Geschichte u. Kultur Roms im Spiegel d. neueren Forschung ;2. Principat. Bd. 34. Sprache und Literatur [Reprint 2014 ed.] 3110156997, 9783110156997

Table of contents :
Inhalt
Sprache und Literatur (Einzelne Autoren Seit der Hadrianischen Zeit und Allgemeines zur Literatur des 2. und 3. Jahrhunderts [Forts.])
Herodian’s Historical Methods and Understanding of History
Erodiano e la crisi dell’impero
Furcht und Schrecken bei Herodian
Claudius Aelianus und sein Werk
Les ‘Histoires variées’ d’Elien. L’agencement de la mosaïque
Longinus Platonicus Philosophus et Philologus II. Longinus Philologus
Menander Rhetor and the Works Attributed to him
Time and Narrative Technique in Heliodorus’ ‘Aethiopica’
État présent des recherches sur Némésien
Lettura di Reposiano
Alcestis Barcinonensis
Terentianus Maurus non paenitendus inter ceteros artis metricae auctor
Apollonius of Tyre: Last of the Troublesome Latin Novels
On the Fringes of the Canon: Work on the Fragments of Ancient Greek Fiction 1936–1994
Emperor and Empire in the Works of Greek-speaking Authors of the Third Century AD
Dans l’ombre des plus grands: III. Poètes et prosateurs mineurs de langue latine aux Ilème et Illème siècles de notre ère
Q. Curtius Rufus’ ‘Historiae Alexandri Magni’
Problemi di lingua e stile nei ‘Moralia’ di Plutarco
Forma letteraria nei ‘Moralia’ di Plutarco: Aspetti e problemi

Citation preview

AUFSTIEG UND NIEDERGANG DER R Ö M I S C H E N WELT BAND II. 34.4

RISE AND DECLINE OF T H E R O M A N WORLD VOLUME II. 34.4

AUFSTIEG UND NIEDERGANG DER RÖMISCHEN WELT (ANRW) RISE AND DECLINE OF THE R O M A N WORLD HERAUSGEGEBEN V O N / EDITED BY

WOLFGANG HAASE UND/AND

HILDEGARD T E M P O R I N I

TEIL II: PRINCIPAT BAND 34.4 PART II: PRINCIPATE VOLUME 34.4

w G DE

WALTER DE G R U Y T E R • BERLIN • N E W Y O R K 1998

AUFSTIEG UND N I E D E R G A N G DER R Ö M I S C H E N WELT (ANRW) GESCHICHTE UND KULTUR ROMS IM SPIEGEL DER NEUEREN FORSCHUNG

TEIL II: PRINCIPAT BAND 34: SPRACHE U N D L I T E R A T U R

4. TEILBAND: E I N Z E L N E A U T O R E N SEIT DER H A D R I A N I S C H E N Z E I T UND ALLGEMEINES ZUR L I T E R A T U R DES 2. U N D 3. J A H R H U N D E R T S (FORTS.) HERAUSGEGEBEN VON

W O L F G A N G HAASE

W DE

G WALTER DE GRUYTER • BERLIN • NEW YORK 1998

© Gedruckt auf säurefreiem Papier, das die US-ANSI-Norm über Haltbarkeit erfüllt. ® Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication

Data

Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt: Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung. English, French, German, Italian and Spanish. Later volumes have English parallel title: Rise and decline of the Roman world. The volumes of Teil II have separate titles: Politische Geschichte, Künste, Recht, Religion, Sprache und Literatur, Philosophie, Wissenschaften, Technik. Teil II edited by Hildegard Temporini and Wolfgang Haase. „Joseph Vogt zum 23. 6. 1970" (28 p.) in pocket of vol. I, 1. Includes bibliographies. Contents: T. I. Von den Anfängen Roms bis zum Ausgang der Republik (5 v.) - T. II. Principat. 1. Rome—Civilization—Collected works. I. Vogt, Joseph, 1 8 9 5 - 1 9 8 6 . II. Temporini, Hildegard. III. Haase, Wolfgang. IV. Title: Rise and decline of the Roman world. DG209.T36 937 72-83058 ISBN 3-11-001885-3 (I, 1)

Die Deutsche

Bibliothek

—

ClP-Einheitsaufnahme

Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt : (ANRW) ; Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung / hrsg. von Wolfgang Haase und Hildegard Temporini. — Berlin ; New York : de Gruyter. Teilw. hrsg. von Hildegard Temporini und Wolfgang Haase. — Teilw. dt., teilw. engl., teilw. franz., teilw. ital. — Literaturangaben — Teilw. mit Parallelt.: Rise and decline of the Roman world Teil 2. Principat. Bd. 34. Sprache und Literatur / hrsg. von Wolfgang Haase. Teilbd. 4. Einzelne Autoren seit der hadrianischen Zeit und Allgemeines zur Literatur des 2. und 3. Jahrhunderts (Forts.). — 1998 ISBN 3-11-015699-7

©

Copyright 1997 by Walter de Gruyter & Co., D-10785 Berlin.

Dieses Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Printed in Germany Satz und Druck: Arthur Collignon G m b H , Berlin Buchbinderische Verarbeitung: Lüderitz & Bauer, Berlin Einbandgestaltung und Schutzumschlag: Rudolf Hübler

Inhalt SPRACHE UND LITERATUR (EINZELNE AUTOREN SEIT DER HADRIANISCHEN ZEIT UND ALLGEMEINES ZUR LITERATUR DES 2.UND 3. JAHRHUNDERTS [FORTS.]) Band II. 34.4: H. (Oxford) Herodian's Historical Methods and Understanding of History 2775—2836

SIDEBOTTOM,

G. (Viterbo) Erodiano e la crisi dell'impero

2837—2927

I. F (Düsseldorf) Furcht und Schrecken bei Herodian

2928-2952

(Uppsala) Claudius Aelianus und sein Werk

2954-2996

MARASCO,

OPELT,

KINDSTRAND, J. F.

A. (Genève) Les 'Histoires variées' d'Elien. L'agencement de la mosaïque [Hinweis auf den Nachtrag am Schluß von Band 11.35] . . .

LUKINOVICH,

G. (Milano) Asinio Quadrato storico di Filippo l'Arabo

2997

ZECCHINI,

2999-3021

L. ( P a r i s ) - P A T I L L O N , M. (Le Mans-Paris) Longinus Platonicus Philosophus et Philologus, II. Longinus Philologus 3023-3108

BRISSON,

GASCO, F. f (Sevilla)

Menander Rhetor and the Works Attributed to him

3110-3146

M. P. (Lisbon) Time and Narrative Technique in Heliodorus' 'Aethiopica'

3148-3173

FUTRE PINHEIRO,

VI

INHALT

(Clermont-Ferrand) Etat présent des recherches sur Némésien

3175-3178

D. (Potenza) Lettura di Reposiano

3180-3195

VOLPILHAC, P.

GAGLIARDI,

(Urbana, Alcestis Barcinonensis

MARCOVICH, M .

IL)

3197—3206

(Bochum) Terentianus Maurus non paenitendus inter ceteros artis metricae auctor 3208-3268

BECK, J . - W .

G. (Gainesville, Florida) Apollonius of Tyre: Last of the Troublesome Latin Novels 3 2 7 0 - 3 2 9 1

SCHMELING,

(Swansea) On the Fringes of the Canon: Work on the Fragments of Ancient Greek Fiction 1 9 3 6 - 1 9 9 4 3293-3390

MORGAN, J. R .

L. (Nijmegen) Emperor and Empire in the Works of Greek-speaking Authors of the Third Century AD 3391-3443

DE BLOIS,

(Paris) Dans l'ombre des plus grands: III. Poètes et prosateurs mineurs de langue latine aux Ilème et Illème siècles de notre ère [Hinweis auf den Nachtrag am Schluß von Band 11.35] . . .

DURET, L .

3444

NACHTRAG ZU BAND II. 32.4:

J. E. (Cape Town) Q. Curtius Rufus' 'Historiae Alexandri Magni'

ATKINSON,

3447-3483

NACHTRÄGE ZU BAND II. 33.6:

L. (Salerno) Problemi di lingua e stile nei 'Moralia' di Plutarco

TORRACA,

3487—3510

GALLO, I. (Salerno)

Forma letteraria nei 'Moralia' di Plutarco: Aspetti e problemi 3511-3540

INHALT

VII

Band IL 34.1: Vorwort

V-VII

(Paris) Rhétorique et philosophie au second siècle après J.-C. . .

MICHEL, A.

(Torino) Floro: un retore storico e poeta

3 — 78

BESSONE, L .

80—117

(Milano-Parma) Granio Liciniano

119—205

(Middlesbrough, Cleveland) Pervigilium Veneris

207—224

A. B. (Nedlands, W.A.) Arrian and Rome: the Minor Works

226—275

CRINITI, N .

CURRIE, H . M A C L .

BOSWORTH,

(Grenoble) Arrien, 'Périple du Pont Euxin': Essai d'interprétation et d'évaluation des données historiques et géographiques . . 276—311

SILBERMAN, A .

(Oxford) Arrian's 'Tactica'

312-337

(München) Appian und sein Werk

339—363

DEVINE, A . M .

BRODERSEN, K .

H A H N , I. (Budapest)-NÉMETH, G .

Appian und Rom

(Budapest) 364-402

F. J. (Alcalá de Henares [Madrid]) Appian's 'Iberiké'. Aims and Attitudes of a Greek Historian of Rome 403-427

G Ó M E Z ESPELOSÍN,

(München) Appians 'Annibaike'. Aufbau — Darstellungstendenzen — Quellen 428-462

LEIDL, C H . G .

G. (Viterbo) LTIllyriké' di Appiano

463-495

B. e . (Dublin) Appian's 'Mithridateios'

496-522

D. (Pavia) Le 'Guerre Civili' di Appiano

523—554

MARASCO, MCGING,

MAGNINO,

VIII

INHALT

A. (Firenze) Favorino di Arelate

556—581

J.-M. (Paris) Hadrien littérateur et protecteur des lettres

583—611

BARIGAZZI,

ANDRÉ,

(New York, NY) Semper in omnibus varius: The Emperor Hadrian and Intellectuals 612-628

STERTZ, S. A .

G. (Edinburgh) Imperial Autobiography, Augustus to Hadrian

629—706

Angeles, CA) Apollonius Dyscolus

708 — 730

LEWIS, R .

BLANK, D . L . (LOS

(Leiden) The Semantics of a Syntactician. Things meant by verbs according to Apollonius Dyscolus'IlepiCTuvTâ^eœç'. . . . 731 — 770

VAN O P H U I J S E N , J . M .

A. (LOS Angeles, CA) Aelius Herodian: Recent Studies and Prospects for Future Research 772-794

DYCK,

(Leiden) 'On Poems': Two Hephaestionic Texts and One Chapter from Aristides Quintilianus on the Composition of Verse 796—869

VAN O P H U I J S E N , J . M .

Band II. 34.2: Vorwort

V

COVA, P. V. (Brescia)

Marco Cornelio Frontone

873 — 918

P. (Bologna) Aspetti e problemi delle teorie retoriche frontoniane . . . 919—1004

SOVERINI,

Ruiz M O N T E R O , C. (Murcia) Chariton von Aphrodisias: Ein Überblick

1006—1054

R. (Cambridge) History and Historicity in the Romance of Chariton . . . 1055 — 1086

HUNTER,

Ruiz M O N T E R O , C. (Murcia) Xenophon von Ephesos: Ein Überblick

1088-1138

INHALT

IX

P. E . ( P i s a ) - P A O L E T T I , M . (Pisa) La ricerca sulla 'Periegesi' di Pausania e i suoi problemi [Nachtrag in Bd. II. 35]

ARIAS,

C. A. (New York, NY) Studies on the Biography of Aelius Aristides

1140—1233

(Pisa) Elio Aristide tra Retorica e Filosofia

1234—1247

A. (New York, NY) Aelius Aristides' Political Ideas

1248-1270

BEHR,

MORESCHINI, C .

