Gesamtausgabe (MEGA): BAND 9 Karl Marx: Capital. A Critical Analysis of Capitalist Production, London 1887 9783050063577, 9783050033815

186 93 78MB

English Pages 1211 [1212] Year 1990

Report DMCA / Copyright

DOWNLOAD FILE

Polecaj historie

Gesamtausgabe (MEGA): BAND 9 Karl Marx: Capital. A Critical Analysis of Capitalist Production, London 1887
 9783050063577, 9783050033815

Table of contents :
Inhalt
Einleitung
Editorische Hinweise
Contents
Editor’s Preface
Author’s Prefaces
Book I. Capitalist Production
Part I. Commodities and Money
Part II. The Transformation of Money into Capital
Part III. The production of absolute surplus-value
Part III. The production of absolute surplus-value
Part V. The production of absolute and of relative surplus-value
Part VI. Wages
Part VII. The accumulation of capital
Part VIII. The so-called primitive accumulation
Works and Authors quoted in “Capital”
Zweite Abteilung „Das Kapital“ und Vorarbeiten Band 9
Inhalt
Verzeichnis der Abkürzungen, Siglen und Zeichen
Capital. A critical analysis of capitalist production. London 1887
Entstehung und Überlieferung
Verzeichnis von Abweichungen der englischen Übersetzung von der deutschen Vorlage
Korrekturverzeichnis
Erläuterungen
Register

Citation preview

MEGAI

KARL MARX FRIEDRICH ENGELS GESAMTAUSGABE (MEGA) ZWEITE ABTEILUNG „DAS KAPITAL" U N D VORARBEITEN BAND 9

Herausgegeben vom Institut für Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung Berlin und vom Institut für Marxismus-Leninismus beim Zentralkomitee der Kommunistischen Partei der Sowjetunion

KARL MARX CAPITAL A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF CAPITALIST PRODUCTION LONDON 1887 TEXT

B 3 55

No. 7. 8. 9. » 10. » 11. » 12.

1 1 1 1 1 1

3 3 2 2 3 2

3 2 0 3 3 4

6 5 2 5 6 6

Persons.

3 4 4 5 2 5

g •o ID M

Children.

Children.

1 1 1 1 1 1

âo

Adults.

Adults.

No. 1. » 2. » 3. » 4. » 5. « 6.

ao

Langtoft.

Houses.

o •o —I t-H so oo oo rco t

K O g ^

I « -•*•» R S

« «O e

2 O oo CO _, rs. -— "w «o g SO S °o

M H 9\ ' t

3

« (S ^

sq ON co On

g.

,P a

H m

SP a

oo T O S o « o J3 .2

43 ID W> 33 « g c M a aj >> O 3 S ? O m 03 ai Oh H 2

«

' VO ^ • so OO o i s " S 00 S ? a S S VI I a

J> so y4> ^» Q

"W S a

>195

15

20

England, a country with fully developed capitalist production, and preeminently industrial, would have bled to death with such a drain of popula- 25 tion as Ireland has suffered. But Ireland is at present only an agricultural district of England, marked off by a wide channel from the country to which it yields corn, wool, cattle, industrial and military recruits. The depopulation of Ireland has thrown much of the land out of cultivation, has greatly diminished the produce of the soil,196 and, in spite of the 30 greater area devoted to cattle breeding, has brought about, in some of its branches, an absolute diminution, in others, an advance scarcely worthy of mention, and constantly interrupted by retrogressions. Nevertheless, | |725| with the fall in numbers of the population, rents and farmers' profits rose, although the latter not as steadily as the former. The reason of this is 35 easily comprehensible. On the one hand, with the throwing of small hold195 The total yearly income under Schedule D. is different in this table from that which appears in the preceding ones, because of certain deductions allowed by law. 196 If the product also diminishes relatively per acre, it must not be forgotten that for a century and a half England has indirectly exported the soil of Ireland, without as much as allowing its cultivators the means for making up the constituents of the soil that had been exhausted.

610

40

Chapter X X V • The general law of capitalist accumulation

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

ings into large ones, and the change of arable into pasture land, a larger part of the whole produce was transformed into surplus produce. The surplus produce increased, although the total produce, of which it formed a fraction, decreased. On the other hand, the money-value of this surplus produce increased yet more rapidly than its mass, in consequence of the rise in the English marketprice of meat, wool, etc., during the last 20, and especially during the last 10, years. The scattered means of production that serve the producers themselves as means of employment and of subsistence, without expanding their own value by the incorporation of the labour of others, are no more capital than a product consumed by its own producer is a commodity. If, with the mass of the population, that of the means of production employed in agriculture also diminished, the mass of the capital employed in agriculture increased, because a part of the means of production that were formerly scattered, was concentrated and turned into capital. The total capital of Ireland outside agriculture, employed in industry and trade, accumulated during the last two decades slowly, and with great and constantly recurring fluctuations; so much the more rapidly did the concentration of its individual constituents develop. And, however small its absolute increase, in proportion to the dwindling population it had increased largely. Here, then, under our own eyes and on a large scale, a process is revealed, than which nothing more excellent could be wished for by orthodox economy for the support of its dogma: that misery springs from absolute surplus-population, and that equilibrium is re-established by depopulation. This is a far more important experiment than was the plague in the middle of the 14th century so belauded of Malthusians. Note further: If only the naïveté of the schoolmaster could apply, to the conditions of production and population of the nineteenth century, the standard of the 14th, this naïveté, into the bargain, ||726| overlooked the fact that whilst, after the plague and the decimation that accompanied it, followed on this side of the channel, in England, enfranchisement and enrichment of the agricultural population, on that side, in France, followed greater servitude and more misery.197 The Irish famine of 1846 killed more than 1,000,000 people, but it killed poor devils only. To the wealth of the country it did not the slightest dam197 As Ireland is regarded as the promised land of the "principle of population," M.T.Sadler, before the publication of his work on population, issued his famous book, "Ireland, its evils and their remedies. 2nd edition, London, 1829." Here, by comparison of the statistics of the individual provinces, and of the individual counties in each province, he proves that the misery there is not, as Malthus would have it, in proportion to the number of the population, but in inverse ratio to this.

611

Part VII • T h e accumulation of capital

age. The exodus of the next 20 years, an exodus still constantly increasing, did not, as, e.g., the thirty years' war, decimate, along with the h u m a n beings, their means of production. Irish genius discovered an altogether new way of spiriting a poor people thousands of miles away from the scene of its misery. The exiles transplanted to the United States, send home sums of money every year as travelling expenses for those left behind. Every troop that emigrates one year, draws another after it the next. Thus, instead of costing Ireland anything, emigration forms one of the most lucrative branches of its export trade. Finally, it is a systematic process, which does not simply make a passing gap in the population, but sucks out of it every year more people than are replaced by the births, so that the absolute level of the population falls year by year. 198 What were the consequences for the Irish labourers left behind and freed from the surplus-population? That the relative surplus-population is to-day as great as before 1846; that wages are just as low, that the oppression of the labourers has increased, that misery is forcing the country towards a new crisis. The facts are simple. The revolution in agriculture has kept pace with emigration. The production of relative surplus-population has more than kept pace with the absolute depopulation. A glance at table B shows that the change of arable to pasture land must work yet more acutely in Ireland ||727| than in England. In England the cultivation of green crops increases with the breeding of cattle; in Ireland, it decreases. Whilst large number of acres, that were formerly tilled, lie idle or are turned permanently into grass-land, a great part of the waste land and peat bogs that were unused formerly, become of service for the extension of cattle-breeding. The smaller and medium farmers—I reckon among these all who do not cultivate more than 100 acres—still make up about 8 / 0 ths of the whole number. 199 They are, one after the other, and with a degree of force unknown before, crushed by the competition of an agriculture managed by capital, and therefore they continually furnish new recruits to the class of wage-labourers. The one great industry of Ireland, linen-manufacture, requires relatively few adult men and only employs altogether, in spite of its expansion since the price of cotton rose in 1861-1866, a comparatively insignificant part of the population. Like all other great modern industries, it constantly produces, by incessant fluctuations, a relative surplus-population within its own sphere, even with an absolute increase in the mass of h u m a n beings absorbed by it. The misery of the agricultural population forms the pedestal for gigantic shirt-factories, whose armies of labourers

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

198

Between 1851 and 1874, the total number of emigrants amounted to 2,325,922. According to a table in Murphy's "Ireland industrial, political and social," 1870, 94.6 per cent, of the holdings do not reach 100 acres, 5.4 exceed 100 acres. 199

612

40

Chapter X X V • T h e general law of capitalist accumulation

5

10

15

20

are, for the most part, scattered over the country. Here, we encounter again the system described above of domestic industry, which in under-payment and over-work, possesses its own systematic means for creating supernumerary labourers. Finally, although the depopulation has not such destructive consequences as would result in a country with fully developed capitalistic production, it does not go on without constant reaction upon the home-market. The gap which emigration causes here, limits not only the local demand for labour, but also the incomes of small shopkeepers, artisans, tradespeople generally. Hence the diminution in incomes between £60 and £100 in table E. A clear statement of the condition of the agricultural labourers in Ireland is to be found in the Reports of the Irish ||728| Poor Law Inspectors (1870).200 Officials of a government which is maintained only by bayonets and by a state of siege, now open, now disguised, they have to observe all the precautions of language that their colleagues in England disdain. In spite of this, however, they do not let their government cradle itself in illusions. According to them the rate of wages in the country, still very low, has within the last 20 years risen 50-60 per cent., and stands now, on the average, at 6s. to 9s. per week. But behind this apparent rise, is hidden an actual fall in wages, for it does not correspond at all to the rise in price of the necessary means of subsistence that has taken place in the meantime. For proof, the following extract from the official accounts of an Irish workhouse. Average

25

Weekly Cost per

Head.

Year ended.

Provisions and Necessaries.

Clothing.

Total.

29th Sept., 1849. 1869.

Is. 2s.

3d. 6d.

Is. 6>/4d. 3s. l/ 4 d.

The price of the necessary means of subsistence is therefore fully twice, and that of clothing exactly twice, as much as they were 20 years before. Even apart from this disproportion, the mere comparison of the rate of wages expressed in gold would give a result far from accurate. Before the famine, the great mass of agricultural wages were paid in kind, only the smallest part in money; to-day, payment in money is the rule. From this it 35 follows that, whatever the amount of the real wage, its money rate must rise. "Previous to the famine, the labourer enjoyed his cabin .... with a rood, or half-acre or acre of ||729| land, and facilities for ... a crop of pota-

30

200

40

"Reports from the Poor Law Inspectors on the wages of Agricultural Labourers in Dublin, 1870." See also "Agricultural Labourers (Ireland) Return, etc., 8 March 1861, London 1862."

613

Part VII • T h e accumulation of capital

toes. He was able to rear his pig and keep fowl. .. But they now have to buy bread, and they have no refuse upon which they can feed a pig or fowl, and they have consequently no benefit from the sale of a pig, fowl, or eggs."201 In fact, formerly, the agricultural labourers were but the smallest of the small farmers, and formed for the most part a kind of rear-guard of the medium and large farms on which they found employment. Only since the catastrophe of 1846 have they begun to form a fraction of the class of purely wage-labourers, a special class, connected with its wage-masters only by monetary relations. We know what were the conditions of their dwellings in 1846. Since then they have grown yet worse. A part of the agricultural labourers, which, however, grows less day by day, dwells still on the holdings of the farmers in over-crowded huts, whose hideousness far surpasses the worst that the English agricultural labourers offered us in this way. And this holds generally with the exception of certain tracts of Ulster; in the south, in the counties of Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, etc.; in the east, in Wicklow, Wexford, etc.; in the centre of Ireland, in King's and Queen's County, Dublin, etc.; in the west, in Sligo, Roscommon, Mayo, Galway, etc. "The agricultural labourers' huts," an inspector cries out, "are a disgrace to the Christianity and to the civilisation of this country." 202 In order to increase the attractions of these holes for the labourers, the pieces of land belonging thereto from time immemorial, are systematically confiscated. "The mere sense that they exist subject to this species of ban, on the part of the landlords and their agents, has ... given birth in the minds of the labourers to corresponding sentiments of antagonism and dissatisfaction towards those by whom they are thus led to regard themselves as being treated as ... a proscribed race." 203 The first act of the agricultural revolution was to sweep away the huts situated on the field of labour. This was done on the largest scale, and as if in obedience to a command from on high. Thus many labourers were compelled to seek shelter in villages and towns. There they were thrown like refuse ||730| into garrets, holes, cellars and corners, in the worst back slums. Thousands of Irish families, who according to the testimony of the English, eaten up as these are with national prejudice, are notable for their rare attachment to the domestic hearth, for their gaiety and the purity of their home-life, found themselves suddenly transplanted into hotbeds of vice. The men are now obliged to seek work of the neighbouring farmers and are only hired by the day, and therefore under the most precarious form of 201 202 203

I.e. pp.29, 1. I.e. p. 12. I.e. p. 12.

614

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Chapter XXV • The general law of capitalist accumulation

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

wage. Hence "they sometimes have long distances to go to and from work, often get wet, and suffer m u c h hardship, not unfrequently ending in sickness, disease and want." 204 "The towns have had to receive from year to year what was deemed to be the surplus-labour of the rural division;" 205 and then people still wonder "there is still a surplus of labour in the towns and villages, and either a scarcity or a threatened scarcity in some of the country divisions." 206 The truth is that this want only becomes perceptible "in harvest-time, or during spring, or at such times as agricultural operations are carried on with activity; at other periods of the year many hands are idle;" 207 that "from the digging out of the main crop of potatoes in October until the early spring following ... there is no employment for them;" 2 0 8 and further, that during the active times they "are subject to broken days and to all kinds of interruptions." 209 These results of the agricultural revolution—i.e., the change of arable into pasture land, the use of machinery, the most rigorous economy of labour, etc., are still further aggravated by the model landlords, who, instead of spending their rents in other countries, condescend to live in Ireland on their demesnes. In order that the law of supply and demand may not be broken, these gentlemen draw their "labour-supply ... chiefly from their small tenants, who are obliged to attend when required to do the landlord's work, at rates of wages, in many instances, considerably under the current rates paid to ordinary labourers, and without regard to the inconvenience or loss to the tenant ||731| of being obliged to neglect his own business at critical periods of sowing or reaping." 210 The uncertainty and irregularity of employment, the constant return and long duration of gluts of labour, all these symptoms of a relative surpluspopulation, figure therefore in the reports of the Poor Law administration, as so many hardships of the agricultural proletariat. It will be remembered that we met, in the English agricultural proletariat, with a similar spectacle. But the difference is that in England, an industrial country, the industrial reserve recruits itself from the country districts, whilst in Ireland, an agricultural country, the agricultural reserve recruits itself from the towns, the cities of refuge of the expelled agricultural labourers. In the former, the super-numeraries of agriculture are transformed into factory-operatives; in 204

I.e. p. 25. I.e. p. 27. 206 I.e. p. 26. 207 I.e. p. 1. 208 l.c. pp.31, 32. 209 l.c. p. 25. 210 l.c. p. 30. 205

40

615

Part VII • The accumulation of capital

the latter, those forced into the towns, whilst at the same time they press on the wages in towns, remain agricultural labourers, and are constantly sent back to the country districts in search of work. The official inspectors sum up the material condition of the agricultural labourer as follows: "Though living with the strictest frugality, his own wages are barely sufficient to provide food for an ordinary family and pay his rent, and he depends upon other sources for the means of clothing himself, his wife, and children. .. The atmosphere of these cabins, combined with the other privations they are subjected to, has made this class particularly susceptible to low fever and pulmonary consumption." 211 After this, it is no wonder that, according to the unanimous testimony of the inspectors, a sombre discontent runs through the ranks of this class, that they long for the return of the past, loathe the present, despair of the future, give themselves up "to the evil influence of agitators," and have only one fixed idea, to emigrate to America. This is the land of Cockaigne, into which the great Malthusian panacea, depopulation, has transformed green Erin. What a happy life the Irish factory operative leads, one example will show: "On my recent visit to the North of Ireland," says the English Factory Inspector, Robert Baker. ||732| "I met with the following evidence of effort in an Irish skilled workman to afford education to his children; and I give his evidence verbatim, as I took it from his mouth. That he was a skilled factory hand, may be understood when I say that he was employed on goods for the Manchester market. 'Johnson.—I am a beetler and work from 6 in the morning till 11 at night, from Monday to Friday. Saturday we leave off at 6 p.m., and get three hours of it (for meals and rest). I have five children in all. For this work I get 10s. 6d. a week; my wife works here also, and gets 5s. a week. The oldest girl who is 12, minds the house. She is also cook, and all the servant we have. She gets the young ones ready for school. A girl going past the house wakes me at half past five in the morning. My wife gets up and goes along with me. We get nothing (to eat) before we come to work. The child of 12 takes care of the little children all the day, and we get nothing till breakfast at eight. At eight we go home. We get tea once a week; at other times we get stirabout, sometimes of oatmeal, sometimes of Indian meal, as we are able to get it. In the winter we get a little sugar and water to our Indian meal. In the summer we get a few potatoes, planting a small patch ourselves; and when they are done we go back to stirabout. Sometimes we get a little milk as it may be. So we go on from day to day, Sunday and week day, always the same the year round. I am always very much tired when I have done at night. We may see a bit of flesh meat sometimes, but very seldom. Three of our children attend school, for 211

I.e. pp.21, 13.

616

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Chapter XXV • The general law of capitalist accumulation

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

whom we pay Id. a week a head. Our rent is 9d a week. Peat for firing costs Is. 6d. a fortnight at the very lowest.'"212 Such are Irish wages, such is Irish life! In fact the misery of Ireland is again the topic of the day in England. At the end of 1866 and the beginning of 1867, one of the Irish land magnates, Lord Dufferin, set about its solution in the "Times." "Wie menschlich von solch grossem Herrn!" From Table E. we saw that, during 1864, of £4,368,610 of total profits, three surplus-value makers pocketed only £262,819; that in 1865, however, out of £4,669,979 total ||733| profits, the same three virtuosi of "abstinence" pocketed £274,528; in 1864, 26 surplus-value makers reached to £646,377; in 1865, 28 surplus-value makers reached to £736,448; in 1864, 121 surplus-value makers, £1,076,912; in 1865, 150 surplus-value makers, £1,320,906; in 1864, 1131 surplus-value makers £2,150,818, nearly half of the total annual profit; in 1865, 1194 surplus-value makers, £2,418,833, more than half of the total annual profit. But the lion's share, which an inconceivably small number of land magnates in England, Scotland and Ireland swallow up of the yearly national rental, is so monstrous that the wisdom of the English state does not think fit to afford the same statistical materials about the distribution of rents as about the distribution of profits. Lord Dufferin is one of those land magnates. That rent-rolls and profits can ever be "excessive," or that their plethora is in any way connected with plethora of the people's misery is, of course, an idea as "disreputable" as "unsound." He keeps to facts. The fact is that, as the Irish population diminishes, the Irish rent-rolls swell; that depopulation benefits the landlords, therefore also benefits the soil, and, therefore, the people, that mere accessory of the soil. He declares, therefore, that Ireland is still over-populated, and the stream of emigration still flows too lazily. To be perfectly happy, Ireland must get rid of at least one-third of a million of labouring men. Let no man imagine that this lord, poetic into the bargain, is a physician of the school of Sangrado, who as often as he did not find his patient better, ordered phlebotomy and again phlebotomy, until the patient lost his sickness at the same time as his blood. Lord Dufferin demands a new blood-letting of one-third of a million only, instead of about two millions; in fact, without the getting rid of these, the millennium in Erin is not to be. The proof is easily given. 212

Rept. of Insp. of Fact. 31st Oct., 1866, p. 96.

617

Part VII • The accumulation of capital Number and Extent of Farms in Ireland in

1864. (4) Farms over 15, not over 30 acres.

(1) Farms not over 1 acre.

(2) Farms over 1, not over 5 acres.

(3) Farms over 5, not over 15 acres.

No.

Acres.

No.

Acres.

No.

Acres.

No.

Acres.

48,653

25,394

82,037

288,916

176,368

1,836,310

136,578

3,051,343|

17341 (5) Farms over 30, not over 50 acres.

(6) Farms over 50, not over 100 acres.

(7) Farms over 100 acres.

(8) Total area.

No.

Acres.

No.

Acres.

No.

Acres.

Acres.

71,961

2,906,274

54,247

3,983,880

31,927

8,227,807

20,319,924 213

Centralisation has from 1851 to 1861 destroyed principally farms of the first three categories, under 1 and not over 15 acres. These above all must disappear. This gives 307,058 "supernumerary" farmers, and reckoning the families the low average of 4 persons, 1,228,232 persons. On the extravagant supposition that, after the agricultural revolution is complete, onefourth of these are again absorbable, there remain for emigration 921,174 persons. Categories 4, 5, 6, of over 15 and not over 100 acres, are, as was known long since in England, too small for capitalistic cultivation of corn, and for sheep-breeding are almost vanishing quantities. On the same supposition as before, therefore, there are further 788,358 persons to emigrate; total, 1,709,532. And as l'appétit vient en mangeant, Rent-roll's eyes will soon discover that Ireland, with 3 1 / millions, is still always miserable, and miserable because she is over-populated. Therefore her depopulation must go yet further, that thus she may fulfil her true destiny, that of an English sheep walk and cattle-pasture.2141

10

15

20

25

213

The total area includes also peat, bogs, and waste land. How the famine and its consequences have been deliberately made the most of, both by the individual landlords and by the English legislature, to forcibly carry out the agricultural revolution and to thin the population of Ireland down to the proportion satisfactory to the landlords, I shall show more fully in Vol. III. of this work, in the section on landed property. There also I return to the condition of the small farmers and the agricultural labourers. At present, only one quotation. Nassau W. Senior says, with other things, in his posthumous work, "Journals, Conversations and Essays, relating to Ireland." 2 vols. London 1868; Vol.11., p.282. "'Well,'" said Dr.G., '"we have got our Poor Law and it is a great instrument for giving the victory to the landlords. Another, and a still more powerful instrument is emigration ... No friend to Ireland can wish the war to be prolonged (between the landlords and the small Celtic farmers)—still less, that it should end by the victory of the tenants [...] The sooner it is over—the sooner Ireland becomes a grazing country, with the comparatively thin population which a grazing country requires, the better for all classes.'" The English Corn Laws of 1815 secured Ireland the monopoly of the free importation of corn into Great Britain. They favoured artifically, therefore, the cultivation of corn. With the abolition of the Corn Laws in 1846, this monopoly was suddenly removed. Apart from all other circumstances, this event alone was sufficient to give a great impulse to the turning of Irish arable into pasture land, to 214

618

30

35

40

Chapter XXVI • The secret of primitive accumulation

|735| Like all good things in this bad world, this profitable method has its drawbacks. With the accumulation of rents in Ireland, the accumulation of the Irish in America keeps pace. The Irishman, banished by sheep and ox, reappears on the other side of the ocean as a Fenian, and face to face with 5 the old queen of the seas rises, threatening and more threatening, the young giant Republic: Acerba fata Romanos agunt Scelusque fraternae necis. |

|736| PART V I I I . 10

The so-called Primitive

CHAPTER

Accumulation.

XXVI.

The secret of Primitive Accumulation. We have seen how money is changed into capital; how through capital surplus-value is made, and from surplus-value more capital. But the accumu15 lation of capital presupposes surplus-value; surplus-value presupposes capitalistic production; capitalistic production presupposes the pre-existence of considerable masses of capital and of labour-power in the hands of producers of commodities. The whole movement, therefore, seems to turn in a vicious circle, out of which we can only get by supposing a primitive accu20 mulation (previous accumulation of Adam Smith) preceding capitalistic accumulation; an accumulation not the result of the capitalist mode of production, but its starting point. This primitive accumulation plays in Political Economy about the same part as original sin in theology. Adam bit the apple, and thereupon sin fell 25 on the human race. Its origin is supposed to be explained when it is told as an anecdote of the past. In times long gone by there were two sorts of people; one, the diligent, intelligent, and, above all, frugal élite; the other, lazy rascals, spending their substance, and more, in riotous living. The legend 30

the concentration of farms, and to the eviction of small cultivators. After the fruitfulness of the Irish soil had been praised from 1815 to 1846, and proclaimed loudly as by Nature herself destined for the cultivation of wheat, English agronomists, economists, politicians, discover suddenly that it is good for nothing but to produce forage. M. Léonce de Lavergne has hastened to repeat this on the other side of the Channel. It takes a "serious" man, à la Lavergne, to be caught by such childishness.

619

Part Vili • T h e so-called primitive accumulation

of theological original sin tells us certainly how man came to be condemned to eat his bread in the sweat of his brow; but the history of economic original sin reveals to us that there are people to whom this is by no means ||737| essential. Never mind! Thus it came to pass that the former sort accumulated wealth, and the latter sort had at last nothing to sell except their own skins. And from this original sin dates the poverty of the great majority that, despite all its labour, has up to now nothing to sell but itself, and the wealth of the few that increases constantly although they have long ceased to work. Such insipid childishness is every day preached to us in the defence of.property. M.Thiers, e.g., had the assurance to repeat it with all the solemnity of a statesman, to the French people, once so spirituel. But as soon as the question of property crops up, it becomes a sacred duty to proclaim the intellectual food of the infant as the one thing fit for all ages and for all stages of development. In acutal history it is notorious that conquest, enslavement, robbery, murder, briefly force, play the great part. In the tender annals of Political Economy, the idyllic reigns from time immemorial. Right and "labour" were from all time the sole means of enrichment, the present year of course always excepted. As a matter of fact, the methods of primitive accumulation are anything but idyllic. In themselves, money and commodities are no more capital than are the means of production and of subsistence. They want transforming into capital. But this transformation itself can only take place under certain circumstances that centre in this, viz., that two very different kinds of commoditypossessors must come face to face and into contact; on the one hand, the owners of money, means of production, means of subsistence, who are eager to increase the sum of values they possess, by buying other people's labour-power; on the other hand, free labourers, the sellers of their own labour-power, and therefore the sellers of labour. Free labourers, in the double sense that neither they themselves form part and parcel of the means of production, as in the case of slaves, bondsmen, etc., nor do the means of production belong to them, as in the case of peasant-proprietors; they are, therefore, free form, unencumbered by, any means of production of their own. With this polarisation of the market for commodities, the fundamental conditions of capitalist production are given. The capitalist system presupposes the complete separation of the labourers from all | |738| property in the means by which they can realise their labour. As soon as capitalist production is once on its own legs, it not only maintains this separation, but reproduces it on a continually extending scale. The process, therefore, that clears the way for the capitalist system, can be none other than the process which takes away from the labourer the possession of his means of production; a process that transforms, on the one hand, the social

620

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Chapter XXVI • The secret of primitive accumulation

means of subsistence and of production into capital, on the other, the immediate producers into wage-labourers. The so-called primitive accumulation, therefore, is nothing else than the historical process of divorcing the producer from the means of production. It appears as primitive, because it 5 forms the pre-historic stage of capital and of the mode of production corresponding with it. The economic structure of capitalistic society has grown out of the economic structure of feudal society. The dissolution of the latter set free the elements of the former. 10 The immediate producer, the labourer, could only dispose of his own person after he had ceased to be attached to the soil and ceased to be the slave, serf, or bondman of another. To become a free seller of labour-power, who carries his commodity wherever he finds a market, he must further have escaped from the regime of the guilds, their rules for apprentices and 15 journeymen, and the impediments of their labour regulations. Hence, the historical movement which changes the producers into wage-workers, appears, on the one hand, as their emancipation from serfdom and from the fetters of the guilds, and this side alone exists for our bourgeois historians. But, on the other hand, these new freedmen became sellers of themselves 20 only after they had been robbed of all their own means of production, and of all the guarantees of existence afforded by the old feudal arrangements. And the history of this, their expropriation, is written in the annals of mankind in letters of blood and fire. 25

30

35

40

The industrial capitalists, these new potentates, had on their part not only to displace the guild masters of handicrafts, but also the feudal lords, the possessors of the sources of wealth. In this respect their conquest of social power appears as the fruit of a victorious struggle both against feudal lordship and ||739| its revolting prerogatives, and against the guilds and the fetters they laid on the free development of production and the free exploitation of m a n by man. The chevaliers d'industrie, however, only succeeded in supplanting the chevaliers of the sword by making use of events of which they themselves were wholly innocent. They have risen by means as vile as those by which the Roman freed-man once on a time made himself the master of his patronus. The starting-point of the development that gave rise to the wage-labourer as well as to the capitalist, was the servitude of the labourer. The advance consisted in a change of form of this servitude, in the transformation of feudal exploitation into capitalist exploitation. To understand its march, we need not go back very far. Although we come across the first beginnings of capitalist production as early as the 14th or 15th century, sporadically, in certain towns of the Mediterranean, the capitalistic era dates from the

621

Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

16th century. Wherever it appears, the abolition of serfdom has been long effected, and the highest development of the middle ages, the existence of sovereign towns, has been long on the wane. In the history of primitive accumulation, all revolutions are epoch-making that act as levers for the capitalist class in course of formation; but, 5 above all, those moments when great masses of men are suddenly and forcibly torn from their means of subsistence, and hurled as free and "unattached" proletarians on the labour market. The expropriation of the agricultural producer, of the peasant, from the soil, is the basis of the whole process. The history of this expropriation, in different countries, assumes 10 different aspects, and runs through its various phases in different orders of succession, and at different periods. In England alone, which we take as our example, has it the classic form.11 |740| C H A P T E R

XXVII.

Expropriation of the Agricultural Population from the Land.

15

In England, serfdom had practically disappeared in the last part of the 14th century. The immense majority of the population2 consisted then, and to a still larger extent, in the 15th century, of free peasant proprietors, whatever was the feudal title under which their right of property was hidden. In the 20 larger seignorial domains, the old bailiff, himself a serf, was displaced by the free farmer. The wage-labourers of agriculture consisted partly of peas1 In Italy, where capitalistic production developed earliest, the dissolution of serfdom also took place earlier than elsewhere. The serf was emancipated in that country before he had acquired any prescriptive right to the soil. His emancipation at once transformed him into a free proletarian, who, moreover, found his master ready waiting for him in the towns, for the most part handed down as legacies from the Roman time. When the revolution of the worldmarket, about the end of the 15th century, annihilated Northern Italy's commercial supremacy, a movement in the reverse direction set in. The labourers of the towns were driven en masse into the country, and gave an impulse, never before seen, to the petite culture, carried on in the form of gardening. 2 "The petty proprietors who cultivated their own fields with their own hands, and enjoyed a modest competence .... then formed a much more important part of the nation than at present. If we may trust the best statistical writers of that age, not less than 160,000 proprietors who, with their families, must have made up more than a seventh of the whole population, derived their subsistence from little freehold estates. The average income of these small landlords .... was estimated at between £60 and £70 a year. It was computed that the number of persons who tilled their own land was greater than the number of those who farmed the land of others." Macaulay: History of England, 10th ed., 1854,1, p. 333, 334. Even in the last third of the 17th century, % of the English people were agricultural. (I.e., p.413.) I quote Macaulay, because as systematic falsifier of history he minimises as much as possible facts of this kind.

622

25

30

35

40

Chapter XXVII • Expropriation of the agricultural population from the land

5

10

15

20

25

30

ants, who utilised their leisure time by working on the large estates, partly of an independent special class of wage-labourers, relatively and absolutely few in numbers. The latter also were practically at the same time peasant farmers, since, besides their wages, they had alloted to them arable land to the extent of 4 or more acres, together with their cottages. Besides they, with the rest of the peasants, enjoyed the usufruct of the common land, which gave pasture to their cattle, furnished them with timber, fire-wood, turf, etc.3 In all countries of Europe, ||741| feudal production is characterised by division of the soil amongst the greatest possible number of sub-feudatories. The might of the feudal lord, like that of the sovereign, depended not on the length of his rent roll, but on the number of his subjects, and the latter depended on the number of peasant proprietors. 4 Although, therefore, the English land, after the Norman conquest, was distributed in gigantic baronies, one of which often included some 900 of the old Anglo-Saxon lordships, it was bestrewn with small peasant properties, only here and there interspersed with great seignorial domains. Such conditions, together with the prosperity of the towns so characteristic of the 15th century, allowed of that wealth of the people which Chancellor Fortescue so eloquently paints in his "Laudibus legum Anglias;" but it excluded the possibility of capitalistic wealth. The prelude of the revolution that laid the foundation of the capitalist mode of production, was played in the last third of the 15th, and the first decade of the 16th century. A mass of free proletarians was hurled on the labour-market by the breaking-up of the bands of feudal retainers, who, as Sir James Steuart well says, "everywhere uselessly filled house and castle." Although the royal power, itself a product of bourgeois development, in its strife after absolute sovereignty forcibly hastened on the dissolution of these bands of retainers, it was by no means the sole cause of it. In insolent conflict with king and parliament, the great feudal lords created an incomparably larger proletariat by the forcible driving of the peasantry from the land, to which the latter had the same feudal right as the lord himself, and by the usurpation of the common lands. The rapid rise of the Flemish wool manufactures, and the corresponding rise in the price of wool in England, 3

35

40

We must never forget that even the serf was not only the owner, if but a tribute-paying owner, of the piece of land attached to his house, but also a co-possessor of the common land. «Le paysan y (in Silesia, under Frederick II.), est serf.» Nevertheless, these serfs possess common lands. « On n'a pas pu encore engager les Silésiens au partage des communes, tandis que dans la Nouvelle Marche, il n'y a guère de village où ce partage ne soit exécuté avec le plus grand succès.» (Mirabeau: De la Monarchie Prussienne. Londres, 1788, t.II., pp.125,126.) 4 Japan, with its purely feudal organisation of landed property and its developed petite culture, gives a much truer picture of the European middle ages than all our history books, dictated as these are, for the most part, by bourgeois prejudices. It is very convenient to be "liberal" at the expense of the middle ages.

623

Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

gave the direct impulse to these evictions. The old nobility had been devoured by the great feudal wars. The new nobility was the child of its time, for which money was ||742| the power of all powers. Transformation of arable land into sheep-walks was, therefore, its cry. Harrison, in his "Description of England, prefixed to Holinshed's Chronicle," describes how the expropriation of small peasants is ruining the country. "What care our great encroachers?" The dwellings of the peasants and the cottages of the labourers were razed to the ground or doomed to decay. "If," says Harrison, "the old records of euerie manour be sought.... it will soon appear that in some manour seventeene, eighteene, or twentie houses are shrunk .... that England was neuer less furnished with people than at the present .... Of cities and townes either utterly decaied or more than a quarter or half diminished, though some one be a little increased here or there; of townes pulled downe for sheepe-walks, and no more but the lordships now standing in them .... I could saie somewhat." The complaints of these old chroniclers are always exaggerated, but they reflect faithfully the impression made on contemporaries by the revolution in the conditions of production. A comparison of the writings of Chancellor Fortescue and Thomas More reveals the gulf between the 15th and 16th century. As Thornton rightly has it, the English working-class was precipitated without any transition from its golden into its iron age. Legislation was terrified at this revolution. It did not yet stand on that height of civilisation where the "wealth of the nation" (i.e., the formation of capital, and the reckless exploitation and impoverishing of the mass of the people) figure as the ultima Thule of all state-craft. In his history of Henry VII., Bacon says: "Inclosures at that time (1489) began to be more frequent, whereby arable land (which could not be manured without people and families) was turned into pasture, which was easily rid by a few herdsmen; and tenancies for years, lives, and at will (whereupon much of the yeomanry lived) were turned into demesnes. This bred a decay of people, and (by consequence) a decay of towns, churches, tithes, and the like In remedying of this inconvenience the king's wisdom was admirable, and the parliament's at that time .... they took a course to take away depopulating inclosures, and ||743| depopulating pasturage." An Act of Henry VII., 1488, cap. 19, forbad the destruction of all "houses of husbandry" to which at least 20 acres of land belonged. By an Act, 25 Henry VIII., the same law was renewed. It recites, among other things, that many farms and large flocks of cattle, especially of sheep, are concentrated in the hands of a few men, whereby the rent of land has much risen and tillage has fallen off, churches and houses have been pulled down, and marvellous numbers of people have been deprived of the means wherewith to maintain themselves

624

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Chapter X X V I I • Expropriation of the agricultural population from the land

5

10

15

20

25

and their families. The Act, therefore, ordains the rebuilding of the decayed farm-steads, and fixes a proportion between corn land and pasture land, etc. An Act of 1533 recites that some owners possess 24,000 sheep, and limits the number to be owned to 2000.5 The cry of the people and the legislation directed, for 150 years after Henry VII., against the expropriation of the small farmers and peasants, were alike fruitless. The secret of their inefficiency Bacon, without knowing it, reveals to us. "The device of King Henry VII.," says Bacon, in his "Essays, Civil and Moral," Essay 20, "was profound and admirable, in making farms and houses of husbandry of a standard; that is, maintained with such a proportion of land to them as may breed a subject to live in convenient plenty, and no servile condition, and to keep the plough in the hands of the owners and not mere hirelings."6 ||744| What the capitalist system demanded was, on the other hand, a degraded and almost servile condition of the mass of the people, the transformation of them into mercenaries, and of their means of labour into capital. During this transformation period, legislation also strove to retain the 4 acres of land by the cottage of the agricultural wage-labourer, and forbad him to take lodgers into his cottage. In the reign of Charles I., 1627, Roger Crocker of Fontmill, was condemned for having built a cottage on the manor of Fontmill without 4 acres of land attached to the same in perpetuity. As late as Charles I.'s reign, 1638, a royal commission was appointed to enforce the carrying out of the old laws, especially that referring to the 4 acres of land. Even in Cromwell's time, the building of a house within 10 miles of London was forbidden unless it was endowed with 4 acres of land. As late as the first half of the 18th century complaint is 5

30

35

40

45

In his "Utopia," Thomas More says, that in England "your shepe that were wont to be so meke and tame, and so smal eaters, now, as I heare saye, be become so great devourers and so wylde that they eate up, and swallow downe, the very men themselfes." "Utopia," transl. by Robinson., ed. Arber, Lond., 1869, pp.40, 41. 6 Bacon shows the connexion between a free, well-to-do peasantry and good infantry. "This did wonderfully concern the might and mannerhood of the kingdom to have farms as it were of a standard sufficient to maintain an able body out of penury, and did in effect amortize a great part of the lands of the kingdom unto the hold and occupation of the yeomanry or middle people, of a condition between gentlemen, and cottagers and peasants For it hath been held by the general opinion of men of best judgment in the wars .... that the principal strength of an army consisteth in the infantry or foot. And to make good infantry it requireth men bred, not in a servile or indigent fashion, but in some free and plentiful manner. Therefore, if a state run most to noblemen and gentlemen, and that the husbandmen and ploughmen be but as their workfolk and labourers, or else mere cottagers (which are but hous'd beggars), you may have a good cavalry, but never good stable bands of foot And this is to be seen in France, and Italy, and some other parts abroad, where in effect all is noblesse or peasantry .... insomuch that they are inforced to employ mercenary bands of Switzers and the like, for their battalions of foot; whereby also it comes to pass that those nations have much people and few soldiers." ("The Reign of Henry VII." Verbatim reprint from Kennet's England. Ed. 1719. Lond., 1870, p. 308.)

625

Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

made if the cottage of the agricultural labourer has not an adjunct of one or two acres of land. Nowadays he is lucky if it is furnished with a little garden, or if he may rent, far away from his cottage, a few roods. "Landlords and farmers," says Dr. Hunter, "work here hand in hand. A few acres to the cottage would make the labourers too independent." 7 5 The process of forcible expropriation of the people received in the 16th century a new and frightful impulse from the Reformation, and from the consequent colossal spoliation of the church property. The Catholic church was, at the time of the Reformation, feudal proprietor of a great part of the English land. The suppression of the monasteries, etc., hurled their in- 10 mates into the proletariat. The estates of the church were to a large extent given away to rapacious royal favourites, or sold at a nominal price to speculating farmers and citizens, who drove out, en masse, the hereditary | 17451 sub-tenants and threw their holdings into one. The legally guaranteed property of the poorer folk in a part of the church's tithes was tacitly confis- 15 cated. 8 "Pauper ubique jacet," cried Queen Elizabeth, after a journey through England. In the 43rd year of her reign the nation was obliged to recognise pauperism officially by the introduction of a poor-rate. "The authors of this law seem to have been ashamed to state the grounds of it, for (contrary to traditional usage) it has no preamble whatever.'" By the 16th 20 of Charles I., ch.4, it was declared perpetual, and in fact only in 1834 did it take a new and harsher form. 10 These immediate results of the Reformation 7

Dr.Hunter, I.e., p.134. "The quantity of land assigned (in the old laws) would now be judged too great for labourers, and rather as likely to convert them into small farmers." (George Roberts: "The Social History of the People of the Southern Counties of England in past centuries." Lond., 1856, p. 184.) 8 "The right of the poor to share in the tithe, is established by the tenure of ancient statutes." (Tuckett, I.e., Vol. II., pp. 804-805.) 9 William Cobbett: "A History of the Protestant Reformation," § 471. 10 The "spirit" of Protestantism may be seen from the following, among other things. In the south of England certain landed proprietors and well-to-do farmers put their heads together and propounded ten questions as to the right interpretation of the poor-law of Elizabeth. These they laid before a celebrated jurist of that time, Sergeant Snigge (later a judge under James I.) for his opinion. "Question 9—Some of the more wealthy farmers in the parish have devised a skilful mode by which all the trouble of executing this Act (the 43rd of Elizabeth) might be avoided. They have proposed that we shall erect a prison in the parish, and then give notice to the neighbourhood, that if any persons are disposed to farm the poor of this parish, they do give in sealed proposals, on a certain day, of the lowest price at which they will take them off our hands; and that they will be authorised to refuse to any one unless he be shut up in the aforesaid prison. The proposers of this plan conceive that there will be found in the adjoining counties, persons, who, being unwilling to labour and not possessing substance or credit to take a farm or ship, so as to live without labour, may be induced to make a very advantageous offer to the parish. If any of the poor perish under the contractor's care, the sin will lie at his door, as the parish will have done its duty by them. We are, however, apprehensive that the present Act (43rd of Elizabeth) will not warrant a prudential measure of this kind; but you are to learn that the rest of the freeholders of the county, and of the adjoining

626

25

30

35

40

45

Chapter XXVII • Expropriation of the agricultural population from the land

were not its most lasting ones. The property of the church ||746| formed the religious bulwark of the traditional conditions of landed property. With its fall these were no longer tenable. 11 Even in the last decade of the 17th century, the yeomanry, the class of 5 independent peasants, were more numerous than the class of farmers. They had formed the backbone of Cromwell's strength, and, even according to the confession of Macaulay, stood in favourable contrast to the drunken squires and to their servants, the country clergy, who had to marry their masters' cast-off mistresses. About 1750, the yeomanry had disappeared,12 10 and so had, in the last decade of the 18th century, the last trace of the common land of the agricultural labourer. We leave on one side here the purely economic causes of the agricultural revolution. We deal only with the forcible means employed. After the restoration of the Stuarts, the landed proprietors carried, by le15 gal means, an act of usurpation, effected everywhere on the Continent without any legal formality. They abolished the feudal tenure of land, i.e., they got rid of all its obligations to the State, "indemnified" the State by taxes on the peasantry and the rest of the mass of the people, vindicated for themselves the rights of modern private property in estates to which they 20 had only a feudal title, and, finally, passed those laws of settlement, which, mutatis mutandis, had the same effect on the English agricultural labourer, as the edict of the Tartar Boris Godunof on the Russian peasantry.

25

30

35

county of B, will very readily join in instructing their members to propose an Act to enable the parish to contract with a person to lock up and work the poor; and to declare that if any person shall refuse to be so locked up and worked, he shall be entitled to no relief. This, it is hoped, will prevent persons in distress from wanting relief, and be the means of keeping down parishes." (R.Blakey: "The History of Political Literature from the earliest Times." Lond., 1855, Vol. II., pp. 84-85.) In Scotland, the abolition of serfdom took place some centuries later than in England. Even in 1698, Fletcher of Saltoun, declared in the Scotch parliament, "The number of beggars in Scotland is reckoned at not less than 200,000. The only remedy that I, a republican on principle can suggest, is to restore the old state of serfdom, to make slaves of all those who are unable to provide for their own subsistence." Eden, I.e., Book I., ch. 1, pp.60-61, says, "The decrease of villenage seems necessarily to have been the era of the origin of the poor. [...] Manufactures and commerce are the two parents of our national poor." Eden, like our Scotch republican on principle, errs only in this: not the abolition of villenage, but the abolition of the property of the agricultural labourer in the soil made him a proletarian, and eventually a pauper. In France, where the expropriation was effected in another way, the ordonnance of Moulins, 1566, and the Edict of 1656, correspond to the English poor-laws. 11

40

45

Professor Rogers, although formerly Professor of Political Economy in the University of Oxford, the hotbed of Protestant orthodoxy, in his preface to the "History of Agriculture" lays stress on the fact of the pauperisation of the mass of the people by the Reformation. 12 A letter to Sir T. C. Bunbury, Bart., on the High Price of Provisions. By a Suffolk Gentleman. Ipswich, 1795, p. 4. Even the fanatical advocate of the system of large farms, the author of the "Inquiry into the connection of large farms, etc., London, 1773," p. 139, says: "I most lament the loss of our yeomanry, that set of men who really kept up the independence of this nation; and sorry I am to see their lands now in the hands of monopolizing lords, tenanted out to small farmers, who hold their leases on such conditions as to be little better than vassals ready to attend a summons on every mischievous occasion." 627

Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

The "glorious Revolution" brought into power, along with ||747| William of Orange, the landlord and capitalist appropriators of surplus-value. 13 They inaugarated the new era by practising on a colossal scale thefts of state lands, thefts that had been hitherto managed more modestly. These estates were given away, sold at a ridiculous figure, or even annexed to private estates by direct seizure.14 All this happened without the slightest observation of legal etiquette. The crown lands thus fraudulently appropriated, together with the robbery of the Church estates, as far as these had not been lost again during the republican revolution, form the basis of the to-day princely domains of the English oligarchy.15 The bourgeois capitalists favoured the operation with the view, among others, to promoting free trade in land, to extending the domain of modern agriculture on the large farmsystem, and to increasing their supply of the free agricultural proletarians ready to hand. Besides, the new landed aristocracy was the natural ally of the new bankocracy, of the newly-hatched haute finance, and of the large manufacturers, then depending on protective duties. The English bourgeoisie acted for its own interest quite as wisely as did the Swedish bourgeoisie who, reversing the process, hand in hand with their economic allies, the peasantry, helped the kings in the forcible resumption of the Crown lands from the oligarchy. This happened since 1604 under Charles X. and Charles XI. Communal property—always distinct from the State property just dealt with—was an old Teutonic institution which lived on under cover of feudalism. We have seen how the ||748| forcible usurpation of this, generally accompanied by the turning of arable into pasture land, begins at the end of the 15th and extends into the 16th century. But, at that time, the process was carried on by means of individual acts of violence against which legislation, for a hundred and fifty years, fought in vain. The advance made by the 18th century shows itself in this, that the law itself becomes now the instrument of the theft of the people's land, although the large farmers make

5

10

15

20

25

30

13

On the private moral character of this bourgeois hero, among other things: "The large grant of lands in Ireland to Lady Orkney, in 1695, is a public instance of the king's affection, and the lady's influence ... Lady Orkney's endearing offices are supposed to have been—fceda labiorum ministerial (In the Sloane Manuscript Collection, at the British Museum, No. 4224. The Manuscript is entitled: "The charakter and behaviour of King William, Sunderland, etc., as represented in Original Letters to the Duke of Shrewsbury, from Somers Halifax, Oxford, Secretary Vernon, etc." It is full of curiosa.) 14 "The illegal alienation of the Crown Estates, partly by sale and partly by gift, is a scandalous chapter in English history ... a gigantic fraud on the nation." (F. W. Newman, Lectures on Political Economy. London, 1851, pp. 129, 130.) [For details as to how the present large landed proprietors of England came into their possessions see "Our Old Nobility. By Noblesse Oblige." London, 1879. —Ed.] 15 Read, e.g., E. Burke's Pamphlet on the ducal house of Bedford, whose offshoot was Lord John Russell, the "tomtit of Liberalism."

628

35

40

Chapter XXVII • Expropriation of the agricultural population from the land

5

10

15

20

25

30

use of their little independent methods as well.16 The parliamentary form of the robbery is that of Acts for enclosures of Commons, in other words, decrees by which the landlords grant themselves the people's land as private property, decrees of expropriation of the people. Sir F. M. Eden refutes his own crafty special pleading, in which he tries to represent communal property as the private property of the great landlords who have taken the place of the feudal lords, when he, himself, demands a "general Act of Parliament for the enclosure of Commons," (admitting thereby that a parliamentary coup d'état is necessary for its transformation into private property), and moreover calls on the legislature for the indemnification for the expropriated poor.17 Whilst the place of the independent yeoman was taken by tenants at will, small farmers on yearly leases, a servile rabble dependent on the pleasure of the landlords, the systematic robbery of the Communal lands helped especially, next to the theft of the State domains, to swell those large farms, that were called in the 18th century capital farms 18 or merchant farms, 19 and to „set free" the agricultural population as proletarians for manufacturing industry. | |749| The 18th century, however, did not yet recognise as fully as the 19th, the identity between national wealth and the poverty of the people. Hence the most vigorous polemic, in the economic literature of that time, on the "enclosure of commons." From the mass of materials that lie before me, I give a few extracts that will throw a strong light on the circumstances of the time. "In several parishes of Hertfordshire," writes one indignant person, "24 farms, numbering on the average 50-150 acres, have been melted up into three farms." 20 "In Northamptonshire and Leicestershire the enclosure of common lands has taken place on a very large scale, and most of the new lordships, resulting from the enclosure, have been turned into pasturage, in consequence of which many lordships have not now 50 acres ploughed yearly, in which 1500 were ploughed formerly. The ruins 16

35

40

"The farmers forbid cottagers to keep any living creatures besides themselves and children, under the pretence that if they keep any beasts or poultry, they will steal from the farmers' barns for their support; they also say, keep the cottages poor and you will keep them industrious, etc., but the real fact, I believe, is that the farmers may have the whole right of common to themselves." (A Political Inquiry into the consequences of enclosing Waste Lands. London, 1785, p. 75.) 17 Eden, I.e. preface. 18 "Capital Farms." Two letters on the Flour Trade and the Deamess of Corn. By a person in business. London, 1767, p. 19. 19 "Merchant Farms." An Inquiry into the present High Prices of Provisions. London, 1767, p. 111. Note.—This excellent work, that was published anonymously, is by the Rev. Nathaniel Forster. 20 Thomas Wright: A short address to the public on the monopoly of large farms, 1795, PP. 2, 3.

