Cicero: Epistulae ad familiares. Vol. 2, 47-43 B.C. [First paperback edition.] 9780521211529, 0521211522, 9780521606981, 0521606985

Table of contents :
Abbreviations
Epistulae ad familiares 173-435
Commentary
Addenda to the commentary
Concordances
Indices.

Citation preview

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CONTENTS page v i i

Abbreviations E P I S T U L A E

AD

F A M I L I A R E S

174-435

i

C O M M E N T A R Y

307

Addenda to the Commentary

573

Concordances

576

Indices I

I N D E X N O M I N U M (j)

589

II

I N D E X N O M I N U M (ii)

6l2

III INDEX VERBORUM

614

IV I N D E X

RF.RUM

622

V

GRAEfMTATIS

628

INDEX

ABBREVIATIONS T h e following m a y b e n o t e d :

A. = D . R . S h a c k l e t o n (Cambridge,

Cicero's

Bailey,

to

Atticus

1964-1970)

B a i l e y , Greek atomists = C . B a i l e y ,

Epicurus

letters

The

Greek atomists

The

magistrates

and

( O x f o r d , 1928)

Broughton = T . R . S . Broughton,

Roman Republic

of

the

( N e w Y o r k , 1 9 5 1 - 6 0 ) . References, unless

otherwise stated, a r e to V o l . 11 B r u n s = C . G . B r i m s , Pontes Juris

Romani

antiqui,

7U1

ed.

( T t l b i n g e n , 1909) B r u n t , Manpower

= P . A . B r u n t , Italian

manpower

(Oxford,

»97»)

A

Buckland = W . W . Buckland, 3rd ed. (Cambridge,

text-book of

Roman

law,

1963)

Cicero = D . R . S h a c k l e t o n B a i l e y , Cicero ( L o n d o n , 1971) Constans (Constans-Bayet) = L . - A . Constans (and J . Bayet),

Ciciron,

correspondance,

vols,

i-v

(Bude

Series,

Paris,

"934-64)

D e m m e l = M . D e m m e l , Cicero und Paetus ( D i s s .

Cologne,

1962) Drumann-Groebe = W. Drumann

and

P. Groebe,

Gc-

schichte Roms, 2 n d e d . ( L e i p z i g , 1 8 9 9 - 1 9 2 9 ) G e l z e r , Caesar « M . G e l z e r , Caesar,

2nd

ed.

(Wiesbaden,

i960)

G e l z e r , Cicero = M . G e l z e r , Cicero ( W i e s b a d e n , 1969)

Leg. procedure = A . H . J . G r e e n i d g e , procedure of Cicero s time ( O x f o r d , 1901)

Greenidge,

The

legal

1

G r u e n , Last generation = E . S . G r u e n , The

last generation of

the Roman Republic ( B e r k e l e y a n d L o s Angeles, 1974) • *

VII

H o u s m a n , CI. Papers = The classical papers of A. E.

Housman,

e d . J . D i g g l c a n d F . R . D . G o o d y e a r ( C a m b r i d g e , 1972) H o w = W . W . H o w , CicerOy select letters ( O x f o r d , 1926) K . - S . = R . K t i h n e r a n d G . S t e g m a n n , Ausfuhrliche Grammatik

der lateinischen Sprache: S a t z l e h r e , 3 r d e d . ( L e v e r k u s e n , J 955) K r e b s - S c h m a l z = J . P. K r e b s

and

Anti-

J . H . Schmalz,

barbarus der lateinischen Sprache 7th ed. (Basle, 1905) y

K l i h n e r - H o l z w e i s s i g = R . K i i h n e r a n d F . H o l z w e i s s i g , Aus-

fuhrliche

Grammatik

der lateinischen

Sprache:

Elementar-,

F o r m e n - u n d W o r t l e h r e , 2 n d e d . ( H a n o v e r , 1912)

L . - S . - J . = Liddell-Scott-Jones,

Greek-English

lexicon^ 9 t h

ed. L e h m a n n , Quaestiones = G . A . L e h m a n n , Quaestiones

Tullia-

nae ( P r a g u e a n d L e i p z i g , 1886) M a g i e = D . M a g i e , Roman rule in Asia

Minor

(Princeton,

1950) Marquardt, waltung

y

Rom.

St. = J . M a r q u a r d t , Romische

Staatsver-

2nd ed. (Leipzig, 1881-5)

M a r s h a l l , Lex Pompeia = A . J . M a r s h a l l , The Lex Pompeia de

provinciis (52 B.C.) and Cicero s imperium in 51-50 B.C.: constitutional aspects (Aufstieg und JSfiedergang der romischen Welty e d . H . T e m p o r i n i ( B e r l i n , 1972), 1, p p . 8 8 7 - 9 2 1 ) 9

M e n d e l s s o h n = L . M e n d e l s s o h n , Ciceronis

epistularum

libri

Romische

For-

sedecim ( L e i p z i g , 1893) Mommsen,

Rom.

Forsch. = T . M o m m s e n ,

schungen ( B e r l i n , 1864) M o m m s e n , St. = T . M o m m s e n , Romisches Slaatsrecht

s

3rd ed.

(Leipzig, 1887-8)

M o m m s e n , Sir. = T . M o m m s e n , Romsches

Strafrecht(Leipzig,

1899) M o r i c c a =* U . M o r i c c a , Ciceronis

libri sedecim ( T u r i n , 1950) •*m

VU1

Epistularum

ad

Familiares

M a i l e r = G . F . W . M i i l l e r , Ciceronis scripia Ills

(Teubner,

L e i p z i g , 1896)

M t i n z e r , Adelsparteien = F . M i i n z c r ,

Romische

Adelsparteien

und Adelsfamilien (Stuttgart, 1920) Nagelsbach-Mliller = K . F . von Nagelsbach and I . Miiller,

Lateirdsche Stilistik, 9 t h e d . ( N u r e m b e r g , 1905) N a r d o = D . N a r d o , Ciceronis epistularum

ad familiares

liber

duodecimus ( B o l o g n a , 1966) N e u e - W a g e n e r = F . N e u e a n d C . W a g c n e r , Formenlehre der

lateinischen Sprache, 3 r d e d . ( L e i p z i g , 1 9 0 2 - 5 ) Sprichworter = A . O t t o , Die Sprichworter und wortlichen Redensarten der Romer ( L e i p z i g , 1890)

Otto,

Propertiana = D . R . S h a c k l e t o n

Bailey,

Propertiana

sprich(Gam-

b r i d g e , 1956)

RE

= P a u l y - W i s s o w a , Realencyclopddie

S c h m i d t , Briefwechsel

= O . E . S c h m i d t , Der Briefwechsel

M. Tullius Cicero von seinem Prokonsulat Caesars Ermordung ( L e i p z i g , 1893) S c h u l z e , Eigennamen = W . S c h u l z e , Z

ur

des in Cilicien bis zu

Geschichte lateinischer

Eigennamen, G o t t . A b h . , phil.-hist. K l . v , 6 (1904) Shuckburgh = E . S. Shuckburgh,

The

letters

of

Cicero

(London, 1899-1900)

Ciceronis epistularum ad familiares ( T e u b n e r , Ciceronis scripia IX L e i p z i g , 1925)

Sjogren = H . S j o g r e n ,

libri I-XV1

%

Strachan-Davidson,

Criminal

law = J . L . S t r a c h a n - D a v i d -

s o n , Problems of the Roman criminal law ( O x f o r d , 1912) Sumner,

Lex

Annalis = G . V . S u m n e r , * T h e Lex

Annalis

u n d e r C a e s a r ' , Phoenix 25 (1971), 2 4 6 - 7 1 , 3 5 7 - 7 1

Orators = G . V . S u m n e r , The Orators in Cicero s Brutus: prosopography and chronology ( T o r o n t o , 1973)

Sumner,

S y m e , Cilicia

9

The province of Cilicia {Anatolian studies presented to William Hepburn Buckler, p p . 2 2 9 - 3 3 2 = R . Syme,

( M a n c h e s t e r , 1939))

S y m c , Rom. Rev. =» R . S y m e , The Roman Revolution ( O x f o r d , »939) S y m c , Sallust

= R . S y m e , Saltust ( B e r k e l e y , 1964)

T . - P . = R . Y . T y r r e l l a n d L . C . Purser,

The correspondence

of Cicero, 3 r d a n d 2 n d e d d . ( D u b l i n , 1 9 0 4 - 3 3 ) Taylor,

Assemblies = L . R . T a y l o r , Roman voting assemblies

( A n n A r b o r , 1966)

Thes. = Thesaurus Linguae

Laiinae

T r e g g i a r i , Freedmen = S . T r e g g i a r i , Roman freedmen during the

late Republic ( O x f o r d , 1969) W e i n s t o c k , Dims ford,

Julius

— S . W e i n s t o c k , Divas Julius

(Ox-

1971)

Wesenberg = A . S . Wesenberg,

Ciceronis

epistulae,

vol.

I

( T e u b n e r , L e i p z i g , 1872) W i l l i a m s = W . G l y n n W i l l i a m s , Cicero, letters to his

friends

( L o e b Series, 1965) W i s e m a n , New men = T . P . W i s e m a n , Mew men in the Roman

Senate ( O x f o r d , 1971)

TEXT

INDEX

SIGLORUM

M = Mediceus 49.9 (saec. r x - x ) P = Mcdiccus 49.7 (an. 1392 scrip tus), raro citatus G = Harleianus 2773 (saec. X J I ) R = Parisinus 178x2 (saec. x n ) */ H D F X

= = = = =

Parisinus 14761 (saec. x v ) Harleianus 2682 (saec. x i ) Palatinus 598 (saec. x v ) Berolinensis 252 (saec. X I I - X I I I ) , raro citatus consensus codicum V H D

O = consensus codicum M G R vel M V H D / = fragmentum Hamburgense (saec. fort, x n ) L — fragmentum Heilbronnense (saec. fort, xn) T = fragmentum Taurinense (saec. vi) < = lectiones hie illic citatae sive ex codicibus deterioribus sive ex veteribus editionibus sive originis incertae numeri codicum siglis applicati vel primae vel recentioris manus correctioncs designant. ceterum M = correctiones qui bus caret codicis M apographon P. Littera c siglo addita incertae manus correctiones notantur. 3

174 ( x v . 15)

Scr. Brundisii m. SexL

an. 47

M. C I C E R O S . D . C. C A S S I O

1

E t s i u t e r q u e n o s t r u m spe pacis et odio civilis sanguinis abesse a b e l l i < n o n ) necessari[a] p e r t i n a c i a voluit, t a m e n , q u o n i a m eius consili p r i n c e p s ego

fuisse videor,

p l u s fortasse

tibi

p r a e s t a r e ipse d e b e o q u a m a te exspectare; etsi, ut saepe soleo m e c u m r e c o r d a r i , s e r m o familiaris meus t e c u m et i t e m 5 m e c u m tuus a d d u x i t u t r u m q u e n o s t r u m a d i d c o n s i l i u m ut u n o proelio p u t a r e m u s , si n o n t o t a m c a u s a m , at certe n o s t r u m i u d i c i u m dcfiniri c o n v e n i r e . n e q u e q u i s q u a m h a n c n o s t r a m s e n t e n t i a m vere

umquam

reprehendit praeter

eo(s>

qui

a r b i t r a n t u r m e l i u s esse deleri o m n i n o r e m p u b l i c a m q u a m

10

i m m i n u t a m et d e b i l i t a t a m m a n e r e . ego a u t e m ex i n t e r i t u eius n u l l a m s p e m scilicet m i h i p r o p o n e b a m , ex reliquis magnam. 2

S e d e a sunt consecuta ut m a g i s m i r u m sit a c c i d e r e i l i a potuisse q u a m nos n o n vidisse e a futura n e c , h o m i n e s c u m essemus, d i v i n a r e potuisse. e q u i d e m fateor m e a m c o n i e c t u r a m h a n c fuisse, u t i l l o q u a s i q u o d a m victores

communi

saluti

consuli

fatali proelio facto vellent

et

victi

et

suae; 5

u t r u m q u e a u t e m p o s i t u m esse a r b i t r a b a r i n c e l e r i t a t e victoris. q u a e si fuisset,

e a n d e m c l e m e n t i a m e x p e r t a esset

Africa

q u a m c o g n o v i t A s i a , q u a m e t i a m A c h a i a te, ut opinor, ipso legato

ac

deprecatore.

a missis

autem

temporibus,

quae

p l u r i m u m v a l e n t , p r a e s e r t i m i n bellis c i v i l i b u s , interpositus a n n u s alios i n d u x i t ut v i c t o r i a m sperarent, alios ut i p s u m v i n c i E p . 174 O = MVDH{F)"\ I , 1 spe x P M 2 non ncccssarii Maduig: neccssaria M\ om. x 9 * reprehendet ? praeter cos -reo (-rea V) O 11 imminutam 4: immuni tarn MVH: -utatam D 12 rcliquiis 9).i Melitam igitur, opinor, capessamus, dum quid in Hispania. The unciceronian quandoque = aliquando was deservedly suspected by Reid, who according to T.-P. proposed quoad (sciam qua) quandoque, comparing Att. 167 (rx.l).2 qua quandove iturisint (but what of iUel). 263

( I X . 12)

Cicero was evidently out of Rome (§2 habebam mecum, quod non putaram), but there is nothing to show at which of his villas he was staying. Nor is the date to be fixed precisely; it was some time after the delivery of the defence of K i n g Deiotarus, which was probably i n November (Schmidt, Brie/wechsel, 362). O n 19 December Cicero was at Puteoli or Cumae (Att. 353 (Mn-52)).

1, 1 s a l u b r e s I t is strange to find this great watering-place characterized as unhealthy. Could there be an elaborate joke, stemming from Dolabella's letter? He may have referred to the moral dangers of Baiae, which were notorious. Something of the sort occurred to Gronovius. 4 v i m s u a m 'Their natural properties.' For vis as an inherent quality producing a certain effect cf. Div. 1.79 terrae vis Pythiam Delpkis incitabat, et sim. Not 'their wonted severity' (T.-P.). a, 5 levidense For volui (missing in M ) , F. Walter (Wien. Stud. 57 (1939), 129) suggests decrevi, comparing 248 (iv.5).i decrevi brevi ad te perscribere (sim. Att. 265 (xn.26).2 decrevi nihil tibi rescribere). But x is good authority, levidense is supported by Isid. Orig. xrx.22.19 Icvidensis, quod raro filo sit leviterque densata. pavitensis contraria levidensi dicta, quod graviter pressa atque calcata sit (T.-P. doubtless got their, admittedly harmless, misquotation out of Lewis and Short). T . Birt (Philot. 83 (1928), 38)

thought the word 'der Form und dem Sinn nach cine Unmoglichkeit', and that Isidore may have got i t from the letter. He proposed mittere volui, (quod) nevi dense (adv.) citing Ov. Fast. H I . 8 2 0 rarum pectine denset opus and Anth. Lat. 742.47 Sirica Arachneo densentur pectine texta. But Isidore clearly did not base his description on Cicero. c r a s s o filo Cf. Otto, Spruhworter, 224. 8 a l i o m m Other Caesarians.

264 (vix.29)

The language of this letter is highly colloquial (senes comptionales, de meliore nota, rejigere, duo parities. . .dealbare). For Cicero's appreciation of the writer's crCrrdyOwv urbanitas cf. Att. 125 (vn.2)-3 and the letter to Curius himself, 267 (vn.31). 1, 2 s u m e n i m enim is difficult to understand, unless i t is simply asseverative (cf. A. v, 3 8 6 ) ; Cicero's usufructuary rights i n Curius offer no reason for the preceding formula. Is the reference to the heading (cf. 2t (1.10) n.)? I n that case this should read SUO (VEL POTIUS SUUS) or simply SUUS or, as Schutz suggested, (PATRONO) SUO; cf. Ov. ex Pont. 1.3.1 hanc tibi Naso tuus mittit, Rufine, salutem, | qui miser est, ulli si suus esse potest.

Xprjoci xrf $ d KTfjois are often contrasted, like usus (ususfructus) and mancipium', cf. Munro and C. Bailey on Lucr. m.971. 3 m a n c i p i u m Full ownership; cf. Ov. ex Pont, rv.5.39 iurat | se ai

a n

fore mancipii tempus in omne tui.

I.e. coemptionalis. Explained by inference as old slaves put up for sale i n a job lot as not worth buying individually; 4 comptionalis

cf. Plaut. Bacch. 976 nunc Priamo nostro si est quis emptor, comptionalem senem | vendam ego venalcm quem kabeo. I n Liv. 111.72.4 comptionali seni is a mere term of abuse, if, as seems likely, comptionali should be read for contionali ('a meeting-going old m a n ' ) ; for venality (cf. R. M . Ogilvie

ad loc.) does not seem i n point. But a different interpretation may lie behind Mur. 27 sacra inter ire Mi [sc. maiores] noluerunt; horum [sc. iurisconsultorum] ingenio senes ad coemptions faciendas interimendorum sacrorum causa reperti sunt; i.e., as explained by Heitland, lawyers had invented a

device whereby a woman who had inherited an estate burdened by obligations to maintain family sacra could eventually get rid of them by contracting a formal marriage (coemptio) to an old man without property of his own, on whom the sacra would then devolve. He would manumit her and return the estate by gift. When he did, the sacra would lapse. I t is hard to believe that Cicero did not connect this with the term comptionalis senex; and since advanced old age, childlessness, and poverty were requisite i n such factitious husbands, the term, so understood, might easily become merely opprobrious. But i t does not seem likely that this legal subterfuge existed i n Plautus' time, to say nothing of the Livian passage; so that if Cicero did so understand the term, he may have been mistaken. The gloss quoted in Thes. contemnalis (comptionalis Goetz) senex: emptus, manumissus et tutor, auctor/actus seems to contain elements of both interpretations. egerit n o n m u l t u m ' W i l l not do himself much good' (i.e. will not make much out of the sale); cf. nihil agis, et sim. 5 a t i l i a n o s t r a , s q q . Curius seems to be saying ' I am not worth much to Atticus as my owner because I should fetch nothing i n the market. But you as enjoying usufruct get something out of me when I go telling all and sundry how good you have been to me.' 5-6 quod s i m u s , quod h a b e a m u s , quod homines e x i s t i m e m u r Cf. 428 (x.24).6 quod vivit Antonius hodie, quod Lepidus una est, quod exercitus habent non contemnendos, quod sperant, quod audent, omne Caesari acceptum referre possunt. Here too quod may be a conjunction throughout (' the fact

that I exist, that I have m o n e y . . . ' ) . But it seems more natural to understand i t as a pronoun i n the first two places ('what I am, what I have'). 8 SulpJci successor! Acilius; cf. 301 (xni.30), intr. note. de m e l i o r e nota nota = ' b r a n d ' of wine, presumably from the mark on the jar or cask. The metaphorical use occurs in Catullus, Seneca, the younger Pliny, and several times i n Petronius. 9 praeceptis See the beginning of Cicero's reply. 10 refigere 'Pull out.' Unique i n this sense, and no doubt a vulgarism.

deportareque Regularly used of transport from the provinces to Italy or Rome; cf. deadere. a, 1 a m i c e m a g n e magne = 'powerful', 'highly-placed', as i n Juv. vx.313 magnos visurus amieos. Cf. patron* mi below. 3 d u o . . .dealbare Like 50o Tofvovc aAsle^iv, explained h r l TWV crrau^cmpt JOVTWV Kal 81a uiaov xcopovvTCov iv udxene fj oiAlai?. Cf. Otto, Spriehworter, 26$f.

4 bene vale by Cicero.

This formula is used by Matius (348 (xi.a8).8), never

m e u m . . . n o s t r i s No occasion for nostrum.. .meis (Boot): Curius wrote nostris only because he did not want to use meus twice. 6 d a t a Perhaps from d. = aVaV or dabam; cf. A. n , 143. 4-5

265 (vn.30)

* g ° vero I n answer to tuis praectptis, sqq. in Curius' letter. Cicero had i n fact withdrawn this advice more than a year previously I

J

1

(200 (vn.28).!).

3 u b i . . . a u d l a m On this favourite quotation (sometimes varied in the quoting) see A. vr, 225. 8 h o r a aecunda About 9 a.m. 8-9 c o m i t i i s quaestoriis Held late this year because of Caesar's absence and the various celebrations following his return. 9 Q . M a x i m i Perhaps after all to be identified with Q . Fabius Maximus Sanga; cf. A . 1, 348. He had served as Legate to Caesar i n the Spanish war (Broughton, 311)» after which he was granted an irregular Triumph and made Consul Suffect for the last three months of 45 (id. 304/.)9 - 10 quern i l l i . . .dicebant

Cf. A. V I , 216 (si quidem illi magistrate).

According to Suetonius (Iul. 80.2) the public were of Cicero's way of thinking: Q,. Maximo suffeeto trimenstrique console theatrum introeunte, cum lictor animadverti ex more iussisset, ab universis conclamatum est non esse eum consulem.

I I Hie Caesar. auspicatus Caesar apparently intended to preside as Dictator over the comitia tributa, even though the Consul Fabius was to have been present. 11-12 centuriata Noted by L . R . T a y l o r (Assemblies (1966), 47) as evidence that the Centuries as well as the Tribes voted i n the Saepta not a quite certain deduction, so far as this passage goes. 12 h o r a s e p t l m a About 12.45 p«rn. 13 m a n e Deleted by Unger (Philol. 51 (1892), 214) on the grounds

that the consular office changed hands at midnight and that Caninius should not be assumed to have stayed awake until dawn. But it seems more probable that Cicero wrote carelessly than that the word was inserted by a copyist. According to Hofmann-Andresen it is used 'scherzhaJC for midnight; but where would be the joke? 14 Caninio C. Caninius Rebilus (A. m, 291). Cicero's jests on this incident were long remembered; cf. Macrob. Sat. 11.3.6, vn.3.10; Hist. Aug. x x i v . 8 . 2 ; Plut. Caes. 58. 16 viderit Cf. Ter. Heaut. 491 somnum hercle ego hac node oculis non vidi meis and the couplet attributed to Cicero i n Macrob. I.e. vigilantem habemus

consulem

Caninium,

\ qui in consulatu

somnum non vidit

suo

(suo

somnum non vidit codd.).

2, 4 - 5 i n philosophiae p o r t u m Cf. 252 ( v . i s ) . 3 n . 7 mancipio et nexo Cf. Har. Resp. 14 iure mancipi, iure nexi. Both procedures for acquiring ownership per aes et libram belong to the beginning of Roman law, the latter being obsolete i n Cicero's time. Their relationship has been endlessly discussed. According to one view nexum (nexus) was a transaction whereby a debtor pledged his person i n guarantee of debt, whereas mancipium involved conveyance of property by the act of mancipatio or in iure cessio (cf. Berger, Encycl. diet, of Roman law, 595> 573> 4 9 6 ) . Doubtless Cicero was not here concerned with legal exactitude and merely wanted two words to balance usu et fructu. 3, 1 Acilius Cf. 266 (xm.50), intr. note. c u m legionibus For use i n Caesar's projected Parthian war. 2 m a x i m o meo beneficio est Similarly Phil, vni.8 cum suo magna esset beneficio 1 cf. K . - S . 1, 455f.

A t first sight most naturally taken as nullo suo damno. But usage, for which cf. 150 ( I V . I ) . I and Reid on Acad, n.57, supports the interpretation salva re publica ( ' i n better days', as i t were). T . - P . i n rejecting i t remark that an adjective signifying 'public* would then have been required w i t h rebus. I t would be truer to say that the other interpretation would require suis; cf. Nep. Hann. 10.1 Poenus conservatis suis rebus. 5 eamque e p i s t u l a m See below. 6 pollicitus s i t Cf. 275 (xm.78).2 peto.. .ut.. .polliceare omnia te 3 rebus salvis

facturum

mea causa, 293 (xni.27).i te, ut meas litteras legeris,

bus suis pollicitum

statimprocuratori-

esse omnia, et sim.

266 (xm.50)

A M . (or NT.) Acilius is mentioned several times i n Caesar's de Bello Civili and once i n D i o (xui.12.1) as a Caesarian commander i n 4 8 . I n one passage, B.C. in.39.1, he appears i n the MSS as canin(i)us legatus or

caninianus legatus; and an Ostian inscription prior to 28 B.C. records

M . Acilius M . f. Caninus as Quaestor Urbanus (C.I.L. xrv, 153). I t is hard to believe this a coincidence; but it is scarcely less hard to believe that Caesar would have puzzled his readers with an unaccompanied cognomen, which he uses nowhere else, and go back to 'Acilius* in his next chapter. Perhaps he wrote Acilius Caninus. I n 46-45 an Acilius is found as Proconsul in Sicily receiving letters of recommendation (301 (xni.3o)ff.) from Cicero (the inference of a previous Praetorship is unsafe; cf. Sumner, Lex Armalis, 260). He was probably Ser. Sulpicius Rufus' successor in Greece and the recipient of this letter. There are, however, some complications, including the existence of M . Acilius Glabrio, Consul SufTect in 33 and Proconsul in Africa in 25; cf. Broughton, 285 n. 8 and Suppl. 1 ; also my note in CI. Quart. 2 (i960), 257. 1, 2 q u a m d l u B r u n d i s i i f u i m u s I n 48-47. 2, 5 s a r t u m et t e c t u m Of a building, ' i n good repair'; cf. 278 ( X I H . I i ) . i n . Metaphorical also in Plaut. Trin. 317 sarta tecta tuapraecepta usque habui; cf. Otto, Sprichwdrter, 309. 8 ex mea a m i c i t i a , sqq. Cf. 65 (m.2).2n. 267 (vn.31)

Cicero had received Curius' reply to 265 (vn.30) and will therefore have written this in February 44. 2, 4 nec caput nec pedes A saying usually applied to confusion or inconsistency; cf. Otto, Sprichwdrter, 74!. But the scaling down of business affairs does not necessarily tend to their confusion, rather the contrary. Curius will have meant that his affairs had been compressed into almost nothing. I n a charm against tumours quoted by Pliny (N.H. xxvn.131) nec caput nec pedes habeat seems to mean 'let it perish'. 5 vides enim, sqq* Papirius Paetus is similarly complimented in 196

(IX.I5).2.

6-8 veterem urbanitatem.. . Atticam Cicero does not make the distinction made in bis letter to Paetus: non Attici, sed salsiores quam illi Atticorum Romani veteres atque urbani sales.

