The Pulitzer Prize Archive. Volume 1 International Reporting 1928-1985: From the Activities of the League of Nations to present-day Global Problems 9783110972320, 9783598301711

Table of contents :
PREFACE
INTRODUCTION
HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE PULITZER PRIZE FOR INTERNATIONAL REPORTING
SELECTIONS FROM AWARD-WINNING ENTRIES
REMARKS ABOUT THE SELECTIONS CRITERIA
FROM GENEVA (SWITZERLAND) IN 1928
VITAL NATIONAL INTERESTS MAY CAUSE AN INTERNATIONAL DRAMA
FROM PARIS (FRANCE) IN 1929
GERMAN REPARATION ANNUITIES TO BELGIUM ARE ACCEPTED
FROM NOVGOROD (SOVIET UNION) IN 1930
FORD SEEMS TO FIT IN THE SOVIET FIVE-YEAR-PLAN SCHEDULE
FROM MOSCOW (SOVIET UNION) IN 1931
SOCIALISM IS NUMBER ONE IN THE SOVIET UNION PROGRAM
FROM BERLIN (GERMANY) IN 1932
HITLER SEES HIS CHANCE TO BECOME THE NATION’S DICTATOR
FROM BERLIN (GERMANY) IN 1933
AN INCENDIARY FIRE WRECKS THE GERMAN REICHSTAG BUILDING
FROM WASHINGTON, D. C. (UNITED STATES) IN 1934
TRADE BANS WAR IN THE EYES OF THE NOBEL PEACE PRIZE WINNER
FROM ADDIS ABABA (ETHIOPIA) IN 1935
THE COUNTRY IS TRYING HARD TO BUY U. S. AND JAPANESE WEAPONS
FROM LIEGE (BELGIUM) IN 1936
PEACE FACES INSTABILITY ON THE GERMAN-BELGIAN FRONTIER
FROM WASHINGTON, D. C. (UNITED STATES) IN 1937
PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT INTENDS TO SHIELD AMERICAN DEMOCRACY
FROM BERLIN (GERMANY) IN 1938
HERMANN GÖRING IS STILL NUMBER TWO IN THE THIRD REICH
FROM BERLIN (GERMANY) IN 1939
ADOLF HITLER TRIES TO ‘DEAL’ POLAND A BLOW WITH RUSSIA
FROM VARIOUS PARTS OF THE WORLD IN 1940
SOME OF THE FUTURE HIGHLIGHTS OF AMERICAN FOREIGN CORRESPONDENTS
FROM RANGOON (BURMA) IN 1941
POLITICAL LEADERS TEND TO SHOW A PRO-JAPANESE ATTITUDE
FROM THE SOLOMONS (PACIFIC) IN 1942
U. S. NAVAL SUPERIORITY MUST BE THE GOAL IN THE REGION
FROM TUNIS (TUNESIA) IN 1943
WAR SEEMS TO HAVE ITS OWN PECULIAR SOUNDS ON THE FRONT
FROM LONDON (ENGLAND) IN 1944
DURING WARTIME THE CAPITAL’S BLACK MARKETS ARE BOOMING
FROM BUENOS AIRES (ARGENTINA) IN 1945
FREEDOM SEEMS TO RUN OUT UNDER WAR ‘SECURITY’
FROM MOSCOW (SOVIET UNION) IN 1946
STALIN DEMANDS COUNTER-PROPAGANDA AGAINST ‘WARMONGERS’
FROM MOSCOW (SOVIET UNION) IN 1947
A GREAT MANY RUSSIANS TRY TO MIGRATE TO THE UNITED STATES
FROM DELHI (INDIA) IN 1948
THE COUNTRY SEES ITSELF AS THE CHAMPION OF ENTIRE ASIA
FROM MOSCOW (SOVIET UNION) IN 1949
A WESTERN ATMOSPHERE PREVAILS IN RUSSIA’S ‘FORBIDDEN ZONE’
FROM SEOUL (KOREA) IN 1950
PARALLEL THIRTY-EIGHT HAS BECOME A BLOOD-RED LINE NOW
FROM SEOUL (KOREA) IN 1951
GENERAL MACARTHUR TRIES TO TAKE OVER U.S. POLICY IN WARZONE
FROM OTTAWA (CANADA) IN 1952
THE COUNTRY’S LIBERAL PARTY PREFERS A ‘BUSINESSMANN’S RULE’
FROM HEARTBREAK RIDGE (KOREA) IN 1953
NINE MEN FIGHT FOR THEIR LIFES RETURNING FROM A PATROL
FROM YAKUTSK (SOVIET UNION) IN 1954
M. V. D. IS THE UNDOUBTED MASTER IN SIBERIA’S PRISON CAMPS
FROM MOSCOW (SOVIET UNION) IN 1955
A JOURNALIST’S CONCLUSIONS AFTER HIS STAY IN THE KREMLIN
FROM BUDAPEST (HUNGARY) IN 1956
RUSSIAN DIVISIONS ARE CRUSHING DOWN THE PEOPLE’S REVOLT
FROM MOSCOW (SOVIET UNION) IN 1957
THE COUNTRY IS WARNED U. S. WILL DEFEND TURKEY IF ATTACKED
FROM HAVANNA (CUBA) IN 1958
POLITICIANS GATHER PERSONAL PROFIT FROM CONSTRUCTION GRAFT
FROM WARSAW (POLAND) IN 1959
NIXON AND GOMULKA TALKS ARE SAID TO IMPROVE RELATIONS
FROM LEOPOLDVILLE (CONGO) IN 1960
A PRESENCE OF U.N. TROOPS MEANS A RISK OF LIVES NOW
FROM MOSCOW (SOVIET UNION) IN 1961
AN INTERVIEW WITH KHRUSHCHEV ON WORLD POLITICAL ISSUES
FROM MIAMI, FLA. (UNITED STATES) IN 1962
LATIN AMERICAN GUERRILLA FORCES ARE PROVIDED WITH WEAPONS
FROM SAIGON (VIETNAM) IN 1963
A BUDDHIST-LED PROVISIONAL REGIME CONTROLS THE COUNTRY
FROM PARIS (FRANCE) IN 1964
WESTERN EUROPE SEES A STRONG PULL OF THE U. S. DOLLAR
FROM SAIGON (VIETNAM) IN 1965
U. S. MILITARY LEADERS FIND THEMSELVES ON THE WRONG TRACK
FROM JAKARTA (INDONESIA) IN 1966
THE COUNTRY FINDS ITSELF RUMBLING WITH TORMENT AND UPHEAVAL
FROM JERUSALEM (ISRAEL) IN 1967
WESTERN POWERS ARE GIVEN THREE WEEKS TO OPEN AQABA GULF
FROM HUE (VIETNAM) IN 1968
U. S. MARINES ARE IN NEED OF HELP IN THE WARZONE
FROM WASHINGTON/ D. C. (UNITED STATES) IN 1969
AMERICANS WITNESSED U.S. BUTCHERY OF VIETNAMESE CIVILIANS
FROM PRETORIA (SOUTH AFRICA) IN 1970
NONWHITES HAVE NO CHANCE LEFT IN THE APARTHEID SYSTEM
FROM DACCA (BANGLA DESH) IN 1971
WAR IS NO SOLUTION FOR ONE OF THE WORLD’S NATURAL VICTIMS
FROM PEKING (CHINA) IN 1972
NIXON’S VISIT HELPS TO IMPROVE BILATERAL RELATIONS
FROM MOSCOW (SOVIET UNION) IN 1973
EXPENSIVE CARS ARE LEONID I. BREZHNEV’S GREATEST WEAKNESS
FROM LUDHIANA (INDIA) IN 1974
CLIMATE CHANGES ARE RESPONSIBLE FOR SEVERE FOOD SHORTAGES
FROM PHNOM PENH (CAMBODIA) IN 1975
FIVE YEARS AFTER SIHANOUK THE COUNTRY SUFFERS FROM MISERY
FROM NOWHERE (WORLDWIDE) IN 1976
REPORT OF THE INTERNATIONAL REPORTING JURY OF MARCH 4, 1977
FROM KUALA LUMPUR (MALAYSIA) IN 1977
SOUTHEAST ASIA’S COASTS ARE CLOSED FOR DESPERATE REFUGEES
FROM CAIRO (EGYPT) IN 1978
SOMETHING MUST BE WRONG WITH A HUNDRED PERCENT DEMOCRACY
FROM ARANYAPRATHET (THAILAND) IN 1979
FOR NUMEROUS PEOPLE THE NATION’S TRAGEDY IS A BONANZA
FROM GUATEMALA CITY (GUATEMALA) IN 1980
U. S. HELP IS OUT OF SIGHT WHILE THE COUNTRY IS BOILING
FROM WARSAW (POLAND) IN 1981
KEY DECISIONS ARE LAID TO THE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE ARMY
FROM BEIRUT (LEBANON) IN 1982
MOSLEM QUARTERS ARE NOW OCCUPIED BY MILITARY FORCES
FROM AMMAN (JORDAN) IN 1983
POLITICAL PROBLEMS IN THE REGION ARE FAR FROM BEING SOLVED
FROM ADDIS ABABA (ETHIOPIA) IN 1984
A DESPERATE CONTINENT FACES DEATH OF STARVATION
FROM MANILA (THE PHILIPPINES) IN 1985
THE POVERTY-STRICKEN COUNTRY FACES A CAPITAL FLIGHT
WINNERS OF THE INTERNATIONAL REPORTING AWARD, 1986–2000 – SPACE FOR NOTES –
INDEX

Citation preview

saur

THE PULITZER PRIZE ARCHIVE A History and Anthology of Award-winning Materials in Journalism, Letters, and Arts

Series Editor: Heinz-Dietrich Fischer Ruhr University, Bochum Federal Republic of Germany

PART A: REPORTAGE JOURNALISM

Volume 1

KGSaur München · London · New York Oxford Paris 1987

International Reporting 1928-1985 From the Activities of the League of Nations to present-day Global Problems

Edited with general and special introductions by Heinz-Dietrich Fischer in cooperation with Erika J. Fischer

K-G-Saur München · London · New York Oxford Paris 1987

Gefördert durch Dietrich Oppenberg aus Mitteln der Pressestiftung RWV Essen

CIP-Kurztitelaufnahme der Deutschen Bibliothek The Pulitzer Prize archive : a history and anthology of award-winning materials in journalism, letters and arts / ser. ed.: Heinz-Dietrich Fischer. München ; London ; New York ; Oxford ; Paris : Saur ISBN 3-598-30170-7 NE: Fischer, Heinz-Dietrich [Hrsg.] Pt. A. Reportage journalism. Vol. 1. International reporting 1928-1985 : from the activities of the League of Nations to present-day global problems / ed. with general and special introd. by Heinz-Dietrich Fischer in cooperation with Erika J. Fischer. - 1987. ISBN 3-598-30171-5

© 1987 by K. G. Saur Verlag KG Alle Rechte vorbehalten • All Rights Strictly Reserved Jede Art der Vervielfältigung ohne Erlaubnis des Verlags ist unzulässig. Printed in the Federal Republic of Germany by WS Druckerei Werner Schaubruch, Mainz Bound by Buchbinderei Schaumann, Darmstadt Cover Design by Manfred Link, München ISBN 3-598-30171-5 (Vol 1) ISBN 3-598-30170-7 (Complete Set)

Ν

PREFACE

A few years ago Michael I. Sovern, President of Columbia University, explained that the history of the Pulitzer Prizes

"records

two-thirds of

American

a

century of outstanding achievement

journalism, letters and music. It is is

a

a

history of courage... It

history of creativity... And it is

write our history

-

in

a

history of those who

journalists covering breaking stories, cre-

ative artists whose visions affected the way all of us see, commentators and scholars seeking meaning

in

the effluent of time.

Joseph Pulitzer, reporter, editor, publisher

and

founder of the

Graduate School of Journalism at Columbia, was first and foremost a journalist. But his horizons, like those

of

all good

journal-

ists, extended far beyond his own profession and when he decided to link a system of prizes to a university, he did so in the express

hope

morals,

that

American

this

would

encourage

literature and

the

'public

service,

public

advancement of education.'

All these things, I am convinced, the Pulitzer Prizes have done." The national and international prestige the Pulitzer Prizes have had for nearly seven decades supports this judgment. For some decades the prize system lived on its reputation and for

a

time the awarding procedures and the honored

journalistic

texts were not revealed - with the exception of the books awarded the Pulitzer Prize: they were available to everybody. It was not until the end of the 1950s that John Hohenberg, Secretary of the Advisory Board on the Pulitzer Prizes from 1954 to 1976, made some of the relevant texts available. His privileged position guaranteed him access such

a

to

the materials

and

predestined him to tackle

task. Hohenberg started to publish these materials in an

edition of selected and awarded contributions

("The Pulitzer Prize

Story," New York 1959, 375pp.). A description of the development of

the

whole prize awarding system

("The

Pulitzer

Prizes," New

VI York

-

London 1974, 434 pp.), was followed by a continuation oi

the first edition

("The Pulitzer Prize Story II," New York 1980,

375 pp.). Although John Hohenberg tried to give a survey of the Pulitzer Prize system, none of the volumes he published meet the requirements of a systematic documentation because the publications are selective, with only a relatively small number of the prize-winners 1 texts being presented. Hohenberg, in fact, seems to present only those texts which appeared interesting or important to himself without giving any selection criteria to justify his choice. Thus Hohenberg's publications

-

in spite of their undoubted im-

portance-only call attention to some of the prize-winning texts. Often

it

remains unclear whether

referred to were

of

the

texts or the stories they

importance. Unlike Hohenberg's unsystematic

and eclectic procedure, the new series "The Pulitzer Prize Archive" is based on a systematic principle of edition: each volume of the series focuses on only one of the great Pulitzer Prize categories; these are analysed chronologically and documented. The first volume

of

the series focuses

on

the awards in the

International Reporting category and its predecessors started at the end of the 1920s. The Pulitzer Prize Office at Columbia University deserves special gratitude for contributing to the start of this work

and

its findings:

it

provided the editor not only

with sources which had hardly been put at the disposal of researchers before, particularly the collection of the awarded contributions, but also permitted him jury report explaining

the

to

analyze the background of each

reasons for the award

of

Especially Mrs. Robin Kuzen, Assistant Administrator

the prize. on

the Pu-

litzer Prizes, and her fellow official, Mr. Bud Kliment, supported this work in every conceivable way. Mr. Wade

A.

Doares, head of

the Arthur Hays Sulzberger Library of the Graduate School of Journalism

at

Columbia

University,

gave

some

advice.

Dean

Osborn

Elliott, Professor Robert C. Christopher and Mr. Joseph Pulitzer Jr., Chairman of the Pulitzer Prize Board, encouraged the editor in his work. Special gratitude has to be expressed to the following persons, too, who permitted Allison Milwaukee

a

reprint of the awarded texts:

(The Christian Journal),

Science Monitor),

Virginia Butts

Richard

F.

Kathleen

A.

Bauer (The

(Chicago Sun-Times),

William

VII Β.

Dickinson

(The Washington

Poet), Leonard

R.

York Times), Larry Ε. Heinzerling (The Associated M. Hersh

(Dispatch

News

Service),

Harris (The New Press),

Joanne Heumann (The

Journal , Louisville,Ky.), David Kraslow (The Miami A. Livingston (Philadelphia

Seymour

Bulletin),

Heath

J.

Courier-

News),

Joseph

Meriwether (The

Miami Herald), John H. Metcalfe (New York Daily News), Susan Miller (New York Post), John J. O'Connell (International Donald

H.

Patterson (The Baltimore

Wall Street Journal),

Sun), Norman Pearlstine (The

JohnS. Prescott (New York

Cheryl Preston (Los Angeles Times) , Earl H. Richert Newspapers),

Gene Roberts (The Philadelphia

Romulo (The Philippines

Herald-Tribune), (Scripps-Howard

Inquirer),

Carlos P.

Herald) , Irene Schwartz (Newsday),

Stevenson (United Press International), Mercury

News Service) ,

W. F. Sunderland

H. L.

(San Jose

News) and Robert V. Twilling (Chicago Tribune) .

Special

thanks

should be also given

to

Dean Ralph L. Lowen-

stein (University of Florida, Gainesville), and Mrs. Karen Furey (The American Council

on

Germany, New York), who helped to con-

tact copyright-holders. Mr. Frank J. Carroll gress, Washington, D.C.)

and

(The Library of Con-

Mr. Johannes Dedek

(Library of the

Educational Institute of the Ruhr University, Bochum), helped to gather additional information. Mr. Peter Gerlach, M.A., did part of the translation which Mr. Robert

H.

Lochner

(Director of the

International Institute for Journalism, Berlin), critically looked through again. Mrs. Ingrid Dickhut

(Bochum) carefully drew up

the manuscript of this volume, and Mr. Manfred Link alized Lutz

the

cover design. Dr. Klaus Gerhard Saur

(Munich)

Dietrich

Adler

took over from

Dietrich Oppenberg

the

from

the

and

(Munich) reDr. Dieter

publisher's assistance. Dr. Ernst-

newspaper

Die Welt

the Neue Ruhr/Rhein

(Hamburg) Zeitung

and

Mr.

(Essen) de-

serve special gratitude for their financial support during various phases of the research process.

Bochum, FRG March, 1987

H.-D. F.

THIS VOLUME

IS D E D I C A T E D

L O U I S P. LOCHNER - PULITZER ON HIS

(1887-1976)

PRIZE W I N N E R 100TH

TO

BIRTHDAY

1939 -

IX

C O N T E N T S

V

PREFACE INTRODUCTION By Heinz-Dietrich

Χ Ν Π

Fischer, Ruhr-Universität

Bochum

HISTORY A N D D E V E L O P M E N T OF THE P U L I T Z E R PRIZE INTERNATIONAL R E P O R T I N G

FOR

XVII

S E L E C T I O N S FROM A W A R D - W I N N I N G ENTRIES REMARKS A B O U T THE SELECTIONS C R I T E R I A

Ι 2

FROM GENEVA (SWITZERLAND) IN 1928 By Paul S. M o w r e r , The Chicago Daily

3

VITAL N A T I O N A L

Newe

INTERESTS MAY C A U S E AN I N T E R N A T I O N A L D R A M A

FROM PARIS (FRANCE) IN 1929 By Lei and Stowe, New York

4 7

Herald-Tribune

GERMAN R E P A R A T I O N A N N U I T I E S TO BELGIUM A R E A C C E P T E D FROM NOVGOROD (SOVIET UNION) IN 1 9 3 0 By Hubert R. K n i c k e r b o c k e r , New York Evening

8 17

Poet

FORD SEEMS TO FIT IN THE SOVIET F I V E - Y E A R - P L A N S C H E D U L E

18

FROM MOSCOW (SOVIET UNION) IN 1931 By Walter Duranty, The New York Times

25

SOCIALISM IS NUMBER ONE IN THE SOVIET UNION P R O G R A M FROM BERLIN (GERMANY) IN 1932 By Edgar A. M o w r e r , The Chicago

....

26 31

Daily

News

HITLER SEES HIS CHANCE TO BECOME THE NATION'S D I C T A T O R

.

32

χ FROM BERLIN (GERMANY) IN 1933 By Frederick T. Birchall, The New A N INCENDIARY

35 York

Times

FIRE WRECKS THE G E R M A N R E I C H S T A G BUILDING

FROM W A S H I N G T O N , D.C. (UNITED S T A T E S ) By Arthur Krock, The New York Times

36

IN 1934

41

TRADE BANS WAR IN THE EYES O F THE NOBEL PEACE PRIZE WINNER FROM ADDIS ABABA (ETHIOPIA) IN 1 9 3 5 By Wilfred C. B a r b e r , Chicago Daily THE COUNTRY WEAPONS

PEACE FACES

45 Tribune

IS TRYING HARD TO BUY U.S. AND

FROM LIEGE (BELGIUM) IN 1 9 3 6 By Anne O'Hare M c C o r m i c k , The

New

York

JAPANESE

FROM WASHINGTON/ D.C. (UNITED STATES) By Arthur Krock, The New York Times

.

IN 1937

Press ..

64 67

Times

A D O L F HITLER TRIES TO 'DEAL* POLAND A BLOW WITH RUSSIA

.

SOME O F THE FUTURE HIGHLIGHTS O F A M E R I C A N CORRESPONDENTS

68 73

FROM VARIOUS PARTS OF T H E WORLD IN 1940 By Numerous J o u r n a l i s t s , All American Newspapers

FROM RANGOON (BURMA) IN 1941 By Carlos P. Romulo, The Philippines

54 63

IS STILL NUMBER TWO IN THE THIRD REICH

FROM BERLIN (GERMANY) IN 1 9 3 9 By Otto D. T o l i s c h u s , The New York

50 53

INTENDS TO SHIELD A M E R I C A N DEMOCRACY

FROM BERLIN (GERMANY) IN 1938 By Louis P. Lochner, The Associated HERMANN G Ö R I N G

46

Times

INSTABILITY ON THE G E R M A N - B E L G I A N FRONTIER

PRESIDENT R O O S E V E L T

42

FOREIGN

74

75

Herald

POLITICAL LEADERS TEND TO SHOW A PRO-JAPANESE A T T I T U D E

.

7

6

XI FROM THE S O L O M O N S (PACIFIC) IN 1942 By Hanson W. Baldwin, The New York Times

EI

U.S. N A V A L SUPERIORITY MUST BE THE G O A L IN THE R E G I O N .. FROM TUNIS (TUNESIA) IN 1943 By Ernest T. Pyle, Scripps-Howard

87 Newspapers

WAR SEEMS TO HAVE ITS OWN PECULIAR SOUNDS ON THE FRONT FROM LONDON (ENGLAND) IN 1944 By Harold V. Boyle, The Associated DURING W A R T I M E THE CAPITAL'S

.

Press

BLACK M A R K E T S A R E BOOMING

FREEDOM SEEMS TO RUN OUT UNDER WAR FROM M O S C O W (SOVIET UNION) IN 1 9 4 6 By Eddy L. K. G i l m o r e , The Associated

.

'SECURITY'

100

Press 'WARMONGERS'

.

IN 1947

104 107

A GREAT MANY RUSSIANS TRY TO M I G R A T E TO THE UNITED STATES FROM DELHI (INDIA) IN 1 9 4 8 By Price Day, The Sun

108 113

THE COUNTRY SEES ITSELF AS THE C H A M P I O N O F ENTIRE ASIA

.

114 12

Science

A W E S T E R N A T M O S P H E R E PREVAILS ΙΝ RUSS IA'S FROM S E O U L (KOREA) IN 1950 By Relman G. M o r i n , The Associated

92 99

STALIN DEMANDS C O U N T E R - P R O P A G A N D A A G A I N S T

FROM M O S C O W (SOVIET UNION) IN 1 9 4 9 By Edmund W. Stevens, The Christian

88 91

FROM BUENOS A I R E S (ARGENTINA) IN 1 9 4 5 By Arnaldo Cortesi, The New York Times

FROM M O S C O W (SOVIET UNION) By Paul W. Ward, The Sun

82

I

Monitor 'FORBIDDEN ZONE'

122 127

Press

PARALLEL T H I R T Y - E I G H T HAS BECOME A B L O O D - R E D LINE NOW

..

128

XII FROM S E O U L (KOREA) IN 1951 By John M. H i g h t o w e r , The Associated

133 Press

G E N E R A L M A C A R T H U R TRIES TO TAKE OVER U.S. POLICY WARZONE FROM OTTAWA (CANADA) IN 1952 By Austin C. W e h r w e i n , The Milwaukee

134 137

Journal

THE C O U N T R Y ' S LIBERAL PARTY PREFERS A RULE' FROM H E A R T B R E A K RIDGE (KOREA) By Jim G. Lucas, Scripps-Howard

IN

'BUSINESSMAN'S

138

IN 1953 Newspapers

143

NINE MEN FIGHT FOR THEIR LIFES R E T U R N I N G FROM A PATROL FROM Y A K U T S K (SOVIET UNION) IN 1954 By Harrison E. S a l i s b u r y , The New York M.V.D.

IS THE UNDOUBTED M A S T E R

.

147 Times

IN SIBERIA'S PRISON CAMPS

FROM M O S C O W (SOVIET UNION) IN 1 9 5 5 By William R. Hearst, Jr., International

Service IN THE KREMLIN

FROM B U D A P E S T (HUNGARY) IN 1 9 5 6 By Russell Jones, United Press

158 I65

RUSSIAN DIVISIONS ARE C R U S H I N G DOWN THE PEOPLE'S REVOLT FROM M O S C O W (SOVIET UNION) IN 1 9 5 7 By James B. Reston, The New York Times

166 169

IS WARNED U.S. W I L L DEFEND TURKEY

IF

170

FROM HAVANNA (CUBA) IN 1958 By Joseph G. Martin and Philip J. San tor a , New York Daily News POLITICIANS G A T H E R P E R S O N A L PROFIT FROM GRAFT FROM W A R S A W (POLAND) IN 1959 By Abraham M. Rosenthal, The New

148 157

News

A J O U R N A L I S T ' S CONCLUSIONS AFTER HIS STAY

THE COUNTRY ATTACKED

144

CONSTRUCTION

175

176 IBI

York

Times

NIXON AND G O M U L K A TALKS A R E SAID TO IMPROVE RELATIONS

..

182

XIII FROM L E O P O L D V I L L E

(CONGO)

IN 1 9 6 0

187

By Lynn L. H e i n z e r l i n g , The Associated

Press

A PRESENCE OF U.N. TROOPS MEANS A RISK O F LIVES NOW

188

FROM M O S C O W (SOVIET UNION) IN 1961 By Walter Lippmann, New York Herald-Tribune AN INTERVIEW WITH KHRUSHCHEV ON WORLD P O L I T I C A L

191 ISSUES

.

FROM M I A M I , FLA. (UNITED STATES) IN 1962 By Harold V. Hendrix, The Miami News

197

LATIN A M E R I C A N GUERRILLA FORCES ARE PROVIDED W I T H W E A P O N S FROM SAIGON (VIETNAM) IN 1 9 6 3 By Malcolm W. Browne, The Associated

203

FROM PARIS (FRANCE) IN 1 9 6 4 By Joseph A. Livingston, Philadelphia

.

Bulletin ...

Press

FROM JAKARTA (INDONESIA) IN 1 9 6 6 By R. John H u g h e s , The Christian Science

221

222 225

Post

W E S T E R N POWERS ARE GIVEN THREE WEEKS TO OPEN A Q A B A G U L F FROM HUE (VIETNAM) IN 1 9 6 8 By William K. Tuohy, Los Angeles

216

Monitor

ITSELF R U M B L I N G W I T H TORMENT AND

FROM J E R U S A L E M (ISRAEL) IN 1967 By Alfred Friendly, The Washington

210 215

LEADERS FIND THEMSELVES ON THE W R O N G TRACK

THE COUNTRY FINDS UPHEAVAL

204 209

WESTERN EUROPE SEES A STRONG PULL O F THE U.S. DOLLAR

U.S. MILITARY

198

Frees

A B U D D H I S T - L E D P R O V I S I O N A L REGIME C O N T R O L S THE COUNTRY

FROM SAIGON (VIETNAM) IN 1 9 6 5 By Peter G. Arnett, The Associated

192

226 229

Times

U.S. M A R I N E S A R E IN NEED O F HELP IN THE W A R Z O N E

230

XIV FROM WASHINGTON, D.C. (UNITED STATES) IN 1969 By Seymour M. Hersh, Dispatch News Service AMERICANS WITNESSED U.S. BUTCHERY OF VIETNAMESE CIVILIANS FROM PRETORIA (SOUTH AFRICA) IN 1970 By Jimmie L. Hoagland, The Washington

Post

Journal 250 257

Times

NIXON'S VISIT HELPS TO IMPROVE BILATERAL RELATIONS FROM MOSCOW (SOVIET UNION) IN 1973 By Hedrick L. Smith, The New York Times EXPENSIVE CARS ARE LEONID I. BREZHNEV'S GREATEST WEAKNESS FROM LUDHIANA (INDIA) IN 1974 By William C. Mullen, Chicago

242 249

WAR IS NO SOLUTION FOR ONE OF THE WORLD'S NATURAL VICTIMS FROM PEKING (CHINA) IN 1972 By Max Frankel , The New York

236 241

NONWHITES HAVE NO CHANCE LEFT IN THE APARTHEID SYSTEM .. FROM DACCA (BANGLA DESH) IN 1971 By Peter R. Kann, The Wall Street

235

258 263

264 271

Tribune

CLIMATE CHANGES ARE RESPONSIBLE FOR SEVERE FOOD SHORTAGES FROM PHNOM PENH (CAMBODIA) IN 1975 By Sydney H. Schanberg, The New York

272 277

Times

FIVE YEARS AFTER SIHANOUK THE COUNTRY SUFFERS FROM MISERY FROM NOWHERE (WORLDWIDE) IN 1976 By Nobody, No Newspaper or News Agency REPORT OF THE INTERNATIONAL REPORTING JURY OF MARCH 4, 1977

278 283 284

XV FROM KUALA LUMPUR (MALAYSIA) IN 1 9 7 7 By Henry Kamm, The New York Times

285

SOUTHEAST ASIA'S COASTS ARE CLOSED FOR REFUGEES FROM CAIRO (EGYPT) IN 1978 By Richard B. Cramer, The Philadelphia

DESPERATE

286 291

Inquirer

SOMETHING M U S T BE W R O N G WITH A H U N D R E D PERCENT DEMOCRACY FROM A R A N Y A P R A T H E T (THAILAND) IN 1 9 7 9 By Joel B r i n k l e y , The Courier-Journal FOR NUMEROUS PEOPLE THE NATION'S TRAGEDY FROM G U A T E M A L A CITY (GUATEMALA) By Shirley C h r i s t i a n , The Miami U.S. HELP

299 IS A BONANZA

..

IN 1 9 8 0 Herald

IS OUT O F SIGHT W H I L E THE COUNTRY

FROM WARSAW (POLAND) IN 1981 By John D a r n t o n , The New York

300 303

IS B O I L I N G

.

304 309

Times

KEY D E C I S I O N S A R E LAID TO THE R E S P O N S I B I L I T Y FROM BEIRUT (LEBANON) IN 1982 By Loren J e n k i n s , The Washington

O F THE ARMY

310 315

Post

M O S L E M Q U A R T E R S ARE NOW O C C U P I E D BY M I L I T A R Y FORCES FROM AMMAN (JORDAN) IN 1983 By Karen E. House, The Wall Street

316 321

Journal

POLITICAL PROBLEMS IN THE REGION ARE FAR FROM BEING SOLVED FROM ADDIS ABABA (ETHIOPIA) By Josh Friedman, Newsday

292

IN 1984

322 325

A DESPERATE C O N T I N E N T FACES DEATH OF S T A R V A T I O N

326

FROM M A N I L A (THE P H I L I P P I N E S ) IN 1 9 8 5 By Pete C a r e y / K a t h e r i n e Ellison/Lewis M. Simons, San Mercury News

333 Jose

THE P O V E R T Y - S T R I C K E N COUNTRY FACES A C A P I T A L FLIGHT

334

XVI WINNERS OF THE INTERNATIONAL REPORTING AWARD, 1986 - 2000 - SPACE FOR NOTES INDEX

342

XVII INTRODUCTION

HISTORY

AND DEVELOPMENT

OF

THE

PULITZER

PRIZE

FOR

INTERNATIONAL

REPORTING

by Heinz-Dietrich Fischer

Few journalists during the last one hundred years have influenced both the American and the international press like Joseph ι

Pulitzer.

Born on April 10, 1847, in the Hungarian village of

Mako, he emigrated to the United States of America in 1864, serving a year in the army before moving to St. Louis in 1865. There he held jobs as a mule hostler for2 the Westliehe Post, the leading German newspaper of the town,

as an assistant bookkeeper of

a lumber company, and as an employee for a railroad society. Pulitzer was naturalized as a U.S. citizen on March 6, 1867, and became secretary of the 'German Society'. This society had been formed by Carl Schurz and Emil Praetorius to assist the integration of newly-arrived German immigrants. His position allowed him to form acquaintances 3with leading political, economic and cultural representatives,

acquaintances which would help him

realize future plans. PULITZER'S

ENTRY

INTO

THE NEWSPAPER

BUSINESS

In 1868, the Westliche Post hired Joseph Pulitzer as a reporter. Before long he was assigned to cover the state government in Jefferson City, the capital of Missouri. "Chance," as one of his biographers says, "took Mr. Pulitzer into active political life," and in December 1869, Pulitzer was nominated to run for the leg4 islature, an election he won against a Democratic contestant. His stature grew, both as a politician and as a journalist. He was 1 Cf. Heinz-Dietrich Fischer/Christopher G. Trump (Eds.)» Education in Journalism. The 75th Anniversary of Joseph Pulitzer's Idea at Columbia University (1904-1979), Bochum, FRG, 1980, pp. 7 ff. 2 Cf. Harvey Saalberg, The 'Westliche Post' of St. Louis. A Daily Newspaper for German-Americans, 1857-1938, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo., 1967. 3 Cf. Don C. Seitz, Joseph Pulitzer. His Life and Letters, New York 1924, pp. 40 ff. 4 Ibid., pp. 62 f.

XVIII offered shares of the Westliche

Post at a ridiculous price in

1872; for the first time in his life he was part-owner of a news5 paper.

However, disagreements between himself and other stock-

holders caused him to sell his shares for $30,000 shortly afterwards. He left St. Louis and went to Europe to visit relatives, staying a considerable time while he developed ideas about his future work.^ Although still active in politics after he returned to the U.S., Pulitzer remained more interested in journalism. On December 9, 1878, he purchased the bankrupt St. Louis

Dispatch

at auction for $2,500. Within a few days, Pulitzer and the owner of the St. Louis Post, a competitive newspaper, agreed to consolidate their newspapers, and on December 12, the first issue of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch

appeared on the newsstands.^ A

year later Pulitzer became the exclusive owner and editor-inchief of the paper. Under his direction, it became more and more successful, netting a profit of $45,000 in 1881, which in turn allowed Pulitzer to hire several well-known contributors, making

Q

the Post-Dispatch,

even more of a success.

The

Post-Dispatch

quickly became one of the Midwest's leading papers. After a while, however, Pulitzer moved to the journalistic

stronghold

of New York where his brother, an immigrant who was active 9 in journalism too, had edited the Morning Journal since 1882. New York also was the residence of William Randolph Hearst. Pulitzer was to have violent struggles with the press magnate in the time to come. PULITZER'S SUCCESS WITH THE NEW YORK In 1883, the Post-Dispatch

WORLD

a profitable success, Pulitzer

made the move that would put him in competition and eventually harsh conflict with Hearst. Learning that the bankrupt New York World,

a morning paper with a circulation of about 15,000, was

for sale, he made the necessary first installment payment with profits from the Post-Dispatch.

The remaining payments he would

make with surpluses generated by the World

i t s e l f . ^ Pulitzer

5 Horst Siebert, Pulitzer als Journalist und Verleger, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Munich, FRG, 1956, p. 20. 6 Cf. Gerhard J. Laub, Joseph Pulitzer - Schöpfer der modernen amerikanischen Tagespresse, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Vienna, Austria, I960, p. 2θ. 7 Cf. Horst Siebert, op. cit., pp. 24 ff. 8 Cf. Julian S. Rammelkamp, Pulitzer's 'Post-Dispatch', Princeton, N.J., 1967. 9 Cf. Gerhard J. Laub, op. cit., p. 38. 10 Cf. Don C. Seitz, op. cit., pp. 129 ff.

XIX succeeded in transforming the formerly unattractive little paper into a pioneering newspaper of the "new journalism" in no time. Soon the circulation increased and the paper became so highly esteemed that one could hardly imagine it being absent from New 11 York daily life.

"However sensational Mr. Pulitzer's ideas of

news presentation might have seemed in the staid days of his first appearance in New York," a biographer states, "his editorial views were then and always the soundest and (of the) highest character in the interest of a free government and the public 12 welfare."

The public would come to agree and in 1885 elect him

to Congress. Though he took up his congressional duties with the best of intentions, he was unable to fulfill them 1 3 adequately because of his numerous journalistic obligations. Pulitzer was able to double the circulation of the Wor Id within four months. Selling it at the price of two cents, he forced the other New York newspapers not only to change their contents and typography in order to compete, but also to lower their prices. By September 1884, little more than one year after Joseph Pulitzer had bought the newspaper, the World had reached a circulation of 100,000, a marvelous figure at the time. When the circulation passed the 250,000-mark, Pulitzer ordered commemorative silver medals for his contributors and for important advertisers. In addition to the World, a second daily edition, the

Evening

World, was created at the end of 1887. The papers reached a daily circulation of 374,000 in 1892 (the Sunday edition climbed to a 14 circulation of 250,000 at the end of the eighties). In 1890, Pulitzer stated proudly that the World yielded an annual profit of $1,200,000, more than any other newspaper. 1 5 The financial situation was so good that Pulitzer was able to build a new publishing-house at the cost of $2,500,000. 16 The era of Pulitzer's greatest journalistic and financial success, however, was marred by an eye disease. At his physician's advice, Pulitzer withdrew from all commercial activities, in11 Cf. James W. Barrett, Joseph Pulitzer and his 'World', New York 1941; George Juergens, Joseph Pulitzer and the New York 'World', Princeton, N.J., 1966. 12 Don C. Seitz, op. cit., p. 151. 13 Ibid., p. 152. 14 Cf. Gerhard J. Laub, op. cit., p. 43. 15 Cf. ibid., p. 55. 16 Ibid.

