Arthurian Tradition and Chretien De Troyes 9780231878654

Table of contents :
PREFACE
CONTENTS
BOOK I. Backgrounds
BOOK II. Erec
BOOK III. Le Chevalier de la Charrette
BOOK IV. Yvain
BOOK V. Le Conte del Graal
BOOK VI. Conclusions
APPENDIX. Names of Arthurian Persons and Places in Chrétien’s Four Traditional Romances
INDEX OF NAMES AND TITLES
INDEX OF SUBJECTS

Citation preview

ARTHURIAN TRADITION AND CHRETIEN DE TROYES

COPYRIGHT PUBLISHED

IN

GREAT

OXFORD

1949

COLUMBIA

BRITAIN,

UNIVERSITY

MANUFACTURED

UNIVERSITY

CANADA, AND INDIA

PRESS, BY

NEW

P R E S S , LONDON, TORONTO, AND IN T H E

YORK

GEOFFREY

U N I T E D STATES OF

CUMBERLEGE

BOMBAY

AMERICA

TO THE MEMORY

LOUIS LOYAL GALLANT

OF

CONS FRIEND SOLDIER

SENSITIVE CRITIC OF

LITERATURE

L O V E R O F AMERICA A N D

FRANCE

PREFACE

T

HIS BOOK was originally projected as a small volume in which the late Louis Cons was to discuss the literary art of Chretien de Troyes and I was to give a brief account of the Celtic themes embodied in the four traditional romances—Erec, Le Chevalier de la Charrette, Y vain, and he Conte del Graal. It was intended to accompany a seiies of new editions of these poems, based on the manuscripts. A text of the Charrette, with critical apparatus, was completed by the late Herbert K . Stone in 1938, but the war came and interrupted plans for its publication. A similar edition of Erec, undertaken by Professor Jean Misrahi, is now approaching completion. After the military collapse of France in 1940, Cons devoted his last energies and finally sacrificed his life for the cause of liberation. In spite of conscientious efforts to write the appreciation of Chretien's style and workmanship which the original project called for, he did not achieve this end. In a letter written a few months before his death, Cons expressed himself with characteristic humility : "Moi, avec mes pauvres divagations sur la manière, je ne suis jamais assuré de ce que je fais." Without the benefit of his fine taste and critical acumen, without the feeling for the nuances of style which his range of reading in Old French literature provided, this book cannot but suffer from limitations of scope and artistic perception. It does not even pretend to deal adequately with Chretien's personality and methods, though it may supply, in the discussion of his matière, some essential bases for such an account by scholars more competent than myself.

During these fourteen years my study of Chretien's relation to the Arthurian cycle and its Celtic sources resulted in the accumulation of a much larger mass of material than I had at first anticipated. The many discoveries of scholars, besides my own, could not be properly handled within the compass of a small manual. Controversial questions, involving complicated and often unfamiliar evidence, demanded not a rapid survey but a full presentation of each case. It seemed essential to prepare the ground for these detailed arguments by rehearsing the history of the Matière de Bretagne up to Chretien's time, by giving some account of the pertinent Irish and Welsh literature, and by listing and describing the typical phenomena of traditional development. Since the names of persons and places are of the greatest importance in determining the history of a tradition, it seemed well to append to the discussion of these

viii

PREFACE

matters in the body of the text an onomasticon, attempting to fix, whenever possible, the derivation of each name. There must also be a summing up of conclusions. A fine apologia for such a study of the origins and growth of literature may be found in the Preface of Professor W . J. B. Pienaar to his English Influences in Dutch Literature and Justus Van Effen as Intermediary (Cambridge, 1929). T o form a true and proper estimate of a writer or of a literature, we must obviously have all the ascertainable facts at our disposal. Among these, an analysis of indebtedness home and foreign, its origin and extent, use and abuse; of the forces that went to the making of great literature, may legitimately claim a place. T o consider how an author combined originality and imitation in both construction and expression, to consider the nature and extent of his original contribution, is a necessary, but much neglected, task for which we must have all the cards on the table. Genius has eluded definition, but we may be pardoned for wanting to see how it works. If, then, we may discover where genius went to quarry for much of its material, what it collected and rejected and what value, if any, was added in the workshop, it seems clear that this fascinating enquiry should be the first object of the methodical student of literature; for upon him the onus rests of constructing a reliable account of what happened in the making of fine literature. As regards the authors themselves, it is neither right nor fair to leave the general reader with distorted ideas of their inventiveness. . . Instead of urging exaggerated claims of a false kind for a writer's creative capacity, a fuller consciousness of the necessary derivativeness of art may well be cultivated side by side with reverence for genius and originality. Since highly exaggerated notions of Chretien's inventive powers and constructive ability and erroneous views of the rise and spread of Arthurian romance have been asserted by his editor, Wendelin Foerster, and by Bruce in his indispensable Evolution of Arthurian Romance from the Beginnings down to the Year 1300 (Baltimore, 1923), and since largely subjective, unhistorical interpretations of Chrétien's psychology and aesthetic procedures, based on these notions and treating him as if he were a contemporary poet, have lately come into vogue, a corrective is called for and has been attempted in the following pages. Of course, I am not the first to make this effort and I have drawn largely on the findings of three generations of scholars. Nor do I pretend to have gathered all the pertinent evidence on so large a subject as the development of the Matière de Bretagne and Chretien's place in it. But I hope I have included most of the relevant material and have assembled a larger body of facts and inferences concerning the origins of Chretien's four traditional romances than can be found elsewhere within the covers of a single volume. T h e informed reader will perceive that this book covers some of the

PREFACE

ix

same ground which I traversed in my Celtic Myth and Arthurian Romance, published twenty-one years ago ( N e w York, 1927). I am glad of the opportunity to revise certain opinions, to correct minor errors, and to retract some prominent theses of that earlier work. T h e connection between the Irish Curoi and the Welsh G w r i or G w r v a n now seems to me unproved and unprovable. T h e origin of the Grail in a Celtic caldron of plenty or in a fertility symbol I withdraw altogether, as well as my adherence to Jessie Weston's theory that the testing of Perceval in the Grail castle was derived from a fertility rite. I regard it as impossible to trace certain Celtic sources of Arthurian romance back to a remote origin in the Eastern Mediterranean, though some striking analogies exist. In spite of these retractions, I would still maintain the three major theses of the earlier book: ( 1 ) Celtic mythology is the principal root of Arthurian tradition. (2) This tradition, originating in Ireland, Wales, and Cornwall, was passed on by professional story-tellers to the Bretons and through them to the French and Anglo-Normans. (3) Arthurian personal names are for the most part of Welsh derivation, though in many instances they have been grotesquely distorted in the process of transmission by foreign tongues and careless or puzzled scribes. It remains to make grateful acknowledgment to the many scholars, living and dead, whose work has proved helpful and whose names appear in my text and notes. I owe a special debt to Professor W . J. Gruffydd, whose keen insight into the mind and imagination of the Welsh author has been demonstrated in several articles and in Math Vab Mathonwy (Cardiff, 1928). I gratefully acknowledge the assistance of my friends, Professor Kenneth Jackson of Harvard University, Professor Jean Misrahi of Fordham University, and Mr. A n g u s Graham of the Royal Commission on Ancient and Historical Monuments for Scotland, in their respective fields of Celtic philology, the manuscripts of Chretien's poems, and British archaeology. T h e officers of the Columbia University Press by publishing this book on a remote and abstruse subject in a period of rising costs have displayed once more their devotion to the cause of learning. T o the encouragement and criticism of my wife, Laura Hibbard Loomis, I am proud to owe more than words can express. R. S. L . Columbia University September, 1948

CONTENTS Boo\ I. I. II.

Backgrounds

THE MYSTERY OF THE MATIERE DE BRETACNE

3

CHRETIEN DE TROYES AND HIS TESTIMONY

7

III.

THE ARTHURIAN TRADITION BEFORE CHRETIEN DE TROYES

12

IV.

SOME SPECIAL PROBLEMS

25

THE WAYS OF TRADITION AND METHODS OF INVESTIGATION

38

V.

Bool{ II. Erec VI. VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII.

THE ROUND TABLE

61

THE STAG H U N T

68

EREC, SON OF LAC

70

THE AFFRONT TO THE QUEEN

77

THE DWARF, THE FAIR HOSTESS, AND THE PROVISION OF ARMS

70

THE SPARROW-HAWK ADVENTURE

85

ENIDE

100

XIII.

ENIDE's RAGGED GARMENT

IO3

xiv.

ENIDE'S COUSIN

105

THE TOURNEY I N THE PLAIN BELOW DANEBROC

108

XV. XVI. XVII. XVIII. XIX. XX. XXI.

EREc's AMOROUS INDOLENCE

Il8

EREc's HARSH TREATMENT OF ENIDE

120

EREC AND THE ROBBERS

127

COUNT CALOAIN's BOAST

133

GUIVRET AND HIS SISTERS

I3Q

GAUVAIN AND KEU

146

LE GUINGALET

156

XXIII.

THE RESCUE OF CADOC OF CARDUEIL

160

XXIV.

THE ADVENTURE AT LIMORS

162

THE " j O I E DE LA CORT"

l68

XXH.

XXV.

Boo\ III. Le Chevalier de la Charrette XXVI. XXVII.

LANCELOT DU LAC

187

GUENIEVRE

196

CONTENTS

XII XXVIII. XXIX. XXX.

ARTHUR

198

KEU'S DEMAND AND HIS OVERTHROW

201 204

THE SHAMEFUL CART AND THE PERILOUS BED THE LAND OF GOIRRE

214 218

XXXIII.

THE WATER BRIDGE

222

XXXIV.

THE SWORD BRIDGE THE AMOROUS HOSTESS

225 227 228

THE CEMETERY

232

XXXI. XXXII.

XXXV. XXXVI. XXXVII. XXXVIII. XXXIX. XL. XLI. XLII.

MELEAGANT THE ABDUCTOR

THE COMBAT AT THE FORD

THE PASSAGE OF THE BRETESCHE

237

LANCELOT'S FAERY FOSTER MOTHER

239 240

BAUDEMAGUZ THE BLOODSTAINED BED AND THE MISLEADING OATH THE TOURNEY OF NOAUZ

XLIII.

MELEAGANTS SISTER

XLIV.

LANCELOT'S LAST COMBAT WITH MELEAGANT

250 253

260 262

Boo\ IV. Yvain XLV. XLVI. XLVII. XLVIII.

YVAIN, SON OF URIEN

269

CALOGRENANT'S HUMILIATION AND ITS SEQUEL

273

THE HOSPITABLE HOST AND THE STORM-KNIGHT THE GIANT HERDSMAN

278 285

THE FOUNTAIN

289

L.

LUNETE

293

LI.

LAUDINE

301

THE HERMIT AND THE LADY OF NOIROISON

309

LIII.

THE GRATEFUL LION

311

LIV.

THE RESCUE OF LUNETE FROM THE PYRE

3'7

THE DISINHERITED SISTER

3!9

XLIX.

L1I.

LV. LVI. LVII.

THE CASTLE OF EVIL ADVENTURE

320

YVAIN'S DUEL WITH GAUVAIN

326

Boo\ V. Le Conte del Graal LVIII. LIX. LX. LXI. LXII.

PERCEVAL'S ENFANCES

335

PERCEVAL'S WELSH PROTOTYPE

341

PERCEVAL'S FATHER

347

THE DAMSEL OF THE TENT AND THE PROUD KNIGHT OF THE GLADE

355

THE RED KNIGHT

356

Xlll

CONTENTS LXIII.

PERCEVAL'S ARRIVAL AT ARTHUR'S COURT

LXIV.

THE LAUGHING

LXV. LXVI. LXVII. LXVIII. LXIX. LXX. LXXI. LXXII. LXXIII. LXXIV. LXXV. LXXVI. LXXVII. LXXVIII. LXXIX.

GORNEMANT DE COHORT

357 358 360

BLANCHEFLOR

363

MAIDEN

THE ADVENTURE OF THE GRAIL

371

THE UNSPELLING QUEST

374

THE VENGEANCE QUEST

394 414

THE BLOOD DROPS ON T H E SNOW THE LOATHLY DAMSEL

ESCALIBOR

426 430

GAUVAIN AT THE TOURNEY OF TINTAGEL THE VISIT TO THE HERMIT UNCLE GREOREAS AND THE HIDEOUS SQUIRE L'ORGUELLEUSE DE LOGRES

433 438

GAUVAIN AT THE CASTLE OF LADIES

442

THE FORD PERILOUS AND GUIROMELANT

447

Boo\ VI. LXXX.

4J5 4'7 421

THE GUINGAMBRESIL EPISODE

Conclusions

CHRETIEN DE TROYES AND HIS MATIERE

APPENDIX : NAMES OF

ARTHURIAN

PERSONS

FOUR TRADITIONAL ROMANCES

AND

463 PLACES IN

CHRETIEN'S

INDEX OF NAMES AND TITLES

477 493

INDEX OF SUBJECTS

501

BOOK I.

Backgrounds

Chapter I THE MYSTERY OF THE MATIERE DE BRETAGNE

I

of medieval secular literature there is no more momentous phenomenon, no more extraordinary prodigy, no more mystifying enigma than the rise of the Arthurian legend and its spread throughout Western Christendom in the course of the twelfth century. As early as 1x74-79 Alanus de Insulis in his commentary on Geoffrey of Monmouth's Prophetia Merlini declared with astonishment: N THE HISTORY

"What place is there within the bounds of the empire of Christendom to which the winged praise of Arthur the Briton has not extended? Who is there, I ask, who does not speak of Arthur the Briton, since he is but little less known to the peoples of Asia than to the Bretons, as we are informed by our palmers who return from the countries of the East? The Eastern peoples speak of him as do the Western, though separated by the breadth of the whole earth. Egypt speaks of him and the Bosphorus is not silent. Rome, the queen of cities, sings his deeds, and his wars are not unknown to her former rival Carthage. Antioch, Armenia, and Palestine celebrate his feats." 1 Even though we allow for a certain hyperbolic tendency in Alanus* style, here is a sober witness to the spread of Arthur's fame from the western to the eastern bounds of Christendom; and, as we shall see in due course, there are many facts to corroborate his testimony. Why this astounding interest in a British battle leader who fought the Anglo-Saxons in the late fifth or early sixth century, a personage so obscure that no contemporary chronicle even mentions his name? By what agency was his posthumous renown and his legend carried to the eastern shores of the Mediterranean ? It is easy enough to understand why Charlemagne should become the center of an epic cycle, and the existence of jongleurs who made a living by celebrating his acts and those of the twelve peers is well attested. Even though certain questions of origin and diffusion will always plague students of the Carolingian cycle, there is nothing to astonish us in the phenomenon itself. Likewise, the composition of the French romances of antiquity on the basis of classical and late Latin texts and their vogue in the twelfth century can be easily comprehended. Yet it was the Matière de Bretagne, the fantastic adventures of an alien king and his knights of the Round Table, their faery loves, their quests and con1

Alanus de Insulis, Prophetia Anglicana Merlini Ambrosii Britanni (Frankfort, J6O8), p. 26; (Frankfort, 1603), pp. 22 f. T. Stephens, Literature of the Kymry (Llandovery, 1849), p. 42m. On date cf. R. Taylor, Political Prophecy in England (New York, 1 9 1 1 ) , p. 88.

4

BACKGROUNDS

quests, which achieved on the European continent an even greater vogue than the Matière de France or the Matière de Rome. Here is mystery upon mystery, riddle after riddle. The importance of Chrétien de Troyes as the earliest of the Continental authors to exploit the vogue of Arthur in the form of long verse romances is beyond question, but the study of his work provokes many questions. Did he create these novel fictions largely out of his own imagination, with the help of some hints from Wace and some French folktales? What reliance can we place on his references to sources, written or spoken? Why does he borrow so little from the Arthurian portions of Wace's wellestablished chronicle ? Why does he exalt to high renown persons like Erec and Lancelot who are not even mentioned by Wace? Whence did he derive the many names of demonstrably Welsh origin such as Meleagant, Giflet son of Do, Mabonagrain, and Bilis, unknown to Wace ? Why does he repeatedly ignore or flout the indications of Wace, for instance, as to the character of Arthur and Keu, and as to the ownership of Escalibor? If, as some scholars even today believe, Chrétien received his chief stimulus from Wace and owed little or nothing to Celtic tradition, all this is very perplexing. It is very perplexing, too, if we note the inconsequences and absurdities in his four poems—Erec, Le Chevalier de la Charrette, Yvain, and Le Conte del Graal—which are in large part localized in a fanciful and impossible land of dreams, and contrast them with the skillful and realistic management of his Cliges and Guillaume d'Angleterre, which would offer no problems to a twelfth-century geographer. Why these lapses from clarity and sense and verisimilitude in four out of the six romances, those four which are most typical of the Arthurian cycle as a whole? Must one charge the poet with a gross, though sporadic, carelessness, an intermittent unreason such as one usually attributes not to the logical and lucid French mind but to the erratic imagination of the Celt or to the remanieur of old and irreconcilable materials? This charge we must bring against Chretien —indeed it has been repeatedly and vigorously expressed by Gaston Paris, Jessie Weston, and Zenker—if he created the four narratives out of his own head, chose his own subjects, invented, shaped, and combined his patterns of story. Obviously this riddle should not go unsolved; obviously the origin and nature of Arthurian romance are involved in the answer; obviously it is impossible to understand the four poems or to estimate Chretien's artistic power or his lack of it until we know whether he had sources, what was their nature, and how faithfully he followed them. No critical judgment of Chretien's narrative art, no interpretation of his work is valid until we have an answer to this problem. T o attribute to the poet himself attitudes and interests, a fertility of invention, and a disregard for sense and co-

THE MATIERE DE BRETAGNE

5

hercncc which may not be his at all—that is to falsify the record, to underestimate and to overestimate his achievement, and to treat him as if he lived apart from that larger and more complex phenomenon, the conquest of Christendom by the knightly legends of the Round Table. Of course, one may find a clever journalist like Bernard De Voto asserting today that "Source-hunting is the most profitless of occupations"; and some scholarly writers on the Arthurian romances blandly ignore the question of traditional antecedents. Such an attitude may have its excuse, though not its justification, as a protest against a myopic absorption in problems of origin, to the exclusion of other aspects of literary art. But surely no Homeric, Biblical, or Shakespearean scholar of repute would think himself competent to discuss the Iliad or Genesis or Hamlet until he had studied what was to be known about its antecedents, even when there were great gaps in the evidence. Yet in the Arthurian field it still seems possible for scholars of eminence to ignore the question of what went before Chrétien, or to answer it by pointing to the extant Latin texts! Even among those who have concerned themselves seriously with the sources of Chretien's matière there are some who enjoy great authority, like Foerster and Bruce, who display little or no knowledge of Celtic literature and whose reasoning is open to grave question. It has been wisely said that the best way to understand a work of art is to watch it grow. There are aspects of Chretien's art which one cannot fully comprehend until one perceives that the poet has gone to school to Ovid and the medieval writers on poetics. 2 There are other aspects of his art which cannot be understood and appraised until one has investigated with some thoroughness the development of the Arthurian legend and arrived at solidly based conclusions as to Chretien's relation to that development. No sound interpretation of Chretien's matière, his choice and handling of narrative patterns, is possible until one has studied all the pertinent evidence, internal and external, no matter in what language, no matter what its date. Then only can one form a just conception of why these fantastic tales took Europe by storm, whence and by what route they came to France, what were their early forms, and what was Chretien's relation to them. This book is an attempt to answer these crucial questions by a preliminary survey of the origin and rise of the Arthurian cycle, a discussion of certain basic problems such as the channels of transmission and the so-called Mabinogionjrage, a listing of the typical phenomena in the growth and spread of a tradition, and finally a detailed examination, episode by episode, of the four poems, Erec, Le Chevalier de la Charrette, 2 Romanic Review, XII ( 1 9 2 1 ) , 97 IT., 216 ff. Note Chrétien's practice of beginning with a proverb as prescribed by the textbooks. E. Faral, Arts poétiques du XIIe et du XIW siècle (Paris, 1924), pp. 58, 1 1 3 , 201 f.

