Psellum, insignem philosophum arcticus, alter antarcticus nominatur .../... Byzantii, quae nunc Constantinopolis dicitur, ad [Expl.]: (fol. 14r; p. 42.4-8 Manitius) Ceterum annum a Christo nato 1060 floruisse legimus. . . . stella haec [sc. Canopus] in Rhodo vix conspici Mathematicum autem hoc Breviarium Arsenii potest, nisi forte ex editis locis; Alexandriae vero peloponesiaci archiepiscopi studio et benignitati est prorsus conspicua. Nam quartam propemo- debemus, qui Romae id imprimendum nobis dum unius signi partem supra horizontem emi- primus curavit. In qua editione scripsit incertum nere intuentibus videtur. Finis Procli Sphaerae. esse Pselline an Euthumii cuiusdam opus esset,

P . ) Pp q e P P ° ° q * ee P ° . e

Editions: Pselli videri. Emisit vero vix ille in" _ , plerisque terim tamtamen mendosum, ut interpretem in-

(micro.) 1543, Parisiis (Paris): Johannes Lodo- , at il

icus Tiletanus. For the accompanying commen- venire potuerit. Ego enim diu expectavi ut illo-

tary see II.f below. Fabricius-Harles 9.413 note p; rum aliquis qui nostra aetate nullum non Graesse 5.453; Brunet 4.896; Renouard, Im- graecum auctorem latinum faciunt, eam operam

ye _: ee. et huic quoque navaret. Quod dum alius, quod primeurs & libraires parisiens du XVI siecle, fasci- d dier; di ; cule Jean Loys (Paris, 1995), 192, no. 245 (and equ ib au a ericul nay tur, me 1 €0 ibid., no. 244 for the evidence for a Greek text siquid posse, Ut periculum lacerers et aa

; os pulerunt, quibus commode instituendis nihil published at the same time by this printer, of . “hoc libel Ichri I].

which no copies have yet been located); NUC. dum inveni hoc libello pulchrius .. ./ « . - [Exp ‘I:

BNE: (ICU) (p.De 4) Postremam autem (sc. Pselli], duae quae i a ; est astronomia, cur partem non addiderimus 1553, Parisiis (Paris): Thomas Richardus. Con- t U dj ntiquis jllis eget

tents the same as in the preceding entry, with the SUNT Casa. bali quod ipsa antiquis iis 68° addition of a Greek text which is presumably the Graecorum ta ulis, quaruim ra ters ee tem-

same text as that reported to have been published porns non aoe nee eee Suny sit by Johannes Lodoicus at Paris in 1543; Richardus, endosa ar er alias, Ut ex AL hie NO. 103 ) be described Wittenberg for the year 1541-42 and then moved h oussall's apnanrns de © cht . lel to the University of Leipzig where he taught from umanist since ae of the nye tP bh

1542 to 1545 and again from 1548 to 1551. In be- passages are drawn from ancient authors, notably tween he suffered a breakdown in health and be- Ovid, Mate ane Hyginus’ De astronomia. There

gan medical studies at Zurich. After a precipitous bor - Y ws mr he Com toa h eee ee Ania ;

second departure from Leipzig, Rheticus resumed 00% name ye « Pan ae ‘ i eter Apian his studies at the University of Prague and then (1495-1552). As ae on ec ow) cece practiced medicine at Cracow for the last two some notes may be derived from Johann St6ttler's

decades of his life. commentary (II.b above) but most reflect Toussain’s philological interests. There are variant

Works: Latin translations for Greek terms, etymologies,

Rheticus published some mathematical trea- and definitions similar to those found in Toustises during his lifetime, but his major work on — sain’s Lexicon graecolatinum (first published trigonometric functions was eventually complet- Paris, 1552), which frequently refers to the ed and published posthumously by L. Valentine Sphaera. Textual criticism is absent presumably Otho in 1596. For a complete inventory of his nu- _ because the published notes are only a selection merous and varied writings, see Burmeister (cited from the original lectures.

below). Commentary (ed. of Paris, 1547). AdnotatiunBibliography: culae in Sphaeram Procli ex praelectionibus laco-

“Rheticus, George Joachim,” DSB 11.395-98 (E. bi Tusani regii graecarum litterarum professoris Rosen); K. H. Burmeister, Georg Joachim Rhetikus exceptae. [Inc.| (fol. bay) Definitio sphaerae ex 1514-1574: eine Bio-Bibliographie, 3 vols. (Wies- cosmographico libro Petri Appiani mathematici. baden, 1967-68); E. Rosen, “Rheticus as Editor of Pata est solidum quiddam, una superficie conSacrobosco,” in For Dirk Struik. Scientific Histort- tentum, In culus medio punctum est, a quo cal, and Political Essays in Honor of Dirk J. Struik, O™0D°S lineae ad circumferentiam ductae sunt aeed. R. S. Cohen, J. J. Stachel, and M. W. Wartofsky, quales. . . Cap. 1. “Aga KaAELTaL (P. 42.1112 Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science 15 Manitius). AEwv, -0v0c axis. Item mundi linea (Boston and Dordrecht, 1974), 245-48; R. S. West- dimetiens apud Aristotelem De mundo [391b25—

man, “The Melanchthon Circle, Rheticus, and 26] et tabula in qua leges scribebantur, ut legitur the Wittenberg Interpretation of the Copernican apud Plutarchum in Numa Lc. Plut., Vita Sol.

Theory.” Isis 66 (1975) 165-93 at 181-90. 25.1] a [Expl. ] (ed. of Paris, 1543): (fol. civ)

Latitudo vero loci est arcus meridiani inter zenith et aequatoris circulum contentus. Finis. / [Expl.]

11.E. JACOBUS TUSANUS 43 (ed. of Paris, 1547): (fol. b6ér) KdvwBoc (3.15; texts. No complementary publications of Linap. 42.4 Manitius). A Canobo Menelai gubernatore cre’s translation or Toussain’s commentary have qui in Aegypto periit, a cuius nomine ibidem _ been located).

urbs Kdvwtoc dicta, B in 71 mutata, unde 1557, Parisiis (Paris): Martinus Iuvenis. Graesse Canopitae et Nili ostium canopicum. Finis. 5.454; Brunet 4.896. BNF; Manchester, John Ry-

Editions: lands University oo ; 1560, Parisiis (Paris):Library. Andreas Wechelus.

/ os - m ; ; .

1543, Parisiis (Paris): Jacobus Bogardus. Gr.- Graesse (the reference to a Greek edition of

Lat. Thomas Linacre’s translation Tusanus’ Par; . oa aris, 1650 is,(II.2); presumably, a slip fora-454 Paris,;1560).

authorship of the notes not indicated. Renouard, BNE: Oxford. Bodleian Librar Imprimeurs & libraires parisiens du XVI° siécle 5.173-74, nos. 163-164; Adams P-2131 (notes of Tu- Biography: sanus not recorded); Graesse 5.453. Cambridge, Jacobus Tusanus (Jacques Toussain) was born Trinity College; Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional; at Troyes around 1490 and died at Paris in 1547. Gottingen, Niedersichsische Staats- und Univer- He was in Paris by 1513 and had completed the de-

sitatsbibliothek. gree of magister by 1521. He learned Greek from

1547, Parisiis (Paris): Jacobus Bogardus. Gr.- Janus Lascaris (1445-1534) and later from GuilLat. Contents the same as in the preceding entry, laume Budé (1467-1540). During the 1520s Touswith Toussain’s notes (which have been slightly sain taught privately and assisted the printer Josse revised and abbreviated) identified on the title Bade (ca. 1461-1535) with editions of Greek aupages of both the Greek text and Linacre’s trans- _ thors. This early period is documented in his corlation; see the explicit cited above. Renouard, Im- _ respondence with Budé and Erasmus. primeurs & libraires parisiens du XVI siécle 5.231— In 1530 Toussain became, along with Pierre 32, NOS. 264-265. Oxford, Bodleian Library; Man- Danes (ca. 1497-1577), a lecteur royal in Greek in chester, John Rylands University Library (Christie the so-called Collége Royal. His pupils included

Collection). Adrien Turnébe (1512-65), who succeeded him on

1553, Parisiis (Paris): Martinus Iuvenis. Con- Toussain’s death in 1547, Henri Estienne (ca. tents the same as in the preceding entry, except 1528-98), Fédéric Morel the elder (1523-83), and that the Greek text is omitted. BL; BNE; Man- Petrus Ramus (1515-72). Toussain’s influence also chester, John Rylands University Library; Paris, extended into literary circles when he tutored the

Bibliothéque Sainte-Genevieéve. poet Jean-Antoine de Baif (1532-89). 1556, Parisiis (Paris): Martinus Iuvenis. Gr.- Toussain’s publications do not adequately repLat. Contents the same as in the edition of Paris, resent his scholarly activity, particularly his coop-

1547. Manchester, John Rylands University Li- eration with the printers Conrad Néobar (d. brary; BNF (without the Greek text); Oxford, All 1540) and Jacques Bogard (d. 1548), who were suc-

Souls College, Codrington Library (Greek text cessively married to his niece Emonde. On this

only). period and for manuscripts and annotated edi-

1560, Lutetiae (Paris): Gulielmus Cavellat. tions that reveal his scholarship, see Renouard, Contents the same as in the edition of Paris, 1553. Imprimeurs & libraires parisiens du XVI siécle, Renouard, Imprimeurs & libraires parisiens du vol.5, passim. XVF siécle, fascicule Cavellat (Paris, 1986), 144, no. Works: 163; Bibliotheca Osleriana 3741; NUC. BNF; Paris, Publications (all at Paris) during his lifetime

Bibliotheque Mazarine; (CU; IU). included a translation of the letters of Angelo 1562, Lutetiae (Paris): Gulielmus Cavellat. pojiziano (1519, 1523); notes on an edition of GuilContents the same as in the preceding entry. Re- laume Budeé’s letters (1526, 1531); notes on Budé’s nouard, Imprimeurs & libraires parisiens du XVI py, contemptu rerum fortuitarum (1526, 1528); siécle, fascicule Cavellat, Marnef et Cavellat (Paris, an edition of Budé’s translations of the ps.1986), 155, NO. 17 gbis. P aris, Bibliotheque de la Aristotelian and ps.-Philonian De mundo (1526;

Sorbonne (Collection Victor Cousin). rpt. 1540); an edition with Pierre Danés of CiAssociated editions of the Greek text: cero’s orations (1531); editions of Theodorus (The following editions have “ex praelectio- Gaza’s Greek grammar (1534) and Janus Lascaris’ nibus Jacobi Tusani” on the title pages of Greek epigrams (1544); and a translation of Hermo-

44 GEMINUS, PS.-PROCLAN SPHAERA genes Rhetoricus (1545). Published posthumously —& libraires parisiens du XVF siécle 5.75-81, 88 and

were an edition of Epictetus (1552) and also his _ see Index. major work, the Lexicon graecolatinum, published

in 1552 by Charlotte Guillard (ca. 1480-1557) with f. Elias Vinetus the help of Fédéric Morel the elder. This commentary, which accompanied the

Bibliography: translation of the Sphaera published in 1543 that Biographie univers elle 42.68-69; Nouvelle bi. W® have attributed to Elias Vinetus (Elie Vinet), ographie générale 45.555-56; “Jacques Toussain,” later appeared in two editions of Vinet’s revised Contemporaries of Erasmus 3.336-37 (P. G. Bieten- translation (1.4 above). The commentary was

holz); Sandys 2.181. probably completed in 1542-43 at the start of M. Bardin, Le convoy funébre de feu maistre J. Vinet’s absence (1542-47) from the Collége de Tusanus (Paris, 1547); Adrianus Turnebus, Opera, Guyenne at Bordeaux (see Desgraves [cited in vol. 3 (Paris, 1600), 28-31; C.-P. Goujet, Mémoire 11.4]; 5-6) and may have been based on his teach-

historique et littéraire sur le Collége Royal de ing tere between 1539 ane Dae h France, vol. 1 (Paris, 1758), 141-46; E. Socard, Bi- p Hel commentary ak eanere en character. ographie des personnages remarquables de Troyes et arallel passages are taken mostly trom ancient du Département de l’Aube (Troyes, 1882), 410-11; authors; philological notes deal with etymologies A. Lefranc, Histoire du Collége de France (Paris, and derivations of compounds; and there is some 1893), 173-75 and passim; J. Dumoulin, Vie et textual criticism. Although Vinet consulted earlioeuvres de Fédéric Morel, imprimeur a Paris depuis ** editions of Thomas Linacre translation, he 1557 jusqu’a 1583 (Paris, 1901), 7, 12, 16; H. Omont, based his commentary on the edition published ‘Te premier professeur de langue grecque au Col- at Paris in 1531 (see II.2 above and the explicit belege de France: Jacques Toussaint (1529),” Revue ow) which he himself emended (fols. 15v, 161,

des études grecques 16 (1903) 417-19; M. Auge- 16v). , . ;

Chiquet, La vie, les idées et oeuvre de Jean-An- The ancient authors cited are non-technical toine de Baif (Paris, 1909), 20-30; L. Delaruelle, expositors such as Aratus, Cicero, Cleomedes, “Détude du grec a Paris de 1514 41530.” Revue du Hyginus, Macrobius, Martianus Capella, and seizidme sidcle 9 (1922) 51-62 and 132-49 at 138-40; Pliny, and there are also references to astronomiA. Lefranc, “Les commencements du Collége de cal Passages from Virgil and Ovid. Johann StofFrance (1529-1544),” in Mélanges d’histoire offerts fler’s commentary (II.b above) is cited (fol. 15v), a Henri Pirenne (Brussels, 1926), 291-306 at S'S Sacrobosco’s Sphaera, on which Vinet wrote 292-94; R. Bunker, A Bibliographical Study of the * P opular humanist commentary (Desgraves,

Greek Works and Translations Published in France a Con 134). th + 5

during the Renaissance: The Decade 1540-1550 ompared with Jacques Loussain's commen(New York, 1939), 17-18, 123, 131, 145, 2103 J. Hut- tary, also published at Paris in 1543 (II.e above), ton, The Greek Anthology in France (Ithaca, N. Y., Vinet s commentary 1s rich er in the number of 1946), 5—6, 100-101; D. O. McNeil, Guillaume Budé parallel passages cited and is more precise regard:

and Humanism in the Reign of Francis I (Geneva ing astronomical matters, while its critical notes 1975), 72-74; G. Lavoie and R. Galibois, Guillau me have no parallel in Toussain’s work. Since Vinet Budé: Correspondance, vol. 1: Les lettres grecques studied in Paris between 1534 and 1539 ( Desgraves (Sherbrooke, 1977), 329-42; B. Beech, “Charlotte 2-3), he may have been influenced by Toussain’s

Guillard: A Sixteenth-Century Business Woman,’ eo ree erty ted. of Pati 1543). Annotationes _

Renaissance Quarterly 36 (1983) 345-67 at 348-49, . , ‘ " ;

354; O. Reverdin, Les premiers cours de grec au Col- in Procli Sphaeram. LInc.]: (fol. 14v) In Cap. 1. Axis ,

lege de France (Paris, 1984), 39-47; A. C. Dio- mundi (p. 42.11-12 Manitius). Mundus appellatur nisotti, “Polybius and the Royal Professor, in E is qui constat ex sole et luna et terra et omnibus Gabba, ed., Tria corda: scritti in onore di Arnaldo stellis 1... [Expl]: (fol. 18v) Rhodus (P. 42.5 Momigliano (Como, 1983), 180-99 at 180-82; A. Manitius). Insula et urbs est in ipsa insula. . Grafton, Joseph Scaliger: A Study in the History of ie um emendata tance est illa anacr lectio inClassical Scholarship, vol. 1: Textual Criticism and tevlectusque fic mat 8G Ps 42-7 anitius) t4 Exegesis (Oxford, 1983), 73; Renouard, Imprimeurs corruptus erat, simul atque quis pro aarti ( est, non apparens) avadavye (id est, sublimis, sur-

II.G. ERASMUS SCHRECKENFUCHSIUS 45 sum apparens) feliciter reposuit. Ceterum Plintum Mundus tam secundum theologos quam secunin loco quem diximus [Naturalis historia 2.178], dum philosophos triplex est. Supremus omnium ubi de Canopo (sic a Latinis KavwBoc vertitur), ultramundanus qui theologis angelicus .../... depravatum puto quod pugnantia de eo sidere [Expl.]: (p. 73) Sed ex temperatis (p. 162.10 Manitradere videtur. Sed haec satis sint. Vale igitur, tius). Graecorum cosmographorum consuetudo amice lector, et hoc quicquid est laboris, quod tua est... . Quae deinceps sequuntur de stellis fixis, causa in lucem damus, boni consule. Finis. ex globis stelliferis longe plenius cognoscere po-

Editions: . ;

ae teris quam multis verborum ambagibus. Et id ; propterea Procli stellarum fixarum descrip(See mee II.4.y,above fullquod details). ; Ptolemaeum | ; ; tio for (sc. Geminus ch. 3) apud et pos-

1543, Parisiis (Paris): Johannes Lodoicus Tile- ; i tanus teriores permultos, qui copiosius de hac re 1553, Parisiis (Paris): Thomas Richardus. scripserunt, longe exactlus reperiatur quam hic.

vey (Poitiers): Illi, inquam, consulendi [1554],fk Pictavis Engelbertius Marne-

sunt. Haec breviter

Gus. addere visum est. [1554], Pictavis (Poitiers): Bocheti Fratres. Editions:

Bioeraphy: 1561, Basileae (Basel): Henricus Petri. Gr.-Lat. Son A ove With Thomas Linacre’s translation, as in the edition of Basel, 1547 (see II.2 above). Adams P-2134;

g. Erasmus Schreckenfuchsius Fame! 1664 nt 2267 27 ae ‘49 / OL

The set of twenty notes by Erasmus Schrec- 3-25 ANC 7-95 oo > INUTEMDETS, Stack kenfuchsius (Erasmus Schreckenfuchs) on the NNH: RPJCB)

. bibliothek; (DFo; DLC; MiU-C; MoSW; NN; ps.-Proclan Sphaera (Basel): deals mainly with theHenricpetri. geo- a ; ; ; , ; 1585, Basileae Sebastianus metrical aspects of spherical astronomy. They in- . . ; Gr.-Lat. Contents the same as in the preceding clude references to Ptolemy and Hyginus, but entry. Adams P-2135; Hamel 2666; VD P-4973; none to contemporary manuals, and were proba-_

,; . Zinner 3197; 3.25for andelementary 7.8; NUC. BL; bly composed during theCTC 1550s in-Oxford, ae . . struction at Basel or Freiburg i. Br. (see below). Bodleian Library; Munich, Bayerische StaatsbibThe notes were added in 1561 to an edition of liothek; (CtY; DLC; NcD; NN; NNH; ScU).

Thomas Linacre’s translation previously pub- Biography: lished at Basel in 1523, 1534, and 1547 (see II.2 Erasmus Schreckenfuchs was born at Weidenabove). A letter in the edition of Basel, 1561 by _ stein, Austria in 1511 and died at Freiburg i. Br. in Marcus Hopper (d. 1564), a professor at the Uni- 1579. He studied at the Universities of Vienna, Inversity of Basel, shows that the printer Henricus _ golstadt, and Tiibingen, receiving from Tiibingen Petri employed Schreckenfuchs as a private tutor _ the degrees of B.A. (1550) and M.A. (1551). He also

to one of his sons. studied Hebrew at Venice, and he continued his Preface (ed. of Basel, 1561). Vita et opera Procli, study of this language at Basel with Sebastian Erasmo Osualdo Schreckenfuchsii (sic) auctore. Miinster (1489-1552; see CTC 5.275-—76 and 6.82),

[Inc.]: (p. 2) Ex Suida et Philostrato constat com- the astronomer and Hebraist. In the 1550s and plures fuisse Proclos. . . . (p.3) Quamvis iste libel- 1560s Schreckenfuchs taught mathematics and lus sit perexiguus, tamen sit discentibus eo carior Hebrew at Freiburg i. Br. and was also a private commendatiorque, quod quidquid requiritur ad __tutor at Basel. He obtained an M.D. at Basel in veram et principaliorem primi mobilis cogni- 1571 and was professor of rhetoric there from 1570

tionem, in eo oppido quam luculenter atque to 1576 before returning to Freiburg i. Br. He is solide proponitur .../... [Expl]: (p. 3) boni mentioned respectfully by Petrus Ramus in his adolescentes, a quibus recta studia magnifiunt, Scholarum mathematicarum libri unus et triginta hoc vehementius ament arripiantque compendi- __ (Basel, 1569), 66—67, and Francesco Barozzi in the olum ad se, quod eius cognitio versetur circa cor- _ preface to his Cosmographia (Venice, 1585). pus illud, ut dictum est, nobilissimum.

Commentary (ed. of Basel, 1561). Annotationes ,

Erasmi Osualdi Schereckenfuchsii (sic). [Inc.]: (p.

5) Axis mundi vocatur (p. 42.11-12 Manitius).

46 GEMINUS, PS.-PROCLAN SPHAERA

Works: Commentary (Copenhagen, Det kongelige

These were all published at Basel. They in- Bibliotek, Ny. kgl. Samling 3012 4°). Procli clude an edition (1546; Zinner 1891) with Sebas- Sphaera diligenter descripta typis gratia studioso-

p 8 Pp

tian Miinster of two fourteenth-century Hebrew rum astrologia [sic]. (fol. 17r) [Inc] Thoma treatises on cosmology and arithmetic; an edition _Linacra [sic] fuit Anglus, vir doctissimus qui una

of Minster’s Opus grammaticum (1549); an edi- cum aliis depulit barbariem superiore aetate. tion of books 1-3 of Ptolemy’s Almagest (1551); | Sphaera (title of the ps.-Proclan work). Sphaera Latin translations of the Cantica canticorum and _ est figura solida (est vocabulum mathematicum Ecclesiastes (1553); commentaries on Peurbach’s_ et significat globum ———— ————u———— Novae theoricae planetarum (1556) and Sacro- (oder rund Kugel) circularis sub una superficie bosco’s Sphaera (1569); and a work on the calen- contenta.../... [Expl.]: (fol. 1201)

dar (1576). Ille [sc. Scorpius] venenatae metuendus

Bibliography: acumine caudae

Jocher 4.348; ADB 32.467-68; FE. Seck, G. Scorpius occiduas mane petebat aquas. Krause, and E. Stohr, eds., Bibliographie zur (an adaptation of Ovid, Fasti 4.163-164?)

Cee ae der Universitat Tiibingen (Tubingen, Scorpius eois vespere fulsit aquis. Athenae Rauricae (Basel, 1778), 297-98; C. FB Manuscript: Schnurrer, Biograp hische und litterarisch e Nach ; Copenhagen, Det kongelige Bibliotek, Ny. kgl. richten von ehmaligen Lehrern der hebraischen Lit Samling 3012 4°, s. XVI (a. 1590-91), fols. 6r—120r

teratur in Tiibingen (Ulm, 1792), 113-22; Die Ma- (Kristeller Iter 3 18 6a) a

trikeln der Universitat Ttibingen, vol. 1 (Stuttgart,

1906), 346; Die Matrikel der Universitat Basel, vol. i. Johannes Hagius rs (Basel ed 56); 9 0; Buomnaike, A History of Mag- Johannes Hagius’ lectures on the Sphaera can IC ANA EXPeriMentar OClence 0.10—17. be dated to 1591 when they were delivered private-

h A Hauniens; ly at Wittenberg. They survive in a student’s manThese an sblished lectures. preserve d in uscript notes (Vienna, Osterreichische NationalCopenhagen Mer kongelige Biblictek Ny. kel Dippotiek, 1637). A marginal note on fol. per

; - > ©" indicates that the notes were begun on 16 June

Samting May io pr sbably at between February a while me title refers to r August of inet year f see below). Prolegomena (fols. 107r-116r) presity. There is a lecture schedule in the margins, and German terms are used throughout the vext cede a engt ny oe aenay (lols. 1161-155 " and

. ; ’ two supplements: Ve ortu et occasu stellarum

fmol var aayy), alec : utandis loconin (fols. 155r—-157v) and De ortu et occasu astronomico cations as examples (fols sv 1261—-v) (fols. 157v-166v [= unnumbered fol. 167v]). De-

; aes ; commentary is found in editions of theincludes Greek textcalculations published at ; ;of

latitudes

The title for the Sphaera on fol. 17r (see below) signed for math ematicaly equipped stuce nts, te

Paris (those marked P in II.2 above) ind there is vor: 123v-124r) and a digression on lunar theory a reference to the accompanying translation of | Commentacy (Vienna, Osterreichische Natio-

Thoms ince But Linacre wanton 92 gahigitne 67 (fl os!) Amott

. . ; ; .;edition Sphaeram Proclitypis) Witebergae intra privatos rinted (descripta and accompanied ; ; pari-

b the anon nee amen own transla- etes proposita a magistro Johanne Hagio Aug. 15

fon Y (15)91. (Opus hoc incohatum 16 Iunii in marg.)

Prolegomena on the role of astronomy in [Inc.]: (fol. 116r) Cap. 1. De axe polis mundi (sc. philosophical studies (fols. 6r—14v) are followed ch. 4 P. Oe Pe Manitius). In hs capite auctor by a lengthy and discursive commentary that in- oe Pl eecan do describit solos mundi (corr)

lud trical reconstructions and numeri- , ribit polos mundi .../

. l tables (eg., fols. 30v, 33t). On fol “ign_v there [Expl. |: (fol. 155r) In lis, id est signis meridionaare contrastins dia rams of the geocentric and libus 1am enumeratis, sunt quaedam stellae quae

Copernican . iP f 5 planetary t b proprias obtinuere appellationes (italicized words Systems. = ch. 3, p. 40.20—21 Manitius).

II.J. GEORGIUS HENISCHIUS 47 Manuscript: nis et patronis summe colendis, Georgius HenisVienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, chius d. sal. d. [Inc.]: (fol. 2r) Nobilissimi et pru11637, s. XVI (a. 1590-91), fols. 106r-166v (Tabulae dentissimi domini, artes esse fontes omnium

codicum manu scriptorum ... in Bibliotheca bonorum, tum olim gravis auctor Xenophon dixPalatina Vindobonensi asservatorum, vol.7 [Vien- it [cf. Mem. 3.9.14-15] .../... [Expl.] (fol. 2v)

na, 1875; rpt. Graz, 1965], 23-24). [Proclus] vixit enim ante annos circiter 1200 et

; Athenis in schola hilosoph; inventrice artiumt cum Biography: t . alias

Johannes Hagius may be the Hagius of Inns- P lan Ae ¢ partes, tum as Kbram o onde

bruck who matriculated at Basel in 1574, and ob- 9 “SAUCE docuit. Eius igitur librum quem de tained a B.A. there in 1578; see Die Matrikel der sphaera scripsit prae ceteris Sselegi, quem et

Universitat Basel, vol. 2 (Basel, 1956), 221. Manu- pubiice iam multos annos in schola ie scripts show that he taught privatim at Witten- P** eo and ct etn ene NECESSATNS NUS” berg in the 1580s and 1590s. iesnn tandemque in ucem emitterem et auitorum meorum et aliorum quoqueut exterorum

Works: studiis prodessem. Multas autem novas observa-

Johannes Hagius’ revision of the De meteoris tiones, demonstrationes, tabulas addidi, quibus of Marcus Fritsche (first published at Nuremberg usum huius doctrinae faciliorem et illustriorem in 1555; Hamel 1149) was published at Wittenberg _reddidi, et sic, ne acta egisse videar, quod vetamur in 1581, 1583, and 1598 (Hamel 1421-23). Versions _ proverbio, effeci. Hunc meum laborem nulli alii of a Calculus eclypsium exist from 1587 (Kristeller, quam illustri Vestrae Amplitudinis nomini dediIter 3.389b, 4.439a) and 1591 (fols. 169r-189v of the care et volui et debui. Proclum enim ante 33

Vienna manuscript cited above), and there are annos vestrorum antecessorum nomini olim notes on astrological computations from 1586 inscriptum a vestro successorum patrocinio avel(Kristeller, Iter 4.439b). Hagius also contributed a _ ere nolui, et Spartae quam multos annos adminipreface to a new edition of Johannes Schéner’s _ stravi, a me ornatae et accessione non exigua aucTabulae resolutae (Wittenberg, 1587) (Zinner tae, publicum testimonium Vestri Amplitudini 3275); see also Thorndike, A History of Magic and exhibere debui. Quae testatio ut Vestri Amplitu-

Experimental Science 5.360 n. 129. dini non ingrata sit, submisse rogo. Deus optimus maximus Vestram Amplitudinem ad

j. Georgius Henischius Reipublicae utilitatem diu tueatur sospitem et inGeorgius Henischius (Georg Henisch) addeda columem. Augustae Vindelicorum 14. Cal. Sept. commentary to the revised edition of his transla- A. C. 1608.

tion of the ps.-Proclan Sphaera published at Commentary (ed. of Augsburg, 1609). (p. 21) In Augsburg in 1609 (see II.6 above). This commen- Proc Sphaeram. [Inc.]: (p. 55) In caput primum tary was based on his lectures at the Gymnasium (sc. ch. 4, p. 42.10-22 Manitius). De axi ac polis. st. Anna at Augsburg, where he had taught since artes sphaerae sunt axis cum polis et circulis. 1575. Preceding the commentary (pp. 55-195) isa Omnis enim sphaera quae movetur habet prilengthy discussion of the title and its general sub- mum axem.../... [Expl.]: (p. 195) ZxeS0v yap ject matter, together with a list of definitions and tétaptov pépoc (p. 42.7 Manitius). Lyedov hic hypotheses from geometry, physics, and astrono- _ fere et non vix significat. . . . Elevatio enim addita my (pp. 21-54). In one of these astronomical defi- _declinationi facit 83, quae subtracta a 90 relinqunitions (p. 52) Geminus (pp. 180.25-182.2 Mani- unt septem, et tot gradibus Canopus in meridi-

tius) is cited from Edo Hilderich’s edition (I.4 ano alexandrino constitutus supra horizontem above). The commentary has few references to elevatur.

ancient or modern authorities and almost no Edition:

philological notes. Although Geminus is cited a ndeli b

(pp. 143, 195), the Sphaera is not identified as an 1 109 » Augustae Vindelicorum (Augsburg). See excerpt from his treatise. 6 above.

Dedication (ed. of Augsburg, 1609). Nobilitate Biography: et prudentia praestantissimis viris Marco Velsero See II.6 above. et Iohanni Iacobo Remboldo, duumviris senatuique secretioris consilii inclitae Reip. Aug. domi-

48 GEMINUS, PS.-PROCLAN SPHAERA k. Joachim Camerarius with Philipp Melanchthon at Wittenberg, where Fabricius-Harles 9.414 reports that among the astronomy was actively pursued. Camerarius was unfinished works of Joachim Camerarius there at Nuremberg between 1526 and 1535 when Joare “in sphaeram Procli accurati commentarii. hannes Schdéner (1477-1547) was also there and

The “imperfecta scripta” may refer to Camera- Willibald Pirckheimer was engaged with the rius’ manuscript remains at the Bayerische Staats- Sphaera (see II.3 above). Some of Camerarius asbibliothek, Munich: see Catalogus codicum manu tronomical and meteorological writings were scriptorum Bibliothecae Regiae Monacensis, vols. published at Nuremberg in 1535 (Zinner 1588), 4.1 (Munich, 1874), 189-386 and 9.1 (Munich, and he later translated Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblion into 1970), 40-41. There is, however, no commentary Latin (Zinner 2026, 2073). His treatise on comets by Camerarius on the ps.-Proclan Sphaera extant (Leipzig, 1558) was frequently reprinted (Zinner at Munich, nor has any been located elsewhere. 2186, 2214, 2250, 2811, 3030, 3842). A commentary,

But Joachim Camerarius (1500-74; CTC _ then, on the ps.-Proclan Sphaera would belong in 2.100—101 and 7.129) may well have written sucha _ this range of Camerarius’ activity. commentary. From 1521 to 1526 he was associated

MONIQUE MUND-DOPCHIE (Université Catholique de Louvain)

Fortuna. Bibliography.

I. Hannonis Periplus. Translation. 1. Conradus Gesnerus.

Commentary. a. Conradus Gesnerus.

FORTUNA posed by Hanno himself, which was engraved

. . and kept inside the temple of Baal-Cronos in

The voyage which Hanno, a native of Carthage. At present only two manuscript wit-

Carthage, took along the coast of West Africa nesses are known: Heidelberg, Universitatsbibliowhen the power of Carthage flourished” (i.e., thek, Pal. gr. 398, s. IX, fols. 55r—56r and its before 200 B.C.)! is known to us through two cat- fourteenth-century apograph, Mount Athos,

egories of independent sources. _ Vatopedon Monastery, 655 + London, British LiTo the first category belongs the Hannonis brary, Add. ms. 19391 + Paris, Bibliothéque NaPeriplus, an undated Greek text, describing the tionale de France, suppl. grec 443A.” voyage from beginning to end. The complete o- The second category of sources consists of altle, Avvwvos Kapyndoviwv Bactréws trepitrAous Tov uTTEep TAG ‘Hpakdéous oTnAac AlBuKaV TIC 2. Pal. gr. 398 remained in Byzantium until the fifVAG LEpwV, OV Kal aveédnKe EV TW TOU Kpovovu _ teenth century. It then formed part of the collection of

Tewever Sndobvta Tdde (“The Sea-Voyage of Greek manuscripts acquired in the 1430s by Cardinal JoHanno, King of the Carthaginians, around the hannes Sronowie of Ragusa (modern Dubrovnik) and pe

‘b Reo; € theofEarth b deyon the €Pill £ queathed him in 1443 to the Convent Libyan eslons the Lar rillars O Basel. by Hieronymus Froben, theDominican famous Basel printer, oobHeracles, which he also set up in the shrine of tained from the convent several manuscripts which he Cronos, stating as follows”) indicates that this used for his editions. Those manuscripts which were not work is a Greek translation of a Punic tex _ returned to the convent were presented by Froben to Otto ° c text, com Heinrich, Palatine Elector and founder of the Palatine Library in Heidelberg. Pal. gr. 398 was listed in the Palatine

1. Pliny the Elder, Naturalis historia 2.169. The date of | Library catalogue attributed to Friedrich Sylburg (d. the voyage is controversial: perhaps before 200 B.c., cer- 1596). In 1623 this codex was brought by Leo Allatius to tainly before 146 B.c. There is no consensus on this topic the Vatican Library; from there it went in 1798 to the Biamong philologists and historians of Antiquity; see J. De- —_ bliothéque Nationale, Paris and returned in 1816 to Heisanges, Recherches sur l’activité des Méditerranéens aux _ delberg. confins de l’Afrique (VIe siécle avant J.-C.—IVe siécle aprés The apograph was discovered in 1838 by E. Zacharia in J.-C.), Collection de Ecole Francaise de Rome 38 (Rome, — the Vatopedon Monastery on Mount Athos where the

1978), 39-85 and S. Bianchetti, “Isole africane nella tradi- main portion of the manuscript is still preserved. In the zione romana, in L’Africa romana. Atti del VI Convegno di —_ 1840s a number of leaves were detached and came into the

studio, Sassari, 16-18 dicembre 1988, ed. A. Mastino (Sas- possession of the British Museum, now the British Li-

sari, 1989), 215—47, especially nn. 1 and 6. brary (21 folios, among them Hannonis Periplus), and of 49

50 HANNO lusions made by several Greek and Latin authors taining to the marvelous, e.g., Gorgons,* Amato various episodes and accounts of Hanno’s voy- _zons,° Goat-Pans, and Satyrs,° which are lacking age.> The oldest testimony concerning a district in the text of the Periplus. Finally, the sources disoutside the Pillars of Heracles, part of which agree on the geographical location, the identity, burns continuously and part only at night, is and the inhabitants of some of the ports of call. cited in De mirabilibus auscultationibus 37, a Given, then, such conflicting views, it is easy to pseudo-Aristotelian treatise composed ca. 150 understand why Pliny the Elder (Naturalis histoB.c. (2). In the first century a.D., Pliny the Elder _ria 5.8) had his doubts about the authenticity of (Naturalis historia 2.169, 5.8, 6.200) and Pompo- _ the entire account of Hanno’s trip which circulatnius Mela (De chorographia 3.90, 93) include ed during his own lifetime.

Hanno as a source in their descriptions of the In the Middle Ages Hanno’s voyage was coast of West Africa, as does Solinus (Collectanea known only through the influence of Pliny the Elrerum memorabilium 24, 56), a geographer of the der on the encyclopedic tradition. The informathird century A.D., who relied heavily on Pliny. tion which Pliny had gathered about Africa from

Arrianus (second century a.D.) gives in his Hanno’s account on the Gorgades Islands (Natu‘Ivducy 43.12 a fairly long extract concerning the _ralis historia 6.200) was reproduced, sometimes end of the expedition, and Athenaeus of Nau- without reference to Hanno, by Isidore of Seville cratis (third century a.p.) provides in Deip- (ca. 560-636), Dicuilus (fl. 825), Hugh of St. Vic-

nosophistae 3.83c some ironical reflections on tor (ca. 1096-1141), Vincent of Beauvais (ca. Hanno’s wanderings. There is also a corrupt text 1190-1264), Petrus Alliacus (1350-1420), and by Palaiphatos (150 B.c.?) with a mention of a Domenico Silvestri (ca. 1335-1411).’

“river Hanno” ([lepi atioTwv 31). Not until the Renaissance did attention come The Hannonis Periplus and these indirect to be focused directly on Hanno’s voyage and the sources reveal diverse traditions. Although they account of his travels. At first they were referred agree on the reality of Hanno’s voyage along the to and commented on through the indirect tradicoast of West Africa and his discovery of extraor- tion: in fact, the first allusions to Hanno in the dinary places, they are opposed on several points Renaissance are to be found in connection with and leave some problems unsolved. Thus, there the study of Pomponius Mela and Solinus in the are discrepancies concerning the termination of — 1520s.° In 1533 Sigismundus Gelenius published at

the expedition. Accordingly, in some instances Basel a volume containing a number of geoHanno is forced to retrace his course because ofa __ graphical writings, including the editio princeps

shortage of supplies (Periplus 18; Pomponius Mela, De chorographia 3.90) or unbearable travel- 4. Pliny, Naturalis historia 6.200; Pomponius Mela, De

ing conditions (Arrianus, [véiK7 43.12); other au- chorographia 3.99. _

thorities, credit the Carthaginian he as Mela, ibid. 3.93. ,: . aehowever, . . . Pliny, Naturalis historiaadmi5.7; >Pomponius Mela, ibid. ral with the circumnavigation of Africa (Pliny, 5 99-93.

Naturalis historia 2.169). It should also be noted 7. Isidore, Etymologiae 14.6.9; Dicuilus, De mensura orthat the indirect testimonies cite elements per- _ Dis terrae 7.5; Hugo de Sancto Victore, Descriptio mappe mundi 2.79-81; Vincent of Beauvais, Ymago mundi 41;

a Domenico Silvestri, De insulis et earum proprietatibus, fol. the Bibliothéque Nationale, now the Bibliothéque Na- _69, ed. C. Pecoraro (Atti della Accademia di Scienze, Lettere tionale de France (7 folios), where they are now preserved e Arti di Palermo, 4th Ser., 14 [1954] 1-319). For a partial as Add. ms. 19391 and suppl. grec 443A respectively. The — study which deals with the medieval fortuna of Hanno, apograph has no independent value in establishing the see M. Mund-Dopchie, La fortune du “Périple d’Hannon” text of Hanno; see A. Diller, The Tradition of the Minor a la Renaissance et au XVIle siécle. Continuité et rupture Greek Geographers, American Philological Association, dans la transmission dun savoir géographique, Collection Philological Monographs 14 (New York, 1952), 3-14 and J. d’Etudes Classiques 8 (Namur, 1995), 19—23.

Blomqvist, The Date and Origin of the Greek Version of 8. See J. Camers, In C. Iulti Solini Polyhistora EnarraHanno’s Periplus, with an Edition of the Text anda Trans- __ tiones. Additus eiusdem Camertis Index, tum literarum orlation, Scripta minora Regiae Societatis Humaniorum Lit- dine, tum rerum notabilium copia percommodus studiosis

terarum Lundensis 1979—-80.3 (Lund, 1979), 57. ([Vienna, ca. 1520]), 335; J. Vadianus, Pomponii Melae De 3. Pliny, Naturalis historia 5.8 (commentarii); orbis situ libri tres, accuratissime emendati, una cum comAthenaeus, Deipnosophistae 3.83c (AtBukatot BiBAoLS ETL mentariis J. V. Helvetii castigatioribus, et multis in locts

te Tats "“Avvwvos TrAaVALs). auctioribus factis (Basel, 1522), 214.

FORTUNA 51 of the Periplus based on Heidelberg Pal. gr. 398 commentaries devoted to Hanno include an un(which was available at that time in Basel).? finished translation and commentary undertaken Giambattista Ramusio’s Italian translation of Ge- _ by Lucas Holstenius ca. 1630 (Vatican City, Biblio-

lenius’ Greek text of the Periplus was published teca Apostolica Vaticana, Barb. gr. 107, pp. (Venice, 1550) in his collection of travel accounts 213-241) as well as Johannes Jacobus Miiller’s dealing with Africa.’° This translation, accompa- _ translation and commentary prepared as a disser-

nied by Ramusio’s comments (also in Italian), tation under the supervision of Johannes Henrihad a wider influence than did the editio princeps. cus Boecler and submitted to the University of In its turn, the Italian version was translated into Strassburg (1661).!* Samuel Bochart’s Latin comFrench by Jean Temporal in 1556 and into English mentary on a large part of the Greek version of by Samuel Purchas in 1625.!! Furthermore, Ramu-_ the Periplus comprised part of his Geographia sio’s Italian commentary was also translated by sacra (1646)."* Isaac Vossius also intended to write Temporal, summarized by Purchas, and used in acommentary (Observationes), to judge from co-

later analyses of Hanno’s voyage. pious remarks which he made in his other works Prior to the seventeenth century there is only about Hanno’s voyage,” and it is to be regretted one Latin translation of the Periplusand only one _ that he could not carry out his project. Finally, Latin commentary. Both are the work of Con- mention must be made of a dissertation by Henradus Gesnerus, and they were published in 1559 ry Dodwell published in 1698, in which the quesat Zurich in the same volume by his cousin An- _ tion of the authenticity of the various versions of _ dreas Gesnerus. Conradus Gesnerus’ translation the account that have come down to us is systemand commentary owe nothing to the Italian atically and thoroughly discussed."® translation and commentary. Abraham Berkelius These editors, translators, and commentators and John Hudson included the text of the 1559 _ of the sixteenth and seventeenth century used the edition in their respective editions of Stephanus same texts and documents that are available to us Byzantinus (Leiden, 1674) and the minor Greek _ today. They studied the Periplus and the indirect geographers (Oxford, 1698). The 1559 edition _ tradition with great attention and submitted both was also frequently referred to in studies dealing _ to critical evaluation. They were aware of the dif-

with the geography of Antiquity. ficulties raised by the disparity and the unreliabilSeventeenth-century Latin translations and __ ity of the sources; they found it difficult to draw the itinerary on a map; they were unable to agree g. [S. Gelenius], Arriani et Hannonis Periplus. Plu- on the date and on the final stage of the journey;

tarchus, De fluminibus et montibus. Strabonis Epitome thev wer f th ticul lor the Greek

(Basel, 1533), 38-40. See n. 2 above for the wanderings of y were aware of the paructlar color the tuTee

Heidelberg Pal. gr. 398. version had given to the account and in the end 10. G. B. Ramusio, Primo volume delle navigationi et expressed their doubts about the authenticity, if viaggi nel qual si contiene la descrittione dell’Africa not of the voyage itself, at least of the texts which

(Venice, 1550), fols. 121V—-12.4V. _ . . related it.

11. J. Temporal, Historiale description de l’Afrique, tierce .

partie du monde, contenans ses royaumes, regions, viles, some geographers, chroniclers of the Great cités, chateaux et forteresses: iles, fleuves, animaux, tant aquatiques, que terrestres: coutumes, loix, religion et facon 13. J. J. Miiller, Hannonis periplus. Quem a se latine de faire des habitans, auec pourtraits de leurs habis: ensem- —_ conversum et annotatione quadam auctum in Inclyta Acable autres choses memorables, et singulieres nouueautés: es- | demia Argentoratensi Praeside viro amplissimo atque excelcrite de notre tems par Iean Leon, African, premierement en __lentissimo Dn. Jo. Henrico Boeclero, Historiarum professore

langue arabesque, puis en Toscane, et a present mise en _ celeberrimo, fautore atque patrono suo maxime colendo, francois. Plus, Cing nauigations au pais des Noirs, auec les —__ praeceptoribus et commilitonibus suis sollemniter exami-

discours sur icelles, comme uerrez en la page suivante, vol. 1 nandum proponit Johann. Jacobus Miiller (Strassburg, (Lyons, 1556), fols. **1r—**6r; S. Purchas, Purchas his Pil- 1661).

grimes in Five Bookes. The First (London, 1625), 77-79 14. S. Bochartus, Geographiae sacrae pars altera:

(translation, p. 78). Chanaan seu De coloniis et sermone Phoenicum (Caen, 12. A. Berkelius, Genuina Stephani Byzantini De ur- _—_ 1646), 710-15.

bibus et populis fragmenta A. B. latinam interpretationem 15. I. Vossius, Observationes ad Pomponium Melam De et animadversiones adjecit. Accedit Hannonis Carthaginen- situ orbis (The Hague, 1658), 207-208, 302-303, 305; Vossium Regis Periplus. Graece et latine (Leiden, 1674), 66—98; sius, Variarum observationum liber (London, 1685), 51-53.

J. Hudson, Geographiae veteris scriptores graeci minores. 16. H. Dodwell, “Dissertatio prima. De vero peripli, Cum interpretatione latina, dissertationibus ac annotatio- | qui Hannonis nomine circumfertur, tempore,’ in Hud-

nibus, vol. 1 (Oxford, 1698), 1-6. son, Geographiae veteris scriptores graeci minores 1.1—41.

52 HANNO Discoveries (i.e., the discovery of the New World _ cussed the navigations of Antiquity in a way ap-

and the exploration of the African coasts), and propriate to individual circumstances. But this intellectuals closely related to political circles and was no longer the case after the allotment of the the business world had an interest in Hanno’s new colonies among European States. On the voyage and account and viewed them in an exclu- other hand, from the eighteenth century to the sively contemporary perspective. They (e.g., present day, editions, translations, and commenAlvise Cadamosto, Luis del Marmol y Carvajal!’) _ taries of the Periplus have steadily grown in numsaw in Hanno the remarkable predecessor of Vas- _ ber; the most recent translation (in Spanish) was co da Gama, Pedro Alvares Cabral, and other Por- _ published in 1996.7! Moreover, Hanno’s account

tuguese discoverers, or they (e.g., Francois de continues to attract a varied audience including Belleforest, Abraham Ortelius, Giovanni Antonio _ philologists, historians of Antiquity, sailors, and Magini!*) resorted to the Periplus as a source experts in African matters who devote regular atof information on the ancient state of Africa, or tention to the problems already encountered by they (e.g., Hugo Grotius, Jan de Laet, Georg many scholars of the Renaissance and the sevenHornius!’) involved Hanno’s voyage and the oth- _ teenth century.” Such persistent interest reveals er navigations made in Antiquity in the contro- how people’s imagination, both past and present, versies that the colonization of America and the _ has been quickened by the powerful dream of an African coast had aroused. In these controversies antique adventurer, whose epic achievements still the fact of ocean navigations in Antiquity and the convey a sense of mystery. presence of Greek and Roman sailors along the African coast might deprive the Portuguese and

the Spaniards of their title to occupancy of the BIBLIOGRAPHY

African or American coast, or they could be used to prove the European origin of the American In- I. MODERN EDITIONS, TRANSLATIONS,

dians.”° AND COMMENTARIES

. bis Ptolemiéus (Leiden, 1944), 86-95 (German

17. A. Cadamosto, Paesi novamente retrovati et Novo . ; Turco, An. ; eer , translation and commentary); L. del

Mondo da Alberico Vesputio Florentino intitulato (Vicenza,

1507), ch. 1 (for an English translation seeG.R.Crone, The "One, il P ertp lo (Florence, 1958) (Greek text, ItalVoyages of Cadamosto and Other Documents on Western 1an translation and commentary).

Africa in the Second Half of the Fifteenth Century |London, A. N. Oikonomides, Hanno the Carthaginian,

1937; rpt. Nendeln, 1967]); L. del Marmol Carvajal, . . - ae . Primera parte de la Descripcion general de Affrica (Grana- Periplus OF Circumnavigation of Afi Mea (London,

da, 1573), fols. 45v—46r. 1977) (facsimile of Heidelberg, Universitatsbib18. EF. de Belleforest, La cosmographie universelle de tout liothek, Pal. gr. 398 and English translation with le monde, vol. 2 (Paris, 1575), col. 1788; A. Ortelius, The- notes).

atrum orbis terrarum (Antwerp, 1573), fol. 4; G. A. Magini, J. Blomavist, The Date and Origin of the Greek Version of Hanno’s Periplus, with an Edition of the 19. J. de Laet, Notae ad dissertationem Hugonis Groti Text and a Translation, Scripta minora Regiae De origine gentium americanarum, et observationes aliquot Societatis Humaniorum Litterarum Lundensis

Geographiae universae tum veteris tum novae absolutisst- ) us

mum opus (Cologne, 1597), fol. 182r. . . . .

ad meliorem indaginem difficillimae illius quaestionis 4979-80.3 (Lund, 1979) (Greek text and English (Paris, 1643), 79, 133, 136-37; Responsio ad dissertationem translation)

secundam Hugonis Grotii De origine gentium america- G De 1 d Me; H narum (Amsterdam, 1644), 110-11; G. Hornius, De ort- , J. “ emer lac an J. Meirat, Hannon et ginibus americanis libri quatuor (Halberstadt, 1669), 145- empire punique (Paris, 1983) (Greek text and

50. French translation and commentary). 20. On these controversies, see, e.g., G. Gliozzi, Adamo E. Cordano, Antichi viaggi per mare (Pordee il Nuovo Mondo. La nascita dell’antropologia come ide-

ologia coloniale: dalle genealogie bibliche alle teorie razziali =9§___ (1500-1700) (Florence, 1977); on references to Hanno in in Intellectual History 55 (Leiden, 1994), 116-18 and La forthese controversies, see M. Mund-Dopchie, “Different tune du “Périple d’ Hannon” (n. 7 above), 87-126. Readings of Hanno’s Voyage from the Renaissance to the 21. Periplo de Hanon, in Relatos de viajes en la literatuSeventeenth Century—From Pure Erudition to Ideologi- _ra griega antigua, ed. A. Garcia Moreno and F. J. Gomez cal Debate,” in Travel Fact and Travel Fiction. Studies on — Espelosin (Madrid, 1996), 99-112.

Fiction, Literary Tradition, Scholarly Discovery, and Obser- 22. See Diller, The Tradition of the Minor Greek Geogvation in Travel Writing, ed. Z. von Martels, Brill’s Studies —raphers (n. 2 above), 48-101 passim.

I.1. CONRADUS GESNERUS 53 none, 1992), 5-14 (Italian translation and com- in Enquétes et documents 6 (1981) 13-29; L. A. Gar-

mentary). cia Moreno, “Precedentes grecoromanos de la A. Garcia Moreno and EF. J. Gémez Espelosin, navigaciédn atlantica de Bartolomeu Dias: en Relatos de viajes en la literatura griega antigua torno al periplo de Hanon,’ in Congresso interna(Madrid, 1996), 99-112 (introduction and Spanish _cional Bartolomeu Dias e a sua epoca, vol. 2 (Por-

translation). to, 1989), 237-57; G. Germain, “Qu’est-ce que le Périple 7 Hannon? Document, amplification lit-

téraire ou faux intégral,” Hesperis 44 (1957)

I]. TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION 205-48; C. Jacob, “Aux confins de lhumanité: A. Diller, The Tradition of the Minor Greek Ge- peuples et paysages africains dans le Périple ographers, American Philological Association, d’Hannon,” Cahiers d’études africaines 30-31, nos. Philological Monographs 14 (New York, 1952); M. —_ 121-122 (1991) 9-27; R. Mauny, “Le Périple d’Han-

Mund-Dopchie, “Les humanistes face aux ‘go- non. Un faux célébre concernant les navigations rilles’ d’Hannon,” in Prose et prosateurs de la antiques,’ Archeologia. Trésor des ages 37 (1970) Renaissance. Mélanges offerts a M. le professeur 78-80; A. Peretti, review of J. Blomqvist, The Date

Robert Aulotte (Paris, 1988), 331-41; Mund- and Origin of the Greek Version of Hanno’s Dopchie, “La survie du ‘Périple dHannor’ au _ Periplus (1979-1980), Maia 33 (1981) 82-84; G.-C. XVle et au XVIlIe siécle,” Humanistica Lovaniensia Picard, “Authenticité du Périple dHannon, 37. (1989) 163-75; Mund-Dopchie, “Different Cahiers de Tunisie 15 (1967) 27-31; Picard, “Le Readings of Hanno’s Voyage from the Renais- Périple d Hannon rrest pas un faux,” Archeologia. sance to the Seventeenth Century—From Pure Trésor des dges 40 (1971) 54-59 (with a reply by R. Erudition to Ideological Debate,’ in Travel Fact Mauny); J. Ramin “Le périple d’ Hannon. Apports and Travel Fiction. Studies on Fiction, Literary Tra- de la littérature et hypothéses,” Latomus 35 (1976)

dition, Scholarly Discovery, and Observation in 791-804; R. Rebuffat, “Voyage du Carthaginois Travel Writing, ed. Z. von Martels, Brill’s Studies Hannon du Lixos a Cerné,” Bulletin archéologique

in Intellectual History 55 (Leiden, 1994), 11- du Comité des Travaux Historiques 18 (1982) 19; Mund-Dopchie, La fortune du “Périple 198-201; S. Segert, “Phoenician Background of @’Hannon” a la Renaissance et au XVIIe siécle. Hanno’s Periplus,” Mélanges de Université Saint-

Continuité et rupture dans la transmission d’un Joseph de Beyrouth 45 (1969) (Mélanges M. savoir géographique, Collection d’Etudes Clas- Dunand, 1), 499-519; R. Senac, “Le périple du

siques 8 (Namur, 1995). Carthaginois Hannon,” Bulletin de [Association

Guillaume Budé (1966) 510-38; E. Stechow, “Der

Umkehrpunkt der Fahrt im Periplus Hannonis,” III, SrupiES OF HANNO’S VOYAGE Forschungen und Fortschritte 21-23 (1947) 100-101;

AND ACCOUNT H. Tauxier, “Les deux rédactions du Périple

S. Bianchetti, “Isole africane nella tradizione d’Hannon,” Revue africaine 26 (1882) 15-37; G. romana, in L’Africa romana. Atti del VI Convegno _ Vivenza, “Altre considerazioni sul Periplo di Andi studio, Sassari, 16-18 dicembre 1988, ed. A. none,’ Economia e storia 1 (1980) 101-10. Mastino (Sassari, 1989), 235-47; C. Branigan, “The

Circumnavigation of Africa,’ Classics Ireland 1

(1994) 1-3; E. H. Bunbury, History of Ancient Ge- I. HANNONIS PERIPLUS ography, 2 vols. (Amsterdam, 1979; rpt. London,

1879); J. Desanges, “Des interprétes chez les ‘Go- TRANSLATION rilles.. Réflexions sur un artifice dans le Périple 1. Conradus Gesnerus d’Hannon,’ in Atti del Congresso internazionale di In 1559 Andreas Gesnerus published at Zurich studi fenici e punici, Roma, 5-10 novembre 1979, in the same volume, without an epistola ad lecvol. 1 (Rome, 1983), 267-70; Desanges, Recherches torem, two unrelated works about Africa: the sur Vactivité des Méditerranéens aux confins de Latin translation by Johannes Florianus of JoPAfrique (VIe siécle avant J.-C.—IVe siécle apres hannes Leo Africanus’ treatise Africae descriptio J.-C.), Collection de Ecole Francaise de Rome 38 and the Latin translation by Conradus Gesnerus (Rome, 1978); Desanges, “Le point sur le Périple of the account of Hanno’s voyage. d’Hannon: controverses et publications récentes,” The Africae descriptio was completed in 1526

54 HANNONIS PERIPLUS by Johannes Leo Africanus (John Leo the African, are inscribere non dubitavi.... Accipe igitur actually al-Hasan ibn Muhammad al Wazzan),a quicquid hoc et quantulumcunque est libelli, Muslim native of Granada, who had traveled in meae erga te observantiae pignus perpetuae et North Africa and in the Near East. The original amoris monumentum summi..../... [Expl.]: text, written in Arabic or in Italian (there is no (p. 4) Vale cum magnifico amplissimoque viro consensus on this point), is lost. It was first pub- Guilielmo du Choul, regio senatore et Allolished in Italian by Giambattista Ramusio in his brogum praefecto, cuius incomparabilis doctricollection of travel accounts dealing with Africa nae ac diligentiae lucubrationes partim iam vidi, (Venice, 1550). The Latin translation by Johannes artim summo desiderio expecto, et mecum Florianus, rector of the college of Antwerp, was omnes cultioris literaturae studiosi, quemadfirst published in 1556 at Antwerp. Neither the modum etiam tuas. Iterum vale quam felicissime text nor the dedication addressed to Melchior et me ama. Tiguri Helvetiorum urbe primaria Schetus Corvinus, treasurer of Antwerp, was al- tertio Calend. Februarii. Anno salutiferi partus tered in the 1559 edition. There are, however, M.D. LIX. some minor changes: the Index rerum memorabi- Hannonis Periplus (ed. of Zurich, 1559). [Inc.]: lium was amplified and titles were revised. (On (p. 5) Placuit Carthaginensibus ut Hanno naviJohannes Leo Africanus and his Africae descriptio, garet extra columnas Herculis, et Liby-

see O. Zhiri, LAfrique au miroir de Europe: for- phaenicum (sic) conderet..../... [Expl.]: (p. 9) tunes de Jean Léon l’Africain a la Renaissance Feminas tamen cepimus tres quas, cum morden-

[Geneva, 1991] ). do et lacerando abducturis reniterentur, ocConradus Gesnerus translation of the Hanno- _ cidimus, et pelles eis detractas in Carthaginem re-

nis Periplus appears, with separate pagination, at tulimus. Neque enim ultra navigavimus, cum the end of the 1559 edition. The dedicatory letter annona deficeret. Finis. is addressed to Johannes du Choul, a French nat- Editions:

1 _ . a itions:

uralist, whose Pilati Montis in Gallia descriptio559, i LAMONMASe, FEICT- incipit below has not been adjusted to correspond

" . . ;Berolini ; with the beginning of et theimpensis authentically 1903, (Berlin): Typ. G. _ ,.Themis; of ; the mate a . tian part of the work. For some discussion Reimeri. S. Landauer, ed., Themistii In Aristotelis ;;. ; terminology of this translation, Metaphysicorum librum lambda paraphrasis he- , rrsee eeeP.a Galluzzi, . as ; Momento: studi galileiani, Lessico intellettuale eu-

braice et latine, CAG 5.5. Finzi’s Dedicatory letter

and a revised version of his translation ropeo 19 (Rome, 1979), 125-27.

" Preface (ed. of Venice, 1499). Hermolai Barbari

Biography: Patricii Veneti Zachariae filii in paraphrasim Nothing is known of the details of the life of | Physices Themistii praefatio ad Antonium Gala-

Moyses Finzius (Mosé Finzi). He was born teum. [Inc.]: (fol. 17v) Philoxenum Eryxidis et around 1530, probably at Modena, since Fran- Gnathonem siculum gulae proceres, immo vero cesco Patrizi (Discuss. peripat. 1.10) refers to him _extremos ac perditos gulones cuppedivorasque, as “Mutinensis”. Finzi seems to have been a con- _infamant litterae, quod conviviis adhibiti emuntemporary of Patrizi (see above) and thus proba- _ gere se in pultariis soliti essent, ut abstinentibus

bly had some associations with Padua where Pa-_ ceteris soli epulis ampliter fruerentur .../...

92 THEMISTIUS, IN PHYSICA [Expl.]: Nunc restat ut de me ipso tibi aliqua (*) Naples, Biblioteca Governativa dei Gerodicam. Mirari te nolim si infinitos errores, quos lamini, membr. 46 (M.C.F. 3-4), s. XV, fols. isti partim imperitia linguae partim aristotelicae 2r—294v (Kristeller, Iter 1.396b and 2.546a; Codict

disciplinae inscitia praelegunt (perlegunt ed. miniati della Biblioteca Oratoriana dei Girolamini Branca) et defendunt in scholis, non coarguo. Nec di Napoli, ed. A. Putaturo Murano et al. [Naples, enim hanc provinciam suscepimus scribendi res 1995], 96-101, no. 30). With the dedication.

paysicas _ cam Lis tanquam were ak . Manuscript containing only the dedication:

, oo PP (*) Udine, Biblioteca Comunale, Manin 1210,

quos vincere nullum negotium sit, sed ut vel NO~ 5. XVII vel XV III, fol(s). not given (Kristeller, Iter

bis ipsis commentaremur haec, si nullos habituri 2.206b)

sectores essemus, vel si quibus idem qui nobis ~

stomachus esset, iis ad bonas litteras aliquid ope- Editions: reculae adderemus. Nec enim spiritus magis mag- 1481. See above, Composite Editions. nos in hoc quam utiles, ut ille inquit [Liv., Hist. 1499. See above, Composite Editions. 30.30.15], afferimus, nec de nobis quicquam 1500. See above, Composite Editions. magnopere arduum pollicemur, sed quaedam 1502. See above, Composite Editions. tamen invenisse non negamus, quae aggredientes 1520. See above, Composite Editions. ad haec tantisper morari non inventa potuerint. (*) 1527. See above, Composite Editions. Illud tempus est in calce uti dicamus nos tibi in- 1529. See above, Composite Editions. terpretationem in paraphrasim Physices pro nos- 1530 (Venice). See above, Composite Editions. tra veteri ac stabili necessitudine volentes dicasse; 1533. See above, Composite Editions. alioquin dicaturam hanc stipulatus a nobis es, 1535. See above, Composite Editions. cum essemus istic. Oppigneratam tibi fidem re- 1542. See above, Composite Editions. luimus, quamquam praescriptione uti poteramus 1545. See above, Composite Editions. et fori et decennii. Sed beneficio harum legum 1549. See above, Composite Editions.

renuntiant philosophi, quibus in fraude ponitur 1554. See above, Composite Editions. | vel furioso abiurare gladium. Vale. Venetiis, 1559. See above, Composite Editions.

MCCCCLXXX. 1560. See above, Composite Editions. In Physica paraphrasis (ed. of Venice, 1499). 1570. See above, Composite Editions. [Inc.]: (fol. 181; Simplic., Prologus in Phys. 13-5) Editions containing only the Preface: Librorum Aristotelis De ausculatione physica (*) 1498, Venetiis (Venice): Aldus Romanus. facile est assequi intentionem, si prius elus partis Angeli Politiani Opera omnia, fol. 143r. See I.2

philosophiae divisio, quae de natura est, ad shove. memoriam revocata, in medium proferatur (*) 1518, Basileae (Basel): Gregorius Bar-

. . . ee ) . * ‘

.../... [Expl]: (fol. 19v; Simplic., Prologus in tholomeus. Philippi Beroaldi Varia opuscula, fol. Phys. 8.29-30) Plutarchus Chaeroneus in vita sir. See I.2 above. Alexandri de editione librorum metaphysicae Branca, Ep. 9 (1.10-12)

haec ultro citroque fuisse scripta meminit. [Inc.]: _

(fol. 19v; Themist., In Phys. 1.1-3) Est autem totius Biography:

operis propositum naturae earumque rerum sci- See I.2 above. entiam rationemque explicare. Nam sine ratione

cognoscere facile est cuivis homini .../... COMMENTARIES

[Expl.|: (fol. 67v; Themist., In Phys. 236.2-4) sed a. Anonymus Venetus

Ocissime moventur ea quae finitima et proxima On this commentator and the general characsunt moventi. Pernicissimus autem motus est is _ ter of this commentary, see I.a above. For the refquo mundus convertitur. Illic ergo est id quod erence to Simplicius’ prologue cited in the incipit

movet. below, see V.1 above.

Commentary (ed. of Venice, 1530). [Inc.] (fol.

Manuscrip ss . _ 14r) Non est Themistii prooemium hoc, quamvis

(*) Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vati- ij]; id Hermolaus ascripserit, sed Simplicii (In

cana, Vat. lat. 2142, s. XV (a. 1482-84), fols. Phys. 11-830 [CAG 9.1]), sicuti illi facile

36v—160r (see I.2 above). cognoscere poterunt qui callent litteras graecas

VI.1. HERMOLAUS BARBARUS JUNIOR 93 .../... [Expl]: (fol. 54r; ad Themist., In Phys. 1573; CTC 1.95) (Uoannis Genesit Sepulvedae 236.1-2) Deinde si ita in ea sit ut in totam sit di- Opera, vol. 3 [Madrid, 1780], 270-78, book 5, Ep. gestus, et tota per partes movetur; cur et ipse per 18), reference is made to a Latin translation of accidens motu partium non movetur? Themistii Themistius, Or. 26 by Antonius Covarrubias (An-

in libros Physicorum paraphraseos finis. tonio de Covarrubias). De Andrés 241-42 (cited

Editions: below) discusses this report and convincingly ar-

(*) 1527. See above, Composite Editions. pues that the Greek manuscript used by Covarru1530 (Venice). See above, Composite Editions. bias is the present Salamanca, Biblioteca de la 1542. See above, Composite Editions. Uni versidad, M.232, sct. F, fols. 37 r4 bv. A manu-

1549. See above, Composite Editions. script containing the complete Latin translation

; asComposite has not yetEditions. been located. 1554. See above, € the | Villalpand th 1559. See above, Composite Editions. At p. 276 of t S etter Villaipando says, wit 1560. See above, Composite Editions. reference to Or. 26:“... quoniam ea oratio latina 1570. See above, Composite Editions non facta est, utar ea versione quam veluti ludens fecit vir omni genere litterarum ornatissimus et

b. Marcus Antonius Zimarra summa mihi familiaritate coniunctus, Antonius On this set of problems and solutions (Con- Covarrubias. Ea SiC habet ... (there follows the

tradictiones et solutiones), see II.b above. Four noe yao immediately peow).. Sepulved items deal with the paraphrase of the Physics. O r. 26, ee Us oan 6: Or > 6 epurvedae Contradictiones ac solutiones Marci Antonii Zi- pera 3.27 6-7 ?) | n¢.]: \P. 2 7%» qd: IP. ie I) marrae in dictis lucidissimi Themisti (ed. of Proprium est hoc Aristotelis, quod non eosdem Venice, 1542). [Inc]: (fol. +ir [unnumbered]) In S¢™™0n€s vulgo putavit esse utiles et philosophis libro Physicorum. Contradictio in quarto Physi- f -/... [Expl.J: (p. 2775 Or. 26 LP -132.13-14]) Quo corum super textum 130 [223a16-24]. Lucidis- actum est ut cum ante pedes hi SEEMONES VEESENsimus Themistius (In Phys. 160.26-161.28) repre- tur, pluri bus sint moenium ambitibus spes quam

hendit Boethum [sc. Sidonium Peripateticum] Ecbatanis Persarum regum regia. Hactenus Theopinantem numerum remanere posse absque eo mIsUUs.

quod numerat .../... [Expl.]: (fol. +2v [un- Biography: numbered]; ad Phys. 192b8—23) Et isto modo non Antonius Covarrubias (Antonio de Covarrusequitur quod elementa habeant principium in- _ bias) was born at Toledo in 1524 and died there in trinsecum activum per se motus alterationis; 1602. He studied and later taught law at the Uniunde aequivocatio decepit expositores, sicut versity of Salamanca. In 1561 he moved to Grana-

vides. da to serve as chancellor of that city. Covarrubias Editions: attended the Council of Trent between 1562 and

1542. See above, Composite Editions. 1564 with his more celebrated brother, Diego de 1549. See above, Composite Editions. Covarrubias. In 1569 he added to his duties the 1554. See above, Composite Editions. chancellorship of Valladolid and later served at 1559. See above, Composite Editions. the royal court. An avid collector of Greek manu1560. See above, Composite Editions. scripts, he was particularly associated with the 1570. See above, Composite Editions. prolific scribe Andreas Darmarius (de Andrés study is an exhaustive account of Covarrubias’ acBiography: tivities in this area).

See II.b above. Works:

Although Covarrubias does not seem to have published anything, his philological abilities were

VI. ORATIONES admired by Andreas Schott (1552-1629) and JusTRANSLATIONS tus Lipsius (1547-1606). He also composed Latin 1. Antonius Covarrubias poetry (Kristeller, Iter 4.5568). According to the In a letter of 1553 sent by Gaspar Cardillo de two biographical articles listed below at the beVillalpando to Juan Ginés de Septilveda (14g0- 87/NE of the Bibliography, his manuscript re-

94 THEMISTIUS, ORATIONES mains include a commentary on Aristotle’s Poli- 20-21. On the former codex, see M. Sicherl, Die tics, but it has not been possible to locate this griechischen Erstausgaben des Vettore Trincavellt,

work. Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Alter-

Bibliography: tums, 1. Reihe, Monographien, N. F, 5 (PaderBiographie générale 6.297; Biographie unt- born, 1993 ) 26-27; on the missing manuscript,

. Sicherl, “Handschriftenforschung und Philolo-

verselle 9.407; C. Graux, Essai sur les origines du ~.~,, . dj ; “del

fonds grec de lEscurial ..., Bibliotheque de Bie) in Paleografi a e codicologia greca (Atti del II Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Sciences historiques et Colloquio internazionale Berlin-Wolfenbiittel, 17—

philologiques 41 (Paris, 1880), 322; H. Schenk, * nico ° D. Harlfinger et al. (Alessan-

“Beitrage zur Textgeschichte der Reden des whe 1 5 ul td Fe 2: (1526-84) (ADB

Themistios,” Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der € Geaicatee, MME TUSBET M1520 84 Wissenschaften in Wien, philosoph.-hist. Klasse, 8.18283) , was in Italy n the service of Pope Paul iii (1919) 4; G. de Andrés, “El Helenismo del III during the 1540s. Given Fugger’s later convercanénigo toledano Antonio de Covarrubias. Un 810 t Protestantism, he would be a plausible ascapitulo del Humanismo en Toledo en el s. XVI,” sociate of Donzellini who also flirted with

Hispania sacra 40 (1988) 237-313 > Lutheran ideas and was eventually executed for

such heresy. Fugger probably financed the publi-

». Hieronymus Donzellinus cation of Donzellini’s translations, as he did the Hieronymus Donzellinus (Girolamo Donzelli- edition of a new Greek text of Themistian ora-

; ; . ; ; tions by Henri Estienne in 1562.

ni) translated the eight orations published in the Preface (ed. of Basel ). Ad nobilissi

Aldine edition of 1534 during what he himself de- rejace \ed. OF pasel, 1559). AC NOpMssimul scribes as a three-year period. This may have oc- ac pracstantissum Vvirum Huldricum Fuggerum curred between 1545 and 1553, when he was prac- Kirchbergae et Vueissenhorni comitem snares ticing medicine at Venice. Donzellini did initiate m Donzellini philosophi ac medici in Themisti some work on Themistius at that time, since he orationes latinas a se factas praefatio. [Inc.]: (fol.

; 4 ar a . -

reports searching for manuscripts in Venetian li- ar) Sap SnD ranean vir a prudentis

braries and refers to a codex owned by Diego Seat, eee eee eee eee ee eee

Hurtado de Mendoza (1503-75), the Spanish am- talium generi concessan_ non tantum divina bassador to Venice from 1538 to 1547. Donzellini oracula testantur. . . . (fo " '2v) Cu m itaque pruwas in exile between 1553 and 1559, and, although dentes ac sapientes viros imitarl semper fuerit nothing is known for certain of his movements, laudatissimum, horum ego secutus exemplum ac he is thought to have visited Germany. He must vestigia, ante triennium Themistii philosophi have completed his translations at this time (Peri- peripatetic orationes et eruditione et sapientia ni [1967] 373~74, cited below), since his preface plenas im latinum sermonem verti. Cum enim was obviously written after he had left Venice. He bonae frugis refertas wose illas viderem nec adbuc may not have personally supervised the printing tamen a quoquam latinas ruisse factas, non putavi at Basel in 1559 by Petrus Perna (with whom he illos quibus graeca lingua est incognita earum had had contacts while still at Venice; see Perini lectione defraudandos. Deterruit me quidem ab [1966] 147-51, 158-59 and Portmann), since he ea provincia non semel depravati exemplaris cor-

complains that the printer misrepresented him as rupte a, ae ot ae ere dex portatu fulssem pu the translator rather than as the author of the ‘SUS 4D "nceplo opere cestitissem. NE tamen as

summaries affixed to the orations. in me diligentia desideraretur, veteres ac recondi-

Despite Donzellini’s claims in the Preface, the tas biblicthecas omnes Venetlis excussl, atque translation, according to Maisano (see below), is (fol. *3r) ex manuscriptis codicibus loca aliquot

not based on any new manuscript sources al- emendavi. Nonnulla tamen fuerunt quae in illis though the imperfect text of the Aldine edition is aeque ac In impressis Ita sunt corrupta ut 7 legiemended. Donzellini’s manuscripts are, therefore, Cee Nihilomi eruendum ay an . fuerit natay

at least indirectly those from which the Aldine Ore. by HOMES dor pracceeen fall oll sf

was derived: Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Mar- quentibus commodum sensum (ni fallor) conse ciana, Zan. gr. 513 (770) for Or. 18, 19, 22-25 and a Unus tantum locus est In quo; culm verba aliquot

manuscript seemingly no longer extant for Or. desint neque ea in (in ea ed.) manuscriptis illis in-

VI.2. HIERONYMUS DONZELLINUS 95 venerim, imperfectum relinquere sum coactus. tuna eorum libidine atque intemperantia me non Atqui videbitur fortassis alicubi mea versio a temere muniendum duxi. Vale. Themistii verbis discrepare ac variare, nec tamen Or. 18 (ed. of Basel, 1559). [Inc.]: (p. 33 p. 18.1-2) li qui ea animadvertent, quidquam temere aut in- _Viri, quicumque hodierno die audiendi mei gra-

scite fuisse a me factum iudicabunt, potius vero tia in hoc Musarum theatrum convenistis ex antiquis codicibus ac exemplaribus, quae ego .../... [Expl.]: (p. 244; Or. 25, p. 115.21-22) sed summo meo cum labore consului, ea me loca cuiusmodi a principio erant, cum sepositae sunt, emendasse ut integra auctoris sententia reddere- _ tales ad perpetuum tempus duraturas.

tur. Ut autem paratior atque instructior ad Editions: harum orationum lectionem lector accederet, ar- 1559 Basileae (Basel): Petrus Perna. VD T-706; gumentis eas illustravi, quae tamquam periochae 1¥¢ BL; BNF; Oxford, Bodleian Library; Paris

singulis praefixa, earum intelligentiam non medi- Biblio théque Mazarine: (I CN: CtY) ocriter patefacient (-unt ed.) ac adiuvabunt. De 1633, Helmstadi (Helmste dt): e typographo quibus cum Cubtaret typographus, essentne a Luciorum. With a preface by Heinrich Scheurl me versa aly VETO ri mn In cor partem ac- and Hieronymus Donzellinus’ translation of Or. CIP rn efrore quodam 1 utu 0 corum me non 4, (“De amicitia”). Graesse 6.2:112. G6ttingen, Opiicemn sed versorem fecit. ... (fol. +71) Sex Niedersachsische Staats- und Universitatsbiblioalias orationes scripsisse fertur Themistius, quae thek. The copy identified in VD T-710 (Wolfen-

in Diegni Hurtadi Hispani bibliotheca lateant, biittel, Herzog August Bibliothek) seems to be nondum editae. Eas ego cum essem Venetiis sum- identical, but the title page (and consequently the mis precibus expetivi ac omnem lapidem movi ut date) is missin

illas impetrarem: cupiebam enim cum his con- b°

iunctas in publicum prodire. Verum tanta reli- Doubtful edition: gione fuerunt adservatae ut ne semel quidem Schutte (DBI 41.242) refers to an edition of Vividere illas potuerim. Non desistam tamen donec enna, 1550; no copy has been located.

aliqua ratione illas obtineam, ac tum graecas Biography: omnes ac latinas aut simul aut seorsum in lucem Hie ony i us Donzellinus (Girolamo Donzellivadite rie ae autem nacts DUS CBIeB iA ae ni) was born at Orzinuovi near Brescia in 1513. He erudita Ingenia In hoc genere elaborarint, au") obtained a medical degree from the University of tamen fuisse reperio qui non alicubi sit hallucina- Padua in 1541 and taught there for two years betus. Quare etsi ego multo . doctrina praestantes fore moving to Rome. He left Rome for Venice in viros meae ulus versioniy ludices Fecerim ac €O- 454s after his interest in Lutheran ideas led to acmuni tamen sorte me -munemn nace non vo f cusations of heresy. Similar charges led to Don-

t Erunt | dubio 1 i P zellini’s departure from Venice in 1553. His move-

reOr, Brunt procul Cublo loca aliqua a me non nents in the next seven years are unclear, but he intellecta aut well parum feliciter versa, quibus si ; and Ger; . ; a may have traveled tode Switzerland

quis dab amice fl nas) Sratias agam ac ila many, where he would have made contact with " rentine 0. i 81) St Cicero Tatinae elo Protestant thinkers. He may also have overseen

at P PS &t P orre at's the publication of his translations of Themistian iam futurus est tamto audax ut hocDonzellini ausit sibi polasebriefly 999 \SEE . on ar eee re return Venice, was imprisliceri? Latino igitur sermone contenti sint lec. am lesiti did oned. He then moved to Verona, where he marTimaeo, elus maiestatem aequare non potuit, quis orations at Basel in 1 (see above). Tried on his

tores, qui sententiam legitimam candice, pure ac ried, but again he ran foul of the Inquisition in bona si eostolepores, lumina acof. his :; f fide tions reddat, j . 1574, etiam was returned Venice for a review ont auib a ora ne | in mea Themis © HON TPH” earlier trial, and sentenced to life imprisonment ent, quibus graece loquens Themistius est usus. in 1575. Released in 1577, he practiced medicine

Alioqui cum orationes politicae non sint sed vO . ; ; rm . | until a trial hae for heresy in 1587 led to hisaeexecution.

philosophicae, de sententiis magis quam de verborum elegantia sollicitos esse debere lectores ar- Works: bitror..../... [Expl.]: (fol. .:3r) tanta nunc est Donzellini was an outstanding physician, parobtrectatorum copia atque proventus, magni ticularly skilled in the treatment of plagues, and atque illustris viri nomine, ceu clipeo, ab impor- an erudite scholar. In addition to several medical

96 THEMISTIUS, IN LIBRUM DE INSOMMIIS treatises of his own, he also published editions of multis in locis haesitaverit quomodo corrigendae

other medical works, notably those of Giambat- essent, et ipse auctor tamquam philosophus tista da Monte (1498-1551), his former colleague acutissimus immiscuit sententias et elegantes loat Padua; see Schutte (cited below) for a full in- cutiones ex gravi quopiam auctore collegit. Eas

ventory. tamen ut quam emendatissime (-mae post corr.)

a: ederentur cum quatuor,vaticanis codicibus conBibliography: Biographie universelle 11.223-24; Nouvelle bi- mms. Dy: ; ; he s érale 14. PASS fore saeculum. Finis nonae orationis.

(see index); L. Perini, “Note e documenti su ; ; ; “1: Dietro P librario-ti f> a Basilea” N. Concluding note (Vatican City, Biblioteca He! ‘y vic ! (1966) 1. Osta De pas “A, eal Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 6243). (fol. 191r) Hic

PIVISEA SLOTICA 50 \1900) 145-993 Fern, ANCOTA SU" in fine maxima est difficultas ob menda, et quod

librario-tipografo Pietro Perna e su alcune figure ae Litet at : . 7 e-rrer 3 aps breviter historias tangit atque

latenter.

di eretici italiani in rapporto con lui,” ibid. 51 (1967) 363-404; M.-L. Portmann, “Der venezianer Manuscript: © . _ .

Arzt Girolamo Donzellini (etwa 1527-1587) und (micro.) Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica seine Beziehungen zu Basler Gelehrten,” Gesnerus Vaticana, Vat. lat. 6243, s. XVI ex., fols. 174r-191r 30 (1973) 1-6; R. Maisano, “La critica filologica di (Kristeller, Iter 2.339a). Petau e Hardouin e l’edizione parigina del 1684 delle Orazioni di Temistio,’ Archivum historicum

Societatis Iesu 43 (1974) 267-300 at 278-79. SPURIOUS WORKS

3. Anonymus Vaticanus VII. In LipruM DE INSOMNIIS This translation of Themistius’ Or. 7 was un- PARAPHRASIS dertaken after its first printed edition by Henri

Estienne in 1562. It can probably be dated to the TRANSLATION period 1562-1605 or 1613 when further editions of 1. Hermolaus Barbarus Junior this oration were published by Georg Rehm and The dedicatee of this translation, Galeatus

Pe°.e°°

Denys Petau. The author calls it the ninth oration Ponticus Facinus (Galeazzo Pontico Faccino), subecause in Estienne’s edition it was the first to fol- _ pervised the first edition of the Themistian paralow the eight orations (the present Or. 18-25) phrases (see above, Composite Editions, 1481, Tre-

ublished in the Aldine edition of 1534. The viso). In his dedication Hermolaus Barbarus translation, preserved only in a late sixteenth- Junior (Ermolao Barbaro the Younger) invites century codex, Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Faccino to undertake this work during 1480. On Vaticana, Vat. lat. 6243, is an extensively corrected Faccino see CTC 3.397; Branca, Ep. 2.145-46; and working copy with a facing transcription of the J. F.C. Richards, “The Poems of Galeazzo Pontico Greek text. The four Vatican manuscripts with Faccino,” Studies in the Renaissance 6 (1959) 94-

Pee.

which the author claims that the text has been 128 (three poems addressed to Ermolao Barbaro). collated are probably Vat. gr. 80, 82, 435, and 936. Preface (ed. of Venice, 1499). Hermolai Barbari Prefatory note (Vatican City, Biblioteca Apo- Patricii Veneti Zachariae filii in paraphrasim stolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 6243). (fol. 174r) Ora- Themistii De insomniis ad Galeatum Ponticum tiones Themistii sunt valde difficiles. Adeo enim Facinum praefatio. [Inc.]: (fol. 110v) Dicavi primendosae sunt ut ipse etiam Henricus Stephanus dem tibi, ut nosti, interpretatiunculam De in-

VIII.1. HERMOLAUS BARBARUS JUNIOR Q7 somniis quod pro mea in te benevolentia et pro COMMENTARY ea spe, quam de ingenio et doctrina tua concepe- a. Marcus Antonius Zimarra ram, volens feci. Nunc ceu fato quodam nostra On these Contradictiones et solutiones, see II.b adoreola sine te non possit stare: Themistius nos- above. Only one item is related to the paraphrase ter te rogat ut se transcribas. Periclitatur enim nisi of the De insomniis. suppetias venis, ne (quae desidia et nequitia li- Contradictiones ac solutiones Marci Antonit Z1-

brarii est) antevortat se impressorum diligentia marrae in dictis lucidissimi Themisti (ed. of .../... [Expl.] Et, hercules, miratus sum unde Venice, 1542). In libro De insomnits. [Inc.]: (fol. mihi tantum otii ad sales, praesertim tam occu- +2r [unnumbered]) Aristoteles in libro De inpato quam antehac numquam; et nisi quod ad te somniis qui immediate est post librum De somno scribebam, quicum licuit insanire, manias et in- et vigilia et ante librum De divinatione ostendit

temperias incidisse me vererer. Vale. Venetiis, visum esse digniorem tactu (461b2-3; cf. ps.

MCCCCLXXX. Themist. 36.19-25) .../... [| Expl.]: (fol. +3v [unIn De insomniis paraphrasis (ed. of Venice, numbered]) in alio vero casu convenit e contra ut 1499). Capitulum primum. Insomnia sensu non _ in casu philosophi. Absolute tamen visus est cerpercipi. [Inc.]: (fol. 1111; ps. Themist., In De in- _ tior.

somn. 29.2-4) Post haec de insomniis est agen- Editions: dum, primumque illud quaerendum cui animae 1542 See above. Composite Editions potestati compareant, et utrum affectio mentis an 1 See above. Composite E ditions. sensus sit..../...[Expl.]: (fol. 113v; ps. Themist., ° 49. See above. Composite E ditions. In De insomn. 39.31-32) Nam immutatione vel ae- ° +4. See above. Composite E ditions. tatis vel affectionis aliquovis secuta necessarium i. > See above. Composite E ditions

Manse Bi

est naturam quoque ipsam et temperamentum ae mutari. 1570. See above, Composite Editions. (*) Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vati-

cana, Vat. lat. 2142, s. XV (a. 1482-84), fols.

270v—277Vv (see In I.2Liprum above). DE Editions: VIII.

1481. See above, Composite Editions. DIVINATIONE PER SOMNUM

1499. See above, Composite Editions. PARAPHRASIS 1502. See above, Composite Editions. TRANSLATION ; 1500. See above, Composite Editions.

1520. See above, Composite Editions. 1. Hermolaus Barbarus J unor

(*) 1527. See above, Composite Editions. The dedicatory letter to this translation is 1529. See above, Composite Editions. dated 1478; the dedicatory letters to the other 1530 (Basel). See above, Composite Editions. Themistian/ps.-Themistian translations by Her1530 (Venice). See above, Composite Editions. molaus Barbarus Junior (Ermolao Barbaro the

1533. See above, Composite Editions. Younger) are all dated 1480. The earlier date of 1535. See above, Composite Editions. 1478 may indicate that the translation of the De 1542. See above, Composite Editions. divinatione per somnum was the first to be ready 1545. See above, Composite Editions. for the printer. In the preface Barbaro notes that 1549. See above, Composite Editions. two years earlier (.e., in 1476) he had borrowed a 1554. See above, Composite Editions. manuscript of Aristotle from the dedicatee, Mar1559. See above, Composite Editions. cus Barbus (Marco Barbo, 1420-90), and he asks 1560. See above, Composite Editions. to keep the codex for another month until his 1570. See above, Composite Editions. work on the paraphrases was complete. The Aristotelian manuscript in question has not yet been

Edition containing only the Preface: identified; presumably it contained all or most of

; Themistius.

Branca, Ep. 13 (1.18). the treatises paraphrased by Themistius and ps.

Bregrap Marco Barbo belonged to an aristocratic fami-

98 THEMISTIUS, IN LIBRUM DE MEMORIA ly in the Veneto. He had an important ecclesiasti- 1502. See above, Composite Editions. cal career, had extensive connections with con- 1520. See above, Composite Editions.

temporary humanists, and made translations (*) 1527. See above, Composite Editions. from the Greek (see M. L. King, Venetian Human- 1529. See above, Composite Editions. ism in an Age of Patrician Dominance |Princeton, 1530 (Basel). See above, Composite Editions.

1986], 327-28). 1530 (Venice). See above, Composite Editions. Preface (ed. of Venice, 1499). Hermolai Barbari 1533. See above, Composite Editions.

Zachariae filii Patricii Veneti in paraphrasim 1535. See above, Composite Editions. Themistii De divinatione secundum quietem 1542. See above, Composite Editions. praefatio ad Marcum Barbum. [Inc.]: (fol. 116r) 1545. See above, Composite Editions. Libellum De divinatione secundum quietem in- 1549. See above, Composite Editions. terpretati sumus ad te. Id munusculum, cum 1554. See above, Composite Editions. quod e licio (Branca; Sicio ed.) est tum quod a me 1559. See above, Composite Editions.

venit, gratum tibi fore non dubito. Iudicium 1560. See above, Composite Editions. tuum quod sit, simul haec legeris, aveo de te per 1570. See above, Composite Editions. litteras scire, Ceterum hospes biennium meus Edition containing only the Dedication:

; ranca, Ep. 7 (1.67).

Aristoteles tuus, sive quod comiter a me et libe- B ° raliter tractatus est sive quod veretur ne tam lon-

ga peregrinatione offensionem animi tui subierit, Biography:

discedere sed ne avelli quidem a nobis potest See I.2 above. .../... [Expl]: Sed iocari collibuit illud serio: Aristotelem tuum apud me esse adhuc mensem

oportet, quoad dum Themistius noster totus ex- JX. Jn L1BRUM DE MEMORIA ET eat. Nec vero mi (ni ed.) fraudi sit quod re tua in- REMINISCENTIA PARAPHRASIS

vito te abutor. Primum ne (Branca; me ed.) invito

te id faciam, humanitas tua metu illo me liberat; TRANSLATION deinde ut invito te faciam quod facere me 1. Hermolaus Barbarus Junior oportet, eius rei culpam necessitas, non ipse Hermolaus Barbarus Junior (Ermolao Barhabuerim. Vale. Venetiis, MCCCCLXXVIII. baro the Younger) states in the Dedication that he In De divinatione per somnum paraphrasis (ed. began to work on this translation “in his nineof Venice, 1499). Capitulum primum. An existi- teenth year” (i.e., in 1472), and thus while he was mandum sit aliquam divinationem haberi per at Naples (see I.2 above). The dedicatee is Fransomnum. [Inc.}: (fol. 116v; ps. Themist., In De div. _ciscus Thronus (Francesco Tron), a Venetian arisper somn. 40.2-3) Divinationem in somno ali- _ tocrat, of whom almost nothing is known (see Ep. quam esse quae dormientibus nobis pervenire di- 4] [1.1416 and 2.160 Branca]).

catur a somniis neque pertinaciter resistendum Preface (ed. of Venice, 1499). Hermolai Barbari

neque temere assentiendum puto..../... Zachariae filii Patricii Veneti paraphrasis The[Expl.]: (fol. 114v [sic]; ps. Themist., In De div. per mistii De memoria et reminiscentia praefatio ad somn. 44.23-25) quid sit somnus et quidinsomni- Franciscum Thronum L. filium. [Inc.]: (fol. 102v)

um, quamobrem utrumque animantibus iunc- An tibi agere meminisseve aliquas gratias detum. Item qualisnam divinatio ea sit quae profi- beam, Francisce suavissime, qui me ad editionem ciscatur ex somniis, dictum iam est. Nunc de impuleris Themistii mei, non facile habeo dicere. communi animalium motu agendum videtur. Scio enim quam sit ardua ratio, primum interpre-

Manuscript: tari graeca, deinde physica, tum hoc aevi, quo (*) Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vati- omnes scientias invasit barbaries. ... Fuit enim cana, Vat. lat. 2142, s. XV (a. 1482-84), fols, 2Pud me opus hoc annis amplius septem pres-

277v-280v (see 1.2 above). sum, quippe quod anno aetatis uno de viginti coeptum a me sit, ne multum abesse a praescrip-

Editions: to noni videar. Nec tamen propterea magnum ali-

1481. See above, Composite Editions. quid expectari de nobis velim. Nam tametsi ali1499. See above, Composite Editions. qua in editionibus nostris sint, in quibus si non 1500. See above, Composite Editions. frugem saltem rudimentum ingenii et igniculos

X.1. HERMOLAUS BARBARUS JUNIOR 99 quosdam agnoscas, non tamen mihi id sum[m]o 1520. See above, Composite Editions. aut arrogo ut a doctis viris probatum iri haec (*) 1527. See above, Composite Editions. credam..../... [Expl.]: (fol. 102v) An mihi de- 1529. See above, Composite Editions. futurus umquam tu es, cuius vel unius iudicio 1530 (Basel). See above, Composite Editions. niti possim? Aut si tu minus aequum te prae- 1530 (Venice). See above, Composite Editions. bueris, quae mea errata tam frequentia aut in- 1533. See above, Composite Editions. signia eripient mihi Antonium Clarium (Calvum 1535. See above, Composite Editions. Branca) meum? Cui, praeter id quod clarus-ius 1542. See above, Composite Editions. ed.) vir et probus intelligitur, etiam lectione varia 1545. See above, Composite Editions. et multa exercito, fides de me non haberi non po- 1549. See above, Composite Editions. terit. Nam de Hieronymo Donato [sc. Girolamo 1554. See above, Composite Editions. Donato] (meo dicam an nostro?) quid mihi non 1559. See above, Composite Editions. respondeam, cuius eminentissimum et divinum 1560. See above, Composite Editions. ingenium doctrina exquisitissima et singularis 1570. See above, Composite Editions. humanitas comitatur? Is mihi vel evidenter noxae Edition containing only the Dedication:

comperto et assistere subsignare se etiam quo- B E _ ooetranca, Ep. 11 (1.14-16). cumque periculo nominis paratus atque adeo

animatus est. Quamquam vero haec ita sunt, Biography: nondum tamen liquet habere tibi gratias debeam, See I.2 above. qui me in locum tam lubricum conieceris. Sed ne cui ingratus utcumque possim videri cui constet

quod mihi non constat, nuncupavi tibi librum De X. IN LIB RUM DE S OMNO F T memoria et reminiscentia, id est, particulam con- VIGILIA PARAPHRASIS silii tui. Quod si improbabitur, non tam mihi qui

acceperim quam tibi qui dederis poenitendum TRANSLATION depudendumque sit. Volo enim qui haec dam- 1. Hermolaus Barbarus Junior narit, auctorem flagitii intelligat. Ita fiet ut et se The dedication to this translation shows that mihi in tua culpa faciliores exhibeant et minus the dedicatee, Hieronymus Donatus (Girolamo fraudis in me decumbat, quae partiario allevata Donato, 1456-1511), had previously read an unre-

sit. Vale. Venetiis, MCCCCLXXX. vised version. Donato was an almost exact conIn De memoria et reminiscentia paraphrasis temporary of Hermolaus Barbarus Junior (Ermo(ed. of Venice, 1499). Capitulum primum. Non Jao Barbaro the Younger) and, like him, had eosdem facile meminisci qui facile reminiscantur. studied Greek at Rome with Theodore Gaza [Inc.]: (fol. 1031; ps. Themist., In De mem. 1.4-6) (1400-76; CTC 2.130) and law at Padua before en-

Nunc de memoria quid sit meminisse et quas ob tering the service of the Venetian state. Donato causas habeatur et ad quam partem animae per- also translated a work of an Aristotelian comtinere possit accurate agendum explicandumque mentator, Alexander of Aphrodisias’ De anima, est..../... [Expl.]: (fol. 106v; ps. Themist., In De which was conjoined with Barbaro’s Themistian mem. 16.9-12) Item de reminiscentia et quid sit translations in some later editions (see CTC 2.85). reminisci et memoria quemadmodum redinte- Qn Donato, see further “Girolamo Donato,” Congretur repareturque amissa et unde proficiscatur —_ temporaries of Erasmus 1.396-97 (T. B. Deutscher);

dictum. “Dona (Donati, Donato), Girolamo,’ DBI 40.741Manuscript: 53 (P. Rigo); M. L. King, Venetian Humanism in an (*) Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vati- A8é of Patrician Dominance (Princeton, 1986),

cana, Vat. lat. 2142, s. XV (a. 1482-84), fols. 366-68. .

251r-263r (see I.2 above). Dedication (ed. of Venice, 1499). Hermolai

- Barbari Zachariae filii Patricii Veneti in librum

Editions: - De somno et vigilia Themistii ad Hieronymum

1481. See above, Composite Editions. Donatum Antonii filium. [Inc.]: (fol. 107r) Optavi 1499. See above, Composite Editions. tecum esse, mi Hieronyme, his diebus quibus in-

1500. See above, Composite Editions. terpretationi nostrae in paraphasim The1502. See above, Composite Editions. mistii summam manum imposui, ut coram com-

100 THEMISTIUS, ORATIO AD VALENTEM municare tibi omnia ea possem et quod tuum in Editions containing only the Dedication: lis iudicium esset praesens intelligerem. Ac legisti Branca, Ep. 12 (1.1617).

tu quidem olim haec et, quod meminerim, E. Garin, ed., Prosatori latini del Quattrocento, probasti; sed sive in peius effinxi et, ut ille inquit vol. 7 (Turin, 1977), 838-41. With an Italian trans-

[Plin., Ep. 5.15.1], ab archetypo decidi, sive lation.

qt. eee iography:

dispendium limae nonnihil profecit, certe in to- Bi

tum alia sunt quam quae vidisti. Quod si affuisses See 1.2 above

tu, periculum non erat ut ab iis quae commutassem detraxissemve laberer; alioquin in haec impensius studium contuli quam volebam. ... /

... [Expl.]: Nos quidem tempus omne quod vix- XI. ORATIO AD VALENTEM imus et quod deinceps, deum voluntate, victuri IMPERATOREM (OR. 12) sumus, in illam curam destinavimus, ut pro virili

parte naturalis philosophia cum studiis humani- IMITATION

tatis in gratiam redeat. Vale. Libellum De somno 1. Andreas Duditius et vigilia, quem ad te vertimus, scio tibi pro tua in Andreas Duditius (Andreas Dudith) died at me benivolentia non ingratissimum fore. Veneti- Breslau (mod. Wroclaw) in 1586. At some point in

is, MCCCCLXXX. his varied career he arguably composed the presIn De somno et vigilia paraphrasis (ed. of ent oration, a pastiche based on evidence that

Venice, 1499). Capitulum primum. Quaestiones Themistius delivered an oration on religious tolad somnum et vigiliam pertinentes. [Inc]: (fol. erance to the emperor Valens (364-378) as well as 107V; ps. Themist., In De somn. 17.2-3) De somno material from the authentic Or. 5. The date of et vigilia consideranda haec arbitror: primum composition is uncertain. Costil 348-49 (cited bequid sint et cui parti et potestati animae credita. low) argues for the years 1568-72 when Dudith .../... [Expl]: (fol. 110r; ps. Themist., In De was at Cracow and occupied with issues of relisomn. 28.2223) Dictum est et illud,somnum ani- gious tolerance. But this oration could also have malibus exhibitum ad salutem, quae potissimum been composed during Dudith’s later years at

Manuscript: ; ; as ; ;

de quiete contingeret. Breslau, when he was an apostate Catholic living in a city noted for its religious tolerance. Dudith’s

; ; 4: ; . interest in Themistius may reflect his earlier con(*) Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vati- tacts in the 1550s at Venice with Girolamo cana, Vat. lat. 2142, s. XV (a. 1482-84), fols. . 39 363r-270v (see 1.2 above) Donzellini (1513-87) at a time when the latter was

3P7 translating some of the Themistian orations (see

Editions: VI.2 above). 1481. See above, Composite Editions. On the authenticity of this speech see Forster

1499. See above, Composite Editions. (cited below), who was the first to argue in detail 1500. See above, Composite Editions. that it was spurious, although this had been sus1502. See above, Composite Editions. pected earlier, e.g., by Costil. 1520. See above, Composite Editions. The speech was published posthumously in an (*) 1527. See above, Composite Editions. edition of the orations by Georg Rehm (1561— 1529. See above, Composite Editions. 1625), then a judge at Nuremberg. Rehm does not 1530 (Basel). See above, Composite Editions. indicate how he acquired the manuscript, but it 1530 (Venice). See above, Composite Editions. may have been sent to nearby Altdorf, where Du-

1533. See above, Composite Editions. dith’s close friend, the astronomer and mathe1535. See above, Composite Editions. matician Johannes Praetorius (1573-1616), taught. 1542. See above, Composite Editions. There is no evidence that Dudith tried to repre1545. See above, Composite Editions. sent the work as an authentic composition of 1549. See above, Composite Editions. Themistius, and a misunderstanding about its 1554. See above, Composite Editions. authorship may have arisen after Dudith’s death. 1559. See above, Composite Editions. Or. 7 (ed. of Hamburg, 1605). [Inc.]: (p. 2253 p. 1560. See above, Composite Editions. 137.1-3 Downey-Norman) Nemo est, sapientis1570. See above, Composite Editions. sime Imperator, qui iudicium tuum in eo non ve-

XI.1. ANDREAS DUDITIUS 101 hementer probet quod ut quisque optimus vir est with the Turkish invasion, during which his fa-

.../... [Expl]: (p. 2303 p. 144.21-22 Downey- ther was killed, the family moved to Breslau Norman) quacumque religione utantur, incolu- (mod. Wroclaw), where Dudith was educated by mitatem a deo et diurnitatem imperio tuo pre- religious teachers. He spent the years 1550-53 in

centur. northern Italy (Verona, Padua, Venice), and from Manuscript: 1553 to 1557 hewith was secretary totravelled Cardinal Reginald ; 14: ; Pole (1500-58), whom he tolearn; Paris, (micro.) Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, D 462 , ; . inf. s. XVIII, fols. 189r-191v (Kristeller, Iter where he continued his education by earning : ; ; This Hebrew, later to London reign of 1.323a). wasand probably copied during from athe printed

edition, brie to Higagary in iter Dudith was at Padus

Editions: in 1558-60 and in northern Europe in 1560—61. He

-eldius. dure (Hamburg): SchonwasTrent a controversial Ed. G. Remus,Johannes pp. 225-30. BL; BNF. in 1562-63. speaker at the Council of 1613, Flexiae (La Fléche): Jacobus Rezé. Ed. D. Between 1561 and 1567 Dudith held successivePetavius, pp. 403-17; with a Greek version by this ly the bishoprics of Tina (Knien), Csanad, and

editor. NUC. BL; BNF; (CtY). Pécs (Fiinfkirchen), but his marriage to a Polish (*) 1614, Francofurtae (Frankfurt): Johannes noblewoman in 1567 led to his excommunication Bringerus. Ed. G. Remus. Regensburg, Staatliche and departure to Cracow. There he played some

Bibliothek. role in Polish politics as a representative of the 1615, Gerae (Gera): Johannes Spiessius. In M. Hapsburg emperor until the election of a Polish Wendland, Discursus de pace et cura religionis, pp. king in 1576. Dudith also made contacts with

333-48. BNF. Georg Joachim Rheticus (1514-74) and Johannes 1617, Flexiae (La Fléche): Jacobus Rezé. Con- Praetorius (1537-1616), and he developed an intents the same as in the edition of 1613. NUC. _ terest in mathematics and astronomy that would

BNF; (MH). be prominent in his later years. After spending

1618, Parisiis (Paris): Sebastianus Cramoisy. 1577-79 at Paskov in Moravia, Dudith returned to Ed. D. Petau, pp. 498-511; with a Greek version by Breslau and devoted himself to scholarship. Althis editor. NUC. BL; BNF; (CU; ICU; MoSU). though he had become a Lutheran, he flirted for a 1618, Parisiis (Paris): Claudius Morellus. Con- time with Calvinism and Socinianism. He died in

clCLU; the same in the 8 entry. NUC. February 1589,Savile in the(see presence the English MH;as NjP; ViLxW; MA). scholar Thomas CTC of 8.20). 1618, Parisiis (Paris): Michael Somnius. Con- Works:

tents the same as in the edition of 1618 (Sebas- , OM: dominated b lesjastical and tianus Cramoisy). NUC. BL; BNF; (MoSU; CU; dj nea career ominated by ecc esiastical an

ICU). iplomatic duties, Dudith did not publish exten1684, Parisiis (Paris): Sebastianus Marbre- sively. Fis Latin translation of Dionysius of HaliCramoisy. Ed. J. Hardouin . 154-61; with C@tassus treatise on Thucydides (Di onysit Hali-

y. » Pp. 154-61;

Petavius’ Greek version. The oration isnumbered 64"7"49°" De Thucydidis Historia iudicium |Venice, ‘12’ for the first time. NUC. BL; BNF; (DLC; MH). 1560]) ‘his the only Mayor scholarly work to ap1832, Lipsiae (Leipzig): Karl Knobloch. Ed. W. pear HF s weume: For a ist of his published and Dindorf, pp. 183-97; with Petavius’ Greek version. unpublished works see Costil 387-403.

1974, Lipsiae (Leipzig): Teubner. Themistii Bibliography: Orationes, ed. G. Downey and A. Norman, vol. 3, Biographie universelle 11.419-20; Dictionnaire

pp. 137-44. Latin version only. histoire et géographie ecclésiastiques 14.988—89;

Biography: Jécher 2.230—31; Lexicon fiir Theologie und Kirche Andreas Duditius (Andreas Dudith- 3-594-9)> Nouvelle biographie générale 15.44-455 Sbardellati, Andras Dudith, Andrzedja Dudycza) Tealogische Realenzyklopadie 9.204 206; CTC was born at or near Buda in 1533, a Hungarian 2.28; Ah 19 ¥ 196 (on Ft Phal translations 0 Catholic of Croatian origin on his father’s side Longinus an D emetrius of Phalerum). and Venetian origin on his mother’s side. Faced R. Forster, “Andreas Dudith und die XII. Rede

102 THEMISTIUS, ORATIO AD VALENTEM des Themistios,” Neue Jahrbiicher fiir Padagogik 3 Musée neuchdtelois 4 (1982) 207-14; M. Szlatky, (1900) 74-93; I. Hegedius, “Themistios es Dudith “Dudith Andras (1533-1589) humanista philoldAndras,” Irodalomtorteneti Kozlemenyek 11 (1901) — gus levelezésének orvostérténeti jelentoségérdl,” 189-99; P. Costil, André Dudith: humaniste hon- Orvostérténeti Kézlemények 105-106 (1984) 91-101; grois 1533-1589. Sa vie, son oeuvre, et ses manuscrits L. Szczucki, “Pomiedzy ortodoksja a nikodemizgrecs (Paris, 1935), 394-95, 423-28 on the above men (Andrzej Dudycz na Soborze Trydenckim),” speech, and passim on Dudith’s life and works; L. Odrodzenie i Reformacja w Polsce 21 (1984) 49-90; Glesinger,. Der Humanist Andreas Dudith im CC. Maccagni and G. Derenzini, “Libri Apollonii Kreise der Antiparacelsisten, Salzburger Beitraége qui... desiderantur,” in C. Mangione, ed., Scienzur Paracelsusforschung 7 (Vienna, 1967); C. Va- za e filosofia: saggi in onore di Ludovico Geymonat

soli, “Andreas Dudith-Sbardellati e la disputa (Milan, 1985), 678-96 at 683-86; L. Szczucki, sulle comete,” in T. Klaniczay, ed., Rapporti vene- “Ars dissimulandi: Andrzeja Dudycza rozstanie to-ungheresi all’epoca del Rinascimento (Budapest, z KoSciolem,” in Kultura polska a kultura europey1975), 299-324 and reprinted in Vasoli, I mitie gli ska (Warsaw, 1987), 189-204; Szczucki, “L episto-

astri (Naples, 1977), 351-87; S. Scheiber, “Kézés_lario di Andrea Dudith,” Rinascimento, 2d rémtorténet Bornemiszanal és Dudithnal,” Filolé- — Ser.,.28 (1985) 297-308; Szczucki, “Gli interessi giai Kézlény 26 (1980) 353-54; R. S. Westman, matematico-astronomici di Andrea Dudith,’ ibid. “The Astronomer’s Role in the Sixteenth Centu- 31 (1988) 361-73; R. Goulding, “Who Wrote the

ry: A Preliminary Survey,” History of Science 18 Twelfth Oration of Themistius?” Journal of the (1980) 105—47 at 129-30; A. Dufour, “La définition Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 63 (2000) 1-23.

de lEglise: un dialogue entre Dudith et Béze,”

THUCYDIDES MARIANNE PADE

! (Kobenhavns Universitet)

Fortuna. 104 Bibliography. 117

Composite Editions. 119 ]. Historiae. 120 Translations. 1. Laurentius Valla. 2. Marcus Antonius Coccius Sabellicus (Books 1, 3, 5-8, speeches). 3. Bilibaldus Pirckheimerus (Book 1, partial). 4. Anonymus Hamburgensis (Books 1-3: Philippus Melanchthon or Vitus Winsemius?). 5. Philippus Melanchthon (Books 1-4 and 6-7, speeches; Books 1 and 3, excerpts). 6. Johannes Casa (Books 1-3, speeches; Book 2, excerpt). 7. Henricus Stephanus. 8. Joachim Camerarius (Books 1-2, excerpts and speeches). 9. Gulielmus Canterus (Book 2, funeral oration of Pericles). 10. Vitus Winsemius. 11. Antonius Zenus (Book 1, speech). 12. Jobus Veratius (Books 1 and 7, speeches). 13. Franciscus Patiaequus (Book 1, partial). 14. Franciscus Portus. 15. Georgius Acacius Enenckelius. 16. Fabius Paulinus (Book 2, description of the plague). 17. Petrus de Valencia (Book 1, partial).

Commentaries. a. Anonymus Basiliensis (Books 1—4.98.8).

b. Anonymus Hamburgensis (Books 1-3: Philippus Melanchthon or Vitus Winsemius?). c. David Chytraeus (Books 1-6 and 8, accessus only). d. Joachim Camerarius (Books 1-2, excerpts and speeches). e. Vitus Winsemius. f. Antonius Zenus (Book 1, speech). g. Jobus Veratius (Books 1-7, argumenta). h. Henricus Stephanus (Books 1-2). i. Franciscus Portus. j. Georgius Acacius Enenckelius. k. Fabius Paulinus (Book 2, description of the plague). 103

104 THUCYDIDES FORTUNA* able to return to his native city. We do not know

. the date of his death, only that he lived to see the Thucydides, the son of Olorus, was the author — end of the war. Since he did not have time to fin-

of a contemporary history of the Pelopon- ish his work, he probably died around 400 B.c. nesian War (431-404 B.C.) known simply as The Historiae are the principal source for bithe Io Toptat or Svyypagn (Latin Historiae) and graphical information about Thucydides. We comprising eight books. Through his mother he also have other Greek sources, namely, the Vita of belonged to the Athenian aristocratic family of Marcellinus (fifth century A.p.?), a short anonythe Philaidae; his father’s family, however, was mous Vita, and the article in the Suda (tenth cen-

Thracian, and throughout his life Thucydides tury). The general consensus, however, now maintained connections with that country. His seems to be that the Historiae are the source of mother’s family was traditionally conservative these later works.' and opposed to the popular policy of Pericles, a Although the Peloponnesian War was over in fact which makes the strong Periclean bias of the 404 3.c., the Historiae end with the description

Fistoriae somewhat surpr ising. of the events of the year 411/410 B.c. Book 8 (the Early in the war Thucydides caught the plague, —_Jast) shows less stylistic perfection than books 1-7

but he recovered. He was elected general for the and contains no speeches. Thucydides stresses year 425/424 B.C., when he would have been at that he writes about events that took place when least thirty years old. Consequently he must have he was present, or for which he has reliable eyebeen born no later than 455 B.c. and, in all proba- witnesses. He aimed to produce a work that bility, some years before that. In the winter of would be “judged useful by those who want to 424/423 B.C. he failed to save the city of Am- understand clearly the events which happened in phipolis from Brasidas, the Spartan commander, the past and which (human nature being what it and was exiled. During the rest of the war he did is) will, at some time or other and in much the not live in Athens, a circumstance which may same ways, be repeated in the future.” Book 1 have furthered his historical investigations. _ contains two long digressions (excursus): the so Thucydides began to write the Historiae im- called Archeology (1.2-20), treating the early hismediately after the outbreak of the war in 431B.C. tory of Greece; and the Pentecontaetia (1.89117), He was probably pardoned after the capitulation linking the Historiae to the work of Herodotus of Athens in 404 B.c. and would then have been (ca. 485-425 B.c.) and relating the events of the fifty years from the end of the Persian Wars to the * My work on this article was made possible by a travel- | beginning of the Peloponnesian War.

ling fellowship from the Carlsberg-foundation (Copen- Throughout the first seven books of the Histohagen) and by a grant from the Niels Bohr Fond; by the hos- +76 we find interspersed with the ordinary narra-

pitality of the Accademia di Danimarca (Rome), Universita , or

Cattolica del Sacro Cuore (Milan), and Fondation Hardt V€ the famous speeches of politicians and gener(Geneva); and by the help and advice of, among others, als. The actual wording was necessarily invented

Giuseppe Billanovich (+), Karsten Friis-Jensen, Lucia Gualdo by Thucydides and the speeches are all unmistak-

Rosa, Kristian Jensen, Minna Skafte Jensen, Paul Oskar Kri- ably in his style, but he maintains that “while

steller (+), and Mariangela Regoliosi. I should also like to keepi | ‘ble to th | f

thank the editor of the volume, Virginia Brown, whose many CEPINg aS CLOSE aS POSSIDIE LO The seneral sense O

useful suggestions have improved this article on countless the words that were actually used, [he, sc. Thucy-

points. dides, would] make the speakers say what, in [his] For the Fortuna I am much indebted to Otto Luschnat’s _ opinion, was called for by each situation.’? The article on Thucydides, PW, Suppl. 12.1085ff. (1970; printed most celebrated and most imitated passages of separately as Thukydides der Historiker (Stuttgart, 1971]) and . ,

Suppl. 14.760ff. (1974), especially for the parts which concern the Historiae are: the proem (1.1-22); the speechthe Nachleben of Thucydides in Greek literature from classi- €S, particularly Pericles’ funeral oration (2.35—46); cal times to the fall of Byzantium (cols. 1167-69 and 1266-1311), and I here once and for all refer the reader to his

very detailed discussions. 1. For a contrasting view, see L. Piccirilli, “Le biografie For the titles of the works of Greek authors I follow Lid- di Tucidide. Leggende o realta?,” in II protagonismo nella dell and Scott, Greek-English Lexicon; for those of Latin au- storiografia classica (Genoa, 1987), 143-57.

thors the Thesaurus linguae latinae, Index librorum scripto- 2. Hist. 1.22.4, trans. R. Warner, Penguin Classics (Harrum inscriptionum ex quibus exempla afferuntur, 2d ed. mondsworth, 1954, 1974, and later reprints).

(Leipzig, 1990). 3. Ibid. 1.22.1, trans. Warner.

FORTUNA 105 the description of the plague in Athens (2.47.3- Cicero (106-43 B.C.) maintained that, for cen54); and the description of the civil war in Cor- _ turies, Thucydides lacked admirers (Brut. 17.66).

cyra (3.81-84). This is certainly too rash, but, apart from the his-

torians already mentioned, it is difficult to assess

the reactions to the work of Thucydides in the

CLASSICAL AND HELLENISTIC fourth century B.c. He is never mentioned diGREEK LITERATURE rectly, nor are there any unequivocal allusions to There is general agreement that Thucydides’ his work. Nonetheless, in the Attic rhetorician account was continued by the Athenians Xeno- Isocrates (436-338 B.c.) we find a number of phon (430/425~-after 355 B.c.) and Cratippus ideas and expressions which seem to imply a (fifth to fourth century B.c.), by the author of the knowledge of the Historiae, even if Isocrates’ gen-

Hellenica Oxyrhynchia (fourth century B.c., first eral line of thought has little in common with half), and by Theopompus of Chios (378/377 that of the historian. Whether Plato (428/427B.c.—?). Xenophon’s Hellenica* begins with the 349/348 B.c.) read Thucydides has been discussed words “After this” at the point where the Historiae with particular regard to the former's Menexenus break off, and the first two of the seven books of and the Republic. Again, despite the lack of any

the Hellenica constitute a compositional unity direct references, there can hardly be any doubt and follow Thucydides’ chronological scheme of that the Menexenus presupposes Pericles’ funeral dividing the narrative into summers and winters _ oration, even if the satire is not directed against of war. Some of these chronological indications Thucydides.’ The Republic certainly contains alare interpolations, but enough remain unchal- lusions to the Historiae. Recently it has been lenged to make certain the dependence on Thu- maintained that the Peloponnesian War and parcydides. Theopompus of Chios° also wrote a __ ticularly Thucydides’ account of it furnish a backwork entitled Hellenica. It seems certain that ground for Plato’s Gorgias.’ Aristotle (384-322 his account covered the events from the battle 3.c.) does not mention Thucydides explicitly, of Cynossema (411 B.c.) to the naval battle of _ but, if he is the author of the Athenaton Politeta, it Cnidos (394 B.c.). The extant fragments are, un- __ is clear that he used the Historiae in several pas-

fortunately, too sparse to allow any judgment _ sages.” on the style and composition of the work. Ac- Thucydidean influence is also apparent in the cording to the first-century B.c. critic Dionysius Sicilian history (FGrH 556) of Philistus of Syraof Halicarnassus (De Thucydide 16), Cratippus of — cuse (ca. 430-356 B.c.). This author is described

Athens, a younger contemporary of Thucydides, by Dionysius of Halicarnassus as an imitator described the events passed over by his predeces- of the style of Thucydides." In fact, Dionysius sor and continued on at least down to Conon’s maintains that Philistus was more useful to the restoration of naval power (394 B.c.).° The exist- orator than Thucydides.'’* Cicero characterizes ing fragments of the Hellenica Oxyrhynchia’ re- Philistus as “full of matter, penetrating, concise, late events of 409-407 B.c. and 396-395 B.c. and almost a miniature Thucydides,’ but easier to use, so far as can be ascertained, the division by _ read since he avoided the extremes of brevity that summers and winters of war. In many passages this anonymous historian seems also to be emu- 8. M. M. Henderson, “Plato’s Menexenus and the Dis-

lating the style of Thucydides. tortion of History,” Acta classica 18 (1975) 25-46.

g. A. W. Saxonhouse, “An Unspoken Theme in Plato’s

Gorgias, War,’ Interpretation 11 (1983) 139-69.

4. H. R. Breitenbach, “Xenophon,” PW, 2. Reihe, 9, A 10. Compare, e.g., Ath. 18 and Hist. 6.56—-58; Ath. 20 2.1669-80 (rpt. Stuttgart, 1966); E. M. Soulis, Xenophon and Hist. 6.53 and 59; Ath. 29-33 and Hist. 8.95-97 (M. and Thucydides (Athens, 1972); P. Krentz, “Had Xenophon Sironi¢, “Aristotel Ath. Pol. Ch. 20,” Ziva antica 30 [1980] Read Thucydides VIII before He Wrote the ‘Continuation’ —149—-54).

(Hell. I-II 3,10)?” The Ancient World 19 (1989) 15-18. 11. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, De imutatione, p. 5. E. Jacoby, ed., Fragmente der griechischen Historiker 208.16ff. and Pomp. 5. See also Quintilian, Inst. 10.1.74: (Berlin, 1923 and later), no. 115; cited hereafter as FGrH. “{Philistus] imitator Thucydidi et ut multo infirmior, ita

6. Plutarch, Moralia 345C-E (De glor. Athen. 1) gives a aliquatenus lucidior, ed. M. Winterbottom (Oxford,

summary of Cratippus’ work. 1970).

7. FGrH 66; also in V. Bartoletti, ed., Hellenica Oxy- 12. De imitatione 3.2; see M. Cagnetta, “Gli agoni di Fi-

rhynchia (Leipzig, 1959). listo,” Quaderni di storia 12.24 (1986) 133-36.

