Johann Schreck Terrentius, SJ: His European Network and the Origins of the Jesuit Library in Peking (De Diversis Artibus, 107) 9782503581439, 2503581439

Table of contents :
Front Matter
Preface
Chapter I. The European ‘Tour’
Chapter II. The People
Chapter III. The Books and Instruments Collected
Chapter IV. The Multiple Competences of the Polymath Terrentius
Chapter V. A Final Assessment of Terrentius
Appendices
Back Matter

Citation preview

Johann Schreck Terrentius, SJ His European Network and the Origins of the Jesuit Library in Peking

DE DIVERSIS ARTIBUS collection de travaux de l’académie internationale d’histoire des sciences

collection of studies from the international academy of the history of science

Direction Editors

robert ­HALLEUX

erwin NEUENSCHWANDER

TOME 107 (N.S. 70)

F

Johann Schreck Terrentius, SJ His European Network and the Origins of the Jesuit Library in Peking

Noël Golvers

F

Uitgegeven met steun van de Universitaire Stichting van België

Cover illustration: Terrentius’s portrait (black and green chalk, on laid paper); attributed to Anthony van Dyck (see pencil annotation on the verso), but rather to be attributed to Rubens in Antwerp (or Brussels?), Dec. 1616 or Jan. 1617, now in the Morgan Library & Museum (New York); see text chap. 1.3: Antwerp and the discussion by E. Zettl, in C. von Collani & E. Zettl, J. Terrentius, pp. 131 - 138. Terrentius, although in 1616/17 still a Sinipeta ‘in spe’, bears the outfit of a Jesuit in China, after the model of Nicolas Trigault. If Michael Rupprecht is right, when he recognizes on the portrait the traces of a punch (ibid., pp. 139 – 140), this may be brought in relation with an incident in Rostock, in Nov. 1606 or April 1607 (see chap. 1.1 note 57 and 2.1: Hanniel). (Courtesy: the Morgan Library & Museum, New York. Citation: III, 179. Van Dyck, Anthony, 1599-1641) © 2020 Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher

D/2020/0095/106 ISBN 978-2-503-58143-9 Printed in the EU on acid-free paper

to Bernadette, my wife for 47 years, who during 5 years bravely fought her cancer almost simultaneously with the conception of this book and who died when the first draft was finished, not without explicitly asking to dedicate the results of this research to her memory.

Contents

Preface

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Chapter 1. The European ‘Tour’ 1.1. The prelude: Terrentius’s academic Wanderjahre (c. 1590–1610): from Freiburg to Rome 1.2. Rome (1610–15) 1.2.1. Terrentius and the scholarly scene in Rome 1.2.2. Rome as seen by Terrentius: a topographical excursus 1.3. From Rome to Lisbon: Terrentius’s tour as Trigault’s companion for China (1616–18)

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Chapter 2. The People 2.1. Personal acquaintances: the ‘active’ network 2.2. Other names

19 40 40 55 65 133 133 286

Chapter 3. The Books and Instruments Collected 301 3.1. Terrentius’s personal reading and the Fondo Faber314 3.2. The 331 books bought (or received) at the Officina Plantiniana in Antwerp (December, 1616) 360 3.2.1. The cluster medicine – chymistry – pharmacy – botany – balneology 362 3.2.1.1. Medicine: Hippocrates, Galenus, Paracelsus 362 3.2.1.2. Alchemy – chymistry – iatrochemistry (chemiatry) 364 3.2.1.3. Mineralogy – Balneology 365 3.2.1.4. Botany 365 3.2.1.5. Pharmacology 366 3.2.2. Mathematics 374 3.2.2.1. General mathematical and geometric problems 374 3.2.2.2. Accounting 375 3.2.2.3. Astronomy 376 3.2.2.4. Meteorology 377 3.2.2.5. Comets, especially those of 1572 and 1577 378 3.2.2.6. Chronology 379 3.2.3. Technology 379 3.2.4. Earth Sciences: geography, geology, mineralogy and palaeontology383

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3.2.5. Other fields of science and scholarship 384 3.2.5.1. Philosophy and esotericism 384 3.2.5.2. History 386 3.2.5.3. Philology 388 3.2.5.4. Linguistics, incl. prosody and orthography 392 3.2.6. The Holy Scriptures and church related books 393 3.2.7. ‘Worldly’ aspects of social life, and Fine Arts 399 3.2.8. Some conclusive observations 402 3.3. The 75 books, with the inscription: “Missionis Sinensis”405 3.3.1. The medical – alchemical – botanical – pharmaceutical cluster407 3.3.1.1. Medicine: Hippocrates; Galenus; Paracelsus 407 3.3.1.2. Alchemy – chymistry – iatrochemistry 413 3.3.1.3. Mineralogy and balneology 417 3.3.1.4. Botany 418 3.3.1.5. Pharmacology 419 3.3.2. Mathematics 421 3.3.3. Technology 423 3.3.4. Earth sciences 424 3.3.5. Human sciences 424 3.3.5.1. Philosophy and esotericism  424 3.3.5.2. History, historiography and auxiliary sciences 425 3.3.5.3. Philology 425 3.3.5.4. Linguistics & language didactics 425 3.3.6. The Holy Scriptures and church-related books 426 3.3.7. Fine Arts 426 3.3.8. Varia 426 3.3.9. Some conclusive observations 427 3.4. The instruments 437 3.5. The arrival in Macau and Peking 447 Chapter 4. The Multiple Competences of the Polymath Terrentius 4.1. Medicine: Terrentius’s double profile 4.2. Mineralogy: minerals, mining and mineral sources 4.3. Botany 4.4. Mathematics 4.5. Terrentius astronomer 4.6. Calendar 4.7. Terrentius and magnetism 4.8. Cryptography 4.9. Linguistics 4.10. Encyclopedism

453 455 471 477 497 500 506 507 510 511 514

Chapter 5. A Final Assessment of Terrentius

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Appendices 551 1. Bibliotheca Pontificia in the actual Beitang collection 551 2. Documents in the archives of the Officina Plantiniana563 3. List of the 75 books in the Beitang catalogue with the inscription: “Missionis Sinensis” 583 4. Short-title catalogue of Plantin-Moretus editions 587 5. Necrology of Terrentius (1630) 591 6. Lists of letters from / to Terrentius 595 Abbreviations

601

Index Nominum

603

Bibliography

627

List of illustrations

647

9

Preface

With the arrival in the mid-sixteenth century of Portuguese ships in Aomen, later renamed Macau, on the South Chinese coast and the nearly simultaneous settlement of the Jesuits in the city started one of the best documented episodes of intercultural meeting in history of mankind: the encounter between Late-Humanistic Jesuit culture in Europe, based on a rather uniform program of school education in the sign of Ancient Literature and Biblical Tradition on the one hand, and the Chinese culture of the Late Ming period, with a millennial tradition on the other. Almost irreducible to each other for the feelings of cultural superiority and exclusivity of both partners, there was between the Chinese and European culture in China but one element which facilitated some cross-cultural encounter, namely the similar place books, libraries, and learning held in both of them: in European Late Humanism and especially in the Jesuit Society, and in the Late Ming – Early Qing period, books and literacy held a central position, so that these could constitute, under some conditions, an element of mutual recognition and provide a means of communication. Recognized as such from the moment since the first Jesuits left Macau and entered the Chinese territory, with Michele Ruggieri in 1581 and Matteo Ricci as protagonists who arrived in Peking in 1600, the Jesuits systematically promoted in their letters to Europe books and learning, originally especially in the domain of astronomy and mathematics, as the ‘key’ to get access to the literati and the highest ranks of Chinese Society. Harking back to examples in Counter-Reformation Europe, they developed this approach into a real strategy of building libraries (‘Bibliothekenstrategie’), accompanied by an ‘Apostolate of the Press’, both deploying books, writing, and printing as the appropriate way of spreading Christian teaching as a extension of oral preaching, hindered in China by the complex linguistic stratification and the difficulty of the language. This linguistic factor, together with the long distance in space and time made the China mission the Jesuits’ ‘most difficult’ mission but, owing to the similar position of books and learning, it was also felt the most appropriate for them. These broad points are well known and described both in synthetic studies, part of them already ‘classic’ books, such as George Dunne’s Generation of Giants: The Story of the Jesuits in the Last decades of the Ming Dynasty (Notre Dame, Indiana, 1962) to Liam Matthew Brockey’s Journey to the East: The Jesuit Mission to China, 1579–1724 (Cambridge, Mass., 2007), and in an ever-growing series of monographs and detailed studies, and made accessible by reference works such as the Répertoire of Joseph Dehergne (Rome, 1973) and Nicolas Standaert’s Handbook of Christianity in China, Volume One: 635–1800 (Leiden, 2001) and online bibliographies. In the past years, I have extensively studied the role of science within the Jesuit mission of China, starting from the astronomical corpus of Ferdinand Verbiest,

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which culminated in my Ferdinand Verbiest and the Chinese Heaven (Leuven, 2003). Expanding this research into a quest for the Western sources of Verbiest’ work and, more broadly, of Jesuit science, scholarship and evangelization in China, that project led to a 3-volume study of the constitution, function, and holdings of Jesuit libraries in China in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in Libraries of Western Learning for China (Leuven, 2012; 2013; 2015). It is from these premises and against this background that this present study emerged. This book focuses on one of the earliest protagonists of this missionary method of evangelizing through ‘books and learning’ in China, Johannes Schreck (1576–1630). His surnames in Western and Chinese sources, such as Terrentius, Plinius, πολυμαθής (polymath) are revealing by referring to ancient naturalist and encyclopedic models, such as those of Varro and Pliny. In addition to this personal education and learning, he became also, as an associate on Nicolas Trigault’s tour of Europe as mission procurator (1614–18), the primary figure responsible for executing the ‘master plan’ Nicola Longobardo had elaborated in China to provide the early mission with the necessary bibliographical and technological instruments to fulfill their scholarly and apostolic mission. Born in Bingen in 1576, the private educational path and peregrinatio academica of Johann Schreck Terrentius had brought him, according to contemporary testimonies, to 40 different academies, including the Accademia dei Lincei in Rome and to private teaching of 12 different disciplines throughout Central Europe, including the cathedra Ramaea in Paris. Well acquainted with the trends and many of the chief protagonists of contemporary intellectual life in Central and Southern Europe in many different domains, from medicine-pharmacy-botany to mathematics-astronomy and encyclopedism, and devoted to books and instruments, he was the most appropriate candidate to realize the program brought to Europe by Nicolas Trigault, who did not have the necessary experiences and contacts for executing Longobardo’s scholarly program, and who was concentrating on the other parts of his diplomatic program, such as printing, collecting funds, seeking new candidates for the mission. The purpose of this project and this book was not primarily to offer a detailed, linear biography of Terrentius. I would rather focus on his intellectual background and his network of learned acquaintances, making a detailed analysis of his scholarly trajectory across Europe, from his early studies in Freiburg im Breisgau to his arrival in Rome (1610) and acceptance in the Accademia dei Lincei (3 May 1611), his entrance and education in the Society of Jesus (Nov. 1611–Summer 1615), and his subsequent ‘tour’ through Europe (1616–18) as the companion of Nicolas Trigault, this time with a missionary perspective. The latter stage involved collecting books and instruments, by purchase or donation, and re-activating his network of contacts in the European ‘res publica litterarum’ on behalf of the Jesuits’ scholarly program in the China mission, principally in Peking. The present analysis includes not only a reconstruction of the various stages and stops of his travels, and their precise timing, but also the identification of the people he met on this trek, or about whom he was indirectly informed. I also provide identification for the books and instruments he acquired during his travels. This part of the research (chap. 1, 2 and 3) brought many surprises, which were not unknown or only suggested or barely revealed in

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the previous existing literature. For instance: not only Rome, but also many other places on his route emerged for various reasons as important meeting points: such as Antwerp, Augsburg, Basel; Brussels, Kassel-Hesse, Louvain, Milan, Padua, Paris, Rheinfelden, Zabern (Saverne)-Strasbourg. And with regard to the book acquisition, his short visits to Antwerp in 1616–17 especially emerge as a major moment. I could identify among the main major scholars he met on this trajectory men such as Caspar Bauhin, Principe Federico Cesi, Giovanni ( Johann) Faber, Galileo Galilei, Felix Platter and François Viète, also well as other reputed personalities whose relation to Terrentius so far remained unremarked, such as the alchemists Oswald Crollius, Joseph Duchesne (Quercetanus) and Jacob Mosanus, the mineralogist Anselmus De Boodt, the mathematician Johann Faulhaber, the astronomer Johann Kepler, the encyclopedists Johann Heinrich Alsted and Rudolph Goclenius, Senior, the physicians Pierre de La Poterie (Poterius) and Cinzio Clementi, etc. Furthermore, the detailed screening of the evidence on Terrentius’s various skills (chap. 4) revealed several as of yet overlooked or unknown aspects, of which the Lullist-Ramist and encyclopedic one may be the most important. Looking for the rationale behind all these phenomena brings us to the multi-faceted intellectual personality of Terrentius. In addition, this research belongs both to the European cultural history, of which it elucidates several episodes and situations, and to the history of the China mission, by identifying a series of its intellectual ‘roots’ in an early phase of its history. By this focus, this book is different from its recent predecessors, especially: the monograph of Isaia Iannaccone’s, Johann Schreck Terrentius. Le scienze rinascimentali e lo spirito dell’Accademia dei Lincei nella Cina dei Ming (Napoli: Istituto Universitario Orientale, Dipartimento di Studi Asiatici, Series Minor, LIV, 1998, 147 pp.), which almost exclusively studies Terrentius as Lyncean, without considering his Central European background. More recently, a major publication on Schreck is that by Claudia von Collani and Erich Zettl (eds), Johannes Schreck-Terrentius SJ. Wissenschaftler und China-Missionar (1576–1630). Missionsgeschichtliches Archiv, Bnd 22, Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag, 2016. Although Zettl’s book opens on various aspects of the personality and work of Terrentius – also with several contributions on his Chinese period – his peregrinatio academica is barely analyzed, nor got the book prospect detailed attention, partly also because the Antwerp sources were unknown to the authors. Turning now our attention to our sources. The first nucleus of sources I used in the present study was Terrentius’s correspondence with Johannes Faber in Rome, including his autograph letters to Faber, and letters from Faber and other correspondents to him, all originally housed in the archive of Santa Maria d’Aquiro (P.zza Capranica) but now in the Biblioteca dell’Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei e Corsiniana (BANLC, Via Lungara), where it constitutes the Fondo Faber [Ill. 1]. This Fondo reflects Terrentius’s numerous and incessant travels, as well as his individual contacts roughly in the area between Milan, several German Courts, universities (“Athenaea”) in Freiburg-Strasbourg-Basel, Bonn, the Rhine valley (Bonn – Cologne), Liège and the rest of the Low Countries, and with (at the periphery) Rome, Madrid, and Lisbon. In 1936, Giuseppe Gabrieli (1872–1942), the librarian of the Accademia dei Lincei inventoried these letters and published the integral text of Terrentius’s letters from China in his article: ‘Giovanni Schreck Linceo, gesuita e missionario in Cina e le sue lettere dall’Asia’, in the Rendiconti

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dell’Accademia dei Lincei. Classe Scienze morali of 1936, while he extended this edition in Il Carteggio linceo with other letters, but mostly only partly, due to paleographical problems. Also in the volume of Erich Zettl and Claudia von Collani, a series of these letters are (again partiallly) translated in German. It was at the occasion of an on-site inspection in February and again in July 2013 that I discovered the exceptional wealth of data that these letters offered about Terrentius’s scholarly network. The correspondence places stress on personal names and book titles, and gives unusually detailed and dense descriptions of his activities – always overwhelmed (“obrutus”) as he was by “inquietudo”, that is, restlessness – during which the mission to China, and the approaching date of departure shows through, not only as a chronological terminus ante quem for his mission-related activities, but as the primary reason of his incessant feverish contacts and book search. Mostly, however, I was struck by the character of these activities and the types of books that Terrentius sought: I expected, extrapolating backwards from his activities in China to his preparations in Europe, a stress on botany, mathematics, and mechanics. Yet in his correspondence he appears very deeply involved in alchemy – even in its experimental aspects – and medicine. References and flashbacks to the immediately preceding period in his life – roughly between 1600 and 1615 – also revealed his intense contacts with, and physical presence at, European Courts, including that of Landgrave Maurice of Hesse-Kassel (1572–1632) and Rudolph II of Prague (1552–1612), undoubtedly among the major centers of alchemical investigation, if not of other para-scientific and even heterodox convictions and practices, as well as that of Leopold, archduke of Austria and bishop of Strasbourg (1586–1632) in Zabern (Saverne) near Strasbourg. These visits served as a prelude to Terrentius’s visit to the Court of the – recently deceased – Ernest of Bavaria (1554–1612) and his successor, Ferdinand of Bavaria (1578–1637), first in Bonn, shortly afterward in Cologne and Liège, where Terrentius also engaged in the same type of alchemical (or proto-chemical) interests and activities, described with here-to-fore unrevealed details and names. To be sure, not all of these contacts are easily identifiable. The Fondo Faber letters – which simultaneously mention titles of books on mechanics and botany, but none on religion and preaching – show how Terrentius the (ex-)Lyncean continued to pursue his former interests after he joined the Jesuits, with an as-of-yet unrecognized emphasis on alchemy or chymistry. To be sure, this alchemical bent was in connection to pharmacy and medicine. In addition to some other loose archival findings (in Brussels, Graz, Mainz, Munich and Rome), the second substantial – and completely unexpected – source of evidence I found in the account books of the Plantin Workshop (“Officina Plantiniana”) in Antwerp, now Museum Plantin Moretus) spanning the period of Jan II Moretus (1576–1618), grandson of Christophe Plantin (d. 1589). Records exist with precise daily annotations for books sold to and paid for by Nicolas Trigault, including detailed lists of the book titles, and a synoptic account of the payments, for a total of more than 1,900 florins (costs for binding, transport, etc. included). These acquisitions, accompanied by some discounts and gifts, were mainly made on 7 and 9 December 1616; but the same accounts show that the pair of priests continued to make acquisitions until shortly before they left Lisbon. By their nature, the annotations in the account book are the strongest possible evidence that the books were not only desired, but were

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also indeed acquired, meaning that they can be expected to be among the Trigault books still in Peking and described in the Catalogue of Hubert Verhaeren (1949). As we will see in the following pages, however, things were far more complicated. In addition to these archival sources, I have also considered the extant books, namely the ‘heritage’ of the former Jesuit and Lazarist libraries in Peking, confiscated about 1950 and now kept in the Beitang collection of the National Library in China and described in the aforementioned Verhaeren catalogue. In this analysis, I will have the occasion to show how these letters contain direct information on the background, origin, and provenance of particular titles. My comparison suggests a direct link between Terrentius’s activities in the period 1616–17 and the books with the inscription Missionis Sinensis, found on a series of 75 items, preserved and recognizable as such in the Beitang collection. In his masterly description of the Beitang collection in 1949, Hubert Verhaeren had already suggested a relation between this group of books and Terrentius; the comparison with the letters in the Fondo Faber only proves that this connection is direct and, if not complete, at least valid for the majority of the items. Finally, this group of books – which does not bear the physical features of the so-called ‘Trigault books’, such as the bindings of Horace Cardon of Lyon and the coat of arms of Pope Paul V – and other items, which seem to have lost these characteristics in the later history of the library, are clearly also different from the Trigault-Terrentius books due to their contents. As such, these books can be recognized as a separate group, and can be attributed to his personal initiatives, reflecting his own interests and selection and realized during this second part of their tour, adding a particular flavor to the collection as a whole, which is recognizable in (pre-1618) printed books on alchemy – iatro-chemistry, mineralogy, balneology, botany, medicine and pharmacy, less on mechanics and mathematical sciences. That all these books arrived with Terrentius in the ‘Portuguese’ residence (later college) of Peking is a consequence of his personal actions within China, about which we are informed by five surviving letters in the Fondo Faber, published by Gabrieli in his 1936 article. When in Peking, these books constituted the reference works for his activities, and the source of new compositions. Unfortunately our sources do not inform us very well about the source texts. More specifically the whole collection of books on alchemy left, to my knowledge, almost no reported impact in China. Terrentius relied primarily on his books on mechanics for his Chinese publications, taking them as the model for his technological descriptions, culminating in the influential Qiqi tu shuo (1627), and some other titles on anatomy (Tai xi ren shen shuo gai: betw. 1620–25), mathematics (Da ce, 1629; Ba xian biao, 1635), and astronomy (Ce tianyue shuo, 1628; Zheng qiu sheng du biao, 1629). After Terrentius’s untimely death in 1630, it seems that most of the interest in alchemy and medicine dissipated among the Jesuits in China, as they turned their attention to calendrical topics and astronomy. It is only with Ferdinand Verbiest’s 1685 letter to General Charles de Noyelle – more than fifty years after Terrentius’s death – that we once again hear that the medico-pharmaceutical library had not been updated, and he tried to link up with the medical interest of Terrentius through the acquisition of new medical and pharmaceutical books, as I demonstrated in my article in East Asian Science Technology and Medicine of 2011.

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This book was prepared not only during a series of visits to the Biblioteca Corsiniana and intense work on the autographs, but also during a series of presentations, which gave me the opportunity to verify some points and to obtain new information. These presentations occurred, listed here in chronological order, in 2014 (18 March) in Paris –L’Observatoire, in the series of Conferences: ‘Qu’appelle-t-on les débuts de la science classique? (Michel Blay & Michela Malpangotto); 2016 (12 May) in Liège, Institut Confucius, on the invitation of Robert Halleux; 2016 (26 October) in Rome, Università La Sapienza, Istituto di Studi Orientali (Federico Masini); 2016 (18–19 November) in Beijing, Beijing Foreign Studies University (Zhang Xiping); 2017 (September) in Naples, Istituto di Studi Orientali (Luisa Paternicò); 2019 (9 May) in Bamberg, Universität, Neuere Geschichte (Mark Häberlein). I express my gratitude to all of the organizers and participants of these meetings; I owe them a great deal for their knowledge and inspiration. Such a project is only possible thanks to the logistic and moral support from various categories of people. First of all I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Dr Marco Guardo and Dot.ssa Susanna Panetta of the Biblioteca dell’Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei e Corsiniana (BANLC: Rome) for the outstanding way they have supported me during several short research visits to the library and a series of consultations afterwards. A special thanks I owe to Liam Matthew Brockey (Michigan State University), who thoroughly revised the English text and to Ugo Baldini (Università di Padova), who has read through the entire text in an earlier version, and offered a series of suggestions and additional information; to both I owe also much support and friendship. To Robert Halleux (Université de Liège – Académie Internationale d’Histoire des Sciences) I owe not only the very first encouragement to take on this investigation and a series of suggestions after reading through the text, but also the acceptance of this book in the prestigious series De Diversis Artibus (Brepols). I am also very thankful to the peer reviewers, both of the series De Diversis Artibus and of the Universitaire Stichting van België. Most important was the financial support of the International Academy of History of Science, the Universitaire Stichting van België, and the Research Foundation - Flanders (FWO) (research project of N. Standaert, Sinology KU Leuven). Finally, I owe to the competences of Dr Erik Goosmann, cartographer (Mappa Mundi Cartography, Utrecht), the five original maps, which illustrate Terrentius’s two European journeys and his stay in Rome. Many other people should be mentioned here for their part in the realization of this research, and this book, by communicating information, or discussing various aspects or topics. Among them I would mention in particular (in alphabetical order): Pieter Ackerman (Director of the F. Verbiest Institute, Leuven); Stefan Birkle (Fürstlich und Gräflich Fuggersches Familien-und Stiftungsarchiv, Dillingen); Wolfgang Blaschke (Archiv Schloss Herdringen); Hartmut Broszinski (Kassel); Mauro Brunello (Archivum Romanum Societatis Jesu, Rome); Andre Buob (Staatsarchiv, Basel); Angelo Cagnazzo (Cancelliere dell’Accademia dei Lincei, Rome); Michèle Chevresson (Archives de Strasbourg); Laura Chiarotti (Nobile Collegio chimico farmaceutico, Rome); Wolfgang Dobras (Stadtarchiv, Mainz); Adrianus Dudink (KU Leuven); Benedicta Erny (UB

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Basel); Christian Fornwagner (Tiroler Landesarchiv); Irene Gaddo (UNIPMN, Vercelli); Maria de Fátima Gomes (Biblioteca da Ajuda, Lisbon); Christian Hogrefe (Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel); Dirk Imhof (Museum Plantin Moretus, Antwerp); Franz Karg (Fürstlich und Gräflich Fuggersches Familien-und Stiftungsarchiv, Dillingen); Antonino Lo Nardo (Palermo); Hein Maassen (KB Nationale Bibliotheek, Den Haag); Heinz Mathys (Staatsarchiv, Basel); Birgit Meyenberg (Staatsarchiv, Sigmaringen); Francesco Piovan (Università degli Studi, Padua); Rafal T. Prinke (Eugeniusz Piasecki University, Poznan); Michaela Scheibl (UB Graz); Nicolas Standaert (KU Leuven); Margreet Vos (KB Nationale Bibliotheek, Den Haag); Arthur V. Weststeijn (University of Utrecht); Gudrun Wolfschmidt (Universität, Hamburg); Zhao Daying (National Library of China, Peking). Last but not least, I must gratefully refer to the many periods of hospitality, offered during this research by the Academia Belgica (Rome). Noël Golvers Leuven – Rome October 2020

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Ill. 1. Typical sample of an autograph letter of Johannes Terrentius: letter to Johann Faber, of 6.04.1616: F.F. 414, f. 526v. / 1069: characteristics are: the mixed language (Latin-German), an economical use of the space; varied topics. (Courtesy: BANLC)

Chapter 1

The European ‘Tour’ New Episodes, and Additional Evidence

1.1. The prelude: Terrentius’s academic Wanderjahre (c. 1590–1610): from Freiburg to Rome Nicolas Trigault, a Douai-born Jesuit (1577) who had left Europe for China in 1607, returned in 1613–14 from China to Europe as the official procurator of the Chinese Mission, and the Chinese Vice-Province in preparation,1 seeking funds, new recruits for the mission, a companion for the return voyage to China (socius), and, above all, advanced instruments and books for Jesuit libraries to be established in China.2 After the first phase of his tour, during which he visited (among other places) Augsburg, Spain and Rome and collected a first part of books from Pope Paul V (1615–16), the so-called Bibliotheca Pontificia,3 he began the second part of his European itinerary when he left Rome in early May 1616. Edmond Lamalle reconstructed this part of Trigault’s travel on the basis of his own autograph report, written in Brussels on 2 January 1617,4 and, in 1938, after Gabrieli published his inventory of the Fondo Faber,5

1 On the process of creating the Chinese Vice-Province and the part Trigault had in it, see, among others, F. Margiotti, Il cattolicismo nello Shansi dalle origini al 1738, Roma, 1958, pp. 57–58, and my edition of: Ferdinand Verbiest, Postulata Vice-Provinciae Sinensis in Urbe proponenda. A Blueprint for a renewed SJ mission in China, Leuven, 2018, passim. 2 The books acquired and now partly preserved in the National Library of Peking are inventoried in Hubert Verhaeren, Catalogue de la bibliothèque du Pé-t’ang, Péking: Imprimerie des Lazaristes, Pékin, 1949. H. Verhaeren was the last librarian of the Beitang collection in Peking (1860–1949), in which the former Jesuit libraries had been resumed, as Verhaeren describes in his Introduction; see also my Libraries of Western Learning for China. The circulation of Western books between Europe and China in the Jesuit mission (ca. 1650 –ca. 1750), Leuven, 2012.2013.2015. His inventory was finished just before the Maoist troops entered Peking, and the regime confiscated the ecclesiastical properties. 3 Described by Trigault in a letter, only preserved as a mid-eighteenth century transcription made in Macau: see JA 49-V-5, f. 160r–171v (31 December 1615), more precisely on f. 169. Cf. also below. 4 Published in 1940, with rich commentaries, by E. Lamalle, ‘La propagande du P. Nicolas Trigault en faveur des missions de Chine (1616)’, in: AHSI, 9, 1940, pp. 49–120. 5 This Fondo Faber was before in Santa Maria dell’Aquiro (Piazza Capranica, Rome): see G. Gabrieli, ‘L’archivio degli Orfani in S. Maria in Aquiro e le carte di Giovanni Faber’, in: Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria, 51, 1929, pp. 1–19 (with a list of the names of the senders and addressees); R. Morghen, ‘L’archivio storico dell’Accademia dei Lincei’, in: Rendiconti dell’Accademia dei Lincei. Cl. Scienze Morali, serie 8, vol. 30, 1975, pp. 257–261. The Fondo is now in the Biblioteca dell’Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei e Corsiniana (BANLC). A preliminary repertory was made by G. Gabrieli, ‘Giovanni Schreck Linceo gesuita e missionario in Cina e le sue lettere dall’Asia’, in: Rendiconti dell’Accademia dei Lincei, Classe delle scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, ser. VI, vol. 12, fasc. 5–6, 1936, pp. 462–514. This is now replaced by a complete and precious inventory made by A. Mercantini, Inventario del Fondo Johannes Faber della Biblioteca dell’Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei e Corsiniana, 2013 (https://www.lincei.it/sites/default/

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Henri Bernard integrated the data from this source.6 A further reading and combining with a series of other contemporary sources enables us, however, to bring a series of new episodes and aspects to light. Contrary to the original intention of Trigault, not Johann Adam Schall von Bell, SJ (1592–1666) – a Cologne-born young Jesuit candidate still in his formation period7 – but Johann Schreck, known by his Latin monicker Terrentius was designated as his companion for this second ‘tour’ (1616–18) and his return journey to China.8 This happened against the background of Terrentius’s agitated academic curriculum and a peregrinatio academica which had spanned 10 to 13 years during which he visited c. 40 universities and colleges.9 This peregrinatio was far from a common one, as during



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files/documenti/Archivio/Archivio_Faber_12–2014.pdf). On the general contents of these Faber letters, especially as testimonies of contemporary cultural life in Rome, see: G. Gabrieli, ‘Vita Romana del ‘600 nel carteggio inedito di un medico tedesco in Roma’, in: Atti del 1° Congresso Nazionale di Studi Romani, vol. 1° (Roma, 1939), pp. 813–827. The Terrentius letters – most of them in filza 415 – were (partly) published by Gabrieli in his Carteggio Linceo, Parte 1 (anni 1603–1609), Parte II (1610–1624) in: Atti della Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Anno CCCXXXXV, 1938, Serie sesta. Memorie della Classe di Scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, vol. VII, Roma, 1938, reprinted in 1996 (Roma: Accademia dei Lincei). This edition offers, however, an incomplete transcription, with intentional omissions, publishing only “cio che si riferisce direttamente o indirettamente ai Lincei o alla loro cerchia” (ibid., p. 565). The documents of the Fondo Faber in the Biblioteca Corsiniana (BANLC) contain the number of the file (415, 416 etc.) and the folio (f. x); in my references, I use for the passages from file 415 – the large majority – only the folio number; this is followed by a second number, which is that of the photographical cliché, mostly accessible online. H. Bernard, ‘L’encyclopédie astronomique du Père Schall’, in: Mon.Ser., 3, 1938, pp. 49–55. Apparently with some other items of another provenance, unfortunately without giving archival indications: see, among others, his reference to a Terrentius-letter from Valenciennes, dated 20 February 1617 (art. cit., p. 57). The basic data on Schall are in: Joseph Dehergne, Répertoire des Jésuites de Chine de 1552 à 1800, Rome, 1973, pp. 241–242; the basic biography still is: Alfons Väth (rev. C. von Collani), Johann Adam Schall von Bell SJ. Missionar in China, kaiserlicher Astronom und Ratgeber am Hofe von Peking 1592–1666, Nettetal: Steyler Verlag, 1991. It is not clear who took the initiative for this selection, and there is no application letter (Litterae Indipetae) of Terrentius known to me. See the testimony of Johann Faulhaber in Ulm, whom Terrentius repeatedly visited when he was in the area: “Joannes Terrentius, qui tredecim annis, quemadmodum ab ipso certior factus fui, quadraginta Academias necnon liberalium artium causâ totam ferme Europam, semper me praetereundo visitans peragratus erat” / ‘J. Terrentius, who in 13 years, as I heard from himself, wandered through 40 academies and through entire Europe for the ‘liberal arts’, always visiting me when passing by’ (cf. J. Faulhaber, Mathematici Tractatus duo (…), Frankfurt, 1610, p. 36). On the place of this academic travelling in Early Modern European intellectual and university history see, among others: D. Julia & J. Revel, ‘Les pérégrinations académiques, xvie–xviiie siècles’, in: D. Julia, J. Revel & R. Chartier (eds), Les universités européennes du xvie au xviiie siècle, vol. II, Paris, 1989, pp. 33–106; H. Ridder-Symoens, Universities in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge, 1995, pp. 416–448; M. Asche, ‘”Peregrinatio academica” in Europa im Konfessionellen Zeitalter. Bestandsaufnahme eines unübersichtlichen Forschungsfeldes und Versuch einer Interpretation unter migrationsgeschichtlichen Aspekten. Jahrbuch für europäische Geschichte 6 (2005), pp. 3–34; R. Babel and W. Paravicini (eds): Grand Tour. Adeliges Reisen und europäische Kultur vom 14. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert. Beihefte der Francia 60, Thorbecke, 2005; M. Leibetseder, Die Kavalierstour. Adlige Erziehungsreisen im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert. Beihefte zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 56 (Köln 2004); J.Stagl, A History of Curiosity: The Theory of Travel 1550–1800. Studies in Anthropology and History 13, Chur, 1995. Interesting for Terrentius’s case is a comparison with the reports of the academic journeys of O. Sperling and J. A. Strobanus, on whom see infra.

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Map 1. Terrentius’s first academic & missionary tour (c. 1590-1610).

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this period he was teaching private courses in 12 different disciplines (according to his friend Schoppe10), probably for earning money; he was ‘distilling’ at many places, especially at German Courts; he was practicing medicine, even when he apparently tried to remain ‘incognito’, in order to not loose, by too many consultations, too much time for his research;11 he gave demonstrations of his mnemotechnical capacities (see chap. 4.10), and occiasionally he ‘learned’ (“didici”) something.12 All this made him very well fit to collect appropriate books, and in May 1616 Trigault entrusted this aspect of his procuratorship to Terrentius: “In Italia, Gallia, Germania, Belgio libros conquisivi, adhibito ad eam rem socio meo rei librariae bene perito, de quo scripsi anno superiore medicum esse et mathematicum, etc.” ‘In Italy, France, Germany (and) Belgium I have acquired books, by using for this purpose my associate, who is very well acquainted with librarianship, the man on whom I wrote last year that he was a physician and a mathematician, etc.’.13 When Terrentius leaves Europe as a Sinipeta in the Spring of 1618,14 he was a ‘homo factus’, driven by particular motives and the impetus of a scholar. Even when maybe an atypical Jesuit missionary, he is highly illustrative for the history of the China mission in this early phase and its methods (the ‘strategy of libraries’ [‘Bibliothekenstrategie’], for example), and his extensively documented, book-related preparations illuminate in a unique way the assembling of Jesuit scholarly libraries in China. Born in 1576 in Bingen (“Bingensis”), in the diocese Constance (“Constantiensis”), Johann Schreck begun his studies as a fourteen-year old boy in Freiburg im Breisgau as an artista of the local university.15 The precise details on his academic promotion

10 G. Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/1, p. 354. 11 See G. Schoppe’s remark in Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/1, p. 529: “Sed non vult quemquam scire quod sit medicinae doctor, nam si consulatur, negat se salvâ conscientiâ facere posse quin medicinam faciat. Sed hoc si faciat, se a studiis avocatum iri prospicit” / ‘But he does not want that one knows him as a physician, because – if he is consulted – he says he cannot in good conscience refuse to give medical support. But if he would give this support, he foresees being called away from his studies’. How busy and successful, but also time consuming this kind of (iatro-)medical practices were, Terrentius knew from his friend Johann Friedrich Eggs in Rheinfelden / Basel (chap. 2.1: s.v.), and also Faber lost a lot of time by his official and semi-official commitments. As such, Terrentius’s journey through Europe – with a ‘hidden’ medicinal agenda – differs from many other ‘peregrinationes medicae’; such as those of Felix Platter and Laurentius Gryllus (Grill), described, e.g., by A. Cunningham, ‘The Bartholins, the Platters and Laurentius Gryllus: the ‘peregrinatio medica’ in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries’, in: O. P. Grell, A. Cunningham & J. Arrizabalaga (eds), Centres of Medical Excellence? Medical Travel and Education in Europe, 1500–1789, Abingdon, 2010, pp. 3–16. 12 “Didici”: ‘I have learnt’, unfortunately without precise object, concerning his stay in Liège (f. 512r / 1040) and in Louvain (f. 506v / 1029); in Madrid and (probably) in Lisbon, on the contrary, he didn’t learn anything (f. 527r / 1070). 13 Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 95. 14 Sinipeta is a less current variant of the more common Indipeta: ‘traveller to China’ or ‘to the Indies’ respectively: I use it here with regard to Terrentius, as he defines himself by this epithet in his letter of 23 December 1618 to Johann (Reinhard) Ziegler, published by H. Walravens, in: China Heute, XXIII, 2004, p. 236. 15 See Terrentius’s matriculation in: Hermann Mayer, Die Matrikel der Universität Freiburg i. Br., von 1460–1656. I Bnd., Freiburg i. Br., 1907, p. 648 (No. 38): “Joannes Schreck Bingensis dioeces(is) Constant(inensis) 19 Dec. (1590)”; see for this period especially E. Zettl, Johannes Schreck-Terrentius. Wissenschaftler und China Missionar

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were discovered by Erich Zettl: on 14 January 1594 he became baccalaureus, on 9 January 1596 magister, in the medical faculty.16 The milieu of the medical faculty in Freiburg during these years was – after a partly aborted didactical ‘modernization’ proposed, among others, by Jacob Mock(ius), whom Terrentius mentions in his letters (cf. chap. 2.1: s.v.) – characterized by some innovations in the didactical style and praxis, such as visits at the sickbed of the patient, anatomical dissection sessions, and botanical excursions.17 Professor Mock may have been one of Terrentius’s professors, as a tertiarius, later a secundarius. Unfortunately we don’t know the program of the academic years 1592 (when Johann Schreck was mentioned among the “petentes pro stipendiis”) and 1596. Yet, an analysis of Mock’s prolific correspondence with his colleagues Theodor and Jacob Zwinger, Felix Platter and Caspar Bauhin, all in Basel, reveals his interest in botanical and, especially, medical topics, including Paracelsian ones: therefore, Paracelsian topics may have circulated also during his instruction period in Freiburg. After Freiburg, his academic curriculum continued in Basel, starting after May 1598,18 with Felix Platter (from 1571 ordinary professor of theoretical medicine) and Caspar Bauhin (from 1588, chair of anatomy and botany). In Basel, Platter, Bauhin and Zwinger etc. introduced the “lebendige Empirie” (‘living experience’) as didactical method superseding the ancient medical culture based on traditional authorities [Ill. 2].19 This certainly had influence also on Terrentius’s education and later practice. These studies were followed by a first trip to Rome, which Terrentius took in February 1600.20 The date of this visit coincides precisely with the jubilee, which (1576–1630), Konstanz, 2008, pp. 12–16; id., Johannes Schreck-Terrentius, p. 29; as Zettl, pp. 41–42 assumed, Terrentius will in 1596 have been promoted in the ‘medical’ section, and could use from then on the title magister; this title was usually conferred as a ‘Doctor’s’ title in the Faculty of Arts, not in that of medicine. 16 E. Zettl, Johannes Schreck-Terrentius, pp. 41–42. 17 See especially E. Seidler & K.-H. Leven, Die Medizinische Fakultät der Albert-Ludwigs Universität Freiburg im Breisgau. Grundlagen und Entwicklungen. Freiburger Beiträge zur Wissenschafts - und Universitätsgeschichte, NF, Bnd. 2, München, 2008, p. 62 ff. 18 H. G. Wackernagel (ed.), Die Matrikel der Universität Basel, II Bnd., 1532/3–1600/01, Basel, 1956, p. 476 (No. 126): “Maius 1598: magister Johannes Schreck Bingensis”; not in Zettl. Terrentius was preceded there in the previous year 1597/98 by Johann Friedrich Eggs(ius) of Rheinfelden, his ‘alter ego’, whose path Terrentius often will cross during his European preparation period: see ibid., p. 451 (Julius 1597: “Johannes Fridericus Egs Reinfeldensis, stud(uit) Med(icinae)”). Of other episodes attributed to Terrentius I have so far not found any documentary confirmation, and these might be owing to confusion with some homonyms. This was apparently the case with his study with the Jesuit mathematician Christophorus Clavius in the Roman Collegium Germanicum, as Clavius to my knowledge never taught in the German College – which was not a regular teaching institute anyway. The same doubts exist for his alleged studies in Altdorf (Walravens; Wendt), as his name is missing from the matriculation lists of that University: see E. von Steinmeyer, Die Matrikel der Universität Altdorf. 2ter Teil. Register, Würzburg, 1912. 19 For the historical developments inside the medical faculty of the Basel University, see R. Thommsen, Geschichte der Universität Basel, 1532–1632, Basel, 1889, pp. 207–265, more precisely p. 221 ff. 20 Only known from a reference in a letter from Christian Schmid(e)lin / Schmidlin(us) of 14 February 1600 (f. 620r / 1261): “Salvum te et incolumem Romam advenisse ex tuis ad Fridericum nostrum datis lubenter intellexi” / ‘To my great joy I have learned from your letter to our (friend) Fridericus that you arrived safe and well in Rome’. “Fridericum nostrum” was Johann Friedrich Eggs, medical student in Freiburg (Br.) and Basel (1596/7; cf. infra sub 2: Eggs).

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Ill. 2. A sample of the herbarium of Felix Platter, one of Terrentius’s professors in Basel (1598/1599); see further chap. 2.1: Platter and 4.3. From: Burgerbibliothek Bern (ed.), Lea Dauwalder & Luc Lienhard, Das herbarium des Felix Platter. Die älteste wissenschaftliche Pflanzensammlung der Schweiz, 2016.

Pope Clement VIII organized in the beginning of 1600, when three million pilgrims visited the holy places,21 and one can guess this broad appeal to European Catholic intelligentsia was also the reason of Terrentius’s visit to Rome. In Rome had simultaneously also arrived the recently converted Gaspar Schoppe and Johann Faber. As Schoppe has been eyewitness of the auto-da-fé and the execution of Giordano Bruno on 17 February 1600 (i.e. only some days after the letter of Schmidlin), and both Faber and Schoppe were among Terrentius’s closest friends, we could even speculate, without too much imagination, that also Terrentius himself was present on the Campo dei Fiori. This first period of academic preparation was followed by some ten Wanderjahre, which we can follow – however incompletely – between c. 1600 and his entrance into the novitiate of the Society of Jesus in Rome on 1 November 1611. According to Terrentius’s retrospective interview with the novice master at the moment of his entrance, his ‘ramble’ had started contrary to his original intention, which had been already then to enter the Society of Jesus. But as an unexpected occasion presented itself, he accompanied a (unidentified) ‘Flemish’ friend to France and other countries, thereby postponing his entry into the order until his thirties:

21 F. Gligora, B. Catanzaro & E. Coccia, I Papi dei Giubilei, Roma, 1999, pp. 98–102.

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“Gio(vanni) Terrentio, gentilhuomo Suevo, il quale affettionatosi prima alla Comp(ag) n(i)a nostra di quello che presentialmente n’havesse nota(t)o, havendo di già finiti i suoi studi di filosofia e di medicina, propose con diliberata risolut(io)ne di voler essere della Comp(agni)a. In tanto offertasegli commoda occ(asio)ne d’andar in poco vedendo il mondo in comp(agni)a d’un suo amico fiamengo se n’ando in Francia con a(n)i(m)o di repatriare verso li 30 anni di sua età, e fra tanto con occ(asio)ni delli studii andarsi, trattando nelle piu celebri università di quelle parti, a me fece apunto…”.22 The reasons for his entry into the Society of Jesus will detain us at greater length below. Before that moment, he criss-crossed through academic Europe, both Catholic and reformed, mainly in German Central Europe. This period he spent as an ‘apprentice alchemist’, but also as a iatrochemist and a mathematician, who spread during his journey Viète’s algebra, for instance in Ulm (with Johann Faulhaber), in Wittenberg (with Lucas Brunn) and in Italy, as a ‘second Viète’ (sic Brunn). That his tour had also a hidden agenda – using scholarship and spectacular public presentations as a means of propaganda for the Roman Catholic religion in reformed countries – appears in our Terrentius sources only marginally, especially with regard to Marburg and probably also Rostock. These and other observations need a more detailed survey of this multifaceted peregrinatio. A first step in his travels after this stay in Rome brought him to Paris, where he was active in the circle of the old mathematician François Viète (1540–1603). From a letter of Giovanni Antonio Magini, after a personal meeting with Terrentius in Bologna (cf. below), we know that the young scholar stayed a rather long period (“un buon pezzo”) with Viète. The terms of his presence are indicated (a) by the fact he was in February 1600 still in Rome (cf. supra) and therefore arrived probably only about the middle of 1600 at the earliest in Paris, missing by this a meeting with another Viète supporter, Marino Getaldić; (b) by his presence at Viète’s death bed on 23 February 1603.23 This periodisation – and the presence of magister Terrentius in Paris anyway – is further confirmed by his course at the Cathedra Ramaea in August 1601. This was a ‘private’ or ‘parallel’ chair of mathematics, which was instituted in 1576 at the Université de Paris with a legacy of Pierre de la Ramée (Petrus Ramus, d. 1572).24 We primarily know this from one autograph reference by Terrentius on the (non-autograph) manuscript of a course he taught there, namely De Meteoris, a 22 For this text, see ARSI, Rom. 161, I, f. 391v. 23 Magini to Clavius in November 1604 (APUG 530, f. 197r–198v), written after the visit of Terrentius to the former: “Son stato visitato da un Tedesco che si chiama Sr. Gio(vanni) Terrentio, il quale è stato un buon pezzo appresso il Vieta e anco quando morisse si trovo di lui, e dice d’havere tutti i suoi scritti eccetto pero il suo Astronomico il quale è restato in mano de’ suoi heredi (…)”. 24 On this chair, see A. Tuilier, Histoire de l’Université de Paris et de La Sorbonne, T.1. Des origines à Richelieu, Paris, 1994, pp. 396–397. One of the necrologies of Terrentius, written in 1630 ( JS 129, f. 384r–385r) speaks of Terrentius’s studies at the Paris University: “Despois de graduado na universidade de Paris em Philosophia e medicina…”; as there is no other information on this, I suppose the author – writing from China – confused Terrentius’s regular studies at Freiburg university with his later presence in Paris.

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Ill. 3. Frontispiece of Terrentius’s course ‘de meteoris’, with autograph title inscription (Paris, August 1601). The rest of the text is transcribed by at least two different, other hands; one of the copyists may have been Georgius Nigrinus (al. Schwartz) von Krempe (Holstein), who matriculated together with Terrentius at Rostock University in 1606 (see note 772). The reference to ‘Dano regi’ reflects the period of the Danish occupation of Rostock in 1618-1619: this suggests that the manuscript with the transcription was still in the area in this period, and was not kept by Terrentius himself. It is unknown how in the 19th century Paolo Volpicelli (1804 – 1879) – who donated it to the new Accademia dei Lincei – acquired it. (Courtesy: BANLC; provenance: Arch. Linc., 1, f. 12r.)

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course on meteorology, of which the original version dates to August 1601,25 and which includes also a chapter “de Cometis”26 [Ill. 3]. Even though the circumstances of his teaching are not wholly clear, Terrentius’s presence at this ‘extra-curricular’ chair seems significant, especially in reference to his ‘Lullist’ or ‘Ramist’ activities (to be discussed infra: cf. sub 4.10) and his contemporary preference for anti-academic or at least para-universitary contacts. In addition, Gaspar Schoppe confirms that he taught, on daily basis, private courses in 12 different disciplines, to earn money.27 The reality of these courses is confirmed by Terrentius’s autograph inscription made in Paris, in February – March 1602 in the album amicorum of Samuel Naeranus [Ill. 4], once (“olim”) one of his students (“alumnus”).28 Which domains his courses covered

25 The manuscript is now in Rome, BANLC, Ms. Arch. Linc. 1, f. 12r–29v: cf. P. O. Kristeller, Iter Italicum, vol. VI. (Italy III and alia itinera IV), 1992, p. 15. The transcription was made in Rostock, apparently during Terrentius’s presence there (see note 57)); afterwards it arrived, through unknown ways, in the library of the Accademia dei Lincei: see the reference taken from the old inventory of the Accademy’s library in the so-called ‘Schede Fogheliane’ (seventeenth century), published by G. Gabrieli, in: Contributi, I, p. 282 [52]; cf. note 1928. The autograph inscription on top of the transcription runs as follows: “Meteorologica tractatio, in qua omnia physicè, mathematicè, historicè, praesertim vero logicè examinantur tum analyticâ tum syntheticâ methodo, Parisiis in cathedra Ramaea publicè a me proposita et explicata. Anno 1601, mense Augusto”. This inscription clearly speaks about courses publicly – not privately (cf. infra) – proposed and propounded by Terrentius (“a me”), while J. Renn and M. Schemmel, ‘Das Aufeinandertreffen’, pp. 305–327 speak about “Vorlesungen…besuchte” (‘attended’). One could also assume that this was one of the courses with which Terrentius participated to the ‘contest,’ which was prescribed as an element in the selection of the candidates for the Ramus chair; the only inconvenience for this assumption is the date, namely August, as these contests were normally organized about Easter (Corn. De Waard, Correspondance du P(ère) Marin Mersenne, IV, 1634, [Paris, 1955], p. 102). Another question concerns the duration of this term, since this normally spanned three years. Unfortunately the evidence for this chair in the transition period between the sixteenth and seventeenth century is not complete, nor completely clear: see, among others especially L. A. Sédillot, Les professeurs de mathématiques et de physique générale au Collège de France, Rome, 1869, who does not mention Terrentius. 26 When preparing this course, Terrentius relied on an extensive bibliography which represented the traditional Aristotelian doctrine: see for more details chap. 4.5. 27 G. Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. Jaitner, I/1, p. 354) speaks in these cases of ‘private’ teaching and a fee: “quo modo Parisiis quotidie duodecim diversarum scientiarum acroases privatim faciendo lucrum haud paenitendum fecisset”. The remarkable number of “12” appearances in religious, mythological, and other contexts (from the 12 star signs through the 12 Apostles and the 12 works of Hercules to the Lex Duodecim Tabularum in Rome 451/450 bc.) seems always to refer to a (cosmic, spiritual or other) excellence, fulfillment or completeness, which may also be the underlying idea behind Schoppe’s enumeration of Terrentius’s works. 28 This inscription I found in the album amicorum of Samuel Naeranus (1582–1641), now in the Koninklijke Bibliotheek / Royal Library of The Hague (Precious Books: shelfmark 74 H 21): http://www.europeana. eu/portal/record/92065/BibliographicResource_1000056113225.html. On Samuel Naeranus and his album, see S. J. Visser, Samuel Naeranus (1582–1641) en Johannes Naeranus (1608–1679), Hilversum, 2011, pp. 190–192; ch. 2.1, s.v. Naeranus. The inscription, signed in Paris (“Lutetiae”), between 19 February and 20 March (16)02 by Johannes B. Terrentius Schreckius Suevus is a distich, of which the 2nd line refers to Seneca’s Letters to Lucilius. This is also the first example to my knowledge of the use of his Latinate name (schreck = terror > Terr-entius); as it was not yet mentioned in the matriculations of Freiburg (1590) and Basel (1598), he may have adopted it during his Paris years. Another oddity in this inscription is the initial of the second name ‘B.’, an absolute unicum in the Terrentius sources; it should obviously be solved as “Baptista”. This particularity does not give reason to think that another namesake is meant: external confirmation comes probably from Terrentius’s Chinese name, since 1623: Yu Han, which is

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Ill. 4. Terrentius’s inscription in the album amicorum of his former student, the Dutch theologian Samuel Naeranus (Paris, spring of 1602); for commentaries on the inscription, and the reference to Seneca, Epist. ad Lucilium, 2, 2, 3, see chap. 1.1 note 28; 2.1: Naeranus, and 5. (Courtesy: Den Haag, KB H 24)

we don’t know: apart from meteorology, they treated in all probability also ‘medical’ contents, traditional (‘Hippocratic-Galenic’) as well as Paracelsian (‘spagyric’) ones, as in 1604, only one year after Terrentius left Paris, Schoppe refers to his teaching in both domains.29 Four months after the death of François Viète, we find Terrentius in Lyon, on the usual route to the South, in his case to Italy and Padua, to continue his study, taking with him a series of manuscripts of Viète (see chap. 2.1: Viète). The fact that he left Paris, with its strong university tradition and culture for Padua is at least remarkable, and the reason may probably be sought, on the one hand, in the academic atmosphere at the medical faculty of the Paris university of the time, which was severely Galenist

almost unique in Chinese as well, and which may be a programmatic adaptation of an original Chinese name *Ruo han, which is, according to the current concordances between Chinese Christian names and the Saints of the Calendar the equivalent of Johannes Baptista (opposite to, for instance, Ruo Wang, for Johannes Apostolus et Evangelista). I owe this onomastic remark to a kind communication of Ad Dudink. 29 Gaspar Schoppe, in his autobiographical Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/1, p. 296: “Johanne Terrentio polyhistore, qui omnes mathematicarum disciplinarum et philosophiae partes, ad haec…medicinam, tam Hippocraticam quam spagiricam (…) in compluribus academiis docuerat” / ‘J. Terrentius, ‘polyhistor (or polymath), who had taught in many academies / universities all the parts of mathematical sciences and (natural) philosophy; in addition (…) medicine, both the Hippocratic and spagyric (or chemical) one’.

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and characterized by strident polemics against alchemists,30 and on the other hand in his intention to perfect his professional skills.31 In Lyon, he met Philip Schad, member of the family Schad von Mittelbiberach in Ulm, during a meeting of which the circumstances and the true character (a casual meeting? a didactical encounter?) remain obscure, and he signed, on 12 June 1603 his album amicorum, again as Terrentius Suevus32 [Ill. 5]. Probably through Marseille and Genoa, Terrentius arrived in Padua, where he matriculated on 1 July 1603 in the Faculty of Arts (Schola Patavina).33 Although on 4 November 1603 the courses at Padua started,34 he visited shortly before 12 November Giovanni Antonio Magini in Bologna,35 matriculated in Siena on 26 November,36

30 On this episode see especially D. Kahn, Alchimie et paracelsisme en France à la fin de la Renaissance (1567–1625), Genève, 2007, and especially the 4me partie, ch. 4.1 (pp. 353–409): ‘Les premières grandes querelles autour de l’alchimie (1597–1620)’. I did not find any clear echo of this confrontation in Terrentius’s sources, although several of the dramatis personae of this conflict are represented in his book selection, especially the anti-Paracelsian Jean Riolan (cf. Verhaeren, no. 2595, a non-polemic book, of unknown provenance) and the Paracelsians Joseph Duchesne (al. Quercetanus; cf. Verhaeren, nos 1491–1492, both from the Trigault books) and Reneaulme. 31 For the reasons why so many foreign students visited the Padua university, see M. Rippa Bonati, in: AA.VV., Harvey e Padova. Atti del Convegno celebrativo del quarto centenario della laurea di William Harvey, Padova, 21–22 novembre 2002, Padua, 2006, pp. 231–234. 32 Philip Schad, born in 1578 in Ulm (see chap. 2.1: Schad) had a ‘reformed’ profile, as he had been in Marburg in 1601 (where he published, with Johannes Goeddaeus De sponsalibus et matrimonio assertiones juridicae ex utroque jure descriptae, Marburg: Egenolph, 1601) and arrived in Lyon, in all probability coming from Genève, where he was still on 13 December 1602 matriculated: cf. Le Livre du Recteur de l’académie de Genève (1559–1878), vol. 6, p. 121. Terrentius’s ‘Stammbuch’-inscription is now in Stuttgart, LB Württemberg, Cod.Hist. 2° 888–924, 27v The text runs as follows: (in the margin, in another hand) “Terrentius alias Schreck / Johannes”; the autograph inscription: “ilissimo humanissimoque Viro Domino / Philippo Schad in sui memoriam lub(ens) / meritoque ponebat Lugduni 12 Junii a(nn)o / (1603) Joannes Terrentius alias Schreck Suevus πάμφιλος” (‘beloved of all’ / ‘friend of all’). 33 His matriculation in Padua is published in: Lucia Rossetti, Matricula Nationis Germanicae Artistarum in Gymnasio Patavino, 1553–1721, Padova, 1986, no. 1074. The inscription runs as follows: “Joannes Terrentius alias Schreck Suevus, solutis solvendis, nomen suum adscripsit 1 Iulii anno Gratiae 1603”; the eighteenth-century commentary of these matriculations by the later compiler A. I. Hirneys in 1721 adds to this annotation: “Peripatetus Proteus. Pro tempore agit Romae Jesuitam (;) 1613 in Japonem (!) concessit” (the qualification ‘peripatetus’ does certainly not refer to Terrentius’s Aristotelian sympathies, but to his ‘wandering’ career; also Proteus as an academic (?) surname may refer to his intellectual versatility and capacity of assuming many different profiles). Terrentius’s studies in Padua thus spanned at least the academic year 1603–1604. 34 The academic year in Padua was officially opened on the celebration of Evangelist Lucas, but the courses really started only early in November: M. Rippa Bonati, in: AA.VV. (eds), Harvey e Padova. Atti del Convegno, Padua, 2006, p. 236. 35 APUG 530, f. 197r/v.; cf. U. Baldini – P. D. Napolitani (eds), Christoph Clavius. Corrispondenza. Ed. critica, no. 214: “Son stato visitato da un Tedesco che si chiama S.or Gio: Terrentio, il quale è stato un buon pezzo appresso il Vieta et anco quando morse si trovò da lui et dice d’havere tutti i suoi scritti eccetto però il suo Astronomico il quale è restato in mano de’ suoi heredi. Se questo virtuoso arrivar a à Roma visitara V. S. la prego à persuaderlo che faccia stampare queste fatiche del Vieta. che se bene ha errato nel Calendario, ha però nel resto scritto fondatamente”. 36 Cf. Fritz Weigle, Die Matrikel der deutschen Nation in Siena (1573–1738). Bnd. 1, Tübingen, 1962, p. 165, no. 3612: “Joannes Terrentius alias Schreckh (sic) Svevus 26 Nov(ember) ½ sc(udo)”. Here he must have met Francesco Pifferi (1548–1612), professor of mathematics between 1594 and 1611, who later, in April 1611 was

29

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Ill. 5. Terrentius’s inscription in the album amicorum of Philip Schad (von Mittelbiberach), made in Lyon on 12 June (1603): the year of the inscription is derived from the chronological sequence of this fragment in the Stammbuch (the preceding document is dated: 11 Junii 1603), now in the Württembergische Landesbibliothek in Stuttgart; for the context of the meeting and the inscription, see chap. 1.1 (note 32) and 2.1: Schad. (Courtesy: Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliotek. Provenance: Stuttgart, WLB, Cod. hist. 2° 888-24, 27v.)

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and passed to Rome to meet the ageing Clavius.37 Returning to Padua, he followed the courses of the academic year 1603–04. In Padua, as in other Italian universities, ‘artes’ and medicine were structurally linked.38 The courses of mathematics were taught by Galileo, who explained in that academic year: “lib(rum) de Sphaera et lib(rum) Elementorum Euclidis”, which was a rather conventional matter.39 Yet, it looks rather doubtful whether Terrentius was a ‘regular’ student of Galileo, as he was in November 1603 in Bologna (with Magini), Siena and later in Rome, and also in June 1604 he was for one month in Rome, as I will show below. Equally doubtful is, whether he was still on the spot in December 1604 when Galileo gave his three lectures on the “stella nova” (i.e. nova) appearing in October of that year.40 This could have become a decisive incitement for the young anti-Aristotelian scholar. In any case, I don’t know any reference in his letters to Galileo as his own teacher. After all, the evidence on Terrentius’s apprenticeship with Galileo is indirect and uncertain.41

37

38

39

40

41

with Terrentius on the Monte Gianicolo, when Galileo demonstrated his celestial observations with the telescope: see below, chap. 1. For the general scientific context in Siena when Terrentius passed by in 1603, see, among others, Danilo Marrara, Lo Studio di Siena nelle Riforme del Granduca Ferdinando I, Milano: Giuffrè, 1970; Filippo Camerota (ed.), I Medici e le Scienze: Strumenti e Macchine nelle Collezioni Granducali, Firenze: Giunti, 2008; Jonathan Davies, Culture and Power: Tuscany and its Universities, 1537–1609, Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2009. Although Terrentius had been in Rome already earlier, in February 1600 (cf. supra), from the phraseology of Magini’s aforementioned letter it emerges that this was his very first meeting with Clavius. During the meeting the subject of conversation will have been Viète, but certainly also the polemic between Viète and Clavius concerning the Gregorian calendar, which had been finished eight months before Terrentius’s visit with the condemnation of Viète’s calendar by Pope Clement VIII (17 March 1603). C. S. Maffioli & L. C. Palm, Italian scientists in the Low Countries in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, Amsterdam – Atlanta, 1989, p. 37; see the graphic p. 50/51). Schreck / Terrentius’s name is not mentioned in the (very selective) lists of Volker Klimpel, ‘Deutsche Medizinstudenten in Padua’, in: Medizinische Ausbildung, 11.2, 1994, pp. 169–175 (who confirms that Galileo was indeed on the program of students of medicine: p. 171). For the philosophical method developed in Padua until the late sixteenth century, see, for instance, J. H. Randall, The school of Padua and the emergence of modern science, Padova, 1961. On the 1603 program: A. Favaro, Galileo Galilei a Padova. Ricerche e scoperte, insegnamento, scolari, Padua, 1968, pp. 111–114; on Galileo’s mathematical teaching in Padua, see the assessment of A. Carugo, ‘L’insegnamento della matematica all’università di Padova prima e dopo Galileo’, in: Storia della cultura veneta. Il Seicento, 4/II, Vicenza, 1984, pp. 151–199, and especially pp. 186–192, and P. F. Grendler, The Universities of the Italian Renaissance, Baltimore & London, 2002, pp. 416–418. One year before Terrentius arrived in Padua Petrus Holtzemius (al. Holtzeim) – shortly later the private physician of the Roman Emperor Rudolph II – as well as William Harvey studied there, but both left Padua at the end of 1602; direct fellow students were Caspar Hofmann (1572–1648), Galenist and one of the most learned physicians of his time; Jean Prévost (1585–1631), later professor in Padua and head of the Hortus Patavinus (mentioned in a letter of Vogler to Faber); Georg Grembs, physician from Bamberg, later an acquaintance of Terrentius in Munich (1616–17) and Adrianus Spighelius from Brussels, who later visited Enrico Corvino in Rome. For students of some years later (Sperling; Strobanus) and their student notes, see below. See Maria Laura Soppelsa, ‘Galilei a Padua’, in: I secoli d’oro della medicina. 700 anni di scienza medica a Padova, Modena, 1986, pp. 76–77; Massimo Bucciantini, Galileo e Keplero, Torino, 2003, p. 116 ff.; W. Shea, ‘Galileo and the Supernova of 1604’, in: M. Turatto, S. Benetti, L. Zampieri and W. Shea (eds), 1604–2004. Supernovae as Cosmological Lighthouses. ASP Conference Series, Vol. 342, 2005, pp. 13–20. For a similar conclusion with regard to William Harvey and his relation to Galileo in Padua in 1602–1603, see W. Pagel, Le idee biologiche di Harvey. Aspetti scelti e sfondo storico, Milano, 1979, pp. 19–20.

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Ill. 6: Orto Botanico in Padua. Established in 1544/5; the first keepers – after the founder Luca Ghini (1490 - 1556) – were Luigi Anguillara (since 1546), Guilandinus (al. Wieland) (since 1561); Giovanni Antonio Cortusi (since 1590), Prospero Alpini (since 1603) and Jean Prévost (since 1616), all of them indirectly linked with Terrentius’s background. (Internet: Orto_dei_semplici_PD_01)

As for the medical courses: in the academic year 1603–04 the following professors – ordinarii, primarii and others – were involved in the instruction and may have been Terrentius’s teachers: Aemilius Campilongius / Giulio Campolongo (“Theorica ordinaria Medicinae”: textbook: Libri Aphorismi); Eustachius Rudius / Eustachio Rudio and Hercules Saxonia / Ercole Sassonia (“Practica ordinaria Medicinae”; textbook: Libri de febribus); Girolamo Fabrizio d’Acquapendente (anatomy and particular tumors); Prosper Alpinus / Prospero Alpini (Simplicia; textbook: Lib. 6 of Dioscorides “in quo agitur de venenis et de feris venenatis”); the same was also appointed “ad ostensionem simplicium” (demonstrations in the local botanical garden?); Antonius Niger (reading of the 2nd fen of canon 1 of Avicenna: “de morbis, causis morborum et symptomatibus, de pulsibus et urinis”); Johannes Minadous / Giovanni Tommaso Minadoi; Alexander Vigontia (Vigonza) and Johannes Petrus Peregrinus (extra-ordinary practicum of medicine); Andreghetus Andreghetius (reading of the 3rd book of Avicenna: “de morbis cutaneis”). Of all these, some were certainly excellent specialists, such as Prospero Alpini for foreign botany (De Plantis Aegypti Liber, Venice, 1592) – responsible as well for the local Orto botanico [Ill. 6] – Girolamo d’Acquapendente as an anatomist, Eustachio Rudio, a poly-publicist, and Ercole Sassonia. To my knowledge none of them left any echo in Terrentius’s later writings, but some are represented in his book selection, namely Alpini (nos. 771–772–773, of

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which only 772 – and probably 771 which is bound with it – stems from the Trigault library) and Eustachio Rudio (nos. 2633 and 2634, both from the Trigault collection). It may surprise that no titles of d’Acquapendente are available, nor any reference to him is known in Terrentius’s works, while two anatomical titles of Julius Casserius – the opponent of the ‘old’ master – are extant (Verhaeren, nos 1229–1230): does this mean any positioning of Terrentius in this sharp conflict in the medical faculty? It is probably neither by fortune that precisely in 1604 – the year Terrentius visited the courses – Casserius again received permission to give private courses.42 It is possible to approach closer still to the contents of the courses Terrentius attended – assuming that he followed them regularly, which is far from certain – thanks to the college notes a Dutch medical student made c. 1607, first in Louvain and then in Padua, i.e. only some three years after Terrentius. This student is Johannes Augustus Strobanus from The Hague, and his notes are now in the Ratsbücherei of Lüneburg.43 In June 1604 – at (or before?) the end of the same academic year, during which he probably also visited Venice44 – Terrentius left Padua45 and spent one month in Rome, when he apparently lived in a house rented by Gaspar Schoppe.46 After this Terrentius commenced a tour through German universities. During this ‘tour’ he certainly passed throug Kassel (with Landgrave Maurice & the alchemists Jacob Mosanus and Joseph

42 On this conflict Acquapendente – Casserius: A. Riva, etc., ‘Iulius Casserius (1552–1616): the Self-Made Anatomist of Padua’s Golden Age’, in: The Anatomical Record, 2001, pp. 168–175. 43 Shelf mark: Ms. Miscell. D 2° 9, 189 ff.; see the description – and the names of almost all the professors of the 1603–1604 program – in: Handschriften der Ratsbücherei Lüneburg, vol. 3, Wiesbaden, 1981, p. 20. 44 The only certain evidence of Terrentius’s presence in Venice – where he was simultaneously with Camillo Gloriosi – cannot be situated during the period 1603–04, as Gloriosi arrived from Naples in Venice only in 1606 (U. Baldini, DBI, 57, 2001, p. 421); therefore this meeting will have taken place at the end of his European tour, when he returned late in 1609 or early in 1610 to Italy; see below. 45 At an unknown moment in 1604 but probably at this occasion Terrentius offered three books to the library of the German nation in Padua: cf. A. Favaro (ed.), Atti della nazione Germanica artista nello Studio di Padova (Monumenti storici pubblicati dalla Reale Deputazione Veneta di Storia Patria, 20), Venice, 1911–12, vol. II, p. 218; this donation may mark the end of Terrentius’s Paduan period. The books were: Adovardo Gualandi, De civili facultate libri XVI (...), in quibus doctissime et luculenter universa de moribus philosophia explicatur (Rome, 1598); (Berardo Bongiovanni), Epitome in Universam D(ivi) Thomae Theologiam (Lyon, 1579); Antonii Bragadeni (al. Marcantonio Bragadin), De hominis felicitate libri VI vel de rerum varietate l. II de Republica et Legibus libri VI (Venice, 1594); the central point of interest behind these three titles seems to be (Aristotelian – Thomistic) moral philosophy; they have no visible relation with the courses he attended in Padua, but probably with the courses he had taught in Paris? 46 Gaspar Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/1, p. 296: “Venit ad me Christophorus Pflugius cum Johanne Terrentio polyhistore…atque hos duos toto mense domi meae hospites habui”; this was in the house he hired between October 1603 and July 1604 on the Pincio, near Trinità dei Monti. For the location of the successive houses Schoppe occupied during his stay in Rome, see: F.-Rutger Hausmann, Zwischen Autobiographie und Biographie. Jugend und Ausbildung des Fränkisch-Oberpfälzer Philologen und Kontroverstheologen Kaspar Schoppe (1576–1649), Würzburg, 1995, pp. 143–144. On the (separate) visits of Marino Getaldić and Schreck to Clavius, and their possible consequences for the study of Viète in Rome and Italy, see U. Baldini, in: M. Feingold (ed.), Jesuit Science and the Republic of Letters, Cambridge, Mass, 2003, p. 56.

33

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Duchesne / Quercetanus)47 and the nearby – and closely connected – Marburg (“Marpurgum”; late 1604 / early 1605);48 arriving through Frankfurt or Freiburg49 in Hamburg, at an unknown moment, where he visited an as-of-yet unidentified ‘friend’ and had to run for his life after having decoded his alchemical ‘secreta’ (1605–06);50

47 F. 525v / 1066 (1 May 1616): “Mosanus, Landgravii protomedicus (...) dum Cassellis cum Landgravio morabar magnus amicus et distillatorum primarius”. Terrentius’s stay in Kassel (al. Casselli) is one of the most revealing details of these letters, for its implications for the understanding of the spiritual and professional background of Terrentius’s pre-Jesuit life, since Kassel under Prince Maurice of Hesse-Kassel was a center of Protestant esotericism and alchemical experiments, including Rosicrucian influences As there are no external testimonies for this stay in Kassel, even its chronological setting is not clear, but it was certainly after the arrival there of Quercetanus / Duchesne in Kassel in 1604 (cf. 2.1, s.v.) – as Terrentius met him there (see chap. 2: Duchesne) – and before he returned to Rome in 1610. 48 Terrentius mentions several times Marburg in Hesse (“Marpurgum [Chattorum]”) and its inhabitants (“Marpurgenses”: f. 510r / 1036; f. 507v / 1031). Marburg University was a center of Protestant theology and a stronghold of Rosicrucianism: “De Societate illa Crucis Roseae coemi omnes libellos qui pro vel contra Francofurti extabant; ex illis nil aliud colligo nisi Marpurgenses quosdam velle toti mundo illudere” (f. 507v); cf.: “emi omnes libellos pro et contra sparsos, sed eos nondum legi; plane mihi persuadeo esse solos Marpurgenses (sic) et Cassellanos plura ficta intelligam ex D(omino) Schmidlin, affine D(omini) Eggsii ciarletani” (f. 679r / 1379). It was there that Petraeus and Alstein were teaching, and Petraeus’s Nosologia, Scarmiglioni’s De Coloribus and Quercetanus’s (or Duchesne’s) Tetras (cf. Verhaeren, no. 1492) were printed, the former two among Terrentius’s favorite books. As for the date of this visit: it is most logic to assume it occurred in the context of his stay in Kassel in late 1604, early 1605. His presence in Marburg (or Kassel?) is confirmed, in association with the old Rudolphus Goclenius (al. Göckel; d. 1628) by the theologian Balthasar Mentzer (1565–1627): see W. Zeller, Frömmigkeit in Hessen, Marburg, 1970 p. 115: “ein frembder ahnwesender Philosophus, welchen man Terrentium genennet” (quoted by Howard Hotson, Johann Heinrich Alsted: Between Renaissance, Reformation and Universal Reform, Oxford, 2000, p. 57, note 216); as this meeting happened before Balthasar Menzer, Sr. (1565–1627) was ‘dismissed’ by Maurice in 1606–07, this year becomes a ‘terminus ante quem’ for Terrentius’s stay in Kassel-Marburg. Another such indication offers a letter of an unidentified B. J. F. from Würzburg, dated 20 March 1605 (f. 631 / 1283) and addressed to “Terrentio amico meo in primis” (f. 632 / 1284) which refers to Terrentius’s sudden departure from Marburg (“Marpurgo”), without any explanation (“Minime necesse erat te causam dicere profectionis tuae”), followed somewhat later by the letter writer himself; March 1605 offers by consequence a second terminus ante quem for Terrentius’s Kassel – Marburg episode, to be combined with the aforementioned ‘terminus ad quem’, namely Quercetanus’s arrival in Marburg in late 1604. Terrentius’s stay there precedes with some years the rise of the medical faculty in Marburg in the period 1608–1620: see F. Krafft, ‘Das Zauberwort chymiatria – und die Attraktivität der Marburger Medizin-Ausbildung 1608–1620’, in: Medizinhistorisches Journal, 44.2, 2009, pp. 130–178. After his departure from Marburg Terrentius went in all probability to Frankfurt / Main, where Maurice of Hesse-Kassel met him, and invited him to return to Kassel, to teach “mathematica aut philosophiam”: see Gaspar Schoppe, Amphotides Scioppianae, Paris, 1611, p. 101. On the academic history of Marburg see, e.g. R. Schmitz, Naturwissenschaften an der Philips Universität Marburg, 1527–1977, Marburg, 1978. 49 See the address of the letter, mentioned in the preceding note (f. 632 / 1284): “Frankfurt oder Freiburg in Brisgavo (?)”. 50 Cf. Schoppe, Philotheca (K. Jaitner), I/I, p. 396: “Cum Archidux (Leopold V) ab eo accepisset se Hamburgi apud amicum diutile divertisse, qui quantumcunque vellet auri et argenti fabricare sciret, etc.”, where the anecdote on his ‘flight’ from Hamburg is told (see chap. 4.8). In this period (more precisely since 1600) the German alchemist Conrad Khunrath was active in Hamburg, but there is apparently no reference to Terrentius in his papers. Cf. Hans Gerhard Lenz (ed.), Der Alchemist Conrad Khunrath. Texte und Dokumente aus Leipzig, Schleswig und Hamburg mit Studien zu Leben, Werk und Familiengeschichte, Elberfeld: O. Humberg, 2006.

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Poland;51 Wroclaw / Breslau (early 1606);52 Prague (before September 1606);53 Basel (September 1606);54 Rostock (November 1606);55 Wittenberg (matriculated on 4 February 1607);56 Rostock, where happened another incident, this time with the Josephus  Justus Scaliger tifoso Ignatius Hanniel (April 1607);57 again Prague, with private courses and a series of interesting meetings, with, among others, Anselmus

51 Schoppe, Philotheca ( Jaitner), I/1, p. 354: “peragratis omnibus Galliae, Germaniae, Poloniae et Italiae aulis et academiis”. This visit to Poland – which cannot exactly be dated – certainly implied a visit to the Court of Zygmund III Vasa (1566–1632), who had strong alchemical interests. 52 See the letter of August von Anhalt-Plötzkau, written on 22 February 1606 from Oels / Olesnica [Lower Silesia], addressed: “am (…) besonderen lieben Johann Terrentio Germano…zu Breslau” (f. 653r / 1330). 53 See the references to a talk Barbara Pichler had with Terrentius in Prague in two of her letters from Breslau, of Sept. 1606: f. 637 and 638 (see the transcription in: E. Zettl – C. Von Collani (eds), Johannes Schreck-Terrentius, pp. 374 and 375). 54 See the addresses of 3 letters of Barbara Pichler, sent in September 1606 from Breslau / Wroclaw to Terrentius in Basel: cf. chap. 2.1: s.v. 55 See A. Hofmeister, Die Matrikel der Universität Rostock, II. Mich. 1499 – Ost. 1611, Rostock, 1891, p. 288, no. 22 (November 1606): “Ioannes Terrentius Suevus (i.e. from Swabia, not Sweden)”. 56 B. Weissenborn (red.), Album Academiae Vitebergensis. Jüngere Reihe Teil 1 (1602–1660). Textband, Magdeburg, 1934, p. 55. There Terrentius met Lucas Brunn and Melchior Jöstel (see infra, 2: s.v.). 57 Despite his presence in the more than 300 km. distant Wittenberg in the month of February 1607 (cf. the previous note), the local historian, Professor Ignaz Hanniel(ius) refers, in a letter of 11 April 1607 to Joseph Justus Scaliger in Leiden, to the recent arrival and ‘nefarious’ (i.e. extremely wicked) activities of one Terrentius, trying to ‘influence’ the young people, and expelled after being beaten by Hanniel: “hîc ante paucos dies novimus nescio quem Terrentium, qui memoriae aliasque secretiores artes, nec non linguas exoticas magno cum juventutis concursu professus tandem pontificiam religionem clam sparsisse, et tui praesertim odium imperatorum animis aperte instillasse deprehensus fuit, quem ego postea plurimis, etiam e nobilitate, praesentibus ita depexum dedi, ut paulo post se ex hac universitate subduxerit, etc.”. (See Petrus Burmannus, Sylloges Epistolarum (…) Tomus II, Leiden, 1727, p. 372; now replaced by P. Botley & D. Van Miert, The Correspondence of Joseph Justus Scaliger, Genève: Droz, 2012, vol. VII, p. 130). That it is indeed Schreck Terrentius, and not one or other namesake we learn from a second letter of Hanniel to Scaliger, of 24 August 1607 (Botley & Van Miert, vol. VII, 259): “De Terrentio tanti non est ut repetam. Natione Germanus erat, Schreck dictus, inter Jesuitas eductus, fortasse et ipse Iesuita; etc.”; see further sub 2.1: Hanniel. There is by consequence no more reason to doubt on the identification of both Terrentii, as Howard Hotson, Johann Heinrich Alsted, p. 57 note 216 seems to do. On this incident, see also P. Galluzzi, The Lynx and the Telescope. The Parallel worlds of Federico Cesi and Galileo, Leiden-Boston, 2018, p. 57 (with emphasis on the counterreformational aspect of Terrentius’s behaviour). Finally, the aforementioned manuscript of De meteoris – which is the reflection of one of Terrentius’s Paris courses – has on f. 1 recto (f. 12r of the convolute) the indication “Rostoch” which may suggest Terrentius had taken this ms. with him when arriving in Rostock; on the identification of the transcriber “Nigrinus” see chap. 2.1: Nigrinus. A last inscription reads “Dano Regi” (‘to the Danish King’); it probably refers to the period of the Danish occupation of Rostock in 1618–48, under Christian IV, King of Denmark-Norway and Duke of Holstein & Schleswig (1588–1648), long after Terrentius left Rostock. See on this episode: D. H. Hegewisch, Schleswigs und Holsteins Geschichte unter dem Könige Christian IV u.d. Herzogen Friedr. II, Philipp, Joh. Adolph u. Friedr.III oder von 1588–1648, Kiel, 1801.