6

BACKGROUNDS

y vain, and he Conte del Graal. In so far as I shall succeed in my purpose, the study will make it possible to estimate with some accuracy the extent of Chretien's debt to Celtic tradition, to determine approximately the form in which his stories reached him, and to appraise fairly his originality. If the result is to deprive the poet of any claim to vast inventive powers, to the creation of a new genre largely by the exercise of a fertile imagination, it will also relieve him of responsibility for the faults of construction and the lapses in coherence to which otherwise he would have to plead guilty. Of course, this work is not a pioneer effort. On the contrary, it is greatly indebted to the researches of three scholarly generations devoted to the disentanglement of one of the most complex webs of evidence in literary history. T o list the names of all the writers who have solved one or more problems would occupy several pages. I shall endeavor to give credit where credit is due when considering each specific problem, but here I shall limit myself to naming those who have made the largest and most significant contributions to the right understanding of the Matière de Bretagne: Gaston Paris, Bédier, Zimmer, Brugger, Nutt, Jessie Weston, and Gertrude Schoepperle. All these attacked fundamental and formidable questions, and though they sometimes attacked each other and were, being human, not infallible, they advanced the limits of our knowledge in a large way and into obscure regions. T o them my obligations are great. Furthermore, there have been elaborate investigations of Erec and Y vain in Sparnaay's Hartmann von Aue: Studien ztt einer Biographie; of Le Chevalier de la Charrette in J^ancelot and Guenevere by Professors Cross and Nitze; and of Y vain in Arthur Brown's I wain and Zenker's Ivainstudicn. These works shed much light on Chretien's sources and have been of immense value to mc; but they do not carry through a systematic effort to account for every episode, motif, and proper name. This I shall attempt to do for the four romances wherever the evidence seems to me sufficiently clear, including even a few instances, such as the rescue of Lunete from the stake and Lancelot's defense of Guenievre against the charge of adultery with Keu, for which a non-Celtic origin can be and will be maintained. I shall, of course, be liable to errors of omission and commission, of judgment and fact. I have indeed deliberately avoided a detailed refutation of all the multitudinous hypotheses which seem to me mistaken, for to do so would triple or quadruple the bulk of this book and would perhaps add to the confusion in what is at best an exceedingly complicated subject. I shall proceed on the assumption that if the evidence supports my interpretation of the facts, any contrary and inconsistent interpretation must necessarily be ruled out. This does not mean, of course, that Chretien himself was subjected only to Celtic influences or that his narratives are exclusively derived from any given source. He was the product of the French

CHRETIEN AND HIS TESTIMONY

*]

civilization of Ijis time, including its classical and Christian heritage, as his picture of customs and manners and his handling of dialogue sufficiently demonstrate. Many of his characters have several prototypes or ancestors, no one ancestor excluding the possibility of another; and many incidents are composites from several sources. Whatever the shortcomings of my treatment may be, I have not been oblivious to the fact that many strands of tradition have been intertwined in the stories which Chretien and the other composers of Arthurian romance tell. It is this complexity which lends the subject its great difficulty and also its extraordinary fascination for those who like their puzzles to be not too simple. Whether and in what measure I have succeeded in my undertaking, time will determine. Doubtless there will be other and better solutions offered for some of the problems. But I have the temerity to believe that most of the major mysteries and many of the minor ones are cleared up in the pages which follow, that as a result Chretien's relation to his predecessors and successors in the development of Arthurian romance can be defined more fully and accurately than has been possible hitherto, and that at last the countless unknown Irish, Welsh, Cornish, and Breton story-tellers who contributed to the creation of the legends of the Round Table and the skillful combiner or combiners of these legends who framed the plots of Erec and Y vain may receive their just due.

Chapter II CHRETIEN DE TROYES AND HIS TESTIMONY

T

HE FIRST STEP in attempting to discover the relation of Chretien to his sources in the composition of the four poems which have been suspected of Celtic origin is to see who Chretien was and what he says on the subject. Presumably the poet was born at Troyes since in Erec (vs. 9) he calls himself "Crestiiens de Troies." T h e town was the focal point of several of the great trade routes of Europe, and its two great annual fairs brought merchants and entertainers from every corner of Christendom. 1 Here too was the seat of the powerful and wealthy counts of Champagne. Here or elsewhere Chretien must have studied the trivium, for he was familiar with Ovid and the poetic manuals. Probably he took orders and may

1 Medieval France, ed. A. Tilley (Cambridge, 1 9 2 2 ) , map opp. p. 202; pp. 202-6. Cf. Chretien's Guillaume d'Angleterre, vss. 1986-88: " S e tu sez feire ta besoigne A Bar, a Provins ou a Troies, Ne puet estre, riches ne soies."

8

BACKGROUNDS

have been the Christianus, canon of St. Loup, mentioned.in a document of 1173. 2 He may have met two clerics destined to fame in literature— Walter Map, who was hospitably entertained by Henri, Count of Champagne, in 1179, and Andreas Capellanus, chaplain of the Countess, who composed his De Amore in 1184-85. 3 Both of these clerics, it will be remembered, showed the pervasive influence of Arthurian fiction by incorporating tales derived from this cycle in their works.4 Certain it is that Chretien moved in aristocratic circles and enjoyed the patronage of two of the most prominent figures of his time—Marie, who was the spirited daughter of Louis V I I of France and Eleanor of Poitou, and who became countess of Champagne by her marriage to Count Henri in 1 1 6 4 ; 5 and Philippe, who became Count of Flanders in 1168, famed for his largess and military ardor, a cousin of Henry II of England and de facto regent of France between 1180 and 1182® At the direction of Marie the poet undertook the composition of Le Chevalier de la Charrette; at the request of Philippe he wrote some 9,200 lines of Le Conte del Graal before he was interrupted, presumably by death. There is no reason to believe that the poet was ever attached to Philippe's court or even visited Flanders. He displays, however, in Cliges a familiarity with the location of Southampton, Winchester, Wallingford, Oxford, Windsor, and Shoreham, which strongly suggests that he had made a tour in southern England. From Cliges we gather likewise that Chretien had already composed the following poems: ( 1 ) a redaction of Ovid's Ars Amatoria and, possibly, of the Remedia Amoris; (2) a redaction of the Philomena episode in the Metamorphoses; (3) a poem on Pelops from the same source; (4) a poem on King Marc and Iseut la Blonde; (5) Erec. Of these 1, 3, and 4 are lost; 2 is probably identical with a portion of the Ovide Moralisé attributed to a "Crestiens li Gois"; 5 is the earliest extant Arthurian romance. There followed, probably in this order: (6) Cliges, an artificial composite, written with the intent of combining the charms of Byzantine and Breton fiction; (7) Le Chevalier de la Charrette (Lancelot), completed by Godefroy de Lagny; (8) Y vain (Le Chevalier au Lion); (9) Guillaume d'Angleterre, a pious narrative unrelated to the Arthurian cycle; (10) Le Conte del Graal (Perceval), left unfinished. The dates of this literary activity are hard to fix.T Already in Erec Chretien evinced 2

Modern Philology, XXXII ( 1 9 3 5 ) , 34i f. Dictionary of National Biography, XII, 994. Speculum, XIII (1938), 308. * Speculum, XVI (1941), 34-56. Andreas Capellanus, De Amore, ed. A. Pagis (Castellón della Plana, 1929), pp. 152-61. Cf. H. Newstead, Bran the Blessed in Arthurian Romance (New York, 1939), pp. 141 f. 6 On Marie cf. Andreas Capellanus, Art of Courtly Love, trans. J. J. Parry (New York, 1941), pp. 13-21; Speculum, XII (1937), 12-18. a For references on Philippe cf. Chrétien de Troyes, Conte del Graal, ed. A. Hilka (Halle, I 9 3 2 ) , p. 616. 7 Cf. D. C. Cabeen, Critical Bibliography of French Literature, I (Syracuse, N.Y., 1947), 106 f. 8

CHRETIEN AND HIS TESTIMONY

Ç

knowledge of Wace's Brut (1155). The Charrette was written after Marie became a countess (1164). Le Conte del Graal was at least begun before Philippe went on Crusade (1190), never to return. Probably, though not certainly, the four romances with which we are concerned—Erec, La Charrette, Y vain, Le Conte del Graal—may be placed between 1160 and 1180. What does Chretien tell us of the sources of these four poems? As for Erec, he asserts that he is drawing "une mout bele conjointure" from "un conte d'aventure." He goes on to say: "Of Erec, the son of Lac, is the story, which those who desire to earn their livelihood by telling tales are wont to dismember and spoil in the presence of kings and counts." Taken at their face value, these statements seem to mean: ( 1 ) The story of Erec and Enide was not of the poet's own invention. (2) It was included in the repertory of professional reciters who enjoyed the hospitality of kings and counts. (3) Chretien regarded his version as a coherent narrative (1conjointure),8 in contrast to the mangled and botched forms of the conteurs. His contempt for these reciters emerges again in Le Conte del Graal, where he has Guiromelant burst out ironically: " N o w is it a joy and delight to me to listen to such lies; for I would as lief hear a story-teller (jableor) reciting {conter) as I do thee!" The Erec passage, then, attests the existence of other versions, to be heard in royal and noble courts from the lips of story-tellers, and indicates that Chretien was well aware of the merits of coherence and rationality which this poem in large measure possesses. Thrice he refers to his source as an estoire (vss. 3590, 5738> 6736). In the Charrette he testifies that the Countess gave him both matière and san, and that he has contributed only his labor and intelligence.9 Again and with emphasis, then, he disclaims any credit for invention. Both the narrative material and the dominant thesis were prescribed by his patroness. In verse 468 he refers to a conte as his authority. Early in Yvain Chretien announces his intention to relate somewhat concerning a king (namely Arthur), "who was of such renown that people speak of him near and far; and I agree thus far with the Bretons that his name will live forever." This is significant, first, as agreeing with the statement of Alanus de Insulis that Arthur was spoken of from one end of Christendom to the other, and secondly, as referring to the Continental Bretons as peculiarly convinced of his immortal fame, to which also Alanus alludes in another well-known passage: "Go to the realm of Armorica, which is lesser Britain, and preach about the market places and villages that Arthur the Briton is dead as other men are dead, and facts themselves will show you how true is Merlin's prophecy, which says that the ending of Arthur shall be doubtful. Hardly will you escape unscathed, without * On meaning of conjointure cf. Nitzc in Mod. Phil., XI (1914), 40-43. On this passage cf, Nitzc in Mod. Phil., XIV (1916-17), 14 ff.

8

IO

BACKGROUNDS

being whelmed by curses or crushed by the stones of your hearers." 1 0 In verse 2685 Chretien cites "li contes" as the source of his information. The concluding lines are also significant. "Thus Chretien ends his romance (romanz) of the Knight with the Lion; for never have I heard any more of it related, nor will you hear more told, unless some one wishes to add a lie." This passage conveys much the same impression as the lines from Erec. The poet had heard stories of the Knight of the Lion, but he regarded the version he followed as so good that whatever else one might hear was false. The dedication of Le Conte del Graal states that the author was putting into rime the best tale ever told in a royal court and that Count Philippe had given him the book which contained it. "Then Chrétien will not have toiled in vain, who seeks and strives to rime (rimoiier) the best tale {conte) which may be told in a royal court: this is the story of the Grail (li contes del Graal), of which the Count gave him the book." As with Erec, it is implied that the tale was to be heard in royal courts, but it came to him in the form of a book. Thrice he refers to this source as a conte (vss. 709, 6215, 6515), four times as an estoire (vss. 2807, 3262, 6217, 7681). The verb rimoiier is a crucial one. Though there has been a disposition to regard it as meaning "to retell in verse" what was already in verse, yet even Foerster was obliged to admit: "so heisst das wörtlich: 'ihn in Reime umsetzen,' woraus dann folgen würde, dass dieses livre ungereimt, also wohl in Prosa geschrieben war." "Nun heisst zwar rimoiier sicherlich zuerst: etwas nicht gereimtes, also Prosa, in Reime umsetzen." 1 1 This admittedly primary meaning of rimoiier seems the more likely since it has not been demonstrated, I believe, that any early French romance in verse represents the retelling of another romance already in verse. Moreover, we have a close parallel to Chretien's statement in Couldrette's Mellusine (vss. 80f.), where the patron directs the poet: ' " Y o u shall put the history (istoire) in rime; I wish that it be rimed (rimoyé).' " This surely means that Couldrette's source was in prose, and the same must be true of Chrétien's book. There is an interesting parallel to what Chretien says of the Arthurian tales in what Marie de France says of the Breton lais. She declares that she has heard them recited: "I thought of the lais which I had heard"; "I have heard many of them related." 1 2 But she has also met stories of Tristan in written form: "Many have recited and told (cunté e dit) it to me and I have found it in writing concerning Tristram and the Queen"; 1 , ! and she implies a written source for Guigemar: "At the very beginning I will show you an adventure according to the text and the writing." These 10

E. K. Chambers, Arthur of Britain (London, 1927), pp. 109 f., 265. W. Foerster, Kristian von Troyes, Wörterbuch (Halle, 1 9 1 4 ) , pp. 1 5 3 " , 155*. 13 * 2 M»riç dç France, Ulis, ed, K. Warnkç, 3d eçi. (Halle, 1925), p. 4, II

Ibid.,

p. 1 8 1 ,

CHRETIEN

AND

HIS

TESTIMONY

lais, Marie asserts, she turned into rime: "I have rimed (rimé) them and made a composition"; "I undertook to bring together some lais, to put them into rime (par rime faire) and relate them." 14 There is, therefore, a singular harmony between Marie's relation to the Breton lais and Chretien's relation to the Arthurian contes. Let us review his testimony. He consistently disclaimed that he was the creator of his stories; they dealt with themes and persons already known; they had been recited before kings and counts by professionals, but in an inferior form. A written source in prose is indicated for Le Conte del Graal and may be presumed for the Charrette since it is unlikely that the Countess provided the matière in verse form. That the language of both oral and written sources was French goes without saying, and that Chrétien did more than merely versify the tales is equally obvious. But by his own account he did not create his plots. How seriously should we take his testimony? The answer depends in part on whether he had any temptation to deceive and could take the risk. When he wrote for Marie and Philippe, there were motives for flattery, but was there anything to be gained by refusing credit for the story? Was it politic to assert that his patrons furnished him with his matière if they had done nothing of the kind? Why the references to the professional reciters if they did not exist? On these matters Chretien deserves to be taken at his word—unless it can be shown from outside evidence that there were no conteurs of Arthurian tales in his time, and that there were no comparatively artistic versions of these long composite tales set down in prose. I believe that an examination of this evidence abundantly confirms Chretien's testimony. After all, because Geoffrey of Monmouth perpetrated his notorious hoax and his book in the Breton language may never have existed, one must not put down all medieval authors as amiable liars in their citations of source, especially when they were addressing patrons who knew precisely what the facts were. Though the question, "How closely did Chrétien follow these acknowledged sources?" remains to be investigated, there is a strong presumption that what he said about them was true. He derived the main outlines at least of the four romances from tales familiar to his readers; the tales were commonly recited by professionals before aristocratic audiences; some versions were valued so highly as to be set down in manuscript in prose. There is nothing impossible or improbable about these assertions, and when one surveys the other evidence on the circulation of the Matière de Bretagne in the twelfth century and examines the relation of Chrétien to the Welsh Geraint, Owain, and Peredur, his veracity is amply vindicated. 14

Marie de France, Lais, p. 4.

BACKGROUNDS

12

Chapter III THE ARTHURIAN TRADITION BEFORE CHRETIEN DE TROYES

T

of what follows in this chapter is elementary knowledge for every student of the subject, certain facts seem to be unknown to, or to be rated at less than their proper value by, the authorities such as Bruce and Sir Edmund Chambers. At any rate, it is well to review briefly the available evidence outside Chretien's poems bearing on the question whence, through what channels, and in what form Chretien might have received his narrative materials. Let us first concern ourselves with Wales. HOUGH M U C H

T h e historic Arthur is apparently first mentioned by name in the Welsh poem, the Gododdin, now assigned by experts to about the year 600.1 T h e subject is a disaster which overtook British warriors of the North at the hands of the Angles. In verses 1241 and following it is said of a Briton that he glutted the ravens on the rampart of the city, "though he was not Arthur." Professor Jackson remarks: " T h i s is perhaps the most valuable evidence yet found for the historicity of Arthur; here we have him spoken of as a famous warrior within living memory of the (supposed) date of his (supposed) death." 2 Next comes the oft-cited passage by the South Welsh priest Nennius, composed about 800, which tells of Arthur's twelve victories over the Anglo-Saxons. 3 Arthur was not a king but a leader in battles. T w o of the battle sites, the wood of Celyddon and the City of Legions, may be identified with the forest region of southern Scotland and with Chester, 4 but scholars rightly doubt whether the Anglo-Saxons could have penetrated as far to the north and west by the middle of the sixth century, and that is too late a date for Arthur's activities. Probably Nennius' list is an arbitrary compilation of places where battles, real or imaginary, had been fought. Nennius includes in his book an account of the natural marvels of Britain, and among them are two which show that Arthur was becoming 1 Edited in Welsh as Canu Aneurin by Ifor Williams (Cardiff, 1 9 3 8 ) . Discussed by I. Williams, Lectures on Early Welsh Poetry (Dublin, 1 9 4 4 ) , pp. 6 5 - 7 0 , and by K . Jackson in Antiquity, XIII ( 1 9 3 9 ) , 2 5 - 3 4 . A translation of ccrtain parts by Prof. G w y n n Jones may be found in 2 Cymmrodor, XXXII (1922), 4-47. Antiquity, XIII, 29. 3 F. Lot, Nennius et I'Historia Brittonum (Paris, 1 9 3 4 ) , I, 1 9 4 - 9 6 . E. K . Chambers, Arthur of Britain, pp. 238 f. The best studies of Arthur and the twelve battles are A. G . Brodeur, "Arthur, Dux Bellorum," Univ. of Calif. Pub. in English, III ( 1 9 3 9 ) , 2 3 7 - 8 3 , and K . Jackson 4 in Mod. Phil., X L I I I ( 1 9 4 5 ) , 4 4 - 5 7 . Mod. Phil., X L I I I , 48-50.