106 THUCYDIDES made the Athenian historian so difficult.’ More- _ illustrious by the language, or the words by the over, it has been suggested that the long parenthe- _ thoughts.”’* Cicero also mentions Thucydides tosis in Hist. 7.42.3, where Nicias is criticized, may gether with Pericles, Alcibiades, and Critias as a

be an intrusion of a marginal quotation from representative of the terse style of the Periclean

Philistus.'* age: “subtle, penetrating, concise, and with more

In Hellenistic times Posidonius (ca. 125-ca.50 thoughts than words.”"? Later, in the Brutus, these B.c.) and Polybius (ca. 200—after 118 B.c.) were orators are characterized in much the same way, both influenced by Thucydides. In Posidonius but with the criticism added that they were somethis is seen in the opening of his history and in his _ times difficult to understand: “They were stately use of speeches;'> in Polybius in his description of in the choice of words, rich in thought, from

method and also in the speeches.’® compression of matter brief, and for this reason sometimes rather obscure.’”° Cicero, while admit-

ting that the style of Thucydides is admirable,

LaTIN LITERATURE emphasizes the distinction between rhetoric and We have evidence of Thucydides’ influence on _ history: “‘But Thucydides will be brought up; for

Latin literature!” from the time of Cato the Elder some admire his eloquence. Right they are; but (234-149 B.c.) since Plutarch (Cat. Mai. 2 p. 337 that has no bearing on the orator whom we are C) reports that, after Cato had learned Greek late seeking. For it is one thing to set forth events in in life, he profited somewhat from Thucydides in an historical narrative, and another to present ar-

oratory. guments to clinch a case against an opponent, or Cicero often refers to Thucydides and discuss- _ to refute a charge. It is one thing to hold an audies him at length in the rhetorical works. Inthe De tor while telling a story, another while arousing oratore he has Antonius praise the style of the him.””' Cicero is, of course, appreciative of the Greek writer: “The next is Thucydides, who in my eminence of Thucydides as a historian: “Thucydiopinion easily surpasses everybody else in the art des was a herald of deeds, faithful and even of speaking. He is so full of a wealth of matter grand.” Nonetheless, he always prefers historical

that the number of thoughts almost equals the writings in the more rhetorical tradition of number of words, and he is furthermore so exact Isocrates and Aristotle.” and precise in his choice of words that one hardly knows whether it is the content which is rendered 18. Cicero, De orat. 2.56: “Post illum [sc. Herodotum] Thucydides omnes dicendi artificio mea sententia facile 13. Cicero, Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem 2.12.4: “Cre- __ vicit; qui ita creber est rerum frequentia, ut verborum ber, acutus, brevis, paene pusillus Thucydides” (ed. D.R. |= prope numerum sententiarum numero consequatur, ita S. Bailey [Stuttgart, 1988]); English translation by the _ porro verbis est aptus et pressus, ut nescias utrum res orasame in Cicero’s Letters to His Friends, vol. 2, Penguin __tione an verba sententiis inlustrentur” (ed. K. FE. KuClassics (Harmondsworth, 1978). See also Cicero, De orat. maniecki [Leipzig, 1969]).

2.57 and Brut. 66 and 294. 19. Ibid. 2.93: “Subtiles, acuti, breves, sententiisque 14. E. C. Kopff, “Thukydides 7.42.3: An Unrecognized = magis quam verbis abundantes”.

Fragment of Philistus,” Greek, Roman and Byzantine Stud- 20. Cicero, Brutus 29: “Grandes erant verbis, crebri ies 17 (1976) 23-30; Kopff, “Philistus Still,” ibid. 220—21; L. sententiis, compressione rerum breves et ob eam ipsam Pearson, “Some New Thoughts about the Supposed Frag- | causam interdum subobscuri” (ed. E. Malcovati [Leipzig, ment of Philistus (PSI 1283),” Bulletin of the American So- 1970]); English translation based on that of G. L. Henciety of Papyrologists 20 (1983) 151-58. Against Kopff’s ar- _ drickson, The Loeb Classical Library (London, 1939; rpt.

gument, see M. W. Dickie, “Thucydides, not Philistus,” 1962). Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 17 (1976) 217-19. 21. Cicero, Opt. gen. 15: ““Sed exorietur Thucydides; 15. FGrH 87; see also K. Reinhardt, “Poseidonios,” PW — eius enim quidam eloquentiam admirantur. Id quidem

22.630ff. recte; sed nihil ad eum oratorem quem quaerimus. Aliud

16. Compare Polybius’ chapter on method 3.31.13 with est enim explicare res gestas narrando, aliud argumentanThucydides, Hist. 1.22.4; see also K. Ziegler, “Polybius,” do criminari crimenve dissolvere; aliud narrantem tenere PW 21.1500ff., and the same “Thukydides und Polybius,” | auditorem, aliud concitantem” (ed. A. Yon [Paris, 1964]); Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der E. M. Arndt-Universitat English translation based on that of H. M. Hubbell, The

Greifs-wald 5 (1955/56) 162-70. Loeb Classical Library (London, 1949 and later reprints).

17. A good survey is given by H. G. Strebel, Wertung 22. Cicero, Brutus 287: “Thucydides enim rerum gesund Wirkung des Thukydideischen Geschichtswerkes in der | tarum pronuntiator sincerus et grandis etiam fuit”; Engriechisch-rémischen Literatur (Eine literargeschichtliche glish translation by Hendrickson. Studie nebst einem Exkurs iiber Appian als Nachahmer des 23. J. Mandel, “L’historiographie hellénistique et son

Thukydides) (Diss. Munich, 1935), 27-41. influence sur Cicéron,” Euphrosyne 10 (1980) 7-24.

FORTUNA 107 In the Brutus and the Orator Cicero dissuades In Roman poetry one passage of Thucydides students of rhetoric from imitating his style: enjoyed considerable influence: the description of “Thucydides, on the other hand, gives us history, the plague at Athens (Hist. 2.47-52). Lucretius wars, and battles—fine and dignified, I grant, but (probably 94-55 B.c.) illustrates the theme of the nothing in him can be applied to the court or to causes of pestilence by a description of the plague public life. Those famous speeches contain so in Athens (De rerum natura 6.1138-1286). He folmany dark and obscure sentences as to be scarce- _ lows, in general outline and order, the corresponly intelligible”;?* and “As for the speeches which ding chapters in Thucydides’ Historiae and often he introduced, I have always praised them; but makes a fairly accurate translation of the Greek.

imitate them?—I could not if I wished, nor Although he includes details from treatises of should I wish to, I imagine, if I could.” More- Hippocrates, the similarities between the relevant over, Cicero ridicules those who try to imitate passages in the De rerum natura and the Historiae Thucydides: “No one, however, succeeds in imi- are so striking as to suggest the probability that

tating his dignity of diction and thought, but Lucretius worked directly from Thucydides when they have spoken a few choppy, disconnect- rather than from an intermediate account.” Lued phrases, which they could have formed well cretius, in turn, influenced later plague descrip-

enough without a teacher, each one thinks tions in Latin literature, e.g., the accounts given himself a regular Thucydides.” Cicero also com- by Virgil (70-19 B.c.; Georg. 3.478ff.), Lucan pares the style of Herodotus and Thucydides: (39-65 a.p.; De bello civ. 6.80ff.), and Silius Itali“Herodotus flows along like a peaceful stream cus (26-101 a.D.; Punica 14.580ff.) of widespread without any rough water; Thucydides moves with disease afflicting both men and animals. Ovid (43 greater vigour, and in his description sounds, as it B.c.-17 A.D.) describes a similar phenomenon,

were, the trumpet of war.”?’ and in his account (Met. 7.523ff.) there also seem Cicero’s remarks are often cited in Renaissance _ to be independent echoes of Thucydides.”

discussions of Thucydides, as are those of Quin- Among Roman prose writers the most famous tilian (ca. 30/35-? A.D.), who compares our au- imitator of Thucydides is Sallust (86-35 B.c.). thor to Herodotus: “Thucydides is compact in The shared similiarity was evident, in fact, to Saltexture, terse and ever eager to press forward: lust’s contemporaries since Livy (59 B.C.—17 A.D. Herodotus is pleasant, lucid and diffuse: the for- or 64 B.c.-12 A.D.) is reported to have said that mer excels in vigour, speeches and the expression one of the characteristics of Sallust’s style was of the stronger passions; the latter in charm, con- emulation of Thucydides.*! versations and the delineation of the gentler emo- Like Thucydides, Sallust uses antithesis, variations.””®

Herodotus: ille concitatis, hic remissis adfectibus melior, 24. Cicero, Orat. 30: “Thucydides autem res gestas et __ ille contionibus, hic sermonibus, ille vi, hic voluptate’; bella narrat et proelia, graviter sane et probe, sed nihilab _ English translation by H. E. Butler. eo transferri potest ad forensem usum et publicum. ipsae 29. H. Schroeder, Lukrez und Thukydides (Strassburg, illae contiones multas ita habent obscuras abditasque sen- 1898); C. Bailey ad loc. (Oxford, 1947), 1723; B. W. Sinclair, tentias vix ut intelligantur” (ed. R. Westman [Leipzig, | “Thucydides, the Prognostika and Lucretius. A Note on

1980] ); English translation by Hubbell. De rerum natura 6,1195,” in Classical Contributions. Stud25. Cicero, Brutus 287: “... orationes autem, quas in- _ ies in Honour of M. F. McGregor, ed. G. S. Shrimpton and terposuit, ... eas ego laudare soleo: imitari neque possim —_D. J. McCargar (Locust Valley, N. Y., 1981), 145-52; G. Brocsi velim, nec velim fortasse si possim”; English translation cia, “De minimis curat grammaticus,” Annali della Facolta

by Hendrickson. di lettere e filosofia, Universita di Macerata 16 (1983) 26. Cicero, Orat. 32: “Huius tamen nemo neque verbo- —_ 483-504.

rum neque sententiarum gravitatem imitatur, sed cum 30. J. Grimm, Die literarische Darstellung der Pest in mutila quaedam et hiantia locuti sunt, quae vel sine ma- = der Antike und in der Romania (Munich, 1965), 64. As a gistro facere potuerunt, germanos se putant esse Thucydi- _— further indication of the popularity of Hist. 2.47-52, we

das”; English translation by Hubbell. may note that the Greek medical writer Galen probably 27. Cicero, Orat. 39: “Alter enim sine ullis salebris qua- | wrote a commentary, seemingly no longer extant, on si sedatus amnis fluit, alter incitatior fertur et de bellicis | Thucydides’ account of the plague; see Grimm, ibid., 41. rebus canit etiam quodam modo bellicum”; English | Galen apparently refers to the commentary in his De diffitranslation by Hubbell. See also Quintilian, Inst. 10.1.33 cultate respirationis 2, pp. 85of. For later plague descripand 10.2.17 (on imitation): “praecisis conclusionibus ob- __ tions by Procopius and Johannes Cantacuzenos, see be-

scuri Sallustium atque Thucydiden superant.” low. 28. Quintililan, Inst. 10.1.73: “Densus et breuis et sem- 31. Seneca the Elder, Contr. 9.1.13f.; Velleius Paterculus, per instans sibi Thucydides, dulcis et candidus et fusus 2.36.2: “aemulum Thucydidis Sallustium”.

108 THUCYDIDES tio, and many periods which consist mainly of noted, e.g., by Quintilian: “Sallust, on the other nominal members, e.g., Catil. 5.4: “reckless of hand, borrows a number of idioms from the mind, cunning, treacherous, capable of any form Greek, such as vulgus amat fieri (‘such things as

of pretence or concealment.”” On a larger scale, the people love to see done’). “Vulgus amat Sallust has used Thucydides as a model in the po- _fieri” is not found in Sallust’s extant works, but at

litical speeches by military commanders, and his Jug. 34.1 we have “ira amat fieri”; equivalent use of digression is also clearly Thucydidean.One phrases in Thucydides are found in Hist. 2.65.4 example of this is the excursus on manners at the and 3.81.5.°” Quintilian’s strictures are shared by beginning of the Catiline which, like the Archeolo- _ other writers. Because of his extreme brevity and gy in Hist. 1.2-20, serves to place the subject ina adaptations from the Greek, Sallust was generally larger context. The language of Sallust, especially not recommended as a model of style: “The obat Catil. 10, is strongly reminiscent of Thucydides’ — scurity of Sallust should be avoided.” chapters on the civil war in Hist. 3.82—83.°° Yet an- In other Roman writers Thucydidean influother example is the pair of speeches delivered by _ ence plays a less prominent role. The character of Caesar and Cato in Catil. 51 and 52 which paral- _Livy’s Ab urbe condita libri is generally far relels the Cleon-Diodotus pair in the debate on the moved from that of the Historiae, but in specific fate of the Mytileneans in Hist. 3.37—40, 42-48.*4 scenes there seem to be echoes of the Greek histoSeneca the Elder (ca. 55 B.c.-37/41 A.D.) wrote rian: the two orations delivered by Fabius and of Livy: “He was unjust enough to Sallust to criti- Scipio in the senate in 205 B.c. resemble the three cize him both for translating the epigram and for speeches by Nicias and Alcibiades on the Sicilian spoiling it in translation. He doesn’t prefer Thu- expedition, Nicias’ two orations framing that of cydides out of any love for him; he is praising Alcibiades. Fabius’ speech contains elements from someone he does not fear, and thinks he may the both speeches of Nicias, and Livy has Fabius inmore easily overcome Sallust if Thucydides over- clude, in almost exactly the same order, all of comes him first.’ Sallust’s grecisms were often Nicias’ arguments from his first speech; Scipio’s reply embraces, also in the same order, most of 32. Sallust, Catil. 5.4: “animus audax subdolus varius, | Alcibiades’ answer.*? The works of Tacitus (ca. quoius rei lubet simulator ac dissimulator ...” (ed. A. 56—after 112/113 A.D.) display a stylistic resemKurfess [Leipzig, 1972] ); English translation based on that blance to Thucydides’ Historiae, but whether or

of J. C. Rolfe, The Loeb Classical Library (London, 1931, wo . .

and later reprints). not this is due to direct influence has been debat33. K. Buchner, “Vera vocabula rerum amisimus. ed, According to Syme, “Tacitus’s qualities conThukydides und Sallust tiber den Verfall der Wertbe- form to the critic’s estimate [z.e., Dion. Hal., De griffe, in Hommage a R. Schilling, ed. H. Zehnacker and

G.34. Hentz (Paris, 1983), 253-61. ee H. Patzer, “Sallust und Thucydides (1941),” in Sal- tam dum transfertur obiceret Sallustio. Nec hoc amore lust, Wege der Forschung 94 (Darmstadt, 1970), 102-20; P. Thucydidis facit, ut illum praeferat, sed laudat quem non Perrochat, “Salluste et Thucydide,” Revue des études latines __ timet et facilius putat posse a se Sallustium vinci, si ante a

25 (1947) 90-121; W. Avenarius, “Die griechischen Vor- Thucydide vincitur” (ed. L. Hakanson [Leipzig, 1989]); bilder des Sallust,” Symbolae Osloenses 33 (1957) 48-86; V. English translation by M. Winterbottom, The Loeb ClasPéschl, “Die Reden Caesars und Catos in Sallusts “Catili- sical Library (London, 1974). na, in Sallust, 368—97; R. Renehan, “A Traditional Pattern 36. Quintilian, Inst. 9.3.17: “Ex graeco uero tralata vel of Imitation in Sallust and His Sources,’ Classical Philolo- _ Sallusti plurima, quale est: ‘[uulgus] amat fieri’”; English

gy 71 (1976) 97-105; M. Reddé, “Rhétorique et histoire translation by Butler. chez Thucydide et Salluste,” Caesarodunum 15 bis (1980) 37. Vulgus has been emended variously; the manu11-17; T. F. Scanlon, The Influence of Thucydides on Sallust script reading is, however, supported by the Greek text of (Heidelberg, 1980); M. Pade, “Valla’s Thucydides—Theory Thucydides. and Practice in a Renaissance Translation,” Classica et me- 38. Suetonius, Gramm. 10.7: “Vitetque maxime obscudiaevalia 36 (1985) 289ff.; E. Keitel, “The Influence of Thu- ritatem Sallustii” (ed. G. Brugnoli [Leipzig, 1960; rpt. cydides 7,61-71 on Sallust Cat. 20-21,” Classical Journal 82 1972]); see also Seneca, Ep. 114.17f. and Quintilian, Inst.

(1987) 293-300. 4.2.45.

35. Seneca, Contr. 9.1.13-14: “Tunc deinde rettulit ali- 39. Compare Livy, A. U. C. 28.40.3-44.18 and Thucyquam Thucydidis sententiam ... [actually ps. Demos- _ dides, Hist. 6.9-23 (B. S. Rodgers, “Great Expeditions. Livy thenes, In epistulam Philippi 13], deinde Sallustianam: res on Thucydides,” Transactions and Proceedings of the Amersecundae mire sunt vitiis optentui [Oratio Lepidi 24].... ican Philological Association 116 [1986] 335-52). For other T. autem Livius tam iniquus Sallustio fuit, ut hanc ipsam = _Thucydidean scenes in Livy, see Strebel, Wertung und sententiam et tamquam translatam et tamquam corrup- Wirkung, 28 and 32-33.

FORTUNA 109 Thuc. 24]—but do not derive from Thucydides compares Thucydides to Herodotus, not altohimself?“ Recently, however, scholars have gether favorably, with respect to choice of subject, pointed out what seem to be echoes of Thucydi- general disposition, dramatic qualities, and style. des in Tacitus’ narrative.*’ Through Sallust, Taci- In the De Thucydide Dionysius criticizes, among tus adopted the Thucydidean use of amat.* Ina _ other things, the chronological arrangement of letter to his teacher Fronto, Lucius Verus, Roman _ the material according to summer and winter (on co-Emperor 161-169 A.D., suggests Thucydides as__ this and other points Thucydides was defended a possible model for the descriptions of his own by an anonymous literary critic in a papyrus of

exploits.” the first or second century a.p.”). In the same Apart from the authors discussed above, Thu- _ treatise Dionysius gives a thorough analysis of the cydides is used or mentioned by Cornelius Nepos _ style of the Historiae, concluding that, while the

(ca. 99-ca. 24 B.c.), Pompeius Trogus (first narrative passages are for the most part adcentury B.c.), the anonymous author of the ps.-__mirable, the speeches are not suitable for imitaVirgilian Catalepta (probably roughly contempo- tion. In Ad Ammaeum 2 Dionysius explains with rary with Virgil), Petronius (first century A.D.), examples the points mentioned in De Thucydide the Elder and the Younger Pliny (23/24-79 A.D. 24, compiling, in fact, a list of criticisms of dicand ca. 61-ca. 112 A.D. respectively), Aulus Gellius _ tion. (ca. 130—ca. 180 A.D.), AMmianus Marcellinus (ca. There seem to be echoes of the Historiae in the 330-395 A.D.), Symmachus (ca. 340—-ca. 402 A.D.), | writings of Philo of Alexandria (ca. 30 B.c.—45

Avienus and Servius (both fourth century a.p.), A.D.) as well as in the works of the historian FlaSt. Jerome (ca. 348-420 A.D.), Macrobius (fourth vius Josephus (born 37/38 a.p.), not least in the or fifth century a.p.), and Priscian (early sixth proem to the De bello judaico, and also in the An-

century A.D.). tiquitates judaicae where there are numerous reminiscences of the retreat from Syracuse, the siege of Plataea, and the speeches of Pericles.“ GREEK LITERATURE OF THE ROMAN Plutarch (ca. 45—after 120 A.D.) mentions Thucy-

AND BYZANTINE EMPIRES dides in the Moralia‘’ and uses him as a source

Thucydides was widely read by the Greek writ- for biographies of Themistocles, Pericles, and ers of the Roman Empire as well as in the Byzan-_ Nicias.“* Lucian (ca. 115—-ca. 180 A.D.) recom-

tine period, and he is frequently mentioned or mends the use of Thucydides as a model but quoted directly. Often, however, resemblances to ridicules the many imitators whose “Histories” the Thucydidean Historiae may be owing to tra- open like this: “Crepereius Calpurnianus the dition and only indirectly to Thucydides, since Pompeiopolitan wrote the history of the war in his ideas, style, and method had been an influen- which the Parthians and the Romans fought tial part of the Greek historiographic heritage for against one another, beginning to write when

centuries. they first took up arms” (Quomodo historia conDionysius of Halicarnassus (first century B.c.) discusses Thucydides particularly in three treatis- Critical Essays in Two Volumes, trans. S. Usher, The Loeb es: Epistula ad Pompeium Geminum, De Thucy- Cjassical Library (London, 1974-85).

dide, and Ad Ammaeum 2.“ In the first work he 45. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vol. 6 (London, 1908), no. 853. 46. H. S.J. Thackeray, Josephus, the Man and the Histo-

40. R. Syme, Tacitus, vol. 1 (Oxford, 1958; rpt. 1979), 358 rian (New York, 1929), 110-14, with information on the

n. 4. “helpers” of Josephus and their role in adding the Thucy41. J. Borzsdk, “De Thucydide a Tacite? in Association didean “touches”; J. Bernardi, “De quelques sémitismes de

G. Budé. Acte [Xe Congres (Paris, 1975), 230-38. Flavius Joséphe,” Revue des études grecques 100 (1987) 42. Tacitus, Ann. 4.9.2; see the commentary of E. 18—29. For a different view, see T. Rajak, Josephus. The His-

Koestermann (Heidelberg, 1965). torian and His Society (London, 1983).

43. M. Cornelit Frontonis Epistulae, p. 108.27, ed. M. P. 47. E.g., Moralia 56B12, 71E1, 73A1, 79F5, and elseJ. van den Hout (Leipzig, 1988); see also G. Zecchini,“Mo- where. delli e problemi teorici della storiografia nell’eta degli An- 48. P, A. Stadter, “Thucydidean Orators in Plutarch,” in

tonini,” Critica storica 20 (1983) 3-31. The Speeches in Thucydides. A Collection of Original Stud44. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, On Thucydides, trans. ies with a Bibliography, ed. Stadter (Chapel Hill, 1973), and comm. W. K. Pritchett (Berkeley, 1975), xxvi—xxxili 109-23; J. de Romilly, “Plutarch and Thucydides, or the (introduction); see also Dionysius of Halicarnassus, The Free Use of Quotations,” Phoenix 42 (1988) 22-34.

110 THUCYDIDES scribenda sit 15.21-23). The war here referred to is not seem to have been equally well read in all that of 162-165 A.D., when Lucius Verus drove parts of Thucydides’ work. Nearly half of the back the Parthian Vologesus III; ironically, Verus recorded reminiscences are from book 1 of the himself discusses in a letter to Fronto whether Historiae, with the remainder coming mostly Thucydides would be a useful model fora chron- _ from the first four books.” In the Historia arcana, icler of the event (see p. 109 above). Cassius Dio where the shortcomings of Justinian’s regime are (ca. 155-Ca. 235 A.D.), author of the Roman Histo- exposed, Procopius abandons Thucydides as a

ry, uses Thucydidean expressions;” in two in- model.” Agathias (ca. 536-582), the successor of stances his descriptions of naval battles recall Procopius, wrote an unfinished history in five Thucydides’ report of the battle in the Great Har- books on the reign of Justinian, and his work, bor of Syracuse.°° A fragment of a certain Euse- perhaps through the influence of Procopius, in bius Historicus (end of the third century a.p.?) some ways imitates the formal structure of the contains an account of a siege of Thessalonica, Historiae.

probably that mounted under Valerian and Much later, the Historiae of John VI CanGalienus. This narrative owes more to Herodotus _tacuzenus (before 1292-1383) provide a good exand Thucydides than to independent observa- ample of how passages from a classical model can

tion, but it cannot be classified as fiction.” be incorporated into an accurate description of Byzantine literature was always characterized Byzantine history in a Christian context. He used by strong classicizing tendencies: the insistence from Thucydides some of the speeches and the on pure Attic removed the literary language more _ chapters on the plague at Athens and the civil war

and more from the vernacular but helped to in Corcyra; but Cantacuzenus’ account of the maintain the position of the classics. The histori- plague which struck Constantinople in the fall of cal monograph remained a popular genre for 1347 (Hist. 4.8) is remarkably careful in its physiwhich the works of Herodotus and Thucydides cal observations, and the verbal loans from Thuwere obvious models. In recent years, the influ- cydides produced only one inaccuracy. In the ence of Thucydides on two historians in particu- same fashion the passage on the civil unrest at lar, Procopius and John VI Cantacuzenus, has at- Adrianopolis in 1341 (Hist. 2.177-79) remains a

tracted much scholarly attention. politically acute analysis despite his insertion of a The De bellis of Procopius of Caesarea (be- long quotation from the Historiae of Thucytween 490 and 507-ca. 555), shows Thucydidean _ dides.”

influence in the proem, the organization of the The following writers are also influenced by material, the reckoning of war-years, and the Thucydides:°° Priscus (fifth century), whose many adapted phrases. For example, Procopius’ Byzantine History is extant only in fragments but account of the bubonic plague at Constantinople seems at least to have covered the period 433-472; in 542 and 543 (De bello Persico 2.22-23) is clearly Evagrius (born ca. 536), whose ecclesiastical his-

modelled on Thucydides’ description in Hist. tory deals with the years 431-593; Johannes 2.47—-52. Sometimes historical accuracy was sacri- Epiphanensis (end of the sixth century), who deficed for the sake of imitation.** Despite his ex- scribes the events of 571/572-592/593, of which tensive use of the Greek author, Procopius does 53. A. M. Cameron, “Herodotus and Thucydides in Agathias,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 57 (1964) 49; the same,

3.30.4. cially 470f.

49. Compare, e.g., Cassio Dio 49.5.1 and Thucydides “The Scepticism of Procopius,” Historia 15 (1966), espe-

50. Cassius Dio 49.9 and 75.13.4; Thucydides 7.70-71. 54. J. A. S. Evans, “The Secret History and the Art of 51. FGrH H 101, vol. 2, 480-82; see B. Baldwin, “Euse- Procopius,’ Prudentia 7 (1975) 105-109.

bius and the Siege of Thessalonica,” Rheinisches Museum 55. H. Hunger, “Thukydides bei Johannes Kanta-

124 (1981) 291-96. kuzenos. Beobachtungen zur Mimesis,’ Jahrbuch der

52. B. Rubin, “Prokopios von Kaisareia,’ PW 23.1, dsterreichischen Byzantinistik 25 (1976) 181-93; T. S. Miller, 273-599; FE. Bornmann, “Motivi tucididei in Procopio” | “The Plague in John VI Cantacuzenus and Thucydides,” Atene e Roma, N. S., 19 (1974) 138-50; E. Aristotelous, Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 17 (1976) 385—95.

“Court paralléle entre Procope de Césarée et Thucydide,” 56. The greater part of this list was compiled by O. Ziva antica 30 (1980) 217-26; L. Cresci, “Ancora sulla Luschnat after K. Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinimimesis in Procopio,” Rivista di filologia e di istruzione __ schen Literatur, 2d ed. (Munich, 1897) [Miiller, Handbuch

classica 114 (1986) 449-57. 9.1] and G. Moravesik, Byzantinoturcica (Berlin, 1958).

FORTUNA 111 only the proem and book 1 are extant; Theophy- ndandez de Heredia, Grand Master of Rhodes, lactus Simocatta, who in the first half of the sev- who also commissioned Aragonese translations enth century composed Historiae, entirely in the _ of other classical texts (e.g., the Lives of Plutarch).

classical tradition, of the reign of the Emperor Heredia used these translations in various historMauricius (582-602); Anna Comnena (1083-ca. _ ical works, and we find Thucydides quoted in his

1153), whose Alexiad was completed after 1148.In Crénica troyana. It seems probable that the the fifteenth century, the Historiarum demonstra- Aragonese translator of the Thucydidean speechtiones of Laonicus Chalcondyles concerns the es worked from an intermediary version in degrowth of Turkish power; and Michael Critobu- motic Greek compiled for Heredia by the Greek lus of Imbros, in his pro-Turkish history of the scholar Dimitri Calodiqui between 1384 and 1396. years 1451-67, wrote in heavily archaizing Greek, The translation comprises Hist. 1.73-78, 79-86, copying from Thucydides whole sentences, the 120-24, 140-46; 2.11, 13, 34-46, 60-64, 88-89; use of speeches, and the chronological scheme.” —3.8-14, 30, 36-40, 41—48, 53-59, 60-67; 4.10, 17~20, 59-64, 85-87, 92, 95, 1263 5.9; 6.9-15, 16-19, 20-23,

33-35, 36-41, 68, 72-73, 76-80, 81-87, 89-93;

THE LATIN WEST 7.61-64, 65-69, 77.

During the Middle Ages Thucydides was Early in the fifteenth century when interest in known in Western Europe only through men- Greek studies was gaining momentum in Italy, we tions by the writers of ancient Rome. At the be- have evidence that Thucydides himself was read. ginning of the first day of the Decameron (proba- Pier Paolo Vergerio wrote in 1400/1401 to Debly between 1349 and 1351), Boccaccio describes metrius Chrysoloras that he had read a lot of the plague which struck Florence in 1348, the Plutarch as well as some Thucydides; although background for the entire work. It has sometimes Vergerio was not sure that Thucydides was the been maintained that Boccaccio modelled his de- more elegant writer of the two, he was certainly scription on that of Thucydides, either directly or the weightier.®' The Florentine Roberto de’Rossi using Lucretius as an intermediary source, and __ translated the Posterior Analytics of Aristotle into the similarities are indeed remarkable. Boccaccio, Latin ca. 1406, and in the preface he writes of his however, is not likely to have known either of the intention to translate Thucydides.”

two: he was not sufficiently fluent in Greek to Later Leonardo Bruni used Thucydides as a read Thucydides and, at the time, there was no di- model for his History of the Florentine People.® rect knowledge in Italy of the text of Lucretius.’ | More specifically, Pericles’ funeral oration served The first translation we possess of any part of | Bruni as a source for his own speech for Nanni Thucydides is in the vernacular. It dates from the degli Strozzi.“* He had borrowed a copy of Thuend of the fourteenth century and is preserved in Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, 10801. This codex co. A. Luttrell. “Greek Histories Translated and C

1 1 1 o. A. Luttrell, ree istories Lranslated an Oom-

thirty-eight speeche i fom the ppragonese OF piled for Juan Fernandez de Heredia, Master of Rhodes,

; ? 1377-1396,” Speculum 35 (1960) 401-407; L. Lépez Molina,

translation was made at the request of Juan Fer- — Tycidides romanceado en el siglo XIV, Anejos del Boletin

de la Real Academia Espafiola 5 (Madrid, 1960) (edition of the translation on pp. 56-146); A. Alvarez, “Los helenis-

57. Critobulus has sometimes been accused of me- _mos en las traducciones aragonesas de Juan Fernandez de chanical imitation, but Hunger, “Thukydides bei Jo- | Heredia,” Cuadernos de Filologia. Colegio universitario de

hannes Kantakuzenos,” 182-83, qualifies this. Ciudad Real 5 (1985) 99-109. 58. J. H. Potter, Five Frames for Decameron (Princeton, 61. L. Smith, ed., Epistolario di Pier Paolo Vergerio

1982), 68. (Rome, 1934), no. 85: “Itaque multa ex Plutarcho, quaedam 59. Grimm, Die literarische Darstellung, 111-26; V. etiam ex Thucydide, qui nescio an ornatior, sed certe Sklovski, Lettura del Decameron. Dal romanzo d’avventura __ gravior historiae auctor michi visus est.” al romanzo di carattere (Bologna, 1969), 195. J. E. Germano 62. G. Valentinelli, Bibliotheca manuscripta ad S. Marci

points to Paul the Deacon (ca. 720-799) as a model; see Venetiarum, vol. 4 (Venice, 1871), 32: “... quin etiam Germano, “La fonte letteraria della peste decameroniana: § Thucydidem, veritate apud Graecos nobilissimum .. . agper una storia della critica delle fonti,’ Italian Quarterly | grediemur;” A. Manetti, “Roberto de’Rossi,’ Rinascimento 27.105 (1986) 21-30. All existing Italian manuscripts of the 2 (1951) 33-55 (52ff. for the preface).

De rerum natura are later than 1417, when Poggio discov- 63. E. Cochrane, Historians and Historiography in the ered a copy of this text during the Council of Constance; Italian Renaissance (Chicago, 1981), 3. see L. D. Reynolds, ed., Texts and Transmission. A Survey of 64. Cochrane, ibid. 19; E. B. Fryde, Humanism and Re-

the Latin Classics (Oxford, 1983), 221. naissance Historiography (London, 1983), 26; and J. Tolbert

112 THUCYDIDES cydides from Pietro Miani in 1407 and later had Paul’s Church in London, he had seen a manuto apologize for not having returned it. From a__ script containing an ancient historical work. This letter of Bruni to Niccol6 Niccoli we can see that codex was dated and written in the ninth century. , the latter had tried to persuade Bruni to translate The text, in Latin, was attributed to Thucydides Thucydides. This project, however, did not appeal _ but the translator was not named; he had, howevto Bruni who says that he did not have the time _ er, been quite skillful since he had managed to for such an undertaking and, even if he had, he render Thucydides in such a way that the historiwould prefer to translate other kinds of works an appeared no less noble in Latin than he was in (e.g., philosophical texts).® In 1443, in connection Greek. Nonetheless, from Aeneas Silvius’ subsewith his De bello Italico adversus Gothos, Bruni quent summary of the work it is clear that what writes to Francesco Barbaro about Procopius, he saw was not a translation of Thucydides. This whom he describes as “clumsy and an enemy of _ text, which linked heralds with ancient heroes, eloquence, especially in the speeches, although he has not yet (ut vid.) been identified.® wants to imitate Thucydides. But he is as far re- Poggio, who was in Venice in 1454, planned to moved from his grandeur as Thersites differs write the history of that city, intending to imitate

from Achilles in beauty and excellence.’®’ Xenophon and Thucydides.” This project never In 1435 Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini travelled to materialized, but Bernardo Giustinian did write a England. He recalls in a letter written at Viennain history of Venice in which he imitated Thucydi1451 and addressed to Johann Hinderbach how, des.” The influence of Thucydides on Niccolo sixteen years previously in the sacristy of St. Machiavelli has been discussed, and earlier critics pointed to the fact that there are very few actual

wen . . references in his works.” But, especially in recent Roberts, “Florentine Perceptions of Athenian Democra- holars h ata; ‘ d i. MM, hiavell? cy; Mediaevalia et humanistica, N. S., 15 (1987) 27. year S sco ars | ave main aine that Machiaveill's

65. H. Baron, Leonardo Bruni Aretino. Humanistisch- | Writings exhibit an overall indebtedness to Thuphilosophische Schriften mit einer Chronologie seiner Werke cydides’ views on history and many direct borund Briefe (Leipzig and Berlin, 1928), 200-201: “Thucydi- rowings.”

des tuus apud me servatur, quem ideo non remitto nunc Another measure of the pop ul arity of Thu cyper istos legatos, quia nondum satis illum legi”; see also F. , ‘< th vely | £ P. Luiso, Studi su lepistolario di Leonardo Bruni, ed. L. dides is t e relative y targe number of Greek Gualdo Rosa, Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, | manuscripts of the Historiae which seem to have

Studi storici an (Rome, 1980), 38 (book 2, ep 16 of been circulated in Italy during the fifteenth cen-

1407 to Pietro Emiliani). For a detailed account of Bruni’s turv. A provisional list published some years ago

debt to Thucydides in his Oratio in funere Johannis YAP P y 8 Strozae, see Leonardo Brunis Rede auf Nanni Strozzi, ed. S.

Daub, with introduction and commentary, Beitrage zur 68. R. Wolkan, ed., Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius

Altertumskunde 84 (Stuttgart and Leipzig, 1996). Piccolomini, Fontes rerum austriacarum, 2. Abteilung, 66. “Placet quod de libro [sc. Thucydidis] scribis, sed | Diplomataria et acta 68, vol. 3.1 (Vienna, 1918), 11 (Ep. 5):

multo magis placet quod animum amici talem repperi, | “Querere multi solent, unde sit heraldorum nomen exor-

qualem ipse fore persuaseram. Quod vero ad conver- tum....apud Angliam, que olim Britannia dicebatur, in sionem eiusdem libri cohortaris, obsecro te, mi Nicolae: sacrario nobilis edis sancti Pauli Lundoniensis vetus hisquae tandem ista tua cupiditas est, seu potius inexplebilis | toria in manus venit, ante annos sexcentos, ut signatum vorago, ut neque occupationum neque laborum meorum __ erat, conscripta. . . . autor historie Thucidides Grecus anullam habeas rationem? Non tibi venit in mentem, quam _—notatus erat, quem fama celebrem, clarum novimus; multis vigiliis opus sit ad tantum opus conficiendum? __ translatoris nomen nullum inveni. constat tamen peritum Quae si iam etiam ab occupationibus rerum curialium _ fuisse, qui magnum illum et facundissimum autorem La-

mihi vacuae forent, tamen mallem equidem vel in tine lingue non minorem quam Grecus est, reddidit. non philosophia vel in alia quapiam facultate, quae me facere __ teneo verba historie, ut erant contexta, sententie memini;

meliorem posset, quam in transferendis Graecorum his- in ea ad hunc fere tenorem scriptum erat: heraldi sunt, toriis meum studium et diligentiam ponere” (Luiso, ibid., qui apud majores nostros heroes vocitabantur, quos ma42 [book 2, Ep. 18 of 1407 to Niccold Niccoli]; see also | jores hominibus, diis minores fuisse tradunt.”

Klee, Beitrige, 57-58). 69. Cochrane, Historians, 29.

67. C. Griggio, “Due lettere inedite del Bruni,” Rinasct- 70. Cochrane, ibid., 80; M. L. King, Venetian Humanmento, 2d Ser., 26 (1986) 27-50: ““...ineptus et eloquentiae ism in an Age of Patrician Dominance (Princeton, 1986),

hostis, ut apparet maxime in contionibus suis, 381ff. (profiles). quamquam Thucydidem imitari vult. Sed tantum abest 71. J. E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship, vol. 2 ab illius maiestate quantum Thersites forma atque virtute | (Cambridge, 1908), 89.

distat ab Achille” (p. 50). 72. Klee, Beitrage, 68-72 and 76-78.

FORTUNA 113 traces twenty-one codices, while comparable fig- known to be extant is that of Bilibaldus Pirckures for Herodotus and Polybius are smaller.” heimerus (I.3) made ca. 1503, but his version of Only five Latin translations of the entire Histo- Hist. 1.1-69 is an exercise, like that of Franciscus

riae appeared in the fifteenth and sixteenth Patiaequus (1.13, with a terminus ante quem of centuries, and two of these are revisions of an ex- 1574) and that of Petrus de Valencia (I.17, s. XVI).

isting translation. There are, however, ten Latin The first known Latin commentaries on any translations of selected passages from Thucydi- part of Thucydides’ Historiae are found in two des’ work, mainly of the forty-five major speeches _sixteenth-century manuscripts, namely, Basel, and the description of the plague. The largest col- Offentliche Bibliothek der Universitat, F V 24 (I.a) lection of these selections was published by Hen- and Hamburg, Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek, ricus Stephanus in 1570; this edition contains ar- Cod. philol. 166 (I.b). The Basel codex has an gumenta, the Greek text, and translations of all anonymous commentary on Hist. 1-4.98.8, while forty-five speeches, of which Stephanus had him- the Hamburg manuscript contains notes from an self translated thirty (see I.7 below). Another introductory lecture delivered 31 October 1553 by large collection is Caspar Peucer’s 1562 edition of Philippus Melanchthon to a course on ThucydiPhilippus Melanchthon’s translations of thirty- des, and also a Latin paraphrase and commentary four speeches from the Historiae (I.5).Onamuch covering Hist. 1-3. It is not quite clear that this smaller scale, three translations of the beginning commentary, dated 1542-55, was actually comof the work, partly made as exercises, are con- _ posed by Melanchthon, but we may attribute it to

served in manuscript form (1.3, 13, 17). his scholarly circle with some certainty. There are four Latin commentaries on the en- All through the sixteenth century Thucydides tire text of the Historiae, three of them printed had many enthusiastic readers but, particularly with a translation by the same humanist (I.10,14, after the middle of the century, interest tended to 15; Le, i, j), and one in the form of argumenta to focus on the speeches. This special concern is all the speeches (I.g). Another complete com- seen in the many Latin translations and commenmentary was planned, but eventually it covered _ taries involving the speeches alone; in sharp cononly books 1 and 2 (I.h). Of the partial transla- _ trast there appear to be only two editions of just tions, five were accompanied by commentaries the Greek text of the speeches unaccompanied

(1.4, 8, 11, 12, 16; I.b, d, f, g, k). by a translation, namely, Melchior Lotther the Thucydides was first translated into Latin in Younger’s edition (Wittenberg, 1520) made for 1452 by Laurentius Valla (1.1). Valla’s work was Melanchthon of the speech of Diodotus (Hist. printed ca. 1483, and it remained the standard 3.42-48) and Christian Wechel’s edition (Paris, Latin translation until the middle of the nine- 1531) of the speeches from book 1. teenth century. In 1498 Marcus Antonius Coccius During Melanchthon’s lifetime only his Latin Sabellicus (1.2) made a summary of the Historiae _ version of the civil war in Corcyra was printed; it and translated some of the speeches from books was included in the editions of his Dialecticae 1, 3, 5-8 in his universal history, the Enneades sive _ praeceptiones (first published at Leipzig in 1540),

Rhapsodia historiarum. The next translation and once published separately, together with the Greek text (Wittenberg, 1550). Melanchthon had 73. Fryde, Humanism, 24f. For the Greek Thucydides translated Into Latin the SP eeches for his stu-

which was given to Johannes Aretinus in 1435, now Basel, dents’ use, and this rendering was published by Offentliche Bibliothek der Universitat, E III 4, see A. Ver- | Caspar Peucer at Wittenberg in 1562. Peucer’s edi-

net, “Les manuscrits grecs de Jean de Raguse (+ 1443),” tion became the first of a series. In 1564 Petrus Basler Zeitschrift fiir Geschichte und Altertumskunde 61 Victorius’ posthumous edition of the translation

(1961) 95, NO. 44, and M. Regoliosi, “Nuove ricerche in- Joh Casa (1.6) dat Fl Pre-

torno a Giovanni Tortelli,” Italia medioevale e umanistica y sOnannes Wasa -O) appeared a orence, rre 12 (1969) 139 n. 4. The codex has an ex libris on fol. 274v: sumably in preparation for his own diplomatic “Liber Johannis Arretini datus sibi dono a magistro suo _ duties as papal nuncio in Venice, Casa had transpapa Johanne Eugenico in Constantinopoli die IIamen- _Jated ca. 1545-46 most of the speeches of books sis Julii anno domini MCCCCXXxv secundo scilicet mense 43 as well as the des cription of the plague in quo studiorum causa ad eam civitatem applicui una cum . . fidelissimo socio Thomasio compatriota et fratre meo book 2. In 1565 Joachim Camerarius, who had ed-

Laurentio”; see Kristeller, Iter 5.64b. ited the Greek text of Thucydides in 1540, sent his

114 THUCYDIDES translation (1.8) of the proem, two speeches, and didean work was often printed in editions of the description of the plague together with com- Thucydides.

mentaries (I.d) on the same texts to Henricus There are also other expressions of interest in Stephanus. The translation by Gulielmus Can- Thucydides besides translations and commenterus (I.9) of Pericles’ funeral oration was pub- _ taries, some of which are given here. lished with his translations of Aristides in 1566 at For example, a copy of Christian Wechel’s ediBasel, and the very full commentary (I.11) of An- tion of Hist. 1 and 2 (Paris, 1548-49, printed by tonius Zenus on one of the speeches of Pericles in | Michel de Vascosan), now Leiden, Bibliotheek der

Hist. 1 appeared (with a Latin translation) at Rijksuniversiteit, 757 C 26, contains marginal

Venice in 1569. glosses in the hand of Adrianus Turnebus who Henricus Stephanus’ copious edition of frequently refers to Valla’s translation. The title speeches assembled from a large number of page carries the handwritten date “16 October Greek and Latin authors was published in 1570. 1548”, and at the end of book 2 is written “23 May Here practically all the speeches from the Histori- 1550”. Another copy (Paris, Bibliothéque Naae were printed; they were accompanied by the _ tionale de France, Rés. J. 1721) of the same edition,

argumenta of Jobus Veratius (I.g) and transla- also with book 3, contains notes taken down at tions by Laurentius Valla (1.1), Veratius (I.12),and Turnebus’ lectures; these cover the period 16 OcStephanus himself (1.7). Earlier (1564) Stephanus _ tober 1548-23 January 1550. A Praefatio in Thucy-

had printed his own edition of the entire text didem, probably written for these lectures, is with a revised version of Valla’s translation. In printed in Turnebus’ Opera.” Neither Turnebus’ 1588 he printed a new edition both of this and of | own notes nor those taken down at his lectures his commentary to Hist. 1 and 2 in 1588, and in constitute a proper commentary: mostly they

1589 a new version of Valla’s translation. contain notabilia or paraphrases, and large parts Vitus Winsemius’ translation (I.10) and com- of the text are not annotated at all.

mentary (I.e) of the whole work was first issued Martinus Crusius published a number of his in 1569 at Wittenberg, but we know from the pref- academic orations, among them an inaugural lecace to his 1561 Wittenberg edition of the Greek ture on Thucydides of 1566.” Further testimony text of Hist. 1-4 that he was already at work on to his teaching of Thucydides is found in Tiibinthe translation. Winsemius was a professor at gen, Universitatsbibliothek, ms. Mc 44, s. XVI (a. Wittenberg and Jena, and his edition was prima- 1579-81), with some notes on Hist. 5 taken down

rily intended for the use of students. In 1594 by a pupil from a later series of his lectures.” Aemilius Portus published at Frankfurt both the Basel, Offentliche Bibliothek der Universitat, A commentary of his father Franciscus Portus (I.i) lambda II 20, s. XVI (a. 1561) contains a revised and Valla’s translation in the version of Stepha- text of Valla’s translation. This version was prenus. This translation had been so thoroughly cor- _ pared for publication by Johannes Oporinus, who rected by the elder Portus that it merits separate also printed Crusius’ academic orations, and it treatment in I.14 below as a new version. Portius appears from the title page that the translation revision of Valla’s translation was also printed by _ was collated with Crusius’ “exemplar” (Greek or

itself twice in 1594. Latin?) and should have been followed by “Marti-

Two more commentaries and another transla- ni Crusii in eundem hunc auctorem Aposemeiotion were published before the close of the six- _ seis” (as yet unlocated). teenth century. Georgius Acacius Enenckelius’ We have, furthermore, an anonymous Thucytranslation (1.15) and commentary (I.j), made didean word list found in Copenhagen, Univerwhile he was still a student at Tiibingen, were first _sitetsbiblioteket, Cod. add. 136, s. XVI (a. 1558), issued in 1596 at Tubingen. The Praelectiones by Fabius Paulinus on the plague in Athens (Lk) 74. Adrianus Turnebus, Opera, vol. 3 (Strasbourg, were given in 1598 and published at Venice in 1550), 3.32-36 (sig. c4v-c6v). On Turnebus as a teacher, see

1603. David Chytraeus’ Chronologia historiae J. Hutton, “The Classics in Sixteenth Century France,”

Herodoti et Thucydidis and his accessus to books Classical Weekly 43 (1950) 131-38. tea.

. 75. Martinus Crusius, “Orationum liber unus,’ in his

1-6 and 8 (I.c) first appeared in 1562 at Rostock. Poematum graecorum libri duo (Basel, 1567), 98-115 (sig.

This edition enjoyed numerous reprints, and the = NNiv_PPor). part of the chronology pertaining to the Thucy- 76. Kristeller, Iter 6.543b.

FORTUNA 115 fols. 1-3.” A printed book with manuscript notes of the Latin version of Laurentius Valla.* Seyssel by Angelus Vergetius is reported to be in Leiden, also included his own translation of Valla’s prefBibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit.”* The Biblioteca ace to Nicholas V. This edition is dedicated to Ambrosiana, Milan has three sixteenth-century Jacques Colin.® Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale de manuscripts with anonymous glosses and notes France, fr. 17211-12, s. XVI in., contains the first on Thucydides: D 465 inf. contains “Observa- four books of Seyssel’s translation preceded by tiones latinae passim cum versione in Thucydidis _ the translator's letter of dedication to Louis XII locos nonnullos”;” J 231 inf. preserves a note on and Valla’s preface in French.™ The death of Louis the Historiae by Filippo Pigafetta, a sixteenth- XII in 1515 is necessarily the terminus ante quem century Neapolitan who translated a speech of _ for this part of Seyssel’s work. His translation was Demosthenes into Italian;®? and R 118 sup. has reprinted several times.” In 1532 Hieronymus notes analyzing the reasons for Athenian preemi- Boner completed a German translation, and this

nence at sea.*! was published in 1533 at Augsburg. According to The Greek text was first printed in 1502 at the dedicatory letter, Boner did not translate from

Venice by Aldus Manutius. A year later he issued a _ the Greek text but used instead a Latin version; he

separate edition of the Greek scholia. Other six- does not identify the author of this translation teenth-century Greek editions of the Historiae but, given the date at which Boner was working, are: 1526 (“1506” in the edition), Florence (apud the Latin translator must have been Laurentius Bernardum Iuntam), with scholia; 1531, Paris (ex- Valla. Boner’s German translation is also extant in

cudebat Christianus Wechelus), speeches from Hamburg, Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek, Hist. 1; 1535, Paris (ex officina C. Wecheli), Hist. Cod. philol. 316 fol.*

1-2; 1540, Basil (ex officina Heruagiana), text by Other vernacular translations soon followed: Joachim Camerarius, with scholia; Paris (apud 1545, Venice (apresso V. Vaugris), Italian, by FranVascosanum), 1548, Hist. 1 and 1549, Hist. 2-3 (the __cesco di Soldo Strozzi;®’ 1550, London, English, by

first two books are a reprint of Wechelus’ edition Thomas Nicolls (from Seyssel’s French version); of 1535); 1561, Wittenberg (excudebat Laurentius 1563, Salamanca (J. de Canoua), Spanish, by Schvenck), books 1-4, text by Vitus Winsemius; Diego Gracian;®* 1572, Paris, French, some 1561, Strasbourg (apud Josiam Richelium), “Bellum Siculum Thucydidis. Pro schola Argen- 82. A. C. Dionisotti, “Claude de Seyssel,” in Ancient toratensi, cum praefatione Ernesti Regii” (VD T- History and the Antiquarian: Essays in Memory of Arnaldo 1130); 1564, [Geneva] (Henricus Stephanus), see Momigliano, ed. M. H. Crawford and C. R. Ligota (LonComposite Editions; 1588, [Geneva] (Henricus con 1995); 73-89; R. Boone, ' Claude de History Seyssel’s of Transla; we ions of Ancient Historians,” Journal of the Ideas Stephanus), see Composite Editions; 1594 2°, — 61.4 (2000) 561-75 at 570-74. Frankfurt (apud heredes Andreae Wecheli, Clau- 83. Peter Burke reports that Badius printed 1225 copies

dium Marnium et Ioan. Aubrium), text by of the 1527 edition of Seyssel’s translation. The number is Stephanus and Franciscus Portus (see Composite remarkable since since at this time printings rarely ex-

Editions). ceeded 400 or 500 copies;Popularity see P. Burke, “A Survey of the of Ancient Historians, 1450-1700,” History and The first complete vernacular translation was Theory 5 (1966) 135-52. Claude de Seyssel’s French rendering (1527, Paris) 84. [Inc.]: (fol. 1r) Le proheme de Leonard Aretin (sic)

en la translation de Vhistoire de Thucydide .../... | Expl.]: (fol. 4v) Cy finit le proheme de Laurens Valle. See

77. A. Krarup, Katalog over Universitetsbibliotekets Kristeller, Iter 3.298b—299 (Rés. J. 904)orationis in the Bibliothéque Nationale de magis genere converterem. ; France, Paris has two autograph notes by WinSenum enim sermonem quasi repuerascere et . Sehr Oar

rer a. . semius on the frontispiece: “Plin. lib. VII cap.

simpliciorem ac naturae rerum XXX ; . Impera. ; [Nat. hist.similiorem 7.30.111]:fieri Thucydidem

aiunt. Atque hoc quidem aunice studui et conatus wage egere, rerum ges4 torem Athenienses in exilium sum, ut eadem illa, quae a Thucydide dicuntur, ;mi;; ; ar oosimplicissime : tarum conditorem revocavere, eloquentiam quam possem latinis verbis redee >,

rer rati, cuius virtutem damnaverant’; and a.barely derem. Quid effecerim aliorum esto iudicium. ae ; Auctor ipse sublimi et magnifico genere orationis legible dedication to Matthias Wanckel, ‘pupil P est. a 8 8Ego an andsifriend ofsensum Luther (“Wanckel, Matthias,’ac ADB usus eius tantum humili « “: 41.137-38 [H. Prohle]), “Reverendo viro doctrina, puerili sermone assecutus fuero, admodum con_. ; ; : . . ; et . _ pietate fide praestanti,nostra Dominoscholis magistro- Matt. tentus ero, haecetinterpretatio ae . eo .si ; Wankel, Ecclesiae Christi in Cempergk Domino

ac scholarum ministris lectoribus ; ;senior ;; . suoaliisque et compatri colendo Vitus Winsemius

proderit et plures ad cognoscendum Thucydidem D[...P

invitabit, abunde satis praemii pro meo la-Editions. ol ; ws me :;tunc a 1580. See above, Composite

bore mihi assecutus videbor. . . . Retinui autem ac

inserui his nostris interpretationem contionum, Biography: quae quidem extabat, reverendi domini praecep- Vitus Winsemius (Winshemius, Vinshemius, toris nostri Philippi Melanchthonis, idque me de- Vinsaemius, Vuincemius, Veit Oertel or Ortel, Vicere arbitratus sum, ne de me ipso arrogantiusiu- tus Ortelius Winshemius, Veit Winsheim) was dicare viderer. Quamvis necesse habui multa born 1 August 1501 at Winsheim in Franconia and mutare, nonnulla etiam supplere, quae forte vel died 3 January 1570 at Wittenberg.

male excepta vel perperam descripta et ob eam He began his studies at Wittenberg between 20 causam mutila erant, atque ita lectori quoque July and 11 August 1523. After conducting a private

non exigua pars laboris adempta est .../... school, he taught rhetoric in the Faculty of Phi[Expl.]: (sig.) (iit) Quod ut fiat, ratumque ac fir- losophy at Wittenberg beginning 16 October 1528 mum sit, faciat Dominus et Redemptor noster and Greek from 4 August 1541 onwards (Bursian Iesus Christus, in quo ut Celsitas tua feliciter 178: professor of Greek 1537). Previously he had valeat, Deum precor et oro. Amen. Illustrissimae taught Greek at Wittenberg as a substitute for celsitatis tuae subiectissimus Vitus Winsemius Melanchthon during the latter’s absence. Win-

senior. semius was later professor at Jena. He became a

Historiae (ed. of Wittenberg, 1569). Historiae doctor of medicine on 4 February 1550 and after Thucydidis de bello civili inter Athenienses et that professor at Wittenberg. He was a pupil and

156 THUCYDIDES, HISTORIAE close friend of Melanchthon, whose work on ed. I. Ekrem et al. (Oslo, 1996), 193-206; M. Speiss, Latin syntax he reedited. His funeral oration on “Ursprung von Veit Winsheims Nachricht tiber

Melanchthon is of great biographical value. die Thatigkeit Melanchthons als Korrektor zu Winsemius’ primary importance, however, is Ttibingen,” Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte as a student of Greek. Johannes Caselius, who 26 (1886) 138—40; G. Th. Strobel, “Viti Winshemii studied at Wittenberg 1551-53 (see CTC 2.124), Rede auf den Tod Melanchthons,” Neue Beytrige mentions Winsemius’ work on Thucydides, of zur Literaturgeschichte des 16. Jhs. 2 (1791) 235-80.

which he had not yet had the opportunity to

form an opinion; he then describes how he heard 11. Antonius Zenus the charming old man lecture to a full classroom: To accompany his commentary on the speech “Nunc venio ad Vitum Vinsaemium, cuius opera _ of Pericles from book 1 of the Historiae, published Thucydidem iterum Latine loquentem habemus, at Venice in 1569, Antonius Zenus also included de quo re tam recenti, nequedum exploratis cen- his own translation of the speech. Since he unsuris eruditiorum, meum non est pronunciare, doubtedly regarded the commentary, which takes

praesertim cum adhuc mihi curae non fuerit up by far the largest part of the volume, as the videre quid praestiterit. Usui nobis fore facile most important component, a full treatment of praevideo. Novi enim lepidum senem et audivi Zenus’ work is given in I.f below. frequenti schola interpretantem poetas graecos, Historiae (ed. of Venice, 1569). Contio Periclis

quos et multis in loco salibus condiret, et praetoris Atheniensium ex libro primo Hisutriusque linguae bene peritum memini, in qua_toriarum Thucydidis (1140-144). [Inc.]: (p. 31)

omnem aetatem contrivisset” (In Thucydidis Prooemium. Eiusdem adhuc sententiae sum, praelectionem prolegomena |Rostock, 1576], 32). Athenienses, Peloponnesiis cedendum non esse,

Works: quanquam non ignoro non eadem ira homines

Winsemius made Latin translations of The- ‘°. |... [Expl]: (p. 136) esse nol oportet, sed inlocritus’ Idyllia (Frankfurt, 1558), the tragedies of MICOS hee non inf ratione de ciscl_ et posteris Sophocles (Heidelberg, 1597 and Geneva, 1603), conari haéc non interlora tradere.

and Demosthenes’ Oratio secunda in Aristogi- Edition: tonem accompanied by an edition of the Greek See I.f below. text (Hagenau, 1527). His other writings include: Biography: Declamatio, in quibus recitatur historia, quomodo See Lf below

Guelfus dux Bavariae liberatus sit periculo in ob-

sidione Winsbergensis (Wittenberg, 1529; German Bibliography: translation 1563); Oratio de studiis linguae graecae See I.f below. ... (Wittenberg, 1549); Historia de Scedast filiabus

et de poena Lacedaemoniorum carmina (Witten- 12. Jobus Veratius berg, 1551); Oratio habita in funere ... Ph. Melan- For Henricus Stephanus’ 1570 collection of

thonis (Wittenberg, 1560). speeches from Greek and Latin authors, the Con-

Bibliography: ciones sive Orationes ex graecis latinisque historicis “Winsheim, Veit” ADB 43.462-63 (K. Hart- excerptae (1.7 above), Jobus Veratius translated felder); Bursian, Geschichte der classischen Philolo- °°’*” speeches from books 1and 7 of the Histori-

; or Tos : _ ae. Stephanus also printed in the same volume

gie (Munich and Leipzig, 1883), 178; Eckstein 621; ty lth hes of Th JOcher 4.1657; Pdkel 305; Zedler, Universallexicon Veratlus argumenta to all the speeches of thucy4: dides included the Conciones. als A full 57-1748; K. Hartfelder, PhilippinMelanchthon oytreatment rae

, . . .. low.

Praeceptor Germaniae, Monumenta Germaniae of Veratius’ work on Thucydides is given in I.g bePaedagogica 7 (Berlin, 1889); J. Lieboldt, “Veit Winsheim,’ Mittheilungen des Vereins fiir ham- Historiae (ed. of [Geneva,] 1570).

burgische Geschichte 5 (1883) 17; M. Pade, “A Liber 1 Melanchthonian Commentary to the First Three Oratio Corcyraeorum (pp. 49-50; 1.32-36). Books of Thucydides? Cod. Philol. 166, Staats- [Inc.]: Par est, Athenienses, ut qui neque magni und Universitatsbibliothek Hamburg,” in Refor- beneficii gratia neque iure societatis obstrictos mation and Latin Literature in Northern Europe, finitimos auxilia rogatum .../... [Expl.]: vobis

I.14. FRANCISCUS PORTUS 157 classe dimicandum. Nobis autem in societatem Extant in only two manuscripts, Patiaequus’ admissis, licebit vobis aucto navium vestrarum translation seems never to have been published.

numero cum illis dimicare. Historiae 1.1.1-138.6 (Evora, Biblioteca Publica Corinthiorum oratio (37-43; pp. 52-53). [Inc.]: _e Arquivo Distrital, CV d/1-17). Thucydidis Athe-

Quoniam Corcyraei isti non modo de se in soci- niensis Historiae de bello Peloponneso liber etatem recipiendis .../... [Expl.]: Quod si fe- primus Francisco Patiaequo interprete. [Inc.|]: ceritis, recte et ordine feceritis, saluberrimoque (fol. 1r) Thucydides Atheniensis bellum, quod

vobis eritis usi consilio. Peloponnenses Atheniensesque inter se gesserunt,

Archidami oratio (80-85; pp. 61-63). [Inc.]: Et memoriae prodidit, id tum demum scribere agmultorum ego bellorum usum habeo, Lacedae-_ gressus ut conflari primum coeptum est, cum monii, et de vobis.../... [Expl.]: Hoc nec uti- magnum fore sperans tum omnibus, quae ad ea lius vobis ullum nec hostibus formidabilius con- usque tempora gesta sunt, longe memorabilius

silium capere potestis. .../... [Expl]: (fol. 96v) Hunc igitur exitum et Oratio Sthenelaidae (86; p. 63). [Inc.]: Equi- Pausanias Lacedaemonius et Themistocles Athe-

dem quid sibi Athenienses velint cum tam ver- niensis apud suos uterque Graecos clarissimi

bosa oratione, non intelligo .../... [Expl]: habuerunt. neque socios prodamus sed homines infestos diis M, ae.

iuvantibus invadamus anuscripts. , ; to.

Evora, Biblioteca Publica e Arquivo Distrital,

Liber 7 CV d/1-17, s. XVI (before 1574), fols. 1r—g6v. PerNiciae oratio (61-64; pp. 135-36). [Inc.]: Proelii haps autograph. (Kristeller, Iter 4.4512).

huius discrimen, Atheniensium sociorumque (*) , CV d/1-18, s. XVIII, fols. 1-127. aliorum milites, ex aequo .../... [Expl.]: illius (Kristeller, Iter 4.4512).

Specimen ediderit stique utilem, omnibus vero Doubtful edition:

sabuarern navarit. Evora, Biblioteca Publica e Arquivo Distrital, OratioOperam Gylippi et ;caeterorum belli ducum

CV d/1-18, fols. 1r-5v contain a letter of Em(66-68;: pp. 137-38). a[Inc.]: Praeclaras esseBoas res eas(1724-1814, ; ; . manuel Cenaculo Villas arch-

quas gessimus, Syracusani praeclarasque ; . ; of a ishop of Evora)ettosocii, Vincentius Terreira,b;bishop

esse huic certamini.../...[Expl.]: re male ges- . ; ; ; menti plurimum. die: ye . this edition has yet to be located. Oratio Niciae (77; p. 139 [misprint for 135]).

. . Beia, stating that Villas Boas proposes to: publish ta, minus habet detrimenti; re beneof gesta, emolu- Pat;A ; atiaequus translation Thucydides. copy of [Inc.]: Vel in hoc rerum statu, Athenienses et Biography: socii, spes est retinenda .../... [Expl.]: Viri Nothing is known of Franciscus Patiaequus enim ipsi civitatem constituunt, non moenia aut (Francesco Pachecas) except that he appears to

naves, in quibus sit solitudo a viris. have lived in the sixteenth century. To judge from

- the local interest inidentified his work, he was Portuguese Edition: dh be with F 1570. See above Composite Editions and hence not to re 1 enti ed with Francesco Pacheco, the Spanish sixteenth-century Neo-

Biography: Latin poet of Seville (see Jécher 3.1166).

— . Franciscus Portus Bibliography: 4. pograpiy In 1594 Aemilius Portus See I.g below.(1550-1614/15) ; . pubSee I.g below.

lished the Latin translation of and commentary

13. Franciscus Patiaequus (Li pelow) "1 re tea by his father Francis: Patiaequus translated the first 138 chapters of as dos T " e } V. i me transl ome anion 7 book 1 of the Historiae. His version is rather free, be on ne Ste ‘h, a “( b ans “Ty nd 17a) often incorrect, and not very elegant. The termi- ie h Aerail ©P ete d aDOves ; “th hin . a; nus ante quem of the translation is 1574, the date th € tes ” Alth saoh the fext ey 1 ‘8 4 added by a second hand on fol. 1r of what may be Steph Ores. till leat c tex ble hie a an the autograph copy (Evora, Biblioteca Publica e Wife ra the C lier teste > such 2 d 1S oe that

Arquivo Distrital, CV d/1-17). iffers from € ear ier texts to such a degree that,

158 THUCYDIDES, HISTORIAE like Aemilius in the letter to the reader (see be- licem finem optimi Ductoris ductu sua consilia low), we may consider it to be a new translation. perducant, ego supremi numinis auxilio fretus Franciscus’ rendering was printed twice more in patrisque mei commentarios accurate secutus the same year, but in less expensive format (i.e., 4° hunc historicum latine sic verti, ut omnes lectores

and 16°), so as to be affordable not only by the ex hac novissima versione maximam cum utiliwealthy (see below, the dedication of the quarto tate voluptatem posthac percepturos credam

edition). .../... [Expl]: (sig. a4r) omnibusque felicitatis

In the preface to the folio edition of 1594 (see humanae bonis ornatam perpetuo conservet. Dabelow), Aemilius describes how he worked on the tum Heydelbergae Cal. Ian. MDXCIIII. Tuae Celvolume at Frankenthal (in Pfalz), whither unhap- _ situdini addictissimus, Aemilius Portus, Francisci py circumstances had forced him; there, without _Porti Cretensis f. a teaching position or other paid employment, he Dedication (ed. of Frankfurt, 1594 4°). Clarissi-

occupied himself with Thucydides. Aemilius goes mo amplissimoque viro domino D. Claudio

on to hint at a scholarly feud with Henricus Grovlarto equiti, consiliario in privato ChrisStephanus that involves father and/or son (on _ tianissimi Galliarum et Navarrae regis ... Aemithis see also I.i, subheading b below). Both Fran- _ lius Portus, Francisci Porti Cretensis filius s. p. d.

ciscus and Aemilius made use of Stephanus’ [Inc.]: (sig. ):(2r) Non dubito, clarissime vir et work, but Aemilius criticizes Stephanus’ transla- amplissime domine, quin multi censores hoc tion severely, his attitude evident even on the title _meum litterarum genus (sig. ):(2v) ... cum enim page of the edition: “quam [i.e., Stephanus’ revi- Thucydidem...ame...novissime ... recognision of Valla’s translation] Aemilius Portus ... tum novaque versione passim expolitum ... tripaternos commentarios accurate secutus, ab in- plici forma typis mandandum curarim, ut non finita gravissimorum errorum multitudine novis- solum ditiorum ac doctiorum sed aliorum etiam sime repurgavit.” In the preface to the same edi- commodis pro virili consulam, primam quidem tion, Aemilius observes that there were many ...Germaniae principi. . . iure dedicandam cenerrors in a translation of Homer published by _ sui; secundam tibi .. . ; tertiam vero nobilissimis Stephanus (Fabricius, BG 1.418 mentions an edi- optimaeque spei adolescentibus .../... [Expl.]: tion of 1589). Portus sometimes indicates his cor- immortale monumentum accipies eadem animi rections or changes by italicized text in square lacritate, qua tibi tradendum dedi. Vale, vir

brackets (see the translation below). clarissime et amplissime D., meque tuae digniDedication (ed. of Frankfurt, 1594 2°). Illustris- _ tatis observantissimum amans perge. Datum Mosimo, potentissimo atque clementissimo principi, guntiae Cal. Feb. MDXCIIII.

Frederico IIII Dei gratia comiti Palatino Rheni, Letter to the reader (ed. of Frankfurt, 1594 2°). utriusque Bavariae duci, sacri Romani imperii Aemilius Portus, Francisci Porti Cretensis f. lecdapifero supremo, electori septemviro, principi toribus graecae linguae studiosis et historiarum suo clementissimo, s. p. d. p. q. f. 0. [Inc.]: (sig. ac antiquitatis amatoribus salutem plurimam a2r) Omnes quos divinae Maiestatis favor, illus- _ dicit. [Inc.]: (sig. a4v) Tandem, humanisssimi lectrissime atque clementissime princeps,insummo__ tores, Thucydidem historicorum principem perdignitatis gradu collocavit ac amplissimis hono- _ petuis parentis mei commentariis meisque notis

ribus at magistratibus ornavit .... (sig. a3r) in obscurissimos quosque locos partim graece, Nunc enim paucos invenias, qui tantos in linguae _partim latine scriptis illustratum novaeque vergraecae studiis progressus fecerint ut in grandilo- _sionis ornatu, quam fieri potuit, maximo decoraquentiam et occultos Thucydidis sensus pene- tum, ut promissis starem fidemque meam vobis trare valeant. Qui propter has difficultates lati- iam pridem obligatam liberarem, in lucem eden-

nam vel gallicam interpretationem hactenus ab dum curavi.... His igitur nostris vigiliis ac sualiis vulgatam sequi coguntur, hoc, quod a me_ doribus, quos in frigidissima hieme nuper dicitur, verum esse comperiunt. Quamobrem in Franckentalli [sc. Frankenthal] vigilantes sugratiam eorum, qui graecarum litterarum vetus- davimus, animo grato benevoloque fruamini. tatis et rerum a nostra memoria remotarum Cum enim propter insperatam temporum maligdesiderio tenentur, quique sapientiam suarum nitatem ac invidiam, optimis quibusque viris poactionum moderatricem avide quaerunt ut ad fe- _ tissimum infestam, in illam Palatinatus urbem

1.14. FRANCISCUS PORTUS 159 cum tota familia me recepissem, donec ad Aemilius Portus, Francisci Porti Cretensis filius, aliquem priore tranquilliorem ac feliciorem por- paternos commentarios accurate secutus, ab intum ex gravissimis tempestatibus, quibus vehe- _finita gravissimorum errorum multitudine novismenter diuque iactatus fui, Deus Optimus Max- _ sime repurgavit magnaque diligentia passim ex-

imus pro infinita suae paternae bonitatis politum innovavit. [Inc]: (p. 1) Thucydides clementia nos deduceret, cumque vitam privatam Atheniensis bellum Peloponnesiorum Athenienillic degerem (ut et hic nunc quoque dego) nec _siumque, quod inter se gesserunt, conscripsit exullo graecae linguae docendae munere publico _ orsus statim ab eo moto, sperans etiam fore tum

amplius occuparer, ne temporis iacturam in hac magnum tum superioribus memorabilius, his diuturniori peregrinatione facerem, simul etiam coniecturis adductis.../... [Expl.]: (p. 298) ac ut variarum curarum onus levarem quo non’ de Phoenissis navibus, allisque [rebus,] quam mediocriter premebar, animum ad has exercita- honestissime [posset, ipsis] se purgaret. Ac pritiones appuli. Illic etiam totius Homeri novissi- mum Ephesum profectus, Dianae sacrificium mam versionem ab Henrico Stephano typis man- __fecit. Cum [autem] hiems hanc aestatem insecuta datam diligentissime recognovi et ab incredibili _finietur, primus etiam ac vicesimus [huius belli a foedissimorum soloecismorum colluvie repur- Thucydide conscripti] annus finietur.

gvmee Und me tacent) amurp . . (*)ult Budapest, Orszagosface Széchényi K6nyvtar, exstirpavi. Brevi autem (si Deus nostris coeptis 0 1 XVIL Th ot conta; faveat) hunc quoque poetarum principem cum uart, lat. 132, .. See MADUSCHpE Comal

Tune quoque po m P pem cut Laurentius Valla’s translation, revised by Henriperpetuis eiusdem patris commentariis inAemilius ‘ y oer ae ; , cus Stephanus andmei further corrected by

eum scriptis ab eodem, qui nostrum ; ; father f . Portus in accord with theThucydidem notes of hisPlate

, . , , y copied from a print

typis mandavit, vel ab alio typographo qui Franciscus Portus. Probabl ‘ed f a pulcherrimum huius exemplum sequi voluerit, fi- ed edition. (Kristeller, Iter 4.299a)

deliter excusum habebitis. Tunc aperte patebit

quid patris mei scriptis debeatur, quid etiam aliis Editions: qui alienis scriptis usi (quae ante quindecim an- 1594 2°. See above, Composite editions. nos a me precibus impetrarunt ac mutuo quidem 1594 4°, Francofurti (Frankfurt): apud heredes acceperunt, sed non ut haec adhuc invito domino Andreae Wecheli, Claudium Marnium et Ioanpertinaciter apud se retinerent) nullam illorum nem Aubrium. Laurentius Valla’s translation, reauctoribus gratiam habuerunt, sed contra praeter vised by Henricus Stephanus and further correctamicitiae iura, praeter officium ac decorum in ed by Aemilius Portus in accord with the notes of beatam optimorum virorum memoriam multis _ his late father Franciscus Portus; with Marcelli-

post illorum obitum annis invecti sunt, sua- nus Vita Thucydidis translated by Isaac Casaurumque laudum praeconia celebrantes clarissi- bonus and revised by Aemilius Portus. Aemilius mum illorum nomen suis obtrectationibus ob- Portus’ letter of dedication is dated 1 February scurare illorumque bonae famae ac dignitati 1594. Adams T-676; VD T-1125; NUC. BAV; (GU; labem aspergere sunt conati. Quamvis autem ius- NcU).

tus dolor ob iniuriam nobis factam conceptus 1594 16°, Francofurti (Frankfurt): apud Ansuadeat ut iniurias iniuriis ulciscamur, ego tamen dreae Wecheli heredes, Claud. Marnium et Ioann. iniurias nobis illatas fortiter ferre quam iniurias Aubrium. Contents the same as in the preceding iniuriis ulcisci malo... /... [Expl.]: (sig. 8 aiv) | entry. Aemilius Portus’ letter of dedication is datqui gravissimam iniuriam nobis fecerunt, pietatis ed 1 March 1594. Adams T-677; VD T-1126; NUC.

ac officii sui paucis et amice commonefecero, BL; (NNC; PLatS). tunc a me rem satis feliciter gestam putabo. 1696. See above, Composite Editions. Valete. Datum Heydelbergae Cal. Ianuarii 1731, Amstelaedami (Amsterdam): apud R. et J.

MDCXCIV. Wetstenios et Gul. Smith. (Gr.-Lat.) J. Wasse’s and

Historiae (ed. of Frankfurt, 1594 2°). Thucy- CC. A. Duker’s revision of the 1696 edition with didis Olori filii librorum octo de bello Pelopon- -Henricus Stephanus’ Greek text and Laurentius nesiaco primus. Ex Laurentii Vallae interpreta- Valla’s translation revised by Stephanus, further tione ab Henrico Stephano recognita, quam corrected by Aemilius Portus in accord with the

160 THUCYDIDES, HISTORIAE notes of his late father Franciscus Portus, and Biography: corrected yet again by John Hudson and Duker; CTC 2.198 and 7.116. with the translation of Marcellinus’ Vita Thucydidis as in the edition of 1594 4°, Georgius Acacius 15. Georgius Acacius Enenckelius Enenckelius’ Historiae epitome, and Stephanus’ In 1596 the Austrian Baron Georgius Acacius

Proparasceue. BL; BNF. Enenckelius published at Tiibingen his Latin

1755, Glasguae (Glasgow): R. et A. Foulis. (Gr.- translation of and commentary (I.j below) on all Lat.) Text of the Latin translations of Pericles fu- eight books of Thucydides’ Historiae. He recalls, neral oration (Hist. 2.34-46) and the description _in a letter to the reader, how the reading of Thuof the plague (Hist. 2.47-54) as in the preceding cydides and Livy was recommended to him by

entry. Michael Ziegler, his teacher at Tiibingen (for

1759, Glasguae (Glasgow): R. et A. Foulis. (Gr.- Ziegler see Jécher 4.2202). Enenckelius then exLat.) Laurentius Valla’s translation as in the edi- _ plains that the existing Latin translations of Thu-

tion of Amsterdam, 1731. BL; BNF. cydides (he mentions those of Valla and Win1788-89, Biponti (Zweibriicken): ex typo- semius) did not offer much help, but by incessant graphia societatis. (Gr.-Lat.) Contents the same study he became so familiar with Thucydides’ as in the edition of Amsterdam, 1731, except that language that he began making his own version Georgius Acacius Enenckelius’ Historiae epitome and was encouraged by Ziegler to publish it.

is not included. BNF. Enenckelius, however, did not intend his 1790-1804, Lipsiae (Leipzig): sumptibus E. B. translation merely as an aid to the understanding Schwickerti. (Gr.-Lat.) Contents the same as in of the Greek text. Such translations, he says, aim the preceding entry, except that the Greek text has at removing the difficulties of Thucydides’ lanbeen further revised by J. C. Gottleber. NUC. guage, but they do not expound the text, as he

BNF; (ViLxW, volume of 1790). had tried to do. He wants to express the thoughts (*) 1804, Edingburgi (Edinburgh): excudebat and intentions of the historian without adding to G. Laing. (Gr.-Lat.) Laurentius Valla’s translation the meaning or rendering too faithfully the origias in the edition of Amsterdam, 1731. BL; BNF. nal wording. The model for Enenckelius’ Latin (*) 1807, Paris: Gailneveu. (Gr.-Lat.) Lauren- _ style in the translation is Livy, but he often refers tius Valla’s translation as in the edition of Amster- _ to other auctores in order to justify his choice of a dam, 1731, except that the translation has been _ particular expression; see, for example, his com-

further corrected. BNF. ment on Hist. 1.1.1 €Attloas (rendered as sperans-

(*) 1809, Oxonii (Oxford): typis N. Bliss. (Gr.- que): “Speramus non bona solum sed universe fu-

Lat.) Laurentius Valla’s translation as in the edi- tura. Maro lib. 4: “Hunc ego si potui tantum

tion of Amsterdam, 1731. BL. sperare dolorem” [Aen. 4.419].

1840, Parisiis (Paris): editore Ambrosio Also encouraging Eneckelius to publish his Firmin-Didot. (Gr.-Lat.) Laurentius Valla’s trans- translation were Martinus Crusius and David lation as in the edition of Amsterdam, 1731, but Magirus, two other professors at Tiibingen (see further revised by E Haase; with the translation Jdécher 3.35). Ina letter printed in the 1596 edition, of Marcellinus’ Vita Thucydidis as in the edition Crusius praises Enenckelius’ great learning and

of Frankfurt, 1594 4°. BL; BNF. the merits of his work on Thucydides (see imme(*) 1842, Parisiis (Paris): editore Ambrosio diately below). Firmin-Didot. (Gr.-Lat.) Contents the same as in Letter of Martinus Crusius (ed. of Tubingen,

the preceding entry. BNE. 1596). Illustri iuveni domino Georgio Acacio (*) 1855, Parisiis (Paris): editore Ambrosio Enenckelio ... Martinus Crusius s. p. d. [Inc.]: Firmin-Didot. (Gr.-Lat.) Contents the same asin (sig. ):(1v) Macte nova virtute, generose et splen-

the preceding entry. BNF. dide iuvenis. Videlicet non satis erat ut linguae (*) 1869, Parisiis (Paris): editore Ambrosio latinae ac graecae, ut omnis exquisitae philoFirmin-Didot. (Gr.-Lat.) Contents the same as in sophiae notitia et scientia excelleres, orationes in

the preceding entry. BNF. utraque lingua eruditas scriberes, disputationes (*) 1884, Parisiis (Paris): editore Ambrosio cum admiratione Academiae Tubingensis ac docFirmin-Didot. (Gr.-Lat.) Contents the same asin _ tissimorum summorumque virorum haberes, he-

the preceding entry. BNE braeam quoque linguam disceres, linguae gallicae

I.15. GEORGIUS ACACIUS ENENCKELIUS 161 cognitionem adderes, studium denique iuris et singula verba sententiasque ponderarem et magno cum profectu et laude adiungeres,...non semel animo concepta retinerem, universum ex satis, inquam, erant haec, nisi etiam Thucydidem, _ graeco in latinum convertere coepi, paulatimque magnum illum, sapientem, gravem, Ciceronis eti- usu dictioni Thucydidiae assuescens, simul quae

am iudicio difficilem historicum [e.g., Orat. 30] scripseram identidem relegens et emendans, latine, dilucide, eleganter, graviter interpretareris, magis magisque, etiam quae prius obscurissima eruditissimis obscuriorum rerum scholiis illus- visa fuerant, apertiora mihi fieri sensi. trares, explicatione accurata locorum hominum- Itaque cum nihil iam dubitarem, quin univerque insignium explanares, atque tam gravem ar- sam Thucydidis in historia mentem diligentia et duumque sententiis et verbis auctorem lectu iam assiduitate assequi possem, idem meus praecepexpeditum, intellectu facilem, cognitione suavem, tor Zieglerus, qui mihi primus in manus dederat,

usu perquam utilem exhiberes. Scio quid dicam. ut in publicum ederem Thucydidis converLegi enim diligentissime omnia. Nihil cuiquam sionem, auctor et hortator factus ad diversum illorum, qui in eodem scriptore cum laude elabo- omnino a priori instituto consilium animum rarunt, detraho, sed tua tamen talia iudico (si convertit. Quippe qui meo iudicio nihil huiuscemodo in me quoque quicquam est iudicii) quae modi in hac aetate moliri ausus fuissem, iure lucem ac vetustatem, cuiusvis etiam eruditissimi quodam me obsequi debere ei viro iudicavi, cui ludicio, ferre possint. ...Etsi quid meae apud te per multos iam annos existimationem meam et praeter haec possunt preces, una ede etiam, quam commoda non minus quam propria curae fuisse apud te vidi, chronologiam in eundem auctorem _ sciebam, cui ingenium meum et vires, si cuiquam

et tabulam Graeciae veteris geographicam insigni lteri, in tali re notas esse credebam, quem artificio a te descriptam, quae ad aliorum quoque denique in aliis omnibus ad id locorum felici historicorum lectionem utilissima erit [see I.j be- | semper eventu me secutum tenebam. low] .../... [Expl]: ad celebrem inclitae stirpis Maiori itaque conatu rem aggressus, quandovestrae laudem, ad beatitatem denique post prae- quidem aliorum editiones id potissimum sentia sempiternam. Tubingae, 6. Febr. 1596. spectare vidi, ut ipsum Thucydidem sua, qua Letter of Georgius Acacius Enenckelius to the scripsit, lingua legere volentibus subsidium ferant

reader. Interpretis ad lectorem praefatio. [Inc.]: nec tam historiam exponant quam graecam lin(sig. ):(2r) Cum semper, ex quo ingenuis institui guam expoliant, diversi generis conversionem artibus coepi, id unum omnium mihi in hac vita quandam instituendam iudicavi, quae mentem antiquissimum ducendum putarem.... (sig. ): historici rite exprimens nec extra sententiae limi(3v) Igitur mihi, qui ab pueritia plurimum histo- _ tes egrediens non ita tamen verbis et contextui inrias amare excellentiumque belli et pacis artibus _ haereret, ut non latinitati integritatique sermonis,

virorum gloriam suspiciens, me eorum similem quantum fieri posset, locus daretur. Indisertum fieri optare solebam, T. Livium et Thucydidem, namque interpretem Cicero vocat, qui verbum e romanae illum, hunc graecae historiae haud du- verbo exprimere conatur [| Fin. 3.15], cum sit verbie principes, optimus fidissimusque praeceptor bum quod idem declaret magis minusve usitameus Michael Zieglerus, philosophiae professor, tum, interdumque quod uno graeco, latinis assidue legendos volvendosque commendavit. pluribus verbis sit exponendum. Et Gellius lib. 9 Cuius praeceptum secutus, cum brevi magno [Noct. att. 9.1f.| non omnia omnino verba in utrumque scriptorem amore et veneratione com- eum, in quem dicta sunt, modum ex Graecis verplecti coepissem, in Thucydide tamen ob breve _tenda monet. Perdunt etiam gratiam pleraque, si densumque dicendi genus [see Quint., Inst. quasi invita et recusantia violentius transferantur. 10.1.73] multa obscura et difficilia ad intelligen- Quocirca qui graecum legere Thucydidem vel

dum inveni, nec ab interpretibus quos tunc nequeunt vel nolunt, quique historiam magis habebam, L. Valla [I.1] et V. Winshemio [I.10], civilesque virtutes atque artes quam graecam

satis auxilii erat, quod interdum non apte (quamquam et hac in parte mea ceteris iuncta Thucydidis exprimere sensum, interdum aeque utilia erunt) linguam ex Thucydide discere vovel magis etiam breves et obscuri esse videbantur. lunt, his ego praesentem conversionem aptam Nec tamen absterritus tanta difficultate, cum accommodatamque fore puto. Nam et genus diutique assidua lectione omnes me huius scrip- cendi secutus sum liberum exque T. Livii elotoris salebras superaturum sperarem, quo magis quentissimi viri sermone, quantum a me fleri po-

162 THUCYDIDES, HISTORIAE tuit, formatum, ... (sig. ):(6v) Hunc in modum Editions: confectam instructamque Thucydidis conver- 1596, Tubingae (Tiibingen): apud Georgium sionem, cum insuper clarissimo latinis graecisque Gruppenbachium. Adams T-678; VD_ T-1127; litteris viro, M. Crusio, Davidi item Magiro, NUC. (Cty; PU; TIEN). utriusque iuris doctori et professori, viro ut om- 1614, Argentorati (Strasbourg): L. Zetznerus. nis civilis rationis humaniorumque litterarum NUC. BNF; BAV; Munich, Bayerische Staatsbiperitissimo, ita mihi longe carissimo multumque _ bliothek; (MH; NNC; NcD).

honorando, legendam et censendam dedissem, Biography: hique et probarent operam meam et uti in pub- Georgius “Acacius Enenckelius (Ennenckel, licum ederem hortarentur, tandem quo et praeé-— Enenkel, Georg Achatz Ennichel), Austrian Baron

ceptorum meorum voluntati obtemperarem et of Hoheneck, Goldeck, and Seiseneck, was born publicae utilitati hoc qualicumque labore meo_ 1572 (or 1573) and probably died shortl after

inserviendi principium facerem, Thucydidis con- 1620 y

versionem cum annotationibus reliquisque his His studies began at Strasboure. He studied adiunctis in lucem publicumque prodire sivi, non Latin, Greek, Hebrew. ohilosoph. He studi’ sane quod doctissimorum virorum, qui ante me Tiibingen according to the letter of Martinus in hoc genere elaborarunt, gloriae obtrectare aut Crusius, his teacher, in the 1596 edition of alios premendo me efferre vellem, sed ut nobilis- Enenckelius translation of and commentary on simum hunc scriptorem nostris temporibus et re- Thucydides, From this letter and from Enenckebuspublicis multis de causis aptissimum utilissi- 1.1 > Jadress to the reader in the same v olume, we

mumdue var pl ns commmendarem 4€ learn that he had studied with Michael Ziegler,

monerem, ut 1d potissimum ex ta monumento ho held a chair of philosophy at Tiibingen, and peteret unusquisque, culus gratia Ipse Thucydides with David Magirus, who taught law. Enenckelius se historiam scripsisse profitetur, dum in exordio also studied mathematics with Michael Maestlin non aurium ab se voluptati inservitum sed iis qui (or Moestlin; see preface to the Chronographia in

res praeteritas accurate nosse et in his, quae Lj below). iterum eodem consimilique modo sint usu ven- After leaving Tiibingen, Enenckelius lived quitura, haec ad suum commodum velint adhibere, etly at Goldeck

KTHpa es del [Hist. 1.22.4] praeparatum com- Y

positumque scribit .. . [Expl.] (sig. ):():(4r) Ego si Works: illud hac mea editione consecutus fuero, ut tantae Enenckelius was known also as a student of utilitatis auctor pluribus innotescat, pluresque law, and, apart from his work on Thucydides, he inde quid sibi suaeque reipublicae sit utile et published De privilegits parentum et liberorum frugiferum discant, instituto meo laborique (1618), Libri tres de privilegiis juris civilis (1606),

abunde satisfactum putabo. De privilegtis militum et militiae (1607), and the Historiae. Thucydidis Atheniensis Historiae de comparatively successful Sejanus seu De praepo-

bello Peloponnesiaco ex graeco sermone in la- tentibus regum et principum ministris (1620) of tinum conversae a Georgio Acacio Enenckel, which an English (1648) and a German translabarone Hoheneccio, liber primus. [Inc.]: (p. 1) tion (1683) are extant. Thucydides Atheniensis conscripsit bellum quod Bibliography: inter se gesserunt Peloponnesii et Athenienses, Jécher 2.354; J. F. Jugler, Beytrdge zur juristiOFsus a primis elus initlis speransque magnui id schen Biographie 1.1773; G. Chr. Gebauer, Mantissa et superioribus memorabilius futurum, quando- de G. Acacio Enenkelio, I.b. Hoheneccio (Gottin-

quidem eos utrimque omni genere apparatus in- 56 4749); J. H. Stepf, Gallerie aller juridischen structos, et ceteros Graeciae populos coniungi Aytoren von der diltesten bis auf die jetzige Zeit, vol. cum alterutris .../... [Expl.]: (p. 407) deque , (Leipzig, 1822), 1821

Phoenicum navibus, sese quam rectissime pur- a

garet. Ephesum prius veniens sacrificium Dianae 16. Fabius Paulinus fecit. Posteaquam hiems hanc aestatem insequens A Latin translation accompanies Paulinus’ terminabitur, primus et vicesimus complebitur commentary on Thucydides’ description of the

annus, plague in Athens (Hist. 2.47.2-54.5), published at

I.A. ANONYMUS BASILIENSIS 163 Venice in 1603. This anonymous translator is fore et praeteritorum omnium narratu dignissiprobably Paulinus himself. The Latin text is not mum. Coniecturam faciens inde quod florentes far removed from that of Valla’s translation and __essent ad ipsum utrique omnis generis apparatu, seems closest to the version in the 1594 edition re-__reliquos Graecos omnes videns ad _alterutros, vised by Henricus Stephanus and Franciscus Por- alios quidem statim, alios vero, ut cogitabatur

tus (see above, Composite Editions and 1.14); .../... [Expl.]: (fol. 50v) qui navigabant et qui hence it is chronologically possible that Paulinus pecuniam conferebant. Rogarunt vero et could have made made use of this text for hisown Megarenses ut se navibus deducerent, si forte new rendering. Paulinus’ main concern is un- navigare a Corcyrensibus prohiberentur.

doubtedly the commentary, and so a full treat- ;

ment of his work on Thucydides is given in I.k Manuscript: . ; below. Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, 6322 (olim R Historiae 2.47.2-54.5 (ed. of Venice, 1603). 213), 8. XVI, fols. A7T~50V (with Francisco de Thucydidis Olori filii historia de peste Athenien- Cabrera) Unventario general de manuscritos de Ia sium, vel pestilentiae narratio. [Inc.]: (p. 20) Aes- Kristeller. tate statim ineunte Peloponnenses et socii ex du- risteller, Iter 4.551a).

; Tg ; Biblioteca Nacional, vol. 11 [Madrid, 1987], 162;

abus partibus, quemadmodum et ab _ initio Biography: impressionem fecerunt in Atticam regionem (dux See CTC 2.282-83. Add to the Bibliography: vero erat Archidamus Zeuxidami filius Lacedae- Antonius Nova 243-45; J. A. Jones, “Pedro de Vamoniorum rex) .../... [Expl.]: (p. 581) Depas- _ lencia en su correspondencia: carta y relacién de tus vero est Athenas praecipue, deinde et ex aliis unos papeles de Alonso Sanchez,” Boletin de la locis ea, quae erant hominibus refertissima. Et Real Academia Espafiola ann. 65, vol. 234 (1985) haec quidem sunt ea, quae in morbo evenerunt. 133-42; M. Serrano y Sanz, Pedro de Valencia. Es-

Edition: tudio biografico-critico (Badajoz, 1910; rpt. 1981).

. COMMENTARIES

See I.k below.

Biography: a. Anonymus Basiliensis See Ik below. This anonymous commentary in an early sixBibliography: teenth-century manuscript at Basel covers Hist. See I.k below. 1.1-4.98.8. Book 4 has an accessus in which the various parts of the book are treated. The text

17. Petrus de Valencia contains very few corrections, there is space left The translation, which comprises Hist. 1.1- for initials to be inserted, and the beginning of 27.2, is preserved in Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, each book is clearly indicated. The commentary 6322 (autograph). It seems to be a first draft, fol- | tends to paraphrase the text. lowing the Greek original ad verbum and display- Commentary (Basel, Offentliche Bibliothek ing many corrections and alternate readings. In der Universitat, F V 24). Expositio in historias the margins are Petrus’ notes on the text, mainly Thucydidis. [Inc.]: (fol. 1r) Oovxudién¢ (1.1.1) a notabilia, and he has occasionally translated some kv60¢ gloria, decus. 80u quasi quaedam appositio

Greek scholia. The translation fills an entire bin- formam habet patronymici, sed non fit ion, ending almost at the bottom of the last page; patronymicum. Tpadeiv scribere ... pingere, consequently it is possible that Petrus may have ovyypadeiv proprie historiam edere, Lvytranslated more which is now lost. Petrus death ypadevs historicus dicitur. Ev8vs ka8totapévov in 1620 is the terminus ante quem for the date of quia cum primum incoepit bellum, ipse incoepit

the translation. scribere, constituto bello. Nam et ipse interfuit, Historiae 1.1-27.2 (Madrid, Biblioteca Na- sperans magnum fore et memoria dignissimum cional, 6322). [Inc.]: (fol. 47r) Thucydidis Olori omnium praeteritorum .../... [Expl.J: (fol. filii Historiarum sui temporis liber primus. Thu- _171V) (4.98.8) quo nullo modo vellent recedere ex cydides Atheniensis conscripsit bellum Pelopon- _ terra Boeoti, quam ceperunt; non enim esse amnesiorum et Atheniensium quod gesserunt inter _ plius in terra illorum, sed in ea quam ipsi hasta

se, exorsus statim coorto speransque magnum ceperunt.

164 THUCYDIDES, HISTORIAE Manuscript: Both the Prolegomena and the commentary , Basel, Offentliche Bibliothek der Universitat, F display references to the page numbers of

V 24, s. XVI in., fols. 1r-171v. (Kristeller, Iter 5.61a, Joachim Camerarius’ Greek text of Thucydides

69a). (Basel, 1540). The notes from Melanchthon’s lectures seem to have been taken down in a hasty

b. Anonymus Hamburgensis and unsystematic fashion; occasionally the writer (Books 1-3: Philippus Melanchthon or slips into German. They contain observations on

Vitus Winsemius?) chronology and the reading of history as well as a Hamburg, Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek, list of the notabilia of book 1 followed by a sumCod. philol. 166 (a sixteenth-century miscellany) mary of the book. Towards the end the notes are contains notes from the Prolegomena to a series of _ scattered (p. 369), and pp. 370-372 are left blank.

lectures on Thucydides by Philippus Melanch- Much of the information in the Prolegomena thon and an anonymous commentary on books __ that is not directly concerned with the Historiae is

1-3. The Prolegomena and the commentary are found also in Melanchthon’s edition of the written by the same hand, but they constitute two | Chronicon Carionts, a work serving as the general separate parts of the manuscript: the Prolegomena _ basis for his lectures on history. The anonymous (pp. 1-8, and a few notes on pp. 16-17) are sepa- commentary is either a copy or a rewriting of an

rated from the commentary proper by a paper existing text which, presumably, contained notes leaf (now pp. 18-19, G. Piccard, Wasserzeichen, from lectures; see, e.g., p. 305 “pauca desunt in vol. 15.2 [Stuttgart, 1987], no. 984, “Raubtiere’, metaphrasi” and p. 328 “hic deest una lectio in produced in Germany in 1555) which has been _ oratione Thebanorum’. turned 90°; the commentary begins on p. 21. Ti- The notes comprising the Prolegomena exhibit tles for both components are given on p.1in the many verbal similarities with Vitus Winsemius’ upper left-hand corner: “Ex ore Philippi Melan- Prolegomena in Thucydidem (Wittenberg, 1569). thonis” and “excerpta e libro”. The Prolegomena Typical of the close resemblance are the following and commentary on Thucydides are designated instances: in the codex as “T’; and the next part is “ID”. Hamburg Cod. philol. 166

dates arediluvium given in the Thucydidean sec,_ igThree . p. 1) Inter Noé ad [corr. ex et]ysbel

tion: “31 October 1553” (p. 1, for the Prolegomena); 1.4. troianum propemodum mille anni sunt

“14 November 1542” (p. 147, at theest endungefarlich of the Bellgewesen um PFOP 4: re Pa ellum Troianum circiter

commentary on book 1); "1555" (p. 369, at the end tempora Davidis. . . . Videtis res graecas esse mul-

of the commentary on ;book 3). It quam is not clear ‘ Ante poreDavidem |a; O recentiores judaicas....

whether these dates refer to the copying of the litia judaica steterat provemodum amplius an-

text. nis quadringentis. ... Part “II” of the manuscript begins on p. Winsemius

manuscript or the original composition of the po dri : prep P

373 and contains notes from a lecture by (sig. )(3v) A diluvio usque ad bellum TroiMelanchthon on Pindar (“Anno 1553 30. octobris. anum anni sunt circiter mille.... Est autem Ex praelectione matutina Domini Philippi col- Troianum bellum vicinum temporibus Davidis. lectanea Unopvnpdtwv in Pindari odas”). Pages ... (sig. ) (4r, marginal note c) Hic videtis res 380-87 are blank. On p. 388 there are notes “de fa- graecas multo esse recentiores iudaicis. lam enim milia Fabiorum” and “Auctores seu scriptores Ro- _ per multos annos steterat politia iudaica. .. . manae historiae”. A section on Livy begins on p.

389 with the heading “Liviana, Wittembergae The commentary too has material also found 1555", and the same page also has the date “Wit- in Winsemius’ Prolegomena, e.g., p. 21, “Tta eletembergae 1556”. Seen on p. 391 is the marginal gerunt argumenta ut in singulis libris esset alinote “vide Chytraei libellum de lectione histori- quid insigne, quia ipsi per partes edebant, recitaarum’, i.e., David Chytraeus’ De lectione histori- bant singulos libros separatim” is close to arum recte instituenda et historicorum fere omni- Winsemius’ “Nota, singuli libri aliquot locos um series et argumenta, first printed in 1563 at _ illustres habent. Ita enim res in libros sunt dis-

Wittenberg (I.c below). tributae. Nam singuli separatim recitari solebant” (sig. )(v).

I.B. ANONYMUS HAMBURGENSIS 165 The text of the commentary is divided into (p. 85) Oratio Atheniensium. Non incipimus sections, often with introductory remarks for bellum nec solvimus foedus, sed venimus ut opieach section. The main part of the commentary tulemur.... consists of a paraphrase of the text which is inter- Melanchthon rupted by explanatory notes. Occasionally there (sig. AA6v) Oratio Atheniensium. Neque inare separate sections called annotata. In the para- cipimus bellum, o Peloponnesii, neque solvimus phrase as well as in the explanatory notes we find foedus. sed venimus auxilio

once again a strong resemblance to Winsemius’ oe

work, as, e.g., in the comment on Hist. 1.24: To sum up. Hamburg Cod. philol. 166 con-

Hamburg Cod. philol. 166 tains: (1) notes from an introductory lecture on

.ye°qeeee.e°eee

(p. 51) Narratio uel expositio causarum. Fuit Thucydides—the lecture is that of Philippus Mecivitas Dyrrachium, quod nomen haud dubio est lanchthon, but the notes contain much material Slavonicum, qui ei loco vicini fuere. Sclavi olim that is also found in Vitus Winsemius’ work on sedem illam maris Adriatici tenuere. Dyrrachi di- | Thucydides; and (2) a commentary on books 1-3 cunt significare frutices uel spinas. ...(p.52) Epi- | which also resembles Winsemius’ work. We know

damnus est civitas naviganti ad dextram sita in that Melanchthon had planned to lecture on

insemius . , .

Jonium sinum.... Thucydides in 1542 (ie., the date at the end of

Wi ; book 1 of the Hamburg commentary), and again

; we . _expositio 1n 1551.seu Winsemius taught; .;Greek at the Faculty of (p. 19) Sequitur commemoratio : . Philosophy at Wittenberg from 1541 onwards, and

causarum belli Caselius, Peloponnesiaci. EadematetWittenberg Dyr- ; . ; Johannes whohodie studied rachium postea adpellata, vero Dyrazo, ; ; . 1551-53, heard him lecture on Greek poetry. In his

quod nomen est Slauonicum. Hi enim ei loco face to the 1 cles 1 a Pt

Rostock and subsequent editions, the accessus (or se the fe Hae he . m nt “s "offer

argumentum) to book 6 is followed by a chapter °": € TOMOWING SNOT ATSUITEITG are

. age printed separately] (Hist. 1, sig. Lav) Primus calledi?Origines urbium Siciliae lucem adferentes haeliber primae paginis libri 6 Thucydidis (ed. of Rostock post exordium, quo magnitudinem belli Pelomer * ponnesiaci collatione veteris Graeciae bellorum 1570, eas p. 108); this chapter is enlarged the 1573 ; é 8, amplificat occasiones et causasinbelli... . (Hist.

Rostock edition (p. 208). ‘g. L3r) re bell The section of the Chronologia concerning the 2: 31) S©duchut 40. aNnore Dene BRACE,

ar fere usque ad Philippi Macedonis initium attex-

Historiae and the argumenta from the accessus of 7 / Expl]: (sig. Lar) Quod ad

book 1 appeared separately in a number of edi- Iles De ss LEXPE: (S18. LAT) UOC ad meam tne becillitatem attinet, fateor me, dum hunc auc-

I.C. DAVID CHYTRAEUS 167 torem explicandum suscipio, onus multo maius _ los nos, absoluta periculosissimi belli historia “iu-

subire quam virium mearum infirmitas latura sit. vet evasisse tot urbes // Argolicas, mediosque Sed cum nostri muneris sit iuventutem ad studia viam tenuisse per hostes” [Verg., Aen. 3.282—283; linguarum ecclesiae necessaria et ad optimos au- see I.1 above]. Datum 4. Martii, anno 1565.

tores magistros tum intelligendi, dicendimanuscripe Lost a Invi ac doti Historiam, quem e tum vestigio

as: Lat. Fol. invitare, et Herod 4 hae Greifswald, Universitatsbibliothek,

sequitur Thucydides, integram absolverim iu; ; . oe con; , , . 20, s. XVI. This manuscript, now missing, vante Deo, in Thucydide etiam interpretando si tained ;.; ay: aes tained the accessus, here titled De lectione Thucy nihil aliud attamen diligentiam et fidem audi- didis. (Kristeller, Iter 3.402a)

toribus probabo . . . in hac baltici litoris Sareptula

servet et tueatur. Thucydidis praelectionem, Deo Editions: iuvante, inchoabo cras hora sexta. Datum Ros- (*) 1562, Rostochii (Rostock): excudebat

tochii, die 12. Aprilis, Anno 1562. Stephanus Myliander. David Chytraeus’ Chrono. Liber 2 (ed. of Rostock, 1573). [Inc.]: (p. 182) logia Herodoti et Thucydidis and the accessus to Secundus Thucydidis liber inchoat historiam bel- Hist. 1. VD C-2559.

li Pelloponnesiaci, quod anno mundi 3536. qui 1563, Argentorati (Strasbourg): Christianus fuit ante... /... [Expl.]: (p. 186) quam in con- Mylius. Contents the same as in the preceding entroversiis principum Germanicorum nostra ae- try. Adams C-1577; VD C-2560; NUC. BL; BNF; tate aliquoties citari meminimus. Ordiar autem (CtY; PBm; PPULC). secundi libri Thucydidis interpretationem prox- 1563, Vitebergae (Wittenberg): Johannes Crato.

imis Calendis Octobris anni 1562. Contents the same as in the edition of Rostock, Liber 3 (ed. of Rostock, 1573). [Inc.]: (p. 186) | 1562. VD C-2561; NUC. (CtY).

Tertius liber Thucydidis historiarum rerum anno 1565, Argentinae (Strasbourg): apud Chris4. 5. et 6. belli Peloponnesiaci gestarum compre- tianum Mylium. David Chytraeus’ Chronologia hendit.../...[Expl.]: (p.190) interfectores vero Herodoti et Thucydidis and the accessus to Hist. conscendentes navim in fuga naufragio peri- 1-3. Adams. C-1583; VD C-2562; NUC. BL; BNF; erunt. Datum Calendis Martti, anno 1563. (IU; PPULC; NcD; PBm). Liber 4 (ed. of Rostock, 1573). [Inc.]: (p. 190) 1567, Rostochii (Rostock): Iacobus TransylQuartus Thucydidis liber historiam rerum anno vanus excudebat. David Chytraeus’ Chronologia 7. 8. et 9. belli Peloponnesiaci gestarum explicat | Herodoti et Thucydidis and the accessus to Hist. .../... [Expl]: (p. 194) occupata ab Atticis re- 1-6, 8. Copenhagen, Det kongelige Bibliotek. cipiuntur. Incipiam autem quarti libri interpreta- 1569, Rostochii (Rostock): Iacobus Transyl-

tionem cras hora 6. die 10. Augusti. vanus excudebat. Contents the same as in the preLiber 5 (ed. of Rostock, 1573). [Inc.]: (p. 194) ceding entry. VD C-2563. BNE.

Quintus liber historiam anni decimi et sex se- 1570, Rostochii (Rostock): excudebat Iacobus quentium belli Peloponnesiaci annorum usque Lucius. Contents the same as in the edition of ad belli Siculi initia .../... [Expl]: (p. 196) 1567, Rostock. Adams C-1578; VD C-2564. melle ac nectare dulcioribus, inter enarrandum 1573, Rostochii (Rostock): excudebat Iacobus

monebo die 5. Decembris anni 1563. Lucius. Contents the same as in the edition of Liber 6 (ed. of Rostock, 1573). [Inc.]: (p. 196) 1567, Rostock. Adams C-1579; VD C-2565; NUC. Sextus Thucydidis liber belli Siculi historiam in- BL; BNF; (NNC; MBAt). choat, quod Athenienses sine ulla gravi et neces- 1578, Rostochii (Rostock): excudebat Iacobus

saria causa.../...[Expl.]: (p. 204) Hi fere prae- Lucius. Contents the same as in the edition of cipui sex loci sunt digni attentiori observatione et 1567, Rostock. VD C-2566.

memoria in sexti libri lectione, quem cras hora 1579, Rostochii (Rostock): excudebat Iacobus sexta Deo iuvante interpretari incipiam. Datum Lucius. Contents the same as in the edition of

Calendis Maii, anno 1564. 1567, Rostock. VD C-2567.

Liber 8 (ed. of Rostock, 1573). [Inc.]: (p. 209) 1585, Helmaestadii (Helmstedt): ex officina ty-

Deo iuvante deduximus interpretationem pographica Jacobi Lucii. Contents the same as in Thucydidis ordine usque ad octavum et ultimum _ the edition of 1567, Rostock. VD C-2568; NUC.

librum.../... [Expl.]: (p. 213) Postremo singu- BNF; (DFo; MnU; MH; NjP).

168 THUCYDIDES, HISTORIAE 1585-86, Helmaestadii (Helmstedt): ex officina speeches, treatises, and commentaries on the typographica Iacobi Lucii. Contents the same as __ Scriptures.

C-2569 BNE rograp y ADB - 4»4.254-56 (Fromm); ; woe— Chytraeus, David,”

in the edition of 1567, Rostock. Adams T-1580; VD Bibl hy:

1588. See above, ,;; a K.-H. Composite Glaser, H. Lietz, andEditions. S. Rhein, eds., David 1589. See above, Composite Editions. :.

* ¥1592, ; undRostochii Nathan Chytraeus. Humanismus im (*) (Rostock): [Augustin Fer__- konfes. Jocher . ae . ; . sionellen Zeitalter (Ubstadt-Weiher, 1993); ber d. A.]. David Chytraeus’ Chronologia Herodoti ;; a 1.1906; Neue deutsche Biographie, vol. 3 (Berlin, et1593, Thucydidis. VD C-2570. 7: . “2 ; 1957), 254; O. FE. Schutz, De vita Davidis Chytraei, Helmaestadii (Helmstedt): J. Lucius. sare or ar ; se theologi, historici et polyhistoris Rostochiensis com-

Contents the same as in the edition of Rostock, mentariorum libri quatuor (Hamburg, 1720-21);

1567. VD C San Be ony aaa Chr. Sturz, D. Davidis Chytraei, theologi et histort1594 2°. See above, Composite Editions. ci... vita (Rostock, 1601). Biography:

David Chytraeus (Kochhaff, Kochhafe) was d. Joachim Camerarius born 26 February 1531 at Ingelfingen near Kiinzel- Camerarius’ commentary, discussed in [1.8

sau and died 25 June 1600 at Rostock. above, accompanies his 1565 Wittenberg translaHe went to school at Gemmingen and came to _ tion of the same passages (1.1-23, 86; 2.34—46, 53).

Ttibingen in 1539 where his teachers were Joachim Introduction to the commentary (ed. of WittenCamerarius, Melchior Rufus Volmar, Erhard _ berg, 1565). Ad historiam Thucydidis. [Inc.]: (sig.

Schnepff, and Jacob Heerbrand. In 1544, now D3r) De Thucydide auctore narrationis belli magister artium, he went to Wittenberg to study _gesti in Graecia cum conspirassent adversus powith Melanchthon, by whom he was much influ- tentiam populi Atheniensis Peloponnesii ducenced. To avoid the disturbances caused by the toribus Spartiatis, pauca quaedam nos commefirst Schmalkaldic War, Chytraeus went to Hei- morasse satis esse poterit. Hunc igitur traditur delberg in 1546 and to Tiibingen in 1547; in 1548 Thracici quidem sed Athenis celeberrimi generis he was able to return to Wittenberg to teach rhet- fuisse.../... [Expl.]: (sig. F7r) Me docti capiat

oric, astronomy, and Melanchthon’s Loci com- manus et sapientis. At expers // Quisquis munes. After travels in Germany, Switzerland,and Musarum es, nota parum abicias. // Pervius haud Italy he went to Rostock where he taught from _cunctis sum, admirantur neque multi // Thucydi1550 onwards. In 1561 he became doctor theologiae den Oloro Cecropida genitum.

and professor. Commentary Chytraeus worked to reorganize the University Ad prooemii Thucydidis interpretationem noof Rostock on the model of the University of Wit- : : | fas

a Ioachimo Camerario (1.1-23). [Inc.]: (sig. tenberg. In =o 1576 he was askedThucydidea totatadraw up the a! F7v) Historia profitetur enarra-

statutes of the University of Helmstedt. A capable ,. rar me tionem belli gesti inter Athenienses et

Peloponadministrator and -,.. organizer of the Lutheran ; . autem nesios ductoribus Lacedaemoniis. Legitur

Church, heinwas calledStephani upon tode participate, in this.cavisse :;. Oe, oes epitoma urbibus, Atticos capacity, in similar activities in Austria, Sweden, ne nominarent bellum hoc TedoTTovnotakév, ut

and Holland. In his time Rostock becameacenter .. t illud Pel Graecia (1.2.1). It ,

Lutheran orthodoxy sit illud Graecia (1.2.1). in°f terpretor ‘E\Aaoéa et Peloponnesium. “EAAnvas Graecos. Ut Ita enim

Works: illi universam suam nationem €AAnvas_ unius

Chytraeus was known as the author of numer- populi nomine, ita Latini eosdem Graecos ous philological, historical, and theological vocarunt, gentili aut patria appellatione. In Epitoworks. His writings include: Catechesis (ist ed. ma autem Stephani legitur Tpaixes jntepes 1555); Regulae vitae (ist ed. 1555); Praecepta rheto- ‘EdAjvov.../... [Expl.]: (sig. Har) Stirps Beli ricae inventionis (1st ed. 1556); Onomasticon theo- (1.23). logicum (ast ed. 1557); De lectione historiarum recte Ad orationem Sthenelaidae (1.86). [Inc.]: (sig.

instituenda (ist ed. 1563); Regulae studiorum H2v) Huius etiam orationis interpretationem (1572); Chronicon Saxoniae (ist ed. 1590); and _ placuit adiungere, ad brevitatis et calliditatis La-

I.F. ANTONIUS ZENUS 169 conicae exemplum .../... [Expl]: (sig. H3r) Commentary. [Inc.]: (p. 1) Titulo comprehenDiscessio autem, qua a Sthenelaida res explicatur, ditur et propositio et libri argumentum. Titulus

etiam in senatu quondam Romano fuit usurpata. ponitur initio, ut mos fuit antiquis. Sic enim Ad orationem funebrem. De legis appendice, et Herodotus incepit, et sancti Prophetae sic inlaudari interfectos in proeliis (2.34-46). [Inc.]: cipiunt suas prophetias. Conscripsit (1.1.1) (sig. H3v) Cicero mentionem facit in Oratore ovveypaise; studiose et diligenter conscripsit. [151] popularis orationis, qua mos esset Athenis Hinc syngrapha, scriptio seu res scripta. Significat

laudari interfectos in proeliis .../... [Expl.]: item cautionem seu chirographum obligans. Inter (sig. I6v) LTéEdavoy (2.46.1). Proverbii figura se (1.1.1) TOS aANAOUS. Hic distinguitur hoc coronam vocat praemium virtutis atque laudis. bellum ab aliis bellis, quae contra Persas atque Nam victores quondam in certaminibus gymnicis alios gesserunt, et indicatur fuisse civile bellum

ante omnia coronae honore afficiebantur. Poly- .../... [Expl.]: (p. 545) Cum etiam alia onera bius libro primo tepov oTédavov dixit, conse- imponeret eis (8.108.5). Plutarchus in Antonio | cratam palmam Deo, idest, victoriam relictam in emtBddAoVvTOs SeUTEpoV ddpov [24.7], cum immedio, quasi dicatam Deo dh\\’ ws av atraeis _poneret duplicatum tributum. (p. 546) Dolore afKal ANTTHTOL Twes avdpEs Lepov ETTOLWoavTO _ fectus (8.109.1). Erat enim inter praefectos, ut fit,

oTEdavov (1.58.5). aemulatio.

Descriptio pestilentiae (2.48-54). [Inc.]: (sig. Editions: I7r) Accurata est hoc loco; 1569. et copiosa narratio neEditions. : “a See above, Composite morbi; vs ex eorum genere.../... [| Expl.]: (sig. K3r) ; os 1580. See above, Composite Editions.

Katakpdtous (2.54.4) autem, et totis viribus et

omni contentione. Biography: Edition: See I.10 above. 1565. See I.8 above. £ Antonius Zenus

Biography: Zenus, a Venetian patrician, published (VenSee CTC 2.100. ice, 1569) his commentary on Pericles’ speech at

Hist. 1.140-144 with an accompanying translation

e. Vitus Winsemius (1.11) and a commentary on the speech of Lepidus Winsemius’ commentary, printed together from Sallust’s Histories (Or. Lep., ed. Kurfess, with his translation (I.10) at Wittenberg in 1569, 148-51; see the article on Sallust, III.i.[b].1, p. 303 is a mixture of realia, grammatical commentary _ below). He first prints a passage of the Greek text,

often including paraphrases of the text and _ then the translation, and after that his commenrhetorical analysis (where he uses Melanchthon’s _ tary. terminology), and notabilia/moralia. The work is In the dedication to Andreas Baduarius (probpreceded by a copious accessus entitled Prolego- ably Andrea Biagio Badoer, 1515-75), Zeno relates mena in Thucydidem, which contains the follow- how he worked on the translation and commening chapters: Historia quid nomen, id est, quid sig- _ tary while he was studying science at Padua and nificat?; Quid res, quid est historia?; De utilitate Bologna, and, after his return to Venice, he decidhistoriae; Series historiarum et temporum; Series ed to publish it for the benefit of his country. He annorum et synchronismus temporum ac rerum; has chosen these two speeches from the large corDe discrimine historiae graecae et latinae; Argu- pus available because they were political speeches mentum huius libri; and Quae in singulis libris and rhetorically excellent, written by writers from

magis illustria et observanda sunt. different states, who nonetheless treated the maAccessus. Prolegomena in Thucydidem (ed. of _ terial in a similar way; they will be of interest to Wittenberg, 1569). [Inc.]: (sig. )(iii') Historia quid _ persons who take part in the public affairs of the nomen, id est, quid significat. ‘Iotopew significat city (i.e., the likes of Zenus himself who belonged inquiro, scrutor, inspicio, et memoriae mando, _ to the leading classes of society), and they contain

seu commemoro .../... [Expl.]: (sig. )(vi’) sic “most weighty counsel on war,’ which the Venerecte et dicendi magistra et iudicii formatrix et _ tians may well need. consiliorum et morum gubernatrix erit historia The accessus-like preface (pp. 9-30) has the Thucydidaea [see Cic., De orat. 1.38, 3.57]. following chapters: De Thucydide, De Pericle, De

170 THUCYDIDES, HISTORIAE lis quae ad rem pertinent, and De auditore.Anim- explanatione, quoad per me licuit, illustratae, portant part of the first chapter treats the value of | quae, quod causas civiles continerent atque artifithe Thucydidean speeches as models for forensic cio dicendi praecellerent, facile quibus potissirhetoric. Zeno is not content merely to enumer- mum elaborassem in studiis, indicarent. Accede-

ate the views of auctores, such as Dionysius of bat etiam quod nobilissima scriptorum ingenia Halicarnassus, Demetrius of Phaleron, Longinus, ac diversa rerum publicarum, in quibus illa versaand Cicero; he also tries to synthesize: “quod in _ ta essent, instituta ac studia sed tamen rei ac tracdicendo vitium esset vel maximum, id in scriben- _tationis ratione similia, plurimum et lectores ledo laudatissimum esse” (p. 13), here, as often else- | gendo delectare et ad dicendi laudem parandam where, referring to Aristotle (Rhet. 3.1.7 [1404a]). _ non mediocriter iuvare posse intelligebam, praeIn the following chapters Zeno describes Pericles sertim vero eos qui se totos consultationibus de as an orator and statesman, and he explains how __ republica instituendis dedidissent, quae praePericles’ speech was adapted to the circumstances _cipua nostrae hoc tempore iuventutis videtur esse

(the political situation) and his audience (the cura. Nam quae suasionem gravissimam belli

popular assembly). nimirum continerent, ex magno prope contio-

Zenus commentary is partly rhetorical with a num aliarum corpore excerpsi, quod id genus et strong didactic note and partly concerned with usu et dignitate praestantius et patricii Veneti political matters, where Zenus makes constant _ studiis convenientius esset. Quae eadem me causa

use of parallel examples. impulit ut in his explanandis non summum

Dedication (ed. of Venice, 1569). Andreae Ba- _solum in artificio dicendi aperiendo studium colduario clarissimo viro Antonius Zenus s. [Inc.]: locarim, sed etiam in rebus civilibus aliqua saepe (sig. A2r) Vetus ea est constanti doctorum homi- opportuna egressione tractandis elaborarim ac num testimonio iampridem comprobata senten- locorum eventuumque similium undique con-

tia, Andrea Baduari, vir clarissime. ... (sig. A2v) quisita collatione ornare tentaverim .../... Huic igitur arti, qui aut rempublicam habent aut [Expl.]: (sig. Agv) sed me ipsum quoque totum de ea capessenda cogitant, in primis oportere _ tibi, quemadmodum quidem cupido, velim dicastudere, iam inde ab ineunte aetate et domesticis tum esse. Vale. exemplis multis et eorum, quos verebar, auctori- Preface. Antonii Zeni in Periclis contionem tate impulsus cum intelligerem, ita meae adoles- _ praefatio. [Inc.]: (p. 9) Praeclaram Periclis concentiae tempus traduxi, ut cum rerum physi- tionem a Thucydide histortis suis insertam excarum cognoscendarum causa in nobilissimis posituri atque varium eius, quoad consequi ingeItaliae gymnasiis Patavino et Bononiensi versarer, _nio ac diligentia poterimus, artificium expressuri numquam tamen a rerum civilium et oratori- ... (p. 15) Quare cum adeo admiratione, studio, arum studio oculos mentemve deicerem. Memi- imitationeque digna haec oratio sit, sequitur ut neram enim me praecipuo Dei beneficio eius ci- ad ipsam explicandam nostram merito operam

vitatis civem esse, in qua, quod libertate atque industriam conferamus. Cum autem tria optatissima frueretur et multorum consilio sunt, ut docet Aristoteles, ex quibus omnis conregeretur, facile mea, quaecumque esset, excur- stat oratio, “is qui dicit, res de qua dicit, et is, ad rere industria et meum elucere vel intelligendi vel quem” [Rhet. 1.3.1 (1358a)], quorum cum perfecta dicendi studium posset, ut omittam praemia, ab oratore cognitio tenenda, tum ratio in dicendo quae semper in nostra republica bonis ac bene __ diligenter habenda est, quippe in quibus eloquensentientibus beneque dicentibus hominibus _ tiae vis omnis consumitur et ex quorum varietate proposita non mediocri me ad omnes labores ex- __diversitas omnis praeceptorum oritur, idcirco et cipiendos accendere cupiditate potuerunt. Itaque nos his in praesenti Periclis oratione explicatis ex gymnasio Bononiensi post quinquennium deinceps artis praecepta indagemus atque ab his tamquam ex frequentissimo aliquo bonarum ar- ___ veluti Tooke yopwevwv loco praepositis, expositio-

tium mercato [sic] sic postulantibus rebus meisin nis initium ducamus, ac primo de ipso, qui lopatriam reversurus, ne tamdiu ibi inani opera et quitur, Pericle dicamus .../... [Expl.]: (p. 30) studio fuisse viderer, cepi consilium mecum ali- Simillima vero, vel si artem, vel si materiem quid referre ex iis quae diligentiori cura tractave- spectes, est contio Archidami Lacedemoniorum ram. Fuerant autem contiones duae, una Thucy- regis hoc eodem Thucydidis libro [ Hist. 1.80—85].

didis, altera Sallustii, a me accurata in primis Commentary. [Inc.]: (p. 32) Quatuor sunt,

I.G. JOBUS VERATIUS 171 quae orator in conficienda oratione praestare so- _tivum. This index is often mentioned as one of let: primum rem ipsam, de qua est illidicendum, _ the crowning glories of the edition (e.g, “Additus

diligenter considerat, ad quam etiam causae_ est index artificiosissimus et utilissimus quo in genus et statum et sui auditorisque personam _rhetorica causarum genera, velut in communes refert.... (p. 35) quibus omnibus attentionem, locos, singulae contiones rediguntur,” in Th. J. docilitatem, benevolentiamque sibi comparat von Almeloveen, De vitis Stephanorum [Amsterapud auditores. Eiusdem adhuc sententiae sum, dam, 1683], index. p. 45). Stephanus’ 1588 edition Athentenses, Peloponnestis cedendum non esse of Laurentius Valla’s translation (I.1 above) re(1140.1). Brevissime ac paucis verbis statim a _ prints the part of the index which pertains to principio sententiam suam, ut rhetores omnes Thucydides.

docent esse faciendum .../... [Expl.]: (p. 140) Letter to the reader (ed. of [Geneva,] 1570). In quibus inferiores etc. (1144.4). Comparatio ad __Jobus Veratius studioso lectori s. [Inc.]: (sig. *iv’)

permovendos, incitandosque.... Idem etiam Mirifice me, studiose lector, Homericus ille Pericles libro secundo (2.62.3): “Nec vero com-_ versiculus delectat pvOwy Te pntip’ epevat mittamus, ut utraque in re inferiores, quam pa- TpnKkTHpd Te Epywr [IL 9.443]... . Paulo uberior

tres nostri fuerunt, deprehendamur.” Thucydideus Archidamus aliique eiusdem civi-

Edition: tatis, ut qua in urbe humaniores litterae prope

1569, Venettis (Venice): apud Bologninum Zal- 1. cebant, in ea tamen suum eloquentiae esse teri1um. (Gr.-Lat.) Antonius Zenus’ commentary abitum honorem constet, Itaque poeta cum

; . dae multitudinis peritis-

on the speech of Pericles (Hist. 1140-144) with pmenna virum et regen laud pet

accompanying translation; with Zenus’ transla- simu escriberet, utriusque rel lau em 1 a tC

y Pp Of Lep « ; Le 55

tion of and commentary on the speech of Lepj. _tziDuit, rerum gestarum gloriam et dicendi peritidus from Sallust’s Histories. Adams Z-125; NUC. 7 tum pietate gravem et merits” etc. [Verg.,

) >] > >

BL; BNE; BAV; (MH; CtY). Aen. 1.151]. Ille regit dictis animos et temperat

iras. Haec eadem sibi assumit apud Thucydidem

Biography: Pericles, ds oVSEVOS Toowv olopat Elvat yvaval

Little is known of Antonius Zenus (Antonio te Tq d€ovTa, Kal epunvetoat tatta [Hist. Zeno), called the Younger, except that he be- 2.60.5]. Etenim ut impudentis est de iis quae nelonged to a well-known family of Venetian patri- sciat verba temere fundere, ita turpe est, quae

cians. He lived in the sixteenth century. scias, ea plane et apte explicare non posse

Bibliography: .../... [Expl]: (sig. *iv’) Et ne quid te legentem

Michaud 45.461. moraretur, et ut unde res ipsa, de qua dicitur,

profecta esset, intelligeres, argumenta praefingen-

g. Jobus Veratius da curavit. Eae igitur quantopere et ad antiquiIn 1570 Henricus Stephanus published the ‘tis cognitionem et ad dicendi facultatem conConciones sive Orationes ex graecis latinisque his- ducant, postquam accurate legeris, melius, ut toricis excerptae. This collection included all the ‘SP? aestimabis. Vale. speeches in Thucydides’ Historiae except for the Commentary. Melian debate (5.85111) and the short speech of a Book 1

Syracusan magistrate (6.41.2-4). Veratius com- Oratio Corcyraeorum (32-36). Argumentum posed argumenta for all the speeches in the vol- (p. 48). [Inc.]: Conflato inter Corcyraeos et ume, and he also made Latin translations of afew Corinthios bello ob defensionem Epidamni, cum

of them (see I.12 above). eam urbem ab exsulibus vexatam .../... Veratius’ argumenta for the Thucydidean [Expl.]: Maxime vero illud caput attingunt non speeches are not just a summary of the contents; violari hoc foedere conditiones pacis cum Lacethey also present the general situation in which daemoniis transactas.

the speeches were delivered and they comment Corinthiorum oratio (37-43). Argumentum regularly on the rhetorical genre. Moreover, Vera- (pp. 50-51). [Inc.]: Respondet haec oratio superi-

tius compiled an index in which all the speeches ori. Nam duobus capitibus ae | Expl.}: quae in Stephanus’ Conciones were divided according cum turpia sint, tamen aliquam prae se ferunt to genus: deliberativum, tudiciale, and demonstra- _ utilitatis speciem.

