Administrative Development [1 ed.] 071030059X, 9780710300591

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ADMINISTRATIVE DEVELOPMENT

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ADMINISTRATIVE DEVELOPMENT AN ISLAMIC PERSPECTIVE Muhammad AI-Buraey Professor of Management College of Industrial Management University of Petroleum and Minerals Dhahran, Saudi Arabia

i~ ~~o~~~~n~~~up LONDON AND NEW YORK

First published in 1985 by Kegan Paul International This edition first published in 2010 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OXI4 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © Muhammad AI-Buraey 1985

Transferred to Digital Printing 2010 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN 10: 0-7103-0059-X (hbk) ISBN 13: 978-0-7103-0059-1 (hbk) Publisher's Note The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but points out that some imperfections in the original copies may be apparent. The publisher has made every effort to contact original copyright holders and would welcome correspondence from those they have been unable to trace.

Contents

Foreword Dedication Acknowledgements INTRODUCTION ISLAM AND DEVELOPMENT Non-changeable Elements Changeable Elements Statement of the Problem Research Methodology and Sources Arabic material Non-Arabic material Definitions of the Concepts Development Modernization Endogeneity The Muslim and the Islamist Literature Review On Models and Model Building Notes - In troduction

1 3

4

7 10 16

21 21 22 23 23 24 24 24 26 38 41

PART I. 1

THE IDEOLOGY FOR DEVELOPMENT

ISLAM: GENERAL BACKGROUND The Meaning of Islam The Muslim People Sources of Islamic Law The Our'an The Sunnah Objections to Secularism Is Islam a Theocracy? Some Fundamental Theories of Islam Freedom Justice E~ali~

(Shura) Consultation or advisory council The Dignity of Man On Islamic Democracy Summary and Conclusion Notes-Chapter 1

2 MAN AND DEVELOPMENT: AN ISLAMIC VIEW OF HUMAN NATURE HumanN~ure

Types of People Islamic Assumptions About Man The Functions of Man The Responsibilities and Accountabilities of Man The Political Nature of Man The Social Behaviour of Man Is there a Psychological Theory of Islam? Man, Development, and Modernization in Islam Summary and Conclusion Notes- Chapter 2

PART II. 3

vi

THE ENVIRONMENT OF DEVELOPMENT

POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT The Relationship Between Politics and Religion Islam and Modernization

47 49 49 53 56 60 65 69 74 79 79 82

M 85 87 88 91

92

97

98 101 104 111 113 114 119 120 123 126

127

131 133 134 137

Actors in the Political Development Environment The' Ulama The Secularists The Traditionalists The Modernists The Neo-traditionalists or Islamists The Shari'ah Sources of shari'ah Characteristics of the shari' ah The Islamic Political System The Path to Islamic Political Development: The Islamist's Role Summary and Conclusion Notes-Chapter 3 4 SOCIO-ECONOMICDEVELOPMENT Economic Development in Islam: Differing Viewpoints The 'Third Solution' to Economic Development: Historical Development Economic Development in Qur'an and Sunnah The Foundations of Economic Development Traits of the Islamic Economic System Economic Development in Contemporary Muslim States: The Situation ofthe 'lizard's hole' Goals and Motives of Socio-economic Development The Muslim Countries in the 'lizard's hole' Discrepancies between Theory and Practice The Way Out of the 'lizard's hole' The Islamist's Role in Socio-economic Development Penetration Opposition and withdrawal Integration Summary and Conclusion Notes-Chapter 4 PART III.

ADMINISTRATIVE DEVELOPMENT

5 ADMINISTRATIVE DEVELOPMENT: ISLAMIC ROOTS OF ADMINISTRATION Evolutionary Development of Administration

139 139 140 141 142 142 143 143 144 147 160 164 165 170 171 176 179 181 186 189 189 194 196 198 200 202 203 203 204 204

223 225 226 vii

The meaning of 'administration' Public administration Development administration Administrative development Sources of Islamic Administration Qur'an, Sunnah, Shari'ah and Administration Administration under the Prophet (12 BH/610-11 AH 632) Administration under the Pious Caliphs (111632-411661) Islamic Administrative Institutions The Diwan (secretariat) The Institution of Hisbah Theoretical Guidelines for Islamic Administration: Documents and Manuscripts Documents Manuscripts Pioneers of Islamic Administration A Contemporary Evaluation of the Islamic Sources Summary and Conclusion Notes - Chapter 5

227 228 229 230 232 234 240 247 257 258 262

6 THE DYNAMICS OF AN ISLAMIC MODEL Islamic World View Challenges and Threats to Islamic World View The Open Systems Approach The Islamic Administrative Model Some prerequisites Basic elements and environments Analysis and relationships Shura Politics - Administration Dichotomy Islamic Model and Other Public Administration Models: a Comparison Some Unique Aspects of the Islamic Model Emphasis on Islamic values and ethical standards Non-usurious financial institutions Punishment of administrative corruption Balance between material and spiritual well-being Divine origin Endogeneity Prevention of injustice

297 299 300 308 309 309 311 314 320 326

viii

265 265 271 273 281 283 284

331 340 341 341 341 342 342 343 343

Concept of Shura Emphasis on co-operation Concept of Leadership Definition Qualifications Objectives Style Conduct Responsibilities Impartiality Expectations of the group Concept of Administrative Law Modesty and simplicity Conditions for Feasibility Summary and Conclusion Notes - Chapter 6

7 STRA TEGY, IMPLEMENTATION AND IMPLICA TIONS Strategy The Islamist as a Change-Agent Elements of Administrative Development in the Muslim Countries The Issue The Sources The Process The Outcome Implementation Methods and End Results Implementation Informal/Personal Methods Penetration Penetration of the bureaucracy Penetration of the institutions Integration Co-operation Opposition Formal/Institutional Methods Implications Problems and Prospects

344 344 346 346 347 347 348 348 349 350 350 351 352 353 354 355

368 369 371 375 375 375 377 377 377 378 379 379 379 380 381 381 382 382 384 385 ix

Summary and Conclusion Notes-Chapter 7

388 389

CONCLUDING REMARKS Summary Future Research

393 393 398

APPENDICES Appendix to Chapter 3 Development: an Islamic Style Some Elements and a Scale Appendix to Chapter 4 Mineral Resources of the Muslim States which are Members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) and their Percentage Contribution to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) Appendix to Chapter 5 Islamic Manuscripts

401

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

417

INDEX

459

x

402

408 414

Illustrations

TABLES 1-1 The Muslim World: Countries Where Muslims Constitute a Majority 1-2 The Muslim People: Areas Where Muslims Constitute a Majority 1-3 The Muslim World: Countries Where Muslims Constitute a Minority 3-1 Members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) According to Their Nature of Government 3-2 Organization of the Islamic Conference (0 I C) by Country/Organization and Nature of Government 4-1A Economic System in Qur'an 4-lB Economic Life in Qur'an 4-2 Organization of Islamic Conference (0 I C) Members: Some Economic and Welfare Indicators and Type of Economy 5-1 Principles of Political and Administrative Systems in the Holy Qur'an 6--1 The Islamic World View

55-6 57 58-9

155

156 177

178

190-2 235 300

xi

6-2 The Administrative State of Affairs in Muslim Countries 6-3 Five Public Administration Models 6-4 An Islamic Administrative Model: Characteristics and Values 7-1 Elements of Administrative Development in the Muslim Countries

303 334-6 337 376

FIGURES 1-1 The WorldofIslam (Map) 6-1 An Ideal Model of an Islamic Administrative System: The Six P's Version 7-1 An Ideal Model of an Islamic Administrative System: The Six P's version 3A-l Elements of Islamic Development

xii

54

312 370 403

Foreword

The main purpose of this work is to present a developmental perspective different from the prevailing Western one. The author hopes that this point of view will contribute towards the goal of developing a general theory of world development of human societies that presently does not exist. Though the focus of this study is on Islamic views of administrative development, other aspects of development - such as the political and socio-economic are also discussed. It is felt by the author and many other scholars of development that the role of Islam in development is consistently pushed aside as irrelevant or, at best, ignored as being inadequate in the existing literature on development. This omission is not only a general characteristic of the academic circles of higher educational institutions, but also of their most learned journals and professional publications. This unfortunate trend is also true of textbooks, reports, and other scholarly literature on development and related fields. In an effort to bridge this serious gap, the present work tries to show that Islam - as a system and a way of life - is not only compatible with development but also a moving force in its process and realization. Most of the recent turmoil in the Muslim World points in a direction on which many intellectuals agree: a return to the basic 1

Administrative Development and pure spirit of Islam as a viable alternative to the failure of both Western and Eastern models of development. The major theme then is that indigenous, Islamic models of administration can achieve developmental goals far better than both 'Western' and 'Eastern' models of development. While attempting a fresh Islamic outlook on administrative development, this study does not seek to provide the theory or the model of Islam. Rather, it is an Islamic perspective on development with special emphasis on administrative development. Using the systems concept, the study combines a well-known Western methodology (and technique) with Islamic substance, values, and ethics. The systems model is the most appropriate since it offers a dynamic interaction with the environment. It allows the researcher to view an Islamic administrative model as an integral part of its broader political and socio-economic environments with distinctive conditions, stresses, threats, forces, and influences. These factors tend to define its boundaries and give the ranges of such interaction within which a more plausible explanation of its functioning is attainable. The study is divided into three major parts. In Part I, 'The Ideology for Development', Chapter 1 gives a comprehensive background and analysis of Islam, as a guiding ideology for development. Chapter 2 discusses man and development and portrays an Islamic view of human nature. In Part II, 'The Environment of Development', Chapter 3 discusses political development, and Chapter 4, socio-economic development. Part III, 'Administrative Development', is the core of the study and contains three chapters. Chapter 5 details the administrative sources in Islam and researches Islamic roots of administration. Chapter 6 analyses the elements and dynamics of an Islamic model of administration with emphasis on its Six P's Version (see pp. 311-313). Finally, Chapter 7 outlines the strategy, implementation, and implications of this model, emphasizing the Islamists' role in the process. Brief concluding remarks, presenting a summary and the direction of future research, complete the study.

2

IN THE NAME OF ALLAH, THE COMPASSIONATE, THE MERCIFUL

Dedicated to my mother and to the memory and soul of my father. Also to my uncle Said M. Bana'imah who assumed the role of a father after my father's death thirty-five years ago.

3

Acknowledgements

All praise and thanks be to Allah, Lord of the Worlds, for His Providence and Divine Direction throughout my life and especially during my extended stay in the United States. This work is a modified version of a doctoral dissertation done at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, U.S.A. However, it represents a collective undertaking by the writer and numerous others who contributed either directly or indirectly to its completion. I would like, then, to express my gratitude and warm thanks to the director of my Dissertation Committee, Professor Robert T. Daland, and to its other four members: Professor Ralph Braibanti, Professor Edward E. Azar, Professor Herbert L. Bodman and Professor Michael Lienesch. Professor Daland has graciously given much of his time and effort, directing and guiding this study. To Professor Ralph Braibanti - James B. Duke Professor of Political Science at Duke University - go my sincere thanks for his recommendations, guidance, and encouragement. I also wish to thank Professors Edward E. Azar, Herbert L. Bodman, and Michael Lienesch at UNC-Chapel Hill. Professor Azar's help throughout my stay at Chapel Hill cannot go without mentioning. Professor Bodman's wealth of information on historical Islam assisted me a great deal; to him I also acknowledge the map of the World of Islam. Professor Lienesch's numerous sug4

Acknowledgements

gestions, advice, and criticism are greatly appreciated, particularly his insights on organization of the study. I would also like to express my appreciation to two eminent scholars from the University of Umm al-Qura in Makkah: Dr Muhammad Ibrahim Ahmad who read the manuscript and offered invaluable suggestions and Dr Abdulwahhab Abu Sulaiman who helped in the final stages of the study. I also acknowledge the assistance given to me by Dr Hassan Abdeen and the officials at Dal al-Kutub in Cairo as well as by Mr Mu'ammar Olker and the officials at the Sulaimaniyyah Complex in Istanbul, Turkey, during my research trip in August and September 1980. I am grateful to two of my colleagues at the University of Petroleum and Minerals for reading the manuscript and giving me valuable suggestions. They are Dr Zaghloul R. EI-Naggar and Dr Zafar 1. Ansari. Mr Shahid Raza Shaikh and Mr Muhammad Abdullah Currie are also thanked for typing the manuscript and reading parts of it respectively. Finally, I am indebted to my home country, Saudi Arabia, for financing my education in the United States, and to the officials at both the Ministry of Higher Education in Riyadh and the University of Petroleum and Minerals in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, for their support. The work would never have been completed without the assistance, encouragement, sacrifices and patience of my wife, Umm Abdullah, and my children, Abdullah and Raghd, to all of them I am very much indebted. M.A.B. Dhahran, Saudi Arabia 1 Dhul Hijjah 1405 17 August 1985

5

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Introduction

Islam and Development

Although development has different meanings for different people, one meaning seems generally accepted: development means change. In the Islamic perspective, however, change is not taken for granted - at least not in all spheres of development such as the cosmic universe and the physical and moral laws which do not change over the years. Muslims believe that there is something in the total system of life that does not change and is not subject to modernization. Other things, of course, are expected to change and their development and modernization are encouraged. Thus, it is very important at the outset to thoroughly understand what is subject to change and what is not, from the Islamic point of view. This distinction is the crucial difference between the Islamic and the non-Islamic models and ideals of development. The discussion below is based on a survey and analysis of most of the Islamic literature! on the subject of change.

Non-changeable Elements First, the elements that constitute the Islamic doctrines, principles, tenets, and articles of faith as well as the ideology that shapes the 7

Administrative Development Islamic system and makes it quite distinctive are not subject to change (see Chapter 1). Allah says in the Holy Our'an: That was the way of Allah in the case of those who passed away of old; thou wilt not find for the way of Allah aught of power to change. (Our'an, XXXIII:62) Thou wilt not find for Allah's way oftreatment any substitute, nor wilt thou find for Allah's way of treatment aught of power to change. (Our'an, XXXV:43) It is the law of Allah which hath taken course aforetime. Thou wilt not find for the law of Allah aught of power to change. (Our'an, XLVIII:23)

As a final testimony to the eternal nature of these verities and as a sign that his mission was completed, this revelation came to Prophet Muhammad shortly before he died: This day have I perfected your religion for you and completed My favour unto you, and have chosen for you as religion of AL-ISLAM. (Our'an, V:3) Islam is a religion of moderation and not of extremes. It provides for man's rational needs as well as for his spiritual requirements. It encourages the spirit of zuhd (asceticism), but not to the exclusion of the beauties and material attractions of this world. The Our'an emphatically orders the Prophet and all Muslims: But seek the abode of the Hereafter in that which Allah hath given thee and neglect not thy portion of the world, and be thou kind even as Allah hath been kind to thee, and seek not corruption in the earth: lo! Allah loveth not corrupters. (Our'an, XXVIII:77) Thus, Islam seeks to preserve this spirit: the way for such preservation is to hold fast with the rope of God, to acquire a devotion to

8

Introduction: Islam and Development

the Holy Book and the Sunnah,2 and to prefer them both over any other ideologies. The third unchangeable tenet of faith, which is closely related to the previous one, is Islam's approval and acclaim of satisfaction and moderation and its disapproval and condemnation of selfishness, egotism, self-indulgence, and extravagance, as well as exaggerated love of and attachment to this earth. The Qur'an reminds us:

o Ye who believe! What aileth you that when it is said unto you: Go forth in the way of Allah, ye are bowed down to the ground with heaviness. Take ye pleasure in the life of the world rather than in the Hereafter? The comfort of the life of the world is but little in the Hereafter. (Qur'an, IX:38) Another abiding principle is the Islamic distinction between halal or lawful - that which is allowed, permitted or permissible, and haram or unlawful - that which is forbidden, prohibited, or interdicted. Islam directs its adherents to endeavour to acquire only good and lawful things to the exclusion of the unlawful, even if they look attractive and are easy to obtain. Therefore, Islam requires all Muslims to dress decently and to eat properly; to purify their souls, hearts and selves; and to aspire to cleanliness in every aspect of their lives. Beneficial mutual relationships and understanding between husband and wife, a man and his family, and the old and the young are considered sacred. All of these values and ethical and moral standards are fully and specifically explained in the Qur'an and Sunnah and hence are unalterable. Finally, modernization and development do not necessitate or permit abolishing such deep-rooted and permanent principles as stress on decent clothing for both sexes; the prohibition of adultery, fornication, or any other acts motivated by the desire to satisfy sex; the ban on extravagance and wasting of wealth and resources; the prohibition of all transactions involving usury or interest in banking or both; and the interdiction of the habits, customs, and ways of life of unbelievers - especially those elements that sharply contradict the Islamic social system and ethical and moral standards.

9

Administrative Development

Changeable Elements In Islam the basic rule is permission unless it concerns 'ibadat (worship) or otherwise is expressly forbidden in the Qur'an, Sunnah, ijma' (consensus ofthe Muslim community), and qiyas (intellectual reasoning by analogy). It is unnecessary to list here all areas in which there can be, and sometimes should be, alteration and innovation. However, it will be helpful to mention a few guidelines. Discoveries or developments in science and technology for instance, which are conducive to the material well-being of man, are not only encouraged, but required. 3 Nothing in the Islamic faith prohibits such developments since they are merely neutral tools and only their usage and application make them good or bad. For example, it is not television or the cinema per se that are corrupt, but what they contain. In Islam, these tools of technology can promote a strong and productive generation if they are used properly; or they can be the cause of the deterioration of moral and ethical standards if they are used improperly. Likewise, Muslims are free to modernize the architecture of their buildings according to their environmental demands and in order to make them more comfortable by using the means that are available today but were not available in the past. The Qur'an and Sunnah neither recommend a type of architecture nor do they specify the layout of the buildings. Thus, bringing about changes in this area gives rise to no problems, though the disposition from an Islamic viewpoint to adhere closely to architectural designs which are allowed by long usage is understandable. Also, there is nothing in Islam that prohibits or stands in the way of acquiring the most advanced technological inventions, such as the sophisticated nuclear power plant for desalination and other purposes. Islam strives to inspire its adherents to create such projects rather than merely managing and administering them. The disciplines of science, technology, and knowledge in general do change according to advances over the years. Finally, Muslims are encouraged to learn languages, study comparative literature and be familiar with history, business practices, and the arts and sciences. What is needed is the 'lslamization,4 of such disciplines and their moral and ethical application according to the Islamic doctrine. Moreover, Muslims are urged to widen 10

Introduction: Islam and Development

their horizons so that they learn not only about useful disciplines, but about destructive ideologies as well in order to refute them intelligently and objectively. Since knowledge continues to grow and ideologies are changing, developments in learning and its implementation are inevitable. Thus, the Islamic development perspective, whether in socioeconomic, political, administrative, or cultural spheres, is a comprehensive and well-integrated system that addresses itself to all issues of man's existence,S both physical and spiritual. Islam strikes a balance between the two in a symmetry and harmony that is reflected in the Qur'an (XXVIII:77), where God reminds His messenger to 'seek the abode of the Hereafter ... and neglect not thy portion of the world'. To summarize, development in Islam is many-faceted. It is fixed in its principles and doctrines; subject to change and development where these do not contradict with the Islamic principles and doctrines; advanced in its call to lead humanity and guide it to salvation, happiness and peace of mind; and antecedent to other religions with good and benign things for all. The changeable and non-changeable elements of Islam have an important bearing on Islamic development: they delineate the areas in which development is desirable and the areas in which it is unacceptable. According to a Muslim expert (Sardar, 1977:55): Any development in Muslim societies which tends to check this social force, or take these societies away from the ideals of Islamic culture is un-Islamic, and unacceptable. Yet this is what has happened. The Muslim Ummah has accepted and adopted development patterns based on occidental value systems. Islam looks at development as neither a purely economic process nor a value-free one, and, according to Sardar (ibid.:173--4), as neither consumption nor mechanization. It is simply 'an expression of cultural dynamism characterized by the desire of Muslims to be in a state of Islam' (Submission to God). Such a state is the ultimate goal of development and anything that interferes with such a goal should, therefore, be regarded as an impediment. Sardar (ibid.) also says that

11

Administrative Development Anything, mechanical or environmental, 'scientific' or otherwise, which interferes with their cultural values and spiritually makes a negative contribution to development is undesirable. On the material level, the principle of domesticity should be seen as the guiding factor for development. It is also necessary for the victims of occidentalized patterns of development to free themselves from their present structures of vulnerability. Another important definition of development that harmonizes with the above is that of Rena Maheu, former director-general of UNESCO, who states that 'Ce qui est Ie developpement c'est lorsque la science devient la culture' (Development is when science becomes culture) (quoted in Elmandjara, 1981). What his statement means - at least in the context of this study - is that a nation will reach a high degree of development when its sciences in all fields including administration reflect its own culture and heritage in an indigenous manner. In other words, 'cultural imperialism' is as detrimental to development as are colonialism and neocolonialism. Development has to spring from local conditions rather than being imported wholesale. However, some Western scholars6 have tended to disseminate subjective information with a hidden bias cloaked in spurious objective garb. For example, David McOelland (1961:340) in his well-known study assumes that 'Arabs as Muslims are probably generally low in n-achievement.' This assumption is apparently based on a sample of ten Muslim adolescents and thirty-five Hindu students at a Muslim school in Madras, India. This might be reasonable if McClelland had had no other data from which to reach such a conclusion, but data on seven Muslim countries were available to him.7 Some of these societies had an average nachievement level of 2.61, which would have been the fifth highest of his thirty-nine sample societies and higher than the United States (2.24), West Germany (2.14), and the United Kingdom (1.67) - to mention three Western societies (Sutcliffe, 1975:82n). Another example of a fundamental misconception is that of Zbigniew Brzezinski (1970), who regards Islam as a more passive religion than Christianity both in theory and in practice. He especially refers to 'Islam's dominant strain of fatalism [which] has worked against the presence of at least that element of tension be12

Introduction: Islam and Development

tween "eternal peace" and "heaven on earth" that is so strong in Christianity and that has prompted its repressed activism' (1970:69). On the issue of fatalism, two other Western authors report several specific examples of this assumption (i.e. that Islam is an obstacle to development) and make the general observation that 'American technical advisors tend to believe that the resignation of some people is encouraged by fatalistic religions' in which they include Islam.8 Moreover, the 'passivity' of Islam can hardly be sustained in view of the Islamic Revolution in Iran (1979) and the current Iraq-Iranian war. Still another example is the work of Daniel Lerner (1958), who equates modernization with Westernization (which seems to be unacceptable from an Islamic viewpoint). Lerner acquired prominence in the field of communication theory, especially after publication of his widely read The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East (1958). Needless to say, this title is 'value-laden and harks back to the social Darwinism of the nineteenth century' (Sardar, 1977:38). In this sense, Lerner and others use the term 'development' as a process of 'modernization', that is, a linear movement toward economic growth, industrialization, and dominion over nature and environment according to a given pattern: the Western one. Lerner (1958:405) clearly and explicitly dismisses Islam altogether as an ultimate goal if Middle Eastern societies are to modernize, stating that 'the top policy problem, for three generations of Middle Eastern leaders', has been whether one must choose between' "Mecca or mechanization,,9 or whether one can make them compatible'. Lerner, though he is considered an authority on the Middle East, knows very little about Islam if he thinks that these societies (represented by their leaders and elites) have to choose between 'Mecca' and 'mechanization'. They can have both, and there is nothing in Islamic theory and doctrine to make the two incompatible. Thus, the notion that Islam is against modernization is a myth. For example, there is nothing in Islam that prohibits the manufacture of new automobiles. 'What is prohibited in Islam,' states John Sullivan (1979:4) 'is to design a new car that will fall apart after three years of driving for the purpose of stimulating the economy artificially.' The prohibition in Islam of such an act (as opposed to Buddhism or other religions) lies in the teachings of the Our'an and Sunnah. On this point, the Our'an (IX:105) addresses Muslims: 13

Administrative Development

'And say (unto them): Act! Allah will behold your actions, and (so will) His messenger and the believers.' Hence, no sincere Muslim would want his Lord to see him doing a bad job. The Prophet was reported to have said: 'God loves that when any of you does anything, he should do it in the best way' (reported by Abu Ya'la and al-A'skari, narrated by A'isha); and 'God does not take into account your figures or your wealth, He looks and values your hearts and deeds' (reported by Muslim in his Sahih and Ibn Majah, narrated by Abu Hurairah). Moreover, Clark (1978:v), in a rare instance of intellectual honesty and candour, states that a generation ago economists, political experts, and other social scientists believed that they had found the secret of development and progress for the developing nations, depending on whether they were advocates of unrestrained laissezfaire capitalism, or of welfare-state socialism, or of centrally directed Marxism-Leninism. Since that early beginning in 'political development', continues Clark, many of us who research and write about such matters, or who have been engaged in 'the practical business of trying to assist developing countries, have become much more chastened about our abilities to engineer development quickly, and more pessimistic about the capacity of many nations of the Third World to do so for themselves'. This pessimism is reflected in the motives and concerns of some scholars of development and can be understood simply by the following argument: since most, if not all, of the developing nations have recently obtained their independence from the previous colonial powers, it has been assumed, with some evidence to support it, that such ex-colonies are 'new states' and hence they should start afresh as far as development or modernization or both are concerned. Thus, a plethora of terminological categorization of such countries appeared in the literature of development and other related social science fields such as anthropology, sociology, and economics. In more or less chronological order, expressions and terms such as the following appeared in Western scholarship to designate the non-Western societies: 'primitive', 'pre-literate', 'non-Western', 'agricultural', 'pre-industrial', 'low-income', 'poor', 'new states', 'emergent nations', 'Third World', 'Gemeinschaft', 'status', 'folk', 'agrarian', 'traditional', 'fuse', 'undeveloped', 'underdeveloped,' 'less developed countries' (LDCs), 'developing,' 'recently developing,' or 'recently modernizing' (Gable, 1976: 14

Introduction: Islam and Development 83-4). It has been assumed, and sometimes even suggested, that the only way for such countries, no matter what label is being used, to develop and modernize is to follow the exact steps of the already developed West. This argument assumes that 'modernization' - however defined - requires a radical break with the past. It seems to be rooted in some instances in the revolutionary ideas of Marx-Lenin-Stalin, and in other instances in the polemical postures of those who fostered the development of economic and political liberalism in the West (La Palombara, 1963). Experience has proved that this notion of 'radical break with the past' is a myth. We should recognize that the new does not necessarily replace the old and that elements from the past persist and influence the present. Tradition and modernity - however defined - are not mutually exclusive conditions: they frequently co-exist and are mutually re-inforcing (Gable, 1976; Gusfield, 1967; Moore, 1967). Now, Islam, as we know, is not merely, in the narrow Western sense, an organized system of faith and worship. Rather it is a comprehensive system of life that, in addition to faith and worship, treats complex issues of modern economic and technological development as it treats the most minor and detailed issues in the private and public life of the individual. An example of the latter is the use of siwak: the action of brushing one's teeth with a tooth-cleaner made of wood about a span long called miswak. lO This was highly recommended by the Prophet of Islam fourteen centuries ago and forms an integral part of ablutions in preparation for salah (prayers). Islam, which prescribes actions in such minute detail governing the private and public lives of its adherents, regulating religious and secular activities of people, and outlining the merging of spiritual and material domains, is indeed capable of providing fresh answers to new problems facing the developing nations in their quest for development and modernization. It is human beings, however, who have to do the job of discovering the fresh answers in the light of Islamic teachings and within the framework of those teachings. But the opposite actually occurs in the Muslim countries today. Instead of searching for the roots of Islamic solutions, most leaders find it easier to visit the capitals of the West and the East for guidance and advice on the issues of development than to examine their own culture and heritage for genuine Islamic solutions. 15

Administrative Development Sayyid Qutb (1953:1) eloquently made this point where he said:

In the world of economics an individual who has private means does not resort to borrowing before he has examined his means to see what resources he has there; nor does a government resort to importing until it has scrutinized its native resources, and examined its raw materials and their potential. And so in the case of spiritual resources, intellectual capabilities, and moral and ethical traditions - are not these things on the same level as goods or money in human life? Apparently not; for here in Egypt and in the Muslim world as a whole we pay little heed to our native spiritual resources and our own intellectual heritage; instead we think first of importing foreign principles and methods, or borrowing customs and laws from across the deserts and from beyond the seas.

Statement of the Problem The failure of 'copied Western models of development' in the Muslim World necessitates the search for indigenous ones (especially in the area of administrative development). This has been further emphasized by the current re-emergence of the universal Islamic identity. Disenchantment with foreign models, coupled with growing self-confidence in a national identity, encourage such 'endogeneity'. This search for roots inevitably leads to a reconsideration of Islam (Braibanti, 1979:185). This study tries to show that Islam - as a way of life - is not only compatible with, but also a moving force in, the process of development. Using the systems concept, this study combines a wellknown Western methodology (and technique) with Islamic substance, values, and ethics as far as development in general and administrative development in particular are concerned. More specifically, the study seeks to demonstrate the following: (1) that the Muslim world has faced several problems of identity crisis from which it is now starting to reCOVf:r; (2) that 'Western', 'Eastern', and other 'alien' models do not prove helpful when transplanted to other environments; (3) that indigenous models are more successful in resolving local problems of development; (4) 16

Introduction: Islam and Development that an Islamic model of administrative development offers a viable alternative in the search for self-reliant models for the Muslim world. Finally, it is felt that the lack of an adequate, objective, and fair understanding of Islam in the West l l makes this research a pioneering effort. The lack of studies on the role of Islam in administrative, political, economic, and social development issues is striking. The works of the orientalists confine Islam to a narrow corner that does not go beyond the masjid 12 or reading of the holy scripture (Qur'an). On 26 July 1979, Harold H. Saunders, US Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs, made the following remarks before the Subcommittee on Europe and the Middle East of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs: For millions in this area (the Muslim world), Islam has for centuries provided a unifying world view. Events of the last four to five decades, however, have created in many countries of the region trends in conflict with this long-accepted and highly principled value system. Modernizing leaders in their quest for rapid development - often with the best of intentions - sought to import and implant not only Western technology but Western political value systems. Frequently, an effort was made to push aside Islamic institutions as an obstacle to progress. Widespread acceptance of the belief that imported technology and culture would dramatically improve the quality of individual life sent expectations spiralling upward .... The abiding values ofIslam were at hand, institutionally eroded but never eradicated or even basically weakened: thus, the 'Islamic revival' of which we read so much .... However, we see aspects of the revival, although in more moderate form, in practically every Islamic nation today. Though modernization and development did produce - for some people - a better material life (in Western terms), these were usually 'accompanied by massive social dislocation and urbanization as labour forces moved away from traditional agricultural pursuits and family life in the established Islamic context' (Saunders, 1979:4). 17

Administrative Development The Western meaning of modernization, as it was introduced to the developing nations, carries with it an implicit notion that means 'maximizing rational and scientific knowledge to meet m;Jn's present physical and material needs on this earth' (Means. ~969:288). Development or modernization or both in the Western sense have nothing to do with man's spiritual needs. Thus, we can say that this notion is coloured by the previous experience of the Western industrial states where - unlike in Islam - the principles of the separation of state and God have been widely accepted. On the other hand, where we have no artificial separation of state and God, or politics and religion as in Islam, modernization should have a different meaning altogether. The Islamic development views the concept of modernization in the light of attaining a balance between the spiritual and the material well-being of the citizenry. The theoretical foundations of developmental decisions under any Islamic polity, even with the new technocrats and Western elites in power, never have a rationale that is purely economic in their quest for modernization. 'Overriding everything else in national planning is the preservation of Islamic values and traditions' (Crane, 1978:115). The significance of this work, then, lies in the following: a. This study contributes to an area that is still very poor in the literature of development in general and administrative development in particular. Religious doctrines, in general, ?re erroneously thought of as merely conservative elements that induce men 'not to challenge the status quo, not to question God's will, but to accept "their lot'" (Caiden, 1969). Religious doctrines tend, the argument goes, to emphasize tradition and continuity, to perpetuate fear, superstition, prejudice and outdated belief systems of 'what is right or wrong, what is proper or improper, what is lucky or unlucky or what is possible or impossible' (Niehoff and Niehoff quoted in Caiden, 1969:174). However, such generalizations cannot be accepted, simply because they were only applied to contemporary Christianity and/or contemporary Judaism, both of which are believed to have been so much infiltrated by human thinking that they cannot be accepted as religion in the strict sense of the word. Those who believe that religion is antiquated and who share the falla18

Introduction: Islam and Development cious conviction of Karl Marx that 'religion is the opium of the people or opiate of the masses' generally refer to beliefs other than Islam. This assumption may hold true for the Middle Ages, when the European Church monopolized and exploited religion to serve its private and selfish interests. According to the French philosopher Roger Garaudy (1978) in his book entitled 'Pour un dialogue des civilisations,' Marx said that 'religion is the opium of the people' because in his time the church took advantage of its power and exploited and punished man severely in the name of Christian teaching. Misunderstanding of Islam in the West as well as in the non-Islamic East made generalizations applicable to contemporary Christianity or Judaism or both be also loosely applied to Islam. 13 b. It is hoped that the findings of this study will contribute to a greater understanding of Islam in general and the Islamic developmental perspective in particular. Such understanding will clear up some of the erroneous notions about Islamic principles of administration, politics, society, justice, economics and growth, etc., which have long been misunderstood not only in the non-Muslim world, but also by some Muslims.14 The analysis and discussion of the data should aid in providing new insights useful to both the Muslim and the non-Muslim countries, particularly developing nations with similar problems. Also, it should be useful to scholars and experts and advisors in the field of development in general and administrative development, politics, and other related fields in particular. The study will be especially useful to Western advisors, scholars, and consultants who plan to work in an Islamic environment, where an understanding of the culture is essential to development of a constructive dialogue not only in technical assistance programmes but also in other aspects of political, social, administrative, economic, and educational development (Freiri, 1973). c. As noted earlier, the direct impact of religion and religious ethics on administration and administrative reform has been analysed for geographic areas such as the Indian subcontinent, Europe, China and other non-Muslim Asian 19

Administrative Development countries (Bendix, 1960; Weber, 1947, 1958, 1960; Tawney, 1948; Abrecht, 1961; Eliade, 1964; Leonard, 1965; Lessa, 1958; Marx, 1906--7; Hall, 1969; Young, 1961). But to the best knowledge of this writer, no such work treats the Islamic administrative development issue in such magnitude and scope as this study. d. In the developing nations, the most useful solution to developmental problems reflects indigenous traits as much as possible. 'Endogeneity' and a growing self-confidence in national identity are gaining much support nowadays in the Third World countries in general and the Muslim countries in particular (Braibanti, 1979). e. Agreeing with Professor Asher (1962), the present writer believes that whatever the auspices may be, further research - basic as well as applied -- must be undertaken to provide new, much needed insights into the developmental process. Also, the accumulation of studies in depth, from which valid generalizations about economic, social, and political development can be made:, is an obvious necessity. This research is also mainly intended to point out to Muslims some directions for an indigenous Islamic solution to developmental problems. As Professor Braibanti (1979:185) has brilliantly noted, This powerful and seemingly inevitable trend to indigenization - hence Islamization - is buttressed by the remarkable growth of trans-national Muslim institutions and the consequent spectacular increase in the volume of transactions among Muslim countries in the past decade or so. The content of these transactions embraces diplomacy, commerce, military strategy, education, and transfer of manpower.' It is important to recognize, however, that such a process of Islamization is an outcome of a long cherished goal held in the hearts and minds of many Muslims throughout the globe. For them an important immediate goal is to re-instate the institution of Khilafah, 15 which was abolished in 1924 with the fall of the Ottoman Empire. This enthusiasm for the revival of Islam and the creation of the Islamic State appears in many writings of Islamic scholars - both in Arabic and English.16 It is primarily for this reason - the aspiration of Muslims the world over to have their own identity and character - that this research Will he helpful to any Muslim State sincerely committed to 20

Introduction: Islam and Development

move ahead toward an Islamic way of life in every aspect of its development - social, political, administrative, and economic. Also, the perspective developed here is meant to offer an alternative to many unsuccessful models of government such as social democracy, communism, socialism, and capitalism which have been tried without much success for the last fifty years in many Muslim countries. If the present study accomplishes, or at least provides guidance toward an Islamic developmental viewpoint, its objectives will have been realized. Research Methodology and Sources The contemporary literature of the social sciences reflects many research approaches, some of which are (a) exploratory or formulative, (b) descriptive, (c) analytic, (d) diagnostic, (e) experimental, and (f) comparative. Although this study may possess elements of all of them, the writer has adopted mainly the exploratory or formulative approach in providing an Islamic model of administrative development. However, descriptive, analytic, and comparative methods are also used. The main sources of the present analysis can be listed as follows: A. Arabic material: 1. Original Sources (The Qur'an and Sunnah): The Qur'an and Sunnah, the primary sources of Islamic law (shari'ah), were used extensively throughout this research. References to Qur'anic verses appear as, for example (Qur'an, III:19), meaning chapter (or surah) three and verse (or ayah) nineteen. In references to Hadith or Sunnah, the name of the book or compiler is given after each citation. Qur'anic citations in this study are from The Meaning of the Glorious Qur'an: Text and Explanatory Translation, translated and explained by Muhammad M. Pickthall (New York: Muslim World League, UN Office, 1977). Most of the sayings of the Prophet (Ahadith) are taken from An-Nawawi's Forty Hadith, by Imam Yahya bin Sharaf ad-Din an-Nawawi (died 676/1277), 2nd edn, translated by Ezzeddin Ibrahim and Denys Johnson-Davies (Damascus, Syria: The Holy Koran Publishing House, 1977).