ARTHURIAN TRADITION BEFORE CHRETIEN

13

5

the subjcct of actiological legends. One is a heap of stones called Carn Cabal; Arthur's hound Cabal left his footprint on one of these stones when the warrior Arthur was hunting the boar Troit. The cairn still gives its name to a hill in northern Breconshire,6 and the boar hunt is described at length in Kulhwch and Olwen. The other marvel is the burial mound of Anir, the son of the warrior Arthur, in Herefordshire; it varied in length from six to fifteen feet. It is noteworthy that not yet is Arthur styled a king, but his name was evidently one to conjure with along the valley of the Wye. The Annates Cambriae, composed about 955, record under the dates 516 and 537 Arthur's victory of Badon and his fall, together with Medraut, at the battle of Camlann. 7 There is no more reason to trust these entries than any of the previous references. The sites of Badon and Camlann are unknown, but the battle of Badon was at least a historic victory of the Britons about the year 500,8 and Camlann was destined to inspire some of the greatest literature of the Arthurian cycle. To the tenth century we may also ascribe a very obscure Welsh poem entitled The Spoils of Annwn, in which the bard Taliesin imagines himself accompanying Arthur and three shiploads of men in a raid on the faery fortress of the Chief of Annwn. 9 We find the same expedition reported in euhemerized form in Kulhwch, and we can detect a number of connections with ancient Welsh mythology on the one hand and with French romance on the other. In this poem for the first time Arthur appears not as a historic warrior or as the hunter of a fabulous boar, but as a central figure in a phantasmagoria of myth, as the inheritor of a rich tradition of pagan lore. In spite of the many questions to which it gives rise, it is of supreme significance in interpreting the Welsh contribution to the Arthurian legend. T o the same or the next century belongs a fragmentary poem from the Black Book of Carmarthen, 10 in which Arthur gives a list of his warriors, including not only the familiar figures of Kei and Bedwyr but also the mythological personages, Mabon son of Modron and Manawydan son of Llyr. There is mention, too, of Cath Paluc, a catlike monster found also in a Welsh triad and, as the Chapalu, in French romances, as was demonstrated by Freymond in a masterly monograph. 11 About the year noo, 1 2 perhaps a decade earlier or later, there was writ5

F. Lot, op. cit., I, 216. Chambers, op. cit., pp. 239 f. C. Guest, Mabinogion, Everyman ed., pp. 331 f. J. Rhys, Ccltic Folklore (Oxford, 1901), II, 538 f. W. Sikes, British Goblins (Boston, 1881), pp. 363 f. 7 J. Loth, Mabinogion, 2d ed. (Paris, 1 9 1 3 ) , II, 372. Chambers in op. cit., pp. 15, 214, places the battles two years later. 8 9 Brodeur, op. cit., pp. 238 f „ 275-78. PMLA, LVI (1941), 887-936. 10 T. Malory, Morte ¿'Arthur, Everyman ed., I, xviii-xx. Aberystwyth Studies, VIII (1926), 11 54-57. Festgabe fiir G. Grober (Halle, 1899), pp. 3 1 1 ff. 12 On date cf. Romanic Review, XXXII (1941), 15 £.; J. Loth, op. cit., I, 28, 3 9 - 4 1 ; Moyen 6

14

BACKGROUNDS

ten the Welsh prose love story, Kulhtvch and Olwert, and here for the first time we have a full-scale Arthurian romance. Not only is it a work logical in structure and distinguished by charming descriptive passages and touches of humor, but also a document illustrating the magnetic power of Arthur's name. For here are brought together names, stories, and allusions from multifarious sources, from Irish saga, Brythonic myth, local folktale, and contemporary history. Here are the most valuable clues to the later Arthurian onomasticon, and here are the foreshadowings of situations and stories later utilized by the French romancers, including Chretien, as I hope to make clear in the course of this book. In startling contrast to the heroic portrayal of Arthur in all these sources, certain Welsh saints' lives of the second half of the eleventh century and the early twelfth century introduce him briefly in contemptible roles and contrast his power with that of the saints. 13 This hostile attitude on the part of monastic hagiographers toward the favorite of the cyvartvyddon (professional story-tellers) is easily understandable in view of the heathenish and immoral tales which had been absorbed into the Arthurian tradition. 14 It affords no index to Arthur's standing among the laity. The Vita Gildae of the Welsh monk, Caradoc of Lancarvan, 15 adopts a somewhat more favorable attitude, though Arthur is termed a "rex rebellis" (refractory, that is, to the saints) and is obliged to do penance for the slaying of Gildas' brother in battle. It is significant, moreover, that Caradoc's account of the abduction of Queen Guennuvar by Melvas forms a link between the abduction of Creiddylat as related in Kulhtvch and the abduction of Guenievre as told by Chrétien. 16 Such is the extant evidence on the Arthurian legend among the Welsh before Chretien's time. Though there are important documents of later date, which will be discussed in due course, they do not force us to revise the conclusions drawn from the earlier texts. By iioo Arthur had become the center of a great syncretic tradition in Wales, and elements of it found their way into French romance. Next let us look at Cornwall, the home of another branch of the Brythonic peoples, close in blood and speech to the Welsh. W e have no ancient Cornish literature and are obliged to rely on outside sources. Several Welsh writers assert or imply that one of Arthur's courts was at Kelliwic in Cornwall, 17 and in this seem to be reflecting a tradition of Age, X L I ( 1 9 3 1 ) , 309; Esiayi and Studies Presented to Prof. Eoin MacNeill, ed. J. Ryan (Dublin, 1940), p. 28. 13 Speculum, VIII ( 1 9 3 3 ) , 478-80; X I V ( 1 9 3 9 ) , 3 4 5 - 6 5 . E. Faral, Légende arthurienne 14 (Paris, 1 9 2 9 ) , I, 236-42. Romanic Review, X X X I I , 33 f. 15 Chambers, op. cit., pp. 263 f. Cymmrodorion Record Series, II (London, 1 9 0 1 ) , p. 4 1 0 . 16 On Caradoc cf. Speculum, XIII ( 1 9 3 8 ) , 1 3 9 - 5 2 . Cf. Chap. X X X I . 17 Cf. Loth, op. cit., II, "Index des noms propres"; F. J. Snell, King Arthur's Country (London, NtW York, 1926), pp. 29 f.; Antiquity, X I X ( 1 9 4 5 ) , 156 f.

ARTHURIAN TRADITION BEFORE CHRETIEN

15

their neighbors. Herman of Laon (or Tournai) relates in an oft-quoted passage that certain canons of Laon on a fund-raising expedition were shown, on their journey from Exeter in Devon to Bodmin in Cornwall, the seat and the oven "of that King Arthur, famed in the fables of the Britanni." 1 8 Herman also bears witness to a fracas at Bodmin between one of the canons' servants and a Cornishman who asserted that Arthur was still alive, "just as the Bretons (Britones) quarrel with Frenchmen over King Arthur." 1 9 Thus we are assured of two things: that Arthur was celebrated in the tales of the insular Britons {Britannorum), and that both Cornishmen and Continental Bretons (Britones) were ready to fight for their belief in Arthur's survival. The date of this journey was 1113. 2 0 Some twenty-odd years later Geoffrey of Monmouth referred to Arthur as the Boar of Cornwall, localized his birth and death in that land, and introduced in that connection Cornish names—Gorlois, Britael, Ridcaradoch, Dimilioc, and Modredus. 21 Geoffrey was probably drawing on the "fabulae Britannorum" mentioned by Herman. Knowledge of Arthurian tales in England is first attested by William of Malmesbury in two passages of his Gesta Regum (1125). 2 2 In one of these William declared that the trifles of the Bretons (nugae Britonum) raved in his day about Arthur, a man worthy not to be dreamed about in false fables but proclaimed in veracious histories. In a later and equally important passage he tells of the discovery (about 1087 ?) in southwestern Wales of the tomb of Walwen (Gawain), the nephew of Arthur by his sister. Walwen's warlike exploits against the Saxons are mentioned, and variant accounts given of his death. William adds that Arthur's tomb was nowhere to be found, wherefore ancient ditties (antiquitas naeniarum) prophesied his return. The full significance of all this seems to have been appreciated only by Zimmer in his discussion back in 1891. 23 The contemporary Britones of the first passage must be Bretons, since Geoffrey of Monmouth says that after Cadwallader's time the Welsh were no longer called Britones but Gualenses,2i and William himself follows this rule and uses the former word for contemporary Bretons. The form "Walwen" of the second passage betrays the same origin, since it bears little resemblance to any Welsh form. It may seem astonishing that an Anglo-Norman chronicler such as William should be in contact with Bretons and learn from them of the discovery of Gawain's tomb in western Wales. But all becomes clear if we accept, with Zimmer, Ahlstrom, Bedier, and Warnke, 2 18

19 20 Chambers, op. cit., pp. 18, 184, 249. Ibid. Speculum, VIII, 455. Romanic Review, XXXII, 5. Romania, XXVIII (1899), 342; X X X ( 1 9 0 1 ) , n . J. Loth, Contributions à l'étude des romans de la Table Ronde (Paris, 1 9 1 2 ) , pp. 63 f. Revue celt., X X X V I I ( 1 9 1 7 - 1 9 ) , 322 f. 22 23 Chambers, op. cit., pp. 16 f., 250. Zts. f . franz. Sprache u. Lit., XIII (1891 ), 86-88. 24 Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia Regum Britanniae, ed. A. Griscom (New York, 1929), p. 535. Romanic Review, XXXII, 8. 25 Cf. n. 23 and A. Ahlstrom, Studier i den Fornjrans^a Lais-litteraturen (Upsala, 1892), 21

16

BACKGROUNDS

the crucially important fact that after 1066 a number of important fiefs in England were held by Bretons,28 and they would naturally welcome entertainers from their homeland. Everything goes to show that these entertainers, speaking French, found favor also with the Anglo-Normans. Their tales of impossible adventures seemed to the sober chronicler mere raving, but their report of the discovery of Walwen's tomb in Pembrokeshire (a region which, though not under Norman domination in the Conqueror's time, had received a visit from him in 1081) was worth recording. The return of professional Breton conteurs and singers of lais to their ancestral home in the wake of the Norman Conquest explains not only these passages in William's chronicle but much else that would be perplexing if we assumed that only the Welsh and Cornish had early legends of Arthur. Concerning these Bretons in Anglo-Norman Britain more will be said in the following chapter. Geoffrey of Monmouth is our next important witness. Though doubtless born in what was then Wales, he resided at Oxford between 1129 and 1151 and so may be considered an Anglo-Norman rather than a Welshman at the time of his literary activity.27 The Prophetia Merlini, written in 1134-35 a n d later incorporated in the Historia Regum Britanniae, besides referring to Arthur as the Boar of Cornwall, foretells his conquests, declares that his end will be doubtful, and says that he will be celebrated in the mouth of the peoples and his deeds will be food to the tellers of tales (cibus erit narrantium).28 Here the novel points are the explicit references to oral diffusion and to reciters who earn a livelihood by the celebration of Arthur's deeds. This harmonizes with Chretien's reference in Erec to oral recitation by professional conteurs. Geoffrey's Historia (1136) opens with a notable passage in which he speaks of the acts of Arthur and other kings of Britain as charmingly proclaimed from memory by many peoples as if they had been committed to writing (a multis populis quasi inscripta iocunde et memoriter predicarentur) , 29 Whatever we may think of Geoffrey's capacity for falsification—and it was great—here is a statement that was open to challenge since it concerned a matter of general knowledge. His clerical readers, ill informed doubtless about the days of Brutus, Bladud, and Belinus, were well aware of what was going on in contemporary Europe. Geoffrey was hardly so stupid as to introduce his great hoax with a patent lie. We must believe him when he says that the deeds of Arthur and other British kings pp. 28-34; Thomas, Tristan, ed. J. Bedier, II (Paris, 1905), 126 f.; Marie de France, Lais, ed. Warnke, 3d ed., pp. xxv f.; Romanic Review, XXXII, 10 f.; Journal of English and Germanic Philology, XXIV (1925), 130. 26 Add to the above Chambers, op. cit., p. 21; Loth, Mabinogion, 2d ed., I, 68 f.; Mod. Phil., XXII (1925), 407 fl.; A. P. Stanley, Historical Memorials of Canterbury, Everyman Lib., pp. 64 f.; F. M. Stenton, First Century of English Feudalism (Oxford, 1932), pp. 24-28. 27 28 29 Chambers, op. cit., pp. 21-24. Ibid., pp. 25, 254. Ibid., p. 252.

ARTHURIAN TRADITION BEFORE CHRETIEN

17

were being related in 1136 by many peoples, and that must mean outside the limits of Wales, Cornwall, and Brittany. Evidently we are approaching the time when Alanus could say that all Christendom rang with the praises of Arthur. Though Geoffrey himself doubtless contributed to this result, he did not initiate the process. In 1141-42 Ailred, then master of the novices at the Yorkshire abbey of Rievaulx, composed his Speculum Caritatis, in which he represents a novice as reproaching himself because, though in his past life he had frequently been moved to tears by fables which were invented and disseminated concerning an unknown Arthur ([fabulis quae vulgo de nescio quo finguntur Arcturo), it was almost a miracle if he could extract a tear at a pious reading or discourse.30 Here is not only direct testimony to the familiarity of such tales in Yorkshire, but also the explanation of their vogue. They must have been told with histrionic intonations and gestures —an art naturally cultivated by professional entertainers. In fact, Peter of Blois, later in the century, speaks of the histriones whose tales of Arthur, Gawain, and Tristan moved their auditors to tears. 31 Probably these histriones were known in southern Scotland about this time, for an anonymous Life of St. Kentigern (patron saint of Glasgow), written between 1147 and 1164, asserts that the father of Kentigern "is called in the tales of the minstrels (histrionum) Ewen son of Ulien [i/c]." 3 2 This Ewen is, of course, Yvain son of Urien, of whom Chretien was to declare not long afterwards that he had never heard any more recited concerning him than what he had embodied in his poem. T w o Anglo-Norman composers of lais attest their acquaintance with Arthurian fiction a little before or about the time when Chretien was writing Erec. About 1150 Robert Biket tells the somewhat farcical incident of the chastity-testing horn in his Lai du Cor,33 and asserts that the talisman was still preserved at Cirencester. It is worth noting that the personal names in this poem, though a number of them are derived from the Welsh, assume forms as remote from the Welsh as are the forms encountered in French romance. Marie de France says in Chievrefoil that many had told her of Tristram and the Queen and that she had found such matter also in writing. 34 And in her lai of Lanval she declares that her hero had a Breton name, that the Bretons tell us that this knight of Arthur's rode away with his faery mistress to Avalun, and that she has heard no man tell more of him. 3 ® 80

Mignc, Patrología Latina, CXCV, col. 565. On date cf. Bulletin of John Rylands Library, VI (1921-22), 454 f „ 478. 51 Chambers, op. cit., p. 267. Migne, op. cit., CCVII, col. 1088. 32 Lives of St. Ninian and St. Kentigern, ed. A. P. Forbes (Edinburgh, 1874), p. 245. Romania, XXII (1893), 506. Cf. infra, pp. 272, 302. 83 Ed. F. Wulff (Lund, 1888). Mod. Phil., XXXIII (1936), 232. 84 sb Marie de France, op. cit., p. 181. Ibid., pp. 86, 112.

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BACKGROUNDS

All this testimony from writers in England and southern Scotland indicates the presence and the activity of professional Breton reciters; they, not the Welsh or the Cornish, were principally responsible for the spread of romantic tales of Arthur and his knights throughout the Anglo-Norman world. If we turn our attention to Brittany, we are disappointed at the total absence of any direct testimony from Bretons to the circulation of Arthurian stories. This may be accounted for, first, by the fact that the Breton conteurs were not writers but reciters, secondly, by the total disappearance of all early literature in the Breton tongue. But outsiders compensate for this deficiency. The Norman Wace (i 155) has a reference to the Round Table, "of which Bretons tell many tales." 3 6 Alanus de Insulis corroborates Herman of Laon's assertion that the Bretons resented fiercely any doubt that Arthur was alive. 37 Etienne de Rouen introduces into his Draco Normannicus (1167-69) an imaginary correspondence between Henry II and Arthur, in which the latter is cast in the ridiculous role of supreme ruler of the Antipodes—evidently a fling at the Breton belief that Arthur lived on as a mighty potentate in the under world. 38 The internal evidence of the French romances, the localization of the youth and the last years of Tristan in Brittany, the introduction of the Forest of Broceliande in Chretien's Y vain, the sprinkling of Breton place names and personal names through the Arthurian onomasticon, which we shall consider in detail at the appropriate places, combine with the evidence from England to demonstrate the familiarity of the Bretons in their own homeland with Arthurian tradition. The troubadours of the South seem to have felt the contagion fairly early. One manuscript of Marcabrun's elegy on the death of William VIII of Poitou (1137) contains the line: "Like Arthur I shall be lost forever." 3 " Bernard de Ventadour shortly after 1154 wrote that never did "Tristan l'amador" endure such anguish for "Yzeut la blonda" as did the poet for his lady, presumably Eleanor, daughter of the same William. 40 This reference to Tristan by a troubadour attached to the house of Poitou brings up the subject of the conteur Bleheris, the only member of his profession whose name has come down to us. 41 From the several references to him in the literature of the twelfth century one may draw 36

Wace, Brut, ed. I. Arnold, II (Paris, 1940), vss. 9751 f. On Round Table cf. Chap. VI. Chambers, op. cit., p. 265. 38 Chronicles of the Reign of Stephen, Henry II, and Richard I, ed. R. Howlett, II (London, 1885), 696-707. Mod. Phil., X X X I ( 1 9 3 3 ) , 1 - 1 8 , 1 1 3 - 2 5 ; XXXVIII ( 1 9 4 1 ) , 289-304. 39 Romania, VI ( 1 8 7 7 ) , 123 f. 40 K. Bartsch, Chrestomathie provençale, p. 63. Mod. Phil., XIX ( 1 9 2 2 ) , 287 ff. Revue des langues romanes, L X V ( 1 9 2 7 - 2 8 ) , 238 f. 41 On Bleheris cf. Romanic Review, X X X I I , 1 6 - 1 9 , and bibliography given, ibid., p. 16, n. 77, particularly, Romania, X X X I V ( 1 9 0 5 ) , xoo; LIII ( 1 9 2 7 ) , 82; Neophilologus, X V ( 1 9 2 9 ) , 37

30-34-

ARTHURIAN TRADITION BEFORE CHRETIEN

19

certain conclusions: ( 1 ) T h e name Bleheris, Breri, and so forth is surely developed from Welsh Bleddri. (2) T h e man in question was born in Wales and was well known there as a famous raconteur. (3) His period slightly antedated that of Giraldus Cambrensis, who was born about 1145. (4) H e recited his tales before a Count of Poitou, either the famous troubadour, William V I I , who died in 1127, or his son William V I I I , w h o died ten years later. (5) Bleheris was regarded by succeeding generations as an authority on the Tristan, Gauvain, and Grail stories. (6) H e must have told his tales in French. (7) If we take seriously the citations of his authority by Thomas and Wauchier de Denain, there is nothing in their poems to indicate that Bleheris' fund of stories was peculiarly Welsh, but everything points to Continental Breton tradition as the immediate source of his repertoire. (8) A s the unique instance of a conteur whose name and fame survived him, he must have surpassed his confrères in the verve and the artistry of his recital. T h e most sensational evidence for the early and wide diffusion of the Matière de Bretagne on the Continent comes from northern Italy. 42 Rajna long since pointed out that an Artusius appears in a document of 1 1 1 4 as a brother of Count Ugo of Padua; another Artusius signed a document of 1 1 2 2 ; I have noted still a third Artusius as a benefactor of Modena cathedral in 1125. Beginning with 1136, a certain long-lived Walwanus is named in Paduan charters. These Artusii and this Walwanus must have been christened late in the eleventh century or in the first quarter of the next. Artusius was a standard Latinization by Italians of the name Arthur when the source was French, and Walwanus is identical with the form of Gawain in one of the best manuscripts of Geoffrey's Historia. It is hard to explain these names unless stories of Arthur and his nephew had penetrated into the aristocratic circles of northern Italy, and rendered them illustrious. This view is confirmed by a sculptured archivolt over the north doorway of Modena cathedral. 43 T h e significant points are: ( 1 ) T h e nearly unanimous verdict of recent art historians assigns the relief to the first decade of the twelfth century. (2) T h e names Artus de Bretania, Isdernus, Che, Galvaginwi, Galvariun, Burmaltus, Mardoc, and Winlogee are incised above the figures. (3) Winlogee is plainly an intermediate form between the Breton name Winlowen and the name Guinloie, which turns up in French romance. (4) Isdernus still retains the final n of Welsh Edern, the son of Nudd, whereas Geoffrey's Hider filius Nucii and Chretien's Yder fiz Nut have lost it. (5) GalvaginKi is the earliest recorded form of Gawain and, as will be shown in a later chapter, comes closest 42

