La corónica. A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures, and Cultures [17.2]

Citation preview

We deeply regret u, announce tbat our colleague, Dr. Jmeph H. SUverman,

dieclon March 23, 1989. A necrologywill appear in a forthCC\rning iaaue of La Cordnica.

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

MENA'S

Laberinto de Fortuna: APOCALYPSE NOw? . . . . . . . . . . Philip O. Gericke

3

MA!MONIDES ON THE MOZARABIC LYRIC (A Note on the

Muwal§aha) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 James T."Monroe MORE ON THE IMAGE OF THE "ROSE AMONG THORNS" IN MEDIEVAL SPANISH LITERATURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

35

Donald McGrady 'M.JsMOROS MORTARICACA': ARABiePHRASES IN THE Poema de Alfonso XI (Strophe 1709b-d) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Samuel G. Armistead

40

11111111111111111111111111111111111111111111 NOTES . . . .. .. . . . . . .. . .. ...... .. . .. ....... 'MERJELINA' (Libro de Buen Amor, 211c)

. .. 46 46

David Hook SAN ANDRÉS, El Obispo y la diablesa

50

Carlos Sainz de la Maza

RESPUESTA A ORDUNA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ("EL Libro de buen amor Y EL LIBRO DEL ARCIPRESTE," La Corónica 17: 1, 1988-89, 1-7) Henk de Vries

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

55

REVIEW ARTICLE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 'l'HE Libro tk A/,a,a,n,d'f'e: COMPUTERIZEDEDITING OF TEATS (Francisco MarooaMarfn, ed. Libro tk A/,a,a,n,d'f'e. Madrid: Alianza EditDrial, 1987) Georga D. Greenia REVIEWS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 David J. Viera. M«lieuai, Catalan Li,terature: Prose anti Drama. (Robert Archer) 71 Felipe Dfaz Jimeno. Hado y fortuna en la Espa:11,a del siglo XVI. (Harriet Goldberg) 73 MISCELIANEA

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 Meeting of the Asaociation of Britiah Hispanista 77 Kalamazoo Conference 85 Asociación Hispénica de Literatura Medieval 91

Beast Fabla Society of America

92

PERSON.AI.,IA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Profesaor Robert l. Burns, S.

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

94-

Mena'• Laberinto de Fortuna: Apocalypse Now? Philip O. Gericke University of Calilfornia, Riverside Colbert l. Nepaulsingh devot.es Chapter 3 of his Towards a, History of Literary Composition in Spa,in (Nepaulsingh, 1986) to a consideration of the apocalyptic tradition in medieval Spanish literature. Among the works he examines within that tradition is Mena's Laberinto, which he characterizes as an "apocalyptic reworking of Virgil's Aeneid" (119) and boldly deems "an apocalyptic work par excellence" (118) on the basis of apocalyptic elements he finds in it. A review of the apposite bibliography confirma an initial suspicion that scholars heretofore have given little thought to the preeence of an apocalyptic tradition in medieval Spanish secular literature. To be sure, the medieval penchant for visiona~ narratives involving other worlds is well-known and documented ; but other-worldliness and apocalypee are not synonymous, and whether there is indeed an "apocalyptic tradition of literary composition" in medieval Spain is a question still to be resolved despite Nepaulsingh's effort. Such a far-ranging inquiry must await another opportunity, however, for Nepaulsingh's treatment of Mena's masterpiece demande immediate and careful attention. If bis approach is accepted, it will give a radical new direction to Laberinto studies; we are thus obliged to examine bis findings and reconsider our own critical assumptions about the work in light of them. Key distinctions must be drawn and definitions set forth at the outset. How is "apocalypee"to be defined generically? Are its limits conterminous with those of prophecy and vision literature, or are there central interests which set it apart? Is there an apocalyptic structural paradigm? In what ways can apocalyptic concerns condition a given work's intemal ordering or bear upon its meaning? These issues have occasioned lively scholarly debate, and therilnfn-specialist who enters in medias res does so at considerable pe . Etymologically, "apocalypee"(Gr. apokaJ,ypsis)means simply 'revelation.' Not ali early revelatory tezts are considered by modem scholars to be apocalypees, however, and many texts which were so titled do not figure in current canons of "classical" apocalyptic works. Strictly drawn, the canon comprises only those works in the

1

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

Gericke Judeo-Christian tradition wbose contenta include a visionary joumey to a world beyond this one, the mediation oCan other-worldly being, the portrayal of the end oCthe world as imminent, and a conoom with social (rather than individual) eechatology. To be sure, there are broader Cormulations; that oC John J. Collins and his collaborators in Semei,a,, 14 (1979), Corinstance, encompasses a wide variety oCwritinga while still marking the boundaries oCthe genre:

"Apocalypee" is a genre of revelatory literature with a narrative Cramework, in which a revelation is mediated by an otherworldly being to a human recipient, disclosing a transcendent reality which is both temporal, insofar as it envisages eschatological salvation, and spatial insofar as it involves another, supematural world. (9) We can assume that Nepaulsingh would define apocalypee along the linee suggested by Collins, or in other, similar terms comprehensiva enough to include the Laberinto (which does not portray the end of the world as imminent and shows no concem for social eschatology). We cannot say for certain, however, as Nepaulsingh does not pc>sition himself with respect to the debate or offer bis own generic definition. Instead, he briefly surveys the prevalence of eschatological concerns in world religions, situates apocalypticism as a form of eschatology "rooted perhape in Zoroastrianism" (64), discusses the Zoroastrian view of the end of time, notes the lack of scholarly agreement on a comprehensive list of Judaic apocalyptic works, and proceeds to list eight oCthe "most-repeated elements oCapocalyptic literature" (65). Although he admite that bis list is "neither comprehensive nor sacrosanct" (65), it will form the basis for bis analysis of severa! works (including the Laberinto) and thus warrants listing topically: a) A preoccupation with precise dates, usually at the beginning oC chapters; b) The division of history into spans of time, and the allegofical interpretation of time; e) A visionary joumey in which Heaven is seen, or Hell, or the throne oCGocl, or a new Kingdom; d) The idea that, in preparation for the Last Judgment, individuals of ali estates should confesa their sins, repent, cultivate virtues, and shun vices in accordance with God's commandrnent:s; e) Reference to esoteric books; O A rnessianic hope Cor a perf ect ruler; g) The idea that in past and current event:s there are eschatological signs, and that bef ore the end of time there will be more signs, which those who are wise will interpret correctly; and h) The idea that the dead will be resurrected and judged. (65) There are problerns inherent in relying on a list such as this, 2

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

La, Cor6nica 17:2, 1988-89

not the least of which is the tendency to view ita elements as exclusive to aponlJaldQn, Jluqaddimala, vol 3, pp. 464 ff. 36 Sea David Wulatan, •The Muwalla}.a and The ?Alla' RevWted,• .Tournal of tM American Oriental Sotxly, 102 (1982), pp. 247-84, at p. 269; Monroe, •Wbich Cune Fint?• 38 8ee n. 22 abcwe.

37 Diacuaecl atenamly

in •Beachecl WhalN. •

38 Qur'.tll, 1: 7. 39 Thia point wil1 become cJearer in a 8tudy, currently in preparation, on tbe matrica ot Andaluaian atrophic poetr,.

32 Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

MORE ON 1'HE IMAGE OF THE "ROSE AMONG THORNS" IN MEDIEVAL SPANISH LITERATURE Donald McGrady University of Virgina

In bis study and translation of TIU!Moral Proverba of Santob

de Cam6n, 1 Theodore A. Perry devotes two interesting papa (69-71) to the medieval topos oí the "rose among thorns." As is well lmown, Santob employs the metaphor in the famous linea "Por nasc;er en el espino, / non val la rosa ,_¡erto / menos ... nin los exemplos buenos / por los dezir judío, "2 which, as Perry points out (65), constitute a variant of the notion "You can't tell a book by its cover." Perry further notes (69) that Corbis metaphor, Santob may have recalleda Talmudic proverb, "from thorns sprouts tbe rose," meaning that pious children can come from bad parents. Perry then proceeds to cite two parallel texts: Alfonso el Sabio's statement about an archbishop of Jewish ancestry who "!1i6 de entre los iudíos assf como sal la rosa de entre las espinas," and Berceo's description of the Virgin, "issi6 quand tú nacisti de la espina rosa. "4 Perry then shows the relationship of the "rose among thorns" to the "lilium inter spinas" of the Song of Songa 2:2 (70). Several points should be added to thoae made by Perry. The most important is that the epithet rosa inter spinas was commonly applied to the Virgin in Latin hymns from the twelfth through the fourteenth centuries, in such phrases as: sicut rosa in ter spinas ... rosa de spinae germine ... in stirpe spinosa / ... rosa ... flos de spina procreatur ... flos de spina spina carene ...5 The spines were interpreted as being the Jews from whom Mary descended. 6 The source for the image of the rose (representing the pure Mary) bom from spines (the sinful Jews) may have been a famous verse from a poem by St. Fulbert (the bishop of Chartrea from 1006 to 1028), which reads: sicut spina rosam, genuit Judaea Mariam. 7

33

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

McGrady Fulbert's conc»pt was not only reflectad in epithets such as thoae just cited, but was repeated by religious commentators like Petrus Capuanus (O. 1130),wbo sa~ "versificator inquit: 'Sicut spina rosam, genuit Judaea Mariam'," 8 St. Bemard of Clairvam (1090-1¡53), who declares "O Virgo ...tam florens rosa de tam sicra spina!," and Alanus de Insulis (1115-1202), who states: "lpsa [the Vll'gin] enim processit de radi~ horrida, id est de peccatrice Synagoga tanquam de spina rosa."1º It is evident that the basic metaphor in St. Fulbert's verse (and its imitations) is identical to that contained in the Talmudic "From thorns sprouts the roae," but it appears unlikely indeed that the bishop of Chartrea would have known the ancient Jewish work. It also seems apparent that both Berceo and Alfonso X would have taken their versions of the image either from St. Fulbert or one of the other Christian commentators, or more likely still, from the Marian hymns. Not only were these Christian texts much more acca1Sible than the Talmud, but they lie cloeer to the Alfonsine and Berceo passages, for in ali a single believer (who, moreover, in both Fulbert and bis imitators and in Berceo is the Virgin) is contrasted to bis or her sinful Jewish ancestors. By the fifteenth ~ntury, Fernén Pérez de Guzmán registers the proverb "nació rosa de la espina," meaning that something good can come from evil. 11 Although the form of the saying coincides with that of the Talmud, it stands equally close to Berceo's "issió ... de la espina rosa" and Alfonso'• "sal la rosa de entre las espinas." Again, there is no reason to postulate acquaintance with the relatively obecure Jewish tezt, whoae influence does not seem to have ext:ended beyond the Hebrew community. It should be noted that the image of the "rose among thorns" was to take on a new meaning, namely that of sexual purity Oike that of the Virgin), and was to become widespread in secular literatura from the medieval through the Renaissance and Baroque periods. The topos flourished in the first half of the fourteenth century in ltaly, where we find it in the Dialogus Creaturarum, Giovanni Quirini, Petrarch and Boccareio. In the Dialogus (probably written by Mayno de' Mayneri), the thirty-second fable, "De rosario et perdice," relates how a partridge (the incamation of Lust) is repulsed from eating roses (an emblem of the sex act) by the protective thorns. 12 Quirini defends bis lady's virtue by comparing her to "la rosa in mezzo delle spine," 13 while in bis rima 246 Petrarch describes Laura as a "candida rosa nata in dure spine." 14 In the Decameron, Day V, stoiy 10, unfaithful wives are callad roses, and their cuckolaed husbands (who attempt to guard their spouses' chastity), spines. 1 34

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

La Cor6nica 17:2, 1988-89 Around 1508-09, Torrea Nabarro reveraea the traditional image of the rosa in~¡ spinas by calling a non-virgin lady a "rosa sin ninguna spina" (if a rose among thorns symbolizes a virgin, then that flower without its spines becomes the emblem of a woman without virtue). Ariosto will later utilize the same idea ~ben he t:alks of plucking a lady's roses without "temer de' spini," 1 and in the Orlando furioso one of bis most famous metaphors repeats the picture of the rosa inter spinas: "La verginella ~ aimile alla rosa, / ... su la nativa spina." 18 Góngora in one of bis most renowned amorous sonnets recaJls both Torrea Naharro and Ariosto in bis linea "ya cogiendo de cada labio bello / purpúreas rosas sin temor de espinas." 19 Finally, Shakespeare refers to "the rose ... / ... withering on the virgin thorn, " 20 Lope de Vega describes a virtuoua ~ve girl as "entre todas tan bella, / como entre espinas la rosa,• 1 and Cervantes has Don Quijote call Dulcinea "aquella rosa entre espinas. • 22 To the beat of my knowledge, no commentary on any of the writers I have cited, from BeraM>and Alfonso X to Cervantes, has ever explained the relationship between theae epithets and the Marian image of the rosa inter spinas. As noted above, in bis linea "Por D&SQ8r en el espino, / non val la rosa ,_¡erto/ menos," Santob de Carrión may well have ~ed the Talmudic proverb "From thorns sprouts the rose.• He likely remembered as well the image as used by another author of Jewish origin, Petrus Alphonsi, w&o said "Rosa ex spinis orta nequaquam blasphem\\ur" ("No es despreciada la rosa por haber nacido entre espinas"). Nonetheless, given the wide diffusion in Latin hymns, religious commentaries and secular literature of the image of the Virgin (and other chaste ladies) as a rosa inter spinas, it would appear that the rabbi from Carrión had to be aware of the Christian use of the concept. Indeed, Petrus Alphonsi and Santob alike make implicit allusion to the Christian metaphor of the thorns which represent the misguided children of Israel, for they both defend theae spines, saying that they can produce good works. Contrariwise, in the Talmudic proverb the thorns ref er simply to bad parents. The racial identification of the spines was so universal, then, due to the image of Mary as a rosa inter spinas, that even Jewish writers, when addressing an audience that included Christian&, were obligad to recognize it and to utilize it in defense of their people.

NOTES: l Princeton: Princaton Univenit)' Pna,

1987.

2 Prouerbioamarola, ed. TheodoreA. Perry (11.adiaon: lüapanic Seminary ol Medieval

35

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

McGrady StadiM, 1988), liw

186-rl.

3 PrilM,a cr6nim ...,al d. Bapalfa, ed. lwm6n ...,_ Gredoa, 1966), I, p. 301b. 4 Loa loara d. Nuatra Sellara, in 061111~. T•melia~ 1976), p. 108,atropbe 2CMb.