172 THUCYDIDES, HISTORIAE Peloponnensium oratio (53.2). Argumentum Oratio Periclis (60-64). Argumentum (p. 76). (p. 53). [Inc.]: Iverant auxilio Corcyraeis Athe- [Inc.|]: Atheniensis populus, qua erat levitate, usus

nienses adversus Corinthios .../... [Expl.]: et Periclis consilio, bellum adversus.../...[Expl.]: hostilis specimen animi in suo supplicio ederent. debere id sibi esse fraudi, quod ipse senserit, Atheniensium oratio (53.4). Argumentum (p. omnes autem comprobarint. 54). Respondent Athenienses Peloponnensibus se Plataeensium oratio (71.2-4). Argumentum non contra rem Corinthiorum venire, sed prae- (p. 79). [Inc.]: Lacedaemonii infensi Atheniensisidio Corcyrae esse missos: itaque sibi in animo um potentiae, socias civitates.../... [ Expl.]: eo-

esse facere. rum persancte caverant, et sartam tectam civiCorinthiorum oratio (68-71). Argumentum _ tatem liberamque esse voluerant. (p. 54). [Inc.|]: Corinthii cum se Atheniensibus Archidami oratio (72.1). Argumentum (p. 80).

impares esse et multis iam cladibus .../... [Jnc.]: Archidamus regio iure summam rerum |Expl.]: Denique aut sibi alios quaerendos socios_ tenebat in ea expeditione .../... [Expl.]: ea

nuntiant. capta essent.

aut Lacedaemoniis causam esse suscipiendam de- arma sequerentur quae pro Graecorum libertate

Atheniensium oratio (73-78). Argumentum Archidami oratio (72.3). Argumentum (p. 80). (p. 57). [Inc.]: Respondent ad criminationes — [Jnc.]: Cum a patribus iusiurandum intercessisset Corinthiorum Athenienses legati, ac primum, ut .../... [Expl.]: hac testificatione iusti belli picautum sit .../...[Expl.]: qui summo Graeco- aculum omne effugere voluit.

rum consensu hoc imperii erant adepti. Oratio Lacedaemoniorum ducum (87). ArguArchidami oratio (80-85). Argumentum (p. mentum (p. 80). [Inc.]: Victi navali proelio Pelo60). [Inc.]: Cum esset ab utrisque peroratum, a ponnenses ab Atheniensi Phormione reparata et

legatis sociorum et ab Atheniensibus .../... auctaclasse.../...[Expl.]: Postremo eos poenis [Expl.]: quo interim tempore bellum maturius et praemiis propositis incitant.

comparari possit. Phormionis oratio (89). Argumentum (pp. Oratio Sthenelaidae (86). Argumentum (p. 81-82). [Inc.]: Atheniensi classi, cum qua erant 63). [Inc.]: In eo consessu Lacedaemoniorum de _ conflicturi Peloponnenses, praeerat Phormio

quo diximus, Sthenelaidas.../...[Expl.]:Speci- .../... [Expl]: Hortatur ut omnes strenue

tunctae, ; Book 3

men Laconicae brevitatis cum acrimonia con- partes suas tutentur.

Corinthiorum oratio (120-124). Argumentum

. Oratio Mitylenaeorum (9-14). Argumentum (p. 63). [Inc.]: Conventus magnibello habebantur ;; ne (p. 83). [Inc.]: Ingravescenti Peloponnesiaco,

Lacedaemone a civitatibus .../... [Expl.]: quae 7 .; aab ny: ;metum , esbosomnem universa praeter Methymnam descivit illis debeant eripere. Gravis sen.;

7 ; Atheniensibus ad Lacedaemonios .../...

tentils si ipsi id impetrarint, et quanta contra inOratiooratio. Periclis[Expl.]: (140-144). Argumentum (p. 3° SUP. P pod .. , . commoda repulsam patiantur, ostendunt. 66). [Inc.|]: Lacedaemonii, decretosiElei iam domi omLd. .Argumentum — . Teutiapli oratio (30). nium sociorum suffragiis in Athenienses bello 86 . . (p.

, cum ). [Inc.|]: ab Atheniensibus Mitylene, .../...[Expl.]: quidCapta ad mandata legatorum .. deri velit. ostendit Peloponnesii.../...[Expl.]: Posse enim impro-

Book 2 | primi.

FeSPON GET VES OSKENG viso adventu fidentes et incautos Athenienses opOratio Archidami (11). Argumentum (p. 70). Cleonis oratio (37-40). Argumentum (p. 86). [Inc.]: Comparato bello a Lacedaemoniis et sociis _[Jnc.]: Athenienses duce Pachete potiti Mitylene

Peloponnensibus .../... [Expl.]: fortitudinem deliberabant domi quomodo .../... [Expl.]:

naviam. datur, ostendit.

esse adhibendam et cautionem, removendam ig- postremo impunitatis periculum, si ea illis conce-

Oratio Periclis (35-46). Argumentum (p. 71). Diodoti oratio (42-48). Argumentum (p. 90). [Inc.]: Cum veteri instituto solerent Athenienses [Jnc.]: In eadem illa contione Diodotus, qui et

eos qui pro patriae salute occubuissent .../... proxima contione mollioris sententiae auctor [Expl.]: similis virtutis, quam hi in salute patriae fuisset .../... [Expl]: et potentes ipsos a per-

exprompsissent. fidiosis consiliis aversura.

I.G. JOBUS VERATIUS 173

e e ° P 3) e ee Ps e P e yn

Plataeensium oratio (53-59). Argumentum (p. Brasidae oratio (126). Argumentum (p. 111). 93). [Inc.]: Expugnatis diuturna obsidione et [Jnc.]: Expeditio fuerat suscepta adversus Lynces-

cibariorum inopia Plataeis, Lacedaemonii tas a Brasida Lacedaemonio et Perdicca Mace-

.../... [Expl]:PinHos Lacedaemonios rege.../... [Expl.]: hace virtutem Lacedae_ mere un merita. Teg v1donum Loxphy: Virtutem)

Postremo rogant ne Thebanorum libidini addi- moniorum, propriam illius gentis, ac disciplinam

cantur. usumque rei militaris.

Thebanorum oratio (61-67). Argumentum (p. Book 5 97). [Inc.]: Thebani, accerrimi Plataeensium op- Brasidae oratio (9). Argumentum (p. 112)

pugnatores, tum in obsidione, tum in illorum Inc]: Brasid ). ATS Ath P ‘b "

ee i ; e , suis anim ere cohortation

[Expl]: quo ab Atheniensibus stabant [ ne: rasidas commissurus cum t emiens! us

Plataeenses. Postremo ius belli et reatus osten- im are I. Toe sé q tatione

dunt voluit .../... [Exp J: mum psepraevero fidentem anise fert, spei et consilii plenum.

Book 4 Book 6

Demosthenis oratio (10). Argumentum (p. Niciae oratio (9-14). Argumentum (

101). [Inc.]: Pylum obsederant Athenienses duce Inc.|: Atheni a pune | Nee

Demosthene: liberare eam obsidione Lacedae- 113-14). ne. thenienslum opem implorabant

monij sociorum [Expl]: quam Siculi, bello a Siluntinis petiti.../... aoscum a ae eed Expl.|: qui Segestani nihil libentius faciant quam rem facile sit hominibus rei maritimae peritis rudiores ep J; qui nihi mens. bk 1 rem et

. : . uaerant.

aditu portus prohibere gloriam privatam ex reipublicae detrimentis

. > .. — ; ; ) r a ae Lacedaemoniorum oratio (17-20). Argumen- 4 Alcibiadis oratio (16-18). Ar aumentum

tum (p. 102). [Inc.]: Lacedaemonii re male gesta Incl: I d alk area Al +.

apud Pylum, quod nec urbem illam obsidione n6). Une. ]: pare ‘1 om ene cir

liberare.../... [Expl.]: quod ii rebus suis inte- tee Por a, opidus, eloquentia Porens | /.

gris Graeciam pacassent [ ? .| Nea quia semper ita ut multis 1u. —— vandis niensium o evenisset, rescerent. Hermocratis oratio (59-64). Argumentum (p. icine vatio (10-23) oe umentum (p. 119)

104). [Inc.]: Cum in Sicilia bella intestina exarsis- [Inc.]: Nicias, cui nec eetlum® lebiscito feccetum

sent, principioque longe potentissimae civitates « yeriura ad i del P j Expl]: .../... [Expl]: de suo iure remitterent, quam nec imperium ac’ tpsum Ceram hea [Expl.]:

i, ; H rati —34). A ,

committerent ut repudiata pace ad arma re dire- Causas suae sententiae affert, hostium vires, loco-

tur P P rum intervalla, conditionem belli.

Brasidae oratio (85-87). Argumentum (p. 106). Tyee a e. ratio (33- a eae de (p

[Inc.]: Acanthus erat urbs Macedoniae, Andrio- 121). Unc.]: Confecto omni ilo apparatu, de quo

tum colonia, Athenjensium socia / habitae sunt proximae contiones, et classe ingenti

ae anne [.]: ates 1ungi, [Expl.]: velle perseverent, denuntiat agri vasti- ! eee d qe’ acung ae

tatem, testaturque illorum omnem culpam futu- rationem Delli a ministran 1 esse velit ostendit.

-am Athenagorae oratio (36-40). Argumentum (p. Oratio Pagondae (92). Argumentum (p. 108) 123). [Inc.|]: Haec oratio superiori est adversaria.

; —_ .../... [Expl]: mi,

[Inc.}: Athenienses Delium Boeotiae templum Nam Athenagoras a tribunatum piel Berebat

muro cinxerant, relictoque praesidio versus Atheni L Ph Aven an seit) haber u de. Athenas abibant / [Expl]: Hoc ita expe- be peat? adventu (si quis sit) habere de-

; Se hee eant, ostendit.

dire usu et maiorum exemplis confirmat. ‘Oration. Niciae (68). Argumentum (p. 125) Hippocratis oratio (95). Argumentum (p. 109). [Inc.]: Cohortatio est ad ‘ortiter dimicandurn

[Inc.]: Instructa utrimque acie erant commissuri Nam conflicturus acie cum Svracusanis / proelium Athenienses et Boeoti.../... [Expl.]: [Expl]: Neque enim praesto vece atriam. hae

virtutis maiorum, propositoque praemio victori- ¢, P *tibus sit erfu & P » 4

ae militum animos incendit. "Hermocratis oratio 6-80). Argumentum ( Lacedaemoniorum oratio (118). Argumentum Incl: Athen; / 5. bell P-

(p. 110). [Inc.]: Non est quidem diserte a Thucy- 126). [Inc]: thenienses commodius be aturl dide dictum per legatos fuisse haec transacta cum Syracusanis, si civitates Siciliae ab hostibus

cum Atheniensibus . .. / [Expl.]: et quo iureoy|" natus |... [Expl]: ic principio usque a domieorum primordiis.

omnes eos esse velint ad quos pertinent, osten- ‘ O Bo E " ° A

dunt Oratio Euphemi (82-87). Argumentum (p. 135 [misprint for 129]). [Inc.]: Adversaria est superi-

174 THUCYDIDES, HISTORIAE ori haec oratio. Nam cum Euphemus Atheniensis had raised hopes for further emendations of the

Camerinam.../...[Expl.]: repudient, ne sibiid Greek text and for additions to the corpus of fraudi esse aliquando, sed serius, sentiant. Greek scholia already in his possession. He also Oratio Alcibiadis (89-92). Argumentum (p. justifies the postponement by his plan to edit a 132). [Inc.]: Alcibiades Athenis profugus Lacedae- commentary on the more difficult passages in monem se contulit. Venerant eodem legati Syra- Thucydides and on Dionysius of Halicarnassus’ cusanorum.../...[Expl.]: ostendit et quemad- De Thucydidis idiomatibus (= Ad Ammaeum 2). modum dominatus Atheniensium infringi atque Moreover, he changed his ideas about publishing

adeo opprimi possit. an edition of Herodotus immediately after Thu-

Book 7 cydides, since he had learned from France and

Niciae oratio (61-64). Argumentum (p. 135). Germany of the existence of an old manuscript

[Inc.]: Nicias commissurus cum Syracusanis containing both Greek historians. ; proelium illud navale quo res Atheniensis The editors of the 1589 edition of S tephanus .../... [Expl.]: et reipublicae salute dimicandi, revision of the translation of Laurentlus Valla— fructus amplissimae victoriae, si eam reportent. presumad'y the printers Caudtus Marnius and

Oratio Gylippi et ceterorum belli ducum Johannes Aubrius¢ omment on the many rele (66-68). Argumentum (p. 137). [Inc.]: Gylippus ences to IL, non-existing Seen th ows

Lacedaemonius, dux auxiliarium, qui Syracusas 3-8 as well as on some inconsistencies in the ret-

Lacedaemone missi fuerant.../... [Expl.]: esse erences to Stephanus commentary on the first

; qepersequendas 1. ~~ two books. They iniquissimi express thebelli pious that enim ab hostibus . hehope | < book concitati, et appetitae Siciliae poenas. Steph “till annotations to the last six DOOKs

Oratio Niciae (77). Argumentum (p. 138). mignt still appear: [Inc.]: Victi Athenienses, desperata non modo... eaque esset eius curae ratio, quod latinam expugnatione Syracusanorum sed etiam prope praesertim interpretationem attinet, (nam quae salute sua.../... [Expl.]: quae haud dubie ex- _ in ceteris praestitit, nihil nunc quidem ad institupectanda erat, animose se patriamque tutentur. tum nostrum illa faciunt) campo ut plerumque

, Editions: latiori egeret stilus, hanc laboris partem in 1570. See above, Composite Editions. postremum opus coniecit, ubi quae suiqnis mar "1588, See above, Composite Editions. ginis spatiis excluderentur, commodius explicari 1589. See above, Composite Editions. possent, lumenque adeo clarius interpretationis 1594 2°. See above, Composite Editions. ex coniuncta Graecorum tractatione acciperent. 1696. See above, Composite Editions. Hanc tamen operam suam ad secundum ulti-

mum dumtaxat librum perduxit; sex postremos

Biography: non attigit, quaamquam iis quoque totis eadem inNothing is known about Jobus Veratius except dicia annotationum det passim. Quarum inter-

that he was from Genoa and died in 1571. ruptum cursum gravius ferremus, ni, quas ex-

Bibliography: pectare iubemur, reliquarum nos spes solaretur. Jécher 4.1519. Nos illas, cum necdum sint, dare non potuimus. In duos quae esse videntur, nec eae quidem satis

h. Henricus Stephanus sunt. Partim enim frustra sis lis quaerendis, ad Stephanus’ commentary accompanies the 4¥as nota illa superiori Vide Ann. adire iuberis, translation printed in his 1588 edition of Thucydi- CS vel exemplum fuerit pag. edit. nostrae 26, des (I.7 above) and covers books 1 and 2. He is Y&!S: 13» quo loco ev TOS EAEOL legisse videtur

mainly concerned with philological questions, Valla, qui In palustr ibus reddidit, ubi ev TH and the commentary is actually a corollary to his FAeaTtou In Eleatide (pars est Thesprotidis) edition of the Greek text; matters of content are vulgata hodie habent. At sive quid huiusmodi,

rarely discussed. sive quid aliud ad hunc locum is annotavit, ut

As Stephanus tells us in the preface, he was velle videtur, nusquam tamen, puto, Annotationtplanning to annotate the entire text. He inter- bus reperias esse, ut hoc unum quoque ex illis rupted his work, however, because letters from forte an suspicere, quae non tam eidem omissa unnamed persons in both Germany and France vam intermissa temporibus credendum est. Par-

I.I. FRANCISCUS PORTUS 175 tim ubi indicium nec falsum est, etusmodi plera- initium, OovxvdiSov OdAdpou (1.1.1). In sequen-

que omnia, quae magis animi de lectoris iudicio tibus libris to OdAdpou, sic tamen ut hic nunquam securi significatione dent, quam quae articulus iungatur cum alio qui subauditur geni-

ad maiorem loci intelligentiam magnum mo- tivo.../... [Expl.]: (p. 73; sig. o00j') “Ikav7j mentum afferant, cum fere optimum quodque (2.102.6). Cum hic particula v habere locum non iam marginem occuparit. Quibus emendationum _videatur, suspicor, sicut supra ex dv eTretoOnpev rationibus, quae vel Thucydidis vel scholiastae faciendum esse avetretoOnpev ostendi, et quidem coniunctae sunt, quia hic commode nobis carere vetero libro assentiente. Ita enim hic ex av posse videbare, eas missas fecimus eqs. (sig. Key@oOat fieri a nobis debere avaxex@odar. Fa-

qviii’). teor tamen non, ut illic, ita et hic, libri veteris asPreface (ed. of Geneva, 1588). [Inc.]: (sig. qviv) | sensum nos habere.

Deinde novam laboriosae meae diligentiae mate- , riam proponens non solum Annotationes in Edition:

Thucydidem et adiuncta illi scholia (in primum 1588. See above, Composite Editions.

. . Biography:

quidem certe ac secundum librum) scripsi, sed .

etiam Proparasceuen ad illorum scholiorum lec- See 1.7 above

,autem1.ulterius Franciscus Portus annotationes meae progressae non ,

tionem dedi, ut quibus aditus ad ea propter 7 scholicarum quarundam formularum ignora- ; ;

tionem patebat, eum commentary patefacerem.onIdeo ;;; . ; non Franciscus Portus’ the Histo-

; dum . riae was published litteras at Frankfurt inex 1594 and probsunt, quod eas scriberem, tam , Calli ; exably stemmed from his teaching (he taught at allia quam Germania eodem tempore —-fere ; Modena 1536—46 and was at Ferrara 1546-54). The acceperim, quibus de nonnullis in Thucydidem ; . form : aoe :et . commentary on book 1emendationibus, survives also in the pariter in eius scholiastem ; ; ; ; ; ; of manuscript notes taken down at Portus’etlecquidem etiam de quibusdam ad huius scholia ac- -

2 ; ee tures 1n‘1548.

cessionibus spes fiebat. Iustam enim mihi visus sum habere differendae reliquae meae scriptionis a. The manuscript version (1548)

rationem, praesertim cum, utcumque se res The notes taken down in 1548 on Thucydides, haberet, alias annotationes in quibus de difficilio- _ Hist. 1.1-83.2 by Alexander Sardus (Alessandro

rum locorum interpretatione ageretur, simulque Sardi) from Portus’ lectures at Ferrara are prelibelli Dionysii Halicarnassei de Thucydidis idi- served in Modena, Biblioteca Estense, Est. lat. 100

omatibus expositionem pariter et locupleta- (alpha P.9.2). Sardus, who was born in Ferrara, tionem postea dare cogitarem. Ac te ne hoc qui- acquired fame as a philosophical and historical dem celabo, additum in litteris gallicis fuisse uno writer and a diplomat for his native city. The eodemque vetusto volumine non Thucydidem Modena manuscript seems to be his personal solum sed Herodotum quoque contineri, quae al- copy for purposes of study. It contains, among tera spes de acceleranda eius statim post Thucy- other things, commentaries by Franciscus Portus dideam editione mutare sententiam coegit. on some tragedies of Sophocles, several orations Commentary. In Thucydidis diverse aut men- of Demosthenes, and the first two books of dose scriptos locos Henrici Stephani annota- Homer’s Iliad. A life of Thucydides on fol. 375r tiones. Eiusdem in scholia graeca Thucydidi (modern foliation) resembles the version printed adiuncta aliae annotationes, quae partim ea by Aemilius Portus, although the former is someemendant, partim eorum mentem aperiunt, par- _ what shorter, and there is also a discussion of the tim etiam in ea censuram agunt. Quae in ipsum _ title of the Historiae (fol. 375r-v) before the comThucydidem scriptae sunt annotationes ab iis, mentary actually begins (fol. 375v). quae in scholia, sunt separatae in ea parte, quae While the text of the manuscript commentary ad prooemium pertinet, at quae scriptae sunt in does not coincide verbally with that of the printea, quae prooemium sequuntur, uno eodemque_ ed edition, it generally comments on the same - loco sunt positae. [Inc.]: (p. 13; sig. iii.j'; the com- —_ passages and in a very similar way, although in a mentary, argumenta, etc. all have separate pagina- | somewhat shorter fashion. In a number of in-

tions at the end of the volume) Pag.1ver.1, cuius stances Sardus’ text reveals how he misunder-

176 THUCYDIDES, HISTORIAE stood the words of the lecturer, e.g., when he In the letter to the reader prefacing the 1594 records that Thucydides had heard Hesiod, not edition of Franciscus’ commentary on ThucydiHerodotus (see Marcellinus, Vita Thucydidis 54), des, Aemilius seems to refer to a scholarly feud

recite his History. between his father and Henricus Stephanus (see Commentary (Modena, Biblioteca Estense, Est. 1.14 for discussion and text of this preface). He exlat. 100 [alpha P.9.2]). [Inc.]: (fol. 375v) Thucy- presses the hope that he will be able to publish his didis liber primus. Oovxvdidnc (1.1.1). Nomen father’s commentary on Homer before long so suum operi apposuit vel ambitione vel ne possit _ that it will be clear how much others had profited opus ad alium referri.../...[Expl.]: (fol. 40o1r) from that work (see subheading a above for FranKat nretpwraic tpog Padacaious (1.83.2). Diffi- ciscus’ commentary on Homer in ms. Est. lat. 100 cile est nobis, qui mediterranea loca incolimus, [alpha P.9.2]). Given this vague hint at literary bellum facere adversus Athenienses, qui oram theft, we may surmise that a further accusation, maritimam habitant: ita classe ipsi valent ut nos _i.e., “somebody” had kept permanently, or for fifpetere facile possint, nos non ita, qui nimis inex- _ teen years, scholarly literature only lent to him,

pertes sumus. was also directed against Stephanus. It seems a probable that also to be identified Manuscript: thStephanus d ho is isdescribed in th f.as Modena, Biblioteca Estense, Est. lat. 100 (alpha to the. enemy wae 's red rep SE th

P.9.2), s. XVI (a. 1548), fols. 375v—4o1r. (Kristeller, ace to the 1594 edition as the s anderer or the Iter 1.378a; U. Klee, Beitrége zur Thukydides- elder Portus name ( clarissimum illorum nomen Rezeption wahrend des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts in suis obtrectationib us obscurare ilorumque bo-

; st famae ac dignitati labem aspergere sunt

Italien und Deutschland, Europaische Hochschul- "** *@) 5 Pers

schriften Ser. 15, 47 [Frankfurt, 1990], 229-30 n. conatt de . ; , ,

487). | Aemilius had earliertioncomplained, in the ediof his father’s Commentarii in varia Xenob. The edition of 1594 phontis opuscula (1586), that his plan to edit A number of the inaugural speeches of Fran- Dionysius of Halicarnassus had been thwarted by ciscus Portus are included in his In omnes Sopho- the slow progress of Stephanus’ work and the clis tragoedias prolegomena, published posthu- _ printer’s absence (see CTC 7.115). In the Letter to

mously (Morges, 1584) and edited by his son the reader in the 1588 edition of Thucydides, Aemilius Portus. In this volume Franciscus refers Stephanus does indeed mention his plans to pubrepeatedly to Thucydides, once (p. 65) promising lish a commentary on Dionysius’ De Thucydidis that he will lecture on him the next day. From the — idiomatibus (sig. qvi"; see I.7 above).

preface to these prolegomena it appears that Fabricius (BG 2.732) seems to imply that the Aemilius was already (1584) preparing the edition elder Portus’ commentary on Xenophon, pubof his father’s commentary on Thucydides: (p.7) lished in 1586 (CTC 7.89-90), also comprised an“Quod si Deus Optimus Maximus inceptis nos- notations on Thucydides. This, however, is not tris faveat et labores nostros secundet, brevi the case; no commentary by Franciscus Portus on Thucydidem et singulas eius contiones cum arti- Thucydides is known to have been published earficio rhetorico diligenter ab eodem patre meo de- lier than 1594 (see CTC 2.198, biography of Fran-

claratas habebis.” ciscus Portus).

Ten years later (1594) Franciscus’ commentary Accessus (ed. of Frankfurt, 1594 2°). Francisci was published at Frankfurt by Aemilius together Porti Cretensis in Thucydidem commentarii. with Laurentius Valla’s translation in the revision —_[Inc.]: (col. 1) Quoniam alii aliter de Thucydide

of Henricus Stephanus with further corrections scripserunt, nos, quae probabiliora visa sunt, by Franciscus (1.14 above). Franciscus’ commen- _ strictim persequemur et primum pauca quaedam tary is preceded by an accessus and followed byan_ de ipso auctore percurremus; quam deinde forappendix. Aemilius also added notes of his own, mam dicendi sequatur, ostendemus; tertio loco

some of which, at least, are identified by his ini- de historia in universum nonnulla attingemus; tials. Franciscus explains difficult passages by fre- quarto de ista historia eiusque partibus disserequently lengthy paraphrases and also comments mus; quinto et postremo de usu et utilitate huius

on points of style and on realia. operis agemus. Thucydides Atheniensis genere

I.J. GEORGIUS ACACIUS ENENCKELIUS 177 fuit, summo loco natus. Habuit patrem Olorum, of Cecrops to the end of the Peloponnesian War. sive Orolum, matrem Hegesipylem, quae a Milti- An engraved descriptio Syracusarum is glued in ade summo imperatore originem ducebat. before book1, and some copies of the 1596 edition Duxisse dicitur uxorem oriundam e Thracia also include a map of Greece. .../...[Expl.]: (col. 6) Tu, qui Pieridum tractas In the letter to the reader, Enenckelius explains arcana sororum // suscipe me, abstineat turba that he is not much concerned with problems of profana manus. // Non cuivis penetrare licet language or textual emendations or with the renmentisque recessus // altos Cecropidae cernere dering of meaning by paraphrase. Instead, the

Thucydidis. emphasis is on historical matters, such as political Commentary. [Inc.}: Oovxvdiédov Evyypadys institutions, but he also analyzes the speeches, bemowTns (1.1.1). Vel in ipsa inscriptione videtur ginning with an argumentum and explaining the

Thucydides secutus esse suum genium, est divisio, propositiones etc., with frequent moral enim obscura et ambigua haec oratio.... comments. Enenckelius notes that both the comOouxvdidns ‘AOnvaios. Totus hic prologus in ea mentary proper and the various accompanying sententia vertitur: Thucydides scripsit bellum sections contain material compiled from a wide Peloponnesiacum. Ratio, quia iudicavit magnum range of ancient authors, and occasionally he et memorabile illud fore ... (col. 7) Oouxvdidn¢ quotes the Greek scholia to Thucydides. He often ‘AOnvaiog. Vel ambitiosius nomen suum operi uses and discusses the commentaries of Vitus praeposuit, quia genere, nobilitate et opibus Winsemius (I.e), Henricus Stephanus (I.h), and claruserat.../...[Expl.]: (col. 456) Tag éxeiOev Franciscus Portus (1.1). vate (8.107.2). Quae erant 42. Kav (8.108.2). The epitomes of the eight books of the Histo-

Nunc urbem ipsam intelligit. riae were printed separately in 1696 (see above, Appendix. Appendix in Thucydidem, in qua Composite Editions) and 1731 (see 1.15). multa explicantur quae in superioribus commen- Letter of Georgius Acacius Enenckelius to the tariis sunt omissa. [Inc]: (col. 456) Td Te teader (ed. of Tubingen, 1596). [Inc.]: (sig. ):(2r) TpOTEpov (1.23.3). Et quae antea fama ferebantur, Cum semper, ex quo ingenuis institui artibus coe-

re ipsa minus credebantur: terraemotus, inquam, pi... [see I.15] (sig. ):(4v) et annotationes explisolis defectus, siccitates agrorum, annonae cari- cationesque eiusmodi, quales ceteri non edidetates, fames et pestilentia, propterea quod raroac- runt, adieci. Aliorum namque annotationes vel cidebant, haec (inquam) omnia incommoda om-_ Circa Graecum Thucydidem totae sunt occupatae

nem dubitationem ademerunt .../... [Expl.]: lectiones in eo emendantes instaurantesque, vel (col. 568) ‘H SvoTuyia (7.86.5). Nam inter cetera, nudam sententiam Thucydidis explanant, ulteri-

quae requiruntur in imperatore, felicitas etiam ora vel nihil vel parum attingentes. Viri enim desideratur, ut Cicero pro lege Manilia docet doctissimi suum quisque institutum sunt secuti.

[ Man. 28]. In meis autem non solum conversionis quan-

L doque causas et rationesdistinxi ostendi, orationes Edition: hetorice mentet

1594 2°. See above, Composite editions. contiones in partes rhetorice dis inxi, argumenta singulorum et rationes indicavi; sed et quae-

Biography: cumque vel mediocriter obscura apud ThucydiSee CTC 2.198 and 7.116. dem visa fuerunt, quanta potui diligentia patefeci, respublicas et magistratus domi militiaeque,

j. Georgius Acacius Enenckelius quorum mentio occurrit, explanavi; quae ab Enenckelius’ translation of the Historiae, first Thucydide in historia vel leviter attinguntur vel published at Tiibingen in 1596 (1.15), was accom- _ brevius dicuntur, ex aliorum scriptorum monupanied by the following: his commentary on the mentis enarravi; quae ab aliis qui eadem scripsere

Historiae; a life of Thucydides, compiled from vel paulo aliter vel fusius narrantur, facta item Marcellinus, the Suda, Aphthonius, and Plutarch; _dictaque et sententias aliorum consimiles multas epitomes of Hist. 1-8; annotated lists, alphabeti- adiunxi. Nam et iucundum non utile solum esse

cally arranged, of names of persons and places in putavi, quae alii de iisdem rebus scripsere the Historiae; and a chronographia of the major cognosci. Denique quid in universa historia, quid events mentioned by Thucydides from the times in hac vel illa parte, vel ad imitandum vel ad vi-

178 THUCYDIDES, HISTORIAE tandum in vita civili disci possit, meam quoque Thucydide et ab aliorum narratione dissentiunt. interdum sententiam et rationes (quod cuique in Simul quia aliquot aetatibus recentior Thucydide suo liberum est) interponens ostendi. Hisce an- Herodotoque fuit Ptolemaeus, urbium et loconotationibus explicationum insuper duos ordines rum nomina, regionum termini et appellationes adiunxi. Alter hominum propria nomina com- aliter interdum, quam antiquioribus temporibus plectitur, et quae in aliis praeter Thucydidem fuerant, produntur. Igitur cum Ptolemaeum seauctoribus ad historiam nostram accommodata qui me non posse viderem, recentiores autem inveni, subministrat. Alter gentes, insulas, urbes, Graeciae descriptores non parum ab Ptolemaeo montes, flumina, quorum est in Thucydide men-__ discrepantes, quemadmodum aliarum regionum tio, breviter describit, ut si quid eorum in lectione _positus exquisitius tradunt, sic Graeciam quoque scriptoris occurrat, inibi extemplo qui situs, ori- accuratius descripsisse putarem, quin vetustis go, facta, aliaque huc pertinentia inveniri possint. _scriptoribus aptius interdum Ptolemaeo congruUterque multa ad Thucydidis lectionem partim entes invenirem, decrevi tandem horum fundanecessaria partim non indigna in annotationibus menta, quantum licebat, sequendo aliorumque praetermissa suppeditabit. Nam quia eiusdem _historicorum et geographorum traditiones obsersaepe hominis eiusdemque loci non una sed _ vando eiusmodi construere descriptionem quae, pluribus in partibus mentio occurrit, recte me quoad fieri posset, maiori aut fide digniori parti facturum iudicavi, si semel certo loco de uno-_ consentiret. Fuit id mihi longe difficillimum, quoque, quod omnibus satisfaceret, indicarem. quod inter se iam nostrates, iam prisci, 1am hi Quod in annotationibus ipsis si facere instituis- cum illis aut unus eorum cum ceteris pugnare ac sem, vel molestam plerumque eiusdem in diversis dissentire videbantur. Verumtamen operi insislocis repetitionem vel eius, quod una parte dixis- _ tens studio tandem ac labore nunc singulos inter sem, in altera desiderium attulisset, cum hoc, se conciliando, nunc quid magis minusve sequen-

quem tenui, modo quisque, quod in eo genere dum probabiliter iudicando defunctus opere requirit, prompte expediteque certo loco investi- hanc descriptionem peregi, quae, ut dixi, Thucy-

gare possit. Postremo cum illustria duo histori- didi praecipue et secundum eum aliis quoque arum lumina temporum locorumque esse notiti- _ scriptoribus legendis intelligendisque utilis et ac-

am nemo ignoret, hac quoque in parte lectorem commodataesset.../...|Expl.]: [see 1.15]. meum iuvandi consilium cepi. Nam Graeciae Life of Thucydides (ed. of Tiibingen, 1596). temporum descriptionem a Cecrope primo Thucydidis vita ex Marcellino, Suida, Aphthonio, Athenarum rege usque ad finem belli Pelopon- _Plutarcho et ipsius historia breviter congesta a G. nesiaci (quo spatio omnes fere, quae apud Thucy- A. E. [Inc.]: (sig. ):():(4v) Thucydides historiarum didem leguntur, res gestae sunt) sum persecutus, scriptor patrem habuit Olorum (quidam “Oroet ex Romanorum ac Hebraeorum historiis eius- lus” scribendum tradunt) ex Thraciae regibus

dem temporis res insigniores adieci, ut non oriundum, matrem Hegesipylam, et ipsam sumThucydideae solum historiae series et intervalla mo loco, Miltiadis et Cimonis clarissimorum ob oculos ponerentur sed aliorum quoque cum ducum gente..../... [Expl.]: (sig. ):(Q:(7r) cum graecis temporibus convenientia perspiceretur, post Siciliensem cladem omnibus exulibus praequae res et ad cognoscendum iucunda et ad remi- _terquam Pisistratidis reditum Athenienses dedisniscendum idonea esse solet. Geographicam vero _ sent, sepultumque in Cimoniis monumentis. terrarum descriptionem talem mihi perficiendam Annotated list of persons. Enarrationes breves sumpsi, quae tum aliis rerum graecarum scrip- de praecipuis in historia Thucydidis viris auctore toribus, veluti Herodoto, Xenophonti, Diodoro, Georgio Acacio Enenckel. [Inc.]: (p. 408) AbronyPlutarcho, necnon T. Livio etc. legendis utilis es- chus Lysiclis filius Atheniensis cum Themistocle

set, tum vero in primis Thucydidi inserviret,om- et Aristide Lacedaemonem ab Atheniensibus

nesque Graeciae et huic finitimarum regionum, ablegatum .../... [Expl]: (p. 431) De rebus quae apud eum memorantur, gentes, flumina, gestis eius |i.e., Xerxis], cum pleni sunt historicomontes, oppida, insulas ...contineret. Ptolemaei rum, Herodoti cumprimis, libri, supervacaneum namque, quae hodie extat, descriptio non solum _ est hic plura commemorari. multorum locorum gentiumque etiam situs non Annotated list of places. Regionum, insularum,

habet, sed et illa, quae tradit, persaepe et ab urbium, montium, fluviorum, etc. in historia

I.K. FABIUS PAULINUS 179 Thucydidis descriptiones, auctore Georgio Acacio Xenophontis loca explicent, commemorare libet.

Enenckel. [Inc.]: (p. 431) Abdera Thraciae urbs,ab Primo igitur sciendum annos historiae suae Abderito, quem ab Hercule adamatum Diomedis Thucydidem ordiri a primo vere sole circa vel

equi laceraverant, nomen accepit.../...[Expl.J: ante medium Aquarii .../... [Expl.|: (p. 678) (p. 480 [about Zacynthus]) propinquam Aetoliae, Haec hactenus ex praeceptoris mei M. Maestlini,

urbem eiusdem cum insula nominis habentem. iri doctissimi, calculo et demonstrationibus

Zancla. Vide Messana. satis, ut opinor, chronographiae meae prae-

Commentary. Georgii Acacii Enenckel in his- cipuam partem confirmantia afferre visum est. toriam Thucydidis annotationes. [Inc.]: (p. 481) Plura de his et ampliora dare nec instituti mei nec Liber primus. Thucydidis Atheniensis (1.1.1). loci praesentis est. Non enim chronologicum inXenophontem historicum scribit Diogenes Laer- tegrum opus sed historiae huic satis convenien-

tius, cum libros Thucydidis in sua potestate tem chronographiam edere animus fuit. Nunc haberet possetque vel supprimere vel suo sub rem ipsam aggrediamur. nomine edere, primum tamen nihil sibi de his ar- Chronographia. Chronographia in historiam rogantem in publicum protulisse [2,57]. Talem Thucydidis. [Inc.]: (p. 679) Anni Iuliani ante casum veritus procul dubio Thucydides, ne alius Christum natum 1560. Cecrops rex primus Athe-

minime Xenophontei ingenii homo facile ali- niensium regnavit annos 50. Eusebius [Chronienum opus sibi vindicare posset, et in principio _con, p. 184]. Hic populum Atticum sparsim habi-

historiae et passim deinceps nomen suum in- tantem in duodecim pagos seu oppida coegit

seruit .../... [Expl]: (p. 674) Quo viso .../... [Expl]: (p. 690) ingenti totius Graeciae (8.104.4).... simul et Thrasyllo opposito cesse- gaudio, cui ab intolerando eorum imperio liberant hostes, tandemque universa in fugam effun- ratae tum demum libertas affulgere videbatur.

ditur classis. Diodorus lib. 13 [Diod. Sic., Bibl. hist. 13.104—-107].

Preface to the Chronographia. Chronographiae Xenophon lib. 2 [ Hell. 2.2.23]. XXIIX annus. Triin historiam Thucydidis ... praefatio. [Inc.]: (p. ginta viri Athenis constituti. Sol defecit. Diodorus 675) Chronographiam historiae Thucydidis re- lib. 14 [Bibl. hist. 4ff.]. Xenophon lib. 2 [Hell. spondentem praesenti conversioni meae adiec- 2.3.11ff., concerning Olymp. ann. 94/1—ante turus sic demum omnia, quorum ab Thucydide Christ. 404].

oe . a, itions:

fit mentio, tempora me comprehensurum iudi- Editions:

cavi, si; a. .Cecrope primo Atheniensium ; Ls ; 1596, Tubingae (Tiibingen):rege, apudqui Georgium

primus passim per agros sparsos cives suos in pa- Gruppenbachium. Adams 1-678; VD. T-1127; B08 Seu OPP ida coegit, orsus ad finem usque Pelo- yc. BAV; Copenhagen, Det kongelige Bibliotek; ponnesiact belli omnes, quas memorat Thucydi- Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek; (CtY; PU; des historias, persequerer. Secutus ergo tum alios IEN)

chronologos, Eusebium, Gerhardum Mercatorem ; ; [Gerhard Mercator, 1512-94], Buntingum [Hein- 1614, Argentorati (Strasbourg): L. Zetznerus. — , ; NUC. BNF; BAV; Munich, Bayerische Staatsbirich Biinting, 1545-1606], Funccium [Johann bliothek: (MH; NNC; NcD)

Funck, 1518—66], tum vero historicos illorum tem- ‘

porum, nostrum in primis Thucydidem. In Biography: | magna passim dissensione eos in qualibet parte See I.15 above. potiores habui, qui et historicorum narrationibus

et ceteris, quibus hic niti necesse est rationibus, k. Fabius Paulinus

convenientius statuere sunt visi. Ante omnia ut Paulinus’ commentary on the description of certissimum sic praecipuum descriptionis posui _ the plague (Hist. 2.47.2-54.5), published at Venice fundamentum eclipsium et astronomici calculi in 1603, was, as we now have it, taken down by a

supputationes, secutus in eo clarissimi mathe- student in the form of lecture notes. The Giunmatici M. Michaelis Maestlini, praeceptoris mel, tine editors explain in the letter to the reader that mihi ab ipso benevole suppeditatas demonstra- _ they had originally promised to produce, not a tiones. Earum magno ex numero quasdam hoc commentary on Thucydides, but rather an ediloco, quae et praesentem chronographiam confir- _ tion of a work of Galen, namely, his commentary

ment et eclipses multaque alia Thucydidis et on Thucydides’ account of the plague. Galen's

180 THUCYDIDES, HISTORIAE commentary, however, turned out to be lost. Sub- Letter of the editors to the reader (ed. of Venice, sequently they resolved to publish Paulinus’ lec- 1603). Studiosis Iuntae s. [Inc.]: (sig. a3r) Her-

tures on the same subject. culem ferunt (ut recitat Eustathius in Homerum These lectures were delivered by Paulinus at [Commentarit ad Homeri Iliadem 5.638—42, p. Venice over two successive years. He had, on an 161) cum colligeret exercitum profecturus Ilium earlier occasion, worked on Galen for the Iuntae ad vindicandam Laomedontis perfidiam.../... (Giunta, Giunti, or De Giuntis), the famous Flor- _[Expl.]: (sig. a4r) Eramus olim polliciti vobis nos entine printers who established printing houses (sig. a4v) praestituros Galeni libros pestilentes both in Florence and Venice and, in the sixteenth _[i.e., the commentary mentioned by Galen in his century, produced several editions of various De difficultate respirationis 2, pp. 850f.], hoc est, ilworks of Galen, either in the original or in Latin _ lius in Thucydidis pestem commentaria, de quo

translation. Paulinus, according to the editors, extant quorundam indebitae querelae, cum adhad collated the text with Greek manuscripts for huc desiderentur eorum culpa, qui nobis pro li-

their 1597 edition. bris promissis dederunt verba; ne eadem vobis In his introductory lecture to book 1 of the diutius data doleatis, quo possumus pacto,

commentary, Paulinus mentions that there was at promissa patramus et pro Galenicis in Thucydithe time a plague in his native Friuli. He must be dem commentariis, quae non extant et reperiri referring to the severe attack of the plague in this non potuerunt, damus vobis hunc Fabii Paulini region in 1598 (see Venezia e la peste,108),andso in eandem Thucydidis pestem praelectionum 1598 can be taken as the date of Paulinus’ first lec- | Marciarum librum, quas habuit in Veneto Gymtures. His commentary on Hist. 2.47.2-54.5 is one nasio ad D. Marci bibliothecam, unde nomen of many books on the dreaded disease that were adeptae, in quo Graecas litteras profitetur, ut in published after the plague struck Venice from 1575 __altero [i.e., Collegio de’Notai] Latinas, et studio-

to 1577. sus quidam auditor atque accuratus sedulo exThe 1603 edition is arranged in the following cepit nobisque tradidit; vos interim quoque manner: first, a passage of the Greek text is print- Galenici libri desiderium huius commentarii leced; then comes the Latin translation (I.16 above); _ tione lenite ac valete.

this is followed by the commentary. Also provid- The first introductory lecture of Paulinus. In ed are: an Index quaestionum (sig. a4r), which is Thucydidis historiam de peste Atheniensium medical in character; an Index auctorum (sig. Marciarum praelectionum Fabii Paulini praefatio b4r), covering both classical, medieval, and con- libri primi, in qua tria potissimum tractantur: temporary authors (among whom are some of definitur historia; comparatur Thucydides histhe earlier translators and commentators of Thu- toricus cum Hippocrate medico; causae pestis cydides, such as Gulielmus Canterus [I.9 above] omnes, unde oriri soleat, exponuntur. [Inc.]: and Franciscus Portus [above, I.14 and I.i]); and (p.1) Inter omnes, qui aut graece aut latine histoan Index rerum memoratu dignarum (sig. civ), riam conscripserunt aut aliquid aliud litterarum

with historical and medical entries. monumentis consignarunt, nemo omnium docAlthough other subjects are treated as well, torum hominum consensu elegantius aut melius Paulinus concentrates in the commentary on _pestilentiam descripsit quam Thucydides .../ medical questions. The volume is dedicated to ... [Expl]: (p. 19) meam vobis minime deMarcus Antonius Memmus, Franciscus Molinus, futuram ulla in parte industriam, dum eam vos and Antonius Priolus, who were senators and “III studio vestro, attentione et frequentia, quod caviris Veneti Patavinique Gymnasii” (sig. a2r); on put est, prosequamini. the following page is a poem In Thucydidem de The second introductory lecture of Paulinus. In

narratione pestilentiae perhaps attributable to Thucydidis historiam de peste Atheniensium Paulinus ([Inc.]: Senator, imperator et medicus Marciarum praelectionum sive commentaril idem est // atque historicus? unus tot in varias Fabii Paulini liber secundus. Praefatio secundi

abit // facies virorum? totque partes sustinet? libri in qua omnia antiquorum remedia ad //.../... [Expl]: Nescire te iurabis, an prae- emovendam et praecavendam pestem adhibita stantior philo-// sophus, an medicus, an orator recensentur, ad septem summa capita seu genera

fiet). deducta: nempe religionem, aeris expurgationem,

I.K. FABIUS PAULINUS 181 corporis et animi perturbationum purgationem, at Udine or Tricesimo ca. 1535 and died in 1605. alexipharmaca sive antidotos, cibos, revulsionem, His first training in Greek and Latin was at eductionemque veneni per similia. [Inc.]: (p. 385) | Venice with Bernardino Partenio. Later he went

Persecuturus hoc anno inchoatam superiori to Padua where he graduated in philosophy and Thucydidis historiam de peste Atheniensium, medicine but studied rhetoric and Arabic as well. quam absolvere et nostris explicationibus He practiced medicine for a time before he be.../... [Expl]: (p. 415) Vos igitur, auditores mei came public professor at Venice where he taught frequentes, convenite consuetis horis; quantum Greek in the School of San Marco and Latin in in nobis erit, non patiemur desideraria vobis dili- the Collegio de’Notai. Both chairs he obtained in

gentiam aut operam nostram. Dix1. 1588, as the successor of Bernardino Partenio. Commentary. Fabii Paulini commentarius. Paulinus was one of the founders of the Accade[Inc.]: (p. 21) Explicaturus hoc anno eam partem mia Uranica.

Thucydidis historiae, qua pestem persequitur Works:

Atheniensium, omnium, quotquot umquam Paul; a? ti ‘aclude: D Literi fuere, cleberrimam, quae incidt bell Pelopon- Paulinus’ writings include: De graecis liters nesiaci ab ipso narrati anno secundo et contine- rll Cicer 0 Dy Slo. - Ho O98 ‘ib eon an

tur in secundo volumine, quam suis Galenus il- A " meer Ons aes! ee rum primum lustravit commentariis, quae non extant, operae meee (1587); Centum fe AIUIE ex ANEGUiS SCrIp-

pretium me facturum reor, si, antequam ad eam forius “xtlicatac eae abiiae Crue fabulac declarandam aggrediar, qee nulla vos historiae Musaei Leander et Hero, Galeomyomachia incerti, ignoratio moretur, brevissime originem et causas Sibyllac vaticinium de iudicio Christi: Batra.

huius Peloponnesiaci belli exposuero. Argumen- hen omachia Homeri... latinis versibus contum. Bello Persico confecto ac Xerse superato, versa (1 87); Hebdoma des sive septem de set tenario

atque.... (p. 23) quam describit in hac parte libri i. i - us Vereilij P i .

Thucydides, quam nos vobis hoc anno, diis bene OT, GEL Un UES VOTRE VETSUS EXPHICATIONE

iuvantibus, et medica et historica methodo ex- [Aen. 6.646] (5 89); De viperis 11 trochiscorum applicabimus. OovxuSiéov Thucydidis [the com- paratu, sive Theriaca adhibendis (1604); Tabulae in mentary begins with the Greek title of the pas- artem medicinalem Galeni (printed twice with the sage]. Quoniam de auctore multa diximus in Opera omnia of Johannes Argenterius [1606-1607

. ; ; ; and 1610]). He edited a commentary on Aristotle

praefatione Hippocrati medico Thucydidem his- (1591), and Latin translations of Avicenna (1 toricum comparantes .../... [Expl.]: (p. 600) q 1608) Vesalius (1604), and Galen (160 ° mM 4

(2.54.4) quod proxime tractavimus, brevis an a 4); ? . , 1625). Paulinus is also et thehaec author of several poems

omnium a Thucydide de hac peste dictorum re- and orations. petitio et epilogus, quo nostras nos quoque hoc

anno praelectiones de peste decrevimus termi- Bibliography: nari, Deum precantes ut quae ex libris nunc ac- Cosenza 3.2640; JOcher 3.1316; G.-G. Liruti, cepimus et legimus, ea nolit usu et experientia Notizie delle vite ed opere scritte da’ letterati del comprobare, sed diutissime ac in sempiternum Friuli, vol. 3 (Udine, 1780), 353-76; F. Di Manzo, hoc a nobis flagellum arceat atque avertat. Finis Cennt biografici det letterati ed artisti Friulanit dal

secundi libri. secolo IV al XIX (Udine, 1884-87; rpt. Bologna,

Edition: 1966), 148-49; Venezia e la peste 1348/1797, a

1603 Venetiis (Venice): apud Juntas. (Gr.-Lat.) c. dell Assessorato alla cultura e Belle Arti del Co-

NUC. BL: BNE; BAV; (DNLM). mune di Venezia (Venice, 1979), 108. Biography:

Fabius Paulinus Utinensis (Fabio Paolino da Udine, pseud. Chianco Oligeno) was born either

BLANK PAGE

SALLUSTIUS CRISPUS, GAIUS PATRICIA J. OSMOND (Rome, Italy)

AND

ROBERT W. ULERY, JR. (Wake Forest University)

Fortuna. 186 Bibliography. 217

Abbreviations. 220 Composite Editions. 220 I. Bellum Catilinae sive De coniuratione Catilinae liber (BC). 225 Commentaries. 1. Anonymus Bernensis (later attribution: Omnibonus Leonicenus). 2. Anonymus Ratisbonensis A. 3. Anonymus Ratisbonensis B. 4. Anonymus Monacensis A. 5. Anonymus Monacensis B. 6. Anonymus Amandensis. 7. Anonymus Erlangensis. 8. Anonymus Italus (M. Ambrosius?). g. Anonymus Yalensis. 10. Anonymus Estensis. 11. Ricardus Bole. 12. Anonymus Guelferbytanus. 13. Laurentius Valla (?). 14. Anonymus Ambrosianus. 15. Petrus Paulus Pompilius. 16. Jodocus Badius Ascensius. 17. Jacobus a Cruce Bononiensis. 18. Philippus Melanchthon. 19. Henricus Glareanus. 20. Johannes Rivius.

183

184 SALLUSTIUS 21. Bartholomaeus Marlianus. 22. Vincentius Castellanus. 23. Bartholomaeus Zanchus. 24. Aldus Manutius Junior. 25. Johannes Pescheur. 26. Cyprianus Popma. 27. Marcus Antonius Muretus. 28. Janus Mellerus Palmerius. 29. Petrus Ciacconius. 30. Fulvius Ursinus. 31. Christophorus Colerus. 32. Helias Putschius. 33. Janus Gruterus.

Il. Bellum Iugurthinum sive De bello Iugurthino liber (BI). 284 Commentaries. 1. Anonymus Bernensis. 2. Anonymus Ratisbonensis A. 3. Anonymus Ratisbonensis B. 4. Anonymus Parisiensis. 5. Anonymus Monacensis A. 6. Anonymus Monacensis B. 7. Anonymus Yalensis.

8. Ricardus Bole. ,

9. Anonymus Vaticanus. 10. Petrus Paulus Pompilius. u. Anonymus Neapolitanus. 12. Julius Pomponius Laetus. 13. Anonymus Monacensis C. 14. Johannes Chrysostomus Soldus. 15. Jodocus Badius Ascensius. 16. Jacobus a Cruce Bononiensis. 17. Philippus Melanchthon. 18. Henricus Glareanus. 19. Johannes Rivius. 20. Bartholomaeus Marlianus. 21. Vincentius Castellanus. 22. Aldus Manutius Junior. 23. Johannes Pescheur. 24. Caelius Secundus Curio. 25. Cyprianus Popma. 26. Janus Mellerus Palmerius. 27. Petrus Ciacconius. 28. Fulvius Ursinus. 29. Christophorus Colerus. 30. Helias Putschius. 31. Janus Gruterus.

SALLUSTIUS 185

Il. Historiarum libri. 301 Commentaries. 1. Histortae.

1. Aemilius Asper (lost). ii. Orationes et epistulae ex Histortis excerptae.

(a) Set of four orations and two letters 1. Jodocus Badius Ascensius. 2. Philippus Melanchthon. 3. Johannes Rivius. 4. Aldus Manutius Junior.

(b) Oratio Lepidi only 1. Antonius Zenus. 2. Federicus Cerutus. iii. Historiarum fragmenta 1. Aldus Manutius Junior. 2. Antonius Riccobonus. 3. Ludovicus Carrio. 4. Janus Dousa. 5. Petrus Ciacconius. 6. Fulvius Ursinus. 7. Christophorus Colerus. 8. Helias Putschius.

IV. Epistulae ad Caesarem senem de republica. 315 Commentaries. 1. Jodocus Badius Ascensius. 2. Philippus Melanchthon. 3. Johannes Rivius. 4, Aldus Manutius Junior. 5. Ludovicus Carrio. 6. Janus Dousa. 7. Petrus Ciacconius. 8. Fulvius Ursinus. 9. Christophorus Colerus.

V. Oratio in M. Tullium Ciceronem (and Oratio in C. Sallustium Crispum). 321 Commentaries. 1. Jodocus Badius Ascensius. 2. Franciscus Sylvius Ambianus. 3. EK Jammetius Textor.

4. Henricus Glareanus. 5. Aldus Manutius Junior (Oratio in Sallustium only). 6. Cyprianus Popma. 7. Ludovicus Carrio.

186 SALLUSTIUS FORTUNA* Antiquity put Sallust on a par with Thucydi-

. . . des, and the Renaissance saw in him a worthy

Gaius Sallustius Crispus (86-35 B.c.) was the member of another quadriga, of Roman historiearliest Roman historian whose works became ans, with Caesar, Livy, and Tacitus. One reason for sufficiently well established in the literary culture this was the extraordinary versatility and adaptto survive in part the fall of the Empire. Of the ability of his thought in ages of varying interests. quadriga of authors central to the education of Another is the distinctive voice and style he estabthe later Empire, Virgil and Cicero are the great _ lished for himself, an historiographical art of imand magisterial figures whose names have never mediate appeal and a moral/political passion that faded from the consciousness of the West; Ter- both enlivens the narrative and helps to justify inence and Sallust, on the other hand, are known to _—_ clusion in the canon. “A urarte simile non poteva

few readers today and in their own lifetimes were mancare fortuna.” not commanding presences. Yet their texts were We lack an ancient biography, and the many used continuously in the past to educate the testimonia are not always trustworthy, as Sallust’s young in the use of the Latin language and their political and literary reputation inspired early fame lasted virtually intact from antiquity well polemics which alleged a life at variance with the

into the early modern era.’ moral tone of his writings.? Born in Sabine

.The oohistorian’s a . Amiternum in 86 B.c.,* Sallust is presumed to name is variously spelled Sallustius have been educated at Rome, where he entered

and Salustius in the medieval and Renaissance tradition, litical life in the t ' t

and we have not regularized the spelling in the texts tran- poiticat tite in the tempestuous 0S as quaestor. scribed, as the spelling is on occasion debated in the com- He was made tribune of the plebs for 52 and ex-

mentaries. _ pelled from the Senate in 50 (by the censor Ap-

We have shared responsibility for the article: Robert pius Claudius Pulcher), probably in retaliation W. Ulery, Jr. for the ancient, medieval, and manuscript f+ actions as tribune in the party strife of that material; Patricia J. Osmond for the Renaissance and ear- are r li he is f h ly modern periods and the printed commentaries. We ac- period; by 49 (if not earlier) € 1s ound on the knowledge the support of Wake Forest University for an side of Julius Caesar, commanding troops in IIR. J. Reynolds Research Leave and a summer travel grant lyricum in 49, as praetor-elect in 47 trying to (Ulery), as well as secretarial and other assistance, the Bei- mollify Caesar’s mutinous tro ops in Campania

necke Rare Book and Manuscript Library of Yale Univer- d achievi leader during th ‘

sity for a joint Visiting Fellowship, the American Philo- and achieving some success as iedder Curing the sophical Society (Osmond), the Gladys Krieble Delmas next year as praetor in the African campaign. Foundation (Osmond), and the National Endowment for During the Civil War, Caesar made Sallust the the Humanities for a Summer Stipend (Ulery, 1991; Os-_—_ first governor of Africa Nova, and he returned to mond, 1995) and a Travel to Collections Grant (Osmond). — Rome reportedly a wealthier man, rich enough to

The late W. Braxton Ross, Jr., who had originally under- h Sallustiani b h inal

taken the Catalogus article on Sallust, kindly shared with OWN t le Hor o Sa ustiani between the Quir ina

us the bibliography he had begun to compile. We are also and Pincian hills, among other properties of grateful to Professors Virginia Brown, the late F Edward _note.° Having reentered the Senate, Sallust seems Cranz, Julia Haig Gaisser, Nicholas Horsfall, and Antonio La Penna for their valuable contributions to many phases of our research and editing. We also wish to acknowledge 2. “Sallustio,” Enciclopedia italiana, vol. 30 (1949), 539b

the kind assistance of the directors of the many libraries = (G. Funaioli). in which we have worked and of the curators of the man- 3. On the life, see, e.g., R. Syme, Sallust (Berkeley, uscript and rare book collections, particularly at the Bibli- 1964), ch. 1; A. La Penna, Sallustio e la “rivoluzione” rooteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican City), Biblioteca mana (Milan, 1968; 2d ed., 1969; 3d ed., 1973), “Nota biCasanatense (Rome), Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale “Vit- ografica,” 472ff.; “Sallustius,” Der kleine Pauly, vol. 4 (Mutorio Emanuele II” (Rome), Bibliothéque Nationale de nich, 1972), 1513-14 (P. L. Schmidt). France (Paris), and, in the United States, the Beinecke Li- 4.1 October 86 B.c., according to Jerome, the Chronibrary (Yale University), Houghton Library (Harvard Uni- —con _paschale, and the Consularia Constantinopolitana. versity), the Watkinson Library (Trinity College, Hart- | These and other testimonia are collected in the Teubner ford), and the Z. Smith Reynolds Library (Wake Forest edition by A. Kurfess, 3d ed. (Stuttgart and Leipzig, 1957

University). [1991] ), XxXiI—Xxx1. 1. The quadriga or four-horse team is mentioned by 5. Aside from the fact that we have no information on

the grammarian Arusianus Messius (395 a.D.); see G. F. his family, it could be argued that he was always wealthy, Gianotti, “I testi nella scuola,” in G. Cavallo et al., eds., Lo | which is why he came to Rome and entered so easily into spazio letterario di Roma antica, 5 vols. (Rome, 1989-91), __ political life; compare the position of his grandnephew

vol. 2: La circolazione del testo, 448 and n. 86. and namesake under Augustus and Tiberius.

FORTUNA 187 to have escaped prosecution for extortion, thanks though it would fit with alleged involvement in a to Caesar’s intervention on his behalf. Whatever neo-Pythagorean group, is regarded as the work his aims and ambitions for the ensuing period, of another Sallustius.’ Nor is the speech extant they were changed by the assassination of Caesar that he was asked to compose for Ventidius Basin 44, and the rest of his life was devoted to the _ sus in 38 to celebrate a victory over the Parthians.

writing of history.® Sallust’s death came in 35 or 34 B.c."! The works accepted as genuine begin with two monographs on particular events, first the Bellum

Catilinae (BC) or De coniuratione Catilinae liber ANTIQUITY

on the events of 63, next the Bellum Iugurthinum Reaction to Sallust’s work, some positive but

, (BI) on the political and military conflict with most negative, was immediate. Others besides Jugurtha in North Africa in 112-105.’ Sallust then Ventidius may have commissioned speeches from began on a larger scale the annalistic Historiae, him, and a statement attributed to the Augustan

starting with the year 78 after the death of Sulla, orator Cassius Severus implies that they were and had brought that narrative down to the year available to be read, even if only because of his 67 in five books (which survive in excerpts and ___ distinction as a writer of history.'* Lucius Arrun-

fragments) by the time of his death.® tius (cos. 22 B.C.) imitated him in writing of the The order of the works is presumed, and they Punic Wars, and Pompeius Trogus, despite his cannot be dated more precisely than to the period criticism of Sallust’s practice of inserting fictive 44-35 B.C. All of these narratives concern in one _ speeches, gives evidence of extensive use of the way or another the revolution that had dominat- _Historiae.'’ Against this are placed the frequent ed Rome during the historian’s life and brought his E olitical cance! to wth, nd Cear'y Salaust “pan Epistulae, which are sometimes referred to as Suasoriae,

with strong opinions that developed further In oy fictive exercises in persuasion as practiced in the the course of the writing. Other works are attrib- _ rhetorical schools, have been thought to be the work of C. uted to him, two Epistulae ad Caesarem senem de _ Sallustius Crispus, member of the circle of Symmachus

republica and an Oratio (invectiva) in Ciceronem, 04 emendator of the text of Apuleius; see L. Canfora, all of which. if genuine. would have preceded the Crispus Sallustius autore delle Suasoriae ad Caesarem

; : a 8 ” ; Pp senem?” Index: Quaderni camerti di studi romanistici 9

histor ical writing. Their genuineness has been de- (1980) 25-32 and W. Speyer, Die literarische Falschung im bated since the Renaissance and is not decisively —_heidnischen und christlichen Altertum (Munich, 1971).

rejected even now, though the latter speech has 10. Cicero, Ad Quintum fratrem 2.9.3 and ps. Cicero, few supporters 9 A non-extant poem Empe doclea Oratio > 2,invectiva in Sallustium 5.14; see La Penna, Sallustio, 11. Commission from Ventidius reported by Fronto, 6. Catilina 4.1-2: “. .. mihi relicuam aetatem a re pub- Epistulae ad Verum 2.1.9; the day of death, 13 May 35 B.c., lica procul habendam decrevi ... eodem regressus statui from the Chronicon paschale, ed. L. Dindorf (Bonn, 1831);

res gestas populi Romani carptim ... perscribere”; Jerome says “quadriennio ante Actiacum bellum’, but 34 Iugurtha 4.3: “... decrevi procul a re publica aetatem B.c. would be possible (see La Penna, ibid., 473 n. 3).

agere....” 12. Seneca the Elder, Controversiae 3, praef. 8: “Ci7. These monographs, now usually referred to simply — ceronem eloquentia sua in carminibus destituit, Vergilias Catilina and Iugurtha, were probably entitled by their —_ um illa felicitas ingenii oratione soluta reliquit, orationes author as De Catilinae coniuratione liber (see 4.3) and De _Sallustii in honorem historiarum leguntur . . .” (the conTugurthino bello liber (see 5.1). Soon they came to be __ text appears to exclude that the speeches are those invent-

known as Bellum Catilinae (or Catilinarium) and Bellum ed for the historical narratives). Iugurthinum, and it is these titles that we have chosen to 13. Seneca the Younger, Epistulae morales 114.17f.: “.. use in this article. Compare his imitator Tacitus, who be- _Sallustio vigente anputatae sententiae et verba ante expecgan with two monographs (and perhaps also the Dialogus —_tatum cadentia et obscura brevitas fuere pro cultu. L. Ar-

de oratoribus). runtius, vir rarae frugalitatis, qui historias belli Punici 8. The starting point may have been chosen to coin- ___scripsit, fuit Sallustianus et in illud genus nitens. . . . Quae

cide with the endpoint of his predecessor Sisenna.Com- —apud Sallustium rara fuerunt apud hunc crebra sunt et pare again Tacitus, who proceeded to the writing of Histo- | paene continua ...’; Justinus, Epitoma Historiarum riae and Annales, the latter ab excessu divi Augustt. Philippicarum Pompei Trogi 38.3.11: “(Pompeius Trogus) in 9. For a review of the arguments on the genuineness of _Livio et in Sallustio reprehendit, quod contiones directas the Epistulae, see in particular M. Chouet, Les Lettres de pro sua oratione operi suo inserendo historiae modum Salluste a César (Paris, 1950), xiii—xix, and on the Oratioin excesserint.” See E. Bolaffi, Sallustio e la sua fortuna net Ciceronem and Epistulae, K. Vretska, ed., Sallust. Invektive __ secoli (Rome, 1949), 186-87, where he finds use of Sallust und Episteln, vol. 1 (Heidelberg, 1961), 20-26, 38-51. The — beyond the Epistula Mithridatis.

188 SALLUSTIUS attacks made on Sallust, the focus of which seems _ the judgment of the historian Servilius Nonianus to have been consistent: his personal life and his (cos. 35 A.D.) that Sallust and Livy are on the personal literary style based on Thucydides and same level but with different qualities; he thinks Cato. The most strongly worded is that of Pom- _Sallust a worthy Roman counterpart to Thucydipey’s freedman Lenaeus, accusing him of low des, as Livy is to Herodotus; he regards Sallust as character and literary plagiarism in retaliation for _ the greater historian, while he advises the reading a disparaging comment about his master.’* More _ of Livy in early education as being more accessiserious, no doubt, is the reaction of other histori- ble and requiring less advanced ability; he raises ans: Asinius Pollio, who criticized his archaizing the problem of the relevance of the prefaces to vocabulary,”” and Livy, who criticized Sallust’s the monographs; and he declares the distinctive brevitas but nevertheless was influenced by him.'® quality of Sallust’s style to be a brevitas perfect for At the end of his life, then, and in the yearsimme- __ the advanced student, if dangerous for the bud-

diately following his death, he appears to be ding orator to imitate.!* known as a figure of controversy and read as a One orator, however, of extraordinary gifts

stylist. and a career as troubled in a different way as Sal-

Sallust’s unique style invited imitation among _ lust’s, read and imitated him as perhaps no one authors both Roman and Greek even before his _ before or since: Cornelius Tacitus.!° Tacitus refers great imitator Tacitus: Velleius Paterculus, Va- to his predecessor, with apparent sincerity, as relerius Maximus, Curtius Rufus, Asconius Pedi- rum Romanarum florentissimus auctor (Ann. 3.30; anus, Pomponius Mela, Frontinus, Vibius Max- _ the occasion is the obituary of his grandnephew

imus, and even the poets Virgil and Silius and namesake). He deliberately borrowed both Italicus.'’ Are such writers as these the docti viri style and substance, repeating on a deeper level

of Martial’s epigram (14.191)? the relation that Sallust had established between

- ; himself and his model Thucydides.” Tacitus not Hic erit, ut perhibent doctorum corda virorum, ; rr only took over and developed further certain sty-

Primus Romana Crispus in historia. os ; |. listic traits (vocabulary, asyndeton, inconcinnity,

It seems more likely, however, that Martial is re- _ brevity),?! but he adopted and adapted for his ferring to Quintilian and the schools of rhetoric. own subject the manner and the passion of his The Ciceronian Quintilian quotes with approval model.

. 18. Quintilian, Institutio oratoria 10.1.102 (dictum of

14. Suetonius, De grammaticis et rhetoribus 15: Nonianus); 2.5.19: “... historiae maior est auctor, ad quem “Lenaeus Magni Pompei libertus . .. tanto amore erga pa- tamen intellegendum iam profectu opus sit”; 3.8.9: “quos troni memoriam extitit, ut Sallustium historicum, quod _(Isocratem et Gorgiam) secutus videlicet C. Sallustius in eum oris probi, animo inverecundo scripsisset, acerbissi- _ bello Iugurthino et Catilinae nihil ad historiam pertinenma satura laceraverit, lastaurum et lurchonem et nebu- _tibus principiis orsus est”; 4.2.45: “vitanda est etiam illa lonem popinonemque appellans, et vita scriptisque mon- _Sallustiana (quamquam in ipso virtutis obtinet locum)

strosum, praeterea priscorum Catonis verborum _brevitas et abruptum sermonis genus ...”; 10.1.32: “illa ineruditissimum furem.” See R. A. Kaster’s commentary _Sallustiana brevitas, qua nihil apud aures vacuas atque

(Oxford, 1995) on this work. Z eruditas potest esse perfectius”; 10.1.101: “ . . nec opponere The epigram reported by Quintilian may have come §_ Thucydidi Sallustium verear”. See Bolaffi, ibid., 190—92.

from the same source, though the pentameter is rather Recent contributions to the reception of Sallust in antame (Inst. 8.3.29): “et verba antiqui multum furate Cato- tiquity, including discussions of his influence in Cassius

nis, / Crispe, lugurthinae conditor historiae.” . Dio, Quintilian, Fronto, Augustine et al., may be found in 15. Suetonius, ibid. 10; the criticism is also voiced by _Présence de Salluste. Actes du Colloque tenu a Tours les 23 et Augustus in Suetonius’ Divus Augustus 86 and Aulus Gel- 24 février 1996, ed. R. Poignault (Tours, 1997). lius, Noctes atticae 10.26.1. See A. La Penna, “Congetture 19. See Bolaffi, ibid., 196-205; Syme, Sallust, 292-96; EF.

sulla fortuna di Sallustio nell’antichita,” in Studia Flo- R. D. Goodyear, “Tacitus,” in The Cambridge History of rentina Alessandro Ronconi sexagenario oblata (Rome, Classical Literature, vol. 2: Latin Literature, ed. E. J. Kenney

1970), 195-206. and W. V. Clausen (Cambridge, 1982), 650-51; Tacitus, An16. Livy is judged by Seneca the Elder (Contr. 9.1.14) to nals: Book IV, ed. R. M. Martin and A. J. Woodman (Cam-

have been an unfair critic of Sallust’s adaptation of Thu- bridge, 1989), 5-7, 13. cydides (actually Demosthenes); see V. Paladini, Problemi 20. E. Norden, Die antike Kunstprosa vom VI. Jahrhunsallustiani (Bari, n. d.), 80-81 and, for Sallust’s influence —dert v. Chr. bis in die Zeit der Renaissance, vol. 1 (Stuttgart, on Livy, Bolaffi, Sallustio, 185-86 and P. G. Walsh, Livy: His _ 1958), 328, and F. Leo, Die griechisch-rémische Biographie

Historical Aims and Methods (Cambridge, 1961), 43-45. nach threr literarischer Form (Leipzig, 1901), 232, both cit17. “C. Sallustius Crispus,” PW I A,2 (1920), 1947-48 ed by Funaioli, PW, 1948.

(G. Funaioli); Bolaffi, ibid., 192-96. 21. Goodyear, “Tacitus,” 650-51.

FORTUNA 189 The brilliance with which Tacitus accom- which prized authors like Sallust were mined for plished this creation makes it all the more sur- examples.” One such treatise, the De singularibus prising that he did not displace Sallust as the of Statilius Maximus, while not a commentary on prime representative of history. An explanation Sallust, cited him frequently.” may lie in the literary tastes of the second centu- The commentary on the Historiae by Aemilius ry, dominated at first by the classicizing trend Asper (III.i.1 below), of which a few fragments are that had drawn Tacitus to the late-Republican ex- found in the grammarian Julius Romanus and emplar, then under Hadrian and the Antonines other sources, is the first of which we have any by an archaistic trend; this stylistic preference, knowledge. Asper also wrote commentaries on combined with whatever difficulties of language Virgil and Terence. It is usually assumed that his or politics Tacitus presented, kept Sallust in the commentary on Sallust covered both the monoforefront during the ensuing crucial period for graphs and the Historiae, but the meager fragthe survival of the author. He even has an impact ments give evidence only for the latter.“° The mulon the Greek world, influencing Plutarch and Ap- _ tiplication and correction of texts of Sallust in the

pian indirectly and translated into Greek by schools will have had its effect in this period; Zenobius in the era of Hadrian; fragments of all however, the hypothesis of a double recension of his works appear in several papyri (s. II-V) im- _ Sallust’s text in antiquity, one from the era of ported to Egypt from Italy.”

Fronto and Gellius and the circles around |

them clearly found enough archaism and ele- 24. Bolaffi, Sallustio, 211-15. For the role of the gramf d choice in Sallust t ke hi f maticus, see G. FE. Gianotti, “I testi,’ 448—50 and B. A. Marganice Or wor ¢ olce IN oa Us 0 ma € him a ta- shall, A Historical Commentary on Asconius (Columbia, vorite author in their pursuit of brilliant and UN- —_ Mo., 1985), 32~38. On the Frontonians, see most recently

usual speech.*? Their interest in the minute D.W.T.C. Vessey, “Challenge and Response,” and EF. R. D. details of language, coupled with the teaching Goodyear, “Rhetoric and Scholarship,” in The Cambridge techniques of the schools of the period, gave rise {2'5%0"” of Classical Literature 2.497-502 and 676-78; E.

he fi h hools. th Fantham, “Latin Criticism of the Early Empire,” in The

to the st commentar 1es. In the schools, the Cambridge History of Literary Criticism, vol. 1: Classical grammaticus delivered an introductory lecture, Literary Criticism, ed. G. A. Kennedy (Cambridge, 1989), followed by a detailed word-by-word explicatio of 274-96, especially 293-96; and L. Gamberale, "La riscoper-

. . . . 3.547—-96.

the text; and specialized treatises on words were _ ‘ dell’arcaico,” in Cavallo et al., Lo spazio letterario com posed for training in language, treatises in 25. J. E. G. Zetzel, “Statilius Maximus and Ciceronian Studies in the Antonine Age,” Bulletin of the Institute of 22. Suda s.v. “Zenobius” (zeta 73): E€ypabev ... Classical Studies 21 (1974) 107-23. The references to StatiliMetddpacw ‘EXnvikds Tov ‘Iotoptdv Ladkovotiov — us come from Charisius, Ars grammatica, where, e.g., at p. TOU ‘Pwpaikov LoTopiKot Kal TOV KaAOULEVWY AUTOU 196 (ed. Keil) he quotes Sallust in the Historiae and then

BedOv...”; Funaioli, PW, 1948-49; Bolaffi, Sallustio, says “ubi Statilius Maximus ‘ordine’ inquit ‘et sine inter205~207, 220-21. On the papyri, see R. A. Pack, The Greek — missione’” as though from a commentary on Sallust; but and Roman Literary Papyri from Greco-Roman Egypt, 2d __ the only certain work of Statilius is De singularibus apud ed. (Ann Arbor, 1967); L. D. Reynolds, “Sallustius Cris- Ciceronem. See also P. L. Schmidt, “Statilius Maximus,” in pus,” in Reynolds, ed., Texts and Transmission. A Survey of _ K. Sallman, ed., Die Literatur des Umbruchs: von der rémi-

the Latin Classics (Oxford, 1983), 341—52. schen zur christlichen Literatur 117 bis 284 n. Chr., vol. 4 23. Sallust is found in company with some of their fa- (Munich, 1997), 256-58.

vorite archaic writers even in Apuleius, Apologia 95.5, 26. Asper’s commentary is mentioned by Jerome, praising a letter written to him by Lollianus Avitus: Apologia adversus Rufinum 1.16 along with that on Virgil;

, hte tgs ; the meager fragments of the Sallust commentary do ;not Quamcumque orationem struxerit Avitus, ita Iugurtha ille erit 4.in; 4: ; ; _ indicate that it covered the Catilina and addiundique sui perfecte absoluta ut in illa neque Cato ; aneed . , 5 ; ; , ; tion requirat, to the Historiae. For further information gravitatem neque Laelius lenitatem, necAemilius . on “ysAsper’s “1:As. commentaries, see F. Lammert, “Literatur zu Gracchus impetum, nec Caesar calorem, nec Horten» ; vs eae at . per,” Bursians Jahresbericht 231 (1931) 60; Sallmann, .ibid., sius distributionem, nec Calvus argutias, nec parsimo- rrr

niam Sallusti lentiam Ci 251-53 (with bibliography). The fragments have been col-

ablustus, Nec OPUlen tar VACETO. . « - lected by P. Wessner, Aemilius Asper. Ein Beitrag zur romi-

See R. Marache, La critique littéraire de la langue latine et — schen Literaturgeschichte (Halle, 1905), with an addition in le développement du goiit archaisant au Ile siecle de notre | Wessner, “Zu Aemilius Asper,’ Philologische Wochenschrift ére (Rennes, 1952), 326 and T. D. McCreight, “Apuleius, lec- 26 (1906) 62-63; a detailed commentary on the fragments tor Sallustii: Lexicographical, Textual and Intertextual Ob- _ is provided by M. Franca Buffa, “Emilio Aspro: I Comservations on Sallust and Apuleius,” Mnemosyne 51 (1998) | mentari sallustiano e terenziano,” Studi e ricerche dell’Isti-

41-63. tuto di Latino (Genova) 1 (1977) 7-49.

190 SALLUSTIUS Asinius Pollio that removed the archaisms and _ tury, as his Historiae were replaced by the excerptone from the Frontonian era that restored them, ed speeches and letters; but the monographs re-

while attractive, has not been accepted.”’ mained in the schools since they were not only Beyond the appeal of his style to archaistic consistent in moral outlook with Christianity but fashion, Sallust’s permanence in the schools was _ short enough to be handily read. His situation in due to the usefulness of his speeches and letters late antiquity is undoubtedly more complex than for training in rhetoric at the stage beyond that of this simple statement of loss and survival, but the grammaticus; the first collection of them both are seen in the use of Sallust by Augustine in seems likely to have been made in this period, and _ the fifth century. On the one hand, Augustine

they were a special interest of Fronto. The prac- read deeply into the thought of the Sallust he tice in the schools of debating the genre in which possessed in his library, and he self-consciously a given author is to be considered seems to lie be- adapted the pagan author to his Christian purhind the report of the historian Granius Licini- pose in De civitate Dei; on the other hand, he can anus of arguments why Sallust should be read as__be shown to have worked from the Historiae as an orator, not as an historian. The arguments excerpted into preface and speeches and letters.” show that his oratorical nature is not limited to Pagan and Christian authors alike criticized the speeches, but this apparently did not prevent what they saw as hypocrisy in the personal life of Granius himself from using Sallust as an histori- the historian compared to the moral tone of his cal source.*® Others obviously read and used him __ writings, especially the prefaces, but the use of his

as an historian: Florus, whose Epitomes are not works by a wide variety of historians and other only Livian in material, and Suetonius, who be- writers shows that they accepted him as both elogins the line of Roman historians in his De viris quent and truthful.

illustribus with Sallust.” Historians and epitomators, notably Eu-

What little evidence we have from the more _ tropius, Julius Ex(s)uperantius, Ammianus Martroubled third century still shows that readers of — cellinus, and Paulus Orosius, drew upon Sallust as Sallust represent different interests and milieux: a source of historical (and often geographical) in-

the Scriptores historiae Augustae, the historian formation, thus preserving summaries of the Cassius Dio, the grammarian Julius Romanus, the _ events related in the monographs and the Historicommentator Porphyrio, and the emperor Septi- _ae.** The host of grammarians and rhetors who

mius Severus.*” cite Sallust in this period may know him only at The danger was already present that an author

might be reduced to excerpts or epitomes if his . . oo, work was lengthy, or lose the conflictsallustiano,” between |, >” 4 Canfora aL una storia del canone storici. ; ree caso delincorpus in A. Giardina, ed., degli Societa paganism and Christianity. Sallust lost the first ;omana e impero tardantico, vol. 4 (Rome and Bari, 1986), battle in part, perhaps as early as the second cen- —_ 3-18. See also H. Hagendahl, Augustine and the Latin Classics (Géteborg, 1967); R. M. Stein, Sallust for His Readers 27. R. Zimmermann, Der Sallusttext im Altertum (Mu- 410-1550 (Diss. Columbia University, 1977); M. Cagnetta,

nich, 1929), 130-31; Kurfess, preface to Sallust ed. “Il Sallustio di Agostino,” Quaderni di storia 11. (1985) (Stuttgart and Leipzig, 1957), x—xiil; L. D. Reynolds, ed., 151-60. Catilina, Iugurtha, Historiarum fragmenta selecta, Appen- 32. Lactantius, Institutiones divinae 2.12.12: “... quod

dix Sallustiana (Oxford, 1991), xvi and n. 2. quidem non fugit hominem nequam Sallustium, qui ait 28. Funaioli, PW, 1949; Granius Licinianus (author of | ‘sed nostra omnis vis ... magis utimur (Catilina 1.2). a history of Rome of uncertain title, in the era of Antoni- _Recte, si ita vixisset, ut locutus est”; Symmachus, Epistulae

nus Pius), Quae supersunt 36, ed. N. Criniti (Leipzig, 5.68.2 (ad Olybrium et Probinum): “. . . scriptor stilo tan1981): “Sallusti opus nobis occurrit, sed nos, ut institu- tum probandus, nam morum eius damna non sinunt, ut imus, moras et non urgentia omittemus. Nam Sallustium ab illo agundae vitae petatur auctoritas”; Macrobius, Sanon ut historiciunt sed ut oratorem legendum. turnalia 3.13.9: “. . . Sallustius gravissimus alienae luxuriae Nam et tempora reprehendit sua et delicta carpit et con- | obiurgator et censor”; Augustine, De civitate Dei 1.5: “Saltiones inserit et dat in vicem loca montes flumina et hoc _lustius, nobilitatae veritatis historicus”; ibid. 7.3: “vir digenus alia et culpat et conparat disserendo”; Bolaffi, Sal- _ sertissimus Sallustius”; Orosius, Adversum paganos 6.6.5—

lustio, 216. 6: “sed hanc historiam [coniurationem Catilinae adversus

29. Funaioli, ibid., 1949; Bolaffi, ibid., 215-20; further patriam]| agente Cicerone et describente Sallustio satis bibliography in Cavallo et al., eds., Lo spazio letterario | omnibus notam nunc a nobis breviter fuisse perscriptam

5.32533. sat est.” (For the historians and other writers, see Funaioli, 30. Funaioli, ibid., 1950; Bolaffi, ibid., 221-23. PW, 1950-51, and Bolaffi, Sallustio, 237-38).

FORTUNA 191 second hand, but given his place in the school Perhaps Augustine also read the Historiae in curriculum much of the knowledge is assumed to _ school, even if he may not have had a complete be direct, and the prominence of quotations from copy in Hippo at the time he was writing the De the Historiae is notable; many fragments were civitate Dei; and they are quoted by Priscian in thus preserved.** His fame even has a visual rep- _ the early sixth century, perhaps not directly. The resentation in the portraits that appear among __fifth-century manuscript of the Historiae later the “contorniate” medallions of the late fourth perished, apparently at Fleury, in the late sixth or

century.” seventh century in providing bindings and parch-

The traditional curriculum of the schools, ment for Jerome’s commentary on Isaiah.*° The with its detailed study of a limited number of manuscripts of the monographs themselves have classical texts, among whom was Sallust, was an _a single hyparchetype, with the missing Jugurtha element of continuity for the upper class amid _ passage later inserted in a class of suppleti from a the changes of the period. Commentaries either manuscript representing a tradition whose traces

composed at this time or compiled from earlier can be found in quotations from authors of this works formed the basis of knowledge of the clas- period and elsewhere among isolated recensical authors in the Middle Ages.» Any commen- __ tiores.°’

tary on Sallust besides that of Asper, however, has Later, if not darkness, a kind of twilight falls left no traces save what may be gathered from the _ even on Sallust’s works. The dedication to him of

marginal scholia in the later manuscripts. the Latin version of the De excidio Troiae by “CorThe period of late antiquity produced the last _ nelius Nepos” is only at best a mark of respect for known copy (only fragments survive) of the com- a credible name in history, and the evidence from plete Historiae, which then perhaps for the last Gregory of Tours (538-594) is slight.*® Yet Isidore time circulated in their entirety. Jerome presum- of Seville (d. 636), summing up the late antique ably read them in school, for he mentions Asper’s inheritance in his encyclopedia, regards Sallust as

commentary on them (and Jerome’s teacher was an exemplary historian, a fixture in the school Aelius Donatus, who commented on Terence). curriculum, and uses him both in developing a philosophy of history and for information on de33. See in general M. De Nonno, ‘Le citazioni dei tails of Roman history. The indirect tradition of grammatici,” in Cavallo et al., eds., Lo spazio letterario Sallust’s monographs, represented chiefly by the

3.597646. On Nonius Marcellus, Servius, Arusianus Mes- . . . . sius, and Aelius Donatus, see P. McGushin, ed. and trans., late antique summaries of Eutropius and Orosius, Sallust, The Histories, vol. 1 (Oxford, 1992), 7-9; L. diSal- continued through the Historia Romana of vo, “Le citazioni delle monografie di Sallustio in Arusiano Paulus Diaconus (ca. 720-799).°’ He is also drawn Messio,” Studi e ricerche dell’Istituto di Latino (Genova) 4 (1981) 73-79; di Salvo, “I frammenti delle Historiae di Sal-

lustio tramandati da Arusiano Messio in comune con al- 36. On Priscian, see McGushin, The Histories, 9-10; on tre fonti,” ibid. 5 (1982) 29-52. On Nonius’ citations from § Augustine, see Cagnetta, “Il Sallustio di Agostino”; on the

Sallust, see the various contributions to Studi noniani | manuscript at Fleury, see E. A. Lowe, ed., Codices latini and, for the question of the fragments from the Historiae, | antiquiores: A Palaeographical Guide to Latin Manuscripts see the references to articles by R. P. Oliver and F. Bertini = Prior to the Ninth Century, vol. 8 (Oxford, 1959), 10, no.

in n. 70 below. 809 (including other membra disiecta); Reynolds, ed., 34. See P. J. Osmond, “Princeps Historiae Romanae: Catilina, xix—xx; McGushin, ibid., 6-7; E. Pellegrin, “La Sallust in Renaissance Political Thought,” Memoirs of the tradition des textes classiques latins a l’abbaye de Fleury-

American Academy in Rome 40 (1995) 123 and n. 84, and __sur-Loire,’ Revue d’histoire des textes 14-15 (1984-85) 163;

especially A. and E. Alféldi, Die Kontorniat-Medaillons, HH. Bloch, “The Structure of Sallust’s Historiae: The Evivol. 1 (Berlin, 1976), 28-32 (nos. 106-108), and plates dence of the Fleury Manuscript,’ in Didascaliae: Studies in 34-37.11 and 211.8.9; vol. 2 (Berlin, 1990), 49, 51, and 101 Honor of Anselm M. Albareda, ed. S. Prete (New York,

(and see Index). 1961), 59-76. 35. R. Browning, “Introductory,” in The Cambridge 37. Reynolds, ed., Catilina, vi-xiii; the same, ed., Texts

History of Classical Literature 2.690; J. E. G. Zetzel, “On the and Transmission (Oxford, 1983), 341-52; the same, “The

History of Latin Scholia,’ Harvard Studies in Classical Lacuna in Sallust’s Jugurtha,” Revue @histoire des textes Philology 79 (1975) 338; Zetzel, “On the History of Latin 14-15 (1984-85) 59-69. Scholia II: The Commentum Cornuti in the Ninth Centu- 38. Bolaffi, Sallustio, 242-43. ry,’ Medievalia et humanistica 10 (1981) 20-21. For the tra- 39. E. R. Curtius, European Literature and the Latin ditional curriculum, see H. I. Marrou, A History of Educa- Middle Ages, trans. W. Trask (New York, 1953 and later tion in Antiquity, trans. G. Lamb (New York, 1956; rpt. reprints), 452; Stein, Sallust for His Readers, ch. 2, especial-

Madison, Wisc., 1982), 277-78. ly 79-89.

192 SALLUSTIUS upon by an anonymous rhetorical fragment De Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 3864) which has prehistoria of the eighth century, where the citations served for us the speeches and letters from the

of Sallust come from the first ten chapters of Historiae.” From this point the extant manu-

Catilina and from the Historiae.“ scripts begin to appear, in France and Germany, their spread a reflection of the place of the historian in the artes course of the schools of the peri-

THE Mippe Ags od; and an ever increasing number of writers be-

For Sallust as for other authors, the Carolin- gin to quote, mention, and imitate Sallust in their gian era marks a new beginning after a period of own historical compositions.*® Hadoard (the relative neglect.*! To the renewed interest in clas- Corbie librarian) and Lupus of Ferriéres (student sical authors such as Sallust in the schools is con- of Hraban Maur at Fulda), in the ninth century, nected the greater circulation of manuscript _ still use Sallust as a source of timeless truths, but

copies of the text of the monographs, and the represent both the old and the new attitude, growth of a body of commentary on those texts. Hadoard making a collection of excerpts and LuThe influence of the historian as stylist of the pus in search of texts that he lacks.“ The evidence Latin language is the primary consequence, but of from catalogues in this early period leads us to

equal importance is the twofold impact of the . content of his works: the historical narrative itself F oe there is now some Cispute regarding the question

as a source of political ;and military [ya hia. court library . Un this see ©. 1 man, “Ainformation List of Classical Manuscripts (inIssue, an Eighth-

about the Roman republic and a model of how to Century Codex) perhaps from Corbie,” Scriptorium 8 write history, and the moral sententiousness of — (1954) 24-37; Reynolds, ed., Catilina, xvii—xviii and n. 1; B.

the proems, digressions, and speeches as a source _ Bischoff, “The Court Library of Charlemagne,’ in of maxims freed from their historical context. To Bischoff, Manuscripts and Libraries in the Age of Charle-

. . magne, ed.added and trans. M. Gorman (Cambridge, 1994), this itymay idea of“Sallust, the developaa oe 73. oe Ppbe Accordingthat to F.the Brunhdlzl, I (im Mittelalter),”

ment of the historical Roman republic, as seen in —_ Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 7.6 (Munich and Zurich, the narrative and as analyzed in Sallust’s political- _ 1995), 1307, it is only a presumption that the exemplar of

philosophical passages, played a role in the politi- ae iat“La 3864 wt me dicourt Mbrary copy; Ccdiaso veMagno’: Villa, tradizione Orazio e la ‘biblioteca Carlo

cal ideologies of the late Middle Ages. per l’elenco di opere nel codice Berlin, Diez B Sant. 66,” in

In fact, works of Sallust were thought tobea Formative Stages of Classical Traditions: Latin Texts from part of the collection associated with Charle- Antiquity to the Renaissance. Proceedings of a Conference magne, apparently the parent manuscript of the Held at Erice, 16—22 October 1993, ed. O. Pecere and M. D. Vatican florilegium (Vatican City, Biblioteca Reeve (Spoleto, 1995), 299-322 and plates I-III. On the

historians in Carolingian libraries, see now M. Innes and R. McKitterick, “The Writing of History,’ in R. McKitter-

40. K. Halm, ed., Rhetores latint minores (Leipzig, ick, ed., Carolingian Culture: Emulation and Innovation 1863), 585ff. (Excerpta rhetorica e cod. Parisino 7530 edita): (Cambridge, 1994), 193-200.

De historia. Historia est rerum gestarum et dignarum 43: Se e B. Munk Olsen, I classici nel canone scolastico memoria relatio: ea versatur aut in rebus bellicis aut in altomedievale, Quaderni di cultura mediolatina I (Spolenegotiis civilibus, id est pacis. Historici officia sunt to, 1991); Brunhélzl, ibid., 1306-1308; M. Manitius, HSS.

tria: ut veras tes ‘at dilucide ut breviter exponat antiker Autoren in mittelalterlichen Bibliothekskatalogen

Principiorum ad historiam pertinentium species sunt eta 195 5), toe 4 Manitus ” nes ot a8)

tres: de historia, de persona, de materia. Aut enim his- esellschaft fir a ETE GEUISCE MESCOTCTOMUNGE 7 W002

toriae bonum generaliter commendamus, ut Cato, aut 20 Bola Sallistio, 243333 - Blom, The wie tase pro persona scribentis rationem eius quod hoc offici- table. My R nee ean Re " 7 the Teel 1 C he um adsumpserit reddimus, ut Sallustius eo loco, ubi —* ( C. wba d » Masa 4 189) a in the Twelfth Centudicit: sed ego adulescentulus initio, sicuti plerique, stu- 1 “WAMO TIERS ASS. 1902), 034. “1:

; , 44. Stein,p.Sallust for His Readers, ch. 3; Bolaffi, ibid., dio ad rem latus sum, autHadoardi eam rem, quam relaturiCity, -; . . 244. The Collectaneum is found in Vatican sumus, dignam quae et scribatur et legatur osnas . .. tendimus. ut Livius ab urbe condita Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 1762, and contains ° one excerpt each from Catilina and Iugurtha; see See S. Jaffe, “Gottfried von Strassburg and the Reynolds, “Sallust,” in Texts and Transmission, 347. For Lu-

Rhetoric of History,” in J. J. Murphy, ed., Medieval Elo- _—_ pus’ request of a certain Réginb(ert?) to procure for him

quence (Berkeley, 1978), especially 311-14. the Catilinarians, Verrines, the Iugurtha of Sallust, and all 41. See F. Vogel, Acta seminarii Erlangensis, vol. 2 (Er- _‘ the works he can find and knows not to be in Lupus’ pos-

langen, 1881), 405-48, summarized by M. Manitius in _ session, see E. Lesne, Histoire de la propriété ecclésiastique Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft fiir altere deutsche Geschichts- en France, vol. 4: Les livres: “Scriptoria” et bibliothéques du kunde 7 (1882) 226; Stein, Sallust for His Readers, ch. 3; Bo- commencement du VIIIe a la fin du XIe siécle (Lille, 1938),

laffi, Sallustio, 243-51. 428-29.

FORTUNA 193 manuscripts of Sallust at Corbie, Murbach, Rei- Jugurtha 17, a map of the world is found along chenau, Fleury, and an unknown library in with the text in many copies.*° A number of the

Gaul.* manuscripts are provided with or have written

The first of the important surviving manu-__ into their margins some type of an accessus or inscripts of the monographs are from this century: troduction to the texts; in fact, the history of this Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale de France, lat.16024 medieval commentary on Sallust is closely tied to and lat. 16025, both French (Soissons and Aux- the phenomenon of the accessus.*! If we add later

erre).“° While from the tenth century there is examples to those catalogued by Munk Olsen for mention of Sallust only in Corbie, by the eleventh _ the ninth to the twelfth centuries, there are fortycentury he is listed in the inventories of some fif- eight examples, some of which are found in sev-

teen libraries north of the Alps, and in the twelfth eral manuscripts. While the accessus may be and thirteenth some twenty.”’ The production of found detached from the commentary, added latmanuscript copies reaches a peak in the eleventh er to a glossed manuscript, or even separated and twelfth centuries, then tapers off: of the from the text, whether alone or in a collection of monographs, 2 copies survive from the ninth, 5 —_accessus, it is often an introduction to the comfrom the tenth, 26 from the eleventh, 79 from the mentary and at times integrated with it as an extwelfth, and 8 from the thirteenth centuries.“ Al- _ plication of the opening words or of the proem as

most all the manuscripts come from the areas of a whole. For some teachers and readers, the both France and Germany until the twelfth cen- _ philosophical nature of the proems induced not tury, when Italy begins to produce an equivalent just the assigning of Sallust to moral philosophy,

share and then to dominate in the thirteenth as often noted for poets like Ovid, but a general (with at least 5 of the 8). The temporary decline introduction to the system of philosophy, espein the spread and use of the Latin text is matched cially in a period or milieu in which scholasticism by the rise of vernacular translation and the less _ was in the ascendancy.

rigorous but no less widespread adoption of the The following may serve as a sketch of the tyhistorian and his material for local or popular in- _ pology of the accessus tradition for Sallust:* terest. The manuscripts are not only cop ied but in Latin Schools from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century glossed, in a Manner suggesting the teaching of (Cambridge, 2001), 190. On one of these glossed manuthe text in the schools.” As a kind of gloss On scripts, a Beneventan product of the twelfth/thirteenth century (origin: Bari or Zadar) in Padua in the fifteenth 45. Lesne, ibid., 616 n. 3, 733-34, 765, 788 n. 2; P.J.G. century and then in Rome (the library of Fulvius Ursinus Lehmann, Méittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutsch- and now Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lands und der Schweiz, vol. 1 (Munich, 1918), 266; Mani- _lat. 3327), see EF. Carpanelli, “Ricerche filologiche su un

tius, HSS. antiker Autoren, 42-47. codice sallustiano (Vat. lat. 3327) non ancora esplorato,” 46. Reynolds, ed., Catilina, viii—ix. Prometheus 10 (1984) 147-53 (summary in Scriptorium 41 47. Manitius, HSS. antiker Autoren, 42-47; Lehmann, [1987] 133* [B 550]); the numerous explicative glosses are

Bibliothekskataloge, vols. 1-3 passim; Lesne, Histoire signs of continuous scholastic use.

4.530-761 passim. 50. M. Destombes, ed., Mappemondes A. D. 1200-1500 48. This rough statistic for the monographs is made (Amsterdam, 1964), ix, 37-38, and 65-73; K. Miller, ed., Die on the basis of the work of B. Munk Olsen, étude des au- _—diltesten Weltkarten, vol. 3 (Stuttgart, 1895), 110-15; J. B. teurs classiques latins aux XIe e XIle siécles, 3 vols. in 4 | Harley and D. Woodward, eds., The History of Cartogra(Paris, 1982-89), vols. 2, 307-63 and 3.2, 114-20; he records _ phy, vol. 1: Cartography in Prehistoric, Ancient and Me-

three florilegia from the ninth century, one from the dieval Europe and the Mediterranean (Chicago, 1987), 334, tenth, five from the twelfth, and two from the thirteenth; 342-46, and 355. see also his “La popularité des textes classiques entre le [Xe 51. See M. Spallone, “I percorsi medievali del testo: ‘acet le XIle siecle,” Revue @histoire des textes 14-15 (1984-85) | cessus, commentari, florilegi,” in Cavallo et al., eds., Lo 169-81, and “Les classiques latins dans les floriléges médié- spazio letterario 3.387—472, especially 392-412 (“Laccessus: vaux antérieurs au XIlIle siécle,” ibid. 9 (1979) 47-121; and _—— dalla presentazione alla legittimazione degli auctores”).

Brunhdlzl (above, n. 42). For the example provided by Conrad of Hirsau (s. XII),

49. B. Smalley, “Sallust in the Middle Ages” in R. R. see Glauche, Schullektiire, 101-27; the same, “Accessus ad Bolgar, ed., Classical Influences on European Culture, A.D. — auctores,” Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 1 (Munich and 500-1500 (Cambridge, 1971), 168—70; Munk Olsen, I classi- | Zurich, 1980), 71-72 (with bibliography). See also Munk ci nel canone scolastico altomedievale, 10-11; G. Glauche, Olsen, L’étude (above, n. 48; a list of incipits/explicits is Schullektiire im Mittelalter. Entstehung und Wandlung des _ provided in vol. 2, 311-13). Lektiirekanons bis 1200 nach den Quellen dargestellt (Mu- 52. The full text and analysis of these accessus for Salnich, 1970), 1-4; R. Black, Humanism and Education in lust are being prepared by R. W. Ulery, Jr. for publication Medieval and Renaissance Italy: Tradition and Innovation elsewhere.

194 SALLUSTIUS I. The traditional requirements of the accessus _ giography, as not only the particular features of

are stated, and each is then briefly answered for his Latin but his procedures as a particularly Sallust and the particular text (Catilina or rhetorical historian were drawn upon when writIugurtha). There are basically two forms: (a) tra- ers composed histories of new subjects or times.”

ditional (up to early s. XI) with 6-8 requisites, The use of Sallust as an historical source is aland (b) “modern” (ca. s. XI) reduced to 3 or 4. Ei- ready evident in the Chronicon universale (MGH ther set may be named in one of three ways: (1) SS 6 [1844], 1-267) attributed to Ekkehard von auctor, titulus, materia, numerus librorum, quali- Aura (s. XII continuator of the s. X—XI Chronicon tas or genus, intentio, utilitas, cui parti philosophi- _ of Frutolf), and in the imitation of him by Richer

ae; (2) quis, quid, ubi, cur, quomodo etc.; and (3) of Reims and Widukind of Corvey.” In the causa efficiens, causa materialis, causa formalisetc. eleventh century, writers such as Gaufredo II. Catilina accessus in four parts beginning di- Malaterra (Historia Sicula), Adam of Bremen rectly with either (a) materia, (b) intentio, (c) (Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae), Lambert of

vita, or (d) ordo. Hersfeld (Opera), and the author of the Chroni-

III. Iugurtha accessus beginning directly with con sancti Huberti adopt Sallustian expressions (a) materia, (b) materia followed by prologus, (c) and apply them to the subjects they are narrating, materia of prologus, (d) intentio of prologus. and Alberic of Montecassino (Breviarium de dic-

IV. Vita auctoris alone tamine) collects rhetorical examples.”

V. Historical introduction (perhaps arising It is in the twelfth century, however, that writ-

from discussion of ordo). ers are found seriously taking over from Sallust

, the idea of the historical monograph, the interest

presence of Sallustand in the canon of the re-_ and . BraPthe pes; The . - in geography vived classical curriculum of ethnography, the arts course is . °.. ; sas

53 ..... Simistic analysis of human motivation. Yet the amply documented.” It comes to full fruitionin . .). rewhen imitation of form can seem artificial the the twelfth century, and coincides with at fullest usewith _ ; ;the Ro; ; subject matter is quite variance of Sallust by; authors (especially of history). But Cein57 vari: of _ man original.°” Examples are found William by then a scholastic tendency may be seen in ee +1: 7 Poitiers’ (s. XI) account of William some of the commentaries onqueror Catilina and . ; ; the Con(Gesta Guillelmi ducis Normannorum, Iugurtha (see I.2 and below, particularly Mu- éIV ; ar(ear. ; 41 1073-74), andII.3 in the (anon.) Vita Heinrici nich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14515, s. ly s. XII) and (anon.) Gesta Friderici (late s. XII).°° XII), which may be related to a shift in the con- ys. tent of the curriculum in the later Middle Ages. Having been read in school as a model of 54. See in general Smalley, “Sallust,” 171-73; Bolaff,

Latin style, Sallust was then considerable 243 55 Problem,Malaterra 1041075 (s. Stein an n n the developing genres ofahistorv and ha-influor Hispage Readers, ch.Paladini 3. For Gaufredo XIII),

ence on the developing 8 Y Sallust is inter historiographos laudabilis rhetor; see Funaioli, PW, 1952 (with further bibliography). 53. C. H. Haskins, “A List of Text-Books from the Close 55. See Bolaffi, ibid., 245-46; Bloch, “The New Fascinaof the Twelfth Century,” in Haskins, Studies in the History tion” (above, n. 43), 634 and n. 41; Smalley, ibid., 167, of Mediaeval Science (Cambridge, Mass., 1924 and later 173-74, where she defends Richer to some extent against reprints), 356-76; Conrad of Hirsau, Dialogus super auc- __ the charge of childish imitation and falsification.

tores, ed. R. B. C. Huygens, 2d ed. (Leiden, 1970), 41-42, 56. See Bolaffi, ibid., 247-49; Adam and Lambert perand Glauche, Schullektiire, 107-17, 73 (Aemeric), 79-80 haps read Sallust at the same time in the school at Bam(Weinrich), 80-81 (Vita Meinwerci); Munk Olsen, L’étude, __ berg.

vol. 1, especially 5-6; Curtius, European Literature, 49, 57. See Smalley, “Sallust,” 170-73; Stein, Sallust for His 260-61, 464. Uses of Sallust in late medieval rhetorical Readers, 136, 150; Bolaffi, ibid., 249-51. manuals are noted in R. G. Witt, “Medieval Italian Culture 58. On William of Poitiers, see Smalley, ibid., 174-75 and the Origins of Humanism as a Stylistic Ideal,” in Re- and J. Martin, “Classicism and Style in Latin Literature,” naissance Humanism: Foundations, Forms, and Legacy, ed. in Benson and Constable, eds., Renaissance and Renewal, A. Rabil, Jr., 3 vols. (Philadelphia, 1988), 1.29—70, and Witt, 615-36; on the Vita and Gesta, see Stein, ibid., 150, and his

“Medieval ‘Ars Dictaminis’ and the Beginnings of Hu- = “Signs and Things: The ‘Vita Heinrici IV. Imperatoris’ and manism: A New Construction of the Problem,” Renais- the Crisis of Interpretation in Twelfth-Century History,’ sance Quarterly 35 (1982) 1-35. See now Witt, In the Foot- Traditio 43 (1987) 105-19, and Bolaffi, ibid., 249-50. Mar-

steps of the Ancients: The Origins of Humanism from tin notes at 548-49 that William’s style may have seemed Lovato to Bruni, Studies in Medieval and Reformation — Sallustian to Orderic because it was un-medieval; but per-

Thought 74 (Leiden and Boston, 2000). haps the statement refers to the manner and procedures

FORTUNA 195 That political questions should be reinforced the Chronica de origine civitatis (late twelfth or

by moral ones in the mind of the historian and early thirteenth century), expanded upon the those of his readers was inherent in the nature of summarized versions of the Jugurthine War or Roman (and later Christian) thought and mani- Catilinarian conspiracy in the earlier medieval fested in the Sallustian vision inherited with his compendia, adding material from romans de text by later generations of writers.’ The fervor chevalerie or local legends of Catiline to fill out and economy of his moral sententiae appealed to their accounts and enhance the origins of their all who read and used him, and his general theory _ native cities.” of the reasons for the rise and decline of the Re- The curve of manuscript production rose high public gave Sallust a status higher than that of a again in the fourteenth and especially the fifmaster of eloquence. Augustine himself had seen teenth century. However, there is no corresponthis quality in Sallust and had helped to secure his ding rise in the number of commentaries, survival, though not that of the Historiae, the although many manuscripts have extensive marwork he had most utilized. Thomas Aquinas at _ ginal and interlinear annotation, apparently indithe other end of the period has the same idea and __ cating their use in the schoolroom.® There are 7 some of the same effect. In this way the writers manuscript commentaries on the Catilina from of moral tractates and essays on government, the medieval period, the earliest apparently from compilers of collections of sententiae, and au- the twelfth century, and another 8 from the perithors of rhetorical manuals in the later Middle od of the Renaissance; 2 of these were published Ages feed into the development of political theo- _ in the first decades of printing, and 18 others ap-

ry.°! peared in print between 1504 and 1607. The num-

We are not surprised, then, to find Sallust ber of commentaries on the Iugurtha is about the among the philosophers in the Fiori dei filosofi, same: 6 medieval and 7 Renaissance manuscript even though much is naively taken over from the commentaries, and 19 commentaries printed beInvectivae. Nor is it startling to find generous por- tween 1495 and 1607. There is no marked prefertions of his historical narrative incorporated in Li ence for either monograph or difference of apFait des Romains and in the dozens of French and proach, except that in many manuscripts (most of Italian adaptations that spread and multiply from which contain both monographs) there is more the mid-thirteenth century on, almost in com- annotation on the Catilina than on the Iugurtha, pensation for the reduced circulation of the Latin and more at the beginning of each monograph text of the author until the humanist revival. In (this may reflect the progress of the schoolroom the meantime, compilers of ancient or universal through the text set for study). histories and Italian chronicles, including the Ys- Of those commentaries that are substantially torie de Troia et de Roma (twelfth century) and _ extant, the earliest appear to originate in south-

| ernof theGermany and France in the twelfth century; historian rather than the Latinity (Orderic Vitalis | the Renaissance commentaries come from Italy as on Gesta Guillelmi: “in qua Guillelmi gesta Crispi Salustii well, and as the arbitrary endpoint and summastilum imitatus subtiliter et eloquenter enucleavit”). The only manuscript of the Vita Henrici IV is Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14095, from St. Emmeram, 62. On the legend of Catiline, see P. J. Osmond, “Cati-

Regensburg (see I.2-3 below). line in Fiesole and Florence: The After-Life of a Roman 59. Smalley, ibid., 165, quoting D. C. Earl, The Political | Conspirator, International Journal of the Classical Tradi-

Thought of Sallust (Cambridge, 1961). tion 7 (2000) 3-38, with bibliography; and n. 80 below. 60. Thomas Aquinas, De regno 1.4; 6: “sicut refert | The indirect tradition of the account of Catiline’s conSalustius [compare Catilina 7.3]: Incredibile est memoratu, spiracy, originating, it seems, in Eutropius and continued quantum adepta libertate, in brevi romana civitas creverit.” in Paulus Diaconus, survives well into the early four61. For the Moralium dogma philosophorum, attrib- _ teenth-century chronicles of Villani and Riccobaldo da

uted to Walter of Lille or William of Conches, used as a Ferrara. source by Brunetto Latini and Benedict of St.-Maur, see 63. See T. Gottlieb, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge

Bolaffi, Sallustio, 244, 250-51. On Henry of Huntingdon Oesterreichs, vol. 1: Niederoesterreich (Vienna, 1915), pasand John of Salisbury as appreciators above all of the _ sim (Index), for the appearance of Sallust in later inventomoral Sallust, see Smalley, “Sallust,” 166; she also notes _ ries of Austrian libraries. The overall total of Sallust man-

(167) that even before Petrarch, pace Hans Baron, the uscripts is said by Reynolds, ed., Catilina, vi, to exceed readers of Sallust knew of the moral causes, the virtutes 500; perhaps 400 are Renaissance manuscripts. There is

Romanae, that had made Rome great. no list.

196 SALLUSTIUS tion of the commentary tradition we have set the ideas and motifs but imitated the style and strucwork of the northern European Jan Gruter (Janus _ ture of his monographs and adapted to their own Gruterus) in 1607. The Historiae did not receive a _ subjects his scheme of the rise and decline of the commentary, apart from the lost work of Aemili- Roman Republic. Schoolboys and statesmen alike us Asper, until the sixteenth century, when there made collections of Sallustian sententiae and exare 13 commentaries on part or all of the frag- _empla, while speeches and letters, often extracted mentary remains; 9 of those commentators treat from his texts and included in large compendia, also the Epistulae, and there are 7 commentaries _ served as models for rhetoricians, ambassadors,

on the invective against Cicero. army commanders, and (as we are told by their political opponents) aspiring rebels.

The preoccupation with the practical releTHE RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION vance of Sallust’s history tends to overshadow the Throughout the Renaissance, the texts of Sal- efforts that were made during these centuries to

lust—as a commentator of the period would understand his writings in their original framesay—were in the hands of nearly everyone. His work of meaning.® Yet, insofar as scholars rework appealed to a broad and diversified group of _ turned to ancient testimonia for appraisals of his readers, ranging from students and scholars to _ life and work, as they began basing their correcprinces and military captains, political thinkers, _ tions of the text on a careful examination of Saland theologians.™ His reputation as historian and __lust’s own usage or the evidence of veteres codices, moralist, as well as his place in the arts curricu- and as they started questioning some of the claslum, had long been established; but now his _ sical authorities themselves—as they did, for ex-

writings were also considered more closely and ample, on the authorship of the Invectiva (or comprehensively. We see a growing concern with Oratio) in Ciceronem and the Epistulae ad Caetextual accuracy, a greater sensitivity to the sarem—, there are clear indications of an increasunique qualities of his language and style, and a__ing historical awareness. At the same time, the deeper appreciation of his political ideas. At the rereading of Sallust’s texts in different circumsame time, a more unified approach towards his stances and with different agendas brought to work is reflected in the search for correlations be- light ambiguities or new dimensions of his tween thought and expression and in the desireto thought and writing that might otherwise have

learn more about his life and character. been overlooked.

With the advent of printing, the modern form This adaptability of Sallust’s work, its potential of the Sallustian corpus itself took shape. Schol- for different uses and interpretations, helps exars assembled the extant writings into the collect- plain—even more perhaps than the brevity of his ed opera; later they began gathering the smaller extant writings, unique style, and established fragments of the Historiae from the indirect tra- place in the curriculum—his remarkable popudition. Editors and commentators emended and explicated the text. Historians not only borrowed 65. The question of innovations in philological methods along with the persistence of traditional approaches

64. The first section of the fortuna documented the to classical texts is discussed by A. Grafton in “On the survival and transmission of Sallust’s text from antiquity | Scholarship of Politian and Its Context,” Journal of the through the Middle Ages, and the following sections on | Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 40 (1977) 152-62, and in the Renaissance and early modern era will focus on the subsequent articles and books, including Grafton, Joseph reception of his work in the context of contemporary po- _—Scaliger: A Study in the History of Classical Scholarship,

litical and intellectual developments. vol. 1: Textual Criticism and Exegesis (Oxford, 1983), and On Sallust’s Renaissance fortuna, see the pertinent | Grafton, Commerce with the Classics: Ancient Books and sections of the following studies cited in Bibliography Renaissance Readers (Ann Arbor, 1997), with “A Note on IV.C Special Studies: Bolaffi, Sallustio; Buchner, Sallust; | Further Reading,” 229-31. J. Hankins, in his Introduction Funaioli, PW and Enc. ital; La Penna, Lexikon. See also to Plato in the Italian Renaissance, vol. 1 (Leiden, 1990 and the fuller discussions of his reception in particular au- _later reprints), 18ff., examines the different exegetical trathors or areas by La Penna, Sallustio (appendices); Mc- ditions in the later Middle Ages and Renaissance. In referCuaig, “Bernardo Rucellai”; Osmond, “Sallust and Machi- ence to the reading of Sallust, Schindel notes the presence avelli”, “Jacopo Corbinelli”, “Princeps Historiae Romanae”, _ of independent critical judgment in the questioning of and “Catiline in Fiesole and Florence”; Osmond and Quintilian’s authority on the authorship of the Invectivae Ulery, “Constantius Felicius Durantinus”; Schindel, “Die (see his comments on Crinito and Corradi in “Die Rezep-

Rezeption Sallusts”; and Schindler, Untersuchungen. tion Sallusts”).