On these names cf. Romania, XVII (1888), 167 ft., 356 ff.; Romanic Review, XXXII, 27-31. On this sculpture cf. R. S. and L. H. Loomis, Arthurian Legends in Medieval Art (New York, 1938), pp. 32-36, figs. 4-8. For additional discussions of date cf. Speculum, XIII, 221-31 ; Romanic Review, XXXII, 22-27; Studi medievali, N.S., IX (1936), 1 B. 43

20

BACKGROUNDS

to its Welsh original. (6) Several scholars have accepted my interpretation of this carving as an illustration of the abduction of Arthur's queen, here called Winlogee, in a version which partially parallels that given in the thirteenth-century romance of Durmart. The conspicuous position of this profane scene in a sacred edifice can hardly be accounted for unless we presuppose that the story made a profound impression either on the sculptor or on whoever directed his work. T h e nomenclature, though most of the names ultimately go back to Welsh originals (Arthur, Edern, Cei, Madoc), indicates that the reciter was a French-speaking Breton. Another curious testimonial to the Arthurian vogue in Italy dates from 1165. In that year a large mosaic pavement was laid down in the cathedral of Otranto, far to the south, and though it has been damaged by earthquakes and restorers, it contains a crude figure labeled Rex Arturus, bearing a scepter and riding a goat! 4 4 This extraordinary mount has received no better explanation than the frequent identification of the immortal Arthur with various Otherworld kings, and the fact that Walter Map describes one such king as riding on a very large goat. Though the execution of this mosaic in southern Italy in 1165 and the somewhat later legends of Arthur localized about Mount Etna do not carry us to the Latin kingdoms of the East, they do prepare us to place some credence in Alanus' statement before 1179 that the renown of the British hero had reached the Holy Land. From this survey of the rise and spread of the Arthurian legend up to and through the period of Chretien's literary activity we can draw several large inferences. 1. A s one might expect, all the earliest documents from the seventh to the end of the eleventh century come from Wales. Kulhwch and Olwen shows that about 1100 there existed in that country a romantic tradition which displays unmistakable connections with Nennius' reference to the hunting of the boar Troit on the one hand, and with the French romances on the other. Kulhwch's arrival and reception at Arthur's court and his meeting with the Giant Herdsman clearly anticipate Chretien's treatment of these same subjects in Le Conte del Graal and Yvain. T w o or three decades later Caradoc of Lancarvan furnished in his story of the abduction of Guennuvar a cognate form of Chretien's Chevalier de la Charrette. These facts demonstrate that Wales was the birthplace and the early home of Arthurian romance. 2. Herman of Laon witnesses that in 1 1 1 3 there were not only local associations of Arthur with Dartmoor and an unshakable belief in his immortality among the Cornish, but also that he was celebrated in stories of 44 On Otranto mosaic cf. R. S. and L. H. Loomis, op. cit., p. 36, figs. 9 and ga; E. Bertiux, L'Art dans l'Italie méridionale (Rome, 1904), I, 488-90; Studi medievali, II (1906-7), 506, 510; Mod. Phil., XXXVIII, 300-302.

ARTHURIAN TRADITION BEFORE CHRETIEN

21

the insular Britons. Evidently by noo, if not before, Cornwall had its own tradition of the British hero. 3. There is practically no evidence that the Welsh communicated their tales of Arthur and his knights directly to their English-speaking or Frenchspeaking neighbors across the border. It is obvious that the long-standing hostility between the Brythonic and Saxon peoples would render the former unwilling to pass on legends which glorified the champion of their race, and would render the latter even more reluctant to receive them. There was also a language barrier which would hamper communication between the Welsh and both Saxons and Normans. The hypothesis that the AngloNormans served as intermediaries in bringing the Celtic legends to the knowledge of the French must be rejected. 4. T o the problem of transmission the Bretons offer the key; for they were bilingual, were akin racially to the Welsh and Cornish, were devoted to the memory of Arthur, and yet were in the closest political and cultural relations with their French-speaking neighbors, and not only had a large share in the Norman Conquest of England but also acquired great estates there. It is no wonder that whenever and wherever we get any indications as to the propagators of the Matière de Bretagne outside Wales and Cornwall, they point with but one exception to the Bretons. A n d that one exception, Bleheris, seems to have drawn on Breton traditions and must have told his enthralling tales in French. From such diverse sources as the Modena sculpture, William of Malmesbury, and Wace we gather that the Bretons were the disseminators of stories about Arthur, his Round Table, and the abduction of his queen. Their geographical range extended from southwestern Wales to the Lombard plain, and by 1170 much further. 5. Though the Bretons of the twelfth century may have inherited from their ancestors who emigrated across the Channel to Armorica in the sixth century some memories of a heroic Arthur, they were not the creators of a body of fiction independent of their Cornish and Welsh kinsmen. It will be shown in due course that certain personal names in the French romances, particularly Erec, Gauvain, and Lancelot, can best be explained as Breton substitutions for, or deformations of, Welsh forms, and the romances themselves seem to have their roots in Wales. Furthermore, such important historic figures as Yvain and Tristan, who lived respectively about 580 and 780, could not have been known to the original emigrants from Britain but must have been introduced to their Continental descendants by the Welsh or Cornish at some later period. Just what that period was is difficult to determine, but when we find a historic Tristan, lord of Vitré, recorded in the first half of the eleventh century, 45 it seems probable that the insular tradition had reached Brittany by 1000, if not 45 Pierre le Baud, Chronique de Vitré (bound with Histoire de Bretagne, Paris, 1638), p. 7. Revue de Bretagne, XVIII, 435-39. Romania, LUI, 97.

22

BACKGROUNDS

before. Of course, the Bretons embellished the Welsh stories, adapted them to French and Anglo-Norman taste, and added features of their own, but they did not create an independent legend. 6. T h e vast proliferation and wide circulation of Arthurian tales must be attributed in large measure to a professional class. T h e Welsh had their bards w h o composed and recited poetry (such as The Spoils of Annwn) and their cyvarwyddon who composed and recited prose tales (such as Kulhtvch and Olwen).40 T h e thirteenth-century Dream of Rhonabwy ends with the significant words: "This is why no one, bard or story-teller (cyvarwydd), knows the tale without a book." 4 7 Geoffrey's remarks in the Prophetia Merlini about the Boar of Cornwall as celebrated in the mouths of peoples and furnishing a livelihood to story-tellers, refer to such professionals and agree strikingly with Chretien's remarks in the opening lines of Erec. Wace, too, speaks of the cunteur and the fableur who relate the marvels and adventures of Arthur's time and mingle falsehood and truth. 48 It must have been the emotional power of these narrators, whether Welsh or Breton, which gave them their hold on the laity, roused the antagonism of the hagiographers, and called forth the disparaging notices of William of Malmesbury and Ailred. T h e attitude of the poets to the conteurs ranged from their professed admiration for Bleheris, through the mixed praise and blame of Wace, to the contempt of Chretien for those w h o spoil and mangle the plot of Erec. 7. T h e chief medium of these reciters, Welsh and Breton, was prose. T h e prose saga was the standard narrative form among the Celts, not the verse epic of the Germanic tribes. 4 " T h e itinerant conteurs are expressly said by Wauchier to exercise their crude art "sanz rimer." s o It must be remembered, however, that the Bretons also had their lais/'1 and some of them dealt with Arthurian themes. It is interesting to note that about 1216 Giraldus Cambrensis spoke of the "fabulosi Britones et eorum cantores" H. M. and N . K . Chadwick, Growth of Literature, I (Cambridge, 1932), 582-85. I. Williams, Lectures on Early Welsh Poetry, pp. 9 if. 4 7 J. Loth, Mabinogion, 4 S Wace, Brut, ed. I. Arnold, I, lxxxv; II, 515 f. 2d éd., I, 377. 49 Gottingiiche Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1890, pp. 806-17. 5 0 J. L . Weston, Legend of Perceval, I (London, 1906), 265. "Mais il sont ore maint vassal Qui fabloiant vont par ces cors, Qui les bons contes font rebors E des estoires les esloignent E des mençonges tant i joignent Que li conte tout emperissent E les bons livres en honissent; E cil qui oent e escoutent Ne sevent que bon conte coustent. Ains dient, quant cil menestrel Gisent la nuit en lor hostel E il lor font. i. poi conter D'une aventure sanz rimer, Qu'il ont toute l'estoire oie Que ja n'orront dedens lor vie; Si lor fait on mençonge acroire Et en dient la fausse estoire Et metent la mençonge avant." Cf. also Moyen Age, XIX ( 1 9 1 6 ) , 234 f.; E. Martin, Zur Gralsage, Quellen u. Forschungen zur Sprach- u. Culturgebiete der germanischen Voiler, XLII (1880), 27 f.; Mélanges de philologie romane dédiés à Cari Wahlund (Maçon, 1896), p. 302.

18

On these lais cf. Marie de France, op. cit., pp. x x - x l v ; Zts. f. franz. Sprache u. Lit., XLIX ( 1 9 2 6 ) , 120-53; Mod. Phil., XII ( 1 9 1 4 - 1 5 ) , 585-644; Revue celt., XXXI (1910), 4 1 3 - 7 1 .

01

ARTHURIAN TRADITION BEFORE C H R E T I E N

23

as responsible for fictions about the goddess Morganis and her transporting Arthur to the Isle of Avalon for healing. 5 2 T h e r e was evidently a class of Breton singers, somewhat distinct from the story-tellers, and their songs may have resembled the short allusive poems of the Welsh bards. N o n e of these songs, however, has survived, and the extant lais in French probably have little in common with them beyond the subject matter. Since, of course, Breton songs would have been quite incomprehensible to French audiences, and since the extant lais seldom reveal a close relation to Arthurian romance, 5 3 it is obvious that we must not look to the Breton singers but to the Breton conteurs in French prose as the chief, if not the only, immediate sources of Arthurian fiction in England and on the Continent. 8. Some of these tales must have been written down and were accessible in manuscript in Chretien's day. N o such manuscript has been preserved, but this is hardly to be wondered at since not a single twelfth-century copy of Chretien's or Marie's work has survived either. But both these authors testify to the existence of such writings, and certain name forms in Chretien's poems show signs of scribal distortion. Such are Gomeret for Goinnet, Baudemaguz for Bran de Mangunz, Goirre for Voirre, as I hope to show in the appropriate places. Either Chretien misread a written source or adopted a corrupt reading from such a source. T h o u g h the tales of the Breton conteurs were recited in French prose, can we believe that they were still in prose when first committed to writing? N o wholesale generalization seems possible. T h e testimony of Marie de France is inconsistent. W e remember that in her prologue she asserts that she has rimed the lais which she has heard, and implies therefore that there was no intermediate written form. But she introduces Guigemar with the statement that she is following "la letre e l'escriture," and refers in Chievrefoil to both oral and written forms of the Tristan story. O n e gets the impression that some of her lais were based on contes in manuscript, which she proceeded to versify. T h e evidence favors the view that Chretien likewise followed prose tales in manuscript when he composed his four traditional romances. T h e r e is no indication that his sources were in verse. O n e cannot, perhaps, deny the possibility that Chretien was improving an already rimed romance, but the odds are against such an interpretation of his task. W h e n he and his contemporary Marie both speak of riming traditional narratives, the natural inference is that these were in prose; and in Chretien's case we have good reason to believe that they were in written prose. T h e assertion that 52

E. K. Chambers, op. cit., p. 272. There is, of course, a relation between the lais and romances, but except in the case of Chievrefoil and the Tristan poems (G. Schoepperle, Tristan and Isolt [New York, 1 9 1 3 ] , I, 137-47), i " 264. ia Sommer, Vulgate Version, II, 452. 11

1^0

EREC

told that Oriande, who later became the hero's faery mistress, was wont to rest there when she passed by. 17 In one manuscript of Sir Degarre, a princess, leaving her handmaids asleep under a hawthorn tree, is ravished by a faery knight. 18 Sir Cawline in the ballad met the Eldridge King at midnight at a thorn. 19 Folk superstition among the Irish and Welsh preserved similar beliefs; 2 0 to cut down a hawthorn brought on the vengeance of the fairies. If a thorn alone was magical, much more was a thorn beside a spring 2 1 or stream. Beside springs fays awaited their human lovers; 2 2 beside a ford, where hounds mysteriously barked, Modron, the daughter of the King of Annwn, was discovered and ravished by Urien. 23 We have the combination of ford and hawthorn in Béroul's Tristan,2* where there is mention of "le Gué Aventuras, et iluec a une aube espine." In Rigomer there is casual mention of a Gué de Blance Espine, where "Morge li fee" and many dames and damsels assembled.20 In Irish folklore a whitethorn, growing on the banks of streams, was considered to be the haunt and peculiar abode of the fairies.26 Such an eerie spot was the scene, evidently, of three versions of the combat at the ford. In Diu Krone Gasozein rides by night in midwinter near the ford of Noirespine. In the Didot Perceval the defender of the Gué Perellos is the son of the Queen of the Noire Espine. In Le Lai de l'Espine the hero fights with an Otherworld knight at the Gué de l'Espine, near which a thornbush grows. These last two texts make it clear why the capture of the opponent's steed is a recurrent element in the fight at the ford; the steed is a supernatural creature. In the Didot Perceval the hero finally discomfited the defender of the ford and allowed him to depart on foot. The latter had not gone far when he was carried away with the greatest rejoicing in the world, and he disappeared together with his horse, which Perceval had 17 Maugis d'Aigremont, ed. F. Castcts, pp. 23, 26. Cf. Gerbert de Montreuil, Continuation de Perceval, cd. M. Williams, I (Paris, 1 9 2 2 ) , 78-80. 18 Sir Degarre, ed. G. Schleich (Heidelberg, 1929), vs. 74, ms. R. 19 Sargent and Kittredge, English and Scottish Popular Ballads, p. 1 1 5 . 20 E. Hull, Folklore of the British Isles (London, 1928), pp. 134 f. M. Trevelyan, Folklore and Folk-Stories of Wales, pp. 106, 149. For similar English and Scottish beliefs cf. Folklore, XVII (1906), 172 f.; C. Hole, English Folklore (1940), pp. 87, 132. 21 J. Rhys, Celtic Folklore, Welsh and Manx, I, 332-62. M. A. Courtney, Cornish Feasts and Folklore (Penzance, 1890), pp. 32 f. W. G. Wood-Martin, Traces of the Elder Faiths of heland, II, 81, 88, 96, 156. 22 ¡Mys of Désiré, Gracient, and Melion, ed. E. M. Grimes, pp. 15, 20-23, Marie de France, Lais, ed. Warnke, 3d ed. ( 1 9 2 5 ) , pp. 247 f. Cross and Slover, Ancient Irish Tales, pp. 83 f „ 93-95. Potvin, Perceval le Gallois, IV, 240; V , 38. 23 Aberystwyth Studies, IV, 105. T . Gwynn Jones, Welsh Folklore and Folk-Custom, p. 107. That the woman was Modron is proved by a triad in Loth, Mabinogion, 2d éd., II, 284. For Irish examples of faery ladies met at fords cf. Mod. Phil., XII ( 1 9 1 5 ) , 604-7. 24 Vs. 1320. Cf. Guillaume le Clerc, Fergus, vs. 252. 25 Mervelles de Rigomer, ed. W. Foerster (Dresden, 1908), I, vss. 9433-39. 28 Wood-Martin, op. cit., II, 156.

E R E C AND T H E ROBBERS

131

attempted to retain. In L'Espine the mysterious knight of the ford was mounted on a white horse with red ears; after the conflict the hero led it to his lady-love under the thorn tree. He then fought with two other knights, and one of them informed him that the captured steed was the swiftest and best for jousting, but that it would be lost if the bridle was removed. The hero returned with his love and the supernatural horse to his father's court. The animal served him well and long, till one day the damsel removed the bridle and the animal vanished. These two versions of the ford combat, in the Didot Perceval and he Lai de I'Espine, show that Gareth's encounter at the river passage, his fight near a hawthorn tree, and his seizure of the vanquished knight's horse constitute a single tradition. Moreover, both versions offer strong evidence that the tradition was born in Wales. The spectral knight in the lai rode on a white horse with red ears, and we have already had occasion to observe 27 that in the mabinogi of Pwyll the hounds of Annwn, the Other World, had white bodies and red ears—a belief which survived for centuries in Welsh folklore.28 It is therefore pertinent to remark that this same steed, which the hero of the lai captured and then lost through the removal of the bridle, seems to reappear in a modern Welsh folktale as a ceftyl-dwr, or water horse. "A man once caught a Ceffyl-dwr on the shores of Carmarthen Bay, and afterwards tried to break the creature in. By means of an artfully contrived bridle he led the animal home, and used it as a cart horse. But one day the bridle became unfastened, and the Ceffyl-dwr darted with the cart and driver into the sea, and was never afterwards seen." 29 Both the coloring of the faery steed in L'Espine and its disappearance, then, strongly suggest that its original home was in South Wales. The episode of the ford combat in the Didot Perceval is even more strongly saturated with Welsh matter. 30 Here too, as we have just seen, there is a horse, captured at a ford and carried away mysteriously. And here there is an extraordinary parallel with the episode in Ptvyll?1 which we studied in the last chapter and which is localized in southwest Wales. Let us recall that in the French romance Urbain, the defender of the ford, is vanquished by Perceval, reveals that he has been dwelling in an invisible castle near by with a faery mistress, and urges Perceval to defend the ford for a year in his stead. In the mabinogi Arawn, the King of Annwn, after his defeat at the ford, gives over to Pwyll the enjoyment of his palace near by and his wife, on condition that at the end of a year Pwyll will meet another king from Annwn, Havgan, in combat at the 27

2 1 M. Trevelyan, op. cit., p. 47. Cf. supra, pp. 90 f. Ibid., p. 64. A similar story is recorded from County Clare: R. Giddings, Lovely Is the Lee 80 81 (New York, 1945), pp. 30 f. Mod. Phil., XLIII, 6 3 - 7 1 . Loth, op. cit., I, 85 f.