629

Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

of former dwelling-houses, barns, stables, etc.," are the sole traces of the former inhabitants. "An hundred houses and families have in some open field villages .... dwindled to eight or ten .... The landholders in most parishes that have been enclosed only 15 or 20 years, are very few in comparison of the numbers who occupied them in their open-field state. It is no uncommon thing for 4 or 5 wealthy graziers to engross a large enclosed lordship which was before in the hands of 20 or 30 farmers, and as many smaller tenants and proprietors. All these are hereby thrown out of their livings with their families and many other families who were chiefly employed and supported by them." 21 It was not only the land that lay waste, but often land cultivated either in common or held under a definite rent paid to the community, that was annexed by the neighbouring landlords under pretext of enclosure. "I have here in view enclosures of open fields and lands already improved. It is acknowledged by even the writers in defence of enclosures that these diminished villages increase the monopolies of farms, raise the prices of provisions, and produce depopulation .... (and even the enclosure of waste lands (as now carried on) bears) hard on | |750| the poor, by depriving them of a part of their subsistence, and only goes towards increasing farms already too large.22 "When," says Dr. Price, "this land gets into the hands of a few great farmers, the consequence must be that the little farmes" (earlier designated by him "a multitude of little proprietors and tenants, who maintain themselves and families by the produce of the ground they occupy by sheep kept on a common, by poultry, hogs, etc., and who therefore have little occasion to purchase any of the means of subsistence") "will be converted into a body of men who earn their subsistence by working for others, and who will be under a necessity of going to market for all they want .... There will, perhaps, be more labour, because there will be more compulsion to i t . . . . Towns and manufacturers will increase, because more will be driven to them in quest of places and employment. This is the way in which the engrossing of farms naturally operates. And this is the way in which, for many years, it has been actually operating in this kingdom." 23 He sums up the effect of the enclosures thus: "Upon the whole, the circumstances of the lower ranks of men are altered in almost every respect for the worse. From little occupiers of land, they are reduced to the state of day-labourers and hirelings; and, at the

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

21

Rev. Addington: Inquiry into the reasons for or against enclosing open fields. Coventry, 1772, pp. 37, 43 passim. 22 Dr.R.Price, I.e., v.II., pp.155, 156. Forster, Addington, Kent, Price, and James Anderson, should be read and compared with the miserable prattle of Sycophant MacCulloch in his catalogue: The Literature of Political Economy, London, 1845. 23 Price, I.e., pp. 147, 148

630

40

Chapter XXVII • Expropriation of the agricultural population from the land

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

same time, their subsistence in that state has become more difficult."24 In fact, ||751| usurpation of the common lands and the revolution in agriculture accompanying this, told so acutely on the agricultural labourers that, even according to Eden, between 1765 and 1780, their wages began to fall below the minimum, and to be supplemented by official poor-law relief. Their wages, he says "were not more than enough for the absolute necessaries of life." Let us hear for a moment a defender of enclosures and an opponent of Dr. Price. "Nor is it a consequence that there must be depopulation, because men are not seen wasting their labour in the open field .... If, by converting the little farmers into a body of men who must work for others, more labour is produced, it is an advantage which the nation" (to which, of course, the "converted" ones do not belong) "should wish for .... the produce being greater when their joint labours are employed on one farm, there will be a surplus for manufactures, and by this means manufactures, one of the mines of the nation, will increase, in proportion to the quantity of corn produced."25 The stoical peace of mind with which the political economist regards the most shameless violation of the "sacred rights of property" and the grossest acts of violence to persons, as soon as they are necessary to lay the foundations of the capitalistic mode of production, is shown by Sir. F. M. Eden, philanthropist and tory, to boot. The whole series of thefts, outrages, and popular misery, that accompanied the forcible expropriation of the people, from the last third of the 15th to the end of the 18th century, lead him 24

Price, I.e., pp. 159, 160. We are reminded of ancient Rome. "The rich had got possession of the greater part of the undivided land. They trusted in the conditions of the time, that these possessions would not be again taken from them, and bought, therefore, some of the pieces of land lying near theirs, and belonging to the poor, with the acquiescence of their owners, and took some by force, so that they now were cultivating widely extended domains, instead of isolated fields. Then they employed slaves in agriculture and cattle-breeding, because freemen would have been taken from labour for military service. The possession of slaves brought them great gain, inasmuch as these, on account of their immunity from military service, could freely multiply and have a multitude of children. Thus the powerful men drew all wealth to themselves, and all the land swarmed with slaves. The Italians, on the other hand, were always decreasing in number, destroyed as they were by poverty, taxes, and military service. Even when times of peace came, they were doomed to complete inactivity, because the rich were in possession of the soil, and used slaves instead of free men in the tilling of it." (Appian: Civil Wars, I. 7.) This passage refers to the time before the Licinian rogations. Military service, which hastened to so great an extent the ruin of the Roman plebeians, was also the chief means by which, as in a forcing-house, Charlemagne brought about the transformation of free German peasants into serfs and bondsmen. 25 An Inquiry into the Connection between the Present Prices of Provisions, etc., p. 124, 128, 129. To the like effect, but with an opposite tendency: "Working-men are driven from their cottages and forced into the towns to seek for employment; but then a larger surplus is obtained, and thus capital is augmented." (The Perils of the Nation, 2nd ed. London. 1843, p. XIV.)

631

Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

merely to the comfortable conclusion: „The due proportion between arable land and pasture had to be established. During the whole of the 14th and the greater part of the 15th century, there was one acre of pasture to 2, | |752| 3, and even 4 of arable land. About the middle of the 16th century the proportion was changed to 2 acres of pasture to 2, later on, of 2 acres of pasture to one of arable, until at last the just proportion of 3 acres of pasture to one of arable land was attained." In the 19th century, the very memory of the connexion between the agricultural labourer and the communal property had, of course, vanished. To say nothing of more recent times, have the agricultural population received a farthing of compensation for the 3,511,770 acres of common land which between 1801 and 1831 were stolen from them and by parliamentary devices presented to the landlords by the landlords? The last process of wholesale expropriation of the agricultural population from the soil is, finally, the so-called clearing of estates, i.e., the sweeping men off them. All the English methods hitherto considered culminated in "clearing." As we saw in the picture of modern conditions given in a former chapter, where there are no more independent peasants to get rid of, the "clearing" of cottages begins; so that the agricultural labourers do not find on the soil cultivated by them even the spot necessary for their own housing. But what "clearing of estates" really and properly signifies, we learn only in the promised land of modern romance, the Highlands of Scotland. There the process is distinguished by its systematic character, by the magnitude of the scale on which it is carried out at one blow (in Ireland landlords have gone to the length of sweeping away several villages at once; in Scotland areas as large as German principalities are dealt with), finally by the peculiar form of property, under which the embezzled lands were held. The Highland Celts were organised in clans, each of which was the owner of the land on which it was settled. The representative of the clan, its chief or "great man," was only the titular owner of this property, just as the Queen of England is the titular owner of all the national soil. When the English government succeeded in suppressing the intestine wars of these "great men," and their constant incursions into the Lowland plains, the chiefs of the clans by no means gave up ||753| their time-honoured trade as robbers; they only changed its form. On their own authority they transformed their nominal right into a right of private property, and as this brought them into collision with their clansmen, resolved to drive them out by open force. "A king of England might as well claim to drive his subjects into the sea," says Professor Newman.26 This revolution, which began in 26

I.e., p. 132.

632

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Chapter XXVII • Expropriation of the agricultural population from the land

Scotland after the last rising of the followers of the Pretender, can be followed through its first phases in the writings of Sir James Steuart27 and James Anderson.28 In the 18th century the hunted-out Gaels were forbidden to emigrate from the country, with a view to driving them by force to 5 Glasgow and other manufacturing towns.29 As an example of the method 30 obtaining in the 19th century, the "clearing" made by the Duchess of Sutherland ||754| will suffice here. This person, well instructed in economy, resolved, on entering upon her government, to effect a radical cure, and to turn the whole country, whose population had already been, by earlier pro10 cesses of the like kind, reduced to 15,000, into a sheep-walk. From 1814 to 1820 these 15,000 inhabitants, about 3000 families, were systematically hunted and rooted out. All their villages were destroyed and burnt, all their fields turned into pasturage. British soldiers enforced this eviction, and came to blows with the inhabitants. One old woman was burnt to death in 15 the flames of the hut, which she refused to leave. Thus this fine lady appropriated 794,000 acres of land that had from time immemorial belonged to the clan. She assigned to the expelled inhabitants about 6000 acres on the sea-shore—2 acres per family. The 6000 acres had until this time lain waste, and brought in no income to their owners. The Duchess, in the no20

25

30

35

40

45

27

Steuart says: "If you compare the rent of these lands" (he erroneously includes in this economic category the tribute of the taksmen to the clan-chief) "with the extent, it appears very small. If you compare it with the numbers fed upon the farm, you will find that an estate in the Highlands maintains, perhaps, ten times as many people as another of the same value in a good fertile province." (I.e., vol. I., ch. XVI., p. 104.) 28 James Anderson: Observations on the means of exciting a spirit of National Industry, etc. Edinburgh, 1777. 29 In 1860 the people expropriated by force were exported to Canada under false pretences. Some fled to the mountains and neighbouring islands. They were followed by the police, came to blows with them and escaped. 30 "In the Highlands of Scotland," says Buchanan, the commentator on Adam Smith, 1814, "the ancient state of property is daily subverted .... The landlord, without regard to the hereditary tenant (a category used in error here), now offers his land to the highest bidder, who, if he is an improver, instantly adopts a new system of cultivation. The land, formerly overspread with small tenants or labourers, was peopled in proportion to its produce, but under the new system of improved cultivation and increased rents, the largest possible produce is obtained at the least possible expense: and the useless hands being, with this view, removed, the population is reduced, not to what the land will maintain, but to what it will employ. The dispossessed tenants either seek a subsistence in the neighbouring towns," etc. (David Buchanan: Observations on, etc., A. Smith's Wealth of Nations. Edinburgh, 1814, p. 144.) "The Scotch grandees dispossessed families as they would grub up coppice-wood, and they treated villages and their people as Indians harassed with wild beasts do, in their vengeance, a jungle with tigers .... Man is bartered for a fleece or a carcase of mutton, nay, held cheaper .... Why, how much worse is it than the intention of the Moguls, who, when they had broken into the northern provinces of China, proposed in council to exterminate the inhabitants, and convert the land into pasture. This proposal many Highland proprietors have effected in their own country against their own countrymen." (George Ensor: An inquiry concerning the population of nations. Lond., 1818, pp.215, 216.)

633

Part Vili • T h e so-called primitive accumulation

bility of her heart, actually went so far as to let these at an average rent of 2s. 6d. per acre to the clansmen, who for centuries had shed their blood for her family. The whole of the stolen clan-land she divided into 29 great sheep farms, each inhabited by a single family, for the most part imported English farm-servants. In the year 1821 the 15,000 Gaels were already replaced by 131,000 sheep. The remnant of the aborigines flung on the seashore, tried to live by catching fish. They became amphibious and lived, as an English author says, half on land and half on water, and withal only half on both.31 But the brave Gaels must expiate yet more bitterly their idolatry, romantic and of the mountains, for the "great men" of the clan. The smell of their fish rose to the noses of the great men. They scented some profit in it, and let the sea-||755|shore to the great fishmongers of London. For the second time the Gaels were hunted out.32 But, finally, part of the sheep-walks are turned into deer preserves. Every one knows that there are no real forests in England. The deer in the parks of the great are demurely domestic cattle, fat as London aldermen. Scotland is therefore the last refuge of the "noble passion." "In the Highlands," says Somers in 1848, "new forests are springing up like mushrooms. Here, on one side of Gaick, you have the new forest of Glenfeshie; and there on the other you have the new forest of Ardverikie. In the same line you have the Black Mount, an immense waste also recently erected. From east to west—from the neighbourhood of Aberdeen to the crags of Oban—you have now a continuous line of forests; while in other parts of the Highlands there are the new forests of Loch Archaig, Glengarry, Glenmoriston, (etc.). Sheep were introduced into glens which had been the seats of communities of small farmers; and the latter were driven to seek subsistence on coarser and more sterile tracks of soil. Now [...] deer are supplanting sheep; and these are once more dispossessing the small tenants, who will necessarily be driven down upon still coarser land and to more grinding penury. Deer forests33 and the people cannot co-exist. One or other of the two must yield.

5

10

15

20

25

3C

31

When the present Duchess of Sutherland entertained Mrs. Beecher-Stowe, authoress of "Uncle Tom's Cabin," with great magnificence in London, to show her sympathy for the negro slaves of the American republic—a sympathy that she prudently forgot, with her fellow-aristocrats, during the civil war, in which every "noble" English heart beat for the slave-owner—I gave in the "New York Tribune" the facts about the Sutherland slaves. (Epitomised in part by Carey in The Slave Trade. Philadelphia, 1853, p. 202, 203.) My article was reprinted in a Scotch newspaper, and led to a pretty polemic between the latter and the sycophants of the Sutherlands. 32 Interesting details on this fish trade will be found in Mr. David Urquhart's Portfolio, new series.—Nassau W. Senior, in his posthumous work, already quoted, terms "the proceedings in Sutherlandshire one of the most beneficent clearings since the memory of man." (I.e.) 33 The deer-forests of Scotland contain not a single tree. The sheep are driven from, and then

634

35

40

Chapter XXVII • Expropriation of the agricultural population from the land

Let the forests be increased in number and extent during the next quarter of a century, as they have been in the last, and the Gaels will perish from their native soil... This movement among the Highland proprietors is with some a matter of ambition.... with some [...] love of sport. ... while others, 5 of a more practical cast, follow the trade in deer with an eye solely to profit. For it is a fact, that a mountain range laid out in forest is, in many cases, more profitable to the proprietor than when let as a sheep walk. ... The | |756| huntsman who wants a deer-forest limits his offers by no other calculation than the extent of his purse. ... Sufferings have been inflicted in the 10 Highlands scarcely less severe than those occasioned by the policy of the Norman kings. Deer have received extended ranges, while men have been hunted within a narrower and still narrower circle. ... One after one the liberties of the people have been cloven down. ... And the oppressions are daily on the increase. ... The clearance and dispersion of the people is 15 pursued by the proprietors as a settled principle, as an agricultural necessity, just as trees and brushwood are cleared from the wastes of America or Australia; and the operation goes on in a quiet, business-like way, etc."34 |

20

25

30

35

40

45

the deer driven to, the naked hills, and then it is called a deer forest. Not even timber-planting and real forest culture. 34 Robert Somers: Letters from the Highlands: or the Famine of 1847. London 1848, pp. 12-28 passim. These letters originally appeared in the "Times." The English economists of course explained the famine of the Gaels in 1847, by their over-population. At all events, they "were pressing on their food-supply." The "clearing of estates," or as it is called in Germany "Bauernlegen," occurred in Germany especially after the 30 years' war, and led to peasant-revolts as late as 1790 in Kursachsen. It obtained especially in East Germany. In most of the Prussian provinces, Frederick II. for the first time secured right of property for the peasants. After the conquest of Silesia he forced the landlords to rebuild the huts, barns, etc., and to provide the peasants with cattle and implements. He wanted soldiers for his army and tax-payers for his treasury. For the rest, the pleasant life that the peasant led under Frederick's system of finance and hodge-podge rule of despotism, bureaucracy and feudalism, may be seen from the following quotation from his admirer, Mirabeau: «Le lin fait donc une des grandes richesses du cultivateur dans le Nord de l'Allemagne. Malheureusement pour l'espèce humaine, ce n'est qu'une ressource contre la misère et non un moyen de bien-être. Les impôts directs, les corvées, les servitudes de tout genre, écrasent le cultivateur allemand, qui paie encore des impôts indirects dans tout ce qu'il achète. ... et pour comble de ruine, il n'ose pas vendre ses productions où et comme il le veut; il n'ose pas acheter ce dont il a besoin aux marchands qui pourraient le lui livrer au meilleur prix. Toutes ces causes le ruinent insensiblement, et il se trouverait hors d'état de payer les impôts directs à l'échéance sans la filerie; elle lui offre une ressource, en occupant utilement sa femme, ses enfants, ses servants, ses valets, et lui-même; mais quelle pénible vie, même aidée de ce secours. En été, il travaille comme un forçat au labourage et à la récolte; il se couche à 9 heures et se lève à deux, pour suffire aux travaux; en hiver il devrait réparer ses forces par un plus grand repos; mais il manquera de grains pour le pain et les semailles, s'il se défait des denrées qu'il faudrait vendre pour payer les impôts. Il faut donc filer pour suppléer à ce vide. ... il faut y apporter la plus grande assiduité. Aussi le paysan se couche-t-il en hiver à minuit, une heure, et se lève à cinq ou six; ou bien il se couche à neuf, et se lève à deux, et cela tous les jours de la vie si ce n'est le dimanche. Ces excès de veille et de travail usent la nature humaine, et de là vient qu'hommes et femmes vieillissent beaucoup plûtôt dans les campagnes que dans les villes.» (Mirabeau, I.e. t. III., pp. 212 sqq.) 635

Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

|757| The spoliation of the church's property, the fraudulent alienation of the State domains, the robbery of the common lands, the usurpation of feudal and clan property, and its transformation into modern private property under circumstances of reckless terrorism, were just so many idyllic methods of primitive accumulation. They conquered the field for capitalistic agriculture, made the soil part and parcel of capital, and created for the town industries the necessary supply of a "free" and outlawed proletariat. | Note to the second edition. In March 1866,18 years after the publication of the work of Robert Somers quoted above, Professor Leone Levi gave a lecture before the Society of Arts on the transformation of sheep walks into deer-forest, in which he depicts the advance in the devastation of the Scottish Highlands. He says, with other things: "Depopulation and transformation into sheep-walks were the most convenient means for getting an income without expenditure ... A deer forest in place of a sheep-walk was a common change in the Highlands. The landowners turned out the sheep as they once turned out the men from their estates, and welcomed the new tenants—the wild beasts and the feathered birds. ... One can walk from the Earl of Dalhousie's estates in Forfarshire to John o'Groats, without ever leaving forest land. ... In many of these woods the fox, the wild cat, the marten, the polecat, the weasel and the Alpine hare are common; whilst the rabbit, the squirrel and the rat have lately made their way into the country. Immense tracts of land, much of which is described in the statistical account of Scotland as having a pasturage in richness and extent of very superior description, are thus shut out from all cultivation and improvment, and are solely devoted to the sport of a few persons for a very brief period of the year." The London Economist of June 2,1866, says, "Amongst the items of news in a Scotch paper of last week, we read. .. 'One of the finest sheep farms in Sutherlandshire, for which a rent of £1,200 a year was recently offered, on the expiry of the existing lease this year, is to be converted into a deer forest.' Here we see the modern instincts of feudalism. ... operating pretty much as they did when the Norman Conqueror. ... destroyed 36 villages to create the New Forest. ... Two millions of acres. ... totally laid waste, embracing within their area some of the most fertile lands of Scotland. The natural grass of Glen Tilt was among the most nutritive in the county of Perth. The deer forest of Ben Aulder was by far the best grazing ground in the wide district of Badenoch; a part of the Black Mount forest was the best pasture for black-faced sheep in Scotland. Some idea of the ground laid waste for purely sporting purposes in Scotland may be formed from the fact that it embraced an area larger than the whole county of Perth. The resources of the forest of Ben Aulder might give some idea of the loss sustained from the forced desolations. The ground would pasture 15,000 sheep, and as it was not more than one-thirtieth part of the old forest ground in Scotland, it might (etc.) ... All that forest land is as totally unproductive. ... It might thus as well have been submerged under the waters of the German Ocean. ... Such extemporized wildernesses or deserts ought to be put down by the decided interference of the Legislature.'"

636

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

Chapter XXVIII • Bloody legislation against the expropriated ... Forcing down of wages ...

|758| C H A P T E R X X V I I I .

Bloody Legislation against the Expropriated from the End of the 15th Century. Forcing down of Wages by Acts of Parliament. 5

10

15

20

25

30

35

The proletariat created by the breaking up of the bands of feudal retainers and by the forcible expropriation of the people from the soil, this "free" proletariat could not possibly be absorbed by the nascent manufactures as fast as it was thrown upon the world. On the other hand, these men, suddenly dragged from their wonted mode of life, could not as suddenly adapt themselves to the discipline of their new condition. They were turned en masse into beggars, robbers, vagabonds, partly from inclination, in most cases from stress of circumstances. Hence at the end of the 15th and during the whole of the 16th century, throughout Western Europe a bloody legislation against vagabondage. The fathers of the present working-class were chastised for their enforced transformation into vagabonds and paupers. Legislation treated them as "voluntary" criminals, and assumed that it depended on their own goodwill to go on working under the old conditions that no longer existed. In England this legislation began under Henry VII. Henry VIII. 1530: Beggars old and unable to work receive a beggar's licence. On the other hand, whipping and imprisonment for sturdy vagabonds. They are to be tied to the cart-tail and whipped until the blood streams from their bodies, then to swear an oath to go back to their birthplace or to where they have lived the last three years and to "put themselves to labour." What grim irony! In 27 Henry VIII. the former statute is repeated, but strengthened with new clauses. For the second arrest for vagabondage the whipping is to be repeated and half the ear sliced off; but for the third relapse the offender is to be executed as a hardened criminal and enemy of the common weal. Edward VI.: A statute of the first year of his reign, 1547, ||759| ordains that if anyone refuses to work, he shall be condemned as a slave to the person who has denounced him as an idler. The master shall feed his slave on bread and water, weak broth and such refuse meat as he thinks fit. He has the right to force him to do any work, no matter how disgusting, with whip and chains. If the slave is absent a fortnight, he is condemned to slavery for life and is to be branded on forehead or back with the letter S; if he runs away thrice, he is to be executed as a felon. The master can sell him, bequeath him, let him out on hire as a slave, just as any other personal chat-

637

Part Vili • T h e so-called primitive accumulation

tel or cattle. If the slaves attempt anything against the masters, they are also to be executed. Justices of the peace, on information, are to hunt the rascals down. If it happens that a vagabond has been idling about for three days, he is to be taken to his birthplace, branded with a redhot iron with the letter V on the breast and be set to work, in chains, in the streets or at some other labour. If the vagabond gives a false birthplace, he is then to become the slave for life of this place, of its inhabitants, or its corporation, and to be branded with an S. All persons have the right to take away the children of the vagabonds and to keep them as apprentices, the young men until the 24th year, the girls until the 20th. If they run away, they are to become up to this age the slaves of their masters, who can put them in irons, whip them, etc., if they like. Every master may put an iron ring round the neck, arms or legs of his slave, by which to know him more easily and to be more certain of him.35 The last part of this statute provides, that certain poor people may be employed by a place or by persons, who are willing to give them food and drink and to find them work. This kind of parish-slaves was kept up in England until far into the 19th century under the name of "roundsmen." Elizabeth, 1572: Unlicensed beggars above 14 years of age are to be severely flogged and branded on the right ear unless some one will take them into service for one year; in case of a ||760| repetition of the offence, if they are over 18, they are to be executed, unless some one will take them into service for two years; but for the third offence they are to be executed without mercy as felons. Similar statues: 18 Elizabeth, c. 3, and another of 1597.36

5

10

15

20

25

35

The author of the Essay on Trade, etc., 1770, says, "In the reign of Edward VI. indeed the English seem to have set, in good earnest, about encouraging manufactures and employing the poor. This we learn from a remarkable statute which runs thus: 'That all vagrants shall be branded, etc.'" I.e., p. 5. 36 Thomas More says in his Utopia: "Therefore that on covetous and unsatiable cormaraunte and very plage of his native contrey maye compasse aboute and inclose many thousand akers of grounde together within one pale or hedge, the husbandmen be thrust owte of their owne, or els either by coneyne and fraude, or by violent opression they be put besydes it, or by wrongs and iniuries thei be so weried that they be compelled to sell all: by one meanes, therefore, or by other, either by hooke or crooke they muste needes departe awaye, poore, selye, wretched soules, men, women, husbands, wiues, fatherlesse children, widowes, wofull mothers with their yonge babes, and their whole household smal in substance, and muche in numbre, as husbandrye requireth many handes. Awaye thei trudge, I say, owte of their knowen accustomed houses, fyndynge no place to reste in. All their housholde stuffe, which is very little woorthe, thoughe it might well abide the sale: yet beeynge sodainely thruste owte, they be constrayned to sell it for a thing of nought. And when they haue wandered abrode tyll that be spent, what can they then els doe but steale, and then iustly pardy be hanged, or els go about beggyng. And yet then also they be caste in prison as vagaboundes, because they go aboute and worke not: whom no man wyl set a worke though thei neuer so willyngly profre themselues therto." Of these poor fugitives of whom Thomas More says that they were forced to

638

30

35

40

45

Chapter XXVIII • Bloody legislation against the expropriated ... Forcing down of wages ...

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

James I: Any one wandering about and begging is declared a rogue and a vagabond. Justices of the peace in petty sessions are authorised to have them publicly whipped and for the first offence to imprison them for 6 months, for the second for 2 years. Whilst in prison they are to be whipped as much and as often as the justices of the peace think fit ... Incorrigible and dangerous rogues are to be branded with an R on the left shoulder and set to hard labour, and if they are caught begging again, to be executed without mercy. These statutes, legally binding until the beginning of the 18th century, were only repealed by 12 Ann, c.23. | |761| Similar laws in France, where by the middle of the 17th century a kingdom of vagabonds (truands) was established in Paris. Even at the beginning of Louis XVI.'s reign (Ordinance of July 13th, 1777) every man in good health from 16 to 60 years of age, if without means of subsistence and not practising a trade, is to be sent to the galleys. Of the same nature are the statute of Charles V. for the Netherlands (October, 1531), the first edict of the States and Towns of Holland (March 19, 1614), the "Plakaat" of the United Provinces (June 25, 1649), etc. Thus were the agricultural people, first forcibly expropriated from the soil, driven from their homes, turned into vagabonds, and then whipped, branded, tortured by laws grotesquely terrible, into the discipline necessary for the wage system. It is not enough that the conditions of labour are concentrated in a mass, in the shape of capital, at the one pole of society, while at the other are grouped masses of men, who have nothing to sell but their labour-power. Neither is it enough that they are compelled to sell it voluntarily. The advance of capitalist production developes a working-class, which by education, tradition, habit, looks upon the conditions of that mode of production as self-evident laws of nature. The organization of the capitalist process of production, once fully developed, breaks down all resistance. The constant generation of a relative surplus-population keeps the law of supply and demand of labour, and therefore keeps wages, in a rut that corresponds with the wants of capital. The dull compulsion of economic relations completes thieve, "72 000 great and petty thieves were put to death," in the reign of Henry VIII. (Holinshed, description of England, Vol. 1., p. 186.) In Elizabeth's time, "rogues were trussed up apace, and that there was not one year commonly wherein there or four hundred were not devoured and eaten up by the gallowes." (Strype's Annals of the Reformation and Establishment of Religion, and other Various Occurrences in the Church of England during Queen Elizabeth's Happy Reign. Second ed., 1725, Vol.2.) According to this same Strype, in Somersetshire, in one year, 40 persons were executed, 35 robbers burnt in the hand, 37 whipped, and 183 discharged as "incorrigible vagabonds." Nevertheless, he is of opinion that this large number of prisoners does not comprise even a fifth of the actual criminals, thanks to the negligence of the justices and the foolish compassion of the people; and the other counties of England were not better off in this respect than Somersetshire, while some were even worse.

639

Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

the subjection of the labourer to the capitalist. Direct force, outside economic conditions, is of course still used, but only exceptionally. In the ordinary run of things, the labourer can be left to the "natural laws of production," i.e., to his dependence on capital, a dependence springing from, and guaranteed in perpetuity by, the conditions of production themselves. It is otherwise during the historic genesis of capitalist production. The bourgeoisie, at its rise, wants and uses the power of the state to "regulate" wages, i.e., to force them within the limits suitable for surplus-value making, to lengthen the working-day and to keep the labourer ||762| himself in the normal degree of dependence. This is an essential element of the socalled primitive accumulation. The class of wage-labourers, which arose in the latter half of the 14th century, formed then and in the following century only a very small part of the population, well protected in its position by the independent peasant proprietary in the country and the guild-organization in the town. In country and town master and workmen stood close together socially. The subordination of labour to capital was only formal—/.e., the mode of production itself had as yet no specific capitalistic character. Variable capital preponderated greatly over constant. The demand for wage-labour grew, therefore, rapidly with every accumulation of capital, whilst the supply of wage-labour followed but slowly. A large part of the national product, changed later into a fund of capitalist accumulation, then still entered into the consumption fund of the labourer. Legislation on wage-labour, (from the first, aimed at the exploitation of the labourer and, as it advanced, always equally hostile to him),37 is started in England by the Statute of Labourers, of Edward III., 1349. The ordinance of 1350 in France, issued in the name of King John, corresponds with it. English and French legislation run parallel and are identical in purport. So far as the labour-statutes aim at compulsory extension of the working-day, I do not return to them, as this point was treated earlier (Chap.X., Section 5). The Statute of Labourers was passed at the urgent instance of the House of Commons. A Tory says naively: "Formerly the poor demanded such high wages as to threaten industry and wealth. Next, their wages are so low as to threaten industry and wealth equally and perhaps more, but in another way."38 A tariff of wages was fixed by law for town and country, for piece37 "Whenever the legislature attempts to regulate the differences between masters and their workmen, its counsellors are always the masters," says A.Smith. «L'esprit des lois, c'est la propriété,» says Linguet. 38 "Sophisms of Free Trade." By a Barrister. Lond., 1850, p. 206. He adds maliciously: "We were ready enough to interfere for the employer, can nothing now be done for the employed?"

640

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Chapter XXVIII • Bloody legislation against the expropriated ... Forcing down of wages ...

5

10

15

20

25

work and day-work. The agricultural labourers were to hire themselves out by the year, the town ones "in open ||763| market." It was forbidden, under pain of imprisonment, to pay higher wages than those fixed by the statute, but the taking of higher wages was more severely punished than the giving them. (So also in Sections 18 and 19 of the Statute of Apprentices of Elizabeth, ten days' imprisonment is decreed for him that pays the higher wages, but twenty-one days for him that receives them.) A statute of 1360 increased the penalties and authorised the masters to extort labour at the legal rate of wages by corporal punishment. All combinations, contracts, oaths, etc., by which masons and carpenters reciprocally bound themselves, were declared null and void. Coalition of the labourers is treated as a heinous crime from the 14th century to 1825, the year of the repeal of the laws against Trades' Unions. The spirit of the Statute of Labourers of 1349 and of its offshoots, comes out clearly in the fact, that indeed a m a x i m u m of wages is dictated by the State, but on no account a minimum. In the 16th century, the condition of the labourers had, as we know, become m u c h worse. The money wage rose, but not in proportion to the depreciation of money and the corresponding rise in the prices of commodities. Wages, therefore, in reality fell. Nevertheless, the laws for keeping them down remained in force, together with the ear-clipping and branding of those "whom no one was willing to take into service." By the Statute of Apprentices 5 Elizabeth, c. 4, the justices of the peace were empowered to fix certain wages and to modify them according to the time of the year and the price of commodities. James I. extended these regulations of labour also to weavers, spinners, and all possible categories of workers. 39 George II. ||764| extended the laws against coalitions of labourers to manufactures. In the manufacturing period par excellence, the capitalist mode of production had become sufficiently strong to render legal regulation of 39

30

35

40

From a clause of Statute 1 James I., c.6, we see that certain cloth-makers took upon themselves to dictate, in their capacity of justices of the peace, the official tariff of wages in their own shops. In Germany, especially after the Thirty Years' War, statutes for keeping down wages were general. "The want of servants and labourers was very troublesome to the landed proprietors in the depopulated districts. All villagers were forbidden to let rooms to single men and women; all the latter were to be reported to the authorities and cast into prison if they were unwilling to become servants, even if they were employed at any other work, such as sowing seeds for the peasants at a daily wage, or even buying and selling corn. (Imperial privileges and sanctions for Silesia, I., 125.) For a whole century in the decrees of the small German potentates a bitter cry goes up again and again about the wicked and impertinent rabble that will not reconcile itself to its hard lot, will not be content with the legal wage; the individual landed proprietors are forbidden to pay more than the State had fixed by a tariff. And yet the conditions of service were at times better after the war than 100 years later; the farm servants of Silesia had, in 1652, meat twice a week, whilst even in our century, districts are known where they have it only three times a year. Further, wages after the war were higher than in the following century." (G. Freytag.)

641

Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

wages as impracticable as it was unnecessary; but the ruling classes were unwilling in case of necessity to be without the weapons of the old arsenal. Still, 7 George III. forbade a higher day's wage than 2s. l%á. for journeymen tailors in and around London, except in cases of general mourning; still, 13 George III., c. 68, gave the regulation of the wages of silk-weavers to the justices of the peace; still, in 1796, it required two judgments of the higher courts to decide, whether the mandates of justices of the peace as to wages held good also for non-agricultural labourers; still, in 1799, an act of Parliament ordered that the wages of the Scotch miners should continue to be regulated by a statute of Elizabeth and two Scotch acts of 1661 and 1617. How completely in the meantime circumstances had changed, is proved by an occurrence unheard-of before in the English Lower House. In that place, where for more than 400 years laws had been made for the maximum, beyond which wages absolutely must not rise, Whitbread in 1796 proposed a legal minimum wage for agricultural labourers. Pitt opposed this, but confessed that the "condition of the poor was cruel." Finally, in 1813, the laws for the regulation of wages were repealed. They were an absurd anomaly, since the capitalist regulated his factory by his private legislation, and could by the poor-rates make up the wage of the agricultural labourer to the indispensable minimum. The provisions of the labour statutes as to contracts between master and workman, as to giving notice and the like, which only allow of a civil action against the contract-breaking master, but on the contrary permit a criminal action against the contract-breaking workman, are to this hour (1873) in full force. The barbarous laws against Trades' Unions fell in ||765|' 1825 before the threatening bearing of the proletariat. Despite this, they fell only in part. Certain beautiful fragments of the old statute vanished only in 1859. Finally, the act of Parliament of June 29, 1871, made a pretence of removing the last traces of this class of legislation by legal recognition of Trades Unions. But an act of Parliament of the same date (an act to amend the criminal law relating to violence, threats, and molestation), re-established, in point of fact, the former state of things in a new shape. By this Parliamentary escamotage the means which the labourers could use in a strike or lock-out were withdrawn from the laws common to all citizens, and placed under exceptional penal legislation, the interpretation of which fell to the masters themselves in their capacity as justices of the peace. Two years earlier, the same House of Commons and the same Mr. Gladstone in the well-known straightforward fashion brought in a bill for the abolition of all exceptional penal legislation against the working-class. But this was never allowed to go beyond the second reading, and the matter was thus protracted until at last the "great Liberal party," by an alliance with the Tories, found courage to turn against

642

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Chapter XXVIII • Bloody legislation against the expropriated ... Forcing down of wages ... the very proletariat that had carried it into power. N o t content with this treachery, the "great Liberal party" allowed the English judges, ever complaisant in the service of the ruling classes, to dig up again the earlier laws against "conspiracy," and to apply them to coalitions of labourers. W e see 5

that only against its will and under the pressure of the masses did the English Parliament give up the laws against Strikes and Trades' Unions, after it had itself, for 500 years, held, with shameless egoism, the position of a permanent Trades' Union of the capitalists against the labourers. During the very first storms of the revolution, the French bourgeoisie

10

dared to take away from the workers the right of association but just acquired. By a decree of June 14, 1791, they declared all coalition of the workers as "an attempt against liberty and the declaration of the rights of man," punishable by a fine of 500 livres, together with deprivation of the rights of an active citizen for one year.40 This law which, by means of State |

15

|766| compulsion, confined the struggle between capital and labour within limits comfortable for capital, has outlived revolutions and changes of dynasties. Even the Reign of Terror left it untouched. It was but quite recently struck out of the Penal Code. Nothing is more characteristic than the pretext for this bourgeois coup d'état. "Granting," says Chapelier, the

20

reporter of the Select Committee on this law, "that wages ought to be a little higher than they are, ... that they ought to be high enough for him that receives them, to be free from that state of absolute dependence due to the want of the necessaries of life, and which is almost that of slavery," yet the workers must not be allowed to come to any understanding about their own

25

interests, nor to act in common and thereby lessen their "absolute dependence, which is almost that of slavery;" because, forsooth, in doing this they injure "the freedom of their cidevant masters, the present entrepreneurs," and because a coalition against the despotism of the quondam masters of the corporations is—guess what!—is a restoration of the corpora-

30

tions abolished by the French constitution. 41 Article I. o f this law runs: «L'anéantissement de toute espèce de corporations du même état et profession étant l'une des bases fondamentales de la constitution française, il est défendu de les rétablir de fait sous quelque prétexte et sous quelque forme que ce soit. » Article I V . declares, that if "des citoyens attachés aux mêmes professions, arts et métiers prenaient des délibérations, faisaient entre eux des conventions tendantes à refuser de concert ou à n'accorder qu'à un prix déterminé le secours de leur industrie ou de leurs travaux, les dites délibérations et conventions ... seront déclarées inconstitutionnelles, attentatoires à la liberté et à la déclaration des droits de l'homme, etc.": felony, therefore, as in the old labour-statutes. ("Révolutions de Paris." Paris, 1791, t. III., p. 523.) 41 Bûchez et Roux: "Histoire Parlementaire," t. X., p. 195. 40

35

40

643

Part Vili • T h e so-called primitive accumulation

CHAPTER

XXIX.

Genesis of the Capitalist Farmer. Now that we have considered the forcible creation of a class of outlawed proletarians, the bloody discipline that turned them into wage-labourers, the disgraceful action of the state which employed the police to accelerate the accumulation of capital ||767| by increasing the degree of exploitation of labour, the question remains: whence came the capitalists originally? For the expropriation of the agricultural population creates, directly, none but great landed proprietors. As far, however, as concerns the genesis of the farmer, we can, so to say, put our hand on it, because it is a slow process evolving through many centuries. The serfs, as well as the free small proprietors, held land under very different tenures, and were therefore emancipated under very different economic conditions. In England the first form of the farmer is the bailiff, himself a serf. His position is similar to that of the old Roman villicus, only in a more limited sphere of action. During the second half of the 14th century he is replaced by a farmer, whom the landlord provides with seed, cattle and implements. His condition is not very different from that of the peasant. Only he exploits more wage-labour. Soon he becomes a métayer, a half-farmer. He advances one part of the agricultural stock, the landlord the other. The two divide the total product in proportions determined by contract. This form quickly disappears in England, to give place to the fanner proper, who makes his own capital breed by employing wage-labourers, and pays a part of the surplus product, in money or in kind, to the landlord as rent. So long, during the 15th century, as the independent peasant and the farm-labourer working for himself as well as for wages, enriched themselves by their own labour, the circumstances of the farmer, and his field of production, were equally mediocre. The agricultural revolution which commenced in the last third of the 15 th century, and continued during almost the whole of the 16th (excepting, however, its last decade), enriched him just as speedily as it impoverished the mass of the agricultural people.42 The usurpation of the common lands allowed him to augment greatly his stock of cattle, almost without cost, whilst they yielded him a richer supply of manure for the tillage of the soil. To this, was added in the 16th century, 42

Harrison in his "Description of England," says "although peradventure foure pounds of old rent be improved to fortie, toward the end of his term, if he have not six or seven yeares rent lieng by him, fiftie or a hundred pounds, yet will the farmer thinke his gaines verie small."

644

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

Chapter XXIX • Genesis of the capitalist farmer

5

10

a very im||768|portant element. At that time the contracts for farms ran for a long time, often for 99 years. The progressive fall in the value of the precious metals, and therefore of money, brought the farmers golden fruit. Apart from all the other circumstances discussed above, it lowered wages. A portion of the latter was now added to the profits of the farm. The continuous rise in the price of corn, wool, meat, in a word of all agricultural produce, swelled the money capital of the farmer without any action on his part, whilst the rent he paid, (being calculated on the old value of money) diminished in reality.43 Thus they grew rich at the expense both of their labourers and their landlords. No wonder therefore, that England, at the end of the 16th century, had a class of capitalist farmers, rich, considering the cirumstances of the time.441 43

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

On the influence of the depreciation of money in the 16th century, on the different classes of society, see "A Compendious or Briefe Examination of Certayne Ordinary complaints of Diverse of our Countrymen in these our days." By W. S., Gentleman. (London 1581). The dialogue form of this work led people for a long time to ascribe it to Shakespeare, and even in 1751, it was published under his name. Its author is William Stafford. In one place the knight reasons as follows: Knight: "You, my neighbour, the husbandman, you Maister Mercer, and you Goodman Capper, with other artificers, may save yourselves metely well. For as much as all things are deerer than they were, so much do you arise in the pryce of your wares and occupations that ye sell agayne. But we have nothing to sell whereby we might advance ye price there of, to countervaile those things that we must buy agayne." In another place the knight asks the doctor: "I pray you, what be those sorts that ye meane. And first, of those that ye thinke should have no losse thereby?—Doctor: I mean all those that live by buying and selling, for as they buy deare, they sell thereafter. Knight: What is the next sort that ye say would win by it? Doctor: Marry, all such as have takings or fearmes in their owne manurance (cultivation) at the old rent, for where they pay after the olde rate they sell after the newe—that is, they paye for theire lande good cheape, and sell all things growing thereof deare. Knight: What sorte is that which, ye sayde should have greater losse hereby, than these men had profit? Doctor: It is all noblemen, gentlemen, and all other that live either by a stinted rent or stypend, or do not manure (cultivation) the ground, or doe occupy no buying and selling." 44 In France, the régisseur, steward, collector of dues for the feudal lords during the earlier part of the middle ages, soon became an homme d'affaires, who by extortion, cheating, etc., swindled himself into a capitalist. These régisseurs themselves were sometimes noblemen. E.g. «C'est li compte que messire Jacques de Thoraisse chevalier chastelain sor Besançon rent ès-seigneur tenant les comptes à Dijon pour monseigneur le duc et comte de Bourgoigne rentes appartenant à la dite chastellenie, depuis XXV e jour de décembre MCCCLIX jusqu' au XXVIII e jour de décembre MCCCLX.» (Alexis Monteil: Histoire des Matériaux manuscrits etc., pp. 234, 235.) Already it is evident here how in all spheres of social life the lion's share falls to the middleman. In the economic domain, e.g., financiers, stock-exchange speculators, merchants, shopkeepers skim the cream; in civil matters, the lawyer fleeces his clients; in politics the representative is of more importance than the voters, the minister than the sovereign; in religion God is pushed into the background by the "Mediator," and the latter again is shoved back by the priests, the inevitable middlemen between the good shepherd and his sheep. In France, as in England, the great feudal territories were divided into innumerable small homesteads, but under conditions incomparably more unfavourable for the people. During the 14th century arose the farms or terriers. Their number grew constantly, far beyond 100,000. They paid rents varying from / 12 to % of the product in money or in kind. These farms were fiefs, sub-fiefs, etc., according to the value and extent of the domains, many of

645

Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

|769| C H A P T E R

XXX.

Reaction of the Agricultural Revolution on Industry. Creation of the Home Market for Industrial Capital. The expropriation and expulsion of the agricultural population, intermittent but renewed again and again, supplied, as we saw, the town industries with a mass of proletarians entirely unconnected with the corporate guilds and unfettered by them; a fortunate circumstance that makes old A.Anderson (not to be confounded with James Anderson) in his "History of Commerce," believe in the direct intervention of Providence. We must still pause a moment on this element of primitive accumulation. The thinningout of the independent, self-supporting peasants not only brought about the crowding together of the industrial proletariat, in the way that Geoffroy Saint Hilaire explained the condensation of cosmical matter at one place, by its rarefaction at another. 45 In spite of the smaller number of its cultivators, the soil brought forth as much or more produce, after as before, because the revolution in the conditions of landed property was accompanied by improved methods of culture, greater co-operation, concentration of the means of production, etc., and because not only were the agri||770|cultural wage-labourers put on the strain more intensely, 46 but the field of production on which they worked for themselves, became more and more contracted. With the setting free of a part of the agricultural population, therefore, their former means of nourishment were also set free. They were now transformed into material elements of variable capital. The peasant, expropriated and cast adrift, must buy their value in the form of wages, from his new master, the industrial capitalist. That which holds good of the means of subsistence holds with the raw materials of industry dependent upon home agriculture. They were transformed into an element of constant capital. Suppose, e.g., a part of the Westphalian peasants, who, at the time of Frederic II., all span flax, forcibly expropriated and hunted from the soil; and the other part that remained, turned into day-labourers of large farmers. At the same time arise large establishments for flax-spinning and weaving, in which the men "set free" now work for wages. The flax looks exactly as before. Not a fibre of it is changed, but a new social soul has them only containing a few acres. But these farmers had rights of jurisdiction in some degree over the dwellers on the soil; there were four grades. The oppression of the agricultural population under all these petty tyrants will be understood. Monteil says that there were once in France 160,000 judges, where today 4000 tribunals, including justices of the peace, suffice. 45 In his Notions de Philosophie Naturelle. Paris, 1838. 46 A point that Sir James Steuart emphasises.

646

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

Chapter XXX • Reaction of the agricultural revolution on industry

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

popped into its body. It forms now a part of the constant capital of the master manufacturer. Formerly divided among a number of small producers, who cultivated it themselves and with their families spun it in retail fashion, it is now concentrated in the hand of one capitalist, who sets others to spin and weave it for him. The extra labour expended in flax-spinning realised itself formerly in extra income to numerous peasant families, or maybe, in Frederic II.'s time, in taxes pour le roi de Prusse. It realises itself now in profit for a few capitalists. The spindles and looms, formerly scattered over the face of the country, are now crowded together in a few great labour-barracks, together with the labourers and the raw material. And spindles, looms, raw material, are now transformed, from means of independent existence for the spinners and weavers, into means for commanding them and sucking out of them unpaid labour. 47 One does not perceive, when looking at the large manufactories and the large farms, that they have ||771| originated from the throwing into one of many small centres of production, and have been built up by the expropriation of many small independent producers. Nevertheless, the popular intuition was not at fault. In the time of Mirabeau, the lion of the Revolution, the great manufactories were still called manufactures réunies, workshops thrown into one, as we speak of fields thrown into one. Says Mirabeau: "We are only paying attention to the grand manufactories, in which hundreds of men work under a director and which are commonly called manufactures réunies. Those where a very large number of labourers work, each separately and on his own account, are hardly considered; they are placed at an infinite distance from the others. This is a great error, as the latter alone make a really important object of national prosperity ... The large workshop (manufacture réunie) will enrich prodigiously one or two entrepreneurs, but the labourers will only be journeymen, paid more or less, and will not have any share in the success of the undertaking. In the discrete workshop (manufacture séparée,) on the contrary, no one will become rich, but many labourers will be comfortable; the saving and the industrious will be able to amass a little capital, to put by a little for a birth of a child, for an illness, for themselves or their belongings. The number of saving and industrious labourers will increase, because they will see in good conduct, in activity, a means of essentially bettering their condition, and not of obtaining a small rise of wages that can never be of any importance for the future, and whose sole result is to place men in the position to live a little better, but only from day to day ... The large workshops, undertakings of certain private persons who pay labourers 47 «Je permettrai,» says the capitalist, «que vous ayez l'honneur de me servir, à condition que vous me donnez le peu qui vous reste pour la peine que je prends de vous commander. » (J. J. Rousseau: Discours sur l'Économie Politique.)

647

Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

from day to day to work for their gain, may be able to put these private individuals at their ease, but they will never be an object worth the attention of governments. Discrete workshops, for the most part combined with cultivation of small holdings, are the only free ones." 48 The expropriation and eviction of a part of the agricultural population not ||772| only set free for industrial capital, the labourers, their means of subsistence, and material for labour; it also created the home market. In fact, the events that transformed the small peasants into wage-labourers, and their means of subsistence and of labour into material elements of capital, created, at the same time, a home-market for the latter. Formerly, the peasant family produced the means of subsistence and the raw materials, which they themselves, for the most part, consumed. These raw materials and means of subsistence have now become commodities; the large farmer sells them, he finds his market in manufactures. Yarn, linen, coarse woollen stuffs—things whose raw materials had been within the reach of every peasant family, had been spun and woven by it for its own use—were now transformed into articles of manufacture, to which the country districts at once served for markets. The many scattered customers, whom stray artizans until now had found in the numerous small producers working on their own account, concentrate themselves now into one great market provided for by industrial capital.49 Thus, hand in hand with the expropriation of the self-supporting peasants, with their separation from their means of production, goes the destruction of rural domestic industry, the process of separation between manufacture and agriculture. And only the destruction of rural domestic industry can give the internal market of a country that extension and consistence which the capitalist mode of production requires. Still the manufacturing period, properly so-called, does not succeed in carrying out this transformation radically and completely. It will be remembered that manufacture, properly so-called, conquers but partially the domain of national production, and always rests on the handicrafts of the town and the domestic industry of the rural ||773| districts as its ultimate basis. If it destroys these in one form, in particular branches, at

5

10

15

20

25

30

48

Mirabeau, I.e. t. Ill, pp. 2 0 - 1 0 9 passim. That Mirabeau considers the separate workshops more economic and productive than the "combined," and sees in the latter merely artificial exotics under government cultivation, is explained by the position at that time of a great part of the continental manufactures. 49 "Twenty pounds of wool converted unobtrusively into the yearly clothing of a labourer's family by its own industry in the intervals of other work—this makes no show; but bring it to market, send it to the factory, thence to the broker, thence to the dealer, and you will have great commercial operations, and nominal capital engaged to the amount of twenty times its value. ... The working class is thus emerced to support a wretched factory population, a parasitical shop-keeping class, and a fictitious commercial, monetary, and financial system." (David Urquhart, I.e., p. 120.)

648

35

40

Chapter XXX • Reaction of the agricultural revolution on industry

certain points, it calls them up again elsewhere, because it needs them for the preparation of raw material up to a certain point. It produces, therefore, a new class of small villagers who, while following the cultivation of the soil as an accessary calling, find their chief occupation in industrial labour, the 5 products of which they sell to the manufacturers directly, or through the medium of merchants. This is one, though not the chief, cause of a phenomenon which, at first, puzzles the student of English history. From the last third of the 15th century he finds continually complaints, only interrupted at certain intervals, about the encroachment of capitalist farming in the 10 country districts, and the progressive destruction of the peasantry. On the other hand, he always finds this peasantry turning up again, although in diminished number, and always under worse conditions.50 The chief reason is: England is at one time chiefly a cultivator of corn, at another chiefly a breeder of cattle, in alternate periods, and with these the extent of peasant 15 cultivation fluctuates. Modern Industry alone, and finally, supplies, in machinery, the lasting basis of capitalistic agriculture, expropriates radically the enormous majority of the agricultural population, and completes the separation between agriculture and rural domestic industry, whose roots— spinning und weaving—it tears up.511 20 |774| It therefore also, for the first time, conquers for industrial capital the entire home market.52 50

25

30

35

40

Cromwell's time forms an exception. So long as the Republic lasted, the mass of the English people of all grades rose from the degradation into which they had sunk under the Tudors. 51 Tuckett is aware that the modern woollen industry has sprung, with the introduction of machinery, from manufacture proper and from the destruction of rural and domestic industries. "The plough, the yoke, were 'the invention of gods, and the occupation of heroes;' are the loom, the spindle, the distaff, of less noble parentage. You sever the distaff and the plough, the spindle and the yoke, and you get factories and poorhouses, credit and panics, two hostile nations, agricultural and commercial." (David Urquhart, I.e., p. 122.) But now comes Carey, and cries out upon England, surely not with unreason, that it is trying to turn every other country into a mere agricultural nation, whose manufacturer is to be England. He pretends that in this way Turkey has been ruined, because "the owners and occupants of land have never been permitted (by England) to strengthen themselves by the formation of that natural alliance between the plough and the loom, the hammer and the harrow." (The Slave Trade, p. 125.) According to him, Urquhart himself is one of the chief agents in the ruin of Turkey, where he had made free trade propaganda in the English interest. The best of it is that Carey, a great Russophile by the way, wants to prevent the process of separation by that very system of protection which accelerates it. 52 Philanthropic English economists, like Mill, Rogers, Goldwin Smith, Fawcett, etc., and liberal manufacturers like John Bright & Co., ask the English landed proprietors, as God asked Cain after Abel, Where are our thousands of freeholders gone? But where do you come from, then? From the destruction of those freeholders. Why don't you ask further, where are the independent weavers, spinners, and artizans gone?