8 nisi nos, sqq. Ascribed by Ribbeck (Com. Rom. Fr.* p. 253) to Pomponius Bononiensis, writer of Atellanae. But Pomponius noster is, of course, Atticus, and the authorship of the line is unknown. 9 nos ei Cicero seems to mean that being slightly Atticus' junior he stands ready to take over. -tamen Sc. ' i n spite of everything we can do to keep i t alive ; or perhaps with the implication ut, quamvis intermit res publica, semen tir9

banitatis tamen superstes sit.

10 semen Cf. Demosth. in Aristog. 48 T T A V J V el ouxoipdvTou T I J Kctl TTovripoO oTrcpua KCII (Mjav, cbaiTepavel yccopy6s, oTeTai 6eTv Crnr&pxeiv T T 6 A € I ; Sen. J L M J . 3 quoniam placet aliquos peregrinos in semen relinqui. 268 (xni.43) Syme (Cilicia, 315IT.) has shown that this and the four following letters were almost certainly addressed to Roman officials in the provinces of Cilicia and Asia in the winter of 47-46. The present addressee was about to join Q,. Marcius Philippus, governor of Cilicia, as Quaestor or Legate. I f the heading Q. GALLIO is correct, he will be the Praetor deposed by Octavian in 43; cf. Syme, I.e. 315 and 81 (vni.4).in. Contrary to what Munzer implies in R E xvni(i), 738, 14 and Gundel states in R E xxrv, 1102, 3, GALLIO is read by x in this letter and by all the MSS in the following. Munzer defends QUINTIO with an inscription (C.I.L. i , 1820 = rx, 4023) recording one Q,. Quinctius Q,. f. Gallus. I f this is right, we should have to prefix a praenomen (Q,.), since the letterheadings show no other example of nomen + cognomen (without praenomen). See also addenda. 1, 4 L . Oppius M . f. Perhaps of the banking family from Velia (cf. A. iv, 306 (aenigma)), as Munzer (I.e. 738, 22) suggests. Philomelii This Phrygian town may have belonged to the province of Cilicia from its inception; it did not pass to Asia when the three Phrygian dioceses reverted to that province in 49 (Syme, I.e. 31 sQ* 6 L . Egnati Rufi There is a misunderstanding in Syme's statement (I.e. 313) that 'during the Civil War both Cicero and his brother, in need of ready cash, expected to get a loan from Egnatius' (cf. A . iv, 315). But letters to Atticus show them in a variety of financial relations with him from 49 to 44. He seems to have had interests not only in Cilicia but also in Asia (cf. 271 (xm.45)) and, probably, Bithynia (cf. 274 (xm.47)). His cognomen appears only here. a

269 (xni.74) As Syme has shown, Q,. (Marcius) Philippus was Proconsul in Cilicia in 47-46. He is likely to have been a son or nephew of L. Marcius Philippus, Consul in 56 and married to Caesar's niece, whose homonymous son was Tribune in 49 and Consul Suffcct in 38 (cf. Syme, l.c. 317f.; E. Badian, Phoenix 25 (1971), 142!?.; Sumner, Lex Annalis, 252f.). His status was probably that of Quaestor (or pro quaestore) pro consuls (Syme, I.e. 318), the inference of a previous Praetorship being invalid (Sumner, I.e. 252). On his highly implausible identification with Q,. Marcius L . f. Pap. on Pompeius Strabo's consilium at Asculum in 89 see Sumner, I.e. 253 n. 23.

270 (xra.44)

Almost a duplicate of the foregoing, evidently written several months after Gallius' arrival in Cilicia. 271 (xin.45) Asia can only mean the province of Asia (cf. Syme, I.e. 315 n. 6). The

Proquaestor Appuleius will have served as Quaestor there in 47 under Cn. Domitius Calvinus and remained as Proquaestor after Dornitius' departure about the end of the year until after the arrival of the next governor, P. Servilius, in or about the following September (cf. Syme, I.e. 317). He may have been any one of several contemporary Appuleii, but not M . Appuleius, Quaestor in 45 (A. v, 310); perhaps Marcus* elder brother Sextus, Consul in 29, or Publius, Tribune in 43 and an old associate of Cicero's (Phil, xiv.16); cf. Syme, I.e. 3i6f. i~2 eius Anchialum servum For the word-order cf. A. n, 215. 272 (xm.46)

1 L . Nostras Zoilus Freedman of a deceased L. Nostius. 2 causam So often of a circumstantial connexion giving rise to amicitia or necessitudo; cf. 285 (xm.ig).in. 4 iudicio Cf. Tac. Agr. 43.4 satis constabat lecto testamento Agricolae quo coheredem.. .Domitianum scripsit laetatum eum velut honore iudicioque and

Furneaux ad loc. 273 (xm.73)

Written after Philippus' return to Rome in the summer of 46. 1, 2 si Romae fuissem Cicero is not known to have left the neighbourhood of the capital in the summer of 46, but he spent much time at Tusculum. 2, 1 Antipatro Derbete Syme (I.e. 309), pointing to Strabo, PP- 535> 569* 679> justly refers to *a persistent disinclination to discover who Antipater really was*. Far from being 'an unknown Greek* (T.-P.) he was ' a local dynast in south Lycaonia, holding Derbe and Laranda, both places of some consequence'. Cicero will have made his acquaintance in September 51 on his march from Iconium to Cybistra. Aflorfis (Strabo) is hardly an adequate description: he belonged 'to a recognisable class - resourceful individuals who seize power in troubled times, found principalities in regions difficult of access, and are tolerated

of necessity by the central government or even enlisted i n the service of public order . For supporting details see Syme's fascinating pages. Antipater perished some time after 36 at the hands of Amyntas, K i n g of Galatia. 4 n i s i 'Except that', cf. 248 (iv.5).3n. 6 filios Presumably seized by Philippus and transported to Rome. 7 m i h i p o t i s s i m u m ' T o me in particular', i.e. ' i f only as a favour to me*. 12-13 q u i d veils quin may well be right, but, with Sjogren, cf. 101 (xv.o).i non dubito quidpraesentes sentianl. 1

274 (xm.47)

Anodier recommendation of Egnatius Rufus. I t may have been written to P. Silius as governor of Bithynia i n 51 (so e.g. Syme, I.e. 316). I f so, Cicero probably wrote before he himself left Italy or en route; see below on ilia nostra. The difficulty lies in sed haec coram. I f Cicero expected to meet, or did meet, Silius in Asia Minor, he has left no other evidence of it. 2—3 u t scires. • . s c r i b o An extraordinary sequence, perhaps inadvertent; scripsi (epistolary) would of course have been normal. I n ad Brut. 19.2 huic persuadere cupimus ut imperator in castris remaneret Watt reads cupUmus; in any case the reference there is to the past. See also on 87 ( V U I . I O ) . I .

7 i l i a n o s t r a I f this was written i n 51 i t probably refers, as T . - P . suggest, to 'some futile efforts he made to escape from having to go to his province'. 8 q u i d si hoc m e l i u s ? Cf. Att. 126 (vn.3).2 sed quid si hoc melius?' 1

saepe opportune dici videtur. 275 (xm.78)

A. Allienus, an old friend of the Ciceros (A. i v , 422) was Proconsul i n Sicily i n 4 8 - 4 6 ; cf. Broughton, 285 n. 6. I t is probable that this and the following letter, i f addressed to him i n that capacity, were written after Cicero's return to Rome in the autumn of 47. But I suspect that this letter belongs to a much earlier stage i n Allienus* career. The title PRO COS. does not appear i n the heading, and the person recommended is a citizen of Sicyon, whom Allienus will find to b e ' the leading man, not only i n his own town, but almost in Ac ha i a as a whole'. This would point to a Quaestorship i n Macedonia sometime before our first official record of Allienus as Legate to Q . Cicero in Asia i n 60. i , 2 n o n m u l t i s The following 'Greek' ho spites, all described as personal friends, are the subjects of recommendatory letters: Andro of 15

4

3

9

SCE

2

Laodicea, Antipater of Dcrbc, C. Avianius Philoxenus, M . Clodius Archagathus, C. Clodius Philo, Demetrius Megas, Hagesaretus of Larissa, Hippias of Calacte, A . Licinius Aristoteles, Lyso of Lilybaeum, Lyso of Patrae. Graeci» p r a e a e r t i m

Cf. 123 (xvi.4).2n.

276 (xiii. 79) 1 C A v i a n i u m F l a c c u m Cf. 60 (xm.75), intr. note. He was clearly dead when this letter was written. 6 i n Sicilia For the Sicilian connexions of Avianius Flaccus cf. ibid, and

306 ( X I I I . 3 5 ) .

277 (xm.io) Caesar made M . Brutus governor of Cisalpine Gaul, probably with the status of iegatus pro praetore, shortly before leaving for Africa in December 47. Brutus remained i n office until A p r i l 45. This letter is generally thought to have been written early i n 46, since its subject, the Quaestor M . Terentius Varro Gibba, was setting out to join him. See, however, below on §2. 1, 1 M . V a r r o He had appeared along with Cicero i n defence of Milo's follower M . Saufeius in 52 (Ascon. 55.15, where his full name is given). O n other notices which are likely to apply to him (his hump, his Tribunate i n 43 (Dio XLvn.11.3), his execution at Philippi (Veil. n.71.2)) see Munzer s entry i n RE V A , 7041". 3 ab ipso more m a l o r u m

Cf.

116

(11.19).in. mos maiorum is

quasi-personified; cf. K.-S. 1, 377. 2 , 2 i n f o r u m venit Cf. 25 (v.8).3n. 3 ut ae c o r r o b o r a v i t Cf. Caei. 11 cum iam sese corroboravisset. 5 studio Oratory, forensic i n Varro's case; cf. Brut. 324 hoc studium, Brute, nostrum conticutt subito et obmutuit.

6 delectamur Cicero composed Ins history of Roman oratory i n dialogue form, Brutus being one of the characters (the tide Brutus may not be original), early i n 46. But his words here suggest that he was practising oratory; and i f so i t must have been in private. He did resume the practice of private declamation, which he had given up, i n the summer of that year (cf. 191 (rx. 18).3 ipse melior fio, primum valetudine, quam intermissis exercitationibus amiseram). Possibly then the customary dating of this letter is not correct. 7 p u b l i c o r a m State revenues, farmed out to the companies of publicani; cf. Dom. 74 omnes omnium publicorum societates; Vert, n.3.167 cum esset magister scripturae et sex publicorum', Rab. Post. 4 magnas partis habuit

publicorwn; Q^Fr. 1.1.33 publicis male redemptis; Hor. Ep. 1.1.77parshominum gestit conducere publica. Similarly societa(te)s (publicorum) vectigalium in Sest. 32 and Dig. m.4.1 praef.

10—11 in utrisque subselliis Both as defender and prosecutor; cf. 84 ( V I I I . 8 ) . I subsellia rei; Rose. Am. 17 accusatorum subselliis, et sim. Not as barrister and juryman*. Cicero is clearly talking about Varro's career as an advocate, and it is unlikely that so young a man would have sat much on juries. Nor is subsellia attested as 'barristers' bench' (both defence and prosecution). 12 honoremque, sqq. Cf. Leg. Man. 2 mens labor in privatorum 4

periculis caste integreque versatus ex vestro iudicio fructum est amplissimum consecutus.

3, 3 ad Caesarem Nothing else is known of this mission. Varro may have undertaken it in place of M. Cicero junior; cf. 167 (xiv.15). I o prudentem pudentem, which adds little to modestum, should not be substituted either here or in Cluent. 94 tribunus plebis modestus, prudens; cf. Sen. Ep. 99.12 potuit evadere modestus et prudens.

278 (xm.u) 1, 4 Arpinatis Certainly to be retained. In a formal letter like this it would be strange to omit the name, however well known to the recipient. 6 sarta tecta Of buildings in good repair (cf. 266 (xm.5o).2n.); hence = repairs or maintenance (of public buildings); cf. e.g. Verr. n.1.128 in sartis tectis vero quern admodum se gesserit quid ego dicam?

8 Gallia Similarly the town of Atella owned land in Cisalpine Gaul (320 (xin.7).i). ad ea visenda, sqq. Cited by A. N. Sherwin-White (Roman citizenship (1973), 163) in illustration of local magistrates' powers of coercion within their own territory. II Q. Fufidium On the Fufidii of Arpinum see now Wiseman, New 7,

men, 232.

Q. Mamercium Inscriptions from Asculum (C.I.L. rx, 668), Aeclanum (ibid. 1159), and elsewhere attest the nomen; see H.-O. Kroner, RE Suppl. x, 383. Wiseman (New men, 31 n. 2) is here behind the times. 3, 6 aedilem Cf. A. 1,363 (duumvirum). Government by three Aediles was an ancient Italian institution, attested also at Formiae and Fundi; see E. Kornemann, Klio 14 (1915), I94ff., 494ff.; H. Dessau, ibid. 489k Young Marcus was only eighteen or nineteen years old, and Cicero writes as though the posts were entirely his own to dispose of. 441

15-2

7 M . C a e s i u m Cf. the following letter. A L . Caesius was on Q,. Cicero's staff in Asia (Q-Fr. 1.1.14, 1-2.4). Cf. P. Caesius (61 (xni.51)). 9 r e s publica Perhaps 'public property' rather than 'public affairs', cf. Att. 174 (rx.7).5 egestates tot egentissimorum hominum nee privates posse res nec rem publicam sustinere; Inv. 1.35 quo modo rem familiarem administret.

279 (xin.12) 1, 5 ut haste a d d a m Cf. 277 ( x i n . 10).4 sed tamen nihilo infirmius illud hoc addito. ad in the paradosis may derive from addam, as Sjogren suggests.

280

1 L . C a s t r o n i u s Paetus

( X I I I . I 3)

See on 78 (vm.a).a.

3 s i . . .pertinet Cf. ad Brut. 16.2 for tern virum, Brute, tibi commendo, frugi hominem et, si quid ad rem pertinet, etiam tocupletem.

4-5

nostri ordinis

I.e. of senatorial rank.

281

( X I I I . 14)

Perhaps Tidio; he may have been the father of C. Tidius Strabo who went east to join Cassius in 43 (376 (xn.6).i), on whose nomen see ad loc. 4 V o l c a d o L . Volcacius (or Volcatius, Vulcatius) Tullus, son of the Consul of 66 (-4. v i , 220). He was evidently Praetor Urbanus i n 46, and probably governor of Cilicia i n succession to Q . Cornificius in 45-44 (cf. Syme, Cilicia, 321). That he became Proconsul i n Asia after his Consulate i n 33 and was the uncle of Properdus' friend Tullus (Prop. 1.6.19) is certain; cf. Syme, Historia 11 (1962), 152. 1,

1 L . T i r i o Strabone

2, 1-2 quo e s t . • . d e s u a Cf. Amic. 57 quam multa enim quae nostra causa numquam facer emus fac imus causa amicorum! 7 perveniat Cf. 292 (xni.26).4 ad suum pervenire; Verr. 11.3.196 nam sperabam, inquit orator, me ad denarios perventurum, et sim.

282

(XIII.29)

This letter was apparently written to L . Munatius Plancus (A. v, 341) while he was serving with Caesar i n the African campaign (Bell. Afr. 4.1); cf. § 7 hoc ipso in hello. Why he i n particular was approached is open to conjecture. He clearly had much influence with Caesar, who appointed him a City Prefect later in the year. As such he handled the disposal of confiscated property (A. I.e.) and it is possible that he was already known

as advising Caesar on such matters. Possibly too Cicero wrote to others on Capito's behalf, though his letter does not suggest i t . i , a i i s . . . c a u s i s O n those grounds • (not' in those cases • ( T . - P . ) ) ; cf. 285 (xiii. 19). i n . Cicero is thinking of external links, such as family or official relationships, though what these were between himself and Plancus* father is unknown. 4 tenentur 'Consist i n ' (not 'are maintained by* (T.-P.)). a, 4 C Ateio Capstone A. n, 21 ?f. T . Antistius is known only from this letter. 3, 1 sorte Quaestors were usually assigned by lot, though there were exceptions (A. m, 272). The mention of the lot here contributes to the picture of Antistius as a victim of circumstance. He will have gone to Macedonia in 50 and been left in charge of the province by the outgoing governor, probably M . Nonius (cf. A. rn, 246). 4, 1 ApoUouiae On the western coast of the province, south of Dyrrachium. 1-2 n o n p o s s u m . . . a d f u i s s e ' I cannot say that he was not i n charge (because I do not know) and I cannot deny that he was present (because so much is certain).' Without non before praefuisse we have * I cannot say that he was in charge', as though that would have made a point i n Antistius* favour. The reading i n H possum dicere eum non praefuisse is intelligible, but does not so well account for that of M . Moreover, it would have been normal for Antistius as Quaestor or Proquaestor to preside over the mint, though he probably did so in the name of the Consuls of 4 9 ; cf. Mommsen, Gesch. rom. Munzwesens, 374f.; E. A. Sydenham, Roman Republican coinage, 171; H . Mattingly, Roman coins, 34. 1

7 u t n o n praeesset, s q q ,

Cf. 17 (1.6). 1.

g A . P l a u t i u m Perhaps = A. Plotius, Praetor in 51 (A. n i , 216). He may have been governor of Bithynia i n 4 9 ; cf. 321 (xm.8).2n. 13 P a u l o et M a r c e l l o consuli bus I n 50. 13-14 e a p a r t e dimlriia et t e r t i a . . . i n sextante

'Five sixths...

one sixth.' 15 s i n e . . .querela The remaining heirs must have been committed Pompeians. 16 | X X X | The total estate, therefore, amounted to HS 18,000,000 unless we read XXX. But Cicero would hardly have made so much of a mere HS 150,000. 5, 3 ^ M I I ^ W * Supply rem from hanc rem and petere from pew. The difference between ' t h i n g ' and 'affair' is hardly marked enough to make this too awkward. 6, 3 m e m o r i a m soles nisi imurias.

Cf. Deiot. 4 2 ; Phil, u.i 16; Lig. 35 qui oblivisci nihil

282

(XIII.2g)

6

COMMENTARY

4 t a n t u m , . .Capitone 'Assume on Capito's behalf as much...'» i.e. as much credit with Caesar (not 'undertake on Capito's behalf* (T.-P.)). 7, 2 q u a n t u m s i t What follows is to show, n o t ' the faithfulness i n friendship which Capito displayed* (T.-P.), but Capito's good-will toward Caesar. 6 intellexi intellexerim in the MSS may be due to fuerim and fuerim. But quod (facile) iniellexerim is a possibility; cf. 18 (1.7).3n. 8, 4 adlunxeris T w o years later Capito is found as friend and colleague (or subordinate) of Plancus' brother on a commission to assign land to veterans (Att. 4 0 7 c , P ( X V I . I 6 C , F ) ) .

283 (xiii.17)

The following thirteen commendatory letters were written to Ser. Sulpicius as governor of Achaia i n 46-45. Curius i n fact d i d not have much to ask of Sulpicius (cf. 267 ( v n . 3 0 . 2 ) . 1, 2 a m i c i t i a Their closer acquaintance dated from Cicero's visit to Patrae on his way home i n 50 (cf. A. m , 285). 3 i n f o r u m venit Cf. 25 (v.8)-3n. 3 - 4 aliquotiens antea Cicero did not go to Patrae on his way out to Cilicia i n 51 (Att. 102 (v.o).i), nor yet i n 58-57. He may have stayed there with Curius during his travels i n 79—77 (cf. 297 (xm.69).in.), and is thought to have done so on his return journey i n 50. But he only says that Curius invited him. 4 hoc m i s e r r i m o bello I n 48 after Pharsalia. 2 , 6 potest m e a ' Pro postea, potest mea mihi placere scholia mea i n has epistolas ante triginta annos edita et saepe deinde impressa testantur. itaque non disputo quam recte faciant qui, quod nostrum est, ad alios transferant, cum praesertim scholia nostra se vidisse infitias ire non possint. Equidem, quod ad me attinet, non laboro; minima enim haec duco et magis i d specto ut studiosis meo labore consulam quam ut inanem gloriam quaeram. sed iniquam nostrorum temporum consuetudinem notandam putavi' (Manutius). 3 , 6 sine a m b i t i o n e

Cf. 226 (vx.i2).2n.

284 (xm.18)

1, 4 a d m l r a b a r m a g i s Why this unsolicited gesture on Servius' part should have surprised Cicero more than i t surprised Atticus does not appear. O r does surprise stand for gratification?

5 admonitus rogandum puto.

Cf. n o

(xv.4).n

admonendum potius te a me quam

9 r o g a r e ' T o make a request of you.' Not to be taken with ut facias ('ask you to a c t ' ) , as it would be but for eo. ut is final. 2, 6-7 quae n e g a v i . . . f a c i a m Cf. 110 (xv-4).i4 ut foveas adiutorque sis, quod paulo ante me negaveram rogaturum, vehementer te rogo, 316 (xm.i6).4 et tamen, quod negaveram, commendo tibi eum. 11 E p i r o t i c i s Sulpicius' province of A c h a i a probably included Aetolia, Acarnania, most of Epirus, and Thessaly, as did that constituted by Augustus (cf. Brandis, RE 1, 193^).

285 (xni.19) Lyso (cf. 123 ( x v i . 4 ) . 1) may have carried this letter on his way back from Rome to Patrae. 1, 2 c a u s a S c . necessitudinis; cf. 318 ( x i u 4 ) . i and Heitland on Dio. in Caec. 6, who cites inter alia Quinct. 48 quicum tibi adfinitas, societas, omnes denique causae et necessitudines veteres intercedebant. O n hospitium and amicitia cf. 275 (xin.78), i n k . 6-7 m e c u m viveret Cf. 290 (xm.24).2 Lyso vero cum mecum prope cottidie esset unaque viveret. T h e expression does not necessarily imply sleeping under the same roof (A. rv, 408). 11 n o s t r i s q u e p r a e s i d i i s Sulpicius as well as Cicero had joined Pompey; see 202 (rv.3), intr. note. 2, 6-7 studio s u m m o , ( s u m m a ) c u r a Sjogren compares 282 (xiu.29).5 maiorc cura, maiore studio. 9 C . M a e n i u s G e m e l l u s U n k n o w n , unless he was Gemellus, tribunicius viator, of whom a scandalous incident in 52 involving the young Sentius Saturninus is recorded by Valerius M a x i m us (rx.1.8; cf. 97 (vm.i4).in.). 10 c i v i s Patrae being a civitas foederata could absorb a R o m a n exile into its own citizen body; cf. Greenidgc, Leg. Proc. 5101T. 3, 6 - 8 n e . • . o b l i t u m m e i me in se neglegentem putabit. 286

1 Asclapone

Cf. 63 (xm.i).5 non te in me illiberalem sed

(XIII.20)

Tiro's doctor in 50-49 (127 (xvi.9).2).

287 (xm.21) 1, 1 M . A e m i l i u s A v i a ( n l a ) n u s Called Avianius (!) or A via mis by editors and others. M has the correct form in 293 (xm.27).2. T h e

names of his freedmen C . Avianius Hammonius (§2) a n d C . A v i a n i us Evander (314 (xra.a)) show that he was originally C . Avianius and was adopted by a M . Aemilius ('here res, ratio, and M S S face one way, only editors another' (Proc. Cam. Phil. Soe. 5 (1958-9), 15)); W . Schulze had already discovered the truth (Eigennamen (Berichtigungen und Nachtrage), 584). A resident of Sicyon, he seems to have h a d no close connexion with the A v i a n i i Flacci of Puteoli; cf. J . H . D ' A r m s , Haw. Stud, in CI. Phil. 76 ( 9 7 ) i 21 iff., who notes, however, that large numbers of both Aemilii and Avianii recur in the inscriptions of Puteoli a n d that ' a certain Decimus Avianius, a n illegitimate child, set up a sepulchral monument for his parents a n d , interestingly, for a friend who bears the name P . Aemilius Firmus* (C.I.L. x, 2135). !

a

3 d i l i g e n s T h i s change of diligendus would be desirable even i f dilexit h a d not preceded. 5 C i b y r a e I n the extreme south of Phrygia (cf. A. nx, 235). 2 , 3 H a m m o n i u m V e r y likely a gloss, as Manutius thought; but cf. Sjogren, Commentationes Tullianae (1910), 161.

a88 (xm.22) 1, 3 V a r r o M u r e n a Cf. 71 ( 0 1 . 7 ) 4 ^ 4 i t a tamen i n the M S S could only anticipate tamen later in the sentence; distinguish from sequences such as in 147 ( x v i . 8 ) . i , 230 (iv.7).4, 299 ( X I I I . 7 1 ) , in which sed (ac) tamen followed b y tamen, with similar intervening concessive clause, refers backwards.

289 (xui.23)

1, 1 L . C o s s i n i o

A . 1, 341.

meo A n almost necessary correction of tuo, unless amico (meo) et tribuli tuo were preferred. I f Cossinius h a d already been Servius' friend, Cicero would have made more of it.

290 (xm.24) i , 2 Lysonem

Cf. 285 (xin.19).

a, 4 c o m . . .potuerunt

Cf. K . - S . u , 329.