21

Administrative Development 2. Documents and Manuscripts Documents of early Islamic history were analysed for the purpose of extracting administrative traits, qualities, and ethics. Manuscripts, all written in Arabic, were consulted during a recent research trip of the writer to both Cairo and Istanbul (see appendix V-I). 3. Other Arabic material This study has greatly benefited from the use of classic and modern Arabic sources in the form of books, articles, reports, documents, manuscripts, and so forth. The following table is used for transliteration. It is an adaptation of the format used by the Library of Congress, with some minor changes for the purpose of simplicity .17 1

a

.)

z

":-'

b

U"

s

"

q

cl

k

.::..

t

U"

sh

J

1

~

th

1.:1'

s

f'

m

j

I:P

d

U

n

h

.J:,

t

A

t

h

t

kh

J:;

z

.J

w

d

~

y

dh

/

~

e. e.

t

03

a

~

..)

r

A

oJ

gh f

.J

u i

I

B. Non-Arabic material Also examined was relevant contemporary literature in the field of public, comparative, and development administration. Finally, the writer, who is himself a Muslim and has been in the West for over a decade to obtain his educational and professional 22

Introduction: Islam and Development

training, can claim a wider perspective that enables him to make sound judgments on many unresolved issues in the field of development, his major field of study. While the writer does not reject all Western technology and models, he nevertheless calls for indigenous, nationalistic, and local creative methods in development; this does not exclude borrowing, where appropriate, from East or West. He is only against any scheme or model that will enhance and increase 'confusion over basic values and social priorities (which) often leads to the uncritical purchase of technologies that may ultimately prove inappropriate and even counter to genuine development. . .. Today's essential problem is not buying technology itself, but the successful exploitation and management of it, which requires wisdom and clarity as to the kind of society desired and the ways in which technology can help construct it' (Goulet, 1977). Throughout this dissertation, dates are given in AH (after Hijrah) and AD (Anno Domini). An example of the format used is: The period of the Islamic State under the Four Rightly Guided Caliphs was 111632-40/661. The numbering following the oblique stroke (I) is the AD date corresponding to the AH date preceding the oblique stroke. Some of the titles of Arabic books, manuscripts, and articles have only been transliterated into the Roman alphabet because they cannot be translated into English.

Definitions of the Concepts Throughout this text certain concepts have been used with somewhat different meanings from the prevailing ones, and hence had to be redefined. The most important of these are as follows: Development Although the concept of development is still vague and elusive in the current literature, it is here simply viewed as the ability of decision-makers to shape and reshape their total environment (political, social, economic, administrative, educational, etc.) through the mobilization of national resources and guided by an ideology in which they strongly believe. 'Development' in the Islamic context

23

Administrative Development

means the ability to attain Islamic ideals in the individual, family, social and the Umma's lives as well as in the running of the State. The closer the Islamic ideal State is reached the more developed the state is, and vice versa. 'Development', from an Islamic perspective, means 'an expression of cultural dynamism characterized by the desire of Muslims to be in "a state of Islam'" (cf. Sardar, 1977: 173-4). Modernization 'Knowledge' is the heritage of humanity at large. No one nation can claim sole possession of it. As viewed here, modernization is neither 'Westernization' (,Europeanization' or 'Americanization') nor 'Easternization'. It is a process that can be applied with a mixture of endogenous and exogenous traits by relying heavily on the former if such traits exist in the culture, history, and heritage of the nation concerned. It is recognized that reasonable borrowing among cultures is a healthy sign; however, total or heavy dependence upon an alien and foreign culture is a sign of national bankruptcy. Endogeneity The term 'endogeneity' was first introduced as the theme of a UNESCO conference (Tangier, September 1977) on the relationship of administrative systems to the cultural context. It appears to have a more positive connotation than 'indigenization' which, in developing countries, suggests a return to the primitive (Braibanti, 1979). 'Endogeneity,18 in the Islamic sense is here defined as the utilization of the pure Islam in the interpretation of human knowledge, understanding and development in all spheres of life so much so that Islam governs human existence and development. In other words it means the Islamization of human thought as a necessary step toward endogeneity in the Muslim World. The Muslim and the Islamist A basic distinction should be made between the 'Islamist' and the 'Muslim'. The former term describes the devout, practising Muslim who understands the religion he professes as a total system of life and consciously decides to pattern his life accordingly; he is neither narrow-minded nor fanatical, but rather an individual who believes that Islam is capable of offering solutions to contemporary prob-

24

Introduction: Islam and Development

lems in all spheres of life. The latter term denotes a follower of Islam who supports the existing status quo and generally does not observe all its basic requirements. Suzanne Haneef (1979:124) describes the Islamist in these terms: Their world-view and frame of reference is that of Islam; their obedience, loyalty and devotion are for God alone; their goal is the Hereafter; and their community is the community of believers. Many among this group are highly educated individuals who have arrived at such a position as a result of reflection on what is happening in the world around them. They are a unique group, part of the small yet strong company of true believers in God who have been living in submission to Him since the first prophet, Adam (peace be on him), walked on earth, in obedience to His guidance. Throughout this work, the Islamist in his role as a change-agent or in his capacity in administration and decision-making shall be used in the singular form, though he represents a universal group whose loyalty to God transcends the artificial geographic boundaries of the present-day Muslim world. This group has the following characteristics: (a) a genuine and strong belief in the Islamic conviction - both in theory and practice - with no hesitation or doubt; (b) a disposition to return to the pure fountains of faith (Qur'an and Sunnah); (c) a comprehensive outlook and perspective that looks at religion in the entirety; (d) a genuine concern for the contemporary situation in the Muslim world; (e) a critical evaluation of all man-made ideologies (e.g. the capitalist, socialist, and communist models) from the Islamic point of view, a clear vision of the distinction of the Islamic solution and a readiness to offer the Islamic alternative; (f) an adequate knowledge of the contemporary civilization in its various spheres; and (g) a conviction that only organized and not individual efforts are fruitful. These characteristics should be kept in mind when the word 'Islamist' is used in this study. The terms 'Muslim' and 'Islamic' are applied to the state in a parallel manner (Maududi, 1969). The former refers to the actual way of life in what are conventionally known as Muslim countries today, while the latter refers to the one state that pertains to Islam as a religion, an ideology, and a system of life (Kahf, 1978: 104). 25

Administrative Development While the majority of the contemporary Muslim countries fall into the first category, the aspirations and needs of today's Islamists are directed toward the second - the establishment of the Islamic State.

Literature Review Because the focus of this book is on the articulation and development of an alternative Islamic model of administrative development, an evaluation and critique of some man-made models is deemed necessary here. 'Development' is sometimes used in a narrow sense to mean industrialization or modernization. In a larger sense, however, it means raising the standard of living of the population as well as raising the level of human dignity within a given society, or in the words of Goulet (1971:x), 'development is the ascent of all men and societies in their total humanity'. Development is viewed by some workers as a social process of modernization that can be largely influenced by human design and by others (cf. Milton Esman, 1966:59-112) as a historical-evolutionary process that can be influenced only marginally by purposeful effort. Richard Gable (1976:68) defines it as 'a process of social change in which basic structural and functional transformations are made in the social system so that people's freedom of action is increased, their alternatives are multiplied, and their ability to control their physical, social and cultural environment is expanded', while Geiger (1962:47) distinguishes development from growth and Lerner (1958) equates it with modernization and Westernization. Ali Mazrui (1978: 156) looks at development as equal to modernization plus socio-ecological balance minus dependency, while Braibanti (1979) views it in a contextual, non-linear way, and the list is endless. These variations in the meaning of development and its scope depend on the interest and background of the scholar involved. Hegelian philosophy, for example, would explain this concept as one of the elements that leads away from tradition, functioning as a dialectical rather than a historical antithesis of tradition. Development may be viewed 'as one of the basic elements of what is known as modernity, a synthesis between an idea: of development and tradition in its historical perspective'. To this viewpoint, modernity 26

Introduction: Islam and Development

could reflect the ultimate development beyond which there is but decline (Binder et al., 1971; Khan, 1980). To an economist, however, a non-sophisticated definition of development may be just higher income determined by various indicators, while an organizational theorist, might see the process as a combination of different variables such as efficiency, economy, and effectiveness; although such concepts can also coexist with underdevelopment. Again, while organizational and economic integration, increased availability of information, open access to decision-making, democratic ways of doing things, urbanization, high level of literacy, representative government, industrialization, technological innovation, economic planning, and a strong or viable role in the international arena have been regarded as significant aspects of development in the democratic world, Marxist thinkers view development as signifying a much simpler state of affairs, namely a movement towards a classless, stateless society based on the famous dictum 'from each according to his ability, to each according to his need'. Moreover, while in a non-Marxist approach to development some scholars generally equate the concept with complexity (emphasizing the emergence of a more complex class structure than that which exists in Marxism), others consider development as the absence of gaps between social, cultural, economic, psychological and political spheres underscoring continuity (Shils, 1965). These and many other definitions offer different, and at times contradictory, views of development. But the most useful way to analyse the concept of political and administrative development is probably by discussing the various approaches and models as they exist in the contemporary literature. In the field of comparative political systems, the student finds a plethora of approaches and models, including the following: a. The legal-administrative approach explains development in terms of constitutional forms and administrative capacity to maintain law and order, efficiency, rationality, and neutrality. Max Weber is a leader of this approach. b. The Junctional-system model, as formulated by such social theorists as Talcott Parsons, Marion Levy, R. K. Morton, and A. Radcliffe-Brown, emphasizes interdependence, social stability and equilibrium. Almond and Coleman pro-

27

Administrative Development

c.

d.

e.

f.

28

vide perhaps the best-known work in this school of thought in The Politics of the Developing Areas, first published in 1960. The economic approach calls for adequate capital formation and economic infrastructure as essential to sustained political development and stable or viable democracies. W. W. Rostow's The Stages of Economic Growth (1960) is a pioneering work in this school of thought, though it has been criticized by many scholars (including economists) on the grounds that in the development process of developing nations, political factors are more important than purely economic ones. Moreover, economic development is only one of the many variables or determinants shaping political institutions and behaviour in the new states (Almond and Coleman, 1960: 538-44). The elite model is expressed in the work of the late Edward Shils, Political Development in the New States (1965). He pointed out that the main task of the ruling elites in the new states is the 'closing of the gap' between the aspirations of the intellectuals, who are the few, and the masses, who are the many. The ruling elites, according to Shils, must be able to cope with the crisis of values as their societies make their initial steps in the transition from tradition to modernity and must be able to manipulate social change, set goals, and maintain their legitimacy. Harold Lasswell also makes a significant contribution to the study of elites in political development (Lasswell, 1965; Lasswell and Kaplan, 1950; Lasswell and Lerner, 1965; Lenczowski, 1975). The communications approach is reflected in the works of Karl W. Deutsch, Nationalism and Social Communications (1953), and of Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society (1958), as well as in the volume edited by Lucian W. Pye, Communication and Political Development (1963), the first of a seven-book series sponsored by the Committee on Comparative Politics of the Social Science Research Council. The communications approach or model emphasizes mobilization or participation, rationalization, national integration and differentiation, and democratization or Westernization. The institutional model examines the capacity of social or-

Introduction: Islam and Development ganizations to adapt to change in the face of economic and political crises. Leonard Binder, William Foltz, Lloyd Fallers, and Seymour Martin Lipset have addressed the issues of political discontinuity, institutional change, and political integration and have viewed socio-political change as a problematic process that has to be faced by the ruling elites. Political institutionalists such as Samuel P. Huntington and S. N. Eisenstadt assert that modernizing as well as modern states can change by losing capabilities as well as by gaining them. Furthermore, in his well-known article entitled 'Political Development and Political Decay' , Huntington states that any theory of political development must be considered along with a theory of 'political decay'. He warns that modernization is not an all-blessed process, but rather has a negative influence on development leading to 'political decay'. He places high emphasis upon the stability of governmental institutions, which can be achieved, in his view, only by balancing governmental mass-mobilization and governmental institutionalization. Robert A. Packenham (1964:108-20) offers a somewhat different classification for the prevailing Western approaches to the study of political development (as they occurred from World War II to the mid-1960s). He focuses his typology upon the various conditions stressed by the social science scholars as the primary correlates or determinants of political development. Packenham distinguishes seven approaches, namely: (a) the legal-formal approach, which deals with a 'legal-formal constitution that prescribes such features as equal protection under the law, the rule of law, regular elections by secret ballot, federalism or the separation of powers or both' - he cites Theodore Woolsey, Woodrow Wilson, and John W. Burgess among those who are committed to this approach; (b) the economic approach, which looks at development from a purely economic point of view: that is, 'political development is primarily a function of a level of economic development sufficient to serve the material needs of the people and to enhance the harmony between economic aspirations and satisfactions' - he cites Karl Marx, Charles A. Beard, Max F. Millikan, and W. W. Rostow among the thinkers who contributed to this approach; (c) the administrative approach, which stresses the central role of 29

Administrative Development

public administration and development administration in political development and focuses on the 'administrative capacity to maintain law and order efficiently and effectively and to perform governmental-output functions rationally and neutrally' - he states that Max Weber and the English colonial administrators were among the proponents of this approach; (d) the social systems approach, which views political development as a 'function of a social system that facilitates popular participation in governmental and political processes at all levels and the bridging of regional, religious, caste, linguistic, tribal and other cleavages' - he cites Karl W. Deutsch, Gabriel Almond, Myron Weiner, and Robert F. Scott among the leading scholars of this approach; (e) the politicalculture approach, which sees political development as 'the set of attitudinal and personality characteristics that enables the members of the political system both to accept the privileges and to bear the responsibilities of a democratic political process' - he cites David Apter, Lucian Pye, Gabriel Almond, Sidney Verba, and Leonard Binder among the vocal supporters of this approach; (f) the geographical approach, which constitutes 'the body of writings arguing that political development is primarily a function of land and other geographical factors' - he cites Achille Loria, Frederick J. Turner, and Karl A. Wittfogel among its foremost exponents; and (g) the stages-oj-modernization approach, which sees 'political development as part of a total modernization process involving legal-formal, economic, social, psychological and administrative aspects to a roughly equal extent' - cites Max F. Millikan, Donald M. Blackmer, and W. W. Rostow among those who acknowledge this approach. In a critique of current studies on political development and modernization, Hah and Schneider (1968:130-58) arrange their criticism and evaluation around the following categories: the legal administrative approach, the economic approach, the structural approach, the functional approach, the leadership approach, and the capacity approach (which includes the communication models and the institutional models). A more recent classification of the different approaches to the study of political development was undertaken by al-Rawaf (1980:16-72) who lists the following: (a) the system-functional approach led by Gabriel Almond; (b) the institution-building approach led by Samuel P. Huntington; (c) the administrative 30

Introduction: Islam and Development

approach led by Fred W. Riggs; (d) the five-crises approach led by Lucian W. Pey, and (e) the dependencia approach led by a group of Latin American scholars such as Fernando H. Cardoso and Enzo Faletto. In a paper entitled 'Critique of Current Studies on Political Development and Modernization', Chong-Do Hah and Jeanne Schneider (1968:130-58) began by stating that 'One of the most popular goals of the American ideological offensive toward the emerging nations is political development and modernization.' They also noted that all of the above models (which had been covered in their study) 'concern themselves with the dilemmas of development, but there are differences in their ability to bring these problems into the arena of testable hypotheses'. Hah and Schneider concluded their paper by stating three major shortcomings in the current models of political development as follows: a. The assumption by many scholars of the inevitability of following the familiar American patterns of modernization if the emerging nations' quest for development is to materialize. This drove Herbert J. Spiro (1966:152) to suggest that the universal functions of the Almond-Coleman model are basically ethnocentric. b. The assumption 'that such structural factors as national cohesion and democratic values are the result of the growth and dispersion of such quantifiable indicators as literacy and degree of urbanization and communication facilities'. c. Their lack of systematic theory: indeed, major 'methodological impediment to the progress of development studies . . . seems to be that we have not recognized the most appropriate level of analysis for initiating the study of social change'. Because of the common belief that the development studies came into their own with the growing deemphasis of the historical-descriptive approach in their discipline, political scientists seem to believe that history has no place in their discipline. For example, Almond's input-output model '[in] as much as it fails to establish a criterion for interpreting historical-descriptive data, [it] is of little use in attempting to locate emergent properties of the new nations for comparative study. In effect, this means that a model is productive only when it can use historical 31

Administrative Development inputs to refine the model further'. (Hah and Schneider, 1968:130-58) A significant frustration and dissatisfaction with the state of political development is reiterated by Gabriel Almond (1973:1) who writes: 'If those of us who began to write about political development some fifteen years ago had been fully aware of what was at the end of the tail we had in our hands, we might have let it go.' The following charges raised by al-Rawaf (1980) against political-development models and approaches seem to carry some validity: a. Ambiguity: the lack of clear and concise terminology in the field of political development. b. Implicit assumption: adding to the confusion of the lack of clear and precise definitions of the concepts used (the works of Almond, Apter, Huntington, and others contain many implicit assumptions of one kind or another). Mancour Olson (1963:529-52), to give one example, has challenged the implicit assum!'tion of earlier models that economic development leads to political and social stability, while reminding us that mass-society specialists and scholars such as William Kornhauser (1959) and Hannah Arendt (1963) have demonstrated how rapid change makes societies vulnerable to totalitarianism. c. Contrast: the multitude of developmental characteristics and variables for each model do not seem to go together on the contrary, these variables may contradict each other. d. Data unavailability - which is true to a large extent of almost all of the developing nations. Ralph Braibanti (1978) suggests a second-party source for gathering firsthand data on the developing nations by drawing upon the experiences of the colonial activity of the United States, Britain, France, the Netherlands, and Spain; the enormously rich global programmes of both the Roman Catholic and Protestant missionary efforts and the military occupations of Germany, Japan and Korea. e. Inaccurate empirical testing - which is a serious problem in political development - for example, we have no way of measuring concepts such as 'interest aggregation', 'interest 32

Introduction: Islam and Development

articulation', 'socialization', and so forth, unlike concepts in economic development, which embody 'clearly quantifiable criteria such as capital formation, per capita income, and gross national product which can be used to assess economic development' (Braibanti, 1978). f. Linearity: the prevailing view of many, but not all, Western scholars is that development is a linear process that flows in an inevitable progression from traditional to modern, from old to new, from irrational to rational, from underdeveloped to developed and from non-democratic to democratic. g. Lack of emphasis on the process of change - which is reflected in much of the work of political development as the idea of transition from traditional to modern society and from agrarian to industrial. Huntington (1971:307) believes that the problem of this theory lies in its concern with the 'direction' of change rather than the 'objects' of change. h. Lack of emphasis on indigenous development - which is clear in the work of the theorists who advocate the dependency theory. By adopting Marxist ideas of development, without any cultural or sacred considerations or both, this analysis can never be applied to any society of the Third World, especially in the Muslim and Arab world. By not stressing the process of 'indigenousness' in development, the scholars of the dependency approach have committed the same mistake as those who emphasize the Western model of development. Such variation in the approach to political development reflects one of two things: either the absence of a clear and precise theory of political development and the lack of a clear vision, or a richness in the field as a symptom of health and strength. Whatever the case may be, with all these variations political development can only offer confusion and disillusionment to the general aspirations of the masses of the less developed countries. This can only mean that an alternative is much more needed now than at any other time in recent history. What this work aspires to do is to offer a first step that needs to be augmented by many other steps toward the construction of an 'endogenous model' of development. This should be originated and developed from within in such a contextual, non33

Administrative Development

linear and non-alien way. The availability of this different perspective will enable the people of the less-developed countries to look at knowledge as being diffused and effervescent in given places and at given times in history. Also, they can reassess themselves and the nations of which they are a part, not only as recipients of a superior technology, but also as equal participants in an endless process of global sharing of ideals. But this will not happen until a new faith of self-reliance and creativity is adopted by the people of the less-developed countries. Such creativity does not have to get rid of the old just for the sake of the new, but it 'consists in reformulating and reconstructing the past in terms of new perceptions of the present and the future' (Braibanti, 1976:182). The overall goal of development in the Muslim world is to steer away from non-Islam towards Islam. This is so because the future of the Muslim societies is with Islam; and without Islam they have no future (Sardar, 1977:173, 177). Thus, one can safely state that looking at either the West or the East for political development (or for social, economic, administrative, or cultural development) is in itself counter-productive to the very spirit of development as defined above. All attempts to introduce Western models of government in the Arab world have largely failed and have been superseded in most cases since World War II by military government (cf. Ismael, 1975:123). This rejection of Western models of government, as well as the failure of other models of development, stimulated a rethink by social scientists (both Eastern and Western) and led to the production of a large body of literature that deals with the question by attempting to offer non-Western, nonlinear alternatives to development especially geared to the needs of the Third World, including both the Arab and the Muslim worlds (e.g. Algar, 1978; G. Amin, 1974; S. Amin, 1977; Baaklini and Khoury, 1979; Bauer, 1976; Beling and Totten, 1970; Berger et al., 1973; Braibanti, 1976, 1978, 1978a; Chomsky and Herman, 1979; De Candido, 1971; Fakoda, 1975; Garcia-Zamor, 1977; Goulet, 1969, 1971, 1977; Guerriro-Ramos, 1970; Hayter, 1971; Inayatullah, 1967; Ismael, 1975; Khoury, 1978; Lee, 1979; Lutu, 1978; Riggs, 1964, 1966, 1973; Sardar, 1977, 1979; Schumacher, 1975; Singer, 1975; Tachau, 1972; and Zeylstra, 1975). Some scholars still maintain the linkage between development and modernization and the inevitability of democracy as the only 34

Introduction: Islam and Development way to achieve that (e.g. Almond, 1970; Apter, 1965; Lerner, 1958; Rostow, 1960; etc.). Apter (1965) concludes his study of the Politics of Modernization by stating that democracy is a polity that is most conducive to modernization, while other theorists do make a distinction between modernization and political development (e.g. Berger et al., 1973; Huntington, 1971, 1968, 1965; Pye, 1966; etc.). Huntington goes further to warn that modernization is having a negative effect on development, leading to 'political decay' as mentioned earlier. Indeed, there is a growing concern over the slogan 'Development Without Modernization', which is often heard among the leaders and elites of the Third World nations. Probably, the most important group in the study of development that has captured the interest and affection of the intellectuals of the Third World is that body of scholars who reject modernization as it relates to development and emphasize the value and integrity of distinctive cultures (e.g. Riggs, 1966, 1973; Inayatullah, 1967; Braibanti, 1969; Guerriro-Ramos, 1970; Tachau, 1972; etc.). Braibanti (1976:169-82), for example, concludes that change in the context of knowledge is a universal phenomenon that can be viewed in circular rather than linear terms. He maintains that it is not true that knowledge (which is necessary for any development) is a unilinear vehicle which moves only in one direction from the new to the old or from the West to the East. It can also move along a route from East to West and from old to new. The 'possibility model' of Guerriro-Ramos (1970:21-59) has similar conclusions. According to him, the two main characteristics of the model are: (a) it supposes that modernity is not located in any specific part of the world; that the modernization process is not to be oriented to any Platonic archetype; and (b) it holds that any nation, regardless of its present configuration, always has its own distinctive possibilities of modernization, the implementation of which can be disturbed by the superimposition of a frozen, normative model that is extrinsic to such possibilities. Inayatullah (1967:79-102) began his article entitled 'Toward a Non-Western Model of Development' by criticizing most definitions of modernization and development as being ethnocentric because they presume all history to be moving in a unilinear way toward the same destiny, the same goals, and the same values as those of Western man. Developing countries, he states, must 'inno35

Administrative Development

vate new ways' of development - produced by the people of such countries, not imposed upon them by any foreign aid or by any modernizing regime. The pattern must be an original one and the product of deliberate choice by the people of the country concerned. This new model, Inayatullah argues must not accept the proposition that development is facilitated by any given cluster of values or that technological advancement cannot be achieved without sacrificing the integrity of the individual. People of the developing nations, including the Muslim world, must take a lesson from their developed neighbours in order to avoid many of the ills of the industrial phase of social development by orienting themselves toward an image of future stages of development (parallel to the post-industrial society in the West) as their main objective. They should not throwaway their past heritage just because it is old. Thus, the political growth of the developing nations should be viewed in a contextual, nonlinear, non-foreign perspective where the developing nations should not use in their development process and programmes the same methods and techniques used by the West. Finally, the traditional values and patterns should be preserved, for they are basic to political development which should be indigenous in nature, and because they are not necessarily and always inimical to development (Braibanti and Spengler, 1961). Two important ingredients of development are essential in the non-Western model of Inayatullah (1967). First, development is a voluntary activity on the part of a society in which no exclusive group imposes its own set of values. The process is moulded by the presence of diverse values in the society which clash, conflict, and eventually evolve into something new but do not suppress other value systems. The second ingredient is innovation rather than imitation. The developing society, like any other society, learns from the experience of others, and imports what is considered useful (especially technological and industrial innovations) through a process of conscious selection and free choice. Frank Tachau (1972:5-8) refers to some of the misconceptions that prevail in the West vis-a-vis the developing nations. He distinguishes three: (a) traditional societies are rigidly static, steeped in ignorance, and bound to disappear; (b) modernity is an improvement over tradition and therefore it is preferable; and (c) tensions and conflicts, especially on the international scene, are primarily 36

Introduction: Islam and Development

the result of either interference from an external alien power or the spillover effects of modernization within national boundaries of the traditional societies. Fred W. Riggs (1973) states that the essential dilemma for a traditional society that finds itself caught in a prismatic trap is not whether to modernize or not, to replace traditional values or to retain them, to follow a socialist or a liberal path, but rather to achieve a high enough level of integration so that in its growth and development it can both retain the traditional values and cultural treasures which it cherishes most and simultaneously apply selectively whatever foreign technologies will most help meet its requirements. This is obviously a more realistic approach to the problem of development in traditional societies in general and the Muslim ones in particular. Nevertheless, in an Islamic society the change-agents (the Islamists in our study) who are committed to the attainment of this goal must understand their environment well and know how to deal with its various ideological groups. 19 Moreover, they should be aware of the view expressed by Riggs as 'neo-traditionalism'. This term refers to a type of cultural diffusion and is seen as part of a process of development, so long as it does not contradict established beliefs and values, particularly in view of the recent spread of Ubiquitous alien values, doctrines, beliefs, and practices in the contemporary Muslim societies. Modernizers are usually eclectic: they try in a way to establish harmony between alien values and practices and their own history, accepting what is appropriate and rejecting what is 'dangerous'. An eclectic modernizer (still an advocate of neo-traditionalism) is one who seeks to unite modern ways with traditional cultural materials. By so doing, he will undoubtedly contribute to the minimization of many of the ills of the industrial phase of social development that are rampant in the Muslim world oftoday. This orientation is more appropriate in the developing societies if growth and development can be fostered meaningfully by directly incorporating the transformed traditional elements in the process. Another reason why this approach is useful is because of its compatibility with the overall goal of an Islamic developmental perspective. 'Science is neither Western nor Eastern,' explains an Austrian Muslim, 'for all scientific discoveries are only links in an unending chain of intellectual endeavour which embraces mankind 37

Administrative Development as a whole .... The scientific achievements of a particular age or civilisation can never be said to "belong to that age or civilisation".' This Austrian Muslim also advises the Muslim scholar to adopt modern methods in science and technology, but warns against the adoption of a 'Western form of life, Western manners and customs and social concepts', because they will not gain anything by them. 'For what the West can give them in this respect,' he continues, 'will not be superior to what their own culture has given them and to what their own faith points the way.' (Asad, 1954:3479.) This is the Islamic position on interaction between existing civilizations - not that of withdrawal or retreat, but rather of a dialogue and communication, as will be evidenced later.

On Models and Model Building Karl Deutsch (1953:356) states eloquently the often-repeated notion that 'we are using models, willing or not, whenever we are trying to think systematically about anything at all.' The word 'model' is used here with Deutsch's observation in mind and, as expressed by Dwight Waldo (1956:27), to mean 'simply the conscious attempt to develop and define concepts, or clusters of related concepts, useful in classifying data, describing reality and (or) hypothesizing about it'. Model building entails (a) identification of certain and significant variables and the relationships between them; (b) specification of the objectives and the criteria by which the objectives may be measured; and (c) listing of conditions, restrictions, and constraints including uncertainties which affect the functioning of a model. No theorist or model builder maintains that models coincide with realities, yet they do highlight general characteristics and important relationships. They facilitate instruction, research, and analysis as well as pinpoint some factors that may escape empirical observation. Finally, they illustrate variables and guide propositionbuilding (Caiden, 1971:260). Dwight Waldo (1956:2Cr49) lists a number of models in use, such as law, machine, organ, system, business, militia, science, art, ethnics, cybernetics, and mathematics. According to Fred W. Riggs, models are inductive and deductive, structural and function38

Introduction: Islam and Development aI, parochial and universal in scope, prescriptive and descriptive, static and dynamic (Riggs and Weidner, 1963:6-43). The discipline of public administration contains several models ranging from the Weberian ideal model of bureaucracy to the prismatic sala model of Riggs (1964, 1973). On the one hand, the bureaucratic model reflects, implicitly at least, culture-bound assumptions which constitute the bulk of traditional and modified traditional approaches to the study of administrative systems. On the other hand, the prismatic sala model provides two ideal opposite types - a diffracted society in which every function has a corresponding structure that specializes in its performance, and a fused society, in which a single structure performs all functions. The prismatic society is a midpoint between the two ideal types and it combines fused and diffracted traits which are characterized by heterogeneity, formalism, and overlapping. Although the value of these two models, along with many others, have been recognized, they both have been severely criticized. In fact, the literature is replete with such criticism. Weber himself later expressed deep concern over his bureaucratic model, recognizing that bureaucratic organizations would become oppressive, dictatorial, and generally dehumanizing for the individual employee. In considering the prismatic sala model, influential though it may be, Riggs (1964:424) himself admits the 'gloomy view' which he states 'seems to grow out of the logic of the prismatic model'. R. K. Arora (1972:121-3) discusses in some detail the 'negative character' of the prismatic model, stating that it contains a Western bias and that the terms chosen to describe prismatic traits are value-laden, emphasizing only the negative aspects of prismatic behaviour. Ferrel Heady (1979:73) lists some scholars who object to the pessimistic tone of the prismatic model such as Michael L. Monroe (1970:229-42), who has described the prismatic theory as reflecting standards from a Western frame of reference and faults Riggs for overlooking evidence of prismatic behaviour in Western countries such as the United States or Britain. 20 E. H. Valsan (1968) and R. S. Milne (1970) have argued that 'formalism', meaning in Riggsian parlance the gap between what is formally prescribed and actually practised, may have positive as well as negative consequences, depending on situations and circumstances. Such criticism indicates, in part, the limitations of these models 39

Administrative Development and the necessity for developing alternatives to them, some of which resemble realities. It should be emphasized that Riggs has never made any claim about how well his sala model fits any existing transitional society, and indeed has emphasized a need to research further the extent to which the sala characteristics actually are to be found in particular developing societies. He nevertheless asserts that his model-building efforts 'rest on a substratum of empiricism' (Riggs, 1964:241). One should recognize, then, that all models (a) have limitations and (b) are controversial. If not, they would not be models. The ideal Islamic model to be presented in Chapter 6 is no exception, as this study will demonstrate. Recognizing the difficulties involved in model building, the main problem lies in choosing a model that matches reality closely enough to aid in comprehending it (Heady, 1979:67). It is hoped that this ideal Islamic administrative model (to be presented in Part III) does just that so scholars and practitioners of public administration can comprehend Islamic reality. For this model is not concerned at all with 'catching up' (with the Western or the Eastern) ideology. Instead, the objective here is to discern the nature and ethos as well as the goals and means of administrative development from an Islamic perspective. What is more relevant and pressing is the need to identify clearly the Islamic ideals of administrative development, to measure the distance between these ideals and the present-day reality of the Muslim world, and to formulate strategies for pursuing developmental efforts in such a way that an Islamic framework of life ultimately may be evolved (cf. Ahmad, 1979:5). This Islamic framework of life to be ultimately evolved is the goal of every sub-system of the total Islamic system. For example, in the political realm as well as in the socio-economic sphere, attaining Islamic ideals in such areas is the goal. Likewise, in administration the goal is to achieve Islamic values even if it means the sacrifice of efficiency and effectiveness if the latter innately conflict with humanism - an important value in the Islamic framework. To facilitate its understanding by the non-Islamic reader, the ideal Islamic administrative model shall be discussed in this study using a familiar conceptualization tool - the open systems approach.

40

Introduction: Islam and Development

Notes to the Introduction 1 An excellent discussion of the perspective of development is given by Leonard Binder in 'Crises of Political Development', in Crises in Political Development, eds Binder et al., Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press, 1971. To apply these crises to the environment of a Muslim country, namely Saudi Arabia, see Othman Y. al-Rawaf, 'The Concept of the Five Crises in Political Development - Relevance to Saudi Arabia', Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1980. Others consider development as the absence of a gap between the social, cultural, economic, psychological, and political spheres underscoring continuity. See Edward Shils, Political Development in the New States, The Hague, Mouton, 1965. An excellent collection of articles on political and administrative development appears in Ralph Braibanti, ed., Political and Administrative Development, Durham, N.C., Duke University Press, 1969. On Islam and development, which is relatively a new enterprise, see the following: Islam and Development, Proceedings of the Fifth Annual Convention of the Association of Muslim Social Scientists, Plainfield, Ind., The Association of Muslim Social Scientists, 1979; John L. Esposito, ed., Islam and Development: Religion and Sociopolitical Change, Syracuse, N.Y., Syracuse University Press, 1980; Ziauddin Sardar, Science, Technology and Development in the Muslim World, London, Croom-Helm, 1977; Mujid S. Kazimi and John I. Makhoul, eds, 'Perspectives on Technological Development in the Arab World', AAUG Monograph Series no. 8, The Association of Arab-American University Graduates, 1977; Richard N. Frye, ed., Islam and the West, The Hague, Mouton, 1956, pp. 202 ff.; Z. R. Khan, 'Islam: Development and Politico-Economic Change', Al-Ittihad, vol. 17, no. 2 (April':"'June 1980): 21-7, and 'Political Science: Development and the Internal Dynamics of the Muslim States', Islam and Development, op. cit., 1977, pp. 41-53; R. Braibanti, 'The Recovery of Islamic Identit: in Global Perspective', in The Rose and the Rock, ed. Bruce Lawrence, Durham N.C., The Carolina Academic Press, 1979, pp. 159-95, and 'Technology and Islam', unpublished paper presented at a conference on Islam: A Religion and a Way of Life, Paris, 4--5 December 1980; and Claud K. Sutcliffe, 'Is Islam an Obstacle to Development? Ideal Patterns on Belief Versus Actual Patterns of Behavior', Journal of the Developing Areas, vol. X (October 1975): 77-83. 2 The Holy Book (Qur'an) and the Sunnah (the Tradition of the Prophet) will be discussed in some detail in Chapter 1, pp. 60-69.