Joseph Pulitzer, 1847 - 1911

XXI eluding the control of the World, in 1890. As one of his biographers writes, "Pulitzer lived in a world of vanishing twilight and dark dusk then which transformed the faces of the people into a deep shadow for nearly twenty years. Pulitzer spent the last 17 five years of his life in complete blindness." Together v/ith his family, he lived in Manhattan. Even before the diagnosis of his eye disease, Pulitzer had been thinking about the possibility of supporting better education in journalism. In 1889, he had promised Columbia University, near which he lived and worked, to provide annual scholarships in journalism for twelve indigent students from New York City. And in 1893 he 1 8 donated $100,000 for the erection of new university buildings. PULITZER'S

IDEAS ON E D U C A T I O N

IN J O U R N A L I S M

Pulitzer changed some occasional endowments into constant obligations in the course of time. The summer of 1892 found Pulitzer in Baden-Baden for treatment. It happened that the President of Columbia University was there at the same time, and together they devised a plan for a scholarship, using $250,000 to support deserving students. As a researcher notes: "It is also apparent from the records that the Pulitzer scholarships were not the only topic of conversation that summer. (President) Low and Pulitzer were discussing at the same time the publisher's dream of a professional course of training for journalists. Immediately after the Baden-Baden meeting, Pulitzer ordered two of his secretaries to prepare memoranda on a course of journalism for Columbia. Nothing was destined to come immediately from these starts, but the two memoranda are significant for the light they shed on the 19 development of Pulitzer's thinking at this stage." The time had not yet come for Columbia University, however, seriously to discuss the foundation of a course of training for journalists; the university, which showed a German influence,^0 hesitated to establish such an uncommon course of instruction. More than ten years passed before Pulitzer started in a new initiative to set up an academic course of training for journal17 Ibid. 18 Richard T. Baker, A History of the Graduate School of Journalism, Columbia University, New York 1954, p. 18. 19 Ibid., p. 19. 20 Cf. Frederick Paulsen, The German University and German Study, New York 1906.

XXII ists. This time, "editors and educators alike were greatly surprised to read in the New York World on Sunday, August 16, 1903, that Joseph Pulitzer, owner of the publication, had endowed a school of journalism at Columbia University with the sum of two million dollars. Plans for the operation of the proposed school were published in detail ... A press release from Columbia University in the paper said that . . . instruction would begin in the autumn of 1904."

21

The announcement of the new course produced

both "high praise and harsh criticism from the newspaper and 22 magazine editors of the country." In response, Pulitzer decided to feature his ideas about instruction in journalism in a long article in the North American

Review.

This article culmi-

nated in the prediction: "Before the century closes schools of journalism will be generally accepted as a feature of specialized 23 higher education, like schools of law or of medicine." Although there were sufficient means now for a journalism school, it was not realized at first. The only possible explanation lies in the manifold doubts put forward at Columbia University and elsewhere about the appropriateness of an academic education in journalism. Joseph Pulitzer, his eyesight growing worse and worse, again witnessed with disappointment Columbia's failure to found a school of journalism because of formal questions. Embittered, "in the closing months of 1903, Pulitzer ...proposed 24 that the project be postponed until after his death." As his will showed some time later, the foundation of a journalism school represented only a part of Pulitzer's comprehensive concept of education and advanced training. At the beginning of his will he refers to the agreement made with representatives of Columbia University and writes: "I am deeply interested in the progress and elevation of journalism, having spent my life in that profession, regarding it as a noble profession and one of unequalled importance for its influence upon the minds and morals of the people. I desire to assist in attracting to this profession young men of character and ability, also help those already engaged in the profession to acquire the highest moral and intel21 De Forest O'Dell, The History of Journalism Education in the United States, New York 1935, p. 55. 22 Ibid., p. 63. 23 Joseph Pulitzer, The College of Journalism, The North Americem Review (New York), Vol. 178/No. 5, May 1904, p. 642. 24 Richard T. Baker, op. cit., p. 45.

XXIII

T H E PULITZER PRINCIPLES

and educators alike were gready surprised to read in The Nt:v Yor£ World of Sunday, August 16,1903, that Joseph Pulitzer, owner or che publication, had endowed a school of journalism at Cclumbia University with the sum of two million dollars. Plans for the operation of the proposed school were published in detail, an advisory board made up of editors, educators, and diplomats was listed, and a suggested curriculum from a proposed member of the new board was included. The World also printed editorials on "The First College of Journalism" and "The Advisory Board." A press release from Columbia University in the paper said that the school would rank with "existing professional schools of law, medicine, engineering, architecture, and teaching." Instruction would begin, so the release said, in the autumn of 1904. EDITORS

Joseph Pulitzer had long considered the possibility of endowing an institution for the education of journalists and his two-milliondollar gift to Columbia University was the culmination of many forces moving in his varied and active life. He was determined to establish an endowment for journalists' education. He had been thwarted in his desire to do this for Columbia University in 1892. As he wished this time to be successful in placing the endowment, he decided that Harvard University and Columbia University should be informed at the same time that someone desired to found an institution for journalism education. For the time being, his identity was withheld from the officials of the two universities. He requested Dr. George Hosmer, one of his secretaries, to prepare a brochure entitled "The Making of a Journalist," dealing with the need of professional training for newspaper work. Dr. Hosmer was directed to take copies of the pamphlet to the presidents of Columbia and Harvard, and to inform them that a friend of his was interested deeply in making a substantial gift to be used for journalism education. Dr. Hosmer was requested to ask each president whether he was in sympathy with the proposal. The secretary presented the plan to Nicholas Murray Butler, President of Columbia University. Charles W. Eliot, President of Harvard, was not at Cambridge when Dr. Hosmer called on him, so the pamphlet was left for him to read on his return one month later. President Butler approved the plan and on March 27 presented it to the University committee on education. That body approved the project. On April 6 the president brought the plan to the attention of the trustees of the University who gave it their approval. Later the endowment w.is oiTcrcd to the University, and on June 23 an agreement conccrning the gift was reached between Mr. Pulitzer and the officials of the University. [Source: D e F o r e s t O ' D e l l : T h e H i s t o r y of J o u r n a l i s m E d u c a t i o n i n the S t a t e s , N e w York 1935, p p . 5 5 / 5 8 . ]

United

XXIV lectual training

... That all other professions and not journal-

ism should have the advantage of special training seems to me contrary to r e a s o n . " ^ PULITZER'S BASIC PLAN FOR AWARDS

IN J O U R N A L I S M

The first half of Pulitzer's gift of $2,000,000 was to be placed at the disposal of Columbia University before his death. The second half would be given over no earlier than seven years after his death on the condition that his executors were convinced that the journalism school had worked well for at least three years. In addition to funding the school, Pulitzer provided for prizes. The first Pulitzer-Columbia agreement had specified that a part of the $2,000,000 "be applied to prizes or scholarships for the encouragement of public service, public morals, American 26

literature", etc.

In his will, Pulitzer detailed further the

plan to honor outstanding journalistic and literary performances: "If the plan for awarding the prizes contemplated by the agreements shall not have been agreed upon

(by) Columbia University

and myself in my lifetime, then I direct that such prizes shall be awarded and paid in accordance with a plan to be agreed upon by my executors and the University. Such plan must, before its adoption, be approved by the Advisory Board, as then constituted and existing; and it must make provision for the following prizes and scholarships which shall be awarded or paid annually or 27 otherwise as designated:

"1. For the best and most suggestive paper on the future, development and improvement of the School of Journalism, or for any one idea that will promise great improvement in the operation of the school... ($1,000) 2. For the most disinterested and meritorious public service rendered by any American newspaper during the vear... ($500) 3. For the best history of the services rendered to the public by the American press during the preceding year... ($1,000) 25 Quoted from De Forest O'Dell, op. cit., p. 107. 26 Ibid., p. 105. 27 Ibid., p. 108. Don C. Seitz (op. cit., p. 463) also mentions that "in his will Mr. Pulitzer testified his lasting admiration for Thomas Jefferson, by setting aside $ 25,000 'that a statue of that great statesman may at last adorn some public place in New York, the foremost Democratic city of the New Republic' The statue stands within the inner court of the School of Journalism" at Columbia University.

XXV 4. Five annual traveling scholarships of fifteen hundred dollars ($1,500 each), to be awarded as follows: a. Three (3) to three different graduates respectively of the School of Journalism who shall have passed their examinations with the highest honor... b. One (1) to a student of music in America whom the Advisory Board shall deem the most talented and deserving... c. Another to an art student in America who shall be certified to the Advisory Board by the Society of American Artists as the most promising and deserving - . . 5. For the best editorial article written during the year, the test of excellence being clearness of style, moral purpose, sound reasoning, and power to influence public opinion in the right direction... ($500) 6. For the best example of a reporter's work during the year, the test being strict accuracy, terseness, the accomplishment of some public good commanding public attention and respect... ($1,000) 7. For the American novel published during the year which shall best represent the wholesome atmosphere of American life and the highest standard of American manners and manhood... ($1,000) 8. For the original American play performed in New York which shall best represent the educational value and power of the stage in raising the standard of good morals, good taste, and good manners... ($1,000) 9. For the best book of the year upon the history of the United States... ($2,000) 10. For the best American biography teaching patriotic and unselfish service to the people, illustrated by an eminent example, excluding as too obvious the names2g of George Washington and Abraham Lincoln... ($1,000)." Joseph Pulitzer acquired the idea to bestow such prizes from 29 Alfred Nobel.

It was his intention to honor journalistic and

literary performances as well, besides making possible an academic education in journalism. Pulitzer concentrated on (a) extensive and successful journalistic work on the reportorial staff and in the administration of his publishing house,

(b) the

initiation and financing of an academic school of journalism and (c) honoring important works in different fields of journalism. It was a personal tragedy that Pulitzer died before the last two goals could be realized. The life and the manifold achievements 28 Ibid., pp. 108 ff. 29 Cf. John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prizes. A History of the Awards in Books, Drama, Music, and Journalism. Based on the Private Files over Six Decades, New York - London 1974, pp. 9 f.

XXVI of Joseph Pulitzer have been treated in numerous contributions."^ 0 Shortly after his death on October 29, 1911, the process of establishing a School of Journalism was started, and on July 2, 1912, the foundation stone of the school was laid at Columbia University. It opened officially in the fall of that year before the faculty building was

finished.^

THE PULITZER P R I Z E SYSTEM BECOMES

ESTABLISHED

In 1915, when the school had been three years in operation, "the time was at hand to face the matter of the second million 32 dollars of endowment," and in May Columbia President Nicholas M. Butler testified to the success of the School's operation and outlined the scheme of the prizes. He sent an outline of the scheme to the members of the Advisory Board, suggesting that the prizes "follow exactly the descriptions as contained in Pulitzer's will, that they ... be awarded annually, that the awarding agent ... be the Trustees of the University, and that the Trustees ... be guided in their decisions by nominations from several commit33 tees."

"With the adoption of that resolution," Hohenberg

writes, "the Board got down to the main business of drafting a working plan for the Pulitzer Prizes. Here, too, Butler was well prepared. He presented a Plan of Awards, ... which for the first time set forth the relationship between

the

Advisory Board

(of

the School of Journalism) and the Trustees of Columbia Universi4. .,34 ty." The Plan of Awards defined the limited powers of the trustees and suggested the jury system without which the Pulitzer Prizes could not have functioned as their donor intended. But the Advisory Board took no formal notice of the jury system at the outset and even insisted on special provisions in the Plan of Award. "This was the first signal," the historian John Hohenberg concludes, "that the Board would regard all jury reports as advisory, that the Board would insist on its right to overrule juries and impose its own judgment on the contenders, and that the Board would, if necessary, select its own prize winners... Otherwise, 30 Cf. Alleyne Ireland, Joseph Pulitzer. Reminiscences of a Secretary, New York 1914; W. A. Swanberg, Pulitzer, New York 1967. 31 Cf. Don C. Seitz, op. cit., p. 461. 32 Richard T. Baker, op. cit., pp. 81 f. 33 Ibid., p. 87. Μ John Hohenberg, op. cit., p. 22.

XXVII the plan of Award contained no surprises. It included all the prizes proposed in the Pulitzer will ... When the Board adjourned at 5:40 p.m. on May 24, 1915, the course to be followed by the Pulitzer Prizes in its formative years was set for all practical purposes. Its members did not meet the following year, there being no business to warrant a formal session ... In order to keep the Board fully posted, Butler circulated a letter to all members with notification that the first deadline for all nominations and exhibits would be announced at the Columbia Commencement in June 191 7. 1,35 The administration and process for awarding the prizes were fairly settled, then, although the time was one of political crisis. "Thus, Pulitzer's dream materialized six years after his death and thus the Pulitzer Prizes, a frail craft of many masters, was launched directly into the tempest of World War I," 36 John Hohenberg states. Since, in May, 1915, "the calendar year ... was already half spent ..., no steps were taken to begin the 37 screening of newspapers and books until 1916." Despite the political climate - on April 6, the U.S.A. had declared war on Germany - on May 24, 1917, "without festivities or fanfare, four dignified, elderly gentlemen came to 3the Columbia campus... to 8 vote for the first Pulitzer Prizes." "The war fever," Hohenberg states, "hit Joseph Pulitzer's school particularly hard. With the declaration of war, students plunged into research for a series of Columbia war information projects ... The atmosphere, for a few weeks, was supercharged and it took all summer to wear off." 3 9 THE

FIRST

PULITZER

PRIZE

WINNERS

"Under such circumstances," Hohenberg continues in his description, "very little detachment was possible in studying the various jury reports recommending Pulitzer Prizes to the Advisory Board. It is significant that only four of the Board's members met with President Butler that morning of May 24 in the Trustees Room to make the first binding recommendations to the trustees. They were Solomon B. Griffin of the Springfield 35 36 37 38 39

Ibid., pp. 23 f. Ibid., p. 24. Richard T. Baker, op. cit., p. 89. John Hohenberg, op. cit., p. 28. Ibid., p. 29.

Eepub-

XXVIII lican, John L. Heaton of the New York World, Charles R. Miller of the New York Times, and Samuel C. Wells of the Press.

Philadelphia

It was not a majority but nobody challenged Butler, who

appeared determined not to put off any longer the inauguration of the Pulitzer Prizes. The minutes of the meeting noted that those absent were George S. Johns of the St. Louis

Post-Dispatch,

Victor F. Lawson of the Chicago Daily News, Melville E. Stone of the Associated

Press, and Charles H. Taylor of the Boston

Globe.

Those absent and excused were Edward P. Mitchell of the New York Sun and Ralph Pulitzer of the New York World. Stone, Miller, Mitchell, Heaton, Johns, Lawson, Taylor, and Wells had been mem40 bers of the first Board that met on January 15, 1912," that is a few months before the School of Journalism was officially 41 inaugurated. The Advisory Board had received proposals from jury members from different prize categories, but "there was a great deal of reluctance on the part of most jurors to submit recommendations to the Board for the first awards in 1917; those who did, with a few exceptions, proposed prizes that amply reflected the patriotic tenor of the times." 42 And Baker remarkes: "The staff of the School of Journalism was the primary agent for the nominations in 43 journalism." The members were John W. Cuncliffe, Robert E. MacAlarney, Franklin Matthews, and Talcott Williams, Director of 44 the School of Journalism. Because the jury members in journalism were little known outside their own field, Williams, "with one eye on the Advisory Board, assigned himself to each jury he appointed in order to remove all doubt of professional competence and personally reported on their findings. Like their colleages in books and drama, the journalists were heavily influenced by the martial spirit and their Eastern backgrounds. It is not surprising, therefore, that their first reports to the Board nominated a New York newspaper, the Tribune,

for a spirited anti-

German editorial ..., and a New York reporter, Herbert Bayard 40 •11 •42 4J 44

Ibid., p. 29 f. Cf. Richard T. Baker, op. cit., p. 57. John Hohenberg, op. cit., p. 30. Richard T. Baker, op. cit., p. 89. Cf. Heinz-Dietrich Fischer (Ed.), Outstanding International Press Reporting, Vol. 1, Berlin - New York 1984, p. XLIV.

XXIX Swope of the World, 45

for his series of dispatches,

'Inside the

German Empire.'" Swope, who was of German stock, had been on the editorial staff of the World for several years 46 and already belonged to the most famous American journalists. His newspaper had sent him to Germany in 1916 to do a series of articles analyzing Germany's situation in the third year of the war since "there was ... little news coming out of Germany that bore the stamp of credi47 bility."

When Swope 1 s articles began appearing on November 4

(they ran continuously until November 22), they stirred up a

Herbert Bayard Swope, 1882 - 1958 45 John Hohenberg, op. cit., p. 31. 46 Cf. E. J. Kahn, Jr., The 'World* of Swope, New York 1965; Alfred A. Lewis, Man of the 'World'. Herbert Bayard Swope - A Charmed Life of Pulitzer Prizes, Poker and Politics, Indianapolis, Ind., - New York 1978. 47 E. J. Kahn, Jr., op. cit., p. 172.

XXX COLUMBIA PRESIDENT NICHOLAS Μ. BUTLER INFORMS THE WINNER OF THE 1917 REPORTING AWARD

Mr. Herbert Bayard Swope E d i t o r i a l Boome New York World New York My dear Mr. Swope I t g i v e s me very g r e a t p l e a s u r e to adviee you t h a t the T r u s t e e s o f Columbia U n i v e r s i t y ,

a t t h e i r meet-

ing held t o - d a y , awarded t h e annual p r i z e o f $ 1 , 0 0 0 l i s h e d by the w i l l of t h e l a t e Joseph P u l i t z e r ,

estab-

to be given

f o r " t h e b e s t example o f a r e p o r t e r ' s work during t h e y e a r , t h e t e s t being s t r i c t a c c u r a c y , t e r s e n e s s ,

the accomplish-

ment of some public good commanding public a t t e n t i o n and r e s p e c t " , to t h e a r t i c l e s which appeared under your signat u r e i n the New York World of October 10, October 15, and November 4 to November 2 2 , 1916,

inclusive.

This award i s made on t h e recommendation o f t h e Advisory Board o f t h e School o f Journalism. Congratulating you and the World upon t h i s distinguished honor, I am. Very t r u l y y o u r e .

President [Source: Herbert Bayard Swope Archive at Boston University, Boston, Mass.]

XXXI 48

However, Swope 1 s reports from Ger49 many were published with little editorial revision afterwards. great deal of controversy.

These controversial articles were collected and published in book form, and it was most likely this book to which the Pulitzer jurors referred when they gave the prize in reporting to Swope. As Talcott Williams wrote to Swope in a personal letter, after the announcement of the prizes on June 7, 1917: "You did a great public service, you did it with unassuming loyality and fidelity to the best standards of journalism, and you labor in a field where recognition ... is rarest. Although awarding the prize to Swope seemed to stress international reporting, this was not meant to be a prescription for future awards. Indeed, since "the reporting category origi-51 nally embraced all fields - local, national and international," future juries felt themselves free to look for candidates in all these fields. Oddly enough, the result was a tendency to nominate prize candidates in the national and local categories, completely disregarding international reporting. With Swope representing the 52 one exception in twelve years, it seemed necessary to create a new category to give "recognition to Washington and Foreign Cor53 respondence" soon. With regard to the development of the prize system itself, "the Pulitzer Prizes did not appear to suffer from ... difficulties ... and the comparative lack of attention that was given to the annual announcement of the awards. Anyway," Hohenberg stresses, "the noncontroversial early years actually stimulated growth. Outside the garish spotlight of public cynosure, and relatively free of critical inspection, the system for determining the awards was molded into a reasonably efficient operation." 54 48 Cf. Erika J. Fischer/Heinz-Dietrich Fischer, American Reporter at the International Political Stage. Herbert Bayard Swope and his Pulitzer Prize-winning Articles from Germany in 1916, Bochum, FRG, 1982, pp. 38 ff. 49 Cf. Herbert B. Swope, Inside the German Empire in the Third Year of the War, New York 1917, 366 pp. 50 Letter from Talcott Williams, Director of the School of Journalism, Columbia University, New York, to Herbert Bayard Swope (New York) of June 8, 1917 (original in the Herbert Bayard Swope Archive of Boston University). 51 Columbia University (Ed.), The Pulitzer Prizes, 1917-1983, New York 1983, p. 13. 52 Cf. the listing of award-winners in: Heinz-Dietrich Fischer/Christopher G. Trump (Eds.), op. cit., pp. 156 ff. 53 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 13. 54 John Hohenberg, op. cit., p. 32.

XXXII A SPECIAL

PULITZER

PRIZE

FOR

FOREIGN

REPORTING

Hohenberg summarizes the main tenor in the awards given between 1917 and 1923 as "prizes for a new brave world" and thereby 55 describes the spirit of the age. Not until immediately after World War I did "the swift changes in American society

(present)

the Pulitzer Prize system with its first real test of public acceptance as a national award of consequence."^ The post-War years required a more international orientation in journalism as the national press was appealed to to try to make sense out of the confusing and menacing turn of national and international events. In Correspondence, a new category created in 1929, and in Editorials and Cartoons, the nation's press tried to illuminate the problems of the Depression and the parlous state of a world in which Hitler, Mussolini, and the Japanese militarists were 57 massing their armed forces against their terrified neighbors." Thus, a new Pulitzer Prize category was created "for the best example of correspondence during the year, the test being clearness and terseness of style, preference being given to fair, judicious, well-balanced and well-informed interpretative writing, which shall make clear the significance of the subject covered in the correspondence or which shall promote interna58 tional understanding and appreciation." While certain reliable standards had been developed for the older Pulitzer Prize categories, a tradition had yet to be formed in the new category which was primarily created for international 59 reporting.

The three jurors of the Correspondence category of

1929 (William P. Beazell and Charles P. Cooper, Columbia University; Alfred H. Kirchhofer, Buffalo Evening

News, New York)

unanimously selected "the articles entered by Paul Scott Mowrer of the Chicago Daily News because they 6Ω "most closely approximate(d) the ideals" of the category.

The Advisory Board and

the Trustees joined the jury and unanimously awarded Mowrer the 55 56 57 58

Cf. ibid., pp. 28 ff. Ibid., p. 33. Ibid., p. 81. Quoted from the official entry form: Nomination for a Pulitzer Prize in Journalism (category 3), New York 1929, p. 1. 59 John Hohenberg, op. cit., p. 82. 60 Charles P. Cooper (Jury Chairman), Report to President Nicholas M. Butler, New York, March 15, 1929.

XXXIII prize for his forty-two contributions on "international affairs including the Franco-British Naval Pact and Germany 1 s campaign 61 for revision of the Dawes Plan" in 1928. Furthermore, a look at the jury illustrates that the former principle of only Columbia University professors forming the jury was abandoned in part. While Columbia University scholars still held the majority of seats, the jury was now expanded to include reputable American 62 journalists. The same make-up occurred in 1930, when Leland Stowe of the New York Herald-Tribune

received the prize "for a series of

articles covering the conference on reparations and the estab63 lishment of the international bank." However, this time a new tradition was introduced. Arthur S. Draper, also from the New York Herald-Tribune,

helped his co-jurors

(William P. Beazell and

Ben A. Franklin, Columbia University) select the list of finalists. But Draper felt a conflict of interest and, as reported to the President of Columbia University, he abstained from the final voting "because of his own64 connection with the newspaper in which those articles appeared." A tradition was introduced in the juries after that event to avoid further conflicts of that sort: in case of a personal bias the person in question left the round table and did not take part in further elections. Such a situation did not occur in the next prize-year of 1931. Although the jury members

(William P. Beazell

and Ben A. Franklin, Columbia University; George A. Hough, Standard-Times,

New Bedford, Mass.) had listed three candidates out of

13 applications, the Advisory Board and the Trustees did not accept the order of merit. The jury had placed Philip Kinsley of the Chicago Tribune

first, then Carroll Binder of the

Chicago

Daily News and Hubert R. Knickerbocker of the 65 Philadelphia Public Ledger and the New York Evening Post third, but the committees which finally bestowed the prize turned the order the other way 61 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 22. 62 Detailed listing in: Heinz-Dietrich Fischer (Ed.), Outstanding..., op. cit., pp. XLIV ff. 63 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 22. 64 William P. Beazell/Ben A. Franklin, Report to Nicholas M. Butler, March 13, 1930, p. 1. 65 George A. Hough/Ben A. Franklin/William P. Beazell, Report to President Nicholas M. Butler, March 12, 1931, p. 1.

XXXIV round and gave the award to Hubert R. Knickerbocker. He received the Pulitzer Prize in the Correspondence category "for a series of articles on the practical operation of the Five Year Plan in 66 Russia" in 1930.

The decision of the jury itself had been a

very narrow one, however. It stressed in its report that "some of the most distinguished of American correspondents were represented" in the competition, so that67 the nomination of a prizewinner was a really difficult one. The task was hardly easier in the next prize-year of 1932. The jury (Carl W. Ackerman and Allen S. Will, Columbia University; George B. Armstead, Hartford

Courant,

Hartford, Conn.) faced the

problem of nominating a favorite journalist unequivocally. At last it was proposed "that the prize be given to Walter Duranty, correspondent of the New York Times, for his series of dispatches from Russia... in 1931. Most of these dispatches were sent under a Paris date-line to the Times after he had left Russia following a prolonged stay as correspondent of that paper in Moscow. Mr. Duranty's dispatches," the jury report continued, "show profound and intimate comprehension of conditions in Russia and of the causes of those conditions. They are marked by scholarship, profundity, impartiality, sound judgment and exceptional clarity and are excellent examples of the best type of foreign corre68 spondence." The Board and the Trustees accepted the recommendation and awarded Duranty the prize "for his series of dispatches on Russia, especially the working out of the Five Year 69 Plan"

in 1931, but that was only half the prize in that catego-

ry. The other half was conferred on Charles G. Ross of the St. Louis Post-Dispatoh

"for his article entitled, 'The Country's

Plight - What Can be Done About It?' - a discussion about the 0 economic situation of the United States."^ PULITZER AWARDS FOR REPORTS FROM NAZI GERMANY "The Pulitzer Prizes in Journalism became an intrinsic part 71 of the profession in the United States" between 1924 and 1933,

according to Hohenberg; this applied especially to the prize for 66 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 22. 67 George A. Hough/Ben A. Franklin/William P. Beazell, op. cit. 68 Carl W. Ackerman/George B. Armstead/Allan S. Will, Report to President Nicholas M. Butler, March 11, 1932, p. 1. 69 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 22. 70 Ibid. 71 John Hohenberg, op. cit., p. 84.

XXXV International Reporting and its status as an indicator of new aspects in world politics. In 1933 the jury members

(Herbert

Brucker and Carl C. Dickey, Columbia Universtiy; Sevellon Brown, Journal-Bulletin,

Providence, R.I.) proposed Edgar Ansel Mowrer,

the Berlin correspondent of the Chicago Daily News, as prize-winner "for his excellent day-by-day coverage and his interpretation of the series of German political crisis in 19 32, beginning with the Presidential election and the struggle of Hitler for public 72 office."

The Advisory Board followed the proposal just as it

followed the one formulated by the Correspondence jury in the following year

(Carl W. Ackerman, Columbia University; Joseph L.

Jones, United Press; Grafton S. Wilcox, New York

Herald-Tribune)

when there was a clear vote for Frederick T. Birchall, the European correspondent of the New York Times, among the twentytwo entries. Birchall's "dispatches on developments in central Europe," the jury reported, "have presented a true picture of the ideology as well as the economic foundation for the Hitler regime and the effects of Nazi policies on European politics. His writing is simple and 73 straightforward and at times approaches literary perfection." The Advisory Board awarded Birchall the 74 prize "for his correspondence from Europe" in 1933, although the main emphasis of his reports was - as in the case with Edgar A. Mowrer in the preceding year - laid on Germany. In 1935 the number of the jury members in the Correspondence category was raised from three to five (CarlW. Ackerman, Roscoe C. E. Brown, Herbert Brucker and Charles P. Cooper, Columbia University; Oliver J. Keller, Post-Gazette,

Pittsburgh, Pa.) for the

first time, with four slots going to professors from the School of Journalism. The jury made use of the possibility of awarding not only reports from foreign countries, but those from Washington, D.C., correspondents in that category as well. The decision was made in favor of Arthur Krock, the New York Times reporter from the national capital, from whom "nearly all ... clippings of 75 the year" before had been submitted. The Advisory Board acknowl72 Herbert Brucker (Jury Chairman), Report to President Nicholas M. Butler, March 14, 1933, p. 1. 73 Carl W. Ackerman/Joseph L. Jones/Grafton S. Wilcox, Report to Secretary Frank D. Fackenthal, March 23, 1934, p. 3. 74 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 22. 75 Carl W. Ackerman/Roscoe C. E. Brown/Herbert Brucker/Charles P. Cooper/ Oliver J. Keller, Report to President Nicholas M. Butler, undated (March, 1935), p. 2.

XXXVI edged the performance of this journalist and awarded Krock the 76 Pulitzer Prize "for his Washington dispatches" from 1934. In the next prize-year of 1936 only professors from the School of Journalism made up the jury. Several members of the Faculty were consulted under the chairmanship of Dean Carl W. Ackerman,

Arthur Krock, 1886 - 1974 but not a single representative with practical

journalistic

experience. This jury put Webb Miller of the United

Press

first

on its list "for his reports on the Italian-Ethiopian War" in 1935 and David Lawrence, a Syndicated Correspondent, second for his Washington correspondence during the preceding year, while Wilfred C. Barber of the Chicago

76 Columbia University

Tribune,

(Ed.)/ op. cit., p. 22.

"who died of malaria

XXXVII while reporting the war in Ethiopia"

77 during 1935, was placed

third. When the Advisory Board and the Trustees from Columbia University decided not to follow that proposal, they produced the first spectacular stir in the history of the Pulitzer Prizes. The cause was the decision to confer the Correspondence prize as a posthumous award to Wilfred C. Barber, who had died while working in 78 Ethiopia.

"In one of the most celebrated cases," Hohenberg

writes, "the posthumous selection of Will Barber of the

Chicago

Tribune for the Correspondence Prize in 1936" caused great trouble, since the United Press correspondent, Webb Miller, who had reported from Ethiopia, too, and who had been79 placed first by the jury, seemed to be discriminated against. "When the decision for Barber became known," Hohenberg continues, "the United Press initiated a boycott against the Pulitzer Prizes that lasted eighteen years. While UP work frequently cropped up in the jury reports during that period, it was invariably nominated by the Journalism Faculty; as far as the wire service itself was concerned, it made no nominations of its own and unofficially blamed ... the Associated Press for Miller's failure to win the 80 prize."

That controversy shows that the Pulitzer Prize had

gained a high reputation and that it could easily cause disputes among newspapers and news agencies because of both the prestige it had gained and its considerable publicity value. The award of the following year of 1937 did not cause any problems although a trail was blazed, too, by honoring a woman for the first time. The jury (Dean Carl W. Ackerman and members of the Journalism Faculty) proposed to award Anne 0 1 Hare McCormick of the New York Times, who, according to Hohenberg, "was the foremost woman journalist of her day. Her reporting from Europe immediately after World War I sounded a warning for America of the rise of Fascism. She predicted the emergence of Mussolini, tracedthat Hitler's rise follow." to power, and bitterly expressed convic81 After tion war would having worked as the European 77 Carl W. Ackerman et al., Report to President Nicholas M. Butler, undated (April, 1936), pp. 1 f. 78 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 22. 79 John Hohenberg, op. cit., p. 173. 80 Ibid., pp. 173 f. 81 John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prize Story. News Stories, Editorials, Cartoons, and Pictures from the Pulitzer Prize Collection at Columbia University, New York 1959, p. 296.

XXXVIII correspondent for the New York Times, Anne O'Hare McCormick returned to the main editorial office of that newspaper in 1936, where she introduced a foreign column, "Abroad," in February 1937. Shortly afterwards she became a member of the editorial board of her newspaper. She was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for Correspondence "for her dispatches and feature articles from Europe and 82

Washington" in 1936.

Whereas her reporting from the American

capital was only mentioned in the laudation, such reporting was the decisive criterion of the award in the following year. The jury (Carl W. Ackerman and members of the Journalism Faculty) chose Arthur Krock of the

New York Times in Washington, who had

already received the Correspondence award some years before. This time he was conferred the prize "for his exclusive authorized interview with the President of the United States on February 27, 1937." 8 3 After this deviation from the custom to bestow the Correspondence award primarily on foreign correspondents, the coming two prize-years were characterized again by reporting from Europe and especially from Germany. It is true that the jury members of 1939 (Dean Carl W. Ackerman and members of the Journalism 84 Faculty) recommended four well-known foreign correspondents, but not the actual prize-winner who was nominated by the Advisory Board later. It was Louis P. Lochner, the Berlin correspondent of the Associated

Press, who had reported from the German capital for

almost twenty years 8 5 and who ranked as one of the experts on National Socialism. He received the prize in 1938 "for his dis86 patches from Berlin." Exactly the same reason was given for the award of the following year. A newly composed jury (Theodore M. Bernstein and Robert E. Garst of the New York Times, both of them also Columbia journalism faculty members) recommended six candidates in alphabetical order. One of them was the later prizewinner and Berlin correspondent of the New York Times, Otto D. 82 Carl W. Ackerman et al.. Report to the President of Columbia University, undated (April, 1937), p. 3. 83 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 22. 84 Carl W. Ackerman et al., Report of the Foreign and Washington Correspondence Jury, undated (April, 1939)» p. 2. 85 Cf. Louis P. Lochner, Stets das Unerwartete. Erinnerungen aus Deutschland, 1921 - 1953, Darmstadt, FRG, 1955, pp. 229 ff. 86 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 22.

XXXIX Tolischus. "In thirteen dispatches from Berlin," the jury reported, "chiefly on economic subjects, Mr. Tolischus illuminated the

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economic and ideological picture in Germany in relation to the internal situation that led finally to war

... His work was at 87 all times competent and frequently brilliant" during 1939. THE

PULITZER

PRIZE

SITUATION

DURING

WORLD

WAR

II

After the U.S. had officially entered World War II, the internationally oriented Pulitzer Prize changed. Although the jury of 1941

(Theodore M. Bernstein and Robert E. Garst) suggested

five

87 Theodore M. Bernstein/Robert E. Garst, Report on Foreign and Washington Correspondence, April 22, 1940, p. 3.

XL 88 foreign correspondents to the Advisory Board,

none of them was

accepted. Instead a decision was made in favor of a group award in recognition of the political situation in the world. On the basis of a suggestion by the Advisory Board, the Trustees of Columbia University decided that a bronze plaque or scroll be designed and executed to recognize and symbolize the public services and the individual achievements of all "American news reporters in the war zones of Europe, Asia and Africa from the be89 ginning of the present war." Aside from this group award there was a special prize in the category "Special Awards and Citations," which had been given extremely rarely thus far. The New York

Times

received the award "for the public educational value

of its foreign news report, exemplified by its scope, by excellence of writing and presentation, and supplementary background 90 information, illustration, and interpretation." The material consulted by the jury came from the foreign correspondents of the newspaper in more than twenty different countries of the world. It documented impressively the 91journalistic of that newspaper during all of 1940.

capabilities

The two jurors of the 1941 Correspondence category stated that the jury "has had great difficulties in trying to establish a basis of comparison between the work of foreign

correspondents

and that of Washington correspondents" in their report to the Advisory Board containing their suggestions of the prize-winners. That problem had already existed for several years. "The nature of the work they are doing and of the story they are covering," they continued, "gives the foreign correspondents an overwhelming advantage." Therefore both of the jurors recommended "that, at least as long as the war continues, separate prizes be awarded for foreign correspondence and Washington correspondence, if this can be done under the 92 terms and financial capacity of the Pulitzer endowment." This led to the addition of two more 88 Cf. Theodore M. Bernstein/Robert E. Garst, Report to Dean Ackerman of the Faculty Committee on the Pulitzer Prize for Foreign or Washington Correspondence, April 1, 1941, pp. 1 f. 89 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., pp. 22 f. 90 Ibid., p. 46. 91 Cf. Heinz-Dietrich Fischer (Ed.)r 'The New York Times' Facing World War II. Its Pulitzer Prize Winning Foreign Coverage in 1940, Frankfurt a.M. Bern - New York 1986. 92 Theodore M. Bernstein/Robert E. Garst, Report ..., 1941, op. cit., p. 2.

XLI prize categories to the existing Correspondence category in 1942, when the Pulitzer Prize system had existed for twenty-five years; these categories were "Telegraph Reporting (National)" and "Tele93 graph Reporting (International)." Although there were now virtually two international reporting categories equal in weight, it was still impossible to make a clear distinction between the previous Correspondence and the International Reporting categories. It is true that the new international category was primarily intended to cover the field of the fast working war correspondent; yet the two award categories overlapped quite often, so that 94 entries were assigned to and from from time to time. The problem of how to differentiate between the two internationally orientated Pulitzer Prizes thus arose already in the very first year both were awarded. Whereas Lauren E. Allen of the Associated

Press was selected in the International Reporting

category "for his stories of 95 the activities of the British Mediterranean Fleet" in 1941, the nominations in the Correspondence category included the "Telegraphic Reporting

(Internation-

al) " category too, but the jury transferred that one to the 96 International Reporting category. Carlos P. Romulo of the Philippines

Herald, Manila, received the Correspondence award

"for his observations and forecast of Far Eastern developments during a tour of the trouble centers from Hongkong to Batavia" 97 in 1941.

The awarded contributions were, as the jury (Theodore

M. Bernstein and Robert E. Garst) put it, "an outstanding series of dispatches ... They represent the observations and conclusions of a first-class writer and newspaper man ... The series is one of the most competent, thorough and interesting pieces of work... in this field." 9 8 When the Pulitzer Prize was announced, Romulo, then a colonel in the American army in Melbourne , Australia, 99 learned of the award from General Douglas MacArthur. The bestowal of the prize on Romulo showed at the same time that not only European, but also Asian theatres of war gained 93 94 95 96

Cf. Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., pp. 23, 27. Cf. John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prizes, op. cit. Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 27. Cf. Theodore M. Bernstein, Report to Dean Carl W. Ackerman, March. 31, 1942, p. 1. 97 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 23. 98 Robert E. Garst, Report to Dean Carl W. Ackerman, April 3, 1942, p. 3. 99 Cf. John Hohenberg, op. cit., p. 135.