649

Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

CHAPTER

XXXI.

Genesis of the Industrial Capitalist. The genesis of the industrial 53 capitalist did not proceed in such a gradual way as that of the farmer. Doubtless many small guild-masters, and yet more independent small artisans, or even wage-labourers, transformed themselves into small capitalists, and (by gradually extending exploitation of wage-labour and corresponding accumulation) into full-blown capitalists. In the infancy of capitalist production, things often happened as in the infancy of mediasval towns, where the question, which of the escaped serfs should be master and which servant, was in great part decided by the earlier or later date of their flight. The snail's-pace of this method corresponded in no wise with the commercial requirements of the new worldmarket that the great discoveries of the eiul of the 15th century created. But the middle ages had handed down two distinct forms of capital, which mature in the most different economic social formations, and which, before the era of the capitalist mode of production, are considered as capital quand même— usurer's capital and merchant's capital. "At present, all the wealth of society goes first into the possession of the capitalist .... he pays the landowner his rent, the labourer his wages, the tax and tithe gatherer their claims, and keeps a large, indeed the largest, and a continually aug||775|menting share, of the annual produce of labour for himself. The capitalist may now be said to be the first owner of all the wealth of the community, though no law has conferred on him the right to this property .... this change has been effected by the taking of interest on capital .... and it is not a little curious that all the lawgivers of Europe endeavoured to prevent this by statutes, viz., statutes against usury The power of the capitalist over all the wealth of the country is a complete change in the right of property, and by what law, or series of laws, was it effected?" 5 4 The author should have remembered that revolutions are not made by laws. The money capital formed by means of usury and commerce was prevented from turning into industrial capital, in the country by the feudal constitution, in the towns by the guild organisation. 55 These fetters van53 Industrial here in contradistinction to agricultural. In the "categoric" sense the farmer is an industrial capitalist as much as the manufacturer. 54 "The Natural and Artificial Rights of Property Contrasted." Lond., 1832, pp. 98-99. Author of the anonymous work: "Th. Hodgskin." 55 Even as late as 1794, the small cloth-makers of Leeds sent a deputation to Parliament, with a petition for a law to forbid any merchant from becoming a manufacturer. (Dr. Aikin, I.e.)

650

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

Chapter XXXI • Genesis of the industrial capitalist

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

ished with the dissolution of feudal society, with the expropriation and partial eviction of the country population. The new manufactures were established at sea-ports, or at inland points beyond the control of the old municipalities and their guilds. Hence in England an embittered struggle of the corporate towns against these new industrial nurseries. The discovery of gold and silver in America, the extirpation, enslavement and entombment in mines of the aboriginal population, the beginning of the conquest and looting of the East Indies, the turning of Africa into a warren for the commercial hunting of black-skins, signalised the rosy dawn of the era of capitalist production. These idyllic proceedings are the chief momenta of primitive accumulation. On their heels treads the commercial war of the European nations, with the globe for a theatre. It begins with the revolt of the Netherlands from Spain, assumes giant dimensions in England's anti-jacobin war, and is still going on in the opium wars against China, etc. The different momenta of primitive accumulation distribute ||776| themselves now, more or less in chronological order, particulary over Spain, Portugal, Holland, France, and England. In England at the end of the 17th century, they arrive at a systematical combination, embracing the colonies, the national debt, the modern mode of taxation, and the protectionist system. These methods depend in part on brute force, e.g., the colonial sytem. But they all employ the power of the State, the concentrated and organised force of society, to hasten, hothouse fashion, the process of transformation of the feudal mode of production into the capitalist mode, and to shorten the transition. Force is the midwife of every old society pregnant with a new one. It is itself an economic power. Of the Christian colonial system, W. Howitt, a man who makes a speciality of Christianity, says: "The barbarities and desperate outrages of the socalled Christian race, throughout every region of the world, and upon every people they have been able to subdue, are not to be paralleled by those of any other race, however fierce, however untaught, and however reckless of mercy and of shame, in any age of the earth." 5 6 The history of the colonial administration of Holland—and Holland was the head capitalistic nation of the 17th century— "is one of the most extraordinary relations of treach-

William Howitt: "Colonisation and Christianity: A Popular History of the Treatment of the Natives by the Europeans in all their Colonies." London, 1838, p. 9. On the treatment of the slaves there is a good compilation in Charles Comte, Traité de la Législation. 3me éd. Bruxelles, 1837. This subject one must study in detail, to see what the bourgeoisie makes of itself and of the labourer, wherever it can, without restraint, model the world after its own image.

56

651

Part Vili • T h e so-called primitive accumulation

ery, bribery, massacre, and meanness." 57 Nothing is more characteristic than their system of stealing men, to get slaves for Java. The men stealers were trained for this purpose. The thief, the interpreter, and the seller, were the chief agents in this trade, native princes the chief sellers. The young people stolen, were thrown into the secret dungeons of Celebes, until they were ready for sending to the slave-ships. An official report says: "This one town of Macassar, e.g., is full of secret prisons, one more horrible than the other, crammed with unfortunates, victims of greed and tyranny fettered in chains, forcibly torn ||777| frorh their families." To secure Malacca, the Dutch corrupted the Portuguese governor. He let them into the town in 1641. They hurried at once to his house and assassinated him, to "abstain" from the payment of £21,875, the price of his treason. Wherever they set foot, devastation and depopulation followed. Banjuwangi, a province of Java, in 1750 numbered over 80,000 inhabitants, in 1811 only 8,000. Sweet commerce! The English East India Company, as is well known, obtained, besides the political rule in India, the exclusive monopoly of the tea-trade, as well as of the Chinese trade in general, and of the transport of goods to and from Europe. But the coasting trade of India and between the islands, as well as the internal trade of India, were the monopoly of the higher employés of the company. The monopolies of salt, opium, betel and other commodities, were inexhaustible mines of wealth. The employés themselves fixed the price and plundered at will the unhappy Hindus. The Governor-General took part in this private traffic. His favourites received contracts under conditions whereby they, cleverer than the alchemists, made gold out of nothing. Great fortunes sprang up like mushrooms in a day; primitive accumulation went on without the advance of a shilling. The trial of Warren Hastings swarms with such cases. Here is an instance. A contract for opium was given to a certain Sullivan at the moment of his departure on an official mission to a part of India far removed from the opium district. Sullivan sold his contract to one Benn for £40,000; Benn sold it the same day for £60,000, and the ultimate purchaser who carried out the contract declared that after all he realised an enormous gain. According to one of the lists laid before Parliament, the Company and its employés from 1757-1766 got £6,000,000 from the Indians as gifts. Between 1769 and 1770, the English manufactured a famine by buying up all the rice and refusing to sell it again, except at fabulous prices.58

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

57

Thomas Stamford Raffles, late Gov. of that island: "History of Java and its dependencies." Lond., 1817. 58 In the year 1866 more than a million Hindus died of hunger in the province of Orissa alone. Nevertheless, the attempt was made to enrich the Indian treasury by the price at which the necessaries of life were sold to the starving people.

652

40

Chapter XXXI • Genesis of the industrial capitalist

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

The treatment of the aborigines was, naturally, most fright||778|ful in plantation-colonies destined for export trade only, such as the West Indies, and in rich and well-populated countries, such as Mexico and India, that were given over to plunder. But even in the colonies properly so-called, the Christian character of primitive accumulation did not belie itself. Those sober virtuosi of Protestantism, the Puritans of New England, in 1703, by decrees of their assembly set a premium of £40 on every Indian scalp and every captured red-skin: in 1722 a premium of £100 on every scalp; in 1744, after Massachusetts-Bay had proclaimed a certain tribe as rebels, the following prices: for a male scalp of 12 years and upwards £100 (new currency), for a male prisoner £105, for women and children prisoners £55, for scalps of women and children £50. Some decades later, the colonial system took its revenge on the descendants of the pious pilgrim fathers, who had grown seditious in the meantime. At English instigation and for English pay they were tomahawked by red-skins. The British Parliament proclaimed blood-hounds and scalping as "means that God and Nature had given into its hand." The colonial system ripened, like a hot-house, tade and navigation. The "societies Monopolia" of Luther were powerful levers for concentration of capital. The colonies secured a market for the budding manufactures, and, through the monopoly of the market, an increased accumulation. The treasures captured outside Europe by undisguised looting, enslavement, and murder, floated back to the mother-country and were there turned into capital. Holland, which first fully developed the colonial system, in 1648 stood already in the acme of its commercial greatness. It was "in almost exclusive possession of the East Indian trade and the commerce between the southeast and north-west of Europe. Its fisheries, marine, manufactures, surpassed those of any other country. The total capital of the Republic was probably more important than that of all the rest of Europe put together." Gulich forgets to add that by 1648, the people of Holland were more overworked, poorer and more brutally oppressed than those of all the rest of Europe put together. To-day industrial supremacy implies commercial supremacy. ||779| In the period of manufacture properly so-called, it is, on the other hand, the commercial supremacy that gives industrial predominance. Hence the preponderant role that the colonial system plays at that time. It was "the strange God" who perched himself on the altar cheek by jowl with the old Gods of Europe, and one fine day with a shove and a kick chucked them all of a heap. It proclaimed surplus-value making as the sole end and aim of humanity. The system of public credit, i.e. of national debts, whose origin we dis-

653

Part Vili • T h e so-called primitive accumulation

cover in Genoa and Venice as early as the middle ages, took possession of Europe generally during the manufacturing period. Thé colonial system with its maritime trade and commercial wars served as a forcing-house for it. Thus it first took root in Holland. National debts, i.e., the alienation of the state—whether despotic, constitutional or republican—marked with its stamp the capitalistic era. The only part of the so-called national wealth that actually enters into the collective possessions of modern peoples is— their national debt.59 Hence, as a necessary consequence, the modern doctrine that a nation becomes the richer the more deeply it is in debt. Public credit becomes the credo of capital. And with the rise of national debt-making, want of faith in the national debt takes the place of the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost, which may not be forgiven. The public debt becomes one of the most powerful levers of primitive accumulation. As with the stroke of an enchanter's wand, it endows barren money with the power of breeding and thus turns it into capital, without the necessity of its exposing itself to the troubles and risks inseparable from its employment in industry or even in usury. The state-creditors actually give nothing away, for the sum lent is transformed into public bonds, easily negotiable, which go on functioning in their hands just as so much hard cash would. But further, apart from the class of lazy annuitants thus created, and from the improvised wealth of the financiers, middlemen between the government and the nation—as also apart from the tax-| |780|farmers, merchants, private manufacturers, to whom a good part of every national loan renders the service of a capital fallen from heaven—the national debt has given rise to joint-stock companies, to dealings in negotiable effects of all kinds, and to agiotage, in a word to stock-exchange gambling and the modern bankocracy. At their birth the great banks, decorated with national titles, were only associations of private speculators, who placed themselves by the side of governments, and, thanks to the privileges they received, were in a position to advance money to the state. Hence the accumulation of the national debt has no more infallible measure than the successive rise in the stock of these banks, whose full development dates from the founding of the Bank of England in 1694. The Bank of England began with lending its money to the Government at 8 %; at the same time it was empowered by Parliament to coin money out of the same capital, by lending it again to the public in the form of bank-notes. It was allowed to use these notes for discounting bills, making advances on commodities, and for buying the precious metals. It was not long ere this credit-money, made by the bank itself, became 59

William Cobbett remarks that in England all public institutions are designated "royal;" as compensation for this, however, there is the "national" debt.

654

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Chapter XXXI • Genesis of the industrial capitalist

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

the coin in which the Bank of England made its loans to the state, and paid, on account of the state, the interest on the public debt. It was not enough that the bank gave with one hand and took back more with the other; it remained, even whilst receiving, the eternal creditor of the nation down to the last shilling advanced. Gradually it became inevitably the receptacle of the metallic hoard of the country, and the centre of gravity of all commercial credit. What effect was produced on their contemporaries by the sudden uprising of this brood of bankocrats, financiers, rentiers, brokers, stock-jobbers, etc., is proved by the writings of that time, e.g., by Bolingbroke's. 60 With the national debt arose an international credit system, which often conceals one of the sources of primitive accumulation in this or that people. Thus the villanies of the Venetian ||781| thieving system formed one of the secret bases of the capital-wealth of Holland to whom Venice in her decadence lent large sums of money. So also was it with Holland and England. By the beginning of the 18th century the Dutch manufactures were far outstripped. Holland had ceased to be the nation preponderant in commerce and industry. One of its main lines of business, therefore, from 1701-1776, is the lending out of enormous amounts of capital, especially to its great rival England. The same thing is going on to-day between England and the United States. A great deal of capital, which appears to-day in the United States without any certificate of birth, was yesterday, in England, the capitalised blood of children. As the national debt finds its support in the public revenue, which must cover the yearly payments for interest, etc., the modern system of taxation was the necessary complement of the system of national loans. The loans enable the government to meet extraordinary expenses, without the taxpayers feeling it immediately, but they necessitate, as a consequence, increased taxes. On the other hand, the raising of taxation caused by the accumulation of debts contracted one after another, compels the government always to have recourse to new loans for new extraordinary expenses. Modern fiscality, whose pivot is formed by taxes on the most necessary means of subsistence (thereby increasing their price), thus contains within itself the germ of automatic progression. Over-taxation is not an incident, but rather a principle. In Holland, therefore, where this system was first inaugurated, the great patriot, De Witt, has in his "Maxims" extolled it as the best system for making the wage-labourer submissive, frugal, industrious, and overburdened with labour. The destructive influence that it exercises 60 «Si les Tartares inondaient l'Europe aujourd'hui, il faudrait bien des affaires pour leur faire entendre ce que c'est qu'un financier parmi nous.» Montesquieu Esprit des lois, t. IV. p. 33, ed. Londres, 1769.

655

Part Vili • T h e so-called primitive accumulation

on the condition of the wage-labourer concerns us less, however, here, than the forcible expropriation, resulting from it, of peasants, artisans, and in a word, all elements of the lower middle-class. On this there are not two opinions, even among the bourgeois economists. Its expropriating efficacy is still further heightened by the sytem of protection, which forms one of its integral parts. | |782| The great part that the public debt, and the fiscal system corresponding with it, has played in the capitalisation of wealth and the expropriation of the masses, has led many writers, like Cobbett, Doubleday and others, to seek in this, incorrectly, the fundamental cause of the misery of the modern peoples. The system of protection was an artificial means of manufacturing manufacturers, of expropriating independent labourers, of capitalising the national means of production and subsistence, of forcibly abbreviating the transition from the mediaeval to the modern mode of production. The European states tore one another to pieces about the patent of this invention, and, once entered into the service of the surplus-value makers, did not merely lay under contribution in the pursuit of this purpose their own people, indirectly through protective duties, directly through export premiums. They also forcibly rooted out, in their dependent countries, all industry, as, e.g., England did with the Irish woollen manufacture. On the continent of Europe, after Colbert's example, the process was much simplified. The primitive industrial capital, here, came in part directly out of the state treasury. "Why," cries Mirabeau, "why go so far to seek the cause of the manufacturing glory of Saxony before the war? 180,000,000 of debts contracted by the sovereigns!"61 Colonial system, public debts, heavy taxes, protection, commercial wars, etc., these children of the true manufacturing period, increase gigantically during the infancy of Modern Industry. The birth of the latter is heralded by a great slaughter of the innocents. Like the royal navy, the factories were recruited by means of the press-gang. Blasé as Sir F. M. Eden is as to the horrors of the expropriation of the agricultural population from the soil, from the last third of the 15th century to his own time; with all the self-satisfaction with which he rejoices in this process, "essential" for establishing capitalistic agriculture and "the due proportion between arable and pasture land"— —he does not show, however, the same economic insight in respect to the necessity of child-stealing and child-slavery for the transformation of manufacturing ||783| exploitation into factory exploitation, and the establishment of the "true relation" between capital and labour-power. He 61

Mirabeau, I.e., t. VI., p. 101.

656

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Chapter XXXI • Genesis of the industrial capitalist

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

says: "It may, perhaps, be worthy the attention of the public to consider, whether any manufacture, which, in order to be carried on successfully, requires that cottages and workhouses should be ransacked for poor children; that they should be employed by turns during the greater part of the night and robbed of that rest which, though indispensable to all, is most required by the young; and that numbers of both sexes, of different ages and dispositions, should be collected together in such a manner that the contagion of example cannot but lead to profligacy and debauchery; will add to the sum of individual or national felicity?" 62 "In the counties of Derbyshire, Nottinghamshire, and more particularly in Lancashire," says Fielden, "the newly-invented machinery was used in large factories built on the sides of streams capable of turning the waterwheel. Thousands of hands were suddenly required in these places, remote from towns; and Lancashire, in particular, being, till then, comparatively thinly populated and barren, a population was all that she now wanted. The small and nimble fingers of little children being by very far the most in request, the custom instantly sprang up of procuring apprentices from the different parish workhouses of London, Birmingham, and elsewhere. Many, many thousands of these little, hapless creatures were sent down into the north, being from the age of 7 to the age of 13 or 14 years old. The custom was for the master to clothe his apprentices and to feed and lodge them in an 'apprentice house' near the factory; overseers were appointed to see to the works, whose interest it was to work the children to the utmost, because their pay was in proportion to the quantity of work that they could exact. Cruelty was, of course, the consequence. .. In many of the manufacturing districts, but particularly, I am afraid, in the guilty county to which I belong (Lancashire), cruelties the most heart-rending were practised upon the unoffending and friendless creatures who were thus consigned to the charge of master manufacturers; ||784| they were harassed to the brink of death by excess of labour ... were flogged, fettered and tortured in the most exquisite refinement of cruelty; ... they were in many cases starved to the bone while flogged to their work and .... even in some instances ... were driven to commit suicide ... The beautiful and romantic valleys of Derbyshire, Nottinghamshire and Lancashire, secluded from the public eye, became the dismal solitudes of torture, and of many a murder. The profits of manufactures were enormous; but this only whetted the appetite that it should have satisfied, and therefore the manufacturers had recourse to an expedient that seemed to secure to them those profits without any possibility of limit; they began the practice of what is termed 'night-working,' that 62

Eden, I.e., Vol. I., Book II., Ch. I., pp. 420-422.

657

Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

is, having tired out one set of hands, by working them throughout the day, they had another set ready to go on working throughout the night; the d a y set getting into the beds that the night-set had just quitted, and in their turn again, the night-set getting into the beds that the day-set quitted in the morning. It is a common tradition in Lancashire, that the beds never get cold."63 With the development of capitalist production during the manufacturing period, the public opinion of Europe had lost the last remnant of shame and conscience. The nations bragged cynically of every infamy that served them as a means ||785| to capitalistic accumulation. Read, e.g., the nai've Annals of Commerce of the worthy A. Anderson. Here it is trumpetted forth as a triumph of English statecraft that at the Peace of Utrecht, England extorted from the Spaniards by the Asiento Treaty the privilege of being allowed to ply the negro-trade, until then only carried on between Africa and the English West Indies, between Africa and Spanish America as well. England thereby acquired the right of supplying Spanish America until 1743 with 4800 negroes yearly. This threw, at the same time, an official cloak over British smuggling. Liverpool waxed fat on the slave-trade. This was its method of primitive accumulation. And, even to the present day, Liverpool "respectability" is the Pindar of the slave-trade which—compare the work of Aikin (1795) already quoted—"has coincided with that spirit of bold adventure which has characterised the trade of Liverpool and rapidly carried it to its present state of prosperity; has occasioned vast employment for shipping and sailors, and greatly augmented the demand for the manufactures of the country" (pp.338, 339). Liverpool employed in the slave trade, in 1730, 15 ships; in 1751, 53; in 1760, 74; in 1770, 96; and in 1792, 132. Whilst the cotton industry introduced child-slavery in England, it gave

5

10

15

20

25

63

John Fielden, I.e. pp.5, 6. On the earlier infamies of the factory system, cf. Dr. Aikin (1795) I.e. p. 219, and Gisborne: Enquiry into the Duties of Men, 1795, Vol.11. When the steam-engine transplanted the factories from the country waterfalls to the middle of towns, the "abstemious" surplus-value maker found the child-material ready to his hand, without being forced to seek slaves from the workhouses. When Sir R.Peel, (father of the "minister of plausibility"), brought in his bill for the protection of children, in 1815, Francis Horner, lumen of the Bullion Committee and intimate friend of Ricardo, said in the House of Commons; "It is notorious, that with a bankrupt's effects, a gang, if he might use the word, of these children had been put up to sale, and were advertised publicly as part of the property. A most atrocious instance had been brought before the Court of King's Bench two years before, in which a number of these boys, apprenticed by a parish in London to one manufacturer, had been transferred to another, and had been found by some benevolent persons in a state of absolute famine. Another case more horrible had come to his knowledge while on a (Parliamentary) Committee .... that not many years ago, an agreement had been made between a London parish and a Lancashire manufacturer, by which it was stipulated, that with every 20 sound children one idiot should be taken."

658

30

35

40

Chapter XXXI • Genesis of the industrial capitalist

5

10

in the United States a stimulus to the transformation of the earlier, more or less patriarchal slavery, into a system of commercial exploitation. In fact, the veiled slavery of the wage-workers in Europe needed, for its pedestal, slavery pure and simple in the new world.64 Tantas molis erat, to establish the "eternal laws of Nature" of the capitalist mode of production, to complete the process of separation between labourers and conditions of labour, to transform, at one pole, the social means of production and subsistence into capital, at the opposite pole, the mass of the population into wage-labourers, into "free labouring poor," that artificial product of modern society. 65 If ||786| money, according to Augier, 66 "comes into the world with a congenital blood-stain on one cheek," capital comes dripping from head to foot, from every pore, with blood and dirt.67 In 1790, there were in the English West Indies ten slaves for one free man, in the French fourteen for one, in the Dutch twenty-three for one. (Henry Brougham: An Inquiry into the Colonial Policy of the European Powers. Edin. 1803, vol.11, p. 74.) 6 5 The phrase, "labouring poor," is found in English legislation from the moment when the class of wage-labourers becomes noticeable. This term is used in opposition, on the one hand, to the "idle poor," beggars, etc., on the other to those labourers, who, pigeons not yet plucked, are still possessors of their own means of labour. From the Statute Book it passed into political economy, and was handed down by Culpeper, J. Child, etc., to Adam Smith and Eden. After this, one can judge of the good faith of the "execrable political cant-monger," Edmund Burke, when he called the expression, "labouring poor,"—"execrable political cant." This sycophant who, in the pay of the English oligarchy, played the romantic laudator temporis acti against the French Revolution, just as, in the pay of the North American Colonies, at the beginning of the American troubles, he had played the Liberal against the English oligarchy, was an out and out vulgar bourgeois. "The laws of commerce are the laws of Nature, and therefore the laws of God." (E.Burke, I.e., p. 32.) No wonder that, true to the laws of God and of Nature, he always sold himself in the best market. A very good portrait of this Edmund Burke, during his liberal time, is to be found in the writings of the Rev. Mr. Tucker. Tucker was a parson and a Tory, but, for the rest, an honourable man and a competent political economist. In face of the infamous cowardice of character that reigns to-day, and believes most devoutly in "the laws of commerce," it is our bounden duty again und again to brand the Burkes, who only differ from their successors in one thing—talent. 66 Marie Augier: Du Crédit Public. Paris, 1842. 6 7 "Capital is said by a Quarterly Reviewer to fly turbulence and strife, and to be timid, which is very true; but this is very incompletely stating the question. Capital eschews no profit, or very small profit, just as Nature was formerly said to abhor a vacuum. With adequate profit, capital is very bold. A certain 10 per cent, will censure its employment anywhere; 20 per cent. certain will produce eagerness; 50 per cent., positive audacity; 100 per cent, will make it ready to trample on all human laws; 300 per cent., and there is not a crime at which it will scruple, nor a risk it will not run, even to the chance of its owner being hanged. I f turbulence and strife will bring a profit, it will freely encourage both. Smuggling and the slave-trade have amply proved all that is here stated." (T. J.Dunning, I.e., pp.35, 36.) 64

15

20

25

30

35

40

659

Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

CHAPTER

XXXII.

Historical Tendency of Capitalist Accumulation. What does the primitive accumulation of capital, i.e., its historical genesis, resolve itself into? In so far as it is not immediate transformation of slaves and serfs into wage-labourers, and therefore a mere change of form, it only means the expropriation of the immediate producers, i.e., the dissolution of private property based on the labour of its owner. Private property, as the antithesis to social, collective property, exists only where ||787| the means of labour and the external conditions of labour belong to private individuals. But according as these private individuals are labourers or not labourers, private property has a different character. The numberless shades, that it at first sight presents, correspond to the intermediate stages lying between these two extremes. The private property of the labourer in his means of production is the foundation of petty industry, whether agricultural, manufacturing, or both; petty industry, again, is an essential condition for the development of social production and of the free individuality of the labourer himself. Of course, this petty mode of production exists also under slavery, serfdom, and other states of dependence. But it flourishes, it lets loose its whole energy, it attains its adequate classical form, only where the labourer is the private owner of his own means of labour set in action by himself: the peasant of the land which he cultivates, the artizan of the tool which he handles as a virtuoso. This mode of production pre-supposes parcelling of the soil, and scattering of the other means of production. As it excludes the concentration of these means of production, so also it excludes co-operation, division of labour within each separate process of production, the control over, and the productive application of the forces of Nature by society, and the free development of the social productive powers. It is compatible only with a system of production, and a society, moving within narrow and more or less primitive bounds. To perpetuate it would be, as Pecqueur rightly says, "to decree universal mediocrity." At a certain stage of development it brings forth the material agencies for its own dissolution. From that moment new forces and new passions spring up in the bosom of society; but the old social organization fetters them and keeps them down. It must be annihilated; it is annihilated. Its annihilation, the transformation of the individualised and scattered means of production into socially concentrated ones, of the pigmy property of the many into the huge property of the few, the expropriation of the great mass of the people from the soil, from the means of subsistence, and from the means of la-

660

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

Chapter XXXII • Historical tendency of capitalist accumulation

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

bour, this fearful and painful expropriation of the mass of the people forms the prelude to the history of ||788| capital. It comprises a series of forcible methods, of which we have passed in review only those that have been epoch-making as methods of the primitive accumulation of capital. The expropriation of the immediate producers was accomplished with merciless Vandalism, and under the stimulus of passions the most infamous, the most sordid, the pettiest, the most meanly odious. Self-earned private property, that is based, so to say, on the fusing together of the isolated, independent labouring-individual with the conditions of his labour, is supplanted by capitalistic private property, which rests on exploitation of the nominally free labour of others, i.e., on wages-labour. 68 As soon as this process of transformation has sufficiently decomposed the old society from top to bottom, as soon as the labourers are turned into proletarians, their means of labour into capital, as soon as the capitalist mode of production stands on its own feet, then the further socialisation of labour and further transformation of the land and other means of production into socially exploited and, therefore, common means of production, as well as the further expropriation of private proprietors, takes a new form. That which is now to be expropriated is no longer the labourer working for himself, but the capitalist exploiting many labourers. This expropriation is accomplished by the action of the immanent laws of capitalistic production itself, by the centralisation of capital. One capitalist always kills many. Hand in hand with this centralisation, or this expropriation of many capitalists by few, develop, on an ever extending scale, the co-operative form of the labour-process, the conscious technical application of science, the methodical cultivation of the soil, the transformation of the instruments of labour into instruments of labour only usable in common, the economising of all means of production by their use as the means of production of combined, socialised labour, the entanglement of all peoples in the net of the world-market, and with this, the international character of the capitalistic régime. Along with the constantly diminishing number ||789| of the magnates of capital, who usurp and monopolise all advantages of this process of transformation, grows the mass of misery, oppression, slavery, degradation, exploitation; but with this too grows the revolt of the working-class, a class always increasing in numbers, and disciplined, united, organised by the very mechanism of the process of capitalist production itself. The monopoly of capital becomes a fetter upon the mode of production, which has sprung up and flourished along with, and under it. Centralisation of the 68 « N o u s sommes dans une condition tout-à-fait nouvelle de la société ... nous tendons à séparer toute espèce de propriété d'avec toute espèce de travail.» (Sismondi: Nouveaux Principes de l'Écon. Polit, t. II., p. 434.)

661

Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

means of production and socialisation of labour at last reach a point where they become incompatible with their capitalist integument. This integument is burst asunder. The knell of capitalist private property sounds. The expropriators are expropriated. The capitalist mode of appropriation, the result of the capitalist mode of 5 production, produces capitalist private property. This is the first negation of individual private property, as founded on the labour of the proprietor. But capitalist production begets, with the inexorability of a law of Nature, its own negation. It is the negation of negation. This does not re-establish private property for the producer, but gives him individual property based 10 on the acquisitions of the capitalist era: i.e., on co-operation and the possession in common of the land and of the means of production. The transformation of scattered private property, arising from individual labour, into capitalist private property is, naturally, a process, incomparably more protracted, violent, and difficult, than the transformation of cap- 15 italistic private property, already practically resting on socialised production, into socialised property. In the former case, we had the expropriation of the mass of the people by a few usurpers; in the latter, we have the expropriation of a few usurpers by the mass of the people. 69 |

|790| C H A P T E R

XXXIII.

20

The Modern Theory of Colonisation.70 Political economy confuses on principle two very different kinds of private property, of which one rests on the producers' own labour, the other on the employment of the labour of others. It forgets that the latter not only is the direct antithesis of the former, but absolutely grows on its tomb only. In 25 Western Europe, the home of political economy, the process of primitive 69

"The advance of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the labourers, due to competition, by their revolutionary combination, due to association. The development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet, the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie therefore, produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable ... Of all the classes, that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie to-day, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The other classes perish and disappear in the face of Modern Industry, the proletariat is its special and essential product... The lower middle-classes, the small manufacturers, the shopkeepers, the artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie, to save from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle-class ... they are reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history." "Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei," London, 1848, pp. 9, 11. 70 We treat here of real Colonies, virgin soils, colonised by free immigrants. The United

662

30

35

40

Chapter XXXIII • The modern theory of colonization

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

accumulation is more or less accomplished. Here the capitalist régime has either directly conquered the whole domain of national production, or, where economic conditions are less developed, it, at least, indirectly controls those strata of society which, though belonging to the antiquated mode of production, continue to exist side by side with it in gradual decay. To this ready-made world of capital, the political economist applies the notions of law and of property inherited from a precapitalistic world with all the more anxious zeal and all the greater unction, the more loudly the facts cry out in the face of his ideology. It is otherwise in the colonies. There the capitalist régime everywhere comes into collision with the resistance of the producer, who, as owner of his own conditions of labour, employs that labour to enrich himself, instead of the capitalist. The contradiction of these two diametrically opposed economic systems, manifests itself here practically in a struggle between them. Where the capitalist has at his back the power of the mother-country, he tries to clear out of his way by force, the modes of production and appropriation, based on his independent labour of the producer. The same interest, which compels ||791| the sycophant of capital, the political economist, in the mother-country, to proclaim the theoretical identity of the capitalist mode of production with its contrary, that same interest compels him in the colonies to make a clean breast of it, and to proclaim aloud the antagonism of the two modes of production. To this end he proves how the development of the social productive power of labour, co-operation, division of labour, use of machinery on a large scale, etc., are impossible without the expropriation of the labourers, and the corresponding transformation of their means of production into capital. In the interest of the so-called national wealth, he seeks for artificial means to ensure the poverty of the people. Here his apologetic armour crumbles off, bit by bit, like rotten touchwood. It is the great merit of E.G. Wakefield to have discovered, not anything new about the Colonies,71 but to have discovered in the Colonies the truth as to the conditions of capitalist production in the mother-country. As the system of protection at its origin72 attempted to manufacture capitalists artificially in the mother-country, so Wakefield's colonisation theory, which England tried for a time to enforce by Acts of Parliament, attempted to effect the manufacture of wage-workers in the Colonies. This he calls "systematic colonisation." States are, speaking economically, still only a Colony of Europe. Besides, to this category belong also such old plantations as those in which the abolition of slavery has completely altered the earlier conditions. 71 Wakefield's few glimpses on the subject of Modern Colonisation are fully anticipated by Mirabeau Père, the physiocrat, and even much earlier by English economists. 72 Later, it became a temporary necessity in the international competitive struggle. But, whatever its motive, the consequences remain the same.

663

Part Vili • T h e so-called primitive accumulation

First of all, Wakefield discovered that in the Colonies, property in money, means of subsistence, machines, and other means of production, does not as yet stamp a man as a capitalist if there be wanting the correlative— the wage-worker, the other man who is compelled to sell himself of his own free-will. He discovered that capital is not a thing, but a social relation between persons, established by the instrumentality of things.73 Mr. Peel, he moans, took with him from England to Swan River, West Australia, means of subsistence and of pro||792|duction to the amount of £50,000. Mr. Peel had the foresight to bring with him, besides, 300 persons of the workingclass, men, women, and children. Once arrived at his destination, "Mr. Peel was left without a servant to make his bed or fetch him water from the river."74 Unhappy Mr.Peel who provided for everything except the export of English modes of production to Swan River! For the understanding of the following discoveries of Wakefield, two preliminary remarks: We know that the means of production and subsistence, while they remain the property of the immediate producer, are not capital. They become capital, only under circumstances in which they serve at the same time as means of exploitation and subjection of the labourer. But this capitalist soul of theirs is so intimately wedded, in the head of the political economist, to their material substance, that he christens them capital under all circumstances, even when they are its exact opposite. Thus is it with Wakefield. Further: the splitting up of the means of production into the individual property of many independent labourers, working on their own account, he calls equal division of capital. It is with the political economist as with the feudal jurist. The latter stuck on to pure monetary relations the labels supplied by feudal law. "If," says Wakefield, "all the members of the society are supposed to possess equal portions of capital.... no man would have a motive for accumulating more capital than he could use with his own hands. This is to some extent the case in new American settlements, where a passion for owning land prevents the existence of a class of labourers for hire."75 So long, therefore, as the labourer can accumulate for himself—and this be can do so long as he remains possessor of his means of production—capitalist accumulation and the capitalistic mode of production are impossible. The class of wage-labourers, essential to these, is wanting. How, then, in old Eu-

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

73

"A negro is a negro. In certain circumstances he becomes a slave. A mule is a machine for spinning cotton. Only under certain circumstances does it become capital. Outside these circumstances, it is no more capital than gold is intrinsically money, or sugar is the price of sugar .... Capital is a social relation of production. It is a historical relation of production." (Karl Marx, "Lohnarbeit und Kapital." N. Rh. Z. Na266, April 7, 1849.) 74 E.G.Wakefield: England and America, vol.11., p.33. 75 I.e., vol.1, p. 17.

664

40

Chapter XXXIII • The modern theory of colonization

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

rope, was the expropriation of the labourer from his ||793| conditions of labour, i.e., the co-existence of capital and wage-labour, brought about? By a social contract of a quite original kind. "Mankind have adopted a .... simple contrivance for promoting the accumulation of capital," which, of course, since the time of Adam, floated in their imagination as the sole and final end of their existence: "they have divided themselves into owners of capital and owners of labour .... This division was the result of concert and combination." 76 In one word: the mass of mankind expropriated itself in honour of the "accumulation of capital." Now, one would think, that this instinct of self-denying fanaticism would give itself full fling especially in the Colonies, where alone exist the men and conditions that could turn a social contract from a dream to a reality. But why, then, should "systematic colonisation" be called in to replace its opposite, spontaneous, unregulated colonisation? But—but—" In the Northern States of the American Union, it may be doubted whether so many as a tenth of the people would fall under the description of hired labourers .... In England .... the labouring class compose the bulk of the people."77 Nay, the impulse to self-expropriation, on the part of labouring humanity, for the glory of capital, exists so little, that slavery, according to Wakefield himself, is the sole natural basis of Colonial wealth. His systematic colonisation is a mere pis aller, since he unfortunately has to do with free men, not with slaves. "The first Spanish settlers in Saint Domingo did not obtain labourers from Spain. But, without labourers, their capital must have perished, or, at least, must soon have been diminished to that small amount which each individual could employ with his own hands. This has actually occurred in the last Colony founded by Englishmen—the Swan River Settlement—where a great mass of capital, of seeds, implements, and cattle, has perished for want of labourers to use it, and where no settler has preserved much more capital than he can employ with his own hands." 78 We have seen that the expropriation of the mass of the people from the soil forms the basis of the capitalist mode of production. The essence of a free colony, on the contrary, consists in this—that ||794| the bulk of the soil is still public property, and every settler on it therefore can turn part of it into his private property and individual means of production, without hindering the later settlers in the same operation.79 This is the secret both of the prosperity of the colonies and of their inveterate vice—opposition to 76

I.e., vol. I., p. IB. I.e., pp.42, 43, 44. 78 I.e., vol.11., p. 5. 79 "Land, to be an element of colonization, must not only be waste, but it must be public property, liable to be converted into private property." (I.e. Vol. II., p. 125.) 77

40

665

Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

the establishment of capital. "Where land is very cheap and all men are free, where every one who so pleases can easily obtain a piece of land for himself, not only is labour very dear, as respects the labourer's share of the produce, but the difficulty is to obtain combined labour at any price."80 As in the colonies the separation of the labourer from the conditions of labour and their root, the soil, does not yet exist, or only sporadically, or on too limited a scale, so neither does the separation of agriculture from industry exist, nor the destruction of the household industry of the peasantry. Whence then is to come the internal market for capital? "No part of the population of America is exclusively agricultural, excepting slaves and their employers who combine capital and labour in particular works. Free Americans, who cultivate the soil, follow many other occupations. Some portion of the furniture and tools which they use is commonly made by themselves. They frequently build their own houses, and carry to market, at whatever distance, the produce of their own industry. They are spinners and weavers; they make soap and candles, as well as, in many cases, shoes and clothes for their own use. In America the cultivation of land is often the secondary pursuit of a blacksmith, a miller or a shopkeeper."81 With such queer people as these, where is the "field of abstinence" for the capitalists? The great beauty of capitalist production consists in this—that it not only constantly reproduces the wage-worker as wage-worker, but produces always, in proportion to the accumulation of capital, a relative surplus population of wage-workers. Thus the law of supply and demand of labour is kept in the right rut, the oscillation of wages is penned within limits | |795| satisfactory to capitalist exploitation, and lastly, the social dépendance of the labourer on the capitalist, that indispensable requisite, is secured; an unmistakeable relation of dependence, which the smug political economist, at home, in the mother country, can transmogrify into one of free contract between buyer and seller, between equally independent owners of commodities, the owner of the commodity capital and the owner of the commodity labour. But in the colonies this pretty fancy is torn asunder. The absolute population here increases much more quickly than in the mother-country, because many labourers enter this world as ready-made adults, and yet the labour market is always understocked. The law of the supply and demand of labour falls to pieces. On the one hand, the old world constantly throws in capital, thirsting after exploitation and "abstinence;" on the other, the regular reproduction of the wage-labourer as wage-labourer comes into collision with impediments the most impertinent 80 81

l.c. Vol.1, p. 247. l.c. pp.21, 22.

666

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Chapter XXXIII • The modern theory of colonization

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

and in part invincible. What becomes of the production of wage-labourers, supernumerary in proportion to the accumulation of capital? The wageworker of to-day is to-morrow an independent peasant, or artisan, working for himself. He vanishes from the labour-market, but not into the workhouse. This constant transformation of the wage-labourers into independent producers, who work for themselves instead of for capital, and enrich themselves instead of the capitalist gentry, reacts in its turn very perversely on the conditions of the labour-market. Not only does the degree of exploitation of the wage-labourer remain indecently low. The wage-labourer loses into the bargain, along with the relation of dependence, also the sentiment of dependence on the abstemious capitalist. Hence all the inconveniences that our E. G. Wakefield pictures so doughtily, so eloquently, so pathetically. The supply of wage-labour, he complains, is neither constant, nor regular, nor sufficient. "The supply of labour is always, not only small, but uncertain."82 "Though the produce divided between the capitalist and the labourer be large, the labourer takes so great a share that he soon becomes a capitalist. .. Few, even of those whose lives are unusually long, can accumu||796|late great masses of wealth."83 The labourers most distinctly decline to allow the capitalist to abstain from the payment of the greater part of their labour. It avails him nothing, if he is so cunning as to import from Europe, with his own capital, his own wage-workers. They soon "cease ... to be labourers for hire; they ... become independent landowners, if not competitors with their former masters in the labour market."84 Think of the horror! The excellent capitalist has imported bodily from Europe, with his own good money, his own competitors! The end of the world has come! No wonder Wakefield laments the absence of all dependence and of all sentiment of dependence on the part of the wage-workers in the colonies. On account of the high wages, says his disciple, Merivale, there is in the colonies "the urgent desire for cheaper and more subservient labourers—for a class to whom the capitalist might dictate terms, instead of being dictated to by them. .. In ancient civilized countries the labourer, though free, is by a law of nature dependent on capitalists; in colonies this dependence must be created by artificial means."85 82

l.c., Vol. II., p. 116. I.e., Vol.1., p. 131. 84 I.e., Vol. II., p. 5. 85 Merivale, I.e., Vol. II., pp. 235-237, 314, passim. Even the mild, free-trade, vulgar economist, Molinari, says: «Dans les colonies où l'esclavage a été aboli sans que le travail forcé se trouvait remplacé par une quantité équivalente de travail libre, on a vu s'opérer la contre-partie du fait qui se réalise tous les jours sous nos yeux. On a vu les simples travailleurs exploiter à leur tour les entrepreneurs d'industrie, exiger d'eux des salaires hors de toute proportion 83

667

Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

What is now, according to Wakefield, the consequence of this ||797| unfortunate state of things in the colonies? A "barbarising tendency of dispersion" of producers and national wealth.86 The parcelling-out of the means of production among innumerable owners, working on their own account, annihilates, along with the centralisation of capital, all the foundations of combined labour. Every long-winded undertaking, extending over several years and demanding outlay of fixed capital, is prevented from being carried out. In Europe, capital invests without hesitating a moment, for the working-class constitutes its living appurtenance, always in excess, always at disposal. But in the colonies! Wakefield tells an extremely doleful anecdote. He was talking with some capitalists of Canada and the state of New York, where the immigrant wave often becomes stagnant and deposits a sediment of "supernumerary" labourers. "Our capital", says one of the characters in the melodrama, "was ready for many operations which require a considerable period of time for their completion; but we could not begin such operations with labour which, we knew, would soon leave us. If we had been sure of retaining the labour of such emigrants, we should have been glad to have engaged it at once, and for a high price: and we should have engaged it, even though we had been sure it would leave us, provided we had been sure of a fresh supply whenever we might need it." 87 After Wakefield has contrasted the English capitalist agriculture and its "combined" labour with the scattered cultivation of American peasants, he unwittingly gives us a glimpse at the reverse of the medal. He depicts the mass of the American people as well-to-do, independent, enterprising and comparatively cultured, whilst "the English agricultural labourer is a miserable wretch, a pauper. .. In what country, except North America and some new colonies, do the wages of free labour employed in agriculture, much exceed a bare subsistence for the labourer? ... Undoubtedly, farmavec la part légitime qui leur revenait dans le produit. Les planteurs, ne pouvant obtenir de leurs sucres un prix suffisant pour couvrir la hausse de salaire, ont été obligés de fournir l'excédant, d'abord sur leurs profits, ensuite sur leurs capitaux mêmes. Une foule de planteurs ont été ruinés de la sorte, d'autres ont fermé leurs ateliers pour échapper à une ruine imminente. .. Sans doute, il vaut mieux voir péri des accumulations de capitaux que des générations d'hommes (how generous of Mr.Molinari!): mais ne vaudrait-il pas mieux que ni les unes ni les autres périssent?» (Molinari l.c. pp. 51, 52.) Mr.Molinari, Mr.Molinari! What then becomes of the ten commandments, of Moses and the prophets, of the law of supply and demand, if in Europe the "entrepreneur" can cut down the labourer's legitimate part, and in the West Indies, the labourer can cut down the entrepreneur's? And what, if you please, is this "legitimate part," which on your own showing the capitalist in Europe daily neglects to pay? Over yonder, in the colonies where the labourers are so "simple" as to "exploit" the capitalist, Mr. Molinari feels a strong itching to set the law of supply and demand, that works elsewhere automatically, on the right road by means of the police. 86 Wakefield, I.e., Vol.11., p. 52. 87 l.c. pp. 191, 192.

668

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Chapter XXXIII • T h e modern theory of colonization

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

horses in England, being a valuable property, are better fed than English peasants." 88 But, never mind, ||798| national wealth is, once again, by its very nature, identical with misery of the people. How, then, to heal the anti-capitalistic cancer of the colonies? If men were willing, at a blow, to turn all the soil from public into private property, they would destroy certainly the root of the evil, but also—the colonies. The trick is how to kill two birds with one stone. Let the Government put upon the virgin soil an artificial price, independent of the law of supply and demand, a price that compels the immigrant to work a long time for wages before he can earn enough money to buy land, and turn himself into an independent peasant. 89 The funds resulting from the sale of land at a price relatively prohibitory for the wage-workers, this fund of money extorted from the wages of labour by violation of the sacred law of supply and demand, the Government is to employ, on the other hand, in proportion as it grows, to import have-nothings from Europe into the colonies, and thus keep the wage-labour market full for the capitalists. Under these circumstances, tout sera pour le mieux dans le meilleur des mondes possibles. This is the great secret of "systematic colonisation." By this plan, Wakefield cries in triumph, "the supply of labour must be constant and regular, because, first, as no labourer would be able to procure land until he had worked for money, all immigrant labourers, working for a time for wages and in combination, would produce capital for the employment of more labourers; secondly, because every labourer who left off working for wages and became a landowner, would, by purchasing land, provide a fund for bringing fresh labour to the colony." 90 The price of the soil imposed by the State must, of course, be a "sufficient price" — i.e., so high "as to prevent the labourers from becoming independent landowners until ||799| others had followed to take their place." 91 This "sufficient price for the land" is nothing but a euphemistic circumlocution for the ransom which the labourer pays to the capitalist for leave to retire from the wage-labour market to the land. First, he must create for the capitalist "capital," with which the latter may be able to exploit more labourers; then he must place, at his own expense, a locum tenens on the labour market, whom the Government forwards across the sea for the benefit of his old master, the capitalist. 88

I.e., Vol.1., pp.24, 47, 246.

89

40

«C'est, ajoutez-vous, grâce à l'appropriation du sol et des capitaux que l'homme, qui n'a que ses bras, trouve de l'occupation, et se fait un revenu. C'est au contraire, grâce à l'appropriation individuelle du sol qu'il se trouve des hommes n'ayant que leurs bras. ... Quand vous mettez un homme dans le vide, vous vous emparez de l'atmosphère. Ainsi faites-vous, quand vous vous emparez du sol. C'est le mettre dans le vide de richesses, pour ne le laisser vivre qu'à votre volonté.» (Colins, I.e. t.III., pp.267-271, passim.) 90 Wakefield, I.e., Vol. II., p. 192. 91 I.e., p. 45.

669

Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

It is very characteristic that the English Government for years practised this method of "primitive accumulation," prescribed by Mr. Wakefield expressly for the use of the colonies. The fiasco was, of course, as complete as that of Sir Robert Peel's Bank Act. The stream of emigration was only diverted from the English colonies to the United States. Meanwhile, the advance of capitalistic production in Europe, accompanied by increasing Government pressure, has rendered Wakefield's recipe superfluous. On the one hand, the enormous and ceaseless stream of men, year after year driven upon America, leaves behind a stationery sediment in the east of the United States, the wave of immigration from Europe throwing men on the labour market there more rapidly than the wave of emigration westwards can wash them away. On the other hand, the American Civil War brought in its train a colossal national debt, and, with it, pressure of taxes, the rise of the vilest financial aristocracy, the squandering of a huge part of the public land on speculative companies for the exploitation of railways, mines, etc., in brief, the most rapid centralisation of capital. The great republic has, therefore, ceased to be the promised land for emigrant labourers. Capitalistic production advances there with giant strides, even though the lowering of wages and the dependence of the wage-worker are yet far from being brought down to the normal European level. The shameless lavishing of uncultivated colonial land on aristocrats and capitalists by the Government, so loudly denounced even by Wakefield, has produced, especially in Australia,92 in conjunc||800|tion with the stream of men that the gold-diggings attract, and with the competition that the importation of English commodities causes even to the smallest artisan, an ample "relative surplus labouring population," so that almost every mail brings the Job's news of a "glut of the Australian labour-market," and prostitution in some places there flourishes as wantonly as in the London Haymarket. However, we are not concerned here with the condition of the colonies. The only thing that interests us is the secret discovered in the new world by the political economy of the old world, and proclaimed on the house-tops: that the capitalist mode of production and accumulation, and therefore capitalist private property, have for their fundamental condition the annihilation of self-earned private property; in other words, the expropriation of the labourer. |

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

92

As soon as Australia became her own law-giver, she passed, of course, laws favourable to the settlers, but the squandering of the land, already accomplished by the English Government, stands in the way. "The first and main object at which the new Land Act of 1862 aims is to give 'increased facilities for the settlement' of the people." (The Land Law of Victoria, by the Hon. C. G. Duffy, Minister of Public Lands. Lond. 1862.)

670

40

Works arfd authors quoted in "Capital"

|80l| Works and Authors quoted in "Capital." Author.

Work.

C., and Meck- Arbeiten der Kaiserlich Russischen lenburg, F. A. Gesandschaft zu Peking über China. ADDINGTON, Steph. Enquiry into the Reasons for or against enclosing Open Fields. ABRÉGÉ Elémentaire des Principes d'Économie Politique. (See under Anonymous). ADVANTAGES of the East Indian 10 Trade. (See under Anonymous). AIKIN, D r . Description of the country from thirty to forty miles round Manchester. 15 ANONYMOUS. ABRÉGÉ Elémentaire des Principes de l'Économie Politique. (See Gamier, G.). ADVANTAGES of the East Indian Trade to England. 20 CASE, The, of our English Wool, etc. COMBINATION, On, of Trades. CONSIDERATIONS concerning taking off the bounty on Corn exported.

Date.

ABEL,

CURRENCY QUESTION, T h e . 25

Berlin, 1858. London, 1772.

London,1795.

Paris, 1796. London, 1720. London, 1685. London, 1834, London, 1753. London,1844.

CURRENCY QUESTION reviewed, The. A Letter to the Scotch People. By a Banker in England. London, 1845. DEFENCE, A, of the Landowners and Farmers of Great Britain. London, 1814.

671

Works and authors quoted in "Capital" ANONYMOUS. »

» "

"

concerning Trade, that in particular of the East Indies. DISCOURSE, A, on the general notions of Money, Trade, and Exchange as they stand in relation to each other. By a Merchant. DISCOURSE, A, on the Necessity of encouraging Mechanick Industry. DISSERTATION, A critical, on the Nature, Measures, and Causes of Value. etc. (See Bailey S.). DISSERTATION on the Poor Laws. By a Well-wisher of Mankind. (See Townsend). DISCOURSE

London, 1689.