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de Boodt, Oswald Crollius and Jacob Alstein (1607);58 Basel (September 1607)59 probably until the Spring of 1608, when he had a meeting with the young Johann Heinrich Alsted (c. March 1608);60 Bavaria, especially Munich (1608);61 Augsburg

58 Cf. f. 525v / 1067 and f. 679v / 1380. For Terrentius’s second visit to Prague, the year 1607 is almost certified, as this was the only year in which his three private pupils were simultaneously in Prague, namely Cardinal Franz Seraph von Dietrichstein, the Bishop of Vercelli, the papal nuncio Ferrero and Wacker von Wackenfels (cf. his letter of 15 September 1611: F.F. 420, f. 81 / 0176; cf. 2: s.v.); at any rate, it was before the death of Crollius (before 21 December 1608, although this date seems to be uncertain: see: R. J. W. Evans, Rudolf II and his World: a study in intellectual history 1576–1612, London, 1997, p. 142), as Terrentius had apparently spoken there with him, as well as with the ‘old Anselmus’, i.e. in all probability Anselmus Boëthius de Boodt, whom he calls: “mihi(que) familiaris”. From a certain point onward Johann Kepler (1600–12) and Jacob Alstein (1575–after 1620) were also living in Prague, at Rudolph’s court, and may therefore have been among Terrentius’s direct contacts during his stay. By contrast, other court figures whom he mentions by name were already dead, and he would have known them only indirectly, such as Tycho Brahe (d. 1601) and Edward Kell(e)y (d. 1597). The information on Terrentius’s teaching in Prague confirms again his didactical impetus, already abundantly manifested during his Paris period; this didactical engagement speaks also of a certain prestige and presupposes at least a stay of some duration. A visual souvenir of his visit to Prague is his reference to the bridge on the Moldau (Prazsky Most), which he reminds, in 1621 when in China, together with the Steinerne Brücke on the Donau in Regensburg: cf. Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 499: “Recordabar tunc pontis Pragensis et Ratisbonensis” (comparing them to the bridge of Suzhou). 59 The presence of Terrentius in Basel on the Kalends of September (i.e. 1 September) 1607 is derived from the ‘incipit’ of a letter by Lucas Brunn of 1608 (f. 652r / 1325), referring to the arrival of a Terrentius letter “elapso anno Basileae Kal(endis) Sept(embribus) scriptae”. That this (undated) letter was written in 1608 is proven (a) by the reference to Zubler’s publication on his geometrical instrument in 1607 “anno elapso typis evulgatum” (‘published one year ago’), and (b) by the reference to the observation of the lunar eclipse observed ‘elapso anno,’ i.e. the lunar eclipse of 13 May or 25 August 1607. 60 See a reference to this meeting in Johann Heinrich Alsted, Clavis Artis Lullianae, Strasbourg, 1609, p. 148/149 (“Methodus divisiva: II”): Tot genera sunt definitionum, quot sunt species quaestionum sive regularum. Memini Joann(em) Terrentium magni // nominis Lullistam mihi Helvetiam peragranti anno 1608 dicere, se daturum centum cuiusque rei, etiam puncti, definitiones”. W. Michel, Der Herborner Philosoph Johann Heinrich Alsted und die Tradition, Diss. Frankfurt/Main, 1969, p. 19 note 6 suggests an identification with a physician from Tübingen, Johann Gerhard Terrentius, author of a Panacea hermetica seu medicina universalis Raimundi Lullii. The arguments for an identification with the Jesuit Terrentius are to my opinion much stronger than those against: for his ‘ars generalis’ and his ‘ars memoriae Raimundi Lullii’, and other aspects of his encyclopedic and didactic work, see infra, sub 4.10; especially his ‘Ramist’ past (in Paris) and his involvement in Lull’s revival must have raised Alsted’s interest and admiration (as expressed in the aforementioned letter), because he himself was looking for a combination of Lullist topical art of memory and Ramist topical logic. On Alsted: see, among others, Howard Hotson, Johann Heinrich Alsted, 1588–1638, Oxford, 2000; P. R. Cole, A neglected educator: Johann Heinrich Alsted. Translations etc. from the Latin of his encyclopedia, Sydney, 1910. This meeting happened in all probability in Basel, in the first months of 1608, when Alsted was a student there, at least until March 1608: see Howard Hotson, Johann Heinrich Alsted, p. 12; a letter of Johann Piscator referring to the young Alsted in Basel in March 1608 is in Basel, UB, MS G I, 60, f. 316. The actual Beitang has two books of Alsted (nos. 774–775), but none of them with a visible relation with the Terrentius-Trigault layer. 61 G. Schoppe, Philotheca (ed Jaitner), I.1, p. 395.

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(Winter 1608 / April 1609);62 Ulm (May 1609);63 Ingolstadt, and its surrounding area.64 Only his alleged stay in Naples in 1608 with Faber, mentioned by Gabrieli,65 is problematic, since it would be incompatible with his continuous stay in Germany in that year about which we have reliable data. In fact, the passages quoted by Gabrieli speak only of a dispatch of Ferrante Imperato to Faber and Terrentius, the former staying at that moment in Rome, the latter, I suppose, in Bavaria; other testimonies with regard to the Naples Jesuits by members of the Accademia dei Lincei could all be explained by correspondence.66 After these journeys through Central Europe, which Terrentius later called his “septentrionalische Reise”,67 he returned to Italy and Rome (1609–10), in all probability through Venice. This was the context of his first meeting with Giovanni Camillo Gloriosi – who himself had arrived in Venice only in 1606 – and probably also with Antonio Santini: see Gloriosi’s reference to this meeting in his letter of 24 April 1610: “(…) quaedam mihi desunt ex Vietaeis lucubrationibus (…) necnon septem variorum libri, quos omnes, dum unâ Venetiis essemus libere te habere confessus es” / ‘of Viète’s investigations some I am missing (…) as well as the books on seven various (topics), which – as you confessed to me, when we were together in Venice – you could all

62 For the entirety of 1608 he was apparently occupied with alchemical experiments: “Iam totum annum [1608] in distillendo et capiendis arcanorum suorum experimentis consumpsit” (Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/1, p. 529). Late in October 1608, Matthias Rader, SJ reports from Augsburg to have received a visit from J. Terrentius: see P. Matthäus Rader, Die Korrespondenz mit Marcus Welser, 1597–1614, Bnd. 2, Munich, 2009, p. 318 f.; 321. On 4 May 1609, when Terrentius was still in Augsburg, he was invited by Schoppius to come to Graz, through Munich and Salzburg; the letter (published by K. Jaitner, Schoppe, I/1, p. 582) refers to the Benedictine Abbot Johann Christoph II Wasner (1592–1615) in Mondsee, who was an excellent physician and in all probability had some features of the Lapis Philosophicus; nothing of this is mentioned in the contribution of Joseph Strobl, ‘Joh. Christoph II Wasner – Abt von Mondsee (1592–1615)’, in: Jahrbuch d. oberösterreichischen Musealvereines, 145a, 2000, pp. 105–144. I have no proof that Terrentius indeed accepted the invitation. A visit was planned from Augsburg to Ingolstadt: see f. 519 / 1054. 63 K. Hawlitschek, Johann Faulhaber 1580–1635. Eine Blütezeit der mathematischen Wissenschaften in Ulm, in: Schriftenreihe der Stadtbibliothek Ulm, Band. 18, 1995, p. 79. Johann Faulhaber, Rechenmeister (reckoning master; municipal calculator) in Ulm, reports indeed that, during his peregrinations over the preceding 10 to 13 years, Terrentius passed by in Ulm and visited him repeatedly: “Joannes Terrentius, qui tredecim annis, quemadmodum ab ipso certior factus fui, quadraginta Academias necnon liberalium artium causâ totam ferme Europam, semper me praetereundo visitans peragratus erat” (cf. J. Faulhaber, Mathematici Tractatus duo (…), Frankfurt, 1610, p. 36) [Ill. 7]. 64 From Augsburg a visit was planned to Ingolstadt: see f. 519 / 1054. 65 Gabrieli, Carteggio, pp. 154–155 (note 2). 66 See infra, 2, s.v. Imperato (Ferrante), Giambattista Della Porta, Nicola Antonio Stigliola and Tommaso Campanella. 67 This according to Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/1, p. 529) in 1608: “Er sagt, er habe so viel diengs in seiner septentrionalischen Reiss gelernet, dass er nicht umm vieltausend gulden gebn wolt”. This recalls the “Fructus itineris ad Septentrionales” of the Lincean Heckius (ms. now in Montpellier, Bibliothèque interuniversitaire, H 505: Alessandrini (Ada) Cimeli Lincei a Montpellier, in Indici e sussidi bibliografici della biblioteca, 11, Academia Nazionale de’ Lincei, Roma, 1978, pp. XV, XVI, 65, 68–73, 208–210, 288–289; Tav. XIX–XXVI.

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Ill. 7. Joh. Faulhaber, Miracula Arithmetica, Augsburg, 1622, p. 63, with below a reference to Faulhaber’s contact with the mathematician Johann Terrentius. The text runs as follows; “Den Modum dieses 65 Exempels hab ich vor etlich Jahren dem hochgelehrten und Vortrefflichen Mathematico Herrn Johann Terrentio / sc. (?) ehe er in das Königreich Chiena gereiset, gewisen / sc.”. (From: https://www.e-rara.ch/zut/wihibe/content/titleinfo/1038326); the original copy is in the ETH-Bibliothek Zürich, Rar 5217.

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freely have’ (f. 532 / 1080).68 This meeting may explain also why Terrentius, in the Spring of 1610, when he had arrived in Rome, all of a sudden received six letters from Venice, namely four from Gloriosi and two from Leonhardt Brunhart (who is in an unclear relation with this group), most of them dealing with Viète’s manuscripts, but also some other topics, including Paracelsiana. Other people he may have met there was Santini – although this is not proven –, Bernardino Rossi, the secretary of Fugger, and Agostino da Mula.

1.2. Rome (1610–15) 1.2.1. Terrentius and the scholarly scene in Rome69

This arrival in Rome was his fourth visit to the Urbs, after shorter sojourns in February 1600, November or December 1603 and July 1604, mentioned before. The precise date of his arrival is not known, but it was before 23 March 1610, when Johann Friedrich Fabri sent a letter from Constance to Terrentius, addressed in Rome: “Clarissimo Viro D(omi)no et Patrono meo observantissimo D(omi)no Joanni Terrentio” (f. 626r–627v / 1273–1276). This time Terrentius was a personal guest at the home of Johann Faber – with annex library and Musaeum – near (i.e. at the rear of) the Pantheon (see Ill. 8 and note 125), where he worked on the commentaries of the Tesoro Messicano [Ill. 9].70 Some years later, Faber refers to this sojourn, in rather 68 Later, when in China, he remembers the Ponte Rialto in Venice: see his letter of 30 August 1621 from Hangzhou, when comparing Suzhou to the Italian port city: “Totâ urbe navigatur fluviis, omnes plateas permeantibus; Venetias quis vocare posset (…) In toto hoc regno valde multi sunt pontes ex lapide quadrato praealti, sed unius tantum arcûs, instar illius qui Venetiis Rialto vocatur, etc.” / ‘Through the entire city one navigates over the waters, which are traversing all the city’s streets; one could call it Venice (…). In this entire Empire there are very many bridges, very high (and) built of square stones, but with only one arch similar to the bridge in Venice which is called Rialto’ (Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 499). 69 For a panoptic view on the cultural milieu of Rome in this period, see especially the contributions collected in: Antonella Romano (ed.), Rome et la science moderne. Entre Renaissance et Lumières (Collection de l’Ecole française de Rome, 403), Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 2008, and the monograph of Sabina Brevaglieri, Natural desiderio di sapere. Roma barocca fra vecchi e nuovi mondi (Collana: La corte dei papi, 31), Rome: Viella ed., 2019, which I have seen unfortunately when the very last version of my own book on Terrentius was almost finished. On the picture of Rome reflected by the Carteggio Linceo, see G. Gabrieli, ‘Vita Romana del ‘600 nel carteggio inedito di un medico tedesco in Roma’, in: Atti del 1° Congresso Nazionale di Studi Romani, vol. 1° (Roma, 1939), pp. 813–827. 70 See his personal testimony, in the chapter on ‘papaver’ in the manuscript of the Tesoro: “adnitente Cl(arissimo) Joanne Fabro Lynceo Bambergensi Simpliciario Pontificio, in cuius aedibus haec exarata fuerunt” / ‘with the support of J. Faber of the Lyncean academy, from Bamberg, responsible for the Papal ‘garden of simples’ (“simpliciarius”), in whose house these (designs) were made’ (Rerum Medicarum Novae Hispaniae Thesaurus, seu Plantarum, Animalium, Mineralium Mexicanorum Historia, Rome, 1651, p. 216). Confirmed ibid., p. 114: “Excellentissimus D(ominus) Ioannes Faber Lynceus, simpliciarius Summi Pontificis, collega et amicus meus singularis, in cuius aedibus & contubernio hi mei commentarii nati sunt” / ‘The Very Excellent Mr J. Faber, Lyncean, / simpliciarius (or: simplicista) of the Pope, colleague and particular friend of mine, in whose house and lodging these commentaries of mine were born’. On Faber’s library, see below chap. 2.1: Faber.

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Map 2. The main places of Terrentius’s activities and contacts in Rome.

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Ill. 8. Faber’s house “alle spalle del Pantheon” on the Roman map of Giovanni Maggi of the Rome of Urbano VIII (Rome, c. 1625); the houses at the rear of the Pantheon – among them Faber’s house – are clearly visible; also clearly visible is the “strada che va dalla Rotonda alla Minerva” (F.F. 423, f. 561); at one side of the Pantheon is the ‘campanile’, on top of which Marco Antonio Petilio lived in some rooms, where he kept the original manuscripts of Recchi’s transcription of F. Hernandez, especially also the original drawings; Terrentius, who lived in Faber’s house at the rear of the Pantheon, may have visited him many times. In the left upper corner of the map is the structure of the Collegio Romano, with the ‘(Via dell’) Annuntiata’, before the church of Sant’Ignazio (started 1626) which replaced the Santissima Annuntiata; the entire situation reflects the topography of the zone before c. 1625 and is almost simultaneous with Terrentius’s stay in the area. (See chap. 1.2, and note 125). (Courtesy: Universiteitsbibliotheek [Artes Library] KU Leuven: Tabularium, call number: 911.375 (45) roma-4)

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Ill. 9. One page from Terrentius’s Annotationes in the printed copy of Thesaurus Mexicanus, 1651, p. 88. It contains the Latin translation of Hernandez’s Spanish text, a copy of the original drawing, the textual annotation made by Terrentius (with a reference to a plant sent to Enrico Corvino, illustrating Terrentius’s personal acquaintance with Corvino and his garden: see chap. 1.2 and 4.3) printed in italics, to visually distinguish original text and additional commentaries, and in the margin the handwritten commentaries of Federico Cesi, made before 1630, and only in 1651 integrated in the edition. (From the copy in the Biblioteca Corsiniana: Arch. Lincei 31 (formerly Arch. Linc. 117) Rerum medicarum Novae Hispaniae Thesaurus…ex Francisci Hernandez…relationibus…a Nardo Antonio Reccho…collecta ac in ordinem digesta a Joanne Terrentio…notis illustrata; autograph of F. Cesi (see also: P.O. Kristeller, Iter Italicum, vol. VI, 1992, p. 153a). (Courtesy BANLC)

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dithyrambic terms, in the draft of a letter of 15 September 1611, that is, some weeks before Terrentius would leave the Accademia – and his house – where he apparently had lived for two years, with Faber supporting him in his medical studies: “(…) che da due anni in qua ho fatto tanto studio nella arte nostra medicinale che forse progresso potrei anco vantare sono servito in casa mia d’un valentissimo huomo della mia professione (et hora entrà nel noviziato di S(ant’) Andrea in Montecavallo con grande giubilo di quelli padri) chi ha visto tutta l’Europa, et è una arca di scienzie et in particolare dalli secreti di natura nelle piante et minerali; homo di 34 anni, chiamato Giovanni Terrenzio Allemanno; , chi anco in Praga è stato maestro dalle Sig(no)r(e) Cardinale Ditrichstein, Nuncio Apostolico di Vercelli et Sig(no)r(e) Wackero & altri (…)”.72 For this personal engagement of Faber, and Terrentius’s work on the Tesoro in his home, it is quite logical to assume it was also Faber who brought Terrentius in contact with Prince Federico Cesi (1585–1630) and his Accademia dei Lincei. The same can also be concluded from the fact that both were consecutively accepted and inaugurated as members in 1611, Terrentius more precisely on 3 May.73 During this half year of his formal membership, to which came an end when he entered the Jesuit novitiate on 1 November 1611, Terrentius continued and intensified his botanical work, annotating the manuscript Tesoro Messicano of Francisco Hernandez (1515–87).74 In addition, he found there also a receptive context, and a sounding board for his personal interest in Paracelsianism, medicine, chymistry, botany and mineralogy.75 Beyond this substantive aspect, there was also the organizational framework. He attended probably some formal sessions (“adunanze”) of the academy,76 but was especially present at some more informal meetings, namely: (a) the dinner Cesi offered Galileo at his arrival in Rome on 14 April 1611, followed by the latter’s demonstrations on the Gianicolo, and the discussion, one day later, on 15 April, with Galileo and Lagalla etc. on the “lapis lucens” (‘stone of Bologna’) and the nature of

71 Additional remark in the margin. 72 F.F. 420, f. 81 / 0176: J. Faber from Rome, on 15 September 1611, to an unknown correspondent. 73 See the autograph inscription in: G. Gabrieli, Contributi alla storia della Accademia dei Lincei, T. 2, Roma, 1989, Tavola XIV. 74 On the Accademia dei Lincei and its contribution to the Tesoro, see especially: M. E. Cadeddu & M. Guardo (eds), Il Tesoro Messicano. Libri e saperi tra Europa e Nuovo Mundo, Firenze: L. S. Olschki, 2013, and especially the contribution of A. Mottana, ‘Il Tesoro Messicano: il commento di Fabio Colonna (1628) e i contributi innovativi alle conoscenze mineralogiche’, ibid., pp. 175–241. 75 A tentative overview of most of the points of interest within the Accademia is to be found in: A. Battestini, G. de Angelis & G. Olmi (eds), All’origine della scienza moderna: Federico Cesi e l’Accademia dei Lincei, Bologna: Il Mulino, 2007. 76 On these sessions, see G. Gabrieli, ‘Verbali delle adunanze e cronaca della prima Accademia Lincea (1603–1630)’ in: Atti della Regia Accademia dei Lincei. Memorie della Classe di Scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, ser. VI, vol. 2, 1926, pp. 463–512; cf. Gabrieli, Contributi, I, p. 515 and n. 32: I thank Marco Guardo, Director of the BANLC for attracting my attention to this reference.

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light (cf. chap. 1.2 and 4.2); (b) a discussion with Cesi and Lagalla on the latter’s peripatetic positions with regard to the incorruptibility of the heavens, which took the whole day of 20 August 1611;77 we will return to these topics below; (c) whether Terrentius was also present during the session, organized for Galileo in the Collegio Romano in May 1611, I could not verify. Finally, he also participated, together with Prince Cesi, Giovanni Faber, Enrico Corvino and Theophil Müller (al. Molitor) in the botanical excursion on the Monte Giano or Gennaro on 12 October 1611, just before he left the Accademia [Ill. 10]; cf. 4.3.78 Through his active membership, he got also personal acquaintance with the Lincean colleagues in Rome: in his letters are especially coming to the fore Federico Cesi and Johann Faber (the latter accepted as a member on 29 October 1611), while other members are occasionally mentioned, such as Galileo (accepted 25 April 1611); Antonio Persio (accepted posthumously); Theophil Molitor (al. Müller, accepted

77 In fact it was the second attempt: on an earlier one on 23 July 1611, see Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 166, and B. Caredda, Aspetti e momenti del dibattito astronomico nella prima Accademia dei Lincei (1603–1616), Doct. Diss., Cagliari, 2008, pp. 122–123; for the meeting on 20 August 1611 see Cesi’s letter to Galileo in Carteggio, p. 171; on this discussion, during which Terrentius supported Cesi in his Galilean convictions, see infra sub 4.5. 78 See Cesi’s letter from Tivoli, of 21 October 1611: “L’haver tutti questi bei giorni minutamente visitato et ricerco il mio Monte di Giano qui vicino, con quatro eruditissimi botanici, ha cagionato che sin hora non ho potuto dar risposta alle sue gratissime” (Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 175). The report of the excursion and the inventory of the plants is in F.F., 420, f. 304r–299v (sic), and see the enthusiastic and almost literary description of J. Faber, in Animalia Mexicana, Rome, 1628, p. 503: “Apud hos fontes Albuneos ante XIV annos, dum magnam diei partem non sine dulci labore lustrandis eruendisque plantis cum Principe nostro… operam dedissemus, consedimus vespere et fracti membra labore Anticenio (i.e. antecenio) nos refocillavimus, Johannes Terrentius, Theophilus Molitor, Henricus Corvinus et ego, herbarum studio omnes addictissimi” / ‘Fourteen years ago, near the Sources of Albunea, after we had spent a great part of the day in surveying and routing out plants with our Prince (Cesi), not without sweet efforts, we set together in the evening and, broken by the efforts before the dinner, we revivified: Johann Terrentius, Theophil Molitor (Müller), Henricus Corvinus (De Raeff) and myself (Faber), all of us very devoted to the study of plants’. Cf. ibid., p. 670. The area they visited, passing from Tivoli through San Polo dei Cavalieri – where Cesi had a castello - is the so-called ‘Pratone’ (c. 1200 m. above sea level). The “Fontes Albuneae” represent an antiquarian reminiscence from ancient literary texts (Varro; Tibullus; Horace) and were situated ‘nell’area dell’acropoli (di Tivoli) prospiciente il fiume (Aniene)’ (C. Giuliani, Forma Italiae. Regio I, 7. Tibur. Pars Prima, Rome, 1970, p. 25). The Monte Giano (al. Gennaro) [Ill. 11] is currently called – with an artificial and antiquarian repristination – Monti Lucretili, referring to the Mons Lucretilis near to Horace’s Sabine farm (cf. Horace, Carm. I, 17, 1). For later excursions without Terrentius in the same area, see Carteggio, p. 365, etc. On this 1611 trip, which Terrentius attended just before entering the Jesuit novitiate, see: Fabrizio Cortesi, ‘Lincei a Monte Gennaro il 12 ottobre 1611’, in: Annali di botanica, 6, 1908, pp. 156–160 and G. Gabrieli, ‘Memorie Tiburtino-Cornicolane di Federico Cesi fondatore e Principe dei Lincei’, in: Atti e Memorie della Società Tiburtina di Storia e d’Arte, IX–X, 1929–1930, p. 230 ff.; G. De Angelis and P. Lanzara, ‘Due elenchi di piante osservate e raccolte dai primi Lincei a Monte Gennaro’, in: Annali di Botanica. Studi sul territorio, 48, 1985, suppl. 3, pp. 127–147; G. De Angelis, ‘”Januarium nostrum”. L’esplorazione botanica lincea di Monte Gennaro agli inizi del 17 secolo’, in: IV centenario di fondazione della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei: 1603–1630, Tivoli, Comitato promotore Parco naturale regionale Monti Lucretili – Museo naturalistico-preistorico, 2003, 114 pages. On the history and botany of the area: Monti Lucretili: Invito alla lettura del territorio. Un parco nazionale nel Lazio, a cura di G. De Angelis & P. Lanzara, Rome, 1980.

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Ill. 10. Botanical annotations, made by Faber with regard to the excursion on the Monte Giano (Gennaro); Terrentius’s name (“Joannes Terrentius Polymathes”) is on line 5; for a transcription, see: F. Cortesi, ‘Una escursione botanica dei primi Lincei a Monte Gennaro il 12 ottobre 1611’, in: Annali di botanica, 6, 1908, pp. 156 – 160; for identifications of the (pre-Linnean) names: G. De Angelis and P. Lanzara, ‘Due elenchi di piante osservate e raccolte dai primi Lincei a M.te Gennaro (M.ti Lucretili. Sabina meridionale, Lazio)’, in: Annali di botanica. Studi sul territorio, Suppl. N. 3, vol. XLIII, 1985, pp. 127 – 147. Cf. text chap. 1. (Courtesy BANLC: Fondo Faber, 420, f. 304r – 299v.: the pages are bound in the wrong sequence)

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Ill. 11. Monte Gennaro or (before) Monte Giano / Monti Lucretili. Top of the Monte Gennaro (Palombara Sabina – San Polo dei Cavalieri, 1,271 m.); during the excursion in Oct. 1611 also the ‘Fontes Albuneae’ near Tivoli were visited (see chap. 1.2: note 78): after the exhausting trip, the group took rest in Cesi’s palace in San Polo dei Cavalieri. This trip, to which Terrentius participated, should be distinguished from an excursion in the area of the Aquae Albulae, on the Via Tiburtina, in 1604, where Terrentius – at that time on his 1st European tour - was obviously absent. See note 540. From: Gilberto De Angelis (red.), Monti Lucretili, Parco Regionale Naturale: invito alla lettura del territorio, Comitato Parco Naturale Regionale Monti Lucretili, 2000. For Albunea and Aquae Albulae: see C.F. Giuliani, Forma Italiae. Regio I, vol. 7, Tibur. Pars prima, Roma: De Luca, 1970, pp. 24 – 25.

13 December 1611); Luca Valerio (accepted 7 June 1612). Indirect contacts he had with the members of the Neapolitan section of the same Accademia, especially with Giambattista Della Porta (accepted 8 July 1610); Fabio Colonna (accepted 27 January 161279) and Colantonio Stigliola (accepted 24 January 1612), of whom Terrentius knew – and occasionally also praised, and bought – the works. Through the same Neapolitan circuit he was also indirectly acquainted with Ferrante Imperato, Tommaso Campanella – then always in Naples in jail – and the thermalist author Giulio Iasolino; for the detailed information of each of these persons and the evidence on their connections with Terrentius, see chap. 2 and 3.1.

79 A. De Ferrari, in: DBI, 27, 1982, pp. 287–288.

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Contrary to the Accademia dei Lincei, the ‘official’ academic milieu, that of the ‘La Sapienza’ University, is to my knowledge not represented in Terrentius’s letters: his contacts were therefore in all probability not institutional, but ‘only’ personal, namely with teachers such as Johann Faber – ‘lettore di semplici’ since 1600 –, Giulio Cesare Lagalla, between 1592 and 1601 lecturer of philosophy, and Luca Valerio, former alumnus of Clavius and since 1601 ‘lector’ of mathematics;80 for Terrentius’s contacts with them, see chap. 2.1. On the other hand, through his work on the Thesaurus, and in the wake of Faber’s network he quite naturally came in contact with Roman speziali and simpliciarii on the one hand, and the Roman medici, university trainees on the other hand. Both groups coexisted and were responsible, in a complementary way, for the medical care in the Urbs:81 the former organized in the Collegium Aromatariorum (est. 1429), afterwards renamed Nobile Collegio chymico farmaceutico based in the church of San Lorenzo in Miranda, the latter appointed in some hospitals like the Arcispedale Santo Spirito in Sassia and the one connected to Santa Maria dell’Anima, and often being also professors at the University ‘La Sapienza’, all organized in the “Collegium Medicum” presided by a ‘proto-medicus’. Since the late sixteenth century and the publication of the Antidotarium Romanum (1st ed. 1585) the Proto-medicus of Rome had tried to control the speziali, and to guarantee a minimal quality of both the diagnoses and the remedies prescribed, among others by introducing the compulsory knowledge of Latin. Particularly with one of these individual speziali Terrentius had direct contact, namely the Dutch (“Batavus”) Enrico Corvino, often mentioned in the minutes of the weekly sessions of the pharmaceutical Collegio, and himself owner of a pharmacy, called ‘all’Aquila Imperiale’ in the Via di Montegiordano, near to the Palace of Prince Cesi, the meeting place of the Accademia dei Lincei. Finally, a third group were the Papal physicians (“archiatri”), in Terrentius’s period especially Camillo Gori, Cinzio Clementi and Sestilio Piccolomini, the first present in Terrentius’s reading pattern, the second circulating in the context of the Accademia dei Lincei, and the last one a personal acquaintance (see chap. 2.1).82

80 On the rather weak position of mathematics within the university curriculum of the early seventeenth century and L. Valerio’s career, see: F. Favino, ‘Matematiche e matematici alla “Sapienza” tra ‘500 e ‘600’, in: Roma moderna e contemporanea, 7.3, 1999, pp. 395–420. 81 For some fundamental contributions on medical care in Rome in the sixteenth and seventeenth century, see A. Kolega, ‘Speziali, spagirici, droghieri e ciarlatani. L’offerta terapeutica a Roma tra seicento e settecento’, in: Roma moderna e contemporanea, VI.3, 1998, pp. 311–347; Silvia De Renzi, ‘”A fountain for the thirsty” and a bank for the Pope: charity, conflicts, and medical careers at the Hospital of Santo Spirito in seventeenth Century Rome’, in: Ole Peter Grell, Andrew Cunningham, & Jon Arrizabalaga, (eds) Health Care and Poor Relief in Counter-Reformation Europe, London, 1999, pp. 99–130; M. Donato, La medicina a Roma tra Sei e Settecento. Una proposta di interpretazione’, in: Roma moderna e contemporanea, 13, 2005, pp. 199–113; M. Conforti & S. De Renzi, ‘Sapere anatomico negli ospedali romani’, in: A. Romano (ed.), Rome et la science moderne entre Renaissance et Lumières (Collection de l’Ecole française de Rome, 403), Rome, 2008, pp. 433–472 (with bibliography on p. 433, note 1), and S. Brevaglieri, ‘Science, books and censorship in the Academy of the Lincei. Johannes Faber as cultural mediator’, in: Conflicting Duties: science, medicine and religion in Rome, 1550–1750. Warburg Institute Colloquia 15. London, 2009, pp. 109–133. 82 The basic source for this group of physicians remains Gaetano Marini, Degli archiatri pontifici nel quale sono i supplementi, Roma: Pagliarini, 1784, vol. 1.

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The provision of remedies in contemporary Rome was abundant but reportedly of a rather bad quality,83 while the chymical medicines were slowly infiltrating the medical practice, substituting the traditional herbal medicaments. In these first decades of the Seicento Rome had known the ‘scandal’ of the allegedly impure guayacum, and the polemics in 1601–02 around Corrado Arnoldo, another Dutch ‘aromatarius’, a dispute in which physicians as the papal physician Demetrio Canevari (1559–1625),84 Cinzio Clementi (cf. chap. 2.1) and the protomedicus of 1602 and 1610, Marsilio Cagnati (1543–1612)85 had a role, in both parties. This polemic got an echo also in Terrentius’s annotations in the Thesaurus, in all probability hearsay caught from people who had been directly involved, such as Cinzio Clementi – a para-Lyncean physician – and probably also Faber himself. Other polemics which affected the Roman medical world in this period concerned the use of vitriolum (or chalcantum), the so-called ‘Vitriol Debate’, in which, among others, Pietro Castelli, Corvino’s brother-in-law, the Roman physician Camillo Gori etc. were involved;86 another one the use of cold / warm water for therapeutical purposes. Even when Terrentius’s name is not mentioned in this context, he was indirectly involved in these discussions, and a certain interest / involvement in these discussions emerges indeed in his book selection; see for instance his personal copy of Angelo Sala’s Anatomia Vitrioli (chap. 3.1 and 3.3.9), but also the copies of works by Camillo Gori, Cinzio Clementi, Castiglione (“Castalio”) and Pietro Castelli. When seen against this learned and academic background, Terrentius’s decision to enter the Society of Jesus – the fourth milieu in Rome – may have been shocking for his colleagues, especially for those who were not in regular and recent contact with him, whereas some intimi were already informed in July 1611.87 It may be revealing that Galileo – when he heard about this decision some months after they met each other during his second stay in Rome in 1611 (cf. infra) – considered it as a ‘major loss’ (“gran perdita”), which implies an unmistakable appreciation; see his letter of 19 December 1611: “La nuova del S(ignor) Terenzio m’è altretanto dispiacuta per la gran perdita della nostra Compagnia (i.e. the Accademia dei Lincei), quanto all’incontro piacuta per la

83 See A. Kolega, ‘Speziali, spagirici, droghieri e ciarlatani’, p. 165 ff.: “All’inizio del’ 600 la situazione della produzione e distribuzione del prodotto medicinale era di bassa qualità, etc.”. 84 On Demetrio Canevari, see A. De Ferrari, in: DBI, 18, 1975, pp. 59–61. 85 Cagnati’s profile is that of a ‘traditional’ physician, who refers in his various medical works to Hippocrates, Galenus and other ancient sources: see on his personality G. Stabile, in: DBI, 16, 1973, pp. 301–303. 86 See, e.g. A. Clericuzio, ‘Chemical medicines in Rome: Pietro Castelli and the vitriol debate (1616–1626)’, in: Conflicting duties: science, medicine and religion in Rome, 1550–1750. Warburg Institute Colloquia 15. Warburg Institute Studies and Texts, London, 2009, pp. 281–302. 87 Yet, already in July 1611 his decision was known to Marc Welser in Augsburg, witness his letter of 1(5) July 1611 to Faber (F.F. 419, f. 11); the fragment with the angry reaction of Welser was published in Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 167, note 1: “Ma col Sig(nore) Terrenzio resto tuttavia in colera, che havendogli Iddio Benedetto concesso tal talento, anzi tanti talenti, egli ne privò la patria, et vada a sepelirsi in un monastero in Italia, come se in Germania non vi fossero monasteri’”.

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santa resoluzione e per l’aquisto dell’altra Compagnia (i.e. the Society of Jesus) alla quale io devo molto”.88 Yet for those close to him his decision to enter the Jesuit novitiate [Ill. 12] was, in all probability, far from unexpected,89 and in fact it was announced, at least privately by Terrentius himself, immediately after he finished his philosophical and medical studies, in 1596 or 1598. This original intention, however, had been thwarted or postponed, when a still unidentified ‘Flemish’ friend offered him an occasion to go to Paris,90 and to make afterwards a long journey through Europe. This is the version of the events that we can derive from the Jesuit ‘novice master’ of Sant’ Andrea on Monte Cavallo in 1611, through the author of an anonymous Historia della casa di Probatione di S(ant’) Andrea della Comp(agni)a de Gesu dell’anno 1611, manuscript preserved in the Jesuit archives in Rome.91 A first mention is on f. 391r, in the list of novices: “1 Nov(ember): Giovanni Terrentio Suevo anni 35 A[a]rt(ista) et Medic(inae) Doct(or) et mat(emati)co”. Then follows a somewhat longer report on the candidate Terrentius, after he was interviewed by the Novice Master: “Gio(vanni) Terrentio, gentilhuomo Suevo (…). D’indi essendo poi scorso p(er) altri paesi, se ne si ritorna à casa, dove doppo haver fatta monacha una sua sorella, lasciando qualsivoglia occ(asi)one che gli veniva offerta di servir a diversi principi del mondo, si mette in viaggio per Roma per effetuare quello che già m(ol)to tempo fa haveva concepito. E quivi trattenatosi fin che fosse velata la sorella [1608] aspetto un altro anno [1609], e finalmente havendo fatto q(uest)o anno [1610] gl’esercizii spirituali in q(ues)ta nostra casa, domanda et ottenne la Comp(agni)a, se bene p(er) parere de’ Superiori differito il suo ingresso fino al principio di 9bre [1611] p(er) i grandi caldi della passata estate. Per tanto, venuto il giorno solenne di Tutti I Santi, se ne venne anche’egli a S(ant’) Andrea p(er) cominciare con più sodi [i.e. solidi] principii a gettare i fondam(en)ti della propria p(er)fettione”. According to this presentation, a long announced intention was postponed by planned and other unforeseen complications (his sister’s entry into a convent; the great heat of the Summer of 1611); it may be significant that there was no single reference to ‘China’ or the China mission in this deliberative process. Therefore, I assume ‘China’ 88 Galileo Galilei, Opere, vol. XI, p. 247. 89 Already in 1608 Schoppe reported, probably ironically, after a description of Terrentius’s intense activities in the alchemical sector and his life in seclusion during that year: “Er wird gewiss noch geistlich” (‘he certainly will become a priest’): Schoppe, Philotheca (K. Jaitner), I.1, p. 529. 90 It remains an enigma who this ‘Flemish’ friend was, also because of the broad meaning of the ethnicon ‘Flemish’ in the seventeenth century, indicating occasionally also Walloons (like Antoine Thomas), Dutch people or even Germans, such as Eitel Zugmesser (born in Speyer, called ‘fiamingo’ by Galileo) and Adam Schall von Bell (born in Cologne, and called by Lorenzo Magalotti, Varie Operette, 1825, p. 112 ‘il padre Giovanni Adamo Fiammingo’) and even Terrentius himself (see note 113). 91 ARSI, Rom. 162, I, f. 405v.

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Ill. 12. The Jesuit novitiate on the Monte Cavallo (Quirinale); the engraver was Matthäus Greuter; publ. in L. Richeome, La peinture spirituelle, Lyon, 1611, p. 472 (but lacking in several copies). The publication year 1611 is exactly the year of Terrentius’s entrance in the Novitiate (Nov. 1): one could imagine he was engaged, as a novice during the two following years (1611-1612; 1612 – 1613), as a specialist in the botanical garden of the Novitiate, but nothing about this I could find in the (few) sources: see chap. 1.2.1 and notes 91 – 96.

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was – in this early moment of the deliberation – no element in the discussion. Some of these data find confirmation in other sources, such as Schoppe’s Philotheca,92 but the entire picture of Terrentius’s life in this period between the end of his studies and his arrival on Monte Cavallo is rather new and unexpected. At any rate, Terrentius’s entrance in the Roman novitiate happened under special circumstances, and is described in the following terms: “Giovanni Terrenzio Suevo d’an(ni) 35 venne a S(ant’) Andrea il 1° di Novembre e porto seco… un cappetto d’ermelino etc., libri e scritti e diversi istrumenti e scattole”.93 This last detail on his arrival with, among others, ‘books, writings and various instruments’ is at least conspicuous, even when it is not particularly exceptional. It is hard to believe that these books and instruments were not related to his scholarly work at the time, whether in the field of medicine and botany, and probably also that of astronomical observations; this isolated testimony may demonstrate therefore that Terrentius profited also in this period from special facilities, and did not completely stop his research. Apparently by coincidence, some days earlier, on 21 October 1611 Adam Schall von Bell – his future colleague in China – had arrived in the novitiate from the Collegium Germanicum.94 For the next two years (1611–12; 1612–13) we have no record of Terrentius, and the running historiae or reports on the life in the Roman novitiate of these years do not mention his name,95 who therefore appears to have followed the normal course of novice experiences,96 even when it left some free time for scholarly activities, or 92 On the placement of his sister in the convent of Hechingen (Germany: Baden-Württemberg), see Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/1, p. 528/529 (1608). 93 ARSI, Rom. 172, Ingressus Novitiorum, f. 156 (no. 841). 94 See A. Väth, Adam Schall, pp. 27–28, who refers to several other archival materials concerning Schall’s – and Terrentius’s – period in the novitiate (especially Rom. 163). 95 Cf. ARSI, Roma 163: Historia Domûs Probationis Rom(anae) ad S(anctum) Andream cum Epistolis Annuis 1601–1619, f. 54f–59: mentioned is the arrival of some ‘noble’ candidates from the Collegium Germanicum, such as “Johannes Adamus Schall” (f. 55r); another Historia della Casa di Probatione di S(anto) Andrea della Comp(agni)a de Gesu dell’anno 1611 is in the same archive (Rom. 162), only mentioning Terrentius’s entrance (f. 390 ff.), without further details on the following two years. 96 For the rules inside the novitiate, see especially the Libri magistri nov(itiatus): Ordine della casa e regole 1572. Indulgentiae, Summar(ium) Exercitiorum (ARSI, Rom. 177); Avvisi per i Novizi (Rom. 178) and the Consuetudini del Nov(iciato) di S. Andrea 1588 ed altri (Rom. 178b [ms.] and 178a [dact.]). One could assume one example, which could probably refer to the continuation of the contacts with his previous scholarly colleagues outside the novitiate in the letter of Caspar Bauhin of 24 February 1612, i.e. sent after some 4 months of Terrentius’s seclusion (f. 676r / 1373), addressed to “Clarissimo Philosopho et Medico Joanni Terrentio”. Upon closer inspection, this letter was written in answer to a letter Terrentius had sent to Bauhin a year earlier, asking him for information on his botanical work. Bauhin had postponed his answer for several reasons (“Quas praeterito anno ad me Vir Cl(arissimus) dedisti accepi, quae sane quam gratissimae fuêre, ad quas – si fuisset scribendo occasio – dudum respondissem (…), and therefore, as a postponed answer on a letter of the preceding year it is not probative for Terrentius’s contacts from the Novitiate with his former learned colleagues outside. For a contemporary, very detailed description of the novitiate on Monte Cavallo, see: Louis Richeome, La peinture spirituelle, Lyon, 1611 (i.e. exactly the year in which Terrentius entered the same building). Highly interesting are, in addition to the graphic representation (p. 64), the parts describing “les infirmeries” (with 13 rooms; cf. p. 283 ff.) and the gardens

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Ill. 13. Collegio Romano in the 18th cent.: engraving by Giuseppe Vasi, ‘Prospetto principale del Collegio Romano’, 1747; for the Collegio on the map of c. 1625, see supra the comments on ill. 8. Terrentius knew this building – and its biblioteca secreta — since his visits in 1600, 1604 and 1610-1611 to Clavius, Grienberger and other Jesuits, and studied there theology in 1613-1615. In the immediate context of the College were several bookshops (like the one of Terrentius’s former ‘co-novitius’ Emanuele). (Prospetto_Principale_del_Collegio_Romano_-_Plate_162_-_Giuseppe_Vasi.jpg)

contacts. His novitiate was followed by two years of theology in the Collegio Romano [Ill. 13] – a shortened path of instruction, as is confirmed by the Catalogi;97 also here he was accompanied by Adam Schall von Bell who, on the contrary, followed the (pp. 473–672); although in Richeome’s description the different parts of the Jesuit compound are the basis of spiritual observations and reflections, the realistic details give a colorful representation of the topographical and material context, in which Terrentius lived during these two years. There is probably more: thinking of his medical expertise and botanical experience, one could guess (but not check) that his ‘services’ as a novice were precisely in the ‘infirmerie’ and the garden, which contained, besides flowers and trees, fountains and other artificial constructions also herbs, including foreign ones, introduced from the Indies; cf. for this ‘giardini dei novizi’ also Cecilia Mazzetti di Pietralata (cur.), Giardini storici: artificiose nature a Roma e nel Lazio, Roma, 2000, pp. 52–53. On the ‘spiritual’ and ‘emblematic’ reading of this work, see: K. van Assche, ‘Louis Richeome, Ignatius and Philostrates in the Novice’s Garden: or the Signification of Everyday Environment’, in: J. Manning & M. van Vaeck (eds), The Jesuits and the Emblem Tradition. Selected Papers of the Leuven International Emblem Conference, Turnhout (Brepols), vol. 1a, pp. 3–10. 97 See the description of his Tempus studiorum in JS 134, f. 306v (no. 13): “Fuit in Societate an(nos) 4; Ante ingressum insignis erat medicus, philosophus, mathematicus; In Societate studuit theologiae ann(os) 2”, and a letter of Faber to Justus Rickius (al. Josse De Rijcke), of 18 January 1614, published by A. Favaro, in:

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normal course of 4 year, until mid-1617.98 Terrentius’s letter of 29 February 1616 to Paul Guldin99 proves he was personally acquainted with some Jesuits, who taught in the academic year 1615–16 in the Collegium Germanicum, namely Father Franciscus Monerius and Wolfgangus Gravenegg, the former as repetens of metaphysics, the latter of logics,100 and with Father Johannes Hieronymus König (al. Künig, etc.), who was among the praeceptores superiores of the Collegium Romanum, and taught Hebrew and Arabic, as part of the theology curriculum.101 These Jesuits may have been amongst his teachers during these two years of theology studies, of which some courses were probably given in the Collegium Germanicum.102 In this period we have at least one to two testimonies that prove that Terrentius was not completely deprived from external contacts. At occasions he visited Faber, as the latter testifies in his letter of 15 March 1614;103 in addition, he received also requests for medical / pharmaceutical advice from outside: see the letter of 23 October 1614 by Eitel Frederick von Hohenzollern Sigmaringen, asking for the formula of nepenthes (f. 119r / 0250). The network, therefore, was and remained to some extent and for some familiar persons still active. At the end of this biennium, at an unknown moment in the Summer of 1615, Terrentius was ordained priest. During this period, more precisely between 11 October 1614 and March 1615, Nicolas Trigault was in Rome (mostly in the Gesù) and his presence – and exhortations – certainly (re)kindled the missionary enthusiasm for China among the young Jesuits in the Collegio Romano, including Terrentius. It is indeed from the same period that we have the first references to his decision to go to China. The very first echo to my knowledge comes from Louvain, where Josse de Rijcke / Rickius – recently entered in contact with the Accademia dei Lincei – expressed on 13 April 1615 the hope to ‘embrace’ Terrentius before his departure for China: “Terrentium nostrum utinam ante Sinensem illam profectionem amplectar”.104

Carteggio, p. 410: “Terrentius noster iam absolvit novitiatum suum et in Collegio Romano theologico studio incumbit” / ‘Our (friend) Terrentius already finished his novitiate and now studies theology in the Roman College’. 98 For A. Schall as a theology student in the period 1613–17 in the Collegio Romano, see A. Väth, Johann Adam Schall von Bell, pp. 30–33. 99 Graz: UB, Ms 159, no. 12. 100 ARSI, Germ. Sup., 79: Catalogus Brevis Collegii Romani, f. 246r: “P(ater) Fran(cis)cus rep(etit) metaph(ysicam) in Collegio Germanico; Wolfgangus Gravenech rep(etit) logicam in Coll(egio) Germanico”. 101 For another list of possible professors, see the appendix in G. Villoslada, Storia del Collegio Romano, Rome, 1954, p. 321 ff. 102 Even when his name is apparently missing from the completely preserved list of ‘German’ students there: P. Schmidt, Das Collegium Germanicum in Rom und die Germaniker: Zur Funktion eines römischen Ausländerseminars (1552–1914). Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom, 56, Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 1984. 103 Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 423: “P(atrem) Terrentium, qui heri mecum fuit, tuo nomine salutavi” / ‘Father Terrentius, who yesterday visited me, I greeted in your name’. 104 Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 498. Terrentius’s China vocation precedes by consequence the reading of De Christiana Expeditione of Trigault, which was in preparation in Rome, but which was only printed in the Autumn of 1615: for the dates of the various phases in the production of this epoche-making work, see Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 61.

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On 21 August 1615 Cesi himself, referring to Terrentius’s impatience and critical remarks on the work of the Lynceans, mentions the future Chinese destination of his former academician: “Videbit tamen et ipse, nisi cito nimis Sinis absorptus fuerit, quid Deo favente praestituri simus” / ‘If he is soon not too much absorbed by the Chinese, he will see himself what we will achieve, with God’s help’ (F.F. 423, f. 113r).105 The following reactions to this news come from 1616: from Terrentius’s friends in Zabern / Strasbourg (and Basel), Christian Schmidlin and Johann Friedrich Eggs, in an undated letter to Terrentius (f. 632r / 1285),106 and from Federico Borromeo in Milan (f. 526v / 1069),107 as Terrentius mentions himself on f. 526v / 1069. As an explicit application letter (Litterae Indipetae) of Terrentius is not preserved – and probably has never been written, because he lived in Rome and had direct access to the General – it is difficult to know Terrentius’s real motives. Moreover, the circumstances in which this choice was made, one which signified a definite rupture with a seemingly attractive and ‘comfortable’ para-academic and scholarly life, remain rather obscure. At any rate, it was considered by some to be a brutal rupture, as we can see from some reactions in his personal milieu. This was especially true for his friends in Rheinfelden and Zabern, according to the aforementioned letter of Christian Schmidlin and Johann Friedrich Eggs, and Leopold tried to keep him in the area by offering attractive conditions to continue his ‘distilling work’. As we will see further on, Terrentius recognized that it was mainly owing to the support of Leopold’s private Confessor, Henricus Vivarius, that he received permission to leave the court, only for the explicit goal of going to China.108 The real motive and circumstances not being known, one had recently proposed it was Terrentius’s intention – acting as a kind of agent from Prince Cesi – to continue his botanical research outside Europe, in the nearly unknown yet very promising Chinese Empire. In other words, he would make an ‘extreme’ research trip which would be considerably facilitated by taking place within the framework of the Jesuit mission of China. To my opinion, the logical line between this choice and his previous spiritual preferences (from the search for a healing ‘Lapis Philosophicus’ to his entrance in

105 Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 509. 106 “Ex litteris nuper ab Adm(odum) R(everen)do P(atre) F(erdinando) Alber nomine R(everendissi)mi P(atris) Generalis felicis memoriae [i.e. Acquaviva] ad Ser(enissi)mum archiducem Leopoldum datis cognovimus te ex primis esse, qui se sponte ad Sinas profecturos obtulerunt. Tuae litterae vix dici potest quantam mutationem in animis nostris effecerint, et quot affectus in nobis commoverint”, etc. / ‘From the letter Rev. Father F. Alber recently sent in the name of the General, p. m. to the very reverend Archduke Leopold, we know you (Terrentius) were among the first candidates, who offered themselves spontaneously to leave for China. It is barely possible to say how much your letter changed my mood, and how many effects it roused in us’. 107 “Ill(ustrissi)mus Cardinalis laudat meum propositum gratulatusque est mihi, quod ex aula illa (sc. Zabern / Strasbourg) subduxerim. Idem spero illum facturum, nec sui et suorum germanorum amore fascinatum meam ad Sinas profectionem improbaturum” / ‘The very Ill. Cardinal (Federico Borromeo) praises my proposal and congratulates me that I have withdrawn from that Court. I hope he (Schoppe) will do the same, and he will not disapprove my departure for China, as he is fascinated by his love towards himself and his brethren’. 108 See f. 522r / 1060 and further infra, sub note 137 (‘Zabern’), and 2.1 (s.v. Leopold; Vivarius).

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the Jesuit Society) and the simultaneity with the application by several other fellow fathers – including some promising young mathematicians as Christophorus Scheiner, Jean-Baptiste Cysat, and Grégoire de Saint-Vincent, who in the same period had applied for China – rather suggests a primarily missionary inspiration. Obviously this does not exclude the attraction of exotic, scientific opportunities as a secondary motif. At any rate, despite this China project, Terrentius’s immediate destination was the Rhineland province, and in August 1615 he left Rome, where he never would return.109 It was probably at this occasion that he offered a book from his personal collection to the Bibliotheca Major of the Collegio Romano, namely a copy of Schoppe’s anti-Scaliger pamphlet Scaliger hypobolimaeus (…), Mainz: Officina Ioannis Albini, 1607.110 1.2.2. Rome as seen by Terrentius: a topographical excursus

In the described qualities Terrentius circulated between 1610 and 1615 through Rome, which was the topographical setting and the scene of his activities and contacts, comprising an area between the Gianicolo (Trastevere) in the West, and the Pincio and Montecavallo (Quirinale) at the other side of the Urbs [cf. map 2]: a space which in April 1611 the observers of the Cesi group to their great astonishment bridged visually from the Gianicolo when Galileo showed with his telescope details of the façade of St John in Lateran and the Villa Altemps in Frascati. A separate look at this topographical dimension of the Terrentius dossier is worthwhile,111 since it shows

109 In May 1615 Terrentius was still in Rome: F.F. 420, f. 50v; he left the Urbs before 18 August 1615 (Cesi to Faber, in Carteggio, p. 508: “mi dole grandissimamente che il Terrenzio affretti la sua partita”). That from the start his destination was the Court of Leopold V, Fürstbishof of Strasbourg, we know from a letter of Faber to Francesco Peretti di Montalto, on 27 September 1615: “Il P(adre) Terrentio si è partito alla volta di Leopoldo con il quale si tratterà 5 o 6 mesi, et si in Germania troverà qualche cosa reale, nova & bella, darà conto a V. Ill. como mi ha detto nella sua partenza” (F.F., 420, f. 80r/v.). In fact I don’t know what was the reason why Terrentius went precisely to the Court of Fürstbishof Leopold V in the Rhineland. This may have been the effect of a letter of Leopold to the Jesuits in Rome, asking for Terrentius, as many other European princes apparently had done before him: “saindo tam universal & consumado nestas sciencias, que foi pedido de varios principes ao P(adre) Geral com affectuosas cartas, a que elle não deferio, por lhe ter jà concedido a Missão da China” ( Jorge Cardoso, Agiologio Lusitano, Lisbon, 1666, vol. 3, pp. 231–232); also N. Trigault, in his letter to General Muzio Vitelleschi of 31 December 1615, refers to the attempts of these (German) princes to ‘get’ Terrentius at their Court: “Praeter medicum illum Germanum (namely Terrentius) quem mihi iam aliquot (ms.: -quod) Germaniae principes eripere conantur, sed frustrâ, constantiâ Praepositi Generalis” ( JA 49-V-5, f. 171r). If there has really been a particular request from Leopold to the General in Rome, this will have arrived during the ‘interregnum’ between Claudio Acquaviva (d. 31 January 1615) and Muzio Vitelleschi (elected 15 November 1615), when Ferdinand Alber (1548–1617) was the Vicar-General (between 30 January and 15 November 1615); I don’t know any such request from Leopold to Alber, although there existed some correspondence between both. When Terrentius left Rome, he travelled with Jean de Horion (1573–1641), Jesuit from the Low Countries (Liège), who entered the Society of Jesus in 1591 and had finished his theology studies in Rome (PIBA, I, p. 460). 110 His copy is now in Rome, BVE, 8.30.C.21. 111 Contemporary maps of Rome in the period of Terrentius’s presence are those of: (a) Antonio Tempesta (1555–1630), reprinted in: F. Ehrle, Roma al tempo di Clemente VIII. La pianta di Roma di Antonio Tempesta del 1593, Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, 1932; (b) Giovanni Maggi (1566?–1618?), reprinted in: F. Ehrle, Roma al tempo di Urbano VIII. La pianta di Roma Maggi-Maupin-Losi del 1625,

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the topographical logic of his activities, and sheds some light on the scholarly, and scientific scene in Rome in the first decade of the seventeenth century. On 14 April 1611 Terrentius – at that moment near-member of the Accademia dei Lincei – was present on the Gianicolo (Latinate: Ianiculum) at the dinner Prince Cesi offered to Galileo, in the presence of Giulio Cesare Lagalla (1571–1624), ‘the leader of peripatetic scholars in the city’; Antonio Persio (1543–1612); Giovanni Demisiani (also known as Demesiani, died 1614), and the Sienese mathematician Francesco Pifferi, all witnessing Galileo’s demonstration of his telescope.112 One day later (“interpositâ nocte”), namely on 15 April 1611 occurred also the discussion on the nature of light, which Cesi, Galileo, Demisiani, and Terrentius had, and which was described by Lagalla [Ill. 14].113 For obvious reasons the nearby Vatican

Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, (1985), and (c) Matthäus Greut(t)er (1564–1638). For the entire topographical setting of contemporary Rome, based on Greuter’s map, see the various contributions in the splendid publication of Augusto Roca De Amicis (ed.), Roma nel primo Seicento. Una città moderna nella veduta di Matthäus Greuter (Collana: Piante di Roma, 2, collana dir. by M. Bevilacqua and M. Fagiolo), Rome: Artemide, 2018. See also the older edition by Amato Pietro Frutaz, Le piante di Roma, vol. 2 (Tavole dal secolo III d. C. all’anno 1625), Roma: Istituto di Studi Romani, 1962. 112 Terrentius’s presence on this dinner and during the following observations and discussions is confirmed by the Roman Avvisi of 16 April 1611 (published in: J. A. F. Orbaan, Miscellanea della Reale Società Romana di Storia Patria. (6). Documenti sul Barocco in Roma, Rome, 1920, pp. 282–283): “Avanti Pasqua [3 April 1611] venne qua da Firenze il signor Galileo Galilei, mattematico, già lettore in Padua; si è qui abbocato col Padre Clavio, giesuita (…) et giovedì sera , sendone Mecenate il Marchese di Monticelli (or Montecelio, namely Federico Cesi), che lì banchettò et vi intervene insieme con (…) un Terrentio, fiamengo (…)”. See further the reports in Galileo’s Il saggiatore, Faber’s annotations on the copy of Tesoro Messicano and the extracts of his reports, all quoted by E. R. Rosen, The Naming of the Telescope, New York, 1947, pp. 29–30; 31; 34 and 54. On the Monte Gianicolo Mons. Innocenzo Malvasia (1552–1612) had a residence where on 14 April 1611 Cesi organized a ‘public’ dinner for Galileo, where also Terrentius was present: Giulio Cesare Lagalla, De phoenomenis in orbe lunae novi telescopii usu a D(omino) Gallileo Gallileo (…) disputatio, Venice: apud Th. Balionum, 1612, p. 8: “Cum essemus in summitate Ianiculi prope urbis portam, quae ‘Sancti Spiritus’ appellatur, ubi olim fuisse dicitur Martialis poetae villa, nunc autem est Reverendissimi Malvasiae, Palatium Illustrissimi Ducis ab Alta Emps, in Tusculano adeo distincte conspicabamus hoc instrumento, ut eas singulas finestras, etiam minimas commode enumeraremus, quod spatium est 16 Italicorum miliariorum (text: moliariorum), et ab eodem loco litteras, quae sunt in Sixti porticu in Laterano ad benedictiones instituto distincte legi possent”; William R. Shea & Mariano Artigas, Galileo in Rome. The Rise and Fall of a Troublesome Genius, Oxford, 2003, pp. 33–34; on the actual topography of the area (more precisely with the Villa Sciarra, Casino Malvasia and the American Academy), and the visual documents presented during the celebration at the same Academy on 14 April 2011, see ‘Galileo al Gianicolo’ (www.trastevereapp.com/anedotti-e-leggende/galileo-al-gianicolo) [viewed 12 May 2017]). The Palazzo or Villa Altemps (Alt-Ems) in Frascati is the Villa Mondragone. 113 Giulio Cesare Lagalla, De phoenomenis in orbe lunae, p. 57 = De Luce et umbra disputatio (Opere di G. Galilei, 3.2, p. 927). In the report on these events, Terrentius’s name is deformed in the printed version by a typographical error (in the same way as happened with that of Demisiani, printed as Remiscianus) as “Johannes Clementius”. P. Galluzzi, The Lynx and the Telescope, Leiden, 2018, p. 88 note 77 identifies this name as a Roman naturalist Johannes Clementius; yet, that Johannes Terrentius was meant becomes evident: (a) from the additional epithets: “rerum naturalium sollertissimus indagator ac Plinianae gloriae nostrâ aetate aemulus”, i.e. ‘the very eager investigator of natural things and the imitator of Plinius’s glory in our days’, in which the reference to Plinius announces the title of Terrentius’s botanical work in China, “Plinius Indicus”; (b) the typographical error was corrected manu propriâ in some copies by the author himself: see Gaetano Marini, Degli archiatri pontifici, vol. 1, Rome, 1784, p. 492, who refers to the copy

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Ill. 14. The first mention of Johannes Terrentius (whose name is obscured by the typographical error: Clementius) as a witness of Galileo’s telescopic observations on the Gianicolo in April 1611 and as an investigator of the type of Pliny the Elder: from Giulio Cesare Lagalla, De Phoenomenis in orbe lunae novi telescopii usu a Domino Gallileo Gallileo nunc iterum suscitatis physica disputatio, Venice: Thomas Balionus, 1612, p. 57: “Johannes *Clementius, rerum naturalium sollertissimus indagator ac Plinianae gloriae nostrâ aetate aemulus” / ‘the very eager investigator of natural things and the imitator of Plinius’s glory in our days’; on the name confusion, see note 113. (From the copy of BSB Munich, shelf mark: Rara 1841: https://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/en/fs1/ object/display/bsb10860324_00001.html)

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is also present, be it only in the person of the Pope’s librarian Cardinal Scipione Cobelluzzi (f. 508r / 1032) and the simpliciarius Faber himself – keeper of the Papal botanical gardens in the Vatican (Belvédère).114 More intriguing is the mention of the arci-spedale Santo Spirito in Sassia, the leading hospital in the Borgo, destined mainly for pilgrims from (Anglo-Saxon and) Northern Europe [Ill. 15].115 It certainly appeared on Terrentius-Trigault’s horizon through their direct relations with Faber, who was in 1598 appointed assistant physician in this “florentissimum totius Italiae (ferme dixerim Europae) hospitale valetudinarium” / ‘the most flourishing hospital (and) infirmary of whole Italy (I would say of almost entire Europe)’.116 It is also mentioned in an unclear passage of Terrentius’s correspondence, where Trigault’s name is connected with that of Pietro Campori, the ‘Commendatore’ of the same hospital, in an unspecified question (“res”); see f. 511r / 1038 (from Milan, on 14 June 1616).117

of Lagalla’s book in the library of Cardinal Alessandro Albani, which I could not trace (“uno errore di stampa, per cui il valente Accademico Linceo Giovanni Terenzo (sic) è divenuto Giovanni Clementi. Io ho veduto questo sbaglio corretto dallo mano stessa del Lagalla, che infiniti altri ne ha emendati, nell’esemplare che possedette già la biblioteca de’ Lincei, e che ora si ha quella di casa Albani”), and again in E. Rosen, The Naming of the Telescope, pp. 92–93 (note 178); so far I could not find myself any of these copies; (c) the correct name Terrentius is in Faber’s eyewitness testimony of this happening in Animalia Mexicana, Rome, 1628, p. 473: “Cum non multis post mensibus Galilaeus Romam venisset ipsumque dictus Princeps et Antonium Persium, Ioannem Demisianum, Ioannem Terrentium, Franciscum Pifferum Camaldulensem mathematicum, Iulium Caesarem Lagallam peripateticorum in Urbe coryphaeum et me quoque c[a]ena…in Ianuculo post caelestia terrestriaque nonnulla spectacula & philosophicas disceptationes excepisset…”; (d) see also the confirmation in BAV, Ms. Urbin. Lat. 1078, c. 292B–293: “un Terrentio fiamengo” (publ. by J. A. F. Orbaan, in: Documenti sul Barocco in Roma, Roma, 1920, p. 283; for the identification of Terrentius as a ‘Flemish’, compare chap. 2.1: Zugmesser and 2.2: Grisley ‘Belga”). Terrentius’s name is dropped in the parallel report of H. Sirturius (also known as Sirtori), Telescopium, sive ars perficiendi novum illud Galilaei visorium, Francofurti (Frankfurt), 1618, p. 27 (“praeterea nonnullos alios litteratos”). 114 For these gardens: A. Campitelli, Gli Horti dei Papi. I Giardini Vaticani dal Medioevo al Novecento, Milano, 2009. 115 For a general architectural presentation of the complex: see Maria Lucia Amoroso, Il complesso monumentale di Santo Spirito in Saxia, Rome, 2003; on the history of the ‘arci-spedale Santo Spirito’ see P. de Angelis, L’ospedale di Santo Spirito in Saxia e le sue filiali nel mondo, Rome, 1958; Silvia De Renzi, ‘”A fountain for the thirsty” and a bank for the Pope: charity, conflicts, and medical careers at the Hospital of Santo Spirito in seventeenth Century Rome’, in: Ole Peter Grell, Andrew Cunningham, & Jon Arrizabalaga, (eds) Health Care and Poor Relief in Counter-Reformation Europe. London, 1999, pp. 99–130. For the prosopography of the medical staff: P. Savio, ‘Ricerche sui medici e chirurgi dell’ospedale di Santo Spirito in Sassia, sec. XVI–XVII’, in: Archivio della Società romana di storia patria, 25, 1971, pp. 145–168. For its ‘spezieria’: P. de Angelis, La spezieria dell’arcispedale di Santo Spirito in Saxia e la lotta contro la malaria, Roma, 1954; M. Breccia Fratadocchi & Simonetta Buttò (eds), Erbe e speziali. I laboratori della salute, Sansepolcro: Aboca Museum, 2007, p. 28. 116 J. Faber, De Nardo et Epithymo, Rome, 1607, p. 20. 117 “Quoad hospitale, mihi dolet q(uod) P(ater) Nicolaus eam rem, dum Romae ageret, nescierit, mirum n(am) quantum apud commendatorem S(ancti) Spiritus rem promovere potuisset. Quicquid sit, si n(on) succedat, manus Domini n(on) e(st) abbreviata, sin autem successerit, de quo tum admodum dubito, vel iam gratulor”. The commendatore in this fragment was the ‘officer in charge’ of the Hospital, in these years Cardinal Pietro Campori (1553–1643): see sub 2.

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Ill. 15. Arcispedale Santo Spirito in Sassia, across the Tevere, from the map of Antonio Tempesta (1593): in the early 17th century one of the main Roman hospitals, and one of the centers of Faber’s medical activities; in Terrentius’s time the hospital’s ‘commendatore’ was Pietro Campori (cf. chap. 2.1: s.v.). (From: Roma al tempo di Clemente VIII, Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1932; Courtesy Universiteitsbibliotheek [Artes Library] of KU Leuven: call number: BTab 911.375 (45) roma-3)

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Crossing the Ponte Sant’Angelo and following the actual Via de’ Coronari (the Medieval Via papalis)118 we arrive at the Via Montegiordano, leading to the Banchi Vecchi, where Henricus De Raeff / Enrico Corvino – a ‘speziale’ and pharmacopola or apothecary – had his pharmacy (“pharmacopolium”) called all’Aquila Imperiale;119 his private botanical garden was on the Gianicolo, on the spot called “La Vigna”,120 and is several times mentioned in Terrentius’s letters both before and after he left for China.121 Close to the pharmacy was Prince Cesi’s palazzo in the Via della Maschera d’Oro (actually number 22), where the Principe received the members of the Accademia dei Lincei and had a small botanical garden as well [Ill. 16]. The mutual proximity of Corvino’s pharmacy and Cesi’s Palazzo on the one hand, and the location of both around the Via de’ Coronari which directly connected the Piazza Navona to the Ponte Sant’Angelo on the other hand is no coincidence: it shows that one had intentionally sought to reinforce the active network, which connected the Accademia dei Lincei and Corvino’s circle by giving it a stable topographical basis and – through the Ponte Sant’Angelo – an easy access to the Vatican, the arcispedale Santo Spirito in Sassia accross the Tiber and the gardens on the Gianicolo. In both the Palace of Cesi and the pharmacy of Corvino Terrentius was temporarily a guest, in the company of Faber. Following the Via de’ Coronari, one passes by Santa Maria dell’Anima, the church of the ‘German’ nation – of which Faber had been a provisor –, with its proper ospedale.122 Next is the Piazza Navona, with its contemporary name Campus Agonalis (f. 680r / 1383), mentioned once in an intriguing reference to an unidentified person living

118 For a historical description of the urbanistic aspect of this area in the first decades of the seventeenth century on the basis of Greuter’s map, see Tommaso Manfredi, in: Augusto Roca De Amicis, Roma nel primo Seicento. Una città moderna nella veduta di Matthäus Greuter’, Roma, 2018, pp. 227–238. 119 The only contemporary testimony for this complete address to my knowledge is to be found in the Breve ricordo dell’elettione, qualita, et virtu dello spirit et Oglio Acido di Vitriolo (…), published by Corvino’s brother-in-law Pietro Castelli in Rome (G. Mascardi, 1621), p. 4, who mentions, among the best oils of vitriol produced in Rome: “perfettissimo…quello, che Arigo (= Henrico) Corvino spetiale in Roma all’Aquila Imperiale a Monte Giordano prepara, dal quale ne vende gran quantità ordinate da molti dottissimi principali medici di Roma”. Among the latter ‘principal physicians of Rome’ was Cinzio Clementi (see ch. 2). I was not able to identify the house: the palazzo, actually no. 2 of the Via di Monte Giordano, with two eagles on top of the entrance was only built in the second half of the seventeenth century by the Spanish merchants Aviti, and the eagles belong to the blazon of this family (www.romasegreta.it/ ponte/via-di-monte-giordano.html). A former name was probably All’Aquila Nera; anyway, the name itself – most probably Corvino’s own choice – seems to reflect particular sympathy towards the ‘German nation’ and the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire (until 1612 Rudolph II, succeeded in the same year by Matthias II) for which I have no further information. 120 “Henrico Corvino hora sta alla vigna” (Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 949). 121 See also several references in his annotations in the Thesaurus Mexicanus: pp. 52; 64; 88; 145; 303; 304, and below, chap. 4.2. 122 For a short description of this hospital, see: A. Esposito, ‘Le donne dell’Anima: Ospizi e “case sante” per le “Mulieres Theutonicae” di Roma (sec. XV-inizi XVI)’, in: M. Mathews (ed.), Santa Maria dell’Anima. Zur Geschichte einer “deutschen Stifting” in Rom, Berlin, 2010, pp. 249–278 (on pp. 260–262 one sole mention of an ‘infirmaria’ for women). For the medical experiences of the Liège physician Jean Nollens, whom Terrentius later met in Liège, see chap. 1.3, s.v. Liège.

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Ill. 16. Palazzo Cesi-Gaddi (Via della Maschera d’Oro, 22, Roma, rione Ponte). Meeting place of the members of the Accademia dei Lincei (1603 – 1630), including, in 16101611, Johann Terrentius. (https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palazzo_Cesi-Gaddi#/media/ File:Ponte_ _palazzo_Cesi_Gaddi_1150658.JPG)

there, involved in alchemical investigations and respectfully indicated as “ille”,123 and the old site of the university La Sapienza in the present Corso del Rinascimento, where several of Terrentius’s acquaintances, including Faber, taught. Several other spots on the Campo Marzio appear in Terrentius’s circuit, first in one of the rare antiquarian remarks in his correspondence, inspired in all probability by his fellow-Lyncean Herwart von Hohenburg (cf. 2.1: s.v.), concerning the local obelisk, now at Piazza Montecitorio but before its re-installment ‘buried’ in a room nearby

123 He is mentioned on f. 680r / 1383, and had made some statements concerning the production of the Bologna Stone: “Dixi solam requiri calcinationem, ut mihi affirmabat ille in Piazza Navona…”. I wonder whether this might be Eitel Friedrich von Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (1582–1625), Prince-Bishop of Osnabrück, who had in the early 1600s a house on the P.zza Navona and was a member of the noble family Hohenzollern ruling in Bingen, Terrentius’s birthplace (see Schoppe, Philotheca (ed., Jaitner), I/1, p. 44, and the name index below). On his presence and positions in the Roman context of the Accademia dei Lincei: S. Brevaglieri, ‘Science, books and censorship in the Academy of the Lincei: Johannes Faber as Cultural Mediator’, in: Conflicting Duties. Warburg Institute Colloquia, 15, 2009, p. 137; 138; 142. The P.zza Navona (“Campus Agonalis”) is in the Schoppe papers in these years also quoted for the presence of a bookshop they frequently visited (Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/1, pp. 106 and 122).

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(f. 679 / 1380).124 There Faber also lived in the Via (or: Vicolo) dei Calderari, at the rear of the Pantheon, where we have already found Terrentius working and residing in 1609/1611;125 Terrentius’s stay near the Pantheon was probably a strategic choice as 124 More precisely a cellar close to the then ‘Largo dell’Impresa’, now the P.za del Parlamento, actual no. 3: cf. Brian A. Curran, A. Grafton, etc., Obelisk. A History, Cambridge (Mass.), 2009, p. 196 ff. On the other hand, in Rome there was a link between medicine and antiquarianism, on which see: N. Siraisi, ‘Rome: medicine, antiquities and public health’, in: N. Siraisi, History, medicine and the traditions of Renaissance learning, Ann Arbor, 2007, pp. 168–193. 125 The location is indicated in Faber’s letters as: “De Museo meo ad Pantheon Agrippae”; other indications can be found in the addresses of the letters sent to Faber, e.g. “Nella strada di ferari fra la Piazza della Minerva e la rotunda (i.e. the Pantheon)” (F.F. 420, f. 12v); “Tra la rotonda e la Minerva vicino alortolano (sic)” (ibid., f. 20v; although ‘ortolano’ could represent Latin hortulanus and Faber was indeed since 1600 appointed “hortulanus Pontificius” / ‘the Pope’s gardener’, I think in this case ‘ortolano’ is the name of the bird, and ‘vicino all’ortolano’ refers to one of the houses in the vicinity of his own house); “vicolo delli calderari alla Minerva” ( Johann Konrad von Werhausen on 11 August 1625 from Siena to Faber: F.F., 414, 9v); “Habita nella strada che va dalla Rotonda alla Minerva” (F.F. 423, f. 561). See Gabriele Belloni Speciale, in: DBI, 43, 1993, p. 686, who gives the topographical indication ‘vicolo delli Calderari su P.za della Minerva, alle spalle del Pantheon’. The vicolo and the houses in the same alley immediately connected to the rotonda of the Pantheon (“Sta Maria della Rotonda”) are clearly visible on the city plan of Giovanni Maggi. Although this plan was only published much later, it reflects the topographical situation of the area around 1620: see the edition of F. Ehrle, Roma al tempo di Urbano VIII. La pianta Maggi-Maupin-Losi del 1625, Roma, 1915, and the remarks of A. Antinori, La magnificenza e l’utile. Progetto urbano e monarchia papale nella Roma del Seicento, Rome: Gangemi, 2008, p. 107, and J. Maier, Rome measured and imagined. Early Modern Maps of the Eternal City, Chicago, 2015, 163 ff. In addition to the arguments of these authors for this date, I would refer to the fact, that the map still not indicates the Chiesa S. Ignazio, referring always to the preceding church of “Sancta Annunziata”. At any rate: one of the houses designed directly behind the Pantheon must represent the house which Faber ‘hired’ from Bernardo Salvioni (F.F. 425, f ° 7v.; 20r.; 21r.;). The selection of this location was certainly determined, among others, by the neighborhood of the “Studium Urbis” and the Collegio Sant’Ivone, where Faber’s medical classes were given (see: B. Azzaro (ed.), L’Università di Roma “La Sapienza” e le università italiane, Rome, 2008, p. 79 ff.). The Vicolo dei Calderari disappeared only when in 1662–1668 Pope Clemens IX demolished these houses (A. Lombardo, Vedute del Pantheon attraverso i secoli / Views of Pantheon across the centuries, Roma, 2003, p. 22). Faber’s house was rather capacious, as it included (a) a Museum; (b) a library; (c) a kind of laboratory (in which he made his experiments with the ‘lapis lucens’ / ‘stone of Bologna’, during the visit of Bishop von Aschhausen in Dec. 1612) and Theophil Müller / Molitor perhaps made his anatomical dissections (see chap. 2.1: s.v.); (d) the appartments of Faber and his family, and guest rooms for several guests, such as the Dutch pharmacist Henricus Munting (in 1606), Theophil Molitor / Müller (in 1608–09 for one year; in 1611 etc.: ‘in casa mia’; see note 762); Terrentius (in 1609–10/11: ‘in contubernio”: see note 70). Finally (e) there was apparently also a small (-ulus) house (domestic) garden – probably identical to the “loggeta” mentioned in 1619 (F.F. 412, f. 82r) – in which Faber had buried 3 very large ‘lyncurii’ (prob. tourmalines) which he had received from his nearby colleague pharmacist Adamo Melfi (Animalia Mexicana, p. 536: “Hos [= lyncurios ‘ligures’] ego in hortulo meo domestico ad semestre ferme spatium custodivi, terrae illos paucillo obruens”), and where he cultivated many rare plants and flowers, especially tulips (see the enumeration of September 1617 [F.F. 413, f. 765v; cf. I. Baldriga, L’occhio della lince, p. 207]). On the contents of Faber’s two-storey house Museum: I. Baldriga, ‘Note sui rapporti di committenza a Roma nel primo seicento: collezionismo scientifico e mecenatismo di Giovanni Faber Linceo’, in: Silvia Danesi Squarzina, Natura morta, pittura di paesaggio e il collezionismo a Roma nella prima metà del Seicento (…), Roma, 1995–96, pp. 123–137; I. Baldriga, ‘Il museo anatomico di Giovanni Faber Linceo’, in: Sergio Rossi, Scienza e miracoli nell’arte del ‘600. Alle origini della medicina moderna, Roma: Electa, 1998, p. 82 ff.; R. Zapperi, Alle Wege führen nach Rom. Die Ewige Stadt und ihre Besucher, Munich, 2013, pp. 77–87. For a possible view inside the ‘studiolo’ of Faber

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since January 1610 Marc’Antonio Petilio (1558–1640) – grandson of Nardo Antonio Recchi, who had copies of the manuscripts of the Tesoro Messicano brought from Madrid to Naples – lived in the small rooms of the bell tower next to the Pantheon, where he jealously kept the copies, especially the colored drawings (“exemplaria picta”),126 which in this way were in principle with reach for the commentator Terrentius.127 Nearby were several spezierie, such as those of Adam Melfi and Ludovico Coltri,128 and the area was considered as a center of intellectual life. Nearby was the Collegio Romano, which Terrentius certainly knew from personal experience. He had completed his theology studies there, and made visits to the Jesuit professors Christophorus Clavius, Paul Guldin and Christophorus Grienberger (f. 524r / 1064), and Adam Schall von Bell.129 The immediate neighborhood of the Collegio brought a concentration of booksellers (librai) and other professions involved in the book sector: here I should mention a Roman bibliopegus (‘bookbinder’) called “Emanuel”, a former “co-novitius” of Terrentius, who had a shop between the Collegio Romano and the Dominican house (i.e. Santa Maria sopra Minerva), opposite to the gran piè di marmo, which apparently corresponds to a location in the beginning of the actual Via Sant’ Ignazio, formerly called Via Santissima Annunziata.130 A bookseller called “Rocco” is probably to be identified as Rocco Salvioni – who was known to have sold books to Faber in 1619, and whose shop was probably in the Piazza Sant’ Ignazio, on the spot of a homonymous bookshop in the early nineteenth century.131

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in the company of some of his collaborators, according to the suggestion of R. Zapperi, see the painting of Adam Elsheimer, one of the members of the Corvino-group, known as The Realm of Minerva (c. 1607), now in the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge. The bell tower is clearly recognizable on the map of Tempesta (1593; 1606). For the data on Petilio’s stay in the Pantheon, see M. Guardo, in: M. E. Cadeddu & M. Guardo (eds), Il Tesoro Messicano. Libri e saperi tra Europa e Nuovo Mondo, Florence, 2013, pp. 80–92. This possibility existed at least in principle: there is not one reference to the drawings in Terrentius’s letters, and the first datable mention of a visit on the spot to my knowledge is in a letter of Faber to Cesi of 20 December 1623 (Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 831). Mentioned once in Thesaurus Mexicanus, p. 536 (“ad insigne Pineae Nucis Aureae”) and 576 (“ad insignia Sancti Georgii”) respectively. On Schall’s preparatory study in Rome (first in the Collegium Germanicum between 24 June 1608 and September 1611; afterwards in the novitiate on Monte Cavallo until October 1613, and since that time in the Collegio Romano for his theological studies until the Summer of 1617), see A. Väth, Johann Adam Schall von Bell, pp. 23–33. Before the construction of the church of Sant’Ignazio (inaugurated in 1626) and the Biblioteca Casanatense (c. 1700), this street was called after the Chiesa di Santissima Annunziata; also later in the seventeenth century there was a certain concentration of bookshops / printers: in addition to “Emanuele” I refer to the firms of Giovanni Battista Damiani, Lorenzo Pagliarini and the typography of the ‘stampatore camerale’ Tinassi. This situation can well be recognized on the map of Giovanni Maggi (c. 1620). Immediately in the same area we find since 1622 also Giacomo Mascardi, printer of many scholarly / scientific books of the Jesuits of the Collegio Romano and the members of the Accademia dei Lincei. For the concentration of librai in the area between the Corso and the Pantheon, see S. Franchi & O. Sartori, Le impressioni sceniche. Dizionario bio-bibliografico degli editori e stampatori romani e laziali (…), II, Rome, 2002, pp. 42–44. I owe this information to Dr Marina Venier of the BVE in Rome.