29

132

EREC

ford. Though the sequel offers no parallel to the Didot Perceval, it does present one notable similarity to L'Espine and Diu Krone: the fight takes place by night. In another place 3 2 I have developed with some fullness the thesis that Pwyll has preserved to us in this episode a seasonal myth which had a considerable influence not only on L'Espine and the Didot Perceval but also on several other romances, including Gawain and the Green Knight. The King of Annwn whom Pwyll encountered at the end of a year at a ford bore the name Havgan, which means "Summer White." 3 3 On this figure the fourteenth-century poet Dafydd ap Gwilym sheds some light, for he represents Haf, "Summer," as a prince, who departs to his own land of Annwn to escape the gales of winter. 34 What of Havgan's victory over Arawn, the huntsman clad in gray wool and mounted on a gray horse? We read in a collection of Welsh folklore: "In some parts of Wales it was stated that Arawn and his Cwn Annwn (Hounds of Annwn) hunted only from Christmas to Twelfth Night, and was always accompanied by a howling wind." "In Glamorgan, Brecon, and Radnor Arawn, the master of these hounds, rides a grey horse and is robed in grey." "Stories about the Brenin Llwyd, the Grey King, or Monarch of the Mist, were told in most of the mountainous districts. . . . He was represented as sitting among the mountains, robed in grey clouds and mist." 3 5 Arawn is evidently the Wild Huntsman of European folklore, whom Tylor, Grimm, and Mogk have recognized as a genius of the storm,30 and particularly the storms of winter. In fact, the annual combat at the ford as related in Pwyll was a conflict between Summer and Winter. The basic concept survived in the form of folk ritual down into the nineteenth century. It was recorded in 1909 in the words of an aged Welshman. " W h e n I w a s a boy, t w o companies of men and youths were formed. O n e had for its captain a man dressed in a long coat, much trimmed with fur, and on his head a rough f u r cap. H e carried a stout stick of blackthorn and a kind of shield, on w h i c h were studded tufts of wool to represent snow. H i s companions w o r e caps and waistcoats of f u r decorated with balls of white wool. T h e s e men were very bold, and in songs and verse proclaimed the virtues of W i n t e r , w h o w a s their captain. T h e other company had for its leader a captain representing S u m m e r . T h i s man w a s dressed in a kind of white smock decorated with garlands of flowers 82

and g a y ribbons. O n his head he wore a broad-brimmed hat trimmed

Journ. of Eng. and Germ. Phil., XLII ( 1 9 4 3 ) , 170-78. J. Rhys, Studies in the Arthurian Legend (Oxford, 1 8 9 1 ) , p. 2 8 1 . 84 For Welsh text and free English translation cf. Dafydd ap Gwilym, trans. H . I. and D. Bell (London, 1942), pp. 252-59. See also T . Gwynn Jones, Welsh Folklore and Folk-Custom, 85 p. 154M. Trevelyan, op. cit., pp. 53, 48, 69. 36 J. Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, trans. Stallybrass (London, 1883), III, 918-48. H. Paul, Grundriss der germ. Philol., 2d ed., Ill (Strassburg, 1900), 3 3 3 - 3 7 . E. B. Tylor, Primitive Culture, 6th ed. (London, 1 9 2 0 ) , I, 362. 83

COUNT GALOAIN'S BOAST

133

with flowers and ribbons. In his hand he carried a willow-wand wreathed with spring flowers and tied with ribbons. All these men marched in procession, with their captain on horseback heading them, to an appropriate place. This would be some stretch of common or waste land. There a mock encounter took place, the Winter company flinging straw and dry underwood at their opponents, who used as their weapons birch branches, willow-wands and young ferns. A good deal of horseplay went on, but finally Summer gained the mastery over Winter. Then the victorious captain representing Summer selected a May King and the people nominated a May Queen, who were crowned and conducted into the village." 87 Similar seasonal customs were enacted in the Isle of Man, in England, and on the Continent. 3 8 T h e concept of an annual combat on the first of May is reflected in the brief account in Kulhwch and Olwen of the repeated encounters of Gwynn, King of A n n w n , and Gwythyr, 3 9 which will require our attention again in connection with he Chevalier de la Charrette. T h u s we see that the combat at the ford between Havgan and Arawn is but one form of a widespread myth of the yearly struggle between Summer and Winter. It is a far cry from this Welsh myth to the realistic encounter of Erec with the robbers, but the tradition is so well represented in the Matière de Bretagne that the links of connection can be established through L'Espine, the Didot Perceval, and Malory's Book of Gareth. W e can have no better illustration of the fading of Celtic mythology into a commonplace adventure of romance. The ancient tale, stripped of its original significance, but retaining the ford, the hawthorn, and the seizure of the horse, was introduced into the Damoiselle Maudisante framework as a means of demonstrating Gareth's prowess to a damsel who questioned it. T h e author of X completed the process of removing all traces of eerie supernaturalism from the encounter at the ford.

Chapter XIX COUNT GALOAIN'S BOAST VERSES 3 2 0 9 - 6 1

A squire in the service of Count Galoain met Erec and Enide after they had spent the night in the open, provided them with cakes, wine, and cheese, and rode bac\ to the town to bring news to his master, the Count, 37

Trevelyan, op. cit., p. 25. Grimm, op. cit., II, 758-68. J. G. Frazer, Golden Bough, 3d éd., IV, 254 ff. W. Hone, Every-Day Book. (London, 1838), I, 358 f. E. K. Chambers, Mediaeval Stage (Oxford, 1903), I, 173. •» Loth, op. cit., I, 331 f. 88

E R E C

134 of

their

approach.

He

handsomest

man

is not

good-looking

more

superiority

T

in form

he

reported

had

that

ever

seen.

than

I."

and feature,

and

Erec

was

Galoain The

squire

Galoain

very

courteous

replied:

"I

stoutly

and

believe

maintained

set out to verify

the

that

the

he

Erec

s

report.

HIS INCIDENT s e e m s to b e a v a r i a t i o n on o n e of t h e c o m m o n p l a c e s

of A r t h u r i a n r o m a n c e , w h i c h occurs in Diu wanii,

Graal,

Rigomer,

Arthur

Lancelot,

and

Hunbaut,

and Gorlagon, L'Atre

King

Périlleux}

Krone,

De

Ortu

G e r b e r t ' s c o n t i n u a t i o n of Le Arthur The

and King usual

Cornwall,

formula

Wal-

Conte

del

the D u t c h a

self-

c o m p l a c e n t k i n g is c h a l l e n g e d o n s o m e point of p r i d e b y his w i f e or

tells h o w

amie

a n d is m u c h i n c e n s e d , b u t sets o u t to d e t e r m i n e the f a c t s . 2 O n l y o n e of these versions,, the D u t c h Lancelot,

resembles Erec

in that the issue is o n e

of g o o d l o o k s . 3 A c e r t a i n l o r d , M o r i l a g a n , 4 a s k e d his mistress w h e t h e r she k n e w of a n y m a n so f a i r a n d so g o o d a k n i g h t as h e . 5 W h e n she asserted that W a l e w e i n ( G a w a i n ) w a s a h a n d s o m e r a n d better k n i g h t , M o r i l a g a n p u n i s h e d her, b u t w a s later v a n q u i s h e d b y W a l e w e i n . I n five other v e r s i o n s {Diu

Krone,

De

Ortu

Walwanii,

Rigomer,

Hunbaut,

L'Atre

Périlleux)

it is a q u e s t i o n of m a r t i a l m i g h t a l o n e . It seems likely, t h e n , that the D u t c h Lancelot

has combined

t w o v e r s i o n s of the boast, o n e w h i c h

involved

p r o w e s s , the o t h e r w h i c h i n v o l v e d c o m e l i n e s s . It is the latter w h i c h is repr e s e n t e d by G a l o a i n ' s v a u n t . O n e m u s t not o v e r l o o k the f a c t that in Erec 1

it is G a l o a i n ' s

superior

Heinrich von dem Tiirlin, Dm Krone, cd. SchoII, vss. 3356-5080. Mertelles de Rigomer, cd. W. Foerster, I, 470-82. Historia Meriadoci and De Ortu Walwanii, cd. J. D. Bruce, pp. 85-87. Perceval le Gallois, ed. C. Potvin, VI, 2 5 1 . Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature, VIII (Boston, 1903), 150 f. F. J. Child, English and Scottish Popular Ballads, I, 283 ff. Roman van Lancelot, ed. W. J. A. Jonckbloet, II, vss. 1 8 8 2 6 - 1 9 1 0 6 . L'Atre Périlleux, ed. B. Woledgc (Paris, 1936), pp. 216 f. Hunbaut, ed. Stiirzingcr and Breuer (Dresden, 1 9 1 4 ) , pp. 2 - 5 . Discussions of this motif from various angles are to be found in Child, op. cit., I, 274 ff.; Englische Studien, X X X V I (1906), 337 ff.; A. Dickson, Valentine and Orson, pp. 83 f.; University of Michigan Publications, Language and Literature, VIII ( 1 9 3 2 ) , 2 7 - 3 7 . 2 The formula also occurs in the Pèlerinage Charlemagne and Mor/^insl^inna. Cf. M. Schlauch, Romance in Iceland (Princeton and New York, 1934), p. 164. Both must have derived it more or less directly from an Arthurian conte. Cf. discussion below. 3 In the cognate Pèlerinage Charlemagne, as we shall see, the king boasts of his handsome appearance, as well as his might as a conqueror. Since this is the earliest French form of the motif, and is based on an even earlier Arthurian conte, it seems certain that long before Chretien's Erec the issue of superiority in physical appearance had entered the traditional formula of the boast. 4 It should be noted that whereas in the Dutch Lancelot Morilagan punishes his amie by forcing her to sit in a well, in La Pulzella Gaia (Fiore di leggende, ed. F.. Levi, p. 43) a similar punishment is visited upon the amie of Galvano by Morgana, and in Malory, Bk. XI, chap. 1 there is a story, which Miss Paton (Fairy Mythology, p. 100, n. 1 ) has shown to be related, and in which Morgan le Fay is said to have punished a lady by placing her in a boiling bath to await the coming of a knight to deliver her. Evidently the name Morilagan is a confused reminiscence of Morgan. Another evidence of confusion lies in the fact that whereas Morilagan is lord of the land of Swerte Montanie (vs. 18854), which in French would be "noire montaigne," in the analogous tale in L'Atre Périlleux the damsel is placed in "une noire fontaine" 5 (cd. Woledge, p. 2 1 8 , vs. 1 9 1 ) . Ed Jonckbloet, Bk. Ill, vss. 18858 f.

COUNT GALOAIN'S BOAST

I35

beauty which is questioned, whereas in the Dutch Lancelot it is Walewein's. Not only are the names nearly homophonous, but there is much to support the view that Gawain was an indispensable figure in the formula of the boast. In De Ortu Walwanii Arthur asserts his superiority in arms to all other knights, and when the Queen denies it, he goes forth and is overwhelmingly defeated by Walwanius. In Diu Krone, which supplies a version notably similar, the role of Walwanius is taken by Gasozein de Dragoz, and since a Gasoain d'Estragot turns up in the Vulgate Lancelot,6 we may feel certain that the z of Gasozein is unauthorized and may well suspect that the s represents a misreading of /; in short, Gasozein not only plays the part of Walwanius, but owes his name to a corruption of Galoain. In L'Atre Périlleux, which offers a detailed parallel to the Dutch Lancelot, when King Brun's amie asserts the superiority of the knights of the Round Table over her lover, it is Gavain who vindicates her by defeating Brun. In Rigomer the situation is altered, but still Gauvain's prowess is involved; Arthur asserts that Gauvain is the best knight, and the Queen says that she knows one equally good, meaning Lancelot. King Arthur and King Cornwall and Arthur and Gorlagon both represent Gawain as accompanying his uncle on an expedition to a foreign king's court, prompted by the Queen's disparaging remarks about her husband. In Hunbaut, when Arthur is told that there is a king who does not acknowledge his sovranty, it is Gauvain whom he sends to demand submission. Gerbert de Montreuil is the only author who does not assign Gawain a conspicuous part in the boast formula. This is not the only argument for the hypothesis that in bragging of his beauty Galoain has taken over a tradition attached to Gawain. We have already observed that in the Dutch Lancelot the superior beauty of Walewein is asserted and challenged, and have noted the phonetic similarity of this name to Galoain. The Vulgate Lancelot bears witness to the physical perfections of Gawain.7 "It is true that Sir Gauvain was the handsomest knight of all his brothers. . . . He was the handsomest knight in body and right well shaped in his limbs, and was not too large nor too small, but of right fair stature." And one of the scribes who copied Erec may have had a suspicion of Galoain's real identity, for he spells the name Galuain,8 a recognizable form of Gawain. Putting all these facts together, we can hardly resist the conclusion that the author of X, with characteristic freedom, introduced in Galoain's boast a traditional motif, not realiz8 Sommcr, Vulgate Version, III, 119. Since this Gasoain and Gasozein both fought a fierce duel with Gawain, it is not likely that the names could have been derived from Chretien's Erec, where though ms. B mentions a Gorsoein d'Estrangot and ms. P a Gasauens de Tranglot, there is no word of such a duel. All three romances must derive the name ultimately from some common ms. source. On Gasozein cf. Zts. f. franz. Sprache u. Lit., XXVIII (1905), T "Abhandlungen," 38-46. Sommer, Vulgate Version, IV, 358. 8 Ed. Foerster (Halle, 1890), vs. 3129, table of variants.

136

EREC

ing, of course, that Galoain was the same character whom he had already introduced into his romance as Gauvain. Neither did Chretien suspect their original identity. Can we trace the formula of the boast back into Celtic literature? It is possible to show: first, that the earliest appearance of the formula in French literature occurs in a poem which contains many Irish motifs, and thus renders plausible the Irish origin of the formula; secondly, that an intermediate stage is furnished by the appearance of the formula in a Welsh setting, attached to a king of South Wales; thirdly, that this Welsh version is obviously related to an elaborate Irish version, which explains the outstanding features of the Arthurian treatment. The case for Celtic origin seems a good one if these three arguments are sound. First, turning our attention to Le Pèlerinage Charlemagne, we note, as Kittredge and Professor Reinhard have done before us,n that in the opening scene we have a good example of our formula, and since the Pèlerinage probably belongs to the second quarter of the twelfth century 10 this is the earliest occurrence in French literature. Some scholars may hastily decide that the Arthurian versions are mere adaptations. But this can hardly be. For not one of the many Arthurian parallels to this, as to other features of the Pèlerinage, contains the slightest vestige of the Carolingian and ecclesiastical character of the poem as a whole or a single detail of the boasting scene which would betray this chanson de geste as the source. Medieval story-tellers were seldom experts in removing the telltale marks of origin. That all the Arthurian poets who used the formula of the boast should have been particularly cautious and expert in this regard is a preposterous supposition. We are forced to conclude that the Pèlerinage, except for the portions concerned with the relics, was a rifacimento of an Arthurian conte. This view is reinforced by the detection by Dr. Laura Hibbard Loomis and Professor Cross of several Irish motifs in the Pèlerinage,11 as would be natural if there had been borrowing from the Matière de Bretagne. And the presence of these Irish motifs lends plausibility to the Celtic origin of the boasting scene which opens the chanson de geste,12 Charlemagne, in the presence of his dukes and barons, proudly asks his wife: "Lady, have you ever seen a king beneath the sky whose sword so well became him or whose crown sat so well on his head? I will conquer yet more cities with my lance." She unwisely replied: "I know another who is more comely when he wears his crown among his knights." The emperor was wroth and demanded 9 Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature, VIII, 212, n. 4. University 0/ Michigan Publications, Lang, and Lit., VIII, 29 £. 1 0 J. Coulet, Etudes sur l'ancien poème français du voyage de Charlemagne (Montpellier,

1907). P- 70-

12

11

Mod. Phil., XXV (1928), 331 ff.

Karls des grossen Reise nach Jerusalem und Constantinopel,

1923), vss. 1-52.

ed. E. Koschwitz (Leipzig,

COUNT

GALOAIN'S

BOAST

I37

the name of this king, threatening to cut off her head if she lied. She answered: "I have heard many a word concerning King Hugon the Strong; he is emperor of Greece and Constantinople. . . . There is no knight so handsome from here to Antioch. No baronage was ever like to his, save yours." Charlemagne then declared that he would learn the truth and set out for the East. There is reason, accordingly, to surmise that this scene came into the Pèlerinage ultimately from a Celtic source. In the second place, Walter Map gives a version of the formula in his De Nugis Curialium and attaches it to a King of South Wales. 13 The King of Deheubarth,11 seated with his household at a banquet, boasted: "There is no province or kingdom under heaven from which I cannot easily carry off booty and return without a batde, for who can withstand me and my mighty following?" A member of his household, Triunein, replied that the King of Brecknock was so preeminent in his own valor and in that of his men that no other king could carry of! booty from him on a clear day. Thereupon the King of Deheubarth ordered Triunein to be bound and cast into prison, but relented and allowed him to lead an expedition against the King of Brecknock to test the truth of his assertion. We have already had evidence that the geography of Erec is largely that of Deheubarth and that Erec's combat at the ford can be traced back through Le Lai de l'Espine to legends localized in Carmarthenshire and Pembrokeshire.15 Here we have the formula of the king's boast linked to the King of Deheubarth, which included those counties. Thirdly, Professors Reinhard and Schlauch have noted 16 the resemblance between the king's boast in the Pèlerinage and a curious Irish tale, preserved in a form of the thirteenth or fourteenth century, though the tradition must go back in part to the eleventh,17 namely, "The Journeys of the Tuath Luchra (the Dwarf People) and the Death of Fergus." As the title suggests, this tale consists of two parts. The first part bears a most obvious likeness to Map's story of the King of Deheubarth, and the second part accounts for the intrusion of the taunting queen into the Arthurian formula of the king's boast.18 In the first part, Iubdan, king of the Lilliputian folk, the Lupracan, seated with his household and his queen at a banquet, bragged: "Have you ever seen a king that was better than myself? Horses or men of battle have you ever seen better than they who tonight are in this house? I give my word that it would be a hard task to take out of this house tonight either captives or hostages, so surpassing 19 Walter Map, De Nugis Curialium, Div. II, Chap. 1 1 . Ibid., trans. Tupper and Ogle (London, 1924), p. 92. 14 Map says that this means North Wales, but as Tupper, p. 3 3 1 , remarks, the author is 16 nodding here. Cf. supra, pp. 73-76, 1 3 1 . 18 University of Michigan Pub., Lang and Lit., VIII, 29-37. M. Schlauch, Romance in Iceland, 17 p. 164, n. 34. R. Thurneysen, Irische Helden- und Kônigsage, pp. 540 f. 18 Ibid., pp. 542-47. Cross and Slover, Ancient Irish Tales, pp. 471-87.