STERTZ, S.

(Milano) L''Ei H— h Crt «

c/5 â -a a s

J3 o

s U MH 2 s) £ O - 1g H b tuo Z S - -S < § ££

^ 8 Z
c 1/ —3 1 sCL|„ o .2 1 1 .¡»-.as « H oi H X u U MH fel _ X -s ? ° U P -S SP p=S I .S < s £W

3288

GARETH SCHMELING

surrexit et cadere fecit, quae cum cecidisset, de naribus eius sanguis coepit egredi. Though both fathers attack their daughters, the difference in the source of the blood which falls to the floor is not meaningless. The last contrast in my list has been earlier noted by ARCHIBALD.47 The incestuous union of Antiochus and his daughter produces no offspring, it is sterile, the family dies out, and Apollonius takes over the city. Archistrates, Athenagoras, and Apollonius are all good kings/fathers, their various unions bear fruit, and we are led to believe that their lineages will continue and that their children will live happily ever after. It appears that one of the unifying principles of the 'Historia' is that of contrasting episodes, and that the basic episode, against which most others are structured, is the opening section, the story of Antiochus and his daughter. And the efficient motif, the motif which provides the intellectual stimulus for the physical structure of these episodes, is the traditional image or topos of incest. A schematic drawing of the relationships of the four fathers in the 'Historia' reveals that each father is very much like all the others: each father has a nameless first wife; the parents of each father are unnamed; each father except Apollonius is a widower; of all the women connected to the four fathers only Tarsia has a proper name. The author the 'Historia' creates only one basic family structure for the four fathers: Antiochus, his wife and daughter make up that unit in the beginning, and each subsequent unit seems patterened on, but in contrast to, this first one. The pattern appears to be centripetal, in which each succeeding unit seems to flee from the center, only to be dragged back to the central motif.

III. Riddles: a Special Form of Communication Either Hera or Apollo seems to have sent the Sphinx to Thebes, where she acted as a kind of curse upon the land which could be dispelled only if someone could solve her riddle. 48 The riddle-solver would of course be a wise person and one fit to be ruler, who just happened to re-pollute the land by incest. Whatever the particulars were of perhaps the most famous riddle in classical antiquity, the riddle itself was not only a test of intellectual strength, it was also a form of communication. The Sphinx (through a divine agency) produced a riddle whose words were intended to communicate something to Oedipus. Any old riddle would not serve the same function. The first riddle mentioned in the 'Historia' is not the first one we would naturally think of, i. e. the riddle about incest in c. 3 . 4 9 The first one is in fact spoken 47 48

49

ARCHIBALD, supra (note 17) 33. W. SCHULTZ, Rätsel, RE I A 1, Stuttgart 1920, 6 2 - 1 2 5 ; L. EDMUNDS, The Sphinx in the Oedipus Legend, Beiträge zur Klassischen Philologie 127, Königstein 1981. The riddle of incest is very famous in world literature and THOMPSON, supra (note 25), indexes the following particulars: H540.3 King propounds riddle; H541.1 Riddle propounded on pain of death (Q411 Death as punishment); H508.2 Bride offered to man

APOLLONIUS OF T Y R E

3289

by Antiochus' daughter in reply to a question from her nurse (c. 2): 'quid sibi vult

iste turbatus animus? 'puella ait: 'cara nutrix, modo hoc in cubiculo duo nobilia perierunt nomina.' The nurse asks again: 'quis ... maculavit torum? 'puella ait: 'impietas fecit scelus.'nutrix ait: 'cur ergo non indicas patri? 'puella ait: 'et ubi est pater?' The princess uses at least three riddles before the nurse comes up with the correct answer. The young woman never tells the nurse verbis expressis that her father had raped her; the nurse must infer from hints what the answer to the riddle is. The daughter cannot bring herself to utter the unspeakable about her father. When straight-forward communication becomes difficult, the princess merely changes the form of communication. It appears that many people inside the palace (c. 2) know about the incest. Soon after Apollonius leaves Antioch and returns to Tyre, he realizes that Antiochus would want to kill him. Therefore he travels on to Tarsus, where Hellenicus, who had just arrived (c. 8), already knows about the incest and the price placed on Apollonius' head. The secret is out and clearly could not be put back into the box. So why does Antiochus send Thaliarchus, who also knows, to kill Apollonius (c. 6)? To keep him from telling others? He and many others probably already had done this. Antiochus orders that Apollonius be killed because,

as he himself says, invenit quaestionis meae solutionem. Apollonius clearly pos-

sesses some power, like Oedipus, 50 which signaled to Antiochus that here was the man he feared who would succeed him, perhaps replace him, the man who would take his kingdom; here was the husband who would take his daughter. The daughter of Antiochus is the key: as she is the object of his incestuous desires, so also she is the source of his continued power. If he loses her, he loses his kingdom; by possessing her he retains his power. Had Antiochus had a son, his line would have continued to rule Antioch. But Antiochus never had any intention of relinquishing his family's control over the city. The nihilistic content of the riddle predicts the futureless outlook for the king. There is no road into the future for the king-without-son (c. 4): scelere vehor, materna

came vescor, quaero fratrem rneum, meae matris virum.51 If Apollonius mar-

ries his daughter, Antiochus is doomed; if he continues to live in incest with his daughter, there is no future. The king can choose only self-destruction, which is the message that the riddle communicates. If incest per se were the problem between Antiochus and Apollonius, the latter would have been so shocked by

50

51

who can find answer to question; H 5 1 1 Princess offered to correct guesser (T68 Princess offered as prize); H 5 6 1 . 4 King and clever youth. King asks questions; youth returns riddling answers; H 5 8 2 . 2 Riddling answers betray adultery. I note that at the 11th Groningen Colloquium on the Novel, 2 6 April 1991, U. JUNK read a paper entitled 'Narrative Struktur und odipaler Konflikt in der Historia Apollonii Regis Tyri\ It is impossible to solve this riddle without resorting to in-laws: son-in-law for son, etc. It is important to note that Apollonius' answer solves, in fact, only part of Antiochus' riddle; cf. P. GOOLDEN, Antiochus' Riddle in Gower and Shakespeare, Review of English Studies 6 (1955) 2 4 5 - 2 5 1 , and A. TAYLOR, Riddles Dealing with Family Relationships, Journal of American Folk-Lore 51 (1938) 2 5 - 3 7 on a riddle found in a Reichenau manuscript of the 10th century now in Karlsruhe.

3290

GARETH

SCHMELING

his discovery of Antiochus' life style that he would have fled lest he himself be polluted. Nowhere does Apollonius indicate that he is repelled by the daughter's incest. After he solves the riddle, he fully expects to win the princess — and the kingdom. The message of the riddle is that no outsider can have the princess. 52 This interpretation is reinforced, it seems to me, almost immediately by the next riddle. Hellenicus does not answer clearly when Apollonius asks him why he has been proscribed. (If Hellenicus wishes only to avoid any reference to the dangerous word incest, he could have made reference to solving the riddle.) Hellenicus gives his answer in riddle form (c. 8), quia quod pater est tu esse voluisti. He does not say that Apollonius is proscribed because he knows about the incest or because he wants to marry the princess. The meaning of this riddle is not that Apollonius would supplant Antiochus maritus but Antiochus pater, leaving him no place in the family. Using a riddle as a form of communication, Hellenicus is telling Apollonius that he is not a threat to expose an already exposed Antiochus, not a threat to win the princess' hand, but he is a threat to replace the king. The subject of the next riddle does not involve a king's daughter but is uttered by one. Archistrates' daughter has fallen in love with and wishes to marry Apollonius, but is too modest to say so in unambiguous language. Therefore she uses a riddle as a form of communication with her father (c. 20): ilium volo coniugem, naufragio patrimonio deceptum. The modesty of this riddleteller is a hallmark of Archistrates' daughter: she is modesty personified. Near the end of this novel when she and Apollonius are reunited, she admits to him

why she was attracted to him (c. 49): 'tu es quem adamavi non libidinis causa, sed sapientiae ducem.' The reader remembers a similar modesty in Antiochus' daughter's confession to her nurse (c. 2). Apollonius not only solves this riddle, he himself is it solution (c. 21):

Apollonius accepto codicillo legit et, ut sensit se a regina amari, erubuit. Archi-

strates' daughter is so shy that she identifies by riddle Apollonius as the one she wants for her husband; Apollonius blushes to admit that he is the one desired by the princess. At the court of Antiochus Apollonius did not blush when he solved Antiochus' riddle and understood that his prospective wife would be the polluted partner in an incestuous relationship. Apollonius, as the king's daughter's tutor, knows that she is untouched and so he blushes. In c. 36 [RB] Tarsia solves riddles as part of a program of entertainment which she has untertaken to raise money to satisfy her pimp and to preserve her virginity: quoscumque nodos quaestionum proposuerint exsolvam. This sentence appears to have dropped out of RA, and it is very difficult to know exactly how we are to understand the episode. Since the riddles were apparently to be told by anyone with money willing to bet it, they may not bear on our study. Chapters 4 2 and 4 3 are comprised of ten riddles and their answers. Athenagoras asked Tarsia to entertain Apollonius with riddles (c. 40) ut consoleris 52

We need not search to extremes for the historical Antiochus behind this king. Our character is almost certainly a creation of the text.

APOLLONIUS OF T Y R E

3291

dominum. The majority of these ten riddles deals with the sea, ships, water, things found near the sea, and appears to touch a responsive chord in Apollonius who suffered much at sea. A detailed study of the antecedents and of the specific nature of each of the ten riddles and of their use in the 'Historia' is to be desired, but such lies outside the area of these inquiries. It seems certain that Tarsia offers these riddles as entertainment to take Apollonius' mind off his many problems; the riddles themselves appear to communicate nothing more than the wit and charm of the person proposing them. In fact this form of communication works and Apollonius, sensing that he is beginning to derive some pleasure from solving her riddles, asks Tarsia to leave (c. 43): per deum

te obtestor ne ulterius me ad laetandum provoces, ne videar insultare mortuis meis.

This father and daughter who have never before communicated verbally do so beautifully here and seem to establish the riddle as their first form of exchange. Observing how much her effort with the riddles has done to cheer up Apollonius, Tarsia returns the money he gave her and tries to drag him out of the filth in the hold to the light above. It was Tarsia's ability to propose riddles (to entertain) which brought them together and she seemed to believe that she also had powers to persuade him to leave the filth. When she fails, she breaks down, weeps and tells him her life story. Tarsia's confession is her token of recognition, by which Apollonius identifies her as his daughter, and it is also the climax of the story. As the concluding riddles of the story are to be used to entertain, so — the author hints to the reader - is the novel itself. What began with the terrifying riddle of incest and the narrow escape of the hero ends peacefully with riddles of entertainment and a father-daughter reunion. A unifying motif of the novel is the m u t u a l love of father and daughter, not the e r o t i c but the parental/ filial love. And in this the 'Historia' differs from the other sentimental ancient novels. 5 3 53

It is important to note that Apollonius in a recognition scene discovers his daughter, not his wife (she will be found shortly). T. SZEPESSY, The Ancient Family Novel, AAntHung 31 (1985—88) 3 5 7 - 3 6 5 . SZEPESSY makes a most convincing case that the 'Historia Apollonia should not be grouped with the five extant Greek novels, all of which are focused on the Liebespaar. The 'Historia' he contends is not concerned with the love of a young woman but with reuniting a family. CARL WERNER MÜLLER, Der Romanheld als Rätsellöser in der Historia Apollonii regis Tyri, WJA 17 (1991) 2 7 6 - 2 7 7 , demonstrates very clearly that the protagonists of the 'Historia' are not the passive characters of the ancient Greek novel: „Anders als die Helden und Heldinnen der antiken Romankonvention, die sich eigentlich durch nichts anderes als durch ihre außerordentliche Schönheit auszeichnen, verkörpert Apollonius das Ideal der Weisheit und eines allseitigen Könnens ...Im Unterschied zu den traditionellen Romanhelden ist Apollonius ein Wissender, und die Demonstration seiner Weisheit kulminiert in der Lösung der ihm aufgegebenen Rätsel." DAVID KONSTAN, Sexual Symmetry: The Representation of Love in the Ancient Novel, Princeton 1993, 100, also holds that the 'Historia' should not be grouped in the same immediate family as the Greek novels: "The 'History of Apollonius' ..., which is frequently taken to be a close relative of the Greek novels, is in fact cut to an entirely different pattern." Later he adds, p. 113: " . . . it seems economical to treat 'Apollonius' as distinctly Latin in structure and theme as well as in language."