XLII

1. |. eiLMORC. PttiaiDiNT

JOHN N. WHEILIR. GlNCHAL MANAOSN

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to J a m e s E. C l a y t o n f o r h i s s e r i e s o f e d i t o r i a l s o n the C a r s w e l l n o m i n a t i o n . A n d the

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34 But Hitler in a coalition would be really powerless to make serious trouble. Hitler might refuse to enter a coalition. But in this case Von Papen and Von Schleicher would by hook or crook continue to rule and wait and pray for the day when world recovery from the depression enables them to get Hitler's followers back to work - and the "third empire" will be over. The question is whether they will succeed. Hitler is not an intellectual genius, but he has a formidable instinct

for

politics. It is just possible that he will outmaneuver the crafty Von Schleicher and somehow take complete control. But this is not likely. Nonetheless, the Hitlerites have dominated the electoral campaign. Hitler's airplane trip throughout the country has been a masterpiece of political energy. His mass meetings, his greetings, badges, salute, banners, armed men have been copied by all the other parties. Even the somewhat decrepit social democrats have suddenly awakened and, under the leadership of younger men, developed a fairly successful imitation of Hitler. Hitler's

followers

raise their hand in Roman fashion and shout "Hail Hitler." The socialist raise a clenched fist and shout

"Freedom!"

Against Hitler's storm battalions the left pits the

"iron

front" organization. The Catholics have organized a gang of huskies called the "people's front." The Bavarians have a lusty "Bavarian defense

organization."

All these groups are reviving a wave of militarism by the plentiful use of military bands, flags, parades and discipline marches - all good Prussian stuff. The German government has declared the ten days

following

the election is to be a "truce" period. During this time street fighting and stabbing, blackjacking and shooting of political opponents will be illegal. General belief is that the election will be passionately contested, but comparatively poor in casualties.

35

FROM BERLIN (GERMANY) IN 1933 BY FREDERICK T, BIRCHALL The New York Times

Frederick T. Birchall (born in

1871

in Warrington, England) was

educated in Lancashire schools and then sent to college. He made a quick decision

to leave when he learned that his father

- a

banker - intended him to enter the ministry. His first job was a volunteer reporter on a local newspaper. At the end of a year's work without pay he received an "honorarium" of half a sovereign - about

$ 2.50 - and decided that he had gained all the experi-

ence he could afford on such terms. The experience prove sufficient, at any rate, to give him a toe-hold in journalism, and he rose rapidely. Working on the staffs of various English newspapers he received his most valuable training, especially under the editor of the Pall Mall Gazette. Birchall came to the United States in 1893, and his first American venture was an editor of a small weekly newspaper

in Philadelphia. After a few weeks he

came to New York where he covered police headquarters for a news bureau for two years. Then he moved to the New York Tribune as a copyreader.

Two years later, he worked on the copy desk of the

Morning Sun, and in 1905 he joined the staff of the New York Timee as night city editor. During World War I he interrupted his service on the Times to go back to London and work for the British Government. After returning

to his newspaper in 1920 Birchall

took over the duties of acting managing editor until the end of 1931. The next year he was sent abroad to take charge of the entire European news service of the Times. For his dispatches from European countries and especially

from Nazi Germany he earned

the Pulitzer Prize in 1934 for his work of the previous year.

36 AN INCENDIARY FIRE WRECKS THE GERMAN REICHSTAG BUILDING [Source: Frederick T. Birchall: Incendiary Fire Wrecks Reichstag; lOO Red Members Ordered Seized, in: The New York Times (New York, N.Y.), Vol. LXXXII/No. 27,429, February 28, 1933, p. 1, cols. 2 - 3; p. 3, cols. 2 - 3; reprinted by permission of The New York Times Company, New York, N.Y.]

An attempt was made last night to burn down the Reichstag building and it almost succeeded. The great glass-ceilinged chamber in which parliamentary sessions are held was completely burned out, the cupola surmounting the building directly above the glass ceiling of the chamber was burned through and rendered so insecure that it appeared early this morning it might fall at any moment and the velvet-carpeted stairways up which firemen ran their hose lines were discolored by flame and smoke and soaked with water. The library and other rooms in the large building are, however, intact. The fire was attributed to Communists and the police have in custody a man who, they declare, has confessed he is a Red of Dutch extraction and admits setting fire to many parts of the great chamber. It is also asserted he had confederates who escaped. Why Communists should desire to burn down the empty Reichstag building on the eve of an election that their opponents declare to be unimportant in that it will not affect their retention of power is one of the mysteries of the present situation. The sole theory that seems plausible is that the perpetrators hoped that the fire would be attributed to the National Socialists and that the odium of it would fall on that party. A session of the Communist party was held in their committee room in the Reichstag yesterday afternoon and this is regarded as having some significance in the light of the later event. (Hermann Wilhelm Goring, Minister Without Portfolio, ordered the arrest of the 100 Communist members of the Reichstag early this morning, according to an Associated Press dispatch.)

37 The fire was discovered soon after 9 o'clock when a patrolling policeman, smelling smoke, hurried toward the parliamentary chamber. He met a group of men who failed to halt on his demand and fired on them but missed. The last fugitive the policeman succeeded in seizing. He is the alleged Communist now in custody. His name is given as van der Lübbe. It is asserted he refuses to reply to questions he only grins. Other policemen running to the help of their comrade found the great hall afire in a dozen places, from several of which the flames were making rapid headway. Rugs and chairs had been piled together over bundles of rags and excelsior, and the whole set ablaze. An alarm was promptly sent, but the firemen were some time in arriving, and meantime the flames spread rapidly despite efforts of the police, who were handicapped by intense smoke. The chamber is paneled in wood, and the benches, chairs and desks are of wood thirty years old and dry as tinder. These readily caught fire and the blaze, extending to the wooden galleries, soon made the place a veritable furnace. GLASS CEILING CRASHES DOWN The glass ceiling quickly crashed down and flames spouted through the gilded cupola bearing the imperial crown. By 10:30 the whole structure seemed doomed. What saved it was the extent of ground it covers, enabling the firemen to isolate the burning chamber and gradually subdue the fire. The first effort was to save the library, containing thousands of irreplaceable parliamentary documents, and the reading room, with separate valuable records. In this the firemen were wholly successful. Under their united efforts the flames gradually died, and by 11 o'clock only a few smoldering embers in the wrecked cupola indicated to the crowd outside that there had been a fire at all. All approaches to the building were entirely cut off. Until then the assembling fire engines and the flames spouting from the cupola had spread alarm throughout the near-by section of Berlin and at least 10,000 people had

38 Chronology of Events »933

Jan. 4 Jan. 15 Jan. 28 Jan. 30

Feb. ? Feb. 20 * Feb. 24 Feb. 27 Feb. 28 March 5 March 6 March 20 March 13 March 18 March 21 March 23

March 27 March 28 April 4

Von Papen and Hitler met at home of von Schröder in Cologne. Nazis gained 39 per cent of vote in small state of Lippe. Von Schleicher resigned Chancellorship. Hitler appointed Chancellor in coalition government. Von Blomberg became Minister of Defense; and Neurath, Foreign Minister. Two laws passed which permitted recruiting of SA into auxiliary police. Hitler government called for new parliamentary election. Hitler met with industrialists and received their promise to finance election. Police raided headquarters of Communist party. Reichstag building went up in flames. Hitler government suspended guarantees of individual liberty. Nazis obtained 44 per cent of vote in terror election. Nazi commissioners assumed control of the Lander. Göbbels appointed as Minister of Propaganda and Enlightenment. Hitler government passed a discriminatory tax law. Ceremonial meeting of Parliament in church at Potsdam. Parliament (surrounded by SS) granted Hitler government the right to rule in disregard of Constitution. Goring negotiated with Vogler and Thyssen on economic organizations. Nazi party initiated huge anti-Semitic boycott. Hitler government accepted secret defense act.

[Source: Arthur Schweitzer: Big Business in the Third Reich, Bloomington, Ind., 1964, pp. 605 f.]

39 crowded behind the police lines. Chancellor Adolf Hitler, Vice Chancellor Franz von Papen and Hermann Wilhelm Göring, Minister without portfolio, rushed by motor to the Reichstag and hurriedly conferred, although nothing could be done except await the outcome of the firemen's efforts and isolate the Reichstag so that any miscreant who might have been unable to escape and been hiding in some recess of the huge building would be trapped there. PRUSSIAN DIET

GUARDED

Early this morning nobody but policeman was permitted to approach within a block, of the building. The damage is impossible to estimate in terms of money. What is important is that the new Reichstag when it is elected will not be able to meet in its own buidling and probably will be forced to use the Prussian Diet Building, which is unsuitable for so large a body. The Diet Building also is being patrolled and searched. The government's activities aimed at silencing all opposition and rendering powerless all foes meantime has taken on an increased pace. If the Communists desired to protest their innocence in the fire they have no means for doing so. Their newspapers have been suppressed, their headquarters closed, their meetings prohibited and they are forbidden to collect money. Die Rote Fahne, the chief Communist newspaper, has been suspended until April 15. When a previous suspension order expired Sunday, its printing plant in Liebknecht House having meantime been confiscated, it printed an issue in Leipzig and attempted to bring copies to Berlin by truck. The truck was seized by the police and the new suspension order was imposed. Yesterday other suppressions included all Socialist papers in East Prussia, the Socialist Post in Munich and the Jungdeutsche, organ of the Young German Order, an organization far from "Marxist," but suspected by the Right of

"liberalism."

Under new regulations newspapers in reporting suspensions are forbidden to specify the grounds for suppression or cite the offending passages.

40 SOCIALIST M E E T I N G

SUPPRESSED

L a s t n i g h t the S o c i a l i s t s a t t e m p t e d to h o l d a m a s s m e e t i n g a t the S p o r t p a l a s t in c o m m e m o r a t i o n of the f i f t i e t h a n n i v e r s a r y of the d e a t h of Karl M a r x . The m e e t i n g w a s

sup-

p r e s s e d by the p o l i c e b e f o r e it g o t fairly under w a y and A r t u r C r i s p i e n , a m e m b e r of the R e i c h s t a g , w h o h a d b e e n b o o k e d as the chief speaker, w a s n o t p e r m i t t e d to o p e n h i s m o u t h . F r i e d r i c h S t a m p f e r , e d i t o r of V o r w ä r t s , w h o s t e p p e d into the b r e a c h , w a s m u z z l e d w h e n h e e s s a y e d to e u l o g i z e

Marx.

The C a b i n e t a p p r o v e d last n i g h t the d r a f t of a law imposing the d e a t h p e n a l t y for "treasonous a c t i v i t i e s "

and

h i g h t r e a s o n so far as they i n v o l v e b e t r a y a l of m i l i t a r y s e c r e t s . T h e same statute w i l l also be d i r e c t e d

against

"subversive a c t i v i t i e s " e s p e c i a l l y as r e g a r d the

circulation

of false news abroad. The latter p r o v i s i o n is a i m e d a t the r e c e n t p r a c t i c e of the g o v e r n m e n t ' s o p p o n e n t s w h e r e b y n e w s items w e r e s u p p l i e d to the f o r e i g n p r e s s then c a b l e d back

and

r e p u b l i s h e d here as p r i v i l e g e d m a t t e r c o m i n g from abroad. U n d e r this ruling Germans w h o supply p r o s c r i b e d n e w s to foreign c o r r e s p o n d e n t s are liable to p e n i t e n t i a r y

sentences

u n d e r charges of c a r r y i n g o n "subversive a c t i v i t i e s . " A s r e v e a l e d last n i g h t the law as d r a f t e d also a p p l i e s to the p r o p a g a t i o n and d i s s e m i n a t i o n a b r o a d of such n e w s , thus indirectly placing correspondents themselves under penalty. It is a n n o u n c e d t h a t the C a b i n e t is p r e p a r i n g a p r e e l e c t i o n p r o c l a m a t i o n in the n a t u r e of a p o l i t i c a n

re-

c a p i t u a l t i o n of e v e n t s since 1918 c o v e r i n g the r e c o r d s of the successive

governments.

T h e C a b i n e t furthermore h a s a d o p t e d a d r a f t decree a u t h o r i z i n g r e d u c t i o n of the s a l a r i e s of leading

officials

o f b u s i n e s s concerns that are s u b s i d i z e d by p u b l i c

funds.

T h i s is in a c c o r d w i t h the d e m a n d o f the N a z i s t h a t o f f i c i a l s of p r i v a t e c o n c e r n s should n o t be t r e a t e d b e t t e r than civil s e r v a n t s so far as salaries are

concerned.

41

FROM WASHINGTON, D.C. (UNITED STATES) IN 1934 BY ARTHUR

Arthur Krock

(born

on

KROCK

The New York

Times

November

1886,

16,

in

Glasgow, Ky.) w a s

educated in public schools of Kentucky and Illinois. He m a t r i c u lated

at

Princeton

University

but

was

unable

to

continue his

studies because of "a family recession." A f t e r having left P r i n c e ton, Krock made

his

decided that

w o u l d like to enter newspaper work. In 1906, he

he

way back to his native place, Kentucky, and

finally g o t a job as a police reporter o n the Louisville

Herald

at

$15 a week. The following year he became assistant to the Kentucky correspondent of the Cincinnati

while still on the

Herald.

There he w a s taken by his boss to the n a t i o n a l political

conven-

tions

at

Chicago

and

joined the Associated

Enquirer

Denver. Krock left the Herald

Press

in 1908 and

in Louisville as night editor after a

brief experience as chief deputy sheriff of J e f f e r s o n County, Ky. In 1909, he became the Washington correspondent for the Times,

and in 1911 for the Louisville Courier-Journal

Louisville too. A f t e r

World War I, in 1919, Krock became editor-in-chief of the ville

Times,

Louis-

holding that position until the fall of 1 9 2 3 w h e n he

left for N e w York. Krock joined the World

and remained w i t h that

paper until the spring of 1927 when he came to the editorial staff of the New York

Times.

Since 1932, he w o r k e d as the Times's

Wash-

ington correspondent w h i c h m a d e him famous throughout the nation. In

1935,

he w o n

the

Pulitzer Prize

in

Correspondence

Washington dispatches from the previous year.

for

his

42 TRADE BANS WAR IN THE EYES OF THE NOBEL PEACE PRIZE WINNER

[Source: Arthur Krock: In Washington. Mr. Hull as Peacemaker Hits at War's Economic Roots, in: The New York Times (New York, N.Y.), Vol. LXXXIV/No. 28,067, November 28, 1934, p. 20, col. 5; reprinted by permission of the New York Times Co., New York, N.Y.]

Should the Nobel Prize for Peace be awarded this year to Secretary of State Hull, as has been suggested to the committee, it would be the second occasion on which the exploits of an American in the economic field have been recognized as contributing importantly to peace. In 1925, following the acceptance of the first reparations agreement, the award was made to Charles G. Dawes jointly with Austen Chamberlain. Normally one thinks of the Nobel Peace Prize for a statesman who, interposing among combatants after war's declaration, or mediating to prevent armed strife, has spared mankind and its property from the ravages of war. But a glance at awards since 1907 makes it plain that the committee is not unmindful of acts of mercy, utterances of peace propaganda or unremitting efforts - such as Secretary Hull's - to improve international relations by leveling trade barriers. Balancing the successful nominations of Secretaries Root and Kellogg, who pressed for treaties of amity from their official positions, are those of the International Red Cross, the International Peace Bureau, Nicholas Murray Butler and Jane Addams. The bestowal on Woodrow Wilson is unique in that it went to a statesman who made both war and peace. But he strove valiantly to stop the combat and refrain from particpation in it; he sent men, munitions, ships and supplies to shorten the struggle; and, by erecting the League of Nations, he sought a means to prevent any war thereafter. FOR PEACE THROUGH TRADE Secretary Hull has had nothing to do with great wars or mediation conferences, and prays that the experience will never be his. He has played an active part in seeking to end the struggle in the Chaco, and he has watchfully dealt with the situations in Europe and the Far East with the high

43 objective of peace. These, for obvious reasons, are not the activities on which the award of the Nobel Prize would be based. What the Secretary sought to do at London, what he triumphantly accomplished at Montevideo, and what he daily strives to accomplish through trade treaties and understanding must form the basis for the committee's consideration of his name. Mr. Hull is convinced that, while certain political and racial questions are menacing the peace of Europe, the troubles in the Far East are all economic. Such is his preoccupation with this view that he ascribes a goodly portion of Europe's misunderstanding to the same reason. But every act and wish of his with respect to the freer flow of international trade is founded on his belief that most great, prolonged wars have trade disputes as their underlying cause. That is why he feels that his course is the surest route to peace and its preservation. That is the reason the Nobel award will come to him if it comes at all. No more profound student of history through economics has ever been at the helm of the State Department. The Secretary began his researches and his meditations on this subject when he was a boy in the Tennessee hills, and he pursued them through his college life in Tennessee and Kentucky. When he was a young Representative - already "Judge" Hull and prematureley gray - and cut no important figure in the Canondominated House, he would sit and discuss for hours with all who would listen to him his firm conviction that tariff and trade agreements, the leveling of barriers and the disappearance of quotas formed the surest gateway to peace. ILLUSTRATION

IN THE FAR

EAST

This obsession, if it can be called so, has remained with the Secretary, although he has been successively his party's national chairman, Senator and Cabinet Premier since those early days of this century. It brings at times complaints from his associates, who want to talk about more colorful and more interesting topics; from the newspaper men, who find it difficult to put life in the dry bones of economics; from diplomats, who can't get the Secretary to talk about anything else. But with Jovian indifference to, even unconsciousness of,

44 these protests, Mr. Hull plugs ahead with his great and difficult theory. He feels that never was a better illustration offered for his viewpoint than what he deems the plain causes of the uneasy situation in the Far East. This conviction, this strength of pupose, combine to set his face like flint against the proposals of George N. Peek, president of the Export-Import Banks and Special Adviser to the President on Foreign Trade. Mr. Peek does more than get in the way of the Secretary's theories. Mr. Hull feels sure that the Special Adviser is sticking to old forms of international trade rivalries that have made for war, and are expecially dangerous at the present time. The Secretary is for unconditional most-favored nations treaties, for triangular trade arrangements, for abandonment of quotas and razing of trade barriers, for anything that will make easier the flow of international trade. Mr. Peek wants subsidized exports, export guarantees, a two-price system for commodities in domestic and foreign use, import fees and quotas. Basically, they could not be further apart, and Mr. Hull sees in the other's views only aggravations of disturbances over trade in various parts of the world. It is entirely natural for the Secretary to feel annoyance over the creation of Mr. Peek's office in view of his lifelong devotion to the subject, his position as Secretary of State and his beliefs. Perhaps he may resent the competition of ideas, although there are no evidences that the President has chosen the Peek ideas over those of his premier. These are familiar human reactions. But what aggravates any feeling he may have is his passion for peace and his certainty that it cannot be assured until the peace-loving nations have with one another the completest trade intercourse possible.

45

FROM ADDIS ABABA (ETHIOPIA) IN 1935 BY WILFRED C. BARBER Chicago

Wilfred Courtenay Barber

Daily

Tribune

(born on September 15, 1903, in New York

City) attended Mount Vernon High School, Storm King School at Cornwall-on-Hudson and Columbia University in New York. After being in business with his father as a junior partner in a firm, he found the attractiveness of newspaper work so strong that he became an associate editor of the Citizen-Bulletin

of Tuckahoe, Westchester

County, N.Y. In 1927, after having recovered from a grave illness, Barber set out on

a world tour and arrived in Paris on July 13,

the eve of Bastille day. He mingled with the crowds in the streets and mailed a news special to Boston the following morning which a daily of that city featured as a fine example of reportorial work. In Paris, Barber came to the staff of the New York

Herald-Tribune

and stayed there for about three years. Then he joined the staff of the Paris edition of the Chicago

Tribune

to do reportorial and

editorial work, sometimes under signature. When publication of the Tribune's

Paris edition was suspended,

Barber

was transfered to

the newspaper's London bureau in 1934. On a few hours' notice from his editor

in

Chicago, Barber started

on

June 9, 1935, for the

Ethiopian capital where he arrived on June 23 as the first American correspondent

to

reach that city

for

covering the Italian-

Ethiopian War. In September, Barber went on a ten day desert trip to the Ogaden front, being the only U.S. correspondent permitted to do so. Soon after his return to Addis Ababa a tropical disease sent him to hospital where he died of malaria on October 6, 1935. In the following year, Barber received the Pulitzer Prize for his work posthumously.

46 THE COUNTRY IS TRYING HARD TO BUY U.S. AND JAPANESE WEAPONS

[Source: Wilfred C. Barber: Ethiopian King Gets Offers of Aid From U.S. Firms Ready to Sell Arms to African Nation, in: Chicago Daily Tribune (Chicago, 111.), Vol. XCIV/No. 28, July 14, 1935, p. 11, col. 1; reprinted by permission of The Chicago Tribune Company, Chicago, 111.]

American firms and individuals have offered financial and military assistance to Ethiopia, it was learned today. Emperor Haile Selassie's government also is trying to buy weapons and ammunition in the United States which, with Japan, are virtually the only places where arms can be obtained. All the offers of help have been made since it was revealed that five European nations had refused to permit their citizens to ship weapons to the African kingdom, which is threatened with invasion by Italy. The Ethiopian government declined to permit publication of the names of the Americans because of fear an attempt would be made to prevent the shipment of arms. OFFERS TO SEND FLYERS Nevertheless, The Tribune correspondent was permitted to see the telegraphic correspondence. One firm offered fifty expert airplane pilots and mechanics including a physician. Another said it was ready to send any amount of war material and officers. A group of colored people asked if Ethiopia wants a tangible proof of friendship. Still another group said it was ready to buy and ship five commercial airplanes as well as medical and other non-military supplies. It is uncertain whether the offers were accepted. Nevertheless, the newly appointed Ethiopian consul in New York was ordered to investigate the credentials of all the firms and individuals. He was requested "to refuse public subscription or other degrading circumstances," in accepting assistance. In this connection, it was stated that a man named Van Nuggetta, who apparently was trying to raise money in New York City's Harlem, is not an Ethiopian agent, but that his assistance would be welcomed if his credentials satisfy the Ethiopian consul.

47 REGARD BLACKS AS

INFERIOR

American colored persons thinking of joining the Ethiopian army would do well to refrain. They would find the Ethiopians unfriendly, since the Ethiopians are brown, not black, and regard the blacks as an inferior race. Most of the inhabitants of the African empire regard them as no better than slaves. The help of the American colored people will be accepted on the same basis as assistance from any other race. Since Ethiopia hopes to buy arms in the United States, the visit of the British, French and Italian ambassadors to Secretary of State Cordell Hull was regarded here with grave misgivings. The Addis Ababa government fears that the three powers are trying to talk President Roosevelt into clamping down an embargo on arms before war breaks out. In time of peace, an Ethiopian official said, such an embargo would be most unfair and could only confirm Italy's warlike intentions. He added that in time of war the traditional American policy of selling arms to one and all and maintaining freedom of the seas should hold. SEE BRITAIN YIELDING

TO

ITALY

The fact that the British ambassador as well as the French and Italian ambassadors visited Mr. Hull, together with the speech of Sir Samuel Hoare, British foreign secretary, to the House of Commons last Thursday, was taken as proof that the British are knuckling down under Italian demands. The Ethiopians also believe that both the British and French intend to bring pressure to bear on Emperor Haile Selassie to grant economic and territorial concessions to Italy as the price of peace. Such steps are expected to be taken any day. If pressure is brought to bear, it will be by virtue of the treaty of 1906 which binds Great Britain, France and Italy to support each other's demands for concessions. The pact grants Italy a zone of influence in a strip of Ethiopian territory east of Addis Ababa so that Eritrea and Italian Somaliland can be linked by a railroad. The British get Lake Tsana, source of the Blue Nile and essential in Egypt's river system, and the railroad between Djibuti and Addis Ababa is made a French monopoly.

48 The emperor repeated today what he told The Tribune correspondent in an audience June 26, that any such concession will be refused to the Italians as they would demand the right to police it with their own troops. ANNEXATION IS FEARED All such concessions invariably end in attempts at annexation," said Haile Selassie, adding that the French railroad had always been policed efficiently by Ethiopian soldiers. Addis Ababa also fears that the British and French intend to support the Italian demand made recently by Premier Mussolini that Ethiopia employ foreigners in key positions of the government. Both the proposed concessions are unacceptable and the efforts are doomed to failure because they would mean that the three powers are determined to slice up Ethiopia as they see fit, according to one of Haile Selassie's spokesmen. Count Luigi Ozazio Vinci Gigliucci, plump Italian minister, lost no time in pressing home the advantage given him by the supposed change in the British policy. ITALY PROTESTS ARREST He protested this morning to Foreign Minister Herouy master of wise men is the Ethiopian title - against the arrest of an Ethiopian servant said to be employed by the Italian military attache. The servant denied he is still an employe of the Italian, so the protest was left dangling in the air. It was the Italian minister's second protest in 24 hours. Yesterday he complained about the temporary arrest of Consul Giardini at Harrar, who was involved in an "incident" with Ethiopian soldiers while motoring. The Ethiopian account is that the counsel, whose car bore no Italian flag, was stopped by a soldier after he had refused to slow down while passing a column of dismounted cavalry. The Ethiopian horses are skittish and are likely to block the road, endangering both motorists and themselves. Consequently the soldiers have standing orders to compel motorists to go slowly.

49

FROM LIEGE (BELGIUM) IN 1936 BY ANNE

O'HARE

MCCORMICK

The New York Times

Anne O ' H a r e M c C o r m i c k land) was educated

(born in 1 8 8 2 in Wakefield, Yorkshire, Eng-

at

abroad and received a

private schools B.A.

in

degree from

the United States and

St.

Mary's Academy near

Columbus, Ohio. She became associate editor of the Catholic

Uni-

verse Bulletin before working for the New York Times . As the wife of Francis J. McCormick, an importer from Dayton, Ohio, she acquired the background for

her

journalistic career when she accompanied

him on many trips abroad. In

1921,

she timidly suggested to the

New York Times that she would like to become a free-lance contributor and send back articles from Europe flict

with

regular

permission, and

so

foreign

if this would not con-

correspondents. The

Times

gave her

she sent back stories from Italy on the rise

of Fascism under Mussolini. At that time she was perhaps the first reporter to see that a young Milanese newspaper editor, lanternjawed, hungry

and

insignificant, would attain world importance.

She became friendly with the Duce and obtained dozens of stories. Since that time she interviewed many European political leaders, covered national conventions in the

U.S.

and was always busy on

the international parkett. At that time a woman had to face great difficulties to become an outstanding journalist - for it was commonly supposed with regard

to

to be a "man's world." This the New York Times. In 1 9 3 6 ,

was

especially true

she became a member

of the then eight-man board of the editorial writing staff of that newspaper, and in

1937

she received

the

Pulitzer Prize for her

articles from Europe in the first half of the previous year.

50 PEACE FACES

INSTABILITY ON THE G E R M A N - B E L G I A N

FRONTIER

[Source: Anne O'Hare McCormick: Belgians Agitated By New War Fears. Defense Worries Nation, in: The New York Times (New York, N.Y.), V o l . LXXXV/No. 25,151, March 26, 1936, p. 14, col. 2; reprinted by permission of The New York Times Company, New York, N.Y.]

Here is the frontier m o s t p r o f o u n d l y shaken by the

appearance

of G e r m a n t r o o p s in the R h i n e l a n d d e m i l i t a r i z e d zone. It is n e c e s s a r y to c o m e to B e l g i u m to realize h o w real to a p e o p l e once i n v a d e d w a s the t h r e a t r e p r e s e n t e d by C h a n c e l l o r A d o l f Hitler's

"symbolic" army. It is still real.

W i t h i n the last s e v e r a l days this c o r r e s p o n d e n t

followed

the route t a k e n by the invading armies in 1914 from the G e r m a n b o r d e r to w h e r e they w e r e h e l d up ten days by the ring of forts e n c i r c l i n g L i e g e . In the shadow of the moriument c o m m e m o r a t i n g t h a t h i s t o r i c siege the p e o p l e of the

countryside

are w o n d e r i n g w i t h g r i m h u m o r w h e t h e r it w i l l be s p a r e d to serve as m e m o r i a l of the n e x t w a r . In one v i l l a g e a family w a s just r e t u r n i n g to the house it h a d a b a n d o n e d a t the s i g h t of German soldiers across the b o r d e r . The family w a s one of m a n y in this d i s t r i c t , the s t a t i o n m a s t e r at V e r v i e r s reported, t h a t p a c k e d b a g s and fled a t the first a l a r m . They w e r e those w h o r e m e m b e r e d and w h o w e r e d e t e r m i n e d n o t to be t r a p p e d again. ANXIETY ON HITLER'S

REPLY

N o w h e r e w a s H i t l e r ' s reply to the L o c a r n o p o w e r s

awaited

m o r e anxiously t h a n in B e l g i u m . As citizens of a country w h o s e fate d e p e n d s o n the p o l i c i e s a n d c h a n g i n g m o o d s of p o w e r f u l n e i g h b o r s , B e l g i a n s quote f r e q u e n t l y these days a p r o v e r b l e a r n e d in the C o n g o : "When e l e p h a n t s fight it is the grass t h a t suffers." For B e l g i u m the London a g r e e m e n t h a s one p o s i t i v e

result

of v i t a l i m p o r t a n c e . The p r o m i s e of B r i t i s h assistance

in

case of u n p r o v o k e d attack seems to this country to guarantee security b e t t e r t h a n the L o c a r n o pact. I t a l m o s t

compensated

for the v i o l a t i o n of the d e m i l i t a r i z e d zone, w h i c h here h a d b e e n long e x p e c t e d and in itself w a s n o t s h o c k i n g .

51 Explaining the London agreement to the Chamber of Deputies, Premier Paul van Zeeland emphasized the point that the British Government for the first time in history had defined in advance the course it would take in a given emergency. The Belgians believe this unprecedented step was due to the fact that

CONFLICT ON DEFENSE POLICY The present situation throws a spotlight on the controversy on national defense that has been dividing Belgium ever since the French began fortifying the Maginot line. The route from the frontier followed by the Germans in 1914 illustrates Belgium's problem, but does not answer the two questions at the moment occupying the minds of the French and Belgian general staffs. One question is: Will Belgium again be the route to France if Germany moves West? The second is: Will Belgium put up the same resistance now as in 1914? One section of Belgian opinion holds the French should have continued the Maginot defense system behind the Franco-Belgian boundary. Francophiles, on the other hand, passionately oppose construction of a fortified wall between two countries irrevocably allied. Plans for a common defense line along the Belgian-German frontier encounter objections from those fearing that Belgium may be reduced thereby to a state of military vassalage under France.

52 DIVISION ON RACIAL LINES The division of opinion is largely on racial lines between the Waloons, leaning to France, and the Flemings,

favoring

a policy of neutrality as rigid as that of Switzerland. The question is further complicated by a feeling among Belgians of all political shades that France has made dangerous m i s takes in her policy toward Germany and that Belgium is tied like a kite-tall wherever French policy leads. Recent events sharpen all these differences. They force this widely exposed country into the peacemaking röle played so ably in London by Mr. van Zeeland. Seeing herself today as a door either to w a r or to peace, Belgium is more than ready to back any reasonable compromise w i t h an o l d enemy. Popular opinion marches w i t h Britain rather than France. A t the same time nobody doubts that if their territory is again invaded the Belgians will resist again to the end. This is amply proved by present defense measures. Half of the regular army of 63,000 m e n is maintained on the frontier, b o t h longer and more open than that of France. Railway bridges on the m a i n Paris-Belgian line are mined. The twisting valley of the River Vesdre is dotted w i t h steel cupolas covering machine guns. The slopes of the Ardendes are pierced b y dugouts where hidden soldiers keep w a t c h on the border day and night. NEW FORTRESSES

RISING

The o l d forts at Liege, once thought impregnable, and terrifying even in ruin, are now graveyards, but three gigantic m o d e r n fortresses being completed at Eben, Esmael Batiche and Pepinster guard the approaches to this key city on the Meuse. The peaceful face of the border is a mask. A traveler along its strategic roads today is always under the eyes of an invisible army and w i t h i n range of loaded guns. As far as its limited strength and resources permit, the nation is prepared for the worst. Its citizens know too well, however, that Belgium is only a hazard to be blasted aside once a new sweep begins. Hence the zealousness of this countryside to take risks for a new deal in peace.

53

FROM WASHINGTON, D.C. (UNITED STATES) IN 1937 BY ARTHUR

Arthur Krock

(born

on

KROCK

The New York

Times

November

1886, in Glasgow, Ky.)»

16,

was

educated in public schools of Kentucky and Illinois. He m a t r i c u lated

at

Princeton

University

but

was

unable

to

continue his

studies because of "a family recession." After having left P r i n c e ton, Krock m a d e

his

decided that

would like to enter newspaper work. In 1906, h e

he

way back to his native place, Kentucky, and

finally got a job as a police reporter o n the Louisville

Herald

at

$15 a week. The following year he became assistant to the Kentucky correspondent of the Cincinnati

Enquirer

while still o n the

There he was taken by his boss to the national political tions

at

Chicago and Denver. Krock

joined the Associated

left

the Herald

Herald. conven-

in 1908 and

Frees in Louisville as night editor after a

brief experience as chief deputy sheriff of Jefferson County, Ky. In 1909, he became the Washington correspondent for the Times,

and in 1911 for the Louisville Courier-Journal

Louisville too. After

World War I, in 1919, Krock became editor-in-chief of the ville

Times,

Louis-

holding that position until the fall of 1923 w h e n he

left for New York. Krock joined the World

and remained w i t h that

paper until the spring of 1927 w h e n he came to the editorial staff of the New York Times.

Since 1932, he worked as the Times's

Wash-

ington correspondent w h i c h m a d e him famous throughout the nation. In 1935, he w o n the Pulitzer Prize in Correspondence for his W a s h ington dispatches from the previous year. Only three years later he received the same award again for his outstanding ence from the nation's capital. From

1940

correspond-

on, Krock served as a

member of the Pulitzer Prize Board for m o r e than a d o z e n years.

54 PRESIDENT

ROOSEVELT

INTENDS

TO S H I E L D

AMERICAN

DEMOCRACY

[Source: Arthur Krock: The President Discusses His Political Philosophy. In Mr. Roosevelt's View, His Program Serves to Shield American Democracy Against Danger From Hostile Forces, in: The New York Times (New York, N.Y.), Vol. LXXXVl/No. 28,890, February 28, 1937, p. 1, cols. 2 - 3; p. 33, cols. 2 - 5 ; reprinted by permission of The New York Times Company, New York, N.Y.]

"When I retire to private life on Jan. 20, 1941," the President this week has been saying to his friends, "I do not want lo leave the country in the condition Buchanan left it to Lincoln. If I cannot, in the brief time given me to attack its deep and disturbing problems, solve those problems, I hope at least to have moved them well on the way to solution by my successor. It is absolutely essential that the solving process begin at once." This is his answer to those who have contended that the President has a third term in mind, and would remake the Supreme Court majority for a period of submissive cooperation with the other Federal divisions that will exceed the precedental time for chief executives. And it is his answer also to those who insist that nothing in the present condition of the country calls for new haste in an attack on problems, and that nothing will be lost by awaiting the long process of a constitutional amendment. Doubtless he will make these responses in detail for himself before the argument about the Supreme Court is ended by triumph, defeat or compromise. Responses from him are expected, for, though it is only a few weeks since the Presidential election of 1936, the cry of "dictator" once more is heard. The provocation is Mr. Roosevelt's recommendation to Congress of a statute whereby all Federal judges - including those of the Supreme Court must retire at the age of 70 or have a judge of equal powers appointed to supplement them. Since the effect of the President's proposal would be to supervene the present Supreme Court majority with his own appointees if judges eligible to retire refused to do so, or to nominate a new majority if they did, he has been widely accused of intending to supplant the Federal system of checks

55 and balances with one-man government, assure decisions upholding any legislation they might propose and offer to some future dictator a precedent with which, with the approval of Congress, he could, by changing the age-limit, wholly remake the Supreme Court when he took office or increase it to the size - and reduce it to the futility - of a mass meeting. In discussing with the President these charges and the proposals which produced them, the writer became conscious of Mr. Roosevelt's complete certainty that the accusations are all founded in a misconception of his aims and their consequences, in a total lack of understanding of the crisis which confronts the country and calls for drastic remedies, and in a failure to appreciate how sincere and sure is his labor to maintain democracy rather than to suspend it or undermine its future foundations. In the President's view - and discussion with him makes it clearer - the Supreme Court issue is but part of a larger problem: how to make democracy work in a world where democracy has in many lands been subvented. He believes that within the American democratic machine are all the essential devices. He feels they must be boldly grasped and employed to save democracy itself. Far from agreeing that recourse to statutes, within the plain permissions of the Constitution, to sweep away barriers to orderly progress and modern needs is an encouragement to future dictatorships, he is firm in the faith that this medhod stamps out the dictatorial seed. His belief is that legalistic or other obstructions to "action by our form of government on behalf of those who need help" are the real incentives to revolutions from which demagogues and dictators emerge. What he has done and is doing are to him the definite solvents of democracy. LIKENED TO DEAD-END STREET The President believes it is necessary not only for the Federal Government to be able to regulate against overproduction and underproduction, to regulate against unsocial types of employment and against the making of prices by speculation, but that it is also necessary for the Federal Government to have some authority to compel collective

56 b a r g a i n i n g a n d to enforce the m a i n t e n a n c e of c o n t r a c t s b o t h by e m p l o y e r s a n d e m p l o y e s . He feels t h a t , t o d a y ,

there

is real d a n g e r to the n a t i o n because any law p a s s e d by the C o n g r e s s to p r o v i d e n a t i o n a l r e m e d i e s is o p e n to

constitutional

d o u b t s if the language of the p r e s e n t S u p r e m e C o u r t m a j o r i t y is literally followed. In this c o n n e c t i o n , the P r e s i d e n t c o m p a r e s p r e s e n t c o n d i t i o n s to a d e a d - e n d

street.