FORTUNA 197 larity in the Renaissance.® From the editio prin- transcribed, however, the surviving manuscripts ceps of 1470 to the first decades of the seventeenth and could occasionally boast of finding a vetustiscentury, he headed the list of most-published an- _ stmus codex. Guglielmo da Pastrengo refers to ex-

cient historians. In historiography and political tant portions of the Historiae; Petrarch, with thought, his presence can be traced in major au- whom he corresponded, possessed copies of the thors from exponents of civic humanism to later monographs and invectives. Other codices beproponents of Reason of State. As in antiquity, longed to fra Giovanni Colonna in Avignon and objections were made to certain stylistic traits; re- to Petrarch’s coronation sponsor in Naples, King newed attacks were made on his alleged personal Robert of Anjou. vices, Of ON apparent contradictions between In the course of the fifteenth century, we hear what he preached and what he practiced; in the of dozens of scholars borrowing, reading, copysixteenth century, accusations of anti-Ciceronian ing, and editing different Sallustian codices. An and pro-Caesarian bias were also raised.©’ To the inventory of Giovanni Aurispa’s library shows extent that these charges provoked debate, it may three manuscripts of Sallust, one of which might be said that they gradually encouraged a more be identified with the codex he had requested critical approach to his work. During most of the from Giovanni Toscanelli in a letter of 1425. AnRenaissance, however, they represented only afew other volumen antiquum may have belonged to dissenting opinions, dissonant voices amid acho- Niccold Niccoli, while Poggio Bracciolini, who

rus of admirers. had made Constance the headquarters for his book-hunting expeditions, had the Invectivae

transcribed there in 1415. In 1439 Angelo Camillo Manuscripts and Early Printed Editions Decembrio copied manu celeri, as he said, the In their search for lost works of antiquity, hu- texts of Sallust, along with those of Livy, Caesar, manist book hunters never turned up a complete and Justinus; later he composed two short argutext of the Historiae, and Sallustian scholarship in | menta on the monographs. Sometime before 1455 the heroic age of the early Renaissance was more _ his brother, Pier Candido Decembrio, transcribed a case of cumulative progress than of dramatic the orations of Lepidus and Philippus excerpted rediscoveries.®° Humanists eagerly collected and from the Historiae. In the same notebook, he had already copied the Epistula Pompei ad senatum, 66. See Osmond, articles cited in Bibliography IV.C discovered between 1435 and 1439 in “a very anSpecial Studies, particularly “Princeps Historiae Romanae” —_ cient codex” belonging to Francesco Pizolpasso,

with Appendix on the Latin editions and vernacular archbishop of Milan, and mistaken for a genuine translations (see n. 71 below). 67. Contrasting judgments of Sallust’s prologues and letter of P ompey the Great to the Senate. A manexcursus and his truthfulness and objectivity as historian script of the Jugurtha and Catilina, written at are summarized in Schindler, Untersuchungen, ch.1 and Milan in 1467, was probably made for Ludovico il Exkursen 1-2. On the contradictory image of Sallust in the Moro. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, a

Renaissance andand the political antithesis life between number of his private and the thealleged virtuesvices of his workof; earlier codices, inclu ding Naples, Bias writer and historian, see especially Schindel, who ex- blioteca Nazionale, IV C 3 (see I.8 and I. 13 beamines this question in the Renaissance vitae and particu- low), were purchased by the Calabrian humanist larly in the discussions of the Invectivae and the debate and book collector Aulo Giano Parrasio.© over their authorship and reliability as sources (“Die

Rezeption Sallusts” and n. 65 above). On anti-Sallustian

criticism in the context of early sixteenth-century Cicero- legium (Vat. lat. 3864), believed to be in the Chapter Linianism, see Osmond and Ulery, “Constantius Felicius brary of Verona at that time; see also B. L. Ullman, “The

Durantinus”. Dedication Copy of Pomponio Leto’s Edition of Sallust

68. This and the following paragraph draw chiefly and the ‘Vita’ of Sallust,’ in Ullman, Studies in the Italian upon Reynolds, ed., Texts and Transmission, xxvi-xxvii Renaissance, 2d ed. (Rome, 1973), 365-72, and “Petrarch’s and 341-52 and the preface to his Oxford edition of Sallust Favorite Books,” ibid., 117-35; and A. Franceschini, Gio(1991); and R. Sabbadini, Le scoperte dei codici latini e gre- vanni Aurispa e la sua biblioteca. Notizie e documenti (Padcine’ secoli XIV e XV, 2d ed., 2 vols. (Florence, 1967), espe- Ua, 1976), 145, 148, 156.

cially 116-17, 24-27, 87, 121 and 2.3, 56, and his Storia e 69. Sabbadini, Scoperte dei codici 1.139 n. 11 cites the critica di testi latini..., ed. E.and M. Billanovich, Medio- — manuscript copied by Angelo Decembrio (Florence, Biblievo e umanesimo 11 (Padua, 1971), 136—39 and 305-309. La oteca Medicea Laurenziana, Conv. soppr. 263). On the

Penna, in Lexikon, col. 1308, states that there is no evi- “Argumenta duo super ambabus historiis Sallustianis edidence that Guglielmo da Pastrengo actually saw the flori- ta per Angelum Decembrem” and the manuscripts, see

198 SALLUSTIUS With the spread of the Renaissance, the texts Guarino Guarini and later maestro in retorica, of Sallust—long a staple of the medieval arts cur- glossed a copy of the Catilina and Iugurtha that

riculum—assumed an important place in the stu- he purchased in 1442; Guarino’s son Battista not dia humanitatis. The commentaries by, or attrib- _ only cited Sallust in his De ordine docendi ac stu-

uted to, Lorenzo Valla (Laurentius Valla, 113 dendi (1459) but reportedly composed a combelow), Pomponio Leto (Julius Pomponius Lae- mentary on one or both of the monographs. Citus, II.12 below), Pietro Paolo Pompilio (Petrus tations of passages in Sallust’s monographs are Paulus Pompilius, 1.15, II.10 below), Giovanni common, as might be expected, in the many fifCrisostomo Soldi (Johannes Chrysostomus Sol- teenth-century Latin grammars and lexicons, dus, II.14 below), Ognibene da Lonigo (Omni- — such as Lorenzo Valla’s Elegantiae linguae latinae bonus Leonicenus, I.1 below), Jacopo della Croce and Giovanni Tortelli’s De orthographia (printed (Jacobus a Cruce, .17 and II.16 below), and others at Rome in 1471). Yet it is interesting that Niccolo provide the most direct evidence for the study of Perotti’s Cornucopiae (Venice, 1489) also cited

the Catilina and Iugurtha. But the large number many Late Antique sources of the fragments of of glossed manuscripts and printed editions, pos- the Historiae, including “new fragments” from sessors’ notes, citations in contemporary gram- Nonius Marcellus. Several copies of printed edimatical treatises, public orations, and personal tions, including one of a 1481 Venice incunable letters also testify to the popularity of his work and at least three of Pomponio Leto’s 1490 Rome among humanist teachers. In Florence, Francesco edition, contain extensive annotations on the “art Filelfo delivered an oration on the Iugurtha in _ of history’ and Roman antiquities: important ev1431, a copy of which later belonged to Marsilio idence of Leto’s courses on Sallust and his own Ficino.” In Verona, Martino Rizzoni, a student of — scholarly pursuits.

In the same period, it seems that Sallust was a , Sabbadini, “Angelo Decembrio,” Classici e umanisti da particular favorite of teachers (and printers) in codici ambrosiani (Florence, 1933), 97-98. Ulery has seen Venice. A note in a copy of a 1510 edition of the another exemplar at El Escorial, Real Biblioteca de San Tugurtha alludes toa commentary by Giorgio ValLorenzo (ms. O.IIT.22). On the excerpts from the Historiae la, who was teaching at the Chancery School of copied by Pier Candido (Milan, Biblioteca San Marco in the years 1485-1500. mbrosiana, R 99Decembrio sup., fols. 60v and 98r—99v), see Sabba—_In .a :ddition, ;; a dini, Scoperte dei codici 116-17 and Reynolds, Texts and privilege obtained by a Venetian printer in 1503 Transmission, 348-49. The manuscript apparently written refers to a Commentum super Sallustium by for Ludovico il Moro is described in E. Pellegrin, La bi- Benedetto Brognoli, former student of Ognibene bliotheque des Visconti e des Sforza ducs de Milan auXVe da Lonigo, George of Trebizond, and Giampietro siécle (Paris, 1955), 396: Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale de ra, Le France, lat. 18272, s. XV (a. 1467). C. Tristano, La biblioteca Vitali d’Avenza, and from 1465 to 1502 a distin-

di un umanista calabrese: Aulo Giano Parrasio (Rome, guished teacher of humanities at the San Marco 1988), 118-19, 129-30, describes the Sallust manuscripts School. A Florence manuscript preserves a Tus-

eel ae several copies of Filelfo’s oration (we can translation of the Catilina made in 1490 by thank Arthur M. Field for the references); that glossed by the young Giovann 1 Vespucci at the urging of his

Ficino is found in Rome, Biblioteca Vallicelliana, F 20: tutor in Pisa. Filippo Beroaldo the Elder, who “Francisci Phylelphy Oratio habita in principio extraordi- _ taught at the University of Bologna, composed an nariae lectionis Salustii de bello iugurtino florentiae XII. Oratio in enarratione Iuvenalis atque Salustii, exkl. Martias 1431”. Rizzoni’s copy of Sallust is mentioned in G. Marchi, “Discepoli di Vittorino da Feltre tra Mantovae =§=——_—__—_—____—_

Verona,” in Vittorino e la sua scuola. Umanesimo, peda- R. Fulin reports requests for privileges to print comgogia, arti, ed. N. Giannetto (Florence, 1981), 286-87 n. 5. mentaries of Battista Guarino and of Benedetto Brognoli , In Rome, Sallust may have been read ca. 1428 at the school | in “Documenti per servire alla storia della tipografia of Porcellio Pandone; see C. Bianca, “Dopo Costanza. _ veneziana,” Archivio veneto 23 (1882); see nos. 36 (1495, 20

Classici e umanisti,” in Alle origini della nuova Roma. gennaio [1494 m.v.]) and 138 (1504, 25 febbraio [1503 Martino V (1417-1431). Atti del Convegno. Roma, 2-5 marzo _—-m.v.}), at 118 and 153-54, respectively. No trace of these

1992, ed. M. Chiabo et al. (Rome, 1992), 85-110, at 96.On | commentaries has been found, however, and it is doubtful Perotti see R. P. Oliver, “‘New Fragments’ of Latin Authors that they were printed. Giovanni Vespucci’s translation is in Perotti’s Cornucopiae,” Transactions of the American preserved in Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana-Moreniana, Philological Association 78 (1947) 376-424, at 400-405 and __—ms. Bigazzi 296. Beroaldo’s Oratio in enarratione Tuvenalis

413-17, and F. Bertini, “Niccolo Perotti e il ‘De compen- atque Salustii is found in his Orationes et carmina diosa doctrina’ di Nonio Marcello,” Res publica litterarum (Bologna, 1502) and later editions of his opera. The 4 (1981) 27-41. For the manuscript notes based on lectures Leipzig 1510 edition of Jugurtha with mention of Giorgio

by Pomponio Leto, see II.12 below. Valla is London, British Library, 9040.h.7.

FORTUNA 199 cerpts from the second part of which were often appeared in Windelin’s 1471 edition; in Filippo included among the prefaces to later editions of _ Petri’s Venice edition of 1478 it was printed for the

Sallust’s opera. first time under the name of Gerolamo SquarzafiThe editio princeps of the Catilina and the co of Alessandria. Giovanni Crisostomo Soldi Iugurtha was printed at Venice in 1470 by and Pomponio Leto each composed brief vitae to Windelin of Speyer, who produced a new edition accompany their own commentaries or edithe following year that also contained the Invecti- tions.” A fuller biography by Pietro Crinito was va or Oratio in Ciceronem (and its companion, — published in the first Giunta edition of Sallust in the Oratio in Sallustium). The orationes et epistu- 1503. lae excerpted from the Historiae, together with Given the abundance of manuscripts in circuthe Epistulae ad Caesarem, were first printed in _ lation, the widespread contamination, and the ca1475 at Rome by Arnold Pannartz. In 1490, all of — sual or inconsistent practices of most printers, it these works, by or attributed to Sallust, were as- is difficult, or impossible, to speak of distinct sembled in the first edition of the opera, edited by _ stages in the history of Sallust’s text during the Pomponio Leto and published at the Rome press __ Renaissance.” In the case of the orations and letof Eucharius Silber.’! Between 1470 and 1500 a to-

tal of approximately seventy editions were print- _ 73. These vitae are transcribed in the following seced, mostly in Italy, but a few in France, Germany, tions on the commentaries which they accompany. On

- ; ; the appraisals of Sallust’s life and work, see Schindler, Unthe and Spain, including a version pas ; ; . ;Netherlands, tersuchungen, 3-14 passim and 79-80, and Schindel,; “Die in Catalan. Various orations, which rounded off — Rezeption Sallusts,” 89-93. On Squarzafico see J. Althe story of the Catilinarian conspiracy and ap- _lenspach and G. Frasso, “Vicende, cultura e scritti di pealed to the rhetorical tastes of the age, often ac- Gerolamo Squarzafico, Alessandrino,” Italia medioevale e companied the works of Sallust: Cicero’s four — “47#Stica 23 (1980) 233-92, at 277-78. Pomponio Leto's

Catilinari hich a fifth Oratio in Catilj vita is discussed in Ullman, “Dedication Copy” (see n. 68 att maria, to which a ratio in Cat Mam above and I.13 below). Various anonymous versions of a of (ps.) Cicero was often added; the Declamatio vita auctoris, originating in the accessus tradition, are contra L. Sergium Catilinam attributed to Porcius found in manuscript commentaries; others were com' s ) Catiline.”2 The printed volumes were further writers. See, for example, Guglielmo da Pastrengo, De viris

Ps. so Pp ; Ww ; illustribus et de originibus, ed. G. Bottari (Padua, 1991); W.

enhanced by the inclusion of short biographies of 8. Ross, Jr., “Giovanni Colonna, Historian at Avignon,” Sallust. An anonymous vita of Sallust, based on — Speculum 45 (1970) 533-63 (Vatican City, Biblioteca Apothat by Sicco Polenton (composed before 1437), _ stolica Vaticana, Barb. lat. 2351 contains Colonna’s “De Salustio” at fols. 121v-122v); and Sicco Polenton, Scriptorum illustrium latinae linguae libri XVIII, ed. B. L. Ullman

71. See the Bibliography below for catalogues of edi- (Rome, 1928).

tions, as well as Composite Editions. A comparative 74. A. J. Valpy singles out the editions of Pomponius analysis of the major Roman historians, based on the —_ Laetus, Aldus Manutius (the Elder), Henricus Glareanus, publication statistics of the Latin editions and vernacular —_ and Johannes Rivius et al. as marking successive “ages” in translations from 1470 to 1650, is in the Appendix to Os- Sallustian scholarship (Opera omnia 2.797ff.: recensus edi-

mond, “Princeps Historiae Romanae,” 132-39. tionum), but most of these early editions survived, over72. See E. George, “The Declamationes Sullanae of lapping with new recensions and modified by later ediJuan Luis Vives: Sources and Departures,’ Humanistica tors. The scholars who worked on Sallust claimed, of Lovaniensia 38 (1989) 124-51, especially 136ff. on Badius’ course, to exercise good judgment in editing their texts 1513 edition of Sallust and on Porcius Latro.On Constan- —_and generally recognized the importance of returning to tius Felicius’ De coniuratione Lucti Catilinae liber, see the manuscripts, but they rarely established any criteria, ibid., and Osmond and Ulery, “Constantius Felicius Du- _ except (occasionally) that of age, for preferring a particurantinus’. A critical edition of the texts of the “fifth Catili- —_ lar witness.

narian” of ps. Cicero and the responsio of ps. Catilina is On the humanists’ efforts to improve the editing of found in Cicero, Opere spurie e dubbie. Orationes, ed. M. __ classical texts during the early decades of printing and the

De Marco (Milan, 1991). The oration of ps. Catilina importance of the editio princeps as the basis for collaagainst Cicero ascribed to Buonaccorso da Montemagno __ tions and the development of standard recensions, see J. was first published in Prose e rime de’ due Buonaccorsida | Monfasani, “The First Call for Press Censorship: Niccolo Montemagno con annotazioni ed alcune rime di Niccolo _ Perotti, Giovanni Andrea Bussi, Antonio Moreto, and the Tinucci, ed. G. B. Casotti (Florence, 1718), xxiv-Ixxxii and —_ Editing of Pliny’s Natural History,” Renaissance Quarterly 98-141. Many Renaissance editions of the Catilina also in- 41 (1988) 1-31, especially 4-14, with further bibliography, cluded, as part of the prefatory material, an excerpt from _—_ including Grafton, Joseph Scaliger (n. 65 above) and E. J. Cicero’s Pro Caelio, 5.12-6.14, on the mores of Catiline. Kenney, The Classical Text: Aspects of Editing in the Age of

200 SALLUSTIUS ters from the Historiae and the Epistulae ad Cae- “Emendavimus nihil addendo; detraximus non sarem, the Vatican florilegium (Vat. lat. 3864) pro- pauca fide vetustatis admonente.” At Brescia Gio-

vided the text for the editio princeps, printed by anni Britannico revised Leto’s texts for his Arnold Pannartz at Rome in 1475.” But in the _ brothers’ press in or before 1495. In the first years case of the monographs the “open tradition” of of the sixteenth century Benedetto Ricciardini the integri was further complicated by the prac- (Benedictus Philologus) prepared the Giunta editice of borrowing variants or emendations from _ tion of 1503; Josse Bade van Assche (Jodocus Bathe latest volumes in print.” A number of distin- dius Ascensius) corrected the texts of Leto (and guished humanists collaborated with the major ?Britannico) for his own Paris edition of 1504; presses to produce what were nonetheless consid- and fra Giovanni Giocondo of Verona and Janus

ered the most reliable editions to date. About Lascaris brought two manuscripts from France 1477, while lecturing at the Sorbonne, Filippo that Aldo Manuzio used in preparing his Venice Beroaldo the Elder assisted Ulrich Gering in cor- _ edition of 1509.

recting the texts of the Bella, and his edition (now In the meantime, the first printed commenrare) was often cited by later Renaissance schol-__taries had appeared: the Commentari on the ars.” Pomponio Leto, who had been reading and __Catilina attributed to Lorenzo Valla, published at teaching Sallust for some time, published his Venice in 1491 by Filippo Pinzi (Laurentius Valla, (above-mentioned) edition of the opera in 1490 _1.13 below); the Commentaria on the Iugurtha by for the Roman printer Eucharius Silber, at the a certain Giovanni Crisostomo Soldi printed at urging, he claims, of the bookseller Giovanni da __ Brescia in 1495 by Bernardino Misinta for Angelo

Reggio. As Leto wrote in the dedicatory epistle: and Iacopo de’ Britannici (Johannes Chrysostomus Soldus, IJ.14 below); the ps.-Ognibene comthe Printed Book (Berkeley, 1974); Monfasani’s article has | Mentary on the Catilina printed at Venice in 1500 been reprinted as no. XI in his Language and Learning in by Giovanni Tacuino (Anonymus Bernensis, I.1 Renaissance Italy (Aldershot, 1994). On the uses and below); and the Explanatio familiaris by Josse meanings of terms in humanist practices of editing and Bade, the first commentary on the Sallustian cor-

printing, see S. Rizzo, Il lessico filologico degli umanisti ; oe ; (Rome, 1973; rpt. 1984). pus as a whole, published at Paris in 1504 with 75. See Reynolds, Texts and Transmission, 349-50 on _ Jean Petit (Jodocus Badius Ascensius, 1.16, II.15, the manuscripts that were derived from the 1475 edition, —_[]J.ii.[a].1, 1V.1, and V.1 below). Between the editio

including Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, princeps of the Valla commentary in 1491 and the Vat. lat. 3415, written in 1484 by pupils of Pomponio Leto. rae ) . we

Copies made from other printed editions include Vatican publication of Jan Gruter's varlorum edition in City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Urb. lat. 411, written 1607, a total of 20 commentaries were printed on between 1478 and 1482 for Federico da Montefeltro, and _ the Catilina, 18 on the TIugurtha, 6 on the orations

in. S n, n . - .

Paris, Bored Aationa’s de oe lat. 6095 written and epistles excerpted from the Historiae, 8 on Copy” in. 68 above), 566 0. , en dR Sabbadini Per lasto. the Historiae including the smaller fragments, 9 ria del codice Vaticano lat. 3864, Bollettino di filologia on the Epistulae ad Caesarem, and 7 on the Oratio

classica 28 (1922) 172-73. and the ps.-Ciceronian answering invective. Most

76. For the main lines in the textual transmission of | of them were destined for the schools and, at least the monographs, see Reynolds, ibid., 341-47 and especial- in their early forms (of the late fifteenth century

ly 344 on the “open tradition” of the integri, a term that .

might also be applied to the textual history of Renaissance and first decades of the sixteenth century), com printed editions. In fact, it appears that most Renaissance _ bined in a generally eclectic fashion the teaching editors were working from the libri integri (or suppleti).1f | of grammar and rhetoric with lessons of moral they were using the mutih, they did not recognize these as philosophy, explanations of historical personages a distinct class, and it seems that only Gruter, who used ~— an events, and occasional emendations of the

the Nazarianus (now Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica 78 ; « .

(see II.31 below). A

Vaticana, Pal. lat. 889), referred, indirectly, to the lacuna text.” The preface and annotations of the “Omni-

77. The edition, not later than 1478, contains Sallust’s 78. As Hankins points out, most humanist reading monographs and a dedicatory letter to Gulielmus Fran- “was just such a hybrid of doctrinal and imitative readcus, with praises of Sallust and quotations from ancient ing” (“Introduction,” Plato [see n. 65 above], 21ff.). A. testimonia that are also found in Beroaldo’s Oratio in Buck observes the unity of eloquentia and sapientia in the enarratione Iuvenalis atque Salustii. One of the surviving early humanist commentaries in “Einftihrung,” Der Komcopies is found at the Beinecke Library, Yale University mentar in der Renaissance, ed. A. Buck and O. Herding

(Zi.7884). (Boppard, 1975), 7-20; see also the articles by J. IJsewijn,

| FORTUNA 201 bonus” commentary reveal the persistence of late graphs was made directly from the Latin by Barmedieval didactic traditions (see I.1 below), and tolomeo da San Concordio, a Dominican scholar elements of the medieval accessus survive even in from Pisa. Later, the various versions became inlater Renaissance prefaces. But by the mid-fif- tertwined, when portions of Bartolomeo’s texts teenth century one notices a closer attention to were incorporated into the Fatti di Cesare, as the questions of style and subtleties of language, as _ latter was modified and elaborated in numerous

humanists turned to Sallust as one of the princi- romances, and as anthologies of letters and pal sources not only of practical wisdom but of speeches were compiled for use in rhetorical

elegant Latinity. manuals. In the words of a modern historian of the period: “It is doubtful whether Sallust ever

had so wide and knowledgeable a medieval audi-

Italian Humanist Traditions ence as in late thirteenth- and early fourteenth-

The importance of Sallust in the emerging century Tuscany.” currents of civic humanism was already evident At the Convent of S. Maria Novella in Florin the vernacular literature and historical writing ence, where fra Bartolomeo composed his transof the late Duecento and early Trecento. The first lation of the monographs in the early 1300s, Dovolgarizzamenti were made from French transla- minican priors quoted Sallust in their appeals to tions or adaptations: the speeches of Caesar and civic virtues and the bene comune as a means Cato (BC 51-52) in Brunetto Latini’s Li Livres dou (they hoped) of promoting greater domestic conTresor (ca. 1260-66), subsequently turned into cord. The Paduan humanist Albertino Mussato

Italian in the Tesoro attributed to Bono Giam- paraphrased passages from the monographs in boni, or the story of Catiline’s conspiracy in Li his De lite inter Naturam et Fortunam (composed Fait des Romains, afterwards turned into I Fatti di after 1325) to illustrate the process of the rise and Cesare (ca. 1313). Sometime between 1300 and_ decline of states, and in his De traditione Patavit 1313, the first complete translation of the mono- ad Canem Grandem anno 1328 (written after the surrender of Padua to Cangrande della Scala) to “Laurentius Vallas ‘“Sprachliche K tare” ibig, 2m against the pernicious effects of factional-

aurentius allas prachiiche ommentare, 1Did., ° 80 : : ° _

89-97: P.G. Schmidt, “Jodocus Badius Ascensius als Kom. 1S™- Florentine chroniclers, meanwhile, were at

mentar,” ibid., 63-72; and M. T. Casella, “Il metodo dei commentatori umanistici esemplato sul Beroaldo,” Studi 79. C. T. Davis, “Ptolemy of Lucca and the Roman Remedievali, 3d ser., 16 (1975) 627-701; Grafton (n. 65 above); —_ public,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society

and the individual contributions to the CTC. 118 (1974) 30-50 at 40-41, reprinted in Davis, Dante’s Italy On these and other issues relating to the reading and = and Other Essays (Philadelphia, 1984), 254-89 (at 272). Q. interpretation of commentaries on classical authors inthe | Skinner emphasizes the importance of Sallust in late meRenaissance, see also J. Monfasani, “Calfurnio’s Identifica- dieval rhetorical and political writings in “Machiavelli’s tion of Pseudepigrapha of Ognibene, Fenestella, and Tre- | Discorsi and the Pre-Humanist Origins of Republican bizond, and His Attack on Renaissance Commentaries,’ Ideas,” in Machiavelli and Republicanism, ed. G. Bock, Q. Renaissance Quarterly 41 (1988) 32-45 (reprinted as no. Skinner, and M. Viroli (Cambridge, 1990), 121-41 (with XII in Monfasani, Language and Learning in Renaissance _ further bibliography), and in “The Vocabulary of RenaisItaly); P. F. Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy: Litera- | sance Republicanism: A Cultural longue-durée?” in Lancy and Learning, 1300-1600 (Baltimore, 1989); F. Lo Mona- guage and Images of Renaissance Italy, ed. A. Brown (Oxco, “Alcune osservazioni sui commenti umanistici ai clas- ford, 1995), 87-110. G. Brugnoli (in Enciclopedia dantesca 4

sici nel secondo Quattrocento,” in O. Besomi and C. [Rome, 1973], 1077-78) finds Sallustian traces in Dante, Caruso, eds., Il commento ai testi: Atti del Seminario di As- | and one may compare Catilina 9 with the descriptions of cona, 2-9 ottobre 1989 (Basel, Boston, and Berlin, 1992), “il buon tempo antico” in Dante’s Paradiso, Villani’s Nuo103—54; J. H. Gaisser, Catullus and His Renaissance Readers va cronica, and Riccobaldo of Ferrara’s Compendium,

(Oxford, 1993); C. Kallendorf, Virgil and the Myth of quoted by C. T. Davis, “Il Buon Tempo Antico (The Good Venice: Books and Readers in the Italian Renaissance (Ox- Old Time),” in Florentine Studies. Politics and Society in ford and New York, 1999), and previous studies (see his | Renaissance Florence, ed. N. Rubinstein (London, 1968), bibliography); and G. W. Most, ed., Commentaries-Kom- 45-69, reprinted in Davis, Dante’s Italy, 71-93.

mentare (Gottingen, 1999). 80. On Sallust’s fortuna in the late Duecento and Tre-

Interlinear and marginal annotations in Sallust manu- _cento, see Bolaffi, Sallustio; La Penna, Lexikon; and Osscripts now in Florentine libraries provide evidence of | mond, “Sallust and Machiavelli,’ 41off. and “Princeps HisSallust’s importance in Italian schools during the fifteenth toriae Romanae,” 103ff. with bibliography including E. century; see Black, Humanism and Education in Medieval | Cesareo and A. Morino on Bartolomeo da San Concorand Renaissance Italy, especially 260-64 and 273-74 on __ dio, E. Panella on Remigio de’ Girolami, and N. Rubin-

Sallust as one of the “curriculum heavyweights”. stein on Mussato. Villani’s sources for his account of the

202 SALLUSTIUS tentive not only to their classical literary heritage source of historical information.” In Avignon, but especially to the political implications of their Petrarch’s friend fra Giovanni Colonna composed city’s origins, proudly contrasting the Roman _ the first humanist vita of Sallust, included in his foundations of Florence with the fate of “anti- De viris illustribus (early 1330s). Another, younger, Roman” Fiesole, the ancient base of Catiline’s op- contemporary, Giovanni Boccaccio, copied the erations in Etruria. But they also recognized in first chapters of the Catilina into one of his zibal-

Sallust an important authority for denouncing doni and included a portrait of Sempronia (BC civil strife, and his memorable portrait of Catiline 25) in his De mulieribus claris (1362-75).*° (BC 5) inspired Dino Compagni’s sketch of Corso In fifteenth-century Italy Sallust’s work left an

Donati, leader of the Black Guelfs, in his Cronica important mark on humanist historiography. | delle cose occorenti (ca. 1312). Giovanni Villani While Livy remained the chief authority for the turned to Sallust, whom he called grande dottore annals of a city-state and Caesar for commenand one of his maestri d’istorie, as a source of in- _ taries on military campaigns, Sallust provided the formation for his account of the origins of Flor- model for the writing of monographs: a genre ence in his Nuova cronica (begun after his visit to suited not only to the account of a single event Rome in the Jubilee Year of 1300). In the last (such as a conspiracy or war) but also to proquarter of the fourteenth century, Coluccio Salu- _logues of a philosophical nature, digressions on tati, chancellor of Florence, found ammunitionin geography and ethnography, psychological studthe Catilina (especially chapters 7-9) for an epis- ies of character, dramatic orations, and vivid battolary attack on the “tyrants” of Rome and Milan _ tle scenes.** Furthermore, Sallust’s theme of liber-

and a justification of his own city’s expansionist tas and virtus, introduced in Catilina 7.1-3,

aims. furnished key elements for a defense of republi-

Petrarch’s interest in Sallust, seen in many of can government. The Florentine chancellor his letters as well as in the Rerum memorandarum Leonardo Bruni, in his Historiarum Florentini libri (1343-45), had centered on the historio- populi libri XII (begun in 1415-16) and Oratio in graphical qualities and practical moral lessons of funere Johannis Strozzae (1428), developed Salthe two monographs.*! If his own favorites were _lust’s ideas on the competitive environment of Livy and Valerius Maximus, he nevertheless liberty into an eloquent explanatory model for shared Sallust’s view of history as memoria rerum gestarum, inspiring men to fame and glory (BI 82. See, for example, Billanovich, ed., Rerum memo4.5), and admired his brevitas. Following in the — randarum libri 1.17 and 2.17, and Ep. 6.4 and 24.8 in V. steps of Quintilian, who had compared Livy and Rossi’s edition of the Epistole familiari, 4 vols. (Florence,

Sallust with Herodotus and Thucydides (Inst. 193342), as well as Bolaffi, Sallustio, 260-63, with refer-

. ow ences to Ep. sen. 5.2 (see now the edition by M. Berté [Flo-

10.1.101-102), Petrarch considered the Latin histo- ence, 1998]) and Ep. sen. 9.2 (Venetiis [Venice]: per Si-

rians worthy of (or indeed superior to) their monem de Luere, 1501). Petrarch also took his cue from Greek predecessors; like Augustine (De civitate Sallust’s prologues f° yasthy the chore of ovum devoted Dei 1.5 ) he also regarded Sallust as a trustworthy trarch’s De vita solitaria, ed. K. A. E. Snenkel (Leiden,

ee 1990).

; to literary pursuits. La Penna, Lexikon, col. 1308 cites Fe-

Catilinarian conspiracy and the revolt of Fiesole in his ” a On Giovanni Colonna’s work, see nn. 73 and 81 Nuova cronica are considered in Osmond, “Catiline in above. A note on fol. 108v of Boccaccio’s Zibaldone (FloFiesole and Florence,” a revised and expanded version of _ rence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, II. II. 327) singles

the paper by Osmond and Ulery on this topic presented at _—_ out the figure of Sempronia (BC 25). For a new English the Renaissance Society of America conference, Florence, translation of the De mulieribus claris, see Boccaccio. Fa21-25 March 2000. Echoes of Sallustian themes are found mous Women, ed. and trans. V. Brown, The I Tatti Renaisin Salutati’s missive of 1376 to Bologna and of 1377 to the sance Library 1 (Cambridge, Mass., 2001) (ch. 79 for SemRoman people; see R. G. Witt, Coluccio Salutati and His _ pronia).

Public Letters (Geneva, 1976), 54ff. 84. On uses of Sallust in Quattrocento humanism, see 81. In addition to general bibliography in nn. 68 and Osmond, “Sallust and Machiavelli,” 415-18 and “Princeps 80, see G. Billanovich, “II Petrarca e gli storici latini” in Historiae Romanae,” 108-10 with further bibliography, inTra latino e volgare. Per Carlo Dionisotti, ed. G. Bernar- _ cluding works by H. Baron, J. H. Bentley, E. Cochrane, F. doni Trezzini, O. Besomi et al., vol. 1 (Padua, 1974), 67-145, Gaeta, A. Grafton, P. EF Grendler, H. H. Gray, L. Gualdo and the introduction to Billanovich’s edition of Petrarch’s Rosa, W. L. Gundersheimer, J. Hankins, P. O. Kristeller, A.

Rerum memorandarum libri, 2 vols. (Florence, 1943). On La Penna (Sallustio), M. Miglio, A. Perosa, and D. J.

Giovanni Colonna, see Ross (n. 73 above). Wilcox.

FORTUNA 203 the growth and power of his adopted city and the survived, nevertheless, in Venice, where Sallustian

achievements of a “meritocracy”. Buonaccorso themes of virtus and gloria can be found in the da Montemagno borrowed Sallustian themes, es- _ writings of Lauro Quirini and Bernardo Giustini-

pecially from Marius’ speech in Jugurtha 85, to ani.*’ Despite the “calamities” brought on by defend the cause of personal merit in his disputa- Charles VIII’s invasion of Italy, Alessandro tio on “true nobility” (late 1420s), while Poggio Benedetti, at the urging of Giorgio Valla, took the Bracciolini cited Catilina 71-3 to refute the Jugurtha as a model for celebrating the triumphs monarchical arguments of Guarino Guarini in of the Venetian commonwealth in his De bello their controversy over the superiority of Scipio Carolino (Venice, 1496). Africanus vs. Julius Caesar (1435).°° In the chang- In humanist literary and court circles of the ing political atmosphere of Medici Florence, his- Quattrocento, attention focused largely on the torians like Poggio, in his Historia Florentina rhetorical or moralizing character of Sallust’s (1450s), and Matteo Palmieri, in his De captivitate work. The Hiensal tragedia, composed by LeonarPisarum (ca. 1448), also turned to Sallust’s pro- do Dati in late 1441—-early 1442 for an anticipated logues and digressions for insights into the de- _ literary contest in Florence on the theme of envy, cline of states, although by 1478, when Poliziano denounced the evils of ambitio and invidia and wrote his Conturationis commentarium in the praised the benefits of concordia.® In his De conwake of the Pazzi conspiracy against the Medici, iuratione Porcaria commentarius, written in 1453,

he reproduced character portraits and stylistic Leon Battista Alberti paraphrased Catiline’s features from the Catilina but prudently avoided speech (or Porcari’s own version of it), warning any analysis of contemporary socio-political con- his readers of the dangers of revolution and reditions. Traces of a republican reading of Sallust 87. The importance of virtus in the celebration of Venetian civic values and government is evident in the 85. La Penna, Sallustio, “Appendice prima,’ 409-31, work of fifteenth-century Venetian humanists. See, e.g., with additional observations in Osmond, “Sallust and — Lauro Quirini umanista. Studi e testi, ed. K. Krautter, P. O. Machiavelli,” 415-18 and “Princeps Historiae Romanae,” Kristeller, A. Pertusi et al., collected and presented by V. 106-109. For other points of view, see N. S. Struever, The —_ Branca (Florence, 1977); F. Gaeta, “Storiografia, coscienza

Language of History in the Renaissance (Princeton, 1970), _nazionale e politica culturale nella Venezia del rinasci133ff. (as well as 171ff. on Poggio). Important for a reevalu- mento,’ in Storia della cultura veneta, vol. 3.1: Dal primo ation of “civic humanism” is the recent collection of arti- Quattrocento al Concilio di Trento (Vicenza, 1980), 1-91; cles in Renaissance Civic Humanism: Reappraisals and Re- _and P. Labalme, Bernardo Giustiniani: A Venetian of the flections, ed. J. Hankins (Cambridge and New York, 2000), — Quattrocento (Rome, 1969), especially the sections on

including essays by J. Hankins (on Bruni), J. M. Blythe, Venetian libertas and imperium, “the golden age” of and M. Hoérnqvist (with references to Sallust). Venice, and nobility and order (279-91). Giorgio Valla’s _ 86. D, Canfora comments on the uses of Sallust in the recommendations to Benedetti are noted by E. Cochrane, dispute between Poggio and Guarino in his La controver- _ Historians and Historiography in Renaissance Italy (Chicasia di Poggio Bracciolini e Guarino Veronese su Cesare e Sci- gO, 1981), 166 and n. 10, where he cites D. M. Schullian, ed.

pione, Fondazione Luigi Firpo, Centro di Studi sul Pen- —_and trans., Diaria de Bello Carolino (New York, 1967). siero Politico, Studi e testi 15 (Florence, 2001), 96-101. The 88. On Leonardo Dati and his Hiensal, see J. R. Berrirole of Sallust in Poggio’s Historia Florentina is discussed _ gan, “Leonardo Dati: Hiensal Tragoedia. A Critical Edition by D. J. Wilcox, The Development of Florentine Humanist with Translation,” Humanistica Lovaniensia 25 (1976)

Historiography in the Fifteenth Centur y (Cambridge, 85-145. On Porcari, his conspiracy, and its significance, see Mass., 1969), 130-72 passim, and in Palmieri’s De captivi- M. Miglio, “‘Viva la liberta et populo de Roma’. Oratoria tate Pisarum by G. Scaramella in the preface to his edition _e politica a Roma: Stefano Porcari,” in Archivio della Soci(Rerum Italicarum scriptores, N. S., 19.2 [Citta di Castello, eta romana di storia patria, 3d Ser., 18 (1974) 5-37; A. 1904]), at x-xii and xvii. La Penna comments on Sallust- —_ Modigliani, I Porcari. Storia di una famiglia romana tra

ian influence in Renaissance conspiracy histories in his Medioevo e Rinascimento (Rome, 1994), 52ff., 454ff., “Appendice seconda. Brevi note sul tema della congiura 477-98; A. J. Vanderjagt, “Qui sa vertu anoblist.” The Con-

nella storiografia moderna” (Sallustio, 432-52). cepts of noblesse and chose publicque in Burgundian Politi_On the fortuna of Catiline and Catilinarianism, seeN. —_ cal Thought (Groningen, 1981), part II, ch. 2, “Stoicism and

Criniti, Bibliografia catilinaria (Milan, 1971) and subse- _—Augustinianism in ‘Civic Humanism’ especially 42-43; quent studies cited below in Bibliography IV.C Special _ and Vanderjagt, “Terechtgesteld te Rome en te Gent: SteStudies, as well as C. Grell (n. 128 below). The role of Cati- fano Porcari (+1453) en Guillaume Hugonet (+1477) over line in Renaissance rhetoric is discussed by S.J. Milnerin —_ volk en recht? in Limae labor et mora. Opstellen voor “The Rhetoric of Exile in Late-Medieval and Renaissance — Fokke Akkerman ter gelegenheid van zijn zeventigste verItaly,” in At the Margins: Minority Groups in Pre-Modern _jaardag, ed. Z. R. W. M. von Martels et al. (Leende, 2000),

Italy, ed. S. J. Milner (Minneapolis, forthcoming). 32-42.

204 SALLUSTIUS minding them of the blessings of peace and papal As the political realities of the late fifteenth rule. Yet the academies that grew up around the and early sixteenth centuries induced a more repapal and princely courts were also centers of an- _flective, analytical mood, other meanings and asimated philological debates and discussions of ars _ pects of Sallust’s writing came to light. Giovanni historica. Lorenzo Valla, one of the luminaries at Pontano, author of De bello Neapolitano (1499),

the court of Alfonso of Naples from the mid- and the Florentine Bernardo Rucellai, author of 1430s to the late 1440s, drew upon Sallust as an De bello Italico commentarius (1506-1509), both authority for language and style, a model of his- felt the influence of Sallust’s disillusioned and torical writing, and a source for Roman history in cynical views, particularly on the unpredictability a number of works dating to this period: the An- of Fortune, the hypocrisy of party leaders, and tidotum in Facium (1447), De donatione Constan- the contrasts between speech and actions.” Senstini (1440), Elegantiae linguae latinae (ca. 1435- ing the correlation between attitude and style, 44), and Gesta Ferdinandi regis Aragonum (1445— _ these historians also imitated Sallust’s brevitas, in-

46). In the preface to his translation of Thucydi- concinnitas, and use of antithesis. Machiavelli, des, made for Nicholas V (1452), he compared writing his Discorsi in the years following the colSallust to the Greek author, and he frequently lapse of the Florentine Republic (ca. 1513-17), adopted Sallust’s Thucydidean style to render the could still turn to Sallust for the notions of virtu Greek historian in Latin.® In his dialogue Actius and gloria, the theme of liberty as a stimulus to (1499), Giovanni Pontano relied upon Sallust, greatness, and the denunciations of personal amalong with Livy and Caesar, as his principal au- bition and avarice as the sources of factional thorities on the writing of history.” At the court _ strife.” Yet Machiavelli’s emphasis on the lessons of Ferrara, Angelo Camillo Decembrio recom- __ of success and failure, especially in his account of mended the reading of Sallust in his De politia lit- the Catilinarian conspiracy (Discorsi 3.6), sugteraria (ca. 1445-62), and Ludovico Carbone _ gests that Sallust’s work could likewise lend supmade translations of the Catilina (ca. 1464), and __ port to a utilitarian ethic. The presence of Sallust afterwards of the Iugurtha, for Alberto d’Este.”! in the work of Francesco Guicciardini is less noticeable, but occasional allusions to Sallustian 89. On Valla, see the bibliography following Valla’s themes and imitation of his style can be found in commentary on the Catilina (1.13 below); and on Pontano the prologue and in certain character studies and and Albino as well, see J. H. Bentley, Politics and Culture in : on, or . Renaissance Naples (Princeton, 1987). On Sallust and Thu- orations in his Storia d’Italia (ca. 1534-40), as well cydides see M. Pade, “Valla’s Thucydides. Theory and as in his Considerazioni sui “Discorsi” del MachiPractice in a Renaissance Translation,” Classica et mediae- _—qyelli (begun iN 1530). valia 36 (1985) 275-301, as well as Pade’s article on Thucy-

dides in this volume of the CTC.

o. On Sallust in Pontano’s Actius, see Bolaffi, Sallus- ,

tio, a and especially H. H. Gray, History and Rhotori The Northern Renaissance

u » Jour e Hi —514. . . .

in Quattrocento Humanism (Diss. Harvard University, While the humanist movement was entering a 1956) and “Renaissance Humanisn. The aoe) of Elo- period of crisis in Italy, in northern Europe it was

on Salluct Cond her roy ot ee in Renaissance ars galing momentum.” The interest of English historica, see E. Kessler, “Die Ausbildung der Theorie der =. Geschichtsschreibung im Humanismus und in der Re- tains Carbone’s translation of the Iugurtha as well as that naissance unter dem Einfluss der wiederentdeckten An- of the Catilina.

tike”” in Die Antike-Rezeption in den Wissenschaften 92. On Pontano, see Bolaffi, Sallustio (cited in n. 90 wahrend der Renaissance, ed. A. Buck and K. Heitmann above), Bentley, Politics and Culture, Gray, History and (Weinheim, 1983), 29-49, with bibliography including Rhetoric, and Black, “New Laws”; on Rucellai, see Mcworks by G. Cotroneo et al.; and R. Black, “The New Laws _— Cuaig, “Bernardo Rucellai and Sallust”. Erasmus referred

of History,” Renaissance Studies 1 (1987) 126-56. to Rucellai as “alter Sallustius”, as reported in the Vita of 91. Angelo Camillo Decembrio’s De politia litteraria Rucellai prefixed to the edition of his De bello Italico comwas first published at Augsburg in 1540. See W. L. Gun- —s mentarius (London, 1733). dersheimer, Ferrara: The Style of a Renaissance Despotism 93. Osmond, “Sallust and Machiavelli,’ 420-30 and the

(Princeton, 1973), 104-20 and, on Carbone, 166-67 and __ partially revised and expanded version in Machiavelli, Appendix II, 297-300 for his preface to the “traductione” Great Political Thinkers 5, ed. J. M. Dunn and I. Harris, of the Catilina (London, British Library, Add. ms. 22337). vol. 2 (Cheltenham, 1997), 587-618, and “Princeps HistoriA late fifteenth/early sixteenth-century codex (Florence, ae Romanae,” 113-17.

Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Nuovi acquisti 472) con- 94. On Sallust in the context of classical studies in the

FORTUNA 205 readers in Sallust had already been evident from rapid diffusion of his texts. At Paris, and in other the middle of the fifteenth century, as attested by cities as well, including Heidelberg, Erfurt, and Richard Bole’s commentaries on the Catilinaand Vienna, public lectures were given on Sallust, and Iugurtha (1.11 and I1.8 below) and the copying of printed editions of the opera were not only immanuscripts for William Grey and John Tiptoft. ported from Italy but produced in France, GerEven in the first decades of the century, Sallust’s many, Poland, the Netherlands, and Spain. work had been popular with the early French hu- During the first half of the sixteenth century, manists, Jean de Montreuil, Jean Gerson, and es- more than ninety new Latin editions of Sallust pecially Jean Lebégue, who appealed to Sallustian were printed, followed by more than forty-five in arguments to defend his own claims of personal the second half of the century, most of which merit and who also prepared the iconographical contained the full corpus of his writings. New

program for a richly illuminated Sallustian commentaries or brief notes (annotationes, notae, codex.” The older vernacular adaptations like Li or scholia, as they were generally called) also apFait des Romains did not go out of fashion; in- _ peared, usually the product of or preparation for deed its publication by Antoine Vérard, under the _ class lectures. Josse Bade published not only his title Lucain, Suetoine et Saluste en francois, at Paris own Explanatio familiaris with his edition of the in 1490 reflected not only the survival of romans opera (Paris, 1504 [1.16 below])*’ but also the Ande chevalerie but also the appropriation of classi- _notationes of Jacopo della Croce of Bologna on cal traditions on behalf of the French monarchy.” the monographs in 1511 (1.17, [1.16 below). The But it was above all in the last quarter of the cen- Scholia of Philipp Melanchthon on the collected tury that teachers and historians like Robert works (1.18, II.17, ILii.[a].2, and IV.2 below) were Gaguin, associated with the new humanist circles published in Haguenau in 1529; in successive ediat the Sorbonne, were instrumental in propagat- _ tions they were often accompanied by the Flores ing Sallust’s work, thus paving the way for the _ or Flosculi printed under the name of Ulrich von Hutten.”* While Badius’ Explanatio belonged to Northern Renaissance, see Osmond, “Jacopo Corbinelli,” 98ff. and “Princeps Historiae Romanae,” 118ff., with bibli-

ography including studies by S. Dresden, W. L. Gunder- 97. In 1513 Badius published a new edition prepared by sheimer, D. R. Kelley, G. Procacci, J. H. M. Salmon, A. Girolamo Aleandro based upon the 1509 Aldine edition Stegmann, and (regarding Sallust in particular) P. Ar- collated with a manuscript supplied by Paolo Emilio. Bachambault, D. Byrne, J.-C. Margolin, and J. Chocheyras dius’ editions and commentaries are described by P. Re(France); J. H. Overfield and L. Spitz (Germany); and J. nouard, Bibliographie des impressions et des oeuvres de Chomarat, J. Hexter, J. B. Lathrop, F. J. Levy, J. M. Levine, = Josse Badius Ascensius, imprimeur et humaniste, 1462-1535, J. H. M. Salmon, and R. Weiss (England). On aspects of 3 vols. (Paris, 1908; rpt. New York, [1967] ), 1.173—75, 140-55,

classical studies in Germany, see also the contributions to and 3.227—43. On the linguistically oriented nature of his Wolfenbiitteler Abhandlungen zur Renaissanceforschung, | commentaries, see Schmidt, “Jodocus Badius Ascensius” especially vol. 9 (Wiesbaden, 1991). Sallust’s reception in (n. 78 above). For his observations on Sallust and essay on Spain merits a full investigation, for his popularity is evi- _ history, see also Schindler, Untersuchungen, 2~4, 8-10, dent from the diffusion of Latin editions and translations. 79-80; Schindel, “Die Rezeption Sallusts,” 93; and Stein, See, for instance, J. N. Hillgarth, Readers and Books in Ma- Sallust for His Readers, 195-97. jorca 1229-1550, 2 vols. (Paris, 1991), and bibliographies in 98. The Flores selecti, a collection of Sallustian phrases, J. Costas Rodriguez and L. Carrasco Reija, eds., Boletin | were probably compiled between 1510 and 1518 and inbibliografico de estudios humanisticos (Madrid, UNED) 1 _ tended for personal use; they were first published, it

(1992) and 2 (1994). seems, in a 1528 Strassburg edition (cited by Schweiger

95. See D. Byrne, “An Early French Humanist and Sal- _—_2.892). The Flosculi or word index appeared in a Paris edilust,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 49 tion of Sallust’s works in 1530 and, like the Flores, were fre(1986) 227-57, on Lebégue’s keen personal interest in Sal- quently reprinted in the following decades, often in edi-

lust and the iconographical program for the ca. 1420 tions with Melanchthon’s Scholia. See “C. Salustii et Q. codex, Geneva, Bibliothéque Publique et Universitaire, | Curtii Flores per Hulderichum Huttenum Equitem eius-

lat. 54 (and references to earlier bibliography). demque scholiis non indoctis illustrati” and “Flosculi ab 96. This appropriation of classical history for nation- | Huldericho Huteno (ut putatur) collecti in Salustii Hisalistic purposes was also evident in the publication of Sal- _ toriis, Orationum Appendice, Fragmentis Historiarum allust’s monographs by the Sorbonne press ca. 1471. The _—_ phabetico ordine redacti una cum praetermissis lectioni-

edition contained distichs meant to inspire French sup- _ bus variis de quibus Glareanus collectorem Flosculorum port of Louis XI’s war against Charles of Burgundy. See _—arguit,” in E. Bécking, Ulrichi Hutteni Equitis Germani Osmond, “Jacopo Corbinelli,” 86 and “Princeps Historiae opera quae reperiri potuerunt omnia, 7 vols. (Leipzig,

Romanae,” 118. 1859-69; rpt. Aalen, 1963), 5.499505.

206 SALLUSTIUS the genre of line-by-line pedagogical commen- mentators were continuously amplifying their taries, most scholars by now took a selective ap- _ notes with examples of similar locutions and parproach, concentrating on individual texts or par- _ allel passages in Sallust and other ancient authors.

ticular passages of interest. To judge from a series Like their Italian mentors, the northern huof commentaries published at Paris in 1532 by manists turned to Sallust’s opera, along with the Francois Dubois (Franciscus Sylvius Ambianus, works of Livy and Caesar, Cicero and Valerius V.2 below) and in 1535 by F. Jammetius (F. Jam- Maximus, as a means of reforming the study of metius Textor, V.3 below) on the invectives,andin grammar and rhetoric and promoting the ideals 1563 by Jean Pescheur (Johannes Pescheur, I.25 of an active life or participatory ethic. With the below) on the orations and epistles from the Bel- spread of Christian humanism and the Protestant la, French teachers seem to have had a predilec- reform movement, there was a special effort to tion for rhetorical analysis. In Germany, Heinrich — link bonae litterae with boni mores. Erasmus inLoriti (Henricus Glareanus, I.19, I1.18, and V.4 be- cluded Sallust in the canon of approved classical low), whose notes on the monographs and Invec- authors in his De ratione studti (Paris, 1511) and

tivae appeared at Basel in 1538, evinced a special recommended him in a number of letters to interest in historical and geographical topics. friends and students.'” The praeceptor Germaniae By this time, we also see a growing concern Philipp Melanchthon cited Iugurtha 4.5 in his Enwith textual questions, largely in reaction to the comium eloquentiae (Haguenau, 1523) on the improliferation of printed editions. Aldo Manuzio’s _ portance of history as memoria rerum gestarum, text of 1509 had tended to supplant earlier ver- recommended the study of Sallust in his humansions, but it soon underwent further revisions: by ist curriculum for the German schools, and sinJoachim von Watts (Vadianus, at Vienna in 1511); gled out examples of Latin style and precepts of

by Girolamo Aleandro (Hieronymus Aleander), moral philosophy in his Scholia on Sallust’s who collated it with a manuscript supplied by monographs (Haguenau, 1529). As Johann Rivius Paolo Emilio (Paulus Aemilius) for the press of — stated in the dedicatory letter of his commentary Josse Bade (Paris, 1513); and at the Aldine press it- (Leipzig, 1539), Sallust’s writing promoted the self under Gian Francesco d’Asola (Venice, 1521). honestae disciplinae and prepared young men for In Germany Johann Gymnich brought out a new ___ positions of leadership in both church and civil edition (Cologne, 1532; reprinted and perhaps re- government. In his commentary on the Jugurtha vised in 1536), which Johann Rivius considered (Basel, 1571), Celio Secondo Curione (Caelius Sethe best to date, but Glareanus and Rivius under- cundus Curio, II.24 below) stressed the importook what they considered more thorough revi- tance of the sententiae, as well as the verba. In sions, and Rivius’ Castigationes on the Bella, ex- fact, to judge from the prolegomenon that cerpts from the Historiarum libri and Epistulae Nathan Kochhafe (Nathanael Chytraeus) later (1.20, II.19, IILii.[a].3, and IV.3 below), published composed on the Iugurtha (Rostock, 1586), in at Leipzig in 1539, set the standards for the follow- which he summarized the virtues and vices of the ing generations. Here too, however, it seems more

appropriate to speak of several authoritative edi- —H4H | . tions rather than of any vulgate texts, as editors ipa editions commentaries, see also theincatalogues . y Schweiger, Brunet, andand Graesse; the prefaces the edi-

and commentators continuously made correc- tions of J. Wasse (reprinted in S. Havercamp, 1742), G. tions or substituted variants in an ongoing dia- Cortius (1727), A. J. Valpy (1820), and C. H. Frotscher logue with the manuscripts and earlier printed —_ (1825); and the observations in n. 74 above.

editions and in frequently acrimonious disputes bras Slee hate hae Movanae Gat) pone with each other. As a later Scholar remarked: and M. M. Phillips, “Erasmus and the Classics” in Eras. Omnino nullius alius scriptoris veteris tot mus, ed. T. A. Dorey (Albuquerque, 1970), 1-30. Sallust codices exstant quam Sallustii et auctoris libro- was studied at different levels of the arts curriculum, but rum ad Herennium ... sed ea frequentia exem- __ it was often said that he was particularly suitable for more

parium peperit muttudinem mendarum, glos- PHU students Se. eg he ecommendations offs sar um, inter polationum, quae et in editionibus in which he describes Sallust as “florentissimus scriptor, primis reperiuntur.’”” At the same time, com- ut inguit Tacitus, frequens est in manibus puerorum sed mihi aptior videtur provectioribus.” A similar judgment 99. J. A. Fabricius, Bibliotheca latina, rev. J. A. Ernesti, | was expressed by Justus Lipsius in his Epistolica institutio vol. 1 (Leipzig, 1773), 237. For brief comments on the prin- 11 (see p. 211 below).

FORTUNA 207 protagonists and emphasized the contemporary the monographs; but he was drawn even more to relevance of the res et sententiae prudentiae ethi- Sallust’s analysis of human psychology and power cae et politicae, such ethical concerns continued _ politics. The authors of sixteenth-century English to dominate the teaching of Sallust in northern _ translations tended to consider their work as a countries well beyond the initial impetus of the means of bolstering patriotic sentiment and loy-

Reform movement.'®! alty to the crown. Alexander Barclay’s Warre

In the meantime, the first German translations agaynst Jugurth (ca. 1520, s. |. et t.), dedicated to of Sallust had appeared: Dietrich von Plieningen’s the Duke of Norfolk, a “new Marius”, was intendversion of the monographs (Landshut, 1515), with ed especially for gentlemen aspiring to “clere a preface to Emperor Maximilian exalting the fame and honour by glorious dedes of chyvalry.”

moral lessons of the histories; a partial rendering (It was later reported that Queen Elizabeth of the prologue to the Catilina by Willibald Pirck- herself attempted an English version of the heimer in 1517 (London, British Library, ms. Iugurtha). Thomas Paynell’s The Conspiracie of Arundel 503), whose own prefatory words in the Lucius Catiline (London, 1541) was a translation,

Bellum Suitense sive Helveticum (ca. 1500) bor- however, not of Sallust’s monograph but of rowed motifs from Sallust’s proems; and the Costanzo Felici’s De coniuratione L. Catilinae liber translation of the Catilina and Iugurtha by acer- (see below), a revised version of Sallust’s account tain Georg Schrayer (Strassburg, 1534). Luther that made Cicero the real protagonist of events. himself quoted maxims from the Iugurtha and The recent dissolution of the monasteries had ocCatilina in his lectures and notes on the Old Tes- _casioned outbreaks of resistance in northern Entament books of Deuteronomy, Ecclesiastes (ca. gland, and Paynell hastened to warn his readers

1523-26), and Genesis (1536-39). that God (and Henry VIII) “would not suffer riIn England, humanists recognized the social otous rebelles to overunne rulers and distroye and political utility of Sallust’s history for the ed- | commonweales.”!”

ucation of future statesmen. Thomas Elyot, au- In France, the didactic use of Sallust’s work thor of The Boke named the Gouernour (London, _ was coupled with a particular interest in language 1531), noted its importance for political and mili- and style. This was already apparent in Josse tary training. Thomas More, who may have deliv- Bade’s Viginti praecepta pro historica lege ac stilo ered public lectures on Sallust at Oxford and saw and in the above-mentioned commentaries on to it that his daughters read him as well, found in _Sallustian orations and epistles. It was evident too the monographs and Epistulae a diagnosis of so- _ in the efforts of French translators. Jean Parmencial and economic ills that could reinforce his ar- _ tier’s Hystoire Catilinaire (Paris, 1518) was not guments in the Utopia (Louvain, 1516). In his His- only an important vehicle for propagating the tory of King Richard III (London, 1543) More also “fruict de grande utilité et dexemple bon et saluborrowed dramatic and rhetorical features from _ taire a la chose publique”; it was also a means of enriching the French language—and demonstrat101. On Melanchthon, see in particular K. Hartfelder, INS» Or testing, one’s own linguistic skills. In fact, Philipp Melanchthon als Praeceptor Germaniae (Berlin, 1 the following years a whole succession of new 1889; rpt. Nieuwkoop, 1964), with references to his reading versions appeared: the renderings of the I ugurtha of Sallust and other ancient historians. For the noteson and Catilina by Michel de Tours (Paris, 1532); Sallust by Melanchthon and Rivius, see respectively 1.18 Pierre Saliat’s version of the Oraisons, that is, the

and 1.20 below.In . . Sallustii InvectivaIugurtham and Epistulae (Paris, 1537), in and, another Chytraeus’ Prolegomena quibus praeter doctrinas ethicas et politicas rerum quoque quae hodie in mundo geruntur veluti imago quaedam dilu- 102. On Costanzo Felici, see Osmond and Ulery, “Con-

cide repraesentatur was addressed to the studiosi of the stantius Felicius Durantinus,” 37-39. His work seems to Academia Rhodopolitana at Rostock, as an introduction have been especially popular in England, probably beto his explication of Sallust’s Iugurtha (and sequel to a _ cause of the clear-cut distinction that he made between similar explicatio he had previously presented on the __ the “good” and the “bad” and the prominent role he acCatilina). The Prolegomena is found in a rare edition of | corded to Cicero in saving the state. It was used as a 1586, Rostochii (Rostock): typis Stephani Myliandri. We “source” for accounts of the conspiracy of Catiline by Ben thank Julia Haig Gaisser for reexamining it on our behalf Jonson and others and was reprinted in Latin or in at the Van Pelt Library, University of Pennsylvania, Paynell’s English version well into, and beyond, the eigh-

Philadelphia (Rare books G C55 C4795 586i). teenth century.

208 SALLUSTIUS translation of the monographs by the grammari- _ from the Veneto, Antonio Zeno (Antonius Zenus,

an Louis Meigret (Paris, 1547). IIL.ii.[b].1 below) and Federico Ceruti (Federicus Cerutus, III.ii.[b].2 below), published commentaries on the Oratio Lepidi ( Historiarum libri 1.55)

The Late Italian Renaissance and at Venice in 1569 and at Verona in 1589, respective-

Catholic Reformation ly.

The Sack of Rome in 1527 may have prompted At Florence in 1576 Pier Vettori (Petrus Victoa translatio litterarum or litteratorum, but “good __rius) brought out a new recension of the monoletters” did not emigrate permanently or entirely graphs, basing his text on Medicean manuscripts. across the Alps. New commentaries on the mono- Two years later, Marc-Antoine Muret (Marcus graphs were published at Venice in 1538 by Bar- Antonius Muretus, I.27 below), who owned and tolomeo Marliani (Bartholomaeus Marlianus, annotated a copy of Vettori’s edition, began his I.21 and II.20 below) and at Bologna in 1554 by _ lectures on the Catilina at the University of Rome

Vincenzo Castellano (Vincentius Castellanus,I.22 (although only a few notes were published and II.21 below). In the same year, in Venice, Bar- posthumously in 1604).'* In Rome, too, Pedro tolomeo Zanchi (Bartholomaeus Zanchus, I.23 Chacon (Petrus Ciacconius, [.29, II.27, IHLiiis, below) brought out his commentary on the IV7 below) and Fulvio Orsini (Fulvius Ursinus, Catilina, supplementing textual emendations 1.30, II.28, III-.iii.6, IV.8 below) compared readings with digressions on historical and antiquarian in old manuscripts and incunables, many of topics. In 1563 the younger Aldo Manuzio (Aldus _ which belonged to members of the Farnese famiManutius Junior, 1.24, II.22, I[L.ii.[a].q4 and iii1, ly or were in Orsini’s personal collection, includIV.4, and V.5 below) published his Scholia on the ing some that had formerly belonged to Pomopera in an edition containing the first collection ponio Leto. Chacon’s annotations were published of iudicia et testimonia drawn from ancient and posthumously at Leiden in 1594, while Orsini’s modern authors and the first substantial collec- were printed at Antwerp the following year. In the

tion of the Historiarum fragmenta. meantime, Muret published a commentary on The publication of Aldo’s collection of ‘Tacitus’ Annales (see CTC 6, “Tacitus,” I.10), and reliquiae formally inaugurated the long and still both Orsini and Chacon had worked on this text. ongoing process of identifying, analyzing, and ar- For some years, Renaissance scholars had been ranging the smaller, scattered fragments of the pointing out Sallustian influences in Tacitus (as Historiae, preserved for the most part in quota- __ well as Sallust’s indebtedness to Cato the Elder), tions and citations of Sallust’s text in the ancient but the increasing popularity of Tacitus now en-

grammarians and commentators (the indirect couraged more detailed comparative studies. transmission). Robert Estienne (Stephanus) With the progress of Greek scholarship, there was had already published a brief list of fragments in also a growing interest in tracing Thucydidean an appendix to his edition of Sallust (Paris, 1544), influences in Sallust.

and Antonio Riccoboni of Padua (Antonius Ric- While philologists were probing more deeply cobonus, III.iii.2 below) claimed that he had begun putting together a collection long before 104. Vettori’s variant readings and emendations of seAldo published his own. But it was Aldo’s edition, _ lected passages in the Catilina and Iugurtha, based upon

. . is edition of Sallust’s monographs (Florence, 1576). A

revised and augmented in the course of the fol- (unidentihe’) Medicean codices, appeared at the end of lowing years, that Op ened up this new branch of copy owned and annotated by Muret (Rome, Biblioteca Sallustian studies, paving the way for the even Nazionale Centrale, 9.13.A.13) was kindly brought to our more ambitious work of Louis Carrion (Ludovi- attention by Alda Spotti. Another copy annotated by Jacus Carrio, IIL.iii.3 below). Two other scholars °P° Corbinelli (Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale de France,

J. 13457) is described in Osmond, “Jacopo Corbinelli”. Vet-

tori’s own library included an incunable printed by Gio103. A recent contribution to the subject of Renais- vanni Leonardo Longo in Vicenza after 22.V1I.1478 and sance collections of classical fragments is Collecting Frag- | annotated by Poliziano (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbiblioments. Fragmente sammeln, ed. G. W. Most (G6ttingen, thek, 2° Inc. c.a. 467), described by Hunt, “Three New In1997), which includes A. C. Dionisotti, “On Fragments in cunables”. See also the bibliographies on Aldo Manuzio,

28-29). 1.30 below).

Classical Scholarship,” 1-33 (with references to Sallust, Marc-Antoine Muret, and Fulvio Orsini (1.24, I.27, and

FORTUNA 209 into the linguistic and textual aspects of Sallust’s fessional interests as by any concern for historical work, school texts, political treatises, and histori- accuracy, they were taken up by Ciceronians in ography reflected the generally conservative atti- the later Cinquecento and especially in the first tudes of the period.'® The teaching of Sallust in decades of the Seicento. Both Famiano Strada Jesuit colleges and most treatises on ars historica and Agostino Mascardi still recommended Sallust focused on conventional rhetorical and moral as- as historiographical model, but Strada, Mascardi, pects of his writing. Italian volgarizzamenti, from and, above all, Paolo Beni, in his commentary on the first printed translation of his monographs the Catilina (Venice, 1622), denounced Sallust’s (Venice, 1518) by Agostino Ortica della Porta to lack of objectivity and even questioned the moral that of Paolo Spinola (Venice, 1563), generally propriety of his writing.’” According to Beni, highlighted the speeches, customs, and character who has been called the forerunner (Vorléufer) of portraits—although Lelio Carani’s version (Flo- the Mommsen-Schwartz thesis, Sallust had not rence, 1550) also appealed to contemporary anti- only attempted to discredit Cicero and denigrate quarian interests. Historians of conspiracies like _ the senatorial nobility; he had also sought to deCamillo Porzio, lacopo Bonfadio, Uberto Fogliet- fend Caesar from the charge of complicity in ta, and Iacopo Maria Campanacci, writing after Catiline’s plot. the conspiracy of Gian Luigi de’ Fieschi in Genoa

(1548), reproduced character portraits and

speeches from the Catilina, the better to magnify The Late Renaissance and Reformation in

the danger of plots and the moral depravity of the Northern Europe conspirators. But, aside from using Sallust’s In the last quarter of the sixteenth century, it monograph to condemn rebellion, they showed __was the private study or library, rather than the little interest in drawing upon his work as a_ classroom, that became the chief locus of Sallustsource of political thought. Iacopo Bonfadio, au- _ian scholarship, as attention turned increasingly thor of Annales genuenses (1548-50), and Agosti- to philological studies and textual criticism. But no Mascardi, in La congiura del conte Gio. Luigi scholars did not work in isolation; they correde’ Fieschi (Antwerp, 1629), even suggested that sponded with colleagues, exchanged notes and the reading of Sallust, like that of Machiavelli and — scripturae, and travelled considerable distances in

Tacitus, might put wrong ideas into impression- search of better witnesses. A number of codices

able young minds. were in fact owned by, or in the hands of, some of

A certain diffidence towards Sallust was also the most prominent classical and legal scholars of spreading through Ciceronian circles, where he _ the period: Jacques Cujas, Claude Dupuy, Nicolas was criticized for omitting the honors voted to Lefévre, Frangois Pithou, Adrien Turnébe, Franz Cicero after suppressing Catiline’s plot, and also Modius, Konrad Rittershausen, Jacques Bongars, for partiality towards Caesar in his account of the and Pierre Daniel. Armed with the authority of

conspiracy. The origin of the charges can be such manuscripts, with fresh hopes of restoring traced to Costanzo Felici’s De coniuratione L. the text and, not least, with a spirit of rivalry, Catilinae liber, a ‘revised version’ of Sallust’s philologists like Cyprianus Popma (1.26, II.25, monograph, dedicated to Pope Leo X in 1518 (fol- and V.6 below), Janus Meller (Janus Mellerus lowing Cardinal Alfonso Petrucci’s conspiracy).'°° Palmerius, 1.28, II.26 below), and Christoph Coler Although Felici’s criticisms were probably moti- (Christophorus Colerus, [.31, II.29, HL.1ii.7, and vated as much by personal sympathies and pro- _IV.9 below) compiled notes on selected passages, comparing the claims of variant readings and ar105. The following remarks draw upon the discussion guing the merits of their proposed emendations.

ibliography. ; ; .

in Osmond Princes fiistoriae Romanae, 127-29 with The most significant progress on the Historiarum Traduzioni and Coletti Strangi. “Ortica della Porta”. Sal. f ragmenta, however, was the work of the Flemish lustian influence in Renaissance (and later) conspiracy histories is examined in La Penna, Sallustio, “Appendice 107. Ibid., 39-43, with bibliography. Schindler, Unterseconda. Brevi note sul tema della congiura nella stori- suchungen, 14-23 and 73f. reviews Paolo Beni's criticisms

ografia moderna,” 432-52. and describes him as a precursor of the Mommsen-

tinus”. 1988), 207-19 and 244-66.

106. Osmond and Ulery, “Constantius Felictus Duran- Schwartz thesis. See also P. B. Diffley, Paolo Beni (Oxford,

210 SALLUSTIUS scholar Louis Carrion (Ludovicus Carrio, III.11.3 lae, not orationes).'°° The authorship of the Invecbelow). In 1573 he published his first annotated _ tiva or Oratio in Ciceronem was considered even

collection for the Plantin Press; in 1579 he more suspect, despite the authority of Quintilian brought out a slightly revised and expanded col- (Inst. 4.1.68 and 9.3.89). It had already been queslection, along with a new edition of the mono- __ tioned in the early decades of the sixteenth centugraphs and Epistulae. A year later, Jan van der ry by Pietro Crinito, in his life of Sallust (1503), Does (Janus Dousa, III.1ii.4 below) also published and by Glareanus, who touched upon the issuein at Leiden the three fragmenta Serviana, namely, _ the preface to his commentary of 1538 (see V.4 befragments of the Historiae preserved ina bifolium low). Afterwards, Sebastiano Corradi, author of of the Codex Floriacensis (recently acquired by Quaestura vel Egnatius (Bologna, 1555) and the Pierre Daniel), which had been copied and trans- _first person to challenge Quintilian’s authority on mitted by Andreas Schott to Justus Lipsius, andin solid philological and historical grounds, had asturn to Dousa himself. In the following years, signed both this and the ps.-Ciceronian rejoinder other scholars, including Helias van Putschen to the rhetorical schools of Quintilian’s own age. (Helias Putschius, IL.iii.8 below) and, later, Auso- Further arguments against Sallust’s authorship nius Popma, in an edition published at Franeker were now advanced by Vettori and especially Lipin 1619, identified additional sources and emend- _ sius.!° ed, annotated, and reassigned the individual frag- Between 1599 and 1607, new annotated ediments. But Carrio’s work remained authoritative tions of the Sallustian corpus were produced by well into and beyond the following century. Coler, van Putschen, and Jan van Gruytere (Janus In the last years of the sixteenth and first half Gruterus). In the following decades, commenof the seventeenth centuries, more attention was _ taries on the Catilina were published by the Italdevoted to the Epistulae ad Caesarem, largely in ian Paolo Beni (Venice, 1622) and the Dutch response, it seems, to changing rhetorical tastes statesman and scholar Dirk Graswinckel (Leiden, and political concerns. In 1599, the German jurist 1642), and on the opera by Daniel Wéangler and philologist Christoph Coler (IV.9 below) (Daniel Pareus) (Frankfurt, 1649), following the

published at Hamburg his Notae politicae on the earlier editions by his father Johann Philipp letters, adding textual notes to his moral and po- Wangler (Johannes Philippus Pareus). But the litical observations. In 1637, at the height of the large variorum edition published by Gruter (1.33 Thirty Years War, the German-born Johann and II.31 below), head of the Palatine Library and Loccenius wrote a commentary for his Swedish princeps lectionis Sallustianae, may be said to students, accompanied by a discourse on the mark the culmination of Renaissance scholarship causes of a state’s decline and the means to pre- on Sallust. It incorporated the most important serve its unity. Hugo Grotius remarked on the contributions from the previous two centuries valuable political lessons of the letters in his Epis- and the results of Gruter’s own collation of some tola de studio politico, and maxims drawn from _ thirteen manuscripts, including the tenth-centuthese texts, as from other works in the Sallustian ry Nazarianus (Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolicorpus, were featured in a collection of Praecepta et monita politica, militaria aliaque published at 108. Grotius’ Epistola is found in Gabriel Naudé, Bibli-

Amsterdam in 1627. ographia politica. Accessit Hugonis Grotii Epistola de studio In the meantime, scholars had begun debating politico (Leiden, 1642), 263-64. The prefaces of Ludovicus ; ; ‘ Carrio and Janus Dousa to the Epistulae are transcribed in Sallust’s authorship of the Epistulae. Carrio, ob- _{11iii.3 and IV.6 below. Lipsius mentions the problem in

serving that ancient grammarians had never his Variarum lectionum libri tres 1.8 (Opera omnia quoted passages from these particular writings, | [Antwerp, 1637], vol. 1), as does G. J. Vossius in his life of

considered them the work of a later author. xk Sallustius De 1.14-15. historicis latinis tres early (Lei. . en, 1627), reprintedCrispus, in Valpy Somelibri of the

Dousa, on the other hand, basing his arguments scholarship is cited in H. Last, “On the Sallustian Suasorion language and style as well as the manuscript ae,” Classical Quarterly 17 (1923) 87-88; see also n. 9 above. tradition, accepted them as genuine. Lipsius har- 109. Schindel, “Die Rezeption Sallusts,” especially 93ff.

bored doubts but avoided any definitive pro- Sebastiano Corradi’s Quaestura vel Egnatius (Bologna, 1555), Pier Vettori’s Variae lectiones 15.3 (Florence, 1553), nouncement. The D utch polym ath Gerard Jo- and Justus Lipsius’ seventh Jena oration and preface to his hann Voss (Vossius), while reporting arguments critical edition of Tacitus of 1574. For the text of the latter, on both sides, favored their acceptance (as epistu- _ see Ulery (n. 115 below).

FORTUNA 211 ca Vaticana, Pal. lat. 889), and what he considered Further testimony to Sallust’s importance for the

the better printed editions. French monarchy comes from Henry IV, who At a time when many of the leading philolo- wrote in a personal copy of the 1509 Aldine edigists were thus intent upon establishing the text, _ tion: “No book in my library is dearer to me than it was Sallust’s style and (generally) good reputa- __this.”!°

tion as historian that made him an important au- In the Low Countries, authors of political thority, along with Tacitus, in late Renaissance pamphlets of the early 1580s that aimed at supmovements of pragmatic historiography, pruden- porting, or in other cases denouncing, Calvinist tial ethics, and neo-Attic prose.'”? In the recurring reform and opposition to the Spanish, turned to debate over the prologues and digressions, Julius the Catilina for examples from Roman history Caesar Scaliger argued in his Poetices libri septem and practical advice, whether this came from the (Lyons, 1561) that the first excursus in the Catilina introductory words of the prologue or the (chs. 6-13) on the early history of Rome was an _ speeches of Caesar and Cato.'"* Justus Lipsius atintegral part of the account, essential to explain- tempted to avoid direct political involvement ing the background and causes of the conspira- himself but, in his Notae of 1574, he introduced cy.'! Jean Bodin, who viewed the investigation of his own favorite Tacitus as the imitator Sallustit causes as the foundation of sound history, com- and praised Sallust for the qualities of delectatio, mended Sallust’s honesty, careful research, and _fides, and (instruction) ad vitam. In his Politicopolitical experience in his Methodus ad facilem rum sive Civilis doctrinae libri sex (ed. Plantin, historiarum cognitionem (Paris, 1566). For both 1589), he borrowed Sallustian phrases to reinforce the pleasure and profit of his readers, Francois de _ the precepts of civilis prudentia, and, in his treaBelleforest included Sallustian speeches and let- tise Epistolica institutio (Leiden, 1591), he recomters in his Harangues militaires et concions de mended Sallust, along with Seneca, Tacitus, and princes, capitaines, etc. (Paris, 1572). Jéréme de _ other “brief and subtle writers’, for advanced stuChomedey, the translator of Guicciardini’s Storia dents of epistolography. Although Lipsius never d'Italia, produced new French versions of the produced a commentary on any of Sallust’s texts, Catilina (Paris, 1575)—to which he attached a he followed the progress of Carrio and Dousa and version of Machiavelli’s chapter on conspiracies occasionally explicated individual passages or in Discorsi 3.6—and then of the Iugurtha (Paris, proposed emendations.'” 1581) and Epistulae (Paris, 1582), all dedicated to Henry III with the aim of bolstering royal author- 113. These words are cited by T. E. Dibdin, An Introducity. Montaigne and La Popeliniére admired Sal- _ tion to the Knowledge of Rare and Valuable Editions of the lust’s sermo atticus, not just as an antidote to Ci- — ©7@ek and Latin Classics (London, 1804), 378-91 at 383.

. CA 8 99 - > . » 114. P. A. M. Geurts, “Sallustius’ Catilinae Coniuratio

ceronian “Asianism or Livy's ; milky richness in politieke pamfletten,’ Hermeneus 32 (1961) 113-17. The but as a style better suited to critical analysis and — Jater commentary on the Catilina by Dir(c)k Graswinckel written eloquence. Jacopo Corbinelli, lecteur du (1642) may testify to the surviving republican reading of roi at the court of Henry III, read Machiavelli and _ Sallust. On the latter, see D. P. M. Graswinckel, GraswincGuicciardini with Sallust in mind, and compared re the Lague, s9on) a Delfi browwers- en regentenges and contrasted his style with that of Tacitus. Myth of Venice and Dutch Republican Thought in the Seventeenth Century (Assen, 1980). We thank Jan Gadeyne, 110. Ulery reviews Tacitus’ fortuna in “Tacitus,” CTC Christiane Geurts-Krauss, and H.-J. van Dam for kindly

6.89-99. See also Osmond, “Sallust and Machiavelli,” providing translations of or references to a number of 432ff. and “Princeps Historiae Romanae,” 120ff., on Flemish and Dutch editions and studies from this period. changes in rhetorical fashions and classical models, with 115. Lipsius’ preface to his Notae of 1574 on Tacitus is references to studies by P. Burke, M. W. Croll, M. Fu- transcribed in Ulery, “Tacitus,” CTC 6.113-14. On his use

maroli, J. H. M. Salmon, and K. Schellhase. of Sallust, see Schindler, Untersuchungen, 26 and 81; 111. The passage in Scaliger’s Poetices libri septem 3.96 Schindel, “Die Rezeption Sallusts,” 95-96; and Osmond,

is often cited in Renaissance collections of testimonia. “Sallust and Machiavelli,” 432-34 and “Princeps Historiae

Schindler remarks in Untersuchungen, ch. 1(a) that | Romanae,” 123-24 with bibliographies. The passage on Scaliger’s judgment reflected a profound and (for this pe- breves subtilesque scriptores is found in Epistolica institutio, riod) rare understanding of the essence of Sallustian his- ch. 11 (Opera omnia, vol. 2, 539). Examples of his interest toriography. On the question of Sallust’s prologue and di- _in textual questions may be seen in his letter to G. Laurigressions and their significance in evaluating his historical nus in Epistolicarum quaestionum libri quinque 4.14, and

writing, see also ibid., ch. 4(a) and Exkursen 7-9. in Variae lectiones and Antiquae lectiones, passim (Opera

112. Osmond, “Jacopo Corbinelli”. omnia, vol. 1).

212 SALLUSTIUS In the first decades of the seventeenth century, turned the demonic figure of Catiline into a Sallust was frequently cited in support of utilitar- model for the Satan of his Paradise Lost (London, ian ethics and absolute monarchy by French writ- _1667)."””

ers such as Pierre Charron, Gabriel Chappuys, The vogue for Sallust, which had begun with and Gabriel Naudé. But the rhetorical interest Lipsius in the last decades of the 1500s, found a was still paramount in the new translations of the major proponent at the end of the century in monographs, together with “harangues” and “let- Christoph Coler, a German jurist and philologist tres” (i.e., the Epistulae, Invectivae, and set of who probably did more than any other scholar to speeches and letters from the Historiae) by Jean _ propagate Sallust’s writings. His Sallustius sive De Baudoin (Paris, 1616) and in Mlle Marie de Jarsde historia veteri oratio (Nuremberg, 1598) praised Gournay’s version of the “Harangue de Marius” not only what he called Sallust’s Attic prose but from chapter 85 of the Iugurtha (Paris, 1619). In _ especially his lessons in political prudence. In the Jacobean England, where Sallust was hailed as a_dedicatory letter prefacing his commentary on

“faithful patriot’, the preface to Thomas Hey- the Bella and Historiarum fragmenta (Nuremwood’s translation of the monographs (London, _ berg, 1599), he stressed the relevance of Sallust’s 1608) described him in the words of Jean Bodin work to all types of government, elaborated on

as a “deep statist”; the first stage production of his merits as both writer and historian, and (rethe Catiline by Ben Jonson (London, 1611) drama-___versing Lipsius’ order of Roman _ historians) tized the lessons of “politic history”; and Robert ranked him even ahead of Tacitus. In fact, if SalDallington drew upon his maxims to illustrate _lust’s political wisdom could aid the res publica Lipsius’ prudentia mixta in his Aphorismes Civill aristocratica of Nuremberg, it could also benefit and Militarie (London, 1613). The first English princely governments, as Coler suggested in his translation of all writings in the Sallustian corpus commentary on the Epistulae (Hamburg, 1599). was published by William Crosse at London in In the De studio politico ordinando epistola (Han-

1629. over, 1602), he described Sallust as the Latin suc-

In the same years, Sallust was being read inthe cessor to Thucydides and first among Roman hiscompany of Seneca as well as of Tacitus, and Sir _torians, recommending him to statesmen, along William Cornwallis quoted him on Stoic forti- | with such modern writers as Machiavelli, Patrizi,

tude and moderation in his Essayes (London, Bodin, and Lipsius, as a source of prudentia,

c - 5 . : . 4)

1632).''° The association of Sallust and Seneca is _ severitas, and gravitas.'"* apparent too from a later school text, the Electa Senecae et Sallustit (Amsterdam, 1646). In fact, one might say that the issues of Sallust’s life and 117. Vossius apud Valpy (n. 108 above), 1.12-16 (at 14).

work were gradually being treated with more St Schindler, Unesuchngn. 24-25 3, 8, Vos

Stoic’ detachment. Vossius, in a full-length vitaof and discusses his dictio Attica in his Commentariorum

Sallust composed for his De historicis latinis (Lei- _rhetoricorum sive Oratoriarum institutionum libri sex (Lei-

den, 1627), separated considerations of his per- den, 1630). Milton praised Sallust as “the chief of the sonal from any his historicalin pans in hisWorks letter to Mr. Brass (Epistolae wemorals . . iares, 1,appraisal ep. 23of [1657]), The ofHenry Johnde Milton, vol.fami12 writing and defended his reputation for accuracy (New York, 1933), at 92-95. The Defensio prima is puband objectivity. In England, John Milton shared _ lished in ibid., vol. 7 (1932), 84ff. On the uses of Sallust in the widespread admiration for Sallust, whom he John Milton, see H. Jacobson, “Milton’s Second Defense preferred, he says, to any other Latin historian, and Sallust,” Notes and Queries 31.229 (1984) 327ff., and R. But, reading his monographs in the new political Wiltenburg, “Damnation in'a Roman Dress: Catiline,

ras ; Catiline, and Paradise Lost,” Milton Studies 25 (1989)

and religious climate of the mid-1600s, he enlist- 4-108,

ed Sallust on the side of the Commonwealth and 118. See Schindler, Untersuchungen, 26-27, 81-82, and as the enemy of tyrants (Defensio prima [London, Osmond, “Princeps Historiae Romanae,” 101-102 and 129, 1651]). Reading him in conjunction with Cicero’s where the quotation from Coler’s dedicatory letter to the orations and Ben Jonson's tr agedy, Milton also niae principem historicum Romanum commendo”. The

. ) ; Nuremberg Senate should read: “Principi Civitati Germa-

epistle to Stanislaus Zelenius Vitellius, also known as “De 116. Osmond, “Princeps Historiae Romanae,’ 124-27, __ studio politico recte instituendo epistola’, was written in on Sallust in Jacobean England, with bibliography includ- —_1601 and published at Hanover in 1602 (D. M. Schullian, ing studies by B. De Luna and J. S. Lawry on Ben Jonson. “Valerius Maximus,” CTC 5.401).

FORTUNA 213 Not everyone, of course, shared Coler’s enthu- _ pal editions of the opera, often accompanied by siasm, but it may have inspired some of the sub- excerpts from the older Renaissance commensequent work on Sallust in the seventeenth centu- __ taries, as well as by more recent notes, are those of

ry, from anthologies of Sallustian sententiae, to Johann Friedrich Gronov (Gronovius) (Leiden, new editions and translations, including a Ger- 1665), Daniel Crespin (Crispinus) in usum Delman version by Wilhelm von Calchum or Lo- phini (Paris, 1674), Joseph Wasse (Cambridge, hausen accompanied by Kriegsdiscoursen for his 1710), Gottlieb Kortte or Corte (Cortius) (Leipzig, soldiers (Bremen, 1629).'!” It certainly impressed 1724), Syvert Haverkamp (Sigebertus Havercamthe English professor Degory Wheare. In his Ox- pus) (Amsterdam, 1742), Abraham John Valpy

ford lectures, published in 1623, Wheare quoted (Delphin edition, London, 1820), Franz passages from Coler’s De studio politico and from Dorotheus Gerlach (Basel, 1823-31), and Karl Lipsius’ preface to the Notae of his 1574 edition of | Heinrich Frotscher (Leipzig, 1825). Many of these Tacitus: “You can repeat the Catilinarian Conspir- editions contain prefaces reviewing the scholaracy by heart, but to no purpose, if you do not well _ ship to date, and for this purpose it is also useful consider that man’s profound knowledge in pub- __ to consult the chapter on Sallust in Johann Albert lic affairs, which he hath discovered even in that Fabricius’ Bibliotheca latina in the revised and ex-

very small book; and he wrote the Jugurthine War panded edition of Johann August Ernesti with no less art, and his two Epistles to Caesar, (Leipzig, 1773-74). concerning the settling the public Affairs; do they Translations of one or more works in the Salnot even seem to have fallen from Heaven? And _ lustian corpus, often accompanied by notes, glosJustus Lipsius saith thus of him, If it were left to saries, or political commentaries, included the me, I should in this Catalogue not doubt to chuse following: an English account of Catiline’s conSallustius for president of the Senate of Histori- spiracy “for assisting the Interests of Peace and

ans.” !0 Virtue” (London, 1683) and Thomas Gordon’s The Works of Sallust with Political Discourses (London, 1744), accompanied by Cicero’s four

THE Earry MODERN ERA Catilinaria; Italian translations by Carlo Corsini Only a very few aspects of Sallust’s fortuna in (Florence, 1644) and Vittorio Alfieri (London, the period from the mid-seventeenth century on- _1804);!”? German translations by Balthasar Kinwards can be singled out in the limited scope of dermann (Wittenberg, 1662), Daniel Albinus this survey, yet it is evident that his work contin- (Hamburg, 1662 and 1663), Johann Franz Wagner ued to be widely read, debated, and imitated in (Lemgo, 1772), August Gottlieb Meissner (Leipzig, Europe and, from the late eighteenth century on, 1790), and Johann Christoph Schliiter (Miinster, in the United States as well.'?! Among the princihistoriography, see L. de Nardis, “Cesare, Sallustio e Taci119. A very popular work was the Anthologicum Sallus- _ to” (n. 126 below); La Penna, Sallustio, appendices 2-5; A.

tianum (1628), later attached to Ludovicus Liebhard’s Mazza, “Sallustio tra Alfieri, Manzoni e Leopardi,” in Ves-

commentary on the first chapters of the Catilina _ tigia. Studi in onore di Giuseppe Billanovich, ed. R. Avesani (Bayreuth, 1662). The Observationes morales, civiles, gram- __ et al., vol. 2 (Rome, 1984), 443-50; H. B. Speck, Katilina im maticae et philologicae by Christophorus Adam Rupertus, —§ Drama der Weltliteratur (Leipzig, 1906); and other studies

excerpted by Albertus Richter, are found in a 1639 manu- _ cited in n. 128 below. Later views of Sallust’s historical

script (Erlangen, Universitatsbibliothek, 729), although writing and thought, as well as editions, commentaries, the work was evidently not published until 1671. See _and translations, are cited in Schindler, Untersuchungen, Schindler, Untersuchungen, ch. 2, on these authors and chs. 3-4 and Exkursen. References to a number of unpubLohausen. On the latter, see also N. Holzberg, “Sallust im lished manuscript commentaries from this later period Dreissigjahrigen Krieg,” in ®iAoppdvnya: Festschrift fiir are found in F. E. Cranz, A Microfilm Corpus of UnpubMartin Sicherl zum 75. Geburtstag: von Textkritik bis Hu- _ lished Inventories of Latin Manuscripts through 1600 A.D., manismusforschung, ed. D. Harlfinger (Paderborn, 1990), 2d ed. (New London, Conn., 1988).

347-57. 122. La Penna, Sallustio, “Appendice quinta. Sallustio 120. Degory Wheare, The Method and Order of Read- tradotto dall’Alfieri,’ 467-71, and Mazza, “Sallustio,” ing both Civil and Ecclestastical Histories, trans. E.Bohun 444-46. Alfieri completed the translation between 1775

(London, 1710), 95. and 1777, but he continued to work on it intermittently up 121. Only brief sketches exist in Bolaffi, Sallustio, to 1793. A. Fabrizi points out echoes of Sallust in Alfieri’s 281-92 and Biichner, Sallust, 365-67. For fuller studies of | own writings in his Destino dell’antico. Da Dante a Saba Sallustian influence on particular aspects of literature and (Cassino, 1997), 119-47.

214 SALLUSTIUS 1795, 1796)!”; a Spanish translation by Prince recommending the study of political science in Gabriel de Bourbon (Madrid, 1772); and French French schools. versions by M. Odet-Philippe, sieur Desmares The apparent contrast between Sallust’s per(Paris, 1644), Abbé de Cassagne (Paris, 1675), sonal reputation and his fame as historian (an an?Abbé Thyvon (Paris, 1730), Jean-Henri Dot- timony sharpened by the moralizing tone of his teville (Paris, 1749, 1763), and Nicolas Beauzée own writing) continued to provoke criticism and (Paris, 1770). The Histoire de la République ro- debate, whether in biographies like Jean le Clerc’s maine dans le cours du VIF siécle (Dijon, 1777) by __ vita, published in Joseph Wasse’s 1710 edition of

the French jurist and scholar Charles de Brosses the opera, Gibbon’s youthful “Remarques sur les was a reconstruction of the history of the late Re- ouvrages et sur le caractére de Salluste” (compublic, as translated from Sallust’s monographs _ posed in 1756), or in Leopardi’s “Dialogo d'un letand the surviving fragments of the Historiae,sup- tore di umanita e di Sallustio” (Milan, 1827). In plemented with the Epistulae and Invectivae and _ the generations following Vossius, however, many material from other ancient sources.!2 Several scholars tended simply to dissociate the issues of new translations of Sallust also appeared in the Sallust’s mores and political career from evaluawake of the French Revolution, including a ver- tions of his merits as historian, as is apparent in sion of the Catilina by J. B. L. J. Billecocq, Frangois La Mothe le Vayer’s Iugement de Saluste “Citoyen Francais” with a preliminary discourse (Mons, 1670) and, still later, in Charles de Brosses’ and literary and political notes appealing to the Vie de Salluste (Histoire, 1777). Others, rejecting universal ideals of liberty and reason (Paris, 1795); _ the idea of a fundamental opposition between his the Discours de Marius, followed by an edition in _ life and work, attempted to rehabilitate the figure “modern French” of Etienne de la Boétie’s De la __ of Sallust, not only by relying on philological arservitude volontaire (Paris, 1798) by a soldier in guments that undermined the purported value of the regiment of Navarre; and Eusébe Salverte’s the Invectivae as sources, but also by appealing to Epitres a César (Paris, 1798), aimed at explaining reason and historical evidence. In the preface to “scientifically” the causes of the Revolution and _ his edition of the Opera omnia of 1724, Gottlieb Kortte (Cortius) exposed the internal contradic123. See Schindler, Untersuchungen, ch. 2 (cf. n. ng ‘Hons in the (various) ancient sources. Christoph above) and index on these and other German versions. Martin Wieland analyzed (in notes to a work of On Daniel Albinus, Schindler writes (p. 31): “In letzterem 1786) the historical and social conditions of the [Albinus] begegnen wir einem wahren Sallustenthusia- —_ period in which Sallust and his critics had been

sten. Alle eines attributing grossen Geschichtsschreibers vs aehim :; fndet er beiKennzeichen Sallust.” writing, the accusations against

124. De Brosses’ contributions are noted by B. Mau- to the personal and political intrigues of the renbrecher, C. Sallusti Crispi Historiarum reliquiae, fasc.1: times.'” Prolegomena (Leipzig, 1891), 6-7; McGushin, The Histories, vol. 1 (Oxford, 1992), 10; Schindler, ibid., 37-42, 78-79,

90, 94; and P. G. Schmidt, “Charles de Brosses: Sallusts 125. Schindel, “Die Rezeption Sallusts,” 96-100. AnothHistorien, in Schmidt, Supplemente lateinischer Prosa in er example of what the author describes as “die Antinoder Neuzeit. Rekonstruktionen zu lateinischen Autoren von | mie zwischen Sallusts Leben und Werk” is found in the der Renaissance bis zur Aufklirung (Géttingen, 1964), contrasting judgments of Samuel Grosser’s vita Sallustii 92-95. On de Brosses’ work, see also M. Raskolnikoff, His- | and Chrestomathia philologico-ethico-politico-oratoria in toire romaine et critique historique dans Europe des Lu- _ his Dresden/Leipzig edition of 1699 (ibid., 96-97). Schinmiéres (Rome, 1992), 325-51. De Brosses had intended to del links the developments in the image of Sallust to sucadd to his Histoire a fourth volume containing the Latin _ cessive approaches to the ancient sources, from the philotext of Sallust’s monographs with a critical apparatus and _logical method of S. Corradi to the historical analysis of

the Latin fragments of the Historiae integrated with texts | Christoph Martin Wieland in his note on Sallust in his of “historiens contemporains”. After the author’s death, | Horazens Satyren (Leipzig, 1786). See also Schindler, Unthe printer decided to publish only a portion of this mate- _—_ tersuchungen, ch. 3(b) and Exkursen 4,6. Edward Gibbon’s rial (in an appendix to the third volume), that is: (1) the | views are found in his “Remarques” of 1756, in The MiscelHistoriarum fragmenta, printed in the same sequence in _—_ laneous Works of Edward Gibbon, Esq., vol. 4 (London, which de Brosses had given them in his French translation 1814), 399-407, “Index Expurgatorius”; ibid., vol. 5, 552-53;

in vols. 1 and 2, and (2) a list of the fragments, numbered and in a note to his account of the Gothic invasion and from 1 to 685, arranged by source, starting with the Vati- destruction of Sallust’s “palace” in The Decline and Fall of can codex (Vat. lat. 3864) and proceeding, according to the Roman Empire, ed. J. B. Bury, vol. 3 (London, 1897), (assumed) chronological order, up to John of Salisbury. 325. The habit of attributing to Sallust the embellishment

FORTUNA 215 In the new genres of cultural and social histo- represented the dramatic moment of the conspirry that became popular during the Enlighten- ators’ oath in his painting “La Congiura di Catiltment, Sallust’s work encouraged closer study of na’, exhibited at Rome in 1663, and on stage the what was called the “mind and manners” of men. protagonist of Sallust’s monograph enjoyed an Saint-Evremond, author of Observations sur Sal- even greater success, whether at the public recitaluste et Tacite, considered him a model for analyz- tions and moralizing plays of German and Ening the conflicting humeurs of his seventeenth- glish schools, the French tragedies of Claudecentury heroes and for penetrating the essence of Prosper Jolyot de Crébillon (Paris, 1748) and a nation’s spirit or génie.'° The concept of metus Voltaire (Paris, 1752), or the later nineteenth- and punicus or “fear of Carthage”, which Sallust had _ early twentieth-century dramas of Alexandre Dupopularized, appears (along with related Sallust- mas (pére), Auguste Maguet, Parmenio Bettolli, ian themes) in his Réflexions sur les divers génies Adolf Bartels, and Henrik Ibsen. In 1791 Giambat-

du peuple romain dans les différents temps de la__tista Casti wrote a libretto for an opera on the République (Paris, 1663). Traces of Sallustian in- Catilina with music by Antonio Salieri. Although fluence are also found in Montesquieu’s Consi- the Iugurtha had a smaller audience, a libretto endérations sur les causes de la grandeur des Romains_ titled Giugurta was written by Matteo Noris et de leur décadence (Paris, 1734) and Lesprit des (Venice, 1686) and a drama by Francois Joseph de lois (Paris, 1748), chs. 9-11 and in the political Chancel (Lagrange-Chancel), entitled Adherbal, thought of ’ Abbé de Mably, his contemporary. In roy de Numidie, was performed at Paris in 1694.”

the nineteenth century, Prosper Mérimée turned On the other side of the Atlantic, Sallust’s to Sallust as one of his principal sources for the writings were popular as school texts and, like study of the psychological and social forces un- Tacitus’ opera, appealed to American republicans, derlying the political turmoil of the Late Republic thanks especially to the influence of Thomas in his Essai sur la Guerre Sociale (Paris, 1841) and Gordon’s translations and Political Discourses, a

Conjuration de Catilina (Paris, 1844).'”’ vehicle for “radical Whiggery’. In the early 1780s In the meantime, the figure of Catiline, as well John Adams urged his son, John Quincy Adams, as Sallust’s speeches and dramatic motifs, contin- to read Sallust, whom he called “one of the most ued to leave their mark, in varying degrees, on popular accounts of conspiracies and revolutions, Catiline and the conspiracy in the mid-eighteenth-centuincluding La conjuration du comte Jean-Louis de ry writings of Séran de La Tour and others. On the early Fiesque (written by the future Cardinal de Retz in modern period, see also C. Grell, “Le modéle antique dans the late 1630s; published in 1665), Jean-Francois Pimaginaire du complot,” in Complots et conjurations dans Sarrazin’s La conspiration du compte de Valstein Europe moderne: actes du colloque international organisé

. ; , ,; nen . : par Ecole francaise de Rome ... 30 septembre—2 octobre

(Paris, 1634); l’Abbé de Saint-Réal’s La conjuration 1993, ed. Y.-M. Bercé and E. Fasano Guarini (Rome, 1996),

des Espagnols contre la République de Venise l'an 163-76; and the contributions in Présence de Salluste, ed. 1618 (Paris, 1674), and Giambattista Vico’s Prin- Poignault, 131-89, on Sallust in the Jesuit curriculum (E. cipum Neapolitanorum coniurationis anni mdcci Flamarion) and in the work of French writers and dramahistoria, probably written in 1703.8 Salvator Rosa, of me eighteenth century,(E. including Moliére (J. Hel-(R. egouarch), Crébillon Aubrion), and Voltaire

a Chevallier).

of the Horti Sallustiani persists even in modern scholar- 129. On Salvator Rosa and the two copies of this paintship, although there is no evidence to support this. On _—_ ing (Florence, Galleria Palatina [Palazzo Pitti] and Casa Leopardi and Sallust, see Mazza, “Sallustio,” 447-50. Martelli), see L. Salerno, L’opera completa di Salvator Rosa 126. L. de Nardis, “Cesare, Sallustio e Tacito nella stori- | (Milan, 1975), 99. On Sallust in the drama of these cenografia aristocratica di Saint-Evremond,” Studi romani37 _ turies, see Bolaff, ibid., 289-92 and Speck, Katilina; on

(1989) 1-13. Voltaire, see La Penna, ibid., “Appendice terza. Voltaire in 127. La Penna, Sallustio, “Appendice quarta. Mérimée _— difesa di Cicerone,” 453-58, and Présence de Salluste (R.

storico della congiura di Catilina,”” 459-66. (We thank Chevallier). We thank Robert Ketterer for the reference to Prof. La Penna for the reference to l’ Abbé de Mably). the libretto by Matteo Noris (Venice, 1686) at the Bibliote128. Bolaffi, Sallustio, 286-92; La Penna, ibid., “Appen- ca Nazionale Marciana in Venice. An anonymous undated dice seconda. Brevi note sul tema della congiura,” 432-52 and unpublished libretto, entitled La congiura di Catilina. (446-52 on Vico); and Criniti, Bibliografia catilinaria and © Dramma per musica, is preserved in Orvieto, Biblioteca

his “Contributo alla storia degli studi e delle tradizioni Civica, 3, no. 259-e. classiche nell’eta moderna e contemporanea,” Aevum 40 For other operas, see F. Stieger, Opernlexikon, part I: (1966) 500-18, in which he discusses the treatment of — Titelkatalog (Tutzing, 1975), vols. 1-2, s.v. “Catilina” and

216 SALLUSTIUS polished and perfect of the Roman historians”.°° Oxford text by Leighton Durham Reynolds apAn 1805 edition of the monographs, printed in peared in 1991 to take full benefit of modern adSalem, Massachusetts, was the first American edi- vances in the study of manuscript traditions. The tion of a classical author published in the United same editors also sought to make available the

States. best possible text of thelae Invectivae and the Epistuad Caesarem while debate continued on their authenticity, a question that often involved mat-

THE NINETEENTH AND ters more historical than philological.

TWENTIETH CENTURIES On the historical side, the most prominent In the modern period, work on Sallust has subject of discussion in regard to Sallust arose concentrated on his historical text from two per- from the “Mommsen-Schwartz thesis’, namely, spectives: on the one hand, as history, whether as _ that Sallust was not really a historian, but a kind source or as literature; on the other hand, as text, of political pamphleteer promoting the image of whether as a text to be scientifically established or Caesar in a biased account of first-century B.c. a text to be helpfully explicated. Over the course history (the Catilina being the primary focus).’*! of the nineteenth century, philologists developed Although this argument had its roots in Renaisessentially new skills to improve the editing of the _ sance Italy, as has been recently demonstrated, text and its explanation (e.g., Rudolph Dietsch, and its exponents in eighteenth-century England, Leipzig, 1859; Henri Jordan, 3d ed., Berlin, 1887; it achieved now an academic prominence due to Friedrich Kritz, Leipzig, 1828-53; Rudolph Iacobs, the eminence of Theodor Mommsen and the Hans Wirz, and Alfons Kurfess, Berlin, 1922), and scholarly passion of Eduard Schwartz; the questo establish a complete and reliable collection of tion became a part of the reevaluation of the clasthe fragments of the Historiae (Berthold Mauren- _ sical historians in the light of modern historical brecher, Leipzig, 1891-93). School texts were cre- scholarship. When others began to defend Sallust, ated and developed in each European country, — the discussion turned to the relationship between since the reading of Sallust was until the mid- the ideas in the proems and digressions and the twentieth century a fixture in the classical cur- _ historical narrative and its characterization of the riculum. Work on the manuscript tradition was heroes and villains, along with the relation of Salgiven a considerable impetus in the new century _ lust to the larger currents in Roman thought. A by Axel Wilhelm Ahlberg, who with his successor heightened sense of the literary art of the historiAlfons Kurfess established the Teubner text;a new an was not long in following, undergirded by a philological scholarship of increasing sophisticaJugurtha and The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, 4 tion. Yet the need for concerted work by historivols., ed. S. Sadie (London and New York, 1992), 1.775. ans and philologists was noted. At mid-centur ys The continuing popularity of the figure of Catiline in Just when the forces of change were on the point modern political literature, historical novels, and dramais of removing Sallust from his perennial position at documented in unit Bibliografia catinane. A review the heartDiols of the curriculum or modern Scnolarsnip wa resente . de 1n Nl .in.Latin : prose, a set of paper “The Image of Catiline in Scholarly Publications of new general studies, including those by Karl the 19 and 20" Centuries: Revolutionary Hero or Irresponsible Desperado” at the International Society for the 131. Schindler, Untersuchungen, chs. 3-4 and Exkursen Classical Tradition, Fourth Meeting, Tiibingen, 29 July—2 4ff.; C. Becker, “Sallust,” ANRW I.3 (1973), 720-54, espeAugust 1998. In Présence de Salluste, J. Chomarat (191-201) cially 720-31 (“Die neuere Forschung”); A. H. McDonald, discusses Bertold Brecht’s view of the Catilinarian con- _—in Fifty Years (and Twelve) of Classical Scholarship (Oxspiracy and P. M. Martin (203-22) discusses Yves Guéna’s ford, 1968), 465ff.; G. Funaioli, “Nuovi orientamenti della

Catilina. Recent literature also includes M. Blondet, Elo- _ critica Sallustiana,’ in Studi di letteratura antica 2.1 gio di Catilina e Berlusconi (Rimini, 1995) and M. Fini, (Bologna, 1948), 45-70; E. Malcovati, “Rassegna di studi Catilina: ritratto di un uomo malinteso (Milan, 1996). sallustiani,’ Athenaeum, N.S., 33 (1955) 365-73. See below, 130. M. Reinhold, The Classick Pages: Classical Reading Bibliography III. General Studies for the works of K. of Eighteenth-Century Americans (University Park, Penn., _ Biichner, D. C. Earl, W. Steidle, R. Syme, and especially A.

1975), 99-100; see also The Classical Tradition and the La Penna, who provides a critical review of the trends and Americas, ed. W. Haase and M. Reinhold (Berlin and New _issues in Sallustian scholarship from the nineteenth cenYork, 1994). On the Salem edition, see Reinhold, Classica tury to the early 1960s in his Sallustio e la “rivoluzione” roAmericana: The Greek and Roman Heritage in the United mana (“I proemi,” 15-21; Bellum Catilinae, 68-83; Bellum

States (Detroit, 1984), 187. Iugurthinum, 159-74; and Historiae, 247-52).

BIBLIOGRAPHY 217 Biichner, Donald Earl, Antonio La Penna, Wolf B. The Histories and Minor or

Steidle, and Ronald Syme, reaped the harvest of a Doubtful Works century and more of scholarly labor and opened Historiarum reliquiae, ed. B. Maurenbrecher

up important new lines of inquiry. (Leipzig, 1891-93); Appendix Sallustiana: Epistulae ad Caesarem, Invectivae, ed. A. Kurfess (Leipzig, 1962); Pseudo-Salluste: Lettres a César, Invectives, ed. A. Ernout (Paris, 1962); Invektive und Episteln,

BIBLIOGRAPHY ed. and trans. K. Vretska (Heidelberg, 1961), with I. ANNOTATED LISTS OF EDITIONS AND ~~ acommentary.

BIBLIOGRAPHIES OF SALLUST

A. J. Valpy, ed., C. Crispi Sallustit Opera omnia C. Commentaries . ex editione Gottlieb Cortii cum notis et interpreta- H. Jacobs, J. Wirz, and A. Kurfess, Catilina tione in usum Delphini, vol. 2 (London, 1820), (Berlin, 1922); E. Koestermann, Jugurtha (Heidel797-845; A.-A. Barbier, “Notice des principales berg, 1971); K. Vretska, De Catilinae coniuratione, éditions et traductions de C. C. Salluste” in J. L. ” vols. (Heidelberg, 1976); P. McGushin, Bellum Burnouf, ed., Caius Crispus Sallustius ad codices Catilinae (Leiden, 1977); G. M. Paul, A Historical parisinos recensitus (Paris, 1821), xli-lxiv; C. H. Commentary on Sallust's Bellum Jugurthinum Frotscher, ed., Caii Crispi Sallustit quae exstant... (Liverpool, 1984); Historiarum fragmenta, ed. R. ex recensione et cum integris adnotationibus Funarl, 2 vols. (Amsterdam, 1996); P. McGushin, Theophili Cortii, vol. 1 (Leipzig, 1825), xxx-lxxxii; The Histories, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1992-94). Schweiger 2.862—903; Brunet 5.79-92; Graesse

6a.234—49; Engelmann and Preuss 2.554-71; A. D. III. GENERAL STUDIES

Leeman, A Systematical Bibliography of Sallust,

1879-1964 (Leiden, 1965); “Sallustio,’ Dizionario K. Biichner, Sallust (Heidelberg, [1960]; ad ed., degli scrittori greci e latini, vol. 3 (Settimo Mi- 1982); L. Canfora, Lautobiografia intellettuale,

lanese, 1995), 1909-14 (P. Frassinetti). in Lo spazio letterario di Roma antica, ed. G. CaUseful information on early printed editions, vallo et al., vol. 3 (Rome, 1990), 11-51; Canfora,

commentaries, and translations may also be Sallustio, in Studi di storia della storiografia rofound in J. A. Fabricius, Bibliotheca latina, rev. J. '™4"4 (Bari, 1993), 65-155; D. C. Earl, The Political A. Ernesti, vol. 1 (Leipzig, 1773), 234-47 (reprinted Thought of Sallust (Cambridge, 1961; rpt. Amsterby Valpy, vol. 2, 791-96, et alibi), as well as in the dam, 1966); G. Funaioli, “C. Sallustius Crispus, prefaces to editions by J. Wasse (Cambridge, 1710; PW I A, 2 (1920), 1913-553 Funaioli, Sallustio, rpt. Amsterdam, 1742, ed. $. Havercamp) and by Gaio Crispo (C. Sallustius Crispus),” in Enciclope-

G. Cortius (Leipzig, 1724). Additional bibliogra- dia italiana 30 (Rome, 1949), 537-395 FR. D. phies may be found in the general studies listed Goodyear, Sallust,” in The Cambridge History of

below. Classical Literature, vol. 2: Latin Literature, ed. E. J. Kenney and W. V. Clausen (Cambridge, 1982),

268-80; C. S. Kraus and A. J. Woodman, Latin II. SELECTED MODERN EDITIONS Historians (Oxford, 1997), 10-50; A. La Penna,

AND COMMENTARIES Sallustio e la “rivoluzione” romana (Milan, 1968; A. Collected Works rpt. 1969, 1973); for La Penna’s other writings on Sallust, ed. and trans. J. C. Rolfe, The Loeb Sallust, see the Bibliography in his Da Lucrezio a Classical Library (Cambridge, Mass., 1921; rev. Persto. Saggi, studi, note (Milan, 1995), 345-725 K. and rpt. 1931 and later); Catilina, Iugurtha, Frag- Latte, Sallust (Leipzig and Berlin, 1935); D. Musti,

menta ampliora, ed. A. Kurfess (Leipzig, 1957); Il pensiero storico romano, in Lo spazio letteCatilina, Jugurtha, Fragments des Histoires, ed. "@r#0, vol. 1 (Rome, 1989), 177-240; V. Paladini, and trans. A. Ernout (Paris, 1947); Catilina, Problemi sallustiant (Bari, n. d.); A. Pastorino, ed., Iugurtha, Historiarum fragmenta selecta, Appendix Sallustio: letture critiche (Milan, 1978); V. Poschl,

Sallustiana, ed. L. D. Reynolds (Oxford, 1991). Grundwerte rémischer Staatsgesinnung in den Geschichtswerken des Sallust (Berlin, 1940); Poschl, ed., Sallust (Darmstadt, 1970); P. L.

218 SALLUSTIUS Schmidt, “Sallustius,” in Der Neue Pauly, vol. 10 _ sallustiani (Bari, n.d.), 78-127; L. D. Reynolds, (2001), 1254-58; W. Schur, Sallust (Stuttgart, 1934); | “Sallustius Crispus,” in L. D. Reynolds, ed., Texts W. Steidle, Sallusts historische Monographien and Transmission: A Survey of the Latin Classics (Wiesbaden, 1958); R. Syme, Sallust (Berkeley, (Oxford, 1983), 341-52 (see also xxvi—xxvii); 1964); R. W. Ulery, Jr., “Sallust,” in Dictionary of | Reynolds, “The Lacuna in Sallust’s Jugurtha,” ReLiterary Biography, vol. 211: Ancient Roman Writ- vue @histoire des textes 14-15 (1984-85) 59-69; R.

ers, ed. W. W. Briggs (Detroit, 1999), 267-76 . Sabbadini, “Lepistola sallustiana di Pompeio,’ Bollettino di filologia classica 2 (1895-96) 213-15; Sabbadini, “Per la storia del codice Vaticano lat.

IV. SURVIVAL AND INFLUENCE 3864,” ibid. 28 (1922) 172-73; S. Schierling, “Rossi A. Selected Textual Studies 508 and the Text of Sallust,” Manuscripta 29 (1985) A. W. Ahlberg, Prolegomena in Sallustium 67-72; Schierling, “Bellum Iugurthinum 113,3. A (Goteborg, 1911); B. Bischoff and H. Bloch, “Das Restoration of the Text,’ ibid. 31 (1987) 3-6; Wiener Fragment der ,Historiae’ des Sallust (P. Schierling, “SPSS/PC as a Useful Tool in DeterVindob. L 117),” Wiener Studien 13 (1979) 116-29; mining the Text of Sallust’s Jugurtha. A Text CritH. Bloch, “The Structure of Sallust’s Historiae: ic’s Point of View,” The Classical Bulletin 65 (1989) The Evidence of the Fleury Manuscript,” in Di- 33-42; F. Vogel, Quaestionum Sallustianarum pars dascaliae. Studies in Honor of A. M. Albareda, ed. altera, in Acta Seminarii philologict Erlangensis, S. Prete (New York, 1961), 59-76; L. Canfora, vol. 2 (Erlangen, 1881), 405-48; R. Zimmermann, “Crispus Sallustius autore delle Suasoriae ‘ad Cae- Der Sallusttext im Altertum (Munich, 1931). sarem senem’?” Index: Quaderni camerti di studi

romanistici 9 (1980) 25-32 (reprinted in his Studi B. General Studies di storia della storiografia romana [Bari, 1993], M. von Albrecht, Geschichte der romischen Lite129-38); Canfora, “Per una storia del canone degli —_ratur, vol. 1 (Munich, 1992), 364ff.; C. Becker, “Sal-

storici. Il caso del ‘corpus’ sallustiano,’ in A. Giar- lust,” ANRW 1.3 (1973), 720-54 (“Die neuere dina, ed., Societa romana e impero tardoantico, Forschung,” 720-31); E. Bolaffi, Sallustio e la sua vol. 4 (Rome and Bari, 1986), 3-18 (reprinted in _ fortuna nei secoli (Rome, 1949); M. De Nonno, P. his Studi, 75-96); Canfora, “Per la storia del testo De Paolis, and C. di Giovine, eds., “Sallustio,” in di Sallustio,” in Filologia e forme letterarie: Studi Lo spazio letterario di Roma antica, vol. 5 (Rome, offerti a Francesco della Corte, vol. 2 (Urbino, 1991), 325-33; G. Funaioli, PW (Bibliography III 1987), 377-98 (reprinted in his Studi, 97-120); F. above), 1946-55; Funaioli, Enciclopedia italiana Carpanelli, “Ricerche filologiche su un codice sal- (Bibliography III above), 539; A. H. McDonald, in lustiano (Vat. lat. 3327) non ancora esplorato,” Fifty Years (and Twelve) of Classical Scholarship Prometheus 10 (1984) 147-53; Carpanelli, “Per il (Oxford, 1968), 465ff. testo delle biografie sallustiane,” Prometheus 13

(1987) 249-60; Carpanelli, “I frammenti delle His- C. Special Studies toriae di Sallustio tramandati da Arusiano Messio P. Archambault, “Sallust in France: Thomas in comune con altre fonti,” ibid. 5 (1982) 29-52; L. Basin’s Idea of History and of the Human Condidi Salvo, “Le citazioni delle monografie di Sallus- _ tion,” Papers on Language and Literature 4 (1968) tio in Arusiano Messio,” Studi e ricerche dell’Isti- 227-57; G. Brugnoli, “Sallustio Crispo, Caio,” in

tuto di Latino (Facolta di Magistero, Universita di Enciclopedia dantesca, vol. 4 (Rome, 1973), Genova) 4 (1981) 73-79; E. Hoéhne, Die Geschichte 1077-78; FE. Brunhdlzl, “Sallust,’ in Lexikon des des Sallusttextes im Altertum (Munich, 1927); A. Méittelalters, vol. 7 (Munich and Zurich, 1995), La Penna, “Per la ricostruzione delle ‘Historiae’ di 1306-1308; K. Biichner, Sallust, 356-82; D. Byrne, Sallustio,” Studi italiani di filologia classica 35 “An Early French Humanist and Sallust: Jean

(1963) 5-68; H. Last, “On the Sallustian Lebégue and the Iconographical Programme for Suasoriae,” Classical Quarterly 17 (1923) 87-100 _ the Catilina and Jugurtha,” Journal of the Warburg

and 151-62; Last, “A Note on the First Sallustian and Courtauld Institutes 49 (1986) 227-57; M. Suasoria,” ibid. 18 (1924) 83-84; B. Maurenbre- Cagnetta, “Il Sallustio di Agostino,” Quaderni di cher, Sallustiana, 1. Heft: Die Uberlieferung der storia 11 (1985) 151-60; E. Cesareo, Le traduzioni Jugurthaliicke (Halle, 1903); V. Paladini, Problemi italiane delle monografie di Sallustio (Palermo,

BIBLIOGRAPHY 219 1924); J. Chocheyras, “Les traductions francaises born, 1990), 347-57; A. J. Hunt, “Three New de Salluste au cours de la Renaissance,” Revue de Incunables with Marginalia by Politian,” Rinascilittérature comparée 39 (1965) 22-30; A. Coletti mento, 2d Ser., 24 (1984) 251-59; H. Jacobson, Strangi, “La versione sallustiana di Agostino Orti- “Milton’s Second Defense and Sallust,” Notes and ca della Porta. Ledizione del 1518. Prima Parte,” Queries 31.229 (1984) 327ff.; S. Jaffe, “Gottfried Rendiconti dell’Istituto Lombardo, Classe di Let- von Strassburg and the Rhetoric of History,” in J. tere, Scienze morali e storiche 116 (1982) 21-31; Co- J. Murphy, ed., Medieval Eloquence (Berkeley, letti Strangi, “Risultanze dell’esame linguistico 1978), 288-318; A. La Penna, “Die Bedeutung Saldella versione sallustiana di Agostino Ortica del _ lusts ftir die Geschichtsschreibung und die poli1518. Seconda parte,’ ibid. 117 (1983) 37-52; M. _ tischen Ideen Leonardo Brunis,’ Arcadia 1 (1966) Cortesi, “Per il Commento a Sallustio di Lorenzo 255-76 (see now “II significato di Sallustio nella Valla,” Res publica litterarum 14 (1991) 49-59; N. _ storiografia e nel pensiero politico di Leonardo Criniti, Bibliografia catilinaria (Milan, 1971), in- Bruni,” in Sallustio e la “rivoluzione” romana cluding Criniti, “Contributo alla storia degli studi [Bibliography III above], “Appendice prima,” e delle tradizioni classiche nell’eta moderna e 409-31); La Penna, Sallustio e la “rivoluzione” rocontemporanea,’ Aevum 40 (1966) 500-18; Crini- mana (Bibliography III above), appendices 1-5, ti, “Studi recenti su Catilina e la sua congiura,” 409-71; La Penna, “Congetture sulla fortuna di ibid. 41 (1967) 370-95; Criniti, “La tradizione Sallustio nell’antichita,” in Studia Florentina A. catilinaria: interpretazioni provinciali italiane tra Ronconi sexagenario oblata (Rome, 1970), 195-206 le due guerre mondiali,” ibid. 42 (1968) 114-20; (reprinted in A. Pastorino, ed., Sallustio [BibliogCriniti, “Contributo allo studio sulla fortuna di raphy III above], 191-200; La Penna, “I! ritratto Catilina nella letteratura europea,’ Nuova rivista ‘paradossale’ da Silla a Petronio” and “Ancora sul storica 52 (1968) 50-72; Criniti, “Interpretazioni _ritratto ‘paradossale’,” in Aspetti del pensiero storistoriche catilinarie nell’Italia unita,” ibid., co latino, 2d ed. (Turin, 1983), 193-221, 223-30; La 355-400; Criniti, “L'uso propagandistico del topos Penna, “Sallust. Nachleben 14. und 15. Jh.,’

catilinario nella “Historia Augusta,’ Contributi Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 7 (Munich and dell’Istituto di storia antica (Universita Cattolica Zurich, 1995), 1308-1309; J. S. Lawry, “Catiline and del S. Cuore) 2 (1974) 97-106; Criniti, ““Catilinae ‘the Sight of Rome in Us’,” in Rome in the Renais‘catilinario,’ ibid. 3 (1975) 121-35; R. H. C. Davis, sance (Binghamton, N. Y., 1982), 395-4073 J.-C. “William of Poitiers and His History of William Margolin, “Salluste et ’humanisme pédagogique the Conqueror,’ in R. H. C. Davis and J. M. Wal- en France au XVIe siécle,’ in Association Guillace-Hadrill, eds., The Writing of History in the laume Budé, Actes du IXe Congrés (Rome, 13-18 Middle Ages: Essays Presented to Richard William _ avril 1973), vol. 2 (Rome, 1973), 629-39; A. Mazza, Southern (Oxford, 1981), 71-100; B. De Luna, Jon- “Sallustio tra Alfieri, Manzoni e Leopardi,’ in Vesson’s Romish Plot. A Study of Catiline in Its Histor- _ tigia. Studi in onore di Giuseppe Billanovich, ed. R. ical Context (Oxford, 1967); D. Den Hengst, “The Avesani et al., vol. 2 (Rome, 1984), 443-50; W. McAuthor’s Literary Culture,’ in Historiae Augustae Cuaig, “Bernardo Rucellai and Sallust,’ Rinascicolloquium Parisinum (Paris, 1991), 161-69; F. mento, 2d Ser., 22 (1982) 75-98; K. Miller, ed. and

Gabotto, Appunti per la storia della leggenda di comm., Mappaemundi: die dltesten Weltkarten, Catilina nel Medio Evo (Turin, 1887); Gabotto, Ap- vol. 3: Die kleineren Weltkarten (Stuttgart, 1895), punti sulla fortuna di alcuni autori romani nel 110-15; A. Morino, “Bartolomeo e Sallustio,’ Studi Medio Evo, I. Sallustio (Verona, 1891); P. A. M. di filologia italiana 51 (1993) 39-52; FE. Mosino, Geurts, “Sallustius’ Catilinae Coniuratio in poli- “Glosse latine in margine ad una Aldina (1509) di tische Pampfletten,” Hermeneus 32 (1961) 113-17; Sallustio,’ Rendiconti della Classe di Scienze O. Guyotjeannin, “Un préambule de Marmoutier morali, storiche e filologiche dell’Accademia dei imité de Salluste au XIe siécle et ses antécédents,’ Lincei (Roma) 26 (1981) 19-21; B. Munk Olsen, Bibliotheque de T’Ecole des Chartes 138 (1980) “Les classiques latins dans les floriléges médié87-89; N. Holzberg, “Sallust im Dreissigjahrigen vaux antérieurs au XIlIle siécle,” Revue d’histoire Krieg,” in ®iAodpovnya: Festschrift fiir Martin des textes 9 (1979) 47-121; Munk Olsen, “La popuSicherl zum 75. Geburtstag: von Textkritik bis Hu- _ larité des textes classiques entre le [Xe et le XIIe manismusforschung, ed. D. Harlfinger (Pader- _ siécle,” ibid. 14-15 (1984-85) 169-81; Munk Olsen,

220 SALLUSTIUS Détude des auteurs classiques latins aux XI° e XII’ Things: The “Vita Heinrici IV. Imperatoris’ and siécles, 3 vols. in 4 (Paris, 1982-89); Munk Olsen, J the Crisis of Interpretation in Twelfth-Century classici nel canone scolastico altomedievale (Spole- France,” Traditio 43 (1987) 105-19; R. Syme, Sallust to, 1991); A. Nitzschner, De locis Sallustianis qui (Berkeley, 1964), 275-301; H. Vester, “Widukind apud scriptores et grammaticos veteres leguntur von Korvei—ein Beispiel zur Wirkungsgeschichte (Diss. Géttingen, 1884); P. J. Osmond, “Sallust and Sallusts,’ Der altsprachliche Unterricht 21 (1978)

Machiavelli: from Civic Humanism to Political 5-22; R. Wiltenburg, “Damnation in a Roman Prudence,” Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Dress: Catiline, Catiline, and Paradise Lost,” MilStudies 23 (1993) 407-38; Osmond, “Jacopo Cor- ton Studies 25 (1989) 89-108. binelli and the Reading of Sallust in Late Renais-

sance France,’ Medievalia et humanistica, N. S., 21 ABBREVIATIONS (1994) 85-110; Osmond, “Princeps Historiae Ro- BC = Bellum Catilinae; De coniuratione Catiltmanae: Sallust in Renaissance Political Thought,” _ nae liber; Catilina Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 40 BI = Bellum Iugurthinum; Iugurtha (1995) 101-43; Osmond and R. W. Ulery, Jr., “Con-

stantius Felicius Durantinus and the Renaissance Origins of Anti-Sallustian Criticism,” Internation-

al Journal of the Classical Tradition 1 (1995) 29-56; COMPOSITE EDITIONS

Osmond, “Catiline in Fiesole and Florence: The After-Life of a Roman Conspirator,’ ibid. 7 (2000) Note: The texts in the Sallustian corpus were 3-38; G. Ouy, “Le songe et les ambitions dun continually emended by editors and correctors at jeune humaniste parisien vers 1395 (une é€pitre la- _ the time of printing; thus it has not been possible tine inconnue de Jean Lebégue a Pierre Lorfévre, _in all cases to identify the specific editor(s) or to chancelier de Louis d’Orléans, lui demandant la___ distinguish between second (or later) impressions

main de sa fille Catherine. Ms. Paris, B.N. and new or revised editions. Moreover, although lat.1o400 f.30-35),’ in Miscellanea di studi e every effort has been made to ascertain the conricerche sul Quattrocento francese, ed. F. Simone _ tents of each imprint, either directly or by con(Turin, 1967), 355-407; R. Poignault, ed., Présence _ sulting the principal catalogues and bibliographide Salluste. Actes du Colloque tenu a Tours les 23 et cal works, the present list of composite editions

24 février 1996 (Tours, 1997); J. Porcher, Jean (to 1650) remains a partial and provisional guide, Lebégue, les histoires que l'on peut raisonnablement subject to additions and corrections. faire sur les livres de Salluste (Paris, 1962); Porcher,

“Un amateur de peinture sous Charles VI: Jean 1491.5, Venetiis (Venice): arte et ingenio PhilipLebégue,” in Mélanges @histoire du livre et des bi- pi Pincii de Caneto. The opera of Sallust (ed. bliothéques offerts 4 monsieur Frantz Calot (Paris, Pomponius Laetus) with the Commentari of 1960), 35-41; U. Schindel, “Die Rezeption Sallusts Laurentius Valla on the Catilina. (This edition

in Deutschland in Humanismus und Auf- also contains ps. Cicero, In Sallustium and ps. Laklarung,” Wolfenbiitteler Studien zur Aufklarung6 tro, Declamatio in Catilinam). Flodr S 36; HC (1980) 89-106; F. Schindler, Untersuchungen zur 14222; IGIBI 8551; NUC. BNF; BAV; Rome, BiblioGeschichte des Sallustbildes (Diss. Breslau, 1939); J. teca Corsiniana; (ICN; NNC).