On the Fringes of the Canon: Work on the Fragments of Ancient Greek Fiction 1 9 3 6 - 1 9 9 4 by J. R. MORGAN, S w a n s e a

Contents Introduction

3294

Abbreviations

3299

I. General Works II. Fragments certainly or probably assigned to novels i) Antonius Diogenes, 'The Wonders beyond Thule' a) Texts b) Author and date c) Antonius and Lucian d) Sources and predecessors e) Genre and constitutive elements f) Structure and realism g) Philosophy and meaning h) Influence and Nachleben ii) Iamblichos, 'Babyloniaka' a) Text b) Plot c) Biography, background and religion d) Nachleben

3301 3303 3303 3305 3307 3308 3309 3310 3313 3315 3318 3318 3319 3324 3327 3329

iii) P.Berol. 6926, PSI 1305, P.Gen. 85 ("The Ninos Romance") 3330 a) Texts 3331 b) The novel 3332 iv) P.Oxy. 1826, 2466, 3319 ("The Sesonchosis Romance") 3337 v) P.Berol. 7927, 9588, 21179, P.Oxy. 435, O.Bodl. 2175 ("Metiochos and Parthenope") 3341 vi) Codex Thebanus deperditus ("The Chione Romance") 3347 vii) P.Berol. 10535, 21234 3349 viii) PSI 981 ("Kalligone") 3350 ix) P.Dubl. inv. C3 ("Herpyllis") 3351 x) PSI 726 ("Antheia") 3353 xi) PSI 151, P.Mil. Vogliano 260 ("Apollonios") 3354 xii) PSI 725 ("Olenios") 3356 xiii) PSI 1220 ("Staphylos") 3357

3294

J. R.

MORGAN

xiv) P.Mich, inv. 3 7 9 3 ("Pamphilos and Eurydike") xv) P.Mich, inv. 5, P.Lit. Palau Ribes 2 6 xvi) P.Mich, inv. 3 3 7 8

3358 3359 3361

xvii) Lollianus, 'Phoinikika': P.Colon. 3 3 2 8 , P.Oxy. 1 3 6 8 xviii) P.Oxy. 3 0 1 0 ("Iolaos")

3363 3371

xix) P.Haun. inv. 4 0 0 ("Tinouphis") III. Fragments doubtfully ascribed to novels xx) P.Oxy. 4 1 6

3374 3377 3377

xxi) P.Med, inv. 3 6

3378

xxii) P.Michael. 4

3378

xxiii) RAntin. 18

3380

xxiv) P.Berol. 1 1 5 1 7 ("Daulis")

3380

xxv) P.Oxy. 4 1 7 ( " T h e a n o " )

3381

xxvi) P.Oxy. 8 6 8

3382

xxvii) P.Fuad 4

3382

xxviii) P.Harris 18

3383

xxix) P.Harris 19

3383

x x x ) P.Harris 2 0

3383

xxxi) P.Harris 2 3

3384

xxxii) P.Graec. Vindob. 1 9 9 2 5

3384

xxxiii) PSI inv. 5 1 6

3385

xxxiv) P.Oxy. 3 0 1 1 ("Amenophis")

3385

xxxv} P.Oxy. 3 2 1 8 verso

3386

xxxvi) P.Harris 173

3386

xxxvii) P.Freiburg 4 7

3386

xxxviii) P.Graec. Vindob. 2 6 7 6 5

3387

IV. Fragments wrongly ascribed to novels

3387

xxxix) P.Harris 13

3387

xl) P.Lit. Lond. 193

3388

xli) P.Lit. Lond. 1 9 4

3388

xlii) P.Lit. Lond. 2 4 5

3388

xliii) PSI 7 6 0

3389

xliv) P.Lit. Lond. 198

3389

xlv) P.Paris Suppl. Gr. 1 2 9 4

3389

xlvi) O.Edfu 3 0 6

3390

xlvii) P.Hamb. 134

3390

Introduction FRANZ ZIMMERMANN'S collection of papyrus fragments from Greek novels was published in 1 9 3 6 1 . Its faults of over-enthusiastic restoration and faulty syntax have been widely rehearsed, but it did at least serve to make these scat1

F. ZIMMERMANN, Griechische Romanpapyri und verwandte Texte, Heidelberg 1 9 3 6 .

THE FRAGMENTS OF ANCIENT GREEK FICTION 1 9 3 6 - 1 9 9 4

3295

tered scraps easily available to those few who were interested in them. Now the Greek novel is the object of much wider interest, and in recent years there have been several important re-editions of novel fragments. First R. KUSSL'S book (027) includes exemplary text, commentary and background study for a selection of the more substantial fragments. Second a series of articles by A. STRAMAGLIA (057, 307, 327, 335, 428) has provided excellent text, detailed commentary and acute reappraisal of some of the less canonical pieces. And thirdly M. P. LOPEZ MARTINEZ'S doctoral dissertation (034) is a comprehensive collection of texts, though generally not re-edited and without detailed linguistic and palaeographic commentary. However, the work which will surely be seen as the long needed replacement for ZIMMERMANN'S collection is that of S. A. STEPHENS and J . J . WINKLER, completed in 1991 but not published until 1995 2 . The present survey covers the scholarship on the fragmentary remains of Greek fiction during the years between these two publications 3 . A few general points may be made at the beginning. The first is an obvious one: we now have more Greek fiction than ZIMMERMANN did. This is not just in the sheer numbers of new texts, which, truth to tell, have not been all that great. Rather our conception of what a Greek novel could be has been stretched (cf. SANDY [052]). The extant complete texts notoriously conform to a canonical stereotype, with a beautiful upper-class, heterosexual couple meeting and falling in love at first sight, only to be separated, exposed to the ordeals of shipwreck, piracy and the attentions of unwelcome lovers, through all of which they preserve their chastity and devotion unsullied, until, in the inevitable happy ending, they are reunited, to live happily ever after. This narrative schema clearly acts as the didactic embodiment of a set of ideal values and wishes about the way the world ought to be. The novelists do not lack individuality, but it emerges in the ways in which they exploit expectations created by the homogeneity of the genre in the first place. Some of the fragments obviously belong to the same kind of novel, the canonical ideal romance. But this seems to us canonical only because it was the sole kind of fiction which appealed sufficiently to the tastes of Byzantine copyists to have been preserved, and that tenuously in three cases out of five. Discoveries like the 'Phoinikika' of Lollia2 3

S. A. STEPHENS & J . J . WINKLER, Ancient Greek novels: the fragments, Princeton 1995. I have chosen, however, not to include two important fragments which appear to be translations or adaptations of Egyptian texts rather than independent fiction, namely the so-called Dream of Nektanebos (P.d'Anastasy [Leiden] 67 = PACK2 2476 = LOPEZ MARTINEZ 2 0 - 4 4 ) and the Legend of Tefnut (P.Lit. Lond. 274 = PACK2 2618). I have also omitted Greek fragments ascribable to the original of the work which has come down to us in Latin under the name of Dictys of Crete (P.Tebt. 268 = PACK2 338 and P.Oxy. 2539), since mythographical fantasy again seems to me to be something quite distinct from free fiction. Finally, I have not included attested collections of short stories such as the 'Milesiaka' of Aristeides or the work of "Loukios of Patrai" noticed by Photios (cod. 129), the putative Greek original of Apuleius' 'Metamorphoses'. No fragments have been confidently assigned to these works, and they were clearly divided generically from the novel as such. Some of the papyrus fragments covered here could, however, derive from a short fictional story as plausibly as from a full-length novel.

3296

J.R.

MORGAN

nus (below xvii) or the so called 'Iolaos Romance' (below xviii) have revealed that fiction of quite a different kind existed in ancient Greek: sensational, sexually explicit, low-life, sometimes overtly comic, sometimes combining prose and verse. Other fragments seem to belong to ghost stories, or to fiction with a deliberately mythical or pastoral colouring. One effect of this is that the two apparently isolated texts within the canon of ancient fiction, Petronius' 'Satyricon' and Longus' 'Daphnis and Chloe', begin to look as if they were part of definable, if minor, traditions within the genre as a whole. But the new discoveries have equally made it difficult to speak any longer of "the genre as a whole". Fiction or, better, the novel was never theorised as a literary form in the ancient world. We have no way of knowing whether, or to what extent, the wide spectrum of literary fiction would have been perceived as a unitary whole, or whether it would have seemed to an ancient reader that the present survey was an exercise in lumping together things which belong apart. After all, fiction's antonym, non-fiction, is not genre-specific. All novels are fiction, but not all fiction may be novels. This is more than just a matter of semantics. The novel is an outstandingly elastic form, apparently capable of entering into dialogue with every other literary form. This very omnivorousness makes it difficult to draw firm dividing lines between the novel and other literary genres. In order to provide a proper context for the Greek romance, we may need to reconceptualise our view of the nature and integrity of the genre, and to grant to other literary products, such as epistolography, paradoxography, aretalogy or fable, a place alongside it in a more broadly conceived category of fiction. These are not issues which I have felt able to address systematically in compiling this survey 4 . My approach has been pragmatic. I have included only those items which previous scholars have labelled as "romance" or "novel" or "fiction". It may well be that I have included some things and excluded others which belong with them simply because they have been differently labelled in the past. The real practical difficulty, however, is that if a whole work can be difficult to categorise, a fragment is doubly so. And now that we can see that things which we should be inclined to call novels covered a rather wider field of functions and themes than we had suspected, the task of identifying and placing novel-fragments has become even harder. There seem to be two related but opposite problems here. The first is that the very elasticity of the form has tended to make the rubric "novel" a receptacle for fragments that cannot easily or obviously be accommodated elsewhere. Almost anything c o u l d be part of a novel. There are numbers of fragments here with nothing positive to say that they are fiction. Often, so it seems, it has been sufficient for a papyrus to mention women, or love, or even night, for it to be assigned to a work of romantic fiction. Thus, for example, the high incidence of "romance" frag4

A first step towards the recontextualisation of the Greek novel is made in the collection of essays in J. R. MORGAN & R. STONEMAN, edd., Greek fiction: the Greek novel in context, London 8c New York, 1994.