41

Administrative Development 3 The idea here is not merely the 'transfer' of Western technology, but rather the 'full comprehension, the grasp or the capacity', to understand and absorb such technology. And this is, in fact, the experience of Japan, Russia, India, and China. Here, Muslims should recognize that the fruit of technology can be imported any time one is able to pay the asking price. However, this would be merely importing some fruits which cannot be renewed, because such crops were planted and harvested abroad. Thus, it is necessary for Muslim nations to plant and grow their own fruit in their own local environment, for in the final analysis, development produces technology and not vice versa (M. A. Fadeel Al-Naft wal Mushkilat al-Mu'aasirah Littanmiah alArabiah [Oil and Contemporary Problems of Arab Development], Kuwait, A'lam al-Ma'rifah, 1979, pp. 43-55, in Arabic. 4 See, for example, Ja'far Shaikh Idris, The Process of Islamization, Plainfield, Ind., The Muslim Students' Association of USA & Canada, 1977. He addresses the question of the process of Islamic social change and the importance of both planning and the State as necessary but not sufficient conditions for Islamization in contemporary Muslim societies. 5 To illustrate the comprehensive nature and advanced state of Islamic law (shari'ah), one can point to the area of environmental protection where Islamic law and precepts are very advanced. In contrast, the industrialized West suffers greatly from the lack of such protection due to the Western industrial societies' tendency to waste resources, pollute the abode of man, and lay the costs (wastes) of production not on those who profit from industry, but on the general public. Presumably, Islamic 'development' would avoid these negative by-products. See Chapter 2, especially the section on the relationship between man and nature as Islam delineates it. 6 Twelve journals surveyed are African Development, Development and Change,_ Developpment et Civilisations, Development Cooperation Efforts and Policies of the Members of the Development Assistance Committee Review, The Developing World - A UFS Readings, Economic Development and Cultural Change, International Development Review, The Journal of the Developing Areas, The Journal of Development Studies, Public Administration Review, Quarterly Journal of Administration, and Studies in Comparative International Development. The time span covered by the survey is the last two decades (196~79) or from the inception of the journal (if it was issued after 1960) to the last issue in 1979. 7 The seven predominantly Muslim countries are Turkey, Pakistan, Lebanon, Tunisia, Syria, Iraq, and Algeria. If Lebanon is excluded because the Christian minority controls the government, and Tunisia

42

Introduction: Islam and Development and Algeria because they are under colonial French control in 1950, four Muslim societies remain. See McClelland's The Achieving Society, Princeton, N.J., Van Nostrand, 1961. 8 See the analysis of Arthur H. Nichoff and J. Charnel Anderson in 'Peasant Fatalism and Socio-Economic Innovation', Human Organization 25 (Fall 1966), p. 274. See also Gunnar Myrdal, Asian Drama, New York, Twentieth Century Fund, 1968. He specifically says: 'The author knows of no instance in present day South Asia where religion has induced social change' (p. 103). Sami Zubaida, on the other hand, argues that Islam is the most activist movement among the revealed religions, especially in economics and politics. See his 'Economic and Political Activism in Islam', Economy and Society, vol. I. no. 3 (August 1972), pp. 308-38. 9 Throughout his book, Professor Lerner argues that the only way for Middle Eastern societies to modernize is to follow the West. Hence, modernization equals Westernization, as far as he is concerned. He dismisses the ability of the Arab countries or, in larger scale, the Muslim world to become united. And he says that 'the attraction of larger units for politicians operates in all times and places, for in greater unity there is greater strength. But how to achieve such unity? The sophisticates of Cairo will not yoke their tastes and interest with the desert Wahhabis of Saudi Arabia simply because they are both nominally Arab and Islamic peoples' (p. 402). If this logic holds then one could really question the existing unity of, for example, New York City with Appalachia under one polity! For further interesting but erroneous conclusions - such as 'The attempt to establish the Arab-Muslim syndrome as the symbolic base of a functioning polity is likely to fail on empirical grounds' - see Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East, New York, The Free Press, 1958, p. 404. 10 Miswak is the name of the tool, while the act of brushing is called in Islamic Arabic siwak. It is interesting to note that recent laboratory and medical examination of the substance of miswak shows that it contains an effective decay-preventive dentifrice and other natural material for the preservation of the gums. 11 There are many reasons for this lack of adequate and objective treatment of Islam in Western scholarship. One reason is simply many writers' ignorance about Islam. To illustrate, Abraham Kaplan in his introduction to The New World of Philosophy, New York, Vantage Books, 1961, p. 7, in a rare instance of intellectual honesty and candour, admits that 'the most serious omission is Islamic thought, of enormous importance in a vast region stretching from Morocco to Indonesia; I can only plead ignorance and the political exigencies

43

Administrative Development

12

13 14

15

16

44

which made it impossible for me to acquaint myself with this movement of thought at first hand' (italics are mine). Masajid (pI. of masjid - literally, the place of prostration) is the mosque or place of public prayers in Islam. Unlike the church and synagogue, the mosque in Islam is any place on earth in accordance with the Prophet's saying, 'The whole earth was made masjid for me.' Thus, when it is time for prayers, a Muslim can pray anywhere and does not have to find a masjid for the performance of his prayers. See Muhammad Qutb, Islam: The Misunderstood Religion, Lahore, Pakistan, Islamic Publication, 1972. For example, see a small booklet entitled, 'Islam Between Ignorant Followers and Incapable Scholars', by the late Muslim scholar from Egypt Abdul Qader 'Audah Damascus, Syria, The Holy Koran Publishing House, 1977. Khilafah (also Khilaphah or Caliphate) is an Arabic term meaning the office of Khalifah (successor, lieutenant, a vicegerent or deputy). The word is used in the Qur'an for Adam, as the vicegerent of the Almighty on earth. But in its simple meaning in the political literature of Islam, it refers to the institution in which there is one central Khalifah (ruler, governor, president, etc.) to take care of the political and religious as well as economic, social, educational, etc. affairs of the Muslim community. The last Khilafah was abolished in 1924 ending the Ottoman Empire and temporarily depriving the Muslims of this central institution. The last Khalifah (Caliph) was Sultan Abdul Hamid II. To mention only a few of these writings: Muhammad Asad (formerly Leopold Weiss), Principles of State and Government in Islam, Berkeley and Los Artgeles: University of California Press, 1961; A. Maududi, Islamic Law and Constitution, M. Ahmad, Nature of Islamic Political Theory, M. Asad, 'Islam and Politics'; A. G. Chejne, Succession to the Rule in Islam; M. Hamidullah, 'The First Written Constitution in the World,' and The Muslim Conduct of State; S. A. Q. Husaini, Arab Administration, A. Iqbal, Diplomacy in Islam; H. R. Sherwani, Studies in Muslim Political Thought and Administration; and A. H. Siddiqi, Non-Muslims Under Muslim Rule and Muslims Under Non-Muslim Rule. In addition, there exists a large volume of printed works in Arabic by scholars such as ibn Khaldun, ibn Taymiyyah, and many contemporary scholars of political science. That is on the theoretical level. In the real political sphere, however, few attempts have been made to establish Islamic states, and experience has shown that those few were premature. For example, the creation of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania and, before it, in 1947,

Introduction: Islam and Development the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, did not materialize to offer the minimum level to satisfy the aspiration of world Muslims. Recently, in February 1979, Iran's Islamic Revolution was successful enough to establish the Islamic Republic of Iran and reawaken the Muslim world after a long sleep. As Time Magazine, in its issue on 'Man of the Year' (7 January 1980) puts it, 'Khomeini had ignited a messianic fervor to destroy Western influence that may spread throughout the Arab world, and a xenophobic nationalism that could be exported even to non-Islamic Third World nations.' It is still too early to predict the true nature of such an Islamic state, although there are many positive indications, especially as the war between Iran and Iraq enters its fifth year. 17 This table is an adaptation of the Library of Congress Transliteration Table. For simplification, all dots and vowel accents have been is always transliterated by the English removed. While symbol (,), the only exception is the word shari'ah because it appears in this form in so many works that did not need any further change. 18 The theme of endogeneity and indigenization is further developed by scholars such as Ralph Braibanti. See especially his works entitled 'Context, Cause and Change' , in Prospects for Constitutional Democracy: Essays in Honor of R. Taylor Cole, ed. John H. Hallowell, Durham, N.C., 1976, pp. 165-83; 'Political Development: Contextual, Non-linear Perspectives', Politikon 3 (1976), pp 6-18; 'Conceptual Prerequisites for the Evolution of Asian Bureaucratic Systems', in Management Training for Development: The Asian Experience, ed. Inayatullah, Kuala Lumpur: 1975, pp. 185-231; 'Values in Institutional Processes', in Values and Development: Appraising the Asian Experience, eds H. Lasswell, D. Lerner, J. Montgomery, Cambridge, Mass., 1976, pp. 133-53. See also Nsamin O. Lutu, 'Toward a Theory and Practice of SelfReliance in National Development: Suggestions for Models', Ph.D. dissertation, Syracuse University, 1978. 19 At least five groups can be identified. Their philosophies and activities may foster or hinder developmental work. The change-agent has to have adequate knowledge of such groups if he is to achieve his developmental goals. These groups are:

t

a. The Conservatives - who believe that political stability can be maintained only if the focus of change can be moderated by a slow and careful integration of new elements into time-tested institutions b. The Liberals - who seek to change the political, economic or social status quo to foster the development and well-being of the individual

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Administrative Development c. The Radicals - who advocate drastic changes of the laws, the structure of government, economic policies, or the overall character of the state or the society d. The Revolutionaries - who strongly demand basic and fundamental changes in the political system and a recasting of the social order e. The Reactionaries - who want to preserve the status quo and advocate substantial political, social or economic change promoting a return to an earlier more conservative system. Additional differing groups which do not fit into the above categories include entrepreneurs, trade-union leaders, bankers, businessmen, etc. 20 One book which directly faces the fact that the United States is a developing country (like all others) is Ira Sharkansky, The United States: A Study of a Developing Country, New York, David McKay Co., Inc., 1975. The author does not use the prismatic model directly, but only some elements like dualism, formalism, etc. The concept that all countries are developing, including the United States, finds a growing acceptance in the literature of comparative public administration. In addition to the above book, Dwight Waldo (1980:133) tells us that the last time he taught 'Development Administration', the focus of the course was on 'The United States as a Developing Country', and there is now a respectable literature in this vein.

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Part I The Ideology for Development The word 'ideology' is used here in its limited sense to mean Weltanschauung, or world view. It is concerned mainly with guiding development in the direction that is harmonious with the overall belief-system of a given society. Hence, Islam - as the ideology of Muslims - does not only show how to go about making changes and applying strategies, but also describes new political, socioeconomic, and cultural systems to replace corrupt and decadent ones through development and change and, as a last resort, revolution. Since the Islamic world view of tawhid, the realization of the fundamental oneness of the Creator, encompasses truth and reality, and is in no sense a limited or stagnant view of being, the Islamic ideology as a guide for development was, is, and will be dynamic and revolutionary. The difficulty has lain, not in the absence of means of growth and development, but in the lack of disposition by its adherents and intellectuals. This part contains two chapters. The first is a general background of Islam, its meaning, basic beliefs and doctrines, main sources of law, and view vis-it-vis secularism. The chapter also analyses the concept of theocracy and discusses some fundamental theories of Islam such as freedom, justice, equality, shura or consultation, and the dignity of man. The question of Islamic democ~ racy concludes this chapter.

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Administrative Development Chapter 2 focuses on man himself as the purpose of development and the vehicle or agent through which development takes place. This chapter portrays an Islamic view of human nature in comparison with other religions. The functions, responsibilities, accountabilities, and political nature of man are discussed and the relationship between man and his environment as well as the interaction between the two are analysed. Finally, the chapter raises the possibility of developing an Islamic psychological theory - a task beyond the scope of the present work.

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1

Islam: General Background

Not being based on a thorough understanding of the context and culture of Islam, the study of Islam in the West has frequently led to many faulty interpretations. For example, some writings, especially in the field of orientalism, view Islam only as the religion of prayers and fast, of polygamy and slavery, of the sword and expansion, and of the tent and tribe. Even some people inside the field of orientalism seem to have little knowledge of what Islam is and who Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) was.! Orientalism,2 according to Edward Said (1978:3), is an academic approach to the East (particularly to the Arab-world), a style of thought, and a corporate institution directed at 'dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the orient'. Because this is a study of administrative development from the Islamic point of view and not a study of theology, the nature and significance of Islam will not be explored in depth. But in order to understand the administrative machinery, socio-economic policy, public policy, and polity of Islam, some knowledge of the sources of such concepts is important.

The Meaning of Islam Religion, in general, is considered to be a 'specific system of belief, 49

Administrative Development

worship, conduct, etc. often involving a code of ethics and a philosophy' (Webster's New World Dictionary, College Edition, 1966: 1228). However, Islam, besides being a religion, is also a social order and a complete code of life. In the Islamic view, Christianity and Judaism also have social orders but these are not as comprehensive and as adequate as that of Islam. Islam is not only the message of Muhammad (p.b.u.h.) but it is the divine messge from the days of Adam through Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus and finally integrated in the message of Muhammad (p.b.u.h.).3 Among the basic articles of Islamic faith are God, the Angels, the Revealed Scriptures, the Messengers of God, the Hereafter, 4 and the Divine Decree. Besides these basic tenets, there are five pillars of Islam: (a) Declaration of Faith (shahadah) , (b) Daily Prayers (salah), (c) Fasting (sawm), (d) Poor-Due or Almsgiving (zakah), and (e) Pilgrimage (hajj). These specific acts of worship are extremely important since they lift one to a higher plane of spirituality. Every act which is taken with the consciousness that it fulfils the Divine Will is considered an act of worship in Islam. The shahadah signifies the oneness of God which is at the heart of the Islamic belief, and Muslims credit all previous prophets with preaching this oneness of God. Beginning with Adam, they include Abraham (Ibrahim), Noah (Nuh), Moses (Musa), and Jesus CIsa). Hence, the initial declaration of faith is this essential statement: 'I bear witness that there is none worthy of worship except God and that Muhammad is His messenger.' The acceptance of this statement obliges Muslims to follow the Prophet's exemplary life in every way. The daily prayers of the Muslim strengthen and enliven his belief in God. They inspire him to higher morality; they serve to purify his heart and soul, and suppress evil and indecent inclinations. Therefore, every Muslim is expected to face Makkah five times daily: at dawn or shortly before sunrise (fajr), at noon (zuhr), in late afternoon Casr), at sunset (maghrib), and about seventy minutes after sunset Cisha).5 The observance of fasting during the month of Ramadan is binding on all adult Muslims of both sexes, except for the aged, the sick, pregnant women, nursing mothers, and travellers. In the ninth month of each lunar year, a Muslim is not supposed to eat or drink from dawn to sunset. The fast of Ramadan was commanded for the 50

Islam: General Background

purpose of trammg Muslims in self-discipline and scrupulous obedience to God's commands, as well as for cultivating kindness and sympathy toward the poor; it is not related to penance for sins or regarded as a means of appeasing God's wrath as in some religions (Haneef, 1979:46-7). Fasting, then, teaches love, devotion, and sincerity as well as cultivates a sound conscience, patience, unselfishness, and willpower. Almsgiving or zakah is a social and religious duty of the rich towards the less fortunate as a poor-due, amounting to 2.5 per cent of one's net savings to be spent on poorer sections of the community. Whereas zakah is one of the pillars of faith that must be enforced, the sadaqat,6 or charities, are left to the conscience ofthe individual. However, the latter is heavily stressed in the Holy Qur'an and Sunnah (see Qur'an, IX:58, 60, 79, 103, 104; 11:196, 264). The modern application of zakah and sadaqat is an important tool of income redistribution if done effectively. Pilgrimage to Makkah, the last of the five pillars of faith in Islam, is to be performed once in a man's lifetime if he is physically and financially able; otherwise the individual is excused. The hajj ceremony starts on the ninth day of the twelfth month of the Islamic lunar calendar and ends on the twelfth day of the same month (thulhijjah). About two and a half million Muslims from all over the world made the hajj in 1983. The sense of community and of being one Ummah (nation) is particularly strong at times of hajj. When this huge number of Muslims converge at the Holy Places in and around Makkah they enact and symbolize one of the unifying forces in Islam. Besides performing their religious duties, Muslims at hajj discuss matters of importance pertinent to their existence and well-being on both the material and spiritual levels, thereby transforming this ancient ritual into a modern international conference for Muslims at its best. From the beginning, Islam embraced a strong and unique ideology of moral, cultural, political, and economic principles. It not only upholds an ideal by which to live and for which to die, but it also establishes a social order based on the principles of equality, justice, brotherhood, and freedom. Arnold Toynbee (1961:461) the British historian, writes this about the birth and strength of Islam: Buddhism did not make a political impact on the world on a 51

Administrative Development grand scale till about two hundred years, and Christianity not till about three hundred years, after the founders' day ... Islam made a comparable impact during the founder's own lifetime, and its political fortunes were made by the founder himself. Furthermore, A. L. Kroeber (1952:381) in his The Nature of Culture writes: It [Islam] manifests unusual cohesiveness and uniformity in spite of its vast spread; and it possesses not only a 'universal' idea system of church, to speak with Toynbee, but a universal language and writing in Arabic. Yet Islam lacks some of the most significant features of other great civilizations. It had no infancy and no real growth, but sprang up Minerva-like fullblown with the life of one man.

Such witness supports the assertion that Islam, from its inception, was a highly structured body of doctrine ,and a strictly conceived code for living that was to be applicable at any time and any place. Muslims do not anticipate evolutionary or crucial changes in their dogma, but they do have modern translations and interpretations of Islamic edicts which speak to contemporary demands and circumstances. Unlike Christianity, Islam does not delegate to any 'Caesar' or governor the affairs of running the state. Rather, it aspires to establish its own political theory and practice under the 'democratic' institution of khilafah, where the Caliph (Khalifah) is elected by the community. Once in office, the ruler of an Islamic State is not free to rule according to his own whims but is subject to check by the Advisory Council. (More will be said about this institution in Chapter 3, 'Political Development'.) Unlike Judaism, which concerns itself solely with the welfare and well-being of one nation - 'The Chosen People' - Islam claims an international authority. It invites all people of all races in all places; and within an Islamic State, Muslims and non-Muslims as subjects are equal before the law. Islam, indeed, 'lays down rules not only for individual progress but also for the advancement of society, of nations, and even of humanity as a whole' (Siddiqi, 1965:2). 52

Islam: General Background

The Muslim People The Muslim World consists offorty-four countries (members ofthe Organization of the Islamic Conference, OIC) scattered throughout Asia and Africa, where Muslims constitute the majority of the population. It also includes twelve 'areas' where Muslims constitute a majority and sixty-nine countries where Muslim minorities are located (see Tables 1.1,1.2 and 1.3). In 1976 the population of the Muslim world was estimated to be slightly more than one billion. About 680 million of them live where Muslims are predominant and 230 million in countries where Muslims are in minority groups. In the USSR and India, even though in the minority, they number more than 100 million. For the purpose of this research, however, we will treat the Muslim world as comprising only those states which are members of the OIC (see Figure 1.1). In a recent survey Richard V. Weekes (1978) accounted for some 300 ethnic groups in the Muslim world. About 96 of them have Muslim populations of over 100000 and include 92 per cent of all Muslim adherents. These ethnic groups range from the Arabs (the largest group, numbering about 120 million) to the Duwwud of Libya (numbering only about 1000). Arabs, Turks, Kurds, Persians, Berber, and Hausa are only a few of the better known groups - stretching from Morocco to Indonesia - that comprise the contemporary Muslim world. With such diversity in the Islamic civilization, dating back even to pre-Turkish times, the concept of nationality was always amorphous. It continued to be so while the Ottoman Empire blanketed most of the Arab world. Citizenship of the state was a subordinate relationship and was viewed as an outlet of loyalty to the Islamic faith and to the sovereignty of Allah alone. The important thing was not to be an Egyptian, or a Syrian, or a Moroccan, or any other nationality, but to be a Muslim. What counted was Islam, since, to the Muslim, Islam is faith, nationality, and a way of life. The Qur'an (VI:162) is very clear and on this point: 'Say: Lo! My worship and my sacrifice and my living and my dying are for Allah, Lord of the Worlds.' Because Islam is a universal, trans-ethnic religion that transcends national, linguistic, and cultural diversities, Muslims share 53

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Islam: General Background Table 1.1 The Muslim World: Countries where Muslims constitute a majority

Country'

Capital

Area km 2

Population

Muslims

%

Afghanistan' , Albania Algeria Bahrain Bangladesh Benin Cameroon Central African Republic Chad Egypt" Ethiopia Gambia Guinea Guinea-Bissau Indonesia Iran Iraq Ivory Coast Jordan Kuwait Lebanon Libya Malaysia Maldive Islands Mali Mauritania Morocco Niger Nigeria Oman Pakistan Qatar Saudi Arabia Senegal Sierra Leone Somalia Sudan Syria Tanzania Togo Tunisia Turkey

Kabul Tirana Algiers Manama Dacca Porto Novo Yaounde

652015 28860 1500212 1118 143328 115154 477277

17900000 2350000 15700000 222000 75000000 2909000 6117000

17721000 1763000 15386000 220000 63750000 1746000 3365000

99 75 98 99 85 60 55

Bangui N'Djamena Cairo Addis Ababa Banjul Conakry Bissau Jakarta Tehran Baghdad Abidjan Amman Kuwait Beirut Tripoli Kuala Lumpur Male Bamako Nouakchott Rabat Niamey Lagos Muscat Islamabad Doha Riyadh Dakar Freetown Mogadishu Khartoum Damascus Dar-es-Salam Lome Tunis Ankara

618420 1289080 1005321 1221900 10246 245857 36125 1491564 1648000 438446 322500 94500 17800 8806 1759500 286000 235 1239988 1030000 446550 1271896 927339 213 200 1041375 10400 2158000 196192 72605 702000 2515500 186808 943332 56600 165150 780580

1640000 3999000 35900000 26598000 384000 4259000 810000 131713000 32215000 10 164000 4515000 2556000 917000 3021000 2178000 11393000 125000 5392000 1227000 16995000 4355000 79759000 750000 64892000 170000 8175000 4020000 2769000 3950000 16911000 6890000 14380000 2120000 5521000 38000000

902000 3400000 33387000 17289000 327000 4047000 567000 125127000 31571 000 9657000 2484000 2429000 917000 1722000 2178000 5929000 125000 4853000 1227000 16826000 3963000 59820000 750000 62945000 170000 8175000 3819000 1800000 3950000 14375000 5994000 9347000 1166000 5245000 37620000

55 85 93 65 85 95 70 95 98 95 55 95 100 57 100 52 100 90 100 99 91 75 100 97 100 100 95 65 100 85 87 65 55 95 99

55

Administrative Development Country'

Union of Arab Emirates Upper Volta Yemen Arab Republic YemenPDR

Area km 2

Population

Abu Dhabi Ouagadougou

85800 275259

320000 5514000

320000 100 3879000 70

Sana'a Aden

195000 291200

6070000 1560600

6000000 1440000

Capital

Muslims

%

99 92

TOTAL: 600693000 Source: The World Muslim Gazateer (Karachi: Ummah Publications. 1976). '" All of the states listed arc members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) except Albania. Benin. Ethiopia. Central African Republic. and Ivory Coast. Not included. though members. are Djibouti. Gabon. and Uganda . .. Afghanistan's and Egypt's membership of the Ole has been wilhheld since 1979 and 1978. respectively.

many things: a universal way of life, worship of the same God, recognition of the same religious laws (shari'ah), and observation of the same rituals, such as salah, sawm, zakah, and hajj. As will be discussed elsewhere in this chapter, they also share distinguishable cultural traits derived from their 1400-year Islamic heritage. Moreover, since Muslims today are largely a part of the underdeveloped, non-industrialized, non-Western and, for the most part, populous and poor world, they also share aspirations for modernization and development beyond their present situations. (The reasons for their present status are beyond the scope of this discussion.) Of this unity in diversity, an American Muslim made this eloquent statement in describing his hajj to Mecca in 1964: 'I saw all races, all colors - blue-eyed blonds to black-skinned Africansin true brotherhood! In unity! Living as one! Worshipping as one!' (Little, 1965).

Sources of Islamic Law The Divine Law, or shari'ah is the core of Islam.7 In fact, 'Islam' literally means the submission to the Will of God. Muslims, then, have to surrender their lives totally to the rule of divine commandments as early stated in the Our'an. This comprehensive divine law is, according to the traditional view and in the words of an Arab Christian, 'eternal, universal, perfect, fit for all men at all times in 56

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Baku Bander Seri Bega\van Moroni

Asmara Srinagar Alma-Ata Frunze Jerusalem Urumchi

Dushanbe Ashkhabad Tashkent

Azerbaijan Brunei

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Eritrea Kashmir Kazakhstan Kirghizia Palestine Sinkiang

Tajikistan Turkmenia Uzbekistan

7023000 114000 286000

9003000 150000 290000 3000000 6620000 12850000 2933000 3001400 9310000 2900000 2158000 41669000

86630 5765 2216 119000 318400 2766603 199269 26421 1834999 140448 489884 410979

77875000

2842000 1943000 36669000

2250000 5164000 8738000 2699000 2612000 7535000

Muslims

Population

constitute a majority

Area km2

~Muslims

Source: The World Muslim Gazateer (Karachi: Ummah Publications. 1976).

Capital

Country/Area

Table 1.2 The Muslim people: areas where

98 90 88

75 78 68 92 87 82

95

78 76

%

French Overseas Territory Under Ethiopia Under India UnderUSSR UnderUSSR Under occupation Under People's Republic of China UnderUSSR UnderUSSR UnderUSSR

Under USSR British Protectorate

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Administrative Development Table 1.3 The Muslim world: countries where Muslims constitute a minority

Country

Area km 2

Total Population

Muslims

%

Angola Argentina Armenian S.S.R. Australia Bhutan Botswana Brazil Bulgaria Burma Burundi Byelorussian S.S.R. Cambodia Canada Chile China (less Sinkiang) Congo Cyprus Guinea Bissau Fiji Islands Finland France Gabon Georgian S.S.R. Germany (West) Ghaila Greece Guyana Hong Kong Hungary India Italy Japan Kenya Korea (South) Liberia Laos Lesotho Malagasy Republic Malawi Malta Mauritius Mexico

1251512 2805569 29395 7724810 47182 571519 8544822 111270 680568 27934 208400 181734 10014680 744629 9561748 343319 9287 28215 18293 338403 552913 265954 69968 372320 238768 132454 215800 1016 93386 3280152 302211 370988 584896 92881 111800 237715 30461 592800 93860 317 1872 1980163

5800000 24290000 2493000 13 130000 I 100000 670000 105137000 8620000 29560000 3600000 9003000 7000000 22130000 10 230 000 850000000 1000000 630000 300000 550000 4660000 52130000 520000 4688000 61970000 9360000 8970000 760000 4160000 10430000 574220000 54890000 108350000 12480000 33333000 1660000 3180000 1200000 6750000 4790000 320000 830000 54300000

1450000 486000 299000 132000 55000 34000 210 000 1207000 2956000 720000 540000 70000 100000 50000 93500000 150000 210000 75000 60000 3000 1043000 234000 983000 620000 2808000 270000 114000 42000 105000 68907000 549000 109000 3682000 10000 498000 32000 120000 1350000 I 677 000 45000 141000 10000

25.0 2.0 12.0 1.0 5.0 5.0 0.2 14.0 10.0 20.0 6.0 1.0 0.5 0.05 11.0 15.0 33.0 25.0 11.0 0.06 2.0 45.0 19.0 1.0 30.0 3.0 15.0 1.0 1.0 12.0 1.0 0.1 29.5 0.03 30.0 1.0 10.0 20.0 35.0 14.0 19.5 0.02

58

Islam: General Background

Country

Area km 2

Total Population

Moldavian S.S.R. Mozambique Namibia Nepal New Zealand Panama Philippines Poland Portuguese Timor Romania Russian S.F.S.R. Rhodesia South African Republic Sri Lanka Surinam Swaziland Taiwan Thailand Trinidad & Tobago Uganda UkrainianS.S.R. United Kingdom U.S.A. Vietnam Yugoslavia Zaire Zambia

33831 774100 827478 141341 269713 74758 300970 312929 19058 238118 17075416 390865 1228133 65863 165452 17430 36103 520384 4846 244350 603319

3572000 8820000 670000 12020000 2960000 1570000 40220000 33360000 640000 20830000 130090000 5900000 23720000 13250000 430000 460000 15000000 39790000 1060000 10810000 47136000

9399299 330200 256791 2345409 655524

211210000 42430000 20960000 23835900 4640000

Muslims

107000 2205000 34000 481000 20000 50000 4827000 333000 128000 188000 7805000 885000 474000 1195000 107000 46000 135000 5571 000 127000 3881000 5657000 500000 3169000 213000 4192000 2384000 696000

%

3.0 29.0 5.0 4.0 0.6 3.5 12.0 1.0 20.0 0.9 6.0 15.0 2.0 9.0 25.0 10.0 0.9 14.0 12.0 35.9 12.0

1.5 0.5 20.0 10.0 15.0

TOTAL: 229254000 Source: The World Muslim Gazateer (Karachi: Ummah Publications. 1976).

all places' (Hitti, 1970:42). The shari'ah embodies the general laws, both public and private, which apply to all Muslims and the non-Muslim citizens of the Islamic State. Since Islam is a comprehensive code of life, it treats the most minor, simple, and detailed issues in the private and public life of the individual with the same seriousness that it considers the complex issues of modern economic and technological development. The all-inclusive nature of the demands of shari'ah is described by Weekes (1978:XXIV): 59

Administrative Development Islam ... is a religion of laws so comprehensive that it has rules for nearly all human activity, personal and interpersonal. It sets forth rules for government, fighting wars, and settling disputes. It decrees who not to marry and what foods not to eat. There being no area of activity not covered by law, there is no accommodation in theory for a separate secular, as against religious, jurisdiction. Such an all-encompassing faith, it is believed, is capable of providing fresh answers to new problems that face societies in their quest for development and modernization. No discussion of Islam would be complete without a consideration of its two basic sources,s the Qur'an and the Sunnah (Traditions of the Prophet). The Qur'an If there is to be any development in the modern Islamic world,

Muslims must realize the vital need for a new affirmation of the principles of the Islamic revelation and a restatement of the teachings contained in the Islamic tradition, which were issued from the Qur'anic revelation. Such a reawakening to the foundations of Islamic faith will not only be revitalizing to faithful Muslims but will also provide the opportunity for an effective presentation of Islamic teachings to the Western man in search for a way out of 'the morass within which modernism has confined him, and to the modernized Muslim in need of finding a means to combat the corrosive forces which threaten the very existence of Islamic civilization' (Nasr, 1975:xi). When God sent His Prophets, He always equipped them with miracles which inspired and captured the minds of their people, imbuing them with humility and reverence. Such miracles not only amazed the people, but also left them on a plane beyond the grasp of their human minds. These miracles contributed to the cultivation of a mood which was conducive to faith in God, submission to His Will, and recognition of His Sovereignty. Each of these miracles was in accord with the spirit and cultural context of the people to whom the Prophet was sent. For example, Moses performed his miracles among people who had acquired fame in magic. Hence, his miracles were of a kind familiar to the people 60

Islam: General Background for example, changing his staff into a living serpent and cleaving a dry path through the sea for his followers. Through these acts, however, he revealed that he was enhanced with and backed by the supreme power of God. Jesus, on the other hand, was sent directly as a messenger of God to people: who had surrender [sic] themselves altogether to the hegemony of matter. ... The immaculate birth ofJesus itself was a testimony of the supremacy of the spirit; of the occasional disruption of material causation; of the fact that effects are not invariably connected with causes, and that the former may even exist at times without the existence of the latter (Abu Zahra, 1972:14-16) As reported in the Qur'an, Jesus performed the following miracles: When Allah saith: 0 Jesus, Son of Mary! Remember My favour unto thee and unto thy mother; how I strengthened thee with the holy Spirit, so that thou speakest unto mankind in the cradle as in maturity; and how I taught thee the Scripture and Wisdom and the Torah and the Gospel; and how thou didst shape of clay as it were the likeness of a bird by My permission, and didst blow upon it and it was a bird by My permission, and thou didst heal him who was born blind and the leper by My permission; and how thou didst raise the dead, by My permission. (Quar'an, V:ll0) These miracles as well as those of other Prophets had one important common characteristic: they were all miracles of a material and sensory nature. The purpose of such miracles was to bring men to submission to God. Muhammad (p.b.u.h.), the Prophet of Islam and the last of all previous Prophets and messengers, also had a miracle, but of a different kind and degree. His was not a miracle of a material or tangible nature, perceptible to the human eye, but being essentially of a non-material nature it was capable of being grasped by the human intellect and reason at different times in different places by different peoples. Hence, unlike the miracles of former prophets, the 61

Administrative Development miracle of Muhammad was one which would not lose its lustre and effectiveness with the passage of time. Muhammad's supreme miracle is the Our'an. This Holy Book is so considered by scholars and layman alike, both past and present. s. H. Nasr (1967:43) writes: The Word of God in Islam is the Our'an: in Christianity it is Christ. The vehicle of the Divine Message in Christianity is the Virgin Mary; in Islam it is the soul of the Prophet. The Prophet must be unlettered for the same reason that the Virgin Mary must be virgin. From the Islamic perspective, the Our'an embodies the divine law and is therefore superior to any man-made law of the past, present, or future. It is a Word of God delivered to the unlettered Prophet, who brought it exactly as it was revealed to him. One of the reasons which supports the assertion that the Our'an is the miracle of Islam rests upon the personal background of Muhammad (p.b.u.h.) himself. As the great majority of his people in the sixth and seventh centuries, this Prophet grew up in Arabia with no education, not even reading and writing. An illiterate, however, could never have produced such a glorious work as the Our'an; indeed, Muhammad (p.b.u.h.) claimed no such feat. The Our'an is the revealed Word of God and not the personal achievement of Muhammad (p.b.u.h.) as many orientalists maintain. 9 Because it has come from God Himself, the style of the Our'an, from all points of view, is considered perfect; hence, it has been the standard text of the Arabic language over the centuries. M. Hamidullah (1968:22-3) writes: the Our'an ... has by virtue of its claim of a Divine origin, challenged men and jinn to produce unitedly even a few verses equal to those ofthe Our'an. The challenge has remained unanswered to this day. Further, the enunciation of legal principles based on equity and justice and conducive to the best interests of humanity is a phenomenon which bewilders human intellect and defies all explanations, except the one claimed by the Prophet that all was revealed to him by God (d. Abu Zahra, 1972:14). The Our'an, which literally means 'that which is read' or 'that 62

Islam: General Background which is recited' came down through the medium Gabriel to Prophet Muhammad (p.b.u.h.) first in Makkah and then in Madinah, and continued for a period of a little over twenty-two years. It was in Madinah that the Prophet organized and established his Islamic state after his emigration from Makkah (15 July 622 AD). This emigration (the hijrah) marked an important stage in the development of Islam, and its importance was recognized some years afterwards when it was adopted as the epoch from which events in Muslim history were reckoned (Levy, 1957). The Qur'anic revelations were received intermittently, in fragments, as specific events in the life of the early Muslim community necessitated the message. For example, when one of the Prophet's companions died, the revelation dealt with the law of inheritance; the penal laws regarding theft, murder, or drinking of alcohol were not relevant to that occasion. A revelation consisted sometimes of a whole chapter, short or long, and at other times of only a few verses (Hamidullah, 1968). When a word was received by the Prophet, he immediately passed it down to his companions, who in turn wrote it down on leaves of paper, flat bones, shoulder blades, palm leaves, and other materials known to the people of that time. Many companions of the Prophet (p.b.u.h.) immediately memorized the fragments and eventually the whole of the Qur'an (114 chapters, or 6287 verses of variable length and 321250 letters). The whole of the Qur'an was then collected, arranged into named chapters each known as 'Surah' and subdivided into parts, halves, quarters, etc. by the Prophet himself through divine guidance. This was subsequently collected officially and authentically, in one copy (mushaf), during the period of Uthman, the Third Caliph of Islam (24/644-37/656),10 who sent copies of this authentic edition to the different provinces of the Muslim world. Even the political enemies of Uthman accepted his edition. It is that edition which has been handed down through the generations. Nicolas P. Aghnides (1969:33) states: 'This collection of Uthman has come down to our own times unchanged and is the only authentic text. Concerning its genuineness no doubt can be entertained.' According to a verse in the Qur'an (XV:9): 'La! We, even We, reveal the Reminder, and lo! We verily are its Guardian.' The Qur'an, as the first source of Islamic law, does not contain a detailed corpus of legislation. Although a few strict actions are very 63

Administrative Development

clearly spelled out and need no translation or interpretation, the Our'an in general draws the larger boundaries of the Islamic law within which all human actions can be confined. It offers to Muslims a frame of reference within which they should structure their legaL sociaL political, and administrative systems. Except where explicitly spelled out, the Our'an enunciates general principles and delineates broad outlines, leaving the details and the subsidiary questions to the discretion of individuals as times, places, and social circumstances require. The Our'an addresses all mankind, without distinction of race, region, language, or time. Furthermore, and according to a Muslim scholar (Hamidullah, 1968:22): it [Our'an 1seeks to guide man in all walks of life: spiritual, temporal, individual and collective. It contains directions for the conduct of the head of state, as well as a simple commoner, of the rich as well as of the poor, for peace as well as for war, for spiritual culture as for commerce and material well-being. Although the Our'an speaks to such aspects of conduct as social life, trade, marriage, inheritance, penal law , and international law , it only spells out general guidelines, but never detailed rules for every contingency of life. The Our'anic prohibitive rules centre around such behaviour as the drinking of alcoholic beverages, engaging in games of chance, committing murder, stealing, committing adultery, exacting usury, and worshipping anything or anyone other than God. Certainly most of them are not subject to change - ever. Four basic characteristics of the Our'an should be kept in mind: (a) it was revealed to Prophet Muhammad (p.b.u.h.) in fragments rather than all in one piece, and these fragments were revealed to explain actions, to lay down rules, and to legislate as the circumstances of the Muslim community required; (b) it contains general principles and broad guidelines rather than specifics and minute details; (c) its legislative verses are limited in scope and few in number: there are about 200 out of a total of over 6000 verses; (d) it is primarily a book of faith and moral conduct. Frithjof Schuon (1963:43-4), who wrote a detailed and philosophical chapter about the Our'an, summarizes well: The great theophany of Islam is the Our'an; it presents itself 64

Islam: General Background as being a 'discernment' (furqan) between truth and error. In this context it is significant that in Islam God Himself is often called EI-Haqq, the Truth. The Sufi El-Hallaj exclaimed: Ana El-Haqq, 'I am the Truth'; not 'I am love.' ... like the Bible the Qur'an may speak of very many things other than God; it speaks of the devil, of the holy war, of the laws of succession and so on without being on that account less sacred, whereas other works may treat of God and of sublime matters without being on that account the Divine Word. The same author concludes his forty-page account with this statement (ibid.,:86): Like every Revelation the Qur' an is a flashing and crystalline expression of that which is 'supernaturally natural' to man, consciousness, that is, of our situation in the Universe, of our ontological and eschatological connections. It is for this reason that the Book of Allah is a 'discernment' (furqan), a 'warning' (dhikra) and a 'light' (nur) in the darkness of our earthly exile.