138

EREC

arc its heroes and men of battle." A member of his household, Esirt, then declared: "I know of a province in Ireland, one man of which could take hostages and captives from all four battalions of the Lupracan." King Iubdan then ordered Esirt to be seized, but relented and allowed him to go to Emain Macha to bring back some proof of his assertion. Later Iubdan himself went to test the might of the Ulstermen, and returned after great humiliations. In the second part, Fergus, king of Ulster, was disfigured by a water monster in Dundrum Bay. His queen, during a quarrel, taunted him with his wry mouth and suggested that he revenge himself. Fergus went to the bay and killed the monster, but was himself fatally wounded. Both parts, one may observe, have an clement in common: a king, whose pride is offended by criticism, takes up the challenge to his honor and meets with misfortune. In the first part it is Iubdan's superiority in arms which is called in question ; in the second, it is Fergus' physical beauty which is the subject of his wife's taunt. Telescoping the two stories would be natural, and it would account for the main features of the boast formula as we find it in the Pèlerinage and in Arthurian romance. Let me list them. ( 1 ) Quarrel between king and queen: Pèlerinage, Diu Krone, De Ortu Walwanii, Rigomer, King Arthur and King Cornwall, Arthur and Gorlagon, L'Atre Périlleux. (2) King's physical attractions impugned by woman : Pèlerinage, Dutch Lancelot. (3) King's assertion of his superiority in arms challenged by a woman: Dutch Lancelot, De Ortu Walwanii, Rigomer, L'Atre Périlleux. (4) Long journey to the court of rival: Pèlerinage, Arthur and Gorlagon, King Arthur and King Cornwall, Hunbaut. (5) Humiliating outcome for the boastful king: De Ortu Walwanii, Dutch Lancelot, L'Atre Périlleux. These versions of the boast have been affected, of course, by other narrative patterns; for example, the Pèlerinage and Arthur and Gorlagon have incorporated many other Irish motifs, 18 and De Ortu Walwanii and Diu Krone have absorbed the Welsh combat at the ford. 20 Taking into account these contaminations, we need not be surprised at the various forms which the king's boast has taken. But underlying them all we recognize the composite Irish tale of The Journeys of the Tuath Luchra and the Death of Fergus. There lies the ultimate source of Count Galoain's boast. For the rest of Galoain's part in the story I have been unable to discover any traditional basis. Possibly this is pure invention on the part of the author of X ; possibly he was reworking some tale in which Gawain played a caddish role, as in Malory's story of Pelleas and Ettard. 21 18

21

C f . supra, n. 11.

20

Cf. Journ. of Eng. and Germ. Phil., XLII (1943). 171-78.

Malory, Works, ed. E. Vinaver (Oxford, 1947), I, 163-71; III, 1351-56).

GUIVRET AND HIS SISTERS

x

39

Chapter XX GUIVRET AND HIS SISTERS VERSES 3 6 6 3 - 3 9 3 0 , 4 9 3 9 - 5 4 4 6 ,

64II-67

After their escape from Galoain and his men, Erec and Enide were passing by a tower and were espied by a very small \night, who armed himself and rode fiercely against Erec. There was the usual desperate battle, and after six hours Erec forced his tiny opponent to surrender. The latter revealed himself as Guivret le Petit, a rich and powerful ruler of Irish vassals. On learning Erec's identity, he became his sworn friend and promised his aid in case of need. Some days later, after Erec's flight from Limors, he was riding again with Enide when he was encountered by Guivret. It was dar\ and Erec was so feeble from his wounds that the little King hurled him to the ground without recognizing him. But on discovering that it was Erec, Guivret had him cared for that night in a tent and provided him with pasties and wine from six cas\s. The next day the three proceeded to a castle called Penevric or Pointurie, and there the dwarf Ring's sisters, skilled in medicine, washed Erec's wounds and applied plasters until he recovered wholly. When he announced his intention to seel^ Arthur's court, Guivret offered to accompany them and before their departure presented Enide with a palfrey of a sorrel color, with a head part white, part blac\, with a green stripe between. When the trio neared the castle of Brandigan, Guivret warned Erec of its perils. Finally all three were welcomed by Arthur and Guenievre and were persuaded to remain at court. in Erec offers better credentials as a creation of the Celtic fancy than the dwarf k i n g Guivret, even t h o u g h the author of X stripped him of m a n y of his most uncanny attributes. Zenker made an illuminating study of the spirited and loyal monarch, 1 a n d showed that he had m u c h in c o m m o n , first, with W a u c h i e r ' s Petit Chevalier, w h o m w e have seen in Chapter X I to be a traditional figure, a n d secondly, with the f a m o u s Auberon of Huon de Bordeaux, whose A r t h u r i a n affinities have been generally recognized. 2 O PERSONAGE

Let us see what links connect Guivret w i t h W a u c h i e r ' s dwarf k n i g h t w h o g u a r d e d the talismanic shield. Both display incredible prowess in 1

Zts. f . franz. Sprachc u. Lit., XLV1II (1925-26), 30-37. Paton, Fairy Mythology, pp. 114-30. C. Voretzsch, Composition des Huon von Bordeaux, pp. 123-38. E. Bruggcr, Illuminated Tree in Two Arthurian Romances (New York, 1929), p. 28. Mod. Lang. Rev., XX (1925), 158. Zts. f . rom. Phil., LIV (1934), 74 ff2

I4O

EREC

arms. 3 Both, when the hero has been engaged in combat, provide a lodge (or tent), food, and drink. 4 Both are lords of great castles.5 Both have a sister or sisters to whose care the hero is committed.6 Both accompany him to Arthur's court. More telling are the resemblances between Guivret and Auberon. Both are dwarfs who have large armies at their command.7 Both go singly to meet the hero when he trespasses on their domains.8 Both promptly become his friends, swear to come to his aid when he is in need, and do so.9 Both tell him of the perils of a certain castle and advise him to pass it by.10 Both are most generous with gifts. 11 Both are welcomed by Arthur to his court. 12 The relationship between the three dwarfs is clinched by the resemblances between Auberon and Wauchier's Petit Chevalier. Auberon's domain consists of a forest forty leagues long; Wauchier's dwarf calls himself "li Chevaliers Petis del castel de la forest grande." 13 Both are marvelously beautiful. 14 Both are as small as a child of five or seven years.15 Both possess a talisman ( e s c u , hanap) by which the hero and others are tested.10 Both have a horn to summon their retainers.17 Both display great prowess in a tournament before King Arthur. 18 The traditional nature and activities of Guivret were recognized by the Welsh author of Geraint, for he noted that the Cymry called him the Little King. 19 In fact, two Welshmen of the twelfth century recorded stories of dwarf kings which recall certain aspects of Guivret. Giraldus Cambrensis 20 told of a boy from the neighborhood of Swansea who was led to the land of the dwarfs and was received most hospitably by the king. The inhabitants were models of honor and truth, and deeply resented human treachery. A significant point, though not recorded of Guivret, is the fact that these pigmies rode on horses as small as greyhounds. Walter Map 21 knew a legend of a diminutive king, who ap3

Erec, vss. 3680-822. Potvin, Perceval le Gallon, V, vss. 31729 ff. 6 Erec, vss. 5127-67. Potvin, vss. 32617-27. Erec, vss. 5187 f. Potvin, vss. 3 1 8 8 9 - 3 1 9 1 6 . 6 Erec, vss. 5190-5225. Potvin, vss. 3 1 6 8 2 - 3 1 8 7 5 , 32729-79. ''Erec, vss. 4960-68. Huon de Bordeaux, ed. F. Guessard and C. Grandmaison (Paris, i860), 8 p. 1 0 1 . Erec, vs. 3 7 7 1 . Huon, p. 98. 9 Erec, vss. 3890-3917, 5953-71. Huon, pp. 104, m , 134, 198. 10 Erec, vss. 5387-5446. Huon, pp. 136 £. 11 Erec, vss. 5 2 1 2 - 1 7 , 5316-58. A. Graf, I Complementi della chanson d'Hiion de Bordeaux, I, Auberon (Halle, 1878), vss. 2179-2245. 12 Erec, vss. 6462 £., 6503-9. Graf, Auberon, vss. 2 2 0 6 - 1 1 . 14 13 Huon, p. 94. Potvin, V, vss. 32087 f. Huon, p. 94. Potvin, vss. 31665-69. 16 11 Huon, p. 102. Potvin, vs. 31697. Huon, pp. n o , 303 f. Potvin, vss. 31800-31829. 17 Huon, p. 97. Potvin, vss. 31744-55. 18 Graf, Auberon, vss. 2212-47. Potvin, vss. 32484-32513. 19 Loth, Mabinogion, 2d ed., II, 168. 20 Opera, ed. J. F. Dimock, VI (London, 1868), 75. Cf. Mod. Phil., XXXVIII ( 1 9 4 1 ) , 294 f. 21 Map, De Nugit Curialium, ed. M. R. James (Oxford, 1 9 1 4 ) , p. 13. ¡bid., trans. Tupper and Ogle (London, 1924), pp. 1 5 - 1 8 . Cf. Mod. Phi!., XXXVIII, 301 f. 4

GUIVRET

AND

HIS

SISTERS

I4I

peared, riding on a goat, to an ancient British sovereign, Herla, made a friendly compact with him, brought his own servants to cater at Herla's wedding with gold and crystal vessels, guided him to his own land, and showered him with gifts, including horses. Map's emphasis on the dwarf king's presence at a wedding and his provision of food and drink in splendid vessels from a far-off land suggests comparison with another Welsh figure, Gwiddolwyn Gorr (the Dwarf), whose magic bottles could keep a drink warm even though borne from the East to the West and which were required in preparation for the nuptials of Kulhwch and Olwen. 22 It is highly probable that Gwiddolwyn is the original of the dwarf king Gleodalen, whom Chretien mentions among the wedding guests of Erec and Enide. 23 Ireland, too, had its Lilliputian king, as we have just seen in the very saga of The Journeys of the Tuath Luchra, which influenced the Arthurian formula of the king's boast. Like the dwarfs of Giraldus' tale, Iubdan is "of truthful utterance." 24 Like them, he possesses a miniature steed, as small as a hare. 25 Most significant is the fact that this animal had a pure crimson mane, four green legs, a gold-colored body, and a gold-encrusted bridle; 2 6 for not only have we met in the Wigalois version of the sparrowhawk adventure two strange horses with red manes,27 but we may now observe that the horse which Guivret presented to Enide had a goldcolored (sors) body, a golden bridle, and a green stripe on its head.28 This palfrey is as surely Celtic as the dappled one which Enide had received earlier in the story from her cousin. So too was the donor of the palfrey, whom the Welsh called the Little King. But the author of Geraint, though he recognized the Little King as a personage familiar to his countrymen, found the name "Gwiffret Petit" foreign; it was used by the French and Saxons. 29 So far as I am aware, Guivret appears with the epithet "petit" or as a dwarf only where the influence of Erec is demonstrable.30 Guivret's counterpart, Auberon, does not derive his name from the Celts.31 Wauchier leaves his Chevalier Petit 22

Loth, Mabinogion, 2d ed., I, 309. Erec, ed. Foerster (Halle, 1890), vs. 2005, ms. H. 28 Cross and Slover, Ancient Irish Tales, p. 475. Ibid., p. 476. 27 26 Ibid., p. 477. Cf. Chap. XI. 28 Erec, vss. 5322-34. On this and similar many-colored horses cf. Zts. f. franz. Sprache u. Lit., XLVIII, 3 7 - 4 1 ; Revue des langues romanes, L X V ( 1 9 2 7 - 8 ) , 2 1 3 . 29 Loth, Mabinogion, II, 168. 80 Wauchier (Potvin, Perceval le Gallois, V, vs. 3 1 3 7 4 ) has "Guiviers li petis," but the passage draws clearly on Erec. There is a dwarf-king Givreiz in Lanzelet (P. Piper, Höfische Epik,, II, 188), but its author certainly used Hartmann's Erek.. 81 Auberon probably derived his name from the famous dwarf Alberich of Germanic romance. Cf. C. Voretzsch, op. cit., Chap. 7, especially p. 265, n. 2. Another example of borrowing a Germanic name and applying it to a similar figure in Brythonic folk-tradition is found in Map's story of Herla, which is plainly Brythonic in its content but which assigns to the Wild Huntsman a name etymologized out of Hellequin, a Germanic word containing, as all scholars 28

24

142

EREC

anonymous, and so do Giraldus and Map their pigmy monarchs. But surely, though the Welsh did not call the Little King Gwiifret or anything like it, they did not leave him nameless. There is reason to suppose that Guivret had two Welsh dwarfs as prototypes. One slender thread of connection leads us to Gwiddolwyn Gorr, mentioned above. Guivret rides with Erec and Enide to the scene of their last adventure and gives warning of its perils, much as the dwarf in Libeaus Desconus rides with Gingelein and Elene and warns the hero of the perils of the sparrow-hawk adventure. 32 Likewise, Guivret provides pasties and wine for Erec in his need, much as the dwarf in Libeaus Desconus serves Gingelein and Elene "of al that nede was." 3 3 Now this dwarf is called Teodelain, 34 and one is reminded of Chretien's dwarf king Gleodalen. The corruption of the name may easily be due to the common loss of the initial letter in manuscript transmission, 35 and to the mistaking of I for t. Gleodalen, in turn, seems to be descended from Gwiddolwyn the dwarf in Kulhwch. All this may be merely a series of coincidences. But if it is not, then Guivret has inherited a bit of the legend of Gwiddolwyn, and his casks full of good wine may be the very botheu (bottles) of the Welsh dwarf. 3 8 Since there can be no doubt of the tendency in Arthurian tradition to blend two or more similar personages, it is quite possible that Guivret has also inherited the role of another dwarf who appears as Gleodalen's overlord in Chretien's list of the guests at Erec's marriage, namely Bilis or Belin. 37 Bilis, who is introduced as King of the Antipodes and of the dwarfs and as a very noble man, can hardly be other than Giraldus' pigmy monarch, who dwelt in the lower hemisphere and whose probity was of the highest. Bilis is in turn identifiable with Pelles, King of the "Basse Gent," in Perlesvaus,38 for basse evidently refers to stature, as in Meraugis: "la noif est haute et Ii nains bas." 39 Pelles is the hero's hermit uncle, and in the Didot Perceval this uncle inhabited a house of which the door was agree, the element Hölle. Cf. W . Map, De Nugis Curialium, trans. Tupper and Ogle, pp. 1518, 233 f., 322 f.; O. Driesen, Ursprung des Harlekin (Berlin, 1904); G. Cohen in Yale Romanic Studies, XXII ( 1 9 4 3 ) , 2 1 . Another example of this fusion of Germanic nomenclature with Brythonic tradition is found in Adam de la Halle's feu de la Fenillée, where Morgue (i.e. Morgain la Fée) chooses for her lover Hellekin, "le grigneur prinche qui soit en faerie." Cf. A. Rambeau, Die dem Trouvere Adam de la Hale zugeschriebene Dramen (Ausgaben u. Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiete der romanischen Philologie, LVIII, 1886), p. 9 1 , vss. 758 f.; p. 92, vss. 827-30. 32 Erec, vss. 5367-5492. Libeaus Desconus, ed. M. Kaluza, vss. 751-804. 33 Erec, vss. 5146-69. Libeaus Desconus, vss. 478-80. 34 Libeaus Desconus, vss. 145, 508. Cf. Kaluza's note, p. 139. 35 J. D. Bruce, Evolution of Arthurian Romance, II, 1 3 m . 36 Erec, vs. 5 1 5 1 . White Book. Mabinogion, ed. J. Gwenogvryn Evans, col. 482. 37 Erec, vss. 1 9 9 3 - 2 0 1 1 . 38 Perlesvaus, ed. Nitze and others, I, 11. 37 f. 39 Raoul de Houdenc, Meraugis de Portlesguez, ed. M. Friedwagner, vs. 1424.

GUIVRET AND HIS SISTERS

I43

so low {bas) that it behoved Perceval to bend down on entering.40 Therefore, though it is not explicitly stated, Pelles, as well as his people, was unusually short. When we consider how much Chretien makes of Guivret's giving shelter to the wounded Erec and of the healing ministrations of Guivret's sisters, we cannot ignore the fact that the author of Pertesvaus makes much of Pelles' giving shelter to the sick hero in a hermitage and of the ministrations of Pelles' female cousin.41 When Perlesvaus felt well again, he sallied forth armed, met Lancelot in a fierce combat, was severely wounded, and again "the damsel, who was very wise, cared for the wounds of the knights." This was a traditional story of King Pelles and his kinswomen, for the same situation occurs in the Vulgate Lancelot with the parts of Lancelot and Perceval reversed.42 Here it is Lancelot, the hero of the romance, who was wounded and tended by a hermit in his hermitage, was recognized and given shelter by King Pelles and his daughter, was healed of his madness by the Grail (of which Pelles' daughter had been the bearer),43 and on being cured engaged in a fierce battle with Perceval. We have, then, two dwarf kings, Bilis and Pelles, and the latter resembles Guivret. Furthermore, the character Pelles is curiously involved and confused in the prose romances with King Pellinor,44 and it is not to be overlooked that a 4 1 m , 4 1 3 , 429. 435-37 Brandegorys, 244 Bran de Lis, 224, 229, 275, 436 f. Brandigan, 168, 170 f., 177, 224, 241 f. Brandus des Illes, 224, 241 f., 246, 436 Brangemuer, 178, 244, 4 1 m Brangorre, 64 f., 224, 241 f., 244-46, 254, 392, 429 Branmague, 244, 249 Branwen, 170, 242, 249, 349, 386 f. Brendan, 290 f., 293 Bres, 327 f. Briant des Illes, 1 5 7 Bricriu's feast, 26, 36, 42, 47, 63, 65 f., 1 5 1 , 206-8, 238. 278-81, 283 f., 286, 3 1 5 , 370, 375. 419. 443 Bridan, 434 f. Brien, 435 Broceliande, 18, 129, 168, 216, 273, 292 f. Bron, 46, 50, 53, 63-65, 67, 1 7 1 , 1 7 3 , 175, 224, 242. 245 f., 386, 397, 413 Brun Brandalis, 396 Brun de la Montaigne, 292 Brun de Morois, 78 Bruto di Brettagna, 86 Cabal, 1 3 Cadoc de Cardueil or Tabriol, 160 f. Caer Loyw, 177, 219 Caer Seint, 29 Caer Siddi, 249 Caerleon, 28, 74, 76, 197, 2 1 5 Cacrwent, 28, 3 1 , 7 1 , 73 f. Cahus, 274, 276 Cailte, 337, 412, 414 Caladbolg, 423-25 Calatir, 1 1 2 , 272, 290, 304 f. Calder, see Calatir Caledvwlch, 187, 407, 4 2 3 ^ Calidoine, 410 f. Calogrcnant, 273-78, 281, 285, 289 Camelot, 31 f., 201, 210, 256 Camlann, 1 3 , 196 Caradawc Breich Bras, 28, 50, 98-100

Caradawc, son of Bran, 352 f. Caradigan, 29 f., 68, 75, 77 Caradoc of Lancarvan, 14, 20, 30, 197, 2 1 4 , 218 f., 264 f. Carahes, 80, 2 1 3 , 3 2 1 , 434 Cardiff, 76 Carduino, 37, 80, 160, 340, 400-403, 405-7 Carl of Carlisle, 286 Carlisle, 29-31, 75, 160-62, 195, 273, 291 I. Carnant, see Caerwent Castellum Guinnion, 49 Cath Paluc, 13 Cattle Raid of Cooley, 26, 330, 336, 424 Cattle Raid of Flidais, 424 Cattle Raid of Fraech, 375 Cavalon, 86, 229, 370, 417-20 Cawline, 130 Caxton, 67 Celtchar, 381 Celyddon, 12, 4 1 1 Chapalu, 1 3 , 306» Charlemagne, 136 f. Chastel Orguelleus, 417 Chepstow, h i Chester, 1 2 Chevalier as Deus Espees, 246 Chevalier de la Charrette, 187-266 Chevalier de la Cote Maltaillié, 128, 439 Chevalier du Papegau, 86, 89, 96, 306 Chievrefoil, 17 Christinobyl, 2570 Ci Nous Dit, 312« Clamadeu, 363, 3 7 m Clarent, 422n Clarianz, 448, 458 f. Clarie, 84, 160 Clarine, 458 Clarion, 157 Claris and Laris, 1 1 9 , 292, 3 1 8 Clarissant, see Clarianz Claudas, 282 f. Clidna, 179 Cliges, 4, 8, 198, 201, 251 Colloquy of the Ancients, 297 f., 4 1 2 Conall, 3 1 4 Conchobar, 26, 63, 65, 327, 336, 338, 360, 390 Conn, 376, 3 8 1 , 390 Connla, 327 f. Conte del Graal, 335-461 Corbenic, 94, 144, 173 f., 205, 210, 2 1 2 , 246, 392, 410, 431-33 Cornwall, 14 f., 2 1 , 66, 76, 2 1 5 Cotoatre, 394, 408 f., 4 1 1 Couldrette, 10 Creiddylat, see Kreiddylat Crimall, 338, 404, 430, 432

INDEX OF NAMES AND TITLES C u c h u l a i n n , 26, 45 f-. 8 5 .