Schneider, “Die Vita Heinrici IV. und Sallust. Stu- (*) 1492.6, Venetiis (Venice): per Nicolaum de dien zu Stil und Imitatio in der mittellateinischen Ferraris de Pralermo. Contents as in 1491.5. HC Prosa,’ Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften in 14224.

Berlin, Schriften der Sektion fiir Altertumswis- 1492.7, Venetiis (Venice): per miagistrum senschaft 49 (Berlin, 1965); B. Smalley, “Sallust in Theodorum de Regazonibus de Asula. Contents the Middle Ages,” in R. R. Bolgar, ed., Classical In- as in 1491.5. HC(+Add)R 14223; NUC. BAV;

fluences on European Culture, A. D. 500-1500 Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense and Biblioteca (Cambridge, 1971), 165-75; H. B. Speck, Katilina Corsiniana; (CtY). im Drama der Weltliteratur (Leipzig, 1906); R. M. 1493.1, Mediolani (Milan): arte et ingenio UlStein, Sallust for His Readers 410-1550 (Diss. Co- derici Scinzenzeler. Contents as in 1491.5. HC

lumbia University, 1977); Stein, “Signs and 14225. BNF; BAV.

COMPOSITE EDITIONS 221 1493.8, Venetiis (Venice): per Ioannem de [Later imprint similar to 1500.7: 1506 Venice Cereto de Tridino. Contents as in 1491.5. HC (NUC).| 14226; NUC. BAV; (MH).

[1493], Venetiis (Venice): per Bernardinum Be- 1504, Parrhisiis (Paris): Iehan Petit [title page]; nalium. Contents as in 1491.5. HC 14221; NUC. Finis reliquiarum C. Crispi Salustii et plusculo-

BAV; (CU; DLC). rum fragmentorum ... corrasorum et ab Ascen(*) 1494.11, Taurini (Turin): per Nicolaum de sio .. . explicatorum et ab eodem diligenti accuBenedictis et Iacobinum Suigum. Contents as in _ratione coimpressorum [colophon]. The opera of 1491.5. HC 14218; IGIBI 8556. Turin, Biblioteca Sallust (ed. Pomponius Laetus and rev. Johannes

Reale. Britannicus?; further rev. Jodocus Badius Ascensi[Later imprints similar to 1491.5: 1495 Lyons us) with the Familiaris explanatio (or interpreta(Copinger 5223), (*) 1496 Lyons (HC 14227), ¢(*) tio) of Badius. (Other contents as in 1500.7 above, 1496 Venice (HC 14231), [ca. 1497 Lyons] (BNF).] together with Cicero’s four Orationes in Catilnam; ps. Cicero, Oratio in Catilinam; ps. Catiline,

1495.1, Brixiae (Brescia): opera et diligentia Orationes responsivae duae in Ciceronem, and Bernardini Misinti Ticinensis, impensa vero An- _Philippus Beroaldus the Elder’s Invectivarum Cigeli et Jacobi Britan[n]icorum. The opera of Sal- ceronis Commendatio and Praefatio Sallustiana, lust (ed. Pomponius Laetus, rev. Johannes Bri- with notes by Badius.); Ph. Renouard, Josse Batan[n]Jicus), with the Commentarii of Laurentius dius Ascensius 3.227-28; Schweiger 2.867—68; Valla on the Catilina and the Expositio of Jo- NUC. BNF; (CtT Watkinson; CSmH; IU).

hannes Chrysostomus Soldus on the Iugurtha. 1506, Lugduni (Lyons): a Johanne de Vingle. (This edition also contains ps. Cicero, In Sal- Contents as in 1504. Schweiger 2.868; Ph. Relustium; ps. Latro, Declamatio, and ps. Catilina,; nouard, Badius 3.229-30; NUC. BNF; (MH). Oratio responsiva in Ciceronem.) Flodr S 45; HC (*) 1508, Parrhisiis (Paris): per Joannem Bar-

14230; IGIBI 8557; NUC. BL; Rome, Biblioteca bier pro Joanne Parvo. Contents as in 1504. Nazionale and Biblioteca Corsiniana; (CSmH; Schweiger 2.868; Ph. Renouard, Badius 3.230;

MH; NNC). NUC. BL; (NNC; OCU).

[ca. 1496, Venice: Christophorus de Pensis.| 1509, Lugduni (Lyons): per Claudium d’Avost Contents as in 1495.1. HC 14229. BNF; Rome, Bi- alias de Troys. Contents as in 1504. Schweiger

blioteca Nazionale; (MH). 2.868; Ph. Renouard, Badius 3.231-32; NUC. (IU; [ca. 1497-99, Venice: Christophorus de Pensis.}|_ MH).

Contents as in 1495.1. HC 14228; NUC. Florence, 1511, [Lugduni (Lyons)]: per Jacobum

Biblioteca Nazionale; (CtY; MH). Mareschal. Contents as in 1504. Schweiger 2.869; 1497.1 [or 1498.1], Parisiis (Paris): opera et dili- Ph. Renouard, Badius 3.232-33; NUC. (MH).

gentia magistri Andree Bocard. Impensa vero Io- [Later imprints similar to 1504: 1513 Venice hannis Alexandri et Iohannis Petit. Contents asin (Schweiger 2.869; Ph. Renouard, Badius 3.234),

1495.1. HC 14232. BNF; (CtY). 1513 Lyons (Schweiger 2.869; Ph. Renouard, Ba[Later imprint similar to 1495.1: (*) 1510 Milan = dius 3.233-34; NUC), (*) 1514 Lyons (Schweiger

(Schweiger 2.869; Valpy 2.809).| 2.869; Ph. Renouard, Badius 3.235—-36; NUC).] 1500.7, Venetiis (Venice): opera et impensa... (*) 1513, Venetiis (Venice): per Bernardinum Ioannis Tacuini de Tridino. The opera of Sallust de Vianis de Lexona. The opera of Sallust (ed. (ed. Pomponius Laetus, rev. Johannes Britanni- Pomponius Laetus, rev. Jodocus Badius Ascensicus?) with the Commentarii of L. Valla and of us?) with the Familiaris explanatio of Badius on Omnibonus Leonicenus on the Catilina and the all texts, the Commentarii of L. Valla and of OmExpositio of Soldus on the Jugurtha. (Other con- _nibonus Leonicenus on the Catilina, and the Extents as in 1495.1 above.) Flodr S 52; HC 14233; _positio of Joh. Chrys. Soldus on the Jugurtha.

IGIBI 8560; NUC. BAY; (DLC). (Other contents reportedly as in 1504.) Schweiger 1502.7, Venetiis (Venice): opera et impensa... 2.869-70; Ph. Renouard, Josse Badius Ascensius Ioannis Tacuini de Tridino. Contents as in 1500.7. 3.235. Schweiger 2.867; NUC. Rome, Biblioteca Corsini- 1514, Venetiis (Venice): opera et impensa ...

ana; (CtY; MH). Ioannis Tacuini de Tridino. Contents as in 1513.

222 SALLUSTIUS Schweiger 2.870. BAV; Rome, _ Biblioteca [Later imprints similar to 1533: 1535 Lyons

Nazionale (Schweiger 2.872; NUC), 1536 Lyons (Schweiger [Later imprints similar to (*) 1513: 1521 Venice 2.872), 1538 Lyons, (*) 1540 Lyons, (*) 1542 Lyons, (Schweiger 2.871; Ph. Renouard, Badius 3.237-38), 1545 Lyons, 1546 Lyons, (*) 1547 Lyons, (*) 1549 1534 Venice, 1539 Venice (Schweiger 2.872), (*) 1541 Lyons (Schweiger 2.872-73). |

Venice (NUC).] (*) 1534, Basileae (Basel): apud Ioh. Hervagium. Contents as in 1530. Schweiger 2.872.

(*) 1517, Lugduni (Lyons): per Joannem de [Later imprints similar to (*) 1534: 1541 Venice Jonvelle. The opera of Sallust with the Familiaris (NUC), (*) 1543 Antwerp (Schweiger 2.873; Belgiexplanatio of Jodocus Badius Ascensius and the ca typographica 1541-1600 1.347; (NUC), (*) 1544

Annotationes of Jacobus Crucius Bononiensis on Mainz (Schweiger 2.873), [(*) 1569 [London] the Catilina and Iugurtha. (Other contents as in (NUC), (*) 1581 Venice (NUC), 1588 Lyons. | 1513 above.) Ph. Renouard, Josse Badius Ascensius

3.236; NUC. BL; (DFo; NN). 1538, Basileae (Basel): apud And. Cratandrum. 1519, Lugduni (Lyons): per Ioannem Marion. The Annotationes of Henricus Glareanus on the

Contents as in 1517. Schweiger 2.870; Ph. Re- Catilina, Iugurtha, and Oratio in Ciceronem nouard, Badius 3.237. Rome, Biblioteca Nazionale; (without texts). (This edition also contains Glare-

(CtT Watkinson; CtY). anus annotations on ps. Cicero, In Sall; there are 1523, Lugduni (Lyons): per Antonium Blan- no texts.) Schweiger 2.872; NUC. BAV; (CU-B). chard. Contents as in 1517. Schweiger 2.871; Ph.

Renouard, Badius 3.238-39; NUC. BL; (DFo; (micro.) 1539, Lipsiae (Leipzig): Nicolaus

MH). Wolrab excudebat. The Catilina, Iugurtha, Ex1526, Lugduni (Lyons): per Jacobum Myt. cerpta ex libris Historiarum, and Epistulae, with Contents as in 1517. Schweiger 2.872; Ph. Re- the Castigationes of Johannes Rivius. (There are nouard, Badius 3.239-40; NUC. BNF; (ICU; ViU). apparently no texts). Valpy 2.815. Berlin, Staats(*) 1528, Lugduni (Lyons): impressus per Joan- _ bibliothek.

nem Cleyn. Contents as in 1517. Ph. Renouard, [Later imprints similar to (micro.) 1539

Badius 3.240. BL; BNF. Leipzig: (*) 1539 Lyons, (*) 1542 Lyons (Valpy 2.815-16), (*) 1542 Leipzig (Schweiger 2.872; Valpy

1529, Haganoae (Haguenau): per Joannem Se- 2.815). | cerium. The opera of Sallust with the Scholia of

Philippus Melanchthon and the Flosculi of Hul- (*) 1544, Coloniae (Cologne): apud Jo. Gymdericus Huttenus. Later imprints sometimes print nicum. The Catilina and Iugurtha (rev. Johannes the Scholia without attribution, or include the Rivius [and/or with the Castigationes of Rivius]), Annotationes of Jacobus Crucius on the Catilina with the Annotationes of Jacobus Crucius, Scholia and Iugurtha. (The edition also includes ps. Ci- of Philippus Melanchthon, and Annotationes of cero, In Sall., Cicero’s four Orationes in Catili- Henricus Glareanus. Schweiger 2.873. nam, and ps. Latro, with the Scholia of Melanch- [Later imprints similar to (*) 1544: (*) 1550 thon.) Schweiger 2.872; NUC. BNF; (CtY). Cologne (Schweiger 2.873), (*) 1556 Cologne 1530, Parisiis (Paris): apud Simonem Coli- (Schweiger 2.873; NUC), (*) 1561 Cologne naeum. Texts as in 1529, with Melanchthon’s (NUC), (*) 1567 Cologne (Schweiger 2.875), (*) Scholia (anon.) and the Flosculi. Schweiger 2.872. 1578 [-1584] Cologne (Schweiger 2.876), (*) 1586

Rome, Biblioteca Corsiniana. [-1591] Cologne (Schweiger 2.876). | [Later imprints similar to 1529: 1536 Paris, 1543

Paris (NUC).] 1546, Venetiis (Venice): apud Hieronymum (*) 1532, Coloniae Agrippinae (Cologne): apud Scotum. The opera of Sallust with the CommenI. Gymnicum. Texts as in 1529, with the Scholia of tarii of Laurentius Valla on the Catilina, the An-

Melanchthon. Schweiger 2.872. notationes of Jacobus Crucius, Scholia of Philip[Later imprints similar to (*) 1532: 1536 pus Melanchthon, Annotationes of Henricus Cologne (NUC), (*) 1539 Cologne. | Glareanus, Castigationes of Johannes Rivius, and 1533, Lugduni (Lyons): apud Seb. Gryphium. Commentaria of Bartholomaeus Marlianus on

Contents as in (*) 1532. NUC. (CtY). the Catilina and Iugurtha; the Expositio of Jo-

COMPOSITE EDITIONS 223 hannes Chrysostomus Soldus on the Iugurtha; 1563 (colophon: 1564), Romae (Rome): apud the Castigationes of Rivius on the Excerpta ex li- Paulum Manutium. Contents as in 1563 Venice, bris Historiarum, and Epistulae; the Commenta- but with additional fragmenta and revised notes, rius of Sylvius Ambianus and Annotationes of including a few Scholia on Epistula I and the OraGlareanus on the Oratio in Ciceronem. (This edi- tio in Ciceronem. Schweiger 2.874; NUC. Rome, tion also contains the texts of ps. Cicero, In Sall., Biblioteca Nazionale; (CU-S; MH).

with notes by Sylvius and Glareanus, ps. Latro, [Later imprints similar to 1563 Venice: 1564 and Cicero’s four Orationes in Catilinam.) Rome, 1567 Venice (Schweiger 2.875), (*) 1573 Schweiger 2.873; NUC. Rome, Biblioteca Venice?, (*) 1577 Venice (Schweiger 2.875-76); lat-

Nazionale; (MiU). er imprints sometimes with Scholia of Melanch-

thon and Flosculi of Huldericus Huttenus: 1564 1547, Venetiis (Venice): in aedibus Venturini Antwerp (Schweiger 2.875; L. Voet, The Plantin

Roffinelli. The opera of Sallust with the same Press 5.2019-21; NUC), ?(*) 1564 Antwerp commentaries and notes included in the 1546 (Schweiger 2.874; Belgica typographica 1541-1600 Venice edition, together with the Familiaris expla- 1.347), 1570 Lyons (Schweiger 2.875; NUC), ?(*) natio of Jodocus Badius Ascensius on all texts. 1573 London (Schweiger 2.875; NUC), 1588 Venice (This edition contains the same texts by Cicero, (Schweiger 2.876), (*) 1610 Toro? (NUC); see also ps. Cicero, In Sall., ps. Latro, and ps. Catilina in- A.-A. Renouard, Annales de l’Imprimerite des Alde, cluded in the 1513 edition by B. de Vianis, with the 3d ed., for individual imprints containing Aldus’ notes of Badius.) Schweiger 2.873; Ph. Renouard, —Scholia.| Josse Badius Ascensius 3.240—41; NUC. Rome, Bi-

blioteca Nazionale; (CtY; ICU). 1563, Parisiis (Paris): ex typographia Thomae [Later imprints similar to 1547: 1556 Venice Richardi. Speeches and letters excerpted from the (Schweiger 2.874), 1565 Venice (Schweiger 2.875; Catilina and Iugurtha, with the notes of Johannes

NUC), 1573 Venice (NUC), 1590 Venice Pescheur. BNF. (Schweiger 2.876; NUC).| 1564, Basileae (Basel): per Henricum Petri. The

(*) 1553, Parisiis (Paris): David. The Oratio in opera of Sallust with the Familiaris explanatio of Ciceronem (and ps. Cicero, In Sall.) with the Jodocus Badius Ascensius, and with the following Commentarii of Franciscus Sylvius Ambianus and commentaries and notes: the Commentari of

of Andreas Helmontanus. NUC. (CU-B). Laurentius Valla and of Omnibonus Leonicenus on the Catilina; the Expositio of Johannes 1554, Bononiae (Bologna): apud Achillem Bar- Chrysostomus Soldus on the Iugurtha; the Annobirolum. The Catilina with the Commentarium of — tationes of Jacobus Crucius, the Annotationes of

Vincentius Castellanus [Castiloneus] and the Henricus Glareanus, the Castigationes of JoIugurtha with his Scholia. Schweiger 2.873. BNF; hannes Rivius, the Commentaria of Bartholomae-

Rome, Biblioteca Corsiniana. us Zanchus, and the Commentarium of Vincentius Castellanus on the Catilina and Iugurtha; the 1563, Venetiis (Venice): apud Paulum Manu- Castigationes of Rivius on the Excerpta ex libris tium. The opera of Sallust (ed. Aldus Pius Manu- —_Historiarum and Epistulae; and the Annotationes tius; rev. Paulus Manutius) together with the His- of Glareanus on the Oratio in Ciceronem. Anonytoriarum reliquiae (collected and edited by Aldus mous notes printed in the margins of the monoManutius Junior), and the Scholia of Aldus onthe graphs may be identified with Philippus MeCatilina, Iugurtha, and Excerpta ex libris Histori- \anchthon’s Scholia. (This edition also contains

arum. (This edition also contains ps. Cicero, In the other texts and notes in the 1547 edition Sall., ps. Latro’s Declamatio, with Aldus’ Scholia, above, as well as Constantius Felicius Durantinus’

and the first published collection of Veterum De coniuratione Catilinae liber.) Schweiger 2.874; scriptorum de Sallustio testimonia, compiled by Ph. Renouard, Josse Badius Ascensius 3.241—42; Aldus.) Schweiger 2.874; A.-A. Renouard, Annales NUC. BNF; Rome, Biblioteca Nazionale; (NNC; de I’Imprimerie des Alde, 3d ed., 189; NUC. Rome, DFo; MH).

Biblioteca Corsiniana and Biblioteca Nazionale; [Later imprint similar to 1564: (*) 1573 Basel

(CtY; NNC). | (Ph. Renouard, Badius 3.242). |

224 SALLUSTIUS (micro.) 1571, Basileae (Basel): ex off. Hen- (*) 1596 [Geneva] (NUC), (*) 1601 Lyons, (*) ricpetrina. The opera of Sallust with the Annota- 1604 Lyons (Schweiger 2.877), (*) 1608 Antwerp, tiones of Coelius Secundus Curio on the Iugurtha, (*) 1614 Lyons, (*) 1618 Lyons (NUC).]

the Annotationes of Jacobus Crucius on the Catilina and Iugurtha, and the Annotationes of 1579, Antverpiae (Antwerp): ex officina Henricus Glareanus on the Catilina, Iugurtha, Christophori Plantini. The opera of Sallust (ed. and Oratio in Ciceronem. (This edition also con- Ludovicus Carrio), including the Historiarum tains ps. Cicero, In Sall., with the Annotationes of fragmenta, with the Castigationes of Johannes Glareanus, and Huldericus Huttenus’ flosculi.) Rivius, the Scholia of Aldus Manutius Junior, and Schweiger 2.875. Bern, Stadt- und Universitats- the Emendationes of Cyprianus Popma on the

bibliothek. Catilina and Iugurtha; the Castigationes of Rivius [Later imprints similar to (micro.) 1571: (*) on the Excerpta ex libris Historiarum and Epistu1590 Basel, 1606 Basel (Schweiger 2.876—77). | lae, the Scholia of Aldus and Carrio on these and the Historiarum fragmenta, and the Emendationes 1572, Lovanii (Louvain): apud Hieronymum of Popma and Scholia of Aldus and Carrio on the Wellaeum. The opera of Sallust (ed. Cyprianus Oratio in Ciceronem. (The texts and notes are

Popma) with the Emendationes of Cyprianus printed as separate volumes, usually bound toPopma on the Catilina, Iugurtha, and Oratio in gether.) Schweiger 2.876; L. Voet, The Plantin Ciceronem. (The edition also contains ps. Cicero, Press 5.2021-22; NUC. BL; Brussels, Bibliothéque

In Sall., with Popma’s notes, and anonymous Royale; Rome, Biblioteca Nazionale; (CtY; MH; marginal scholia, identified as those of Melanch- PU). thon, on the opera). Schweiger 2.875. BNF.

1580, Antverpiae (Antwerp): ex officina 1573, Antverpiae (Antwerp): apud Ioannem_ Christophori Plantini. The Historiarum fragmenBellerum. The Historiarum fragmenta [and the taand Epistulae with Notae by Janus Dousa. (This Epistulae| (collected and edited by Ludovicus edition is often bound with the above 1579 volCarrio) with Carrio’s Scholia. L. Voet, The Plantin umes of the text and commentaries.) Schweiger Press 5.2021. Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale; Rome, 2.876; L. Voet, The Plantin Press 5.2022. Rome,

Biblioteca Nazionale. Biblioteca Nazionale.

(*) 1574, s. L: apud Petrum Santandreanum. 1580, Francofurti ad Moenum (Frankfurt): The opera of Sallust, including the Historiarum apud Georgium Corvinum. Spicilegiorum comfragmenta (collected and edited by Ludovicus mentarius primus, containing notes on the CatiliCarrio), with Scholia (by Carrio?). Schweiger na and Iugurtha by Janus Mellerus Palmerius.

2.875. BNF; Berlin, Staatsbibliothek. (This edition also contains notes on Lucretius, Plautus, Terence, Propertius, Petronius, Tacitus 1574, s. l. et t. The opera of Sallust, including _[?], Catullus et al.) BAV. the Historiarum fragmenta, with the Scholia of Al-

dus Manutius Junior and the Emendationes of 1594, Lugduni Batavorum (Leiden): ex officina Cyprianus Popma on the Catilina and Iugurtha; Plantiniana apud Franciscum Raphelengium. the Scholia of Aldus and Ludovicus Carrio on the The opera of Sallust (ed. Andreas Schottus, with Historiarum fragmenta and Epistulae; and the _ the texts from Ludovicus Carrio’s 1579 edition of Emendationes of Popma and the Scholia of Aldus Sallust), with the Notae of Petrus Ciacconius on on the Oratio in Ciceronem. (The edition also in- the Catilina, Iugurtha, Historiarum fragmenta, cludes ps. Cicero, In Sall., with the Emendationes and Epistulae. Schweiger 2.876; NUC. BL; BNF; of Popma, and ps. Latro, Declamatio.) Schweiger Rome, Biblioteca Nazionale; (CtY; DLC).

2.875. BNE. [Later imprints similar to 1594: (*) 1597 Leiden (*) 1576, Lugduni (Lyons): apud Ant. Gryphi- (Schweiger 2.876), 1613 Leiden or Antwerp um. Contents as in 1574. Schweiger 2.875. (NUC), (*) 1601 London (Schweiger 2.877; NUC), [Later imprints similar to 1574: 1584 Lyons 1615 London (Schweiger 2.877; NUC).| (Schweiger 2.876), (*) 1586 Lyons, (*) 1589 Lyons,

I.l. ANONYMUS BERNENSIS 225 1595, Antverpiae (Antwerp): ex officina Plan- (*) 1619, Franekerae (Franeker): Excudebat tiniana apud viduam & I. Moretum. The Notae of loannes Lamrinck. The opera of Sallust, including Fulvius Ursinus on the Catilina, Iugurtha, Histo- the Historiarum fragmenta (ed. Ausonius Pop-

riarum fragmenta, and Epistulae. (This edition ma), with the Scholia of Ausonius Popma and also contains the Fragmenta Historicorum from notes (Emendationes?) by Cyprianus Popma. Fabius Pictor, Q. Claudius Quadrigarius, L.Cor- (The edition also contains the Historiarum fragnelius Sisenna, et al., collected by Antonius Au- menta of L. Cornelius Sisenna.) Schweiger 2.877. gustinus, and the notes of Ursinus on Caesar, BL. Livy, Velleius, Tacitus, Suetonius, Spartianus, et

al.) Schweiger 2.903; NUC. BAV; (CtY). 1622, Venetiis (Venice): apud Io. Guerilium. The Catilina with the Commentarii of Paulus Be-

1599, Noribergae (Nuremberg): excudebat nius Eugubinus and the Iugurtha with notes [by Paulus Kauffmann. The opera of Sallust (ed. Philippus Melanchthon]. Schweiger 2.890. Rome,

Christophorus Colerus) with the Notae of Biblioteca Casanatense. Colerus on the opera (excluding the Epistulae, published separately in Hamburg by M. Forsterus (micro.) 1649, Francofurti (Frankfurt): imin 1599). (This edition also contains ps. Cicero, In _ pensis Joh. Hiittneri. The opera of Sallust (ed. Jo-

Sall., with notes.) Schweiger 2.876-77. BL; BNF; hannes Philippus Pareus) with the Animadver-

BAV. siones et Notae of Daniel Pareus on the Catilina,

Iugurtha, Historiarum fragmenta, Epistulae, and 1602, [Leiden]: ex officina Plantiniana Raphe- Oratio in Ciceronem. (This edition also contains lengii. The opera of Sallust (ed. Ludovicus Carrio, ps. Cicero, In Sallustium.) Schweiger 2.878; NUC. rev. Helias Putschius) with the Notae of Putschius Berlin, Staatsbibliothek; (NNUT). on the Catilina, Iugurtha, and Historiarum frag-

menta and of Petrus Ciacconius on the same and 1649, Lugduni Batavorum (Leiden): apud on the Epistulae. Schweiger 2.877; NUC. BL; BNF; Franciscum Hackium. The opera of Sallust (ed.

BAV; (NjP; OCIW). Antonius Thysius) with Observationes et Notae

drawn from numerous ancient and more recent 1607, Francofurti (Frankfurt): sumptibus Jo- authors. Schweiger 2.878; NUC. BL; Rome, Biblinae Rhodii. The opera of Sallust (ed. Janus oteca Nazionale; (MH; MiU; NjP). Gruterus) with the Notae of Gruterus, as well as the Annotationes of Henricus Glareanus, the Cas-

tigationes of Johannes Rivius, the Scholia of Aldus 1. BELLUM CATILINAE*

Manutius Junior, the Emendationes of Cyprianus

Popma, the Spicilegia of Janus Mellerus COMMENTARIES Palmerius, and the Notae of Petrus Ciacconius,

Fulvius Ursinus, and Helias Putschius on the 1, Anonymus Bernensis (later attribution:

Catilina and Iugurtha; the Castigationes of Rivius Omnibonus Leonicenus) on the Excerpta ex libris Historiarum and Epistu- This commentary, for reasons unstated and lae; the Scholia of Aldus and of Ludovicus Carrio, _ not yet clear, was attributed to Omnibonus Leoni-

and the Notae of Janus Dousa, Ciacconius, and cenus when first printed (Venice, 1500), and the Ursinus on the Historiarum fragmenta (including attribution has never been questioned. The text

the Excerpta) and Epistulae; and the Emenda- is found in continuous form in a manuscript tiones of Popma and Scholia of Aldus and Carrio (Bern, Burgerbibliothek, 411) dated s. XII-XIII as

on the Oratio in Ciceronem. (The notes by well as in several manuscripts s. XIV—XV, and as Christophorus Colerus, listed in the table of contents, are not included. This edition also contains * In transcribing the many quotations from Sallust in

ps. Cicero In Sal, with notes.) Schueiger 2.877; phot allows ws hav nde whee the ox ier NUC. BNF; BAV; Berlin, Staatsbibliothek; Rome, sense of the passage or the comment might otherwise be

Biblioteca Casanatense; (CtY; MBPL; WaU). unintelligible. Differences will be found in individual words and phrases and especially in word order.

226 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE marginal annotation in at least one other s. XV mentaries on Valerius Maximus, Pomponius manuscript. The commentary is introduced byan Mela, Persius, all of BC and BI, written continuaccessus beginning with a discussion of the ordo ously, Horace, Virgil, Horace. (C. Cenci, Biblio-

librorum (in this case of the two monographs) theca manuscripta ad Sacram Conventum Asand proceeding with the full list of topics save for _sisiensem, vol. 2 [Assisi, 1981], 520-21, no. 1728; cui parti philosophiae supponitur, although the CTC 3.228; Kristeller, Iter1.5a).

discussion of intentio and utilitas clearly puts Bern, Burgerbibliothek, 411 (miscellany), s. moral concerns in the forefront. This accessus XII—XIII, fols. 156r—159v; French. “Glosulae” on all

then leads into a discussion of the prologue of the of BC and BI written continuously without the BC and from there to the explication of the first text, as with commentaries on other authors (Lu-

words of the narrative. can, Virgil, Terence) in this miscellany. (Munk The annotations cover the entire text of the Olsen, s.v. Lucan Cc.4 and Sallust Cc.1; Kristeller, BC, paraphrasing words and phrases and explain- _Iter5.91b). ing simple points of grammar, rhetoric, and an- Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 7612 cient history. The comment on the first word is (miscellany), s. XV, fols. 73r-86v; German, from

the same as or similar to that in a number of the monastery at Indersdorf. Repertorium iuris, manuscripts, but this appears to indicate a com- collection of orations, letters, various poems in mon source for that note rather than a relation- _Italian, and commentaries on BC (one complete ship to other commentaries; generally the explicit and another on BC 1-5) and two on BI, written

is more distinctive. continuously. (A. Sottili, “I codici del Petrarca Accessus (Bern, Burgerbibliothek, 411; variants nella Germania Occidentale, IV,” Italia medioevale from the edition of Venice, 1500, are given in e umanistica 13 [1970] 281-467, especially 376-82; square brackets). | Inc.]: (fol. 156ra) Salustius Cris- reprinted as Sottili, I codici del Petrarca nella Gerpus diversas diversorum temporum historias mania Occidentale, 2 vols. [Padua, 1971]). tractaturus, Iugurtinam videlicet cuius memori- Padua, Biblioteca del Seminario, 142 (miscelam antiquitatis diuturnitate vix retinebat [anti- lany), s. XV, fols. 75r-106r. Commentaries on Vaquitate diuturnitas iusta retinebat], sed et Catili- lerius Maximus (by Guarino), all of BC and BI, nariam cuius saevitia suo tempore exarserat.... written continuously, Terence, Virgil’s Georgics, [Expl.|: Contra [Circa] quos prologum confuta- Cicero, Aesop, Avienus (a. 1464), and Ovid (a. tionis praemittit in quo vim animi vi [viribus] 1456). (Kristeller, Iter 2.9a). corporis esse praeferenda [-dam] dicit, sic incipi- Rome, Biblioteca Corsiniana, Cors. 1836 (43 F

ens. 11), s. XV, fols. 1r-17r (formerly part of ms. Rossi

Commentary. [Inc.|]: (fol. 156ra) Omnis 76, as was ms. Cors. 1835 [43 F 3], dated 1428). homines (1.1) quasi dicat sententiam animi meide Commentary on all of BC and a fragment of a quo (sic) me vituperant mutavi, quia nolebam vi- commentary on BI. (Kristeller, Iter 2.107a and tam sub silentio transire, ad quod decet omnes _6.166b). niti et elabor[ar]e; et ab hoc puncto incipit: Om- Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,

nis homines. Accusativus pluralis est omnis; dicit Ottob. lat. 3291 (miscellany), s. XIV, fols. 57v—67v. enim Servius quod omnia nomina quorum gene- Commentaries on the Poetria nova of Geoffrey of

tivus pluralis [terminatur] in -ium tam in -is Vinsauf (by Guicciardo da Bologna?), on Marquam in -es accusativos plurales terminant [cf. In _tianus Capella, and on BC and BI. Written con-

Aen. 1.108] .../... [Expl]: (fol. 159v) Laetitia tinuously, the text of this copy is closer to that (61.9) in vultum [-tu] pro hostibus inuentis, et printed in 1500 than is the text of the Bern manugaudium in corde, iterum pro hostibus; maerorin script. (E. Narducci, “Intorno ad un comento corde pro amicis [interfectis], Juctus in vultu§ inedito di Remigio d’Auxerre al «Satyricon» di iterum pro amicis [etc. Amen. Sallustii Crispi de Marziano Capella ed altri comenti al medesimo Catilinario bello scriptum feliciter explicit]. «Satyricon», Bullettino di bibliografia e di storia

Manuscripts: delle scienze mmatematicne ® fisiche 15 [1882] 505-65

Assisi, Biblioteca e Centro di Documentazione at 558; G. Mer call, Codici atin Pico Grimant Pto ec Francescana (Sacro Convento), fondo antico 303 di altra biblioteca gnota del secolo AVI esistenti l?Ottoboniana e 1 codici greci Pio di Modena

(miscellany), s. XIV—XV, fols. 108r—120r. Com- Me g ,

I.2. ANONYMUS RATISBONENSIS A 227 Studi e testi 75 [Vatican City, 1938], 251; Kristeller, scher Humanisten [Vienna, 1899; rpt. Munich,

Iter 2.4234). 1970], containing the Oratio in Valerium Maxi-

mum and Omnibonus Leonicenus Federico de Other witnesses containing in their margins Gonzaga on 142-44 and 259-69 respectively). traces of this commentary are: Augsburg, Staats- und Stadtbibliothek, 2° Cod. Add to Bibliography: P. F. Grendler, Schooling 305 (miscellany), s. XV (given to the monastery of in Renaissance Italy. Literacy and Learning, 1300St. Ulrich in 1496); contents as in the editio prin- 1600 (Baltimore and London, 1989) (see Index); ceps, Venice, 1470). (Handschriftenkataloge der M. Lowry, Nicholas Jenson and the Rise of Venetian Staats- und Stadtbibliothek Augsburg, vol. 4: W. Publishing in Renaissance Europe (Oxford, 1991) Gehrt, Die Handschriften der Staats- und Stadt- (see Index); J. Monfasani, “Calfurnio’s Identificabibliothek Augsburg. 2° Cod. 251-400e [Wiesbaden, tion of Pseudepigrapha of Ognibene, Fenestella

1989], 89-92). and Trebizond, and His Attack on Renaissance

itions: a yon .

New Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Library, Commentaries,” Renaissance Quarterly 61 (1988)

358, s. XV. See I.9 below. 32-43. Brief summaries of Omnibonus’ work as

Editions: teacher and classical scholar are also found in 1500.7, 1502, (*) 1513, 1514, 1564. See above, Storia di Vicenza 3.1-2 and Leta della Repubblica

Composite Editions. Veneta (1404-1797), ed. FE Barbieri and P. Preto

(Vicenza, 1990) (see index in 3.3, including refer-

Biography (Omnibonus Leonicenus): ences to EF Fiorese, “Cultura preumanistica e See CTC 1.208-209 (Biography, 209) and ad- _umanistica,” 3.2, 34-36 and G. Pellizzari, “Conti-

dendum in 3.444 (Juvenalis); 3.257-58 (Biogra- nuita e trasformazioni di un sistema scolastico phy, 258) (Persius); 5.360-64 (Valerius Maximus); —_cittadino,” 3.2, 72-80). See also the references to and 7.113-14 (Biography, 114) (Xenophon).Omni- Ognibene in Storia della cultura veneta. Dal primo

bonus was in close contact throughout his life Quattrocento al Concilio di Trento 3.1-3 (Vicenza, with many of the leading humanists and patrons 1980), ed. G. Arnaldi and M. Pastore Stocchi (Inof humanist learning, including (in addition to dex, 3.3, s.v. Bonisoli); B. Marx, Bartolomeo Pagelhis own teachers, Vittorino da Feltre and Manuel lo: Epistolae familiares (1464-1525) (Padua, 1978); Chrysoloras) Lorenzo Valla and Valla’s pupil and A. M. Dalla Pozza, La cultura vicentina nel Francesco Diana, Cardinal Bessarion, John primo cinquantennio della dominazione veneziana Tiptoft (earl of Worcester), and members of the (Vicenza, 1970), 104—109 and passim. Gonzaga family of Mantua and of the Barbaro

and Foscari families of Venice. His pupils in 2. Anonymus Ratisbonensis A Mantua, where he succeeded Vittorino as head of This unpublished commentary, found written the Giocosa, included the young Federico Gonza- continuously ina single manuscript (Munich, ga, to whom he later dedicated his De octo parti- Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14515) of the bus orationts. In Vicenza, his students included _ twelfth century (and perhaps in fragments of anOliviero d’Arzignano, Benedetto Brognoli, Gio- other), is a true paraphrase commentary, providvanni Calfurnio, Barnaba da Celsano, Francesco _ ing a reading of the text sentence by sentence and

Maturanzio, Leonardo Nogarola, Bartolomeo showing an argumentation of a decidedly Pagello (who later wrote a eulogy of his teacher), scholastic bent. The accessus begins with materia Ludovico de Saracinis, Francesco Schio, and Bar- (which it distinguishes from intentio) and inten-

tolomeo Serpe. tio (which it distinguishes from causa), then cui parti philosophiae and the prologus and its intenAdd to Works: orations on Greek and Latin _ fio, authors (see in particular the unpublished manu- Accessus (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, script, San Daniele del Friuli, Biblioteca Civica Clm 14515). [Inc.]: (fol. 79r) Nota hoc distare inter Guarneriana, Guarner. 107, containing Omni- intentionem et negotium et materiam, quod ma-

bonus’ De laudibus Titi Livi, Prohemium in teria uniuscuiusque scriptoris est illud unde Justinum, and Prohemium in Xenophontem, and _ scribit. Et est materia Salustii in hoc primo libro K. Miillner’s edition, Reden und Briefe italieni- scribere coniurationem Catilinae, quod quidam

228 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE vocant intentionem; quam tamen sententiam 3. Anonymus Ratisbonensis B non respuimus. . . . [Expl.]: Et quia si nudis verbis This unpublished commentary has essentially proferret negotium suum quasi vilipenderetur, the same nature as I.2 above and is found in the ideo ipsas sententias induit ornatu verborum. same manuscript (Munich, Bayerische StaatsbibCommentary. (Inc.|: (fol. 79r) Omnis homines liothek, Clm 14515), with a second copy in a conetc. (1.1). Et nota in hoc versu duo. Et quidem gra- temporary manuscript (Clm 14748). It is less prodatim descendit ad hoc, ut praeferat vim animivi ix in its argumentation, less “scholastic”, but corporis. Et possumus etiam notare quod hic appears to come from the same milieu as the othquodammodo extollatur negotium suum, prae- er commentary. The abbreviated accessus covers ferendo vim animi vi inrationabilium animalium only intentio (= materia), causa intentionts (= in.../... [Expl]: (fol. 99r) Ipse (sic) sunt omnes _ tentio), and the prologue, after which it passes dipaene mortui tamen neque exercitus populi Ro- _ rectly to grammatical explanation of the opening mani laetam (61.7) habuit victoriam et hoc dicit: words.

Nam strennuisumus (sic) quisque etc., et ad illud For a later commentary drawn from this confirmandum quod non tantum Catilinani (sic) source, see I.11 below. mortui fuerunt sed etiam fere omnes Romani, Accessus (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, subiungit Multi autem qui ex castris etc. (61.8). Clm 14515). [Inc.]: (fol. 125r) In hoc opere intentio

Manuscripts: est Salustit describere bellum quod fuit inter Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm Catilinam et Romanum populum. Causa autem 14515, s. XII, fols. or_gor. BC and BI, with an ex- intentionis est hortari bonos ad defensionem pa-

tract from Isidore, Etymologiae, and two com- triae per exemplum Ciceronis et aliorum, malos plete commentaries on each monograph of Sal- vero deterrer e ab Impugnatione patriae per exem-

lust (see 1.3, IL.2, and II.3 below), written plum Catilinae. Et quia quidam Imposuerant continuously; from St. Emmeram, Regensburg. pigritiae quod maluit dicendo quam faciendo vi(Munk Olsen C.72 and Cc.3; E. Klemm, Die ro- tam parare, facit hunc prologum, in quo contra manischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staats- tales dilaceratores excusat se, et extollendo on bibliothek, part 1: Die Bistiimer Regensburg, Passau nibus modis ingenium, ostendit callide suum und Salzburg [Wiesbaden, 1980], 17, no. 4 and otium hortando ad virtutem rei publicae plus Abb. 5 [detail of fol. 30r], citing Bischoff for the profuisse quam aliorum Peete

dating of the accessus-hands). Commentary, LIne. |: (fol. 1254) Sese (1.1). Me te

Cm 29226(2), s. XII, fols. 1r—4r; re- se sunt pronomina ipsam substantiam significanmoved from Clm 7736 (provenance: Augustiner- on Bt quia velocitate quadam pronuntiantur, stift, Indersdorf). Two bifolia containing a frag- neeO S aoa aoe ut evel signiticantia ee om.

ment of continuously written commentary on BC a atur. et a ve oerand; ae aceon Ag.2—58.8, identical in part to and contemporary va are exemp he ene ope il 1, Ne vitant with Clm 14515 (compare fol. ur with fol. gar of siulentio transeant, noc est, ne SIC S eant in vita ut Clm 14515, fol. 4v with fol. 98r); Munk Olsen re- post mortem eorum de factis nullus sit strepitus. gards it as a separate commentary (fol. ir in his Et merito pecora quae 1.. quae Uf] pats Me. CTE description should read “Caesarem. Nam quod ator corum finxit 1.e. creavit prona inciina atque uterque cum illo etc.” [49.2]; fol. 4v reads “alia de ideo ventrt oboedientia. Natura aut creator aut

causa quia”). (Munk Olsen Cc.s). creatura, sed hic pro creatore ponitur. Sed omnis _“Clm 29226(3), s. XII, fols. 1r-3v; re- nostra vis (1.2). Pecora sunt ventri oboedientia et moved from a Tegernsee manuscript. Two bifolia ideo simplicem vim habentia. In nobis non est containing a fragment of a commentary on BC ita. Nam tina vis nostra non tantum 1n ar any 1-36, written continuously, very similar at the end hve “en fom Cl tin corpore . . ./ br, eP ”

to Clm 14515, but not at the beginning (compare with variants from Cm 14748 in square Drac ets]: fol. 3v with fols. 9or—-91r of Clm 14515). (Munk (fol. 1351) Sed confecto P roelio (61.1). Dum Pus” Olsen Cc.6; again he regards it as a separate com- nantes stant, magna Virtus In €1s notari poterat, et

mentary). [quia] non solumpostquam] tunc,ceciderunt. sed etiam ut [quia Nec tamen e(xercitus) (61.7). Sic se undique [ex utraque parte] habuerunt et Romani tandem _ victoriam

I.4. ANONYMUS MONACENSIS A 229 habuerunt, tamen non laetam. Multi [autem] dehortari nos a civili bello et civili discordia (61.8) diu dimicaverunt et tamen [tandem] per- ad civilem pacem et concordiam, duplici modo, actum proelium est. Multi vero [multiautem illo- _ scilicet ostendendo turpem eventum Catilinae et rum] qui e castris pro aliis [p(rocesserant) alii] _complicum eius, rem publicam inpugnantium, laetabantur, quidam tristabantur. Per omnem ex- ponendo in egregia laude et Tullium et Catonem,

ercitum (61.9) tam civium quam hostium. rem publicam defendentes .../... [Expl.]: (fol.

Manuscripts: 2r) Et sic accedit ad litteram: O Romani, imponiMunich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm tis mihi quod causa inertiae transtulerim me ad 14515, Ss. XII, fols. 125r—135r. See I.2 above. hoc negotium, non ideo sed propter gloriam ——, Clm 14748 (miscellany), s. XI, fols. quaerendam, ad quam non solum ego nitor, sed 30r-31v. Priscian, with commentaries on Ovid, 07" homines qui stu dent p raestantiores esse CePersius, and a fragment of the commentary on ters animalibus (1.1) Ne. hominibus more brutoBC (from 51.5); as this manuscript in its surviving rum animatium viventibus | Omnis hom portion offers a better text of the commentary, it ommentary. [Inc.}: (fol. 2r) Omnis i omnes may be the source of the other manuscript. (1.1) - Nota quod nomina quorum masculinum et

(Munk Olsen Cc.4). femininum desinunt in -is et neutrum in -e...

teste Prisciano. Sese. Monosillaba haec geminatur

Other witnesses containing in their margins P'° pter intensionem esc I, ut diutius haereant traces of this commentary (hands not dated but (sic) in animo et aure auditoris. Studeant. St udi-

later than the text hand) are: um est vehemens aPP licatio ann ad aliquid

New Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Library, agendum. Animalibus. Innuit hic duas vires quae

358, s. XV. See Lo below. sunt in homine, quarum una est superior, alia inVatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, terior of ... [Exp Ly: (fol. 11v) Cohortem

Pal, lat. 889, s. X (Munk Olsen C.140). p(ra)e(toriam) (60.5) in qua consul fuit. Et est Zurich, Zentralbibliothek, Car. C. 143a, s. XI PPOANN lege potestas post consulem. Justam (sic)

(Munk Olsen C.170). p( epercerant) (61.6) ie. neque sibi neque Zwettl, Stiftsbibliothek, 371, s. XIJ (Munk hostibus, In pugna unus (sic, pro vis sive virtus) Olsen C.172). exercitus cat(ilinae) non poterat notari. Laetitiam (61.9) in vultu, gaudium in mente, maerorem in

4. Anonymus Monacensis A corde, /uctum in mente agitabant. While in other respects similar to I.2 and 1.3 Manuscripts: above, this unpublished commentary, whose ear- Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm liest witness appears to be Munich, Bayerische 19480 (miscellany), s. XIII, fols. 1v—11v (pp. 2-21 in Staatsbibliothek, Clm 19480 (s. XIII), has the dis- another numeration). (Catalogus codicum latinotinctive feature of an accessus that begins with an rum Bibliothecae Regiae Monacensis, vol. 2.3 [Mu-

historical summary (the source as yet unidenti- nich, 1878], 249; Mollweide 15-17; Munk Olsen fied) covering both monographs and the period Cc.4.5**, and s.v. Ovidius Cc.18.5**.) Commenbetween them, and continues with a type II.a dis- _ taries on all of BC and BI, and on Ovid, Epistulae cussion beginning with materia (Munk Olsen _ ex Ponto. #82**): the accessus is found in later (s. XV) man-

uscripts, one of which has traces of the commen- The following manuscripts have the accessus tary as well. The commentary may be an abbrevi- ending at Tullium et Catonem defendentes rem ated version of that found in Munich, Bayerische _publicam added to a text of BC, and some of their

Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14732 (1.5 below). marginal and interlinear notes are identical with Accessus (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, or resemble this commentary: Clm 19480). [Inc.]: (fol. 1v) Ad expediendos ter- Augsburg, Universitatsbibliothek, II. 1. 2° 102 minos rei publicae miserunt Romani tres suos (miscellany), s. XV, fols. 138r-161v. BC and BI, consules succedenter, Bestiam, Albinum et Metel- with marginal and interlinear notes.

lum, contra Iugurtham regem Africae, qui con- Budapest, Orszagos Széchényi Kényvtar, federatos eis Adherbalem et Hiempsalem pariter Clmae 255, s. XV, fols. 2r—-20r. BC, with marginal

vita et regno privaverat.... Intentio eius est and interlinear notes.

230 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE Gottingen, Niedersachsische Staats- und Uni- ducere [a marginal note quotes Laurentius de versitatsbibliothek, Luneb. 2, s. XV, fols. 146v- Valle]. Incipit historia Crispi Salustii Romani 180r. BC, with marginal and interlinear notes. senatorum (sic) de Catilinae coniuratione feMunich, Universitatsbibliothek, 2° Cod. ms. _ liciter. Praesens autem liber in duas partes dividi544 (miscellany), s. XV, fols. 1ig0v-192r. Contains, tur, in prooemium scilicet et tractatum (secun-

in addition to BC and BJ, only the accessus, which dam |[ie. partem] ibi Lucius Catilina); continues with additional accessus material from prooemium binas in partes resolvitur .../... other sources, partly identical with Yale ms. 358 [Expl.] (fol. 281r) Ad famam militarem acquirenimmediately below. (Kristeller, Iter 3.643b). dam dubitationem movet ibi sed diu magnum inNew Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Library, ter mortales (1.5), dicens primo sic Omnis homines 358, s. XV, fols. 1r—54v. The accessus is preceded by (1.1).

the following note: “Impeditum est quod ab hostibus est possessum. Expeditur autem permis- 5. Anonymus Monacensis B sione alicuius aut potestate. Unde expeditio vo- This unpublished commentary, whose earliest catur exercitus profectio. Dictatura maior est et complete witness is Munich, Bayerische Staatsdiuturnior consulatu. Nam consulatus uno anno _ bibliothek, Clm 14732 (s. XIII), is perhaps concompletur; dictatura quinque continuatur. Ad ex- temporary with I.4 and is similar though fuller; pediendos . . .”; it is followed by additional acces- which is derived from the other is not yet estabsus material from other sources. See I.9 below. lished. The accessus (of type II.a; Munk Olsen New York, Columbia University, Butler Li- C.71) discusses materia, intentio, and prologus. brary, Plimpton 96 (miscellany), s. XV (a. 1478), This text and some of the commentary appear as fols. 1r—54r. BC with marginal and interlinear marginal notes in two manuscripts s. XI-XI]; sevnotes and a version of the same accessus, to invasit eral other manuscripts of the same period have Catilinam, inserted in a different accessus under _just the marginal notes, with a different accessus. the topic Ordo librorum (see II.6 below); also BI Accessus (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek,

with accessus. (Kristeller, Iter 5.304b). Clm 14732). [Inc.]: (fol. 27r) Materia Salustii est Catilina et sui contemporanei facientes civile bel-

The following manuscript has a different ac- lum, vel Romani impugnantes rem publicam et cessus consisting of a summary of the events of defendentes.... [Expl.] Et quia vult se excusare BC, ending with a similar statement of intentio proponit: O vos R(omani), vos imponitis mihi auctoris; and some of the interlinear and margin- quod causa inertiae discesserim a re publica, al notes appear to be drawn from this commen- quod ita non est, sed potius causa adquirendae

tary: gloriae, quam debeo quaerere. Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Commentary. [Inc.|: (fol. 27r) Nam omnis

Pal. lat. 1707 (miscellany), s. XV, fols. 280v-303r. homines (1.1) i.e. omnis condicionis homines qui BC with marginal and interlinear notes; also Ju- student ad hoc ut stent prae ceteris animalibus, vel venal, Horace (Ars poetica), Appendix Vergiliana, qui student ut praestent ceteris hominibus. Illi Persius, Ovid (Ars amatoria, Heroides), Tibullus, (sic) omnibus dico animalibus existentibus, 1.e. Virgil (Eclogues), and Cicero (Epistulae, Cato more brutorum viventibus, et hunc ex sese i.e. ex

maior). The copyist identifies himself (fols.157v propria virtute decet niti i.e. decens est.../... and 346r) as Georgius Schreckseissen (Georg [Expl.]: (fol. 4or) In pugna vis exercitus C(atiliSchrigkisseysen or Schreckeyssen of Pfarrkirchen, nae) notari non potuit. Sed confecto proelio (61.1).

matric. Leipzig 1488). (E. Pellegrin et al., Les Bene dicit fere (61.2), quia non omnes eum tegemanuscrits classiques latins de la Bibliotheque Va- bant. Pauci omnes. Omnes fere tegebant locum

ticane, vol. 2.2 [Paris, 1982], 372). corpore quem vivendo ceperant, sed C(atilina) Accessus. [Inc.]: (fol. 280v) Summa huius non texit. Nam longe a suis (61.4). Multa de eis historiae est: Lucius Catilina Romanus, civis no- __dicere possem, sed postremo hoc dicam. Ex omni

bili genere natus, amplum patrimonium libidi- copia (61.5) C(atilinae) iuxtaei.e. equaliter nose et turpiter dilapidans magnis debitis se pepercerant suae vitae et vitae hostium (61.6) i.e. obligavit.... Intentio auctoris est portari nos a __ sicut hostibus non parcebat, sic nec sibi. Romani civili bello et discordia et ad civilem pacem in- triumphabant. Neque tamen (61.7). Non solum illi

1.6. ANONYMUS AMANDENSIS 231 tristabantur qui in bello erant, sed etiam alii. Pal. lat. 889, s. X, fols. 1r-102v. Provenance Lorsch, Nam multi qui quia quidam inimicos invenerunt, monastery of St. Nazarius. BC and BI. The s. XII laetitia in vultu, gaudium in corde agitabatur. hand that entered a different, composite accessus

Quia vero quidam amicum et cognatum, (inc. [fol. Iv] “Intentio Sallustii est in hoc opere maerorem in corde, luctum in mente agitabant. describere bellum. ... expl. captare benevolenti-

Manuscripts: am auditorum secundum rhetorem: a persona Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm propria, a persona adversaril, ab persona au dito4559 (miscellany), s. XI, fols. 1v-15v. BC and BI, mits ab ipsa re") at the beginning has written a with Martianus Capella. Some of the commen- few similar notes in the Margins. (E. Pellegrin an tary is written in the margins of the first few al., Les manuscrits classiques latins de la Bibliofolios. (Munk Olsen C.67; E. Klemm, Die romani- theque Vaticane, vol. 2.2 [Paris, 1982], 67-68; schen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbiblio- Mun’ Osen C140; Bstel a 6.3550). XI

thek, part 2: Die Bistiimer Freising und Augsburg. fo} ne ‘ BC a 1 Br “A, a" 1 1438 S- ; Verschiedene deutsche Provenienzen [Wiesbaden, ad tern and 51, With a simula’ mare

1988], 132-33, no. 184 [“Entstehung des ersten Teils and interunear commentary preceded bya differ-

auf Grund der Initialen in Stiddeutschland ent accessus (inc. “Iste scriptor duplicem habet in-

vielleicht in Benediktbeuern. Gegen oder um lone cr vat cee eee] Aron ave oe toto 1100”] and Abb. 407-408 [details of fols. 16r and ongam etiiciat.... exp. Argumentum a tore

28r]). quaere: quia omnes haec agere decet, et sic inciCl 14477, s. XI-XII, fols. 1v—23r. BC pit”) and similar marginal and interlinear comand BI, s. XI, of German origin (Hersfeld); on fol. mentary. (wen k O'sen C170) “fol BCand 1v a hand of uncertain date has written a brief » REINAU OO, S. All, TO!s. 125K. oe an vita (Munk Olsen #130): “Mos erat Romanorum a fragment of BI, with accessus as m Z urich, Zenut unusquisque nobilis apponeret filium suum tralbibliothek, Car. C. 143a, and similar marginal

studiis per XV annos. Quibus finitis interroga- and intertinear commentary. (Munk Olsen

bantur utrum vellent manere in studiis an morari. 77"7"”"

in re publica. Similiter iste Salustius fuit nobilis- 6A Amandens;

simus et tali modo a studiis retractus est et consul Thi ‘blichedt cor ent aa d writ effectus. Qui cum diu mansisset in dignitate vidit , tthe heai ene ned in th ary Is foun f nwo ;

maiorem laudem acquirere (sic) scribendo quam en al the beginnings and in the margins Ot Two s: consulatum regendo. Qua de re verum retraxit se XII manuscripts (Valenciennes, Bibliotheque ad studium et complures historias composuit, de wunicipa es vo) (5031, "l ‘ Doual, Bibliotheque quibus tamen non utimur ulla nisi Catilinaria et unicipale, 749) aNd INCIUCEs an ACcessHs OF TYPE

lugurthina.” Then a s. XII hand has added the ac- Il.a covering materia, modus, intentio, and prolocessus and commentary down to 3.1 (inc. “Materia gus (Munk Olsen # 8 1 and 76). The commentary Sallustii est Catilina et sui contemporanei ... consists of grammatical explanations and simple

expl. absurdum est [3.1] i.e. non penitus con- paraphrases of individual EXPTESSIONS.- i temptibile est. Surdus est qui auditu caret exteri- Accessus (Valenciennes, Bibliotheque Muntctori, absurdus qui interiori i.e. intellectu”). Then pale, 349 [503]). [Inc.]: (fol. 1r) Totus iste liber verthe text of BC has some of the commentary writ- satur in duobus contrariis, in defensore patriae et ten into the margins and between the lines. hoste, et hi duo sunt clus materia . . . Paes LExpl.|: (Munk Olsen C.71; H. Hoffmann, Buchkunst und (fol. v) Et Ita inciptt: Non est mihi adscribendum K6nigtum im ottonischen und friihsalischen Reich, Inertla€ St €go scribo, quia nitor ne ego transeam

vol. 1 [Stuttgart, 1986], 198-99). vitam silentio, quia omnis homines debent hoc ——, Clm 14732 (miscellany), s. XIII, fols. facere. tary. (Inc.|: (fol. 1v) Et h Omni 27r-40r. Commentaries on Martianus Capella, ommentary. Line.|: Ol. IV 06 ESE MINTS Terence, the Bible, and BC and BI. This is the ear- homines Gut SES€ (a). Ita solet nomen duplicari

liest complete witness. (Catalogus codicum latino- Coters Sigmiicantiae, “— aa en 259 2]. rum Bibliothecae Regiae Monacensis 2.2 [Munich, CLErS ANIMANOUS Le. TOTHINIDUS. ETAESTATE Nee

1876], 224). pre aliis stare virtutibus vel exemplo vitae. Veluti Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, pecora quae natura finxit prona atque 1.e. immo

232 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE ventri oboedientia quia tantum pecora intendunt 7. Anonymus Erlangensis ventri, non animo.... Omnis. Omnia nomina The unpublished marginal and _ interlinear tertiae declinationis quae ablativum singularem notes in several twelfth-century manuscripts of faciunt in -i et genetivum pluralem in -ium ac- the BC show similarity at the end, and the type cusativum pluralem faciunt in -is, ut hic. Collec- _ II-b accessus in the margin of one of them (Erlantivum omnis homines corrigit per divisionem qui gen, Universitatsbibliothek, 390) is found (more sese student praestare. Differentiam facit inter legibly) in slightly different versions in two fif-

homines et animalia quod hi praestent, illa sint teenth-century manuscripts. This tradition, to

prona.../... [Expl.]: (fol. 16r) Laetitia maeror judge from material in Venice, Biblioteca

; letters. sete Lh Manuscripts:

(61.9). Laetitia et gaudium propter defunctos Nazionale Marciana, Marc. lat. X 103 (3364), may hostes, maeror et luctus agebantur propter ami- _ have included introductory notes on the intentio

cos et hospites. of the speaker at the beginnings of speeches and Douai, Bibliotheque Municipale, 749, s. XI. yet “( genange™ Universitatsbiblothek,

: a nium auctorum acquirere famam [thereafter

Provenance Marchiennes (Ste-Rictrude). A flori- 390). (ANC.}: OL, 1) LOmmMunis HITenwe est ome

legium containing (fols. 46v—47r) extracts from faint and illegible] Expl]: Intenti t BC and BI, and (fols. zor-7ov) an incomplete BC 1" AN& Miseioit. « -- Xple}s dnventlo sua €s

; : reprehendere desides; causacommentary intentionis ;est (to 45.1), with accessus andhand marginal ae ipsa ; nT 4: fama. [another in marg.] Qui Catilinae bel(last note isla onJIugurthae 44.6). (A. Boutemy, “Notice sur//Ista le ; , legendo : . .» discere quaeris, manuscrit 749 de la Bibl. municipale de Douai, ; quaeque tenendo cuncta doceris.

Latomus 3 [1939] 183-206 and 264-98, especially , , accessus #76 read fol. 7or]; C. Jeudy and vel Y.-F. Riou, ; te ah) laboro. Student sesebibliothéques praestare propter se 1.e. Les; :manuscrits classiques latins des se i er suam utilitatem. Ceteris i.e. conversis [universis? |. publiques de France, vol. 1, [Paris, 1989], 578). a ; Commentary. [Inc.]: (fol. 1r) Omnis homines 195-200; Munk Olsen C.25 .and [p.bene 321: for mars ;; (1.1) C.25.5 vel ac si dico facio quod in scribendo

; ye aT oo Summa ope ie. animi ingenio .../... 549 [Expl.]: Valenciennes, Bibliothéque Municipale, . (fol. 17v) Ita varie (61.9) quia cognovere quidam

(503), s.esXII, fols. 1r-16r. Provenance Saint, Me, ee, nT 43 amicos et quidam inimicos. Ita Jaetitia in animo, Amand-en-Pévéle. andluctus BI. (Boutemy, “Notice .;— . ; maeror inBC corde, atque gaudium exterius in sur le manuscript 749 de la Bibl. municipale de by berando palmas in faci

Douai,” 198-99, 297; Munk Olsen C.133). vocibus verberando palmas in facie. Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Manuscripts: Ottob. lat. 1843, s. XII, fols. 1r-19v. BC and BI. A Erlangen, Universitatsbibliothek, 390, s. XII, contemporary hand has written in the margin of _ fols. 1r—17v. Origin Italy; provenance Heilsbronn.

fol. 1v (not 1r [Munk Olsen]) the accessus to the BC and BI, with full marginal and interlinear end of the first note teste Prisciano; what appears commentary. (H. Fischer, Die lateinischen Pergato be a continuation of the accessus is written by menthandschriften der Universitatsbibliothek Erthe same hand at the top of fol. 1r; other marginal angen [Erlangen, 1928], 463; Munk Olsen C.28).

notes are not identical with those of the manu- Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale de France, lat. scripts listed above. Continuation of accessus (?): 6088, s. XII, fols. 1r-25v. BC and BI, with margin[Inc.]: (fol. ir) Neu sibi tantum sed proximis suis al and interlinear notes; last notes similar. (Munk

tam verbo doctrinae quam virtutum exemplo Olsen C.110). proficiant. Sicut ipsos in C(antico) C(anticorum) Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, [5:2] admonet dominus. .. . [Expl.]: Alii vero cor- Ottob. lat. 1648, s. XII, fols. 1r—23r. Origin north-

pus (21) ie. quod reges dicebant animum_ ern Italy or southern France. BC and BI, with praestare corpori, alii corpus animo, hanc vero marginal and interlinear commentary on BC and dubitationem magis attribuit regibus quia in eis part of BI; some notes at the beginning effaced, amplius apparebant (sic). Postea vero (2.2). Hoc _ similar notes only at the end of BC. (E. Pellegrin [Hic?] notatur tmesis; debuisset enim dixisse et al., Les manuscrits classiques latins de la Biblioposteaquam vero. (E. Pellegrin et al., Les manu- théque Vaticane, vol. 1 |Paris, 1975|, 636-37: scrits classiques latins de la Bibliothéque Vaticane, “Nombreuses gloses marginales prenant par envol. 1 [Paris, 1975], 688; Munk Olsen C.135). droits aspect d'un commentaire et gloses inter-

1.8. ANONYMUS ITALUS 233 linéaires contemporaines et d'une main du si5”;__ complete and written continuously in three man-

Munk Olsen C.134). uscripts s. XIV—XV, the accessus (type I.a) alone in

Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Marc. a fourth. The earliest witness may be Milan, Biblilat. X 103 (3364), s. XI—XII, fols. 1r—21r. BC and BI, oteca Ambrosiana, A 170 sup., in which the BC

with glosses illegible at the beginning, apparently commentary is attributed by a note at the end toa no accessus; last notes similar; notes at beginnings certain M. Ambrosius (de Gaforiis?). The various of letters and speeches. (Munk Olsen C.161). subscriptions apparently point to a school milieu, as does the nature of the commentary. Two fifteenth-century manuscripts have a Accessus (Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, A 170

similar accessus: sup.). [Inc.]: (fol. 1r) Circa istum librum sex re-

Berkeley, University of California, Bancroft Li- quiruntur, scilicet causa efficiens, causa materibrary, UCB85 [f2MS/AC13/C5] (miscellany), s. alis, causa formalis, causa finalis, quis titulus libri XIV—XV. Origin Italy. Accessus: [Inc.]: (fol. 35r, et cui parti philosophiae supponatur. Causa effinot 34r as in the edition by C. M. Monti, “Il ciens fuit Salustius. Causa materialis sive subieccodice Berkeley, Bancroft Library, f2 Ms AC 13c tum est coniuratio Catilinae. Causa formalis est 5; Italia medioevale e umanistica 22 [1979] duplex, scilicet forma tractatus et forma tractandi 396-412) Communis intentio omnium auctorum--.... [continues with discussion of causa finalis, tiest acquirere gloriam et famam. Istius autem spe- _tulus, divisio libri] .../... [Expl.]: (fol. 2r) Civicialis intentio est duabus de causis coniurationis _ tas fulta sapientibus quam fulta fortibus prudencausam describere. . . . [Expl.]: Unde magis repre- __ tia carentibus. Dicit ergo sic:

hensibilis est cum haberet exemplum corrupto- Commentary. [Inc.]: (fol. 2r) Omnes homines rum et incorruptorum imitatus est corruptos, qui etc. (1.1). Istud praeambulum dividi potest in Catilina quamvis esset nobilis, sapiens et pru- duas partes, quia primo respondet aemulis qui dens, quae deberent eum iuvare, tamen inde ad _ sibi nomen inertiae ponebant, secundo ostendit malum finem devenit; et similiter quicumque de quo tractare vult. Secunda pars ibi: statut res coniurationem faciet ad malum finem deveniet. gestas populi Romani (4.2) .. . [continues subdivi-

(Kristeller, Iter 5.217b). sion of argument] ... descensus ad litteram talis Nuremberg, Stadtbibliothek, Cent. V. 34,s. XV est. Multi sunt qui non curant agere in hac vita ut

(a. 1461), fols. ir-19v. BC and BI, and Boethius, De post mortem habeantur in memoria .../... consolatione philosophiae, annotated throughout; _[Expl.]: (fol. 41v) Ita laetitia (61.9) in animo de the Sallust notes do not constitute a full commen- _inimicis, maeror in corde de amicis, luctus externa tary, and they are not similar to the above com- _[sic; al. extra] in verberando palmas. Atque pro et mentary. Accessus. [Inc.]: (fol. 1r, marg.) Salustius gaudium agitabatur (sic) varie per omnem 1.e. per Crispus de utilitate rei publicae. Catilinarius. Qui totum exercitum. Talis igitur fuit finis coniuratio-

Catilinae bella Iugurthae discere quaeris, //Ista nis Catilinae et hoc modo res publica fuit liberata legendo quoque [quaeque?] tenendo cuncta do- a coniuratione (fol. 42r) praedicta sensu Ciceroceris. Communis intentio est omnium auctorum nis et consilio, et quia Antonius et Petreius et

acquirere famam et gloriam. Salustii autem spe- Quintus Metellus institerunt Catilinae tam cialis intentio est duabus de causis Catilinae de- _ viriliter quod ipse et sui fuerunt omnes interfecti. scribere vitam. .. . [Expl.]: Intentio commendare

virtutem animi supra vires corporis. Et introduci- Manuscripts: tur: brevis est ista vita qua fruimur et ideo decet Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, A 170 sup., s. nos niti ad gloriam. Nam Omnis homines etc. (1.1) | XIV—XV, fols. 1r—42r. Commentaries on BC and niti decet non infima ope scilicet auro vel argen- _ BI. Fol. 42r: “Explicit Bellum Catilinae construc-

to, non media ope scilicet pulchritudine et forti- tum et compilatum per M. Ambrosium, non se tudine, sed summa ope scilicet ingenio animi, ne_ ipso sed a pluribus atrahendo (sic) de gaforiis, transeant vitam silentio ita scilicet vivendo ut de quem Deus conservet in saecula saeculorum.

eis post mortem sileatur. Amen.” (Kristeller, Iter 1.296b and 6.38a).

——, Trotti 161 (miscellany), s. XV (a. 1464),

8. Anonymus Italus (M. Ambrosius?) fols. 5r—44r. Contains BC in Latin and Italian, and This unpublished, very prolix and discursive a commentary on Aesop. Fol. 43r: “Istud com“scholastic” paraphrase and analysis is found mentum Salustii est mei presbyteri Nicholini filii

234 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE quondam Lafranchoni de Bertolio de Crepacorio madiis emti fuerunt isti libri”; (fol. 77v) note of Vercellensis diocesis. Finitum sub anno domini purchase of book in Padua, 1521 (the book was MCCCCLXIIII die XV Septembris, regendo sco- _ given to the library by the will of don Fernando las in loco Morani” [probably Morano Po, south Col6én, son of Christopher Columbus). (Kriof Vercelli]. There follow two accessus: (fol. 43v) _ steller, Iter 4.619b). “Haec historia quae in hoc libro Salustii qui dici-

tur Catilinarius tractatur ... [summary of narra- g. Anonymus Yalensis tive] ... et confossus iustis vulneribus expiravit; The unpublished commentary found in New (fol. 44r) Circa Salustium quaerendum est ex- Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Library, 358, ap-

terius quis auctor fuerit ... dicitur autem pears to be original in part and in part drawn prooemium a pro et aemulis quasi factum pro from several medieval sources, especially I.1 and aemulis sicut est prius quod legimus. Amen.’ Fol. [4 above. With the latter it shares most of the his67r (end of BC in Italian): “Per me Johannem fili- torical accessus (inc. “Ad expediendos terminos rei um condam Ganduli de Nolasco (?) finitum fuit publicae .. . expl. ponendo in egregia laude Tullihoc opus. Iste liber Sallustii est mei presbiteri um et Catonem defendentes rem publicam”), but Nicholini filii condam Lafranchonii de Bertolio continues with discussion of materia, utilitas, and de Crepacorio quem scribi feci regendo scolas in _prologus drawn from the accessus of 1.1; in addiloco Morani.’ Fol. 81r (end of BC): “Explicit per tion it has the introductory paraphrase of the me Guidetum de Sucio de Crepacorio 1464 nono _ proem given below. This latter discussion and the

Kalendas Octobrias, hora duodecima.” Fol. 97r commentary are entered in the margins of a (end of Aesop commentary): “14olIII (sic) die XII__ rather deluxe early s. XV manuscript.

Decembris in Morano.” (Kristeller, Iter 1.349b). Prooemium (New Haven, Yale University, BeiNaples, Biblioteca Nazionale, IV C 3, s. XV, necke Library, 358). [Inc.]: (fol. 3r) Intendit siquifols. 1r-37v. BC and fragment of BI. Only the be- dem in hoc prooemio multis rationibus per-

ginning of the accessus is written on fol. 1Y, fol- suadere virtutem animi_ viribus corporis lowed by several vitae, which along with the mar- praestare, et hoc adversarios confutando, neginal notes are from another source. Fol. 5v: "A. gotium suum extollendo, tum materiam sequenJani Parrhasii et amicorum Veicetiae emptus ar- tis operis praelibando. Sallustius enim militari ofgenteis duobus et semis.’ The earlier of two or _ ficio spreto ad negotium poeticae professionis se three s. XV hands has entered this accessus and transtulerat. Unde quidam malivoli occasionem the opening of the commentary on fol. 1r-v, to reprehensionis in eum excogitaverunt, ignaviam “movet unam dubitationem secundo ibi Sed diu esse confirmantes ut equestri ordine neglecto pointer mortales (1.5)’, the remaining few lines dif- eticae professioni quasi ignaviae servire destifering; then a second accessus follows (see 1.13 be- _ naverit. Quod statim improbat auctor ostenden-

low), and a vita (attributed to Gerolamo do virtutem animi praeesse viribus corporis Squarzafico; see Fortuna, p. 000 above, and 1.18 officio exercentur [exercentibus?] quibus etiam below). Extensive notes, apparently from no sin- __recte habitis res militaris administratur.

gle source, are entered in the margins of the text, Commentary. [Inc.]: (fol. 3r) Student ceteris which begins on fol. 6r.On the manuscript, seeC. — gyimalibus (1.1) i.e. ceteris hominibus ad modum

Tristano, La biblioteca di un umanista calabrese: brutorum viventibus. Studere enim est animum Aulo Giano Parrasio (Rome, 1988), 130 (N. 142). circa aliquam rem assidue cum magna voluntate We thank Lucia Gualdo Rosa for reexamining this applicare. Praestare i.e. praeesse .../... [Expl.]:

manuscript. (fol. 54v) Per omnem exercitum (61.9) tam civium Seville, Biblioteca Capitular y Colombina, 5-5- quam hostium. Laeti in vultu pro hostibus in-

33 (miscellany), s. XV, fols. 2r-35v. Commentaries —_ teremptis. Gaudium in corde iterum pro inimicis. _

on Sallust, Cicero, Jerome; the Sallust commen- Mgeror in corde pro amicis. Luctus in vultu tary appears to be more discursive in this manu- _jterum pro amicis agitabatur. Explicit. script. Fol. 37v: “Iste liber est mei Magistri Johanis

de madio’; fol. 36v: “Milesimo quatrogentesimo Manuscript: vigesimo quarto secundo die mensis Januarii A New Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Library, magistro Johane nec non a Antonio fratre de 358, s. XV, fols. 1r—54v, 57r-162v. BC and BI. The

I.l1l1. RICARDUS BOLE 235 last four notes are similar to those of I.1, but the Balliol College, Oxford, between 1426 and 1454. It note immediately preceding is identical with the is introduced by a double accessus of type I.b, last note in 1.3. (B. A. Shailor, Catalogue of Me- each part containing a divisio scientiae after the dieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the Bei- discussion of intentio, materia, and causa. The exnecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale Uni- _ planations appear to be drawn from a commenversity, vol. 2 [Binghamton, N. Y., 1987], 201-202). _ tary resembling I.3 above (see below, Commentary A, Expl.; Commentary B, Inc.).

10. Anonymus Estensis Accessus (Oxford, Balliol College, 123). Unc.]: This rather spare unpublished commentary, (fol. 108r) Cum simus lecturi Salustium scire found in Modena, Biblioteca Estense, Campori 65 | debemus quid [quod?] quattuor in eo sunt (sic) (gamma E.6.7), is preceded by a version of the !quirenda, ut in unoquoque auctore. Sunt igitur type I.a accessus, apparently in a more humanist inquirenda materia et intentio cum causa, et ad

or modern guise. The notes do not extend be- quam partem philosophiae _tendat. Sed quid

yond the speech of Caesar in BC 52. [quod?] materia et intentio fuit (sic) adquirenda Accessus (Modena, Biblioteca Estense, Campo- CUM causa, habemus auctoritatem ab Aristotele, ri 65 [gamma E6.7]). [Inc.]: (fol. 31, originally ur) qu dicit in prioribus analeticis (sic) suis [An. pr. Omnis homines qui sese student praestare (1.1). 24210]: Videndum est . . . [discusses intentio, maCum non solum apud poetas sed etiam apud Ro- —#?!a; causa, pars philosophiae, and titulus in tradi-

manos scriptores rerum sex illa quae ab omnibus tional terms, then begins again].... In capite requirenda videantur quarum sane cognitio UWlUScUnque OpEris, hoc est in principio uniusmaxime est necessaria: Crispus igitur Sallustius CUluUsque libri, tria sunt requirenda principaliter,

Romae natus ex Amiterno oppido Sabinorum scilicet materia, intentio, causa Intentionis 1.€. originem traxit. Cum plurimum ingenio valeret utilitas. Ista tria habes ex auctoritate Aristotelis (a teneris annis nam bonis artibus incubuit in Ubi dicit in prioribus analeticis suis [An. pr. marg.) sed multis voluptatibus illecebris pellectus 24210]: Primum oportet considerare circa quid et

.../... [Expl.]: Cum autem philosophia plures de quo et unde . . . [same topics discussed in difin partes dividatur, hae referuntur ad philosophi- ferent wording] .../... [Expl.]: (fol. 1091) Triam modalem non quantum adespotam sed ad Partita est omnis philosophia: prima physica Le.

politicam et oeconomicam. naturalis, secunda ethica ie. moralis, tertia Commentary. [Inc.]: (fol. 4r) Omnis homines lo(g)ica 1.e. sermocinalis. His declaratis ad libri

qui sese (1.1). Consueverunt poetae in tres partes !ceptionem hoc modo accedamus. a opus suum dividere, scilicet in propositionem, in- Commentary A. [Inc.]: (fol. 109v) Incipit liber voca(tionem) et narra(tionem): oratores, quibus Salustit Crispi de civili coniuratione 1.€. interius latior est campus, in sex partes distribuere soliti (sic) nostrum capit sua dulcedine. i.e. ab omnibus sunt.../...[Expl.]: (fol. s9v) Non est ita (51.10) Uris privat ut Ipsi tantummodo vacet. . . . Expoi.e. profecto ille non movebitur oratione qui non _ Sitio libri Salustii. Expositio. Notantur verba ista moverit ipsa re (sic). Neque cuiquam mortalium Sequentia, eo quod ponant lectorem extr a dubitasuae iniuriae videntur parvae. Multi mortales ex- onem et faciant eum intelligere quid velint pro-

istimaverunt illam multo pluris. Sed alia altis Pt libri verba. Prologus Salustii purgationem

(51.12). tantummodo socordiae et ignaviae tenet, quam . sibi Romani equites imponebant diligentes potius Manuscript: scribere quam militari. Tria sunt genera scriben-

Modena, Biblioteca Estense, Campori 65 di. Unum scribere verisimilia quae fuerunt vel (gamma F6.7), s. XV-XVI, fols. 3r-5ov. (Kri- quae fieri possunt, ut Terentius; aliud fabulas

steller, Iter 1.386b). | quae omnino sunt falsae, ut Ovidius in methamorphosion (sic); tertium scribere res ges-

11. Ricardus Bole tas i.e. militaria facta alicuius, ut Virgilius, Statius, Found in Oxford, Balliol College, 123 (auto- Lucanus. Sic et idem Salustius facit, qui de rebus

graph), this unpublished double commentary of militaribus Catilinae scripsit. Prius vero probrief explanations of words and phrases was writ- logum scribens purgavit se desidiae et socordiae

ten by Ricardus Bole (Richard Bole), fellow of ... [continues with paraphrase of the

236 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE prologue]... . Si quis scriptor vult aliquem lau- as secretary to Gray, then bishop of Ely, he copied dare vel vituperare, praemittat causam qua cre- a manuscript of Sallust, now Oxford, Balliol Coldatur ei. Finit Prologus. Bellum inter Catilinam et lege, 258. He became archdeacon of Ely in 1467 populum Romanum eo fine describit ut bonos and died in 1477.

incendat ad patriae defensionem exemplo defen- Bibli hy: sorum: malos deterreat ab impugnatione exem- poograpy:

_ . ; R. Weiss, Humanism in England the£1 Fif) g96-97; §during tne plo ... (Oxford, ut inde contulisse sese ; ; impugnatorum ; ; io teenth Century 1941), A. B. Em-

melius rei;publicae scribendo pervincat. ope d ; ,; ae of ceeten, A Biographical RegisterNiti of the University summa (1.1) ratione consilio. Pronaque |{sc. O a ; xford to A. carentia D. 1500, ventri vol. 1 (Oxford, 1957), 213-14 Prona atque?| vi of animi oboedienLd: oer ;; .tia.eePer . (with list ecclesiastical appointments, and a list hoc corporis eius robur relinquat. Ventri £ . ay. . of books given by him to Balliol); R. A. B.

enim obedire pastui quod eorum Mi ; ; ; ; ae ynors,semper Catalogue of vacare, the Manuscripts of Balliol est, illa facit robusta. Pronomen ibi geminatur C

. . ollege, Oxford (Oxford, 1963), 100-101.

significantiae causa. Praestare vel praeesse vel

aliis exemplum bene operandi accommodare 12. Anonymus Guelferbytanus

.../... [Expl]: (fol. 126v) Neque tamen ; ;in. ;the . This unpublished commentary is found (61.7).... Sic of se long ex utraque parte habuerunt et f : ; en ; orm marginal (and some interlinear)

Romani victoriam obtinuerunt, non tamen lae- tal lewible. ; XV ;

tam. Diu pugnatur et tandem est proelium perac- notes, Not always egiv’e In a s. AV mannscnpt tum. Multi (61.8) enim illorum processerant, alii Cod. Guelf. 756 Nov. 4° Uy BE ENCOS laetabantur, alii qe Lint] acs Accessus (Wolfenbiittel, Herzog August Biblio-

0 a .. now Wolfenbiittel, Herzog August Bibliothek,

tristabantur, tam civium quam hostium. Finit Ex- 6 me Salustio in Catilinarj thek, Cod. Guelf. 756 Nov. 4°). [Inc.]: (fol. 1v) Post PosTn® SUP eT a a0 Naan . dominationem Lucii Sullae similis cupido Commentary B. |Inc.]: (fol. Materia q ;Catilinam, or ; -y: sed . ot , ye éconiuratio ~ capessendae rei137v) publicae invasit Operis est Catiline. Intentio mentis oe fuit ; .: ; ina - . . quia virtute ingenii gloriabellum actorum eo Salustii est in hoc opere describere quod fas —_inter 1. fereus (sic) et et apertius non patuit (sic) [drawn fuit Catilinam Romanum populum. Et ; a, from the accessus of I.4 above, where Munich, causa intentionis est hortari bonos ad defen- ; 1: ; i /... (Expl): (fol YN Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 19480 reads (fol.

slonem patrlae .../... [2Xpl.|: LOL, 147v) Neque iv): “gloria actuum ac divitiarum eo fuit inferior,

tamen (61.7). Tandem victoriam Ro“> , quod aperte nonobtinuerunt potuit”].... [Expl.]: repetens mani, non tamen laetam etc. (sic). . ae wae quibus gloria cuique acquaeraiti (sic) quae vi aniManuscript: mi curandi ut immortalitatem assequantur.

Oxford, Balliol College, 123 (miscellany), s. XV, Commentary. [Inc.]: (fol. 2r) Omnis homines fols. 108r-126v, 137v-147v. Commentaries on BC (1.1). Prohemium suum Salustius seiunctum a and BI; also Aegidius Romanus, De regimine prin- materia fecit vanitatus [sic pro imitatus] ut Quincipum, and Gasparino Barzizza, De elocutione li- tilianus scribit [Inst. 3.8.9] lepanthinum (sic) bellus. Written at Fulham and Olantigh in Kent, Gorgiani et Isocrateni quorum principia nihil ad according to a note on fol. 159r: “Pars otii Fullm., materiam attinebant.... Ignaviam et luxum ibi reliquum superaddit Olente.” (R. A. B. Mynors, sed multi mortales. Student (1.1) cupiunt. Praestare Catalogue of the Manuscripts of Balliol College, (1.1) digniores esse; praestare erat loco antecellere

Oxford [Oxford, 1963], 100-101). .../... [Expl.]: (fol. 35v) Veterani (60.3). Vete-

Biography:; militiae ranus dicitur quoad est quia [?] militaris officioqui absolutus .. .viam (fol. 36r) [last inRicardus Bole (Richard Bole) was a fellow of terl; | | Item (61.8) alii. Varie (61.9) ali

Balliol College Oxford in 1429, ordained in that " lina, BOSSES] MET \OLS) alle VATE O19) Aus

year by the uncle of William Gray, and went to “*“"U* Cologne with the latter, where he matriculated in Manuscript: 1442; he was in the service of Archbishop John Wolfenbiittel, Herzog August Bibliothek, Cod. Kempe (archbishop of York 1426-52, and of Can- Guelf. 756 Nov. 4°, s. XV, fols. 1r-36r. BC with terbury from 1452 to his death in 1454) when he __ glosses. wrote the manuscript, and in 1461, while serving

1.13. LAURENTIUS VALLA (?) 237 13. Laurentius Valla (?) pression, that Version A is a revision of Version B. The commentary on the Catilina published Only one witness, ie., Naples, Biblioteca under the name of Laurentius Valla was printed Nazionale, IV C 3, containing (some of the) notes at Venice in 1491 by Philippus Pincius. It accom- of the commentary and the first part of the prefpanied Pomponius Laetus’ edition of the text ace (Version B) in a hand that may be dated to a (first published in Rome the preceding year) and _ period earlier than the editio princeps, explicitly may have been prepared for the press by Antonius _ links Valla’s name with the commentary.

Morettus. The commentary, covering the entire a. Version A monograph, concentrates on individual words Praefatio (ed. of Venice, 1491). Laurentil Valand locutions, and on grammatical and rhetorical joc in C. Crispi Salustii Catilinarium Com-

constructions, but also includes observations on Ped, pr ve ; a aspects of Roman government, law, and custom mentarii. [Inc.]: Omnis homines (1.1). Patricia

rary history. py ms .

peer an log} ? fo, u > gente Crispus Salustius Romae natus, post rem

sometimes providing analogies trom contempo- 5 blicam civili discordia concussam, cum nulla

Whether or not the commentary was the work illius administrandae ratio bonis superesset am-

£ Vall 7 . by hi plius, se ad scribendi otium contulit. In quo of Valla (or recollectae transmitted by his stu- genere, Quintiliani iudicio, qui eum Thucydidi in dents) remains uncertain; in fact, even in the first ~. 4 ; a ; y on £ the sj . historia eminentissimo opposuit [Inst. 10.1.101], part of the sixteenth century scholars like Badius praecipuam inter eos qui res Romanas litterarum

- ; 191],

and Glareanus began to express their doubts. No monuments tradidere est laudem adeptus. Ete-

Vetlee of a orks sans on Salust isfound in nim quo Thucydides est Herodoto maior, cui se-

ve , aaa iot eta h ot. Mo ve an ~ cundae tribuuntur partes, eo certe hic noster Lioe nt and vretho dof the notes ho little effin. vio praestantior, quem Herodoto ille comparat.

‘ey with th les of hi . " vd by log; Accedit et Martialis urbanissimi poetae carmen:

ity with the examples of historical anc phvologl” Hic erit, ut perhibent doctorum corda virorum // cal criticism found in Valla’s Emendationes in T. Primus Romana Crispus in historia [14.191], quo Livium AXI-XXVI (1446-475 published at Lyons, aud dubie apparet doctorum hominum iudicio

1532); his De falso credita et ementila Constantin Crispum ceteris Romanarum rerum scriptoribus | donatione declamatio (14405 p ub lished at Ma IZ; praelatum. Quod si tantorum virorum testimonio 1517), or his annotations on Quintilian’s Institutio primum in historia locum obtinet, summa nos oratoria (ca. 1444-52; published at Venice, 1494). ope niti decet [BC 1.1] ut praeclara eius monuThere are als o few corres pondences between menta, si qua adhuc restant, non tantum ipsi stuthese annotations and Valla’s observations in the dio condiscamus sed, si fieri etiam possit, quam

egantiae on the have passages from the cal plurimis nostra industria omni sint ex parte con-

"6. ae a ave . Venetian air, as p wth spicua. Atque id ipsum hoc enixius praestandum,

are explain’ by translation into an apparently quod post tantam nostratium litterarum 1acVenetian vernacular or reference is made to | 4... quantam Gothicis temporibus factam

Venice and its institutions. On the other hand, the frisse onstat aucissima quae dam vestigia, ne sensitivity to what is called Sallust’s vocabulorum fragmenta fica ac illa ipsa paene evane ceatia proprietas and the interest in the rhetorical fea- ox locupletissima Crispi ornatissimaque historia tures of his writing are consistent with Vallas ap- og Haec tempora pervenere et, quod iniquius fe-

preciation of language and style. There are also | aliquis, fuerunt haec progymnasmata

analogies between the t! emes of the preface and quaedam, ut graeco utar verbo, castissimae illius

his views on the civilizing mission of the Latin 44. vae quae nobis reliqua cum temporis langiage I ses Oe MSTOTY. seri ts a second tamen (tum ed. 1500) hominum fecit iniuria.

Sees P . Nam quod plenissimam Crispus scripserit histo-

version ( B’, below) of the preface and commen- |... quae non res Romanas solum sed exrath which may oe either a first cat OY the aus ternarum etiam gentium sit complexa, abunde

€ th fang DY . | . "th constat, verum a Catilinae coniuratione, quasi in-

of the manuscript variants suggests the latter, that genii experientiam daturus, eam videri potest the Version B witnesses derive from Version A, auspicatus, quod et ipsum: operis prooemium but the first note (preface) gives the opposite im- aug dubie demonstrat, cui ad stili consumma-

238 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE tionem credibile est Iugurthae bellum subiecisse. Tamen (61.7) quamvis caesus esset exercitus Sed quanti illa momenti fuerint, quae prorsusin- Catilinae. Volventes (61.8) ut spoliarent. Laetitia teriere, ex iis quae hodie exstant facilis est coniec- (61.9) eorum qui inimicos reperiebant. Maeror tura, quippe cum nulla possit virtus in historia /uctus (61.9) eorum qui amicos, cognatos aut hoselucere, cum non in hac vel illa meditatione facile _pites invenerant.

recognoscas, sed quo eius sunt virtutes altiores Manuscripts: minusque vulgo proximae, eo maiore nobis stu- —— aunich, Universititsbibliothek, 2° Cod. ms

dio, ut dixi, est nitendum, ne illae nostra vel iner- ‘ \

tia vel negligentia diutius in obscuro sint.Etenim 48, s. XV, fols. u-35v. BC (to 48.4) with glosses.

Boone oe . ° Includes some of the Praefatio (to “ceteris Roma-

quam cognitu sint difficiles, vel ex eo potest intel- narum rerum scriptoribus prolatum” (sic) and ligi, quod non pauci, ut video in prooemii fronte, some of the notes (to 33.3)

allucinati dant illi vitio quod nefarium Catilinae Vatican City. Bibli a Apostolica Vaticana

scelus scripturus inde potissimum sit exorsus, ut pj) ya4 1709, xy (a. 1494, sione don fol 100Vv), dixerit animum corpori et ingentum Viribus fats, 133v—149r. Origin Germany (Nuremberg or praestare, velut nihil magis ab eo quod dicturus Naumberg). Persius with commentary; BC and erat alienum dici potuisset, sed accurate omnia ac BL Fol 133V has the Praefatio, en ding . “de ea mals erudite quan verbis expli cari posit. Red- bene meritis constitit Crispus. Haec Laurentius diturus hamque su consilit rationem quod a © Valla”; and some of the marginal and interlinear

publica digressus se ad historiam scribendam . t6 are the same though not those at the end: contulisset, nulla potuit honestior causa demon- ay, (61.9) aliter ‘et aliter. Maeror tristitia. Luc-

, strari quam eo se consilio id fecisse ostenderet, ut tus fle tus. Agitabantur habeban tur” (Kristeller ea parte corporis uteretur quae potissi me Iter 2.394b-395 and 591a, 6.368a; Pp. Scarcia Piahomine esset, nec ita multo post non magis se ra- centini, Saggio di un censimento det manoscritti tione quam necessitate, ut id consilii caperet, ad- contenenti il testo di Persio [Rome, 1973], 102, no. duci oportuisse demo nstrat, quoniam ambitione 504; E. Pellegrin et al., Les manuscrits classiques malisque artibus civitate corrupta nullus videre- la Hing de la Biblio theque Vaticane, vol. 2.2 (Paris tur innocentiae locus huic qui ad eam capiendam 1982), 374-79; M. Cortesi, “Per il Commento a Salaccederet relictus. Verum qua (quia ed. 1500) lustio di Lorenzo Valla,” Res publica litterarum 14

praeclara ingenia aut domi consulendo suo- [1991] 56) rumque facta illustrando aut foris rem publicam Reg, lat. 1397 (miscellany), s. XVI ex administrando patriae videri possunt utilia, sub- (see fols 731 wav) fols 205r-248V ao First senlata optimat um administratione ommique recte tances of the Praefatio (to the end of the Martial

vivendi Jatione mutata, merito unum hoc quotation “Crispus in historia”), and a collection scribendi officium quod reliquum erat, quia et of notes from various commentaries, including potuit et debuit, hon minor meento quam ta (“Omnibonus”) and 1.13 (“Valla”). (Kristeller,

nemeritis, praestitit Crispus. a oe Commentary. [Inc.]: Praestare (1.1) dativo et Editions:

pietate patriae civibusque suis, optime de ea be- Iter 2.598b; Cortesi, ibid.)

accusativo iungitur, ut praesto illi et praesto il- 1491.5. See above, Composite Editions. lum. Praestare excellere. Ceteris animantibus scili- This edition also contains the dedicatory letter cet brutis animalibus. Summa ope summa possi- by Pomponius Laetus to Augustinus Maphaeus bilitate et viribus summis. Nam opis significat (Agostino Maffei), first published in Pomponius’ possibilitatem; Virgilii Aeneidos libro primo: edition of the opera printed in Rome the previous Grates persolvere dignas // Non opis est nostrae, year. The 1491 edition substitutes the name of An-

Dido [Aen. 1.600-601], id est possibilitatis tonius Morettus (Antonio Moretto or Moreto) .../... [Expl]: Vis (61.1) conatos (sic). Amissa for that of Joannes Rhegiensis; see Cortesi, ibid., anima (61.2) id est vita. Diversus a suis Catilina 50 and J. Monfasani, “The First Call for Press vero longe (61.4). Catilina non modo contentus Censorship: Niccold Perotti, Giovanni Andrea fuit non fugere, verum etiam in Romanos ir- Bussi, Antonio Moreto, and the Editing of Pliny’s rumpere voluit ne inultus moriretur. Ingenuus Natural History,” Renaissance Quarterly 41 (1988) (61.5) libere natus esset. Iuxta (61.6) similiter. 1-31, especially 16-17 and Appendix II.

1.13. LAURENTIUS VALLA (?) 239 Augustino Mafaeo Rerum Ro. Thesauro Pompo- _ iacturam (nisi adhibeatur diligentia) excogitatum nius Laetus. M. Valerius Probus unicae vetustatis esse videatur. Etenim abhinc annos tris, cum liamator, cum animadvertisset veteres negligi et bros Sallusti de coniuratione Catilinae et de bello. gloria fraudari contracta multa exemplariaemen- [ugurthino et contiones quasdam eiusdem librodare, distinguere et annotare curavit, in eoque se rum qui desiderantur saepius repeterem, contracplurimum exercendo laudem non exiguam est as- _ tis antiquis exemplaribus, invenimus multa esse secutus. Ego tanti viri exemplo, impar licet doc- addita, multa praepostere commutata. Scripsit trina et ingenii dotibus, id ipsum aliqua ex parte _ ille plus quam requirebat historia numerose, ut ea facere conatus sum. Eademque via ingressus et observatione velut carminis lege seriem verbotanta undique asperitate confusus vix tuto pedem _rum posteritas tueretur. Sed quis de futuris vitiis figere et e silva egredi potui. Nam cum omnia vo- aut virtutibus testari potest? Maiores nostri lumina corrupta sint, quae ad nostram venere ae- propter rerum Romanarum magnitudinem nuntatem, nemo (qui se novit) attingere audet. Pro- quam existimarunt imperium ita ruiturum, ut ex batus ille dicendi character, quia iam multis toto lingua vitiaretur. Fallimur certe nisi putemus

saeculis materia defuit, et dicendi exercitatio aetates omnis velut hominem consenescere. forensis in quandam epidictici generis effigiem Emendavimus nihil addendo; detraximus non

vel potius umbram abiit, non amplius (ut cre- pauca fide vetustatis admonente. Plerique dimus) reditura interiit. Unde fit ut magistrum _petierunt a me et prope quotidianis conviciis efeloquentiae stilum ignoremus, quo ita depravati flagitarunt; repugnavi semper et contra meos sunt codices iam pluribus annis, ut non ex sen- mores quibusdam sum visus nimis austerus; pertentia invenias nisi fuerint nimium amantes sui, vicit tandem iure contubernalitatis unius comet ex falsa scientiae persuasione molesti, quisein- munitas. Itaque Antonio Moretto Brixiano telligere profiteri velint. Ea de causa si quid hoc bonarum litterarum studioso (nam is saepius inrudi saeculo elaboravi, quod minime legentibus _ stitit) permisi ut impressoribus suis traderet et satisfiet, non me sed tempora lectores accusent,in sub certa conditione pepigimus, ut interesset qui quibus non emendator modo sed ne interpres cognosceret. Homo negotiosus et officiosus ita quidem bonus in minimis priscorum sententiis faciendum recepit. Scio, Augustine, pro tua huvulgo inveniri potest, quamquam nihil ea re diffi- manitate et eruditione hoc te probaturum. Nam cilius est. Quis enim nisi mentis inops se omnia cum soleas diligentiam praesertim in litteris lautenere confirmet? Ideo si glossulas in Virgilium dare, consilium et institutum meum (nosti enim, legeris sub titulo meo, oro ne fidem praestes, sum vel unus e tuis domesticis qui pro tua ingenineque temerarius sum, neque audax, neque eam _ ta liberalitate et officio erga litteratos tuis faculexpositionem umquam tentavi. Ille quisquis est _tatibus aeque ac meis utor) facile ab omni offenqui falsum epigramma posuit, sentiet quid pro- _ siuncula vindicabis. Vale felicissime. fuerit me tanto mendacio provocasse; semper Vita Sallusti. C. Crispi Salustii vita [by Pomeius opinionis fui, quod minime ignoras, parum _ ponius Laetus; printed between the second Epishis fore laudis, qui in aliorum dictis sententias tula ad Caesarem and the Invectiva in M. T. Ciaucupantur. Est enim periculosa interpretatio nisi ceronem]. [Inc:]: Crispus Salustius genus ex cognitio rerum praecesserit. Non tamen infitior Amiterno Sabinorum ducit, C. Salustio patre esse qui possunt, sed ipse de me loquor, qui con- _ genitus. Ex liberalibus artibus, in quibus educatus scius meae imbecillitatis rem arduam et nullius erat, praeter eruditionem nihil accepit: omnibus honoris non aggredior. Est et perniciosa quorun- voluptatibus turpissime indulsit; paternam dodam labes et macula, ut plus in fronte ostendant mum vendidit ut crimine adulterii se redimeret. quam in recessu valeant. Praeterea multos prae- Ex quaestura et tribunatu nullam laudem est ascipitat inanis gloriae spes et libros imprimendi _ secutus [Jn Sall. 5.13-15]. Favente C. Caesare praefacultas multis saeculis intermissa paulo ante re- tor Africam sortitus; provinciam expilavit et exvocata. Depravantur incuria quadam codices lu- _hausit tantumque inde pecuniarum reportavit ut

croque potius cuius mortales avidissimi sunt amoenissimos hortos sub Quirinale extra quam emendationi consulitur, adeoque in ea pomerium ad Collinam Portam titulo sui nomiparte peccatur, ut quod existimabatur omnibus nis empto loco habuerit [ibid. 7.19-20] atque esse commodo, id praecipue ad linguae Romanae _adornaverit non vulgares illius saeculi et postero-

240 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE rum aetatibus delicias atque secessum, usque ad 1496-97 edition of Sallust with commentaries of

exactam aetatem libidinis avidus et potens. In Valla on the Catilina and of Soldus on the amicitia varius et inconstans, saepius tamen livi- Iugurtha printed in Venice by Christophorus de do dente momordit. Habitus est ore improbo et _ Pensis. animo inverecundo. Manis Pompei Magni (exis- b. Version B timans hac via se Caesari gratiorem fore) lacerare Prae fatio (Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marausus est, unde in Salustium Lenaeus Pompei lib- ciana, Marc. lat. XIV 179 [4488]). [Inc]: (fol. 1491) ertus scripsit morsque (moresque ed. Rome 1490) Crispus Salustius civis Romanus genere patricius

cius sigillatim paucis vocabulis expressit: nebu- fuit. Sed cum seditiones civiles in urbe Romana lonem, lurconem, popinionem, et lastaurum ap- flagrare coepissent, ab rei publicae administrapel lans [Suet., Gramm. 15]. Vox postrema indicat tione remotus otio se dedere constituit et istud fuisse hominem validae libidinis. Scripsit stilo 1. ipso prohemio declarat, scilicet (2) quod non abhorrente a veteribus. Extat (extant ed. Salustius inter praestantissimos historiae scripRome 149 0) coniuratio Catilinae et bellum tores praestantissimus habetur. Id autem cum lugurthinum et quaedam contiones ¢ libris bello- totum iudicio tum Quintiliani testimonio comrum civilium. Ut secreta inimici fidelius intel- robatur. Qui hunc Thucydidae opponit [Inst ligeret, Terentiam a Cicerone repudiatam duxit - 1.101] Livium autem Hero doto comparat Se d uxorem et quae tertio nupsit Messalae Corvino. Herodoto praeposuerat Thucydidem. Sequitur This vita appeared with Pomponius Laetus ergo maximam gloriam et laudem a Quintiliano edition of the opera, first printed at Rome 1n 1490, — traditam fuisse Salustio. Nam quia Salustium op-

and in Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vati- ponit Thucydidae, Livium autem comparat cand, Ottob. lat. 2989, identified by B. L. Ullman Herodoto, stat Crispum praeferendum esse Livio,

as the dedication copy presented by Laetus to et quanto maius est opponi quam comparari Cardinal Augustinus Maphaeus (see “The Dedi- praestantissimus in dicendo esse _ videtur. cation Copy of Pomponio Leto’s Edition of Sal- Quamobrem cum tanta eloquentia fuerit Saluslust and the ‘Vita’ of Sallust,” in Ullman, Studies in tius ut tantis scriptoribus tam graecis quam lati-

the ItalianSas Renaissance, 2d ed. [Rome, 1973}, 54 . nis non modo possit comparari sed. prt et praeferen-

305-725 Ullmans ¢ dition of the vita, based on the dus esse videatur, magna incitatione ad hunc Vatican manuscript, Is found on pp. 367-68). IN jit rum perdiscendum commoveri debemur. Sed later editions the vila usually appears anny — animadvertendum est quod cum ambitione demously under the title °C. Crispi Salustii vita of territus aliisque malis se ab rei publicae administen followed by Ancerto auctore . Only occasion- tratione removisset et se otio scribendi dedisset, ally is Pomponius Laetus acknowledged as the primo quaedam quasi praeludia dicendi aggres-

author. sus est, Catilinae scilicet seditiones et Iugurthae

Editions: bellum, deinde perpetuam scripsit historiam lati-

(*) 1492.6, 1492.7, 1493.1, 1493.8, [1493], (*) nam, graecam atque barbaricam. Sed MaxUNUIn 1494.11, 1495.1, [ca. 1496-97], [ca. 1497-99], 1497.1, _ linguae Romanae detrimentum est quod libros (*) [1497], 1500.7, 1502, (*) 1513, 1514, 1546, 1547, perpetuae historiae AMisimMus. Qui multum a

1564. See above, Composite Editions. Nonio Marcello et ceteris qui aliquid egregium scribunt commemorantur. Hoc tamen quod no-

Doubtful edition: bis relictum est perdiscere debemus, ut cum tanta A document of 1495 refers to Philippus Pin- Salustii eloquentia negligentia nostra amissa sit, cius’ wish, after a fire that had destroyed his home _ persistamus ut in hoc quod nobis datur negli-

and possessions, to republish his edition of Sal- gentes esse non videamur. Illud animadverlust with the commentary of Valla and, in addi- tendum est quod nonnulli dicunt hoc prooemition, a commentary by Battista Guarini (see R. um non videri accommodatum historiae quam Fulin, “Documenti per servire alla storia della ti- _ scripturus est: propterea quod cum scripturus sit pografia veneziana,” Archivio Veneto 23 [1882] seditionem Catilinae ipse dicat praestare animum 84-212, no. 36 at p. 118). No such edition has been _corpori, et ingenium viribus. Sed si quis diligenfound, and the reference in Hain (no. 14231) cited _ tius inspexerit animum Salustii desinet vitupe-

by Fulin is probably to be identified with the ca. rare et hoc prooemium negotio maxime con-

1.13. LAURENTIUS VALLA (?) 241 venire fatebitur. Nam cum Salustius vir patricius Virgil and Two Fifteenth-Century Manuscripts,” esset et ingenio plurimum valeret, affirmat sese in Classical, Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies in scribendi otio dedere maluisse quam in rei publi- Honor of B. L. Ullman, ed. C. Henderson, Jr., vol. 2 cae administratione versari, et dicit se nil incon- (Rome, 1964), especially 177, 186-90, and also F. T. gruum fecisse: primo ingenium praestari viribus, Coulson, “Giovanni Francesco Picenardi and the deinde mala ambitione malisque artibus corrup- Ovidian Commentary on the Metamorphoses in tam esse civitatem, ut qui in re publica versari Modena,’ Revue dhistoire des textes 26 (1996) voluerit, ei vivendum (sic) primo quiaare publi- 251-52. This and the next manuscript appear to be ca officium suum amoverit accusandus non erit. derived from a common ancestor not identical

Primo igitur probat ingenium praestare viribus, with the Venice manuscript. (Kristeller, Iter deinde probat ingenium prodesse civibus du- 2.542a). pliciter, scilicet vel bene consulendo vel bene di- Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm cendo: bene consulendo rei publicae si, cum bene 7612, s. XV, fols. 101r, 127v-131r (see I.1 above). constituta fuerit res publica, animi consilio et Contains (fol. 101r) the same preface as the forecorporis viribus iuverimus, bene dicendo autem going, and the commentary as far as “Vastus (5.5) rem (sic) cum laudatissimorum virorum et pro- immoderatus’, and (fols. 127v—131r) a later copy of batissimorum res gestas tradiderimus. Sed cum _ the same.

res publica non bene constituta sit nemo ei bene Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, IV C 3, s. XV, consulere poterit. Relinquitur ergo ut res gestas _fols. 1r-37v. See I.8 above. Contains the preface to clarissimorum virorum scribere sit laudatissi- “non videamur” (fol. 1v), the Crispi Salustit Ora-

mum. Et haec est intentio Salustii, quam si dili- toris clarissimi vita (fol. 2r) later attributed to genter consideretis videtis esse optima ratione Gerolamo Squarzafico (see Fortuna, p. 199 above,

corroboratam. and 1.18 below), and various marginal and interCommentary (variants from Version A are _ linear notes belonging to this commentary, complaced in square brackets). [Inc.]: (fol. 149v) bined with other annotations (fols. 6r—37v); a few Praestare (1.1) duobus modis construitur, cum da- of the notes (e.g., fols. 27v and 29v) mention tivo et accusativo, ut praesto illi praesto illum. “Laurentius Vallensis”. On this manuscript, see C. Praestare excellere. Cunctis animalibus i.e. ani- ‘Tristano, La biblioteca di un umanista calabrese: malibus brutis. Summa ope summa possibilitate Aulo Giano Parrasio (Rome, 1988), 130 (N. 142). et viribus summis. Nam opis significat possibili- We thank Lucia Gualdo Rosa for reexamining the tatem; Virgilius libro primo: grates persolvere manuscript and identifying these references to dignas // non opis est nostrae [Aen. 1.600-601] Valla. See the forthcoming studies by Gualdo .../...[Expl.]: (Modena, Biblioteca Estense, Est. Rosa, Osmond, and Ulery on the transmission lat. 306 [alpha W.4.13], fol. 252v): Catilina vero and fortuna of the Valla commentary. longe (61.4). Non modo commotus [contentus A| Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Marc.

fuit non fugere verum etiam in Romanos ir- lat. XIV 179 (4488) (miscellany), s. XV, fols. rumpere constuit [sic; voluit A] ne inultus more- _149r—158v. This version of the Praefatio, in the retur (moriretur A]. Ingenuus (61.5) (end of fo- _ tentative hypothesis of Cortesi (cited below, Bibli-

lio). ography, A) an earlier draft by Valla, is followed by Manuscripts: a portion of the commentary, wit) minor ater

Modena, Biblioteca Estense, Est. lat.306 (alpha ‘“"S*® breaking off at the end of a folio and of t © W.4.13), 8. XV, fols. 228r-252v. Contains the same TOD with which the commentary began. This

f d ntarv toand I (61.5), with and the Modena Munich manuscripts listed preface commentary toandIngenuus (61.5 f; probable loss of a single leaf. The manuscript also above app car to be derived font @ common a contains commentaries on Ovid’s Metamor- ‘Str not identical with the 1491 edition, but the

eve Cicero’s Bing text ofEpistulae, this manuscript closer to that of the of edi-phoses, andisthe commentary

Servius on the opera of Virgil. It is signed in sever- tion. The revision of the first note (Praejatio)

; ; ; Id have occurred in the common ancestor.

al places by Johannes Franciscus Picenardi of °°" Cremona, but not in the Sallust portion, which is Biography:

apparently in a slightly different hand; see B. M. See CTC 7.116-18 (Xenophon). Peebles, “The Ad Maronis Mausoleum: Petrarch’s

242 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE Add to Works: Modern editions of single in Camporeale, Scritti su Lorenzo Valla. Umanestworks: Adnotationes in Novum Testamentum, ed. mo, Riforma e Controriforma (Florence and A. Perosa (forthcoming?); Lorenzo Valla. Larte Rome, forthcoming); P. Casciano, “Ancora sul ‘Ars della grammatica, ed. P. Casciano (Milan, 1990); grammatica’ di Lorenzo Valla,” in C. Bianca, P. De falso credita et ementita Constantini donatione, Farenga et al., eds., Scrittura, biblioteche e stampa ed. W. Setz (Weimar, 1976); De vero falsoque bono, a Roma nel Quattrocento: aspetti e problemi. Atti ed. M. de Panizza Lorch (Bari, 1970); “In sex li- del seminario 1-2 giugno 1979, vol. 1 (Vatican City, bros Elegantiarum praefationes” [with facing Ital- 1980), 57-70; C. S. Celenza, “Renaissance Human-

ian translation], in E. Garin, ed. and trans., ism and the New Testament: Lorenzo Valla’s AnProsatori latini del Quattrocento (Milan and notations to the Vulgate,’ Journal of Medieval and

g th wo 8 } §

Naples, 1952); Orazione per Tinaugurazione del- Renaissance Studies 24 (1994) 33-52; J. Chomarat, l'anno accademico 1455-56. Lorenzo Valla. Atti di “Les Annotations de Valla, celles dErasme et la un seminario di filologia umanistica, ed. S. Rizzo grammaire, in Histoire de l’exégése au XVIe siécle,

(Rome, 1994); Le postille all“Institutio Oratoria” ed. O. Fatio and P. Fraenkel (Geneva, 1978), di Quintiliano, ed. L. Cesarini Martinelli and A. 202-28; Chomarat, “Valla et les grammairiens huPerosa, Medioevo e umanesimo 91 (Padua, 1996). manistes” in Grammaire et rhétorique chez See also the bibliography in “Valla, Lorenzo,’ in Erasme, vol. 1 (Paris, 1981), 225-65; V. De Caprio, Letteratura italiana. Gli autori, ed. A. Asor Rosa, “Appunti sul classicismo delle Eleganze di L. Valvol. 2 (Turin, 1991), 1775-77 (P. G.) and, for critical la,” Annali della Facolta di Lettere e Filosofia, Isteditions, J. IJsewijn, “Le edizioni critiche delle tuto di Filologia Moderna, Universita di Roma 1.2 opere di Lorenzo Valla,” RR. Roma nel Rinasci- (1981) 59-80; De Caprio, “La rinascita della cul-

mento (1992) 38—52. tura di Roma: la tradizione latina nelle Eleganze

44: di Lorenzo Valla,” in Umanesimo a Roma nel

Addo Bidliograp ba on Sallust Quattrocento. Atti del Convegno su “Umanesimo a

. « wary“Per .,. Roma nel Quattrocento. New York di 1-4 dicembre M. Cortesi, il Commento a Sallustio arr 1981,Res ed. P. Brezzi and M. de Panizza Lorch (Rome Lorenzo» Valla, publica litterarum 14 De (1991) ; and New York, 1984), 163-90; Caprio, — “Ten-

Ag—59. references found in F.valliana,” Adorno, ; RR. 2, aa Roma nel “ys a LeEarlier ge denze attuali are della critica Di alcune orazioni e prefazioni di Lorenzo Val- Rj ‘mento ( ) 49--66: De Caprio, “Elecanti

la” Rinascimento 2 (1954) 191-225; Bolaffi, Sallu- IMASCHENEO \1990) 49-095 Lie WAPTlO, SNSaTT-

. CL: ae di Lorenzo Valla,” in Letteratura italiana. Le

stio, 267-71; Schindler, Untersuchungen, 8-10; and dA. Asor R L 2 (Turi ’

G. Zippel, “Lorenzo Valla e le origini della stori- opere, eC. AA. ASOT ROSA, VON 2 AUTH, 1992)>

ae Ser 647-79;aA.Venezia,’ Fisher, “The Project of Humanism and ografia umanistica Rinascimento 7 , ; , (1956) 93-133. See also Mancini (below) Valla’s Imperial Metaphor,” Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 23 (1993) 301-22; R. Fubi-

B. General works and biographies ni, “Due contributi su Lorenzo Valla,’ Medioevo e L. Barozzi and R. Sabbadini, Studi sul Panor- Rinascimento 8 (N. S. 5) (1994) 101-16 (bibliogramita e sul Valla (Florence, 1891); studies on Valla _ phy, p. 116); L. Gardiner Janik, “Lorenzo Valla: The

by S. I. Camporeale, G. di Napoli, M. Fois, and H. Primacy of Rhetoric and the Demoralization of B. Gerl cited in CTC 7.117; and G. Mancini, Loren- History,” History and Theory 12 (1973) 389-404; S.

zo Valla (Florence, 1891). Gavinelli, “Le Elegantie di Lorenzo Valla. Fonti C. Selected books and articles on aspects of grammaticali latine e stratificazione compositiValla’s historiographical and philological work Y*® Italia medioevale é umanistica 31 (1988) G. Billanovich and M. Ferraris, “Le “Emenda- 205~5/5 Gavinelli, Teorie grammaticali nelle ‘Ele-

tiones in T. Livium’ del Valla e il Codex Regius di gantie ¢ la tradizione Scovastica del tardo Livio,” Italia medioevale e umanistica 1 (1958) Umanesimo, Rinascimento, 2 Ser; 31 (1991) 245-64; Billanovich, “Un altro Livio corretto dal 155-8 J. J sewn; Laurentius Vallas ‘Sprachliche

Valla (Valenza, Biblioteca della Cattedrale, 173),” Sommentare> mM m a nee der Nena

ibid., 265-75; S. I. Camporeale, “Lorenzo Vallae il °#”"® ©¢ A. Buck ann O. Her ing (Boppar De Falso Credita Donatione’, Retorica, liberta ed 1975)» 89-975 Usewsyjn, “Le edizioni critiche delle

ecclesiologia nel ’400,’ Memorie domenicane, N. opere di Lorenzo Valla, RR, ne nel RinasciS., 19 (1988) 191-293 (see 281 and n. 147), reprinted 67!0 (1992) 38-52; “Lorenzo Valla: A Sympo-

I.14. ANONYMUS AMBROSIANUS 243 sium,” Journal of the History of Ideas 57 (1996) borazione e montaggio delle “Elegantie” (Rome, 1-86, including articles by W. J. Connell, S. I. 1993); C. Trinkaus, “Lorenzo Valla’s Anti-ArisCamporeale, C. Trinkaus, R. K. Delph, and R. Fu- totelian Natural Philosophy,” I Tatti Studies 5 bini; FE Lo Monaco, “La traduzione valliana della (1993) 279-325; R. Valentini, “Le ‘Emendationes in ‘Pro Ctesiphonte’ di Demosthene,” in Lorenzo T. Livium’ di L. Valla,” Studi italiani di filologia Valla e Pumanesimo italiano. Atti del Convegno in- _ classica 15 (1907) 262-302; R. I. W. Westgate, “The ternazionale di studi umanistici, Parma, 18-19 ot- ‘Text of Valla’s Translation of Thucydides,” Transtobre, 1984, ed. O. Besomi and M. Regoliosi, actions and Proceedings of the American PhilologtMedioevo e umanesimo 59 (Padua, 1986), 141-64; cal Association 67 (1936) 240-51.