5 London, 1695. London, 1690. 10 London, 1825. London, 1786 (repub. 1817.) |

|802| ANONYMOUS. " »

»

»

" "

»

» » »

672

15

India Trade, The, a most profitable Trade. ECONOMY, Public, concentrated. ENQUIRY into the connection between the present price of Provisions and the size of Farms. By a Farmer. ENQUIRY into the causes of the present high price of Provisions. (See Forster, Nathaniel). ENQUIRY into those principles respecting the nature of Demand as lately advocated by Mr. Malthus. ENQUIRY, A political, into the consequences of enclosing Waste Lands. ESSAY, An, on the Governing Causes of the Natural rate of Interest (See J. Massie). EAST

London, 1696. Carlisle, 1 8 3 3 . 20 London, 1773.

London, 1767. 25 London, 1821. London, 1785. 30

London, 1750.

ESSAY, a prize, on the Comparative

merits of Competition and Cooperation. ESSAY on Credit and the Bankrupt Act. ESSAY on the Political Economy of Nations. ESSAY on Public Credit. ESSAY on Trade and Commerce.

London, 1834.

35

London, 1707. London, 1821. London, 1710. London, 1770.

40

Works and authors quoted in "Capital"

5

"

"

ESSAYS on Political Economy in which are illustrated the principal causes of the present National Distress. London, 1830. Two Letters on the Flour Trade, and the dearness of Corn. By a Person in Business. London, 1767. INDUSTRY of Nations, The. London, 1855. INQUIRY. (See Enquiry).

10

"

KRANKHEITEN,

ANONYMOUS.

» 15

»

Die,

Welche

ver-

s c h i e d e n Ständen, Altern und Geschlechtern eigenthümlich sind. Ulm, 1840. LABOUR DEFENDED against Capital, by T.H. (See Hodgskin). London, 1825. LETTER, A, to Sir T.C. Bunbury, Bt.,

On the high Price of Provisions. By a Suffolk Gentleman. Ipswich, 1795. MONEY and its Vicissitudes. (See S.

Bailey).

20

» »

London, 1837. of Political Economy. London, 1832. OBSERVATIONS on certain verbal disputes in Political Economy. London, 1821. | OUTLINES

18031 ANONYMOUS. 25

» " »

30

» 35

» 40

"

The, of the Nation. PRINCIPLES, Essential, of the Wealth of Nations. REASONS for the late increase of the Poor Rate. REASONS for a limited Exportation of Wool. REMARKS on the Commercial Policy of Great Britain. S.W. A Compendious and Briefe Examination of certayne ordinary complaints of diverse of our countrymen in these our days. (See William Stafford). SOPHISMS of Free Trade. By a Barrister. ... Reprint, 1870. PERILS,

London, 1843. London, 1797. London, 1777. London, 1677. London, 1815.

London,1581. London, 1850.

SOURCE, The, and R e m e d i e s of the

National Difficulties. A letter to Lord John Russell. London, 1821. 673

Works and authors quoted in "Capital" ANONYMOUS.

APPIAN. ASHLEY,

Anth.,

Lord. ARISTOTLE. AUGIER,

Marie.

The, of the Exchanges. The Bank Charter Act of 1844. The abuse of the Metallic Principle to Depreciation. THOUGHTS, Some, on the interest of money in general, and particularly in the English Funds. De bellis Civilibus. The Ten Hours' Factory Bill, Speech of the 15th March. De República. Du crédit public et de son Histoire depuis les temps anciens jus qu' á nos jours. THEORY,

London, 1864.

London, 1870.

London, 1844.

Paris, 1842. 15

B BAILEY, S .

BAILEY, S.

Charles.

BABBAGE, BACON.

BANKER, A .

BARBON,

Nicholas.

A Criticai Dissertation, etc., chiefly in reference to the writings of Mr. Ricardo. Money and its Vicissitudes. (Published Anon.). On the Economy of Machinery. Life of Henry VII. (Kennet's England). BANK ACTS. (See Parliamentary Papers). The Currency Question reviewed. A letter to the Scotch people by a Banker in England. A Discourse on coining the new money lighter, in answer to Mr. Locke's Considerations.

io

London, 1825. London, 1837. 20 London, 1832.

London, 1870. 25 London, 1845.

London, 1696. | 30

|804| BARTON,

John.

BARRISTER, A . BECCARIA, BELLERS,

674

Cesare.

John.

Observations on the circumstances which influence the condition of the Labouring Classes of Society. London, 1817. Sophisms of Free Trade. (See under 35 Anonymous). Elementi di Economia Pubblica. Custodi's ed. of Italian Economists. Milano, 1804. Essays about the Poor, Manufactures, Trade, Plantations, and Immorality. London, 1699. 40

Works and authors quoted in "Capital"

(See under Newspapers). Théorie des peines et des récompenses (d'après des manuscrits inédits, ed. by É. Dumont). The Querist. Du Monopole qui s'établit dans lés arts industriels et le Commerce. Die Philosophie des Aristoteles. The History of Political Literature from the earliest times. Des Classes Ouvrières en France pendant 1 année, 1848. Cours d'économie industrielle Dissertation sur la nature des richesses, de l'argent et des tributs. (Ed. Daire). Institutiones politicae. Livres des métiers. (Collection de documents inédits). Political Economy. An Inquiry into the Colonial Policy of the European Powers. Théorie du système animal. Inquiry into the Taxation and Commercial Policy of Great Britain. Smith's Wealth of Nations. With notes and an additional volume. Histoire Parlementaire de la Révolution Française. Thoughts and details on Scarcity. A Letter from the Right Hon. Ed. Burke, to a noble lord, on the attacks made upon him and his pension in the House of Lords by the Duke of Bedford, etc. Hudibras. C. BENGAL HURKARU.

Jeremy.

BENTHAM,

BERKELEY,

George.

BIDAUT, J . N . BIESE, F .

10

Robert.

BLAKEY,

BLANQUI, J . A .

15

BOISGUILLEBERT.

BOXHORN. BOILEAU,

Étienne.

20 BROADHURST, J . BROUGHAM,

Henry.

BRUCKNER.

25

BUCHANAN,

BÛCHEZ

David.

et Roux.

30 BURKE,

Edmund.

35 BUTLER. CAIRNES, J . E .

40

18051 CAMPBELL,

George.

The Slave Power. Modern India.

Londres, 1811. London, 1750. Paris, 1828. Berlin, 1842. London, 1855.

Paris, 1838-39.

Paris, 1843. Leyden, 1663. Paris, 1837. London, 1842. Edinburgh, 1803. Leyden, 1767. Edinburgh, 1844. London, 1814. Paris, 1834-38. London, 1800.

Philadelphia, 1795 (?)

London, 1862. | London, 1852. 675

Works and authors quoted in "Capital"

Philip.

CANTILLON, »

CARD, R o u a r d de. CAREY, H . C .

m CARLI, G . R . CAZENOVE,

John.

CHALMERS, T h . CHAMBERLAIN, JOS. CHERBULIEZ, A . E . COBBETT,

William.

COLINS, H .

CONDILLAC.

CORBET, T h .

CORBON, C . A . COURCELLE-SENEUIL, J . G .

676

Essai sur la nature du Commerce en général. The Analysis of Trade, Commerce, etc. (English translation). Falsification des substances sacramentelles. The Slave Trade. Essay on the Rate of Wages. Notes in his edition of Verri. (See Verri). Notes in his edition of Malthus' Definitions in Political Economy. CENSUS. (See Parliamentary Papers). On Political Economy. Speech at Sanitary Congress, Birmingham. (Times, 15th Jan., 1875). Riche ou pauvre. A History of the Protestant Reformation. L'Économie Politique. Combination (On) of Trades. (See Anon.). COMMISSIONS. (Children's Employment, on Railways, etc.) (See Pari. Papers). CONGRESS. (International Statistic). Compte rendu. Le Commerce et le Gouvernement. Reprinted in: Mélanges de l'Économie Politique. (Ed. Daire et Molinari). CONSIDERATIONS concerning taking off the Bounty on Corn exported. (See Anonymous). An Inquiry into the Causes and Modes of the Wealth of Individuals. De l'enseignement professionel. Traité théorique et pratique des entreprises industrielles.

Amsterdam, 1756. London, 1759.

Philadelphia, 1853. London, 1835. 10

Milano, 1804. London, 1853. Glasgow, 1832. 15

Paris, 1841. Dublin, 1868. Paris, 1857.

20

London, 1834. 25

Paris. Paris, 1776. 30

Paris, 1847.

London, 1753. 35 London, 1841. Paris, 1859. 40

Paris, 1857.

Works and authors quoted in "Capital" CURRENCY

Question,

The.

(See

Anon.).

London, 1844. Question, reviewed, The. (See Anon.). London, 1845. Discours sur les Revolutions du Globe. (Ed. Hoefer). Paris, 1863. CURRENCY

5

CUVIER,

G. L. C .

D. DAILY TELEGRAPH. DARWIN, 10

Charles.

(See Newspapers).

Origin of Species.

London, 1859. |

|806|

Th. René.

D E QUINCEY, DESCARTES, 15

Defence, A, of the landlords and farmers of Great Britain. (See Anon.). London, 1814. The Logic of Political Economy. London, 1 8 4 4 . Discours de la Méthode. Paris, 1 6 6 8 . DEUTSCH-FRANZÖSISCHE JAHRBÜCHER.

DIODORUS SICULUS.

20

25

T.J. Pierre.

DUNNING, DUPONT,

(See Marx and Ruge). Bibliotheca Histórica. DISCOURSE concerning Trade, etc. (See Anonymous). DISCOURSE on the General Notions of Money, etc. (See Anon.). DISCOURSE on the necessity of encouraging Mechanick Industry, (see Anon.). DISSERTATION on the Poor Laws, etc. (See Anon.). Trades' Unions and Strikes. Chansons.

Paris, 1844.

London, 1689. London, 1695.

London, 1690. London, 1786. London, 1860. Paris, 1846.

E. 30

etc., (see Anon.). London, 1696. Public, Concentrated, (see Anon.). Carlisle, 1833. ECONOMIST (see under Newspapers). The State of the Poor. London, 1797. Opera. Lage der arbeitenden Klasse in England. Leipzig, 1845. Umrisse zu einer Kritik der Nationaloekonomie. (Deutsch-französische Jahrbücher). Paris, 1844. EAST INDIAN TRADE,

ECONOMY,

EDEN,

35

F.M.

" 40

Sextus. Friedrich.

EMPIRICUS, ENGELS,

677

Works and authors quoted in "Capital"

Friedrich.

ENGELS,

ENGELS, F . &

Marx, K.

ENSOR,

George.

Die Englische Zehn-Stunden-Bill (Neue Rheinische Zeitung April number). Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei. ENQUIRY into, etc. (see under Anony mous). ESSAY, etc. (see under Anonymous). An Inquiry concerning the Popula tion of Nations.

Hamburg, 1850. London, 1848.

5

London, 1818. 10

F.

Acts, Reports of Inspectors, (see Pari. Papers). Enquiry into the Connection, etc., (see Enquiry under Anonymous). London, 1773. | 15

FACTORY FARMER, A .

|807| The Economic Position of the British Labourer. FERGUSON, A . A History of Civil Society, Reprinted. FERRAND. Speech in House of Commons. (See Hansard). Le gouvernément considéré dans ses FERRIER, F . L . A . rapports avec le commerce. The Curse of the Factory System. FIELDEN, J . FLEETWOOD, Bishop. Chronicon pretiosum. Hygiène physique et morale de FONTEROL, A . L . l'ouvrier, etc. Eléments du Commerce. Nouvelle FORBONNAIS, V . d e . Édition. An enquiry into the Causes of the FORSTER, R e v . N a present high price of Provisions. thaniel. Works, (Edited by Sparks). FRANKLIN, Benjamin. Regulation of Currencies. FULLARTON, John. FAWCETT,

Henry.

London, 1865. London, 1850. 20

Paris, 1822. London,1836. London, 1707. 25 Paris, 1858. Leyde, 1766. 30

London, 1767. Boston, 1840-36-40. London, 1844.

G. GALIANI, F . GANILH,

678

Charles.

Della Moneta, (Custodi Ed.). Milano, 1803. Des systèmes de l'économie politique. Paris, 1821.

35

So8

Capitalist Production. .1 lUkor.

HANSARD

»

Work.

Date..

Parliamentary Debates. Speech of Mr. Gladstone on the Budget, April, 16th, 1883 London, 188.'!. Variiamcntary Debates. Speech of Mr. Gladftoae, April 7th, 1864 London, 1864.

HARMS, James, Karl of Mnlmesbnry. ...Dialogue concerning Happiness (republished in "Three Treatises," 1786). London, 1 7 « HASSAIX, Dr. H. H.. Adulterations detected London, 1S.">7. HEGEL, G . W . F . — W E R K E ,

Berlin, 1832-40.

HlLAlRK,Geoffroi St. Notions de Philosophie Naturelle

Paris, 1838.

HOBBES, H I

Leviathan.

L o n d o n , 1839-44.

HODGSKIK, TH

HOIXINSHKD

Labour Defended against Capital. ByT. H. (.See under Anon.) London, 1825. Natural and Artificial Rights, The, of Property Contrasted. (Anonymous).London, 1832. Description of England

HOMES

ILIAD a n d O d y s s e y



(Works)..

HOPKINS, Th HORNE, Geo

On Rent of Land London, 1828. A Letter to Adam Smith, LL.D., On the Life, Death and Philosophy of his Friend, David Hume ....Oxford, 1784. HORJTEB, Leonard.., A Letter to Mr. Senior, etc London, 1837. HOUGHTON, John Husbandry and Trade Improved London, 1727 Howrrr, William....Colonization and Christianity ..London, 1838. Hurros, C. Coarse of Mathematics Reprint, London, 1841-43.

I

ISOCRATES

INDUSTRY of Nations. (See Anonymou ») London, 1855. INQUIRY. (See Enquiry under Anon.). INTERNATIONAL Statistic Congress, Compte rendu ....Paris. Orationes et Epistolae

J. JONES, Richard >1 I» •>

An Eesny on the Distribution of Wealth. Part %> On Rent London, IS31. An Introductory Lecture on Political Economy London, 1833. Tex t Book of Lectures on the Political Economy of Nations Hertford, 1852. JOURNAL of the Society of Arte. (See under newspapers)

K, KRANKHEITEN, Die, welche verschiedenen Ständen, Altera nnd Geschlechtern eigenthumlich sind Ulm, 1800.

Seite 808 der englischen Ausgabe

Works and authors quoted in "Capital" GARNIER, G .

GASKELL, P . 5 GENTLEMAN, A S u f -

folk. GENOVESI, A . 10

GISBORNE. GLADSTONE, W . E . GREGOIR, H . GREG, R . H .

15 GROVE, W . R .

HALLER, C . L . v o n . 20 HAMM, W . HANSARD. 25

»

|808|

Abrégé élémentaire des principes de l'économie politique (published anonymously). The Manufacturing Population of England. Letter to Sir T. C. Bunbury on the high price of provisions. Lezioni di Economia civile (Custodi Ed.). Enquiry into the Duties of Man. See Hansard. Les Typographes devant le Tribunal Correctionnel de Bruxelles. The Factory question and the Ten Hours' Bill. On the Correlation of Physical Forces. H. Restauration der Staatswissenschaften. Die Landwirtschaftlichen Geräthe und Maschinen Englands. Parliamentary Debates. Speech of Mr. Ferrand, April 27th, 1863. Parliamentary Debates. Speech of Mr. Gladstone on the Budget, Feb. 13th, 1843.

Parliamentary Debates. Speech of Mr. Gladstone on the Bugdet, April, 30 16th, 1863. Parliamentary Debates. Speech of Mr. Gladstone, April 7th, 1864. HARRIS, James, Earl Dialogue concerning Happiness (republished in "Three Treatises," 35 of Malmesbury. 1765). HASSALL, D r . A . H . Adulterations detected.

Paris, 1796. London, 1833. London, 1795. Milano, 1803. London, 1795. Bruxelles, 1865. London, 1837. London, 1846.

Wintherthur, 1820-1834. Braunschweig, 1856. London, 1863.

London, 1843. |

HANSARD.

HEGEL, G . W . F .

WERKE.

London, 1863. London, 1864.

London, 1741. London, 1857. Berlin, 1832-40.

681

Works and authors quoted in "Capital"

Geoffroy St.

HILAIRE,

Notions de Philosophie Naturelle.

Paris, 1838.

HOBBES, T h .

Leviathan. (Works).

London, 1839-45.

HODGSKIN, T h .

Labour Defended against Capital. By T. H. (See under Anon.). Natural and Artificial Rights, The, of Property Contrasted. (Anonymous). Description of England. Iliad and Odyssey. On Rent of Land. A Letter to Adam Smith, LL.D., On the Life, Death and Philosophy of his Friend, David Hume. A Letter to Mr. Senior, etc. Husbandry and Trade Improved. Colonization and Christianity. Course of Mathematics. Reprint.

HOLINSHED. HOMER. HOPKINS, T h . HORNE, G e o .

Leonard. HOUGHTON, John. Howrrr, William. HORNER,

HUTTON, C .

INDUSTRY

London, 1825. London, 1832. 10

London,1828.

Oxford, 1784. London, 1837. 15 London, 1727. London, 1838. London, 1841-43.

I. of Nations. (See Anony-

20

mous).

London, 1855. Enquiry under Anon.). INTERNATIONAL Statistic Congress, Compte rendu. Paris. Orationes et Epistolae. INQUIRY. {See

ISOCRATES.

25

J. JONES,

Richard.

An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth. Part I., On Rent. An Introductory Lecture on Political Economy. Text Book of Lectures on the Political Economy of Nations. JOURNAL of the Society of Arts. (See under newspapers).

London, 1831. 30 London, 1833. Hertford, 1852.

K.

Die, welche verschiedenen Ständen, Altern und Geschlechtern eigenthumlich sind. Ulm, 1840. | KRANKHEITEN,

682

35

Works and authors quoted in "Capital"

|809| L. LABORDE, A . d e .

LAING, S . LANCELLOTTI, A b b .

10

Ferdin. LAVERGNE, Léonce de. LASSALLE,

LAW, J. 15

L E TROSNE. LEVI,

Leone.

20 LIEBIG, J . v o n .

25

LINGUET, N . LOCKE,

John.

30 LUCRETIUS. LUTHER,

Martin.

35 MACAULAY,

Thos. B. MACLAREN,

James.

MACLEOD, H . D . 40

M'CULLOCH, J . R .

De l'esprit de l'association dans tous les intérêts de la communauté. LABOUR defended. (See Hodgskin). LABOURERS, (Agricultural) Ireland. 0See Parliamentary Papers). National Distress, etc. Farfalloni de gli Antichi Historici. Die Philosophie des Herakleitos. Essai sur l'économie rurale de l'Angleterre. Considérations sur le numéraire et sur le Commerce. (Ed. Daire). LETTER, A, to Sir T. C. Bunbury, etc. By a Suffolk gentleman. (See Anonymous). De l'intérêt Social. (Ed. Daire). Lecture before the Society of Arts, April, 1866. (See Newspapers). Die Chemie in ihrer Anwendung auf Agrikultur. Ueber Theorie und Praxis in der Landwirthschaft. Théorie des loix civiles. Some Considerations on the Consequences of the Lowering of Interest. (Works, Vol. II.) LORDS (House of) Committee on Bank Acts. (See Parliamentary Papers). De Rerum Naturâ. An die Pfarrherrn, wider den Wucher zu predigen. M. History of England. 10th Edit.

Paris, 1818.

London, 1844. Venetia, 1636. Berlin, 1858. Paris, 1858. Paris, 1843.

Ipswich, 1795. Paris, 1846. London, 1866. Braunschweig, 1862. Braunschweig, 1856. London, 1767.

London, 1777.

Wittenberg, 1540.

London, 1854. History of the Currency. London, 1858. Theory and Practice of Banking. London, 1855. A Dictionary, Practical, etc., of Commerce. London, 1847.

683

Works and authors quoted in "Capital" M'CULLOCH, J . R . » MALTHUS, T . R .

MALTHUS, T . R . MANDEVILLE, B . d e .

The Literature of Political Economy. Principles of Political Economy. Definitions in Political Economy. Inquiry into the Nature and Progress of Rent. Principles of Political Economy. Fable of the Bees.

London, 1845. London, 1830. London, 1827. London, 1815. London, 1836. London, 1728. |

|810|

Harriet Karl, and Engels, F. MARX, Karl, and Ruge, A. MARX, Karl. MARTINEAU, MARX,

MASSIE, J .

MAURER.

MERCIER d e l a R i -

(?), 1832. The Manchester Strike. Manifest der Kommunistischen ParLondon, 1848. tei. Deutsch-französische Jahrbücher. Paris, 1844. Lohnarbeit und Kapital. (Neue Rheinische Zeitung, 7th April.). Misère de la philosophie: Réponse à la philosophie de la misère de M. Proudhon. Zur Kritik der Politischen Œkonomie. An Essay on the Governing Causes of the Natural Rate of Interest. (Pub. Anon.). MASTER SPINNERS and Manufacturers Defence Fund. (See Report.) Geschichte der Fronhöfe.

Köln, 1849.

10

15

Paris, 1847. Berlin, 1859.

20

London, 1750. 25

Erlangen, 1863. Einleitung zur Geschichte der Mark- München, 1854. verfassung (See Rivière.)

30

vière. MERCHANT, A .

MERIVALE, H . MILL,

James.

»

MILL,

684

John Stuart.

A Discourse on the General Notions of Money, etc. (See under Anonymous). Lectures on Colonization and Colonies. Article "Colony," Supplement of Encyclopaedia Britannica. Elements of Political Economy. Essays on some Unsettled Questions of Political Economy.

London, 1695. 35

London, 1841. Edinburgh, 1824. London, 1821. London, 1844.

40

Works and authors quoted in "Capital"

MILL, John Stuart. MIRABEAU. MOLINARI, G . d e . MOMMSEN, T h .

MONTEIL,

Alexis.

MONTESQUIEU.

10

MORE, T h o m a s .

MORTON, J . C . 15

" MUN,

Th.

MURPHY.

20

MURRAY,

Hugh,

NASMYTH. 25 NEWMAN, S . P . NEWMAN, W . F . NEWNHAM, G . L . 30 NEWSPAPERS.

40

London, 1848. Londres, 1788. Paris, 1846. Berlin, 1856. London, 1837. Paris, 1835. Londres, 1767.

London, 1669. London,1870. |

|811| WILSON, e t c .

35

Principles of Political Economy. De la Monarchie Prussienne. Études Économiques. Römische Geschichte. Money and its Vicissitudes. (See S. Bailey. Pub. Anon.). Histoire des Matériaux manuscrits, etc. Esprit des Lois. Œuvres. Utopia. MORNING STAR. (See under Newspapers). Article LABOURER in Cyclopaedia of Agriculture. Paper read before the Society of Arts Dec. 1859. England's Treasure by Foreign Trade. Ireland, Industrial, Political, and Social.

Historical and descriptive account of Edinburgh, British India. 1832. N. Speech at Trades' Union Commission, 1851. London, 1851. Elements of Political Economy. New York, 1835. Lectures on Political Economy. London, 1851. A Review of the Evidence before the Commitee of the two Houses of Parliament on the Corn Laws. London, 1815. Newspapers and journals, etc. BENGAL HURKARU. Bi-monthly Over- Calcutta (?), land Summary of news, July 22nd. 1861. DAILY TELEGRAPH, Jan. 17th. London, 1860. ECONOMIST, July, 19th. London, 1851. Janr., 21st. London, 1860. » » June, 2nd. London, 1866. JOURNAL of the Society of Arts. London. " December, 1859.

685

Works and authors quoted in "Capital"

of the Society of Arts. January, 1872. April, 1861, etc. MORNING STAR, April 17th. » » June 23rd. OBSERVER, April 24th. JOURNAL

London.

» »

REVOLUTIONS DE PARIS. REYNOLDS'S NEWSPAPER, J a n .

»

»

Feb. Jan. 20th.

SPECTATOR, M a y . STANDARD.

Oct. 26th. TIMES, NOV. 5 t h .

Nov. 26th. March 24th. Sept. 9th. WORKMAN'S Advocate, Jan. 1866. NIEBUHR, B . G . Römische Geschichte (reprinted). NORTH, Sir Dudley. Discourses upon Trade.

London, 1863. London, 1863. London, 1864. Paris, 1789-94. London, 1866. London, 1866. London, 1867. 10 London, 1866 (?) London, 1865 (?) London, 1861. 15 London, 1861. London,1862. London, 1863. London, 1873. London, 1866. 20 Berlin, 1853. London, 1691.

O. on certain verbal disputes. (See Anonymous). London, 1821. 25 OBSERVER. (See Newspapers). Sea board Slave States. New York, 1856. A treatise on Political Economy. New York, 1851. 30 Della Economia libri sei (Ed. Custodi). Milano, 1804.1 OBSERVATIONS

OLMSTED, F . OPDYKE, G . ORTES, G .

|812| OTWAY, J . H . OWEN,

686

Robert.

Judgment of J. H. Otway, Hilary Sessions, Belfast. Observations on the Effects of the Manufacturing System. London, 1817.

35

Works and authors quoted in "Capital"

PARLIAMENTARY

P. Saggio sopra il giusto pregio delle cose. (Ed. Custodi). Milano, 1803. AGRICULTURAL Labourers, (Ireland)

PAPERS.

1862.

PAGNINI, G . F .

5

10

CENSUS for Great Britain, Ireland and Wales, 1863, etc. CHILDREN'S Employment Commission. FACTORIES Regulation Acts, 1859. HOUSE OF COMMONS Committee,

1862.

Committee on Bank Act, 1848. REPORTS on Bank Acts, 1 8 5 7 . » of Select Committee on Bank Acts, 1858. REPORTS of Select Committee on Mines, 1866. REPORTS of Commissioners of H.M.'s Inland Revenue. (Fourth and Tenth). REPORTS of Commissioners relating to Transportation and Penal Servitude. (1863). REPORTS of Foreign Office. (Howard de Walden). REPORTS of Inspectors of Factories. REPORTS of Royal Commission on the Grievances of the Journeymen Bakers. (1862). REPORTS from the Poor Law Inspectors on the Wages of Agricultural Labourers in Dublin. (1870). REPORTS on Public Health. REPORTS of the Registrar General. REPORTS of H. M. Secretaries of Embassies and Legations on Manufactures. (1863). STATISTICAL Abstract for the United Kingdom. (1861 and 1866). STATISTICS (Miscellaneous) of the United Kingdom. (1866). H O U S E OF LORDS

15

20

25

30

35

687

Works and authors quoted in "Capital" PARRY, C . H .

The Question of the Necessity of the Existing Corn Laws Considered. London, 1816. |

|813| in Business, A. PETTY, William. PERSON

PINTO,

Isaac.

PLATO. POSTLETHWAYT, M .

PRICE,

Richard.

PROUDHON.

QUESNAY, D r . F .

Capital Farms. (See under Anon.). Political Anatomy of Ireland and Verbum Sapienti. Quantulumcunque concerning Money. A Treatise of Taxes and Contributions. Verbum Sapienti. (See Political Anatomy of Ireland). Traité de la Circulation et du Crédit... De República. First Preliminary Discourse. Universal Dictionary of Trade and Commerce. Great Britain's Commercial Interest Explained. Observations on Reversionary Payments. Oeuvres.

London, 1767.

London, 1691. London, 1695. 10

London, 1662.

Amsterdam, 1771.

15

London. London. 20

London, 1759. London,1803. Paris.

Q. Dialogue sur le Commerce. (Ed. Daire). Paris, 1846. Maximes Générales. (Ed. Daire). Paris, 1846.

25

R. RAFFLES,

Th. Stam-

History of Java,

London, 1817. 30

ford. RAMAZZINI.

RAMSAY, G . RAVENSTONE, P . READ,

688

George.

De morbis artificum (1700). French translation in "Encyclopédie des Sciences Médicales." An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth. Thoughts on the Funding System and its Effects. History of Baking.

Paris, 1841. Edinburgh, 1836. London, 1824. London, 1848.

35

Works and authors quoted in "Capital" REDGRAVE, A . REGNAULT, É .

5

REICH, E d u a r d .

Report of Speech in Journal of the Society of Arts. (Jan., 1872). Histoire politique et sociale des Principautés Danubiennes. Paris, 1855. Ueber die Entartung des Menschen. Erlangen, 1868.

of the Committee of the Master Spinners and Manufacturers De- Manchester, fence Fund. 1854. REPORT of Social Science Congress, Edinburgh, Oct., 1863. REPORTS (Inspectors of Factories, Health, etc. See under Parliamentary Papers.) | REPORT

10

15

|814| of Working Men of Dun- New York, 1866. RÉVOLUTIONS de Paris. (See under Newspapers). REYNOLDS'S Newspaper. (See under Newspapers). Principles of Political Economy. London, 1821. Work and Overwork. (Social Science Review, July, 1863). London, 1863. (See Mercier). RESOLUTION

kirk.

20

David.

RICARDO,

RICHARDSON, B . W . 25

RIVIÈRE,

Mercier

de la. RODBERTUS-JAGET-

Soziale Briefe an Kirchmann.

Berlin, 1850-51.

Briefe, etc., Edited by Dr. R. Meyer. A History of Agriculture and Prices.

Berlin, 1881. Oxford, 1866.

Grundlagen der Nationalœkonomie. Cours d'Économie Politique.

Berlin, 1858. Bruxelles, 1843.

Discours sur l'Économie Politique.

Genève, 1765.

zow, C. »

30

James E. Thorold.

ROGERS,

ROSCHER, W . ROSSI, P . 35

JeanJacques. Roux et Bûchez.

ROUSSEAU,

SAINT-HILAIRE,

40

(See Bûchez). S. Notions de Philosophie Naturelle.

Paris, 1838.

Geoffroy.

689

Works and authors quoted in "Capital"

J.B.

Lettres â M. Malthus. Traité de l'Économie Politique. Die Erde, die Pflanze und der SCHOUW, F . Mensch. SCHULZ, Wilhelm. Die Bewegung der Produktion. SCROPE, G . P . Political Economy (Edited by A. Potter). SENIOR, William Journals, Conversations and Essays relating to Ireland. Nassau. Letters on the Factory Acts. Principes Fondamentaux de l'Économie Politique (French translation by Arrivabene). Three Lectures on the Rate of Wages. SHAKESPEARE, W m . Works. SISMONDI, Simonde Études d'Économie Politique. de. Nouveaux Principes de l'Économie Politique. De la Richesse Commerciale. SKARBEK, F . Théorie des Richesses Sociales. SMITH, Adam. Wealth of Nations. SAY,

»

SOCIAL SCIENCE

Report). I |815|

Paris, 1820. Paris, 1841. Leipzig, 1854. Zürich, 1843. New York, 1841.

5

London, 1868. London, 1837. 10 Paris, 1836. London, 1830. 15

Paris, 1837. Paris, 1819. Genève, 1803. Paris, 1829. Aberdeen, 1848.

20

Congress. (See under 25

SOCIETY of Arts, Journal of. (See under Newspapers). SOCIETY of Arts, Commission of Inquiry into Industrial Pathology. 30 Letters from the Highlands, on the SOMERS, Robert. London, 1848. Famine of 1847. Antigone. SOPHOCLES. SPECTATOR. (See under Newspapers). STAFFORD, William. A Compendious and Briefe Examina35 tion of certayne ordinary complaints of diverse of our countrymen in these London, 1581. our days. (Publ. Anon.). STANDARD. (See under Newspapers). STATISTICS. (See under Parliamentary 40 Papers).

690

Works and authors quoted in "Capital"

5

STEUART, S i r J a s .

»

STEWART,

Dugald.

STOLBERG,

10

Chri-

stian. STORCH, H . F . STRYPE.

STATUTES, General, of Massachusetts. STATUTES, Revised of Rhode Island. STATUTE, Decree of Philippe de Valois, 1346. Principles of Political Economy. Works. Works. (Edited by Sir William Hamilton). Gedichte aus dem Griechischen. Cours d'Economie Politique. Annals of the Reformation.

Dublin, 1770. London, 1805. Edinburgh, 1855. Hamburg, 1782. St. Petersburg, 1815. London, 1725.

T.

Adolphe. THOMPSON, Benj. THIERS,

THOMPSON, W . 20 THORNTON, W . T . THUCIDYDES. THÜNEN, J . H . v o n . TOOKE,

Thos.

25 TORRENS, R .

30

» TOWNSEND, J . TRACY,

35

(See under Newspapers). De la propriété. Essays, Political, Economical and Philosophical, etc. An Inquiry into the principles of the distribution of Wealth. Over-population and its Remedy. De Bello Peloponnesiaco. Der isolirte Staat. History of Prices (partly Ed. by W. Newmarch). An Essay on the External Corn Trade. An Essay on the Production of Wealth. On Wages and Combinations. Dissertation on the Poor Laws, etc. {See under Anonymous). Traité de la Volonté et de ses Effets. TRADES' Union Commission. | TIMES.

15

Destutt de.

|816|

TUCKETT, J . D . TURGOT.

Paris, 1848. London, 1796-1802. London, 1824. London, 1846. Rostock, 1863. London, 1853-57. London, 1815. London, 1821. London, 1834. London, 1817. Paris, 1826.

A History of the Past and Present State of the Labouring Population. London, 1846. Réflexions sur la formation et la distribution des richesses. Paris, 1844.

691

Works and authors quoted in "Capital" U.

URE, Andrew. URQUHART, David.

Philosophy of Manufactures. London, 1835. Familiar Words. London, 1855. Portfolio, New Series, (see under Newspapers).

5

V. VANDERLINT, J a s .

VERRI, Pietro. VISSERING, S.

Money answers all things. Meditazioni sulla Economia politica, (Ed. Custodi). Handboek van praktische Staatshuishoudkunde.

London, 1734. Milano, 1804. Amsterdam, 1860-62.

10

W.

WADE, J o h n . WAKEFIELD, E . G . »

»

WARD, J o h n . WATSON, J . WATTS,

John.

WAYLAND, F .

WEST, Edward. WILKS,

Mark.

WRIGHT,

Thomas.

History of the Middle and Working Classes. England and America. Notes in his ed. of Smith's Wealth of Nations. A view of the Art of Colonization. History of the Borough of Stokeupon-Trent. {See under Society of Arts). Facts and Fictions of Political Economists. Trade Societies and Strikes.

London, 1833. London, 1833. 15 London, 1835. London, 1849. London, 1843. 20

Manchester, 1842. Manchester, 1865. London, 1856. Elements of Political Economy. Price of Corn and Wages of Labour. London, 1826. Historical Sketches of the South of London, 1810-17. India. WORKMAN'S ADVOCATE, (see under Newspapers). Short Address to the Public on the London,1745. Monopoly of large Farms.

25

30

X. Xenophon.

Cyropasdia.

35 Y.

YOUNG, Arthur.

692

Political Arithmetic.

London, 1774. |

I MEGA

KARL MARX FRIEDRICH ENGELS GESAMTAUSGABE (MEGA) ZWEITE ABTEILUNG „DAS KAPITAL" U N D VORARBEITEN BAND 9

Herausgegeben vom Institut für Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung Berlin und vom Institut für Marxismus-Leninismus beim Zentralkomitee der Kommunistischen Partei der Sowjetunion

KARL MARX CAPITAL A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF CAPITALIST PRODUCTION LONDON 1887 APPARAT

(ff DIETZ VERLAG BERLIN 1990

Inhalt Verzeichnis der Abkürzungen, Siglen und Zeichen

699

Capital. A critical analysis of capitalist production. London 1887 Entstehung und Überlieferung Verzeichnis von Abweichungen der englischen Übersetzung von der deutschen Vorlage Korrekturverzeichnis Erläuterungen

703 703 726 763 778

REGISTER Literaturregister I. Arbeiten von Marx und Engels II. Arbeiten anderer Autoren

1073 1073 1074

III. Periodika

1111

Namenregister

1115

Sachregister

1142

697

Verzeichnis der Abkürzungen, Siglen und Zeichen I. Abkürzungen IISG

Internationales Institut für Sozialgeschichte Amsterdam.

IML/ZPA Moskau

Institut für Marxismus-Leninismus beim ZK der KPdSU. Zentrales Parteiarchiv.

MEGA®

Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels: Gesamtausgabe ÜLUMMM A O n O A H e H i f l M W kl p a 3 b f l c H e H i f l M M . Kießfc 1871. S. 170: „ H a c K O A b K O pt>4b M A e n » c o ö c t BeHHo

meopiu,

o

MeTOAt

MapKca

ecTb

AeAyKTMBHbifi

MeTOAt

UJKOAbl, H H6AOCT3TKM e r O , KaKb H AOCTOMHCTBa, pa3At.AflK5TCfl AyHLLIMMb W3T> 3K0H0MMCT0B'b-T60p6TMK0B'b.'/ BCeÜ aHTAiMCKOM

22.20-24

Bei Block S. 7.

22.24

German bis sophistics.] Anspielung auf Rezensionen zum „Kapital" von Julius Faucher in der „Vierteljahrschrift für V o l k s w i r t schaft und Kulturgeschichte", Berlin, Jg. 5, 1868, Bd. 20, S. 216, und von Eugen Dühring in den „Ergänzungsblättern zur Kenntniß der Gegenwart", Hildburghausen, Bd. 3, 1867, H. 3, S. 182. Bei Faucher: „Es ist keine leichte Mühe, die wir ihm [Marx] weihen, denn die unglückliche Annahme, seinerseits, des französischen Sprachgebrauchs, der die Dinge zu Werthen macht, statt sie Werth haben zu lassen, und ähnliche,, noch aus weiland Hegel herstammende, Sprachquälerei wird es wiederholt nöthig machen, natürlich eben da, wo es ihm zu Gute kömmt, ihn nicht blos zu zitiren, sondern auch zu paraphrasiren." Bei Dühring: „Was Darstellung und Untersuchungsmethode anbetrifft, so werden die Kenner der hegelschen Logik die entsprechende Dialektik überall und durchgängig gehandhabt und den gesammten Stoff ökonomischer Theorie in den zugehörigen Formen vorfinden. Die strenge Anhänglichkeit an dieses logische Gerüst erstreckt sich bis auf die neuen Schlußfiguren Hegels, so daß z. B. der Kapitalbegriff selbst nach dem Schema g-w-g (Geld-Waare-Geld) als Ergebniß eines dialektischen Prozesses dargestellt wird. In Anwendung hegelscher Spekulation und Dialektik auf die Lehren der Nationalökonomie befindet sich der Verfasser in Uebereinstimmung mit dem Professor L. Stein in Wien ..." Tohio

mapiom.

23.5-24.20

3K0H0MHHecK0vi k p m t m k m y KapAa MapKca. [Rezension zu:] KannTaAi>. T. 1. Cn6. 1872. In: Bt>CTHmo> Eßponbi. CaHKTneTepöyprb. T. 3. 1872. S. 427-436.

22.28-32

Ebenda.

[UmaTbeBMH]

K[aycf)MaHi>]:

2 2 . 2 8 - 3 3 u.

S.428: „Cb

bmay»

ecAki cyAMTb

no

3pt>Hia

n0AMTMK0-

BHbWHeii cfcopMb M3-

A O W e H i f l , M a p K C b Ö O A b l i l O Ü MAeaAMCTVCjDHAOCOCfcfc M n p H T O M t Bfc ,HBMeqKOMi>', T.-e. A y p n o M t

3 H a H e H i M 3 T o r o CAOßa. H a

At>Ab o h t > 6e3K0HeHH0 6oAbe peaAncrb, M t M l » LLieCTBeHHMKM Bb ftbAb SKOHOMMMeCKOM KpMTMKM."

x B b B M A y , M n o T O M y M3A0>KeHie e r o T p y A a (MCKAtonafl HBKOTOpblXb

CAMLUKOMb

CneLjiaAbHblXb

MaCTHOCTeii)

OTAMMaeTCfl

flCHO-

CTbio, 06meA0CTynH0CTbK) M, HecMOTpa Ha HayMHyio BbicoTy npeAMeTa, HeOÖbIKHOBeHHOM >KMBOCTbK>. Bb 3 T O M b OTHOliieHikl aBTopb „KanmaAa" AaAeKO He noxoAMTb Ha 60AbWMHCTB0 HbMeuKMXb y n e H b i x b ,

K0T0pbie,

...

nmuyTb

CBOM

coHMHeHia

T e M H b I M b M C y X M M b A3blKOMb, OTb KOTOparO y

TaKMMb

06blKH0BeHHblXb

C M e p T H b l X b T p e i U M T b TOAOBa." 23.5-13

MAapioHb [UmaTbeBMM] K[aycfc>MaHb]: TOMKS 3pt.Hifl ... A . a . O . S.428: H e r o B3>KHO TOAbKO O A H O : HaMTM 3dKOHb TbXb flBAeHiM, M 3 C A b A O B 3 H i e M b KOTOpblXb O H b 3 a H M M a e T C f l . M n p M T O M b AAA Hero

Ba>KeHb H e OAMHb 3 a K O H b ,

ynpaBAfliomiM

MMM,

noKa

OHb

MMbfOTb M3BbCTHyK) < £ o p M y M n O K a OHb HaxOAflTCfl Bb T O M b B3aBpeMfl.

AAfl

H e r o C B e p x b T o r o e m e B a w e H b 3 a K O H b MXb u 3 M b H n e M O c m u ,

MMOOTHOlijeHiH,

K0T0p0e

Ha6AK>AaeTCfl B b A S H H O e

MXb

T.-e. n e p e x o A a OTb OAHOM cJjopMbi Kb Apyroii, orb OAHoro nop^AKa B3AMMOOTHOIUEHIM Kb ApyroMy. Pa3b OHb OTpa3BMTifl,

KpblAb 3T0Tb 3 a K 0 H b , O H b p a 3 C M a T p H B a e T b n O A p O Ö H b e nOCAbACTBifl,

Bb

KOTOpblXb 3aKOHb

npOflBAfleTCfl

Bb

OÖmeCTBeHHOM

>KM3HM."

23.13-24

Ebenda. S.429: ,,C006pa3H0 Cb STMMb MapKCb 3a6oTMTCfl TOAbKO o6b OAHOMb: HT06bl TOMHbIMb HayMHbIMb M3CAbAOB3HieMb AOKa3aTb HeOÖXOAUMOCTb OnpeAbAeHHblXb nopflAKOBb OÖLLteCTBeHHblXb OTHOLUeHm M MTOÖbl B03M0>KH0 6e3ynpeMHbe KOHCTaTMpoBaTb c}DaKTbi, C A Y W A M I E E M Y M C X O A H U M M NYHKTAMM M onopoio. AAA Hero coßepweHHO AOCTaTOHHO, ecAM OHb, AOKa3aBb Heo6xoAHMOCTB COBPEMEHHARO

NOP«AKA,

AOKA3AAB

M

HE06X0AMM0CTB

Apyroro nop^AKa, Kb KOTopoMy HenpeMbHHO AOA>KeHb 6biTb CAV AaHb nepexoAb orb nepBaro, Bee paBHO, AyMaiorb AH o6b 3T0Mb, MAM He AywaKDTb, C03HaK)Tb AM 3T0, MAM He C03HaK)Tb. MapKCb pa3CMaTpMBaeTb oömecTBeHHoe AßMweme, KaKb ecTecTBeHHOMCTOpMMeCKiM npOLieCCb, KOTOpbIMb ynpaBAflKITb 3aKOHbl, He TOAbKO He HaXOA^mieCfl Bb 33BMCMMOCTM OTb BOAM, C03HaHifl M HaMbpeHin weAOBbKa, HO M caMM eme onpeAbAflioinie ero BOAKD, co3HaHie M HaMbpeHifl."

785

Capital. London 1887 23.24-35

E b e n d a . S . 4 3 1 : „ECAM c o 3 H a T e A b H b i ì i S A e M e H T b Bb M C T o p i n K y A b -

Typbi nrpaeTb TaKyio noAHMHeHHyto poAb, TO noHATHO, 4TO KpnTMKa, MMt>K)inafl CBOMMt npeAMeTOMb caMyto KyAbTypy, Beerò MeHte

MO>Ke"n>

MMbTb

CBOMMb

ocHOBaHieMb

KaKyio-HMÖyAb

cfcopMy MAM KaKoii-AMÓo pe3yAbTaTb co3HaH'ifl. T.-e., He MAea, a B H t l U H e e A B A e H i e DAMO TOAbKO MO>KeTb e i i CAy>KMTb M C X O A H b I M b

nyHKTOMb. KpMTMKa ô y A e r b 3aKAK>HaTbca Bb cpaBHeHin, cocTaBAeHin M CAMMeHiM cfjaKTa He cb MAeeio, a ci> ApyrMMb tJjaKTOMt. A A f l H e « Bâ>KHO TOAbKO, MTOÖb OÔa cfraKTa ÖblAM B 0 3 M 0 > K H 0 TOM-

Ht>e M3CAbAOB3Hbl M A^MCTBUTeAbHO npeACT3BAflAM COÔOlO pa3AMHHblfl CTeneHM p33BMTÌfl, AS CBepXb Toro B3>KHO, 4T06bl He MeHte TOHHO 6blAM M3CAbAOB3Hbl nOpflAOKb, nOCABAOBaTeAbHOCTb M C B f l 3 b , Bb K O T O p b l X b n p O f l B A f l l O T C f l 3TM C T e n e H M 23.35-24.4

Ebenda.

S.433:

„BBAB

oönjie

3AKOHBI

pa3BMTÌfl."

3KOHOMMM6CKOM

>KM3HM

OAHkl M Tb >Ke, Bee paBHO, npMMbHfllOTCfl AM OHM Kb COBpeMeHHOM MAM npOUJAOM >KM3HM? HO MMeHHO 3T0I"0 MapKCb He npM3Haen>. TaKMXb o6u4MXb 3aKOHOBb AAA Hero He cymecTByeTb. ... n o e r o MHbHIKJ, HanpOTMBb, K3)KAblM KpynHblfÌ MCTOpMMeCKÌM nepiOAb MMterb CBOM 3aKOHbl, ... H o KaKb TOAbKO OHa nepe>KMAa A^NHblM nepiOAb pa3BMTÌfl, BblLlJAa M3b A3HHOM CT3AÌM M BCTynMA3 Bb APY" r y i o , OHa H a ^ M H a e n » y n p s B A A T b c a y w e A p y r n M M 33KOHaMM.

CAO-

BOMb, 3KOHOMMMeCK3fl >KM3Hb npeACTaBAfleTb HaMb Bb STOMb CAyMab flBAeme, coBepiueHHO 3H3AorM4Hoe TOMy, I T O M N H S 6 A K ) AaeMb Bb ApyrMXb pa3p»Aaxb 6i0A0rM4ecKMXb «BAeHifi, ... BHMMaTeAbHblM aHaAM3b BHyTpeHHflTO CTpOfl M CBOMCTBb AbflTeAbHarO COCTOflHÌfl ABAeHÌM 3TOÉÎ >KM3HM HeOAHOKpaTHO y6b)KAaAb MHOTMXb M3CAbAOBaTeAeM, y>Ke Cb COpOKOBblXb TOAOBb, Bb HeBbpHOCTM Toro B3rA»Aa CTapblXb 3K0H0MMCT0Bb Ha npMpOAy 3KOHOMMnecKaro 3aKOHa, no KOTopoMy nocAt>AHm OAHopoAeHb Cb 33KOH3MM Cfc>M3MKM M XMMÌM." 24.4-20

Ebenda. S . 4 3 4 : „HenocpeACTBeHHbifi, ö o A t e rAyöoKiü aHaAM3b ABAeHiCi

noKa3aAb,

MTO

couiaAbHbie

opraHM3Mbi

OTAM^aioTCfl

Apyrb 0 T b A p y r a H e M e H b e rAyôoxo, M b M b o p r a H M 3 M b i 6 o T a H M M e CKÌe M 300A0TMMeCKÌe. ... OaHO m TO >Ke »BAeHie, BCAbACTBie pa3AMMm Bb CTpob STMXb 0praHM3M0Bb, pa3H0p0AH0CTn MXb oprsHOBb, pa3AM4ÌM yCAOBÌM, CpeAM KOTOpblXb OpraHaMb npMXOAMTCfl cfjyHKL^iOHMpOBaTb M T. A-, MOJKeTb nO 3TOMy Ha pa3HblXb CTeneHflXb pa3BMTÌfl, npeACTaBAfleMblXb pa3AMMHblMM COUÌ3AbHblMM Opr3HM3M3MM, nOAMMHflTbCfl COBepLUeHHO p33AMMHblMb 3aKOHaMb. M a p K C b OTKa3biBaeTCfl, H a n p M M t > p b , npM3HaBaTb, 4 t o 3aKOHb y B e AMMEHIFL HAPOAOHACEAEHIFL OAMHB M TOTB >KE BCERAA M NOBCIOAY, AAFL BCbXb B p e M e H b M AAA B C t X b M b C T b . O H b y T B e p > K A a e T b H a n p o TMBb, M TO Ka>KAafl C T e n e H b p a 3 B M T Ì f l M M t e T b CBOM 3 a K O H b , MHOWeHifl.

786

pa3-

. . . T o , MTO Bb 3 K 0 H 0 M M M e C K 0 M >KM3HM n p O M C X O A M T b ,

Erläuterungen 3aBMCMTb OTl> CTeneHM np0M3B0AMTeAbH0CTM 3K0H0MMM6CKMX1» CMAfc, ... r i p n pa3AMMiflXl> Bl> npOM3BOAMTeAbHOCTM, M nOCAt>ACTBifl EN öyAyfb pa3AM4Hbi, a ci> HMMM M 3aK0Hbi, UMM ynpaBAfliomie. 3aAaBancb, TAKMMT 0 6 p a 3 0 M t , utAbio - M3CAT>AOBATB m O6t>ACHMTb KanUTaAMCTUMeCKÜi nOpflAOKt X03flMCTBa, M a p K C t TOAbKO CTpOrO HayMHO cfjOpMyAkipOBaAt LJbAb, KOTOpyiO MO>KGTb UMbTb T O I H O E M3CAbAOßaHie 3K0H0MimecK0ii >KM3HH. ... Ero Hay^Hafl UbHa 3aKAIOMaeTCfl B t BblflCHeHM T b X t MaCTHblXb 38KOHOBb, KOTOpblMlj nOAMMHflKJTCfl B03HMKH0BeHie, CymeCTBOBaHie, pa3BMTie, CMepTb A a n H a r o couiaAbHaro opraHM3Ma M 3aMt>Heme ero APyrMMt, BbicuJMMt. H 3Ty utHy AfcücTBMTeAbHO MMteTb KHwra MapKca."

24.31-32

In ähnlicher Weise hatte Marx am 6. März 1868 an Louis Kugelnnann geschrieben: „Er (Dühring) weiß sehr wohl, daß meine Entwicklungsmethode nicht die Hegeische ist, da ich Materialist, Hegel Idealist. Hegels Dialektik ist die Grundform aller Dialektik, aber nur nach Abstreifung ihrer mystischen Form, und dieß gerade unterscheidet meine Methode." Im Manuskript II von 1868-1870, das einen Entwurf für Buch II des „Kapitals" (Zirkulationsprozeß des Kapitals) darstellt, ist auf S. 12 die folgende Fußnote 10 enthalten: „In einer Rezension des ersten Bandes dieses Werks, bemerkt Dr. Dühring, daß meine Anhänglichkeit an dem Skelett der hegelschen Logik soweit geht, daß ich sogar in den Zirkulationsformen Hegeische Schlußfiguren entdecke. Mein Verhältnis zu Hegels Dialektik ist sehr einfach. Hegel ist mein Lehrer, und das klugtuende epigonen Geschwätz, das diesen eminenten Denker beseitigt zu haben meint, ist mir einfach lächerlich. Ich habe mir jedoch die Freiheit genommen, mich zu meinem Lehrer kritisch zu verhalten, seine Dialektik ihres Mystizismus zu entkleiden und sie dadurch wesentlich zu verändern etc. etc."