Pidal. 2 ~-

ed. Brian Dutton,

Oladrid:

m (London:

6 S.. Fram Joaeph UOM, LateiAiacM BymMA da Jlitlelalmrl, 3 wla. (Freiburg im Breiapu: Herder, 1863-66; rpt. Aalen: 8cientia Verlag, 1964), D, napectml., nm. 326, 11. 43 and 217; 339, 11. 1-2; 348, l. l; and 524, l. 8. 8ee uo Anal4!ctaBymnim Medii Aali, ed. Guido Maria Drevea,I (Leipzig: O. R. Reialand, 1886; rpt. New York: Jobmon Reprint, 1961), I, no. 48, atr. l; no. 68, atr. 4; and D, no. 72, str. 6. Additional aamplM may be found in Anaelm Salser, ~ Sinnbilder und Bei,oorte JIIIIWM in da deu.tacJaenLilcratu.r und lataniadalln Bda Jlillelalt,,n (Dannatadt: WJWmcbaftliche BucbawU.Cbaft, 1967), pp. 188-88.

••enl

6 Mone, LaleiAiacM Hymrum, 11, pp. 8, 28, 38, 311. Howevw, tba idM ia centuriea older tban thw hymna, for St. John of DemtMCP•(c. 876 - c. 760) -,. ol tha Virgin in the Latin tranalation of hia •In Nativitatem B. V. Mariae" tbe followinl: ·o rou, quae - spinia, Judaeia acilicat, orta - divinoque odoN cuneta pertudiati!" (Palrologia Graem, vol 96, col. 870). (I am greatJy indebted for tbia Nlerence, wl for tbat from St. Jerome, citad in note 7, to Jamea Marchand.)

7 •Hymm et Carmina EcclMiutica," in Patrologia Latina, wL 141, col 346; aJao Anal4!ctaHymnica, L, no. 217. Tbe conceit of contraatingYirtuouaChriatian children (• roaea) with idolatroua parenta (• thoma) wu much older tban St. Fulbert, for St. Jerome (c. 340 - 420) had aaid of St. Hilarion •cum baberet parentea idolia deditoe, rou, ut dicitur, de spinia floruit • (Patrologia Latina, vol. 23, col. 29). The phrue •ut dicitur" indicatea tbat the notion wu a1readyproverbial. It la apparent tbat Jeroma'• atatement concerning Hilarion parallela - and perhapa antedates - the Talmudic proverb about pioua children apringin¡ ftom un¡odly f•miJiM, But while the thought behind Fulbert'• line c•aicut apina roam, pnuit Judaea Mariam") aiated for centuriea before hia time, he wu apparently the eme who populariud it, for it do8I not N8III to occur in hymu before the twelfth centur)', and Petrua Capuanua(cited beJowin the tat) appean to refer apeciffcally to Fulbert.

8 In Spici.legium SoleamfflN, ed. J. B. Pitra, p. 490b.

m (Paria: Firmin Didot Fratrea, 1854),

9 In Patrologia Latina, vol. 182, col. 1144.

l O In Patrologia Latina, vol. 210,col 100. 11 • ... como dice el wlgar, / nació roas de la eapina,• in Cancionerooaatellano da aiglo XV, ed. R. Foulch6-Delboac,2 vola. (Madrid: NBAE, 1912), I, p. 733b. Citecl by Eleanor S. 0'Kane, Refrana y fraaa proverbiala apallola, ,- la Bdad Media (Madrid: BRAE, 1959), p. 2O6a. 12 Text in J. G. Th. Gd.ue, ed. Die beiden IJltaten lataniadalln Fabelbadaer da Jlittaalt«ra (T(lbinpn: Stuttprter Literariachen Vereina, 1880), pp. 172-73. For a atucly of thia Cable - whoae meanin¡ eacaped Roeemond Tuft in her much-acclabned All,.¡¡oriml lma¡¡ery (Princeton: Princeton Univenity Pre11, 1988), pp. 18 and 19-20 .... m, •TM Ro.a aiM Spina / intar Spinaa, the Partridae, and Other Erotic Symbola

36

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

La Conmica 17:2, 1988-89 in Mayneri'a Dialogu Creaturanun, • to appear •1Nwbei9. 13 Test in M. Barbi am1 v. Pernicona, ·su.Da C011.,...._ poetica tra Dame • Giowumi Quirini. • Stiuli Dantacl&i, 26 (19'0), 81-129, at p. 112.

14 Le rüM, ed. Gioaa6 Carducci and Sevmno Fenvi

(Florwe:

Senec-ú,1899), p. Ml.

15 Decom.ron, ecl. Vittore Branca, in Tulle le opere, IV (Verana: llondedori,

1971), p.

617, aec. 5. 16 1n Comedia &rapl&ina, Ad V, l. 223, in Propalladia tllld OIJwr WorU o( Barloloml de Torra Naharro, 4 wla., ed. .Jmeph E. Gm.t, II (Br:,n llawr: Privately printed, 1946), p. 73.

l? From the •Capitoli, • no. 8 (heginninr •opil che'l p,rllO a me lucida e chiara•), l. 48. In Opere minori, ed. e-re Segre (MiJen; Riccardo Ricciudi, 1964), p. 183. 18 Orlando furioao, Canto I, str. 42a-b. 8ome ,-n -., I om,mented briaOy upan thia imap, • emplo,ed by Arioato, TorNl9 Naharro, SlualrMpeueand Cenantea, in m, edition of Criatóbal de Tamariz, Novelaa • uerao(Charlottemlle: Biblioteca Siglo de Oro, 1974), p. 404, note to atr. 347c-cl(•Ja encarnada roa ... / que no dej6 au natural Mpina").

19 No. 62 (begimúng -Ya beeando uw

JN1noacriateJinM•)in SoMlm, ecl. Birat6 Ciplija~ (Madiaon: Hiapanic Seminary ol MedievallltudiM, 1981), p. 2.17(-,elling moclarnized). 20 A Jlidaummer Night•• Dream, I.i. 76-77.

21 Viuda, caaada y doncella, in Obraa, X, ad. Federico Ruis llorcaende (Madrid: RAE, 1930), p. 471a. 22 Don Quvote, Part I, chapter 31; ad. Fnncieco Roclrfpn Marfn, 10 vola. (Madrid: Atlu, 1947-49), 11, p. 421. 23 Dillciplina Clmt:alia, ed. Maña Jeda Lacarra end Eaperema Ducay (1.arqou: Guara, 1980), pp. 116 and 62.

37

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

'MJ• moroa mortarlcaea': Arable Phraaea in the Poema de Alfonso XI (Strophe 17086-d) SamualG.Armiatead Univeraity of California, Davia James T. Momoe Univeraity of California, Berkeley

In strophe 1709, the Poaaa tk A/fon,llo XI embocti• two Arabic phraaea which have, until now, not been fully intarpreted. Aa Aba 1-I_Iasan (Albofa,.an),king of Moroooo,who bu been defeated by Alfonso in the battle of El Salado, withdrawa from the fteld (on tbe advice of hia vaaaal, don Arife), he addre•• hia followen partly in Arabic: 1709 El rrey dio vna boa fraca E por foyr dizo barra

11\is moros

mortaricaca

amad torque alcarra 171O Tomemos del mal el poco oy nos vjno cuyta fuert;e non tienen omne por loco si puede fujr de muert.e 1711 del mal tomemos el menos t lo al vaya su via dela muert.e eaca~oa gu&r8(;8r caualleria

The Arabic portions of this tmt have been given variad int;erpretations by modem acholar&. Aureliano Fernández- Guerra y Orbe altered the orthography and arbitrarily moclified the tmt at two pointa (in attributing v. b to don Arife and in repeating anm in v. d): El Rey dió una voz fraca. Et Don Arir dizo: "l&ml, Mis moros! Mor tariluuuJ. Anm, amzl. Torleeakarra.

38

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

La Cordnica 17:2, 1988-89 Fernéndez-Guerra then cit.ea the Arabist, EduardoSaavedra, as his authority for interpreting the Arabic forma as followa: • Muera, mis moros. Deshaz (oh príncipe) tu camino. Vete, vete. Abandona el campo de batalla. " 2 Sin~ no Arabic tmt is provided, it is difficult tD reconstruct what Saavedra might have bad in mind in offering such an interpretation: Barra 'afuera,' tarical:a 'tu camino,' and an&%I •vete' ring true, and Saavedra's rendering reflecta the inoongruity of naing singular forma of command addreaaod tD the king's numeroua followers, but the rest of the interpretation remains enigmatic. In her Vocabulario oC the poem, Johanna Paulina ten Cate offers another interpretation under the alphabetically listed Arabic forma barra, mortaricaaJ, and ammtorque alcarm. 3 Ten Cate thanka Dr. J. H. Kramera of the University of Leiden for bis help in interpreting the Arabic words (p. 8, n. 1). Barra is translated 'ifuera de aquí!;' mortaricaca (corresponding to murr [sic] tañluika) equals 'seguid vuestro camino;' and ammtorque alcarra (said to repreaent •probablemente" Ar. amsM turu~ al-luJrra) is tnanslated 'seguid los caminos del hado.' The first two it:ems suggested by Kramers are eaaentiall¡ correct: The CA barran ('outside'), became, in Coll. And. ba.mJ, while mur /a.rCqa-kais an everyday phrase in Arabic, meaning 'go your way; go away.' It is worth noting that this form, guaranteed by the rhyme, is a classical rather than a colloquial one, for the latter 5 If, as seems most likely, in light would have had to be mur /a.rCqak. of the paleographic text--not to speak of the context--the words are being uUered by the defeated Abo 1-1:lasan to bis troops, a further anomaly should be noted, namely that the Moorish king addresses bis plurality of troops using both an imperative verb and an attached pronoun that are grammatically in the singular. The correct plural forma would have to be C.A. murrü /a.rCqa-kum;Coll. And. muml /añq-kum, 6 both of which would violate rhyme and meter. On the one hand, the inconsistency of mixing classical with colloquial speech in ready-made phrases ungrammatically used suggests composition by one whoee grounding in Arabic was none too solid.7 On the other hand, the literary effect of portraying a defeated Moor who utt;ers, as he withdraws from the scene, incomprehensible words containing an acremental repetition in rhyme position (which can only be achieved in the classical diction, and, then, only in the singular number), would no doubt have produced frissons of acatDlogicalmirth among the poem's Romance-speaking audience. Insofar as Kramers' third suggestion is oon~med, however, certain problema arise. Here we might aaaume that J .P. t:en Cat-e pve Kramers a written tranacription of the tmt, without aplaining 39

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

La ConSnica 17:2, 1988-89

other, are miles apart phonologically and morphologically, our modified veraion of Kramera' int;erpretation is clearly preferable. In sum, we propose reading the entire four linea as followa: El rrey dio vna boa fraca E por foyr dmo: "BARll,\ ntjs moros; MUR TARIQA-KA; AM~I TURQ AL-[F]ARRA." The above, we would translat;e: The king spoke in a weak voice, And, in order t,o Oee,said: "OUT, My Moora; GO YOUR WAY; FOLLOW THE PATH OF [FLIGHT]." This int;erpretation and translation rnake perfect senae of the paleographic tmt, admittedly, ,ith one minor emendation that does no violence t:o meter or rhyme: 1 As we understand the passage, the Moorish king has been defeated and desires t:o escape ("por foyr"). Hence a retreat, notan att:ack, is called for. Our reading is further supported by the fact that v. 17116, "e lo al vaya su via" is a paraphrase of both mortaricaro and amm torque akarra. We feel, in sum, that the reconstruction we provide above is put together with the aolid mortar of common sense.

NOTAS l El Poema de Al(OMO XI, ad. Yo ten CatAt (Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1958), p. 476 (pa)eograpluc tazt). The MS UN1 aigma lor word-ftnal .... Ame 6om difl'erenceain punctuation, the tat il identical in the old eda. of Florencia Janer (Madrid: Rivadeneyra, 1873) and Tomú Antonio Sénchez (continuad by Pedro JOÑ Pidal) (Madrid: Suceaorea de Hernando, 1911), neither of whom offiml any interpretation of tbe Arabic forma. Neither the Gran Crdnica de Alfonao XI, ed. Diego Cata1'n, 2 vola. (Madrid: Gredce, 1977), 11, 431.71-72, nor the briefer venion, ed. Cayetano Roaell, Crdnicaa de loa reyes de Castilla, B.A.E. LXVI (Madrid: Rivadene,ra, 1875), 327a-b, include8 the Arabic worda or even the dialogue in queation. Concerning the proverbial embodied in vv. 1710a and 1711a, compare, of coune, the Libro de b,um tunar, v. 1617c: •del mal tomar lo menoe, cliaeloel aabidor• (ed. Manuel Criado de Val ami Eric W. Naylor, ?.el ed., Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1972), • well • the antecedenta, analop, and further bibliography liated in the eda. of Marfa Ro.. Lida de MaUriel (Buenm Airea: Eudeba, 1973), p. 129; Giorgio Chiarini (Milan-Naplea: Riccardo Ricciardi, 1964), pp. 315-16; ami Jacquea JONt, 2 vola. (Madrid: Eapaaa-Calpe,1974), II, 270; alao lbn Zahanl, Bool of delighta, trana. M. Hadaa(New York: Columbia U.,

_.,,..ion

1960), p. 86. 2 •Contaataci6n

[al diacuno leido por don Lwa Fem4ndes-Guerray Orbe],• Memoriaa

41

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

Armistead and Monroe

the phonetic valuea of the O. Sp. orthography; hence the Arabist misread the -z- in amm as -ka, then imagi11ed a non-exis1:ent metathesis that would yield the root M-S-K ('to seize, grasp, hold'), of which the imperativa singular would, in any case, have to be CA umsuk or imsak, Coll. And. anuok, and not amski. But since an Arabist such as Kramers would not make this mistake, we may safely assume that ten Cate's amski is a misprint for a.mahr, a variant translit:eration of amlí (sing. imp. of the verb 'to go'). Kramers' /u"'q ('roads,' pi. of /añq) for torque is one poesibility. Cloeer to torque than /uruq, however, are the Arabic forms /urqa ('the beaten track of roads; a way, or courae, that one pursues to a thing') and /urq (a contraction of /uruq, pi. of /añq), 8 of which the latter, which is the more likely candidate, would, in any case, have produced torque in Spanish (cf. Ar. saqr > Sp. •~re 'hawk;' Ar. ziqq > Sp. zaque 'water skin;' et;c.).9 Finally, al-karra for 'el hado' is clearly a misinterpretation. The verb karra has the basic meaning of 'to turn around and attack,' with reference to the medieval Arab military strategy of karr wa-farr 'turning to attack and then fleeing,' known in O. Sp. as tomafuye. In it, the cavalry would forma line, charp to within a spear's throw of the enemy (lcarr), cast their spears, then wheel about and retreat (farr). From this it follows that a karra was 'a retum to the front line of combat.' 1º In this context, however, sinm the Moorish king has been defeated, it is most likely that he is calling upon his troops to retreat. From the base meaning of 'retuming to att.ack,' the metaphorical meaning of the 'retum of fortuna' cited by Dozy (SuppUment, II, 452.a) doubtless gave Kramers his unlikely 'hado.' Following the above reasoning, we could reproduce the underlying Arabic of the phrase in question as amlí /urqa (or /urq) al-ka.rra, and translate: "Proceed along the path of attack." One must, however, assume that the clumsy speaker of Arabic who composed this passage confused the term ka.rra ('a retum to the attack') with ita opposite: farra ('a flight from the battle') and we must emend the text accordingly. Let us note, once again, that the And. Coll. imperative amir ('go, proceed') of the verb mald is being treated in the singular. 11 Altemately, interpreting torque as a derivative of the root T-R-K ('to leave, abandon'), Saavedra got bis "abandona el campo de batalla" or, more properly, "abandon the attack." Unfortunately, for this interpretation to be convincing, we would either have to restore the Arabic to atruk al-karra, of which the element atruk is the proper impera ti ve singular for the Coll. And. form of the verb taraka, or, using the more normal imperativa + jussive construction, we would have to read amlí tatruk ('go and leave'). Since atruk, tatruk, on the one hand, and torque, on the

40

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

ArmiateadandMonroe de la {Real} Amdemia Bapailola, 4 (1873), 661-93: p. 690, n. 8.