He takes the p o s i t i o n t h a t w e h a v e come to a d e a d - e n d s t r e e t w h e r e t h r e e t h i n g s are p o s s i b l e - stop the car a n d stay there; turn a r o u n d and go b a c k , or turn off into a side street, r i g h t o r left, a n d p r o c e e d to an u n k n o w n d e s t i n a t i o n . The P r e s i d e n t , by r e a d i n g a n d o b s e r v a t i o n , and by t r i e d and u n u s u a l f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h the attitude of A m e r i c a n s

toward

t h e i r p u b l i c m e n , sees a future far m o r e d a n g e r o u s if he is b a l k e d of h i s s o l u t i o n s than if they are adopted. He sees a g r o w i n g b e l i e f a m o n g the u n d e r p r i v i l e g e d t h a t judicial s u p r e m a c y is c e r t a i n to c a n c e l the p r o g r e s s i v e

and

h u m a n i t a r i a n e f f o r t s of C o n g r e s s a n d the E x e c u t i v e . He sees t h i s b e l i e f e a s i l y firing i n t o a d e s p e r a t e c o n v i c t i o n ,

and

h e does n o t d o u b t that, s h o u l d this h a p p e n , a leader w i l l arise to t r e a d d o w n d e m o c r a c y in the n a m e of r e f o r m . T h e P r e s i d e n t h a s n o t f o r g o t t e n H u e y P. L o n g . W h i l e he does n o t say so in p r e c i s e w o r d s , he e n t e r t a i n s the o p i n i o n t h a t one i m p o r t a n t r e a s o n w h y the L o u i s i a n a d i c t a t o r w a s n o t able to e x t e n d h i s d o m i n i o n further d u r i n g h i s lifetime w a s b e c a u s e h e w a s f o r t u n a t e l y c o - e x i s t e n t w i t h w i s e r a n d more sincere r e m e d i e s for the c o n d i t i o n s w h i c h p r o d u c e d L o n g . In o t h e r w o r d s , h a d p u b l i c o p i n i o n a g a i n s t the H o o v e r a d m i n i s t r a t i o n n o t b e e n s u f f i c i e n t l y f o r m e d by the e l e c t i o n s of 1932, and h a d M r . H o o v e r t h e r e f o r e b e e n r e - e l e c t e d , the President belives that Huey Long would immediately have b e c o m e a g r e a t m e n a c e to t h e d e m o c r a t i c p r o c e s s . HIS PRIMARY AIM

DEMOCRACY

N o w , finding - from h i s v i e w p o i n t - e s s e n t i a l , legal and d e m o c r a t i c F e d e r a l a c t i o n o b s t r u c t e d by the Supreme C o u r t m a j o r i t y , o r h e l d in long u n c e r t a i n t y t h a t h a s the e f f e c t of b a l k i n g b o t h p r e v e n t i v e a n d r e m e d i a l m e a s u r e s for w h a t M r . R o o s e v e l t t h i n k s ails the country, h e sees the p o s s i b i l i t y {

57 at least that a new, more appealing and even more ruthless demagogue may arise to abolish American democracy for years. Whether a listener agrees with the President in his course and in his estimate of future menace, that listener notes in his words and tone no other primary objective than, as Mr. Roosevelt sees it, the preservation and the restoration of democracy. Although there are many manifests of recovery, the number of the unemployed and the national relief bill impress the President with the certainly that much remains to be done if social dangers shall be averted and economic stability be

THE INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL SITUATION IN AMERICAN EYES

[Source:

The New York

Times,

April 4, 1937, p. Ε 3.]

58 attained. In averting social dangers and attaining economic stability, the President sees the assurance of continued democracy. That is what he is determined to assure, and he finds as natural attendant circumstances a better spread of income, steady work for the employable, a good standard of living, protection for the aged, opportunity for the young, and national action. The program to effect these benefits, which the President never thinks of save as human rights, is, to his mind, the program to keep American democray working. At times the President is faced with this sort of problem in moving his program; For one reason or another, a measure of national action which to him is essential to safeguard democracy comes newly into council and therefore has not been included in any specific mandate. Do the people expect him, and does fair dealing require, that he seek a popular referendum before proceeding? If the President is convinced that the measure is effective, and that time is of its essence, he goes ahead. Since all such enterprises - this being a democracy - must first pass the Congressional test, the President sees in Congress itself a sufficient referendum in vital instances. It is true that Congress is made up of politicians, and, since 1932, that is has been dominated by members of the political group of which the President is party leader. But in conversation Mr. Roosevelt points out also that, being largeley politicians, with district or State responsibility, members of Congress, if only for political self-preservation, submit his proposals to the test of public opinion, and to the further test of the democratic process. These tests, in conjunction with the full and free debate which is the privilege of the Senate, seem to the President to answer the charge that in any legislative request he ever tries "to put anything over" on the people. TWO ELECTIONS ARE RECALLED He points out, for example, that many of his proposals to the Congress during the past four years have been either rejected by the Congress or have been so amended as to change

59 them greatly, i. e., social security, bonus,

$4,800,000,000

Relief bill, & c. He has been moving, through the m e d i u m of civil service reform, to withdraw political patronage from the Federal equation, and this w i l l be w e l l out of the sphere of Presidential influence over Congress if and w h e n the government reorganization plan is adopted. Therefore, in the view of Mr. Roosevelt, the response of Congress to his

recommendations

is more and more a clear reflection of its free opinion as to the degree to w h i c h he represents wide and accredited popular

leadership.

The President comes to the issue of the mandate w i t h w h i c h he has b e e n entrusted by the people w i t h recent experience strongly in mind. He found it necessary, after taking office in 19 33, to divert the course plotted by the party p l a t f o r m on w h i c h he w a s elected because of a change in conditions between June, 19 32, and March, 1933 - a change w h i c h all economic research and statistics reflect. In the Congressional campaign of 1934 this diversion was made an issue by the Republicans, and in return Democratic candidates for Congress offered the President himself as the only issue.

"Shall

Franklin D. Roosevelt's course thus far be approved and he be given a Congressional majority to proceed w i t h the N e w Deal?," w a s the question as the people w e n t to the polls in 1934. Overwhelming documentation of this is available in the political writings and oratory in that campaign. The answer was overwhelmingly in the affirmative. In 19 36 the President's diversion of course w a s again made an issue by the Republicans, w h o also pointed out that, if re-elected, he w o u l d probably have several new

appointments

to the Supreme Court. The age of many justices, if nothing else, was used to illustrate the certainty that, if re-elected, the opportunity to change the court majority w o u l d come to Mr. Roosevelt. Whether or n o t the voters troubled themselves much on that p o i n t the President does not know. B u t he does know that once again his course was given h i g h majority approval and 27,000,000 voters decided to p u t the country's fate in his hands for four more years.

60 HIS VIEWS ON AN AMENDMENT The Philadelphia convention had promised "a clarifying amendment" to the Constitution if problems arising in the Supreme Court could be disposed of in no other way. The President, in December, 19 36, decided that the amendment process requires too much time for the country's needs and security. He feels that, by the general permissions of 1934 and 19 36, he was given ample mandate to attempt what upon mature consideration and even altered method, he thinks is best. Therefore, he does not for a moment believe that the majority which has supported him in full measure in three national elections shares the feeling that he has exceeded his permission. Nor does he consider that the American majority expected him to have been able, in what he views as a shifting and perilous time, to chart in detail and in advance the measures he might finally employ to achieve the end stated and, as he is certain, desired by the people. Furthermore, the President by no means discards into finality "a clarifying amendment" as mentioned in the Democratic platform. Such an amendment, he argues, would be necessary if the problems cannot be disposed of otherwise. He takes the view that the great majority of both houses of the Congress, including many Republican members, believed in passing the New Deal bills of the past four years and that these bills were constitutional. He holds, as he stated in this year's annual message to the Congress, that the Constitution definitely permits the Congress to legislate in regard to the production of crops and the production of manufactured articles which enter generically as products into commerce between the States. It is his contention that the Constitution does not forbid regulation of railroads or communications or trade practices and that, if the same rules were applied in the case of commodities of all sorts, unwieldy crop surpluses, starvation wages and unfair trade practices could be eliminated with the objective not only of improving social conditions but also of averting future panics.

61 If newer and younger blood in the Federal courts does not result in decisions which accord with the views of the majority of the members of the legislative branch and the views of the President, he is then wholly willing to admit that a clarifying amendment to the Constitution will be necessary. HOW CONSTRUE WASHINGTON?

In a time of public controversy, "so much," the President has said, "depends on what newspaper you read." Which is another way of saying that one's mental approach to an argument often forecloses the effect of that argumeht on one's conclusion - an indisputable fact. The President takes as an example of mental approach and inflection the wide use made on Feb. 22 of extracts from Washington's Farewell Address against his Supreme Court program. Suppose, he says, the reader begins his perusal with remembrance that Washington wrote the words in 1796 before the Supreme Court had attempted to override an act of Congress without the specific warrant of the Constitution. It is, then, in his opinion, wholly logical to read the warning words of the Father of His Country against usurpation as a criticism of the course the Supreme Court has followed in many decisions since it assumed the power of invalidating. Why, he asks, does not this passage more forcibly apply to the majority reasoning in the AAA or Guffey Act cases (denounced by minority members of the court itself) than to any act of the Executive since 1796: "It is important, likewise, that the habit of thinking in a free country should inspire caution, in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another,"&c. From the time he entered public life, the President has maintained as his goal the preservation of the American form of democracy. He thinks it sill needs preserving, not from his forms or persuasions, but from those who have prospered most under it and returned least. He believes that his program stopped the descent of the capitalist system,

62 threatened by enemies w i t h i n and without. He wants to raise and firmly buttress it against the attacks of these enemies by the time he leaves office "on Jan. 20, 1941." The President's h i g h e s t hope, according to his open meditations, is to leave democracy stronger than he found it a n d set an insurmountable barrier against the encroachments of other systems. In the long view of history he w a n t s this to be his political epitaph. Mr. Roosevelt is sterile of self-pity, and therefore he never muses over assaults made on his predecessors w h i c h turned to praise w h e n the record was engraved. He has noted them, as he notes contemporary attacks. B u t firm in his faith that democrats m u s t often forge new tools to shore up democracy, he believes that judgment should be based, not o n the tools, but on the solidity of the edifice w h e n the work is done.

63

FROM BERLIN (GERMANY) IN 1938 BY LOUIS P.

LOCHNER

The Associated Press

Louis

Paul

Lochner (born on February

22, 1887, in Springfield,

111.) took instruction at the Wisconsin Conservatory of Music after graduation from high school. In 1905, he enrolled at the University of Wisconsin. Upon graduation in 1909 Lochner won a university journalism fellowship. In 1913, the American Peace Society appointed him director of its central west department, and in 1915 he was at the International Women's Peace Conference at The Hague. The Federated Frese sent Lochner to Germany in 1921 as its European director. After three years of work for the wire service during which he did free lance writing on cultural affairs, Lochner joined the staff of the Associated Press Berlin bureau. In 1929, he was promoted

to bureau chief,

a position which he continued to

hold since then. During these years, Lochner became the AP's acknowledged expert on German affairs as he witnessed and reported on many of the most important events during the fall of the Weimar Republic and the rise of the National Socialists. Lochner knew and interviewed many German leaders including Adolf Hitler, Paul von Hindenburg, Joseph Goebbels, Hermann Göring, Heinrich Brüning, and Gustav Stresemann. His professional career in Germany culminated in his coverage of the Munich

crisis in 1938 which earned

him the Pulitzer Prize in the following year.

64 HERMANN GORING

IS STILL NUMBER TWO IN THE THIRD REICH

[Source: Louis P. Lochner: Goering Still Is Number 2, in: The Sunday Sun (Baltimore, Md.), Vol. 38 D/no No. given, December 18, 1938, p. 11, cols. 6 - 8; reprinted by permission of The Associated Press, New York, N.Y.]

For the first time since Adolf Hitler came into power in January, 1933, the radicals in the Nazi movement have been able to put something over on Hermann Göring, pillar of the conservative section of the movement. His signature has been affixed to the decrees of November 12 and 23 whereby German Jews collectively must pay a penalty of $400,000,000 for the murder of vom Rath at Paris by a young Polish Jew, and must repair, at their own expense, the demage done by hoodlums during the orgy of destruction of November 10. More than that, he has set his name to the reason which was given for these punitive measures. WHY JEWS HAD TO PAY The Jew must himself pay for the damage to his property, it was said in the decree of November 12, because this damage was "occasioned by the indignation of the people over the incitement of international Jewery against National Socialist Germany." Those in the know assert that the doughty, heavy-set, square-jawed field marshal general had to play with the Leftists because he was in danger of losing ground as Germany's No. 2 man. At a time when nobody else dared advise Hitler against going the whole limit in the Czecho-Slovak crisis during the portentious September days, Göring cautioned against making out-and-out war. Apparently Göring received small thanks for thus siding with the moderates. 2 MEN BACKED HIM At any rate, the story is generally current in Berlin that Adolf Hitler, when the crisis was over, told his inner circle that only two men had stood unflinchingly behind him throughout

65 in his determination to risk even war to gain his ends with reference to Czecho-Slovakia: Joachim von Ribbentrop, the Foreign Minister, and Heinrich Himmler, chief of the gestapo or secret service. Soon thereafter Göring made a public announcement that he was so busy with the four-year plan and its execution that he would not accept invitations to party rallies or social events this winter. Some observers saw in this gesture a sign that the mighty lion of the movement was sulking in his den. Others probably more correctly interpreted this to mean that Hermann Göring as director of the general economy movement which the execution of the four-year plan involved, considered it a waste of energy that every party big-wig felt he must attend every rally, every demonstration and every appearance of some other top leader. SHOWED

INDEPENDENCE

Göring next showed his independence by having his baby girl, Edda, christened November 4 by the Lutheran Reichsbishop Ludwig Müller, with Adolf Hitler as godfather. The ideological leaders of the Nazi movement, headed by Alfred Rosenberg, have left no doubt but that the triumph of Naziism must also mean the abdication of Christianity. To them, Göring was not behaving according to Hoyle in giving a Christian bapism to his child. The neo-pagans, who happen to coincide with the radicals of the Himmler, Ley and Goebbels stripe, were not slow in hitting back. A few days later the German newspaper reader was informed that Rudolf Hess, the Führer's deputy, had been host during a ceremony of giving a Nordic name to his recently born child. This ceremony, too, took place in Adolf Hitler's presence. It was a non-Christian rite. RIOTS FOLLOWED Then came the "spontaneous" anti-Jewish demonstration of November 10 with their burning of synagogues, smashing of windows, demolition of furniture and furnishings, and pillaging of shops and even private homes.

66 Göring, according to reports, was furious. He - the conservator of every bone, every used metal tube, every rag, every ounce of scrap iron - learned with pained surprise that costly bales of cloth were thrown into the streets and lighted; thousands of marks' worth of chocolate dumped on the pavement and trampled upon; pottery, glassware and porcelain knocked to bits, and edibles pitched out of grocery stores and destroyed. The reports by those who during the ensuing weeks were charged with collecting the bones, tubes, etc., from the various households each week showed that people were no longer eager to save. The collectors were met again and again with the words, "Why should we take the trouble to save when evidently there's such a plenty of all necessities that you can afford to throw them on the streets?" TRYING TO BOOST TRADE Moreover, the anti-Jewish action came just as Göring was trying to step up the export trade with a view to getting in more foreign exchange wherewith to pay for Germany's gigantic program of rearmament and the consequent necessary importation of materials like cotton, dopper, nickel, et cetera. Meanwhile, Joachim von Ribbentrop has stolen a march on him: The Foreign Minister, rather than the Field Marshal, was appointed by Adolf Hitler to sign the Franco-German accord at Paris. It was an open secret that Göring, before the anti-Jewish outbursts, had been primed for this solemn act. At this writing, authentic information is not available whether Göring himself decided to forego the honor or traveling as Hitler's representative to Paris, or whether the Führer was so disappointed in Göring's not supporting the anti-Semitic actions wholeheartedly that he commissioned von Ribbentrop to go in his place. However, that may be, Göring is still Germany's No. 2 man.

67

FROM BERLIN (GERMANY) IN 1939 BY OTTO D. TOLISCHUS The New York Times

Otto David Tol i schus

(born on November 20, 1890, in Russ, the Memel

Territory) renounced his German citizenship when he was seventeen and came

to

America. Five years later

he

was already attending

1

Columbia University s School of Journalism, paying his way by working in factories

in

Syracuse, New York, and Trenton, New Jersey.

When he was graduated in business as

a

1916

he promptly entered the newspaper

cub reporter on the Cleveland Press. During World

War I Tolischus was a member of the Training Corps of Camp Gordon, near Atlanta, Georgia, but the Armistice came before he saw service in France. He returned to the Cleveland when

he

joined

the

Berlin staff

of

Press, and in 1923,

Hearst's Universal

Service

after a trip to Europe he was managing editor of a Cleveland paper. Tolischus was with Universal ed

International

News

Service

for eight years and then join-

as its

Berlin

correspondent. In

1931, he spent a year as head of this news service in London, and he returned to the U.S. in 1932 to work as a free-lance magazine writer

for

another year. In

1933,

Tolischus

joined

the Berlin

staff of the New York Times. There he watched the rise and expansion of the National Socialist regime and covered it in its economic, political

and

cultural

aspects.

Before

the

war he made

extensive studies of Poland and Czechoslovakia, and he predicted the Nazi-Soviet pact three months before it happened. He covered the German angles of the outbreak of World War II and remained in Poland during the German campaign there. At the time when he received the Pulitzer Prize in

1940

for work done in the previous

year, the Nazi Government tried to get him out of the country.

68 ADOLF

HITLER

TRIES

TO

'DEAL'

POLAND A BLOW WITH

RUSSIA

[Source: Otto D. Tolischus: Deal With Stalin Sought by Hitler. Reich Would Neutralize Soviet by a Non-Aggression Treaty and Then Move on Poland, in: The New York Times (New York, N.Y.), Vol. LXXXVIII/No. 29,690, May 9, 1939, p. 1, col. 2; p. 8, cols. 5 - 6 ; reprinted by permission of The New York Times Company, New York, N.Y.]

Having tied Premier Benito Mussolini to himself with what is described here as an unconditional political and military alliance, Chancellor Adolf Hitler today concentrated on "appeasing" Joseph Stalin to bring Soviet Russia out of the British "peace front" and thereby pave the way for a revision of the Polish-German frontiers. That, in brief, is the European political situation as it presents itself to both German and foreign observers in Berlin. Officially German policy toward the Soviet is described as one of watchful waiting now that Foreign Commissar Maxim Litvinoff, who is regarded as a symbol of an ideological foreign policy with a Western orientation who "has done great harm to the Russian people," has been replaced by a Soviet "realist." But mere waiting never has been part of Chancellor Hitler's policy, and the possibility of a German-Russian nonaggression pact, as outlined by this correspondent on Saturday, became common talk over the week-end in German political quarters as well as in diplomatic circles here. OVERTURES ARE NOT

DENIED

Although there is no official confirmation, there is alsor no denial that preliminary overtures for "normalization" of German-Russian relations already have been made, and diplomatic quarters reckon with them in their calculations. It is no secret here that the Soviet Government itself has been in favor of such a development; it took active steps to bring it about not only in years past but as late as last February. And German quarters are confident that Mr. Stalin is still in a receptive mood because, for one reason, he still distrusts Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain of Britain and Premier Edouard Daladier of France and fears that Russia might get into a war with Germany to fulfill joint guarantees to Eastern

69 T

H

E

B

E

R

L

I

N

-

R

O

M

E

A

X

I

S

P R E S E N T - D A Y M A P O F E U R O P E is dominated by the fact of the German-Italian alliance, which controls, since the German occupation of Austria, a solid block of territory extending north and south across Europe, from the Baltic to the Mediterranean. The two fascist states, faced by monopolist empires in every other part of the world, are driven to imperialist expansion within the borders of Europe itself; and the alliance is an obvious threat to the smaller states on their borders. Their combined assistance of Franco in Spain has extended their influence to the western end of the Mediterranean, and threatens the empire routes of Britain and France, both within that sea and in the Atlantic ; while Italy's seizure of Albania (1939) has brought the Adriatic entirely under her domination.

THE

[Source: J(ames) F(rancis) Horrabin: A n A t l a s of C u r r e n t Affairs, L o n d o n 1939, pp. 12 f.]

70 European powers w i t h o u t the help of the British and French co-guarantors. B u t German quarters specify that there is no question of a German-Russian "alliance," and even the w o r d

"rapprochement"

is declared to go too far. "Normalization" and

"neutralization"

are the words the Germans prefer. Such a state, it is h e l d here, w o ü l d be sufficient to keep Russia out of the antiGerman front, leave Poland isolated in the E a s t and permit an expansion of German-Russian trade, w h i c h Germany needs badly and about w h i c h conversations are admittedly under w a y . In that connection it is pointed out the Treaty of Rapallo and the Pact of Berlin, providing for the neutrality of one partner in the event the other is attacked, have been repeatedly prolonged by Herr Hitler himself. In recent years these pacts have n o t been of m u c h political reality, but it is h e l d here that they could easily be "reactivated" by a simple joint declaration along the lines of the Russian-Polish declaration of last December, w h i c h "reactivated" the equally dormant Russian-Polish non-aggression pact. In any case there has already been a distinct

improvement

in the diplomatic atmosphere b e t w e e n Germany and Russia. To facilitate the desired development the German Government has issued orders to the press, first, n o t to attack Russia and to go lightly even in the "holy crusade" against bolshevism, and, second, to sidetrack Danzig and Poland for the m o m e n t and concentrate o n jubilation over the German-Italian

alliance.

The Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung cites w i t h glee a witticism from a Netherland newspaper to this effect: The difference between M r . Chamberlain and Signor Mussolini is that Mr. Chamberlain takes his weekend in the country while Signor Mussolini takes a country over the week-end. But it is denied here and is also held unlikely that any immediate attempt will be made to apply this witticism to Poland or even to Danzig. MEDIATION REPORTS

DENIED

Reports abroad that either Pope Pius or Signor Mussolini will undertake to mediate between Poland and Germany are emphatically denied here. Signor Mussolini, it is said, will merely advise Poland in a "friendly way" to come to terms w i t h

71 Germany. And last Friday's visit to Herr Hitler at Berchtesgaden by Mgr. Cesare Orsenigo, the Papal Nuncio, is explained here as follows: The Nuncio, it is said, notfied Herr Hitler of the papal address asking all Catholic churches to pray for peace. This was accomplished in three minutes and, though the inference of this step was obvious, it was nevertheless done in such a delicate manner that Herr Hitler kept Mgr. Orsenigo for three hours discussing relations between the German Government and the Catholic Church. This, it is explained, was possible only because Mgr. Orsenigo avoided all references to conflicts and political issues and, particularly, all references to the acute German-Polish situation, since Herr Hitler would never accept any outside intervention in that matter. According to all indications before proceeding to a settlement of her account with Poland, Germany has decided to await the signing of the alliance with Italy, which is expected at the end of the month, and the outcome of her efforts respecting Russia. Germany, it is held here, can afford to wait while Poland cannot, and the German press already features dispatches from Warsaw to the effect that Poland's mobilization is impairing the country's economy. Incidentally, the "threat" of Foreign Minister Josef Beck of Poland to reveal proposals that Germany made to his government - which are generally believed to have been directed against Russia - are met in German quarters with counterthreats to reveal Polish proposals for aggrandizement at the expense of the Baltic States. German overtures to the Soviet are dealt with frankly in an inspired article by Dr. Adolf Halfeld in the Hamburger Fremdenblatt. He writes: "Since the fall of Litvinoff, which has hit the political world of the Western powers like a blow from a club, is at this moment reduced to a common denominator, then its still inestimable importance may be summarized in the statement that European politics has finally and definitely emerged from an era of bottomless ideological conflicts. The Bolshevik who camouflaged himself in Geneva as a democrat

72 and in cozy flirtations with democratic friends undertook to forge bold plans against the Fascists belongs in that form to the past. "The climax of his doubtful activity was the civil war in Spain. It is now history - glorious history for National Socialist Germany as well - and with it all abstract slogans about indivisible peace, which meant a war of all against all, and about collective security have been buried. Ideologists, be their name Litvinoff or Eden [former Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden of Britain], have been replaced more and more by realists, and nobody will blame -the highly realistic leadership of Germany's foreign policy when it welcomes this change, because it has the best experiences and greatest successes in this field. A firm relation whith Soviet Russia was to be the crowning act of the British encirclement plan. How far the Litvinoff fall implies a fundamental change in Moscow's foreign policy is still not clear. But that the resignation of a man who was looked on as the prototype of a Western orientation and, therewith, of ideological fraternization with the democracies, will bring a noticeable change is considered likely even in London and Paris. Already many voices are being heard that speak of the voluntary isolation of Russian power or even of a rapprochement with Germany, advocated by Stalin himself." In so far as any Russian reaction to such overtures are ascertainable here, it is pointed out that the Soviet has always advocated non-aggression pacts - it has such pact with imost of its neighbors - and there is no reason why a new (German-Russian non-aggression agreement could not be fitted into Russia's long-standing peace policy.

73

FROM VARIOUS PARTS OF THE WORLD IN 1940 BY NUMEROUS JOURNALISTS All American

Instead of

an

individual prize

Newspapers

a

group award was given and ex-

plained by these words: "In place of an individual Pulitzer Prize for foreign correspondence, the Trustees approved the recommendation of the Advisory Board that a bronce plaque or scroll be designed and executed to recognize and symbolize the public services and the individual achievements of American news reporters in the war zones

of

present war."

Europe, Asia

and Africa from the beginning of the

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254 began moving the liberation army collapsed. Only a month after the civil war began, on March 25, the provisional government of Bangla Desh could venture no further into East Pakistan than a mango grove 300 meters from the Indian border. Indian policy makers, whatever their virtues, are not noted for quick decision-making. By late April India would have been recognizing what amounted to a government in exile. And no other countries would have followed suit. The poor performance of the Bangla Desh leaders and their makeshift liberation movement was a disappointment even to strong Indian sympathizers. Some of them realized that channelling aid to this movement would be far from simple. Giving guns would not be enough. Training and organization are needed. And the Indian army is no great repository of wisdom on the waging of guerrilla wars. What even of the simple problems, like insuring that guns given to the liberation army don't end up in Communist hands? Then too, the risk of a full-scale war with Pakistan, which large-scale Indian military assistance might entail, is not to be taken lightly. India probably would win such a war, but it would divert Indian resources from the monumental domestic problems that Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was just re-elected to try to solve. And then there's China, which might support Pakistan with more than words. India's mountain passes along the Chinese border may be much better defended now than at the time of the 1962 Sino-Indian border war, but few sane Indians seek a rematch. (Nor, probably, does domestic-oriented China.) Finally, some Indians are concerned that a new ethnic state of Bangla Desh would provide a potent impetus for independence movements among the many ethnic groups in the patchwork Indian nation. Red China, the proponent and patron of liberation wars, chose to side verbally with West Pakistan's decidedly unrevolutionary military regime in its suppression of a popular revolution. An outrageous reversal of revolutionary doctrine, or is it? To Chairman Mao, liberation wars are not won by the likes of Sheikh Mujibur and the bourgeois bureaucrats of his Awami League who have led the Bangla Desh movement to date.

255 Why not let the Pakistan army kill off these bourgeois n a tionalists, the sooner to see them replaced by leftist militants and a "people's war" that follows the gospel of Chairman Mao? That may be a long time coming, for East Pakistan's Communists are still a small force and Peking's policy is to let even approved revolutionaries help themselves. But China is nothing if n o t patient. In the meantime China has cemented its friendship w i t h West Pakistan, a valuable national ally as a counterbalance to India (with its Soviet ties) and as a solid link in Peking's chain of contacts with the rest of the noncommunist u n d e r developed world. China has given Pakistan large amounts of economic and military assistance over the years, including a $200 million loan late last year, and Peking, like other nations, does not lightly write off such investments. So China, in the short run, has backed an old friend a n d picked a winner in the process. A n d China's longer run options are still open. By the time China is ready to commit itself to a Communist insurgency in East Pakisan the W e s t Pakistanis may already have decided to abandon the area. The Soviets were openly critical of W e s t Pakistan's actions in East Pakistan and called for an end to the bloodshed. B u t the reasons probably have much more to do w i t h Soviet

friendship

with India and hostility to C h i n a than w i t h any sense of brotherhood with the Bengalis. A n d Soviet sympathies have not been so strongly expressed as to ruin relations with W e s t Pakistan. WHILE FROM THE U.S From the United States, silence. A n d in a situation like this, silence naturally supports the status quo - which is n o t a Bengal nation. There are probably several reasons: the simple wish to avoid any new foreign entanglements, a fear of reducing U.S. influence in W e s t Pakistan and thus increasing that of the Chinese, a tendency to stick w i t h a country in which the U.S., too, has invested much military and economic aid. Perhaps there's also another, somewhat subliminal, reason. The West Pakistanis, in addition to being a k n o w n quantity, are a rather compatible one for U.S. policy makers.

256 Military men with handlebar mustaches and Sandhurst accents run a superficially efficient regime with clear lines of authority. It is a nation that can use American dollars to build impressive dams, train its soliders to use American weapons and teach its farmers to grow miracle wheat. It's not a mysterious corner of Asia teeming with little black people. When American VIPs go to Pakistan, it's to see parades in Islamabad

(in the

West), not to see poverty in Dacca (in the East). Lyndon Johnson invited a West Pakistan camel driver to the White House, not a Bengali rickshaw puller. It's several years too soon to say whether or not America, China, Russia, India or Pakistan made the right moves in the spring of 19 71. But it's at least a reasonable bet that some kind of new nation will evolve in the years to come, when that happens, ambassadors from Washington, Peking, Moscow and Delhi will be standing at attention in Dacca for the singing of the Bangla Desh national anthem, "My Golden Bangla Desh, I Love You." And some ambassadors, of course, will be in better favor than others.

257

FROM PEKING (CHINA) IN 1972 BY MAX

FRANKEL

The New York Times

Max Frankel years

old

(born on April 3,

1930,

in Gera, Germany) was eight

when the Nazis deported him and his family to Poland.

Two years later, they reached the United States after having faced numerous difficulties. Frankel was educated in New York City. He had his sights already set on

a newspaper career by the time he

entered Columbia University. While in college he acquired experience on the student newspaper and as a Columbia correspondent for the New York Times. He received his B.A. degree in

1952

and his

M.A. a year later. Already in June, 1952, he was hired as a fulltime reporter for the

Times,

covering general assignments for a

year before entering the Army in 1953. After two years of duty at the Pentagon in Washington, he returned to the Times, and in November, 1956, he was sent to Europe to help cover stories arising out of the Polish and Hungarian insurrections. From 1957 to 1960, Max Frankel

was

assigned

to the newspaper's

Moscow

bureau. In

1961, he moved to Washington where he became chief Washington correspondent and head of the New York Times bureau in 1968. In this capacity, Frankel belonged to the group of journalists which accompanied President Nixon

to

China

in

1972. For his reports on

that tour he was awarded the Pulitzer Prize in the following year.

258 NIXON'S VISIT HELPS TO IMPROVE BILATERAL RELATIONS

[Source: Max Frankel: Warm Mood Is Continuing to Sunround Nixon Trip, in: The New York Times (New York, N.Y.), Vol. CXXI/No. 41,670, February 25, 1972, p. 1, cols. 1 - 2; p. 14, cols. 1 - 2; reprinted by permission of The New York Times Company, New York, N.Y.]

President Nixon continued to react with public enthusiasm today toward his Peking visit while his Chinese hosts, although not matching the President's rhetorical buoyancy, continued to give widespread publicity to their extensive dealings with him. There is no reliable indication yet of how the shared desire for a reconcilation between the United States and China may be translated into specific programs and agreements for future contact. In fact, the syntax of some off-the-cuff remarks by Mr. Nixon yesterday could be read as a suggestion that tourism and other exchanges might develop more slowly than the President would wish. The President and Premier Chou En-lai met again for three hours in a small working group last evening and then for two more hours at a private dinner for larger delegations. This morning the President and Mrs. Nixon, escorted by Yeh Chien-ying, China's leading military figure, spent about 90 minutes touring the old Imperial Palace, known as the Forbidden City. Hatless and gloveless despite the falling snow, Mr. Nixon chatted with Chinese officials as they led him from palace to palace. Mrs. Nixon wore her blonde mink coat. Mr. Nixon declined to answer when newsmen asked him how his negotiations with the Chinese were going. He said that he would "talk tonight" while exchanging toasts at a banquet he is to host for the Chinese to reciprocate the festive dinner party that opened the visit Monday. Mr. Yeh, responding to the same question, said that "it is my hope that people of our two countries and people of the world can enjoy peace and good harmony." After the tour of the palace grounds, Mr. Nixon headed for another conference with Premier Chou.

259 Tomorrow morning, with Premier Chou as his guide, Mr. Nixon is to fly to the historic tourist city of Hangchow, where Chairman Mao Tse-tung maintains a home and will probably receive the President a second time. In Hangshow, and in Shanghai on Sunday, the two sides are expected to confer further, at least to complete the negotiations on a final communique that is expected before the President's departure for home on Monday. In all, the President and Premier Chou will have spent more than 30 hours together before their departure from the capital, about half of the time in serious private conference. In adding up the hours, the White House staff implied that some of the other time - in automobile rides and at dinners and cultural events - was also given to serious conversation. Mr. Nixon has been unstinting in his praise of China, her ballet, her gymnasts, her food, her civilization and her potential for development. He has kept on urging more contact, deploring American ignorance of Asia and expressing hope that his visit here will lead to cooperative ventures for "peaceful progress" in the years ahead.

[Source: John King Fairbank: The United States and China, 3. Ed., Cambridge, Mass., 1972, p. 7.]

260 And the Chinese leaders, although they have not matched the President's rhetorical enthysiasms, are continuing to give official sanction to their extensive dealings with him. The newspapers here continue to give prominence to photographs of Mr. Nixon and Premier Chou enjoying each other's company at various functions. Peking television has given warm accounts of Mrs. Nixon's appreciative tours around town. Visiting American newsmen are being urged to let nothing mar the unfolding friendship between the peoples of the two countries. In all these ways, the Chinese people are being encouraged to think in a new style about the United States, and the world is being encouraged to attach considerable importance to the still secret conversations here. Separate discussions have been held simultaneously by delegations under the leadership of Secretary of State William P. Rogers and Foreign Minister Chi Peng-fei. These talks are said to be concerned not so much with basic policy questions as with the details and mechanics of future contracts and exchange programs. It was in his first informal comments to newsmen yesterday, during visits to the Great Wall and the Ming Tombs north of Peking, that Mr. Nixon heaped lavish praise on everything he had seen and pronounced his talks so far as both interesting and worthwhile. He used the symbol of the Great Wall to suggest that a nation with a great past can also have a great future and that the future would be especially bright if the walls of ideology and animosity could be pierced by communication. The President said he hoped one result of his trip would be that "peoples regardless of their differences and backgrounds and their philosophies, will have an opportunity to communicate with each other, know each other, and to share with each other those particular endeavors that will mean peaceful progress in the years ahead." But in referring to the prospects for the greater tourism that he advocated, Mr. Nixon said only that he hoped for it "in the future." An hour later, he said he hoped that "in the

261 Walks, Talks, arid Toasts

A

our encounter with history we turned to the practical issue of L how to distill from it a direction for policy. While I had outlined the American approach to world affairs in considerable detail to Chou En-lai on two previous visits, only the President could confer final authority and conviction. Much would depend on the Chinese leaders' assessment of Nixon's ability to execute, parallel with them, a global policy designed to maintain the balance of power which was the real purpose of their opening to us. And there was need, too, for a formal expression of the new relationship between two countries that had had no communication for over two decades, no diplomatic ties, and no framework for dealing with each other. So the final communique was crucial. What was required was a document equally symbolic for Communist cadres and capitalist observers, capable of squelching criticism from the ideological left in China and the conservative right in America. It had to encompass Taiwan but remove it as a bone of contention. It had to suggest our real mutual security concerns without spelling them out in provocative fashion. What was required was easier to state than to achieve. We had made major progress during my October trip. Three paragraphs remained to be settled, one dealing with India-Pakistan, a second with trade and exchanges, and the third with Taiwan. They took four latenight sessions to complete. FTER

Meanwhile, the Peking summit unfolded on other levels as well, all intricately interwoven by our subtle hosts and our not so subtle advance men. The Chinese wanted to use the majesty of their civilization and the elegance of their manners to leave an impression that nothing was more natural than an increasingly intimate relationship between the world's most avowedly revolutionary Marxist state and the embodiment of capitalism. Our advance men had simpler objectives. They sought exposure in prime television time. The purposes intersected to produce a spectacular show, a string of Presidential visits to the architectural and artistic monuments of China's past: the Great Wall, the Forbidden City, the Ming Tombs, the Summer Palace, and the Temple of Heaven, where the emperors had carried their self-absorption and presumption to the point of locating the precise geometric center of the universe within a series of concentric circles in what is now downtown Peking. 1 participated in none of the sight-seeing. I had seen the landmarks on my two previous visits, having indeed been used by the meticulous Chinese as a guinea pig for their study of timings and required security precautions, as well as of how these strange Americans behaved in the presence of the wonders of Chinese history. I therefore used the time to negotiate the communique with Ch'iao Kuan-hua and to attend to the Washington business of the Presidential security a d v i s e r . . . [Source: Henry Kissinger: T h e White House Years, L o n d o n 1979, p p . 1066 f.]