THE FRAGMENTS OF ANCIENT GREEK FICTION 1 9 3 6 - 1 9 9 4

3297

ments in the Rendel Harris collection (below xxviii-xxxi, xxxix) signifies only the first editor's penchant for using "romance" as a classification of last resort. Conversely, the tight homogeneity of the canonical group of extant novels has led other scholars, notably ZIMMERMANN, to posit an over-strict set of criteria to be met before any new text can be admitted to the magic circle. I am sure that there are plenty of papyrus fragments from the marginal subforms of fiction which have remained unrecognised because they do not conform to scholars' preconceptions of what they ought to be. All these provisos having been made, the papyrus fragments of ancient fiction are uncommonly significant. Not only do they widen our knowledge of the ancient novel as literature, but they provide it with a material sociological context, discussed by STEPHENS ( 0 5 5 - 6 ) , KERÉNYI ( 0 2 4 ) and TREU ( 0 6 0 ) . It is an easy assumption, often made, that the novel was a popular form, originating in a sub-literary culture, and generally read by the poor in spirit and pocket. Quite apart from the literary qualities of the works themselves, this is not borne out by the physical evidence of the fragments 5 . In the first place, it turns out that, although there were more novels in existence than have survived, their numbers were not all that great. Using 6 MONTEVECCHI'S 'Papirologia' , STEPHENS calculates that there are four times as many fragments of tragedy as of romance, and that even a writer as uncompromising to popular tastes as Thucydides amasses more examples than the whole of fiction. Although these raw statistics need qualification 7 , they are nonetheless suggestive: they do not indicate widespread novel-reading. Secondly, there are very few novels, apart from one or two of the extant ones, which are attested in more than one copy. None of them was a work of mass circulation. And although it is a natural tendency for scholars to look for connections, the links which have emerged, for example between Chariton and the 'Chione Romance' (below vi) or 'Metiochos and Parthenope' (below v), even leading to suggestions of common authorship, would become statistically more improbable as the size of the pool increased. The fact that such connections can be made so easily implies that we were starting out with a fairly small population of texts. 5

6 7

This topic is explored in J. R. MORGAN, The Greek novel: towards a sociology of production and reception, in A. POWELL, ed., The Greek world, London 8c New York 1995, 1 3 0 - 5 2 . See also J. PERKINS, The suffering self. Pain and narrative representation in the early Christian era, London & N e w York 1995, 4 1 - 7 6 , for a reading of the romance as self-representation of the social elite. O. MONTEVECCHI, La papirologia, Turin 1973. For instance, there is no necessary correlation between owning a book and reading it; nor between the number of copies of a text in existence and the number of people exposed to it. If their primary mode of consumption was by public recitation rather than private reading, texts aimed exclusively at a "popular" audience are less likely to have existed in many copies and so to have left a statistical mark on the papyrological record. On these points, see T. HAGG, Orality, literacy, and the "readership" of the early Greek novel, in R . ERIKSEN (ed.), Contexts of pre-novel narrative: the European tradition, Berlin &c New York 1994, 4 7 - 8 1 , esp. 57ff.

3298

J . R.

MORGAN

STEPHENS and TREU both make the point that these examples of ancient fiction are not noticeably cheap productions. There are certainly examples written on the back of obsolete documents or accounts, and some of them are in the most appalling scrawl. But equally there are specimens of fine book-production here, and the distinction does not follow apparent lines of literary merit or pretension. In this respect, papyri of novels cover much the same spectrum as the papyri of other classical literature, and so were presumably aimed at much the same sort of market-range, even if not precisely the same individuals. STEPHENS notes an important physical difference from early New Testament material, which was intended to have the widest possible circulation among the poor. This observation reinforces what should already have been apparent from the extant texts. Novels were not written by or for morons. Like the complete novels, the fragments often show an acute awareness of hiatus (cf. R E E V E [ 0 4 9 ] ) and prose rhythm, and even a sensational ghost-story (below xvi) can contrive to quote Demosthenes.

What does strike one, however, is that there is within these texts a very definite stratum of local interest. We know that the 'Ninos Romance' (below iii) and 'Metiochos and Parthenope' were read by a rich man in Antioch, who had mosaics illustrating them in his house (cf. LEVI [ 0 3 1 - 2 ] ) . But some of the other texts seem specifically Egyptian. I think not just of the 'Sesonchosis Romance' (below iv), but also of the stories of ghosts and magic (below xv— xvi), the peculiar tale of Tinouphis (below xix) and even Lollianus' 'Phoinikika' (below xvii). Conversely, it is remarkable that no papyrus fragments of Iamblichos' 'Babyloniaka' have yet turned up, none of Xenophon's 'Ephesiaka' or of Longus' 'Daphnis and Chloe', and only one of Heliodoros' 'Aithiopika' 8 . The inevitable (if inevitably provisional) conclusion seems to be that some novels were simply not read in Egypt, and others were not intended to be read anywhere but in Egypt. This, of course, raises immediate but unanswerable questions as to whether the patterns of consumption and ownership of fictional texts in Egypt were truly representative of the Greco-Roman world at large, or whether a similar repository of papyrus material from, say, Syria would have produced a significantly different profile. Looking to the future, one must assume that further new fragments will continue to appear as the backlogs of the various collections are slowly cleared, albeit at a decelerating rate because the tendency has already been to give priority to "new" texts. But HAGG'S work on the 'Metiochos and Parthenope' fragments ( 2 2 4 — 3 0 ) seems to me of especial importance. If any new source remains from which to add to our knowledge of Greek fiction, it must be in eastern storytelling which preserved and transformed Greek originals. HAGG'S meticulous work opens up the possibility of evolving solidly based strategies for recognising Greek influence on Arabic or Persian stories, and identifying the processes by which it has been transmitted and adapted.

8

Identified by M . GRONEWALD, Ein Fragment aus den Aithiopica des Heliodor (P.Amh. 1 6 0 = Pack 2 2 7 9 7 ) , Z P E 3 4 , 1 9 7 9 , 1 9 - 2 1 .

THE FRAGMENTS OF ANCIENT GREEK FICTION 1 9 3 6 - 1 9 9 4

3299

The present bibliographical survey is arranged in four sections: I. A list of works which cover or are cited in connection with two or more of the individual fragments; II. Work on the fragments which can be ascribed to novels with some degree of probability (i—xix), with cross-references to the first section where appropriate, so that the work listed in connection with each fragment constitutes as full a bibliography on it as I am able to compile. These fragments are grouped according to a number of factors: i—ii are preserved in lengthy summaries by Photios; i—xii are what might be called examples of the canonical type of romance, more or less; iii—v, and possibly vi—viii as well, are historical in orientation, and seem to form a group of pre-sophistic romances of Chariton's type; xii possibly and xiii—xiv certainly are pastoral or mythic; x v - x v i i deal with magic and the supernatural; xvii—xix are realistic, low-life, non-ideal narratives; xviii-xix are comic and are also characterised by the combination of prose and verse, encouraging comparison with Petronius. III. xx—xxxviii are fragments which seem to me to be doubtful. It cannot be proved of any of them that they do n o t come from a work of fiction, but few of them have very strong positive claims to do so. Those with the strongest case, in my view, are xx, xxii, xxiv, xxv, xxxi and xxxviii. This section follows the order of PACK 2 9 . IV. The final section (xxxix—xlvii) consists of fragments which have at one time or another been assigned to works of fiction, but which have now been shown, either through positive identification or by some other convincing argument, to be something else. These too follow the order of PACK 2 . It will be remarked that there is a very definite falling away of plausible novel-fragments after the third century: the latest fragments include most of the most dubious ones. Works marked with an asterisk (*) I have not myself seen 10 . Abbreviations AA AAntHung AC AJA AJP ANRW APF ASNP 9

10

Archäologischer Anzeiger Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae Antiquité Classique American Journal of Archaeology American Journal of Philology Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt Archiv für Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, Classe di Lettere e Filosofia

This pragmatic arrangement seems preferable to a chronologically based one, as attempted by LOPEZ MARTINEZ (034): the only objective chronological datum is the date of the papyrus, which may bear no relation to the date of the work's composition. For help in obtaining copies of the work discussed in this survey I owe thanks to the staff of the Inter-library Loans office at the University of Wales Swansea. Also to Dr. NED KORNICKI a n d M r . N . G . WILSON. D r . M . P. LOPEZ MARTINEZ v e r y k i n d l y g a v e m e a

microfiche copy of her dissertation.

3300

J.R.

MORGAN

BAB BASP BICS BIFAO BSAA

Bulletin Bulletin Bulletin Bulletin Bulletin

CdE ClAnt CP CQ CR CRAI C&S

Chronique d'Egypte Classical Antiquity Classical Philology Classical Quarterly Classical Review Comptes Rendus de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres Cultura e Scuola

EClâs

Estudios Clâsicos

FGH

F. JACOBY, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker

GB GCN GGA G&R GRP

Gräzer Beiträge Groningen Colloquia on the Novel Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen Greece and Rome F. ZIMMERMANN, Griechische Romanpapyri und verwandte Texte, Heidelberg 1936

JEA JHS

Journal of Egyptian Archaeology Journal of Hellenic Studies

LCM LF LRB LSJ

Liverpool Classical Monthly Listy Filologické London Review of Books H. G. LIDDELL, R. SCOTT, H. S. JONES, A Greek-English lexicon, revised edition, Oxford 1 9 4 8

MCSN MD

Materiali e Contributi per la Storia della Narrativa Greco-Latina Materiali e Discussioni per l'Analisi dei Testi Classici

PACK2

R . A. PACK, The Greek and Latin literary texts from Greco-Roman Egypt, Second edition, Ann Arbor 1 9 6 5 Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society K. PREISENDANZ, Papyri Graecae Magicae, Zweite, verbesserte Auflage ... herausgegeben von A. HENRICHS, Stuttgart 1 9 7 4 Philologia Classica Philologische Wochenschrift Parola del Passato Petronian Society Newsletter

PAPS PGM2 PhilClass PhW PP PSN RE REG RFIC RhM RIL

de la Classe des Lettres de l'Académie Royale de Belgique of the American Society of Papyrologists of the Institute of Classical Studies de l'Institut français d'Archéologie Orientale de la Société Archéologique d'Alexandrie

RPh

Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft Revue des Etudes Grecques Rivista di Filologia e d'Istruzione Classica Rheinisches Museum für Philologie Rendiconti dell'Istituto Lombardo, Classe di Lettere, Scienze Morali e Storiche Revue de Philologie

SIFC SO SPFB

Studi Italiani di Filologia Classica Symbolae Osloenses Sbornik Pracé Filosofické Fak. Brnenské Univ.