The Sunnah Sunnah literally means 'the path', 'the road', or 'the way of the Prophet Muhammad (p.b.u.h.)', and is used to denote his actions, deeds, and utterances (other than the Qur'an). It consists of thousands of dicta, commendations of certain actions upon various occasions, explanations of various phenomena, and approval or disapproval or both of the deeds of other men around him. The Sunnah is divided into three parts: the first (al-sunnah alqawliyah) contains the traditions, or al-hadith, which are the statements, sayings, and utterances of the Prophet (p.b.u.h.). The second (al-sunnah al-fl' liyah) consists of traditions relating to the deeds and actions and actual performances of the Prophet (p.b.u.h.). The third (al-sunnah al-taqririyah) is the traditions of tacit approval - that is, deeds (either those which had occurred before the Prophet's time or those which had taken place with his full knowledge) that are deemed acceptable because of his silence (cf. Mahmassani, 1961:71). Such sayings have been classified under the following topics: revelation, science and knowledge, cleanliness and ablution, prayers, funerals, taxes, pilgrimage, 65

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trade and commerce, social actions, inheritance, defence and holy war, values and character, marriage, divorce, distribution of wealth, health, duties and responsibilities, functions of the executive, work, administration of justice. In essence, a large portion of the shari'ah is contained in the Qur'an. However, since the Qur'an is not concerned with the details and analytical descriptions of each law governing the different and ubiquitous activities of a Muslim's life, something is needed to explain the Qur'anic laws and to add an additional source to the Islamic jurisprudence. Consequently, the Sunnah (Traditions and Hadiths) explains and amplifies the principles of the law embodied in the Qur'an and adds to it new legislations and sanctions considered by the Prophet to be important. 11 Muslims believe that the Sunnah is a source of law, which is supplementary to the Holy Qur'an. According to N. P. Aghnides, Prophet Muhammad (p.b.u.h.) not only transmitted the revealed Qur'an, but he also interpreted and explained it. Aghnides (1969:35) writes: The only difference between the ordinary expressions of the Prophet (Hadiths) and his revelations consists in the fact that, whereas the former are divine in content alone, the latter are divine in form also. The basis for this point of view can be found in the Qur'an itself: And We have revealed the Scripture unto thee only that thou mayst explain unto them that wherein they differ, and (as) a guidance and a mercy for a people who believe. (Qur'an, XVI:64)

In another place, the Qur'an states that God had revealed the exhortation (the Qur'an) to Muhammad (p.b.u.h.) so that he could explain it to the people of his time and of the generations to come. The sayings or dicta of the Prophet (p. b. n.h.), which account for a major part of the total body of the Sunnah, were never written down in his lifetime lest Muslims mix them with the Divine Revelations. Prophet Muhammad (p.b. u.h.) expressed his fear that Muslims would cling to his sayings and ultimately mix them with the Holy Qur'an: 'Do not write down my sayings. He who has quoted me in writing in other than Qur'an should delete what he has writ66

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ten. You are free to quote me orally' (cf. Mahmassani, 1961:71). Hence, it was not until the third century of the Islamic calendar that the famous compilation of Hadith appeared, including the two Sahihs (authentic books) plus many other books (at least four other famous compilations). The first was compiled by Abu Abdullah Muhammad b. Isma'il al-Bukhari (194/809-256/869), and the second, by Abul Husayn Muslim al-Nisaburi (206/821-261/874). Because of the scientific methods used by the compilers to identify the original Hadiths, the two Sahihs are the most authentic, famous, and accurate embodiments of the sayings of the Prophet. S. Mahmassani (1961:72) reports: Both [compilers] travelled to many provinces in their search for traditions and were meticulous in their investigation of the correctness of the narratives and the chain of authority. This earned their compilations the reputation of authenticity and dependability. It should be noted, however, that the other four books of traditions are also considered to possess an extremely high degree of authenticity. Such a great effort by the traditionists was necessary to detect false traditions that came into circulation through anti-Islamic infiltration as the companions of the Prophet began one by one to pass away. The false sayings were fabricated during about two hundred years of Islamic history to support political aims and partisan causes, among other reasons. This phenomenon of fabricating the Hadiths prompted specialists in the field of Hadith to study all Books of Traditions in an objective, scientific, and critical manner. According to Mahmassani (1961:73): 'They established rules for the sifting and scrutiny of the traditions and arranged them according to the degree of their authenticity into sahih (authentic), hasan (good), gharib (strange), etc.' William E. Hocking (1932:458), in admiration of the work of the early compilers of Hadith, states:

[That] the Musannaf of Bukhari, the best example of the classified collection [of Hadith], enjoys a reverence - only second to that of the Koran - shows that the Moslem mind from early times has found satisfaction in beginning to 67

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penetrate behind the authoritative word of religion in search of its principle. To summarize, the Sunnah is the body of knowledge containing Prophet Muhammad's (p.b.u.h.) decisions as magistrate; the common and customary law of Madinah as approved in his lifetime; and a corpus of tradition about his personal conduct, opinions, habits, speeches, and advice to his companions. Indeed, it is a rich and varied body of material that even today affects the lives of about one billion Muslims across the world. All Muslims consider the Sunnah second to the Our'an in importance. Among Muslims in general and schools of Islamic jurisprudence in particular, there exists a consensus regarding the obligation of accepting the Sunnah of the Prophet as the ideal of life and conduct towards which to strive. The Our'an itself speaks about acceptance of the Prophet's traditions: And whatsoever the messenger giveth to you, take it. And whatsoever he forbiddeth, abstain (from it) (Our'an, LIX:7) Obey Allah, and obey the messenger (Our'an, IV:S9) Whoso obeyeth the messenger, obeyeth Allah (Our'an, IV:80) To conclude this section, the concepts of shari'ah, Our'an, and Sunnah should be drawn together: the prerequisite for the knowledge of the shari'ah is the acknowledgement of its established sources, that is, the Our'an and the Sunnah. These sources reveal clear-cut ordinances (nusus) that require no interpretation or explanation. These ordinances collectively constitute the real, permanent, and eternal shari'ah of Islam. Such /lUSUS are not subject to any alteration whatsoever because their nature and orientation is Divine. The prerequisite for obedience, undoubtedly, is the state of belief and faith. Since God is the ultimate source of authority, it follows that it is only the good that He commands and only the evil that He forbids. 68

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Muhammad Hamidullah (1968:32) concludes his discussion of Hadith of the Prophet (Sunnah) in these terms: There are bound to be repetitions, but the very multiplicity of the sources recounting one and the same event does but add to the trustworthiness ofthe report. We possess in all about ten thousand reports (eliminating the repetitions) of the Hadith, on the life of the Prophet of Islam, and these concern all aspects of his life including directions given by him to his disciples in spiritual as well as temporal matters.

Objection to Secularism Many Muslim scholars sincerely entertain the hope that a truly Islamic State will be established. Others,12 however, impressed by the achievements of Western technology and industry, are calling for the separation of religion and state. In providing man with a political and legal system as well as spiritual faith, 'Islam denies at the outset the conception familiar to Christendom of a separation between temporal and spiritual matters' (Kerr, 1966:3). Islam does not make such distinctions between religion and politics. As Kenneth Cragg (1964:332) puts it: The Muslim, as is well known, rejoices in his conviction that Islam knows no separation, ideally, between faith and society, between believer and citizen, between doctrine and culture. Islam is a practicable and feasible religion relating to the whole of life. The reason for this unity of religion and politics is simple as far as Muslims are concerned: God created the whole universe and controls and governs it. In the words of Khurshid Ahmad (in the introduction of Islamic Law and Constitution by Maududi, 1969:3), God created man and provided him with all that he needs for the progress and growth oflife. To fulfill his material needs, He has endowed the world with all kinds of materials and substances which man can harness to his use. To cater to his spiritual, cultural and social requirements, he needs His 69

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revealed Guidance through his Prophets. It is this Guidance which constitutes the religion of Islam. The Guidance is embodied in the injunctions of the Islamic law; this law has to be enforced through a State. The State cannot be other than Islamic if the law is to be carried out. It has been said that the very vitality of law as law depends a great deal on active obedience, for an unobeyed law is no more than a dead letter. This active obedience cannot be secured, Muslims believe, without an institution by which defection can be punished, insubordination checked, and conformity assured. This institution is the State, wherein the full Islamic law can be prescribed by religious sanctions and by the force of purely moral persuasion. This is not, of course, the only channel of executing the Islamic law. Punishment of the offenders will be administered through the justice department regardless of the religious backgrounds of such offenders. Some have argued that a strong State is necessary to assure a happy and prosperous population. This is true if the State - as in the case of an Islamic State - is considered to be an instrument of that felicitous process and not its goal. In the latter case, small segments of the population, such as military, political, religious, or intellectual elites, will benefit at the expense of more unfortunate segments; the population as a whole will enjoy fewer benefits in the process of development than might otherwise be possible. The total population will suffer in terms of food or housing or social security and benefits and so forth 'because of the diversion of resources to the military or outer space or other excursions considered by the state to be important if not necessary to its own status' (Gant, 1979:10). The Divine Guidance and the moral and ethical principles of the Islamic State are a reliable guard against such activities. That is why, as a spokesman for the Muslim Brotherhood Movement in Egypt put it some time ago: Islam is at once religion and state, government and nation, leadership and worship, spirit and work, Holy Book and sword (Bozeman, 1979:389). In Maududi's (1969:7) view, separation of politics from religion and morality has created numerous problems. The effects of such secularism are scepticism in thought, confusion in values, expediency in

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standards, vulgarity in behaviour, and opportunism in diplomacy. Politics has become out-and-out Machiavellian and this state of affairs haf: greatly impaired the poise and tranquillity of life. The Turkish nation is a vivid and compelling example of the separation of politics from religion and morality. What secularism has done in the present era to this nation should be of great concern. Turkey's victimization is easily detected in the writings of some of its own intellectuals. In 1941, Ahmet Emin Yalman wrote a series of articles in his daily Vatan in Istanbul on the topic of 'Toward Clearness'. Some of these ideas were reported in William E. Hocking's The Coming of World Civilization (1956:5-6): He [Yalman] notes that' at least in our great cities a whole generation has grown up without any religious influence.' This was in some respects 'a good thing,' for on the older conception of religion, 'religion could not exist without creating a crisis between the intelligence of a child and his belief.' And with a proper education, these religionless young people can become 'more dependable, more moral, and more correct.' But there are those who 'become materialistic ... These ridicule the idea of love and of help for others, and consider selfishness and the seeking of self-interest acts of cleverness. They call theft' 'free gift" and stealing" lifting." They do not believe that one would consequently suffer for one's doings, neither do they believe that tomorrow will bring any good. They want ... to have every pleasure they possibly can. If these young people could benefit from religion in the ideal sense they would certainly be better Turks and better human beings. They begin life with a void .... We feel very keenly that while other nations in addition to their national unity hold on to their religious unity, we cannot neglect this binding force for ourselves ... appropriating the religious factor and giving it a clear place in our social life would be the proper course to follow ... every nation needs to build such a bridge between the mind and the feelings. The Muslim religion is more suitable for this than other religions.' At the head of this remarkable editorial [25 November 1941] stands a definition: 'The chief role which religion plays is to defeat the 71

Administrative Development fear and anxiety of today, and to give opportunity for believing in the good possibilities of the tomorrow.' William Hocking (1956:6), himself, has his own doubts about modern secularism. He wrote that the secular state by itself is not enough; that just as economics can no longer consider itself a closed science, so politics can no longer consider itself a closed art - the state depends for its vitality upon a motivation which it cannot by itself command. Muhammad Asad, an eminent Muslim scholar, has other views on secularism. He maintains that the people of the West had reasons for disappointment with their own religions 13 (i.e. Judaism and Christianity). Such disappointment is reflected in 'the ethical, social and political chaos now pervading a large part of the world' (Asad, 1961:5). The West, in Asad's view, did not submit its decisions to the moral law - an ultimate requirement of any higher religion - but rather to an expediency to which they felt all public affairs should be subjected. This expediency differed from group to group and from nation to nation, but the inevitable result has been conflict and tension on an international scale. Morality, Asad argues, is absent in Western secular states. There is no indication as to what is good and bad, no distinction between good and evil and between justice and injustice. The primary criterion in the secular state is the national interest. Hence, every nation gives its own definitions to the concepts of justice, equality, and freedom; and ethical laws derive from economic theories and vice versa. These definitions not only differ but often contradict one another. For example, a Communist may sincerely believe that Communism, as an economic system, is the only solution to the problems of injustice, inequality, and poverty. On the other hand, his capitalist counterpart equally believes that capitalism is the only feasible remedy for such problems. Each of the opponents is convinced of the practicality and adequacy of his system and is ready to sacrifice anything for its propagation. As a result, chaos and disruption become inevitable in the international atmosphere, especially if the two opponents are nations and not merely two persons. This researcher suggests that a society characterized by ethical 72

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conduct and deeply rooted morality is more appropriate and effective than its secular counterpart. This is true in the Islamic State which has never distinguished between religion and politics. But a distinction must be made between a Muslim State and an Islamic State. The former is any state which is governed by Muslims. The latter, on the other hand, is a state which abides by the Islamic law, conducts its internal and external affairs in accordance with the shari'ah, accepts the sovereignty of God, acknowledges the supremacy of His Divine Law, and devotes its full resources and capacities to conducting its affairs within this framework. 14 The fear of the religious State is clearly reflected in the writings of the advocates of secularism. According to Muhammad Outb (1967:285), the memories of 'the church in Europe with its suppression of science, torturing of scientists, and passing on a set of lies and superstitions in the name of the word of God' are still vivid. Such fears, however, are unwarranted in the Islamic State, for the doctrine of Islam clearly states that there shall not be a priesthood in Islam. Hence, churchman or clergy classes such as those of medieval Europe do not exist in Islam;15 and religion is not a monopoly of any certain men or classes, but rather the common property of all. Every Muslim is entitled to use it and benefit from it as his own natural, spiritual, and intellectual capacity may permit. It is necessary, however, to mention that some Muslims specialize in the study of Islamic jurisprudence and law on which public order is based. The status such people enjoy is no more than that of their counterparts in other countries. Islamic lawyers and judges have no authority over people, nor are they entitled to any class privileges. They are merely the jurisprudents and counsellors of the state, a post which any educated Muslim can easily acquire regardless of his background. Muhammad Outb (1967:285) states succinctly the meaning of Islamic rule: When the Islamic rule is established, the 'ulamas' [Islamic scholars] will not automatically become the governors or ministers or heads of departments. The only change is that the system of rule will be based on Islamic Shari'a(h) [law], the law of God. The engineers will continue to be charged with the engineering works, the doctors will be responsible for medical affairs, the economists will direct economic life of the 73

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other faiths in the East and West have their own suspicions about the effectiveness of secularism in the overall picture. Many Western scholars, witnessing the decay and gradual collapse of secularism, have expressed their fear and pessimism. For instance, Arnold Toynbee (1957:56) has articulated these doubts about the value of secularism: Perhaps it is impossible to attain secular happiness for the individual by pursuing this secular happiness as an ultimate end in itself; but it is conceivable that secular happiness for the individual may be produced as an incidental by-product if the individual is aiming at something else that is spiritually above it and beyond it. Secular happiness may be a by-product of trying to carry out the spiritual aims that are common to all the higher religions: the effort to take sides with what is good against what is evil, and the effort to attain harmony with absolute reality of God.

Is Islam a Theocracy? Is Islam a theocracy? The question is a highly controversial one. Before it can be answered, however, 'theocracy' must be defined. The Shorter Oxford English Dictionary (1947:2166) defines the term as follows: a form of government in which God (or a deity) is recognized as the king or immediate ruler, and his laws are taken as the statute book of kingdom, these laws being usually administered by a priestly order as his ministers and agents; hence (loosely) a system of government by a sacerdotal order claiming a divine commission. Another definition appears in Vergilius Ferm's An Encyclopedia of Religion (1945:775). Here theocracy is defined as the rule of God in human organization. 'Historically the rule of a state or church by 74

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the representatives of God, usually a priesthood, but possibly, as with Calvinism, the people. Both the idea and the resultant organization are properly called theocracy.' C. Ryder Smith, in an article in the Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics discussing the history of theocracy, recognizes three elements that make the perfect theocracy (at least as conceived by the early Israelites): Jahweh's shrine, Jahweh's book, and Jahweh's priest. In other words, a perfect theocracy is a combination of a place in the form of shrine or church (or mosque), a divine law in the form of a heavenly book, and an organization headed by leaders who must be prophets, priests, or judges. The phrase 'the spirit of the Lord came upon' a certain individual is the earliest explanation of the method of theocracy. Yet the prophets, more than anyone else, were the true organs of theocracy. Following the course of history, Smith asserts that in the transitional years between Judaism and Christianity, and precisely in the interval before the perfect kingdom comes, 'Christ does "overrule" all things and men, and this is the theocratic idea.' In the early era of Christianity, he [Jesus] 'accepted the phrase "the Kingdom of God," and so looked for a theocracy, but he gave the phrase his own exposition and laid down the true method of the Kingdom's coming' (ibid.) As the culmination of the Biblical theocratic doctrine, the pure or perfect theocracy could only be attained when every man should always act under the guidance and the supervision of the Spirit of the Lord. Dwight M. Donaldson, a British orientalist, deals with the concept of theocracy and its connection with Israel, the Byzantine Empire, and Islam. Because the latter did not recognize a separation between sacred and profane, between secular and religious, it was necessarily a 'theocratic state' in Donaldson's view. Because of its importance, careful attention will be given here to this idea. As already indicated, Islam, as a state and religion, places great emphasis upon the Divine law. M. Hamidullah (1968:84) states that because Islam is conceived to be a delegation of divine authority, 'through the intermediary link of Messengers or Prophets who receive Divine revelation', it 'may be called a theocracy though not in the same sense as in the modern West'. The Holy Qur'an lends support to this statement: Lo! the earth is Allah's. He giveth it for an inheritance to 75

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whom He will. And lot the sequel is for those who keep their duty (unto Him). (Our'an, VII:128) And when thy Lord said unto the angels: Lo! I am about to place a viceroy in the earth. (Our'an, 11:30) Say: 0 Allah! Owner of Sovereignty! Thou givest sovereignty unto whom Thou wilt, and Thou withdrawest sovereignty from whom Thou wilt. Thou, exaltest whom Thou wilt and Thou abasest whom Thou wilt. In Thy hand is the good. Lo! Thou art Able to do all things. (Our'an, 111:26) These verses, as well as many others, supported by the Traditions of the Prophet Muhammad (p.b.u.h.), stress the fact that God is the King in the universe and beyond. He delegates authority for the administration of justice - as well as other functions of the Islamic State - to man who, in turn, wields power at His will. This view reflects one of the three elements of the pure theocracy. Adherence to divine law of itself, however, does not make a state a theocracy. Speaking in political terms, Kenneth Cragg (1964:16) maintains that Islam is democratic in that 'it proclaims that (earthly) power stands under law - Divine Law - and is instrumental to a purpose greater than itself'. A. Maududi (1969:134) coins the term 'theodemocracy' to describe the Islamic system of government: 'a divine democratic government, because under it the Muslims have been given a limited popular sovereignty under the (sovereignty) of God'. Muslims can elect the chief executive of the state, obey him as long as he practises the divine Law, and depose him if he deviates. The shari'ah is the only law the executive is allowed to use. Therefore, it is fair to state that Islam is not a theocracy in the practical sense. One of the fundamental characteristics of a theocracy (i.e. the rule of a priest or other supposedly divinely inspired individual or class) is absolutely absent in Islam, for it does not recognize priesthood. From the inception of Islam, governments did 76

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not reside in the hand of a particular family, class or priesthood. Rather, according to Kerr (1966:6): it was the pre-ordained duty of the community to select a qualified candidate for the office' of Caliph, install him in office, and obey him as long as he performed his duty, which was to apply the Shari'a(h) and defend the interest of Islam. Finally, on the question of whether Islam is a theocratic state, the following conclusive points, as outlined by A. A. Tabbarah (1969:287-8) in his volume Ruh uddin at Islami [Spirit of Islamic Religion], are important. First, although Islam follows and practises a divine law, this does not mean it is a theocracy. The history of theocracy reflects the control and total sovereignty of the ancient priests and kings over their subjects. They legislated and made laws according to their whims and desires, for their religions were preoccupied with worship rather than with laws that govern human behaviour and actions. The Islamic State is different because it already has its own divine law outlined in the Qur'an and Sunnah; this law does not permit the ruler or the governor to dictate according to his own whims or to formulate his own shortsighted laws. Furthermore, the shari'ah cannot be carried out or executed by specific priests, but, rather, it is the community that is the viceroy of God on earth. Second, since it is impossible for the community at large to carry out the various tasks of government (legislation, execution, judgment, and administration), it has to select a qualified candidate for this purpose. Such a selection has to be legitimate and must serve the national interest of the Islamic community. The leader (a ruler or governor) is subject to the check-and-balance of the community represented in the body of the Advisory Council, and he must be supported and obeyed as long as he adheres to the teachings of Islam in all spheres of life:

o ye who believe! Obey Allah, and obey the messenger and those of you who are in authority; and if ye have a dispute concerning any matter, refer it to Allah and the messenger. (Qur'an, IV:S9) And third, God's orders are tersely expressed in the above verse: (a) complete obedience to His will by observing Qur'anic orders 77

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and obeying its prohibitions; (b) obedience to the orders of His Prophet, Muhammad (p.b.u.h.); and (c) obedience to those individuals chosen by the Muslim community and charged with authority. It is customary in Islam that those charged with authority are the same people who constitute the Higher Congress of the Nation. Its function is to administer the affairs of the community, direct its policy in times of peace and war, establish its international relations with other communities and nations, and make sure that the administrative machinery functions well and in accordance with the shari'ah. Whenever this Congress agrees on a specific issue which has no precedent in the Qur~an or the Sunnah and which does not contradict the basic principles of both, then their agreement becomes a law that deserves the respect and obedience of the community at large. If, however, the ruler does not abide by the consensus of the Congress and does not take any action to implement such an agreed-upon issue, then the community has the full right to depose him peacefully. If he resists, then they may use force as a last resort. This agreement of the Congress of Muslim scholars and learned men constitutes the third basic tenet of Islamic jurisprudence known as ijma' or consensus. Is Islam a theocracy? Liaquat Ali Khan, the former Prime Minister of Pakistan, made a summary statement to the Assembly of Pakistan in 1949 (quoted in Kerr, 1966:5): Sir: I have just now said that the people are the real recipients of power. This naturally eliminates any danger of the establishment of a theocracy. It is true that in its literal sense theocracy means the government of God. In this sense, however, it is patent that the entire universe is a theocracy; for is there any corner in the entire creation where His authority does not exist? But in the technical sense, theocracy has come to mean a government by ordained priests, who wield authority as being specially appointed by those who claim to derive their rights from their sacerdotal position. I cannot overemphasize the fact that such an idea is abolutely foreign to Islam. Islam does not recognize either priesthood or any sacerdotal authority; and therefore the question of a theocracy simply does not arise in Islam.

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Some Fundamental Theories of Islam When Warren Breed (1971:12) in The Self-Guiding Society interpreted the ideas of Amitai Etzioni's Active Society, he wrote, 'Today, most scholars tend to accept some versions of those values memorialized by the Enlightenment philosophers of the 18th century. These revolved around freedom, justice, equality and the dignity of the individual.' It is not uncommon for Western scholars to attribute such theories to either the eighteenth or nineteenth century Enlightenment philosophers. Scholars of the East, however, have different views. Muslim scholars in particular trace these ideas to the advent of Islam, in the middle of the seventh century. Concepts of justice, freedom, equality, and the dignity of man are not only a part of the Islamic theoretical frame, but a part of its practice as well. It seems appropriate at this point to discuss these theories briefly with particular reference to their embodiment in the Qur'an, the Sunnah and the practices of the Prophet (p.b.u.h.) and his successors. Freedom Freedom of thought, freedom of belief, and freedom of expression are the cornerstones of Islamic polity. The shari' ah exalts the principles and urges people to put them into concrete practice.

a. The Freedom of Thought According to the Islamic shari'ah, freedom of thought is conceived as a tool to free the mind from all superstitions, unhealthy traditions, or customs that make no sense. It encourages individuals to think about every matter of their daily lives, analyse it, weigh it, compare it with alternatives, and then choose what is acceptable to their reason. Hence, a person does not have to believe in anything unless and until he analyses it from all perspectives and then accepts it. The exceptions are the unseen (ghaib), the acts of worship and the commandments of shari'ah. The Qur'an, in support of this principle, states the following, among very many other verses: Lo! in the creation of the heavens and the earth, and the difference of night and day, and the ships which run upon the 79

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sea with that which is of use to men, and the water which Allah sendeth down from the sky, there by reviving the earth after its death, and dispersing all kinds of beasts therein, and (in) the ordinance of the winds, and the clouds obedient between heaven and earth: are signs (of Allah's sovereignty) for people who have sense. (Qur'an,II:164) So let man consider from what he is created. He is created from a gushing fluid that issued from between the loins and ribs. (Qur'an, LXXXVI:5,6,7) b. The Freedom of Belief The Islamic shari' ah declares the freedom of belief not only in theory but also as a practical principle for living. Man is free to believe in any faith or ideology; his freedom should be honoured and respected by others. A Muslim, however, is free in a different sense: he is not required to obey any other authority except the authority of God. To protect such freedom, the shari'ah formulates two safeguards. First, people are obliged to respect the freedom of others to believe in whatever they choose. No one can force another to adopt his belief or change his faith. Since compulsion in religion is absolutely forbidden in Islam, it is advisable to discuss religious beliefs in a polite manner in order to persuade the opponent by logical proofs. The following Qur'anic verses support this notion: There is no compulsion in religion. The right direction is henceforth distinct from error. And he who rejecteth false deities and believeth in Allah hath grasped a firm handhold which will never break. Allah is Hearer, Knower. (Qur'an, 11.256) Say: Obey Allah and obey the messenger. But ifye turn away, then (it is) for him (to do) only that wherewith he hath been charged, and for you (to do) only that wherewith ye have been charged. Ifye obey him, ye will go aright. But the messenger hath no other charge than to convey (the message), plainly. (Qur'an, XXIV:54)

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Second, people are obliged to defend their faith, and to provide others with no opportunity to attack it or offend it. If, however, they are unable to defend their faith because of a tyrant or an unjust ruler or for any other reason, they should migrate to another place where their faith will be respected. If they are unable to migrate, then, Allah tasketh not a soul beyond its scope. For it (is only) that which it hath earned, and against it (only) that which it hath deserved. (Qur'an, 11:286) The Qur'an advocates the migration by stating: Lo! as for those whom the angels take (in death) while they wrong themselves, (the angels) will ask: In what were ye engaged? They will say: We were oppressed in the land. (The angels) will say: Was not Allah's earth spacious that ye could have migrated therein? As for such, their habitation will be Hell, an evil journey's end; Except the feeble among men, and the women, and the children, who are unable to devise a plan and are not shown a way. As for such, it may be that Allah will pardon them. Allah is ever Clement, Forgiving. (Qur'an, IV:97,98,99) c. The Freedom of Expression Islamic law clearly sanctions freedom of expression for every citizen of the Islamic State whether he is a Muslim or not. This freedom, however, is limited and should be used within the Islamic frame of reference. A person cannot, for example, be licensed in the name of freedom to slander people, to be offensive to other faiths, or to make fun of the elected higher authorities. A constructive criticism, however, is highly recommended, especially in areas other than 'ibadat. An ordinary citizen who differs from the opinion of the Prophet or from that of the Muslim ruler can express his own opinion freely. Speaking expressly of this issue, the Prophet said, 'If anyone of you sees something objectionable he should change it with his hand, but if he cannot he should do it with his 81

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tongue, and if he cannot he should do it in his heart, that being the weakest form of faith' (reported by Muslim). The Prophet also said, 'A word of justice uttered before an unjust tyrant ruler is the greatest of jihad (holy war).' A classic case involving freedom of expression occurred in the early days of Islam. 'Vmar, the Second Caliph of Islam (13/634-24/ 644), addressing the Muslims in his inauguration speech, admonished, 'Put me right if you discover any crookedness in me.' One of the audience immediately retorted, 'By God Almighty, if we had found any crookedness in thee we should have put you right with our swords' (Quoted in Qutb, 1967:290). The same caliph, while advising his people in their religious affairs, was interrupted by a Muslim lady who corrected him on a specific issue. A few seconds later, he admitted his mistake and declared to his audience, 'The lady was right and the Amir of the Muslims (himself) was wrong' (Shibli-Nu'mani, 1957). This discussion, though brief, does clearly indicate that freedom of expression, the backbone of today's democratic nations, is not an invention of the twentieth century. Its roots go back to the earliest inception of Islam. Justice Despite the fact that the meaning of justice and injustice had been made clear to man since his earliest existence on earth, yet he eventually went astray in drawing its boundaries because of religious or moral decay or both as well as selfish reasons. For example, the ancient Greeks differentiated between the descendants of Greek forebears and those of other origins. They gave all rights and privileges to the former, but withheld such rights from the latter. The Romans went even further. They not only distinguished between the pure Romans and other citizens but also between the private sector and the public sector. The former enjoyed all rights and privileges of the ruling class: leadership, protection, and obedience and respect from the lower classes (Tabarah, 1969:290). Clearly, the meaning of justice was never understood completely by either the Greeks or the Romans. Many believe that the concept of justice really came to fruition in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. However, injustice at all levels has since been and is still prevailing all over the globe. Justice is one of the fundamental principles of Islamic ideology. 82

Islam: General Background The administration of justice should be impartial, without regard to one's social status, financial assets, class, race, political persuasion, or religious beliefs. Although the scope of the present work is too limited to discuss the practices of the early Muslims in the area of the administration of justice, it does appear that in those early years of Islam justice was achieved at a level that cannot be paralleled with the level of justice in any other phase in human history. The Our'an orders Muslims to decide any case on the basis of equity, impartiality, and uprightness of testimony. Therefore, the entire Muslim community, not only its rulers, is held responsible for the administration of justice. The following verses from the Our'an reflect the true Islamic conception of justice, not only in theoretical term but in concrete practice by the Prophet (p.b.u.h.) himself and his immediate successors:

o ye who believe! Be ye staunch in justice, witnesses for Allah, even though it be against yourselves or (your) parents or (your) kindred, whether (the case be of) a rich man or a poorman, for Allah is nearer unto both (than ye are). So follow not passion lest ye lapse (from truth) and ifye lapse or fall away, then lo! Allah is ever Informed of what ye do. (Our'an, IV: 135) o ye who believe! Be steadfast witnesses for Allah in equity, and let not hatred of any people seduce you that ye deal not justly. Deal justly, that is nearer to your duty. Observe your duty to Allah. Lo! Allah is Informed of what ye do. (Our'an, V:8) We verily sent Our messengers with clear proofs, and revealed with them the Scripture and the Balance, that mankind may observe right measure. (Our'an, LVII:25) The Prophet is reported to have said, 'No judge shall pass a decree between two men while he is angry.' On another occasion he advised, 'When a judge wishes to pass a decree, and then strives hard and decides justly, there are two rewards for him; but when he wishes to pass a decree, and then strives hard but commits a 83

Administrative Development mistake, there is one reward for him' (Quoted in Fazlul Karim, 1963, vol. II, p. 610). Again during 'Umar's administration (as quoted in Ahmad, 1970:35-6): a Muslim and a Jew brought a dispute before 'Umar, and as he considered the Jew to be in the right he pronounced judgment in his favour; but when the Jew said, 'I swear by God that you have pronounced a just judgment,' he touched him with the whip and asked him what caused him to know that. The Jew replied, 'I swear by God that we find in the Torah that no Qadi judges rightly without having an angel on his right and an angel on his left who directs him and disposes him to what is right as long as he adheres to the right; but when he abandons the right they ascend and leave him.' Justice, then, was an ideal to be employed in relationships of state. The Prophet (p.b.u.h.) himself administered impartial justice, and to assure its perpetuation, appointed qadis, Godfearing, pious, and irreproachable men who were well-versed in the shari'ah and who had been well-trained by him. This system of justice was among the earliest institutions to be established under Islamic auspices. Not only is the concept of justice mentioned in the Qur'an and the Sunnah but it is reflected in the cumulative literature of the Arabs. A common saying is 'Justice is the foundation of government.' More will be said about distributive justice - an important element in the development literature - in Chapter 4.