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Ill. 17. The compound of San Silvestro in Capite in Urbe with its garden, in Terrentius’s time a monastery of the Poor Clares; detail from the city map of Tempesta (1593). Terrentius visited the garden, which was destined for the local ‘parocco’ (S. Benedetti, etc., Architetture di Carlo Rainaldi, 2015, p. 159), and found there a sample of “poma amoris” or tomatoes (Thesaurus Mexicanus, p. 279; cf. my text note 1704); the internal garden is preserved as the (inaccessible) ‘giardino storico’ (organized in 1878 by Giovanni Malvezzi) inside the actual Post Office of the Piazza S. Silvestro. (From: Roma al tempo di Clemente VIII, Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1932; Courtesy Universiteitsbibliotheek [Artes Library] of KU Leuven: call number: BTab 911.375 (45) roma-3)

Continuing this walk to the actual Corso Vittorio Emanuele II we arrive at the Chiesa del Gesù, where N. Trigault stayed for a while during his visit to Rome in early 1616.132 In the nearby Via del Corso, we arrive at the church of San Silvestro in Capite in Urbe (Piazza S. Silvestro), in the seventeenth century a monastery of Poor Clares, where Terrentius visited in person the local orto or botanical garden: “Nuper (in 1611?) in horto ad S(anctum) Silvestrum in Urbe vidi poma amoris” [Ill. 17].133 Nearby on the hill is the Trinità dei Monti, referred to in a flashback in Terrentius’s letter from China,134 in which he recalls having been present at a collective observation with telescopes on the hill: “(Castelli) videtur superare illum presbyterum qui nobiscum in Monte S(anctae) 132 See Terrentius on 1 January 1616: “Ich bitt ganz dienstlich der herr (= J. Faber) wolle zum Pater Trigault al Giesù gehen in salutieren, etc.” (f. 524 / 1065). 133 Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 474. I.e. Lycopersicum pomum-amoris. 134 Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 504.

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Trinitatis per tubum Galilaei nolebat stellas contemplari…”;135 beyond the Porta del Popolo was the botanical garden of Prince Cesi136 (see chap. 4.3). All in all, the center of this Terrentius ‘universe’ in Rome was to be found around the Campo Marzio and the Via de’ Coronari, the axis through which he must have often circulated between Faber’s house at the Pantheon, Santa Maria dell’Anima, Cesi’s Palace and Corvino’s pharmacy, all aiming at the Ponte Sant’Angelo and the Arcispedale Santo Spirito in Sassia. The main extensions outside this center have all to do with his Jesuit connections, including the Novitiate on the Monte Cavallo, where he stayed between 1611 and 1613.

1.3. From Rome to Lisbon: Terrentius’s tour as Trigault’s companion for China (1616–18) When Terrentius definitely left Rome in the Summer of 1615, his destination was the Court of Leopold V, since 1607 bishop of Strasbourg and Archduke of (Further) Austria (‘Vorderösterreich’), residing in Elzass-Zabern (Saverne), for a stay of 5 to 6 months.137 Terrentius’s journey from Rome went through Florence – where he met again Antonio de’ Medici and the physician Punta – and was directed to Milan and Arona.138 Yet, also after he left the Urbs, he kept in contact with his former friends and wrote some letters to Rome: to some members of the Accademia dei Lincei, such as Johannes (al. Giovanni) Faber on 18 January 1616, asking for his personal copy of the manuscript of the Tesoro Messicano with his annotations, and for the addresses from his album amicorum;139 in the Collegio Romano, asking Paul Guldin on 29 February 1616 for the manuscript of Viète’s Canon Sinuum while sending his greetings to the Fathers König, Perosella, Monerius and Gravenegg, and asking Adam Schall von Bell in the same Collegio – at that time student of the 3rd year of 135 ‘(Castelli) seems to surpass that priest, who refused to gaze, together with us, to the stars, on the Monte of the Holy Trinity, through the telescope of Galileo’. 136 See Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 175, with reference to Michel de Montaigne, Voyage dans l’Italie, II, p. 194. 137 In this period, as a consequence of the ‘Strasbourg Bishops’ War’ (1592–1604), the residence of the Strasbourg bishops and of Leopold (“aula Serenissimi Leopoldi”) was in (Elsass-)Zabern (French Saverne), more precisely in the so-called Oberhof: see Léon Bachmeyer, ‘Pages d’histoire de Saverne’, in: Société d’histoire et d’archéologie de Saverne et environs, 1965, p. 13 ff., esp. p. 15; M. Thomann, ‘Molsheim und Zabern. Residenzstädte im Bistum Strassburg’, in: V. Press (ed.), Südwestdeutsche Bischofsresidenzen ausserhalb der Kathedralstädte, Stuttgart, 1992, pp. 35–48. 138 He was in Florence on 24 September 1615 (f. 520r / 1056). Medio October he was in Arona, with Federico Borromeo (f. 521r / 1058). At this occasion, he visited the Biblioteca Ambrosiana: “Ein so schone und so grosse hab ich nie gesehen”. At the same occasion, Borromeo – through Terrentius – asks Faber for a complete overview of the books published by Tommaso Campanella; see Pier Francesco Fumagalli, Appunti di cultura cinese, Milan, 2009, p. 140. 139 Carteggio, p. 559, no. 423: “Quaeso decribat mihi aus mein stambüchle das beym Principe ist, alle namen, locum, tempus. Multa enim amicorum nomina mihi exciderunt, quibus si scribam sine nomine, iniuriam videor veteri amicitiae inferre”. / ‘I ask to transcribe for me from my “Stammbuch” which is with the Prince, all the names, the place and the time, because many names of friends disappeared from my memory; if I would write to them without mentioning their name, I appear to cause injustice to our old friendhip’.

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Map 3. Terrentius’s second academic & missionary tour (1615-18).

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theology – with regard of the drawings in Salvianus’s fish book in the library of the same College.140 At Leopold’s Court in Zabern (Saverne), Terrentius was involved in discussions on alchemy with Leopold himself and his entourage, but whether he had found the “cosa reale, nova & bella”, which he had hoped to find in Germany (see the aforementioned letter of Faber) we do not know, and also with the chemical preparations and experiments (“chymica”), either with Leopold himself or with Eggs he had uncertain results (f. 522r / 1060). From November 1615 to mid-March 1616 he was for a last time in Rheinfelden / Basel with Johann Friedrich Eggs, searching for a chemical preparation to cure the kidney stone of both Leopold and his confessor, Henricus Vivarius (f. 524v/ 1065), experiments during which Eggs was injured.141 After a farewell-visit to Freiburg (f. 526r / 1068), he left for Milan, to meet Nicolas Trigault. Having arrived in Milan shortly before Easter (3 April) 1616 (f. 526 / 1068), Terrentius met Trigault on the spot at an unknown moment in the middle of 1616, with some months of delay.142 Both stayed there at least until mid-June, as Terrentius’s last known letter from Milan is dated 14 June 1616 (f. 511 / 1038). In this short period, Terrentius wrote several letters to Faber (26 April; 1 May; 2 May; 18 May) and both he and Trigault visited (again) Federico Borromeo and his library (Bibliotheca Ambrosiana), certainly not a detail within the program of the procurator and his ‘socius’.143 A final remark concerns Terrentius’s request to the General, before the start of the second part of his European tour (cf. infra) for a companion, for which he and 140 Cf. f. 509r / 1034/5 (26 May 1617): “Nuper scripsi P(atri) Adamo ut moneret vos de piscibus Salviani. Quid, si Princeps Caesius vellet extare aliquid monumentum Lyncaeorum in bibliotheca Sinensi? si curaret depingi pisces illos Salviani, q(ui) non supersunt 100, parvo sumptu ei facile fieret, nam pisces mu reales inveniuntur, et q(ui) haberi non possunt ad manus, ex Collegii Romani libro depingerentur; scribam tamen an Collegium forte suum donaret exemplar” / ‘Recently I wrote to Father Adam [Schall von Bell] to remind you [Faber] of Salvianus’s fishes. What about it, if Prince Cesi would like a monument of the Lynceans in the Chinese library [in Peking]? If he would take care that these fishes of Salvianus – which are not more than 100 – would easily be copied for him for a low price, because there are many ‘real’ (fishes) to be found, and those, which we cannot find, could be copied from the book in the Collegio Romano; I will write (to see) whether by any chance the College would donate its copy’. 141 F. 524r / 1064: “Eggs hat Principis Caesis Process gemacht, ist im aber nit angangen (‘it has not had any healing effect on him’)…wan im der mercury in das Maul gekommen, die glandulas (‘glands’) und fauces und linguam beim Zäpfle (‘suppository’) also inflamiert hatte, dass er iezt schier ein Monat nit wol reden kann. Wir sehen auch noch kein Besserung; Weiss nit wie man das mercury werden können wieder abfertigen”; see also f. 526r / 1068). 142 See Terrentius’s prospect in his letter from Alsace of 23 February 1616 (f. 522 / 1060): “Ad Pascham n(am) spero me unâ cum Sinensium Procuratore Mediolanum futurum, ut iter inde nostrum denuo versus Germaniam inchoemus” / ‘Because at Easter I hope to meet in Milan the Procurator of the Chinese (Vice-Province), so that we can start again our journey to Germany’. Trigault left Rome on or shortly after 1 May 1616, as we know from Faber’s dedication in a copy of the Nautica Mediterranea of Bartolomeo Crescentio, a farewell gift to Trigault (“Anno 1616 Kalendis Maji”: Verhaeren, no. 3254: see infra, sub 3.3). 143 Interesting is the suggestion of A. Rétif (in: Bulletin de l’Association G. Budé, 1953, p. 116) concerning the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan as a probable prototype that J. Terrentius had in mind for the library in Peking: ‘Il semble que Terrentius, ami personnel du Cardinal Frédéric Borromeo, se soit inspiré du

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Trigault proposed the Swiss mathematician Jean-Baptiste Cysat, SJ (c. 1587–1657).144 Cysat was at that moment teaching at the Jesuit college of Ingolstadt. General Muzio Vitelleschi denied his request by a letter dated 10 June 1617, with reference to Cysat’s irreplaceable role, and proposing the search for another candidate.145 According to Bernhard Duhr,146 this was Johannes Albericus, SJ (1586–1618).147 Returning to a reconstruction of the (at least partly) shared itinerary of Trigault – Terrentius, it can be presented now in two parts, as follows: (a) The first part: (Mid-1616) Milan> Lyon ( June 1616)148> Burgundy> Augsburg (Summer of 1616)> Munich (8 August 1616)> Dillingen> Neuburg a. Donau> Ingolstadt> Würzburg (Herbipolis)> Mainz (Moguntiacum)> Frankfurt (and the Book Fair / Michaelismesse, in the end of August)> Trier> Coblenz> Bonn> Cologne> Aachen> Liège> Brussels (end of November 1616 until February 1617, with excursions to Tournai [30 November]; Louvain and Antwerp [6 December and 9 January 1617])> Ghent> Ypres (Ieper)> Douai (February 1617)> Paris (15 March 1617).149 This itinerary programme realisé par ce dernier à l’Ambrosiana de Milan’. For a visit of Trigault and Schreck to Federico Borromeo and his library, see F. Buzzi & R. Ferro (eds), Federico Borromeo fondatore della Biblioteca Ambrosiana (Studia Borromaica, 19, 2005), pp. 361–363; see also infra note 169. 144 Supported by a previous application of Johann Baptist Cysat, made ‘in tempore non suspecto’ to be sent to the China mission, now kept in ARSI, Germ. Sup., 18, 306 (4 April 1616). 145 See ARSI, Germ. Sup., Epist. Gener., 4 (1611–1620), f. 191v: “Augustam P(atri) Joanni Terrentio”. 146 B. Duhr, Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern Deutscher Zunge, II.2, Freiburg i.B., 1913, p. 598. 147 Application letters for China of Johannes Albericus were sent from Ingolstadt on 7 and 8 February 1615 (Germ. Sup. 18-II, 261 and 262 respectively) and 18 January 1616 (ibid., 295), all preceding Terrentius’s own involvement. Of the alleged particular ‘mathematical’ training, attributed to Albericus by G.-M. Schmutz (www.sinoptic.ch/histoire/figures/fiva/textes/20011029_Fiva-Final.pdf)) – which could have been the incitement and the argument to promote him to the China mission – I found no echoes in these Litterae Indipetae. He must be distinguished from Fabricius Albricius (Fabrizio Albrizzi), who was introduced to Terrentius by Gaspar Schoppe in a letter of 24 March 1615; see Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. K. Jaitner), vol. II, p. 1013 (No. 474). 148 Although Terrentius had expected to return from Milan to Germany immediately: see his letter mentioned in note 142. In Germany he had also hoped to find more information on the lapis lucens / ‘stone of Bologna’: see Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 566 (Milan, 26 April 1616): “Petras lucentes mecum tuli in Germaniam, volui praeparare, [In German] ist mir nit angangen; tentabo Bononiae ut veram sciam praeparationem. Nam de minera non dubito me etiam in Germania inventurum, aliquid enim mihi videor iam olim subolfecisse” / ‘I took with me bright stones to Germany; I would like to prepare them; ist mir nit angangen [‘it had not any healing effect’]; I will try in Bologna to learn the true preparation, because I have no doubt that I will find on the mineral (something) also in Germany; indeed I think I have before already smelled something’. 149 AMSJ M I 30, 12, in a letter of 15 March 1617 to the Duke of Bavaria (with a reference to the proposed selection of Cysat): “Optavit S(erenitas) V(estra) mitti ad se unum aliquem matheseos & musicae peritum: et tametsi alios aliquos mittere potuissem, praetuli tamen (Patrem) Joannem Terrentium, eiusque auxilio me libens privavi, ut S(erenitas) V(estra) eius industriae commendaretur; & quia huiusmodi non satis tuto uni per tot itinera committuntur, petii a p(atre) Prov(incia)li ut socium illi adderet e nostris, theologum unum, N. (= ?) Cysat nomine, quem Ingolstadii, etc.” / ‘Your Serenity hoped that someone experienced in mathematics and music would have been sent; even when I had been able to send some other people, yet I preferred Father

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represents a coherent, linear and therefore plausible route,150 in which Rome was Trigault’s starting point. The first part of this route until Cologne is covered by Trigault’s aforementioned report written in Brussels on 2 January 1617 and published by E. Lamalle, in which Trigault explicitly points to his socius, Terrentius, as responsible for the book acquisition: “In Italia, Gallia, Germania, Belgio libros conquisivi, adhibito ad eam rem socio meo, rei librariae bene perito”.151 This comment permits us to look for his personal imprint in the selection of books purchased during this part of the journey.152 (b) The second part: After Paris the routes of Trigault (accompanied by his brother Elie Philippe Trigault, and Albericus) and Terrentius were separated: the former continuing his travelling over Lyon to Madrid – in order to negotiate the ‘passports’ for the non-Portuguese priests153 – the latter having been sent again to Germany and especially Munich,

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Johann Terrentius, and I have cheerfully deprived myself from his support, to recommend Y. R. to his industry, and because (commitments) of such a kind cannot be entrusted fairly safely to only one person over so long journeys, I asked from Father Provincial to offer him (Terrentius) from our fellow fathers a companion, one theologian, named Cysat, who in Ingolstadt, etc.’. Cf. the letter of General Vitelleschi to Terrentius (“Augustam P(atri) Joanni Terrentio”) in Epist. General., Germ. Super., 4 (1611–20), f. 191v (10 June 1617). The part of this itinerary between Bavaria and the Low Countries followed the traditional route through the Donau > Main > Rhine valley, of which we have many more detailed descriptions in the reverse direction: cf. R. Marchal, ‘Les voies de communication terrestres et fluviales entre les Pays-Bas et l’Italie au xve siècle’, in: Hommages au Professeur Paul Bonenfant, Brussels, 1965, pp. 601–619; for Jesuits using this route see the anonymous report “Ex Belgio Romam 1654” in Brussels, KBR, Van den Gheyn 4033 (Inv. 6422–6423), f. 13r–29v, and U. Kindermann, Kunstdenkmäler zwischen Antwerpen und Trient, Cologne etc., 2002 (with regard to Daniel Papebrochius’s journey to Italy in 1660). For the cartographical aspect of this route, see F. De Wit, Carta nova accurata del passagio et strada dalle Paesi Bassi per via di Alemagna per Italia, Amsterdam, 1671. E. Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 95: ‘In Italy, France, Germany, Belgium I acquired books, using for this my companion, who is very well acquainted with librarianship’. Interesting enough, Trigault, when writing his report in Brussels on 2 January 1617 switches, after having mentioned his passage in Milan in mid-1616, from the first person singular (“veni…reliqui…transmisi…etc.”: ‘I came…left…transmitted… etc.’) into the first person plural (“fuimus…devenimus, etc.”: ‘WE were…arrived, etc.’). The same does not hold for the first nucleus of books Trigault acquired in Rome in 1615, the so-called Bibliotheca Pontificia (cf. below, p. 128), as Terrentius was at that time still in Zabern (Strasbourg), and Trigault had sent the books ahead to Lyon, through an unknown route (“Lugdunum vocabat me nostra bibliotheca, quam R(everendus) P(ater) N(oster) auxerat munere mille aureorum, quibus libros Romae emeram et Lugdunum compingendos transmiseram, quo pervenerunt eo tempore, quo ibi fuimus”): E. Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 100. Petit discours escrit par Elie Trigault, religieux de la Compagnie de Jésus, contenant plusieurs belles particularitez de son voyage aux Indes Orientales, Valenciennes: J. Vervliet, 1620, p. 3 ff.: ‘J’arrivay (i.e. Elie Trigault) à Lion un jour avant l’arrivée de mon frère P(ère) Nicolas de son retour d’Alemaigne, et le jour suivant prismes ensemble nostre chemin vers Madrid (…). Nous arrivasmes en peu de jours en santé tous trois à Madrid, d’où, après avoir reposé un jour, partismes avec Maistre Albericus vers Lisbonne, pour pourveoir aux affaires de nostre navigation, laissant le Père Nicolas achever ce qu’il avoit laissé imparfaict pour son voyage d’Allemagne. Nous arrivons donc à Lisbonne en bonne disposition”. Cf. further Trigault, in AMSJ M 1, 30, 109 and J. Terrentius

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in order to receive the astronomical instruments offered to the China mission by Duke Maximilian I. We learn of this purpose from Terrentius’s letter from Douai, of 24 February 1617 to Matthias Rader, a fellow Jesuit in Munich.154 It is only owing to Terrentius’s letters in the Fondo Faber – when reconstructed in their correct chronological order155 – that we can follow his trip beyond Paris. During this second part of his European journey, described in the Faber letters, we see Terrentius without Trigault travelling from Paris – through Lorraine / Alsace, Freiburg (Febr.) and Basel (mid-March), to Bavaria, especialy Bamberg, Augsburg and Munich (Augsburg in February-May 1617> Munich on 26 May > Augsburg on 10 June> Munich on 23 July > Augsburg on 7 August > Munich on 13 and 19 September > Augsburg on 30 September) > travelling on 9 November, in the company of Ernst Fugger to Innsbruck (meeting with Archduke Maximilian)> Engadin> Milan> Genoa (a 9 day stay; together with Adam Schall)> Marseille> Barcelona> Madrid (Escorial)> Lisbon, where he arrived shortly before the end of March 1618.156 This may be a simplified track, since references in the letters suggest that he made short excursions while en route; these, however, are more difficult to document. Occasional remarks mention that Terrentius did not have his luggage (“sarcinae”) with him, or that his papers were temporarily not at his disposal. It therefore appears that the books and instruments which he had collected were sent on without him, that is, not under his personal control; books acquired during this new journey were sent either to the Jesuit college in Brussels, that of Constance, or to Rome, were they were collected – in Rome, under the responsibility of Adam Schall – to be sent later through different ways to Lisbon. *** When we reconstruct Terrentius’s role within the framework of this double journey, especially with regard to scholarly activities and the collecting of books for the China mission, we must start from his stay, shortly after finishing his theological studies,

in the letter of 24 February 1617 (see next note). The General’s reaction is in Germ. Sup. Epist. Gen. 4, f. 191v (Addressed to Terrentius in Augsburg) “R(everent)iam V(estr)am a Gallia in Germaniam a P(atre) Trigaultio – ita suadentibus negotiis – missam fuisse ex ipsis litteris intellexeram; ex litteris vero R(everentiae) V(estrae) Augustae 17 Maij datis libenter intellexi incolumem eam in Germaniam venisse benigneque ab (…) principibus exceptam fuisse”. 154 F. 506r-v./ 1028–1029: “(From Douai) Post paucos dies abeo Lutetiam, inde Lugdunum et tandem – quis putasset?– in Germaniam, Monachium scilicet: ita visum est P(atri) Trigautio, tum ut instrumenta mathematica, quae Dux Bavariae instruit magnificentissima inspiciam, usum ediscam; tum etiam quod videbar ipsi in Hispania plane futurus inutilis toto hoc anno cum fratrem suum habeat ducem itineris (…)”. 155 With regard to the dates, at least two corrections should be introduced to Gabrieli’s list, ‘Lettere’, pp. 482–483: (1) vol. 416 [to be corrected in: 415] f. 507–508’ / 1032: “10 gennaio” should be corrected into “10 Junio”, as in the autograph; (2) f. 675 / 1371: the proposed date “Belgio, 10 Dic. 1617” is impossible, as the letter says it was sent 2 months before going to Paris in the month of March, and before a visit to Antwerp; this can only be understood, when the letter was written very early in January 1617. 156 This date of arrival was precisely calculated, as March / April was the period when the yearly fleet of the ‘Carreira da India’ left Lisbon for Asia: the group indeed left Lisbon on 18 April of the same year ( J. Wicki, ‘Indienfahrer’, no. 655).

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during (at least) the first months of 1616 in Zabern (Saverne) and in R(h)einfelden (“R(h)einfelda in Alsatia”). There he resided at the court of Leopold V, Archduke of Further Austria / Vorderösterreich (1586–1632),157 bishop of Passau and Strasbourg (until 1625), and a prominent figure of the Counter-Reformation in the area. After an earlier stay there in 1607,158 Johann Terrentius returned in an unclear position, but in all probability he was invited to serve as Leopold’s private physician: see his letters of 18 January and 23 February 1616, sent from “R(h)einfelda” and “Ex Aula Serenissimi Leopoldi in Alsatia” (f. 524r-v./1064 and f. 522/1060 respectively, the latter being in Zabern), and the one of 29 February of the leap year 1616, also sent “Ex Aula S(erenissi) mi”.159 In Zabern, Terrentius disposed again of his “chartulas Paracelsicas” – which were perhaps sent by his friend Eggs from Basel – and continued during his leisure time at court (“otium aulicum”) his work on this compilation from Paracelsian texts.160 It was difficult to leave Leopold’s court, as the latter expressed his intention to appoint Terrentius as his privy counselor, to succeed his Jesuit confessor (“confessarius”), Henricus Vivarius, S.J, (cf. chap. 2.1: s.v.).161 Also, in his letter of 23 February 1616, Terrentius refers to the struggle he had to wage and the pseudo-arguments he had to counter before he received permission to leave.162 He reports as well about Leopold’s, 157 That part of the Habsburg lands in Swabia, Alsace and Vorarlberg, of which after 1386 only Alsace, Swabia and Breisgau (with Freiburg) were left, with capital Ensisheim (until 1651), afterwards Freiburg. See, among others, M. R. Forster, Catholic Revival in the Age of the Baroque. Religious Identity in Southwest Germany, 1550–1750, Cambridge, 2001 (cf. the map on p. 6). On the history of this part of Austria: V. Press (ed.), Vorderösterreich in der frühen Neuzeit, Sigmaringen, 1989. 158 See the two letters of October 1607 addressed to him, when in Rheinfelden (Gabrieli, ‘Letters’, p. 480). 159 Now in Graz, UB, Handschriften, no. 159, (no. 12): “Brief von Johannes Terrentius an Paul Guldin, d.d. 29 February 1616” (see: Die Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek Graz, vol. 1, Leipzig, 1942, p. 82). 160 In fact the Strasbourg area was an excellent place for such a task, thanks to the working of the local printer Zetzner, who not only printed there a “Theatrum chemicum” (1603 etc.) offering a synoptic view on alchemical writings – but also the work of Raimund Lull (from 1598 etc.: Rita Sturlese, ‘Lazar Zetzner, “bibliopola Argentinensis”. Alchemie und Lullismus in Strassburg an den Anfängen der Moderne’, in: Sudhoffs Archiv, Bd. 75.2, 1991, pp. 140–162). On these chartulas see below in chap. 4.10. On the Paracelsian aspects (the parallelism between macro – and microcosmos; medical application of antimony and mercury; also more controversial ‘remedies’ as the ‘unguentum armariorum (armarium)’ and ‘homunculus’), see Antonio Clericuzio & Silvia De Renzi, in: D. S. Chambers & F. Quiviger, Italian academies of the sixteenth century, London, 1995, pp. 189–191. 161 F. 522r/ 1060: “Magna proelia hîc committenda fuere parumque certe abfuit de me parta victoria. Aegerrime dimittor a Serenissimo Leopoldo, qui me suo tempore Patri Henrico voluisset successorem confessarium. Vici tamen – Deus sit laus – precibus potius apud P(atrem) Henricum quam alia pugnandi ratione”. According to a reference on f. 526r / 1068 (6 April 1616), Leopold gave him permission to leave his court only for the mission, and did not accept any other argument: “Non puto ullum impedimentum in Europa magni momenti occurrere posse, quod a Sinensi profectione me inhibeat, cum eâ me conditione Serenissimus Leopoldus dimiserit, ut nulla alia causa praeter Sinarum missionem pretenderetur”. For the identification of the ‘Henricus’ in the Rheinfeld-context (to be distinguished from Enrico Corvino), see infra sub 2.1. 162 F. 22r / 1060; cf. his letter to Guldin in Graz (UB Ms 159, no.12), of 29 February 1616: “Si vel minimum nutassem, manendum fuisset. Praetendebatur quidem dimidius annus, sed aliud quaerebatur (…).Afferebantur multa et magna merita S(erenissimi); certa pro incertis arripienda; patriae studendum; neminem praeter me unum fore post Henricum (…) et multa alia, sed ultimum et quod triariorum arcubus et lacertis torquebatur, etc.”. After an enumeration of Leopold’s arguments (real and specious), Terrentius compares his position with that of a besieged castle, surrounded by ‘triarii’, veterans of the ancient Roman army.

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and those of members of his court, alchemical interests and experiments. He mentioned figures such as an unidentified “comes” (Count) and many other anonymous persons ‘who were running about’, apparently without much success; in the same letter fragment Terrentius also averred that Leopold himself was involved – in the manner of a dilettante – in the same experiments, and mentions to have found there at least one book on alchemy.163 Other personalities he met at the Zabern Court were the private confessor Henricus Vivarius, S. J. mentioned above, his own successor Remus (Giovanni Quietano Remo), Leopold’s “intimus secretarius” Séraphin Henot and the Consiliarius Christian Schmidlin; see for these names below, chap. 2.1. Freiburg (i. Breisgau / Brisgovia)

When returning from Strasbourg to Milan in order to meet Trigault there around Easter (i.e. 3 April 1616), Terrentius visited on his way his “veteres Friburgenses amicos” (f. 526r / 1068), that is, alumni like himself of Freiburg University. At the same time he apparently made a final visit to his nearby hometown of Bingen. During that short visit to Freiburg, he heard about the death of the local medical professor, Jacob Mockius, in all probability one of his academic acquaintances (cf. sub 2.1) – who had indeed died on 22 February 1616.164 Basel (Lat. Basilea)

Basel had always been an important point in Terrentius’s travels, not only for its geo-strategic position, but especially because ( Johann) Friedrich Eggs – one of his best friends and a fellow alchemist (cf. sub 2.1: s.v.) – was established there (with “pharmacopolium” and “distillatorium” in his practice). On several occasions Terrentius organized his travels in such a way that he could stop at Eggs’s house, where he stayed for a couple of days or even weeks, participating at some mutual alchemical experiments. He therefore probably used Basel – and his colleague’s house – as temporary storage for his own papers during his travels within Europe. Such appears from a complaint, at a moment when he missed out, due to their absence, an opportunity to get them printed: “si modo mea scripta, quae Basileae delitescunt, habere possem (on 1 December 1617): ‘at least if I could have my papers at hand, which are lying hidden in Basel’ (f. 675r / 1371).

163 F. 525v / 1067: “Ut in Paracelso videre est. Ser(enissi)mo Leopoldo non ha niente, et non fa niente ancorche molti si vadino intorno, cavetque sibi ab istis quam maxime; unum tum libellum apud ipsum repperi, in quo quaedam erant non contemnenda, mecum de hisce rebus saepe contulit, et si quid scivisset vel ipse [= Leopold] vel sui omnino mihi aperuissent. Imo, me praesente, fuit cum illo (= Leopold) comes, qui illi obtulit magisterium illud ex sulphure et mercurio satis bonum,…tribus mensibus componere. Et ego deinde cum eodem comite saepius locutus sum de hac re et cum ipso nobili artifice”. Unfortunately I have so far not found any substantial study on the ‘cultural’ life or scholarly activities / interests at Leopold’s Court. 164 Jacob Mock (Moggk, Mockius), Friburgensis, c. 1540–1616: cf. Infra, sub 2.1: Mock.

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In any case, in mid-March 1616,165 he unexpectedly encountered there the private physician of Landgravius Mauritius, Jacob Mosanus, with whom Terrentius had been very well acquainted during his previous stay at the court of the Landgrave in Kassel – an episode from his earlier biography, here-to-fore unrecognized and known only through this one flashback: “dum Cassellis cum Landgravio morabar magnus amicus et distillatorum primarius” / ‘a great friend and first class distiller during my stay in Kassel with the Landgrave’ (f. 525v / 1067). Together they visited Eggs’s pharmacy or distillatorium. Milan (Lat. Mediolanum)

Terrentius’s next stay in Milan from the end of March 1616 is witnessed by his letters of 6 April (f. 526v / 1069); 2 May (f. 515r / 1046), 18 May (f. 513v / 1043), and 14 June 1616 (f. 511r / 1038), spanning in total a period of some two months, during which Terrentius had several meetings with Cardinal Federico Borromeo, who lived in Arona. At this occasion, Terrentius asked for a sample of a ‘telescope’ to the behalf of the mission.166 Apparently Trigault – who had been expected to arrive in Milan around Easter, met some serious delay on 3 April 1616 (f. 522r / 1060), as he arrived at Rome from Spain only late in April.167 During this Roman stay Trigault visited Johannes Faber several times, as Faber reports in the text Animalia Mexicana and a book donation proves.168 When Trigault finally arrived in Milan, both he and Terrentius visited, in the company of Cardinal Federico Borromeo, the cardinal’s library, although this is not mentioned in Trigault’s report.169 During 165 “Nuper ante 6 septimanas’, as he reports on 1 May 1616 (f. 525v / 1067). 166 See the letter of Borromeo to Faber of this date: Aevum, 6.4, 1932, p. 516. 167 Already on 13 February 1616 Trigault announced his visit by letter to the Cardinal – in fact his second visit: see the letter published by P. F. Fumagalli, in: Aevum, 75, 2001, p. 720 (from Ambr. G 257 inf., lettera 145, f. 278r). Terrentius expected that both would leave Milan on 19 May, either for Lyon or Innsbruck: see his letter from Milan on 2 May 1616 (f. 515r / 1046): “Heri intellexi P(atrem) Nicolaum rediisse Romam, unde credo 19 Maii circiter nos hinc discessuros, an Lugdunum an Oenipontum ex ipso sciam”. 168 Two annotations refer indeed to personal meetings between Trigault and Faber in Rome, both mentioned by the latter in his copy of the Thesaurus Mexicanus: (1) pp. 562-563 “is qui extremam porro manum Chinensis Regni descriptioni addidit, est Nicolaus Trigautius, amicus meus, qui duos integros in illo Regno dimoratus annos, Romam postea veniens, non semel me tantum invisit, etc.”; (2) “Nicolaus Trigautius, qui primus e Jesuitis ex Sinarum regno Romam rediit, aliosque et viae et vitae socios (inter quos Johannes Terrentius meus fuit) eodem ad praedicandum Christo evangelium traduxit, hic, inquam, cum aliquoties domi meae esset, certo mihi asseveravit, in mari illius Regni testudines vidisse se tantae magnitudinis, quantae est cubiculum meum, quod passus est longum decem, latum septem…” (p. 731); both fragments are also quoted by G. Gabrieli, in: R.a.L., 1933, p. 299 [24] and 308 [33]. A physical souvenir of these contacts is the two copies of Bartolomeo Crescentio, Nautica Mediterranea, Roma: Bartolomeo Bonfadino, 1601, which are preserved (Verhaeren, nos 3254–3255), and of which at least the former has a long, personal dedication by Faber to Trigault (dated 1 May 1616), with an additional salutation to Terrentius. 169 On this visit, and a previous one, by Trigault alone when travelling to Spain, see: F. Buzzi & R. Ferro (eds), Federico Borromeo fondatore della Biblioteca Ambrosiana (Studia Borromaica, 19), Milan, 2005, pp. 361–363. Both visits could give some support to the assumption of A. Rétif, according to which this library could have inspired to some extent Terrentius’s library concept for China (in: Bulletin de l’Association Guillaume Budé, 1953, p. 116). My research, however, suggests that Faber’s library was a far more important source

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this stay in Milan, Terrentius received his “chartae Paracelsicae” – sent from Basel or from Rome? – and continued transcribing the first volume of Platter’s Praxis (al.: Practica) Medica (f. 526v / 1069). The Jesuit pair would leave Milan for France only in July.170 Lyon (Lat. Lugdunum)

From Milan Trigault and Terrentius went to Lyon, specifically for books: “Lugdunum vocabat me nostra bibliotheca (…)”.171 There they found the books which Trigault had brought the previous year and which constituted the so-called bibliotheca Pontificia. These books – which Trigault already in his memorial to the General in 1616 estimated at 500 volumes172 – had been handed over to the printing firm of Horace Cardon to be bound, and had to be paid for.173 The preference for Cardon may be surprising, as the Jesuits in Lyon had earlier preferred the printer Pillehotte, but Cardon had favored connections with the Jesuits in Rome, especially during the generalate of Claudio Acquaviva (d. 1615), a factor which likely explains this choice. In any case, this collaboration went further than simply binding, since (a) in the same year 1616 Cardon published a French translation of Trigault’s best-seller De Christiana Expeditione;174 (b) both Jesuits purchased a considerable number of books edited by Cardon, since 17 Cardon items remain among the books with the material characteristics of the so-called Trigault-items in the Peking collection;175 (c) they received in return books for the amount of 500 gold coins (“aurei”), 16 of

170 171 172 173

174 175

of inspiration. Anyway: several Sinica now in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana should be brought in contact with the connection Borromeo – Terrentius / Trigault. Among this evidence is a note by Trigault, which was used for the classification of Chinese books in Borromeo’s collection; another piece of evidence is an Italian description (by Terrentius?) of the Chinese classics: see on this: P. F. Fumagalli, in: Aevum, 79, 2004, pp. 739–771. For this date: K. Jaitner, Schoppe, I/2, p. 1070 (Schoppe on 5 August 1616 from Augsburg to Faber: F.F. 421,f. 19): “P. Terrentius (...) Lugdunum Julio profectum esse scio”. Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 100. JS 125, f. 103–110, more precisely on f. 107r/v. On the “1,000 “aurei” (Reichsthaler? pardaos?) needed for this operation: ARSI, Fl.-Belg., 3, p. 298 (3 December 1616): “Gratum erit summo Pontifici intellegere curari a R(everentia) V(estra) omnibus libris arma ipsius imprimi; apud quem etiam agam ut 1,000 aurei, si Horatio Cardon numerati nondum sint, eidem procurerentur” / ‘It will please the Pope to hear that Y. R. (= General Muzio Vitelleschi) takes care that in all these books will be printed his (the Pope’s) armories; I will also insist, that the 1,000 ‘aurei’, which are not yet paid to Horace Cardon, will be counted to him’. On the Cardon covers, see S. Legay, ‘Les frères Cardon, marchands-libraires à Lyon, 1600–1635’, in: Bulletin du bibliophile, no. 2, 1991, pp. 416–425 (esp. p. 420, without any reference to the Trigault-books). Reference to Cardon – Trigault in: Th. Moyne, Les livres illustrés à Lyon dans le premier tiers du xviie siècle, 1987, pp. 145–146. See, e.g., Chantal Marie Agnès, ‘Horace Cardon et les jésuites’, in Bulletin municipal de Lyon, issue of 23 November 2009, not paginated. Namely the Verhaeren numbers 912; 915; 939; 1245; 1605; 1620; 1663; 1697; 1936; 2143; 2206; 2403; 2415; 2724; 2891; 2894; 3009; all the books date from 1616 or earlier, with no. 2143 as the only exception, published in 1619. Another striking fact: the topics of all these books are church-related (theology; canon law; biblical concordances), and no scientific themes are represented.

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them being splendid missals.176 I suppose that when Trigault returned to Lyon in the Summer of 1617, that is, more than a year later, more books – acquired in that period – received the Cardon covers. This can be the only explanation why we find various items printed in 1617 with the physical characteristics of the Cardon firm.177 Augsburg (Lat. Augusta [Vindelicorum]) – Munich (Monachium) – Dillingen (Dilingae)178

From Lyon the pair soon returned through Burgundy, to Germany, following the route I described above on the basis of Trigault’s own report and some additional documents. From Terrentius’s letters, on the other hand, we learn that, in the Late Summer of 1616 (August-September),179 they arrived in Augsburg – one of their first destinations in Germany coming from France, where Trigault had been already in 1615.180 They met not only (again) the local Jesuit community, but also individuals such as the humanist scholar Gaspar Schoppe (al. Scioppius), Ernst Fugger (al. Fuccari), and Gregor Aichinger, the latter’s organist (see sub 2.1). In Munich, where they arrived on 8 August 1616, they were received by Duke Wilhelm V (1548–1626) and his successor Maximilian I (1573–1651), who made at that occasion the generous endowment of 500 florins to be disbursed yearly to the mission. This generosity was only very irregularly implemented, though.181 At the end of August, they were again

176 Lamalle, ‘La propagande’, p. 100: “Ab Horatio Cardon liberaliter donata fuit nostra missio, nam cum accepisset a me duo millia aureorum, munera addidit quingentorum, inter quae fuerunt Missalia sexdecim, qualia vix ullibi pulchriora vidi et uno in loco nullibi. Unum erit pro nostro collegio Amacaensi, cetera pro nostris residentiis quas quindecim adornamus”. This is one of the rare indications which shows the Trigault books were mainly, but not only, intended to be attributed to the Peking college, but that at that time 15 other locations had to be included in the book program. Another explicit testimony on a broader distribution plan is a flashback in Verbiest’s 1680 Postulata (ARSI, Congr. Prov. 81, f. 219/1), which clearly says the books were attributed among others to the Peking college, and also elsewhere: “Haec autem bibliotheca in praecipuas residentias divisa est, cui annis sequentibus paulatim plurimi alii libri adjuncti sunt” (See my edition, Leuven, 2018, pp. 66–67). At any rate, from these missals not one appears to have survived, a fact which may be explained by this diffusion itself, and by the natural process of wear of this genre of intensively used books. Only one present can be recognized now, namely a copy of Concordiae Bibliorum, edited by Keerberg in Antwerp, in 1612 (No. 1352: see the inscription: “Ex dono Horatij Cardon”). 177 Cf. in the Verhaeren catalogue at least nos 741 (an Alcuinus edition from Paris of 1617) and 2143 (a Lyon edition of Cosme Magalhães of 1619), and some books bought in Antwerp in December 1616: see the conclusions sub 3.2. 178 Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 101: “Lugduno per Burgundiam in Germaniam ingressi Augustam devenimus”. 179 See Schoppe, Philotheca (ed., Jaitner), I/1, p. 394: “Cum autem eâ aestate Augustam”; on 8 August they arrived in Munich (Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 102); on 25 August Trigault was in Augsburg (AMSJ M 30, 82: letter to M. Rader); cf. also Faber in a letter of 3 September 1616 to Cesi, in Galilei Opere, XII, p. 275: “Terentio, che di presente si trova col P(adre) Nicolo in Augusta”. 180 Offering the ms. of De Christiana Expeditione for printing (1st ed. 1615). 181 See the evidence in Munich, BHA, Clm 27323 (including a letter of Trigault, of 2 February 1620 and one of Terrentius from Hangzhou, of 4 September 1621); see G. Leidinger, ‘Herzog Wilhelm V von Bayern und die Jesuitenmissionen in China’, in: Forschungen zur Geschichte Bayerns, 12, 1904, pp. 171–175; H. Schneller, ‘Bayerische Legate für die Jesuitenmission in China’, in: Zeitschrift für

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in Augsburg, where Trigault gave orders to the rector Georg May(e)r (1564–1623), editor of the illustrated version of Petrus Canisius’s catechism, for the shipment of a substantial cargo of Portuguese catechisms (500 copies for Goa, 500 for Malabar and 200 for Macau, 300 catechisms for Brazil), 50 copies of the Historia Chinensis, i.e. De Christiana Expeditione, and other presents, giving also precise instructions for the shipment through Hamburg and the financing.182 Ingolstadt (Lat. Ingolstadium)

When they reached – through Dillingen – Ingolstadt, they were received in the local Academia,183 where flourished an advanced mathematical culture, centered around, among other figures, Christophorus Scheiner (1575–1650).184 Trigault mentions in his report to have received there several books: “Libros etiam ibi non paucos dono accepimus” / ‘There we received not a few books as present’.185 When trying to identify these editions among the extant books of the Beitang collection, we can recognize only some rare items, thanks to their original owner’s inscription, combined with a donation formula.186

182 183 184

185 186

Missionswissenschaft, 4, 1914, pp. 176–189. The list of presents they received in Munich is preserved in JS 117, f. 1–1v. See also N. Standaert, An Illustrated Life of Christ Presented to the Chinese Emperor. The History of Jincheng shuxiang (1640). Monumenta Serica Monograph Series, LIX, Nettetal: Steyler Verlag, 2007, pp. 20–28. See the Memoriale P(atris) Trigaultii pro Rev.do Rectore Augustano Georgio Mayer, in ARSI, Fo.Ges., 722 / 17. The exact title is: Doutrina christam de Padre Marcos Iorge da Companhia de Iesu representada por imagens, Augusta, 1616 (see the copy in Lisbon, BNP Res. 4041 P.). Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 107: “Ingolstadium inde (i.e. Dilingâ) perreximus, quae est nobilis Academia”. On Christophorus Scheiner in Ingolstadt see, e.g. Die Jesuiten in Ingolstadt, 1549–1773 (Ingolstadt: Stadtarchiv, 1992), p. 140 ff.; when Terrentius arrived there, Scheiner already had published his Tres Epistolae de Maculis Solaribus, Augsburg, 1612 (of which a copy is still in the Beitang [Verhaeren, no. 2694], unfortunately without provenance indication) and the controversy on the primacy of the detection of the sunspots between Scheiner and Galileo – who also attacked Scheiner’s pupil Georg Locher (cf. ibid., p. 160 ff.) – was already going on. This will certainly have had some influence on their meeting. Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 107. See Verhaeren, no. 966 ( Johann Bayer, Uranometria: “Collegii Societatis Jesu Ingolstadii (?)1603”); 1386 (David Gregor Corner, Promptuarium Catholicae Devotionis: “Missioni Sinensi Collegium Ingolstadiense”) and 1795 (Sebastian Heiss, Dialogi sex de augustissimo corporis et sanguinis Christi sacramento: “Missioni Sinensi”), and nos 1761, 1872 and 2710 (copies of St Grodzicki [Quadripartitae Conciones], Johannes Pisanus [Perspectiva Communis] and Johann Schöner [Opera Mathematica] respectively, all with the same dedication formula: “Missioni Sinensi Collegium Ingolstadiense 1616”).

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Würzburg (Lat. Herbipolis)187

Instruments and books were also received when the pair met with three regional bishops (those of Würzburg, Eichstätt, and Bamberg188): “Bambergensis (…) dedit alia munera pretiosa, videlicet ornamenta (…), item officinam integram mathematici Bambergae demortui suo nobis sumptu comparat, alia ipse addidit instrumenta mathematica et libros”.189 Among the latter was a copy of the – black and white – edition of the Hortus Eystettensis.190 Terrentius also had another connection in this city with plants, as is suggested on f. 526v / 1069 (“Si quae sint ex plantis… (apud?) fratrem Herbipoli explorabo”); another meeting was with Theophilus (Müller, al. Molitor).191 Frankfurt (Lat. Francofurtum)

Trigault mentions in his report from Brussels (2 January 1617) that in Frankfurt they made a rather systematic visit and several large purchases at the MichaelisMesse (August 1616): “Ibique dies aliquot nundinas Francofurtenses illas toto orbe celeberrimas praestolati sumus, ad quas perreximus libros nonnullaque alia empturi; quatriduum ibi egimus, et magnam librorum rariorum (!), qui non facile alibi quam hîc reperiuntur, ubi concurrunt ex omnibus emporiis negotiatores comparavimus” ‘There we were waiting for some days for the Frankfurt (book) fair, very famous in the whole world; we went there to buy books and some other things. We remained there for four days, and we bought a huge mass of rather

187 Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 107: “Hinc biduo vel triduo venimus Herbipolim, ubi recepimus tres episcopos Imperii principes et episcopatuum suorum dominos temporales, videlicet Eichstettensem, Bambergensem, et ipsius loci dominum Herbipolensem”. 188 Three ‘Fürstbischöfe’: viz. Johann Christoph von Westerstetten (d. 1637), Johann Gottfried von Aschausen (d. 1622) and Julius Echter von Mespelbrunn (d. 1617), respectively: Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, pp. 107, note 52. 189 Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 108. I have not been able to identify the mathematician who had perhaps recently died in Bamberg. Gudrun Wolfschmidt (U. Hamburg) suggested it may have been a local Domherr, who was interested in astronomy and instruments (mail of 30 August 2017). 190 Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 108: “Unus (liber) flores nobilissimi horti totius Germaniae suis coloribus depictos in folio ingenti exhibet ita ad vivum expressos, ut in Germania ducentos pardais aestimetur, si vero coloribus caruerit in aere excusis, triginta pardais emi solet et unum etiam talem dono accepimus” / ‘One (book) displays, in a very large folio-format, the flowers of the most noble garden of entire Germany with its colors, to the life so that it is estimated in Germany 200 ‘pardaos’, but without colors engraved in etchings it is usually sold for 30 pardaos, and such copy we have received as a a present’. ‘Pardaos’ was a common Portuguese currency used in the Far East, equal to 240–300 reales (El Conde de Moretti, Manual alfabetico razonado de las monedas, pesos y medidas de todos los tiempos y paises, con las equivalencias españoles y francesas, Madrid, 1828, p. 121; see also the testimonies in S. R. Dalgado, Glossario Luso-Asiatico, vol. 2, pp. 175–176). Also in his letters from Europe, now in the ‘Fondo Faber’ Terrentius refers to his frustration at not having secured a coloured copy (see sub 3.1). 191 Cf. Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 502, and sub 2: s.v. Müller, Theodor.

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rare books, which could not be found easily anywhere else but here, where booksellers from all possible market towns met each other’.192 The purchases (cf. “comparavimus”) on the Messe were apparently rather substantial, and they are confirmed in the letters of Gaspar Schoppe: “Eunt Francofurtum ac libros coemerunt.(…). Rogaram, ut Francofurti libros aliquos mihi coercere, dazu ich dan durch hern Domcustos geld verordnet. Er aber ware der ehren nicht gewest, dass er nur mit einem wort mit gedienet hette, cum tamen totos dies in bibliopoliis exigeret” ‘They go to Frankfurt and bought books (…). I had requested, to collect some books for me in Frankfurt, for which I provided them money through the ‘custos of the Dom’. He had before never been there although he spent whole days in the bookshops’ (26 August 1616).193 As such, their passage was certainly remarked, and one wonders whether it was Trigault / Terrentius, to whom a local Frankfurt printer, Clemens Schleich, referred, when he told one of his friends about a Jesuit who once bought books to be sent to the ‘Indies’ for 1,000 crowns.194 Yet, despite these rather clear testimonies, the information seems incomplete, when comparing the extant volumes from the known Trigault collection in Peking with those listed in the Book Fair catalogue of the Michaelismesse 1616,195 as we find only very rare overlaps between them;196 it is therefore not clear how this discrepancy with Trigault’s explicit statement should be explained.

192 Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 108. 193 G. Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/2, p. 1075. 194 Clemens Schleich, flor. 1617–1638, book publisher active in Frankfurt in the Officina Wecheliana since 1614 (CERL Thesaurus) or 1615 (Data.BnF/fr); see A. Dietz, in: Frankfurter Handelsgeschichte, 3, 1921, pp. 72–77; J. Benzing, ‘Die deutschen Verleger des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts. Eine Neubearbeitung’, in: Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens, 18, 1977, p. 1257. The case with the Jesuit is reported by Bernard von Mallinckrodt, De Ortu ac Progressu Artis Typographicae, Cologne, 1640, p. 86 (quoted in: A. Kirchhoff, Beiträge zur Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels, 2 Bnd., Leipzig, 1853, p. 40; James Westfall Thompson, The Frankfurt Book Fair (…), Chicago, 1911, p. 85); unfortunately it is not clear whether the East or West Indies are meant. 195 See the Catalogus Universalis Omnium Librorum, qui hisce Nundinis Francofurtensibus et Lipsiensibus Autumnalibus de anno 1616 vel Emendatiores vel Auctiores prodierunt, Dass ist: Verzeichnüss (sic) aller Bücher / so zu Franckfurt in der Herbstmesse und zu Leipzig im Michaelismarckt Anno 1616 entweder gantz new / oder sonsten verbessert / oder auff new wieder auffgelegt / und in den Buchläden zu Leipzig verkaufft werden, cum Gratia & Privilegio Sereniss. Elect. Sax. Ad annos quindecim, Leipzig, in Abraham Lambergs Buchladen zu finden (copy in Wolfenbüttel; with thanks to Mr Hogrefe, who sent me a copy of this catalogue). 196 The only complete overlaps are nos 741, 1151, 1756, 2533 and 2552, all classified in the category of “Libri (Theologici) Pontificiorum”; the number is too small to be significant, and the overlaps could well be fortuitous.

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Bonn (Lat. Bonna)

When arriving from Frankfurt, via Mainz (“Moguntia”),197 Trier (“Treviri”) and Coblenz (“Confluentia”) in Bonn, Trigault and Terrentius were invited at the palace of the Archbishop-Elector of Cologne, Ferdinand of Bavaria (1577–1650), the successor of Ernest of Bavaria, who died in 1612. Ferdinand was another member of the Wittelsbach family, which they had already met in (among other places) Munich, but which left far fewer, and indirect traces; all are related to their visits in Bonn, Cologne and Liège.198 Ferdinand – impressed by the reading of Trigault’s 1615 De Christiana Expeditione, and probably inspired by the model of his relatives in Germany who supported the China mission with great liberality – had understood from this reading, and from their personal meetings199 the important role that astronomy and calendar calculation had for the Catholic Mission in China. Therefore, he had his predecessor’s astronomical instruments brought from Liège by a three-day journey to Bonn, and offered Terrentius the occasion to select among them those instruments which were expected to be useful to the China mission:200 “Ad reliquam eius humanitatem persequendam me accingo et imprimis cum ex historia nostra, quam legerat, didicisset quanta apud Sinas mathematicae disciplinae aestimarentur, instrumenta omnia mathematica, quae non minore labore quam sumptu congesserat eius patruus Serenissimus Ernestus itidem Colonienis elector, trium dierum itinere ad se adferri iussit. Interim dum Coloniam ad emendos isthic libros et reliquias colligendas pergebamus, ea [instrumenta] cum lata fuerunt obtulit nobis, ut quod de re nostra iudicaremus a nobis seponeretur; elegit socius meus, harum rerum peritus, selectissima quaeque, qualia nullibi habet Societas et alibi vix ulli, sic sive pretium spectes sive magnitudinem sive artis perfectionem; et si pretium spectes, peritorum iudicio mille quingentorum pardaorum superabunt. In his quadrantes sunt, astrolabia varia, ingentes machinae aliaque instrumenta permulta quae longum esset numerare”

197 Trigault mentions a short reception by the clergy of the cathedral (Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 108); in the Jesuit college the chair of mathematics was empty, and there were no mathematical courses given in 1616–1617: A. Fischer, ‘Jesuiten-mathematiker in der deutschen Assistenz bis 1773’, in: AHSI, 47, 1978, p. 179. 198 A verification in the archives of the Zentralverwaltung des Freiherrn von Fürstenberg-Herdringen in Schloss Herdringen with regard to traces of Trigault-Terrentius’s passing by there turned out negatively; I will express here my gratitude towards Mr Wolfgang Blaschke of the same archive for his on the spot inspection. 199 In his letter from Brussels, of 28 November 1616 Trigault reports their stay at the Court lasted at least ‘some (“aliquot”) days’: “Apud Ser(enissi)mum Electorem Ferdinandum dies aliquot haesi, a quo quam munifice exceptus sim malo ut R(everentia) V(estra) ex P(atre) Radero intelligat, quam ego limites excedam, sane quantum toti Bavariae familiae nostra missio debeat” (AMSJ, M I, 30, 1). From another letter in this same collection, we know that Elector Ferdinand – and his representative at the Court of Brussels – acted as an intermediary for mail sent to Trigault and Terrentius during their stay in the Low Countries (17 January 1617: AMSJ M I, 30, 3). 200 Lamalle, ‘propagande’, pp. 109–112.

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‘I prepare myself to continue (my report) on his other signs of courtesy. In the first place, after he had learned from reading our History how much mathematical disciplines were honored in China,201 he ordered that all the mathematical instruments, which his paternal uncle, His Majesty Ernest, also Elector of Cologne, had collected with no less effort than funds should be brought to him (to Cologne), after a journey of three days. In the meantime, when we continued our journey to Cologne to buy books and collect relics there, he presented us these (instruments), after they had been brought, in order to put apart those instruments which we considered as useful for our cause. My companion (Terrentius), who was very competent in these matters, selected some very exquisite instruments, such as the Society of Jesus nowhere else had, and outside the Society almost nobody, whatever you take into account, the price, the volume or the perfection of its fabrication. And if you look to the price, these instruments exceed – according to the opinion of connoisseurs – (the sum of) 1,500 pardaos.202 Among these instruments were various astrolabes, enormous machines and other instruments, too long to be described here’. These instruments were part of the advanced collection Ernest had himself composed, along with instruments built by local craftsmen in Liège, especially Adrianus Ze(e) lstius (flor. 1566–93) and Gualterus Arsenius (productive between 1550–70)203 and which was, one year before, in 1615, still seen by a foreign visitor to Liège.204 A third specialist, who was engaged as a mechanicus (that is, engineer and engine builder) at the bishop’s court in Cologne was Johann Eitel Zugmesser (al. Zieckmesser, etc.), to be discussed below; this is the only one of these three names which also appears in Terrentius’s letters (cf. sub 2.1: s.v.).

201 Namely Trigault – Ricci’s De Christiana Expeditione, Augsburg, 1615, etc., of which Liber IV, chapter 5 (pp. 355–364) was entitled: “Ex mathematicis disciplinis magna nostris auctoritas Nanchini accrescit”. 202 This episode is described in Trigault’s report (Brussels, 2 January 1617): Cf. E. Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 110. See also somewhat earlier in his letter of 30 November 1616, from Tournai: “Nam praeter magnam vim reliquiarum quam vel ipse nobis dedit aut suâ auctoritate procuravit, instrumenta mathematica Ser(enissimi) Patrui Ernesti felic(is) record(ationis) multa pretiosaque donavit” (AMSJ, M I, 30, 109). For this episode, and the later avatars of these instruments, of which probably one nocturlabe, signed by the Cologne astronomer – cartographer Caspar Vopelius (1511–1561) still exists in Peking (Palace Museum, Beijing, Gu 141945), see my note in Archives internationales d’histoire des sciences, vol. 62, no. 169, pp. 691–701 [Ill. 18]. 203 For this aspect of Ernest’s scholarly interests see R. Halleux, in: Geneviève Xhayet & Robert Halleux, Ernest de Bavière (1554–1612), Turnhout, 2011, pp. 47–58 and chap. 2.1: s.v. Ernest. 204 H. Michelant, Voyage de Philippe de Hurges à Liège et à Maestricht, en 1615, Liège, 1872, p. 102: “Ce carré… est nommé le cartier du Prince, où il tient son cabinet, où est sa grande salle…et où sont ses chambres d’exercices et de plaisirs, comme la bibliothèque, les instruments de matématiques et semblables”. In the same area he recognized also a tower where Ernest “pratiquait les secrets de son alchimie, ou art chimique, à laquelle il fut toute sa vie follement aheurté”.

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Ill. 18. Nocturlabium (also called horologium nocturnum) made by Caspar Vopelius (Latinate variant of Kaspar Vopel(l) or Vöpell), Cologne, 1511 - 1561: this was an instrument to indicate the time during the night, making use of the position of one particular star. The identification of the author relies on the inscription: “Caspar / Vopelius / artium / profes(sor) / fac(?) / Colon(iae) / M.D. / XXXXI” (‘Caspar Vopelius, professor of arts, made (?) it in Cologne in 1541’). On Vopelius’s activities and instruments: see Herbert Koch, Aus der Geschichte der Familie Vopelius. Familiengeschichtliche Blätter herausgegeben von Bernhard Vopelius. Heft IV: Caspar Vopelius Kartograph in Köln, 1511 – 1561, Jena, 1937. The link between Vopelius and TrigaultTerrentius’s visit to the area of Cologne and Terrentius’s selection of instruments taken from the collection of Ernest of Bavaria was first suggested by C. von Collani, in: Glanz der Kaiser. Kunst und Leben in der Verbotenen Stadt, Cologne: Museum für Ostasiatische Kunst, Cologne, 2012, pp. 184 – 185: although I could not find any documentary proof, it seems a very probable assumption. (Photo taken from: Scientific and technical Instruments of the Qing Dynasty, Hong Kong (The Commercial Press), 1998, Ill. 37.)

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Cologne (Lat. Colonia)

Their next stay in Cologne lasted two weeks. There they found a receptive milieu, as many young Jesuits had applied for the China mission205 and the provost of the metropolitan church, since 1612 Eitel Friedrich von Hohenzollern (1582–1625), brother of Count Johann von Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, was very sympathetic towards both Jesuits and their mission;206 with regard to the scholarly aspect of their mission, they found a flourishing printing culture. Their warm reception by the local printers is explicitly mentioned by Trigault in his report, who adds that several of them offered many books for free, after having sold them many others: “Bonnâ Coloniam, ut dixi, perivimus quatuor horarum itinere, ubi dies quindecim ita occupati fuimus, partim ut amicis satisfaceremus, partim ut libros seligeremus, vix ut nobis ad quietem tempus superesset. Magnam quoque vim librorum hîc congessimus et insignis fuit bibliopolarum in nos liberalitas, e quibus unus postquam nobiscum de quadringentis fere pardais iustissimo pretio convenisset, volumina splendidissima obtulit pardaorum fere centum; ex aliis bibliopolis nemo fuit, qui non impressos a se libros gratis donaret” ‘As I said, we arrived from Bonn in Cologne, after a journey of four hours; we were occupied there for fifteen days, partly to satisfy some friends, partly to select books, so that we had no time for rest. We also collected a great treasure of books, and the liberality of the local booksellers towards us was remarkable great. One of them, after agreeing with us on 400 pardaos as the right price, offered us (for free) very splendid volumes of about 100 pardaos. Among the other booksellers there was none who did not offer us free of charge some books they had printed’.207 In view of the evidence of a slightly later date, to be discussed when we describe their presence in Antwerp, one could assume that the exceptionally generous printer of this passage in Cologne was Antonius Hiera(e)t – mentioned in the accounts with Moretus and indicated by Terrentius from India as a possible editor of João de Barros’s historical work;208 he was in all probability the central figure in this professional group,

205 G. Stengel wrote already on 18 January 1616 from Cologne that 15 Jesuits were designated for the China Mission: see B. Duhr, Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher Zunge. Zweiter Band, vol. 2, Freiburg, 1913, p. 596. 206 See Trigault’s letter in Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 111; G. Hebeisen, ‘Die Bedeutung der ersten Fürsten von Hohenzollern und des Kardinals Eitel Friedrich von Hohenzollern für die katholische Bewegung Deutschlands ihrer Zeit’, in: Mitteilungen des Vereins fûr Geschichte und Altertum in Hohenzollern, 54–57, 1923, pp. 1–180; W. Eisele, ‘Kardinal Eitel Friedrich, Bischof von Osnabrück: Kleriker und Diplomat (1582–1625)’, in: Zeitschrift für Hohenzollerische Geschichte, Bd. 93 = Neue Folge Bd. 6, 1970; M. F. Feldkamp, Eitel Friedrich, Graf von Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, in: E. Gatz, Die Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches 1448 bis 1648. Ein biographisches Lexikon, Berlin, 1996, pp. 149–150. 207 Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 111. 208 See the letter of 23 December 1618 from Salsete, now in Mainz, Stadtarchiv, published by H. Walravens, in: China Heute, 23, 2004, no. 6 (136), pp. 234–238.

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and the one who offered books for free for the value of 100 pardaos, after having sold for 400. Among the extant books, now in Peking (Beitang), a large series of items printed in Cologne before 1616 seem to confirm this Trigault testimony, through an inscription or other material indications, such as the Trigault covers & armories.209 The comparison of the former book list enables us to recognize among the Cologne printers they met almost all the most prominent contemporary local printing houses:210 Birckmann, Cholin, Gymnicus; Hierat, Kalchovius, Ketteler, Kinckius, Metternich; Mylius, Noethen, Quentelius, Weidenfeldt,211 Zetzner. For Terrentius, one of the attractions in meeting this company of Cologne printers would have been the strong ‘alchemical’ tradition among a great part of them, once gathered around the official municipal physician, Theodor Birckmann (d. 1586), a member of the printers’ family Birckmann. To him Terrentius also refers for his “medicamenta nobilioria”, as he personally knew his son, the court physician of Leopold of Austria in Zabern (cf. chap. 2.1, s.v.), where they met each other several times.212 The presence of some books on the plague can likely be explained by the actions taken against this disease during this period in the area of Milan – Strasbourg – Frankfurt – Cologne.213 It appears that the good personal connections in Cologne were of some duration. This at least may explain Trigault’s letter on the situation of the Sino-Japanese mission, sent to “Coulogne à un sien ami”;214 in the same letter is also a reference to a “premier

209 Such are Verhaeren, nos 725 (Adrichomius); 806 (Anselmus); 1136 (Budel); 1150 (Busaeus); 1297 (Clavius); 1320 (Coccius); 1333 (Synod of Cologne); 1469 (Dionysius Carthusianus); 1470 (id.); 1472 (id.); 1474 (id.); 1559 (Euclides); 1697 (Chr. Gil); 1711 (Godschalcus); 1859 (Irenaeus); 2186 ( Juan Mariana); 2273 (F. Modius); 2274 ( J. Molanus); 2309 ( J. Nauclerus); 2310 (id.); 2312 (F. Nausea); 2398 (Th. Peltanus); 2416 (A. Pesantio); 2467 (H. Pinto); 2498 ( J. Pontanus); 2505 (A. Possevino); 2523 (L. de La Puente); 2525 (id.); 2528 (id.); 2552 (V. Reggio); 2639 ( J. Ruysbroeck); 2674 (A. Sasbout); 2893 (F. Suarez); 2899 (L. Surius); 3089 ( J. Wild); 3097 (G. Witzel), that is, almost all books of the Trigault-layer on church-related topics (theology; exegesis; preaching, etc.). Other Cologne prints dated before 1616 neither have the characteristics of the Trigault layer, so that every compelling reason to locate their acquisition in this same context is lost, and they could also have been acquired much later, in different circumstances, as the inscriptions in some of them also mentions: it concerns the vols. nos 269; 726; 799; 818; 914; 981; 1364; 1365; 1369; 1379; 1423; 1471; 1475; 1588; 1806; 1829; 1874; 1971; 2088; 2352 and 2353; 2354; 2388; 2404; 2428; 2463; 2877; 2926; 2959; 2998; 3016; 3098; 3106; 3898; 3933; 4014. 210 See W. Enderle, ‘Die Buchdrucker der Reichsstadt Köln und die katholische Publizistik zw. 1555 und 1648’, in: G. Mölich (ed.), Köln als Kommunikationszentrum, Cologne, 2000, pp. 167–182. 211 A descendant of this same family was Adam Weidenfeldt (1645–1680), a Jesuit Indipeta, who went in 1680 as a companion of the Namurois Antoine Thomas to China, and died ‘in via’ (near Brazil): J. Dehergne, Répertoire, p. 297. 212 For the Paracelsian and alchemical tendencies among the Cologne printers, see especially the contributions of L. Norpoth, ‘Kölner Paracelsismus in der 2. Hälfte des 16 Jahrhunderts’, in: Jahrbuch des Kölnischen Geschichtsvereins, 27, 1953, pp. 133–138; id., ‘Paracelsismus und Antiparacelsismus in Köln in der 2. Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts’, in: Medicinae et Artibus. Festschrift Wilhelm Katner, Düsseldorf, 1968, pp. 91–102. 213 See the observations of Vera Waldis, ‘Obrigkeitliche Massnahmen gegen die Pest in Stadt und Herrschaft Rheinfelden im. 16. und 17. Jahrhundert’, in: Gesnerus, 36, 1979, pp. 206–227. 214 Published in one volume with Elie Trigault’s Petit Discours, pp. 70–71.

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volume”, which he had sent to ‘l’Illustrissime & Reverendissime Conte de Hohenzolleren (sic), auquel j’en ay envoyé un exemplaire” (ibid.).215 Aachen (Lat. Aquis Grani)

This city was the next stop on their way to “Belgium”: we see an indirect trace of their passing by at the Jesuit residence of Aachen in one application letter by a local Jesuit for the China mission sent from Aachen on 6 January 1617 to the Superior General; the applicant was Wilhelm Federli, who mentions his personal interview with Trigault in his Litterae Indipetae.216 Trigault and Terrentius’s visit to the area is also reflected in one book title, which is directly linked to the Aachen area on the one hand, and Terrentius’s interest in mineral sources at the other. It is a copy of the second edition of Franciscus Fabricius, Thermae Aquenses sive de balneorum naturalium, praecipue eorum quae sunt Aquisgrani et Porceti, natura et facultatibus (…), by L. d’Armon, printed in Cologne: apud Jo. Kinckium, 1616, with a description of the medicinal qualities of the natural warm springs of Aachen (Lat. Aquisgrani) and nearby Burscheid (Lat. Porcetum). It must have been one of the most recent editions Terrentius bought during his stay in Cologne; the copy still extant in the Beitang library (Verhaeren, no. 1588) is bound with Schenck’s Biblia Iatrica (Verhaeren, no. 2695), which has the inscription “Missionis Sinensis”, referring to Terrentius’s personal acquisitions (on, which see chap. 3.3). Liège (Lat. Leodium)

Terrentius’s arrival in Liège and the exact dates of his visit are only known from one direct source, namely his letter from Liège of 20 November 1616 or immediately beforehand (f. 512r / 1040). We do not know whether Terrentius knew of, or was even attracted by the thought that the recently deceased prince-bishop of Liège, Ernest of Bavaria (d. 1612) – a former student of Clavius in Rome,217 an occasional correspondent of Johan Faber218 and an active alchemist and paracelsist himself219 – had once possessed a series of manuscripts by Paracelsus ‘collected’ in Liège, or at least had financed the first publication of the complete works of Paracelsus ( Johann Huser, Basel, 1590–1605).220 At any rate, although the visit certainly was brief, some 215 The brother of the Cologne metropolitan provost. 216 “Cuius (i.e. Dei) singulari dispositioni adscripsi, quod Reverendum Patrem Nicolaum Trigautium Aquisgranum transire contingeret, quocirca ei desiderium meum aperui, nomen dedi, etc.” / ‘I ascribed it to a special disposition of God, that Rev. Father Nicolas Trigault succeeded in passing by in Aachen, wherefore I opened my desire to him, and gave my name (as a candidate for the China mission), etc.’ 217 See U. Baldini, in: M. Feingold (ed.), Jesuit Science and the Republic of Letters, MIT Press, 2003, p. 81. 218 Cf. his letter of recommendation of 6 March 1601, in F.F. 420, f. 42r-v. / 98/99. 219 R. Halleux, in: Ernest de Bavière (1554–1612) et son temps, Turnhout, 2011, pp. 59–67. 220 On the whole scholarly scene in Liège and at the court of Ernest of Bavaria around the turn of the seventeenth century, and the place of alchemy and mathematics in the same, see: Thomas Lederer, Der Kölner Kurfürst Ernst von Bayern (1554–1612) und sein Rat Johann Grasse (um 1560–1618) als Alchemiker der Frühen Neuzeit. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Paracelsismus, Heidelberg, 1992, pp. 13–40; Hereward

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interesting contacts occurred there, as the local culture of alchemy in Liège did not end with Ernest’s death but continued on a more modest and private scale.221 In addition, Terrentius met there some former acquaintances – either personal or indirect: among them was Martin Hasdal(e), a former courtier of Rudolph II in Prague; the fragment reads: “Nup(er) inveni Hasdal Leodii, sed non licuit mihi colloqui uberius cum ipso. Aquam illam quam olim senior nobis ostendit conetur ediscere, e(st) enim valde bona, fit vel ex aqua communi vel pluvia, ut puto” ‘I recently met Hasdal in Liège, but it was not possible to speak with him more fully. The water, which in the past the old man showed us, he (Faber) should try to learn it; it is indeed very good; it is made either from common water or rain water, I think’.222 Martin Hasdale (c. 1570–1630) was a former courtier and probably the librarian of the Prague court, and – through his correspondence – had been an intermediary between Kepler in Prague and Galileo, the latter who had once been Terrentius’s teacher in Padua (1604).223 After Rudolph’s death in 1612 he was in jail for a short period, and afterwards retired to the private sphere. The reference in this letter suggests he probably moved during the last years of his life to Liège, or at least lived for a while there, thereby again confirming that Ernest’s Court had been a true ‘asylum’ for alchemist refugees from across Europe. Terrentius’s conversation with Hasdale may have therefore concerned similar topics: either the Galileo affair – which some months earlier, on 5 March had reached its apogee in the official condemnation of heliocentrism by Church institutions – or some alchemical experiments, as may be suggested by the next line, and its somewhat obscure reference to “aqua illa”. For all these reasons we would like to know which topics Terrentius and Hasdale discussed,

Tilton, The Quest for the Phoenix: Spiritual alchemy and Rosicrucianism in the work of Count Michael Maier (1569–1622), Berlin, 2003, p. 30; G. D. Rosenberg (ed.), The Revolution in Geology from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment, Boulder, 2009, p. 42; R. Halleux, in: Geneviève Xhayet & Robert Halleux, Ernest de Bavière (1554–1612) et son temps, Turnhout, 2011, pp. 45–67. As to Terrentius’s papers in Basel, see his letter in f. 675r / 1371 (apparently written from Brussels, shortly after he left Liège): “Si modo mea scripta quae Basileae delitescunt habere possem. Videbo Antwerpiae, etc.”. 221 Specifically, the atelier (or ‘laboratoires’) of Jean d’Oran (al. Oranus) continued its activities; a proof of this or another similar circle may be the publication, entitled: Huyle celeste ayant grande vertu, et des merveilles opérations sur le corps humain, etc., published in Liège: Ouwerx Jr., 1620 (R. Halleux, Ernest de Bavière (1554–1612) et son temps, Turnhout, 2011, pp. 66–67). 222 F. 506v / 1029. It is unclear whether also the second part of the fragment (“Aquam illam, etc.”) is still applied to Hasdale. 223 See an overview in: Robert Halleux, in: Ernest de Bavière (1554–1612) et son temps, Turnhout, 2011, pp. 55–56. On Martin Hasdale, see Stillman Drake, Galileo at work: his scientific biography, Chicago, 1978, p. 452; Hilary Gatti, The Renaissance Drama of Knowledge: Giordano Bruno in England, London – New York, 1989, p. 57; M. A. Petersen, Galileo’s Muse: Renaissance Mathematics and the arts, Cambridge (Mass.), 2011, p. 187; R. Westman, The Copernican Question: Prognostication, Skepticism and Celestial Order, Berkeley, 2011, p. 460, etc.; M. Bucciantini, ‘Prague 1610: Galileo, Kepler, Hasdale. With an appendix of unpublished documents’, in: Giornale critico della filosofia italiana, 91.2, 2012, pp. 234–247.