DiaaoCate\4n

hM

notecl th8 de&cienc., ol FernAndes-Gumn'a (Poema de Al,foMo XI: Fue&la, dialecto. atila [Madrid: Grecb, 1963), p. 108, n. 4). 3 Poema de Alfonaa XI: Batudio preliminar y vocabulario (Amaterdam: Zeitlinpr, 1942), pp. 19, 71, 8.

N.V. Sweta &

4 Reinhart Dozy, on tbe autbority ol Pedro de AJca1',tbe Vombuliala (attrihuted to Ramón Martfn), and otben, e,m,menta: •Barran llora, dMora, Ale. (fuera), Be, 1001 N. 1, 46, 7 a.r.quand on ordonne quelqu'un de a'en aller, on dit: barra.,barral Mocquet 167 (mal expliqu6), Richardaon Central 1, 119; dana le Voc. barraJa• (Supplhnmt aus dictionnairea araba, 3d ed., 2 wla. [Leiden and Paria: Brill and Maiaonneuve, 1967), 1, 61b). The aame Ar. root ia preaent in Sp. barrio and hu alao been augeated u eme oCthe pouible origina oCmarrano ('criatiano nU8YO').See Corominaa (DCECH, a.w .), wbo, howevar, react.a atrongly apbwl the marrano derivation. Yakov MaDriel offen a detailed ancl thoroughly documented argument in aupport ol deriYing the Speniab word, at leMt initialJif,ftom Ar. bamJA, bamJnl (•Hiapuo-Arabic marrano and ita Hiapuo-Latin Homophone,• .TAOS,68:4 [UM8], 176-84).

6 Our Jmowledp oCthe AndaluaianA.rabiedialect(a) hu, ol late, been raiNd ftom tbe Jeval of amateuriahcol\iectura to that ollinpjatic profwioMJicm, particuJarlythroup tbe recent efrorta or Federico Corriente, to wboae A Grammatioal Sl&dch o( tJ,,e Spanillh Arabic Dialect Bundle (Madrid: Inatituto Hiapuo-Arabe de Cultura, 1977) we remit tha reader for the colloquiallorma propowl in tlUa article. 6 Tbe long vowe1 marb in colloquial .,._..

are orthop-aphic, not phonetic.

7 On tbe modiftcation oCrhymewordain a later Spanish-Arabicbilingual poem, - our article, • A New Venion ol La marica cü Antequera, • La Cor6nica, 12:2 ( 1984), ~O: pp. 230 (v. 9), 231 (vv. 10, 13), 232 (v. 13). For atra-grammatical chanpa in rhyme worda-metri cauaa--in modern Arabic oral poetry, w Pierre Cacbia, •Tbe Egn,tian Jlau,UJ4l:lt.a AncMtry, ita Development, and ita PNNDt Forma,• JAL, 8 (1978), 77-103: •peciaHy pp. 87, 89, 90-103. 8 Edward William Lane, An Arabic-En,gliahLaicon (London: WiJliam• ancl Norpt-e, 1874), 1:5, 18486 and 1848a.

9 Note other eumplee citad by Arnald Steipr, Conlribuci6n a la fonMim del hillpano-drabe y de loa arabillmoa en el ibero-romdnioo y el aicüiano (Madrid: Remando, 1932), pp. 218-17 et alibi. lO Lane, Part 7, p. 2801c. Concarning tbe atratepm of toma(uye, Ramón Men6ndezPidal'a commentaryon the form alcaria, which figurea in the Carolingian balJad oCLa huida del rey Manln (-Ya comie~ loa fnmceaea"): •iAlcaria, moro1, a1caria,/ ai mala ravia voa mate!" (Tatoa m.edieualeaeapalfola [Madrid: Eapua-Calpe, 1976), p. 69, n. 1). Men6ndez Pidal citee crucial ))U88IM ftom Don Juan Manuel'• Libro de loa Balado,: •Et aobre todu 1aa coau del mundo deven guardar loe chriatianoa que non dexan ningunoa de loaauyoa andar con elloa a un trebejo qua elloa Ca.zende tornafuy .... ca una de Ju COIU del mundo con que loe chriatianoa aon mú engannadoa, et por que pueden •r deabaratadoaméa afna, • ai quieren andar al jueso de loa moro1 o wiendo eapolonadaa a tornaluy• (ed. R. B. Tate and l. R. MacPhenon [Oxford: Clarendon, 1977], pp. 150, 154). Compare alao the following verw in tbe Libro de Alaandre: •Fuero,¡ 1M poca poco / Jaa paiuelu echando // luiendo toma fup / fueron loa 801111acando" (ecl. Raymond S. Willia [Princeton:

42

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

La ConSnica 17:2, 1988-89 Princeton Un.hmaity Prw, 1934), w. '108a-b). Concernins the atratapm, - Jaime Olher Aafn.•0npn 6rabe de nbato, arrobday aua bom6niJDoa• (Madrid: •Ra,ia,a de Arduvoa,• 1928), pp. 29-35, and f\uther intormation in DCBCH, IV, 810m. Refenmcel to un- wa-farr in Arabic literary and hiatorical writinp are bot.h numeroua and anciant. The earlieat and moat lamoua of thw ia cont,ained in the Jlu'allaqa of tha Pre-TaJamicpoet Imru' al-Qaya. whent he dw:ribea hia hone • being: ..JliluJrrin ,n,ifarri,A muqbilin mudbirin ma•an / b-julmildi f8brin l)at\a-hu a-a.,lu min 'ali" ('Attaclring. fJeeing, advancin& ntiring (... ] and joint17(... ], being lib the boulder ola rock. which the torrent bu hurled down from on bigh (... ]') (Al-Jlu'al.lt,qM al-Sab'u: TM &ven Poema Srupmtled in 1M T~ a, Jlr.cm, ed. and trena. Capt. F. E. Johmon [Bombay: Education Society'a Staam Pre.a, B,culla, 1893), p. 20, line Bertrandon de la Broqum9, who trawled through Turby in 66 [italice oun]). 1432-33 u a apy tor the Dub of Burpndy, dw:ribea the identical tactic u emplo,ed by Turmh cavalr., and, juat lib Don Juan Manuel, atreaw the abeme dan¡ar of t.be Chriatiana' being tricbd into punuing the enemy (V~ d'Outremer, trena. Galen R. Kline [New York: Petar Lang. 1988), pp. 144, 1'8, 149). Tbe Cid taba Alcoceruaing juat auch a atrategam of feigned ratreat (Spurpon Baldwin,•Deceptjon and Ambuah:The Cid'• tactica at Cutejón anclAlcocer,• JILN, 99(1984), 381-85).

11 Tha aauneword occun in MS S of tbe Libro,- blll!I&amor,•· 1517d, in the form •cabegeo la mora clisola Ami)' umy•-with metatheaiain the repetition (ecl. Criado de Val and Naylor). In the Poema de Al.for&IIO XI, the form amai ia Wl8d, with an epenthetic -e- that ia un-Arabic, in order to fleah out what muat be an octoayllabic line. Note, however, that LBA'a MS T uNd the aame triayllabic form: •ea~ la mora E dixo: amexy amm• (Criado de Val and Naylor). Concerning Juan Rui&'aArabicforma, and an&%iin particular, - Jaime Olffer Aafn...La apreaión ala ud en el Libro de bun amor,• Al-Andalu, 21 (1956), 212-214. 12 Since tM two oppmitea iarr and farr are clalely aNOCiatecl in tbe Arabic aplWion iarr ,,,.farr, tbeir reapective meeninp could wily have been confuaad by a Romancw ~br. Tbe emendation W8 propoee ia, thua, not paleographic, aince tbe miatab wu made in tbe mind of the poet, ami not by the pen of the copyiat.

43

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

NOTES

'Merjellna' (Libro M Bum Amor, 21 lc)

David Hook King's College, University of London Stanza 211 of the Libro tk Buen Amor is attested only by MS S; it describes the instability of the lover's fancies:

ffazes lo Andar bolando como la golondrina, rrebuelves lo amenudo, tu mal non adeuina, oras coyda ensu salla, oras en merjelina, de diuerssas maneras tu quna lo espina .1 Editorial interpretation of 211c has offered two different readings. Julio Cejador presente the following: Oras coyda en su safia, oras en Merjelina.2

In a lengthy footnote, however, Cejador conjectures that su sa1la may be an error of transmission for Susa11a,and this solution has found widespread acceptance among subeequent editors and translators, so that the current consensus 8888 the line as a deecription of the lover's thoughts altemating between two ladies: oras coyda en Susafia, oras en Merjelina. 3 There is, however, lees agreement in the scholarly commentary offered upon the second of these names. Henry B. Richardson notes only that Merjelina is "apparently a woman's name." 4 José Maria Aguado 8888 Merjelina as equivalent to "fulana¡" he aleo notes the existence of an \i9torical Margellina in chapter 623 of the Primera crónica general . The comment of Joan Corominas is similar to that of Aguado: "Ora en Fulana, ora en Zutana¡" he notes in addition that both names were "entonces todavía vulgares. "6 The most extensive commentary upon Merjelina to date is that offered in the critical editions of Cejador, Jacques Joset and Alberto Blecua. Cejador observes that "Merjelina tiene todas las trazas de ser nombre propio de alguna doncella cantada en los 44

Digitized by

Google

Original from

UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

La Cordnica, 17:2, 1988-89 rm,ancea populares . . . ¿o aeni el franc6s marjolaiM, C>Ñpno, en la frase Za couplda de la Marjolai,u, . .. ?" He aJao pointa out the nist;ence of a Merjelina ("la única que yo conozoo en la literatura eapa6ola") in Marcos tk Obreg6n, and further coqjecturea that behind this name in the LBA may lie the Méluaine of French legend, or even the Morgayna of the Arthurian cyclea. J~uea Joaet reporta Cejador's ohaervations together with thoae of Aguado and Corominas, but doea not regard Merjelina as a commonplaoe name: "Creo . . . que el Arcipreste opone un nombre muy wlpr a otro raro, de cepa aristocrática o mitológica, para indicar la diversidad de loa deseos del protagonista. No hay que desechar la relación ya establecida por Cejador con el nombre franc6s Marjolaine que, por su consonancia rara y poética, interviene hasta nuestros dfas en canciones populares, . . ." With regard to the etymology of Merjelina, Joaet sugpsts that "quizá haya que pensar en un influjo del nombre del encantador Merlín de las leyendas asturianas (sic) en la formación de este femenino. Pero esto ea muy hipotético." Even more apeculative is the suggeation of Alberto Blecua (made with "escasa convicrión") that "podría tratarse de una wlgarización (a traWS de una mala grafla •• > rj) de Messalina, la esposa de Claudio, prototipo de la adúltera, con oposición al personaje bíblico, la casta Susana." The lat.est acholarly editor, Gybbon-Monypenny, reporta the views of Cejador, Joaet and Blecua, noting that despite the latter's conjecture with regard to Mesaalina "no va tan lejos como para enmendar el tato."

With the ezception of the reference to a Merjelina in Marcos tk Obreg6n, the existing commentary on this name thus amounts to attempts to explain it in terma of sugpsted etymological influences or a scribal error. In theae circumstances, it is perhapa useful to point out that Mergelina is also the name of the daughter of the empe,r Manuel of Constantinople in La Historia tk Enrrique fi tu Oliua. Although this work, in its extant form, post-dat.ea the LBA, ita use of the name Mergelina for a lady of high status, whoae amorous relationship with Enrique is narrated in the roman~ accords well with the hypothesis of Cejador and Joeet about the aaaociation of the form Merjelina in the LBA with ariatocratic and exotic overtones. The relative rarity of the name among the feminine namea recorded in medieval Spanish documenta, and the apparent status of the few bearers of it encountered, taken with what looks like a potential regional association, seem to point the same way.8 The explanation of Merjelina in LBA 211c is probably beat aought, therefore, not in etymological apeculation involving Meluaina, Morgayna, Merlin or Marjolaine, nor in palaeographic coltjecturea 45

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

Hook about Meaaalina;imperialRomanacandaland Artburianmyateriesare likely to be leas relevant than the document;ed occurrence of the name in the peninsula, for which our aouroeaare nemmarily lit;erary tena and legal documenta. That Juan Ruiz lmew a wide ranp of lit-erature is commonly ~pt;ed: if further lit.erary references to the feminine name Merjelina come to light in works which predat-e the LBA, or if tbe latter is conclusively shown to be lat;er than generally aasumed, then 21 lc may one day furnish ua with an additional indication of the author's reading, but in the meantime it is probably historical documenta which will provide us with the moat aecurehaaiafor trying to recovar the meaning which line 21 lc would bave held for Castilian readera cont;emporary with the Archprieat. NOTES: l Quotedtromtba palaeographic edition bJ M•nml Criado de Val and Eric W. NayJor, 2nd edition (Madrid: CSIC, 1972), bat witbout diatinpdahing varietiM of I or i, and with the word-division ol the manuacript natored. 'nle rMding baa Ülo be8Dchecked with the palaeoaraphical edition by J. Dncamin (Toulome~ t.douarcl Pmat, 1901).