Equality Muslims believe that Islam is a religion and a way of life for all people of all times at all places. All are equal in the eyes of God; they differ only in their conduct and deeds. The Qur'an states:

o mankind! Lo! We have created you male and female, and have made you nations and tribes that ye may know one another. Lo! the noblest of you, in the sight of Allah, is the best in conduct. ... (Qur'an, XLIX:13) 84

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The Prophet (p.b.u.h.) reinforced this idea with a homely comparison: 'People are as equal as the teeth of a comb; there is no superiority of an Arab over a non-Arab except by virtue of piety.' There is no pre-eminence of one individual over another, of one group over another, of one race over another, of one colour over another, of a master over his servant, of a ruler over the masses. Without exception the only difference lies in their piety. From an administrative point of view, anyone who believes in Islam and the Islamic way of life, has adequate knowledge of the shari'ah, has a strong commitment to equality, and is known for pious conduct, is qualified for appointment to any public office. Both the Qur'an and the Traditions describe many instances when such equality was assured. The ideal was further exemplified in the leadership of the Prophet (p.b.u.h.) himself as well as that of his early companions, known as the Four Pious Caliphs. Islamic history reveals that the Prophet (p.b.u.h.), the religious and political leader of the early Muslim community, not only paid his own share of taxes as any other ordinary member, but also 'allowed several cases of tort against his own person and thus gave a death blow to the theory of Divine Right of Kings' (Siddiqi, 1965:35). The admonitions of the Qur'an and the Sunnah were expressed in broad, general, and flexible language that could be universally applicable for all time. Hence, equality is one of the immutable requirements of the law. Shura (Consultation or Advisory Council) More than 1400 years ago the Prophet Muhammad (p.b.u.h.) was ordered to take counsel of his followers in matters of state and politics:

So pardon them and ask forgiveness for them and consult with them upon the conduct of affairs. And when thou art resolved, then put thy trust in Allah. Lo! Allah loveth those who put their trust (in Him). (Qur'an, 111:159) The institution arising from this revelation is known as shura (i.e. consultation or advisory council). Not only the Prophet (p.b.u.h.) but also the people were to be characterized by this conduct: 85

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And those who answer the call of their Lord and establish worship, and whose affairs are a matter of counsel, and who spend of what We have bestowed on them, (Qur'an, XLII:38) So important a principle of the shari' ah is the shura that an entire chapter of the Qur'an (XLII) is so named. The two verses cited here, however, are the key statements of Islamic thought regarding mutual consultation. Muhammad Asad (1961:44) suggests that this injunction to the Prophet (p. b. u.h.) is 'so comprehensive that it reaches out into almost every department of political life, and it is so self-expressive and unequivocal that no attempt at arbitrary interpretation can change its purport'. Moreover, the above admonitions are unique descriptions of the actual experiences of the early Muslim community. Prophet Muhammad (p. b. u.h.) himself consulted his followers in many affairs dealing with the state, politics, warfare, and international relations. For example, in one of the Muslims' battles against their enemies, the Prophet (p. b. u.h.) suggested staying in the city (Madinah) and defending it, while his companions suggested going out and fighting the invaders. He listened to the majority decision that emerged from consultation and went out to face the invaders. The result was disastrous, for the Muslims lost the battle. A few days later, God addressed His Prophet saying: 'So pardon them and ask forgiveness for them and consult with them upon the conduct of affairs' (Qur'an, III:159). The lesson from this incident and the intent of the Qur'anic ordinance are clear. Essentially, God said to His Prophet, 'Do not worry about the result of that particular consultation, but keep on consulting your people in all daily affairs of the state.' Because no one in Islam has the absolute authority over the affairs of the Muslim community, shura is fundamental; and consultation is a duty of the ruler rather than an opinion. Hence, shura effectively restricts the executive's power, leaving no loopholes for the potentiality of dictators as rulers. As Muslims view it, shura 'represents an indigenous principle of representative or constitutional government in Islam' (Kerr, 1966:134). Although Muslims must be committed to the institution of shura, no detailed descriptions were given for its implementation. The

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basic concepts must be interpreted in light of the particular needs and circumstances of each individual nation, historical context, and 'national expediency' . . The Dignity of Man Briefly, Islam looks at man from this perspective:

Surely We created man of the best stature. Then We reduced him to the lowest of the low. Save those who believe and do good works, and theirs is a reward unfailing. (Qur'an, XCV:4,5,6) In another place, the Qur'an outlines the views on human dignity in this manner:

o ye who believe! Let not a folk deride a folk who may be better than they (are), nor let women (deride) women who may be better than they are; neither defame one another, nor insult one another by nicknames. Bad is the name of lewdness afterfaith. And whoso turneth not in repentance, such are evil-doers. o ye who believe! Shun much suspicion; for lo! some suspicion is a sin. And spy not, neither backbite one another. Would one of you love to eat the flesh of his dead brother? Ye abhor that (so abhor the other)! And keep your duty (to Allah). Lo! Allah is Relenting, Merciful. (Qur'an, XLIX:ll,12) The Prophet (p.b.u.h.) expressed this belief on many occasions, and the Books of Sunnah are full of his directives regarding human dignity. For example, he said again and again that all people are of the same father - Adam - who was created by God out of dust. Thus, piety is the only criterion of honour· and, therefore, 'there is no superiority of an Arab over a non-Arab, nor a red over a white, nor a white over a red. None has preference except by piety'. Piety (taqwa or heeding Allah) means consciousness of God - that is, love and fear of Him and the desire to merit His pleasure by abstaining from harming oneself or others. 87

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In a similar vein, 'Umar, the Second Caliph of Islam, once said: 'Since when have you begun to enslave people when their mothers have begotten them free?' He acted during his administration to achieve the ideals of justice, equality, freedom, and the dignity and integrity of man. Once, in a quarrel between two of the Prophet's companions, one of them shouted angrily at the other, 'You! Son of a Blackwoman!' Witnessing this quarrel, Prophet Muhammad (p.b.u.h.) was so furious that his face turned reddish. Rebuking his companion Abu Dhar, the Prophet stated emphatically that there is no preference for the son of a white woman over the son of a black woman except by piety and piety alone. He reminded them that Islam made the two - black and white - brothers in the real sense, that Islam had abolished nationalism and pride in one's own tribe and had replaced them with love for each other. The offender, with tears in his eyes, apologetically put his cheek on the ground and asked the black man, 'Come and put your foot on my cheek.' Muslims believe that human dignity will be restored only if the concepts of justice, equality, and love are reaffirmed and recaptured in practice. History, in their view, reveals that Islam is the only force capable of achieving this ideal; since it worked out in the past, it is also capable of working in the present. For such a system to function properly, committed people are essential. People today are basically no different from those of earlier times except that now there are the advantages of modern knowledge and technology. These, of course, can be abused, but people with a religious consciousness and a serious commitment to morality can use them for the well-being of humanity.

On Islamic Democracy Democracy is one of the more prominent forms of government. Its roots go far back into history. In the Western tradition democracy goes back to the Greek city-state system and to the philosophy and work of Aristotle. In his Politics (book IV, ch. 4), Aristotle gives what could be 'the best definition' of democracy: A democracy is a state where the free man and the poor, being in the majority, are invested with the power of the 88

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state .... The most pure democracy is that which is so called principally from that equality which prevails in it; for this is what the law in that state directs; that the poor shall be in no greater subjection than the rich; nor that the supreme power shall be lodged in either of these, but that both shall share it. For if liberty and equality, as some persons suppose, are chiefly to be found in a democracy, it must be so by every department of government being alike open to all; but as the people are the majority, and what they vote is law, it follows that such a state must be a democracy. (cf. Watkins, 1967:216) Greek democracy in general and Aristotle's concept of it in particular differ from modern democracy in some respects. Whereas the Greek democracy was a direct one based on the actual participation of the citizens in their governmental affairs, modern democracy is based on representation. This modern representative democracy presupposes the delegation of power rather than direct exercise of power. Greek democracy can be labelled as a 'government of the people over the people'; but modern Western democracy cannot be so characterized, for the people who are ruled are not the same people who rule (International Encyclopedia of Social Sciences, 1968, vol. 4, p. 115). Islam prescribed many theories and laws regarding government and administration. Though incorporating some traits of democracy, Islam does not expressly incorporate the democratic theory as a part of its structure. Neither does it expressly state communist principles within its framework. Such ideology is not formulated in Islamic law since the government is a unique system, independent of democratic, aristocratic, or monarchic forms of government. The main distinction between a democratic and an autocratic system, from an administrative perspective, is the degree to which the public has a right to interfere in the affairs of government. The larger the degree of public interference, the more democratic the state becomes. The ultimate aim of a democratic state is to reduce or abolish the power and personal authority of the chief executive. As a result, he becomes no more than a member of the executive body. In an autocracy, on the other hand, the whole practice and supervision of the administration of the state rests on one individual. The democratic method in administration tends to create results 89

Administrative Development exactly opposite to those of an autocratic system. The democratic government allows people to elect their officials and to participate in the administration of the state, and so does the Islamic government. However, once the Islamic government is in office, the elected officials, especially the chief executive, are expected to carry out the Islamic law and constitution (as stipulated in the Qur'an and the Traditions). Citizens do not make the laws as is the case in Western democracy. They simply elect the official who assumes responsibility for administering and dispensing the Islamic laws. The voters cannot, under Islam, use the recall method (i.e. retire an elected official before his term expires) to retire the chief executive from his office without any reason, though they have the right to elect him in the first place. Once the chief executive is in office as a result of the general election in which all male and female citizens vote, he cannot be removed unless he becomes mentally incapable of carrying out his functions, becomes too old to run the government effectively and efficiently, or deviates from the principles of the Islamic constitution. In any of these cases, he must be removed peacefully; if he resists, force or revolution is used as a last resort. Finally, one can describe Islam, in the generally recognized political terminology, as a 'democracy' if the basic differences between the Islamic system of government and the generally recognized forms of government are considered. For example, the chief executive is not the full sovereign because Islam is not an autocracy. The same can be said regarding priests, religious men, or deities because it is not a theocracy as we have demonstrated earlier. Also, the law by itself is not the full sovereign because Islam is not a nomocracy. And finally, the Ummah alone is not the full sovereign because Islam is not a democracy in this narrow sense. Rather, as ar-Rayyes (1979:385) states in An-Nazariyyat asSiyasiyyah al-Islamiyyah [Islamic Political Theories], the Ummah and the shari'ah together are the 'sovereign' in the Islamic State. Thus, if we have to use the term 'democracy', considering the previous distinction, then one can describe the Islamic system - approximately - as a human, international, religious, ethical, spiritual, and material 'democracy'. 17 All of these attributes are inseparable, and thus, taking them all into account, one can simply say that they comprise an 'Islamic democracy' (ibid. :386).

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Summary and Conclusion The foregoing description of Islam may strike unfamiliar chords in Western ears. The reason is that of all the religions of the world, Islam is the least understood in the West. In an era of scientific research and objectivity, some Western students and scholars have gone astray in depicting Islam and its impact on the world. There is an obligation, therefore, to uncover some of these erroneous allegations and to expose the attitudes of those who write about Islam with some degree of unfairness, bias, and subjectivity.18 One should question the validity and objectivity of some of the Western orientalists in the same manner one questions the validity of a scientific experiment done by an amateur. The lack of an adequate, objective understanding of Islam by some scholars and students of orientalism in the West makes this study a pioneering effort. Philip Hitti, for example, uses the attractive title Islam: A Way of Life for his book on Islam, but erroneously concludes that Islam is incompatible with the process of modernization and with the modern age. 19 Others claim that Islam and, for that matter, all religions of the world are antiquated and have no role in the modern secular world. 20 Hitti, according to T. B. Irving (1978:17), can teach history and perhaps classical Arabic, but he cannot teach Islam as a religion and a way of life, despite his authorship of a book on this subject. Fortunately, in recent years interest in Islamic studies has been rekindled, and many Western universities now include them among their academic disciplines. Arthur Jeffrey (1962:8) suggests one compelling reason for studying Islam: 'the basis of our judgment on it [Islam] has been wrong'. He further admits that: Perhaps we ought to have been seeking to understand how it [Islam] functions in its own societies, and judging it on the ground of how it serves the particular needs of people in terms of their particular environment. Islam has always claimed to be a practical religion teaching a practical way of life. This book is written with this purpose in mind: to understand Islam in the context of political, socio-economic, and particularly administrative development; and to understand the role of man in the process of development, to which we shall turn next. 91

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Notes to Chapter 1 1 For the layman and the average Westerner, this passage from the memoirs of a former American oil company official may well illustrate how Islam was known in the West only twenty years ago: During our first week at the Aramco (Arabian American Oil Company) school on Long Island, questions were asked of us to ascertain our general knowledge about the Arab world. The question of 'What Is Islam?' and 'Who was the Prophet Mohammed?' brought forth some interesting answers. One of our members thought that Islam was 'a game of chance, similar to bridge.' Another believed it to be 'an organization of American Masons who dress in strange costumes.' The Prophet Mohammed was thought to be the man who 'wrote The Arabian Nights'. Another said he was 'an American Negro minister who was in competition with Father Divine in New York City.' One of the more reasonable answers came from one of our men who said, 'Mohammed had something to do with a mountain. He either went to the mountain or it came to him.' Grant C. Butler, King and Camels, New York, 1960, pp. 16-17. Quoted in Peter Mansfield, The Arabs, New York, Penguin Books, 1978, p. 492. Twenty years later came another disturbing statement on Islam, this time from one who is now the highest government executive in the United States. Then President-elect Ronald Reagan was quoted as saying in an interview with Time (17 November 1980, p. 37): 1. [the Middle East] is the boiling pot, and lately we have even seen the possibilities of, literally, a religious war-the Muslims returning to the idea that the way to heaven is to lose your life fighting the Christians or the Jews. For an up-to-date criticism of the misconception about Islam in the American literature and especially in the mass media, see Edward W. Said's book entitled Covering Islam: How the Media and the Experts Determine How We See the Rest a/the World, New York, Pantheon Books, 1981. 2 For a detailed and critical study, see Edward Said, Orientalism, New York, Pantheon Books, 1978 and his article 'Islam, Orientalism and the West' (Time, 16 April 1979, p. 54), in which he summarizes the thesis of 'orientalism'. He states that 'gross ignorance persisted, as it will whenever fear of the different gets translated into attempts at domination. The U.S. inherited the Orientalist legacy, and uncriti-

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3

4

5

6

cally employed it in its universities, mass media, popular culture, imperial policy. In films and cartoons, Muslim Arabs, for example, are represented either as bloodthirsty mobs, or as hook-nosed, lecherous sadists.' Finally, see Hamid Algar, 'The Problem of Orientalists,' The Muslim, vol. 7, no. 2, Chesterfield, November 1969; reprinted in AlIttihad, vol. 7, no. 1 (March 1970), pp. 14-18. It is very interesting to see that Michael H. Hart in his famous book, The 100: A Ranking of the Most Influential Persons in History, chooses Prophet Muhammad as 'number one'. Dr Hart says that the reason he ranked Prophet Muhammad higher than Jesus is, in large part, because 'of my belief that Muhammad had a much greater personal influence on the formulation of the Moslem religion than Jesus had on the formulation of the Christian religion' (Hart, 1978:28). He further says: 'My choice of Muhammad to lead the list of the world's most influential persons may surprise some readers and may be questioned by others, but he was the only man in history who was supremely successful on both religious and secular levels' (1978:33). Regarding the Last Day, eschatological belief in Islam is very strong, and such teachings abound. (In fact, the word 'Day' appears about 348 times in the Qur'an, most of them related in one way or another, to the Hereafter.) Other terms denoting the Last Day are the 'Resurrection' or 'Day of Standing Up' (Qur'an, 11:85); 'Day of Reckoning' (Qur'an, XL:27); 'Day of Awakening' (Qur'an, III:56); 'Day of Judgement' (Qur'an, 1:3); 'The Encompassing Day' (Qur'an, XI:104); 'The Hour' (Qur'an, LIV:1); and 'Day of Decision' (Qur'an, LXXVII: 13-14). For example, on the first day of January the times are 6.08 a.m., 12.18 p.m., 2.53 p.m., 5.11 p.m. and 6.27 p.m., respectively (Raleigh, North Carolina time). This word is the plural of sadaqah and has a wider meaning than mere almsgiving or charity. The Prophet in one of the Hadiths reported by al-Bukhari stated: each person's every joint must perform a charity every day the sun comes up: to act justly between people is a charity; to help a man with his mount, lifting him on to it or hoisting up his belongings on it is a charity; a good word is a charity; every step you take to prayers [mosque1is a charity; and removing a harmful thing from the road is a charity.' (An-Nawawi's Forty Hadith,1977:88)

7 The shari' ah is the core of Islamic ideology and in modern times constitutes one of the four sources of comparative international law,

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Administrative Development namely French law, German law, British law, and Islamic law. 8 The secondary sources of Islamic law are: a The ijma' and ijtihad. The general consensus of a group of. Muslim mujtahids in an age or generation regarding a specific issue or legal problem is referred to as ijma'. Their consensus becomes a law but not a permanent one, for it is liable to be superseded by the subsequent mujtahids of the following or later generations. b The qiyas. This is the use of human analogical reasoning to compare an existing situation to one for which a specific law or legislation already exists. It should be remembered, however, that these two sources cannot

9

10

11

12

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supersede a clear and obvious injunction in either the Qur'an or the Sunnah. Moreover, these secondary sources are either considered of lesser importance or rejected by a few scholars of Islamic jurisprudence. For example, Robert Roberts, in The Social Laws of the Qur'an, London, Curzon Press, 1971, and Gustav E. von Grunebaum, in Medieval Islam, 2nd edn, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 1953, maintain that Muhammad is the creator and author of the Qur'an. For an excellent refutation of this claim, see Maurice BucailIe, The Bible, The Qur'an and Science: The Holy Scriptures Examined in the Light of Modern Knowledge, Indianapolis, Ind., American Trust Publications, 1978. He concludes that, in view of the level of knowledge in Muhammad's day, 'it is inconceivable that many of the statements in the Qur'an which are concerned with science could have been the work of a man. It is, moreover, perfectly legitimate not only to regard the Qur'an as the expression of a Revelation, but also to award it a very special place on account of the guarantee of authenticity it provides and the presence in it of scientific statements which, when studied today, appear as a challenge to explanation in human terms' (pp. 251-2). The following method of dating is used in this study; the first date is the year in the Islamic calendar (AH = after hijrah); the second date is the year in the Gregorian calendar (AD). In this case, 24/644-37/656 means: AH 24-37; AD 644-56. See in this respect the discussion of William E. Hocking, The Spirit of World Politics, with Special Studies of the Near East, New York, The Macmillan Company, 1932, pp. 457-8. One of the earlier works on the separation of state and religion was done by 'Ali 'Abdur Raziq in his controversial Islam and the Prin-

Islam: General Background

13

14

15

16

17 18 19

ciples of Government, which first appeared in Cairo in 1925 (Arabic). What made the controversy over this matter important was the fact that Shaikh 'Ali 'Abdur Raziq was a graduate of AI-Azhar Islamic University in Cairo. Later he renounced this book and made his repentance publicly. Others in this category include 'Abdur Rahman al-Kwakbi of Syria; AI-Tahir AI-Haddad of Tunisia; Sati' AI-Husari of Lebanon; and Mahmud Mazhar, 'Azmi, Ahmad Lutfi Assayyed, M. Hussain Haykal, Mansour Fahmy, and especially Taha Hussain, all of Egypt. In addition to them, about a dozen prominent Arab Christian intellectuals believe in the same theme - the 'Arab Nationalism' movement, which was never able to achieve a unifying ideology for the Arabs. This subject will be treated, in greater detail in Chapter 3: 'Political Development' . Judaism and Christianity make no secret of their inability to cope with the tide of materialism and invasion of the West by atheism. Both of them are completely taken off guard, and from one decade to the next one can surely see how seriously diminished their resistance is to this tide that threatens to sweep everything away (Maurice Bucaille, The Bible, the Qur' an and Science, p. 117). Some readers may think that I am arguing the view that chaos can be eliminated in a worldwide Islamic community, and they will agree with me because they regard the Islamic State as utopian. The simple answer is that, historically speaking, this utopia did exist between the years 11622-39/659 during the reign of the Prophet and his Four Rightly Guided Caliphs (with a few incidents here and there). Though the Islamic State is guided and counselled by men of religious knowledge as well as secular knowledge, and though it forces compliance with Islamic law, the officialdom is not equivalent to the Western concepts of priesthood and clergy as will be shown at a later point in this study. To mention only one example, see William Muehl of Yale Divinity School in Mixing Religion and Politics: The Urgency and the Way, New York, Association Press, 1958 and Politics for Christians, New York, Association Press, 1956. For a recent view of Islamic democracy, see 'The Ayatollah's View of Islamic Democracy', The Washington Post, 28 January 1979, p. C4. For a detailed list of such writers, see Edward Said (1978) and Hamid Algar (1969), op. cit. See the last chapter 'Confrontation with Modernity' in his book, Islam: A Way of Life, Minneapolis, The University of Minnesota Press, 1970. He specifically states, but without qualification or documentation, on p. 183 that

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Administrative Development Of the three Islams, Islam the state was the first to yield to the Western onslaught; Islam the religion the last. Even in religion one practice after another was discarded. Formal prayers five times a day, fasting during a whole month, paying alms, pilgrimage to the holy cities- all became in varying degrees incompatible with the demand of a modernized society (italics mine). 20

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For a thorough discussion of this point of view, see Chapter One ('Is Religion Antiquated?') in Muhammad Qutb, Islam, the Misunderstood Religion, Kuwait, Ministry of Awqaf, and Islamic Affairs, 1967, pp. 19-61.

2

Man and Development: An Islamic View of Human Nature

Many social scientists would agree that the vital catalyst in any nation's development is the human being, man himself. 1 Man is the purpose of development; development is meaningless if it does not succeed in creating conditions, both material and spiritual, which enable the individual and the species to become their best. How different views of man might lead to different developmental strategies lies in the philosophy and culture of societies. For instance, a society that views man in materialistic terms will have different strategies from one which emphasizes spiritual values. A society which looks at man as having both spiritual and material requirements will devise still a third strategy for development. Thus, an understanding of man from an Islamic viewpoint is deemed necessary for theorists and practitioners alike in formulating and devising future developmental strategies and plans for the Muslim world. Indeed, without such an understanding, this task would be extremely difficult if not impossible. This chapter will address the question of human nature from the Islamic perspective - man's basic functions, his responsibilities and accountabilities, his desires and aspirations, his relationship to nature and the environment, his political nature and social behaviour, and how Islam, as a total system, treats such a concept. No attempt will be made here to present a comparative analysis of

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Administrative Development other systems (Western or Eastern) since the scope of this study is limited to the Islamic point of view.

Human Nature 2 In the introduction to his book, Human Nature and Conduct, John Dewey argued that man's nature in Western scholarship had been regarded with suspicion, with fear, with sour looks, and sometimes with enthusiasm for its capabilities but only when these were contrasted with its actualization and realities. It has been assumed that morality could be quite superfluous were it not for the inherent weakness of human nature. In his description of Western writers, Dewey (1957:1) said, 'Some writers with a more genial conception have attributed the current blackening to theologians who have thought to honor the divine by disparaging the human. Theologians have doubtless taken a gloomier view of man than have pagans and secularists.' Contrasting this, M. Asad (1947:19,20) summarizes the outlook regarding the nature of man according to Islam in the following words: Of all religious systems, Islam alone declares that individual perfection is possible in our earthly existence. Islam does not postpone this fulfilment until after a suppression of the socalled 'bodily' desires, as the Christian teaching does; nor does Islam promise a continuous chain of rebirths on a progressively higher plane, as is the case with Hinduism; nor does Islam agree with Buddhism, according to which perfection and salvation can only be obtained through annihilation of the individual self and its emotional links with the world. NO-: Islam is emphatic in the assertion that man can reach perfection in the earthly individual life and by making full use of all the worldly possibilities of his life. There are at least three schools of thought as far as human nature is concerned. One is based upon the notion of a morality which stems from an inner freedom, 'something mysteriously cooped up within personality'. This school of thought asserts that the only way to change institutions is for men to purify their own hearts, and that

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when this has been accomplished, change of institutions and circumstances will follow by itself (Dewey, 1957). The second school of thought denies the existence of any such inner power, and in so doing conceives that it has denied all moral and ethical freedom. It maintains that men are made what they are by the external forces of their environment, that human nature is purely malleable, and that until institutions are changed, nothing can be done. Apparently, this view leaves the outcome as hopeless as does an appeal to an inner rectitude and benevolence, for it offers no leverage for change of the environment (Dewey, 1957). The alternative to being penned in between the above two theories is offered by John Dewey himself (1957: 10): 'all conduct is interaction between elements of human nature and the environment, natural and social'. He further states that human progress proceeds in two ways, and that freedom is found in that kind of interaction which maintains an environment in which human desire and choice count for something: 'There are in truth forces in man as well as without him.' What Dewey is saying is very clear: individual desire is not separated from environment, human nature is part of nature, and we, as humans, are part of the environment (ibid.). None of these or other theories on the nature of man, however, commands universal acceptance. From Plato and Aristotle to Ibn Khaldun to Freud and Gardiner, there has been a wide range of theories and explanations about man; but man somehow escapes from every theoretical framework in an illusive and subtle manner (Parwez, 1968). The Qur'anic verses provide a distinctive view of man which is uncompromising. Man is born neither good nor bad, but with the power and freedom to become either. If he develops such powers and employs them for the moral and material enhancement of mankind, his conduct is said to be good. On the other hand, if he fails to realize his tremendous resources or misuses them in ways harmful to mankind, his conduct is said to be bad. It is in this light that we should evaluate man's quest for development and modernization from the Islamic perspective. That is why Muslim scholars put a high premium on 'wahi' or Divine Guidance as the straight path and the unfailing light which points out the way to self-realization and to the promotion of human knowledge and happiness. In the words of C. G. Ahmad Parwez (1968:112):

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Administrative Development By following the path which is pointed out by wahi, man can finally achieve the status of a mo'min. A mo'min (believer) is at peace with himself and with the world because he has successfully resolved his inner and outer conflicts. Wahi shows the way to harmony in the individual mind as well as in human society. The verses [in the Qur'an] to the effect that man is bad, simply means that ifhe ignores Divine Guidance, and follows his baser desires, he is liable to be:come worse and worse. Thus, it should be emphasized that the Qur'an definitely rejects the view that human nature has a fixed pattern and a rigidly determined behaviour, for this view deprives man of his real freedom of choice. From the Islamic perspective, God reminds us that man has been created by Him according to the same divine law of creation as other things in the universe (Qur'an, XXX:30). Man is said to be 'created weak' (Qur'an, IV:28); 'created of haste', 'being hasty' (XVII:11); 'ungrateful or thankless' (XVII:67); 'covetous or grudging' (XVII:100); 'impatient or anxious' (LXX:19); 'a caviller or contentious' (XVIII:55); and 'a tyrant and a fool' (XXXIII:72). Parwez (1968:111) concludes that: the truth is that there is no such things as "man's nature' in the sense in which the word is usually used. For by nature, we understand the properties which constitute the very being of a thing and hence characterize its existence in a way peculiar to itself. It is its nature that determines its behavior. There can be no question, therefore, of its going against its nature. The Qur'an, then, views man as a moral being, capable of distinguishing between right and wrong and free to choose either. There is no sure guide to the right and good inherent in man - the Qur'an says of man that he prays for sharr (evil) as he prays for khayre (good) (Qur'an, XVII:11). For if man possessed, inherently, the capability of judging between good and evil and distinguishing right from wrong without the help of the Divine Guidance, then the whole institution of prophethood would lose its significance. The Qur'an simply states the fact of man's potentialities for becoming good or bad, as he decides for himself: 100

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And a soul and Him Who perfected it And inspired it (with conscience of) what is wrong for it and (what is) right for it. He is indeed successful who causeth it to grow, And he is indeed a failure who stunteth it. (Qur'an, XCI:7-1O)

Types of People The Holy Qur'an refers to man in one way or another in at least 391 instances. 3 Muslim scholars, however, group mankind generally into three categories. One category includes those who live only for this world and its pleasures. These are the materialists in belief and action. The Qur'an refers to them as dahriyyeen - the adherents of dahriyyah, a materialistic, atheistic doctrine, which does not believe in the Hereafter where man would be asked to account for what he had done of good and of evil. This category holds to the idea, as expressed in the Qur'an (XXIII:37), that: 'There is naught but our life of the world; we die and we live, and we shall not be raised (again).' The second category of mankind - and by far the largest - is comprised of people who are confused and hence have no clear vision of their existence. The Qur'an describes them as 'losers in the Hereafter' : Say: Shall We inform you who will be the greatest losers by their works? Those whose effort goeth astray in the life of the world, and yet they reckon that they do good work. Those are they who disbelieve in the revelations of their Lord and in the meeting with Him. Therefore their works are vain, and on the Day of Resurrection We assign no weight to them. (Qur'an, XVIII: 103 - 5) Members of this category (though some of them believe in God and in the Hereafter and regularly go to places of worship) completely separate their religious beliefs and practices from their actual or practical daily lives.

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Administrative Development The third category of mankind includes those who accept the worldly life to be the seed-bed for the life of the Hereafter. This category, according to Islam, consists of true mumineen (believers) those who fully recognize the quintessence and meaning of the life of the world as well as that of the Hereafter and the relationship between the two. The Qur'an describes this group not as those who say: 'Our Lord! Give unto us in the world', and have no portion in the Hereafter, but rather: And of them (also) is he who saith: 'Our Lord! Give unto us in the world that which is good and in the Hereafter that which is good, and guard us from the doom of Fire.' (Qur'an, 11:201) On another occasion, in striking moderation, Allah reminds the Prophet (p.b.u.h.): But seek the abode of the Hereafter in that which Allah hath given thee and neglect not thy portion of the world. (Qur'an, XXVIII:77) And finally, the Qur'an calls upon people to ponder and think: Naught is the life of the world save a pastime and a sport. Better far is the abode of the Hereafter for those who keep their duty (to Allah). Have ye then no sense?4 (Qur'an, VI:32) Prophet Muhammad (p. b. u.h.) advised one of his companions to live his life as if he were a stranger or a passer-by (traveller). The description of the third category of mankind does not necessarily reflect a complete state of asceticism. Islam calls upon Muslims to search for knowledge, to innovate in every sphere of their lives save the doctrinal, to produce, to modernize and develop, and to contribute to the civilization of the day. The only two conditions that govern such activities are: (a) none of these endeavours should harm mankind and (b) all of these endeavours should be carried on in a manner that will benefit mankind, especially if used and applied according to Islamic ethical and moral standards. In sum, a Muslim is required to live his life recognizing the fol102

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lowing: (a) the ultimate goal for mankind in this life as explained in the Qur'an 'I created the jinn and mankind, only that they might worship Me' (Qur'an, LI:56), (b) the value of both this life and the life Hereafter as well as the relationship between the two. Allah says: And whatsoever ye have been given is a comfort of the life of the world and an ornament thereof; and that which Allah hath is better and more lasting. Have ye then no sense? (Qur'an, XXVIII:60) (c) the inevitability of death and what lessons can be learned from it. The Qur'an declares that everyone on this earth will pass away and all that is on earth will perish: There remaineth but the Countenance of thy Lord of Might and Glory (Qur'an, LV:27) In another verse, the Qur'an stresses that Every soul will taste of death. Then unto Us ye will be returned. (Qur'an, XXIX:57) (d) the essence of Islam by being well-versed in its different branches of knowledge and by being able to distinguish between the lawful and the unlawful, between the good that it enjoins and the bad that it forbids. The Qur'an describes the true Muslim who always prays to God by saying: My Lord! Increase me in knowledge (Qur'an, XX:114) And the Prophet (p.b.u.h.) says: 'The 'Ulama (Muslim scholars) are the inheritors of the Messengers' (an-Nawawi, 1975:233). And (e) the essence of jahiliyyah - the Dark Ages of every era - by knowing its powers, thoughts, plans, literature, schools, etc., as well'as its shortcomings and values and traits, if any. The Prophet of Islam (p.b.u.h.) says: 'Whoever learns the language of other folks, he will be safe from their plots.' 103

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Islamic Assumptions About Man The previous discussion leads to the question of what is the Islamic view of human nature in the context of development? As theoretically outlined in the Islamic religious texts (Our' an and Sunnah) and literature, several assumptions are made about man - his strengths and weaknesses, motivations, desires, rights and obligations - which apply to his relationship to the world of work. Such assumptions, which are described below, have practical implications for the Muslim administrators and managers. To start with, work is a natural activity in human life. Man is constantly asked in the Our'an and the Sunnah to fulfil this natural endeavour by working to live, utilizing what God created for him on earth. From the Islamic perspective, good work and deeds in themselves have merit, and only 'evil', 'bad', or unproductive work is distasteful to the Muslim personality. The Our'an is replete with verses in which God explains the virtue of 'good' work and states the rewards on earth and in the Hereafter for those who work in good faith. Second, man is an intelligent being who is able to exert selfcontrol in the course of his daily activity. Sometimes, however, he needs the help and direction of his fellow man to do this. Whatever the case may be, Islam holds critical the personality of the individual Muslim in preparing himself for his destined mission. From an Islamic point of view, it is by spiritual consciousness and intellectual competence that man can overcome his whims and desires and attain a high level of self-control. In the final analysis, this innate self-control will help him not only in his religious actions but also in his technological activities. Third, man is a responsible being who is potentially capable of fulfilling the tasks assigned to him (allowing for some failures here and there). Man, in the Our'an, accepts the Trust of God and bears full responsibility for his own actions. Although Islam means total submission to the Will of Allah, man is independent and selfdirected in many situations; and when left uninfluenced by others, these qualities become apparent. For example, from an Islamic perspective, the pureness of the child's natural state is an assurance that, even if he were not influenced and directed by his parents and society, he would still come to recognize God and worship Him. 104

Man and Development However, some situations can call for proper direction and motivation in the course of undertaking man's responsibility. The fact that Islam urges Muslims to be self-disciplined and aware of God's presence at all times and everywhere, does not mean that people holding public office are left unchecked to act entirely on their own. In accordance with its views of man and human nature, Islam calls for supervision to assure that the evil part of man is always suppressed and the good part is always motivated. This check-andbalance policy is the responsibility of those who are in command or authority among the people. In an organizational sense, the Muslim manager by definition knows that he supervises his subordinates, his superior officer supervises him, the governor supervises the latter, the Caliph (or the chief executive of the state) supervises the governor, and God supervises all of them. It is important to recognize that, practically speaking, it is not so simple; that disobedience is enjoined under certain circumstances. Fourth, man is an intelligent being who can utilize his talents and intelligence for developing life on earth and making it more prosperous. Islam encourages innovation in all technological matters, while restricting it in religious and spiritual affairs. The Prophet (p.b.u.h.) prohibits innovation in religion by declaring that (anNawawi, 1977:44): Whosoever innovates anything contrary to the spirit of this Order of Ours, is everlastingly cursed. Whosoever honours and reveres an innovator, helps in bringing down the edifice of Islam. In actual practice, the Prophet (p.b.u.h.) left the technical affairs of his people to their own standards and discretion. He encouraged them to carry out their daily activities by using any technological method or innovation they desired. In Islam, individuals as well as groups of individuals are free to innovate in any way that could serve them as individuals as well as groups and communities. They are even encouraged to utilize their potential to produce effective results that benefit them, their organization, and humanity at large. The only restriction is that man's innovative abilities must function within the broad scope which Islam has outlined. This pre105