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even when there was no time for more extensive conversations (“non licuit mihi colloqui uberius”). At any rate, in the immediate context of the same letter, Terrentius cryptically refers to have ‘learned’ (“didici”) several things in (Cologne and) Liège, and announces his intention to deal with it more exhaustively (“fusius”) at a later occasion, without specifying in which domain, nor ever fulfilling – to my knowledge – his promise. Anyway as his stay in Liège was only brief, it could probably have had not too large an impact on his formation. Mentioned in this context is also Ernest’s (and Ferdinand’s) court mathematician and instrument maker (mechanicus), Johann Eitel Zugmesser (al. Zugmeister, etc.) – also a former student of Galileo at Padua in the period 1600–03, and therefore probably already known to Terrentius.224 He is mentioned with regard to Drebbel’s instrument at the court of Brussels (cf. below), about which he gave a negative assessment to Terrentius. The most logic milieu where we may expect Trigault and Terrentius to have sojourned was the Jesuit college of Liège, more precisely the College of the ‘Walloon Jesuits’ (also called: “Collège de l’isle”), not that of the English Jesuits, which was established in the same year 1616. Their short stay and contact with members of the local community left some traces in the Litterae Indipetae or application letters sent from the college of Liège to Rome, for the East Indian missions.225 The applicants were Robert de Bonnières (20 November 1616 – that is, the same day Terrentius sent his letter to Faber from Liège)226 and Robert Robionoy (22 December 1616).227 Neither of them would in the end get the permission from the General. On the other hand, Jean de Celles (Selles, v.s.) – who was member of the college staff,228 but from whom no application letter is known – was apparently

224 For Zugmesser’s matriculation in Padua in 1600 (13 December), see Lucia Rossetti, Matricula Nationis Germanicae Artistarum in Gymnasio Patavino, 1553–1721, Padova, 1986, no. 999: “Zieckmeser Johannes Eutel (sic) Spirensis”. 225 The Litterae Indipetae from the Prov. Gallo-Belgica are mainly in ARSI, Gallo-Belgica, 45; see on these letters from the Walloon Province: A. Delfosse, ‘“ecce ego, mitto me”. Les Indipetae Gallo-Belges ou le désir des Indes’, in: M. Hermans (etc.), The Itinerary of Antoine Thomas, S.J (1644–1709), scientist and missionary from Namur in China, Leuven, 2017, pp. 163–205. 226 Gall. Belg., 45, no. 16. 227 Gall. Belg., 45, no. 21 (with reference to Trigault: “manum non mediocrem intelligo esse eorum, qui in Sinas unâ cum Patre Trigault penetrare desiderant…” / ‘I understand that the group of those (fathers), who want to penetrate China with Father Trigault is not small’. 228 See the Catalogi breves 1613–1639 in ARSI, Gall.-Belg., 24, more precisely the one of 1615 (f. 40v): “P(ater) Johannes de Selles, Confessarius Sodalitatis Iuniorum Civium”. On Jean De Celle(s), al. Selles etc., born in Dinant 1678–d. 1618, see: J. Dehergne, Répertoire, p. 51 (No. 164); PIBA, I, 203; W 650. Cf. also Elie Trigault, Petit discours, p. 4: “(When Elie Trigault arrived in Lisbon) nous trouvasmes nos P(ères) de Celles et de Saint Laurent en bonne disposition”. Apparently De Celles’s specialty was music and musical instruments: cf. A. Väth, A. Schall, p. 42, n. 8, without source indication; he is mentioned as a musician by N. Trigault, in JS 121, f. 109r “Sed eminebat in eo musicae artis peritia pulsandarumque omnis generis fidium rara dexteritas et propensio, quâ re Sinensem ecclesiam sperabatur exornaturus, quod illius rei per discipulos suos evulgandae curam erat suscepturus, in eamque rem musicam omnem supellectilem secum ex Europa deferebat ita copiosam, ut in admirationem Sinas rapturus non temere crederetur, verum cum eo

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selected, as shortly afterward the archives of the Officina Plantiniana refer to costs for transporting his extensive luggage – mainly musical instruments – to Antwerp, and as he is mentioned from then on as a member of Trigault’s group, until his death en route. Outside the court and the Jesuit community, Terrentius and Trigault met also some other laymen. According to a letter he wrote some weeks later, and sent from Brussels on 16 December 1616 (f. 510r / 1036) Terrentius met in Liège also some physician, called Nollens: “In artistam vix ullum incidi hactenus, nisi quod Leodii invenirem medicum Nollens, qui in Poloni illius – qui Romae tinxit – laboribus bene versatus (est), sed omnia sunt in fieri, forte nil erit in esse” ‘So far I have met almost no arts students, except the fact that I found in Liège the physician Nollens, who is well-versed in the works of that Polish (alchemist), who tinged in Rome, but all things are in ‘to become’, probably nothing will be in ‘to be’’ (?). In the given circumstances, this Nollens should be Jean Nollens, son of Art Nollens, échevin and submayeur de la Souveraine Justice de la Cité et du Pays de Liège, a member of a family originally from Maastricht and, in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, among the most wealthy in Liège.229 He was indeed a physician, to whom Ferdinand of Bavaria sold the property called Meeffe (Fernelmont) in 1619. The reference to his acquaintance with the procedures of a Polish alchemist in Rome (“qui Romae tinxit”230) suggests he had studied in Rome, and this is – as we will see further (sub 2.1: Nollens) – confirmed by information from Liège, which mentions he had (at least) gained some experience in the hospital of Santa Maria dell’Anima of the Eternal City.231 It is also tempting to connect the reference Terrentius – ever interested in balneologic and mineralogic experiments and information – made in his letter of 10 June 1617 (and thus after his visit to Liège and to Antwerp) to the aquae Spadanae,

suspendimus organa nostra”. See also Trigault’s letter in JA 49-V-5, f. 167r (31 December 1615): “Musicum etiam habeo sacerdotem, et magistrum alium”. In April 1617 De Celle’s luggage was sent from Liège to Antwerp : cf. MPM Archief 128, f ° 294 : « trois casses et un tonneau envoyez de Liège du R.P. Jean de Celles par Pieter Tuysman pesant livres 1575 ». 229 See: A. J. Flament, Geschiedenis van het huis der twaalf apostelen, genaamd “de Belick” te Maastricht (…), Maastricht: Letter – Nypels, 1892–93, p. 35 (for the Maastricht background, speaking of the family with the orthograph: “Nullens”: ‘eene deftige Maastrichtsche familie, zij had…een broeder die schepen was te Luik’), and especially Camille de Borman, Les échevins de la Souveraine Justice de Liège, Tome second (âge moderne), Liège, 1899, pp. 228–229 (Arnold Nollens: 1579–1605) and Servais Nollens (1540–76). 230 Cf. another reference to the same on f. 508r / 1032; cf. s.v. Polonus. 231 H. ab Heers, Observationes Medicae oppido rarae in Spa et Leodii, Leiden, 1685, p. 40 (“Nollens Romae nello Spedale della Anima”); 225; 243. This was the hospital where Johann Faber was, between 1615 and 1627, “Provisor & Administrator Ecclesiae et Hospitalis S(anctae) Mariae de Anima Nationis Teutonicorum de Urbe”; for documents on expenses, etc., see F.F. 424, passim.

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the mineral springs at Spa, to a personal (guided?) visit.232 His remark concerns the quality of the mineral water, and the presence of vitriol: “Ego non dubito vitriolum et acidum et acre esse, nam illi duo sapores possunt coniungi. Refrigerationis causam nullam aliam nunc quidem scio, nisi q(ui)a incidit et purgat, sicut patet in aq(ui)s Spadanis, q(uae) sunt vitriolo”.233 Yet, we cannot exclude the possibility that he gained this information not during a visit on the spot, but from some publication on the same springs. One such text authored by Gilbert Lymborgh is mentioned, indeed, among the books he had bought during his visit on 9 December 1616 to the Officina Plantiniana in Antwerp (cf. below), that is, before this reference of 10 June 1617. Lymborgh’s work is item 46 in the acquisition list (see chap. 3.2 and the Appendices): “De las Fuentes de Spa. Trattado, 4°”, to be completed into Tratado breve de las fuentes azedas que nacen al rededor de la selva de Arduena y principalmente de la del lugar llamado vulguarmente Espa, que es la fuente que suelen dezir de Lieja. Por el Doctor G(ilbert) Lymborgh medico. Impresso an Anvers encase de Juan Bellero, 1559. It is the Spanish translation of Gilbert Lymborgh (al. Limburgius, Philaretus, originally Gilbert Fusch), De acidis fontibus Sylvae Ardennae, praesertim eo, qui in Spa visitur, libellus, Antwerp: J. Bellerus, 1559, in-4°.234 Both these editions, as well as the French version are extremely rare or even untraceable.235 The testimonies in the Antwerp account book prove at least that this

232 On the history of Spa in the Principauté de Liège, see, among others, Albin Body, Bibliographie spadoise et des eaux minerales du pays de Liège, Brussels, 1875; id., ‘Les amusemens des eaux de Spa. Bibliographie’, in: Bulletin des bibliophiles liégeois, 6, 1900, pp. 59–77 (mainly eighteenth century); id., Spa: histoire et bibliographie, Spa, 1942; J. Toussaint, ‘Spa dans l’édition au xvie siècle’, in: Histoire et archéologie spadoise. Numéro spéciale, Juin 1980, pp. 66–71; G. Xhayet, ‘Les premiers traités liégeois relatifs aux eaux de Spa (1559–1616)’, in: Seizième siècle, 8, 2012, pp. 191–207 and ‘Les traités liégeois des eaux de Spa à la Renaissance: objets patrimoniaux et vecteurs de patrimoine culturel’, in: Les cahiers nouveaux, 86, Sept. 2013, pp. 48–52; on its foreign visitors, especially in the eighteenth century, see Daniel Droixhe (dir.), Spa, carrefour de l’Europe des Lumières. Les hôtes de la cité & thermale au 18e siècle, Paris, 2013. 233 F. 508r / 1032; the presence of vitriol (“chalcantum”) – albeit in different quantities and qualities – in two of the four Spa fountains (namely the sources called La Sauvinière and Le Pouhon) is also mentioned by other authors, such as Gabriel Fallopius, Philippe Gerinx and Henri van Heers, Spadacrene, Leiden, 1605, etc., the latter especially on p. C3 ff. (“Iam vero plurimum vitrioli Spadanis inesse fontibus eosque eo vel solo vel praecipue acescere hinc patet, etc.); see further Johannes Baptista Van Helmont, Paradoxa de aquis Spadanis, Liège, 1624, in: Ortus Medicinae, i.e. Initia physicae inaudita, Amsterdam, 1652, p. 552; E. Nessel, Traité des eaux de Spa, avec une analyse d’icelles, leurs vertus et usage, Spa-Liège, 1699, p. 86 ff.; Sammlung der Natur– und Medicin– wie auch hierzu gehörigen Kunst und Literaturgeschichte, Breslau, 1717, vol. I, p. 427; E. Godden Jones, Analyse des eaux minérales de Spa (…), Liège, 1816, pp. 75–76. 234 The author of the Spanish translation was Juan Martin Cordero (Valencia, 1531–84), who made the translation during his visit to Flanders and Antwerp, and to Spa between 1555 and 59: see L. Gil Fernandez, Formas y tendencias del humanismo valenciano quinhentista, Alcañiz – Madrid, 2003, p. 79; id., ‘Juan Martin Cordero en Flandes; Humanismo, mecenazgo e imprenta’, in: Revista de filologia española, 95.1, 2015, pp. 75–96, especially pp. 89–90. 235 A copy of the Spanish version I found in Biblioteca Nacional de España (shelf number: VE/53/77). In 1577 also a French translation appeared: Des fontaines acides de la forest d’Ardenne, et principalement de celle qui se trouve à Spa, re-issued in Liège by Gautier Morberius in 1577 (X. de Theux de Montjardin, Bibliographie liégeoise, 2e éd., Bruges, 1885, col. 13). An Italian translation was published in Milan in 1592:

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Spanish title indeed existed (against many doubts uttered in the past), and that it was in Terrentius’s hands in June 1617; whether or not his declarations on the quality of the Spa waters stem from reading this booklet, or from information he got on the spot, I can nevertheless not prove. Finally, in two other books on topics closely related to Liège still extant in the Peking Beitang collection I recognize a possible link to the brief passage through that city. The first is a copy of Descriptio Publicae Gratulationis, Spectaculorum et Ludorum, in Adventu Sereniss(imi) Principis Ernesti Archiducis Austriae (…) Cum Carmine Panegyrico in eiusdem Principis Ernesti, accompanied by an ‘Oratio funebris in archiducis Ernesti obitum iisdem Provinciis luctuosissimum’, both by Jean Boch, published in Antwerp in 1595 (Verhaeren, no. 1062);236 it is bound with another Boch-title which has the material characteristics of the Trigault books, and is therefore, logically speaking, also part of this layer. The other is a copy of Jean Chapeauville’s book on the history of the bishopric of Liège until his time, Qui Gesta Pontificum Tungrensium, Traiectensium et Leodiensium scripserunt Auctores Praecipui (…), Liège: Christian Ouwerckx, 1612–16, in 3 volumes, which arrived in China as part of the Trigault books and are still present (Verhaeren, no. 1269). Both the Boch and Chapeauville titles show that both missionaries could in all probability not remain indifferent towards topical issues which had little chance of being of direct interest within the China mission; it shows also that in this first collecting phase, the economic imperative – that is, to limit the selection for budgetary reasons to what was strictly necessary for the mission – was not decisive. Another book in this same set is the copy of Gerard Stempelius (1546–1619) – a former collaborator of Ernest of Bavaria in Liège – namely, Utriusque astrolabii tam particularis quam universalis fabrica et usus, sine ullius retis aut dorsi adminiculo. Auctoritate, auspiciis et impensis Ser(enissimi)mi Principis Ernesti Electoris Coloniensis, Ducis Bavariae, etc., Liège: typis Christiani Ouwerx, 1602 (Verhaeren, no. 2869);237 unfortunately, this item also lacks specific indication which would prove that the copy in Peking was acquired at this moment of the Jesuit pair’s tour. After their stay in Liège, Trigault and Terrentius continued their way through the Southern Low Countries, visiting Brussels, Antwerp and some minor cities such as Louvain and Tournai. It is in the line of logics of their tour through Habsburg and Trattato breve delle fonti acetose che nascono in torno alla selva di Ardenna et principalmente di quella del luogo volgarmente chiamato Spa; see C. Opsomer, in: P. Bruyère & Alain Marchandisse, Florilège du livre en principauté de Liège, Liège, 2009, pp. 326–327, and of the older sources Victor Jacques, in Biographie Nationale, vol. 7, 1880–1883, col. 359 ff. The book deals also with the vexata quaestio whether the Spa sources can be identified with the fountains mentioned in “Tungri civitas Galliae” by Plinius (Nat. Hist., XXXI.12); further it contains a description of the mineralogical composition of the water from the fountain Sauveniere and Pouhon, an enumeration of the diseases it can cure, the way of using it, and a series of 39 other similar mineral sources in the Ardennes. Cf. G. Xhayet, ‘Les premiers traités liégeois relatifs aux eaux de Spa (1559–1616)’, in: Seizième siècle, 8, 2012, pp. 191–207. 236 See on this happening: Ch. Grell and R. Halleux, ‘Ernest of Bavaria’s joyous entry into Liège, 15 June 1581’, in: J. R. Mulryne, K. De Jonge; R. L. M. Morris; P. Martens (eds), Occasions of State: Early Modern European festivals and the negotiation of power, Abingdon, 2019, chap. 4. 237 R. Halleux, in: Ernest de Bavière (1554–1612) et son temps, Turnhout, 2011, p. 53.

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Wittelsbach Courts, that after the Court in Liège they continued their travelling to Brussels, and the Court of the Archdukes Albrecht (d. 1621) and Isabella (d. 1633), governors of the Spanish Low Countries. When starting from Milan in mid-1616 the (Southern) Low Countries and the Court in Brussels were among the planned destinations, and already in December 1615 Nicolas Trigault had announced to have large expectations from a visit to the Archduke Albrecht in Brussels: “Denique in Belgium ad archiducem et alios, unde varia sperantur” ‘Finally to Belgium, to Archduke Albrecht and other (princes), from whence I expect various things’.238 These plans are confirmed by Terrentius’s prospection in a letter of 6 April 1616 to Faber: “Nomenclatorem, quaeso, mittat prius quam excedam Italiâ, ut mihi usus esse possit. [in German] Wann ich in Niderland sein wird, soll er auch nichts mehr nutzen” ‘I ask (you, Faber) to send my address / namebook (to me) before I am leaving Italy (more precisely Milan), so that it can be of benefit for me. When I will be in ‘Ni(e)derland’ (Belgium, or the Southern Low Countries) it will be no longer useful’ (f. 525 r/v. / 1066–1067).239 Moreover, the central position of Brussels and the local Jesuit college facilitated travelling to other places strategic for their multiple mission, spread through the country, which had recently (10 May 1612) seen the split of the Belgian Jesuit province in two: the Provincia Flandro-Belgica and Gallo-Belgica, each with its own novitiate, viz. in Mechelen (est. 1611–12) and Tournai (est. already in 1583), with the Professed House (est. 5 June 1616) and the Officina Plantiniana in Antwerp (c. 50 km.) and the University in Louvain (c. 22 km.), all within a distance of one to two days travelling.240 They expected this visit to Belgium could take some two months: “Manemus adhuc duos menses in Belgio, sub initium Martii Lutetiam petituri”(cf. f. 675r / 1371; December 1617). For the reconstruction of the day-after-day journey we rely on the addresses / signatures of the letters preserved in Rome (BANLC: Fondo Faber) and Munich (AMSJ), and the direct archival evidence from the archives in the Officina Plantiniana (Antwerp). From these documents, it emerges they were, after their stop at Liège, in Brussels (letter of Trigault on 28 November 1616),241 Tournai (30 November 1616),242 Antwerp (7 and 9 December 1616: see below), Brussels (Terrentius’s letters of 10 and 16 December 1616, and 2 January 1617), Antwerp again (8 and 9 January 1617), Brussels (17 January 1617),243 etc.

238 Cf. JA 49-V-5, f. 168r (31.12.1615). 239 Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 564 (6.04.1616). 240 For the history of the ‘Belgian’ Jesuit province in the time of the Archdukes, see: A. Poncelet, Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus dans les anciens Pays-Bas. Première partie: Histoire générale, Bruxelles, 1927, p. 434 ff. 241 AMSJ, M I, 30, 1. 242 AMSJ, M I, 30, 109. 243 AMSJ, M I, 30, 9 and 104.

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Brussels (Lat. Bruxellae)

The main target of their sojourn in Brussels, starting at the end of November 1616 and a couple of times interrupted by short excursions to other cities as Antwerp, Louvain and Tournai (to be discussed below) – was the Court of the Spanish Governor, which was in the palace of the former Dukes of Brabant on the Koudenberg (“Mons Frigidus”).244 They certainly stayed, however, in the Brussels Jesuit College in the Ruisbroekstraat, still under construction,245 which was in the back of the Palace. Whereas the College was the place where Rubens probably made their portrait on 17 January 1617 and where their luggage was temporarily stored before being transferred to Lisbon (see below), it is not mentioned in their preserved correspondence. As to the Palace: one letter of Terrentius has an eyewitness remark which confirms at least one visit, confessing at the same time that Trigault’s high expectations – in terms of financial support and gifts – were not fully met.246 The Court may have had an additional attraction for Terrentius, as it was the place to which many artists, scholars, and musicians flocked, or temporarily passed through.247 Among the scholars had been Salomon de Caus (appointed “ingéniaire [sic] à la fontaine artificielle etc.” between 1601–08),248 and Cornelis Drebbel (1572–1633),249 244 For the history and iconography of one of the greatest royal residences in contemporary Europe, enlarged by the Archdukes Albrecht and Isabella but destroyed by fire in 1731, see: P. Anagnostopoulos and Jean Houssiau, The old palace of Coudenberg (Brussels City of Art and History, no. 42), Brussels, s.a. 245 The basic publication on the history of this College is: A. Deneef & X. Rousseaux (eds), Quatre siècles de présence jésuite à Bruxelles / Vier eeuwen jezuïeten te Brussel, Bruxelles / Brussel, 2012. 246 AMSJ, M I, 30, 104 (date: Brussels, 17 January 1617), with an unfriendly reference to archduke Albert and his meager presents: “Serenissimus Archidux Albertus longo Bavaros sequitur intervallo; ad viaticum tamen suorum Belgarum / 4,000 fl(orenos) contulit nec ulteriora munera videtur additurus” / ‘His Royal Highness Archduke Albert follows on a long distance the Bavarian (princes); for the travelling costs of his Belgian priests he contributed with only 4,000 fl(orins), and it seems that he does not have the intention to (offer) other presents’. Miss Dagmar Germonprez (UAntwerpen) found during her research on the Catholic restoration in the Southern Low Countries the budgetary documents, which confirm the gift of 4,000 fl(orins): see (1) the annotation in the register of 1617 (ARB: 1223c.): “p[res]b[it]re de la societe et comp[aig]nie de Jesus… en assistence et subvention des fraiz a faire pour le voiaige de dix peres de lad[ict] societe natifs des pays de leurs al[te]zes quil menoit quant et luy aud[ict] royaulme de chine pour avecq l’ayde de dieu n[ot]re createur ayder a convertir les chinois a n[ot]re s(ain)te foy catholicque apostolicque romayne”; (2) the receipt, now in the Archives d’Etat of Lille: Archives Départementales du Nord: Chambre des Comptes B 2890 (signed by: Nicolaus Trigautius). 247 For a description of this milieu, see Paul Saintenoy, Les Arts et les Artistes à la Cour de Bruxelles, Bruxelles, 1934, vol. 2, p. 29 ff. (mentioning other names, such as W. Coeberger; O. Van Veen; E. Puteanus; Van Langren; Chifflet, etc.); Claudia Banz, Höfisches Mäzenatentum in Brüssel, Berlin, 2000 (only on arts). 248 See C. Duvivier, ‘Notice sur un séjour de Salomon de Caus à Bruxelles’, in: Revue d’histoire et d’archéologie, 1, 1859, pp. 430–444; St Schweizer on internet (http://architectura.cesr.univ-tours.fr), consulted 6/08/2017. 249 H. Cornelis Drebbel, Dutch inventor and innovator (1571–1633): cf. A. Naber, “De ster van 1572” (Cornelis Jacobsz; Drebbel’ 1572–1634), Amsterdam, 1907, pp. 30–31; Jennifer Drake-Brockman, ‘The “perpetuum mobile” of Cornelius Drebbel’, in: W. D. Hackmann & A. J. Turner (eds), Learning, language and invention. Essays presented to Francis Maddison, Aldershot, 1994, pp. 124–147 (especially pp. 128–129); Arianna Borelli, ‘The Weatherglass and its observers in the early seventeenth century’, in: Cl. Zittel etc. (eds), Philosophies of Technology. Francis Bacon and his contemporaries, Leiden-Boston, 2008, I, p. 67 ff. This visit neatly fits Drebbel’s peregrinatio, between his departure from Prague in 1612 (where at the decease of Rudolph II he

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as well as Richard Stanyhurst (1547–1618), until c. 1590, afterwards member of the alchemical laboratory at the court in Madrid.250 It is precisely during this visit (or visits?) that Terrentius reports to have seen (“vidi) a particular device, a testimony, which is at the same time the only certain proof for his physical presence within the Palace and his contacts there with this scientific context. This special feature is described as an “armilla vitrea” (‘an armilla [ring] of glass’): see the undated letter from Brussels, which includes a description of the instrument on f. 675r / 1371 (1 December 1616): “Vidi nuper in Aula Principis Alberti armillam vitream semiplenam aquâ, et aqua secundum cursum lunae et maris nunc hîc nunc ibi ascendit singulis sex horis. Sed artificium quale sit ignoro, soli enim constat Archiduci, qui non facile in vulgus patietur exire”. ‘Recently I have seen in the Palace of Prince Albert an armilla of glass, half-filled with water, and the water raised here and there every six hours according to the course of the moon and the tide. But I do not know what kind of artifice it is; indeed it is known only to the Archduke (Albrecht), who will not easily allow it to be brought out for the general public’. Terrentius’s eyewitness description corresponds nearly verbatim with those of other contemporary eyewitnesses of the “perpetuum mobile” made by Cornelius Drebbel, which he had built first (1604) at the court of King James of England, and after 1610 at the court of Rudolph II in Prague. The most convincing description comes to us from Daniele Antonini (1588–1618), Ambassador at the court of Brussels in a letter sent on 4 February 1612 from Prague to Galileo, who had been previously informed about the “moto perpetuo” by the Tuscan Ambassador in Prague, Giuliano de’ Medici251 as well as by the aforementioned Martin Hasdale, Galileo’s reliable correspondent at the Prague Court, in a letter of 19 December 1610.252 The description Antonini gives in his letter of 4 February 1612 of the instrument at the English Court, on the basis of a description he had received from London, reads as follows: “Molti giorni sono, io (?) intesi che il Re d’Inghilterra havera un moto perpetuo, nel quale entro un canale di vetro si move certa acqua, hor alzandosi hor abassandosi, had been put in jail – in the same way as Martin Hasdale, Rudolph’s librarian) and his return to London in 1613. Naber is the only source to my knowledge who mentions in the intervening period Drebbel’s journey through Cologne and Spa to Brussels. In terms of geography and timing this passing by through the Spanish Low Countries on his way from Prague to London seems perfectly logical; in addition, his presence in Cologne, (Liège) and Spa is also remarkably parallel with Hasdale’s presence at the Liège court. Unfortunately, I could not find any archival or other testimony to confirm Naber’s statement as of yet, but see infra note 255 (with a reference to Drebbel’s instrument at the court). 250 Cf. Juan Garcia Font, Historia de la alquimia en España, Barcelona, 1995, pp. 180–186 and José Rodriguez Guerrero & Pedro Rojas Garcia, ‘La Chymica de Richard Stanihurst en la Corte de Felipe II’, Azogue, nº 4, 2001, URL: http://www.revistaazogue.com (cf. especially note 174). 251 Letter to Galileo of 18 October 1610 (Opere di Galileo. Ed. Nazionale, X, pp. 448–449). 252 Opere di Galileo, X, pp. 491–492. For this testimony see Matteo Valleriani, Galileo Engineer (Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science, vol. 269), Dordrecht – Boston, 2010, p. 162.

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a guise (dicevasi) del flusso et reflusso del mare. Sopra il che considerando io (…) la verita fusse, che questo moto fusse dalle mutatione del’aria, cioe di caldo et freddo fosse causato, cavando questo dalle speculazioni di quelle esperienze del bellicone che V(estra) S(erenità) sa”.253 Whereas this instrument consisted of a circular canal, Antonini built himself another sample with an oblong canal, which he offered as a present to the Archduke in Brussels: “Fecilo non come m’ero stato dissegnato quel’ d’Inghilterra, ch’ha il canale rotondo a guisa d’un annello, ma con il canale retto (…). Lo feci, come dico a V. S. per mio capriccio; ma poi venendo al’orecchie di questo prencipe, l’ha voluto vedere, il quale non solo mostrato, ma gliel’ ha ancora donato” (ibid.). Terrentius’s eyewitness report on Drebbel’s instrument at the Brussels Court on the Koudenberg we can compare to another source, which confirms the presence of such instrument in Brussels. This source is a letter of Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc (1580–1637), written on 29 June 1623 to the painter Peter Paul Rubens – who was always fascinated by optics, optical instruments and ‘perpetual motion’ in general254 and who was a regular visitor of the Court, at the rear of the Jesuit College of Brussels – suggesting he should not forget, when passing through Brussels, to inspect Drebbel’s instrument ‘which showed the ebb and flood of the sea’.255 Finally, the presence of a Drebbel ‘perpetuum mobile’ in Brussels squares with the fact that such instruments were copied and put on display on a rather large scale, both in Brussels and Antwerp,

253 F. M. Jaeger, Cornelis Drebbel en zijne tijdgenooten, Groningen, 1922, pp. 115–116; Opere di Galileo, XI, pp. 269 and 275: “bellicone” is an ancient Italian terminus technicus for a glass vessel. For commentaries on these letters, see Jennifer Drake-Brockmann, ‘The perpetuum mobile of Cornelis Drebbel’, in: W. D. Hackmann & A. J. Turner (eds), Learning, Language and Invention: Essays presented to Francis Maddison, Aldershot – Paris, 1994, pp. 137–138. Antonini’s explanations of the instrument’s principle and the demonstration of the first device in the Brussels Court are in J. M. Bradburne, ‘Going through the motions. Some further considerations about the ‘perpetuum mobile’ of Cornelis Drebbel (…)’ [online], 2006, pp. 6–7. 254 On this aspect of his personality, see: P. Oppenheimer, Rubens. A portrait, London, 2002, pp. 263–264; J. Sawday, Engines of the imagination: Renaissance culture and the rise of the machine, Abingdon, 2007, p. 346. 255 The text of the letter is in: M. Rooses & Ch. Ruelens (eds), Correspondance de Rubens et documents épistolaires concernant sa vie et ses oeuvres, Tome 3me, Anvers, 1900, pp. 184–185: “Monsieur Rubens se souviendra s’il luy plaist en passant par Brusselles de revoir l’Instrument de Drubels (sic) qui monstre le flux et reflux de la Mer, et d’en prendre les dimentions (sic) les plus exactes qu’il pourra, et spécialem(en)t du pertuis par où l’on y verse l’eau, et la quantité qui est occupée tant par l’eau que par l’air, et s’enquerra du gardien s’il faut souvent changer d’eau ou non, ou bien s’il en fault substituer quelque peu et en quel lieu il fault tenir l’instrument, si c’est en lieu sec ou humide, et si cette différance de situation n’y nuict pas”. Peiresc may have received this information from Drebbel’s son-in-law, Abraham Kuffler, whom he met in Paris in 1622, one year before he wrote to Rubens. Already before 1621 (when Archduke Albrecht died) Rubens had a sample of this ‘perpetuum mobile’ in his atelier, which was shown during the visit the Archdukes paid to his atelier and which was portrayed by Henri Staben (1578–1658): this painting is now in the private collection of the Prince de Ligne in Beloeil: see Henri Michel, in: Physis, 13, 1971, pp. 112–113; Id., Images des sciences. Les anciens instruments scientifiques vus par les artistes de leur temps, St.-Genesius-Rode, 1977, p. 73 (who emphasizes the composite and ‘imaginary’ character of the representation) [Ill. 19].

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Ill. 19. Painting by Hendrik Staben (1578 - 1658), representing a sample of Cornelius Drebbel’s perpetuum mobile, exhibited during the visit of the Archdukes Albrecht and Isabella to a private atelier; one of the many atelier interiors painted in that period. This painting is now in the private collection of the Prince de Ligne in Beloeil. A similar instrument was also present at the Archduke’s Court in Brussels, where it was seen, and mentioned by J. Terrentius, and afterwards by Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc: see chap. 1.3: Brussels and note 255. (From Henri Michel, Images des sciences. Les anciens instruments scientifiques vus par les artistes de leur temps, St.-Genesius-Rode, 1977, p. 73)

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as Vera Keller has demonstrated in her doctoral dissertation.256 Several artists also painted the Archdukes during their (real or fictitious) visits to Flemish ‘cabinets of curiosities’, where often a perpetuum mobile was exposed.257 Terrentius’s testimony, if my interpretation is correct, should now be joined to these visual representations, which all confirm the Archduke’s fascination for this instrument, attracted as he was by the ‘magic’ of its apparent self-sufficiency.258 Terrentius reports also that Albrecht jealously guarded the instrument and kept it far from public view;259 therefore, it was likely displayed in a kind of cabinet (“Wunderkammer”) in the Palace, to be shown occasionally to special guests, such as the visiting Jesuits Terrentius and Trigault.260 In any case, from Terrentius’s own words we learn of his incomprehension of the working (“ratio”) of this engine,261 which later turns into skepticism about its usefulness, especially after the negative assessment he got during a discussion with the mechanicus Zugmesser (cf. chap. 2.1: s.v.).262 256 V. Keller, Cornelis Drebbel (1572–1633): Fame and the Making of Modernity, Princeton Univ., 2008 (see a summary online), and in S. Dupré, a.o., (eds), Silent Messengers: the Circulation of material objects of knowledge in the Early Modern Low Countries, Berlin, 2011, pp. 125–152. 257 Among these painters we find Frans Francken; Adriaen Van Stalbemt; Jan Brueghel the Elder; W. Van Haeght, H. Staben, etc. For an overview, see: S. Speth-Holterhoff, Les peintres flamands de cabinets d’amateurs au xviime siècle, Brussels, 1957; H. Michel, ‘Le mouvement perpétuel de Drebbel’, in: Physis, 13, 1971, pp. 259–294; Al. Marr, ‘The Flemish “pictures of Collections” genre: an overview’, in: Intellectual History Review, 20.1, 2010, pp. 5–25, and the website ‘Drebbel’s Perpetuum Mobile. Pdf ’ (by F. Franck and J. Bradburne). 258 This ‘endless movement’ – which recalls Lucretius, De Rerum Natura, I, 995 (“semper in assiduo motu res quaeque feruntur”) – was explained in two different ways: a) in a ‘magical’ way, expressed in alchemical, even Rosicrucian terms, through the principles of the fiery spirit of the air, and (b) through an experimental, naturalistic way (as Antonini in his letter tried to offer). 259 “Soli enim constat Archiduci, qui non facile in vulgus patietur exire”. It is interesting to see how this ‘secrecy’ or ‘reservation’ in publicly showing his sample of Drebbel’s ‘perpetuum mobile’ is also mentioned in the case of King James in London: see Jessica Wolfe, Humanism, machinery and Renaissance literature, Cambridge, 2004, pp. 62–68, especially p. 67. As in the case of King James this was a response to an urgent request of Drebbel himself, this may have been also the reason behind Albrecht’s reserve. 260 The evidence to prove the existence of such a ‘Musaeum’ in the Brussels Palace is, to my knowledge, absent. Several other astronomical instruments, which were shown during the recent exhibition in Brussels dedicated to Albrecht and Isabella may originally have been displayed in such a cabinet or Musaeum – in accordance to contemporary usages; see the description of these instruments in the catalogue: L. Duerloo & W. Thomas (eds), Albrecht and Isabella. Catalogus, Turnhout: Brepols, 1998, pp. 178–186. Another remarkable instrument (a ‘double sundial’) was produced in 1601 by the court instrument maker Jacob de Succa (born c. 1562), and is now in the Rubenshuis in Antwerp: see W. Leenders in www.rubenshuis.be. 261 Since it was first built in England – which Terrentius never visited – and only in 1610 in Prague, that is, after Terrentius visited that city in 1607, he could not have had any direct or visual acquaintance with it. 262 Other references to the same (?) ‘armilla’, in their chronological order, are: (1) on, f. 509r / 1034 (Munich, 26 May 1617): “De armilla vitrea nuper cum Zugmeister egi; non est res utilis sed ad pompam tantum et ostentationem spectat nec est ob harmoniam cum universo sed ex particulari caussa” / ‘Recently I discussed with Zugmeister [Zugmesser] about the ‘armilla of glass’; it is not a useful thing but concerns only pomp and ostentation, and (its working) does not exist because of harmony with the universe, but for a particular reason’; this fragment proves Zugmesser’s scepticism on the interpretation, which brought this armilla of glass and its working in connection with the ‘harmony with the universe’, that is, the ‘spiritus mundi’ which the hermetic-alchemical tradition – to which Drebbel tradition partly belonged – recognized in the ‘perpetuum mobile.’ Yet Zugmesser, as a mechanicus – about whom we do

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In the Beitang collection there is another volume by Jean Boch – in addition to the aforementioned one from Liège – which also belongs to the context of the Brussels court. In this case an occasion-bound publication titled: Historica Narratio Profectionis et Inaugurationis Serenissimorum Belgii Principum Alberti et Isabellae, Antwerp: ex Officina Plantiniana, 1602, with indication: ‘Bibl. Trig.’ (Verhaeren, no. 1063). According to Verhaeren’s annotation, this volume was bound – in a Cardon cover – with the aforementioned Descriptio publicae gratulationis (…) in adventu Sereniss(im)i Principis Ernesti Archiducis Austriae (…), by the same author, and published some years earlier by the Plantin-Moretus house in Antwerp (1595; cf. Verhaeren, no. 1062). This book seems to demonstrate a degree of loyalty on the part of the two Jesuits towards the ruling family in the Southern Low Countries, a supposition that may be confirmed by another acquisition, namely a copy of Vida de S(an) Alberto Cardenal del titulo de S(ant)a Cruz obispo de Lieia y martyr. Escrita en latin por Egidio de Lieja Monge del convento de Dorval: con adiciones y notas del licenciado Auberto Mireo, canonigo de Anveres, Brusellas: por Roger Velpio y Huberto Antonio Impr. 1613, in-8°. Composed in Latin by Aegidius Leodiensis (Gilles de Liège, al. Egidio de Lieja; first half of the thirteenth century), it was completed with addenda by Aubertus Miraeus (1573–1640) and translated into Spanish by Andres de Soto (1552–1625). It contains the history of Albertus, Bishop of Liège, who was murdered in 1192, whom Prince Albrecht accepted as the official patron of the dynasty after his 1613 canonization.263 Another letter by Terrentius (f. 507v / 1031) contains a reference to a case which caused much diplomatic rumor at the Brussels court during their visit, namely the suit of James I of England (1566–1625) against Erycius Puteanus (1574–1646), as the

not know if he had seen himself the instrument or rather gave his opinion in response to a description sent by Terrentius – was looking for a specific cause, outside the sphere of macro-microcosmos harmony; (2) On f. 508r / 1032 (Augsburg, 10 July 1617) Terrentius again recalled the same instrument, again from his personal experience: “Armilla illa mihi visa quidem est, sed aqua non movebatur. Intellexi a quodam Ziegmesser, insigni mathematico, ut prosit ad nullum usum, et quod non sit res alicuius momenti” / ‘It is true that I have seen that armilla / ring, but the water did not move. I understood from a certain Ziegmesser [Zugmesser], a famous mathematician, that it serves no practical purpose, and that it is not a creation of any importance’. Yet, contrary to its first mention when in Brussels (cf. supra) this time he unexpectedly reported that ‘the water did not move’ (“aqua non movebatur”); probably this was what he saw during a second visit, and the machine had meanwhile been disturbed by a visitor, as happened with the other piece at the English Court in Eltham, whose working had ceased after Queen Anne of Denmark touched it ( J. M. Bradburne, Going through the Motions, 2006, p. 7). (3) f. 680r / 1383 (Munich, 9 September 1617): “De armilla nil addo, quia plura expecto a Ziegmeser si conveniamus, nisi hydrops illum nobis intercipiat””. This third fragment (with reference to a future meeting, while the two former spoke of a discussion in the past) seems not to fit the two other, earlier references, which speak about an explanation he already had; also this leaves some doubts as whether it is in all these cases the same instrument which Terrentius had in mind. 263 Cf. J. Peeters-Fontainas, Bibliographie des impressions espagnoles des Pays-Bas Méridionaux, Nieuwkoop, 1965, no. 693. On the dynastic aspect of this item: Lieve Behiels, Las traducciones de los franciscanos españoles en los Paises Bajos (http://www.traduccion-franciscanos.uva.es/neerlandes.php, and L. Duerloo, Dynasty and Piety: Archduke Albert (1598–1621) and Habsburg Political Culture in an Age of Religious Wars, Aldershot, 2012, p. 388 ff.

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alleged author of an anti-King James lampoon entitled Corona Regia, an issue about which Terrentius may have heard during his stay in Brussels or Belgium. Finally, it was in Brussels that the Trigault-Terrentius luggage – which they did not have with them in Liège264 – arrived and was stored, awaiting shipment from there to Nantes and Lisbon. It was seen there still in 1617, after both Jesuits had already left to continue their voyage to France, since the shipment was entrusted to the procurator of the Brussels college. The eyewitness was the French traveller Pierre Bergeron (1580–c. 1640), who visited Brussels and the local Jesuit college in 1617: “Il y a quelques années, à sçavoir en 1617, que je veis là dedans [i.e. le collège des Jesuites] un bon père nommé Henri Adam, liégeois (…).265 Ce fut lors que nous vismes le grand apprest (sic) qui se faisoit pour les Indes Orientales, où cinquante (!) Pères Jesuistes (sic) se préparoient d’aller, avec toutes sortes d’instruments de mathématiquez, comme cartes, globes, astrolabes, planisphères, spheres, triangles sphériques, bastons de Jacob, quarrez géométriques, dioptres et autres, avec force instruments de musique, et plusieurs balles266 de livres de toutes sortes. Tous les princes chrestiens y envoyoient des présens, le Duc de Bavière entr’autres une Bible en quatre langues manuscrite; la reyne, mere de nostre Roy, deux belles et riches tentes de tapisserie pour le Roy de la Chine.267 Le pape y envoie force présens aussy, sans espargner les indulgences et autres choses de devotion. Le Roy d’Espagne donnoit 300,000 escus pour les frais du voyage. Ils menoient avec eux force excellens artisans et des jeunes hommes de belle voix. Ils devoient prendre la route par terre, droict à Nantes et de là par mer à Lisbonne, où le Père Trigaut (sic) les attendoit pour les conduire, à cause de la longue demeure qu’il a faict ès Indes de Goa, Chine et ailleurs, temoin le beau livre de l’histoire chinoise qu’il a donné depuis son retour, suivant les mémoires qu’il avoit eus par de là d’un Père Riccius, italien, qui y avoit demeuré trente ans.268 Nous avons sceü que depuis ils estoient parties et, je croy arrivez là à bon port”.269 The most conspicuous part of the luggage described here were the ‘mathematical’ instruments, certainly those selected from the former Ernestine collection in Liège and brought from there to the Jesuit College in Brussels. In addition, there were the books, in particular a second set of them, after those Trigault brought already the year before to Lyon to be bound. This luggage arrived finally in Lisbon through the port of Dunkirk on the French West coast. 264 F. 512r / 1040: “Responderem epistolae D(omi)ni Remi, sed ea ad manum non est, nescio an cum sarcinis meis in Belgium sit”. 265 Henri Adam, SJ, born Liège 1561–1636; preacher in Brussels in 1622–25, but from this mention it appears he already arrived at a slightly earlier moment: PIBA, I, p. 42. 266 According to Furetière, balle “se dit aussi des marchandises ou meubles qu’on veut transporter au loin et qu’on empaquette dans de la toile, etc.” 267 On this present of Maria de’ Medici, see below and note 382. 268 Reference to Ricci-Trigault, De Christiana Expeditione apud Sinas suscepta ab Societate Jesu (…), Augsburg: apud Christoph Mangium, 1615, etc. 269 Voyage de Pierre Bergeron ès Ardennes, Liége & Pays-Bas en 1619, publié par Henri Michelant, Liège, 1875, p. 328; G. Loisel, Histoire des menageries de l’antiquité à nos jours, vol. 2, pp. 23–24. For other routes, followed by part of their luggage (Hamburg; Dunkirk, Rome, etc.), see below.

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Antwerp (Lat. Antw/verpia)

During their stay in Brussels, Trigault and Terrentius paid at least two distinct, well-documented visits to Antwerp. This visit to Antwerp was certainly attracted by the international reputation of the “Officina Plantiniana” in (Catholic) book printing; since 1610, the firm was guided by Balthasar Moretus II (1574–1641) and his brother Jan II Moretus (1576–1618).270 The preparation of the visit may have been facilitated by the relations Johann Faber already had with the Antwerp printer, since in 1606, ten years before the visit of the Jesuit pair, his Commentarius in Imagines Illustrium ex Fulvi Ursini Bibliotheca, Ant(werpiae) a Theodoro Gallaeo Expressas, was printed there. Moreover, several other connections and relations between Antwerp and Italy (especially Florence and Rome) were probably so many other good reasons for them to make a detour to the Flemish port city. Besides, they were preceded by the young Bohemian Jesuit Wenceslas Pantaleon Kirwitzer (1588–1626),271 who had been selected as member of Trigault’s group and had been sent by General Muzio Vitelleschi already in March 1616 from Graz to Antwerp.272 For Terrentius’s – and Trigault’s – stay in Antwerp we have indications of two separate and consecutive visits. The first documented visit took place in the beginning of December 1616: “Hactenus in Antwerpiae in libris emendis aliquot diebus non parum occupatus; nunc Bruxellis aulam sequimur” / ‘So far I was more than a little occupied during some days with buying books; now we are following the Court in Brussels’ (f. 510r / 1036; 16 December 1616); thanks to newly discovered materials in the archives of the Museum Plantin Moretus (MPM), we can place this first visit to the Plantin Moretus book shop indeed on 7 and 9 December 1616.273 It is interesting to see that Terrentius speaks in the singular when he refers to the book acquisitions (“occupat-us”): Trigault had indeed entrusted this aspect of his ‘tour’ to him, as the mission procurator confirmed in his letter of some days later from Brussels: “In Italia, Gallia, Germania, Belgio libros conquisivi, adhibito ad eam rem socio meo rei librariae bene perito, de quo scripsi anno superiore medicum esse et mathematicum, etc.” / ‘In Italy, France, the German countries, and in Belgium, I acquired books, using for this purpose my companion, who is well-experienced in the affairs concerning libraries, on whom I wrote (you) last year that he was a physician and a mathematician alike’.274

270 For the Officina Plantiniana in this period, see Dirk Imhof, etc., Balthasar Moretus and the Passion of Publishing, Antwerp, 2018. 271 For more biographical data, see chap. 2: Kirwitzer. 272 See the General’s letter of 5 and (especially) 13 March 1616 in ARSI, Austria 2/II, pp. 709 and 713 (the latter addressed to “Antwerpiam”); Kirwitzer’s stay in Antwerp will have been short, as in the month of May he was already in Dunkirk: see his letter from that port city, dated on 6 and 20 May 1616. 273 Cf. RaL, Cl. SC. Mor., s. VI.7, 1938, p. 586. As 8 December 1616 was a Thursday, there is no particular reason visible why there were no purchases on that day, in between the two other visits. The switch from the singular “occupat-us” with regard to the book operations in Antwerp to the plural “–mur” when referring to the journey to Brussels seems to confirm other indications that Terrentius was primarily responsible for the book purchases in Antwerp while Trigault attended to other mission-related commitments. 274 E. Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 95.

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A second visit to Antwerp followed in early January 1617 (although, to be precise, the report speaks only about Trigault). Since Trigault wrote his report on 2 January 1617 from the Brussels college – and Terrentius was also in Brussels on the same day, writing his letter to Johannes Bollandus in Den Bosch275– it is clear that this second series of testimonies are not related to the previous visit, but to a second, consecutive one, separated from the former by a short return to the Brussels college over the New Year holiday. During both visits both Jesuits can be expected to have stayed in the Professed House in Antwerp; such is confirmed by one ‘item’ in the account books, as we will see below. In any case, both visits are now abundantly confirmed and documented, owing to the budgetary annotations of their ‘book purchases’ in the Officina Plantiniana which I traced in the actual Museum Plantin Moretus. These annotations consist of two different types of records: (a) the daily annotations made in the book shop by the store assistant (the ‘journaels’) – which are analytical, and mostly contain a precise (but not necessarily correct) indication of title, author, place of publication, date, size and price,276 and (b) the synthetical notes made afterwards in the ‘Memorials’ (“Grootboek”, or ‘Great Account Book’), with reference to the Journals but which omit all bibliological details, reporting only the amount of money involved, either on the debit (left page) or the credit (right) side.277 I found the synoptic document of the records related to the stay of both Jesuits in Antwerp in Archief 128 (f. 321), that is, in the first place the ‘Grootboek’ offering an overview of orders (on the left side) and payments (on the right), which Nicolas Trigault, “procurator Missionis Sinensis” made in the Moretus book shop – either in person or through intermediaries – in the period between December 1616 and March / April 1617 [Ill. 20]. According to this document – made and booked after the payments had arrived in the Officina’s shop – Philippe, or Elie Philippe Trigault was also involved; he was the brother of Nicolas Trigault, a Jesuit ‘coadjutor temporalis’ in Douai since 1611, and skilled in financial transactions and bookkeeping.278 Several other details emerge from this document, such as the arrival of a considerable amount

275 Terrentius’s letter of 16 December 1616 from Brussels to Jean / Johannes Bolland(us), SJ, in Den Bosch is now in Brussels, Mus.Boll., Ms 64, no.13. On the very same day he wrote the aforementioned letter to Johannes Faber in Rome. 276 For the reading and interpretation of these indications, see the contribution of Dirk Imhof and Goran Proot in: D. Imhof, Balthasar Moretus and the Passion of Publishing, Antwerp, 2018. 277 An exemplary analysis of such annotations D. Imhof gives for the books Nicolaas Rockox (1560–1640), burgomaster of Antwerp bought in the period that Terrentius stayed in the port city: see D. Imhof, ‘Aankopen van Rockox bij de Officina Plantiniana volgens de journalen’, in: Rockox’s huis volgeboekt. De bibliotheek van de Antwerpse burgemeester en kunstverzamelaar Nicolaas Rockox (1560–1640), Antwerp, 2005, pp. 39–56. 278 On Philippe Elie Trigault (1575–1618), see J. Dehergne, Répertoire, no. 848 and the entry in PIBA, II, p. 373 (reference to this status as ‘coadjutor’ since 13 November 1611). After his accreditation to the Trigault mission he remained the financial executor, although it is unclear whether this happened from a distance or already on the spot in Antwerp; the former assumption appears the most probable, since he wrote in his report (publ. in Valenciennes) that he accompanied N. Trigault from Lyon – during the latter’s second visit there in May 1617 – to Madrid, and preceded him after Madrid to Lisbon.

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Ill. 20. Account of Trigault in the book keeping of the ‘Officina Plantiniana’ in Antwerp: MPM, Archief 128, f. 294: see Text chap. 1.3: Antwerp, 3.2 and Appendix 2. (Courtesy: Museum Plantin-Moretus, Antwerpen – UNESCO Werelderfgoed)

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of materials from Liège – apparently musical instruments and the like – and the payment for it, in the name of Jean de Celles. It is an open question whether the three ‘casses et un tonneau’ arriving from Liège contained also the books Trigault and Terrentius brought from Cologne, etc. At any rate, the total account of all the acquisitions – books etc. – covered the amount of 1,917 florins and 6 ½ ‘stuyvers’ [henceforth abbreviated as: Fl. and St respectively].279 The same document has a reference to the day-after-day accounts, referring to the detail books 214 / 215 and 216, which are completely preserved in the Archief, as no. 223 (with the annotations of 1616) and no. 224 (with the annotations of 1617), where we find the direct, analytical records of these purchases, and payments. The first and most substantial of these series of accounts is preserved in Archief 223, with annotations recorded on 7 (f. 213v–215r) and 9 December 1616 (f. 216v), totaling 271 + 40 [= 311] + 13 = 324 books, extended with 7 on 8/9 January 1617, totaling 331 items, often abbreviated, sometimes also misspelled, mostly with indications about place of publication and size, and always with the price and the numbers of copies, mostly one [1] of each [Ill. 21]. Especially these partial (but detailed) accounts are interesting; through them we know, for instance, of a first expense ‘en bloc’, on 7 and 9 December 1616, of 311 books, to an amount of 928 florins, of which were spent 559 fl. for the books themselves, and 324 fl., st. 18 for bindings and transport.280 In addition, they got some ‘discounts’, as we learn sub no. 311 of the same document, where (a) the real price of 559 florins and 9 stuyvers was granted (“accordé”) for 510 (i.e. with a discount of some 9%), and (b) several books were offered ‘in dono’ (as gifts), all samples of Moretus or Antwerp printings.281 Trigault received a similar donation some weeks later from the Jesuit fathers in the Professed House of Antwerp, consisting of a series of publications by Carolo Scribani (1613–19), then Provincial of the Flemish-Belgian province, who resided in the same Professed House (Archief 224, f. 5v). Several further observations can be made on this mass of books, the titles, their origin, and the related expenses: (a) the proportion of Plantin editions represents 100 of the total of 331 items bought or received as gifts in Antwerp, that is, 30% of the entire acquisition on the spot at that period;282 (b) also conspicuous is the great variety

279 See MPM Archief 128, f. 321 (contemporary pagination: 294). For a transcription: cf. Appendices. 280 For the details, see Archief 223, f. 213 v. (infra). 281 Similar liberality was also demonstrated by the printers in Cologne (cf. supra), of whom several had direct contacts, even relatives in Antwerp (Hierat); discounts on book purchases (indicated in these sources as “ajustés”) and books given for free (“donnés”) are just two forms, in which “eleemosyna” (‘alms’) to the mission could materialize: see N. Golvers, Libraries of Western Learning for China, vol. 1, p. 365 ff. 282 These numbers (and the corresponding titles) should be introduced in my earlier contribution: ‘La circulacion de impresos procedentes de los Paises Bajos meridionales en China en los siglos XVII y XVIII’, in: E. Stols & W. Thomas (eds), Un mundo sobre papel. Libros y grabados flamencos en el imperio hispanoportugués, Leuven (Acco), 2009, pp. 283–302; Dutch version: ‘Zuidnederlandse drukken en prenten in China (17e–1e helft 18e eeuw)’, in: W.Thomas & E. Stols (eds), Een wereld op papier. Zuid-Nederlandse boeken, prenten en kaarten in het Spaans-Portugese wereldrijk, Leuven, 2009, pp. 299–318. But also the lists I published elsewhere (the 418 ‘Trigault’-books in: Libraries of Western Learning for China, vol. 1, Leuven, 2012, Appendix 2.3, which contained only the ‘preserved’ books) should be replaced now by a new, complete list of Trigault – Terrentius books on which we are informed, i.e. a total of those mentioned

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Ill. 21. Extract of the list of books, bought by (Terrentius and) Trigault, in Antwerp, Officina Plantiniana, on 7.12.1616; MPM, Archief 223, f. 213v.; see Appendix 2. (Courtesy: Museum Plantin-Moretus, Antwerpen – UNESCO Werelderfgoed)

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of topics in which we recognize Terrentius’s particular interests, such as alchemy, iatrochemistry, thermalism or balneology, medicine, etc.; these we will analyze in chap. 3.2; there are no overlaps with the books we know he collected during his own ‘excursion’ through Germany in 1617 (see sub 3.1), which is quite logical, since he knew which books he had already acquired. Yet, others were acquired including some bibles, biblical studies (concordances), and liturgical works (missals, breviaries; litanies), a specialty of the Plantin-Moretus house, about which we know owing to the research of, among others, Dirk Imhof;283 (c) Of these 331 titles, 50 (or 15%) currently seem to survive in the Beitang library, all bearing a ‘Trigault’-mark, in Verhaeren’s catalogue indicated either as “Bibl. Trig.”, or “Bibl. Trig.?”, of which the former have (or, had in 1949) the characteristic Cardon-binding, with the coat of arms of the Pope;284 (d) In the end, we see an internal contradiction, as this binding was realized in mid-1616, whereas the books were only acquired in December of the same year, half a year later. This apparent contradiction is still difficult to resolve, unless we accept that these Antwerp volumes were taken overland when Trigault and his company continued their journey, passing by a second time in Lyon, as they in fact did. Obviously, the presence of both Jesuits did not pass unnoticed in Antwerp, not only for their ‘Chinese’ outfit they probably ostentatiously showed in public, as other mission procurators did. Their visit also had some impact on the China vocation of some local young Jesuit novices / priests. One of these was Jean Bolland(us) (1596–1665), the future hagiographer, who made use of the opportunity of their presence to write a (now lost) letter to Terrentius, expressing his desire to go “ad Indias”. Terrentius’s answer, sent from Brussels on 16 December 1616 – after his return from Antwerp – to ‘s Hertogenbosch (“Sylvae Ducis”), the Jesuit college where Bollandus resided at that time,285 is preserved in the actual Museum Bollandianum (Brussels).286 The aftermath of these purchases in Antwerp is to be found in the second series of annotations, scattered throughout the volume Archief 224, covering the year 1617, that is, after their brief return to the Jesuit college of Brussels in the second

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in the Antwerp list and those preserved, including the small number of items which are both in the Antwerp accounts and preserved until now. The same can be said for the contributions I based on these now outdated lists, especially my contribution on the medical-pharmaceutical books in the Jesuit libraries of Peking in EASTM, 34, 2011, pp. 15–85. For liturgical editions of the Plantin press in Antwerp, see C. de Clercq, in: Gedenkboek der Plantin-dagen, 1555–1955, Antwerp, 1956, pp. 283–318; on the progressive ‘specialization’ of the Officina Plantiniana on liturgical texts during the period of Balthasar II Moretus (1641–74), see: D. Imhof, in: Jaarboek voor Nederlandse boekgeschiedenis, 16, 2009, p. 118 ff. See the explanation of H. Verhaeren, Catalogue, p. XI: these are the numbers 878–881–882 (Arias Montanus); 920 (Baius); 984 (Bellarmino); 1017 (Blancanus, i.e Giuseppe Biancani); 1403 (Crollius); 1442–43 (Muliers); 1481 (A. De Dominis); 1597 (Epiphanius Ferdinandus); 1604 (Fienus); 1608 (Fincke); 1675 (Geraldine); 2000–2001 (Clusius); 2224 (Meffreth); 2285 (Antoine de Mouchy); 2754 (Severtius), 2886 (Stuckius); 3127 (Zubler), 3209 (Botero); 3267 (Fiamelli). The Jesuit college of ’s-Hertogenbosch (al. Den Bosch) existed from 1610 until 1629: cf. F. van Hoeck, ‘Uit de geschiedenis van het Bossche jezuïeten-college, 1610–1629’, in: Bossche Bijdragen, 14, 1936–37, pp. 165–205. Mus. Boll., Ms 64, f. 13; published in Dom Pitra, OSB, Etudes sur la collection des Actes des Saints par des RR. PP. Jésuites Bollandistes, Paris, 1850, p. 197.

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half of December 1616 and the first days of January 1617. Indeed, although they were already back in Antwerp on 6 January, it was on 8 January that Trigault had some (unclear) financial transactions, in which the Antwerp printers Pieter, Gaspar and Jan Bellerus (al. Bellere) were involved, as well as the Antwerp Jesuit Aegidius (Gilles) de Maeyer(e) (f. 5r).287 Trigault’s physical presence during this transaction is explicitly confirmed here: “Recue de la part du R(évéren)d P(ère) Nicolas Trigault estant present à Anvers etc.” (f. 5r). Another reference to this transaction we find in Archief 94, on 9 January 1617.288 Books purchased in December 1616 and later were also dispatched to Antwerp bookbinders, unfortunately unnamed in the documents. The costs for this binding (“ligatures”) were paid on 7 and 9 December 1616 and again on 5 August 1617 (see MPM Archief 224, f. 121v), when copies of Breviaries, Vredeman’s Biblical images, a copy of Ptolemy, François d’ Aguilon’s work on Optics, Lipsius’s edition of Tacitus and Seneca, an Introitus of the Archduke Albrecht, David’s Veridicus (Christianus), the Annales of Baronius and the Vitae Patrum of Heribertus Rosweyde were bound. During the same phase, also supralibros289 were ordained for the books recently acquired, made by the Antwerp iron cutter (“ysersnijder”) Gaspar Bruydegom:290 he made an oval frame, with the names of the (Roman Catholic) church and the name of Jesus (“IHS”, i.e. the device of the SJ), to be used afterwards on the bindings (covers).291 In Antwerp, the Jesuit pair purchased more than books (and ‘images’) alone, and also “600 globus (globes?) imprimez” were acquired for an amount of 60 (sixty) fl(orins), printed in Antwerp and obviously destined to make European-style globes.292 This represents a parallel to the early 1680s in Antwerp according to what another China-bound Jesuit, Pieter van Hamme, reports: oval parts of a printed map were intended, when been stitched on to a sphere, to make a world or star map.293 This detail demonstrates the activity of the Antwerp map printers, as well as the Jesuits’

287 Gaspar(t) Bellerus was an Antwerp printer, with a shop called In de Gulden arendt in Kammenstraat, mentioned in 1613; Johannes & Petrus apparently belonged to an older generation of the same printing family: cf. for both the Directory of Seventeenth-century Printers, Publishers and Booksellers in Flanders, nos 7–10; Aegidius De Maeyere (1580–1628) was ordained in 1611 in Antwerp, and since 19 November 1617 he was a coadjutor Spiritualis in the Professed House there (PIBA, II, p. 131). 288 Cf. Appendices. 289 A coat of arms or monogramme applied to a book’s cover indicating its ownership. 290 Gaspar Bruydegom, in 1623 appointed “yzersnijder” (‘iron-cutter’) of the mint (“Munt”) in Antwerp: cf. ARB Rekenkamer reg. 366, f. 312; appointed in the same year as engraver in ‘s Hertogenbosch: F. Verachter, Documens (sic) pour servir à l’histoire monétaire des Pays-Bas, Anvers, 1840, p. 241. 291 Archief 224, f. 46v (18 March 1617): “Payes pour comte du R. P. Trigault pour lovale avec les armoiries de leglise et de nom de Jesus en mit(t)ant à Bruydegom 12 fl(orins)”. 292 Archief 128, f. 294: “1617 ad 10 Februarii j(our)n(al) p. 24 p.(ou)r 600 petites globus imprimez payez D(omino) Fr(ancis)co Haraeo”. 293 In this case the local Jesuit Franciscus Baert (1651–1719) bought similar ‘globes’ in the atelier of Martin Bouche (1645–93) in Antwerp to the benefit of the young Jesuit Pieter van Hamme (1651–1727), who prepared his departure for China as the companion of Philippe Couplet; see Cf. P. van Hamme, in his letter of 28 June 1689: “P(ater) Franciscus Baert ante meum ex Europa discessum mihi procuravit impressas aliquas chartulas ad conficiendos globulos terrestres ac caelestes cum suis constellationibus; illas emit Antwerpiae domi Martini Bouche sculptoris (…)”. KBR, Ms 16691–93, f. 13.

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intention to introduce European cartographic and cosmological concepts in China. The facilitator in the case of Trigault-Terrentius was a local priest, Franciscus Haraeus, between 1609 and 1617 the rector of the convent of the local Witzusters or Magdalene Sisters and a scholar in his own right;294 his intervention in this respect was certainly related to his own cartographic work.295 Finally, in the aftermath of these purchases, the following weeks and months involved the packing of these books in boxes (Fr. ‘casses’) and their shipment from the Low Countries to Lisbon through the Flemish port of Dunkirk, where Livinus Wtten (i.e. Utten, or Uten, i.e. Ut den) Eeckhoudt was the contact person.296 This reminds us of the fact that before also Wenceslas Pantaleon Kirwitzer – another member of the Trigault group – had followed the same route, and sent – after his passage in Antwerp – several letters, now lost, from Dunkirk on 6 and 20 May 1616.297 This confirms finally what Elie Trigault reported when he mentions the direction from which these books arrived later in Lisbon: “peu d’heures après [notre arrivée à Lisbonne] me vint nouvelle de l’arrivee du navire de Dunkercke avec tous nos pacques, que reçeumes depuis bien conditionés” (p. 4). The selection of Dunkirk was dictated by the harbor’s prominent position in the Flemish maritime area after the siege and destruction in 1604 of Ostend,298 and by the recent establishment of a Jesuit residence in the city.299 The information from these bookkeeping documents can be fruitfully complemented with two couples of features, directly linked with the presence of both Jesuits in Antwerp.

294 Franciscus Haraeus (al. Verhaer), born in Utrecht 1550, d. in Louvain in 1631, Dutch priest, author of historical works and diplomatic traveller (with Antonio Possevino); in 1609 he definitely left Holland for the Catholic Southern Low Countries, where he lived, among other places, from 1609 to 1617 in Antwerp, that is, in the period when Trigault – Terrentius passed there: Van der Aa, Biographisch Woordenboek der Nederlanden, VIII, 14–165. 295 See on this: P. C. J. van der Krogt en G. Schilder, ‘Het kartografische werk van de theoloog-historicus Franciscus Haraeus (c. 1555–1631)’, in: Annalen van de Koninklijke Oudheidkundige Kring van het Land van Waas, 87, 1984, pp. 5–55. 296 See his (hardly legible) name in Archief 224, f. 199 (22 December 1617; apparently a local lay person, whom I could not identify. 297 Dunkirk was apparently the port city from whence Kirwitzer sent two manuscript letters, which were in the previous private collection Apony, offered for sale on 26–28 July 1937 (cf. also Sommervogel, Bibliothèque des écrivains de la Société de Jésus, s.v. Kirwitzer, col. 1084, and my note in: Archives internationales d’histoire des sciences, Vol. 60, Déc. 2010, p. 434); to my knowledge these letters have never again been mentioned, and I have not been able to trace the present whereabouts of the Apony collection. 298 On the destruction of the harbor of Ostend by Spanish troops after the siege of this ‘New Troy’ (1601–04) – as it was called in contemporary propaganda – see, among others, Jérémie Perier, Histoire remarquable et véritable de ce qui s’est passé par chacun iour au siège de la ville d’Ostende de part et d’autres iusques a present, s.l.,1604 (anastatic reprint). On the other hand, the Jesuit presence in Dunkirk was in 1616–17 still weak, but slightly later (1623) it became the basis of the ‘Missio Navalis’ (A. Poncelet, Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus dans les Anciens Pays-Bas, vol. II, Brussels, 1927, p. 416 ff.; E. Delattre, Etablissements, II, col. 323 f.). 299 See on this early phase of the Jesuit presence: I. Lemaire, ‘Les jésuites à Dunkerque jusqu’au régime français (1600–1662)’, in: Bulletin de l’Union Faulconnier, 26, 1929, pp. 1–132.

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The first concerns two Chinese books, now preserved in the Royal Library in Brussels. One is a (partial) copy of Leibian shanghan huoren shukuo zhizhang tulun [‘Collection of formulae’] (1589 reprint), (Brussels: KBR Ms 19.911), donated by Nicolas Trigault to the Jesuits in Antwerp according to an almost completely faded inscription: “livre de médecine envoyé (?) par (?) le P(ère) Trigault”;300 on f. 1 of ch. 3 we find also the inscription: “6 Jan(uarii). Nicol g”. According to the ancient inventories of the Royal Library, it came to the newly established Royal Library from Antwerp, after the suppression of the Jesuit colleges of the Flemish-Belgian province and the transfer of the college library holdings to Brussels. A similar item is a copy of Xinqie xianju jingxuan shimin pianyong qunshu boji [‘Newly engraved, extensive records, selected with care from all kind of dates, for the convenient use by gentlemen and commoners’; Latin title: Physiognomiae exlicationis janua] (KBR Ms 19.907–919.908).301 This book is an illustrated, popular encyclopedia, and also this copy has an Antwerp provenance (see the back-cover). From another, perhaps contemporary, inscription on a pasted label we know that the signs in grass script on the same copy were made by Trigault himself: “Hi characteres Chinenses bacillo exarati sunt a R(everendo) P(atre) Nicolao Trigaultio, quando ex China in Europam et huc in Belgium redierat anno 1616”;302 the details mentioned in this inscription (with regard to the writing material [‘bacillo’, namely ‘pencil’] and the circumstances) seem to summarize a broader source information, and does not represent an eyewithness testimony. The second group of features are two pen drawings of China Jesuits, both attributed to Peter Paul Rubens, the former with an inscription, dated 17 January 1617 which refers to Nicolas Trigault.303 This date creates some problems with the new data now at our disposal, by which Trigault was in Brussels on that day.304 The solution can be either in a new reading of the inscription, which could probably confirm that the date was ‘7’, not ‘17 January, as the (6th and the) 7th was precisely the day 300 A. Dudink, Chinese Books and Documents (pre-1900) in the Royal Library of Belgium at Brussels, Brussel, 2006, p. 26 note 64 and 27; if the reading “envoyé” (‘sent’), which can no longer be checked is correct, and if the inscription would be contemporary (in which case the use of the French language is conspicuous), the donation did not happen directly, but through some intermediary, which may be surprising, as on 6 January 1617 Trigault was personally present in Antwerp. 301 A. Dudink, Chinese Books and Documents, p. 22 ff. 302 ‘These Chinese characters were written by R. P. Nic. Trigault with a pencil, when he returned from China to Europe and here in Belgium in 1616’: cf. the description of A. Dudink, Chinese Books and Documents, p. 24 and ill. 8. For an historical catalogue reference to a similar item (or other part of the same item?) in the library of the Jesuit college in Louvain, see below: Louvain. 303 According to the current transcriptions since H. Bernard-Maître (in AHSI, 22, 1953, p. 312), the inscription at the bottom left of the drawing mentions the date: “Tricau.Soc. Jesu / delineatum / die 17 Januarii”; the year ‘1617’ was already added by J. Dehergne. For the dossier of the Trigault-portrait, see Henri Bernard-Maître, ‘Un portrait de Nicolas Trigault dessiné par Rubens?’, in: AHSI, 22, 1953, pp. 308–313; Anne-Marie Logan & Liam Matthew Brockey, ‘Nicolas Trigault, S. J.: a Portrait by Peter Paul Rubens’, in: Metropolitan Museum Journal, 38, 2003, pp. 157–167. 304 On 17 January 1617, indeed, Trigault sent from Brussels two letters to Germany, of which the autograph is now preserved in AMSJ M 30, 3 and 104.

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Trigault had some commitments in Antwerp; or we can assume Rubens made these drawings not in his atelier in Antwerp, but during a visit to the Jesuit college of Brussels (cf. supra).305 In any case, this must have been also the context in which another recently found China missionary drawing was made, and which clearly belongs to the same ‘series’, because of the similarity of topic, dress and style. It is logical, then, to identify this second person as Trigault’s socius, that is, Johann Terrentius.306 That Rubens made these portraits precisely in the said context is almost nothing but evident, in view of his good connections with the Jesuits in general and those in Antwerp in particular, and in light of the excellent mutual relations between most of the persons mentioned in this episode (Rubens – Moretus – Jesuits). A concomitant and indeed striking aspect may also be, that Rubens – during his stay between 1600 and 1608 in Rome307 – had been closely related with Enrico Corvino (c. 1576–1640) and his circle, among them people from the Low Countries and the Germans Johann Faber (1574–1629) – whose patient he has been –, Gaspar Schoppe (1578–1610) and Adam Elsheimer (1576–1649) and, after his own departure to Brabant in 1608, Terrentius as well. In addition to the reported (direct or indirect) professional contacts with – probably only occasional – collaborators of the officina Plantiniana such as the ‘iron cutter’ Bruydegom and Haraeus, Terrentius and Trigault obviously had also contact with the local Jesuit community, especially that in the Professed House, where they were almost certainly staying. Already on 9 January 1617, the account book reports on a series of titles of Carolus Scribani (1567–1617)308 – at the time Provincial of the Prov. Flandro-Belgica residing in the same Professed House – which were purchased at the Plantin-Moretus book shop by a Jesuit named Bogard,309 a priest of the same Professed House: “pour donner au V(e)nerable Père Trigault” (‘to be offered to N. Tr.’). Apparently it was a present of the local Jesuits to Trigault of the titles: an unknown † tibergia†,310 Controversiae, Amor Divinus, Philosophus Christianus, Meditationes, Defensio Posthuma and Ars mentiendi Calvinistica.311 305 The last assumption is certainly a realistic one, since we know he visited the nearby court at regular intervals (see note 255). 306 See Felice Stampfle, Netherlandish Drawings of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries (…) in the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York – Princeton, 1991, no. 310 (‘Jesuit missionary in Chinese robes’). For the most complete contextualization of this and the other portrait(s): Christine Göttler, ‘The place of the ‘exotic’ in Early Seventeenth-Century Antwerp’, in: Stephanie Schrader (ed.), Looking East. Rubens’s Encounter with Asia, Los Angeles, 2013, pp. 89–107. A supplementary support for the hypothetical identification of the second person as Terrentius is, I assume, the fact, that also when in Bavaria in 1616, he enjoyed it to walk around in his Chinese dress: “Terrentius hat den chinesischen Rok und Hut angethan und ist damit in collegio aufgezogen kommen”: G. Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/2, p. 1075). 307 Cf. below note 538. 308 MPM, Archief 224, f. 5v. 309 As he is called “P(ater)”, “Bogard” is to be identified as Father Andreas van Bogaerde, in 1617 Conf(essor), Conc(ionator), Conf(essor) Novit(iorum) in the Antwerp Professed House (see in ARSI the Catalogi Breves of the Prov. Flandro-Belgica, 44, f. 20); cf. also PIBA, I, p. 124. 310 Probably a corruption of Scribani’s Antverpia, Antwerp, Jo. Moretus, 1610. 311 MPM, Archief 224, f. 5v None of these seven titles is preserved among the Beitang books. On Scribani’s publications, see: L. Brouwers, Carolus Scribani. Bibliotheca Belgica, Brussels, 1977.

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Especially appealing to the imagination is the fact that both the old François d’Aguilon (1567–1617) – a specialist in optics312 – and the mathematician Grégoire de Saint-Vincent (1584–1667) – a former student of Clavius and Grienberger in the Collegio Romano – were at that moment both present in the Professed House. The latter was preparing the special mathematical courses of the so-called ‘mathematical school of the Flemish-Belgian Province’,313 but in all probability especially attracted to their mission, as he had himself applied as a Indi-peta for China one year before.314 Both the optical specialty of d’Aguilon (and his previous alchemical experiments?) and the aspirations of Grégoire de Saint-Vincent will have made the mutual contacts rather heated; at least Terrentius and Trigault acquired three copies of d’Aguilon’s Optica, which had recently been published.315 Through the Professed Jesuits in Antwerp – but also through other channels, including some references already received in Italy (Rome; Florence) – they certainly met also other, non-Jesuit scholars in the city, among whom was the Italian scholar Ottavio Pisani (c. 1575– d. after 1637), who lived since circa 1600 alternately in Brussels and Antwerp.316 He was a former pupil and friend of Giambattista

312 The presence of Scribani, d’Aguilon and de Saint-Vincent in the year 1616–17 in the Antwerp Professed House as members of the permanent staff is confirmed by the Catalogi Breves of the Flemish-Belgian Province in ARSI, Flandro-Belg., 44, f. 20. In the account books of the Officina Plantiniana both François d’Aguilon and Grégoire de Saint-Vincent are mentioned with book orders in January 1617 (MPM, Archief 224, f. 4v); most of the titles they purchased were related to mathematics, and were also among the books purchased by the duo Trigault – Terrentius; in the case of d’Aguilon this happened some months before the courses of the so-called ‘mathematical school’ of the Flemish Belgian province started in Antwerp, which may have been the real incitement to buy them; the selection may give then some idea about the program and the contents of these courses. On Grégoire de Saint-Vincent’s later work, see P. Radelet-de Grave, Une mécanique donnée à voir: les thèses illustrées défendues à Louvain en juillet 1624 par Grégoire de Saint-Vincent S. J., Turnhout, 2009. 313 See O. Van de Vyver, ‘L’école de mathématiques des jésuites de la Province Flandro-Belge au xviie siècle’, in: AHSI, 49, 1980, p. 265 ff., esp. p. 266. Cf. also the observations (and references) in: A. De Bruycker, in: Handelingen van de Koninklijke Zuidnederlandse Maatschappij voor Letteren, 58, 2004, p. 201 ff., especially pp. 210–212. 314 I found his application letter, dated 18 December 1615 in ARSI, FoGe 752, f. 48. The date itself – which is parallel with several other similar candidacies sent from various Jesuit colleges in this province and in the Prov. Gallo-Belgica – suggests that he was inspired, as many of his young fellow fathers, by the arrival of Trigault in Europe since the end of 1614. Concerning the application letter of De Saint-Vincent a small correspondence with the General has been conducted (see: H. Bosmans, in: Biographie Nationale, vol. 21, col. 143–144), which in the end was finished in a rejection of his request. Terrentius in all probability had met de Saint-Vincent already before, in Rome, in 1611, during their mutual presence at Galileo’s reception at the Collegio Romano. 315 D’Aguilon, Opticorum Libri VI, Antwerp: Officina Plantiniana, 1613. For an analysis of its contents and sources: A. Ziggelaar, ‘The Publication of the Opticorum Libri Sex’, in: Strabismus, 20 (1), 2012, pp. 37–41. A first copy had already arrived in Cesi’s Accademia dei Lincei before 1 March 1614: see his quotation in a letter of that date in Gabrieli, Carteggio, pp. 419–420. 316 On Ottavio Pisani, see: G. Marcel, ‘Ottavio Pisani, mathématicien et cartographe napolitain’, in: Bulletin de géographie historique et descriptive, 1889–90, pp. 308–318; G. Monchamp, Galilée et la Belgique. Essai historique sur les vicissitudes du système de Copernic en Belgique, St. Trond, 1892, pp. 29–33; A. Favaro, in: Atti del Reale Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, Tomo LIV, 1895–96, pp. 413–440; St. Van Impe, ‘Een vreemde astronoom in Antwerpen: Ottavio Pisani’, in: Heelal, Jan. 2007, pp. 14–19; A. Meskens,

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Della Porta (1535–1615) in Naples, and after 1613 an occasional correspondent of Galileo, Kepler, Magini, as well as of Cosimo II de’Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany (1590–1621) and Cardinal Federico Borromeo (1564–1631) in Milan; therefore he was probably already known to Terrentius indirectly. Pisani was not only the inventor of a binocular device, but also published a splendid and lavishly illustrated Astrologia seu Motus et Loca Siderum, printed in Antwerp in 1613 in a large in-folio format (52 x 58 cm large, 3cm thick) by Robert Bruneau, with a dedication to the Grand Duke of Florence. Contrary to the title, the work contains – in addition to arguments about astrologia iudiciaria – in the first place the new astronomical discoveries of Galileo, of which Pisani was a convinced adept. Trigault and Terrentius acquired a copy for their China library on 9 December 1616, and the account book refers to this acquisition as follows: “Octavii Pisani astrologia in magno folio 12 st(uyvers)” (Archief 223: f. 216v). It is impossible to say whether this was a copy of the original Bruneau-edition (Antwerp, 1613) or of the 1615 Plantin Moretus reissue. Neither is it clear why this item was cancelled on this page in the account book and afterwards was added again, with the same price. What is more: on 20 September 1617– a long time after both Jesuits had left the country – “une longue cassette de Octavio Pisano” was shipped from the Moretus house to Lisbon (Archief 224: f. 145r). I assume it was a special shipment – with a custom-built container – adapted to the unusually large and fragile copy of Pisani’s Astrologia, edited as a large in-folio. Finally, when Terrentius arrived in December 1618 in Salsete (Goa, India), he found there the copy of a map of Mogor which he intended to send to Pisani – who was also active as a cartographer – in order to make an etching: “Inveni ante biduum tabulam geographicam regni Mogoris, quod suo tempore mittam Domino Pisano, ut in aes curet incidi”/ ‘Two days ago I found a geographical table of the Kingdom of Mogor, which I will send on the appropriate moment to Mr Pisani, in order to be engraved in copper’.317 This comment suggests that Terrentius had at least some personal acquaintance with Pisani, and the most probable assumption is, that this relationship dated back to a meeting at Antwerp. But I am especially curious to find more material evidence on the possible contacts with the active Portuguese colony in contemporary Antwerp, which had close relations with the Jesuits both in Antwerp and Lisbon.318 This assumption seems in: Practical Mathematics in a Commercial Metropolis. Mathematical Life in Late 16th Century Antwerp, Dordrecht & Boston, 2013, pp. 114; 190. For the Plantin edition of 1615, see Favaro. p. 419. Unfortunately also this item is lost now in Peking. 317 Letter of 23 December 1618, now in Mainz, Stadtarchiv, published by H. Walravens, in: China Heute, XXIII, 2004, no. 6 (136), pp. 234–238. 318 That the Portuguese colony in Antwerp had been the intermediary in the circulation of advanced knowledge on the Far East between Portugal and Antwerp (in this period both part of the Spanish Empire) emerges also from other indications: one example concerns the improved cartographical image of Japan and China in the Ortelius atlas thanks to information from Portugal and Spain (see on this the observations of, among others: H. Bernard, ‘Les étapes de la cartographie scientifique pour la Chine’, in: Mon.Ser. 1, 1935, pp. 436–437); another is the pharmacological information on the ‘Radix Chinae’ which was distributed through Europe from Antwerp in the 1540s (cf. R. Schmitz & Freddy Tek Tiong Tan, ‘Die

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plausible since Portugal was the final destination of the European tour of the two Jesuits, as well as for the fact that the China mission was a Portuguese ‘monopoly’ under the privileges of the royal ‘padroado’. A prominent member of this colony was Manuel Ximenes (1564–1632), a tremendously rich Portuguese merchant, banker, but also Catholic and patron, as well as the owner of a laboratory (“distilleerkamer”) and a library with many books on alchemy, chymistry and medicine, which nevertheless had been sold half a year before their arrival.319 Ximenes was also a good friend – and correspondent – of Antonio de’ Medici, an acquaintance Terrentius shared.320 Another prominent member of this milieu was the physician Luis Nuñez (Ludovicus Nonnius; 1553–1645), since 1616 author of several medical treatises.321 A direct meeting between him and the China missionaries is not recorded, but it may be a remarkable coincidence that Nonnius bought, on 20 October 1616, that is, less than two months before the Jesuits arrived in Antwerp, a copy of Trigault’s Histoire de la Chine.322

Radix Chinae in der “Epistola de radicis Chinae usu” des Andreas Vesalius (1546)’, in: Sudhoffs Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin, 51, 1967, pp. 217–228). For a more comprehensive overview of the Portuguese presence in Antwerp, see: E. Brazão, Portugal na Bélgica de Filipe da Alsacia a Leopoldo I, Lisboa, 1969 and H. Pohl, Die Portugiesen in Antwerpen (1567–1648). Zur Geschichte einer Minderheit, Wiesbaden, 1977; the other part of the communication circle was constituted by the Flemish-German ‘colony’ in Lisbon, on which see note 978. 319 For its inventory, see E. Duverger, Antwerpse kunstinventarissen uit de Zeventiende Eeuw, Brussels, vol. 1, 1984, pp. 436–461; the (libri) chimici of his library are listed on p. 448 ff.; the library was sold between 13 and 28 June 1616, i.e. half a year before Terrentius’ and Trigault’s arrival there. 320 P. Galluzzi, Motivi paracelsiani nella Toscana di Cosimo II e di Don Antonio dei Medici: alchimia, medicina “chimica” e riforma del sapere, Firenze, 1982, pp. 49–51. A connection between Ximenes and Antonio de’ Medici – another acquaintance of Terrentius in Florence (cf. 2: s.v. Medici, Antonio de) – was also Antonio Neri (1576–1614), who lived for a while in Antwerp where he produced his manuscript De arte vetraria (1st  ed. 1612); on his alchemical ideas and practices, see: Maria Grazia Grazzini, ‘Documenta inedita. Discorso sopra la Chimica: the Paracelsian Philosophy of Antonio Neri’, in: Nuncius 27, 2012, pp. 411–467. 321 On Nuñez’s – Nonnius’s – Portuguese background: A. Ricon-Ferraz, in: Nonnius Ludovicus. Derde Symposium Geschiedenis der geneeskundige wetenschappen. Nonnius en de diëtetiek. Dissertationes – Series Historica, 5, 1996, pp. 55–66; for another Portuguese colleague Manuel Gomes, Lat. Gomesius in Antwerp see L. J. Bruce-Chwatt, in: Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, vol. 60.9, 1984, p. 938 ff.; AA.VV. Geneeskunde rond Rubens, Antwerp, 2000, pp. 87–88 and 131; for Portuguese physicians in (or passing by) in Antwerp since the time of Amatus Lusitanus, see: A. Ricon-Ferraz, ‘Portuguese physicians of the XVIth and XVIIth Centuries in Antwerp’, in: Proceedings of the XXXIInd International Congress on the History of Medicine, 1990 (1991), Antwerp, pp. 1249–1254. 322 MPM, Archief 223, f. 22v: “A Mons(ieur) Ludovicus Nonnius doctor medicus 1 Histoire de la Chine du Père Trigault 8°”; for other acquisitions, see Archief 224, f. 44vr. (“Louis Nonnius”). Another Antwerp echo of Trigault’s 1615 edition we find in the work of Herman Hugo, SJ, De prima scribendi origine et universa rei literariae antiquitate ad Reverendum Patrem Carolum Scribani Soc(ietatis) Iesu Praepos(itum) Provinc(iae) in Provincia Flandro-Belgica, Antwerp: Ex Officina Plantiniana, Approb. 27 July 1616; Privileg. 16 August 1616 (i.e. before Trigault-Terrentius’s arrival), printed in 1617, a work on the origin of languages, in which are to be found some references to Chinese scripture, referring to and taken from Trigault, Hist(oria) Sin(ica) = Sin(ica) Expedit(ione), I, cap. 5 (cf. pp. 56 and 80–81).