291 (xm.25) I H a g e s a r e t u s T h e r e is nothing 'very strange' ( T . - P . ) about the form; cf. Hagesander, Hagesistratus, Hagesippus. Caesar mentions

Hegesaretos (sic) as vcteris homo potentiae, leader of the Pompeian party in Thessaly in 48 (B.C. m.35.2). A n inscription of Larissa records one KWapxos 6 HynaaprTOv (LG. rx, 2, 549, 7). L a r i s a e u s Thessaly was part of Sulpicius province; cf. 284 (xin.:8).2n. 4

1

292 (xiu.26) 1, 1 e a . • .quod Cf. Dom. 97 tamque animi duritiam.. .quodcum uritur non sentit, et sim. (Thes. v n ( i i ) , 478, 1). 8 (pondus h a b i t u r a s ) Cf. 291 (xia.25) fin.; 304 (xin.33) fin. Mendelssohn proposed magni for magnum to obviate the need for a supplement. T . - P . find no difficulty in the present infinitive with spcravit. There would be none if this letter had already been in Sulpicius' hands. But with reference to the future the present infinitive with spero is not to be admitted in C i c e r o ; cf. Wilkins on de Orat. 111.95; K . - S . 1, 690. a , 4 M . M i n d i o Cf. 128 (v.2o).2n. E l i d e Cf. Neue-Wagener, t, 350, 352. Eli (before delubrum) in Nat. Dear, m.59 is unlikely to be genuine. 8 c o n t r o v e r s i a m No doubt in anticipation of trouble with Mindius' widow; cf. 294 (xm.28).2. 8-9 a r b i t r o . . . d i s c e p t a t o r e Cf. Rep. v. 3 nec vero quisquam privatus erat disceptator aut arbiter, sed omnia conficiebantttr iudiciis regiis, which, however, does not clarify the nature of the distinction. T . - P . doubt whether any clear distinction is intended, but it is at least plain that the role of disceptator would be more burdensome to Sulpicius than that of arbiter. Perhaps the difference here is between opinion given privately to Mescinius' representatives and decision between rival claims with the presence or knowledge of all parties. I t was not usual for a governor to give judgement in such cases; cf. Q,.Fr. 1.2.10 ne deminuat heres? quid si infitiatur? quid si omnino non debet? quid? praetor solet iuaHcare deberi? 3, 3-4 q u o n i a m c u m senatore r e s est T h e remission to Rome, at the governor's discretion, of cases between R o m a n Senators and provincials is stigmatized by Mommsen as a mere abuse (St. m , 12x4; cf. n, 268 n. 1). I t may have originated, however, partly in a desire to protect the provincial litigant from the undue influence which a Senator might exert in a provincial court (so Creenidge, Leg. Proc. 292). But the implications here are undeniably sinister (cf. 294 (xm.28).2). From 131 (xm.56) it appears that even non-senatorial Roman citizens might have a claim against a provincial community heard in Rome. 5 p o s s i s T h e present seems natural, since as T . - P . say, * it refers to action subsequent to the time of writing, so that with regard to possis,

sumpsimus virtually means habemus'

(rather perhaps

' I am

misirnus,

sending'). M. Lepido Caesar and Lepidus were Consuls in 46. 5-6 n o n . . .iuberent M . I . Henderson (Journ. Rom. Stud. 47 (1957), 83) argues (in tacit rebuttal of C. E. Stevens and A. H . M . Jones, ibid. 41 (1951), 113 n. 7) that this does not imply that Lepidus as Consul had imperium mains; he might ex hypothesi have transmitted instructions from the Senate, or asserted (wrongly) as a point of law that a case against a Senator lay outside Sulpicius' provincia. Cicero is merely assuring him that Lepidus will say nothing of the kind.' But instructions from the Senate would hardly impair Sulpicius' dignitas, and Cicero is not likely to have imagined Lepidus as misdirecting the most eminent living jurist on a point of law. The only natural implication of his phrase is that Lepidus could have given a direct order, and might actually have done so in the case of a governor of less exalted status; cf. Phil, iv.9 omnes enim in consulis iure et imperio debent esse provincial That in some circumstances the Consuls could summon provincials to Rome is beyond doubt; cf. Verr. i

1.84 non eos homines qui populum concitarant consulum litteris evocandos curare oportuit?

293 (xm.27)

I.e. gratias egi. 4 vos * You lawyers.' 5 de eadem re alio modo Cf. Fin. v.88; Prov. Cons. 46. It was apparently a kind of introductory sentence.. .uttered by the parties for the purpose of safeguarding their future right of action by means of a new procedure, if the one adopted failed... the phrase seems to mean " by this, or whatever other mode of action is open to me, I assert my claim"' (Greenidge, Leg. Proc. 166). a, 1 C. Avianius.. .Hammonius Cf. 287 (xm.2i).2. 2 Avianiani Cf. ibid. i n . 3 nec se For the double negative (quite normal) see K.-S. 1, 827. 7 onus est, sqq. 'For of all my most intimate and familiar friends M . Aemilius is the closest, bound to me by substantial favours on my part, and the most grateful, I might almost say, of all those who may be thought to owe me anything.' Even given Cicero's habit of exaggeration and the conventions of the genre, it is remarkable that nothing is heard of M . Aemilius except in letters of recommendation. To punctuate with a comma after intimis is certainly wrong; cf. de Orat. 1.99 cum te unum ex 1, 3 quod feci

4

omnibus ad dicendum maxime natum aptumque cognossem; Dom. 24 qui unus maxime popvdaris fait, et sim. 11-13 plus prosis • • .mea Just as a vir bonus will do for his friends

what he would scruple to do for himself (cf. 281 (xm.i4).2D.) so he will go further for his friend's friends than for his own. 4, 2 studio Cf. 203 (iv.4).5 cuius ego cum omni probitate summaque virtute turn studiis doctrinaque detector \ also Sen. 22 manent ingenia scnibus, modo permaneat studium et industria. Still the wording is unusual, and possibly Cicero wrote singulari in me studio; cf. 9 (xiv.3).3 Pisonem nostrum mirifico esse studio in nos.. .perspicio, 212 (xm.77).3 P Perpetuo in me studio. f

70

t u o

294 (xra.28) 1, 5 o m n i a g r a t a F o r the ellipse Sjogren compares Att. 152 (viii.2). 1 mihi vero omnia grata, et quod scripsisti, sqq. Since quae.. .grata is not really a relative clause, Wesenberg's point 'neque sic in relativis verbum esse omitti solet' does not apply. 6 L . M e s c i n l o Cf. 292 (xm.26). 2, 8 satis dandum

Cf. A. 1, 283 (recusarat).

295

(XUI.2&2)

1, 4 p o p u l o r u m ' T h e (several) communities (under your jurisd i c t i o n ) ' ; cf. A. m, 197. merita refers to services rendered to Rome. 6 o m n i a debere W h a t the Lacedaemonians had done for Cicero we do not know. H e visited Sparta in 79 (Tusc. v.77). a, 3 i u d i c a r e nosses shows a historic implication:' I judge (and have long been of that opinion)'. Cf. K . - S . n , 186. 4 m o n u m e n t s 'Records.'

296 (xm.67) T h e following five letters were addressed to P. ServUius Isauricus as Proconsul in Asia in 4 6 - 4 4 ; cf. Syme, Cilicia, 307f. See also 211 (xra.68) and 238 (xm.66). P R O C O S . PRO PR. cannot stand. Servilius is addressed as PRO COS. in 211 (xm.68) when he had only just arrived in the province and as a Consular would not have been given a n inferior status. T h e scribe h a d just been copying five letters P. SIUO PRO PR. (xm.61-5). 1, 1 C U i d e n s i ' N o n Cilicia dixit, quia non Cilicia tantum, sed Asiae quoque pars ad eius imperium pertineret' (Manutius). Tpclc, Sioixrjocie, T h e three Phrygian conventus of Laodicea or C i b y r a (cf. 81 (vm.4).5n.), Apamea, and Synnada formed part of the province of Cilicia from 56 to 49 (Syme, Cilicia, 301 n. 4 ) . 9-10 q u a m m u l t i ' I d est, quam paucV (Manutius).

297 (xm.69) C O L L E G A E As Augur. I , 1 C . C u r t i u s M l t h r e e His name has recently been found on a n inscription in Naxos; cf. J . and L . Robert, Rev. des. £t. gr. 83 (1970), 426 (no. 438). P o a t u m i A. rv, 361 f. Dessau's identification of C . Curtius Postumus, that 'enthusiastic and militaristic Caesarian* (Sumner, Lex Annalis, 254), with Cicero's old client C . Rabirius Postumus seems pretty well established. I t is accepted b y Symc (Journ. Rom. Stud. 55 (1961), 25) and Sumner (I.e.). Tenney Frank's rejection in Am. J . Phil. 41 (1920), 278fF. was based on the common but mistaken identification with M . Curtius, whom Cicero recommended to Caesar for a Military Tribunate in 54 (cf. 26 (vn.5).2n.; A. rv, 361). M y statement that we have no other evidence for Curtius Postumus' praenomen (usually given as Marcus) was erroneous; the evidence is here, in the praenomen of his freedman, and i n inscriptions recording others of his freedmen, all with praenomen Gaius (Dessau, Hermes 46 (1911)» 618). M y rejection of the reading M. Curtius in Att. 363 (xiv.g).2 becomes final. 4 quotieascumque Actually Cicero stayed at Ephesus (after 76) on two occasions, from 22 to 26 J u l y on his way out to Cilicia (A. i n , 212) and for several days on his way back to Rome (Att. 122 ( v s . 8 ) . i ; cf. 283 ( x m . ! 7 ) . i n . ) . I t is noteworthy that in so important a place as Ephesus a man in Cicero's position should have chosen to be the guest of a freedman. 10 v u l g a r ! m o r e ambitioae

M u c h the most satisfactory correction of vulgare.

I . e . to please Postumus; cf. 226 (vi.i2).2n. 298 (xm.70)

1 s i c fit ideo would be normal after quia. T h e nearest parallel (a somewhat doubtful one) may be Plaut. Most. 450 sic quia /oris ambulatis; see T . - P . Muller on Tusc. 1.12, to whom Sjogren refers, has nothing helpful. But sic seems natural enough, since sic fieri ut is a standard combination; e.g. Off. 1.142 sic fit ut modestia haec.. .scientia sit; Man. 24 hoc fere sic fieri solere accepimus ut.. .adliciant. 2 t r i b u o Cf. 139 (xni.9).2n. 4 T . A m n i o Balbo Cf. 226 (vi.12). 299 (xm.71) 2-4 sed tamest. • . t a m e n Cf. 288 (xm.22).m. 5 T . A g u s i u s Nothing else is known of this faithful soul, who is clearly not the Agusius quidam est Att. 232 (xx.23).2.

illo m l s e r r i m o

tempore

Not 58-57 but 49-47. I n the former

period Cicero's only sea voyages were from Brundisium to Greece and back, and neque hoe tempore, sqq. implies that Agusius had been on hand during the interval. II usu

F o r the form cf. 123 (xvi.4).2n.

300 (xm.72) 1, 1 C a e r e l l i a e

A. v, 340. neeessariae may imply nothing more than

friendship - Cicero could not use amicae. a, 4 C V e n n o n i

negotiator and friend of Cicero's (A. m , 255). Syme

(Journ. Rom. Stud. 51 (1961), 23 n. 6) points out that the article in RE overlooks an inscription at Apamea C. Vennonio C. i. Eroti heredes ex testamento with Greek text (Ramsay, Cities and bishoprics o/Phrygia (1897), 475).

301 (xm.30) T h e following ten letters were written to Acilius as Proconsul in Sicily in 46-45. O n his name and identity cf. 266 (xm.50), intr. note. P R O COS.

Cf. 143 ( x v i . n ) . 2 n . U n d e r the lex J u l i a of 9 0 ; cf. Bo lb. 21;

I , 2 d v i s Romaxtus factus

A . N . Sherwin-White, The Roman citizenship' (1970), I52f. 3 - 4 erat e n i m . . . datasn

Manlius' enrolment as a citizen of Naples

would have to have antedated the lex J u l i a for h i m to have received R o m a n citizenship una eum reliquis Neapolitanis. 6 I n bonis

Probably Manlius had been granted bonorum possessio

by the Praetor either as heir under his brother's will (secundum tabulas) or ab intestato as next of k i n : cf. H . F . Jolowicz, Historical introduction to Roman law (1952), 259fT. 1

7 i n Sicilia s u a

I take this to mean ' i n his own part of S i c i l y ' ,

though I know no nearer parallel than expressions like Gallia Lepidi in 409 (x.33)$ cpdxo, X . T . X . Ibid, xxiv.315 (of Laertes). Cicero had followed

the advice and met with disaster. a, 1 consolatur Few Schlimmbesserungen have so thoroughly depraved their context as the vulgate consolantur. To incite Cicero to further follies would be a strange mode of consolation, and did the proceres rise from their graves to offer it ? idem is Precilius, who used to mock and scold, but now comforts. How he does this is then explained. People still urge Cicero to strive for glory, but he no longer listens. He leaves Homeric grandiosity to follow the sober maxims of Euripides, which Precilius highly commends, at the same time pointing out (this is the consolation) that prudence and distinction are not incompatible (perhaps, i f we wish to press so far, with reference to Cicero's literary activities). 2 volant

The subject is not the extinct proceres of 59, but indefinite, people ; and the significance of the passage has been overlooked. I n the preceding autumn Papirius Paetus seems to have urged Cicero to play a part in public life as an elder statesman, another Catulus (196 ( I X . I 5 ) - 3 ) , advice which he very reasonably rejected. Shortly after Tullia's death Atticus was persuading him at least to keep i n public view and maintain his influence and prestige (cf. A . i , 50 n. 6 ) . But that he was being pressed from any quarter to take an independent line in politics, even i n opposition to the Dictator, as this passage implies, is not easy to believe. However, young Quintus, apparently much in favour at headquarters 4

1

(cf. Att. 244 (xn.7). r fore ut angeretur cum a fratre familiaritate et omni gratia vinceretur), warned Caesar against his uncle: cf. Att. 346 (xm.37).2 of 21 August cum multa de me, turn redire ad pat rem; nihil ab eo tarn d^torrforcos dici quam alienissimos nos esse a Caesare,fidemnobis habendam non esse, me vero etiam cavendum. ^opepov dv fjv nisi viderem scire regem me animi nihil habere.

This report (from the younger Balbus) was not the first of its kind: cf. 250 (rx.i 1) of late April or M a y ; Att. 278 (xn.38) of 6 May and 317 (xnx.9) of I7(?) June. How was Cicero to react? He preferred not to recognize what seems to have been the real implication, that he might be plotting in secret. Nor d i d he choose to write direcUy and seriously to Caesar, giving Quintus the lie; such a letter would have 'dignified* the calumnies and perhaps defeated its purpose. So he put his denial i n a emi-serious form, and chose of all things for its vehicle a letter of recommendation. Well might he conclude genere novo sum litterarum ad te usus. 4 u.V) udv, x.x.X. //. xxn.304f. (Hector speaks); cf. Att. 190 ( x . i ) . i . 8 (xiou> aocpurrVjv, x.x.X. Eur. fr. 905 (Nauck); cf. 27 (vu.6).2n.

xo ou.a npoaau seal intoooa //. 1.343; xxrv.452. 12 alcv apurrcuciv, X . T . X . //. vr. 208, xi.784. This had been Cicero's watchword i n his early days (Q,.Fr. in.5.4, where iroAAov replaces alkv). 318 (XUI.4) This and the following three letters to persons in charge of land assignments to Caesar's veterans are generally supposed to follow Caesar's return from Spain i n September 45. But they may be earlier. I n fact the only concrete evidence, apart from an indication of Caesar's absence i n §2, points to Caesar's third Dictatorship, between April 46 and A p r i l 4 5 ; see 320 (xjn.7), intr. note. On Orca see 57 (xm.6), intr. note. 1, 2 beneficio Cf. A. 1, 337. The particular benefaction referred to should have come before Cicero's Consulship to allow its objects to show their gratitude in honoribus meis, though the Augurate in 53 must not be forgotten. 4 - 5 causa intercederet 285 (xm.19).in. 8-9 Sullani temporis Volaterrae fell to Sulla i n 80 after two years of siege. I n penalty he passed a law depriving its inhabitants of their recently acquired Roman citizenship and confiscating their lands. According to Cicero (Dom. 79) the deprivation of citizenship did not even last as long as Sulla had arms to support i t (but cf. W. V . Harris, Rome in Etruria and Umbria (1971), 274*1.). The confiscation was i n practice only partial (ibid., 259m; A. 1, 337). 2, 1 t r i b u n i p i . This seems to refer to Rullus' proposals, but Cicero may be confusing them with Flavius' agrarian bill in 60 (cf. Att. 19 (1.19)4)5 comprobavit

Brunt (Manpower, 323) trunks this statement must be misleading: 'We may suppose that Caesar had then exempted the Ager Volaterranus from redistribution without giving the possessores better title than they had before.' Ever since Sulla's enactment the Volaterrans had been legally liable to eviction. 3, 8 civibus Cicero himself and Caesar for two. 4, 6 a p u d (bonos) omnia Without this supplement the statement is an absurdity, despite 73 (m.io).4 remanere etiam nunc in civitate nostra studio prope omnium consensu erga fortis et industries viros.

319 (xm-5)

Brunt (Manpower, 323) notes that this letter on behalf of an individual landowner implies that the general plea i n the foregoing had not been successful.

1 , 3 q u o d t u . • . p o t e s O r c a knew better than anyone how many such letters Cicero h a d written him. 6-7 q u o d . . . d u b i t e n t T h e indicative might have been expected, since no quesdon about the reality of the reason given can be implied. Probably the subjunctive is due to petant. a, 1 C C u r t i o Probably son of the professional prosecutor Curtius, who was one of Sulla's victims (Rose. Am. 90). 7 h o c . . . t e m p o r e Probably in 46 (cf. 218 ( V I . I 8 ) . I ) . 8 - 9 t u e r i v i z potest There was no property qualification under the Republic for membership of the Senate or for election to the qualifying office; cf. Mommsen, St. m , 876f. But obviously a m a n without means would be out of place there. Mommsen's view has been disputed, but see I . Shatzman, Senatorial wealth and Roman politics (1975), 45f- n. 121. 3, 3 nt C . C u r t i , s q q . ' T o regard C . Curtius' estate as mine, to do for C . Curtius' sake whatever you would do for mine, and, having done it, to consider that whatever comes to him through my intervention is a gift from you to me.'

3 2 0 (xra.7) T h e addressee was evidently in charge of land assignments in Cisalpine G a u l and perhaps the m a n whom Augustus advanced to consular rank in 29 (Dio m.42.4 KXoOouiov -rtva; cf. Broughton, Suppl. 17). H e has been plausibly identified with C . Clovi(us) praef (ectus), who appears on a coin issued during Caesar's third Dictatorship, perhaps at Mediolanum (cf. M . G r a n t , From Imperium to Auctoritas (1946), 7fT.). Cicero's friend M . Cluvius of Puteoli, who died in August 45 (Att. 338 (xra.46).2), is improbable, though the letter is likely to have been written before that date.

1 , 3 agro vectigali m u n i c i p i Atellani

Cf. 278 (xnx.ix).i. As

generally understood, this means land belonging to the municipality and let out at rent; cf. Leg. Agr. 11.64 vectigalis populi Romani. Brunt (Manpower, 323) thinks it m a y have been ager publicus leased to Atella. 5-7 c u m . . . a g e r e t u r ' S i n c e the matter involves both a major financial interest of a highly respected township, with which I have close ties, and an imperative obligation on my side.' 4, 3 R e g i e n s i s T h e people of Regium Lepidi (perhaps not a R o m a n colony; cf. Weiss, RE I A , 487, 12) on the via Aemilia between P a r m a and M u t i n a . 5, 6-9 q u o d . . . i m p e t r a r i m u s ' Y o u may take it that if we get what we hope from Caesar, we shall regard ourselves as owing it to your kindness; and if not, that we shall take the will for the deed, seeing that

you will have done your best to get it for us.' More strictly, eo =

'the

situation if our request is granted', id — the situation if it is refused'. 1

321 (xm.8) Nothing else is known of M . Rutilius, nor do we know the area in which he operated as one of Caesar's land commissioners. I » 7 C A l b a n i Probably the C . Albanius of Au. 302 (xni.30.4. T h e consensus of editors that the name is Albinius goes against the evidence. Albanius is the paradosis three out of four times in this letter. I n Sest. 6 editors read C. Albini and Albino (sic), but in the second place P , the best M S , has albano. T h e familiarity of the cognomen AJbinus accounts for the corruptions. I n C.I.L. x v , 1445 L. Sestius P.J. Alb. Quirinalis, Alb. will represent Albanianus, not Albiniensis as generally supposed. t

8 L . Sestius

A. v i , 265.

a , 2 i n a e s t i m a t i o n e m accepit Laberius; cf. 190 (rx.i6).7n.

I n settlement of a debt owed by

3 d e bonis Plotianis T h e previous owner of the confiscated property bought by Laberius was probably A . Plautius (or Plotius), who seems to have been governor of Bithynia in 49-48 in succession to P. Silius; cf. 282 (xin.29).4. Munzer (RE x x i , 9, 6) conjectures that he came to a violent end there. 4 d i v i d i Cf. Brunt, Manpower, 323: ' I t is rather puzzling that Cicero should have worried about the risk that another estate should be divided, the title to which derived from a sale by Caesar; one might perhaps suspect that all the circumstances are not disclosed, and that the purchaser had failed to pay the full sum when due.*

322 (vi.15) O n L . Minucius Basil us (the cognomen often appears as 'Basilius' in M S S ; see Thes. s.v.) see A. v, 271, and further on his official career Sumner, Lex Annalis, 359. H e was present at Caesar's murder as one of the conspirators and accidentally wounded a fellow-assassin in the scuffle (Nic. Damasc. Vit. Caes. 24). But the long-standing belief that this letter refers to that event was challenged by E . T . Merrill (Q. Phil. 8 (1913)1 48fT.; cf. P. Boy a nee, Etudes sur rhumonisme ciceronien (1970; Collection Latomus, 121), 76T.) and seems impossible to sustain. Admittedly mis is no ordinary letter. I t has all the appearance of a note hastily scribbled in reaction to an exciting piece of news. A n d Cicero's later language leaves no doubt that his feelings at the time were just

322

(VI.15)

COMMENTARY

what it conveys. But when could he have written it ? H e did not get the first news of the murder from Basilus, as T . - P . surmise, for he was himself almost certainly present in the Senate-House (Att. 368 (xrv. 1 4 ) 4 ; Phil, n.28 - despite T . - P . v, xlviii n. 3 ) ; and that same afternoon of the Ides of M a r c h he met the conspirators, Basilus presumably included, on the Capitol (Phil, n.89, etc.). There is no point in between at which he can plausibly be imagined as writing to congratulate Basilus individually, with the assurance that he is looking after Basilus' individual interests and an enquiry as to what is going on. A n d even i f Cicero was not present at the murder and did hear of it from Basilus (of all people), how should he write tua tutor? T h i s cannot reasonably be dismissed as 'probably a general expression of interest felt toward Basilus'; cf. 323 (vi.16) peto a te ut absentetn me, quibuscumque in rebus opusfuerit, tueare, 335 (xi.2g)-3 meaque omnia tuebere, et sim. Conceivably Cicero might so have written from the Capitol if Basilus had been elsewhere; but then he would not have needed Basilus to tell him what was going on. Circumstantial evidence notwithstanding, one is left with a lurking doubt. T h e two abominable lines (cf. A. 1, 74) are so uniquely apt to this context that it is hard to imagine them in any other. 4

1

323 (vi.16) T h i s Bithynicus was doubtless the son of Q,. Pompeius A . f. Bithynicus mentioned as a speaker in Brut. 240 and 310, who acquired his cognomen (perhaps derisory; M . Antonius became Creticus about the same time) from his part in organizing the new province of Bithynia after the death of Nicomedes I V (cf. Broughton, 100), and grandson of A . Pompeius, Tribune in 102 (on the connexions between the Bithynici and other Pompeii see E . Badian, Historia 12 (1963), X 3 8 f . ) . As Propraetor in Sicily i n 44-42 he surrendered after some resistance to Sex. Pompeius, who subsequently had h i m executed. ' Since we have no evidence on Bithynicus before 4 4 . . . i t seems useless to speculate on his career. H e may never have been Praetor' (Sumner, Lex Annalis, 360). T h i s letter would seem to have been the first in a correspondence which probably began soon after Bithynicus' arrival in his province and perhaps after he received the news of Caesar's death. 2-3 e x p a r e n t i b n a n o a t r i a T h e elder Bithynicus was about two years older than Cicero (Brut. 240), and as young men they were well acquainted. I t does not seem likely that his son's friendship with Cicero originated in a friendship between him and Cicero's father, who would be contemporary with our Bithynicus' grandfather, the Tribune of 102. parentibus may therefore be used loosely (in legal language parentes could

include grandparents and great-grandparents; cf. Fest. p. 247 (Lindsay). W e may suppose that A . Pompeius and Cicero senior began the connexion, w h i c h was continued by their sons and then by the former's grandson. 7 intermoriturom

Cf. Mur. 16 manor iam prope intermortuam generis

sua virtute renovare, where inUrmortuam seems to mean

'dead-alive'.

Here = ' w i t h e r ' , as of plant-roots in Cato and P l i n y ; cf. Thes. v u ( i ) , 2230, 32). 324

(VI.

17)

T h e letter to which Cicero here replies cannot be the foregoing, which contains no such promise as that mentioned in § 1 ; cf. 330 ( x v i . 2 3 ) . i n . 1, 3

e t i a m quo m a g i s = quo etiam magis. O r should we read aceedere

etiam, id quo magis expetam (Wesenberg) ?

2, 2 p a t r i s t u i

Q,. Pompeius Bithynicus; sec on the foregoing. F o r

iudiciis, 'marks of confidence or friendship', cf. 20 (1.9).14; O v . ex Pont. iv.9.69 iudiciis..

.Augusti; Plin. Ep. x.4.6 ut.. .gloriari tuis iudiciis possim;

T a c . Ann. rv.39.2 plurimis Tiberii iudiciis. Cf. also A. xv, 412 where add Ov.

TV. v.6.16 (sim. ex Pont. 11.7-84) me pariter serva iudiciumque tuum.

I n 316 ( X I I I . 16). 1 eximiis iudiciis quae de eo feceras the plural seems to be practically equivalent to the singular. 4 a u t valent

O f course valuerunt ut valeant, 'have succeeded in

being successful', is impossible, ut valeant might be taken ' a n d so may they continue', but even to a Caesarian Cicero would not have expressed a wish that Caesar's following should be as powerful in the future as in the past, aut valent is perfectly satisfactory. Caesar was dead but his followers were very much alive; cf. Att. 360 (xrv.6).2 of 12 April sic enim TrnroAiTcOueOa ut victos metueremus.

325

(xi. 1)

T h e events immediately following Caesar's murder on 15 M a r c h 44 have often been recorded. I n brief, after the act the conspirators marched to the Capitol under the protection of gladiators belonging to D. Brutus, and there installed themselves. Later in the day they were joined by Cicero and others, and the situation was discussed. As a result negotiations were set on foot with the surviving Consul, Mark Antony, which led to a compromise; for on the 17th the Senate, meeting in the Temple of Tellus, decreed a general amnesty along with, the ratification of Caesar's acta. But on the 20th riots broke out in connexion with Caesar's funeral, the houses of the conspirators were attacked, and M . Brutus and others (no doubt including Cassius) fled the city (Plut. Brut. 21).