THE FRAGMENTS OF ANCIENT GREEK FICTION 1 9 3 6 - 1 9 9 4 VDI VetChr

Vestnik Drevnej Istorii Vetera Christianorum

WJA

Würzburger Jahrbücher für die Altertumswissenschaft

ZPE

Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik

3301

I. General Works (001) G.ANDERSON, Eros Sophistes. The ancient novelists at play ( = American classical studies 9), Chico 1 9 8 1 (002) G. ANDERSON, Ancient fiction. The novel in the Graeco-Roman world, London 1984 (003) A. BARCHIESI, Tracce di narrativa greca e romanzo latino: una rassegna, in Semiotica della novella latina. Atti del seminario interdisciplinare „La novella latina", M C S N 4 , 1986, 2 1 9 - 3 6 (004) J. W. B. BARNS, Egypt and the Greek romance, Akten des VIII Int. Kongr. für Papyrologie, Mitteilungen aus der Papyrussammlung der österreichischen Nationalbibliothek 5, 1956, 2 9 - 3 6 (005) M.-F. BASLEZ, P. HOFFMANN, M. TRÉDÉ, edd., Le monde du roman grec ( = Études de littérature ancienne 4), Paris 1 9 9 2 (006) C. BEVEGNI, Fozio, Biblioteca, a cura di NIGEL WILSON ( = Biblioteca Adelphi 250), Milan 1 9 9 2 (007) A. BORGOGNO, Antonio Diogene e le trame dei romanzi greci, Prometheus 5, 1 9 7 9 , 137-56 (008) E. BOWIE, The Greek novel, in P. E. EASTERLING 8C B. M . W. KNOX, edd., The Cambridge history of Greek literature, Cambridge 1985, 683—99 (009) Q. CATAUDELLA, ed., Il romanzo classico, Rome 1958; reprinted as II romanzo antico greco, Florence 1 9 7 3 ; (Le voci del mondo), Florence 1981; (Le querce), Florence 1 9 9 0 ; ( = Biblioteca universale Sansoni 78), Florence 1 9 9 2 (010) F. CONCA, E. DE CARLI, G. ZANETTO, edd., Lessico dei romanzieri greci: I ( A - T ) , Milan 1983; II ( A - I ) ( = A l p h a - O m e g a , Reihe A, 78), Hildesheim etc., 1 9 8 9 ; S. BETA, E. DE CARLI, G. ZANETTO, edd., Ili ( K - O ) ( = A l p h a - O m e g a , Reihe A, 78), Hildesheim etc. 1993 (011) R . DOSTÀLOVÀ, Il romanzo greco e i papiri ( = Univerzita Karlova, Filozoficka Fakulta, Studie a texty 5), Prague 1991 [Reviews: M . LAMA, Aegyptus 7 2 , 1 9 9 2 , 2 0 5 - 6 ; M . LAPLACE, R E G 1 0 6 , 1 9 9 3 , 2 5 6 - 8 ] (012) M . FERNÀNDEZ-GALIANO, Diez anos de papirologia, EClàs 2 3 , 1979, 2 3 7 - 3 0 4 (013) C. GARCIA GUAL, Los origenes de la novela ( = C o l e c c i ó n Fundamentos 16), Madrid 1972 (014) H. GÄRTNER, Der antike Roman - Bestand und Möglichkeiten, in P. NEUKAM, ed., Vorschläge und Anregungen, Munich 1 9 8 0 , 24—56 *(015) M . GRABAR'-PASSEK, ed., Anticnyj Roman, Moscow 1 9 6 9 (016) M . GRONEWALD, Ein neues Fragment zu einem Roman (P.Berl. 1 0 5 3 5 = Pack 2 2 6 3 1 + P.Berl. 2 1 2 3 4 ined.), ZPE 35, 1979, 1 5 - 2 0 (017) T. HÄGG, Den antika romanen, Uppsala 1 9 8 0 English edition: The novel in antiquity, Oxford 1 9 8 3 German edition: Eros und Tyche. Der Roman in der antiken Welt ( = Kulturgeschichte der antiken Welt 36), Mainz am Rhein 1 9 8 7 (018) T. HÄGG, The oriental reception of Greek novels, SO 6 1 , 1 9 8 6 , 9 9 - 1 3 1 (019) R. HELM, Der antike Roman (Handbuch der griechischen und lateinischen Philologie), Berlin 1948, second edition ( = Studienhefte zur Altertumswissenschaft 4), Göttingen 1956

3302

J . R. MORGAN

(020) A. HENRICHS, Die Phoinikika des Lollianos. Fragmente eines neuen griechischen Romans ( = Papyrologische Texte und Abhandlungen 14), Bonn 1972 (021) N. HOLZBERG, Der antike Roman ( = Artemis Einführungen 25), Munich & Zurich, 1986

English edition: The ancient novel, London & New York 1995 (022) R. JOHNE, Zur Figurencharakteristik im antiken Roman, in KUCH (below 026), 150— 77

(023) R. JOHNE, Übersicht über die antiken Romanautoren bzw. -werke mit Datierung und weiterführender Bibliographie, in KUCH (below 026), 1 9 8 - 2 3 0 (024) K. KERÉNYI, Die Papyri und das Problem des griechischen Romans, Actes du Ve Congrès de Papyrologie, Brussels 1938, 1 9 2 - 2 0 9 ( 0 2 5 ) A . KÖRTE, R e f e r a t e , A P F 1 3 , 1 9 3 9 ,

129-30

(026) H. KUCH, ed., Der antike Roman. Untersuchungen zur literarischen Kommunikation und Gattungsgeschichte ( = Veröffentlichungen des Zentralinstituts für alte Geschichte und Archäologie der Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR 19), Berlin 1989 (027) R. KUSSL, Papyrusfragmente griechischer Romane: ausgewählte Untersuchungen ( = Classica Monacensia 2), Tübingen 1991 [Review: M. GRONEWALD, GGA 2 4 5 , 1 9 9 3 , 1 8 7 - 2 0 0 ] (028) B. KYTZLER, ed., Im Reiche des Eros. Sämtliche Liebes- und Abenteuerromane der Antike, Munich 1983 (029) B. LAVAGNINI, Studi sul romanzo greco ( = Biblioteca di cultura contemporanea 27), Messina & Palermo 1950, 1 9 9 - 2 2 6 (030) A. LESKY, Geschichte der griechischen Literatur, 2nd. ed., Bern & Munich 1963, 9 1 3 27 (031) D. LEVI, The novel of Ninus and Semiramis, PAPS 87, 1944, 4 2 0 - 2 8 (032) D. LEVI, Antioch mosaic pavements, Princeton 1947 (033) V. LONGO, Aretalogie nel mondo greco ( = Pubblicazioni dell'Istituto di filologia classica dell'Università di Genova 29), Genoa 1969 (034) M. P. LÓPEZ MARTÍNEZ, Fragmentos papiráceos de novela griega, Diss., Alicante 1993 (035) J. MENDOZA, Caritón de Afrodisias, Quéreas y Calírroe. Jenofonte de Efeso, Efesíacas. Fragmentos novelescos, Madrid 1979 (036) R. MERKELBACH, Referate: Literarische Texte unter Ausschluß der christlichen, APF 16, 1958, 8 2 - 1 1 6 (037) R. MERKELBACH, Roman und Mysterium in der Antike. Eine Untersuchung der antiken Religion, Munich & Berlin 1962 (038) C. W. MÜLLER, Der griechische Roman, in E. VOGT, ed., Griechische Literatur, Wiesba(039) (040) (041) (042)

den 1 9 8 1 ,

377-412

173, 1985,

184-96

O. MURRAY, Hecataeus of Abdera and pharaonic kingship, JEA 56, 1970, 1 4 1 - 7 1 P. PARSONS, Ancient Greek romances, LRB 3.15 (20.8.81), 1 3 - 1 4 P. PARSONS, Facts from fragments, G & R 29, 1982, 1 8 4 - 9 5 L. V. PAVLENKO, Drevnegreceskij roman: novonajdennye papirusnye fragmenty, VDI

( 0 4 3 ) M . - H . QUET, R o m a n s g r e c s , m o s a ï q u e s r o m a i n e s , in BASLEZ, HOFFMANN & (above 0 0 5 ) ,

125-60

TRÉDÉ

(044) B. P. REARDON, Courants littéraires grecs des IIE et IIIE siècles après J . C. ( = Annales Littéraires de l'Université de Nantes 3), Paris 1971 (045) B. P. REARDON, Recent papyrological discoveries and their importance for ancient prose fiction, PSN 5, 1974, 1 - 2 (046) B. P. REARDON, Novels and novelties, or Mysteriouser and mysteriouser, in The Mediterranean world. Papers presented in honor of Gilbert Bagnani, Peterborough 1976, 78-100 (047) B. P. REARDON, ed., Erotica antiqua. Acta of the International conference on the ancient novel, Bangor 1977

THE FRAGMENTS OF ANCIENT GREEK FICTION 1 9 3 6 - 1 9 9 4 (048) (049) (050) (051) (052) (053)

(054)

(055) (056) (057)

(058)

(059) (060) (061) (062) (063) (064)

3303

B. P. REARDON, ed., Collected ancient Greek novels, Berkeley 1989 M . D. REEVE, Hiatus in the Greek novelists, CQ 21, 1971, 5 1 3 - 3 9 , esp. 5 3 4 - 8 J. C. RELIHAN, Ancient Menippean satire, Baltimore & London 1993 K. REYHL, Antonios Diogenes. Untersuchungen zu den Romanfragmenten der Wunder jenseits von Thüle und zu den Wahren Geschichten des Lukian, Diss., Tübingen 1969 G. N. SANDY, New pages of Greek fiction, in J. R. MORGAN SC R. STONEMAN, edd., Greek fiction. The Greek novel in context, London & New York 1994, 130—45 A. M. SCARCELLA, Metastasi narratologica del dato storico nel romanzo erotico greco, in Atti del Convegno internazionale „Letterature classiche e narratologia", MCSN 3, 1981, 3 4 1 - 6 7 ; reprinted in A. M. SCARCELLA, Romanzo e romanzieri. Note di narratologia, Perugia 1993, vol. 1, 7 7 - 1 0 2 T. SINKO, De ordine quo erotici scriptores Graeci sibi successisse videantur, Eos 41, 1940—46, 2 3 - 4 5 ; reprinted in H. GÄRTNER, ed., Beiträge zum griechischen Liebesroman ( = Olms Studien 20), Hildesheim etc. 1984, 1 0 2 - 2 4 S. A. STEPHENS, "Popularity" of the ancient novel, in TATUM & VERNAZZA (below 058), 148-9 S. A. STEPHENS, Who read ancient novels?, in TATUM (below 059), 4 0 5 - 1 8 A. STRAMAGLIA, Prosimetria narrativa e „romanzo perduto": P.Turner 8 (con discussione e riedizione di PSI 151 [Pack 2 2624] + P.Mil. Vogliano 260), ZPE 92, 1992, 1 2 1 49 J. TATUM & G. M. VERNAZZA, edd., The ancient novel. Classical paradigms and modern perspectives. Proceedings of the International conference ICAN T W O , Hanover, N. H. 1990 J ; TATUM, ed., The search for the ancient novel, Baltimore & London 1994 K. TREU, Der antike Roman und sein Publikum, in KUCH (above 026), 1 7 8 - 9 7 K. WEITZMANN, Ancient book illumination ( = Martin classical lectures 16), Cambridge, Mass. 1959 S. WEST, Notes on some romance papyri, ZPE 7, 1971, 9 5 - 6 N. G. WILSON, Photius: the Bibliotheca, London 1994 J. J. WINKLER, Auctor & actor. A narratological reading of Apuleius's The golden ass, Berkeley etc. 1985

II. Fragments certainly or probably assigned to novels

i) Antonius Diogenes, 'The Wonders beyond Thule' Photios, 'Bibliotheke', cod. 166, 1 0 9 a 5 - 1 1 2 a l 2 + PSI 1 1 7 7 = GRP 10 = PACK 2 9 5 + P . O x y . 3 0 1 2 + P.Gen. inv. 1 8 7 (?) (065) G.ANDERSON, Studies in Lucian's comic fiction ( = Mnemosyne suppl. 43), Leiden 1976, 1 - 7 (066) G. ANDERSON (above 001), 54 (067) D. BARTONKOVÀ, K zanrovému zarazeni dila Antonia Diogena, SPFB E 31, 1986, 1 5 9 65 (068) C. BEVEGNI (above 006) 2 7 1 - 8 0 (translation of Photios) (069) C. BEVEGNI, Rileggendo il Cod. 166 (Antonio Diogene) della „Bibliotheca" di Fozio, in C. CURTI & C. RIMI, edd., Scritti classici e cristiani offerti a Francesco Corsaro, Catania 1994, vol. 1, 1 1 9 - 2 7

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(070) M. BIRAUD, Parcours initiatiques dans les Merveilles d'au-delà de Thulé, in A. MOREAU, ed., L'initiation. Actes du Colloque international de Montpellier 11 — 14 avril 1991 (Università Paul-Valéry, Séminaire d'étude des mentalités antiques, Publications de la recherche), vol. 2, 3 7 - 4 5 (071) A. BORGOGNO, Sulla struttura degli Apista di Antonio Diogene, Prometheus 1, 1975, 49-64

(072) A. BORGOGNO, Sul nuovo papiro di Antonio Diogene, GB 8, 1979, 2 3 9 - 4 2 (073) A. BORGOGNO, Due note ai romanzieri greci, Hermes 107, 1979, 258 ( 0 7 4 ) A . BORGOGNO ( a b o v e 0 0 7 )

(075) G. W. BOWERSOCK, Fiction as history. Nero to Julian (= Sather classical lectures 58), Berkeley etc. 1994 (076) L. Di GREGORIO, Sugli "Aniaxa òrcèp ©oúXt|v di Antonio Diogene, Aevum 42, 1968, 199-211 (077) W. FAUTH, Astraios und Zamolxis. Über Spuren pythagoreischer Aretalogie im ThuleRoman des Antonios Diogenes, Hermes 106, 1978, 220—41 (078) W. FAUTH, Zur kompositorischen Anlage und zur Typik der Apista des Antonius Diogenes, W J A 4 , 1 9 7 8 ,