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Tournai (Lat. Tornacum)

A journey from Brussels to Tournai – c. 80 km. from Brussels – is mentioned in a letter Trigault sent on 30 November 1616 from there to Matthias Rader, SJ, in Munich.323 The reason of this short visit is not explicitly explained, but would have been connected to the position of this city within the Provincia Gallo-Belgica as the location of the novitiate of the same province; Tournai was therefore a favored destination for Trigault’s search for new vocations for the China mission. It was in fact, after twenty years, a reunion with the city, where he had entered the Jesuit novitiate in 1594–96 (cf. chap. 2.1: Trigault). Another reason certainly was the assignment of Philippe Elie Trigault – Trigault’s brother, whom we have already mentioned and who was a temporal coadjutor (‘coadjutor temporalis’) in the college of Tournai – to the China mission. An interesting external reference to the same visit may stem from an autograph remark that Terrentius made in his copy of Tesoro Messicano – mentioned by Gabrieli324 –, according to which he once visited and personally saw with his own eyes (“conspexi”) the Musaeum of Natural History, maintained by one Jacobus (i.e. Jacques) Platteau in that city: “Huius animalis genera (sc. Armadilli Mexicani) apud Jacobum Plateau Tornaci in suo Musaeo, animalibus, praesertim avibus instructissimo, magna cum delectatione conspexi” ‘Kinds of this animal (sc. Armadillus Mexicanus / Mexican armadillo) I have seen, with great pleasure, with J. Platteau in Tournai, in his Musaeum, fully provided with animals, especially with birds’.325 It seems logical to situate this visit during the same episode;326 since Jacques Platteau died in 1608, Terrentius would never have met Platteau during his lifetime. As far as his ornithological ‘Musaeum’, and annexed botanical garden were concerned, by c. 1600 they were already famous throughout Europe (cf. infra, sub 2.1), and Platteau was an important person who maintained correspondence with Carolus Clusius;327 Matthias Lobelius mentions him as an apothecary.328

323 324 325 326

AMSJ, M 30, 109. Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 475. Thesaurus Mexicanus, p. 315. On the other hand, it causes probably problems with the chronology of Terrentius’s work with the manuscript of the Tesoro Messicano, which one commonly believes he had finished in 1611, before he entered the Society of Jesus. The only possible alternative I can imagine is that Terrentius had visited Tournai already before, for instance during his stay in Paris, c. 1601; this is less improbable than it may appear since we know that in 1597 – that is, almost simultaneously – the Parisian Jehan Robin (1550–1629), the creator of the Parisian botanical garden on the present Quai Montebello, visited this garden (see infra, sub 2: s.v. Platteau). 327 See F. Egmond, The World of Carolus Clusius: Natural History in the Making, 1550–1610, London, 2010, pp. 37–39. 328 Matthias Lobelius, Plantarum seu Stirpium Historia, Antwerp, 1576, pp. 135, 225, and 444.

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Leuven / Louvain (Lat. Lovanium)

In addition to these other stops in Belgium, it is certain that the Jesuit pair also paid a visit to Louvain, although their stay cannot be dated precisely.329 By the logic of contemporary travel, their stop can be situated between the stay in Liège (after 20 November 1616) and that in Brussels (arr. before 28 November 1616), since Leuven lies between both cities on a principal route connecting the two. A more natural reason for their visit to the city was the presence of an important Jesuit college and the city’s university, both appealing targets in Trigault’s search for new candidates and books for the mission. Their visit was likely also for the reason that Louvain was one of the European sites that Prince Cesi of the Accademia dei Lincei had selected for the extension of his network of Lyncean foundations,330 a preference which can also have stimulated Terrentius, the former Lyncean, to visit. By doing so, Trigault and Terrentius preceded Martino Martini, who visited the Louvain Jesuit College from Brussels in 1654, some 40 years later. At Louvain, Terrentius mentions the presence of Viringus, an experienced specialist in the treatment of plague: “Unum addo, quod nuper Lovanii didici, ne epistola plane rebus sit vacua. Contra pestem D(ominus) Viringus in infinitis est expertus terram sigillatam et bezoar omnes eripere morbos, si post unam horam denuo sumatur, et post alias duas horas iterum, donec morbus evanescat” ‘One (thing), which I have recently learned in Louvain I add here, to avoid this letter being completely void of topics. Against plague, Mr Viringus has endlessly experienced that ‘terra sigillata’ and the bezoar remove all diseases, if they are taken again after one hour, and again after some two hours, until the disease disappears’.331 This Viringus – not identified by Gabrieli332 – cannot be the medical professor and rector of the local university, Johannes Walterius Viringus / Jan Wouters van Wieringen (1539–1605), since he died a decade before Terrentius’s visit; furthermore, the letter refers to a living person (est, not erat expertus).333 Therefore this figure should be his son, the Jesuit Thomas Waltherius Viringus (1565– d. 1621), whom I found

329 Also in this case our information on his physical presence in Louvain relies on only one small, but unambiguous, syntactical syntagma with the toponym in the locative singular case and the verb in the first person: “Lovanii didici”, i.e. ‘I learned in Louvain’. Louvain was indirectly known to him, as his friend Eggs had apparently studied there for a short while with Van Helmont. Cf. chap. 2: s.v. Eggs. 330 See Cesi’s Lynceographum, quoted by Andrea Ubrizsy Savoia, in: Studium, Vol. 4.4, 2011, p. 198. 331 F. 506v / 1029; no date; from somewhere in ‘Belgium’, in all probability from Brussels. 332 Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 592, note 9. 333 It is worth mentioning here that one of Johannes Walterius Viringus’s publications is still in the Peking library, namely a copy of his (para-)medical treatise De ieiunio et abstinentia medico-ecclesiastici libri quinque, Rigiaci Atrebatium [= Arras], 1597 (Verhaeren, N° 3055) a copy with an inscription referring to the (Chinese) “Vice Prov(incia)”, but without recognizable Terrentius – Trigault connections.

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mentioned in 1617 in the Catalogi Breves of the Louvain Jesuit college.334 He was part of the staff of the Jesuit college of Louvain and had apparently a medical function as “Praef(ectus) Sanit(atis).” / ‘Father responsible for the health condition’.335 As the son of the deceased university rector,336 he may have inherited the experience of his father, who had been one of the survivors of the terrible plague in Louvain (1574–80) which killed c. 50,000 people.337 At any rate, the treatment of plague with terra sigillata (and bezoar) – although widely spread338 – may have especially attracted Terrentius’s attention, since he had worked periodically in the Strasbourg – Rheinfelden area,

334 ARSI: Fl.-Belg., 44, Catalogi Breves (1616–33), f. 25r Both Johan Wouters van Wieringen and Thomas Waltherius Viringus were among the donors of books to the library of the Louvain Jesuit college: see the album of donors, now in the State Archive / Rijksarchief Leuven: Archief van het Leuvense Jezuïetencollege, no. 20. For the other biographical and curricular data: PIBA, II, pp. 407–408. 335 The Louvain college had apparently a broader medical staff, since in the same year there was also an infirmarius (father P. Ludovicus Corbault, “Praef(ectus) Hosp(itii?)” and an apothecarius (Rumoldus Smout, a coadjutor) mentioned. This was backed by a rich medical library, of which the catalogue (made in the 2nd half of the seventeenth century) is preserved (Brussels: KBR, Inv. 4673 A): it has – in addition to Galen and Hippocrates – an unexpectedly large number of chemiatrical books (not Paracelsus, but including, among others, Brentius, Libavius, Trevisanus, Platerus, Thriverius, Hermes Trismegistus; Argenterius; Beguin; Crato; Rupescissa; Hartmann; Quercetanus – Du Chesne, Rulandus, Fuchsius; Forestus; Poterius, as well as some representatives of the anti-Paracelsian opposition, such as Thomas Erastus and Jean Riolan). Another overlooked echo of this medical – pharmaceutical section of the Jesuit college in Louvain is a handwritten manual for pharmaceutical apprentices, entitled: Onderwijs / voor de eerste lerende / apothekers / vervattende de beginselen / van de pharmacie / ende chymie. (2nd vol.) Onderwijs (…) vervattende de kennisse van de droguen ofte simplicien” (‘Instruction for the earliest pharmaceutical apprentices, containing the principles of pharmacy and chemistry’ // ‘Instruction on the knowledge of…drugs and simples’) written in the local Jesuit College in 1655 (KBR Inv. 3508; the part of alchemy starts from p. 387). For curiosity’s sake I refer here to no. 3510 (pasted at the back of the same volume), which is the manuscript sign of the cross in Chinese, made by Martino Martini’s Chinese companion Dominicus during their visit to the Louvain Jesuit College in early 1654. 336 See his selfpresentation at the occasion of his entering the Jesuit novitiate of Tournai on 26 June 1591: “Ego, Thomas Waltherius Viringus, Lovaniensis, ex legit(t)imo matrimonio natus anno 1565, 24 Maij, Patre Joanne Walterio Viringo, Doctore Medicinae adhuc superstite, matre Maria Hubrechts…Tornaci, in domo probationis S. J. die septimo Julii a° 1591” (Album Novitiorum Domûs Probationis S. I. Tornaci: KBR VdGheyn 4543 = 1016, f. 128). The extensive obituary which Guilielmus Bauters wrote on him on 8 October 1621 does not contain any clear information about his medical curriculum, which was probably of a short duration, since he left soon for the English Jesuit college in Liège (see the Litterae mortuariae defunctorum Soc.Jesu in Provincia Belgica [KBR 4038 (654)], f. 111–112v). 337 On his medical history and profile as a post-Vesalian anatomist, see F. Lefebvre, ‘Notice sur l’ancienne faculté de médecine de Louvain et spécialement sur Jean Walter Viringus’, in: Annuaire de l’Université catholique de Louvain, 1856, pp. 234–244; Annales de la Société de Médecine d’Anvers, 25, 1865, pp. 338–340; F.-A. Sondervorst, in: Geschiedenis van de geneeskunde in België, Brussels, 1981, pp. 80 and 84; F. de Nave and M. de Schepper (eds), De geneeskunde in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden (1425–1660), Antwerp, 1990, p. 31. 338 Viringus adheres here to a widely spread conviction, that terra sigillata and the bezoar were effective against the plague: see Richard Brookes, A History of the Most Remarkable Pestilential Distempers that have Appeared, London, 1722, p. 55; B. Accordi, in: Geologica Romana, 16, 1977, p. 47; L. Garcia-Ballester, Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, Cambridge, 1994, p. 282; Louis Matza, The Sacred Nature of Secular Medicine in the Time of the Black Death, Thesis New Brunswick, New Jersey, 2012, p. 77 (online); C. J. Duffin et al., A History of Geology and Medicine, London, 2013, p. 225.

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were his friend Eggs had been involved in the official anti-plague campaigns (see 2.1: s.v. Eggs).339 An analysis of the medical section of the aforementioned library catalogue of the Louvain college340 shows among its holdings a copy of a Physiognomiae explicationis ianua, characteribus et imaginibus Chinensibus expressa (Ibid., p. 668, no.18). We have seen before that a Chinese text fragment with exactly the same title was in the library of the Jesuit college of Antwerp before the suppression – and now in Brussels (KBR 19911) – with an inscription referring to Trigault’s stay in Belgium, and so the fragment mentioned in the Louvain catalogue (now lost) may also be of the same provenance, and date back as far as Trigault-Terrentius’s visit to this college. Of books the Jesuit pair acquired in Louvain during the same visit we have one, probably two examples, namely a copy of a mathematical book of Joh. Werner, In hoc opere haec continentur. Libellus (…) super 22 elementis conicis; eiusdem commentarius (…) in 11 modos conficiendi eius problematis, quod cubi duplicatio dicitur, Nurnberg, 1522, mentioned in Verhaeren, no. 3086, with the inscription: “Coll(egii) S(ocietatis) J(esu) Lov(anii) – Sinensi missioni donavit”.341 A second volume with a reference to the Louvain Jesuit college is found in Martinus Becanus, Summa Theologiae Scholasticae (3 parts in 2 vols), Mainz, 1612–20, extant in the Beitang collection in Peking (cf. Verhaeren, no. 975), with the inscription: “Collegii Soc(ieta)tis Jesu Lovanii Par(thenicae?) Bibl(iothecae) – Missionis Sinensis”.342 In the latter, however, the explicit donation formula is lacking, whereas the ‘owner’s mark’ “Missionis Sinensis” refers to the Terrentius books (see sub 3.3), and thus to an acquisition within the context of this visit.343 Other books from Louvain book sellers (editors?) were delivered afterwards, that is, between April and September 1617, through the services of the Officina Plantiniana: this appears from one note in MPM, Archief 128, f. 294: “Pour les ligatures des boursez (?) tant des livres que R(évérend) P(ère) Trigault doit accepter de Lovain.” From an analysis of the book list in MPM, Archief 223, it appears that the following items had a Louvain printer, and were produced by Louvain academicians:344

339 The aforementioned (see note 335) pharmaceutical textbook of 1655 from the Leuven college refers to the medicinal application of various forms of “terra”, such as terra rubrica, terra Lemnia, terra Melitea; I found terra sigillata only in the index. 340 As in note 335. 341 As the aforementioned library catalogue was written in the 2nd half of the seventeenth century, it is normal that this title – which left the library in 1616/7 – is not mentioned among the books of the mathematical section of the college library. 342 That is, an abbreviation of either “par(va) bibliotheca” or rather “Par(thenica) Bibliotheca”, the latter referring to the special sodality library, called Bibliotheca Parthenica Jurisconsultorum et Medicorum D(ivae) Virginis Purificatae. On the Jesuit libraries of Leuven, see Bart Op de Beeck, Jezuïetenbibliotheken in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden (forthcoming); the book with the names of the donators is preserved (Sommervogel, Bibliothèque, s.v. Louvain, p. 54; now in the ARLeuven: Jez.-archief, no. 20). 343 It is unclear which inscription belongs to which part, and it looks problematic that vol. 2 (i.e. Pars secunda, 1st ed. 1620) would have been part of the Trigault books. 344 On the Louvain printers: K. De Vlieger-De Wilde, Directory of Seventeenth-century Printers, Publishers and Booksellers in Flanders, Antwerp, 2004, pp. 288–295.

t he e u ro pe an ‘ to u r’

– Officina Flaviana: a copy of Baius [MPM, Archief 223, no. 146];345 – Zangrius:346 copies of Sotealli [ib., no. 142]347 and Thomas Fienus [ib., no. 306];348 – Masius (i.e. Maes): a copy of Adrianus Romanus / Van Roomen [ib., no. 187];349 – Bogard: a copy of Gemma Frisius [ib., no. 299].350 Unfortunately no more details are known about the circumstances in which these items were acquired. Finally, also in Louvain, their visit and (probably) reports on China inspired at least one Jesuit candidate to apply, in vain, for the China mission: Gilles (Aegidius) de Carpentier.351 As far as the contemporary university staff is concerned, apart from Fyens (Fijens), only Erycius Puteanus (1574–1646) is mentioned (f. 507v / 1031). He taught at that moment at the Collegium Trilingue, specifically during the Corona Regia affair, on which I have to return (cf. 3.1) but there is no indication that there was a direct contact between him and Terrentius – Trigault. Ghent (Lat. Gandavum)

In a flashback in a letter from Douai written on 2 February 1617 (f. 506r / 1028), Terrentius refers to a previous visit to Ghent: “ut nuper [ex] Gandavi intellexi”352 (with 345 Probably the copy now in Verhaeren, no. 920 (‘Bibl. Trig.’?). Jacques Baius (De Bay: 1545-1614) was a theology professor in Louvain. 346 On this family: F. Claes, ‘De Leuvense drukkersfamilie de Zangere (16e–18e eeuw)’, in: De Gulden Passer, 70, 1992, pp. 12–123. 347 Now lost. Johannes Soteallus Montinensis / Jean Soteaulx (born in Montignies-sur Sambre; d. 1567) was a Belgian theologian, who taught in Camberon: Jöcher, Allg. Gelehrtenlexicon, vol. 4, 1751, col. 693. 348 Probably the copy now in Verhaeren, no. 1604 (“Bibl. Trig.”); it was however not acquired in Louvain itself, but bought on 9 December 1616 – before they could have met each other in Louvain itself – in the Officina Plantiniana in Antwerp: see below in the Appendices: Archief 223, f. 216v Thomas Fienus, al. Fyens (1567–1631) was a pupil of the aforementioned Johannes Viringus, and himself a succesful medical professor at the Louvain university: cf. V. Vermeesch, Thomas Fienus, een bio-bibliografische studie, Diss. Leuven, 1991; C. Steel etc. (ed), Aristotle’s Animals in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, Leuven, 1999, p. 322 ff.; R. Van Hee, ‘Thomas Fijens (1567–1630) chirurg te Antwerpen, hoogleraar te Leuven’, in: Scientiarum Historia, 26, 2000, pp. 15–21. Also he had been in direct contact with Ernest of Bavaria, Prince Bishop of Liège, Cologne etc., and had dedicated to him his De Viribus Imaginationis, Lovanii: G. Rivius, 1608. 349 Probably the copy now in Verhaeren, no. 2615 (although without the physical characteristics of the Trigault books). Adrianus van Roomen (Adrianus Romanus) was a Louvain-born mathematician, whose later curriculum was situated in Germany. On the printers Maes in Leuven: J. Christopher Warner, ‘Quaestiones Theologicae, theses sacrae, and some conjectures about the Masius family’, in G. Proot, etc. (eds), Lux Librorum. Essays on books and history for Chris Coppens, Mechelen, 2018, pp. 123–140. 350 Probably the copy now in Verhaeren, no. 1670, which is bound with another Trigault item, namely Joh. Fabricius, De maculis in sole, Witebergae, 1611 (Verhaeren, no. 1589). Gemma Frisius, born in 1508 was a Dutch mathematician, geographer and instrument maker, active at Louvain university since 1525. 351 See his Litterae Indipetae of 15 June 1617, in ARSI, FoGes. 752, f. 55. 352 First version: “ex” – which refers to news he had received ‘from’ Ghent; afterwards cancelled and substituted by “Gandavi”, a genitive-locative: ‘in Ghent’; only this and the second fragment prove he and Trigault had indeed visited, on their way from Brussels to France (the Jesuit College of) Ghent.

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regard to the manuscripts of Francisco Hernandez in the Escorial); cf. the same on 24 February 1617: “Gandavi intellexi”.353 According to the logic of the itinerary and the geostrategic position of Ghent, it seems most appropriate to put this episode between Brussels and Douai, when both Jesuits were in all probability guests at the local college.354 It is likely that one of his interlocutors in G(h)ent was Justus Rickius (al. Ryckius), 1587–1627, since 1614 in contact with Federico Cesi and a correspondent of Johannes Faber and other Lynceans, who already in 1615 wrote of ‘Terrentium nostrum’ ; at the same time he had been an acquaintance and collaborator of A. Schrieckius in Ypres (cf. chap. 2.1: s.v.). Ypres (Lat. Yprae)

Here – also a city with a Jesuit college, and on the way from Ghent to Douai – I situate the episode during which Adriaen Van Schrieck (Schrieckius, 1560–1621), antiquarian and city counsellor living in Ypres from 1609 to his death, donated to Trigault a copy of his recently published Van’t beghin der eersten volcken (Ypres: F. Bellet, 1614). I deduce this from the copy still extant in the Beitang collection in Peking, bearing an extensive autograph donation inscription (Verhaeren, no. 4069).355 This was apparently a complimentary copy given by the author to Trigault, a fellow countryman. Among Van Schrieck’s collaborators was the aforementioned Justus Ryckius in Ghent, who was part of the Lyncean network, and who may have introduced Scrieckius to the travelling Jesuits. In this work the author discusses the question of the ‘original world language’ and gives in his considerations on the topic complete primacy to Flemish.356 The context – and the motive – of the donation may probably be seen in the challenge presented by claims that the recently discovered Chinese language was the oldest one.357 Already in Antwerp Terrentius – Trigault showed some interest in the topic of European (linguistic) origins, when purchasing a copy of Goropius Becanus’s Opera praeter Origines (MPM, Archief 223, f. 214v), that is, the Plantin edition of Opera hactenus in lucem non edita, Antwerp, 1580 (in which even the Egyptian hieroglyphs were traced back to Antwerp origins); on the reverse, Trigault’s De Christiana Expeditione had also delivered some information on the Chinese language that was used in H. Hugo’s De prima scribendi origine (on which see note 322). On Terrentius as a linguist see below, chap. 4.9.

353 Gabrieli, R.a.L., s. VI, vol. 12/3–4, p. 248. 354 On which see L. Brouwers, De Jezuïeten te Gent, 1585–1773; 1823-heden, Gent, 1980. 355 “R(everen)do in Christo Patri ac D(omino) Patri Nicolao Trigautio, Rectori, et Patribus Collegii Soc(ieta)tis Jesu in Sina, sacris Orientis sideribus – Auctor d(ono) d(edit).” 356 On this work and its contents / inspiration, see P. Swiggers, ‘Adrianus Schrieckius: de la langue des Scythes à l’Europe linguistique’, in: Histoire, Epistémologie, Language, 6.2, 1984, pp. 17–35; id., in: L. Toorians (ed.), Kelten en de Nederlanden van prehistorie tot heden (Orbis Linguarum, 1), Leuven, 1998, pp. 123–147. 357 On this theme, see, a.o. U. Eco, La ricerca della lingua perfetta nella cultura europea, Roma-Bari, 1995.

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Douai (Lat. Duacum)

A few days later,358 on 20 February 1617 the two Jesuits passed through Valenciennes and arrived c. 24 February in Douai, Trigault’s hometown.359 Despite the interesting setting of the Jesuit College and the university in Douai, there are to my knowledge no more traces of their stay there, except the portrait of Trigault exhibited (or, at the least, preserved) there. The pair also gave a preview of the future travels of both Trigault and Terrentius: after Paris and Lyon they would each continue by separate ways, Terrentius to Germany and Munich / Innsbruck – in search of the instruments offered to the mission – and Trigault to Spain, for administrative matters concerning their return journey. Their foreshadowing reads as follows: “Post paucos dies abeo Lutetiam, inde Lugdunum et tandem, quis putasset, in Germaniam, Monachium scilicet; ita visum est P(atri) Trigautio, tum ut instrumenta mathematica, quae Dux Bavariae instruit magnificentissima inspiciam, usum ediscam, tum etiam quod videbar ipsi [i.e.Trigautio] in Hispania plane futurus inutilis toto hoc anno, cum fratrem suum haberet ducem itineris. Sub autumnum Mediolanum abducam Germanos comites, etc.” ‘After a few days I leave for Paris, from there for Lyon and finally – who had thought this – for Germany, more precisely for Munich; this was the plan of Father Trigault, so that I might inspect the splendid mathematical instruments which the Duke of Bavaria has prepared, to learn how to use them, but also because he thought I would be useless in Spain during that whole year [between the Spring of 1617 and the Spring of 1618, when they planned to leave from Lisbon], since he had his brother as his travelling companion. Around the Autumn (of 1617) I would bring German companions to Milan, etc.’360 After Douai, both Jesuits left the Southern Low Countries for France. The main objectives of their two month stay in this area were the “Res Belgicae” or “Negotia Belgica”, mentioned by Trigault in his report of 2 January 1617:361 these included a visit to the Court of Archduke Albrecht in Brussels – already announced by Trigault in Milan in December 1615, expecting the ‘royal’ presents for the mission362– as well as ‘shopping’ in the Officina Plantiniana and the recruitment of new candidates for the mission. We do not know the specific result of the first of these goals, and there are even some traces of disappointment in the Jesuits’ description of the ‘poor’ presents from Archduke Albrecht (see supra, note 246), certainly when compared to the liberality they had found before among the German princes.

358 H. Bernard, in: Mon.Ser.,3, 1938, p. 57: the author mentions a letter of Terrentius from Valenciennes of this date, without reference, which I could not trace so far. 359 See Terrentius’s letter of that date on f. 506r-v. / 1028–1029. 360 F. 506 / 1029; cf. Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 591. 361 Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, pp. 112–113. 362 See note 238.

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As for the book acquisitions, in Liège but mainly in Antwerp, the books and (astronomical; musical) instruments collected constituted certainly a substantial mass; its shipment would become a concern for the immediate future. The most significant proof of their passage through the Low Countries, however, may have been the enthusiasm they raised for the China mission among young Jesuits which was expressed in a series of application letters which left the Provincia Flandro- and Gallo-Belgica for the Superior General in Rome, asking for the permission to be sent to the China mission, and often referring directly to Trigault. After the examples we already mentioned from Aachen and Liège, these candidacies were, in their chronological order: From the Flemish-Belgian province: Guil. Malinaeus

Theologus 2nd year

Antwerp

Simon Van Hove Hier. van Suerck Carolus Isenbaert

Poeta Rhetor. Figur.

Brussels Brussels Brussels:

A. a Burgundia August. Rijckaert Franc. de Jonghe

Prof. Rhet. Prof. Fig.

Kortrijk Kortrijk Gandavum

1 Jan. and 11 March 1617.363 2 Jan. 1617.364 13 Jan.1617.365 19 Kal. Febr. 1617 (15 Jan.1617).366 22 Jan.1617.367 22 Jan. 617.368 1 Febr. 1617.369

Louvain

15 June 617.370

Antwerp

18 June 1617.371

de Carpentier Fr.B. Boshuysen

physicus

363 On his position, see the Catalogus Triennalis, in ARSI, Fl.-Belg., 44, f. 21r; his Litterae Indipetae are in ARSI, FoGes. 752, pp. 48 and 51; not in PIBA. 364 ARSI, FoGes. 752, p. 49; PIBA, I, p. 466. 365 FoGes., 752, 52; PIBA, II, 346. 366 FoGes., 752, p. 49; PIBA, II, p. 8. 367 FoGes., 752, 50; PIBA ? 368 FoGes., 752, p. 50: PIBA, II, p. 275. 369 FoGes., 752, p. 50: PIBA, I, p. 20. 370 FoGes., 752, p. 52; PIBA, I, 196. 371 FoGes., 752, p. 53; PIBA, I, p. 137.

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From the Gallo-Belgian province:372 Rob.de Bonnières

–

Liège

20 Nov.1616.373

Jean de Hurgues

–

St. Omer

1616.

Dion. de Tige

–

Lille

8 Idus Dec. 1616.374

N. Douin

coadj.temp.

Tournai

10…1616.375

– Liège St.Omer

– Liège

Edmond Renart – Bernard Robionoy – Jean Rombaut – F. de…,

Mech.- math. Douai

A. Staius

–

Douai

13 Dec.1616.376 22 Dec.1616.377 8 May 1617.378 July 1617.379

(Semin. Scot.) 4 July 1617.380

After Douai, the two Jesuits continued their journey to Paris. Paris (Lat. Parisii)

They arrived in Paris as February turned to March; it was Terrentius’s second visit to Paris, after his aforementioned stay there with François Viète (1599 or later –1603) and his private and public lectures on all matter of sciences. None of his letters from Paris survive to my knowledge, although such was planned and he had mentioned, in his letter on 16 December 1616, his intention to send a series of letters from there to his many correspondents:

372 In this province, these letters had been preceded by a long series of applications, which were sent already before the physical arrival of Trigault – Terrentius in the Low Countries, and some of them go back even before the publication of De Christiana Expeditione. The file ARSI, Prov. Gallo-Belg. 45 has the following names: J. Vaisseau, Tornaco (Tournai), 21 January 1615 (f. 2–3); Honoratus Lebrun, Insulis (Lille), 30 January 1615 (f. 3–4); Jac. Bonfrerius, Duaci (Douai) 4 July 1615 (f. 4–5); Bernard Robinoy, Namurci (Namur), 2 February 1616 (f. 7–8); H. Le Brun, Insulis (Lille), 6 February 1616 (f. 9–10); Hubert Wiltheim, Leodii (Liège), 14 March 1616 (f. 10–11); Johann Wilhelm Wiltheim, Montibus Hanonoae (Mons), XIX (sic) Kal. Jul. 1616 (?); f. 12–13); Honoratus Le Brun, Insulis (Lille), 26 October 1616 (f. 13–14); Petrus Pennequin, Duaci (Douai), 6 November 1616 (f. 14–15); Rob. De Bonnières, Liège, 20 November 1616 (f. 15–16); compare the list of A. Delfosse, in: M. Hermans & I. Parmentier (eds), The Itinerary of Antoine Thomas S. J. (1644–1709), Scientist and Missionary from Namur in China, Leuven, 2017, pp. 192–205. 373 PIBA, I, p. 130; Delfosse, no.18. 374 PIBA, II, p. 366; Delfosse, no.172. 375 Not in PIBA; Delfosse, no.54. 376 PIBA, II, p. 245; Delfosse, no.149. 377 PIBA, II, p. 257; Delfosse, no. 154. 378 PIBA, II, p. 263; Delfosse, no. 156. 379 PIBA ? 380 Not in PIBA nor in Delfosse.

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“Ad artistam meum hinc scribam, responsum Lutetiae expectaturus, ubi scio quosdam esse non indoctos. Inde pluribus scribam, si quid occurrat” ‘I will write from here to my artist (student of philosophy [‘artes’]), and will wait for the answer in Paris, where I know that there are some not unlearned people. From there I will write to many (correspondents), if anything happens there’.381 Unfortunately, we do not know who these ‘learned people’ were (likely individuals he knew from his previous stay), nor whether he indeed met them. I wonder whether this silence on the Parisian medical scene – the ‘quosdam non indoctos’ – should be due to either a very short stay, or to the fact that the Paris medical faculty was a bulwark of conservatism and mainly devoted to Galenic medicine, known for persecuting those with Paracelsian sympathies. In any case, Terrentius was in all probability present at the Paris court where the Jesuits had apparently been received by the Queen Mother Maria de’ Medici, aunt of Cosimo II, Grand Duke of Tuscany and regent for the young King Louis XIII between 1614 and 1617, where they received a tapestry as present (which would afterwards been lost in the Lisbon harbor).382 Before 15 March he had already left for Germany.383 As planned, after Paris, Trigault went to Lyon and the South, and Terrentius continued his way to the German lands. Here I will follow Terrentius’s travels, leaving aside those of the mission procurator. Basel (Lat. Basilea)

On his way from Paris to Munich, Terrentius passed through Lotharingia and Alsatia (Alsace). He again passed through Basel where he stayed for another 8 days with his friend, the alchemist-physician-apothecary Eggs (cf. sub 2.1: s.v.). During his stay, he reports about another attack against Rosicrucians at a place called Futzen,384 then in Alsace, now in the German Land Baden-Württemberg (Blumberg). When continuing his way, he passed through

381 F. 510r / 1036. 382 The only firsthand testimony I have for this stems from the report of Elie Trigault, Petit discours, p. 4: “A la même heure de nostre arrivée me furent apportées nouvelles de la perte de la tapisserie que la Roine Mere de France nous avoit donnée, pillée par pirates Hirlandois quasi à l’entrée de la rivière Tagus, port de Lisbonne”; see also the reference by the French visitor in Brussels, Pierre Bergeron. 383 This follows from Trigault’s letter of that date, sent from Paris to M. Rader: AMSJ M 30, 12. 384 F. 509r / 1034: “(from Munich, after having arrived there on 26 May 1617) Nuper ex Lotharingia veniens apud ipsum diversi per 8 dies. Vidi eius labores nondum finitos (…). Nuper etiam quidam ex illis captus est in Futzen in Alsatia, sed exitum nondum scio”/ ‘Recently, coming from Lotharingia, I spent 8 days with him (Eggs). I saw that his ‘works’ were not yet finished (…). Recently also someone from them (the Rosicrucians) was captured in Futzen, Alsace, but I do not yet know how it ended’.

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Bamberg (Lat. Bamberga)

where he visited the bishop of Bamberg, Johann Gottfried von Aschhausen.385 Terrentius admired the bishop’s garden (“hortum”) and many other “Franconicae deliciae”, and received again various presents for the China mission, though not the expected (hand-)colored copy of Besler’s Hortus Eystettensis, since the price was too high.386 Munich (Lat. Monachium) – Augsburg (Lat. Augusta)

The main target of his German detour, however, was Munich, where he arrived at the end of May 1617: “Ante 14 dies per Bambergam et Augustam veni Monachium, forte mansurus ad Augusti initium” / ‘two weeks ago I arrived, through Bamberg and Augsburg,387 in Munich, probably to stay here until early August’ (f. 507r / 1030). His purpose now was, to inspect the mathematical instruments that Maximilian I, Duke of Bavaria, had offered to the mission: “ut instrumenta mathematica quae Dux Bavariae instruit magnificentissima inspiciam, usum.388 During this stay he sent several letters, on 26 May (f. 509r / 1034), 10 June (f. 507r / 1030), 23 July (f. 679r / 1379), 7 August (f. 679bis, r. / 1381) and 9 September 1617 (f. 680r / 1383).389 During this visit Terrentius met, apart from Duke Wilhelm V and his successor Maximilian I, also Georg Locher, Doctor Utriusque Juris and advocatus in Suprema Ducali Curia of

385 E. Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, pp. 107–108. On the local prince-bishop,see sub 2.1: Aschhausen. 386 F. 509r / 1034: “Bambergam in itinere invisi, ubi non tantum hortum et alias delicias…vidi, sed et munera digna tali Episcopo accepi” / ‘I visited on my journey Bamberg, where I have not only seen the garden and other beautiful things (…) but I also received presents worthy of such a bishop’. Terrentius visited the Neue Residenz, since 1602 the residence of the Bamberg Fürstbischöfe, with a famous Rosengarten. An interesting contemporary snapshot on the Bishop’s garden (“hortus”) we find in a letter of Sigismund Schnitzer (1586–1626) – the bishop’s Leibarzt - to his previous teacher, Caspar Bauhin, of 1611, now in Basel, UB, Ms. Fr. Gr., II, 1, 302, published in: Brian W. Ogilvie, The Science of Describing. Natural History in Renaissance Europe, Chicago, 2006, p. 164. Schnitzer’s fascinating correspondence with Andreas Libavius in Coburg is publ. in: J. Hornung, Cista medica, qua in epistolae Clarissimorum Germaniae medicorum familiares & in re medica tam quoad Hermetica & chymica quám etiam Galenica principia, lectu jucundae & unica, cum diu reconditis experimentis asservantur (…), Nurenberg, 1626, pp. 1–214; it has no references to Johann Schreck Terrentius. 387 On 10 June 1617 General Muzio Vitelleschi addressed his letter to Terrentius to Augsburg (“Augustam”): Epist. Gener., Germ. Sup. 4 (1611–20), f. 191v. 388 Douai: f. 506r-v / 1028–29; Cf. Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 591/2. For an inventory of these presents, see F. X. Kropf, Historia Provinciae Societatis Jesu Germaniae Superioris, ab Anno M.DC.XI ad Annum M.DC.XXX, Monachi (Munich), 1746, p. 25, no. 61: “(…) Maximilianus Dux insuper alia, muneraque amplissima Sinarum Regi per duos de nostris operarios, ad agrum Sinicum destinatos, ferenda altero deinde anno transmisit” / ‘In addition, Duke Maximilian transmitted other, abundant presents to the Chinese Emperor, to be brought the following year (1617) by two collaborators from our fathers who were designated for China’. Among the presents were the expected “machinae mathematicorum” but also medical (surgical?) instruments and medicines: “tyronibus (…) chirurgis medicamentariis offerrebantur”. 389 Still on 30 September 1617 General Muzio Vitelleschi ordered Terrentius to stay for a while in Bavaria: “tantisper in Bavaria remanere, donec …discedendi potestatem fecero” (Epist. Gener., Germ. Sup., 4 (1611–1620), f. 204r.).

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Ill. 22. Title page of Georgius Agricola, De re metallica libri XII, Basileae (i.e. Basel), 1556; this is the copy brought by Terrentius – Trigault to China and Peking; cf. the last description in H. Verhaeren, Catalogue de la bibliothèque du Pé-t’ang, Pékin: Imprimerie des Lazaristes, 1949, no. 730. On the title page are several book inscriptions, in chronological order: (a) the ‘ex-libris’ of M(ichael) M(ändl), propraetor, papal and imperial notary in Eisendorf (on the border of Bavaria / Bohemia; actually called Železná; in the 16th century an area with iron ore mining [Eisendorfhütte]), associating his name with the mandolin and other musical instruments; (b) several consecutive inscriptions, written in different hands, namely: (b1) Donation inscription by the same Mändl to Georg Locher, Iuris utriusque doctor and syndicus of the Munich (Bavarian) state; this donation happened in 1617; (b2) donation inscription by Georg Locher, now called advocatus at the Bavarian Duke’s Court to Johann Terrentius; this happened certainly during the latter’s visits to Munich in the period May – early Sept. 1617 (cf. chap. 1.3); at this occasion the previous inscription (b1) was crossed out; (b3) an owner’s inscription: “Missionis Sinensis”: ‘(property; book) of the China mission’, always in the same hand as in the items no. 34, 35 and 36 and referring to Terrentius’s books (see chap. 3.3); (b4) not visible on this photo but mentioned in the description of Verhaeren’s catalogue the owner’s inscription: “Collegii Soc(ietatis) Jesu Pekini”; the same inscription is to be found in 231 other preserved books of the Beitang collection, which all date between 1725 and 1750, and refer to the library of the Portuguese college in Peking, Nantang, the continuation of the Ricci residence originally called Xitang: see N. Golvers, Libraries of Western Learning for China. Circulation of Western books between Europe and China in the Jesuit mission (c. 1650 – c. 1750). Vol. 2. Formation of Jesuit libraries (Leuven Chinese Studies, XXXVI), Leuven, 2013, pp. 134 – 140; (b 5) the stamp of the “Vicariat Apostolique de Pékin & Tche-Ly Nord. Bibliothèque du Pé-t’ang”, which dates back to the ‘new’ Beitang, namely the Lazarist library Beitang est. in 1860, with the books of the pre-Suppression Jesuit Nantang, and fragments of other collections. These inscriptions, therefore, reflect the entire history of Western library presence in Peking, from the first layer of the Xitang (the books of Trigault - Terrentius, arr. in 1625) until the ‘re-stored’ mission after 1860, this time as a Lazarist mission. With these books, this copy arrived ca. 1950 in the National Library of China (Peking), where it is still today (call number 730/1007). As for the contents: this gift illustrates Terrentius’s link with mineralogy, mining, etc.: see chap. 4.2. Finally, after its arrival in Peking, the copy became the model of Adam Schall’s translation in Chinese, recently recuperated (see note 1519, and the contribution of H. Ulrich, ‘Dass wird gewiss die Staatskasse füllen!”. Johann Adam Schall von Bells chinesische Uebertragung von Agricola’s De re metallica libri XII im Jahre 1640” (online). (Courtesy: N(ational) L(ibrary of) C(hina). Citation: 730/1007)

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the city,390 and received from him a signed copy of Georg Agricola’s De Re Metallica (Basel: H. Frobenius & N. Episcopius, 1556), a comprehensive work on mining, mineralogy, and the technological devices needed for it, a book which would become a very important work in China owing to its translation into Chinese by Adam Schall von Bell. As the inscriptions show, Terrentius indeed received this work in 1617 [Ill. 22].391 Other persons he met there (again), were: Georg Grembs – physician in the hospital392 – and another, anonymous French physician, indicated as “Gallus Monacensis” / ‘the French (physician) of Munich’.393 From Munich he visited also Christopher Scheiner, SJ (1573/5–1650) in Ingolstadt, as he reports in his letter of 9 September 1617 ‘shortly before’ (“nuper”: f. 680r / 1383). Still on 5 October he was in Bavaria, and attended in Würzburg (Lat. Herbipolis) the investiture of Johann Gottfried von Aschhausen as bishop of Würzburg (f. 678 / 1377–1378: 9 November 1617: “ante paucas settimanas…accurri Herbipolim”); during this occasion, he also unexpectedly met Theophilus Molitor. After having returned to Augsburg (f. 678 / 1377), he travelled to Innsbruck (Lat. Oenipontum), in the company of Ernst Fugger: “Cum D(omino) Ernesto Fuggero Augustâ Oenipontum usque rh(a)edâ vectus sum, magno utriusque commodo; inde postquam locutus essem Archiduci Maximiliano…” / ‘With Mr Ernest Fugger I travelled by coach from Augsburg to Innsbruck, with great comfort for both of us; after I spoke to Archduke Maximilian, I continued (travelling) from there (…)’.394 One book now in Peking, stemming from the pre-Suppression Jesuit libraries, has its provenance in the collection of the Innsbruck Jesuit college and more precisely in a small nucleus of medical books once offered in 1616 by their first owner, Georg Kern, SJ (1572–1619), a local physician, to the Jesuit library;395 apparently one of them was presented to Terrentius during this visit by the Innsbruck Jesuits. Again we see the particular interest in the treatment of plague, as we found in his other book choices.

390 Cf. Grosse Bayerische Biographische Enzyklopädie, Bnd. 2, s.v. Locher, Georg (p. 1196). 391 The donation inscription runs as follows: “Reverendo in Christo Patri Joanni Terrentio Societatis Jesu presbytero pro missione Sinensi dono dedit Georgius Locher U(triusque) I(uris) D(octor), in Suprema Ducali Curia, quae est Monachii, advocatus”. For an analysis of this and the other inscriptions: N. Golvers, ‘Reconstructing Western Book Collections in the Jesuit Mission in China (c. 1650–1750): The Evidence of Book Inscriptions and Testimonia, Their Evidence for the Relation between Antwerp and the Jesuit Mission in China’, in: R. Faesen and L. Kenis (eds), The Jesuits of the Low Countries: Identity and Impact (1540–1773). Proceedings of the International Congress at the Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies, KU Leuven (3–5 December 2009), Leuven, 2012, pp. 213–234. 392 F. 508r / 1032 etc.; see chap. 2.1: Grem(b)s. 393 F. 508r / 1032. 394 F. 509r / 1034; f. 527r / 1070. For Ernst Fugger, or Hans-Ernst Fugger (1590–1639), chamberlain, Bavarian Councilor and President of the Imperial Chamber Court, see M. Häberlein, Die Fugger. Geschichte einer Augsburger Familie (1367–1650), Stuttgart, 2006, pp. 116–118, and below, chap. 2: Fugger. 395 On this nucleus of private books, mostly on medicine, especially also on the treatment of pestilence, see the observations of U. Partoll, ‘”Ex dono Georgii Kern Collegii Societatis Jesu Oenipontani, 1616”. Die Bücherschenkung von Pater Georg Kern SJ an das Innsbrucker Jesuitenkolleg in der Universitätsbibliothek Innsbruck’, in: Tiroler Heimatblätter, 74, 1999, pp. 18–26.

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From the same letter – and only from this – we know he started thereafter his journey, through Engadin, to Milan and onward to Lisbon.396 Milan (Lat. Mediolanum)

There Terrentius probably found the copy of Santorius’s Statica, which its author had promised to send to him.397 Genoa

Terrentius arrived in the city’s Jesuit college – where the ‘procuratura’ of the province was located – and stayed for 9 days (f. 527r / 1070). Genoa was where Terrentius met up with Adam Schall, accompanied by Giacomo Rho (the latter both coming from Rome), in order to proceed together – by sea and by land – to Marseille, after 2 days in Barcelona, and from there to Madrid, and Lisbon. Genoa was also the place where an unnamed German alchemist worked, and whom Terrentius had wished to meet, but apparently their rendez-vous did not occur. Madrid and the library of the Escorial

He arrived before 18 January 1618 in Madrid: see f. 527r / 1070. In the Escorial Terrentius saw the Hernandez manuscript of the Tesoro Messicano, with 3 volumes of text and 10 volumes of figures. Already on 2 February 1617 he wrote to have heard in Ghent that the access to the manuscript would be easy: “nam illi tres tomi in Escuriali facile a me videri possunt, ut nuper Gandavi intellexi” / ‘because these three volumes can easily be consulted by me in the Escurial, as I have recently heard in Ghent’ (f. 506r / 1028); the source of this information was in all probability J. Ryckius, recently returned from Rome, where he had collaborated with the Linceans, to Ghent. Since Terrentius did not have his own ‘Compendium’ with him – due to Prince Cesi, who retained it at the Accademia dei Lincei – he unfortunately missed an occasion to verify and complete his annotations: “In Escuriali vidi libros Mexicanarum plantarum. Sunt tomi in folio tres, q(ui) continent solum textum sine ullis figuris; quid desit nostro compendio nescire potui ob ignaviam Principis Caesii, qui mihi chartas meas toto quadriennio petitas non misit. Tomi deinde sunt 10; solas figuras continent depictas in folio. Ultimus tomus est de plurimis

396 On 2 December 1617 General Muzio Vitelleschi sent a letter to the Duke of Bavaria, explaining that Trigault – at that moment already in Lisbon – had asked Terrentius to leave for China in March: “Nunc quoniam iubet (Trigault) pro sua benignitate ut P(ater) Terrentius etiam hoc anno [1617]discedat [namely from Bavaria], humillime ago V. S. gratias quantum possum maximas, rogoque ut tam propensam in nos voluntatem caelestibus thesauris rependat dives Dei benignitas. Romae 2 Dec. 1617”: Epist. Gener., Germ. Sup., 4 (1611–1620), f. 210r. 397 F. 507r / 1030 (10 June 1617) and f. 680r / 1383 (9 September 1617), both letters sent from Munich.

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animalibus, praesertim avibus et (quadru)pedibus, de quibus in nostro compendio nihil. Si habuissem textum, curassem describi, sumptu non adeo magno. Sed patientia” ‘In the Escorial I saw the books of the Mexican plants. There are three in-folio volumes, which have only the text, without any illustrations; I could not verify which (of them) was lacking in our compendium because of the negligence of Prince Cesi, who did not send my papers, which I have been asking for four years now. Additionally, there are 10 volumes which contain only the drawn illustrations. The last volume is on several animals, especially birds and (quadru)peds, about which we have nothing in our compendium. If I had had my text, I would have the possibility to make a transcription, with not so great expenses. But…be patient’.398 The manuscript he saw – and which was seen, copied and consulted by many others – was destroyed by fire in 1671. Terrentius was disappointed by his stay in Madrid, reporting that he learned nothing from this visit to the court city.399 Lisbon (Lat. Ulyssipo)

In January 1618, Terrentius arrived from Madrid – through the usual overland route, I assume – to Lisbon.400 As far as we can see in the incomplete documentation, he was probably the last of the group whose members had arrived by turns: first Jean de Celles and Hubert de Saint-Laurent, afterwards Elie Trigault (leaving his brother in Madrid for his negotiations with regard to the passports for the not-Portuguese missionaries), then Kirwitzer and Nicolas Trigault (in an unknown order), and finally Terrentius, Adam Schall von Bell, and Giacomo Rho, coming from Madrid. As we have seen, Terrentius did not have many expectations with respect to the progress of his learning. Indeed, as far as our sources tell us, his stay in Lisbon was rather lacking in activities, as he reported two months later in the letter of 21 March 1618. Searching for and collecting plants, and botanical studies, were apparently the only exceptions: “Hinc nihil scripsi, quia nihil erat novi quod scriberem. Quod plantas attinet, etc.” / ‘from here I have written nothing, as there was nothing new to report on. With regard to plants’.401 398 F. 527r / 1070. See in addition f. 506r / 1028: “nam illi 3 tomi in Escuriali facile a me videri possunt” (‘because these three volumes (of text) in the Escorial can easily be seen / consulted by me’) and Terrentius’s letter from China, quoted by Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 503. 399 Ibid.: “Madriti nihil didici, forte Olyssipone non plura” / ‘In Madrid I have learned nothing, I will probably not in Lisbon either’. In his letter, he enclosed two interesting features: (a) a picture of the ‘Madonna di Reggio’ (in the area of Vernazza, Cinqueterre, which he may have received during his stay in Genoa), with Chinese characters (“Mitto imaginem aliam della Madonna di Reggio cum Sinensibus characteribus”; cf. note 1049); (b) seeds from the wild rosemary, which was the most frequent plant in the area (“… pauca semina ledi, quod forte differt ab Italico, nam Clusium ad manum non habeo” / ‘some seeds of ledum, which probably differs from the Italian (variant), as I don’t have at hand my Clusius…). 400 This I deduce from a short statement in his letter of 21 March 1617 (f. 516r / 1048: 21 March 1617): “Sumus hîc Olyssipone per duos menses” / ‘we have been here in Lisbon for two months now’. 401 F. 516r / 1048.

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In this period ( January-April 1618), he became acquainted with a Portuguese Jesuit, Francisco Machado, a professor of moral philosophy (the “casus”) in the Professed House of São Roque, who – probably as a nonprofessional – turned out to be a reliable informant on matters botanical, with a range of knowledge spanning the whole of Portugal (cf. infra sub 2), and, owing to his collaboration with an anonymous ‘Belgian’ – in all probability to be identified as Gabriel Grisley (cf. chap. 2.2: s.v.) – even to the rest of Europe and Morocco. The result was that Terrentius ‘discovered’ a lot of plants he had never seen before, in all probability during excursions in the Lisbon area (“vidi”: ‘I saw’), as he had done before with Cesi in the Campagna Romana,402 and also now using Clusius as his textual reference: “Mirum hîc vidi varietatem (plantarum), multasque Clusianas hîc inveni, numquam mihi visas” / ‘I saw here a wonderful variety (of plants), and I found here many ‘Clusian’ plants, which I had never seen before’.403 This collaboration and communication with Machado continued also after Terrentius left for China.404 While in Lisbon, where the ‘Aula da esfera’ was a Jesuit-run affair,405 Terrentius was probably also active as an astronomer, but there is no evidence of any advanced activities in the field. When he transmitted to his friend Remus the description of an astronomical phenomenon of Venus in June 1617, it was based on the observation of Kirwitzer (cf. 2: s.v.) and Giovanni Paolo Lembo (c. 1570–1618) – the latter a colleague of Machado who lived at the Casa Professa of São Roque as well.406 Terrentius himself had apparently not been directly involved in the observation. At any rate, he shows himself in this case once again concerned with the communication and 402 Cf. for instance the report – and the inventory of the plants – in F.F, 420, f. 301r–299v (sic). and more details infra, note 78. 403 F. 516 / 1048. 404 Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 508 writes in his transcription of the letter: “Macado”, but the ms. (f. 539r / 1094) clearly gives Machado, which reduces the possible identications proposed by Gabrieli (loc. cit.) from 3 to 2. Terrentius describes him as an active botanist, and he recommends him to Faber, trying to create a mutual communication between the two: “Olyssipone habeo peramicum P(atrem) Franciscum Machado, theologiae moralis professorem; is cepit mecum loqui de plantis, inde iam ex notitia plurimum delectatur. Scribat illi meo nomine E(minentia) V(estra), mittatque illi exempli gratiâ semina Styracis et quaedam alia quae putaverit rara esse. Ille vicissem mittet quidquid in Lusitania extat” / ‘In Lisbon I have a very good friend, Father Francisco Machado, a professor of moral theology; he began speaking to me about plants, and he takes from this much pleasure. Your Excellence should write to him in my name, and he should send, e.g. seeds of the Styrax and some other seeds, which he thinks are rare. He will in turn send everything existent in Portugal’. For his identification, see infra, sub 2: Machado. 405 For a concise presentation of this crucial institution in the Portuguese (maritime and scholarly) tradition, see H. Leitão, A ciência na “Aula da Esfera” no Colégio de Santo Antão 1590–1759, Lisbon, 2007. 406 This observation was, after he received it – forwarded by Remus to Kepler on 20 October 1618, who partially quotes from the letter of Terrentius: “Ipse P(ater) Terrentius manibus propriis mihi (= Remo) scriptam observationem communicavit, quam Tuae Excellentiae (= Keplero) offerro (…). Verba eius (= Terrentii) haec sunt: ‘Haec observatio facta est a P(atre) Lembo qui nunc est Neapoli, et a P(atre) Pantaleone Germano, qui mecum navigat ad Sinas” [this last part, with the reference to China certainly also belonging to the original wording of Terrentius]: publ. in: Epistolae ad Joannem Kepplerum Mathematicum Caesareum scriptae, s.l., 1718, p. 510. Cf. A. G. Pingré, Annales célestes du xviie siècle, Paris, 1901, pp. 47–48. This implies that Terrentius did not meet Lembo in person, since he arrived after the latter left Lisbon in the autumn of 1617 (U. Baldini).

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exchange of scholarly information, creating for this also mutual cross-contacts between individuals who did not know each other, and probably also hoping for information in return from his friend Remus, who had thus far been a poor correspondent. Most important for our purposes was the fact, that for geostrategic and logistical reasons, Lisbon had been, and remained the final destination of the books and instruments collected all over Europe for the China mission since 1615. There converged several different, yet complementary, book shipments: a. The so-called Bibliotheca Pontificia (the ‘Papal Library’): after a first suggestion, which Trigault had made to Pope Paul V before 8 March 1615, he refers to have shipped fourteen major crates (“quatuordecim sarcinas grandiores”) to Portugal, obviously to Lisbon. These were all bound in red morocco leather embossed with the Pope’s arms, and bearing the donor’s inscription: ‘Paul V Borghese, Pope of the Catholic Church, to the Society of Jesus, which brings, upon the authority of the Apostolic See, the Faith in Christ to China; in order to provide a Pontificial Library in Peking’.407 I have not yet been able to verify the presence of this inscription on the extant books. For the list of these books, see Appendix 1. b. A series of other individual books, ‘scraped together’ (‘corradere’) by Trigault in the months before December 1615, during the journey. This includes books on music, a mathematical library, and a collection of mathematical instruments, as well as other items promised to be delivered afterwards: cf. his letter of December 1615: “Praeter hanc bibliothecam corrado, unde possum, varios libros pro aliis domibus, et spero me bene instructum rediturum; iam enim multos habeo et plures propediem spero. Inter eos octo sunt ingentia volumina musica pro templo manuscripta, quae missas et alia recentiorum auctorum continent; ea mihi dedit Archiduchissa Austriae, uxor Magni Ducis Etruriae, ea hoc etiam anno, ut arbitror, navigabunt et, ut hoc obiter dicam, omnes sarcinas ita iubeo concinnari, ut facile montem transmittere possint ex more bajulorum humeris. Ad hanc bibliothecam accedet officina mathematica, quam iam spero me habere, quod unius sit que(m) ego in reliquis sociis com(m)it[t]em abducam (…)” // (f. 171r) Musicum etiam habeo sacerdotem et magistrum alium, etiam mathematicum insignem, qui suam secum deferet mathematicam bibliothecam et supellectilem copiosam (…)”

407 JA 49-V-5, f. 169r (31 December 1615): “Alterum negotium est insignis bibliotheca quam Pekini instruendam paro in in eos fines, quos mihi Superior noster commisit; eam decem millium aureorum futuram spero et iam pro mille aureis quatuordecim librorum sarcinas grandiores in Lusitaniam (169v.) praemisi, hoc anno – ut spero – navigaturas in Indiam et inde Macaum ibique omnia quae praemisero adventum meum praestolabuntur. Hi omnes libri in curio rubro pereleganter compacti sunt cum armis pontificiiis (nam Pontifex eam faciendam in se suscepit) cum hac inscriptione: “Paulus V Burghesius, Romanus Pontifex Maximus Ecclesiae Catholicae caput, Societati JESU Christi fidem auctoritate Sedis Apostolicae in Sinas inferenti ad Pontificiam bibliothecam Pequini instruendam. Paterni eam in gentem amoris monumentum aeternum ex Europa transmisit anno e Va(?). Praeterea iam pro aliis mille aureis iussi Lugduni ab Horatio Cardon libros compingi in annum insequentem et quoad fieri potest omnia volumina sunt in folio. Cum ipsis libris catalogus mittitur”.

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‘In addition to this (Pontificial) Library, I scrape together, from where I can, various books for the other houses, and I hope that I will return (to China) well furnished. Indeed, I already have many books, and hope to have more of them very soon. Among them are 8 very large musical volumes written for the church which contain Masses and other things from recent authors. These the Archduchess of Austria, the wife of the Grand Duke of Tuscany offered to me;408 they will – I think – ship this very year and, to say it more clearly, I have ordered that all of the luggage be packed in such a way that they could easily be transported over the mountains, in the usual way, on the shoulders of bearers. To this library will be added a mathematical ‘workshop’, which I would I already received,409 which is from someone, whom I will bring as one of the companions (…) // (f. 171r) I have also a musical priest,410 and another teacher (“magister”), also a famous mathematician, who will bring with him his mathematical library and a copious array (of instruments)’; c. The books which Terrentius & Trigault collected during their (partially common) peregrinatio academica through Europe; these items were temporarily stored either in the College of Constance (f. 508r / 1032) to be brought afterwards to Lisbon, either through Hamburg411, Dunkirk, Brussels and Nantes,412 or in the Collegio Romano in Rome to be carried by Adam Schall to Genoa (see f. 510r / 1036), from where they arrived in Lisbon;413 d. The most spectacular of these acquisitions happened in the Low Countries, in Antwerp, where 331 books were bought at the Officina Plantiniana. Apparently these and other books were sent through Dunkirk to Lisbon; on these books, see below chap. 3.2. e. Finally, a small series of references from the account books in Antwerp show that the Trigault group – also after their arrival in Portugal – continued to order books from the Moretus bookshop, including copies of Trigault’s own Historia Chinensis.414 For example, not only did Trigault himself request books from the Officina Plantiniana in September 1617 from Lisbon, but his cousin Hubert de

408 I. e. during his visit in Florence; the ‘Archiducissa’ was Maria Magdalena of Austria (1589–1631), the wife of Grand Duke Cosimo II. On this first visit, see the sources mentioned in E. Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 97 note 23. 409 In all probability the “officinam integram mathematici Bambergae demortui”, bought for the mission by the Prince-bishop of Bamberg, Johann Gottfried von Aschhausen, and completed with other mathematical books and instruments: see Trigault’s letter of 2 January 1617 (Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 108). 410 That is, Jean de Celles from Liège (cf. supra). 411 See AMSJ M 30, 9 (Brussels, 17 January 1617): “Audio in Hollandia sciri sarcinas nostras Hamburgo mitti…” / ‘I hear that one knows in Holland that our luggage is dispatched through Hamburg’. 412 According to the aforementioned testimony of Bergeron. 413 See, for example, f. 526v / 1069: “Colonnae primum tomum non habeo; inquirat, quaeso, et inventum emat et Romae cum reliquis Sinensibus libris Ulissibonam mittendis uniat”. 414 MPM Archief 224, f. 144v: “1 Historia Chinensis in 4°” (19 September 1617) and 145r: “R(everendo) P(atri) Nicolao Trigaultio…2 (copies of) Historia Chinensis 4° Trigault 4° pr (?) August(…)” (20 September 1617).

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Saint Laurent (1588–1618), owner of a small subsection of books transferred after his untimely death (8 July 1618) to Trigault himself,415 did as well. Other books were ordered by Wenceslas Pantaleon Kirwitzer, another member of his staff;416 by the procurator of the Japan Province, Gabriel de Matos, who left Portugal together with Trigault;417 and by the local ‘procurator missionum Orientalium’ in Lisbon, Jorge de Gouveia.418 Upon arriving in Lisbon at successive moments, these books and instruments were temporarily stored in the office of the procurator Missionum Orientalium, Jorge de Gouveia and his socius, located in the Colégio de Santo Antão.419 From another document, namely a letter by Terrentius, sent from the Jesuit college in Salsete (Goa; India) to Johannes Ziegler, SJ, in Mainz (cf. 2.1: s.v), of 23 December 1618, we also learn that the Antwerp printer Moretus – in connection with his Cologne colleague Hierat – remained a reference point for editorial questions with regard to the China Mission: “Vidi apud Lusitanos historicum quendam, Joannem de Barros; is conscripsit historiam Lusitanarum (i.e. Lusitanorum), sive potius eorum gesta apud Indos…Liber iam rarus est et quarta decas operâ Cosmographi Regii Lavagna Madriti commorantis prodiit; dignum certe esset qui Latinâ linguâ loqueretur id, ut fieret R(everentia) V(estra) hoc negotium cum Moret[t]o (sic) vel Hierat” ‘I saw in Portugal (the work of) some historian, named João de Barros (1496–1570). He wrote the history of the Portuguese, or rather of the Portuguese deeds in India…It is an already rare book and the 4th decade appeared, by the Royal cosmographer ( João Baptista) Lavanha (1550–1624), who remains in Madrid; it is certainly worth being translated into Latin, that this work would de done by Y. R., with Moretus or Hierat’.420 415 J. Dehergne, Répertoire, p. 237; see on his books H. Verhaeren, Catalogue, Introduction, pp. X–XI and the nos 699; 1206 and 2643. 416 MPM Archief 224, f. 145r (cf. Appendices). Kirwitzer had been sent ahead through Antwerp and Dunkirk (May 1616; see note 297) to Lisbon and Portugal, where he was since the second half of 1616 (that Trigault was aware of this fact appears from his letter of 2 January 1617 from Brussels, more precisely the passage on Kirwitzer waiting for him and teaching mathematics in the meantime: see E. Lamalle, ‘La propagande’, p. 105). Already in the Summer of 1617 Kirwitzer had received in Lisbon as a present a mathematical book published in Basel in 1583, namely a copy of Thomas Finck, Geometriae Rotundi Libri XIIII (Verhaeren, no. 1608). From the lists in the Plantin-Moretus archives (cf. Infra, sub 3.2), it appears now that Trigault – Terrentius bought another copy of the same title in Antwerp in December 1616. 417 J. Dehergne, Répertoire, p. 170; J. Wicki, ‘Indienfahrer’, 635a. 418 See my Portuguese Books and Their Readers, Lisbon, 2011, p. 19 note 11 (with reference to a document Trigault addressed to him, precisely with regard to the shipment of books from Germany to Lisbon). That Terrentius is not among these requests was the consequence of his relatively late arrival. 419 For more details, see Portuguese Books and their Readers, pp. 42–44. 420 For the complete text and context, see H. Walravens, ‘Ein wenig bekannter Brief des gelehrten Johannes Schreck SJ’, in: China Heute, 23, 2004, pp. 235–238; the autograph is in Mainz, Stadtarchiv; Jesuiten, 14/160 (with thanks to W. Dobras for this verification). The 4th decade was published in Madrid (Imprensa

t he e u ro pe an ‘ to u r’

A certain position in the transmission of the books ordered from Antwerp and sent to Lisbon is ascribed to Pedro (Petrus) Moreto (d. 1616), married to Henrica Plantin, and who lived in Lisbon where he primarily worked as a specialist in diamonds.421 Despite the curious fact that he was not in a book-related profession, he apparently had the role of an intermediary between the motherhouse in Antwerp and Lisbon, where he served as an importer responsible for the resale of books from the Officina Plantiniana. It is in this capacity that he is occasionally mentioned in the account books as the addressee of shipments to Lisbon. Just at the last moment before their departure, the night before the ships of the ‘carreira da India’ left Lisbon, more luggage arrived from Italy which could be saved only through a brave gesture by Nicolas Trigault and Kirwitzer. We learn of this again from Elie Trigault: “Le temps des navigations estoit venu, les navires qui estoient trois (…) quand voicy nouvelles, la veille de Pâques, que le present du Ducq de Parme422 et quelques huict ou dix cacons (sic) d’Italie qu’attendions, estoient arrives à six lieux de la Ville [de Lisbonne], ne pouvant entrer le port à cause des vens contraires”.423 These 8 to 10 “cacons”424 dispatched from Italy contained, I assume, the books collected by Faber, Schall, etc. in Rome during the last phase of Terrentius’s journey and sent – by separate ship – from Italy (through Genoa?) to Lisbon. This was the last group of books, after the ones bound by Cardon in 1616 in Lyon arrived,425 as well as those sent through Hamburg, Dunkirk, and Brussels-Nantes, as mentioned before. Finally, on 16 April 1618 the group426 sailed from Lisbon with an impressive collection of books, (mathematical, medical and musical) instruments and medicines. We find one final reference to their luggage – as always, an indirect one – in a letter from Remus to Kepler from almost one year later, that is, on 13 March 1619: “Terrentius

Real) in 1615, by the cosmografo-môr João Baptista Lavanha. On Hierat – a relative of the printer Hierat in Cologne – see above. 421 See J.-B. Van der Straelen, Geslagt-lyste der nakomelingen van den vermaerden Christoffel Plantin, koninglyken aerts-boekdrukker, binnen de stad Antwerpen; waer by gevoegd is eene geslagt-lyste der familie Mouretorff alias Moretus, Antwerp, 1858, pp. 272–273. 422 This was in all probability the spectacular “scrinium” Ranuccio I Farnese, Duke of Parma (1569–1622) had offered to Trigault during his visit in Parma in early 1616, and which he had promised to send to Lisbon on his own costs: cf. E. Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 98: “Hoc munus ipse suo sumptu Ulyssiponem [mittet]”. On the presents offered to him in Parma by Ranuccio I Farnese (also an alchemical adept: cf. infra): A. M. Begheldo,‘I doni del duce di Parma Ranuccio I Farnese per l’imperatore di Cina’, in: Le missioni illustrate, 35, 1938, pp. 280–288. 423 Elie Trigault, Petit Discours, p. 8. 424 As Easter was in 1618 on 15 April, the “veille de Pâques” fell on 14 April. The term ‘cacon’, looks obsolete in French; probably for caçons, derived from Portuguese caixão, plur. caixões: ‘large boxes’. 425 E. Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 100. 426 J. Dehergne, Répertoire, p. 274 has; ‘mi-Avril’; the precise date of 16 April is given in: A. Franco, Synopsis Annalium Soc(ietatis) Jesu in Lusitania ab annis 1540 usque ad annum 1725, p. 223. For the composition of the entire group, see J. Wicki, ‘Indienfahrer’, nos 635–666.

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abiit instructus bonâ supellectile medicamentorum chymicorum” / ‘Terrentius left, provided with a good array of chemical medicines’.427 During the sea journey – which falls beyond the scope of this investigation – Terrentius revealed himself once again as a conspicuous personality and an ever-active scholar. He served as the teacher for ‘private’ mathematical lessons to the Jesuit colleagues on the ship each Tuesday and Friday, and during one lesson every day; as a physician to the crew; as an anatomist, when he dissected captured fish on board.428 ***

427 Johannes Kepler. Gesammelte Werke. Band XVII, p. 337/8; cp. this with the reference of Schoppe, Philotheca (ed., Jaitner), I/1, p. 400): “Quantum porro ad Sinenses delatus Terrentius tot suis horologiis, automatis, machinis, medicamentis, omnique mathematico instrumento et apparatu in doctrina Christiana regi Sinarum ac populis eius persuadenda operae pretium fecerit…” / ‘How much worth was given by Terrentius, sent to China, to his clocks, automata, engines, medicines and all kind of mathematical instruments and outfit to persuade the Emperor and the people of China of the Christian doctrine…’. 428 Also these details stem from the eyewitness Elie Trigault, Petit Discours, p. 24: (during these mathematical sessions) ‘chacun à son tour [faisait] une démonstration d’Euclide & choses semblables. Ils faisoient aussi chaque iour nouvelles remarques aux astres, et prevoyaient chaque jour les degrez du soleil, pour sçavoir quel avancement nous faisions”; cp. ibid., p. 29.

Chapter 2

The People Terrentius’s Network of Informers and Other (In)Direct Contacts

The second tour I reconstructed in the previous chapter (chap. 1.3) offers the geographical framework in which both Jesuits prepared themselves for the Chinamission. Terrentius’s letters to Faber, and some items preserved outside this corpus, refer to many individuals he physically met; others he knew from hearsay, or from his extensive reading; from these groups only the former one constitute his real and active network. In this chapter I first present some 150 names constituting Terrentius’s most direct circle of acquaintances, in an alphabetical order (chap. 2.1); in a second part (chap. 2.2) are the names of ‘indirect’ (second, third etc. hand) references. It is not always easy to distinguish between both categories, and our incomplete documentation can distort the picture. The following short annotations are not intended to offer a full bio-bibliographical presentation of these personalities but only to describe their relation with Terrentius. If not otherwise mentioned, the archival references all designate the folio indications in Fondo Faber, vol. 415.

2.1. Personal acquaintances: the ‘active’ network These are persons with whom Terrentius had direct contacts or who were simultaneously circulating in his milieu, and with whom he exchanged letters or friendly greetings through letters of a shared friend. The criteria for the attribution of a particular name to this group are explicit lexicological references in Terrentius’s autograph letters to a meeting (“vidi…”), a correspondence (“scripsi…”), personal greetings (“saluta…”), similar references in the letters of another person who reports about a meeting with Terrentius, or wrote to him, and, more generally, and less certainly, the simultaneity and proximity of a person, belonging to the same context as Terrentius (e.g. the Collegio Romano or the Roman Jesuit community). The following enumeration will offer, apart from a quantitative figure of his network, also materials for a qualitative idea of this network, its various (sociological; professional) profile and geographical distribution, as the synthesis and the graphics at the end of this section may show.

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A Aichinger, Gregor (c. 1565–1628)

Gregor Aichinger was vicar-organist of the Fugger family in Augsburg and vicar of the local cathedral.429 He is mentioned on f. 511r / 1038 (14 June 1616): “Augustae sine dubio inveniam litteras a R(everentia) V(estra), in quibus etiam negotia miscebit ad D(ominum) Schoppium, Aichinger et alios sibi amicos…” ‘In Augsburg I will no doubt find a letter from Y. R. (Faber), in which he (= Faber) will also mix matters (topics) addressed to Schoppe, Aichinger and other friends of his’. Alber, Ferdinand, SJ (1548–1617)

Formerly rector of the Munich college, German assistant (1608–17) and vicar-general of the Society (between 31 January and 15 November 1615);430 in this last quality he was committed to the success of Trigault’s European journey by accepting him, against the rules, as a representative of the China mission at the 7th General Congregation, suggesting an upgrade of the Chinese Vice-Province to the level of a full province never realized in the facts.431 Alber’s name is only once explicitly mentioned in the Terrentius dossier, in a letter from Schmidlin of 29 March 1615, which refers to Alber’s letter to Archduke Leopold in Zabern with regard to Terrentius’s decision to leave for China: “Admodum R(everen)de et amantissime D(omi)ne Terrentii, ex litteris nuper ab Adm(odum) R(everen)do P(atre) Ferdinan(d)o Alber nomine R(everendissi)mi Generalis…ad Ser(enissi)mum Archiducem Leopoldum datis, cognovimus te ex primis esse qui se sponte ad Sinas profecturos obtulerunt, etc.” / ‘Very Reverend and beloved Father Terrentius, from the letter recently (written) by Much Rev. Father Ferdinand Alber in the name of the General to Archduke Leopold, we hear you are among the first to offer yourself to leave for China…’.

429 ADB, I, p. 165 f.; NDB, I, 116; James H. Glenn, Gregor Aichinger, 1564–1628, UMI, Ann Arbor, Mich., 1982; K. Jaitner, Schoppe, II/5, p. 2490; B. Schwemer, ‘Gregor Aichinger’, in: L. Fischer (ed.), MGG. Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Allgemeine Enzyklopädie der Musik, vol. 1, Kassel, 1999, pp. 266–268; Th. Röder & Th. Wohnhaas, in: M. Weitlauff (ed.), Lebensbilder aus dem Bistum Augsburg. Von Mittelater bis in die neueste Zeit, Augsburg, 2005, pp. 77–90. Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 291 note,303 and 417 wrongly read ‘Gregorio Archinger’, twice mentioned in the correspondence of Marc Welser of Augsburg. 430 M. Fois, in: Dicc.Hist. CJ, vol. 1, p. 37. 431 The 7th General Congregation took place in Rome from 5 November 1615 until 21 January 1616: see John W. Padberg, The General Congregations of the Society of Jesus. A brief survey of their history, St Louis, 1974, pp. 21–22; N. Golvers, F. Verbiest. Postulata Vice-Provinciae Sinensis, Leuven, 2018, pp. 110–111 and passim.

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Albericus, Johannes, SJ (1566–1618)

Born in Dornbirn in the same diocese as Terrentius; he left with Terrentius and Trigault from Lisbon, but died in 1618 en route.432 Albrecht / Albert, Archduke (1559–d. 15 July 1621)

Governor of the Spanish (Catholic; Southern) Low Countries, married to Isabella of Castile. For a personal visit of Terrentius at Albrecht’s Court, see f. 675r / 1371 [1 December 1616]: “Vidi nuper in aula Principis Alberti, etc.” / ‘Recently I saw at the Court of Prince Albrecht…’, in a fragment in which Terrentius refers to the ‘perpetuum mobile’ jealously guarded by Albrecht in his Palace Museum (see supra, sub 1: Brussels). Also, Trigault refers to Albrecht in his letter of 2 January 1617 from Brussels, suggesting that his physical condition was not good: “Albertus non optime valet, vix diu victurus videtur” / ‘Albert is not in very good condition, he gives barely the impression that he will live for a long time’; he died four years later.433 Albricius, Franciscus: unidentified

Introduced by Gaspar Schoppe in a letter of 24 May 1615, sent from Milan to Terrentius in Rome: “Albricius tibi narrabit quam vehementer mihi et optimo cuique tuum ad Sinas vagandi consilium displicuerit, cum haud sincere cuiquam probari possit, te in hac tanta virorum, qui patriae inservire possint, paucitate Sinas potissimum eligere, quibus operam naves; si tamen id revera spondes ac non potius curiositate et exoticorum cognoscendi cupiditate duceris, qud ego me non tam suspicari quam pro explorato habere nequaquam dissimulare possum” / ‘A . will tell you how greatly your plan to travel to China has dipleased me and all our best (friends), because it cannot sincerely be approved by anyone that, given the shortage of people, who can serve the country, you prefer precisely the Chinese, for whom you are zealously acting. If however this were in fact only your intention and you were not rather guided by curiosity and the desire to learn exotic things; I cannot dissimulate that this is precisely what I

432 J. Dehergne, Répertoire, p. 5 (“Johann Alberich”). Application letters for China Johannes Albericus sent from Ingolstadt on 7 February 1615 (Germ. Sup. 18-II, 261), 8 February 1615 (ibid. 262) and 18 January 1616 (ibid., 295), all antedating Terrentius’s own involvement. Of the particular ‘mathematical’ training, attributed by George-Marie Schmutz (‘The best intentions of Nicolaus Fiva. Two letters 1635, 1637’ [internet], p. 5) to J. Albericus – which could have been the ‘impetus’ and the argument to promote him to the China mission – I found no references in these Litterae Indipetae (which is not unusual). Yet it has some credibility, as his name appears as that of the former owner of a copy of Johann Kepler, Dioptrice sive Demonstratio eorum quae Visui & Visibilibus propter Conspicilla non ita pridem Inventa accidunt. Praemissae Epistolae Galilei de iis, quae post editionem Nuncii Siderei ope Perspicilli Nova et Admiranda in Caelo deprehensa sunt. Item Examen Praefationis Ioannis Penae Galli in Optica Euclidis, de Usu Optices in Philosophia, Augsburg, 1611, with the inscriptions: “Michaelis Bultein (?) – Johan(nes) Albericus – Missionis Sinensis” (Verhaeren, no. 1895). 433 Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 120.