Administrative Development eludes innovations5 in the doctrine and principles of the Islamic religion which were completed shortly before the death of the last Prophet (p.b.u.h.). The Qur'an (V:3) says: 'This day have I perfected your religion for you and have completed My favour unto you, and have chosen for you as religion AL-ISLAM.' In sum, these factors contribute to the reality which underlies man's creative ability. Qutb (1973:25-7) states, 'It is freedom which is coupled with responsibility; a power that is combined with a task; a gift that is paired with a sense of duty, that enables man to make choice, decision, and innovation.' This leads us to the last assumption in this series. Finally, man has great intellectual potentialities which can be utilized by different means. Motivation is one means that can serve this purpose. Islamic texts and literature contain many examples of proper motivation at all organizational levels. The difference between the Islamic methods of motivation and those of the modern theories 6 is that Islam uses - besides monetary and material incentives - a spiritual incentive. This spiritual incentive (as can be seen from historical studies) proved its effectiveness in motivating the Muslims. Its effectiveness is, by and large, greater than any material rewards. The reason for this is that Islam always touches the hearts of Muslims and motivates them by the constant awakening of their religious consciousness. Muslim scholars and students of psychology believe that the spiritual type of motivation is more effective than other types which primarily emphasize material or social rewards. This is not to underestimate the value of material or monetary incentives in human motivation. We mean by motivation, in Islam, the effect upon the individual and the group in their total human activities. For example, the following Qur'anic verses motivate the Muslim to perform to the best of his ability in all of his activities: Whosoever doeth right, whether male or female, and is a believer, him verily We shall quicken with good life, and We shall pay them a recompense in proportion to the best of what they used to do. (Qur'an, XVI:97) Lo! this Qur'an guideth unto that which is straightest, and 106

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giveth tidings unto the believers who do good works that theirs will be a great reward. (Qur'an, XVII:9) Allah hath promised such of you as believe and do good works that He will surely make them to succeed (the present rulers) in the earth even as He caused those who were before them to succeed (others); and that He will surely establish for them their religion which He hath approved for them, and will give them in exchange safety after their fear. They serve Me. They ascribe nothing as partner unto Me. Those who disbelieve henceforth, they are the miscreants. (Qur'an, XXIV:55) In addition to the assumptions described above, other issues regarding human nature are relevant to the developmental process. These issues include man's political role, the notions of competition and justice, and man's potential for good and evil. Islam differs in principle from the Western concept of man as a political animal and' ... by nature [is] a lawmaker since the defining characteristic of human life is that its principle of order is the creation of, and the adherence to, laws and institutions specific to the society' (Newton, 1977:153-4). Man, from an Islamic perspective, is a vicegerent of God on earth. His task and mission is surrender and submission to the Will of God. He is not supposed to make law as much as he should administer divine law already made by the Lord, the Creator of man and everything on earth. This is historically important because it defines clearly the task of man, as will be discussed in detail below. This view takes all of nature, man included, to the level of a 'creation' created specifically to fulfil a purpose in the Mind of God, the Artificer. Then each thing has a 'nature' in the sense of 'purpose'. According to the Qur'an, God says clearly: I created the jinn and humankind only that they might worship Me. I seek no livelihood from them, nor do I ask that they should feed Me. Lo! Allah! He it is that giveth livelihood, the Lord of unbreakable might.' (Qur'an, LI:56 - 8) 107

Administrative Development Islam does not discard the notion of competition and in fact offers a divine solution to it. The Holy Qur'an states emphatically: Race one with another for forgiveness from your Lord and a Garden whereof the breadth is as the breadth of the heavens and the earth, which is in store for those who believe in Allah and His messengers. Such is the Bounty of Allah, which He bestoweth upon whom He will, and Allah is of Infinite Bounty. (Qur'an, LVII:21) And in another instance: And vie one with another for forgiveness from your Lord, and for a Paradise as wide as are the heavens and the earth, prepared for those who ward off (evil); Those who spend (of that which Allah hath given them) in ease and in adversity, those who control their wrath and are forgiving toward mankind; Allah loveth the good. (Qur'an, III:133,134) The Qur'an also reminds all Muslims to practise justice even toward people whom they do not like:

o ye who believe! Be steadfast witnesses for Allah in equity, and let not hatred of any people seduce you that ye deal not justly. Deal justly, that is nearer to your duty. (Qur'an, V:8) This ayah (verse) insists upon justice even if a Muslim himself or one of his immediate family is involved:

o ye who believe! Be ye staunch in justice, witnesses for Allah, even though it be against yourselves or (your) parents or (your) kindred, whether (the case be of) a rich man or a poor man, for Allah is nearer unto both (than ye are). So follow not passion lest ye lapse (from truth) and if ye lapse or fall away, then lo! Allah is ever Informed of what ye do. (Qur'an, IV:135) 108

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Of all the creatures on earth, man certainly is the best and the noblest. Man, from an Islamic perspective, is a being with his own distinctive identity. He is neither an angel nor a devil. Though he is able to deteriorate to the level of devil, he is equally capable - in moments of spiritual loftiness and aspiration - of attaining the qualities of angels. In his natural spectrum, that is, between angel and devil, his nature contains elements of both good and evil which are neither foreign to his nature nor imposed on it from the outside. The Islamic concept of man's nature reflects a 'duality' that could be the result of man's composition of the earth's clay and the spirit from God. Whether 'clay' is the cause of evil and the spirit is the cause of good, while plausible, cannot be proven here. Suffice it to say that man is endowed with equal potential for good and evil, guidance and heedlessness, right and wrong. According to Ali Shariati (1979:7): Man is a mixed phenomenon, made of mud and the Spirit of God. He has the freedom to choose either pole. Having willpower makes him free but responsible. So, from an Islamic point of view ,man is the only creature responsible for his fate. He is to carry the mission of God in this world and be his trustee on earth. Islam takes the above traits of man into consideration and acknowledges the realities. It attempts to utilize the good and minimize the evil. This evil it should be emphasized, is acquired by man in his earthly life. It is not inherent in him. From the Islamic point of view, there is no intrinsic evil in man; only transgression is evil. It will be shown later that Islam views man as good and pure; for this reason, Islam's first concern is to put a high premium on the beliefs of the Muslim, and to shape his personality in a manner that will prepare him for his rights, obligations, duties, and destined mission. The Islamic personality emerging from this belief system, thus has four basic components as described in the Qur'an and the Sunnah (Abdul Kader, 1973:9): 1. Belief in the unity of God 2. Belief in the unity of mankind 3. Respect for human individuality 109

Administrative Development 4. Elimination of racism in human society (an integral part of (2) above). Islam regards all human beings as originally the creatures of God. The Holy Qur'an states in the first few verses revealed to the Prophet (p.b.u.h.) Read: In the name ofthe Lord who createth. Createth man from a clot. (Qur'an, XCVI:1,2) Lo! We create man from a drop of thickened fluid to test him; so We make him hearing, knowing. (Qur'an, LXXVI:2) God created man in the best of moulds (thus, a Muslim cannot agree with the Aristotelian terminology of the political animal, social animal, and rational animal. The Qur'an states: Surely We created man of the best stature. Then We reduced him to the lowest of the low, Save those who believe and do good works, and theirs is a reward unfailing. (Qur'an, XCV:4-6)

In his commentary on the above verses, the Austrian Muslim Muhammad Asad (Leopold Weiss) (1961:23-4), remarks:

In this verse is expressed the doctrine that man is orginally good and pure; and furthermore, that disbelief in God and lack of good action may destroy his perfection. On the other hand, man may retain, or regain, that original individual perfection if he consciously realizes God's Oneness and submits to His laws. Thus, according to Islam, evil is never essential or even original; it is an acquisition in man's later life, and is due to a misuse of the innate, positive qualities with which God has endowed every human being. The Prophet of Islam (p.b.u.h.) reinforces the fact that man is God's creature - as Muslims believe - by saying, 'God created man 110

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after his own pattern.' According to the Pakistani philosopher Iqbal (quoted in Khatoon, 1963:113-14), man is a spiritual reality in his ultimate essence. We have the explanation of his reality in the Divine Creative Power, in the Divine Conscious and Purposive Will and in the Divine Grace. God created the world and man out of the sheer affluence of His perfection. He created man out of a sheer possibility in His own Being and invests him with almost all the potentialities of attaining to the Perfections of the Divine. Regarding the human spirit or soul (nafs), the Qur'an states: And a soul and Him who perfected it And inspired it (with conscience of) what is wrong for it and (what is) right for it. He is indeed successful who causeth it to grow, And he is indeed a failure who stunteth it. (Qur'an, XCI:7-1O) According to Islam, this human nafs comes in three forms or levels that make up the spiritual growth in human society. These are (a) nafsul ammarah (self-degrading spirit); (b) nafsullawwamah (selfaccusing spirit); and (c) nafsul mutmainnah (self-satisfied spirit).7 In' the moral and spiritual evolution of man, each of these categories becomes a very useful period in man's brief sojourn on earth. The struggle for moral and ethical advancement to a higher level is a challenge which is both personal and communal. An Islamic society practising the shari' ah acquires a better chance in the process of advancement from one level to the next. Whenever such a society comes into being, the developmental activities of man in political, socio-economic, and administrative spheres become more Islamic and just (Nyang, 1976:9).

The Functions of Man In Islam, the basic function of man is that of 'ibadah, which is a much more comprehensive concept than the narrower English terms 'worship' or 'service'. Muslims think of worship as a matter of obedience to the Almighty Allah in every aspect of life. Accord111

Administrative Development ing to Ahmad Saqr (1979:29), 'ibadah means not only to pray, to fast, to give alms, and to perform haji, but it also includes, among the many other aspects of life: eating, sleeping, studying, searching into the universe, scientific investigation, doing business, earning knowledge and sport activities. It also includes earning money to nourish and sustain one's family. In human endeavours and activities, as long as the intention is the attainment ofthe pleasure of Allah, then it is a type of worship. The Holy Qur'an says that Allah has created both jinn and humankind for the sole purpose of 'worshipping' Him (Qur'an, LI:56). Humankind is favoured over jinn by being Allah's vicegerent on earth. This mission of being a deputy of God is not a monopoly of apostles and messengers who are sent to guide people, nor is it confined to kings, governors, or high officials who are elected or appointed to administer the affairs of their nations. It is a mission open to every human being. Every individual is responsible for people and things in his own sphere of influence. Since man is the superior being on this earth, everything on it is subservient to him. Among man's secondary functions is the task and privilege of utilizing nature and its forces to meet his demands and requirements and those of his fellow beings. Man's relationship with nature and the environment is that of a utilizer, not a conqueror. The Qur'an (11:29) indicates: 'He it is Who createth for you all that is in the earth.' In another place, the Qur'an reminds mankind of God's blessings: Verily We have honoured the children of Adam. We carry them on the land and the sea, and have made provision of good things for them, and have preferred them above many of those whom We created with a marked preferment. (Qur'an, XVII:70) Besides the main function of 'ibadah of Allah and the subsidiary function of utilizing the environment, man's other tasks include work, teaching and learning, administration of justice, governing according to the laws of God, and acting on earth as His vicegerent. 112

Man and Development For example, Islam invites man to harness all material and human resources for the promotion of virtue, justice, and peace, which make his main function easier. Material progress, yes - but not for its own sake. Rather, for the creation of a noble, serene, and just society which seeks man's salvation in this world and in the Hereafter. Such a picture is not utopian nor is it impossible to achieve, given man's nature. The Community of the Prophet (p.b.u.h.) and the Four Rightly Guided Caliphs have achieved it in the past, thus deserving the following description in the Qur'an (III:104): 'And let there be from you a nation who invite to goodness, and enjoin right conduct and forbid indecency. Such are they who are successful. ' Those people deserved that honour because they knew what it meant to be the vicegerent of God on earth. The Muslim scholar Nadvi (1966:20) states the following conditions under which man's fitness for Divine vicegerency can be attained: 1. That man must attain complete knowledge of all natural phenomena and of the laws under which they work 2. That man must fully control his animal nature (evil qualities) 3. That man must practise that lofty code of morality which brings him nearer to the Supreme Being

The Responsibilities and Accountabilities of Man In light of man's qualities and functions, God prepared him to bear the most important responsibility. This responsibility, as clearly defined in the Qur'an, is the trust offered to him by God: Lo! We offered the trust unto the heavens and the earth and the hills, but they shrank from bearing it and were afraid of it. And man assumed it. Lo! he hath proved a tyrant and a fool!. (Qur'an, XXXIII:72) Commenting on the above verse, Ali Abdul Kader (1973) states that this trust was nothing more than that responsibility which man decided to undertake because of his freedom of choice and his faculty of intellect. This responsibility centres around the obedi-

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ence to God's ordinances, and the abstinence from His prohibitions. Man has a soul so that he can acquire spiritual things. He has a body to enable him to live on his material planet and use the material things available to him. The spiritualism of man is an essential element that serves his human nature in an effective way. If man were not provided with spiritual capacities, moral values, and intellectual abilities, he would be no better than a beast. It is the mind and the soul of man which are, we believe, the true raison d'etre why man alone, among all the creatures of God, accepted the trust, and undertook the challenge and the responsibility which God bestowed upon him (though such trust was offered to other creatures besides man). Regarding the common belief in the West that man is saved from eternal damnation by accepting Jesus as his Saviour, the notion of original sin is one which Islam emphatically denies, affirming that every human being comes into the world innocent and sinless. Accordingly, he will be held accountable only for what he himself inscribes upon the unblemished tabula rasa of his nature, not for what his ancestor Adam (or anyone else whosoever) did or did not. (Haneef, 1979:182) Thus, each individual is responsible and accountable for only his own actions; neither sin nor righteousness are 'hereditary' characteristics which can be transferred from one person to another or which are carried in the 'blood' or 'nature' of human beings. The Qur'an emphasizes this in many verses, including (11:123), (VI:164), and (LIII:38-42).

The Political Nature of Man It has been said that man's most important function in Islam is to

worship God in a manner that transcends the narrow non-Islamic connotation of the term 'worship'. Thus, it is important for a Muslim to strive toward the creation of circumstances and situations conducive to this end - this ability to worship God freely 114

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without inside or outside interference. The Qur'an reminds us of that duty by stating:

o mankind! Be careful of your duty to your Lord who created you from a single soul and from it created its mate and from them twain hath spread abroad a multitude of men and women. Be careful of your duty toward Allah in Whom ye claim (your rights) of one another, and towards the wombs (that bore you). Lo! Allah hath been a Watcher over you. (Qur'an,IV:1) The political nature of man according to Islam centres around two main concepts; piety or righteousness and change. Righteousness is the establishment of justice, brotherhood, and of 'negative balance' relationships based on the negation of the use of force and compulsion - neither the toleration of it, nor the irresponsibility toward its usage against people. The Holy Qur'an states:

o mankind! Lo! We have created you male and female, and have made you nations and tribes that ye may know one another. Lo! the noblest of you, in the sight of Allah, is the best in conduct [pious, righteous]. Lo! Allah is Knower, Aware. (Qur'an, XLIX:13) And on the negation of using compulsion or force, the Qur'an is very clear beyond any doubt: There is no compulsion in religion. The right direction is henceforth distinct from error. (Qur'an, 11:256) Say: 0 disbelievers! I worship not that which ye worship; nor worship ye that which I worship. And I shall not worship that which ye worship. Nor will ye worship that which I worship. Unto you your religion, and unto me my religion. (Qur'an, CIX:1-6). The second concept is that of change, which seems at once contradictory to the first notion of negating the use of compulsion. But 115

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it is not. Ideology in general (and Islamic ideology in particular) not only shows how to go about making change but also describes a new political, economic, and social system that will replace corrupt systems through revoluton. Since the Islamic world view of tawhid (oneness of God) encompasses truth and reality and in no sense is a limited or stagnant view of being, the Islamic ideology was, is, and will be vital and dynamic: In the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful. By the declining day, Lo! man is in a state of loss, Save those who believe and do good works, and exhort one another to truth and exhort one another to endurance. (Qur'an, CIII:1-3) Man, in Islam, is reminded not to stand idle and stagnant, but to take action to change his condition. This indeed contradicts the prevailing widespread notion in the West that Islam is a fatalistic religionS (Brzezinski, 1970:69; Myrdal, 1968:103). The Qur'an emphatically states: Lo! Allah changeth not the condition of a folk until they (first) change that which is in their hearts; and if Allah willeth misfortune for a folk there is none that can repel it, nor have they a defender beside Him. (Qur'an, XIII:11) Moreover, the Qur'an contains many references to the fact that God has created whatever is in the earth and the heavens for the purpose of man. It is his duty, then, to utilize such bounties in a responsible manner worthy of his station as the best and noblest creature of God. The Sunnah provides many hadiths of the Prophet (p.b.u.h.) calling upon man to act and to develop a conscious desire to improve his lot or situation. Though some of these sayings will be covered in Chapter 3, a few are listed here to show how one views the political nature of man in Islam. The Prophet of Islam (p.b.u.h.) was reported as saying (anNawawi, 1977:110): Whosoever of you sees an evil action, let him change it with his 116

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hand; and ifhe is not able to do so, then with his tongue; and if he is not able to do so, then with his heart - and that is the weakest of Faith. He (p.b.u.h.) also said on another occasion (Ahmad, 1968:34): The most excellent jihad is when one speaks a true word in the presence of a tyrannical ruler. Basic to the nature of man in Islam is the intention (niyyah) as critical to the performance not only of rituals but of other overt and covert activities. The sincerity of motive in every type of action has a high premium in Islamic thought and action. The Qur'an stresses this in many references, two of which are: And they are ordained naught else than to serve Allah, keeping religion pure for Him, as men by nature upright and to establish worship and to pay the poor-due. That is true religion. (Qur'an, XCVIII:5) Say (0 Muhammad): Whether ye hide that which is in your breasts or reveal it, Allah knoweth it. (Qur'an, 111:29) On the subject of niyyah, the Sunnah contains many hadiths of the Prophet (p.b.u.h.). The following, however, may strike an unfamiliar chord in the thinking of modern man. Here, the hadith will be reproduced unabridged as it was related by Abdullah ibn Umar in the authentic texts (sahih) of Bukhari and Muslim (cf. Khan, 1975:3-4): Abdullah ibn Umar related that he had heard the Prophet (p.b.u.h.) recount the following: 'Three persons, of a people before you, were on a journey when they were overtaken by a storm and they took refuge in a cave. A rock slithered down from the mountain and blocked the exit ofthe cave. One of them said: The only way for deliverance left is to beseech God for it by virtue of some righteous deed. Thereupon one of 117

Administrative Development them supplicated: Lord, my parents were very old and I used to offer them their nightly drink of milk before my children and other members of the family. One day I was drawn far away in search of green trees and did not get back till after my parents had gone to sleep. When I had milked and brought their drink to them they were asleep, and I hated to disturb them, nor would I give any part of the milk to my children and others until after my parents had had their drink. Thus, with the vessel in hand, I awaited their wakening till the flush of dawn, while the children cried out of hunger at my feet. When they woke up they had their drink. Lord, if I did this seeking Thy pleasure, then do Thou relieve us of the distress imposed upon us by this rock. Thereupon the rock moved a little but not enough to let them pass out. Then one of the other two supplicated: Lord, I had a cousin whom I loved more passionately than any man loves a woman. I tried to seduce her but she would have none of me, till in a season of great hardship from famine she approached me and I gave her one hundred and twenty dinars on condition that she would yield herself to me. She agreed, and when we got together she pleaded: Fear God, and do not break the seal unlawfully; whereupon I moved away from her despite the fact that I desired her most passionately; and I let her keep the money I had given her. Lord, if I did this seeking Thy pleasure, do Thou move the distress in which we find ourselves. Again, the rock moved a little but not enough to let them pass out. Then the third supplicated: Lord, I hired some labourers and paid them their due, but one of them left, leaving behind what was due to him. I invested it in business and the business prospered greatly. After a time the labourer came back and said: 0 servant of God, hand over to me my wages. I said to him: All that you see is yours; camels, cattle, goats and slaves. He said: Mock me not, 0 Servant of Allah. I assured him: I am not mocking you. So he took it all, sparing nothing. Lord, if I did this seeking Thy pleasure, do Thou relieve us of our distress. The rock then moved away, and they emerged walking freely.' What this incident tells us is beyond the power of expression. The sincere intention in doing anything seeking by it only the pleasure of God and not the reward of others, will produce excellent results 118

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sooner or later. This story reflects that man can do a great deal purely for the sake of Allah's pleasure. Finally, the political nature of man in Islam does not always take the form of active participation in the existing political system. Sometimes it calls for aloofness and withdrawal from the mainstream and the central activities of the political and social life. This historical story (quoted in Coulson, 1956:211) vividly reflects what is meant by withdrawal: The biographer al-Maliki reports that, in the year AH 171, Ruh b. Hatam, the governor of the Maghrib, offered the post of qadi to 'Abd Allah B. Faruk, a scholar-jurist of Qairawan. Ibn Faruk firmly refused the offer. The governor, however, forced him to take his seat in the mosque and ordered the litigants to address their pleas to him. Ibn Faruk wept and cried to them: 'Have mercy upon me, that Allah may have mercy upon you.' When he thus refused to judge, the governor ordered that he be bound and taken up on the roof of the mosque: if he should then refuse he was to be thrown over the edge. Ibn Faruk was taken up to the roof and asked: 'Will you do it?' 'No,' he replied. The guards then prepared to throw him over, but Ibn Faruk, perceiving now that they were in earnest, declared: 'I accept the office.' Accordingly he was installed in the mosque under guard. Two litigants approached and stood before him. He looked at them and then burst into tears .... At length he raised his head and addressed them. 'I implore you by Allah,' he said, 'to free me from the burden of yourselves. Do not be the first of my ill omens.' The two litigants took pity on him and departed. At this the governor persisted no further, but appointed another qadi - nominated by Ibn Faruk. The moral of this story is self-explanatory: knowing that he could not carry out the task honestly and justly, the individual withdrew from the political appointment.

The Social Behaviour of Man Behaviour in human psychology is concerned with many observable and non-observable, subjective and objective activities of an 119

Administrative Development individual or group. It includes measurable activities, responses to stimuli, and movements of an individual or group. An Islamic perspective of the social behaviour of man is clearly outlined by A. Megid Mansour (1972:12,13). First, man is created by God with the full desire, according to his intelligence, to eat, drink, smell, dress, marry, move about, and be moved by love or friendship and hate or enmity. Work, play, and cooperation are also some of the desires of human beings. Second, man has the qualities of curiosity and ambition to find out secrets, to reveal mysteries, and to discover causes and reasons. He can move from the unknown to the known, face dangers, and can have the ability to take initiatives and embark on adventures. Third, man is created to enjoy the good things of life and at the same time prepare for the everlasting hereafter. It is difficult to confine his efforts to enjoy these things. It is equally difficult to strangle or arrest human activity and block its attainment of other cherished goals as singled out in the Qur'an and Sunnah. Fourth, man cannot lead a solitary life because it is against his social nature. Man is instinctively social and produces more when he is with the group. He cannot be isolated from his peers, family, or other individuals and groups in the society. Man cannot go against his own nature. God says in the Holy Qur'an:

o mankind! Lo! We have created you male and female, and have made you nations and tribes that ye may know one another. Lo! the noblest of you, in the sight of Allah, is the best in conduct. Lo! Allah is Knower, Aware. (Qur'an, XLIX: 13) Lastly, man cannot be denied the right to marry and have his own family. It is against his nature to be denied this right. Membership in the society is complete when the male and the female join each other in a legal union.

Is there a Psychological Theory of Islam? A broad framework for human psychology is suggested in the Qur'an, as illustrated by verses appearing below and in the preceding sections of this chapter. It has been the work of Muslim stu120

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dents of psychology and of the related social sciences to build categorically on that framework in developing an Islamic theory of psychology which will reflect Islamic views of man and his nature. After all, Muslims always say, 'Who knows more about man and his nature than his Creator?' The Qur'an reminds the human being in this inquiry: Did We not assign unto him two eyes And a tongue and two lips And guide him to the parting ofthe mountain ways? (Qur'an, XC:8-lO) And in another verse: Lo! We have shown him the way whether he be grateful or disbelieving. (Qur'an, LXXVI:3) The above two verses are closely connected and seem to culminate in the following verses: When thy Lord said unto the angels: Lo! I am about to create a mortal out of mire, And when I have fashioned him and breathed into him of My spirit, then fall down before him prostrate. (Qur'an, XXXVIII:71,72) The following Qur'anic verses are also linked with and complementary to those which state man's responsibility and accountability for his own actions. Verses such as these reflect some psychological traits of man and his soul: Every soul is a pledge for its own deeds; Save those who will stand on the right hand. (Qur'an, LXXIV:38,39) That no laden one shall bear another's load, And that man hath only that for which he maketh effort, (Qur'an, LIII:38,39) 121

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Lo! Allah changeth not the condition of a folk until they (first) change that which is in their hearts. (Our'an, XIII: 11) This last verse points out the fact that God's actions concerning man are dependent upon man's own behaviour. Sayyed Outb (n.d.:171-7), a modern Egyptian scholar and famous interpreter of the Our'an, has outlined a three-point psychological theory. First, Islam holds man in esteem when it qualifies him to be responsible for his actions and allows him freedom of choice. This esteem honours the human being for it allots him a high and respected position in this world - a position that is worthy of the creature to whom God has given preference over all other creatures. Second, Islam puts man's fate in his own hands and makes the responsibility for that fate rest ultimately with him. This is apt to incite the feeling of awareness, caution, and taqwa (heeding God or conscious and positive awareness of God) in man. The Muslim knows that the Will of God is fulfilled through his own modes of activity and courses of action. He believes, as stated earlier, that God would never change the situation or circumstances of any people unless they themselves changed it. This, in itself, is a difficult task which requires a full awareness and an acuteness of mind. Third, Islam reminds man of his perpetual need to refer to God's fixed criteria. The firm standards that God revealed are intended to ensure that man's whimsical desires do not overcome him and get the better of him, lead him astray, and manoeuvre him into ill-fate. Thus, man keeps in close touch with God's teachings, follows His guidance, and illuminates his life's road by His light. A Muslim from Saudi Arabia, al-Faisal (1976:573), writes: Technology and modern inventions have brought us to a state at which man, in order to survive, needs an ideology which is universally applicable and which provides an effective control mechanism, a moral and spiritual discipline for man. The late Ali Shariati (1979:9), the renowned Muslim scholar and sociologist from Iran, succinctly presented the Islamic perspective when he wrote:

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In Islam, man is not weak and disabled before God since he is His representative, His friend and His trustee on this earth. All the angels had to prostrate to him. A dualistic human with such a great responsibility needs a religion to lead him neither toward absolute asceticism nor toward absolute materialism, but toward a state of balance. He needs a dualistic religion to fulfil the great responsibility he accepted; that is Islam. What Shariati meant by a 'dualistic human' is something different from what the term means in the Zoroastrian sense. The term 'dualistic' here means that man is neither all ascetic nor all materialistic though he can be both. Islam as a total system of life provides him with a force that enables him to achieve a balance by rectifying such elements within himself.

Man, Development, and Modernization in Islam It has been said earlier that the main function of man in Islam is to

worship Allah in all spheres of his life. Therefore, the developmental process in an Islamic State should be geared toward that grand objective, unlike the non-Islamic goals of development. 9 In its comprehensive outlook on man, an Islamic developmental orientation attempts to strike a balance between man's material and rational needs and his spiritual and mental requirements. Even in its basic traditional elements, Islam calls for moderation, not for extremes. As Braibanti and Spengler (1961) remind us, traditional patterns are not necessarily and always inimical to development. Islam freely acknowledges the existence of man's attraction to the material sphere - his love of wealth and possessions, houses and lands, of buying and selling. It does not prohibit any of these but it requires a correct perspective concerning their relative importance so that the things of this life do not become the only object of man's existence or his ultimate goal. The Holy Qur'an clearly says in this respect: Beautified for mankind is love of the joys (that come) from women and offspring, and stored-up heaps of gold and silver, and horses branded (with their mark), and cattle and land. 123

Administrative Development That is comfort of the life of the world. Allah! With Him is a more excellent abode. (Qur'an, III:14) And whatsoever ye have been given is a comfort of the life of the world and an ornament thereof; and that which Allah hath is better and more lasting. Have ye then no sense? (Qur'an, XXVIII:60) Thus, devout and sincere Muslims in their quest for the development and modernization of their societies - like the 'Protestant ethic' - stand firm on Islamic principles and values, which serve as a counter-balance to random 'progress' and the indiscriminate 'adoption' of values and behaviour patterns that are not appropriate for Muslims and that can be destructive to the very fabric of their societies. Such people have reached the conclusion that human beings must, by the necessity of their nature, concern themselves with something much more significant than the material sphere with meaning and not simply with matter. As a result, 'they have come to a deep and unshakable conviction that whatever is most precious, whatever is most essential to man's existence, is to be found in their fourteen-hundred-year-old Islamic heritage, in their religion and its way of life rather than in any other system or ideology' (Haneef, 1979:126). A century ago, Muhammad 'Abduh, the Islamic reformer from Egypt, came to a similar conclusion regarding the goals of development in Muslim societies. His goals of development were religious and secular education for all members of the society; development of the industries, art, and sciences; economic well-being for all; political independence; a well-integrated society internally; and a sense of a mission of friendliness internationally (Baaklini and Khoury, 1979:48). In other words, development in the latter sense was simply the realization of the true spirit of Islam. An understanding of the true spirit of Islam would lead to a gradual actualization of its principles as it did in the early years of the Prophet and the Four Rightly Guided Caliphs. Seyyed Hossein Nasr, a contemporary Muslim scholar from Iran, argues that few people would be willing to admit that the most acute social and technical problems facing man today come not from so-called 'under-development' but from 'over-development'. Not many accept the fact that: 124

Man and Development there is no peace possible in human society as long as the attitude toward nature and the whole natural environment is one based on aggression and war ... perhaps not all realize that in order to gain this peace with nature there must be peace with the spiritual order. To be at peace with the Earth one must be at peace with Heaven (Nasr, 1968:13,14). In perhaps the most recent treatment of the Islamic view of man and nature, The Encounter of Man and Nature, Nasr (1968:14) offers this thesis: although science is legitimate in itself, the role and function of modern science and its application have become illegitimate, even dangerous and destructive: because of the lack of a higher form of knowledge into which science could be integrated and [because of] the destruction of the sacred and spiritual value of nature. To remedy this situation, the metaphysical knowledge pertaining to nature must be revived and the sacred quality of nature given back to it once again. Man's relationship with nature is viewed in his new fall. According to Nasr, man has certainly lost a paradise as the compensation for which he has discovered a new earth full of apparent but illusory riches. Man: has lost the paradise of a symbolic world of meaning to discover an earth of facts which he is able to observe and manipulate at his will. But in his new role of a 'deity upon earth' who no longer reflects his transcendent archetype, he is in dire danger of being devoured by this very earth over which he seems to wield complete dominion unless he is able to regain a vision of that paradise he has lost (ibid. :38). Islam, by contrast, perceives a harmonious relationship between man and nature. As Nasr (ibid.:94-9) states: By refusing to separate man and nature, Islam preserved an integrated view of the universe and sees in the cosmic and natural order the flow of divine grace and blessings. Man in 125

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Islam seeks the transcendent and the supernatural, not against the background of a profane nature that is intrinsically opposed to the supernatural, but rather seeks to transcend nature and nature herself can be an aid in this process, providing man can learn to contemplate it, not as independent domain of reality but as a mirror reflecting a higher reality, a vast panorama of symbols which speak to man and have meaning for him. Such a relationship, based on harmony rather than conflict, emphasizes man's utilization rather than exploitation of nature and his sense of responsibility and obligation toward it. This calls for restriction and moderation in the utilization of nature's resources, for if we study the details of Islamic laws and injunctions, we will soon see that these limit the individual only by denying him selfindulgence, extravagance, and waste (Coon, 1951:346). Therefore, Islam does not and cannot progress in any genuine branch of knowledge, including science and technology, that helps man to deal with nature without keeping these points in mind. The Qur'anic verses and the hadiths, all praising the pursuit of knowledge and learning, are beyond dispute. So, Islam does not and cannot condemn science and technology on principle. Indeed, Islam stands for progress, development, and modernization as it defines them; it can never be a spoke in the wheel of progress. But the Qur'an time and again calls upon man to reflect on and ponder the grand natural phenomena - the earth and sky, the wind and rain, the sun and moon, and the constellations.

Summary and Conclusion It is felt that in devising any strategy for the development and modernization of any society, a genuine and clear understanding of the basic and most important element in that development - man himself - is necessary. Thus, in discussing the Islamic view of human nature - the basic functions of man, his responsibilities and accountabilities, his political nature, and his social behaviour - this chapter is intended to offer a framework for a total picture of man in Islamic society. Since most of these variables differ markedly in an Islamic State from those in a Western or Eastern country, the strat126

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egy of development and modernization must necessarily be different. It is hoped that we in the field of development, as social scientists and practitioners alike, will be somewhat more familiar with and sympathetic to the real needs and aspirations of the Muslim masses even though they may not coincide with those of the ruling and governing elites. This analysis will now turn to a larger portrait, to be presented in the succeeding chapters of this study of what Muslims expect in the development and modernization of their societies - a development that harmonizes with the letter and spirit of their doctrine and faith - in three critical spheres: political development, socio-economic development, and administrative development.