57-68

( 0 7 9 ) M . FERNÁNDEZ-GALIANO ( a b o v e 0 1 2 ) , 2 9 2

(080) E. FUCHS, Pseudologia. 4,et)6oA.oyía. Formen und Funktionen fiktionaler Trugrede in der griechischen Literatur der Antike ( = Bibliothek der klassischen Altertumswissenschaften, Reihe 2, N.F. Bd. 91), Heidelberg 1993, 2 0 4 - 3 0 (081) M. FUSILLO, Antonio Diogene. Le incredibili avventure al di là di Tuie ( = L a Città antica 4), Palermo 1990 (Text, translation) [ R e v i e w s : G . ANDERSON, C R 4 2 , 1 9 9 2 , 1 8 4 ; A . BILLAULT, R E G 1 0 4 , 1 9 9 1 ,

656-7;

O. SCHÖNBERGER, Gymnasium 99, 1992, 349] ( 0 8 2 ) C . GARCÍA GUAL ( a b o v e 0 1 3 ) ,

73-6

(083) M. GRONEWALD, P.Oxy. 3012 (Antonios Diogenes?), ZPE 22, 1976, 1 7 - 1 8 ( 0 8 4 ) T.HÄGG (above 0 1 7 ) ,

118-21

German edition: 148—52 (085) J. HALL, Lucian's satire (Monographs in classical studies), New York 1981, 3 4 2 - 5 4 (086) R. HELM (above 019), 2 9 - 3 2 (087) R. HENRY, Photius, Bibliothèque (Collection Byzantine), vol. 2, Paris 1960, 1 4 0 - 4 9 (text and translation of Photios) ( 0 8 8 ) N . HOLZBERG ( a b o v e 0 2 1 ) ,

68-72

English edition, 5 7 - 6 0 (089) R. JOHNE (above 023), 2 1 0 - 1 1 (090) C. P. JONES, Culture and society in Lucían, Cambridge, Mass. & London 1986, 5 3 - 4 ( 0 9 1 ) R . KUSSL ( a b o v e 0 2 7 ) ,

173-5

*(092) T. I. KUZNECOVA, in GRABAR'-PASSEK (above 015), 1 5 7 - 7 0 (093) B. KYTZLER, Antonius Diogenes (translation of Photios and Porphyrios), in KYTZLER (above 0 2 8 ) , vol. 2, 6 8 6 - 9 6

(094) B. LAVAGNINI (above 029), 2 1 1 - 1 2 (095) H. MAEHLER, Antonios Diogenes: Die Wunder jenseits von Thüle (translation of fragments) in KYTZLER (above 028), vol. 2, 7 3 8 - 4 0 (096) J. MENDOZA, Antonio Diógenes. Maravillas increíbles de allende Tule (translation of Photios and PSI 1177), in MENDOZA (above 035), 3 4 0 - 5 5 (097) R. MERKELBACH (above 037), 2 2 5 - 3 3 (098) J. R. MORGAN, Lucian's True histories and The wonders beyond Thüle of Antonius Diogenes, CQ 35, 1985, 4 7 5 - 9 0 (099) C. W. MÜLLER (above 038), 3 9 8 - 9 9 (100) G. NEUMANN, Thruskanos, Beiträge zur Namenforschung 4, 1953, 53—55 (101) R. NUTI, Le meraviglie di là da Tuie (translation of Photios and PSI 1177), in CATAUDELLA ( a b o v e 0 0 9 ) , 1 5 - 2 8 a n d 1 3 7 0 n . 2

THE FRAGMENTS OF ANCIENT GREEK FICTION 1 9 3 6 - 1 9 9 4

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(102) P.PARSONS, 3012. Romance (Antonius Diogenes?), in P.J. PARSONS, ed., The Oxyrhynchus papyri, vol. 42, London 1974, 4 3 - 6 (103) V. PISANI, Riflessi indiani del romanzo ellenistico-romano, ASNP 9, 1940, 1 4 5 - 5 4 (104) B. P. REARDON (above 044), 3 7 0 - 7 2 ( 1 0 5 ) K . REYHL ( a b o v e 0 5 1 )

(106) J. ROMM, Novel contra encyclopaedia: the Wonders beyond Thüle of Antonius Diogenes, in TATUM & VERNAZZA ( a b o v e 0 5 8 ) , 4 9

(107) J. S. ROMM, The edges of the earth in ancient thought, Princeton 1992, 2 0 1 - 1 1 (108) J. ROMM, Novels beyond Thüle: Antonius Diogenes, Rabelais, Cervantes, in TATUM (above 0 5 9 ) ,

101-16

(109) N. SACERDOTI, A proposito delle fonti di un passo di Porfirio, in In memoriam Achillis Beltrani, Genoa 1 9 5 4 , 2 1 3 - 1 9 (110) G. N. SANDY, Antonius Diogenes, The wonders beyond Thüle (translation of Photios) in REARDON (above 048), 7 7 5 - 8 2 ( 1 1 1 ) T. SINKO ( a b o v e 0 5 4 ) ,

24-6

(112) S. SWAIN, Antonius Diogenes and Lucian, LCM 17, 1992, 7 4 - 6 (113) C. WEHRLI, L'état de la collection papyrologique de Genève, in Actes du XV Congrès international de papyrologie, Brussels 1979, vol. 3, 20—24 (114) O. WEINREICH, Antiphanes und Münchhausen, Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien 220, 1942, Abh. 4 (115) D. WEISSERT, Cervantes und Antonius Diogenes, Arcadia 2, 1967, 1 - 1 0 (116) N. G. WILSON (above 063), 1 4 9 - 5 4 (translation of Photios) (117) J . J . WINKLER (above 064), 2 6 8 - 7 0

a) Texts The outlines of Antonius Diogenes' 'Wonders beyond Thüle' have long been familiar from the summary in Photios' 'Bibliotheke', available in recent editions by HENRY (087) and FUSILLO (081). A solitary textual emendation (0au|IDCTEIÇ for ôaunàÇeiç at l l l b 2 2 ) has been proposed by BORGOGNO (073); it has the merit of characterising the events of the narrative (as opposed to the circumstances of its fictitious discovery) as wonderful. A series of minor textual and syntactic points (relating to 1 0 9 a l 0 - 1 2 , 1 0 9 a 3 9 - b 2 , 1 0 9 b 3 - 4 , 1 0 9 b l l 13, 1 0 9 b 3 7 - 4 1 , 1 1 0 b 4 - 9 , 1 1 0 b 2 3 - 9 , 1 1 0 b 3 5 - 9 , l l l b l 9 - 2 1 ) is dealt with by BEVEGNI (069). The most interesting of these relate to 1 1 0 b 4 - 9 where the text is interpreted with M's nóvov rather than A's (xôXiç; and 110b23 ff. where a medical sense is suggested for the word ti(icùpia ( = "curative treatment"). The text as such remains unaffected. Our knowledge of the work can be supplemented by citations of the novel in Porphyrios' 'Life of Pythagoras'. Diogenes is named as a source only in sections 10 and 32, but it is clear that Porphyrios' use of him was fairly extensive. REYHL (105) argues that 1 0 - 1 7 , 3 1 - 4 7 and 5 4 - 5 5 are all drawn from the novel. BURKERT11 points out that 46—7 are unlikely to derive from Antonius as they reproduce a source also used by Iamblichos, who shows no awareness of the novel. SACERDOTI (109) had already noted that the explanation of Zamolxis' name at 14 cannot derive from Antonius, since it explains the alternative form of 11

W. BURKERT, Lore and science in ancient Pythagoreanism, Cambridge, Mass. 1972, 99 n. 9 .

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J. R. M O R G A N

the name, not the one used by Porphyrios and Antonius. D E S P L A C E S 12 , in his discussion of Porphyrios' sources, makes no attempt to resolve the question. The ascription of PSI 1177 to this novel is now generally accepted 13 . It depends on the co-incidence of the name Myrto, and the plausibility with which the fragment can be accommodated to Photios' summary, although he does not directly recount the episode which the fragment implies. Since the publication of GRP, several other papyri have been associated with Antonius Diogenes. The most plausible of these ascriptions is P.Oxy. 3012, fourteen lines from an up-market roll written in a script of around A. D. 200. The fragment was first published by P A R S O N S (102); G R O N E W A L D (083) provides useful supplements for the first ten lines. The ascription rests principally on the occurrence of the name Deinias (1. 3). On the strength of the identification the name of the heroine Derkyllis can also be restored (1. 5). The contents of the fragment concern the distressed reactions of a female narrator to a letter. This accords well with what we know from Photios, that much of the novel consisted of a subsidiary narration by Derkyllis to Deinias of her experiences. In fact the narrator of the fragment addresses Deinias and someone, presumably Deinias, reports her narrative to the reader (ë|(pr) [f| A]epKi)[Mdç, 11. 4—5). This coheres with the complex narrative situation described by Photios, and recalls his concern to keep the reader aware of the status of the various concentric narrations. On the evidence of the papyrus, this could well reflect the practice of the original text. It is rather harder to place the context of the fragment. The receipt of the letter seems to cause the narrator of the fragment to talk of leaving (cf. è]àv [n]évco[n]ev, 1. 11). Letters are frequently used in the novels as devices to move the plot into a new phrase. Photios, however, mentions no letter in his summary of the novel, though that does not, of course, mean that there was none. PARS O N S suggests that the fragment comes from the beginning of a roll, and interprets the A added by another hand in the upper margin as the last digit of a book-number. This theory is expanded by B O R G O G N O (072), who connects the hint of an imminent departure to the return of Derkyllis and her brother Mantinias to Tyre when they learn that their parents are not, as they thought, dead, but can be revived (110b33). He thus concludes that the fragment is the opening of Bk. 24.1 think this unlikely, for several reasons: a) the departure, according to Photios, was caused not by a letter but by a narrative by Deinias' companion Azoulis; b) the state of emotional distress implicit in the fragment would be out of place in a context where Derkyllis has received joyful news about her parents, and is about to release them from their enchanted sleep; c) the departure of Derkyllis and Mantinias does not, as far as we can judge from Photios, come at the beginning of Bk. 24, but follows Azoulis' account of how he dis12

E. DES PLACES, Porphyre. Vie de Pythagore (Collection des Universités de France), Paris

13

C . GALLAVOTTI, F r a m m e n t o di A n t o n i o D i o g e n e ? , SIFC 8 , 1 9 3 0 , 2 4 7 - 5 7 ; F. ZIMMER-

1982,

15-16.

MANN, Die stumme Myrto. Eine Szene aus des Antonios Diogenes Tà imèp 0oùÂr|v àitiaxa, PhW 17, 1935, 474—80; ID., Die "Ajucrca des Antonius Diogenes im Lichte des neuen Fundes, Hermes 71, 1936, 3 1 2 - 1 9 .