3^5

(xi-

0

COMMENTARY

A t least half a dozen different dates for the letter have been advocated. Perhaps that of Schmidt (tfetujahrb. 129 (1884), 3341T.) has found most favour, who assigns i t to the early morning of the 17th (with §6 as a postscript a few hours later). This is open to two main objections. First, it seems unlikely that Decimus, presumed to be somewhere i n the city, should have sent a letter to the Capitol instead of going there himself, and should ask his fellow-conspirators to name a place of meeting (§5). I f i t was not safe for him to go there, neither would i t be safe for them to leave. Second, the letter shows a very low state of morale, easily understandable after the events of the 20th, much less so i n the confused but by no means desperate situation preceding the temporary reconciliation of parties on the ! 7th. I therefore follow Ruete, Sternkopf {Woch. kl. Phil. 33 (1916), 4851T.), and S. Accame (Riv. di Fit. 62 (1934), 201 ff.) i n assigning to a date shortly after Caesar's funeral. The arguments to the contrary are thus stated by H o w : 'Decimus Brutus must have left Rome for Cisalpine Gaul within a month of Caesar's death, since Atticus had heard by A p r i l 20 (ad Att. x i v . 13.2) of his reaching his legions there. Now within that time i t would be absurd for h i m to fear outlawry (§2) or for Antony to declare he could promise h i m no province (§1), at any rate after the decree of amnesty and of the confirmation of Caesar's acts (including his assign* ment of provinces), passed by the Senate on March 17. Further, i t would be strange that no mention should be made of the disturbances which followed Caesar's burial (probably March 20) i f the letter were written after that date.' As to the first point, the whole situation had been altered by the riots and the flight of the leading conspirators; i n the period immediately following the compromise reached in the temple of Tellus may well have looked like a dead letter. As to the second, why should D . Brutus mention what his correspondents already know ? A copy of the letter was doubtless sent to Cicero at the time by the recipients. i , 1 H i r t i u s Consul-Designate for 43 and a moderate. 3 p r o v i n c i a m Cisalpine Gaul, assigned to D . Brutus by Caesar (App. B.C. n.124). He had also been designated to the Consulship i n 42 along with L . Munatius Plancus. 5 m i l i t u m Caesar's disbanded veterans and some troops under Lepidus, Caesar's Master of Horse (Nic. Damasc. Vit. Cats. 2 7 ; App. B.C. 11.119).

6 f a l s u m Not that the soldiers and populace were not roused obviously they were. But Decimus thought, doubtless rightly, that Antony had provoked the excitement and could put a stop to i t i f he wanted.

9 , 2 legationem l i b e r a m

Cf. A. 1, 359.

3 , 1-2 danduB eat locus fortunae

*We must yield to fortune';

cf. Sest. 12 dolus illo in hello esset hiemi locus; Mot. Dear. 11.83 quacurnque enim imus qua movemur videtur quasi locum dare et cedere (sc. aer); Li v. iv.39.1 ut parmatis.. . locus detur. 4 - 5 a d n o v i s s i m a a u x i l i a Cf. Caes. B.C. ra.9.3 ad extremism auxilium descenderunt servosque omnis puberes liberaverunt; 409 (x.33^4 descensurum ad extrema et non modo nattones sed etiam servUia concitaturum. novissimus (cf.

Neue-Wagener, n , 261) is freely used by Cicero's correspondents (three times i n this letter), but not by Cicero, except i n Rose. Com, 30; cf. Varro, L . L . vi.59; Gell. x.21. descendemus ('have recourse to') need not imply degradation; cf. Vert. it. 1.97 se.. .quo ego vellem descensuros pollicebantur; Hor. Epist. 1.9.11 Jrontis ad urbanae descendi praemia, et sim.

4, 1-3 s u c c u r r e t . . . m o l l a m u r 'Perhaps one of you will wonder at this point why we should wait until the last moment instead of setting something on foot now.' 4 Sea. P o m p e i u m I n Spain, where he had revived the war against Caesar's governor, C. Asinius Pollio. B a s s u m C a e c i l i u m A t this time besieged i n Apamea (Syria) by Caesar's lieutenants. 6, 1 post n o v i s s i m u m , s q q . Usually regarded as a postscript added after Hirtius' return. But i n that case why is there nothing about what Hirtius had brought back? placitum est need not imply that the demand had already been made at the time of writing. 3 i n v i d i a m 'Indignarentur, inquit, boni cives vindices libertatis egere praesidio' (Manutius).

326 (ix. 14)

This letter is also found in the series to Atticus, 371 commentary see A. v i , 233f.

A

(XIV.!7A);

for

327 ( x i i . i ) The place and date of writing follow from Att. 372 ( X I V . I Q ) . I quadriduo ante ad eum scripseram. Cicero had left Rome for Campania on 7 A p r i l . Cassius was with Brutus at Lanuvium. 1, 4 Dolabella Now Consul in place of Caesar. About the end of A p r i l , during Antony's absence i n south Italy, he had dealt drastically with pro-Caesarian rioters and destroyed a memorial (329 (xi.2).2n.) which had been set up by the mob in the Forum; cf. Att. 369 (xxv.i5).i, and preceding letter.

m a n a b a t Cf. Att. ibid, and Phil. 1.5 cum set peret in urbe infinitum malum idque manaret in dies latins. 7 c o m p r e s s u m A somewhat easier change than the addition of seditio after ita. 8 a o r d i d i s a i m o ' Q u o d ab infima plebe atque a servis etiam impendebat bonis viris* (Manutius); cf. Phil. I.e. 10 p r i m u m q u l c q u e ' E a c h in its order', 'item by item'. ia interfecto. . . t u e m u r ' O u r king has been killed, but we are upholding (the validity of) his every regal nod.' Cf. Att. 368 (xrv.i4).2 sublato enim tyranno tyrannida manere video. 13-14 q u a e i p s e . . . p r o b a m u s Cf. Att. 367 (xrv. 13)^6 quae enim Caesar numquam neque fecit neque fecisset neque passus esset, ea nunc exfalsis eius commentariis proferuntur, 368 ( x i v . 14).2 cui servire ipsi non potuimus, eius libellis paremus. 15 t a b u l a e Bronze plaques inscribed with laws; cf. Phil, n.92 inspectantibus vobis toto Capitolio tabulae figebantur, neque solum singulis venibant immunitates sed etiam populis universis; 371 (x.8).3 confirmandae complures civitates quae superiore anno largitionibus eoncessionibusque praemiorum crant obligatae. 16 d i s c r i b u n t u r Here as in 143 ( x v i . n ) . 3 M has preserved the true reading against describuntur in xe x c u s e s T h e case of Sex. Cloelius (Att. 367 ( x i v . i 3 ) . 6 ) is on record; cf. also 427 ( x i . 2 2 ) . i n . Cicero himself implies that it was the only one down to 1 J u n e (Phil. 1.3, 6 ) . 17 r e f e r u n t u r S c . in tabulas publicas; cf. Dom. 50 et al. deferuntur (sc. in aerarium; cf. Mommsen, St. i n , 1011) is not a necessary change. o d i u m Cf. Att. 366 (xxv.i2).i vereor ne nobis Idus Martiae nihil dederint praeter laetitiam et odi poenam ac doloris. Perhaps odium in both passages is better taken as 'weariness', 'disgust' than as 'the bitterness of hatred without the power to h u r t ' (A. v i , 224). a , 5 d e s i d e r a t E m p h a t i c , in contrast with habet: ' S h e has indeed h a d more from you than it ever entered my mind to hope, but she is not satisfied; she wants great things of you, proportionate to the greatness of your hearts and services.' a d h u c T h i s is no doubt the right punctuation (cf. Phil. 11.113 res publica, quae se adhuc tantum modo ulta est, nondum reciperavit). 6 n i h i l a m p l i u s ' T h a t ' s a l l . ' Cassius was i n no danger of misunderstanding this common expression, as L e h m a n n and others have done, to mean est hoc unum omnium amplissimum. 7 sua q u o d ' Obedience to a dead man whom she could not tolerate alive - is that recovering her dignities?' adde quod (Sedgwick) is palaeo-

graphically unlikely; and this is no supplementary point, it is the heart of the problem. 8 refigere Cf. Phil, xn.12, xni.5. revellere is similarly used (307 (XIII.36).I).

8 - 9 c u i u s , . .defendimus? 'Are we defending the paper memoranda of a man whose laws graven on bronze we ought to annul? 9 decrevimus On 17 March. 17 vale Cf. 164 (xiv.8)n. 1

328 (xu.16)

Trebonius was on his way to Asia, the province assigned to him by Caesar. 1, 3 fllium M . Cicero junior had been a student in Athens for about a year. 8 - 9 auribus tuis dare Cf., with Nardo, Quint. Inst. xn. 10.45 qui dandum putant non nihil etiam temporibus atque auribus; Plin. Ep. n.5.5 sunt enim quaedam adulescentium auribus danda; Caes. B.C. n.27.2 sive etiam auribus Vari serviunt. Also Quinct. 40 eius auribus pepercisse. 10 tibi a me For the corruption cf. 377 (x.i2).2 sibi a te j tibi a se, 435 ( x i . i 7 ) . 2 , and AtL 130 (vn.7).i te mihi I me tibi. Nardo comments: ' L'emendamcnto proposto.. .e ingegnoso e non senza una sua giustificazione paleografica.. .tuttavia i l testo scorre limpido anche cosl com' h, e anzi mihi sembra saldarsi piu strettamente con nostro.' His translation tells a different tale: 'perchfe non c'fc cosa tua che non sia un poco anche mia\ For the phrase cf. Pis. 32 si quid mihi potest a re publico esse seiunctum. 14 qualiscumque Cf. Fronto, ad Amic. 1.5 prorsus ego Statiani met filium qualemcumque diligerem, tarn hercle quam Faustiniani meipatrem qualemcumque carum haberem. nunc vero, sqq.

15 libenter quoque I.e. with pleasure as well as sincerity (not 'quite spontaneously'). Similarly below, 'with pleasure (as well as because it is right)'. 2, 3 - 4 et caritate et amore Contrast Part. Orat. 56 nam aut caritate nwventur homines, ut deorum, ut patriae, ut parentum; aut amore, ut fratrum, ut coniugum, ut liberorum, ut familiarium, where caritas as opposed to amor

connotes reverence; here it denotes a regard based on moral duty as opposed to spontaneous affection. 5 Cratlppus On this eminent Peripatetic see A. O'Brien Moore, Tale Stud, in CI. Phil. 8 (1942), 25fT. (also, concerning his descendants, C. Habicht, Altertumer von Pergamum VIII, 3: Die Inschriflen des Asklepieions O969), i 6 4 f . ) . He had moved from Mytilene to Athens in late 46 or 45. A Pergamene inscription to M . Tullius Cratippus, probably his son or

328

(XIII.16) 2

COMMENTARY

grandson, indicates that when Caesar gave h i m Roman citizenship at Cicero's request (Plut. Cic. 24) he took the latter's nomen, praenomen, and tribe. 8 pleno gradu A military expression found i n Sallust and Livy (cf. Thes. v i , 2144, 4 5 ) , appropriate, as Nardo says, from an old soldier like Trebonius. 9 exercendoque 'By practice', i n declaiming and composition; not physical exercise (cf. 20 (1.9).2411.). 3> 4 ego t a m e n , s q q . However, I got a modicum of relaxation during the voyage, and have fitted together a little present for you after my fashion - I have cast a bon mot of yours, one very complimentary to myself, into verse, and written i t down for you below.' Shuckburgb, T.-P., and Glynn Williams all translate alike, w i t h three bad blunders, two of which go back to Manutius. 1

5 p u a i l l u m l a x a m e n t i Cf. Att. 262 (xn.23).3 Pusillum loci. c o n d n n a v i = apte composui. Cicero does not use this verb.

6 ex inatituto m e o Trebonius had already compiled a collection of Ciceronian dicta, each i n an anecdotal framework (207 (xv.21)). Not 'as I had determined'. 6-7 d i c t u m . . . d i c t u m Cicero might have avoided this (though dicta diccre is unexceptionable and D. Brutus (401 (xi.2o).i) writes nut dictum quod dicetet te dixisse). Cf. de Orat. 11.222 diccre Ennium flammam a sapienti facilius ore in ardente opprimi quam bona dicta teneat, haec scilicet bona dicta quae salsa sint; nam ea dicta appellantur propria iam nomine', fr. epist. (Watt), p. 152 nostri, cum omnia quae dixissemus dicta essent, quae facete et breviter et acute locuti essemus, ea propria nomine appellari dicta voluerunt. 7 c o n c l u s i Cf. Fin. 11.105 mafe Euripides (concludam, si potero, Latine; Graecum enim hunc versum nostis omnes) 'suavis laborum est praeteritorum memoria , on which Madvig: concludam) numeris, ut Horatius concludere versum dixit.' N o t 4 1 have inserted \ 9

4

tibi i n f r a smbscripsi The verses were appended to the letter. Not 'and I added a footnote acknowledging it as yours*. 8 cMuppnuovcorepoc, Cf. 189 (EX.22).5. Antony was probably the target. 9 peraonae 'The figure.* T . - P . go too far: 'Antony, not as mere Antony, but i n his public capacity as magistrate, the debauchee consul. persona, like 'personage*, 'character', can amount to little more than •person*; cf. 234 (vr.6).ion. 13 p a r ' m i h i : cum aeque illos, ut ego hunc, oderit' (Manutius). This is tenable, though pari (Lambinus), generally read by modern editors before Nardo, is very probably right. 4, 2 s e r m o n e s *Dialogos; i n quos includi volebat' (Manutius). 9

3 p a r t e m Not a metaphor from the theatre (Nardo, comparing T e r . Ad. 880 non posteriores feratn; H o r . Sat. 1.9,46 ferre secundas); with the genitives rei and amoris the meaning must be ' s h a r e ' ; cf. Rose. Am. 107 qui ab eo partem praedae tulerunt.

329 (xi.2) After their first flight from Rome following the riots after Caesar's funeral Brutus and Cassius seem to have returned (cf. Gelzer, RE x, 993, 62), only to withdraw again to L a n u v i u m about the middle of A p r i l (Att. 361 ( x r v . 7 ) . i ) . No doubt a copy of this letter was sent to Cicero. 1, 4 v e t e r a n o r u m Some of them accompanied Antony on his return to R o m e from Campania in late M a y (Phil. it. 108). 5 a d K a l . lust. Antony had called a meeting of the Senate for 1 J u n e (Phil. 1.6). 7 d i m i s e r i m u s Cf. Phil, x.7 qui cum praetor urbonus esset, urbe caruit, ius non dixit.. .cumque concursu cottidiano bonorum omnium qui admirabilis ad eum fieri solebat praesidioque Italiae cunctae saeptus posset esse, absens iudicio bonorum defensus esse maluit quam pracscns manu. 8 e d l c t o T h i s is the edict referred to in Att. 374 (xrv.2o).3f. Cicero had produced a draft at Atticus* request, but Brutus preferred his own. a, 3 a r a After Caesar's murder a funeral monument consisting of an altar and column seems to have been set up in the F o r u m on the site of his pyre by the Pseudo-Marius (A. v, 339), who claimed to be his relative, and became an object of popular cult. I t was demolished by Dolabella (cf. 327 ( x n . i ) . x n . ) . L a t e r a column was set up by O c t a v i a n on the same spot. O n sources and problems see Weinstock, Dio. Jul. 364m 6 a l i u d libertate Thes. 1, 1636, 59 quotes other examples of the ablative after alius (like the genitive after &XXos, {TEOOS) from V a r r o , Horace, Phaedrus, and Seneca. 3, 7 c o m m o d i a Cf. Phil. 1.6 veterani qui appellabantur.. .non ad conservationem earum rerum quas habebant sed ad spem novarum praedarum incitabantur. O n Antony's and Dolabella*s land bill, passed in mid J u n e , see Broughton, 332f., Suppl. 6.

330 (xvi.23) Written before Cicero left the neighbourhood of R o m e at the end of J u n e . T h e reference to relations with Antony ill suits late J u n e (cf. Att. 397 (xv.2o).3) and Schmidt may be right i n identifying the letter which Cicero here promises to write to h i m after Tiro's return with the one he

330 (XVI.23)

COMMENTARY

mentions as already written in Att. 385 (xv.8).i of 31 May (Neve Jahrb. 129 (1884), 337). Tiro had been sent to Rome on 25 May (Att. 382 (xv.aa) but was back i n Tusculum by the end of the month {Att. 385 (xv.8).x). The words liceat modo rusticari i n § i can be related to Cicero's declaration in Att. 383 (xv.5).2 (27 or 28 May) that he had no intention of attending the meeting of the Senate called for 1 June. 1. 1 profeaslonem 'Declaration', perhaps i n respect of the transfer of a particular piece of property. On this controversial matter see A. v, 356. 2 v e r u m t a m e n Sc. confice. Sim. 6XK' 6ucos (Eur. Bacck. 1027. et al.), 6ucos U (Lys. 12. 6 1 ) ; cf. 334 (vn.19) i n k . So often i n the later letters to Atticus. 3 Intcpopq. epiphora is often used i n post-Augustan technical writing i n the sense of destillatio, usually of the eyes. Here perhaps 'attack', presumably of gout (cf. 262 ( v i . i 9 ) . 2 ) ; cf. L.-S.-J. s.v. Since Greek medical terms i n the letters are normally not latinized I have not followed Bertotti in restoring the Latin form. t

4 de lege Perhaps the land law. quod egerit Cf. A . m, 271. liceat modo r u s t i c a r i I.e. so long as he doesn't insist on my coming to Rome (and the Senate)'; see intr. note above. 5 a d B l t h y n i c u m G. T . Merrill (CI. Phil. 10 (1915), 437) thought this might refer to 324 (vi.17). But this is probably another man. Apart from Antony's follower L . ( ?) Clodius Bithynicus (cf. Munzer, RE rv, 76, 44), slaves and freedmen called Bithynicus are common i n inscriptions. 4

2, 1 Servilio The recent death of the aged P. Servilius Isauncus senior is mentioned i n Phil, n.12, composed i n September-October. Tiro seems to have relayed a talk with Atticus, who was afraid that Cicero might take alarm at a current 'scare' (TTOVIKOV; cf. Att. 113 (v.2o)-3). As to its nature, the implausible theories of Ruete and Schmidt can be sought in T . - P . Talk of trouble from the veterans was rife i n Rome i n late M a y ; cf. Att. 383 (xv.5).3. Tiro may have added something to the effect that Cicero ought not to worry, and that he would quite probably live to a ripe old age like Servilius. 3 n e c videt Cf. 411 ( x x . 2 i ) ^ sed velim tibi persuadeas, cum te constet excellere hoc genere virtutis, ut numquam extimeseas, numquam perturbere, me huic tuae virtuti proxime accedere; Phil, xn.24 nemo me minus timidus, nemo tamen cautior.

5 tamen

I.e. 'although I am quite unperturbed by the rumours'.

Cf. 353 (xt.5).2 semper amicus fui; Phil. 1.11; Att. 199A ( X . 8 A ) . I . But the friendship was never close; cf. Att. 367B (xrv.i3B).5. 6 amicitiam

7-8 syngrapha

Apparendy some private business of Tiro's.

COMMENTARY

331 (VH.22)

xvVj|i.Yis Sc. 8yytov; cf. Leutsch-Schneidewin, Corp. Paroem. Gr. 1, 57f. Plautus has a Latin counterpart, tunica propter pallio est (Trin. 8 y

o v u

ii54)-

fn«t

^

m

m a

(xv.4).6 Metram

Y

w

e

U be right, but is obviously not certain; cf. n o

et eum quern tu mihi diligenter commendaras, Athenaeum.

The person concerned is probably either Quintus senior or his son; the latter seems to have borrowed money from Lepta about this time, making unauthorized use of his father's name (Att. 404 (xv.26).i). 8 - 9 a d c u i u s . . .utendum est ' I shall need the sweet of your conversation to counteract the bitter of his company / The pleasant odour of puleium (pennyroyal, a kind of mint; originally pulioll royal, i.e. puleium regium, according to A . S. Pease on Div. n.33) was supposed to be good for headaches (Plin. N.H. xx.152). On other medical uses see Pease I.e. The bitter rue also was much used in medicaments. Presumably Cicero is thinking of the taste; pennyroyal (pX^X^ Y ^ i X ^ ) & as a flavouring i n wine, etc. (cf. e.g. Hymn. Dem. 209). Mendelssohn cited St Ambrose, Ep. 1.4.1 etsi habitu corporis minus valebam, tamen ubi sermonem o r

w a s

m e

unanimi mihi pectoris tui legi, non mediocrem sumpsi ad convalescendum gratiam quasi quodam tui alloquii puleio refotus. Unlike Cicero, the saint thinks only

of the healing properties of the herb.

331 (vn.22)

E. Fraenkel (Wien. Stud. 69 (1956), 28if.) brings this note into comparison with Catull. 50 (hesternoy Licini, die otiosi...). I t may belong with the three following to 44, though nothing precludes a date before Tullia's death, domum indicates that i t was written in Rome (not Tusculum). 1 illuseras, sqq. * You made mock of me yesterday over our cups for saying that i t was a moot point whether an heir can properly take action for theft i n respect of a theft previously committed. So when I got home, though late and well i n tipple, I noted the relevant section and send you a transcript. You will find that the view which, according to you, has never been held by anybody was in fact held by Sex. Aelius, M \ Manilius, and M . Brutus. However, I for my part agree with Scaevola and Testa.' 2 antea I.e. i n the period between the death of the testator and the heir's taking possession, when the property legally belonged to no one; cf. Dig. XLV11.4.1.15 Scaevola ait possessions furtum fieri; denique si nullus sit possessor, furtum

negat fieri: idcirco autem hereditati furtum non fieri, quia

possessionem hereditas non habet, quae facti

est et animi. sed nec heredis est

possessio antequam possideat, quia hereditas in eum id tantum transfundit quod est hereditatis, non autem fuit possessio her editatis. A theft committed during the

471

S C E

2

3 3 i (vn.22)

COMMENTARY

testator's lifetime was actionable (Dig. xLvn.2.47). O n the legal machinery devised to remedy this situation, see Buckland, 306. 4 i d caput

Doubtiess with reference to 'the eighteen books De iure

civili written by the great jurist whose instruction he himself was proud to have enjoyed, Q . M uci us Scaevola (pontifex)' ( E . Fraenkel (following P. Huvelin), Joum.

Rom. Stud. 47 (1957)» 67). Cf. G c l l . rv.1.20 ad-

scribendum hoc etiam putavi, Servium Sulpicium in reprehensis Scaevolae capitibus scripsissey sqq. notavi

Probably ' m a r k e d ' . A slave would do the copying.

however, C e l l , m.18.9 versum quoque Laberii in mimo.

Cf.

t

notari iussimus quern legtmus

5 eensisse Fraenkel (I.e. 68) notes that sentire is fairly often so used by jurists (e.g. Dig. xxm.3.79 praef. ego cum Servio sentio) though the use was not peculiar to them but could denote ' any oo^cn (sententiae, placita) in any branch of learning *. 5-6 Sex. Aeliuxn, a q q . Sex. Aelius Paetus Gat us (cos. 198), M \ Manilius (cos. 149), and his contemporary M . J u n i u s Brutus (father of the Prosecutor; Brut. 130) were all eminent jurists.

332 (vn.21) References to Silius' case in Att. 400 (xv.23) and 401 (xv.24) place this letter in the latter half of June 44. 1 Sill causam O n this see A . Watson, Law of succession in the later Roman Republic (1971), 73fT. I t seems to have been as follows: a certain T u r p i l i a made a will leaving her estate to P. Silius; but as she had not undergone capitis deminutio by the process of eoemptio, thus passing out of the potestas of her guardian, the will was legally void (cf. Watson, op. cit. 22f.). None the less the Praetor Urbanus ( M . Brutus) granted Silius bonorum possessio secundum tabulas (cf. 301 (xm.3o).in.). T h e will was contested by the intestate heir, who seems to have taken possession of the property, or some of it, and at Silius* request the Praetor issued an interdict ordering him to restore it. T o give this effect Silius proposed a sponsio in the form si bonorum TurpUiae possessionem Q.. Caepio praetor ex edicto suo mihi dedit. Trebatius, consulted by Cicero, had earlier given an opinion that Silius would win the sponsio and that be would regain possession. But two eminent jurists, Sulpicius Rufus and Offilius, disagreed. I n their view (endorsed by Cicero in Top. 18, perhaps with this case in mind) bonorum possessio secundum tabulas could only be given ex edicto where the will was legally valid. Trebatius* previous opinion may have been based on some special circumstances which in his view made Turpilia's will valid, or, more probably, he held that a grant of possessio

bonomm, even i f made i n error, was none the less ex edicto. Such a grant

was provisional, and the legal heir could assert his claim by petitio hereditalis.

3 Q . Csteplo Brutus name was officially Q,. (Servilius) Caepio (Brutus); cf. A . i , 400. Apparendy he had not, as some evidence would suggest (cf. Gelzer, RE x, 975f.), entirely dropped the nomen Servilius; cf. Broughton, Suppl. 32. 11 pollicitus e r i s 'Promise your services.* sed Not 'ay, and i f you love me (T.-P.). 'But do it as soon as possible* is equivalent to ' b u t don t waste any time*; cf. Q..Fr. n.9.4 9

9

9

el adduc, si me amas, Marium, sed approperate.

333 (vn.20)

On the last day of June Cicero left for Arpinum and then Campania en route for Greece; but he got no further than Syracuse and was back at Tusculum by the end of August (cf. Phil. 1.71T.). I t is not clear that Cicero stayed at Trebatius' house i n Velia (cf. A. v i , 290 (Talnam)). s, 2 Rufio A common slave-name. H e will have been a slave or freedman of Trebauus, probably the C. Trebatius Rufio of C.I.L. v i , 16120, who along with another man put up a monument to one Q_. Cornelius i n Rome (faciendum curaverunt ex testamento eius). He evidently knew something of building. 3 unus e nobis Cf. Fin. v.4 ita enim se Athenis collocavit ut sit paene unus ex Atticis; Petr. 44.10 et quam benignus resalutare.. .tamquam unus de nobis. This may suggest that Rufio at this time was a slave rather than a freedman; cf. Tcr. Ad. 422 nam id nobis [sc. sends] tamflagitiumstquam ilia, Demea, \ non facere vobis quae modo dixti. O r does nobis mean 'our circle'?