262 future" his children and their children w o u l d be able to v i s i t China. A n d moments later, he said yet again that he h o p e d more Chinese w o u l d be able to v i s i t the United States, also adding "in the future." American officials declined to provide any

interpretation

of the President's meaning. The experience in China so far, the President also said, "reminds us that all of us must work for an open w o r l d where people of different cultures, different philosophies and so forth may at least have an opportunity to know each other." It will be clear in a few days just how far the President has been able to "open" the Chinese part of the w o r l d and to w h a t extent his caveats about "the future" may connote a Chinese desire to proceed only slowly. Although they clearly value the new links w i t h the United States, the Chinese may w i s h to balance them w i t h some r e serve as long as the United States maintains formal relations and defense commitments with the Chinese Nationalists on Taiwan. There w i l l b e no immediate diplomatic relations between Peking and Washington and that fact may retard the pace and the extent of the exchanges sought by the President. The Chinese may also w i s h to practice some restraint until they are satisfied that the United States has disengaged fully from the war in Vietnam. Their reception of the President denotes a confidence that he is pulling back American forces from the A s i a n continent, but the N o r t h Vietnamese and perhaps other Communists probably resent the swiftness of China's turnabout in dealings w i t h Washington. Mr. Nixon appeared to be trying to soothe Chinese sensibilities w h e n he suggested that Peking could conduct normal business with other nations - w h i c h it has only recently assumed - without sacrificing alliances and principles. "I don't m e a n to suggest that exchange of people solves the problems of the w o r l d or problems between governments," the President said. "But it so enriches the lives of people to know other civilizations and n o t to live simply on their own little island."

263

FROM MOSCOW (SOVIET UNION) IN 1973 BY HEDRICK L, SMITH The New

Hedrick

Lawrence Smith

land) t r a v e l e d France

and

ever

York

Times

(born o n J u l y 9 , 1 9 3 3 , in K i l m a c o l m ,

since h i s

birth.

A f t e r living

in

Scot-

Germany,

E n g l a n d , h i s family r e t u r n e d to the U n i t e d S t a t e s o n

one of the last two p a s s e n g e r liners to leave G r e a t B r i t a i n a f t e r the o u t b r e a k of W o r l d W a r II. S m i t h w e n t to C h o a t e S c h o o l a n d then to W i l l i a m s C o l l e g e w h e r e h e m a j o r e d i n A m e r i c a n h i s t o r y a n d l i t e r a ture, g r a d u a t i n g in 1 9 5 5 . A F u l b r i g h t S c h o l a r s h i p took h i m to O x ford in the f o l l o w i n g year. A f t e r

a

Force as a n i n t e l l i g e n c e o f f i c e r ,

Smith

j o i n e d United

ternational

1959.

He s h i f t e d to N a s h v i l l e

in M e m p h i s , T e n n . , in

t h r e e - y e a r s stay in the A i r

in time to c o v e r the n a t i o n ' s first m a j o r

racial

Frees

crisis.

In-

Later,

m o v i n g to UPI' s b u r e a u in A t l a n t a and C a p e K e n n e d y , h e h a d a h a n d in c o v e r i n g the F r e e d o m R i d e s in 1961 a n d the o r b i t a l f l i g h t s 1962. S m i t h came

to

the W a s h i n g t o n b u r e a u of the New

York

in

Times

in J u l y , 1962. I n W a s h i n g t o n , h i s b e a t w a s c o v e r i n g d i p l o m a t i c n e w s f r o m the C o n g o to L a o s , f r o m Y e m e n to I n d o n e s i a . F r o m 1964

until

1966 he w a s b a s e d in C a i r o , then s e r v e d in P a r i s , a n d in A u g u s t , 1971, S m i t h

was

a s s i g n e d as b u r e a u

chief

o f t h e New

York

Times

in M o s c o w . T h e r e h e w r o t e h i s a r t i c l e s for w h i c h he r e c e i v e d t h e P u l i t z e r P r i z e i n 1974 for w o r k d o n e i n the p r e v i o u s y e a r .

264 EXPENSIVE CARS ARE LEONID I. BREZHNEV'S GREATEST WEAKNESS

[Source: Hedrick L. Smith: Soviet Union's Chairman of the Board - Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, in: The New York Times (New York, N.Y.), Vol. CXXII/No. 42,149, June 18, 1973, p. 10, cols. 2 - 5 ; reprinted by permission of The New York Times Company, New York, N.Y.]

"I don't sell neckties or shirts or buttons or tractors of combine harvesters. [We have] natural wealth including rare metals, ores and very important minerals - deposits that will enable us to plan our development for 200 and even 300 years ahead. "Trade has to be of a large-scale nature, worthy of the scale of our two great countries. I'm all in favor of that kind of trade." This broad talk on the need to think big commercially came not from the head of some wealthy Western multinational corporation but from General Secretary Leonid I. Brezhnev, the son of a steel worker and lifelong Communist party administrator, now in effect chairman of the board of the world's largest integrated economic establishment, the Soviet economy. His remarks to American correspondents illustrate the burly, bushy-browed Soviet leader's mounting personal interest and involvement in commerce, capture the pragmatic nature of his improvement in relations with the West, and even hint at his corporate style of leadership. . TRADEMARK: DETENTE For if Lenin's name is associated with the Bolshevik Revolution and the establishment of Soviet power, Stalin's with collectivization and the purges, and Khrushchev's with de-Stalinization and the virgin land program, Mr. Brezhnev is well on his way to making his trademarks the turn to detente with the West and his current bold venture at cooperative East-West commerce, especially in developing Siberia. As these policies have gained momentum over the last three years, Mr. Brezhnev has emerged with greater authority at home as well as greater visibility, stature and poise as the Kremlin's principal delegate to the West.

265 After initial leadership years as a hidden figure he has gained a reputation in the West for his taste for food, drink, hunting and fast cars, and problems with weight and smoking. A rising flow of Western visitors has found him gregarious and talkative and has come away more struck by his warm smile than by the black eyebrows that cartoonists used to make look so satanic in the months after the Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia. In the post-Czechoslovakia years, Soviet propagandists made a deliberate effort to humanize Mr. Brezhnev in the West. Official photographers have caught him in shirtsleeves in talks with Chancellor Willy Brandt of West Germany, greeting women factory workers in Yugoslavia with a kiss on the lips, hoisting up young children in Poland, or in a sporty pose wearing dark glasses and open-necked windbreaker leaning against the gunwhales of a yacht. All this is a marked contrast from the early years of the Brezhnev-led coalition that toppled Mr. Khrushchev in 1964, when Premier Aleksei N. Kosygin was Moscow's negotiator with the West and when Mr. Brezhnev, in 1966, rebuffed some private suggestions on a Berlin settlement from de Gaulle by reading the French leader a hardline Kremlin position paper and then re-reading it when de Gaulle tried to carry the dialogue further. Ά

FAST LEARNER'

"When I first met Brezhnev," Chancellor Brandt recalls, "he carried his briefing book in front of him. When we discussed the Middle East, he turned to that section and read a statement. When we discussed Berlin, he did the same. When I went back a few months later, there was no briefing book. Brezhnev knew what he wanted to say on all subjects and said it. He's a fast learner." High-level American visitors have also found the 66-year-old Soviet leader knowledgeable and relaxed, a man with a definite gift for gab and the cordial manner of a Southern politician. He cannot match Mr. Khrushchev for quotable anecdotes but he manages jokes and often comes across whith pithy, informal comments such as his remark to a Western visitor who inquired

266 about the long-term prospects for coexistence of capitalism and C o m m u n i s m . T h a t could be opposed, Mr. Brezhnev declared, only by people "who have nothing in their heads b u t sausages and coffee." In general, he projects an air of realism, calmness and stabilitiy in the Kremlin after the erratic exuberance of Khrushchev and the arbitrary tyranny of Stalin. This has evidently w o n h i m a strong following in the Communist party hierarchy, though the Soviet people generally seem fairly indifferent to h i m as a leader. On television and in photographs, Mr. Brezhnev's heavy figure, fleshy face, and wavy graying hair give an impression of force and size that leaves visitors surprised not to find h i m taller than his 5 feet 11 inches w h e n they meet him. He is n o t a particularly good speaker and is at his b e s t in conversations w i t h small groups. PARALLELS WITH NIXON There are some interesting parallels in the life and career of Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev w i t h that of Richard Milhous Nixon. Both came from humble beginnings. Mr. Brezhnev was born on Dec. 19, 1906, of Russian parents in the Ukrainian river town of Kamenskoye, now the industrial city of Dneprodzerzhinsk. He began working in a steel mill w h e n be was 15. Later he studied metallurgical engineering and has retained an interest in machinery and mechanics. He got his first political job as deputy mayor of his hometown in 1937 and rose rapidly under the patronage of Mr. Khrushchev as other senior men were falling victims of the Stalinist purges. In the war years, he continued his rise as a political commissar in the army, beginning a long connection w i t h the defense

establish-

ment . Like President Nixon, he emerged on the national scene in 1952, w h e n Mr. Nixon became Vice President. Mr. Brezhnev became one of the 10 senior secretaries of the Communist party and an alternate member of the Presidium, as the ruling P o l i t buro w a s then called. Also, like Mr. Nixon, he had some ups a n d downs before becoming First Secretary and the top figure in the Politburo after overthrowing his mentor, Mr. Khrushchev

THE SOCIALIST COUNTRIES OF EASTERN EUROPE

[Source: Robin Edmonds: Soviet Foreign Policy, 1962 - 1973, London New York - Toronto 1975, p. 69.]

267

268 Moreover, Mr. Nixon and Mr. Brezhnev share a pragmatism in their approach to foreign policy after more conservative earlier years. Some of Mr. Brezhnev's earlier speeches are studded with Marxist references to the corruption and decline of capitalism that are the other side of Mr. Nixon's earlier rigid anti-Communism. Just as Mr. Brezhnev has distinguished himself as a superb tactician in foreign affairs, consolidating the Soviet hold in Eastern Europe and then managing the policy of detente with the West, he has proved himself a masterful tactician in the Kremlin's inner workings. Having come to power on a platform of collective

leadership,

he has gradually accumulated personal power without arousing fears of his colleagues about a return to one-man rule. He quickly neutralized the ambitious and powerful Politburo member, Aleksandr N. Shelepin, by shifting him out of control of the secret police. And he persuaded Nikolai V. Podgorny to give up a key party secretary's job for the more ceremonial post of President. In 1971, he packed the Politburo with four new men, all his supporters, and then this spring had enough power to ease out two foes, Pyotr Y. Shelest and Gennady I. Voronov. Although always more powerful in the post-Khrushchev coalition than Premier Kosygin, he began to upstage Mr. Kosygin publicly in late 1969 on domestic affairs and a year later on foreign affairs with his first meeting with Chancellor Brandt. Even so, he does not appear to be a leader of unlimited power, but carefully shepherds the Politburo consensus behind the politics he wants to promote, balancing the interests of the "steel-eaters" of heavy industry with the rising needs of consumers, prodding the traditionalists to move into the computer age and yet clamping down on dissidents. Nor does Mr. Brezhnev seem to thrive on power in the way that Stalin or Khrushchev did, though he has his vanities. He has been seen at state receptions pausing to comb his hair before a mirror. He has the facial lines air-brushed out of his official photographs. A Time magazine correspondent was expelled from Moscow in 1970, reportedly because Mr. Brezhnev was irritated about an unflattering cover story on him.

269 MORE STYLISH

SUITS

A n d h e h a s p o i n t e d l y s h i f t e d away from the b a g g y dark

suits

of S o v i e t leaders into w e l l - t a i l o r e d c l o t h e s w i t h g o l d c u f f links, an o c c a s i o n a l d i a m o n d t i e p i n and a g o l d J a p a n e s e w a t c h with a crocodile-leather

wristband.

H i s taste for e x e c u t e d style cars h a s b e c o m e so w e l l k n o w n that o t h e r leaders n o w p o i n t e d l y cater to it. He b e g a n w i t h a R o l l s - R o y c e S i l v e r C l o u d to w h i c h P r e s i d e n t P o m p i d o u a d d e d a C i t r o e n - M a s e r a t i e x e c u t i v e style s p o r t s car.

Chancellor

B r a n d t c o n t r i b u t e d a M e r c e d e s 450 SLC, a n d P r e s i d e n t N i x o n a C a d i l l a c . In M o s c o w , d r i v e n to work a b o u t 8:45 a n d b a c k h o m e a b o u t 10:30, h e travels in a c h a u f f e u r e d Zil, a S o v i e t

limou-

sine. B u t h e likes to drive himself o u t s i d e the city.

"When

I a m d r i v i n g I r e l a x , " he once said. "Behind the w h e e l , I h a v e the i m p r e s s i o n that n o t h i n g can h a p p e n . " A l t h o u g h h e once w a s a s p o r t s m a n 1

s k i i n g anc

(skating,

cross-country

l o n g - d i s t a n c e cycling) he now settles for h u n t i n g

p h e a s a n t , d u c k , deer and w i l d b o a r in the swamps a n d forests a r o u n d Zavidovo, a b o u t 90 m i l e s n o r t h w e s t of M o s c o w , w h e r e h e took Henry A. K i s s i n g e r this spring for t h e i r p r i v a t e

talks.

In t o w n h e follows the D y n a m o soccer t e a m m u c h t h e w a y P r e s i d e n t N i x o n roots for the W a s h i n g t o n

Redskins.

Tobacco is such a p r o b l e m for Mr. B r e z h n e v , w h o n o w

smokes

P h i l i p M o r r i s M u l t i f i l t e r s , t h a t he g o t a c i g a r e t t e b o x w i t h a times lock to s l o w d o w n h i s pace. B u t , he c o n f e s s e d , to one v i s i t o r , "I k e e p a reserve pack in the o t h e r p o c k e t . " P e r i o d i c a l l y h e goes o n w e i g h t - t r i m m i n g c a m p a i g n s . all day at a desk and w h e n I d o n ' t smoke, the a p p e t i t e right beside me," he confessed.

"'Go away,' I say,

"I s i t stands

'go away.'

B u t Comrade A p p e t i t e d o e s n ' t m o v e . " LIVES

MODESTLY

He lives r e l a t i v e l y m o d e s t l y in a f i v e - r o o m a p a r t m e n t o n M o s c o w ' s b r o a d K u t u z o v s k y P r o s p e k t w i t h n o t a m a r k o n the b u i l d i n g to s i g n i f y that the S o v i e t U n i o n ' s m o s t p o w e r f u l m a n is its resident. W i t h h i m live h i s w i f e , V i k t o r i a P e t r o v n a , h i s m o t h e r , N a t a s h a , now 86, and a g r a n d d a u g h t e r ,

Viktoria,

from an e a r l i e r m a r r i a g e of h i s d a u g h t e r , G a l e n a . H i s d a u g h t e r h a s w o r k e d for the N o v o s t i Press A g e n c y , w h i c h o f t e n e m p l o y s

270 people from leading families. His son, Yuri, a middle-level trade official, lives w i t h his own family. None are accompanying him on the p r e s e n t trip, b u t Mr. Brezhnev emphasizes that he expects to exchange more visits w i t h President Nixon "so they will have time." Although he suffered a m i l d heart attack several years ago, has problems with insomnia and h a d an illness or an operation that briefly put him o u t of commission last fall, he has bounced back and is quick to assure visitors that longevity is common in his family. "I am still young and full of vigor," he said to American

correspondents.

271

FROM LUDHIANA (INDIA) IN 1974 BY WILLIAM C, MULLEN Chicago

William

Charles

Mullen

Tribune

(born o n October

at

1962

1965. A f t e r having w o r k e d as a reporter for the La

Crosse State

Tribune Journal

in

cover took

he

went

at Madison, to

'employee' his

share

W i s c o n s i n at L a Crosse from

1966 and from 1966 Mullen

journalism from the University Then

of

1944, in La Crosse,

Wis.) studied through

the University

9,

the Chiaago of in

Tribune,

B.A.

degree

in

a n d as the paper's u n d e r -

Board of

local

his

Wisconsin

W i s c o n s i n at M a d i s o n in 1967.

revelation

Pulitzer Prize for general

1967 for the

received

of

Chicago's the

to

of

a

Election

Commissioners

fraud that b r o u g h t the

reporting to the

newspaper

in

1973. In the following year Mullen w a s conferred the Jakob Scher award

for

Investigative

International

Reporting.

Reporting

and

the

Pulitzer

Prize

for

272 CLIMATE CHANGES ARE RESPONSIBLE FOR SEVERE FOOD SHORTAGES

[Source: William C. Mullen: Weather Changes Here, Abroad Threaten Unending Food Shortage, in: Chicago Tribune (Chicago, 111.), Vol. 128/No. 288, October 15, 1974, p. 1, cols. 1 - 6; p. lO, cols. 1 - 6; reprinted by permission of The Chicago Tribune Company, Chicago, 111.]

Dr. M. S. Randhawa, considered a hero by Indian farmers and a miracle worker by agronomists around the world, sat in his office and stared out glumly at the heavy haze hanging over northern

India.

"I have never seen the sky like this before," he said. The sky was almost beige from dust particles whipped up by the wind and carried into the atmosphere from drouth-stricken states 200 miles away in western

India.

Dr. Randhawa, the man who brought the "green revolution" to India, was more than a little concerned. His grand experiment in increasing the output of Indian farms, a splendid

success

three years ago, now seems to be in serious jeopardy because of the disruptive behavior of the weather. Not just in India, but all over the world scientists are gathering data on changing global weather patterns. The data they are collecting is startling and

frightening.

It shows that growing seasons in the world's most productive agricultural areas are being shortened or disrupted. The changes in the weather are so drastic, many

scientists

are convinced the world is undergoing a climate change. In India, for example, which is usually plagued with drouth and floods somewhere in the country every year, this year had more than its share of natural

calamity.

Vast areas of land have been baked dry in western and southeastern states while floods have covered huge areas in the northeastern

states.

Most seriously, only half the normal rainfall came this year to the nation's most important food-raising states, Dr. Randhawa's Punjab and neighboring Haryana. It was in those two states where Dr. Randhawa, now vice chancellor of the Punjab Agricultural University, brought the "green revolution" to India in the early

1960s.

273 Under the guidance of the university, farmers of the Punjab and Haryana learned how to double their food production and briefly transformed India from a chronic food importer into a food exporting nation. This year the weather changed all that. Because of lack of rain, experts predict farmers in the two states will grow 30 to 50 per cent less food than they grew last year. When the Punjab and Haryana have that kind of trouble, India is in serious trouble because the nation is so dependent on the grain grown in those two states.

The starving «Utes of India: At least 500,000 and possibly a million people will die there In the next six months.

This year the weather has changed the outlook of a lot of nations. Canada is expecting its worst wheat harvest since 1961. The winter season hung around too long for thousands of farmers to plant this spring. The Middlewestern states in the U.S. suffered the most severe drouth they have experienced since the 19 30s dust bowl days, losing hundreds of millions of dollars in failed crops. It rained too much in some parts of Russia, and not enough in others, resulting in serious wheat and corn crop failures. Satellite pictures taken over China revealed that many agricultural areas of the world's most populous country have been hit with drouth this year.

274 W h e n Canada, the U.S., Russia, and C h i n a are in trouble, it means the whole w o r l d is in serious trouble. Commodities analysts who study the world's ability to feed itself this autumn have issued some chilling facts about the present situation. Three years ago, they said, the world h a d a food buffer of surplus grain that, in terms of emergency distribution, could feed the entire population of the planet for about 50 days. That w a s a comfortable margin that kept the w o r l d food prices low and food easily obtainable to distribute to the needy in times of catastrophe. Then this peculiar thing with the weather started showing up, ruining crops all over the world. People in Africa, India, and Central and South America began to starve. The 50-day margin began to dwindle rapidly as the reserve grains began to be eaten up to make up for serious crop failures. By last spring food experts became extremely alarmed when the reserves had dwindled to a 27-day supply. They issued grave warnings and urged the fullest agricultural production possible all over the w o r l d this year. Farmers, responding to the increasing prices that came about from the food shortage, made record plantings. B u t the curious behavior of the weather did not subside. "We know that for the second year in a row the w o r l d is going to consume more food than it grows," said Reid Bryson, a man who has an intense interest in the behavior of the world's weather. "We also know that come next spring, the world surplus of food will have dwindled down to about an eight-day

supply."

Bryson, director of the Institute for Environmental Studies at the University of Wisconsin, is a climatologist, a man who studies the movements and changes of climates in the w o r l d over hundreds of thousands of years. He has as the result of his years of research become something of a reluctant prophet of doom. "The evidence is now abundantly clear," Bryson told a Senate committee hearing earlier this year, "that the climate of the Earth is changing in a direction that is n o t promising."

275 He predicts that as many as a half a billion people may die from the food shortages before the end of the century. Bryson is not alone. While he is probably the leading exponent of the changing climate theory, climatologists around the world have come to the same conclusions as Bryson. They have detected a significant expansion of high-altitude polar winds that move above the North and South Poles, controlling the prevailing wind patterns over the rest of the world. They theorize that the expanded polar wind activity has changed the patterns of equatorial winds that normally bring monsoon rains to Africa, to India, and to Latin America. The Monsoon rains that normally fall in these areas have, in recent years, often fallen instead farther south or out at sea. These regions are among the most densely populated and underdeveloped agriculturally in the world. The farmers are dependent on the monsoons for water because they cannot afford to use artificial irrigation. At the same time, the polar ice capes have been growing, and the climatologists think we may be moving into a period of shorter growing seasons and shrinking crop zones, particularly in Canada and the U.S. If this is true, it will seriously compound the food shortage problem because the U.S. and Canada are the biggest surplus food producers in the world. It is from these two nations that much of the relief food comes to feed famine-stricken nations in times of emergency. Aside from the shifting pattern of monsoon rains and the lengthening winters in the northern hemisphere, one of the most ominous fluctuations is the drop in the mean global atmospheric temperature by 2.7 degrees since the late 1940s. Bryson and others theorize that the temperature drop is caused by an increase of tiny particles, called aerosols, which rise to the upper atmosphere, blocking out solar radiation that heats up the atmosphere. Scientists think that the amount of aerosols in the atmosphere has been greatly increased in the last century

276 in the form of w i n d b l o w n soil. They blame this increase on mechanized farming methods used in countries like the U.S. and Canada, and on abuse of marginal lands in more primitive nations, such as overgrazing of Savannah lands in West Africa. More evidence will have to come in before they are proven or disproven. If they are right, w e will know about it soon enough thru the reports of hunger and death on a scale never before witnessed in history. The implications of such an occurrence leap far beyond mere famine. Aside from the estimated 350,000 people who died in drouthrelated famine in A f r i c a last year, the disaster there has completely upended the social, political, and economic life of seven nations. In the last year three governments have fallen in military coups because of the drouth - in Niger, Upper Volta, and Ethiopia. The same tremors have run thru the governments of Senegal, Mauritania, Mali, and Chad, where the political fortunes of dozens of high-ranking officials have plummeted and new m e n have taken over. Internally, the populations of the Sahel and Ethiopia are in a state of confusion, w i t h massive migrations of people. The Sahel is the semidesert area between the Sahara on the north and the tropical countries to the south. The drouth appears to have ended forever the romantic epoch of nomadic tribesmen who for centuries crossed the Sahara on camel caravans and roamed the desert fringes w i t h tents and herds of cattle. Economically, the Sahel region is in ruins. Destitute even before the drouth, the six nations now are totally dependent on the largesse of the outside w o r l d for their survival and their future. India, where officials fear as many as 500,000 to a million people could die in the next six months, is beginning to blister and break w i t h internal turmoil.

277

FROM PHNOM PENH (CAMBODIA) IN 1975 BY SYDNEY H, SCHANBERG The New York Times

Sydney

Schanberg

Hi 11 el

(born on January 17,

1934,

in Clinton,

Mass.) attended local schools and then Harvard University on several scholarships. After graduation from Harvard in

1955

with a

B.A. degree, Schanberg worked for a year as administrative assistant at York

the

Times

International as

Latex

Corporation. He joined the New

a copy boy in the editorial department in March,

1959, and started to climb up to the reporter staff. He worked as a clerk and news assistant on the metropolitan, foreign and picture desks before his promotion to reporter in December, 1960. In 1965, he was drafted into the Army, serving for the most part as a writer on a military newspaper in Frankfurt, Germany. After several years as a metropolitan reporter, Schanberg was assigned to Albany where

he

covered the New York State Legislature until he

was transferred to New Delhi in

1969.

Since then he covered the

India-Pakistan and the Vietnam Wars, and in April, 1973, he opened a new Times bureau in Singapore. He also covered the Communist takeover in Cambodia in 1975 from this post which brought to him the Pulitzer Prize in the following year.

278 FIVE YEARS AFTER SIHANOUK THE COUNTRY SUFFERS FROM MISERY

[Source: Sydney H. Schanberg: A Cambodian Anniversary Marked Only by Misery, in: The New York Times (New York, N.Y.), Vol. CXXIV/No. 42,788, March 19, 1975, p. 18, cols. 5 - 8 ; reprinted by permission of The New York Times Company, New York, N.Y.]

Five years ago, in March, 1970, enthusiastic throngs of Cambodians, rallying behind their new anti-Communist, Americanbacked Government, sacked and burned the North Vietnamese and Vietcong embassies - and the smoke and ashes filled the patriotic air. Today, with Phnom Penh largely encircled by the Communistled Cambodian insurgents, the United States Embassy is burning some of its files, in order to "thin itself down" to prepare for the possiblity of evacuation - and the ashes drift slowly to the embassy yard. It is not surprising on this fifth anniversary of the overthrow of Prince Norodom Sihanouk and the beginning of this war, that there are contrasts between then and now. What is surprising is the starkness and grimness of the contrasts. A DIFFERENCE IN SOUND Five years ago, the loudest noise one heard in the soft Cambodian night was the shrieking of the locusts in the tamarind trees. Now mortars and artillery thump away through the hours of darkness, and the shock waves from bombs falling on nearby enemy positions rattle the windows of this fitfully sleeping capital. Phnom Penh was an uncrowded and untroubled city of flowering trees, temple bells, wide boulevards, floating river restaurants and gentle people who smiled a lot. The smiles are rarer today. Now rockets fired from insurgent positions a few miles outside the city fall daily, leaving twisted bodies in the streets. Food is short. Fuel is too, so to conserve it, electric power is turned on only four hours every other night, leaving the nervous city in darkness the rest of the time. Barbed wire stretches down sidewalks, competing with the wretched cardboard and scrapwood lean-tos of the swarming

279 hundreds of thousands of refugees who have been driven from their homes in the countryside and now fill Phnom Penh to bursting. Paint peels dingily from buildings that used to be whitewashed every year. Phnom Penh's culture has peeled away too. The dulcet Malay strains of Cambodian music are never heard any more; they have been replaced by ear-splitting rock music played by Filipino bands in sleazy Wild-West bars, with names like "Tropicana," and "Foreigners Club," that have opened to accommodate the influx of American Embassy personnel and civilian bush pilots. Phnom Penh's ladies of the night, who used to speak polite French and had elegant manners, have also been replaced by rough bar girls and street girls who have learned to talk coarse G.I.-style English. On the same streets, soldiers on crutches and orphaned children with grimy stick-thin bodies vie for space outside the better restaurants to beg a few pennies from emerging patrons.

Th» Rnr V»rt TlMi/Aprlt 1J» Wt

Insurgents drove to within a mile of Pochentong airport and, fighting also at Pochen· tong village, sought to cut off airfield from Phnom Penh, less than three miles away. On road five miles north of city, other rebels raised flag over factories.

280

Before the war, begging was tantamount to mortal sin in this proud society. Prices have soared more than 1,000 per cent since the war began, which has put basic foods out of the reach of average people. Rice was fairly cheap in 19 70, and even the very poor had enough to eat in this fecund agricultural land. Now, rice is outragously expensive and five years of thinner and thinner diets have finally bent the population to a point where children by the scores are dying of malnutrition. Cutting corners is often the only alternative to starvation. Orphaned beggar girls turn to prostitution. Sometimes married women of poor families do the same, discretely, to feed their children. Some refugee women have offered their babies for sale to foreigners. In 1970, there were only about 600,000 people in Phnom Penh. Now there are more than two million. As the war has brought destruction to more and more of the countryside, it has driven waves of villagers into the capital. The sidewalks, alleys and gutters are where most of the newcomers must live. Not only the streets are crowded. The war-wounded, civilian as well as military, long ago outnumbered the beds in hospitals here. So the wounded are put on the floors, in the corridors, even in small closets. HOSPITALS

JAMMED

The hospitals are tableaus of maimed and broken bodies of men who will soon be on the sidewalks as beggars. The overworked hospital staffs never even get the time to clean the floors, so the filth and blood just cake there. The best available figures show that nearly one million of Cambodia's seven million people have been killed or wounded in the war, and that perhaps half the population has been turned into refugees. The comparable situation in the United States would be 30 million Americans killed and wounded, and 100 million uprooted from their homes. "I remember how two years ago we thought conditions here had reached bottom," said a long-time foreign resident, "but now we're in the sixth subbasement below the bottom and still sinking."

281 When the w a r began, one could drive out of P h n o m Penh, on the roads that radiate from the capital, to nearly all the province capitals, even to the storied temple ruins of Angkor Wat. Today, Phnom Penh is surrounded and isolated, as are nearly all the province capitals, whose perimeters shrink more and more each year. They are linked only by air. A n d w h e n the shelling of a town becomes too intense, planes c a n n o t land, and even that connection is broken. Phnom Penh has only one supply link left w i t h the outside wotId, its airport. A n d the only thing keeping the capital alive right now is a big American airlift of food, fuel and ammunition from Thailand and South Vietnam. One remembers how in June of 1970, w i t h the w a r still an embryo, a charming Cambodian colonel in Neak Luong, a Mekong River town 38 miles southeast of Phnom Penh, invited some reporters to a superior lunch - from his foot locker - of pate, mangos and Johnny Walker Black Label, as a cool breeze b l e w in from the river. Today Neak Luong is running low on food. Corpses are strewn in its streets. It is tightly encircled, taking hundreds of insurgent shells every day, a town w i t h more than 30,000 civilian and 3,000 soldiers trapped in it, a town where the shelling usually makes it impossible for helicopters to land and fly out wounded. ENTHUSIASM THAT FAILED Perhaps the starkest contrast between then and now is in morale. In 19 70, students, intellectuals, workers and peasants all rallied to the L o n Nol Government, enthusiastic about the overthrow of the autocratic, corrupt monarchy and the creation of a new

"republic."

Volunteers flocked to the army, including young w o m e n w h o took their places alongside the m e n in the foxholes. They h a d no proper uniforms or transport, b u t they did n o t seem to mind. They w e n t to w a r in Pepsi-Cola delivery trucks, w e a r i n g rubber sandals and carrying their food in m e s h bags hooked onto a shirt button. They were full of spirit.

282 That spirit has evaporated. Government ineffectiveness, callousness and corruption have turned the populace sour and resentful. Some students and teachers have gone to the jungle to join the insurgents. People do not volunteer for the army any more; instead, they do everything possible to escape it. Those who can afford it buy draft exemption certificates with big bribes. Villagers and poor urban workers also try to avoid the draft, but they are often rounded up by military police and taken to training camps. In 1970 and 1971, students and others staged big demonstrations and marches in support of the Lon Nol government. The only demonstrations now are in protest against soaring prices and corruption, and these are quickly snuffed out by the military police. THE

REASON:

CORRUPTION

Corruption is a key reason for the Government's loss of public support. In the five years of war, Washington has announced a total of nearly $2-billion in aid to Cambodia, most of it in military aid and very little for humanitarian refugee projects. That much of the aid money has been used improperly is evident from the condition of the troops in the field. Very few have a complete uniform or even a pair of boots. Most wear clothes that they bought themselves and have patched many times. They earn about $12 a month, which usually has to support a family of five. Today's anniversary of the birth of this Government was not marked by a single ceremony. "We supported this Government fully in 1970," said a student leader at a recent meeting. "But we were fooled. These Government ministers care only about putting money in their own pockets. They don't care who suffers from the terrible prices or who gets killed on the battlefields."

283

FROM NOWHERE (WORLDWIDE) IN 1976 BY

NOBODY No Newspaper

A l t h o u g h the r e p o r t

of

or News

Agency

the i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e p o r t i n g

jury

listed

three j o u r n a l i s t s to r e c e i v e the p r i z e for w o r k done i n 1976, the A d v i s o r y B o a r d d e c i d e d to give n o a w a r d .

284 CONFIDENTIAL

CATEGORY FIVE "EPORT OF THE INTERNATIONAL REPORTING JURY PULITZER PRIZES FOR 1977

(5) For a distinguished example of reporting on international affairs, including United Nations correspondence, One thousand dollars ($1,000). 1.

James Markham and Henry Tanner, foreign correspondents, New York Times, for their coverage from Lebanon.

Our choice of James Markham and Henry Tanner for the Pulitzer Prize in International Reporting was unanimous. Their first-hand accounts of the war in Lebanon represented the finest in writing skills and expository reporting from an unstable, violent setting -- one probably least understood among all foreign crises that exploded over the past year. Their reports and analyses of the internal and external forces at play in what first appeared to be only a civil war brought Lebanon into focus as a potential trigger for a broader explosion in the Middle East. The historic religious and other ethnic antagonisms in Lebanon were placed in the context of international politics and the Mideast power struggle. 2.

Larry Heinzerling, chief of bureau, Johannesburg, The Associated Press, for stories analyzing the turmoil in southern Africa.

The entry of Mr. Heinierling was impressive, both in depth and in clear, sharp writing on struggling southern Africa. His task required him to meet daily deadlines under pressure, not allowing time for reflective writing. His coverage, however, made the complex southern Africa story easily understandable. His entry was in contention for first place until the final vote.

3.

William F. Woo, editor, editorial page, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, for reports from China.

William ?. Woo's reportage from China stands out above the average journalistic sojourn to that country, which have been few in number but remarkable in their sameness. The jury liked the entry because it did contain stories of news value -- the official Chinese position on the requirements for further improvement of Washington-Peking relations... REPORT OF THE INTERNATIONAL REPORTING JURY OF MARCH 4, 1977

285

FROM KUALA LUMPUR (MALAYSIA) IN 1977 BY HENRY

KAMM

The New York Times

Henry

Kamm

(born on June

in Breslau, Germany) came to the

3, 1 9 2 5 ,

United States in 1941 and attended George Washington High School in New York City until 1943. Then he joined the Army, serving with the infantry in Europe until the end of World War II. Afterwards Kamm was an interrogator and interpreter on a war crimes investigation team until his discharge in 1946. He returned to New York and in 1949 received a B.A. degree from New York University where he was elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Kamm joined the New York in July,

1949,

Times

and moved up to become a member of the editorial

index department and then

a

copy editor before he was named as-

sistant news editor of the Times's international edition in Paris in August, 1960. Four years later he became a foreign correspondent for the

New York Times

in Paris. Being based in Warsaw from

1966 until August, 1967, he reported from Eastern Europe and then became head of the Times 1 s Moscow bureau. In August, 1969, he went to Bangkok for the first

time.

Paris where he was based until diplomatic correspondent

of

Early in 1978.

the

1971,

Kamm returned to

Then he became chief Asian

Times,

based in Bangkok, Thai-

land, where he observed the tragedy of the Indochina refugees. For his reports about the "boat people" during Pulitzer Prize in the following year.

1977

he received the

286 SOUTHEAST ASIA'S COASTS ARE CLOSED FOR DESPERATE REFUGEES

[Source: Henry Kamm: Attitude of Asians Hardens Toward Indochina Refugees, in: The New York Times (New York, N.Y.), Vol. CXXVI/No. 43,613, June 21, 1977, p. 6, cols. 1- 4; reprinted by permission of The New York Times Company, New York, N.Y.]

Boatloads of Vietnamese refugees are landing along the east coast of Malaysia almost every day, and how many are pushed back out to sea by police, navy and immigration authorities will never be known. Six hundred were given shelter in May in the largest monthly total since the flow began last year. Thirty-three refugees were reported to have drowned a few days ago off the coast of Sabah, a Malaysian island state in northern Borneo, when their boat struck a rock as it headed for the Philippines after having been refused entry on Sabah and earlier in Sarawak, a neighboring Malaysian state. Four persons survived. Accounts are multiplying of refugees who move from country to country in Southeast Asia, who are rejected at eight or nine ports along Malaysia's long coastline until they scuttle their boats and are allowed to land. The surprising flow runs counter to expectations - that when North Vietnam won control of all of Vietnam, all of the county would become as airtight as the North always was. LITTLE OBLIGATION

IS

FELT

As the flow increases, the attitudes of the countries where the boats run ashore are hardening. Asian countries, no matter how much they may have profited during the war in Indochina, feel little obligation to extend help to the war's final flotsam. To Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Thailand or the Philippines, it is up to the large Western powers - first in line, the United States - to provide new homes. At most, and increasingly unwillingly, they will provide temporary haven. International officials and diplomats dealing with the problem are concerned that unless the principal countries that receive refugees in the West increase and accelerate their intake, there will be many more deaths among those who are

287 hounded from p o r t to port, and more misery in the camps and on the boats for those fortunate enough to have b e e n granted temporary

shelter.

The refugees w a i t in virtual isolation from the w o r l d on the boats and in the camps for officials from the American, French, Australian or Canadian embassies or from the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to tell them that an end is in sight. The United States has been caught, more than two years after the war, as unprepared for the continued escape of people from Indochina as countries that were less vitally linked with Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos in the past. Washington has no effective program to cope w i t h the thousands that have fled this year and those that are still arriving. THEN

THE

BOATS

CAME

After the original program of taking in 130,000 refugees after the collapse in Indochina had b e e n exhausted. Congress grudgingly granted authority for another 11,000. It did so on assurance from the Administration of President Gerald R. Ford that this w o u l d be the final request. "Then the boats started arriving," an American offical said. Unwilling to go back to Congress because of earlier assurances of an end to special immigration privileges for people

from

Indochina, the Ford Administration put into effect last m a r c h a program under w h i c h 100 "boat people" - Vietnamese who escape in w h a t is still the only way possible - w o u l d be granted entry every month. This w o u l d fall under the "conditional entry program" for refugees, such as Soviet Jews, from all Communist countries. Those chosen m u s t either have close relatives in the United States, have b e e n trained in the United States during the w a r or have worked closely with American forces or agencies. Their families are allowed to accompany them, b u t under a n o n privileged immigration status that causes long delays. A t the moment, family members whose applications were made no later than last Nov. 15 are eligible to accompany

their

relatives, and the cutoff date will n o t be changed before Sept. 30, if then. B u t the heavy flow of refugees started this year.