2 Lü,,o tM Buen Amor, 2 .ola., Cl6aicaa C..JJaD01, 14, 17 (1913; reprinted Madrid: Eapua-Calpe, 1970), I, 82. The rMding ,u aana ia alao napected by Maria Brey Mari6o in her modernized vemon (bued on Dncamin'• tat) of the Libro,_ B,um Amor in the Odral Nuevoa .na. (2nd edition, Madrid: Cut•Ji•, 1980), p. 79: •ora piema en aua malea,ya piema en M-...Hna.• 3 Far aample, SIUIIJNJ/Srualla ia the ..-,ling adopted in tM editiom of Giorgio Chiarini (Milan: Riccardo Ricciardi, 1964), p. 46 (Une 882); .Joen CorominM (Madrid: Gredoa, 1967), p. 141; Raymond S. WW. (Princeton: Princeton UDMl'llit1 Prw, 1972), pp. 84-86; Jacquea JONt (Madrid: Eapua-Calpe, 1974), I, 82-83; Alberto Blecua (Barcelona: Planeta, 1983, rpt. 1988), p. 38; and G. B. Gybbon-M~ (Madrid: Cutalla, 1988), p. 160.

4 An Btymological Vocabulal:Yto thll 'Libro ta Bue& Amor' of .Tuaa RUU. Amp,_,. ds Hita, Yale Romanic SeriM, II (New Hawn: Yo Univanity Prw, 1930), ,.u. 6 Oloaario ,obre Juan Ruiz, poeta caatellano del aiglo XIV (Madrid: Eapua-Calpe, ll'a), a.v. Tbe Margellina ol PCG chapter 623 (edited by Ramón Menlndez Pida!, 2 .ola., 2nd edition [Madrid: Gredoa/Seminario Memndez Pida!, 1966), ll, 358) ia mentioned apin in chapter 790 (D, 473) and wu the wife of King Garda Ramfrea ol Navarre; cf. Libro de laa generociona, edited by Joaela Ferrandia Martfnez, Tatoe meclievalea,23 (Valencia: Anubar, 1968), p. 60, and Carba, Prfndpe de Viana, Crónica tM loa re,m de Navarra, editad by .JOÑYanguu y Miranda (facaimile of Pamplona, 1843), Tato. medievalea, 'n (Valencia: Anubar, 1971), p. 97. The relerence to her in PCG 623 ia a c10N tranalation of the Latin ol Rodri¡o Ximenn de Rada (•el t(\Jedano•); by a curioua m.iaundentanding olthe Archbiabop'• tat on the part olthe compilar of tbe inda to a recent reprint of the Madrid, 1793 edition of hia Ope,u (Tatoe medievalea,22 (Valencia: Anubar, 1968)), Margelina ia duplicated u Garda Ramfrea'•dau¡hter (p. 84, Book IV, chapter n) • well • hia wile (p. 114, Bk. V, cbap. niv; p. 166, Bk. VI, chap. m). In fact all tbree referencMue to bia wife.

46

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

La ConSniea, 17:2, 1988-89 8 Btl. ciL, p. 120. TIia aplanatary .... pllll by Coromiw - ~ • tba tatua! reecting in tbe modern llpaniab tnmalation which accompeniN the edition of the Libro a B1lffl Amor by Lidia Pona (San Antonio de c.aJnna-, Gerona: Colecci6n Aubf, 1978), pp. 118-19; •ora pienaa en Fulana, ora en Zutana.•

-la,

7 Butoria M Bnrriqu fi de Oliua, rey de lu,,..,_,

.,,.,.,ador M editad by Pucual de Gayangm (Madrid: Sociedad de Bibli6flloa Elpdoa, 1871), VUI. Gayangm notea a reference to thia work in a poem by Allomo Amires de vmeunctino which be date. to tbe earl)' XVtb centur., (pp. m-n); ha idantil1M Kerplina'• tather • Manual D Palaeolopa. who reipecl ftom 1391 to 1399 (p. mi); and he c:oncludM that Bnrriq• waa in circulation in Cutile •dMde la 6ltima mitad del aig)o XIV" (p. mii). Hia identiilcation of t.be emperor Manuel ia challenpcl by J. lpecio ChicoyDabén, who appean to lavour Manuel I Comnenua (ruled 1143-80): •De nuevo aobre 1a Hiatoria de Bnrriqu, fi de Oliua, in ttlula et. plailolop romaM d d'l&ialoire anaivenaire, edit.ed lülbmre offerta 4 .lula Horrml 4 l'occmion ds M>n ao~ by Jean Marie d'Heur and Nicoletta Cherubini (LiAp: The Editora, 1980), pp. 63-68, at p. 87. If it were concluaiwly eatabliahed that Bnrriqu. l'i de Oliua waa ligniflcantly aarlier than auapected by Gayanam, thia woald naiN tM poaibility tbat the UN of the name Merjelina by Juan Ruia waa prompted b., tbe ArchpriNt'• direct Jmowladp of Bnrriqu.. Of relevance han ia the recent re-opaning ot the clating of tba LBA by Henry Anapr Kelly, Canon Law and the Archprial o( Hita, Medkmal and Ranainence Tata and Studiea, 'n (]Hnghampton: Center for Medieval and Early Ranainance Studiea, 1984), the acholarly c ••e1ament of which ia atill pnerating ctiacaMion. Tbe traditional date of the LBA ia, ol coune, 1330-43, wMJ. tbe wlialt atant tan ol BnrriqtUt ia datad 1498 (BOOBT-3, no. 3362). 8 A •domna Marplia• in a document of 14 April 1266 ftom San Pelayo de Oviedo 11181 poaibly be a Margelina deprived of a contraction aign. The tat la in Franciaco Javier F8PD4ndesConde, Iaabel Torrente Fe,n,6ndez, and Guadalupede la Noval MeMndn, Bl Jlonaaterio de San Pelayo de Oui«lo: hiatoria y fuen,ta, I: Colecci6n diplomdtioa {996-1326) [Oviedo: Monuterio de San Pelayo, 1978), p. 2'l0, DO 119. Tbe bonoriftc domna applied to tbia lady ia found a1ao in the cue ol dona Margelina, wile don Lop Sanchez de Salea, recorded in a document of 21 November 1290 from Barbutro: Aguatm Ubieto, Documffltoa de Caabaa, Tatoa medieYaa, 21 (Valencia: Anuhar, 1966), p. 114, DO. 80. An estenahe NUCh of documenta publiahed in tbe NriM Fuente. Meclievalea Cutellano-leowu haa lailed to revea! any turtber caw ol thia &m,inine name; il the dubioua aample trom San Pelayo de Oviedo ia diacounted, thia laawa ua with only the Marplina of the PCG, who wu French, and the dona Jlargelina of tbe Barbutro document, and raiNI tbe pombility that hia name may haw a marbd regional aNOCiation - akin to tbe et1mic or regional implicationa ol Mora¡ (Scottiah), Maureen (Irilh) or Myfanwy (Welah) for a modernEngliah nadar in Eng)and. Only fuUer information on the incidence of -mj•lina in medimal documenta ftom Spain wil1 wwer tbia quMtion.

or

47 Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

San Andr611,Bl 06upt) y la tliablaa

CarloaSainz da la Masa Univeraidad Complutenae, Madrid El manuscrito 8744 de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid es un c6dice miacel4neo de rneclJ•doadel siglo XV (copiado oon posterioridad al 5 de febrero de 1456) que ae abre con una traducción castellana del ~itatorium mmtia ad Deum, del franciscano cat.al6n fray Bernardo Oliver (m. 1348), a la que sigue una hete?Opnea recopilación de tado8 piadoaoa, generalmente en romance: un confesional, un tratadito sobre la buena merte, otro sobre loa signos del Juicio Final, et-e. Precisament;e en loa tado8 qua forman la aacción central del manuscrito el recopilador o recopiladores incluyeron, entre otros tado8 con una fuerte presencia de eumpla, el relato milagroso que transcribimos, donde se desarrolla el difundido y multiforme tema folclórico de la t;entación del sabio por el Diablo transformado en hermosa mujer. 2 Dicho núcleo narrativo se liga aquí al fomentn del culto de loa santos cristianos que supone la incorporación del cuent,ecillo al currículum de san Andrál tal como se nos muestra en el Flos sanctorum. La redaooión de nuestro tezto lo entrones eatrechament;e con la familia denominada B por Thompaon y Walsh (representada, por ej., por los manuscritos escurialenses h.i.14 y k.ü.12. 3 Su inclusión aislada en esta obra mizta de devoción permit;e documentar un uso de estas textos como lectura devota, ,tjeno al~ importante y oficial, de mat;eria prima para la predicación popular. A pesar del contenido heteropneo del manuscrito en que se inserta, su elección por el compilador del mismo, entre otros muchos posibles e:umpla del Flos sanctorum, no parece casual. En el códice, en efecto, tienen un peso important;e loa teztoa consagrados al valor y conveniencia de la confesión, y nuestro milagro de san Andrál se incluye precisament;e en u¡a sección del manuscrito eapecia)ment.e consagrada a esta materia. U na lectura at:enta del relato nos revela que su contenido rebasa el doble tópico cleriml y cont:emporéneo de la misoginia y del poder milagroso de loa sant:oay permite al lector u oyente avisados reflexionar sobre loa peligros de las tentaciones que pueden acompatiar al ejercicio past;oral de la confesión; con ello, el prestigio del sacramento sale ref o~do y, en suma, el tmto cumple una efectiva misión propagandfsti~. La edición del e:umplum (interesante por su ncelencia narrativa y en tanto nos llega la de t.odo el Flos ,anctorum) ea important:e, además, oomo muestra, muy cuidada, de puntuación medieval, aspecto codicol6gico que se abre a6n mminl) con cierto trabajo en las preocupaciones de loa especialistas. Nueabo escriba

48

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

La Cordnica 17:2, 1988-89 (muy cuidadoso en su letra y epígrafes, en un manuacrito no lujoso) utilizó dos signos principales: • . · . • como aeparador de loa tftuloa y marca de final de tmto, y ' . • con diversas funciones para indicar pausa dentro del cuerpo del tAmtx>:punto, punto y coma, coma. Respetamos, oon ligerfsimaa COIT8(X2onea, diclia puntuación en la 7 edición del tezto que damos seguidamente: (Fol. 174v) UN MIRAGLO QUE FIZO SANCT ANDRÉS LIBRANDO A UN SU AMIGO DEL ARTE DEL DIABLO Era un obispo muy sancto que amava mucllo SANCT ANDRÉS entre todos loa otros sandoa. E el Diablo aviando enbidia // (fol. 175r) comen'-6 de trabajar por le engannar. E tomó aemejanc;a de una muger muy fermosa t fuese para el palac;io del obispo deziendo que quería confeaaar con 61. E el obispo dfzole que se conf888888 con su peniten~ a quien él diera todo el su poder. E ella enbió dezir al obispo que non deecobriria a ninguno fecho de su alma si non a él. E el obispo mandóla que venieae. E dfxole ella ruégote sennor que ayas piedad de mí. yo asf commo vedeseoy ninna t fue criada muy vic;iosa t soy de linage de reyes 'Cvfneme sennera en este Abito muy estranno. Ca mi padre el rey era muy poderoso t qufsome dar por mugar a un prfn,;ipe muy grande. E yo dfzele que non quería casar. ant,es quería guardar sienpre virginidad. E por ende non pude otorgar en fecho de casamien- // (fol. 175v) to 'Casf estando en gran cuita. ca conveníame de fazer su voluntad o de aver muchas penas fuf queriendo ser más desterrada que quebrantar la fe que prometí a mi Esposo. E yo oyendo de vuestra sanctidad vfneme para vos que me defendades esperando que fallar' aquf folgura para mi alma. E podré esquivar los peligros d'esta vida. E el obispo maravillóse de su fidalgufa t de su fermosura t de su devo,;ión 'C de su fablar tan apuesto. E respondió con grand favor mi fija estat segura 'C non ta todo lo temades. Ca Aquel por cuyo amor [v]os desp~astes. vuestro vos dará aquí gra~a 'C después la gloria. E yo su siervo ofréscovos a mí 'C a todas las mis cosas. E escoget un logar para folgar donde más vos ploguiere. t quiero que ayantedes oy conmigo. E dixo ella // (fol. 176r) non querades padre rogarme sobre aquesta cosa. Ca por aventura tomarán algunos mala 808pecha en esta razón 'C la vuestra buena fama seria menoapl81iU\da. E díxole el obispo mucllos seremos. 'Cnon aolament nos solos. E por ende non podrían ninguna mala sospecha aver. E asf vinieron a la mesa. E el obispo posó a una parte 'Cella de la otra t loa otros se asaentaron cada uno en su lugar. E el obispo comenc;ó a acatalla t maravillarae de la [su] faz t de la su fermoaura t asf demientra que la catava encomen'-6le

49 Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

Sainz de la Mua E el Diablo entendió esto t comen~ m'8 accre11Q8Dtar au fermoaura. E ya el obispo consaentfa en su coftl96n que . 8obN eata cf. Bernard Darbord, •Bl Ubro de loe /lallM:aur la atnlcture alWgoriqua de l'aumple, •CaJ&ierade linguiatiqu. llUpaniqu IMtliluale, 8 (1981), pp.

81-109. 7 Adopto Ju aipientM normaa de edici6n: lleltituci6n de abreviatura: caniva. Tinta

rqa: en ma,6aca)aa.