24.38-39

Karl Marx: Zur Kritik der Hegelschen Rechtsphilosophie. In: MEGA® I/2. S. 3-137. - Das unvollendet gebliebene Manuskript entstand vermutlich im Frühjahr und Frühsommer 1843 (siehe MEGA® I/2. S. 577-580). Marx erarbeitete später einen „Index zum Manuskript ,Zur Kritik der Hegelschen Rechtsphilosophie'" (MEGA® I/2. S. 138). Die von ihm zusammengestellten Stichworte und Seitenzahlen betreffen ausschließlich die „mystificirende Seite der Hegel'schen Dialektik".

24.39-40

Siehe Marx an Louis Kugelmann, 27. Juni 1870.

24.41

'Emyovoi] Epigonen Marx meint hier die deutschen bürgerlichen Philosophen Ludwig Büchner, Friedrich Albert Lange, Eugen Karl Dühring, Gustav Theodor Fechner u.a. 787

Capital. London 1887 27.1-2

Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel: Encyclopädie der philosophischen Wissenschaften im Grundrisse. Th. 1: Die Logik. Berlin 1840. (Werke. Bd. 6.) S . X I X : "Lessing sagte zu seiner Zeit, die Leute gehen mit Spinoza wie mit einem todten Hunde um: man kann nicht sagen, daß in neuerer Zeit mit dem Spinozismus und dann überhaupt mit spekulativer Philosophie besser umgegangen wurde, wenn man sieht, daß diejenigen, welche davon referiren und urtheilen, sich nicht einmal bemühen, die Fakta richtig zu erfassen, und sie richtig anzugeben und zu erzählen." Hegel verwendete als Quelle: Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi: Über die Lehre des Spinoza, in Briefen an Herrn Moses Mendelssohn. Leipzig 1819. (Werke. Bd. 4. Abth. 1.) S. 68. Danach stellte Gotthold Ephraim Lessing in einem Gespräch mit Jacobi am 7. Juli 1780 fest: „Reden die Leute doch immer von Spinoza, wie von einem todten Hunde ..."

29.10

Bei Marx: „Auf den ersten Blick erscheint der bürgerliche Reichthum als eine ungeheure Waarensammlung, die einzelne Waare als sein elementarisches Dasein." ( M E G A ® W/2. S. 107.6-7.)

29.21

number] Bei Barbon: number of them

30.29

vertueJ Bei Barbon: Vertue in themselves

30.33

The bis consists] Bei Locke: That the intrinsick, natural worth of any thing, consists

30.35

Beispielsweise schrieb John Locke im Jahre 1695 in seinem in London erschienenen Werk „Further considerations concerning raising the value of money", S. 27: „Rising and falling of commodities is always between several commodities of distinct worths."

30.39

fictio juris] die der Wirklichkeit widersprechende Voraussetzung

30.42

d'une autre] Bei Le Trosne: des autres

30.44

Nicholas Barbon: A discourse concerning coining ... London 1696.

30.44-46

Samuel Butler: Hudibras. Vol. 1. London 1835. S.259: „For what is worth in any thing, But so much money as 'twill bring?"

31.33-34

Nicholas Barbon: A discourse concerning coining ... London 1696. S. 53.

31.34-36

Ebenda. S. 7.

31.35

great value] Bei Barbon: great a value

788

Erläuterungen

31.35

as one] Bei Barbon: as an

33.9

Edmund Cartwright erfand 1785 den mechanischen Webstuhl. Die Einführung des Dampfwebstuhls erfolgte in größerem Umfang in den zwanziger und dreißiger Jahren des 19. Jahrhunderts.

33.23-24

Bei Marx: „Als Tauschwerth sind alle Waaren nur bestimmte Maße festgeronnener Arbeitszeit." (MEGA© II/2. S. 110.9-10.)

33.34

one for another] In „Some thoughts ...": one for the other

33.40-42

Guillaume-François Le Trosne: De l'intérêt social ... In: Physiocrates. Pt. 2. Paris 1846. (Collection des principaux économistes. [T. 2.])

34.4-5

William Jacob: An historical inquiry ... V o l . 2 . London 1831. S. 101: „It is probable that in all ages those metals have cost more in their production than their value ever repaid."

34.6-10

Herman Merivale: Lectures on colonization and colonies. Vol. 1. London 1841. S. 52, Fußnote: „According to M. Eschwege, about 20000 Negroes were still employed by it in 1823. He estimates the total value of the diamond workings in eighty years at a sum hardly exceeding eighteen months' produce of sugar or coffee in Brazil!"

34.16

vice versâ]

34.37-38

Siehe Karl Marx: Zur Kritik ... In: M E G A ® II/2. S. 114ff.

35.15

labour] In der 3. deutschen Auflage heißt es „nützlicher Arbeiten". - Siehe S. 162.38-41 und S. 735.

35.23-24

primitive Indian community] Marx spricht von der altindischen Gemeinde (primitive Indian community bzw. ancient Indian community, siehe S. 76.17), vom indischen Gemeinwesen (Indian communities, siehe S. 288.35-36, und ancient Indian communities, siehe S.309.8) bzw. von altasiatischen Produktionsweisen (ancient Asiatic modes of production, siehe S. 69.17-18). Zur Charakterisierung der asiatischen Produktionsweise und ihrer Z ü g e in Indien schrieb Marx erstmals in seinem Brief an Engels vom 14. Juni 1853 ( M E G A ® Ml/6. S. 198/199). - Siehe Karl Marx: T h e British rule in India. In: M E G A ® 1/12. S. 171/172. Siehe Erl. 309.8-36 u. 310.1-10. (Siehe auch S. 449.27-31; siehe auch Karl Marx: Grundrisse ... In: M E G A ® 11/1.2. S. 380, 389-391 und 400.)

36.19-21

Beispielsweise hatte Ferdinand Lassalle in seinem „Offnen Antwortschreiben an das Centralcomité zur Berufung eines Allgemeinen Deutschen Arbeiter-Congresses zu Leipzig", Zürich 1863, S. 33, folgenden Standpunkt vertreten: „... die Sache ist

umgekehrt

789

Capital. London 1887

geblieben, die Arbeit, diese einzige Quelle eines Ertrages, bleibt vor wie nach auf den sogenannten Lohn d. h. die Lebensfristung angewiesen." - Marx kritisierte 1875 in seinen „Randglossen zum Programm der deutschen Arbeiterpartei" diese Auffassung (siehe MEGA® I/25. S. 9). 36.21-22

[William Petty:] A treatise of taxes, and contributions ... London 1667. S.47: „Here we are to remember in consequence of our opinion. That labour is the Father and active principle of Wealth, as Lands are the Mother that the State by killing, mutilating, or imprisoning their members, do withal punish themselves ..."

37.37

Bei Hegel: „Im Rechte ist der Gegenstand die Person, im moralischen Standpunkte das Subjekt, in der Familie das Familienglied, in der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft überhaupt der Bürger (als bourgeois) - hier auf dem Standpunkte der Bedürfnisse ... ist es das Konkretum der Vorstellung, das man Mensch nennt; es ist also erst hier und auch eigentlich nur hier vom Menschen in diesem Sinne die Rede."

37.40-41

Siehe S. 466-472.

39.20

vice versä] umgekehrt

39.27-28

Adam Smith: An inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations ... Vol. 1. London 1835. S. 105: „Labour... is alone the ultimate and real standard by which the value of all commodities can at all times and places be estimated and compared."

39.28-32

Ebenda. S. 104/105: „Equal quantities of labour, at all times and places, may be said to be of equal value to the labourer. In his ordinary state of health, strength, and spirits; in the ordinary degree of his skill and dexterity, he must always lay down the same portion of his ease, his liberty, and his happiness."

39.41-45

Some thoughts ... London [1738].

39.41

employed] In „Some thoughts ...": imployed

39.45

same] In „Some thoughts ...": like

40.9-10

Dame Quickly] William Shakespeare: King Henry IV. Part 1. Act 3, scene 3: „Falstaff: Why, she's [Dame Quickly] neither fish nor flesh; a man knows not where to have her. Hostess: Thou art an unjust man in saying so: thou or any man knows where to have me, thou knave thou!"

40.14-15

Siehe S. 31.

43.37-38

Benjamin Franklin: A modest inquiry into the nature and necessity of a paper currency. In: Franklin: The works. Vol. 2. Boston 1836.

790

Erläuterungen

44.27

Lamb of God] Die Bibel. Das Neue Testament. Evangelium des Johannes 1,29.

45.2

Paris vaut bien une messe.] Vermutliche Äußerung von Henri IV im Jahre 1593 zur Rechtfertigung seines Übertritts zum Katholizismus.

45.38

genus homo] Gattung Mensch

47.5-8

Siehe S. 41.6-42.6.

47.27-29

Bei Broadhurst S. 11. - In dem in seinem Besitz befindlichen Buch von John Broadhurst hat Marx diese Stelle angestrichen. Neben der Randanstreichung befindet sich die Bemerkung „ass" (Esel).

47.29-36

Bei Broadhurst S. 14.

48.9-10

Siehe S. 42.34-39.

48.17

quid pro quo] Verkehrung

49.39

reflex-categories] Reflexbestimmungen. - Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel: Wissenschaft der Logik. Th. 1: Die objektive Logik. Abth. 2: Die Lehre vom Wesen. Berlin 1834. (Werke. Bd. 4.)

51.4

Aristoteles: Ethica Nicomachea V, 5 1133 b 27-28: ôiaipégei y à g oùôèv F^ KÂÏvai névTe àvTÎ oteiaq, N ÖCJOU ai n é v T e KÀÏvai.

51.9-15

Aristoteles: Ethica Nicomachea V, 5 1133 b 17-20: O Î J T ' [SC. &V rjv] à À À a Y n ¡CTÔTqTOç |jr| oucrriç, OÜT' iaÔTriç pr| oûar|ç cruppeTQÎaq. Tfj pèv o u v àÀr|9eiç< à ô û v a T o v T à TOCTOÛTOV ôiatpéQo v T a a û p p e T Q a Yevécrékxi, TTQÔÇ ô è Tqv X 6 e ' a v è v ô é x e T a i

iKavâx;. 51.19

Such a thing bis exist] Trj (jèv ouv àÀr|9eiç( à ô û v a T o v ... yevé-

aôai Aristoteles: Ethica Nicomachea V,5 1133 b 18.20. 52.21-22

Zu den merkantilistischen Auffassungen von François-Louis-Auguste Ferrier und Charles Ganilh siehe Karl Marx: Zur Kritik der politischen Ökonomie {Manuskript 1861-1863). (MEGA® II/3.2. S. 574 und 521-526.)

52.22-23

modern bagmen of Free Trade] Zu den modernen FreihandelsCommis Voyageurs oder Freihandelshausierern (Free Trade bagmen of Germany, siehe S. 407.34-35) zählte Marx außer Frédéric Bastiat die Anhänger der Freihandelsschule in Deutschland wie John Prince-Smith, Viktor Böhmert, Julius Faucher, Otto Michaelis, Max Hirsch und Hermann Schulze-Delitzsch. Sie wirkten in den Arbeitervereinen, wo sie ihre Ziele propagierten.

791

Capital. London 1887

52.31-34

Marx reagierte mit dieser Bemerkung auf das Erscheinen der 2. Auflage von Henry Dunning Macleods Buch „The theory and practice of banking ...", London 1866. Er berichtete Engels davon im Brief vom 6. März 1868.

52.32

Lombard Street] Straße in der Londoner City, in der sich die bedeutendsten Bank- und Handelsunternehmen Großbritanniens befanden.

53.39-40

Homerus: llias VII, 472-475: Svöev ä g ' oivi^ovTo Kagn KOpöwvTeq Äxaioi, aAAoi pev xaAKip, äAAoi ö' a i ö u v i oiörigw, äAAoi öe Qivolq, äAAoi ö' aÜTficri ßoeaaiv, äAAoi ö' ä v ö g a n o öeaai ... (Wein erstanden darauf die haargeschmückten Achaier, manche um Bronze, um glänzend schimmerndes Eisen die andern, andre um Häute von Ochsen, andre um lebende Rinder, wiederum andre um Sklaven; ...)

54.28

exchange, w e ] Bei Bailey: exchange to some other commodity, we

54.36-39

Marx bezieht sich auf Samuel Baileys Schrift „A letter to a political economist; occasioned by an article in the Westminster Review on the subject of value", London 1826. Im „Advertisement", unterzeichnet am 17. November 1826, schrieb Bailey: „The article in the Westminster Review, which occasioned the following Letter, appeared in the ninth number of that journal, published about six months ago ..." In der Londoner „Westminster Review", vol.5, Januar 1826, Nr. 9, S. 157-172, war unter der Nummer VIII der anonym erschienene Artikel „A critical dissertation on the nature, measures, and causes of value; chiefly in reference to the writings of M r . Ricardo and his followers. By the author of essays on the formation and publication of opinions, &c. Gc. Hunter. London. 1826" abgedruckt.

54.38

Ricardo's followers] Marx erfaßte mit dieser Bezeichnung eine auf David Ricardos Hauptwerk „On the principles of political economy, and taxation", London 1817, folgende Entwicklung des bürgerlichen ökonomischen Denkens, die unter anderem von Robert Torrens, James Mill und John Stuart Mill repräsentiert wurde. Sie zeichnete sich durch die Ablösung der klassischen bürgerlichen ökonomischen Wissenschaft durch die Vulgärökonomie aus. Die Ursache dafür lag in dem Versuch, die grundlegenden Widersprüche in der Theorie Ricardos auf bürgerliche Weise lösen zu wollen. Das Ergebnis war, wie Marx feststellte, daß sich die Ricardosche Schule „auflöste", weil sie an zwei Punkten scheiterte: „1) Austausch zwischen Capital und Arbeit, dem Gesetz des Werths entsprechend; 2) Bildung der allgemeinen Profitrate. Identification von Mehrwerth und Profit. Unver-

792

Erläuterungen

standnes Verhältniß zwischen values und costprices." (MEGA® 11/3.4. S. 1370.) Ausführlich analysierte Marx diese Schule in „Zur Kritik der politischen Ökonomie (Manuskript 1861-1863)" (MEGA® II/3.2, S. 465-503, und MEGA® II/3.4, S. 1260-1370). 59.35

ne plus ultra] Gipfel

59.37-38

Karl Marx: Misère de la philosophie. Réponse à la Philosophie de la misère de M. Proudhon. Paris, Bruxelles 1847. S. 3-91 (MEGA® I/6).

59.39

Marx erwähnte in seiner Schrift „Misère de la philosophie" am Ende des §2 Werke von Thomas Hopkins, William Thompson sowie Thomas Rowe Edmonds und zitierte ausführlich John Francis Brays Schrift „Labour's wrongs and labour's remedy" (MEGA® I/6). John Grays Schrift „The social system" zitierte Marx in „Zur Kritik ..." (MEGA® II/2. S. 155-157).

59.41-42

In den fünfziger und sechziger Jahren besaß die Proudhonsche Schule einen starken Einfluß in der französischen Arbeiterbewegung. Durch Marx' und Engels' Kritik, vor allem in der Schrift „Zur Kritik der politischen Ökonomie. Erstes Heft" (MEGA® II/2), wurde erstmals theoretisch „der Proudhonismus in der Wurzel vernichtet" (Marx an Engels, 22. Juli 1859). Die Pariser Kommune mit ihren praktischen Erfahrungen wurde „das Grab der Proudhonschen Schule des Sozialismus" ((Karl Marx:) Der Bürgerkrieg in Frankreich. 3. deutsche Aufl. Einl. von Friedrich Engels. Berlin 1891. S. 11), - Siehe Karl Marx: Grundrisse ... In: MEGA® il/1.1. S. 49-160.

59.43-44

Johann Wolfgang von Goethe: Faust. Der Tragödie erster Teil. Studierzimmer: „Schon gut! Nur muß man sich nicht allzu ängstlich quälen; denn eben, wo Begriffe fehlen, da stellt ein Wort zur rechten Zeit sich ein."

62.6

something transcendent] Johann Wolfgang von Goethe: Faust. Der Tragödie erster Teil. Marthens Garten: „Du übersinnlicher, sinnlicher Freier, ein Mägdelein nasführet dich."

62.8-9

"table-turning" ] Mit dem Spiritismus setzte sich Engels in seinem Aufsatz „Die Naturforschung in der Geisterwelt" (MEGA® I/26. S. 155-164) auseinander.

62.39-41

Bei Maurer: „Die Größe des Morgens wurde nämlich nach der Arbeit eines Tages berechnet, entweder nach der Arbeit der Menschen oder der bei der Arbeit verwendeten Thiere. Im ersten Falle wurde daher der Morgen ein Tagwerk (jurnale oder 793

Capital. London 1887

jurnalis, terra jurnalis, jornalis oder diurnalis), sodann Mannwerk, Mannskraft und Mannsmaad, oder auch Mannshauet z. B. im Breisgau ... genannt." — Marx schrieb an Engels in seinem Brief vom 14. März 1868: „Auf dem Museum - by the by - u. a. die neusten Schriften von old Maurer (dem alten bayrischen Staatsrath, der schon Rolle gespielt als einer der Regenten Griechenlands und d. Russen mit zuerst, lang vor Urquhart, denuncirt) geochst über deutsche Mark- Dorf etc. Verfassung." 64.30

with a label describing] Die Bibel. Das Neue Testament. Offenbarung (Apokalypse) des Johannes 14,1.

65.38-41

Bei Engels, S. 103: „Was soll man von einem Gesetze denken, das sich nur durch periodische Revolutionen durchsetzen kann? Es ist eben ein Naturgesetz, das auf der Bewußtlosigkeit der Betheiligten beruht." (MEGA® I/3. S. 484.29-31.)

66.5

post festum] nach dem Fest, zu spät Plato: Gorgias I, 447 A.

66.31-32

Siehe Karl Marx: Grundrisse ... In: MEGA® 11/1.1. S. 21.5-22.7.

66.31

Daniel Defoe: The life and stränge surprising adventures of Robinson Crusoe of York, mariner.

66.36

his stories a la Robinson] Bei der Schilderung der Robinsonade bezog sich Marx auf David Ricardos Arbeit „On the principles of political economy, and taxation", 3. ed., London 1821, ch. I, besonders I, 3. Die Rolle der Robinsonaden in der bürgerlichen politischen Ökonomie hat Marx in der „Einleitung" zu den „Grundrissen ..." (MEGA® 11/1.1. S. 21/22) umfassend charakterisiert.

66.36-42

Bei Marx: „Den Urfischer und den Urjäger läßt er sofort als Waarenbesitzer Fisch und Wild austauschen, im Verhältniß der in diesen Tauschwerthen vergegenständlichten Arbeitszeit. Bei dieser Gelegenheit fällt er in den Anachronismus, daß Urfischer und Urjäger zur Berechnung ihrer Arbeitsinstrumente die 1817 auf der Londoner Börse gangbaren Annuitätentabellen zu Rathe ziehen. Die .Parallelogramme des Herrn Owen' scheinen die einzige Gesellschaftsform, die er außer der bürgerlichen kannte." (MEGA® II/2. S. 137.24-31.)

66.41

Die „parallelograms of Mr. Owen" erwähnt David Ricardo in seiner Schrift „On protection to agriculture", 4. ed., London 1822, S.21. Robert Owen versuchte in seinen utopischen Sozialreformplänen zu beweisen, daß es vom Standpunkt der Wirtschaftlichkeit und der Häuslichkeit am zweckmäßigsten sei, wenn eine Siedlung in der Form eines Parallelogramms oder Quadrats angelegt wird.

794

Erläuterungen

67.16-17

Mr. Sedley Taylor] In den deutschen Auflagen wird an dieser Stelle auf Max Wirth Bezug genommen (siehe S. 738). Engels wechselte den Namen aus und spielte dabei auf Edward Taylors Bemerkungen in Briefen an die „Times" vom 29. November 1883 und 8. Februar 1884 an. Taylor behauptete darin, daß Marx William Gladstones Reden im „Kapital" unvollständig zitiert hätte (siehe S. 565.31-39 sowie Erl. dazu und Erl. 564.7-15). Eleanor Marx-Aveling antwortete darauf in der Zeitschrift „To-Day" (siehe Eleanor Marx[-Aveling]: Dr. Marx and Mr. Gladstone's budget speech of 1863. In: To-Day. London. Vol. 1. 1884. S. 228-235; siehe auch Friedrich Engels: Vorwort zur vierten Auflage. In: M E G A ® 11/10. S.22-27).

67.20

Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel: Vorlesungen über die Philosophie der Geschichte. Berlin 1837. (Werke. Bd. 9.) S.415: „Dieser Tag ist der Tag der Allgemeinheit, welcher endlich nach der langen folgenschweren und furchtbaren Nacht des Mittelalters hereinbricht ..."

68.34-41

Bei Marx: „Es ist ein lächerliches Vorurtheil, in neuester Zeit verbreitet, daß die Form des naturwüchsigen Gemeineigenthums specifisch slavisch oder gar ausschließlich russische Form sei. Sie ist die Urform, die wir bei Römern, Germanen, Celten nachweisen können, von der aber eine ganze Musterkarte mit mannichfaltigen Proben sich noch immer, wenn auch zum Theil ruinenweise, bei den Indiern vorfindet. Ein genaueres Studium der asiatischen, speciell der indischen Gemeineigenthumsformen, würde nachweisen, wie aus den verschiedenen Formen des naturwüchsigen Gemeineigenthums sich verschiedene Formen seiner Auflösung ergeben. So lassen sich z. B. die verschiedenen Originaltypen von römischem und germanischem Privateigenthum aus verschiedenen Formen von indischem Gemeineigenthum ableiten." (MEGA® II/2. S. 113.32-40.)

69.17-18

ancient Asiatic and other ancient modes of production] Siehe Erl. 35.23-24. - Siehe auch Karl Marx: Grundrisse ... In: M E G A ® 11/1.2. S. 380, 389-391 und 400; derselbe: Zur Kritik ... In: M E G A ® II/2. S. 101.23.

69.23

the gods of Epicurus] Nach Ansicht des griechischen materialistischen Philosophen Epikuros existieren die Götter in den Intermundien, den Zwischenräumen mehrerer nebeneinander liegender Welten; sie haben weder auf die Entwicklung der Welt noch auf das Leben der Menschen irgendwelchen Einfluß.

69.24-37

Siehe Karl Marx: Zur Kritik der Hegeischen Rechtsphilosophie. Einleitung. In: M E G A ® I/2. S. 170.13-171.25 und 177.17-23. 795

Capital. London 1887

70.7-8

Marx äußert sich zu Ricardos Analyse der Wertgröße in Punkt „5) Wirkung einer allgemeinen Erhöhung oder Erniedrigung (Fall) des Salaire auf die Produktionspreise der verschiednen Waaren" des zweiten Kapitels des Entwurfs von Buch III ( M E G A ® II/4.2) sowie in den „Theorien über den Mehrwert" im Abschnitt „Ricardo's Theorie über den Mehrwerth" ( M E G A ® II/3.3. S. 1020-1024).

70.18

and it] Bei Ricardo: and that it

70.23-26

[Antoine-Louis-Claude] Destutt de T r a c y : Élémens d'idéologie. Pt. 4.5. Paris 1826. S. 35/36: „Cependant, puisqu'il est certain que nos facultés physiques et morales sont notre seule richesse originaire, que l'emploi de ces facultés, le travail quelconque, est notre seul trésor primitif, et que c'est toujours de cet emploi que naissent toutes les choses que nous appelons des biens, depuis la plus nécessaire jusqu'à la plus purement agréable, il est certain de même que tous ces biens ne font que représenter le travail qui leur a donné naissance, et que s'ils ont une valeur, ou même deux distinctes, ils ne peuvent tenir ces valeurs que de celle du travail dont ils émanent."

70.31-32

David Ricardo: On the principles of political economy, and taxation. 3. ed. London 1821. S. 320-337.

71.1

which bear stamped] Die Bibel. Das Neue Testament. Offenbarung (Apokalypse) des Johannes 14,1.

71.5-6

Siehe Karl Marx: Grundrisse ... In: M E G A ® 11/1.2. S. 378ff.

71.7

Fathers of the Church] Als Kirchenväter werden die frühesten griechischen und lateinischen Schriftsteller der christlichen Kirche vom 2. bis 6. Jahrhundert bezeichnet. Grundlegend in den Auffassungen der Kirchenväter waren die Herabsetzung von Wissen und Verstand, die Lobpreisung des bedingungslosen Glaubens und die Feindschaft gegen die „heidnische", also gegen die nichtchristliche Religion und Philosophie, insbesondere gegen den antiken Materialismus.

71.10

Siehe Erl. 52.21-22.

71.18

the best of all possible worlds] Voltaire: Candide, ou l'optimisme: „... ce meilleur des mondes possibles ..." - Dieser Aphorismus wird in der von Marx zitierten Form in der Umgangssprache verwendet. - Siehe S. 169.33 und 669.17.

71.19

„Économistes" ist die ursprüngliche Bezeichnung für die Physiokraten. Etwa in der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts hatte dieser Begriff bereits eine so allgemeine Bedeutung erhalten, daß er sich nicht mehr zur Charakterisierung einer bestimmten ökonomischen Lehre eignete. Den Namen „physiocrates" hatten François

796

Erläuterungen

Quesney und sein Anhänger Pierre-Samuel Du Pont de Nemours bereits selbst geprägt. 71.26-27

Möglicherweise spielt Marx hier auf solche Passagen in Frédéric Bastiats Werk „Harmonies économiques", 2. éd., Paris 1851, an, wie S. 329/330: „Et comme l'Oppression a pour but de réaliser une appropriation injuste, comme elle se résout et se résume en spoliation, c'est la Spoliation que je mettrai en scène. L'homme arrive sur cette terre attaché au joug du besoin, qui est une peine ... Il n'a donc que le choix des douleurs, et il hait la douleur. C'est pourquoi il jette ses regards autour de lui, et s'il voit que son semblable a accumulé des richesses, il conçoit la pensée de se les approprier. De là la fausse propriété ou la Spoliation. La Spoliation! voici un élément nouveau dans l'économie des sociétés." S. 331: „La Spoliation, sous sa forme la plus brutale, armée de la torche et de l'épée, remplit les annales du genre humain. Quels sont les noms qui résument l'histoire? Cyrus, Sésostris, Alexandre, Scipion, César, Attila ...; c'est la Spoliation naïve par voie de conquêtes."

71.32-33

Siehe S. 50.34-51.38.

71.34

Möglicherweise spielt Marx auf folgende Passage in Frédéric Bastiats Werk „Harmonies économiques", S. 384, an: „C'est donc d'une tendance naturelle et indestructible qu'est né la salariat. Remarquons toutefois qu'il ne satisfait qu'imparfaitement à l'aspiration des hommes. Il rend plus uniforme, plus égale, plus rapprochée d'une moyenne la rémunération des ouvriers; mais il est une chose qu'il ne peut pas faire, pas plus que n'y parviendrait d'ailleurs l'association des risques, c'est de leur assurer le travail."

71.36-42

Möglicherweise spielt Marx auf den Artikel „Herr Karl Marx" an, der in der von Karl Heinzen in Boston herausgegebenen deutschsprachigen Zeitung „Der Pionier", Nr. 26 vom 12. Juli 1859, S. 2, Sp. IV, und S. 3, Sp. I, unter der Rubrik „Vermischtes" anonym erschienen war. In diesem Artikel wurde der gesamte Passus (mit Ausnahme des Satzes „Es tritt dann eine Epoche socialer Revolution ein.") aus Marx' Vorwort der Schrift „Zur Kritik der politischen Ökonomie. Erstes Heft" zitiert, worin Marx den Gesamtplan seines Werkes und die Grunderkenntnisse der materialistischen Geschichtsauffassung dargelegt hatte (siehe MEGA© II/2. S. 99.3-15 und 100.26-101.33). Im Anschluß daran unterstellte der Verfasser Marx vulgärmaterialistische Positionen und behauptete, „daß eine Weiberlaune 797

Capital. London 1887

ein Reich umstürzt, eine Fürstenlaune einen Welttheil verheert, eine Reformator-Idee die ganze Welt auf die Beine bringt und alle ,Oekonomie' und alle ,Produktionsverhältnisse' über den Haufen wirft". - Zu Heinzens Reaktion auf das „Kapital" siehe Marx an Engels, 6. November 1869. 71.37-41

Bei Marx: „Die Gesammtheit dieser Produktionsverhältnisse bildet die ökonomische Struktur der Gesellschaft, die reale Basis, worauf sich ein juristischer und politischer Ueberbau erhebt, und welcher bestimmte gesellschaftliche Bewußtseinsformen entsprechen." (MEGA® II/2. S. 100.31-34.)

71.49

Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra: El ingenioso hidalgo Don Quijote de la Mancha. - In diesem Roman, dessen erster Teil 1605, dessen zweiter Teil 1615 in Madrid erschien, parodierte Cervantes das funktionslos gewordene spanische Rittertum. Der Zerfall des Lehenssystems und das Aufkommen der Söldnerheere machten das Rittertum als Berufsstand überflüssig und verdrängten es. Don Quijote, der Hauptheld des Romans, glaubte, das Rittertum zu einer Zeit wieder aufleben lassen zu können, als für dessen Existenz jede ökonomische Grundlage verschwunden war.

72.2-3

by bis value.] Bezugnahmen auf diese Problematik findet man z. B. in Wilhelm Roschers Buch „Die Grundlagen der Nationalökonomie", 3., verm. und verb. Aufl., Stuttgart, Augsburg 1858, S. 4/5 und 31-47.

72.32-37

Marx bezieht sich hier wahrscheinlich auf Wilhelm Roschers Werk „Die Grundlagen der Nationalökonomie", 3., verm. und verb. Aufl., Stuttgart, Augsburg 1858, S. 5 - 7 .

73.3-6

William Shakespeare: Much ado about nothing. Act 3, scene 3: „Dogberry: Come hither, neighbour Seacoal: God hath blessed you with a good name: to be a well-favoured man is the gift of fortune; but to write and read comes by nature."

73.12-13

If they are wanting in docility he can use force] Johann Wolfgang von Goethe: Erlkönig: „Ich liebe dich, mich reizt deine schöne Gestalt; und bist du nicht willig, so brauch' ich Gewalt."

73.33-36

Die Quelle konnte nicht ermittelt werden.

73.35

Landit] Ortschaft in der Nähe von Paris, wo vom 12. bis 19. Jahrhundert alljährlich ein großer Markt abgehalten wurde.

74.7

leveller] Die Levellers waren Anhänger einer kleinbürgerlichen radikalen Partei in der Epoche der englischen Revolution, die für Volksvertretung und Rückgabe des Gutsbesitzerlandes an die Gemeinden eintrat. Um die Bedeutung der Ware für ihren Besit-

798

Erläuterungen

zer als bloßen Träger von Tauschwert und damit als Tauschmittel gegen eine andere Ware zu charakterisieren, vergleicht Marx sie mit den Levellers bzw. Kynikern. 74.7

cynic] Die Kyniker waren eine Philosophenschule, die an Sokrates' Lehren anknüpfte.

74.9

Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra: El ingenioso hidalgo Don Quijote de la Mancha.

74.36

fathers of the church] Siehe Erl. 71.7.

74.39-42

Aristoteles: Politica l,9 1257 a 6 - 1 3 : eKäcrrou yctg KTriMaToq ÖITTI5) N X ö n ^ ' I ecrriv ... n oiKeia q Ö'OÜK oiKeia TOÜ ngayMOiToq, oTov CmoöripaToq q TC üiToöecnq Kai r) peTaßAriTiKri. äpcpÖTe gai y ä g ünoönpaToq xön CTei< i' KCX' Y^Q ° äAAaTT6(jevoq TCÜ öeopevw ünoöiipaToq ävTi vopio^aToq N TQOcpnq XQfiTOti tw ünoör||jaTi rj ün6ör|Ma, ötAA' oü Tqv oiKeiav x e n ^ i v oü yag &\\ayqq gveKev yeyovev.

75.17-18

Johann Wolfgang von Goethe: Faust. Der Tragödie erster Teil. Studierzimmer.

75.29-32

"Illi bis ejus."] „Jene [d. h. zehn künftige Herrscher] haben einen gemeinsamen Plan, und sie übergeben ihre Kraft und Macht dem Tier. [Und es bewirkt, daß sich alle ... ein Zeichen auf ihre rechte Hand machen oder auf ihre Stirn] und daß niemand kaufen oder verkaufen kann, wenn er nicht das Zeichen oder den Namen des Tieres hat oder die Zahl seines Namens." Die Bibel (Vulgata). Das Neue Testament. Offenbarung (Apokalypse) des Johannes 17,13. 13,[16-]17.

75.32

Apocalypse] Die Apokalypse ist ein Werk der frühen christlichen Literatur, das als Offenbarung des Johannes in das Neue Testament aufgenommen wurde.

76.17

ancient Indian Community] Siehe Erl. 35.23-24.

76.17

Peruvian Inca State] Der Inkastaat entsprach seinen Grundzügen nach einer altorientalischen Klassengesellschaft. Die Grundlage der gesellschaftlichen und wirtschaftlichen Organisation war die Sippe oder Bauerngemeinde (Aylla), die Boden und Vieh gemeinsam besaß. Seine Blütezeit erlebte der Inkastaat unter Huayana Capac (1493-1525); zur Zeit der spanischen Eroberung in den dreißiger Jahren des 16. Jahrhunderts, die seine völlige Vernichtung zur Folge hatte, dehnte er sich über die Gebiete des heutigen Peru, Ekuador, Bolivien, Nordchile und Nordwestargentinien aus. - Siehe MEGA© IV/8. S.468.

76.39

Siehe M E G A ® II/2. S. 154ff. - Zur Auseinandersetzung mit dem Proudhonisten Louis-Alfred Darimon siehe Karl Marx: Grundrisse ... In: M E G A ® 11/1.1. S. 49ff. 799

Capital. London 1887 77.41-78.1

Karl Marx: Zur Kritik ... In: MEGA© M/2. S. 215.35-36: „Gold und Silber sind von Natur nicht Geld, aber Geld ist von Natur Gold und Silber."

78.21-22

Siehe S. 60.12-61.31.

78.28

Bei Galiani, S. 137: „Sono i metalli adunque attissimi non meno a pagare che a valutare le cose tutte, e perciò come naturalmente moneta si hanno a riguardare ..."

78.30-31

Karl Marx: Zur Kritik ... In: MEGA® II/2. S. 213-217.

78.32

Pietro Verri: Meditazioni sulla economia ... In: Scrittori classici italiani di economia politica. Parte moderna. T. 15. Milano 1804: „II danaro è la merce universale."

78.34

may be] Bei Clement: may there be

78.34-35

of higher] Bei Clement: of the Higher

78.36-37

Der Verfasser ist Simon Clement.

78.38-40

[Josiah Child:] A discourse concerning trade ... London 1689: „That Silver and Gold, coined, or uncoined, tho' they are used for a measure of all other things, are no less a Commodity then Wine, Oyl, Tobacco, Cloth or Stuffs ..."

78.42-43

Der Verfasser ist Thomas Papillon. Sein Buch erschien 1677 in London anonym unter dem Titel „The East-India-trade a most profitable trade to the Kingdom". Diese Ausgabe benutzte Marx für die deutschen Auflagen des „Kapitals". Für die englische Übersetzung des „Kapitals" wurde die Londoner Ausgabe von 1696 benutzt. Auf dem Titelblatt ist die Erstausgabe 1680 genannt.

78.44

Ferdinando Galiani: Della moneta. In: Scrittori classici italiani di economia politica. Parte moderna. T. 3.4. Milano 1803. S. 72.

79.17-18

Siehe S. 48.11-12.

79.20-21

Jean Law: Considérations ... In: Économistes financiers du XVIII e siècle. Paris 1843. (Collection des principaux économistes. [T. 1.]) S. 469: „M. Locke et d'autres; qui ont écrit sur ce sujet, disent que ,le commun consentement des hommes assigna une valeur imaginaire à l'argent, à cause de ses qualités, qui le rendaient propre à la monnaie'."

79.21-23

Ebenda. S. 469: „Je ne saurais concevoir comment différentes nations pourraient donner une valeur imaginaire à aucune chose ... ou comment cette valeur imaginaire pourrait avoir été maintenue."

800

Erläuterungen

79.24-26

Ebenda: „Le nouvel usage de la monnaie, auquel l'argent fut appliqué, dut ajouter à sa valeur, parce que, comme monnaie, il obviait aux désavantages et aux inconvénients de l'échange; et conséquemment les demandes d'argent venant à s'augmenter, il reçut une valeur additionnelle, égale à l'accroissement de la demande occassionnée par son usage comme monnaie."

79.27

Économistes] Siehe Erl. 71.19.

79.28

L'Argent en] Bei Forbonnais: l'argent qui en

79.29

i l est] Bei Forbonnais: il sera

79.31-32

Guillaume-François Le Trosne: De l'intérêt social ... A. a. O.: „II n'est donc pas exact de dire que l'argent est signe de richesse, et qu'il représente les valeurs. Il n'est pas simple signe, c a r . . . "

79.32-34

Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel: Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts ... 2. Aufl. Berlin 1840. (Werke. Bd. 8.) §63: „Betrachtet man den Begriff des Werths, so wird die Sache selbst nur als ein Zeichen angesehen und sie gilt nicht, als sie selber, sondern als das, was sie werth ist."

79.38

Pandects] Pandekten (griec.h.) oder Digesten (lat.) sind der Hauptteil des römischen Zivilrechts (Corpus iuris civilis). Die Pandekten waren eine Zusammenstellung von Auszügen aus den Werken römischer Rechtsgelehrter, die den Interessen der Sklavenhalter entsprachen. Sie wurden im Auftrag des byzantinischen Kaisers lustinianus I angefertigt und im Jahre 533 als Gesetz verkündet. In ihnen ist die Vorstellung begründet, daß das Geld abstraktes Wertquantum sei, ebenso die Edelmetalle Gold und Silber nur einen imaginären Wert besäßen, der vom Inhaber der höchsten staatlichen Gewalt nach Gutdünken willkürlich geregelt werden könnte.

79.38-42

Philippe VI de Valois führte mehrere Kriege gegen England, die ihn zu vielen Auflagen (Steuern) und Münzverschlechterungen veranlaßten. - Das Zitat entnahm Marx Giovanni Francesco Pagninis Schrift, S. 205. In der Fußnote auf S. 204 wird als Quelle angegeben: „Filippo di Valois nell'ordinanza del 1346 riferita dal sig. Melon, Saggio sul Commercio cap. 11." Es handelt sich um das Dekret Nr. 135 „Mandement par lequel le Roi déclare qu'il a droit de battre monnaie, et d'en fixer le cours. Paris, 16 janvier 1346" (Collection du] L[ouvre] II, 254).

79.43-44

"Pecunias bis mercem."] „Keinem aber wird es erlaubt sein, Geld zu kaufen, denn da es zu öffentlichem Gebrauch bestimmt ist, darf es keine Ware sein." Codex Theodosianus IX, 23,2. - Der Codex Theodosianus ist eine vom oströmischen Kaiser Theodosius II veranlaßte Samm-

801

Capital. London 1887

lung kaiserlicher Verfügungen des 4. und 5. Jahrhunderts, die 438/439 Gesetzeskraft erlangte. Der zitierte Satz stammt aus einem Erlaß des Kaisers Constantius II vom Jahre 356. 79.44

constituías oportet non esse mercem] Bei Pagnini, S. 221, Fußnote 2: constituías praetium oportet esse non mercem

80.14-18

Siehe S. 41.6-49.31.

80.28

then the one] Bei Petty: then one

80.29

man can procure] Bei Petty: man can get

80.29-30

as bis will] Bei Petty: as easily as formerly he did, then corn will

80.31

caeteris paribus] unter sonst gleichen Umständen

80.33-35

Bei Roscher, S. 207, Fußnote: „Die falschen Definitionen von Geld lassen sich in zwei Hauptgruppen theilen: solche, die es für mehr, und solche, die es für weniger halten, als eine Waare."

80.37-40

Bei Roscher, S. 209/210, Fußnote: „Zu leugnen ist übrigens nicht, daß die meisten neueren Nationalökonomen die Eigentümlichkeiten, welche das Geld von anderen Waaren unterscheiden, nicht genug im Auge behalten haben; wie dieß namentlich in der seit Hume und Ad. Smith vorherrschenden Lehre von der Handelsbilanz klar wird. Insoferne ist die halbmerkantilistische Reaction von Ganilh ... nicht ganz unbegründet."

81.36-37 u. 82.27

Karl Marx: Zur Kritik ... In: MEGA© II/2. S. 154-157.

82.27

Owen's "labour-money,"] In den zu gründenden neuen Gesellschaften, so meinte Robert Owen, würde ein Papier, das den Wert der Arbeit in der Form von Banknoten darstellt, jedem Zweck der heimischen Bedürfnisbefriedigung und des Güteraustausches dienen. Es würde ausgegeben nur im Verhältnis zu den vorhandenen Vorräten und sei erhältlich nur im Austausch gegen wirkliche Wertprodukte.

82.34-37

William Edward Parry: Journal of a voyage for the discovery of a north-west passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific; performed in the years 1819-20, in His Majesty's ships Hecla and Griper under the orders of William Edward Parry. 2. ed. London 1821. S. 277/278: „... the exchange. In this case, as well as when any thing was presented to them, they immediately licked it twice with their tongues, after which they seemed to consider the bargain satisfactorily concluded."

82.41-43

Marx bezieht sich offensichtlich auf „Public health. Sixth report ...", London 1864, S. 12-17, 232/233 und 248. - Ebenda. S. 232/233: „Fats. Some kind of separated fat was consumed by

802

Erläuterungen

every case but two, and of all the kinds butter was by far the most commonly used. The average quantity varied per adult weekly from three and a half ounces by the stocking weavers to seven ounces by the kid glovers, a relation the opposite to that of sugar, and the total average quantity was five ounces per adult weekly ... Table 2. ... Fat. oz. Silk Weavers Needle-women Kid Glovers Shoemakers Stocking Weavers

4/2 41/2 7 5% ..."

82.43-45

Die Quelle konnte nicht ermittelt werden.

82.43-44

William Harvey: Exercitatio anatomica de motu cordis et sanguinis in animalibus. Francofurti 1628.

83.22

Siehe MEGA® II/2. S. 149-157.

83.23-46

Karl Marx: Zur Kritik ... In: MEGA® II/2. S. 148.12-36 und 149.1-7: „Wo daher Silber und Gold gesetzlich als Geld, d.h. als Werthmaaß neben einander bestehen, ist stets der vergebliche Versuch gemacht worden, sie als eine und dieselbe Materie zu behandeln. Unterstellt man, daß dieselbe Arbeitszeit sich unveränderlich in derselben Proportion von Silber und Gold vergegenständlicht, so unterstellt man in der That, daß Silber und Gold dieselbe Materie und Silber, das minder werthvolle Metall, ein unveränderlicher Bruchtheil Gold ist. Von der Regierung Edward's III. bis zur Zeit von Georg II. verläuft sich die Geschichte des englischen Geldwesens in eine fortlaufende Reihe von Störungen, hervorgehend aus der Kollision zwischen der gesetzlichen Festsetzung des Werthverhältnisses von Gold und Silber und ihren wirklichen Werthschwankungen. Bald war Gold zu hoch geschätzt, bald Silber. Das zu niedrig geschätzte Metall wurde der Circulation entzogen, umgeschmolzen und exportirt. Das Werthverhältniß beider Metalle wurde dann wieder gesetzlich verändert, aber der neue Nominalwerth trat bald mit dem wirklichen Werthverhältniß in denselben Konflikt, wie der alte. In unserer eigenen Zeit hat der sehr schwache und vorübergehende Fall im Werthe des Goldes gegen Silber, in Folge der indisch-chinesischen Silbernachfrage, dasselbe Phänomen auf der größten Stufenleiter in Frankreich erzeugt, Ausfuhr des Silbers und seine Vertreibung aus der Circulation durch Gold. Während der Jahre 1855, 1856, 1857 betrug der Ueberschuß der Goldeinfuhr in Frankreich über die Goldausfuhr, aus Frankreich

803

Capital. London 1887

41580000£, während der Ueberschuß der Silberausfuhr über die Silbereinfuhr 34704000 £ betrug. In der That in Ländern wie in Frankreich, wo beide Metalle gesetzlich Werthmaaße sind, und beide in Zahlung angenommen werden müssen, jeder aber beliebig in dem einen oder andern zahlen kann, trägt das im Werth steigende Metall ein Agio und mißt wie jede andere Waare seinen Preis in dem überschätzten Metall, während letzteres allein als Werthmaaß dient. Alle geschichtliche Erfahrung in diesem Gebiet reducirt sich einfach darauf, daß, wo gesetzlich zwei Waaren die Funktion des Werthmaaßes versehen, faktisch immer nur eine als solches den Platz behauptet." 84.38

adequate number of pieces] Bei Maclaren: aliquot number of the pieces

85.13

cceterisparibus] unter sonst gleichen

85.21

Siehe S. 45.29-47.3.

86.9

poetical chronology] Anknüpfend an ältere Vorstellungen von einem paradiesischen Urzustand und dessen Verlust, in denen sich in mythischer Form der Übergang vom Urkommunismus zur Klassengesellschaft widerspiegelt, schuf der frühgriechische Epiker Hesiodos die Lehre von den fünf Weltzeitaltern: Auf das goldene folgten ein silbernes und ein ehernes (bronzenes) Zeitalter. Der Abstieg wurde unterbrochen durch die Heroenzeit. Die Gegenwart des Dichters, das eiserne Zeitalter, stellt den absoluten Tiefpunkt dar. (Siehe Hesiodos: Opera et dies.) Diese Lehre, das Produkt ernsthaften Ringens um ein Weltverständnis im Vorfeld der Entstehung der Philosophie, wurde von späteren Dichtern (Ovidius) als literarisches Motiv wieder aufgenommen.

86.34-36

Karl Marx: Zur Kritik ... In: MEGA® II/2. S. 145.33-34 und 146.1-3.

86.35

union] Die Union zwischen England und Schottland, die 1707 zustande kam, vereinigte Schottland endgültig mit England. Das schottische Parlament wurde aufgelöst, und alle ökonomischen Schranken zwischen beiden Ländern wurden beseitigt.

86.39-43

Bei Urquhart, S. 104/105: „The worth of gold is to be established by its own weight, under a false denomination of that weight— and an ounce is to be worth so many ,pounds' and fractions of pounds. This is—falsifying a measure, not establishing a standard\"

87.24-25

Athenaeus: Deipnosophistarum ... [Hrsg.:] Johannes Schweighaeuser. T. 2. Argentorati (1802). S. 120: 'Avaxagcriq, nuvöavopevou Tivöq, ngoq T! oi "EAAqveq x e & V T 0 ( l TCU A Q Y U E ' V ' eine, TTQÖq TÖ ägiöpeTv. Athenaeus: Deipnosophistae IV. 49, 159.

804

Umständen

Erläuterungen

87.26-33

Bei Marx: „Weil das Gold als Maaßstab der Preise in denselben Rechennamen erscheint, wie die Waarenpreise, also z. B. eine Unze Gold ebensowohl wie eine Tonne Eisen in 3 £ 17 s. 101/2d. ausgedrückt wird, hat man diese seine Rechennamen seinen Münzpreis genannt. Die wunderliche Vorstellung entstand daher, als ob das Gold in seinem eigenen Material geschätzt werde, und im Unterschied von allen andern Waaren von Staatswegen einen fixen Preis erhalte. Man versah die Fixirung von Rechennamen für bestimmte Goldgewichte für Fixirung des Werths dieser Gewichte." (MEGA® M/2. S. 147.31-32 und 148.1-6.)

87.34-35

Siehe M E G A ® II/2. S. 149-157.

87.44-45

Guillaume-François Le Trosne: De l'intérêt social ... A. a. O.

89.8-9

Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel: Encyclopädie der philosophischen Wissenschaften im Grundrisse. T h . 1 : Die Logik. Berlin 1840. (Werke. Bd. 6.) §147, Zusatz, S. 293-298, und §193, S. 362.

89.20-22

Dante Alighieri: La divina commedia. Paradiso. Canto XXIV, 83-85.

89.33-34

his fight in the desert with the handsome women] Hieronymus: Epistula XXII. Ad Eustochium 7, 1 - 2 : „... in heremo constitua s ... lile igitur ego, qui ob gehennae metum tali me carcere ipse damnaveram, ... saepe choris inteream puellarum. pallebant ora ieiuniis et mens desideriis aestuabat in frigido corpore ..." („... als ich mich in der Wüste aufhielt... Ich also, jener Mann, der ich mich aus Furcht vor der Hölle selbst zu solchem Kerker verurteilt hatte, ... wohnte [in Gedanken] oft den Tänzen der Mädchen bei. Blaß waren meine Wangen vom Fasten, der Geist glühte von Verlangen im kalten Körper ...") - Siehe Karl Marx: Exzerpte zur Geschichte der Kunst und der Religion. In: M E G A ® IV/1. S. 375.2-6.

89.35-37

"I bis Ciceronian."] „... subito raptus in spiritu ad tribunal iudicis pertrahor ... interrogatus condicionem Christianum me esse respondí. et ille, qui residebat, ,mentiris', ait, ,Ciceronianus es, non Christianus'." („... Plötzlich wurde ich im Geiste vor das Tribunal des Weltrichters entrückt ... Gefragt, wer ich sei, antwortete ich, ich sei ein Christ. ,Du lügst', sprach der Weltrichter, ,du bist ein Ciceronianer, kein Christ'.") Hieronymus: Epistula XXII. Ad Eustochium 30, 3 - 4 . - Der Kirchenvater stellt die klassische römische Literatur, die für ihn im formvollendeten Latein Ciceros kulminiert, als eine Versuchung 805

Capital. London 1887

dar, die ihn vom Studium der in einer weniger eleganten Sprache geschriebenen Kirchenliteratur abhielt. 91.36

Karl Marx: Zur Kritik ... In: MEGA® M/2. S. 159.19-23.

91.37-38

"'Ex ôè rov bis xgvtrâç."] „Aus dem ... Feuer aber entsteht alles durch Austausch, sagte Herakllt, und Feuer aus allem, gleich wie aus Gold Güter und aus Gütern Gold. "

91.39-40

Bei Lassalle, S. 224, Fußnote: „ W e n n Heraklit das Geld als Tauschmittel zum Gegensatz aller in den Tausch kommender reellen Producte machte und es an diesen erst sein wirkliches Dasein haben läßt, so ist also das Geld als solches nicht selbst ein mit einem selbständigen, stofflichen Werthe bekleidetes Product, nicht eine Waare neben andern Waaren, wie die Say'sche Schule noch bis heute das Metallgeld hartnäckig auffaßt, sondern es ist nur der ideelle Repräsentant der umlaufenden reellen Producte, das Werthzeichen derselben, das nur sie bedeutet. Und das ist nur zum Theil eine aus dem Fragment entwickelte Folgerung, zum Theil nur der für Heraklit selbst darin vorhandene Gedanke."