M. Lorch, “Lorenzo Valla,” in Renaissance Hu- See also the references and discussions in G. manism: Foundations, Forms, and Legacy, ed. A. Billanovich, “Petrarch and the Textual Tradition Rabil, Jr., vol. 1 (Philadelphia, 1988), 332-49; A. _ of Livy,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld InManfredi, “Nuove postille autografe di Lorenzo _ stitutes 14 (1951) 137-208; E. Cochrane, Historians

Valla alle epistole di $. Girolamo (Vaticano Lat. and Historiography in the Italian Renaissance 355-356), Italia medioevale e umanistica 35 (1992) (Chicago, 1981), 147-49, 256-58, and passim; J. F. 105-21; D. Marsh, “Lorenzo Valla in Naples: The D’Amico, Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome Translation from Xenophon’s Cyropaedia,” Biblio- (Baltimore, 1983) passim; E. B. Fryde, Humanism

théque dHumanisme et Renaissance 46 (1984) and Renaissance Historiography (London, 1988), 407-20; J. Monfasani, “Bessarion, Valla, Agricola 28ff.; A. Grafton, Joseph Scaliger: A Study in the and Erasmus,” Rinascimento, 2d Ser., 28 (1988) History of Classical Scholarship, vol. 1: Textual 319-20; Monfasani, Language and Learning in Re- Criticism and Exegesis (Oxford, 1983), 9-13; N. naissance Italy (reprint of selected articles and re- Struever, “Lorenzo Valla: Humanist Rhetoric and views on Valla et al.) (Aldershot, 1994); A. Morisi, the Critique of the Classical Languages of Moral“La filologia neotestamentaria di Lorenzo Valla,” _ ity,” in Renaissance Eloquence: Studies in the TheoNuova rivista storica 48 (1964) 35-49; M. Pade, ry and Practice of Renaissance Rhetoric, ed. J. J. “Valla’s Thucydides. Theory and Practice ina Re- Murphy (Berkeley, 1983), 191-206; and B. L. Ullnaissance Translation,” Classica et mediaevalia 36 man, “The Dedication Copy of Pomponio Leto’s (1985) 275-301; Pade, “The Manuscript Diffusion Edition of Sallust and the ‘Vita’ of Sallust,” in UII-

of Valla’s Translation of Thucydides,” Studi man, Studies in the Italian Renaissance, 2d ed. umanistici piceni 12 (1992) 171-84; A. Perosa, (Rome, 1973), 365-72. “Ledizione veneta di Quintiliano coi commenti

del Valla, di Pomponio Leto e di Sulpizio da 14. Anonymus Ambrosianus Veroli,” in Miscellanea Augusto Campana, vol. 2, This unpublished commentary consists of Medioevo e umanesimo 45 (Padua, 1981), straightforward and plain but not foolish ex575-610; G. Radetti, “La politica di Lorenzo Valla,’ planatory notes in the margins and between the Giornale critico della filosofia italiana 29 (1950) _ lines of a text of the BC, found in a single manu326-34; M. Regoliosi, “Lorenzo Valla, Antonio — script (Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, A 113 sup.). Panormita, Giacomo Curlo e Le emendazioni a_ A subscription dates the codex to the year 1464; Livio,” Italia medioevale e umanistica 24 (1981) the scribe is Philippus Falco, about whom noth287-316; Regoliosi, “Le congetture a Livio del Val- ing certain is known. Four folios preceding the la: metodo e problemi,” in Lorenzo Valla e ’u- text contain notes on Roman dignitates, a grammanesimo italiano, ed. Besomi and Regoliosi, matical note from Servius relative to est in carcere 51-71; Regoliosi, “Lorenzo Valla e la concezione locus (BC 55.3), and the passage from Quintilian della storia,” in La storiografia umanistica. Con- (Inst. 3.8.9) on the relevance of the proem to the vegno internazionale di studi. Messina 22-25 otto- work. The first folio of text, numbered 1, is actualbre 1987, 3 vols. (Messina, 1992), 1.2, pp. 549-71; __ly fol. 5 in the manuscript. Regoliosi, “La concezione del latino di Lorenzo Commentary (Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, © Valla, Atti della Accademia Peloritana (Messina, A 113 sup.). [Inc.]: (fol. 1r) Cai Crispi Salusti viri 1991), 129-40; Regoliosi, “Riflessioni umanistiche _illustrissimi De Catilina liber incipit feliciter. Tria sullo ‘scrivere storia,’ Rinascimento, 2d Ser., 31 sunt nomina quae scribemus per C. et proferun(1991) 3-37; Regoliosi, Nel cantiere del Valla. Ela- tur per G. videlicet Cnaeus, Caius et Amuren.|[?].

244 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE Praestare (1.1) antecellere virtutibus .../... prius bene caesus est, deinde magna pecunia [Expl]: (fol. 29v) Ingenuus (61.6). Ingenuus dici- multatus. Cicero in Sallustium: Sumus diligentes tur intus genitus, non advena; ingenuus i.e. valde in tuenda pudicitia uxorum nostrarum, sed ita genitus. Laetitia etc. (61.9). Laetitia et gaudium _experrecti non sumus ut a te cauere possimus.

prop Pp noec! .

propter defunctos hostes; maeror et luctus Sallustio censores in senatu obiecerunt quod ropter amicos et hospites (see I.6 above). moecharetur, dum ille non se matronarum sed

Manuscript: libertinarum sectatorem esse testatus est et ideo

Milan Biblioteca Ambrosiana, A 113 sup., s. XV senatu motus est. Ad historiam alludere uidetur

fol q P» -—. Horatius cum inquit: Ile flagellis ad mortem cae-

ta. 1464), mealeturn t mean ae ns sus, in primo Sermonum. Demum cum tribunus di i pen me P d PP liber de v; plebis fuisse dicitur, patricii generis non fuit; nam mnenen hilo 4 Foe ac Wale Burley h aliud est esse patricium, aliud esse senatorem; 99]: Sal nctivs Nile hus et poeta onaanae patricii enim fieri tribuni plebis non poterant nisi

i at cial Seen 2 se in optionem plebei hominis traderent. Quod

claruit tempore Julii cuius inimicus et aemulus de Sallustio nusquam comperi. Scripsit libros extitit. Hic scripsit de Bello Numantino (sic) li- ; en See brum unum hom de Iucurthino librum (sid) >» aliquot qui perpetuae historiae dicti sunt; de conA certain Falco (Mantua nus) is mentioned on 3 iuratione Catiliniana librum unum, bellum conletter of 1465 by Iacopo Ammannati (Cosenza tra | ugurtham. Perpetua historia uitio temporum

1.1347). (Kristeller, Iter 1.296a) amissa est. Distichon in hunc legitur apud Quin-

tilianum tale: Et uerba antiqui multum furate

15. Petrus Paulus Pompilius Catonis, // Crispae (sic) Iugurthinae conditor hisPom ius wrote his Dicta oP at the ace of toriae. Ex quo intelligi potest Sallustium nimis

P ; . . 5 imitatum fuisse Catonem Censorinum. Augustus

twenty-six, according to the title folio of the un- ad M. Antonium in epistola haec: Tu quoque duPublisheg manuscript (Rome, Biblioteca Angell bitas ‘Cimber ne Annaeus an Veranius Flaccus

, 1351, fol. ir), n i inRomeca ... Soe ae ,

at He om) enosch el oat new eX. imitandi sint tibi ut verbis quae Crispus Sallustius lanati £ individ 1° d d ph ree he excerpsit ex originibus Catonis utaris. Lenaeus planation 0 d wv of of , and purases In the item Pompei Sallustium appellare solitum est

entire text, and as pretace (fols. 2r-3r) an account furem eruditissimum. Quintilianus Sallustium of Sallust’s life and works and some of the ancient Thucydidi parem non ueretur. Martialis histori-

rief argumentum of the proem. . Loe , ; : .

, testimonia concerning the author, followed by a corum principem facit cum inqui t: Crispus RoPraefa tio (Rome Biblioteca Angelica, 1351), 84 Primus in historia. Cicero et Sallustius di-

- (fol 1 as . oo 7; uersum dicendi genus secuti sunt atque ita ut

Unc.]: (fol. 2r) Sallustius Crispus, merito illudbellatum uulgatum sit bonis in Sabinis tempore in Me Iugurtam est,rationibus ; ; eas

ns sana, vivcites soxaeesimum secundum: Uttimque placere. Cum Sallustianae breuitati nihil moritur sevtimo anno et cbitum Caesaris Te. addi concinne possit, Ciceronis uero diuitiis si rentiam Pn Cicero P udjauit uxorem duxit quid demas statim aliquid desiderari. Ideoque imhae etiam ad tertium em Messalam Corvj. mortalem illam Sallustius uelocitatem diuersis ra-

‘ lariss; ; ; Sall tionibus consecutus est, nec minus egregiae elus-

DUT, Clarissnery a Dn one aes 1e "modi differentiae, cum dixisse uidetur Seruilius

to mortuo transit, Frius quaestor, deinde tl Nouianus Titum Liuium et Sallustium pares esse ouns plebis, a practor te ferioris Africae; magis quam similes. Haec nos dictauimus quia

aesar proconsulem mortui Iubae regno prae- we . . .

foci pres ; ; oP Asconii Pediani scripta de uita Sallustii quod sciecit. Atque ita primus Sallustius regno illi in for- am non extant: hic enim de hac re ut in moni

mam prouinciae redacto tum primum praefuit. . oe? ae —_ " Obicit Cicero bis cack conaterem er P San mentis est litterarum diligentissime scripsit. Gordoque Senatu ver jgnominia (sic). a aa est gias Isocratis magister, et cuius nomini dialogum

I ‘I bj P S ; ; l in quattuor Tyrannos non ueros oratores Plato

tem Dis quaestorem, sic etiam quaestor long consecrauit, laudat in Olympico eos qui primi post intervallo iterum fuit; hoc fieri potuit cum -onuentus ‘tales ‘1 sacris Olvmpii louis in bis ad subsellia iudicum adulterii reus protractus stituerunt: Isocrates etiam in Dane rico uel in est. Praeterea in Faustae filiae Cornelii Sullae La ‘de Helenes conaueritur plus he oris corvo-

adulterio a Tito Annio Milone domi deprensus, 0 d P P

1.16. JODOCUS BADIUS ASCENSIUS 245 rum quam animorum uirtutibus dari; Caius Sal- Isabella) (Rome, 1490); Vita Senecae (Rome, lustius et in Bello Iugurthino et in Catiliniana 1490); De orthographia; Dialogus de amore; Histo-

coniuratione utrimque (sic) secutus est, nam ria Balearica (lost); epigrams in Greek, orations principiis ex aliqua rei uicinia sed nihil ad histori- and poems. He commented on Suetonius (Augusam pertinentibus orsus est maximeque etiam ar- tus, Tiberius) and Sallust.

gumento in Catiliniana Isocratem imitatus est. Bibliography: Agitur peculiariter in hac praefatione de ingenii Coser a4 3909 and 5.1456; W. Bracke, “Pietro et corporis uiribus utrae praestantiores, et quod Paolo Pompilio grammatico ° poeta” (Tesi di qui fecere et qui facta aliorum scripsere laudan- Dottorato, Universita di Messina, 1994); M. Chihie pao tamen plus enefacere quam bene- abd, “Paolo Pompilio, professore dello Studium cere decoris promerere wldetur; denique IN Upbis” in Un pontificato ed una citta: Sisto IV calce de rei publicae fluctibus et aerumnis suis (1471-84) (Atti del Convegno, Roma, 3-7 dicembre paulum conquestus, cur hanc potius quam aliam 1984), ed. M. Miglio et al. (Vatican City, 1986), quampiam historiam aggrediatur aperit. ; 503ff.; E. Lee, Sixtus IV and Men of Letters (Rome, Commentary. [Unc.|: (fol. 3r) Omnis homines 1978), 185 and 253; G. Mercati, “Paolo Pompilio e

(1.1) - Omnis et omnes in accusandi [S¢. casu| la scoperta del cadavere intatto sull’Appia nel dicimus; utrum Pp lus placere possit loco, ut in ali- 1485,’ in Mercati, Opere minori, vol. 4, Studi e testi

7 de compositione agitur quodque Quintilianus 79 (Vatican City, 1938), 268-86; M. Tavoni, Latino, nst. 9.4.93] in primis monet, aures consulendae rammatica, voleare (Padua, 1984), 182-93 and

sunt.../...[Expl.|: (fol. 57r) Varia (61.9) variae 201 » 08 res; varii affectus. Exercitum Cai Antonii. Laetitia 79-30%

eX Occisis inimicis. Maeror ex occisis amicis. Fere- 16. Jodocus Badius Ascensius bantur [sic pro agitabantur| excitabantur. Parti- The Familiaris explanatio or Interpretatio on culam historiae praetermittit Sallustius . . . ladds Sallust’s opera was published by Badius at Paris in historical details, quoting from Valeri us Max- 1504 together with his revised version of PompoTMU, Pliny the Elder, ending with Cicero, Pro nius Laetus’ text. The commentary was dedicated Plancio go “in aliorum vigiliam consulum recidis- |. Francois de Rohan, archbishop of Lyons, and

sent’. probably originated in notes compiled by Badius

Manuscript: in the 1490s while teaching Latin at the school of

Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, 1351, s. XV, fols. Henri Valluphin in Lyons and working as correc1r—-57v. Commentaries on BC and BI. Fol.ir:“Lec- tor for Jean Trechsel. Like his other commentaires tione publica Romae anno aetatis suae XXVI”. (E. _familiers, it was designed primarily for young stu-

Narducci, Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum dents and aimed at explicating the texts in a simpraeter graecos et orientales in Bibliotheca Angeli- ple, straightforward manner—paraphrasing

ca, vol. 1 [Rome, 1893], 568-69). words, explaining rules of grammar, citing vari-

Biography: ant readings, pointing out moral lessons, and Petrus Paulus Pompilius (Romanus) (Pietro SUmmaneing events of ancient history. An introPaolo Pompilio, da Roma), who was born at ductory essay on the meanings and varieties of Rome ca. 1455 and died at Rome in 1491, was a history and its uses Was accompanied by twenty grammarian, member of the Sodalitas Litterato- precepts on the writing of history (drawn from

eer ; ar classical treatises and the practice of Sallust him-

roe sanctl er ’at i y the Urbig (d Quirinal,Urbis an d self). Like the commentary, it enjoyed a wide cirprofessor Studium (documented for ‘ 2. 1482-84). He appears to have had strong ties to veion and was reprinted throughout the centume Spanisn P Clovanne in Rome and was per- During his lifetime, Badius published numeradmirer of Pomponio Leto, to whom he dedicat- ous reprints and edition s of Sallust, including an

ps a rival of Giovanni Sulpizio da Veroli and an ; .

ed a Dialogus de amore. edition of ca. 1509 dedicated to Egidius Quernolignus of Ghent and a 1513 edition prepared by

Works: Hieronymus Aleander. The latter (as he tells us in De syllabis et de accentibus (Rome, 1488); De the preface of 1510) had collated Aldus Pius triumpho Granatensi (in praise of Ferdinand and Manutius’ 1509 edition with a copy of a very old

246 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE manuscript made available to him by Paulus Philippus Beroaldus in praefatione Salustiana

Aemilius. de eius laude dicit sic: Crispus Salustius ob elePraefatio (ed. of 1504, Paris). Nobilissimo nec gantiam inimitabilemque in scribendo breviminus diserto et cum primis observando atque _ tatem assecutus est primas inter historicos partes, reverendo Domino Francisco de Rouhan, Lug- quod epigrammaticus poeta illo disticho expres-

dunensium archipraesuli et Galliarum primati sit: Hic erit, ut perhibent doctorum corda viroIodocus Badius Ascensius cum omni veneratione rum, // Crispus Romana primus in historia salutem dicit. [Inc.]: Caius Crispus Salustius, [Mart. 14.191]. Etenim ita creber rerum frequentia egregius ille nobilitate (sic) veritatis (ut inquit est, ut verborum prope numerum sententiarum Augustinus) historicus [De civ. Dei1.5],ab A.Gel- numero sequatur; ita verbis, quorum novator lio [Noct. att. 1.15.18] concinnus verborum nova-__ dictus est, concinnus, ita elegans, ita pressus, ut tor merito nuncupatus, Thucydidi graeco ab _ nescias utrum res verbis an verba rebus illustrenFabio nostro Quintiliano collatus [Inst. 10.1.101] tur. [Gives the testimonia of Seneca the Elder et ab Annaeo Seneca citra iniuriam praelatus [Ep. (Suas. 9.1.13, 14) and Macrobius (Sat. 5.1.7) on Sal114.17—19], et ab lepidissimo epigrammatico Mar- _lust’s brevitas and deplores the loss of the Histort-

tiale romana primus in historia iudicatus ae.] Salustius ab Augustino ita laudatur ut eum [14.191]—is, inquam, cui sine detrimento senten- appellet nobilitate (sic) veritatis historicum [De tiae ne apex quidem unus detrahi posset, visus est civ. Dei 1.5]. Cuius orationes, ut inquit Seneca mihi, multa de temporis edacitate mortaliumque [Contr. 3, praef. 8], leguntur in honore historinegligentia conquestus, tot videlicet lucubra- arum, quae haud dubie volumina indicant quantiones quae Thucydidicam redolerent lucernam ta in scribendo maiestate quamque divino fuerit totque tam sacri laboris monumenta quibus vel decoratus ingenio. Haec Beroaldus. invitis fatis nominis aeternitatem meruerit, tem- Vita Sallustii. lo. Badii Ascensii vitae Salustii porum calamitate ita periisse ut ne reliquiae qui- declaratio.* [Inc.]: Caius. Ut volunt a gaudio, dem (quae quota tantorum operum pars) salvae unde et Gaius profertur, inditum est quibusdam atque integrae legi valeant; multam tamen Pom- praenomen, quod et nepotibus mansit. Crispus. ponio Laeto, homini nimirum doctissimo, agere Agnomen a crispis capillis cum quibus nascuntur gratiam, quod eas ex invidae oblivionis et incul- impositum. Salustius. Proprium est nomen a pa-

tae barbariei faucibus receperit. Mihi quoque tre huic datum..../... [Expl.]: Lastaurus largi earum recognoscendi atque elucidandi partes stupri. Inimici scilicet Ciceronis, cuius inimiciticoncredere, multa quidem, ut quod oneri impar am postea contraxit, quia in historia eum laudat,

forem, quod historiae unde ipsis lumen de- aut ob privatum odium ab lege historiae quae promerem interciderint, quod aliis curis distine- veritatem ante omnia _postulat discedere rer, quod iam interpretem sortitae essent, atque [discedare ed.] noluit, unde ab Augustino nostro id genus alia, nequicquam excusanti; nam quanto de nobilitate veritatis laudari meruit [De civ. Dei ego me difficiliorem reddere, tanto ille acrius in- 1.5]. stare, orare demum egregium sibi vindicem ne * Badius vita is a commentary on the adjointotus intereat deligerem; atque quod tunc oranti _ ing text of Laetus’ vita Salustti [see 1.13 above]; the visus sum recepisse modo utcunque prosecutus. lemmata are given here in italics. The next item is Tuam, domine Francisce, eximiam praestantiam the Salustii vita per Iohannem Chrisostomum Solhis Salustianis reliquiis nostrisque familiarissimis dum [see II.14 below].

commentationibus praesidem imploro, oroque De historia et eam concernentibus collecta per supplex patiare hanc opellam tuo faustissimo no- Ascensium. |Inc.]: Ceterum, quoniam vitam auc-

mini dicatam per Gallias tuas diffundi. Tantum ttoris iam satis elucidatam reor, persequamur est. Vale, dulce litterarum litteratorumque et de- cetera quae in initiis auctorum disquiri solent. cus et praesidium. Ex officina nostra Cal- Titulus itaque operis quia duo sunt duplex est. In chographa Parrhisiis pridie calendas Novemb. altero talis: Caii Crispi Salustii historici coniura-

anni huius MDIV. tio ac bellum Catilinarium. In altero talis: Cai

[There follow the prefaces by Pomponius Lae- Crispi Salustii Bellum Iugurthinum. Quae quitus (see 1.13 above) and by Philippus Beroaldus dem opera non invenimus in libros distincta. (the Elder) to the edition he prepared for Ulrich Sunt ergo singulis singuli. Stilus scribendi est his-

Gering in Paris ca. 1477.] toricus. Qualitas est succincta, pressa, fecunda et

I.16. JODOCUS BADIUS ASCENSIUS 247 ultra legem numerata. Intentio esse videtur histo- dent praestare ceteris animantibus] (1.1). Quoniam riam Romanam cum nominis sui memoria sem- _auctoris huius vitam et in historia scribenda peripiterna posteris legendam praebere et simul tor- _ tiam ceteraque in initiis operum discuti solita pro

porem ac veternum ingratae cessationis abigere. ingeniolo nostro iam discussimus, reliqua est Sed quia historiam exponendam recepimus, dumtaxat dilucida operis ipsius explanatio, quam placet tria de eadem novitiis lectoribus praemit- (sit modo spiritus sanctus auspex) ita succinctam tere. Quorum primum erit eius definitio et divi- aut (ut Flaccus ait [Hor., Ars 50]) cinctutam ferri

sio. Secundum eius utilitas. Tertium histori- velim ut in medio curriculi tardiores non

ographorum et potissimum Salustii in scribenda _ praetereat, atque ita laxo sinu demissoque verbohistoria observatio per viginti praecepta explican- rum contextu inambulare ut ingenio quantumvis

da. acri non protinus praetereunda fastidiendaque

Historiam (ut legitur apud A. Gellium, lib. v, occurrat. [Continues on the author’s aims and his cap. xviii) ab annalibus quidem differre eo putant decision to write history, as set forth in the proquod, cum utrumque sit rerum factarum narra- logue]. ... Quantum vero ad verborum eleganti-

tio, earum tamen proprie rerum sit historia, am et sermonis leporem in quo iuvenibus pluriquibus rebus gerendis fuerit is qui narret.... mum immorandum est: sciant primum omneis De utilitate historiae. Utilitas autem historiae accusativum esse latinum quia priscis Latinis per ex hac eiusdem descriptione haberi potest: Histo- ei diphthongon scribi consuevit ne in -es finitus ria testis est temporum, lux veritatis, vitae magis- cum nominativo et accusativo pluralibus et in -is tra, memoriae praeses, et vetustatis nuntia [Cic., cum eisdem singularibus consonet; simulque De orat. 2.9.36]. Ceterum ut Livius in praefatione quod concinnius sonet accusativus in -is, licet -eis prima dicit [Ab urbe condita 1, praef. 10-11]: Hoc _ scribatur, sequente praesertim -es ut hoc loco illud est praecipue in cognitione rerum salubre ac Omnis homines .../... [Expl.]: [Neque tamen frugiferum, omnis te exempli documenta in illus- — exercitus populi Romani laetam aut incruentam tri posita monumento intueri, unde tibi tuae (sic) _ victoriam adeptus est (61.7).] Neque tamen exercirei publicae quod imitere capias, unde foedum tus populi Romani erat adeptus victoriam laetam inceptu foedumque exitu quod vites. [Quotes Ci- aut incruentam. Nam _ strennuissimus quisque cero et al. on the advantages of studying history.] (61.7). Nam strennuus aut strennuissimus quisque Nam ut Quintilianus ait [Inst. 10.1.31], historia (dubitat enim Valla utrum legendum sit [Eleg. alere potest orationem molli quodam ac iucundo —1.14]) [aut occiderat in proelio aut graviter vulnerasucco. Sed haec hactenus. Nunc ad tertium. tus discesserat (61.7).] Aut occiderat in proelio aut Vigintt praecepta pro historica lege ac stilo discesserat vulneratus graviter. | Multi autem qui de pueris animadvertenda. Prima historiae lex est: ne _castris visendi aut spoliandi gratia processerant volquid aut falsi dicere aut veri (quod quidem scitu _ventes hostilia cadavera amicum alii pars hospitum dignum sit) supprimere in alicuius odium aut aut cognatum reperiebant (61.7-8).] Multi autem gratiam audeat. Debet enim esse vera et sincera. qui processerant e castris gratia visendi aut spolianIn qua re, cum omnes Latini laudem meruerint, di volventes cadavera hostilia, reperiebant alii amiSalustius noster palmarium obtinuit qui usque cum, pars id est alii. Hospitem aut cognatum. Supadeo veritatis fuit amator ut ne summum quidem pple occisum. [Fuere item qui inimicos suos adversarium falsa narratione laederet nihilque cognoscerent. Ita varie per omnem exercitum laetiquod exploratum non haberet palam asserere tia moeror luctus atque gaudia agitabantur. Finis

ausus sit, ut in indicio Tarquinii luce clarius (61.8-9).] Fuere item qui cognoscerent inter ocpatebit. Secundum praeceptum. Secunda est: ne cisos suos inimicos. Ita id est et sic laetitia maeror ordine perverso aut praepostero quid recitet, ut luctus atque gaudia agitabantur varie per exerci-

enim quicque primum gestum est, ita primum tum. Finis Catilinarii belli. (The lemmata in narrabitur..../... [Expl.]: Vigesimum praecep- square brackets are taken from the text of Badius’ tum. Vigesima lex est: quaecumque venustatis 1504 Paris edition of Sallust’s opera). praecepta oratori dantur, historiographo servan- Editions:

da sunt. 1504, 1506, (*) 1508, 1509, 1511, (*) 1513, 1514, (*) Commentary. Iodoci Badii Ascensii in C. 117. 110. 163: 1206 (*) f 38 ieA7 4 6 See above Crispi Salustii Bellum Catilinarium Familiaris C 73 19192 1903) 192% 929) 19479 1904-

; ; . omposite Editions.

Explanatio. [Inc.]: Omnis homines [qui sese stu-

248 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE

Biography: tus non dubitavi, singularis mi patrone, munusSee CTC 1.230-31 (Biography, 231) (Juvenalis); | culum hoc qualecumque tibi porrigere ac nomini

3.273-75 (Persius); and 5.383-86 (Valerius Maxi- tuo dicare libellum hunc tumultuariis opellis a

mus). me nuperrime exaratum his diebus unctis et li-

Add to Bibliography: “Josse Bade,’ Contempo- _centiosis, quippe qui libellus foetus menstruus raries of Erasmus 1.79-81 (G. Guilleminot); LEu- dici poterit, mensis enim est quo a calce ad rope des humanistes, 47-48; Ph. Renouard, Bibli- metam pervenimus, quod verum esse vereor ne ographie des impressions et des oeuvres de Josse nimium exilis et ieiuna res ipsa prodat. Hunc Badius_ Ascensius, imprimeur et humaniste, ergo tibi mittimus non emerendi favoris gratia 1462-1535, 3 vols. (Paris, 1908; rpt. New York, nec ostentationis neque etiam lucelli, sed potius [1967]), see index; Schindler, Untersuchungen, testimonium nostrae erga te observantiae.... 2-4, 8-10, 79-80; and Schindel, “Die Rezeption Harum igitur lucubratiuncularum primus tu

Sallusts,” 93. libamina carpes a quibus criticos et Aristarchos , propellimus. Nam, ut Lucilius dicere solebat ea

17. Jacobus a Cruce Bononiensis quae scriberet neque se ab indoctissimis neque ab The Annotatiunculae on selected passages of doctissimis legi velle, quod alteri nihil intelligethe Catilina and Iugurtha were written for the _ rent, alteri plus fortasse quam ipse [Cic., De orat. benefit of studiosi iuvenes while the author was 2.6.25], ego nolim quidem rusticos nostra legere, teaching in Bologna and were collected for publi- sed nec eruditissimos et, ut ille, malo orationem cation, along with his notes on other ancient au- meam non intelligi quam reprehendi. Haec ergo thors, after 1498 (to judge from references to _ sterilia et pusilla his scripsimus qui et candidi events in the life of Antongaleazzo Bentivoglio, to sunt quique nondum litterarum fastigium sunt whom the dedicatory letter was addressed). In assecuti. Habebit igitur lector annotatiunculas et 1511 this collection, Annotationes centum in varios observationes quasdam studiosis iuvenibus non authores, was printed by Johannes Parvus and _inutiles, ut spero, neque iniucundas. Explicamus Jodocus Badius Ascensius at Paris. From 1517 on enim quaedam, ni fallor, nisi paucissimis et his Crucius’ notes on Sallust frequently appeared in _doctissimis, perpensa et cognita in Ovidio, Vireditions of Sallust’s opera, often at the beginning _ gilio, Persio, Lucano, Papinio, Martiale, Donato et of the volume. In contrast with the line-by-line Servio. Ad hoc in Cicerone, Sallustio, Livio, Valecommentaries of most of his predecessors and rio Maximo et Tranquillo, Gellio nonnulla partim contemporaries, these annotations were confined declaramus, partim emendamus et ex antiquis to a few loci selecti or cruces (about fourteen inthe codicibus et receptissimorum auctoritate. Sed et Catilina and six in the Iugurtha). Although limit- historias quasdam in transcursu per allusiones ed in scope, they are included here because of the poetarum insertas miscuimus quibus scimus Gefrequency with which they were printed and cited nium tuum delectari, utque volumini iusta Mag-

in the sixteenth century. nitudo accederet ac pariter varietate (quae omni-

Praefatio (ed. of Paris, 1511 of the Annotationes um iucundissima est) lector permulceretur, centum). Ad augustum et illustrissimum Protono- adiecimus praelectiones quasdam in varios auctarium Bentivolum Antonium Galeaz patronum _ tores quibus praefari quotannis ferme noster mos

valde observandum, Iacobi 4 Cruce Bononiensis_ fuit, cum publice profiteremur cumque ad epistola. [Inc.]: Athenienses a Lacedaemoniis fre- Beroaldum nostrum et Codrum, viros undequenter bello subacti et profligati Ammonis ora- cumque eruditissimos et ad nos qualescumque culum consuluisse feruntur, princeps Auguste, audiendos, tum officii tum genii tui causa venquid causae esset, quod cum ipsi lectas bidentes et _titares, aliquam forte audire potuisti eoque libenboves eximios auratis cornibus diis immortalibus _ tius has etiam praelectiones adiunximus, quod in

offerrent nihilque huiusmodi facerent Lacedae- una mentio est tuae sacrae peregrinationis, qua monii in sacrificiis etiam parcissimi, victoria Hierosolimam petisti, immo adorasti, quodque tamen saepius ad Lacedaemonios verteretur, re- interdum Illustris principis nostri patris tui Ausponsum tulere orationem Lacedaemoniorum — gustissimi meminimus.... [Expl.]: Cum ergo magis diis probari quam reliquorum Graecorum _ sacris occupationibus paulisper fueris levatus,

pompam inanem.... Quibus exemplis commo- poteris delectu meliorum habito ... tibi

1.17. JACOBUS A CRUCE BONONIENSIS 249 praelegere tamquam Anagnostes fidus Petrus Thesaurus criticus, ed. Janus Gruterus, 1.684—87. Borgolochus, tuus epistolarum magister ornatus NUC. BL; BNF; Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense; et amanuensis politus in amicos clientesque tuos (CtY; ICU). apprime officiosus. Quod si (quae tua in omnes Biooraphy:

benignitas,De mansuetudo, et clementia Srapiy: ae ; ar Jacobusliberalitas a Cruce Bononiensis or Crucius,

est)1:nostra haechonoratus tirocinia et has unus ; da ; . ruceus, etc. (Iacopo or primitiolas Giacomo Croci tu mihi semper semperque maximus ree oy Bologna, orposterum Croce, confirmabis, Dalla Croce,utCristiani, probaveris, ita me in ; of the etc.) ; ; (ca. 1460-1526) was considered one most propediem Panegyricon ad te sim missurus, quo de gs . . learned men of Bologna in his time. After obtainmulta sed quidem merita Domus tuae Bentivolae_. ; ; . .; . aeagnosces. ing a degree inmeliora philosophy in 1480, he taught libenter Et alia mox accipies, . grammar in the neighborhood In quibus .haec qualiacumque nuncappointed praeludunt.professor Ex :schools. 1495/96 he was also of rhetoquo hoc etiam; fiet, et ob-for|.brief ;; . ., ric ut andadversus poetry at themalevolos Studio and, except trectatores hac tua probatione ac patrocino (sic) b oe se absences from the city in 1503-1504 anddecus again ;besuffultus tutissime ambulare possim. Vale tween 1511 and ca. 1514, he continued teaching at . , ; ; thehendecasyllabi University until his death. Antongaleazzo Eiusdem ad libellum. Festinas Bentivosl; .. _. . . . Bentivoglio, to...whom he dedicated nimium, libelle, lucem Exis cum duce cui £his , . collection

meum. ae ae

a of Annotationes, wasest. appointed protonotary perire vita oa Commentary. In Catilinam Sallustii. [Inc.]: In é, a: . apostolic in 1483 by Pope Sixtus IV and archdea-

7: i. con of Bologna in 1491 byquaedam Pope Innocent Catilina lugurthaque Crispi Sallustii ve- > feVIII; he

Jt. was also the patron of Crucius’ friends and collociter transcurrentes annotamus, in primis illud |.;. eagues, Johannes Baptista Pius and Antonius

; ; . 1. . Urceus ‘Codrus’.

ex Gellio [Noct. att. 4.15] exponentes, quod in ;

praefatione ita legitur: At mihi, tametsi

haudquaquam par gloria sequatur scriptorem et Works: auctorem rerum, tamen in primis arduum videtur Annotationes centum in varios auctores (notes res gestas scribere (3.2). Arduum, hic positum est on Ovid, Virgil, Persius, Lucan, Papinius [Stanon pro difficili tantum, sed pro eo quoque quod __tius], Seneca, Horace, Martial, Silius Italicus, CiGraeci Svoxepeés aut xadeTr6v vocant: quod est cero, Sallust, Livy, Valerius Maximus, Suetonius, tum difficile tum molestum, quoque incommo- _ Pliny the Elder, Gellius, Donatus, et al.); Praelecdum et intractabile..../... [Expl.]: Illud etiam —ttones on Livy, Silius Italicus, Boethius, Juvenal, in fine Catilinae ita legendum arbitramur: Pauci and Valerius Maximus. (See Editions above.) quos medios cohors praetoria disiecerat, paulo di- A Latin verse translation of Callimachus’ versi alis alibi stantes, omnes tamen adversis vul- Hymmni; panegyric of the Bentivoglio family (reneribus ceciderunt (61.3). Alis enim antiquitus ported by Cosenza, below).

cree atun quog mune alius, auctoribus eodem Bibliography:

iomede [p. 333K] ac Prisciano [GL 3.8]. CTC 2.337 (Livy) and 3.354—55 (Silius Italicus);

Editions: Cosenza 2.1796; L’Europe des humanistes, 137; Fer-

1511, ex officina nostra chalcographa [Paris] rari 243; G. Fantuzzi, Notizie degh scrittort bolo(colophon); Venundantur ab Ioanne Parvo & Io. gnesi, vol. 3 (Bologna, 1783), 232-37; S. Mazzetti, Badio Ascensio (frontispiece). The Annotationes Repertorio di tutti 1 professori anticht e moderni and Praelectiones of Crucius, in Annotationes doc- della famosa universita e del celebre istituto delle torum virorum, ed. Jodocus Badius Ascensius, scienze di Bologna (Bologna, 1847), 106 (see also fols. [CXCIVv—CXCIV(r sic)]. NUC. Rome, Bibli- the Bologna, 1848 edition of this work con in fine oteca Casanatense; BL; BNF; (MH; MiU; NjP). alcune aggiunte e correzioni alle opere dell’Alidosi, (*) 1517, 1519, 1523, 1526, (*) 1528, (*) 1544, 1546, del Cavazza, del Sarti, del Fantuzzi e del Tiraboschi

1547, 1564, (micro.) 1571. See above, Composite per quella parte soltanto che tratta de’ Professort

Editions. dell Universita di Bologna, 58); Fr. P. A. Orlandi, 1602, Francofurti (Frankfurt). Sumptibus Io- Notizie degli scrittort bolognesi (Bologna, 1714), nae Rhodii Bibliopolae. The Annotationes of Cru- 132; Ph. Renouard, Bibliographie des impressions et cius, in Lampas sive Fax artium liberalium, hoc est des oeuvres de Josse Badtus Ascenstus, imprimeur et

250 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE humaniste, 1462-1535, 3 vols. (Paris, 1908; rpt. New __ referunt. Ex nobili Salustiorum familia ortus est, York, [1967]), 3.236, 241-42 (Sallust), and passim; quae diu in secundo ordine dignitatem servavit. B. L. Ullman, “The Manuscripts of Propertius,” Idem in urbe educatus creditur et a teneris annis

Classical Philology 6 (1911) 289. operam ac studium impendisse optimis disciplinis. Sed cum in ea tempora incidisset, quibus cor-

18. Philippus Melanchthon rupti civium mores variis partibus atque factioniMelanchthon’s Scholia on the Catilina and bus forent, neque virtuti praemia aut bonis Iugurtha, first published at Haguenau in 1529, ap- _ingeniis adessent in tam depravata civitate, quod pear as brief marginal notes on selected passages idem Salustius fatetur [| BJ 3.1], victum eius ingeor parts of the text. The study of Sallust was im- nium voluptatibus facile succubuit. Itaque cum

portant in the humanistic curriculum that Me- ad rem publicam pro aetate foret delatus propter lanchthon had been promoting for some years in civium improbitatem et factiones multa adversa German schools and universities, and the notes pertulit [BC 3.3]. Nam tum praecipue Sullanis point out sententiae and exempla, ancient sources partibus infecta civitas aestuabat. Constat ex or parallel passages, and elements of rhetorical veterum commentariis Salustium ipsum ingenio constructions. The number (though not the char- _fuisse acri et in studiis litterarum accurato, tum acter) of the Scholia varied in succeeding editions, maxime in scribenda historia. Praeceptorem whether it was Melanchthon himself or the print- habuit inter alios Attetum Praetextatum, qui ers who were responsible for these additions and Philologum se appellavit et ab eo edoctus est de omissions. Most editions also include occasional _ratione recte scribendi, ut a Suetonio Tranquillo textual corrections or variants placed in the mar- _ traditur qui et Asinium quoque Pollionem scribit gin and marked by an asterisk. As was the case for ab eodem Praetextato eruditum atque instructum Jacobus Crucius Bononiensis (1.17 above), these [Suet., Gramm. 10). Maxime autem M. Catonis scholia do not constitute a full commentary, but — studiosus fuit, ex cuius commentariis verba exare included here because of their popularity dur- _cerpsit et velut breviarium ad usum proprium

ing the sixteenth century in northern Europe. habuit, quod Octavius quoque Augustus in episPrinted at the end of the volume are the Flores tola ad Marcum Antonium refert [Suet., Aug. selecti per Hulderichum Huttenum Equitem eius- 86.2-3], in qua ipsum Antonium ceu insanientem demque scholiis non indoctis illustrati, a list of Sal- increpat, quod ea scribere vellet quae mirentur lustian sententiae reportedly compiled by Hulde- _ potius homines quam quae intelligant. Sed intericus Huttenus and published posthumously at rim ad Salustii commentarios. Historiam compoStrassburg in 1528 (Schweiger 2.892); they were suit de Lucii Catilinae coniuratione contra Rooften reprinted in later editions containing Me- manum Senatum et item de bello Iugurthae, qui lanchthon’s notes. The 1529 edition also includes Numidiae rex factus diu contra Romanos strenue two vitae Sallustii (given below): (1) the vita Sal- rem gessit. Historiam praeterea de Romanorum lustii by Petrus Crinitus, which first appeared in _ gestis, ut de Mario et Sylla necnon de Pompeio the Giunta edition of Florence, 1503 and was contra regem Mithridatem, quod opus libris reprinted by Aldus Pius Manutius in 1509, as well aliquot a Salustio absolutum traditur. Et adhuc as in most later Aldine editions of Sallust; (2) an supersunt quaedam, veluti absolutissimi operis anonymous biography, which appeared for the _ reliquiae, in quibus Salustii diligentia in historia first time in the 1471 Venice edition of Sallust by describenda atque gravitas appareat. In parte Vindelinus de Spira, and was attributed to Hi- operis de rebus Punicis tanto animi studio ineronymus Squarzaficus Alexandrinus in the 1478 cubuit ut a quibusdam scriptum sit eum reVenice edition by Philippus Petrus (“Et hec vita gionem adiisse ac maxima solertia perlustrasse magna cum diligentia compilata fuit a Hierony- quo maiore fide atque officio veritatem explo-

mo Squarzafico Alexandrino”). raret. Avienus certe Rufus plurimum Salustii diliVita Salustii (ed. of Haguenau, 1529). Ex libris gentiam atque studium commendavit [Or. mar. Petri Criniti de historicis ac oratoribus latinis.C. 36ff.], sed et Gellius, vir Romanus, qui veterum Crispus Salustius Amiterni natus traditur in agro eruditionis Aristarchus habetur, ita de Salustii Sabino, quo anno Atheniensium urbs a L. Sylla _ oratione disserit: Elegantia, inquit, Salustii verbodevicta atque vastata est, ut Romani annales rumque facundia et novandi studium, cum multa

1.18. PHILIPPUS MELANCHTHON 251 prorsus invidia fuit, plures non mediocri ingenio probo animo autem inverecundo esse scripserat.

viri conati sunt reprehendere pleraque et ob- Itaque mirandum non est si tam acerbe atque trectare, in quibus plura inscite aut maligne velli- _ satyrice libertus Lenaeus contra Salustium aciem cant [Noct. att. 4.15.1]. Quin et hunc proprietatis _ stili exacuit. Quantum odii atque inimicitiae inter servantissimum vocat | Noct. att. 10.20.10]. Titus hunc et M. Ciceronem extiterit notissimum est,

autem Livius tam iniquus Salustio fuit, sicuti ab quod utriusque violentae atque acerrimae oraAnnaeo Seneca scribitur, ut quaedam ex Historia tiones ita demonstrant ut neuter videri possit Thucydidis translata et eleganter assumpta velut satis sui rationem habuisse dum alteri male depravata et corrupta illi obiecit (obiecerit ed. diceret. Qua in re non sunt multa referenda, cum 1503). Idque ipsum non in Thucydidis gratiam ef- ex Hieronymi [?Adv. Iov. 1.148] ac Fabii [Quint., fecit, ut Arellius Fuscus dicebat, verum putavit se Inst. 4.1.68, 9.3.89] auctoritate constet eos homines facilius Salustium vincere si prius Thucydidem _longe aberrasse qui confictas magis ratione (ora-

ipsum praeferret [Sen., Contr. 9.1.14]. Asinius tiones ed. 1503) ab aliis quam a Salustio et Ciquoque Pollio librum scripsit, quo Salustii scripta_ _cerone habitas crediderint. Et sane tam corruptis reprehenderet quod in iis nimia quidem (quadam_ _moribus Salustius, ingenio tam proclivi ad luxum

ed. 1503) affectatione antiquitatem sequeretur fuit ut paternam domum, vivente adhuc patre, [Suet., Gramm. 10]. Fabius vero Quintilianus, vir turpissima ratione venalem haberet, quod illi inmaturo et gravi iudicio, asseruit oratione Salustii ter alia vitia a Marco Cicerone exprobratur [In atque brevitate nihil fieri posse perfectius prae- Sall. 5.14]. Sed a Varrone etiam et Gellio [Noct. sertim apud vacuas et eruditas aures [Inst. att. 17.18] traditum est eundem fuisse in adulterio 10.1.32]. Neque veritus est idem Fabius auctori deprehensum ab Annio Milone lorisque caesum Thucydidi, in scribenda historia apud Graecos ac data pecunia dimissum. Qua ratione factum principi, Salustium ipsum opponere, sicuti Titum est ut Marcus Cicero appellare illum non duLivium Herodoto [Jnst. 10.1.101]; factum est ut, bitaverit mensarum asseculam, cubiculorum pelcum plures voluerint dicendi genus Salustianum _licem et adulterum [Jn Sall. 8.21]. Dignitates pubsequi, minime sint assecuti. Est enim eius oratio _ licas gessit et quaesturae et tribunatus honorem tam absoluta, tam casta et innocens, ut merito ab assecutus est, sed nulla quidem laude aut comeruditis divina brevitas censeatur. Nam et Arun- mendatione, adeo libidine magis quam ratione et tius, qui belli Punici historiam scripsit, Salustio publice et privatim vixisse, nam et bis vocatus est

tantum concessit ut elus orationem maximo in iudicium et ad iudicum subsellia abstractus, studio sequeretur, quod alibi diximus [Sen., fortuna extrema (ut inquit Cicero [ibid. 5.14]) Ep. 114.17-19). Nec illud ignoratur consuevisse _ stetit. Scribunt autem grammatici ea causa de Salustium magno labore ac studio scribere, ut ni- senatu eiectum fuisse a censoribus, quod ingenti hil non absolutum atque perfectum videri posset, libidine matronas consectaretur [ps. Acron., In quod ex ipsa lectione facile colligitur. Amicos in Hor. Serm. 1.2.49]. Illud quoque de Salustio relaprimis habuit doctrina et ingenio nobiles, ut Cor- tum est [In Sall. 7.19-20], patrocinio et favore C. nelium Nepotem, Messalam, et Nigidium Figu- Caesaris consecutum fuisse praeturam Africae inlum, qui perlisse in exilio traditur. Iulium _ terioris, ex qua dives factus, cum in urbem redipraeterea Caesarem magno studio dilexit a quo __ ret, pretiosissimos atque amoenissimos hortos in etiam, ut creditur, dignitate praefecturae honesta- regione ad Malum Punicum comparavit ac tus est. Illud item a Suetonio refertur [Gramm.15] Tiburti villam quae a Cicerone itidem illi obiciLenaeum grammaticum, Pompei libertum, sa- untur. Neque desunt qui scribant Terentiam Marturas contra Salustium composuisse eumque _ ci Ciceronis uxorem ab eo repudiatam Salustio mordaci et virulento carmine lacerasse, ut qui nupsisse ac deinceps Messalae Corvino, viro in lurconem illum popinionemque et nebulonem ac _ eloquentia clarissimo [cf. Hier., Adv. Iovin. 1.49], lastaurum appellarit, tum vita scriptisque mon- quod etiam suo loco scripsimus. Sciendum est strosum ac M. Catonis (verborum add. ed. 1503) fuisse plures Salustios. Nam et Gneus a Marco furem ineruditissimum, quod ipsum non alia ra-_ ‘Tullio celebratur, in Salustiorum familia insignis tione a Lenaeo factum creditur quam ut studium et M. Ciceroni ac Gn. Pompeio maxime familisuum atque officium erga patronum Pompeium aris, quod ex his epistolis colligitur quas Cicero probaret, quem virum Crispus Salustius ore ad Pomponium Atticum scribit. Qua in re impru-

252 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE denter quidam decepti sunt, cum Salustii Empe- sularis sed Gallus aut ignobilis ac sordidus doclea ignorarent, ut alibi demonstravi. Sunt qui quisque dicebat. Quibus rebus indignatus Salustradant ad annum secundum et LX eum vixisse et tius rem publicam deseruit atque ad intermissa in patria annis aliquot post obitum C. Caesaris studia rediens quaeque a populo Romano praediem extremum obiisse, quod ex veterum com- clare gesta fuissent scribere decrevit, ne id ipsum mentariis colligitur. Illud praeterea de hoc ipso _ otii quod elegerat ignavia atque desidia tereret, Crispo Romae circumlatum est, ut multi tes- aut illiberalibus officiis intentus minus utilis rei tantur: Hic erit, ut perhibent doctorum corda vi- _publicae foret quam antehac extitisset [BI 4.4]. rorum // Crispus Romana primus in historia Aggressus igitur bellum contra Catilinae coniura-

[Mart. 14.191]. tionem atque Iugurtham Numidarum potentissi-

Crispi Salustii oratoris clarissimi vita [Hierony- mum ac prudentissimum gestum, tanta cura mus Squarzaficus Alexandrinus (ed. of Hague- atque diligentia perscripsit non annales Ronau, 1529)]. Crispus Salustius, vir patricius ab in- | manos modo sed Punicos et Afros ac peritos illius

eunte aetate bonis artibus imbutus, ad rem linguae Romanorum gesta diligenter evolveret publicam gerendam animum applicuit, in qua atque in Africam traiecit ne quae legerat tantum non pauca adversa passus prudentia sua supera- _ sed visu certiora etiam facta posteris narraret. In vit. Et res publica, iam Carthagine atque Numan- hoc autem genere scribendi tantum laudis assetia eversa Asiaque domita, (sic) ut nec nobilitati cutus ut Quintilianus gravis atque severus iudex nec virtuti sua redderentur praemia [BI3.1] atque Thucydidi graeco historiarum scriptori adaequet impudenti atque audacissimo cuique plebs obse-__[Inst. 10.1.101], quem Cicero tantopere laudat querentur. Hinc dominatus L. Sullae et proscrip- atque sententiis crebrum autumat ut paene vertionis tabula Romanis civibus prius ignota prola- borum copiam sententiarum frequentia conseta est; hinc flagitiosa Catilinae coniuratio. Hinc quatur [De orat. 2.13.56]. Amicos habuit Cornelibellum civile inter Caesarem et Pompeium exor- um Nepotem eodem scribendae historiae studio

tum libertatem civitati ademit. His igitur delectatum ac P. Nigidium Figulum omnium hominum moribus conflictatum Crispi ingeni- doctrinarum genere non inferiorem Varroni. Cium, suapte natura integrum, iuvenili ac flagranti cero vero ex familiari inimicus factus nescio qua aetate proclivem (sic) ad adulteria libido rapuit de causa. Terentiam uxorem ab eodem Cicerone atque corrupit [cf. BC 3.3-4] neque id impune repudiatam in uxorem duxit, ut ab ea quamdiu diu admisit. Nam, ut Varro tradit [Gellius, Noct. summa benevolentia cum Cicerone vixerit atque att. 17.18], ab Annio Milone domi deprehensus et suorum consiliorum non ignara aliquid turpe grandi pecunia multatus est, bis ad subsellia ac- _eliceret, quo acrius atque turpius in eum invecusatus atque absolutus a iudicibus non sine pe- _heretur, cuius in Ciceronem extat invectiva quam cunia, ut fertur, discessit; domum avitam tanto frequenti senatu habuisse fertur. Natus Amiterni - patris dolore iam aetate confecti vendidit ut vita in Sabinis bello Iugurthino Romae educatus, decedere cogeretur [In Sall. 5.14]. Consumptis igi- | Crispus habitavit iuxta Minervam, ubi nunc tem-

tur opibus patriis et quaestura prius functus, plum Divae Mariae veneratur, atque in hunc deinde tribunus plebis creatus est. Ac postremo usque diem Sallustiana domus vocatur. Vixit praetorem ulterioris Africae designatum eum usque ad sexagesimum secundum annum septiproconsulem cum exercitu regno Iubae, rege mum post Caesaris obitum. Cuius Terentia uxor necato, Caesar praefecit atque in provinciam re- postea Messalae Corvino praestantissimo sua aedegit [ Bell. Afr. 97.1; App., Bell. civ. 214.100]. Quae _ tate oratori nupsit.

sane Crispus mutatis moribus iam gravescente [There follow excerpts from ‘Pliny’ (“De viris aetate per libidinem atque flagitia prodegisset, illustribus”) and Aulus Gellius (Noct. att. 24).] non modo recuperavit sed pretiosissimos in urbe Commentary (ed. of Haguenau, 1529). C. hortos Tiburtinamque villam ab ipso Iulio emit Crispi Salustii liber de coniuratione Catilinae. [In Sall. 7.19]. Cuius nutu bello civili iam peracto — [Inc.]: Omneis homines (1.1). Propositio ab officio

omnia regebantur, nec leges maiorum ampliusin hominis. Virtus clara aeternaque habetur (1.4). re publica administranda servabantur. Si externo Amplificat ab exemplis. Nam et priusquam incipiatque barbaro cuique, si Caesari iubebat (sic), in as consulto.. . (1.6). Haec sententia Demosthenis senatum aditus patebat ac sententiam non con- _ est [Prooemia 21.3 (?)] .... Ubi de magna virtute

1.19. HENRICUS GLAREANUS 253 (3.2). Haec sententia ex Thucydide est accepta e 19. Henricus Glareanus lib. 2 funebri Periclis oratione [2.35.2]. Eo magis, Glareanus’ annotations on the Catilina, quod mihi... (4.2). Nam in historico potissimum Iugurtha, and the two Invectivae were completed requiri solet fides, et Marcus Cicero lumen veri- in 1537 at Freiburg i. Br., where he was teaching, tatis appellat historiam [De orat. 2.9.36] .../... and published in Basel the following year (with[Expl.]: Sed omnes tamen adversis vulneribus con- out, it seems, any accompanying texts). The comciderant (61.3). Nemo habebat fugientis iudicium. mentary combined general textual explication Nam strenuissimus quisque aut occiderat in proelio with digressions on aspects of ancient law, ... (61.7). Ut nemo caperetur civis [cives ed.] in- chronology, and geography, especially when these genuus. (We thank Maia W. Gahtan for kindly touched upon the history of Gaul and Germany checking the transcription of these texts at the and his own homeland, Helvetia. Glareanus was

Beinecke Library, Yale University). critical of the earlier work of Laurentius Valla, Jo-

we hannes Chrysostomus Soldus, and Jodocus Ba-

Baitions: (*) 1532 (*) (*) 6 dius Ascensius, as well as of Aldus Pius Manutius’

229) 19.399 019349 19339 1 5) 4H D4 509 edition (generally considered the best to 1547, 1564. See above, Composite Editions. d ; . The notes on the monographs and ep epistlesrare ate), and based many of his emendations gpon grap . . ee ; an Italian codex (vetustum exemplar Gothi) reprinted separately in Philippi Melanthonis Opera ly broush him f B by Tal quae extant, ed. C. G. Bretschneider and H. E. cently brought to him from Bourges by Jultus

Bindseil, Corpus Reformatorum 1-28 (Halle and Gothus, pupil of Andreas Alciatus. ;

» VOTPUS AO Praefatio (ed. of Basel, Priscae ac verae Braunschweig, 1834-60; rpt. Frankfurt, 1963),1538). vol. eee ee » 1530). trl 17 (1851), 583610. nobilitatis insignisque eruditionis viro, D. loanni Wernhero a Rischach, Domus Teutonicae Fribur-

Biography: gi Brisgoae Commendatori, Henricus Glareanus See CTC 2.149-51 (Biography, 150-51) (Grego- _ s. d. p. [Inc.]: Cum hac nostra aetate in emendan-

rius Nazianzenus); 4.372-73 (Biography, 373) dis optimis auctoribus doctissimi quique in omni (Plinius Secundus); 6.149-50 (Biography, 150) arte viri certatim satagant, laborent, desudent,

(Tacitus); 7.146—47 (Xenophon). quod germana lectio eorundem indigna temporum iniuria depravata tandem priscam recipiat Add to Bibliography: Centuriae latinae. Cent lucem ac in integrum restituatur, quod in Livio, une figures humanistes de la Renaissance aux Lu- Cicerone, Plinio aliisque multis et fecimus ipsi et miéres offertes a Jacques Chomarat, ed. C. Nativel, alios fecisse videmus, nequeo hercle satis admiTravaux d’Humanisme et Renaissance 314 (Gene- rari cur in Sallustium tam veterem, tam frugifeva, 1997); 537-49 (K. Meerhoff); “Philippus Me- rum, tantae postremo existimationis apud omnes lanchthon,’ Contemporaries of Erasmus 2.424-29 classicos auctorem ut Quintilianus Thucydidae (H. Scheible); “Melanchthon, Philipp,” DBE comparare non dubitarit [Inst. 10.1.101], nemo 7.49-51 (H. Scheible); L’Europe des humanistes, hodie dignum lectu quod sciam quicquam ten300-301; Schindler, Untersuchungen, 12-13, 80; tarit, quo sanaret tot vulneribus a barbarie diutiand R. Stupperich, “Melanchthons Proverbien- na confossum, tam mutilum, tam lacerum ut, sia Kommentare,’ in A. Buck and O. Herding, eds., mortuis hodie resurgat, suorum scriptorum fragDer Kommentar in der Renaissance (Boppard, menta agniturus quidem fuerit sed haud absque

1975); 21-34. lacrimis inspecturus. Collegerunt quidam floscuA copy of a rare Aldine dated 1510 (reprint of los ex eo, verbis eis saepe corrupte citatis, ut edi-

the edition of 1509) in the Houghton Library, tio nupera florum in hunc auctorem quae HutHarvard University (Ls 5.115.4*) contains margin- _ teno ascribitur. Quae si eius est, levi (ut dici solet) al notes and interlinear glosses ascribed to Me- _ ille bracchio sibi fortassis lusit, non in hoc ut edelanchthon. On manuscripts and printed editions _ retur. Cuius indicium mihi facit primus statim in

of Sallust in Melanchthon’s library, some of scholiorum vestibulo flos, ubi ait: Studere se [BC which preserve manuscript notes, see G. F. B. 1.1]. Deinde continuo confirmandae rei gratia SalKloss, Catalogue of the Library of Dr. Kloss of lustii verba subinfert: Qui student sese praestare Franckfort a. M.... (London, 1835), 233, nos. ceteris animantibus, quasi accusativus sese ad stu-

3254-59. dent non ad praestare referatur. Quod, ne videa-

254 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE mur hic grammaticen docere, lectori discutien- _ tiquae ingens decus, hosce labores nostros offero

dum relinquo. Idem dico de Commentario in haud nescius maiora tuam decere clementiam. Catilinam, qui initio quidem splendide nec ab- Sed a parvo cliente magnus patronus parva spesurde rhetoricatur, ut existimes propemodum vel __ rare potest, magna haud scio desiderare ne potius Vallae vel non indoctioris esse; at in posterioribus _ an sperare. Bene vale. Friburgi Brisgoae, Calendis deinde commentationibus vix alicuius docti viri Novembribus, Anno a natali Christi MDXXXVII.

putabis, tantum abest ut Vallae videri possit. Commentary. In C. Crispi Sallustii Bellum Transeo nunc Soldi cuiusdam ac Badiilongissima Catilinarium Henrici Glareani Annotationes. commenta, multis in locis nec caelum nec terram [Inc.]: L. Catilina nobili genere natus (5.1). Quo attingentia, ut locorum, qui plurimi hic corrupti genere quave familia natus sit L. Catilina ambigi sunt, difficultates nihilominus vexent ac turbent idque inter doctos admodum miror. Ex Sallustio lectorem. Male me habuit, ut verum fatear, cum _ hercle certum deprehendi non potest. Florus eum quotidie in scholis praelegatur, in ore omnium in _ patricium fuisse perhibet. Idem ait commentarius manibus versetur, denique nemo sit qui illum _ ille in Sallustii Catilinam qui Laurentio Vallae a non devorasse videri velit, interrogatitamen mul- quibusdam ascribitur. Ubi etiam additur de gente ti de locis aliquot depravatis, ne verbum quidem Cornelia eum fuisse. ... Certe in Ciceronis oradignum ovS€ ypv respondere queant. Quaprop- _ tionibus nusquam de Cornelia (nisi memoria nos ter, quando in aliis auctoribus nunc saepe id la- _fefellerit) perhibetur. Quae autem ipsius Catilinae

boris haud gravate susceperim, nec eius rei orationes feruntur, abs quopiam confictae videnhactenus paenituerit; etiam hic me studiosis ope- _ tur, quarum prior, etiam stolida nec bene latina, rae pretium facturum existimavi si quae in hoc _ egregie scilicet probat Catilinam de gente fuisse

-auctore sciolorum ignorantia et longa vetustas Cornelia. Itaque ego facile adducor, quod aliis depravarit pro virili restitueremus. Ad quae non _codicibus adscriptum legimus Catilinam Sergium

nudam dumtaxat coniecturam adferimus, sed fuisse, quae familia et ipsa antiquissima esse historiae apud alios auctores collationem codi- perhibetur, nempe a Troiano illo Sergesto, si cacumque veterum fidem. Inter quos pervetustus enti Virgilio V Aeneidos credere libet [Aen. unus Iulii Gothi, adolescentis eximiae spei et no- 5.121]: Sergestusque domus tenet a quo Sergia bis in primis familiaris fuit, quem ipse e Bituri- nomen. Verum de hoc lectori liberum esto iudicigibus, cum illic sub Alciato, doctissimo viro, iuris um..../... [Expl]: Ipse cum liberis et colonis prudentiae strenue operam navaret, huc attulerat, (59.3). Dubium liberisne suis an liberis quia serviex Italia tamen antea in Galliam delatum. Aldus _ tia repudiavit intelligendum. Vetus codex libertis Manutius Venetiis antea aliquot annos editionem habet. Quid si municipes intellexerit, cum exhibuit, ut tum putabant, satis emendatam; lau- colonorum proxime subiunxerit mentionem dandam certe si ad prioris saeculi exemplaria edi- (mentiorem ed.)? Ille cohortes veteranas. Ipse equo ta conferatur. Verum si penitius introspexeris, Dii circumiens (59.5). Mirum quam hic haesitent boni, quantum illic reperias errorum. Eam tamen commentatores, ac contraria et sentiant et exponostrae aetatis librarii certatim, tamquam simiae, nant in re non admodum difficili. Ego per ille Pea viginti nunc annis imitati, ne latum quidem treium intelligo, per ipse Antonium, quod (quod digitum ab ea discesserunt. Unde factum est, si si ed. Venice 1590) lector ipse simul atque priora quis secus quam ea habebat legeret, ut identidem cum sequentibus conferet, facile intelliget.

audiret impudenter obgannientes: aliter atque tu ve

legis, habet littera Aldina, quasi piaculum com- Editions. ; Bis, selma, Quast P , 1538, (*) 1544, 1546, 1547, 1564, (micro.) 1571, misisset non statim illi acquievisset. Non exis- ; ; 1607.quiSee above, Composite Editions. timo opus esse ut adolescentes ad hunc frequen-

tissime legendum invitem. Vino vendibili Doubtful edition: (secundum proverbium) non est opus suspensa Schweiger 2.872 mentions a new recension of hedera. Hoc unum tamen sciat studiosus ado- _ the texts of the Catilina and Iugurtha prepared by lescens, maiorem ex hoc auctore fructum esse ad Glareanus and published by Cratander in 1538. firmandum consolidandumque stilum quam ut His remarks seem to refer, however, to the textual paucis dici queat. Certe epistularis angustia in emendations included in the Annotationes detam exigua opella nos plura dicere non patitur. scribed above. Benignitati tuae, integerrime vir ac nobilitatis an-

1.20. JOHANNES RIVIUS 255 Biography: Constantius Felicius Durantinus’ De coniuratione See CTC 2.342-44 (Biography, 343-44) Catilinae liber, published at Rome in 1518 by Ja(Livius); 3.105-107 (Caesar); 5.387-91 (Biography, cobus Mazochius and republished at Leipzig in

391) (Valerius Maximus). 1535 by Johannes Cochlaeus. Although Rivius does not name Felicius as his source for this ap-

Add to Bibliography: “Henricus Glareanus,’ pendix, he did cite him in his introductory reContemporaries of Erasmus 2.105-108 (F. Biisser); marks on quo sit genere natus Catilina and in his Deutsches Literatur-Lexikon 6.364-65; L’Europe castigationes on the Catilina. (On Felicius and his des humanistes, 209; Michaud 16.614-15; Sandys criticisms of Sallust, see P. J. Osmond and R. W. 2.263; R. Pfeiffer, History of Classical Scholarship Ulery, Jr., “Constantius Felicius Durantinus and

from 1300 to 1850 (Oxford, 1976), 85-86. the Renaissance Origins of Anti-Sallustian Criticism, International Journal of the Classical Tradi-

20. Johannes Rivius tion 1 [1995] 29-56).

In 1539 Johannes Rivius published at Leipzig Praefatio (ed. of Leipzig, 1539). Reverendo in his Castigationes of Sallust’s Catilina and _ Christo Patri ac D. D. Ioanni Episcopo Misenensi

Iugurtha, as well as a few emendations of the Joannes Rivius Atthendoriensis s. d. [Jnc.]: speeches and letters from the Historiae and the Postquam te, reverende Praesul, collapsas incuria Epistulae. In his dedicatory letter of 1538 to Jo- maiorum instaurandi scholas consilium cepisse hannes, bishop of Meissen (Johannes VIII of _ intellexi, cum et ipse quidem incredibili sum gauMaltitz), he praised the bishop’s plans for reform- dio affectus et alacer atque laetus hanc pubi ing the schools and stressed the value of honestae studiosae gratulari fortunam coepi, tum vero disciplinae as training for public life. Rivius was quantus ad illam pristinam meam erga te benevoprimarily concerned, however, with correcting lentiam, qua te propter singulares in omni genere the text, and in this connection set forth, in gen- _ virtutes tuas sum mirifice semper complexus, hac eral terms, his critical methods and cited the four __ re velut cumulus accesserit, non mehercule verbis

manuscripts that he had used: a very old parch-_ consequi ullis possum.... [Rivius praises the ment codex given to him by Georgius Fabricius; _ bishop’s learning and relates the joy of scholars at

another at the Benedictine monastery near his election.) Quamquam autem me, amplissime Merseburg (whose riches he had learned about _Praesul, communes cum aliis ad tibi gratulandum

through Fabricius and to which he had gained ac- causae impellunt, sunt tamen et peculiares cess through the good offices of Johannes quaedam cur hoc officii mihi suscipiendum esse Cochlaeus); and two others that were sent tohim duxerim, et illa quidem cum primis, quod e by Cochlaeus and that arrived just as he was fin- Valentino Hertelio nostro de amplitudinis tuae ishing the corrections. These witnesses Rivius col- _propensa in me voluntate, studio, favoreque sum

lated with an edition recently printed by Jo- persaepe certior factus. Itaque facere non potui hannes Gymnicus (perhaps the latter’s 1536 quin quantum ex initio atque instituto nuper inedition). In a separate preface (Studiosis), he cited staurandarum scholarum consilio tuo voluptatis

the chief editions of Sallust from the time of ceperim, hoc loco tibi declararem. Idque ampliPomponius Laetus (1490) to his own day, singling tudinem tuam, optime Praesul, bonam in partem

out those of Benedictus Philologus (Florence, accepturam esse, singularis ista naturae tuae 1503), Aldus Pius Manutius (Venice, 1509), and _ bonitas atque facilitas uti sperem facit. . . . [ConHieronymus Aleander (Paris, 1513), and explain- _ tinues with prayers for the success of the bishop’s

ing the importance of the manuscripts he had reform project.] Quid enim aut Deo ipsi gratius used. A new dedicatory letter, addressed to the aut tibi gloriosius aut tuae commisso fidei populo young nobleman Ernestus von Schonburg, is conducibilius atque utilius facere possis quam si found in later editions. It is dated 1542, the same neglectam misere hactenus iuventutem pietate, year in which Jacobus Baerwaldus reportedly moribus, et quae ad percipiendam colendamque published an edition of Sallust’s opera with Rivi- virtutem adiuvant litteris optimis et ingenuis

us’ Castigationes. artibus cures instituendam? Hoc demum enim

Following Rivius’ notes on the Catilina is an vere est Episcopum agere, summam cum primis appendix or “corollarium” that was drawn from _habere primae aetatis rationem et honesto salario

256 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE conducere, qui sibi traditos in disciplinam pueros tianum in pergamenis descriptum (quo non fideliter doceant, qui assiduis cohortationibus ad facile vetustius ullum exstare hodie crediderim) veram pietatem, ad Dei cultum, ad virtutes Chris- dono dedit, tum vero in perquirendis aliis tianas incitent, qui civilitate morum imbuant, qui praeterea vel manuscriptis vel impressis voluarceant a Vitiis, qui denique aut erranteis, ut fit,in minibus, quibus instructi paratiores ad hoc neviam reducant, aut luxu diffluenteis ad bonam gotium aggrederemur, operam mihi strenuam frugem revocent. Quod si corruptos depra- navavit. [Continues with praises of Georgius vatosque populi Christiani reformare et corrigere Fabricius.] Sed ut ad superiora revertar, nos, ammores velimus, nimirum hic maxime vigilemus, _ plissime Praesul, in his Sallustii historiis non aut

et huc nervos omneis contendamus oportet, ut mendosa solum emendavimus aut correximus iam inde a teneris annis iuventus honestis disci- depravata sed et diversam saepe discrepantemque plinis erudiatur. E ludis enim litterariis fere profi- a vulgata lectionem indicavimus, non iudicium

ciscuntur qui publica munera obeant, qui magis- ubique interponentes nostrum sed integrum tratum gerant legesque ac iudicia administrent, saepe relinquentes admonito lectori suum. Quosqui principibus in consiliis adsint, qui rebus dam etiam locos, vel obscuros illos ac difficiles vel gerendis praeficiantur, qui gubernandis ecclesiis in quibus quamvis apertis et illustribus lapsi praesint, qui sacras ad populum conciones tamen interpretes essent, obiter explicavimus. IIhabeant, quique aliis hoc genus officiis mune- lud non mehercule dici potest quam ubique fue-

ribusque perfungantur .... Ipse quidem certe, rit molestum adnotare identidem inversionem quamquam nihil egregii de me promittere ac immutationemque ordinis verborum. Quod ipspondere ausim, si quid tamen haec ingenii mei sum quidem ita crebro faciundum fuit interdum exiguitas et doctrinae quantulaecumque medio- _ut connivere in levioribus quibusdam nobis percritas poterit, id pro virili operam dabo uti sanc- miserimus .... Iam vero, cum permulta hodie tissimos istos in promovendis studiis conatus, sint exemplaria Sallustiana variis in locis aliud quarecumque possum, iuvem. Cuius rei gratia alio correctius impressa, factundum nobis fuit uti nostras in rerum romanarum florentissimum ad unum aliquod potissimum e tam multis, quod auctorem (sic enim Tacitus appellat C. Crispum et recens editum et maxime omnium studiosae Sallustium [Ann. 3.30]) castigationes dicare no- pubis manibus teratur, cetera fere quaecumque mini tuo constituimus, rati nimirum et amplitu- nancisci potuimus conferremus. Tale est quod dini tuae gratum acceptumque nos et iuventuti loannes Gymnicus anno proximo excudit. Usi perutile delaturos munus. Tu vere accipias, quae- autem manuscriptis inter alia duobus sumus, also, laeta et serena fronte Sallustium ipsum, iam ab _ tero e bibliotheca Merseburgensi, altero cuius fac-

innumeris paene mendis et erratis, quibus antea ta nobis a Fabricio nostro copia atque adeo quod

cum iniuria temporum tum librariorum incuria ab eodem est dono nobis datum. Quo in scatebat, repurgatum et in pristinam fere integri- exemplari vetus illa scribendi ratio, quam tatem (absit invidia dicto) vindicatum. Hic est op8o0ypadiav vocant, est diligentissime observata. Sallustius ille, amplissime Praesul, quem acerrimi Unde facile colligas ipsum bene esse vetustum. vir iudicii Quintilianus opponere Thucydidi non _ Sic passim ibi est inbecillus, inbellis, . . . inpunttus, veretur [Inst. 10.1.101]. At cuiusmodi tandem his- _inprobrior. Item, inpudentia, inpunitas, atque hoc torico? Quem ita crebrum esse rerum frequentia genus alia, in suo quodque genere, numero, casu. testatur Cicero, ut verborum prope numerum Sed et praepositiones ibi non mutatas reperias in sententiarum numero consequatur, ita porro ver- _ verbis, ut sunt adcivisse, adtendere, . . . inrumpere, bis aptum et pressum, ut nescias utrum res ora- _conlocare, in sua quodque persona, numero, tem-

tione an verba sententiis illustrentur [De orat. pore et modo.... Iam et Sulla semper, pro Sylla 2.13.56]. Hic est, inquam, quo de vere atque ele- et Sullani milites ibidem nec unquam fere aliter ganter Martialis: Primus Romana Crispus in his- ... [Rivius continues with examples of the ortoria [14.191]. Nec vero consequi ullis verbis pos- thography.] .../... [Expl.]: Iam paene absolvesum, quantis hae castigationes mihi laboribus ram castigationes hasce Sallustianas, cum ecce a constiterint. Qua in re permagna quoque Georgio doctissimo atque humanissimo viro, D. Ioanne Fabricio debetur optimo ac doctissimo adoles- Cochlaeo, exemplaria ad me duo in pergamenis centi gratia. Is enim cum exemplar nobis Sallus- _descripta mittuntur, quae magno mihi usui fuere,

I.20. JOHANNES RIVIUS 257 id quod locis suis non dissimulavimus. Ignosces, Ascensio dedit excudendum. Ego vero, cum optime atque humanissime Praesul, quod tam fa- obiter pauca admodum et quasi in transcursu miliariter tecum agam, et propemodum in publi- solum ab his viris emendata viderem, putavi ca commoda peccem, dum te longo adeo ser- nimirum idem mihi faciundum quod in Terentio mone detineo ac moror. Sed si quid hic pecco, ante feceram, ut et accuratiore studio et industria singularis et eximia quaedam generosae istius maiore quam ante nos alii (absit invidia dicto) naturae tuae bonitas atque facilitas, quae a multis _restituere et corrigere quae depravata corrupbonis doctisque viris uno ore praedicatur, causam _taque hoc in autore essent conarer. Id quia fieri omnem sustinet. Bene valeat amplitudo tua, Marte nostro (ut dicitur) ac citra veterum codinosque sibi (ut facit) commendatos habeat. E cum adminiculum nullo modo poterat, omnium Fribergo XII KI. Maii. Anno M.D.XXXVIII. primum id operam dedi horum mihi ut alicunde [Vita Sallustii] Quo sit genere natus Catilina. copia fieret. Intellexeram autem e Georgio Fabri| Inc.]: Non fuisse de gente Cornelia Catilinam (id cio nostro Merseburgi, vel potius in monasterio quod et falso Sallustii interpres affirmat et a Benedictinorum CC fere passus ab hac urbe sito, Gymnico perperam est in margine libri adnota- _ bibliothecam esse auctoribus optimis et codicibus tum) inter alia esse indicio potest quod P. Lentu- in membrana descriptis ut si usquam instructissilus, qui sine controversia de hac gente fuit, non mam atque ornatissimam. Itaque per egregium apud Sallustium modo sed et apud M. Tullium, atque humanissimum virum Dn. Ioannem regnum Romae tribus Corneliis portendi ex fatis _Cochlaeum ab optimis Patribus impetravi ut anSibyllinis et haruspicum responsis confirmet, in tiquissimorum voluminum atque exemplarium quibus antea Cinna Sullaque fuerit, tertius ipse sit Sallustii quae exstare illic inaudieram copia nobis

cui fatum foret urbis potiri.../...[Expl.]: Facit fieret, quibus usus ipse quod coeperam exsequi nobiscum e recentioribus (ut dixi) Volaterranus _ facilius atque efficere tandem possem. [Continues [Raffaello Maffei], qui et ipse in Anthropologia _ on his critical method.] Quo nomine permultum Sergium Catilinam dicit, et Felicius item Duranti- sane studiosi debent familiae Benedictinae, quae nus [Costanzo Felici], qui pronepotem M. Sergii cum primis optimos quosque auctores et exemillius cuius virtutem tot bellicae laudes testentur plaria vetustissima semper conservavit. Absque

Catilinam fuisse confirmat. Qua in re Plinium hac enim esset quot egregii hodie auctores quos

[ Nat. hist. 7.28.104] est auctorem secutus. extare videmus desiderarentur? Quam multa Praefatio [between the end of notes on the veterum scriptorum volumina prorsus intercidisIugurtha and the beginning of those on the Histo- sent? Neque vero interim ita sum codicibus anriae|. Iloannes Rivius studiosis. [Inc.]: Quam _ tiquis fisus nullo ut adhibito iudicio fidem illo-

fuerint depravatae antehac historiae Sallustianae, rum ubique sequerer, nam et correctissima vel illud inter alia esse indicio potest, quod tot | quaeque ex impressis contuli et veterum gramegregii ac praestantes ingenio doctrinaque viri in maticorum citationes observavi, et quid animadtollendis harum mendis tantum operae collo- versum ab aliis esset adnotavi. Quod autem non carint. Inter quos primas iure suo Pomponius minus saepe coniecturas meas attulerim quam Laetus obtinet qui, conquisitis undique exem- certo et constanter pronuntiarim in causa fuisse plaribus antiquis, Sallustium est emendare cona-_ sibi quisque persuadeat, velim quod nulla re tus, ut nihil ferme addendo (quemadmodum ipse __perinde optimos quosque corruptos et deprainquit) sic non pauca detrahendo. Post hunc vatos esse auctores existimem atque temeritate Philippus Beroaldus recognovisse Sallustium suc- _ illa sciolorum quorundam facile quidvis immu-

cisivo ac tumultuario studio sese testatur idque tantium. Itaque nihil ferme uspiam citra exemita res videlicet indicat. Benedictus quoque Philo- _ plarium veterum fidem atque consensum temere

logus in emendando Sallustio multum operae sum immutare ausus. Quamvis autem sedulo est posuit. Neque parum hic profuit studiosis Aldus, a nobis opera data uti quidquid hic mendorum qui ad exemplaria Sallustii duo antiquissima ex- esset tolleremus adeo ut et persecuti minima cudisse hunc se auctorem affirmat. Nec minus quaeque simus, affirmare tamen haud ausim esse Aleander qui editionem Aldinam cum veneran- omnia prorsus ad unguem (ut dicitur) castigata, dae vetustatis codice, cuius ipsi copiam fecerit namque id fieri nullo modo potuit. Ceterum quia Paulus Aemilius, contulit et exemplar recognitum _ nihil opis erat ab exemplaribus manuscriptis in

258 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE orationibus quibusdam ex Historiarum Sallustii lenius et asperum minus esse videtur, nec aliter a libris (nam hoc titulo circumferuntur) castigan- _veteribus citatur, velut Prisciano lib. 7 quo loco de

dis, haud ita multa in his emendare licuit. Sed accusativo tertiae declinationis agit [GL 2.358], tamen hoc quoque, studiosi, qualecunque est ubi et Omnis hic legendum esse docet pro Omnes. quod ceu corollarium addere libuit, boni vos con- Terentianus diphthongo e7 scribi vult in plurali sulere velim. Aliquando (ut spero) Sallustium ip- cum hoc, tum similia nomina, quomodo fere et sum nostra opera multo quam nunc circumfertur _in vetustis inscriptionibus reperitur. . .. Ne vitam emendatiorem ac in antiquum paene nitorem _ silentio transeant. Ita fere et impressa et calamo inque pristinam dignitatem restitutum, daturiin descripta exemplaria, nec male ut opinor. Verum

publicum sumus. Valete. in manuscripto quodam reperi transigant, ut in

Praefatio ({Leipzig, 1542?]; transcribed from Beroaldino quoque licet eodem sensu pro traduCaii Crispi Sallustii Quae exstant...cura Sigeber- cant.../... [Expl.]: Nam strenuissimus quisque ti Havercampi, Amsterdam, 1742): Joannes Rivius aut occiderat in proelio aut graviter vulneratus Atthendoriensis generoso ac nobili adolescenti discesserat (61.7). Quamvis Laurentius Valla in Ernesto a Schoneburgk, Glaucii et Waldenburgi quibusdam repererit strennuus quisque, tamen Domino, s. d. [Inc.]: Quum sis, Erneste optime, exemplar manuscriptum quod penes nos est cum summo loco atque in amplissima familia natus vulgata hodie lectione facit. Sed et Cato de re rus(quis enim in his terris aut antiquitatem stirpis _ tica: At ex agricolis, inquit, et viri fortissimi et aut generis tui claritatem aut amplitudinem atque _milites strenuissimi gignuntur [Agr. pr. 4] et Cor-

gloriam maiorum tuorum ignorat?) non, nelius Tacitus 20: Sumi bellum etiam ab ignavis mehercules, admirari satis possum tuam istam strenuissimi cuiusque periculo geri | Hist. 4.69].

prope singularem in litterarum studio assidui- Corollarium (following commentary on the tatem et diligentiam, qua es praeter tui loci Catilina). [Inc.]: Hoc velut corollarium addere lihominum morem haud minus profecto ac inge- bet. Multa de Cicerone Sallustius in historia nio naturaeque bonitate praeditus. [Continues Catilinae silentio praetermisit eaque cum primis with praises of the young man and his father and quae praecipue ad eximiam et singularem Cicerowith exhortations to pursue his studies for the _ nis gloriam spectarent, consultone ut qui eius eshonor of his family and the German nobility.] set inimicus an vero imprudens haud facile dixHac ego tua, mi Erneste, in optimarum artium erim. Eo tamen potius inclinat animus, ut dedita studio diligentia excitatus, quem in restituendo opera Sallustium haec de industriaque omisisse et corrigendo Sallustio nuper laborem cepi tibi credam et illam historiae legem, ne qua suspicio dedicandum esse duxi. Nec vero dubito quin sis gratiae sit in scribendo, ne qua simultatis, in his hunc ipsum auctorem, sic a mendis quibus innu-__ praetermittendis neglexisse quae nequaquam meris fere scatebat, maxima ex parte repurgatum, fuerint silentio praetereunda. Eorum hic aliqua hilari fronte accepturus; maxime namque et prae- _subicienda esse duxi.

cipue historiarum lectio tibi tuique ordinis ho- I. Primum igitur Ciceroni gratiae sunt amplisminibus cum voluptati fore tum usui mihi vide- _ simis verbis actae, quod virtute, consilio, prudentur. Quo magis probo iudicium praeceptoris tui tia sua rem publicam periculis maximis liberasMavortii, viri et doctrina et pietate longe prae- set, idque sine caede, sine sanguine, sine exercitu, stantis, eoque nomine mihi profecto carissimi, qui sine dimicatione, tanta pace, tanto otio, tanto eiuscemodi ante hac semper auctores qui res ges- _ silentio ut ipsemet Cicero inquit 3 invectiva in tas conscripsere proponere vobis atque explicare Catilinam [III.10.23]. De hoc verbum nullum Salinterpretatione sua consueverit. Bene vale una __lustius..../...V. Postremo statua eum inaurata cum fratribus carissimis, mi optime ac suavissime Capuae decuriones decorarunt et patronum Erneste. Dresdae, Calend. Julii. Anno 1542. adoptarunt propter salutem illius urbis consulatu Commentary (ed. of Leipzig, 1539). Castiga- | conservatam suo ut ipsemet pro P. Sestio testionum liber primus. [Inc.]: Omneis homines qui tatur.... Sed quid de hoc uspiam Sallustius? student sese praestare caeteris animantibus (1.1).In Quasi vero et haec et hoc genus alia non multo ad manuscriptis aliisque vetustis est ordo verborum rem magis facerent, quam aut illa veterum Ro-

immutatus. Qui sese student praestare, pro qui manorum laus deque corruptis saeculi sui dant operam, uti praestent ipsi et antecellant. Id moribus querela, aut vero tam libenter ac prolixe

I.20. JOHANNES RIVIUS 259 tributum Caesari Catonique praeconium. Quo- 1520 he embarked on a long teaching career that rum ut uterque fuerit merito laudandus, Caesaris __ was to include positions in the public schools of tamen in laudibus, cum et ipse sit coniurationis Cologne (1520-23), Zwickau (1524-27), and creditus particeps, tam diu commorari superva- Annaberg (1527-33), in private schools that he caneum esse mihi videtur, ne dicam praeter deco- opened in Annaberg (1533-35) and Marienberg rum. Nam illa de origine urbis et corruptis populi (1535), and in the public schools of Schneeberg Romani moribus initiisque motuum civilium sive (1536-37) and Freiberg (1537-40). His pupils a proposito digressio seu verius altior repetitio, (and/or later fellow teachers) included Adam utcumque nominare lubeat, nec aliena prorsus ab Siber, Matthias Marcus Dabercusius, Hiob historiae argumento videtur et lectori accidit non Magdeburg, and Georgius Fabricius. During his ingrata. Sed de hoc iam satis, modo unum ad- stay in Annaberg, Rivius introduced humanist didero. Mire Sallustius hoc dissimulat Caesarem methods of teaching the classics. His Protestant fuisse inter coniuratos habitum qua de re tam _ loyalties, however, and friendship with leading

multa interim Suetonius cuius cum primis pro- supporters of Luther led to friction with the batur in historia fides.... Cuius coniurationis Catholic ruler Duke George and he was obliged meminerint Tanusius Geminus in historia, M. to suspend public teaching. Bibulus in edictis, C. Curio pater in orationibus, In 1537 Rivius was appointed tutor to August, de qua et Cicero in quadam ad Atticum epistola son of the Protestant Duke Henry; he later assistsignificare videatur [Suet., Iul. 9.2]. Sed et auc- ed his older son and heir, Maurice, who succeedtores esse ait qui cum Cn. etiam Pisone conspir- ed to the dukedom in 1541, in establishing huasse Caesarem testentur. Nam fuisse inter socios manist schools in Ducal Saxony and served on his Catilinae nominatum et apud Nonium Nigrum commission for religious affairs. In 1544 he was quaestorem a L. Vectio indice et in Senatu a Q. named inspector for the ducal schools and rector

Curio quorum hic e Catilina sese cognovisse of the school at Meissen, and in the following diceret, ille chirographum quoque eius Catilinae year he became a member of the newly created datum polliceretur. Suetonius ipse confirmat Consistorium in this city, posts he retained until

quantumvis hoc dissimulare noster studeat. his death in 1553. Itaque an hic nulla gratiae in scribendo sit suspi- As a theologian, Rivius took a moderate posi-

cio aliorum esto iudicium. tion on issues of reform (see his correspondence

Editions: Melanchthon, Cochlaeus et al.). ons ist, with his work was highly regarded, andAshisa philolCasti-

(micro.) 1539, (*) 1544, 1546, 1547, 1564, 1579, OBI D'S af Sallust’s “pera vere frequently cited 1607, 1742. See above, Bibliography LA and Com- 807076 08 0a ust's opera were trequently cite

posite Editions. and reprinted.

pout ul eR 28.711 [Miiller]) Balitions and/or commentaries on Terence

937) MIPZI8 “7 (1531), and Cicero’s Brutus, Orator, and Epistolae

Biography: familiares (1537). Mention is made in some of the Johannes Rivius (von der Becke) was born in _ bibliographies of an edition of Macrobius (n. d.) 1500 at Otterndorf (in the County of Cuxhaven, and Castigationes on passages in Terence, Cicero, Lower Saxony) but referred to himself as “Atten- and Sallust (Cologne, 1532), but it has not been doriensis” to indicate Attendorn (Westphalia) as _ possible to verify the existence of these editions. his second homeland and to distinguish himself Pedagogical treatises, including: De tis disciplifrom another scholar of the same name, Johannes _ nis quae de sermone agunt, ut sunt grammatica, diRivius Venetus. He died in Merseburg (near Meis- _qlectica, rhetorica, libri XVIII (1539); Libellus de sen) in 1553. Well known for his work as a philol- _ratione dicendi (s. a.); and Epitome in verborum et ogist and theologian, he was also an influential rerum copiam (1571).

teacher and educator. Theological and ecclesiastical writings, includ-

At Otterndorf he attended the school of Tilo- ing: De conscientia bonae mentis libri tres (1541); mann Mull, and in 1516 he matriculated at the De instaurata renovataque doctrina ecclesiastica University of Cologne, where he continued the (1541); De religione libri tres (1546); De consolandis study of classical letters and began philosophy. In aegrotantibus (1546); De erroribus Pontificiorum

260 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE seu De abusibus ecclesiasticis (1546); De officio pas- _ tions on aspects of Roman history, political insti-

torali (1549); De vita et moribus Christianorum tutions, laws, and military customs. libri tres (1552); and De stultitia mortalium in pro- Praefatio (ed. of Venice, 1546). Bartholomaei crastinanda correctione vitae liber I (1557). See also Marliani in C. Crispi Sallustii de Coniuratione Opera theologica (1562) and correspondence with Catilinae Commentaria nunc primum in lucem Melanchthon and Cochlaeus. Other works in- _ edita. [Inc.]: Quantam in historia assecutus fuerit clude: Mariebergi descriptio (1541), De seculi nostri laudem Sallustius his Augustinus in libro De ctvifelicitate (1548), De felicitate Germaniae, and writ- _ tate Dei [1.5] demonstrat verbis: Sallustius nobili-

ings in German. tate (sic) veritatis insignis historicus. De huius

(Dates given above may not be those of the _ vita multi alii. Propterea illotis manibus illam infirst edition. For additional information, see the tactam sinam et ad alia me accingam. Historicus bibliographies in the studies cited below, includ- in historiarum compositione haec debet servare: ing Jécher Suppl. 7.106—-108, Miiller [ADB], Pokel, ordinem temporum, scilicet quo tempore illa

| and Schottenloher). quae litteris mandat facta fuerint, locorum de-

aa scriptionem, consilia, id est actus et eventus, id

Bibliography: . est quo consilio faciat, contrarium, id est casus et

ADB 28.709-13 (G. Miller); bursian 1.204~ — temeritatem, et singularum personarum descrip207; L Europe des humanistes, 369; Rivius, Johann tines, Praeterea, ut sit compositio lenis et fusa d. A. Schulmann, DBE 8.337 (ADB); Deutscher quae ostendat se et quae non habeat aculeos, id biographischer Index’, vol. 6 (Munich, 1998), 2891; oct suspiciones [Cic., De orat. 2.15.62-64]. Goedeke 53 Jécher 3.2128-29 and Suppl. 7.105108; Similiter ut sit celeritas intelligendi et varietate Poékel 228; Realencyklopadie fiir prot. Theologie figurarum [fugurarum ed.] distincta et modo ad und Kirche’ 17.48-50 (G. Miiller); Sandys 2.268; attiorem dicendi materiam modo ad mediocrem Schindler, Untersuchungen, 11-15 and passim; — tendat, prout res et personae requirent, quae om-

Schottenloher 2.184, 00 oo, nia observasse Sallustium nemo veretur ut etiam __ G. Fabricius, Joannis Rivit Atthendoriensis vita, mediocriter litteratus in ipso opere percipere in Joannis Rivii Opera theologica omnia (Basel, potest. 1562); Melanchthon (correspondence with Rivi- Commentary. [Inc.]: Omnis homines praestare us) in Melanthonis Opera, Corpus Reformatorum (1) id est anteire. Iungitur etiam accusativo; Vir4 (18375 rpt. 1963), 790, 857, 1015-16, 1018, and gilius: Vel magnum praestet Achillem [Aen. 1053-54; K. Olzscha, “Johannes Rivius in seiner 4 438). [dem libro 12 cum genetivo: O praestans Stellung als Rektor der Annaberger Lateinschule animi iuvenis [Aen. 12.19]. Cum dativo: Dii im(1527-33), Mitteilungen des Vereins fur Geschichte jortales homo homini quid praestat? Terentius von Annaberg und Umgebung 2 (1907) 33-44; O. in Eunucho [232]. Silentio id est ingloriam, inSaxenberger, J ohannes Rivius, Sein Leben und bonoratam. Ait Augustinus: Romani ardentissime seine Schriften (Diss. Leipzig; Breslau, 1886). See gloriam adamarunt, propter hanc vivere et mori also. Schottenloher et al. (above) for additional non dubitarunt [De civ. Dei 5.12]. Unde dicet Salbibliography. (We thank Rolf Bagemihl for his justius: Divitias mediocres, gloriam ingentem

contributions to the Bibliography). malebant [cf. BC 7.6] .../... [Expl.]: Strenui

(60.4) fortissimi. Generis (60.7) quia et nobili fa-

21. Bartholomaeus Marlianus milia fuit et si fuisset captus ludibrio omnibus se Marlianus’ commentary on the Catilina and fore cognoscebat. Ibi (60.7) inter hostes. Vis animi Iugurtha was first published at Venice in 1546 and (61.1) fortitudo. Disiecerat (61.3) disturbaverat. was apparently intended for school use. It com- Diversius (61.3) ex ordinibus suis. Suae vitae bined a general explication of the text with pro- (61.6) quemadmodum caedebant hostes non duposed emendations based on antiqui et fideles bitabant et ipsi caedi.

codices or the readings of Philippus Beroaldus, ditions: Jodocus Badius Ascensius, Aldus Pius Manutius, Eattions: , . Johannes Gymnicus, Henricus Glareanus, and Jo- _.. 1546, 1547, 1564. See above, Composite Edihannes Rivius. In line with his own antiquarian "0° q interests, Marlianus frequently included observa-

I.22. VINCENTIUS CASTELLANUS 261 Biography: Lanciani, Storia degh scavi di Roma e notizie in-

Bartholomaeus Marlianus (Giovanni Bar- torno le collezioni romane di antichita, vol. 2 tolomeo Marliani) (fl. 1520-50), was born in Mi- (Rome, 1990), 225, 271-75; R. Weiss, The Renaislan, where he later served as giureconsulto colle- sance Discovery of Classical Antiquity (Oxford, giato. He was best known, however, for his studies 1969), 68, 88—89, 93. of Roman antiquities and topography.

His Topographia urbis Romae, first published 22. Vincentius Castellanus at Rome in 1534, was reprinted the same year in The Commentarius on the Catilina and Scholia Lyons with a Latin preface addressed by Francois _ on the Iugurtha, completed and published in 1554, Rabelais to Jean du Bellay; a second enlarged edi- | were composed in the course of the previous year tion appeared at Rome in 1544 with a dedication and dedicated to Cardinal Julius Feltrius (Giulio to King Francis I and with a map of ancient Rome __ Feltrio della Rovere). The notes on the Catilina prepared in collaboration with Leonardo Bufali- covered most of the monograph and dealt mainly

ni. In the following decades both the Latin edi- with textual questions. Emendations were based tion and an Italian translation by Hercules Bar- on several manuscripts, including three from the barasa of 1548 were frequently reprinted, while library of San Domenico in Bologna (which Marlianus’ detailed plan of Rome, the first scien- Castellanus had been able to consult thanks to tifically drawn map of the ancient city, was often Romeus Foscararius) and one from the library of reproduced in collections of topographical and San Salvatore, also in Bologna, as well as on mulantiquarian treatises. Marlianus also helped Gen- ta Sallustii loca incorrupta transmitted by the tile Delfino arrange the recently discovered fasti grammarians. The commentary also included occonsulares in the Palazzo dei Conservatori in casional digressions on aspects of the early histoRome, published the collection of the fasti in ry of Rome. 1549, and produced an annotated edition in 1560. Praefatio (ed. of Bologna, 1554). Iulio Feltrio Marlianus’ colleagues included Annibale Caro, Cardinali Vincentius Castellanus s. p. d. [JInc.]: Antonio Allegretti, and Ludovico Fabri (of Fano); |Numquam ego, Cardinalis amplissime, hoc levi-

Works: ;

among his friends and pupils were Giovanni dense munus tibi misissem, nisi intelligerem Gaddi and Antonio and Scaramuccio Trivulzi. summos quosque prudentissimos viros spectantes animum, non munus ipsum, quicquid est

; ; ; .. datum libenter accipere consuevisse. Quod Antiquae urbis Romae topographiae libri maxime de Art leg; ,

septem (Rome, 1534); 2d ed., Topographia urbis UMS Ce sTlaxerxe legimus, qui pauperem

Det bias ds ; hominem cavis manibus aquam sibi afferentem

Romae (Rome, 1544); Lantichita di Roma, Italian haud tus est. Hac jcit t idem j translation of the Topographia by Hercules Bar- not nee i. ii " nn ‘el he Spe U inhoe

barasa (Rome, 1548); Consulum dictatorum censo- 210 (U8 CONSUCTHCINE TaceTes, OSCE MEOS Primos

; . tibiseries laboresuna dedicavi. Qui si tibi paulum modo rumque Romanorum cum ipsorum tri-quae ; . adhuc ; , probentur, ad maiora me statim sub umphis quae marmoribus scalptapraeparabo. in foro reperta est ! ,;pro tua mer incude sunt edenda Tu enim

atque in Capitolium translata (Rome, 1549); An- ‘noulari doctrina at ditione h i

nales consulum dictatorum censorumque Romano- ne ine octnna alque a 4i one te quan

rum a condita urbe usque ad T. Caesarem. Eiusdem “0. OPUME Cognoscere el Tludicare potes, cum

; tantam ante neris unguiculis (ut aiunt) et latinis in eosdem ;ac triumphos (Rome, Ses : et graecis commentarius litteris operam navaveris, ut ;non solum

1560). Sophoclis ... vita [et] sententiae (Rome, ; - ae 1545) quam expectationem tulsed a pueritia eam - adolescens sustinueris, etiam concitasti mira quadam Bibliography: felicitate viceris . . . [continues, praising his early Cosenza 3.2185-86; Sandys 2.154, 182; Tira- studies, virtues, and achievements; recalls Julius boschi 7.2 (1784), 2325 Storia di Milano, vol. 8 (Mi- _ II, whose virtues, he says, are too numerous to re-

lan, 1957), 434. a . late]. Nihil praeterea dicam de fratre tuo fortissi-

E. Cochrane, Historians and Historiography in mo ac prudentissimo Duce et Principe nostro, the Italian Renaissance (Chicago, 1981), 424-25 cuius iustitia et aequitate cotidie fruimur.... and passim; A. P. Frutaz, ed., Le piante di Roma, Quod si tibi minus affabre elaboratum esse vol. 1 (Rome, 1962), 21-22, 56-57 and passim; R. videbitur, maximam culpam festinationi meae

262 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE tribuas, qui id intra vertentem annum subsicivis quimur) lectiones posuimus ut sunt in nostris horis conscripserim, cum plerique veterum in libris, ex quibus si nonnullae erunt eaedem cum

nonum aut decimum annum sua scripta lis quae alii observaverunt, scias, lector, ob eam presserint, ut tum demum ederent inlucem, cum causam nos quoque annotasse ut illae confirmaea prius identidem longo intervallo tanquam rentur, cum ita nos quoque in exaratis calamo aliena lectitantes, summa cum diligentia et cura libris invenerimus. Sed inter cetera exemplaria comprobassent. Vale. Bononia XV Cal. Aug. quibus usi sumus, tria manuscripta fuerunt quae

MDLIIIL. ex bibliotheca divi Dominici opera et studio

Ad lectorem. Vincentius lectori s. Cum ani- Romei Foscararii Bononiae habuimus. Quorum madverterem hosce Sallustii Romanae (ut multi fuit unum longe emendatissimum, cuius in toto volunt) historiae principis libros, quitamquame hoc opere mentionem facimus. Legimus etiam, naufragio divinitus post tantam litterarum iac- ubi praesertim opus fuit, exemplar in membranis turam servati ad nostram aetatem pervenerunt scriptum quod est in Bibliotheca Divi Salvatoris, vel ob ipsum dicendi genus obscurum vel ob et alia multa in quibus evolvendis non penitus menda quibus deformati paene fuerant a paucis nos operam lusisse studiosi iudicabunt. Nec intelligi, operae pretium me facturum esse existi- | parum nos adiuverunt antiqui grammatici, apud mavi, si et ipse pro virili parte adolescentum utili- quos multa Sallustii loca incorrupta _pertati consulerem. In Coniurationem igitur quae manserunt, etsi quaedam interdum illi citant ex maiorem quandam diligentiam requirere vide- Iugurthino Bello quae nos in nullo libro reperire batur commentarium, at in Iugurthinum bellum _ potuimus, sive quod illi memoria lapsissent (sic) scholia locos tantum difficiles explicantia exhibe- seu quod librarii vel illorum loca corruperint vel mus. Sed antequam ad locorum ipsorum explica- hic Sallustii verba negligenter omiserint. Ut sunt tionem veniamus, pauca quaedam dicenda sunt, _haec quae apud Priscianum lib. 14 leguntur: Ultra non ea quidem quae a plerisque graecis, item lati- praepositio apud Sallustium in Jugurtha: Maunis nonnullis, interpretibus praeponi solent— rique vanum genus, ut alia Africae contendebant,

propositum videlicet auctoris et eiusdem vita, Antipodas ultra Aethiopiam cultu Persarum utilitas et divisio libri aliaque huiuscemodi quae iustos et egregios agere [frag. dub. 3M]. Quid satis nota sunt—sed ea potius quae ad consilii autem profecerimus tum in corrigendis tum in nostri rationem pertineant. Laudamus igitur plu- _explicandis locis, nihil ipsi dicimus; aliorum sit rimos interdum tam graecos quam latinos auc- _iudicium. Illud te tamen, optime lector, admonitores vel quod diversae sint opiniones vel quod tum velim quod scribit Euripides in Phoenissis putemus exactius historiam ex multis quam ex [745]: cis 5’ avijp ov Tav0 ‘opd. Vale.

uno aut altero scriptore percipi posse. In us Commentary. Vincentii Castellani Forosemtamen rebus quae notiores esse videbantur pau- _ proniensis in C. Sallustii Crispi Librum de coniucioribus contenti fuimus, praesertim si illi uberi- ratione Catilinae commentarius. [Inc.|]: C. Crispi

ores et diligentiores essent. At ea quae lippis (ut Sallustii. Quoniam moris fuit apud Rumanos aiunt) et tonsoribus nota videbantur libenter (sic) ut familiae nomen praeponeretur cognomiomisimus, ne multitudine litterarum animos le- ni, hic si ordinem sequi velimus, legamus necesse gentium obrueremus. Etsi quaedam inviti dix- est C. Sallustii Crispi, ut est apud Asconium in imus, quo Sallustium nostrum a calumniis oratione Pro Milone [45.14], Cornelium Tacitum quorundam tueremur, qui ita morosi sunt et ar-__ libro 1 et 3 [Ann. 1.6.16; 3.30.2], Appianum, Civilis rogantes ut nihil probent nisi quod ipsi fecerint historia, libro 2 [2.13.92 2.14.100], et Hirtium non

et, siquid (ut fieri solet) minus intelligunt, statim semel in libro De bello Africano [8; 34; 97] culpam in auctores transferant, vel quod nimis_ .../... [Expl.]: Strenuissimus quisque (61.7). Sic obscuri vel quod negligentes in scribendo fuerint est legendum. Plinius Naturalis historiae libro 18 criminantes ... [continues on chronology and __ [18.26.1]: Principium autem a Catone sumemus: manuscripts]. Porro in enumeratione annorum _fortissimi viri et milites strenuissimi ex agricolis

ab urbe condita scimus esse diversas opiniones; gignuntur. Locus ubi id dicit Cato est in nos tamen vetustorum lapidum fragmenta, quae prooemio libri De re rustica |Gellius, Noct. att. Romae paucis abhinc annis effossa sunt, quam _ 10.26]. Non est igitur dubitandum quin strenuismaxime sequimur. Varias autem (ut nunc lo- — simus recte et usitate dicatur.

1.23. BARTHOLOMAEUS ZANCHUS 263

Editions: Although eager to demonstrate his learning, 1554, 1564. See above, Composite Editions. Zanchus sought to make the knowledge of antiq-

Biography: uity available to a general, non-scholarly public. Vincentius Castellanus or Castiloneus (Vin- The commentary was first published at Venice in cenzo Castellani) was born at Reforzato, near )4 without an accompanying text of the Catili-

Fossombrone (in the area of Urbino), in1528 and 9” , ; -

died in 1601. He received a law degree from the Praefatio (ed. of Venice, 1554). Clarissino

University of Padua, but devoted most of his life 2dUe Praestantissimo Francisco Baduario Nobili

to literary and antiquarian studies Patritio Veneto Bartholomeus Zanchus s. d. Castellanus taught lettere in Senigallia, Gub- Une. |: Philippus Rex cnn aiquando Ciceretat

bio, and Ancona, and was later appointed public Corinthum cum exercitu ac ine a lo

teacher in Fossombrone, perhaps through the in- °° trepidi ac metu turbati pro viribus sedulo fluence of the della Rovere family. (His commen- 44° ad suam et p atriae salutem spectabant lacere

tary on Sallust was dedicated to Cardinal Giulio apo nam alius quidem “liv. a apporta i Feltrio della Rovere and his De officio regis to * fc rv _ Tue comportabat a fal iebat, ‘al 's Francesco Maria II, duke of Urbino). He travelled ‘* ‘doi a Jicad P od ic evam t atria, “til; in France and Spain and was present at the Coun- 9 TU1CP!4i0_ allucl quo sual et Patriae u cil of Trent. Between 1585 and 1590 he served as tatem esset subministrabat. [Continues with ane reggente of the Collegio Montalto in Bologna. ecdote and application to himself of Diogenes

Well known during his lifetime as writer of ‘°P onse]. a forte accidit ut nonnullis adoleLatin prose and poetry, Castellanus was hailed as scentibus Venetis Catilinarium Sallustii inter“ocellum alterum linguae latinae”, and his mono-_ Pr¢tarer (-tare ed.) et inter interpretandum, cunt

graph De bello Melitensi historia has resonances of veer Aa eee tPSOS Poe itn beene ne Sallust’s language and style. Castellanus was on i ‘qh Troe. “Sus vulta in alia vy - e acn am friendly terms with numerous men of letters and hi ‘ena ch ae dicta et td foe . . t vt qu a scholars of his time, including Cardinal Girolamo “0 'P80 @uctore Cicta sun 4 rere d ees della Rovere, Pietro Bonarelli, and Camillo Flac- QSIUS Wo meciocriter ba ae videre potest,

co, but he criticized the work of his successor at @UCdWIC €nim Ipsi ignorabant sibi primum con-

Fossombrone, Sebastiano Macci. Montaigne fingebant ac deinde aliis prodere ausi sunt; itaque whom he accompanie dona tour of Fossom_ evenit ut incautos lectores fefellerint et in maxibrone, mentioned Castellanus in his Essajs mos errores traxerint. Cum igitur res ardua esset et Opus ipsum nova interpretatione maxime egere

Works: videretur et nemo eorum qui possunt interpretaDe bello Melitensi historia (Pesaro, 1566); De tionibus suis illustrare contenderet, ego opus ipofficio regis (Marburg, 1597); De Homeri laudibus; sum mihi aperiendum esse duxi etsi obscurum ac various operette on aspects of the history and an- difficile sit propter brevitatem quam fugiendam tiquities of Fossombrone; two sonnets in Italian. esse omnino Quintilianus censet, quamvis in ipso

Bibliography: virtutis locum obtineat [ Inst. 4.2.45]. Is enim, breDBI 21.638-39 (M. Palma), with bibliography. ! quadam digressione a condita urbe ad ipsius tempora mores civitatis ac laborem, quem Ro-

23. Bartholomaeus Zanchus mani in rei militaris scientia aedificanda adThe Commentarius in Catilinarium Sallustii, ‘ibuerunt, ostendere aggressus est, qua in re excovering the entire monograph, was composed _ Plicanda quantum ego insudaverim tu ipse facile

while Zanchus was teaching Sallust to his Vene- 'dicare poteris. Primum enim mihi non parvi la- , tian pupils and was dedicated to the Venetian pa- Oris fuit mores ac vivendi rationem et quae ipse trician Franciscus Baduarius. It was intended to breviter de Romanorum lustitia, temperantia, fulfill what he believed was the need for a detailed Contimentia ac aequitate dixit sub exemplis ex il-

and thorough explanation of ancient govern- lustribus auctoribus sumptis ostendere. Praeterea ment, laws, and customs (mostly through copious 208 mihi satis fuit eos qui de re militari concitations from ancient authors), and included 8“tipserunt evolvere, ut ea quae ipse breviter et much conventional explication of the text as well, Unico verbo expressit aliis facilia ac plana facerem

264 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE sed prorsus omnes non modo historicos et ora- _narranda densus et brevis et semper instans sibi

tores verum etiam geographos excutere mihi est, et in hoc non parvus labor meus fuit, dum necesse fuerit, ut quae recondita apud ipsos quae apud Ciceronem, Plutarchum, Dionem, Aphaberentur ad nostri operis explanationem ad- _pianum et alios scriptores fuse narrantur, ipse ad ducerem, neque enim dici posset quam libenter id opus interpretandum adducere tentavi. Passim hoc Sallustii interpretandi opus susceperim, in praeterea addidi brevem quandam Romanorum

quo sese mihi obtulit occasio ut diligentiam magistratuum explicationem, quia cum in lemeam (si quam in legendis antiquis auctoribus gendis auctoribus ubique de ipsis nobis sese ofadhibui) patefacere possem. Ipse enim auctor fere ferat mentio, nec ullus exstet (quod ego adhuc in omnium manibus est, nam alii quidem legunt quidem legerim) qui de ipsis recte scripserit, idpropter sermonis proprietatem, cuius ipse, auctor circo non ab re fore duxi si ipsorum originem, est Gellius [Noct. att. 10.20.10], retinentissimus numerum, officium ac potestatem perscriberem, est, qua in re non mediocriter mihi elaborandum __ ut esset unde studiosi ipsi haec discere possent. fuit ut ex optimis auctoribus ea colligerem quae Praecipue cum haec cognitio tam necessaria sit ut

in eorum utilitatem afferre possem, nam si a nullus fere scriptorum absque hac cognitione natura sermonis proprietatem haberemus, non — vere ac perfecte intelligi possit, hocque meo comesset quod multum operae in compositionibus mentario volui ut lectorum vulgus in locos scrip-

poneremus. Multos enim novimus qui,dum eam torum secretiores admitteretur et interclusam ignorarunt, frustra vigilias in voluminibus com- atque abditam antiquitatum vetustatem pateponendis consumpserunt, nam partim quidem _facere remque omnem exemplorum varietate ilipsa aboleverunt propter inconditum eorum ser- _lustrare, cumque Salustius ipse multarum tum monis genus, partim quoque propter inscitiam ac rerum tum disciplinarum proprietates breviter loquendi improprietatem, itaque factum est utihi attigisset et variis angustis circumscripta copia una oleum et operam perdiderunt et in hac re multam attulisset obscuritatem, omnia fusioribus nonnulli fortasse mihi vitio dabunt quod levia ac distincta exemplis explicare volui et ut facilia minuta quaeque interpretatus sim, sed si hi dili- haberentur effeci [continues in praise of dedica-

genter animadverterint (-tirent ed.) videbunt tee and his father Petrus Baduarius] .../... profecto nihil penitus me a veterum grammatico- _[Expl.]: Ego qui debiles ingenii mei vires tuis re-

rum instituto declinasse qui et ipsi, ut posteris censcendis (sic) laudibus esse sentio tibi optimo prodessent, levia quaeque exposuerunt sicuti studiosorum Maecenati hunc meum commentavidemus Nonium curiam a cura et Varonem (sic) rium nuper typis excussum dedico. Vale.

exercitum ab exercitando interpretatum esse. Vita Sallustii. Ex libris Petri Criniti De historiQuod si isti gravissimi auctores id facere non cis ac oratoribus latinis. [For this life, see 1.18 erubuerunt, cur ego hoc facere erubescam? Et above.| praesertim, cum mihi in animum induxerim velle Commentary. Bartholomei Zanchi Bergomatis omnino pro viribus quoque hac mea interpreta- in Catilinarium Sallustii Commentarius longe tione omnibus satisfacere, alii propter antiqui- utilissimus quam ceteri, in quo omnia quae ad tatem cuius cognitio adeo omnibus qui bonas lit- historiam, antiquitatem ac magistratuum Roteras profiteri volunt utilis ac necessaria est, ut manorum cognitionem spectant _ brevissime nullus penitus non modo historicus atque orator atque utilissime exponuntur et quam accuratissed ne poeta quidem ac iurisperitus absque ea sime nunc primum excussus. [Inc]: Ommnes perfecta intelligi possit, cumque in ea cognoscen- —_homines (1.1). Exordium hoc est a collatione ani-

_ da ego non parum temporis consumpserim ob mi ad corpus et utriusque virtutum et, cum magidque existimavi me operae pretium facturum si __ ni sit oratoris historiam scribere, non video cur a

in his locis quae sese mihi obtulerunt quid de nonnullis Sallustius merito reprehendi possit ipsa sentirem in tuam et ceterorum studiosorum quod, cum nefarium Catilinae scelus scripturus gratiam in medium proferrem, praesertim cum _ sit, potissimum exordium sumpserit a re nihil ad interpretes ipsi nusquam omnino mentionem fe- _historiam pertinente, in quo non vident eum

cerint, neque id cuiquam mirum videri debet praestantissimos rerum scriptores imitatum et quia tunc temporis litterae in tenebris involutae praecipue Isocratem in Helenes encomio [Isocr., erant, nonnulli vero ipsa historia in qua quidem _10.1-15].... Ommnes homines. Priscianus libro 7

1.24. ALDUS MANUTIUS JUNIOR 265 [GL 2.358] ait omnium nominum quae tam no- documenti),” Bollettino della Civica Biblioteca di minativum quam genetivum similem habent eo- Bergamo 4 (1910) 136 and 5 (1911) 78; Schindler, rum accusativum pluralem raro in -es, frequenter Untersuchungen, 4-5, 9-10 and passim. On the in -is solere terminari, ut: hic et haec omnis, hos Zanchi family of Bergamo, see B. Belotti, Storia di et has omnis. Salustius in Catilinario: Omnis Bergamo e dei Bergamaschi, 6 vols., passim (Ber-

homines qui sese student. Terentius in Andria gamo, 1959). [946]: Omnis nos gaudere .../... [Expl.]: Vol-

ventes (61.8) scilicet ut spoliarent. Hospitem 24. Aldus Manutius Junior (61.8). Sciendum est antiqui moris fuisse ut hos- Aldus’ Scholia on the Catilina, Iugurtha, and pitii necessitudo non modo inter privatos sed eti- excerpts from the Historiae were first printed at am inter populos contraheretur [continues with Venice in 1563 with the edition of the opera previdiscussion of the hospitii mos, citing Plautus, Lu- _ ously published by his father, Paulus Manutius, in cian, Suidas (Suda), Livy, Caesar, Ovid, and Ci- 1557 and the dedicatory letter written by his father

cero]. Arctum autem necessitudinis huius fuit for that edition to Cardinal Antonius Trivultius, olim vinculum atque etiam divini reverentia in which he stresses the practical uses of history. sanctum quod iuris huius disceptationi praefecit A new preface by Aldus, addressed to the studiosi, antiquitas lovem hospitalem appellans et invo- introduced his own Veterum scriptorum de Salluscans quasi hospitii praesidem et vindicem. Laeti- tio testimonia, the first published collection of antia (61.9) scilicet eorum qui inimicos suos_ cient sources on Sallust’s life and work. Aldus also reperiebant. Maeror (61.9) luctus scilicet eorum _ included the first substantial collection of smaller

qui cognatos, amicos ac hospites invenerant. fragments from the indirect tradition of the His-

Editions: toriae or Historiarum reliquiae (see III.iii1 be-

1554, Venetiis (Venice): apud Bortholomeum low). The notes (Scholia) on the two monograph . (sic) Turratum. (The edition has only lemmata and larger fragments excerpted from the Historiae

4: ly emendations and variants, drawn chiefl

from the Bellum Catilinae, not the complete text). ad ply ares . oe ueny

Valpy 2.816. BAV. rom an antiquissimus liber of Fulvius Ursinus,

1564. See above, Composite Editions. parallel passages, especially in Greek authors, and occasional comments of antiquarian interest,

Biography: particularly in the Iugurtha.

Bartholomaeus Zanchus (Bartolomeo Zanchi) Later in 1563 (or according to the colophon, in belonged to a distinguished family of Bergamo, 1564), a new edition of Sallust’s opera was pubbut little is known of his life and work. He is list- lished at the Aldine press in Rome containing ed in the register of the Accademia della Miseri- more fragments of the Historiae (see III.iii. becordia in Bergamo for the year 1575, at which time low) and additional Scholia on the monographs, he was nineteen years old. According to this excerpts, and fragments from the Historiae, and record, he belonged to the diocese of Bergamo, the first Epistula ad Caesarem. Following the prefhad taken the four minor orders, and had been a ace to the studiosi and an augmented collection of student at the Accademia della Pieta for six years. Testimonia, there was a new preface to the ColThe writer states that Zanchus had not made legium Romanum, which testifies to family ties much progress in the study of lettere because he _ with the Society of Jesus and to the popularity of was occupied with various other activities, but Sallust in the new Jesuit curriculum, and deadds that he was “di pronto ingegno” (see below, scribes the interest with which Aldus, called to

G. Locatelli). Rome by his father the previous year, had been

Works: exploring the city and its monuments. Another

A letter and poem of a Barth. Zanchus to Nic. preface introduces the section on the Historiarum Michael is found in Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale f ts a Cal A copy of this edition mom the porary Marciana, Marc. lat. XII 211 (4179), s. XVI, fol. i the Collegium Romanum, originally in the col-

a95r (Kristeller, Iter 2.261b). ection of Marcus Antonius Muretus, contains manuscript annotations, mostly on the two

Bibliography: monographs, that appear to be in Muretus’ hand

Cosenza 4.3739; G. Locatelli, “L'istruzione in (Rome, Biblioteca Nazionale, 68.6.C.17; see I.27

Bergamo e la Misericordia Maggiore (Storia e below).

266 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE In the following years, Aldus continued to col- Petrus Crinitus ea quae scripsit testibus non prolect fragments of the Historiae, and in 1567 and __ bat. Nos igitur et ab illo scripta pleraque confiragain in 1579 he published editions of Sallust con- mamus et multa quae omisit adiungimus, labori taining additional fragments and expanded or numquam parcentes ut commodis vestris consu-

slightly revised notes. latis, quam consuetudinem ab avo et patre accep-

a. The edition o f Venice, 1563 ve OMT nidial De In me erit minime patiar.