I2

9> 151-53. 192.

104, 207-9, 211, 227, 230 f., 280, 283 f., 287 f., 297, 3 0 8 , 3 1 5 . 3 * 7 . 3 3 0 .

335-39.

341, 360, 369 f., 384, 406 f., 4>9 f-> 4 4 ' . 4 4 3 fC u n e d a , 27 C u n n e w a r e , 358»» C u r o i , 26 {., 204. 207-11, 230 f., 238, 28089, 293, 308, 370, 382, 406, 408, 419 f., 443-45 Cyclops, 288 C y p r u s , 67, 97 D a f y d d a p G w i l y m , 132, 197, 215 D a g d a , 298 D a i r e t h e R e d , 404-6, 414 D a n e b o r c , 31, 75, 108-17 D a n e m a r c h e , 113 D a v i d I of S c o t l a n d , 109, 111 De Ortu Walwami, 134 f., 138, 2770, 406 D e a n , F o r e s t o f , 76 Death of Cuchulainn, 26 Death of Eochaid Mac Maireda, 298 f . Death of Fergus, 137 f., 425 D e c h t e r e , 152, 336 Degare, 130, 326 f . D e h e u b a r t h , 71, 74, 137 D e i r d r e , 414 f . D e n b i g h s h i r e , 184 Desiri, 92, 112, 124, 271 f., 290, 293, 304 D e s t r e g a l e s , 70 f., 73-75 Destruction of Da Derga't Hostel, 287 D i a n e , 295 D i a r m a i d , 227, 337 Didot Perceval, 61, 64 (., 69, 72, 124, 130 f., 142, 170, 175, 228, 242, 246, 271, 310, 342 f „ 386, 389, 391, 432, 446, 458 D i m i l i o c , 15 D i n a s B r a n , 31, 184, 224, 242, 392 D o , 160-62 D o d i n e l , 339 f., 401 D o n , 162 D o n n D c t s c o r a c h , 166 Doon, 94, 110, 112, 326 f . Dream of Maxen, 445-47, 458 f. Dream of Rhonabwy, 22, 30, 270 f., 423 D r u s t a n , 50 D u m b a r t o n , 109, 111 Durmart le Gallois, 78, 86, 204 D u t c h Lancelot, 69, 126, 134 f., 138 E b r a u c u s , 109 E d e r n , 19 f . E d i n b u r g h , 31, 75, 108, 110-17, 272 E d w a r d III, 67 Eger and Grime, Eg/amour, 124

144, 276 f., 315, 451

495

Eilhart von Oberg, 3 ' 7 E l a i n e , 458 f. E l e a n o r of P o i t o u , 18 E l e n , d a u g h t e r of E u d a v , 447, 458 f . E l e n e , 81, 101, 142 E l i d i a , 101 Elie, 101 E l i e z e r , 82 Elucidation, 171 f., 174, 184, 247 Enfances Gauvain, 112 E n i d e , 34 f., 68, 79-82, 84 f., 89, 99-101, 103-5, 118-21, 123, 128, 139, 14t. 162 f., 167 f. E o c h a i d m a c E o g h a n , 297 E o c h u , 52 Ercol, 211 f., 315 Erec, specially, 61-184 Erek, 77 E r i u , 327, 378, 416 Escalibor, 189, 282, 421-2; Escalot, 305«, 427 Escanor, 143, 157, 356 Esclados Ii Ros, 278, 282 f., 294, 296, 308 E s c l a r m o n d e , 157 Escoce, 75, 409 f . Escolasse, 409, 411 Escossuatre, 408 Estoire del Saint Graal, 191, 245 f., 386, 388 Estregales, tee D e s t r e g a l e s E t i e n n e d e B o u r b o n , 359 E t i e n n e d e R o u e n , 18, 305 E t n a , 114, 198, 306 E u d a v , 446 E u r a i n , 168 f., 176 f., 184, 234 E v r a w c , 109, 346 f. E w e n , 272, 302 f. Exile of the Sons of Usnech,

414

F a n d , 297, 304, 308, 368 f., 419, 441 Fate of the Children

of Turenn,

26, 188, 379,

392 Faula, 157 Fergus, u s f . , 291, 365 f . F e r g u s m a c Leite, 138, 425 F e r g u s m a c R o i c h , 65, 330, 424 f. F i n n , 335-39, 341, 353, 357, 403-5, 413 f., 430-32 F i n n a b a i r , 196 F i r t h of F o r t h , 408 Floovant, 83 f . F l o r e e , 82-85, 160 f., 302, 370 F l o r e n c e , 206 f., 295, 370 F l o r e t e , 83 Floriant et Florete, 88 f., 306 Folie Tristan, 200 F o m o r i a n s , 236, 325, 327 Fou\e Fitz Warin, 31, 50, 242, 392

496

INDEX

OF N A M E S

Four Branches of the Mabinogi, 27, 45, 73 f., 149 f., 295, 341, 344. 347. 352. 385, 403 Froissart, n o , 319 Fuetrer, 161 Gaheriet, 72, 161, 192, 399-402, 405 f. Gaherys, 53 Gahmuret, 40, 53, 243, 348-50 Gaimar, 29, 73, 316 Gaion, 242 f. Galaad, 45, 61 f., 64, 173 f., 191 194, 235 f., 243, 326, 410, 452 Galehaut, see Galehos Galehos, 255-58 Galeschin, 322 Galicnc, 54, 365 Galloway, 111; see also Galvoie Galoain, 133-36 Galvoie, 438, 441, 447. 45*. 455. 457 Garel von dem Blühenden Thal, 216 Gareth, 53, 72 f., 75, 86, 116, 128 t., 131, 151, 180-82, 230, 296 f., 304, 440; see also Beaumayns Garlot, 247, 305 f. Gasozein, 46, 135 Gauvain (main discussion), 146-55 Gawain and the Green Knight, 41 f., 85, 126, 278-82, 284, 288, 367, 406, 418, 420 Genewis, 55 Geoffrey of Monmouth, 15 f., 22, 85, 109, 111, 146, 160, 188 f., 198 f., 202, 271, 289, 300, 345, 422, 455 Geraint, 32-37, 70, 83 f., 86, 99-101, 103-5, 117, 121-23, 140 f., 155, 158 Gerbert de Montreuil, 134 f., 342, 351, 361, 366 f., 389, 409, 412 Gervase of Tilbury, 92 Gesta Regum Britanniae, 102 Giflet, 162 Gilvaethwy, 162 Giraldus Cambrensis, 22, 30, 62, 71, 140, 292, 388, 451 Glastonbury, 30, 78, 89, 214 f., 217, 219, 456 Glecidalan, see Gleodalen Gleodalen, 141 f. Glewlwyd Gavaelvawr, 238 Gloucester, 89, 219, 455 f. Glouchedon, 157 Gloyw, 89» Goddeu, Battle of, 68 Godefroy de Lagny, 8, 362 Gododdin, 12 Goirre, 44, 218-22, 243, 260, 262, 453 Gomeret, 74, 349 Gorlois, 15 Gornemant de Gohort, 360-63, 372 Gottfried von Strassburg, 252

AND

TITLES

Grassholm, see Gwales Gray-Steel, 165, 276 Greoreas, 433-37, 452 Gron, 396, 399, 409 Gryngamor, 86, 180, 182 Guendoloena, 197, 277 Guenievre, 14, 20, 45, 49, 68, 76-79, 84, 97, 104, 191, 193 f., 199-202, 214 f., 218, 231, 250. 253-55, 263, 265, 273-75, 277, 279, 3i8, 357 Guerec, 70 f. Guerehes, 72, 75, 122 Gut de Warewic, 312 Guigamor, 54, 86, 96, 102, 119, 181, 244, 305, 417. 419 Guigemar, 68 Guillaume d'Angleterre, 4, 8 Guillem Torella, 94 Guingalet, 143, 156-59 Guingambresil, 82, 229 f., 417-20 Guingamor, see Guigamor Guingamor, lai of, 40, 54, 102 Guinglain, 92, 115 f„ 125, 129, 328, 339 Guinloie, 19 Guiomar, 180 Guiromelant, 438 f., 441, 448-51 Guivret, 80, 85, 139, 140-45, 432, 435«, 436, 439 Gundebald, 221 Gurgalain, 407 Gurun, 112 Gwalchmei, 147 f., 155, 158 Gwales, 64, 170, 224, 386 f. Gware, 73, 128, 150 f. Gweir, 71, 73-75, 149 f., 152, 192 Gwenhwyvar, 196 f., 215 f. Gwiddolwyn, 141 f. Gwri, 27, 71, 73-75, 128, 1 4 9 - 5 4 Gwrnach Gawr, 220, 361, 407 Gwrvan, 149, 154 Gwyar, 147 f. Gwyddneu, 387 Gwydion, 295 Gwynedd, 66, 74, 349 Gwynn, 133, 217 f., 263 Hardyng, Stephen, 67 Hartmann von Aue, 271; see also Erek. Havgan, 131 f., 264, 266, 449 f. Hector, 88, 158, 247, 424»» Helinandus, 388 Henry IT, 18, 31 Herla, 141, 145 Herman of Laon or Tournai, 15, 20 Herzeloyde, 193, 348 Historia Meriadoci, 221, 229, 362 Hoel, 147, 326

INDEX OF NAMES AND TITLES Hue de Tabarie, 183 Hunbaut, 134 f., 138 Huon de Bordeaux, 139, 144, 1 7 2 Huth Merlin, 4$, 69, 102, 106 f., 189, 1 9 1 , 261, 289, 295, 306, 3 1 8 , 329, 340, 380, 382, 422, 425, 454 Iblis, 100, 2 6 ; Idain, 101 f. Igerne, 448 Ille d'Or, 92, 94 Intoxication of the Ulstermen, 379 Irain, 178 Ireland, 191 f. I scut, 8, 198, 2 5 1 , 318 Isle des Puceles, 320, 326 Ither von Gaheviez, 399, 402 lubdan, 137 £., 1 4 1 I vain, see Yvain Iweret, 233 £., 264 f. laufre, 66, 306 f. Jaufre de Vigeois, 313, 3 1 6 Jean d' Outremeuse, 94, 157 Jedburgh, 366 Jerusalem, 61, 67 Johfrit de Liez, 361 Joseph of Arimathea, 63 f., 410 Josephes, 173, 245 Journeys of the Tuath Ltuhra, 137 £., 141 Joyous Garde, 32 Judas Iscariot, 61, 65 Kadwr, 423 Kaer Loyw, 455 £. Kaer Siddi, 221 Kahcdin, 326 Kay, tee Kei and Keu Keating, History of Ireland, 47 Kei, 13 Keincaled, 158 f. Kelliwic, 14, 196 Kentigern, Life of St., 17, 272, 302 f. Keu, 45, 96, 146, 154 £., 197, 201-4, 2 3"> 250, 252, 274 f„ 357 f. King Arthur and King Cornwall, 134 f., 138 Kreiddylat, 14, 217 f. Krone, 92, 96, 98, 130, 134 f., 138, 168, 320 Kulhwch and Olwen, 1 3 f., 20, 22, 27, 30, 46, 63, 71-73, 91, 1 3 3 , 147 f., 179, 187 f., 199, 202, 217, 220, 238, 263, 286 £., 337, 357. 387, 423. 455 Kynon, 278-80 Kyot, 451 Labran, 389 £., 410 Lac. 55. 71-73. 190. 193

497

Lady (Countess) of the Fountain, see Owain Lahelin, 398 f. Lai de l'Espine, 90, 94, 130 £., 137, 156, 276 L Lai du Cor, 98, 100, 244, 248 Lai du Trot, 106, 261 Lalut, 107 Lancelot, 49, 55. 77 80, 97, 106, 108, 143 f„ 163, 177, 180, 190-95. 3 1 5 . 322, 326, 367, 421, 425, 427 f., 434 £., 444 Lancelot, see Chevalier de la Charrette Lanceor, 191 Laniure, 320 Lanval, 17, 88, 92, 99, 125, 198, 305 I24. Lanzelet, 77 f., 80, 88, 91 f., 97. 154, 163-65, 167, 179. "93. 195. 2 33 f-> 257 f., 264, 339, 361, 3620, 364, 455. 458, 465 Laudine, 272 t., 283 f., 291, 296 f., 301-9 Laudonez, 272 £., 302 f. Launfai, 87 £., 105, 123 f., 3 1 5 Lay of the Great Fool, 288, 340 Layamon, 28, 6 ; f., 102 Leborcham, 339 Leconuials, 35 Leo, 190 Liban, 296-300, 304, 308, 416, 441 £. Li beans Desconus, 79, 81 f., 84, 1 0 1 , 128, 142, 160, 178, 439, 458 Limors, 162 f., 165, 167 £., 176, 458 Linier, 257 Lion, 55, 190, 295 Lionbruno, 124 f. Lionel, 29$, 326 Livre d'Artus, 82-84, 1 1 3 , 160-65, 167, 176, 180, 289, 370 Livre de Caradoc, 4 1 , 100 Llan£erres, 184, 270 Llangollen, 184 Llenlleawc, 52, 55, 187 f., 190, J92, 195, 423 Lieu, 27 Llew, 55, 295 Lludd and Llevelys, 344, 391 Llwch, 52, 71-74, 187, 190-95, 238 Llywarch Hen, 269 Logres, 389, 391, 408, 410, 453 t., 456 Loospine, 144 Lore, 161 Loth, 53 f., 72 f., 75, 111-14, 152, 188-92, 194 £., 326 Lothian, 49, 75, 1 1 0 - 1 2 , 1 1 4 - 1 7 , 1 8 1 , 272, 290-93, 303-5, 307, 316, 365 £. Lucan, 422 Lucius Hibenis, 188-90, 192, 194 Lug, 25-27, 45, 52, 152, 188, 192, 194 f., 209, 236, 287 t., 376-82 Lugaid, 3 1 4

498

INDEX OF NAMES AND TITLES

Lugdunum, 1 9 ; Lugnasad, 377 f. Lunete, 293-97. 299< }ooi., 303. 308, 3 1 1 , 3 1 7 . 441 Lynet, 128, 296 f., 299, 303, 441 Lyones, 54, 86, n 6 , 180-82, 230, 239, 260, 296 f., 299, 303 £., 307, 364-67. 370, 4*9 Mabon, 13, 46, 9 1 , 176-78, 184, 269 Mabonagrain, 46, 48, 165, 169, 175-80, 184, 234.164 Mabuz, 46, 91, 163-65, 176, 179 t. Maduc, 176 Maheloas, 218 f., 256, 262, 264 Malduc, 92 Malchot, Dame de, 255-58, 262, 429, 456 Malgiers, 176 Malory, 42, 53, 61, 67-69, 72, 80, 86, 89, 102, 107, 1 1 6 , 128 f., 1 5 1 , 180, 1 9 1 , 21618, 230, 244, 260, 265, 296 f., 299, 303, 321 f., 365, 380 f., 4«7-i9. 439 Manannan, 25 £., 202, 297, 350, 383 f., 391 f., 444 f. Manawydan, 13, 27, 46, 2 2 1 , 242, 249 t., 352 Manawydan, 69, 249, 342-44, 351 Manessier, 64, 246, 3 1 8 , 388, 396-99, 402 f., 409, 4 1 1 - 1 3 Mangars, 247 Mangon, 248 f., tee Amangon Mangounz, 244 f., 248 Mantel Mal Taillé, 97, 100 Map, Walter, 8, 20, 137, 140, 145, 166-68, 393 Maponos, 165 Marcabrun, 18 Marcarot, 247 f. Margerie, 86 Margon, 246 £., 306 Marie de Champagne, 8 - 1 1 , 194, 463, 465 f. Marie de France, 10 f., 17, 23, 28, 74, 88 Mark, 8, 200, 251 Math Vab Mathonwy, 188 Matrona, 46, 91, 269 Maugalie, 83 Maugit d'Aigremonl, 129, 3 1 5 Medb, 26, 330, 375, 424 Medea, 300 Medraut, tee Modred Meleagant (Melwas), 14, 45, 194, 214 £., 2 1 7 - 1 9 , 221, 240, 242 £., 250, 256, 259-66, 315 Meliadoc, 108 Meliador, no Meliant, 243, 426-29 Melior, 93 f, Meliz, 108

Melrose, 49, 1 1 0 f. Melusine, 93 f. Melwas, 197, 214-19, 259, 264 f., 427, 429 Melyon, 28 Meraugit de Portletguez, 86, 245, 329-31 Merlin, 9, 53, 61, 129, 178 f., 189, 289, 422, 454 Merveillet de Rigomer, 130, 134 f., 138, 233 Meydelant, Queen of, 88 f., 91, 97, 100, 124, 163, 179, 233, 259, 265, 306, 364 Milocratcs, 408 Milun, 326 Modena cathedral, 19 f., 78, 146, 197, 237 £. Modred (Medraut), 13, 15, 72 f., 196, 199, 400 f. Modron, 46, 5 1 , 9 1 , 123 t., 130, 145, 177, 269-73, 305, 308, 441 f. Mongan, 203 Mongibel, 66, 306 Möns Agned, 109, 1 1 1 Möns Dolorosus, 109-11 Mont St. Michel, 85, 160 Montescleire, 417 Moray, 1 1 2 Morcades, 53, 1 1 2 , 1 1 4 , 1 9 1 , 193, 195, 439 f., 448, 456 Mordrain, 175, 410, 431 Morgain, 23, 45, 47, 5 1 , 53-55, 66, 69, 86, 88 f., 91-97, 99 f., 102 f., 106, 1 1 1 - 1 4 , 1 1 8 f., 123-25, 144 f., 157 t., 179-84, 1 9 1 , 193. 239, 248, 259-62, 265, 270 f., 273, 294. 34-7. 309 f-. 364-68, 419, 429, 456 Morgause, 1 1 4 , 1 8 1 , 440 Morhaut, 3 1 5 , 325 Morien, 45, 345 Morilagan, 134 Morrigan, 26, 5 1 , 91, 270 f., 310 Morl Artu, 1 1 3 , 190-92, 198, 3 1 8 , 421, 427 Mule tant Frein, 208, 230, 283-87 Nantes, 70 Nascien, 410 Neckam, Alexander, 178, 3 1 3 Nennius, 12, 27, 49, 89, 109, 219, 455 Neutres, 53 Niniane, 106-8, 178 f., 193, 261 Noauz, 253-59, 429 Noiroison, 36, 309-11, 364, 368 Nuada, 52, 236 Nut, 326 Oengus, 298 Ogier le Danois, 1 1 3 , 1 1 9 , 124 Ogier le Danoit, 144 Ogurvan, 197, 2 1 5 Oitin in the Land 0) Youth, 91 Orcanie, 72, 191 f., 439 f., 457