92.28-29

Althought bis mouth] Altes römisches Sprichwort. W i r d von Hieronymus in der Einleitung zu seinen Erläuterungen des Epheserbriefes verwendet: „Noli equi dentes inspicere donati."

93.16-17

William Shakespeare: scene 1.

94.39

Diese Formulierung stammt nicht direkt von François Quesnay, sondern Pierre-Samuel Du Pont de Nemours äußerte sich in den „Maximes du Docteur Quesnay ...", erschienen in „Physiocrates", pt. 1, Paris 1846, S. 392, wie folgt: „Acheter c'est vendre, et vendre c'est acheter. "

95.28

N o n olet] Geld stinkt nicht, sagte der römische Kaiser Titus Flavius Vespasianus, als ihm sein Sohn Titus die Besteuerung der Bedürfnisanstalten vorwarf.

95.36-37

Siehe S. 80.6-8 und 94.18-22.

95.38-40

[Paul-Pierre] Mercier de la Rivière: L'ordre naturel et essentiel ... In: Physiocrates. Pt. 2. Paris 1846. (Collection des principaux économistes. [T. 2.])

95.39

pour cet argent] Bei Mercier de la Rivière: pour avoir cet argent

96.27

dramatis persona:] handelnde Personen

96.40-41

Guillaume-François Le Trosne: De l'intérêt social ... A. a. O.

99.28

Siehe MEGA© II/2. S. 165/166.

806

A

midsummer-night's

dream.

Act

1,

Erläuterungen 99.39-40

In Jean-Baptiste Says Buch „Traité d'économie politique ...", 3. éd., t. 2, Paris 1817, S. 33-52, werden Krisen (la baisse réelle) behandelt. Anschließend an das Buch 3 des zweiten Bandes folgt noch ein „Épitome des principes fondamentaux de l'économie politique", worin Say auf S. 459 schreibt: „Marchandise: produit acheté pour être revendu."

101.40-41

Guillaume-François Le Trosne: De l'intérêt social ... A . a . O . : „... on a attribué à l'argent des effets que sa circulation ne peut avoir, puisqu'il n'a d'autre mouvement que celui qui est imprimé par les productions."

102.15-17

Siehe S. 85.1-21.

102.35-38

Siehe S. 80.6-9.

104.39-41

Guillaume-François Le Trosne: De l'intérêt social ... A. a. O.

104.39

Marx fügte den Begriff „l'argent" ein, der sich bei Le Trosne am Beginn des vorangegangenen Satzes befindet.

105.36-42 u. 106.30-38

[Dudley North:] Discourses upon trade; principally directed to the cases of the interest, coynage, clipping, increase of money. London 1691. - Diese Ausgabe stand nicht zur Verfügung. Zum Vergleich wurde herangezogen: A reprint of economic tracts. Ed. by Jacob H. Hollander. Sir Dudley North on discourses upon trade 1691. Baltimore 1907.

105.42

Why cannot he get] Bei North: why he cannot get

106.37

than] Bei North: then

106.38-41

Die Quelle konnte nicht eindeutig ermittelt werden. - Johann Herrenschwand behandelte in seinem Buch „De l'économie politique moderne, discours fondamental sur la population", London 1786, auch Probleme der Geldsteuern, des Metallgeldes, der Zirkulation und des Binnen- und Außenhandels (z. B. S. 174-180, 260-263, 404/405 und 470-472). Er vertrat die Meinung, daß die entwickelte Zirkulation relativ weniger Metallgeld benötigt.

107.29

Die Worte in Klammern stammen aus dem vorangehenden, von Marx nicht zitierten, Satz aus der Schrift von Petty.

107.29

specie] Bei Petty: species

107.29

requisite in] Bei Petty: requisite to

107.35-36

Bei Marx: „Die Frage über die Quantität der cirkulirenden Münze beseitigt er stillschweigend, indem er das Geld ganz falsch als bloße Waare behandelt." (MEGA® II/2. S. 228.16-18.)

807

Capital. London 1887

107.37, 43-44 ex officio] Hier: durch den Plan seines Werkes veranlaßt 107.38-43

Adam Smith: An inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations. Vol. 3. London 1836. S. 87 und 89.

107.40

The value of the goods] Bei Smith: The value of goods

107.43-44

Adam Smith: Recherches sur la nature et les causes de la richesse des nations. T. 1. Paris an X. - 1802. S. 11ff.

107.44-46

Ebenda. T. 5. S. 181-184.

108.8

consequently, where] Bei Vanderlint: consequently, that where

108.13

Nicholas Barbon: A discourse concerning coining ... London 1696. S. 12-34.

108.27-34

[Charles-Louis de Secondât] de Montesquieu: De l'esprit des loix. Londres 1769. (Œuvres. T. 3.)

108.30

n'y ait] Bei Montesquieu: n'y en ait

108.31

s'achète] Bei Montesquieu: s'achette

108.36

Siehe MEGA® II/2. S. 219-224 und 228ff.

108.38-39

John Stuart Mill: Principles of political economy ... Vol. 1. London 1848. S. III/IV: „The design of the book is different from that of any treatise on Political Economy which has been produced in England since the work of Adam Smith."

108.42-43

Arthur Wellington war der erfolgreiche Befehlshaber der britischen Truppen in den Kriegen gegen Napoléon Ier. Dagegen war der englische General Sir William Fenwick gezwungen, am 27. November 1855 die Stadt Kars, deren Verteidigung er leitete, den russischen Truppen zu übergeben.

109.32

seigniorage on minting] Gebühr für die Prägung vollwertiger Münzen zur Deckung der Prägekosten.

109.32-33

Adam Heinrich Müller: Die Elemente der Staatskunst. Th. 2. Berlin 1809. S. 280: „... vorzüglich in einem Lande wie England, wo die Regierung mit einer großmuethigen Liberalitaet unentgeltlich muenzt ..."

109.34-41

[Dudley North:] Discourses upon trade ... London 1691.

109.35

it is carried] Bei North: Wherefore is it carried

109.36

coined. Not] Bei North: coined? not

109.36

coin] Bei Buchanan: coins

109.38

costs the owner] Bei North: cost the Owners

808

Erläuterungen

110.40

retail trader] Bei Buchanan: retail dealer

111.23

There bis standard] Diesen Gedanken vertrat Hegel z. B. in seinem Werk „Wissenschaft der Logik. Th. 1: Die objektive Logik. Abth. 1: Die Lehre vom Seyn", Berlin 1833 (Werke. Bd. 3.), S. 421-455.

111.32

Son of Heaven] Offizieller Titel des Kaisers von China; hier: Wenzong.

111.35-37

In „Arbeiten ...", S. 54: „Das Comité hat sein Project aufmerksam erwogen und findet, daß Alles in ihm auf den Vortheil der Kaufleute ausgeht und Nichts für die Krone vortheilhaft ist." Der Aufsatz beginnt auf S. 47.

111.41-43

In „Report from the Secret Committee ...": „429. Are there many that are light now? A great Number; every Year there is a fresh Class. The Class which pass full Weight one Year by the Wear and Tear of the next Year lose sufficient to make the Scale turn against it."

111.41

sovereigns] Neben den Bedeutungen „Souverän" und „Monarch" auch Bezeichnung für eine englische Goldmünze (1 Pfund Sterling).

112.10-12

Siehe S. 109/110.

112.36

value they] Bei Fullarton: value which they

112.39

of issues] Bei Fullarton: of the issues

113.25-27

[Pierre] Boisguillebert: Le détail de la France ... In: Économistes financiers du XVIII e siècle. Paris 1843. (Collection des principaux économistes. [T. 1.]) S. 213: „Enfin, de corps de la France souffre lorsque l'argent n'est pas dans un mouvement continuel, ce qui ne peut être que tant qu'il est meuble, et entre le mains du peuple; mais sitôt qu'il devient immeuble."

113.34-36

Nicholas Barbon: A discourse concerning coining ... London 1696.

114.15-17

Vermutlich gemeint: Jacob Vanderlint: Money answers all things ... London 1734. S.4/5.

114.18-20

Jacob Vanderlint: Money answers all things ... London 1734. S. 95.

114.20-23

Die Quelle konnte nicht ermittelt werden.

114.25

nexus rerum] Zusammenhang der Dinge, Hauptsache

114.35-36

[Paul-Pierre] Mercier de la Rivière: L'ordre naturel et essentiel ... A.a.O. S. 573. 809

Capital. London 1887

114.36

productions n'a fait] Bei Mercier de la Rivière: productions, qui n'a fait

114.38-39

Jacob Vanderlint: Money answers ail things ... London 1734.

115.7-10

Das Zitat stammt aus dem letzten Brief von Cristoforo Colombo, den er am 7. Juli 1503 aus Jamaika schrieb. Die von Marx benutzte Quelle konnte nicht ermittelt werden. In der „Colección de los viages y descubrimientos, que hicieron por mar los Españoles desde fines del siglo XV ... Coordinada é ilustrada por Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete", 1.1, Madrid 1825, S. 309, heißt es: „... del oro se hace tesoro, y con él, quien lo tiene, hace cuanto quiere en el mundo, y llega á que echa las animas al paraíso."

115.14-15

res sacrosantas extra commercium hominum] geheiligte, dem Handelsverkehr der Menschen entrückte Dinge

115.22-23

Marx stützt sich hier auf Aussagen in Marie Augiers Schrift „Du crédit public et de son histoire depuis les temps anciens jusqu'à nos jours", Paris 1842, S. 106-108.

115.23

Delphic Temple] Die Orakelstätte des Apollon in Delphi auf dem Territorium von Phokis galt als neutral und unverletzlich. Reiche Weihgeschenke und Depositen ließen den Tempel zu einem bedeutenden Finanzzentrum werden. Die Besetzung und Plünderung des Tempeldistrikts durch die Phoker (356 v. u. Z.) führte zu einer größeren militärischen Auseinandersetzung (Dritter Heiliger Krieg 356-346 v. u. Z.), in die auch König Philipp II von Makedonien eingriff. Den dadurch gewonnenen Einfluß baute er wenige Jahre später (Schlacht bei Chaironeia 338 v. u. Z.) zur Hegemonie über Griechenland aus.

115.29-43

William Shakespeare: Timon of Athens. Act 4, scene 3.

115.29-30

gold! Thus] Bei Shakespeare: gold? ... Thus

116.2-3

Holy Grail] Der Gral war in Sagen und Dichtungen des Mittelalters eine wundertätige Schale.

116.34-41

"Oùôèv yòe bis eiôévcu."] „Denn kein so schmählich Übel, wie des Geldes Wert, erwuchs den Menschen: dies vermag die Städte selbst zu brechen, dies treibt Männer aus von Hof und Herd; dies unterweist und verkehrt den edlen Sinn rechtschaffner Männer,

810

Erläuterungen

nachzugeh'n ruchloser Tat, zeigt an die Wege böser List den Sterblichen, und bildet sie zu jedem gottverhaßten Werk." Sophokles: Antigone 295-301. 116.42-43

"'EAmCouOTK Tpg bis nXoürwva."] „Die Habsucht hofft, aus dem Innersten der Erde Pluton selbst heraufzuziehen." Athenaeus: Deipnosophistae VI, 233e.

117.5

Denis Diderot: Le salon de 1767, ä mon ami M. Grimm: „Soyons, ou paraissons riches."

117.12-15

Siehe S. 102.4-108.4.

117.25-27

Pietro Verri: Meditazioni sulla economia ... A. a. O.

117.28-32

[Dudley North:] Discourses upon trade ... London 1691.

117.30

require] Bei North: requires

117.32-34

In „Report from the select committee on bank acts ... 30 July 1857", S. 186, Nr. 2084: „A large portion of what ever increase of wealth comes into the hands of a native of India, he usually either hoards, or if he expends it, he expends it in ornaments, which are generally silver ornaments, and hoards it in that shape."

117.34-36

The silver bis falls. ] In „Report from the select committee on bank acts ... 30 July 1857", S. 188, Nr. 2101: ... silver ornaments to be coined?—I believe such things have happened. Money which goes into the form of ornaments, and is hoarded in that form, is brought out when there is a high rate of interest, and goes back again when the rate of interest falls.

117.37

East India (Bullion). Return to an address of the Honourable The House of Commons, dated 8 February 1864 ... London 1864. S. 3.

119.34-40

Karl Marx: Zur Kritik ... In: M E G A ® II/2. S. 201.5-12: „Umgekehrt kann im Proceß G - W das Geld als wirkliches Kaufmittel entäußert und der Preis der Waare so realisirt werden, ehe der Gebrauchswerth des Geldes realisirt oder die Waare veräußert wird. Dies findet z. B. statt in der alltäglichen Form der Pränumeration. Oder in der Form, worin die englische Regierung das Opium der Ryots in Indien ... [kauft]. So wirkt jedoch das Geld nur in der schon bekannten Form des Kaufmittels ..."

119.40-42

Ebenda. S. 201.39-41: „Kapital wird natürlich auch in der Form des Geldes avancirt und das vorgeschossne Geld mag vorgeschossnes Kapital sein, dieser Gesichtspu nkt fällt aber nicht in den Horizont der einfachen Cirkulation."

811

Capital. London 1887 120.9-12 120.22

Siehe S. 103/104. virements]

Schecks bzw. Ü b e r w e i s u n g e n , die zur gegenseitigen

V e r r e c h n u n g v o n F o r d e r u n g e n dienten. 121.9

to be a vain i m a g i n a t i o n ] Friedrich v o n Schiller: Die Bürgschaft: „ U n d die T r e u e , sie ist d o c h kein leerer W a h n . "

121.11

A s the hart pants after fresh water] Die Bibel. Das Alte Testament. Psalm 4 2 , 2 .

121.29-32

Bei M a r x : „ D i e s plötzliche U m s c h l a g e n des Kreditsystems in das M o n e t a r s y s t e m f ü g t den t h e o r e t i s c h e n S c h r e c k e n z u m praktischen panic, u n d die Cirkulationsagenten schaudern v o r d e m undurchdringlichen

Geheimniß

ihrer

eigenen

Verhältnisse."

(MEGA® II/2. S. 208.19-22.) 121.40

Der Verfasser ist H e n r y Roy.

121.41-45

T h e f u n d s . — C i t y , Saturday, A p r i l 23. In: T h e O b s e r v e r . London. N r . 3806, 24. A p r i l 1864. S. 4, Sp. 1. - Das Zitat e n t n a h m M a r x offensichtlich

aus

Henry

Roys

Buch

„The

theory

of t h e

ex-

changes ...", London 1864, S. 236. 122.20-21

multifarious bis distant] In „ T h e c u r r e n c y t h e o r y . . . " : multifarious drafts upon the quantity of money which may be afloat at subsequent dates more or less distant

122.23

credits] In „ T h e c u r r e n c y t h e o r y . . . " : credits may

122.32-42

In „ R e p o r t . . . " : „Receipts: In bankers' drafts and mercantile bills of exchange, payable after date In cheques on bankers. Sc. payable on demand In country bankers' notes

£

£

533596 357715 9627 900938

In In In In

Bank of England notes gold silver and copper Post-office orders

68554 28089 1486 933 99062 £1000000

812

Erläuterungen Payments:

[£]

By bills of exchange payable afterdate By cheques on London bankers By Bank of England notes By gold By silver and copper

22743 9427 1 484

[£] 302674 663672 £966346

33654

£1000000" 122.46

Der Verfasser ist Daniel Defoe. Im Jahre 1710 erschien dieses Buch in London zweimal. Die von Marx verwendete und mit „3. edition" bezeichnete Ausgabe stand nicht zur Verfügung.

123.3-5

[Pierre] Boisguillebert: Le détail de la France ... in: Économistes financiers ... Paris 1843 (Collection des principaux économistes. [T. 1.]); derselbe: Dissertation sur la nature des richesses, de l'argent et des tributs ... In: Économistes financiers ... Paris 1843 (Collection des principaux économistes. [T. 1.]); [Sébastien le Prestre de] Vauban: Projet d'une dîme royale. In: Économistes financiers ... Paris 1843. (Collection des principaux économistes. [T.1.])

123.28

Bei Boisguillebert S. 413.

123.28

alambic, qui a fait] Bei Boisguillebert, S. 419: alambic a fait

123.29

effroyable] Bei Boisguillebert: effrayable

123.29

faire] Bei Boisguillebert: former

123. 29-30

Bei Boisguillebert, S. 417/418: „Mais il y a de l'argent criminel, parce qu'il a voulu être un dieu au lieu d'un esclave, qui, après avoir déclaré la guerre aux particuliers ou plutôt à tout le genre humain ..."

123.31

Économistes] Siehe Erl. 71.19.

123.33

"On bis "there] Bei Fullarton: ,,,At Whitsuntide, 1824,' Mr. Craig says, ,there

123.35

note left in] Bei Fullarton: note in

123.38-43

John Fullarton: On the regulation of currencies ... 2. ed., with corr. and add. London 1845. S.87: „... although the average effective circulation of bank-notes in Scotland falls short of three millions sterling, there occur several occasions yearly when every note in the possession of the bankers, amounting in all to about seven millions, is called into activity. On those occasions the notes have a single and special office to perform, and, that office fulfilled, they flow back again into the respective banks

813

Capital. London 1887 from which they issued." - Das Zitat ist in der Ausgabe London 1844 nicht enthalten. 124.1

direct] Marx bezieht sich hier auf das allgemeine Gesetz des Geldumlaufs (siehe S. 104). Daraus geht hervor, daß bei längeren Zahlungsperioden die Masse der umlaufenden Geldmittel zunimmt. Das zeigt auch die Fußnote 107.

124.26-36

Marx zitiert aus William Pettys Arbeit „Verbum sapienti", die als Beilage in dem Werk „The political anatomy of Ireland", London 1691, erschien und getrennt paginiert ist.

124.26

40 millions p.a.] Bei Petty: 4 Millions per Annum Die offensichtlich falsche Zahl 4 hat Marx in 40 berichtigt.

124.27

requires,] Bei Petty: requires?

124.31

these ends] Bei Petty: those ends

124.33

half of which] Bei Petty: half of the which

124.37

"pleasant difficulties"] Heinrich Heine: Neuer Frühling. Prolog: „So in holden Hindernissen wind' ich mich mit Lust und Leid während andre kämpfen müssen in dem großen Kampf der Zeit."

124.39

Siehe MEGA® II/2. S. 216ff.

124.39-43

Um die Schwierigkeiten beim Eintausch von Banknoten in Gold zu überwinden, beschloß die britische Regierung auf Initiative Robert Peels 1844 ein Gesetz über die Reform der Bank of England. Dieses Gesetz sah die Teilung der Bank in zwei vollständig unabhängige Departments mit gesonderten Barfonds vor: das Banking-Department, welches reine Bankoperationen ausführte, und das Issue-Department, welches die Herausgabe der Banknoten vornahm. Diese Noten mußten eine solide Deckung in Gestalt eines speziellen Goldfonds besitzen, der stets verfügbar sein sollte. Die Ausgabe von Banknoten, die nicht durch Gold gedeckt waren, wurde auf 14 Millionen Pfund Sterling begrenzt. Die Menge der im Umlauf befindlichen Banknoten hing jedoch entgegen dem Bankgesetz von 1844 in der Realität nicht vom Deckungsfonds ab, sondern von der Nachfrage in der Zirkulationssphäre. Während der Wirtschaftskrisen, in denen der Geldmangel besonders groß war, setzte die britische Regierung das Gesetz von 1844 zeitweilig außer Kraft und erhöhte die Summe der nicht durch Gold gedeckten Banknoten. - Marx hatte sich mit der Entwicklung des englischen Bankwesens überhaupt und mit dem Peelschen Bankgesetz von 1844 insbesondere sehr ausführlich auseinandergesetzt. Davon zeugen seine Notizen in den

814

Erläuterungen

Londoner Heften 1850-1853 (siehe MEGA© IV/7, S. 8 9 - 9 4 und 108/109, sowie MEGA® IV/8, S. 111-113, 251 und 269). - Siehe auch Karl Marx: Zur Kritik ... In: MEGA® II/2. S. 233 und 242. 125.15-17

James Steuart: An inquiry into the principles of political oeconomy ... Vol.2. Dublin 1770. S. 370: „Coin we have called the money of the world, as notes may be called the money of the society."

125.27

Karl Marx: Zur Kritik ... In: MEGA® II/2. S. 229ff.

125.27-29

David Ricardo: The high price of bullion, a proof of the depreciation of bank notes. 4. ed., corr. London 1811. S. 11/12 und 14.

125.30-32

Nicholas Barbon: A discourse concerning coining ... London 1696: „ . . . the Balance of Trade (if there be one) is not the cause of sending away the Money out of a Nation: But that proceeds from the difference of the Value of Bullion in several Countries ..."

125.32-35

Bei MacCulloch, S. 157: „A Discourse concerning Coining the New Money Lighter ...By Nicholas Barbon ... London, 1696. In this tract Barbon has pointed out sundry errors into which Locke had fallen, and he has the further merit of having demonstrated the fallacy of the then prevalent opinions with respect to the balance of trade, and of having shown that bullion is never sent abroad in payment of an unfavourable balance unless it be at the time the cheapest and most profitable article of export. But although Barbon showed that the circumstances which determine the value of bullion, and which regulate its importation and exportation, differ in no respect f r o m those applicable to other commodities, he contended that the value of coins (or of bullion in the shape of coin), depended on the stamp affixed to them by government; and consequently, t h a t , m o n e y will be of as good value to all intents and purposes when it is coined lighter.' This gross and unaccountable error destroyed the influence of Barbon's tract; and was most probably the cause of the oblivion into which it very soon fell, and of its never having attracted that attention to which, on other accounts, it was entitled."

125.34

"currency principle"] Currency principle war eine in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts in Großbritannien weit verbreitete Geldtheorie, die eine Reaktion bürgerlicher Ökonomen auf die seit 1825 einsetzende zyklische Entwicklung des Kapitalismus war. Ihre Anhänger gingen von der Quantitätstheorie des Geldes aus. Sie behaupteten, daß die Preise der Waren durch die Menge des in Umlauf befindlichen Geldes bestimmt würden. Dabei blieben die Unterschiede von Papier-, Kredit- und Metall-

815

Capital. London 1887

geldzirkulation unberücksichtigt. Sie glaubten, einen stabilen Geldumlauf durch volle Golddeckung der Banknoten zu erreichen; die Emission sollte entsprechend dem Edelmetallimport und -export reguliert werden. Versuche der britischen Regierung (Bankgesetz von 1844), sich auf diese Theorie zu stützen, hatten keinerlei Erfolg und bestätigten nur ihre wissenschaftliche Unhaltbarkeit und ihre völlige üntauglichkeit für praktische Zwecke. In seiner Schrift „Zur Kritik ..." (MEGA® M/2. S. 240-243) hat Marx das Currency principle umfassend eingeschätzt. 125.37

"facile princeps argentariorum"] „den anerkannten König der Geldleute" John Ramsay MacCulloch: The literature of political economy ... London 1845. S. 181: „Mr. Palmer's pamphlet elicited various replies, of which the ablest and by far the best was that of Mr. Loyd, argentariorum sui saeculi facile princeps, who made his first appearance as a writer on currency on this occasion."

125.40-47

John Fullarton: On the regulation of currencies ... London 1844.

126.15-16

Guillaume-Françoise Le Trosne: De l'intérêt social ... A. a. O.

126.16-18

Jacob Vanderlint: Money answers all things ... London 1734.

126.19-20

Nicholas Barbon: A discourse concerning coining ... London 1696.

126.19

Exchanges] Bei Barbon: For Exchanges

126.25

coin? We] Bei Petty: coin? Answer, we

126.26

gold or silver] Bei Petty: gold and silver

126.28-33

Marx zitiert aus William Pettys Arbeit „Verbum sapienti". - Siehe Erl. 124.26-36.

126.31

action] Bei Petty: actions

130.28-29

[Paul-Pierre] Mercier de la Rivière: L'ordre naturel et essentiel ... A. a. O.

130.28

ex professo] von Berufs wegen; eigens

131.32

doomsday] Die Bibel. Das Neue Testament. Evangelium des Lukas 21, 34-35.

132.18-20

Bei Engels: „Und nachdem diese Trennung bewerkstelligt, theilt sich das Kapital nochmals in das ursprüngliche Kapital und in den Gewinn, den Zuwachs des Kapitals ... obwohl die Praxis selbst diesen Gewinn sogleich wieder zum Kapital schlägt und mit diesem in Fluß setzt." (MEGA® I/3. S. 481.20-24.)

816

Erläuterungen

132.23-48

Nachdem sich Marx bereits in einem Londoner Heft von 1858 Auszüge aus Aristoteles' Werk „De republica ... (Politica)" angelegt hatte, exzerpierte er das erste Buch dieses Werkes erneut im Exzerptteil des Heftes VII, London 1859-1863, S. 238-241. Dafür benutzte er die zweisprachige Ausgabe von Adolf Stahr, Leipzig 1839. Stahrs griechischer Text weicht nur geringfügig von dem der Standardausgaben Immanuel Bekkers (Berlin 1831, Oxford 1837) ab. In der Regel exzerpierte Marx eine oder mehrere Zeilen des Originaltextes und ließ dann jeweils die deutsche Übersetzung Stahrs folgen. Gelegentlich faßte er den Text verkürzend zusammen, z.T. auch mit Umstellungen gegenüber dem Original. Stahr führte eine eigene Kapitel- und Paragraphenzählung ein, bietet aber am Rand auch die Kapitelzählung Bekkers. Diese übernahm Marx zum Zwecke leichteren Zitierens in sein Exzerptheft.

132.23-25

Interpretierende Zusammenfassung von Aristoteles: Politica 1,81256 b 26-30 = 1,3,8 Stahr.

132.25-27

Aristoteles: Politica 1,81256 b 30-32 = 1,3,9 Stahr: Kai goiKev ö Y ' äÄqOivöq nAoüToq ¿ K TOÜTIOV eivai. R) Y«e T N Arbeitsmittel Arbeitsintensität (Arbeitsintensivität) 358 364 454 455 457 461 - gesellschaftlich durchschnittliche, normale 170 357 452 457 - Grad der A. 357 358 458 482 - nationale Unterschiede 458 487

1145

Sachregister Arbeitsintensität (Arbeitsintensivität) - und Produktivität der Arbeit 285 294 357 358 365 485 486 - und Länge des Arbeitstages 357 362 364 373 449 462 - und absoluter Mehrwert 357 454 456 - und relativer Mehrwert 367 400-402 - und Maschinerie 356-367 385-387 - und Arbeitslohn 358-360 474 481 483 485-488 - Mittel zur Steigerung der A. 357-359 482 483 Arbeitskontrakt 150 152 259 260 345 346 642 Arbeitskraft 32 33 37 58 64 146 149 160 185 186 199 523 - als Ware 144 145 147 150 152 153 160 168 171 269-272 - Gebrauchswert 150 152 167 168 202 203 480 - Wert 148 149 165 167 175 187 229 261 278 344 355 356 - historisch-moralisches Element in der Wertbestimmung der A. 140 - Bildungskosten 452 - individuelle und Gesamtarbeitskraft der Gesellschaft 32 - Minimalgrenze ihres Wertes 149 - Preis 144 150 152 171 446 452 455 459 465 469 - Entwertung 303 344 354 411 - Reproduktion 148-150 188 199 269 270 272 442 531 - Kauf und Verkauf der A. 145 150 152 503 504 507 508 621 - subjektiver Faktor des Arbeitsprozesses 160 180 - und Produktivität der Arbeit 272 276 303 354 358 452 458 460 462 477 523 - und variables Kapital 185 404 494 497 500 511 - Lebensdauer 202 228-231 553 - Verschleiß 202 221 225 228-230 303 456 459 477 —* Lohnarbeiter Arbeitslohn 37 150 152 368 503 535 536 552 - erscheint als Preis der Arbeit 466 472 - als Erscheinungsform des Wertes resp. des Preises der Arbeitskraft 466 470

1146

Arbeitslohn - als Einkommensform des Arbeiters 470 494 - und Anwachsen der Arbeiterbevölkerung 531 551 - Nominallohn 473 487 641 - Reallohn 473 523 642 - relativer 483 488 - Stücklohn 359 398 417 472 479-486 - Zeitlohn 359 473 474 476 477 482 Tag lohn 474-478 Wochenlohn 360 474-478 - Minimum 270 516 521 556 600 603 642 - Senkung unter den Wert der Arbeitskraft 343 519 642 - relatives Sinken 345 474 476 477 641 - Abzüge 243 245 372 386 399 481 578 - Ursachen seiner Erhöhung und Senkung 471-473 536 551 563 564 - nationale Verschiedenheit 487-490 520 - und variables Kapital 181 549 - und Mehrwert 344 412 473 474 477 478 483 484 - und Profit 396 536 - und Warenwert 478 511 - und Akkumulation des Kapitals 530 536 549 551 552 - und Produktivität der Arbeit 271 276 355 359 453 458 460 485 488 539 - und Länge des Arbeitstages 523 - und Arbeitsintensität 358-360 474-484 486-488 - und industrielle Reservearmee 551 552 - und Überarbeit 211 214 475 479 - gesetzliche Regulierung des A. 234 640 643 - Vulgärökonomie über A. 462 519 520 Arbeitslosigkeit 367 368 375 376 382 475 500 531 547 554 557 - Ursachen 375 376 387 548 550 - Auswirkungen auf die Arbeiterklasse 284 355 375 377 385 552 553 —> Pauperismus; Reservearmee, industrielle Arbeitsmarkt 1-127 145 147 170 229 231 260 376 407 482 500 551 622 623 667 669 670 - als besondere Abteilung des Warenmarkts 147

Sachregister Arbeitsmaterial —* Arbeitsgegenstand Arbeitsmittel 154 323 330 336 337 369 371 522-524 - als Element des Arbeitsprozesses 155 159 - gesellschaftlicher Charakter 280 336 661 - Bedeutung für die Beurteilung untergegangener ökonomischer Gesellschaftsformationen 156 - Anzeiger der gesellschaftlichen Verhältnisse 156 - Gradmesser der Entwicklung der menschlichen Arbeitskraft 156 - Erde als A. 157 - mechanische A. als das Muskel- und Knochensystem der Produktion 158 - Gefäßsystem der Produktion 156 - und Mensch 153 336 337 351 368 369 558 - Verschleiß 176 178 337 338 526 —» Arbeitsinstrumente Arbeitsproduktivität —> Produktivität der Arbeit Arbeitsprozeß 153 164 169 183 - als Vergegenständlichung 156 164 - als Aneignung 154 156 160 443 523 - einfache Momente 154 157 173 - Rolle des Menschen 153-155 159 - individueller und kooperativer 279-282 285 307 308 337 339 660 661 - subjektiver Faktor 189 - gegenständliche und technische Bedingungen 156-158 160 173 272 280 539 - als stofflicher Inhalt des gesellschaftlichen Produktionsprozesses 153 158 - und Wertbildungsprozeß 101 162 165 169 171 173 174 178 - und Verwertungsprozeß 168 169 171 177 337 369 493 - technischer Charakter 186 - und Subsumtion der Arbeit unter das Kapital 160 272 289 —*Arbeitsgegenstand; Arbeitskraft; Arbeitsmittel Arbeitstag 199 201 228 262 446 - Teilung in notwendige Arbeitszeit und Mehrarbeitszeit 187-189 - Normalarbeitstag 202 257 352

Arbeitstag - eine variable Größe 199-203 - Maximalschranke 201 229 - Minimalschranke 200 462 - moralische Schranke 201 229 356 - physische Schranke 201 229 - und Arbeitskraft 228-230 338 344 458 459 474 476 - Verlängerung 202 205 207-210 215 217 222 223 263 328 339 355 639 Verlängerung durch Zwangsgesetze 203 234 257 640 - Verkürzung 234 243 254 255 257 258 359 360 363 365 461 Kampf der Arbeiter um Verkürzung des A. 203 233 240 258 260 - gesetzliche Beschränkung 206 239 240 242 243 245 260 - und absoluter Mehrwert 188 221 251 258 262-265 267 - und Arbeitsintensität 357 359 - und Einführung neuer Maschinen 373 - Achtstundenagitation 259 365 - Neunstundenagitation 234 - Zehnstundenagitation 194 244 -* Arbeit, notwendige; Fabrikgesetzgebung; Mehrarbeit; Zehnstundengesetz Arbeitsteilung - als Faktor zur Steigerung der Produktivität der Arbeit 292-294 - als Produktionsmethode des relativen Mehrwerts 303 - als Produktivkraft des Kapitals 297 315 316 337 - im allgemeinen, im besonderen und im einzelnen 303 - naturwüchsige 304 - territoriale 306 - internationale 394 395 - zwischen körperlicher und geistiger Arbeit, zwischen Hand- und Kopfarbeit 313 314 - zwischen Industrie und Agrikultur 394 440-442 - Entwicklung 92 303 305 315 337 388 424 425 - und große Industrie 332-335 402-405 423 425 426 - und Trennung von Stadt und Land 305

1147

Sachregister Arbeitsteilung - und Bevölkerung 304 305 - und Bedürfnisse 64 66 69 91 92 308 - Aufhebung der alten A. 318 319 427 - antike Denker über A. 316 317 Arbeitsteilung, gesellschaftliche 63 91 309 424 425 448 - und Warenproduktion 39 63 65 92 93 147 303 305 308 - in vorkapitalistischen Produktionsweisen 35 289 304 309 310 - im Kapitalismus 305 308 388 425 426 - und Differenzierung der Produktionszweige 91 92 306 388 389 - und Austausch 35 67 80 90 92 303 304 306 307 - und Markt 38 92 93 316 - und Akkumulation des Kapitals 315 544 - und Bevölkerungsdichte 305 - und innerbetriebliche Arbeitsteilung 35 92 305 307 308 315 316 Arbeitsteilung, innerbetriebliche 91 92 296 298 305 308 309 367 - die Manufaktur als ihre klassische Form 289 330 - planmäßiger Charakter 307 308 - als Zerlegung des Arbeitsprozesses in verschiedene Operationen 290 291 - und Produktivität der Arbeit 293 294 297-300 302 312 315 316 - und Kontinuität der Produktion 298 299 - und Zeitersparnis 257 298 300 - und Verkürzung der notwendigen Arbeitszeit 284 303 316 - und Kooperation 230 238 291 297 299 300 329 - und Differenzierung der Arbeitsinstrumente 295 297 305 - und Spezialisierung der Arbeitsinstrumente 295-297 - und Konglomeration, Agglomeration von Arbeitern 304 305 - in der Manufaktur 271 272 287 295 296 298 305 314 336 401 423 - in der Fabrik 35 330 332 366-368 402 403 423 424 - und gesellschaftliche Arbeitsteilung 35 92 303 309 Arbeitsunfälle 368 371 420 421 439

1148

Arbeitszeit - als Maß der Werte 32 33 38 39 43 45 70 71 80 81 83 88 358 - Rolle im Kommunismus 68 69 - Seniors „Letzte Stunde" („Last Hour") 193 195 196 198 Arbeitszeit, gesellschaftlich notwendige 62 67 71 87 164 170 180 274 289 400 - und Bestimmung des Warenwerts 33 40 45 46 65 87 88 92 162 164 182 273 274 462 - und Produktivität der Arbeit 33 38 45 46 271 273 - und individuelle Arbeitszeit 33 65 67 92 274 279 280 463 Arbeitszeit, notwendige 148 199 200 203 270 446 462 - und Mehrarbeitszeit 188 200 201 205 274 445 446 470 Armee 206 281 287 532 585 625 635 Armengesetze 219 376 398 558 584 591 618 626 631 Armenhäuser 232 352 Armenunterstützung 376 630 Asien 114 140 288 310 398 400 449 - Urgesellschaft, Antike, Mittelalter 35 68 76 288 289 332 - vorkapitalistische Formen der Rente in A. 123 - Schatzbildung 114 115 - asiatische Staaten 288 289 309-311 - und europäische Staaten 123 393 394 397 400 518 Assoziation 465 643 662 —» Arbeiterassoziationen; Internationale Arbeiterassoziation Astronomie 448 449 Atheismus 18 Athen (altes) 71 316 442 Aufklärung 121 Ausbeutung (Exploitation) 444 470 585 - objektive Bedingungen 203 - durch Sklaverei 204 560 631 - feudale 67 203 205 206 495 - Verwandlung der feudalen in kapitalistische A. 169 - kapitalistische 168 201 203 207 228 230 267 268 286 345 346 427 428 445 - extensive und intensive 270-272 358 359 361 387 429 578

Sachregister Ausbeutung (Exploitation) - Methoden der A. 206-208 210 218 222 223 271 272 358 359 480 500 - ihre Verschleierung in der bürgerlichen politischen Ökonomie 465 —» Arbeitskraft; Lohnarbeit und Kapital; Lohnarbeiter; Mehrwert Ausbeutungsgrad —> Mehrwertrate Außenhandel (auswärtiger Handel) 123 124 204 - und Weltgeld 124 - mit Edelmetallen 113 114 Aussperrung 396 477 Austausch 136 137 - Entstehung und Entwicklung 56 57 75-77 303 - Produktenaustausch 64 76 77 82 91 97 130 - Herausbildung des Warenaustausches 56 63 64 75-77 - Warenaustausch 30 31 52 54-56 63 73 74 77 89 90-92 94-96 136 138 140 141 143-145 150 152 - zwischen Lohnarbeit und Kapital 144 145 150 152 201 202 345 363 465 467 469 471 497 500 507 - nichtäquivalenter 131 138 140 141 355 356 464 - als gesellschaftlicher Stoffwechsel 89 97-99 104 105 112 113 124 125 224 228 229 242 250 273 275 355 356 398 410 412 - und Produktion 33 35 62 65 76 77 - und Konsumtion 73 74 90 - und Zirkulation 96-99 138 139 - und Mehrprodukt 75 - und Bedürfnisse 64 74-76 92 - und Äquivalentform 48 60 61 74 76 78 - und gesellschaftliche Arbeitsteilung 35 63 90 92 304 306 307 - Widersprüche des A. 73 89 91 98 99 - als Quelle des Mehrwerts bei bürgerlichen Ökonomen 137 138 —» Kauf und Verkauf; Wertgesetz Australien 394 670 Auswanderung 548 549 556 604 633 669 - von Fabrikarbeitern 401 402 500-502 - aus Irland 604 611 612 - in die britischen Kolonien 232 668

Auswanderung - in die USA 669 Automat —» Maschinerie Bäckerei 151 152 478 - Arbeits- und Lebensbedingungen der Bäcker 214-218 230 257 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 256 Bankakt von 1844 125 670 Banken 120 - Nationalbanken 111 121 124 654 655 Banknoten 654 655 Bankrott 189 Basis und Überbau 33 73 118 156 187 309 310 324 325 425 426 447 512 - bestimmende Rolle der Basis 23 71 532 - Wechselwirkung von B. u. Ü. 70 71 - und geographische Grundlage, Naturverhältnisse 154 447 448 —» Bewußtsein, gesellschaftliches; Produktionsweise; Staat, bürgerlicher; Verhältnisse, gesellschaftliche; Verhältnisse, ökonomische Basis, materielle (technische) 292 319 324 423 - der Manufaktur 291 292 318 319 323 324 333 - der großen Industrie 315 333 335 369 393 401-403 405 423 425 Bauernaufstände 585 635 Bauernkrieg, deutscher (1524/1525) 205 Bauernlegen 629 630 632-635 Bauernschaft 441 623 649 662 - Expropriation von Grund und Boden 375 622 656 - freie Bauern 205 621-624 631 644 648 - Yeomanry 627 629 - Fronbauern 495 Verwandlung der Kleinbauern in Lohnarbeiter 630 631 Baumwollindustrie 231 257 284 330 361 363 368 378-380 387 393 394 397 419 489 490 500 502 503 658 659 - Lage der Arbeiter 233 244 245 361 362 366 391 393 397-490 550 551 565 566 - Zahl der Beschäftigten 390 393 544 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 232 240 - Ablösungssystem 222

1149

Sachregister Baumwollindustrie - Krisen in der B. 305 344 371 379 397 500 - Weltmonopol Englands 397 400 - und Negersklaverei 387 Baumwollproduktion 283 305 - und Maschinerie 334 341 393 394 525 Bedürfnisse 29 449 450 - als historisches Produkt 113 114 148 201 - ihre soziale Bedingtheit 113 114 148 201 - und Austausch 64 74-76 82 92 - und Produktion 36 66 92 114 156 159 203 319 334 388 447 - und Konsumtion 130 - und Produktivität der Arbeit 447 - und Arbeitsteilung 64 66 69 91 92 308 - Erzeugung und Befriedigung neuer B. 92 388 - ihr System 114 - natürliche 187 - gesellschaftliche 64 308 530 - individuelle 64 114 200 - des Lohnarbeiters 148 - Produktionsbedürfnisse 334 - und Klima 148 449 Begriff, wissenschaftlicher 124 —> Abstraktion; Kategorie, ökonomische Belgien 489 520 581 583 - Arbeitszeit 239 - Entwicklung des Kapitalismus 258 Bergbau 157 404 482 522 670 - Zahl der Beschäftigten 387 390 545 - Lage der Arbeiter 435 438 440 576 578 - Frauenarbeit 222 343 435 - Kinderarbeit 343 433 435 - Arbeit in Goldbergwerken 204 651 - Bergwerksgesetzgebung 430 433 435 438 Besonderes —> Allgemeines, Besonderes und Einzelnes Bevölkerung (Population) - industrielle 232 - städtische 441 555 572 595-600 - Landbevölkerung 375 387 595-600 - Wanderbevölkerung 574 - Bevölkerungsdichte 305 - und Arbeitsteilung 304 305 —» Arbeiterbevölkerung Bevölkerungsgesetz 547 - des Kapitalismus 536 544 547 551-553 - und Akkumulation des Kapitals 546 547

1150

Bevölkerungstheorie —» Malthusianismus Bewegung 91 96 98 104 125 129 131-133 - Bewegungsform 90 91 99 133 135 548 - Bewegungsmethode 90 552 —» Entwicklung Bewegungsgesetz —» Gesetze, ökonomische, des Kapitalismus Bewußtsein, gesellschaftliches 69 324 - als Widerspiegelung des gesellschaftlichen Seins 65 66 69 71 116 423 424 -bürgerliches 66 69 70 307 309 - Bewußtseinsformen 66 71 —» Fetischismus; Ideologie; Religion; Widerspiegelung Bildung und Erziehung - der Arbeiterklasse im Kapitalismus 149 223 301 303 313 314 348 349 409 426 452 - der Kinder im Kapitalismus 223 350 422 423 430 - Verbindung von produktiver Arbeit mit Unterricht und Gymnastik 422 423 426 427 - polytechnische 423 - im Kommunismus 422 423 426 427 - und Fabrikgesetzgebung 423 - Owen über Erziehung 423 - Smith über Volksunterricht 314 Bimetallismus 124 125 Bleichereien und Färbereien 415 - Frauenarbeit 255 256 - Überzeit in Bleichereien 476 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 255 Blutgesetzgebung 636 Boden 34 77 88 229 665 - Raubbau 206 442 Erde Bodenfruchtbarkeit 442 448 460 539 - natürliche 447 - Steigerung der B. durch Anwendung von Wissenschaft und Technik 523 586 - Zerstörung der B. 229 442 Börse 66 121 166 653 655 Bojaren 203 204 206 Bourgeoisie 388 585 652 - historische Rolle 425 426 514 515 - ihre Klasseninteressen 197 199 203 204 207 209 225 249 255 420 429 498 503 670 - und Ausbeutung der Arbeiterklasse 201

Sachregister 202 207 208 210 219 241 244 251 363 364 418 419 428 429 494 495 577 - ihre Ideologie 99 152 206 268 308 325 385 391 662 664 - und Staat 195 206 207 229 233 249 251 368 639 —> Arbeiterklasse; Klassenkampf Brasilien 34 Buchbinderei 301 315 405 476 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 430 Buchdruckerei 404 424 430 Buchführung - italienische 513 Cartesianismus (Philosophie Descartes') 340 Charaktermaske 128 —* Wesen und Erscheinung Charter, Chartisten, Chartistenbewegung 243 244 Chemie 42 43 186 - A n w e n d u n g in der Produktion 331 334 - Rolle des Gefäßsystems der Produktion 156 - Unterschied zwischen Haupt- und Hilfsstoff verschwimmt 157 - Molekulartheorie 267 China 111 114 - Papierfabrikation 332 Chrematistik 132 143 Christentum 69 410 428 528 551 —» Katholizismus; Protestantismus Clansystem -» Schottland Currency school 125 126 Dampfmaschine 327 328 332 333 335 341 - revolutionäre Rolle bei der Entwicklung der großen Industrie 329

- Entwicklung der kapitalistischen Produktion 16 21 27 - Arbeiterklasse 21 - Agrarverhältnisse 623 635 -

Bauernschaft 205 623 631 635 646 Bauernlegen 205 Leibeigenschaft 635 Lage der preußischen Fabrikarbeiter 623 - Kinderarbeit 233 - Statuten zur Niederhaltung des Arbeitslohnes 235 - abnehmendes Soldatenmaß 206 Dialektik - als Methode der Erkenntnis 2 2 - 2 4 - Hegeische 24 - Hegelscher „ W i d e r s p r u c h " Springquelle aller D. 517 - von Produktivkräften und Produktionsverhältnissen 24 332 333 412 425 426 441 442 538 541 544 660 662 —> Negation der Negation; Qualität und Quantität; Widerspruch Diener, Dienstboten 389 642 Dienst, Dienstleistung 167 168 Diktatur des Proletariats 21 426 427 660-662 Distribution (Verteilung) 69 - der Arbeitskräfte und Produktionsmittel 68 307 308 - des Mehrwerts 190 492 516 - im Kommunismus 68 69 —> Konkurrenz Dogmatismus 511 Donaufürstentümer 203-206 Dreißigjähriger Krieg 612 635 Düngemittel 215 523 586 644 East India Company 305 397 652 Edelmetalle - als allgemeines Äquivalent 66 78 83 84 - imaginärer W e r t der E. 78 107 Gold; Silber

Dampfschiffe 427 Dasein 35 36 57 76 112 113 307 315 Deismus 69 Denkformen 50 472 —» Bewußtsein, gesellschaftliches Despotismus 635

Eigentum an Produktionsmitteln 68

- des Kapitals 286 351 381 554 558 - Despotie der manufakturmäßigen beitsteilung 308

Deutschland 17-19 267 325 342 489 - Geschichte 21 62 327 631 635 642

Ar-

- Gemeindeeigentum 68 205 - selbständig arbeitender Eigentümer 66 67 611 619 622 660 663 664

1151

Sachregister Eigentum an Produktionsmitteln - ursprüngliche Einheit von Produktionsmitteln und Produzent 619 666 - Trennung der Produktionsmittel vom Produzenten 653 657 659 - Privateigentum 68 76 77 205 619-622 - und Klassen 203 619-622 - Verwandlung des selbsterarbeiteten in kapitalistisches Privateigentum 661-664 - kapitalistisches 160 161 286 345 384 386 503 504 508 541 569 629 632 636 660-662 - objektive Notwendigkeit der Aufhebung des Privateigentums an Produktionsmitteln 660-662 - gesellschaftliches (Gemeineigentum, Volkseigentum) 289 303 660-662 666 669 - Im Kommunismus 68 662 - und Entfremdung 286 496 497 503 - bürgerliche Auffassungen 662 —> Grundeigentum Einhegungen —» Ursprüngliche Akkumulation des Kapitals, vor allem ihre klassische Variante in England Einkommen —» Revenue Einkommensteuer 561 606 Einzelnes —* Allgemeines, Besonderes und Einzelnes Eisenbahnen 389 547 552 563 564 - Rolle In der Entwicklung des Kapitalismus 335 - Überarbeit und Unglücksfälle 219 - und Saisonarbelt 418 Empirie 199 327 - und Bewußtsein 315 335 336 425 426 - empirische Erkenntnis 64 66 110 328 425 426 England 374 650 - Geschichte 83 318 319 622-624 658 - Im 11.-15. Jh. 233 621 631 641 644 649 - Im 16. Jh. 258 593 626 631 636-638 641 644 645 - Im 17.Jh. 328 525 622 625 627 631 646 651 - im 18.Jh. 119 218 236 239 330 341 342 500 514 520 532 627 628 631 633 656 - Im 19. Jh. 20 21 206 396 398 400 461 462 500 520-522 584 585 606 609 632

1152

England - ökonomische und politische Situation zur Zelt des Erscheinens der ersten englischen Ausgabe des ersten Bandes des „Kapitals" 11-14 - Ursprungsland und klassische Stätte des Kapitalismus 208 561 622 - Bevölkerung 389 561 622 - Lage der Arbeiter 82 239 248 260 261 342 364 374 378 381 388 389 391 393 400 401 413 420 423 425 429 440 475 479 480 500-504 521 522 550 563 597 624 641 - Bourgeoisie 20 21 241 247 254 255 257 259 334 348 391 397 584 628 - Klassen, Klassenkampf 19 258 562 584 585 - Industrie 240 257 361 364 378-380 394 396 400 403 405 552 561 - Industrie- und Handelsmonopol auf dem Weltmarkt 387 396 400 440-442 462 - Agrikultur, Agrarverhältnisse 257 347 348 503 561 562 565 583 - Produktivität der Arbeit 391 392 489 490 561 - Wachstum des Reichtums 561 - Arbeltszeit 198 206 208 210 213 235 403 405 477 - Arbeltslohn 231 233 235 245 399 410 462 477 552 564 584 599 622 641 642 - ökonomische Krisen 209 484 565 578 581 - G e l d - und Bankwesen 83 111 119-121 124 125 654 655 670 - Außenhandel 114 364-366 394 400 500 563 651-653 - Kolonien, Kolonialpolitik 284 305 376 377 394 400 449 651-653 658 659 668-670 - Parteien 239 430 642 - Gesetzgebung 206 231 239 247 340 484 486 503 559 584 591 619 624 626 639 - Schulverhältnisse 349 350 427 429 430 433 —» Antijakobinerkrieg; Fabrikgesetzgebung; Korngesetze; London; Parlament; Yeomanry Entäußerung 93 101 114 116 119 Entfremdung 40 495 537 538 - Wurzeln 63 - und Eigentum an Produktionsmitteln 286 495 503

Sachregister Entfremdung - ökonomische E. im Kapitalismus 40 114 281 284 368-370 376 377 441 442 493 - Bedingungen ihrer Beseitigung 660-662 —> Fetischismus; Mystifikation Entwertung - des Geldes 85 103 585 641 645 - des Kapitals 182 523 524 - der Arbeitskraft 352 354 411 Entwicklung - gesellschaftliche 23 24 102 147 305 335 375 425 429 446-448 660-662 - Veränderung (der Form und des Inhalts) 23 24 427 428 —» Negation der Negation; Qualität und Quantität; Widerspruch Epoche 156 380 452 - historische 148 - der großen Industrie 236 331 Erde 527 660 - als Urbedingung der Arbeit 154 155 - als Arbeitsmittel 155 - als Arbeitsgegenstand 154 155 - Urbildner des Reichtums 441 443 523 —> Boden Erfindungen 332 341 375 427 - Rolle bei der Entwicklung der Produktivkräfte 375 427 - Anwendung in der Produktion 374 379 382 - in vorkapitalistischen Produktionsweisen 301 327 374 650 - im Kapitalismus 324 327 379 382 - und Klassenkampf zwischen Bourgeoisie und Arbeiterklasse 374 379 382 Erkenntnis 66-68 - empirische 352 424 - und gesellschaftliche Praxis 66-68 - und Klasseninteressen 459 461 471 472 - als Prozeß der Überwindung des Widerspruchs zwischen Wesen und Erscheinung 63-65 Eroberung 628 651 Erscheinung —> Wesen und Erscheinung Erziehung 258 —» Bildung und Erziehung Exploitation 313 —» Ausbeutung