Notes to Chapter 2 1 On the importance of human factors in development and the role of man, see Irma Adelman and Cynthia Taft Monis, Economic Growth and Social Equity in Developing Countries, Stanford, Calif., Stanford University Press, 1973; Gunnar Myrdal, Asian Drama: An Inquiry into the Poverty of Nations, 3 vols., New York, Pantheon, 1968; and Gunnar Myrdal, Challenge of World Poverty, New York, Vintage Books, 1970. 2 The importance of human nature and its relation to other disciplines is further explored in the following works: Books which contain bibliographies: Fred 1. Greenstein, Personality and Politics: Problems of Evidence, Inference, and Conceptualization, Chicago, Marham, 1969; Ted R. Gun, Why Men Rebel, Princeton, N.1., Princeton University Press, 1970; P. 1. Heine, Personality and Social Theory, London, Allen Lane, 1972; G. A. Kelly, Idealism, Politics and History: Sources of Hegelian Thought, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1969; 1. N. Knutson, The Human Basis of the Polity: A Psychological Study of Political Man, Chicago, Aldine, 1972; 1. N. Shaklar, ed., Political Theory and Ideology, New York, Macmillan, 1966; and Daniel Yankelovich and William Barrett, Ego and Instinct: The Psychoanalytical View of Human Nature, revised, New York, Random House, 1970. Works of special interest for political theory and philosophy: Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1958; C. D. Darlington, The Evolution of Man and Society, New York, Simon and Schuster, 1969; Carl 1. Friedrich, Man

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3

4 5 6

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and His Government: An Empirical Theory of Politics, New York, McGraw-Hill, 1963; C. B. Macpherson, The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism: Hobbes to Locke, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1971; John Passmore, The Perfectability of Man, London, Duckworth, 1970; John Plamenatz, Man and Society, 2 vols., New York, McGraw-Hill, 1963; B. F. Skinner, Beyond Freedom and Dignity, New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1971; and Les Straus The City and Man, Chicago, Rand McNally, 1964. Works which are related to other social sciences and business and management: Charles D. Brockett, 'Human Needs and Political Development', thesis, Political Science, UNC-Chapel Hill, N.C., 1974; Frederick Creedy, Human Nature in Business, London, E. Benn, 1927; James C. Davies, Human Nature in Politics; the Dynamics of Political Behavior, New York, Wiley, 1963: Fred C. Kelly, Human Nature in Business, New York and London, G. P. Putnam, 1920; J. Roland Pennock and John W. Chapman, Human Nature in Politics, New York, New York University Press, 1977; William L. Phelps, Human Nature in the Bible, New York and London, C. Scribner, 1922; Jean L. Shepard, Human Nature at Work, New York and London, Harper Brothers, 1938; Ordway Tead, Human Nature and Management: The Application of Psychology to Executive Leadership, New York, McGraw-Hill, 1929; and Graham Wallace, Human Nature in Politics, 3rd ed., New York, F. S. Crobts, 1931. Needless to say, none of the above works treat human nature from an Islamic perspective-all of them reflect the Western view. Moreover, this list is not meant to be either exhaustive or up to date. The 391 instances are broken down in the following manner: al-Nas (mankind), 240 times; al-Insan (man), 65 times; rajul (man), 24 times, and in other forms such as plural, etc., 29 times; ins (humankind), 18 times; Bani Adam (children of Adam), 8 times; onas (folk), 5 times; and onasiyy (men, plural of onas) and insiyya (mortal), once each. Variations of this verse can be found in the Qur'an, XXIX:64; XLVII:36; and L VII:20. See the previous discussion (pp. 1-6) of what is subject to change and what is not subject to change as far as Islam is concerned. Some modern theories also recognize a 'public service' motivation, which is often powerful. For example, Ralph Nader, Albert Schweitzer, Mahatma Gandhi, etc., have been champions in their own right. One can say that their behaviour is explainable by psychological theory (probably Jungian), but certainly cannot be divorced from the spiritual- at least in cases like Schweitzer and Gandhi. This does not contradict what is being said in the case of Islamic motivation. The

Man and Development problem, as far as modern theories are concerned, is that the above examples are the exception, not the norm. 7 Sulayman Nyang (1976:13) provides an interesting analysis of the modern use of these levels of human spirit in economic activities. He says that, given these three types, 'one can put forth the proposition that through the process of permutation and combination, mankind is capable of creating at least nine different types of economic system'. He lists these types as follows: (1) an agrarian economy, the majority of whose members are materially impoverished and morally depraved (nafsul ammarah); (2) an agrarian economy, the majority of whose members are self-accusing spirits (nafsullawwamah); (3) an agrarian economy, the majority of whose members are self-satisfied spirits (nafsul mutmainnah); (4) a dual economy, the majority of whose members are morally depraved; (5) a dual economy, the majority of whose members are self-accusing spirits; (6) a dual economy, the majority of whose members are morally self-satisfied; (7) a mature economy, the majority of whose members are morally depraved; (8) a mature economy, the majority of whose members are self-accusing and conscious of the need for reform; and (9) a mature economy, the majority of whose members are morally self-satisfied. 8 Sami Zubaida (1972:308), for example, disagrees with the notion that Islam is a fatalistic religion as claimed by Myrdal (1968) and Brzezinski (1970). Zubaida concludes that: The failure ofthe bourgeoisie of Muslim cities to achieve political autonomy and dominance (in contrast to their Western European counterparts) is not a consequence of religious attitudes favoring passivity, but results from the position of these classes in relation to the State and the dominant military classes. (Italics mine.)

9

For further discussion, see Zubaida's article 'Economic and Political Activism in Islam,' Economy and Society, vol. I. no. 3 (August 1972), pp. 308-38. Some of these goals are national power for its own sake, dominance and subjugation of nature, maximization of material well-being to the neglect of the spiritual, etc. But the most important goal which Islam cannot accept has a secular orientation where faith is pushed aside.

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Part II The Environment of Development Development does not occur in a vacuum. The outcome and end result of development affects and is affected by the surrounding environment and various factors within it. For example, no programme of administrative development can be carried out in isolation from the political and socio-economic milieu. While no attempt is made in this part to account for all environmental factors, the latter two are singled out for their importance and immediate impact on administrative development. Chapter 3 deals with political development in an Islamic setting. It discusses various issues such as the relationship of religion and politics with special emphasis on Islam, the relationship of Islam with modernization as the concept relates to development, and the overall goals of Islamic political development. Finally, the Islamic State is distinguished from the extant Muslim States, and it is demonstrated that the former is considered an important factor in Islamic political development as it relates to Islamic administrative development. Chapter 4 demonstrates that socio-economic development is another important factor in the environment of an Islamic administration. Starting with an analysis of the Western and the Islamic views of economic development, the chapter offers the Islamic 'third solution' to problems of present economic development in

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Administrative Development Muslim countries. Economic development guidelines as they exist in the Qur'an and Sunnah are examined, followed by the foundations of economic development in Islamic scholarship. Also provided is a discussion of the characteristics of the Islamic economic system and a comparative analysis of economic development policies in contemporary Muslim States and the apparent discrepancies between theory and practice that have placed them in the 'lizard's hole' (see pp. 189-200). The goals and motives for socio-economic development in Islam are stated, followed by some recommendations to Muslim States for stepping out of the 'lizard's hole'. In conclusion, the chapter outlines the role and strategy of the Islamist in undertaking socio-economic development in the Muslim world. An understanding of the political and socio-economic development environments is vital to an understanding of the core of this study - administrative development.

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3

Political Development

In Chapter 2 man and his role in development were discussed from an Islamic perspective. It was shown that one of the most important stages in the Islamic style of development is the 'spiritual stage' in which Islam calls upon man to purify his soul (tazkiyat al nafs). This base of Islamic development, namely self-purification and social ennoblement, defines the relation of all other kinds of development in Islam, its laws, its system, and its institutions (Outb, 1977). Since development from an Islamic perspective is, by definition, the institutional facility whereby Muslims may live in a state of Islam, this chapter will offer an Islamic concept of political development as exemplified in the efforts to establish an Islamic State. 1 Fundamental principles and concepts such as Ummah (universal Muslim community), taqwa (piety or purity and fear of Allah), shura (consultation), 'adalah (justice), musawah (equality and egalitarianism), and the most important political institution of khilafah (caliphate) are explored in a political context. Also the political system in Islamic literature and the role of the Islamist in realizing such a system are reviewed. It should be understood that Islam as a system of life calls for moderation and shuns extremes. Indeed, God in the Holy Our'an (11:143) describes the Muslim Ummah in these terms: 'Thus We have appointed you a middle !1ation, that ye may be witnesses 133

Administrative Development against mankind, and the messenger may be a witness against you.' Hence, political development, for example, should not occur at the expense of any other type of development (economic, social, administrative, etc.). This holistic approach makes Islam unique in providing a system or model that considers every aspect of development. The avoidance of fragmentation is healthy inasmuch as the contemporary Muslim world is ripe for all types of development in all spheres, such as the political, economic, social, administrative, cultural, military, and educational. Some general thoughts on the nature and scope of political development in Islam are presented here; a more comprehensive discussion is left to the scholars of political theory and political development. This chapter is organized around the following questions: what is the relationship between religion and politics in Islam? How does Islam distinguish development from modernization and why? Who have been the primary actors in the political development environment? What is the Islamic political system? What are the overall goals of Islamic political development, and how does Islam go about attaining such goals? Finally, what is the role of the Islamist in establishing an Islamic State to plan and carry out its political development programme?

The Relationship Between Politics and Religion The inseparability of religion and politics is so taken for granted in the Muslim world that any attempt to challenge its inevitably ends in failure. 'Ali 'Abdur Raziq, Khalid M. Khalid,2 Ahmad Lutfi ElSayyed, and a few others3 all attempted to do so without success. A number of Western scholars have analysed the implication of this relationship. For example, a leading Western scholar (Harris, 1979:21) states that' ... Islam has shown itself to be a major force in the political as well as the cultural and spiritual life of peoples'. In his Mixing Religion and Politics, William Muehl (1958:7), a professor of practical theology at Yale Divinity School, presented the biblical, theological, and ethical reasons for the need to integrate religion and politics. He dissected the common attitudes toward the separation of religion and politics; analysed the American tendency to ignore the real importance of social structures and processes; and sugges134

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ted that Christian responsibility in American political life be judged and practised not by a rule book or personalities, but rather in terms of commitment and loyalty to Christian principles. He specifically stated: 'Any religion which does not inform, as well as exhort, the conscience of its adherents in all areas of their lives will not long command their loyalty in any area of importance.' A leading professor of philosophy at Harvard University (Hocking, 1932:51) wrote about half a century ago that Islam has every inner provision for growth that any religion has, or any legal system. It is, on the whole, rather better equipped for change than many such systems: the difficulty has lain, not in the absence of means of growth, but in the lack of disposition. And the importance of religion as a variable in the process of development was highlighted some years ago by Max Weber (1930) in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, and recently in a doctoral thesis entitled 'Islam and Modernization in the Middle East: Muhammad Abduh, an Ideology of Development' (Khoury, 1978).

The literature on the relationship between religion and development is growing not only in the East but in the West as well. 4 Thus, especially in the Third World, religion can and may playa strong role 'within the present structure of social, economic, political and cultural life' of these countries. In analysing the recent Islamic Revolution in Iran and the abundant data and evidence it provided, scholars of East and West should 'explore new sociological, political, religio-political, and economic paradigms and theoretical explanations, which go beyond the Marxist theory of religion, that account for a cultural dimension of social reality' (Mahdi, 1979: 1726). A recent article on the subject concludes: One expects new theories which will integrate analyses of religion and political change and reveal the important connections between the two. Such theoretical frameworks and empirical studies of religious institutions and political processes are lacking (ibid.: 26--7). Many non-Muslim scholars accept the fact that Islam established 135

Administrative Development many fundamental principles which are related to state polity and its various systems and that their application throughout the centuries has been based on understanding these fundamentals, interpreting them, and being bound by them (Watt, 1961; Kerr, 1966; and others). In the words of a leading Western orientalist (Von Grunebaum, 1962:184): the Companions of the Prophet were distinguished by the fact that they united 'religion, morals, strength and political ability.' Their victory ushered in the best period of history, that of the rightly-guided Caliphs, with its perfect balance of religious and political, practical and spiritual, aspirations and activities. Much for the benefit of mankind Islam began to exercise a growing influence on the direction in which mankind was moving. Consciously and unconsciously, the Islamic model formed views and attitudes in Christendom: standards of thought, law, the social order, and political organization were affected. In a sense, one could speak of a universal movement towards Islam. The world would have been fortunate had this tendency continued. In his book, Religion and Political Development, Donald E. Smith's (1970:246-79) main concern is with four primary issues or religio-political processes: the secularization of politics, the role of religion in politicization, the influence of religion on political culture, and the formulation of religious ideologies of social change. Though, from an Islamic point of view, religion and politics are inseparable and hence it is difficult to assess the influence of one over the other, Smith nevertheless provides a model by which the relationship between political development and the four major religions (Buddhism, Catholicism, Hinduism and Islam) is examined in 'whole system' terms. He says of Islam (pp. 265-71): the Qur'an records Allah's self-revelation to mankind in history. It is a progressive revelation, in which Abraham, Moses, and Jesus prepare the way for the Prophet of Islam ... The organic character of Islam is equally clear. The Muslim calendar dates history from a political fact, the establishment of the Islamic community at Madina .... Islam is not lacking 136

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in inspiration and basic perspectives for developing an ideology of social change. For the Islamic message makes one thing unmistakably clear: God is involved in human history as a participant, and social justice on earth is one of His major purposes. Islamic socialism may be the ideological formula which can gather up and articulate this concern for social justice in a relevant fashion.

Islam and Modernization Whatever development and modernization or 'modernity' may mean to the scholars of the East and West alike, Islam distinguishes between them. If 'modern' means being Western even 'without the onus of dependence of the West', as Shils (1965:10) puts it, then Islam is against that. Shils states further that 'the model of modernity is a picture of the West detached in some way from its geographical origins and locus'. Then, as I. L. Horowitz (1970:83) asks: can a model, an indicator, or a set of indicators be drawn from a developed (Western) setting and applied to another (nonWestern, developing) setting without doing violence either to the model or the area to which it is applied? The second reason why Islam makes a distinction between development and modernization lies in the fact that modernization in many parts of the contemporary world, including the Muslim world, presents itself as a process of 'Westernization'. As such, it is a process not only of social change and transformation but of cultural imposition. Modernization thus is seen as a process of 'transmission of packages' (Berger et al., 1973: 119). Related to this is the fact that Muslim people view modernization as tantamount to Westernization, both in objective social fact and in their own subjective perceptions. While the process of modernization in Western societies earlier developed from within their own configuration, modernization today - as it exists in Muslim societieshas a strong impulse that comes from outside their own culture and hence is imposed upon them. A third reason for Islam's distinction between modernization and development lies in the fact that many Western scholars explain modernization to mean a linear movement toward economic progress and material growth, industrialization, and com137

Administrative Development plete control of and command over nature and the environment. This particular usage of the term implies a progressive movement toward perfection that the advanced industrialized nations of the West almost embody. In addition, 'the tendency of modernity [is] to reject religion, Islamic or other, with all its works, roots and branches, for a thoroughly naturalistic view of the world' (Hocking, 1932:78). Such an interpretation is not accepted by Islam. To a Muslim the perfection of human society is a society of Islam, ruled, formed and guided by the shari'ah. Thus, the goal of development in Muslim societies is to move away from their present situation toward the realization of genuine Islam (see Appendix to Chapter 3). A fourth reason why Islam distinguishes modernity and modernization from development, change, and progress is that, while the latter process, from the Islamic perspective, means or refers to the return to genuine Islam as enunciated and practised by the Prophet (p.b.u.h.) and his noble companions and their followers and to the faith and practice of genuine Muslims after them, the former concept provides no place for religion in the active life of the modern man. This endeavour - to return to the state of genuine Islam which entails change is development; and such return, which is rooted in development, is progress (al-'Attas, 1978:61,62). Finally, Islam views modernity or modernization as essentially the concept which embodies Western civilization. This civilization bears the traces of a particular historical development that begins with the humanism of the Renaissance, continues with the rationalism of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and culminates in the scientism and materialism of the nineteenth and twentieth centures (Algar, 1978: 286). And as previously stated, Islamic development is the antithesis of materialism or ethnocentrism or both. 5 As Hicks (1980:22-3) put it recently, regarding political development, Muslims should strive towards the 'adaptability of Western governmental forms to Islamic political thought' , and not vice versa. 'I am not trying to show how these forms may be introduced into the Muslim world at the expense of Islam', Hicks says. 'Rather than that, I am warning of the possible damage to the Islamic way of life by the introduction of forms not articulated in the Islamic context.' Moreover, he con138

Political Development tinues, 'even the articulation must be accomplished through patience, reasoned consideration of what Braibanti calls a "complex tissue of history, tradition, and culture"'; and it may well be that only one viewing reality from the perspective of the Muslim world can truly defend his way of life from 'perforations in the membrane of continuity which is the psychic - even sacred - possession of all men' (ibid.). To avoid such perforation, an indigenous system has to come from within to take care of or guide the development functions in all aspects. Thus, from an Islamic perspective, the overall goal of political development is to reach, or at least approximate reaching, the ideals of the genuine Islamic State (see Appendix to Chapter 3).

Actors in the Political Development Environment In the contemporary environment of the Muslim countries, a number of groups influence political decisions in one way or another. As outlined in the Appendix to Chapter 3, these groups include among others the 'ulama, the secularists, the traditionalists, the modernists, and the Islamists. The 'Ulama The 'ulama (plural of 'alim) are religious scholars or a class of professional men of religious learning. Their influence differs in intensity from one Islamic State to another. The general observation, however, is that the more secular the state in orientation, the less the influence of the 'ulama, and vice versa. Some scholars even state that nowadays the 'ulama are becoming tools for the government, as in the case of some Arab countries. 6 Others assign them a very strong independent role as in the case of twentieth-century Iran. The oppositional role of the 'ulama in this state was welldocumented recently by Hamid Algar (1972:231-55). (Whether they are tools for government or opponents, the 'ulama's role in influencing political decision cannot be neglected.) On the other hand, Manfred Halpern (1965:ch.7) feels that the liberal reformist movement of the modernists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries did not succeed, and that the established Islamic actors, especially the 'ulama, have been swept aside into essentially 139

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marginal positions by the secular modernist trends, in thought, law, politics, technology, and administration. The Secularists The lack of an existing Islamic modee in the political development of the contemporary Muslim States offers a great challenge to Muslim thinkers and scholars. It forces them, especially the Islamists or the neo-traditionalists among them, to continue their conscious and sincere efforts to abstract from their history 'a set of doctrines and practices, long since lost sight of, with which to launch a strong counter-attack against the intrusive alien values, doctrines, beliefs and practices' (Riggs, 1966:370). Nowhere is this more true than in the area of political development, especially in the last 200 years, and particularly since the abandonment of khilafah in Turkey by Kemal Ataturk in 1924 and the rise of secularism in the Muslim world. With the stroke of a pen Atatiirk abolished all religious authority - legal, educational, and financial - as well as traditional Muslim dress, which was forbidden. Although this did not last long, the abolishment of khilafah is still considered a tragedy in the Muslim world. John B. Taylor (1979:54), for example, writes: It is significant that in the last twenty years religious education

has been brought back, religious issues have been very important in recent elections, mosque attendance has risen, and Turkish pilgrims now outnumber those from many other countries on pilgrimage to Mecca. A recent experience of this writer confirms this. During a visit to Turkey - in fact, on the day of the military coup (Friday, 12 September 1980) - the writer found a large number of the faithful in the mosque for Friday prayers and sermon in spite of the martial law and military curfew. This writer had to get the permission of the military authority to go to the mosque which is located about 200 yards from the hotel. The secularists who preach revolution in the Muslim world can and do hinder any effort toward genuine political development from an Islamic point of view. This group includes: at one extreme, those who still regard themselves as Muslims 140

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but who argue that political, educational and legal matters should not be entrusted to the religious leaders. At the other extreme, it includes those who adopt an antireligious ideology, attacking not only the religious leadership but the whole phenomenon of belief in God (Taylor, 1979: 54). Arab nationalism, Arab socialism and other 'isms' that exist in the Arab and Muslim world are always confronted by 'religious loyalties which are deeply held by Muslims and it is a significant fact that Socialism and even Communism are being preached in many parts of the Muslim world', but are rejected by Islam with its doctrines of Ummah and al'adalah al-ijtima'iyyah (social justice). But among the secularists, Taylor (ibid.) tells us that 'it is still rare to find atheistic Muslims who will declare that they are Muslims and who will attack Islam'. The Traditionalists The traditionalists, as they are called in the West, are those who dream of a Muslim government (Islamic State) that will reintroduce and enforce the neglected principles of Islam. They are the movement of Pan-Islamism of the latter part of the nineteenth century under the strong leadership of Jamal ai-Din ai-Afghani (died 1315/1897) as one example. The Muslim Brotherhood, or alikhwan al-Muslimun, created more than fifty years ago in Egypt, is one of the most important and influential of the recent movements in the Muslim world. Its goal is political and legal authority for the Islamic State as is the Jama'ati Islami in Pakistan led by Maududi (Taylor, 1979:51). Maududi (1960:26) preached that the Islamic State is 'universal and all-embracing'; and 'its sphere of activity is co-extensive with the whole of human life'. As an ideological state devoted to the realization of Islam in its entirety and to the triumph of its own truth, Islam, he implied, is antithetical to nationalism. 'We do not aim at a Muslim State,' Maududi said, 'but, at an Islamic State - a blend of honesty, trust, and sublime citizenship' (quoted in Gilani, 1978:311). The Muslim Brotherhood does not compromise its aspiration of re-establishing an Islamic State, taking the first forty years of Islam as its model. Its proponents, who produced a large body of literature on Islam and Islamic principles, are still active in Egypt and Syria. Other movements, but not all, that fit this category of tradition-

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alism or fundamentalism include that of Muhammad Abd alWahhab, founder of Wahhabism in the eighteenth century, and the Salafiyyah movement, a nineteenth-century movement which still has some proponents in different parts of the Muslim world. Still another movement is the Mahdism of Sudan, whose goal is the revival of Islam in all aspects of the individual Muslim's life. The Modernists The third group in the political arena comprises the modernists led by Muhammad 'Abduh of Egypt, a student of Afghani. 'Abduh, who lived from 1848 to 1905, saw in Islam 'an ideology capable of mobilizing people and advancing their social condition here on earth. To the extent, therefore, that one finds a coherent framework in 'Abduh, one may conclude that he has succeeded in demonstrating the potential of Islam as an ideology for development' (Baaklini and Khoury, 1979:44; Khoury, 1978). Moreover, the goals of development from 'Abduh's point of view centred around religious and secular education for all members of the society; development of the sciences, arts, and industries; economic well-being for all; political independence; a well-integrated society internally; and a sense of a mission of friendliness abroad. 'In more general terms, development was for him the realization of true Islam. An understanding of the true spirit of this religion would lead to a gradual actualization of its principles' (Baaklini and Khoury, 1979:48). Basically, 'Abduh's scheme was that of reforming Islam'. Because Islam is a complete and total way of life for Muslims, perfected by Allah 1400 years ago, the idea of reform seems to be inappropriate, especially in the present time. Lord Cromer's dictum that 'Islam reformed is Islam no longer' is partly true because Islam contains its own unique sources of dynamism and vitality. This dynamism and vitality have always occurred within the confines of Islamic order. As Danilov (1979:56) put it, 'In Islam, it is not a matter of reforming Islam, but Islamizing reform.' The Neo-traditionalists or Islamists Here lies the onerous task for the Muslim neo-traditionalists or, preferably, Islamists whenever they are related to Islam and Muslims. The Islamists ~.lso strive .for the Islamic State and do not necessarily conflict with either the modernists or the fundamental-

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ists. They are, however, in complete disagreement with the secularists and the nationalists, as their main emphasis is on preserving the integrity of Islamic culture and safeguarding it from intruding alien values and concepts. They call for indigenous solutions to indigenous problems, and they borrow from other cultures only when necessary.

The Shari'ah Sources of shari'ah The sources available to the Islamists, and to the other groups as well, are mainly those which comprise the sources of shari'ah. As outlined by Said Ramadan (1970:33) and generally classified by Muslim jurists, the sources of Islamic law are divided into two main categories: (a) chief sources, including al-Our'an (the Holy Book of Islam), as-sunnah (the Authentic Traditions of Muhammad, the Prophet of Islam), al-ijma (the consensus of opinion), al-qiyas (the judgment upon juristic analogy); and (b) supplementary sources, including al-istihsan (deviation, on a certain issue, from the rule of a precedent to another rule for a more relevant legal reason that requires such deviation), al-istislah (unprecedented judgment motivated by public interest to which neither the Our'an nor the Sunnah explicitly refer), al-'ur! (custom and usage of a particular society, both in theory and in practice). Others may augment the supplementary sources by including the following sources as well: ijtihad, or exertion - a logical deduction of a learned man of Islam ('alim), also meaning raiy, or opinion, as a source of Islamic jurisprudence; the laws of nations which preceded Islam; the Companions (their model and life); al-hiyal, or tricks; preventive legislation; Islamic history and legacy; and other laws (provided they do not contradict the spirit of Islam).8 However, as Ramadan (1970:40) notes in this regard:

a sharp line has to be drawn between Islamic law as introduced by its Prophet (the Shari'ah), and all juristic achievements that came later, however, rich and indispensable the latter be. Their indispensability, however, goes only so far as it helps to verify the authenticity and applicability of the text of the 143

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Shari'ah, the latter being always the basic and the sole source oflegal authority. Thus, it is important at this point to mention some of the most important characteristics of the shari'ah before delving into the Islamic State, which is based solely on the principles of the shari'ah. Characteristics of the Shari'ah The Western popular literature and some scholars of the last generation perceive the Islamic shari'ah as a body of religious and ethical commandments that only teach Muslims how to pray, fast, and relate to God, to the neglect of world affairs. They go even further by claiming that the shari'ah has nothing to do with man's daily life such as political affairs, social aspects of the society, international dealings, and the like (Isaacs, 1920:158-60). Fortunately, the new generation of Western scholars has taken a different approach with objectivity and serious scholarship.9 Briefly discussed below are three fundamental characteristics of the shari'ah which make it distinctive from the other systems of law.

Perfection and Comprehension The first characteristic of the Islamic shari'ah, which differentiates it from the Western idea of law, is its wider application - with a divine perfection - to almost all human activity within its scope. The One who revealed the shari'ah said: 'He is Allah in the heavens and in the earth. He knoweth both your secrets and your utterance, and He knoweth what ye earn' (Our'an, VI:3). The Islamic law seeks to regulate all areas of human life - material and spiritual alike. It specifies the rights of man and spells out his obligations and responsibilities. The shari'ah, from an Islamic perspective, is an all-inclusive body of legislation that contains many principles, elements, doctrines, theories, rules and maxims pertaining to all human aspects of life. Such principles and theories are, Muslims believe, capable of meeting the different challenges and requirements of individuals and groups in the present as well as in the future. If this description were attributed to any man-made law, then one would have reason to be sceptical: man has never been perfect; hence, his legalisations are vulnerable to imperfec144

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tion. When the description is attributed, on the other hand, to a law which claims divine origin, revealed by the Perfect God (no matter what anyone calls him), then one is not sceptical. The Encyclopedia Britannica (1967:679-80) states the following widely accepted classification of actions under the shari'ah: every act or omission falls under one of the five categories: what is commanded or positively forbidden by almighty God. To the Muslims, therefore, the shari'a[h] includes all that a Westerner would term law - public and private, national and international- and a great deal which he would not regard as law at all, such as the details of religious ritual and the ethics of social conduct Spiritual Loftiness Another characteristic of the shari'ah is its spiritual loftiness. This trait is also attributed to other higher religions as well. But such a criterion is hardly found in any Western law or in any secular law, for that matter. We mean by loftiness that the principles and theories of the Islamic order are always higher than the standards of the group, and that they are the product of a Divine Supreme Being. This may mean that such a concept is utopian. What is important, however, is that such an ideal is believed to be not out of reach, and that its strong and attractive character stimulates people to come as close to its lofty ideal as possible. In this manner, the shari' ah always leaves the door open for the potential advancement and growth of the community. Immutable and Persistent Features A third characteristic of the shari'ah centres on its immutable but persistent and elastic traits. Such immutability rests in the specific laws which were revealed in very clear-cut terms. The elastic traits, on the other hand, lie in the sources and methods of the Islamic shari' ah such as ijtihad, ijma', qiyas, istislah and istihsan, as previously discussed. Also, the applicability and continual growth of the shari'ah make it even more responsive to the group requirement at various places and in different ages. 145

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We have seen previously how the raiy (opinion) of the early Muslim jurists was used as a source of Islamic law. Although most of the stated laws in the Our'an and Sunnah were established on firm bases, such laws could be interpreted in different ways so as to suit different circumstances, provided that the Islamic frame of reference be always observed. Noel J. Coulson (1969:96) writes in this regard that:

Divine revelation, unity of doctrine deriving from a universal consensus, authoritarianism in the form of the doctrine of taqlid (imitation) and idealism, which sees shari' a[h] doctrine as the eternally valid scheme of life, are all factors which together make for a rigid stability of the law. On the other hand, human reason in law, the resultant diversity of doctrine, the liberalism which renounces the sacrosanct nature of past doctrine and permits independent enquiry, and a realistic approach to the facts of life are all elements conducive to change and variation in the law.

Coulson, however, fails to realize such liberalism is in fact a part of the shari'ah. It permits independent enquiry not by 'renouncing the sacrosanct nature of past doctrine' , but by interpreting and explaining that doctrine or by adding to it things which were not included in the first place. In other words, the shari' ah provides a permanent sacred framework beyond which a Muslim cannot go, while at the same time allowing considerable variation within these boundaries. To summarize, the Islamic view of humanity is as follows. A human being is not an animal whose sole concern is the fulfilment of his basic needs and natural appetites. Neither is he an angel whose whole endeavour is directed toward the soul. Islam adopts a moderate, realistic course in life, and it combines necessities of both the spirit and the body. To regulate these needs, it enunciates eternal rules, clearly spelled out in the Our'an and Sunnah, which may not be repudiated. It also leaves subordinate and detailed matters subject to change, in a manner consistent with the changing interests and requirements of the times. Consequently, one may 146

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conclude that the shari'ah has acquired the state of being both immutable and elastic at the same time (,Azzam, 1965:115). Other characteristics of the shari'ah are religious and ethical consciousness, stress on the group and group work, a spirit of moderation and rejection of extremism, and the ultimate goal of the Islamic shari' ah: attention to both spiritual and material aspects of human life. Islam permits the enjoyment of this life as well as the building of the human soul which will adopt the good and reject the evil (B uraey, 1974). This can only be attained fully in an Islamic political environment.

The Islamic Political System Unlike the democratic system, which is based on the 'people's will' and authority as the only source of legislation, the Islamic system is based on the concept of tawhid (oneness of God) and 'adalah (justice) and the legislations of Allah alone. Thus, Islam altogether repudiates the philosophy of popular sovereignty and rears its polity on the foundations of the sovereignty of God and the vicegerency (khilafah) of man (Maududi, 1969).10 Islam is a unique religio-political system in its own right. The basic tenets of the Islamic political system are justice and equality (musawah), not only for Muslim subjects but for every individual who lives within this system regardless of what Ummah (Muslim Ummah, Jewish Ummah, etc.) he is from. According to Faruqi (1979), the Islamic State is not really a state but a world order, with a government, court, constitution, and army. Internally, the Islamic State cannot tolerate any encroachment of one Ummah on another. Its main duties toward all are to keep the peace, to run the public services, to defend the totality, and to protect the rights and privilege of the people and their Ummahs which make up the state. Externally, the Islamic State is ideological. It aspires to extend itself 'to envelop the world'. It approaches other states, tribes, nations or groups for the purpose of their entering an Ummah within the Islamic State. This does not mean the entry of a state's people into the Islamic religion, nor any diminution or change of any institution which has hitherto prevailed within it. Nor does it mean any alteration of its economic arrangement or the political sovereignty of its kings, government, or governmental institutions. 147

Administrurive Development All these will remain absolutely intact and will be protected and guaranteed. 11 Its entrance into the Islamic State means only that its relations with that state will henceforth be peaceful, that neither state will wage war against the other. It also means that a state entering the Islamic State will agree not to live in isolation from the rest of humanity (Faruqi, 1979:65). As far as other states are concerned, and from the point of view of the Islamic State, to enter it is to decide on peaceful intercourse with one's fellow man and to renounce war between the Ummahs once and for all. But not to enter it, it appears to the Muslim, means either intended isolation or war and aggression. 'That is why Muslim theorists have called the Islamic State "the House of Peace", a real world order. All that lies outside of it is called "The House of War".' Entrusted to carry out this world plan, the Islamic State cannot rest until it succeeds in establishing this world order (Faruqi, 1979:65). According to Faruqi (ibid.:67): Force is not to be in the hands of any Ummah, not even the Muslim Ummah. It is to be in the hands of the Islamic State or 'world order' exclusively. The Islamic State never binds people to its citizenship against their will. They are always free to move out, together with all their people, relatives, dependents and everything they possess. The Islamic State is thus 'not an exclusively Muslim State, but a federation of Ummahs of different religions and cultures and traditions, committed to live harmoniously and in peace with one another'. In the final analysis, one can see the difference between Western political theory and Islamic political theory. While the former defines the state in terms of four elements - territory, people with common features, government and sovereignty, the latter believes it can exist without a territory, as well as devoid of definite boundaries. Indeed: Islam asserts that the territory of the Islamic State is the whole 148

Political Development earth, or better, the whole cosmos since the possibility of space travel is not too remote .... Its citizenry need not be all Muslims. What is important is that the citizenry include all those humans who agree to live under the auspices of the Islamic State because they approve of its order and policies. (Faruqi, 1979:61-2). Muslim jurists and classical theorists hold the view that the Islamic system of government is 'the vice-regency of the bearer of Shari'ah (the Prophet) for guarding the religion and the policy concerning worldly matters' (al-Mawardi, 1978:5; Ibn Khaldun, 1967). A person taking charge of governmental affairs in the Islamic State, they maintain, should adhere to the following conditions: a. preserving the faith in its established principles and in the form in which al-Sala! (the predecessors) of the Ummah had unanimously agreed; b. enforcing judgments among contenders and resolving cases among disputants; c. providing for the security of territory so that people may live in their homes and travel safely; d. enforcing punishments prescribed by the shari' ah to safeguard the limits set by Allah and preserve the rights of His people; e. fortifying borders with preventive equipment and repelling aggression; f. leading jihad (Holy War) against those who oppose Islam after calling upon them to embrace it, or after they have accepted protection as non-Muslims, so that the right of Allah is upheld in proclamation of the religion in its entirety; g. levying taxes and collecting zakah (alms tax) and charity according to the provisions of the shari'ah; h. budgeting salaries and other necessary expenditures from the treasury without being extravagant or stingy; i. appointing the honest and competent to positions of trust in order to preserve (state) wealth and to administer (governmental) affairs; and j. providing personal supervision and examination of public affairs to be able to lead the nation and protect the religion. 149

Administrative Development (Al-Mawardi, 1978:15-16; Ibn Khaldun, 1967; quoted in el-'Awa, 1980:77). According to a Muslim expert (el-'Awa, 1980:77-8): the first and sixth duties are concerned only with the first aspect of the purpose of establishing a government in an Islamic State, namely the establishment of Faith. The second, third, fifth, eighth and ninth relate to fulfilling the second aspect of this purpose, namely, the realization of interests of the governed. The remaining duties, that is, the fourth, seventh and tenth are concerned with both aspects simultaneously. The essence of the Islamic political order can be summed up as follows. The theory of state in the Islamic order centres around providing security, stability, and prosperity for the whole Islamic Ummah. One of the most important characteristics is its flexibility in giving freedom to individuals. There is an absence of any artificial separation between politics and ethics (morality). This is because the Islamic political order requires that all individual behaviour, especially man's administrative behaviour, be consistent with a specific order - that is, the Islamic political order - which provides us with a scale by which we know and can distinguish between political behaviour that reflects the good and beneficial goals and that which reveals bad and harmful means. It is through such distinction that one can guide the state to reach its ultimate goals in providing happiness and prosperity to its members. The society is necessary for the preservation of the individual's life, and the state is necessary for the continuation of the society. Thus, the society cannot function well without the existence of authority upon which the responsibility of development and stability should rest. The principle of justice comes at the forefront of the most important principles in the theory of the Islamic State. Justice is an important condition in government. It is emphasized that justice does not cover a small and isolated section of life, but rather it encompasses all aspects of life - social, economic, political, judicial, and so forth. Also, the concept of justice relies upon the relationship between justice and responsibility. 150

Political Development The Islamic system recognizes the principle of 'sufficiency', and, in principle, it encourages the idea of representation for those who are qualified enough to represent the Ummah in the management and administration of state affairs. Freedom and responsibility are two important complementary cornerstones in the Islamic political system. Muslims cannot enjoy freedom except when it is accompanied by responsibility. Freedom in Islam means that the individual should be independent of any kind of slavery in its various forms of human wishes and greed. Man is slave only to his Creator - God. The government and rulership should be for God and according to His shari'ah. No individual, family, class, or party has the right to dispute God in such matters. Sovereignty is for God and God alone. Legislating is also for God and the Islamic government acquires its legitimacy by executing the laws of God or His shari' ah. The Islamic system has put some limitations on man's freedom called 'Hudud Allah', the borders or boundaries of God. These hudud comprise some principles and fundamental bases which are final. Muslims are urged to choose as their leaders those who are the most pious and the most qualified and then to obey them as long as the leaders obey God and His messenger. The Islamic ruler or governor has no precedence by virtue of his position over other Muslims. He is required to listen to the Council of Shura within the framework of what is lawful to execute and what is unlawful to avoid. Muslim populations are ordered to watch over their ruler in his execution of the law and they have the absolute right to impeach him if he deviates from the Qur'anic and Sunnah teachings. The judicial branch is completely independent of the governor's authority. The judge, as the vicegerent of God, executes God's laws and the governor has no rights over him (AI-Jundi, 1979: 14856). The innermost purpose of the Islamic State is to provide a political framework for Islamic unity and co-operation. The Qur'an states this clearly: And hold fast, all of you together, to the cable of Allah, and do not separate. And remember Allah'~ favour unto you: how ye were enemies and He made friendship between your hearts so that ye became as brothers by His Grace; and (how) ye were 151