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not suspect but keep rather for granted (…)’ (f. 630r / 1281).434 Not to be confused with Johannes Albericus, the companion (‘socius’) of Terrentius, nor with Fabrizio Albrizzi.435 Alexander Scotus: see infra, s.v. Seton, Alexander. Alsted, Johann Heinrich (1588–1638)

German scholar, encyclopedist, pedagogue and polymath; studied in Marburg (1606) and Basel (1607–08), with Leonard Zubler and Johannes Buxtorff; afterwards he returned to Herborn as a professor of philosophy and theology before leaving for Transylvania, where he died.436 Not mentioned in Terrentius’s correspondence, but Terrentius is twice mentioned most respectfully in Alsted’s Clavis Artis Lullianae (Argentorati [Strasbourg]: Zetzner, 1609), p. 14 and 148/9 (cf. below chap. 4.10), after a personal meeting “apud Helvetios” / ‘In Switzerland’, in all probability in the area of Basel, where both Terrentius and Alsted can be situated at that time. Alstein, Jacob, Count von Haldesleben (Saxonia-Anhalt) (c. 1570/5–after 1620)

Alchemist and physician, who calls himself “U(niversalis) M(edicinae) D(octor)”.437 He studied in Helmstedt,438 promoted in 1596; his earliest known public connections to alchemy date from 1602. A letter of 8 February 1604 is in the LB Württemberg (Stuttgart: Cod. Hist., 2° 888–835, f. 172v); in 1605 he was “a consiliis medicus” of Henri IV in Paris (see flashback in his letter of 12 October 1605: “Lutetiae Parisiorum a Polono quodam auditione accepi” / ‘In Paris I received from some Pole during an audition…’: f. 537r-v. / 1090–1091); afterwards he went from Paris to Rome, following

434 K. Jainter, Gaspar Schoppe, II/2, p. 1013 (with other readings). 435 K. Jainter, Gaspar Schoppe, II/5, p. 2493. 436 See, apart from the main study by Howard Hotson, Johann Heinrich Alsted, 1588–1638: Between Renaissance, Reformation and Universal Reform, Oxford, 2000 also W. A. Gullick, A Neglected Educator: Johann Heinrich Alsted, Sydney, 1910; R. J. W. Evans, Rudolf II and his world, Oxford, 1973, pp. 233–235 and 283–385; R. Werner Soukup, Chemie in Oesterreich. Bergbau, Alchemie und frühe Chemie, Wien-Köln-Weimar, 2007, p.pp. 398–403; Ann M. Blair, Too much to know, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010, p. 168 ff. 437 On Jacob Alstein: Jaromir Cervenka, in: Acta Comeniana, 2, 1970, pp. 25–27; B. T. Moran, in: P. Rattansi, A. Clericuzio (eds), Alchemy and Chemistry in the 16th and 17th centuries, Dordrecht, 1994, p. 110; Julian Paulus, ‘Alchemie und Paracelsismus um 1600. Siebzig Porträts’, in: J. Telle (ed.), Analecta Paracelsica, Stuttgart, 1994, p. 384; Julian Paulus, ‘Alstein, Jacob’, in Alchemie. Lexikon einer hermetischen Wissenschaft, ed. Claus Priesner and Karin Figala (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1998), pp. 44–45; P.-A. Alt, etc. (eds), Konzepte des Hermetismus in der Literatur der Frühen Neuzeit, Göttingen, 2010, p. 95 note 87. R. T. Prinke, in Ambix, 63.3, 2016, pp. 217–243 (especially pp. 230–231) refers to Latin elogia, published in 1617 by Lambertus Thomas Schenckelius in Prague (Elogia ac iudicia doctorum nostri saeculi hominum…ad obturanda vel redarguenda calumniatorum ora), in which Alstein is compared to a “2nd Hermes, greater than Paracelsus and Raymund Lullius”. 438 Matriculated in Helmstedt, Semester 1580–81, no. 48 (among the ‘studiosi’): “Jacobus Alstein, Hallenschlebiensis”. He also received his doctorate there on 17 July 1596, with the thesis De Tympanite: ‘On tympanites’.

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the same anonymous Polish alchemist: “(…) insecutus sum ipsum (Polonum) Romam (…)”(ibid.). Always in 1605 he passed by in Prague, witness the same letter of 12 October 1605 to Zygmund III Vasa in Warsaw; he was back in Rome because some of the dedications to his (never published and probably lost) book, which are printed in the Elogia are dated in Rome between early February and late July 1606; he was again in Prague on 30 May 1607, when he presented a copy of Pseudo-Lull’s Clavicula to Jan Kapr. Alstein became the physician of Rudolph II (d. 1612), and may have met Terrentius there during the latter’s stay in 1607 in Prague. In 1608 he was back in Paris, as Jean Beguin’s preface to his 1609 French translation of Sendivogius Novum Lumen Chymicum demonstrates.439 In 1617 he was again in Prague (see below). In Terrentius’s texts, Alstein was formerly teacher of Sestilius, i.e. Sestilio Piccolomini (cf. s.v.), in all probability in Rome: f. 514r / 1044 (26 April 1616): “Forte hic modus etiam erit D(omini) Sestilii, nam uterque fuit discipulus Alsteinij, unde hae mercurisationes” / ‘Probably this method was already that of Mr Sestilio, since both were pupils of Alstein, from whom (stem) these mercurisations’; cf. f. 679v / 1380 (23 July 1617): “dicat [Sestilio] suum Alstein iam Pragae esse, cui etiam his diebus scribam” / ‘He should say (to S.) that his Alstein is already in Prague, to whom I will write in the next coming days’; the last reference shows that Terrentius had some epistolary contact with Alstein as late as 1617. Before July 1617, there are two sibylline references, which suggest he was for a while out of Prague, more precisely in Saxonia (his homeland) or at the Court of the Evangelical noble family Oettingen-Oettingen, in Oettingen, on the border of Baden-Württemberg and Bavaria, under Count Godfret (Gottfried) of OettingenOettingen (1569–1622): see f. 525v / 1067 (1 May 1617): “Nam in Saxonia alicubi illum latitare nullus dubito, vel etiam apud comitem in Ottingen (sic) aliquid reperire licebit” / ‘Because I have absolutely no doubt that he (Alstein) is hiding himself somewhere in Saxonia, or he would be allowed to ‘find’ something at the Count of Oettingen’ (ibid.). Other mentions on f. 536r; 537r; 538v Andegavensis (‘of Angers’): see. s.v. Reneaulme. Anderson(i)us, Alexander (flor. c. 1582)440

Scottish mathematician, pupil of Viète and private teacher of mathematics in Paris in the early seventeenth century, simultaneously with Terrentius’s Paris years (1600–03). Mentioned by Terrentius as the virtual editor of Viète’s work: “Andersonus quidam insignis mathematicus, de quo plura dicat P(ater) Paulus Guldin, posset curare imprimi omnia Vietae opera” / ‘A certain Anderson, famous mathematician, of whom Father Paul Guldin should say more, could take care of the publication of the entire work of Viète’ (f. 679v / 1380;

439 R. Prinke, in Ambix, 63.3, 2016, pp. 217–243. On other ‘secret’ manuscripts in his hands in 1614, viz. that of H. Khunrath’s Consilium de Vulcani Magica Fabricatione Armorum Achillei’ (copy in Stockholm, KB, Ral 4, 1597, 43 ff.), see H. Tilton, in Aries. Journal for the Study of Western Esotericism, 6, 2006, pp. 117–157. 440 H. Chisholm (ed.), ‘Anderson, Alexander’, in: Encyclopaedia Britannica. 1 (11th ed.), Cambridge University Press, 1911, p. 959.

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Munich, 23 July 1617);441 in 1615 Anderson had already published Viète’s De Aequationum Recognitione, Paris: J. Laquehay. He was in all probability a personal acquaintance from Terrentius’s Paris years (1600–03), although the phraseology (“quidam…”) suggests rather the opposite. A relation between Paul Guldin and Anderson remains unclear, but relies probably on the Viète manuscripts Terrentius (and probably others) had brought / sent to Rome and the Collegio Romano (see infra, s.v. Viète). Anhalt-Plötzkau, August von (1575–1653)

German Prince in the family of Ascanien von Anhalt-Plötzkau;442 he wrote on 22 February 1606 from Oels (Olesnica) in Lower Silesia to Terrentius, at that time staying in nearby Wroclaw / Breslau: f. 653r–654v / 1327–1330. His Court in Köthen was in the first decades of the seventeenth century a center of alchemist and occult sciences.443 Arenberg, Princely Counts of

During one of his journeys through Germany, Terrentius visited the castle Arenberg, original center (“Stammschloss”) of the Arenberg-Empire (Rhineland-Palatinate; Kreis Ahrweiler). There he spoke the botanist Basilius Besler: “nam ipsi authori locutus sum Arenbergae” / ‘because I have spoken to the author himself in Arenberg’ (23 July 1617: f. 679v / 1380). One can guess that the author was in Arenberg to promote his book Hortus Eystettensis, published in 1613 (see chap. 3.1: Besler). Relations between Terrentius and the Arenberg family ran also over the Hohenzollerns; see a letter of Eitel Friedrich III Hohenzollern Sigmaringen to Terrentius, asking in 1614, during Terrentius’s theology studies, for the medicine nepenthes, and finishing with the words: “Bacio le mani di Arenberg” (f. 119r / 0250). Artista

Normally this term indicates a student of the faculty of arts (“philosophus”); in these texts, however, a connection with alchemical experiments is suggested: – general: “in illo artistae libello” (f. 508r / 1032); “in artistam vix ullum incidi hactenus, nisi quod Leodii invenerem medicum Nollens” (f. 510r / 1036); on their secrecy: “Nomina artistarum non facile litteris committuntur, volunt n(am) latere, satius est artes ipsas non ignorare” / ‘the names of the artists will not easily be committed to writing, because they want to hide themselves, and it should be enough to not ignore their ‘artes’ (f. 524v / 1065); 441 Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 606. 442 J. Paulus, ‘Alchemie und Paracelsismus um 1600. Siebzig Porträts’, in: J. Telle (ed.), Analecta Paracelsica, Stuttgart, 1994, pp. 343–344. 443 See e.g. his letter of 14 July 1618 to Johann Casimir von Anhalt-Dessau concerning the 10th volume of Paracelsus: now in Landeshauptstaatsarchiv Sachsen-Anhalt / Oranienbaum, in Dessau A 10 no. 42, f. 9r/v. (internet). A letter of Gaspar Schoppe, of 3 December 1605 to his half-brother Christian I von Anhalt-Bernburg is in F.F. 414, f. 549r.

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– individualized / personalized: “Scripsi nuper artistae et Hirschberger” (f. 509r / 1034); “Ad artistam meum hinc scribam responsum Lutetiae expectaturum, ubi scio quosdam esse non indoctos” / ‘I will write from here to ‘my Artist’ that I will expect the answer in Paris, where I know are not ignorant people’ (f. 510r / 1036); see also in a letter of Eggs to Terrentius: “Si placet (…), mitte Artistae, non enim dubito quin et similem vel meliorem possis excogitare” / ‘If it is pleasing you (…), sent to the Artist, because I have no doubt that you can invent a similar or better (solution)’ (f. 634v / 1290). See further: Joachimus (Hirschberger?) artista (f. 679v / 1380) and Elias artista. Aschhausen, Johann Gottfried von (1572–1622)

Fürstbischof of Bamberg since 1609.444 Mentioned on f. 679v / 1380; f. 509r / 1034. He was in Rome end 1612–February 1613, where he had several meetings with the Jesuits (Collegio Romano; Collegium Germanicum; the Professed House), while Terrentius was in the Novitiate on the Monte Cavallo. He met there also his townsman Giovanni Faber, who dedicated to him a copy of the Imagines Plantarum Mexicanarum (Rome, 1613: the only copy I know is in the Vatican Library445), and he was present during one of Faber’s experiments with the stone of Bologna’ (“Lapis lucens”) in his house,446 and wished to have a fragment of it.447 Afterwards, there was apparently some correspondence between Faber and Aschhausen: see the Copia litterarum D(omini) Fabri medici Romani de hippolithis & crabronibus [i.e. hornets], Rome, 1615, addressed to Aschhausen and published in Johannes Hornung, Cista Medica (…), Nurnberg, 1625, p. 186 ff.; other references to the Accademia dei Lincei are on p. 188 (Bamberg, 1615) and 211. Bishop Aschhausen met Terrentius – Trigault in September 1616 in Würzburg, offering, among other things, the “officina mathematica” of a recently deceased mathematician in Bamberg, as well as a black and white copy of the Hortus Eystettensis of Besler;448 a second meeting happened in Würzburg on 5 October 1617 (f. 678 / 1377–1378), at the occasion of von Aschhausen’s investiture as bishop of Würzburg; in the same context Terrentius visited the bishop’s garden of the Neue Residenz in Bamberg and several other ‘deliciae’ of the area. Also Clavius’s Opera Mathematica, 5 vols, published by Johann Reinhard Ziegler in 1612 were dedicated to him.

444 ADB, 14, pp. 451–453; NDB, 10, p. 467 f.; Ronny Baier, in: Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon. Band 24, Bautz, Nordhausen 2005, s.v. Aschhausen, Johann Gottfried Freiherr von, pp. 119–135. 445 I. Baldriga, L’occhio della Lince, p. 254 ff.: BAV Stamp. Barb. N VI 175. 446 See his published Roman travelogue: Christian Häutle, Des Bamberger Fürstbischofs Johann Gottfried von Aschhausen Gesandtschaftsreise nach Italien und Rom, 1612 und 1613, Tübingen, 1881, passim, pp. 92–93: “Doctor Joannes Faber Bambergensis Professor et Hortulanus Pontificius gewiesen, und darneben in seinem hauss experientiam demonstriert, quod sine lumine solis aër etiam ita in obscuro loco includi possit, ut ibi lucem faciat, ist ein schön artificium philosophicum”. On the background and purposes of his visit to the Accademia dei Lincei, see: G. Belloni, ‘Il carteggio italiano-tedesco dei membri dell’Academia Lynceorum’, in: Res publica litterarum. Studies in the classical tradition, 6, 1983, pp. 19–35. 447 See the letter of Federico Cesi to Galileo, of 15 February 1613 (Opere di Galileo, vol. XI, no. 845). 448 Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, pp. 107–108.

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B B(…) J (…) F (…), unidentified

He was a friend of Terrentius during his stay in the Kassel – Marburg area (twice mentioned in this letter: “Marpurgi”; “Marpurgo”), writer of one letter, of 20 March 1605 from Würzburg, to “Terrentio, amico meo in primis” (f. 631rv. / 1283–4). The letter was written sometime after Terrentius had left Marburg for Frankfurt or Freiburg, without greeting his friend; shortly before 20 March, also the writer had left himself Marburg, and his departure looked like a ‘flight’ (“meam profectionem fugae similem”). Other names, unidentified as well, mentioned in this letter in connection with Terrentius are: (a) R. D. P. (cf. s.v.), and (b) ‘Dominus Orlandius”, the latter also a friend of the writer and Terrentius, to whom he sent his personal greetings: “Dominus Orlandius fugae meae ut et calamitati (sic) socius et comes individuus te plurimum salutare iubet”. This happened without the knowledge of the ‘Princeps’ – referring, I think, to Landgravius Maurice – who would attribute this departure to infidelity and spread maledictions on him: “Marpurgo discessi tamquam rediturus, neque n(am) aliud potui; cum resciverit Princeps meum profectionem fugae similem admodum…mal(a)e fidei me accusabit, sat scio, et omnia procul dubio in me maledicta congeret” / ‘I left Marburg as if I had the intention to return, and I could not do otherwise; if the Prince will have find out my departure, which was very similar to a flight…he will blame me for my bad faith, I am sure, and without any doubt he will put all (kind of) maledictions on me’. B. J. F. went through Würzburg – where this letter was written – to Augsburg, from where he promised to write more at length. Despite several hardly legible parts, this letter undeniably speaks about the ‘missionary’ character of the presence of the further unidentified B. J. F. and Terrentius in the Marburg area, in a Counter Reformational action addressed to “principes reformatos, ut se appellant” (‘reformed Princes, as they call themselves’), to convert members of the most important families: “ut unus et alter ex praeclaris familiis oriens rede in rectam viam” (‘so that one or other member born from the famous families would return to the ‘right way’). For similar actions, see also s.v. Hanniel. Bauhin(us), Caspar (1560–1624)

Botanist and anatomist in Basel; he gave private lectures in botany and anatomy and was in 1588 appointed at the University of Basel to the chair of anatomy and botany;449 in that period he was one of Terrentius’s teachers (1598). He owned a

449 On Caspar Bauhin, see e.g. A. Burckhardt, Geschichte der medizinischen Fakultät zu Basel 1400–1900, Basel, 1917, pp. 95–123; Hans Peter Fuchs-Eckert, ‚Die Familie Bauhin in Basel. Caspar Bauhin – Erster ordentlicher Professor der Anatomie und Botanik an der Universität Basel’, in: Bauhinia, 6/1, 1977, pp. 13–48; 6/3, 1979, pp. 311–329; 7/2, 1981, pp. 45–62; 7/3, 1982, pp. 135–153; Duane Isely, One Hundred and One Botanists, Iowa State University Press, 1994, pp. 49–52.

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private garden and a herbarium.450 The Fondo Faber has a very interesting letter of Bauhin, ‘anatomicus et botanicus Prof(essor) ordinarius’, of 24 February 1612 (f. 676 / 1373) – answering an earlier letter of Terrentius – which contains a detailed overview of his own academic activities and publications, and his private “hortus”. It deals further with the temporary switch from his botanical studies (after the closure in 1598 of his publisher Nicolas Bassaeus in Frankfurt / Main) to anatomical studies culminating in the publication of Theatrum Anatomicum in 3 volumes with plates (Frankfurt: M. Becker), his recent return to botany, his garden, his forthcoming treatise – in preparation – De Lapide Bezoar;451 recommending himself as interested in receiving “peregrina (semina)” from Terrentius and asking to be introduced to Faber, the supervisor of the Pope’s botanical garden. Mentioned also on f. 524 / 1064 (18 January 1616): “Allocutus sum nuper Bauhinum, cuius Φυτοπίναξ forte numquam edetur; meditatur tum (?) opus Synonymorum, incertum quando finietur” / ‘Recently I spoke to Bauhin, whose Φυτοπίναξ will probably never be printed; he considers (the composition of) a ‘Book on synonyms’; it is uncertain when this will be finished’. This is an unexpected remark by Terrentius after a private conversation with Bauhin, as the Φυτοπίναξ was actually published in Basel in 1596. Does Terrentius’s remark – well informed after his talk with the author – suggest that a reprint was prepared? In any case, he received himself (or acquired in another way) a copy, which is still extant (Verhaeren, No. 960, with the inscription: “Missionis Sinensis”). To the correspondence between Bauhin and Terrentius – in both directions – refers from Basel also Gottfried Vogler, on 7 March 1612 (F.F. 423, f. 503r/v.; 1016–1017): “Ex litteris Cl(arissi)mi Terentii (sic) ad Bauhinum quoque intellexi esse apud nos copiam seminum exoticarum, etc.”; “Cl(arissi)mus Bauhinus te officiosissime salutat, sicut et D(omi) n(um) Terrentium, ad quem quoque ipse scripsit” / ‘from the letter(s) of Terrentius to Bauhin I also learned there is in Basel a supply of exotic seeds’; ‘Bauhin is greeting you (Faber) very obligingly, as well as Mr Terrentius, to whom he also wrote himself ’. A small correspondence of Bauhin with Eggs – Terrentius’s close friend – from Milan and Padua in 1598–1600 is in Basel, UB, G 2 I 2; Bauhin also used Egg’s services for making botanical drawings, and dedicated his review of D’Aléchamp (al. Daléchamps) to him.452 He conducted also correspondence with Jacob Mock, in all probability a teacher of Terrentius in Freiburg i. Br. (see s.v. Mock), and with Prospero Alpini in Padua.453 The arrival of seeds sent by Terrentius from India (Goa) is confirmed in C. Bauhin, Πίναξ Theatri Botanici, Basel, 1623 (unpaginated), where Terrentius appears

450 D. Benkert, ‘The “Hortus siccus” as a focal point: knowledge, environment and image in Felix Platter’s and Caspar Bauhin’s Herbaria’, in: S. Burghartz, L. Burkart & C. Göttler, Sites of meditation, Leiden, 2016, pp. 211–239. 451 I.e. De Lapidis Bezoar Orientalis et Occidentalis Cervini (…) Usu, ex Veterum et Recentiorum Placita, Basileae, 1613, In-8°. 452 See Frank Hieronymus, Theophrast und Galen – Celsus und Paracelsus. Medizin, Naturphilosophie und Kirchenreform im Basler Buchdruck bis zum Dreissigjährigen Krieg, Basel (Publikationen der Universitätsbibliothek, no. 36), 2005, Band IV, Teil 3. Medizin, Natur, Philosophie usw. Ab 1550, p. 2739. 453 G. Ongaro, ‘I rapporti tra Gaspard Bauhin e Prospero Alpini: con quattordici lettere di Prospero Alpini a Gaspard Bauhin’, in: G. Ongaro (ed.), Alpiniana, Treviso, 2011, pp. 313–344.

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among those who sent seeds (“Nomina eorum qui plantas vel semina communicarunt”): “Ioan(nes) Terentius, ex Societ(ate) Jesu, qui ex India plantas misit”. The assumption that Bauhin’s anatomical work was the basis for Terrentius’s Chinese work on European anatomy, Taixi ren shen shuo gai has recently been rejected (cf. chap. 3.1).454 Besler, Basilius (1561–1629)

German botanist and apothecary;455 curator of the botanical garden in Eichstätt and the author of Hortus Eichstettensis, whom Terrentius personally met in Arenberg (Rhineland-Palatinate; Kreis Ahrweiler) during one of his tours through Germany: “nam ipsi authori locutus sum Arenbergae” / ‘because I have spoken to the author himself in Arenberg’ (23 July 1617: f. 679v / 1380); for his book, see chap. 3.1. Birckmann, Jr., flor. early seventeenth century

Son of Theodor Birckmann, former municipal Paracelsian physician in Cologne and teacher of Théodore de Mayerne (1531 (33?)–86);456 one of his sons – either Arnold or Hermann – was c. 1616 the private physician (“Laibdoctor”) of bishop Leopold V at the court of Zabern-Strasbourg (6 April 1616; f. 526v / 1069), and a personal acquaintance of Terrentius. Terrentius begged him for some of his father’s “medicamenta nobiliora”, which he promised to communicate later to Faber in Rome: “D(omini) Birckmanni medicamenta nobiliora a filio, qui est Leopoldi ‘Laibdoctor’ expiscatus sum, q(uae) suo tempore communicabo, vel per Eggsium, ut fiat, curabo” / ‘Some more refined medicines of Dr Birckmann I have begged from his son, who is the private physician of Leopold; I will communicate them at the proper moment, or I will let them arrive through Eggs’ (526v / 1069; 6 April 1616). Bolland(us), Jean, SJ (1596–1665)

Bollandus is a hagiographer from the Low Countries and the first author of the Acta Sanctorum, prepared and published in Antwerp.457 From Den Bosch (‘s Hertogenbosch, Latinate Sylva Ducis) he sent an application letter for the China

454 See N. Standaert, ‘Costanzo Varolio’s Anatomiae as a source of Taixi renshen shuogai’, in: SWCRJ, 36, 2014, pp. 43–58. 455 On Besler, see ADB 2, 1875, p. 555. 456 On Th. Birckmann: W. Kühlmann & J. Telle (ed.), Der Frühparacelsismus, vol. 1, Berlin, 2001, p. 658 ff.; among the “medicamenta nobiliora” was in all probability the famous “pulvis stomachicus Birckmanni”, on which see S. Grosser, Aerzte-Korrespondenz in der Frühen Neuzeit. Der Briefwechsel zw. Peter Christian Wagner und Christoph Jacob Trew, Berlin-Boston, 2015, sub 937. On the family Birckmann see S. Corsten, ‘Unter dem Zeichen der “Fetten Henne”. Franz Birckmann und Nachfolger’, in: Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 1962, pp. 267–272, and especially L. Kosthorst, ‘Gelehrte Mediziner am Niederrhein’, in: K. Gubler and R. C. Schwinges (eds), Gelehrte Lebenswelten im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert, Zürich, 2018, pp. 129–156. 457 PIBA, I, p. 127.

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mission to Terrentius, during his stay in Brussels in December 1616; Terrentius answered in the place of Trigault from Brussels on 16 December 1616. Bollandus never received the authorization to leave, but he was always supporting the China mission with his scholarly authority.458 Boodt, Anselmus Boëthius de (c. 1550– c. 1634)

Flemish humanist, mineralogist, physician and naturalist from Bruges, until 1614 living in Prague as a private physician. After 1583, he was the physician of Willem Rosenberg (Vilhelm z Rosmberk: 1535–92), afterwards of Rudolph II (1584–1612); after 1612 and the decease of Rudolph he returned to Bruges.459 That he had been a personal acquaintance of Terrentius in his Prague period (1607) emerges from one of the annotations in Thesaurus Mexicanus, p. 335: “Anselmus Boetius Caesarius olim medicus, mihique familiaris”.460 He may be identical to the “Anselmus”, mentioned on f. 525v / 1067: “D(ominus) D(ominus) Anselmus an adhuc superstes sit dubito, satis nam vetulus meo tempore cum Pragae essem fuit, semelque…ab eo litteras habui” / ‘Sr. Sr. Anselmus whether he is still alive I doubt, he was already considerably old when I was in Prague (i.e. in 1607), and (only) once I got a letter from him’ (1 May 1616). A copy of De Boodt’s Gemmarum et Lapidum Historia, Hanau, 1609, was among the books Trigault had collected (Verhaeren, no. 1100: see chap. 3.2). Borghese – Caffarelli (al. Borghesius), Scipione (1577 or 79–1633)

He was created cardinal by Pope Paul V on 18 July 1605, and afterwards chief of the Pontificial Secretariat; he was also an art collector and founder of some large gardens

458 On the background of Bolland’s interest in the China mission, see Pienius’s Vita Bollandi, in: AA.SS, Martii, I, p. 11(b). Terrentius’s answer is preserved among the remainders of the former Bollandist archives in the ‘new’ Bollandist library in Brussels, Museum Bollandianum, Ms 64, f. 13; the text is published by Dom Pitra, Etudes sur la collection des Actes des Saints par des RR. PP. Jésuites Bollandistes, Paris, 1850, p. 197. Interesting enough, Terrentius confirms in his answer that not only mathematically trained Jesuits were welcome in the China mission, but also young candidates who had not yet finished their theology studies (such as Bollandus), provided that they had a good physical condition: “Nec enim tantum mathematici, sed etiam quivis alii, etiam studiis theologicis nondum absolutis, ire poterunt, si vires corporis sufficientes habeant”. 459 On Anselmus de Boodt, see: G. Dewalque, in: Biographie nationale de Belgique, vol. 4, pp. 814–816; F. M. Jaeger, Anselmus Boëtius de Boodt, in: Historische Studien. Bijdragen tot de kennis van de geschiedenis der natuurwetenschappen in de Nederlanden, Groningen, 1919; J. E. Heller, ‘Anselmus Boetius de Boodt als Wissenschaftler und Naturphilosoph’, in: Archeion, 15, 1933, pp. 348–368; J.E. Heller, in: Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften und der Medizin, vol. 8, 1942, pp. 1–125; R. Halleux, ‘L’oeuvre minéralogique d’Anselme Boèce De Boodt (1550–1632)’, in: Histoire et nature, 14, 1979, pp. 63–78; R. J. W. Evans, Rudolf II and his World: a study in intellectual history 1576–1612, London, 1997, pp. 216–217; I. Purs & V. Karpenko (eds), Alchemy and Rudolf II. Exploring the Secrets of Nature in Central Europe in the 16th and 17th centuries, Prague, 2016, pp. 535–581. For the albums of De Boodt, see Marie-Christine Maselis, A. Balis, R. H. Marijnissen (eds), De albums van Anselmus de Boodt (1550–1632). Geschilderde natuurobservatie aan het hof van Rudolf II, Tielt, 1989. 460 Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 475.

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in Rome.461 In Terrentius’s correspondence he is mentioned as owner of a particularly splendid, hand-colored, and very expensive copy of Besler’s Hortus Eichstettensis, which Terrentius may have known from a personal contact, and perhaps even a visit to Borghese’s library (f. 507r / 1030); see chap. 3.1: Besler. Borromeo (Borromaeus), Federico (1564–1631)

Born in Milan, Federico Borromeo was created Cardinal in 1587 by Pope Sixtus V.462 In Terrentus’s correspondence he is mentioned on f. 525v / 1067; 526r / 1068; 507r / 1030. Terrentius paid several – sometimes long – visits to him in Milan or Arona (Lago Maggiore), including one visit in the Spring of 1616 with N. Trigault to his library (Biblioteca Ambrosiana), which became probably a model for the planned Jesuit library in Peking. The Cardinal expressed his agreement when Terrentius decided to leave the Court of Leopold in Strasbourg and to accompany Trigault to China: “Ill(ustrissi)mus Card(ina)lis laudat meum propositum gratulatusque e(st) mihi q(uod) ex aula illa me subduxerim” (f. 526v / 1069). On a rather amusing different appreciation of each other’s theological knowledge Gaspar Schoppe reports in his Philotheca.463 Borromeo’s book agent was Johann Faber, delivering him also the books of Tommaso Campanella.464 Brunhart, Leonhardt (flor. c. 1610)

German mathematician (?) in Venice.465 He wrote two letters from Venice to Terrentius, one on 10 July 1610 (f. 642–643 r./v. / 1303–1306) and another one three weeks later, on 31 July (f. 649r/v. / 1319–1320), mainly on the manuscript of Viète’s De Zeteticis, Clavius and Santini; as this action was almost simultaneous with Gloriosi’s letters to Terrentius of April – May 1610, also sent from Venice, one could assume a connection between both attempts to approach Terrentius, and I assume Brunhart – of whom I have no further bio-bibliographical evidence – was probably the young (“adulescens”)

461 G. de Caro, in: DBI, vol. 12 (1970), pp. 616–618; S. Miranda, The Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church (online); K. Jaitner, Schoppe, II/5, pp. 2525–2526. See also Gabrieli, Carteggio, pp. 190, 571 note, 590, 598, 673, 882, 1119. 462 S. Miranda, The Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church (online); the most complete overview is given by P. Prodi, in: DBI, vol. 13, 1971, pp. 33–42. 463 G. Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/1, p. 422/423. 464 S. Brevaglieri, ‘Science, books and Censorship in the Academy of the Lincei: Johannes Faber as Cultural Mediator’, in: Warburg Institute Colloquia, 15, 2009, p. 139. For the correspondence between Borromeo and Faber: F. Cortesi, ‘Lettere inedite del Cardinale Federico Borromeo a Giovan Battista Faber’, in: Aevum, 6, 1932, p. 514 ff. On Borromeo and the Accademia dei Lincei: G. Gabrieli, ‘Federico Borromeo e gli Accademici Lincei’, in: Acta Pontificiae Academiae Scientiarum, Novi Lyncei, 87, 1934, pp. 164–183; Giovanni Baffetti, ‘Federico Borromeo e i Lincei: la spiritualità della nuova scienza’, in: Andrea Battistini (ed.), Mappe e letture. Studi in onore di Ezio Raimondi, Bologna, 1994, pp. 85–102; on his relations with the Galileo circuit: A. Favaro, Amici e corrispondenti di Galileo, II, 1914 (1983), pp. 891–910. 465 No further biographical data, nor bibliography known to me.

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transcriber who copied Gloriosi’s ms. of Viète’s De Aequationum Recognitione in Venice for Terrentius in Rome.466 Brunn, Lucas (c. 1572–1628)

German mathematician.467 A correspondent called “Lucas Brunn Annabergensis” signed one of two letters to Terrentius on f. 652r and 652v / 1325–1326, of which the former was dated on 5 March 1608 in Wittenberg (“Witebergae’, not: “Ustenbergae”, as G. Gabrieli read);468 the identification of this correspondent of Terrentius with the well-known mathematician and instrument builder is based on the epithet “Annaberg(ensis)”, referring to Annaberg, Brunn’s birthplace. His academic curriculum is not fully known: in 1598 he was matriculated in Leipzig,469 on 5 April 1609 in Wittenberg,470 and on 18 June 1612 in Altdorf.471 In these two letters – of which the second one is not signed but is written in the same hand - Brunn refers to previously good scholarly contacts with Terrentius, probably in a teacher–pupil relation, confirmed in the donation by Terrentius of a proportional compass,472 but also to another, very esteemed (but not yet identified) “praeceptor meus Excellentissimus D(omin)us Doctor Delius (Telius? see below)” in Leipzig (?), mentioned on f. 652r / 1325, and Johann Praetorius (d. 1619; cf. s.v.). Brunn had apparently been also in friendly terms with Melchior Jöstel, Professor of ‘advanced mathematics’ in Wittenberg in 1594–1611 (cf. ch. 2.1: s.v.), and was part of a small network which included, apart from Jöstel, also Terrentius: see Jöstel’s (undated) letter to Terrentius on f. 646r / 1311, and the (only partly readable) reference to Brunn: “ex nostri Lucae Brun ” / ‘from the of our Lucas Brun(n)’.473

466 “Fateor quidem huiusmodi librum nonnullis erroribus scatere, nam et Ragusinus et Venetus transcriptor uterque adolescens fuit, et rerum mathematicarum, immo et Latinae linguae prorsus ignarus, curavi diligenter tamen, ut omnia complecterentur, quae in Ragusino exemplari continentur” / ‘I must confess that similar book abounds in several errors, because both the transcriber in Ragusa and the one in Venice was young and truly inexperienced in mathematical topics, even in Latin; yet I attentively took care that all things, which the copy of Ragusa contained were embraced (by the transcriber in Venice)’. 467 E. Zinner, in: NDB, 2, 1955, p. 981, who has other / additional data for which I could not find confirmation: Altdorf since 1607; Magister in 1611; in 1612 in Nürnberg, with Johann Praetorius and the painter Joh. Hauer. 468 Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 480. The reading of the year indication as ‘1608’ is certain because it can be derived from a datable internal criterium: the publication “elapso anno” (‘one year ago’) of Zubler’s “Novum Instrumentum Geometricum”, published first in 1607 (cf. infra). 469 G. Erler (ed.), Die Jüngere Matrikel der Universität Leipzig, 1559–1809, I, Leipzig, 1909, p. 50. 470 B. Weissenborn (ed.), Album Academiae Vitebergensis. Jüngere Reihe, Teil I (1602–1660). Textband, Magdeburg, 1934, p. 596. 471 E. Von Steinmeyer, Die Matrikel der Universität Altdorf. Erster Teil. Text, Würzburg, 1912, p. 121, no. 3595: “(1612) VI.18 M. Lucas Brunn Annaebergensis Misnicus”. 472 F. 652v / 1326: “Ad proportionum circinum ab Excell(entia) Tua mihi communicatum quod attinet…”. 473 See further also M. Engelmann, in: Wissenschaftliche Beilage. Dienstags Beilage des Dresdner Anzeigers, 4, 1927, pp. 187–188; Ernst Zinner, Deutsche und niederländische astronomische Instrumente des 11.-18. Jahrhunderts, Munich, 1967, pp. 225; 266–267; 615; H. Wunderlich, in: Id., Kursächsische Feldmesskunst, artilleristische Richtverfahren und Ballistik im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, Berlin, 1977, p. 131 ff.; Helmut Grötsch, ‘Der Dresdner Hofmathematiker Magister Lucas Brunn (1575–1628)’, in: Mitteilungen aus den Staatlichen

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In the aforementioned letter of March 1608 from Wittenberg, Brunn refers, among other things, to his “circinus bipedalis” (i.e. a compass measuring two feet) and to his involvement in the correction of Seth Calvisius’s Calendar (cf. 4.6); he expresses also the hope that Terrentius will publish the Viète manuscripts, so that he might merit being esteemed a ‘second Viète’ (cf. s.v. Viète).474 In the second (undated) letter (f. 652v / 1326), Brunn reports on several of his “studia” (interests) – showing at the same time his admiration for his correspondent (who according to my reading is the same as in the former letter). His “studia” included the building (“exstruxi”) of an astronomical quadrant,475 the acquisition of another “circinus” (compass), and the proportional compass once received from Terrentius; at the same time he mentions Leonhard Zubler, Novum Instrumentum Geometricum, Basel: L. König, 1607, and his astronomical observations with the same, as the first who did this after his “praeceptor” (‘teacher’) Praetorius. In 1609, Brunn developed an ‘universal instrument’ which was derived from Zubler’s,476 by which it was possible to measure astronomical angles, stellar heights, and stellar distances (Wunderlich), certainly of great interest to Terrentius in light of his future mission in China. It should be mentioned here also that a copy of Zubler’s Novum Instrumentum, as well as Brunn’s Praxis perspectivae (…), Nurnberg, 1615 is among the extant books of the Beitang (Verhaeren, no. 3127 and 3946).477 See also chap. 3.2 and 4.5. Bry, de, Johann Theodor (1561–1623)

German engraver and publicist in Frankfurt, son of Theodor de Bry (d. 1598).478 One of his books – which was part of the Trigault library and is still extant in Peking (Verhaeren, no. 1133) – is Americae Nona et Postrema Pars, Frankfurt, 1602. He was

Wissenschaftlichen Museen in Dresden, Heft 20/21, 1978, pp. 8–11, and with reference to manuscript papers of his hand: S. Dupré & M. Korey, in: Giorgio Strano etc. (eds), European Collections of Scientific Instruments, 1550–1750, Leiden, 2009, pp. 78–84. 474 F. 652r / 1325: “Omnes obnixe rogantes ut nobis quam primum libros Vietae posthumos in lucem dare velit, pro illo enim mortuo Excell(entiam) Tuam ‘alterum Vietam’ habituri sumus” / ‘All are insistently asking that he (= Terrentius) would edit for us as soon as possible the posthumous works of Viète, so that Y. E. would become, in the place of the deceased author, a ‘second Viète’. 475 “Potius trigonometricum, cuius beneficio omnia singula in gradibus et singulis minutis, adhibitis licet tangentibus secantibus solvimus, parallaxes etiam solis iuxta longum et latum discernentes” / ‘Rather the trigonometric (work), by which we solve all individual problems in degrees and minutes, applying tangents (and) secants, distinguishing also the solar parallaxes according to their length and breadth’. 476 For a description of an extant copy of this instrument, with an inscription dated in 1609, see H. Wunderlich, in: Id., Kursächsische Feldmesskunst, artilleristische Richtverfahren und Ballistik im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, Berlin, 1977, p. 135. 477 Bound with Hans Lencker, Perspectiva Hierinnen auffs kürtzte beschrieben (…) wie allerley ding (…) in die Perspectyf gebracht werden mag, Nurnberg, 1571; this composite volume has no inscription, so that a – probable – relation with Terrentius cannot be proven. 478 On the De Bry family in Frankfurt, see: M. Sondheim, ‘Die De Bry (…). Eine Frankfurter Verlegerfamilie des 17 Jahrhunderts’, in: Philobiblion [Wien], 6, 1933, pp. 9–34; id., ‘Die De Bryschen Grossen reisen’, in: Het Boek [The Hague], 24, 1936/37, pp. 331–364; S. Burghartz (ed.), In-szenierte Welten / Staging New Worlds. Die west - und ostindische Reisen der Verleger De Bry 1590–1630, Basel, 2004; M. van Groesen, The

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also the editor of Robert Fludd’s book, entitled Utriusque Cosmi, which Terrentius mentions on 23 July 1617 (f. 679r / 1379): “bit sequenti anno quidam Anglus, Gilberti Angli socius, q(ui) varia scribit tribus tomis mirabilia; vocatur Flu vel de Fluctibus; sumptus faciet Theodor Bry Francofurti” / ‘Next year (1618) will some English author, the friend of the English Gilbert (i.e. William Gilbert), who writes on various wondrous things, in three volumes; he is called Flu or (in latinate form) De Fluctibus; Theodor de Bry will pay the costs’. Burggrave (al. Burgrav; Burggravius), Johann Ernst (flor. 1600–1640)

Paracelsian physician and alchemist. Born in Neustadt / Pfalz, he matriculated at Marburg University on 16 November 1605.479 He studied in Leiden, travelled in 1608 from the Netherlands to England and through Central Europe; afterwards he became a physician in Simmern (Hunsrück) and the ‘associate’ (“domesticus”) of Johann Hartmann (1568–1631), the first academic alchemist, appointed by Maurice of Kassel at Marburg University.480 His network comprised also Franeker university, where he collaborated (on distance) with Adrianus Metius and Marcellus Vranckheim, who appended some texts to Burggrave’s publications (cf. below, and chap. 3.3.1.5). Burggrave is the author of various titles on Paracelsian medicine and related esoteric concepts and features, such as magnetism, weapon salve, “mum(m)ia”, etc.: see Βιολύχνιον seu lucerna cum vita eius (Franeker, 1611) and Achilles πάνοπλος redivivus (Amsterdam, 1612), the latter on electrical weapons; both titles were in the Terrentius-Trigault selection for China (see Verhaeren, no. 1145 and 1146 respectively, and chap. 3.2). After Terrentius’s departure from Europe in 1618 he published an Introductio in vitalem Philosophiam, cui cohaeret omnium morborum astralium et materialium, 1623; Traktat von der Ungarischen Hauptschwachheit, 1627;481 Tractatus de natura elementorum (with Cornelius Drebbel), 1628. Burggrave was in direct contact with the pharmacist Johann Friedrich Eggs, whom he visited in his pharmacy in Rheinfelden / Basel at least at one occasion, as Eggs reports in an undated letter (of 1615?) to Terrentius: “Mittam, si venerit D(omi) nus Burggravius, suae uxori pertinentia medicamina; de ipsius adventu valde gaudeo, sed vereor ne aliâ viâ p(er) Hirciniam Silvam (= Hunsrück) me praetereat, cum Haganaviae representations of the overseas world in the Bry collection of voyages (1590–1634), London, 2008. See the special issue, dedicated to his travelogues to East and West Indies in The Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, 41.1, 2011. 479 Cf. Julius Caesar, Catalogus studiosorum scholae Marpurgensis; Pars Quarta. Ab ineunte anno MDCV usque ad extremum annum MDCXXVIII pertinens, Marburg, 1887, p. 4 (from f. 90b): “Ioh(annes) Ernestus Burggrave Neustadianus (Nov.) 16”. 480 P. Dilg and H. Rudolph (eds), Resultate und Desiderate der Paracelsus-Forschung (Sudhoffs Archiv, 34), Stuttgart, 1993, p. 49; V. Keller, ‘Drebbel’s living instruments, Hartmann’s Microcosm and Libavius’, in: History of Science, 48, 2010, p. 50 and note 70–71; S. Dupré and C. H. Lüthy (eds), Silent Messengers: the circulation of material objects of knowledge, Berlin, 2011, p. 127. 481 A book on febris theriodes or castrensis, also called lues Hungaricus or petechial fever: ‘any febrile illness accompanied by small petechiae on the skin, such as seen in meningococcemia or in the late stage of typhoid fever’ (Mosby’s Medical Dictionary, 9th edition, 2009, Elsevier).

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(= Hagenau) non suum inveniat herum, qui hodie Rheinfeldam cum suo uxore et tota prole aulica transivit; me est allocutus, qu(a)erens an nihil adhuc invenerim, etc.” / ‘If Mr Burggrave arrives, I will send him the remedies for his wife; I am very happy with his arrival, but I am afraid that he will pass by by another way through the Hunsrück, when he will not find in Hagenau his ‘master’, who today passed through Rheinfelden with his wife and the entire Court offspring; he addressed me, asking me whether I had found something (= an alchemical secret?), etc.’ (f. 634 / 1289). In his publications were appended some titles of Marcellus Vranckheim (al. Franckheim; Vrencken), b. in Zutphen in 1587, d. in Dunkirk in 1644. He was a student of Franeker University in 1610,482 collaborating there with A. Metius and – on distance – Burggrave. After his conversion he got several important functions within the Habsburg apparatus, the last one as head of the Jesuit ‘Missio castrensis’, based in Dunkirk. For his life and works, see the recent doctoral thesis of W. Tuinstra (August 2019).483 Buys (al. Busaeus), Theodorus, SJ (1558–1636)

Since 1613 German Assistant in Rome.484 Terrentius mentions him – together with Cobelluzzi (cf. s.v.) – with regard to the affair of the Indulgentiae Bingenses: “Puto negotium commendari posse deinceps P(atri) Assistenti Busaeo, si tamen hâc vice ab Ill(ustrissi)mo Cobellutio per suos obtinuerit mihi erit gratissimum” / ‘I think the affair can afterwards be committed to Father Assistant Busaeus; if this time he would obtain them (the Indulgences) from the Ill. Cobelluzzi through his contacts, it would be very grateful to me’ (f. 508r / 1032; 10 July 1617). C Calvisius, Sethus: see s.v. Brunn, Lucas. Calzolari (al. Calceolarius), Francesco (1522–1609)

Italian pharmacist and naturalist, alumnus of the University of Padua; living in Verona, where he had his pharmacy, and a ‘natural museum’ inside [Ill. 23]; as a pharmacist he produced a very effective theriaca Andromachi.485 On f. 679r / 1379 (23 July 1617), Terrentius witnesses that he once ‘saw’ (“vidi”) the catalogue of this “Musaeum” or

482 S. J. Fockema Andrea & Th. J. Meijer (red.), Album studiosorum Academiae Franekerensis (1585–1811; 1816–1844), Franeker, p. 47, no. 1230. 483 Willemijn Tuinstra, Conscience and Connections. Marcellus Franckheim (1587–1644) and his contacts in the Habsburg World at the eve of the Thirty Years War, Doct. Diss, Leiden, 2019. 484 PIBA, I, p. 178. 485 G. Gliozzi, in DBI, vol. 17, 1974, pp. 65–67. On his Musaeum, see, among others, B. Accordi, ‘The Musaeum Calceolarium (XVIth Century) of Verona illustrated in 1622 by Ceruti and Chiocco’, in: Geologica Romana, 16, 1977, pp. 21–54. On his botanical work: Daniele Zanini, ‘Le piante di Francesco Calzolari’, in Giros. Notizie, vol. 49, January 2012. On his relations with German countries: G. Olmi, ‘Per la storia

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Ill. 23. Museo Calzolari (Verona). Internal view of Calzolari’s naturalistic Musaeum, one of the musaea Terrentius visited during his European ‘tour’. Verona he will have visited either in 1603/1604 (when he studied in Padua), or in 1609, when he returned from Central Europe through the Veneto to Rome (see chap. 1.1). The picture is taken from the 1st edition of the inventory, published by Gianbattista Olivi, De reconditis et praecipuis collectaneis ab honestissimo et solertissimo Francisco Calceolario Veronensi in Musaeo adservatis, Ioannis Baptistae Olivi medici testificatio, Venice: Paulus Zanfretti, 1584, in 8°. From https://www.cabinet.ox.ac.uk/musaeum-calceolari-1622

cabinet in the house of the author: “Calceolarii Musaeum numquam nisi apud authorem vidi, numquam tamen legere potui” / ‘The Musaeum of Calzolari – that is the catalogue with this title (1584; see sub 3.1) – I have never seen, except in the house of the author; I had however not the occasion to read it’; this normally would imply that he also dei rapporti scientifici fra Italia e Germania: le lettere di Francesco Calzolari a Joachim Camerarius II’, in: G. P. Brizzi & G. Olmi (eds), Dai cantieri della storia. Liber amicorum per Paolo Prodi, Bologna, 2007, pp. 343–361.

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visited the Musaeum itself; this happened either during his period as a student in Padua c. 1603–04, or when he returned from his European tour to Northern Italy in 1609. That he was not able to ‘read’ or to consult it more systematically is a surprise, as the 1584 edition was also in the private library of Johann Faber.486 Campanella, Tommaso, O. P. (1568–1639)

Italian anti-Aristotelian philosopher, polymath, and prolific writer, also called ‘Squilla”.487 In the period 1599–1626 (i.e. during Terrentius’s stay in Rome [1610–15]) he was in jail in Naples, and arrived in Rome only in 1626. He had epistolary contacts with Faber, Schoppe, Pflug, Séraphin Henot, all acquaintances or friends of Terrentius; also Cardinal Federico Borromeo asked – through the members of the Accademia dei Lincei – for a list of his publications, and he received (some of) his books through Faber.488 Schoppe – who personally knew both Terrentius and Campanella – compared the former to the latter, in the following passage: “Unum hoc de ipso (Terrentio) censeo, quod longe sit μεθοδικώτερος quam Campanella et ad docendum aptior, longeque melior mathematicus, atque haud scio an melior medicus, etc.” / ‘There is one thing I am thinking about Terrentius, i.e. that he is far more methodic than Campanella, and more adapted to teaching, a much better mathematician, and – I don’t know – probably a better physician’.489 Terrentius from his part appreciated Campanella as the only serious Italian philosopher of his time: “Terrentius…neque in Italia esse dicit homines, qui quicquam in philosophia vera et in arcanis naturae sciant praeter Squillam, cuius ingenium admiratur” / ‘Terrentius…says that in Italy there are no more people who would know anything about true philosophy and on the secrets of nature, except Squilla, whose genius he admires’.490 On Terrentius’s interests in Campanella’s (forbidden) books, circulating in manuscript form, to which he got access through Faber and Borromeo, see the former to the latter, on 13 December 1615 (F.F. 420, f. 72r / 0158): “(la) generosa cortesia de V. S. Ill.ma [Federico Borromeo] in darle conto di quanto il P(adr)e Terrenzio per [conto] parte di V. S.Ill.ma ha […]ricercato, cioè dei libri scritti di mano del P(adre) Campanella delli quali in Roma si ritrova vera et sincera copia, come io qui appresso mando a V. S. Ill.ma, insieme con il prezzo che, se le piaceranno, un amico mio che li tiene darà ordine che quanto prima V. S. Ill.ma li riceva copiati di bona mano e corretti, et di questi n’aspetto il commandamento di V. S.Ill.ma”. One of these pamphlets was a treatise entitled Ad Seraphinum Henotum responsio de pestilentia Coloniensi obiter. Responsio de pestilentia Coloniensi, dedicated

486 Cf. G. Miggiano, in: Il bibliotecario, III, 2010.3, p. 70 (no. 343): “Francisci Calzonarii (sic) Musaeum Collectaneor(um)”. 487 For a general overview of the Campanella dossier, see: Luigi Firpo, DBI, vol. 17, 1974, pp. 372–401. 488 Cf. Gabrieli, Carteggio, no. 416, p. 516/7 (17 October 1615). 489 G. Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/1, p. 551 (1609). 490 G. Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/1, p. 534. 491 Addition in the margin; also the deletion is in the autograph.

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to his friend Séraphin Henot (cf. s.v.) and addressed to him on 14 June 1607; it was transmitted to the addressee through Gaspar Schoppe.492 Other mentions on f. 360r/v., and in F.F. 423, f. 329r/v. Campori (al. Campora; Camporeus), Pietro (1553–1643)

Created Cardinal on 19 September 1616 by Pope Paul V; between 1608 and 1618 he was commendatore of the Arcispedale Santo Spirito in Sassia;493 as such, he is mentioned in a letter of Terrentius from Milan (14 June 1616), with regard to an unidentified question (“res”), which Trigault during his last stay in Rome (until May 1616) could probably have solved, if he had been informed: “Quoad hospitale, mihi dolet q(uod) P(ater) Nicolaus (sc. Trigault) eam rem, dum Romae ageret nescierit, mirum n(am) quantum apud commendatorem S(ancti) Sp(irit)us rem promovere potuisset. Quicquid sit, si n(on) succedat, ‘manus Domini n(on) e(st) abbreviata’, sin autem successerit, de quo tamen admodum dubito, vel iam gratulor” / ‘With regard to the hospital: it is a pity that Father Trigault, during his stay in Rome, did not know it; I wonder how much he could have done to promote the question with the Commendatore of Santo Spirito. Whatever it may be, if it has no success, ‘the hand of God is not shortened’;494 in the other case, when it would have success, on which I have strong doubts, I am even then grateful’ (f. 511r / 1038). Unfortunately we don’t know which question was meant, nor whether there is some relation with another passage in a letter of Terrentius, also from Milan, of April-May 1616, that is, somewhat earlier than the aforementionend remark but always simultaneous with Trigault’s stay in Rome:495 “Nuper vocatus sum ab Ill(ustriss)mo Cardinali in villam quandam (ms.: quondam) suam, ubi sanitati, quam ex erisypelate laeserat recuperandae attendebat; ibi vidi litteras de duobus illis miraculis naturalibus, de quibus etiam aliquantum contulimus. Und dieweil er vor der Zeit von mir verstand das S(anto) Spirito vor den Herrn gar dienstlich were, sagt(e) er, wan er in solchem oder anderm was behülflich sein konde, woll er solches nit unterlassen, sondern beim Praefecto loci sagt er hab viel gute Freund zu Rom, durch welche er was könde

492 See Campanella, Lettere (ed. Spampanato), p. 111: “Item libros…et quae petisti contra frigus et aestum remedia et epotus contra pestem Coloniensem misi ad te. Vide, omnia tradidi in manus tuas” / ‘Item, books…and the remedies, which you asked against the cold and the heath and the drinks (? epotus as a substance?) against the plague of Cologne, I sent to you. Check (it), I transmitted it all in your hands’; cf. further pp. 112 and 114. On Campanella’s medico-pharmaceutical thinking, see: Michael Mönnich, Tommaso Campanella. Sein Beitrag zur Medizin und Pharmazie der Renaissance (Heidelberger Schriften zur Pharmazie - und Naturwissenschaftsgeschichte), Stuttgart, 1990. For the ms. of the ‘Responsio de pestilentia’, see Iter Italicum, I, 1. Firenze, p. 116 (Fondo Magliabechiano: Excerpts: VIII.6); for a further bibliographical description, see D. Berti, in: Atti d. R. Accademia dei Lincei, 1877–1878, ser. 3za, Memorie d. Classe di Scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, vol. II, 1878, p. 511; L. Firpo, ‘Bibliografia degli scritti di Tommaso Campanella’, in: R.Ac. d. Scienze di Torino nel III Centenario della morte di T. Campanella, Torino, 1940, no. 117 (p. 158). For Campanella’s donation to Henot: see L. Firpo, in: DBI, 17, 1974, p. 383. The text was only published in 1635, as part of the Medicinalium iuxta propria principia Libri VII, Lyon: Pillehotte, 1635, p. 322 ff. 493 S. Miranda, The Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church (online); R. Becker, in DBI, vol. 17, 1974, pp. 602–604. 494 Echo of Isaiah, 59.1. 495 F. 514r / 1044; cf. Gabrieli, Carteggio, pp. 565–566.

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zuwegebringen” / ‘Recently I was called by the Ill. Cardinal (i.e. Borromeo) to some villa of his (namely Arona) where he was seeing to his health, which was affected by erysipelas. There I saw a letter on these two natural miracles, about which we already discussed a few times. And because he (= Borromeo) had before understood from me that (the hospital of) Santo Spirito (di Sassia) could be useful for the Sir (= ?), he said that, if he could be useful in such or other matters, he would not omit (to do) it, on the contrary, he said he had with the local Prefect (Campori?) many good friends in Rom, through whom he could realize something’ (f. 514r/v. / 1044–1045); unfortunately also the ‘two natural miracles’ are unindentified. A further reference to Campori, his promotion to Cardinal on 19 September 1616, and his relative, who was a missionary in Cranganore (Malabar) is also in Trigault’s letter from Brussels (2 January 1617): “Cardinalium collegium bis auxit, inter quos eam dignitatem adeptus est D(omi)nus Petrus Camporeus, Commendator Sancti Spiritus, patruus P(atris) Ioannis Mariae Camporei, qui in Ecclesia Malabarica Sancti Thomae multos annos degit” / ‘He enlarged twice the College of Cardinals; among them received this dignity Mr Petrus Camporeus, Commendatore of Santo Spirito, uncle of Father Giovanni Maria Campori who stayed for many years in the Malabar church’.496 Castelli, Pietro (1570/75–1661)

Italian physician and botanist in Rome, pupil of Andrea Ceslpino, and between 1597–1634 Professor at La Sapienza University; since 1634 in Messina.497 As a professor at La Sapienza, and certainly as the brother-in-law of the botanist Enrico Corvino (see below: De Raeff), he was in all probability also a direct acquaintance of Terrentius during his Roman period. Anyway: interesting is Terrentius’s ironic (?) remark on him in his letter of 22 April 1622 (from China): “Dominus Castellus videtur ad tam altam scientiam abstractus esse, ut iam sensum neget, calida calefacere. (…)”. / ‘Mr Castelli seems to be carried away to so high a (level of) science, that he already denies the feeling, that warm things are warming up (…)’.498 Terrentius’s censura on his chemical work – as not based enough on solid experimental evidence – is to be found in the same letter, published by G. Gabrieli.499 Castelli is also the author of Epistolae Medicinales, Roma: G. Mascardi, 1626, and the successor of Johann Faber (died 1629) in his functions of ‘Lettore di Semplici’ at La Sapienza University and Director of the Hortus Vaticanus. During his period in Messina, he published, among

496 Lamalle, ‘Propagande’, p. 117; L. M. Brockey, The Visitor, Cambridge Mass, 2014, pp. 113–114. 497 Most complete on his curriculum and positions is Antonio Clericuzio, ‘Chemical medicines in Rome’, in: Conflicting Duties. Warburg Colloquia, 15, London, 2009, p. 292 ff. and A. De Ferrari, DBI, 21, 1978, pp. 747–750. 498 F. 528v / 1073; Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 504. This remark concerns the ongoing polemics on the warm or cold nature of vitriol: see also P. Galluzzi, The Lynx and the Telescope, the parallel worlds of Cesi and Galileo, Leiden-Boston, 2017, p. 396 and note 25. 499 Contributi alla storia dell’Accademia dei Lincei, Rome, 1989, II, pp. 1040–1047, more precisely p. 1043; cf. also Clericuzio, ‘Chemical medicines’, p. 293.

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other titles, Hortus Messanensis, Messina: F. Bianco, 1640, in which also Corvino’s botanical garden was mentioned.500 Other mentions in F.F. 412, f. 185r Cesarini, Virginio (1595–1624)

Italian poet and scholar, who in the context of Cesi’s Accademia shifted from being an Aristotelian, peripatetic scholar to a ‘modern’ scientist. Cesarini was also in contact with Galileo, and a supporter of his ideas.501 He was probably a correspondent of Terrentius as well, as demonstrated by an indirect reference to a letter of Terrentius he read, to be found in Faber’s letter of 21 February 1624 to Cesi: “Detto S(igno)r Virginio ha letto la lettera del Padre Terrentio, et giudica che sia bene che procuriamo che il Sr. Galilei favorisca al P(adre) Terrentio su quel calcolo de eclipsibus, etc.”.502 He was successfully cured – with chemical medicines? – by Cinzio Clementi and Petrus Poterius (cf. chap. 2.1, s.v.). Cesi (al. Caesius), Federico, Prince of Acquasparta (1585–1630) [Ill. 24]

Italian scientist and naturalist, founder of the Accademia dei Lincei (est. 1603), of which Terrentius was, during a short period in 1611, a member.503 Already before being accepted as a member of the Accademia, in April 1611, Terrentius was Cesi’s guest at the diner for Galileo (see supra, chap. 1.2). In August 1611, Terrentius was also Cesi’s partner in a discussion on heliocentrism with the Roman peripatetician Lagalla, apparently without convincing him (Carteggio, p. 171). After he left the Accademia on 1 November 1611 and after his Jesuit education was finished in the summer of 1615, Terrentius pressed Cesi: (a) to publish the Tesoro, on which the Prince answered on 21 August 1615 (F.F. 423, f. 113r; see Carteggio, pp. 509–510); (b) to restitute his personal annotations on the Tesoro Messicano: in both contexts, he blamed Cesi for his “tarditas”: ‘tardiness’, ‘slowness’ (f. 507 /1030: 10 June 1617 from Augsburg) or even “ignavia”: ‘laziness’ (f. 527r / 1070), which deprived him of the

500 See below, chap. 4.3; for this monograph, see Erik Neil, ‘The Hortus Messanensis of Pietro Castelli. Science, nature and landscape architecture in 17th century Messina’, in: Lexicon 1, 2005, pp. 6–19. 501 See on Cesarini: Claudio Mutini, in: DBI, vol. 24, 1980, pp. 198–201, and G. Gabrieli, ‘Due prelati lincei in Roma alla corte di Urbano VIII: Virginio Cesarini e Giovanni Ciampoli’, in: Atti dell’Accademia degli Arcadi, Roma, 1929–1930, pp. 171–200; id., ‘Bibliografia Lincea: II. Virginio Cesarini e Giovanni Ciampoli’, in: R.a.L., s. VI.8, 1932, pp. 422–462; id., in: Contributi alla storia della Accademia dei Lincei, vol. 1, Rome, 1989, p. 534; E. Bellini, in: I primi Lincei e il Sant’Uffizio (…), Rome, 2005, pp. 87–88; id., ‘La vita di Don Virginio Cesarini linceo’, in: L’Ellisse, 1, 2006, pp. 15–38. 502 Galilei, Opere, XIII, p. 166. 503 A very large literature exists on Prince Cesi: see, e.g. A. De Ferrari, in DBI, 24, 1980, 256–259; cf. the Atti dei Convegni Lincei 78. Convegno celebrativo del IV centenario della nascità di Federico Cesi (Acquasparta, 7–9 ottobre 1985), Rome, 1986; for his naturalistic work: L. Guerrini, I trattati naturalistici di Federico Cesi, Rome, 2006; his central position in the life of the Accademia emerges clearly from the indices in the Carteggio, pp. 1367–1383; for his library, see M. T. Biagetti, La biblioteca di Federico Cesi, Rome, 2008. For a chronology of Terrentius’s contacts with Cesi, see Gabrieli, Contributi, II, pp. 1015–1017.

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Ill. 24. Oil painting, half-length portrait of Federico Cesi, now in the Palazzo Corsini (Rome), made in Rome by Pietro Fachetti (1539 – 1613). Cesi (1585 - 1630) was founder and inspirator of the Accademia dei Lincei, who on 3 May 1611 accepted Terrentius as a member of the Accademia. Inscription on the upper rim of the portrait: FED(ericus). CAESIUS.LYN(ceorum).P(rinceps).I(nstitutor).M(ontis)CAEL(ii).MAR(chio), i.e.: “Federico Cesi, the first among the Lyncei and (their) founder, Marquis of Montecelio’. (Courtesy: BANLC)

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opportunity to compare his annotations with the (lavishly illustrated) ms. in the Escorial; see also f. 508 / 1032. Cesi probably did so not out of laziness, but for fear that Terrentius – after becoming a Jesuit – had the hidden intention to publish the work outside the Lincean Academy, without acknowledging it. For this argument, see 507r / 1030; 509r / 1034/5; f. 527v / 1071. Elsewhere Terrentius plays with the idea that Cesi would become a potential book donor / benefactor to the mission: cf. 3.1: s.v. Salvianus. Clavius, Christophorus, SJ (1538–1612)

Principal Jesuit mathematician of the sixteenth/early seventeenth century, former alumnus of the Colégio das Artes in Coimbra, chief calculator of the reformed Gregorian calendar, organizer of an Academia mathematica in the Collegio Romano, teacher of mathematics and promoter of mathematical instruction in the Jesuit school network through the publication of a series of landmark and afterwards canonical textbooks.504 Explicit testimonies about meetings between Terrentius and Clavius – although these were almost inevitable during the former’s sojourns in Rome and his contacts with other Jesuits of the Collegio Romano – are very rare. The first comes from Giovanni Antonio Magini, who recommended Clavius to Terrentius, as he reports in his Nov. 1603 letter from Bologna to the former, after he had received a personal visit from Terrentius (APUG 530, f. 197r–198v): “Son stato visitato da un Tedesco che si chiama Sr. Gio(vanni) Terrentio, il quale è stato un buon pezzo appresso il Vieta e anco quando morisse si trovo di lui, e dice d’havere tutti i suoi scritti eccetto pero il suo Astronomico il quale è restato in mano de’ suoi heredi. Se questo virtuoso arrivara a Roma visitara V(estra) R(everentia). La prego a persuaderlo che facia stampare queste fatiche del Vieta, che, se bene ha errato nel calendario ha pero nel resto scritto fondamentale”. The latter remark was probably intended to straighten the path for Terrentius, a close collaborator of the late Viète in his polemics with Clavius, who had answered shortly before with his Francisci Vietae adversus Christophorum Clavium Expostulatio (Paris: Mettayer, 1602). Other opportunities for visits to Clavius (d. 22 February 1612) were limited to June 1604, when Terrentius was in Rome with Gaspar Schoppe, and to the period he worked on the Thesaurus Mexicanus (late-1610– end of Oct. 1611), when he was engaged by the Accademia dei Lincei for commenting the text, while living in Faber’s house ‘alle spalle del Pantheon’ (cf. chap. 1.2). That such visits indeed happened is suggested, though not explicitly confirmed by some

504 Fundamental on Clavius’s work are, among others: Ugo Baldini, ‘Christoph Clavius and the Scientific Scene in Rome’, in: Gregorian Reform of the Calendar: Proceedings of the Vatican Conference to Commemorate its 400th Anniversary 1582–1982, Città del Vaticano, 1983, pp. 137–1669; Eberhard Knobloch, ‘Christoph Clavius, Ein Astronom zwischen Antike und Kopernikus’. In: Vorträge des ersten Symposiums des Bamberger Arbeitskreises “Antike Naturwissenschaft und ihre Rezeption” (AKAN), Wiesbaden, 1990; James Lattis, Between Copernicus and Galileo. Christoph Clavius and the Collapse of Ptolemaic Cosmology, Chicago, 1994; Chikara Sasaki, ‘The mathematical thought of Christoph Clavius’, in: George V. Coyne, M. A. Hoskin & O. Pedersen (eds), Descartes’s Mathematical Thought, Boston, 2003, pp. 45–93; S. Rommevaux, Clavius, Une clé pour Euclide au xvie siècle, Paris (Vrin), 2005.

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references in our sources: (1) two mentions in the letters of Gloriosi to Terrentius of 1610, namely: (1a) one on 14 April 1610 (f. 532r / 1080), when Gloriosi asked to transmit his personal greetings to Clavius; (1b) another one on 7 August 1610 (f. 534r / 1084), when the same warned Terrentius to not transmit some particular book (unidentified, but certainly from the Viète-corpus) to Clavius nor to anyone else: “Obtestor ne P(atri) Clavio nec cuiquam librum ad videndum tradas, tum ne res manifesta fiat, tum et ne quis huius singularis doctrinae in futurum se faciat authorem” / ‘I beg (You) to not transmit any book to Father Clavius nor to anyone elso to be inspected, to avoid that the question would become clear and that anyone in the future might make himself the author of this particular doctrine’; (2) another one concerns Terrentius’s presence at the reception of Galileo by the Jesuits of the Collegio Romano in the Spring of 1611. In these conditions, it is not fully clear to what extent Terrentius can directly have ‘learned’ from Clavius.505 Other pupils of Clavius, including laymen, who were known to Terrentius are Ernest of Bavaria506 and his mechanicus Johann Eitel Zugmesser,507 and among the Jesuits Christopher Grienberger and Paul Guldin. Elsewhere, Terrentius recalls the role of Ziegler in the publication of Clavius’s works: f. 675r / 1371: “Is etiam magno labore curavit Clavii opera imprimi” / ‘he made a lot of efforts to have Clavius’s works printed’; see the edition of his Opera Mathematica, in 5 vols, of 1611–12 (Mainz: A. Hierat). Clementi (-e), Cinzio (al. Clemens Cynthius), d. 1623

Roman physician, born in Corinaldo (Ancona) or in nearby Sinigaglia (Senigallia), buried in San Lorenzo in Lucina (Rome).508 He is described, in the usual rhetorical way, as a “politioris litteraturae cultor ornatissimus, medicinae vero intelligentiâ cum paucis conferendus” / ‘a very prominent cultivator of more elevated literature. In regard to his acquaintance with medicine he is to be compared with only a few’.509 He was since 1613 “consiliarius” in the Nobile Collegio farmaceutico in Rome, and since 1614

505 Mentioned in the context of the Clavius academy by U. Baldini, ‘The School of Christoph Clavius: an essential agent in the early globalization of European mathematics’ (Table III); see also id., Saggi sulla cultura della Compagnia di Gesù (secoli XVI–XVIII), Padua, 2000, p. 63 (n. 35), 77 and 155 n. 78 (but not in the list of accademici di matematica nel Collegio Romano on pp. 89–98) and ‘A escola de Christoph Clavius: um agente essencial na primeira globalização da matemática Europeia’, in: C. Fiolhais, C. Simões, D. Martins (eds), História da ciência luso-brasileira. Coimbra entre Portugal e o Brasil, Coimbra, 2013, pp. 51–76. 506 R. Halleux, in: Ernest de Bavière, p. 48. 507 R. Halleux, in: Ernest de Bavière, p. 54. 508 Called “Senogalliensis” (‘from Sinigaglia’) in L. Cherubini, Magnum Bullarium Romanum, vol. 3, 1692, p. 376. 509 Gaetano Marini, Degli archiatri pontifici, vol. 1, Rome, 1784, pp. 491–494. The epithet “rerum naturalium sollertissimus indagator” / ‘the very skilled investigator of natural things / history’, which Gabrieli, Contributi, I, p. 254 attributes to him, referring to Lagalla, De Phoenomenis in orbe lunae, p. 57 relies in fact on a printing error “Clementius” for Terrentius. See further Jöcher, Gelehrtenlexicon, Ergzbnd., 2, col. 366.

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‘protomedicus’ (‘archiater’ or chief-physician) at the court of Pope Paul V (d. 1621), being described as his “intimus familiaris, eiusque Sanctitatis ob singularis eius animi dotes acceptissimus”,510 and one of the main physicians, who applied chemical medicines.511 Afterwards he was one of the medici segreti, who attended the conclave that elected Gregory XV (with Camillo Gori: cf. s.v.).512 Author of some medico-pharmaceutical treatises, among them one on the use of ‘guayacum’ (i.e. “lignum sanctum”) as antidote against venereal diseases: Disputationes Medicae de Natura & Facultatibus Ligni Sancti, Rome: Ex Typographia D. Liliotti, in-4° (1602).513 Clementi is mentioned in this capacity by Jean Astruc (1684–1766), a French specialist in venereal diseases.514 This ‘Lignum sanctum’, i.e. guayacum was one of the medicines prescribed / used against venereal diseases (together with, amongst others, vitriol), although Paracelsus was already convinced that mercury was a far better medicine; see also chap. 4.1. According to F. Vecchietti, Clementi was the physician who cured the poet-philologist Virginio Cesarini (1595–1624), whom he initiated in chymistry (“ab eo Virginius chymicis sacris initiatus”; based on the biography of Agostino Favoriti).515 This happened within the context of the Accademia dei Lincei, to which he was associated by Federico Cesi, but without becoming a member. In addition, Clementi is mentioned for his excellent professional treatment of cases of premature birth and ‘demonic’ women.516 A manuscript by his hand entitled “De febrium curatione” is among the Sloane Mss. of the British Library (Mss. Sloane, 3133, ff. 404–411),

510 For his position as “consiliarius”, see the Liber Congregationum Venerabilis Ecclesiae et Hospitalis Sancti Laurentii in Miranda (1604–1613), f ° 134r (March 1613) and f ° 137r. ( June 1613); as “protomedicus” at the Papal Court: P. Zacchia, Quaestiones medico-legales, vol. 1 [Lyon, 1661], p. 30. 511 See P. Castelli, Breve ricordo dell’elettione, qualita et virtu dello spirito et Oglio Acido di Vitriolo, Rome: Mascardi, 1621, p. 4: “Vi sono anco molti altri (medici), che usano l’Oglio, & lo Spirito del Vitriolo (…) alli quali potriamo aggiongere molti principali Medici Romani (…), come è il molto Illustre, Eccellentissimo & Reverendissimo Signor Cintio Clemente Medico di N. S. Papa Pauolo Quinto, la cui sola autorità mi pare sufficientissima à lodare questi liquori”. 512 See Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 831, in a letter of Johann Faber to Cesi of 20 December 1623: “Iam tres ex illis sex medicis, qui curae Excellentissimae vestrae Principessae praeerant, ad plures abierunt: Galianus, Cynthius, Gorus”, and L. Cherubini, Magnum Bullarium Romanum a Clemente VIII usque ad Gregorium XV, vol. 3, p. 376. 513 It consists of three dissertations: (1) Sextilii Piccolominaei ad C(orradum) Arnoldum Epistola in qua probat lignum Corradi esse veram et optimam speciem ligni sancti; (2) Innominati auctoris (Demetrii Canevari?) tractatulus adversus et huiusmodi lignum et praedictam epistolam Piccolominaei; (3) Doctoris Cynthii Clementis epistola apologetica ad Ioannem Amodeum, quae innominati auctoris opinionem refellit et clarissime demonstrat veram ligni illius essentam. Canevari is Demetrio Canevari (1559–1625), living in he Roman Borgo, Galenist and owner of a large medical library still extant in Genoa. See also in this chapter the items Sestilio (Piccolomini) and Arnold. 514 For this reason he exchanged information and materials with French Jesuits in China, Dominique Parrenin in particular (cf. especially REO, II, 1883, pp. 293–294); this brought also Chinese medical texts to Montpellier, where they are still preserved (Pierre Huard & M. Wong, ‘Montpellier et la Médecine chinoise’, in: Revue de la Société montpelliéraine d’histoire et de médecine, Déc. 1958, pp. 13–20). 515 Filippo Vecchietti, Biblioteca Picena, T. 3, Osimo, 1793, p. 292 and Gaetano Marini, Degli archiatri, 1, p. 493. He is mentioned as a “medico molto stimato in questa città” in a letter of his patient Virginio Cesarini to Galileo, of 2 May 1622 (cf. BN Firenze, Mss. Gal. P.I, VIII, car. 167–168; online). 516 P. Zacchia, Quaestiones medico-legales, Rome, 1621–1635, vol. I, p. 30 and III, p. 71 respectively.

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where also a letter addressed to him is preserved (BL, Ms 3064, f. 19). He was also the main provider of arguments and passages (taken from Hippocrates and Galenus) for the composition of Giuseppe Castiglione’s (Lat. Castalio), De Frigido et Calido Potu Apologeticus in quo Senecae, Tranquilli, Plauti & Martialis Loca aliter atque a Lipsio accepta sunt, explicantur. Item Horatii, Vergilii (…) adversus Pierum Cassianum, Roma: G. Facciotti, 1607, in-4°, which was part of a controversy on the therapeutic use of cold water.517 His broad interest also in mathematics and astronomy emerges from his personal book collection, of which some 58 items are preserved in the National Library of Rome (BVE).518 I assume it was he who was the target of the anonymous ‘Tractatus anti-Cynthii’ – on the use of vitriol – which Terrentius once saw in the house of Grembs in Munich (chap. 2.1: s.v.). On the reverse, many poems and laudationes dedicated to him attest to his professional and social success. Cobelluzzi (al. Cobellutius) Scipione (1564–1626)

Created Cardinal on 19 September 1616 by Pope Paul V, together with Pietro Campori, mentioned before.519 He was appointed in 1611 secretary of the Dataria Apostolica (‘Apostolic Briefs’); in 1615 he was promoted to the position of archivist in Castel St Angelo and after 1618 librarian of the Vatican library; after 17 October 1616 he became Cardinale di Santa Susanna.520 Being a friend of Federico Cesi,521 he was also in close contact with Johann Faber and was friend to Terrentius.522 Mentioned – together with the German Assistant Busaeus (cf. s.v. Buys) – with regard to the affair of the Indulgentiae Bingenses: “Puto negotium commendari posse deinceps P(atri) Assistenti Busaeo, si tamen hâc vice ab Ill(ustrissi)mo Cobellutio per suos obtinuerit mihi

517 A copy is in BVE in Rome. On the role of Clementi, see p. 11: “Cynthius Clemens philosophiae medicinaeque cognitione atque usu insignis a nobis hâc de re consultus respondit, se multa in Cassianum habere meditata et adnotata, quae gravioribus occupationibus distentus edere nondum potuisset / ‘C. Clemens, famous for his acquaintance and experience with philosophy and medicine, when consulted by us on this question, answered that he had meditated and annotated a lot on Cassiani, which he had been unable to publish due to some more serious occupations’. Cassianus is Pie(t)ro Cassiani, author of a pamphlet entitled De calidi potus apud veteres usu, Bologna: Benatius, 1606, and already before: Risposta (…) al discorso sopra il bever fresco, Bologna, 1603. 518 A combination of mathematical and medical interests and studies was quite common in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; see on this David Eugene Smith, ‘Medicine and mathematics in the sixteenth century’, in: Annals of Medical History, April 1917, pp. 125–140; see also the case of Remus, Galileo and Terrentius himself. 519 F. Petrucci, in: DBI, 26, 1982, 433–443; The Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church. Biographical Dictionary, no. 47 (6). 520 See the title in Terrentius’s letter from China, 1622: Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 505. 521 See the indici of the Carteggio, p. 1386 and Contributi, II, p. 1709. 522 Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 241: “(Cobelluzzi) quale so essere amico di V. S. (Faber) e già del Sig.re Terentio nostro”. See further S. Brevaglieri, ‘Science, books and Censorship in the Academy of the Lincei: Johannes Faber as Cultural Mediator’, in: Conflicting Duties. Warburg Colloquia, 15, 2009, p. 137 and K. Jaitner, Schoppe, II/5, p. 2553.