288 As a result, the Government of Malaysia is aware that it is now sheltering, in a number of scattered camps, well over 2,000 refugees, most of whom arrived this year, that so far this year only 75 have left for the United States - with 48 more due to leave this week - and that the record of the other refugee-receiving countries is similarly low. The situation is comparable and the host governments' sentiments are similar in Thailand, with about 2,300 "boat people" and more arriving; in the Philippines, with 1,000? Singapore, with about 100; Indonesia, with more than 400, and Hong Kong, with 200.

TIN New York Tlmw/JUM 21,1*77

Each for their own reasons - eagerness to avoid complications in budding relationships with Hanoi, sensitiveness of existing communal problems between ethnic groups within the country, fear of becoming identified as a haven for refugees, anxiety that the refugees might contain a Communist fifth column - the unwilling hosts fear that the Vietnamese might stay because no one wants them. "The other day I nearly broke down in tears," an American diplomat said, recalling a field trip to refugee camps in which he had little but negative news to give to people who saw him as their principal hope.

289 B u t another American official spoke w i t h o u t seeming disturbed of how many refugee boats left Singapore for the Philippines in 19 75 because the United States w o u l d receive refugees only there and on Guam. "Most of them probably made it," he said, seemingly dismissing probable losses at sea, which he estimated at 10 percent. Officials in general are agreed that present procedures tend to be too pedantic and cumbersome, especially in the case of the United States, and that all recipient countries should make the political decision to admit greater numbers quickly. If they do not do so, it is feared that attitudes that now seem hard-hearted will settle into systematic cruelty. HOW 8 SET OUT, 4 ARRYIED Already, in maritime circles, there is an unhappy d i s c u s sion over increasing neglect of the fundamental rule of the sea that passing ships m u s t stop to rescue people from vessels in trouble. But from Japan to Singapore, governments have taken punitive attitudes against companies whose ships try to p u t ashore refugees they have picked up. According to maritime sources and refugee accounts,

S O S

signals are ignored to avoid difficulties in the next port. In a n o t untypical account of an arrival in Malaysia, four young m e n in an overcrowded refugee camp in a police

station

in Kuantan told how they h a d left Vung Tau, near Saigon,

last

Dec. 15, with four other m e n in a boat. They arrived in Malaysia on Dec. 20 and were driven off; they reached Singapore on Dec. 23, and were driven off. Next they were chased away from Indonesia, where they h a d spent five days fishing - their trade - and selling their catch to islanders. They went back to Singapore, to be driven off again. They caught and sold fish for a few days to islanders off Malaysia and set out for Thailand. Their b o a t broke up off Kuantan, and they swam from 4 in the afternoon until 5 in the morning, catching their breath occasionally by holding onto fishnets attached to buoys. Four never reached the shore. The survivors were detained in jail for four w e e k s before being "freed" to the Kuantan police station.

290 A total of 117 Vietnamese, including many children, are confined in the barracks and lockup, which is under constant guard and which no one is allowed to leave. Outsiders are not allowed to enter. Some detainees have been there for a year. SECURITY AND MAIL

CENSORSHIP

In Malaysia the National Security Council, a powerful and cautious body, handles the refugee situation, and no Government official was prepared to discuss the situation with this correspondent. The refugees' mail is censored and greatly delayed, which complicates their efforts to locate relatives abroad and to arrange for emigration. In a camp at Endau, the police guard forbade a visitor to leave something for the many children, and insisted that the visitor obtain permission from the police station. It was refused. To get into such camps, Vietnamese take the risk of scuttling their boats or setting fire to them offshore, endangering the lives of all, just to avoid being pushed back into the sea. Recently a boat arrived in Sarawak intact, with a woman in labor aboard, and it was not scuttled. As a result, the woman and her infant were returned to the boat two days later and the boat pushed off. Only then did the boat catch fire, and the passengers were taken ashore. In a series of interviews in camps on the Malysian east coast, the view most often expressed was that if the stays in the camps were transitory and emigration would soon follow, it would have been worth the ordeal, even if the transit stop closely resembled a prison camp. Refugee officials and diplomats accent the positive, stressing that no matter how cold the reception, at least Malaysia lets a good number come ashore. But Americans are finding it difficult to explain to Vietnamese who have taken enormous risks to escape to what they still often call, in the language of the war, "the free world," why the power that coined the expression and encouraged them to aspire to freedom does so little now to allow them to go further in the world in which they have arrived but the hostile atmosphere of restrictive camps.

291

FROM CAIRO (EGYPT) IN 1978 BY RICHARD B, CRAMER The Philadelphia Inquirer R i c h a r d B e n C r a m e r was born on June 12, 1950, in Rochester, N.Y., where he attended Brighton High School. He was graduated from the Johns Hopkins University with aB.A. in liberal arts in 1971, and in

1972 was awarded

University. From

a masters degree in journalism by Columbia

1972 to

Baltimore, Md. In October,

1976 he was a reporter for the Sun in 1976, Cramer joined the Philadelphia

Inquirer as a transportation writer,

a post he held until being

assigned to the New York bureau of his newspaper in July, 1977. He was sent to Cairo for the Christmas Day 1977 negotiations between Anwar Sadat and Menachem Begin, and remained as the Philadelphia Inquirer's Middle East correspondent. When most reporters were willing

to wait in Israel for the military authorities to

provide escorted tours of the front lines where Israeli soldiers had invaded southern Lebanon, Richard

Ben Cramer could be found

at the front line, alone. When the invasion began in the spring of

1978, Cramer immediately and instinctively set out from Tel

Aviv for the front in a hired taxi, but the Israeli army blocked the way. Cramer ordered the taxi to Tel Aviv's airport, the first available flight

caught

to Athens, changed planes for Beirut

and hit the Lebanese ground running for a taxi. It took him another day of dogged effort until he alighted from walked,

the taxi and

in suit and tie, the two miles across no-man's land. At

the last Fatah commando checkpoint he was warned that the Israeli were very near. He walked all by himself between the two sides and knew what united them. Cramer's series of articles from both sides of the front in 1978 earned him the Pulitzer Prize in the following year.

292 SOMETHING MUST BE WRONG WITH A HUNDRED PERCENT DEMOCRACY

[Source: Richard B. Cramer: In Egypt: Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, p. A 1, cols. 1 - 5; p. A 7, cols. 1 Philadelphia Inquirer, Philadelphia,

One Man, One Vote, No Choice, in: The Pa.), Vol. 298/No. 143, May 23, 1978, - 6 ; reprinted by permission of The Pa.]

Slowly, with pain, Orani Mahmoud Daker climbed the stairs to the second floor schoolroom where he was supposed to vote. He propped himself with a stout wooden cane that was in his right hand. His grandson, Rashid, helped on the left. His breath came in short whooshes from brown cheeks, which were not so much wrinkled as folded where the absence of teeth let the skin go lax. Once Orani Daker was a tall, graceful man. But 32 years delivering water in Cairo, a liter at a time from a heavy leather gourd that pressed cold and damp against his back for 10 hours a day, had stiffened and bent him and used him up before his time. He looked as though he might not make it through the day. But it was an important morning, a referendum day. He closed his cigaret stand in Bablouk, near the alley of the waterseHers, and made the long walk through Cairo's crowds to do his duty for President Anwar Sadat. He would vote, provided God willed it. He straightened with a sense of dignity and mission at the top of the stairs and moved toward the voting table with a shuffling step that swung the hem of his galabia gown just above the dusty floor. At the table, a gaggle of police officers and teachers conscripted to be election workers fiddled with the ballots, drank tea, and smoked. Daker inclined his head, in a clean white cloth wrapped into the shape of a tarboosh, "A lovely morning to you," he said, and handed the officials his voting card. There was confusion. The officials searched for his name on their lists. Daker stood patiently, murmuring the 99 names of God. He was sent from one room to another, then back to the first.

293 Finally, a teacher found his name. "Can y o u read?" he said. "Yes", said Daker. "Do it right, there are foreigners here," the official said, handing h i m a paper ballot. "May the good God elongate your life," said Daker. Fitting a pencil into his right hand, perpetually closed as it was for so long over the strap of his heavy w a t e r bag, he carefully filled in the center of the red circle on the small slip of paper. He thus voted Yes, to a series of propositions banning all kinds of putative undesirables from positions of power,

formal-

ly consigning the press to a role as an arm of the state, endorsing prosecution and penalties for anyone who is thought to have "jeopardized social peace or national unity." Daker took his cane back from his grandson and made his way to a chair near the top of the stairs, to rest. He said he h a d voted for Sadat. "Any election, if it is for re-election of Sadat, I will go; if it is for Nasser, I will go; if it is for the m e n in the People's Assembly... God will bring into power whoever is good," he said. Democracy is right, 100 percent." Democracy was at work all over E g y p t Sunday, as 11 million voters were asked to fill in a red or a black circle - answering Yes or N o - at more than 23,000 polling places. The results were announced yesterday: 9 8.29 per cent of the nation's voters favored the six referendum points enunciated by Sadat one week earlier. No one w o u l d say so as the voting w e n t on, of course, b u t there h a d b e e n a strong hunch even before the polls o p e n e d Sunday that the results w o u l d turn out something like that. Democracy has n o t been present here long - scarcely more than 20 years. B u t in that short time, it has established something of a pattern. The pattern began, as did so much else, with Gamal Abdel Nasser. He and his fellow "free officers" of the Egyptian Army seized power and overthrew King Farouk in 1952. In 1956, when the Republic of Egypt was established, Nasser w o n the nation's first presidential election w i t h 99.9 p e r c e n t of the vote. In a nation with 5.5 million voters, moreover,

294

[Source: The Philadelphia ber 20, 1978, p. 2 Α.]

Inquirer,

Septem-

only 178 failed to show up to affirm Nasser's "nomination" as chief executive. Sadat took office with a slightly less spectacular performance. After Nasser's death in 1970, only 91 percent of the Egyptian public affirmed Sadat's "nomination" as successor. By 19 72, Sadat's ideas apparently had caught on. A lengthy new constitution published for the first time on the night of Sept. 9 was "affirmed" in a referendum two days later by 99.98 percent of the eligible voters. By 1976, Sadat was able to go Nasser one better, obtaining from the voters a 99.93 percent affirmation of his "nomination" for a second term. Only confirmed pessimists took note of the drop in voter turnout - 3 percent of the voters stayed away. There is an easy explanation for Egypt's high voter turnouts: a law fining any registered male who fails to vote.

295 Females, registered in relatively small numbers, are not obliged to vote. The electorate's remarkable unanimity is partially explained by the form of elections. In Egyptian presidential elections, for example, one does not choose among several candidates. There is a single presidential candidate, and one votes Yes or No. In Sunday's referendum, the questions at issue spelled political doom and possibly prison for several groups identified by Sadat as possible "corrupters" of the political process. But, as only one Yes or No was required from the voter, there was no way to distinguish between, say, those who corrupted the political process in the days of the monarchy before 1952 and those who may be corrupting politics or upsetting the social peace now. "No matter," said Ahmed el Atar, 59, a pharmaceutical inspector among the early voters at the school in Babalouk. "We agree with everything the president says. Yes," he said. "We say Yes." Muhamxned Abd el Naib, 38, a teacher of English at the Ibrahim Τ. E. Mustafa Kamel Preparatory School, who was helping to administer the election at the Babalouk school, reported proudly that nobody had voted "No" all day. "Until now, nobody votes No, but, you know, every country has good people and bad people," he said. "'Bad' - 'No.' 'Good' - 'Yes,"' he giggled. "You know our President Sadat," he said. "Perfect in all his works." On his chair near the landing, Orani Daker was launching into his own encomiums in praise of Sadat. "You see, now we have insurances. We have now pensions," he said. He felt in the pocket of his galabeya with his twisted right hand and produced a limp paper, folded several times. He opened it with near-reverence, taking care not to tear the paper along the folds. Like many of his age and class in Cairo, Daker will not customarily talk to an honored stranger about things so

296 humble as his back, his legs or the leather bag with which he used to haul water. "I was 32 years with my - excuse me - water bag," he said, "and my - excuse me - legs and - excuse me - back tire me very badly now. B u t I do not worry for my son, may the Lord protect him, because, may God extend his life, the president, he is a thoughtful m a n and he gave us these insurances so that my son will n o t be burdened if I am sick, may God prohibit." Daker offered for inspection the limp paper: his national insurance

certificate.

Of course, there were No voters Sunday in Cairo but, for the m o s t part, they stayed out on the street, unrecorded. A group of Helwan University students, chatting on a street that runs along the Nile, laughed when asked whether they h a d voted. "What is the point?" said one young man. He estimated that 80 percent of the students w o u l d have voted No, b u t that only the other 20 percent voted. Cairo University's campus, just across the Nile from the center of town, was unusually quiet. Perhaps by coincidence, the referendum occurred in the midst of the University exam period, minimizing political concerns on the p a r t of the huge student body. The most excitable of the quadrangles, that of the faculty of engineering, was closed to unauthorized persons. The secret police at the gatehouse explained that it had been closed since a fire of suspicious origin w r e c k e d a new building two weeks ago. Then a superior came to explain that it w a s closed so that students should not be disturbed during examinations. These days, Cairo University is n o t the only place where fear and politics e n d to go together. There is a new police presence throughout the capital. The leftist newspaper has b e e n banned and a wave of political arrests has chilled political discussion. The message came from Sadat one week before the referendum, w h e n he said of his political detractors: "I w i l l crush them with democracy." No one knows how far the crushing process w i l l go.

297 The Helwan University students said they believe that only the leaders of opposition parties actually w i l l be threatened. A leader of the opposition leftists said he thinks that the crackdown is aimed at "anyone who raises his h e a d to speak." There is no doubt, though, that Sadat's tough words, the referendum and the hints of political repression that already have surfaced h e r a l d a period of

introspection.

It may be an inevitable aftermath of disappointment over the stalled peace initiative w i t h Israel, an initiative

that

had carried such a burden of hopes for Sadat and all Egyptians. It may be the same impulse to introspection that made Israel's 30th anniversary earlier this month so somber an affair. The police officer h a d b e e n standing there all along, as Orani Daker h a d praised Sadat, as he had talked about his son and showed h i s insurance papers. Something stiffened in the officer's back and, w h e n Naib, the English teacher, joined him, the air of the little circle around Daker at the top of the stairs grew sour and apprehensive . Daker's talk h a d passed from politics to life. He h a d grown expansive in the w a r m sunshine streaming through the window, in the fragrance of the tea that someone brought,

in

the joy of talking to strange young men who w a n t e d very much to listen. "Even if w a t e r and civilization now reach m o s t of my house," he w a s saying, "I still know them. I knew them - may the Lord protect and defend them - w h e n they were little children and used to beg me for a drink from my - excuse me - spout. Now they are big m e n — doctors and engineers, some of them. I made a good population." From somewhere b e h i n d the office in the front row another voice complained, "His profession is disgraceful." The English teacher complained to the highest-ranking policeman, "They will write that Egypt is underdeveloped.

Get

that old goat out of here." The m o o d at the top of the stairs grew hostile. Daker

felt

it, and started folding his papers, having problems in his haste with his stiff right hand.

298 He called to his grandson and stood, in pain, to make the long walk back to business. As fast as he could, he made for the top stair. "Get moving and see that y o u keep your m o u t h shut," said the officer. Daker looked as if he h a d b e e n slapped. On the street, minutes later, his listeners caught up with the o l d m a n shuffling slowly through the dust and traffic. Daker smiled ruefully at the invitation to a cafe. "No, I was finished," he said quietly, looking down. "It d o e s n 1 t matter so much." He and his grandson w a l k e d off slowly through the noon heat, toward the alley of the watersellers.

299

FROM ARANYAPRATHET (THAILAND) IN 1979 BY

JOEL BRINKLEY The

Joel Brinkley up in

the

(born

on

Courier-Journal

July 22, 1952, in Washington, D.C.) grew

nations' capital as

the

son of a well-known American

television journalist, David Brinkley. He was reared and educated through high school in Washington, D.C. After graduation from high school, Joel Brinkley enrolled

at

the University of North Caro-

lina at Chapel Hill where he earned a bachelor's degree in journalism. Leaving the university he started his journalistic career working a short time for the Associated Carolina. Afterwards Brinkley worked

Press in Charlotte, North for

about three years as a

state desk reporter for the News Leader in Richmond, Virginia. In September,

1978,

he moved to the Courier-Journal

in Louisville,

Kentucky, where he got the position of a reporter. In this function he also got chances to report from foreign countries. One of his foreign assignments brought him - together with photographer Jay Mather

(born

on

April

22,

1946, in Denver, Colorado)

to

Southeast Asia

where

they covered

people in late

1979.

This series of stories and pictures earned

both

of

them the Pulitzer Prize

the following year.

the

-

for

tragedy of the Cambodian

International Reporting in

300 FOR NUMEROUS P E O P L E T H E N A T I O N ' S

TRAGEDY

IS A

BONANZA

[Source: Joel Brinkley: For Illegal Border Traders, The Tragedy of Cambodia Is a Business Proposition, in: The Courier-Journal (Louisville, Ky.), Vol. 249/No. 157, December 4, 1979, p. A 5, cols. 5 - 6 ; reprinted by permission of The Courier-Journal, Louisville, Ky.]

Walk through one of the refugee border camps near here, and sooner or later you'll come upon a destitute Cambodian wearing a brand new T-shirt that says: "Donnie and Marie Can be Cured." Or others in blue baseball caps whose glittery letters say, "Disco Sucks." American fad wear - hardly the standard garb for these former Cambodian commune workers, who for years were forced to wear only black pajamas. But then back on those communes, Cambodians never encountered the infamous and illegal Aranyaprathet border traders. For hundreds of Thai men and women living in this border town, the tragedy of Cambodia is a bonanza. It makes Aranyaprathet's main streets bustle like the midway at the Kentucky State Fair. Just over the nearby border, hundreds of thousands of Cambodians sit in camps, barely surviving on food supplied by relief agencies. The food isn't enough. And the refugees have other needs and desires that relief workers aren't about to fill. Fresh fruits and vegetables, cigarettes, wine, bread, candy, toys. T-shirts and crazy hats. The men and women of Aranyaprathet are delighted to be their suppliers. Daily they pour to the border by the hundreds, bananas draped over bicycle handlebars, melons swinging in nets, overstuffed plastic sacks clutched in sweaty grips. The traders march, pedal bicycles and drive everything from scooters to pickup trucks in their noisy parade of greed. Along the border, Cambodians wait in clusters. Ban Non Mak Moon, a tiny village straddling the border a few miles north of Aranyaprathet, is a favorite trading spot. Half-a-million Cambodians live in two camps nearby.

Before regular deliveries of relief supplies began, border traders fed residents of these camps for days at a time. "We sometimes had no food then except what we traded for in the Thai village," said refugee Suthoni Nginn, who lives in the Nang Mak Moon camp, "We traded our gold pieces and jewelry for baht (Thai currency), then traded baht for food with the Thais who came in." Sometimes, refugees say, Vietnamese soldiers robbed them. And without the bits of gold and jewelry they'd been trading for food, many died. Now the refugees are better fed. Small groups of them, instantly recognizable in their black pajamas, sit under the banyan tree at Ban Non Mak Moon's dusty crossroads, waiting to buy more exotic items. Like Ovaltine, popcorn, Coca-Cola. And "Donnie and Marie" T-shirts. Thai traders appear at regular intervals. Like midway hawkers, they tout their wares as the refugees slowly, sort through them. Then the price-haggling begins, and finally baht changes hands.

THAILAND

Ban Non Mak Moon / .

/ SAME! MEARCNEY CAMP m/i

SA KAEO CAMP "ivTX D « S a Kaeo

BANGKOK

Ύ Ώ /Uli U K MAI MMR CAMP ARANYAPRATHET

Aranyaprathet \ LAOS VIETNAM

THAILAND Bangkok

CAMBODIA

CAMBODIA

Staff Map by Steve Durbin

TWO KHMER SEREI CAMPS ARE IN CAMBODIA NEAR THE THAI BORDER

302 The Thais leave with empty sacks. Cambodians leave often with arms so full that the walk back to camp is labored and slow. The traders have turned downtown Aranyaprathet into a circus. "Aranya used to be such a quiet little town; usually there was nobody on the streets at all," said Martha Arsenaulp, a nurse who has lived here three years. "But now..." She shakes her head, frowning. "Before, it was always sleepy here," said Marjorie Rasmussen, a nurse from Louisville working here. "Today, it's just gone crazy." And now the town is too noisy, she complains. Before 7 each morning, huge trucks from Bangkok and elsewhere crowd the narrow streets. They're filled with lettuce and fruits, candy and bread. And around them, traders noisily crawl all over each other to buy before the day's shipments are gone. "Until this started, we could never get any bread at all in Aranya," Mrs. Arsenaulp said. "Thais don't eat bread. But the Cambodians lived under French rule for so long that most of them eat bread. And now the town is full of it." Storefront hucksters and spielers scream at shopping traders, waving bags full of croissants, pastries, even bagels. And when a Thai rides out of town with long French loaves strapped to the back of his bike, there can be little doubt about where he's headed. The Thai government has outlawed the trading and tried a dozen futile strategies to end it. Weekly, there's a new pronouncement from Bangkok about how the trading will be stopped. The Thai military mans barbed-wire border checkpoints past which the traders aren't allowed. But the indomitable men and women just walk around them. Officials tried to register Aranyaprathet's cars and people, to keep the unauthorized away from the border. But the traders are dedicated. That didn't stop them either. The free-market parade goes on.

303

FROM GUATEMALA CITY (GUATEMALA) IN 1980 BY SHIRLEY

CHRISTIAN

The Miami

Shirley Christian

Herald

(born on January 16, 1938, in Kansas City, Kans.)

has a B.A. from Kansas State College and an M.A. from Ohio State University where she specialized in Latin American studies. From 1973 to 1974 she was aNieman Fellow at Harvard, and she joined the Latin American

staff

working for Associated

of the

Miami Herald

in

1980 after having

Press for twelve years. Her last position

with AP was bureau chief for Chile and Bolivia, with headquarters in Santiago. Shirley Christian reported

from

Bolivian jails and

the gilded halls of the United Nations, she traveled the Nicaraguan jungle by river boat, crossed the Altiplano by train, searched for rare penguins on a Pacific island and interviewed South American dirt farmers whose coca leaves

fuel

cocaine industry. Prior

to going to Santiago in early 1977, she was an editor on the AP's foreign and world desks for spondent

at

a

total of four years and

the UN for three years.

During

her

UN

a

corre-

assignment,

which lasted from 1970 to 1973, she covered China's admission to the world body, Security Council debates on the 1971 India-Pakistan War and Yasser Arafat's appearance in 1974. Her reports from Central America in 1980 brought to her the Pulitzer Prize in the following year.

304 U.S. HELP IS OUT OF SIGHT WHILE THE COUNTRY IS BOILING

[Source: Shirley Christian: U.S. Has No Real Policy While Guatemala Boils, in: The Miami Herald (Miami, Fla.), 70th Year/No. 254, August 10, 1980, p. 14 C, cols. 1 - 4 ; reprinted by permission of The Miami Herald, Miami, Fla.]

"If you want to cry out for the dignity of the human being, in this country they say you are a Communist. I am as Communist as Jimmy Carter, but here, liking Carter instead of Reagan means you are on the left. What is certain is that Guatemala is going to explode, sooner or later, whoever is president of the United States." Irma Flaquer, establishment woman, is speaking. Private secretary to former President Julio Cesar Mendez Montenegro in the late 1960s, she now is assistant editor of a newspaper that plays by the rules. She knows the right people. Establishment, but outspoken. Last December, she and some equally establishment acquaintances founded the Guatemalan Human Rights Commission. The idea was that they, as people representing neither extreme right nor extreme left, nor political parties, would try to shed some light on the two-pronged violence sweeping Guatemala on one hand, virtual war between guerrillas and the army in three rural provinces; on the other, unsolved political assassinations that are averaging more than a hundred a month. The plan was to gather facts and figures, with cold objectivity. However, Flaquer says officialdom blocked their efforts to investigate clashes in the countryside. At the same time, the commission members began receiving anonymous death threats, by mail and telephone. Some members fled to safety in exile, including a retired army colonel. Flaquer says she told Carlos Toledo Vielman, information secretary for the military president, Gen. Romeo Lucas Garcia, about the threats she was receiving. "He told me to be careful," she said with a half-smile. A month ago, the Human Rights Commission gave up. The remaining members dissolved it with a warning that Guatemala is headed for self-destruction.

305 The Lucas Garcia regime doesn't think so. Its officials don't like to talk about the violence. They suggest that foreign journalists spend more time looking for good things to write about the government. At the same time, several imageprotecting organizations financed by private enterprise bring in groups of foreign reporters and editors who might be expected to write flattering things. These visitors get a round of government briefings, visits to the famous tourist sights, and cocktail parties. They probably are oblivious to the assassination stories sprinkled through the local newspapers because they either don't read Spanish or don't have time to read the papers. What these newspapers could tell them is that 573 Guatemalans were killed or disappeared in urban areas for apparent political reasons during the first six months of this year. Information on the army-guerrilla battles is more meager because the army controls access to the trouble zones and provides few details of what is happening. Some Guatemalan journalists think the rural warfare toll could run in the thousands, but other observers doubt it is so high. Of the political assassination targets, at least half have been professors, students or others associtated with the University of San Carlos, the national university. The others have been leaders of political parties, union officials, journalists, military and police officers and businessmen. Leftist guerrillas have usually taken responsibility for the security people and businessmen killed; the Secret AntiCommunist Army, a clandestine rightist group, has claimed responsiblity for many of the other killings. Arrests never occur in such killings. The government acknowledges that it is battling guerrillas in the countryside, but it says security forces are not involved in the urban violence. It claims the assassinations are a matter between extreme right and extreme left and that the government is affiliated with neither. That is disputed by political exiles, who have formed the Democratic Front Against Repression, with offices in Costa Rica and Mexico. A group of prominent exiles, interviewed in San Jose, Costa Rica, charged that the military and police

306

[Source: Encyclopedia Americana, International Edition, Vol. 13, New York 1965, p. 518.]

forces are behind the assassinations attributed to rightist terrorists. "The regime and the economic power groups make the mistake of thinking the guerrilla leaders are in the university," said one politician in exile. "So they randomly kill off university people whenever guerrillas have assassinated someone on the right. That is an error in understanding. The peasants have their own leaders." "Security agents take photos of demonstrations," said another, "then when someone has shown up three of four times in photos he is marked for death." Those exiles interviewed insisted that they are not radicals but want a moderate civilian government that would be close to the United States. They still hope the United States will help them find it. Irma Flaquer echoed their sentiments in blunter terms: "I told someone at the American Embassy that he should take all of the information I would give him and put it in

307 a computer in Washington and send us back the solution for Guatemala." If the United States has tried that approach, it either didn't get an answer or didn't like it, because, in effect, the U.S. government has no policy toward Guatemala. It wants to promote human rights, social justice, political democracy and civlian rule, but can't figure out how. Washington would smile on a military coup here by Young Turks, such as those who ousted Gen. Carlos Humberto Romero in El Salvador last October and installed a civilian-military junta, but the young officers coming out of the military school in Guatemala are said to be even more hardline and wrapped up in anti-communism as an ideology than their elders. The political exiles interviewed in San Jose said the State Department tried last December to promote a sort of national unity government made up of center and center-left political parties united behind Francisco Villagran Kramer as president. Villagran, a civlian, was elected vice president on Lucas Garcia's ticket in the 1977 elections but has since split with Lucas over the violence. The political parties mentioned were the Christian Democrats, the United Revolutionary Front, known as FUR, and the Social Democratic Party. All three groups have lost some of their best people to assassinations in the past 18 months, including FUR founder Manuel Colom Argueta, who would have been a major presidential contender in any free elections. The exiles said at least two of the parties rejected the coalition proposal because it was not far-reaching enough, ignoring such things as the need to clean out the judicial system. One high-level State Department official denied that such a government was ever proposed, but other State Department sources indicated the idea was at least discussed. They say, however, that the United States lacks the necessary leverage to promote such a change of government in Guatemala or even to exert much pressure for changes of policy by the present regime. Though the United States has traditionally had great influence here - including CIA sponsorship of the 19 54 coup and counterinsurgency training in the late 1960s - U.S. military aid has been cut off since 19 77. With that went the influence.

308 The military aid has either been denied by Washington or rejected by Guatemala as a result of differences over human rights. While Guatemala still gets economic assistance, the importance of this is balanced by the growing signs that Guatemala may possess considerable oil wealth. As part of its search for a policy here, the United States is withdrawing Ambassador Frank Ortiz, a career diplomat whose style was to try to open up lines of communication with the Guatemalan military by being congenial. He is to be replaced by George Landau, who played a major role in solving the Washington murder of exiled Chilean Socialist Orlando Letelier, first as ambassador to Paraguay and later as ambassador to Chile. However, the Guatemalan government has not yet given its agreement, or consent to Landau, which the United States requested about a month ago. Some interpret this to mean the Lucas government will reject him, though Guatemala has a history of foot dragging on approval of new ambassadors. In this case, Guatemala may be planning to delay agreement until after the U.S. elections in hopes of a Reagan victory and a change in Washington's attitude toward the military here. U.S. policy planners are also keenly aware that the looming U.S. elections make it useless for them to try to formulate a strategy for Guatemala now. To the extent that one exists, it is to look toward the general elections scheduled in Guatemala in March 1982. The United States is suggesting to the Guatemalan regime that it take steps to assure that politicians will feel safe entering the contests and campaigning for congress and the presidency. One hopeful sign was that the municipal elections last April appeared to be clean, and were also accompanied by a temporary decline in political violence. However, the exiled politicans interviewed in Costa Rica think there will not be many political figures of any significance left alive or in the country to campaign by 1982. "Lucas Garcia says he is going to democratize the country," said one exile, "but what he is doing is cleaning off the table first, by eliminating his opponents."

309

FROM WARSAW (POLAND) IN 1981 BY JOHN D A R N T O N The New York

John Darnton

(born

tended schools

on

in

before returning

November

Westport, to

Times

20,

1941, in New York City) at-

Connecticut,

New York in

1956.

and Washington, D.C.,

From then until 1960, he

attended Phillips Andover Academy and then spent a year studying at

the

Alliance Fran^aise and the Sorbonne in France. From 1961

to

1965

Darnton attended the University of Wisconsin at Madison

and received a bachelor's degree in English and psychology. John Darnton, whose father was a New York Times war correspondent who had lost his life

in

New Guinea in

1942,

joined the same news-

paper in September, 1966, and was a news clerk and news assistant until December, 1968, when he was promoted to the reporting staff. In June,

1971,

he joined the night rewrite bank of the New

York

Times and returned to reporting on the metropolitan staff in October, 1972. He was at one time a member of the Times's bureau

in

foreign

New York. In February,

reporting

assignment

1976,

for

City Hall

Darnton began his first

his newspaper.

The

place was

Lagos, and the Nigerian Government was to let him stay only thirteen months before deporting him, apparently for a way of reporting

it

time,

thought of and

before base

in

as

then flown

going

offensive. Darnton was jailed for a short to

Kenya. There he worked for three years

to Poland where he covered Eastern Europe from his

Warsaw. In

1979,

he won the George Polk Memorial Award

for foreign reporting. He won the award again in 1982 when he was also awarded the Pulitzer 1981 .

Prize

for his coverage from Poland in

310 KEY DECISIONS ARE LAID TO THE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE ARMY

[Source: John Darnton: Out, in: The New York December 29, 1981, p. permission of The New

Army Is in Times (New A l , cols. York Times

Control in Poland But Party Is Not Counted York, N.Y.), Vol. CXXXl/No. 45,177, 5 - 6 ; p. A 6, cols. 1 - 6 ; reprinted by Company, New York, N.Y.]

The Communist Party has been almost totally eclipsed by the military authorities running the day-to-day affairs of the martial law Government, but that does not mean the party is a spent force in national life, Western analysts in Warsaw believe. "I have a feeling that the party's interests are being looked after," said one well informed person, who pointed out that since all of the top military men are also party members, it is hard to tell where the army leaves off and the Communist Party begins. KEY DECISIONS LAID TO MILITARY The authorities, including Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski, who heads the military, the party and the Government, have gone to great lengths to insist that the takeover of Dec. 13 was not a coup d'etat. The normal institutions of Government have been left in place and are still functioning, they argue. Despite the disclaimer, there is ample evidence to indicate that the army command and internal Security chiefs are making the critical decisions, including what action to take against continuing strikes and other types of resistance. "The party is giving neither orders nor advice to the Military Council," said one official who is in a position to know, speaking privately on the day after Christmas. As Westerners here try to answer the question of who is actually in charge they have fragmentary bits of information to sift and trade: Several members of the party's Politburo, including its most prominent liberals, such as Hieronim Kubiak, a professor from Cracow, have told friends that they did not learn that martial law had been declared until 4 A.M. on Dec. 13, some four hours after it had become fact. Western analysts do not discount the possibility that the politburo had made a

311 decision in principle to declare a state of emergency,

leaving

the timing and planning to the military o r reasons of secrecy. Civilian politicians w e r e presented w i t h an accomplished fact. Hours after martial law was imposed, the Council of State, w h i c h according to the Constitution m u s t declare it, was assembled. Only one member, Ryszard Reiff, a member of parliament, refused to sign the proclamation. The group h e headed, a Catholic-organized faction called Pax, w h i c h used to cooperate closely w i t h the Government, w a s dissolved. Although the party secretariat has m e t at least once, on Dec. 19, and the Politburo has convened once, on Dec. 22, the new Military Council of National Salvation, made up of 15 generals, five colonels and one admiral, has apparently h e l d several sessions. It is b e l i e v e d that these sessions have taken up the critical matters of state. The tightly controlled press and television are filled w i t h programs extolling military leaders and the Polish armed forces generally as symbols and repositories of patriotism. A new group of street patrols, volunteers w h o w e a r armbands w i t h the letters "PRL," standing for People's Republic of P o land, has been set up to involve party workers. A l t h o u g h official statements p u t the m e m b e r s h i p a t 5,000 in W a r s a w alone, the participants are rarely seen doing anything on the street. Diplomats w h o are provided w i t h special passes by the Foreign Ministry find that these are n o t always h o n o r e d at army roadblocks. For the police and the military,

orders

signed by civilian authorities seem to carry little w e i g h t . Military courts have taken over many cases that h a d b e e n before the civilian courts. In addition, about 40 cases concerning offenses punishable under martial law have b e e n handled so far by the military courts, w h i c h mete o u t severe sentences. Widespread dismissals of civilian and party p e r s o n n e l have taken place since Dec. 13, and in many instances those w h o are dismissed are replaced by military officers. A Government spokesman said on Dec. 23 that "personnel reshuffles" h a d occurred so far in 29 out of the 49 provinces, involving four provincial governors, three deputy governors, 77 mayors and numerous heads of smaller towns, communes and factories. Some

312

(Mt.)

TtiN—γ·»™»—/oic-aiim ^^ΜκΓηΜΐ^ΙΐΗΓεΜα caused in part by meat nttoatsg, atemming (ran · drop In (uppllM·

of those ousted, the official press agency said, "failed to meet specific, higher demands of the situation under martial law, which requires a particularly energetic, quick and resolute action." PARTY AIDES OFFER ASSURANCES The authorities are sensitive to any suggestion that the party's power is on the wane. The press has tried to create an impression that party meetings are being held at the local level all around the country, to thrash out policy. L a s t week, newspapers printed two interviews w i t h party secretaries whose basic message was, as one of them p u t it, that party members are "bracing up" and "suddenly discovering that they can work effectively." A t the same time, a Polish press agency dispatch attacked "voices in the Western mass media" that asserted the party was being pushed aside by the military. What h a d happened, the commentary said, was that "party formulas of political

313 dialogue h a d to give way to the military formula of defending the existing constitutional order b y enforced measures." Thus, the commentary w e n t on, the role of the party "had to be, in a certain way, limited, and the authorities' military arm had to come to the fore." It w e n t on: "But this has nothing to do w i t h the party being a loser or being relegated to the sidelines. The party is alive, it operates, it is p r e s e n t not only within the army and the security apparatus through its m e m b e r s , but also exists in the thousands of party

organizations."

The party's "leading role" was actually growing, the commentary

argued.

From all other indications, however, the opposite

appears

to be true. One is the number of party members h a n d i n g in their cards out of disillusionment. Polish sources report that such people run in the thousands. "There are lines in front of local party headquarters all over the place," said one source, speaking metaphorically.

"And

don't forget, to quit now is a real statement of principle.

It

means you m i g h t lose your job, you w o n ' t be able to travel to the W e s t if you're a bigshot. You're open to retaliation." One longstanding party member, a journalist, said the events of the past two weeks had b e e n simply too unbearble. "I lived through

'58 and '68 and '70 and '76, b u t this one w a s d i f -

ferent," she said, referring to other years of anti-government demonstrations. "We had a y e a r and a half to create something unique and beautiful," she said. "This time I thought, there's really a chance to reform socialism, to change it, to make it just and make it work. Now, I don't believe that can ever h a p p e n again. There can't be communism w i t h o u t tanks." MEMBERSHIP HAD FALLEN SHARPLY E v e n before this month, the party's membership h a d fallen off drastically, from a high of 3.1 million members two years ago to 2.7 million. Now the defections are so w i d e s p r e a d that a few Poles speculate that the party, w h i c h is officially known as the Polish United Workers Party, will dissolve itself a n d try to m a k e a comeback under a new name, w i t h a small but committed membership running in the hundreds of thousands

314 instead of millions. There are no indications, however, that any such move is being contemplated. Many believe that the real power in day-to-day administration does n o t rest w i t h General Jaruzelski. A great deal of decisionmaking power, many feel, lies in the hands of Lieut. Gen. Florian Siwicki, who w a s elevated by General Jaruzelski to become a deputy Politburo member several months ago. He was the commander of Polish forces during the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968 and is ranked as the second most important member of the Military Council. For the moment, the party's authority is shadowy and difficult to discern. B u t many Poles believe the party has intentionally maintained a low level of visibility because it h a d fallen so far in public esteem over the last 16 months. If people realized that the army was simply acting as an instrument to restore unchallenged party rule, this theory goes, then they m i g h t p u t up even greater

resistance.