INDEX OF NAMES AND TITLES Or cans, 191 Orguellcusc de Logres, 438-42, 448 Orfeo, 43, 92, 165, 167 Orguilleus dc Limors, 162, 164 f., 176 Oriande, 130 Oriles, 163-65, 176, 180 Orilus de Lalaader, 395 Otranto, 20 Ovid, 8 Ovide Moralisé, 8 Owain, 36, 91, 177, 184, 269-71, 273, 279, 316 Owain, 32 f., 36 f., 90, 270, 272 f., 278, 280 f., 286-89, 3°7, 310, 313 f., 319, 329, 331 Owein of Cyveilioc, 76 Owen, William, 216 f., 265 Partinal, 396, 409 Partonopeus de Blois, 90, 93 Parzival, 37, 90, 193; see W o l f r a m Pèlerinage Charlemagne, 136, 138 Pellehan, 380 f. Pelles, 142-45, 206, 212, 309, 352, 432 f., 436 Pellinor, 107, 143, 340, 3 5 1 , 400, 406, 433« Perceval, 45, 49, 53, 61 (., 65, 69, I 2 2 f . , 125, 130 f., 175, 193, 201, 223, 271 Perceval (Chretien's), see Conte del Graal Peredur, 344 {., 354 Peredur, 32 f., 37 f., 69, 89, 1 7 7 , 223, 257», 288, 336 f „ 339, 346, 360 {., 364, 366, 377, 387. 395 l > 398, 402, 407 t - 412, 415, 455 Perlesvaut, 50, 63 f., 142-45, 165, 225, 243, 246, 274, 276, 299, 342-45, 362, 367, 377, 386, 395-99. 402 f., 405, 407, 432, 446 Peter of Blois, 17 Petrus Alfonsi, 252 Petras Damianus, 313 Philippe de Flandres, 8, 10 f., 463, 486 f. Philomena, 251 Piere, 173 Pisear, 379», 380 f . Pluris, 80 Posidonius, 63 Prophetic Ecstasy of the Phantom, 26, 376, 378 Prose Lancelot, see Vulgate Lancelot Prose Tristan, 96 f., 100, 114, n 6 , 200, 318, 340, 399-401, 403, 405, 407 Proserpine, 295, 370 Pryderi, 69, 73 f., 149 f., 341-344, 346, 35254, 373, 385 f-. 391. 403. 413 fPseudo-Wauchier, 80, 176, 213, 224, 244, 247, 274, 295, 321, 384, 389, 412 f., 434, 441 Pulzella

Gaia, La, 124

499

Pmyll, 69, 90, 106 f., 125 f., 131 f., 203, 231, 264, 266, 277, 330, 344, 367. 369. 410, 441, 449, 456 Queste del Stunt Graal, 3 1 , 61, 64, 173-75, 198, 235, 243, 3 5 1 , 367, 381, 388 f., 41013. 431. 435. 45». 454 Red Knight of the Red Laundes, 165, 180-82, 364 Rheged, 269 Rhydderch, 387 f., 407, 4230 Riannon, 27, 106 f., 178 f., 261, 330, 344 Ridcaradoch, 15 Rion, 189 Ritho, 189 Robert de Boron, 61-63, 386 Robert, Earl of Gloucester, 109 Robert the Devil, 358 f. Roche de Sanguin, 448, 451 f., 455-57 Roman de Thibet, 284 Roman de Troie, 88, 158, 300 Ron, 422 Rotelan, 76 Roxburgh, n o , 366 Ruabon, 184 Rudlan, 76 Rumaret, 66 Sabins, 451, 454 Sagremor, 164 St. Brigit, 50 St. Cadawc, 73 St. John, 93 f. St. Kentigern, 272, 302 f. Scathach, 226 f., 327 Schastel Mortel, 113 Scodand, 67, 109-12, 1 1 5 ; see also Escoce Second Battle of Moytura, 26, 188, 192, 236, 2«7. 327 Severn, 3 1 , 451-56 Sibylia, 300 Sickbed of Cuchulainn, 26, 129, 151, 296-98, 304, 309, 368, 419 Sigune, 395, 398 Sinadon, 29 f., n o , 1 1 5 f., 345 Sir Gowther, 358 Sir Launfal, see Launfal Sir Orfeo, see Orfeo Sir Percyvelle, 37, 364, 398-403, 405, 407 Slothful Gillie, 290» Snowdon, 345; see also Sinadon Somerset, 89, 219 Sone de Nansai, 174, 221, 243, 362, 389, 391, 393 Sorelois, 453 Sorgales, 453 f.

500 Spoilt of Annwn, Stirling, n o

INDEX OF NAMES AND TITLES 13, 22, 187, 362

Tale of Talte s in, 338 Taliesin, 13, 269, 387 T a n r e e , 96 T e g a u , 28, 98-100 T e n n y s o n , 104 Teodelain, 142 T e r t r e Devée, 80 T h o m a s ( p o e t ) , 19, 39, 45, 200, 203, 251 f. T i e b a u t , 426 f., 429 T i n t a g e l , 75, 322 f, 426 f., 429 T o r , 261, 424; see also Hector Tornoiement Anticritt, 292 T r a a n , 242 f. Tragic Death of Connla, 327 Training of Cuchulainn, 226 Trebuchet, 408 f. Tristan, 10, 17 f., 21, 45, 50, 97, 155, 200, 203. 251, 3 ' 5 . 325 fTristan als Mönch, 90 Trittramssaga, 318 Troie, see Roman de Troie T r o i t , 13, 20 T r y a m o u r , 54, 88 T u a t h a De D a n a n n , 2 ; , 45, 236 f., 412 T w r c h T r w y t h , 199; see T r o i t Tydorel, 358, 382 Tyolet, 69 U r b a i n , 131, 271 U r i e n , 53, 91, 114, 177, 184, 269-72 Urlain, 389, 410 Uter, 61, 77, 160 Val sans Retor, 113» 180, 183 Valerin, 77 Violette, 81, 84 Virgil, 157, 178 Virgin Mary, 49 Vita Merlini, 89, 102, 124, 179 Voyage of Bran, 26, 290, 444 Voyage of Maelduin, 229

Voyage of the Sont of O'Corra, 358 Vengeance Raguidel, 101, 123, 176, 229 Violent Death of Curoi, 26, 152 Vulgate Lancelot, 40, 47, 64, 86, 106, 114, 122, 135, 143-45, ' 5 7 . 160, 179 f., 192 f „ 205 £., 210, 212 f., 239, 241 f „ 245, 247. 255-58, 282, 318, 322 £., 421, 428, 434, 453 f-. 456, 458 Vulgate Merlin, 112, 129, 156 t., 247, 289, 318, 339. 351. 421. 424 Wace, 4, 18, 22, 61 f., 75, 146, 198 f., 237, 292 Wauchier de Denain, 19, 22, 39, 69, 95 f., 100, 139 f., 144 £., 305, 329 (., 366, 412 Wedale, 49 Wigaloit, 47, 86, 90, 99, 128, 147, 160, 168, 302n, 328, 439 William of Malmesbury, 15, 22, i n , 146 William VII of Poitou, 19 William Vni of Poitou, i 8 f . Winchester, 67 f., 192 Winliane, 276 f. Winlogee, 19 f., 197, 277 Wolfdietrich, 370 W o l f r a m von Eschenbach, 31, 42, 156, 339», 3 4 ° . 345. 347-51. 366, 368, 389, 393, 395. 398-407, 413, 450 f., 456; see Parzival Wooing of Emer, 226 f., 325, 384 Ydain, 123 Yder, 19, 77*79. 85. 194. 326 Ygerne, 72 Ynywl, 35 Yonec, 74 York, 75, 108 f. Yspaddaden P e n k a w r , 220 Ystoria Tryttan, 337 Yvain ( E w e n ) , 17, 21, 36 Y vain, 269-331 Yvain de Cavaliot, 75 Yvain de Loenel, 75 Yvain l'Aoutre, 270

INDEX OF SUBJECTS Abduction of woman, 14, 77-79, 84, 191, 197, 199-104, 2 1 4 - 1 8 , 1 3 7 £., 247 f., 263, 265, 356 Apple, magic, 1 1 3 , 163 f. Arms, change of, 255, 258, 260, 454 Ax, man with, 207-9, 228-31, 237-39, 2 8 1 83, 285, 367, 370, 4 1 7 - 2 0 Bed, Perilous, 205-10, 2 1 3 f., 442-44 Beheading test, 279-84 Bird, fay takes form of, 124 f., 270 f., 3 1 0 Birds, singing, 179, 290 f. Birth, shameful, 150, 1 9 1 , 270, 295 f., 327 Birth, simultaneous, of hero and animal, 152, 341 Black knight, 255, 279-81, 299 Blood drops on snow, 414 f. Boast, 134-38 Boon, rash, 200-204 Boundary, combat at, 450-55 Brail, 163 f., 342, 391 "Breton hope," 9, 15, 18, 20, 198 f. Breton tradition, 9 f., 15-24, 27-32, 61 f., 67, 92, 94, 99 f., i n f . , 165-68, 190, 193, 198 f., 269, 291-93, 307, 346, 352, 358, 360, 419 f., 429 Bridge, 2 2 1 - 2 7 , 256, 384 f., 453 Burning of woman, 3 1 7 - 1 9 Caldron, 187, 357, 379 t Cart, shameful, 204 f., 2 1 0 - 1 3 Cave, sleeping hero in, 19S f. Cemetery adventure, 232-34, 274 f. Chain descending from sky, 343 Chansons de teste, 83 f., 129 f., 136-38, 425», 464 Chastity test, 97-100 Chessboard, magic, 419, 4 4 ; f. Classical influences, 7, 8, 215, 284, 300 f., 464 Combat, judicial, 250, 3 1 1 , 320-25 Combat of father and son, 326-28 Conteurs, 9 - 1 1 , 1 5 - 1 9 , 22-24, 28-32, 61 f., h i , 1 1 4 , 154 f., 199, 235, 269, 291, 293, 303> 344. 346. 360. 429. 447 Cornish connection, 14-16, 20 f., 66, 196, 198, 205 Damsel, scornful (Damoisele Maudisante), 128, 438-42 Damsel asks aid of Arthur, 81 f., 296, 416

Dead, castle or land of the, 163-68, 220 f., 457 fDisenchantment, 342-44, 353 f., 373*75. 383. 443 Dragon, maiden in form of, see Serpent Dream, beautiful woman seen in, 458 Dwarf, 79-85, 95 (., 1 0 1 , 126, 139-45, 183», 204-6, 2 1 0 - 1 4 , 245, 253 f., 275, 309 f., 3 2 1 , 434-37 Empty castle, 93 f., 228 f., 275, 3 2 1 , 436 Epithet, 1 4 9 - 5 1 , 187 f., 193, 230, 336, 338 f., 404 False claimant, 359 Feud quest, see Vengeance quest Fission of characters, 51-54, 71-75, 1 8 1 f., 187-92, 256-59, 275 f., 281 f., 286, 288 f., 339 f.. 354. 397. 4 ' 9 . 4*7 432 f., 436 Flower maiden, 84, 207 f., 216, 265, 295, 370. 377-79, 416 Folklore, 57, 130-33, 166 f., 198, 2 1 7 £., 259, 264, 307, 382 f., 4 7 1 f. Food of Other World, 163-65, 176 Fool, hero as, 338-40, 3 5 1 , 355 f., 359"6i. 366 f., 401 Ford, 1 2 7 - 3 2 , 2 2 7 f., 270, 272, 276 f., 330, 438-42, 447-51 Foster-mother, faery, 88, 163, 179, 193, 195, 233, 239 Foundlings, 150 Four-cornered fortress, 360-62 Friendship, 255-58, 262-64, 326, 3 2 8 - 3 1 , 367, 450 f. Fusion of characters, 50 f., 106 f., 142 f., 177, 179 f., 240-50, 256 f., 260-62, 296, 301, 3t>4. 335-38, 3 4 1 , 344-46, 368-71, 405-7, 4 1 6 - 1 9 , 432, 441 f„ 445 Garden, enchanted, 1 1 3 , 163 f., 169, 175 f., 178, 180, 183, 2 2 1 Geography, 1 2 f., 28-32, 70-76, 108-17, I 3 7 . 160 f., 1 8 1 , 183 f„ 198, 2 1 5 , 219, 269-73, 290-93, 302-5, 345, 348-50, 365 {., 40810, 446, 450-57 Giants, woman rescued from, 81-85, 160 f. Glass, castle or isle of, 2 1 8 - 2 2 , 255 f., 259, 262, 362«, 455 f. Grail, 63 {., 143-45, 173-75. 205 f„ 2 1 3 , 223, 353 f-> 362, 367, 371-89, 396, 430-33, 435 Grail Bearer, 374, 376-79, 396 f., 416

502

INDEX OF SUBJECTS

Hair, golden, 149-53, 4°^. 4>S Head, severed, 223 f., 350, 372, 387, 395 f., 419 Heads on stakes, 169, 176, 234 Healing women, 102, 143-45. '79, 183, 205 f., 260, 262, 296 f., 309 f., 428 f. Herdsman, 208, 285-89 Hermit, visit to, 142-44, 309-11, 430-32 Horn, magic, 97-100, 144, 169, 171-75» 18084, 247 f„ 431 £. Horse, gift of, 80, 87-90, 105-8, 119, 123, >57, 177. 193. 253-59. 3 i o . 428, 456 Horse, supernatural, 105-7, ' 3 ° f-. '56-59. 260 f., 340», 438 f. Horses, combat of, 2 1 1 , 263, 3 1 5 f. Hospitable host, 278-86 Hounds, supernatural, 1 3 2 Huntsman, 122, 125 f., 132, 198 (., 229, 231, 264 f., 355 f-. 4>7. 4«9 f-. 448-50, 458 fIncognito duel, 326-31, 454 Incognito knight at tourney, 114-16,

194,

2 5 3 - 6 0 . 359. 426-29 Invisible castle becomes visible, 374, 382, 384 f. Italian connections, 3, 19 f., 119, 124 f., 146, 198, 237, 306 Jaileress, amorous, 80, 253-60, 262 Lake, lady of, 106-8, 180, 193, 195, 2 1 1 , 261, 307, 310, 422 Lance, 205-10, 234, 350 f„ 359, 374 f., 379" 82, 386, 393, 412 f., 430 Laughing maiden, 358-60 Lion, grateful, 3 1 1 - 1 7 Loathly damsel, 415-17 "Mabinogion question," 32-38, 76, 3 1 3 Madness of hero, 143 f., 296 f., 304, 309 f. Maidens, castle of, tee Women, castle of Maimed King, 173, 175, 199, 213, 224, 242, 246, 345. 347. 351. 353 f-. 36«. 37>"75. 386, 389-93, 397, 410 f„ 430-33, 436 f. Mantle test, 97-100 May Day, 216-18, 263-65 Midsummer Eve (St. John's Eve), 93 f., 199, 274, 276 f. Misinterpretation, 49 f., 108, 171-75, 455, 468 f. Moon goddess, 294 f. Mythology, 13, 25-27, 45-48, 91, 131-33. 143-45, 152 f., 162, 165-68, 188-92, 195, 217 f., 219-27, 236, 263-66, 269 f., 28183, 288, 294 f., 297-300, 305-8, 376-81, 383 f., 392, 416 f., 423, 441 f„ 444, 456, 469-71

Oath, ambiguous, 250-53 One-eyed man, 286-88, 404 Oriental source, 252 f. Paintings, 93 f„ 157 Porter, gate-keeper, 237 f., 320, 322 Precocious growth, 149 f., 152, 327 f., 358 Provençal literature, 18, 66, 251, 306 f. Question test, 342, 372, 376 f., 382-85, 389, 416 Rape, 247 f„ 434, 436 f. Rationalization, 47 (., 102 f., 242, 283, 307 f., 378 f., 388, 400, 431, 436 f., 444 f„ 456 Red Knight, 64, 165, 169, 180, 182, 192, 194, 201, 203, 234 f., 253-55, 258, 282 f., 354, 356 {., 396-99, 401-7, 450, 456, 458 Revolving castle, 207-9, 283 f., 286, 370, 443 fRing, given by woman, 124 f., 239 f., 294, 300, 304 f., 327 f. Round Table, 18, 61-68 Scottish tradition, 17, 26, 49, 75, 108-17, 181, 272 f., 290 f., 302-5, 365 {., 408-10, 452 Seasonal combat, 132 f., 217 f., 262-66, 420, 470 Serpent or dragon, maiden in form of, 124 Shield, magic, 95-100 Siege Perilous, 61, 235 f., 328, 342 f., 346 Solar traits, 153, 165-67, 173, 180 f., 192, 203, 208 f., 230, 265, 281 f., 288, 294, 329. 357. 378 f-, 381, 405 f-> 423 Sparrow-hawk, 81-96, 99-101, 368« Spring (fountain), 95 f., 130, 224, 247 f., 264, 272-79, 289-93, 304-7. 343. 355 fStags, 68-70, 297-99, 337-40, 416 Sterilization, 389-93 Stone, test by means of, 232, 234-36 Storm, personification of, 132, 208-10, 264, 278-84 Sword, 187, 196, 221, 225-27, 235 t., 336 {., 394-96, 407-14, 416, 421-25 Sycamore, 169 f., 241, 264 Tabu imposed by fay, 124 f., 271 Temptation scene, 228-32, 363-70, 418 Tent, damsel in, 122 f., 125 f., 355 f., 394 t. Testing talisman, 95-100, 183, 248, 384 Thirteen Treasures of Britain, 97 f., 172 f., 387 (., 407 Thorn tree, 129-31, 320 Time, supernatural passage of, 119 Tombs, 232-34, 243, 350; see Cemetery adventure

INDEX OF SUBJECTS Tournament, three days', 193, 253-60, 262, 358 f. Tradition, typical phenomena of, 38-56 Tribute, human, 320, 322, 325 f. Twelve at table, 63-65, 174, 245 t., 386 Unspelling quest, see Disenchantment Vegetation goddess, see Flower maiden Vengeance quest, 353 f., 372 f., 394*414 Vessel of plenty, 171-75, 247 f., 386-88, 431 f. Vigil test, 93 f., 276 Waking 384

after

visit

to

faery

casde,

503

Waste land, 342-44, 346, 351, 354, 389-91. 408, 410 (., 413, 416 Water, land beneath, 222-24, 306 f. Water fay, 247 f., 296-98, 305-7, 310, 416, 419 Weaving women, 321-23 Wheel, solar symbol, 153» White animals, 68-70, 77, 90-92, 99, 105-7, 125 f., 131, 156, 159, 329 f., 359, 385 Widow marries husband's slayer, 283 f., 301 Widow rears son, 335-38 Women, casde (isle, land) of, 88 f., 91, 10817, 164, 246, 320, 326, 364, 438, 442-45» 451-59

376, Yellow man, 278-80