THE FRAGMENTS OF ANCIENT GREEK FICTION 1 9 3 6 - 1 9 9 4

3307

covered the magic secrets of the evil Egyptian priest Paapis, which Photios assigns to the same book. It would be preferable, I think, to connect the alarming message with the situation revealed in PSI 1177. There Derkyllis' loyal maid, Myrto, has been struck dumb by the magician Paapis, but nonetheless contrives to warn her mistress of the danger threatening her by writing a message on a wax tablet. This is how Derkyllis' wanderings commence, and if the letter in the new fragment were Myrto's message, it would come from near the beginning of the novel: Bk. 4, perhaps. But we should also do well to question the assumption that the mysterious A is a book-number at all. The new Apollonios fragment, P.Mil. Vogl. 260 (below xi), carries the letters IA in its upper margin, where there is no question either of a new book beginning or of the work as a whole running to the length implied; and there is also a peculiar sign over the central column of the 'Herpyllis' fragment (below ix), which has sometimes been read as a numeral. Besides, Photios says that at the beginning of each book Antonius listed the sources from which he had gathered his information ( l l l a 3 8 - 4 0 ) . This would be particularly applicable at the beginning of the last book of the whole work, which contained the journeying of Deinias to the far north and enough attendant paradoxography to drive Photios to frustration. The absence of a list of sources in the fragment, then, is another reason to doubt its location at the beginning of Bk. 24. Two further fragments have been identified as from Antonius' novel, but these cases are far more speculative. Firstly R E Y H L proposed that P.Mich, inv. 5 might be a fragment from the 'Apista'. This papyrus contains a direct speech by a magician who claims to have power over everything but love. R E Y H L tentatively identified the speaker as Paapis, whose evil actions are motivated by his desire for Derkyllis. However tempting this may be, there was never any positive evidence for the identification, and recent discoveries tend to work against it. I have therefore decided to treat this fragment separately in this survey (below xv). Finally, KUSSL (091) suggests that an unpublished fragment in Geneva (P.Gen. inv. 187 ined.), already identified by W E H R L I (113) as coming from a novel, which has an apparently female narrator describing a katabasis, might be linked with Photios' statement that Derkyllis' narration to Deinias included an excursion to the Underworld, with her dead slave Myrto as guide (109a39). That this was a physical descent, rather than, for example, a dream vision, is implied by Photios' later reference to her "return from Hades" (109bll). Further comment must obviously await the publication of the full text, but in the absence of any specific indications of the fragment's context, such as a proper name, the likelihood must be that its ascription to Antonius Diogenes will have to remain doubtful. b) Author and date The consensus is to place Antonius late in the first or early in the second century. Photios' statement that his novel was the "source and root" of Lucian's 'True Histories' has usually been taken to provide a secure terminus ante quem;

3308

J.R.

MORGAN

see, for instance, SINKO (111). But the connection between these two works is c h a l l e n g e d b y M O R G A N ( 0 9 8 ) . BOWERSOCK ( [ 0 7 5 ] , 2 0 ) r e v i v e s t h e s u g g e s t i o n

of A. HALLSTROM14 that the Faustinus to whom Antonius dedicated his novel was one and the same as Martial's patron. This would supply a precise dating late in the first century. REYHL ([105], 4) is cautiously and appropriately agnostic on this point. The papyri set a firm upper limit around 200, but all else is speculative. BOWERSOCK also finds the only parallel for Antonius Diogenes' name in a family epigraphically attested at Aphrodisias 15 . This raises the interesting possibility that the novel derives from the same cultural environment as that of Chariton. c) Antonius and Lucian At the end of his summary of the 'Apista', Photios tries to set the work in a context of literary history ( l l l b 3 2 f f . ) . Scholars have shown a great deal of interest in his statement that it was "the source and root" (TUIYTI Kai pi£a) of both Lucian's 'True Histories' and the 'Metamorphoseis' of Loukios of Patrai (putatively Apuleius' Greek original). On a purely factual level, the assumption that Antonius was Lucian's model would provide a firm terminus ante quem for the composition of the 'Apista', and has generally been interpreted as such; see, for instance, SINKO (111), among other arguments for a first-century dating. More tantalisingly, it has led to a search for significant parallels of content: thus the visit to the moon in the True Histories', for example, has often been seen as deriving from an episode in Antonius mentioned fleetingly by Photios (llla8). The extreme proponent of this approach has been REYHL (105), whose work is essentially an attempt to reconstruct the content and orientation of Antonius' novel from supposed reflections of it in Lucian. Arguing that the True Histories' is not, as Lucian himself says, a mosaic of allusions to many authors, but rather a sustained reworking of a unitary source, he attempts to link each item of its material to a possible original context in Antonius. Of particular interest to him are the traces of Pythagorean doctrine apparently subjected to Lucianic parody, particularly in his account of life on the moon. Given the known Pythagorean substance of Antonius' novel, in part at least (see discussion below), it is certainly tempting, within REYHL'S theoretical assumptions, to trace every such detail in the True Histories' back to him, even when Photios' summary offers no specific warrant. In this way, REYHL believes, Lucian can give us a fuller picture of Antonius' work, despite his distortion of its serious message into parody. This section of REYHL'S dissertation has been criticised independently by ANDERSON ( 0 6 5 ) and HALL ( 0 8 5 ) . ANDERSON demonstrates that many of Lu14 15

A. HALLSTROM, De aetate Antonii Diogenis, Eranos 10, 1 9 1 0 , 2 0 0 - 1 . See the new inscription published by C. P. JONES, R. R. R. SMITH, TWO inscribed monuments of Aphrodisias, AA 1 9 9 4 , 4 5 5 - 7 2 .

THE FRAGMENTS OF A N C I E N T GREEK FICTION 1 9 3 6 - 1 9 9 4

3309

cian's allusions are to widely read authors of paradoxography. Such Pythagoreanism as the 'True Histories' contains would have been familiar general knowledge, and it is thus uneconomical to introduce an intermediate source into Lucian's process of composition. Similarly HALL shows that many of the parallels ingeniously constructed by REYHL can be linked more easily to other authors than to Antonius. For these scholars, the 'Apista' was only one source among many. The problem with this conclusion is that it is difficult to square with Photios' statement that Antonius' novel was Lucian's "source and root". A more radical approach is tried by JONES ( 0 9 0 ) and MORGAN ( 0 9 8 ) . JONES is inclined to dismiss the connection altogether, as no more than an educated guess on Photios' part. MORGAN argues on general grounds that Lucian is unlikely to have been using Antonius as a source. First, the search for "sources" neglects the fact that Lucian's strategies of humour rely on distortion and exaggeration: the visit to the moon is funny and meaningful only if it exaggerates visits paid by paradoxographers to earthly locations, not if it tamely reproduces someone else's lunar expedition. Second, the satire of the True Histories' is aimed at paradoxographers who presented outrageous falsehoods as eyewitnessed truths: the point is lost if the putative target made no attempt to conceal its fictional status. Photios' summary suggests that, despite an elaborate rhetoric of authentication, Antonius did admit that his work was fiction 16 . Third, none of the specific resemblances noted is convincing. MORGAN concludes that Photios was misled by the apparatus of authentication into taking the fictitious discovery of the text by troops of Alexander the Great as testimony of the novel's real date of composition. His whole discussion of literary history rests on the assumption that, as the earliest example of fiction known to him, the 'Apista' was the progenitor of the whole canon, distantly in the case of the erotic romances, rather more directly in cases where the focus of interest resided in fantastic travel rather than love. The phrase "source and root" is one man's not very intelligent deduction, not a fact. d) Sources and predecessors Although Photios says that Antonius named his sources at the start of each book 1 7 , he records only one: Antiphanes of Berge. This connection is 16

On the aims and effects of Antonius' Beglaubigungsapparat see F U C H S (080) 224—30. She notes the apparent contradiction between the archaeological provenance and the citation of sources before (or for) each book, and tries to reconcile it by suggesting that the latter were intended not as statements of where Antonius as author acquired his material, but as glosses by a fictional editor demonstrating that the substance of the fiction could be corroborated from other texts. Both of these strategies would enhance the internal plausibility of the novel, but neither was intended to impose it on its reader as fact. Photios, however, was confused by the doubleness of the strategy and unable to carry his awareness of the work's fictionality through to its logical conclusion.

17

(080), 2 2 7 - 3 0 revives REYHL'S idea (p. 115 n. 2) that Photios meant not that the sources were prefixed to each book, but that the sources for each book were prefixed to the entire work. This would ease the apparent contradiction between the citations and the archaeological Beglaubigungsapparat, but it is not what Photios' Greek says. FUCHS

3310

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MORGAN

explored by WEINREICH (114), who sees Antonius as reworking much of Antiphanes' material in the same tradition of Reisefabulistik, with moralistic and aretalogical tendencies. NEUMANN (100) notes that the name Throuskanos, given to a lover of Derkyllis in Thüle ( 1 1 0 b 4 f f . ) , has impeccable Nordic etymology and must be derived from a source with accurate knowledge of the far north. A possible source would be Philemon, the first-century geographer from whom Pliny derived several accurate North Germanic names. Another source, canvassed by several scholars is Pytheas of Massilia; cf. Di GREGORIO (076), REYHL ([105], 95), ROMM ( 1 0 6 - 8 ) . He would indeed be the obvious place to turn to for the paradoxographical information on the extreme north required for Deinias' voyages in Bk. 2 4 . ROMM (107) in particular argues for a thorough exploitation of Pytheas' log as a structuring intertext, rather than as a simple source of abstruse information: Pytheas' experiences mark the frontier between truth and fantasy, which Antonius seems to have thematised. The reference to Thüle in his title would be an explicit allusion to Pytheas, a way of saying that Antonius was breaking the cartographic frame of received geography. Another possible source, advanced by REYHL (p. 96), is Hekataios of Abdera. Likewise, the material surrounding the two Pythagorean gurus, Astraios and Zamolxis, was probably derived, partially if not wholly, from previously existing Pythagorean aretalogies; thus REYHL (pp. 90—94). We can accept this without prejudging the ethical orientation of the 'Apista' itself. e) Genre and constitutive elements Although it is commonly classed with the novels, it is difficult not to feel that the 'Apista' somehow stands rather apart from the canonical love-romances. There was, to be sure, some erotic interest in the frame-story of Deinias and his relationship with Derkyllis on Thüle, and Derkyllis' relationships with two other male characters are held by Photios ( l l l b 4 1 f.) to be a 7rapd5eiy(ia for the central romances. But the protagonists of the larger part of the novel were not lovers but brother and sister. It also seems clear that the element of travel not only bulked larger than in the other novels but was fundamentally different in kind. Elsewhere geographical detail adds colour and verisimilitude, but here one has the impression that priorities were often reversed and that the plot(s) went into suspended animation to allow the parading of abstruse detail. There was also a section (or sections) of the plot which could be taken as a serious source for the early history of Pythagoreanism. There are three basic ways in which this amalgam has been approached. The first, and now generally rejected, way was given its most influential voice by ROHDE 18 , who saw the 'Apista' as in some sense a transitional phase between Reisefabulistik and erotic novel, a sort of pre-novel. This view derives from Photios' assessment of Antonius' place in literary history, which, however, is based on wildly off-beam assumptions about his date; cf. MORGAN (098). 18

E. ROHDE, Der griechische Roman und seine Vorläufer, 3rd. edn., Leipzig 1914, 260— 309.

T H E FRAGMENTS OF ANCIENT GREEK FICTION 1 9 3 6 - 1 9 9 4

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ROHDE'S evolutionary scheme for the growth of the romance genre has now been thoroughly overturned by the discovery of papyrus fragments indicating that fully fledged novels were in existence before Antonius wrote. The second broad approach has been to privilege one of the constituent genres above the others: to say, in effect, that the 'Apista' was essentially a novel (or a travel tale, or an aretalogy) decked out with elements borrowed from other literary forms. Thus HAGG (084) argues that, despite novelistic elements, Antonius is best seen as a successor to other writers of travellers' tales, such as Ktesias or Iamboulos. The structural complexity and multitude of narrative voices are simply a device to permit the inclusion of more material than could plausibly be allocated to one traveller, and also to avoid monotony. KYTZLER (093) and GARCIA GUAL (082) also view the 'Apista' as essentially in

the tradition of Reisefabulistik, influenced by other genres. WEINREICH'S view (114) is related, except that he views Antonius' primary model as the northern travellers' logs of Antiphanes and Pytheas, which, in his view, were not written for simple information or entertainment but to embody a religious and moral Tendenz. It is certainly the case that Reisefabulistik could shade off into Utopian allegory, but equally it is difficult to see from Photios' summary that at any point did Antonius' geography function to localise a philosophical ideal. BORGOGNO (071) on the other hand emphasises the relation between the 'Apista' and the other novels. The nucleus of the work, its innermost narrative level (see the next section), was the story of Derkyllis and Mantinias, which Photios assimilates to canonical romance. It was governed by the usual romantic teleology of good vanquishing evil, and, although the central figures are brother and sister rather than lovers, love clearly played a prominent part in their story. The villain Paapis is best viewed as an unwelcome epaoxriq of Derkyllis, so that love provides the motivation for their exile and the travel-plot. In addition a number of romantic topoi are discernible, such as the hero's friend, the escape from the tomb, oracles, digressions, etc. In a second article (074) BORGOGNO expanded this view. Antonius has consciously improved on the normal romantic, paratactic concatenation of adventures by replacing x6%r| as motor of the plot with the pursuit by Paapis. In this he was imitated by Iamblichos, as also in the freedom with which he was able to introduce discursive material into a unified basic structure. There are also direct links with the narrative techniques of Achilleus Tatius and Heliodoros (this point is developed by FUSILLO [081], 26 ff.), which suggest that Antonius was known to later novelists and accepted as one of their line. However, BORGOGNO is surely wrong to de-emphasise the fact that Mantinias and Derkyllis are not lovers, when love is one of the defining constituents of the canonical Greek novel. And although the love, apparently ending in marriage, shared by Deinias and Derkyllis in Thule brings us closer to the typical romantic relationship, it is notable that it is chronologically posterior to Derkyllis' adventures, and thus cannot provide the motivation for her rejection of Paapis' suit 19 . 19

Unless we follow REYHL'S ([105], 1 4 - 2 0 ) very speculative interpretation of P.Mich, inv. 5 as part of the 'Apista', and take the dream with which someone's daughter has fallen in love as a presentiment of Deinias before Derkyllis ever sees him physically; see below xv.