PROTESTS EXPECTED TO CONTINUE B u t others believe the situation is such that m o r e and more power will accrue to the military. As strikes and other p r o tests continue, more forceful and effective

countermeasures

will be called for, and power that is once taken w i l l not easily be relinquished, according to this view. In the final analysis, the party's m a i n bulwark is the Soviet Union. Few diplomats believe that Moscow w o u l d tolerate over the long run a form of military rule that is so much at variance w i t h orthodox Communism. The Soviet Union regards the Polish Army as a restorer of order b u t will insist that it remain the agent of the party, many feel. "The question," said one Western analyst, "is whether the generals are acting as army m e n first or as Communists

first.

For the moment, that is unanswerable." In any case, it was a sign of the times that on the morning after the military takeover, the red and white Polish national flag, w h i c h h a d become identified w i t h the Solidarity union in the public mind, w a s flying next to the party flag over the party headquarters. It was regarded as an attempt, belated by some 36 years, to identify the party w i t h the nation.

315

FROM BEIRUT (LEBANON) IN 1982 BY LOREN JENKINS The Washington

Loren

Jenkins

earned his

(born

B.A.

on

October 26,

Post

1938,

in New Orleans, La.)

degree at the University of Colorado in Boulder

and did graduate work at Columbia University in New York. He came to the Washington

Post from Newsweek magazine in July 1980 where

he was head of the Rome bureau. Jenkins had previously been Newsweek

bureau

chief in Beirut, Hong Kong

reported for both

Newsweek

and

Saigon. He had also

and the Washington

Post from Madrid,

Spain. He had worked, too, for the United Press International

wire

service in New York, London and Madrid, and he had served in the U.S. Peace Corps in Sierra Leone and Puerto Rico. During the early eighties, Jenkins was one of

two

roving correspondents assigned

to the foreign desk of the Washington

Post. He was based in Rome,

Italy, and alternated every six months with a collegue, the Poet's other world correspondent,

in

providing the newspaper with both

crisis and in-depth coverage of foreign affairs whenever and whereever it was necessary.

In

this capacity he had a remarkable and

courageous performance

in

covering the siege

tragic aftermath in the following year.

1982

of

Beirut and its

which earned him the Pulitzer Prize in

316 MOSLEM QUARTERS ARE NOW OCCUPIED BY MILITARY

FORCES

[Source: Loren Jenkins: Lebanese Claim U.S. Vow Broken, in: The Washington Post (Washington, D.C.), 105th Year/No. 286, September 17, 1982, p. A 1, col. 5; p. A 22, cols. 1 - 3 ; reprinted by permission of The Washington Post, Washington, D.C.]

With its infantry moving cautiously from block to block behind protective columns of tanks and armored personnel carriers, Israel today occupied Moslem West Beirut. Fighting for the first time in the heart of an Arab capital city, the Israeli units fanned through West Beirut's shuttered commercial heartland and its densely populated residential districts, fighting sporadic engagements in the streets with disorganized bands of lightly armed leftist militiamen. The Lebanese government protested Israel's takeover of the city, which had resisted siege throughout the summer when it was defended by about 11,500 now-evacuated guerrillas of the Palestine Liberation Organization. Lebanese officials claimed that the invasion violated explicit guarantees by the United States that it would not allow Israel to enter the city once the PLO had withdrawn. The U.S. guarantees that it would block an Israeli invasion, West Beirut Moslem leaders said, were contained in unpublished appendices to the PLO withdrawal agreement negotiated by U.S. special envoy Philip C. Habib. "I appeal to the United States and ask how far it will abide by its pledges and guarantees," Prime Minister Shatiq Wazzan said today in a radio address after he had sent urgent requests to Washington to pressure Israel to withdraw immediately. His requests were made directly to U.S. envoy Morris Draper, Habib's former deputy here, who returned to Lebanon yesterday to resume negotiations for the withdrawal of all remaining foreign forces in Lebanon. In addition to the Israelis, these include Syrian and PLO units camped in the eastern Bekaa Valley and northern Lebanon. There were no immediate reports of the number of casualties today. Yesterday, in the first day of fighting, Israel reported two of its soliders were killed and 42 wounded. The Nasserist Morabitoun, the dominant Moslem

317 militia, said today that five of its men were killed and seven wounded in fighting the Israeli advance this morning. Ambulances wailed through the mostly deserted streets during the day. The city sporadically resounded with the rattle of machine-gun fire and the loud snap of tank cannons crashing through the terrified Moslem sector of half a million people, many sent fleeing in panic from their neighborhoods. With Israeli tanks blasting away at suspected sniper positions in office buildings within West Beirut's center along Hamra Street, with the Lebanese Central Bank afire from a random Israeli shell, and with Israeli armored forces criss-crossing the city's residential areas to engage leftist militiamen in a series of hit-and-run battles Wazzan said that not only the U.S. honor was at stake in Lebanon, but also the whole credibility of the Reagan administration in the Arab world where it has sought to curry favor through its Middle East initiative announced last week. "I make a direct appeal to U.S. officials, to President Reagan, Secretary of State [George P.] Shultz and Habib, in particular, and ask them how they want the Arab world to look at their [peace] initiative and promises after this," Wazzan said. "The responsiblitiy of the United States is great. We are waiting, the whole world is waiting, for American action." Israel, whose June invasion of Lebanon was considered to have aided the election of Lebanese president-elect Bashir Gemayel, who was assassinated Tuesday, had counted greatly on Gemayel's forceful presidency to control divided Lebanon. Tonight, Gemayel's Phalange Party moved to fill the vacuum created by its leader's death, according to well-informed sources, by nominating Bashir's elder brother, Amin, 40, as its candidate for the parliamentary presidential election expected to be held before Sept. 23. Wazzan today rejected Israel's explanation that it had moved into West Beirut to thwart any regrouping of Palestinian and leftist forces as "irrelevant" and "false," saying that his government's deployment of national policemen and Lebanese soldiers in West Beirut in the wake of the PLO withdrawal Sept. 1 had been gradually restoring order and government authority in war-battered West Beirut.

318 M o s l e m leaders p o i n t o u t t h a t b o t h b e f o r e and after G e m a y e l w a s k i l l e d in a b o m b e x p l o s i o n in an o f f i c e of h i s P h a l a n g e Party in E a s t B e i r u t , c a l m h a d b e e n r e t u r n i n g to W e s t B e i r u t . L e f t i s t M o s l e m m i l i t i a m e n there h a d b e e n gradually

turning

over their m i l i t i a r y p o s i t i o n s to the p o l i c e a n d the A r m y u n d e r a s e c u r i t y p l a n n e g o t i a t e d by W a z z a n w i t h the militia

local

leaders.

T h e L e b a n e s e g o v e r n m e n t also s o u g h t h e l p in g e t t i n g the I s r a e l i s to w i t h d r a w from Saudi A r a b i a n K i n g Fahd, w h o s e i n f l u e n c e w i t h W a s h i n g t o n is c o n s i d e r a b l e , and from F r e n c h Foreign Minister Claude Cheysson, who met with

government

leaders h e r e today after flying from F r a n c e to pay to G e m a y e l ' s

condolences

family.

[Fahd h a s p r o m i s e d L e b a n e s e leaders that he w o u l d do h i s best to e n d the Israeli o c c u p a t i o n of t h e i r c a p i t a l ,

according

to an o f f i c i a l Saudi news agency d i s p a t c h r e p o r t e d b y R e u t e r . The k i n g w a s said to d e s c r i b e the o c c u p a t i o n as i n h u m a n a n d unjustified.] W a z z a n is u n d e r s t o o d to have a s k e d C h e y s s o n to s e n d back the F o r e i g n L e g i o n n a i r e s w h o d e p a r t e d M o n d a y n i g h t . H i s appeal e c h o e d that m a d e b y PLO C h a i r m a n Y a s s e r A r a f a t in Rome

today

in w h i c h h e c a l l e d for the r e t u r n of the m u l t i n a t i o n a l

force

to L e b a n o n . L e b a n e s e A r m y troops t h a t h a d b e e n d e p l o y e d only last w e e k b e t w e e n the Israeli lines and the city's u n d e f e n d e d

southern

suburbs to act, in accordance w i t h the H a b i b p l a n , as a security c o r d o n for the capital, simply m o v e d aside w i t h o u t a w o r d of p r o t e s t or a s h o t fired w h e n the I s r a e l i s b e g a n to m o v e t h e i r tanks, a r m o r e d p e r s o n n e l c a r r i e r s a n d t r o o p c a r r y i n g h a l f - t r a c k s into W e s t B e i r u t . A p p a r e n t l y h a v i n g a s c e r t a i n e d y e s t e r d a y that the

resistance

from t h e c i t y ' s a s s o r t m e n t of irregular leftist m i l i t i a groups w a s spotty at best, Israel took control of the p o r t of B e i r u t and y e s t e r d a y a t n o o n landed two b r i g a d e s f r o m ships for an attack w e s t w a r d a c r o s s the s o - c a l l e d G r e e n Line of b a t t e r e d b u i l d i n g s that h a s d i v i d e d the L e b a n e s e c a p i t a l since the 1975-76 c i v i l w a r . A f t e r a lull in the fighting last n i g h t , the I s r a e l i A r m y c o m p l e t e d its drive for c o n t r o l of the M o s l e m s e c t o r

today.

319 Armored columns moved quickly through the once-fashionable seaside hotel district, gutted during the civil war, and then split, with one force racing down the seafront esplanade on which the U.S. and British embassies sit while a second column moved up toward Hamra Street, firing cannons at every intersection either at suspected militia sniper posts or just to scatter potential opponents. The French Embassy had two phosphorous shells land in its spacious grounds. The Central Bank was hit as were at least four cars and three office buildings along Hamra Street.

[Source: The Washington Post, September 18, 1982, p. A 11.]

320 Groups of youths, in civilian clothing and armed only with Kalashnikov assault rifles and antitank, rocket-propelled grenades, tried, with little success, to stall the Israeli drive. Even without big guns, the militiamen had a few successes. Two Israeli tanks were destroyed early this morning near the burned-out hulk of the city's former Holiday Inn. At least one other Israeli tank was destroyed near the city's southern sports complex that had served once as a PLO military academy. Israeli tank columns along the coast joined up early this morning with other forces that had moved through the town from the south, after first surrounding the already battered Palestinian refugee camps of Burj al Barajinah, Shatila, and Sabra. Having linked up on the coast this morning, the Israeli columns spent the rest of the day criss-crossing through the city at will, attacking suspected militia headquarters and neighborhoods where they were based, setting up roadblocks to check for identity cards, and arresting suspects. The Israeli Army also chased the Lebanese Army from some of their recently reoccupied barracks in West Beirut: at the seaside barracks of Bains Militaire, where even under the reign of the PLO the Lebanese Army had been allowed to remain, the Israelis dug in half a dozen tanks, sent their men into the barracks and sent the Lebanese away in trucks and jeeps. Dense clouds of smoke, black and gray, rose every now and then over the city from the refugee camps to the south, from the east-west boulevard of Corniche Mazraa where the fighting was heaviest, and from near the Green Line where the odd tanks or passenger cars had been set aflame. By nightfall the fighting had died out in the city center, but gunshot and occasional cannon booms could be heard from the vicinity of Gamal Abdel Nasser Mosque on the Corniche Mazraa, the headquarters of the Morabitoun.

321

FROM AMMAN (JORDAN) IN 1983 BY KAREN E, HOUSE The Wall Sreet Journal

K a r e n E l l i o t t H o u s e (born on December 7, 1947, in Matador, Tex.) studied at the University of Texas at Austin. While at College, she was a stringer for the Newsweek magazine and managing editor of the student newspaper Daily Texan. She also spent the summer of 1969 as an intern at the Houston Chronicle under a program sponsored by the Dow Jones Newspaper Fund. After graduation in journalism in 1970, Karen E. House was education reporter for the Dallas News and then political reporter in its Washington, D.C., bureau. She joined Wall Street Journal at its Washington bureau in April, 1974. From then until 1978 she covered regulatory agencies, energy environment and agriculture and from 1978 to 1983 foreign affairs as the Journal1 s diplomatic correspondent. During the fall term of 1982, Karen E. House was a fellow at the Institute of Politics at Harvard University where she conducted a seminar on the formulation of American foreign policy. In the same year, she won the Edwin M. Hood Award for Excellence in Diplomatic Reporting for a series on Saudi Arabia. In 1983, she moved to New York to become assistant foreign editor of the Wall Street Journal and reported extensively from the Middle East in that function. In 1984, when she was named foreign editor of that newspaper, she won the Pulitzer Prize for her articles on the Middle East from the previous year.

322 POLITICAL PROBLEMS IN THE REGION ARE FAR FROM BEING SOLVED [source: Karen E. House: Arab Friend's More Critical of Saudis, in: The Wall Street Journal (New York, N.Y.), Vol. CCl/No. 51, March 15, 1983, p. 31, cols. 2 - 4 ; reprinted by kind permission of the Dow Jones & Company, Inc., Publishers, New York, N.Y.]

"You can't buy friends," goes the adage. These days no one should know that better than Saudi Arabia. For a decade the Saudis have passed out billions to moderate and radical Arab regimes alike, contending that the money buys influence. America, which has made the House of Saud one of its main Mideast pillars, dutifully echoes the claim. If it ever was true - and Saudi influence probably never was what Washington professed - it's certainly less so today. Arab nations, now bitterly divided on almost everything else, argree on one thing - their disdain for Saudi rulers. Strikingly, Arab officials who in the past cautiously skirted criticism of their billionaire benefactor now bluntly - though still privately - savage the Saudis. Some even disparage King Fahd personally. ENVIOUS OF WEALTH "The Saudis are content with luxury and lanziness," says an Iraqi official. "What kind of pillar of stability are they? They couldn't even handle 300 fanatics at Mecca without the help of the French." (The Saudis deny it, but it is believed that French military advisers helped the Saudi army regain control of the Grand Mosque in Mecca, the Moslem world's holiest site, after it was seized in 1979 by several hundred armed Islamic fundamentalists. "What is Saudi Arabia but a bunch of princes who inherited sand that happened to have oil?" asks a Jordanian official. "Their sole concern is personal survival to enjoy the luxuries of this world lest they not earn them in the next." And so it goes, whether the official is Syrian, Jordanian, Iraqi or Egyptian. No one likes handouts, so perhaps these scathing remarks are just the bitterness of the dependent or perhaps they reflect frustration that Saudi largess is shriveling as falling world oil prices reduce Riyadh's income. Or, because many Arabs see Saudi Arabia as an American proxy,

323 maybe ridiculing the Saudis is simply a way of pricking their American protectors. But there appears to be something deeper behind Arab scorn for Saudi leadership. As much as anything, it is disappointment with King Fahd who, contrary to expectations, has proven to be as uassertive as his ailing predecessor. Whatever the reason, the new willingness of officials in several Arab capitals to discuss with an outsider their contempt for the Saudi monarchy clearly suggests that Saudi influence in the region is overrated. And that may have immediate consequences for President Reagan's Mideast peace plan. The plan calls for talks between Israel, Jordan and some Palestinians about an association between the West Bank and .Jordan. King Hussein of Jordan has indicated he is ready to talk but only if the Palestine Liberation Organization approves his participation. That is where the Saudis come in. Since Saudi Arabia bankrolls the PLO, American officials are relying on Riyadh to pressure PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat to say yes to King Hussein when the two meet, probably next week. (Syria, Libya, and the Soviet Union are actively pressing Mr. Arafat to scuttle the Reagan plan by saying no to the Jordanian king.) Yet no one in the Medeast, neither opponents nor proponents of the Reagan plan, believe the Saudis will wield any influence over the PLO. And a Saudi official passing through Amman, Jordan, last week said as much: "We're going to support the PLO whatever it decides," he said. This Saudi willingness to keep the money coming to everyone regardless of what conflicting course each pursues is a big

324 reason for the Arab scorn. The ruling princes are much like a woman who offers her favors too freely - used but not respected. Arabs, both moderate and radical, had hoped that when King Khalid died last summer his successor would prove more decisive, more like the late King Faisal, Saudi Arabia's last activist monarch, who launched the 1973 Arab oil embargo. Instead, the robust King Fahd is as ephemeral as the infirm King Khalid. "As crown prince, Fahd always hid behind the old man," says an Arab minister who requests anonimity. "Now that Khalid is dead, Fahd doesn't have anyone to hide behind anymore so •what you see is what you get." TARGET FOR BLACKMAIL What Arab officials see, they say, is a man in love with luxury and frightened of death - the perfect target for blackmail. One Arab official tells a tale of the PLO extracting money from Fahd at the 1978 Arab summit in Baghdad by telling him the infamous international killer, Carlos, was in town with assassination in mind. Whether such stories are true isn't as important as that the Arabs apparently believe them to be. Because the Saudis are seen as susceptible to blackmail, even those to whom they give aide voluntarily don't feel privileged or particularly grateful. In short, the regime isn't seen as decisively dispersing wealth to advance clear policy goals but rather indiscriminately throwing cash at every threat. Indeed, the Saudis appear to have no system of punishment or rewards. Syria, for instance, refused Saudi entreaties to reopen a pipeline to permit Iraq to export oil needed to fund its war with Iran. Still Saudi aid continues to Syria. And now Iraqi expectations of Saudi aid are greater because Baghdad blames Riyadh for failure to force Syria to open the pipeline. Jordan, which is struggling to create a new opportunity for Mideast peace that Saudi Arabia says it seeks, still has had to pay $34 for Saudi oil. And Amman is kept wondering by the Saudis whether Riyadh will make up promised Arab aid to Jordan that other Arab states either can't or won't pay. Saudi Arabia's enemies have always argued she is a political weakling. But now her so-called Arab friends frustratedly agree.

325

FROM ADDIS ABABA (ETHIOPIA) IN 1984 BY

JOSH FRIEDMAN Newsday

Josh F r i e d m a n

(born on August 11, 1942) grew up in New Jersey and

received a Β.Ά. in history from Rutgers University in 1964 and an M.S. in 1968 from Columbia University 1 s Graduate School of Journalism where he won the Inter-American Press Association Traveling Fellowship. He continued his studies in history in the graduate school at the University of Chicago before becoming the editor-in-chief of the Sohoe News in New York City. Then he worked as investigative reporter at the Phi lade Iphi a Inqui rer. Albany bureau chief

of

the

Later on Friedman became the

New York Poet.

He joined Newsday

in

1982 and has had both domestic and foreign reporting assignments since then. He covered local and state government politics in Nassau County, New York City and from Newsday 1 s Albany bureau. During one of his foreign assignments, he traveled to Cuba to report about the Grenada invasion. He was in Beirut in early 1984 to cover the collapse of the central government's authority in Lebanon. Together with

reporter Dennis Bell

and

photographer

Friedman spent two months traveling in Africa in

Ozier 1984,

Muhammad, covering

drought and famine which brought to them the 1985 Pulitzer Prize for International Reporting.

326 A DESPERATE

CONTINENT

FACES DEATH OF

STARVATION

[Source: Josh Friedman: The Struggle to Survive. Populations of 21 Afflicted Countries Deapair of Food, in: Sunday Newsday (Long Island, N.Y.), Vol. 45/ No. Ill, December 23, 1984, p. 5, cols. 1 - 3; p. 24, cols. 1 - 3 ; reprinted by kind permission of Newsday, Inc., Long Island, N.Y.]

Nothing that happened to Job in the Bible matches what is happening to the more than 400 million Africans who live south of the Sahara desert. For one dazzling moment in the past two decades, they had known hope as one after another their countries became independent. But hope was dashed, first by man-made calamities - and now by nature, itself. The world's economy veered crazily from inflation to recession. African countries and their wealthy supporters mishandled agricultural development. The prices of their crash crops plunged on the world market. Energy prices shot up with the price of oil, stalling development in all but the lucky few African countries with their own oil reserves. Then, it stopped raining. In east Africa and in the area of west Africa called the Sahel, the fringe of countries along the base of the Sahara, normal rains have never returned since the last great drought of 1975, in which more than half a million people died. In southern Africa, a good portion of the last three years has been bone dry - converting a grain-exporting region into one dependent on international food aid. A Newsday team of two reporters and a photographer has just completed a two-month tour of Africa to examine the cruelest side of this continent-wide drought - its impact on the people. The itinerary led from Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso in west Africa to Ethiopia and Kenya in east Africa and Zimbabwe in southern Africa. South Africa, also hard hit by drought, refused to grant Newsday visas. The tour confirmed the fears of most officials confronting the drought: Things are getting worse. By the end of this year, the death toll probably will have neared 1 million people in Ethiopia alone. More than 5 million people are fleeing across the continent as refugees. Twenty-one African nations are now affected by drought, according to the

327 United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization

(FAO). More

than 6 million tons of food aid is needed next year to keep between 30 million and 40 million people from extreme hunger - possibly death. That amount would require donor nations to provide 40 percent more aid than they gave this year, the FAO says. "The people in many countries in Africa are worse off now than they were at the beginning of the year and their prospects for the future are dimmer," says UN Secretary General Javier Perez de Cuellar. "Overall the situation has deteriorated sharply," FAO director general Edouard Saouma said last week of next year's food prospects. According to most sources, at least eight African nations are the most critically affected by drought: ETHIOPIA

Widely thought to be te worst-off in Africa, between 6 million and 8 million of its people face starvation. Most of them live at high altitudes on arid land that is overused and eroded. Twelve of Ethiopia's 14 provinces are afflicted by drought. Despite western aid, which began accelerating in October when the Marxist government finally allowed western journalists access to the countryside, the death toll is already astronomical. One British organization estimates almost 1 million will have died this year. Western governments believe the need for food aid in 1985 is as high as 1.2 million metric tons. According to U.S. sources, 500,000 metric tons of food aid, half of it from the United States alone, are already pledged and in the pipeline - even though Ethiopian officials say food is running out. SUDAN

The second worst-affected country in Africa, in part because refugees are pouring in from Ethiopia and Chad. More refugees have entered the Sudan than any other Arican country. The UN estimates 4.5 million Sudanese and 700,000 refugees face starvation if food aid is inadequate.

[Yesterday,

President Ronald Reagan ordered the Air Force to fly emergency supplies and food today to refugee camps in eastern Sudan, where thousands of Ethiopians have fled.]

328 MOZAMBIQUE This country may finally be pulling out of a three-year b o u t w i t h drought that has killed tens of thousands and led the M a r x i s t country's economy to collapse. But a quarter of the population still needs food aid, especially before the April harvest. Hopes that guerrilla groups w o u l d pull back have faded w i t h the collapse of a treaty that w o u l d have brought peace to the country. U.S. aid w e n t up w i t h Mozambique's agreement n o t to harbor guerrilla groups trying to depose the government of South Africa. CHAD Three m i l l i o n people, two-thirds of this Sahelian country's population, are affected by hunger, according to the UN. Many have been driven into camps by a combination of civil strife and the encroaching Sahara desert. A mutualwithdrawal agreement between France and Libya has foundered and French troops may return to Chad. F o o d aid is complicated by Nigeria's reluctance to allow donors to use its ports. Only 8,000 tons a m o n t h can come to Chad through Cameroon but up to 25,000 tons could come through Nigeria's m o r e ample port facilities. Nigeria reportedly harbors resentments stemming from past military clashes. NIGER Nearly half of the country's population, or 2.4 million people, are affected by drought. Niger, also, has only

limited

use of Nigerian ports. Until this year, Niger's military dictatorship had m a n a g e d to avoid famine by organizing relief efficiently. But persistent drought overcame the government this year. Niger needs nearly half a million m e t r i c tons of food aid in 1985, according to the UN. MALI The M a r x i s t government has repaired relations w i t h the W e s t by relaxing control over the grain market. But food distribution is hampered by a slim network of roads in this sprawling country, w h i c h is about the size of Texas and California combined. The UN estimates that 2,5 m i l l i o n people, a third of the population, face hunger. Many are migrating

southward.

329 BURKINA

FASO

The situation is deteriorating in this country, formerly called Upper Volta, where 1.3 million people, 20 percent of the population, are now affected by drought. The country, which is led by an outpoken former young army officer, Thomas Sankara, needs 165 thousand metric tons of food aid, worth $33 million. MAURITANIA

This country is being covered by sand. Fifteen years ago, only 15 percent of its population lived in towns. The rest were nomads, whose herds lived off the land. But rapid desertification has covered the pasture, virtually reversing that ratio. More than two-thirds of the country's 1.7 million people need food aid, according to the UN. In addition, the impact of the drought on Kenya, one of the most sophisticated countries in Africa and one of the closest to the United States, is not fully known. Fears of a severe food shortage abated recently when the so-called short rains came in October and November. Kenyan farmers planted crops, which may cut down the country's need for foreign food aid, which the UN estimates at 425,000 metric tons. The country already has pledges of 150,000 tons of U.S. food aid for 1985. And in South Africa, the government has kept the effects of drought secret from the rest of the world. But this former food-exporting country has faced tough times agriculturally for the past three years. This may be ending with an improvement in rainfall. In the meantime, an unknown number of rural residents, most of them black, have died of starvation and tens of thousands face malnutrition, according to the head of one volunteer relief organization active in the country. While meteorological experts have been scrutinizing Africa's weather, no one has come up with a definitive cause of the drought. Some say the lack of rain is connected to a worldwide change in weather produced by abnormal temperatures in the Pacific. The combination of bad breaks has exacerbated the results of human error. "Today the average African is poorer than in 1970. By 1995 he is likely to be poorer than at independence," says Ernest Stern, senior vice president of the World Bank. "The neglect of agriculture is the primary cause of this trend."

330 Most estimates say that agricultural production has dropped 1 to 1.5 percent a year in Africa since 1970. Why is a far more complicated question. Stern criticizeses both African nations and wealthy western countries for botching development possiblities. He blames poor local management and a poor choice of development projects. Africa's crisis also includes an explosive population growth, which forces hungry people to stretch their scarce food stocks even further. Population growth in Africa has accelerated from 2.3 percent a year in 1960 to 3.1 percent thiy year, according to the World Bank. Almost half the people in Africa are under 15. Within 35 years, the sub-Saharan population is expected to triple, to 1.2 billion, if present trends continue. In addition, the ravages of the drought are made worse by civil strife. Some people in the most hungry countries in Africa - Ethiopia, Mozambique, Chad, Angola - cannot receive aid because of active rebellion against central governments. At the same time, aid from wealthy countries to Africa has actually started to go down, if inflation is factored in. And the continent's balance of payments is deteriorating - soon to be made even worse with the expiration of loans that had helped confront the problems of the past few years. Many African countries are broke. Western nations, the Soviet bloc and African nations often blame each other for the problem. According to some African officials, wealthy countries neglect development investment and show up with emergency food aid when it is too late. An early alert foreshadowing the current disaster was issued in the fall of 1982, and was largely ignored. In the spring of 1983, the FAO initiated an emergency telegram campaign to 27 countries, but it was not until this year that the international donor community fully responded. And it was not until a month and a half ago that the rest of the world began to see the dimensions of the disaster. Many western officials say donor nations are being generous to a fault. This was shown vividly recently when Ethiopian relief officials criticized the United States for giving too little, too late. U.S. officials snapped back that it was a classic case of "biting the hand that feeds you."

331

The Scope of the Famine Countries seriously affected by drought

Countries moderately affected by drought

Guinea Bissau Guinea Ivory Coast

Burkina Faao Sao Tome and Principe

mozamnQie ZhntBbwt Swaziland

Lesotho

Soutti Africa

SOURCE: United Nations Disaster Relief Agency

The Hardest Hit Countries Food aid needed (thousand tons) Burkina Faso 165 Chad 125 Ethiopia 800 Mali 200 Mauritania 160 Mozambique 520 Niger 475 Sudan 650

Cost to provide food, in miliions

Millions of people affected

%of Population affected

$33

1.3

20

$25

3

64

$160

6.4

13

$40

2.4

34

$32

1.1

66

3

24

$95

2.4

43

$130

4.5

22

$104

332 "Africans can count on the United States," says Ambassador Alan L. Keyes, U.S. representative to the UN Economic and Social Council. "We will continue to be generous in our aid and prompt in the delivery of what is required to save lives." The weight of the world's food debt falls on the United States, which is the granary of the world. More than half the world's food aid comes from here. The United States has pledged or delivered more than half a billion dollars worth of food - 1.6 million metric tons of food to sub-Saharan Africa in the fiscal year that started last October. About 600,000 tons is emergency aid and could be increased as the year goes on. It seems a lot. But the FAO estimates that sub-Saharan Africa needs additional pledges of 2.4 million tons to reach the 6.1 million tons needed to avert starvation in 1985. The other major donor to Africa is the European Economic Community, or Common Market. After that comes Canada, Australia the UN World Food Program, UN High Commission on Refugees, UNICEF and Japan. The Soviet Union gives very little food aid but significant amounts of military aid and some investment in infrastructure. Involvement in Africa has become de rigueur

for non-profit

agencies active in international aid. This is where the need is. But as western aid accelerates sharply, it is also where the money and action are. For years, Catholic Relief Services was the conduit for most American food aid in Africa. But now U.S. Agency for International Development director Peter McPherson says food for Africa will also be given out through such agencies as World Vision, a non-denominational fundamentalist Christian group, and Care. Two years ago, the Reagan administration, in a political move, tried to cut off food aid to Marxist Ethiopia but Catholic Relief Services beat back the attempt by lobbying in Congress. Relief agencies are racing to raise American donations and win contracts to distribute western aid. Movie stars and politicians have been drawn into the fray, sent with camera crews to camps where the dying is the greatest to be featured in promotional films used for fundraising on television back in the United States.

333

FROM MANILA (THE PHILIPPINES) IN 1985 BY

PETE CAREY/KATHERINE E L L I S O N / L E W I S Μ . SIMONS San Jose Mercury News Pete Carey (born on April 2, 1940 in San Francisco, Calif.) raised in Berkeley, Calif., earned a degree in economics from the University of California at Berkeley and was a 1983-84 Professional Journalism Fellow at Stanford University. Before joining the San Jose Mercury News in 1967 he was editor of the Livermore

Independent,

Livermore, Calif., and worked as a reporter for the San Francisco Examiner. At the San Jose Mercury News he served as an aerospace writer, special assignment writer

and

in recent years as an in-

vestigative reporter. Katherine

Ellison

(born on August 19, 1957, in Minneapolis, Minn.)

grew up in the San Francisco Bay Area and

she received a bach-

elor's degree in international relations from Stanford University. Afterwards she served internships with

Foreign Policy

magazine,

the Center for Investigative Reporting, the Los Angeles Times and the Washington Post. In 1 980 Katherine Ellison joined the San Jose Mercury News staff, and since 1983 she worked in the San Francisco bureau of that paper. She undertook a number of local, national and international assignments, ranging

from work on an investi-

gative series on the San Francisco police department to features from rebel-held Eritrea in Ethiopia. L e w i s M. S i m o n s

(born on January 9, 1939, in Paterson, N.J.) raised

in New Jersey and began his journalism career in 1964 as a reporter for the Associated Press. Later on, he went to the Washington Post, with which he served as a correspondent in India and Thailand. Since

1982, Simons worked as a correspondent for the San

Jose Mercury News based in Tokyo. A veteran reporter in Asia, he has reported extensively Philippines.

on Japan, South Korea, Vietnam and the

334 THE POVERTY-STRICKEN COUNTRY FACES A CAPITAL FLIGHT [Source: Pete Carey/Katherine Ellison/Lewis M. Simons: How top Filipinos hide fortunes overseas. California a major stop for capital flight, in: San Jose Mercury News (San Jose, Calif.), Vol. 134/No. 224, June 23, 1985, p. 1 A, cols. 1 - 3; p. 20 A, cols. 1 - 5; p. 21 A, cols. 1 - 3 ; reprinted by permission of the San Jose Mercury News, San Jose, Calif.]

As the Philippines sinks deeper into a quagmire of poverty, foreign debt and political unrest, many of its most prominent citizens are systematically draining vast amounts of wealth from their nation and hiding it overseas. These political and business leaders - who more than ony other group hold sway over the Philippines * economic destiny - have poured their personal fortunes into offshore havens such as the United States, a Mercury News investigation has found. Of the billions of dollars that U.S. and Filipino analysts agree have left the Philippines in the past 20 years, tens of millions have come to the United States, often concealed by holding companies registered in Hong Kong or Curacao. The money has been used to buy condominiums, homes, office buildings, businesses and banks, some of them in Woodside, Hillsborough, San Francisco and elsewhere in the Bay Area. "If only these poeple kept their money here and reinvested it in productive enterprises, our problems would be a lot more manageable," said a Filipino senior executive of a multinational oil company operating in the Philippines. "Let's face it, this country has been ruined by the greed of a few people, and what makes me sad is, we can't say enough is enough. We can't seem to bring ourselves to stop them. We're broke; Where's the money? There's no accountability. It's sickening." That the rich and powerful in the Philippines, including President Ferdinand E. Marcos and some of his closest associates, have profited from their positions of leadership or ties with the government has been widely reported in Philippine and U.S. studies. But there is "special outrage," noted a 1984 U.S. Senate committee report, "that the country's leadership, having acquired immense personal fortunes, has reportedly removed badly needed capital permanently from the Philippines economy. People feel doubly robbed."

335 Several of the top Filipino business and political leaders whose U.S. links were examined in the Mercury News investigation either downplayed the importance of their investments or denied owning overseas property: Others declined to be interviewed or did not respond to written questions submitted to their offices. The extent of the capital flight is causing increasing concern among U.S. officials. They worry that the faltering Philippine economy could help topple the Marcos government, which plays host to key U.S. military bases. "Everybody in the (U.S.) government is worried," said Richard Kessler, a specialist on the Philippines with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, D.C. "As a crisis, the Philippines is their No. 1 concern. The people that I've talked to say that in comparison, Central America is just a sideshow. " At the forefront of overseas investment, the Mercury News has found, are Marcos and his wife, Imelda. Like many Filipinos who have invested overseas, the Marcoses use holding corporations or business associates to handle their transactions. The complex system makes it difficult to trace ownership or relationships between businesses involved in the investments. But a March 1984 lawsuit not previously reported in the media has for the first time shed light on millions of dollars of real estate investments in the United States by the Philippines' first family. The suit, filed by a former business partner of Mrs. Marcos, alleges that she "does business in New York State systematically and continuoulsy" and that her activities include "extensive real estate purchasing, improving, developing and managing." New York investor Pablo E. Figueroa further charges in the suit that she uses agents and nominees "to keep hidden her personal... involvement" in the transactions. Filed in Suffolk County, Long Island, Figueroa's suit alleges that Mrs. Marcos and several partners, using a Curacao corporation called Ancor Holdings N.V., in 1981 bought an estate on several acres of suburban Long Island property known as Lindenmere, planning to expand it into a $19 million resort. But Mrs. Marcos abandoned those plans and converted Lindenmere to a private estate, the suit says. In the process, Figueroa claims, she failed to pay him $1 million she had promised as

336 his share in the deal. Attorneys for both Mrs. Marcos and Figueroa refused to comment on the suit. There also is evidence of other Marcos properties. According to real estate records, Mrs. Marcos' personal secretary in New York is the agent for a Hong Kong corporation that owns three adjoining Manhattan condominiums. And a home in Princeton, N.J., is owned by an offshore corporation that is represented by the same law firm that represents Ancor Holdings. Police officials in the New Jersey town said the home is used by Marcos family members . The U.S. investments or economic links of eight other prominent Filipino government and business leaders were examined by the Mercury News: Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile; Energy Minister Geronimo Velasco; coconut and brewery magnate Eduardo Cojuangco; industrialist Rodolfo Cuenca; banker Roberto Beiiedicto; airline executive Roman Cruz; businessman Jose Campos, and banana baron Antonio Floirendo. In many cases, surrogates or offshore corporations were used to execute transactions, making it difficult to ascertain the originators of the investments. Defense Minister Enrile and his wife, for example, purchased property in San Francisco through a company called Renatsac Inc., which is Enrile*s wife's maiden name spelled backward. Campos, through an investment company registered in the Netherlands Antilles, bought $9 million in property in downtown Seattle. In other cases, real estate is held in the name of trusted American lawyers or agents. "I 'own' more goddam property," said one American lawyer in San Francisco who has invested for prominent Filipinos for 15 years. "Tomorrow, if I wanted, I could sell $50 million worth of real property, get the money and abscond. I could go to Rio and just say, 'Bye-bye, baby.' I just wouldn't 'cause they trust me." As a result of the use of surrogates or holding companies, U.S. administration and congressional officials who have tried to gather data on investments from the Philippines have come up empty-handed. John Maisto, the State Department's director for Philippine affairs, said he recently tried to collect investment information at the request of Rep. Stephen Solarζ, D-New York, a persistent critic of Marcos.

337

PHILIPPINES AT A GLANCE • Six· end population: Only 400 of the nation's 7,000 islands are inhabited, and 95 percent of the country's 52 million people live on the 11 largest islands. • Religion: Eighty-four percent of the people are Roman Catholic, 9 percent are Protestant, 5 percent are Moslems. • Government: President Ferdinand E. Marcos was elected president in 1965, and declared martial law in 1972. He lifted martial law in 1981. Marcos backers dominate the National Assembly. [Source: San Jose Mercury

News

• Economy: Gross national product ($39.2 billion in 1982) dropped by more that 5 percent in 1984. Vicinte Valdepenas, economic planning minister, blamed much of the drop on shortage of dollars needed to import raw materials for industry. Per capita income in 1984 was $600. The 1984 inflation rate was about 50 percent, and the unemployment rate was estimated at 23 percent. As much as 80 percent of the population is said to be living below the poverty line. The average monthly wage for a laborer is $60. The nation's foreign debt is $26 billion.