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erit gratissimum” / ‘I think the affair can afterwards be committed to Father Assistant Busaeus; if this time he would obtain (the indulgences) through his contacts from the Ill. Cobelluzzi, it would be very grateful to me’ (f. 508r / 1032; 10 June 1617). Cobelluzzi interfered, in vain, in the candidacy of Remus as the successor of Magini in Bologna (f. 679v / 1380). Corvino (al. Corvinus): see De Raeff, Hendrik. Crollius, Oswald (c. 1560–Dec. 1608)

Crollius is one of the most important German alchemists.523 Terrentius met him in person during his stay in Prague in 1607: see his reference to this meeting in his letter of 22 April 1622: “Crollius mihi Pragae referebat Kellaeum Anglum etc. ” / ‘Crollius told me at Prague that the Englishman Kelley, etc.’.524 I have thus far not found any letters exchanged between the two scholars. Terrentius had acquired a copy of his Basilica Chymica in Antwerp (no. 58 of the acquisition list in 3.2.1.2). Cysat (Lat. Cisatus), Jean-Baptiste, SJ (c. 1587–1657)

Swiss mathematician, student of Christopher Scheiner and his successor at the Jesuit college of Ingolstadt after 1618.525 Already on 4 April 1616 he had applied for the China mission, with a brief reference to his mathematical skills: see ARSI, Germ. Sup.18, f. 306r (“in mathesi versatus”). Terrentius would have met him during his first visit to Ingolstadt in August  / September 1616 (see chap. 1.3); shortly afterwards, he proposed Cysat to the General as his personal “socius” for China (owing to his China vocation and his mathematical skills). This request was supported by Nicolas Trigault, as shown in his letter from 15 March 1617;526 the proposal was denied by the General 523 O. Hannaway, The chemists and the word: the didactic origins of chemistry, Baltimore, 1975, pp. 1–3; J. Paulus, ‘Alchemie und Paracelsismus um 1600. Siebzig Porträts’, in: J. Telle (ed.), Analecta Paracelsica, Stuttgart, 1994, pp. 345–346; C. Priesner, in: C. Priesner-K. Figala, Alchemie. Lexikon einer hermetischen Wissenschaft: München, 1998, pp. 102–103; W. Kühlmann & J. Telle, Oswald Crollius. De Signaturis Internis Rerum (…), Stuttgart, 1996, p. 50; R. Werner Soukup, Chemie in Oesterreich. Bergbau, Alchemie und frühe Chemie, Wien-Köln-Weimar, 2007, pp. 378–385; I. Purs & V. Karpenko (eds), Alchemy and Rudolf II. Exploring the Secrets of Nature in Central Europe in the 16th and 17th centuries, Prague, 2016, pp. 367–380 and 381–386. 524 F. 528v / 1073; Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 504; on the historicity of this meeting, see: R. J. W. Evans, Rudolf II and his World: a study in intellectual history 1576–1612, London, 1997, p. 228; cf. S. Ricci, ‘Paracelso “superstitione nudatus”. I primi Lincei e l’alchimia’, in: S. Ricci, “Una filosofica milizia”, Udine, 1994, p. 54 and W. Kühlmann – J. Telle, Oswald Crolllius. Alchemomedizinische Briefe 1585 bis 1597, Stuttgart, 1998, p. 191. 525 R. Wolf, Jean Baptiste Cysat von Luzern. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Mathematik und Physik in der Schweiz, Bern, 1853; Ernst Goercke, ‘Johann Baptist Cysat von Luzern (1586–1657)’, in: Rosa Ursina, 2, 1985, p. 7 ff.; K. Jaitner, Schoppe, II/5, p. 2563; F. Strobel, (2001): “Cysat, Johann Baptista”. In: Diccionario histórico de la Compañía de Jesús. Ed. by Charles O’Neill, Universidad Pontificia Comillas, Madrid, p. 1028. 526 AMSJ M 30, 12: “Quia huiusmodi non satis tuto uni per tot itinera committuntur, petii a P(atre) Prov(incia) li ut socium illi adderet e nostris Theologum unum, N. Cisati nomine, quem Ingolstadii reliquera(mus), rerum earundem egregie quoque peritum, et industrium et robustum iuvenem” / ‘Because such (commitments)

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by letter of 10 June 1617,527 referring to Cysat’s irreplaceable position in Ingolstadt, and the General proposed searching for another candidate. According to B. Duhr,528 the alternative was Johannes Albericus, SJ (1586–1618); see s.v. When Terrentius sent his letter for technical information on eclipse calculation to Europe in 1623, it was addressed to “Mathematicis Ingolstadiensibus”, which certainly referred to Cysat (as well as his colleague, Scheiner). D David

Name of a “Scotus” (‘Scotsman’), whom Terrentius met in 1617 in Spain (?). “David” was an old acquaintance of Terrentius from a previous time; in all probability, he was also a physician or pharmacist (alchemist): “Incidi in Scotum quendam, David nomine, qui tempore Paulini nos ambos cognoverat; is novit familiariter Poterium et Sanctorium, cum quo 3 annis habitavit Patavii, etc.” / ‘I came across a Scotsman called David who was acquainted with both of us (Terrentius and Poterius?) in the time of Paulinus; he was familiar with Poterius and Santorio, with whom he lived together in Padua during three years’ (f. 527r / 1070).529 To be compared with Alexander Scotus, i.e. Alexander Seton. Deimbock, Wilhelm, unidentified (flor. Milan c. 1600)

He wrote a letter in German to Terrentius from Milan on 8 (18?) June 1600: f. 647r–648v / 1315–1318); the text is almost illegible.

cannot be safely entrusted to one person through so many journeys, I asked the Provincial if he could appoint a companion to him, one from our theology students, named N. (?) Cysat, whom we left at Ingolstadt, a young man, moreover well versed in this kind of matters, industrious, and very strong’. 527 See ARSI, Germ. Superior, Epist. Gener., 4 (1611–1620), f. 191v: “De socio autem R(everentiae) V(estrae) adiungendo P(atre) Johanne Baptista Cisato nihil a P(atre) Nicolao Trigautio accepi, nec vero si accepissem tamen hoc tempore ab Germania provincia Moguntiam (ms.: Morgantiam) concedere possem; cuius operam modo istîc valde necessariam esse etiam R(everentia) V(estra) coram videre potuit. Scribo ad P(atrem) Provincialem de altero socio R(everentiae) V(estrae) dandum” / ‘Regarding having Father J. B. Cysat join Y. R. as a companion I have heard nothing from Father Trigault, and even when I did, I could not get the permission in this season of the year from the German Province to (?) Mainz; that his (= Cysat’s) work is there now very necessary Y. R. could have seen himself in person. I write to the Provincial to provide Y. R. another companion’. 528 B. Duhr, Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher Zunge, II.2, Freiburg / Brg., 1913, p. 598. 529 Not in A. Favaro, Atti della nazione germanica artista nello Studio di Padova, 1911–1912 (although English students in Padua were usually ascribed to the German ‘nation’). For the English and Scottish students in Padua in this period, see: Jonathan Woolfson, Padua and the Tudors. English Students in Italy, 1485–1603, Cambridge, 1998 (where ‘David’ is not mentioned, probably because he arrived after 1603), and ch. 5 in Massimo Bucciantini, Galileo e Keplero, Torino, Einaudi, 2003, pp. 93–116 (“Edmund Bruce” [al. Brutus; Brutius; Brutzius, with many contacts with Terrentius’s milieu]); lists of Anglo-Scottish students I know only for the faculty of Law (G. L. Andrich).

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De Raeff (Corvino; -us), Hendrik (Enrico; Arigo) (c. 1567–1639) [Ill. 25]

Dutch botanist (“aromatarius”; “Spetiale”), born in Delft, Holland (“Delphensis”), where he was probably a pupil of Dirck Cluyt (Clutius), the founder of the botanical garden in Leiden. Since 1590 De Raeff, Italian Corvino was an apothecary (“pharmacopoeus; -pola”) in Rome, with a “pharmacopolium” in the Via Montegiordano (“all’Aquila imperiale”),530 afterwards in the Via di Monte Brianzo, and ‘owner’ of a botanical garden (“botano-trophaeum”) located on the slopes of the Gianicolo (“la vigna”), with many exotic plants, organized according to the method of Andrea Cesalpino (cf. chap. 4.3)531 and mentioned several times in Terrentius’s annotations on the Tesoro Messicano and in his letters from China.532 Much telling is J. Faber’s assessment in 1607: “Hunc (bulbum) ego non rep(p)eri, neque in Vaticano nostro horto, neque apud Henricum Corvinum meum, hominem Batavum, pharmacopoeum sollertissimum et cognitione atque usu herbarum πολλῶν ἀντάξιον ἄλλων, qui tam exoticis quam nostratibus plantis hortum hîc abundantissime ornatum instructumque habet” / ‘This (bulb) I didn’t find, neither in my Vatican garden nor with my (friend) Enrico Corvino, a Dutchman, a very skillful pharmacist, worth before many others by his knowledge and his practical use of herbs, who has here a garden abundantly provided with exotic and native plants’.533 He was an active member of the Roman Collegium or Universitas aromatariorum (est. 1429), actually called Nobile Collegio chimico farmaceutico S. Lorenzo in Miranda,

530 See chap. 1.2. On the identikit of Enrico Corvino, see: G. J. Hoogewerff, ‘Henricus Corvinus (Hendrik de Raeff van Delft)’, in: Mededelingen van het Nederlandsch Historisch Instituut in Rome, 6, 1936, pp. 91–109; 10, 1940, pp. 123–128; Romualdo Pirotta & Emilio Chiovenda, ‘Flora romana’, in: Annuario del Reale Istituto Botanico di Roma, 10, 1900, fasc. 2, pp. 205–207; H. A. Bosman-Jelgersma, Vijf eeuwen Delftse apothekers, een bronnenstudie over de geschiedenis van de farmacie in een Hollandse stad, Amsterdam, 1979, p. 79; H. L. Houtzager, ‘De kring van geleerden en kunstenaars rondom Hendrik de Raeff, apotheker en archeoloog te Rome’, in: Nederlands Tijdschrift voor Geneeskunde, 126, no. 19, 1982, p. 888 (summary); Irene Baldriga, in: L’occhio della lince. I primi Lincei tra arte, scienza e collezionismo (1603–1630), Rome, 2002, pp. 227–233; M. B. Guerrieri Borsoi, Gli Strozzi a Roma (…), Rome, 2004, pp. 121–131; 234–236; A. Fleischer, ‘Enricus Corvinus. Een Delftse apotheker als spil van kennis en kunde in Rome (1590–1639)’, in: AA.VV., Dingen die ergens toe dienen. Verhalen over materiële cultuur van wetenschap, Hilversum, 2017, pp. 127–129. 531 See P. Castelli (Corvino’s brother-in-law), Hortus Messanensis, Messina, 1640, not numbered page: ‘Mire etiam in suo horto construendo Romae laboravit circa plantarum secundum species dispositionem expertissimus botanicus Henricus Corvinus Delphensis, cognatus meus”. Cf. also Cecilia Mazzetti di Pietralata (cur.), Giardini storici: artificiose nature a Roma e nel Lazio, Roma, 2000, p. 95. 532 See Thesaurus Mexicanus, p. 52; 64; 88; 145; 303 and 304. For a clear reference to his visits to this garden under the guidance by Corvino, see his letter from China of 22 April 1622 (Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 505): “Saluto vicissim omnes notos, nominatim M(agistrum) Henricum Corvinum, cui suo tempore mittam aliquas plantas in gratiarum actionem eorum (earum?), quae mihi monstravit in horto et docuit toto tempore, quo vobiscum [= Faber] fui”. For seeds Terrentius would send him from the Far East, see: (1) Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 498 (26 August 1621) “Saluto amicos omnes, et inter illos nostrum Henricum Corvinum, cui aliquid mitterem si non seminandi, saltem curiositatis caussa, sed differendum in aliud tempus”; (2) f. 516r / 1048: “Excusabit me Henricus Corvinus, quem saluto quod semina nullla mittam, quia nec pro ipsa India hoc anni tempore habere licuit” / ‘Mr Enrico Corvino – the one whom I am greeting – will excuse me, as I don’t send any seeds, as it was not possible in this year’s season to have some, even not for for this very India’. 533 J. Faber, De Nardo et Epithymo, Rome, 1607, p. 25.

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Ill. 25. Portrait of Enrico Corvino. Born c. 1567 in Delft (Holland: “Delphicus”) as Hendrik de Raeff, translated in Italian as Corvino (cf. chap. 2.1, s.v. De Raeff) ; He was 82 year on the moment when his portrait was made by his daughter Maddalena Corvina; the original portrait is lost but was copied here by the French engraver Jean Valdor, Jr. (1610 – 1670): see Elena de Laurentiis, in: The Liturgical codices of the 17th-century Papal Court and the illuminated manuscripts of Pope Urban VIII in Toledo. The accompanying elegiac distich, of an unknown author, runs as follows: “Unicus herbarum vires, Corvine, tenebas // unicus aeternum vivere dignus eras” (‘you, Corvinus, alone knew the virtues of herbs, you alone was worth living forever’; the pentameter (the second part) seems to allude on Corvino’s eternal knowledge of herbs, while the herbs themselves are perishable. (Taken from: I. Baldriga, L’occhio della lince, p. 232: Courtesy of BANLC)

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which grouped and organized the Roman speziali, among whom he was accepted, despite his ‘foreign’ origin,534 and his name often appears in the minutes of the College’s weekly sessions.535 Corvino was at the same time the central person of a small circle of scholars and artists from the Low Countries and Germany living and working in Rome: the Brussels physician Adriaen Spighelius (van den Spiegel) – student of Galileo in Padua –, whose publications are still in the Beitang collection (nos 2860–2861);536 Peter Paul Rubens (1577–1640), who was in Rome between 1600–08, and painted the Corvino group, as a former patient of Johannes Faber in Santa Maria dell’Anima;537 Paul Brill; Theodore Van Loon; Adam Elsheimer, Pietro Castelli (al. Van de Casteele / de Castello / Castelli), Corvino’s brother-in-law, etc.538 Johann Faber, in the quality of official simpliciarius and guardian of the papal botanical garden (“hortulanus”) was also a member of this group and a close friend of Corvino (“amicus meus percharus”539), who in his turn circulated in the context of the nearby Accademia dei Lincei (gathering in the Via della Maschera d’Oro, no. 22) and participated at several activities of the

534 On this ‘Collegium’, see, among others, L. Colapinto etc., L’Universitas Aromatariorum. Speziali di Roma, mortai, vasi”, Rome, 1985; L. Colapinto, Il Nobile Collegio Chimico Farmaceutico Romano, Rome, 1995; Giancarlo Signore, Nobile Collegio de’speziali di Roma, origini e storia, Roma, 1998; for its precious library, see: L. Chiarotti, ‘La biblioteca del nobile Collegio: i libri di pregio…e il loro filo conduttore’, in: Nobile Collegio chimico farmaceutico. Atti e memorie, A. D. 2016, pp. 81–100; for its archives, see the Inventario dei fondi, a cura di Fabio Simonelli, coord. scient. A. Kolega, Rome, 2006. 535 This according to A. Weststeijn, Nederlanders in Rome, 2017; I had the occasion to check, in the archives of the Nobile Collegio chimico farmaceutico (via in Miranda, 10, Rome) the ‘Liber Congregationum Venerabilis Ecclesiae et Hospitalis Sancti Laurentii in Miranda, 1606–1613” (Shelfmark I.3.3; Busta 5), where Henricus Corvinus (al. Henricus Batavus; Italian Arigo Corvino) is mentioned as being present on most of the sessions, in the period 1604–1612, first as ordinary member (“D(ominus”), since 1608 as one of the “Mag(nifi)ci D(omini)”, either as “custos” (or guardiano) or as “consiliarius” (1608; f. 85v). For these functions within the College, see the Libro di statuto of 1487 and 1596. Of another Dutch ‘aromatarius’ in Rome in 1601–02, Arnoldo Corrado I couldn’t find any trace in this archive. For the position of ‘spetiali’ (speziali) in contemporaneous Rome, see C. Riccieri, ‘L’arte degli speziali a Roma dei secoli XVI e XVII’, in: Atti e memorie dell’Accademia italiana di storia della farmacia, VIII.1, 1991, pp. 35–46 and A. Kolega, ‘Speziali, spagirici, droghieri e ciarlatani. L’offerta terapeutica a Roma tra seicento e settecento’, in: Roma moderna e contemporanea, VI.3, 1998, pp. 311–347. 536 Samples of the letters which Adrianus Spighelius (A.Van den Spiegel) exchanged with Faber were published in: Mededelingen van het Nederlandsch Historisch Instituut in Rome, 2e series, dl. 1, 1931, pp. 145–158. 537 For Rubens’s portrait of the group dating back to 1607, see Kurt Gerstenberg, ‘Rubens im Kreise seiner römischen Gefährten’, in: Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, 1, 1932, pp. 99–109, and the comment of G.Gabrieli, in RaL, Cl. Scienze Mor., s. 6, VIII, 1932, pp. 765–772 (= Contributi, II, pp. 1233–1239); more recently Frances Huemer, Rubens and the Roman Circle. Studies of the First Decade (Garland Studies in the Renaissance, vol. 5), New York, 1996 (especially p. XII, 6 and 13). 538 The evidence on Rubens’s stay in Rome is published by G. Gabrieli, ‘Ricordi romani di Pietro Paulo Rubens’, in: Bollettino d’Arte, giugno 1928, pp. 596–609, and P. Torelli, ‘Notizie e documenti rubeniani in un archivio privato’, in: Ad Alessandro Luzio. Gli archivi di Stato Italiano. Miscellanea di studi storici, vol. primo, Firenze, 1933, pp. 173–194. 539 J. Faber, Animalia Mexicana, Rome, 1628, p. 670.

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Academy, such as the excursion in 1604 in the area of the Aquae Albulae (Tivoli)540 and the botanical excursions in November 1611 on the Monte Giano (Gennaro),541 without being a full member. Enrico Corvino is also the “Sr. Henricus” of Terrentius’s letters before he left for China, and may also be identical to the anonymous “Hollandus”, mentioned in the letter of 20 November 1616 (f. 512r / 1040) as an intermediary for book exchange between Central Europe and Rome – especially from Holland and Antwerp. At any rate, it was in his house that Terrentius found some books, such as the Naturalia of Ferrante Imperato: “Ferrantis Naturalia vidi apud nostrum Hollandum” (f. 526r / 1068), and his library may have been one of the sources of his rich botanical quotations in his Adnotationes in the Thesaurus Mexicanus (see chap. 4.3).542 Among the many foreign (i.e. non-Italian) guests Corvino received in his pharmacy were the Dutch physician Artus Dalemius in 1598;543 Outgaert / Augerius Cluyt, the son of Corvino’s former teacher in 1601;544 the Dutch pharmacist Hendrik Munting in 1606, while living in the house of Joh. Faber;545 the Flemish physician Adrianus Spig(h)elius / Van den Spieg(h)el in or before 1612;546 the Dutch legate

540 Ibid., p. 670: “Cum enim ante annos hos vigintiquatuor Tibur animi gratia et ad montem inde Ianuarii dictum, Principis Caesii nostri proprium, videndarum et ad colligendarum ibidem stirpium causâ proficisceremur, ego (= Faber) et Henricus Corvinus (…) vidimus per Albulas Aquas, sapore non satis grato, odore sulphureo coloreque albo et corrupto praebitas, in Via Tiburtina oves quamplurimas saepius transigi, etc.” (followed by several quotations from ancient authors on the “Aquae Albulae”). 541 See chap. 4.3. 542 On the inventory of the library of Enrico’s son and successor, Cavaliere Corvino, with many ‘botanical’ books, see I. Baldriga, L’occhio della lince, Rome, 2002, pp. 228–229 (note 152), who identified the testament in the Roman Biblioteca Angelica, Ms 1678, f. 80r. 543 The Dutch physician Artus Dalem, Lat. Dalemius (born Delft c. 1575, studies in Leiden, Padua and Rome, practice in Kampen, died in an unknown year). See: H. L. Houtzager, ‘Artus Dalemius, een Kampense arts uit het begin van de 17e eeuw’, in: Kamper Almanak, 1980, pp. 217–225 and ‘Delftse medici in Padua en hun contacten in Italië in de periode van c. 1590 tot c. 1650’, in: Delfia Batavorum, 2000, pp. 81–98. 544 See the anecdote in A. Clutius, De hemerobio sive ephemero insecto, Amsterdam, 1634, p. 78: “Vidi Romae (…) in aedibus Henrici Corvini convivam Monachum Belgam, qui pro more suo petiit haustulum vini Albanensis, antequam se ad prandium accinxit et citra nauseam ebibit, etc.” / ‘I saw in Rome (…) in the house of Enrico Corvino a guest, a Belgian monk, who following his own habits asked a bit of ‘Albano’ wine before to sit down for the lunch, and afterwards he swallowed it to nausea’. On A. Cluyt, see H. A. Bosman-Jelgersma, ‘Augerius Clutius (1578–1636), apotheker, botanicus en geneeskundige’, in: Bulletin du Cercle Benelux d’Histoire de la Pharmacie, 1983 Feb. (64), pp. 55–62; the identity of Corvino’s ‘Belgian’ (i.e. either a Flemish or a Dutch) guest is unknown. 545 On Hendrik Munting (1583–1658) see A. J. van der Aa, Biografisch Woordenboek der Nederlanden, Dl. 12, Tweede Stuk, 1869, p. 1161; A. Vanderjagt, in: Zw. Von Martels (ed.), ‘Oefenschool der Muzen, werkplaats der wetenschap’. De stichting van de Groninger Academie in 1614, Hilversum, 2014, pp. 191–212. 546 See especially G. A. Lindeboom, Adriaan van den Spiegel (1578–1625), hoogleraar in de ontleed – en heelkunde te Padua, Amsterdam, 1978, p. 40; 86; 96–97; 98–99.

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and collector Ernst Brinck in 1614;547 the German apprentice Otto Sperling in 1623;548 the Danish naturalist Thomas Bartholin, Jr. in the winter of 1643–44 (cf. below); the French Dominican and botanist Jacques Barrelier in the 2nd half of the seventeenth century,549 etc. With a couple of colleagues, Corvino maintained also some correspondence: see the two letters he wrote in 1626 to Sperling, now in Copenhagen,550 and the draft of the letter, which Michael Rupert Besler – the son of Basilius Besler and himself also a botanist – wrote on 10 August 1639 to Corvino.551 Also Carolus Clusius (al. De L’Ecluse) made an attempt to acquire a botanical book of Fabio Colonna through Matteo Caccini (botanist in Bologna) and Enrico Corvino.552 Also later one refers to his work and botanical garden.553 Finally, Thomas Bartholin, Jr. has a curious story about a captured merman, told by a Jesuit missionary returning from ‘India’ to Corvino Sr. and reported to Bartholin by Corvino Jr. – probably during his stay in Rome in the winter of 1643/1644;554 as this story was told to Enrico Corvino, who died in 1639, the anonymous Jesuit returned from (Eastern) ‘India’ is most probably Nicolas Trigault, as the next ‘procurator’ returning from China who passed by in Rome was Alvarez Semedo in 1642, after Corvino’s decease; a contact between Nicolas Trigault and Corvino is all but strange, and ran probably through Faber, with whom Trigault had several meetings in Rome in 1615–16.555

547 See Corvino’s inscription in Brinck’s album amicorum, now in The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 135 K 4 (http://resolver.kb.nl/resolve?urn = EuropeanaTravel:135K4:062r): “Ad amicitiam iam brevi tempore inceptam continuandam, nomen meum recordationis causâ hîc posui Romae 13.9bris 1614. Henricus Corvinus Pharmac(opoeus)”. On E. Brinck, see C. Swann, ‘Memory’s Garden and other wondrous excerpts: Ernst Brinck (1582–1649), collector’, in: Kritische Berichte. Zeitschrift f. Kunst - und Kulturwissenschaften, 40, 2012, pp. 5–19. 548 On the German physician Otto Sperling (1602–81): W. G. Brieger & John W. S. Johnson, Otto Sperlings Studienjahre, Kopenhagen, 1920, p. 68; 75 and 83. 549 According to C. Dollo, Modelli scientifici e filosofici nella Sicilia spagnola, Napoli, 1984, p. 151, n. 48. The many references to plants Barrelier received from a not further identified ‘eques Corvinus’ prove he remained during his long stay in Rome in contact with the son and heir of Enrico Corvino, Cavaliere (= Lat. eques) Francesco Corvino, who continued (and partly transmitted) his father’s botanical work. 550 Now in Copenhagen, Det Kongelige Bibliothek, Gamle kongelige Samling. 1111, fol: one letter of 11 April 1626 (thanking for seeds and plants sent by Sperling from the garden of the future Venetian doge Nicolò Contarini) and another one of 6 November 1626 (for the same reason, with Corvino’s “humilissimi recomandationi al Ill.mo Sig.re Contarino (sic), mio patrone”). 551 Now in the UB Erlangen-Nürnberg, Hauptbibliothek: urn:nbn:de:bvb:29-bv043589693–7. 552 So without source reference F. Egmond, P. Hoftijzer & R. Visser (eds), Carolus Clusius. Towards a cultural history of a Renaissance naturalist, Amsterdam, 2007, p. 254. For other letters in Matteo Caccini’s (unpublished) correspondence (now in Brussels: KBR ms. III, 893) to ‘Errigo’, i.e. ‘Arigo’ or ‘Enrico (Corvino), see M. Zalum Cardon, Passione e cultura dei fiori, Florence, 2008, p. 93. 553 Th. Bartholin, Ungewöhnliche anatomische Geschichten, Frankfurt, 1657, pp. 316–317; Joh. Praetorius, Anthropodemus Plutonicus, Magdeburg, 1666, 1, p. 306; etc.; see also chap. 4.3. 554 Th. Bartholin, Seltsame ondervindingen ofte geschiedenissen, Dordrecht, 1657, p. 145. Th. Bartholin calls Francesco Corvino his ‘friend’. 555 See e.g. J. Faber in his comments on the ‘Animalia Mexicana’, pp. 562–563; f. 679v / 1380; 681r / 1385.

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Enrico Corvino and his son apparently collected also natural curiosa, of which they transmitted some samples to other colleagues: this collection contained, e.g., a living salamander, a living tarantula and the horn of a rhinoceros; a sample of petrified wood (“lignum petrosum”) they sent to the Wunderkammer (“Rarithecium”) of Schenck (von Grafenberg) in Freiburg.556 Unfortunately we have only one written testimony of Corvino’s professional opinions, namely a short note printed at the end of Pietro Castelli’s Discorso della duratione de’ Medicamenti tanto semplici quanto composti (Rome, 1621), entitled: Opinione d’Arigo Corvino di Delfo in Olandia, spetiale in Roma all’insegna dell’Aquila Imperiale circa il capitolo delle duratione de’composti, che si legge nel Antidotario Romano (pp. 63–68): on the possible storage period and expiration date of ‘medicamenti composti’, to be determined only by competent ‘spetiali’, that is, not by an inexperienced physician (“medicus”), referring to the Antidotario Romano and the Pharmacopoeia Augustana (R. Minderer). His portrait (“effigies”) is in: Catalogus Bibliothecae Medicae, vol. 5, Amsterdam, 1850, no. 2087. Further mentions are in F.F. 412, f. 187r/v.; 413, f. 788rbis r.–788 ter, v.; f. 856r; f. 856bis, v.; f. 856ter; 414, f. 3r/v.; 420, f. 297r; 299v; 301r; 303r; 304v; 425, f. 45r Dietrichstein, Franz Seraph von (1570–1636)

He studied in Vienna and Prague, and in the Collegium Germanicum in Rome (1588); on 3 March 1599 he was created by Clemens VIII Cardinal, enthroned in S. Silvestro in Capite – well known to Terrentius for its botanical garden (cf. sub 1.2 and 4.3) – and since May of that year archbishop of Olmütz (Olomouc). After 1607 he was President of the Privy Council of Emperor Rudolph II, residing between 1607 and 1619 in Prague.557 This is the name we should read in Faber’s letter of 15 September 1611 (F.F. 420, f. 81 / 0176, instead of “Matruzzi”, as read by H. Walravens);558 according

556 For the “salemandra viva” see Historiarum anatomicarum rariorum, vol. 1, pp. 235–236; for the “tarantula Apula viva”, ibid., vol. 2, p. 258; for the unicorn: Th. Bartholin, De unicornu observationes novae, 2nd ed., Amsterdam, 1678, p. 170 (“in pharmacopolio Corvinorum…dimensus sum”: ‘I have measured in the pharmacy of the two Corvini…’); for the ‘lignum petrosum’: M. Schurig, Lithologia Historico-Medica, Dresden, 1744, p. 57. 557 S. Miranda, The Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church (online); Winfried Eberhard, ‘Dietrichstein, Franz Seraph (since 1623) Fürst von (1570–1636)’, in: Die Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, 1448 bis 1648: ein Biographisches Lexikon, Berlin, 1996, p. 133; P. Gauchat, Hierarchia Catholica Medii et Recentioris Aevi, IV, Munster, 1935, 6 and 264; R. J. W. Evans, Rudolf II and his world, Oxford, 1973, passim. 558 In: DCG Mitteilungsblatt, 48.2, 2005, p. 37. My reading of the passage in question is: “che da due anni in qua ho fatto tanto studio nella arte nostra medicinale che forse progresso potrei anco vantare < 2 words > sono servito in casa mia d’un valentissimo huomo della mia professione (et hora entrà nel noviziato di S(ant’) Andrea in Montecavallo con grande giubilo di quelli padri) chi ha visto tutta l’Europa, et è una arca di scienzie et in particolare dalli secreti di natura nelle piante et minerali; homo di 34 anni, chiamato Giovanni Terrenzio Allemanno; , chi anco in Praga è stato maestro dalle Sig(no)r(e) Cardinale Ditrichstein, Nuncio Apostolico di Vercelli et Sig(no)r(e) Wackero & altri (…)”.

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to this letter, Terrentius was in Prague private teacher (“maestro”) of Cardinal Dietrichstein (together with Ferrero, the Apostolic Nuncio of Vercelli – and Wacker von Wackenfels: s.v.) in an unspecified year which must have been 1607, when Ferrero and Wacker von Wackenfels were in Prague. The identification looks the more probable and acceptable since Dietrichstein was more interested in modern science than in occultism, and was a convinced adept of Galileo, whose works he considered publishing in Moravia.559 Dischke (?), Sebast(ian)

Mentioned in Terrentius’s letter, dated in Augsburg on the Feast of St Georges (23 April 1609), as one of his relatives, apparently a cousin (by blood): “Patruelem meum Sebast(ianum) Dischke (?) plurimum saluto, an caelebs an in arte sua magister (…) an ibi semper mansurus rescribe, et litteras Patri Praefecto Jesuitarum transmitte” / ‘I send warm greetings to my cousin Sebastian Dischke; write me whether he is single; whether he is teacher (‘magister’) in his art (…) or will stay there permanently, and send my letter to Father prefect of the Jesuits’ (f. 519r / 1054). Duchesne (al. Quercetanus), Joseph (c. 1544–1609)

French Paracelsian, called “alchymistarum coryphaeus” (‘the coryphée of alchemists’), remembered especially for his alchemical theories. He was in the center of the debate between Paracelsians and Galenists.560 Terrentius had had direct contact with him, if not in Paris (1600–03) at least during his visit in Kassel late in 1604 / early in 1605, after Quercetanus arrived there in 1604 and received a personal laboratory for his alchemical experiments;561 see f. 508r / 1032 and 525r / 1066: “Cineres illos in vitro plantales numquam vidi, sed ab ipso Quercetano audivi, quod deinde in libris suis etiam hoc miraculum naturae extare voluit” / ‘Those plant ashes in glass I have never seen, but I heard (about them) from Quercetanus himself, because he wanted that this miracle of nature would afterwards appear in his books’. On 10 June 1617, he is also mentioned as a reference for the effect of nepenthes (f. 508r / 1032). Besides, there were also occasions, when Terrentius spoke about him 559 Acccording to M. Teich, Bohemia in History, Cambridge, 1998, p. 136. 560 Dict.Scient.Biogr., 4, 1971, 208–210; Debus, Chemical Philosophy, New York, 1977, pp. 100–109; 148–153; 160–168; Bruce T. Moran,‘Prince-practitioning and the Direction of Medical Roles at the German Court: Maurice of Hesse-Kassel and his Physicians’, in: Vivian Nutton (ed.), Medicine at the Courts of Europe, 1500–1700, London, 1990, pp. 95–116; H. R. Trevor-Roper, Europe’s physician: the various life of Sir Theodore de Mayerne, New Haven, 2006, pp. 21–23; D. Kahn, Alchimie et Paracelsisme, Genève, 2007, pp. 233–250; Hiro Hirai, ‘The World-Spirit and Quintessence in the Chymical Philosophy of Joseph Du Chesne,’ in: Chymia: Science and Nature in Medieval and Early Modern Europe (1450–1750), ed. Miguel Lopez-Perez et al., Cambridge, 2010, pp. 247–261; Sergius Kodera, in: Blood, Sweat and Tears: The Changing Concepts of Physiology from Antiquity into Early Modern Europe, Leiden – Boston, 2012, pp. 153–159. 561 B. T. Moran, ‘Moritz von Hessen und die Alchemie’, in: H. Borggrefe,V. Lüpkes & H. Ottomeyer (eds), Moritz der Gelehrte. Ein Renaissancefürst in Europa, Eurasburg, 1997, pp. 357–360; J. Telle, in: Zeitschrift des Vereins für Hessische Geschichte und Landeskunde, 116, 2011, pp. 81–85.

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with Faber, when in Rome: “Acquisivi inter alia multa modum faciendi pulverem ex herbis (…), de quo memini me Quercetano vobiscum locutum” / ‘Among many other remedies, I received a method for making powder from herbs (…), about which I remember having talked, with you, on (?) Quercetanus’ (f. 524v / 1065).562 E Eggs (Eg(g)sius; Echsius; Exius), Johann Friedrich (1572–1638)

German alchemist-physician-pharmacist, and one of the main characters of Terrentius’s correspondence, called by Gaspar Schoppe – always well informed – ‘Terrentius’s friend from his youth’,563 which seems to refer to their time in Freiburg and Basel.564 He was born in Rheinfelden in 1572 and died in Moravian Gräz (Grätz / Hradec nad Moravici) in 1638; after studies in Freiburg and Ingolstadt (1589), he was matriculated at the universities of Basel (1596–97; 1597–98).565 During this period in Basel, he was a student of Felix Platter, Jacob Zwinger and Caspar Bauhin. The latter engaged Eggs, together with his fellow student Johann Heinrich Frölich (1577–1622) to make drawings of numerous plants for his edition of Mattioli.566 He dedicated also his critical review of Jacques Daléchamps, Animadversiones in Historiam Generalem Plantarum Lugduni Editam. Item Catalogus plantarum circiter quadringentarum (…), Frankfurt: M. Hartmann, 1601, to his pupil and medical candidate J. F. Exius (sic).567 In December 1598 he passed through Milan (1 December 1598)568 and Venice to

562 K. Jaitner, Schoppe, II/5, p. 2728. 563 Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/1, p. 396: “a pueris sodali intimo usus”. Johann Friedrich Eggs’s nickname used between both friends may have been ‘Fritz’, Latinate “Frizius”: see f. 622v / 1266: “Vale et salve, amicissime, ac inter cultores virtutis nominisque tui, Frizium non falsum cense”. On Johann Friedrich Eggs, see J. Paulus, ‘Alchemie und Paracelsismus um 1600. Siebzig Porträts’, in: J. Telle (ed.), Analecta Paracelsica, Stuttgart, 1994, pp. 347–348; R. W. Soukup, Chemie in Österreich; Bergbau, Alchemie und frühe Chemie. Von den Anfängen bis zum Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts, Wien – Köln – Weimar, 2007, pp. 301–302. 564 A reference to an unidentifiable shared ‘master’ (of botanics) during a period in a German context is on f. 509r / 1034 (from Munich, 26 May 1617): “Cum essem apud Eggsium allatae sunt litterae a nostro Maister † S…s † , misit Eggsio 8 forte species seminum, ut nimirum peteret alia, sc. calceolum, thuyam etc.” / ‘When I was with Eggs [in Rheinfelden], a letter arrived from our Master † …† ; he sent Eggs 8 (?) species of seeds, namely in order to ask other ones, such as Lady’s slipper, thuya, etc.’ (f. 509r / 1034). 565 In 1596–97 he was in Basel a student in the faculty of medicine: Matricula Facultatis Medicae, 1571–1805, II, 114 (374); H. G. Wackernagel, Die Matrikel der Universität Basel, II. 1532/33–1600/1601, Basel, 1956, p. 451: “1597/8. Julius, no. 6: Johannes Fridericus Egs Reinfeldensis – 15 ss.”. 566 See Frank Hieronymus, Theophrast und Galen – Celsus und Paracelsus. Medizin, Naturphilosophie und Kirchenreform im Basler Buchdruck bis zum Dreissigjährigen Krieg, Basel (Publikationen der Universitätsbibliothek, no. 36), 2005, Band IV, Teil 3. Medizin, Natur, Philosophie usw. Ab 1550, p. 2736 and H. P. Fuchs-Eckert, in Bauhinia, 7/2, 1981, p. 55. The edition appeared as Petri Andreae Matthioli opera quae extant omnia, Basel, 1598. 567 Frank Hieronymus, Theophrast und Galen – Celsus und Paracelsus, ibid., p. 2739: “Genere, virtute, moribus et doctrina praestantiss(imo) Domino Ioanni Friderico Exio & D(omino) Wilhelmo Simonidi, Medicinae Candidatis Casparus Bauhinus in novi anni auspicio amoris et memoriae mon(itu) Tύχῃ καὶ Πόνῳ offert”. 568 Basel, UB G2 I 2: Bl. 303.

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Padua,569 where he was enrolled in 1599570 and was promoted to a medical Doctor in 1602, the year before Terrentius arrived in Padua.571 His letters to Caspar Bauhin (1598–1600, from Milan & Padua) – with personal greetings to the physicians Jacob Zwinger and Felix Platter – prove he kept during his Italian period in touch with the medical circuit of Basel; see below. Two episodes are difficult to be located: firstly his study in Louvain, apparently with Jean-Baptiste Van Helmont;572 secondly a visit to Paris, during which he was occupied with alchemy; also this is only known from one reference in his letter of 4 September 1607 to Jacob Zwinger.573 A letter of 14 February 1600 from Christian Schmidlin – consiliarius (‘councilor’) and Eggs’s brother-in-law – refers to ‘our’ Friedrich (“nostrum Fridericum”: f. 620r / 1261), confirming the close connection between Eggs, Terrentius and Schmidlin already in this early period of Terrentius’s scholarly life. The same letter also confirms that 569 Basel, UB G2 I 2: Bl. 304–305 (29 Dec. 1599). From f. 304r, we know Eggs had visited during his Padua period Giacomo Antonio Cortusi (1513–1603), physician and botanist, successor of Wieland (Guilandinus) as head of the Orto Botanico in Padua: “Fui etiam apud Excellentis(simum) D(omi)num Cortusium, qui utpote nominis vestri amantissimum, libenter de plantis notatis audivit, iconesque quarundam plantarum ab E(minentia) V(estra) missarum mihi monstravit (…)” / ‘I was also with His Excell. Mr Cortusi; because he likes very much your name, he listened with pleasure to the (comment on the) specified plants, and he showed me the prints of some plants Y. R. sent (to him)’. Another contact was Dr Sallzmann (i.e. Johann Rudolph Saltzman, 1573–1656, during his whole life physician in Strasbourg: Jöcher, Gelehrtenlexicon, 5, col. 81; ADB, vol. 30, p. 285) and his ‘assistant’ Magister Vertenberger: cf. Basel, UB G2 I 2: Bl. 306: “Doctorem Sallzman(n)um quod attinet, itineri Romano jam dudum se accinxit; tempestivum hactenus, & satis pluviosum caelum nactus est; litteras quas illi tradendas scribis, Magistro Vertenbergero, cui omnes suas res custodiendas tradidit, dedi etc.” / ‘As far as Dr Sallzman is concerned: it is already a long time since he prepared himself voor his journey to Rome; so far he has acquired a rather seasonable and rather rainy heaven (weather); the letters which you wrote to be forwarded to him I have given to Magister Wertenberger, to whom he had given all his belongings to be protected / kept’. 570 L. Rossetti, Matricula Nationis Germanicae Artistarum in Gymnasio Patavino, Padua, 2000, no. 947: “Joannes Fridericus Egs Reinfeldensis Rauracus nomen suum in Album inclytae Germanorum nationis retulit et solvendas fisco libras Venetas VI lubens numeravit 23 Februarii anno 1599. Medicus in patria et chymicus multis admirandus consultis. Thessalus tertius”. 571 See his letter from Padua to C. Bauhin in: A. Favaro (ed.), Atti della nazione Germanica artista nello Studio di Padova (Monumenti storici publicati dalla Reale Deputazione Veneta di Storia Patria, 20), vol. II, p. 190: “Doctores sunt creati hoc anno: D(ominus) Joh(annes) Fridericus Egs”; several passages in the same proceedings show how Eggs had some official position within the German ‘nation’ of Padua. 572 On his period as a student in Louvain, we have only the statements in: Supplement zu dem Baselischen allgemeinen historischen Lexico (sic), Basel, 1742, p. 870, which may go back to sources such as the Oratio funebris Graecii habita or the Elogia Exterorum. His presence at Louvain university occurred apparently during the few months that Jean-Baptiste Van Helmont was teaching there in 1599/1600: on this date, see C. Priesner, Alchemie. Lexikon einer hermetischen Wissenschaft, Munich, 1998, p. 169 and G. D. Hedesan, An Alchemical Quest for Universal Knowledge. The Christian Philosophy of Jean-Baptiste Van Helmont (1579–1644), London / New York, 2016, pp. 19–20. A confirmation from local sources is impossible, as the matriculation lists of the Leuven university of the end of the sixteenth century are lost: P. A. Vandermeersch, ‘The reconstruction of the Liber Quintus Intitiatorum Universitatis Lovaniensis (1596–1616)’, in: LIAS, 12, 1985, 1, pp. 1–80. According to G. M. Enezian, Herkunft und Verbreitung der medizinisch-pharmazeutischen Kenntnisse im Abendland und die Geschichte der Rheinfelder Apotheken, Basel, (1994), p. 130, certainly relying on the aforementioned article in the Supplement, Eggs had a lifelong correspondence with Van Helmont, consisting of ‘Consilia’ and ‘Schriften’, for which I found so far no external confirmation. 573 Basel, UB, Handschriften, G 2 II 28: no. 84: “quamvis Lutetiae viderim solâ digestione in balneo praeparatum”.

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already in 1600 Eggs – along with Schmidlin – was an intermediary between Ernest of Bavaria in Liège-Cologne-Bonn and Terrentius, when the former tried to get a transcription of Terrentius’s Ars Generalis. For later letters of Eggs to Terrentius, more than once put in emotional terms,574 see below. After his return from Italy, Eggs had a very busy medical practice in (Rheinfelden and) Basel, running a “pharmacopolium” and “distillatorium” at the same time.575 In addition, he had the responsibility for ‘obsessed’ and ‘maniacal’ people in nearby “Segginga” (Bad Säckingen).576 In 1609 he received a seat in the Rat (Council) of Strasbourg. All in all, his position in Basel was characterized as “in praxi totus immersus, magna cum felicitate, admiratione et invidia (sic) Basiliensium” / ‘totally immersed in the practice, with good success, admiration and envy from the inhabitants of Basel’ (ibid.). In 1625, shortly before he left (see below) he was the only remaining practicing alchemist in Basel.577 Already in 1607 Michael Gehler – a student from Görlitz in Basel – refers to some of Eggs’s iatrochemical experiments, using, among others, a Homeric lexicological echo: “Videbam simul et stupebam πολυδαιδάλας Cl(arissimi) D(omini) D(omini) Eggsii pyrotechnias, medicantium immo deorum manus” (…) / ‘I saw – and was astonished at the same moment – the very skillful healing pyrotechnics of the Very Hon. Sir Sir Eggs, nay the hands of he healing gods’ (f. 644r / 1307). In 1616, Terrentius and Mosanus – the latter the “primarius” of Maurice of Kassel’s alchemists and Terrentius’s “magnus amicus” since his time in Kassel in 1604 (cf. s.v.) – together visited Eggs’s installations (f. 525v / 1067). From Terrentius’s letters, it appears that he arranged his periodical journeys in the area between France, Germany, Northern Italy and Switzerland in such a way, that he could pass by (and stay at) Eggs’s house in Basel or Rheinfelden. These were all episodes of intense shared “labor”, during which Terrentius did not even have time to write a report to Faber (f. 524r /1064): “De medicamentis scribam alias plura, quia D(ominus) Eggsius parum vacat scribere” / ‘I will write more later on the medicines, because Mr Eggs has little time to write’. In Nov. 1615–Jan. 1616, they collaborated for two months on producing a ‘lapis lucens’ (Bologna stone: cf. s.v.) but this was not succesful: “Praeparatio mihi apud Eggsium non successit; rescribam Bononiam; dicebant mineram ibi defecisse paucasque reperiri” / ‘I did not succeed in the preparation when I was at Eggs’s; I will write again to Bologna; they said that the mineral was lacking there 574 See the ‘incipit’ of f. 622r / 1265 (undated): “Viximus amicissime unâ, vivamus porro & ita moriamur, mi Terrenti, beneficiis inter nos certemus, non querelis, etc. “We lived together in great friendship, my Terrentius, I hope we will live (so) in the future and die. Let us compete among us with benefices, not with complaints”. 575 As late as 1640 his house in Rheinfelden is mentioned as “(neben) Dr Fryderich Eggs sel. ruinierter Behausung (gelegen)” (F. E. Welti, Die Urkunden des Stadtarchivs Rheinfelden, Aarau, 1933, p. 277); in 1649 his heirs sold it to the local Capuchins. For his house and pharmacy in Basel, see Thomas Hofmeier, Basel – Hauptstadt der Alchemie, Berlin & Basel, 2007, p. 72 no. 2: “Haus zum Schönen Eck (St Alban Vorstadt, 49): Wohnsitz des Alchemisten Friedrich Eggs”. 576 According to his letter of 1615 (?) in f. 635 / 1291: “Obsessam nuper Seggingae habuimus, cui, ipsâ nesciente, cum vino 5 vel 6 gutt(us) olei succini dare curavi”. 577 Heinrich Schobinger in Historisches Lexikon der Schweiz, s.v. Alchemy, in fine.

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and that only a few of them were found (there)’ (f. 525r-v. / 1066–1067; 1 May 1616).578 In the same period, Eggs was injured during an experiment with quicksilver, by which his mouth was seriously inflamed (f. 524 / 1064: 18 January 1616). The same letter confirms both were also producing medicines to expel a kidney stone and podagra to the behalf of Leopold in Zabern and his confessor Henricus Vivarius: “Sum hîc cum D(omino) Eggsio per duas menses medicamenta pro Serenissimo & P(atre) Henrico ad calculum pellendum recept ij (?) podagram” / ‘I stay here with mr. Eggs for two months medicines to the benefit of His Ill. (Leopold) and Father Henricus (Vivarius), to expel a kidney stone podagra’ (f. 524v / 1065; 18 January 1616). Also external sources, such as Schoppe’s report, mention a period of intense collaboration in 1616: “Huiusmodi ergo spe plenus Terrentius operâ se accinxit, unâque cum Echsio suo multis mensibus, seu faber ille sufflans in igne prunas ad proferendum vas579 in opus suum, terram interrogare, torquere et torrere non destitit, donec illa daret eis parvum pulverem, unde nonnihil auri fieret etc.” / ‘Terrentius, full of this kind of expectation, started his work, and together with his (friend) Eggs he did not stop for many months, like that blacksmith who is blowing the coals in the fire to produce a vessel, to ‘interrogate’ (i.e. investigate) his soil, to twist and to burn it, until it would give them small powder, from which emerged some gold’.580 Other experiments cannot be exactly dated: such are their attempts to produce “oleum talci”, i.e. talc oil, also without success, mentioned in a flashback from 1622 (f. 528v / 1073): “Lampas perpetua ist ein schön secret, sed nec umquam vidi nec audivi quid certi, nec oleum talci umquam feci, quamvis semel apud Eggsium aliquid conatus fuerim” / ‘An eternal lamp is a beautiful secret, but I have never heard nor seen anything certain, neither did I ever make talc oil, even though I tried someting once at Eggs’. Terrentius stayed in Rheinfelden until mid-March 1616, when he left for Milan: see his letter of 6 April 1616 (f. 526v / 1069). Furthermore, the letters in the Fondo Faber confirm that Eggs in the first half of 1617, and this for half a year, was involved in another big (alchemical) “labor”, for which Terrentius had great expectations; at least he refers to it during a short stay of 8 days in the Spring of 1617 (f. 509r / 1034: 26 May 1617): “Nuper ex Lotharingia veniens apud ipsum [i.e. Eggsium] diversi per 8 dies. Vidi eius labores nondum finitos”/ ‘Recently, coming from Lotharingia I spent 8 days with Eggs; I saw his ‘works’ not yet finished’. Still in June of the same year the project was not finished, and Terrentius reports from Augsburg on the obstacles impeding progress and its long duration: “D(omino) Eggsio nuper scripsi et in dies certus sum de responso. Laborat iam strenue in suo officio (…). Labor longus est fere dimidii anni . Difficulter etiam laboratur ob vaorum multitudinem sed (…) non dubito q(uod) veniet ad maiora” / ‘I wrote to Mr Eggs, and from day to day I am more certain of his answer. He is very hard at work in his ‘office’ (…). The work is long and has lasted almost half a year .

578 Cf. Gabrieli, Carteggio, pp. 565 and 566; the addressee contacted in Bologna was in all probability Poterius [cf. chap. 2.1, s.v.]). 579 An allusion on Isaiah 54, 16. 580 G. Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/1, p. 398.

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The work is difficult because of the mass of but (…) I have no doubts that he will come to major results’ (f. 507r / 1030). This close collaboration with Eggs is also reflected in the fact that Terrentius made a copy of his own “manuale” – a personal handbook of practical medicine and pharmacy, to be discussed in chap. 4.10– for Eggs: “et ut D(ominus) Eggsius copiam habeat, sedulam dabam operam”. At other occasions, Eggs was involved in Terrentius’s book search, eg. for a volume of the Basel-based Felix Platter (f. 513r / 1042): “scripsi ad Eggsium ut mihi mittat secundum (tomum)”. Finally, there were apparently also financial agreements, according to a fragment in f. 524v / 1065: “Quaeso quaerat, et si non habeat, curet ut habeat ab ipso Sextilio praxim fideliter transmittam omnes impensas ex Eggsii nummis” / ‘(concerning lost mercury) I write (to Faber) to search (for it), and if he does not have it, he should get the ‘praxis’ from Sestilio himself I will faithfully transmit all the expenses from Eggs’ money’. Despite all these signs of mutual friendship and collaboration, it appears that Terrentius commented negatively on Eggs’s appointment to the Lyncean Academy, if this is indeed the meaning of a small sentence in his letter of 24 February 1617: “Ut Eggsius sit Lyncaeus, plane fieri non potest: emersus est praxi” / ‘That Eggs would become a Lyncean? This cannot happen, as he is overwhelmed by his practice’ (with reference to his overloaded program, on which see the beginning of this note).581 His many occupations – but also some aversion to correspondence – made it indeed so that neither Terrentius nor anyone else (such as Faber) could expect to get written information from him: “A D(omi)no Eggsio non facile habebit quicquam, nec non illi vacat ob crebros aegros ad me scribere de rebus summe necessariis, propterque quod scribit illibentissime” / ‘He will not easily receive something from Mr Eggs, and neither does he have much time to write to me about urgent things because of the many sick persons, and also because he writes very unwillingly’ (f. 514v / 1045); cf. also f. 507r / 1050: “praeterquam quod sit occupatissimus plane, in scribendo est pigerrimus” / ‘apart from the fact that he is very, very occupied, he is very reluctant to write’. From f. 524r / 1064 we know Eggs had medical informants and contacts in Silesia: “Mitto hîc totum illum modum plantandi in vitro, de quo supra, quem a Silesiis accepit D(ominus) Eggsius” / ‘I send hereby a method of ‘planting in vitro’, on which see supra, which Mr Eggs received from the Silesians’; one of these (later) Silesian contacts was Johann Reuss in Breslau / Wroclaw, who had probably some correspondence with Eggs, on which see below (chap. 2.1: Reuss). Further references – which confirm the characteristics already mentioned – are to be found on f. 509r / 1034 (“omnis occupatus in praxi”); 513r / 1042; 516r / 1048 (“A D(omi)no Eggsio nullas accepi litteras, ex quo a Germania absum”); 526v / 1069; 526r / 1068 (“Ego semper inquietudine, Eggius multitudine praxeos obruimur”); 525v / 1067 (“Mittam aliquem frustulum et si Eggsius probaverit q(uod) iam illum puto facere, mittam etiam illum modum”); 511r / 1038; 524r / 1064; 525r / 1066; 526r / 1068 (Eggs as intermediary between Terrentius and Basel during the former’s absence); 680r / 1383 (sent a “mixtura”; Terrentius has no time to check it, but will do it at the appropriate 581 Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 592.

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time); 527r /1070: “Si D(omi)nus Eggsius aliquid, ut spero, suo tempore communicaverit, diligenter legat Artistae processus, et saepe inveniet enim qui iuvent; iuvabit et Hollandus, quamvis sit nimis longus”/ ‘If Mr Eggs will have communicated – as I hope – on the appropriate moment some information, he should carefully read he processes of the Artist, and indeed often he will find people to help him; also the Dutchman will be of some help, although (this process) be too long’. Eggs’s reputation as a Paracelsian physician and pharmacist attracted, apart from Terrentius, many other people and colleagues, such as the Bohemian physician Daniel Stolcius von Stolzenberg (1600–80), a pupil of the great alchemist Michael Maier (1568–1622). Occasionally he even received complete princely delegations, either in Rheinfelden or in Basel: our sources mention especially the visit of Jacob Mosanus, the proto-medicus of Maurice of Hesse-Kassel, on his way from Genève to Marburg and accompanying the two sons of Maurice in mid-March 1616 (f. 525v / 1066): “Il Landgravio Mauritio, sono sicuro, non ha niente. Nup(er) n(am) cum essem apud Eggsium, ecce improvisus Basileâ adest D(ominus) Mosanus, Landgravii protomedicus, meus dum Cassellis cum Landgravio morabar magnus amicus et distillatorum primarius. Is secum duxit Genevâ duos Landgravii filios unâ cum comite Nassauensi puero. Veterem amicitiam renovamus, pharmacopolium & distillatorium Eggsii inspicimus. Exquirimus uter aliquid habeat. Ait ille (Eggsius): ‘nos necdum quicquam invenimus’, petebatque obnixe ut aliquid ipsi etiam exiguum communicarem. Promisi Frankofurto ulteriorem conservationem. Unde certus sum illos nil habere, quicquid alii dicant” ‘The Landgrave Maurice – for sure – has nothing.582 Indeed, about six weeks ago,583 when I was with Eggs, unexpectedly Mr Mosanus, the ‘proto-physician’ of the Landgravius, approached from Basel; he was my great friend when I stayed with the Landgrave, and his main distiller. He accompanied the two sons of the Landgrave from Geneva, together with the young Duke of Nassau. We renewed our old friendship, and inspected Eggs’s pharmacy and distillatory. We (Mosanus and Terrentius) enquired which one of both had something (new). He (Eggs) answered: “we did not yet find something”, and he strongly urged me to communicate something to him, even a small thing. I promised a further ‘preservation’ from Frankfurt. Therefore I am convinced they have nothing, whatever other people may say’. Always in 1616 the representatives of another Court, to which the aforementioned Johann Ernst Burggrave belonged (in all probability the Court of Friedrich V of the Palatinate, 1596–1632) arrived in Rheinfelden, equally curious about Eggsius’s recent alchemical discoveries;584 finally, shortly before Leopold V of Austria engaged him

582 Namely, he does not have any alchemical secret. 583 Namely since mid-March 1616. 584 See the text in chap. 2.2: Burggrave.

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to follow him to Inssbruck in 1625, also Leopold visited him in Rheinfelden with his complete ‘train’.585 About 1616, after the refusal of Terrentius, and probably in 1618 Eggs became indeed the personal physician of Leopold V of Austria in Zabern (Strasbourg),586 although he preserved his autonomy: f. 506v / 1029 (date: 24 February 1617): “nuper factus est medicus S(e)r(enissi)mi Leopoldi”; cf. f. 507r / 1030 (10 June 1617): “D(ominus) Eggsius n(am) e(st) medicus Ser(enissimi) Leopoldi noluit enim aliâ ratione acceptare, mavult enim domi suae imperare quam alibi servire”. After Eggs’s appointment, Leopold attributed him a “toparchia’” (‘barony’) in the neighborhood of Strasbourg (perhaps Rheinfelden), as a stratagem to keep Terrentius in the area, since he continued to participate in alchemical affairs with his friend Eggs, a ploy which apparently succeeded, at least temporarily, in view of Schoppe’s aforementioned citations.587 His colleague was Remus Ruderauf Remus, as we learn from f. 528v / 1073 (22 April 1622): “Laetor D(omino) Remo tam feliciter cessisse suam medicinam et mathesim, ut mihi apud Serenissimum Leopoldum successerit et Eggsio affinitati se coniunxerit” / ‘I am very happy that his medicine and mathesis was transmitted to Mr Remus, so that he succeeded me with Serenissimo Leopold and befriended himself with Eggs’. Leopold appreciated Egg’s services, as Christian Schmidlin mentions in his undated letter to Terrentius: “Serenissimum Archiducem Leopoldum, qui nos singulari complectitur gratiâ, et sicut te (Terrentium) perpetuum asseclam, ita me Fridericum (= Eggsium) etiam ambit” / ‘He is soliciting the Most Serene Archduke Leopold, who honors us with particular grace, and as he is soliciting you as a perennial follower, so also me Fridericus (Eggsius)’ (f. 632r / 1285). It is also as Leopold’s private physician that he is portrayed in Schoppe’s Philotheca.588 When Leopold went to Innsbruck in 1626, Eggs followed him into Bohaemia; from that moment on, he was actively involved in the mining program in the area of the Zillertal.589 He died on 22 May 1638 in Grätz / Hradec nad Moravici (Moravia); see the Oratio funebris Graecii habita, which I could not find again. As for his writings: the article in Jöcher’s Allgemeines Gelehrtenlexikon (1750 etc.) mentions some of his writings, without any precise reference (“schrieb verschiedenes, davon ein und anderes im Druck erschienen”). More precise indications are to be found in the aformentioned Supplement zu dem Baselischen allgemeinen historischen Lexico, Basel, 1742, p. 870, which refers to “viel nützliche, zu der Medicin dienliche Manuscripte, 585 According to the note in the Supplement zu dem Baselischen allgemeinen historischen Lexico (sic), Basel, 1742, p. 870: “Zu eben diesem Haus hatte er vor Jahren, kurz vor seinem Abzug, den Erz-hertog Leopoldum samt seiner ganzen hoffstatt zwey Tage lang, da er sich naher Strassburg zu seinem Vetter, damaligen Bischoffe [= Leopold Wilhelm], begabe, bewirthet, auch seine bediente, deren über 40 ware, reichlich beschencket”. 586 The date 1618 I found only in Jöcher, Gelehrtenlexicon, s.v. Eggs (col. 288). 587 G. Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/1, pp. 397–399. 588 G. Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/1, pp. 396–397: “Donasse se medico suo Doctori Ecchsio, etc.”. 589 See J. Paulus, ‘Alchemie und Paracelsismus um 1600’, Frühzeit-Info. Studien zum Nachleben Theophrast von Hohenheims (…), 3, 1992, pp. 48–72; id., ‘Alchemie und Paracelsismus um 1600’, in: Analecta Paracelsica, 1994, pp. 335–406; R. W. Soukup, Chemie in Österreich; Bergbau, Alchemie und frühe Chemie. Von den Anfängen bis zum Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts, Wien – Köln – Weimar, 2007, pp. 301–302.

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deren theils gedruckt, theils aber von der Eggsischen Familie aufbehalten worden”. Elsewhere in this note, the author refers to “Arcana Medica” and “Chymica”, titles which were never printed, but which are sufficiently suggestive for the character of his medical practice. Among them were apparently also the many “consilia” and writings exchanged during his whole lifetime with Jan Baptist Van Helmont (ibid.), whose responses I could not locate. A printed description of the qualities of the “Bad” in Rheinfelden (1st ed. 1624), titled: Erneuerte Beschreibung des schon vor diesem sehr berühmten und heylsamen Bad-Wassers zu Rheinfelden is attributed to Eggs by Garabed M. Enezian,590 but I have not been able to find a copy of this treatise. Yet it is confirmed that Eggs personally practiced balneo-therapy in the local springs of Rheinfelden, a practice which was continued and described in the eighteenth century.591 Fragments of his correspondence and external references confirm he was more than once in an intermediary position between Terrentius and another acquaintance. As his relations with the Accademia dei Lincei are concerned: the Fondo Faber has two autograph letters of Eggs to Terrentius: on f. 622r–623v / 1265–1268 (undated: with further references to Pistorius; Carrichter) and f. 634–636 / 1289–1292 (1615?; with references to Libavius; Burggravius and several medicinal recipes). Transcriptions of two letters of Eggs to Faber are in 423, f. 541r-v., of 4 October 1620 and f. 542r–543v, of 22 June 1620. Autograph letters of Eggs to Caspar Bauhin belong to the former’s educational period in Northern Italy: see Basel, UB G2 I: Bl(att) 303 (Milan, 1 December 1598); 304–305 (Padua, 29 December 1599) and 306 (s.l., 10 April 1600), the latter also in A. Favaro (ed.), Atti della nazione Germanica artista nello Studio di Padova (Monumenti storici publicati dalla Reale Deputazione Veneta di Storia Patria, 20), vol. II, p. 190. A letter of Eggs to Jacob Zwinger of 4 September 1607 is in Basel, UB, Handschriften, G 2 II 28: No. 84 (with a transcription: ibid., 14, f. 169), and another one of 1610, ibid., No. 85; the former item is interesting for its reference to Eggs’s undated stay – and alchemical experiences – in Paris (before 1607),592 the latter for its references to the presence of a nameless and unidentified “Scotus”. At least one letter Eggs sent on 30 November 1610 through the area of Rheinfelden with regard to an epidemy of the plague is preserved in Rheinfelden.593 A correspondence between Jacob Zwinger, Eggs and Terrentius is mentioned with regard to Heinrich Giselinus: f. 645r / 1309 (6 October 1607); 590 Herkunft und Verbreitung der medizinisch-pharmazeutischen Kenntnisse im Abendland und die Geschichte der Rheinfelder Apotheken, Basel, 1967, pp. 132–133. 591 See a treatise of 1717, re-printed by H., Rheinfelden. Eine balneologisch-historische Studie, 4rte Auflage, Aarau, 1923, pp. 6–8. 592 “Sulphure magnesiali numquam sum usus, nec etiam praeparavi, quamvis Lutetiae viderim solâ digestione in balneo apparatum”: see Basel, UB, Handschriften, G 2 II 28: no. 84. 593 Vera Waldis, ‘Obrigkeitliche Massnahmen gegen die Pest in Stadt und Herrschaft Rheinfelden im 16. und 17th. Jahrhundert’, in: Gesnerus, 36, 1979, pp. 215–227 (p. 221), with reference to Eggs’s letter in the Ratsprotokoll of Rheinfelden, ‘Freitags nach Andreae Apostoli 1610’, and Hubert Steinke – M. Stuber, ‘Medical Correspondence in Early Modern Europe. An Introduction’, in: Gesnerus, 61, 2004, p. 154. Another possible trace of this action may be the copy of his manuscript De pestilentia Coloniensi, which Tommaso Campanella sent on 14 June 1607 to Séraphin Henot, ‘intimus’ of Leopold in Zabern / Strasbourg and a colleague of Eggs.

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another one between Terrentius and the Silesian Johann Reuss through Eggs on f. 650rv. / 1321/2 (27 February 1618?): “Simul scribe cui Basileae literae ad D(ominu) m Ext(ium) sint traditae (…). Mirum D(ominu)m Extium in lit(t)era q(uon?)dam ad amicos (?) profecto signata ad extremum usque , sed salutem illi a me adscribere ne gravaberis et valete utrique”. Eggs appears also as the intermediary between Terrentius and Birckman Jr. on f. 526v / 1069; 6 April 1616, and between Terrentius and Ernest of Bavaria (f. 620r / 1261). A lifelong – but entirely lost – correspondence with Jan Baptist van Helmont is mentioned in the Supplement zu dem Baselischen historischen Lexico (1742), p. 870. Finally, he forwards greetings to shared friends such as Johann Pistorius (f. 622r / 1265) and crossed information on a remedy between Friedrich III von Hohenzollern and Terrentius (f. 119r / 0250). This albeit fragmentary information gives a nice view on his position in the network which connected Terrentius with the scholarly Umwelt. It was probably through these publications and letters that Eggs’s medical opinions and treatments, and his reputation circulated widely in the seventeenth century: see further Johann Agricola, in Erster Theil Commentariorum, Notarum, Observationum & Animadversionum in Joh. Poppii chymischen Medizin, Leipzig, 1638, p. 229 (concerning the “essentia Saturni”); Philipp Müller, Miracula chymica et mysteria medica, Rouen, 1651, p. 53 (“Clarissimus & insignis chymicus Fridericus Echsius, medicus Rheinfeldensis, Mercurium ‘dulcem’ vocat”); Miscellanea curiosa sive Ephemeridum Medico-physicarum Germanicarum…Annus IV et V, Frankfurt & Leipzig, 1676, p. 10: “in phthisis Frider(icus) Echsius…feliciter utebatur ceraunochryso cum oleo plumbi (Saturni) soluto, et iterum coagulato”; cf. Agricola, Deutlich– und wolgegründete Anmerckungen über die chymische Artzneyen Johannis Poppii, Nurnberg, 1686, p. 454 (“De vitriolo”). Further mentions in F.F. 423, f. 541r/v.; 542r–543v Emanuel, unidentified (flor. Rome early seventeenth century)

Bookbinder / bibliopegus, previously Terrentius’s fellow novice (co-novitius) in the Jesuit novitiate on the Montecavallo (Monte Quirinale) in Rome, afterwards running a bookshop located between the Collegio Romano and the Dominican house, probably in the actual Via Sant’ Ignazio: f. 522r / 1060: “V(estram) E(minentiam) illum emat non apud Sr. Rocho, sed prope Collegium Romanum, apud quendam bibliopegum Emanuelem no(mi)ne, qui olim fuit meus conovitius; habitat ex opposito illius magni pedis marmorei in vicolo inter Collegium et Dominicanos” / ‘Y. R. should buy this title [i.e. a copy of an Italian treatise De navigatione] not with Sr. Rocco, but near to the Collegio Romano, with some bookbinder, called Manuel (Emanuele), once my fellow novice; he lives opposite that big marble foot in the alley between the Collegio and the Dominicans’. In the Catalogus Novitiorum 1565–1657 (ARSI, Rom. 112) I found only one “Emanuel” in these years, namely the (Portuguese?) Manuel Fonseca, about whom I have no further information; as he seems to be absent from the Defuncti, he probably left the Society, but remained – in a commercial function – in the direct neighborhood of the Roman College.

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Episcopus Aichstettensis: see Westerstetten, Johann Christoph Episcopus Bambergensis: see Aschhausen, Gottfried von Ernest of Bavaria (1554–1612)

Former pupil of Clavius;594 since 1583 Elector-Prince Bishop of Liège, Bonn, Freising, Hildesheim, etc. Actively interested in alchemy – especially alchemy with transmutational aspects – and mathematics, Ernest collected instruments and invited scholars to his Courts of Bonn, Cologne and Liège. He protected several alchemists and other scholars who had been discredited, such as Leonard Thurneysser and Hasdale; on the reverse, several authors, alchemists and mathematicians alike, dedicated their works to him, such as – in chronological order – Gaston Duclo (De recta et vera ratione lapidis philosophici, 1592); Theobald de Hoghelande (De alchemiae difficultatibus, 1594); Jacob Mock, probably a former professor of Terrentius in Freiburg (De causis concretionis et dissolutionis, 1596); Levinus Hulsius (Tractatus primus [-quartus] instrumentorum mechanicorum, 1605); Joseph Duchesne / Quercetanus (Pestis Alexicacus, 1608); Adrianus Romanus / Van Roomen (Canon triangulorum sphaericorum, 1609), Johann Kepler (Dioptrice, 1611, a Terrentius copy) and Johann Grasse (Aperta arca arcani artificiosissimi, 1617, another of Terrentius’s books595); these dedications reflect most of Ernest’s scientific interests: alchemy-chymistry, medicine, astronomy and mathematics, and measuring / observational instruments. He corresponded or had contacts with Tycho Brahe, Christopher Clavius, Joseph Duchesne (Quercetanus); Henricus Rantzovius (Rantzau), Galileo, Christopher Grienberger, and Johann Kepler.596 He also played a fundamental (though not inspiring) part in the first classification and printing of the manuscripts of Paracelsus which were scattered across Central Europe, of which, among others, Ottheinrich of Neuburg had collected fourteen. These works were published with the Elector’s financial support by Johann Huser (Basel, 1590–1605), precisely in the period when Terrentius was in the area.597 As these were apparently only partly returned to those who loaned them, it raises the question of whether these texts were used for Terrentius’s “chartulae Paracelsicae”, and their current whereabouts. From f. 620r/v. / 1261–1262 emerges that Ernest was 594 U. Baldini, in: M. Feingold (ed.), Jesuit Science and the Republic of Letters, Cambridge, Mass, 2003, p. 81. On Ernest of Bavaria, see Th. Lederer, Der Kölner Kurfürst Herzog Ernst von Bayern (1554–1612) und sein Rat Johann Grasse (um 1560–1618) als Alchemiker der Frühen Neuzeit. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Paracelsismus, Heidelberg, 1992, and the comprehensive publication by Geneviève Xhayet & Robert Halleux, Ernest de Bavière (1554–1612) et son temps, Turnhout, 2011. 595 Since October 1603 Grasse had recommended himself in a letter to Ernest as an alchemical teacher; in 1621 he is indeed called ‘consiliarius Archiepiscopi Coloniensis’: see Th. Lederer, Der Kölner Kurfürst, p. 47 ff. and in: W. Kühlmann & H. Langer (eds), Pommern in der Frühen Neuzeit, Tübingen, 1994, p. 229, note 11. 596 On Ernest’s scholarly network, see especially R. Halleux, ‘Ernest de Bavière et la Contre-Réforme mathématique’ and ‘Ernest, disciple de Paracelse et alchimiste’, in: G. Xhayet and R. Halleux (eds), Ernest de Bavière (1554–1612) et son temps, pp. 47–58 and 59–67. 597 Hugh Trevor Roper, in: V. Nutton (ed.), Medicine at the Courts of Europe, 1500–1837, London-New York, 1990, p. 83 (without source reference); Joachim Telle, Parerga Paracelsica, Stuttgart, 1991, pp. 193; 207–208.

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already in 1600 interested in Terrentius’s Ars Generalis sive Harmonia Rerum, of which he tried to get transcriptions through Friedrich Eggs and Schmidlin, probably in vain. Another sign of his respect for Terrentius dates back to 1610, and was reported by Thomas Mermann von Schönburg, the personal physician of Duke Wilhelm V of Bavaria to G. Schoppe (F.F. 421, f. 391). Shortly after Ernest’s death in Arnsberg (where Petrus Holtzemius / Holtzeim was his last personal physician), his successor Ferdinand offered in late 1616 part of Ernest’s mathematical instruments to Terrentius, who took them to China and to Peking (cf. chap. 1: Bonn – Liège). F Faber (i.e. Schmidt), Johann / Giovanni (1574–1629) [Ill. 26]

German physician and botanist, born in Bamberg, who arrived as a Catholic convert in 1598 in Rome.598 He was assistant of the botanist-physician Andrea Cesalpino (1519–1603), Andrea Bacci (1524–1600) and the Sienese anatomist Angelo Colli (al. Colio) in the Roman Arcispedale Santo Spirito in Sassia.599 In his Animalia Mexicana (Rome, 1628), p. 492, 547 and 614 he refers to this period of 5 years, apparently between 1600 and 1605, of which he preserved a series of medical and anatomical annotations (“adversaria”), called “Iuvenilia” (see chap. 3.1: Faber); on f. 514r / 1044 Terrentius refers to his “scripta anatomica vestra”, probably only existing as a manuscript. In 1600, he was appointed professor ‘in simplicibus medicamentis’600 and lecturer of anatomy at La Sapienza university,601 and was made prefect of the papal botanical garden in the Vatican (‘Simpliciarius’ or ‘hortulanus Pontificius’).602 Between 1615 and 1627 he was ‘Provisor & Administrator Ecclesiae et Hospitalis S(anctae) Mariae de Anima Nationis Teutonicorum de Urbe’ (namely the actual Santa Maria dell’Anima) which put him in a responsible position towards his countrymen in various difficult

598 A large research literature exists on Johann Faber, which does not bear repeating here; see, e.g., G. Gabrieli, ‘L’Archivio di S. Maria in Aquiro o “degli Orfani” in Roma e le carte di Giovanni Faber Linceo’, in: Archivio della Regia Società Romana di Storia Patria, 51, 1928, pp. 61–77 (now in: Id., Contributi [1989], II, pp. 1221–1232); id., ‘Bibliografia Lincea IV. Scritti di Giovanni Faber Linceo’, in: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Rendiconti Cl. Sc. Mor., Stor. e Fil., s. 6a, IX, 1933, pp. 276–334 (ora in: Id., Contributi [1989], II, pp. 1177–1220); G. Belloni Speciale, in DBI, 43, 1993, pp. 686–689. 599 Biografia universale antica e moderna. Suppl., vol. 7, Venice, 1840, p. 498. Some anecdotic details on his practice in the hospital are given by P. De Angelis, Giovanni Faber Linceo primario in Santo Spirito in Saxia (1598–1629). Il microscopio, Roma, 1953, pp. 8–10. In addition, various filze of the Fondo Faber (especially 412; 413 and 414) preserve ‘note di visite, diagnosi e prescrizioni mediche’ made by Faber (A. Mercantini, Inventario, p. II). See also several references to Cesalpino, Bacci (‘”de Thermis”) and Angelo Colio in his Animalia Mexicana. 600 E. Conte, I Maestri della Sapienza di Roma dal 1514 al 1787: i Rotuli e altre fonti, Roma, 1991, II, pp. 923–924. 601 On Faber as anatomist: S. De Renzi, ‘Medical competence, anatomy and the polity in seventeenth-century Rome’, in: Renaissance Studies, 21.4, 2007, pp. 551–567. 602 On Faber as ‘simpliciarius (or: hortulanus) Pontificius’, see especially M. Zalum Cardon, Passione e cultura dei fiori tra Firenze e Roma nel XVI e XVII secolo, Firenze, 2008, pp. 17–18; A. Campitelli, Gli Horti dei Papi. I giardini vaticani dal Medioevo al Novecento, Milano, 2009, pp. 161–168 and passim.

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Ill. 26. Johann Faber (?). Probable portrait in a group’s portrait, made by Pieter Paul Rubens (see supra). (Foto: © Rheinisches Bildarchiv Köln, rba_ c002373)

situations. He was also the personal protector and ‘impressario’ of Terrentius,603 as well as the intermediary for book acquisition in Rome from German countries.604 Finally, he apparently also inspired young (recently converted) German scholars to spread Roman Catholicism in reformed countries, applying their scholarly mastership during public presentations as a medium of persuasion;605 there is some evidence that also Terrentius was among them: see his episode in Marburg, and the incident in Rostock (chap. 1.1). In Rome, Faber lived near the Pantheon in a house with a Musaeum of natural history and anatomy, where he received occasionally also external guests, such

603 Calling him, in his poetical book dedication to Nicolas Trigault (Verhaeren, no. 3254): “dimidium animae meae”. 604 S. Brevaglieri, ‘Libri e circolazione della cultura medico-scientifica nella Roma del Seicento. La biblioteca di Johannes Faber’, in: MEFRIM, 120/2, 2008, pp. 425–444: id., ‘Science, books and Censorship in the Academy of the Lincei: Johannes Faber as Cultural Mediator’, in: Conflicting Duties. Warburg Colloquia, 15, 2009, pp. 133–157. 605 On this ‘political’ agenda of Faber, see S. De Renzi, ‘Courts and conversions: intellectual battles and natural knowledge in Counter-Reformation Rome’, in: Studies in history and philosophy of science, 27, 1996, pp. 429–449; I. Fosi, ‘Johannes Faber: prudente mediatore o “estremo persecutore dei Protestanti”?’, in: I primi Lincei e il Sant’Uffizio: questioni di scienza e di fede. Atti del Convegno, Roma, 12–13 giugno 2003, Rome, 2005, pp. 189–206. For a similar interpretation by Paolo Galluzzi with regard to the ‘incident’ between Terrentius and I. Hanniel at Rostock University, see below, s.v. Hanniel.