Praefatio. Ad. Antonium Cardinalem pridetestimonia NaN Ee ; i, ab : Pare ger Veterum Triultium scriptorum de Sallustio

Pauli Manutii in historiam Sallustii praefatio. Aldo Manutio Pauli f. collecta [from Quintilian t [Inc.]}: Cum omnes me litterae omnisque libero Martial] me uit J. couecia (rom Suaneman to

homine cognitio vehementer delectat, Pauli An- aman: . .. . _in ert Triulti, apsdigna arr es Commentary. Aldi Manutii f.pasScholia toni Cardinalis amplissime, tum vero -a, qs ; . Catilinam. [Inc.]:etCeteris animantibus Scripcor; incredibili voluptate afficior maiorem (1.1). | ar ; oer at ; re . ti omnes libri, quos quidem ego histoviderim,_animaliquendam in :modum sensibus : ; ; bus, quo modo etintimis Sosipaterdum Charisius recitatwer lib. 1 riam tracto ... [continues in praise of history]. rp. 130K] in verb nes. Pri m incipi

Atque hoc in genere Polybius inter Graecos, de P. 139 erDO omnes. Erius quam Icipias,

; rer maxime rere consulto, et ubi consulueris, facto opus est nostris is, Graecis cuius nunc libros tibimature inscrip; ; . a (1.6). A multa Sallustius mutuatur, quod tos emitto, ;Sallustius excellit. Eventa enim ita narDa III affirmat [Jnst. ; os et Quintilianus lib. IX cap. rat ut causas simul aperiat. Ex quo oritur illa om. ; orpulcherrima 9.3.17] .../... [Expl.]: Ab dextera nium scientia ut,liber. malorum etdextris ; rupe we, rupes . ,;aspera ; _ Ls .. (59.2). Sic et Fulvii Alii, a ascalamitatum origine perspecta, nihil agamus nisi me . 4. pera, utrumque recte. Paullo diverstus, sed omnes quod ratiomepraescribit, omniaque nostra consilia, aa tamen adversis etc. (61.3). Sic omnes antiqui libri. omnes actiones veterum exemplorum regula ,... re. ; ; ; : Visum tamen est quo modoanCharisius 2 [p. metiamur. Quae cum sit omnium qui annales . 13; GLlib. .tiquorum ; 1: . 159K], Priscianus lib. 12 [Inst. 3.8], evolvunt communis utilitas, alia : . aet

i ; condicio . Diomedes 1 [p. 333K]onlegant ostendere. Hi igiquaedam tua estlib. [continues the utili; - omnes . tur ita legunt: Alis (pro alius) alibi stantes,

ty of studying history of leading Greeks and . .sive ; ; ut , : .the tamen adversis vulneribus conciderunt, Romans and on the virtues and deeds of illustri- d Diomedem ceciderunt

ous members of the dedicatee’s family and in apud srome CACTI

praise of the Cardinal] .../... [Expl.]: Interim, b. The edition of Rome, 1563 (colophon: 1564) ut haec tibi nostra ex aliquo signo voluntas il- Praefatio. Collegio Romano Societatis Iesu Allucescat, praeclaram edo tuo cum nomine Sal- dus Manutius Pauli f. [Inc.]: Fatebor quod res est. lustii historiam, cui tu si locum dabis inter eos li- Contuli me ad Urbem superiore anno, vocatus a bros, qui ab oculis tuis abesse non solent, vigebit _patre, libentissime; cupiebam scilicet ea praesens apud te nostri memoria; quoties eam videbis, intueri quae saepe legeram, et in tisdem locis vestoties animo tibi occurram, adero tibi saepe ab- _ tigium imprimere, ubi sedes clarorum virorum ac sens, tacitus saepe tecum loquar meque esse de domicilia fuisse cognoveram; ac me quidem hic tuis familiaribus unum, de iis maxime qui ope- __ permulta delectarunt ex veteribus monumentis, ram tibi assiduam praebent, qui tuo potissimum quae vel excellentium artificum ingenia vel mores honori serviunt, existimabis. Quod ut ita sit, ve- aut eruditionem superiorum temporum declahementer opto et, si assequor, feram in caelum is- rant, sed neque marmoreum ullum, aeneumve tam humanitatem, colam animo, tuebor officiiset simulacrum, neque septem collium aspectus, imitabor, quantum potero, studio; certe, si minus neque augusta illa Capitolii facies tantam animo re licebit, tibi ut satisfaciam, elaborabo. [See the meo iucunditatem admirationemve attulit quan1557 Venice edition of Sallust’s opera edited by tam Collegii vestri dignitas et ordo, in quo nihil

Paulus Manutius. | ad inanem voluptatem aut ad brevem usum, omVita Sallustii. Ex libris Petri Criniti. [For the nia vidi ad aeternum solidae gloriae fructum ad

text of this life of Sallust, see 1.18 above. ] certam animorum salutem instituta. Itaque conAldus Manutius studiosis. [Inc.]: Collegi pro cursus ad vos quotidie maiores fiunt; nec dubivestra utilitate, cui semper studuit familia nostra, | tandum videtur, cum vobis in ista tam nobili dis-

veterum scriptorum testimonia quae ad ingeni- ciplina non honor aut quaestus, quarum rerum um, mores vitamque Sallustii pertinent, nam spe multorum excitari solet industria, sed divina

1.25. JOHANNES PESCHEUR 267 tantum praemia proposita sint, quin haec ante popolo romano (1561-1570) (Rome, 1942). On paucos annos a summo viro, Ignatio Loyola, in- manuscripts of Sallust in the Farnese collection, ducta bene merendi consuetudo et perpetua fu- see F. Fossier, La Bibliothéque Farnése. Etude des tura sit, et uberiores non in hac modo civitate, | manuscrits latins et en langue vernaculaire (Rome, verum in universo terrarum orbe fructus ferat. 1982), 134-37 and passim. Quae est enim civitas, quae gens, quae natio,

sanctissimis Christi legibus addicta, quae non 25. Johannes Pescheur probet maxime vestrum institutum, quae vos non In 1563 Johannes Pescheur published an annorecipiat atque adeo non accersat ad erudiendam _ tated collection of speeches and letters from the

luventutem, ad mores conformandos, ad reli- two monographs, dedicated to Ludovicus du gionem propagandam? .../... [Expl.]: Ego Moulin and entitled Conciones ex historia Crispi tamen, studio vestri et inductione quadam animi, Salustii decerptae non minus utiles quam necespatre etiam cohortante, qui vestra instituta ad sariae perfacili aditu scholits, argumentis, et annocaelum ferre solitus est, feci ut Sallustium et meos _ tationibus illustratae per Ioannem Pescheur. Dur-

in eo corrigendo labores vobis dicarem. Nam, ing the previous year he had been teaching the cum eius historiam assidue in manibus habeatis Catilina and Iugurtha (histories of wars that were

magnaque auditorum frequentia explanetis, particularly relevant, he says, to the “tumult” in commendabit, opinor, me vobis studium meum; France), and the commentary, he believed, could et, ut spero, consequar id quod vehementer opto, _ be useful not only for instruction in rhetoric but ut patris mei meamque simul incolumitatem ac also for those governing a state torn by civil strife. salutem piis precibus agentes cum Deo sup- The excerpts contained passages, quoted or para-

pliciter curetis. MDLXIII. Kal. Oct. phrased, from Sallust’s texts; the marginal scholia Aldus Manutius studiosis (same text asined.of identified the main parts of the speech or letter;

Venice, 1563). and the annotationes, accompanying the arguVeterum scriptorum testimonia. [Inc.]: Ex mentum at the end of each excerpt, supplied brief

Velleio Paterculo.../...[Expl.]: Ex Statio. explanations of Roman customs and magistraCommentary. Aldi Manutii Pauli f. Scholia in cies, historical events, and geographical referCatilinam. [Inc.]: Ceteris animantibus (1.1). Scrip- ences, along with the meaning and etymology of ti omnes libri, quos quidem ego viderim, animali- unusual words. bus, quo modo et Sosipater Charisius recitat lib. 1 Praefatio (ed. of Paris, 1563). Prudentissimo ac

[p. 139K] in verbo omnes. Veluti pecora, quae clarissimo domino a regiis negotiis in urbanis Natura prona atque ventri oboedientia finxit (1.1). aedibus Parisiis domino Ludovico du Moulin suo Ovidius Met. I: Pronaque cum spectent animalia maecenati Ioannes Pescheur s. p. [Inc.]: Diu mul-

cetera terram, // Os homini sublime dedit tumque (Maecenas amplissime) dubitavi quo caelumque videre // Iussit et erectos ad sidera tempore te maximis rei publicae negotiis occupa-

tollere vultus [Met. 1.84-86] .../... [Expl]: tum minus interturbare; interturbassem vero te, Catilina longe a suis inter hostium cadavera reper- si antea vultum tuum subiissem. Nam tantum tus est (61.4). lisdem verbis utitur Florus lib. 4 cap. tuum in me animum esse sum expertus ut vel 1 qui hoc amplius: Pulcherrima morte, si pro pa-__ clarissimorum hominum coetus, quibuscum tria sic concidisset [Epit. 2.12.12]. Sallustii autem semper egisti ac excelluisti, agis et excellis, vel verba haec Servius in Virgilii librum Aen. I recitat gravissimas tuas occupationes intermittas,

[In Aen. 1.488]. quoties tui piscatoris nomen percipis. Quid cum

Edition: eundem cernis? Noverunt hi quorum negotia dic1563, 1563 (colophon: 1564). See above, Com- to citius studiose (ut soles omnia) expedienda

posite Editions. curastl. Quae cum apud me perpenderem, retia velut sordidus et inops piscator in flumine imBiography: misi, eademque horis sub Auroram cedentibus See CTC 3.113-16 (Biography, 114-16) (Caesar). perlustrans ex fecundo ceu inundanti flumine Salustii Catilinario et Iugurthino bello procelAdd to Bibliography: L’Europe des humanistes, larum civilium tempestate, undis turbulentis has 288; F. Barberi, Paolo Manuzio e la stamperia del multas diversasque eruditissimorum hominum

268 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE orationes seu conciones a tuo statu, genere et usu ibi orationem huiusmodi habuit (20.1) [A brief dicendi non multum absimiles sum expiscatus, ut summary based on BC 5, 18, and 20]. Scholia: a. te tuoque cognomine dignum aliquid irretitum a Catilinae descriptio ex adiunctis et effectis. b. me exciperes. Has igitur conciones digessi ac velut Causa coniurationis. c. Quales socii Catilinae pisciculos ex se insipidos diverso apparatu scholi- _ eiusque institutum. is, argumentis, annotationibusque condire studui Oratio Catilinae ad suos coniurationis partibique cui animam (ut aiunt) debeo, hoc pri- _ ticipes. Concio I. [Inc.]: 'Nisi virtus atque fides mum diei opus matutinum dicavi [continues in _ vestra satis spectata mihi foret, nequicquam opporpraise of du Moulin and his children, their study tuna res cecidisset; spes magna dominationis in of rhetoric, and the tradition of making antholo- manibus frustra fuisset, neque ego per ignaviam gies of speeches; observes the need of supplying aut vana ingenia incerta pro certis captarem’

introductions and explanations for these] (20.2) [continues with text accompanied by notes .../... [Expl]: Has a nemine adhuc susceptas, in the margins]: 1. Prolepsis qua ex adiunctis et quod sciam, cum argumentis conciones seorsum _ effectis suorum benevolentiam captat Catilina. 2.

excudendas curavi. Eas itaque, si placet, hilari Subiectio ex antecedentibus effectis.../... vultu sicut meipsum excipies, quod ut facias, te [Expl.]: Haec ipsa (ut spero) vobiscum una consul etiam atque etiam rogo. Vale. Datum e nostro agam’, nisi forte animus me fallit et vos servire

Calvico Lycio quarto kal. Augusti, 1563. magis quam imperare parati estis (20.17).... 3. Lectori. Lectori Ioannes Pescheur s. d. [Inc.]: | Correctio quaedam qua magis ac magis suos acHabes, lector studiose, conciones gravissimorum _ cendit.

hominum ex Catilinario et Iugurthino bello cum Argumentum concionis I. Tria hic . . . Catilina verborum ornatu et splendore ut non iniucundas ubi suos in unum locum convocavit, eosdem tum sententiarum pondere et dignitate ita non pluribus modis ut sint animo forti et constanti inutiles. His siquidem breviter et compendiose adhortatur. I. Primum autem benevolentiam capintelliges quae copiosissime Salustius historicus tat ex adiunctis et effectis variis. II. Deinde resane haud invenustus ad fidem historiae duo bel- censet commoda eorum qui dominantur et inli genera, quae toti rei publicae Romanae exitium commoda eorum qui aliis subiciuntur. III. attulerunt, persecutus est. Haec cum anno superi- _ Postremo victoriae praemia proponit.

ore meis Calvicis auditoribus praelegerem, mihi Annotationes ex parasceve concionis 1. Stipainterpres erat oculatus (pro dolor) tantus nostrae tor (14.1) stipatorum Cat(ilinae) id est multirei publicae tumultus. Eorum vero consilia et tudinem custodum. Stipator proprie qui stipam orationes seu conciones, qui hortabantur vel de- hoc est stupam in navibus componit .../... hortabantur, operae pretium esse duxi seorsum [Expl.]: Aes alienum (20.13). Aes alienum quod excipere et seligere ut haec in quibus sunt varia nos aliis debemus, aes contractum quod mutuo dicendi genera tibi oratori futuro ad copiam et sumptum est. memoriam excolendam non solum verum etiam [There follow other conciones: Verba Catilinae ad usum rei publicae proponas. Nec quid melius apud seipsum; Allobrogum legatorum oratio; Litpotuit tuus piscator in tanta rerum perturbatione _ terae Catilinae ad Quint. Catulum; Umbreni verquam has conciones expiscari, quas tibi parasceve ba ad Allobrogum legatos; Epistola Lentuli ad quadam ceu facili aditu argumentis, scholiis et Catilinam; Caesaris oratio ad patres conscriptos annotationibus condire paucis contendit. Vale et in Senatu; Catonis oratio et sententia de captivis aequi bonique consule. Datum e Calvico portu. puniendis.|

1563. 4 Kal. Augusti. Vale. [Expl.]: Postrema adhortatio seu oratio CatiliCommentary. Conciones ex Historia Crispi nae ad suos. Concio 9.' Compertum habeo, milites,

Salustii decerptae non minus utiles quam neces- verba virtutem non addere, neque ex ignavo sariae perfacili aditu scholiis, argumentis, et an- strenuum, neque fortem ex timido exercitum imnotationibus illustratae per loannem Pescheur. peratoris oratione fieri* (58.1). 1. Prolepsis. 2.

Parasceve seu aditus et praeparatio ad con- Subiectio.../...[Expl.]: Semper in proelio tis est cionem primam ex Catilinario bello. [Inc.]: Lu- maximum periculum qui maxime timent. Audacia

cius’ Catilina nobili genere natus fuit..../... pro muro habetur' (58.17).... Nam multitudo [Expl]: ... omnibus procul arbitris amotis atque —hostium ne nos circumvenire queat, prohibent’ an-

1.26. CYPRIANUS POPMA 269 gustiae loci. Quod si virtuti vestrae fortuna invide- royal court). No other information has been rit, cavete ne inulti animum? amittatis...virorum found on the author, and the identity of the place more pugnantes cruentam atque luctuosam victori- of writing is uncertain. am hostibus relinquatis (58.20—-21). 1. Peroratio

qua ab egregiis ante factis suos extollit et inflam- 26. Cyprianus Popma mat etiam ab adiunctis. 2. A loci natura et com- Cyprianus Popma’s notes on the Catilina, moditate. 3. Ab extremo periculo et desperatione Jugurtha, and Invectivae were first published at

quadam suos accendit. Louvain in 1572 and accompany his edition of the

Argumentum in concionem 9. I. Primum pe- _ texts. A dedicatory letter was addressed to Caroricula recenset quae Lentuli culpa et sibi et suis lus a Brimeu, while the Emendationes were introimpendent. II. Deinde ab iisdem periculis, spe duced by a separate letter of dedication to Igrapraedae, victoriae, personarum et loci occasione mus ab Achlen. The notes deal primarily with suos hortatur eisque animum addit. III. Postremo textual questions, but also comment occasionally ab imminenti extremo periculo eosdem incitat et on topics of antiquarian interest. In preparing the

inflammat. Emendationes, Cyprianus had consulted the Exitus totius coniurationis et conflictus An- printed editions of Jodocus Badius Ascensius, Al-

tonii et M. Petreii cum Catilina. dus Pius Manutius, Henricus Glareanus, VincenPosteaquam vicissim Antonius et Petreius suos tius Castiloneus (Castellanus), Christophorus adhortati sunt ut meminissent se contra latrones Plantinus, and others. He had compared readings inermes pro patria, pro liberis, pro aris et socis (sic) in several codices, including those he refers to as

suis certare (59.5) .../... [Expl.]: ferociamque the Genepeus, Martinianus (seen in Cologne), animi quam habuerat vivus in vultu retinens Parcensis (from the Abbaye du Parc/Abdij van't (61.4). Conflictus et proelium utriusque exercitus Park, near Louvain), and the liber Gulielmi Canet Antonii et Catilinae. Catilinae militum con- teri, and had taken into account the citations of

stantia et animus. the grammarians as well as readings in certain

Annotationes ex concione 9. Gallia. Gallia Eu-_ veteres inscriptiones. The Martinianus or Loropae pars a candore populi sic dicta est. Huius vaniensis (from Val St. Martin, Louvain), identihistorici tres partes constituunt: Belgicam, Celti- fied with London, British Library, Harley 2460,

cam et Aquitanicam. Caes. comm. 1..../... contains a note on fol. i50v: “cum in Sallustio [Expl.]: Signum dare. Tuba canere. Receptui canere restituendo laborem, usus sum hoc manuscripto [cf. 59.1]. Signum dare, classicum vel tuba canere, libro, quem mihi commodavit ———— [erased]

id est milites incendere ad conflictum et pugnae vir cum humanus tum religiosus. Cyprianus a signum dare; receptui canere est a proelio et con- Popma Phrysius.”

flictu eos revocare. Praefatio (ed. of Louvain, 1572). Illustri et gene-

Poem. In lectissimas conciones, capturam roso Carolo a Brimeu, Comitia Megen, Equiti Ioannis Pescheur ex duplici flumine Sallustii, Aurei Velleris, Praefecto Phrysiae, etc. Cyprianus

Catilina et Jugurtha, Gulielmus de Baillou eius a Pompa Phrysius s. d. [Inc]: Persaepe hoc discipulus hoc scribebat. [Inc.|]: Increpat hunc mecum cogitavi, bonive an mali plus attulerint torpens infami ignavia labe // Qui didicit solum _litteris homines illi qui superiori aetate in libris

temporis acta sui.../...[Expl.]: Ni tua, Pisca- describendis operam et studium suum _potor, tenerae dux strenue pubi // Servet ab ancipiti suerunt. Nam cum multa doctissimorum viro-

musa diserta gradu. rum scripta magno labore magnisque vigiliis

Edition: elucubrata prorsus interlisse considero, non mini-

1563, Parisiis (Paris): Ex typographia Thomae mam video per eos invectam partem mcom

Richardi. BNE modorum. Cum autem res a nostra memoria per vetustatem remotas ex litterarum monumentis Biography: repetere instituo, multas seditiones ortas, plurima Johannes Pescheur (Piscator, as he calls him- bella gesta, totum orbem terrae caede atque inself) was a teacher of Latin and tutor to the chil- _cendiis vastatum intelligo, itaque in hanc potissidren of Louis du Moulin, regius procurator in mum sententiam ducor, ut existimem maximam domo publica (Procureur du roi or Solicitor inthe eos utilitatem adduxisse quorum studio etsi mu-

270 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE tila ac lacera plurima tamen veterum scripta nos- _ toribus non iniquis. Quamobrem multis antiquis tram ad aetatem pervenerunt quae ad vitam bene _exemplaribus conquisitis, id opus arduum sane et beateque instituendam plurimum conducunt, in- difficile aggressus sum atque eorum auxilio et aster quae nullum mihi visum est vel iucundius vel _ siduitate lectionis Sallustii, cum summa et accu-

utilius, ac perinde magis necessarium atque est rata diligentia coniuncta, Sallustium pristinae illa multiplex et copiosa gestarum rerum testis dignitati ut maxime potui restitui. Quem lahistoria. [Continues on the value of history] borem, Igrame clarissime, ut tibi inscriptum .../... [Expl]: Et quidem in eo numero, qui atque dicatum emitterem, tua id fecit mira cum historias scripsere, inter Latinos, primus haberi eruditione humanitateque coniuncta virtus sinpotest Crispus Sallustius; magnarum enim rerum _ gularis, quam omnes boni ac eruditi viri ita amconsilia, actiones, exitus, regumque et illustrium plectuntur ut tuae amicitiae nihil anteponant.

virorum actus, necnon quorundam caecas_ Vale. Lovanii. hominum mentes qui opes, dignitates, potentiam Commentary (ed. of Louvain, 1572). Cypriani a

perdite flagitabant, graviter et ornate narrat. Popma Phrysii in C. Sallustii Crispi Bellum Hunc infinitis in locis meo labore, mea opera et Catilinarium Emendationes. [Inc]: Omnis diligentia emendatum sub tuo nomine, generose _homines (1.1). Sic nos emendavimus cum antea in comes, emitto, neque dubito quin eum benigne quibusdam libris prelo excusis Omnes homines, in accepturus sis, cuius rei signa habeo equidem _ aliis vero Omneis homuines legeretur. Secuti autem

permulta eaque non dubia sed illa certissima, sumus cum veterum codicum fidem tum gramquod patriae nostrae cum summa integritate, maticorum auctoritatem ... [cites Charisius and constantia, fide, dignitate atque gloria praesides Priscianus; compares usage with Terence and Viret singulari quadam humanitate ac benevolentia gil]. Ceteris animalibus. Ita omnes fere impressi omnes prosequi soles qui iis artibus studiisque quibuscum consentiunt sex manu scripti codices operam navant, quae nos a primis temporibus ae- _ et Charisius lib. I [p. 139K] . . . [also cites Seneca

tatis summa diligentia curaque coluimus. Vale. and Nonius] .../... [Expl.]: Paululum etiam

Lovanii. spirans (61.4). Ita in veteribus libris legitur vul[There follows the Vita Sallustii by Petrus gatis omnibus reclamantibus in quibus paululum

Crinitus. See I.18 above. | etiam adhuc spirans scriptum est. Sed prior vera

Praefatio [before the Emendationes]. Clarissi- et ingenua est, ut opinor, lectio eamque secutus mo et ornatissimo Igramo ab Achlen Regii Sena- sum.

tus per Phrysiam Praesidi Cyprianus a Popma Editions: Phrysius s. d. [Inc.]: Crispi Sallustii optimi et 1572, (*) 1574, 1579, 1607, (*) 1619. See above,

oe ; omposite Editions.

clarissimi scriptoris libros historiarum vel tempo- C an rum iniuria vel ipsa rerum confectrix vetustas ab-

stulit. Duo dumtaxat opuscula, unum de coniu- Biography: ratione Catilinaria, alterum de bello Iugurthino, Cyprianus Popma (Sybolt van Popma or Popnostram ad aetatem pervenerunt, sed tam multis men) was born at Alst in Friesland (The Nethermendis et quasi maculis inquinata ut saepissime lands) in 1550 and died prematurely at Alst in vix aut ne vix quidem intelligi possint, quod ac- 1582, at the age of thirty-two. He belonged to a cidit magna ex parte superioris aetatis inscitia et distinguished family of scholars and, like his antiquorum verborum ignorantia, quibus cum _ brothers Sixtus, Titus, and Ausonius, studied phihic auctor plurimis uteretur, pro iis imperiti losophy at Cologne and law at Louvain. In addihomines ineptas et horridas dictiones sub- tion to his notes on Sallust, he wrote poetry and stituerunt. Sed huic rei aliquot aetatis nostrae history. (Ausonius Popma’s annotations on frageruditi viri magnam opem attulerunt, qui multa ments of the Historiae were published at Franeker Sallustii loca cum ex vetustis codicibus, tum ex in 1619.)

ingenio etiam et opinione sua emendarunt. Works: Verum tam multa adhuc mutila, trunca et depra- Henrici Mediolanensis libri de controversiis hovata reliquerunt ut si quam operam et industriam — injs et fortunae cum commentariis (Cologne, In 1s repurgandis collocarem, eam studiosis pro- 1570); Historia motuum civilium qui in Frisia sunt batum iri confiderem, sperarem certe aestima- post annum 1570 (lost).

1.27. MARCUS ANTONIUS MURETUS 271 Bibliography: course on Tacitus (1580-81). A few corrections to ADB 26.418 (Gisenhart); Michaud 34.99; the text of the Catilina may be found in editions Moreri (1759), 8.478; A. Gerlo and H. D. L. Vervli- | of Muretus’ Variae lectiones (books 16, 17, 19). et, Bibliographie de VThumanisme des anciens Pays- Muretus’ library contained six printed octavo

Bas (Brussels, 1972), s.v. Popma; Van der Aa_ volumes of Sallust (see Bibliotheca Mureti, Vati15.420-21. On the importance of Popma’s contri- can City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat.

butions to textual criticism and on London, 11562, fol. 76r), including the 1563 Rome British Library, Harley 2460, see L. Canfora, “Per (colophon: 1564) edition with Scholia by Aldus la storia del testo di Sallustio,” in Filologia e forme Manutius Junior (now Rome, Biblioteca Nazioletterarie. Studi offerti a Francesco Della Corte, vol. nale, 68.6.C.17) and the 1576 Florence edition of 2 (Urbino, 1987), 377-98, reprinted in Canfora, the monographs by Petrus Victorius (now Rome, Studi di storia della storiografia romana (Bari, Biblioteca Nazionale, 9.13.A.13), both with manu-

1993), 97-120. script annotations on the monographs in what appears to be his hand. He also had in his posses-

27. Marcus Antonius Muretus sion an annotated manuscript, copied in 1462, of In 1578-79 Muretus gave a course on Sallust at the Catilina and Iugurtha (Vatican City, Bibliotethe Sapienza (the papal university in Rome). The ca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 11429).

inaugural lecture of 1578 was published posthu- Praefatio (ed. of Verona, 1590). Franciscus mously in a collection of Muretus’ orations Bencius Societatis Iesu Scipioni Gonzagae Cardi(Verona, 1590), with a dedicatory preface by his _ nalis. p. d. [Inc.]: Quod facturus fuerat M. Antoformer pupil Franciscus Bencius. Muretus’ prole- _ nius Muretus in edendo posteriore volumine oragomena on history and his notes on the prooemi- _tionum suarum, si adhuc viveret, quod post eius

um of the Catilina were also published posthu- obitum fratris filius summa spe et animi et inmously (Ingolstadt, 1604), with prefaces by the genii adolescens, nisi immatura morte praereptus editor and Muretus’ lecture on Tacitus and notes _fuisset, id mihi viri optimi tibique addictissimi, on Annales 1-6. Earlier (and perhaps original) M. Antonius Lanfrancus et Ludovicus Rivaldus, versions of the inaugural lecture of 1578, the pro- ab hoc instituti heredes ad pias causas, ut facelegomena on history, and the notes on the Catili- rem, et valde quidem ex mea voluntate, perna are preserved in a manuscript at the Biblioteca suaserunt. [Continues on the elegance and erudiApostolica Vaticana (Vat. lat. 11591, fols. 1r-11v). __ tion of Muretus and the virtues of the dedicatee. | References in the published notes of 1604 suggest .../...tot enim extiterunt tuae erga me humanithat these were put into their present form some-__tatis argumenta tamque illustria ut magnopere time after 1580 and, as the editor’s preface to this laetatus sim extitisse tempus quo intelligerent volume indicates, Muretus had not completed omnes, et tu in primis, Bencium Mureti discipu-

them at the time of his death (1585). lum hoc etiam a magistro didicisse, ut in Scipione The inaugural lecture (oratio) explained the Gonzaga Cardinale amando et colendo nemini choice of Sallust’s work, substituted for Aristotle's concedat. Utriusque rei indicium erit novum hoc

Politics at the recommendation of Cardinal Sir- munus, quod tibi, ut renovet memoriam mortul letus, and expounded various definitions of his- _ et declaret voluntatem superstitis, ipsum vero sub

tory. In the introduction (prolegomena) to his umbra tui praesidii numquam intereat, offertur. commentary on the Catilina, Muretus further ex- _ Vale, e Collegio Romano.

patiated on the nature and uses of history—rely- Oratio. Oratio nona. Habita Romae III Non. ing largely upon Cicero’s De oratore and other Novembr. MDLXXVIILI. [Inc.]: Advenit tandem il-

classical sources—and began explicating the lud vobis quoque, ut opinor, auditores, sed mihi prooemium of the monograph. To judge from the _certe exoptatissimum tempus, quo diu iam interfew surviving notes, the commentary probably missas exercitationes nostras et studia, haud facile combined some textual and linguistic analysis dixerim honestatis an suavitatis pleniora, repetawith observations on moral and political philoso- mus. Iuvat hanc mihi circumfusam, incensam ac phy. Considering Muretus’ interest in neo-Attic flagrantem siti bonarum artium, cupidam verae prose and political history, the study of Sallust ac solidae laudis et gloriae, ore ipso atque oculis may also have paved the way for his subsequent omnia me summa sperare de alacritate et indus-

2/2 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE tria sua iubentem lectissimorum adolescentum amantissimi sententia evolvemus et excutiemus coronam intueri; iuvat aspici, iuvat audiri, iuvat una hoc anno, auditores, Sallustium; hoc est eum in talibus ingeniis excolendis quicquid in- scriptorem cui antiquitas historiae Romanae degravescens aetas virium reliquerit collocare ... _ tulit principatum, ad quem cognoscendum, si vos [continues with comments on teaching and on _ parem meae industriam ac diligentiam adferetis, the desirability of varying one’s habits and habi- magnam vim ex eius scriptis cum Deo volente et

tats, and likewise one’s studies]. eloquentiae et sapientiae praeceptorum colligeAtque equidem, auditores, quoniam humanus mus.

animus varietate capitur omniumque prope re- Sed in primis pauca quaedam de historia in rum, ut ait Euripides, iucunda mutatio est [Orest. genere, pauca de Sallustio dicam, quae instituto 234], decrevi hoc anno aliquid vobis huius suavi- nostro non inutiliter praefulciantur ac praemuni-

tatis impertiri et, intermissa paulisper philo- antur. Ac de historia quidem haec: primum quid sophiae severitate, nobilissimi inter Latinos histo- _ sit historia, deinde quam pulchra, quam iucunda

riarum scriptoris lectione vos pascere. Quod quamque utilis sit historiarum cognitio. Tum consilium tum denique sine ulla dubitatione quae sint historiae leges. Postremo in historiarum probabitis, cum ex quo fonte manaverit intel- lectione versantibus quae potissimum observanligetis. Superioribus diebus, cum ad illud non da sint et quomodo in ea re a plerisque peccetur amplissimi tantum ordinis sed huius aetatis sin- ... [continues on definitions of history in the gulare lumen ac decus, Gulielmum Sirletum Car- Rhetorica ad Herennium and Cicero’s De invendinalem, venissem, coepit ille me, ut solet, de tione; gives examples of “contemporary history” studiis meis humanissime interrogare. Cui cum in Thucydides, Xenophon, Sallust et al.; formu-

pauca pro tempore respondissem, procedente lates his own definition of history]. Atque haec sermone, quaesiit etiam ex me, quid vobis hoc cum ita sint, historiae tamen nomen in hac disanno proponere atque explicare meditarer. Re- putatione non tam late accipimus sed vim illius spondi me in ipsius potestate et semper fuisse et angustioribus terminis concludentes, ita definiensemper fore, et hac quoque in re totum ex ipsius dam historiam putamus: Historia est rerum pub-

nutu atque auctoritate pendere, atque id demum lice gestarum diffusa et continuata narratio. mihi factu optimum atque utilissimum visum iri Neque quidquam interesse arbitramur ad hoc quod ipso auctore et tamquam auspice gereretur. quidem ut historia sit, sintne res illae remotae ab Tum ille: Quando, inquit, superioris anni cur- aetatis nostrae memoria an minus, et num is qui riculum in Aristotelis Politicis consumpsisti, non eas scribit eis interfuerit an non interfuerit.... alienum fuerit hoc anno aliquid paulo levioris Si quis dicat ad fidem et auctoritatem historiae operae assumere. Nam neque omnes ii quorum te _conciliandam interesse, scribat quis ea quae ipse

commodis servire oportet capaces sunt tam ardu- viderit ac cognoverit an quae ab aliis tradita arum disputationum, et a plerisque impetrari acceperit, non negabo; si, ut vere ac proprie histonon potest ut graecas litteras ament, et sunt qui ria sit, horum utrumlibet requiri dixerit, peranni principio ad dimidiatos libros, tamquam ad negabo. Nunc singulas propositae definitionis delibatas ab aliis ac prope semesas epulas, non _ partes minutatim consideremus.

libenter accedant. Quare auctor tibi sum ut Historia est narratio rerum gestarum. Omnes aliquem historicum sumas ac, si me audis, non _ igitur fabulae excluduntur. Neque enim continent alium potius quam Sallustium. Nam et egregie la-__ res gestas sed ad eius qui scripsit libidinem fictas

tine loquitur, et gravis ac densus est, et civilis ... [continues with examples of legendary or sapientiae plenus et, quod tu quanti facias scio, semi-fictitious accounts; distinguishes between Thucydideus, et, ut exiguus liber est, paucis illum history and biography]. mensibus totum explicare facile poteris. Ego vero, Videtis igitur, quae sit quasi seges ac materia

inquam, libentissime parebo auctoritati tuae historiae propria: bella, paces, indutiae, foedera, neque umquam committam ut quacumque de re __seditiones, tumultus, leges, iudicia, commutasententiam tuam cognovero, de ea mihi amplius _tiones rerum publicarum et quae sunt eiusdem quaerendum ac dubitandum putem. Quod igitur generis, qualia apud Herodotum, Thucydidem, faustum felixque sit, de summi in omni genere Xenophontem, Polybium, Dionysium Halicarlaudandarum artium viri et nostrum omnium nasseum, Sallustium, Livium, Diodorum Sicu-

I.27,. MARCUS ANTONIUS MURETUS 273 lum, Cornelium Tacitum, Appianum, Ammi- praises of the dedicatee.| .../... [Expl.]: Probianum Marcellinum, Dionem Cocceium et eius- tatis enim atque eruditionis quasi biga invectus modi alios leguntur, quos vere ac merito pos- recta veheris et fereris, cum ad nominis peren-

sumus historiarum scriptores nominare. At nem famam et gloriam, tum ad immortalem iltonderi diligenter ac radi aut velli etiam solitum lam vitam, omnis virtutis unice expetendum Caesarem et semper cingi supra latum clavum, et praemium cursusque huius et peregrinationis Octavianum mense Decembri totos dies talis lu- supremum terminum. Vale. Ingolstadii. Kal. sisse et similia eius sunt qui vitam alicuius, non April. M.D.CIV. [See CTC 6.126-28.]

qui historiam scribat. Dedicatory poem (in hendecasyllabics). In No-

Addidi in definitione historiae eam esse non’ tas M. Ant. Mureti ad Salustium. Illustrissimo

narrationem modo, sed diffusam et continuatam _principi comiti Philippo Arenbergico. [ Inc.]: Mu-

narrationem ... [continues with examples from sis nate Philippe gratiisque, // Flos inter various historians; distinguishes history from bre- comitesque principesque;.../...[Expl.]: Hostes

viaria and collections of exempla]. coepimus esse, non perennes: // Crispo parcite Probasse me vobis arbitror quod principio po- _Tullioque linguae, // Sentitis bene convenire nosueram, historiam esse rerum publice gestarum bis. [See CTC 6.128]. diffusam et continuatam narrationem. Cetera, de Commentary. M. Antonii Mureti in Sallustium quibus dicere institueram, sunt autem haec: de Notae et in prooemium Coniurationis Catilinarilegibus in historia servandis, de pulchritudine, ae Scholia. [Inc.|]: De historia prolegomena. Lisuavitate, utilitate historiae, tum quid praecipue brum de coniuratione Catilinae explicare ingresobservare debeant qui historias legunt: ea igitur sus, quinque mihi capita initio tractanda suscepi. et de ipso Sallustio quaedam cognitu digna, ne et Unum, quid Historia; alterum, quae historiae vobis molestiae et aliis impedimento sim, in cras- __leges.

tinum differentur. III. De suavitate et fructu historiarum.

Non dubito, L. C. V. P., quin quicunque te huc IV. Quae praecipue observanda in historiis honoris mei causa venisse vident et humanitatem _legendis et quomodo in eo a plerisque peccetur.

erga me tuam admirentur, et me tibi plurimum Postremo de Sallustio pauca dicam, nisi temeo nomine debere arbitrentur [continues in ad- _poris angustiis exclusus vela colligere cogar ... dress of a presider?] .../... [Expl.]: Mihi iam [continues with a discussion of the points menpridem adempta ac praecisa spes omnis est tioned above]. quidquam excogitandi, quod tuis erga me innu- De Crispo vero Sallustio quid attinet dicere? merabilibus meritis ulla ex parte respondeat. Nimirum quod de Carthagine in Iugurthino bello Praefatio (to Commentary, ed. of Ingolstadt, idem usurpavit: silere melius esse quam pauca 1604). Illustrissimo Domino Philippo Principiac dicere [BI 19.2]. Colligam tamen tamquam per Comiti Arenbergio, Baroni Sevenbergae, etc. Satiram veterum iudicia atque elogia ut quo in [Inc.]: Adfero tibi, illustrissime Comes, M. Anto- pretio esse debeat veterum commendatione dis-

nium Muretum. Nec periculum est fore ut cat iuventus etc. Restat ut ad eius explanationem quaeras quid hominis Muretus.... [There fol- veniamus. lows a tabella by Andreas Schottus on Muretus’ [Scholia.| In Catilinariae coniurationis life, character, and learning.|] En, illustrissime prooemium. [Inc.]: Omnis homines (1.1). Fabius

Comes, talis ac tantus vir fuit Muretus, inter sae- lib. 3: Crispus (inquit) Sallustius in bello culi nostri ornamenta ex praecipuis unum, cuius _Tugurthino et Catilinario nihil ad historiam pertiin Tacitum et Salustium commentarios, vel potius nentibus principtis usus est [Quint., Inst. 3.8.9]. notas et observationes, nunc tandem in publicum Quod tamen ipsemet eum Isocratis et Gorgiae proferimus post tot a funere auctoris annos: quae Leontini exemplo fecisse dicit, et multa in philolonge meliores, ornatiores, uberiores e locuple- sophicis Ciceronis libris principia reperientur tiores in manus eruditorum venissent, si Mureto quae cum ea re, de qua in quoque libro dispudiuturnior vita obtigisset. Qualescunque tamen tatur, nihil omnino commune habeant. Ex quo sint, dignae non erant diutius latere, multo minus constatare potest neque semper vitiosum esse tale

perire. Sat splendoris et ornatus habent vel ab principiorum genus, et in Sallustio notandum ipso Mureti clarissimo nomine. [Continues with potius et observandum quam temere culpandum

PS ) 3 Pp oqe &¢ eye e e 8 P

274 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE

videri. Ipsam potius huius principii oeconomiam 1739, Venetiis (Venice): apud Josephum Boruniverse primum, deinde per partes considere- toli. Orations, letters, and prefaces of Muretus mus. Omnis homines (1.1). Propositum Sallustio (“vol. 2”, of which Oratio X is the inaugural lec-

eqe*PP

est ostendere quae se causa potissimum impulerit — ture of 1578, dated 1579). NUC. BNF; (ICU; OCX;

ut ad scribendam historiam accederet .../... CaOTU).

[Expl.]: Nobili genere (5.1). P. Cornelius Dolabella 1789, Lugduni Batavorum (Leiden): apud et nobilis, ut Cicero 2 Philippica [Phil. 1.12.29], Samuel. et Johannem Luchtmans. The Opera omubi vide quae olim annotavimus. In Milonia nia of Muretus, ed. David Ruhnken, 4 vols.; vol. [718]: Homo enim nobilis in suis monumentis 1.275-83 contains the inaugural lecture of 1578 equitem Romanum occiderat.... Et in |. 2 de (Oratio X); vol. 4.173-87 contains his Notae on the origine iuris exstat dictum Q. Muciiad Ser. Sulpi- _ Catilina. NUC. BL; BNF; (CtY; ICU; NIC). tium [Just., Dig. 1.2.2.43, in Sex. Pompontus, De 1834~41, Lipsiae (Leipzig): sumptus fecit et origine iuris|: turpe esse patricio et ei nobili et | venumdat Serigiana Libraria. The Opera omnia of causas oranti ius in quo versaretur ignorare. Vas- Muretus, ed. K. H. Frotscher, with the notes of

g ; turp Pp 8 UP

MM UUSEs 218 x. Fompon) P WIP ZIS P |

tus (5.5) ToAUTpoTIOS. Satis loquentiae (5.4). Alii David Ruhnken, 3 vols.; vol. 1.358—65 contains the

eloquentiae legunt. Vide Gellium cap. 15 lib. 1. inaugural lecture of 1578 (Oratio X, dated 1577).

Manuscript: NUC. BL; BNF; (CtY; MiU; CaOTU). Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1871-73, Lipsiae (Leipzig): Teubner. Scripta seVat. lat. 11591, s. XVI, fols. ar—t1v (much dam- lecta of Muretus, 2 vols.; vol. 1 contains the inau-

aged). Inaugural lecture of 1578, Prolegomena on pura pie) of 1578 (Oratio XIII). NUC. BL;

a Biography: Selected editions:

history, and Notae on the Catilina.

1590, Veronae (Verona): apud Hierony(mum) see CIC 11047105 (Biography, 105) (AlexanDiscipulum. Orations of Muretus (“volumen se- der A phrodisiensis); 6125-29 (Biography, 129)

cundum’, of which Oratio IX, “Interpretaturus C. acres) ane fie Can iaynopnen) and Sallustium de coniuratione’, is the inaugural lec- 200-04 \DIOBTAaPNYs 204) Warnes):

ture of 1578). BAV (this edition is bound with _ a4 ; , “vol. 1” of Muretus’ orations [Venetiis (Venice) Add to Bibliograp hy: Bibli otheca Mureti (Vattapud Aldum, 1575]) > can City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. (*) 1591 Venetiis (Venice): apud E. Franciscum 11562, which lists the copies of Sallust in Muretus’

Senensem. Orations of Muretus “vol. 2”, which library); Centuriag latinae. Cent une figures humay contain the inaugural lecture of 1578). BNE manistes de la Renaissance aux Lumieres offertes a

y aus . "Jacques Chomarat, ed. C. Nativel, Travaux d’Hu1595, Ingolstadii (Ingolstadt): ex Officina Ty- t Rena; (G

pographica Davidis Sartorii. Orations of Muretus ss (C M vchel):. DE 314 d Shae neh (“vol. 2”, of which Oratio X is the inaugural lec- ae » Mouchel); LEurope des NumMmanistes,

ture of 1578). (This edition, bound with the 1596 on cor: , edition of “vol. 1” of Muretus’ orations, letters, ) Blansdort ‘ Die Verwandlung der senecanland poems, was kindly brought to our attention schen Tragodie in Marc-Antoine Murets J ultus by Carol Valone ) BNE; Rome, Biblioteca Valli- Caesar,” International Journal of the Classical Tra-

«tena yn dition 1.2 (1994) 58-74; E. S. Ginsberg, “Change 1604, Ingolstadii (Ingolstadt): ex typographia anc corneas ” They en h enesance:

Adamis Sartorii. Prolegomena on history, and No- Urer an NONSATCs Ne JOUNG of Medieval an tae on the Catilina, with Muretus’ inaugural lec- Renaissance Studies 16 (1986) 91-102, and refertures of 1580-81 and notes on the Annales of Taci- ences i the following works: M. Fumaroli, Lage

tus. BNF: BAV. de éloquence. Rhétorique et ‘res literaria de la Re1672, Lipsiae (Leipzig): sumptibus Joh. Grossi naissance au seuil de l’époque classique (Geneva, et soci. Literis Christiani Michaelis. Orations, let- 80; 2d ed., Paris, ca. 19 94); Prosateuts latins en ters, and poems of Muretus, ed. Jacobus Thoma- France au XVIe siécle (P als, 19 87)» 497-531 (biblisius (“vol. 2”, of which Oratio XIII is the inaugu- ography, 499); P. Renzi, I libri del mestiere. La Br-

ral lecture of 1 8). BL; BNE; (CaOTU) bliotheca Mureti del Collegio Romano (Siena, 1993)

279). 2” (with bibliography by F. Delage [1910]); A. Spotti,

1.28. JANUS MELLERUS PALMERIUS 275 “Guida storica ai fondi manoscritti della Bibliote- diis tuis aequis librum e turba utendum abstuca Nazionale Centrale ‘Vittorio Emanuele IP di _ leris, si hoc tantum, diem non repraesentes, quiriRoma,” Pluteus 4-5 (1986-87) 359-86 (see“Fondo tantur, clamant deum atque hominum fidem, gesuitico”); J. H. Waszink, “Lo sviluppo della flagitium, facinus, perfidiam, quicquid ipsis filologia nei Paesi Bassi del Nord dalla morte di _libuit, vocant. At ubi aequum bonum? Tu mihi Erasmo fino alla morte dello Scaligero,”” Annali quo iure, qua iniuria publicum occuparis atque id della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, 3d Ser.,8 _ licere tibi postules praeter te nemini? Sed de ho(1978) 97-133; B. Weinberg, A History of Literary rum hominum, audebo dicere, scelere, non adCriticism in the Italian Renaissance, 2 vols. dam ne lacessivisse convicia videar, et quia pri-

(Chicago, 1961), see Index. dem sunt, ut scire potes, Duzae nostri Hipponacteo praeconio addicti ad te ibam, claris-

28. Janus Mellerus Palmerius sime Sambuce, dignissimum, qui omnibus, quanThe Spicilegia on the Catilina and Iugurtha tum est, poétis carmen esses. Nam quis, 0 dii, were notes written seemingly at random on the bonum hoc hominum generi dedit? Tantum optitwo monographs and published for the first time morum codicum vim acervasse laborantibus ac in 1580 together with the author’s corrections, ex- diu extremum spiritum trahentibus musis plications, and observations on the texts of sever- remedium fuit; contulisse, adnotasse, emisisse, al other Roman authors. The collection, dedicated vita; quid communicasse? Itaque ergo paucas ad to Johannes Crato of Crafftheim, was introduced Sallustium notas misi, paucas ut hic fabulator erby poems of Hieronymus Berchemius, Johannes rat tibi sat scio, nimium quam multae videbuntur Posthius, Franciscus Modius Brugensis, and Janus nimirum. Gulielmus Lubecensis. The notes on Sallust, dedi- Si cated to the Hungarian scholar Johannes Sambu- Maeno mittere Passerem Maroni

. ic quondam tener ausus est Catullus

cus, consisted chiefly of proposed iM ; art., emendations. Ep. 4.14.13-14]

These changes were based upon readings in a number of manuscripts reported by Berchemius, De libris antiquis ne ignores nullum inspexi: tres Modius, and Lubecensis and referred to as the in totidem abbatiis repertos et accuratissime a se codices Thosanus, Bertinianus, and Sigebergen- _collatos Franciscus Modius Brugensis, adolescens

sis, the manuscripts of Modius, Brunnius, and doctus, quem de edito Curtio nosse potes, Stanaeus, and the Fragmentum Coloniense. Also mecum communicavit; unum Sigebergensem used were readings in the printed editions of Al- mea causa diligenter legit amicus meus loannes dus Pius Manutius and Petrus Victorius and the Guilhelmus Lubecensis; reliqui domi C. Hieronycommentaries of Laurentius Valla, Jodocus Ba- mi Berchemi fuerunt. dius Ascensius, and Henricus Glareanus. Com- Commentary. [Inc.]: (fol. 24r) Principio ergo paring aspects of language and style, Mellerus de coniuratione Catilinae: Omnis homines qui sese also called attention to Sallustian influences in student praestare ceteris animalibus summa ope Tacitus. Sigebertus Havercampus reestablished niti decet ne vitam silentio transigant (1.1). Lego the order of the notes according to their sequence —_transeant. Qui aliter excudunt vim vocabuli non in the monographs (“maiori commodo et emolu- _assequuntur. Probabit pro me Cornelius Tacitus mento” of the reader) in his 1742 edition of Sal- in vita Agricolae [6.3]: Mox inter quaesturam ac

lust’s opera. tribunatum plebis atque etiam ipsum tribunatus Praefatio (ed. of Frankfurt, 1580). Emendatus annum quiete et otio transit, gnarus sub Nerone multis locis Sallustius. V. cl. Io. Sambuco Tir- temporum, quibus inertia pro sapientia fuit. Linaviensi Pannonio. [Inc.]: Verum est, Sambuce, quet mihi affirmare hunc Sallustii locum Tacitus quibus hoc primum hoc postremum fuit ut ve- _ respexit et eum qui mox est: indoctt incultique vitustos codices, qua cuique proximum esset, an- tam sicut peregrinantes transtre (BC 2.8). Neque

quirerent, viam ad iuvandas litteras unicam in- ergo inertes agunt vitam, verius transeunt stiterunt; ita, si etiam communicant, ne isti .../...[Expl.]: (fol. 30v) De supplicio coniuradictum pro se putent qui antiquos libros habent torum: est locus, inquit, in carcere quod Tullianum atque id hactenus uti neque sciunt ipsi neque qui appellatur, ubi paululum ascenderis ad laevam .. . sciant facile patiuntur; hoc primum; deinde, cum sed inculta tenebris, odore foeda atque terribilis

276 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE eius facies est (55.3). Emendandum e Thosano: ubi Plauti, Terentii, Properti, Petron Arbitri, tum paululum ascenderis ad laevam circiter XII pedes fragmenta apud Marcellum, multa Corneliu Tactti, depressus ... sed incultu, tenebris, odore foeda, quaedam etiam Catulli et aliorum scriptorum alias atque terribilis eius facies est. Incultu quidem in conclamata tentantur primum aut impari ausu illo libro scriptum non fuit, sed ita suspicione atque successu tentata iam ante cum dus volentibus feci, invitante concinnitate ipsa orationis. Nam si emaculantur.. . (Frankfurt, 1580).

. _e ibliography:

quid tertium cum illo terribilis iungeretur, videri Bibli

poterat Sallustii.... [The notes allRoersch, VE ; “Ou “> , uroperemaining des humanistes, 333; A.

deal, with the Jugurtha, with the exception of the so?5 (1901) re naquit J.-M. Palmerius?” Le musée belge following two passages from the Catilina on fols. 28-30: Moreri (1759), 8.39; Pékel 199; Van der Aa

43v and 44v:| Libro de Catilinae coniuratione: 15.68 ‘ aoe ,

ipse equo circumiens . . . (59 5). .. [and close to F. Modius, Epistola 26 to I. Palmerius and the end ofJem the notes:] In oratione Caesaris. De ; we ; di (51,20) Epistola 77 to H. Berchemius (with “Versus epi-

POeNG POSSUM GUIGEI GICETE. « \S120).« « « taphii in obitum Jani Palmerii Melleri”), Novantt-

Editions: quae lectiones, in Lampas stve Fax artium liberalt1580, Frankfurt. See above, Composite Edi- um, hoc est Thesaurus criticus, ed. 1. Gruterus, vol.

tions. 5 (Frankfurt, 1605); C. Scioppius, De arte critica 1604, Francofurti (Frankfurt): I. Rhodii. In ... commentariolus (Nuremberg, 1597) and Libri Lampas sive Fax artium liberalium, hoc est The- quatuor in quibus multa veterum scriptorum loca saurus criticus, ed. I. Gruterus, 4.629-56. NUC. ... emendantur, augentur, inlustrantur (Amster-

BL; BNF; (CtY; ICU). dam, 1662). 1607. See above, Composite Editions.

1677, Lugduni Batavorum (Leiden): ex Offici- 29. Petrus Ciacconius na Hackiana. With the opera of Sallust. Schweiger Ciacconius’ brief Notae in Sallustium on se-

2.879; NUC. BL; (CtY; MiU). lected passages of the opera were published 1690, Amstelodami (Amsterdam): ex officina posthumously at Leiden in 1594 (thirteen years H. et viduae T. Boom. Schweiger 2.879; NUC. BL; after his death at Rome) by Franciscus Raphe-

Biography: . . ; ee

(MH; MiV). lengius at the Plantin Press. They may have been

; compiled in the 1570s, at the time when Ciacco; nius was collaborating with Fulvius Janus Mellerus Palmerius (possibly Meller orUrsinus ; mi: in a . . . Rome on various editions and commentaries; in Palmier), philologist and poet, may have been ; ,; : ae .. fact, the notes mention a liber perantiquus F. Urst-;

born in Cologne orLathe vicinity, than litteris in ~. scripti A, oelibri, ae died: ni and duorather Longobardicis

Bourges or Bruges, oftenalso stated; he diedininUrsinus’ 1582. ; ;library, 54! as 4: . “y-¢. Whichasmay have been He studied in Bamberg and spent most of his life : . well as notes by Adrianus Turnebus and the

in Germany, although he traveled to Basel, Lei;. emendations of Aldus Manutius Junior and Latiden,. and England. It appears that he was on close ; : ; nus Latinius. In anleading accompanying dedicatory and terms with scholars of theas. .“sae-,let- 4friendly : ; ter, Andreas Schottus praised Ciacconius

period including Janusalter Gulielmus, Hugo Blotius, , 3 ae of é ; culi nostri Varro”, commended his editing Janus Dousa, Hieronymus Berchemius, and Jo; ; ; Pliny the Elder, Varro’s De re rustica, and Sallust, hannes Posthius, as well as the Hungarian Jo- ; ; and in regard to his notes on the latter, called athannes Sambucus (see CTC 2.36-37) whom he ; sgstudy ; . ; tention to Ciacconius’ carefultocomparative dedicated his notes on Sallust, and Franciscus

: ;honored of the language and stylehis of Cato the Elder, Sallust Modius, who him after death with ma.in rs ; (who had imitated Cato), and Tacitus (who elegies (in Novantiquae lectiones of 1584). Caspar OT . turn(see hadCTC borrowed from and Sallust). In a second Scioppius 4.446—-50 3.336-37) citedin; ; "aor contributions .’".~ 1. preface to to the reader, Raphelengius Mellerus’ textual studies in his ; .referred sy

De arte critica of 1597 less flattering terms to Ciacconius’ Adnotata,

which were not up to the level, he believed, of his

Works: . - work on Pliny, and criticized his casual methods Spicilegiorum Ian. Melleri Palmerii Commen- of emendation and the inferior texts he had used. tarius primus, quibus pleraque Sallustii, Lucretit, The notes had been left as they were received, but

1.29. PETRUS CIACCONIUS 277 some passages had been excised; the accompany- from Thucydides and Demosthenes, citations of ing text, edited by Carrio, had been published by ancient testimonia, and praises of Ciacconius|

Christophorus Plantinus, Franciscus Raphe- .../... [Expl.]: Vivet itaque Ciacconius in ani-

lengius’ father-in-law, in 1579. mis posterorum si, ut spero et opto, M. Varronis Praefatio (ed. of Leiden, 1594). Iosepho Agricultura et C. Plinii maioris vastum Naturae Stephano ex Episcopo Vestano Valentinae Ecclesi- opus ab eo illustratum aliquando lucem accipiet. ae Decano Andreas Schottus s. p. d. [Inc.]: Quoni- | Certe memoriam illius excipient omnes anni conam vita ipsa qua fruimur brevis est, memoriam sequentes, in quo omine desino. Vale.

nostri quam maxime longam efficere rectius est [Following are Ciacconius’ epitaph (Romae, (BC 1.3). Liceat enim mihi iisdem verbis appellare ad Divum Jacobum [1581]) and a eulogy of Ciac-

te, doctissime Stephane, quibus olim usus est conius by Latinus Latinius Viterbiensis. quem tibi nunc velut depositum fide bona reddo Lectori. Fr. Raphelengius lectori. [Inc.]: AdnoSallustius, Historiae facile princeps, a Petro Ciac- tata ab eruditissimo viro, P. Ciacconio, ad C. Sal-

conio egregie emendatus. Qui, ut saeculi nostri lustium vulgamus, benevole lector. Suasit hoc alter Varro iure optimo est appellatus, sic et gemi- fama viri, meruit doctrina qua et istam meruit. nam huic Sallustianae Varronis sententiam et tan- Adnotata voco, nam ut serioris haec illi curae quam ex tripode pronuntiatum oraculum viTaM _ fuerint non crediderim; aliud agentis potius (priLEGENDO SCRIBENDOQUE PROCUDITO et ser- ma illi semper, uti accepimus, Plinii maioris vavit ipse egregie ut se vixisse posteris testatum emendatio erat) ludicra et per occasionem adfaceret et aliis exemplum iuvandae rei litterariae scripta suae memoriae. At si his studium impenreliquit sempiternum ... [praises Ciacconius’ sius intendere lubido fuisset, multo haec pulcheremendations of Pliny, then compares his work on _ rima haberemus. Quod ipso dignum sit, loquor; Varro’s De re rustica with that on Sallust; see ref- nam vel istis similia dare non possit quilibet. Edi-

erences to CTC 4 in the Biography below for mus autem qualia nacti, nisi quod quaedam Ciacconius’ work on Pliny and Varro]. Utrumque omisimus, quibus loca nonnulla emendabat, aut e

diligentissime emendavit; illum, quidem, quis coniectura aut e libro ad eum modum quo excredat? Post Victorium et Scaligerum, bone Deus, cusa. Nec enim editionem L. Carrionis viderat,

quales viros?’ Hunc_ vero historicorum tantum Lugdunensem forma minori. Quaedam coryphaeum post tot tantorumque virorum in- tamen reliquimus etiam, qua ut minimum viri dustriam, Rivii, Manutii, Carrionis, Popmae, alio- industriae derogaretur, qua firmandae noviter rerum—ut enim Catonis de Latinis aemulum fuisse ceptae lectionis. Multus est in collatione Taciti

hoc epigrammate didicerat Ciacconius: Et verba cum Sallustio, sed usus tantum veteri editione

antiqui multum furate Catonis, // Crispe, ante distributum in Annales et Historias opus Iugurthinae conditor historiae [Quint., Inst. atque hoc mutavimus bono legentium. Contex8.3.29], sic ab illo vicissim stilum esse mutuatum tum servavimus quem socer Plantinus ex emenCornelium Tacitum observarat. Hos itaque dili- datione Carrionis excudit anno 1579. Sed cum se-

genter horis subsecivis inter se contendit et per- riem paginarum istius editionis sequi non antiquos codices nactus Romae in orbis luce potuerimus, quod per bella non omnia ex volunsumma fide accurationeque comparavit. Cor- tate suppeditant, numeros nihilominus in marnelius enim Crispi summus admirator (ut et ginibus adnotari curavimus uti et huic editioni Sulpicius Severus et noster Aurelius Victor his- respondere possint Scholia Dousae, Popmae, torici non insuper habendi) eum in deliciis Rivii, Carrionis atque aliorum quae seorsum habuit et de manibus, ut apparet, non deponebat; habentur. Eadem in Rerum Indice numeros anverum, ut quod sentio dicam, concisam illam tiquos reliquimus, nam aliter est in novo quem Crispi brevitatem non cuivis obviam promp- iam adfinximus Locutionum Sallustianarum. Netamque, natura non perinde felici praeditus, con- _cessitudo nos subigit facere, benevole lector, quo sequi non potuit, ut non in affine vitium ut fieri alios pellicit profunda avaritia. Subsessores istos amat obscuritatis inciderit. Brevis esse laboro, ob- _librorum ab aliis magnis sumptibus editorum tyscurus fio [Hor., Ars 25]: cetera prudentissimus, pographos intellego, inclutae nostrae artis deho-

me hercle, scriptor, et qui Civilem egregie in- nestamenta. Qui numeros istiusmodi ad oras formet [continues with observations on history apponere, magno lectori incommodo, quam tanand rhetoric, examples of Sallust’s borrowings _ tillos sumptus Indici ipsi recognoscendo facere

278 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE malunt. Homines cetera stolidi, quibus una lucri expand upon many of the same notes that apcura, boni honestique incuria, dubium ignaviores peared in Ciacconius’ commentary, which sugan avariores. Sed vivimus et vivit Deus qui te gests that the two scholars had been working to-

servet. gether in Rome (see I.29 above). In commenting

Commentary. In C. Sallustium Notae Petri on the text and comparing various readings, UrsiCiacconii Toletani. In Coniurationem Catilinae. nus relied chiefly on an (unidentified) vetus codex [Inc.]: Omnis homines (1.1). Varro Caprino proe- in his own library. He cites parallel passages in lio: Nam virtutem propriam mortalibus fecit, Greek and Roman authors, particularly Thucydicetera promiscue voluit communia habere [Men. des and Tacitus, and draws upon numismatic and 71.1-2]. Divitiarum et formae gloria fluxa (1.4). Ve- epigraphic evidence. tus codex gratia habet, non gloria, ut in pag. 48: A number of Sallust manuscripts from Fulvius salutare plebem et conviviis gratiam quaerere [BI Ursinus’ collection are found in the Biblioteca 4.3] cum in aliis ibi quoque legatur gloria. Et Apostolica Vaticana (Vat. lat. 3325, 3326, 3327, and Apuleius qui Sallustium pluribus locis solet imi- 3328; see P. de Nolhac, La bibliothéque de Fulvio tari Apolog. 2 [73.4]: Si haec reputans formae aut Orsini | Paris, 1887; rpt. Geneva, 1976], 274-77). Aldivitiarum gratia, quamvis gratia ibi pro causa dus Manutius Junior mentions an antiquissimus posita sit... /...[Expl.]: Inter hostium cadavera Fulvii liber that he consulted while preparing his (61.4). Servius [In Aen. 1.488] inter hostilia cada- Scholia on Sallust, as does Ciacconius. Ursinus vera legisse videtur, ut paulo infra (61.8). Paulu- also owned a copy of the 1481 Venice edition of lum adhuc spirans. Meus liber non habet adhuc, Sallust annotated by a student of Pomponius Laeforte et dum. Nam strenuissimus quisque (61.7). _ tus (Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Inc. II. 111; see

anuscripts: ) 4: :

Meus liber: Strenuus quisque. II.12 below), and a copy of the Florence (Giunta)

M, a edition of 1503 contains notes said to be in Ursiae “Ly: nus hand (Florence, Biblioteca Medicea LaurenCopenhagen, Universitetsbiblioteket, Arna- ‘ana. Ant. 2 ’

magnaeanske Institut, AM 828 4to, s. XVI, fols, “@0& “47 279.297.

.; : Commentary (ed. ofnotes Antwerp, 125r—129Vv. Petrus Ciacconius, autograph, on i wye 1595). Notae ad Sallustii Bellum Catilinae. [Inc.|]: Alterum cum

the opera (fols. 89r-145v). 1: ; beluis commune est (1.2). Varro Caprino proelio Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, Dabsimili 44, fols. , ; on ; ; apud Nonium videtur V non sententia u—47r. Notes Fulvius Ursinus,propriam drawn from ;; . « usus, cumofait: Nam virtutem mortaliCiacconius. See I.30 below, and V. Brown, “Cae- ; ; sar” CTC 3.119-21 and “Varro” CTC 4.491-93 bus fecit, cetera promiscua voluit communia ' , habere [| Men. 71.1-2]. Nam divitiarum et formae

Editions: . gloria (1.4). Vetus codex pro gloria habet gratia,

1594, 1602, 1607. See above, Composite Edi- tum hic tum infra, ubi est: Salutare plebem et con-

tions. vivits gloriam quaerere (BI 4.3). Nam ibi in vetere

Biography: codice scriptum planum est gratiam non gloriam

See CIC 3.119-21 (Biography, 121) (Caesar); + °° {continues wit citations rom pacuvius 4.416 (Plinius), and 484-86 and 491-93 (Varro); (apu Nonium) and Apuleius] ... sed ibi gratia

;.279 (Pomponius Mela). pro causa positum est.../... [Expl.|: Equo cir-

cumiens unumquemque nominans (59.5). Vetus

Add to Bibliography: LEurope des humanistes, codex Equo ot hoctilie ema nominans. Et

112; D. Rubio, Classical Scholarship in Spain vod ee inter d ae s cae is {I (ea) ABB el

D.C., infra 1934), 58-59. modo legisse videtur Servius [In(61.8). Aen. 1.488]; e (Washineton, 934), 58-59 volventes hostilia cadavera Item

30. Fulvius Ursinus pauliulum etant spirans (61.4) etc. sine voce ad-

The Notae of Ursinus on various passages of /¥G quam non habet vetus codex. Sallust’s opera were first printed in 1595, along Manuscripts: with his annotations on Caesar, Livy, Velleius Pa- Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, V D 44, fols. terculus, Tacitus, Suetonius et al., and his edition 1r—47r (fols. 1r-11v on the BC). Notes of Fulvius of the fragmenta historicorum, a collection of Ursinus, drawn from Ciacconius. See I.29 above, fragments from Roman historians compiled by and V. Brown, “Caesar,” CTC 3.120 and “Varro,” Antonius Augustinus. The annotations on Sallust CTC 4.492.

I.31. CHRISTOPHORUS COLERUS 279 Editions: Ursinus, Petrus Victorius, Antonius Riccobonus, 1595, 1607. See above, Composite Editions. Ludovicus Carrio et al. He also cites the Codex

Biography: Rittershusianus, liber Pirckhemeri, and emenda491-94 (Varro) sionally, he includes comments on historical or See CTC 4.235-37 (Biography, 237) (Cato) and tions proposed by Turnebus and Lipsius. Occaantiquarian topics.

Add to Bibliography: Cosenza 5817-18: J Colerus was especially eager to propagate Sal-

C lly J grap f - TMustri ? (p 7” Tust’s work and promote his reputation as histori1 509), OH. rages, of ‘ Tiustrious tes, a9) B an, political thinker, and stylist, and in 1598 he Feet Py Bibtiothonue Farnoce Etude des ranam, bad already published at Altdorf his Sallustius sive

deat 4 - _ De historia veteri oratio. In the dedicatory epistle

scrits latins et en langue vernaculaire (Rome, 1982); introducing his commentary of 1599 on the Bella J. H. Jo ngkees, Fulvio Orsints imagines and the and Historiarum fragmenta, he elaborated on Sal-

Portrait of Aristotle, Archaeologica traiectina 4 |) >. merits as both writer and historian and

(Groningen. 1960); 3-165 J ‘ Martin, The carnese comparing him with Tacitus, stressed the greater allery (Princeton, 1965), 39f., 46, etc.; F Nicolai, relevance of his work to all forms and stages of

Pier Vettori (149 9150 \ Worence and eee government. Sallust’s importance as a source of

“9 2D)» 288895 Palio ‘Orsini? elon political wisdom was further illustrated in the 2 % lovie et Phistoire. Ecol , deR g Notae politicae to the Epistulae (Hamburg, 1599) 4 1884) nee 4c Nahas “Hy tr vclecie de a and in a letter of 1601, De studio politico ordinan-

es 5 Pe do epistola, addressed to Stanislaus Zelenius Vitel-

ture au XVIe siécle. Les collections de Fulvio lis de Zelanka, a young Polish nobleman. Here

Orsini,’ Gazette des Beaux-Arts 29 (1884) 427-36; a, , C. Riebesell, Die Sammlung des Kardinal Alessan- et Comparing Sallust with Thucydides, he com dro Farnese. Ein ‘studio’ fiir Ktinstler und Gelehrte tis humani. Cernis quam oie et a dus rie ipse

(Weinheim, 1989); C. Robertson, ‘I] Gran Cardi- ae i nale’: Alessandro Farnese, Patron of the Arts (New nutas colligam istas saltim pongintinem, ela

Haven Vi ae . which L. D. Reynolds in- Catilinarium memoriter tenes, sed frustra nisi

ludes ; hi lis £ ib . . q Ont d consideras profundam illius viri rei publicae sci-

Cludes In Nis Uist OF Wort ntegri (ed. ore 199) entiam quam ille vel breviculo illo libello prodixiii), see also L. Canfora, “Per la storia del testo di dit Non minori arte Bellum Iugurthinum con

llustio,” Studi, 107- , , SV. 1- : ; . ;

Sa sO awe Vat te (1.26 above, sv wen fecit. Duae illae Epistolae de re publica ordinanda ‘boy ~E .. Lo ow The Boros ny ’ Soy ; ot. "A Es ad Caesarem, nonne caelo delapsae videntur?”

ral © a ; Praefatio (ed. of Nuremberg, 1599). Ad nobilis-

oo. of the Sout Talhan Minuscule 2d oc vol °> simum M srnplisstmum Senate Nottbergensem "ew any dvol ey en faihe, + chit ooraph . Christophori Coleri praefatio. | Inc.]: Nobilissimi

nantes a PD ot amplissimi viri, Sallustium meum ad vos mitto.

and Virgilio e il chiostro. Manoscritti di autori clas- Cui enim magis debeo quam vobis? Vestro auspi-

soe eee ace ie Me tee. Cele XY. ios Yestto favore ac beneficio nobilissimum hunc XXXVI’ and details of illumination): “Sallustio, auctorem quasi peregrinatum in theatrum hoc

og 4. ’ sabia... Germaniae nostrae reduco Germanus, non intro-

nm Spottt atione Catilinae; Bellum Jugurthinum duco, dico. Fecere id ante me clari viri, Huttenus,

(A. Spotti). Glareanus, alii. Sed mehercule foedum aspectu 31. Christophorus Colerus eum nobis stitere:

Colerus commentary on the monographs and___.... lacerum crudeliter ora, Historiarum fragmenta was prepared in 1597-98, | Ora manusque ambas populataque tempora rap-

while he was teaching at Altdorf, and was pub- tis lished at Nuremberg in 1599 with his accompany- Auribus, et truncas inhonesto vulnere nares.

ing edition of the texts. Most of the notes deal | Aen.6.495-497].

with linguistic and textual questions and draw Vestro inquam subsidio, viri prudentissimi, hunc upon the earlier w ork of Johannes Ruvius, Janus gravissimum scriptorem denuo ausus sum dare Mellerus Palmerius, Petrus Ciacconius, Fulvius

280 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE in vulgus. Dum enim eundem in praeclara illa studium nimium; Ciceronem insectati sunt BruAcademia vestra publice interpretor, plurimis tus et Calvus summi oratores. Contra si orationis eum inter legendum, uti fieri solet, mendis libe- _filum spectes, Sallustius Demostheni et Thucydiravi locisque prope innumeris obscurum et tene- di simillimus, quod exemplis evincere possem si bricosum illustravi. Vereor dicere apud vos, viri id nunc res pateretur. Sed idem de Sallustio et Ciprudentissimi, quantos politicorum et ad quam-__cerone sensisse novi Iulium Scaligerum et Adri-

cumque etiam rem publicam necessariorum anum Turnebum, summos viros. Satin’ clare praeceptorum thesauros in hoc auctore aperue- demonstravi magis Ciceronem Asiaticum quam rim, protulerim, explanaverim; ne scilicet meip- Atticum et Demostheni similiorem esse Salsum laudem. Sed audeo apud vos dicere, talem lustium quam Ciceronem? Non absurdum putavi esse hunc scriptorem, qui sui vel negligentibus vel apud vos, viri amplissimi, aliquid etiam de stilo et contemptoribus suis oculos egregie perstringere oratione disputare in qua re, quamvis seria, hodie possit: certe prudentissimis etiam et perspicacis- mire ludunt vulgares magistri et non nemo etiam simis nebulam non unam quam vix perviderint, de plebe. Sed nonne huius negotii litterarii cura obicit. Ac licet neque aetate magna neque doctri- _fuit olim summis in re publica et sapientissimis na sim, conabor tamen brevi reapse planum _ viris? Hisce deliciis sese oblectarunt magnae illae facere, non esse solum inter veteres Tacitum, a animae, Plato, Aristoteles, Cato, Caesar, Cicero. 0 quo Galli tod\tteveo8at hodie et Itali discant. Est Adyos wWoTep TAGOTHS ayabos KaAOV TH buxh

certe magnus et serius scriptor Cornelius Tacitus, tepiTi®not oxfa aiebat olim Socrates [apud et qui nostris aulicis nasum emungere egregie Stob. 2.4.14]. Reliquas Sallustianae historiae virpossit. De quo etiam scio quid Lipsius iudicet, tutes alibi exposui, neque hic committam ut fiat nec repugno. Ego etiam aliquando utrumque in- Crambe repetita. Libabo tantum nonnullas alias spexi, et audebam alterum cum altero con- causas ob quas praestantissimum hunc auctorem tendere. Videtur mihi Sallustius omnes docere, ad vos miserim, viri prudentissimi. Eae mihi tres Tacitus paucos et doctos. Hic ad principatum nunc occurrunt et quidem ab ipso auctore: dignimaxime, ille ad omnes rei publicae formas utilis tas eius, materia, utilitas. Familia nobili fuit; fuit esse. Ille monere, hic cavere. IIle sapere ut do- in re publica totius orbis terrarum maxima versacearis, hic docere ut sapias. Quid multa? Dignus __ tus. Fuit aliquando praetor; fuit totius Numidiae Sallustio magistro Tacitus; dignior Tacito discipu- praefectus. Iulio Caesari amicus et consiliarius lo Sallustius. Ita enim ubique imitatur Sallustium fuit. Augustinus, vir in sacra et profana erudi-

ille ut eum discipulum Sallustianum merito ap- tione admirabilis, cum suam civitatem Dei pellem. Quae vero stili elegantia in Sallustio! exstrueret, hoc quasi architecto usus est. Eius aucQuae brevitas, quis nitor, quae eloquentia! Per toritate, prudentia, veritate nixus, Ethnicorum hunc atticae Musae Romam etiam lustrarunt. Au- _ structuras cum fundamentis eruit ac disiecit. Vesdiant hoc Ciceroniani nostri et doleant. Si atticus _ trae igitur civitati spero non erit dedecori is, quo sermo est optimus, ut est absque dubio, Sallustius sanctam illam suam ornavit Augustinus. Principi eum certe est assecutus. Quid ni Cicero potius, civitati Germaniae, principem historicum Roinquient isti? Dicam causas: Thucydides inter At- manum commendo. Qui rei publicae aristocratiticos primus habetur; is grandis, magnificus, nec cae initia, progressus, mutationes et finem per sine ubertate rotundus. Ei quam simillimus esse causas miro iudicio et experientia exsequitur, studuit Demosthenes, quod hodieque apparet. eum vos aristocratici antistites, gratum accepCicero licet Demosthenem summopere admira- tumque hospitem habere debetis. Aut ego valde tus sit, tamen eius orationis genus numquam as- _fallor aut hic ipse Sallustius vestrae civitati nihil sequi potuit. Mollior multo Cicero et luxuria aliud quam speculum. Praeterea philosophi magquadam verborum lasciviens et exsultans. Unde nos nobis fructus ostentant ex ethicis et politicis Calvus orator pressus et nervosus Demostheni praeceptis, fateor. At quid de illo nos non speraquam Cicero similior iudicatur a Seneca [Contr. bimus, qui nobis ea per exempla non in aureis et 7.4.7-8] et Quintiliano [Inst. 10.2.24-25], talium memoriam instillat tantum, sed in mentem penirerum aequissimis arbitris. Asiatici quidam tus intromittit oculisque spectanda praebet. Talis fuerunt qui superfluum quoddam et redundans _ Sallustius omnino ad cuius Historiam et censuras orationis genus sectati sunt, ob eius sermonis quaecumque civitas sese serio compositura est,

1.32. HELIAS PUTSCHIUS 281 nae illam ego vel corruptissimam probis moribus Biography: brevi futuram existimabo. Deus vestram rem See CTC 5.399—-401 (Biography, 400-401) (Vapublicam florentissimam servet et augeat. Viri lerius Maximus); 6.135-36 (Biography, 136),

nobilissimi et amplissimi, valete. 157-58, and 173-74 (Tacitus). Epigrammata quaedam de auctore hutus editio-

nis [Epigrams in honor of Colerus]: Petri Wesem- Add to Bibliography: DBE 2.355 (ADB); Cenbecii IC Consiliarii Saxonici. Scipionis GentilisIC — turiae latinae. Cent une figures humanistes de la et Antecessoris. Responsum Coleri. Iani Gruteri Renaissance aux Lumiéres offertes a Jacques IC. Conradi Rittershusii IC. Michaelis Virdungi Chomarat, ed. C. Nativel, Travaux d’Humanisme PI. Jani Dousae Nordovicis Domini Curiae Ha- et Renaissance 314 (Geneva, 1997), 405-10 (C. L. gae-Comitis Supremae Senatoris, Acad. Lugdun. Heesakkers); L’Europe des humanistes, 121-22; Van

Bata. Curatoris. der Aa 7.506—-17.

De vita, scriptis ac stilo Sallustii peculiaris ora- Schindler, Untersuchungen, 26—27, 81-82, 88; E. tio Christophori Coleri exstat typis vulgata ab eo- Weber, ed., Virorum clarorum saeculi XVI et XVII dem typographo quod te scire volui, Lector, si epistolae selectae (Leipzig, 1894), letters 45, 50, and forte eam desideres. [On this Sallustius sive De 51 (Janus Gruterus to C. Rittershusius with referhistoria vetere oratio, composed in Altdorf and ences to Colerus) and nn. 280, 281, 316, and 317. published in 1598, see the introduction above. ]

Veterum scriptorum et nonnullorum recentio- 32. Helias Putschius rum de Sallustio Iudicia et testimonia ... |from Putschius’ breves notae on passages of the

Suetonius to Lipsius]. Catilina, Iugurtha, and Historiae were published Commentary. Christophori Coleri in Bellum _ by the Plantin Press in 1602 and dedicated to Cor-

Catilinarium Notae. [Inc]: Titulus huius libri nelius Neostadius (Nijstad or Neustadt) who held varie inscribitur. Plerique libri veteres et nonnulli positions at the University of Leiden and at the etiam manuscripti eum ita concipiunt: De coniu- _ court of Holland. The notes were intended to carratione Catilinae et eius sociis. Sed ego hanc in- _ ry on the work begun by previous scholars, particscriptionem iure repudio adductus auctoritate ularly that of Johannes Rivius on the monographs veterum grammaticorum, Nonii praesertim, qui and of Ludovicus Carrio on the Historiarum fragtriginta locis amplius hunc Sallustiilibrum laudat _ menta. A slightly revised and expanded version of

hoc titulo: Sallustius in bello Catilinae vel Catili- these notes appeared posthumously in Janus nario.... Ommnes homines (1.1). Philosophatur Gruterus’ 1607 variorum edition. In the annotaegregie toto hoc exordio Sallustius, solens more tions on the two monographs, Putschius also suo atque huiusmodi exordiorum genere tantum compared emendations by Petrus Ciacconius and non proprio et peculiari gaudet, quae vocat Aris- Fulvius Ursinus and readings from the Codex toteles dkpoatika [fr. 662 Rose = Epist.1 Teub- Cuiacianus and a vetus codex in his own library. ner]. Sed Fabius Quintilianus, auctor et censor Praefatio (ed. of [Leiden,] 1602). Amplissimo gravissimus, ob hoc genus exordiorum ut super- _ viro D. Cornelio Neostadio, Curiae Hagae-Comivacaneum et parum ad historiam pertinens notat _ tis Supremae Senatori, dignissimo domino et fauSallustium [JInst. 3.8.9], cui non iniuria maiorem _ tori suo, Helias Putschius s. p. d. [Inc.]: Vir am-

curiositatis notam inussit magnus ille Scaliger lib. plissime, a natura hoc omnibus hominibus 2 Poeticae cap. 96; eius verba gravissima subscri- tributum videmus ut, quod animo carum accepbam. ... Animalibus (1.1). Haec est verissima lec- tumque habent [BI 12.3], id a fatorum et vetustatio, testibus libris antiquissimis, teste Charisio lib. _ tis legibus summa ope asserant; et, si forte annis 1 [p. 139K], Seneca 8 epistula [Ep. 121.3] ubi hunc collapsum aut aetate deformatum est, erigere et

locum aemulatur .../... [Expl.]: Catilina vero ad pristinum statum reducere in votis habeant.

ition: . lab th

(61.4). Florus [Epit. 2.12.12]: Catilina longe a suis Accidit id C. Crispi Sallustii praeclaris ingenii inter hostium cadavera repertus est, pulcherrima monumentis, in quibus emendandis et ab iniqui-

morte si pro patria sic concidisset. tate temporum vindicandis doctissimus quisque

Edition: desudavit iam inde ab initio. Nam post renatas

1599. See above, Composite Editions. cum typographia (quae, dono Dei, abascenit 106 aevo mortalium generi data est) litteras, nemo

282 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM CATILINAE fere repertus est qui non Sallustio pro viribus op- sed quia ad finem deduci non poterat, cum time consultum vellet. Is enim est scriptor qui nimirum iam Crispus noster sub prelo anhelaret, unus eorum omnium qui res populi Romani excerpsimus has quas vides annotatiunculas. Sed domi militiaeque gestas composuere verissime cum sine patrono tenellus hic foetus prodire cuncta est persecutus; indoctos docet, doctos vereretur, circumspicienti mihi cui potissimum delectat, et tot ingenii sui admiratores habet quot me meaque commendarem occurristi tu, vir amlectores. Laborarunt igitur viri doctissimi ne di- _ plissime, cui hoc debebam multis de causis. Tum

vina illius orationis maiestas enervaretur aut quod Crispus noster merito tuus dici possit, caderet. Nam nisi barbariei grassanti doctorum quem postquam iuvenilis adolevit aetas tibi faaccurata diligentia obviam ivisset, horror profec- miliarissimum reddidisti tantosque ex eo sapiento et squalor totum terrarum orbem obsedissent _ tiae ac verae virtutis fontes imbibisti ut impeditis-

et semel corrupta eloquentiae regula aeternum sima re publica tanta negotia sustinueris quanta

perstitisset. Sed memoria nostra (ut proavos ante te nemo. Tum etiam quod beneficia tua omittam) fuere viri duo quibus Sallustius ipse, si quibus me in amicorum tuorum numerum nullo animam reciperet, plurimum se debere fateretur, _meo merito ascivisti, consillis iuvisti, et reapse Ioannes Rivius et Ludovicus Carrio, quorum al- benevolentem tuum erga me animum saepius oster, acquisita ingenti tum manuscriptorum tum tendisti, grati ac memoris animi testimonium cusorum codicum mole, politissimum scrip- videbantur postulare. Verum ego vix satis gratus torem multis naevorum milibus, quae illi supina__ videar, si tibi animam quam nequeo concessero. describentium negligentia et indocta magistello- Accipies igitur opellam nostram, maioris alicuius rum arrogantia inusserant, liberavit. Alter Histo- | muneris obsidem, et ab ea Zoilorum irruentium riarum libros, praeclarum mehercule opus, maio- _morsus defendes. Vale, cum nobilissimo tuo colrum ignavia deperditos, quanta potuit sedulitate lega, Iano Dousa. Stadae, Anno MDCT, IV Eid. collegit, composuit et rei publicae litterariae L.M. Decembris.

spectandos proposuit. Quo magis mirabuntur [There follow poems in honor of Helias quidam me hominem adolescentem, post tot tan- _ Putschius: Jani Dousae ad Heliam Putschium eletorumque doctissimorum hominum accuratam _ gia... . Petri Scriverii in Heliae Putschii breves ad diligentiam, tam serio scriptori ausum manus ad- CC. Crispum Sallustium notas epigramma... .

movere, qui, si institutum nostrum cognoverint Eiusdem aliud....| et quo consilio opus hoc aggressus sim, iudi- Veterum scriptorum et nonnullorum recentiocabunt me magis merito fecisse. Cum enim in rum de Sallustio iudicia et testimonia ... [from hoc studiorum genere alius alio plura invenire Suetonius to Julius Caesar Scaliger]. possit, nemo omnia, mihique auctorem nostrum Commentary. Heliae Putschii in Catilinam ad antiquitus scriptos et cusos codices con- Notae. [Inc.]: Sed omnis nostra vis (1.2). Vis 6vatendenti multa in animum venirent aut ab aliis us. Servius ad XII Aeneidos: Ille ut depositi proomissa aut neglecta, non fuit consilium diutius ferret fata parentis // Scire potestates herbarum apud me detinere ex quibus magnum Crispo nos- usumque medendi [12.395-396]. Ibi Servius [In tro commodum venturum praesciebam. Adde Aen. 12.396]: Potestates vim, possibilitatem. ... quod Historiarum libros ex variis auctoribus, Rei publicae consultabant (6.6). Errat vir doctus tum vero maxime ex Servio Virgiliano interprete qui hic legit consulebant. Vulgatam enim lecquem nuper nobis liberalitas clarissimi Petri tionem tuetur Sallustius infra: Omnis homines,

Danielis dedit, multis in locis auxeramus patres conscripti, qui de rebus dubiis consultant priscoque nitori quantum quidem in tanta caligi- [BC 51.1] .../... [Expl.]: Ipse cum libertis et ne potuit restitueramus, amicissimusque Raphe- _calonibus (59.3). Perspicue vera est haec lectio,

lengius editionem pararet et (quod rei caput est) quam reposuimus ex codice consultissimi illustrissimus Iosephus Scaliger institutum nos- Cuiacii, pro vulgata illa et recens immissa: trum non improbaret, ausus sum me in vulgus cum libertis et colonis. Glossae: CALO dovdos dare. Non tamen totum; nam ecce BREVES NO- dnLdcLos oKEvddopos. Item DepaTtwv, UTTEPETNS

Tas damus, in quibus Sallustianae saluti magis otpatiwtov. Calo. Acro ad Sat. II lib. i [In Hor. quam cultui studuimus. Constitueramus quidem Serm. 1.2.44]. Infestis signis occurrunt (60.2). Ita Indicem scribere ad exemplum Indicis Lucretiani, emendavimus ex vetere codice cum antea esset

1.33. JANUS GRUTERUS 283

it10ns. . . . .

concurrunt. In Historia: occurrere duces et proeli- Janus Mellerus Palmerius, Janus Dousa, Petrus

um accendere ( Historiae II.59M). Ciacconius, Fulvius Ursinus, and _ Helias

Editions: Putschius. In the previous years, he had com-

; +sabove, pared readings in twelve Palatine manuscripts, 1602, 1607. See Composite Editions. ,; which he ranked by ordinal numbers according

Biography: to what he considered their individual merits Helias Putschius (Helias, Elias or Elie van (“pro bonitate sua”). They included the tenthPutschen or van Bursian or Putsch) was born at century Nazarianus or Palatinus primus (Vatican Antwerp in 1580 to an affluent German merchant City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Pal. lat. 889),

family from Augsburg, and studied in Emden, Palatinus secundus (Pal. lat. 887), and Palatinus Stade, Hamburg, and Rotterdam before moving _ tertius (Pal. lat. 883), all of which were later used to Leiden ca. 1599. There he studied law and __ in constructing the stemma of the monographs. philology at the University and met many of the He also cited readings from the Commelinianus, leading scholars of his day, including Janus an ancient manuscript formerly in the library of Dousa, Bonaventura Vulcanius (De Smet), Paulus _ the Heidelberg bookseller Hieronymus Commeli-

Merula, Petrus Scriverius (Schrijver), Johannes nus (d. 1597). In addition, Gruterus had comMeursius (Jean de Meurs), Daniel Heinsius, and pared the chief printed editions and commen-

the revered Joseph Justus Scaliger. taries from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Between 1601 and his premature death in 1606 including the editions of Pomponius Laetus, Alat the age of twenty-five at Stade, Putschius trav- dus Pius Manutius, and Johannes Gymnicus, and eled to Jena, Leipzig, Frankfurt, Munich, and Hei- the commentaries he reprints in his edition (aldelberg in search of manuscripts for his collec- though that of Colerus, announced on the title tion of ancient grammarians. In Heidelberg he _ page, is missing). In the meantime, he had pubfrequented Marquand Freher, Janus Gruter, and lished Jacobus a Cruce’s Annotatiunculae and Jacques Bongars, and it was mainly from manu- Janus Mellerus Palmerius’ Spicilegia on Sallust’s scripts in Bongars’ library that he prepared his monographs in his Lampas sive Fax artium liberagroundbreaking edition of Grammaticae latinae lium, hoc est Thesaurus criticus of 1604 (see 1.17 auctores antiqui, dedicated to Scaliger and pub- and I.28 above). The edition of 1607 is dedicated

lished in 1605. to his pupils and patrons, Nicolaus, Christopho-

Works: rus, Sigismundus, and Franciscus Burghausius in

Grammaticae latinae auctores antiqui (1605); ‘Tibute to their friendship. .

posthumous Notae in Iulium Caesarem (1607); . .P*#efatio (ed. of Frankfurt, 1607). Quadrigae

elegiae and orationes. siderum vere illustri, Dn. Nicolao, Dn. Christophoro, Dn. Sigismundo, Dn. Francisco, BurgBibliography: hausiis Stoltzenae, Seiferdorfii, Schiltbergae, Girs-

ADB 26.747-48 (R. Hoche); BNB 18.345-47; dorfii, Neudorfii, et Sackerovii Dynastis, etc., L Europe des humanistes, 358; A. Gerlo and H. D. genere, virtute, doctrina, fama, nemini per GerL. Vervliet, Bibliographie de VPhumanisme des an- maniam secundis, Ianus Gruterus s. p. [Inc.]: Cur

ciens Pays-Bas (Brussels, 1972), 435; Jécher Sallustius iste viam ad vos adfectet, iure quae3.1819-20 and Suppl. 6.1075-76; Sandys 2.313; reretis, viri nobilissimi, nisi is esset nominis vestri

_ Schindler, Untersuchungen, 3, 6, and passim; amabilis splendor eaque erga me comitas ac dig-

Schindel, “Die Rezeption,” 96. natio ut nulli iustius sacrari aut deberet aut posset. Nimirum, cum toties verborum tuorum

33. Janus Gruterus salutes, Domine Nicolae, auribus istis oculisque Gruterus, professor of history and head of the insinuaverit verus ille Musarum Charitumque Bibliotheca Palatina at Heidelberg, published his _ pullus, Tobias Scultetus, tuque praeterea, Domine

Notae on the Catilina and Iugurtha at Frankfurt Sigismunde, nullo non amore atque honore in 1607 in a new variorum edition of Sallust’s Gruterum prosecutus fueris, praesens quidem opera, with emended texts and the notes of Hen- aliquot annos ab ore eius publice pendere non ricus Glareanus, Johannes Rivius, Aldus Manu-__ dedignatus, absens vero epistolari alloquio pristitius Junior, Cyprianus Popma, Ludovicus Carrio, ni adfectus caritates erga ipsum tenerrime ex-

284 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM IUGURTHINUM ercendo, iisdemque item institerit vestigiis Domi- toricorum in his Loci communes (Strassburg, nus Franciscus, honorificas eius salutationes fre- 1624). quenter permittente ad me amicissimo illo capite

Sculteto [continues on his duty to respond and in Add to Bibliography: DBE 4.228 (Killy); praise of his patrons] .../... [Expl]: Qua Deutsche Literatur-Lexikon 6.965-67; A. Gerlo and quoque de causa, nominis vestri character prae- H. D.L. Vervliet, Bibliographie de ’humanisme des scriptus huic nostro libello, cui alioquin opus erat anciens Pays-Bas (Brussels, 1972), 354 and Suppleénumine alioque tutelari contra vitii virus, hodie ment 1970-1985 (Brussels, 1988), 258; L’Europe des nimis quam communis inscitiae atque invidiae, humanistes, 221-22; A. Grafton, Joseph Scaliger. A quod ut porro profligare queatis, valetudinem vo- Study in the History of Classical Scholarship, vol. 2 bis longam opto voveoque meique amorem (Oxford, 1993), 388 n. 89, 503-505, 688, 690; Cen-

perennem. E Bibliotheca Palatina I. Augusti fturiae latinae. Cent une figures humanistes de la

MDCVI. Renaissance aux Lumiéres offertes a Jacques Veterum scriptorum et nonnullorum recentio- Chomarat, ed. C. Nativel, Travaux d’ Humanisme rum de Sallustio iudicia et testimonia ... [from et Renaissance 314 (Geneva, 1997), 405-10 (C. L.

Suetonius to J.-C. Scaliger]. Heesakkers).

Commentary. Iani Gruteri Notae in Sallustii On the Palatine manuscripts used by

Catilinam. [Inc]: Caput I. Qui sese student Gruterus, see E. Pellegrin et al., Les manuscrits praestare ceteris animalibus (1.1). Digladientur alii, classiques latins de la Bibliotheque Vaticane, vol. per me licet genuinum ne magis animalibus an 2.2 (Paris, 1982), especially 62-68 (on mss. Pal. lat.

animantibus, dum norint utrumque videri tan- 886, 887, and 889); Bibliotheca Palatina. Katalog quam e glossa irreptitium meis certe auribus, zur Ausstellung vom 8. Juli bis 2. November 1986, meo animo, hac voce retenta, odiose mox se- Heiliggeistkirche Heidelberg, ed. E. Mittler et al., 2 quitur ne vitam silentio transeant veluti pecora. vols. (Heidelberg, 1986), 1.74-75, 76-77 (R. K.), Quae natura prona atque ventri oboedientia finxit with bibliographies, including H. Wirz, “Der (1.1). Sallustii breviloquentia non consistit in eis Codex Nazarianus des Sallustius,’ Hermes 32 quae vulgus hodie putat, quippe paucioribus ver- (1897) 202-209 and “Die Codices Palatini des Salbis dixisset natura prona atque ventri oboedientia; lustius und Beitraege zur Geschichte des Textes,” abiecto quae et finxit.../... [Expl.]: Qui de cas- ibid. 33 (1898) 109-18. On the two witnesses used tris visundi etc. (61.8). Sic manuscripti virtutis in constructing the stemma codicum of the libri edecumatae, nam sequiores adhaerent editis quie mutili, Pal. lat. 889 (N) and Pal. lat. 887 (K), see castris. Luctus atque gaudia agitabantur (61.9). also the prefaces to Reynolds’ OCT edition (1991), Et hoc bene Carrio, neque abeunt Palatini, nam ix—x, and to Kurfess’ Teubner edition (Leipzig, editi prius gaudium, quod quis etiam exoriretur 1957), iii-v. Ahlberg included another Palatine qui controversiam moverit voci. Agitabantur codex (Pal. lat. 883) in the stemma of the libri in-

itions: ; CN, a

tamquam supervacuae; ei equidem clam palamve _ tegri. On Pal. lat. 887, see also Virgilio e il chiostro.

assensionem meam commodaverim. Manoscritti di autori classici e civilta monastica,

Editions: ed. M. Dell’?Omo (Rome, 1996), 125, no. 10: “Sal; ssComposite lustio, De coniuratione Catilinae; Bellum Iugur1607. See above, Editions. Oy thinum” (A. Spotti). Biography:

See CTC 4.287—89 (Biography, 288-89) (Mar-

Ha and 6.139—40, 158-59, 163-64, and 174 (Taci- Il. Bettum lUGURTHINUM COMMENTARIES

Add to Works: letters in Virorum clarorum sae- 1. Anonymus Bernensis culi XVI et XVII epistolae selectae e codicibus ma- This commentary, like that of I.1 above, has its nuscriptis Gottingensibus, ed. E. Weber (Leipzig, earliest and most complete witness in Bern, Bur1894). Sallustian maxims are quoted in the notae gerbibliothek, 411, and it appears in many of the

to his Florilegii ethico-politici ... pars tertia same manuscripts as I.1, to which it is very simi(Frankfurt, 1612) and among the sententiae his- _ lar, but it was never printed or attributed to Om-

IIl.2. ANONYMUS RATISBONENSIS A 285 nibonus Leonicenus or anyone else. The accessus, New Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Library, type III.a (Munk Olsen #95), presents briefly the 358, s. XV, fols. 57r-162v. Some of the marginal anmateria, intentio, utilitas, and titulus, repeating notation in this codex appears to be drawn from some phrases from the accessus to BC, before giv- the commentary preserved in the manuscripts ing a paraphrase of the prologus which leads into _ listed above. See I.9 above. the commentary.

Accessus (Bern, Burgerbibliothek, 411). [Inc.]: 2. Anonymus Ratisbonensis A (fol. 160r) Catilinaria prosecuta diligenter historia This unpublished commentary, like I.2 above, cuius certitudinis conscius erat, Iugurthinam Sal- has its apparently earliest witness in Munich, lustius ingreditur cuius certitudinem non tam fir- Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14515, s. XII, miter memoriae commendaverat. In qua materi- where it is written continuously, but in that manam... |[intentio, utilitas, titulus; the prologushasa ___uscript it extends only as far as 97.4, as though it threefold function].... Quartam etiam addit were copied from a source that lacked its last foscilicet quandam falsam querimoniam generis _ lio. It is also found in some of the same manuhumani .... [Expl.]: Hanc triplicem conques- scripts as I.7 above. Instead of a traditional acces-

tionem ponit auctor et destruit dicens [the first sus, the commentary begins directly with a lemma of the commentary follows]. paraphrase of the prologus (Munk Olsen #100). Commentary. [Inc.|]: (fol. 160r) Genus hu- Commentary (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibmanum falso queritur (1.1) i.e. iniuste conqueritur. _liothek, Clm 14515). [Inc.]: (fol. 99r) Incipit liber

Falsum ponit pro iniusto, sicut verum pro iusto [ugurthinus. Ipse promisit in primo prologo libri

.../... [Expl]: (fol. 164r) Cum Gallis certare se dicturum gesta populi Romani carptim et se(114.2) ie. certabant. Pro salute i.e. gloriam i.e. cundum hoc deberet incipere Jugurthinum belsatis videbatur illis. Sed postquam (114.3) non lum scribere; sed sicut fecit in alio libro ita facit solum gloria obvenit Mario ex bello confecto sed _ hic, praemittit prologum. ... Ipsi conqueruntur quia absens consul factus est et Gallia sibi decreta de natura, et est notandum quamvis in alio proloest quod male pugnaverant Quintus Scipio (sic) go extulisset negotium suum, per quod videtur et Marcus Mallius (sic). Marius vero devincit. Ex non debere hic extollere, tamen quia non eodem (sic) ea tempestate spes et opes civitatis in eo sitae tempore fecit istud opus non est iudicandus pro-

sunt (114.4). Expliciunt Glosulae super Sal- logus superfluus. Natura non est aliud nisi quod

lustium. facit omnia nasci, videlicet deus. Vel quod est ut Manuscripts: sunt ipsae naturae. Humanum genus (1.1) ideo

Assisi, Biblioteca e Centro di Documentazione ° nit potius quam homines’ quia ipsa littera Francescana (Sacro Convento), fondo antico 303 videtur magis accedere ad humum et per hoc no(miscellany), s. XIV—XV, fols. 120r-141r. See [.1 tat quod non sursum tendunt sed ad humum.

above. Nunc littera humanum genus et accipit quosdam; Bern, Burgerbibliothek, 411 (miscellany), s. tantum queritur quod taliter est_natus scilicet

XIIL, fols. 160r-164r. See 1.1 above. quod illa natura est imbecilla i.e. sine baculo sciMunich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 7612 licet debiliss et inde etiam conqueritur quod si (miscellany), s. XV, fols. 104r—127r. See I.1 above. etiam fortis esset tamen brevis est aevi, hoc est Padua, Biblioteca del Seminario, 142, s. XV, 20 tam diu vivit quod aliquid praeclarum possit

fols. 43r-70v; to 66.2. See 1.1 above. facere; et si etiam tempus magnum concederetur,

I.1 above. - aon

Rome, Biblioteca Corsiniana, 1836 (Cors. 43 FE ‘@men queritur 1 nde quod potlus regatur forte

1), 8 XV ols. 17718ys to 55 (Idem fins fut). See ar Sr conguertun et also, i, haee questi Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, est falsa; et dicit falsam esse ponendo haec conOttob. lat. 3291 (miscellany), s. XIV, fols. 67v—85v. traria quasi dicat inde p atet quod falsa est quaes-

See I.1 above. Reads, in last line, civitatis mane in! Nam si saepe putaveris contraria horum, non eo [sc. (Ro)manae in eo?| as do the Assisi and Mu- invenies aliud genus minus 1sto hoc contra

nich manuscripts above. .../... [Expl]: (fol. 124V) Igitur Sylla etc. (95.3).

Numquam super industriam fortuna, scilicet quis maior eius gloria quam virtus et meritum. Pudeat

i|d6u

286 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM IUGURTHINUM

inuerb. (sic) (95.4). Pudeat in animo quia talis _ est in hoc Iugurthino hortari homines ne contenerat qualem antea diximus. Igitur Sylla etc. (96.1) dant pervenire ad honorem per proditionem ut quia tali tempore eum invadunt. Igitur simul con- _ Yugurtha. Similis causa est vitare finem Iugurthae.

sul etc. (97.4). Ego hortor homines ad gloriam et ipsi opponunt Manuscripts: mihi huiusmodi causam quam audistis. Sed male Erlangen, Universitatsbibliothek, 390, s. XII, opponunt; et hoc est In ree vans Sens

fols. 17v-50v. The commentary is entered as inter- etc. Falso ae (1.1). Falsa est illa querimonia linear and marginal notes; the beginning is nearly see iceect hort “escensus ad ieram. Mee

identical down to “non est iudicandus hic prolo- ™ , h 0 é " ° ¥ IE sL1: (fol. ) P nem @ gus superfluus’, but the first and last lemmata are punenra ri a dienti + LEXPh J: UO! 59V) Frona oy”

(fol. 17v) “Falso queritur (1.1). Falsam querimoni- Nk Ol oe Cass). prograta [praegravata‘]. am facit; vere falsa est querimonia. Nam reputan- UIC ETN DDO?

do contra. Si tu contra mea dicta iterum et iterum ; . al ‘DI

putaveris .../... [Expl.]: (fol. 5o0v) Italia omnis | Manuscripts containing material possibly recontremuerat (114.2). Omnis Italia contremuerat; ated to nis Beh Libvce Harley 267«. s. XV. et ideo Romani illi qui tunc fuere et posteri sic se Ondon, DIMAS LADTaTy, Taney 20759 S- “Ns habuerunt, quod omnia alia praeter Galliam cre- fol. 15v. A very sumilae introduction to that in Vat. debant prona esse virtuti suae, i.e. de omnibus ali- lat. 5345 immediately above ‘8 envered on a blank

is locis quasi per pugnam sibi subiectis gloriaban- ee Detwe | BC “hn t Br bat wndi et amico-

tur; de Gallis vero non gloriabantur, quia cum entary: ‘ib 44; Apron OchP de V; certarent pro gloria cum omnibus aliis, cum Gal- de by Stam 1brum emit me J rennet Me lis certabant non pro gloria sed pro salute, i.e. ne C. t a ory pretio avin a » brarum sec ou ».

invaderentur ab eis, vel ut defenderent fines suos . on 46 Pits rile? au a Pectt su ab eis. Italia quod contremuit, sed tamen in Mario UM 1409 ONT apis. ; ;

magnam habuit. Et ideo illum absentem Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Marc. consulem fecerunt (114.3).” See I.7 above. (Munk lat. X 103 (3364), 8. AI-XII, fols. 21r—2ar. Similar

Olsen C.28). introductory material and notes are written in Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm the margin, put after 4.9 the text is sparsely anno-

14515, Ss. XII, fols. 99r—12.4v. See I.2 above. tated. See 17 a » Bibl i , Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, tnt ae ae —- i. Aposto _ c ae Br Vat. lat. 5345, s. XI-XII, origin Italy (Brescia?), ov. ia o 40) Se AM, 10's: oh heb 2 an) f

fols. 20v-59v. BC and BI with marginal and inter- The text of BY is annotated with the beginning o linear notes. The beginning is the same to “non the commentary and other similar notes between iudicandus iste prologus superfluus”, but contin. the lines and fn the margins to 32.2, Se 7 above. ues: “Huius prooemii materia est gloria. Intentio 387 ¢ XUN? fols. 16y— a BC and BI I dentical

sua est stultam occasionem destruere quorundam J ®- ° d 40% r d ‘nal qui dicebantur esse [?] nati quia humana natura Seen becinuine of he ¢ oe nentany is est imbecilis et brevis aevi et magis regitur sorte "O'S °° 6 DESI NNINS ; th i yi quam virtute. Et est sua intentio commendare similar h, Y ¢ uceas and wording; oh Explicit 1s

studium suum dicendo maiorem utilitatem rei exactly that ° Sethi 0 ore < os vx 5. XV publicae de studio suo quam de aliorum officio, (at 61) f \ & 8 - Cand "BL Bocthine Con

et ideo dicit se dimisisse consulatum. Finalis \*; 14017 (O'S: 208" 49% ob ¢ mere

causa est honestas. Nunc ad ipsam litteram venia- solatio Philosophiae. Identical beginning written

mus. Natura non est aliud ... qui non sursum in margin, ‘to non est ludicandus hic prologus tendunt sed ad pronum, scilicet de se [?] hu- superfluus,, then marginal and interlinear come manum genus falso queritur (1.1). Falsa est illa mentary same as the foregoing at the beginning,

querimonia quam agit genus humanum de sua but the notes are sporadic and appear to be natura quod imponens illam culpam naturae drawn trom other SOUTEES as well. See 1.7 above.

quae potius est imponenda suo vitio. .. . Materia ae . Duoteca Ambrosian a A ning and

totius libri Iugurthini est Jugurtha cum suis se- > [Ols. AINA. | bt a he, f 5 quentibus et Romani cum suis. Intentio Salusti Soot a howe continuously, Dut only as lar as 2.3.

Il1.4. ANONYMUS PARISIENSIS 287 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, ginal and interlinear notes begin with the initial Rossi 508, s. XII, fols. 23r-31v. Origin: Italy. BC sentence of the commentary but continue with a and BI with marginal and interlinear notes, simi- note on the first lemma: “Falsa est illa querimonia lar but beginning only with the first lemma, to quam facit genus humanum” (see above, II.2, Vat.

17.7. (Munk Olsen C.147). lat. 5345); the manuscript is not consistently anFlorence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, notated nor from this one source. (Munk Olsen 64.18, s. XI-XII, fols. 1r—62v. Origin: Italy. BE with C.35).

marginal and interlinear notes, similar but begin- Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm ning only with the first lemma, extending to the 14515, s. XII, fols. 135r—-142v. See I.2 and II.2 above.

end of BI with a last gloss on “Ex ea tempestate — , Clm 14748 (miscellany), s. XI, fols. (114.4) ie. commotione Romanorum et Iugur- 31v-—38r. See I.3 above. , thae” (similar note in ms. Nuremberg V. 34 Oxford, Balliol College, 123, s. XV, fols.

above). (Munk Olsen C.34). 147v—159r. See J.11 above and II.8 below.

Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,

3. Anonymus Ratisbonensis B Pal. lat. 883, s. XII, fols. 21r-59v. Origin: Germany. This unpublished commentary has the same BC and BI. Marginal and interlinear notes at the character and is found in the same manuscripts beginning are similar, especially to Florence 64.23

as I.3 above, with traces in several others. above, but the annotation, which continues to the Commentary (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbib- end of BJ, is not consistently drawn from this liothek, Clm 14515, with variants from Munich, source. (Munk Olsen C.137). Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14748 in square Zurich, Zentralbibliothek, Rheinau 86, s. XII, brackets). [Inc.]: (fol. 135r) Falso queritur genus fol. 25v (Munk Olsen C.171). BC and fragment of humanum (1.1). Eadem intentio est in hoc prolo- BI (to 1.5); contains the introduction to “descengo quam et in superiori. Ordine ut supra [su- dat ad speciale’, then adds a few sentences paraperius] promisit res gestas debet [deberetur] exe- phrasing the proem; no notes. qui sed [scilicet] ingenium extollendo ipsisque

lilliusque] respondendo qui imponebant ei 4. Anonymus Parisiensis nomen pigritiae [inertiae], quod maluit scribere These unpublished explanatory notes and quam facere. Facit digressionem scribendo hunc _ glosses, found in the margins and between the prologum in quo commendat ingenium, osten- lines of a single s. XII manuscript (Paris, Bibliodens quomodo [quodammodo] ad quantam dig- _théque Nationale de France, lat. 6088), appear to nitatem possit homo pervenire per virtutem in- have extended to the end of the work, but the last genli, ostendens in principio eorum querelam _ leaf was lost and replaced with a text that has only [esse] falsam qui dicunt et conqueruntur se ita one note at the end. The accessus (Munk Olsen natos esse ut nil boni possint facere. Hanc enim ##73, 102) discusses first the materia and intentio ubi [esse] falsam ostendit. Patet [patens erit] om- of the prologus as if they were that of the whole nium ingenium qui volunt id [illud] exercere tale work, then appends a brief statement of materia esse quod per hoc [per quod homo] ad maiorem for the work.

dignitatem possint [possit] pervenire quam per Accessus (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale de vires corporis. Et si omnium hominum tale est, France, lat. 6088). [Inc.]: (fol. 25v) Materia tunc et suum, et incipit ideo ab universali ut con- _Salustii est in hoc opere commendare opus suum venientius descendat ad speciale. Falso imbecilla et reprehendere illos aemulos qui imponebant (1.1) Le. fragilis, debilis, et quod sine baculo non — sibi nomen inertiae. Intentio sua est destruere

potest esse .../... [Expl.|: (fol. 142v) Sed malam opinionem ... ex illorum officio militari. postquam bellum in Numidia (114.3). Prius prae- _ Sicut in superiori libro praemisit prologum sic, et sens [omitted] cum magno labore factus est Mari- _ in isto exsequitur prooemium, captando benevo-

us consul sed modo absens. Vel Italia intremuit lentiam.... Materia sua est in hoc opere

(114.2) sed in Mario spem habuerunt. Jugurtha.... [Expl.]: et hortari ad probitatem

Manuscripts: yee et ee Descensio ad litteram talis est Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, qu as! icat, Qui am anes non curant. . . . Ve

64.23, s. XII, fols. 25v-73v. BC and BL The mar- 2 1€F Quasi dicat, Ego hortor unumquemque

288 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM IUGURTHINUM niti ad gloriam. Sed aliquis dicet mihi non posse _ niti ad proventum gloriae per aliqua honesta stu-

niti ad gloriam, quia humana natura est brevis dia, a quo officio deficiunt cum quadam excusa-

aevi. Sed falsum est. tione, quam constat esse falsam.

Commentary. [Inc.]: (fol. 25v) Humanum Commentary. [Inc.]: (fol. 121) Humanum genus genus (1.1) i.e. debitum soli humanitati, i.e. quod (1.1) i.e. rationalis creatura de humo genita. Cui a tantum exercet ingenium corporis. Sed corpus et prima creatione sui talis natura indita est ut ra-

non ingenium et non aeternitati, ie. non curat tionem haberet bene iudicantem, voluntatem animum .../... [Expl.|: (fol. 73v) Sed Mario bene eligentem, sensualitatem bene operantem. parum confidere (corr. ex cum fide) saepe ante Sed per liberum arbitrium vitiis inserviens, haec (sic) cum imperatoribus (112.2). Iugurtha dicebat _naturalia bona negligit, sicque occupatus ignavia pacem saepe antea frustra conventurum. Sed. falso naturae suae imputat quod potius suae im(alia manu, fol. 74v) Dictum pulchrum com- __ putandum est ignaviae. Imbecilla sine baculo i.e. monefacio re huius rei, commonefio -are huius sustentamento virium. Deficiunt ei vires unde

rei, admoneo te hanc rem. (Stemma of African sustentetur .../... [Expl.]: (fol. 21v) Id adeo kings) Syphaci Iugurthaeque Numidiae regibus (111.1). Ipsi erant traditionis mutuo certi. Sed ipse captis bello Romamque perductis turpis vitae ex- Bocchus (113.2) (fol. 22r). Quam alii iter incertum itus fuit, siquidem alter Tibure in carcere periit, erat quia nocte ea (113.3). Hic bene adtigit Roma-

alter a saxo Tarpeio deiectus est. nis, sed alibi male. Nam per idem tempus (114.1).

Manuscript: Explicit commentum Salustii.

Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale de France, lat. Manuscripts: 6088, s. XII, fols. 25v—74v. See I.7 above. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 19480 (miscellany), s. XIII, fols. 12r-22r (pp. 22-42

5. Anonymus Monacensis A in another numeration). See I.4 above. For the nature of this unpublished commen- New Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Library, tary and its manuscript, see I.4 above. The acces- 358, s. XV, fols. 57r-162v. The accessus and some of sus (Munk Olsen #118) begins with the historical _ the earlier notes appear to be drawn in part from summary of the work, then discusses briefly the _ this source. See I.9 and II.1 above, and II.7 below. materia, intentio, utilitas, and pars philosophiae,

then the prologus in respect of the first three top- 6. Anonymus Monacensis B ics. Except for the longer accessus, this is again a This commentary contains the prologus por-

shorter version of II.6 below. tion only of the accessus in Munich, Bayerische Accessus (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Staatsbibliothek, Clm 19480, to which it makes a

Clm 19480). [Inc.]: (fol. 12r) Falso (1.1). Diruta slight addition, and then a fuller commentary. It Carthagine et Numantia per Cipionem (sic) iu- is uncertain which is the source of the other. Sevniorem, Micipsa filius Masinissae ex testamento — eral other manuscripts begin with or have in the instituit Iugurtham filium fratris sui concubinae margin this version of the accessus, but the comManastabilis (sic) coheredem cum filiis suis. Qui mentary itself is not complete in them, or they adepto regno ... [continues with historical sum- pass to another source of annotation. See [5 mary].... Iugurtham cepit, captumque et vinc- above. tum Romam duxit et de Tarpeia rupe praecipi- Accessus (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, tavit. Hoc bellum accedit auctor describere ... Clm 14732). [Inc.]: (fol. 4or) Materia huius auc[continues with materia, intentio, utilitas, and toris in hoc prologo sunt quidam inertes incupars philosophiae]. Vetat superbiam avaritiam, santes naturam suam quod ad nullam gloriam commendat industriam. Materia huius auctoris pervenire valeant. . . . [Expl.]: Hic exsequitur, disunt in hoc prologo ... [continues with intentio cens maius commodum proventurum rei publiand utilitas of prologue]. [Expl.]: Quod ibi minus cae ex suo otio quam eorum ex negotio. De excusabat se, dicens (BC 3.3-4.1) propter super- quibus ita admirans inchoat. biam vitia devitanda se a re publica remo- Commentary. [Inc.]: (fol. 4or) Admiranda est tum, hic exsequitur, dicens maius commodum pravitas humani generis quod humanum genus proventurum rei publicae ex suo otio quam ex il- queritur (1.1). Et unde queritur? de natura. Et lorum negotio. Omnes homines deberent (sic) quid? quia sit imbecilla i.e. sine baculo sustenta-

11.8. RICARDUS BOLE 289 tionis, hoc est, infirma. Quod ideo mirandum est, Accessus (New Haven, Yale University, Belquia queritur falso. Nec [id?] solum queritur sed _ necke Library, 358). [Inc.]: (fol. 57r) In Iugurthina etiam quia sit aevi brevis. Quod si abesset i.e. si historia redarguit Sallustius impugnantes patrihaberet et vires et tempus non tamen illud suffi- am per avaritiam; non Jugurtham neque suos, ceret.../... [Expl.]: (fol. 57v) Specie oris (113.3) | nam Roma non erat patria Iugurthae, sed eos Roi.e. ad similitudinem oris. Bocchus primo fuit in- | manos qui consentientes in sceleribus Iugurthae a

certus, sed tamen postea fuit certus. Nam _ via veritatis exorbitabant, et scelera Iugurthae postremo Sullam accersi (113.4). Hic bene contigit non solum non puniebant, sed impudenti declaRomanis, sed alibi male. Nam per idem tempus matione ea defendebant in Capitolio. Materia (114.1). Et quod tremebant mirandum non est, — huius libri est regnum Numidiae et res publica vel quia et illi [i.e. illique?] (114.2) tunc temporis. Et Numidarum bellum et populi Romani vel duces non solum in Numidia triumphavit sed et in Gal- ex utraque parte. Intentio dehortari quemque a lia, quia postquam bellum (114.3) et post victoriam _temeritate electionis ducum vel heredum vel de-

Galliae. Ex (sic) ea tempestate (114.4). hortari ab invasione rei publicae per exemplum

M, a Iugurthae avaritiam vel reprehendere negligentiam Albini, ATTUSCTIPIS: Bestiae, superbiam Metelli, et Marii Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm as, SUP

14732, S. XIII, fols. 40or—-57v. See I.5 above commendare industriam. ,

7 a Commentary. (fol. 57r) Falso queritur ——, Clm 14477, s. |Inc.|: XI—XII, fols. 23r—56v. . perve; ; :; genus humanum (1.1). Deficit ab officio The commentary in the margins gradually de°°: ",. ;becoming ; niendi adquite gloriam per honesta studia cum falsa creases, sparse after 38.5. See . above excusatione.../...[Expl.]: (fol. 162v) IllicI.5 (114.2 ; - Columbia . Ilique) in illoUniversity, tempore. Vel dic illic in Gallia. Inde New Li- na ; abYork, eodem tempore. Prona virtuti Butler suae oboedien-

brary, 96, s. XVPugnare (a. 1478).satis The videbatur accessus °. .eis merquod . : ;Plimpton ; tiarevised Romanis. se in a slightly form is found at the end of a ay: _ Det tt ab illis defenderint. fuller accessus, fols. 54v-55r: “[Inc.]: Principium Salustii in Iugurtham. Compertum est ut maiores Manuscript: commentati non modo poetas unius etc. res ges- New Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Library, tas perscribentes, in exponendis auctoribus auc- 358, s. XV, fols. 57r-162v. See I.9 above. toris vitam, titulum operis.... Materia prologi

est: sunt enim quidam inertes naturam incu- 8. Ricardus Bole

santes quod ad nullam gloriam_pervenire For the date and circumstances of these unvaleant.... [Expl.]: Et si haberetur et virtus et published commentaries, see I.11 above; it is the tempus, non sufficerent, cum potius fortuna second commentary (B) that appears to be an exquam virtute regatur humanum genus. Sequitur pansion of a commentary resembling II.3 above. textus” [but there is no text of BI]. There is no Commentary A. |Inc.]: (fol. 127r) Falso queritur

commentary. See I.4 above. (1.1). Ut a principio promisit, res gestas deberet Nuremberg, Stadtbibliothek, Cent. V.34,s.XV exsequi; sed prius suis aemulis aequum duxit re(a. 1461). The accessus is written in the margin of spondere, ostendens vim ingenii aptiorem esse

fol. 20r; for the annotation, see II.2 above. viribus corporis ad aliquid comparandum. Sed Valenciennes, Bibliothéque Municipale, 549 sane quidem quidam non sane vinctis (sic) con(503), Ss. XII, fols. 17r-47r. The accessus and first queruntur se ita natos ut nihil boni possint. Eonote of the commentary are found on fol.17r; but rum querelam falsam convincit .../... [Expl.]: the marginal annotation decreases, especially af- (fol. 137r) Per idem (114.1). Hoc inducit ut iterum ter 78.1 (fol. 37v), and is not consistent with this Marium consulem faciat. Qui prius vix praesens

commentary. See I.6 above. factus est consul (114.3). Iste Iugurtha cum

duobus filiis suis de rupe Tarpeia praecipitatus

7. Anonymus Yalensis fuit. Finis glosularum super Salustium. For the composite nature of this unpublished Commentary B. [Inc.|: (fol. 147v) Intentio eacommentary, found in a rather deluxe early s. XV dem quae in priori prologo. Falso queritur genus manuscript, see I.9 and II.1 above; for the acces- humanum (1.1) i.e. falsa est querimonia quam agit

sus, see II.5 above. genus humanum de sua natura, imponens illam

290 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM IUGURTHINUM culpam naturae suae quae potius imponenda est eum populo Romano traderet.... (fol. 181r) Ea vitio hominum. Nam contra. Vere falso queritur, tempestate (114.4) illo tempore. Civitatis Ronam non est in re. Nam neque maius aliud manae. Illo Mario. Sitae positae sunt. .../... [Expl]: (fol. 159r) Sed postquam (114.3). Manuscript: Prius praesens cum magno labore factus est con- Vatican Cit Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana sul Marius et consulatum quasi spolia ab illis vic- Pal. lat. 1709, s Say (a. 1494) fote i51r—i81r. See I B

tis accepit. Sed modo absens factus est consul above Version A a

Pe.°8e

(114.3). Vel aliter: Italia quidem intremuit (114.2), sed tamen in Mario spem magnam habuerunt; et 10. Petrus Paulus Pompiljus ,

ideo absentem fecerunt consulem. Finiuntur ; P ;

; For the date andsee circumstances of this comBisa. mentary, 1.15 above. Manuscript: Praefatio (Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, 1351). See I.11 above. (Inc.|: (fol. 58r) Asinius Pollio, ut ferunt, de Ci-

Biography: cerone saepe male sentire solitus est; eadem inSeet Wl cove genil imbecillitatis (sic) librum conscripsit quo Sallustii scripta reprehendit ut nimia priscorum

9. Anonymus Vaticanus verborum affectatione oblita ... [continues with

This un ublishe dcommen tarv. found ina late discussion of testimonia from Quintilian and Sue-

pum f alee tonius].... [Expl.]: Quamobrem si qua antiquitas

s. XV manuscript (Vatican City, Biblioteca Apo- tita est a his duob ulis insect

stolica Vaticana, Pal. lat. 1709), is prefaced with a reper © 4 non i IS CUODUS OPUSCHTIS Msecla

paraphrase of the proem written in the margin; creditur sed 1n ea historia quae temporum incurla

the text of BI is provided with rather full interlin- ceperdita - Inc]: (fol. s8r) Fal 7

ear and marginal annotation, with some lengthy OMITETTATY: LANG Js ON. S01) PAISO QUeritur

notes, in a roughly contemporary hand. (1.1). Gorgias et Isocrates sumptis principus ex Commen tary (Vatican City, Biblioteca Apo- aliqua vicinia usi sunt sed nihil ad rem pertinen-

mary % P tibus; sic et Sallustius, quod Quintilianus ani-

stolica Vaticana, Pal. lat. 1709). [Inc.]: (fol. 1511) madvertit [Inst. 3.8.9]. Nam in Catiliniana d

Materia huius prologi sunt homines ignavi de in- i ver _ dj 7 wit " i i et d ta . ‘d firmitate naturae querentes. Et intentio eius est P cusati a ‘ ; vB . aed ner - be excusare naturam et inertiam illorum incusare. verendis c d ceri nd, - ranerul a if us

Sed causa finalis ut errorem illorum vitemus et arn 1S SE acl SC d ene ue q i i

animum exerceamus. Et ipse simul ostendit aper- mp icetur et com , mort I cra . | el We yt tissimis rationibus mortales per animi exercitium AN EMUS TPSe Char HTUMO TANS SUM que anne

posse venire ad verum decus et gloriam virtutis, ad laude m historiae. Falso querttur. Quintilianus

et magis etc. prodesse rei publicae animi exerci- neeubionum dmon renee hen nl. ho oot tium quam corporis. Itaque nulli mirum videri Ub est CULICTIO da, cur yt ; ot C a) debet quod et ipse demisso exercitio corporis abens Damam quancarn CONIA (9-4-771-

; ; - lustianum .../... [Expl]: (fol. 107r) Prona

contra rem publicam ad animi se exercitium con- Quae affectatione deprehenditur quale istud Sal-

tulit et studia. Quae quoniam quam plurimi de- (114.2) facilia virtuti Romanorum. Certare cert

sidia, luxu et aliis vitiis aetatem ducentes assequi 4 ca ¥ oMmanoram. Ve “rta non possunt, infirmitatem naturae, fortunam et bant. Salute vita, non pro gloria. Gallia ut gereret

:; _ ; bellum contra Cimbros. Consul iterum factus. In

vitae hominum brevitatem accusant. Sed quod 20 (sic) (114.4) Mario

ipsi iniuste hoc faciant ostendit Salustius, dicens 4-4

|:P popuius Pp | ap 8 q 8 Pp Pp

falso queritur etc. Falso (1.1) i.e. inique, iniuste. Manuscript:

Queritur conqueritur. Imbecilla i.e. infirma, de- Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, 1351, fols. 58r—1071, bilis scilicet sit .../... [Expl.]: (fol. 180v) Sulla s. XV (ca. 1481). See I.15 above. breviter (111.1) ad illa respondit pauca de se et pace

sed plura de rebus communibus verba facit. Et 11. Anonymus Neapolitanus

regi persuadet ut aliquid quo senatum et popu- This unpublished full and detailed commenlum Romanum placaret faciat: quia senatus et tary, prefaced by an essay on history, appears to opulus Romanus armis plus valuisset, eum vero be a product of humanist teaching. It is found in haberet in gratia. Posset autem hoc facile perpe- a single s. XV manuscript. trare quom [ugurtham in potestate haberet, si Preface (Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, V D 53).

11.12. JULIUS POMPONIUS LAETUS 291 [Inc.]: (fol. 5r) Historia ab historeo, graeco verbo, and the history and art of historical writing, as quod est cerno et video, nomen est. Primi enim well as marginal annotations and _ interlinear historici ea quae vidissent scribebant. Sed cumig- glosses ranging from brief textual comment to navia quadam mortalium res gestae cum silentio detailed observations on Roman law and magispraeterirent, ex aliorum fide et relatis scribere _ tracies, political and military events, religious and coeperunt.... [Expl.]: voluptuose ut Gelli et social institutions, geography, and topography. similium. Crispus Salustius cum esset civis Ro- The copy in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana manus, urbis Romae gesta tamen comprehendit, (Inc. Ross. 441) appears to have been annotated neque iniuria, quippe quae totius orbis imperii by Laetus himself. The notes in the copy belongest sedes et domicilium virtutis ac deorum im- ing to the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York mortalium semper habitum. Perierunt inde, seu (51414.2) and in the copy of the Biblioteca Esfati seu temporum culpa, belli civilis volumina tense, Modena (Inc. gamma B.6.25), which in quattuor, in quibus seditiones inter Marium et places bear close resemblances to those of the Sullam, Caesarem et Pompeium scriptae erant. Vatican volume (while also containing other maCommentary. [Inc.|]: (fol. 5r) Falso (1.1). Vitam terial), may have been written by his students.

satis longam dii immortales nobis dedere, si eam References to the Vatican and/or Morgan non ignavia sed cum virtute transigimus. Imbecil- copies are found in P. de Nolhac, La bibliothéque la antiquum vocabulum, nunc inbecillis dicimus de Fulvio Orsini (Paris, 1887; rpt. Geneva, 1976), .../...[Expl.]: (fol. 21r) Per idem tempus (114.1). 207; V. Zabughin, Giulio Pomponio Leto, 2 vols. Dum haec in Africa adversus Numidas summa (Rome and Grottaferrata, 1909-12), 2.141—45; F. B. diligentia ab Mario gererentur ... (fol. 21v) Alii Adams, Jr., “Early Printed Books,” in Eleventh Reexistimant loci squalore interiisse. Marius (114.3) port to the Fellows of the Pierpont Morgan Library triumphali veste ut erat indutus, quod nulli ante (New York, December, 1961), 19-20; B. L. Ullman,

eum contingerat (sic), in senatum venit. “The Dedication Copy of Pomponio Leto’s Edi-

Manuscript: tion of Sallust and the ‘Vita of Sallust,” in UllNaples, Biblioteca Nazionale, V D 53, s. XV, ™™ Studies in the Italian Renaissance, 2d ed. fols. 5r—21v. With commentaries on Lucan (books (Rome, 197 3); 365° n. 1; an d R. Black, The New

1-2) and Terence, Andria, Eunuchus, and Heau- Laws of History, Renaissance Studies 1 (1987) tontimoroumenos; and a text of Claudian, De rap- ne 6. A combaratny study of tnese notes by P.

tu Proserpinae. (Kristeller, Iter 1.4004). arenga, *- J. Osmond, and R. W. Ulery, Jr. 1s currently in progress.

12. Julius Pomponius Laetus Commentary (Trier, Stadtbibliothek, These unpublished notes on Sallust, found in 110/ 2037 ). [Inc.]: (fol. 78r) Illud praecipue vitanTrier, Stadtbibliothek, 1110/2037, were apparently dum, in quo Magna pars errat, he in oratione

taken down at Rome in 1480 by one of Laetus imitemur poetas et historicos. Sua enim cuique students, Ricardus Graman de Nekenich. At the P roposita lex. i (fol. 79 tr)... Repre henditur Sald there is some resemblance to Naples, Biblio. /’stius quod inceperit a ——-gino (°). Falso

en e e ples,

teca Nazionale, V D 53 (II. above). queritur (1.1) 1.€. falso conqueruntur homines de Manuscript notes from Laetus’ lectures on Sal- natura sua imbecilla .../... LExp |: (fol. 1041) lust are also found in a number of copies of late lugurtha ductus ad currum triumphantis Marit fifteenth-century printed editions. A copy of the 6” duobus hits quantum spectaculum p ope 1481 edition published at Venice by Baptista de Romano praebuit et statim positus in carcere i ; Tortis (Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vati- liano ; bi necatus est. Volunt quidam squalore oc}

cana, Inc. II. 111), later in the library of Fulvius interiisse. Marius triumphali veste in senatum Ursinus, contains annotations “Sub Pomponio in venit, quod nemo ante eum fecerat.

Salustium’, including seven short notes on BC Manuscript: 8.3-31 added on the first few leaves. Three copies Trier, Stadtbibliothek, 1110/2037, s. XV (a. of Laetus’ own edition of Sallust’s opera, pub- 1480), fols. 78r—104r. Fol. 104r: “Pomponii lished at Rome by Eucharius Silber in 1490, con- Achademie Romane pprincipis In Salustii tain brief essays in the flyleaves on a variety of Jugurthinum bellum explanationes finiunt coltopics, including Roman antiquities, chronology, lecte per me Ricardum Graman de Nekenich

292 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM IUGURTHINUM Rome anno MCCCCLXXxX. Finis.” (Kristeller, Iter by Johannes Chrysostomus Soldus in 1469-70. It

3.7184). was composed or at least begun at the monastery Biography: of San Leonardo outside Verona and may have See CIC 3 379-82 been completed in Padua; it was to be delivered to

his brother Bartholomaeus at San Salvatore, Bre-

Add to Bibliography: W. Bracke, “The MS Ot- scia. The editio princeps was printed in Brescia by tob. Lat. 1982. A Contribution to the Biography of Bernardinus Misinta ‘ or Angelus and J acobus Pomponius Laetus?” Rinascimento, 2d Ser., 29 Britannicus in 1495, with the accompanying text

(1989) 293-99; P. Scarcia Piacentini, “Note stori- of the Jugurtha cate PY Pomponius Laetus co-paleografiche in margine all’Accademia Ro- (Rome » 149 0), revise yJ onannes Britannicus. mana, in Le chiavi della memoria. Miscellanea in Soldus, as he tells us 10 his preface, dedicated

; ; . . the commentary to his brother in order to help

occasione del I centenario della Scuola Vaticana di hi d Sallust’ k profitably and teach it

Paleografia Diplomatica e Archivistica (Vatican Im read’ lallust’s WOrk promabry and teach}

City, 1984), 491-549. more easily. For this purpose, he sought to explain both the ideas and the subject matter and to 143. Anonymus Monacensis C clarify the grammar and word order. Many pasThis unpublished commentary combining ex- sages offered an occasion to comment on Roman planatory glosses and paraphrase, in part similar customs, low cline history, and rhetoric, and to II.3 above, is found collected with other com- fo insert Jong digressions on virtues and vices. mentaries na s. XV manuscript (Munich, Baye- The vita includes material traditional to an acces-

rische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 7612). It begins with SUS. > (ed. of , i, f an abbreviated accessus; the end of the commen- th Pracfati \e Ve Presciay 149 6). harman qin tary is similar to that of Erlangen, Universitats- € eAu1on OF | wenice, Ca. 1490) ate inserice th

bibliothek, 390 (IL.2 above) square brackets). [Inc.]: Iloannes Chrysostomus Commen tary (Munich Bayerische Staatsbib- Bartholomeo Soldo fratri salutem. Dedi operam, liothek, Clm 7612). | Inc.|: (fol. 87r) Falso queritur mi frater, ut Salusti de bello Iugurthino interpre-

etc. (1.1). Materia huius libri est Jugurtha et popu- Deeg et cwrnod "4 haberes guod “ walter

lus Romanus. Intentio vel utilitas eadem quae et “8°"* comme oceres, Mur Opus 4

superius et in superiori prologo, scilicet de- solvero, curabo illud ad te transmittere. Tu in-

scribere res gestas populi Romani. Ita fit accessus ave “a deri Hb) can eres diced P on

ad istum librum. Ordine ut superius promisit res cepia seen com 8 | sceceren. gestas populi Romani. . . quod nihil boni possint Scholasticos assiduo stu o atque abore Prose operari et ab hoc incipit. Humanum genus queri- quere eosque omni diligentia cust odi, Plura

tur de sua natura (1.1) i.e. de sua nativitate. Quod scriberem, MIS} celeri fas nuntil prohiberet. Vale.

si inbecilla et debilis et fragilis .../... [Expl.]: Ex monasterio sanctl Leonardi quinto |calendas]

(fol. 101r) Sed postquam confectum est bellum in ane ened eae extra verona Sold

Numidia etc. (114.3). Absens factus consul. Vel Cannes ysostomus parmotomed 90ido aliter: non solum habet hunc successum quod fratri Salutem. Mitto ad te expositionem In cepit Iugurtham, sed etiam absens factus est con- Salustium de bello Iugurthino sicuti eram pollici-

sul. Vel ita: Italia quidem intremuit (114.2) sed ve opus summo labore confectum. Qua ie re tamen magnam spem in Mario habuerunt. Et ideo maior est a me abor susceptus, quod non ideo illum absentem consulem fecerunt etc. solum sententiae resque ipsae mihi fuerunt explicandae, sed ordo quoque verborum multis in

Manuscript: locis est demonstratus, ut et tu ipse melius intelMunich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm _ ligeres et alios facilius doceres. Tu si Salustium et

7612, s. XV, fols. 87r—1011. See I.1 above. interpretationem atque expositionem nostram diligenter intuitus fueris, aditum intelligentiae tibi multas ad res apertum esse cognosces. Te 14. Johannes Chrysostomus Soldus rogo ut des operam ne tantus labor frustra a me The Commentaria in bellum Iugurthinum, cov- _ susceptus, neve ex industria mea ignavia tibi par-

ering the entire text of the Iugurtha, was written ta esse videatur; quod si te hoc opere nostro

Il.14. JOHANNES CHRYSOSTOMUS SOLDUS 293 delectatum esse intellexero ad alia maiora aggre- quatur, genus autem dicendi pressum et nitidum dienda studium meum excitabis. Quantum enim et omnino rebus magis quam verbis redundans tibi prodesse sis [scis], ego etiam quantum pos- _ [cf. Cic., De orat. 2.13.56]. In hoc autem opere belsim intelligo. Nemo enim est qui te mihi in hac lum quod Romani cum Iugurtha rege Numidiae luce te [om.] carior sit, vel cui plus ingenium _ gesserunt conscribit. Sed ante praemittit exordi-

meum desudare cupiat [cupiam]. Sed fac te um in quo causam (ut diximus) ostendit quamdignum praestes in quem talia a fratre officia obrem se ab administratione rei publicae ad hisconferantur. Cum epistolam legeris Brixiam te toriam scribendam contulit, ne forte ignaviae conferes ad sanctum Salvatorem et fratrem daretur si vel taedio laboris vel metu periculi Stephaninum convenies, cui opus tibi assignan- potius quam iusto iudicio animi rem publicam dum tradidi. Curabisque ut textum correctissi- reliquisse videretur. Dicit enim sic: cum multa mum habeas atque ita legere et meo labore profi- _sint studia et exercitia animi quibus summa laus

cere incipias. Vale et pasinum tuum cura _ et claritudo comparari possit, veluti consilio rem diligenter. Uxorem ceterosque meos nomine meo publicam regere, dare operam litteris et alia saluta. Datum Patavii XV kalendas Iulias MCCC- huiusmodi, hoc tempore mihi non placuit per

CLXX. administrationem rei publicae laudem et gloriam Vita Sallustiu. [Inc.]: Salustius civis Romanus comparare, quia videbam hoc tempore imperia et Senatorii ordinis fuit. Hic primo se ad rem publi- honores et magistratus dari hominibus indignis cam contulit et in ea aliquamdiu versatus est. et non virtute praeditis sed ambitione corruptis. Postea cum ei in senatu (ut tradit Acron [In Hor. Et propterea aliud studium atque aliud exerciSerm. 1.2.49|) a censoribus obiectum esset, quod _tium animi quaerendum esse putavi in quo laulibertinarum sectator esset, tum ille non se ma-_ dem et gloriam comparare possem. Sed ex om-

tronarum sed libertinarum sectatorem esse testa- nibus studiis quae exercentur animo atque tus est, atque ideo senatu repulsus est, quod et in _ingenio, utilissimum visum est historiam scribere principio belli Catilinarii et in praesenti exordio et memoriae mandare res gestas. Et ideo ad hoc excusat [BC 3.3-5; BI 3.1-4]. Dicit enim aliam studium atque exercitium me contuli, omissa fuisse causam quamobrem se ab administratione cura rei publicae. Sed videamus quomodo paularei publicae removeret, quod videlicet virtuti tim veniat ad exponendam hanc causam atque ad honos non daretur, sed ambitio omnia virtutis hunc sensum explicandum. praemia possideret. Sed revera constat Salustium Commentary. [Inc.]: Falso queritur (1.1). Ininfamia circa feminas laborasse. Nam, ut idem _ iuste, inquit, homines conqueruntur de natura Acron refert [In Hor. Serm. 1.2.41], in Faustae sua, dicentes quod natura sua imbecilla sit et [Faustinae] Syllae filiae et Milonis uxoris adulte- _ viribus infirma et brevi tempore duret et quod rio deprehensus ab ipso Tito Annio Milone fla- fortuna potius quam consilio regatur. Sed male gellis caesus est. Igitur Salustius ob eiusmodi faciunt qui sic conqueruntur. Nam ego contrariflagitia a senatu remotus. Cum intelligeret sibiob um existimo. Nihil enim esse puto maius aut tantam ignominiam aditum ad honores penitus _ praestabilius natura hominis. Homo enim cuncinterclusum, omissa cura rei publicae, se ad histo- _ tis animantibus praestat et excellit. Nam homo riam scribendam contulit. In qua re ita claruit, ut capax est rationis et cetera omnia animantia omnibus qui historiam scripserunt omnium iudi- _praeter hominem carent ratione. ... Falso. Ordo cio anteponatur. Et quemadmodum apud Grae- est: genus humanum falso queritur, id est concos Thucydides Herodotum ceterosque quihisto- queritur de natura sua, quod imbecilla scilicet riam scripserunt nobilitate et artificio dicendi ipsa natura atque aevi brevis regatur potius forte superavit, sic apud Latinos Salustius Livium quam virtute. Falso id est false. Est adverbium, id ceterosque historicos facile vicit. Unde Quintili- est iniuste.../... [Expl.]: Alia omnia virtuti suae anus [Inst. 10.1101] Thucydidi Salustium com- _ prona (114.2) id est facilia et proclivia virtuti Roparat, Livium Herodoto. Porro tam in Thucydide manae. Ac si diceret, Romani existimaverunt hoc, quam in Salustio mira brevitas quaedam et affec- _videlicet alias omnes gentes praeter Gallos virtute tata rerum ubertas commendatur. Nam uterque _ sua vinci et domari posse, sed Gallos gentem esse

ita rerum frequentia creber est, ut verborum cum qua dimicandum sit non ut eam subigant prope numerum sententiarum numero conse- sed ne ab ipsa subigantur. Ex ea tempestate

294 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM IUGURTHINUM (114.4). Ex eo tempore omnes spes et opes civi- oteca bresciana, vol. 3 (Brescia, 1818-23; rpt.

tatis in Mario positae sunt. Bologna, [1968]), 227-28. On Brescian humanism Lector memento scriptum esse in Iugurthino: and printing in the fifteenth century (with referDeinde postero die per Saritiam legem sententiis | ences to Soldus’ commentary), see V. Cremona, exquisitis in deditionem accipitur [BI 29.5]; ubi “Lumanesimo bresciano,” in Storia di Brescia, mendum tollendum est et legendum per Satyram vol. 2: La dominazione veneta (Brescia, 1963), legem non per Saritiam. Nam lex Satyra est, auc- 542-70; E. Sandal, “Dal libro antico al libro mo-

tore Diomede grammatico [p. 486K], quae uno derno,” in I primordi della stampa a Brescia rogatu multa scilicet et varia comprehendit, ut 1472-1511, ed. E. Sandal, Medioevo e umanesimo vultis iubetisne ut cum Iugurtha bellum com- 63 (Padua, 1986), 227-307; P. Veneziani, “La stamponatur, elephantos tradat omnes, transfugas pa a Brescia e nel Bresciano 1472-1511, ibid., 1-23

reddat universos? Finis. and La tipografia a Brescia nel XV secolo (Flor-

wo ence, 1986). On Johannes Britannicus, see in addi-

Editions: ion to the above: CTC 1.23132; “Britannico, Gio-

1495.1, [ca. 1496], [ca. 1497-99], 1497.1 (or JO DBL tana (U Barone).

1498.1), 1500.7, 1502, (*) 1513, 1514, 1546, 1547. See YANMY DBI 14.342-43 (U. Baroncelli)

above, Composite Editions. 15. Jodocus Badius Ascensius

Biography: For the date and circumstances of the com-

Johannes Chrysostomus Soldus (Giovanni mentary, see [.16 above. Crisostomo or Gian Crisostomo Soldi) flourished Commentary (ed. of Paris, 1504). Iodoci Badii in the second half of the fifteenth century and Ascensii in Bellum Iugurthinum Familiaris et presumably came from Brescia, where the Soldi Dilucida Interpretatio. [Inc.|]: Falso queritur [de (or Soldo) were one of the prominent families of atura sua genus humanum] (1.1). Allaturus huius the city. Early writers (Cozzando and Peroni) operis auctor instituti sui rationem cur videlicet state that he was a member of the Dominican Or- _praetermissa rei publicae administratione se ad der, but this has not been substantiated by any _ historiae descriptionem applicuerit, orditur ab Dominican biographers. At the time Soldus be- communi hominum natura, quae talis est ut nulgan his Expositio, he seems to have been residing _lus sit excusationi locus quominus clarus memo-

at the monastery of San Leonardo in Monte randusque evadat, cum tot sint animi humani (Monte Donico) outside Verona, which housed a __exercitia quae nos ad immortalem gloriam percommunity of monks under the rule of St. Mark ducant ... [continues with titulus, divisio, then

of Mantua (Lateran Canons). phrase by phrase]. In exordiali facit quod dixi. He should not be confused with the Cristoforo Unde ordo est: Genus humanum id est fere omnis

Soldo(i) of Brescia, author of a mid-fifteenth- homo. Queritur id est conqueritur. Falso id est century Cronaca, nor with the Dominican theo- immerito aut potius falsa ratione inductum, cum logian of the later sixteenth century, Johannes putet se miserum et infelix quod tam brevi incluChrysostomus of Bagnolo (Naples). Other per- datur vitae spatio corpusque tam fragile ac imbesons by the name Johannes Brixiensis, de Brixia, cillum habeat, cum contra animo immortali or Bresciano are mentioned in connection with aeternam gloriam mereri posset, si potius anithe history of Brescia and of the Dominican Or- mum quam corpus exercuerit. Christiano autem der, but there is nothing to indicate that one of homini (ut ad nos quoque respiciam) cum frethem was the author of the commentary on Sal- quens sit, nulla est iusta de brevitate aut fragilitate

lust’s Iugurtha. _ vitae querela, nam si bene vixerit, ut decet, quili-

bet esset, desiderium habens dissolvi et esse cum Works (2): Christo, haberetque 1; , ; , que dissolutionem in dissoluti voto et vi

Manuscripts listed by Peroni (see below) “5 tam in patientia.../... |Expl.]: Ex ea tempestate

lost: Vita del B. Sebastiano Maggi and Cronica di [spes atque opes civitatis in illo sitae] (114.4). Et

5. Domenico. spes atque opes civitatis scilicet Romanae. Sitae id Bibliography: est positae seu locatae erant. In illo scilicet Mario.

Cosenza 4.3294A; L. Cozzando, Libraria bre- Ex ea tempestate id est post eam tempestatem, sciana, part 2 (Brescia, 1694), 261; V. Peroni, Bibli- quia victis Cimbris, tertium Romae conditorem

11.18. HENRICUS GLAREANUS 295 Marium populus Romanus appellabat, ut auctor Falso queritur de natura sua... (1.1). Orditur a est Plutarchus [Mar. 27.5]. Actum siquidem de loco communi de hominis natura unde postea raimperio fuisset, nisi Marius illi saeculo contigis- tionem otii reddit. Animus incorruptus, aeternus set. De morte Iugurthae inveni epigramma se-_ ... (2.3). Non est obnoxius mortalitati animus. quens in quo obiisse dicitur in carcere, sed putem Verum ex his magistratus (3.1). De otio suo necatum fuisse, ut de Lentulo et sociis coniura- .../... [Expl.]: Numquam ego ratus fore (110.1). tionis visum est, nam id Florus quoque attestatur Orditur ab opinione sua a praesenti casu. [Epit. 2.12.11]. Nosse cupis vulgo non cognita fata Ceterum de re publica vestra (110.6). Narratio. Iugurthae // Ut Plutarchus ait, carcere clausus Denique regi patefecit quod polliceatur . . . (111.1).

itions: a

obit | Mar. 12.3—-4]. Finis. Quando victoria penes Romanos esset. Quem s1

Editions: Romanis tradidisset, fore ut illi plurimum debereSee 1.16 above. tur, amicitiam, foedus (111.1). Non esse facturos foedus cum rege. Sed plerumque regiae voluntates, Biography: ut vehementes sic mobiles, saepe ipsae sibi adversae See I.16 above. (113.1). Tvapn. Uti de pace *veniretur (113.2).

itions: ; | ee ;[.18 above.

Aliter *conveniretur.

16. Jacobus a Cruce Bononiensis Editions:

For the date and circumstances of the annota- S

tions, see I.17 above.

Commentary (ed. of Paris, 1511). In Iugurtham Biography: Sallustii. [Inc.]: In Iugurtha ad hoc primum illud See 1.18 above. occurrit: Nunc vero exul patria, domo, solus atque

omnium rerum honestarum egens, quos accedam 18. Henricus Glareanus aut quos appellem (14.17). Ex Donato [In Ter. Hec. For the date and circumstances of the com378] corrigendum est quos accidam. Accidereenim mentary, see I.19 above.

eodem auctore est gestum corporis ostendere in Commentary (ed. of Basel, 1538). In C. Crispi humilitatem cadentis quod est iuxta et cadere. Sallustii Iugurthinum Bellum Henrici Glareani Tranquillus in Claudio [10.2]: Et prae metu ad Annotationes. [Inc.]: Decus atque libertatem suam genua sibi accidentem imperatorem salutavit; gratificari (3.3). Illud gratificari varie exponunt non accedentem ut passim legitur .../... commentarii. Soldus coniungit libido gratificari et [Expl.]: Illud etiam paene in calce Iugurthae sic exponit libido gratificandi. Badius addit in exposiab omnibus legitur fere: Ego flumen Mulucham, tione sua verbum velint, quod nulli contextus quod inter me et Mycipsam fluit, non egrediar habent. Sed subiungit: si ordo hic est, libido grati(110.8). Tu autem periculo meo Mulucha legito. _ficari, ponitur more Graecorum pro gratificandi. Mulucha namque genere neutro pronuntiatur. Ut Sin libido tenet gratificari, tenet ponitur quasi pro enim ait Caper: duo barbara neutri generis lecta cogit. Haec ille. Ego puto ordinem esse: Nisi forte sunt apud Sallustium: Mulucha et Duria [Phoca, quem inhonesta et perniciosa libido tenet gratifi-

Ars, p. 412K]. cari, id est gratis donare decus atque libertatem Editions: potentiae paucorum, quasi diceret, quos iuittons:suam , fieri ip] Per idem tempus adversus

See L17 above. vat fier! Mancipla.... Fer 1 om p : Gallos etc. (114.1). L. Florus Livii racemator libro

Biography: LXVII ex eodem [Epit. 1.38] ait bello adversus

See I.17 above. Cimbros male ab his ducibus pugnatum esse, non

autem adversus Gallos, ut hic Sallustius perhibet.

17. Philippus Melanchthon Sane Cimbri Germani sunt, quorum Chersonesus For the date and circumstances of the com- est in extremo Germaniae angulo Septentrionem mentary, see 1.18 above. Textual corrections or versus, ut praeter alios auctores etiam Ptolemaeus variants, noted by the author or editor and print- meminit ... [discusses Sallust’s account in comed in the margins, are marked by an asterisk. parison with those of Livy, Strabo, Pliny, and Tac-

Commentary (ed. of Haguenau, 1529). C. itus].../...[£Expl.]: Verum qui de his copiosius Crispi Salustii De bello Iugurthino liber. [Inc.]: scitu dignissima legere volet, videat volumen D.

296 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM IUGURTHINUM Aegidii Tschudi Claronensis V. C. apud Helvetios malignitate conqueritur, quod exiguum aevi gigquod de antiquitate Rhaetiae inscripsit ubi Plinii nimur, quod haec tam velociter, tam rapide dati aliorumque auctorum loca de gentibus Alpinis et nobis temporis spatia decurrant. Non exiguum

vere et eleganter ut nemo hac aetate melius expli- enim temporis habemus, sed multum_per-

cavit [ Nat. hist. 3.20.133—35]. didimus; satis longa vita est, si tota bene collo-

Editions: caretur..../... [Expl.]: Insidiantibus (113.5) sci-

See L.19 above. licet Syllanis. Male (114.1) infeliciter. Marius

(114.3). Hoc videtur factum contra Romanorum

Biography: legem ut Marius absens fieret consul, quod non See I.19 above. assecutus est Caesar qui, devictis Gallis, trium-

phum cupiebat et tunc forte comitiorum dies

19. Johannes Rivius erat, ergo volebat ut absens consul fieret ut etiam For the date and circumstances of the com- triumphare posset, quod, postquam utrumque

mentary, see I.20 above. | assequi non potuit, spreto triumpho, consulatum

Commentary (ed. of Leipzig, 1539). Castiga- (sic) ei decretum est. Sed superius visum est Maritionum liber secundus. [Inc.]: Sorte potius quam um consulem (sic), et forte fuit confirmatus ut in virtute regatur (1.1). Manuscripta, quaecumque _ sequenti anno consulare imperium haberet, et ita

ipse viderim, for te potius pro fortuito eventu. triumphavit, quia non est ingressus Romam ad Nam fors pro fortuna saepe ponitur. Cicero ad _ consulatum petendum.

plus; ; qSeePI.21 3 above.

Atticum [14.13.3]: Sed haec fors viderit, quae tali- i

bus in rebus plus quam ratio potest. Idem [8.1.3]: Editions: Quemcunque fors tulerit casum. Sed et impressa

quaedam sic habent. Neque tamen priorem lec- Biography: tionem repudio, quae et ipsa bene habet.../... See I.21 above. [Expl.]: Ceteri obtruncati, Iugurtha Syllae vinctus

traditur (113.7). Venetum illud a Pincio excussum, 21. Vincentius Castellanus necnon alia pleraque, ceteris obtruncatis ut sint For the date and circumstances of the comduo ablativi absolute positi. Sed est idem utro- mentary, see I.22 above. bique sensu. Quomodo in Fabriciano fuerit, haud Commentary (ed. of Bologna, 1554). [Inc.]: Falscio, nam finis deest. In duobus manuscriptis et so (1.1). Non solum vulgus sed etiam doctissimi vulgata lectio. Isque Calendis Ianuartis magna glo- _ plerique viri (ut apud Stobaeum ceterosque aucria triumphavit (114.3). Manuscripta KL Ianuarii tores legimus) conquesti sunt, quod imbecilla sit quomodo et ex impressis quaedam. Tametsi quod hominum vita brevisque temporis spatio ter-

itions:

ad sensum ipsum attinet, utrumvis probe minetur, itemque quod casui et fortunae subiecta

quadrat. sit. In his praesertim fuit Theophrastus qui (ut Editions: inquit Cicero Tusculanarum quaestionum libro 3 See 1.20 above. [3.28.69]) .. / ... [Expl.]: Cum Gallis pro salute non pro gloria certare (114.2). Diomedes gramBiography: maticus, ubi agit de impersonali verborum decliSee J.20 above. natione [p. 399K], ita hunc locum citat: Cum Gallis de salute non de gloria certari. Iugurtham

20. Bartholomaeus Marlianus Romam vinctum adduci (114.2-3). Ductus est For the date and circumstances of the com- Jugurtha cum duobus filiis vinctus in triumpho

mentary, see I.21 above. ac mox in carcere necatus (Livius, Orosius, EuCommentary (ed. of Venice, 1546). [Inc.|]: Falso tropius, Plutarchus). Marius consul absens factus (1.1) accentum habet in fine, id est non merito. _ est. Id per leges Romanas fieri non poterat, sed in Imbecilla fragilis. Unde Plinius [ Nat. hist. 7, praef. tanto periculo legibus solutus est. Vide Plutar4]: Quid est homo? Imbecillissimum corpus, ob- chum [ Mar. 12.1].

noxium sexcentis malis; et Seneca [ Dial. 6.11.3]: Editions:

Quid est homo? Quodlibet vas quassum et tactu See 103 ab fragile. Brevis. Seneca de brevitate vitae [Dial. CE 1.22 AONE.

10.1.1] inquit: Maior pars mortalium de naturae

I1I1.23. JOHANNES PESCHEUR 297 Biography: bellum dicitur. *?Quo tempore Masinissa exceptus

See I.22 above. est a Romanis....

Parasceve ad concionem I. Cum Scipio Ro-

22. Aldus Manutius Junior manus imperator Iugurthae animum, industriam For the date and circumstances of the Scholia, et audaciam in Numantiae expeditione, ad quam

see 1.24 above. erat missus a patruo Micipsa ut Romanis esset a. The edition of Venice, 1563 auxilio, cognovisset, hunc lugurtham ad MicipCommentary. In Iugurtham. [Inc.|]: Vi quidem sam remissit cum his litt cris [7-9]. regere patriam aut parentes (3.2). Sumpsit hoc a Conciones. sopion’s litter + ie Micipsam Platone ex epistola ad Perdiccam [Ep. 5, 322B], 19.2) Conc. I. Augurt ae tui velto Numanee

quem locum et Cicero mutuatus est in epistola, ‘O%8© 7114 VP tus fut, quam rem Certo scio 114 periucundae (sic) ... [Ad fam. 1.9.18]. Secundum gaudio ESSE. Nobis ob merita sua carus est, ut ide m ea (14.3) pro post ea. Sic Priscianus legit lib. XIII Senatui populoque Komano sit, summa ope nite[GL 3.26], idque sententia confirmat. Fulvii liber: mur (ct. BC 1.1). Tibi quidem pro nostra amicitia Sedea.../...[Expl.]: Ab inermis pedibus (107.1). gratulor. En habes dignum virum te atque avo tuo Antea inermibus. Ego inermis reposui, ex Nonio Masinissa. Vale. [BI 9.2] 1. lugurthae commenda : haec recitante in commentariolo de mutata decli- 0 x effectis. 2. Benevolentiae locus ab adiunctis.

natione [p. 492M]. Argumentum concionis I. Iugurtham effectis et rebus bellicis Micipsae commendat ipsique

b. The edition of Rome, 1563 (colophon: 1564) gratulatur Scipio.

The edition of Venice, 1567 introduces addi- Annotationes in argumentum historiae. Punttional scholia including texts of ancient inscrip- co, Punicus id est Carthaginiensis, et Punici quasi

tions. Phoenici dicuntur a Phoenice Agenoris filio conCommentary. In Iugurtham. [Inc.] Vi quidem ditore, de quibus Strabo lib. 16 [172]. Syphax. regere patriam aut parentes quamquam et possis et Syphax rex fuit Numidarum qui cum Scipioni per delicta corrigas, tamen importunum est (3.2). Laelium amicitiam proposuisset et paulo post adSumpsit hoc a Platone in epistola longa ad Dio- _haerens Annibali fidem violasset, victus ab ipso

nis propinquos: Tatepa...THv aptoTnv [Ep.7, Scipione in triumphum ductus est, illoque mor331C-D]..../... [Expl.]: Quae scilicet tacente tuo in carcere regnum Masinissae est datum.... ipso occulta oris immutatione patefecisse (113.3). Patruus. Patruus frater patris qui est quasi loco Fulvii liber: Quae scilicet tacente ipso occulta patris. Patruus magnus, magnus frater; avi patrupectoris specie oris patefecissent. Alii: Quae sci- us, maximus frater; proavi et abavi avunculus, licet ipso tacente occulta pectoris oris immuta- _ matris frater. tione patefecisse. Vel: Quae scilicet tacente ipso [Other conciones follow: 2. Micipsae adhorta-

occulta oris immutatio patefecit. tio; 3. Adherbalis verba ad Senatum; 4. Adherbalis

Editions: ad Senatum litterae; 5. Memmii tribuni pleb. adSee I.24 above. hortatio ad populum; 6. Oratio Marii consulis ad

. Pop. Rom.; 7. Syllae facundi adolescentis oratio

Biography: ad Bocchum; 8. Senatus et Pop. Rom. ad Bocchi See 1.24 above. legatos responsum; 9. Oratio Bocchi ad Syllam.|

Belli Iugurthini extremum quo Bocchi dubia

23. Johannes Pescheur cunctatione et insidiis Iugurtha intercipitur.

For the date and circumstances of the com-_ [Inc.]: 'Ad ea Sylla, quando pro se breviter et

mentary, see I.25 above. modice de pace et de communibus rebus multis disCommentary. Parasceve ad conciones ex seruit. Rex saepius fatigatus, leniter ex voluntate Iugurthino bello a Ioanne Pescheur decerptas. Syllae omnia se facturum promittit [111.1-3].1. Syl-

[Inc.]: Bello Punico secundo, quod dux Car- la sua facundia Bocchum in suam sententiam thaginiensium* Annibal Italiae opes attriverat, pellexit .../... [Expl]: Ceteris obtruncatis Masinissa rex Numidarum receptus a P. Scipione Iugurtha Syllae vinctus traditur et ab eo ad MariAfricano multa et praeclara rei militaris facinora um deductus est [113.6]. Per idem tempus Consul

fecerat [5.4] .../... [Expl]: a quo Iugurthinum Marius absens factus de Gallis’ postea kalendis

298 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM IUGURTHINUM Ianuartis victoriam reportavit [114.1-3].... 5. Praefatio (ed. of Basel, 1571). Caelii Secundi

Marius de Gallis victoriam reportat. Curionis in Salustii Bellum Iugurthinum annotaAnnotationes ex extremo belli Iugurthae. tiones. [Jnc.]: Salustiani exordii in bellum Quaestor (113.5). Quaestor a quaerendo dicitur Jugurthinum scopus est et propositum debere quasi quaesitor, vel qui curam habet aerarii publi- mortales bonis artibus ac beneficiis in commune ci cuius officium est inventum bellorum causa, conferendis nominis immortalitatem sibi comquem hodie thesaurarium bellicum vocamus.... parare. Verum quoniam plerique naturam accuItem quaestor qui praeest iudiciis exercendis et sant suam quasi imbecillem ad id consequenmaleficiis puniendis: maleficiorum iudex nomi- dum, hos Salustius primum reprehendit ... natur. Quaesitor Minos Vir. 6 Aeneid. [6.432]. [continues with detailed philosophical discussion Letters in praise of Johannes Pescheur and of _ of the prologue]. [| Expl.]: Et haec de prima exordii

Louis du Moulin: parte. Nunc expendamus verba atque sententias. Prudentissimo Regio procuratori in domo Commentary. [Inc.]: Falso quaeritur (1.1). Inter publica, domino Ludovico du Moulin maecenati eos qui generis humani imbecillitatem deplosui praeceptoris Ioannis Pescheur Gaspardus rarunt fuit Theophrastus, ut Cicero Tuscul. 3 tes-

Luylier s. p..... tatur [3.28.69]; praeterea Plinius Secundus de nat. Praeceptoris sui maecenati L. du Moulin _ histor. lib. 7 prooemio [7, praef. 4]: sed qui scrip-

Mathaeus du Pont offerebat. ... sit elegiam de obitu Maecenatis multa videtur in

itions: a: ; ;

Nicolaus Morin lectori. ... hanc scientiam collegisse. Sed horum omnium Gulielmus de Baillou lector. ... querelis respondet Lactantius in lib. [3] de opifi-

Editions: , cio Dei. Seneca quoque in opere de brevitate vitae See 1.25 above. multa subtiliter et Stoice [Dial. 10.1.1]. ve /. ..

[Expl.|: Hostes paene victos dare (59.3). Periphrasis

Biography: est, pro vincere vel equites Iugurthini novo modo See I.25 above. pugnantes dabant et tradebant peditibus suis Romanos paene victos, ut peditibus sit dandi casus.

24. Caelius Secundus Curio [Editor]: Hucusque pervenit in explicationibus Curio’s annotations on the Iugurtha were pub- __ verborum ac sententiarum belli Iugurthini clarislished posthumously at Basel in 1571in an edition _simus vir c. CAELIUS SECUNDUS CURIO. Discessit

also containing the notes of Jacobus a Cruce, ex hac valle miseriarum, Anno Virginei partus Philippus Melanchthon, and Henricus Glareanus. millesimo quingentesimo sexagesimo nono, They were evidently intended for use in the class- mense novemb. die 24. lectionibus non absolutis.

room, but were not quite finished at the time of Editions:

his death. Curio had already used the Iugurtha as iHons: ‘ b

a model for his monograph De bello Melitensi his- micro.) 1571, (*)1590, 1606. See above, Comtoria nova (1567), where Sallustian influence is es- posite Editions. pecially evident in the preface, speeches, and di- Biography: gressions; he had also cited Sallust in his essay De See CTC 1.232-34 (Biography, 234) (Juvenalis) historia legenda sententia. The commentary, and 3.285-87 (Biography, 287) (Persius) . which covers most of the Iugurtha, contains some notes on the text, but is chiefly an explication of Add to Works: De bello Melitensi historia nova the verba and sententiae, with occasional brief di- (Basel, 1567); Italian translation by E. RF Mizzi: gressions on points of history, rhetoric, and Nuova storia della guerra di Malta (1565) (Rome,

moral or political philosophy. 1927); De historia legenda sententia (before 1564), The copy of the 1571 edition seen on microfilm in Artis historicae penus ..., ed. J. Wolfius, vol. 2 (Bern, Stadt- und Universitatsbibliothek, Z133; (Basel, 1579), 599-602. Filmhalt Bong V.616) has the following note on

the title page: “Sebastianus dedit H. Stephano Add to Bibliography: “Curione, Celio SeconFrancfordii, Anno 1595. Febr. 13.” It contains mar- do,” DBI 31.443-49 (A. Biondi); G. Busino, “Ttali-

ginal annotations said to be by Henricus ani all’Universita di Basilea dal 1460 al 1601,” Bi-

Stephanus (Henri Estienne). bliothéque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 20 (1958)

II.27. PETRUS CIACCONIUS 299 497-526; L’Europe des humanistes, 140; D. Canti- tatem agere, tanto tamque utibili labori meo mori, Eretici italiani del Cinquecento (Florence, nomen inertiae imponent, certe quibus maxima in1939), 93ff. and passim; Cantimori and E. Feist, dustria videtur salutare plebem et conviviis eds., Per la storia degli eretici italiani del secolo quaerere. Utibili fuit in vetere codice meo et musis XVI in Europa (Rome, 1937), 91-92; E. Cochrane, gratia, cum bene fuit. Usi eo multi, in multis TeHistorians and Historiography in the Italian Re- rentius: Quid minus utibile fuit quam hoc ulcus naissance (Chicago, 1981), 352-53 and passim; G. tangere [Phormio 690]? [The notes continue, Cotroneo, I trattatisti dell’ “Ars historica” (Naples, _ treating random passages of the Iugurtha on fols.

1971), 305-306. 17v—-241, then after several pages on the Catilina resume on fols. 30v—45r.] .../... [Expl]: De

25. Cyprianus Popma paratu Metelli: Igitur diffidens veteri exercitui For the date and circumstances of the Emen- milites eligere ... et multarum rerum egenti usut

dationes, see I.26 above. esse solent (43.3). Principio illud eligere exturbanCommentary (ed. of Louvain, 1572). [Inc.|]: dum est. In optimis enim libris nullum eius vesCeterasque bonas artes (1.3). Haec lectio in om- __ tigium et, si aures consulas, quadra orationis ipsa

nibus pervulgatis exemplaribus et quattuor manu repudiat. Deinde sequendus est Thosanus: descriptis reperitur. Verum in duobus pervetustis | Denique omnia quae in bello vario multarum relibris Aliasque bonas artes scriptum animadverti rum usui esse solent. Bellum rerum varium, ut quomodo et Donatus citat act. II scen. I] in Eu- homo animi varius. Ita insignem cum gignendi nuchum Terentii. Nos tamen hic vulgatam recep-___casu dixit Tertullianus [De pallio 4.5]: Sardanatamque lectionem non mutavimus. Etenim apte palum tacendum est et alios libidinum insignes. sane quadrat cum illo Catilinarii loco: Namque Ilo loco: Ipse paullatim dispersos milites neque avaritia fidem, probitatem ceterasque bonas artes minus hostibus conturbatis in unum contrahit, subvertit [BC 10.4] .../... [Expl.]: Cum Gallis dein custos pleno gradu in collem subducit (98.4),

pro salute non pro gloria certare (BI 114.2). quod sic plerique scripti codices repraesentant, Diomedes libro primo [p. 399K] Cum Gallis de non est existimandum subesse aliud quam quod salute et non de gloria certare legit. Et in Catili- ita scripserit Sallustius cuctos. Sic enim dicebant. nario (ut nos eum locum restituimus): non de Itaque cuctionem pro arilatore ab eadem origine divitiis, inquit, cum divite neque de factione cum _ interpretantur Isidorus [Etymol. 7.6.33: cocfactioso, sed cum strenuo de virtute, cum _ tionem; cf. Festus, pp. 20M, 51M] et alii, quia per modesto de pudore, cum innocente de abstinen- _cucta licitando eat.

tia certabat [BC 54.6]. Neque tamen vulgatam Editions:

as ne . ee 1.28 above.

scripturam damno, huic enim apte convenit, S eae

quod supra eodem in libro scribit Sallustius: magna vi utrimque pro gloria atque imperio his, Biography:

illis pro salute certantibus [BI 94.5]. See [.28 above.

cations 27. Petrus Ciacconius

For the date and circumstances of the com-

Biography: mentary, see I.29 above.

See 1.26 above. Commentary (ed. of Leiden, 1594). Notae in Jugurthinum Bellum Sallustii. [Inc.]: Agit atque

26. Janus Mellerus Palmerius habet cuncta, neque ipse habetur (2.3). Sic ArisFor the date and circumstances of the Spicile- _ toteles Tept Exe in Categoriis | Cat. 15] et Cicero

gia, see 1.28 above. lib. 9 epistula ultima Ad familiares [9.26] de Aris-

Spicilegia (ed. of Frankfurt, 1580). [Inc.]: tippo Socratico philosopho. Dediti corporis gaudiQuaerere convivus (4.3) dixerat Sallustius in De is (2.4). Sic in oratione De re publica ordinanda: bello Iugurthino, belle, si ita visum esset librariis omissis pecuniae et corporis gaudiis [1.7.5]. Caequi alii aliud; plerique gloriam aut gratiam, dem, fugam aliaque hostilia (3.2). Meus liber: caequidam etiam amicitiam inculcarunt. Atque ego dem, fugam, incendia aliaque hostilia, ut Catilina credo fore qui, quia decrevi procul re publica ae- 20: caedem, incendia aliaque belli facinora [BC

300 SALLUSTIUS, BELLUM IUGURTHINUM 32.2]. Potentiae paucorum decus atque libertatem Manuscript: suam gratificari (BI 3.4). Tacitus 4: Odiis Seiani Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, V D 44, s. XVI, per dedecus suum gratificabatur [Ann. 4.19] fols. 12r-29r. Notes of Fulvius Ursinus on the .../... [Expl]: Cum Gallis pro salute non pro opera (fols. 1r—47r), drawn from Ciacconius. See gloria certari (114.2). Tacitus in vita Agricolae I.29, I.30, and II.27 above, and V. Brown, “Caesar,” [26.3]: Romanis redit animus ac securi pro salute CTC 3.120 and “Varro,” CTC 4.492.

de gloria certabant. Editions: Manuscripts: See I.30 above. Copenhagen, Universitetsbiblioteket, Arna- Biooraphy: magnaeanske Institut, AM 828 4to, s. XVI, fols. Sent , ove

130r—137r. Petrus Ciacconius, autograph, notes on the opera (fols. 89r-145v). See I.29 above. 29. Christophorus Colerus Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, V D 44, s. XVI, For the date and circumstances of the com-

fols. 12r-29r. Notes of Fulvius Ursinus on the mentarv. see 1.21 above | opera (fols. 1r—47r), drawn from Ciacconius. See C % i qd. € Frankfu ‘n0-21 and “Varro” CTC 4.40102, ristophori Coleri ad bellum lugurthinum No-

I.29 and I.30 above, and V. Brown, “Caesar,” CTC Ch ommentary \€c. 0 ranklurt, 1599).

3-HIQ-21 an ‘ 4-491~93 tae. [ Inc.]: Liber hic inscribitur De bello Iugurthi-

Editions: no, quod in eo bellum a populo Romano cum See I.29 above. Iugurtha Numidarum rege in Africa gestum de-

Biography: scribatur. Bella quae Romani gessere varii sunt See 1.29 above. generis: generaliter tamen interna vel externa. ...

Falso queritur (1.1). Imitatus est hoc exordium

38. Fulvius Ursinus Sallustianum Vindicianus in epistula medica For the date and circumstances of the com- ad Valentinianum Imperatorem: Cum SaePe,

mentary, see 1.30 above. sacratissime Imperator, humani generis fragilitas Commentary (ed. of Antwerp, 1595). Notae ad falso de natura sua queratur, aliquando tamen Librum de bello Iugurthae. [Inc.]: Agit atque ha- potuimus redditis causis osten ef remediis

bet cuncta, neque ipse habetur (2.3). Verbum habet vanas et innumeras querimonias retrenare Ep. et habetur eodem quo Graeci sensu Sallustius Vind tn Marcellus, De medicamentis liber]. Im-

usurpavit, apud quos notum est illud Demosthe- peo i. Afranius apud Nonium ss nie

nis €xw THY Aatda, Kal ovkK Exopat [Diog. Laert. Ri ee | in vescus: At puer est vescis ImDeclilus 2.75.1 (Aristippus)]. Caedem, fugam aliaque hos- viribus [ tog. 315]. Forte p oltus (1.1). Sic recte tilia (3.2). In vetere codice additur vox incendia primus emendavit Turnebus lib. 26 cap. D- Usi

etc. et legitur: caedem, fugam, incendia aliaque ‘™'™ hac ee aor 7 rerique pro nec opinato horribilia. Et sic supra in Bello Catilinae [32.2] Deh, .-/... [Expl]: ne ‘ absens factus (114.3). dixit: caedem, incendia, aliaque belli facinora é hac re exstat vetus lapis: ___VGVRTA MIL. .../... [Expl]: Iugurtha Sullae vinctus traditur EXTRA // ____VGVRTA REGE NVMID. // (113.7). De hac Iugurthae traditione, quae a Faus- —___ANTE CVRRVM SvVM // _____NSVL to Sullae filio in numismatibus quoque veteribus APSENS // CREATVS // _____NORVM EXER // signata est, Plinius lib. XXXVI, cap. 1 sic ait: Sulla cITVM // _____CIMBROS FvGa // VIT EX s¢ // Dictator traditione Iugurthae semper signavit —__—InIs // ______HAVIT REM // TURBATAM,

[Nat. hist. 37.9.2], et Valerius Maximus lib. VIII Editions: cap. XIV [8.14.4]. L. autem Sulla, etsi ad neminem See I.31 above.

scriptorum animum direxit, tamen Jugurtha a .

Boccho rege ad Marium perducto totam sibi lau- Seen ye

dem cupide asseruit, ut anulo quo signatorio ute-

batur scalptam illam traditionem haberet. Cum 30. Helias Putschius Gallis pro salute non pro gloria certare (114.2). Huc For the date and circumstances of the comrespexisse videtur Tacitus, cum in vita Agricolae mentary, see 1.32 above. The edition of Frankfurt, 263) de elovia crtahent animus, etc. SECUTTPFO 1607 has a slightly different version of the com-

III.I.1. AEMILIUS ASPER 301 mentary, beginning with a note on defluxere (BI Ill. HisTORIARUM LIBRI* 1.4).

Commentary (ed. of [Leiden,] 1602). Ad COMMENTARIES Iugurtham. [Inc.]: Et postea quae genera hominum

(4.4). Melius vetus codex: et quae genera 1. HISTORIAE

hominum postea in senatum pervenerint. Magis 7

magisque eum in dies amplecti (7.6). Sincerior erit 1. Aemilius Asper

lectio eiecto TOS’ eum, quod quam sit congruens In a number of places in the grammarians

superioribus, iudicent Sallustiani.../...[Expl.]: (Julius Romanus [third century a.p.] apud Vultu corporis pariter atque animo varius (113.3). Charisium [fourth century]; Rufinus [fifth-sixth

Haec vera lectio est, nec satis mirari queo century] and Priscian [fifth-sixth century]), in emendatorum supinitatem, qui glossis librario- the early fifth-century church fathers Jerome and

rum quam _ Sallustianis verbis adhaerere Augustine, and in the fourth/fifth century com- — maluerunt. Quid enim haec quam mera glosse- Mentaries of Donatus and Servius on Terence and

mata: coloreac motu? Virgil are found references to and quotations

_. from Aemilius Asper, who can be dated only beEditions: tween the mid-first and mid-third centuries of See 1.32 above. our era. From three such references (Julius RoBiography: manus, Lydus [sixth century], and Jerome) comes See 1.32 above. evidence that one of his works was a commentary on Sallust: Julius Romanus cites “Asper commen-

31. Janus Gruterus tario Sallustii historiarum”; Jerome says, “Puto For the date and circumstances of the com- quod puer legeris Aspri in Vergilium et Salmentary, see 1.33 above. In his note to BI 103, lustium commentarios” (Adversum Rufinum 1.6);

Gruterus points out the following lacuna (to Lydus’ Greek term for the commentary is pacem vellet, daret operam [112.3]) in his Nazari- UTOpVvnLa TOV LaddovoTiou LoTopLav (De maanus (Pal. lat. 889). (On the Palatine manuscripts, _gistratibus 3.8). The evidence of all but one of the

see 1.33 above.) fragments suggests that his commentary was lim-

Commentary (ed. of Frankfurt, 1607). Iani ited to the Historiae; only Wessner’s fr. XIII (from Gruteri in Iugurtham Notae. [Inc.]: Caput I. Falso Julius Romanus) is in reference to BC 51.1 Omnes,

queritur de natura sua genus humanum. Palatini but not necessarily to an Asper commentary on nec eodem loco nec eodem modo scriptum that passage. The grammatical nature of the surhabent pronomen, nam septimus de sua natura, viving fragments is perhaps due to the circumoctavus de natura sui; at Commeliniano meo to- _ stances of their survival, but the commentary of a

tum abest .../... [Expl.]: Caput CXIV. Consul grammaticus would have been a teaching comabsens factus est (114.3). Nazarianus esset. Palatino mentary that began with grammar and passed to tertio abest id vocis, et recte. Ex ea tempestate everything necessary to the reading and interpre-

(114.4). Ita manuscripti potentioris fidei, nam tation of the author. At least some of the comquibus minor auctoritas exclusere illud ex vel mentary was written in question-and-answer mutarunt in et; sunt etiam qui praeferant et ex ea __ style. There are nine fragments, seven concerning

tempore. Spes atque opes civitatis in illo sitae texts from books 1-4 and the others on texts of (114.4). Eieci Carrionis asseclarumque sitae erant, uncertain location.

itions: . ; ;

quod non compareret in plerisque manuscriptis Commentary. [Inc.|] [of fragment nearest to arcereturque alioquin editionibus obsoletis, beginning of comm.? = fr. V Wessner]: Recens denique proderent id falsi manuscripti aliquot in (1.2). Asper commentario Sallustii historiarum |

quibus sitae sunt. nunc adverbium nunc nomen id esse dicit, ut “re-

Editions: cens scrip”. Potest enim esse temporis See 1,33 above. [Julius Romanus, De adverbio = Biography: * For the numbering of the fragments, see the intro-

See 1.33 above. duction to IIL.iii below.

302 SALLUSTIUS, HISTORIAE Charisius, Ars grammatica (p. 216K)] .../... 11. ORATIONES ET EPISTULAE EX

[Expl.] [of fragment nearest to end of the com- HistTortiis EXCERPTAE mentary? = fr. XI Wessner]: Ceterum consilium est Tigranis regno integro ... bellum conficere (A) SET OF FOUR ORATIONS AND TWO LETTERS (IV.69.16). Ceterum quo modo positum est? pro

alioquin: alioquin consilium est? an pro relicum, (ORATIO LEPIDI, ORATIO PHILIPPI, ut sit nomen: relicum consilium est? [fr. XII Orato C. CoTTAE, ORATIO MaAcrI, EPISTULA Wessner] Rumore primo (fr. incertae sedis 17). Sal- Cn. Pompe, EpisTuLA MITHRIDATIS) lustius historiarum, ubi Asper: non est, inquit,

ition: . . -

nomen sed adverbium, ut illud [Virg., Aen. 1.613] 1. Jodocus Badius Ascensius

“obstipuit primo aspectu Sidonia Dido”. For the date and circumstances of the com-

Edition: mentary, see I.16 above. 1905, Halle a. S.: Walsenhaus. P. Wessner, Commentary (ed. of Paris ‘ 1504). Oratio Lepidi Aemilius Asper. Ein Beitrag zur roemischen Lite- consulis ad P opulum ex libris Historiarum C. ; lustii. [Inc.]: Clementia et probitas vestra, raturgeschichte. Crispi Salusti ., [ Quirites, quibus per ceteras gentis maximi et clart

Biography: estis ...] (1.55.1). Clementia et probitas vestra etc.

Nothing is known of Aemilius Asper but the Haec oratio seu contio ad populum est Marci name and a date between the mid-first and mid- Aemilii Lepidi consulis ad populum Romanum, third centuries (between Cornutus and Julius Ro- qui de se ut de alio in fine locuturus est ubi se manus). He is not to be confused with the author commendat. Quod te admonitum velim, lector, of that name to whom is attributed an Ars gram- nam illic adnotamentum nostrum inversum est.

matica (pp. 39-61K [GL 8]). Nam ubi scripseram ‘se commendat’ et ‘ad sui

Works: , commendationem’ quem et cuius supposita sunt?

De verbo; perhaps a work on the language of Dehortatur autem populum a factione Syllae et ut Virgil; commentaries on Terence, Virgil, and Sal- libertatem se praeside vendicet monet. D Yrann

lust. dem id est violentam occupationem dominii. Erat tamen olim rex omnis tyrannus dictus unde est Bibliography: illud: Pars mihi pacis erit dextram tetigisse tyran-

E. Chatelain, “Fragments d’Asper d’aprés le nj [Virg., Aen. 7.266] .../... Epistola Mithripalimpseste de Corbie,” Revue de philologie, de lit- — datis. Rex Mithridatis Regi Arsaci s.... [Expl.]:

térature et d'histoire anciennes, N. S., 10 (1886) [Teque illa fama sequetur ... magnis regibus la83-101; M. Franca Buffa, “Aemilio Aspro: I com- __trones gentium oppressisse . . .] (IV.69.22). Oppresmentari sallustiano e terenziano,” Studi e ricerche sisse latrones gentium scilicet Romanos. Neu malis

dell’Istituto di Latino (Genova) 1 (1977) 7-49; En- id est magis velis. Pernicie id est damno nostro. ciclopedia virgiliana 1 (1984) 373-74 (M. Gey- Prolatare id est differre. Tuam scilicet perniciem. monat); H. Hagen, “Uber die grammatischen Quam fieri victor societate scilicet inter nos inita.

Fragmente des Aemilius Asper,’ Philologus 25 .

(1867) 353ff.; Fr. Lammert, “Literatur zu Aemilius Editions:

Asper,” in “Bericht iiber die Literatur zu den See 1.16 above. lateinischen Grammatikern, zur Scholienliteratur Biography: und Glossographie, 1921-25,” Bursians Jahrbuch See 1.16 above. 231 (1931) 60; A. Macé, “Note sur les fragments

d’Asper d’aprés le palimpseste de Corbie,” 2. Philippus Melanchthon Meélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire 9 (1889) 17ft.5 For the date and circumstances of the Scholia, O. Ribbeck, Prolegomena critica ad P. Verg. Maro- _ see 1.18 above. There are no Scholia on the speechnis opera maiora (Leipzig, 1866); A. Tomsin, Etude _ es and letters in the 1529 edition, but a few appear sur le commentaire virgilien d’Aemilius Asper in the Paris edition of 1530 and, with some addi(Paris, 1952); P. Wessner, “Zu Aemilius Asper,’ tions or omissions, thereafter. Occasional variae Berliner philologische Wochenschrift 26 (1906) lectiones (marked by an asterisk) appear in the

62-63. margins.

III.11.(B).1. ANTONIUS ZENUS 303 Commentary (ed. of Haguenau, 1529). Rex ati in paludes (1.55.23). Haec Fronto [Arus. Mess., Mithridatis regi Arsaci s. (IV.69.1). Arsaces omnes __p. 505K] ex primo Historiarum in relegat in illum

reges Persarum dicti: Servius [In Aen. 6.760]. locum in quo pro relegati relegat mendose legitur. *Atqui ea (IV.69.3) alias atque. *Coactus in patri- Res secundae mire sunt vitiis obtentui (1.55.24). um regnum (IV.69.14) alias conatus. *Nisi parvum Seneca Controversiarum lib. V contr. 25 [lib. 24;

itions: ; a:

habere (IV.69.17) alias partum. 9.1.13]: Cum sit praecipua in Thucydide virtus

Editions: brevitatis, hac eum Sallustius vicit et in suis illum See 1.18 above. castris cecidit. ... Eadem apud Demosthenem sententia, qui et ipse Thucydidem assidue in Biography: manibus habebat, Olynth. 2: GAd’otwat vov pév See 1.18 above. ETLOKOTEL TOUTOLS TO KaTOpOotV’ al yap Ev-

Tpaciat dewalt ouvuyKptibat kal ovoKidoat Td 3. Johannes Rivius TOLAUT OVvELSN’ El SE TL TTAiGEL, TOTE aKpLBAs For the date and circumstances of his Castiga- avtov tatt’ e&etaocOjoeTat.... In epistolam

tiones, see 1.20 above. Mithridatis..../... [Expl]: Mets militibus, Commentary (ed. of Leipzig, 1539). [Inc.]: Ex procul ab domo, parvo labore per nostra corpora oratione Lepidi. Nequae ipsi nefanda non aestima- bellum conficere (IV.69.16). Haec Charisius lib. 2 tis, ea parum credendo de altis circumveniamini |p. 196K] ex 4 Historiarum sic recitat: Mets mili(1.55.1). Legendum divisim ne quae ut sint duae _ tibus, belli prudentibus, procul ab domo, per nostra dictiones. In Gymnico To nefanda perperam deest corpora bellum conficere.

.../... {Expl.: Ex Epistola Mithridatis. In som- Editions: nis occidere eum. En civis amicitiam gloriose osten- See Lo above. (The edition of Venice, 156

tant initio prodidere (IV.69.7-8). Legendum in k fon dd; . to and ch ath > 1997

Eons Boar See I.20 above. “4

somnis occidere. Eumenem cuius amicitiam osten- SES 2 Tew a@etnOns fo and’ changes In the content and order of the Scholia.) tant etc.

Biography: (B) ORATIO LEPIDI See I.20 above.

1. Antonius Zenus

4. Aldus Manutius Junior The commentary on Lepidus’ speech (HistoriFor the date and circumstances of the Scholia, 9¢ 1.55) was composed, together with that on Per-

see I.24 above. icles’ speech in Thucydides’ History of the Pelo-

, onnesian War [1.140—44], as the young author

a. The edition of Venice, 1563 vas preparing to return to Venice after hi studies Commentary (ed. of Venice, 1563). [Inc]: In jn Bologna. It was dedicated to Andreas Baduariorationem Lepidi. [Inc.]: Secundae res mire sunt us, Venetian statesman and diplomat, and comvitnis obtentui (1.55.24). Demosthenes Olynth. 2: bined a rhetorical analysis of the speech and comaA OlHAL YUL HEV ETLOKOTEL TOUTOLS TO Kd- parison with Pericles’ oration with an explication

TOpBOUL" Ob "Yap euTpagiau delval ovykpupa of the text and general moral and political obserKat OVOKLAGAL TA TOLAUT ovEeton El d€ TUMTOt- vations. The commentary also offered an oppor-

Gel, TOT akplBWS AUTOU TOUT eCeTaobroeTaL tunity for expatiating on the importance of rhet-

[2.20].... In epistolam Mithridatis..../... gic in civic affairs and for praising Venice’s [Expl.]: Meis militibus, procul ab domo, parvo la- mixed constitution. bore per nostra corpora bellum conficere (IV.69.16). Praefatio (ed. of Venice, 1569). Andreae BaduCharisius sic lib. 2 [p. 196K]: Meis militibus belli ario clarissimo viro Antonius Zenus s. [Inc.]: Veprudentibus procul ab domo per nostra corpora bel- tus ea est constanti doctorum hominum testimo-

lum conficere. nio iampridem comprobata sententia, Andrea b. The edition of Rome, 1563 (colophon: 1564) Baduari, vir clarissime, ex omnibus artibus quae Commentary. In orationem Lepidi. [Inc.]: Rele- ad vitam hominum instituendam, excolendam ac

304 SALLUSTIUS, HISTORIAE certo ad beatitudinem praesidio muniendam per- _ etiam plures sententias a Sallustio exceptas fuisse

tinent, nullam aut usu fructuosiorem aut digni- manifeste apparet. tate ampliorem esse quam quae civitatum in- Commentary. Contio M. Aemilii Lepidi Constituendarum ac regendorum populorum laudem sulis ex libro primo Historiarum Sallustii. sibi assumit et vindicat ... [continues on the role Prooemium. [Inc.|]: Clementia et probitas vestra, of eloquentia and his early education in Padua uirites, quibus per ceteras gentes maximi et and Bologna] cepi consilium mecum aliquid re- _ clari estis, plurimum timoris mihi faciunt adverferre ex iis quae diligentiore cura tractaveram. sus tyrannidem L. Sullae ne, quae ipsi nefanda Fuerunt autem contiones duae, una Thucydidis non aestimatis, ea parum credendo de alliis ciraltera Sallustii, a me accurata in primis explana- cumveniamini.... (I.55.1-6). Quae in universum tione, quoad per me licuit, illustratae quae, quod de exordiis in consilio dando fingendis veteres causas civiles continerent atque artificio dicendi praeceperunt, ea fere a nobis in Periclis contione praecellerent, facile quibus potissimum elabo- explicanda exposita sunt, ut hoc loco eadem rassem in studiis indicarent...[continuesonthe repetere aut parum necessarium aut certe non relevance of the speeches to Venetians]. Quae ea- admodum opportunum esse videatur. Quae dem me causa impulit ut in his explanandis non tamen huius loci praecipue sunt, ea non sine summum solum in artificio dicendi aperiendo magna reprehensione praetermitti posse exististudium collocarim sed etiam in rebus civilibus mamus. Quod ergo supra quoque diximus id hoc aliqua saepe opportuna egressione tractandis etiam loco admonere haud alienum videtur. Ex elaborarim ac locorum eventuumque similium omnibus exordiorum locis nullum fortasse aut undique conquisita collatione ornare tentaverim frequentius occurrere, aut rei instituendae ac... [continues on the accomplishments of the commodatius esse quam crimina aut inferre aut dedicatee]. [Expl.]: Sin autem praecipuam tui oblata diluere .. . [continues with comparison of colendi causam exquiram, amor tuus erga me Pericles and Lepidus]. Clementia etc. In hac prifratresque meos qui ad affinitatem accedit quae ma parte prooemii orditur Lepidus partim a pertibi cum avunculo meo, Vido Mauroceno, viro sona sua ... partim a persona adversariorum, integerrimo intercedit, pro tua humanitate est cum a Sullae sceleribus incipit atque graviora ea tantus ut non solum hoc exiguum ingenii mei quam videbantur ostendit.... Tyrannidem L. monumentum sed me ipsum quoque totum tibi, Sullae. Non dixit L. Sullam sed tyrannidem L. quemadmodum quidem cupido, velim dicatum Sullae .. . [continues with a summary of consti-

esse. Vale. tutional theory, based on Aristotle’s definitions of [There follows his preface to the speech of Per- three good and three corrupt forms of govern-

icles. | ment and with the theories of Cicero and Poly-

Praefatio. Antonii Zeni in M. Lepidi con- _ bius on the mixed constitution, illustrated by reftionem praefatio. [Inc.]: Nunc vero tempus est ut erence to Cardinal Gasparus Contarinus’ work on idem artificium, sic enim suscepimus, a Sallustio the Venetian constitution, De magistratibus et Re-

in Lepidi contione adhibitum ostendamus. publica Venetorum libri V (Paris, 1543); he then Ceterum de Sallustio qui Thucydidis aemulus continues analyzing the parts of the oration] imitatorque studiosissimus fuit eadem prope quae .../... [Expl.]: Ad recipiendam (1.55.27). Usus de Thucydide dici possunt: ut omnium consensu _ est verbo Democratiae gratissimo, non enim dixit primas inter historicos latinos obtinuisse, sic mul- _ ad bellum inferendum ne videretur seditiosus, nec torum maledictis ac reprehensionibus laceratum ad imperium comparandum ne tyrannidis avidus,

esse. Quibus et verba et sententiae et nimium in sed ad libertatem quae semper honesta est; nec contionibus scribendis studium eius notatum est dixit comparandam sed recipiendam; est enim ... [continues on the works and the sources of multo honestius recuperare ea quae amisimus the lost Histories, and with remarks on M. Lepi- _[amicimus ed.] quam comparare quae non habedus’ political career, the occasion of his speech, its mus. In quo verbo locus latet ato Tov Kadow genre and audience, and similarities with Thucy- atque etiam Tov avayxalov.

dides, Cicero’s fourth Philippic. and Demos- Edition: thenes] .../... [Expl.]: Itemque reliquis fere on: ; ; ‘bus | ‘bus de Philippi tvrannide povu- 1569, Venetiis (Venice): apud Bologninum Zal-

omnibus in quibus de ppi ty pop

lique jonavj ‘tur. Ex quibus queAthenjensis Athenie gnavia conque quibu‘e"u™: The Oratio Lepidi (from the Historiae)

III.11.(B).2. FEDERICUS CERUTUS 305 with commentary by Antonius Zenus. (This edi- posset quonam fuerit ingenio L. Sulla, si ea hic tion also contains Thucydides’ oration of Pericles potissimum commemorentur quae inter ipsum et with commentary by Zenus.) NUC. (CtY; CU-B). C. Marium sunt gesta ... M. Aemilius Lepidus, A copy (VII.F.25) now in the Biblioteca Comu- homo in primis audax et Sullae inimicus, qui hoc nale of Siena was owned and annotated by the anno cum Q. Catulo consul erat, vocato ad conSienese scholar and statesman Bellisarius Bulgari- _ tionem populo, acriter invectus est in Sullam hac

nus, who had purchased it at Venice in 1594. oratione qua populum excitare conatus est ad

Biography: suscipienda arma contra Sullam tyrannidem eX: See CTC 8.171 (Thucydides). ercentem [there follow sections on the speech’s genus, status, subdivisions, and what must be

Add to the Bibliography: Cosenza 4.3753. On crown “ the speaker and audiene e] ... Ti,

Andrea Badoer, see “Badoer, Andrea Biagio,’ DBI [Expl]: alios Lepidos a sermonis lepore, alios

5 (Rome, 1963), 98-99. Paullos a pusillo corpore nominatos, Barbulos,

Papios, Scauros alios scribit is, qui dudum librum

>. Federicus Cerutus de familiis Romanorum [De gentibus et familits The Commentarius on the Oratio Lepidi, pub- Romanorum (Venice, 1571)] edidit Ricardus

lished at Verona in 1589, was dedicated to Petrus Streinius. lanat; Cl ,

Franciscus Toccolus, a former pupil of Cerutus Commentary. Explanatio. Une]: Clementia et and later senator of Verona. It was chiefly a P robs fas (1.55.1). Praeter ea, quae superius de exorrhetorical analysis based on the precepts of Aris- dio tam COMME MOFAaVITUS, lub et alia quaedam

totle, Cicero, and Quintilian, and on a recent ex Aristotele addere quibus clarius eluceat exordicompendium of their works by Cyprianus Soar- am non temere in hac oratione positum fuisse tius (Suarez), the De arte rhetorica, which Cerutus . ;

H. Clough, “A Treasure of the Sidney Jones Library: A Vol- _ the edition of J. G. Schneider (the translation was

ume that Belonged ne Grocyn,” The University of — reprinted in Turin, 1977, with the Latin text of the a The De arboribus is included as book 3, but the De 1897-1968 Uppsala edition); A. Holgado Redondo cultu hortorum is not translated. K. Léffler published this &t al., L. J. M. Columela. De los trabajos del campo version in 1914 in vols. 263 and 264 of the Bibliothek des (Madrid, 1988). litterarischen Vereins in Stuttgart: L. Junius Moderatus

Columella. De re rustica, iibersetzt durch Heinrich Oester- |

reicher, Abt von Schussenried (Tiibingen, 1914).

12. Le tiers & quatriesme liures de Lucius Moderatus Columella, touchant le labour, traduictz de langue latine en francoyse par Loys Megret was published by Denis Ianot in

Paris, [1540]. A copy is preserved in the British Library

(C.40.b.24). Megret follows the correct order of the books, restored by the Aldine edition (1514), and his translation seems quite faithful.

330 ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA TO VOLUMES I-VII

pp. 178a—179 UNS):

Anzeiger fiir die Altertumswissenschaft Composite tons: _ 4: ae 1580, Lutetiae (Paris):(OesterapudtoM. Patissonium.

reichische Historische Gesellschaft) 37 (1984) The Declamationes of Quintilian and the Dialo 153-208; Romer et al., “2. Teil,’ ibid. 38 (1985) ~, . gis 129-204. of Tacitus, with theNUC. notes of Pithou. Adams Q-49; BNF; (NNC).

(Heidelberg): apud IeronyP.Ba 908.1594, mumHeidelbergae Comelinum. The Declamationes of Quintilian and the Dialogus of Tacitus, with the notes of

II]. GENERAL STUDIES Pithou. Adams Q-50. BL; BNF (1593 in Cat. gén.).

tus (New York, 1993). ; a.

P. Grimal, Tacite (Paris, 1990); R. Mellor, Taci- , ,1604, Ingolstadh (Ingolstadt): ex. typograplia mentary of Marcus Antonius Muretus, the Catili-

pp. 98a-99a na of Sallust with notes by Muretus, and Anonym facula accensa with notes by Georgius Codinus Curopalata. NUC. BL; BNF; BAV; (PCarlD). 334

CORNELIUS TACITUS 335 1625, Genevae (Geneva): ex typographia Iacobi Rhaetiisque et Pannoniis (1). Titus Livius in prinStoer. The Institutiones oratoriae and Declama- cipio libri CIII [periocha libri 104] describit sitiones of Quintilian, with Calpurnius Flaccus and tum, cognomina et mores Germanorum.../... the Dialogus of Tacitus, and the notes of Pithou. [Expl.]: (fol. 198v) Pelles (46.3?) quas zobelinas

NUC. BNF; (CtY). vocant. Id animal lingua scythica zobel appel-

latur. Pomponii Romani in Caii Cornelii Taciti equitis romani Germaniam commentarioli fini-

I. (ANNALES) AB ExcESSU unt.

Divi AUGUSTI Manuscript:

| 4.469). :

Trier, Stadtbibliothek, 1110/2037, s. XV _ (ca.

COMMENTARIES 1480), fols. 193r-198v (Kristeller, Iter 3.718a; CTC

1. Andreas Alciatus .

p. 104b4. Delete “1517” and replace with: Biography:

1516 (Ferrara); he was admitted to the college See CTC 3.379-82.

of jurisconsults in 1517. Bibliography:

J. F D’Amico, “Humanism in Rome,’ in A. Ra-

p. 104b45. Add to Bibliography: bil, Jr., ed., Renaissance Humanism: Foundations, R. Abbondanza, “La laurea di Andrea Alciato,” Forms, and Legacy, vol. 1 (Philadelphia, 1988), Italia medioevale e umanistica 3 (1960) 325-28. 264-95.

9. Carolus Paschalius 3. Andreas Althamerus

p. 125b26. Add to Bibliography: p. 142a11, 19. Correct to:

J. H. Salmon, Renaissance and Revolt: Essays in Qui nova Teutonidos famae, studiose, requiris the Intellectual and Social History of Early Modern van France (Cambridge, 1987), 27-53 (“Cicero and Perlege Germanae nova facta Encomia famae

Tacitus in Sixteenth-Century France”). ee

p. 148b8. The 1617, Frankfurt edition has now

II. De OriGineE Et Situ been seen. GERMANORUM (GERMANIA)

COMMENTARIES IV. DiALOoGuS DE ORATORIBUS

p. 140a26ff. Add commentary:

1a. Julius Pomponius Laetus COMMENTARIES The first commentary on the Germania con-

sists of notes in Trier, Stadtbibliothek, ms. 3. Justus Lipsius 1110/2037 from the teaching of Pomponius Laetus _ P- 166a. Add to Editions: 1665. See Composite Edi-

in Rome, taken down ca. 1480 (cf. fol.104r) by his tons. student Ricardus Graman de Nekenich (doctor

1uris, prior in Mainz, dean in Oberwesel, and offi- 4. Petrus Pithoeus cial in Trier, according to G. Kentenich, ed., P- 167a17ff. Correct in some instances to: Geschichte der Stadt Trier von ihrer Griindung bis Editions: zur Gegenwart ... [Trier, 1915], 274). Interest in 1580 (Paris). See Composite Editions. the Germania was fostered in Rome by Pius II in 1594 (Heidelberg). See Composite Editions. the period when the minora were rediscovered, 1609. In Opera omnia of Pithou. and Pomponius Laetus had a particular interest 1625 (Geneva). See Composite Editions. in the historians, as the activities of his Academy

indicate. 5. Valens Acidalius

Commentary (Trier, Stadtbibliothek, 110/ P- 167244. Add to Editions: 2037). [Inc.]: (fol. 193r) Germania omnis a Gallis 1665. See Composite Editions.

FLAVIUS VEGETIUS RENATUS. ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA MICHAEL IDOMIR ALLEN (The University of Chicago)

The Addenda et Corrigenda are arranged inthe _eutropiana of 450 a.D., a defining characteristic of order of the original article (CTC 6.175-84) and __Lang’s e-class branch of the transmission of the comprise additional material for the Fortuna and Epitoma, Frechulf’s prologue to Charles intro-

Bibliography. duced a textual recension responsible for an important sub-group of class €. Frechulf thereby distinguished himself as the first medieval editor

FORTUNA of the Epitoma and the first writer to refer by

name to the “libellos Flauii Vegeti Renati De re

p. 176b3-24. Replace with: militari”.’

The Anglo-Saxon Bede (d. 735) included An early surviving copy of Frechulf’s recenanonymous borrowings from the Epitoma rei sion is found in Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale de

militaris in several of his works; he stands as the _ France, lat. 7383. The Caroline script of the codex first medieval author known to have used Vege- is the work of several ill-practiced, heavily cortius.! Two generations later, Alcuin (d. 804) wove _ rected Neustrian hands datable on palaeographia passage from the Epitoma into a letter addressed _cal grounds to not later than 850 (confirmed by to Charlemagne.” In the ninth century, the Epito- Bernhard Bischoff, letter of 14 January 1990). ma came into prominence on the Continent ow- Hence the manuscript is contemporary with the ing to the Carolingian cultural renewal. Vegetius Carolingian editor. Frechulf’s prologue appears gave men of letters a chance to show the relevance _ in truncated form on a singleton (fol. 1) different

of booklearning to secular pursuits. from the ensuing leaves (fols. 2-66) but similar to In 838/839, Bishop Frechulf of Lisieux (d. ca. _ those of the final gathering (fols. 67-74). The ini850) addressed an edition of the Epitoma to the tial singleton and the final gathering share a layWest Frankish king, Charles the Bald (823-877). out of twenty-one ruled lines struck on identical During the mid- and late 820s, Frechulf had com- springy, cream-colored parchment (goatskin). piled a World History offered in 829/830 to Em- These leaves contrast with the intervening stiff, press Judith as an ethico-historical primer for her yellowish membrane (sheepskin) ruled and writ-

son, the young Charles, then seven years old. ten with twenty-four lines (fols. 2-66). The Frechulf’s edition of Vegetius marked a continu- _ codex, now slightly altered from the original dising effort by the bishop to cultivate and influence _ position, has the following collation: I'**, II”, the Carolingian prince. Echoing the subscriptio III*, III-VI'°, VII-VIII°. The Vegetius content is complete apart from the normal lacunae of the e1. These borrowings are discussed in detail by F H. class text that Frechulf reedits;* the Epitoma propSherwood, Studies in Medieval Uses of Vegetius Epitoma —_¢¢ begins on fol. 2r. The initial singleton stands in rei militaris (Diss. University of California, Los Angeles, 1980), 69-79. See also D. Mitchell, “Vegetius Renatus, Fla-

vius,” in Sources of Anglo-Saxon Literary Culture: A Trial 3. Mention of Frechulf’s place in the tradition and a Version, ed. F. M. Biggs et al., Medieval and Renaissance __ text of his prologue appear in Lang vi, xvii, xxvil—xxvilii;

Texts and Studies 74 (Binghamton, N. Y., 1990), 161. Diimmler’s edition of the prologue (ibid., 618-19) is now 2. MGH, Epistolae 5, Epistolae karolini aevi 3, ed. E. _ superseded by the critical text in M. I. Allen, ed., Frechulfi Diimmler (Berlin, 1899), 415, ll. 5—9; C. Lang, ed., Epitoma Lexouiensis Opera omnia, CCCM 169 (Turnhout, 2002),

336 ,

rei militaris, praef., 2d ed. (Leipzig, 1885; rpt. Stuttgart, 727-29.

1967), 4-5 (hereafter cited as Lang). 4. Lang xvii—xviiii.

FLAVIUS VEGETIUS RENATUS 337 the place of the excised cover leaf of quire I, itself the prologue, the leaf suffered a common fate of originally copied as an authentic quinion marked unwritten, or mostly unwritten, parchment. It “T a” (fol. 10v, center lower margin). The stub of was excised for other use, but only after the comthe excised leaf is now turned back over the fold _ plete prologue with the recension of Vegetius had of the ensuing gathering, and its conjugate (fol. been propagated. 10) stands at the head of quire II, to make [I'*””. The codicological evidence placing Parisinus Textually, the supplied singleton contains the _ lat. 7383 in Frechulf’s immediate circle is corrobobulk of Frechulf’s prologue about his recension of _ rated by the textual tradition of Frechulf’s pro-

Vegetius. logue. Diimmler’s text neatly illustrates the role Considered together, the palaeographical, played by the Paris idiograph. To consider but

physical, and textual features of Parisinus lat. 7383. one example, his edition reports the reading ut mark the codex as an idiograph of Frechulf’s re- _poeta® for all five of the collated witnesses. This cension which mirrors the process of preparing variant derives from Parisinus lat. 7383, fol. 11, althe new text. Decisively, the quality and ruling of | though the manuscript actually contains ait pothe parchment change with the final gathering eta. The delicate bow of the notabilior Caroline a (quire VIII), and this shift in writing stock per- in ait deceptively recedes against the soiled and mits a partial account of how Frechulf concluded damp-stained surface of fol. ir; the letter’s sinuhis work as reflected by the codex. After emend- ous back-stroke and the adjacent i appear to ing the Epitoma, the editor drafted a dedicatory combine into a majuscule u (of a form otherwise prologue that both echoed and superseded Eu- absent in the manuscript), seemingly to give: “ut tropius’ subscription of 450 which followed thee- poeta, non omnia possumus omnes” (Virgil, class text used for the recension. Frechulf omitted Eclogue 8.63). The misreading ut stems from a

the ancient subscription and its disclaimer blemish in the Paris prototype. Easily enough, “emendaui sine exemplario’, only to adopt and Diimmler’s collator repeated the mistake of findembellish the distinctive phrase in his own pro- ing ut for ait, first committed by a medieval copylogue: “corrigere curaui sine exemplario”” The se-_ ist and subsequently propagated in the wider, quence of the project meant that the bishop and southern branch of the tradition. Lang, however, his copyists used a leaf of the springy membrane _ had correctly printed ait (p. xxvii) as the reading with twenty-one lines similar to the stock of quire __ of Parisinus lat. 7383, and the peculiar use of ait in

VIII to set down the bulk of the dedicatory pro- initial position is, in fact, a recurrent feature of logue. This leaf was affixed as a mismatched sin- _Frechulf’s generally awkward Latinity. The four gleton to the head of booklet I. Physically and _ late witnesses (s. XIV-XV) cited by Dimmler detextually, last things become first. The shiftin ma- rive ultimately from the Paris idiograph, as do terials and the use of the alternate writing stock numerous other known copies of Frechulf’s refor the editorial colophon, i.e., the prologue, place _ cension, including a two-member German textuParisinus lat. 7383 in the editor’s immediate circle. al family that preserves the reading ait poeta.’ In The copy itself is almost certainly the product of his recent studies of the transmission of Vegetius,

Frechulf’s Lisieux scriptorium, the first to be Michael D. Reeve has amply shown the wide-

identified as such. reaching influence of Frechulf’s interventions The added singleton received most but not all across much of the later tradition. of the prologue. A tailpiece equivalent to six lines It is historically and culturally significant that of copy in Parisinus lat. 7383 has now been lost. It Frechulf supplied Charles the Bald with an ediprobably continued on the cover sheet of the tion of Vegetius, as Rosamond McKitterick sugoriginal quinion marked “I a’, so that the codex _ gests.® Yet McKitterick’s hypothesis that Paris, began with two regular quinions headed by the _Bibliothéque Nationale de France, lat. 7230 (at mismatched singleton (ie., +1, I1!°). The cover sheet was perhaps originally left blank as protec- 6. Diimmler, ed., MGH, Epistolae karolini aevi 5.619, |. tion for the ensuing text of Vegetius or toholdthe 8; cf. Allen, ibid., 727 and apparatus. later dedication. After receiving the last lines of 7. Allen, History in the Carolingian Renewal, 349-59 and (ed.) Frechulfi Lexouiensis Opera, 726.

8. “Charles the Bald (823-877) and His Library: The 5. Ibid., vi, xxviii and n. 1; also Allen, ed., FrechulfiLex- Patronage of Learning,” English Historical Review 95

ouiensis Opera, 728, |. 16. (1980) 31 and n. 4.

338 ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA TO VOLUMES I-VII Saint-Denis, s. X') may be Frechulf’s presentation _in his Collectaneum miscellaneum; these excerpts

copy is invalid, because the codex transmits the link Hartgar’s codex textually to Parisinus lat. text of an alternate sub-group of class €.2 In the 7383 or its near relation, Laudunensis 428.'° The manuscript, the Vegetius text precedes Solinus in presence of Vegetius as well as Frontinus in the a continuous transcription by a single hand. The Collectaneum miscellaneum may suggest that intention of the copyist was to pair these two Sedulius’ pupils included “someone involved in texts, an interesting combination, but one alien to _ warfare, such as a prince or nobleman’s son’."” A

Frechulf’s design."° consideration of the excerpts highlights the inThe Epitoma was copied in the Carolingian corporation of three of them in Sedulius’ Liber de

age as a general instructional tool. Pointed rectoribus christianis, a “mirror of princes” adethico-educative considerations lay behind the dressed to Lothar II sometime between 855 and adaptation of books 1 and 2 that Hrabanus Mau- 859, with the conclusion that practical ethics rus prefixed to his De anima and dispatched in rather than military value guided Sedulius’ use of late 855 or early 856 to Lothar II, the newly estab- _ the Epitoma."

lished king of Middle Francia."’ Heavily reworked In addition to the royal and aristocratic readand interpolated by Hrabanus, the fifteen chap- _ ership envisaged by Frechulf, Hrabanus, Hartgar, ters of text depend on an €-class copy of Vege- and Sedulius, the Epitoma was studied in the tius.!? Frechulf and Hrabanus both worked from _ scholarly circle of Lupus of Ferriéres (d. after exemplars of the €-class, and Hrabanus’ text 862). Lupus’ critical and scribal methods influseems closest to what is probably an early version _ enced the execution of the earliest extant copy of of Frechulf’s revision (Laon, Bibliotheque Mu- the complete Epitoma (Lang's class 1): Vatican nicipale, 428, s. IX med.), which accords with the City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Pal. lat. 1572 close personal links between the two men docu-__(s. IX med.).”” Pal. lat. 1572 stands related to Paris,

mented in their correspondence.’ Bibliotheque Nationale de France, lat. 7230A, a The testaments of two contemporary Frankish ninth-century t-class witness collated by Lang aristocrats, Eccard of Macon (d. after 867) and and attributed to Auxerre on the basis of textEberhard of Friuli (d. 863), also reveal that highly critical features reminiscent of Lupus of Ferplaced laymen owned and no doubt consulted _riéres.” Either of these two manuscripts is perVegetius’ work. Each of the counts bequeathed his haps the source of the Vegetius excerpts in the personal copy of the Epitoma to a lay heir. The Glossae in Prisciani Partitiones of Remigius of chartularies of Fleury and Cysoing preserve, re- Auxerre.”! In addition to his philological interests, spectively, the wills documenting the bequests.'* | Lupus had practical concerns, as a royal correA separately transmitted dedicatory poem by Sedulius Scottus reveals that Eberhard’s copy of — hardum, ed. L. Traube, MGH, Poetae latini aevi carolini 3

*y . 16. Lang xix n. 1; L. Traube, ;

Vegetius was itself a gift from Bishop Hartgar of (Berlin, 1896), 212, 20.53. oR hile Fest Liege (840-85 , ).” The poem is based on the der XLL Versammlung deutscher Philologen und ‘Schul twenty-six Vegetius excerpts included by Sedulius anner (Munich, 1891), 69-71. For the text of the excerpts, see D. Simpson, ed., Seduli Scotti Collectaneum

9, Lang xvili—xviill. miscellaneum, CCCM 67 (Turnhout, 1988), xxv and 10. B. Munk Olsen, P’étude des auteurs classiques latins 145-46.

aux XI’ et XII siécles, vol. 2 (Paris, 1985), 512-13 (B.79). 17. Simpson, ibid., xxii. 11. E. Diimmler published this abridgement under the 18. Sherwood, Studies in Medieval Uses of Vegettus,

title De procinctu romanae militiae in Zeitschrift fiir 79-111. deutsches Altertum 15 (1872) 443-51 and later edited the 19. The manuscript, first reported by Félix Grat in prologue in MGH, Epistolae karolini aevi 5.514-15. 1938, is described by C. Jeudy, “Fonds Palatin,” in Les man12. Lang xxviii; Sherwood, Studies in Medieval Uses of _ uscrits classiques latins de la Bibliotheque Vaticane, ed. E. Vegetius, 113-29 (on Hrabanus’ preoccupations and edito- Pellegrin et al., vol. 2.2 (Paris, 1982), 229-30.

rial technique). 20. B. Bischoff, “Palaographie und friihmittelalterliche 13. MGH, Epistolae karolini aevi 5.391-400, 441 (Il. Klassikeriiberlieferung,” in Bischoff, Mittelalterliche Studt29-31). See Reeve’s discussions of the transmission (cited en, vol. 3 (Stuttgart, 1981), 67-68.

below in Bibliography V). 21. These excerpts were noted by Manitius, Geschichte

14. For a consideration of these wills in a wider discus- 2.808 (addendum to 1.508). On the connections between sion of Carolingian booklists, see R. McKitterick, The | Lupus and Remigius, see, e.g., C. Jeudy, “L oeuvre de Remi

Carolingians and the Written Word (Cambridge, 1989), | d’Auxerre,’ in Lcole carolingienne d’Auxerre, de

245—48 and nn. 120, 123. Murethach 4 Remi, 830-908, ed. D. logna-Prat et al. (Paris, 15. Sedulius Scottus, Hartgarius episcopus ad Eber- 1991), 387.

FLAVIUS VEGETIUS RENATUS 339 spondent/advisor and as an abbot with military romana was conceived as a speculum principis for obligations, which the Epitoma plainly addressed. a South Italian noble.” This combination of the The extant ninth-century catalogue entries re- Epitoma with an ethico-historical compendium ported by Manitius appear to limit the Epitomato interestingly mirrors the literary program of libraries in East and Middle Francia (i.e., Con- Frechulf of Lisieux.

stance [recte Reichenau], St. Gall, Lorsch, and While Vegetius appealed to a broad spectrum Murbach).” Nevertheless, the known interest in of ninth- and tenth-century readers, his work was the work and the origins of surviving Carolingian prized by men of learning as a tool for the ethical copies attest to its active presence in West Francia. and military instruction of princes. The Epitoma The Epitoma had a noteworthy place in the liter- _ served as a tertium quid between the clerical doary response to the political and military disinte- main of letters (theory) and the secular domain

gration of the Carolingian order. of warfare (practice). Its use as such marked a Scholarly interest in Vegetius in the late ninth subtle advance of Christian literacy and bookand tenth centuries is also well documented. The _ learning into the formerly alien training ground e-class Dresden, Sachsische Landesbibliothek, Dc _ of the soldier-prince. 182, fols. 62-135 (copied at Rheims s. IX’) gives a

version of Frechulf’s text that was soon fitted

with scholia drawn from Paul the Deacon’s BIBLIOGRAPHY abridgment of Festus Pompeius.”? Although the manuscript suffered severe damage in 1945, the Add the following items:

washed-out glosses survive in a transcription. p.179b. The codex, at Bamberg/Michelsberg in the high and later Middle Ages, appears to be one of those

collected by Otto III and later given by Henry II I. MoDERN EDITIONS to his cathedral foundation at Bamberg.” A. Onnerfors, ed., Epitoma rei militaris An important witness in Beneventan script, (Stuttgart, 1995); L. F. Stelten, ed. and trans., FlaVatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Pal. vius Vegetius Renatus: Epitoma rei militaris {Latin lat. 909, sheds interesting light on how Vegetius’ edition with English version], American Univertreatise was construed as a cultural instrument in _ sity Studies, Series 17, vol. 11 (New York, 1990) (rethe late tenth century. The manuscript contains _ ports additional variants, e.g., from Vatican City, an early, perhaps authorial copy of the so-called Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Pal. lat. 1572, but Historia miscella of Landolf Sagax, followed by does not supersede Lang). the Epitoma. Marginal annotations confirm that Landolf’s reworking of Paul the Deacon’s Historia _ p.179b.

22. M. Manitius, Handschriften antiker Autoren in mit- II. MODERN TRANSLATIONS relalterlichen Bibliothekskatalogen (Leipzig, 1935), 201, and N. P. Milner, Vegetius: Epitome of Military Sci-

23. Manitius, Geschichte 1.668 and n. 3; see Lang xxxvii. ENCE [with introduction and commentary], 24. I studied the severely damaged codex in February ‘Translated Texts for Historians 16 (Liverpool, 2002 and concur with Bischoff’s judgment of the 1993); F. Wille, trans., Flavius Vegetius Renatus: date/origin (s. IX°, area of Rheims) for the Vegetius ele- Enitoma rei militaris (Das gesamte Kriegswesen) ment (uniformly ruled and written with twenty lines); see . . . B. Bischoff, Katalog der festlandischen Handschriften des [with facing reprint of text of Lang] (Aarau, neunten Jahrhunderts (mit Ausnahme der wisigotischen), 1986). vol. 1 (Wiesbaden, 1998), 225, no. 1042. The elegant copy starts the Epitoma on the first recto of a complete and authentic quaternion; it never included Frechulf’s prologue.

For the glosses, see M. Manitius, “Aus Dresdener Hand-

schriften: Scholien zu Vegetius,” Rheinisches Museum fiir 25. W. Wattenbach and W. Levison, Deutschlands Philologie 57 (1902) 293-96. On the later history of the Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter: Vorzeit und Karolinger, manuscript, see K. Dengler-Schreiber, Scriptorium und vol. 2, ed. H. Lowe (Weimar, 1953), 214-155 “Landolfus Bibliothek des Klosters Michelsberg in Bamberg, Studien S28@%, Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 5 (Munich and zur Bibliotheksgeschichte 2 (Graz, 1979), 22-23 and 222 Zurich, 1991), 1671 (J. Prelog). Pal. lat. 909 is described by

nn. 138-48. Jeudy, “Fonds Palatin,” 83-84.

340 ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA TO VOLUMES I-VII

pp. 179b-180a. (Diss. University of Toronto, 1994), 324-28, 349-59; G. Lester, The Earliest English Translation of Vegetius’ “De rei militari’,; Middle English Texts

III. Vecetrus aND His Work 21 (Heidelberg, 1988); D. Mitchell, “Vegetius ReA. Onnerfors, “Zu Person und Werk des Pub- _ natus, Flavius,” in Sources of Anglo-Saxon Literary lius Flavius Vegetius Renatus,’ in Vetenskapssoci- Culture: A Trial Version, ed. F. M. Biggs et al., Meetetens 1 Lund Arsbok 1991 (Lund, 1993), 142-73; A. dieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 74 R. Neumann, “Publius (Flavius) Vegetius Rena- (Binghamton, N. Y., 1990), 161; M. D. Reeve, “Editus,’ in PW, Supplementband 10 (1965) 992-1020 _ torial Opportunities and Obligations,” Rivista di

(A. R. Neumann). filologia e di istruzione classica 123 (1995) 479-99;

Reeve, “Notes on Vegetius,” Proceedings of the

p. 180b. Cambridge Philological Society 44 (1998) 182-218; Reeve, “Vegetius 4. 41. 4, ibid. 45 (1999) 108; Reeve, “The Transmission of Vegetius’s Epitoma

V. VEGETIUS IN THE MIDDLE AGES rei militaris,” Aevum 74 (2000) 243-354. AND THE RENAISSANCE

M.I. Allen, History in the Carolingian Renewal:

Frechulf of Lisieux (fl. 830), His Work and Influence !

XENOPHON. ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA DAVID MARSH (Rutgers University)

The Addenda et Corrigenda follow the order of fragmentary at the end. This is actually Bruni’s the original article (CTC 7.75-196), which has translation of the Hiero, reported on p. 150b (end)

been revised and supplemented by two recent (Hankins, Repertorium brunianum, vol. 1, no. volumes: Kristeller’s Iter italicum, vol. 6 (Leiden, 869). 1992) and James Hankins’ Repertorium bruntianum: A Critical Guide to the Writings of Leonardo _ p.112a7. Add to Bibliography:

Bruni, vol. 1: Handlist of Manuscripts (Rome, L. Bruni, Dialogi ad Petrum Paulum Histrum, 1997). I owe special thanks to Dott. Giorgio Piras ed. S. U. Baldassarri (Florence, 1994); Bruni, for reporting a Vatican witness of Filelfo’s Opere letterarie e politiche, ed. P. Viti (Turin, Lacedaemoniorum respublica, and to Dr. Gerard 1996); Bruni, Laudatio Florentine urbis, ed. S. U. Boter for sharing his discovery of Hieronymus _ Baldassarri (Florence, 1999). Verlenius’ translation from the Memorabilia and communicating relevant bibliography.

IV. CYNEGETICUS

COMPOSITE EDITIONS TRANSLATIONS 1. Omnibonus Leonicenus p. 87b44. Correct “p. 000 n. 5 above” to read “p. 81 p. 114b3. Add to Bibliography:

n. 5 above’. “Bonisoli, Ognibene,’ DBI 12 (Rome, 1970), 234-36 (G. Ballestreri).

III. APOLOGIA SOCRATIS

IX. HIERO

TRANSLATIONS

1. Leonardus Brunus Aretinus TRANSLATIONS pp. 109b—110b. Add to Manuscripts: 1. Leonardus Brunus Aretinus (*) Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, G 95 sup., pp. 149a—153b. Add to Manuscripts:

fols. 131r-132r (Hankins, Repertorium brunianum, (*) Arezzo, Biblioteca della Citta di Arezzo,

vol. 1, no. 1438). 145, preface only (Mazzatinti 6.196; Hankins, (*) Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, IV B 14, fols. | Repertorium brunianum, vol. 1, no. 13).

30r—32v (Kristeller, Iter 1.399a; Hankins, Reperto- (*) Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, 3600,

rium brunianum, vol. 1, no. 1647). fols. 103v-109v (Hankins, Repertorium brunt(*) Venice, Museo Civico Correr, Morosini- anum, vol. 1, no. 1034). Grimani 248 (formerly 209), fol. 110r—-v, fragmen- (*) Foligno, Biblioteca del Seminario Jacobilli, tary (Kristeller, Iter 6.278a—b; Hankins, Repertori- CC. IV. 10, fols. 10r—-1111, preface only (Hankins,

um brunianum, vol. 1, no. 2979). Repertorium brunianum, vol. 1, no. 1046). (*) Oxford, Bodleian Library, Canon. Misc. p. 109b46. Eliminate from Manuscripts: Lat. 225, fol. 24r, preface only (Hankins, Repertori(*) Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, II. um brunianum, vol. 1, no. 1802).

X. 45, mbr. XV, 61 fols., 52-61, with preface and (*) Palermo, Biblioteca Comunale, 4 Qq A 8,

341

342 ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA TO VOLUMES I-VII fols. 169v—1701, preface only (Hankins, Repertori- Encheiridion. The dedication to Nicolaus Busius,

um brunianum, vol. 1, no. 1879). dean of the “ecclesia Bekensis’, is dated 24 May (*) Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale de France, 1549. Dr. Boter, who is preparing the Catalogus ar-

lat. 5919B, fol. 45r-v, preface only (Hankins, ticle on Epictetus, generously sent me material Repertorium brunianum, vol. 1, no. 1940). about Verlenius, as well as photocopies of this (*) Toledo, Archivo y Biblioteca Capitular, 101, _ rare printed edition.

3, fols. 33r-34r, preface only (Hankins, Repertori- Dedication (ed. of Antwerp, 1550). Ornatissi-

um brunianum, vol. 1, no. 2416 bis). mo atque eruditissimo viro et Domino Magistro (*) Turin, Biblioteca Civica, fondo Bosio B 186 Nicolao Busio, Ecclesiae Bekensis Decano meri(Kristeller, Iter 6.227b; Hankins, Repertorium bru- ticsimo et Sacrae Theologiae Baccalaurio, Patrono

ianum, vol, 1, nO. 2422). t amico unice dilecto Hieronymus Verlenius

(*) Urbino, Biblioteca Universitaria, fondo sme y

Universitario 73, fragmentary at end (Kristeller, S: d. LInc.]: Graecoru m Prove rbium habet, orIter 2.207b and 6.247b-248a; Hankins, Repertori- Matissime vir, ols Kal Tpls TA KaAa, hoc est, ea

um brunianum, vol. 1, no. 2486). quae pulchra et honesta sint non semel modo sed bis et ter dicenda, nam ut auctor est Plato, KOpos pp. 149a-153b. Corrections in single entries: ovdels THV KANDY, id est, rerum honestarum nul-

(*) Genoa, Biblioteca Durazzo, B VI 14.... la satietas. Existimavi itaque me opere pretium Read: (*) Genoa, Biblioteca Durazzo, BV 14... facturum, si Epicteti Enchiridion olim nostra (Hankins, Repertortum brunianum, vol. 1, no. opera emaculatius e graeco versum iam denuo

1067). emitterem, non prorsus idem, sed priore illo (*) Leningrad... . Read: St. Petersburg. . . . longe auctius, nam praeter uberiora scholia nostra in obscuriores aliquot locos quae a nonnullis desiderabantur, adiecimus huic Enchiridio terti-

X. LACEDAEMONIORUM am partem (nam antea duabus constabat) in octo

RESPUBLICA capita sectam, quae civilis vitae praecepta continet: ut quemadmodum prima Enchiridii pars

TRANSLATIONS format qui iam philosophari incipit, et se-

1. Franciscus Philelphus “_ , aaa auenenae sees pi ss

p. 159b(end). Add to Manuscripts: cunda eum instituit qui iam in philosophia Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, aliquousque progressus proficere incepit, Ita terVat. lat. 3309, cart. XV, fols. 113-120, with preface "4 haec pars virum in repub. versantem et (communication of Giorgio Piras and Virginia civilem agentem vitam optimis erudiat praecep-

Brown). tis. Quam selegimus ex graecis Collectaneis Ioannis Stobaei vere aureis, nam ea mihi non Col-

lectanea, sed thesaurus quidam pretiosissimarum

XI. MEMORABILIA rerum videntur. Omnia enim Graecorum monumenta vir ille evolvit et, acri 1udicio summoque

TRANSLATIONS delectu adhibito, in locos communes sententias 4. Anonymus Ottobonianus praeclaras philosophorum poetarum et oratorum Pp. 17 oa2o. Add to Bibliograp hy redegit. Nec cuiquam id temere aut inconsulto A. Prosperi, Tra evangelismo e Controriforma: factum a nobis videri debet, adiecisse quaedam Gian Matteo Giberti (1495-1543) (Rome, 1969). ‘ d quae vetus exemplar graecum non habebat, quasi

p. 172a1. Add new translation: Epictetus sua illa praecepta in eam Enchiridii for-

mam digesserit quam hodie habemus. Nam con7bis. Hieronymus Verlenius (Book 4, excerpt) stat Epictetum plurima scripsisse et ex eius scripDr. Gerard Boter has identified a Latin transla- tis Arrianum illius studiosissimum has collegisse

tion, with scholia, of Memorabilia 4.2.24-36 in eam quam modo habemus Enchiridii formam. which Hieronymus Verlenius added to the 1550 Quare tantum abest ut in hoc me peccasse putem,

revision of his 1543 translation of Epictetus’ ut multum gratiae et benevolentiae apud stu-

XENOPHON 343 diosos me initurum sperem, quod aureolas illas tamen aliquot lapsus annotavimus, ut candidus sententiolas apud Graecos sparsas in unum quasi _ lector intelligat non per omnia veteribus inter-

corpus redegerim. pretibus fidendum et ex hac una epistola coniciat Quoniam vero in Arriani mentionem in- quantum vir ille exorbitarit a genuina lectione et cidimus, ne forte quispiam superstitiosior ad hoc _ g€rmano sensu in toto Hippocrate vertendo. _

nomen ceu impium et infaustum resiliat (est Et quoniam summa fere totius philosophiae enim hic auctor apud Graecos quam apud Lati- est, ut sese quis norit, adiecimus et Dialogum nos notior), libet ex Suida quaedam de hoc ipso sumptum ex 4 libro Xenophontis de dictis et facsubicere. Fuit igitur hic Arrianus patria Nicome- "S [facttis ed.] Socratis, qui hoc ipsum elegantisdiensis, philosophus Epicteteus, hoc est Epicteti Sime docet, nihil definiendo aut asserendo, sed sectator, floruit autem Romae Adriano et M. An-__ interrogando, quod Socrati et veteri Academiae

tonino imperatoribus, quibus ob summam erudi- _peculiare fuit. . _ . a tionem [eruditiorem ed.], eloquentiam et vitae Hunc itaque ingenioli nostri partum tibi diintegritatem adeo carus fuit, ut magnis in repub. are volui, ornatissime atque eruditissime vir, ut Romana honoribus functus, usque ad consula- hoc literario munusculo in favorem et benevolentum evectus fuerit. Porro Xenophontis dictionem _tiam ita tuam me insinuarem, cuius candidissiadeo feliciter aemulatus est ut minor sive iunior ™os mores et humanitatem ante multos annos, Xenophon appellatus sit, nam et librorum cum Lovanii agerem, perspexi et miratus sum. Sit Xenophontis argumenta et titulos ad sua opera itaque hic libellus familiaritatis nostrae auspicitranstulit. Nam ut Xenophon 7 libros tis ava- um et amicitiae mutuae pignus et monumentum. Bdoews Cyri scripsit, ita hic 8 libros dvaBdoews Quem si velut paedagogum aliquem et gubernaAlexandri posteris reliquit, quibus expeditiones et torem vitae nostrae asciscamus [assciscanus ed.], res bellicas ab Alexandro Magno gestas com- ut Homericus ille Phoenix Achilli custos et paeda-

plexus est. Ad haec, ut Xenophon tatSeiav gogus additus est, non modo docebit nos, ut ille [matdtav ed.], hoc est, disciplinam et instituta Suwum Achillem MvOwv te pytijp epevar tpnkCyri iunioris, cuius in bello comes fuit, scripsit, THpa TE epyuw [II 9.443], id est, “Res gerere et ita Arrianus tribus libris vitam Epicteti et abso- apte dicendi munus obire’. Sed etiam contra omlutissimam eius philosophiam persecutus est, a fortunae iacula invulnerabiles reddet et multo quos velut flores ex innumeris Epicteti libris qui securius undique muniet quam Vulcania illa temporum iniuria interciderunt descripsit; unde arma Achillem aut eadem Virgilianum Aeneam mihi persuadeo Enchiridion hoc fragmentum Protexerunt, quorum alter inturia offensus ab ira, quoddam esse illorum trium librorum. Atque alter ab amore sauciatus et foedissime victus est, haec de Arriano eiusque scriptis praefati sumus, 5 fabulis credimus. Vale et nos, ut facis, amare pluribus fortasse quam par erat, ut curioso lectori P¢&rge. E Museo nostro 9 Calend. Iunias Anno

fieret satis. Atque haec quidem hactenus. quadragesimo nono supra Millesimum [sic]. Cum vero editionem hanc alteram adornarem, Memorabilia 4.2.24-36. [Inc.]: Dic mihi 0 Encommodum incidi in epistolam quandam Hip- thydeme [ sic] num aliquando Delphos profectus pocratis Coi medicorum principis quam scripsit es’ Euthy. Bis sane eo profectus sum. Socra. Conad Demagetum de risu Democriti philosophi. siderasti igitur praeceptum illud templo inscrip-

Quod argumentum cum mire placeret—erat tum, Nosce teipsum?.../... [Expl.]: Socra. enim totum morale, nec abhorrens ab Epicteto Verum haec fortasse ob id quod nimium credebas nostro—epistolam hanc e graeco verti. Ne- te scire ea, non considerasti pressius.

sciebam enim hanc inter Hippocratis opera Edition: extare. Repperi [Reperi ed. | itaque eam postea (photo.) 1550, Andwerpiae (Antwerp): apud versam a M. Fabio Calvo Reginate, qui totum —Ioannem Loéium (Ianne van Loo). Epicteti Stoici Hippocratem vertit, quam cum perlegissem et philosophi nobilissimi et sanctissimi Enchiridion. culm graeco exemplari et nostra versione con- Hieronymo Verlenio interprete, priore illo longe tulissem, non paenituit suscepti laboris. Mirum — [ocypletius, Item Epistula Hippocratis Coi medico-

enim quantum graeca a latinis dissidebant— rum principis de risu Democriti plane moralis et poteram enim plures quam viginti locos anno- —Jecty dignissima, una cum fragmento Xenophontis tare, si libuisset, perperam versos—insigniores ge cognitione sui. Omnia scholiis uberioribus per

344 ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA TO VOLUMES I-VII eundem illustrata. Vienna, Osterreichische Na- ende seesendertichsten psalms (Utrecht, 1553); tionalbibliothek; Xanten, Stiftsbibliothek. Commentariorum libri tres in omnes psalmos da-

Biography: vidicos (Louvain, 1558); Ignati archiepiscopi Anti-

y en ; holiis (Antwerp, 1566)

Hieronymus Verlenius (Vairlenius, Verlensis) ochae Epistulae, graece cum latina interpretatione

was born in 1511, either in the village of Verle near er Scit0 P» 1599). Diest or in ’s-Hertogenbosch (Den Bosch, Bois- Bibliography:

le-Duc). He studied Latin and Greek in ’s-Herto- Jécher 4.1537—38; Van der Aa 7.53; Nieuw Negenbosch at the Fraterhuis of the Brothers of the derlandsch Biografisch Woordenboek 3.1265-66. Common Life. After further studies in philosophy and theology at Louvain, he returned to ’s-Herto- _p. 175421. Add new commentary: genbosch and taught Latin and Greek at his alma

mater, the Fraterhuis. In 1552 Verlenius moved to a bis. Hieronymus Verlenius Utrecht. There he lectured in the Convent of St. To his translation of Xenophon, Memorabilia Catherine on the Psalms and Paul’s Epistles, and 4.2.24-36, Hieronymus Verlenius added two in 1557 became pastor of St. Jacob’s. In 1566, he _ pages of brief scholia on the Delphic injunction moved to the predominantly Protestant city of | “Nosce teipsum”. Haarlem, where he worked for the bishop as vic- Commentary (ed. of Antwerp, 1550). Scholia in ar-general—a position which apparently left him fragmentum Xenophontis de cognitione sui. little time for further scholarship. When the bish- _ [Inc.]: Considerasti igitur praeceptum illud templo

op left Haarlem in 1572, he assumed the manage- inscriptum. Tradunt nonnulli templo Apollinis

orks: ; ; ; , P8

ment of the diocese. On May 29, 1578, he was bad- __delphici tria haec apophthegmata inscripta fuisse:

ly wounded in fighting that broke out during a Nosce teipsum; Nequid nimis, et Sponde, noxa Corpus Christi procession. He died in 1589. adest. Verum duo illa posteriora tamquam Deo

Works: indigna reiciuntur ab aliis.../... [Expl.]: Idem

Revised edition of J. Marinus, Syntaxis linguae in) de finibus [cf. Cic., Fan. 9-44 -5~/ |: Tubet nos latinae (s-Hertogenbosch, 1542); Latin transla- Pythius, inquit, Apollo NOSCere NOSIPsos; Cognito

tion of Epictetus’ Encheiridion (’s-Hertogen- autem haec est una, ut vim nostri corporis anbosch, 1543); revised second edition of the pre- Mique NOPMNUS. ceding, with texts of Hippocrates and Xenophon Edition, Biography, Bibliography: see above.

(Antwerp, 1550); edition of the Greek text of :

Epictetus’ Encheiridion, with fragments from Sto-

baeus (Louvain, 1550); Een schoone verclarynghe XII. OECONOMICUS des hondersten achtienden psalms beginnende int

latijn: Beati immaculati in via ... met en wtleg- TRANSLATIONS ginghe des drienvijftichsten psalms daer voor 1. Marcus Tullius Cicero ghestelt, ende noch een verclaringhe des hondersten _p.177a24. Read: Oeconomicus VIII.2-3.

INDEX OF MANUSCRIPTS FOR VOLUME VIII The listing is alphabetical by cities and libraries. Within each library the named collections are listed alphabetically, except that printed books containing manuscript annotations or manuscript material are placed at the end.

AREZZO vol. 8: 41a Biblioteca della Citta di Arezzo vol. 16: 125a

145: 341b BORDEAUX ASSISI Bibliothéque Municipale Biblioteca e Centro di Documentazione Frances- 1588: 14a cana (Sacro Convento) BUDAPEST

fondo antico Orszagos Széchényi Konyvtar 303: 226a—b, 285a Clmae 255: 229b >

658: 73b Quart. lat. 132: 159b AUGSBURG CAMBRIDGE Staats- und Stadtbibliothek Trinity College

2° Cod. 305: 227a 936, part 3: 27b—28a Universitatsbibliothek 1350 (0.7.22): 5b IT. 1. 2° 102: 229b University Library

BARCELONA Kk. 4. 2: 122b-123a

Biblioteca de Catalunya CAMBRIDGE (Massachusetts)

626: 328a Harvard College Library BASEL Ls 5.115.4*: 253a Offentliche Bibliothek der Universitat CESENA A lambda II 20: 114b, 126a, 126b—1274, 127b Biblioteca Malatestiana

E Ill 4: 13a D XXII 4: 61a F V 24: 113b, 163b-164a S XIV 2: 123a BERKELEY COLOGNE

University of California, Bancroft Library Universitats- und Stadtbibliothek

UCB85 [f2MS/AC13/C5]: 233a 5.P.160, vol. 2: 29a, 32a BERLIN COLOGNY

turbesitz 162: 123a Phillipps 1546: 11a COPENHAGEN

Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin-Preussischer Kul- Bibliotheque Bodmeriana

BERN Det kongelige Bibliotek Burgerbibliothek Ny. kgl. Samling 3012 4°: 411: 225b, 226a, 226b, 284b—285a 46a—b

Stadt- und Universitatsbibliothek Universitetsbiblioteket

Bong. Cod. add. 136: 114b IV.639 (2)—(5): 333a—b Arnamagnaeanske Institut IV.639 (8): 332b AM 828 4to: 278a, 3004, 319a 7133: 298a DOUAI BERNKASTEL-KUES Bibliotheque Municipale St.-Nikolaus Stift 749: 231b, 232a 208: 17a DRESDEN BOLOGNA Sachsische Landesbibliothek Biblioteca Universitaria Db 87: 17a, 17b

2948 Dc 182: 339a 345

346 INDEX OF MANUSCRIPTS FOR VOLUME VIII

DUBLIN Nuovi acquisti 472: 204a Trinity College Biblioteca Riccardiana-Moreniana 382: 20b 742 (olim L III 49): 41a 383: 23b 3600: 341b

ERFURT Bigazzi 296: 198b Ampl. Fol. Biblioteca del Seminario Jacobilli 40: 78b IV. 10: 341b 363: 78bC.GENOA Wissenschaftliche Allgemeinbibliothek der Stadt | FoLIGNO

ERLANGEN Biblioteca Durazzo Universitatsbibliothek BV 14: 342a 390: 232b, 286a, 286b, 292a B VI 14: 342a

729: 213a GLASGOW

Ext EscorRIAL University Library

Real Biblioteca de San Lorenzo Hamilton 131: 80b, 85a

O.IIT.22: 198a GOTTINGEN

R.1.13: 124b Niedersachsische Staats- und Universitatsbiblio-

Gr. 567 (w.IV.15): 3a thek EvVoRA Luneb. 2: 230a Biblioteca Publica e Arquivo Distrital GOUDA CV Stedelijke Librije d/1-17: 157a—b 132.4: 76a

d/1-18: 157b GREIFSWALD FLORENCE Universitatsbibliothek Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana Lat. Fol. 20: 167b

60.51: 67a HAARLEM 63.32: 123a Stadsbibliotheek en Leeszaal 64.18: 287a 187 C 8: 123a 64.23: 287a—b HAMBURG 71.32: 63a Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek 87.25: 63a, 78a Cod. philol. 89 inf. 6: 123a Ql: 3a

Acquisti e doni 166: 113b, 130b—131a, 164a—166a

358: 328b 316 fol.: 115b 712: 123a HEIDELBERG

874 (olim Jesi, Biblioteca Balleani): Universitatsbibliothek

328a Pal. gr. 398: 49b, 51a, 52b, 55a Ashburn. Pal. lat. 1914: 67b 932: 328b, 331a—b ISTANBUL 1599: 63b Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi

Conv. soppr. 263: 197b G.I.40: 10a Fiesol. 168: 17a, 17b JESI Ant. 279.29: 278b Biblioteca Balleani Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale S. N. (Columella). See Florence, Biblioteca II-383: 16a Medicea Laurenziana, Acquisti e doni 874 II. I. 100 (olim Magl. VII 249, 442, 445, 565, Kugs. See Bernkastel-Kues

930; VIII 66, 1363; XXXIV 21): 142a LAON

IT. II. 327: 202b Bibliotheque Municipale

II. X. 45: 341a—b 428: 338a, 338b

Magl. LEIDEN

VIII 1492 (XXV bis), fasc. 10: 5b Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit

XI 121: 28a B.P.G. 52, vol. 13: 333b

INDEX OF MANUSCRIPTS FOR VOLUME VIII 347 Vossianus Gr. Q. 75: 3b—4a S 87 sup.: 85a—b

757 C 26: 114b Trotti 161: 233b—234a LONDON MODENA British Library Archivio di Stato

Add. ms. 11.13: 63b 10316: 64b Biblioteca Estense

19391: 49b, 50a Campori 65 (gamma E.6.7): 235a

22337: 204a Est. gr. 24 (alpha R.7.14): 25a

22960: 23a Est. lat. Arundel 100 (alpha P.9.2): 175b-176a 175: 1304 306 (alpha W.4.13): 241a—b 503: 207a Inc. gamma B.6.25: 291b Burney 366: 20a Mount ATHOS

Harley Vatopedon Monastery 2460: 269b, 271a 655: 2675: 286b MUNICH49b

7011: 20a Bayerische Staatsbibliothek

833.h.10: 328b Cgm 165: 9040.h.7: 198b Clm3a, 4a

C.44.C.14: l1a67b 317: 73b,76a 78b C.78.a.9 (2): 441: MADRID 719: 19a, 19b Biblioteca Nacional 4559: 231a

6322: 163b 7612: 226b, 241b, 285a, 292a

8232: 123a 7736: 228a 10801: 111a 10359: 23a , MANTUA 14095: 195a Biblioteca Comunale 14477: 231a, 289a

ebr. 4: 9a 14515: 194a, 227b—228a, 228b—229