Expropriation 622 633-635 644 - der unmittelbaren Produzenten von Grund und Boden 632 646-649 660 661 665 - von Kapitalisten durch Kapitalisten 542 660 661

- der Expropriateure 660 662 —» Ursprüngliche Akkumulation des Kapitals, vor allem ihre klassische Variante in England Extramehrwert 274 - unmittelbares Motiv des Kapitalisten 273 274 - als Differenz zwischen individuellem und gesellschaftlichem Wert 355 - sein zeitweiliger Charakter 275 355 - und relativer Mehrwert 272-275 355 - und Maschinerie 393 Fabrik 195 210 239 245 254 331 366 372 - Maschinerie als ihre materielle Grundlage 366 393 402 403 - im Unterschied zur Manufaktur 329 366 370 402 403 - Arbeitsteilung in der F. 366 370 402 403 423 425 - Kooperation in der F. 366 367 - Gesamtarbeiter in der F. 366 367 - automatische 366 367 - auswärtiges Departement der F. 367 403 418 - Cottage-Fabrik 401 402 Fabrikant 193-195 197 198 209 214 231 233 241 245-247 249-251 254 255 259 346 350 351 361 370-374 398-401 419 422 548 649 650 656 Fabrikarbeit 188 210 214 225-227 243 244 250 251 360 Fabrikarbeiter 210 243 251 252 364 365 370 389 392 393 396 399 401 404 501 555 556 585 Fabrikberichte (factory reports) 197 199 246 Fabrikgesetzgebung 239 350 426 427 430 585 - als Ausnahmegesetzgebung 256 257 - Notwendigkeit im Kapitalismus 206 244 257 420 421 429 437 440

1153

Sachregister Fabrikgesetzgebung - Ausdehnung auf alle Industriezweige 254 416 418 429 437 440 451 - Fabrikantenrevolte gegen die F. 242 246 251 255 268 368 - Erziehungsklauseln 427 433 437 - Gesundheitsklauseln 420 421 - in Frankreich 239 258 - in Österreich 239 - in der Schweiz 239 - in den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika 234 Fabrikgesetzgebung (in England) 195 198 208 233 239 245 246 258 260 346 349 427 430 440 - künstliche Beschleunigung der industriellen Revolution 437 440 - Fabrikgesetz von 1833 430 - Fabrikgesetz von 1842 (Bergbau) 430 - Fabrikgesetz von 1844 244 247 251 349 - Fabrikgesetz von 1845 (Kattundruckereien) 350 364 - Fabrikgesetz von 1847 244 247 - Fabrikgesetz von 1850 207 251 256 364 - Fabrikgesetz von 1860 (Bergbauinspektion) 433 438 - Fabrikgesetz von 1861 (Spitzenproduktion) 407 - Fabrikgesetz von 1863 (Bleicherei, Bäkkerei) 256 - Fabrikgesetz von 1864 416 421 - Fabrikgesetz von 1867 430 - Fabrikgesetz von 1872 (Bergbau) 430 Fabrikinspektoren 195 197 208 245 248 251 253 259 268 349 350 364 371 Fabriksystem 241 257 352 363 365 370 380 381 394 395 444 - Owen über das F. 423 440 - Ure über das F. 366 370 381 Familie - historischer Charakter 427 428 - und Stamm 303 - ökonomische Grundlagen der alten F. 427 - im Kapitalismus 427 428 578 - Auflösung des alten Familienwesens innerhalb des kapitalistischen Systems 427 428

1154

Familie - und Arbeitsteilung 68 304 - Familienarbeit 344 - Bauernfamilie 68 585 589 686 - patriarchalische 68 76 304 Fenier —> Irland Fetischismus 71 72 87 107 - der Ware 48 49 61 67 72 81 - des Geldes 49 72 77 81 116 - des Kapitals 72 130 131 663 664 Mystifika—> Entäußerung; Entfremdung; tion Feudalismus 67 118 470 622 623 - Klassen 203 206 - Handwerk 310 315 - Handel und Manufaktur 375 - Grundeigentum 622 623 - Gerichte 645 - seine Auflösung und Übergang zur kapitalistischen Produktionsweise 375 620 624 629 - Mehrarbeit 203 206 - in Deutschland 205 631 635 - in den Donaufürstentümern 203-206 - in England 587 621-623 625-628 644 - in Frankreich 123 645 - in Italien 622 —• Fronarbeit; Grundeigentum; Leibeigenschaft Flachsindustrie 420 - Zahl der Beschäftigten 390 393 - Arbeit in den Flachsspinnereien 197 199 - Unfälle in der F. 420 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 240 Form —» Inhalt (Substanz) und Form Form und Funktion 60 78 - i h r e Wechselwirkung 74 101 110-112 118 295 315 333 334 Fortschritt, gesellschaftlicher 314 415 - im Kapitalismus 124 126 333 393 395 413 414 425 429 434 662 —» Entwicklung Fortschritt, technischer 425 - im Kapitalismus 270 275 324 325 327 328 331 334 337 352 360 363 377 381 395 396 415 416 418 425-427 502 523 660 661 Revolution —> Industrielle

Sachregister Frankreich 83 489 - Geschichte 115 120 125 301 306 639 643 645 646 - Bevölkerung 601 - Lage der Arbeiter 183 238 259 443 520 601 - Bauernschaft 123 601 611 625 645 - Bourgeoisie 246 259 368 643 - Entwicklung des Kapitalismus 292 306 601 627 643 - Agrikultur 601 645 - Arbeitszeit 239 258 259 - Gesetzgebung 627 638 640 643 645 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 239 258 259 - Blutgesetzgebung 638 640 - Arbeiterstatuten 234 484 636 - abnehmendes Soldatenmaß 206 Frau - als Ausbeutungsobjekt im Kapitalismus 219 220 345 351 352 435 477 Frauenarbeit 219 220 222 243 255 256 344 346 351 352 366 377 378 403 404 408 413 415 420 427 429 435 462 589 601 605 Freie Zeit - als Basis für die Entwicklung des Menschen 229 462 - und Mehrarbeitszeit 229 Freihandel 98 214 244 254 420 561 587 - Freihändler 52 153 208 251 407 650 - Nachteile für die Arbeiterklasse 407 420 574 Freiheit 59 - und Notwendigkeit 371 - des Kapitals 241 253 309 345 642 643 - persönliche F. des Lohnarbeiters 152 345 - Freiheitsillusionen im Kapitalismus 59 152 470 - Unterdrückung der individuellen F. des Lohnarbeiters 442 Freisassen —* Yeomanry Freisetzung 549 - von Kapital 382-386 555 556 - von Arbeitskräften 341 342 355 356 370 374 375 382-386 392 411 440 442 547 550 552 556 Fronarbeit 67 205 206 - und Lohnarbeit 204 205 470 495

Gaelen 632-636 Gangsystem 348 603 Gasindustrie 389 Gebrauchswert 31 36 132 152 462 602 - Verbindung von Natur und Arbeit 77 156 - und Produktivität der Arbeit 38 77 173 174 270 273 283 284 359 415 417 456 461 462 523 - und W e r t 34 37 39 43 44 47 48 53 56 63 74 76 92 118 121 136 153 157 158 160-163 176 270 - als stofflicher Träger des (Tausch-)Werts 30 31 43 74 168 - im Austauschprozeß 31 74 76 78 9 0 - 9 2 94 118 136 137 139 145 - als Gegenstand des Bedürfnisses 30 34 35 61 71 76 90 91 116 130 - und Konsumtion 30 34 36 38 116 151 159 - und Reichtum 30 130 151 158 - in vorkapitalistischen Produktionsweisen 76 78 114 - seine Entwertung 158 Gegensatz, ökonomischer, im Kapitalismus 34 39 43 - zwischen Gebrauchswert und W e r t 43 44 47 48 53 57 7 4 - 7 6 9 0 - 9 2 96 100 101 105 114 116 118 - zwischen Ware und Geld 75 90 91 96 101 113 114 118 121 - zwischen lebendiger und vergegenständlichter Arbeit 368 - zwischen privater und gesellschaftlicher Arbeit 8 0 - 8 2 9 1 - 9 3 99 - zwischen Kauf und Verkauf 98 99 113 114 118-121 - zwischen Armut und Reichtum 556 559 560 563 565 569 578-580 617 669 - zwischen Industriekapital und Großgrundbesitz 20 242-244 583 586 - und Widerspruch 60 90 99 118 120 203 375 377 378 —» Widerspruch; Widersprüche im Kapitalismus Gegensatz zwischen körperlicher und geistiger Arbeit 312 Gegensatz zwischen Lohnarbeit und Kapital 228 229 231 233 286 311 312 315 359 499 515 534 536 557 669

1155

Sachregister Gegensatz zwischen Stadt und Land 305 441 Geist, Geistiges - geistige Tätigkeit 369 462 - geistige Produktivkräfte 559 - Körperliches und Geistiges im Menschen 145 233 369 441 443 Geistlichkeit 246 252 389 449 559 627 Geld 40 113 115 116 123 146 - historische Entstehung 75-77 83-87 - als gesellschaftliches Verhältnis 72 75 79 115 118 120 - als gesellschaftliche Form des Reichtums 115 - notwendiges Produkt des Austauschprozesses 75 - als selbständige Form des Wertes 120 124 133 - sein Wert 76 79 80 83 84 102 107 116 - sein Gebrauchswert 77 89 90 120 - allgemeines Äquivalent 52 60 61 71 76 77 89 90 - in vorkapitalistischen Produktionsweisen 76 77 - und Wert 75-101 133 134 144 - u n d Ware 75-101 103 111 118 121 127-130 133 134 143 - als allgemeine Ware 60 77 79 94 119 - als allgemeiner Repräsentant des stofflichen Reichtums 116 - Widerspruch 75 116 120 126 - Fetischcharakter 49 72 78-80 - Maßeinheit des G. 84 86 88 - als erste Erscheinungsform des Kapitals 127 134 - Verwandlung in Kapital 127 128 131 132 141 143-146 149 168 170 265 493 495 497 619 620 - als Kapital 127-129 131-134 —»Arbeitsgeld; Gold; Kreditgeld; Papiergeld; Silber Geldakkumulation 116 124 Geldentwertung 85 102 573 641 645 Geldfälschung 78 86 Geldform 78 93 114 119 —> Wertform Geldfunktionen 79 125 - Maß der Werte 78 81 83 84 86 89 111 112 119 120 124 148

1156

Geldfunktionen - Maßstab der Preise 84 87 108 109 111 124 - Rechengeld 86 87 120 121 136 143 -Zirkulationsmittel 89 113 118-121 137 146 151 - Kaufmittel 100 101 116 118-120 124 144 - Zahlungsmittel 111 118-121 123 124 144 147 - Schatzmittel 113 116 119 125 147 - Weltgeld 124 126 147 Geldkapital 121 650 Geldkrise 120 121 Geldmarkt 123-125 127 578 Geldnamen 84 86 87 Geldtheorien 77 78 82-84 124 126 - Geschichte der G. 79 109 110 112 114 115 125 126 - Quantitätstheorie 101 103 105-107 - Currency principle 125 126 Geldzeichen 79 112 Geldzirkulation 99 101 102 104 107 110-113 130 131 - metallische 109 110 - und Warenzirkulation 99 105 111 112 116 127-130 147 - Bestimmung der zirkulierenden Geldmenge 101 107 116 120-123 125 - Umlaufgeschwindigkeit des Geldes 104 106 120 121 123 Gemeindeland 623 628 - Usurpation des G. 623 629 630 632 644 Gemeineigentum 627-633 —» Eigentum an Produktionsmitteln Gemeinschaftsformen der Menschen, historische —» Familie; Nation; Stamm; Völker Gemeinwesen (naturwüchsige) 68 69 76 309 - Formen 76 - Arbeitsteilung 35 316-318 - Warenaustausch zwischen G. 35 76 - altindisches 35 68 76 284 288 310 449 Geographisches Milieu 446-449 Geologische Formation 324 Gerichte 229 - Rechtsprechung im Sinne der Bourgeoisie 219 228 249 380 440 - englische 218 219 248 255 256 370 372

Sachregister 374 433 434 437 439 440 636 637 639 bis 642 - im Feudalismus 287 645 Gesamtarbeiter, gesellschaftlicher 282 293 298 299 336 444 - in der Manufaktur 299 301 313 - in der Fabrik 366 403 - Veränderung der Zusammensetzung des g. G. 355 356 403 Gesamtprodukt, gesellschaftliches 611 - Verteilung 493 494 640 - Verteilung im Kommunismus 68 69 Geschichte 169 294 - Anfang der Menschengeschichte 68 154 156 157 - Unterschied zwischen Menschen- und Naturgeschichte 324 325 - ökonomische 304 - Epochen der G. nicht durch abstrakt strenge Grenzlinien geschieden 324 —* Kulturgeschichte Geschichtsauffassung, materialistische 16-18 22-24 64 71 147 153 156 323-325 423-429 441 442 445-449 532 533 613-622 660-662 Geschichtsschreibung, bürgerliche 145 156 157 235 620 Geschick, Geschicklichkeit 33 483 - Faktor, der die Produktivität der Arbeit bestimmt 33 Gesellschaft 18 - Entstehung und gesetzmäßige Entwicklung 302 303 446 447 - antagonistische Klassengesellschaft 67 203 446 447 462 - und Natur 36 69 159 324 325 440 442 449 450 461 660 661 - bürgerliche Theorien 71 289 319 Gesellschaft, bürgerliche 18 23 24 27 29 30 37 51 69 70 77 102 114 116 124 141 152 153 288 307 420 449 461 462 508 531 —» Produktionsweise, kapitalistische; Staat, bürgerlicher Gesellschaftsformation, ökonomische 71 147 188 267 308 518 - ihre Entwicklung als naturgeschichtlicher Prozeß 18 23 - ihre Unterscheidung durch die Form der Mehrarbeit 188

Gesellschaftsformation, ökonomische - ihre Beurteilung nach den angewandten Arbeitsmitteln 155 - Arbeitsteilung in den verschiedenen ökonomischen Gesellschaftsformationen 310 —> Feudalismus; Kommunismus; Produktionsweise, kapitalistische; Sklaverei; Urgesellschaft Gesellschaftsvertrag (contract social) 467 665 Gesetz (juristisches) 109 110 642-649 -» Fabrikgesetzgebung; .Gesetzgebung; Gesetzgebung, bürgerliche Gesetz, technisches, des Produktionsprozesses 239 Gesetze der Dialektik —* Negation der Negation; Qualität und Quantität; Widerspruch Gesetze, gesellschaftliche 23 75 425 426 460 461 - objektiver Charakter 16 23 24 66 75 92 233 - Tendenzcharakter 16 558 660-662 Gesetze, ökonomische 462 - objektiver Charakter 66 75 97 233 273 275 536 - Charakter ihrer Durchsetzung im Kapitalismus 37 62-65 87 88 92 97 120 273 425-427 - allgemeine 23 - des Warenaustauschs 85 110 112 120 136 137 144 168 169 202 504-508 - Gesetz des Geldumlaufs 104 106 107 111 121 124 - Gesetz der Papiergeldzirkulation 111 - Gesetz von Nachfrage und Zufuhr (von Angebot und Nachfrage) 384 551 556 666-668 —> Wertgesetz Gesetze, ökonomische, des Kapitalismus 536 - als naturhistorische Gesetze 305 - als Zwangsgesetze der Konkurrenz 307 309 392 400 513 - Wertgesetz als inneres Gesetz der kapitalistischen Produktion 265 272-277 309 458 - Mehrwertgesetz als allgemeines Bewe-

1157

Sachregister gungsgesetz der kapitalistischen Produktionsweise 536 - allgemeines Gesetz der kapitalistischen Akkumulation 531 534 - Gesetz der Konkurrenz und Anarchie der kapitalistischen Produktion 233 275 307 309 - „Gesetz vom abnehmenden Bodenertrag" 441 442 444 - Bevölkerungsgesetz des Kapitalismus 534 544 546 - Gesetz der Konzentration und Zentralisation des Kapitals 541 543 660 661 - Umschlag der Eigentumsgesetze der Warenproduktion in Gesetze der kapitalistischen Aneignung 496 508 - Gesetz des Arbeitslohns 473 487 - bürgerliche Auffassungen 552 Gesetzgebung 146 235 240 249 - über Arbeitskontrakte 639 643 - gegen Vagabundage 636 639 Gesetzgebung, bürgerliche 240 255 - Klassencharakter 569 639 643 - und Klassenkampf der Arbeiterklasse 244 258 - französische Revolutionsgesetzgebung 239 —> Fabrikgesetzgebung; Korngesetze; Zehnstundengesetz Gesundheits- und Arbeitsschutz 210 213 219 227 232 233 371 404 406 409 420 421 434 439 577 - im Kapitalismus 208 212 —> Fabrikinspektoren Gewalt 203 - Rolle in der Geschichte 620 651 - Rolle bei der Entstehung des Kapitalismus 375 622 623 636 639 651 - als ökonomische Potenz 651 - entscheidet zwischen gleichen Rechten 153 - außerökonomische 639 - Staatsgewalt 639 681 —* Zwang Gewerkschaften —> Trade-Unions Gläubiger und Schuldner 87 118 120 654 655 - plebejischer Schuldner 119

1158

Gläubiger und Schuldner - feudaler Schuldner 119 Glasmacherei 128 - Ablösungssystem 224 228 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 258 430 Gleichheit (soziale) - Begriff der menschlichen G. 51 - bürgerliche 152 Gold 81 109 124-126 - als spezifische Äquivalentware 60 61 81 82 - als Geldware 60 61 72 77-80 82-84 86 89 90 93 94 109-112 114 121 - als gesellschaftliche Form des Reichtums 114 116 124 - als Maßstab der Preise 93 102 108-111 - als Zirkulationsmittel 102 108-112 - als Schatz 114 125 126 147 - als Weltgeld 124 125 - Einfluß seines Wertwechsels auf seine Geldfunktion 85 102 - Wertverhältnis zum Silber 83 86 102 124 - Produktion von G. 204 - und Weltmarkt 109 125 - Entdeckung der kalifornischen und australischen Goldfelder 651 670 - als Rohmaterial für Luxusartikel 78 125 Gott (Götter) 44 69 115 134 Griechenland (altes) 50 51 71 87 115 Großbritannien —> England; Irland; Schottland Großgrundbesitz 20 628 629 Grundaristokratie 20 516 583 585 —> Landadel Grundeigentümer (landlord) 17 246 387 492 516 522 533 563 585 586 600 615 619 622 626-628 630 644 Grundeigentum 584-586 591 600 622 627 630 631 633 634 644 646 - Geschichte des G. 71 - Entstehung des kapitalistischen G. 583 636 Grundrente 492 601 644 645 —> Rente Halbfabrikat 158 Handarbeit 377 388 - Ersetzung durch Maschinerie 378-380 412

374-376

Sachregister Handel 107 120 138 652 654 - Kleinhandel 122 - Großhandel 122 419 —* Außenhandel; Welthandel; Weltmarkt Handelsbilanz 124 Handelsgewinn 492 Handelskapital 445 - als antediluvianische Form des Kapitals 142 —> Kaufmannskapital Handelskrieg 651 654 656 Handelskrise 105-107 400 Handlanger, Hilfsarbeiter 391 482 Handwerk (Handwerker) 291 294 299 309 312 335 369 425 540 556 648 650 656 - im Feudalismus (zünftiges H.) 289 - im Kapitalismus 257 289 296 297 402 411 414 429 445 - Übergang zur Manufaktur 292 300 325 401 402 429 - Verdrängung durch Maschinen 333 334 376 401 412 414 Harmoniker 230 490 491 Hausarbeit, Hausindustrie 257 319 416 - moderne 404 407 413 418 429 430 440 445 482 - Übergang zur Fabrik 411 413 414 - und Fabrikgesetzgebung 415 - Rolle in Bauern wirtschaften 403 646 648 Heilige Allianz 20 Hexe 654 Hilfsstoffe 157 176 181 539 Historisches —• Logisches und Historisches Holland 235 306 327 342 448 651 - kapitalistische Musternation des 17. Jh. 651 - Geschichte der holländischen Kolonialwirtschaft 651 653 - Arbeiterstatuten 234 - Blutgesetzgebung 639 - Fabrikation der Weberschiffchen 306 Humanismus - bürgerlicher 17 235 255 570 - und Kommunismus 422 423 428 513 Ideal - und Wirklichkeit 73 240 Ideelles 24

Ideelles - und Reales 69 82 86 90 94 102 112 113 118 121

Identität und Unterschied 43 44 98 99 507 509 —» Gegensatz, ökonomischer, im Kapitalismus; Widerspruch Ideologie 69 268 - bürgerliche 71 98 99 152 309 325 385 391 662 - kleinbürgerliche 74 76 Indien 120 - Produktionsweise 114 519 - indisches Gemeinwesen 288 309 310 - Baumwollproduktion 341 394 - Papierfabrikation 332 - Gold- und Silberimport und -export 114 115 118 - Einfluß der East India Company 652 Individuum —» Mensch Industrie, extraktive 157 523 Industrie, große (modern industry) 328 376 389 426 - Ausgangspunkt 313 323 344 - Maschinerie als ihre technische Basis 315 333-335 402 - ihre wissenschaftliche Basis 426-428 - ihre technische Basis ist revolutionär 425 - und Arbeitsteilung 333-335 402-405 425 426 - und Produktivität der Arbeit 337 338 355 388 389 656 - und Agrikultur 347 393 402 441 648 Industrielle Revolution 257 258 324 327 344 375 412 415 433 - Ausgangspunkt 325 327 344 - ihr klassischer Verlauf in England 313 323 344 - durch Fabrikgesetze 414-417 437 Industrieller Zyklus 27 418 554 578 - und Lage der Arbeiter 396-400 551 - und Übervölkerung 547 548 551 - Periodizität 396 397 537 547 548 551 565 —» Krisen, ökonomische Industriezweige 157 222 230 255 256 272 384 386 387 403 429 476 556 Ingenieure 367 - als produktive Arbeiter 367

1159

Sachregister Inhalt (Substanz) und Form 15 16 30 32 40-48 50 51 54-58 60 61 65 66 85-87 89 90 96 105 108 127 129 153 159 161 163 173 174 203 204 266 267 284 287-289 366 368 384 385 423 425 427 457-459 465 472 473 479-481 508 509 - gesellschaftliche Form 58 62 67 72 87 90 147 187 188 315 426 440 493 494 - Elementarform 291 295 299 300 325 357 482 - Formbewegung 101 114 133 - Formwechsel 91 93 99-101 105 114 621 627 - Kritik bürgerlicher Auffassungen 288 472 519 528 Inkastaat 76 Intensität der Arbeit —> Arbeitsintensität Interessen 71 - der Arbeiterklasse 202 645 - der Bourgeoisie 197 203 206 226 420 429 498 499 501-503 628 663 Internationale Arbeiterassoziation - Kampf für Begrenzung des Arbeitstages und Erhöhung des Arbeitslohnes 260 Irland 217 218 604 618 - Natur, geographische Lage 618 619 - Industrie 403 420 611-613 616 - Agrikultur, Agrarverhältnisse 604 - Abnahme seiner Bevölkerung 231 388 601 - Unterdrückung durch England 388 610 - Fenier 388 - Hungersnot 1845-1847 611 618 Italien 667 - Entwicklung des Kapitalismus 662 Jagd - als extraktive Industrie 157 - erste Form der Kooperation 288 Japan 123 623 Java 341 652 Jobagie 206 Juden 69 134 141 Julirevolution (1830) 516 Kameralwissenschaft 19 Kanalbau, Kanäle 156 343 448 449

1160

Kapital 247 273 465 504 505 658 661 664-666 - als gesellschaftliches Verhältnis 147 201 267 444 465 658 664 665 - als sich selbst verwertender Wert 131 133 168 228 268 493 - als Ware 133 168 - als Geld 120 127 128 131-134 494 - Geschichte des K. 127 - historische Voraussetzungen 127 447 495 - Entstehungsprozeß 127 - Geld als seine erste Erscheinungsform 127 - allgemeine Formel des K. 127-135 - Widersprüche der allgemeinen Formel des K. 135 - Minimum des K. 166 311 542 - und Wert 130 144 353 486 - und Revenue 492 493 509-511 527 531 - individuelles (Einzelkapital) 277 284 540-542 - gesellschaftliches Gesamtkapital 265 266 528 541-547 - antediluvianische Formen 127 261 262 311 445 650 - historischer Charakter 127 266 619 - Fetischcharakter 72 130 131 664 - in der bürgerlichen politischen Ökonomie 72 133 134 160 187 498 509 - Vulgärökonomie über K. 133 517 Ursprüngli—> Akkumulation des Kapitals; che Akkumulation des Kapitals, vor allem ihre klassische Variante in England Kapital, fixes 528 529 Kapital, industrielles 133 529 651 Kapital, konstantes 181 185 189 264 392 553 - als objektive Arbeitsbedingung 173 180 185 505 - Bestandteile 181 185 195 280 354 392 523 524 - Wert und Gebrauchswert des k. K. 353 354 - u n d variables Kapital 173 311 354 511 - und Wertbildungsprozeß 172-185 - Reproduktion 523 524 - Ökonomie des k. K. 225 250 280 - Entwertung 353 523 524

285 176 506 280 355

Sachregister Kapital, konstantes - Besonderheiten in der Agrikultur 522-524 —» Zusammensetzung des Kapitals Kapital, variables 181 265 383 392 553 - und konstantes Kapital 183 185 186 382 383 511 640 - und Arbeitskraft 185-188 190 261-264 383 485 497-499 511 548 550 - und Arbeitslohn 494 495 548 - und Mehrwert 113 180 181 185 187 189 261-264 284 285 - Reproduktion 182 185 485 - und Arbeitsfonds 494 495 528 529 531 548 - Bindung und Freisetzung 382 383 —> Zusammensetzung des Kapitals Kapital, zinstragendes 134 141 143 - vorkapitalistische Form (Wucherkapital) 127 144 145 445 650 —> Wucherkapital Kapital, zirkulierendes 529 „Das Kapital" - zur Entwicklung seiner Struktur 15 265 301 - der Zirkulations- und Reproduktionsprozeß des Kapitals 491 511 - der Gesamtprozeß des Kapitals (Kapital und Profit) 393 420 456 482 512 527 - die Konkurrenz 273 478 - die Lohnarbeit (der Arbeitslohn) 473 - die Geschichte der politischen Ökonomie 490 „Das Kapital" - zu seiner Verbreitung - russische Ausgabe 21 23 - französische Ausgabe 27 - englische Ausgabe 11-14 - Reaktion der Arbeiterklasse 21 - Reaktion der Ausbeuterklassen 21 22 464 Kapitalexport 530 667 668 Kapitalist 210 265 279 492 - als personifiziertes Kapital 133 201 266 267 512 - als Träger der kapitalistischen Produktionsverhältnisse 17 133 232 513 - seine Funktion 160 167 169 170 266 267 286-288 512 514 - industrieller 455 516 646 - Genesis der industriellen Kapitalisten 650 651

Kapitalist - Aneignung von Mehrwert als Ziel seiner Handlungen 133 161 201 206 208 210 225 227 273-276 354 356 - sein Bereicherungstrieb 481-484 513 514 - seine Verschwendungssucht 514 569 - seine Vorstellung über die Entstehung von Mehrwert und Profit 193 198 472 - im Unterschied zum Schatzbildner 514 - seine Überflüssigkeit 286 Kapitalistenklasse —* Bourgeoisie Kapitalvorschüsse 183 221 263 280 284 511 - Besonderheiten des vorgeschossenen variablen Kapitals 181 186 188 261 262 264 266 - Besonderheiten des vorgeschossenen konstanten Kapitals 185 186 - und Wert des Produktes 182 273-275 487 492 494 - und Mehrwert 131 133-135 183 506 - und Mehrwertrate 183 Kapitalwanderung 420 553 571 —* Konkurrenz Kasten 293 - Kastenwesen in Indien 293 317 - Kastenwesen in Ägypten 321 448 449 Kategorie, ökonomische 99 114 153 468 516 529 633 - als theoretischer Ausdruck realer Verhältnisse 66 - historischer Charakter 66 147 - Personifikation ökonomischer Kategorien 17 141 Abstraktion; Begriff, wissenschaftlicher Katholizismus 71 76 Kattundruckerei 350 - Zahl der Beschäftigten 545 - Anwendung von Maschinerie 341 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 350 Kauf und Verkauf 131 136 138 145 287 344 - der Ware 73 90 91 94 95 97 100 104 105 113 114 118-120 127-130 132 135 151 308 - der Arbeitskraft 167 168 469 471 472 502 507 508 621 - und Äquivalentenaustausch 137 144 145 169 308 - ihr Auseinanderfallen und die Möglich-

1161

Sachregister keit von ökonomischen Krisen 98 99 120 121 - Gegensatz zwischen K. u. V. 97 119-123 Kaufmannskapital 127 135 - als antediluvianische Form des Kapitals 127 310 650 Kausalität 76 77 122 145 284 285 287 289 303-305 307 345 346 348 377 379 381 385 387 410-414 418 425-428 441 445 446 452-456 493-496 503-509 512 513 518 519 536 540-542 544 547 550 554 555 619 621 660 662 Kinderarbeit 197 199 209-214 222 223 225-228 231 241 253 254 343 345 352 363 366 371 377 403 411 412 415 419 420 422 424 427 434 557 600 605 658 - im 17. Jh. 235 - Gesetze über K. 233-235 239 240 242-244 247 252 253 255 346 348 350 351 658 —> Fabrikgesetzgebung Kindersterblichkeit —» Sterblichkeit Kirche - Rolle in Klassengesellschaften 205 229 246 533 557 583 585 653 - im Mittelalter 67 624 627 - englische Staatskirche 18 —* Geistlichkeit Klassen - Entstehung 446 447 621 644 645 650 659-662 - und Eigentum an Produktionsmitteln 203 619 620 622 - und Aneignung von Mehrprodukt und Mehrwert 203 204 - im Feudalismus 205 - im Kapitalismus 17 20 21 172 201 203 207 232 245 285 287 516 517 533 535 536 583 662 - herrschende, ausbeutende 17 20 21 246 249 250 583 - unterdrückte, ausgebeutete 462 565-568 583 660 661 - produktive und unproduktive 389 446 447 516 - Abschaffung der K. 23 —> Arbeiterklasse; Bauernschaft; Bourgeoi-

1162

sie; Grundeigentümer; Kleinbürgertum; Mittelklasse Klassenkampf 118 - in der Antike 118 - im Feudalismus 118 - zwischen Arbeiterklasse und Bourgeoisie 20 21 203 233 240 244 245 252 255 258 285 287 354 356 358 372 434 516 565 642 660 661

- ökonomischer 259 261 374 555 661 - politischer 259 261 427 —» Widersprüche im Kapitalismus Kleinbetrieb 401 402 430 440 660 662 Kleinbürgertum 557 - Lage im Kapitalismus 398 570 613 662 - Ruinierung im Kapitalismus 398 401 402 412 - Ideologie 59 73 Klima 447 - und Bedürfnisse 148 448 450 Koalitionsgesetze 397 Kolonialmärkte 335 375 412 Kolonialsystem 366 651-656 Kolonien 554 651 663 665 667-670 - Herausbildung der kapitalistischen Produktion in K. 652 653 663 - Kooperation in K. 289 - Sklaverei in K. 230 665 666 Kolonisation 265 394 663 665 669 Kolonisationstheorie 663 665 668 669 Kombination - als Produktivkraft der gesellschaftlichen Arbeit 311 312 - von Arbeitern 282 297 - gesellschaftliche K. des Produktionsprozesses 300 426 441-444 Kommunikation, Kommunikationswesen 335 Kommunikationsmittel 419 - ihre Entwicklung, im Kapitalismus 335 - Revolution in den K. 335 —> Transportindustrie Kommunismus (Gesellschaftsformation) 427 - Planmäßigkeit 68 69 - Produktion 68 69 423 426 427 497 - Produktionsverhältnisse 68 69 662 - Eigentum an Produktionsmitteln 68 69 662

Sachregister Kommunismus (Gesellschaftsformation) - Arbeit 68 81 423 425 - notwendige Arbeit 461 462 - Verteilung der Arbeitszeit 68 - Organisation der gesellschaftlichen Arbeit 68 69 308 509 570 - Distribution 68 69 - Mehrarbeit als Reservefonds und Akkumulationsfonds 462 463 - Bildung und Erziehung 422 423 426 427 - Verein freier Menschen 68 69 428 - volle und freie Entwicklung jedes Individuums 422 423 513 - Maschinerie 342 - Schaffung der Voraussetzungen im Kapitalismus 69 370 425 440 441 513 660-682 Kompensationstheorie 382-386 Konkretes —> Abstraktion Konkurrenz 93 232 270 299 368 524 548 612 643 670 - Zwangsgesetze der K. 233 272 308 342 513 - als Hebel der Zentralisation des Kapitals 542 - und proportionale Verteilung der Produktionsmittel und Arbeitskräfte 307 - unter den Kapitalisten 243 275 397 412 418 426 478 542 - unter den Arbeitern 297 478 486 550 552 555 - und Maschinerie 380 397 414 415 440 478 - und Arbeitslohn 478 - internationale 397 400 487 488 662 Konsumtion 130 509 511-513 523 534 - und Produktion 68 69 159 497 524 534 535 - und Akkumulation 509 512 515 524 - und Zirkulation 90 130 131 - und Austausch 73 74 80 90 - und Bedürfnisse 130 - und Reproduktion 497 498 500 - und Gebrauchswert 30 34 36 38 116 151 158 159 - individuelle 68 148 149 159 168 483 497-499 503 514 - produktive 159 160 180 483 486 497 498 500 503

Konsumtion - der Ware Arbeitskraft 151 152 160 169 201 202 211 497 498 - der Kapitalisten 388 509 512 514 523 569 Konsumtionsfonds - der Kapitalisten 494 505 510 572 - der Arbeiter 520 522 640 Konsumtionsmittel 497 Lebensmittel Konzentration 336 - der Produktion 542 544 - des Kapitals 311 317 440 442 447 561 562 653 661 - der Produktionsmittel 284 285 308 335 414 415 539 544 569 646 660 661 - der Arbeiter 284 295 335 403 415 466 —* Zentralisation Kooperation 278 279 281-285 292 339 401 464 541 - Voraussetzungen 278 279 281 292 338 401 465 540 - als allgemeine und besondere Form der gesellschaftlichen Produktion 291 - als Produktivkraft der gesellschaftlichen Arbeit 281 287 336 540 663 - als Voraussetzung der Arbeitsteilung 292 - einfache 292 299 311 330 413 - in der Fabrik 330 - in vorkapitalistischen Produktionsweisen 285 - kapitalistische 291 - einfache K. als Produktionsmethode des relativen Mehrwerts 277 280 - in der Agrikultur 283 288-290 646 - in Kolonien 289 Manufaktur —> Fabrik; Kombination; Kooperativfabriken der Arbeiter (in England) 286 Korngesetze (in England) 585 - Abschaffung der K. 243 244 397 400 - Anti-Cornlaw-Agitation 251 Korporation 643 663 Krankheiten, Epidemien (als soziale scheinung) 212 213 372 398 403 404 441 574 Kredit - Kreditsystem, Kreditwesen 121 122 542 655 - internationales Kreditwesen 655

585

Er406

514

1163

Sachregister Kredit - Handelskredit 655 - und Akkumulation des Kapitals 542 543 547 548 - Kreditbeziehungen zwischen Lohnarbeitern und Kapitalisten 151 152 - System des öffentlichen K. —» Staatsschuldensystem Kreditgeld 110 121 122 Krieg 142 205 552 625 - Auswirkungen auf die ökonomische und gesellschaftliche Entwicklung 125 378 623 651 - Kriegsdienst 206 Kriminalität 424 Krisen, ökonomische 99 396 - als Resultat der kapitalistischen Produktion 396 - gewaltsame Unterbrechung des Produktionsprozesses 179 - Stockungen des Produktions- und Zirkulationsprozesses 105 117 - Marktstockung 414 - Möglichkeit imd Wirklichkeit der ö. K. 99 - Periodizität 394 396 467 547 - und Auseinanderfallen von Kauf und Verkauf 98 99 - Auswirkungen auf die Lage der Arbeiterklasse 208 245 475 578-582 - gesellschaftliche Auswirkungen 565 - Geldkrise 120 121 - Handelskrise 120 - Produktionskrise 120 - Krise von 1825 20 - Krise von 1846/1847 244 245 - Krise von 1857/1858 578 - Krise von 1866 565 578 581 —> Baumwollindustrie; Industrieller Zyklus Kuba 230 Kulturgeschichte 23 Kurzarbeit 245 398 474 475 Land - Entwicklung der kapitalistischen Produktion auf dem L. 649 650 - relative Übervölkerung auf dem L. 231 388 552 556 600 601 603 Landadel (gentry) 327 573 622 624

1164

Landarbeiter —> Agrikulturarbeiter Landwirtschaft —* Agrikultur Lebensbedingungen, materielle 71 118 371 375-377 Lebensmittel 29 148 154 159 - Warenform im Kapitalismus 187 384 497 648 - ihr Wert 149 271 272 452 455 - stoffliche Gestalten des variablen Kapitals 285 311 495 497 505 528 - und Reproduktion der Arbeitskraft 148-150 187 487 498 499 - notwendige 148-150 274 275 452 - Verwohlfeilerung der notwendigen L. 271 272 354 - Fälschung von L. —» Warenfälschung Lebensweise 77 Lehrlinge 235 424 515 641 657 Leibeigene 67 622 644 Leibeigenschaft 307 622 660 - als Form der Mehrarbeit 470 - Entstehung 205 - und Fronarbeit 204 205 470 - ihre Aufhebung 621 —* Feudalismus Literatur - der Antike 116 317 318 356 357 659 - bürgerliche 222 425 528 532 659 Little Shilling men 201 Logisches und Historisches 83 127 142 143 147 278 290 325 444 619 660 - Voraussetzung und Resultat 66 80 82 285 298 310 486 497 508 541 -» Abstraktion Lohn —* Arbeitslohn Lohnarbeit 267 470 485 665 669 - als Grundlage der kapitalistischen Produktion 147 186 187 467 - als eine gesellschaftliche Form der Arbeit 147 187 204 205 467 469 - Voraussetzungen 145 - im Unterschied zur Sklavenarbeit und Fronarbeit 205 208 470 498 Lohnarbeit und Kapital 150 160 232 254 284 285 501 530 657

Sachregister Lohnarbeit und Kapital - Austausch zwischen L. u. K. 145 150 152 202 260 287 345 - Gegensatz zwischen L. u. K. 203 260 311 312 315 538 642 643 - Widerspruch zwischen L. u. K. 252 285 287 500 Lohnarbeiter 39 497 532 621 639 659 663 - Entstehung 145-147 621 636 639 658 - doppelt freier 145 146 497 621 - u n d Produktionsmittel 146 179 280 311 312 621 - Basis des Kapitals 148 188 289 - im Unterschied zum Sklaven und Leibeigenen 145 499 - produktiver und unproduktiver 368 389 551 - sein Abhängigkeitsverhältnis 145 146 150 233 260 288 312 500 530 638 642 - Vermehrung der Zahl der L. 344 355 392 396 530 532 537 554 560 - seine Unterordnung unter die Maschinerie 558 - Vereinseitigung seiner Fähigkeiten 303 312 315 558 - seine Virtuosität und Variabilität 301 500 - Nahrungszustand 151 452 566 608 - Verschuldung 152 245 - Vorarbeiter 367 482 - in vorkapitalistischen Produktionsweisen 516 Lohnkampf 374 475 486 536 London 125 212 214 345 407 565 570-572 578 581 Ludditenbewegung 374 Lumpenproletariat 557 Luxus 514 - Luxusartikel 156 388 - Luxusproduktion 514 Macht 119 - private und gesellschaftliche 115 - des Geldes 115 127 - des Kapitals 219 289 370 548 Malthusianismus 140 144 - volksfeindlicher Charakter 462 - Malthus als Plagiator 305 444 533 - über Arbeitslohn 462 485

Malthusianismus - Bevölkerungstheorie 444 462 533 548 549 560 561 - „Gesetz vom abnehmenden Bodenertrag" 444 - Verteidigung parasitärer Schichten 516 - Propagierung der unproduktiven Konsumtion 514 - Kritik durch bürgerliche Ökonomen 526 Manager 286 —* Arbeit der Oberaufsicht Manufaktur 235 278 315 318 327 331-336 388 405 531 556 630 647 656 657 - Manufakturperiode 290 301 311 314 316 318 370 375 484 648 656 - als Form der Arbeitsteilung 271 272 285 286 305 314 401 423 424 - Handwerk als Ausgangspunkt der M. 289-292 300 - doppelter Ursprung 290-292 - zwei Grundformen 295 - Kombination verschiedener Manufakturen 300 301 - im Mittelalter 374 - ihr kapitalistischer Charakter 318 401 406 418 424 461 - Arbeitsteilung in der M. 290 295 299 307 308 311 319 366 367 423 - T e i l a r b e i t e r in der M. 291 296 299 311 313 334 - Gesamtarbeiter in der M. 299 336 366 - Auswirkungen auf den Arbeiter 420 - Sinken des Wertes der Arbeitskraft 203 318 - und Produktivität der Arbeit 293 294 297 312 313 - technische Basis 292 319 335 - im Unterschied zur Fabrik 366 370 402-404 - Maschinerie in der M. 319 - Schaffung der Voraussetzungen der großen Industrie 295 401 411-415 427 429 - ihre Revolutionierung durch Maschinen 402-405 409 410 - Übergang zur Fabrik 295 325 402 405-410 427 428 - moderne 315 329 402-406 411-415 418 424 - Kutschenmanufaktur 290

1165

Sachregister Maschinerie Manufaktur - Herstellung von Maschinen durch Ma- Nadelmanufaktur 292 298 schinen 336 340 393 - Stahlfedermanufaktur 402 - Maschinenfabrikation (Maschinenbau) - Tuchmanufaktur 291 377 380 - Uhrenmanufaktur (als klassisches Bei- Mittel zur Produktion von Mehrwert 355 spiel der heterogenen Manufaktur) 363 364 388 389 298 - Widerspruch in ihrer Anwendung 355 - Wollmanufaktur 291 306 651 - und Warenwert 33 338 385 Markt 91 92 118 152 394 395 397 - im Arbeits- und Verwertungsprozeß 117 - Bedingung der kapitalistischen Produk- Einfluß auf die organische Zusammensettion 127 394 648 zung des Kapitals 344 353 359 368 375 - Größe und Ausdehnung 400 386 393 539 543 - innerer 109 613 640 649 - Wert und Produktivität 323 350 351 427 - Kampf der Kapitalisten um Marktanteile 486 523 524 394 395 - Wertabgabe an das Produkt 175-177 182 - und Kommunikations- und Transportmit337 351 353 526 tel 394 - physischer Verschleiß 176 177 229 353 - Überfüllung des M. 395 398 507 -* Arbeitsmarkt; Weltmarkt - moralischer Verschleiß 182 353 414 Maschine 323 329 338 501 - im Unterschied zum Werkzeug 329 366 - Durchschnittsverschleiß 339 - im Unterschied zum Werkzeug aus bür- und Produktivität der Arbeit 336 340 342 gerlicher Sicht 325 351 354 359 361 364 368 377 378 384 386 - Ausgangspunkt der M. 329 388 389 401 417 425 539 541 - Wirkungsprinzip 325 - und Naturkräfte 325 337 369 - Arbeitsmaschine (Werkzeugmaschine) - Grenze für die Anwendung im Kapitalis325 327-329 331 335-337 367 mus 342 - Arbeitsmaschine (Werkzeugmaschine) - Einfluß auf den Wert der Ware Arbeitsals Ausgangspunkt der industriellen Rekraft und den Arbeitslohn 329 355 volution 325 327 328 340 359 - und Arbeitsteilung 350 388 423 - Transmissionsmechanismus 327-331 - und Extramehrwert 355 339 357 - und Konkurrenz 380 396 412 414 441 - Bewegungsmaschine 327 334 435 559 - und technische Herrschaft des Kapitals 560 über die Arbeit 371 - elektromagnetische 325 - als Machtmittel des Kapitals 359 377 378 - kalorische 325 401 380 423 - Nähmaschine 388 412 —* Dampfmaschine; Mühle; Spinnma- - Auswirkungen ihrer kapitalistischen Anwendung auf die Lage der Arbeiterklasse schine; Webstuhl; Werkzeug 344 351 355 361 370 372 374 375 382 384 Maschinenstürmer 373 374 377 386 396 397 402 403 405 423 426 440 462 Maschinerie 295 344 348 404 559 - Bestandteile 325 - und Anwendung von Frauen- und Kin- als verkörperte Wissenschaft 336 369 derarbeit 402 423 645 657 - Kooperation gleichartiger Maschinen 342 - und Verlängerung des Arbeitstages 351 - Maschinensystem 344 367 369 353 366 385 - System der M. 331 332 336 358 540 - und Erhöhung der Arbeitsintensität 356 - automatisches System der M. 333 377 357 366 385-387 380 402 - Ersetzung von Arbeitern 383 417 423

1166

Sachregister Maschinerie - Repulsion und Attraktion von Arbeitern 390 396-398 544-549 552 555 556 - hebt die technische Grundlage der manufakturmäßigen Arbeitsteilung auf 368 369 423 - und Reproduktion der manufakturmäßigen Arbeitsteilung in der Fabrik 423 - und Revolution im Rechtsverhältnis zwischen Käufer und Verkäufer der Ware Arbeitskraft 345 - und Vermehrung unproduktiver Schichten 388 389 - und Verdrängung des Handwerks und der Handarbeit 312 318 323 335 376-379 388 401 402 412 415 - und Revolutionierung der Manufaktur 301 401 404 - und Baumwollproduktion 393 - Anwendung in der Agrikultur 326 328 441 552 586 - im Kommunismus 342 - bürgerliche Auffassungen 323 339 367 369 375 377 378 380 382 386 391 486 552 Massenproduktion 335 402 541 543 Maß (phil.) 33 48 70 92 111 132 192 266 Materialismus - historischer —» Geschichtsauffassung, materialistische - abstrakt naturwissenschaftlicher 325 Materialität 154 - der praktisch-gegenständlichen Tätigkeit 156 - der sozialen Verhältnisse 40 42-44 48 57 62-69 97 124 Mathematik 31 46 88 185 264 301 324 Mechanik 324 - mechanische Gesetze 334 - Anwendung in der Produktion 425 Mehrarbeit 187 266 269 462 470 - materielle Basis der gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung 446-448 - ihre naturwüchsige Basis 446-449 - im Altertum 203 - in der Sklaverei 188 - im Feudalismus 205 206 495 - Basis der kapitalistischen Produktion 203 446 462 479

Mehrarbeit - schrankenloser Trieb des Kapitals nach M. 205-213 222 226-229 277 361 - und notwendige Arbeit 187 189 190 199 204 269 270 303 448 449 475 476 - Zwang zur M. 203 229 233 267 445 450 - als unbezahlte Arbeit des Lohnarbeiters 196 197 341 464 465 505 - absolute und relative 354 - und Mehrwert 188 199 229 461 - Basis der freien Zeit 446 - und Produktivität der Arbeit 271 274 323 354 460 - in Krisenzeiten 208 —> Arbeit, notwendige; Mehrwert Mehrarbeitszeit 187 188 203 - und notwendige Arbeitszeit 198 202 204 206 269 274-276 303 327 354 448 449 458-465 - u n d freie Zeit 228 229 Mehrprodukt 505 506 509 523 530 536 541 - in vorkapitalistischen Produktionsweisen 203-206 448 449 519 - und notwendiges Produkt 199 541 - und Mehrwert 190 199 504 505 509 523 541 - und Produktivität der Arbeit 388 522 Mehrwert 136 140 187 201 285 465 498-512 - Ziel der kapitalistischen Produktion 161 199 222 228 229 253 276 285 286 323 444 493 531 536 - Entstehung 144 168 169 171 172 - u n d Mehrarbeit 188 449 462 - und Mehrprodukt 199 504 505 509 523 541 - und Arbeitslohn 344 412 473 474 477 478 483 484 - und variables Kapital 179 181 182 184 185 190 261 264 284 285 354 355 - und Kapitalvorschüsse 133-135 183 184 436 505 - Verwandlung in Kapital 505 512 - allgemeine Form im Unterschied zu seinen besonderen Formen 179 454 455 492 - Verteilung 190 492 515 516 - Realisierung 276 492 - und Produktivität der Arbeit 323 354 445 447 452-458 461 462 541

1167

Sachregister Mehrwert - Gesetze, die die Größe des M. bestimmen 452 453 455 - Warenzirkulation - keine Quelle von M. 130 355 - Vulgärökonomie über M. 179 188 189 455 516-518 —> Ausbeutung; Extramehrwert; Profit; Rente; Zins Mehrwert, absoluter 188 199 200 263 272 - Grundform des Mehrwerts 444 445 - und Verlängerung des Arbeitstages 263 264 267 282 353 446 458 - und Arbeitsintensität 357 454 456 - und Naturbedingungen 446-449 - und relativer Mehrwert 357 359 444-446 - und Subsumtion der Arbeit unter das Kapital 267 272 445 Mehrwert, relativer 358 446 462 - als Ergebnis der Entwicklung der Produktivität der Arbeit 272 273 315 358 446 453 455-457 461 523 - und Verkürzung der notwendigen Arbeitszeit 272 274 275 445 461 - und Arbeitsintensität 358 460-462 - und Wert der Ware Arbeitskraft 272 276 354 453 455 457 461 462 - und materielle Lebenslage des Arbeiters 357 456 - und Extramehrwert 273-275 354 - und absoluter Mehrwert 357 359 444-446 - und Subsumtion der Arbeit unter das Kapital 272 445 446 Mehrwertgesetz - als ökonomisches Bewegungsgesetz des Kapitalismus 17 536 Mehrwertmasse 261 276 519 - Bestimmungsfaktoren 261 264 355 - und Wachstum der Bevölkerung 264 266 Mehrwertrate 190 197 200 269 278 523 - Bestimmungsfaktoren 261 264 273 275 355 452 - und Profitrate 186-188 456 - verschiedene Formeln für die M. 463 465 - Methode zur Berechnung der M. 188 189 Meister - im Mittelalter 266