4 aedlficationem I n Rome, presumably near the Lupercal, a grotto at the foot of the Palatine where the she-wolf was supposed to have suckled Romulus and Remus. 5 V e l i a . . . v i l i o r Apparently an intentional jingle. 6 istuc 'The place you are i n ' (Rome). tu A n adversative panicle might have been expected. Perhaps at fell out between omnia and tu, or tamen (in) after the latter. 8 H a i e t e m F. Prechac (CI. Quart. 7 (1913), 279/.) points out that the river and the town were intimately associated, some deriving the name of the latter (*EXta) from that of the former (*EAcT|s; G. Radke, RE v i i i A , 2405, 7 ) , and rich i n historical associations. 9 P a p i r i a n a m d o m u m The house must have belonged to a Papirius; cf. A. 1, 28of. Lucania had been Roman since the victories of L . Papirius Cursor in 272.

473

1 6 2

333 (VII.20) i

COMMENTARY

9-11 quamquam.. .prospexeris From Proc. Cam. Phil. Soc. 5 (1958-9), 9 : Pr&hac's article (see above) goes a long way i n the right direction. He points out that lotum is practically certified by the words quo etiam advenae teneri solent, which, as he after Ernesti recognized, allude to Homer's AcoT09 * d no copyist would be likely to substitute i t for the familiar Titius. Corruption is rather, therefore, to be suspected in 281 (xm.14). Cf., however, the cognomen Cotta, common to the gentes Aurelia and Aurunculeia. Professor Badian has remarked to me that the cognomen Strabo seldom or never runs i n families. I t may also be noted that, according to T . P. Wiseman's reconstruction, Sejanus' father Seius Strabo was the stepson of a Teidia (Latomus 22 (1963), 90). 3 cupidissimo tui 'Most anxious to serve you' (not 'most eager to be with y o u ' ) ; cf. 18 (i.7).2n. 2, 3 - 4 r e s . . • discrimen Cf. ad Brut. 1.1 cum haec scribebam, res OI

ar

existimabatur

in extremum adducta discrimen, 2.2.

4 Brutus Decimus, sufficiently distinguished from Marcus by context. 5 vicimus Cf. Att. 374 (xiv.2o)«3 cut si esse in urbe tuto licebit, vicimus, et sim. sin sin (autem) = si minus, d 8£ \xf\, is confined to letters in the classical period; cf. K.-S. n, 418f. 6 cursus est I n fact a few days before the news of Forum Gallorum arrived there was a panic flight from Rome to join Brutus (ad Brut. 9.2). The present is commonly thus used for the future in conditional sentences; cf. K . - S . 1, ngf377 (x.12) 1, 3 - 4 i t a . . .adfert Cf. 44 ( X V I . I 6 ) . I ita te.. .videam ut mihi gratis* simumfecisti. T.-P. (following Mendelssohn) are mistaken in stating that

oaf erat (H) would be allowable on the strength of 182 (v.21). 1 tecum esse, ita mihi commoda omnia quae opto contingent ut vehementer velim; see ad loc. 6 t u a s 371 (x.8). 8 - 9 v e r b o r u m sentenriarumque Cf. 393 ( x . i g j . i , 404 ( X . I 6 ) . I ; de Orat. 1.31 sapientibus sententiis gravibusque verbis; Tusc. 11.3 copia sententiarum atque verborum; also de Orat. n.56 qui [sc. Thucydides] ita creber est rerum frequentia ut verborum prope numerum sententiarum numero consequatur, ita porro verbis est aptus et pressus ut nescias utrum res oratione an verba sententiis illustrentur; Fronto, ad Amic. 1.4 luculentissimum verborum apparatu, maxima frequentia sententiarum.

10 t u a r u m l i t t e r a r u m (x.io).i.

Perhaps the lost letter referred to i n 375

a, 2 M . V a r i a i d i u a Cf. 372 (x.7).!. 4 d o m o Cicero might have written de dome mea, but hardly de dome; cf. Thes. v ( i ) , 1963, 15; K . - S . 1, 483.

5 i n t e r i m I.e. before Cicero left for the Forum. M u n a t i u a Who this T . Munatius (§5) was, and how related to Plancus, we do not know. 6 l i t t e r a s tuas Sc. legi or dedi legendas, an unusual but acceptable ellipse. 3, 1 C o r n u t u m M . Caecilius Cornutus, no doubt related to Gaius, the mock-Cato of 61 (A. i , 312). He killed himself later i n the year when Octavian marched on Rome (App. B.C. 111.92). 4 - 5 p r o p t e r . . . l i t t e r a r u m 'Attracted by the report of your dispatch and their eagerness to hear i t . ' 6 p u l l a r i o r u m The keepers of the sacred chickens also assisted magistrates i n taking auspices (de caelo servare), as was done before meetings of the Senate, the Augural College being referred to i n case of difficulty; cf. Dio. n.74. 9 Servilio Cf. ad Brut. 2.3, written the same day: ego hie cum ho mine farioso satis habeo negoti, Servilio.. .finem feci eius fcrendi; coeperat enim esse tanta insolentia ut neminem liberum duceret. in Planci vero causa exarsit incredibili dolore mecumque per biduum ita contendit et a me ita fractus est ut eum in perpetuum modestiorem sperem fore. Servilius' motives are uncertain. I t may be

relevant that he and Lepidus married sisters, and that Lepidus and Plancus were on bad terms. xi i n a l i a o m n i a

Cf. 13 (1.2).in.

13 P . T i t i u a This Tribune later proposed laws expelling his colleague, the conspirator Casca, from office and establishing the Triumvirate (cf. Broughton, 340). His death during the year countenanced an ancient superstition (Dio XLVi.49.2; Obseq. 70). 4, 2 I o v i i p s i i n i q u u s

Cf. A. i v , 355.

2-3 q u e m a d m o d u m

The

phenomena i n the MSS

may

be

accounted for by supposing that the readings i n V and D H were both corrections of quidem (for quem) admodum in the archetype. 3 f r e g e r i m ' T a m e d ' ; colloquially, * took the stuffing out of h i m ' . 4 abiecerim 'Put down', ' h u m b l e d ' ; cf. Att. 18 (i.i8)-3 ille annus.. .senatus auctoritatem abiecit ( I revoke my translation 'was thrown to the winds'). 5, 1 perge, s q q . 'Continue then i n your present course and hand your name down to eternity. Despise all these prizes that have only the semblance of glory, derived from meaningless badges of distinction; hold them for brief, unreal, perishable things.' 2-3 coUectam Cf. R.Ellis, Philol. 13 (1900), 472: 'Praetulerim eollectam cum Lambino. Amat Cicero hoc vocabulum locutionibus adnectere quales sunt gloria, fama, existimatio, gratia et his contraria invidia, infamia etc' To see that Ellis was right i t is only necessary to see that haec omnia are offices and honours, insignia their 'badges' (special dress, etc.). 4 fucata Three good arguments i n favour of this reading are adduced by T . - P . : the MS tradition points that way (for 'g* replacing ' c' i n M cf. 373 (xn.25).3 caecumfgraccum); it is difficilior lectio, at least for a copyist; i t corresponds very well with falsa i n Phil, xv.13 alia omnia falsa, incerta sunt, caduca, mobilia: virtus est una altissimis defixa radicibus. Add that fugax occurs only once in pre-Augustan writing (apart from ps.-Sall. Ep. ad Caes. n.9.2), Plaut. Pers. 421. 6 earn = eius rei, a common type of attraction; cf. K.-S. 1, 6e^ff. 7 es, tene I cannot doubt that this is what Cicero wrote; cf. Phil. HI.34 hone igitur occasionem oblatam tenete.. .et amplissimi orbis terrae consili principes vos esse aliquando recordamini. signum date populo Romano, sqq. 9-10 c u m . . . c a r i o r Cf. 353 (xi.5).3.

378 (x.30)

On Ser. Sulpicius Galba see A. rv, 375. For a modern account of the battle of Forum Gallorum sec H . Frisch, Cicero'sfightforthe Republic (1946), 267ff. 1, 1 XVII(I) The correction is indicated by Ov. Fast. rv.627f., where Octavian is said to have beaten his enemies at Mutina on 14 April, and Phil, xiv.28, where the action i n defence of his camp is stated to have taken place on the same day as those described in this letter. 2 c u m quo Sc. Pansa; cf. K.-S. n , 286f. 3 p a s s u s Colloquial for passuum \ cf. K.-S. 1, 250I. According to the

MSS this usage is found i n letters of Plancus (398 ( x . i 7 ) . i ) and Cicero {Att. 415 (xvi.7).5; but see A. vr, 293).

5'9

3-4 l e g i o n e s . . . dusts Antony had six legions at Mutina: the Second, the Thirty-Fifth (both from Macedonia), and the Fifth (Alaudae), along with two of recruits and another of evocati; cf. How, 549. 4 g a i n r a m t r i c e n s i m a m The omission of et is good classical usage, though rare; cf. Kuhner-Holzweissig, 643. 5 S i l a n i M . Junius Silanus, perhaps identical w i t h Caesar's Legate in 53 (B.C. V I . I . I ) and distinguishable from a homonym who was quaestor pro consule i n 34 and Consul i n 25. H e was now an officer (Dio XLvi.38.6 crrpaTidpxco, which might mean Legate or, possibly, Military Tribune) under Lepidus, who had sent h i m to j o i n Antony at Mutina, but later disavowed responsibility. See Broughton, 353 and Suppl. 32. evocatorum

Cf. 6 9 (in.6).5.

6 i t a ' I n this strength.' 8 p o t u i s s e m u s The substitution of pluperfect for perfect or imperfect is colloquial and oftener found i n the indicative than the subjunctive, though the latter is common i n Vitruvius; cf. K.-S. 1, i4of. Here i t may be due to miserat. 8 - 9 c u i . . . s o l e b a m Apparently the legion's present commander was D . Carfulenus, called Carsuleius by Appian (B.C. i n , 66f.), to whom we owe the information. H e probably fell i n the battle (cf. A. v i , 248^). 9 d u a s Hirtius' own and Octavian's. a, 3 c o e p i m u s Galba affects this pleonastic use of coepisse, which is not exclusively colloquial; cf. K . - S . u , 560/. 4 F o r u m G a l l o r u m A small place, now Castelfranco, about eight miles u p the via Acmilia from Mutina. 7 s e q u i Pansa's four legions of recruits seem to have been left in camp (cf. § 3 ex castris). H e now sent orders for two of them to join h i m . The other two remained i n camp under the Quaestor Torquatus (App. l'C. 6 9 ; the pracnomcn Aulus i n T . - P . is conjectural). 8 a n g u s t i a s . . . s i l v a r u m ' T h e narrow route between marsh and woodland'; cf. App. I.e. 66 Tfft 616&0V TCOV orevcov. But Appian has a somewhat different account. According to h i m Pansa and 'Carsuleius' marched through the defile just before daybreak with the Martian legion and five other cohorts and then entered upon the high road between the marshes (why had they left i t ? ) . There they were ambushed by the A n tomans. Obviously Galba has to be believed as an eyewitness where he had no discernible motive to depart from the truth. 9 XII T e n of the Martians and two praetorian. 3, 3 etsi Though each side fought extremely hard, the republican right put the enemy to flight at the first charge - on the face of i t an inconsistency. Appian may here be preferred when he says that the Antonians gave way gradually, oux atoxp&c.

3> 31 4> d e x t e r i u s . . . s i n i s t e r i u s Varro is the first author to use the comparative forms; cf. Neue-Wagener, n , i86f. 3, 4 c o n n s comum is an allowable form, but Galba has cornu twice elsewhere. 7 itaque, s q q . The eight Martian cohorts on the right of the highway having advanced half a mile against Antony's Thirty-Fifth legion were i n danger of being outflanked and attacked from the rear by the enemy cavalry. Galba, himself on horseback, personally led light-armed troops to stop this movement, but found himself among the enemy, some of whom had got behind him. He therefore made a dash for safety and reached one of Pansa's legions which was just arriving on the scene. 2

8 M a u r o r u m Perhaps recruited by Caesar for his Parthian campaign. Antony had also recently been joined by a body of Gaulish cavalry deserting Octavian (Dio XLVi.37.2). Pansa apparendy had no cavalry to speak of. 12 scuto reiecto For protection, and to show which side he was on: cf. L i v . xxn.48.2 Numidae... specie transfugarum cum ab suis parmas post terga habentes aaequitassent; V i r g . Aen. xi.619, et sim.

4, 1 cohors C a e s a r i s According to Appian, whose account, perhaps based on Asinius Pollio, shows his usual Antonian bias, it was totally destroyed. 3 cohors p r a e t o r i a T . - P . would supply altera or Hirtii, but the omission is probably Galba's fault rather than a copyist's. 4 coeperunt For the plural, rendered natural by the intervening clause ubi.. .praetoria, cf. K . - S . 1, 24. 4 - 5 q u o . . . A n t o n i u s * Which is quite Antony's strongest arm.' 5-0" c u m . . . c a s t r a A good deal is left unsaid. We are not told what happened to Octavian's praetorian cohort in the centre (see above). The left wing, says Appian, retreated at first in good order, but later 65 iv 9v/yfj. Seeing this, Pansa's recruits fled i n disorder and crowded pell-mell into the camp (the Martians stood fast outside). Pansa himself was wounded and carried back to Bononia (Galba obviously had not yet learned of this). Neither Galba nor Appian says what happened on the republican right, which was last heard of in danger of an attack from the rear by Antony's cavalry. Apparently most of the eight cohorts were able to retreat to the camp. 8 c o m p l u r i s . . . q u i c q u a m Appian's account is different and, as usual, favourable to Antony. According to him, Antony left the Martians alone, but made a great slaughter of the recruits as they flocked into the camp. 1 o—11 delevit fugavit 'Destroyed or routed.* 12 h o r a noctia q u a r t a

About 10 p.m.

5, I r e d i i t Galba seems to forget that Hirtius had not come from Pansa's camp but from M u t i n a . 2 r e l i q u e r a t Sc. Pansa. The remnants of the two recently recruited legions which had been involved i n the fight were also i n the camp. T.-P.'s statement that Pansa had taken these two legions w i t h h i m when he retired to Bononia is i n conflict w i t h Appian and unsupported by Galba. Nipperdey's oppugnata is at any rate worth recording. 3 p a r t e m m a i o r e m Appian (I.e. 70) says that Antony and Pansa each lost something like half his force (apart from the totally destroyed praetorian cohort); also that the greater part (T6 irXcTorov) of the Antonians engaged by Hirtius perished. Galba apparently d i d not think the losses among the recruits worth mentioning. 6-7 a q u i l a e . . . A n t o n i I f this is true, each of Antony's legions lost its eagle and all its thirty standards (one per maniple). T h a t is not easy to believe, but i t is also difficult to think that Galba was misinformed on such a point or deliberately lying. 8 X ( V > U A necessary correction. Galba evidently wrote just after the batde. H e had not heard of Pansa's wound or of Octavian's successful defence of the camp at M u t i n a . This w i l l have been attacked after Hirtius* departure by the Fifth legion which (despite Phil, xrv.27 cum tribus Antoni Ugionibus) was not engaged at Forum Gallorum.

379 (x.9)

A n answer to 375 (x.io) written on or shortly after 26 A p r i l (§2). 1, 2-3 c e r t e . . . n o t a * A t any rate the earlier I wished you to know my plans before the rest, the greater the evidence of my affection.' hoc (abl.) maius is correlative with quo maturius. Some translators seem to have read quod (for which there is something to be said), e.g. T . - P . : ' y o u have a greater evidence of my affection for you i n that I wished', etc ' That you will learn of them I do not so much hope as guarantee.' N o t ' and I undertake that you shall have still better knowledge of i t * . 2, 3 - 5 s i c . . . r e m i s s a r u s ' I prize the honours and rewards which you and those w i t h you have to bestow - gifts surely no less precious than immortality itself - but at the same time my zeal and perseverance w i l l be no w h i t relaxed without them.* 5 c o g n i t u r u m m a g i s recipxo

3,

1-2 c o n t r a q u o d i p s e pugno

quod = aliquid sibi concupiscere,

selfish ambition such as Antony's against which Plancus is i n arms. This baffled Manutius and others since, though Schutz is nearly right: 'ego procul absum ab ambitione, quam ipse in aliis reprehend ere soleo.*

COMMENTARY

38l (XM3*)

Perhaps at Lugdunum or a point further south. This brought Plancus into the Narbonensis on his way to Italy. 6 Vienna equites m i l l e I n 382 ( x . n ) . 2 Plancus says he had sent his brother with 3,000 horse (cum tribus milibus equitum) in advance after crossing the Rhone. Sternkopf (Hermes 45 (1910), 253) obviates this apparent discrepancy by distinguishing two occasions. First, after crossing the Rhone north of Vienna (Vienne), Plancus sent cavalry ahead to Vienna (hence read Viennam for Vienna); second, he sent three thousand from Vienna on the route to Italy. This solution is not totally satisfying, but nobody has produced a better. 9 genere Plancus had with him three veteran legions and one (highly commended) of recruits; cf. 371 (x.8).6n. 5 Rhodanum traieci

380 (xi.9)

The second batde of Mutina (21 April), a decisive republican victory in which Hirtius was killed, forced Antony to raise the siege. After an unsatisfactory interview with Octavian and an abortive departure for Bononia on the 23rd to visit Pansa, news of whose death reached him on the road, Decimus started west in pursuit of Antony on the 24th (388 (xi.i3).if.), probably reaching Regium Lepidi (or Lepidum), seventeen miles from Mutina, the following day. I f the date at the end of his letter is correct, he was still there on the 29th. Hence Schelle proposed to alter III to VI. But Decimus may have needed time to recruit his troops after the siege and assemble supplies; and he may have preferred to do this at Regium rather than at Mutina because he wanted to get away from Octavian and his soldiers. 1, 6 Ventidius A. vi, 281. He was bringing three legions up from Picenum to Antony, whom he eventually joined at Vada Sabatia (385 (xi.io).3). 7 h o m i n e m ventosissimum 'That arrant weathercock/ 9-10 n a m . . .facturus sit Not that Pollio's intention would be

honourable and Cicero as his friend would know it (so T.-P.), but the reverse. Pollio would join Antony if he got the chance. He is coupled with Lepidus in contradistinction to Plancus, of whose loyalty there was good hope now that Antony had suffered a defeat. 381 (XI.13&)

The first two words of this letter are preserved in M's Index* I f Decimus left Regium on the 29th he might arrive at Parma on the same or the following day.

381 ( x i . 1 3 * )

COMMENTARY

1 P a r m e n s i s I n February Parma had been held by Antony (375 (xn.5).2), but must have subsequendy passed into the hands of the republicans. O n its sack by L . Antonius, who is said to have taken it by stealth (surrepta), see Phil, xrv.9. Rome knew of i t on 21 April, though Pollio (409 (x.33).4) writes as though he thought i t had happened after the second battle. 382 (x.11)

Since writing 379 (x.9) on ca 27 April Plancus had received 377 (x.12) from Cicero, with the news of the Senate's complimentary decree, and a report of Antony's defeat on 21 April (§2). The latter might take about a week to travel the 350 miles or so from Mutina. This letter was certainly sent before 9 - 1 0 May, when Plancus crossed the Isara (390 (x.is).3). See further 390 (x.15), 393 (x.19), intr. notes. 1, 3 - 4 u t . . .scripsisti Apparendy i n a lost letter. Some imagine a reference to Plane. 68 gratiam.. .qui habet in eo ipso quod habet refert. 5 c u m . . .tenebo The indicative implies that Plancus will remember. fili Cf. 358 (x.4).in. 7 - 8 p r i m a e . • .compositae I n 377 (x.12).3 Cicero mentions only the sentenHa which was vetoed by P. Titius on 8 April. As notissima shows, Plancus had received fuller accounts from others. 9 o r a t i o . . .perpetua perpetua seems to refer to speeches as opposed to altercationes (cf. Att. 16 ( I . I 6 ) . 8 ) , adsidua to mean that Cicero kept on making such speeches. 13 t u u m munus tuere 'Act in the spirit of your bounty.' For tueri beneficium, et sim. = 'live up to a benefaction (whether given or received)', see A. 1, 333 (togulam.. .suam). 2, 1-2 c u m . . . p r a e m i s i s s e m Cf. 379 (x.g).3n. 1 fratremque Cf. 370 (x.6).in. 4 - 5 receptum 'Refuge'; cf. Sail. lug. 50.3 ne forte cedentibus adversariis receptui ac post munimento foret (sc. mons); Liv. xxn.12.10 fnitimo[rum]

Virg. Aen. xi.527 tutique receptus. Cicero would probably have written receptaculum; cf. Phil, x.9 esset.. .receptaculum pulso Antonio... receptu[ni]; Graecia. 8 furiosa

'Treasonably

minded'; cf. 91 ( v n i . i i ) . i n . So furorem

below. 10 nudus 'Without a following.' I n poetry nudus sometimes means 'unarmed'; cf. Propertiana, 217. hoc Cf. A. rv, 352. 14 adducet The change of tense from present to future indicates a less desirable (rather than less likely) alternative; cf. 7 (xiv.2).3n.

383 (xa.2^d)

COMMENTARY

I

decimm legio According to Appian (B.C. 111.83) this famous legion was now under Lepidus. But the defection of Lepidus' entire army has just been postulated (quamvis ab exercitu Lepidi recipiatur); disloyalty on the part of the Tenth Legion must represent something additional to that. Furthermore, i f the Tenth was one of Lepidus' legions, how had i t been recalled to duty by Plancus? That question occurred to E. Ritterling (De Legione Romana X Gemina (diss. Leipzig, 1885), 4 ) ; but his answer, that i t had deserted Plancus (after becoming loyal?), is patendy unacceptable. I can only conclude that Appian's statement is mistaken and that i t was one of Plancus' three veteran legions. No more is heard of it in the civil wars. 3, 4 nec patientiae c u i u s q u a m The usual construction would be nec patientia cuiquam. Hofmann-Andresen compare Tac. Hist, rv.2.3 par vitiis fratris (instead of par otitis fratri). 8 i n t e r p r e t i b u s q u e 'Intermediaries.* Laterense

M . Juventius Laterensis, one of Lepidus* legati (A. t,

387).

10 i n i m i c i s s i m o Plancus refers several times to his enmity with Lepidus; cf. 390 ( S L I J ) . ! , 395(x,i8).2, 414 (x.23).x. 12 s u m cum is found i n a number of texts from Boeckel onwards perhaps in origin a misprint. m a i o r e . . . g l o r i a I f Antony were crushed by Plancus and Lepidus together, Plancus would reap less personal glory than by defeating Antony and Lepidus single-handed; for this way of thinking cf. 371 (x.8)-3 fin.

383 (xn.25a)

Presumably written soon after the news of the second battle of Mutina reached Rome, i.e. about the beginning of May. i 1 P . L u c c i u m Cf. 417 (xn.3o).5. M has the name so i n all three of its occurrences. There is no authority for the vulgate Lucceium, which should disappear, the nomen Luccius being completely unexceptionable. T o say nothing of imperial times (C. Luccius Telesinus was Consul i n A.D. 66), Munzer (RE x m , 1562, 38) notes that an inscription of 31 B.C. records Q . Luccius, Aedile of Venusia, also that the MSS of Liv. Epit.xx offer a Vestal Virgin Luccia and of Catalepton 13. 35 a einaedus Luccius (at least the Bruxellensis does); i n both passages editors usually print something else, though not without challenge (J. A . Richmond prints cinaede Lucci i n the latter). Munzer has nothing to say of Cicero's Luccius (except as Lucceius), who now comes to the support of his gentiles. a

y

3 collegas

As Augurs.

6-7 m o r e nostro

Cf. 361 (xn.24).2.

2, 4 - 5 C n . M i n u d o Nothing is known of him and his activities which were presumably in Africa. 384 (x.14)

By 5 May Cicero will have received D . Brutus' letter 380 (xi.9) of 29 April suggesting that Antony might get away. I , 4 - 5 est. •.depellere ' T o wipe out the last remnants of mischief is no less praiseworthy an achievement than to drive off its beginnings.' Cf. Phil. X I T T . 4 4 quamquam enim prima praesidia utiliora rei publicae sunt, tamen extrema sunt gratiora.

385

(XI.IO)

Dertona (now Tortona) lay about 50 miles north of Genoa and ten south of the Po at the northern junction of the via Postumia and the via Aemilia Scauri. ' I t is clear that Antony had retreated to Placentia by the V i a Aemilia [sc. Lepidi], and thence by the Via Postumia, pursued at a respectful distance by D . Brutus (ad Fam. X I . I 3 ) ' (How). 1, 2-5 g r a t i o r e m . . . i s t o r u m 'Be sure that I can be more grateful to you than those ill-natured folk are to me. But if you should think I am saying this for expediency's sake, then have i t that I prefer your good opinion to that of the whole lot of them put together.' Pkilol. 105 (1961), 266T.: 'When he promises gratitude Decimus' sincerity may be suspect,

because to promise gratitude may be one way of sollicking further favours; but at least he will be believed when he says that he values Cicero's good opinion (iudicium), for i n that he makes no promises of return for benefits received.' I am still unable to find any kind of plausibility in Madvig's rewriting of this passage, but since editors continue to laud i t , here i t is: gratiorem me esse in te nosses quam.. .in me. exploratum habes vita (ne haec temporis videantur dici causa) istorum.

malic...

5 t u . . .nobis 'For your judgement of me starts from a sure and true perception.' a, 3 hominlbus Doubtless with reference to Octavian. honoris Editors and their apparatuses err. The word is in D and should be i n the text. 3-4 s a t i s . . . a r b i t r o r ' I think I have written enough - as much as can be committed to a letter.' quae possint is restrictive and two ideas are awkwardly combined: * I must not say more on paper' and * I need not say more to you*.