(San Jose Calif.), June 23, 1985.]

338 "We found it very difficult as we checked through the U.S. government to find anything that was readily available, without calling together a task force," Maisto said. Even the most knowledgeable observers can offer only rough estimates of how much money has left the country. "While it's almost impossible to estimate an accurate figure on the flow of cash abroad, it's possible that it's been about $30 billion since the 1950s," said Jesus P. Estanislao with the Center for Research and Communication, a privately funded think tank in the Philippines. "But there's been a great surge since 1979, when it became clear to Filipinos and foreigners that our finances were in grave danger." At a Manila news conference last August, U.S. Ambassador Stephen Bosworth relayed official American concern over the problem when he cited a leading Filipino economist's estimate that residents had removed more than $10 billion in recent years. "Now, if even half of that would return to the Philippines for private investment, it would make a considerable difference here," Bosworth said. Philippine officials interviewed by the Mercury News offered varied explanations for or denials of their overseas holdings. "It depends on the magnitude of money," said Enrile, who with his wife has owned three San Francisco properties and who acknowledged currently owning one condominium in San Francisco. "If the holdings are of such a magnitude as billions of dollars, I'd say it would be just to get it out of the Philippines and I'd agree that it was harmful. But when I acquired mine, the economy of the Philippines was not what it is today. It was stable and strong." Energy Minister Velasco flatly denied owning any property abroard, although his nephew. Patrick de Borja, told the Mercury News that a mansion in Woodside owned by a holding company linked to Velasco is a "family house" and that Velasco stays there when he is in the area. The Marcoses, in a statement from Manila, denied owning any property in the United States. The statement added that the government's policy on overseas investment is that "so long as the acquisitions are legal, nobody can question the owner's right to these properties."

339 A spokesman for the Philippine consulate in San Francisco, Prudencia Europa, complained that the Marcoses always are blamed when the issue of capital flight arises. "I know some friends of the president who own property here," Europa said, "and then the critics say this property is owned by Marcos, and then it's owned by Cuenca, for instance." Capital flight surged shortly after the assassination of opposition leader Benigno S. Aquino Jr. in 1983, becoming

"epi-

demic in proportion," according to a special study last year by the Northern California Interfaith Committee on Corporate Responsibility in San Francisco. "Out of fear of political and economic turbulence, over a billion dollars left the Philippines," the study said. Marcos apparently tried to stem the flow in the early

1970s

and again in 1983 with decrees that made it illegal for Filipinos to export large sums of cash or hold foreign exchange accounts without approval from the nation's Central Bank. But even Philippine government officials acknowledge deficiencies in the laws, which do not forbid overseas

investments

per se. It would be hopeless, the officials say, to try to catch each unauthorized dollar as it flows from the country. "Somehow, some way, dollars are taken out," said Felipe Sarmiento, the commercial attache at the Philippine consulate in San Francisco. "But you can't police everybody 24 hours a day. You cannot track them." In fact, U.S. real estate agents relate instances in which their Filipino clients have plopped shopping bags stuffed with cash on their desks, no questions asked, to be used for investment in property. "It is illegal, and every once in awhile, there'll be fines and confiscations," said the San Francisco lawyer who represents Filipinos and who insisted on anonymity. "But if the Philippine government really did anything about this, they'd be indicting all their own officials. They've

the biggest offenders."

Commercial attache Sarmiento said it would even be possible for top government officials to carry cash out of the country in their suitcases, if they wished, because they are immune from routine airport searches. Sarmiento said that Defense Minister Enrile, for example, might easily pass through airport by virtue of his position.

security

340 "They may not only not search him," Sarmiento said, "they may salute him." There are, of course, more subtle ways to export currency than stuffing it in suitcases. In a series of interviews, attorneys, brokers and Philippine officials detailed what all described as well-established and often used ways of circumventing the island 1 s exchange-control laws. Transactions occur in an air heavy with intrigue. Brokers tell of late-night phone calls from Manila, of secret instructions to send secret papers to secret destinations. Offshore corporations help get the dollars off the islands and to make purchases abroad. Filipino investors frequently have used corporations based in the Netherlands Antilles, particularly Curacao, which have offered tax advantages for buying and selling real estate. Other corporations have been based in New Hebrides, Panama, the Cayman Islands, the British Virgin Islands, Hong Kong and even Liberia. Most combine some sort of tax benefit with the equally precious commodity of anonymity. The desire for secrecy is hardly unwarranted. Overseas investing is a hot political issue in the Philippines, and some opposition leaders abroad have made it their bitter vocation to track foreign investment, particularly those by Marcos and his so-called "cronies." In the opposition's eyes, extravagant foreign purchases compound the injustice of a regime that has favored a loyal few at the expense of millions of others. While reports of graft and corruption proliferated, the Philippines' large income-distribution gap widened even further between 1971 and 1979, according to a June 1984 study by economists at the University of the Philippines. The poorest 60 perdent of households, which had received only 25 percent of total income in 1971, saw their share drop to 22.5 percent in 1979, the study said. The richest 10 percent of the population, on the other hand, increased their share of total income to 41.7 percent from 37.1 percent in the same period. Capital flight, many experts believe, has made matters worse. Some Philippine factories have closed or laid off workers because there were no foreign currency reserves with which to buy

341 raw materials and spare parts, according to Verne Dickey, an economist at the State Department. William Sullivan, a former U.S. ambassador to both the Philippines and Iran, noted that the Philippine economy is in even worse condition than the economy of Iran was in before the shah fell. "In the case of Iran, capital flight took place against a background of enormous foreign-exchange earnings from oil," Sullivan said. "But the Philippines can earn damn little. Every main commodity they have (to export) has gone flat... In due course, you get down to the absence of necessities. In the Philippines, for instance, you have to import all the wheat flour." Nonetheless, reports continue of enormous bank accounts and extravagant overseas purchases by wealthy Filipinos. And as a senior executive with one of the largest banks in the Philippines put it, U.S. real estate investments by Marcos' inner circle are merely the "tip of the iceberg." "You're not seeing the securities, the Swiss bank vaults," he said in an interview in Manila. "The important thing is, it's unlikely that any of this money will return to the Philippines when transition is complete and we have stability." "When their patron saint

(Marcos) goes, most of them will go

overseas to stay; most of them already hold green cards. These people have not bought U.S. real estate as a financial investment; it 1 s for their retirement when they can no longer stay in the Philippines."

342 WINNERS OF THE INTERNATIONAL REPORTING AWARD/

1986 - 2000*

- Space for Notes -

1986 Winner(s) - awarded in 1987: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1987 Winner(s) - awarded in 1988: Ν cime (s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1988 Winner(s) - awarded in 1989: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1989 Winner(s) - awarded in 1990: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

* The listings of the annual Pulitzer Prize-winners as well as further background information about the awards will be available in the journal Editor & Publisher, New York, N.Y.

343 1990 Winner(s)

- awarded in 1991:

Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1991 Winner(s) - awarded in 1992: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1992 Winner(s) - awarded in 1993: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1993 Winner(s)

- awarded in 1994:

Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1994 Winner(s)

- awarded in 1995:

Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

344 1995 Winner(s) - awarded in 1996: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1996 Winner(s) - awarded in 1997: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1997 Winner(s)

- awarded in 1998:

Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1998 Winner(s) - awarded in 1999: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1999 Winner(s) - awarded in 2000: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

2000 Winner(s) - awarded in 2001: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

345 INDEX Abbott, Douglas, 14θ Acheson, Dean G., 134, 135 Ackerman, Carl W., XXXIV, XXXV, XXXVI, XXXVII, XXXVIII Addams, Jane, 42 Adler, Ernst-Dietrich, VII Alexander, Charles T., LXV Alexei, Russian Patriarch, 161 Allen, Lauren E., XLI Allison, Kathleen Α., VI Allison, Larry, LXIX Ameghino, Cesar, 100, 102 Andover, Phillips, 309 Aquino, Benigno S. Jr., 339 Arafat, Yasser, 303, 318, 323 Argueta, Manuel C., 307 Annstead, George Β., XXXIV Arnett, Peter G., LXIII, LXIV, LXXIV, 215, 216 Arsenaulp, Martha, 302 Ashmore, Harry S., L Atar, Ahmed el, 295 Atkinson, Brooks, XLV, XLVII Bagdikian, Ben Η., LV Bailey, Charles W., LXIX Baker, Richard Τ., XXVIII Baker, Russell, LXXXI Baldwin, Hanson W., XLIII, 81, 82 Banaszynski, Jacqui, LXXIX Barber, Wilfred C., XXXVI, XXXVII, LIX, 45, 46 Barnes, Myrtle S., LXXI Barnett, Stanley P., LII Basek, Charles, 144, 145, 146 Batista y Zaldivar, Fulgencio, LVIII, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 198, 199 Bauer, Richard F., VI Beazell, William P., XXXII Beck, Josef, 71 Begin, Menachem, 291 Beech, Keyes, XLIX Bell, Dennis, LXXIX, 325 Benedicto, Roberto, 336 Benes, Edouard, 6 Ben Gurion, David, 226 Bennett, Charles L., LXXIV Bergenheim, Robert C., LXXII Beria, Lavrenti P., 151 Bernhardt, Michael, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240 Bernstein, Theodore Μ., XXXVIII, XXXIX, XLI, XLIII, XLIV Bertelson, Arthur R., LX Betancourt, Romulo, 202

Bigart, Homer W., XLIV, XLIX Binder, Carroll, XXXIII, XLV Birchall, Frederick Τ., XXXV, 35, 36 Black, Creed C., LXXV Bohlen, Charles E. (Chip), 162 Borja, Patrick de, 338 Bosworth, Stephen, 338 Boyle, Harold V., XLIV, 91, 92 Braden, Spruille, lOO Brandt, Willy, 265, 268, 269 Brezhnev, Leonid I., 264, 265, 266, 268, 269, 270 Brezhnev, Yuri, 270 Brezhneva, Viktoria P., 269 Briand, Aristide, 8 Brinkley, David, 299 Brinkley, Joel, LXXIV, LXXV, 299, 300 Brooke-Popham, Robert, 78 Brown, Judith W., LXXII Brown, Roscoe C. Ε., XXXV Brown, Sevellon, XXXV Browne, Malcolm W., LXII, 203, 204 Brucker, Herbert, XXXV Brüning, Heinrich, 63 Bryson, Reid, 274 Buchanan, James, 54 Bulganin, Nikolai Α., 16θ, 161, 162 Bunche, Ralph J., 188, 190 Butler, Nicholas Μ., XXVI, XXVII, XXVIII, XXX, XLV, 42 Butts, Virginia, VI Byrnes, James F., 209 Caider, John, 28 Callaghan, James, 211 Calley, William L. Jr., 236, 237, 238, 240 Campos, Jose, 336 Canham, Edwin D., XLV Carey, Pete, LXXIX, LXXXII, 333, 334 Carlos, terrorist, 324 Carney, Robert Μ., LXVIII Carroll, Eleanor, XLIII Carroll, Frank J., VII Carron, Marice, 96 Carter, Jimmy, 304 Carter, Ovie, LXX, LXXI, LXXIX Casey, Edward D., LXXVIII Castro, Fidel, LVIII, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203 Chamberlain, Austen, 42 Chamberlain, Neville, 68, 70 Chang Hai-tao, 223 Cherniss, Norman Α., LXV, LXVI Cheysson, Claude, 318

346 Chiang Kai-shek, 136 Chilton, William Ε. (Ill) , LXXII Chi Peng-fei, 26θ Chou En-lai, 130, 258, 259, 260 Christian, Shirley, LXXV, LXXVIII, 303, 304 Christopher, Robert C., VI, LXXXI Churchill, Winston S., 76, 104, 133, 163, 164, 227 Cillie, Piet, 246, 247 Clarke, Bill, 144, 145, 146 Clay, Lucius D., 209 Clendinen, James Α., LXIV Coetzee, Leon, 245 Cojuangco, Eduardo, 336 Conniff, Frank, LIII, 157, 158 Cooper, Charles P., XXXII, XXXV Cortesi, Arnaldo, XLV, 99, lOO Cortesi, Elizabeth, 99 Cowles, William H. (III), LXXIV Cramer, Richard Β., LXXII, LXXIV, LXXV, 291, 292 Creager, Marvin Η., XLV Crispien, Artur, 40 Cruz, Roman, 336 Cuellar, Javier Perez de, 327 Cuenca, Rodolfo, 336, 339 Cunclif fe, John H M XXVIII Cushman, Robert Jr., 230 Cutts, Ernest, LXVIII Dabney, Virginius, XLIX Daker, Qrani Mahmoud, 292, 293, 295, 296, 297, 298 Daker, Rashid Μ., 292 Daladier, Edouard, 68 Darnton, John, LXXVI, 309, 310 Davis, B. Dale, LXXIV Dawes, Charles G., XXXIII, 9, 12, 16, 42 Day, Price, XLVII, XLVIII, 113, 114 Deck, Arthur C., LVI Dedek, Johannes, VII Dedmon, Emmett, LVIII Derthick, Everest P., LVIII De Wet, Jakobus Μ., 248 De Wet, Mrs. J. Μ., 248 Dickey, Carl C., XXXV Dickey, Verne, 341 Dickhut, Ingrid, VII Dickinson, William Β., VI, VII Dior, Christian, 248 Doares, Wade Α., VI Dorsey, Ray, LXIII Douglas-Home, Alec, 211 Doung Van Minh, 205 Draper, Arthur S., XXXIII Draper, Morris, 316

Dulles, John F., 193 Dunn, Joseph W., LXVIII Duranty, Walter, XXXIV, 25, 26 Early, Robert P., LXXI Eban, Abba, 227 Echeverria, Jose Α., 179, 180 Eddy, Bob, LXVIII Eden, Anthony, 72, 164 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 158, 173, 186 Elliott, Osborn, VI, LXXXI Ellison, Katherine, LXXIX, LXXXII, 333, 334 Elston, Wilbur E., LXV Enrile, Juan Ponce, 336, 338, 339 Enrile, Mrs. J. P., 336, 338 Eshkol, Levi, 227, 228 Essoyan, Roy, 204 Estabrook, Robert Η., LXXXII Estanislao, Jesus P., 338 Europa, Prudencia, 339 Faas, Horst, 217 Fackenthal, Frank D., XLV Fahd, Ibn Abdul Α., 318, 322, 323, 324 Faisal, King of Saudi Arabia, 324 Farouk I, King of Egypt, 293 Feldmeir, Daryle Μ., LXIII Figueroa, Pablo E., 335, 336 Fisher, Dan, LXXVI Flaquer, Irma, 304, 306 Floirendo, Antonio, 336 Ford, Gerald R., 287 Ford, Henry, 18, 20, 21, 23, 24 Francqui, Emile, 11 Frankel, Max, LXIX, 257, 258 Franklin, B e n Α., XXXIII Freeman, Edward, LXIV Friedman, Josh, LXXIX, 325, 326 Friedman, Thomas L., LXXVI, LXXVII Friendly, Alfred, LXIV, 225, 226 Furey, Karen, VII Gandhi, Indira, LXXVIII, 254 Gandhi, Mahatma, XLVIII Gannon, James P., LXXVI Garcia, Romeo L., 3o4, 305, 307, 308 Garst, Robert Ε., XXXVIII, XXXIX, XLI, XLIII, XLIV Gartner, Michael, LXXII, LXXXI Gaulle, Charles de, 213, 265 Gemayel, Amin, 317 Gemayel, Bashir, 317, 318 Gephardt, Thomas S., LXVI Gerlach, Peter, VII Ghioldi, Americo, 101 Gigliucci, Luigi 0. V., 48

347 Herouy, Ethiopian Minister, 48 Hersh, Seymour Μ., VII, LXV, LXVI, 235, 236 Hess, Rudolf, 65 Heumann, Joanne, VII Higgins, Marguerite, XLIX Hightower, John Μ., L, 133, 134 Hill, John G. Jr., 238 Himmler, Heinrich, 65 Hindenburg, Paul von, 32, 63 Hitler, Adolf, XXXII, XXXV, XXXVII, 17, 32, 33, 34, 39, 50, 51, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 7θ, 71, 99 Hoagland, Jimmie L., LXVI, LXVIII, LXXVII, 241, 242 Hoare, Samuel, 47 Hohenberg, John, V, VI, XXVI, XXVII, XXXI, XXXII, XXXVII, XLIII, XLV, XLVII, XLVIII, L, LVIII, LXI, LXIII, LXIV, LXV, LXVIII, LXIX, LXX, LXXI, LXXII, LXXV, LXXVI, LXXVII Hollander, Richard, LXV Hood, Edwin Μ., 321 Hoover, Herbert C., 56 Hopkins, Johns, 291 Habib, Philip C., 316, 317, 318 Hosokawa, William Κ., LXX Haeberle, Ronald L., 239 Hough, George Α., XXXIII Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia, House, Karen E., LXXVIII, 321, 322 Howard, Michael B., LXVIII 46, 47, 48 Huet, Henri, 217 Hailey, Foster, XLIV Hughes, R. John, LXIV, 221, 222 Halberstam, David, LXII Hull, Corde11, 42, 43, 44, 47 Halfeld, Adolf, 71 Human, Corporal, 146 Hammarskjold, Dag, 188, 190, 196 Hussein, King of Jordan, LXXVIII, 323 Hanna, Gordon, LXX Harewe11, Coleman Α., L Harrar, Giardini at, 48 Ingle, Robert D., LXXXII Harris, Leonard R., VII Isaacs, Stephen D., LXXV Harte, Edward H., LXVIII, LXIX Hartmann, Frederick W., LXXV Jagan, Cheddi, 202 Hathway, Alan, LV, LVIII Jameson, Barclay, LXVIII Hawpe, David V., LXXVI Jarrett, Vernon, LXXI Hawthorne, Bower, LXIV Jaruzelski, Wojciech, 310, 314 Hayden, Martin S., LXII Jenkins, Loren, LXXVI, LXXVII, 315, Hays, Howard Η., LX, LXIV 316 Hays, Howard H. Jr., LXXXI Johns, George S., XXVIII Hearst, William R., XVIII, 17, 67, Johnson, Lyndon Β., 214, 227, 248,256 157 Jones, Dow, 321 Jones, Frank, 185 Hearst, William R. Jr., LIII, LIV, Jones, Jenkin L., LV 157, 158 Jones, Joseph L., XXXV Heaton, John L., XXVIII Jones, Russell, LV, 165, 166 Heinzerling, Larry Ε., VII, LXXI Jones, Sam, 219 Heinzerling, Lynn L., LXIII, LXXI, Jorden, William J., 170 187, 188 Hempstone, Smith Jr., LVIII Hendrix, Harold V. , LIX, LXI, 197, 198 Kadar, Janos, 166, 168 Kahlerova, Anita, 96 Herbert, John R., Lll, LIII, LV, Kahlerova, Elizabeth, 96, 97 LXII, LXIII

Gil, Enrique, lOl Gill, George Ν., LXVI Gillen, John S., LIX Gilmore, Eddy L. Κ., XLVII, 103, 104 Ginn, John C., LXXI Goebbels, P. Joseph, 63, 65 Göring, Edda, 65 Göring, Hermann W., 36, 39, 63, 64, 65, 66 Goglidze, Sergei Α., 150, 151 Goldwater, Barry, 229 Gomulka, Wladyslaw, 182, 184, 185 Goodman, Ellen, LXXVI Gormley, Donald W., LXXVI Graham, Evarts A. Jr., LXIX Grau San Martin, Ram6n, 176 Grebennyik, Major General, 166 Gregory, Gene, 208 Gregory, Mrs. G., 208 Grehl, Michael Τ., LXXII Griffin, Solomon Β., XXVII Gromyko, Andrej, 181 Grünther, Alfred Μ., 163 Guevara, Ernesto (Che), 198, 199 Gutt, Camille, 11, 13

348 Kaiser, Robert, LXIX Kamm, Henry, LXXII, 285, 286 Kann, Peter R., LXVIII, LXXXII, 249, 250 Kastl, Ludwig, 13 Keller, Oliver J., XXXV Kellogg, Frank B., 42 Kennan, George, 148 Kennan, George F., 148 Kennedy, John F., LXI, 193, 195, 198, 229, 248 Kessler, Richard, 335 Keyes, Alan L., 332 Khalid, King of Saudi Arabia, 324 Khrushchev, Nikita S., LIX, LX, 161, 162, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 184, 185, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 210, 264, 265, 266, 268 King, Charles Α., LXXII Kinsley, Philip, XXXIII Kirchhofer, Alfred Η., XXXII Kissinger, Henry Α., 269 Kliment, Bud, VI Knickerbocker, Hubert R., XXXIII, XXXIV, 17, 18 Kosygin, Aleksei Ν., 265, 268 Kramer, Francisco V., 307 Kraslow, David, VII Krause, Otto, 245, 246 Krock, Arthur, XXXV, XXXVI, XXXVIII, 41, 42, 53, 54 Krueger, Jack B., LXII Kubiak, Hieronim, 310 Kuzen, Robin, VI LaMont, Sanders Η., LXXVIII Lamont, Thomas W., 11, 13, 15 Landau, George, 308 Latimer, George W., 236 Lawrence, David, XXXVI Lawson, Victor F., XXVIII Lazarus, Allan Μ., LXXII Leiand, Timothy, LXXV Lenin, Vladimir I., 154, 155, 264 Leonard, Richard H., LXV, LXXXI Letelier, Orlando, 308 Lewis, Claude Α., LXXV Ley, Robert, 65 Lie, Trygve, 196 Liebknecht, Karl, 39 Lincoln, Abraham, XXV, 54 Lindsay, Edward, XLVII Lippmann, Walter, XLIII, LIX, LX, 191, 192, 194 Lister, Enrique, 199 Litvinoff, Maxim, 26, 30, 68, 71, 72 Livingston, Joseph Α., VII, LXII, LXIII, 209, 210

Lochner, Louis P., XXXVIII, XXXIX, 63, 64 Lochner, Robert Η., VII Long, Huey Ρ. , 56 Low, Seth, XXI Lowenstein, Ralph L., VII Lübbe, Marinus van der, 37 Lucas, Jim G., L H , 143, 144 Lucas, Robert W., LXII Luce, Daniel de, XLIII Lumumba, Patrice, 189, 190 MacAlarney, Robert Ε., XXVIII MacArthur, Douglas, XLI, 130, 133, 134, 135, 136 Maidenburg, Ben, LVI Maisto, John, 336, 338 Malenkov, Georgi, 160, 161, 163 Mao Tse-tung, 254, 255, 259 Marcos, Ferdinand E., LXXIX, LXXXII, 334, 335, 336, 338, 339, 340, 341 Marcos, Imelda, 335, 336, 338, 339 Markham, James, LXXXI Marosan, Gyoergy, 166 Marshall, George C., 133 Martin, Joseph G., LVI, 175, 176 Marx, Karl, 24, 30, 39, 40, 154, 162, 268, 327, 328, 332 Mather, Jay, LXXIV, LXXV, 229 Mathews, Linda, LXXII Matthews, Burrows, XLVII Matthews, Franklin, XXVIII McCarthy, Eugene, 235 McClatchy, Charles Κ., LXXIV McCloy, John J., 193 McConogha, Alan C., LXX McCormick, Anne O'Hare, XXXVII, XXXVIII, LXXV, LXXVIII, 49, 50 McCormick, Francis J., 49 McCrohon, Maxwell, LXXVIII McEachran, Angus G., LXXVIII, LXXXII McGhee, Scott, LXXVII McGill, Ralph E., LIII, LVIII McPherson, Peter, 332 McSweeney, John M., 185 Medina, Ernest, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240 Menderes, Adnan, 170 Meriwether, Heath J., VII Metcalfe, John Η., VII Meyer, Sylvan, LXX Mikoyan, Anastas J., 192 Miller, Charles R., XXVIII Miller, Edward D., LXX Miller, Susan, VII Miller, Webb, XXXVI, XXXVII Minot, George E., LVIII Mitchell, David, 236 Mitchell, Edward 0., XXVIII Mitre, H. F., 23

349 Molotov, Vyacheslav Μ., 124, 161, 162, 223 Montenegro, Julio Cesar Μ., 304 Montgomery, Harry, LIX Moreau, Emile, 12, 14 Morgan, Dan, LXIX Morgan, John Ρ., 11 Mori, Kengo, 13 Morin, Relman, XLIX, 127, 128 Mowrer, Edgar Α., XXXV, 31, 32 Mowrer, Paul S., XXXII, 3, 4 Müller, Ludwig, 65 Muhammad, Ozier, LXXIX, 325 Mujal, Eusebio, 179 Mujibur Rahman, Sheikh, 250, 254 Mullen, William C., LXX, LXXI, LXXIX, 271, 272 Mulligan, Hugh, 219 Munongo, Godefroid, 190 Murray, J. Edward, LXII, LXIII Mussolini, Benito, XXXII, XXXVII, 31, 32, 48, 49, 68, 70, 99 Mustafa, Ibrahim Τ. E., 295 Nagy, Imre, 166 Naib, Muhammed Abd el, 295 Nasser, Gamal Abdel, 170, 293, 294, 316, 32θ Nehru, Pandit J., 115, 120 Nelson, Stuart, 145 Neville, Paul E., LXIV Nginn, Suthoni, 301 Ngo Dinh Diem, LXI, LXII, 204, 205, 207, 208 Ngo Dinh Nhu, LXI, 204, 205, 207 Nguyen Ngoc Tho, 205 Nixon, Patricia, 260 Nixon, Richard Μ., LXIX, 182, 183, 184, 185, 195, 257, 258, 259, 260, 262, 266, 268, 269, 270 Nobel, Alfred, XXV, 42, 43 Noland, Stephen C., XLV Nordland, Rod, LXXVII Notson, Robert C., LXIII Noyes, Crosby, LVI Nuggetta, Van, 46 Nuncio, Papal, 71 Nutting, Anthony, 163, 164 Obst, David, 235 Ochs, Adolf S., 99 O'Connell, John J., VII O'Donnell, Roland, 144, 145, 146 Ogden, Michael J., LXIII Oliver, Dick, LXXV O'Rourke, John Τ., LVI, Orr, Frank F., LVIII Orsenigo, Cesare, 71

Ortiz, Frank, 308 Osme?ia, Sergio, 79 Ossinsky, Vladimir V., 24 Overholzer, Geneva, LXXXII Packard, George R., LXIX Palmer, Cruise, LXIII Papen, Franz von, 32, 33, 34, 39 Pates, Gordon, LXXI Patterson, Donald Η., VII Patterson, Eugene C., LXIII Patton, George, 175 Payne, Les, LXXVII Pearlstine, Norman, VII, LXXVIII Pearman, William R., LXXI Peek, George N., 44 Peron, Juan D., 99, 102 Pirelli, Alberto, 13 Pius, Pope, 70 Podgorny, Nikolai V., 268 Polk, George, 309 Pompidou, Georges, 269 Porter Sylvia, LXVIII, LXIX Pozo, Justo del, 178 Pozo, Luis del, 178 Pozo, Rolando del, 178 Praetorius, Emil, XVII Prescott, John S., VII Preston, Cheryl, VII Price, Bern, LXI Prio Socorräs, Carlos, 176 Prio Socorräs, San Antonio, 176, 177 Pulitzer, Joseph, V, VI, XVII, XVIII, XIX, XX, XXI, XXII, XXIV, XXV, XXVI, XXVII, XXVIII, XXXI, XXXII, XXXIV, XXXVI, XXXVII, XXXVIII, XXXIX, XL, XLI, XLIII, XLIV, XLV, XLVII, XLVIII, XLIX, LII, LIV,LV, LVIII, LIX, LXI, LXIV, LXV, LXVI, LXVIII, LXIX, LXXI, LXXII, LXXIV, LXXV, LXXVI, LXXVII, LXXVIII, LXXX, LXXXI, LXXXII, LXXXIII, LXXXIV, 3, 7, 17, 25, 31, 35, 41, 45, 49, 53, 63, 67, 73, 75, 81, 87, 91, 99, 103, 107, 113, 121, 127, 133, 137, 143, 1 4 7 , 1 5 7 , 1 6 5 , 169, 175, 181, 187, 1 9 1 , 1 9 7 , 2 0 3 , 209, 215, 221, 225, 2 2 9 , 2 3 5 , 2 4 1 , 249, 257, 263, 271, 2 7 7 , 2 8 5 , 2 9 1 , 299, 303, 309, 315, 321,325 Pulitzer, Joseph Jr., VI, LIV, LXXXI Pulitzer, Ralph, XXVIII Pulliam, Eugene S., LX Pyle, Ernest Τ., XLIV, LIX, 87, 88 Quesnay, Francois, 13 Quezon, Manuel L., 79

350 Radek, Karl, 148 Randhawa, Μ. S., 272 Rapacki, Adam, 185 Rasmussen, Marjorie, 3θ2 Raspberry, William J., LXXXI R a t h , Ernst vom, 64 Reagan, Ronald, LXXVIII, 308, 317, 323, 327, 332 Reiff, Ryszard, 311 Reston, James B., LVI, 169, 17θ, 172 Reuter, Paul J., 121, 318 Revelstoke. Lord John Β., 9 Ribbentrop, Joachim von, 65, 66 Richard, Randall, LXXV Richert, Earl Η., VII Ridenhour, Ronald, 240 Riebeeck, Jan v a n , 244 Roberts, Eugene L. Jr., LXXXI Roberts, Gene, VII Rockefeller, Nelson Α., 195 Rogers, William P., 26θ Romero, Carlos Η., 307 Romulo, Carlos P., VII, XLI, 75, 76 Roosevelt, Franklin D., 47, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 62, 133 R o o t , Elihu, 42 Rosenberg, Alfred, 65 Rosenfeld, Arnold, LXXVII Rosenthal, Abraham Μ., LVIII, LXXVI, 181, 182 Rosenthal, Robert J., LXXIX Ross, Charles G., XXXIV Rowan, Carl Τ., LXV Sadat, Anwar, 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297 Saikowski, Charlotte, LXXXI Salazer, Tony, 101 Salisbury, Harrison E., L H , LIII, LXIII, LXIV, LXVI, 147, 148 Sankara, Thomas, 329 Santora, Philip J., LVI, 175, 176 Saouma, Edouard, 327 Sarmiento, Felipe, 339, 340 Saslavasky, Jacobo, 101 Saur, Klaus G., VII Schacht, Hjalmar, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15 Schanberg, Sydney H., LXX, LXXI, 277, 278 Scher, Jakob, 271 Schleicher, Kurt von, 32, 34 Schneiderman, David, LXXVII Schoenstein, Paul, LX Schurz, Carl, XVII Schwartz, Irene, VII Seigenthaler, John, LXII Seipel, Ignaz, 6

Shelanskey, Dick, 146 Shelepin, Aleksandr N., 268 Shelest, Pyotr Υ., 268 Shipler, David Κ., LXXVIII Shostakovich, Dimitri, 161 Shultz, George P., 317 Sibley, Celestine, LXXII Siebolds, Geraldine, 87 Sihanouk, Norodom, 278 Simons, Lewis M., LXXIX, LXXXII, 333, 334 Sitton, Claude F., LXXXI Siwicki, Florian, 314 Smith, Hedrick L., LXIX, 263, 264 Smith, J. Kingsbury, LIII, 157, 158, 162 Smuts, Jan, 242 Sokolnikov, Gregori, 148 Solarz, Stephen, 336 Sonneborn, Harry L., LXVIII Sovern, Michael I., V, LXXXI Sparks, Fred, XLIX Stalin, Joseph V., LXIII, 30, 68, 72, 103, 104, 106, 123, 264, 266, 268 Stalin, Svtlana, 161 Stallings, John, LXVI Stamp, Josiah, 13, 14, 15 Stampfer, Friedrich, 40 Starr, David, LXV Steele, Archibald Τ., XLV Steinbeck, John, XLIV Stern, Ernest, 329 Stern, Mort, LV Stettinius, Edward R. Jr., 100 Steven, William P., LV, LIX Stevens, Edmund W., XLVIII, XLIX, 121, 122 Stevenson, H. L., VII Stone, Melville Ε., XXVIII Stouffer, Wilbur C., XLVIII, XLIX, L Stowe, Leland, XXXIII, 7, 8 Stresemann, Gustav, 63 Strom, John, LVI Stuart, Charles Ε., 28 Stuart, Cooke, 28 Stuart, James, 28 Sukarno, President of Indonesia, 222, 224 Sukhodrev, Victor Μ., 170, 193 Sullivan, William, 341 Sunderland, William F., VII Sutton, Carol, LXXI Swope, Herbert Β., XXVIII, XXIX, XXXI, LV

351 Tanner, Henry, LXXI Tatarian, H. Roger, LXXVIII, LXXXII Taylor, Charles Η., XXVIII Taylor, Frederick, LXXI Terry, Michael, 239, 240 Thich Due Niep, 207 Thich Quang Do, 207 Thompson, Morris, LXXVIII Thompson, Raymond, 146 Thompson, Robert E., LXX Tolischus, Otto D., XXXVIII, XXXIX, 67, 68 Trapp, William 0., XLIII Troan, John, LXXI Truman, Harry S., 133, 134, 136 Truscott, Lucian, 163 Tshombe, Moise, 190 Tuohy, William K., LXV, 229, 230 Twilling, Robert V., VII Ulanova, Ballerina, 161 Ungaro, Joseph M., LXVI, LXXIV U Saw, Prime Minister, 77 Velasco, Geronimo, 336, 338 Ventura Nobo, Esteban, 179 Vielman, Carlos Τ., 3θ4 Voegler, Albert, 9 Voronov, Gennady I., 268 Vorster, John, 248 Wallace, Henry Α., 150, 151 Ward, Paul W., XLVII, 107, 108 Ware, William Μ., LXV

Washington, George, XXV, 285 Watson, Mark S., XLIV Wazzan, Shatiq, 316, 317, 318 Wechsler, James Α., LIX Wehrwein, Austin C., L, 137, 138 Wellington, Charles G., XLVIII Wells, Samuel C., XXVIII Westmoreland, William C., 231, 238 White, Robert Μ. (II), LXIII Whitehead, Don, XLIX, 95, 96, 97, 98 Wilcox, Grafton S., XXXV Will, Allen S., XXXIV Wille, Lois, LXXV Williams, Talcott, XXVIII, XXXI Willkie, Wendell L., 150 Willnow, Ronald D., LXXV Willoughby, Charles Α., 130 Wilson, Woodrow, 42, 191 Winship, Lawrence L., L Wolfert, Ira, XLIII Wolff, Miles H., LXII Wolff, Theodor, LXXXIV Woo, William F., LXXI Wood, Leonard, 79 Yeh Chien-ying, 258 Young, Charles J., 16 Young, Owen D., 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16 Zawadzki, Aleksander, 183, 186 Zeeland, Paul von, 51, 52 Zhukov, Georgi I., 161, 162, 173 Zucchino, David, LXXVIII

352

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T H E PULITZER PRIZES I N J O U R N A L I S M

Excerpt from the Plan ofAward The following provisions govern the award of the Pulitzer Prizes and Fellowships established in Columbia University by the will of the first Joseph Pulitzer: 1. The prizes and fellowships are awarded by Columbia University on the recommendation of The Pulitzer Prize Board. The prizes are announced during the Spring. 2. Entries must be submitted in writing and addressed to the Secretary of The Pulitzer Board. (See reverse side for address.) Entries for journalism awards must be made on or before February 1 to cover work done in the preceding calendar year. . . Competition for journalism prizes is limited to work done during the calendar year ending December 31. 3. Entries for journalism awards may be made by any individual from material appearing in a United States newspaper published daily, Sunday or at least once a week during the calendar year. Each entry must be accompanied by an exhibit, in scrapbook form, of news stories, editorials, photographs or cartoons as published, with name and date of paper. Exhibits in the public service and photography categories are limited to twenty articles or pictures, and in the remaining categories to ten articles, editorials or cartoons except for feature writing which is limited to three articles of more than 1300 words or five articles of 1500 words or less. Exhibits must be presented in notebooks or scrapbooks measuring no more than 20 inches by 24 inches. All exhibits should include biographies and pictures of entrants and each entry must be accompanied by a handling fee of J20 made parable to Columbia University/Pulitzer Prizes.

Rules for Exhibits All exhibits including prize-winning exhibits become the property of Columbia University. If a special request is made in writing within 30 days of the announcement of the Pulitzer Prizes, the University will endeavor to return exhibits other than prize-winning exhibits to the sender by express collect. However, the University cannot assume responsibility for the delivery of exhibits of large and unreasonable size.

The Pulitzer Prize Board President Michael I. Sovern Columbia University Osborn Elliott, Dean (cx-officio) Graduate School of Journalism Russell Baker, Columnist The New York Times Michael Ganner. General News Executive Gannett Company. Des Moines, Iowa Hanna H. Gray. President The University of Chicago Howard H. Hays Jr.. Editor and Publisher Riverside Press-Enterprise. California James F. Höge Jr.. Publisher New York Daily Sews David A. Laventhol. Chief Executive Officer Newsday and Group Vice President Times Mirror Company Richard H. Leonard. Associate Editor and Senior Vice President Milwaukee Journal

C. K. McClatchv. Editor and President McClatchy Newspapers Sacramento. California Warren H. Phillips, Chairman and Chief Executive Officer Dow Jones A Company Joseph Pulitzer Jr.. Editor and Publisher St Louis Post-Dispatch William J. Raspberry. Columnist The Washington Post Eugene L. Roberts Jr.. Executive Editor The Philadelphia inquirer Charlotte Saikowski. Chief of Washington Bureau The Christian Science Monitor Claude F. Sition. Editorial Director and Vice President The News and Observer, and The (Raleigh) N.C. Times Rc;er W. Wilkins. Senior Fellow Joint Center for Political Studies Robert C. Christopher. Secretary Graduate School of Journalism

October, 1985