1168

Meister - und Geselle 217 218 310 425 - kleiner 266 279 285 289 417 —» Handwerk; Zünfte, Zunftwesen Mensch 171 176 282 328 - als gesellschaftliches Wesen 17 18 44 45 159 284 428 - Entwicklung seiner Anlagen und Fähigkeiten 39 154 155 228 229 312 313 423 426 428 447-449 513 - Rolle im Arbeitsprozeß 154-156 158 159 443 444 - Stellung im System der Produktivkräfte 154-156 425 426 428 522 523 - und Natur 37 67 69 154 155 159 324 340 385 441-443 446-450 523 660 661 - und Arbeitsmittel 155 156 336 337 352 368 369 558 - Schöpfer des gesellschaftlichen Reichtums 154 159 229 442 497 514 523 562 - in der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft 36 37 39 64 69 152 206 229 232 287 307 308 310 312 313 344 345 368 369 402 404 420 421 425 428 440 441 - seine Bedürfnisse 36 148 149 156 159 201 228 446 448 462 - Franklin über den M. 155 —> Persönlichkeit Merkantilismus, Merkantilsystem 125 - über Wert 52 - restaurierter M. über Wert 70 71 - über Profit 452 - über Kapital 134 Metallindustrie 300 394 404 416 - Zahl der Beschäftigten 390 - Ablösungssystem 222-227 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 429 430 Metamorphose 53 - der Ware 53 89-91 94 101 104 105 111-113 118 119-126 136 137 176 - des Kapitals 544 Metaphysik 22 24 66 70 Methode 274 577 650 651 - Denkmethode 340 - dialektisch-materialistische 324 325 - bei Hegel 24 - zur Lösung von Widersprüchen 74-76 88 99 120

Sachregister Methode - Unterschied zwischen Forschungs- und Darstellungsmethode 20-24 - der ökonomischen Apologetik 98 99 —» Abstraktion; Geschichtsauffassung, materialistische Mexiko 146 653 Mittel und Zweck (Ziel) 66 132 154 155 157 158 166 168 273 274 277 361 493 505-507 574 656 Mittelalter 79 109 205 340 375 445 623 650 - Charakteristik des europäischen M. 67 73 - und Katholizismus 71 - Kirche im M. 624-628 - Kooperation im M. 290 - Stadt im M. 374 622 640 650 - Klassenkampf 118 - Untergang des feudalen Schuldners 118 - Zunftwesen 266 310 425 640 651 - Virements im mittelalterlichen Lyon 120

—* Feudalismus Mittelklasse (middle class) 17 172 557 656 662 Möglichkeit und Wirklichkeit 76 99 158 284 449 - Verwandlung der M. in W. 154 159 Monetarsystem 72 Monopol 60 61 354 400 652 - an Produktionsmitteln 203 - Kapitalmonopol 661 - Englands Industrie- und Handelsmonopol auf dem Weltmarkt 397 Moral, bürgerliche 108 115-117 119 121 133 152 166 167 198 202 206 208 209 214-219 223-228 230-239 235 240 241 246 248-257 308 343-346 348 349 372 380-382 391 404-406 427 430 440 500-503 520 521 548 549 553 554 563-566 595 601-603 631 632 635 636 651-653 655 656 658 659 Mühle 373 375 - Bandmühle 372 373 - Getreidemühle 301 328 329 356 - Wassermühle 327 - Windmühle 327

Münze 108 111 112 - Münzung 110 111 - Scheidemünze 110 124 - als Wertzeichen 111 - Umlauf 109-112 117 121 - im Kleinhandel 122 - Abnutzung 110 126 - Geschichte 79 83 86 109 - Münzfälschung 75 Mystifikation 27 49 62 63 66 69 471 —> Entäußerung; Entfremdung; Fetischismus Nachfrage und Zufuhr (Angebot und Nachfrage) 98 666-669 - Gesetz von N. u. Z. 384 551-554 639 640 - Deckung von N. u. Z. 468 - und Arbeitskraft 37 531 549 550 552 639 640 - und Arbeitslohn 263 468 471 531 549 550 552 639 640 Nachtarbeit 211 213 216-218 222 227 241 259 268 404 411 489 617 658 Nägelmacherei 257 407 478 545 Nahrung, Nahrungsmittel 148 149 235 347 441 566-569 588-590 646 —» Lebensmittel Nation - freie 533 - Raubbau ergreift ihre Lebenskraft an der Wurzel 206 - eine N. soll und kann von der anderen lernen 17 Natur 154 523 - und Mensch 36 61 68 154 155 159 385 441 442 446-449 660 661 - Herrschaft des Menschen über die N. 154 155 448 - und Gesellschaft 36 68 69 159 324 325 440-442 449 660 661 - und Arbeit 36 61 67 154 340 - als Grundbedingung der Arbeit 154 155 159 449 - Naturbedingungen der Produktivkraft der Arbeit 33 447 448 538 —* Boden; Erde Naturalwirtschaft 68 114 Naturgesetze 65 293 310 397 462 Naturkräfte 325 398

1169

Sachregister Naturkräfte - als Produktivkräfte 33 336 369 447 448 540 - Einfluß auf die Produktivität der Arbeit 336 - und Wertbildung 337 - ihre Anwendung im kapitalistischen Produktionsprozeß 336 - und Maschinerie 326 336 337 Naturprodukt 157 Naturwissenschaft 28 - Anwendung ihrer Erkenntnisse im kapitalistischen Produktionsprozeß 337 403 405 Nebenarbeit und Nebenindustrie, ländliche 319 334 Nebenkosten der Produktion (faux frais de production) 283 287 557 Negation 76 77 89 112 114 116 118 120 123 127 131 135 136 139 144 169 179 290 319 329-331 335 401 445 493 504 505 507 508 542 543 Negation der Negation 27 56-58 80 82 661 662

Niederlande Holland Nordamerikanischer Bürgerkrieg (1861 bis 1865) 17 220 378 634 Nordamerikanischer Unabhängigkeitskrieg (1775-1783) 17 397 500 Normalarbeitstag 228-230 233 240 258 —» Arbeitstag Notwendigkeit 77 119 - und Zufall 55 65 76 93 - historische 425 426 428 513 515 - und Gesetz 508 - Naturnotwendigkeit 89 - technische 36 71 391 448 462 662 —» Gesetze, gesellschaftliche Objekt —* Subjekt und Objekt Obligationen 119 Ökonomie - materielle Grundlage der Welt 1-71 120 - als Tendenz des Kapitals 272 275-277 - des konstanten Kapitals 227 250 251 280 - der Produktionsmittel 279 283 284 301 337 338 358 372 406 462 540 661

1170

Ökonomie - in der Anwendung der lebendigen Arbeit 169 256 277 502 - und Verschwendung von lebendiger Arbeit 209 372 - der Zahlungsmittel 123 Ökonomie und Politik 310 651 Österreich 239 490 Oligarchie 628 659 Opium 652 - Opiumkonsum 348 Opiumkrieg 646 Owenismus 82 258 423 516 - über das Fabriksystem 352 440 Pachten 562 585 599 602 - Konzentration der P. 563 585 597 601 604 618 630 Pächter 628 630 - kapitalistischer 266 347 521 561 583 585 587 597 599 601 603 618 622 626 627 630 646 650 - Genesis des kapitalistischen P. 644 - kleiner 266 420 612 615 626 629 630 - und Grundeigentümer 503 521 587 Papierfabrikation 292 298 301 - Ablösungssystem 225 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 430 Papiergeld 112 - sein Zwangskurs 111 112 - Gesetz der Papiergeldzirkulation 111 Parlament (in England) 229 239-241 244 255 346 349 416 427 430 501 520 624 642 652 Patrizier 249 Pauperismus 172 299 376 396 461 556 564 565 585 588 591 599 626 627 —» Armengesetze; Armenhäuser Peonage 146 Persönlichkeit - volle und freie Entwicklung im Kommunismus 422 423 513 - Rolle der produktiven Arbeit für ihre allseitige Entwicklung im Kommunismus 423 426 428 429 Personifikation - ökonomischer Kategorien 17 49 140 - ökonomischer Verhältnisse 74 99

Sachregister Personifikation - Kapitalist als personifiziertes Kapital 74 133 201 266 267 512 —» Mensch Pest 234 611 Pferdekraft 190 327 341 362 390 Phönizier 115 Physik - allgemeine Gesetze der P. 36 48 59 - Anwendung in der Produktion 30 327 328 415 - Reibungslehre 328 Physiokratismus 72 470 663 - Verdienst des P. 512 - Lehre von der Unproduktivität aller nicht agrikolen Arbeit 166 444 - über Mehrwert 444 466 - über Reproduktion (Tableau économique Quesnays) 512 Plebejer 118 249 Polen 69 Politik und Ökonomie 71 119 310 651 Politische Ökonomie - als Wissenschaft 18 19 317 - Klassencharakter 18 - Geschichte 19 20 22 23 301 316 462 533 534 - Parteilichkeit der p. Ö. 18-21 23 Politische Ökonomie, bürgerliche 21 22 66 87 209 - philosophische Grundlagen 71 - apologetischer Charakter 98 199 237 238 258 259 385 464 465 474 514 516 528 - metaphysische Betrachtungsweise 41 42 385 472 495 518-520 528 529 559 662 665 - ihr Fetischismus 72 - Geschichte 70 303 427 443 444 472 484 495 510-512 529 659 660 - Elemente des Historismus 288 518-520 - Unzulänglichkeiten ihrer Forschungsmethode 48-50 468 470 - in Deutschland und ihre Besonderheiten 19 21 - über Wert 24 31 33 40 42 43 48 137 - über Geld 40 78 84 86 105 117 124 - über Mehrwert 181 - über Lohnarbeit und Arbeitslohn 148 160 259 271 466-468 474 489 490 494 495 519 520

Politische Ökonomie, bürgerliche - über Kapital 72 160 161 181 494 498 509 518-520 664 —> Vulgärökonomie Politische Ökonomie, klassische bürgerliche 73 340 - wissenschaftliche Leistung 19 36 301 465 490 512 - philosophische Grundlagen 340 - metaphysische Betrachtungsweise 49 264 523 526 - Klassenschranken 472 - Widersprüche 39 468 - im Unterschied zur Vulgärökonomie 69 70 - über Wert der Arbeitskraft (Wert und Preis der Arbeit) 467 468 - über produktive Arbeit 444 —* Ricardo, David; Smith, Adam Polizei 309 633 Portugal 651 Prämissen und Schlußfolgerungen 490 Praxis Theorie und Praxis Preis (Preisform) 52 61 85 86 93 95 102 103 107 109 512 - Geldausdruck des Wertes 82 - und Wert 82 84 87 89 90 111 136 137 143 150 157 457 - und Wertgröße 82 87 88 92 143 - und Geldentwertung 85 102 641 645 - Einfluß von Nachfrage und Zufuhr 478 - und Konkurrenz 144 384 466 469 - Marktpreise 88 - imaginäre Preisform 88 Preiswechsel 85 102 103 107 469 535 538 Prellerei 472 481 645 Presse - bürgerliche 221 471 520 552 565 566 585 664 Preußen —> Deutschland Privateigentum 508 509 627 628 636 661 664 665 669 —> Eigentum an Produktionsmitteln Privilegien 238 252 Produkt 32 34 148 - als Voraussetzung und Resultat des Arbeitsprozesses 156 443 444

1171

Sachregister Produkt - Bedingungen seiner Verwandlung in Ware 53 76 91-93 146 148 304 - in vorkapitalistischen Produktionsweisen 35 53 69 76 77 205 206 294 295 304 307 309 518 - im Kapitalismus 53 147 —» Gebrauchswert; Gesamtprodukt, gesellschaftliches; Ware Produktenaustausch 63 76 304 —» Austausch Produktenwert 172 174 180 181 184 192 193 264 525 Produktion 62 513 514 - gesellschaftlicher Charakter 91-93 307 309 336 425 426 439 442 540 541 543 661 662 - historischer Charakter 69 135 425-427 512 514-516 660 662 - Basis der gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung 71 72 - materielle 67 157 462 - zum Selbstbedarf 35 68 114 309 - und Mensch 36 37 69 441 442 513 660 - und Bedürfnisse 36 67 92 114 156 203 308 388 447 - und Reproduktion 123 497 504 515 - für den Austausch 33 35 62 65 76 77 - u n d Konsumtion 68 69 159 497 498 523 529 534 - und Zirkulation 118 169 - und Wissenschaft 335 337 402 425 661 - im Kommunismus 68 69 426 427 497 - Kontinuität 331 440 - Abfälle (Exkremente) der P. 178 Produktion, kapitalistische 152 229 233 266 268 271 289 301 302 307 315 338 342 348 351 433 440 441 447 465 487 536 544 557 583 603 621 624 - Ausgangspunkt 265 267 278 290 497 541 - erste Anfänge im 14. und 15. Jh. 620 622 - Produktion von Mehrwert als ihr Ziel (Zweck) 161 199 228 229 257 276 285 323 444 530 536 - Entwicklung 298 299 305 312 333 336 357 393 402 412 414 429 440 443 444 446 467 514 521 522 542 546 548 639 640 657 - u n d Wertgesetz 263 273 275 308 457 466 - und Entwicklung der Produktivität der

1172

Arbeit 271 292 293 298 299 311 337 347 352 355 356 359 362 368 370 379 402 403 441 442 444 494 523 525 540 542-544 547 549 - und Akkumulation des Kapitals 291 295 299 300 305 336 401 426 428 503 504 506-509 512-516 518 522 523 525 542 544 546 549 - und Vergesellschaftung 291 292 295-297 299 300 305 380 387 388 414 425 426 440 513 541 542 544 - zyklischer Charakter 396 —* Massenproduktion; Produktionsweise, kapitalistische Produktionsbedingungen 92 118 123 271 359 394 621 - durchschnittliche gesellschaftliche 33 163 —» Produktionsmittel Produktionsformen 65 67-70 81 - Entwicklung der Widersprüche - einzig geschichtlicher Weg zur Umgestaltung einer geschichtlichen Produktionsform 65-68 70 82 - Zwitterformen 627 —» Produktionsverhältnisse Produktionskosten 105 - Ökonomie der P. 469 Produktionskrise 106 107 209 Produktionsmittel 29 156 160 178 181 183 383 493 527 539 - gegenständliche Faktoren des Arbeitsprozesses 68 158 160 172 175-183 - stoffliche Gestalten des konstanten Kapitals 177 181 182 186 264 268 272 506 507 522 523 529 - natürliche 160 177 - vom Standpunkt des Verwertungsprozesses 172 183 222 268 280 - und Produktivität der Arbeit 33 173-176 179 462 525 539 - und Lohnarbeiter 62 146 311 497 499 621 —> Arbeitsinstrumente; Arbeitsmittel; Eigentum an Produktionsmitteln; Maschine; Maschinerie; Rohmaterial Produktionspreis (Durchschnittspreis) 144 190 Produktionsprozeß - der Ware als Einheit von Arbeitsprozeß und Wertbildungsprozeß 499

Sachregister Produktionsprozeß - gesellschaftliche Kombination des P. 163 164 168-171 - technisches Gesetz des P. 33 264 442 Produktionsprozeß, kapitalistischer 152 159 267 268 428 429 441 527 528 639 - als Einheit von Arbeits- und Verwertungsprozeß 285 369 - Arbeitsprozeß als sein stofflicher Inhalt 160 161 285 494 495 - und Reproduktionsprozeß 284 493-495 497 498 503 504 506 507 509 512 514 516 518 519 523-525 536 547-553 Produktionsverhältnisse 63 66 67 71 72 496 - als grundlegende gesellschaftliche Verhältnisse 71 425 - historischer Charakter 66 147 443 444 491 660-662 - Notwendigkeit ihrer Änderung 660-662 - Dialektik von Produktivkräften und P. 24 69 217 332 403-405 412 425 426 540-543 660-662 - und Eigentumsverhältnisse 69 145 152 496 497 506-508 660-662 - und Distributionsverhältnisse 69 - und Staat und Recht 71 233 257 490 500 533 651 652 669 - antike 69 71 - feudale 67 123 - in Asien 69 - im Kommunismus 68 69 662 —> Eigentum an Produktionsmitteln; Produktivkräfte Produktionsverhältnisse, kapitalistische 16 94 152 233 260 267 285 308 443-445 466 492 611 663 - ihre Reproduktion 65 66 161 162 257 285 498 503 506 531 532 538 621 —> Produktionsweise, kapitalistische; Produktivkräfte Produktionsweise 71 271 651 - des materiellen Lebens 71 - historischer Charakter 66 70 288 545 546 - Veränderung und Entwicklung 16 159 257 266 267 278 583 - Fortbestehen überlebter P. 16 - und Arbeltsmittel 323 332 374 375 - antike 50 69 - asiatische 51 69

Produktionsweise - feudale 71 289 651 —> Produktionsverhältnisse; Produktivkräfte Produktionsweise, kapitalistische 16 29 88 147 148 200 307 318 332 441 443 493 536 583 - Entstehung und Entwicklung 234 235 257 266 278 285 289 300 315 318 319 322 374 375 393 413 414 440 445 446 448 514 540-542 544 547 548 641 642 644 650 651 656 660 662 663 665 670 - historischer Charakter 18 66 260 334 335 373 394 395 425-427 440 441 445-447 512 540 541 620-622 639 644 645 650 660-662 - historische Notwendigkeit 425 426 440 462 541 620 660 662 - immanenter Widerspruch 600 - Schranken 356 368 426 462 661 - Disproportionen 368 - im Unterschied zu vorkapitalistischen Produktionswelsen 69 186 261 275 307 309 376 380 385 425 660 661 - Widersprüche, Gegensätze 394 395 403 423 425 427 440 454 456 491 556 558 569 583 603-660 - ungleichmäßige Entwicklung des Kapitalismus 394 400 661 662 - kosmopolitischer Charakter 392-396 - Zwang zur Mehrarbeit in der k. P. 204 228 229 445 449 - Unterwerfung aller Produktionssphären 257 445 544 - Herausbildung in der Agrikultur 440 443 556 - Herausbildung in Kolonien 653 663 664 - Schaffung der Voraussetzungen für den Kommunismus 425 440 513 660-662 —> Gesetze, ökonomische, des Kapitalismus; Widersprüche im Kapitalismus Produktionsweise, technologische (Betriebsweise) 257 267 275 278 287 392 393 - Umwälzung der t. P. in einer Sphäre der Industrie bedingt ihre Umwälzung in einer anderen 334 Produktionszeit 118 146 148 Produktivität der Arbeit (Produktivkraft der Arbeit) 33 276 282 289 291 311 313 315

1173

Sachregister Produktivität der Arbeit (Produktivkraft der Arbeit) - als Charakteristik der konkreten Arbeit 284 - Naturbedingungen 338 - Bestimmungsfaktoren 271 281 284 293 295 297 312 313 336 337 352 357 359 360 363 423 424 461 522 539 640 - Mittel zur Steigerung 173 174 270 271 273 283 284 359 415 416 455 456 461 523 - und Gebrauchswert 38 77 - u n d Wert 174 270 271 352 359 445 453 457 499 543 - Entwicklung im Kapitalismus 270 272 273 276 277 289 313 315 336 341 361 369 442 642 660 - und Wert der Ware Arbeitskraft bzw. Arbeitslohn 270 276 369 461 539 - und Lage der Arbeiterklasse im Kapitalismus 315 351 355 357 541 549 554 558 - und Mehrwert 274 275 323 354 359 492 - und Mehrarbeit 323 355 - und Mehrprodukt 388 - und relativer Mehrwert 271 275 315 354 355 357 453 - und organische Zusammensetzung des Kapitals 311 358 - wichtiger Faktor in der Akkumulation des Kapitals 518 519 522-525 540 541 549 550 - und Produktionsmittel 539 - und Maschinerie 323 337 338 340-342 351 354 355 357 359 416 440-442 585 - und Arbeitsintensität 285 294 357 358 365 485 486 - und innerbetriebliche Arbeitsteilung 293 - und Luxusproduktion 293 298 299 311 315 316 - und relative Übervölkerung (Surpluspopulation) 337 - und Arbeitslohn 270 354 355 358 359 452 485 538 - und Bedürfnisse 447 - und Rohmaterial 386 523 539 Produktivität des Kapitals (Produktivkraft des Kapitals) - als spezifisch gesellschaftliche Form der Produktivität der Arbeit 289 393 Produktivkräfte 336 337

1174

Produktivkräfte - in der gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung 69 155 325 425 426 513 - gesellschaftlicher Charakter 280 284 337 540 - Notwendigkeit ihrer gesellschaftlichen Aneignung 433 440 - Elemente der P. 155 - der Mensch als wichtigste Produktivkraft 154 426 - Widersprüche in ihrer Entwicklung 325-328 332 333 336 - der gesellschaftlichen Arbeit 281 284 288 311 315 337 450 - der gesellschaftlichen Arbeit als P. des Kapitals 288 311 - Kooperation als Produktivkraft 281 284 288 337 368 409 411 425 426 538 660 662 - Arbeitsteilung als Produktivkraft 540 660 663 - Wissenschaft als Produktivkraft 33 336 337 369 403 441 527 540 661 - Naturkräfte als P. 36 447 449 540 - in vorkapitalistischen Produktionsweisen 68 170 171 288 289 309 325 327 424 427 - Entwicklung im Kapitalismus 69 255 272 275 277 287 289 332 342 401-403 412 413 426 441 442 512 522 - Dialektik von P. und Produktionsverhältnissen 26 257 332 333 393 402 411 412 425 426 439 441 538-542 660-662 - Vernichtung von P. im Kapitalismus 426 —* Kombination; Kooperation; Maschinerie; Mensch; Produktionsmittel; Wissenschaft Profit 187 232 397 414 512 518 527 635 659 - als verwandelte Form des Mehrwerts 456 492 - Durchschnittsprofit 536 552 - Extraprofit 536 552 - Veräußerungsprofit 208 393 - und Arbeitslohn 142 - und Akkumulation des Kapitals 393 396 465 518 536 Profitrate 354 - und Mehrwertrate 456 Proletariat —* Arbeiterklasse Prostitution 172 251 400 557 670

Sachregister Protektionismus, Protektionssystem 491 650 656 663 Protestantismus 239 626 627 653 - und Bevölkerungsprinzip 534 Proudhonismus 59 73 - utopischer Charakter 59 - Proudhonsche Schule 59 - Idealisierung der Warenproduktion 59 508 - über Eigentum 508 - über Maschinerie 368 - Kritik der proudhonistischen Theorie des „konstituierten Wertes" 468 Putzmacherei 219 281 413 Qualität und Quantität 31-33 36-39 42-48 50-52 58 62 70 76 80 86 87 92 93 110 111 116 118 119 122 123 127 130 131 143 145 148 149 163-169 171 172 179 199-201 266 289-291 315 323-325 329-332 334 335 396 403-405 499 504 505 507 508 540 544 620 - Umschlag quantitativer in qualitative Veränderungen 31 53-61 265 266 278 280-282 285 660-662 - und Maß 33 62 64 76 77 81 205 —> Widerspruch Raub - als Erwerbsquelle 71 115 656 Raubbau 206 228 229 231 312 403-405 441 443 522 Raum und Zeit 104 193 283 298 470 Recht 118 - juristischer Ausdruck ökonomischer Verhältnisse 73 118 152 533 534 - Rechtsverhältnisse der Warenproduktion 74 79 - bürgerliches 152 202 252 471 628 - Eigentumsrecht des Kapitalisten 209 308 421 429 500 508 - gleiche Exploitationsbedingungen der Arbeitskraft - erstes Menschenrecht des Kapitals 252 346 —» Gesetzgebung, bürgerliche Recht auf Arbeit 258 260 Rechtstitel 119 140 268 Reflexionsbestimmung 42-44 48-50 90 Reformation 626

Reformen, soziale 260 Reichtum 29 116 315 388 541 559 560 - Mensch als Schöpfer des sozialen R. 154 159 497 498 514 523 - stofflicher 30 39 67 116 - natürlicher 36 - Wert als seine kapitalistische Form 447 - Ware als Elementarform des bürgerlichen R. 29 115 116 133 - Geld als sein gesellschaftlicher Ausdruck 115 - Geld als allgemeiner Repräsentant des stofflichen R. 116 125 - Springquellen allen R. 443 545 - Begriff des bürgerlichen R. 116 377 527 561 - als Ergebnis der kapitalistischen Produktion 497 513 514 536 545 547 557 558 562 587 - und Verschwendung der Kapitalisten 514 515 569 - Gegensatz zwischen Armut und R. 556-565 569 570 578-581 Relaissystem 241 244 248 252 269 368 —> Ablösungssystem Religion 63 205 309 528 619 645 - materielle Grundlagen 538 691 - Rolle im Kapitalismus 218 223 229 246 534 559 569 - Geschichte der R. 325 -» Christentum; Kirche; Reformation Rente - Naturairente 309 - Verwandlung von Naturairente in Geldrente 122 - Grundrente 123 243 464 - städtische Grundrente 570 Reparatur 177 Reproduktion 492 493 - Existenzbedingung jeder Gesellschaft 493 - Bedingungen der kapitalistischen R. 493 497-499 - der kapitalistischen Produktionsverhältnisse 497 498 503 506 531 532 538 621 - als Wert- und Stoffersatz der Produkte 493 - der Arbeitskraft als Ware 148-150 187 202 203 484 495 499 530 532 537

1175

Sachregister Reproduktion - des konstanten Kapitals 523 524 Reproduktion, einfache 503 506 509 - und Kapitalersatz 493 Reproduktion, erweiterte 504-509 - Akkumulation des Kapitals als ihre kapitalistische Form 509 511 518 522 526 530 536 541 - in den verschiedensten ökonomischen Gesellschaftsformationen 518 - und Wachstum der Bevölkerung und der Arbeiterklasse 527 530 533 538 546 548 550 Reservearmee, industrielle 426 440 441 545 549 559 571 639 - Funktion 411 412 547 548 553 554 - Zu- und Abnahme 547 553 - und Arbeitslohn 551 552 - und Saisonarbeit 417 418 —» Übervölkerung, relative Reservefonds 125 - der Zahlungsmittel 124 - im Kommunismus 462 463 Revenue (Einkommen) 467 492 506 507 523 528 - ursprüngliche 491 - und Kapital 492 494 509-511 527 531 - der Kapitalisten 494 504 505 606 610 - der Lohnarbeiter 466 469 470 472 473 494 - der Arbeiterfamilie 474 581 582 585 Revolution, bürgerliche 624 628 - objektive Notwendigkeit 621 622 Revolution, englische (17. Jh.) 628 Revolution, französische (1789-1795) 643 Revolution, französische (1830) 516 Revolution, französische (1848/49) 77 240 - Februarrevolution 258 259 - Pariser Juniaufstand (1848) 246 Revolution, industrielle —* Industrielle Revolution Revolution, politische 375 Revolution, sozialistische 426 441 - objektive Notwendigkeit 425 428 - Voraussetzungen 429~440 513 Revolution, technische 344 - mechanisch-chemische Revolution 335 Ricardianer, sozialistische 59 257 500 - als Interessenvertreter der Arbeiterklasse 258

1176

Ricardianer, sozialistische - über Mehrarbeit und Mehrwert 569 - über die Akkumulation von Geschick und Fertigkeiten der Arbeiter 293 500 - über Eigentum 650 - über Kapital und Kapitalist 509 650 - über Reichtum 650 Ricardo, David - Rolle in der Geschichte der politischen Ökonomie 20 70 73 466 - allgemeine Charakteristik seines Systems 491 - wissenschaftliche Objektivität 382 - metaphysische Betrachtungsweise 66 454 456 - über Wert 54 70 73 144 177 454 - über Geld 125 - über Mehrwert 519 - Identifizierung von Mehrwert und Profit 456 - über Lohnarbeit und Kapital 547 - über Maschinerie 338 342 343 356 375-377 - über die Verdrängung von Arbeitern durch Maschinerie 356 378 382 - über Wert der Arbeit und Arbeitslohn 452 466 - über die Beziehungen zwischen Lohnarbeit und Kapital 547 - über Akkumulation des Kapitals 510 519 531 - Ignorieren des konstanten Kapitals 338 510 - über Brutto- und Nettorevenue 199 547 - Kritik durch bürgerliche Ökonomen 47 73 178 466 519 526 —» Politische Ökonomie, klassische bürgerliche Ricardosche Schule 179 264 452 516 Rohmaterial (Rohstoff) 155 174 175 183 522 - als Halbfabrikat 157 - als Hauptstoff und Hilfsstoff 157 158 - im Arbeits- und Wertbildungsprozeß 161 .166 181 - als Produktionsmittel 146 157 166 181 185 312 493 - als Element des konstanten Kapitals 181 183 646 647 - Wert- und Preiswechsel 175 182 183

Sachregister Rohmaterial (Rohstoff) - und Produktivität der Arbeit 175 386 523 524 539 Rom (altes) 68 71 79 86 118 123 140 148 301 631 644 Rumänien 203 206 Rußland 68 205 222 213 404 488 490 628 Saisonarbeit 418 420 Schatzbildner 114 116 119 124 133 166 513 514 Schatzbildung 113 114 117 119 510 - G e l d als Schatzmittel 113 114 117 126 134 510 Schein 79 188 465 478 480 508 —> Wesen und Erscheinung Schiffahrt 389 652 653 - und Saisonarbeit 418 420 Schiffbau 578 Schottland 152 218 349 520 588 632 642 - Geschichte 632 633 - Agrikultur 562 617 - Clansystem 123 124 - Geld- und Bankwesen 627 - Abschaffung der Leibeigenschaft 231 632 - Auswanderung 232 632 Schutzzölle 254 656 Schweden 628 Schweiz 490 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 239 - Uhrenfabrikation 296 Seidenindustrie 292 366 402 - Zahl der Beschäftigten 363 364 390 391 - Kinderarbeit 253 404 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 240 Sein, gesellschaftliches 50 - bestimmt das gesellschaftliche Bewußtsein 51 64 65 69 71 115 324 423 424 Shiftingsystem 252 Silber 81 109 117 124-126 - als Geldware 49 72 77 78 83 84 86 110 113 - als gesellschaftliche Form des Reichtums 114 125 - als Schatz 114 117 125 - Wertverhältnis zum Gold 49 83 84 86 102 124 - als Weltgeld 124 125 - und Weltmarkt 124 125

Sizilien 449 Sklavenhandel 230 344 387 397 472 - in der ursprünglichen Akkumulation des Kapitals 653 654 658 659 Sklaverei 51 71 146 290 472 515 518 621 658 660 - Form der Mehrarbeit 188 470 - als Form der Ausbeutung 470 560 631 - in Kolonien 230 665 666 - in Amerika 204 230 287 381 - Arbeitsinstrumente in der S. 171 - Aristoteles über Sklavenarbeit 71 Smith, Adam 359 - Rolle in der Geschichte der politischen Ökonomie 70 302 510 512 - Widersprüche in seiner Theorie 39 510 512 - über Arbeit 39 - über Wert 39 71 144 - Profit, Rente und Arbeitslohn als selbständige Wertquellen (Smithsches Dogma) 512 - über Geld 108 - über Kapital 465 - über Akkumulation des Kapitals 510 512 515 532 538 - über Arbeitsteilung 301 307 313 - über den „natürlichen Preis" 472 - über Arbeitslohn 472 - Ignorieren des konstanten Kapitals 512 - Kritik durch bürgerliche Ökonomen 486 —> Politische Ökonomie, klassische bürgerliche Society of Arts and Trades 315 327 Sophistik 21 22 Sozialismus —> Kommunismus Sozialismus, kleinbürgerlicher - und Warenproduktion 74 76 82 508 - Utopie der unmittelbaren Austauschbarkeit der Waren 76 81 82 —* Proudhonismus Spanien 651 Spekulation 121 130 131 232 514 - Rolle im Kapitalismus 166 182 569 571 578 579 593 Spinnmaschine 325 326 334 339 341 359 372 375 378-381 - Entstehung und Entwicklung 325 360 363

1177

Sachregister Spinnmaschine - und industrielle Revolution 324 Spitzenfabrikation 203 210 427 476 - moderne Hausarbeit 407 410 - Zahl der Beschäftigten 407 - Spitzenschulen 410 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 255 408 416 Sprache 30 188 512 Staat (Staatsmacht) 309 449 640 - Einwirkung auf die ökonomische Entwicklung 87 113 205 267 491 651 654 655 - und Geldwesen 78 83 86 87 106 108 110 112 122-126 Staat, bürgerlicher 429 430 433 533 - Stellung der Bourgeoisie zum b. S. 194 195 206 228 229 232 235 240-242 244 247 249 368 639 - Staatseinmischung in das Fabrikwesen 293 - Staatskontrolle über das Kapital 429 - und Regelung der Arbeitszeit 206 234 235 239 244 251 252 255 257 357 420 421 - und Religion 71 229 534 —> Fabrikgesetzgebung Staatsausgaben 288 Staatsformen 71 79 234 240 259 288 301 308 310 317 622 623 650 653 Staatsschuldensystem 651 654 655 - als Mittel der ursprünglichen Akkumulation des Kapitals 655 Staatssubsidien 125 267 Stadt - im Mittelalter 374 640 650 - im Kapitalismus 441 442 569 Stadt und Land 305 441 442 556 Städtewesen, mittelalterliches 621 622 650 Stamm - und Familie 304 Statistik 235 395 - soziale 17 - als Mittel bürgerlicher Apologetik 367 617 Sterblichkeit 219 221 - von Arbeiterkindern 253 344 406 - in Fabrikdistrikten, verglichen mit Agrikulturdistrikten 253 347 Steuern 455 491 627 - Umwandlung der Naturallieferungen in Geldzahlungen 122 635

1178

Steuern - im Kapitalismus 561 563 Steuersystem 651 655 656 Stoffwechsel - gesellschaftlicher 90 91 99 105 114 120 125 - natürlicher 158 - zwischen Natur und Mensch 36 154 158 159 - zwischen Erde und Mensch 441 Strafen - für Fabrikarbeiter 368 370 372 Streik 152 - und Erfindung von Maschinen 380 - der Baumwollarbeiter in Preston (1853) 397 - der Bandweber in Coventry (1860) 484 - der 202 - der - der

Londoner Bauarbeiter (1860/1861) 475 478 Weber in Darwen (1863) 372 Weberinnen in Wiltshire (1863) 372

- der Töpfer (1866) 564 - der Baumwollarbeiter in Preston (1867) 372 - der Agrikulturarbeiter in Buckinghamshire (1867) 219 - der belgischen Minenarbeiter (1867) 520 Strohflechterei 427 - moderne Hausarbeit 408 409 - Zahl der Beschäftigten 409 - Strohflechtschulen 409 Strumpfwirkerei - Lage der Arbeiter 568 - Einführung von Maschinerie 415 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 255 Subjekt und Objekt 133 366 - Subjekt-Objekt-Beziehungen im kapitalistischen Produktionsprozeß 267 352 366 368 441 442 496 497 Substanz —* Inhalt (Substanz) und Form Subsumtion der Arbeit unter das Kapital 159 214 257 290 - formelle 159 264 445 446 -

reelle 160 445 446 und absoluter M e h r w e r t 264 272 445 446 und relativer M e h r w e r t 271 445 446 und Arbeitsprozeß 160 272 283 und einfache Kooperation 290

Sachregister Sweatingsystem 481 Synthese —»Analyse Tapetenfabrikation 225 476 - Kinderarbeit 214 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 255 Tauschwert 31 57 89 90 112 113 115 118 120 130 136 203 471 - Erscheinungsform des Wertes 30 32 40 52 70 —> Wertform Tautologie 60 87 98 184 466 529 Technik 268 272 324 378 418 419 443 —* Basis, materielle; Fortschritt, technischer; Maschine; Maschinerie; Produktivkräfte; Revolution, technische Technologie 33 301 325 418 - Rolle in der modernen Großproduktion 324 425 - Geschichte der T. 324 325 Telegrafie 389 418 Terminologie 15 188 301 511 Theorie und Praxis 50 51 64 65 146 301 302 327 328 330 334 - Widersprüche zwischen T. u. P. 193 281 490 - der Arbeiterbewegung 379 440 - Kritik des idealistischen Verständnisses von T. u. P. 379 440 Tier 77 340 557 - im Unterschied zum Menschen 154 - Anwendung in der Produktion 155 171 324 328 343 - als Geld 57 Töpferei 230 231 233 415 416 - Lage der Arbeiter 211-213 483 - Kinderarbeit 211 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 255 359 421 Trade-Unions 218 483 486 554 - gesetzliche Anerkennung 642 Traditionen 315 368 Transportindustrie 334 - und Entwicklung der kapitalistischen Produktionsverhältnisse 394 - Transportmittel 334 - und Weltmarkt 389 547 Tribut 518 Trucksystem 411 577

Türkei 123 404 656 Überarbeit 209 213 225 230 250 404 417 418 475 489 550 602 613 - und Arbeitslohn 211 214 473 479 Überbau —* Basis und Überbau Überproduktion 510 549 - und Überfüllung des Marktes 378 414 516 Übervölkerung, relative (Surpluspopulation) 231 384 545 546 550 551 554 558 559 612 639 666 - als notwendige Bedingung der kapitalistischen Produktion 426 547 553 - künstlicher Charakter 356 549 553 556 - verschiedene Existenzformen 554-557 - als Folge kapitalistisch angewandter Maschinerie 341 343 356 376 403 462 - und Akkumulation des Kapitals 545 551 556 - und industrieller Zyklus 547 551 - und Produktivität der Arbeit 550 - auf dem Lande 231 388 552 599 604 —* Pauperismus; Reservearmee, industrielle Unterbeschäftigung 475 476 Urgesellschaft 76 77 155 300 309 310 447 532 Ursache und Wirkung -» Kausalität Ursprüngliche Akkumulation des Kapitals, vor allem ihre klassische Variante in England 375 495 528 541 619 650 670 - als Scheidung des Produzenten von den Produktionsmitteln 621-623 - Methoden 622 658 - Hauptmomente 623 629 642-645 649-651 655-662 - Einhegungen 623 629 Utilitarismus (Nützlichkeitsprinzip) 528 Vagabundage - Gesetze gegen V. 636 Veränderung —* Entwicklung Vereinigte Staaten von Amerika 304 - ökonomische Entwicklung 283 402 655 662

1179

Sachregister Vereinigte Staaten von Amerika - Arbeiterbewegung 259 396 - Sklaverei 204 230 259 288 387 - Einwanderung 232 - Agrikultur 441 - Außenhandel 396 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 255 - Gesetze über Kinderarbeit 295 Verelendung der Arbeiterklasse 376 531 532 —> Akkumulation des Kapitals; Arbeitslosigkeit; Pauperismus; Reservearmee, industrielle; Überarbeit; Übervölkerung, relative Vergesellschaftung 164 187 192 661 - und kapitalistische Produktion 291 292 295-297 299 300 305 370 387 425 426 440 513 541 542 544 - der Produktionsmittel 660 Verhältnisse, gesellschaftliche (soziale) 15 18 23 51 61-69 72 120 147 155 159 352 444 - Versachlichung 49 65 66 69 72 73 92 93 99 —* Produktionsverhältnisse Verhältnisse, ökonomische 93 95 99 260 491 - Personifikation im Kapitalismus 99 Verkauf —> Kauf und Verkauf Vermittlung (Mittelglieder) 36 114 119 129 142 158 492 - vermittelnde Bewegung 80 90 Versachlichung 63 69 - der gesellschaftlichen Verhältnisse 49 61-65 67 68 70-73 78-90 97-99 - Personifizierung der Sache und V. der Person 99 - Aufhebung der V. gesellschaftlicher Verhältnisse im Kommunismus 69 —* Fetischismus Verschleiß (wear and tear) 352 - physischer 339 352 501 526 - moralischer 182 352 414 501 - der Ware Arbeitskraft 202 228-230 457 459 476 - Vergegenständlichung 43 49 83 88 165 168 278 466 467 Verschwendung 516

1180

Verschwendung - der Feudalherren 514 - der Kapitalisten 219 514 - von Arbeitskraft 229 230 232 233 252 253 343 372 403 406 426 462 —* Raubbau Versicherungsgesellschaften 177 Verteilung —* Distribution Verwertungsprozeß 133 160 166 168 171 172 178 181 264 267 268 286 337 338 375 376 390 443 498 Viehzucht 611 612 Völker - Handelsvölker 69 - Jägervölker 115 289 - Nomadenvölker 77 Vorarbeiter 368 482 Vorratsbildung 510 Vulgärökonomie 20 52 514 560 562 668 - im Unterschied zur klassischen bürgerlichen politischen Ökonomie 70 71 - apologetischer und unwissenschaftlicher Charakter 99 108 125 133 490 - grober Empirismus 71 199 - plagiatorischer Charakter 443 517 - grundsätzliche Mängel ihrer Methode 71 178 179 188 189 265 - deutsche V. über das „Kapital" 22 - Freihandelshausierer 52 53 98 152 407 408 - Vulgarisierung der Ricardoschen Theorie 19 - Identifizierung von Nachfrage und Zufuhr 98 137 - Verschleierung des Verhältnisses zwischen Lohnarbeit und Kapital 470 471 517 - über Wert 52 70 137 517 - über Geld 80 108 - über Mehrwert 194-198 517 - über Kapital 173 517 - über Arbeitslohn 462 519 520 - über Maschinerie 338 357 381-386 Apologie; Malthusia—> Abstinenztheorie; nismus Wanderarbeiter 574 575 Ware 31-33 35 40 53 54 56 62 171 567

Sachregister Ware - als

Warenzirkulation Elementarform

des

bürgerlichen

- keine Q u e l l e von M e h r w e r t 131 136 137

- als Resultat der kapitalistischen Produk-

- und Geldzirkulation 99 100 105 112 116

Reichtums 29 115 116 133

143

tion 147 160 307 497 504 536

127 130 147

- Produkt selbständiger und v o n e i n a n d e r u n a b h ä n g i g e r Privatarbeit 6 3 - 6 5 94

- im Unterschied z u m Produktenaustausch

- Doppelcharakter 30 63 64 73 75 89 90 92 96 97 99 115

97 99 Wasserrad 327

- V e r d o p p l u n g in W . und G e l d 75 76 81 82 90 -und

- nationale und internationale 109

Webstuhl - A b l ö s u n g des Hand- d u r c h den mechani-

Geld

75-101

103

111

118

121

1 2 7 - 1 3 0 133 134 143

s c h e n W . in England 325 329 330 332 333 339 359 365 374 376 386 387 489

- Fetischcharakter 6 3 - 6 5 67 72 81

Wechselkurs 126

- innerer W i d e r s p r u c h 75 76 89 90 99 105

Weltausstellungen 329 330

Warenfälschung 151 152 214

Weltgeschichte 124-127 147 376

W a r e n f o r m 36 52 59 62 63 80 88 9 4 - 9 6 114

Welthandel 124-127 389

—*

148 - allgemeinste und unentwickeltste

Form

der bürgerlichen Produktion 62 70 72 88 95 96 114 148

Außenhandel

Weltmarkt 124 126 127 204 306 389 394 397 419 487 491 561 - Bildung d u r c h die Bourgeoisie 388

Warenkunde 36

- und G o l d und Silber 109 128-130

Warenproduktion 37 63 81 82 92 122 131

- und Bedürfnisse 650

133 147 325 351 508 540

- Überfüllung des W . 379 397 Werkzeug 157 324 326 327 335 336

- historische Bedingungen 76 77 147 - als historische Voraussetzung des Kapi- gesellschaftliche

- Steinwerkzeug 155 Werkzeugschlitten (slide-rest) 331 334

tals 127 487 Arbeitsteilung

-

Exi-

stenzbedingung der W . 35 6 3 - 6 5 92 94 147 303 305 308 - in d e n verschiedensten

Wert 33 36 60 64 133 140 142 143 145 148 149 151 186 - als

ökonomischen

Gesellschaftsformationen 99 - in vorkapitalistischen Produktionsweisen 50 51 69 73 74 76 77 114 127 - kapitalistische 37 139 144 147 152 160 161 168 172 222 225 228 229 257 260 2 6 5 - 2 6 8 270 277 279 284 292 295 299 3 0 1 - 3 0 3 305 315 318 319 340 342 354 359 366 372 375 404 408 411 433 443 462 466

gesellschaftliches

Verhältnis

40

6 3 - 6 5 69 70 72 80 - Wertsubstanz 15 32 42 45 55 58 62 64 70 - als V e r g e g e n s t ä n d l i c h u n g

unterschieds-

loser m e n s c h l i c h e r Arbeit 64 78 79 85 137 278 466 - und G e b r a u c h s w e r t 31 34 38 4 2 - 4 4 48 153 158 162 168 173 175 176 - und Produktivität der A r b e i t 34 39 45 46

471 490 499 503 508 523 530 548 557 619

277 284 352 353 355 358 4 5 3 - 4 5 7 485 486

646

523 538 542

- einfache, im Unterschied zur kapitalistis c h e n W . 144 147 160 Warenzirkulation 66 95 99 122 126 139 147 - einfache 97 100 101 110 113 118 120 121 123 134 152 - Formel der einfachen W . 127 170 - als historische Voraussetzung des Kapitals 127 306 496 497

- N e u w e r t 165 173-175 179-181 192 274 340 - individueller

und

gesellschaftlicher

53

274 275 355 - und G e l d 7 5 - 1 0 1 133 134 144 - und Preis 82 84 8 7 - 9 0 111 136-138 144 150 457 - und Kapital 130-134 144 352 354 485

1181

Sachregister Wert - in der bürgerlichen politischen Ökonomie 30-32 39 42 47 52-54 70 137 138 - Vulgärökonomie über W. 47 52 71 525 526 Wertform (Tauschwert) 40 41 52 53 58 66 69 70 81 90 - Analyse der W. 16 40-42 51 52 - Entwicklung 50 51 53-57 59-62 75 76 - einfache (einzelne, zufällige) 41 42 49-53 57 59 61 76 - relative 41-49 52 53 59 66 69 85 87 88 90 - Äquivalentform 41-45 48-51 53 59 60 79 87 97 - Eigentümlichkeiten der Äquivalentform 48-51 79 - totale (entfaltete) 54-57 59-62 - entfaltete relative 54-60 81 - besondere Äquivalentform 54 59 60 77 - allgemeine 55-61 74 - allgemeine relative 55-60 74 81 - allgemeine Äquivalentform 58-61 65 70 71 74 76 77 79 89 92 - Geldform 15 41 51 60 61 65 70 74-78 81 89 93-96 114 119 125 - Aristoteles über W. 51 52 - Bailey über W. 42 48 54 Wertgesetz 32-34 64 65 307 487 - Wirkung im Kapitalismus 46 265 273-275 457 458 466 468 - und Austausch zwischen Lohnarbeit und Kapital 143 145 152 168 169 201-203 468 - Anwendung auf verschiedene Nationalarbeitstage 458 488 Wertgröße 15 42 45 48 52 55 57 58 60 62 65 70 77 78 80 87 93 137 143 466 - ihre Messung 32 33 38 - Möglichkeit der Abweichung des Preises von der W. 88 Wertprodukt 184 187 189 192 263 276 453 457 464 469 525 Werttheorie - Geschichte der W. 15 70 Wertübertragung 173-177 179-181 183 196 338 526 Wertzeichen 176 Wesen und Erscheinung 32 40 42 47 62 63 71 79 90 101 105 119 120 133 185 204 205

1182

263 286 289 450 465 466 468 473 495 537 551 552 - Schein 65 72 100 101 193 273 385 —> Abstraktion; Gesetze, gesellschaftliche Widerspiegelung 47 62 64 118 119 124 154 - verkehrte W. objektiver Verhältnisse 69 99 125 198 268 464 466 468 470 472 478 527 551 —* Religion Widerspruch 119 120 558 619 - objektiver Charakter 99 144 357 385 440 - Einheit und Kampf der Gegensätze 33 81 83-94 100 105 127-131 134 144 154 160 162 174 179 180 200 203 294 295 315 323 330 355 356 368-370 423 424 426-428 462 463 545 546 550 - und Gegensatz 121 375 377 - Identität, Unterschied und Gegensatz 42-44 60 90 97 98 146-149 496-499 507-509 - Entwicklung 51 55 60 76 77 90 427 428 440 - der Ware 76 77 87 90 91 99 105 - des Geldes 89 116 119 124 - Methode zur Lösung von Widersprüchen 76-78 90 99 - Hegelscher „Widerspruch" 517 Widersprüche im Kapitalismus 16 263-265 276 385 386 440 550 - zwischen Produktivkräften und Produktionsverhältnissen 18 27 276 - zwischen Lohnarbeit und Kapital 203 232 370 378 380 555 557 - zwischen Produktion und Markt 394-397 564 - zwischen Planmäßigkeit und Anarchie 307-309 441 462 463 —* Produktionsweise, kapitalistische Wirklichkeit - und Ideal 240 —*• Möglichkeit und Wirklichkeit Wissenschaft - als selbständige Potenz des Produktionsprozesses 313 337 358 - als Produktivkraft 33 336 337 369 403 425 441 527 540 661 - Exploitation durch das Kapital 336 337 381 - und Produktion 336 337 425

Sachregister Wissenschaft - und Maschinerie 336 370 - technologische Anwendung in der Agrikultur 381 441 - ihre Reproduktion 337 - Forschungsmethoden in der W . 15 16 24

- Gebrauch derselben Termini technici in verschiedenem Sinn 187 512 —>

Naturwissenschaft

Wohnverhältnisse 405 508 509 - der städtischen Arbeiter 569-573 578-581 - in Bergwerksbezirken 575-578 - auf dem Lande 589-601 Wollindustrie 330 365 368 379 387 393 524 649 - Zahl der Beschäftigten 330 343 366 368 379 387 390 394 525 650 - Kinderarbeit 391 392 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 240 Wucherkapital 650 - als antediluvianische Form des Kapitals 127 142 144 145 445 650 - Luther über W . 167 513 Yeomanry 627 629 Zehnstundengesetz 197 199 243 245 246 248 251 255 261 459 Zentralisation des Kapitals 541 543 545 —•

Konzentration

Zins 199 340 - als besondere Form des Mehrwerts 509 - Aristoteles über Z. 143 Zirkulation, Zirkulationsprozeß 101-105 115 142 144 152 169 527 - und Produktion 118 169 - innere 108 113 124-126 - internationale 108 125 126 - u n d Austausch 86 88 97 98 138 139 - und Konsumtion 100 130 131 Zirkulation, Zirkulationsprozeß des Kapitals 97 120 132 492 511 661

Zivilisation 86 304 532 570 593 Zölibat 534 Zündhölzermanufaktur - Kinderarbeit 212 213 - Fabrikgesetzgebung 255 Zünfte, Zunftwesen 293 310 315 640 - Gesetze 266 306 310 425 - Hemmnis für die Entwicklung des Kapitalismus 266 390 - Zunftmeister 278 374 413 650 Zufall —>

Notwendigkeit

Zusammensetzung des Kapitals 543 544 547 - Ausdruck des Entwicklungsstandes der kapitalistischen Produktion 387 392 393 530 531 538 539 - aus variablem und konstantem Kapital 183 263 264 312 355 386 387 530-532 539 540 - wertmäßige 530 531 539 -technische (technologische) 224 311 528-531 538-541 543 - organische 183 184 263 264 310 311 531 539 543 546 - fortschreitende Erhöhung der organischen Z. d. K. 392 538-542 - relative Abnahme des variablen Kapitals 344 345 392 541-545 550 - Zunahme des konstanten Kapitals 354 355 392 524 541-545 550 - und Produktivität der Arbeit 310 311 354 355 391 540 542-547 —» Akkumulation stantes;

Kapital,

des Kapitals;

Kapital,

kon-

variables

Zwang 450 - ökonomischer 640 - außerökonomischer 640 645 - durch Gesetzgebung 636 640 —* Gesetzgebung,

bürgerliche;

Staat,

bür-

gerlicher

Zwangsarbeit 267 344 481 485 501 627 Zwischenmeister 403 413 482

1183