51

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

Sainz de la Mana Se eteden ap6atrofoa 7 acentol~ S. ec::meuu la ...,...a6n et. palahraa. Se replariza el emplao de ~•)M (el copia tiende a UWW trM el aipo de puntuación, para todo vaJmtde Mte). La diatribuci6n ele lu pdu u/Y, ij, U, • .,_. a loa moa wcal y couonAntico actualM. Se actualisa tambMn la p-da de r/rr/R-. LM correcciow 7 a6ecticlol• indicNI ...,,,. can:hatea:[-]; el cembiode p4gina, con doble barra: //. 8 [nwtra] ... tierra; la cm,Jetura.con el pGlteriar alecHdo clae, mpane an error en la interpntaci6n de abreriatmu por parte clel coplaa o de • mocWo7 • acerca a 1M wnionM de otroa manuacritoadel l'ltJa•B• (por ej., el k.ii.12). TamlJml parece plat•aihla,por •n•Jnafa con la eatructura et. la rMpUJJlta del fODWl'O a la pNIUDta anterior, la ac,lua6n•formadode la tmfa [. ca] CUM que • tmfa M ( ..• ). •

52

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

HenkdeVriea Netherlanda Rijlanmiwraiteit ta Utrecht Doom, Holanda, 14 de febrero 1989

Le agradezco su artfculo aobre el tatu• receptuadel Libro tú buen. amor ("El Libro de buen amor y el libro del arcipreste," La Cor6nica 17:1, 1988-89, 1-7). El tema me interesa vivamente, porque hace poco tuve que darme cuenta de estos problemas, en un estudio que va a publicar lberoromania. Est,ay de acuerdo con casi todo, pero me importa explicar por qué difiero de usted en el concepto que tengo de la indentidad del poeta y en mi apreciaici6n de la fidelidad con que ae ba transmitido el tezto. A mf no me gusta que aigarntJ& llamando al poeta "arcipreste de Hita," ya que todas las tentativas de identificarle como tal han fracasado. Lo que sabemos del poeta es lo que nos dice él mismo. Nos lo dice en un texto que está cuajado de ambiguos juegos de pe)abT&,de los que no exceptúa siquiera sus propios apellido y apodo: "T6 le ruis a la oreja" 396a, "tras la oreja, tita" 977d. ¿Cómo vamos a saber si el nombre de Juan Ruiz no era, en realidad, un seudónimo que le aseguraba al poeta un anonimato conveniente? Y mientras se siga buscando a un Juan Ruiz arcipreste de Hita histórico, ¿por qué no admitimos la posibilidad de que loe nombres del autor-protagonista pertenezcan ellos mismos, así como los nombres de la alc:3hueta y las catorce C0888 de don Hurón, a esta grandiosa fiooión poética? A pesar de la ezist.encia real de un acriprestazgo de Hita en el siglo XIV, el mismo nombre de Hita o Fita tiene evidentes posibilidades de ambig(ledad que deben ponemos en guardia. Aquellos que en el siglo XV se servían del tArmino "Libro del arcipreste de Hita," ¿Jo hacían, quizés, por querer evitar la ambig(ledadsubversiva del f'Armino 'buen amor'? A noaotroa, en cambio, nos conviene solo el título que nos dio el poeta. Ea necesario que distingamos bien entre este Libro de buen amor, propriamente dicho, y loa poemas agregados que le siguen en loa manuscrit.os. En esto, estoy con usted; es el punto de partida del estudio que tengo en prensa y en el que me atrevo a acometer el aMJisia estructural del Libro desde la perspectiva de la composición num6rica, que permite aclarar algunas 00888 que, sin ella, 53

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

DeVriea permanecerfan en la penumbra de Jas supoaicionea vagas e intmpretacion• forzadas. Lo que importa aquí ea lo siguiente. Juan Ruiz fija con precisión el comienzo y el fin del Libro, propriamente dimo, el cual ae atiende de la copla 19 a la nº 1649; Jas estrofas 11 a 18 CODStituyenun prefacio, e incluso la oración preliminar -- estrofas 1 a 10 -- pert:enece al sis1;ema de la aégaais int-erna del Libro, aunque no parezca así a primera vista. El Libro tiene una asombrosa estructura aritm6tica, que confirma que Jas hojas perdidas de S tAmfan ocho coplas en cada página, así como Jas m'8 de las bojas conservadas. Las lagunas mec4nfoas abarcan setenta coplas, y no sobra ninguna copla apalte de la nº 462, qua anticipa err6neament.e la nº 611. El plan aritm6tico del Libro conduce a la conclusión tan eluctable como sorprendente de que eaoapuatjea a loa que ustal se refiere, en que Juan Ruiz anuncia canciones que luego no a~n, son una mistificación. Para esas canciones no habfa sitio dentro de la arquit;ectura calculada del Libro; por consiguiente, no loa incluyó el poeta dentro del Libro propriamente dicho. Puede suponerse que iba a incluirlas en la colección de poemas sueltas al final y no lo hizo; o que lo hizo, y se perdieron en la transmisión del ta1:o. Esas supuestas lagunas de las canciones que anuncia el poeta, por manifiestas que parezcan, con lagunas aparent.ea, cuya aplicación m'8 plausible, deapuáa de todo, ea que mediant;e las mismas nuestro poeta, no menos sabio que travieso, pone de manifieat.o el deseo de que loa lect.orea trabajen por descubrir la estructura del Libro, de eae zafiro resplandeciente que admiramos tanto, eae intrumento que no acertamos a 'puntar' y que aun así tenemos siempre en mient.e loa que bU11C&moa el verdadero sentido del Bum amor. Sdal• del buen amor: cuanto m'8 ambiguas, m'8 ciertas. Cordialmente, Henk de Vriea

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

THE Libro tk Alaandre AND THE COMPUTERIZED EDITING OF TEXTS Georga D. Greenia Collep of WiJ]iamancl Mary

Occasionallya scholarly efTort in medieval atudiea is creclit.ed u being truly ground-breaking or even pivotal, and certainly many worb deaerve that recognition. This is undeniably true of this unitied edition by Francisco Marooa Marfn of the problematic Libro de Alaandre (Madrid: Alianza, 1987), but in a specia] senae: while the Hispanic Seminary in Madison has long employed computen in ita transcriptions and compilations, this is perhapa the first critical edition of an lberian text to be totally generat.ed through the pioneering use of information technology. Diplomatic versions of the atant copies of the poem were digitally encoded (keyed) by hand and pioofread; then ali of the tasks of collation and editorial adjustment normally carried out one by one were performed directly on the data bases and ita subíilea by means of specially written programa, chained macros and finally standard text editora. It is not just that the ten nevar appearedon paper until the published edition appeared, but that many of the editorial strategiea and judgmenta were inspired -- or limit.ed -- by the technical poaaibilities of computers and aecut.ed automatically. We may not agree entirely with the authority of the resultant edition but we have clearly entered a new aga. The appearance of this new and aceptionally ambitious edition of the Alaandre in particular is an indication of the vitality of reaearchers in our field but there is, I think, also a danger. Some wi1l probably accept this edition's aophisticated, high-tech appearance as a priori the last word on the subject, and allow themselvea to become uncritical about the relativa authority of ita specific methodologies and forgetful of alternative stl'ategies that might help to further our understanding of the complaity of the tata and tasks under consideration. I would like to discuaa therefore first the traditional componente of Marcos' enviable acoomplishment and then aort through some of the methodological and concrete prooeduralat.epa taken in what he hopea will become a model for the ganeration of futura editions of medieval teda. 55

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

La Cor6nica 17:2, 1988-89 order for this Latin epic to become the "well-thumbed achool tat" tbat Ian Michael envisioned as the raw mat.erial for the Ala;a,n,dre poet (Michael, 1970: 20). The tenninus ad quem is the oomposition of the Poema de Femdn. Gonzdlez, c. 1250, which the Ala;a,n,dre inftuenced. Within theae broad boundaries, our landmarks in time are leas secure. Internal eviden~ suggesta several pointa of ref erence for identifying the earlier end of the equation. Line 860d of the Libro tU Ala;a,n,dre, for emmple, refera to Damieta, a site made famous during the Fifth Crusade (1217) when it was captured in 1219 by the Spanish cleric Pelagio and his troops (Alarcoa Llorach, 1948: 16), while strophe 2522, lees persuasively to my mind, has been associated with the King of Sicily and the Crusade of 1228 (Baist, 1897). 2 The Ala;a,n,dreis offera its own dates for "the warlike times of the triumphant Alexander" (Pritchard, 1986: 173-74), but in higbly oonvoluted wording that oould be and likely was misinterpreted by many medieval students 3• The tnmslation of these linea into Spanish at stanza 1799 was forced at best, and apparently garbled in subeequent oopying by uncritical scribes.Marcoscleverly recalculates the varying dates given in P and O by proposing to first repair one error they both inherited from before their branchea split, and then suggesta tbat there was an inadvert:ent switch of the numbers in linea e and d of 1799 in MS O. This stratagem resulta in a date of 1202 for the prototype of MS P and 1205 for the source version for MS O. The gap of three years is resolved by supposing two different redactions of the original, each dated appropriately for its historical moment and each giving rise to separate branches of the tezt, branchea tbat P and O follow independently, a solution which would also resolve some other discrepancies between them. Marcos is cautious about his oonjectured solution, however. If he is right about his projected dates of 1202 and 1205 for the aource mas for P and y O respectively, he aclmowledges that he will have to accept the possible referenoes to the incident at Damieta of 1219 and to the Crusade of 1228 as post-authorial interpolations. The last word has not been spoken on this problem; Marcos discreetly doea not allude to the ~ of other dates proposed by various acholars without consensus. The heart of Marcos' ambitious enterpriae is laid out in his acrupulously complete discussions on "Filología e Informática" and the "Conjunto de programas" actually used in this edition. Marcos hirnself has worked hard at disseminating his proposed methodology, not just as it applies to the Ala;a,n,dre, but also to provide a programing package tbat other acholars oould employ to oonfect their own critical editions of other tezts in proae or poetry when multiple 57

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

Greenia

The bulk of the volume is, of courae, devoted t.o the meticulously edited and typographically compla tmt of the Alaandre itaelf, acoompanied by copious footnotea, almoat ezclusively t.eztual in nature. In a more traditional vein, there is a lengthy introduction which is divided into subaections on the hist,orical Alennder (11-13), the transmission of the legenda attached to the Macedonian king, beat lmown through their diffusion in the Hiatoria tU preliia and ita avatar& in countless languages of the ancient and medieval worlds (18-21) 1, and an evaluation of the medieval Spanish Libro tU Alaandre itself as a work of literary craftsmanship (22-39). Longar and more technical sections deal with "Filología e Informática" (3965) and a "Conjunto de programas para el tratamient.o ítlológico de tAmtoa en verso" (65-77; see below). There is a fine bibliography of 231 pertinent items followed by appendioes containing: the proae letters of Alezander to bis mother found in MS O; the four fragmenta of the Ale:mndre which duplicate some strophea in MSS P and O; a novel ·sampler of the computar programa which were writt.en t.o aecute the edition published in this volume; and two more aections oontaining editorial notes. In addition to bis highly innovative edit.orial techniques, Maroos offers some new perspectivea to our current appreciation of the Ale:mndre, two minor and another unique. First, judicious argumenta are offered for enhancing our respect for the intellectual and artistic enterprise that this poem repreaents. For Maroos it is a text "muy superior a cualquier obra literaria medieval hispénica, con la discutible ez~pción del Libro de Buen Amor" (63) and that "La extensión del texto . . . la relevancia de sus fuentes y los asunt.os tratados . . . la enorme erudición que se muestra y la internacionalidad de la intención hacen de este libro tal vez el más interesante de loa medievales espaiioles" (22; cf. Marcos, 1983: 150). Second, in regards to the copyists of MSS P and O, Maroos affirms that although neither had very good originals at their disposal, their idiosyncratic disfigurations of the text are not, on the whole, aevere (cf. 63 for a case where they may have improved on the Ale:mndre-poet's work); the copyist of O may have had a better copy t.o work from, but P perhaps had areees to some of the aource tata for the Ale:mndre, arld P does not display the censorious or antisemitic biases which seem to affect the copyist of O. The moet novel contribution (other than the meclianization of the editing procesa itselO is a new approach to dating the work (2426). Everyone agrees that the terminua a quo has to be 1182, the date of the completion of the Ale:mndreia, the Libro ele Ale:mndre's primary aource, t.o which we should add aeveral decadea at least in 56

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

Oreenia manuacripts and/or print;ed editions of a work aurvive. Conference preaentations with generous handouta 6 and articlea about the theoretical design and sequencing of hia programa (Marcos 1986, 1987a) preceded the appearance of the edition under review. The actual work of editing this tmt was performed, briefty, in the following steps. Both of the long manuacripts, the fifteenth century París MS with ita Aragoneae traita and the Jat;e thilteentb/early fourteenth century Osuna MS with ita Leoneae overlay, were entered from the diplomatic edition of Willis (1935) with the corrections of Solalinde (1936) and othen made by Marcos hirnaelf based on phot:ocopies and microfilms. 8 Then the spellinp for P and O were "normalized" to supgreas mere orthographic variations, such as e va. ,, 8 va. 88 and so on. 7 The collation of the normalized tata of P and O was then aecut;ed, swiftly and with great areuracy, tbank to the reliability of the technical procees. The vast body of tat that the two apparently divergent MSS have in common becomes readily visible, eepecially after the editor resolved (inevitably, one by one, although ezpedit;ed by chained macros) the ~ of attached clitica. Ali clitics were det.ached for purpoees of comparison and to normalize the virtual position of the other words in a given line. The final synthetic phaae compared letter by letter words that still differed between the two main files (the normalized versions of P and O), a procedure whoae authority is leas persuasive perbaps because merely having two sourcee that agree that a word starts with the letters "le" for example (cf. below) is not a sure guarantee that it is not a further misreading of an already erroneous transciption. The resultant unified version faithfully retains and marks ali remaining discrepancies for editorial review, but tbe bulk of the project, as Marcos envisions it, is already nearly complet.e, for one of hia key premises is that, once trivial discrepanciea in orthography and virtual word order are eliminat;ed (e.g., comen~ va. comenzó), the vast majority of disagreements between the source texts are effectively cleared away. For Dana A. Nelson, edit,or of the well-known "reconstrucción critica" of the Ale:r:andre (1978) which Nelson attribut;ed t,o Gonzalo de Berceo, there are only perhapa a little over a hundred linee of the nearly 11,000 in manuscripts O and P that match up perfectly. Marcos Marin on the other hand finds most of the diff erences negligible: ª. . . se advierte que el texto común [that is, the resultant text after elimination of merely phonological or scribal variants and unification of word order] es enorme. Las diferencias aparentes se han reducido basta tal punto que puede afirmarse con seguridad que el ndmero de versos que no coinciden en 58