Cf. 388 (xi.i3).2 ergastula solvit, homines ahripuit. Best taken literally, ' b y throwing open the barracoons'. 5 itinere facto Starting from Picenum, Ventidius moved north along the via Flarninia, perhaps as far as Ariminum or even Faventia. On receiving the news of the batde of Mutina he will have turned west across the Appennines, struck the via Cassia, and joined the via Aemilia Scauri just south of Luna. That road led h i m along the coast to Vada Sabatia, about 30 miles west of Genoa, where he was joined by Antony, marching down the same road south-westwards from Dertona (cf. H . Gundel, RE V T I I A , 7ggff.). 3, 2 ergastula B o l v e n d o

4, 2 Appennino Alpibasque This implies that the Appennines and the Alps are practically continuous, as is indeed the fact, although Strabo (p. 202) makes the latter begin at Vada and the former thirty miles further east near Genoa. Decimus himself writes of Vada as lying inter Appenninum et Alpis (388 ( x i . i 3 ) . 2 ) . Polybius, however, makes them meet near Marseilles (n.14.8, 16.1). M y conjecture Alpibusve is, therefore, not necessarily required (the poetic idiom treated by Fordyce on Catull. 45.6 can be disregarded here). 4 - 5 aut r u r s u s . . . referat * O r again, he may r e t i r e . . . \ rursus may be taken as i n Caes. B.C. n.24.1 adversis hostibus oecurrebant ac rursus aliam in partem fugam petebant. se referat may relate loosely to movement i n retrograde (i.e. southward), since Antony had not come from Etruria; though the greater part of his army had (under Ventidius). 8-9 s e d neque. • . p e s s l m u m est ' But there is no giving orders to Caesar, nor by Caesar to his army - both very bad things.' Decimus evidently had proposed at their interview (cf. 388 ( w . i 3 ) . l n . ) that Octavian should cross the Appennines to block Ventidius while he himself followed Antony. 11-13 h a e c . . . t i m e o 'What alarms me is how this situation can be straightened out, or that, when you are i n process of straightening i t , others may tangle i t up.' timeo is used with quern ad modum zeugmatically (not quite as in Phil, x.15 timere se dicunt quo modo ferant veterani exereitum Brutum habere; cf. K.-S. n , 487). haec is the military situation as described. 5, 2 c u m . . . a c c e s s ! Decimus had not neglected his opportunities for self-enrichment under Caesar; cf. 349 (xi.28).3n. (idem homines). 4 a m i c o s As Pontius Aquila (Dio XLVi.40.2). 5 n u m e r u m Cf. §3 numerus veteranorum. The proposals numero, nimxrum.. Mgiones are unattractive.

6 V a r r o n i s thesauros Perhaps with reference to a fragment from the Menippean Anthropopolis (p. 103, Riese): non Jit thesauris, non auro pectu' soluturn; | non demunt animis euros ac relligiones \ Persarum monies, non atria divitP Crassi (cf. J . O. Thomson, CI. Rev. 70 (1956), 2f.). Corradus'

statement, echoed by Shuckburgh, that V a r r o wrote a book m p l TrXoCrrou seems to be baseless. 9 - 10 t u . . . s e n s e r i s ' L e t me have your kind regard, provided you find the same on m y part.' 386

(3B.II)

T h e chief town of the Statiellenses (otherwise Statielli, Statelli, Statellates), Aquae (Statiellae), was on the via Aemilia Scauri, less than half way from Dertona to V a d a . 1, 3 s c r i p s i . • . g e r e r e n t u r ' I a m writing to tell you what is going on here.' F o r the subjunctive, cf. below quos.. .mitUrct scribebat; Tusc. m.54 quae Carneaaes contra dixerit scripta sunt. 5-6 i n m e I n c i d e r u n t Cf. A. v , 344. 7 s c r i b e b a t Epistolary for scribit = scripsit (cf. K . - S . 1, 118). 7-8 n o n b a b u l a m b i g u u m ' I did not hold it doubtful', i.e. ' I entertained no misgivings ; cf. dubium non habere (Thes. v i , 2444, 49). 2, 4 c o n s o l a b e r e F o r the passive or reflective use of consolor cf. Gell. x v . 13.6; Neue-Wagener, m , oof. 1

6 ( e a ) finibus Cf. 400 (x.$4jx).2 (x.23)-7 Cularone, ex finibus Allobrogum.

ex castris, ex Ponte Argenteo, 414

387 (xn.12)

1, 1 s. v . b . e . e . q . v .

Cf. 366 ( x n . u ) . i n .

2 l i t t e r a s Doubdess 367 (xn.7). 3 xavere Cf. 367 (xn.7).i favebam et rei publicae, cui semper favi, et dignitaii ac gloriae tuae. 6 q u o d t e p r i m u m I . e . primum quod te. 8 m o l i r i ' T h a t I a m at w o r k ' ; cf. Thes. v n i , 1361, 12. molior is especially used of work with a particular purpose in view. 9 legiones Cf. 363 ( x n . i t ) . i . 10- 11 t a b e l l a r i o s q u e c o m p l u r i s Carrying letters eodem excmplo. 12 m e i Cf. 367 (xn.7).1. 13 v o l u e r i n t F u t . perf. 2, 1 p o l l u l u m T h e form is attested in C a to and V a r r o . So Polla for Paul(l)a and many similar variations. T h e forms in 0 were originally vulgarisms, but some of them became established in literary usage; cf. E . Kieckers, Hist. lot. Cramm. (1931), 34f. 8 t y r a n n i s Dolabella and Antony, who would have got these armies into their clutches if Cassius had not forestalled them. 3, 5 m i s e r e ' S o r e l y ' , 'wretchedly', misere nolo, as T . - P . point out, is the opposite of misere cupio (Ter. Ad. 522).

legionem Cf. 366 (xn. 11). 1 n . 4, 2 senatus atque o p d m i cuiusque

So combined in 405

(xn.i4).7 and elsewhere, optimus quisqtu and boni (omnes) are often interchangeable though the former properly means 'the " b e s t " of the " g o o d " ' , the leading lights. 3 audiendo F r o m Cassius himself. 4 - 5 q u i . . .putabit ' O n c e they realize that you have their interests at heart, they will feel unbounded gratitude as well.' 5, 2 copiis T w o legions raised locally (419 ( X J M 3 ) - 4 ; App. B . C . m.78). I n C i l i c i a m I n the event Dolabella invaded S y r i a ; cf. 406 (xn. 6 e a c a s t r i s Cassius' last letter, two months previously, was sent from Galilee. Now he had no doubt moved north again.

388 (xi. 13) O n 6 M a y Decimus was encamped on the borders of the Statiellenses (not at Aquae Statiellae, as stated i n T . - P . ' s largely erroneous note), some 55 R o m a n miles from Antony at V a d a . I f be thence dispatched 386 (xi. I 1) that morning, the day's march along the via Aemilia Scauri would bring him to a point 30 (not 20) miles from V a d a (§3). A t that point he received a report that Antony intended to march on Pollentia (Pollenza) about 25 miles as the crow flies to the west of Decimus' camp. Decimus set out to forestall him, sending eight cohorts in advance. T . - P . suppose h i m to have continued south along the via Aemilia as far as its junction with the road connecting Pollentia a n d V a d a , a distance of about 16 miles. T o reach the same junction from V a d a , Antony had about two miles less to go. Maps show that if Decimus kept to the highroads, as he probably did even though the eight cohorts may possibly have travelled across country, his quickest route was back to Aquae Statiellae and thence west to Pollentia by way of A l b a Pompeia (about 60 miles). H e could have done this by forced marches in two days, arriving at Pollentia on the evening of 8 May. So Mommsen (who confuses the two Bruti) in C.I.L. v, p. 850. 1, 1-2 c u i . . . f i e r i ' T h e r e is no making an adequate return in words to one whom I can hardly repay in deeds.* 7 A q u i l a m p e r i s s c [ n e j s c l e b a m I n view of the many other instances of the kind (see intr. p. 8) the absence of these words from M's text, explained by homoeoteleuton, is no evidence of interpolation, though T . - P . ' s claim that no copyist would have been likely to know of

Aquila's death ignores 409 (x-33)-4 ibi Hirtium quoque perisse et Pontium Aquilam. But they can hardly be sound as they stand. Even i f the repetition of perisse nesciebam, in which Graevius came to see mi ram tvtpyEIcrv' and I see ineptitude, is tolerated, how could Decimus* ignorance of both casualties constitute a reason for delaying his departure from Mutina? W i t h sciebam his meaning may be thus expanded: 1 did not know, i t is true, of Hirtius* death (which, i f I had known of i t , would have made i t harder for me to leave at once), but I did know that Aquila was dead.' Exactly how Aquila's death affected the case is not explained. But for Decimus he may well have been a major loss. Pontius Aquila (praenomen uncertain) had made himself conspicuous as Tribune i n 45 by disrespectful behaviour to Caesar (Suet. IuL 78.2), and became one of his assassins. I n 43 he was Legate to D. Brutus, but operated outside Mutina and expelled Plancus Bursa from Pollentia (Phil, xi.14; Dio XLVi.38.3). O n his loan of money to Decimus for military purposes see 385 (xi.io).5n. The Senate voted him posthumous honours along with the Consuls (ad Brut. 23.8). Aquila is not to be identified with the expropriated Pontius of Att. 375 (xrv.2i).3 (cf. A . v i , 241 and, for more on the Pontii, Wiseman, New men, 253). 7-8 C a c s a r i . . . e s s e m From this and 385 (xi. Io).4 it seems certain that Decimus and Octavian d i d meet, despite Appian's discrepant account (B.C. m.73). 8-9 hie dies The day after the batde, i.e. 22 April. > 3 copiolas ' M y apology for an a r m y ' ; cf. 399 (xi.i9).i cum tironibus cgentissimis. The discrepancy explained by T . - P . between Decimus' language here and i n 401 (xi.2o).4 legiones armo, paro. spero me non pessimum exercitum kabiturum does not exist. 5 p e s s i m e acceptae ' I n very bad shape' ( l i t . 'very badly handled*). I t is exceptional for this expression to be used o f damage caused by a non-personal agent. fecit Another of the many omissions i n M supplied by x- The word is certainly required, itinera fugiens (on the analogy of iter pergere) is an incredible expression, nor could i t easily be combined with quam ego 4

1

a

sequens (sc. feci?).

6-7 i l l e . . . o r d i n a r i m ' For he went helter-skelter while I moved in regular order.' Cf. Liv. xxvm.16.3 et iam inde fugientium modo effusi abibant; itaque ab legionibus Romanis aliquantum intervalli fecit.

7 ergastula Cf. 385 (xi.I0)-3n. 4, 2 contuli See intr. note. Antony's threat to Pollentia is often supposed to have been a feint. So Shuckburgh: 'There is no doubt that Decimus Brutus was completely outmanoeuvred. Antony's despatch of

cavalry to Pollentia was a feint to draw h i m away from the road to Vada, and he fell into the t r a p ' (cf. T . - P . v i , 240). I t would follow that the refusal of Ventidius' soldiers to leave I t a l y and their demand to be led against Pollentia (on which, and not on the dispatch of the cavalry, Decimus acted) was either false intelligence or a scene stage-managed by Antony to mislead Decimus. But why was this so important? H a d Antony not delayed his march by a day he would have been about 50 miles ahead of Decimus on the coastal road to the Narbonensis. A n d why did he actually send his cavalry to Pollentia, so that they arrived, thanks to Decimus* promptitude, only an hour too late to seize the town? O n the other hand Antony's actions are perfecdy intelligible i f the report reaching Decimus was genuine. Since he could not march west because of the attitude of the soldiers, his best plan was to do as they demanded and go for Pollentia. From there he could still cross over to Transalpine Gaul i f he could persuade his army to follow. As for T.-P.'s point ( v i , liii n. 153) tiiat the theory of a feint is supported by the fact that only die cavalry was sent forward, this may not be a fact. A n t o n y may have been following with his infantry when Trebellius met h i m w i t i i the news that he had been forestalled by Decimus. For A n t o n y , as i t turned out, this was lucky, but that does not mean he planned i t so. 3 T r e b e l l i u s This is the last record of L . Trebellius Fides (cf. Phil. v i . 11), who as Tribune i n 47 had resisted Dolabella's radical economic programme. He is often mentioned i n the Philippics as a f i r m adherent of Antony. 4-5 i n h o c . . .consistere 'For I think victory depends u p o n . . we shall never know what, for the letter here breaks off, a page i n the archetype having been apparently lost, hoc is anticipatory (not ' f o r I think that this constitutes a victory').

389 (x.13) A n answer to 379 (x.9) of ca 27 A p r i l , which cannot have arrived i n R o m e before 10 May. Plancus may also have written to the Senate announcing his march to Italy. 2, 3 insignibus gloriae Cf. 377 (x.i2)»5 inanissimis splendoris insignibus. Cicero refers to §2 of Plancus' letter. 6-7 q u i . . .confecerit The sentiment reappears i n almost the same terms i n subsequent letters: 394 (xi.i2).2 (to D . Brutus), 393 ( x . i 9 ) . 2 , 407 (x.2o)-3. 8 rcToXm6p8iov For the form cf. Od. ix.504, 530. Strabo (p. 17) refers to Odysseus as 6 irToMiropOos Ad Aey6uevo$ Kcd T 6 " I A I O V £Xcbv. T h e epithet is applied to Achilles i n four passages of the I l i a d , which A r i s -

tarchus seems to have athetized: cf. Schol. onxv.56©T|alv6*Ap(o"To:pxoS 6TI oOBaufj T6V *Ax&Xte TrroAhropOov elpnieev, dAAo: Tro6c5).2 Forum Cornetium, Catil. 1.24

537

18-2

39^ ( - 3 4 ) x

COMMENTARY

1

Forum Aurelium (Aurclii i n Itineraries) and L i v . xxvi.23.5 Forum Subertanum (SuberUmi i n Plin. N.H. m.52).

u l t r a I.e. to the east of the town. 6-7 flames A r g e n t e u m Modern Argens. 7 Antonios L . Antonius' tide is unknown, but at Mutina he seems to have been second i n importance only to his brother; but Antonianos may well be right. 8 u l t r a m e I.e. * to the east of me*. 9 r e l i q u i s The Second, Thirty-Fifth, and three others; cf. 378 (x. 30).in. (legiones.. .duos). 10 i n e r m o r u m Cf. 394 ( x i . I 2 ) . i n . 11—12 m i l i a quinque This emendation of Madvig's has been generally accepted; cf. 409 (x.33)4. 12 t r a n s i e r u n t These 'deserters' were probably sent to tamper with Lepidus' troops. a, 1 S i l a n u s

Cf. 378 (x.3o).in.

Culleo Perhaps son of Q . Terentius Culleo, Tribune i n 58 {A. 11, 152). H e had let Antony through the Alpine passes which Lepidus had (ostensibly at any rate) assigned h i m to guard (App. B.C. m.83).

397 (xi. 18)

i> 1 V o l u m n i o q u e Cf. 394 ( x i . i 2 ) . i n . 3 videbantur The imperfects are epistolary throughout. 3, 1 nec dubito nee is not coordinate with nec vero above, but = nec tamen.

2 gratulatione 'Thanksgiving', not 'rejoicing*. I withdraw my statement i n A. n , 165 that gratulor = ' t h a n k ' is not established for Cicero* Despite Thes. v i , 2254, 34 that meaning is clear i n Marc. 19 etsi persaepe virtuti, tamen plerumque felicitati tuae gratulabere.

4 i d q u o d s p e r o ' A n d expect.' 4-5 a b i e c t u s et f r a c t u s ' D o w n and out.'

398 (x.17)

Written on the march south (cf. 395 (x.x8), intr. note), after 18 and before 25 M a y (cf. 414 (x.23).2n.); see Sternkopf, Hermes 45 (1910), 264/. 1,2-3 a b e s t . • . h a b e t The presents must be carelessly used. Plancus was still more than two days' march from the scene, perhaps a good deal more, and could only know the situation as last reported. 2-3

F o r u m Voconi

Cf. 396 (x.34).in.

4 p a n u s Cf. 378 (x.30).in. 5 -6 o m n i a m i h i i n t e g r a . . . s e r v a n t cf. 391 (x.21) .6. s, 1 f r a t r e m

'Leave me a clear f i e l d ' ;

Cf. 392 (x.21 a).

6 - 7 q u o d . . . c a s t r i s ' O n the ground that i n his present state of health he would be more likely to wear himself out than to help me in camp.' The subjunctive posset makes this a reason given by Plancus to his brother. The second reason, that duty required the latter's presence i n Rome, is uctfully presented as Plancus' own thought rather than as something he needed to urge upon the one concerned. 9 i n u r b a n i s officiis This does not imply that Plautius Plancus was City Praetor, an office i n fact held by M . Cornutus. 9-10 q u o d s i , s q q . Whereas in his earlier letter Plancus seems to be excusing the fact that his brother was still in Gaul, he now excuses his departure. 3, 1 t a m e n = 8' ouv. sed tamen is common i n this resumptive sense. After the digression i n §2 the letter returns to the main topic. A p e l l a m Apparently a confidential freedman. A locus aesperatus. O f the ' two ingenious corrections' mentioned by T . - P . the first, L . Gellius D.f. tribu Fab. Segovianus (Orelli), has several disadvantages: (a) The name of a 4 fde t r i b u s fr a t r i b u s s e g a v i a n o f

man's tribe is not usually so prefaced, (b) O f several places called Segovia, the best known was in Hispania Tarraconensis - not a very likely provenance, one would think, though not impossible, (c) The normal adjective is Segooiensis (Orelli also proposed Segovia, 'from Segovia'). The second, L . Gellius de tribusfratribus S. A. C. Avianis (Kleyn) involves an illegitimate abbreviation (S. for Sextus); for the answer to the question in > 387 'was this really an ancient abbreviation?' seems to be practically, i f not absolutely, 'no*; cf. 84 (vni.8).3n. I am inclined to believe that de tribus fratribus may be sound (cf. the mysterious Firmani fralres of Att. 82 ( I V . 8 A ) . 3 ) ; and Segovianis is not wholly impossible (cf. Brixianus from Brixia). But again, there is the possibility that Gellius was M . Brutus' fabe friend L . Gellius Poplicola, Consul i n 36, who may have joined Brutus after the republican collapse i n the west; cf. Dio XJLvn.24.3fT. v

399 (xi. I 9)

I , 4 D m s o Cf. A . 1, 3656 As a Praetorius he must have spoken after Paulus. 6 tironibus egentissimis Cf. 388 (xi.i3).2. I n fact Decimus did have one veteran legion'and another with two years* service, but he had

taken over three of Pansa's four legions of recruits after Mutina (cf. 401 (xi.2o)-4n.)- I n July he had eight such (428 (x.24)-3; cf. 354 (xi.7).3n.). a, 1 VIcetLol Inhabitants of Vicetia (Vicenza). 2 v e r n t r u m The people concerned may have been freedmen, i n which case we have an example o f the contemptuous usage mentioned i n 128 (v.2o).2n. But possibly they had been slaves belonging to the m u n i cipality, which denied the validity of their manumission; cf. the case of the Martial es at Larinum (Cluent. 43). 3 I n re p u b l i c a m Cf. Post Red. in Sen. 23 omnia officio.. .summa et in me et in rem publieam eonstiterunt, et sim. Muller's 'parallels*, as 221 (vi.22) .3 quanto semper tu et studio et officio in meis rebusfuisti, only show that qfficium in re publica is translatable as ' loyalty i n public affairs', which is

clearly not what Decimus meant. 5 i n c e r t i s s i m u m 'Thoroughly untrustworthy'; cf. Rose. Am. 62 testis incertus; Cluent. 21 index.. .neque obscums neque incertus.

400 (x.34*)

Evidently separate from and subsequent to 396 (x.34). 1, 1—3 e t s i . . . c o n s e r v a t a s u n t ' Y o u and I have always vied i n the eagerness o f our mutual zeal to do one another service i n virtue o f the friendship between us, and both of us have been careful to maintain our practice accordingly.* For mutuo cf. Thes. v n i , 1739, 4. proinde does not mean 'just as before*. 6-7 q u a e . . . r e m p u b l i e a m 'Calculated to give your patriotic heart no small disquiet.* 7 m o d e r a t e 'Calmly* (not ' w i t h reserve*). 12 a n i m o Cf. Lucil. 431 (Marx) firmiter hoc pariterque tuo sit pectore fixum. The preposition after figere is often omitted i n Augustan poetry and later writing generally. a, 2 d i l i g e n d a m , fidem For this combination cf. 347 (xn.23).4 sunvnam eius fidem, diligentiam prudentiamque cognovi; de Orat. 11.192 fides, qfficium, diligentia. O n vitam, studium diligentissime I wrote in 1961 (Philol. 105, 2 6 6 ) : 'Asyndeton bimembre is a favourite w i t h modern editors, who

swallow indiscriminately every example i n the MSS. This one is set off by the position o f diligentissime and the remarkable combination studium in re publico administranda*

3 q u a e L e p i d o digna s u n t 'Such as are worthy o f the name I bear. The indicative is i n order with reference to an objective standard: 1

cf. Deiot. 19 quo in loco Deiotarum talem erga te cognovisti qualis rex At talus in P. Africanum fuit. T . - P . mistakenly render 'and they (sc. m y life and

political activity) are worthy of a Lepidus'.

5-6 et proinde.. .debeo 'And to regard me as deserving the protection of your public influence in proportion as your kindness places me further and further in your debt.' 401 (xi.20)

1, 3 contemptum 'Taken lightly'; cf. Att. 44 ( 0 . 2 4 ) 4 qui nihil contemnere soleamus, non pertimescebamus.

E A

M** utpote

Labeo Segulius Known only in this connexion. 4 sui simillimus Cf. Ter. Phorm. 501 quam uterque est similis suif; Suet. Tib. 67.3 similem se semper suifuturum; Fronto, ad Amic. 1.5 semper et ubique eum parem sui reperies. Cf. K.-S. 11, 449. 6 dictum.. .dixisse Cf. 328 ( x n . i 6 ) . 3 n .

7 laudandum.. .tollendum 'The young man must get praises, honours and - the push.' Cf. Veil, n.62.6 Cicero.. .Caesarem laudandum et tollendum censebat, cum aliud diceret, aliud intellegi vellet; Suet. Aug. 12. I f tollendum was really intended to have a double meaning, i t is forced, tollere aliquem being regular in the sense' to get rid o f , but unexampled in that of 'exalt', except in expressions like in caelum tollere (cf. T.-P. vi, lx n. 174). 12 in decern viris According to Appian (B.C. m.82) the Senate appointed ten commissioners after the batde of Mutina to review Antony's acta (is eOBwccv TTJS Apx^lS T I J S ' A V T C O V ( O V ) . The contention (cf. T. Rice Holmes, Architect of the Roman Empire, 1 (1928), 212; T.-P. v i , 241) that Appian made a chronological error and that the commission's task was to assign land to soldiers is to be rejected. On the one hand, the general invalidation of Antony's acta by the Senate in February (Phil. x i i . 12, xiii.5) does not rule out the appointment of a commission to examine and adjudicate upon particular cases (grants, etc.). On the other, Cicero's reply to this letter (411 ( x i . 2 i ) . 5 ) makes i t clear that agrarian matters were not the commission's primary or even legitimate business, though Decimus may have thought that these and the matter of soldiers' gratuities were involved; see ad loc. Later, according to Appian (m.86), another Commission of Ten was appointed with respect the pecuniary claims of Octavian's troops. 2, 2 nondum For a somewhat similar pleonasm Sjogren compares Rose. Am. 60 usque eo animadverti, iudices, eum iocari atque alias res agere ante quam Chrysogonum nominavi. nondum would fall out after committendum

even more easily than non. 6 totam istam cantilenam 'This whole rigmarole (about the veterans)', not 'the rhyme attributed to you'. There is no reference to Cicero's dictum, as Manutius and others have supposed.

3, i ne timendo.. .cogare Cf. ad Brut. 25.4 0 magnam stultitiam timoriSy id ipsum quod verearis ita cavere ut, cum vitare fortasse potueris, ultro arcessas et attrahas. 1-2 et {tamen) tamen (or idem) is needed to mark the contrast with

the preceding idea. Cicero must not let himself be blackmailed, but he should meet the veterans' demands as far as possible. 2 occurri.. .occurras Cf. Verr. 11.5.24 ceteros docuit ante istius avaritiae scelerique occurrere; Cluent. 63 occurram exspectationi vestrae; Deiot. 40 (misericordia tua) occurrere solet ipsa supplicibus et calamitosis. The usual sense,

'resist', is barred by the context. 5-6 ab utrisque nobis I.e. 'by myself and Octavian'. Ciceronian usage allows both utrisque nobis and utroque nostrum (cf. the reply 411 (xi.2i).s); see K.-S. 1, 427. 7 quattuor legionibus The Fourth, the Martian, and two (the Seventh and Eighth) raised by Octavian from veterans settled in Campania; cf. Ritterling, RE xn, 1643,4. All were now under Octavian. 8 fsilanif That the inconspicuous M.Junius Silanus owned land on a scale such as his name here would imply is hard to believe. Sullanis can be explained as referring to state land confiscated by Sulla and now under illegal occupation by private individuals or to land acquired from exsoldiers who were not legally entitled to sell. But the reading remains in doubt. 9 agro Campano Land assigned under Caesar and Antony to veterans who had joined the latter would be available in addition to land still unassigned. 4, 6 legionem Apparently one of the four legions recruited by Pansa had been retained by Octavian. The Senate had put them under Decimus (Dio X L V i . 4 0 . 1 ; App. B.C. 111.76; cf. 399 ( x i . i g ) . i n . ) . 10 \ H I < I ) See date of following letter, which can hardly have been dispatched the same day. Eporedia Modern Ivrea.

402 (xi.23) 1, 2 Lepidus Evidently Decimus' earlier mistrust (cf. 380 (xi*9).2)

had been to some extent allayed by recent reports or perhaps by a letter from Lepidus himself (cf. his letters to Cicero, 396 (x.34) and 400 (x.34^). 3-4 quod.. .aliena 'Vel si Lepidus se cum Antonio coniungat' (Manutius). 4 tribus Those of Decimus himself, Plancus, and Octavian. 2> 3-4 s i . . .poterint 'Just take the bit between your teeth and I ' l l be hanged if the whole pack of them will be able to stand against

you when you open your mouth.' Decimus apparently uses a familiar metaphor (cf. Otto, SprukworUr, 146) oblivious of its literal meaning. H i e result is comical, but the temptation I have sometimes felt to expel conantem loqui ('i.e. nedum loquentem' (Manutius)) from the text has to be resisted. For poterint cf. Neue-Wagener, m, 6x3.