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upon the brink of an abyss of fire, and He did save you from it. Thus Allah maketh clear His revelations unto you that haply ye may be guided. And let there be from you a nation who invite to goodness, and enjoin right conduct and forbid indecency. Such are they who are successful. (Our'an, III: 103,104) The above verse reflects the goal of an Islamic State: the growth of a community of people who stand up for equity and justice, for right and against wrong - or, to put it more precisely: a community of people who work for the creation and maintenance of such social conditions as would enable the greatest possible number of human beings to live, morally as well as physically, in accordance with the natural law of God, Islam. (Asad, 1961:34)

In addition, the Our'an establishes in a concise manner several important principles relating to the nature of an Islamic State. According to Asad (ibid. :34-6): The foremost duty of such a state consists in enforcing the ordinances of the shari' ah in the territories under its jurisdiction .... Although such a code must forever remain basic in the structure and the working of an Islamic state, it cannot, by its very nature, supply all the laws that may be needed for the purpose of administration. Thus, we will have to supplement the shari' ah stipulations relating to matters of public concern by temporal, amendable laws of our own making as seen in the list of the sources of Islamic law. (It is important to know, for example, that the Our'an, which contains about 6236 verses, implicitly or explicitly states the system of politics and administration in about 35 verses.) Therefore, the constitution must explicitly lay down that no temporal legislation or administrative ruling, be it mandatory or permissive, shall be valid if it is found to contravene any stipulation of the shari' ah. 152

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Asad continues: The Qur'anic command, 'Obey God and obey the Apostle,' is immediately followed by the words, 'and those in authority from among you' (Qur'an IV :59) - that is from among the Muslim community: which amounts to a statement that an imposition of power from outside the Muslim community cannot be morally binding on a Muslim, while on the other hand, obedience to a properly constituted Islamic government is a Muslim religious duty. This further means that Islam, for example, is totally against colonialism and against any political power whose ruler either is not Muslim or acts in a manner which is not Islamic in nature. The Muslim is asked to obey the ruler only if he acts Islamically or is chosen in an Islamic manner or both. The people's free choice is a reflection of the elective nature of the Islamic system; this is clear in the Qur'anic expression 'from among you'. It refers to the community as a whole, and not to any special group, class or dynasty within it. Thus: any assumption of governmental power in [the Islamic State] through non-elective means - for instance, on the basis of the fictitious 'birthright' implied in hereditary kinship - becomes automatically, even though the claimant be a Muslim, as illegal as an imposition of power from outside the Muslim community (Asad, ibid.). Some scholars list the following nine principles of the Islamic State as it existed in its model form, or in the first forty years of Islam. This period, as stated earlier, is known in Islamic history as the Prophet's own time in Medina plus the time of the Four Rightly Guided Caliphs. In fact, the Prophet in one of his sayings stated that (AI-Albani, 1958:8,9): The first ruling power (authority) over you is that of prophethood and it is a blessing. It will remain with you as long as Allah wishes. Then Allah, the Mighty and Majestic, will lift it. It will be followed by khilafah in the path ofprophet hood. It 153

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will remain with you as long as Allah wishes. Then Allah, the Majestic, takes it away. It will be followed by prosperous monarchy that will remain with you as long as Allah wishes. Then Allah will replace it. It will be followed by oppressive monarchy which will last as long as Allah wishes, then Allah the Mighty removes it. It will (again) be followed by khilafah in the path of prophethood. Then the Prophet was silent. The nine principles according to an-Nafisi (1980:54-82) are as follows: a. khilafah is a binding contract which is done in a free and non-coercive manner; b. all Muslims are eligible to run for this post; c. there are no ruling families, dynasties, or classes in Islam; d. khilafah is the proper title for the head of an Islamic State; e. there is no hereditary rulership in Islam; f. bay'ah - the oath of obedience pledged by Muslims to the khilafah - is an important principle; g. shura or consultation is an important principle in the Islamic State: for example, the nomination of a suitable candidate for the office of khilafah is accomplished through shura. Upon election, the new caliph should consult with the leaders of the community; h. the head of state has a limited allowance from the national treasury; and 1. the collective nature of the Islamic State is a notable feature. For example, the emphasis is on the whole of society and not on individuals. That is why concepts such as zakah, social justice, distributive justice, and Ummah are so important in Islam. Moreover, in addition to these nine principles, the political rights of the individual citizen in the Islamic State under the shari'ah are (a) the right to elect and vote for the head of state; (b) the right of shura; (c) the right to watch over the head of state; and (d) the right to impeach the head of state. A critical look at the contemporary Muslim world reflects how far theory has been removed from the practices of the existing Muslim leaders. Table 3.1 shows the nature of government in forty154

Political Development Table 3.1 Members a of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC)

according to their nature of government Nature of Governmentb No. of Countries Dictatorships (Military, Civilian, One-Party)

23

Democracies (Partial, One-Party, MultiParty)

11

Monarchies

9

Islamic Republic

1

Countries Afghanistan, Algeria, Bangladesh, Chad, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Indonesia, Iraq, Libya, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Pakistan, Somalia, South Yemen c , Sudand , SyriaC , Togo, Tunisia, Turkel, Uganda, Yemen Cameroon, Comoros, Djibouti, Egypt g , Gabon, Gambia, Lebanon, Maldives, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Upper Volta Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Malaysia, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates Iranh

Total No. 44 Source: Compiled by the author from George T. Kurian. The Encyclopedia of the Third World (New York: Facts on File. Inc .. 1978) - updated by the author to September 1980; Arthur S. Banks and William Overstreet, cds., Political Handbook of the World (New York: McGraw·Hill Book Co., 1980). aTotal number is 46 as of 1980; Palestine (Liberation Organization) and Muslim Moro Liberation Front of the Philippines are not included. The former, though a full member, is a country under Israeli military occupation and the latter is an associate member given observer status since 1977. bKurian classifies these countries in one of six categories (as do most Western scholars in studying world political systems): constitutional monarchy, absolute monarchy, military dictatorship, civilian/one-party dictatorship, parliamentary democracy, and partial or modified democracy. For the purpose of this analysis. only the three main categories (monarchy, dictatorship, democracy) are used. A fourth category - the Islamic Republic - has been added because of its unique features and characteristics that do not fit the other categories. Post-Pahlavi Iran is the only country that fits this latter category. 'The Peoples' Democratic Republic of South Yemen is classified by Banks and Overstreet as a 'Marxist-Leninist Constitutional System,' adopted 27 December 1978. dSudan is classified by Banks and Overstreet as a 'one-party system.' cSyria is classified hy Banks and Overstreet as a 'left-wing military regime.' 'Turkey was, according to Kurian, a parliamentary democracy. The military takeover of 12 Septemher 1980 made it a military dictatorship (until the present, at least). "Egypt became a multi-party system in June 1977. hPost-Pahlavi Iran became an Islamic Republic, chosen by a 98.2% majority of the Iranian people, in the referendum on 29-30 March 1979.

155

~

fJl

0\

Dictatorship Dictatorship Monarchy Dictatorship Democracy Dictatorship Democracy Democracy Democracy Democracy Democracy Dictatorship Dictatorship Dictatorship Islamic Republic Dictatorship Monarchy Monarchy Democracy Dictatorship Monarchy Democracy Dictatorship

Nature of Government

Mauritania Morocco Muslim Moro Lib. Front of Philippines Niger Nigeria Oman Pakistan Palestine PeoplesD.R. of South Yemen Qatar Saudi Arabia Senegal Sierra Leone Somalia Sudan Syria Togo Tunisia Turkey Uganda United Arab Emirates Upper Volta Yemen

Country/Organization

Dictatorship Monarchy n/a Dictatorship Dictatorship Monarchy Dictatorship Democracy Dictatorship Monarchy Monarchy Democracy Democracy Dictatorship Dictatorship Dictatorship Dictatorship Dictatorship Dictatorship Dictatorship Monarchy Democracy Dictatorship

Nature of Government

Source: Compiled by the author from George T. Kurian, The Encyclopedia of the Third World (New York: Facts on File, Inc., 1978) - updated by the author to September 1980; Arthur S. Banks and William Overstreet, eds., Political Handbook of the World (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1980). aForty-six members; established in May 1971; headquartered in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.

Afghanistan Algeria Bahrain Bangladesh Cameroon Chad Comoros Djibouti Egypt Gabon Gambia Guinea Guinea-Bissau Indonesia Iran Iraq Jordan Kuwait Lebanon Libya Malaysia Maldives Mali

Country/Organization

Table 3.2 Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIc)a by country/organization and nature of government

~

~

~

~

~

~

~ ~ ~

~

~

~.

~

$:::l

~

~

~.

S·

~

~

~

Political Development

four Muslim States in the contemporary world, by category of government (Le. dictatorship, democracy, monarchy, Islamic Republic), and table 3.2 shows a country by country listing of the nature of government. Twenty-three Muslim States are dictatorships of the military, civilian, or one-party form; eleven are democracies of the partial, one-party, multi-party, or parliamentary form; and nine fall into the category of monarchy (absolute, constitutional, etc.). Only one country - the Islamic Republic of Iranprojects the Islamic Republic as its nature of government. A plausible explanation for the high number of dictatorships among the Muslim States listed is provided in the Western literature on political development. Some political analysts in the West (Dekmejian, 1980) correlate this high number with the numerous attempts of the Muslim world to emulate Western political institutions; it is believed that such failed attempts have degenerated into military dictatorships. One reason for Islam's resilience is that it is not just a set of beliefs but an entire way of ordering one's life, as indicated throughout this study. For this reason, many scholars believe that Western political ideologies have failed to take hold in the Arab and Muslim countries (Dekmejian, 1980; Ismael, 1975). Liberalism, with its notion - foreign to Islam - of the separation of church and state, and Marxism, with its atheism and hostility to all religions, have made little headway indeed. Even socialism of the pan-Arab and pan-Islamic varieties has failed in the Muslim world. 12 Islamically speaking, however, the Islamist is less concerned with the form and quality of the existing Muslim State as it is with whether it functions in accordance with the basic rules of the Islamic system of government. For, according to Hassan al-Banna, a government is Islamic as long as its members are practising Muslims and perform the duties of Islam. Also, a government is Islamic if it bases its behaviour, especially in the exercise of political decisions, according to Islamic rules and regulations as outlined in the shari'ah (Hawwa, 1980). AI-Banna, the founder of Ikhwan's Movement (Muslim Brotherhood) in Egypt, stated that some Muslim States can and will get Islamic support and backing if they accept four points. First, their constitution and laws and rules should be Islamic. Second, the responsibility for carrying out political decisions should be given to those who are practising Muslims. Third, their foreign policy should be in accordance with Islamic 157

Administrative Development principles. And finally, it should not hinder attempts to establish a genuine Islamic system locally and internationally. In other words, if the Muslim Brotherhood wants to support a political party or group, they should make sure that such a party or group will not turn its back on them and hinder their goals at any future time (ibid. :33,34). 'Alloubah Pasha (1970:40), moreover, shows how Islam can be very consistent with modern times. He states that Muslims may choose the form of rule they prefer, they may even restrict the application of the principles of shura, they may choose from among the learned whomever they believe fit for the service of God, religion, and the state. For their environments may differ and their conditions and outlook vary. The following points illustrate, generally, how Islamic political development has been achieved and the foundation on which it rests. 1. Islam has had the capacity to integrate different peoples regardless of their background, colour, race, and so forth. It has integrated not only the Arabs, but peoples of all races, colours, and cultural legacies into one egalitarian, morally-based and righteousness-oriented world entity. According to Outb (1977:4): The heart and core of this new world entity was the small society Islam built, first in Makkah and then in Madinah, where Abu Bakr and Umar, the Arab Ourayshi aristocrats, lived in brotherhood and perfect equality with Bilal, the Black Abyssinian, Suhayb the Greek, and Salman the Persian. 2. Faith (iman) and brotherhood based upon faith are among the most important teachings of the Prophet of Islam; these are reflected in brotherly cohesion which made the Ummah. This ummatic love began to grow by absorbing the new converts to Islam, by developing in them love for the Prophet and their fellows in faith, a love which transcended their preconversion racial, cultural, social, and economic backgrounds. In the absence of faith in the political potentiality of Islam, uncertainties and resulting conflicts brought upon 158

Political Development

Muslims everywhere death and destruction unparalleled in the political history of Islam (Khan, 1977:46). 3. This same bond held the Ummah together throughout history and was the cause and effect of a great 'political development' , completed with tremendous speed, power and efficiency, as if by magic. And lately, when Muslims became removed from the genuine and true principles of Islam, their situation deteriorated; then, in a state of loss, they looked East and West for different ideologies in their quest for development. They tended to forget, or they were told to forget and leave aside, the search for an indigenous model from their own history that will ultimately provide the appropriate solution for their developmental aspirations. Islam, once in the distant past, is now capable of filling the gap in the search for models in development of the Muslim world. 4. The political development brought about by Islam unified the law by which men's lives were governed, as well as all men with regard to the law. Henceforth, they were all to stand as equals before it - an ideal of political life throughout history. For example, the Islamic shari'ah or law outlines the rules and regulations by which every member of the Islamic State should live regardless of his faith. It has some provisions for the treatment of what today are called 'minorities' , as well as provisions for every action of the individual, making no distinction between religious and secular, spiritual or material, and so forth. This unified law, it is believed, reduces the possibility of injustices or misinterpretations in the case of the multiplicity of laws. 5. Islam is an ideology. Political ideology is generally defined as a set of ideas, ideals, or arguments designed to offer a systematic pattern of political thought including the psycho-cultural and socio-political impression, that (a) is self-contained and self-sufficient; (b) includes a programme for national development; (c) assures that its programmed actions will bring about a vision of the future; and (d) unites a party or other groups for effective participation in political life (Apter, 1964). All these elements, and more, are implicit in Islam as an ideology. It becomes even clearer in Islam as a developmental ideology (Khoury, 1978; Khan, 1977). In this sense Islam can be the ideological basis for any political system that 159

Administrative Development commits itself to political development. For an Islamic State: the internal dynamics rests on the Islamic political ideology. Its capability and effectiveness in using this ideological base can be crucial in the success or failure of political development. (Khan, 1977:41) 6. Islam can bridge the gap between religion and politics, thus solving the crisis of identity that development and change could otherwise give rise to. As Khan (1980:22) states: By cementing faith with reason, Islam has ushered in a new era of freedom which is conducive to political participation on an unprecedented scale. By imparting all authority and sovereignty to Allah, Islam has solved the problems of legitimacy which otherwise would be narrow, parochial and trouble-ridden. Islam's unique consensus-building process (Shura) through ijtihad and ijma enhances participation and thereby diminishes the increase of identity crises, socio-political alienation and the consequent societal dysfunctions. Islam's uncompromising standard of ethical and moral behaviour make' authoritative allocation of values' in political development and economic change a just experience commonly shared by the whole community. Moreover, the ideal of ummah provides the Muslim nations with the inspiration to strive for unity and consensus, the apex of development in the international context.

The Path to Islamic Political Development: The Islamist's Role A genuine Islamic political development can be attained only through Islam, just as a democratic political development can be attained only through democracy. With a multiplicity of sources available to him, the Islamist can choose and construct his model any way he likes as long as it does not contradict the letter and spirit 160

Political Development

of Islam. Even if he should find any of the models and approaches discussed earlier appropriate, he should work out a way to Islamize them. It is important to recognize the value and importance of tradition and culture; they should not be lightly cast aside or abandoned just because the alternatives look glamorous. Lewis (1973:302) states that development and progress will be surer and healthier if it can be related to the deeper sentiments, loyalties, and aspirations which a people has inherited from its past. Particularly in a tradition as rich and diversified as that of Islam, there is enough to support, by changes of selection, emphasis, and interpretation, most desired variations in attitudes and values. But the changes must be of interpretation and presentation, not of content- a reappraisal, not a perversion of the past. The task and the challenge are great. The Islamist will have to start thinking of how best to utilize the historical treasures of the past and how best to extract from them useful lessons. During a visit to Cairo and Istanbul, as well as Makkah and Madinah, this writer ascertained that over 150000 manuscripts, written in Arabic, Persian, and Turkish, exist in Turkey alone. The Sulaimaniyyah Library complex, for example, houses about one hundred collections. Considered the largest library of Arabic manuscripts not only in Turkey but in the world, it contains more than 57000 manuscripts, according to its director, Mu'ammar Olker. At present, there are more than twelve major libraries in Istanbul alone which house about 100000 manuscripts. And outside Istanbul, there are 50000 manuscripts distributed in thirty-three cities, including Ankara, Konya, Bursa, Kastamonu, Gorum, Burdur, and Diyarbekir. Most, if not all, of this treasure is intact, for at least two reasons: (a) the lack of Turkish scholars who are well-versed in Arabic (with the exception of Fuat Sezgin, Asad Atch, Ahmad Tourik, Zuhdi Tukan, Fahmy Kartai, and Ramadan Shishin); and (b) the regulatory red tape in the maximum utilization of such manuscripts. For example, a non-Turkish scholar cannot xerox any manuscript. And if a scholar desires to have a copy of a specific manuscript, he has to provide an exchange - a manuscript which has no copy in the total 161

Administrative Development collection. Recognizing all these difficulties and barriers, the challenge is well worth the effort. The Islamist 13 will find that various methods of implementation are available to him in his quest to establish an Islamic State which can carry out plans and programmes for political development. It is recognized that no modelfor development will be valuable unless it contains methods of operationalization - that is, ways of putting theoretical ideas and concepts into practice. Islamic principles and basic rules will remain theoretical unless the Islamist finds a means for them to materialize. This method is listed in the chart in the Appendix to Chapter 3 as methods of implementation. Such methods include penetration, withdrawal, opposition, and integration. Because we are dealing with a vast region that comprises fortyfour independent and sovereign Muslim States, it is inconceivable that anyone particular method would be advocated for use in all the Muslim States. That is why the Islamist must study his environment carefully and choose accordingly the most appropriate method of implementation. Presented below are examples of how one or more of these methods were used previously. Integration was one of the most effective methods of implementation to the Islamists of the eighteenth century. As explained in the Introduction, this method was used when a religious reform movement (Wahhabiyyah) united and integrated with a strong political power in the name of the first ruler of the House of Saud. It is to this historic integration of two complementary movements that modern Saudi Arabia owes its political development in historical perspective. Whether or not history will repeat itself remains to be seen, but the Islamist cannot afford to stay idle until such an opportunity presents itself, as he has other methods available to him. Penetration is considered one of the most subtle ways of influencing the political system from within. Though a slow process, as explained earlier, it is sometimes thought risky as well. Its risk lies in the strength of the political system the Islamist is trying to penetrate. The Islamist, however sincere, could be overcome by the power of the system he was penetrating and end up joining the system. There are many examples of powerful figures in the politics of many Muslim countries whose efforts ended in this tragic result because they either lost sight of their ideals or were compelled to relinquish them.

162

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A third method of implementation is opposition. This method, of course, needs not only an organized effort but also a strong and committed group of people to carry it out. Opposition can take overt or covert forms. Some may prefer to work underground to get the programmes and plans of political development carried out by the existing political system. Others, as in the case of lkhwan in Egypt, thought that overt opposition was an appropriate strategy. For lkhwan, which openly clashed with Nasser's oppressive dictatorship in the 1950s and 1960s, this strategy later proved to be ineffective in a political environment that could not tolerate criticism of any sort, let alone changes in its basic philosophy and ideology. The final form or method of implementing Islamic political development goals and plans is withdrawal. This may appear to be, and sometimes is, another form of opposition. In recent times, withdrawal - especially if coupled with a strong organizational strategy, has proved very effective as in the case of modern Iran. As mentioned in detail in the Appendix to Chapter 3, withdrawal from dealing with the existing political system, especially by influential people such as the religious leaders in Iran, makes the political system look less legitimate in the eyes of many of its citizens. Some religious scholars in Iran, for example, used this method (whether by design or coincidence) successfully, causing not only the reforms to materialize, but also the collapse of the whole Pahlavi system of government. While objective and scientific studies of what happened in Iran are still to come, withdrawal, in this writer's opinion, needs more research and investigation. The movement of at-Takfir wal-Hijrah (Repentance and Holy Flight)14 in Sadat's Egypt is another, albeit different, example of withdrawal. This group showed its frustration by completely withdrawing from the political environment to remote areas in caves and mountains. Although the validity of that approach is questionable, it nevertheless is considered a form of withdrawal. In sum, the objective of the Islamist is to derive solutions to the many problems faced in the process of political development by examining the basic sources of Islamic law. In his efforts to attain political development by Islamic standards, the Islamist sees no other alternative to the Islamic State. The method or strategy integration, penetration, or withdrawal - selected to achieve the Islamic State will depend upon the existing political environment of the individual Muslim State. 163

Administrative Development

Summary and Conclusion This chapter is intended to give an accurate assessment of the political nature of the contemporary Muslim States and how their existing systems differ from the theoretical formulation of the Islamic State. We have seen that because of the various attempts to emulate Western political institutions, the Muslim States' present count is as follows: twenty-three dictatorships, eleven distorted democracies, nine monarchies, and one Islamic Republic, which was established in 1979. The author emphasizes the role of the Islamic State in the realization of the overall developmental approach that Islam calls for. Without the realization of this Islamic State in one form or another, Islamic developmental plans will become theoretical exercises or will be applied piecemeal at best. Thus, it is necessary for the Islamist to work toward the establishment of the Islamic State by any means available to him, such as penetration, withdrawal, opposition, integration, and so forth.

164

Political Development

Notes to Chapter 3 1 No work on political development in Islam would be complete without consulting a multitude of writings ranging from historical accounts to modern books of political science. The various sources may be categorized loosely as follows: a. Primary sources such as the Qur'an and the Sunnah with their various translations and explanations in what is known in Arabic as the literature of Tafsir (Commentary on the Qur'an) and 'ulum al-Hadith (Commentary on the Science of Traditions). b. Books on Islamic history such as the various Tarikhs treatises (history books) which were written by Muslim scholars of the earlier period of Islam. These writings include, among others, ibn alAthir's Al-Kamil; ibn Qutayba's 'Uyun al-Akhbar; ibn Saad's Tabaqat; ibn Kathir's Bidayah; at-Tabari's Tarikh al-Umam walMuluk; al-Jahshiyari's Tarikh al-Wuzara; al-Mas'udi's Muruj alDhahab; al-Ghazali's Ihya 'Ulum ad-Din, ibn Khaldun's Muqaddimah; and al-Shahrastani's al-Milal wan-Nihal. c. Specialized books on one subject such as al 'Mawardi's al-Ahkam as-Sultaniyyah; ibn Taymiyyah's as-Siyasah as-Shariyyah and alHisbah fil Islam; al-Farra's al-Ahkam as-Sultaniyyah; Abu Yusuf's al-Kharaj; Abu 'Ubaid's al-Amwal; and ibn Qutayba's alImamah was-Siyasah. d. Modern books by contemporary Muslims on the political system of Islam: al-Maududi's Islamic Law and Constitution (1969) and al-Khilafah wal-Mulk (1978); EI-Awa's On the Political System of the Islamic State (1980); Wasfy's Musannafat an-Nuzm alIslamiyyah (1977); Asad's The P~inciples of State and Government in Islam (1961); al-Rayyes' an-Nadhariyyat as-Siyasiyyah alIslamiyyah (1979); Mutwalli's Azmat al-Fikr as-Siyasi al-Islami (1974); 'Audah's ai-Islam wa-Awdha'una as-Siyasiyyah (1967); 'Abdul Raziq's ai-Islam wa-Usul al-Hukm (1926); and Ahmad's The Nature of Islamic Political Theory (1976). e. For Islam as a religion and its comparison with other religions as far as political development is concerned, see Donald E. Smith's Religion and Political Development (1970); and G. Means' 'The Role of Islam in the Political Development of Malaysia' (in Masannat, 1973). But probably the richest source lies in the documents and unpublished manuscripts in many libraries throughout the Muslim and nonMuslim worlds. In his recent visit to Makkah, Madinah, Cairo, Istanbul, and Baghdad, the author became acquainted with many titles in the political and administrative literature. It is vital that some-

165

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2

3

4

5

6

166

thing be done about editing and publishing some of these treasures. All of the above sources are not meant to be inclusive but rather illustrative of the various works on this subject. Full citations of these entries appear in the Bibliography to this study. Khalid Muhammad Khalid, for example, renounces his earlier views on Islam and politics in his latest book entitled Ad-Dawlah fil Islam (The State in Islam), Cairo, Egypt, Dar Thabit, 1980. In this book, he offers Islam as a faith and a state, as a right and a strength, as a culture and a civilization, and finally as worship and politics. This represents a complete shift in his earliest writings in which he viewed Islam as merely a religion and not a state. The list, if extended, may also include the following: al-Kawakbi, M. Azmi, M. Husain Haikal, Mansour Fahmy, Ismail Madhhar, Taha Husain, Jamil al-Ma'iouf, Khalid Muhyiddin, Sati' al-Husary, Michael Aflaq, and at-Tahir ai-Haddad. These scholars at one time or another called for secularism as well as Arab nationalism. Their main goal was a total separation of religion and politics (or masjid and dawlah) just as Europe and the United States had done previously. Some, as in the case of Khalid (note 2), have amended their previous positions, realizing the difficulty of such a separation, especially when dealing with Islam. For further treatment ofthis issue, see Isam Khalifah's 'Ad-Din-was-Siyasah fil Fikr al-Islami-al-Arabi al-Hadith' (Religion and Politics in Modern-Islamic-Arabic Thought), AlMostakbal, vol. 4, no. 161 (22 March 1980) pp. 52-8. Regarding this point, see the detailed bibliography on the relationship between religion and politics in Islamic Revolution, vol. I, no. 6 (September 1979) pp. 28-9. From this and the previous discussion on Islam and development, we can say that Islam is for development if this means growth and improvement, but not for modernization if this means Westernization or occidentalization. Instead of meekly submitting Islam to foreign intellectual norms under the garment of modernization, Islam - once more - should be regarded as the norm by which the whole world is to be judged. Instead of changing Islam to fit the modern life, this modern life should flow according to Islamic principles and be governed by them. For more discussion on this issue, see William E. Hocking, The Spirit of World Politics (1932). This argument is provided by Alexander Blay in his paper, The 'Ulama of Saudi Arabia: Government Partner or Government Tool?' According to Blay, the 'ulama have been equal partners in the Saudi regime because they deliver religious legitimacy to its rule. However, such partnership, Blay argues, has begun to weaken, although there is little research material on the subject. (Unpublished paper presented

Political Development

7

8

9

10

at the Middle East Studies Association's 14th Annual Meeting, Washington, D.C., November 1980.) For non-ideological responses of the 'ulama to modernization, see Daniel Crecelius' article 'Non-ideological Responses of the Egyptian 'Ulama to Modernization', in Scholars, Saints and Sufis: Muslim Religious Institutions in the Middle East Since 1500, ed. Nikki R. Keddie (Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1972) ch. 7, pp. 167-209. When speaking of a model, we should consider the following point. The test of a model of development is not in the formulation of principles but in their elaboration into a planning model, and the test of the planning model lies in its effective application. Does it work? One needs to recognize how far this exercise is from the test stage that is meaningful. It is hoped that this will be shown throughout this book, especially in the parts and sections that deal with methods of implementation. For a more detailed discussion of the sources of Islamic law, see Ramadan, 1970; Maududi, 1969; Buraey, 1974; Schacht, 1964; 'Audah, 1977; and Mahmassani, 1961. These works are just a specimen of a huge body of literature on the Islamic shari' ah that will give the reader an idea of the availability of sources from which to evaluate the argument which speaks of the rigidity, obsoleteness of the shari'ah. For example, Nathan Isaacs (1920:158-60) reported that a former president of the American Bar Association stated that 'the fairest part of the Mediterranean circle of lands had been blighted for centuries, not by a mistaken idea of religion, but by the mistaken juristic theory of Islam, the theory that a single book could contain the immutable law of all times'. He then dwelt on the idea that this 'blight' would be removed presumably with the aid of Europe and America. This needs no further comment to demonstrate the mentality of some American lawyers at the beginning of this century. For instance, see Nathan Isaacs (note 8). Generally speaking, however, the vast body of Western scholars of the shari'ah and Islamic studies (H. A. R. Gibb, Joseph Schacht, Carl Becker, Ignas Goldziher, Noel Coulson, J. N. D. Anderson, James Robson, James Piscatori, Ann Mayer, Farhat Ziadeh, Willard Oxtoby, Marshall Hodgson, Frederick Denny, Herbert Bodman, Bruce Lawrence, Norman Daniel, and Annemarie Schimmel, among others) all view the shari'ah as embracing far more than 'a body of religious and ethical commandments ... '. Tareq Ismael (1970:43-8), in his Governments and Politics of the Contemporary Middle East, analysed the Islamic State as it existed at the

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time of the Prophet from a systems point of view. The main purpose of the Prophet in establishing the first Islamic State in Madinah was to (a) organize the Ummah, (b) preserve the faith, and (c) maintain and enforce the word of God. According to Ismael, the early Islamic State, like any other institution, consisted of a series of interlocking systems. These systems might be reduced to ten, namely: the value system, the normative system, the ideological system, the division of labour and specialization, the status-role system, the regulative system, the socialization system, the power-authority system, the enforcing system, and the maintenance system. He then examined the Islamic State within the context of these ten systems. Ilse Lichtenstadter (1958:92), after explaining the 'Contract of Protection' CAhd al-Dhimmah) in some detail, concludes that: viewed within its medieval context the importance of the charter of protection does not lie in the prohibitions and restrictions imposed, but in the rights and liberties left unimpaired or, tacitly or by implication, confirmed. To evaluate the institution of dhimmah only by its negative components, is to distort its true import. It is far more essential to realize that it leaves the communal life ofthe non-Muslims intact, upholds their religious freedom, guarantees them security for their persons and property and protects them from criminal and illegal attack.

12 See, for example, R. Dekmejian, 'The Anatomy of Islamic Revival: Legitimacy Crisis, Ethnic Conflict and the Search for Islamic Alternatives', The Middle East Journal, 34, no. 1 (Winter 1980): 1-12; Steven Humphreys, 'Islam and Political Values in Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Syria', The Middle East Journal, 33, no. 1 (Winter 1979):1-19; Tareq y. Ismael, 'The Rejection of Western Models of Government in the Arab World: The Case of Nasserism', The Islamic Quarterly, XIX, nos 1, 2 (January-June 1975): 123-8; and recently Saad Eddin Ibrahim, 'Anatomy of Egypt's Militant Islamic Group', unpublished paper presented at the Middle East Studies Association Meeting, Washington, D.C. (6-9 November 1980) 54 pp. In Egypt's case, for example, Ibrahim specifically states that, to the Islamic militant group's credit: Egypt's middle classes have given the benefit of the doubt to some other secular alternatives; a liberal experiment (19221952), a nationalist socialist experiment (1952-1970), and a quasi-liberal autocratic regime (1970-1980). These experiments seem all to have fallen short offulfilling their promises (p. 45). 13 The discussion of the role of the Islamist in this section should be

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Political Development viewed in the overall context of the model developed and explained in the Introduction and in Chapters 6 and 7. Since this book deals with the Islamic perspective, no effort will be made to discuss the role of the secularists, modernists, etc. in the development process. 14 For a full and up-to-date discussion of this group, see Saad Eddin Ibrahim, 1980, op. cit. In this article, the author views the activities of Islamic militants in Egypt as an alternative to the failure of a: credible secular national vision and effective programmes of action to repel external encroachment, to enhance the present and future socio-economic prospects of the middle and lower classes, and to galvanize the imagination ofthe educated youth and give them a sense of being essential parts of a grand design.

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4

Socio-economic Development

That development in general (and socio-economic development in particular) is an important goal in every country of the world is suggested by the fact that the United Nations designated the 1960s and the 1970s as the First and Second Development Decades respectively. The modern world, however, has emphasized only two antipodal theories of economic development - namely, capitalism and Socialism. This includes the contemporary Muslim world whose present economic systems, rather than being Islamic in nature, range from free market (with the private or public sectors or both dominant in thirty-six countries) to centrally planned markets (with the public sector which, in a few cases, is socialistic in orientation, dominant in seven countries). One country has a statecapitalism type of economy. (See Table 4.2, pp. 190-2, for a breakdown of economic and welfare indicators and type of economy by country. 1) This chapter discusses economic development from an Islamic perspective. It opens with succinct presentation of two different perspectives - that is, the Western viewpoint and the Islamic viewpoint. This is followed by a discussion of Islam's 'third solution' to economic development, including historical development, Islamic 170

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principles as revealed in the Qur'an and Sunnah, foundations of economic development - philosophical, ethical and moral, economic, and social- and traits of the Islamic economic system. What is the cause of the present underdevelopment? What are the strategies and methods needed to carry out socio-economic development? What is the role of the state as the major facilitator of development? And what are its most important goals? The second half of the chapter analyses the actual behaviour and progress of the Muslim countries in achieving socio-economic development - present goals and motives, problems of implementation, discrepancies between theory and practice, and attempts to suggest a way out of the present underdevelopment. Finally, the role of the Islamist in promoting socio-economic development has been examined. What are his tasks? How can he influence the present political elites who carry the burden of development? And which approaches should he adopt so as to implement his economic proposals reflecting the Islamic perspective?

Economic Development in Islam: Differing Viewpoints Without a strong and willing political power2 no economic system can be propagated. Capitalism and socialism would not be known worldwide were it not for the United States and Western Europe, on the one hanq, and the USSR and the Eastern bloc on the other. This historical reality explains, in part, why so little is known - both in the West and in the Communist world - about any economic development outside the two orbits of capitalism and socialism. These are considered the only alternatives3 for development in the Third World. Ahmad Haffar (1975), who provides a detailed analysis of the Western perspective on economic development in Islam, concludes that, with the exception of two or three scholars,4 most view Islam as a barrier to economic development. 5 He cites as an example, S. D. Goitein's widely circulated thesis that the economic decline of the Muslim world was due to Islam's disdainful attitudes toward secular life including the state. Incidentally, this thesis was completely rejected by a non-Muslim French scholar (Haffar, 1975:9). Many other Western scholars hold the view that the reason for the Muslim's timid exertions in the world of trade and economic devel-

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cannot transform clay soil to that which is rich with minerals? When trade and commerce bore the crux of economic activity in the Middle East and the rest of the civilized world, Islam became their standard bearer. When oil was discovered, we do not see Islam standing in the way of economic development of any oil-producing countries ofthe Middle East. The issue is not whether Islam stands for or against economic development, for there is nothing in the Our'an or the Sunnah to substantiate the claims of fatalism and stagnation. 9 Rather, the question is what type of development does Islam stand for? What is its ideological orientation? And what are the means and methods for achieving such development. 10 In rebuttal, Islam stands against economic development with either a capitalist or Marxist-Socialist orientation, offering, instead, its own 'third solution'. 11 In fact, Islam tells us that there is a danger in following either of the former schemes because, even in their variations, they are materialistic in nature. 12 The capitalist school of thought excludes moral and ethical considerations from the economic domain, while the socialist school views economic development as part and parcel of its materialistic conception of history. Islam differs fundamentally from both in that it places a high premium on the unity of human experience and existence. 13 In the words of a Muslim scholar (Nyang, 1976:13): By refusing to compartmentalize existence into secular and sacred, Islam subjects all human efforts and activities to both spiritual and rational scrutiny. Whereas a capitalist praises or damns an economic system on the basis of its generation of profit, a Muslim lauds an economy on the basis of its morality and its economic performance. Again, whereas the Marxist focuses his attention primarily on the productive and distributive processes