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

La Cor61ÚCG17:2, 1988-89 absoluto ea despreciable, tal vez inferior a la decena, mientras que hay centenares de veraoa que coinciden, salvadas las diferencias de graffas y, aecu11dariament;e, las de orden de palabras en el interior del verso."ª Syntactic choicea are aomewbat more complicated but another macro aorta by word order either on the baaia of MS P or of O, or whichever witneas in a group an edit.or might prefer, and the diacrepanciea are aeparated out for individual attention. Although Marcoshas indicated elsewhere bis marked f PProval of O over P in matters of morphology and lezical selection, and has affirmed that he has soned this edition in both directions (firat favoring P and then favoring O), bis ultimate choice has apparently been for P as the syntactic base for this edition. The introduction of the tmta of the four fragmenta into the equation extends the quest for unity among the witneaoea. For the generation of this synoptic edition, complex macros (idioayncratically named ALEJO, NUMALEX, COMALEX, etc. for their relation to this application) carry out most of the mechanical and editorial functions. They maintain a unified numbering system for linea and atrophes (adjusted to coincide with Willis' now standard combinad numbering system) and then aort out first mere graphemic variante and aubsequently syntactic onea, and finally progreasively divergent morphological congruencies. Selection is made on the basis of concurrence, that is, if there are four or five witneoaes for a given line, at least three of them must agree; if there are two or three witnesses, then at least two must agree. To provide one example, the following four linea repreaent the tmta of atanza 51a: [Paria] Empec;ol Artistotiles como om·e bien honrrado [Osuna] Comenc;o don Ariatotil cuemo ombr bien letrado [Gamea] Comenzó Ariatotilea, como ome bien lenguado, [Games'] comenc;o Ariatotiles como onbre bien lenguado

Since "Ariatotiles," "como" and "bien" agree in the nutjority of cases, they are held to be oorrect forma, and the partial line ". . . Ariatotiles como . . . bien . . . .• is accepted without further question. Advancing by stages to lesaer degrees of agreement, "comenc;o" is aooepted over "Comenzó" and "Empec.ol," "don" is diacarded in deference to the majority reading, first "om·e" and then "ombre" are generated from the letters available. Finally "le[tr]ado" is 10 entered as an editorial judgement. The reaultant line in the final printed unified edition uses a system of regular maractera,boldfaoe 59

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

Greenia (to show a preCenmce CorP va. O alone, or CorP or O when one

agroea with a fragment but not with each other), cursiva (Cor O ovar P, or P and O against a Cragment) and fmally bracketa to show editorial additions. Editorial deletions to reat.ore the meter (•Aristotil" rather than the ametric "Arist,ótilea") are m•de cautiously but are unmarked as auch ezcept as revealed in footnotea. Line 51a then reada in Marcos' published edition as:

•eome[n]~

Aristotil como onbre bien le[tr]ado.•

So far every atep along the way has been preaent.ed and justifted by the editor as merely a logical enpgament of the mecbanization oC the editorial proeradamente dependientes de los textos que oonservamos,hasta el punto de que podría decirse que hemos reoonstruido el Ale:mn,dre como lo habría hecho un oopista del si¡Io XIV, pero sin poder acercamos mucho más al original" (61). 1 Nonethelesa, the editor does apply internal criteria such as "coherencia textual" (i.e., normalization by frequency), and ext;ernal criteria, such as the timehonored methods of historical linguistica, meter, aourca, reoonstructions to correct for the modernizations of the copyists, tatual criticism, etc.: in ahort, a truly creative prooeas. Both Nelson and Marcos Marin claim to be acrupulously conservative editora and I doubt that either edition will ever completely displace the other, although the more recent efTort will ptobably become the oonventional "edition of default" for most future studies. The question of authorship remains unreaolved, but since most scholars are daunted by the blizzard of linguistic detall required to produce a rival edition (and without the allure of a seductiva tezt with the payoff of the intriguing wordplay and polysemy of, say, the Libro de buen amor), I suspect that the debate about whether or not Berceo actually wrote the Ale:mn,dre will be shelved until Nelaon tinishes his forthcoming book on cuadema uta proaody. Even then I suspect that serious work on this question will remainstalled among a few determined historical linguists. The judicious conclusion of this review might be a rejection of Nelaon's ''Bercean" edition of the Alemndre in favor of Marcos Marin's anonymous one. And yet I think not. Nelaon may be wrong about his hypothesis about the author and still bave the more logically configured text. Whoever wrote the Ale:mn,dre was a contemporary of Berceo. He has to be credit:eclwith being at least a 00-founder of the achool of poetry of which Berceo is now considered the moat accomplished 63

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

Graenia

eaponent, and his poem on Almnder the Great may wall be the manifesto piece of the genre. Cutukma vta waa perhapa the product of a collaborative effort, at least of a circle of poeta who lmew of each other's work and who developed a sensa of ahared atyle -- in a general aense -- and purpose. They may have even apent time together or lmown a oommon environment: the univeraity of Palencia has been suggested by Dutton, Deyermond and othera. Given what these poeta are likely to have had in oommon, Nelson'a premisa that the language of Berceo and of the Ale:mndre poet should have been very cloae in linguistic detall doesn't aound ao very far off bue. And certainly the effort to discreetly restare metrical regularity t,o the leamed epic'a verses is in line with what any version oC the original would have looked like. Maroos doea not aay what weight he givea to metrical regularity, and his notes aeem to invoke the juatice oC periodically utilizing the synt;u oCO to restare ametric linea, but the strictures oC preaenting a unified edition do not leave much room Coradjustments: surveying only the first 200 linea of each edition, Nelaon's versiyf has on1y two ametric hemistiches, while Marcos t-oleratea over 70. The new edition by Marcos Marin then, for ali ita welcome computerized oontrol 14 and philological oomplezity, has its drawbacks. It bega the problem of what the original looked like by reconstructing a fourteenth- instead of a thirteenth-century tmt and then reintroducing earlier norms. It treats as equal authorities ali the witnesaes, even the fragments which are much later than either of the two principal copies. And more unsettling t.o my mind is the reliance on overall frequenciea t.o decide which competing variant to use in a given Corm or line. The contribution Maroos has made to the standardizing and automating of editorial procedurea repreaent.a a watershed moment Corthe systematized study of medieval works preaerved in manuscript Corm, while providing a mountain of reliable new data on the extant copies of the Libro de Alemndre and their relation t.o each other. Unfortunately, the book in our banda can only be viewed as a brilliant but artificial construct that never existed in Cact. It scrupulously collat:es the extant copies of the Ale:mndre, but declines to treat the poem as a piece of humane discourae, in the way that a medieval reader or listener would have received it. Future editions, then, should still be hoped for, ones that use the inCormation so generously provided by Marcos to legitimately recreate the tat, i.e., critica) editions in the best senae. Meanwhile, the editions of Willis, Nelson and Marcos Marin should ali abare space on our ahelvea.

64

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

La Cor6nica 17:2, 1988-89

WORKS Ch'ED: Alarcoa Llonch, Emilio 19'8. In.,,,,. el Libro Anejo 46 de la Beviata da Filolopt eapalole

1978. Libro de Alaandre. Madrid: NadnnaJ

Mómino.

a

Alaandre.

Madrid:

Edici6n preparada por Jedl CatM MurilJo.

1897. Grundria da Romaniaclu,n Pl&ilolo.-, ecl. G. Gnlber, 402-03. Straaabourg.

Baiat, Gottfried.

Gallm

a

CadellioM Alaandma. Antenore.

1978. Ecffdft llama L. Colbr.

Gomlo de Berceo. 1979. Bl libro de Alimndre. Dana A. Nelaon. Madrid: Gredoa.

Libro de AJ,jandro. 1984. Madrid: Cutalia. Libro de Alaandre. AJianu.

~

notM 7 tato

II. 2:

Padua: Editrice crftica da

fntearode EJana Catana

1987. Estudio y adici6n de Frane»co llarcoa llarfn. Madrid:

llarcoa Marfn, Francleco.

1983. •La contuai6n de JM Jenpaa: Comentario ftlol6gica dMde un frap,ento del Libro de Alaandre, • in Bl comentariode tatoa, 4: ÜJ poala medieual. Madrid: Cutalia.

1988. •Metoclolog(ainlonn6tica para la adici6nde tataa, • 1,u:ipil, 6: 186-197. 1987L ·Metodolopa intonntiica para la adici6ny crftica de tataa, • Hiapania, 70: 960-986.

1979. Reforma :, Jlodemüaci6n del Baptlllol (Buayo Hiat6rica). Madrid: C4tedra.

tt. -

Viehael, Ian. 1970. TM 7'rmtment o( ClaAiml Material in tM 'Ubro ManchMter: Univelmty Prw.

tt. Alaandre'.

Solaline, Antonio Garcfa. 1938. Review of W-lllia,1934. Hiapanic Revial, 4: 75-80.

Walter ol ChAtillon. 1988. Ths Alaandma. Tnuwlateclwith lntroclactionwl Notaa by Ropr Telfryn Pritchard. Toronto: Ponti&cal Imtitute.

Ware, Niall J. 1986. •The Date of Compomion ot the Libro de Alaandre: A Reaamination of stama 1799,• Bulldin o( Hiapanic 811.ulia,42: 252-66. WiDia,RaymondS., Jr. 1934. Bl libro d. Alaandre..· T&dl of 1M Paria antl 1M Madrid JIIIIWM:riptaPrepared witla an 1"'1oduction. Princeton.

NOti21:

65

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

Greenia - ChAtiDoD to it - ... undentood the di&rance prelened the formar.

aubcat.eaarm.The

between

euthar ol tbl Libro •

the hiatorica1 ud

Alarwl,w

1111111",yAla•ndar

ud

2 Tbe tat al M8 P nada: *El le6or de Sicilia que Db lo benctip / 8lffl6l [O: por] periu una rica loriga· (2627ab). Ti. tat in the Alaandrm prowidea ampla griat Corthe Spanjah verw without referenm to anything more contemporeJ7 tban an evocation of a reJatift)y aotic land: *Tortilla arpnto cligitia intertata Cyclopum / Traditua a Siculo uemem 1orica tyranno• (X: 273-74, ed. Colbr, 1978); *A wrouahtcuirw interlececl with .U..-~ the ftnpn of tbe CyclopM WM hended to bim • a gift ftom the tyrant al SiciJT' (tranalation: Pritchard, 1986). 3

lln••••

Colar'• traucribed tora. Alaandreia prove that medieval teechen na • ded tbeir charpa throup tbia ....... ~ el. pp. 291, 468 ol hia edition.:

to pjm

4 Nelaon recoutructa thia atanu, 1799, ~ on tba aource pe ••181 in tbl Alaandreia (VII: 429-30) but the naultant date, when tentativa)y conftlted to oar calendar, of 1202 ia on)y cm,Jectural: Nel •on tor hia part maintaiu that •Eate c6mputo •fulla la anterioridad del poema heroico a Ju obraa,elip>M• de Gnnulo, un orden cronol6gico conftrmado, me parece, por lll1JChMconaideraciow eatiJfticu• (Nelaon, 1979: 563). N. J. Ware made an independent calculation bued on the ame atanu ami fa1t aura of a date of 1204 (Ware, 1966). Raymond S. Willia more recently broaght lorth evidence in aupport date aometime after 1248 (Willia, 1974: 36) while Marcoa Marfn, working at the time from hiatorical 1inpjatic mdence, wrote that •En todo cuo, nueatra opinión penonal • que dit1cilmente podrfamOI penaar en a6oa anteriorea a 1225, en nren la ftloaofla' [53b], this ezpectation is confirmed. So completely is the reaction of the Greek det;ermined by the expectation that he is confronting a learnecl Roman

75 Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

La Cordniea 17:2, 1988-89 fool, in the story: Dr. W,lliams thought not. He waa alao unconvinoed by the parallel with Augustine: the Saint allowed diffenmt interpretations of Genesis, but ali bis interpretations were Christian; in contrast, 'loco amor' was totally oppoeed to 'buen amor'. Furthermore, Juan Ruiz was asking the impoaaible: he said that bis tat was ambiguous, then told the reader to trust the author's intention. In fact, the speaker said, the only correct reading of an ambiguous tezt was to see its ambiguity. Finally, the speaker apreesed agreement with Mr. Dodd's comment that paralinguistic aigns, inherently more ambiguous than linguistic onea, were particularly suitable to Juan Ruiz's e:umplum. Barry Taylor (British Library)

Leslle

Turano (British Library) The pauedoAriatotelian 'Liber de pomo': notes on a uniqru Catalan, manuscript

Towards the end of the 14th century there were circulatedin Europe a paeudo-Aristotelian work in Latin, commonly referred to as the Liber de pomo. It proved to be one of the most widely read of the paeudo-Aristotelica (after the Secretum secretorum) yet it aeems to have been translated into a Western vemacular only once, and this translation, in Catalan, is eztant in a unique copy, contained in MS 1474 of the Biblioteca Nacional. The work is loosely based on Plato'• Phaedo and was probably compoeed in Arabic during the 9th century. It casts Aristotle in the role of the dying philoeopher who t:eachesbis disciples that death is merely the separation of the body and soul and thus appears to contradict the views that Aristotle propounded in De anima. The De pomo text evolved in two traditions; the earliest (Arabic) version was directly translated into Persian in the 13th century but seems not to have been widely known in either languaga. However, during the first quarter of the 13th century, a translator from Barcelona, Abraham ibm Chasdai, produoed a much-revised version in Hebrew which later came to the attention of Manfred of Sicily who then had it put into Latin. The Hebrew/Latin/Catalan tradition differs from the Arabic/Persian in length and content. In the former there is a shift in emphasis towards the ethical considerations of everyday life, and away from the more metaphysical questions. The activity surrounding the tsxt seems to have been centered in north-east Spain, as most of the eleven m:tant MSS of Spanish origin (in Hebrew, Latin and Catalan) were produoed in that area. In Peninsular literature, however, only two concrete referenoes t.o De pomo have been found. One appearain the Portugueae Orto do 77