403

(x.25)

Generally assigned to ca 27 May as contemporaneous with 393 (x.19). But there is nothing to link these two letters closely, and Plancus' acknowledgements of Furnius' services (§ 1) may have been made in any of his letters, private and official, written during the negotiations with Lepidus i n which Furnius took part (cf. 382 ( x . i i)-3). Furnius appears to have written to Cicero to ask his advice about returning to Rome to stand for the Praetorship. 1, 6 c e l e r i t a d prueturae 'The swift arrival (i.e. attainment) of the Praetorship'; cf. §3. celeritas seems to be used as the opposite of mora, not quite as i n ad Brut. 23.7 eeUritatem petitionis, a hastening of his candidature for office'. Kappelmacher's statement i n RE vn, 376, 46 that Furnius was proposing to stand before he was legally qualified is a misunderstanding; see on §2 below. 4

anteponendam 9 sententiaque

Cf. K . - S . 1, 53. Cf. Fin. 1.29 omnium philosophorum sententia. scumtia

has no business here. People i n Rome had no direct knowledge of Furnius' performance, and i f they had known they would not have needed Plancus* testimony or paid attention to common report (fama). For the error cf. 4x1 (xi.2i).2. 2, 3 - 4 satis f a c t u m officio Editors dismiss these words as an interpolation. See Addenda. 6 haec a m b i d o s a festinatio 'Such haste i n the furtherance of your career.' 7 consecurJ s u m u s As often, Cicero affects to consider his friend's affairs as his own; cf. A. 1, 380 (magnum.. .oti). 8 a n n u m p e d d o n i s s u a e The year i n which they attained the age at which (being otherwise qualified) they could stand for this or that office. Since Furnius had been Tribune in 50 he was presumably already past the normal minimal age for praetorian candidacy. 8 - 9 quod eo facUius, s q q . This passage was rescued from inveterate misinterpretation by E. Badian (Journ. Rom. Stud. 49 (1959), 84f.): 'Cicero is saying that, i f Furnius had been aedile i n 45 (with no implication whether he had actually stood for the office then), he would

now be expected to stand for the Praetorship of 4 2 ; as, however, he never was aedile, there is no such moral obligation.' 10 n u n c , s q q . 'As things stand, you will be looked upon as not letdng slip any of the customary, quasi-legal period of candidacy.' This too is generally misunderstood, petitio officially had to last not less than one trintmdinum before election day, beginning with professio, but i n customary understanding i t began long before professio (cf. Att. 1 ( I . I O ) . I ) . I f Furnius stood i n 43, he would be a candidate i n this customary sense for a much shorter time than was normal; whereas i f he waited till the following year he would be regarded as giving himself the benefit of the full period; cf. Tac. Ann. n.36.5 subverti leges quae sua spatia candidatorum industriae quaerendisque aut potiundis honoribus statuerint. I n the circumstances (nunc, i.e. since he had not been Aedile and so was at

perfect liberty to stand when he chose) this would seem quite natural and proper. 12 video videbam (Wesenberg) brings the sequence of tenses to normal. But kaberes may be understood 'you would be having (if you were standing at the moment) *, and once having used a historic tense Cicero continues as though he had started with one. 12-13 e t s i . . . h a b c r e s 'Though you would have nothing to worry about even without him.* 14 p e t i t i o n e m Sc. fore; cf. 244 (vj,4).in. 3, 4 dignitate 'Prestige' (not 'love of honour'). 7 C a e c i n a Possibly Cicero's correspondent. C a l v i s i o Cf. 424 (x.26)-3. Surely to be distinguished from the obnoxious C. Calvisius Sabinus, despite Munzer, RE in, 1412, 36.

404 (x.16)

The official letter mentioned i n § i w i l l have corresponded to 390 (x.15), and will have arrived i n Rome about 25 May. 1, 2 v i d i As though umquam had preceded instead of post hominum memoftam.

4 litteras L e p i d i This dispatch, which must have been sent shordy before 396 (x.34), has not survived. 10-11 q u i n que t r i b u n i p i . Cf. 12 (i.r)-3n. (Lupo). 11 S e r v i l i u s Cf. 377 (x.i2).3- He seems regularly to have been called on to speak before Cicero i n 43 (cf. Phil, rx.3, x r v . i 1). Note 203 (rv.4)-4 omnes ante me rogati.

12 earn sententiam ' A motion'; cf. A . 1, 284. a d u n u m Wesenberg added omnes; but cf. (with Lehmann) Q^Fr. m.2.2 consuftexit senatus eum elamore ad unum and other examples i n lexica.

4 0 5 (xil.14) 3

COMMENTARY

a, 2-3 in r e b u s . . .angusris ' I n a situation so fraught with surprises and with so little margin for error.' 4 Ipse t i b i sis senatus

Cf. 354 (xi.7) . 2 n .

405 (xn. 14)

O n P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, son of the Consul of 57, see A. v, 282f. Sumner (Orators, 39) notes that his adoption into the Manlius Torquatus family i n order to enable him to join the augural College in 57 had no effect on his nomenclature outside the College. He had gone out to Asia i n 44 as Quaestor to C. Trebonius, after whose murder about the beginning of 43 he was expelled by Dolabella from the province. His subsequent activities are narrated in this personal letter to Cicero and the following official dispatch. He was now in charge of Asia with the dde of pro quaestore pro praetore.

1, t convenlssem I n Macedonia. 2-3 u t . . . c o l l i g e r e m ' T o gather up the remnants of my w o r k ' ; cf. 238 (xm.66).2 in reliquiis veteris negotiations colligendis; Verr. 11.2.136 voluptatumflagitiorumqueistius ipse reliquias colligebat; also below §5 reliquias meae diligentiae. The work was tax-collecting; cf. §1 of the next letter.

8 A n t o n i i s Marcus and Lucius. Gaius was at this time a captive in M . Brutus' hands. 2, 2 s u b l a t a . . . p r o f l i g a t a Cf. 417 (xn.3o).2 profligato bello et paene sublato.

5 quod m a x i m e t i m u i This would more logically have followed ut. 3, x s p r e v e r i n t Easily corrupted to desperaverint after valde. nos desperaverint could be tolerated grammatically (Nardo explains as zeugma), but spreverint better expresses the writer's feeling of outrage; cf. below in contemptione optimi euiusque and eadem superbia in pravitate; also §2 of the official letter quam indignitatem deminutionemque maiestatis non solum iuris nostri sed etiam imperi populique Romani and Liv. XXHI.5.X consulem... miserabilem bonis sociis, superbis atque infidelibus ut erant Campani, spernendum. y

5 ( m o v c r u n t ) Doubtless a conjectural supplement, and no less certainly required. A n ellipse here is not to be thought of. Besides the harshness, incredible i n such a letter as this, i t would invite misunderstanding; cf. Manutius 'subaudi fitere*. pepulerunt (Kdhler) makes Lentulus deny that there had been any private injuries; cf. 225 (rv.x3).2 init. 6 i n n o s t r a ( m ) salute ( m ) in nostra salute was explained by Orelli as ' i n re ubi agitur nostra sal us' and so understood by some later editors - a much less natural sense. 414 (x.23).4 animum singularem in re Publico is rather different, even i f the ablative be there allowed.

405 (XII.14) 3

COMMENTARY

9 turn After Pharsalia (not, as Nardo, after the capture of Corfinium); cf. Caes. B.C. m. 102.7 ^ * * L . Lentulo.. .et P. Lentulo consulari 7 7

n o c

ac non nullis aliis acciderat Rhodi, qui, cum ex fuga Pompeium sequerentur atque in insulam venissent, oppido ac portu recepti non erant missisque ad eos nuntiis ut ex his locis discederent contra voluntatem suam naves solverunt. Caesar does not

seem to have known of any similar incident involving Pompey such as is here implied. For the allusive turn cf. Att. 368 (xiv.i4).5. 13 eadem superbia i n pravitate 'The same arrogance in their perversity.* 4, 1 de nostra d i g n i t a t e . . . curae sit = nostra dignitas... curae sit; or perhaps there should be a comma after dignitate ( as for my dignitas, keep i t i n m i n d ' ) . W i t h Nardo I take ut semper as parenthetic; cf. §5 velim, ut c

solet, tibi curae sit.

Early in March; cf. 367 ( X I I . 7 ) . I . The news of the death of the Consuls had evidently not yet reached Lentulus. 5 obtineat The defenders of obtineant say that Lentulus is speaking generally. I t is difficult to imagine why he should do that, particularly with reference to a specific decree. For the present tense see K.-S. 11,193. 8 hoc Cf. A. iv, 352. 10 ut t u . . .praedicasti No such prediction is to be found in the Eleventh Philippic; perhaps i t occurred in the lost speech ad populum 4 decreta est A s i a

(cf.

367

(XII.7).I).

Cf. Thes. 1, 1387, 19. peracturos (cf. Pis. 7 ita est a me consulatusperactus) would make the point that the Consuls would serve out their term of office in Rome rather more emphatically; but either reading is perfectly satisfactory. 4 s p e r o . . •impetrare ' I imagine you can gain your point'; a slightly less assumptive expression than spero te impetraturum. 5 Verrioque Cf. 193 (ix.2o).2n. 6 - 7 n e . . . s u c c e d a t u r I n the normal course of things a new Quaestor would have come out in the summer of 43. Trebonius' death had of course created an unforeseen situation. 7 - 8 cupiditate provinciae cupiditas and cupidus are much used in this connexion; see on 87 (vni.io).3. 10 nive For the archaic or colloquial ni, nive (and net, neive) = ne, neve, common i n inscriptions, see Neue-Wagener, 11, 969. 18 ut solet Cf. 82 (vm.9).3 (Caelius) curare soles libenter, ut ego 5, 2 acturos consulatum

maiorem partem nihil curare. 6, 3 societate According to Plutarch (Caes. 67) and Appian (B.C. 11.119) Lentulus was one of several who, though not party to the

conspiracy, joined the assassins immediately and claimed to have been in their number.

COMMENTARY

406 ( X I L I 5 ) I

5 f r e g i Probably by disallowing grants to communities and individuals i n Asia (so T . - P . ) ; but this must h a v e been under Trebonius* authority. equitatuxn According to Dio ( x L v u . 2 1 . 3 , 26.x), the money (see below) and horsemen were supplied by Trebonius. How far his subordinate was endded to claim the credit we have no way of judging. The details will have been given i n a letter from Lentulus which Cicero read to the Senate on 9 April (ad Brat. 2.3). 7 , 2 sodalis et f a m i l i a r i s s i m u s Chance provides information of an affair in 47 between Dolabella and Lentulus* wife Metella, whom he divorced i n 45 (A. v, 291). The blood relationship with the Antonii may have been through Lentulus' mother, whose name is unknown. Their mother Julia married a Lentulus (Sura, Catiline's associate) after the death of her former husband, M . Antonius CreUcus. 3 i l l o r u m Probably Antony and Dolabella are meant rather than the three Antonii. 4 TtaTplSo, X . T . X . The line, perhaps from Euripides' Erechtheus, ran (piAco TFXV' &AA& TTorrpiS' £uf|V uSAXov 91X65 (Nauck, p. 918). 8 a c t a m e n Cf. 147 (xvi.8).in. 9 s e n a t u s . . .cuiusque

Cf. 387 (xix.X2).4n.

8, 3 e a . . .opinione 'That he should be so well thought of.' 7 Pergae I n Pamphylia, now part of Asia. Coastal Cilicia may have b e e n attached to Syria; cf. Magic, u, 127if.

406 ( x i i . 1 5 )

The first six paragraphs were doubdess written about the same dme as the preceding letter to Cicero, probably before that letter, though this is not definitely proved by litteras quas publics misi (epistolary perfect) in its §3. §7 is a postscript added on 2 June. P R O Q,. P R O P R . Lentulus probably assumed the title pro praetore as the senior official i n the province after Trebonius* death, his position being like that of C. Cassius i n Syria after Carrhae. 1,1

s. v . L v . v . b . e. v .

si vos lib erique vestri vale lis, benest. ego valeo. For

the omission of q. after l(iberi) see 396 (x.34)n. 4 v. c.

vir clarissimus.

6-8 v a s t a t a . . . d i v e n d i t i s On Dolabella's levying of money and troops i n Asia see Magie, n , 1273.1 feel small doubt that Lentulus meant these words to lead up to Asia excessisset; so far the corrections of Manutius and Madvig are warranted. But the double changes involved i n both do not commend themselves, and i t seems preferable to suppose that this protracted sentence got out of hand i n the process of composition;

i.e. Lentulus should have written celerius Asia excessit but was seduced by the temptation to make another subordinate clause leading up to non necesse habui. divendere is not found elsewhere i n classical writing with a personal object. I t is taken to mean 'sold here and there (as slaves)'. But why 'here and there'? Surely the reference is to property (cf. Leg. Agr. 1.7 ut. . .bonapopuli Romanipossint divendere), 'sell up*; cf. Phil, n.78 ne L . Plancus praedes tuas vend/ret. omnibus may have been omitted deli-

berately i n the tradition apart from M as a foolish exaggeration, which of course i t is. 13 quidque Mtiller's 'parallels' i n defence of qukquid, as Att. 221 (xi. 10).2 rogo ut ne intermittas scribere ad me qukquid erit, are valueless

because the following subjunctives prove that here we have two indirect questions and qukquid is not an interrogative particle. 2, 1 p e r i n s u l a s i n A s i a m Lentulus will have been sailing from Macedonia to a port on the western seaboard, probably Ephesus. The news of Dolabella's fleet made h i m turn south. 1-2 n u n t i a t u m e s t Cf. K . - S . n , 336^ Lentulus himself writes cum oeni.. .potui i n 405 (xn.i4).8. 5 P a t i s c u s Cf. 82 ( V I I I . 9 ) . 3 m Like Lentulus he had joined Caesar's assassins after the deed (App. B.C. 11.119). He may have been one of

Trebonius' Legates, appointed pro quaestore by Lentulus himself, though there are other possibilities. 6 deverti Nardo brings reverti back into the text on the desperate excuses that (a) Rhodes would not have constituted a diversion i f Lentulus was making for Perge (which he clearly was not; no Senator could have been expected to understand in Asiam as in Pamphyliam and Lentulus* reason for being there is explained i n §5); and (b) he might have received the news of Dolabella's fleet after having passed Rhodes and then reversed course (he would not have gone anywhere near Rhodes but for the news). 7 senatusque consulto Passed early i n March, the day before the delivery of the Eleventh Philippic (Phil, xi.16). 16 singulis c u m navigioUs ' I n one little boat on each occasion.' The diminutive heightens the indignity. 17-18 d e m i n u t i o n e m q u e . . . R o m a n i Proposed changes are u n necessary, as Nardo has shown i n a good note. For maiestas iuris nostri he quotes Inv. 11.53 maiestatem minuere est de dignitate aut amplitudine aut potestate populi aut eorum quibus populus potestatem dedit aliquid derogare, and compares maiestas consulis (Pis. 24), iudicum (Rose. Am. 54). As for imperi

populique Romani, 'Lentulo non fa che

riunire

insieme due gruppi

nominaii comumssimi.. .maiestas imperi.. .e maiestas populi Romani*.

23-4 d u u m m i l i u m a m p h o r u m

I.e. about 52.4 tons. Tonnage of

COMMENTARY

406 (xil.15) 6

Roman ships was measured i n amphorae. The contracted form of the genitive plural seems to be regular i n and confined to statements of quantity amounting to thousands of amphorae; cf. Neue-Wagener, 1, 32ft 3> 3 - 4 ad illorum voluntatem ' I n the way they wished/ 7 in pravitate Cf. 405 (xn.i4).3 eadem superbia in pravitate utuntur. 10 propense 'By natural inclination', 'spontaneously . 4 , 3 binae The distributive is used of pairs (K.-S. 1,661). Apparently two delegations were sent contemporaneously, one representing the Senate the other the people of Rhodes (so Nardo). 4 contra leges The foreign affairs of Rhodes were the business of six Prytanes, who were elected for six months, starting in September and March. The body holding office in January at the time of Trebonius' murder, unlike their successors (cf. 405 (xn.i4).3), leaned to the republican side of Roman politics. 5 haec fecerunt has to be understood, but this is probably no intentional ellipse but the result of Lentulus' lack of skill in constructing the lengthy periods which he liked to attempt Given that, and the addition of provocati and the minor changes of patientia to potentia and noluerunt to voluerunt, the text can be accepted, though obviously not guaranteed. I t is not worth while to rehearse palaeographically or otherwise unsatisfactory proposals, some to be found in T.-P.'s notes, more in Nardo's. 6 i n continent! The Peraea, on the south coast of Caria opposite the island. 7 antea Cf. 405 (xn.i4).3. 13 voluerunt According to M . Brutus (ad Brut. 4.3) the Rhodians had refused to admit Dolabella. As pointed out against T.-P. by R. E. Smith (CI. Quart. 19 (1936), 197 n.9), that is not incompatible with the statements in this letter. 5, 5 Sex. Marius Miinzer (RE xrv, 182of.) would identify with one Sex. Marius L.f., a magistrate of Narona in Dalmatia (C.I.L. i , 2291), who might have come into contact with Dolabella in 49 when he was commanding a Caesarian naval squadron in the area. But legati were usually Senators. C. Titius Probably an unknown; cf. 140 (xm.58), intr. note. 13 quae. • .meae Cf. 405 (xn.i4).8n. 6, 5 studium diligentiam Cf. 278 (xm.u).3 tuo studio diligentia. I once wrote: ' i t is pretty clear that Cicero in his letters sometimes saw fit to leave out me and te and se and et where moderns feel inclined to put them i n ; and i t is quite certain that copyists left them out time and time again. Collecting examples gets us nowhere/ 1

2

8 si = simul atque.

9 - ! 1 p r a e s t i t e r u n t . . .inierunt qui = eos qui.

Subjunctives

arc not

required.

10 scelere = per seelus, a common type of adverbial ablative, though seemingly not elsewhere found i n this particular noun; cf. K . - S . 1, 409. 7 , 6 itaque DC

Wesenberg's ita DC, based on itaque C of M , may

well be right. 407 (x.20) Written after receipt of 391 (x.21) on the day (29 M a y ) that Lepidus joined Antony (sec next letter). 1, 4 - 5 a l t e r i u a . • . a l t e r u m 2, x l i t t e r a s

' T h e l a t t e r . . .the former.'

Cf. 413 (xi.i4).3. T h e letter is not extant. 'Because the optimism of your earlier

4 propter. • .superiorum

letter turned out to be unfounded.' T h e letter is 390 (x.15). 7 erroris causa

' E x c u s e for a mistake.*

7-8 b i s a d e u n d e m

Sc. lapidem offendere turpe est. I n Greek Sis "npc-s

T6V aCrr6v otoxpov dmcpootiv AWov. See Otto, Spriehworter, 186, and cf. 'once bitten, twice s h y ' , *a burnt child fears the fire'. 3,6-7

m a i o r a et g r a v i o r a

'Greater and more effective.*'maiara ad

voluntatem refcrtur; graviora ad rem* (Manutius).

408 (x.35) I, 5 n i s i . . .extorsisset of my hands.'

' H a d not fortune wrested my decision out

6 - 9 n a m . . . c o e g i t ' M y entire army, faithful to its inveterate tendency to conserve R o m a n lives and the general peace, has mutinied; and, truth to tell, has compelled me to champion the preservation in life and estate of so vast a number of R o m a n citizens.' T h e ' m u d n y ' of Pompey's troops in Africa in 80 (Plut. Pomp. 13) provides a historical parallel.

misericordiam

Cf. A p p . B.C. m . 8 4 T O O orpcrroO...TOVA£m6ov OITOVVTOS dpfjvnv TC Kal EXCOV I S cm/xoOvTos ITOXITOS. 7 H I K a l . Cf. 414 (x.23).2n. (castra moverunt). 2,3

49 (x.33) News from Italy took at least forty days to reach Pollio (§ 5 ) and the news of the battle of M u d n a and events immediately following had been held up en route for nine days (§ 1). T h i s letter should therefore be dated (with Ruete) to the first half of J u n e rather than to the end of M a y . 1 , 5 sed i l l i s

A qualification:' desirable, that is to say, for t h o s e . . . *;

COMMENTARY

4 0 9 (X.33) 4

cf. e.g. Mart, vn.89.3 quas [sc. comas] tu tuciere Candidas, sed olim, | sic te semper amet Venus, memento. Pollio himself might hope to be of help. The misgivings and perplexities felt by some editors are uncalled-for. 6 senatus consulto This decree was passed i n the beginning of February when a state of war was declared (Dio XLVi.29.6). Pollio's claim that if he too had been summoned to Italy the calamity of Mutina would have been averted is nonsense by his own showing; cf. §2 and 368 (X.3O.4.

11 vastitatem Italiae Cf. A . rv, 378. 2, 5 palparer 'Stroke the right way','manager*. 10 Planco Dative. 3, 1 binis Cf. 406 (xn.i5).4n. Probably, however = 'two pairs of couriers', since we often find more than one courier with a single batch of letters (for greater security); cf. A . m, 244. 2 et tibi I n 368 ( x . 3 i ) 4 . 4 quo die 14 April. 8 i n Lusitania Pollio says nothing about this i n his earlier letter. Presumably the legions had already been brought back to Baetica. 4, 1 Gallia Lepidi I.e. Narbonensis as distinct from Comata and Cisalpina; for the expression cf. A. n, 204 {gratia), also Att. 114 (v.2i).8 in hoc mea

Asia.

4 L . Fabatum A . rv, 348. C . Peducaeum Asconius (28.23) mentions a man of this name as petitioner to the court on behalf of Scaurus i n 54; cf. also A . rv, 306. D . Carfulenum A. v i , 248f. Hixidno Cf. A. 1, 321 (Marianas). 5 omnis peraeque ' A l l alike.' 6 item H i r t i A gloss has been suspected (cf. T.-P. v i , 375), and the latest editor, G. B. Perini i n the Mondadori series (1967), brackets. But Pollio seems to have heard that the whole army under Hirtius, including the Seventh legion which he does not specifically mention, had sustained disastrous losses (the Fourth worst of all), like the whole of Antony's; cf. §5 neque tamen dubito quin omnes qui supersint de Hirti exercitu conjhtant ad

eum. He is not concerned to arrange this cataract of destruction in orderly and consistent sequence. 7 quinta The Alaudae. 8 Pontium Aquilam Cf. 388 ( x i . i 3 ) . i n . 11

Cf. 396 (x.34).in.

12 P . Bagienni The Bagienni were a Ligurian people located between the Gulf of Genoa and the Po. Here we seem to have a cognomen like (Cornelius) Gallus, (Curtius) Salassus, (Annius) Cimber, (Catius) Vestinus, etc. (cf. V . Gardthausen, Philol. 51 (1892), 518, answering

O. E. Schmidt, ibid. i86fF.; also the centurion in C.IJL. m.13481). For pupillus in the MSS = P(ublius) cf. 281 (xm.i4).i. Nothing else is heard of Bagiennus or his legion, which perhaps had been recendy recruited in his nadve area. 13 V I I , V m , V i l l i Ventidius had recruited these three legions from Caesar's veterans. He seems to have given them numbers following the sequence of the Macedonian legions (from one to six), though legions bearing these numbers already existed; cf. T.-P. \ T , 375f. For duplicated numbers in Augustus' army c£ Mommsen, Res Gestae , p. 75. 16 Parmam Cf. 381 (xi.136). 5, 5 non frequentis 'Not up to strength'; cf. Liv. xxxrv.8.5 Jrequenti ciasse XLrv.43.1 Jrequenti agmine equitum (after 42.1 equitatus prope 2

y

integerpugna excessit).

6-7 neqne tamen dubito This assumes the truth of the report of Octavian's death. 9-10 confirmandi sese Cf. IL-S. 1, 745. 13 superesse Cf. Gell. 1.22.18 praeter haec 'superesse' inzemmus dictum

pro 'superstitem esse*, ita erum scriptum est in libro epistularum M. Ciceronis ad JL Plancum et in epistzda Af. Asini Pollwnis ad Ciceronem verbis his: 'nam mque deesse reipubticae volo neque superesse ', per quod signified, si respublica emoriatur etpereat, nolle se vicere. He further quotes Plaut. Asin. 17. The use is found

in Livy and later writers.

410 (xi.26)

Writing nine days after his last previous extant letter (cf. 413 (xi.14), intr. note) Decimus was presumably somewhere in the Alps on his way to join Plancus. 1 maximo meo dolore Cf. 419 (xn.i3).3 magna contumada cizritatum; K.-S. 1, 41 of.

2 ista Antony's junction with Lepidus. 3-4 ex Sardinia Much unnecessary suspicion has been generated by the absence of other notice of troops in Sardinia. There is no difficulty in believing that there were some, at least a few cohorts. They would be needed to control the brigandage mentioned by Varro (RJl. 1.16.2; cf. Furneaux on Tac Ann. n.85.5). 5 dent an decernant den(egen)t (Mendelssohn) makes good sense if a conjecture were required, though the two foregoing alternatives, in which the positive choice (traiciant.. .accersant) comes first, rather points to dent an denegent. However, O. E. Schmidt's explanation of the text seems acceptable. There was argument in the Senate whether to give ready money from the Treasury (cf. Caes. B.C. 1.6.3 pecunia uti ex aerario

COMMENTARY

411 ( x i . 2 l ) 5

Ponpcio dehor) or to pass a decree that it be raised by taxation (or in some other way; cf. 374 (xn.28).2n.). The former course was in fact adopted, so far at least as funds were available (412 (xi.24).2). Decimus was too

impatient to anticipate a quibble that this too required a decree. 411 (xi.21)

A point by point reply to 401 (xi.20). 1, i~2 o m n i u m . . . f a t o r i sunt A favourite formula with Catullus; cf. 21.1 Aureli, pater esuritionum, | non harum modo, sed qtiot aut fuerunt \ aut sunt aut aliis erunt in annis, 24.2, 49.2. Manutius in addition cites Plaut. Pers. 777 and post Red. ad Quir. 16 Cn. Pompeius, vir omnium qui suntfuerunt enmt.. .princeps. To these Fordyce adds Plaut. Bacch. 1087, and might have added id. Trin. 1125; Paulin. Nol. Cam. vi.117; Xen. Symp. n.io. 2 tu Sc. locutum esse putas. 5-6 i s t u d . . . n u g a r u m By not denying authorship of the offensive dictum Cicero as good as admits it, and his attempt to pass the matter off

as a piece of negligible tittle-tattle rings false. 2, 4 de iis I.e. that they should be placed on the commission, sententiam f e r r i 'A vote be taken. This phrase is generally used of juries, but cf. Balb. 34 de quo foedere populus Romanus sententiam non tulit; 9

Yen. n.2.76 ut sit.. .qui in senatu sine ulla cupiditate de hello et pace sententiam ferai; Amic. 56 de quibus [sc. Jinibus] tres video sententias ferri. 5 except!.. .estis By the negative reception of Cicero's proposal. 7-8 q u i . . .devoravit This passage has been almost totally misunderstood, res novas quaerit has a double sense: primarily 'is on the

lookout for news', 'is a quidnunc'; and secondarily 'wants a political' upheaval'. At this point Cicero bethinks himself of another meaning of res, res famUiaris. Segulius is not looking for novas res because he has squandered veterem rem (familiarem), having had none to squander; but he has gone through his recently acquired (from Caesar or Antony no doubt) novam rem (familiarem). For devoravit cf. Att. 16 ( I . I 6 ) . I O Me autem Regis hereditatem spe devoraverat; Thes. v(i), 876, 21. A desperate attempt at translation might run: 'He's out for news and a new deal — not that he squandered his share in the old one, which was nil, but he has wolfed down what he got out of this latest new one.' 3, 1-2 i d p r o m e Sc. facere. 4 cautionem non habebunt 'Will not admit of precaution.9 4, 4-5 m e . . .accedere Cf. 330 (xvi.23).2n. 5 , 2 a b utroque v e s t r u m Cf. on 401 (xi.2o).3 ah utrisque vobis. 3-4 c u m q u i d a m . . . l i g u r r i r e n t 'When certain of my colleagues

were nibbling (lit. licking) at the agrarian business.' Obviously the

commission's terms of reference did not, i n Cicero's opinion, properly extend to agrarian matters; otherwise he would have had no grounds for heading these colleagues off, especially as Decimus and Octavian had been specifically excluded from membership (§2). 4 vobis A highly probable correction, though not certain, nobis would be ambiguous, and would not have given Decimus the reassurance he wanted. 412 (xi.24) A n answer to 402 (xi.23). 1, I n a r r o t i b i 'Take note n o w ' (a warning); cf. A. v, 393. 9 s e d i t a . . . m e a e ' B u t only i f I can do so while remaining true to my own resolution.' a, 2—3 m u l t a e n i m R o m a e 'For there is much afoot i n Rome*, or perhaps 'for much can happen i n Rome*; cf. Att. 329 ( x m . 2 2 ) 4 sin quid (multa enim), utique postridie.