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as Theophilus Müller (Molitor) and Terrentius (see chap. 1.2). In addition to his membership of the Accademia dei Lincei (since 29 October 1611), he was a member of the – less formal – circle around Enrico Corvino in the Via Montegiordano.606 Faber had, apart from a botanical and medical profile, also alchemical interests, witness his manuscript Oratio, quâ ignis et metallorum exemplo quam parum sciamus demonstratur (Naples: BN, Ms VIII. D.13607) and the holdings of his personal library,608 and he wrote a moderate review on Paracelsus’s work for the Inquisition.609 For all these and other reasons he was the addressee of many of Terrentius’s letters, now preserved in the Fondo Faber, once in the archive of Santa Maria di Aquiro, now in the Biblioteca Corsiniana. See Terrentius’s assessment: “Excellentissimus Dominus Joannes Faber Lynceus, Summi Pontificis simpliciarius & in urbe simplicium professor, amicus meus colendissimus” (Thesaurus Mexicanus, p. 278–279). Faber (al. Fabri), Johannes Fridericus

Johann Friedrich Faber (Fabri) was a German theologian, correspondent of Terrentius, alumnus of the Freiburg University, where he matriculated on 4 May 1596.610 Faber’s only extant letter to Terrentius, sent on 26 March 1610 from Constance, is preserved on f. 626r–627v/ 1273–1276; it was addressed to “Clarissimo Viro D(omi)no et Patrono meo observantissimo D(omi)no Joanni Terrentio”, and is the first datable reference to Terrentius’s arrival in Rome after his European tour (see chap. 1.2). According to this letter, Faber was an alchemical apprentice and a ‘follower’ of Terrentius, who in 1596 became “magister” at the Freiburg university; he had access to – and (re) read (“strenue lego relegoque”) – several classical alchemical texts, referring in this one letter – in fact, a kind of report of his personal progress – to: (1) Theobald van Hoghelande (c. 1560–1608), a Dutch alchemist from Zeeland, later active in Cologne, etc., and author especially of De Alchimiae Difficultatibus (Cologne:

606 Apart from references in the Carteggio, see his ‘conto’ towards Enrico Corvino, in F.F. 412, f. 187v and 425, f. 45r/v. 607 See Kristeller, Iter Italicum. Finding List, p. 403. On this ms., see Silvia De Renzi, in: A. Battistini, G. De Angelis and G. Olmi (eds), Alle origini della scienza moderna: Federico Cesi e l’Accademia dei Lincei, Bologna, 2007, pp. 271–316. 608 For books on “chimici” in his library, see G. Miggiano, in: Il Bibliotecario. Rivista di studi bibliografici, III serie, 2010, no. 1/2, pp. 134–135; ead., ibid., III serie, 2010, no. 3, pp. 90–105 (nos. 446–526). 609 On which see: L. de Vries & L. Spruit, ‘Paracelsus and Roman censorship – Johannes Faber’s 1616 report in context’, in: Intellectual History Review, 28.2, 2018, pp. 222–254; for the earlier condemnation of Paracelsus in 1596 and its real application, see: R. G. Bogner, ‘Paracelsus auf dem Index. Zur kirchlichen Kommunikationskontrolle in der frühen Neuzeit’, in: J. Telle (d.), Analecta Paracelsica, Stuttgart, 1994, pp. 489–530: “Anders gesagt, mit einiger Wahrscheinlichkeit war der Index der verbotenen Bücher – was die Lektüre der verbotenen Bücher in der frühen neuzeit betrifft, zumindestens in den Habsburgischen Ländern – nicht viel mehr wert, als das Papier, auf dem der Index gedruckt worden war’. 610 See H. Mayer, Die Matrikel der Universität Freiburg i. Br.  von 1460–1656. I Bnd. Einleitung und Text, Freiburg i.Br., 1907, p. 679: “Johannes Fridericus Faber ex Riedlingen laicus Dioec(cesis) Constantiensis 4 Maii”.

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H. Falkenburg, 1594);611 (2) “(Jodocus) Greverus in Theatro”, i.e. Jodocus Greverus (al. Grewer), whose Secretum – on antimony etc., and largely relying on the work of Joos Balbian – was published in Leiden (Raphelengien, 1599) and again in vol. III of the famous Theatrum Chemicum (Strasbourg);612 (3) Bernardus Trevisanus (see s.v.); (4) Dionysius Zacharias (c. 1510–1556), author of an Opuscule tres excellent de la vraye Philosophie naturelle des metaux, Antwerp: G. Silvius, 1567, in-8°.613 Yet Fabri characterizes himself as ignorant in alchemy and asks further advice from Terrentius, his mentor and apparently the only reason for him to continue his studies. Although he was interested in the lapis philosophicus, it was only for medical reasons, without interest in the lucrative aspect of the same: “Praeter lap(idem) phil(osophicum) nihil mihi cura est: nec id propter spem Mammonae, sed solius medicinae tam mirabilis sanitatemque conservantis gratiâ” / ‘Except from the Philosophical stone I have no other concern; and this not for the hope on the Mammon (i.e. financial reward), but for the sake of the only medicine, which is so curious and conserving the health’ (f. 626v / 1274). At the same time he refers to some other so far unidentified local personalities in Constance, such as the “Cancellarius Schel(l)ham(m)er” and one “Michael” – both also experimenting as dilettantes in alchemical procedures – and, in the closing signature, to some “Monsignor Paul(l)inus” (chap. 2.1, s.v.). Faulhaber, Johann (1580–1635)

“Logista et arithmeticus”, i.e. algebraist and mathematician, more precisely ‘Rechenmeister’ (that was a municipal mathematician responsible for urban architectural and technical works; reckonmaster), alchemist, engineer, etc. in Ulm.614 His name is not in Terrentius’s correspondence, but Terrentius is mentioned on several places in Faulhaber’s manuscript and printed works, since he visited him regularly in

611 Speaking, among others, of the linguistic obscurity of alchemical texts and arguing for a ‘sober’ and ‘clear’ discours: see Frank Greiner, ‘Ecriture et ésotérisme dans un traité alchimique de la fin de la Renaissance: le De Alchemiae difficultatibus de Theobald de Hoghelande’, in: Bulletin de l’Association d’étude sur l’Humanisme, la Réforme et la Renaissance, 38, 1994, pp. 45–71. The author, who temporarily lived at the Elector’s court of Cologne, dedicated his work to Ernest of Bavaria (R. Halleux, in: G. Xhayet & R. Halleux, Ernest de Bavière, p. 63). 612 Copies of this 6 vol. compilation, which are now in the Beitang collection, arrived – according to the book inscription – in China only after 1680: see Verhaeren, no. 3123. On the Theatrum and its editorial history, see Rita Sturlese, ‘Lazar Zetzner, “bibliopola Argentinensis”. Alchimie und Lullismus in Strassburg an den Anfängen der Moderne’, in: Sudhoffs Archiv, Bd. 75.2, 1991, pp. 140–162. 613 On Dionysius Zacharias, see also: R. M. Schuler (red.), Alchemical Poetry, 1575–1700. From previously Unpublished Manuscripts, New York, 1995, ch. IX: “Dionysius Zacharias”. None of these titles has arrived (or is preserved) in the Jesuit libraries of China. 614 Basic bibliography: Ivo Schneider, Johannes Faulhaber 1580–1635, Basel-Boston-Berlin, 1993; Kurt Hawlitschek, Johann Faulhaber 1580–1635. Eine Blütezeit der mathematischen Wissenschaften in Ulm, in: Schriftenreihe der Stadtsbibliothek Ulm, Band. 18,1995; M. A. Granada, P. J. Boner and D. Tessicini (eds), Unifying Heaven and Earth. Essays in the history of Early Modern Cosmology, Barcelona, 2016, p. 281 ff.; I. Schneider, ‘Between Rosicrucians and Caballa. Johann Faulhaber’s Mathematics of biblical numbers’, in: T. Koetsier & L. Bergmans (eds), Mathematics and the Divine. A historical study, Amsterdam, 2005, p. 311 ff.

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Ulm between 1600 and 1609, during his short stopovers when travelling through Central Europe. Terrentius is there portrayed as an “experientissimus doctissimusque medicus” and a great academic traveller, who visited 40 universities (“academiae”) in 10 (or 13) years.615 Faulhaber also consulted Terrentius for a ‘general’ rule for solving mathematical problems, learned from Viète but in the end, after verification, it was a disappointment;616 a same experience happened with an optical device, called “mensa optica”, on which Terrentius gave no further comments: “mentionem fecit, minimam tamen instructionem nec ipse nec alius unquam mihi dedit” / ‘he mentioned it, but neither he nor someone else has ever given me any instructions’.617 Anyway, Terrentius was a very respected person to whom Faulhaber explained some algebraic rule: “Den Modus dieses 65 Exempels hab ich vor etlich Jahren dem hochgelehrten und vortrefflichen Mathematico Herrn Johann Terrentio etc., ehe er in das Königreich Chiena gereiset gewisen etc.”;618 the latter addition excludes any possible confusion with a potential namesake. Ferrero, Giovanni Stefano II, OCist. (1568–1611)

Bishop of Vercelli (1599–1611): in 1604–07 he was the Papal nuncio in Prague.619 In that period Ferrero was among the private pupils of Terrentius, together with Dietrichstein and Wacker (cf. s.vv.): see the letter of J. Faber, dated 15 September 1611 (F.F. 420, f. 81 / 0176).620 Fugger, merchant and bankers family in Augsburg621

Several members of this family have been in closer contact with Terrentius: (1) Georg (III) (1560–1634): former pupil of Clavius (see letter in APUG 529, ff. 162–163); Imperial ambassador (“Orator”) in Venice,622 whose secretary was 615 J. Faulhaber, Mathematici Tractatus duo (…), Frankfurt, 1610, p. 36. 616 J. Faulhaber in two letters of 23 May and 12 June 1609 to St Kurz, quoted by K. Hawlitschek, Johann Faulhaber und René Descartes, auf dem Weg zur modernen Wissenschaft, Ulm: Stadtbibliothek, 2006, p. 122. 617 J. Faulhaber, Mathematici Tractatus Duo (…), pp. 36–37. 618 J. Faulhaber, Miracula Arithmetica zu der Continuation seines Arithmetischen Wegweisers gehörig, Augspurg, 1622, p. 63 (note to “exemplum 65”). 619 Almut Bues, DBI, 47, 1997, 16–17; G. Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/1, p. 298. His correspondence from Prague: Z. Kristen, Epistulae et Acta Johannis Stephani Ferrerii 1604–1607, Pars 1, s. 1, Prague, 1944; see further O. Meyer, Die Prager Nuntiatur des Giovanni Stefano Ferreri und die Wiener Nuntiatur des Giacomo Serra (1603–1606), Berlin, 1913 (non vidi); R. J. W. Evans, Rudolf II and his World: a study in intellectual history 1576–1612, London, 1997, pp. 70; 87–88. For the contents of his archive in Biella: M. Cassetti, ‘L’archivio della Nunziatura a Praga di Giovanni Stefano II Ferrero, vescovo di Vercelli (1604–1607)’, in: Studi in onore di Leopoldo Sandri, Roma, 1983, pp. 261–264 (with sincere thanks to Dr.sa Irene Gaddo [Vercelli] for this reference). 620 Cf. also H. Walravens, DCG Mitteilungsblatt, 48.2, 2005, p. 37, without identification; for my transcription, see s.v. Dietrichstein. 621 For an overview: Mark Häberlein, Die Fugger. Geschichte einer Ausburger Familie (1367–1650), Stuttgart, 2006. 622 G. Schoppe, Philotheca (ed. Jaitner), I/1, pp. 372; 398 and 545.

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Bernardino (de) Rossi. On f. 532 / 1080, the mathematician Giovanni Camillo Gloriosi proposes that Terrentius send all the Viète texts they both had acquired to Fugger in Venice, in order to be copied there at his expense: “Sed (…) poteris exemplaria ipsa ad Ill(ustrissi)mum Caesareum legatum Fuggerum mittere, et ipse erit utriusque nostrum fidelissimus interpres, immo ipsemet propriis sumptibus et mea et tua exemplaria ut fidelissime transcribantur generosam curam assumpsit” / ‘But (…) you could send the very copies to the V.Ill. Imperial legate Fugger, and he will be the most reliable agent of each of us, he even took the generous responsability upon him, that my and your copy would very accurately be transcribed on his own costs’ (14 April 1610). Georg Fugger had indeed at his disposal several professional and other amanuenses / transcribers, who produced the famous handwritten newspapers.623 (2) Georg (1560–1634), Hofratsvicepräsident. In the winter of 1608–09 Terrentius lived at his expense in Augsburg where he prepared alchemical distillations:624 see Gaspar Schoppe in his letter of 2 January 1609 from Augsburg: “Terrentius noster sumptibus D(omi)ni Georgii hîc vivit und hat schon seinen Ofen praepariret. Mirificus est homo et apud homines satis commodae et iucundae conversationis etc.” / ‘Our (friend) Terrentius lives here (in Augsburg) on the costs of Mr George (Fugger) and has already prepared his oven (for alchemical experiments). He is a wondrous man, and with people he has a rather friendly and pleasant conversation’.625 (3) (Hans) Ernst Fugger (1590–1639): Since 1611 he was Chamberlain of Ferdinand II, Archduke of Austria, and since 15 April 1637 President of the Aulic Council (Ferdinand III). He is also mentioned on f. 516r / 1048; f. 681r / 1385 (30 September 1617; to J. Faber): “Heri cum essem apud Dominum Ernestum Fuggerum, honesta admodum incidit mentio E(minentiae) V(estrae) propter libros quosdam botanicos, quos ibi Romam mittendos videbam” / ‘Yesterday, when I was with Mr Ernest Fugger, a very honourable mention of Y. E. arose because of some botanical books which I saw there, ready for being sent to Rome’. He was apparently also the donator of a hand-colored copy of Besler’s Hortus Eystettensis (cf. sub 3.1: Besler, and a note in Terrentius’s comment on the Tesoro Messicano).626 In 1617, Terrentius travelled in his company from Augsburg to Innsbruck (f. 527r / 1070). Finally, the same offered 500 florins to the China mission, and took the responsibility for Terrentius’s correspondence between Europe and China (f. 516r / 1048).

623 On these newspapers, the so-called Fugger Zeitungen, see V. von Klarwill, Fugger Zeitungen: ungedruckte Briefe an das Haus Fugger aus den Jahren 1568–1605, Wien, etc., 1923. 624 On the alchemical interests and practices within the Fugger family, see: R. Werner Soukup, Chemie in Oesterreich. Bergbau, Alchemie und frühe Chemie, Wien-Köln-Weimar, 2007, pp. 272–273. 625 Cf. K. Jaitner, Schoppe, II/1, p. 545; already announced in 1608 (II/1, p. 529): “Hâc hieme (1608/1609) Augustae manebit, ut puto, apud Dominum Georgium” / ‘This winter (1608–09) he will remain in Augsburg, with Mr Georges, I think’. 626 Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 474: “dono dei Fuccari” / ‘a present of the Fuggers’; for the name variant ‘Fuccari’, see K. Jaitner, Schoppe, II/2, p. 1098: “Rudolphus Fuccarius”.

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Ill. 27. Galileo Galilei (1564 – 1642). Portrait at the age of 72 years, made in 1636 by Justus Sustermans. Now in the National Maritime Museum in Greenwich (London). (https://www.uffizi.it/en/artworks/portrait-galileo-galilei-b.justus-sustermans)

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Since 1519, the Fuggers sent also ‘guayac(um)’, a botanical remedy against venereal diseases to the hospitals of Rome, even when the alleged ‘monopoly’ of the family has been unmasqued as a legend:627 see s.v. Corrado and Clementi. G Galilei, Galileo (1564–1642) [Ill. 27]

Italian mathematician, astronomer etc., teaching and working in Pisa, and between 1592 and 1610 in Padua.628 At Padua Galileo was, in principle, also teacher of Terrentius in the academic year 1603–04, explaining Sacrobosco’s De Sp(h)aera and Euclid’s Elementa.629 Since he also gave private lessons, and was interested in the practical aspects of science, including instruments, Terrentius had more opportunities to learn from him, but nothing is reported about that in contemporary sources.630 Neither can it be proven that Terrentius was also present in December 1604 at the three public lectures Galileo gave in Padua on the supernova of October 1604, in which he revealed himself publicly as critical towards peripatetic cosmology for the first time (see chap. 1.1). In 1610, the publication of his Nuncius Sidereus provoked several reactions in which Terrentius was involved. From Venice, the mathematician Giovanni Camillo Gloriosi sent on 29 May 1610 a letter to him (then in Rome), in which he denied Galileo’s claims on the primacy of several alleged ‘discoveries’, which were in fact made by others (cf. f. 530r-v./ 1076–1077). Gloriosi claimed that the telescope was in fact invented by a “Belga” (Flemish / Dutchman) who had visited Venice; the “circinus militaris” by Michel Coignet (Antwerp); the novelties on Galaxy, the number of planets and the Moon, on which Galileo reported, stemmed from Plutarch (who

627 Robert S. Munger, ‘Guaiacum, the Holy Wood from the New World’, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 4 (Spring 1949), pp. 196–229; Claudia Stein, Die Behandlung der Franzosenkrankheit in der Frühen Neuzeit am Beispiel Augsburgs, Stuttgart, 2000, p. 201 ff.; W. Crosby, The Columbian Exchange. Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492, Westport – London, 2003, p. 156; Claudia Stein, Negotiating the French Pox in Early Modern Germany, Aldershot, 2009, p. 147 ff. 628 Cf., for instance, A. Favaro, Galileo Galilei a Padova: Ricerche e scoperte, insegnamento, scolari (Contributi alla storia dell’Università di Padova, 5), Padua, 1968 (without any reference to Terrentius); P. Redondi, Galileo eretico, Torino, 1983; Maria Laura Soppelsa, ‘Galilei a Padova’, in: I secoli d’oro della medicina. 700 anni di scienza medica a Padova, Modena, 1986, pp. 73–78; William A. Wallace, in: M. Feingold, Jesuit Science and the Republic of Letters, Cambridge Mass., 2003, pp. 106–108; M. Valleriani, Galileo engineer, Dordrecht-Boston, 2010. 629 See for more details note 39. Ca. 1600, some years before his course in Padua, Galileo published his Trattato della Sfera; its contents indeed do not have new knowledge, and its conception is Aristotelian-Ptolemaic: M. Valleriani, Galileo Engineer, Dordrecht, 2010, pp. 89–91; R. de Andrade Martins & W. Thomazi Cardoso, ‘Galileo’s Trattado della sfera ovvero cosmografia and its sources’, in: Philosophia Scientiae, 2017/1, pp. 131–147. 630 His name is not among those of Galileo’s private students, mentioned by M. Valleriani, ‘A View on Galileo’s Ricordi autografi. Galileo practitioner in Padua’, in: J. Montesinos, & C. Solís (eds), Largo campo di filosofare: Eurosymposium Galileo 2001, La Orotava: Fundación Canaria Orotava de Historia de la Ciencia, pp. 281–292.

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relied on Pythagoras), and the allegedly first observations of Jupiter’s moons were made by a Venetian nobleman, Agostino da Mula (cf. chap. 2.2, s.v.). Galileo made several journeys to Rome, of which two may have affected Terrentius, in particular his second visit (29 March–4 June 1611)631 with the demonstrations on the Janiculum in the presence of Terrentius, and the third one (between December 1615 and June 1616). After Terrentius’s decision to enter the Society of Jesus in November 1611, Galileo, in his letter of one month later (19 December 1611) offered a lament: “La nuova del S(ignor) Terenzio m’è altretanto dispiacuta per la gran perdita della nostra Compagnia (that is, the Accademia dei Lincei),632 which proves some professional esteem for his former pupil, who only recently and almost simultaneously with him was accepted as a Lincean. Copernicus’s heliocentrism was formally declared heretical by the Church institutions in April / May 1616, in the period Terrentius prepared outside Italy for his journey to China. Terrentius – who was surprised about Galileo’s attitude in this question and saw the ‘diplomatic’ solution – immediately understood that the condemnation would impede his attempts to get fresh (and advanced) materials from Galileo in the future to facilitate his work in China: “miror D(ominum) Galilaeum urgere tantopere motum terrae; an non satis esset dicere sit hypothesis ad calculum astronomicum iuvandum, quicquid sit de ipsa veritas. Magno certe meo incommodo edictum id prodiit, sic n(am) exactum calculum eclipsium ab ipso pro Sinensibus expectare non licet” / ‘I am wondering that Mr Galileo is pushing so hard on the movement of the earth (i.e. around the sun); were it not enough to say it is a hypothesis to help the astronomical calculation, whatever the truth about it may be. This edict certainly will become a source of inconvenience for me, because in this way one cannot expect a precise calculation of the eclipses’ (f. 526r / 1068). His concerns were confirmed, since he had no more contact with Galileo after this date. Still Terrentius kept writing and asking, even from China: see Terrentius on 14 June 1616 (f. 511r / 1038): “opto ut suo tempore ante abitum meum ex Europa aliquid Galileo obtineat q(uod) nostris Sinis ad computum eclipsium inservire possit” / ‘I hope that he (Faber) will obtain, on an appropriate moment before my departure from Europe something from Galileo, which can be useful for our Chinese to calculate the eclipses’; “A Domino Galileo unice optarem modum computandi eclipsis solis et lunae i.e. hypothesin solis et lunae ante meum ad Sinas abitum, nam procul dubio habebit calculum longe exactiorem quam Tycho” / ‘From Mr Galileo I only expect a way of calculating solar and lunar eclipses, i.e. an hypothesis of the sun and the moon, before my departure for China, because it will give undoubtedly a far more exact calculation than Tycho’s (system)’ (Terrentius on 18 May 1616, on f. 513r / 1042); “Videat tum apud Principem utrum ab ipso Galilaeo pro nostris usibus obtineri posset; pollicebor silentium quibusvis conditionibus. Inquirat utrum exactum habeat illum calculum, an multum differat a Tychonico” / ‘He (Faber) should look then with the Prince (Cesi) whether something useful for our purposes could

631 William R. Shea & Mariano Artigas, Galileo in Rome. The Rise and Fall of a Troublesome Genius, Oxford, 2003, pp. 32–34. 632 Galilei Opere, vol. XI, p. 247.

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be obtained from Galileo himself; I will promise silence under whatever condition; he should investigate whether he (Galileo) has a precise calculation, whether it differs a lot from the Tychonian one’ (Terrentius on 6 April 1616, on f. 526r / 1068); “Si quid novi prodeat a D(omin)o Columna, Valerio, Remo, Ghetaldo, Galilaeo et similibus curiosis, quaeso me faciat participem” / ‘I ask you (Faber) to inform me, if something new appears from Mr Colonna, Valerio, Remo, Getaldić, Galileo and similar other ‘curiosi’ (Terrentius on 31 March 1618, on f. 516r / 1048); “A Galileo, ut etiam alias scripsi, summopere exoptarem calculum eclypsium, praesertim solarium, ex suis novis observationibus; nam iste nobis est summe necessarius ad emendationem calendarii, et si quis sit titulus, quo niti possimus, ne nos pellant toto regno, solus est iste. Princeps Caesius sine dubio ab illo impetrare posset, forte etiam ipsa Archiducissa Florentiae, si de hac re moneretur a fratre Imperatore vel Leopoldo”633 / ‘As I already wrote elsewhere, I am ardently hoping from Galileo his calculation (method) of eclipses, especially solar ones, from his own new observations; because this method is very necessary for us for the emendation of the (Chinese) calendar, and if there is one title, on which we could rely – to avoid they (the Chinese) would expel us from China – this is the only one. Prince Cesi without any doubt could obtain it from him, maybe also the Arch-Duchess of Florence, if her brother, the Emperor, or Leopold would remind her of it’.634 Finally, in 1623 from “Changtceu” – probably to be identified as Changzhou635 – Terrentius reports expecting new publications, either from Kepler or Galileo: “Non dubito, dum nos absumus, aliqua prodiisse, e.g. Keppleri Hipparchum, Galilaea aliqua” / ‘I have no doubts that, during my absence (i.e. since 1618) something had appeared e.g. the Hipparchus of Kepler, and something by Galileo’ [Ill. 28].636 The text of Hipparchus, however, was never published and Galileo never sent materials to Terrentius: even extreme attempts by the duo Faber – Cesi were apparently without success, and Galileo answered on 11 May 1624 that he had no eclipse calculations: “Gli ho anche raggionato per conto delle osservationi dell’eclissi solare per il Terrentio, ma mi dice che non ha nulla”.637 In spite of his frustrations, Terrentius considered the possibility of sending historical astronomical materials from China to Galileo: “Mittam D(omi)no Galilaeo suo tempore eclypsim solis observatam in regno Sinensi ante 3000 annos. Iam mitterem

633 The Arch-Duchess is Maria Magdalena of Austria (1589–1631), sister of the Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand II (since 1619); Leopold (1617–75) was one of her sons with Cosimo II of Florence. 634 F. 528r / 1072; Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 502. 635 “Changcheng” (sic) is a wrong reading of Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 510; the ‘editio princeps’ of Terrentius’s letter in Kepler’s Epistolium (Sagan Silesiae, 1630) has clearly: “Changtceu”, the variant form which is, normally speaking, the nearest to the name form in Terrentius’s (lost) autograph letter. Walravens, in: E Zettl, Johannes Schreck-Terrentius, pp. 342 and 366 identifies this name as Hangzhou. I think that it is safer to accept the name as such, with –ceu for –cheu, as in Suceu ‘italice’ (Italian) for Sucheu in another Terrentius letter (Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 497). As Terrentius’s Suceu = Sucheu (the ‘Portuguese’ form) = Suzhou, I assume Chang(t)ceu could be identical to *Chang(t)cheu = Changzhou. This could be the 17th century transcription of actual Changzhou, a place southeast of Nanking; see Fang Hao, in: Renwu zhuan, vol. 1, 1967, p. 223 (I owe this reference to A. Dudink). 636 Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 510. 637 Faber in his letter to Cesi, of 11 May 1624, in: Galilei, Opere, XIII, p. 177/178.

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Ill. 28. Letter of Johannes Terrentius to the Jesuit mathematicians at the Ingolstadt College, sent from “Changtceu” in 1623, and asking for updated information on eclipse calculation; on the identification of this toponym with Changzhou, see note 635; as is well known, in 1627 the letter came in the hands of the Jesuit mathematician Albert Curtius, who transmitted it to Johann Kepler, when this passed by in Ulm (see chap. 2.1: Kepler). (From: R.P. Ioannis Terrentii e Societate Jesu Epistolium ex Regno Sinarum ad Mathematicos Europaeos. Cum commentatiuncula Joannis Keppleri Mathematici, Sagani Silesiae, 1630, not paginated page; copy in Munich, BSB (https://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/bsb00006654/images/index. html?id=00006654&groesser=&fip=fsdrxdsydxdsydewqweayaxsqrseayaxdsydqrs&no=1&​ seite=3). © Munich, BSB

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sed nondum habeo qui mihi possit explicare quâ horâ contigerit” / ‘At the appropriate moment I will send to Galileo a solar eclipse observed in China 3,000 years ago; I would send it already now, but I don’t have someone to explain me at wat hour it occurred’ (20 April 1622; f. 528r / 1072). Gasparo: unidentified

An acquaintance of Terrentius in Rome, mentioned only once, in his letter from Liège, of 20 November 1616, with regard to the possible printing of a book of Remus Quietanus (Ruderauf) in Mainz and the circulation of the printed books to Rome: “D(omini) D(omini) Remi libellus facile imprimeretur Francofurti, si transmissus esset ad P(atrem) Johannem Zieglerum Moguntiam (…), sed ut exemplaria Romam mittantur ad authorem, nulla est via, nisi id fiat magnis sumptibus. Quid si per nostrum Hollandum il Sig(no)re Gasparo id fieret, qui saepius ex Hollandia et Antwerpia suos (libros) curat transferri Romam. Agat ipse cum utroque” / ‘The booklet of Mr Remus (Ruderauf) could be very easily printed in Frankfurt, if it was sent to Father Ziegler to Mainz (…), but there is no way to send the copies to Rome to the author, except with high costs. What if this would happen through our Dutchman, Mr Gaspar, who quite often has his books transmitted from Holland and Antwerp to Rome; he (= Faber) should treat this with each of them (Remus and Ziegler) individually’ (f. 512r / 1040). This passage is an exceptionally explicit testimony on the difficulties one experienced when trying to get in Rome books from Germany (in this case from Mainz), while the access from the Dutch-Flemish market was apparently much easier; see on this entire question chap. 3.1. This however does not allow us to identify this Dutch “Gasparo”, apparently living in Rome. He may be the same as the Dutchman, in whose house Terrentius saw a book of Ferrante Imperato: cp f. 526v / 1069: “Ferrantis Naturalia vidi apud nostrum Hollandum”). Gehler, Michael (1587–1619)

German physician. He studied in Leipzig and Basel,638 where he expounded on “Theses de plica,639 quas…proponit…ad d(iem) 26 Sextilis an(ni) 1607” / ‘Theses “On the plica”640 which he presents on 26 August 1607’; cf. f. 644r / 1307: Gehler on 7 October [old style = 17 October] 1607 from Basel to Terrentius; afterwards it was published in Basel: apud Excertierianos. In the same year Gehler defended also

638 Cf. Singularia Historico-Litteraria Lusatica, vol. 2, Leipzig & Budissin, 1726, p. 866; G. F. Otto, Lexicon der Oberlausizischen Schriftsteller und Künstler, Görlitz, 1801, pp. 414–415; R. Seidel, Späthumanismus in Schlesien (…), Tübingen, 1994, p. 152. 639 Lat. “plica”: i.e. plica Polonica, an endemic hair disease. 640 Fritz Husner, Verzeichnis der Basler medizinischen Universitätsschriften 1575–1829, Basel, 1942, no. 547. Artikel-No. 44597-Basel. Also published as part of a miscellaneous volume with 28 medical dissertations, dated 1594–1612. Kl.-4° (c. 600 pp.); with contemporary parchment binding and gilded Supralibros of the Benedictine monastery of Lambach (Linz: Austria; call number 40505D), including Gehler’s dissertation.

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“Theses de pulsibus” (published by the same, in the same year). In 1610 he was called to Sobieslaw (Bohemia) to organize the Gymnasium Illustre. He was a personal acquaintance of Terrentius before 1609–10 in Basel, as well as of Eggs: see his greetings at the bottom of the aforementioned letter. In this same, highly literary letter641 he offers his services as an intermediary for the (ongoing? future?) correspondence between Terrentius and Bartholomaeus Scultetus (al. Schulz) in Görlitz. Gez, D(ominus): see Götz, von Gloriosi (al. Glorioso), Giovanni Camillo (1572–1643)

Italian mathematician, born and educated in Naples, who arrived in Venice in 1606; there he was correspondent and after October 1613 also successor of Galileo at Padua university, supporter of Copernicus, Galileo, and anti-Aristotelian.642 At some moment between 1606 and early 1610, in all probability late in 1609 or early in 1610 he met in Venice Terrentius at his return from his European peregrinatio. It is to this meeting – probably also together with Antonio Santini – that Gloriosi refers in his letter of 24 April 1610:“(…) quaedam mihi desunt ex Vietaeis lucubrationibus (…) necnon septem variorum libri, quos omnes, dum unâ Venetiis essemus, libere te habere confessus es” / ‘of Viète’s investigations some I am missing (…) as well as his books on seven various (topics), which – as you confessed to me, when we were together in Venice – you could all freely have’ (f. 532r / 1080). Probably also during the same episode Terrentius had submitted to Gloriosi a mathematical problem, for which the latter had intensively sought an algebraic solution (through “algebra alphabetaria”) which he proposed to Terrentius by letter of 7 August 1610 (f. 534 / 1084).643 Gloriosi indeed remained a correspondent of Terrentius after the latter went to Rome, as he estimated him as the Viète-specialist by excellence (f. 532 / 1080). In the Fondo Faber, four letters of him to Terrentius (in Rome) are preserved, all

641 With references to Publius Terentius Afer’s Phormio, Homer, Euripides and Julius Caesar Scaliger’s Exotericarum exercitationum liber quintus decimus (Paris, 1557) to express his disdain for the ‘little ovens’ (“fornacula”) of pseudo-alchemists. 642 Cf. A. Favaro, in: Amici e corrispondenti di Galileo, vol. 1, p. 325 ff.; id., in: Nuovo Archivio Veneto, n.s. 23, 1917, pp. 100–107; P. D. Napolitani, ‘Galilei e due matematici napoletani: L. Valerio e Giovanni Camillo Gloriosi, in: Galileo e Napoli, Napoli, 1987, pp. 172–190; 192–195; U. Baldini, in: DBI, vol. 57, 2001, pp. 421–424. 643 “Mitto solutionem problematis, quod exercitationis gratiâ mihi proposuisti; fateor quidem hoc (ms.: huc) problema, ut secundum Algebram Alphabetariam solveretur, diu me exercuisse, et totam fere geometriam pervagatus sum, nam in mille aequationibus magnitudo quaesita vel evanescebat (?) vel erat ita multiplex, quod neque per hypobibasmum vel parabolismum velli (?) poterat; tandem deveni in hanc aequationem, quam vides” / ‘I hereby send you the solution of a problem which you proposed to me as a kind of exercise. I confess that I labored a long time to solve this problem through alphabetic algebra, and I reviewed almost the whole of geometry because in 1,000 equations the quantity was wanting or disappeared, or was so varied that it could not be solved either by ‘hypobolism’ or by ‘parabolism’; finally I arrived at this equation which you see here’.

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from the period between 24 April and 7 August 1610, all mainly dealing with the acquisition / transmission of the Viète manuscripts, more precisely: (a) a manuscript copy of Viète’s De Aequationum Recognitione et Emendatione Tractatus Duo, Paris, 1615, which Terrentius had requested from Santini, but in vain, and of which Gloriosi sent – through the Imperial secretary Bernardino Rossi – a transcription, made on the basis of his own copy once received from Marino Getaldić: see f. 532r/ 1080: 14 April 1610; on f. 533r / 1082 Gloriosi claims that the transcription was complete, but admits that this third-hand transcription (Getaldić’s transcriber> Santini> Gloriosi’s transcriber) had a lot of errors, due to the transcribers’ inexperience with mathematics and Latin;644 (b) other texts Gloriosi was still analyzing, for which he counted on Terrentius’s support: cf. ibid.;645 (c) he expected other manuscripts (“fragmenta”) in Terrentius’s possession, to be sent to Venice in such a way that they would escape from Santini; it concerns namely his Lucubrationes ad novam suam Algebram; Analytica angularium sectionum; Notae ad Logisticam; Priores et posteriores necnon 7 Variorum libri qui totius Vietaeae Algebrae sunt supplementum” (f. 533 / 1082 [12 June 1610]; f. 534 / 1084 [7 August 1610]). Gloriosi was also the first to adopt Viète’s algebraic notification. Cf. also s.v. Brunhart; Getaldić; Santini and Viète. Goclenius (Göckel), Rudolphus, Sr. (1547–1628)

German philosopher, physician, Aristotelian philosopher and logician, and physicist.646 Alumnus of Marburg and Wittenberg; after 1581 Professor Ordinarius at Marburg University. He was the teacher of the post-Lullist Johann Heinrich Alsted (see above: Alsted), and he wrote, among many other books, a very influential Lexicon Philosophicum, quo tanquam clave philosophiae fores aperiuntur, Frankfurt / Main, 1613–15. As a philosopher and follower of Raimund Lull, he tried to make the bridge between Aristotelian logics and that of Lull’s thought, by identifying 644 “D(omin)us Bernardus de Rubeis [Rossi], secretarius Caesareus, Romae commorans, dabit tibi librum Vietae iam descriptum; fateor quidem huiusmodi librum nonnullis erroribus scatere, nam et Ragusinus et Venetus transcriptor uterque adolescens fuit, et rerum mathematicarum, immo et Latinae linguae prorsus ignarus, curavi diligenter tamen, ut omnia complecteretur quae in Ragusino exemplari continentur” / ‘‘I must confess that similar book abounds in several errors, because both the transcriber in Ragusa and the one in Venice was young and truly inexperienced in mathematical topics, even in Latin; yet I attentively took care that all things, which the copy of Ragusa contained were embraced (by the transcriber in Venice)’. The young transcriber in Venice may have been Leonhardt Brunhart: cf. chap. 2.1: s.v. 645 “Nunc prae manibus habeo reliquos Vietae libellos, quibus cum ultimam lectionem imposuero, huic (= De Aequationum Recognitione) totum me dabo, et, si aliquid dubii habuero, ad te scribam”. 646 Fr. J. Schmidt, Materialien zur Bibliographie von Rudolph Goclenius, Sr. (1547–1628) und Rudolph Goclenius, Jr. (1572–1628), Hamm, 1979. On his position as a philosopher, see: Charles B. Schmitt & Quentin Skinner (eds), The Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy, Cambridge, 2009, pp. 107–109; 631–632 and 821; M. Mulsow (ed.), Spätrenaissance Philosophie in Deutschland, 1570–1650: Entwürfe zw. Humanismus und Konfessionalisierung, okkulten Traditionen und Schulmetaphysik, Tübingen, 2009, p. 73; N. A. Osminskaya, ‘Historical Roots of Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz’s Universal Science’, in: Epistemology and Philosophy of Science, 55.2, 2018, pp. 165–167, especially p. 169.

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the latter’s ‘general (universal) knowledge’ with the Aristotelian ‘prima philosophia’. During his professorship in Marburg, Goclenius met Terrentius during the latter’s visit to Kassel and Marburg University (early 1605). To the best of my knowledge there is only one testimony of this meeting, namely that of the theologian Balthasar Mentzer (1565–1627), who mentions “ein frembder ahnwesender Philosophus, welchen man Terrentium genennet” in association with the old Rudolphus Goclenius, during a theological discussion at Maurice’s Court in Kassel.647 The terminology used and the context, as well as the link between Alsted – Terrentius and Goclenius – Alsted almost certainly proves that this was Johann Schreck Terrentius. Books by Goclenius among the Trigault – Terrentius books for / in China are in Verhaeren, no. 1710 and 2493. Götz (al. Gez; Gezius), Leonhard II von (1561–1640)

Chancellor at the Court of Archduke Ferdinand II, canon in Augsburg and Constance, and since 1619 Prince-Bischop of Lavant (Tyrol).648 In 1622 Terrentius mentions him in a flashback from China: “Est D(omi)nus Schmidlinus (…) dignus qui sit notus Domino Scioppio, quem in rebus Germanicis non minus quam D(ominus) Gez iuvare potest” / ‘It is Mr Schmidlin, who is worth being introduced to Mr Schoppe (Italo-Lat. Scioppius), whom he can help in German affairs no less than Mr Götz’.649 Gori (al. Gorus), Camillo (?–1623)

Ilcynensis (i.e. from Montalcino, Province of Siena). He had a doctoral degree in philosophy and medicine in Siena;650 afterwards he was the physician of the Cesi family in Rome and one of the “medici segreti” attending the conclave for the election of Gregory XV in 1621; he died in 1623.651 For this Roman context, he was in all probability also personally acquainted with Terrentius, who once mentioned him during his visit to Munich, in his letter of 26 May 1617 to Faber: “Gori libellum

647 W. Zeller, Frömmigkeit in Hessen, Marburg, 1970, p. 115; the meeting happened before Balthasar Menzer, Sr. (1565–1627) was ‘dismissed’ by Maurice in 1606–07; this fits another indication which situates Terrentius’s stay in Marburg in or before 1605 (see note 48). On Balthasar Menzer, Sr. (1565–1627), Lutheran polemist and theologian, between 1596 and 1606–7 Professor of theology at Marburg University, see ADB, 21, 1885, p. 374; NDB, 17, 1994, pp. 98–100, and the long note of D. Strucely, in: Studium. The Journal of Confessional Language Studies at MLC, vol. 18. 648 The most detailed description of his career is in: K. Tangl, Reihe der Bischöfe von Lavant, Klagenfurt, 1841, pp. 259–263. 649 F. 529r / 1074; Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 505. 650 G. Gigli, Diario Sanese (…), Pte 2da, Lucca, 1723, p. 244; F. Brocchi, Collezione alfabetica di uomini e donne illustre della Toscana (…), Firenze, 1852, p. 93; Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 831, in a letter of Johann Faber to Cesi of 20 Dec. 1623: “Iam tres ex illis sex medicis, qui curae Excellentissimae vestrae Principessae praeerant, ad plures abierunt: Galianus, Cynthius (i.e. Clemens), Gorus”. 651 Gaetano Marini, Degli archiatri pontifici nel quale sono i supplementi, I, Rome, 1784, p. XX; A. Clericuzio, ‘Chemical medicines in Rom’, in: Conflicting Duties: Science, Medicine and Religion in Rome, 1550–1750, London, 2010, pp. 291 and 301 (on the objections against the medicinal use of vitriol).

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apud D(ominum) Grems vidi unâ cum vestris litteris, librum, ut puto, parvum, ita et parum doctum, nam et ipsum sensum et authoritates negat” / ‘I have seen Gori’s book at Mr Grems’s house, together along with your (Faber’s) letters; (it is) a small book and to my opinion (only) a little learned, since it denies (good) sense itself, and the authorities’ (f. 509r / 1034).652 He was also author of a work on vitriol (Disceptatio unica de chalcantho eiusque oleo), in which he was critical against its use in case of fever; this treatise was bound with a Brevis discursus de fractura brachii et an in ipsa conveniant ferulae, both edited by Mascardi (the printer of the Accademia dei Lincei in Rome) in 1616 and 1617 respectively, the former probably mentioned in Terrentius’s letter: see sub 3.1. Also mentioned in Pietro Castelli, Chalcantinum dodecaporion, Rome, 1619 (p. 18; 22. 24) and Epistolae Medicinales, Rome, 1626, p. 76, and in the Carteggio Linceo (p. 469). Gravenegg, Wolfgang, SJ (1594–1650)

German Jesuit of the Provincia Germania Superior, born in Ellwangen in Schwaben (“Elvacensis in Suevia”) and thus a fellow countryman of Terrentius; cf. Germ. Sup. 23, f. 192r and HS 48, f. 135r653 He entered the Society in 1611; according to the Catalogus Primus Collegii Germanici 1615 (1 Febr.), in ARSI, Germ. Sup., 79, f. 25r he had studied 3 years Philosophy and followed the 2nd year of theology; in the same academic year 1615–16 he ‘repeated’ in the Collegium Germanicum logics (Catalogus Brevis Coll. Romani, in Germ. Sup. 79, f. 246r): “Wolfgangus Gravenech rep(etit) log(icam) in Coll(egio) Germanico”; his parallel ‘colleague’ for metaphysics was Franciscus Monerius, and for Hebrew and Arabic Hiëronymus König (see this chap. s.v.). In the same year Terrentius followed the 2nd year of theology (abbreviated cursus) and Adam Schall his 3rd year (normal course). As Gravenegg was the only “Wolfgangus” in the name lists (“Catalogi”) of the Roman Jesuit Colleges for the year 1615–16, it will be the one, to whom Terrentius sent, through Faber, his greetings, as well as to Monerius, König, Perosella and Adam, i.e. Adam Schall: “Salutet [sc. J. Faber], quaeso, P(atrem) Perosellam, item P(atrem) Künig; Wolfgangum Adamum utrumque et F(ranciscum) Monerium singulariter”, all belonging to the sphere of the Jesuit Colleges in Rome: see the PS of his letter from Zabern to Guldin, of 29 February 1616 (now in Graz, UB, ms. 159, no. 12). Later Gravenegg became Provincial of Germania Superior (1636–42) and had some diplomatic role in the Thirty Years War.654 Finally, he was also the author of some religious works, such as Arcanum Beatissimae Trinitatis Mysterium and Carbonarius Veridicus.655

652 Cf. Gabrieli, Carteggio, p. 597. 653 Cf. Catalogus Generalis Provinciae Germaniae Superioris et Bavariae Societatis Iesu, 1556–1773, Munich, 1968, p. 145. 654 R. Bireley, The Jesuits and the Thirty Years War: Kings, Courts and Confessors, Cambridge, 2003, p. 217. 655 C. Sommervogel, Bibliothèque, vol. III, col. 1718–1719; some of his theological manuscripts (on Thomas) dating back to 1624–25 were in Ettenheim-Münster (Ms. 166), and now in Karlsruhe: see C. K. Preisendanz, Die Handschriften der Landesbibliothek Karlsruhe, IX, Wiesbaden, 1973, p. 35.

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Grembs(ch) (Grembsius) Johann Georg (1582–1648)

German physician. He was born in 1582 in Bamberg, and graduated in 1602 at Ingolstadt on Assertationes Medicae de Melancholia (copy in BSB; only very few proofs of ‘chemical’ medicines); he introduced his name on 25 November 1602 – being already Philosophiae et Medicinae Doctor – to the list of the German ‘nation’ in Padua656. Chief physician of the hospital in Munich; in 1608 assigned as private doctor to Zygmund III Wasa, King of Poland, and in 1611 to the Duke of Bavaria; called by Faber: “Georgius Grembsius, popularis meus et Serenissimi Electoris Bavariae doctissimus Archiater et Consiliarius”.657 He was candidate for the Lyncean Academy. In 1610 he was ennobled by Rudolph II, which was confirmed in 1620; he died in 1648.658 Terrentius mentions him on f. 508r / 1032; f. 509r / 1034; f. 679bis / 1380. During his visits on the spot in Munich, he found several new book titles in his house library (or office): “Poteri libellum nuper vidi et legi apud D(ominum) Grembs” / ‘Recently in Grembs’s house I saw and read the booklet by Poterius’ (f. 508r), but also plants: “Apud D(ominum) Grembs inveni arborem vitae, calceolum Mariae, sed transmittere non possum, nisi semina, quae nulla sunt in calceolo, immatura in thuya Theophrasti. Itaque D(ominus) Henricus solâ salutatione a me salveat. Si quid invenerim Oeniponte in ipsius usum dispiciam” / ‘With Mr Grembs I found ‘arbor vitae’ (i.e. thuja), ‘calceolus Maria’ (namely Maria’s slipper), but I cannot transport them, except for the seeds, which are inexistent for Maria’s slipper, and which are immature for Theophrast’s thuya. So, Mr Enrico (Corvino) should be given my greetings with a simple greeting formula; I will look whether I could find something in Innsbruck on its application’ (f. 679r / 1379; from Munich, 23 July 1617). He had a prolific correspondence with Faber;659 for a letter on the harmful effect of the use of vitriol oil see P. Castelli, Epistolae medicinales, Rome, 1626, p. 156 ff. His manuscript Consilia extemporanea et alia hinc inde ex variis auctoribus collecta is preserved in Salzburg (UB, Cod.M I 50/3; c. 1600–1601),660 probably to be 656 Rossetti, Matricula Nationis Germanicae Artistarum in Gymnasio Patavino, Padua, 2000, no. 1052: “G. Grembs Bambergensis Franco, philosophiae et medicinae doctor nomen suum inclytae Germanorum nationi reliquit ac pro more libras VI exposuit anno nativitatis Christi 1602, 25 Nov. (Iam comes Palatinus Caesareus necnon Serenissimae et Potentissimae Reginae Poloniae et Sueviae etc. Medicus cubicularius)”. 657 Gabrieli, Contributi, I, p. 325, from Faber’s annotations on the Tesoro Messicano, p. 682. 658 See further: Erster Katalog über die von Schriftstellern in und aus dem Ober-Mainkreise herausgegebenen und in der neu errichteten Kreis-bibliothek zu Bayreuth aufbewahrten Bücher, (Bayreuth), 1836, p. 8; A. M. Kobolt, Baierisches Gelehrtenlexikon, Landshut, 1795, p. 276; G. Gabrieli, La “Germania Lincea” ovvero Lincei e Linceabili tedeschi della prima Accademia, in particolare di Teofilo Müller, p. 60 (19 of the offprint); on his contacts – of long duration – with Faber, and the network Grembs-Faber as a communication line for the exchange of German and Roman medical books, see S. Brevaglieri, Circolazione’, pp. 433–434. Further bibliography on him is rather rare, and almost all references concern his connections with Galileo in 1610: M. Biagioli, Galileo Courtier: the Practice of Science in the Culture of Absolutism, Chicago-London, 1993, p. 97; A. Clericuzio, ‘Chemical medicines in Rome’, in: Conflicting Duties, London, 2009, pp. 289–290; 293; M. A. Peterson, Galilei’s Muse: Renaissance Mathematics and the Arts, Harvard, 2011, 187, etc. 659 Cf. the inventory of Mercantini (especially in filza 414; 417; 421) and Gabrieli, Contributi, p. 1180. 660 E. Frisch, Autoren-Katalog der Handschriften der Studienbibliothek Salzburg. 5 Bde. mit einer Konkordanz und einer Systematik [Xerokopien des handschriftlichen Zettelkatalogs], Salzburg [1946], unter ‘Grembs, Georg’.

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identified as the manuscript Consult(a) & Schol(ia) med(ica) which the Baierisches Gelehrten-Lexikon, I, p. 276 mentions. Many other mentions are to be found throughout the rest of the ‘Fondo Faber’. Greuter(us), Mat(t)hias (Matteo) (1564–1638)

In Terrentius’s correspondence there is an unclear mention of one “Greutterus”. The passage, in a letter of 9 September 1617 from Munich to Faber (f. 680r / 1383) runs as follows: “Angli liber habebit quaedam non contemnenda. Nam q(uod) attinet Greutteri (imagines?) nihil moror; collectanea fuerint, qualia et nos undique corradimus juvenilia; forte iam senior alia dabit. Coniecturam facio ex Gilberto, authore libri de Magnete, cuius fuit Londini [inserted inter lineas: vel Oxoniae] collega” / ‘The book of the Englishman (Robert Fludd) will contain some questions which will not be negligible, because what concerns Greuter’s (illustrations), I have nothing to say against it. They may be collectanea like also we scrape together from various sources, younger work from various places; probably now, as a senior he (Fludd) will produce other things. This I guess on the basis of Gilbert, the author of the book ‘on the Magnet’ (of 1600), whose colleague he (Fludd) was in London ’. Because the name “Greuterus” appears frequently in the correspondence of the Accademia dei Lincei (see Carteggio, passim), indicating the engraver Matthias Greuter (1564–1638),661 it looks most plausible to recognize also in this reference his name; unclear and unexplained remains, however, the association with the names of Robert Fludd (1574–1637), the “Anglus” of the fragment, author of an announced work on magnetism, namely Utriusque cosmi, maioris scilicet et minoris metaphysica (…), of which the first volume appeared in Oppenheim in 1617, and which Terrentius on this very moment had not yet seen (“habe-bit”); the contents he could guess on the basis of the copy of Gilbert’s De Magnete (1600), which he had already consulted. Probably he assumed Greuter was the illustrator but in fact it was (his relative) Theodore de Bry.662 For ‘Iuvenilia’ as a probable reference to Faber’s Iuvenilia, see chap. 3.1: Faber. For the sake of completeness, I refer to another “Gruterus” the same Fludd met in Rome in 1602, whom he praisefully mentions as “Master Gruterus”, his mentor and a great authority: see his Answer unto M. Foster (1631), p. 133: “I was, whilst I did soiourne in Rome, acquainted with a very learned and skilfull personage, called Master Gruter, hee was by birth of Swisserland: and for his excellency in the Mathematik, and in the art of motions and inventions of Machines he was much esteemed by the Cardinall Saint George, etc.”; more information he gives in Mosaicall philosophy (1659), p. 256 and in Utriusque cosmi maioris scilicet et minoris metaphysica (1617), p. 460: “Dum Romae manerem, Gruterus, Cardinalis Sexti Georgii ingeniator 661 Victor Beyer, ‘Matthias Greuter, Greuther’, in: Nouveau dictionnaire de biographie alsacienne, vol. 13, p. 1282; Maria Barbara Guerrieri Borsoi, DBI, 59, 2002, pp. 343–345; J. Diefenbacher, ‘Matthäus Greuter aus Strasssburg (1566 bis 1638), Kupferstecher und Verleger’, in: Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins, 161, 2013, pp. 113–126. 662 See the evidence afforded by P. Ferté, ‘Robert Fludd et la philosophie hermétique en Provence et Avignon (1600–1617)’, in: Provence historique, no. 177, 1994, pp. 281–299.

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mihique in hac arte magister, huiusmodi instrumentum pro Cardinali suo Domino fabricavit, quo aquam e parvulo fonte in monticuli seu collis pede scaturientem in hortum ad illius verticem positum cogeret ascendere”. The related mechanical and hydraulic competences are not matching Matthias Greuter’s known profile, so that an – unidentified – namesake must be accepted, circulating in Rome in the first decade of the seventeenth century.663 Matthias Greuter was the engraver of a map of Rome (1618),664 an album with Roman fountains, palaces, etc., and an engraving of the Jesuit novitiate on the Monte Cavallo (Quirinale), published in L. Richeome, La peinture spirituelle, 1611, p. 472. Grienberger, Christophorus, SJ (1561–1636)

Mathematical teacher in the Collegio Romano in 1595–98, 1602–05, and – as the successor of Clavius, who died in the same college on 12 February 1612 – again in 1612–16, and 1624–25, that is, at some of the times Terrentius was present in Rome and studied theology in the Collegio Romano (1613–15).665 Terrentius greets him personally and warmheartedly – though indirectly – on f. 524 /1064 (18 January 1616): “Si veniat (i.e. Faber) ad P(atrem) Grunberger (sic) et P(atrem) Paulum et Adamum illum Coloniensem, quaeso illos salutet ex intimo cordis affectu” / ‘If (Faber) goes to Father Grienberger and Father Paulus (Paulus Guldin: cf. s.v.) and Adam (Schall), the man from Cologne, I ask to send my greetings to them from the deepest of my heart’s affection’.666 During the journey to the Far East, Kirwitzer – Terrentius’s fellow Jesuit – had a copy at hand of Grienberger’s star charts, printed in Rome in 1612, which he used during his observations during their overseas journey to the East: see Kirwitzer’s Observationes Cometarum Anni 1616 in India Orientali factae a Societatis Jesu mathematicis in Sinense Regnum navigantibus, Oberursel, 1620, p. 6: “numerando stellas secundum eas caelestium constellationum imagines, quas P(ater) Christophorus Gruenberger (sic), insignis Societatis nostrae mathematicus edidit, nam eae [imagines] tunc forte ad manum erant, extra sarcinas, quibus etiam in toto reliquo observationum nostrarum decursu utemur” / ‘counting the stars according to those images of the celestial constellations, which Father Christopher Grienberger, the famous mathematician of our Society, has published, because these (images) were at that moment by pure chance on hand, outside my luggage; these we will 663 An identification with the Flemish Janus Gruterus (1560–1627) is difficult, as there are no other testimonies for his presence in Rome; see for another tentative identification L. Gariento, ‘Life, friends and associations of Robert Fludd: a Revised Account’, in: Journal of Early Modern Studies, 5, 2016, pp. 9–37 (especially pp. 18–19). 664 See recently: Augusto Roca De Amicis, Roma nel primo Seicento. Una città moderna nella veduta di Matthäus Greuter, Rome, 2018. 665 See, amongst others, Michael John Gorman, ‘Mathematics and Modesty in the Society of Jesus: the Problems of Christoph Grienberger’ (1564–1636)’ in: M. Feingold (ed.) The New Science and Jesuit Science: Seventeenth Century Perspectives, Dordrecht-Boston, 2003, pp. 1–120; on Grienberger’s position in the Galileo affair: F. Daxecker, ‘The astronomer Christoph Grienberger and the Galilei tril’, in: Acta Historica Astronomiae, 18, 2003, pp. 34–39. 666 Other variant form in Terrentius’s letter, published by Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 494.

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use also during the entire remaining course of our observations’; see again, on p. 21: “cometam et parvulam sub cauda Ursae Maioris, quam P[ater] Christoph[orus] Grienberger in suis iconibus numero 12 notat” / ‘the comet and the small (star) under the tail of the Big Bear, which Father Christopher Grienberger indicates in his images by the number 12’. On the other hand, it appears – indirectly though undeniably – that Terrentius sent (among other data) magnetical observations to Grienberger from Asia, which afterwards were found (and praisefully quoted) by Athanasius Kircher – who had in 1636 succeeded in Grienberger’s position and occupied his ‘mathematical room’, getting direct access to the professional papers collected there: cf. A. Kircher, Magnes, Rome, 1641, p. 431 and G. Schottus, Mechanica Hydraulico-Pneumatica, Frankfurt, 1657, p. 339.667 Finally, during Terrentius’s stay in China, Grienberger was also involved in the transmission of books by Schoppe to China: “Quaeso moneat Grabergerum (sic), mihi mittat librum illum, quem Dominus Schoppius mihi donavit; id fieri poterit per Patrem Assistentem Lusitaniae, cum inscriptione ad me” / ‘Please, one should remind Grienberger, that he should send me the book, which Gaspar Schoppe has offered me; this could happen through the Assistant of Portugal (in Rome), with an inscription, addressed to me’.668 Guldin, Paul, SJ (1577–1643)

Swiss mathematician and astronomer, who lived until 1617 in the Collegio Romano; between 1609–15 he also was a pupil of Clavius’s Accademia di Matematica,669 and after 1617 he was working in Graz (Lat. Graecium).670 He was also involved in the discussions raised by the promulgation of the Gregorian Calendar of 1582 against Sethus Calvisius. We find Terrentius’s personal greetings to him on f. 506r / 1045 (26 April 1616). On f. 679v / 1380, he expresses to Guldin his hope that Remus (Ruderauf) would become the successor of Magini in Bologna, but in vain. An autograph letter, Terrentius sent on 29 February 1616 from Zabern (“Ex aula Ser.mi”) to Guldin is now in Graz, UB, Ms 159, no. 12.671 This letter explains the author’s troubles with getting permission to leave Zabern, and refers in two postscripts (a) to several colleagues of Guldin in the Collegio Romano and the Collegio Germanico, namely P(ater) Perosella, P(ater) König, F(ranciscus) Monerius, Wolfgang Gravenegg and Adamus (Schall), and (b)

667 On this succession in terms of location and the inter-generational transmission of important professional papers, see M. J. Gorman, in: M. Feingold (ed.), The New Science and Jesuit Science, Dordrecht-Boston, 2011, p. 105 (note 53), and infra, sub 4.4. 668 See Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 494; the Portuguese assistant was João Alvares (after 1615: Fr. Pereira). 669 U. Baldini, in: M. Feingold (ed.), Jesuit Science and the Republic of Letters, Cambridge Mass, 2003, p. 77. 670 H. L. L. Busard, in: Dict.Scient.Biogr., vol. 5, 1972, pp. 588–589; A. Ziggelaar, ‘Jesuit Astronomy North of the Alps’, in: U. Baldini, Christoph Clavius e l’attività scientifica dei gesuiti nell’età di Galileo, Rome, 1995, pp. 101–132; Detlev Gronau, ‘Paulus Guldin, 1577–1643, Jesuit und Mathematiker’, in: F. Pichler & M. von Rentelen, Kosmisches Wissen von Peuerbach bis Laplace: Astronomie, Mathematik, Physik (Peuerbach-Symposium Linz 2008), Linz, 2009, pp. 101–120. 671 A. Kern (Bearb.), Die Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek Graz. Bnd. 1, Leipzig, 1942, p. 82.

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to a copy of Viète’s Canon Sinuum. Grienberger is mentioned also passim in Galileo, Opere (see the indices in vol. 20, s.v.) and the Carteggio. As for his international network of communication: a letter of Guldin to Marino Getaldić of 14 February 1617 is in BAV, Vat. 6921, f. 103r. – 104r; his correspondence with Johann Kepler began only in 1618, and has therefore no references to Terrentius, their common acquaintance.672 Also some passages referring to a not further identified “Paulus” should / could be related to Guldin: f. 524r / 1064: “Inquirat (sc. Faber) apud P(atrem) Paulum, quem de hac re monebo”; cf. f. 514v / 1045: “curet tum experimentum fieri per P(atrem) Paulum, et rescribat”; f. 524r / 1064. Also the Jesuit of the Collegio Romano, mentioned along with Grienberger and Schall (18 January 1616) should be identified as Guldin: “Si veniat [i.e. Faber] ad P(atrem) Grunberger (sic) et P(atrem) Paulum et Adamum (Schall) illum Coloniensem, quaeso illos salutet ex intimo cordis affectu”.673 H Hanniel, Ignatius (?–1608)

German historian and jurist, studied in Basel; Professor of history at Rostock University.674 He defended Josephus Justus Scaliger (1540–1609) against the (private) attacks of Terrentius during the latter’s presence in Rostock since November 1606;675 see Hanniel’s letters to Scaliger, of 11 April 1607 and 24 August 1607 (cf. note 57). In the former letter, he reports about one Terrentius who arrived in Rostock, and thaught (“professus est”): “memoriae aliasque secretiores artes, nec non linguas exoticas”/ “techniques of memory and other rather secrete skills, as well as exotic languages, with a large inflow of students”; some months later, in August he takes away all possible doubts on the identity of this Terrrentius: “De Terrentio tanti non est ut repetam. Natione Germanus erat, Schreck dictus, inter Iesuitas educatus, fortasse et ipse Iesuita. Pro exploratore habui, quales in Germanorum Academiis proximis his annis observavi plurimos. Italiam, Galliam aliasque provincias viderat. Minerval Serarii edidicerat, ex quo ea, quae privatim apud discipulos in te iacebat tela promebat” / ‘On Terrentius, there is not very much that I have to repeat. He is of German origin, called Schreck, educated amongst Jesuits, and probably a Jesuit himself. I took him for a wanderer, of the type that I have seen so many in the last years in German academies. He had seen Italy, France, and the other provinces. He had studied the Minerval of Serarius, from which he took the ‘missiles’ which he privately shot among his pupils on you (Scaliger)’. This refers to Terrentius’s private (extra-curricular) teaching in Rostock,

672 Georg Schuppener, ‘Kepler’s relation to the Jesuits – A study of his correspondence with Paul Guldin’, in: NTM. Zeitschrift für Geschichte der Wissenschaften, Technik und Medizin, 1997, pp. 236–244. 673 Other variant form in Terrentius’s letter, publ. by Gabrieli, ‘Lettere’, p. 494 (“Grabergerum”). 674 On Hanniel, see: J. B. Krey, Andenken an die Rostockschen Gelehrten aus den drei letzten Jahrhunderten, Rostock, 1813–16, vol. 4, p. 14; W. Weber, Prudentia Gubernatoria, Tübingen, 1992, pp. 12 f.; 25–27; F.-Rutger, Zwischen Autobiographie und Biographie (…), Würzburg, 1995, passim. 675 For this date, see A. Hofmeister, Die Matrikel der Universität Rostock, II. Mich. 1499 –Ost. 1611, Rostock, 1891, p. 288, no. 22 (Nov. 1606): “Ioannes Terrentius Suevus”.

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to the defence of G. Schoppe and against Scaliger, taking his arguments, among others, from Nicolaus Serarius’s Minerval Divinis Hollandiae Frisiaeque Grammaticis, Mainz, 1605 defending his book Trihaeresium, seu de celeberrimis tribus, apud Iudaeos, Pharisaeorum, Sadducaeorum & Essenorum sectis (…) ad nupero Jo. Drusii de Hasidaeis libello respondendum l. III, Mainz, 1604. This shows Terrentius was involved in polemics on Biblical philology, in this case on the identification of the Asidaei / Essenes. The reaction of Hanniel on Terrentius’s public criticisms was unusually aggressive, as he reports himself to have ‘beaten’ Terrentius, until he left Rostock: “Hîc ante paucos dies novimus nescio quem Terrentium, qui memoriae aliasque secretiores artes, nec non linguas exoticas magno cum juventutis concursu professus, tandem pontificiam religionem clam sparsisse, et tui praesertim odium imperitorum animis aperte instillasse deprehensus fuit, quem ego postea plurimis, etiam e nobilitate, praesentibus ita depexum dedi, ut paulo post se ex hac universitate subduxerit, etc.” / ‘Here we know for some days now a further unknown ‘Terrentius’, who teaches mnemonic and other rather secret techniques, as well as exotic languages, with a great onrush of the youth; and in secret he spread the ‘papal religion’ (namely Roman Catholicism), and he is detected more in particular in having openly dropped in the spirits of those inexperienced youths hate especially towards you; later I gave him, in the presence of many people, including members of the nobility, a beating, so that shortly later he has removed himself from the university, etc.’676 I wonder whether the physical traces of some punch (“Fausthieb”), which M. Rupprecht has recognized on Terrentius’s portrait677 could be linked to Hanniel’s act in April 1607. Terrentius owned also a copy of G. Schoppe’s anti-Scaliger publication Scaliger hypobolimaeus hoc est: elenchus epistolae Iosephi Burdonis Pseudoscaligeri de vetustate et splendore gentis Scaligerae, Moguntiae (Mainz): Officina Ioannis Albini, 1607 which is now in Rome.678

676 See Hanniel’s letter dated on the Ides of April 1607 (or 13 April 1607) to his friend Joseph Scaliger in Leiden, published in Petrus Burmannus, Sylloges Epistolarum a Viris Illustribus Scriptarum (…), Tomus II, Leiden, 1727, p. 372. Confirmation of this incident and the context in which it happened we find in Schoppe, Amphotides Scioppianae, 1611, pp. 100–101, where Schoppe quotes from a letter of Hanniel to Marcus Welser: “Nebulonem quendam Johannem Terrentium, quia Scioppii defensionem suscipere fuisset ausus ex aliquot Germaniae academiis mutilatis naribus et auribus, profugere coactus fuisse, nisi quidem peius mulcari et vel vitam adimi sibi vellet” / ‘(He reported) that a certain idle rascal, by name Johann Terrentius, because he dared to defend Schoppius, had been forced to escape from some German universities, with mutilated nose and ears, unless he wanted to be beaten up in a more severe way and deprived of his life’ (quoted in: M. D’Addio, Il pensiero politico di Gaspare Scioppio e il machiavellismo del seicento, Milano, 1962, pp. 107–108). For an interpretation of this incident within the perspective of the Counter-Reformation, see Paolo Galluzzi, The Lynx and the Telescope (…), p. 57, note 93. 677 M. Rupprecht, in: E. Zettl & C. von Collani (eds), Johannes Schreck-Terrentius, pp. 139–140. 678 BVE, 8.30.C.21. See, on this polemic e.g., F. Schmidt, in: S. Stern (ed.), Sects and Sectarianism in Jewish History, Leiden, 2011, p. 194 ff.; A. Ottaviani, ‘La filologia scomoda dei Lincei’, in: AA.VV., I primi Lincei e il Sant’Uffizio, Rome, 2005, p. 101 ff.; P. Galluzzi, The Lynx and the Telescope: the Parallel Worlds of Cesi and Galileo, Leiden, 2017, pp. 57–58. For Terrentius’s owner’s inscription, see below note 1110.

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Hasdal(e), Martin (1571–1630)

Member of Rudolph II’s Court in Prague, probably as his librarian and certainly one of his intimate servants;679 c. 1610, he was a regular correspondent – and probably former pupil – of Galileo (see the latter’s Opera Omnia); it was he who transmitted the first copy of Galileo’s Nuncius Sidereus to Kepler, who made a positive review of it. Hasdale is once referred to by Terrentius, after a meeting in Liège: “Nuper inveni Hasdal (sic) Leodii, sed non licuit mihi colere uberius cum ipso, etc.” / ‘Recently I found Hasdal in Liège, but it was not possible for me to dwell much longer with him” (f. 506v / 1029). Terrentius must have met him first during his Prague visit in 1607, and the meeting in Liège was, in all probability, a surprise: after Rudolph’s death in 1612, he was jailed along with other close collaborators of Rudolph, including Drebbel. Antonio Favaro lost his trace after he was released, but from this Terrentius-source one could guess he lived, at least for a while, at the Court of Liège. Henot(tus), Séraphin (?–d. 1626?)

Of Belgian origin (Waremme?), son of Jacob Henot, he was until 1603 the Imperial postmaster of Cologne, and residing in 1601–04 at the Court in Prague. Tommaso Campanella (1568–1639) addresses on 14 June 1607 the ms. of his Ad Seraphicum Responsio de pestilentia Coloniensi to the “nobiles Henotos” in Cologne, who had requested for it.680 This can have been in some relation with the integrated anti-pestilence strategy in the Strasbourg-Rheinfelden area, in which also Friedrich Eggs was involved. Séraphin was since 1609 in close collaboration with Leopold von Austria in Zabern (shared occupation of Jülich).681 His name appears as co-signer in a letter of 19 March 1615 the consiliarius Christian Schmidlin sent from Rheinfelden to Terrentius, with in PS personal greetings from Seraphin Henost (Henaut?), who is presented as: “Serenissimi Archiducis intimus secretarius, qui nobiscum est”, i.e. ‘intimate secretary and private Counsellor, who is with us (in Rheinfelden)’ (f. 632r / 1285). He appears again on 14 June 1616,

679 Cf. especially A. Favaro, in: Amici e corrispondenti di Galileo, vol. I, pp. 600–606; R. J. W. Evans, Rudolf II and his world. A study in intellectual history, Oxford, 1973, p. 73; Hillary Gatti, The Renaissance drama of knowledge: Giordano Bruno in England, London – New York, 1989, p. 57. 680 Ms. in BNC Firenze, Magl. 08,0006, fols 498a–503a. See V. Spampanato, Syntagma de libris propriis, Florence, 1927, p. 33, and id., Lettere, pp. 111 and 114 (where “Seraphine” with certainty refers to this person) and the edition of G. Ernst, Tommaso Campanella. Lettere, Firenze, 2010, p. 125 ff. and 151; Luigi Firpo, DBI, vol. 17, 1974, p. 383; Michael Mönnich, Tommaso Campanella. Sein Beitrag zur Medizin und Pharmazie der Renaissance, Stuttgart, 1990, pp. 38–39. 681 On the appointment in Frankfurt, see Gebhard Florian, Chronica der Welt-berümten Freyen Reichs-, Wahl - und Handelsstadt Franckfurt am Mayn, Frankfurt / Main, 1706, p. 828; Engelbert Göller, Jacob Henot. Postmeister von Köln, Diss. Bonn, 1910, p. 188; Wolfgang Behringer, Thurn und Taxis, Zürich, 1990, pp. 65–72; William Layherr & G. Scholz Williams, Consuming News: Newspapers and Print Culture in Early Modern Europe (1500–1800), Amsterdam, 2008, p. 215; Regina Dauser, Informationskultur und Beziehungswissen: das Korrespondenznetz Hans Fuggers, Berlin, 2008, p. 122; C. Pecho, Fürstbischof – Putchist – Landesherr. Erzherzog Leopolds Herrschaftsentwürfe im Zeitalter des Dreissigjärigen Krieges, Münster, 2017, passim.

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when he asked from Terrentius: “Stramonii semen, quod ego ipsi nomine ‘burladorae’ explicavi” / ‘the seed of jimsonweed, which I explained to him by the name of ‘burladora’ (f. 511r / 1038). Because of its dangerous effects, and the fact that this specialist abused it also towards Eggs, Terrentius asked Faber to be careful with the distribution of his information.682 This suggests he was probably involved in the alchemical activities of Leopold, and was one from the circle of ‘satellites’ Terrentius is mentioning at the Court of Zabern (Strasbourg) (f. 525v / 1067): “ancorche molti si vadino intorno, cavet sibi ab istis quam maxime”. More materials on Henot are in the Archives of Strasbourg, while his correspondence with Leopold V of Austria is in the Tiroler Landesarchiv in Innsbruck (Alphabetisches Leopoldinum, I / 478). Henricus

Cf. “D(ominus) Henricus” on f. 526r / 1068: “Eadem D(omino) Henrico quam mihi precor” / ‘I request the same things for Mr Henricus and for me’; on f. 522r / 1060 (23 February 1616) the same name appears as the potential addressee to whom could be sent ‘curiosities’: “Salutet meo nomine…praesertim Sr. Henrico, cui – si quid rari mihi obtigisset – transmitterem, sed hiemis obstitit hactenus saevitia” / ‘He (Faber) should greet in my name…especially Mr Henricus, to whom I would transmit, if something curious would have come into my hands, but the austerity of the winter was so far an obstacle’. As one can deduce from both fragments Henricus was in good relations with Terrentius, lived near Faber (in Rome) and Terrentius (then in Zabern) intended to send some ‘curiosity’ to him, if the weather would permit it, I assume he was the Roman botanist Enrico Corvino (cf. s.v.); indeed, whenever it was possible, Terrentius was looking for seeds (“semina”) to his behalf (f. 679r / 1379; from Munich, 23 July 1617). Henricus, Father: see Vivarius, Henricus. Herwart (al. Hörwart) von Hohenburg, Georg, OSA (1553–1622)

Bavarian Chancellor and scholar from Augsburg, proto-Egyptologist, antiquarian, mathematician and correspondent of Johann Kepler, and since 1616 German member of the Accademia dei Lincei.683 Not mentioned by name in Terrentius’s letters,

682 F. 511r / 1038: “Sed quia video quod forte eo abuteretur non solum in malos fines apud alios sed etiam apud ipsum D(ominum) Eggsium, a quo forte posset secreta quaedam extorquere, quod in magnum damnum, imo perniciem Eggsii cedere posset, quaeso semper tergiversetur, si quidam scribat Terrentium promisisse Româ se curaturum scribatque esse plantam Indicam, iam non reperiri in Europa, et videlicet in Europa sit aliqua similis, sed numquam nominet stramonium, esse tum admodum periculosam, et ab eius usu homines vel enecari vel in rabiem agi posse”; see below chap. 4.3. 683 ADB, 13, 1881, pp. 169–175; Bay.Biogr. Lex., vol. 2, Munich, 2005, p. 881; M. Lanzinner, in: Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 75, 1993, pp. 320–323; P. J. Boner, ‘Statesman and scholar: von Hohenburg as Patron and Author in the Republic of Letters’, in: History of Science, 52 (1), 2014, pp. 29–51; on his relations with the

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but almost surely to be identified with the anonymous antiquarianist, for whom Terrentius was writing from Munich to Faber, when looking for the fragments of the Roman obelisk on the Campo Marzio: “Rescribe an de obelisco, qui in Campo Martio in aliqua cella reconditus est et sepultus iacet, sit aliqua spes ut lucem aspiciat. Res nam digna est eo labore, cum sit et antiquissimu(s), Salomone(m) puto attingens et altus 75 pedes. Est amicus qui valde desiderat habere litteras hieroglyphicas illius” / ‘Write me whether there is some hope to bring to light the obelisk, which is hidden in some cellar in the Campo Marzio and lies there buried; the question would deserve this effort, as the obelisk stems from very ancient times, I think reaching Salomon’s time, and it is 75 feet high. There is a friend (of mine), who strongly desires to have the hieroglyphs of this (obelisk)’ (f. 679v / 1380; 23 July 1617). Whether Terrentius once received an answer I don’t know, but the obelisk – the one of the former Augustus solarium, found near to Montecitorio – was only erected again in 1792.684 Afterwards, when in Antwerp (December 1616 / January 1617), Terrentius bought a copy of the Thesaurus Hieroglyphicorum e Museo J. G. Herwarth ab Hohenburg, s.l., 1610; cf. below, chap. 3.2. Hirschberger, Joachim (d. 1617 or 1618)

Medical doctor in Erfurt, to whom the alchemist Michael Maier dedicated his Examen fucorum pseudo-chymicorum, Frankfurt, 1616 (“utriusque medicinae Doctori, Chymiae verae studiosissimo”; a copy in China in Verhaeren, no. 2160).685 He was one of Terrentius’s correspondents: cf. f. 509r / 1034 (Munich, 26 May 1617): “Scripsi nuper Artistae et Hirschberger et aliis” / ‘Recently I wrote to the Artist and Hirschberger and others’; probably Terrentius did not receive an answer, as his reference on f. 679v / 1380 suggests: “ab Artista Joachimo altum silentium. Spero tamen ante abitum meum aliquod responsum ab illis…” / ‘From the Artist Joachim complete silence. Yet, I hope for some answer of them before my departure’ (Munich, 23 July 1617). The absence of an answer was probably only due to Hirschberger’s decease.

Accademia dei Lincei: Gabrieli, ‘La “Germania Lincea”’, p. 60; Contributi, I, p. 452; 535 (candidature: 21 January 1616); for his Egyptological work, see, e.g., James Stevens Curl, The Egyptian Revival, New York, 2005, p. 115; D. Stolzenberg, Egyptian Oedipus (…), Chicago, 2013, p. 145; etc.; for his correspondence with Kepler (more than 90 letters between 1597 and 1611): Ungedruckte wissenschaftliche Correspondenz zwischen Johannn Kepler und Herwart von Hohenburg, 1599, Prague: V. Dietz, 1886 (repr. 2013). 684 For the story of this obelisk: see B. A. Curran, A. Grafton, P. O. Long & B. Weiss, Obelisk. A History, Cambridge Mass., 2009, p. 196 ff. 685 P. Rattansi & A. Clericuzio, Alchemy and Chemistry in the 16th and 17th centuries, Dordrecht-Boston, 1994, p. 136; C. Bamford, in: R. White (ed.), The Rosicrucian Enlightenment Revisited, New York, 1999 p. 107. Other manuscript texts dedicated to him (and not to another phantom Joachim Hirschberger): see E. Leibenguth, Hermetische Poesie des Frühbarock: die ‘Cantilenae intellectuales’ Michael Maiers (…), Tübingen, 2002, p. 503.

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Hohenzoller(e)n (ab / von), Eitel Friedrich III (1573–1651)

Member of the noble family von Hohenzollern Sigmaringen that was based in Bingen, Terrentius’s birthplace, and who was partly involved in the affair of the prolonged Indulgentiae of Bingen (f. 508r / 1032). On 23 October 1614, he wrote to Terrentius during his theology studies in Rome, asking for a recipe, called nepenthes: “Io intendo che V(estra) P(aterni)tà ha communicato una volta un secreto d’una recetta detta Nepent(h) es al Dottor Eccio (Eggsio) di Reinfeldt, quale la tiene secreta et fa con essa cure incredibili. Perche io ne sono molto curioso e comincio a sentire che volendomi mantener sano bisognara frequentar le medicine, prego V(est)ra P(aterni)tà voler