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The conclusion is unavoidable that the 'Apista' was an eccentric amalgam. The case is made concisely by BARTONKOVÄ ( 0 6 7 ) : pre-existent forms of erotic novel, Reisefabulistik and aretalogy have been fused into a work of extreme structural and thematic complexity. As usual the fullest treatment comes from R E Y H L ( [ 1 0 5 ] , 7 8 ff.), who distinguishes a) authentic Egyptian tales of magic 20 , though this is limited to the spell inflicting apparent death; b) love novel, which in various forms he estimates as involving some two-thirds of the whole; c) adventure-travels, another feature of the canonical romance; d) aretalogy on the two Pythagorean wondermen; e) ethnographic paradoxography in the frame-story of Deinias' voyages; f) miscellaneous teratology; g) various forms of religious material, such as visions of the hereafter, emerging in Derkyllis' katabasis, Mantinias' account of the sun and the moon, and Deinias' visit to the moon 21 ; h) some overall shaping layer of allegory (see the next section); i) a degree of shaping influence from the 'Odyssey'. He ends with the synthesising formula: „eine bürgerlich-pythagoreische Odyssee in Prosa". A similar conclusion is reached by Di GREGORIO (076), who argues that for all his thematic similarities to the other novels, Antonius lacked their emotional charge and used his love story as little more than a compositional device. The 'Apista', for him, is basically a work of Pythagorean instruction made palatable by the inclusion of paradoxography and narrative interest. Antonius was prepared to use any and every literary form to get his message across. Recently this process of generic cross-fertilisation has become in itself the centre of some scholarly interest. FAUTH ( 0 7 8 ) notes that the levels of Utopian Reisefabulistik, of human passion and of mystic philosophy are clearly marked off from one another in the novel's concentric narrative structure (see the next section for discussion). This suggests not just freakish amalgamation but a potentially meaningful juxtaposition of genres, of which Antonius was fully in control. The three narrative levels are linked by the symbol of a journey motivated respectively by scientific curiosity, magic and sexual passion, and a mystic search for religious redemption, thus forming a large-scale statement about the human condition and the hierarchy of possible responses to it. This interpretation is followed by HOLZBERG ( 0 8 8 ) , who sees the novel as a self-conscious artistic expansion of the conventional form. He rejects the suggestion that the fiction was just sugar on a Pythagorean pill by noting that Photios devotes comparatively little space to the work's philosophical content, which would have been of interest to him 22 . The narrative layers present complementary views of Man's journey through life. ROMM'S interpretation ( 1 0 6 ) is that Antonius was playing on the discrepancy between the prosy, encyclopedic form (the listing of sources at the beginning of each book recalls the practice of Pliny's 'Natural History') and the poetic, fantastic content so as "to problematise the process by which factual 20

21 22

Here following K. KERENYI, Die griechisch-orientalische Romanliteratur in religionsgeschichtlicher Beleuchtung. Ein Versuch, Tübingen 1927, 2 4 0 ff. If there ever was one; cf. MORGAN ([089], 477ff.). It may be, though, that the explicit paganism deterred him; cf. FUSILLO ([081], 26).

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narratives are distinguished from fictions" and thus push back the boundaries of what was legitimate subject-matter for prose. FUSILLO ([081], 2 6 - 3 4 ) places emphasis on the polyphony of narrative

voices, which, unlike that of Heliodoros, is not arranged to make an evaluative hierarchy. This he takes as a sign of the novel's experimentally open form, resisting the fixed centre imposed by the generic pair of suffering lovers and a unitary third-person narrator. It is almost as if Antonius were trying to subvert the conventions of romance in every way possible. So, for example, instead of love at first sight between two beautiful young people at a religious festival, he engineered a gothically bizarre scenario of an older man (Deinias had a mature son) falling in love with a woman who retires to her coffin during the hours of daylight, in a land of shapeless forms. This deliberately decentred hybridisation of genres serves a Pythagorean vision of the unreality and unfixity of the material world. f) Structure and realism What first strikes the reader of Photios' summary is the sheer complexity of the mise en scène. It seems that Photios has distorted a carefully symmetrical structure by relocating some prefatory material at the end and by displacing the account of the embassy of Kymbas (109b2 ff.) so that it interrupts the narrative of Derkyllis. Reconstructions of the original structure are offered by Di GREGORIO ( 0 7 6 ) , REYHL ( 1 0 5 ) , BORGOGNO ( 0 7 1 ) , FAUTH ( 0 7 8 ) and FUSILLO

(081), who are in broad agreement. Antonius began (i) with a letter to a certain Faustinus, in which he explained his aims and procedures, in particular admitting the fictional status of his work. Then came (ii) a dedicatory letter to his sister Isidora, which began the fiction that Antonius was editor of an ancient text rather than author of a new one. Dì GREGORIO revives the thesis of BÜRGER23 that these two letters were in fact one, and suggests that Faustinus and Isidora were man and wife. There is no positive evidence to this effect. The letter to Isidora introduced (iii) a letter from the Macedonian soldier Balagros to his wife Phila, describing the discovery of mysterious coffins during Alexander's siege of Tyre. FUSILLO acutely remarks that the apparently nonsensical inscriptions recorded by Photios (1 l i b i Iff.) would have acted as suspensegenerating puzzles whose answer was only revealed at the end of the novel. Inside the coffins were (iv) tablets describing how an embassy of Arkadians went to seek the return of their compatriot Deinias from Tyre, and recording (v) his narrative of his voyages of exploration. On the island of Thüle he met and became the lover of Derkyllis (vi), who told him her story. Since Derkyllis only came alive at night as the result of a spell cast on her by the wicked Egyptian magician Paapis, we can envisage an episodic narrative situation, rather like that of the 'Arabian Nights', with daily returns to Deinias on Thüle. 23

K. BÜRGER, Studien zur Geschichte des griechischen Romans, II, Die litteraturgeschichtliche Stellung des Antonius Diogenes und der Historia Apollonii, Programm des Gymnasiums Blankenburg am Harz 1903.

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Photios tells us that this section concluded with the end of Bk. 23, and there has been a tendency, since Di GREGORIO'S suggestion to this effect, to suppose that Derkyllis' narration began in Bk. 2, thus producing exact symmetry within the total of 24. This is pure surmise, and it is equally possible that Deinias' own adventures were developed at length for their paradoxographical possibilities. Photios merely remarks (110bl9) that he said little or nothing about Thüle in the beginning. Derkyllis' narrative in its turn contained (vii) a number of subsidiary narrations, by Myrto (presumably filling in some background on Paapis' machinations), by Astraios on Pythagoras and Mnesarchos, including material reported from Philotis (109bl4 ff.), by Mantinias on his experiences while separated from his sister (llOalOff.). The last book contained a narration by Azoulis, apparently with Deinias and Derkyllis as narratees (110b20ff). What was the point of this elaborate Chinese-box arrangement? Photios defined as one of the virtues of Antonius' novel its power to present incredible material in a credible way ( 1 0 9 a l l - 1 2 ) , and it seems plain that the outermost circles of the structure at least were there as an apparatus of provenance, authentication and verisimilitude 24 . This reality-effect was reinforced, of course, by recognisable historical material, both in the Alexander layer of the mise en scène and within the kernel story itself, with its chronological setting soon after the death of Pythagoras. At the same time, the pattern was continued beyond the point where there were gains in realism to be had. HÄGG ( 0 8 4 ) suggested that this was no more than a device for varying the literary texture and incorporating more paradoxography. But it seems to me more fruitful to stress the obvious self-consciousness of the elaboration, in effect a means of foregrounding narrative technique. MORGAN ( 0 9 8 ) suggested that one could think in terms of parody of a conventional Beglaubigungsapparat25. Perhaps ROMM puts the point better in writing of "problematising" the truth-value of the narrative, and "testing the limits of credibility". All literary fiction straddles an axis of tension between belief in the fiction and knowledge that it is fiction, and Antonius seems to have thematised that tension (as Photios acutely noted). It is, for instance, emblematised in the title. 'Apista' is attested as the title of works of paradoxography whose whole purpose was that they should be believed as fact. Here the word suggests the idea "truth is stranger than fiction". But it could also denote that which was incredible simply because it was obviously untrue. By combining paradoxography with fiction Antonius was already dancing on the ambiguity of his title. In effect, like genuine paradoxographers, he produced a work whose cred24

25

For the discovery of ancient books in graves as a device of authentication, often with the aim of real deception, see W. SPEYER, Bücherfunde in der Glaubenswerbung der Antike (= Hypomnemata 24), Göttingen 1970, 43—123; Antonius is mentioned on p. 78 as a fictional parallel; cf. also W. SPEYER, Die literarische Fälschung im heidnischen und christlichen Altertum. Ein Versuch ihrer Deutung ( = Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft 1,2), Munich 1971. Cf. also D. MAEDER, AU seuil des romans grecs: effets de réel et effets de création, GCN 4, 1 9 9 1 , 1 - 3 3 , e s p . 3 0 - 2 ; WINKLER ( 1 1 7 ) , 2 7 0 .

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ibility was a direct correlate of its incredibility 26 . Likewise the central location of Thüle marks a kind of border between fact and fantasy. But when he then made the fictional (as opposed to the simply paradoxographical) strata of his text fantastic in a way that the conventional plot of romance never was — with descents to the Underworld and, as Deinias' climactic voyage in Bk. 24, close encounters with the moon — then he was coming close to inverting the whole literary-theoretical edifice of plausibility in fiction. And this is precisely the point where the real Photios loses patience and suspends his summary, as if Antonius had tested credibility to destruction. FUSILLO comes to similar conclusions by a slightly different route. For him the structure is one of polyphony. The various narrative voices are co-ordinate and linked by their philosophical themes. The radical decentring of the plot enables a diversity of experiences to be subsumed in a single work without one mode being privileged over any other. g) Philosophy and meaning The 'Apista' had some Pythagorean content. This fact naturally leads to speculation as to whether the whole novel was permeated by Neopythagorean thought and whether it was didactic in its philosophy. This suggestion goes back to BÜRGER27, but the most thorough-going form of the thesis is expounded by MERKELBACH (097). He connects the scheme of the novel to the mystic Pythagorean cosmology enunciated by the Carthaginian Sulla in Plutarch's de fac. lun. (943a ff.), whereby voß