5 Servium

Ser. Sulpicius Rufus (not Galba); cf. 354 (xi.7).in.

413 (xi. 14)

The reference to the Martian legion in §2 has been thought to point to 399 (xi.i9).i of 21 May, which would reach Cicero about 28 May, and the reference i n §3 to Brutus' encouraging remarks about Lepidus has suggested contemporaneity with 407 (x.20). But neither of these points is conclusive. I n fact the letter which Cicero is answering cannot be 399 (xi.19) or any other extant letter, for in i t Decimus had expressed approval of Cicero's actions with respect to the Commission of Ten and to Octavian (§1) and had advocated recalling M . Brutus to Italy and keeping Octavian there (§2). T h a t indicates that the letter was received after Cicero wrote 411 (xx.2i).2 on 4 June, and written after Decimus' letter 401 (xi.20) of 24 May, and therefore after 402 (xi.23) of 25 May. But Cicero's reply was written before the news of Lepidus' defection reached Rome, about 8 or 9 June. These considerations point to 7 June, and the sequence of the correspondence from 21 May onwards runs as follows: 21 May 399 (xi.19) Decimus to Cicero. 24 May 401 (xi.20) Decimus to Cicero. 25 May 402 (xi.23) Decimus to Cicero. 26 (?) May Decimus to Cicero (letter lost). 3 June 410 (xi.26) Decimus to Cicero. 4 June 411 (xi.21) Cicero to Decimus (answering 401 (xi.20)). 6 June 412 (xi.24) Cicero to Decimus (answering 402 (xi.23)).

7 J u n e 413 (xi.14) Cicero to Decimus (answering lost letter). 1 , 3 non ( p a r u m ) glorioso ' As one not given to self-depreciation'; cf. 326 (ix.i4).a sum mim avidior etiam quam satis est gloria*; Att. 37 ( i n 7).2 quod est sub inane in nobis et non d9tXo6o£ov (be Hum est mim sua vitia nosse). non glorioso is pointless, for where is the point in saying 'believe me, as a m a n not apt to boast, that I a m a spent force'? Cf. Curt, rx.5.21 ipse, scilicet gloriae suae non refragatus, afuisse se memoriae tradidit; L i v . x x x i v . 15.9 (of the elder Cato) kaud sane detrectator laudum suarum. 3 - 4 p l a n e l a m . . . f r i g e o ' I am now quite i n the cold shade' (Shuckburgh), not ' I a m now quite torpid' ( T . - P . ) ; cf. 33 (vn.io).2n. 4- 5 6pyavov. . . d i s s o l u r u m ' T h e Senate was my right hand, and it has lost its cunning.' 5 -8 a t t u l e r a t . . . v i d e a n t u r T h e tenses must on no account be disturbed, attulerat points the contrast between the situation as it had been, or appeared to be, and as it subsequendy became. T h e perfect relaxati sint emphasizes the importance of what happened as it exists in the mind of the writer (cf. K . - S . n, i88f.). videantur refers to the actual time of writing. 8 oxiouxaxlat 'Shadow-boxing*; not that the opposition was no longer real, but because the audiences were no longer in a mood to take it seriously. 2, 3 pecuniae T h e Senate had assigned to Decimus such funds as were immediately available (412 (xi.24).2), but more would be required. 4 -5 C a e s a r e q u e . . . t e n e n d o According to T . - P . 'this was urged in the despatch to the senate which Decimus wrote on M a y 21 * (cf. 399 (xi. 19). 1). There are no grounds for this statement. 5 -6 obtrectatores No doubt referred to in Decimus' letter, as earlier in 385 (xi.ro). 1 and 386 ( X I . I I ) . 2 . 7 ex A f r i c a Cf. 410 (xi.26). 3, 1 b e l l u m is rue ' T h a t war of yours', i.e. with Antony, r e n a t u m Cf. ad Brut. 22.2 rcnatum mim bellum est, idque non parvum. So to Cornificius and Cassius a few days later: 417 (xu.3o).2 profligato bello ac paene sub la to renovatum bellum gerere conamur, 416 ( x n . 8 ) . i . 2 die tuo n a t a l ! T h e day on which news of the victory gained on 21 A p r i l reached R o m e is not certain, perhaps 26 April. 5 l i t t e r i s T h e omission of the word in modern texts is not justified by its absence in M . I d . M a i . Cf. 407 (x.2o).2.

4 H (x-23) I , 5 credulitas e n i m enim refers not to lap sum but to confiterer. Credulity being pardonable, Plancus would be admitting it if he had in fact been guilty of i t 8 p u d o r * Sensitivity to public opinion.' 9- 10 s i uno loco e s s e m * I f I stayed where I w a s ' , i.e. at the Isara. Cf. 395 (x.i8).3n. 11 men p a d e n d a ' B y my inertia.' a , 3 - 4 salutariter r e d p e r e m e ' T o retreat successfully' is about as near as an English rendering will come, salutariter implies more than mere safety; cf. a passage quoted from the ' L a u d a t i o T u r i a e ' (C.I.L. vx, 1527, d . 10) sat [es]t mihi tibique salutariter m[e latuisse]; Brut. 8 quibus [sc. armis] illi ipsi, qui didicerant eis uti gloriose, quern ad modum salutariter uterentur non reperiebant. 4 flnmen Verdon.

T h i s may have been the Durance or a tributary, the

6 s u b m a n u ' Close to h a n d ' ; cf. Thes. vra, 365, 7. 6-7 p e r q u o r u m . • . I t e r ' T h r o u g h whose territory I could count on a free and trustworthy passage.' Cf. 411 (xi.2l).5 quo fidelius ad te litterae perferantur; O v . ex Pont, rr.9.66 terra sit exiliis ut tua fida meis. 8 captabat After telling Plancus to keep away (391 ( x . 2 i ) . 2 ) , Lepidus had renewed his invitation (395 (x.i8).2), luring him, as Plancus believed, into a trap. 9 c a s t r a m o v e r u n t Lepidus dated 408 (x.35) from Pons Argenteus on 30 M a y (unless / / / is altered to / / / / with Ruete), the day after his junction with Antony. H e may, therefore, have remained there, leaving the advance against Plancus to Antony. But probably, as T . - P . say, he dated his dispatch from Pons Argenteus because he did not choose to intimate to the Senate what was going on. 3 , 1-2 d e u m benign!tate As it were, 'under Providence'; cf. 371 (x.8).6 et al., also 423 (x.22).i dis approbantibus. 4 - 5 fervendbna l a t r o n l b u s 'Red-hot rebels.' Cf. T e r . Ad. 534 cum fervit maxime, tarn plaeidum quasi ovem reddo. 6 pondsque There seems to have been only one bridge. F o r the plural, which may refer to the spans of the bridge, cf. T a c . Ann. n.8.2.

7 a d colligendum ae

Cf. K . - S . I, 735.

h o m i n e s 'People', including the provincials; not = milites. 4, 1-2 i n re p u b l i c a m Cf. 359 ( x . 5 ) . i n . 2 s e d certe, s q q . Walser calls this ' I n v e c t i v e ' against Laterensis 'geradezu unwurdig*. But Plancus' criticism is far from harsh, and may have been fair.

COMMENTARY

414 (X.23)

7

7 victnrus In fact he died, and was voted a public funeral and a statue by the Senate (Dio XLvz.51.4). 5, 4 castigare I.e. casiigando impellere; similarly ad Herenn. rv.25; Caes. B.C. m.25.2. 5 colloquia Perhaps between soldiers of the two armies, legatos From Antony, carrying safe-conducts from Lepidus; cf. 386 (XLII).I.

6-7 C

Catram Vestinum Vestinus is probably a cognomen

(c£ 409 (x.33)4n.).

8 exceperam 'Took up', Le. 'arrested . An exact parallel in PAz/. \HL32 is variously misunderstood: nunc enim [sc. L . Varirnn Cotylam, 9

Axiom Uga£um\ reditu ad Antoniwn prohSberi negabant oportere et in eodem excipiaido senUntiam meam corrigebant. Cf. also Att. 146 (vn.22).l de Pompeio scio niMl eumqae, nisi in navim se contuUrit, exceptum id pulo; Curt, v.4.4 ccptkos quos rtaper exeeperat, et sim. I n hunting parlance excipere is regularly

used of lying in wait for an a n i m a l or attacking it when it comes or both (cf Propertiana. 100). Manuring* alteration of ad me to ad earn, adopted in many editions, is quite unwarranted; and, as T.-P. pertinently ask, how would Plancus have caught a messenger from Antony to Lepidus? zmmeroqne hostis habueram Probably Catius was merely kept under arrest; cfl Lhr. xxx-42.9 quod eos.. .hostium numero in vinclis hobeat. 6, 2 subornes Instruas iis rebus, quae ad bellum necessariae sunt ^Manutius). 3 firmissimas Very reliable. Octavian's army consisted mainly of veterans, and the Fourth and Martian legions, now again under his command, had been particularly hostile to Antony. 4-5 cuius., .agxtnr 'Who is himself most perilously involved. A parenthetic remark, apparendy quite general. No allusion is likely to particular plots by Antony against Octavian. 6 hoc Probably a pronoun, not = hue; cf. with Hofmann-Andresen c

9

c

9

9

358 (x-4>.3 quantum.. .hoc omne, 395 (x.i8).2 si quid.. .hoc omne.

7, 1-2 i n dies.. .cottidie Used with a comparative these expressions are virtually interchangeable; c£ A . m, 201. 4 pietate Cf 12 (Li).in. 6 Ctdarone Cularo (Grenoble), on the left bank of the Isara. Plancus was on the right bank, where there may have been a settlement (c£ F. Perrachet, Rev. des £t. lot. 35 (1957), 180). But probably 'Plancus dated from it as a well known town in the immediate neighbourhood (How). 9

4>5 ( - 3 2 ) x

t, i Balbus The Younger (A. rv, 338). a exaction!bus 'Tax-collections. O n the description of Horace's father as exactiomm collector i n the Suetonian life see E. Fraenkel, Horace 9

(1957)» 4 *• 53 duxit s e

'Took himself off.' So in comedy (Thes. v ( i ) , 2146,

20).

4 G a l p e m O n the termination see Neue—Wagener, 1, 94/. 5 Bogudis Bogudes or Bogud (Boy05, Boyovcx) was recognized as King of Mauretania by Caesar in 49, along with Bocchus (Dio xu.42.7). I n 31 he fought for Antony i n Greece and was put to death by Agrippa (Strabo, p. 359). plane bene peeullatus ' W i t h his pockets very nicely lined.* But cf. Manutius: 'non est idem quod bene nummatus. nam auri argentique pondus nummorum nomine non continetur, sed peculii, quod latius patet.' h i s r u m o r i b u s ' W i t h the rumours that are coming i n ' ; cf. hoc iiwentute, 'young people being what they are* (Att. 202 ( x . i i ) - 3 ) , et sim. a, 3 H e r e n n l u m G a l i u m A n inscription records a Duumvir of Caiatia (not Calatia) called M . Herennius M . f. Gallus (C.I.L. 1, 1216 = x, 4587). A presumable descendant commanded a legion in A . D . 69 (Tac. Hist, rv.19). 4 s u m m o = ultimo.

4 - 5 a n o l o . . .dednxlt This paralleled Caesar's dealings with Laberius; cf. 205 (xn.i8).2n. 4 i n X U H Sc. ordines; cf. Petr. 126.7; Sen. Ep. 44.2. 5 t o t . . .loci I t is perhaps going too far to speak on the strength of this passage of 'the equester ordo instituted by Balbus at Gades* (A. N . Sherwin-White, Journ. Rom. Stud. 30 (1940), 120). 6 prorogavit He extended his term as magistrate i n his home town as Caesar might be said to have extended his Dictatorship (formally a reappointment, not a prorogation; cf. Mommsen, St. 1, 637 n. 1). 8 senatus

I.e. decuriones.

9 Sex. V a r o Sex. Quintilius Varus was Praetor i n 57. This is the only record of his Proconsulate i n Further Spain. 3 , 2 de s u o itinere Shortly before Pharsalia: cf. Veil, n.51.3 turn Balbus Cornelius excedente humanam fidem temeritate ingressus castra hostium saepiusque cum Lentulo coUocutus consule [sic], dubitante quant i se venderet, illis incrementis fecit viam quibus non Hispaniensis natus sed Hispanus in triumpkum et ponUficatum adsurgeretfieretqueex privato consularis (apparently a confusion with his uncle). This praetexta must have been a curiosity. I cannot call

to mind another play in which the author has a role, though this often happened in philosophical dialogues. Pollio does not, it is true, actually say that Balbus wrote it, but it seems to be implied. 3 posult = 'Staged.' T h i s use of poncre does not seem to be found elsewhere. 9 deinde a b s t r a c t u m Pollio forgets that Fadium has not been provided with a governing verb. 9-10 defodit.. . c o m b u s s i t Cf. C e l l . nr. 14.19 Af. Cato de Carthaginiensibus ita scripsit: ' Homines defoderunt in tenam dimidialos, ignemque eircumposuerunt. ita interfecerunt* Metellus Numidicus dealt similarly with deserters from the R o m a n army in Africa (App. Bell. Num, fr. 3). xo nudis pedibus, tunica soluta Signs of relaxation, as of precipitate haste in H o r . Sat. 1.2.132 discincta tunica fugiendum est ac peck nudo. There seems no need to suppose that Balbus was wearing slippers (as opposed to caleei), but cf. Sen. Dial. v. 18.4 quantulum fuit lucem exspectare denique, ne senatores populi Romani soleatus occideret! 12 quiritanti Cf. Varro, L . L . v i . 6 8 quiritare dicitur is qui Quiritum fidem damans implorat; but this etymology may not have been in Pollio's mind. c. R . n a t u s s u m Cf. Vert. 11.5.162 nulla vox alia illius miseri inter dolor em crepitumque plagarum audiebatur nisi haec, *civis Romanus sum* Grecnidgc (Leg. Proc. 414) observes that 'it was perhaps due to the fact that the citizen was protected by law at Rome, by custom in the provinces, that, while in the one case he said provoco against the decree of the magistrate, i n the other he asserted his claim by the words civis Romanus sum*. Strachan-Davidson (Criminal law, 1, 121) conjectures that the soldier's career as a gladiator may have lost h i m his rights as a free m a n ; he was not, however, auctoratus, and Balbus is said below to have thrown other R o m a n citizens to wild beasts. a b i nunc K l e y n conjectured 1 nunc 'non intellecta scilicet died crudelitate' (Mendelssohn). 12-13 populi fidem i m p l o r a

T h e regular phrase; cf. V a r r o , I.e.;

Thes. v i , 667, 6. 14 H i s p a l i Now Seville. 4, 1 quod p r a e s t a t ' W h a t is more important.' res tat is a needless conjecture. 2 firmas T h e Twenty-Eighth and Thirtieth legions had been formed in 49. T h e legion not mentioned by number may have been raised from old soldiers i n S p a i n ; cf. Brunt, Manpower, 479 n. 8. 4 - 5 denarios quingenos Octavian gave the same sum to the veterans who joined h i m (Att. 418 ( x v i . 8 ) . i ) . 6-7 q u i s . . . putavit * W h o (ever) t h o u g h t . . . ? ' T h e vulg ate

putabit is no improvement, but perhaps putarit should be read; cf. Fin. 1.32 quis.. Jure reprehenderit...?

8 s i uno loco habuissem ' I f I had kept them together in one place', or perhaps ' i f I had not moved them'; cf. 395 (x.i8).3n. 5, 4 - 5 atque i t a . . .feci ' O n the evidence of my obedience to the orders you have actually given you must believe that I should have obeyed any I had received.' ita.. .si implies ' I ask you to trust me only if I have already proved myself trustworthy'. Cf. J . van Wageningen, Mnemos. 47 (1919), 8 2 : ' Quid senatus iussit ? ignoramus, saltern non certo scimus, sed ex omnibus rebus, quas iam in litteris superioribus legimus, conicere nobis licet senatum Pollioni imperasse, ut in provincia maneret, ilium huic imperio obsecutum esse. Et quid sibi vult illud: quodcumque imperassetiSy facturum fuisse? Sine dubio Asinius significat, si senatus iussisset se cum tribus legionibus in Italiam venire ad bonorum causam defendendam, se venturum fuisse. Quam coniecturam non esse audacem apparet ex verbis consequentibus: nam.. .excessi in quibus coniunctio nam referenda est ad ea quae antecedunt: si quod iussistisfeci. Et confirmatur haec sententia nostra iis, quae paulo post in fine epistulae legimus: sed.. .tulisset.' On the justice of the implied complaint see 409 (x.33).in. 9 decedentis 'Leaving', i.e. 'deserting'. 15 Galium Cornelium The poet; cf. 368 (x.3i).6n. 9

416 (xn.8)

The news of Lepidus' defection on 29 May would reach Rome about 8 or 9 June. 1, 2 certo scio ' I am sure' (i.e. ' I assume'). 5 (vel), s i verum quaeris 'Possibly sed (s;) may have fallen out before si (T.-P.). Or, as I formerly conjectured, sin could replace si. But vel (I) = vel potius is more appropriate. M . Bruto I n 67 ( I I I . 4 ) . 2 meum Brutum has similarly replaced M. 9

Brutum in the MSS; cf. Q.Fr. m.2.1 C. L . Antonios [meos] M.f. meo Bruto is awkward i n two ways. I t might, as opposed to D. Bruto, imply that

Decimus was not Cicero's friend; and it ignores the close ties between M . Brutus and Cassius, in writing to the latter of whom Cicero would surely have preferred nostro (cf. 365 (xn.5).i, 208 (xv.2o).3) or even tuo (cf. 106 (xv. 14).6, 425 (xn.io).4).

6-7 s i . . .libertatis 'Not only for immediate refuge, should some reverse unfortunately occur, but for the assurance of freedom in perpetuity.'

COMMENTARY

418

{*lA$a)

417 (xn.30)

Probably written about the same time as the preceding; cf. §2 fin. 1, 1 litigatores Like the heirs of Q. Turius (431 (xn.26)). 9-10 q u i b u s . •.oportebat You should be the challenger'; cf. 339 4

(xn.20) lacesses.. .provocate.

11-13 n o l i . . .flagkare 'Don't have the effrontery to nag me and dun me for letters when you write so few yourself.' 3, 5 C h a e r i p p u s

4,

Cf. 357 (xu.22

Cassius styles himself Quaestor, and in a letter-heading this can hardly be used for pro quaestore. But i f he took part i n Caesar's murder he must have been a Senator in 44, presumably allected by Caesar (cf. Broughton, Suppl. 15). 1,

6 toga

Perhaps recalling the notorious cedant arma togae concedat t

laurea [audi.

10 tenebris Caesar's regime. Antony's dominance after his death never had such an air of permanence. 16 i p s e ipsi (Ernesti) or tuo ipsius is logically required, ipse, however, balancing omnium, can be what Cassius illogicaily wrote. 17 h a e c . . . facta These must include Caesar's assassination, i f Cassius was indeed one of his assassins. 18 nec convenientia = et non convenient ia\ cf. K . - S . n , 30/.

20 m l n i m s m Sense and style alike demand this exiguous change, a, 1 l i b e r i Actually one son; cf. 248 (iv.5) .30. 3 s t u d l o r u m Apparently with reference to politics ('your patriotic ideals'), not oratory or philosophy. 4 n o n m a x i m a . . . turba I.e. there will not be so many with claims superior to the writer's as to exclude him. 5 m e e x d p e r e ' T o take me up (as X come within reach)'; cf. 414 (x.23).5n. One might translate 'to take my outstretched hand'. 6-8 a n i m u m . . . videri M y spirit you have perhaps seen reason to approve. As for my talents, however humble, i t can at least be claimed that the long years of servitude let them seem less than they really were.' videri does not = ' t o be seen*. 1

3, 2-3 m a g n a c o n t u m a c i a c iv i t at u r n

' Despite the stubbornly u n -

cooperative atdtude of the communes'; cf. 410 (xi.26)n. 4 L . F i g u l u s Cf. App. B.C. rv.6o A E U K I O U OiyXou...6 OlyXos. He was probably a son of C. Marcius Figulus, Consul i n 64. 6 C o r yc u m O n the coast of Cilicia. 7 ilia

I.e. ciasse.

in castra

' T o join the land army.'

9 Tillius Clmber

Cf. 226 (vi.i2).2n.

T u r u l l i u s I n all likelihood the Senator and assassin of Caesar whose death in 30 is mentioned by Dio, 1.1.8. 2f. Dio gives his praenomen as Publius, but coins of ca 31 show i t to have been Decimus (a distinction between two Turullii being highly improbable); cf. Broughton, Suppl. 64, and d(eeimus) i n the MSS for Publius i n 214 (xv.i7).2. I t is generally assumed that he went out to Bithynia as Tillius Cimber's Quaestor i n 44, i n which case he was now pro quaestore. Like Cassius himself he later joined Antony and was executed by Octavian (Val. Max. 1.1.19; Dio I.e.).

4, 3 G r a e c o r u m m i l i t u m n u m e r o ' W i t h a quantity of native troops. numero may not i n itself imply contempt; cf. Font. 13 est... numerus civium Romanorum atque hominum honestissimorum (where Hotoman added maximus); Liv. rv.56.7 ut ad quosque ventum erat, numerus iuniorum conscribebatur. 'Greek' here, as often, signifies provincials, not, as T . - P . thought, Greeks i n contradistinction to orientals. 8 ndXtcp Pal tus was on the Syrian coast south of Laodicea. flaA-roT or tv nAXTCj) may be right, but cf. Kuhner-Gerth, Gr. Gram, u , 4 4 2 ; 1

K . - S . 1, 4779 ternis t e t r a c h m i s A t 12 drachmae per medimnus. A drachma was about equal to a denarius (four sesterces). 12 Sextilius R u f u s Cf. 142 (xnx.48), intr. note. 13 P a t i s c u s Cf. 406 (xn.i5).2n.

18 Crommymcride Kpouuvou 6xpa (oxpis is a diminutive), 'Onion Point*, a promontory on the north coast of Cyprus. Editors read Crommyuacride or Crommyoacride (cf. Plin. N.H. v. 138, where Crommyonesos is read for commynesos vel sim. i n the MSS). But some centuries later we find KpouuvaxiTTft, leading to modern Kopucoci-rris, KormakiU; see Oberhummer, RE x i , 1974. 420 (xi.25) i , 1 L u p u s Cf. 353 (xx.5).i. 5 audiebam Cicero did not have to hear of Decimus* AOKCOVIOMOS. He saw i t i n Decimus' letters; cf. 412 (xi.24).i, 422 (xx.i5).2. Hence my former conjecture videbam: for viderejaudire cf. 20 (i-9).4 fin., 355 ( x . 3 ) . i ; Att. 15 (1.15).! (Sjogren's apparatus), 231 (xi.25)«3; A. v i , 266 (quidnam.. .amplius). But the rhythm is against this and explains why Cicero preferred audiebam. ( n i h i l . . . n o l e b a m ) The fact that Cicero had nothing to write about was not a reason for not being brief but for not writing at a l l . 3, 4 intestinuxn u r b i s m a l u m Perhaps intrigues to obtain a Consulship for Octavian were already on foot (so Manutius). Cf. 425 (xn.io)-4 sunt enim permulta quibus erit medendum. 6 pagella Cf. Att. 350 (xni.34) complerepaginam volui (after 60 words).

Manutius suggests with reason that these two letters were written on codiciili (cf. A. v , 305). The 90 words of 88 (vni.6).5 were written on one page (cf. 93 (11.13).3) contained more than 200.

n r s t

P S a

c

Att. 116 (vi.2) seems to have

421 (xn.9) The letter was written, as its contents show, before 30 June, when Lepidus was declared a public enemy, and after 416 (xn.8) (of which T . - P . conjecture that i t may be a 'duplicate'!)• 1, 1 t u a r u m l i t t e r a r u m Obviously this letter is not a reply to 366 ( x n . i i ) , as Schmidt supposed, but Cicero may refer to that letter and another received subsequently. 2, 4 - 5 u t . . .procedant 'Even supposing everything goes on prosperously*; so, righdy, T.-P., comparing ad Brut. 17.3 nos te tuumque exercitum exspectamus, sine quo, ut reliqua ex sententia succedant, vix satis liberi videmur fore. Nardo takes as final.

7 anno

41.

432 (XL15) News of Plancus' junction with D. Brutus (§ 1) will have reached Rome towards the end of June. 1, 5 - 6 litteris com m u n i bus 418 (XI.I3A(t)V fOVTaolas, 2.1~ Kpf(JIS, L8o KWIDKQs I16:P'T\JS, 93· I

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