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

Britiah Hispaniat;a aposo and constitutea a direct tramlation of a paaaa,a in De pomo. The other is found in the Libro ele loa eumploa por ABC whicb givaa tbat title and setting of De pomo but indicatea a different philoaophical content alt;ogather. Although the De pomo is itself of little philoaophical or literary intereat, the development of the t.azt

shows precisely the break.clown of aerioua metaphyaial into easily digestible popular philoaophy. Diacuaaion Dr. Hit:chcock opened the discuaaion by querying the speaker's asaertion tbat it was unlikely tbat the Latin manuacript preservad in Seville was translated from the Greek, as claimed in the tezt itself. He affirmed that there was lmowledge of Greek in medieval Spain, particularly in Arabic acholarly circles in lOth- and llth-century Córdoba and Sevilla. Dr. Turano doubted this and pointed out tbat the MS in question was known to have derivad from an earlier Latin version. Dr. Hit:chcock went on to ask why aome acholars attributed De pomo to al-Khindi. The speaker explained tbat Arabists were led to this conclusion by the absen~ of a teztual tradition before him. In a further question, Dr. Hit:chcock asked Dr. Turano why abe said tbat the work had been composed to 'fill a gap'. The speaker aaid the Arabic scholars were disturbad by Aristotle's failure to provide an unambiguous opinion on the soul's immort:ality and therefore sought to reeolve their doubt. Dr. Hit.chcock pointed out tbat al-Khindi was most famous as a transmitter of medical knowledge and bis interest in De pomo might have been scientific rather than philoeophical. Dr. Turano agreecl with this statement, obeerving tbat the work often appeared bound in codices with scientific treatises. Profeaaor Livermore queried the reading 'De povio' found in J. E. Keller's edition of the Libro de loa exemploa por ABC. Dr. Turano explained tbat it was a clear misreading of the original MS. Profeseor Lomu suggested that Spain was the source of the only European vernacular tradition of De pomo because, aside from Lithuania, it was the only area to experience wide-scale conversion to Christianity. The Catalan De pomo may have satisfied converts' concerns about the salvation of their ancestors' souls. Dr. Turano agreecl with this remark, and added tbat the Jews of medieval Barcelona were particularly convinced of the work's authenticity, despit,e the objections of Maimonides. Dr. Gibbs askelacuaaion Profeaaor Lomu queried the dating phrasea which opened the poem: what did 'quatro dezenas' mean? Profeaaor Sieber replied that this W8S the reading in the best MSS, and ezplained how it waa responsible for the figure 4 in the dat,e 1455. Profeaaor Livermore propoaed reading 'centenas' in that case. lt was clear to Profeaaor Sieber that Manrique had striven to fit bis dat,e into the arte mayor linea, but where Manrique had 1455, the historians gave the dat:e of Garcilaso's death as 1456/8. For Profesaor Sieber, Manrique's euctneas waa more important than bis correctneas. Dr. GybbonMonypenny agreed with the speaker that the poet'a purpoaehere waa to give historical significance to Garcilaso'• death. If 1455 was the 79

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

Britiah Hispanista

correct date, the speaker added, this waa an early elegy by Manrique and certain features of it might be ezplained by inezperience of other examples of the genre. Professor Severin point.ed to the unusual treatment of the lamentation of Garcilaso's mother: Profeaaor Sieber agreed, and added that Manrique had used a mother-figure in earlier works -- here bis literary practioe coincided with histDrical incident. He reiterat.ed the domestic aspect of this elegy, in which family narrative voices are made to bear the burden normally home by the generic commonpWB of the type listed by Zumthor. Returning ftnally to the dating question, Dr. Gwara augpat;ed the reading 'quarenta dezenas', but the speaker disagrim. Barry Taylor (British Library)

Stephen Parldnaon (Aberdeen) 7'M great diaJect su,wy of 1290

tu:cidffltal,

Dr. Parkinaon bepn by lamenting the acarcity of accurat,e datable and locatable data for 13th-century Portuguesa; but he had found a number of usable texts, and noticed that 21 tezt.a, datable to July to September 1290, were remarkably sjmilar and that ali referred to a certain Manuel Eanes. Eanes was a Royal notary who went around the local notarles of the Beira regions and exact.ed from them promises to pay a new tu, phrased in similar but not identical words each time. The resulting documenta, from a homogeneous aocio-economic class carrying out a near-identical task in different but nearby villages, and unaware of dialectological theory, was an accidental but genuine dialect survey. Three of the documenta were reproduced on the hand-out, with mapa of the itinerary and reconstructible isogloeses. Eight philological matters were illuminat.ed: the confusion of /b/ and /v/ (e.g. in liuras); loes of contrast between /s/ and apical /-s/, mostly in patronymics; changes in nasal endinga; forma of the 1st person singular preterite of plJer (siz variants); neuter demonstratives (e.g. isto va esto), where the wide variation suggest.ed that forma with a cloeed vowel emerged too slowly to be ascribed to the influence of the VL final vowel; tabel- and nonetymological tabal- (with unusually clear isoglOBB); suff'izes on nouns derived from tabelillo (-ado, -adigo, -oodo); the new digraphs nh and lh, used in the Chancery since the 1270's but not common up in the sticks. The conclusions were that propagation of novelty from the cultural cent:er was a slow procas, that Tranooaohad four notarles of apparently four different dialect origina, and that more auch data (e.g. from 1383) were probably awaiting inveatipt;ora.

80

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

La Cor6nica 17 :2, 1988-89 The audience waa unital in ita adrnhation of the uaefulneaa of the data. Profeaaor Pharies asked what was on Eanes's pro-forma that he took round; Dr. Parkinson suggest,ed that Eanes took (to coin a phrase) a 'template' but not an emct letter to copy; hence, for axample, the many forma of puai, and aome notarles uaed forma of (azer there anyway. Professor Livermore asked for soma more historical background: was this done North of the Douro? (Yes). Were some of theee villages transferred to or from León? (Probably not). Were the notarles trained in a consistent way? (They were not trained at ali). In answer to Profeasor Penny's reaction of surprise to the final point, Dr. Parkinson asaerted again that there was no special training beyond leaming to read and write as non-notarles also did; and Profeseor Lomu (from the chair) ooncurred, insofar as there was evidence for this at ali. Dr. Wright wondered what Dr. Parkinson had meant by 'conservatism', a word uaedto describe thoae influenced by the central standard (in pus-) and thoae remate and uninfluenced (in tabeliadigo); Dr. Parkinson replied that he was not making a general judgement about innovatory or preaervatory tendencies; pus- with s (and tabel-), old and destined to survive as the standard form, was oonservative in relation to newer (and for a time more widespread) pug-, tabel-, while the -adigo ending was indeed archaic. Profeesor Pharies asked if -adigo survived, and was told that it aeemed to have disappeared in the 14th century. Dr. Powell oommental on the peculiar notary of Pinela, who datal by the kalends in uniquely old-fashioned style, but uaedalso the new digraph -nh-; Dr. Parkinson said that this proved bis point: no area was globally archaic or progressive. Amid general agreement that the awkwardness of the isoglosses ahowed how life-like this survey actually was, the aeeaion was brought to a cloae. Rogar Wright (Liverpool)

81

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

KaJ•m•zoo Conference, May 1888 Se •• lona of lnte1eata to lllapanlc Medlevallabl Tb~,

llay 4, 1111, IO:GO a.a. Boom 1066

Sulion 29 New wlN ami Old Bo&tlN: V... of lloJ•' 0rl tia Spouor: Ibero-Medinal Aalociation of North AIMrica Orpniser: .JONph T. Snow, UDMfdty of Georgia PrMider: .Jerry R. Rank, UDMlaity ol DJinola at Chicaao Tbe C,C fiaa and &be Poetry of U.. JamM R. fltamm, New York Unitetaity •• Pleberlo an Eldatentlaliat? Luia Cortalt, Univenity ot Oklahoma A Walk In Boju' Onomutle Garden Eric Nq)or, TM Univenity of ti. 8outh

Tb~,

llay 4, 1111 1:80 p.m. Boom 2030

Tbe 8panlab Sentimental Romanae - 1441-1148 Spouor: Ibero-MedMwalAaociation. ol NOJth AIMrica Orpniser: lv:, A. Corfta, Unmnity ot Pennqlvania PrMider: lv:, A. Corfta

Two l&Jor

JPourteentb-CAmtary Soaroea al tbe Bia• ,._ • ...., GalJlaaDM de DepllevUle'• ~ • • • Aa11tiu 111111 Pdr ;,... •

,._

E. Michael Gerli, Georptown Unmnity Sabvenlw Sub-tata: lntertestaallty In tbe Sentlmen&al Roa•noe Barbara Weiuberpr, Old Dominion UDMlfflj' Tbe Gue ol tbe Tat: Sepra'• Pro.,a., dt, CIIIW • ..... Patricia E. Grieve, Columbia Univenity

Tb~,

llay 4, 8:80 p.m.

Se11ion 75

Boom 200

Tbe IJteratare of tbe lberlan Coarta lnternational Court1y Literature 8ociety Joaeph T. Snow, Univenity ot Georgia Donna M. Ropn, Penm.,lvania State Univenity "Never Too Old to Learn:" Tbe Plooet6ia ol Cenerl de Olrana Wendy Plefrer, Uniftrlity ol Louimlle &mteenth-Century Poeta Wrltln¡ Flfteentb-CAmtary Poetl7 Nancy Marino, Univenity ol Houaton Tbe Colorful World ol tbe N... S.lia•lll: A Harriet Goldberg, Villanova Unmmdty

82

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

La Cor6nica 17:2, 1988-89

Prlday, llay .. 11:00 ....

Room 1036

S111bn 129

Orpnizer: Pnaider:

In lledleval and llodem Spetn: Ideal and ..... American Academy ol Rwuch Hiatoriam of llediaval Spein DonaJd J. K.apy, Dallaa,T... Paul Padilla, Unmnit¡ of California-LoaAnpw

Tbe Uteratme

of Prlneely Bdacatlon

IPnph-.» ~

In the Crown ol Anaan, 1111-188'1

DonaJd J. Kaaa7 Spmlab Medieval Monareby In Nlneteentb-Centmy Outl8& Tboap& Alem WillM'Jmaen.. Univenity of D.U. Pedro tbe Cruel: Portralt of a Falled Medieval llonarcb L. J. Andrew V,llakm, Cincinnati, Ohio RMpondent: Derek Babr, Uniwlmty ol North Tw

Room 1046

Sermm 130

on tbe Bve ol Col11111bu'Voyqe The Lyrica Society William A. Mclntoah, United Stat.ea Military Aeadamy William A. Mclntoah

llmlco-Uterary Spomor: Orpnizer: Pnaider:

Voyapa al Dlwwef7 In Plfteentb-Centmy Jl'rencb Poea:y Beverly J. Evam, SUNY-GenMeo lladrlpllam In 8paln Imng Godt, Indiana Univenity ol Penmylvania Jaan del Encina and Mmlc at Salamanca MicbMl L. Perna, Hunter Collep-CUNY Reapcmdent: C)yde W. Brocbtt. Chriatophar Newport Collap

Room 204

Senil>n 146

Jewa In the lledleval Crow11 of AnlOft 1 Society lor Spankh and Portugueae Hiatorica1 StudiM Larr., J. Simon, Univenity ol Akron Mark D. Me.,enon. Univenit¡ of Notra Dame Tbe AnU-lalamlc Preoocupatlon of Ramon Uall'• Poleallaa aplDM the .Jewn Thomu Burman, Univenity ol Toronto Jewlab Praaence In tbe IJt-erary Tau of Medieval Qlrana Montaerrat Piara, Penmylvania State Univenity .Jewa In tbe Worb of Etxtm-,nla: Conaplcaoua by thelr Ab1enaeT Donna M. Ropn, Penmylvania State Uniwnity RMpondent: Robert Cbe•an, New York Unive11dty

83

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

JCaJamamo Sr

Room 1030

ion 180 8&yle and Saba&anoe In &be flpenlab Jita• • Ibero-Medieval Aaaodation of North Amlrk:a Joaeph T. Snow, Uniftlsity ol Gecqia Steven D. Kirby, 8)'NCUN Uni••llity

Gomalo de Beroeo'• llanlpalathe Narndon Tbe C.. Mu., Jw Kelly, Univenity ol Kensrs Coberence In tbe Libro de Afenpyl,-r Eather M. Martfnes, Uniwnity of Nebrub Tbe Libro M ._ Aaar la Punny, bat lt'• No& lraaleal Char)M Frabr, Uniwnity of Micbipn Tbe • r , • daNr:la • an Ezprwlon of a... MicbNI HarneJ,Uni+enity of Teua-Amtin

a. ..

ol die

lfilw •

Cal____.,.

l'rlday, llay 1, 1181 1:11 p.a.

Room 200

Sesrbn 177 Tbe .. ...., and tbe lllddle --

Jobn S. Müatich, Univenity of Utah JolmS.Miletich

W- • r,.,,. In tbe Portaau-e

Oral Tndltlon

Manuel da Ca.ta Fontea, Kent State Univmaity Tbroup a Olw, Darldy: Penecated Women In lledleval BeQede Alea1andra GraVN, Pennaylvania State Univenity Alfomlne Bailad • In tbe a..a...u of Ap • tfn Dar6n MariJyn Stone, Kinpborough Community CoU..-CUNY Tbe 'Bacrtvette' Bailada: Source and K,pliae«rw • i... Robert L. SurlM, Univezaity ol ldabo

s-ion180

Room 204

Jewa In tbe Medieval Ctown al Arqan O Soci8ty for Spanich ami Portuaaw Hiatorica1 8tadies Larry J. Simon, Unmnity of Akron Donna M. Ropn, Pennaylvania State Uni,,erllity

Anaonw

and Catalan Jewl • b Converta a& tbe '111118 al tbe B,q,nWan Mark D. M.,..-.,n. Umftlsity of Notn Dame Tbe 8oclal and Eoonomlc LIie of lbJc,Nan Jnn In &be Tblrteentb Cenaa, Larry J. Simon Reapc:mdent:Jobn Bon.11, Yu UDiwnity

84

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

La Corónica 17:2, 1988-89 Room 205

Seaionl81

Myaticlam and Mmlc Mystia Qua,-krly Thomaa H. Connolly, Univenity oCPennsylvama Tbomaa H. Connolly

Mualc and tbe Catban In tbe U- ol Mary of Olplea and Cbrlstine tbe Marvelom Patricia DeeJy Kuru, Univenity oCMiNouri Bpecuh«• JI~ Jaoquea de ~ and Bona'V'elltunn MyRkUm Kay Brainerd Slocum, Capital Univenity --rile 'Sweet Melody' of Cbrin'• Bloocl: Mualcal hu,In tbe libro ,_ • oraciá (16187) o1 s1ner Mana de Santo 1>om1nao Ronald Surt&, Princeton U nivenity Cbanpe In tbe Heart: 1be Myatioal Muele ol Jean Genon Tbomaa H. Connolly Saturday, May 8-ion

l. 1989

10:00 a.m. Room 1010

228

Spon.10r: Organizer:

Preaider:

1be Relationablp of tbe lllil'llcle Acooante in tbe Cantigaa de Santa Jlaria to thoee in Hagiographic U terature of tbe Perkxl Society of the Cantigueiroa de Santa Maria Connie L. Scarborough, Univenity oí Northern Iowa Connie L. Scarborougb

Alfonao'• .KaoriG • ~ and Hie Oaeigw .fe 8-111 Jlaria Anthon,y J. Cérdenaa, Wichita State Univenity Proae Mlracle Accounte in th9 Oaeigw • 8-111 Jlaria and in tbe ...,,._ ~ Two Forme of Dteeoune Carmen Benito VMNla, Univenity oí Muyland-Collep Park Demonic leonology and European Folldore in Alfonao'• ea.,;,.,.14 Carloe A. Vega, Welleeley Collep 8-ion

Room 1035

232

Sponeor: Organizer: Preaider:

•

Teaching the Medieval Lyric: Time and Spaoe NEH Inmtute on the Medieval Lyric Marpret Switten, Mount Holyob Collep Steven Taylor, Marquette Univenity

Popular Elemente In TN>ubadour Poet.ry: Nortb and Soutb ol tbe Pyreneee Andrea W. Hamo., Collep oí the Holy Croa

85

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

KaJamamo

Boom1066

8111ion234

8&.._lnll V-W...

• IBatalMmlo

8teel, Weatem Vichi•n

Uahwaity

Tbe 8oarae al 'ftnctarla' and Gatrarlo'• J>aaai1w al P,apaeatlan Jan Herlinpr, Loaiaiana &tate Uniwraity lloteu to 8t. Qatberlne: Ali Jntea WOfflD Tlidm9 ol 1i111:d Tute+I and llmlcal Tbemea Mar, Atchiaon, lfoneeb Ulaivenity A Llfe al tbeir Owm lledleval 8anffül la Jlwtan& PI__. ad llllpenlo

•

Son.

Judith R. Coba, Boyal -

of Toronto

&uarday, llay 1, 1111p.m.

Boom1036

Snaion 287

llaol• una morlolOlfa de 1M o.e;,,• S..a. Jfaria Anfbel Biglieri, Uniftraity ol Kentuck_y 'fttlea • a aue to the C'A>noeptaaJlutJon and Orpnfutlon al Medieval lllncle C'A>Uectlom1Tbe Dlatlnctlvenw ol &be Oeefia • 9•111 Jfaria Marth E. Schaffer, Univenity ol Cbicaao 1f1raareade mal-dlser: Dyapbemtmt ...et Dlattna&tveOelteleePeatare • of tbe e.e;,, de a.a. Jfaria Stephen Parlduon, Odord Uniwnity

Boom312 Sponaor:

Orpnizer: Preaider:

Poalble lnftaenw al tbe ..Devotlo Moderna" on llell..,,_ Puetry In Plfteentb-Century 8paln Mercedea Vaquero, Unmmty oCMich;pn Coartly Vlrtue and C»artly Learninl In Bwua' • Qacia • .,. Plololae Mark D. Johmton, Iowa City, Iowa A Previoualy Undetected Adaptatlon of Juan de non.• O..: •• In ÚI Qm,fa Dra Clarida • ,,.,,,,,.,. JONph J. Gwara, Uniwmty of Tau-Auatin La Cava en la • crdnlcu y romancea: •a perftl Utenrlo JoN-Ram6n UDivenity of Southern Calibnia

Parle.

y Gnarlillll

86

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

La Cor6nica 17:2, 1988-89

Boom 1010

8111km 297

Tbe Tnnwn!eefcffl of Polk-llodfa In &be CGlllv,,e ,_ SaUa J1aria Societ., of tM Cantipmoa de Santa Maria

8pomor: Orpniur: Pnaider:

Connfe L. Uni-19idy of Northm-n Iowa Ccmnie L. Scarborougb

__

,In Alfomo'• Treatment oltbe c..trated

Plllrlm

Tbeme .JaneE. ~. Uniwraity ot Viami Polklore and Socllll lleallty In tbe SalM lllnelea ol t.be C.tv,,e • Bala Jlria Theollore L. Keeeier 11 Univenity ol Tw-San Antonio Tbe Pr•ant &tate al Qatv,,e lleaeum: P~ an &be lluiaolop,al Proble...... J. Katz, Ulüfflwity ot California-Santa Cru

Sanday, llq

7, 10:00 a.m. Room 1065

S11áon 333 Orpnizar: Preaider.

Tbe Gallclan-PortapTloabadoan and Tbelr Pae&ry Joaeph T. Snow, Unheni.ty of Georsia John Daa-nala, North...tern Univenity

IIDa&9l7of Woman In tbe Oallolan-Portape • e a.,;... dk•ar

Harvey L. Sharrar, Univenity of California-Santa Barbara New Notes on tbe Caatv,,ed'IIIIIOr

Poeelo

Julian Weia, Unmnity ao.areIn Alfomo

of VIJ1PIUA

r. ,_,.,,

Ja.ph

T. Snow

87

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

!11CONGRESODE LA ASOCIACIÓNIDSPÁNICA DE LITEBATUllAMEDIEVAL (SALAIIANCA,S AL I DE OCTUBREDE 1989)

Aaoclaeldn Bwp4nlcw de Lltan&an lleclleval ~

-

de u. ........... de la Unlwawldad de fleleeenaa

ml,rmad6n:

Prof. Pedro 11. C6&edra Departamento de Lltentara ..,... l'acaltad de nJo1oa1a PluadeAnayaa/n 17001 SAIAIIANCA (SPAIN)

Tbe Lellble Body: An lnterdlaclpJlaary Sympoalum on Corporallty and Culture In Medieval Spaln Emory Unlveralty, October 27-28, 1889 Tha -,mpoaium will proYidethe opportunity for acholan fromcliftN8 diacipliDMto cmcuN the repn11ntatkm, replation and perception ol the human body in tba medinal Iberian Peninmla. Tbe body, • an object, mataphor and conceptual device ia pr1Hnt in virtuall7ali aapecta ol medieval lile and U,onpt, incl,,cHn1 law, arcbitecture, literature, political tbaory, medicine tbeolol)' and teclmolo&,.

The aympoaium will coincide with •Tba Gothic Chointalla ot Spain, • an ~ apomored by the Schatten Gallery of Emor.,UDivenity"• Woodndr Librar.,, which pl'Mlllta NJedecl piecel of CJNII 4,000 madiftal caninp ~ tM aocio-Jmtoric chancter ol medinal Spain. CALL POR PAPBR&

-t

Pleue Nnd one-pap abltract.l by 8eptamber 1, 1989, to: Ptde11or

IOcbael Solomon of llodem Laqaapa

Ptde

-tal

end Uteruana

••ar Talll

Lyaen Ar& IIWm7

88

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

'lbe Fint Internatlonal Conp e• of the Beut Fable Soclety of Amerlea Agadlr, Morocco, Auguat 2-8, 1888 (Report.edby Margaret Parker, Lonisiena St,at,e Univeraity)

The Beut Fable 8ociaty of America wu foundecl in 1981 bJ BenJ•min lt ia en interdiaciplinary aociety Benuni ol Nortbwt Miaouri State Unmnit7. ol writen, acholan, critica, tranalaton, teacban 8Dd atudenta,wboae purpoN it ia to promote acholarly and creativa actmtiN reJated to tbe beut table (and ita aiateJt pnne) in all literatunw, 1anguaa- and perioda. Tbe aocilty'• jomnal Batia will be publiahed ann~ in December. At the flnt internationa1 conpw tbeN were m paper-pn11ntation with tha following titlaa:

•••rhm

-Beaaty,

-&,

and Sau•llty: Qmnentiom

Anbn•Jlty -

-Tbe Beut

Pable:

-

Bvolatlon

and

and Adaptablllty

-laEutEutT -Tbe Art of lleMtly Art -Tbe Beut Pable • Llberatlon

Polltlcal

Ow--&ary,

Sc,c.,l•IProuat

and

There were two IWiona devoted to NflCtinp ot original tablea and other creative worb deeUng with beaatt, and tbeN were two buaine• awiona. Three

papen clealt with tbe w ol fablel in mecUna1tata, .. followa: -Tbree

1111hPolnu Latber and

ol &be Bwt

Lwinl

German.Engliah

and Spaniah,

Pable In OerlDany: Dar Strloker, Kraa, Unlvenlty of Tennwee,

(Henry

Kncmvllle)

-Pleuarable Penanoe: Tbe Orwroota L¡i4Wlellce ol Bobert Renr,aon'• Pable 'Tbe Cook end the Pcm,' (Joaepblne Bloomfteld, Unhenlty of California, Davi •) -Tbe Libro ,a .,_ Aaor, tbe lloal o( K'MIM - .DiallM and tbe Plcareaqae C'Amnectlon (llarpret Parker, Loal•lana &tate Unlvenity)

me.

Apdir wu a delightful c:onfenmce Special treata providacl Coraociety memben were the pra • ance of Ber7l Rowland, lmown to .medievaliata for her work on beata in general and in Chaucer in particular; acuniona to llarrabeh and Taroudant; preaentation of a dramatic piece "Anhu/L" bJ the Penmylvania State

Unmnity group.

Plana are under wr, for tbe 1989 meeting of tbe Beut Fabla Sociaty, probab1J in Europe in late July or ear1y Aupat. Hopeful\J more hiapanomedievaliata wil1 participate in the NCODdconpw. InquiriM may be addraaed to:

Proleaor ~ Bennanl, Dlvlalon of Lanpap and Llteratare Nortbwt Miaouri State UDMtlwity, ~ VfNoori 83601

89

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

.._..,,_. j •

·•• ❖

.::-::.: . .

;:;-;::

Profeaaor Robert l. Duma, S.J. Department of Hlstory Univenñty of California, Loa Angelea We are most pleued to Iban with our rwlen our diatin¡uiahed colleque:

101M

of tha wt

honon accorded

In oeremonlea in tbe Palau de la Oenenlltat prealded over by Miquel CoU I Alentorn, preaident ol tbe Catalonlan Parllament, be wu awarded tbe thlrd Preml lntsnaclonal Ramon Llull, for cUatinplabed and austalned oontrtbatlom to Catalonlan calture (May 1188)

Recopltlon by tbe clty ol Valencia for hia oontrtbat&om, and Deoember, 1188)

(October

In tbe Hall ol St. Jordi ol tbe Palau de la Oenenlltu, be wu made a member ol tbe order of tbe ero. ol St. Jordi for hlll outatandln8 oontributlona to Catalonlan hllltorlop-apby (llarcb 8, 1181)

PUBIJCATIONS IN THE YEAR 1988:

•The Cruaade Apinat al-Auaq. A Thirtaenth-Century Mudejar Revo1tin lnternat.ional Penpective, • Ameriam Hia1oriml RaJiew, xcm (1988>, ao-10&. "The MiNionary Syndroma: Cruaader and Paciftc Northwest Reli¡iom bpeoaioni-m," Comparative Studia iA ~ and Hulory (Cambrid¡ie Univenity), XXX (1988), 271-286. "A Loat Cruaade: Uopubliahecl Bulla oChmocent IV on al-Auaq'1 Revo1tin ThirteenthCentury Spain," Catholic Húloriml RaJiew, LXXIV (1988), "4M9 .

"The Cantigu u a 8-rch OpJ)Ol'tuDit, in Hiatory, • Bulldin of 1M Canti.¡¡uaroade Santa Maria (Univenity oCKantucJr.v),I (1988), 17-22. Prfncipe almohade y conveno mucWjar: nueva documaotaci6n 10bre AbC1Zayd, • Sharq al-Andalua, atudíoa 11roba, IV (1987 [appeared late 1988)), 109-22.

•i.

guerra de al-Auaq de 1249,• Sharq al-Andalua, atudíoa 11roba, IV ( 1987 [appeared late 1988)), 253-56.

90

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

La Cor6nica 17:2, 1988-89 T111Kin(• Pardon: A Genre in Docmnent.ary Tnolo&, (l(ontpellillr-PerpipanBarc:elona,1274),• B.tadioa dedicado, ,Jl pro(aor rrederie Vdiaa i Jlarlorell, I [ • JletliaJalia, VD] (Bellaterra: Unhanitat Autlmnme de Barcalona,1981 [appeuecl late 1988)), pp. 67-71. Jlo,_, cridiana i j,,,_,. ea el regne croal a Valacia (Valencia: TNII i Quatn, 1981 [appeuecl late 1988)), pp. 487; trentlatioe ol Jlulilu, Clarialiau, tJlltl J.,,. (Cambridp Univenity. 1984). Tlmd in hia apera OMAia tundacl b., the V•lencM,n and eat.Jonlen Jlint.riN ol Culture and the Unherllity ot Valencia Socwlal i docunu!nlaci6• el 1'flllllGIcroal a Vallncia (Valencia· TNII i Qaatre, 1988), (Princeton Umvenity. pp. 389; tranalatlon ol Soa-, and 1986). Fomth In the aame ...._

91

Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN

Joseph H. Silverman (1924-1989)

Our dear friend and colleague, Joseph H. Silverman, died on March 23, 1989, at Santa Cruz, California, after a long and heroic battle with cancer. He was sixty-four years old. Joe was born in the Bronx, New York, on October 15, 1924. He graduated Phi Beta Kappa from City College of New York, earned M.A. and Ph.D. degrees at the University of Southern California, and did advanced studies at the Universities of Mexico, Madrid, and California, Berkeley. He taught at the University of Southern California and at the Los Angeles and Santa Cruz campuses of the University of California. He was Visiting Professor at various other institutions in the United States and in Spain, and gave guest lectures at many more universities in this country and in Mexico, Europe and Israel. From 1974 to 1981, he was provost of Adlai E. Stevenson College at Santa Cruz and, from 1983 to 1985, he directed the University of California's Education Abroad Program in Madrid. J oe was an eminently learned man. His major concerns were with Spanish Golden Age Iiterature (particularly the comedia and the picaresque novel), with the role of converts from Judaism in Spanish life, culture and letters, and - in over thirty years of collaboration with Samuel G. Armistead and Israel J. Katz - with the traditional literature of the modern Sephardic J ews. But Joe's interests were by no means limited to these fields; they were far-ranging and variegated. His lmowledge of Spanish and Spanish American literature - and of other literatures too - was prodigious. He could write with authority on many different authors, epochs and genres: Cervantes, Ortega y Gasset, Pedro Antonio de Alarcón, Valle-Inclán, Ciro Bayo, Pfo Baroja, Unamuno, Amado N ervo, Fernando de Rojas and Jorge Manrique, among others. The last contribution published while he was alive was an article on Dickens in Spanish literature. 1 Joe was passionately concerned with truth Digitized by

Go ogle

Original from

UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN