The Neo-Babylonian Records from Ur from the Hall Collection of the British Museum (Dubsar) 9783963270222, 3963270225

Table of contents :
Cover
Preface
Table of contents
Abbreviations
Bibliography and bibliographical abbreviations
1. Introduction
1.1. A brief history of Ur in the first millennium BC
1.2. Excavations at Ur
2. The texts
2.1. Typology
2.2. Chronology
2.2.1. Chronology and condition of the tablets
2.2.2. Chronological distribution of the texts
2.3. Seal impressions
2.4. Fingernails
2.5. Toponyms
2.5.1. Place names
2.5.2. Temples
2.5.3. Rivers and canals
2.6. Scribes and witnesses
2.6.1. Scribes
2.6.2. Witnesses
3. Archives
3.1. The Early Archive
3.2. The Imbia Archive
3.2.1. Records included in the archive with doubt
3.2.2. Summing up the Imbia Family
3.2.3. Relation of the Imbia Family with other familes
3.2.4. The members of the Imbia Family in UET 4
3.3. Records of an institutional background
3.4. Documents without connection to any archive
3.5. Poorly preserved records
4. Catalogue
5. Indices
5.1. Personal names
5.2. Family names
5.3. Divine names
5.4. Royal names
6. Text editions
6.1. Sale of inherited share to a brother
6.2. Gift of slaves, field and a house by husband to his wife
6.3. Gift of household equipment
6.4. Oath
6.5. Ēpišānūtu contract
6.6. Investigation before the deputy
6.7. Promissory notes
6.8. Imittu debt notes
6.9. Receipts
6.10. Accounts
6.11. Inventories
6.12. Note with fields description
6.13. Letters
6.14. Unidentified legal record
6.15. Unidentified records

Citation preview

dubsar 7 Tarasewicz • The Neo-Babylonian Records from Ur

Radosław Tarasewicz

The Neo-Babylonian Records from Ur from the Hall Collection of the British Museum dubsar 7

www.zaphon.de

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22.03.2018 10:06:48

The Neo-Babylonian Records from Ur from the Hall Collection of the British Museum

Radosław Tarasewicz

© 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

dubsar Altorientalistische Publikationen Publications on the Ancient Near East Band 7 Herausgegeben von Kristin Kleber und Kai A. Metzler

© 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

The Neo-Babylonian Records from Ur from the Hall Collection of the British Museum

Radosław Tarasewicz

Zaphon Münster 2018 © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

Illustration auf dem Einband: British Museum, BM 113928, Vs., Zeichnung von Radosław Tarasewicz

Radosław Tarasewicz The Neo-Babylonian Records from Ur from the Hall Collection of the British Museum dubsar 7

© 2018 Zaphon, Münster (www.zaphon.de) All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Printed in Germany Printed on acid-free paper ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2

© 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

Preface The Trustees of the British Museum are kindly acknowledged for permission to publish tablets under their care. I am grateful to members of the Museum staff for their professional and friendly assistance during the months of my work in the study room. My stay in London was partly made possible by a monthly grant from the Foundation for Polish Science. It is my duty and pleasure to gratefully acknowledge the help and support of numerous colleagues and friends: Prof. Stefan Zawadzki, my first teacher of Akkadian, for seeding a passion for cuneiform, for an introduction to the Neo-Babylonian world, for his guidance and encouragement, his patient reading and rereading of the study, and long discussions on vital Babylonian issues; Małgorzata Sandowicz, PhD hab. for proofreading part of the text editions. Their comments opened new perspectives and made me aware of many pitfalls; needless to say, any mistakes are my own responsibility. My thanks go to Christopher Walker, who brought the tablets to my attention as well as discussed them with me with his usual enthusiasm. My special thanks go to Aleksandra and Zygmunt Podhorodecki for their hospitality during my stays in London, as well as their constant support and encouragement. The work never would have appeared without the invaluable support of my family, Katarzyna, Wiktor and Michał Tarasewicz, for which I am eternally grateful to them. The volume includes texts and fragments of private and administrative documents housed in the British Museum as the Hall Collection (collection number 1919-1011). To this collection also belong tablets catalogued by M.J. Geller.1 In the possession of the British Museum are also two other groups of tablets. The well-known group consist of tablets excavated during work conducted under the authority of Sir Leonard Woolley, who was in charge of the joint venture between the British Museum in London and the University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. Tablets discovered in the course of this mission were passed on the British Museum in London, the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia and to the Iraqi Museum in Baghdad. The legal and administrative documents were published in 1949.2

1

Geller 2005. The volume Ur Excavations Texts IV: Business Documents of the New-Babylonian Period is the first publication of the private and institutional tablets from Ur from the first 2

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Preface

The second group includes mostly fragments of texts, only parts of which were shared with me in 2014, courtesy of Dr. Jonathan Taylor. These facts influenced the decision not to publish them in this volume; work on this group requires more time. A preliminary study of these tablets allows for the opinion that in most cases they are of an administrative nature.

millennium B.C., see Figulla 1949 (Reviews: San Nicolò 1950, Oppenheim 1950, Falkenstein 1951, von Soden 1951, Ebeling 1953, Cocquerillat 1954). The texts published by Figulla have not been the subject of detailed research yet. © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

Table of contents Preface ............................................................................................................ 5 Abbreviations .................................................................................................. 9 Bibliography and bibliographical abbreviations ........................................... 11 1. Introduction ............................................................................................... 25 1.1. A brief history of Ur in the first millennium BC ............................... 26 1.2. Excavations at Ur ............................................................................... 31 2. The texts .................................................................................................... 33 2.1. Typology ............................................................................................ 33 2.2. Chronology ........................................................................................ 37 2.2.1. Chronology and condition of the tablets ..................................... 37 2.2.2. Chronological distribution of the texts........................................ 38 2.3. Seal impressions................................................................................. 39 2.4. Fingernails.......................................................................................... 40 2.5. Toponyms .......................................................................................... 43 2.5.1. Place names ................................................................................. 43 2.5.2. Temples ....................................................................................... 44 2.5.3. Rivers and canals ........................................................................ 44 2.6. Scribes and witnesses ......................................................................... 46 2.6.1. Scribes ......................................................................................... 50 2.6.2. Witnesses .................................................................................... 52 3. Archives .................................................................................................... 55 3.1. The Early Archive .............................................................................. 56 3.2. The Imbia Archive ............................................................................. 58 3.2.1. Records included in the archive with doubt ................................ 69 3.2.2. Summing up the Imbia Family.................................................... 70 3.2.3. Relation of the Imbia Family with other familes ........................ 71 3.2.4. The members of the Imbia Family in UET 4 .............................. 75 3.3. Records of an institutional background ............................................. 83 3.4. Documents without connection to any archive .................................. 84 3.5. Poorly preserved records .................................................................... 85

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Table of contents

4. Catalogue .................................................................................................. 89 5. Indices ....................................................................................................... 93 5.1. Personal names................................................................................... 93 5.2. Family names ................................................................................... 103 5.3. Divine names ................................................................................... 104 5.4. Royal names ..................................................................................... 105 6. Text editions............................................................................................ 107 6.1. Sale of inherited share to a brother .................................................. 107 6.2. Gift of slaves, field and a house by husband to his wife .................. 112 6.3. Gift of household equipment............................................................ 119 6.4. Oath .................................................................................................. 121 6.5. Ēpišānūtu contract ........................................................................... 125 6.6. Investigation before the deputy ........................................................ 126 6.7. Promissory notes .............................................................................. 130 6.8. Imittu debt notes ............................................................................... 147 6.9. Receipts ............................................................................................ 159 6.10. Accounts ........................................................................................ 166 6.11. Inventories...................................................................................... 178 6.12. Note with fields description ........................................................... 189 6.13. Letters ............................................................................................ 190 6.14. Unidentified legal record ............................................................... 194 6.15. Unidentified records....................................................................... 197

© 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

Abbreviations Asb Ššu Nbk Nbn Cyr Camb Nbk III Dar Xer Art Dar II Art II Art III Dar III

Ashurbanipal Šamaš-šumu-ukīn Nebuchadnezzar II Nabonidus Cyrus Cambyses Nebuchadnezzar III Darius I Xerxes I Artaxerxes I Darius II Artaxerxes II Artaxerxes III Darius III

(668–627? BC) (667–648 BC) (605–562 BC) (556–539 BC) (539–530 BC) (530–522 BC) (522 BC) (522–486 BC) (485–465 BC) (464–424 BC) (423–405 BC) (404–359 BC) (358–338 BC) (335–330 BC)

b. d. desc. f. fn gn

= brother = daughter = descendant = father = family name = god name

pn rn s. w. wf

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 12b

iti.bár iti.gu4 iti.sig4 iti.šu iti.ab iti.kin iti.du6 iti.apin iti.gan iti.ab iti.zíz iti.še iti.še.kin.kud

Nisannu Ayyaru Simānu Du’ūzu Abu Ulūlu Tašrītu Araḫsamna Kislīmu Ṭebētu Šabāṭu Addaru Intercalary Addaru

= personal name = royal name = son = wife = without filiation

© 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

© 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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Mallowan, M.E.L. 1960 “Memories of Ur,” Iraq 22, 1–19. Marduk-rēmanni = Waerzeggers 2014 Mesopotamia 31 = MacGinnis 1996 Michalowski, P. 2006 “Sumerian King List,” in: M.W. Chavalas (ed.), The Ancient Near East: Historical Sources in Translation. Malden, Oxford and Carlton, 81–85. Michel, C. and B. Lion (ed.) 2016 The Role of Women in Work and Society, Boston–Berlin. Molina, M. 2015 “Ur. A. I. Philologisch. Im 3. Jahrtausend,” RlA, 355–361. Monerie, J. 2016 “Women and Prebends in Seleucid Uruk,” in: C. Michel and B. Lion (ed.), The Role of Women in Work and Society, Boston–Berlin, 526– 542. Moorey, P.S. 1999 Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries. The Archaeological Evidence. Winona Lake. Nbk = J. N. Strassmaier, Inschriften von Nabuchodonosor, König von Babylon (= BT 5–6, Leipzig 1889) NCBT = Newell Collection of Babylonian Tablets Nielsen, J.P. 2011 Sons and Descendants. A Social History of Kin Group and Family Names in the Early Neo-Babylonian Period, 747–626 BC. (CHANE 43). Leiden–Boston. Oelsner, J. 1986 Materialien zur babylonischen Gesellschaft und Kultur in hellenistischer Zeit. Budapest. 2001 “The Neo-Babylonian Period,” in: R. Westbrook and R. Jasnow (eds), Security for Debt in Ancient Near Eastern Low, Leiden, 289– 305. 2003 “Cuneiform Archives in Hellenistic Babylonia,” in: M. Brosius (ed.), Ancient Archives and Archival Traditions: Concepts of Record-Keeping in the Ancient World, Oxford, 284–301. 2006 “Zu spätbabylonischen Urkunden aus Ur und dem Archiv der Familie gallâbu “Barbier”,” in: J. Hengstl and U. Sick (eds), Recht gestern und heute. Festschrift zum 85. Geburtstag von Richard Haase, Wiesbaden, 75–87. Oelsner, J., B. Wells and C. Wunsch 2003 “Neo-Babylonian Period,” in: R. Westbrook (ed.), A History of Ancient Near Eastern Law (Handbuch der Orientalistik 72). Leiden–

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Boston, vol. 2, 920–944. Oppenheim, A.L. 1951 Review of Figulla 1949, JCS 4/3, 188–195. Parker, R.A. and Dubertsain, W.H. 1956 Babylonian Chronology 626 B.C. – A.D. 75. Providence. Paszkowiak, J. 2005 Archiwum Šaddinnu z rodu Bēlijā’u. Działalność nowobabilońskiego przedsiębiorcy w świetle tekstów z Borsippy. Ph.D. dissertation. Poznań. Payne, E. 2013 “Two tablets from the Yale Babylonian Collection mentioning the guzguzu-garment,” NABU 1/15, 25–27. Pearce, L. and C. Wunsch 2014 Documents of Judean Exiles and West Semites in Babylonia in the Collection of David Sofer (CUSAS 28). Bethesda. Pedersén, O. 1998 Archives and Libraries in the Ancient Near East 1500–300 B.C., Bethesda. Peek = T. Pinches, Inscribed Babylonian Tablets in the Possession of Sir Henry Peek. London 1888. PNA = The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire Pollock, S. 1997 “Ur,” in: E.M. Meyers (ed.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East, vol. 5, New York–Oxford, 288–291. Popova, O. RAI 62 “The status of land property in the Neo-Babylonian Ur,” to be published in 62nd RAI Proceed ings. Postgate, N. 1997 “Mesopotamian petrology: Stages in the classification of the material world,” CAJ 7/2, 205–224. Potts, D.T. 2009 “Urartian and Assyrian Echoes at Saruq al-Hadid (Emirate of Dubai)”, Liwa (Journal of the National Center for Documentation and Research) 1, 2, 3–9. Powell, M.A. 1984 “Late Babylonian Surface Mensuration. A contribution to the history of Babylonian Agriculture and Arithmetic,” AfO 31, 32–66. Quillien, L. 2013 “túg-LUM-LUM = túg-guz-guz; a new interpretation of the «guzguzu» garment in first millennium BC Mesopotamia,” NABU 1/14, 21–25.

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Ries, G. 1976 RIMB Roth, M. 1989 1989–90

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“Tools and Crafts, the Terminology of Textile Manufacturing in 1stMillennium BC Babylonia,” in: S. Gaspa, C. Michel and M.-L. Nosch (eds), Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to1000 AD, Lincoln–Nebraska, 91– 106. Die neubabylonischen Bodenpachtformulare. Berlin. = The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Babylonian periods Babylonian Marriage Agreements (AOAT 222). Kevelaer. “The Material Composition of the Neo-Babylonian Dowry,” AfO 36–37, 1–55. “The Neo-Babylonian Widow,” JCS 43–45, 1–26. Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia Minor. Atlanta.

1991–93 1995 Salonen, A. 1965 Die Hausgeräte der alten Mesopotamier nach sumerisch-akkadischen Quellen. Eine lexikalische und kulturgeschichtliche Untersuchung (mit 100 Tafeln). Tl. 1. Helsinki. 1966 Die Hausgeräte der alten Mesopotamier nach sumerisch-akkadischen Quellen. Eine lexikalische und kulturgeschichtliche Untersuchung (mit 229 Tafeln). Tl. 2: Gefässe. Helsinki. Sandowicz, M. 2012 Oaths and Curses: A Study in Neo- and Late Babylonian Legal Formulary (AOAT 398). Münster. San Nicolò, M. 1950 “Neubabylonische Urkunden aus Ur,” Or 19/2, 217–232. 1951 Babylonische Rechtsurkunden des ausgehenden 8. Und des 7. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. (Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Neue Folge 34). Munich. Schaudig, H. 2001 Die Inschriften Nabonids von Babylon und Kyros’ des Großen samt den in ihrem Umfeld entstandenen Tendenzschriften. Textausgabe und Grammatik (AOAT 256). Münster. Stol, M. 2004 “Pergament,” RlA 5/6, 388. 2016 Women in the Ancient Near East. Boston–Berlin. Stolper, M. 1985 Entrepreneurs and Empire. The Murašû Archive, the Murašû Firm, and Persian Rule in Babylonia (PIHANS 54). Istanbul. 1998 “Some ghost facts from Achaemenid Babylonian texts”, The Journal of Hellenic Studies 108, 196–198.

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Svärd, S. 2010

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“ “Maid of the King” (GÉME ša šarri) in the Neo-Assyrian Texts,” in: Dönmez S. (ed.), Studies Presented in Honour of Veysel Donbaz. Veysel Donbaz’a Sunulan Yazilar DUB.SAR E.DUB.BA.A, Istanbul, 251–260.

Tallqvist, K. 1905 Neubabylonisches Namenbuch zu den Geschäftsurkunden aus der Zeit des Šamaššumukîn bis Xerxes (Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae, 2). Helsinki. Tarasewicz, R. 2008 Gospodarka hodowlana świątyni Ebabbar w okresie nowobabilońskim i wczesnoperskim (626–482 p.n.e.) [Animal Husbandry in the Neo-Babylonian Ebabbar Temple at Sippar]. Ph.D. dissertation, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. 2012 “Nowobabilońskie archiwa z Ur,” in: A. Jakuboszczak, P. Matusik and M. Zwierzykowski (eds), Archiwa i ich zasoby. Materiały pomocnicze do źródłoznawstwa, Poznań, 161–179. Tavernier, J. 2007 Iranica in the Achaemenid Period (ca. 550–330 B.C.). Lexicon of Old Iranian Proper Names and Loanwords, Attested in Non-Iranian Texts (OLA 158). Leuven-Paris-Dudley. Taylor, J.E. 1855 Notes on the Ruins of Muqeyer. The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 15, 26–276. TCL = Textes cunéiformes, Musées du Louvre Thompson, R.C. 1920 “The British Museum Excavations at Abu Shahrain in Mesopotamia in 1918,” Archaeologia 70, 101–144. 1949 A Dictionary of Assyrian Botany. London. UET 4 = Figulla 1949 Unger, E. 1931 Babylon. Die Heilige Stadt nach der Beschreibung der Babylonier. Leipzig. van de Mieroop, M. 2015 “Ur. A. Philologisch. Im frühen 2. Jahrtausend,” RlA, 361–364. van der Spek, R. 1995 “Land Ownership in Babylonian Cuneiform Documents,” in: M.J. Geller and H. Maehler (eds), Legal Documents of the Hellenistic World, London, 173–245. van Driel, G. 1987 “Continuity or Decay in the Late Achaemenid Period: Evidence from Southern Mesopotamia,” Achaemenid History 1, 159–81.

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“Neo-Babylonian Agriculture III. Cultivation,” BSA 5, 219–266. “Care of the Elderly: The Neo-Babylonian Period,” in: M. Stol and S.P. Vleeming (eds), The Care of the Elderly in the Ancient Near East, Leiden, 161–197. Veenhof, K.R. 1986 “Cuneiform Archives: An Introduction,” in: K.R. Veenhof (ed.), Cuneiform Archives and Libraries: Papers Read at the 30e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Leiden, 4–8 July 1983, Leiden, 1–36. von Voigtlander, E.N. 1978 The Bisitun Inscription of Darius the Great, Babylonian Version. London. von Soden, W. 1951 Review of Figulla 1949, JAOS 71, 267–8. VS = Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der (Königlichen) Museen zu Berlin. Waerzeggers, C. 2003/2004 “The Babylonian Revolts Against Xerxes and the ‘End of Archives’,” AfO 50, 150–173. 2010 The Ezida Temple of Borsippa. Priesthood, Cult, Archives. Leiden. 2014b “Social Network Analysis of Cuneiform Archives – a New Aproach,” in: H. D. Baker and M. Jursa (eds), Documentary Sources in Ancient Near Eastern and Greco-Roman Economic History: Methodology and Practice, Oxford, 207–233. Waters, M. 2000 A Survey of Neo-Elamite History (SASS 12). Helsinki. Westbrook, R. 1998 “The Female Slave,” in: V.H. Matthews, B.M. Levinson and T. Frymer-Kensky (eds), Gender and Law in the Bible and the Ancient Near East, Sheffield, 214–238. Wiesehöfer, J. 1999 “Kontinuität oder Zäsur? Babylon unter den Achämeniden,” in: J. Renger (ed.), Babylon: Focus mesopotamischer Geschichte. Wiege früher Gelehrsamkeit, Mythos in der Moderne. Saarbrücken, 167–188. Weisberg, D.B. 1974 “Royal Women of the Neo-Babylonian Period,” in: P. Garelli (ed.), Le palais et la royauté, XIXe RAI, Paris, 447–454. Woolley, L. 1939 Ur Excavations IX: The Ziggurat and Its Surroundings. London– Philadelphia.

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1962 1965 1963

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Ur Excavations IX: The Neo-Babylonian and Persian Periods. London–Philadelphia. Ur Excavations IX: The Kassite Period and the Period of the Assyrian Kings. London–Philadelphia. Excavations at Ur. A Record of Twelve Years' Work by Sir Leonard Woolley. London–New York.

Wunsch, C. 1995–96 “Die Frauen der Familie Egibi,” AfO 42/43, 33–63. 2000 Das Egibi-Archiv, I. Die Felder and Gärten (CM 20A and B). Groningen. 2002 “Debt, Interest, Pledge and Forfeiture in the Neo-Babylonian and Early Achaemenid Period: The Evidence from Private Archives,” in: M. Hudson and M. van de Mieroop (eds) Debt and Economic Renewal in the Ancient Near East. Bethesda, 221–255. 2003 “Women’s Property and the Law of Inheritance in the Neo-Babylonian Period,” in: 2014 “Babylonische Familiennamen,” in: M. Krebernik und H. Neumann (eds) Babylonien und seine Nachbarn in neu- und spätbabylonischer Zeit. Wissenschaftliches Kolloquium aus Anlaß des 75. Geburtstages von Prof. Dr. Joachim Oelsner, Jena, 2. und 3. März 2007 (AOAT 369). Münster, 289–314. YOS = Yale Oriental Series Zadok, R. 1985 Répertoire Géographique des textes Cunéiformes vol. 8, Wiesbaden. 1994 “On Some Anthroponyms and Toponyms,” NABU 1994: 16. 2003 “Two Deeds from Šaddinnu Archive,” NABU 2003: 51, 57–60. 2009 Catalogue of Documents from Borsippa and Related to Borsippa in the British Museum I. Messina. Zadok, R. and T. Zadok 2003 “Neo/Late-Babylonian Geography and Documentation,” NABU 2003/35. Zawadzki, S. 1983 “Lohnnormen für die Tempelarbeiter in Babylonien in der Herrschaftszeit chaldäischer und persischer Könige,” Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 16, 71–80. 1993 “Political Situation in Babylonia during Amel-Marduk’s Reign,” in: J. Zabłocka and S. Zawadzki (eds), Šulmu IV. Everyday Life in Ancient Near East. Papers Presented at the International Conference Poznań, 19–22 September, 1989, Poznań, 309–317.

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1994

“Bardiya, Darius and Babylonian Usurpers in the Light of the Bisitun Inscription and Babylonian Sources,” AMI 27, 127–145. 2006 Garments of the Gods. Studies on the Textile Industry and the Patheon of Sippar according to the Texts from the Ebabbar Archive (OBO 218). Fribourg–Göttingen. Zettler, R.L and Hafford, W.B. 2015 “Ur. B. Archäologisch,” RlA, 367–385.

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1. Introduction Each year research conducted on archives of clay tablets reveals new evidence. Such research is based on records classified either as institutional or private. A result of this research are studies in the form of papers or monographs that cover the life of inhabitants of Babylonia in relation to a state or a temple, or having their own, private dimension. Other studies are written from the perspective of various institutions, showing their organization, type of activity and the chronological model of their development and existence. Very often, however, both institutional and private worlds merged with each other, as was required by living conditions in the alluvial valley of Mesopotamia. In terms of geography, previously published work has concentrated on those parts of Babylonia from which the material for study is present. From the north of Babylonia especially notable is Sippar, from central Babylon, Borsippa and Dilbat and from the south, Uruk and Larsa. In this landscape, the history of the inhabitants and the city of Ur is almost unknown. Although the texts discovered by Woolley’s expedition and published by Figulla have been known to the wider public since 1949, they have never been thoroughly analyzed. One of the main reasons for this is that these records require collation. The work depends on the fact that the whole archaeological material was divided into three parts and sent to three different countries (The United States, Great Britain and Iraq) and are now kept in three different museum collections. But the most important fact is that one part is still kept in the Iraq Museum in Bagdad (if the texts in fact remain there). Conducting work on the records kept in this museum is now impossible for political reasons, but only complete research will bring the anticipated result. This gap is filled by the study based on the group of records discovered during archaeological excavations conducted by Hall and now entirely kept in the British Museum in London. Keeping in mind the number, state of preservation and having preliminary knowledge of the subject matter of these texts, the author’s aim in the study is to provide at the beginning information about their typology and chronological distribution. In the following sections the author gives details concerning seals impressed on three tablets. This part is extremely important in the case of Ur, because Figulla published handwritten copies without drawings of seal impressions. Place was also devoted to discussing the chronology and method of marking tablets with fingernails, but in this respect in connection with data from UET 4. After discussing the toponyms, the author draws attention to the most important issues regarding the role of scribes and the selection of witnesses.

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In the main part of the study the author examines the records with division into individual archives. The investigations resulted in the identification of two archives (the Early Archive and the Imbia Archive). Although some of their frameworks could be outlined in the preliminary research, the current study has allowed at broadening of this knowledge to some extent3. The three remaining groups do not form compact archives. Based on this division, the author presents the fate of the main characters, but also keeps track of their relations with representatives of other families residing in the area of Ur, based on the SNA (Social Network Analysis) method. At this point, it will be necessary to include information from records published in UET 4. The precisely conducted work will be a contribution to developing the history of one of the cities of southern Babylonia. 1.1. A brief history of Ur in the first millennium BC In the first millennium BC, the evidence from Ur (today Tall al-Muqayyar) begins to appear at the end of the 8th century BC.4 In 721 BC, the Chaldean prince, Marduk-apla-iddin II, established his authority over the whole Chaldean confederation and mounted the throne of Babylon for at least twelve years.5 In 693 BC Nergal-ušēzib was recognised as king in part of Babylonia after the Elamites killed in 694 BC an Assyrian prince, Aššur-nādin-šumi, the son of Sennacherib; the echo of these events found in UET 4, 204 dated to 20iti.kin u4.20.1.lá.[kam] mu.˹1.kam egir˺ du.gur-ú-še-zib lugal tin.t[irki] (693 B.C).6 UET 4, 204 is a legal record concerning the regulation over 6 minas of silver, but the text needs collation since the main part of the tablet is damaged. The record, witnessed at least by nine persons, was written in difficult circumstances for Ur and probably refers to the urgent return of silver from six persons. In the period most probably after the rebellion against Sennacherib, Ningaliddina held the office of the governor of Ur, as his name appears in the date formula.7 It is not certain, however, when exactly he took the office and whether Ur joined the rebellion or not. Frame believes that the records with Ningal-iddin as governor (UET 4, 27 and UET 4, 90)8 should be related to a period of “kingless” years in Babylonia, during which no-one was recognized as ruler of Babylonia 3

For details see p. 56 on the Early Archive and p. 62 on the Imbia Archive. The history of Ur from the Uruk III period (ca. 3100–2900) onwards was recently presented by Molina, van de Mieroop and Brinkman (see Molina 2015, van de Mieroop 2015 and Brinkman 2015), therefore only the first millennium history is shortly described here. 5 Ur in 721–605, see Brinkman 1965. 6 Reading after Brinkman 1977: 317, cf. Brinkman 1965: 244–6 and Frahm 1997: 15. 7 Brinkman 1965: 246–8. 8 UET 4, 27 (= San Nicolò 1951, no. 37): 16 šeš.unugki iti.še 17 u4.11.kam mu.8.kam md nin.gal-mu 18 lúgar kur šeš.unugki; UET 4, 90: rev. 9’ [šeš.unugki]? iti.du6 u4.28.[k]am 10’ mu.12.kam mdnin.gal-mu. 4

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and in the first year of Esarhaddon.9 The position of Ningal-iddin was quite strong since his three sons, Sîn-balāssu-iqbi, Sîn-šarra-uṣur, and Sîn-tabni-uṣur, succeeded him in the office. Unfortunately, the chronology when the office was held by Ningal-iddin remains in doubt. There are no signs to indicate that he was still alive in the time of Ashurbanipal.10 Yet in the first regnal year of Ashurbanipal’s father (680 BC) there was a battle around Ur, when the rebel Nabû-zēr-kitti-līšir, son of Marduk-apla-iddina II and governor of Sealand, tried to capture the city, but as we read in the chronicle, “(Nabû)-zēr-kitti-līšir, governor of the Sealand, having gone upstream, set up camp before Ur but did no[t take] the city”.11 The Assyrian army defeated Nabû-zēr-kitti-līšir’s army, and he fled to Elam.12 A distinct chapter in the history of Ur was the time of Sîn-balāssu-iqbi as governor of the city.13 We do not know exactly when he took office after his father. Certain is that he held the office in 658 and 657 BC. He used the šakkanakku title and he claimed to be governor of Eridu and the Gurasimmu tribe.14 Sîn-balāssuiqbi pursued a pro-Assyrian policy. He emphasized the greatness of Ashurbanipal in his building inscriptions.15 Sîn-balāssu-iqbi, almost like a king, undertook a number of building project that have been uncovered by Woolley’s excavations. The work concentrated on the old gi6.par4.kù (Ningal temple), é.dub.lá.maḫ (a court of judgment at Ur dedicated to Sîn), along the Northwest temenos wall and a new Giparu (gi6.pàr) of Ningil built for the priestess Ninlille-nitadam-kiggaSuen according to UET 1, 171).16 In his inscriptions, mostly written on bricks, he elaborates the restoration of Etemennigurru,17 renovation of Elugalgalgasisa18 and new construction of Eušumgalna (the dwelling of the deity Ninkasi),19 Eešbanda (the abode of the goddess Šuzianna),20 Eankikuga (the station of the goddess Kusu),21 Eadgigi (the abode of the god Nusku),22 Ekišibgalekura (the abode of the

9

Frame 1992: 61, 269, n. 3, 278, no. 62, and 285. Frame 1992: 99, n. 173. 11 Glassner 2005: 201. 12 Frame 1992: 65–6, Waters 2000: 37. 13 Brinkman 1965: 248–53. 14 Frame 1992: 99, 125, cf. RIMB 2: B.6.32.2015. 15 Frame 1992: 110. 16 Woolley 1939 and 1965 (Ur Excavations vols. V and VIII). Brinkman 1965: 241–58, Brinkman 1969: 310–48, Frame 1992: 11, 24, George 1993: 93, cf. RIMB 2: B.6.32.2014. 17 RIMB 2: B.6.32.2001, B.6.32.2002. 18 RIMB 2: B.6.32.2003, B.6.32.2004. 19 RIMB 2: B.6.32.2005. 20 RIMB 2: B.6.32.2006. 21 RIMB 2: B.6.32.2007. 22 RIMB 2: B.6.32.2008. 10

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goddess Ninimma),23 [E …]kuga (the station or abode of the god Ennugi),24 Eanšar (the shrine for Nanna),25 Ešaduga (the shrine for Nanna),26 Eašanamar (the abode of the god Enlil).27 It is not known when Sîn-balāssu-iqbi lost the position of governor of Ur, but it must have happened at the time of the Šamaš-šumu-ukīn rebellion (652–648), during which Ur and several other southern towns remained pro-Assyrian.28 Then Sîn-šarra-uṣur became the governor who wrote down the inscription concerning the gift of a tract of land to Ištar and Nanāya and dedicated it for the good health of the king Šamaš-šumu-ukīn.29 In the course of the war or after the Assyrian victory, Ashurbanipal replaced him with another son of Ningaliddina, Sîn-tabni-uṣur.30 The period of the revolt was rich in dramatic events for Ur. The sources confirm symptoms of famine and partial destruction of the city.31 There is no text from Ur dated to the reign of the puppet king Kandālanu. We have no evidence of what happened in this southern Babylonian city after 647. The texts found at Ur and dated to the reign of Nabopolassar are not informative since they were written in Babylon, Borsippa, Dilbat.32 Frame supposes that such a picture may have been affected either by the bad political and economic conditions of the city after Šamaš-šumu-ukīn’s rebellion or by problems with surrounding tribal groups.33 The earliest record dated to the reign of Nebuchadnezzar is UET 4, 33 (Nbk 2). Nevertheless, the records dated to his reign are not numerous. Eight records

23

RIMB 2: B.6.32.2009. RIMB 2: B.6.32.2010. 25 RIMB 2: B.6.32.2011. 26 RIMB 2: B.6.32.2012. 27 RIMB 2: B.6.32.2013. 28 The following records from Ur are dated to the time of Šamaš-šum-ukīn: BM 113927, no. 2 (Ur, 18.8.Ššu 10), BM 118978//BM 118971=Frame 2013, no. 15 (5.11.Ššu 10), UET 4, 32=San Nicolò 1951, no. 41 (Ur, 7.4.Ššu 11), UET 4, 84=San Nicolò 1951, no. 72 (Ur, 29.9.Ššu 13). There are, however, records dated to the time of Šamaš-šum-ukīn but place names are different: UET 4, 15 = San Nicolò 1951, no. 11) Uruk or lost like UET 4, 201. Frame rightly notes that the topographic origin of some tablets, even those written in Ur, may be speculated (Frame 2013: 14). 29 RIMB 2: B.6.33.2001. 30 Brinkman 1965: 253–5, Frame 1992: 163. The following records from Ur are dated to the time of Ashurbanipal: BM 113928 (no. 1) Ur, 29.1.Asb 20 and UET 4, 23 (= San Nicolò 1951, no. 36) [U]r!, 26.1.Asb [x]. 31 Frame 1992: 153. 32 Almost all the texts belong to the Sîn-uballiṭ Archive, the archive of a very unusual nature (about the possible story of the provenience of the archive see Oelsner 2001: 294 and Jursa 2010: 119; see also Oelsner 2006: 77 and Cseke 2010). 33 Frame 1992: 193. 24

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have been published in UET34 and another six are published in this volume.35 This picture of the distribution of texts during the reign of Nebuchadnezzar is quite surprising, since Babylonia during his reign was experiencing a renaissance. It must be assumed that during the reign of Nabopolassar and especially the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, Ur regains vitality, as evidenced by the building projects carried out at that time.36 In the time of the Neo-Babylonian period, Ur was one of the main cities in the south of Babylonia, though Ur is not mentioned on the preserved fragment of the Hofkalender.37 As Jursa has noted, one may well expect Ur in the broken part of the text.38 However, it is impossible to determine exactly what was the role and position of Ur in relation to other cities of southern Babylonia. We know that Ur was not a dominant centre in the region and that such a role was taken by Uruk.39 The fact that Nabopolassar’s family played an important role in Uruk was definitely influenced by this situation. Nabopolassar’s father, Kudurru, was šākin ṭēmi of Uruk. Nabopolassar’s son, Nebuchadnezzar, 34

UET 4, 33 (= San Nicolò 1951: no. 43) Nbk 2, UET 4, 130 (Nbk 3), UET 4, 126 (Nbk 15), UET 4, 7 (Nbk 29), UET 4, 51 (Nbk 29), UET 4, 207 (Nbk 42), UET 4, 86 (Nbk [x]), UET 4, 127 (Nbk [x]). 35 See part Chronology. Additionally, a few records provide data on the individuals who held the offices in Ur, like Imbi-Sîn šangû of Ur who appears in Nbk 109 (Babylon) dated to the Nbk 17 (Kleber 2008: 319–21). In this legal record Imbi-Sîn šangû of Ur is listed among judges after qīpu of the Sealand, šanû of the Sealand, and šākin ṭēmi of Uruk. ImbiSîn from Ur (mim-bi-d30 lúšeš.unugki-a-a) is mentioned in TCL 12, 75 (Uruk): 15 dated to Nbn 1. But there is no certainty whether both texts relate to the same person. 36 Ur is mentioned among the cities and regions that were burdened by Nebuchadnezzar in his Etemenanki’s building project (Da Riva 2008: 12). Brick B10 = Langdon 1912: no. 35 refers to the construction work of the temple for Sîn (é.giš.nu11.gal é d30). The construction work on the site of é.giš.nu11.gal is presented in C32 (= Langdon 1912: Nbk no. 2): 35, C33 (= Langdon 1912: Nbk no. 1): 35, C34 (= Langdon 1912: Nbk no. 9): 44, C36 (= CT 37): coll. II: 42 and coll. III: 9, C37 (= Langdon 1912: Nbk no. 13): coll. I: 45 and coll. II: 65, C38 (= Langdon 1912: Nbk no. 20): coll. III: 15, PR (= Unger 1931: 282): coll. I: 23, and WB (= Langdon 1912: Nbk no. 19): coll. BVIII: 14–15 (The Wadi Brisa inscription see recently Da Riva 2012). Noticeable is the very laconic character of description of construction work carried out by Nebuchadnezzar. The content of descriptions is restricted to general information about the work carried out without showing the type of work and materials used. Woolley wrote extensively about Nebuchadnezzar’s building projects (Woolley 1962). He noted that Nebuchadnezzar’s greatest building venture was the construction of the walls around the temenos (Woolley 1962: 3). 37 Recently see: Beaulieu 2002, Jursa 2010b and Da Riva 2013 (with new edition of the text). 38 Jursa 2010: 91. One may recall Dietrich’s concept, which assumed that Ur was the capital of the southern part of the Sealand at that time, which, however, has been questioned by Frame, see Frame 1992: 41+56. 39 Jursa 2010: 95–8.

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was the šatammu of the Eanna in the early years of Nabopolassar’s reign.40 There are no records dated to the time of Amēl-Marduk41, Neriglissar and Lābâši-Marduk. Only Neriglissar left some royal inscriptions, though without mention of building projects at Ur. A period of great prosperity for Ur in the first millennium B.C. occurred during the reign of Nabonidus. His building activities at Ur focused on the restoration of the Gipar ((é).gi6.pàr),42 é.lugal.galga.si.sá (ziqqurat of Sîn at Ur)43, ziqqurat of the é.giš.nu11.gal temple-complex,44 é.nun.maḫ (bīt ḫilṣi of Ningal inside é.giš.nu11.gal).45 He increased the offerings for Sîn.46 At the beginning of his reign, Nabonidus consecrated his daughter, En-nigaldi-Nanna, to Sîn.47 It is surprising that we know of only four tablets dated to the reign of Nabonidus, i.e. UET 4, 36 and the three published in this volume (see chronology).48 The conquest of Babylonia by Cyrus the Great did not affect a break in continuity of scribal practice.49 The tablets were written in Babylonian Ur till at least the reign of Darius I. Unfortunately, records dated to Cyrus and Cambyses are not numerous. Four texts are dated to Cyrus, two published in UET 4 (Nos. 16 and 199) and two in this volume. Five records are dated to the time of Cambyses (UET 4, 13, UET 4, 14, UET 4, 24, UET 4, 139, and UET 4, 163) in addition to the three published in this volume. Some data may allow one to suppose that Cyrus the Great undertook the building projects in Ur.50 The inscribed brick (UET 1, 194) found at Ur as well as the fragment of clay cylinder (UET 1, 307) attributed the victory of Cyrus over Babylonia to Sîn.51 There is no information that the Achaemenid kings conducted any building projects after Cyrus and we have almost no evidence related to Ur from royal inscriptions.52 The only valuable data comes from the private archives and we 40

Beaulieu 1997: 391–2 and Jursa 2007. Documentary evidence, see Zawadzki 1993. 42 Beaulieu 1989: 23–5 and Schaudig 2001: 341–2, 344, cf. George 1993: 92. 43 George 1993: 119. 44 Beaulieu 1989: 35–7 and Schaudig 2001: 340–1, 350–53, cf. George 1993: 114. 45 Beaulieu 1989: 37–8 and Schaudig 2001: 339–40, cf. George 1993: 135 and George 2011: no. 86. Cf. Woolley 1939 and 1962 (Ur Excavations vol. V and IX). 46 Schaudig 2001: 2.5 1 II 8–9. It is not surprising to see the difference expressed in Cyrus Cylinder, where Nabonidus is accused of interruption of the offerings, see Schaudig 2001: K2.1 5–7. 47 Beaulieu 1989: 23, Schaudig 2001: 2.5 1 II 13–14 and 2.7 II 5–6. 48 In YOS 19, 254 (Uruk) dated to Nbn 1 Sîn-nādin-aḫi šangû of Ur is present. 49 General overview, see Wiesehöfer 1999 and Jursa 2007b. 50 Woolley 1962: 2 (restoration of temenos wall, works in é.nun.maḫ). 51 Schaudig 2001: 480–81, cf. Kuhrt 2010: 75. 52 In the Babylonian version of the Bisitun Inscription one reads that the revolt of Nebuchadnezzar, the son of Nabonidus, had begun in Ur. This has been disputed by von 41

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have even more records in comparison to the previous period. One should mention the Imbia Archive published in this volume and dated mostly to the reign of Darius I. There are also tablets unearthed by Woolley’s expedition, including the Gallābu Archive mostly dated to the reign of Artaxerxes II, Artaxerxes III and Darius III53; the Nidintu-Ea Archive dated between the year 2 and 25 of the reign of Artaxerxes II54; the Sîn-ilī Archive dated to the period 5Dar I – 14Xer.55 It seems that the total number of documents covering the quite long period from Darius I until Darius III does not support the opinion of van Driel, that in Late Achaemenid Babylonia Ur was in process of decay.56 1.2. Excavations at Ur57 A pioneer of archaeological research at Tell al-Mukajjar (Ur) was the British consul in Basra, J.E. Taylor, who led the excavations in 1853–1854. Four years before him, W. K. Loftus had been in Ur. One of the most spectacular of Taylor’s contributions was the discovery of a ziqqurat and four clay cylinders of Nabonidus. Taylor’s works helped Rawlinson to identify a tall located near the village of alMuqayyar as the site of the ancient city of Ur. 58 At the end of the nineteenth century a team from the University of Pennsylvania performed short archaeological work. Then, after the First World War archeological excavations were headed successively by R.C. Thompson and H. R. Hall. In 1918, R.C. Thompson provided preliminary recognition of the archeological site.59 In the next year, from February till May, the work was conducted under the authority of H.R. Hall. The excavation focused on exploration of the ziqqurrat, partial exploration of Hall’s building “B” identified by him as é.ḫur.sag, exploration carried out in the area of é.temen.ní.gur.(ru)-ziqqurrat terrace of Nanna-Suen and the temenos wall (“E”) of the temple and exploration of residential buildings

Voigtlander 1978: 37. 53 Van Driel 1987: 164–7, Oelsner 2003: 286–7, Waerzeggers 2003/2004: 157, Jursa 2005: 133–4, Oelsner 2006. 54 Van Driel 1987: 167, Jursa 2005: 134–5. 55 Waerzeggers 2003/2004: 157, Jursa 2005: 135. 56 Van Driel 1987: 179. The last written record from Ur is dated to 317 BCE, see Oelsner 1986: 76–77. Woolley wrote that “the remains of the Neo-Babylonian and of Persian periods being the uppermost of stratified ruins of Ur have suffered most” (Woolley, 1962: 1). He also pointed to the fact that during or soon after the Persian period the Euphrates changed its course, and this was the main reason that Ur was abandoned (Woolley 1962: 2). 57 See recent Zettler and Hafford 2015 with extensive bibliography, cf. Pollock 1997: 288. 58 Taylor 1855: 260–276. 59 Thompson 1920: 101–144.

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and tombs south-west of the ziqqurrat.60 Excavations in the ancient city of Ur are primarily associated with the name of Sir Leonard Woolley. He directed twelve archaeological seasons in the period from 1922 to 1934. The results of the archaeological mission led by Sir Leonard Woolley have been published in several volumes; unfortunately some of them were published only after Woolley’s death. This is also the case of the 9th volume devoted to the Neo-Babylonian period, which was published two years after his death.61

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Hall 1923: 177–195. Woolley 1962. Apart from ten volumes of Ur Excavations – detailed reports on the progress of archaeological work – there also appeared work of a review nature, see Woolley 1963 (first edition 1954). It is also worth reading the article of Mallowan, one of Woolley’s assistants, who introduces the everyday working methods and circumstances that accompanied the excavations in Ur, see Mallowan 1960: 1–19, cf. Pedersén 1998: 201–4. 61

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2. The texts 2.1. Typology Typologically, the material published in this volume can be divided into several categories. BM 113928, no. 1 is a sale of inherited share to a brother. This is a record in dialogue form in which Gula-balāssu-iqbi//Šāpiku62 directly asked Sîn-aḫu-iddin, his brother, for silver (pn1 ana pāni pn2 aḫīšu illik-ma kiam iqbi umma “pn1 came before pn2, his brother, and said as follows”) to pay his debt and partly for personal use.63 BM 113927, no. 2//BM 114124, no. 3 is a gift of slaves, a field and house by a husband to his wife based on the operative formula x (objects) pn1 pān fpn2 aššatīšu ušadgil “pn1 passed (it) to fpn2, his wife”. The formula is almost the same as the gift formula pn1 (object) iknuk-ma pāni pn2 ušadgil “pn1 has drafted a sealed document concerning the object and passed (it) to pn2”.64 The gift was usually transferred voluntarily (ina ḫūd libbišu), though such a phrase is not written in BM 113927, no. 2, and in perpetuity (ana ūmi ṣâti). The sentence of perpetual usufruct is also expressed in the words ūmu mala pn2 balṭūti (t)akkal, “as long as pn lives, she will usufruct it”, i.e. the wife will usufruct the granted income till the end of her life but without the possibility to sell or transfer it to another person: the only beneficiaries were three sons of the father. It seems obvious that the record was written by the husband conscious of his fatal disease, who wished to protect the material security of his wife after his death (see more in commentary to the record on pp. 115–7). BM 113942+, no. 4 is a gift of several household items with seal impressed on the obverse. The opening formula is x (object) pn1 ana fpn2 aḫāt abīšu id[din] “pn1 gave to fpn2, the sister of his father, x (object)”. The record was drawn up and sealed in the presence (ina ašābi) of fKaššāya, which should be interpreted as her consent for the gift. The course formula was treated recently by Sandowicz.65

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Evidently the hypocoristicon based on the first or the second element of the name. Cf. van der Spek 1995: 181–2. 64 Oelsner, Wells and Wunsch 2003: 948–9. 65 Sandowicz 2012: 446. 63

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BM 114028+, no. 5 is the only record with an oath formula, pn1 ina gn u rn ana pn2 u aḫḫēšu itteme kī adī “pn1 has sworn by gods and king to pn2 and his brothers (I swear) that.” Sandowicz included the formula of BM 114028+, no. 5 among the positive promissories.66 For a more detailed discussion, see below, p. 123–4. BM 113961, no. 6 is an ēpišānūtu contract for performing the baker’s duty before Ninazu.67 The exact description of the duty is missing except for the use of ḫuṣābu flour. BM 113997, no. 7 is a kind of legal record concerning a case settled before the deputy. The record is discussed in detail on pp. 128–30. There are 11 promissory notes. Most of them begin with the operative clause x ša pn1 ina muḫḫi pn2 “x (transaction object) belonging to pn1 is owed by pn2”.68 Five records concern silver: BM 113983, no. 8, BM 114169, no. 9, BM 114011, no. 10, BM 114042, no. 11 and BM 114171, no. 12; two dates: BM 113974, no. 13 and BM 114170, no. 14; one barley: BM 113980, no. 15; one lambs and dates: BM 114045+, no. 16. BM 113977, no. 17 is a promissory note for provisions due to a slave girl of the king. BM 114074, no. 18 is partly missing, but it is highly probable that it is a promissory note. BM 113983, no. 8 and BM 114169, no. 9 are promissory notes concerning silver with fully preserved formula. In both records, the operative clause is followed by the termination clause ūmu x and/or arḫu x inamdin “on the day x and/or of the month x he will return”. In BM 114171, no. 12 there appears the interest clause: [ša arḫi ina mu]ḫḫi manê x šiqil kaspu [ina muḫḫī]šu irabbi. Although BM 114011, no. 10 and BM 114042, no. 11 are tiny fragments, they are both included here based on the fact that there are i-šal-˹laṭ?˺ in line 3 and ˹x x muḫḫi˺-šú i-rab-bi in line 4’ in BM 114011, no. 10 and part of the pledge formula šám-šú -šal-li[m …] in l. 5 in BM 114042, no. 11. BM 114045+, no. 16, is a promissory note of two lambs and dates; the termination relates to the return of both lambs and dates, but the place of delivery is given only in the case of dates. From BM 113980, no. 15 we know that the debtor in order to obtain a new loan, must have paid all earlier obligations (u’iltu maḫrītu ēṭir’ ša pn (debtor) šī). An interesting example is BM 113977, no. 17 concerning provision for the king’s slave girl (géme lugal).69 The record indicates the period for which provision will be paid (ultu ūmi x ša arḫi x ša šatti x kn šar Bābili adī ūmi x ša arḫi x ša šatti x) and the daily norm (ūmu x (transaction object) pn (debtor) ana pn (cred66

Sandowicz 2012: 369. For such records, see Jursa 1999: 45 and Waerzeggers 2010: 178. 68 The formula cf. Wunsch 2002. 69 Commentary to the text after edition. 67

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itor) inamdin). It is said next that the debtor’s slave is taken as the pledge and ends with standard security pledge (rāšû [ša]nâmma ana muḫḫi ul išallaṭ). For additional comments, see below p. 144–6. There are eight imittu debt notes; but the majority of them are badly preserved.70 The almost complete BM 113948+, no. 19 has a typical formula, i.e. after the operative clause it indicates the time and place of delivery (ina Uri ina bāb kalakki inamdin) of dates and by-products, like a load of palm wood (biltu ša ḫuṣābi), basket (tuḫallu), and palm fibre (mangaga).71 From l. 10 begins an elat clause concerning the issue of dates as the tithe of Sîn (2 kurru ešrû ša dSîn) and the share (zittu) for gardeners (4? kurru 5 (pānu) 1 sūtu zittu nukaribbāti ēṭir). The operative clause in BM 114130+, no. 26 is partly missing, see ll. 1’–2’. The next well-preserved lines refer to payment of the amount due at once, using probably the lessor’s measure (ina muḫḫi ritt[i ina m]ašiḫ[i ša pn?] inamdin). The lessee was also obliged to delivery of by-products (ll. 5’–6’) and paid the tithe from his share (pn (lessee) ešrû ina zittīšu inamdin). BM 114050+, no. 22 refers to an imittu impost from the field located in Tamertu-(ša)-fInṣābtu, [imittu ša eqli] ˹ina?˺ garin fin-ṣab-tu4 paid in barley and wheat (ll. 1–2). There is also a termination and place of delivery clause of the products in kind (ina iti.zí[z] še.bar-a4 1 gur 3 pi 1 (pi) 4 bán š[e.gi]g.ba ina šeš.unugki inam-din). Five receipts are attested: BM 113962, no. 27, BM 113963, no. 28, BM 113976, no. 29, BM 113979, no. 30 and BM 114101, no. 31. The operative clause is x (object) pn1 ina qāt pn2 maḫir “pn1 has been paid x by pn2.”72 In BM 113962, no. 27 the silver due is paid by the debtor’s agent or guarantor (pn1 ina qāt pn2 ana muḫḫi pn3 maḫir “pn1 is paid by pn2 on behalf of pn3.)” In BM 113976, no. 29 the amount due is a part of the total credit of barley (ina u’ilti ša uṭṭati rašûtu ša pn1 ina muḫḫi pn2 ina libbi x pn1 ina qāt pn2 maḫir). In BM 113979, no. 30 the operative clause is x pn1 ana mala zitti ša pn2 ina qāt pn2 eṭēru “pn1 has received x from the share of pn2 from pn2.” The transaction objects are dates and silver from the allowance of Ningišzida temple. The operative clause in BM 113963, no. 28 is simple x ina pāni pn1 “x (object) is at the disposal of pn1”. The matter was set in the presence (ina ušuzzu) of two individuals.

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BM 113948+, no. 19, BM 113964, no. 20, BM 114034, no. 21, BM 114050+, no. 22, BM 114064, no. 23, BM 114107, no. 24, BM 114116, no. 25 and BM 114130+, no. 26. 71 Note that BM 114130+, no. 26: 5’–6’ in broken passage calculate the additional obligation, but the fragment is very difficult to read. 72 Jursa 2005: 44. © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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There are seven accounts: BM 113922, no. 32, BM 113950, no. 33, BM 113960, no. 34, BM 113952+, no. 35, BM 113957, no. 36, BM 114021, no. 37 and BM 114143, no. 38. All but one, BM 113926, no. 39 relate to temple matters. In such records the reason of their composition, relations between the parties and time of writing is unclear or not given. BM 113957, no. 36, BM 114021, no. 37 and BM 114143, no. 38 relate to delivery of barley for oxen fodder ša lilissu sippari (see commentary to the texts, pp. 173–5). In the case of BM 113952+, no. 35, since only a fragment of the tablet is preserved, it is not certain whether the record has a private or institutional background. BM 113926, no. 39, BM 113958, no. 40 and BM 113992, no. 41 are inventories or simply lists of objects. BM 113926, no. 39 is a list of household equipment (udû bīti) without any operative formula (see commentary to the text pp. 181–5). BM 113958, no. 40 enumerates equipment and products used during rituals. BM 113992, no. 41 concerns plants, herbs and other ingredients for medicinal or magical purposes. The three letters published in this volume are BM 113975, no. 43, BM 114141, no. 44 and BM 113981, no. 45. BM 114141, no. 44 begins with the salutation formula pn1 šulum ša pn2 aḫīš išâl “pn1 asks about the well-being of pn2” with the attached blessing formula DNN šulum + pronominal suffix ka liqbû “May the gods … command your prosperity”.73 The exact subject of the letter is missing, though it seems to concern silver. BM 113975, no. 43 begins with the brief greeting ana pn1 aḫī “To pn1, my brother”. The name of the addressee is partly broken as well as the name of the second individual. The subject of the letter is a regulation over fIqupatu (probably a slave girl) and barley. The letter was written in the presence of (ina ušuzzu ša) three individuals and there are three seal impressions, two on the bottom of the reverse and one on the left side (see part Seal Impressions). The subject of BM 113981, no. 45 is the replacement (kutallum) of one individual for another in the strictly designated period. There are two seal impressions on the reverse. BM 113959, no. 42 is a note describing the fields located in the settlement of Inṣābtu (ina ša in-ṣa-ab-tú), certainly the same place as Ālu-ša-Inṣābtu attested in other texts (see below toponyms). The purpose of writing the document is unclear. The background of BM 113966+, no. 46 remains obscure. The partly preserved lines allow for reconstruction of the formula ina pāni … dabābu (ll. 2’–5’) and probably dīni parāsu (l. 9’). The legal case was presented before the assembly of the é.kiš.nu.gal temple and state official (rēš šarri).

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The subject of other texts is usually unclear. The reconstruction of BM 113978, no. 47 and BM 114027, no. 50 is highly problematic. BM 113978, no. 47 concerns 24 shekels of silver but it is impossible to establish whether this is a sale document, promissory note or a simple receipt. The preserved fragment of BM 114027, no. 50 with the clause kī x ūmi lā ittalka ša lā dīni libbi u’ilti ša imitti eqli “if he does not come on x day there will be no case with regards to the promissory note of the imittu of the field” suggests a kind of summons with deadline. In BM 114019, no. 48 and BM 114020, no. 49 the obverse is almost completely missing and only the reverse side may be partly read. BM 114044, no. 51, BM 114046, no. 52, BM 114075, no. 53, BM 114078, no. 54, BM 114100, no. 55, BM 114106, no. 56, BM 114118, no. 57, BM 114119, no. 58, BM 114121, no. 59, BM 114126, no. 60, BM 114129, no. 61 and BM 114151, no. 62 are mostly fragments. Because some records are badly preserved, and their contents cannot be established, only photos are published (BM 113955+, no. 63, BM 114068, no. 64 and BM 114069, no. 65). 2.2. Chronology 2.2.1. Chronology and condition of the tablets The tablets may be divided into four groups based on their condition. 20 records belong to the first group, having a complete date. However, only in the case of 15 tablets is the date not a subject of doubt.74 In the remaining five records the reading of one of the date elements is uncertain.75 14 records have an incomplete date and belong to the second group. The characteristic feature of these records is that one or more elements of the date is missing. In addition, the state of preservation of tablets and/or internal criteria does not allow for the reconstruction of dates.76 Three other texts, in which the date can 74

BM 113928, no. 1 (29.1.Asb 20), BM 113927, no. 2 (18.8.Ššu 10), BM 113942+, no. 4 (28.3.Dar 9), BM 114028+, no. 5 (22.5.Dar 9), BM 114169, no. 9 (30.10.Nbn 13), BM 113974, no. 13 (12.3.Cyr 4), BM 114170, no. 14 (6.3.Dar 5), BM 113980, no. 15 (29.7.Nbk III 0), BM 113977, no. 17 (19.1.Nbk 26), BM 113962, no. 27 (18.5.Dar 8), BM 113963, no. 28 (3.5.Dar 11), BM 113976, no. 29 (5.4.Camb 3), BM 113979, no. 30 (4.8.Dar 6), BM 114021, no. 37 (1.12.Dar 35) and BM 113978, no. 47 (5.8.Nbk 40). 75 BM 113961, no. 6 (27.12.Dar 35?), BM 113983, no. 8 (6.10.Nb 12), BM 113977, no. 17 (22.6?.Nbn 9?), BM 114107, no. 24 (21.[6?]b.[Da]r [5?]) and BM 114130+, no. 26 (10.7?.Cyr 4). King’s name in BM 113983, no. 8 is reconstructed on the basis of prosopography. 76 BM 114042, no. 11 (5?.8.Nbk? [x]), BM 114171, no. 12 (14.[x.Nbk?] 19), BM 114045+, no. 16 (26.[x].Camb 3?), BM 113948+, no. 19 (25.[x].Dar 9?), BM 113964, no. 20 (4.7.Dar [x]), BM 114034, no. 21 (18.[x.Dar] 4), BM 114050+, no. 22 ([x]+3.[x.Dar] 6), BM

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be partially reconstructed on the basis of content are included in this group. In the records one finds a preserved day, month, year, or king’s name that allows for its placement in the chronology.77 8 complete tablets78 are undated and belong to the third group.79 Internal criteria offer no possibility to determine the time of writing of these records. In 18 records (the fourth group) the date is missing and the states of preservation of the tablets do not allow for its reconstruction.80 2.2.2. Chronological distribution of the texts Three out of the 65 tablets published here are dated to the period of Assyrian domination over Babylonia.81 Nine tablets were composed in the time of the socalled Chaldean Dynasty, i.e. six in the time of Nebuchadnezzar II82 and the other three in the time of Nabonidus.83

113960, no. 34 ([x.x.Da]r [x]), BM 113952+, no. 35 (.6.Dar [x]?), BM 114143, no. 38 ([x.x].Dar 34), BM 114019, no. 48 (10+[x].6.Cam[b] 4?), BM 114020, no. 49 (26?.5.[x x]), BM 114046, no. 52 ([x.x].Nbk [x]+2) and BM 114129, no. 61 ([x.x].Da[r] 9?). 77 BM 113957, no. 36 (.11.), BM 113981, no. 45 (.5.Nbk 18) and BM 114044, no. 51 (4.[x].Xer [2?]). 78 Except for BM 114141 (no. 44) which although incomplete was rather undated because it is a letter order, that in most instances were undated. 79 BM 113922, no. 32, BM 113950, no. 33, BM 113926, no. 39, BM 113958, no. 40, BM 113992, no. 41, BM 113959, no. 42, BM 113975, no. 43 and BM 114141, no. 44. BM 113926, no. 39 may well be dated to the period from the time of Nabonidus till the Persian king, Darius, i.e. the time of activity of the brothers of Nabu-sumu-ukīn assuming that he lived in the same period. However, it is a too long time span to include the record to the third group. In turn, the tablet BM 113950, no. 33 is partly broken and the surface of the reverse is almost completely missing, but the preserved fragment allows to believe that the record was not dated. 80 BM 113955+, no. 63, BM 113966+, no. 46, BM 114011, no. 10, BM 114064, no. 23, BM 114068, no. 64, BM 114069, no. 65, BM 114074, no. 18, BM 114075, no. 53, BM 114078, no. 54, BM 114100, no. 55, BM 114101, no. 31, BM 114106, no. 56, BM 114116, no. 25, BM 114118, no. 57, BM 114119, no. 58, BM 114121, no. 59, BM 114126, no. 60 and BM 114151, no. 62. 81 BM 113927, no. 2 (18.8.Ššu 10) and its duplicate BM 114124, no. 3, and BM 113928, no. 1 (29.1.Asb 20). 82 BM 113981, no. 45 (.5.Nbk 18), BM 114171, no. 12 (14.[x.Nbk]? 19), BM 113997, no. 7 (19.1.Nbk 26), BM 113978, no. 47 (5.8.Nbk 40). In BM 114046, no. 52 the regnal year is only partly preserved – [x.x].Nbk [x]+2 and in BM 114042, no. 11 is completely missing (5?.8.Nbk? [x]). 83 BM 113977, no. 17 (22.6?.Nbn 9?), BM 113983, no. 8 (6.10.Nb 12) and BM 114169, no. 9 (30.10.Nbn 13).

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The majority of tablets are dated to the time of Persian rule over Babylonia. Two are from the reign of Cyrus,84 three from the reign of Cambyses,85 18 from the reign of Darius I86 and one from the reign of Xerxes.87 One tablet is dated to the time of Nebuchadnezzar III.88 2.3. Seal impressions The seal impressions from Ur have never been the subject of a separate study. This resulted from the fact that the copies in UET 4 were published without drawings of the seal impressions. Additionally, the British Museum sent back to Baghdad almost all the sealed tablets from UET 4 without making any drawings or taking any photographs of the seal impressions.89 This means that at present only three tablets with seal impressions are available: BM 113942+, no. 4, BM 113975, no. 43 and BM 113981, no. 45. Seal on BM 113942+, no. 4 The seal probably belonged to the scribe of the text (see note under the text). This is suggested by the reconstructed caption in l. 10: ˹na4kišib md20˺+[10-giš]. The poorly-preserved seal was impressed on the bottom of the obverse and partially over the edge. Originally, it probably presented a man facing left with raised arm or a winged figure, but it is very hard to see. Seals on BM 113975, no. 43 The three seal impressions appear to be identical, although the only fully preserved impression is the one at the bottom of the reverse. This means that only one person impressed the seals, though three persons acted as witnesses. The scene shows a worshipper facing right and holding(?) in his right hand a long 84

BM 113974, no. 13 (12.3.Cyr 4) and BM 114130+, no. 26 (10.7?.Cyr 4). BM 113976, no. 29 (5.4.Camb 3), BM 114019, no. 48 (10+[x].6.Cam[b] 4?) and BM 114045+, no. 16 (26.[x].Camb 3?). 86 BM 114034, no. 21 (18.[x.Dar] 4), BM 114170, no. 14 (6.3.Dar 5), BM 114107, no. 24 (21.[6?]b.[Da]r [5?]), BM 113979, no. 30 (4.8.Dar 6), BM 113952+, no. 35 (.9.? Dar 6?), BM 113957, no. 36 ([x]+3.[x.Dar] 6), BM 113962, no. 27 (18.5.Dar 8), BM 113942+, no. 4 (28.3.Dar 9), BM 114028+, no. 5 (22.5.Dar 9), BM 113948+, no. 19 (25.[x].Dar 9?), BM 114129, no. 61 ([x.x].Da[r] 9?), BM 113963, no. 28 (3.5.Dar 11), BM 114143, no. 38 ([x.x].Dar 34), BM 113961, no. 6 (27.12.Dar 35?), BM 114021, no. 37 (1.12.Dar 35), BM 113964, no. 20 (4.7.Dar [x]), BM 113957, no. 36 (7.11.) and BM 113960, no. 34 ([x.x.Da]r [x]). 87 BM 114044, no. 51 (4.[x].Xer [2?]). 88 BM 113980, no. 15 (29.7.Nbk III 0) is the earliest record from the south of Babylonia dated to the time of Nebuchadnezzar III, cf. lists of records in Zawadzki 1994 and recently in Lorenz 2008. 89 Altavilla and Walker 2016: 5. 85

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mace, the most interesting element of the scene. The common mace on seals is the ram-headed mace of Ea or the lion-headed maces of Nergal.90 However, Altavilla and Walker noted also that “[t]he maces on P106 and GMM202 are perhaps rather bird-headed; compare two seals on CBS 19 (BE 8/1 no. 107).”91 It seems rather certain that the mace of the left side of BM 113975, no. 43 is also birdheaded. The impression on the right is too indistinct to tell if the mace was birdheaded or ram-headed, but as it seems that the same seal was impressed three times, it might be also a bird-headed mace. In any case, I do not know which god the bird-headed mace represents. The unique aspect is that the worshipper on the right seal is sitting on some kind of support, a scene unattested so far on a Late Babylonian seal. Seals on BM 113981, no. 45 The seal on BM 113981, no. 45 is unique. It looks like a hand holding a fish. It might be suggested that it belonged to a member of Bā’iru family, or who holds the Bā’irūtu prebend.92 Very occasionally there are seals which ignore conventions and use a different motive. Presumably this is a result of personal choice, and the one here might be such a case. 2.4. Fingernails There are some fingernail impressions on the tablets. BM 113928, no. 1 has a caption that Gula-balāssu-iqbi impressed his fingernail instead of his seal (ṣu-pur mdgu-la-tin-su-iq-bi ki-ma imdub-šú tu-ud-da-a-ti), but there is no fingernail(s) on the tablet. This means that the tablet is a copy of the original one. In this record, Gula-balāssu-iqbi, the younger brother (see commentary to BM 113927, no. 2), offered Sîn-aḫu-iddin, his older brother, the inherited share for silver to pay his debt and partly for personal use. BM 113974, no. 13 is a promissory note for dates dated to Cyr 4. Two fingernails are vertically impressed on the lower edge.

90

Altavilla and Walker 2016: 115. For CBS 00019 (BE 8/1 no. 107) seals see https://cdli.ucla.edu/dl/photo/P257584.jpg. 92 There are following representative of the Bā’iru family in UET 4: Sîn-erība/Nūrēa (neighbor), Sîn-ēṭer/Nūrēa (neighbor), Sîn-nādin-šumi/Ubār (seller of the property) and Šamaš-aḫḫē-iddin/Šulā (witness) in UET 4, 13: 4, 12, 15, 18 and 26, and 34 respectively; Marduk-nāṣir/Ša-Nabû-šū in UET 4, 16: 39 (witness); Kāṣir/Iddin-aḫu in UET 4, 17: 37 (witness); Kinūnāya/Bulluṭu (neighbor) and Sîn-x/Sîn-ēṭer (witness) in UET 4, 22: 4 and 20 respectively; [pn]/Šamia in UET 4, 26: 19 (witness); Zēr-Bābili in UET 4, 70: 8 (witness); and Sîn-ana-šamšu/Sîn-ēṭer in UET 4, 194: 3 (mār banê; noted by Figulla that he impressed seal on the tablet, Figulla 1949: 66), cf. Wunsch 2014: 303. 91

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BM 113948+, no. 19 is a imittu debt note dated to Dar 9?. The fingernail is vertically impressed on the upper edge and most likely was impressed by the scribe of the tablet if the reconstruction of the caption on the upper edge – ṣu-pu[r md3]0˹dù-ùru˺ – is correct. BM 113976, no. 29 is a receipt for part of the amount due dated to Camb 3. The fingernail is impressed horizontally on the bottom of the obverse and was impressed by Sîn-bānūnu/Marduk-zēr-ibni//Ile’’i-Marduk, the lessor and the scribe of the tablet. According to the caption under the fingernail impression, it is the fingernail of Sîn-bānūnu instead of his seal, ṣu-pur md30-ba-nu-nu ku-um na4dubšú. BM 114126, no. 60 is a fragment of an unidentified record. Three fingernails are vertically impressed on the lower or upper edge. The practice of authentication of tablets using fingernail impressions in the NeoBabylonian period has not undergone regular study.93 Although a few general ideas exist in scholarship, the complete picture of the principles that caused contracting parties of all types of texts to do so (particularly for promissory notes, related records and imittu debt notes, which are important for our cases) has been not truly examined. In the Neo-Babylonian period the fingernails were in a majority of examples impressed on the property sales (house, land, prebend, slave) by seller on the edges of real estate contracts. In the Achaemenid period, “a wider variety of texts bear the impression of fingernails of the contracting parties”.94 From the records published in this volume, the clear example is BM 113976, no. 29. The fingernail is impressed by the lessor on the bottom of the obverse and the marks are accompanied by the caption. It is difficult to say for certain whether the marks on BM 113974, no. 13 are really fingernail impressions, because there is no caption, or whether the marks perform other functions than a signature. There are similar problems with the impression on BM 113948+, no. 19, since, as noted above, the reconstruction on the upper edge is uncertain. Accepting that on all these tablets there are actually fingernail impressions95 we have two different positions (upper edge and bottom of the obverse) and two different owners (lessor and scribe). 93

The author’s thanks must be expressed to C.B.F. Walker for providing him with the database of fingernail marks and allowing him to cite it here. C.B.F. Walker is preparing a study of fingernail marks on different types of tablets from various periods. 94 CTMMA 3: XXIX–XXX. 95 BM 113928, no. 1 and BM 114126, no. 60 are not relevant for our discussion because there are no fingernails impressions on the first tablet and it is not know the type of the record in case of the second tablet.

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Comparing this data with promissory notes and imittu debt notes published in UET 4 in chronological order we get: • •

•

•

•

In UET 4, 84 dated to Ššu 13 where a guarantee clause is followed by interest and rašû clause, there is no fingernail impression. There are no fingernail impressions on promissory notes of the Sîn-uballiṭ/Sînzēr-līšir Archive dated to Nbp 2–9 and written mostly in Babylon,96 where the owner of the archive was in most cases a debtor. There are no fingernail impressions on nine promissory notes included in the Sîn-ilī Archive (UET 4 Nos. 65, 99, 100, 101, 107, 108, 110, 111 and 115) of which the time span is 5Dar I – 4Xer. There is, however, UET 4, 102 (= Sandowicz 2012: 0.246) dated to Dar 21 concerning a summons with oath to pay debt. The fingernail of the debtor is impressed on the lower edge. Six promissory notes are included in the Nidintu-Ea Archive with a time span of Art II? 2–25. All the records have the debtor’s fingernail impressed either on the bottom of the obverse (UET 4 Nos. 96, 103 and 105), on the left edge (UET 4, 95), or on the upper edge (UET 4, Nos. 85 and 97). UET 4, 91 (Art II 5) and UET 4, 106 (Art II 42) are included in the Gallābu Archive, but also UET 4, 66 (Art II? 40) though with caution.97 In UET 4, 66 (Art II? 40), the debtor impressed his fingernail on the bottom of the reverse; however, there are seal impressions of the witnesses on the left and upper edge. In turn, the debtor impressed his fingernail at the top of the reverse in UET 4, 91 (Art II 5) and there are seal impressions of the witnesses on the left and lower edge. In the last example, the debtor impressed his seal at the top of the reverse and there are also seals of the witnesses on the left and upper edge.

Although the above analysis is based only on the small number of examples coming from Ur, some findings might be presented. Not a single tablet from Ur dated to Neo-Babylonian period has fingernail marks, though a few have been published (see catalogue on pp. 89–92). For instance, the debt for silver, BM 30179 (Nbn 14) from Uruk, has the fingernail mark of the debtor in the middle of the reverse between seals. It was quite rare to mark loans and related records with fingernail impressions in early Achaemenid Babylonia, i.e. until the reign of Darius I. The marking of loans became common practice in the following periods of Persian rule in Babylonia and especially from the time of Artaxerxes II. It might also be noted that the place where the fingernail marks were impressed by one of the parties of the contract was not accidental. In newly published records the fingernail marks are on the lower edge, on the upper edge or in the clearest example on the bottom of the obverse. In the records published in UET 4 and belonging to the Nidintu-Ea Archive there are only fingernail marks of the debtor 96

Oelsner reviewed the formula of all promissory notes belonging to the archive, see Oelsner 2001: 294–9. 97 Oelsner 2006: 83. © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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impressed on the bottom of the obverse (three examples), the upper edge (two examples) and on the left edge (one example). In turn, in three examples from the Gallābu Archive the debtor impressed his finger at the top of the reverse, while the fingernail marks of witnesses are impressed on edges. A similar convention was used in UET 4, 106 (Art II 42), but this time the debtor impressed his seal at the top of the reverse and the witnesses on edges. These examples clearly indicate the separate position of either fingernail marks or seals of one of the parties of the contract (mostly debtor) and that it was treated as an integral part of the text. This is because impressions are either on the bottom of the obverse or at the top of the reverse, i.e. after the opening formula of the contract and before the list of witnesses. 2.5. Toponyms 2.5.1. Place names Ur: The ideographical writing šeš.unugki (Ur) occurs most frequently in date formula.98 Such a written form can also sometimes be found in the part where delivery of products in kind is indicated.99 The syllabically written ú-ruki appears only in BM 113959, no. 42. Ālu-ša-fInṣābtu: In five documents appears the place or estate Ālu-ša-fInṣābtu, unattested so far. In three records it is the name of the place where the tablets were written.100 In BM 114130+, no. 26: 1’ the name is reconstructed (uru ˹f˺[Inṣābtu]), but this reconstruction seems certain.101 In BM 113959, no. 42: 6, 12 the writing is simple in-ṣa-ab-tú without any determinative. On the other hand, BM 114050+, no. 22: 2 refers to a field located in Tamirtu-(ša)-fInṣābtu, or Āl-fInṣābtu. Another estate that has to be located in the fInṣābtu region is 98

BM 113928, no. 1: 37, BM 113927, no. 2: 46, BM 113961, no. 6: 6’, BM 113997, no. 7: 20, BM 113983, no. 8: 11, BM 114169, no. 9: 13, BM 114171, no. 12: 10’, BM 113974, no. 13: 13, BM 114170, no. 14: 13, BM 113980, no. 15: 16, BM 113977, no. 17: 17, BM 114130+, no. 26: 14’, BM 113976, no. 29: 16, BM 113979, no. 30: 15, BM 114019, no. 48: 6’ and BM 114129, no. 61: rev. 5’. 99 BM 113974, no. 13: 6 (ina šeš.unugki), BM 114170, no. 14: 7 (ina šeš.unugki), BM 113980, no. 15: 7 (ina šeš.unugki ina ká ka-lak-ku), BM 114045+, no. 16: 13 (ina ˹šeš˺.[unugki]), BM 113948+, no. 19: 7 (ina šeš.unugki ina ká ka-˹lak˺-ku), BM 114050+, no. 22: 7 (ina šeš.unugki) and BM 114064, no. 23: 3’ ([ina šeš].˹unug˺ki ina ká ˹ka˺-[lakku]) and 4’ ([ina š]eš.˹unug˺ki ina ˹ká˺ […]). Five times the writing šeš.unugki is partly (BM 113964, no. 20: 16 ([šeš.unu]gki), BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 19’, and BM 114020, no. 49: rev. 6’ ([šeš.u]nugki), and in three cases fully reconstructed (BM 113942+, no. 4: 18, BM 113948+, no. 19: 22 and BM 114107, no. 24: rev. 5’). In two texts the place name appears in broken context (BM 114011, no. 10: 7’ and BM 114126, no. 60: 4’). 100 BM 114028+, no. 5: 21 (uru šá fin-ṣab-tu4), BM 114045+, no. 16: 19 (uru ˹šá f˺in-ṣabtu4) and BM 114050+, no. 22: 12 (uru šá fin-˹ṣab-tu4˺). 101 See notes to the text. © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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Tamirtu-ša-Saḫlê. This topographical location is mentioned twice in BM 113959, no. 42: 4 and 10 (garin? šá saḫ-li-e) in the description of the plot of land. The oath BM 114028+, no. 5 was written in Ālu-ša-Inṣābtu. It concerns the work that has to be done šá ina šu-pa-˹lu˺ [x b]il-ti šá ba-ad-ḫu, “below … of badḫu” (l. 10) and additionally at the end of the l. 10 one reads íd (= nāru) which is followed by ba-ad-ḫu at the beginning of the next line. It seems to be a topographical term referring plausibly to the canal Badḫu or the canal in the town Badḫu. Additionally, the place name might be written garin-bàd-ḫ[u]? in BM 113948+, no. 19: 1, but the reading Tamirtu-Dūr-[x] cannot be excluded. Both records are linked by the name of Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//Sînzākir-šumi attested in both records. Dummalqu: BM 113978, no. 47 and BM 114042, no. 11 were written in the settlement Dummalqu (urudu-um-ma-al-qu). Its location is unknown. Unknown: A topographical location cannot be identified in BM 114034, no. 21: 2’ due to the partly preserved signs Tamirtu-x (garin x). 2.5.2. Temples Three texts relate directly or indirectly to a particular temple. BM 113966+, no. 46: 3’ mentions é.kiš.nu.gal, the temple of the god Sîn at Ur, but in a rather vague context. BM 113979, no. 30: 4 does not mention the name of the temple directly, as it refers to the temple of the god Ningišzida (é dnin.giš.zi.), and it is well known that Ningišzida’s temple at Ur was é.níg.gi.na “House of Truth”.102 BM 114100, no. 55: rev. 12’ probably refers to the temple of the god Adad (é di[m]), but the text is preserved too fragmentarily and the reading should be taken with caution, especially as to my knowledge such a temple has not been identified in Ur yet. 2.5.3. Rivers and canals Nār-Ḫarri: In BM 113959, no. 42 Nār-Ḫarri is attested, located on the side of Ur (ídḫar-ri a-ḫu ú-ruki). The same canal appears also in BM 114107, no. 24: 2, an imittu debt note for dates (ídḫar-r[i]) where the localisation of a date orchard is described. The Ḫarri canal appears also in UET 4, 32: 9, UET 4, 41: 2, and UET 4, 42: 2. UET 4, 32 (= San Nicolò 1951: no. 41) is a record of exchange of the house belonging to Sîn-bēl-kali for the house of Balāssu in addition to 50 shekels of silver and a “field (located on the border) of Nār-Ḫarri on the side of Ur adjacent to (the estate) of Nergal-nāṣir in Madummē”, eqlu Nār-Ḫarri ina aḫu Uriki ita Nergal-nāṣir ina uruMadummē (ll. 9–10). 102

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The next two records, UET 4, 41 and 42, concern the same orchard located in the settlement Madummē adjacent to the field, property of Sîn, used as bowfief of Rē’annū and Iddinā.103 Madummē was certainly an important settlement located on the Nār-Ḫarri canal with palm groves belonging to the temple of Sîn, but held by individuals liable for bow-service in the temple’s name.104 Nār-Ḫiltu: Nār-Ḫiltu105 is attested in BM 113927, no. 2: 6 (ídḫi-il-ti), where an orchard is located, whose upper side was next to Sîn-bēl-zēri/Sîn-nādin and lower side to the “Fifty” of Mušēzib. More useful data appear in the records published in UET 4. UET 4, 7 and UET 4, 10 concern houses located on NārḪiltu inside the city of Ur ([ša qereb] Uriki). According to UET 4, 18 the settlement garinqa-ad-im-in-nu was located on Nār-Ḫiltu. Another item of data comes from Uruk. In GC 2, 407, an imittu debt note of dates, the field located on Nār-Ḫiltu belonged to the property of Ištar-Uruk and Nanāya. The settlement Bāb-Ḫilti is located by Zadok on the same canal near Uruk.106 It is not certain, however, that it was the watercourse of NārḪiltu in the countryside of Uruk. It cannot be said for certain if Nār-Ḫiltu was closely related to Nār-šarri, one of the three major waterways around Uruk which “flowed from the north to south, from the Nippur region toward Uruk”, and “it is equally possible that it continued eastwards following the course of the royal highway which connected Uruk and Larsa”.107 Janković assumes that it continued further south of the city and joined the Euphrates at some point.108 If the records from Ur and Uruk relate to the same Nār-Ḫiltu canal, then its watercourse should run from the south of Uruk, continue closely westwards to the Larsa region and enter the city of Ur from the north. However, this then means that Nār-Ḫiltu should cross the Euphrates which runs south of the Larsa region and north of Ur.

103

UET 4, 41: 1 kišād Nār-Ḫarri aḫu Uriki ugār ša uruMadummē piḫāt U[riki], 2: ús.sa.du an.ta eqli makkūr dSîn bīt qašti ša Rē’[annū], and 3: ús.sa.du ki.ta eqli makkūr dSîn bīt qašti ša Iddinā. UET 4, 42: 2 kišād Nāru’ aḫi Uri!ki ugār uruMadummē 3) [p]iḫāt! Uriki, 3–4: ús.sa.du eqli makkūr dSîn bīt qašti ša Rē’annū, and 4–5: ús.sa.du ki.ta eqli makkūr d Sîn bīt qašti ša Iddinā 104 For the obligation of the Ebabbar temple in Sippar to deliver soldiers from the temple’s servants, see MacGinnis 2012: chapter IV. 105 Zadok 1985: 160. 106 Zadok 1985: 39. 107 Janković 2013: 329. 108 Janković 2013: 329. © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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2.6. Scribes and witnesses The Early Archive Text and Date Parties BM 113928, no. 1 Gula-balāssu-iqbi// 29.1.Asb 20 Šāpiku Sîn-aḫu-iddin, his brother

Witnesses in the presence: Sîn-tabni-uṣur, governor of U[r] (lúgar kur šeš.[unugki]) before: 1. Sîn-ašarēd//Ninurtada[nnu?] 2. Sîn-ēṭer//Nergaluballi[ṭ] 3. Aplā//Sîn-aḫuušabši 4. Bēl-ēṭer//Bēl-iddin 5. Ningišzidaiqbi//Sîn-ibni BM 113927, no. 2 fṢarbû and in the presence: Bēl-iqbi, her husband, Sîn-balāssu-iqbi, gov19.8.Ššu 10 the father of: ernor of Ur Sîn-aḫu-iddin, (gìr.níta šeš.unugki) Rēmūt, before: Gula-balāssu-iqbi 1. Ubāru/Rēmūt 2. Nabû-gāmil/IddinPapsukkal 3. Kudurru/Aplā 4. Bēl-ēpuš/Balāssu 5. Iddinā/Nabû-zēribni 6. Bēl-lē’i/Zabūnu 7. Nabû-ēṭer/Šullumu 8. Nāṣir/Sîn-bēl-zēri 9. Nabû-zākiršumi/Nabû-gāmil 10. Sîn-šeme/Bēl-iddin 11. Ningišzidaēreš/Nergal-iddin 12. Mušallim-Marduk/Bēl-ēṭer

Scribe Šumā//Nazia

Sîn-iddin/Sîn-aḫušubši

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The Imbia Archive Text and Date BM 113983, no. 8 6.10.Nb 12

Parties Ana-dannu, the slave girl of Šulā Ša-pî-kalbi/Sînrā’im-zēri //Imbia BM 114169, no. Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn9 rā’im-zēri 30.10.Nbn 13 //Imbia Sūqāya/Sîn-gāmil BM 113974, no. Marduk-zēr-ibni/ 13 Nādin 12.3.Cyr 4 //Ile’’i-Marduk Rēmūt-Sîn/Sînrā’im-zēri //Imbia BM 114130+, [pn/pn1]//Imbia [Kinūnāya]/Aḫu-līšir no. 26 10.7?.Cyr 4 f

Witnesses 1. Šamaš-iddin/Irkur 2. Balāṭu/Sîn-iddin

Scribe Mukkēa/Sîn-iddin

1. Šulā/Sîn-nuḫšu-ilāni// Ēṭer 2. Sîn-aḫḫē-iddin/GimilSîn//Naggāru 1. Sîn-bāšti-ilāni/ Kiruḫḫu-Nabû 2. Sîn-aḫḫē-iqīša/Sîn-zēriqīša109

Sūqāya/Sîn-gāmil

1. Sîn-iddin/Kabtia //Imbia 2. Sîn-kēšir//Sîn-aḫidd[in] BM 113976, no. Sîn-bānūnu/Marduk- 1. Sîn-iddin/Šulā//Ašlāku 29 zēr-ibni 2. Sîn-bāni-aḫi/Sîn5.4.Camb 3 //Ile’’i-Marduk ušallim Rēmūt-Sîn/Sînrā’im-zēri //Imbia 1. [x] BM 114045+, Rēmūt-Sîn and brothers 2. Basia/[pn]//Etellu no. 16 26.[x.Cam]b 3? //Imbia Sîn-nādin-apli/AradMarduk //Imbia Kinūnā[ya]/Aḫu-līšir BM 113980, no. Marduk-ēreš/ 1. Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Ša-pî15 Kiruḫḫu-Nabû Sîn//Šumu-ušabši 29.7.Nbk III 0 Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn2. Sîn-nādin-apli/Aradrā’im-zēri //Imbia Marduk//Sîn-zākiršumi BM 114034, no. [Sîn-nādin-apli]/ there were plausibly two 21 Arad-Marduk witnesses, but the list is 18.[x].Dar 4 //[Sîn-zākir-šumi partly broken and brothers Sîn-aḫ[ḫē-bulliṭ/Sîniqīša]

109

Rēmūt-Sîn /Sîn-rā’im-zēri //Imbia

[Šama]š-mukīn-apli /Sîn-šumu-ibni //Sîn-gāmil Sîn-bānūnu /Marduk-zēr-ibni //Ile’’i-Marduk

Ninazu-šumu-iqīša /Sîn-ušallim //Imbia

Rēmūt-Sîn/Sînrā’im-zēri//Imbia

Imbia?

He sold an orchard in UET 4, 16 ([x]+1.12.Cyr 8). © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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Text and Date Parties //Sīsî BM 114170, no. Sîn-tabni-uṣur 14 /Nabû-šumu-ukīn 6.3.Dar 5 //Imbia Aḫušunu/Sîn-zēr-iddin BM 114107, no. [pn]/Kūnā//[Imbia] Sîn-aḫḫē24 21.[6?]b.[Da]r [bull]iṭ/[Sîn-iqīša] //Sīsî [5?] BM 113979, no. Sîn-kēšir/Balāṭu 30 //Ina-ṣilli-tanittu 4.8.Dar 6 Rēmūt-Sîn/Sînrā’im-zēri //Imbia BM 114050+, [pn/Kūn]ā//Imb[ia] Iqīša/Bānia//Kūnā no. 22 [x?]+3.[x.Dar] 6

Witnesses

Scribe

1. Ardia/Nādin//Imbia 2. Aḫušunu/Ša-pî-Sîn

Sîn-bēl-ilāni /Itti-Nabû-balāṭu

the last witness belongs to the Mandidi family

[Sîn-tabni-uṣur /Ša-pî-Sîn] //Šumu-ušabši

1. Ša-pî-Sîn/GimilSîn//Imbia

Sîn-kēšir/Balāṭu //Ina-ṣilli-tanittu

1. Šamaš-šumu-iddin /Sîn-aḫ-ušabši //Mušēzib-Marduk 2. Bazuzu/Gimil-Sîn 1. Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’imzēri//I[mbia] 2. Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Ša-pîSîn/Šu[mu-ušabši] 3. Sîn-nādin-aḫi/Sîn-zērlīšir//[x] 4. Sîn-šimanni/Sînkāṣir//Imb[ia] 5. Arad-Sîn/Zēria //Man[didi] 1. Sîn-apla-iddin/Sînšarra-uṣur//Sîn-šeme 2. Sîn-iddin//Aḫu-lūmur 3. Nidintu//Kuṣurā 4. Ningišzida-ēreš// Šamaš-erība 1. Sîn-zēr-ibni/Sînkāṣir//Imbi[a] 2. [Sîn]-apla-iddin/Sînšarra-uṣur//Sîn-šem[e] 3. [pn]/Sîn-[x]//Arad-[x] 4. [pn]/[pn1] 5. Sîn-[x]/[pn]

Iqīša/Bānia//[Kū]nā

BM 113942+, no. 4 28.3.Dar 9

Nidintu/ f Uḫinatu/Arad?[x]//Imbia

BM 114028+, no. 5 22.5.Dar 9

Kinūnāya/Aḫu-līšir Sîn-nādin-apli/AradMarduk//Sîn-zākiršumi

BM 113948+, no. 19 25.[x].Da[r] 9?

Sîn-nādin-apli/AradMarduk //S[în-zākir-šumi] Sîn-apla-iddin/IttiŠamaš-balāṭu Murašû/Arad-Sîn Sîn-aḫḫē-uballiṭ/Sîniqīša //Sīsî

Sîn-līšir/Sînēṭer//Sîn-luppašar

Sîn-šimanni /Sîn-kāṣir//Imbia

[Sîn-tabni-uṣu]r /[Ša-pî-Sîn] //Šumu-ušabši

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The texts

Text and Date BM 113961, no. 6 28.12.Dar 35?

Parties Nidintu/Marduk-zēribni //Imbia Nabû-bulissu/Sînušallim BM 113964, no. [pn/pn1//Imbi]a S[în-aḫḫē-bulliṭ/Sîn20 iqīša] 4.7.[Da]r [x] //Sīsî BM 114101, no. One of the parties 31 was Ša-pî-kal[bi?] /Sîn-rā’im-zēri [//Imbia] BM 114020, no. [x] 49 23 or 36.5[x x]

49

Witnesses 1’. [x]/[x]//Kinatunu, 2’. [x]/Kidinnu//Imbia 3’. Arad-Sîn/Sîn-šumuukīn//Sîn-rīm-ilī

Scribe Sîn-ittannu//Šumuuṣur

witnesses: 1. Sîn-tabn[i-uṣur]/[Šap]î-Sîn//Šumuušabš[i] 2. [pn]/Nādin//Mand[idi] ina ušuzzu: 1. Marduk-ēṭer/[…] 2. Amurru-šumu-iškun/ […] 3. Sîn-šimanni/[…] …

[Sîn]-tabni-uṣur /[Nabû-šumu]-ukīn //Imbia

Sîn-mukīn-apli /Ninazu-šumu-iqīša //Imbia

Without Provenance Text and Date Parties BM 113997, no. 7 Silim-Bēl/Rēmūt 19.1.Nbk 26 Iqīša/Babā

Witnesses witnesses: 1. Sîn-šumu-līšir/Sîn[x] 2. Sîn-iddin/Ninazuēreš 3. Ba-[x]/Iqīša 4. Sîn-ibni/Gilunu 5. Sîn-erība/Nazia 7. Sîn-ibni/Ammeni-ili 8. Sîn-nādin-apli/Sînbēl-kali BM 113977, no. fKaššāya, king’s slave witnesses: 1. Nūrēa/Basūru girl 17 f Busasa/Nāṣir 2. Innin-šumu-uṣur/ 22.6.Nbn 9! Arad-Innin 3. Nādin/Imbi-Sîn //Rē’û alpi? BM 113975, no. the names are partly ina ušuzzu: 43 missing 1. Sîn-aḫu?-iddin? 2. Ina-tēšî-ēṭer 3. Aplā/Kiruḫḫu-Nabû BM 113966+, no. [x] there were seventeen 46 witnesses at least [x]

Scribe Sîn-ēṭer/Sîn-nādin-aḫi

Sîn-leqe-unninnī /Sîn-ēreš//Sîn-šeme

Kidin-Sîn/[x]

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Text and Date Parties BM 113978, no. [x] 47 5.8.Nbk 40 BM 114019, no. [x] 48 10+[x].6.Cam[b] 4?

Witnesses Scribe 1. Nādin/Nergal-iddin Bēl-upaqu/Mukīn-apli 2. Amurru-uppaḫir/ Amurru-iddin Sîn-apla-iddin/Šumuukīn

2.6.1. Scribes The names of 25 scribes appear in the records published in this volume.110 Two scribes, Šumā//Nazia and Sîn-iddin/Sîn-aḫu-šubši, attested in the records of the Early Archive, were active in the time of Assyrian domination over Babylonia. There are no clues on their relations with parties or witnesses in both records. Most scribes appear in the records belonging to the Imbia Archive. Among the records belonging to this archive are those in which one of the parties acted also as a scribe, and records in which the scribe was an independent person and was not involved in the contract. Six records belong to the first group. They may then be divided depending on whether the scribe was lessor/creditor or lessee/debtor. Lessor/creditor acting as Lessee/Debtor the scribe Sîn-bānūnu/Marduk-zērRēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia ibni//Ile’’i-Marduk Sîn-kēšir/Balāṭu//Ina-ṣilli- Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia tanittu

Text BM 113976, no. 29 BM 113979, no. 30

In four records the situation is opposite: Lessee/debtor acting as the scribe Sūqāya/Sîn-gāmil Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’imzēri//Imbia Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’imzēri//Imbia Iqīša/Bānia//Kūnā

110

Lessor/creditor

Text

Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia

BM 114169, no. 9 BM 113974, no. 13 BM 113980, no. 15 BM 114050+, no. 22

Marduk-zēr-ibni/Nādin//Ile’’iMarduk Marduk-ēreš/Kiruḫḫu-Nabû [pn/Kūn]ā//Imb[ia]

BM 114171, no. 12: the reading of the scribe’s name is treated with caution. © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

The texts

51

The phenomenon of writing records, in this case promissory notes, by one of the parties to the contract is not isolated to records belonging to the Imbia Archive, nor restricted to Ur. However, one other example of such from Ur is UET 4, 99 (Dar 28) belonging to the Sîn-ilī Archive. It concerns a debt of 4 kurru of barley owed to Bagēšu by Nidintu-Šamaš/Nergal-šarra-uṣur, who also wrote the tablet.111 There are a few more examples from northern Babylonia in which again the debtor is also the scribe of the record. In Louis Cugnin Coll., 30–38 (Cyr 5) from Borsippa, concerning half a mina of silver, the price of 20 dannu vats of good beer, the creditor is fQunnabatu/Balāssu//Esagil-massî.112 Šaddinnu/Balāssu//Bēliā’u and Nabû-erība/Nabû-zēr-ukīn//Kidin-Sîn are the debtors and the latter is also the scribe of the record. From the same archive comes BM 96246 (= Zadok 2003: 51)113 dated to Cyr 6 in Borsippa. The subject of this promissory note is one mina of silver allocated for ḫarrānu business. Šaddinnu/Balāssu//Bēliā’u was the owner of the silver who transferred it to Munaḫḫiš-Marduk/Nabû-aḫḫē-iddin// Ṣullutu and Marduk-šumu-ibni/Rēmūt//Kidin-Sîn, the two debtors. Mardukšumu-ibni, from Kidin-Sîn family, was the scribe, as in the previous example a member of the same family. In turn, in BM 28973 dated to Camb [x]+4 in Borsippa, Šaddinnu/Balāssu//Bēliā’u repaid a debt of two minas of silver to Nabûmudammiq/Bēl-aḫḫē-iddin//Sîn-tabni who also wrote the tablet.114 The reason for choice of scribe is not clear (this needs further study), except the obvious fact that he had to be accepted by both parties of a contract. Although the number of records is too small to formulate any serious conclusions, it is worth noting that more often the records were written by the debtor than by the lessor. Concerning Ur, the most striking is the case of BM 114045+, no. 16 in which two members of Imbia family (Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri and Sîn-nādin-apli/AradMarduk) were the creditors, while Kinūnā[ya]/Aḫu-līšir was the debtor. Although Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri was able to write the record (see BM 113974, no. 13 and BM 113980, no. 15), the tablet was written by another member of Imbia family (Ninazu-šumu-iqīša/Sîn-ušallim//Imbia). Apart from Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri there are also four other scribes in the Imbia family: • • • • •

Ninazu-šumu-iqīša/Sîn-ušallim//Imbia (BM 114045+, no. 16), Sîn-mukīn-apli/Ninazu-šumu-iqīša//Imbia (BM 114020, no. 49), Sîn-šimanni/Sîn-kāṣir//Imbia from (BM 114028+, no. 5), [Sîn]-tabni-uṣur/[Nabû-šumu]-ukīn//Imbia (BM 113964, no. 20) the name of one scribe is missing (BM 114034, no. 21).

111

For translation and short comment to the record, see Dandamayev 1992: 63–4. The record was published in Legrain 1913: 50, pl. VI. 113 For transliteration and translation, see Paszkowiak 2005: no. 9. 114 For transliteration and translation, see Paszkowiak 2005: no. 21. 112

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These examples prove the heredity of the profession of scribe among members of the Imbia family. This fact alone indicates that the Imbia family belonged to a narrow circle of the elite of the city of Ur. 2.6.2. Witnesses The following observations can be made in light of the above table115: •

•

Both records of the Early Archive were written in the presence of governors: Sîn-tabni-uṣur, the provincial governor of the region of U[r] (šakin māti of U[r]) in BM 113928, no. 1 and Sîn-balāssu-iqbi, the governor of the city of Ur (šakkanakku of Ur) in BM 113927, no. 2//BM 114124, no. 3. In BM 113928, no. 1 the scribe used two-tier genealogy (pn a pn1, “pn descendant of pn1”), while in BM 113927, no. 2 has an even number of witnesses and the scribe used two-tier genealogy (pn1 dumu-šú šá pn2, “pn1, son of pn2”).116 The witnesses and the scribe attested in both records are not related to the parties of the record in any way. The presence of governors suggests that the main parties of both records belonged to a very influential family in the city. It should be noted, however, that the practice of writing records in the presence of a representative of the state administration was not restricted to Ur. There are many examples of records from different cities in which contracts of various contents were written in the presence of a governor.117 UET 4, 23 dated to Asb [x] is another example of a record (concerning prebend sale) written in the presence of Sîn-šarra-uṣur, governor of the region of U[r] (lúgar kur šeš.[unugki]) There are only two witnesses in each promissory note (all the records belong to the Imbia Archive). The number is related to the number of parties, but in light of BM 113980, no. 15 it is not certain if they represented both parties. In this record Marduk-ēreš/Kiruḫḫu-Nabû is the creditor, while the well-known Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia is the debtor. The two witnesses that appear in the record are Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Ša-pî-Sîn//Šumu-ušabši and Sîn-nādin-apli/ Arad-Marduk//Sîn-zākir-šumi. Both, as is demonstrated on p. 63–4, were related to the Imbia family. Such a situation appears in BM 113979, no. 30 where

115

The list of witnesses are partly preserved in the following tablets and they are out of discussion: BM 114050+, no. 21 – in this record the parties are known from the other texts; BM 114116, no. 25 – the parties are missing; the father of the first witness was Ša-p[î-x]; the second witness was plausibly Zēria; from the body of the tablet it seems quite reasonable that there were two witnesses; BM 114019, no. 48 – in this unidentified record the parties are missing; there were plausibly three witnesses; BM 114020, no. 49 – in this unidentified record the parties are missing; there were plausibly two witnesses; BM 114129, no. 61 – the list is almost completely missing. 116 Cf. Nielsen 2011: 211–12. 117 Dandamayev 2006: 378–8. © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

The texts

•

53

there is only one witness, who belonged like the debtor to the Imbia family. There is no representative of the creditor. This means that in some cases the witnesses might be appointed by one party only, creditor or debtor. BM 114130+, no. 26 and BM 113964, no. 20 are examples suggesting that the position of witnesses on the list reflects the role of the parties in the record, as in both these texts the first witness represented the lessor of the Imbia family, while the second the lessee. In BM 114130+, no. 26 the first witness is Sîniddin/Kabtia//Imbia while in BM 113964, no. 20 Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Ša-pî-Sîn// Šumu-ušabši related to the family. His clear relations with the Imbia family find expression in many records: he is the second witness in BM 113942+, no. 4, a record relating to internal affairs of the Imbia family. He is the first witness in BM 113964, no. 20 and BM 113980, no. 15, certainly appointed by the family. He is the scribe in BM 113948+, no. 19 and BM 114107, no. 24. Sîntabni-uṣur plausibly belonged to one of the prestigious families in Ur. His brother, Tabnēa, is the scribe of UET 4, 24 dated to 2.8.Camb 2 concerning the sale of atû prebend (l. 1: ṭup-pi giš.šub.ba lúni.gab-ú-tu).

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3. Archives Various criteria allow modern scholars to identify a group of tablets as an “archive”.118 The first criterion is the finding of a group of tablets in the same place (archaeological provenance). The second are internal criteria, like prosopography, place of composition, date, type of transaction, toponyms, paleography, orthography, lexicon, and physical characteristics of the tablets. It is not always possible to use all those factors in determining the owner of an archive at one time. The tablets grouped today in the so-called Hall Collection were found in two different places at the ancient site of Ur and all of them are included in the same museum collection. The discovery of the first group, with the tablets included here in the Imbia Archive, was described by Hall as follows: “Our first tentative work at the spot marked ‘A’ on the plan (Fig. 95), south-west of the ziggurrat, near the edge of the mounds, where a small ravine ran down to the desert, resulted in speedy discoveries. Traces of brick on its edges gave impression that this ravine might mark a street. Next day a couple of unbaked cuneiform tablets were found loose in the rubbish. On February 19 more tablets were found lying by the stump of a burnt brick wall, including one very fine one (No. 113915), now in the British Museum, which contains a series of prognostications derived from the observation of the flight of birds, including the eagle, the hawk, and the ‘mountain-bird’ (Fig. 128). It dates from about 2000 B.C. Other tablets from the same place contained medical prescriptions, business and legal documents of the same period.”119 The information left by Hall contradicts the idea that all the tablets compose one archive. This is because of the place where they were found, “the stump of burnt brick wall”, as well as their various contents and different time of writing. Although today these tablets have one museum signature number (1919-10-11), there are legal and economic texts from the Neo-Babylonian period, a Sumerian inscription (BM 113913) as well as medical and economic texts from the OldBabylonian period. The second group of tablets included in the Early Archive was found in the building named by Hall as “B”; he assumed that it is E-harsag. Hall wrote about the discovery of four tablets as follows: “From a find of four very finely inscribed and baked tablets (Pl. XXXVII, 5) of the tenth year of Shamash-shum-ukin (B.C. 659–8) and the nineteenth and twentieth years of Ashurbanipal (B.C. 651–649) 118

Recently see Frame 2013: 7–10, cf. Baker 2003, Brosius 2003, Jursa 2005: 4–6, Veenhof 1986. 119 Hall 1930: 172–173.

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we see that certain priestly families then lived here; the tablets being legal documents (wills, legacies, and sale of land) belonging to a single priestly family”.120 The texts and fragments published in this volume can be divided into five groups. BM 113928, no. 1 and BM 113927, no. 2 comprise the first group and have been named by Jursa as the Early Archive,121 but according to the present identification it is possible to include also BM 114124, no. 3, a duplicate of BM 113927, no. 2. The second group comprises 27 records and form the Imbia Archive.122 The third group is comprised of 14 administrative records.123 BM 113977, no. 17 and BM 113997, no. 7 are included in the fourth group. Both are well-preserved tablets treated separately because their archival background cannot be assigned at present. The fifth group comprises 19 records.124 The poor condition of the tablets makes it impossible to assign them to one of the previous groups. 3.1. The Early Archive BM 113928, no. 1 and BM 113927, no. 2//BM 114124, no. 3 are included in the Early Archive, based mainly on prosopographical data125 (see above on the circumstances of their discovery).126 Jursa was the first who recognised this archive, basing on the transliteration provided him by Waerzeggers, and named it the Šāpiku Archive.127 BM 113929, found together with BM 113928, no. 1 and BM 113927, no. 2 is not linked in any way with them.128 A tiny fragment, BM 114124, no. 3 found in the much larger group of tablets and fragments in a different place, seems – on the basis of its remaining signs – to be a duplicate of BM 113927, no. 2, indicating some closer relationship between the two groups of tablets found by Hall in two different places than was previously suggested by scholars. Two personal names link BM 113928, no. 1 and BM 113927, no. 2//BM 114124, no. 3: Gula-balāssu-iqbi and Sîn-aḫu-iddin. Chronologically, BM 113927, no. 2//BM 114124, no. 3 dated to Ššu 10 (657 BC) concerns the transfer of goods by Bēl-iqbi to his wife fṢarbû. The three sons of Bēl-iqbi, Sîn-aḫu-iddin, Rēmūt, and Gula-balāssu-iqbi had the right to the property of fṢarbû after her death. If fṢarbû was a stepmother of Bēl-iqbi’s sons, this could be the reason for

120

Hall 1923: 185–6, cf. Hall 1930: 165–6. Jursa 2005: 137. 122 See below the dossier of the Imbia Archive. 123 See pp. 83–4. 124 See pp. 85–7. 125 Jursa 2005: 137 and Frame and Waerzeggers 2011: 145–6. 126 Previously published by Tarasewicz (Tarasewicz 2012), but without commentaries and now they are re-edited. 127 Jursa 2005: 137. 128 Frame and Waerzeggers 2011: no. 2. 121

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writing the record. In this way Bēl-iqbi secured his wife good living conditions till the end of her life, but without any right of transferring the property (an orchard, house and slaves) to any other person(s). The only heirs were his three sons, who might be deprived of the heritage if they acted improperly towards fṢarbû. In BM 113928, no. 1 dated to Asb 20 (648 BC) Gula-balāssu-iqbi who is named as the descendant of Šāpiku and the brother of Sîn-aḫu-iddin, sold his share of the father’s (Bēl-iqbi) property to his older brother, Sîn-aḫu-iddin. Worth noting is the fact that neither Sîn-aḫu-iddin nor Gula-balāssu-iqbi are identified according to their father’s = Bēl-iqbi’s name in BM 113928, no. 1. BM 113928, no. 1 and BM 113927, no. 2 were written by two different scribes. Šumā//Nazia, the scribe of BM 113928, no. 1, is not known from the other texts from Ur. Sîn-iddin/Sîn-aḫu-šubši, the scribe of BM 113927, no. 2, wrote also UET 4, 23: 32 dated to an unknown year of Ashurbanipal. BM 113927, no. 2, and UET 4, 23 have two different lists of witnesses. The other matter is that Sîn-iddin/Sînaḫu-šubši used two different kinds of two-tiered genealogies. In BM 113927, no. 2 the chain is pn1 dumu-šú šá pn2 and in UET 4, 23 pn1 a pn2, but in both records the chains should be translated in the same way as “pn1, son of pn2.” This fits Nielsen’s observation that the use of family names caught on more quickly in central than in southern Babylonian cities.129 BM 113928, no. 1 and BM 113927, no. 2 have different witness lists. A few of them are attested also in the records published in UET 4. Iddinā/Nabû-zēr-ibni, the fifth witness in BM 113927, no. 2 is probably attested in Frame 2013: No. 15 (Ur): 27 and No. 15b (Ur): 29 (see notes to the text). Sîn-ašarīd, the descendant of Papsukk[al-x], the first witness in BM 113928, no. 1, may well be the son of Iddinā in Frame 2013: No. 11 (Ur): 39. Bēl-ēṭer, the descendant of Bēl-iddin, the fourth witness, appears also in Frame 2013: No. 15 (Ur): 28. The presence of those witnesses in the records published by Frame shows the existence of some relation of Mušēzib-Marduk family with the Early Archive in which the main persons are descendants of Šāpiku.

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3.2. The Imbia Archive The dossier of the Imbia Archive in chronological order Records certainly included in the archive Text Date Place BM 113926, no. Nbn 12– 39 Dar 9 BM 113983, no. 8 BM 114169, no. 9 BM 113974, no. 13 BM 114130+, no. 26

Nb 12 Nbn 13

Ur Ur

Cyr 4

Ur

Cyr 4

Ur

BM 113976, no. Camb 3 29

Ur

BM 114045+, no. 16

Ālu-šaf Inṣābtu

[Cam]b 3?

BM 113980, no. Nbk III 0 Ur 15 BM 114170, no. Dar 5 Ur 14 BM 114107, no. [Da]r 5? 24 BM 113979, no. Dar 6 30 BM 114050+, no. 22

[Dar] 6

[Ur] Ur

Ālu-šaf Inṣābtu

Description Inventories of household goods belonging to Nabû-šumu-ukīn/Sînrā’im-zēri//Imbia. Ša-pî-kalbi/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia is the debtor of 1 shekel of silver. Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia is the creditor of 1 ¼ shekel of silver. Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia is the debtor and scribe. The creditor is the member of the Imbia family (the name is lost) as well as the first witness – Sîn-iddin /Kabtia//Imbia. Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia is the debtor in promissory note for barley. Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia, his brothers and Sîn-nādin-apli/ Arad-Marduk//Imbia are creditors of lambs and dates. Ninazu-šumuiqīša/Sîn-ušallim//Imbia wrote this document. Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia is the debtor and scribe. Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Nabû-šumu-ukīn// Imbia is the creditor; Ardia/Nādin //Imbia is the witness. The lessor is the member of Imbia family. Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia is the debtor; the only witness is Ša-pîSîn/Gimil-Sîn//Imbia. [pn/Kūn]ā//Imbia is the creditor.

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Text Date BM 113962, no. Dar 8 27

Place -

BM 113942+, no. 4

[Ur]

Dar 9

BM 113961, no. Dar 35? 6

Ur

BM 113964, no. [Da]r [x] [U]r 20 BM 114101, no. [x] 31

[x]

BM 113959, no. 42

-

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Description Ša-pî-kalbi/Sîn-rā’im-zēri(//Imbia) transferred silver on behalf of Sînnādin-apli. Gift of household goods by Nidintu to fUḫīnatu/Arad?-[x]//Imbia. The two witnesses are a members of the Imbia family: Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’imzēri and Sîn-šimanni/Sîn-kāṣir. Nidintu/Marduk-zēr-ibni//Imbia gave the baker prebend for ēpišānūtu. [x]/Kidinnu//Imbia is one of the witnesses. The lessor is [pn/pn1Imbi]a; the scribe is Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Nabûšumu-ukīn//Imbia Ša-pî-kal[bi]/Sîn-rā’im-zēri //[Imbia] is one of the parties to the contract. Note concerning measurements of fields located in (Ālu)-ša-Inṣābtu. One of the owners is Sîn-iddin/ Kabtia(//Imbia).

Records included in the archive on the basis of indirect relations Text BM 114028+, no. 5

Date Dar 9

Place Ālu-šaf Inṣābtu

BM 113948+, no. 19

Dar 9?

[Ur]

BM 114034, no. [Dar] 4 21

[x]

Description Kinūnāya/Aḫu-līšir swore to [Sîn]nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//[Sînzā]kir-šumi and his brothers. The scribe is a member of Imbia family. [Sîn]-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//[Sînzā]kir-šumi is the lessor. The member of Imbia family is the first witness. Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Ša-pî-Sîn// Šumu-ušabši is the scribe. [Sîn]-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//[Sînzā]kir-šumi and their brothers are lessors. The member of Imbia family is the scribe.

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Records which might belonged to the archive with doubt Text Date BM 114011, no. [x] 10? BM 114020, no. 49? BM 114044, no. 51? BM 114046, no. 52? BM 114100, no. 55? BM 114106, no. 56?

Place [x]

[x]

[U]r

Xer 2?

[x]

Nb[k x]+2 [x]

[x]

[x]

[x]

Description The member of the Imbia family participated in transaction concerning silver. Sîn-mukīn-apli/Ninazu-šumuiqīša//Imbia is the scribe. The Imbia family name appears on the obverse. [x/x]-apla-ukīn//Imbia participates in the transaction. A member of the Imbia family participates in transaction (?). A member of the Imbia family appears in the main part of the text (?).

The prosopography is a main factor in assigning records to this dossier because in the records listed in the first part of the table a member of the Imbia family is creditor/lessor or debtor/lessee. Additional records (second group) are added because the main persons in these records appear in other records of the Imbia Archive. Incorporation of the other six records is based on the fact that members of the Imbia family are attested there, though their role is usually unclear. All the data (except the data from poorly preserved records) is presented below in the graphs using Social Network Analysis (SNA) presented recently for cuneiform studies by Waerzeggers.130

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Diagram no. 1. Activity of Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia. Circles correspond to the edition numbers in graph no. 1 and no. 2 (below): BM 113926, no. 39, BM 113983, no. 8, BM 114169, no. 9, BM 113974, no. 13, BM 114130+, no. 26, BM 113976, no. 29, BM 114045+, no. 16, BM 113980, no. 15, BM 114170, no. 14, BM 114107, no. 24, BM 113979, no. 30, BM 114050+, no. 22, BM 113962, no. 27, BM 113942+, no. 4, BM 113961, no. 6, BM 113964, no. 20, BM 114101, no. 31, BM 113959, no. 42, BM 114028+, no. 5, BM 113948+, no. 19, BM 114034, no. 21. Squares correspond to the personal names in diagram no. 1 and no. 2.: 1=Nabû-šumu-ukīn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia, 2=fAna-dannu, 3=Ša-pî-kalbi/Sînrā’im-zēri//Imbia, 4=Šamaš-iddin/Irkur, 5=Balāṭu/Sîn-iddin, 6=Mukkēa/Sîn-iddin, 7=Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia, 8=Sūqāya/Sîn-gāmil, 9=Šulā/Sînnuḫšu-ilāni//Ēṭer, 10=Sîn-aḫḫē-iddin/Gimil-Sîn//Naggāru, 11=Marduk-zēr-ibni/ Nādin//Ile’’i-Marduk, 12=Sîn-bāšti-ilāni/Kiruḫḫu-Nabû, 13=Sîn-aḫḫē-iqīša/Sînzēr-iqīša, 14=[pn/pn1]//Imbia, 15=Kinūnāya/Aḫu-līšir, 16=Sîn-iddin/Kabtia// Imbia, 17=Sîn-kēšir//Sîn-aḫ-iddin, 18=Šamaš-mukīn-apli/Sîn-šumu-ibni//Sîngāmil, 19=Sîn-bānūnu/Marduk-zēr-ibni//Ile’’i-Marduk, 20=Sîn-iddin/Šulā//Ašlāku, 21=Sîn-bāni-aḫi/Sîn-ušallim, 22=Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//Imbia, 23= © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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Basia/[pn]//Etellu, 24=Ninazu-šumu-iqīša/Sîn-ušallim//Imbia, 25=Marduk-ēreš/ Kiruḫḫu-Nabû, 26=Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Ša-pî-Sîn//Šumu-ušabši, 27=Sîn-nādin-apli/ Arad-Marduk//Sîn-zākir-šumi, 28=Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Nabû-šumu-ukīn//Imbia, 29= Aḫušunu/Sîn-zēr-iddin, 30=Ardia/Nādin//Imbia, 31=Aḫušunu/Ša-pî-Sîn, 32=Sînbēl-ilāni/Itti-Nabû-balāṭu, 33=[pn]/Kūnā//Imbia, 34=Sîn-aḫḫē-bulliṭ/Sîn-iqīša// Sīsî, 35=[pn/pn1]//Mandidi, 36=Sîn-kēšir/Balāṭu//Ina-ṣilli-tanittu, 37=Ša-pî-Sîn/ Gimil-Sîn//Imbia, 38=Iqīša/Bānia//Kūnā, 39=Šamaš-šumu-iddin/Sîn-aḫ-ušabši// Mušēzib-Marduk, 40=Bazuzu/Gimil-Sîn, 41=Zēria/Nādin, 42=Sîn-zēr-iddin, 43=Nidintu/Marduk-zēr-ibni//Imbia, 44=fUḫinatu/Arad?-[x]//Imbia, 45= Sînnādin-aḫi/Sîn-zēr-līšir//[x], 46=Sîn-šimanni/Sîn-kāṣir//Imbia, 47=Arad-Sîn/ Zēria//Mandidi, 48=Sîn-līšir/Sîn-ēṭer//Sîn-luppašar, 49=Nabû-bulissu//Sînušallim, 50=[pn/pn1]//Kinatunu, 51=[pn]/Kidinnu//Imbia, 52=Arad-Sîn/Sînšumu-ukīn//Sîn-rīm-ilī, 53=Sîn-ittannu//Šumu-uṣur, 54=[pn/pn1//Imbi]a, 55= [pn]/Nādin//Mandidi, 56=Marduk-ēṭer/[pn], 57=Amurru-šumu-iškun/[pn], 58= Sîn-šimanni/[pn], 59=Kūnā, 60=Sîn-apla-iddin/Sîn-šarra-uṣur//Sîn-šeme, 61= Sîn-iddin//Aḫu-lūmur, 62=Nidintu//Kuṣurā, 63=Ningišzida-ēreš//Šamaš-erība, 64=Sîn-apla-iddin/Itti-Šamaš-balāṭu, 65=Murašû/Arad-Sîn, 66=Sîn-zēr-ibni/Sînkāṣir//Imbia, 67=[pn/pn1]//Imbia. The above table and the presented diagram allow the reader to recognise the social and archival milieu of the Imbia family.131 The most active person was 7=RēmūtSîn, son of Sîn-rā’im-zēri. In Nbn 13 he credited 3/8 shekel of silver to 8=Sūqāya/Sîn-gāmil, at the same time the scribe of the record, to be paid back within 20 days in BM 114169, no. 9. Both witnesses, 9=Šulā/Sîn-nuḫšu-ilāni//Ēṭer and 10=Sîn-aḫḫē-iddin/Gimil-Sîn//Naggāru, are not known from the other records from Ur. Eight years later in Simānu Cyr 4, 7=Rēmūt-Sîn wrote personally the record borrowing 2 kurru of dates from 11=Marduk-zēr-ibni/Nādin//Ile’’i-Marduk, to be returned in Ayyaru, the next year, i.e. almost one year after in BM 113974, no. 13. BM 113976, no. 29 written in Camb 3, reveals that 7=Rēmūt-Sîn had earlier taken on another debt, this time in barley, presumably from 19=Sîn-bānūnu/Marduk-zēr-ibni//Ile’’i-Marduk whom he gave back 2 kurru, 2 (pānu) and 3 sūtu, as 131

Jursa included in the archive four tablets (BM 113926, 113942, 113961 and 113962) and noted that further eight may be included with caution. He noted also that part of the tablets are of administrative nature, Jursa 2005: 137. Most of the records included in the Imbia Archive were found during the first stage of excavations (see above). Only undated BM 113926, no. 39 was found during the second stage next to BM 113928, no. 1, BM 113927, no. 2 and BM 113929 (cf. Hall 1923: 185–6 and 1930: 149, 164–5). BM 113926, no. 39 was previously included by Jursa in the Imbia Archive (Jursa 2005: 137). The isolated BM 113929 was published by Frame and Waerzeggers (Frame and Waerzeggers 2011: no. 2). BM 113928, no. 1 and BM 113927, no. 2 following Jursa are called the Early Archive (see below), cf. Frame and Waerzeggers 2011: 145–6. © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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a part of the barley due from him (ina u’ilti ša uṭṭati rašûti). 19=Sîn-bānūnu also wrote the record. Evidently there were closer relations between the two families and the dependence of 7=Rēmūt-Sîn on members of the Ile’’i-Marduk family within two generations. Probably in the same year, 7=Rēmūt-Sîn together with his brothers (šeš.meššú) and another member of Imbia family, 22=Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//Imbia, credited 2 ḫadirû-lambs of good quality and 2 kurru of dates to 15= Kinūnāya/ Aḫu-līšir in BM 114045+, no. 16. The record was written by another member of the Imbia family, i.e. 24=Ninazu-šumu-iqīša/Sîn-ušallim//Imbia. The nature of the relationship of 7=Rēmūt-Sîn with 22=Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//Imbia and with 24=Ninazu-šumu-iqīša/Sîn-ušallim//Imbia is not known. It remains without explanation whether they were close relatives or came from another branch of the family. Additionally, BM 114045+, no. 16 is the only example of common business of the three brothers and sons of Sîn-rā’im-zēri. In Nbk III 0, 7=Rēmūt-Sîn wrote his own debt note for 2 kurru and 2 pānu of barley owed to 25=Marduk-ēreš/Kiruḫḫu-Nabû in BM 113980, no. 15, to be paid within approximately five months. It seems that in this year, 7=Rēmūt-Sîn came for the first time into a relationship with 26=Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Ša-pî-Sîn//Šumuušabši and 27=Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//Sîn-zākir-šumi, the witnesses in BM 113980, no. 15. The nature of the relationship between the members of Imbia family with 26=Sîn-tabni-uṣur and 27=Sîn-nādin-apli is demonstrated below. The last examples of 7=Rēmūt-Sîn’s business activity are: BM 113979, no. 30, dated to Dar 6, concerns regulations on the transfer of products in kind and silver from the allowance of Ningišzida tample132 between 36=Sîn-kēšir/Balāṭu// Ina-ṣilli-tanittu and 7=Rēmūt-Sîn, and BM 113942+, no. 4 dated to Dar 9, where 7=Rēmūt-Sîn is the first witness. The character of the relationship between the members of Imbia family and the two witnesses that appear in BM 113980, no. 15, i.e. 26=Sîn-tabni-uṣur and 27=Sîn-nādin-apli, might be presented according to the following scenario. 26=Sîn-tabni-uṣur appears in four records. In [Da]r 5? he was the scribe of the record in which 33=[pn]/Kūnā//Imbia leased 11 kurru of dates to 34=Sîn-aḫḫēbulliṭ/Sîn-iqīša//Sīsî in BM 114107, no. 24. Four years later in Dar 9, 26=Sîntabni-uṣur was the second witness, just after 7=Rēmūt-Sîn in BM 113942+, no. 4. The record concerns important family matters of the Imbia family, i.e. the transfer of part of their moveable properties to 44=fUḫinatu. In BM 113948+, no. 19 from the same year, he was the scribe of the record concerning dates owed to 27=Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//Sîn-zākir-šumi and two other persons. In BM 113964, no. 20 ([Da]r [x]), he was the first witness in the record relating to the imittu debt note due to the member of the Imbia family (the name is lost). This clearly means that 26=Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Ša-pî-Sîn//Šumu-ušabši was closly related 132

The name of Ningišzida’s temple at Ur was é.níg.gi.na, “House of Truth”, George 1993: 132. © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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to the Imbia family. Also 27=Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//Sîn-zākir-šumi, the second witness in BM 113980, no. 15 (Nbk III 0), was quite long in the milieu of Imbia family and personally with 7=Rēmūt-Sîn, but in fact he acted rather on his own. In [Dar] 4, 27=Sîn-nādin-apli appears as a lessor in imittu debt note BM 114034, no. 21 with lessee 34=Sîn-aḫḫē-bulliṭ/Sîn-iqīša//Sīsî, who took the same role in BM 113964, no. 20 and in BM 114107, no. 24, but in these records the lessors were members of the Imbia family (see below the part concerning the episode of Sîn-aḫḫē-bulliṭ/ Sîn-iqīša//Sīsî). After five years in Dar 9, 15=Kinūnāya/Aḫu-līšir swore an oath to 27=Sîn-nādin-apli in BM 114028+, no. 5 promising to do some work on the Badḫu canal, but the nature of the obligation is not clear (see pp. 123–4). The relations of the partners in this text with Imbia are expressed by the scribe 46=Sînšimanni/Sîn-kāṣir//Imbia.133 The closer relation of 15=Kinūnāya/Aḫu-līšir with Imbia is revealed in BM 114045+, no. 16 written in Ālu-ša-fInṣābtu and dated to [Cam]b 3? where 7=Rēmūt-Sîn with his brothers and Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//Imbia credited him 2 ḫadirû-lambs of good quality (babbanûtu), offspring of the month of Tašrītu and 2 kurru of dates. Additionally, 24=Ninazu-šumuiqīša/Sîn-ušallim//Imbia was the scribe of the record. Plausibly in Dar 9?, 27=Sîn-nādin-apli with 64=Sîn-apla-iddin/Itti-Šamašbalāṭu and 65=Murašû/Arad-Sîn (the latter two attested only in this record) credited a total of 13 kurru, 3 pānu and 4 sūtu of dates to the same 34=Sîn-aḫḫēbulliṭ/Sîn-iqīša//Sīsî in imittu debt note BM 113948+, no. 19. The scribe of BM 113948+, no. 19, 26=Sîn-tabni-uṣur, was, as is demonstrated above, closely related to the Imbia family. The first witness was 66=Sîn-zēr-ibni/Sîn-kāṣir//Imbia (his brother, 46=Sîn-šimanni/Sîn-kāṣir//Imbia, wrote BM 114028+, no. 5). This leads one to the conclusion that 27=Sîn-nādin-apli of Sîn-zākir-šumi family was in close relation with the Imbia family, acting at least sometimes on behalf of the members of that family. It is also worth noting that 27=Sîn-nādin-apli as well as 26=Sîn-tabni-uṣur never acted as a party opposite to any member of the Imbia family in any contract. The same 15=Kinūnāya/Aḫu-līšir, to whom 7=Rēmūt-Sîn credited animals and dates in Ālu-ša-fInṣābtu in BM 114045+, no. 16, appears in two other records closely related to the same place name, but dated some years earlier.134 In BM 114130+, no. 26 dated to Cyr 4, 15=Kinūnāya/Aḫu-līšir incurred a debt in dates 133

He acted also as witness in BM 113942+, no. 4 referring to the internal matters of Imbia family. 134 The identification of Kinūnāya/Aḫu-līšir as one person is based on the fact that Kinūnāya/Aḫu-līšir appears in BM 114045+, no. 16 and BM 114130+, no. 26, but in BM 114028+, no. 5 there is Kinūnāya/Aḫu-kēšir. Since the three records relate to a matter of similar nature and took place within the same time, it can be assumed that in all the records it is the same person, Kinūnāya/Aḫu-līšir, mistakenly written Kinūnāya/Aḫu-kēšir in BM 114028+, no. 5. © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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from a plot of land located probably in Ālu-ša-fInṣābtu (the beginning of BM 114130+, no. 26 is missing, but the place name is emended with certainty). In this record, that was written in Ur, the lessor was a member of Imbia family (the name is missing). The first witness was 16=Sîn-iddin/Kabtia//Imbia, the same who wrote BM 114028+, no. 5. And as noted above, 15=Kinūnāya/Aḫu-līšir swore to 27=Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//Sîn-zākir-šumi and his brother in Ālu-šaf Inṣābtu in BM 114028+, no. 5. The above reconstruction based on diagram no. 1 demonstrates that BM 114169, no. 9, BM 113974, no. 13, BM 113976, no. 29 and BM 113979, no. 30 are examples of the isolated activity of 7=Rēmūt-Sîn. All these records concern 7=Rēmūt-Sîn’s relations with other people, including different scribes and witnesses. These records testify to 7=Rēmūt-Sîn’s activities in different environments. In contrast, BM 113980, no. 15, with 7=Rēmūt-Sîn as the debtor and 25=Marduk-ēreš/Kiruḫḫu-Nabû as the lessor (unknown from other records), is a key point illustrating the relations of 7=Rēmūt-Sîn mainly with 26=Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Ša-pîSîn//Šumu-ušabši and 27=Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//Sîn-zākir-šumi, the witnesses in this record, and focussing the activity of these two persons in the milieu of Imbia family. However, it is important to stress the two-fold nature of their relations with the milieu of this family. 26=Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Ša-pî-Sîn//Šumu-ušabši supported either 7=Rēmūt-Sîn or other members of the Imbia family by writing records for them (BM 113964, no. 20 and BM 114107, no. 24) or being the witness (BM 113942+, no. 4 and BM 113980, no. 15). Moreover, he wrote BM 113948+, no. 19 where 27=Sîn-nādinapli/Arad-Marduk//Sîn-zākir-šumi is a lessor. As I have mentioned, 27=Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//Sîn-zākir-šumi never was a party in a contract with members of the Imbia family. But apart from BM 113980, no. 15 where he is the witness (though it is not certain whether he witnessed for or against 7=Rēmūt-Sîn), in the rest of the records he probably acted on his own behalf. However, even if he acted independently, members of Imbia wrote his records (BM 114028+, no. 5, BM 114034, no. 21) or were witnesses (BM 113948+, no. 19). The close relations between both families are also supported by their activities in the same place (Ālu-ša-fInṣābtu) and with the same persons (15=Kinūnāya/Aḫu-līšir and 34=Sîn-aḫḫē-bulliṭ/Sîn-iqīša//Sīsî). The most significant examples are in the business contacts of 27=Sîn-nādin-apli, when he appears in the role of lessor to 34=Sîn-aḫḫē-bulliṭ/Sîn-iqīša//Sīsî (the documents in which appear 15=Kinūnāya/Aḫu-līšir are discussed above). 34=Sînaḫḫē-bulliṭ/Sîn-iqīša//Sīsî’s episode135 concerns four documents that were composed in a short period of time of Dar 4–9: BM 114034, no. 21 (Dar 4), BM 135

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114107, no. 24 (Dar 5?), BM 113948+, no. 19 (Dar 9), and BM 113964, no. 20 (the date is lost, but it may be assumed that it was written in the same period). All the texts are imittu debt notes in which Sîn-aḫḫē-bulliṭ is a lessee. In the first record dated to Dar 4, 34=Sîn-aḫḫē-bulliṭ incurred a debt in dates which was due to 27=Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//Sîn-zākir-šumi. Unfortunately, the record does not allow one to enunciate the stipulations of the contracts or the location of the field. One year later in Dar 5,? 34=Sîn-aḫḫē-bulliṭ/Sîn-iqīša//Sīsî was obliged to deliver 11 kurru of dates from a field located on the Ḫarri canal to the silo in Ur to the son of Kūnā, most probably of the Imbia family (his name is lost). He met 27=Sîn-nādin-apli of the Sîn-zākir-šumi family again in Dar 9. In BM 113948+, no. 19 34=Sîn-aḫḫē-bulliṭ/Sîn-iqīša//Sīsî leased from 27=Sîn-nādin-apli and two other people a field (a palm grove) located in Tamirtu-Badḫu (if the reconstruction is right, see above). The orchard was divided into three parts, with the largest belonging to 27=Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//Sîn-zākir-šumi to whom was due 9 kurru, 2 (pānu), and 4 sūtu of dates. The second part (called zittu, “share”) was in the hands of 64=Sîn-apla-iddin/Itti-Šamaš-balāṭu, with the amount due of 2 (kurru), 3 (pānu), and 2 sūtu of dates. The smallest part (called again zittu) belonged to 65=Murašû/Arad-Sîn with the amount due of 1 (kurru), 1 (pānu), and 4 sūtu of dates. The total amount was 13 kurru, 2 pānu, and 4 sūtu of dates. 34=Sîn-aḫḫē-bulliṭ was also to pay the tithe for Sîn. The standard suggests that the orchard was not large and its size was about half a kurru if one accepts the institutional standards. In the institutional orchards in Sippar the average imittu of 26.78 kurru of dates per surface kurru is estimated136 and in Uruk 26.69 kurru of dates per surface kurru.137 However, the private orchards were more productive. In Borsippa the average imittu per surface kurru was about 48 kurru of dates.138 Finally, in an unknown year of Darius, in BM 113964, no. 20, 34=Sîn-aḫḫēbulliṭ owed to a member of Imbia family (the name is lost) some dates with a load of palm wood, baskets, and palm fiber. He was also obliged to deliver the tithe for Sîn. The four above-commented records reveal that 34=Sîn-aḫḫē-bulliṭ of the Sīsî family in this short period of time leased orchards alternately either from members of the Imbia family or from 27=Sîn-nādin-apli of the Sîn-zākir-šumi family. However, it is not certain whether the orchards were the property of the temple. Despite the fact that 34=Sîn-aḫḫē-bulliṭ was obliged to pay the tithe for Sîn, there is no additional evidence, for instance titles designating officials of a temple, to believe that the imittu debt notes concern temple property. That is why it seems very likely that the orchards may well have been the private property of 27=Sîn-nādin-apli of 136

Jursa 2010: 352. Janković 2013: 363. 138 Jursa 2010: 373–4. 137

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Sîn-zākir-šumi and two of his companions in the case of BM 113948+, no. 19. Such a scenario comes to mind when one reads carefully the information that comes from BM 113948+, no. 19. It states that the two parts belonging to 64=Sînapla-iddin/Itti-Šamaš-balāṭu and 65=Murašû/Arad-Sîn were “shares” and the key words zittu call to mind the wording of ḫarrānu business partnership agreements, where usually two (but sometimes more) men invested money and shared (aḫi zitti) the work and the proceeds.139 Sometimes the companies concerned agriculture investments. Such a practice is demonstrated by records from the Egibi Archive with Nabû-aḫḫē-iddin of the Egibi family and his partners who purchased and rented out properties to a series of tenants.140 A similar example of business could be the company of 27=Sîn-nādin-apli and his two partners. Another scenario that might be present, with regard to the wording of the record, relates to the type of contract from which the imittu debt note BM 113948+, no. 19 could be derived. The ana nukuribbūti orchard leases under sharecropping terms inform about “shares” for lessor and lessee. For instance, YOS 7, 162 (= Cocquerillat 1968: 111) concerns the lease of the prebendary ḫallatu-orchard of the Lady of Uruk, which Balāṭu/Šulā//Rab-banê ḫa.la-šú šá ki šeš ad-šú ù ḫa.la šá [Tabnē]a ù dumu šeš-šú gave to Luttu’a/Nabû-aḫu-iddin, the tenant, for the purpose of orchard-tending. His share is estimated to be one fifth of the yield of the plot in line 11. It seems possible that imittu debt note BM 113948+, no. 19 could be derived from an orchard lease similar to YOS 7, 162. The fact that imittu debt note BM 113948+, no. 19 does not estimate the share of 34=Sîn-aḫḫē-bulliṭ of the Sīsî family, the tenant, might be easily explained by the fact that debt notes informed only of the amount due by him, not to him.

Diagram no. 2. Activity of Ša-pî-kalbi and Nabûšumu-ukīn, sons of Sîn-rā’im-zēri// Imbia.

139 140

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The records with Ša-pî-kalbi, one of the two brothers of Rēmūt-Sîn, give a less clear picture. Ša-pî-kalbi appears one year earlier in Nb 12 (544 BC), incurring a debt of one shekel of silver from the female slave of a certain Šulā (BM 113983, no. 8), to be paid within 6 months. The debt of such a small amount of silver and in addition from a slave seems to indicate serious material problems of Ša-pî-kalbi. He appears again almost exactly 30 years later in Dar 8 (514 BC), when he received the silver on behalf of a certain Sîn-nādin-apli (BM 113962, no. 27). In the preserved fragment of BM 114101, no. 31, 8 shekels of silver, the share of Ša-pî-kalbi/Sîn-rā’im-zēri, are mentioned.141 Nabû-šumu-ukīn, the brother of Rēmūt-Sîn and Ša-pî-kalbi, appears only in undated BM 113926, no. 39, a long list of household equipment.142 It is difficult to tell anything about his activity based on only one record and of such unusual content. The most important fact is that Rēmūt-Sîn acted in the name of his brothers (ù(over erasure) šeš(over erasure).meš-šú in BM 114045+, no. 16: 4), presumably before division of the inheritance after the death of their father. They are no longer mentioned together, and what is most striking is that no one acted in any role in the records of his brothers. This means that their activities took place presumably in different environments and were run fully independently. However, the fact that there are no records of Ša-pî-kalbi’s activity over the period of thirty years and that there is only one record confirming him as an active person, might be the result of poor documentation of his activity, or maybe he had an independent archive kept in different place. Besides the three brothers, newly published records give some details relating to other members of the Imbia family, of which relations to the branch starting with Sîn-rā’im-zēri remain elusive. In Dar 5, 28=Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Nabû-šumuukīn//Imbia credited 1 kurru of dates to 29=Aḫušunu/Sîn-zēr-iddin, to be paid within four months (BM 114170, no. 14). The first witness in this record was another member of the Imbia family, 30=Ardia/Nādin//Imbia. In the next year, Dar 6, 33=[pn/Kūn]ā//Imbia credited barley and wheat to 38=Iqīša/Bānia//Kūnā (BM 114050+, no. 22) written in Ālu-ša-fInṣābtu.143 An interesting example of Imbia family relations is revealed in BM 113942+, no. 4. The record is devoid of a broader background, but some relations are evident. In Dar 5, 43=Nidintu144 gave some household equipment to 44=fUḫinatu, the daughter of Arad?-[x] of the Imbia family. 44=fUḫinatu/Arad?-[x]//Imbia is named as the sister of his (Nidintu’s) father, i.e. she was Nidintu’s aunt. According 141

Family name is missing. In BM 114170, no. 14 dated to Dar 5 and in BM 113964, no. 20 dated to Dar [x] his name appears as patronymic. 143 If the reconstruction of the name [Kūn]ā is correct then he might be the same parson as [pn]/Kūnā//Imbia in BM 114107, no. 24. 144 He might be the same as Nidintu/Marduk-zēr-ibni//Imbia from BM 113961, no. 6. 142

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to line 9, Kaššāya gave her consent for the gift, i.e. she was relative to 43=Nidintu and 44=fUḫinatu.145 For certain she was a daughter of Nabû-[x]-iddin, but there is no family name after the name of her father. However, she had a real influence on the transfer of the property. Probably the same 43=Nidintu, who gave the property to 44=fUḫinatu, gave a baker’s prebend to 49=Nabû-bulissu, who was the son or descendant of Sîn-ušallim in Dar 35? (BM 113961, no. 6).146 It is not known, however, what kind of relation linked the two men. The second witness of the contract was a member of the Imbia family, though his name is missing (51=[pn]/Kidinnu//Imbia). According to the most likely scenario, Nidintu, who was active for at least thirty years in the period between Dar 5 and Dar 35?, the time span between BM 113942+, no. 4 and BM 113961, no. 6, decided to transfer his duty to another person, probably his relative. The last example is BM 113959, no. 42, a note with measurements of two fields located in (Ālu-ša)-fInṣābtu. One of the owners is 16=Sîn-iddin/Kabtia// Imbia of the Imbia family, although the family name is reconstructed. 3.2.1. Records included in the archive with doubt BM 114011, no. 10 is a small fragment of a promissory note for silver.147 The parties of the contract are missing. The only reason for inclusion in the archive is the Imbia family name in l. 6’, plausibly in the main part of the record. BM 114020, no. 49. The surface of the obverse is entirely missing and for this reason the parties involved are also missing. The only reason the record is included in the archive is the name of the scribe, Sîn-mukīn-apli/Ninazu-šumuiqīša//Imbia. BM 114100, no. 55: Possibly Sîn-rā’im-zēri is mentioned in the record. BM 114044, no. 51: The only weak argument is the name Imbia in rev. 19’. The text is very badly preserved and its subject is missing. BM 114046, no. 52: The only argument for including in the archive is the name [pn]/[x]-apla-ukīn//Imbia in l. 2’. BM 114106, no. 56: The only argument is the Imbia family name in l. 6’.

145

Von Dassow 1999: 16–18. 53=Sîn-ittannu//Šumu-uṣur, the scribe of the record, used two- or three-tier genealogy always presenting the actors in variant pn a pn1 a pn2 or pn a pn1 or pn2, “pn, son of pn1, descendant of pn2” or “pn, son of pn1 or descendant of pn2.” 147 There is fragment of the interest formula in the l. 4’: […] x x muḫ-ḫi-šú i-rab-bi. 146

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3.2.2. Summing up the Imbia Family Imbia148 as a family name is known mainly from Ur.149 Particularly noteworthy is the absence of members of the Imbia family in records dated to the time of Babylonian independence from Assyria.150 There is no representative of the family beginning with the records published by Figulla,151 through some records written at Ur but included in the Mušēzib-Marduk Archive published by Frame152 and ending with the newly published records in this volume (Early Archive). It should be remembered that the political and most likely the economic situation at Ur during Assyrian domination and in the early years of the Chaldean Dynasty was unstable. This may be one of the reasons for the small number of texts from this period. Summing up, among several names of members of the Imbia family in the newly published records, the majority of them refer to Rēmūt-Sîn, much fewer to his two brothers Ša-pî-kalbi and Nabû-šumu-ukīn.

148

Pearce and Wunsch 2014: 59, “the hypocorostic of names of the type DN-imbi, ‘the god named’ ”. 149 Cf. Wunsch 2004: 16. 150 Cf. Nielsen 2011: 211–220. 151 It concerns the Sîn-uballiṭ Archive (collated records from the archive will be published in the separate study) and a few unrelated records. Although the majority of records were written in Babylon (Oelsner 2001: 294 and Jursa 2010: 119, 134) some names that appear in the records are typical for Ur like Imbi-Sîn//Sîn-etel-ili, the scribe of UET 4, 83 (Babylon) and UET 4, 88 (Babylon). This means that the lack of any Imbia’s member is not caused by the writing of the records outside of Ur, but these records are part of the general tendency of this period. 152 It concerns BM 118968 (= Frame 2013: no. 11) and BM 118978= BM 118971 (= Frame 2013: no. 15a and 15b). Both belong to the Mušēzib-Marduk Archive and were written at Ur, and both relate to the purchase of an orchard located at Uruk. But again, there are no members of Imbia Family. © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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Imbia unknown

Sîn-rā’im-zēri time of Nbk till Nbn

Ša-pî-kalbi

Rēmūt-Sîn

Nabû-šum-ukīn

12Nb - 8Dar I

13Nbn - 9Dar I

12Nbn - 9Dar I

Sîn-tabni-uṣur Dar 5

3.2.3. Relation of the Imbia Family with other familes

Diagram 3. Relation of Imbia with other families.

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The diagram above shows the relations of these families.153 The author has identified 24 ancestor names154; 18 out of that number are represented only once. Only the member of Sîn-ušallim family out of these 18 acted as a party to the contract (BM 113961, no. 6). Five persons were scribes and they belonged to the Ina-ṣillitanittu (BM 113979, no. 30), Kūnā (BM 114050+, no. 22), Šumu-uṣur (BM 113961, no. 6), Sîn-gāmil (BM 114130+, no. 26), Sîn-luppašar (BM 113942+, no. 4) families. More often, the members of 12 families acted as witnesses, i.e. Aḫulūmur, Kuṣurā and Šamaš-erība (BM 114028+, no. 5), Ibnā (BM 114020, no. 49), Mušēzib-Marduk (BM 114050+, no. 22), Kinatunu and Sîn-rīm-ilī (BM 113961, no. 6), Etellu (BM 114045+, no. 16), Ašlāku (BM 113976, no. 29), Sîn-aḫ-iddin (BM 114130+, no. 26), Ēṭer and Naggāru (BM 114169, no. 9). Six out of these 24 are represented in more than one record. The same member of Sīsî family was party to the contract (BM 113948+, no. 19, BM 113964, no. 20, BM 114034, no. 21 and BM 114107, no. 24). In turn, the same member of Sîn-zākir-šumi family was one of the parties or the witness (BM 114028+, no. 5 – party, BM 113948+, no. 19 – party, BM 114034, no. 21 – party and BM 113980, no. 15 – witness). Acting as party to the contract and/or the scribe was the member of Ile’’i-Marduk family (BM 113976, no. 29 – party and scribe, BM 113974, no. 13 – party). Also the members of Šumu-ušabši family had a dual role, but as witness and scribe (BM 113942+, no. 4 – witness, BM 113948+, no. 19 – scribe, BM 113964, no. 20 – witness, BM 113980, no. 15 – witness, BM 114107, no. 24 – scribe).155 The members of Sîn-šeme family (BM 114028+, no. 5 and BM 113948+, no. 19) and Mandidi family (BM 113942+, no. 4, BM 114107, no. 24 and BM 113964, no. 20) appear only as witnesses. Taking into account all the names from both groups, the majority of them acted as witnesses; less frequently they were scribes and only once a party to the contract. The presence of the members of these families in the records included in the Imbia Archive in such a ratio suggests that they more often performed the service in two demonstrated functions and very rarely interacted in business matters. This picture provides us with the tantalising suggestion that the members of Imbia family in regard to business relations formed rather a closed environment. Additionally, only rarely did the members of the same family enter the network of social dependencies with members of the Imbia family more than once. The picture is 153

An explanation would have to consider the fact that the above ancestors’ names are selected from all the records published here, but that there are also people attested in the same records identified only with patronymic and not included here. This point is significant since the question arises: Who were the latter people? The impression derived from the general overview is that in most instances the people identified only with patronymic belong to the lower strata of society (Wunsch 2014: 4). 154 One name in BM 113942+, no. 4: 14 is missing. 155 The family name is also attested in BM 114044 (no. 51), BM 114064 (no. 23) and BM 114100 (no. 55), plausibly represented as witnesses. © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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certainly distorted, as we are dealing with records belonging to a small archive and a few families known from newly published records appear already in texts published by Figulla. There are: Etellu: Basia/[pn]//Etellu (BM 114045+, no. 16) is the only representative of Etellu in the records published here, but a few generations of the family are well-known from the records published in UET 4. It is possible to reconstruct two branches of the family. The first branch is represented by two generations, beginning with Rēmūt-Gula, son of Sîn-nādin-šumi, who witnessed in Cyr 8 (UET 4, 16) and ending with his two sons Sîn-zēr-līšir and Ummu. They appear in Cyr 8 (UET 4, 16) and in Dar 25 (UET 4, 17) respectively as the owners of orchards adjacent to those that were the subject of the contracts. Three generations of the second branch are represented, beginning with Lâbâšî, son of Sîn-kuṣuršu, followed by their two sons Nidintu-Sîn and Umunazu-uballiṭ and ending with his grandson Sîn-ina-tēšî-ēṭer. Lâbâšî/Sînkuṣuršu witnessed in Dar III 4 (UET 4, 25), but his two sons appear as witnesses sometimes earlier, Nidintu-Sîn in Art II 27 (UET 4, 28) and Umunazuuballiṭ in Art II 45 (UET 4, 3). Sîn-ina-tēšî-ēṭer, son of Umunazu-uballiṭ, followed in the footsteps of his father and grandfather witnessed in Art III 9 (UET 4, 1//UET 4, 2). The relations of the two other members of the Etellu family, Bānia/Sîniddin, who acted as witness in Nbn [12] (UET 4, 36), and Rēmūt-Sîn/Sînmukkēa, one of the parties to the contract in Dar 25 (UET 4, 17), are uncertain. Ina-ṣilli-tanittu: Sîn-kēšir/Balāṭu//Ina-ṣilli-tanittu is the only member of the family in the records published here who received barley and dates from RēmūtSîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia in Dar 4 (BM 113979, no. 30). However, there are several descendants of this family in UET 4. Of particular importance is the remark concerning the name of Sîn-kēšir’s father, Balāṭu/Nūrēa, who witnessed in Cyr 4 (UET 4, 16: 38). This example confirms the close relation between the records discovered by Hall and Woolley. There are also two branches of the family represented by two sons of Sînana-bītīšu, Iltannu, the scribe in Art II 11 (UET 4, 35), and Nidintu-Sîn, who witnessed in Art II 27 (UET 4, 28). The next generation followed in the footsteps of their fathers, as Umunazi-iqīša, son of Iltannu, was the scribe in Dar II 4 (UET 4, 25) and Sîn-iddin, son of Nidintu-Sîn, witnessed in Art II 27 (UET 4, 28). Kūnā: The presence of Iqīša/Bānia//Kūnā, the only member of this family who wrote BM 114050+, no. 22 in [Dar] 6, is further evidence for the close relation between all the records discovered at Ur. He appears again in Dar 17 as the scribe of the UET 4, 12 where his brother, Sîn-zēr-līšir, is one of the parties to the contract. Additionally, the next generation of the same branches is represented by Ḫabaṣīru, son of Iqīša, and Bēlšunu and Ḫašdāya, two sons of Sîn-

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zēr-līšir, who all were witnesses in UET 4, 12. One other member, but without any close relation to the branch demonstrated above, is Dummuqu/Sîn-bēlzēri//Kūnā who witnessed in Dar 5 (UET 4, 26). Sîn-gāmil: There are two members of the family attested in the records published here, though only the name of the scribe of BM 114130+, no. 26 is known (Šamaš-mukīn-apli/Sîn-šumu-ibni//Sîn-gāmil). The family is also well-known from the records published in UET 4. In the majority of records they appear as witnesses, e.g. Rēmūt-Sîn/Iqīšā (UET 4, 193), Šamaš-iqīša/Sîn-apla-iddin (UET 4, 5), Ubaria/Bēlšunu (UET 4, 52), and Zākiru/Sîn-ušallim (UET 4, 26). Only Nidintu-Sîn and Bēlšunu, sons of Sîn-uballiṭ, were creditors in UET 4, 92. Sîn-luppašar: Sîn-līšir/Sîn-ēṭer//Sîn-luppašar, the scribe of BM 113942+, no. 4 (Dar 9), appears in newly published records. The father of Sîn-līšir could be one of two witnesses (Sîn-ēṭer/Sîn-nādin-aḫi or Sîn-ēṭer/Iqīšā) that appear in UET 4, 36: 18 (Nbn [12]) and UET 4, 13:35 (Camb 2) respectively. Sîn-rīm-ilī: Arad-Sîn/Sîn-šumu-ukīn is the only member of Sîn-rīm-ilī family attested in the newly published records (BM 113961, no. 6) because the names of two other persons are lost (BM 114046, no. 52). However, there are several persons representing the family in UET 4, indicating that this was multigenerational and one of the most influential and prestigious families in Ur. This is assumed based on the fact that of the eighteen people on Figulla’s list (Figulla 1949: 49–50), only in the case of Sîn-uballissu/Zumba, the neighbour in UET 4, 52: 11, 16, 33 and 39 (Xer 5), and his son, Aḫušunu/Sîn-uballissu, the witness in UET 4, 18: 31 (Art II? 24), on the one hand, and Kidini/Sîn-iddin, the scribe in UET 4, 53: 33 (Dar 7), and possibly his son Sîn-ušallim, the witness in UET 4, 3: 32 (Art II 45), on the other hand, do we have a clear family relationship. The rest of the people are not related in any way. Worth noting is the fact that Enlil-iddin/Aḫulumur was the first in a group of mār banê in UET 4, 194: 1 (Art III 39) and Nidintu-Sîn/Sîn-ēṭer and Sîn-aḫḫē-ušallim/Arad-Gula were the first and the second among mār banês in UET 4, 4: 1 and 2 (Art II 2). The rest of the members were either witnesses or scribes in the records. Sîn-šeme: The fact that Sîn-apla-iddin/Sîn-šarra-uṣur of the Sîn-šeme family witnessed in two records from the milieu of the Imbia family dated to Dar 9 (BM 114028+, no. 5 and BM 113948+, no. 19) might be an indication of the more frequent contacts of the two families. Another member of the family, Sîn-leqeunninnī/Sîn-ēreš, wrote BM 113977, no. 17 in Nbn 9. There are five members of Sîn-šeme family in UET 4 on the other hand, but they did not have relations with any of the three members attested in the newly published texts. Ninurtaiddin/Sîn-kēšir wrote UET 4, 199 in Cyr 8. A few years later in Camb 2, Aḫušunu/Sîn-zēr-iddin sold a porter prebend to members of the Gallābu family in UET 4, 24. Sîn-zēr-ušabši/Sîn-gāmil witnessed in UET 4, 26 (Dar 5) and Sîn-iqīša/Mušēzib-Marduk was a second among mār banês in UET 4, 194: 2.

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The role of Sîn-ittannu/Iddin-Nabû of the Sîn-šeme family in UET 4, 64 is discussed below. Sîn-zākir-šumi: The close relations of Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk of Sîn-zākiršumi with his peers from the Imbia family are demonstrated on p. 64. There was more than an incidental relationship between the two families because the son of Sîn-nādin-apli, Sîn-ittannu, wrote UET 4, 64 (Xer 3), a record that concerns the debt of 2 kurru, 2 pānu, 2 sūtu and 10 shekels of silver incurred by Ubani-Sîn-[x]/Sîn-kāṣir//Imbia. Šumu-ušabši: A few newly published records dated to the period of 0Nbk III – Dar 9 show the close relations of Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Ša-pî-Sîn of the Šumu-ušabši family with the Imbia family milieu (see p. 63). Tabnēa/Ša-pî-Sîn the scribe in UET 4, 24 (Camb 2) is the only member of the family attested in UET 4. However, he might be the same person as Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Ša-pî-Sîn//Šumuušabši, if one accepts that Tabnēa is a short from Sîn-tabni-uṣur. In most instances the members of these families were witnesses and scribes. In a few cases they belonged to the group of mār banês. Sometimes they had properties adjacent to those belonging to the main actors of the contracts and descendants of the other families, for instance Gallābu. But all this suggests that we are dealing with data concerning well-known and plausibly the most influential families at Ur. The examples of relations of Imbia family members with the members of other families seems to put the Imbia family among the top elite of Ur, although the members of these families appear in secondary roles in the records published in UET 4; this is because they were not the owners of archives. Nevertheless, the examples presented above indicate that there were close relations between these archives, though today they are kept as two separate collections and among the representatives of these archives. 3.2.4. The members of the Imbia Family in UET 4 The archival provenance of UET 4, 64, previously included in the Gallābu Archive,156 could be considered based on the internal criteria as a record of the Imbia Archive. The subject of UET 4, 64 is a debt of 2 kurru, 2 (pānu), 2 sūtu of barley and 10 shekels of silver owed to Sîn-ittannu/Iddin-Nabû of Sîn-šeme family and Sîn-iddin/Sîn-nādin-aḫi by Ubani-Sîn-x-da/Sîn-kāṣir of Imbia family. UET 4, 64 (U.17257) (= Graziani 1986: no. 29) obv.

156

1. 2. 3.

[2 gur] 2 (pi) 2 bán še.bar ù 10 gín kù.˹babbar˺ [šá md]30-it-tan-nu dumu šá mmu-dag ˹a m˺d30-šá-muḫ ù md30-mu

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4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. rev. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. u.e. 19.

dumu šá md30-na-din-šeš ina muḫ-ḫi m ú-˹ba˺-ni-d30-x-da dumu šá md 30-kád a m˹im˺-bi-ia ina iti.šu še.bar-a4 2 kùr 2 (pi) 2 bán ù kù.babbar-a4 10 gín babbar-ú ina šeš.unugki i-nam-din lú mu-kin-ni mdu-bu-tu dumu šá m ri-mut a md30-am-dingir.meš md 30-ši-man-ni dumu šá mìr-d30 md en-tin-iṭ dumu šá md30-lugal-tin-iṭ md 30-it-tan-nu lúumbisag dumu šá md 30-na-din-a a md30-za-kir-mu [š]eš.unugki iti.sig4 u4.14.kam ˹mu˺.3.kam mḫi-ši-iá-mar-šú [lugal] kurpar-sa kurma-da-a-a [lugal tin].tir˹ki˺ u kur.kur

Translation [2 kurru], 2 (pānu), 2 sūtu of barley and 10 shekels of silver [belonging to] Sîn-ittannu/Iddin-Nabû//Sîn-šeme and Sîn-iddin/Sîn-nādin-aḫi is owed by Ubani-Sîn-x-da/Sîn-kāṣir//Imbia. In the month of Du’uzu the said barley: 2 kurru, 2 (pānu), 2 sūtu and the said silver: 10 shekels of white (silver) he will give to Ur. Witnesses: Dubutu/Rēmūt//Sîn-rīm-ilāni, Sîn-šimanni/Arad-Sîn, Bēluballiṭ/Sîn-šarra-bulliṭ, Sîn-ittannu, scribe, son of Sîn-nādin-apli//Sînzākir-šumi. Ur. 14.3.3 Xerxes, [king] of Parsa, king of Media, [king of Baby]lon and Lands. The key name suggesting inclusion of UET 4, 64 in the Imbia Archive is Sîn-kāṣir, the father of Ubani-Sîn-x-da of the Imbia family, who was also the father of Sînšimanni (BM 113942+, no. 4 and BM 114028+, no. 5) and Sîn-zēr-ibni (BM 113948+, no. 19). The second argument is the fact that Sîn-ittannu, one of the creditors, represented one of the branches of Sîn-šeme family; the other members, maybe members of other branches, are attested in newly published records (see the index of family names). The next argument is the close relation of the Imbia with the Sîn-zākir-šumi family, demonstrated in this study on p. 64, a member of the latter one being the scribe of UET 4, 64. The only information that might speak against the idea is the fact that UET 4, 64 was found near the place where the clay pot containing 51 tablets (the Gallābu Archive) was excavated,157 but the archaeological context clearly shows that there was no relation between these groups.158 157 158

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The members of the Imbia family appear in the records published in UET 4 belonging to the Sîn-ilī (5Dar I – 4Xer), Gallābu (29Nbk II – 7Philipp Arrhidaios) and Nidinti-Ea Archive (Art II? 2–25).159 The Sîn-ilī Archive (5Dar I – 4Xer) Text and Date UET 4, 26 Dar 5 UET 4, 20 Dar 10

UET 4, 108 Dar 12 UET 4, 107 Dar 18

Name l. 19 Sîn-erība/[pn]

Description witness: 12 of 14 sale record l. 35 Bēl-nāṣir/Sîn-šumu- witness: 7 of 8 [x] sale of a date orchard located in Ḫargallea, presumably in the vicinity of Ur160 l. 5 Mukkēa/Sîn-aḫḫē-iddin creditor with Iṣṣuru/Šamaš-aḫuiddin(//Sîn-ilī) in imittu? debt note ll. 7,12 Mukkēa/Sîn-aḫḫē- imittu debt note between Iṣṣuru/ iddin Šamaš-aḫu-iddin(//Sîn-ilī) (lessor) and Sîn-zēr-iddin//Sîn-erība (lessee). Ll. 6–8: zú.lum.ma šá mmuk-e-a a-šú šá md30-šeš.meš-mu a mim-bi-ia šá ina igi miṣ-ṣur he is also the witness in the records (l. 11): 1 of 3 scribe l. 14 Sîn-ēṭer/Šamašerība161

The Imbia Archive Text and Date Name Description UET 4, 64162 l. 5 Ubani-Sîn-[x]/Sîn-kāṣir debtor in promissory note for barXer 3 ley and silver due to Sîn-ittannu/ Iddin-Nabû//Sîn-šeme? and Sîniddin/Sîn-nādin-aḫi. There are three witnesses: Gubbutu/Rēmūt //Sîn-rīm-ilāni, Sîn-šimanni/ AradSîn and Bēl-uballiṭ/Sîn-šarra-bulliṭ. The scribe was Sîn-ittannu/Sîn-

159

Olsner 2006 (with references to previous literature). Jursa 2010: 63. 161 Figulla reads md30-gi on p. 55; the tablet needs collation but in Figulla’s copy it is certainly mdutu-˹su˺. 162 Cf. Graziani 1986: no. 29. 160

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Text and Date Name

Description nādin-apli//Sîn-zākir-šumi

The Gallābu Archive (29Nbk II – 7Philipp Arrhidaios) Text and Date Name UET 4, 52163 l. 20 Sîn-ittannu/NabûXer 5 rēmanni l. 46. Idi-bullussu-Marduk /Sîn-nādin-aḫi l. 47 Ibnā/Marduk-šumuibni l. 51 Nabû-šumu-ukīn/ Sūqāya UET 4, 193 l. 41 [pn]/Mukkēa Art I 13 UET 4, 53 l. 12 [pn]/[x-idd]in Dar II 7 l. 15 [pn]/Sîn-ittannu l. rev. 21’ Aḫušunu/Aḫḫēiddin l. rev. 27’ Sîn-ittannu/Sînēṭer l. 5 [pn]/[x-šu]m?-uṣur UET 4, 205 Dar II l. 6 f[pn]/Sîn-ittannu [10+x?]+4 l. 48 Iltannu/Murašû l. 52 Sîn-ēṭer/Iqubu UET 4, 11 l. rev. 14’ [pn]/Sîn-ēṭer Dar II [x] UET 4, 25 l. 34 Sîn-šumu-līšir/SînDar III 4 ēṭer

Description neighbour division of inheritance witness: 3 of 16 witness: 4 of 16 witness: 8 of 16 witness: the position is not clear division of inheritance neighbour division of inheritance neighbour witness/seal: 1 of 12 witness: 7 of 12 neighbour lease of orchards neighbour witness/seal: 7 of 12 scribe witness: 4 of 12 sale of a house164 witness: 3 of 13 l. 31: in the presence of judge (before witnesses list) l. 45: ina ašabi a female (after witnesses list) sale of a prebend of doorkeeper

163

Cf. Graziani 1986: no. 41. See, recently, Popova RAI 62. It was a derelict house to be torn down and a ramp (l. 1: [é ab-t]a a-na nap-pa-ṣu ù kam-mar; note ana napāṣi instead of ša napāṣi). The upper side on the west of the house was next to “the broad street, way of the gods and the king” (ll. 3–4: [23 kùš u]š an.ta im mar.tu da sila rap-šú [mu-taq ding]ir.meš u lugal). 164

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Text and Date Name UET 4, 5 l .22 Sîn-kāṣir/Ša-pî-Sîn Dar ? [x] l. 23 Ninazu-ibni/Ša-pî-Sîn l. 29 Aḫušunu/Sūqāya

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Description witness: 2 of 10 sale of a date orchard witness: 3 of 10 witness: 9 of 10

The Nidinti-Ea Archive (Art II? 2–25) Text and Date Name l. 4 Umunazu-uballiṭ/ UET 4, 4 Aḫušunu Art II? 2 l. rev. 8’ Nidintu-Sîn/Sînēṭer l. 32 Aḫušunu/Aḫḫē-iddin UET 4, 18 ? 24 Art II

Description in a group of mār banê concerning sale(?) of slave women scribe witness/seal: 5 of 15 sale of an orchard

The time span of the four records included in the Sîn-ilī Archive is Dar 5–18. They are dated to almost the same period as the records with a member of Imbia family in newly published records.165 In turn, the dating of the seven records from the Gallābu Archive with members of the Imbia family is 5Xer I – 4Dar III, i.e. they are slightly later than records from the Hall collection. The Imbia are also present in the records from the Nidintu Archive (Art II? 2–24) and are dated later in comparison to the records form the Hall collection. The records from the above table have the following subjects: • • • • • • • • •

sale of an orchard: UET 4, 20 (Sîn-ilī Archive), UET 4, 5 (Gallābu), UET 4, 18 (Nidintu Archive), sale of a house: UET 4, 11 (Gallābu), sale of a prebend: UET 4, 25 (Gallābu), sale record: UET 4, 26 (Sîn-ilī Archive), concerning sale(?) of slave women before mār banê: UET 4, 4 (Nidintu Archive), division of inheritance: UET 4, 52, UET 4, 193, UET 4, 53 (Gallābu), lease of orchards: UET 4, 205 (Gallābu), imittu debt notes: UET 4, 108 and UET 4, 107 (Sîn-ilī Archive), promissory note: UET 4, 64.

Typologically there are records belonging to the most important matters of Babylonian family affairs: sale of orchards, house, prebend and slave women (?), but also division of inheritance, imittu debt notes and promissory note. In most of these records, the members of Imbia family appear as witnesses. 165

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However, their position on the list of witnesses is different. In the records from the Sîn-ilī Archive their position is low. Sîn-erība/[pn] is the twelfth out of fourteen witnesses (UET 4, 26). Bēl-nāṣir/Sîn-šumu-[x] is the seventh out of eight witnesses (UET 4, 20). Only Mukkēa/Sîn-aḫḫē-iddin is the first out of three witnesses (UET 4, 107), but it should be emphasized that he is involved in the matter to which the record refers, since the dates which belonged to him were at the disposal of Iṣṣuru/Šamaš-aḫu-iddin(//Sîn-ilī), the creditor of the promissory note as is written in ll. 6–8 (see above). This then means that Iṣṣuru of Sîn-ilī family worked as a proxy for Mukkēa. A different picture emerges from the records of the Gallābu Archive, where the members of Imbia family occupied a much higher position. Three members of the Imbia family took the third, fourth and eighth place out of sixteen witnesses in UET 4, 52 (Idi-bullussu-Marduk/Sîn-nādin-aḫi, Ibnā/Marduk-šumu-ibni and Nabû-šumu-ukīn/Sūqāya respectively). Aḫušunu/Aḫḫē-iddin and Sîn-ittannu/ Sîn-ēṭer took the first and the seventh position out of twelve witnesses (UET 4, 53). Iltannu/Murašû took the seventh position of twelve witnesses (UET 4, 205). [pn]/Sîn-ēṭer, possibly the same person as Sîn-ittannu/Sîn-ēṭer in UET 4, 53, was the fourth of twelve witnesses (UET 4, 11). Sîn-šumu-līšir/Sîn-ēṭer was the third of thirteen witnesses (UET 4, 25). And finally, Sîn-kāṣir/Ša-pî-Sîn, Ninazu-ibni/ Ša-pî-Sîn and Aḫušunu/Sūqāya were the second, third and ninth of 10 witnesses respectively.166Worth noting is that Aḫušunu/Aḫḫē-iddin (UET 4, 53), Iltanu/ Murašû (UET 4, 205) and Aḫušunu/Aḫḫē-iddin (UET 4, 18) impressed their seals on the tablets. Sîn-ēṭer/Šamaš-erība (UET 4, 107), Sîn-ēṭer/Iqubu (UET 4, 205) and NidintuSîn/Sîn-ēṭer (UET 4, 4) were the scribes. Another fact is that the members of Imbia family possessed properties next to the properties of the Gallābu family over two generations. The plot of Sînittannu/Nabû-rēmanni//Imbia located next to the part of the orchard belonging to Iqīšā/Sîn-iddin//Gallābu in UET 4, 52 (Xer 5). [Pn], son of the same Sînittannu//Imbia in UET 4, 53 (Dar II 7), and Sîn-ittannu’s daughter (name is missing) in UET 4, 205 (Dar II [10+x?]+4) were neighbours of Gallābu in the next generation.167 In a few records the members of the Imbia family actively participated in the transactions. Mukkēa/Sîn-aḫḫē-iddin is the owner of dates for whom Iṣṣuru/ Šamaš-aḫu-iddin(//Sîn-ilī), the creditor, worked as proxy (UET 4, 107). The above evidence only confirms the opinion that the members of the Imbia family belonged undoubtedly to a wealthy and influential family of Ur. As mentioned above, they possessed real estate but also were linked to the temple because 166

The only member of Imbia family that appears as witness in the records included in the Nidintu Archive (Aḫušunu/Aḫḫē-iddin in UET 4, 18 on the fifth position on the list). 167 Recently about the records, see Popova RAI 62. For the reconstruction of the generation of Gallābu family involved in the records, see Oelsner 2006: 80–81. © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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they had a prebend (BM 113961, no. 6). This is also supported by the presence of Umunazu-uballiṭ/Aḫušunu in a group of mār banês (UET 4, 4). As was already demonstrated, members of the other influential families invited Imbia as witnesses in their transactions. In the records of the Gallābu Archive they took a high position on the list of witnesses. The important argument for the high position of Imbia is also the fact that the profession of scribe was hereditary. In the records published in this volume the scribes were: Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zeri (BM 113974, no. 13 and BM 113980, no. 15) in 4Cyr– 0Nbk III; Ninazu-šumu-iqīša/Sîn-ušallim (BM 114045+, no. 16) in Camb 3? and Sîn-mukīn-apli/Ninazu-šumu-iqīša (BM 114020, no. 49) in an unknown period. The example of Ninazu-šumu-iqīša/ Sîn-ušallim and his son, Sîn-mukīn-apli, proves the hereditary of the profession in earlier times. Nidintu-Sîn/Sîn-ēṭer, the scribe of UET 4, 4 in Art II? 2, followed in the footsteps of his father, Sîn-ēṭer/Iqubu, who wrote UET 4, 205 in Dar II [10+x?]+4. Worth noting is the fact that they wrote the records for two different families, Nidintu and Gallābu respectively. There is no clear picture whether the position of the Imbia family was also so high in the social strata of Ur when considering evidence from the newly published records. Quite often Imbia are the party in promissory notes and imittu debt notes. In a few instances there are recipients of imittu impost, which suggests that they really possessed real estate. The problem is, however, that there is no certainty if they were owners of those properties or leased them from the temple and then sub-leased to tenants. The information relating to tithes regularly collected from these plots is not binding. Some records seem to support this, but not expressly providing the data like BM 113942+, no. 4 concerning the gift of several household goods for a female, BM 113961, no. 6 – the sale of a prebend, or BM 113926, no. 39 – a long list of household equipment. In light of this, one of the questions that arises is whether there are any factors that link the members of Imbia family attested in the records from the Hall Collection with members of the same family, but attested in the records from UET 4. This is because at the first glimpse it seems that they belonged to two different branches.

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Hall Collection [pn/x]-apla-ukīn, Nb[k x]+2 Nabû-šumu-ukīn/Sîn-rā’imzēri, Nbn 12–Dar 9 Ša-pî-kalbi/Sîn-rā’im-zēri, Nb 12–Dar 8 Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri, Nbn 13–Dar 6 Sîn-iddin/Kabtia, Cyr 4 Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk, [Cam]b 3? Ninazu-šumu-iqīša/Sîn-ušallim, [Cam]b 3? Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Nabû-šumuukīn, Dar 5 Ardia/Nādin, Dar 5 [pn/Kūn]ā, [Dar] 6 Nidintu and fUḫīnatu/Arad?-[x], Dar 9 Sîn-šimanni/Sîn-kāṣir, Dar 9

Nidintu/Marduk-zēr-ibni, Dar 35? [x]/Kidinnu, Dar 35?

UET 4 time of Nbk Nbn – early Dar I

Cyr – Camb

Dar 5–10

Sîn-erība/[pn], Dar 5 (The Nidintu Archive) Bēl-nāṣir/Sîn-šumu-[x], Dar 10 (The Nidintu Archive)

Dar 11–20 Mukkēa/Sîn-aḫḫē-iddin, Dar 12– 18 (The Nidintu Archive) Sîn-ēṭer/Šamaš-erība, Dar 18 (The Nidintu Archive) Dar 21–… without archival provenance Ubani-Sîn-[x]/Sîn-kāṣir, Xer 3 The Gallābu Archive Sîn-ittannu/Nabû-rēmanni, Xer 5 Idi-bullussu-Marduk/Sîn-nādinaḫi, Xer 5 Ibnā/Marduk-šumu-ibni, Xer 5 Nabû-šumu-ukīn/Sūqāya, Xer 5 [pn]/Mukkēa, Art I 13 [pn]/[x-idd]in, Dar II 7 [pn]/Sîn-ittannu, Dar II 7 Aḫušunu/Aḫḫē-iddin, Dar II 7 Sîn-ittannu/Sîn-ēṭer, Dar II 7 [pn]/[x-šu]m?-uṣur, Dar II [10+x?]+4 f [pn]/Sîn-ittannu, Dar II [10+x?]+4

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UET 4 Iltannu/Murašû, Dar II [10+x?]+4 Sîn-ēṭer/Iqubu, Dar II [10+x?]+4 Sîn-šumu-līšir/Sîn-ēṭer, Dar III 4 Sîn-kāṣir/Ša-pî-Sîn, Dar ? [x] Ninazu-ibni/Ša-pî-Sîn, Aḫušunu/Sūqāya, Dar ? [x] The Nidintu-Ea Archive Umunazu-uballiṭ/Aḫušunu, Art II? 2 Nidintu-Sîn/Sîn-ēṭer, Art II? 24 Aḫušunu/Aḫḫē-iddin, Art II? 24

The above table gathers all the names of the members of the Imbia family from those two groups of records. They appear in the records dated to two slightly different periods. The ones from the records from the Hall collection lived in the time of Nbn 12 until the early years of Darius I (the exceptions are Nidintu/Marduk-zēr-ibni and [x]/Kidinnu from Dar 35?). In turn, the members of the same family, but attested in records from UET 4, lived in a later time of Achaemenid domination over Babylonia. The exceptions are the members attested in records from the Nidintu Archive like Sîn-erība/[pn] (Dar 5), Bēl-nāṣir/Sîn-šumu-[x] (Dar 10), Mukkēa/Sîn-aḫḫē-iddin (Dar 12–18), and Sîn-ēṭer/Šamaš-erība (Dar 18). This means that the people that are known from both groups of records in most cases were not peers and represented different generations of the same family. There is no clear data on how many (if any) relations there were between them. It should be noted that even in the group of people who lived in the same or a similar time, in the period from the beginning of Darius I (522) till the end of Xerxes (465), 56 years, no person from the first column was related to those in the third column. 3.3. Records of an institutional background Fourteen records are included in this group. Although its archival provenance is not certain, based mainly on subject and format they are included in a separate group of institutional background. There are three records concerning the transfer of barley for oxen fodder ša lilissu sippari to the individual named Napištu (BM 113957, no. 36, BM 114021, no. 37 and BM 114143, no. 38).168 Two texts may be connected to obligations to conduct rituals and other practices, as they constitute a list of religious objects and materials used most probably 168

Commentary to the record, see on p. 173–5.

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during rituals (BM 113958, no. 40) as well as a list of various plants, herbs and other products prepared for medicinal or magical purposes (BM 113992, no. 41).169 To the manufacture of garments for the gods may refer the completely preserved tablet dated to Dar 11 that concerns the transfer of 15 minas of white kitinnû to manufacture 4 ṣibtu garments (BM 113963, no. 28). The transaction was made in the presence of (ina ušuzzu) Aḫušunu/Gudādû and Itti-Sîn-bunûa, who might be officials of the temple; however, they are not known from the texts either published here or published in UET 4. Other records probably inform of remuneration or the other regulations, i.e. income and expenditure of flour and products in kind. BM 113922, no. 32 – an almost complete and undated record with badly eroded surface on the obverse. This is a multi-receipt providing the norms of flour distributed to individuals. BM 113950, no. 33 – an undated and partly preserved tablet (the right side of the tablet is broken) concerning distribution of barley instead of dates to individuals. BM 113960, no. 34 – dated to the time of Darius and a complete tablet of which the surface of both sides is heavily eroded. It concerns the distribution of barley probably for provision to four individuals. BM 113952+, no. 35 – dated to Dar 6? and an almost complete tablet (only the lower left corner is broken) with almost the entire surface badly eroded. Most of the signs are only partly readable. The text concerns the transfer of several products (barley, dates, wool?, cress, sesame, salt) for provisions (šuku.ḫi.a) for three years (Dar 4–6). fBusasa (l. 2) and probably Suqāya (l. 12) were the recipients of the products. Three letters also belonged to this archive. BM 113975, no. 43 – a letter order with three seal impressions, two on the bottom of the reverse and one on the left edge (see p. 39–40). The case was considered before (ina ušuzzû) Sîn-aḫ?-iddin?, Ina-tēšî-ēṭer and Aplā/Kuruḫḫu-Nabû, probably the officials of the temple. Only partly preserved BM 114141, no. 44 concerns silver, and Ninazu-ē[reš] was plausibly the addressee of the letter. The last completely preserved letter with two seals, BM 113981, no. 45, is probably an order with disposition sent by an official (not mentioned in the text) to a substitute (kutallu) of Sîn-barḫi-ilī/Zabūnu instead of Sîn-nādin-šumi/Kūnā. The last record in this group is BM 114151, no. 62, a tiny fragment concerning silver, probably the property of Sîn indicated by the ˹níg.ga˺ d30 in l. 1’. 3.4. Documents without connection to any archive BM 113997, no. 7 cannot be assigned to any archive at present. It was found at Ur, where it had been written. It tells the story of Silim-Bēl/Rēmūt and Iqīša/Babā. 169

Note, however, that similar lists with enumeration of various ingredients (UET 4, 146– 148) were found in the private archive of Sîn-uballṭ/Sîn-zēr-līšir, cf. Pedersén 1998: 203.

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Unfortunately, neither Silim-Bēl/Rēmūt nor Iqīša/Babā are attested in UET 4 and their names are very common within the onomasticon of Babylonia.170 It is also not possible to solve the problem of archival provenance of the record based on the list of witnesses, except for the fact that almost all the names are characteristic for the repertoire of personal names that were in vogue in Ur, with a predominance of the theophoric element of the god Sîn. The only clue might be the presence of Sîn-ēṭer/Sîn-nādin-aḫi, the scribe, who may well be the same as Sîn-ēṭer/Sînnādin-aḫi of the Sîn-luppašar family, one of the very influential families in Ur, who is attested in the record dated to Nbn [12] (UET 4, 36: 18). BM 113977, no. 17 cannot be assigned to any archive at present as well. It was found and was written at Ur. It concerns the transfer of bread to fKaššāya, a slave girl of the king (géme lugal) from the provisions of the subjects of the king (lúun.meš šá lugal) in a strictly designated period. She was not identified by the father’s name nor family name. The debtor was fBusasa/Nāṣir, plausibly a widow unattested in other records from Ur. She gave a slave as security during the performance of her work. This means that she belonged to a wealthy family and the record may well belong to their private family archive. The names of witnesses and scribe do not help in identification of the archive, since they are not attested in the other records from Ur. Only the name of the scribe (Sîn-leqe-unninnī/Sînēreš//Sîn-šeme) belongs to the local repertoire of family names that were in vogue in Ur. 3.5. Poorly preserved records Nineteen records are included here. Their poor preservation does not allow them to be assigned to any of the above groups. Only in the case of a few of them is there opportunity for possible suggestions for including them in a private environment. This is the case with regard to BM 114042, no. 11. This is a fragment of a promissory note for 24 shekels of silver that was written in an unknown year of Nebuchadnezzar in Dummalqu (the place name is not attested so far but probably located in the vicinity of Ur). The name of the creditor is missing. It is not certain whether Sîn-iddin (l. 3) is the name of the second creditor or the debtor. The same can be said in the case of BM 114171, no. 12 ([Nbk]? 19, Ur), a fragment of a promissory note for silver with interest (the beginning and the middle parts of the tablet are missing), and BM 114074, no. 18, a fragment of a promissory note (?). The name of the creditor is missing, but the creditor’s father was Šamaš-šumulīšir. Rēmūt and Šamaš-zēr-līšir were debtors, but neither the father’s name nor family name is preserved. Another promissory note with private background might be BM 114064, no. 23 (the date and the place name are lost). This is a tiny fragment of a promissory note where the names of creditor and debtor are missing. 170

An example of misidentification could be Silim-Bēl/Rēmūt from Nbn 526 mentioned by Tallqvist, see Tallqvist 1905: 180. © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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The evidence is admittedly fragmentary, but some sense can be made of the following data: delivery of dates to the silo at Ur, the tithe, and the share paid probably to gardeners. The names of witnesses and the scribe are almost entirely missing. One more badly preserved imittu debt note is BM 114116, no. 25 of which the parties, date and place name are missing. BM 113966+, no. 46 is a record that, in all probability, belonged to a private person. The subject remains obscure, but this is a fragment of a large tablet concerning some kind of legal case solved before officials and the assembly. One of the litigants was Kūnā. There are at least seventeen names of witnesses on the reverse. The body of BM 113978, no. 47 is almost complete, but the surface of the obverse is badly eroded. The surface of the reverse is fine and covers eight lines (witness list, ll. 1’–4’; scribe, ll. 4’–5’; place name and date, ll. 6’–8’). The preserved fragments of signs at the beginning of the obverse inform that the record concerns 24 shekels of silver but the real reason for writing of the tablet is unknown. A female name in line 4, fBunanītu, as well as the king’s name in the following line are the only names preserved on the obverse. The text may well belong to a private archive, but due to the poor condition of the tablet it cannot be assigned at present. Two names that appear in the list of witnesses (Nādin/Nergaliddin and Amurru-uppaḫir/Amurru-iddin) are otherwise not attested in the texts published here or published in UET 4. The same concerns the name of the scribe, Bēl-upaqu/Mukīn-apli. None of the names belong to the local repertoire of personal names that were in vogue in Ur. The tablet was written in the place uruduum-ma-al-qu, the same as BM 114042, no. 11 (urudu-um-m[a-al-qu]). BM 114019, no. 48 is dated to Cam[b] 4?. The obverse is almost completely damaged. Fragmentary preserved signs inform that it concerns silver. The condition of the reverse is much better. The names of witnesses or their patronyms are partly legible, in contrast to the well-preserved name of the scribe (Sîn-apla-iddin/Šumu-ukīn). It might have belonged to a private archive, but it is not conclusive. BM 114027, no. 50 is a fragment of a record concerning some kind of regulation. The parties probably are Balāṭu (l. 8’) and Sîn-nādin-apli. The ll. 3’-7’ tell that something should be delivered to Sîn-nādin-apli (the name written over erasure). If Balāṭu does not come on the 25th day of an unknown month there is no lawsuit (kī ūmu 25 la ittalka ša la dīni) in regard to the document of the yield from the field from the 15th and the 17th year (libbi u’ilti ša imitti eqli ša šatti 15 ša šatti 17). The date and the place name are missing. Little can be said about the next seven records. BM 114075, no. 53 (date and place name are missing) is a tiny fragment with a few signs. The museum number BM 114078 (here no. 54) includes eight fragments which might have belonged to a single tablet (date and place name are missing). BM 114118, no. 57 is a tiny fragment with a few signs. It most likely did not belong to a private archive. BM

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114119, no. 58 concerns silver but the condition of the tablet is too fragmentary to determine its exact content. Probably dated to the 21.4.6 of an unknown king. BM 114126, no. 60 (date and place name are missing) is a tiny fragment with only partly readable signs with a missing context. The fingernail impression on the edge might suggest a sale of immoveable property. BM 114129, no. 61 is dated to Dar 9? in Ur. This is a fragment of a promissory note or receipt for silver. No personal names are preserved. Archival distribution unknown. BM 113955+, no. 63 is almost complete, however, both surfaces are very heavily eroded. Reading of the preserved signs or parts of signs remains doubtful. Three fragments remain completely unidentified: BM 114121, no. 59, BM 114068, no. 64 and BM 114069, no. 65.

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4. Catalogue No. Museum Number 1 BM 113928

Collection Measure- Date Number ment in cm 1919-10-11, 18 5.0 × 8.0 29.1.Asb 20

Place Name Ur

2

BM 113927

1919-10-11, 17 5.3 × 8.3

18.8.Ššu 10

Ur

3

BM 114124

2.9 × 2.3

missing

missing

7.2 × 5.0

28.3.Dar 9

[Ur]

4.8 × 4.1

22.5.Dar 9

5.5 × 3.9 6.2 × 4.5

28.12.Dar 35 19.1.Nbk 26

Ālu-šaf Inṣābtu Ur Ur

6 7

1919-10-11, 214 BM 113942+ 1919-10-11, BM 1141094 32+194 BM 114028+ 1919-10-11, BM 114099 118+189 BM 113961 1919-10-11, 51 BM 113997 1919-10-11, 87

8

BM 113983

1919-10-11, 73 3.8 × 2.9

6.10.Nb 12 Ur

9

BM 114169

4.9 × 3.8

30.10.Nbn 13

Ur

10

BM 114011

1919-10-11, 259 1919-10-11, 101

5.6 × 2.4

missing

missing

11

BM 114042

1919-10-11, 132

2.8 × 2.8

5?.8.Nbk [x]

Dummalqu

12

BM 114171

14.[x.Nbk?] 19 Ur

13

BM 113974

1919-10-11, 4.6 × 3.4 261 1919-10-11, 64 5.0 × 3.8

12.3.Cyr 4

Ur

14

BM 114170

6.3.Dar 5

Ur

15

BM 113980

1919-10-11, 4.2 × 3.6 260 1919-10-11, 70 4.4 × 3.2

16

BM 114045+ 1919-10-11, 114102+ 135+192+ 114123+ 213+251 114161

4 5

5.5 × 4.1

29.7.Nb[k III] 0 Ur 26.[x.Cam]b 3? Ālu-šaf Inṣābtu

Remarks Sale of inherited share to a brother Transfer of a house, land and slaves by husband to his wife duplicate of BM 113927, no. 2 Gift of household goods Oath by gods and king ēpišānūtu contract Investigation before the deputy Promissory note for silver Promissory note for silver Fragment of promissory note for silver Fragment of the promissory note for silver Promissory note for silver Promissory note for dates Promissory note for dates Promissory note for barley Promissory note for lambs and dates

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No. Museum Number 17 BM 113977

Collection Measure- Date Number ment in cm 1919-10-11, 67 5.0 × 3.6 22.6.Nbn 9

18

BM 114074

19

BM 113948+ BM 114026 BM 113964 BM 114034

Imittu debt note Imittu debt note

4.7 × 3.6

missing

6.2 × 5.1

25.[x].Da[r] 9?

4.7 × 5.2 2.8 × 3.8

4.7.[Da]r [x] 18.[x.Dar] 4

[U]r [Ur]

5.7 × 4.3

[x]+3.[x.Dar] 6 Ālu-Ša- Imittu debt note f Inṣābtu

3.2 × 3.1

missing

2.5 × 3.2 2.0 × 3.4

21.[6?]b.[Da]r [5?] missing

3.9 × 2.5

10.7?.Cyr 4

23

BM 114050+ BM 114117+ BM 114146 BM 114064

24

BM 114107

25

BM 114116

26 27

BM 114130 + BM 114155 BM 113962

5.7 × 3.7

18.5.Dar 8

28

BM 113963

1919-10-11, 53 5.4 × 3.4

3.5.Dar 11

29 30

BM 113976 BM 113979

1919-10-11, 66 4.9 × 3.5 1919-10-11, 69 4.4 × 3.5

5.4.Camb 3 4.8.Dar 6

31

BM 114101

missing

32

BM 113922

1919-10-11, 4.2 × 3.0 191 1919-10-11, 12 6.0 × 9.2

33

BM 113950

1919-10-11, 40 5.6 × 4.5

no date

34

BM 113960

1919-10-11, 50 5.6 × 4.0

[x.x.Da]r [x]

35

BM 113952 + 1919-10-11, BM 113954 42+44

22

Remarks

Promissory note for bread for the king’s slave girl missing Fragment of the promissory note (?) [Ur] Imittu debt note

1919-10-11, 164 1919-10-11, 38+116 1919-10-11, 54 1919-10-11, 124 1919-10-11, 140+207+ 236 1919-10-11, 154 1919-10-11, 197 1919-10-11, 206 1919-10-11, 220+245 1919-10-11, 52

20 21

Place Name Ur

7.1 × 5.5

no date

.9 Dar 6?

missing Fragment of imittu debt note [Ur] Imittu debt note missing Fragment of imittu debt note Ur Imittu debt note no place name no place name Ur Ur

Receipt for silver

Receipt for textiles for manufacture

Receipt for barley Receipt for barley, dates and silver missing Fragment of receipt (?) no Account of flour place for provisions(?) name no Account of barley place instead of dates name no Account of barley place or dates name no Accounts of proviplace sions for three conname secutive years

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No. Museum Number 36 BM 113957

Collection Measure- Date Number ment in cm 1919-10-11, 47 5.8 × 3.6 .11.

37

BM 114021

1919-10-11, 111

4.3 × 4.2

1.12.[D]ar 35

38

BM 114143

1919-10-11, 233

3.6 × 2.4

[x.x.Da]r 34

39

BM 113926

1919-10-11, 16 5.7 × 7.8

no date

40

BM 113958

1919-10-11, 48 3.7 × 7.8

no date

41

BM 113992

1919-10-11, 82 3.7 × 6.8

no date

42

BM 113959

1919-10-11, 49 5.9 × 3.0

no date

43

BM 113975

1919-10-11, 65 5.0 × 3.4

no date

44

BM 114141

1919-10-11, 231

no date

45

BM 113981

1919-10-11, 71 4.2 × 2.9

46

BM 113966 + 1919-10-11, BM 114022 56+112 BM 113978 1919-10-11, 68) BM 114019 1919-10-11, 109

8.3 × 4.6

missing

4.7 × 3.2

5.8.Nbk 40

49

BM 114020

5.0 × 3.6

23 or 26.5.[x x] [U]r

50

BM 114027

5.8 × 2.3

missing

51

BM 114044

3.2 × 4.8

4.[x].Xer [2?]

47 48

1919-10-11, 110 1919-10-11, 117 1919-10-11, 134

3.0 × 2.6

5.4 × 3.7

(Nbk 18)

Place Name no place name no place name no place name no place name no place name no place name no place name no place name no place name no place name missing

Dummalqu 10+[x].6.Cam[ Ur b] 4?

Remarks Account of barley for fodder Account of barley for fodder Account of barley for fodder Inventory of household goods List of cultic objects and materials List of aromatics and other ingredients Fields descriptions

Letter

Letter

Letter

Unidentified legal record Promissory note or receipt for silver Badly preserved promissory note(?) for silver Unidentified

missing Concerning promissory note [Ur] Unidentified

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No. Museum Number 52 BM 114046 53

BM 114075

54

BM 114078

55

BM 114100

56

BM 114106

57

BM 114118

58

BM 114119

59

BM 114121

60

BM 114126

61

BM 114129

Chapter 4

Collection Number 1919-10-11, 136 1919-10-11, 165 1919-10-11, 168 1919-10-11, 190 1919-10-11, 196 1919-10-11, 210 1919-10-11, 209

Measure- Date Place ment in cm Name 3.3 × 3.7 [x.x].Nbk [x]+2 [x]

Remarks Unidentified

1.9 × 3.5

missing

missing Unidentified

2.5 × 4.4

missing

4.0 × 2.0

missing

missing Fragments of the promissory note (?) missing Unidentified

2.5 × 4.5

missing

missing Unidentified

4.2 × 1.6

[x.x.x] 5?

missing Unidentified

3.4 × 2.6

21.4.[x] 6

3.2 × 3.0

missing

3.5 × 2.0

missing

1.7 × 2.8

[x.x]. Da[r] 9?

62

BM 114151

1919-10-11, 211 1919-10-11, 216 1919-10-11, 219 1919-10-11, 241

missing Fragment concerning silver. Unidentified missing Unidentified

2.8 × 2.0

missing

63

BM 113955 + 1919-10-11, BM 113996 45+86 BM 114068 1919-10-11, 158 BM 114069 1919-10-11, 159

7.5 × 5.5

missing

missing Unidentified. Fingernail marks Ur Unidentified. Concerning silver missing Fragment concerning silver. Unidentified missing Unidentified

4.1 × 4.7

missing

missing Unidentified

4.0 × 2.5

missing

missing Unidentified

64 65

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5. Indices 5.1. Personal names Aḫu-k[i-x] (mšeš-k[i ...]) BM 114034, no. 21: rev. 4’ Aḫu-līšir (mšeš-ki-šìr) f. Kinūnāya BM 114028+, no. 5: 1, BM 114045+, no. 16: 9; BM 114130+, no. 26: 3’ Aḫušunu (mšeš-šú-nu) s. Gudādû BM 113963, no. 28: 5 s. Sîn-zēr-iddin BM 114170, no. 14: 4 s. Ša-pî-Sîn BM 114170, no. 14: 11 wf BM 114019, no. 48: rev. 3’ Ammeni-ili (mam-me-ni-dingir) f. Sîn-ibni BM 113997, no. 7: 17 Amurru-iddin (mdkur.gal-mu) f. Amurru-uppaḫir BM 113978, no. 47: rev. 4’ Amurru-šumu-iškun (mdkur.galšu-mu--un) s. [x] BM 114101, no. 31: 10’ Amurru-uppaḫir (˹m˺dkur.galnigin-ir) s. Amurru-iddin BM 113978, no. 47: rev. 3’ fAna-dannu (fana-dan-nu) lú qal-lat of Šulā BM 113983, no. 8: 1 Aplā (map-la-a/ma-a/mibila-a) s. Kuruḫḫu-Nabû BM 113975, no. 43: 9 s. [x]//Sîn-[x] BM 114100, no. 55: 3’ s. [x] BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 4’ f. Kudurru BM 113927, no. 2: 35 desc. Sîn-aḫu-ušabši BM 113928,

no. 1: 33 Arad-Innin (mìr-dinnin-na) f. Innin-šumu-uṣur BM 113977, no. 17: 14 Arad-Marduk (mìr-damar.utu/šú) f. Sîn-nādin-apli /~/ Sîn-zākir-šumi BM 114028+, no. 5: 4; BM 113980, no. 15: 13; BM 113948+, no. 19: 2; BM 114034, no. 21: 3’ f. Sîn-nādin-apli /~/ Imbia BM 114045+, no. 16: 7 Arad-Sîn (mìr-d30) s. Sîn-šumu-ukīn//Sîn-rīm-ilī BM 113961, no. 6: rev. 4’ f. [x] BM 114044, no. 51: 10’ Arad-Sîn (mìr-dnanna ) s. Zēria//Mandidi BM 113942+, no. 4: 16 f. Murašû BM 113948+, no. 19: 4 Arad-d[x] (m˹ìr?˺-d[...]) wf BM 113966+, no. 46: 3’ Arad?-[x] (m˹ìr?˺-[...]) f. fUḫinatu /~/ Imbia BM 113942+, no. 4: 5 Ardia s. Nādin//Imbia BM 114170, no. 14: 9 Babā (mba-ba-a) f. Iqīšā BM 113997, no. 7: 2 fBaḫiti (fba-ḫi-ti) wf BM 113927, no. 2: 5 Balāssu (mba-lat-su) f. Bēl-ēpuš BM 113927, no. 2: 36

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Balāṭu (mtin/tin-ṭu/[m]˹ba-la˺-ṭu) s. Sîn-iddin BM 113983, no. 8: 8 f. Sîn-kēšir /~/ Ina-ṣilli-tanittu BM 113979, no. 30: 5, 13 wf BM 114027, no. 50: 8’ Bānia (mdù-ia) f. Iqīša /~/ Kunā BM 114050+, no. 22: 4, 11 wf BM 113963, no. 28: 4 Basia (m˹ba-si-ia˺) s. [x]//Etellu BM 114045+, no. 16: 15 Basūru (mba-su-ru) f. Nūrēa BM 113977, no. 17: 13 fBazītu (fba-zi-ti) wf BM 113927, no. 2: 5 Bazuzu ([m]ba-zu-zu) s. Gimil?-Sîn BM 114050+, no. 22: 10 Ba-[x] (mba-[x]) s. Iqīšā BM 113997, no. 7: 14 Bēl-ēpuš (mden-dù-uš) s. Balāssu BM 113927, no. 2: 36 Bēl-ēṭer (mden-sur) f. Mušallim-Marduk BM 113927, no. 2: 44 desc. Bēl-iddin BM 113928, no. 1: 34 Bēl-iddin (mden-mu) f. Sîn-šeme BM 113927, no. 2: 42 Bēl-iqbi (mden-iq-bi) s. Nabû-aḫḫē-šullim BM 113927, no. 2: 1, 9, 12; BM 113928, no. 1: 12 Bēl-lē’i (mden-da) s. Zabūnu BM 113927, no. 2: 38 Bēl-uballiṭ ([md]en-tin-iṭ) s. Nabû-[x] BM 114011, no. 10: rev. 8’ Bēl-upaqu (mden-ú-pa-qu) s. Mukīn-apli BM 113978, no. 47: rev. 5’ (ṭupšarru)

Bēl-[x] (mden-[...]) wf BM 113966+, no. 46: 2’ wf BM 114042, no. 11: rev. 2’ fBunanītu (˹f?˺bu-na-ni-tu ) 4 wf BM 113978, no. 47: 4 fBusasa (fbu-sa-sa) d. Nāṣir BM 113977, no. 17: 3, 8 wf BM 113952+, no. 35: 2 Dummuqu (mdu-um-mu[q-qu]) s. Zērūtu BM 113950, no. 33: 2 Dummuqu (mdu-um-ú-˹q˺[u?]) wf BM 113950, no. 33: 7 Gilunu (mgi-lu-nu) f. Sîn-ibni BM 113997, no. 7: 15 Gimil-Sîn (mšu-d30) f. Bazuzu BM 114050+, no. 22: 10 f. Sîn-aḫḫē-iddin /~/ Naggāru BM 114169, no. 9: 11 f. Ša-pî-kalbi /~/ Imbia BM 113979, no. 30: 12 Gudādû (mgu-da-du) f. Aḫušunu BM 113963, no. 28: 5 Gula-balāssu-iqbi (mdgu-la-tin-suiq-bi) b. Sîn-aḫu-iddin and Rēmūt BM 113928, no. 1: 1, 8, 10, 11, 15, 23, 39 (desc. Šāpiku); BM 113927, no. 2: 14 Ibnā (mdù-a/[mi]b-na-a) wf BM 113952+, no. 35: 3 f. Nergal-iddin BM 114100, no. 55: 11’ Iddinā (msum.na-a) s. Nabû-zēr-ibni BM 113927, no. 2: 37 Iddin-aḫi ([m]sum.na-šeš) s. [x] BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 3’ Iddin-Bēl (mmu-den) f. [x] /~/ Sîn-[x] BM 114100, no. 55: 10’ Iddin-Papsukkal (msum.na-dpapsukkal)

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Indices

f. Nabû-gāmil BM 113927, no. 2: 34; BM 114124, no. 3: 11’ Iddin-[x] (mmu-[...]) f. Nabû-taqbi-līšir BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 14’ f. Sîn-bāšti-ilāni BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 13’ Imbi-Sîn (mim-bi-d30) f. Nādin /~/ Rē’i alpi BM 113977, no. 17: 15 Ina-tēšî-ēṭer (mina-sùḫ-sur) wf BM 113975, no. 43: 8 Innin-šumu-uṣur (m˹dinnin˺-namu-ùru) s. Arad-Innin BM 113977, no. 17: 14 Iqbā ([m]iq-ba-a) s. [x] BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 17’ Iqīša (mba-šá) s. Bānia//Kūnā BM 114050+, no. 22: 4, 11 (ṭupšarru) Iqīšā (mba-šá-a) s. Babā BM 113997, no. 7: 1, 6, 9, 12 s. Sîn-[x] BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 15’ f. Ba-[x] BM 113997, no. 7: 15 fIqupatu (fi-qu-pa-tu ) 4 wf BM 113975, no. 43: 3 Irkur (mir-kur) f. Šamaš-iddin BM 113983, no. 8: 8 Itti-Nabû-balāṭu (mki-dag-tin) f. Sîn-bēl-ili BM 114170, no. 14: 13 Itti-Sîn-bunûa (m˹ki˺-d30-bu-nu-úa) wf BM 113963, no. 28: 6 Itti-Šamaš-balāṭu (mki-dutu-tin) f. Sîn-apla-iddin BM 113948+, no. 19: 3 fKaššāya (fkaš-šá-a) d. Nabû-[x]-iddin BM 113942+, no. 4: 9

95

˹géme˺ lugal BM 113977, no. 17: 1, 8, 10, 12 Kabtia (mbe-ia/mkab-ti-iá) f. Sîn-iddin /~/ Imbia BM 114130+, no. 26: 10’; BM 113959, no. 42: 11 Kidinnu (mki-din-nu) f. ˹mu x x x˺ /~/ Imbia BM 113961, no. 6: rev. 3’ Kidin-Sîn (mki-din-d30) s. [x] BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 18’ (ṭupšarru) Kinūnāya (mki.ne-na-a-a) s. Aḫu-līšir BM 114028+, no. 5: 1, BM 114045+, no. 16: 8; BM 114130+, no. 26: 2’, 6’, 7’ Kiruḫḫu-Nabû (mki-ru-uḫ-ḫu-dag) f. Aplā BM 113975, no. 43: 9 f. Marduk-ēreš BM 113980, no. 15: 3 f. Sîn-bāšti-ilī BM 113974, no. 13: 9 K[i-x] (mk[i ...]) f. [x] BM 114034, no. 21: rev. 3’ Kudurru (mníg.du) s. Aplā BM 113927, no. 2: 35 Kūnā (mku-na-a) f. Sîn-nādin-šumi BM 113981, no. 45: 7 f. [x] /~/ Imbia BM 114050+, no. 22: 3 f. [x] BM 114107, no. 24: 3 f. [x] BM 114171, no. 12: 2’ wf BM 113959, no. 42: 5 wf BM 113966+, no. 46: 6’, 9’ Lābāši ([m]la-ba-ši) s. [x] BM 114171, no. 12: 7’ Lū-idia (m˹lu˺-ú-i-di-ia) wf BM 113960, no. 34: 3 Madānu-zēr-ibni (mddi.ku5numun-dù) wf BM 113975, no. 43: 4

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Mannu-damû (mman-nu-da-mu[u]) f. [x] BM 114042, no. 11: 2 Marduk (mmar-duk) wf BM 114044, no. 51: 17’ Marduk-aḫ-[x] ([m]damar.utu-šeš[...]) wf BM 114034, no. 21: rev. 5’ Marduk-ēreš (mdamar.utu-apin-eš) s. Kiruḫḫu-Nabû BM 113980, no. 15: 2 Marduk-ēṭer (mdamar.utu-sur) s. [x] BM 114101, no. 31: 9’ Marduk-zēr-ibni (mdamar.utunumun-dù) s. Nādin/Ile’’i-Marduk BM 113974, no. 13: 1 f. Nidintu /~/ Imbia BM 113961, no. 6: 3 f. Sîn-bānūnu /~/ Ile’’i-Marduk BM 113976, no. 29: 2, 14 Mukkēa (mmuk-e-a) s. Sîn-iddin BM 113983, no. 8: 10 (ṭupšarru) Mukīn-apli (mgin-a) f. Bēl-upaqu BM 113978, no. 47: rev. 5’ Murašû (mmu-ra-šu-ú) s. Arad-Nanna-apla-mukīn BM 113948+, no. 19: 4 Mušallim-Marduk (mmu-šal-limd amar.utu) s. Bēl-ēṭer BM 113927, no. 2: 44 Mušēzib (mmu-še-zib) wf BM 113927, no. 2: 8 mu x x x s. Kidinnu /~/ Imbia BM 113961 (no. 6): rev. 3’ Nabû-aḫḫē-šullim (mdag-šeš.mešgi) f. Bēl-iqbi BM 113927, no. 2: 2

Nabû-bulissu (mdag-bul-lit-su) desc. Sîn-ušallim BM 113961, no. 6: 5, 7 Nabû-ēṭer (mdag-kar-ir) s. Šullumu BM 113927, no. 2: 39 Nabû-ēṭir-napšāti ([md]ag-surzi.[meš]) wf BM 114078, no. 54: A 4’ Nabû-gāmil (mdag-ga-mil) s. Iddin-Papsukkal BM 113927, no. 2: 34; BM 114124, no. 3: 11’ f. Nabû-zākir-šumi BM 113927, no. 2: 41 Nabû-lē’i ([md]ag-da) lú sag lugal BM 113966+, no. 46: 4’ Nabû-šu-b[u-x] (˹m˺dag-šu-b[u- ...]) wf BM 114106, no. 56: 4’ Nabû-šumu-ukīn (mdag-mugin/˹ú˺?-ki-ni) s. Sîn-rā’im-zēri/Imbia BM 113926, no. 39: 1 f. Sîn-tabni-uṣur /~/ Imbia BM 114170, no. 14: 3; BM 113964, no. 20: 16 Nabû-taqbi-līšir (mdag-taq-bi-giš) s. Iddin-[x] BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 14’ Nabû-zākir-šumi (mdag-mu-mu) s. Nabû-gāmil BM 113927, no. 2: 41 Nabû-zēr-ibni (mdag-numun-dù) f. Iddinā BM 113927, no. 2: 37 f. Šamaš-x-še BM 114171, no. 12: 10’ Nabû-[x]-iddin (mdag-[x]-mu) f. Kaššāya BM 113942+, no. 4: 9 Nabû-[x] (mdag-˹x x x˺) f. Bēl-uballiṭ BM 114011, no. 10: rev. 8’ wf BM 113975, no. 43: 1 Nādin (mna-din/mna-di-nu) s. Imbi-Sîn//Rē’i alpi? BM 113977,

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Indices

no. 17: 15 s. Nergal-iddin BM 113978, no. 47: rev. 1’ f. Ardia /~/ Imbia BM 114170, no. 14: 10 f. Marduk-zēr-ibni /~/ Ile’’iMarduk BM 113974, no. 13: 2 f. Zēria BM 113962, no. 27: 3 f. [x] /~/ Mandidi BM 113964, no. 20: 14 Na’id-Marduk (m˹i˺-damar.utu) wf BM 114171, no. 12: 8’ fNamirtu (fna-mir-ti) wf BM 113927, no. 2: 4 Nanā-ēreš (mdna-na-a-apin-˹eš˺) wf BM 113950, no. 33: 9 Napištu (mna-pu-uš-tu4) wf BM 113957, no. 36: 5, 8; BM 114021, no. 37: 5; BM 114143, no. 38: 5 Nāṣir (mna-ṣi-ru/mna-ṣir) s. Sîn-bēl-zēri BM 113927, no. 2: 40 f. fBusasa BM 113977, no. 17: 4 Nazia (mna-zi-iá/ia) s. [x] BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 7’ f. Sîn-erība BM 113997, no. 7: 16 Nergal-iddin (mdu.gur-mu) s. Ibnā? BM 114100, no. 55: 11’ f. Nādin BM 113978, no. 47: rev. 2’ f. Ningišzida-ēreš BM 113927, no. 2: 43 Nidintu (mni-din-tu4/tú) s. Marduk-zēr-ibni//Imbia BM 113961, no. 6: 3 desc. Kuṣurā BM 114028+, no. 5: 18 wf BM 113942+, no. 4: 5171 Ninazu-ēreš (mdnin.a.zu-kam) f. Sîn-iddin BM 113997, no. 7: 14

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wf BM 114141, no. 44: 2’ Ninazu-erība (mdnin.a.zu-˹su˺) wf BM 113952+, no. 35: 3 Ninazu-šumu-iqīša ([m]dnin.a.zumu-ba-šá) s. Sîn-ušallim//Imbia BM 114045+, no. 16: 17 (ṭupšarru) f. Sîn-mukīn-apli /~/ Imbia BM 114020, no. 49: rev. 5’ Ninazu-u[ṣur] (md˹nin˺.a.zu-ù[ru]) wf BM 114019, no. 48: rev. 1’ Ninazu-[x] (mdnin.a.zu-˹x˺ [x]) wf BM 114044, no. 51: 11’ Ningišzida-ēreš (mdnin.giš.zi.dakam) s. Nergal-iddin BM 113927, no. 2: 43 desc. Šamaš-erība BM 114028+, no. 5: 18 Ningišzida-iqbi (mdnin.giš.zi.da-iqbi) desc. Sîn-ibni BM 113928, no. 1: 35 Nūrēa (mzálag-e-a) s. Basūru BM 113977, no. 17: 13 Pāni-Nabû-lumur (migi-dag-lumur) wf BM 113927, no. 2: 4 Rammānû (mram-ma-nu-ú) s. [x] BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 8’ Rēmūt (mri-mut/mu-tu) s. [x] BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 12’ b. Sîn-aḫu-iddin and Gula-balāssuiqbi BM 113927, no. 2: 13 f. Silim-Bēl BM 113997, no. 7: 1 f. Ubāru BM 113927, no. 2: 33; BM 114124, no. 3: 10’ wf BM 114074, no. 18: 2’, 4’ Rīmūt-Sîn (mri-mut-d30) s. Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia BM

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113942+, no. 4: 12; BM 114169, no. 9: 2; BM 113974, no. 13: 3, 11 (ṭupšarru); BM 113980, no. 15: 4, 10, 15 (ṭupšarru); BM 114045+, no. 16: 4; BM 113976, no. 29: 3, 6; BM 113979, no. 30: 7, 9 Silim-Bēl (msi-lim-den) s. Rēmūt BM 113997, no. 7: 1, 6, 7, 12 Sîn-aḫḫē-bulliṭ (md30-šeš.meštin/tin-iṭ) s. Sîn-iqīša//Sīsî BM 113948+, no. 19: 5; BM 113964, no. 20: 3; BM 114034, no. 21: 5’; BM 114107, no. 24: 4 Sîn-aḫḫē-iddin (md30-šeš.meš˹mu˺) s. Gimil-Sîn//Naggāru BM 114169, no. 9: 10 Sîn-aḫḫē-iqīša (md30-šeš.meš-bašá) s. Sîn-zēr-iqīša BM 113974, no. 13: 10 wf BM 113922, no. 32: 4 Sîn-aḫḫē-x (˹md3˺0-šeš.meš-˹x-x?˺) s. [x] BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 10’ Sîn-aḫu-iddin (md30-šeš-mu) wf BM 113975, no. 43: 7 (md30˹šeš?-mu?˺) b. Rēmūt and Gula-balāssu-iqbi BM 113928, no. 1: 2, 6, 13, 16; BM 113927, no. 2: 13 wf BM 113922, no. 32: 6 Sîn-aḫu-šubši (md30-šeš-šub-ši/gálši) f. Sîn-iddin BM 113927, no. 2: 46 f. Šamaš-šumu-iddin /~/ MušēzibMarduk BM 114050+, no. 22: 9 Sîn-aḫu-[x] ([m]d30-šeš-[…]) wf BM 114034, no. 21: rev. 2’

Sîn-apla-iddin (md30-a-mu) s. Itti-Šamaš-balāṭu BM 113948+, no. 19: 3 s. Sîn-šarra-uṣur//Sîn-šeme BM 114028+, no. 5: 15; BM 113948+, no. 19: 16 s. Šumu-ukīn BM 114019, no. 48: rev. 5’ (ṭupšarru) wf BM 114027, no. 50: 9’ Sîn-ašarēd (md30-sag.kal) desc. Ninurta-da[nnu?] BM 113928, no. 1: 31 Sîn-balāssu-iqbi (md30-tin-su-e) gìr.níta šeš.unugki BM 113927, no. 2: 32//BM 114124, no. 3: 9’ Sîn-bāni-aḫi (m˹d˺30-dù-šeš) s. Sîn-ušallim BM 113976, no. 29: 12 Sîn-bānūnu (md30-ba-nu-nu) s. Marduk-zēr-ibni//Ile’’i-Marduk BM 113976, no. 29: 2, 5, 8, 13 (ṭupšarru) Sîn-bāšti-ilāni (md30-téšdingir.me/meš) s. Kiruḫḫu-Nabû BM 113974, no. 13: 8 s. Iddin-[x] BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 13’ Sîn-bēl-ilāni (md30-en-dingir/ dingir.me) s. Itti-Nabû-balāṭu BM 114170, no. 14: 12 s. [x] BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 6’ Sîn-bēl-kali (md30-en-dù.a.bi) f. Sîn-nādin-šumi BM 113997, no. 7: 18 Sîn-bēl-zēri (md30-en-numun) s. Sîn-iddin BM 113927, no. 2: 7 f. Nāṣir BM 113927, no. 2: 40 f. [x]-mudammiq /~/ Ibnā BM 114020, no. 49: rev. 2’

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Indices

Sîn-ēreš (md30-kam) f. Sîn-leqe-unninnī /~/ Sîn-šeme BM 113977, no. 17: 16 Sîn-erība (md30-su) s. Nazia BM 113997, no. 7: 16 Sîn-ēṭer (md30-sur) s. Sîn-nādin-aḫi BM 113997, no. 7: 19 (ṭupšarru) f. Sîn-līšir /~/ Sîn-luppašar BM 113942+, no. 4: 17 desc. Nergal-uballiṭ BM 113928, no. 1: 32 wf BM 113922, no. 32: 7 Sîn-gāmil (md30-ga-mil) f. Sūqāya BM 114169, no. 9: 5, 13 Sîn-ibni (md30-ib-ni/dù) s. Ammeni-ili BM 113997, no. 7: 16 s. Gilunu BM 113997, no. 7: 15 Sîn-iddin (md30-mu/sum.na) s. Kabtia/Imbia BM 113959, no. 42: 11; BM 114130+, no. 26: 9’ s. Ninazu-ēreš BM 113997, no. 7: 14 s. Sîn-aḫu-šubši BM 113927, no. 2: 45 (ṭupšarru) s. Šulā//Ašlāku BM 113976, no. 29: 10 f. Sîn-bēl-zēri BM 113927, no. 2: 7 f. Balāṭu BM 113983, no. 8: 9 f. Mukēa BM 113983, no. 8: 11 desc. Aḫu-lūmur BM 114028+, no. 5: 17 lú šu-[x] BM 114042, no. 11: 3 Sîn-iqīša (md30-ba-šá) f. Sîn-aḫḫē-bulliṭ /~/ Sīsê BM 113948+, no. 19: 5; BM 113964, no. 20: 4; BM 114034, no. 21: 5’; BM 114107, no. 24: 5

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Sîn-ittannu (md30-it-tan-nu) desc. Šumu-uṣur172 BM 113961, no. 6: rev. 5’ (ṭupšarru) Sîn-kāṣir (md30-kàd) f. Sîn-šimanni /~/ Imbia BM 113942+, no. 4: 15; BM 114028+, no. 5: 20 f. Sîn-zēr-ibni /~/ Imbia BM 113948+, no. 19: 16 Sîn-kēšir (md30-ki-šìr) s. Balāṭu//Ina-ṣilli-tanittu BM 113979, no. 30: 5, 13 (ṭupšarru) desc. Sîn-aḫu-iddin BM 114130+, no. 26: 11’ Sîn-leqe-unninnī (md30-ti-ér) s. Sîn-ēreš//Sîn-šeme BM 113977, no. 17: 16 (ṭupšarru) Sîn-līšir (md30-giš) s. Sîn-ēṭer//Sîn-luppašar BM 113942+, no. 4: 10, 17 (ṭupšarru) Sîn-barḫi-ilāni (md30-bar-ḫidingir.meš) s. Zabūnu BM 113981, no. 45: 1 Sîn-mukīn-apli (md30-gin-ibila/a) s. Ninazu-šumu-iqīša//Imbia BM 114020, no. 49: rev. 4’ (ṭupšarru) wf BM 114129, no. 61: l.h.e. 8’ Sîn-nādin-aḫi (md30-nadin/sum.na-šeš) s. Sîn-zēr-lišīr//[x] BM 113942+, no. 4: 14 s. [x] BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 5’ f. Sîn-ēṭer BM 113997, no. 7: 19 wf BM 114019, no. 48: rev. 2’ Sîn-nādin-apli (md30-na-dinibila/a) s. Arad-Marduk//Sîn-zākir-šumi BM 114028+, no. 5: 4; BM

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113980, no. 15: 13; BM 113948+, no. 19: 2, 12; BM 114034, no. 21: 3’ s. Arad-Marduk//Imbia BM 114045+, no. 16: 6 wf BM 113962, no. 27: 5 wf BM 114027, no. 50: 3’, 8’ Sîn-nādin-šumi (md30-nadin/sum.na-mu) s. Kunā BM 113981, no. 45: 6 s. Sîn-bēl-kali BM 113997, no. 7: 17 s. [x] BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 11’ wf BM 114042, no. 11: 4 Sîn-nuḫšu-ilāni (m˹d˺30-ḫé.dingir.meš) f. Šulā /~/ Eṭēru BM 114169, no. 9: 9 Sîn-pirḫi ([m]˹d˺30-pi-riḫ) wf BM 114046, no. 52: 6’ Sîn-rā’im-zēri (md30-ág-numun) f. Nabû-šumu-ukīn /~/ Imbia BM 113926, no. 39: 2 f. Rēmūt-Sîn /~/ Imbia BM 113942+, no. 4: 12; BM 114169, no. 9: 3; BM 113974, no. 13: 4, 11; BM 113980, no. 15: 5, 15; BM 114045+, no. 16: 5; BM 113976, no. 29: 4; BM 113979, no. 30: 8 f. Ša-pî-kalbi /~/ Imbia BM 113983, no. 8: 4; BM 113962, no. 27: 4; BM 114101, no. 31: 8’ wf BM 114100, no. 55: 6’ Sîn-šarra-uṣur (md30-lugal-ùru) f. Sîn-apla-iddin /~/ Sîn-šeme BM 114028+, no. 5: 16; BM 113948+, no. 19: 17 Sîn-šeme (md30-še-mé) s. Bēl-iddin BM 113927, no. 2: 42 Sîn-šimanni (md30-ši-man-nu) s. Sîn-kāṣir//Imbia BM 113942+,

no. 4: 15; BM 114028+, no. 5: 19 (ṭupšarru) s. [x] BM 114101 (no. 31): 11’ Sîn-šulmu-šukun (md30-šu-lum-kun) lú qal-la BM 113977, no. 17: 7, 9 Sîn-šumu-ibni f. Šamaš-mukīn-apli /~/ Sîn-gāmil BM 114130+, no. 26: 13’ Sîn-šumu-līšir (md30-mu-giš) s. Sîn-[x] BM 113997, no. 7: 13 Sîn-šumu-ukīn (md30-mu-gin) f. Arad-Sîn /~/ Sîn-rīm-ilī BM 113961, no. 6: rev. 4’ Sîn-tabni-uṣur (md30-tab-ni-ùru) s. Nabû-šumu-ukīn/Imbia BM 114170, no. 14: 2; BM 113964, no. 20: 15 (ṭupšarru) s. Ša-pî-Sîn//Šumu-ušabši BM 113942+, no. 4: 13; BM 113980, no. 15: 11; BM 113948+, no. 19: 21, 25 (ṭupšarru); BM 113964, no. 20: 12; BM 114107, no. 24: 3’ (ṭupšarru) lú gar kur šeš.[unugki] BM 113928, no. 1: 30 Sîn-ubillu ([m]d30-ú-bil-l[a]) wf BM 114074, no. 18: 3’ Sîn-ušallim (md30-ú-šal-lim/gi) f. Ninazu-šumu-iqīša /~/ Imbia BM 114045+, no. 16: 18 f. Sîn-bāni-aḫi BM 113976, no. 29: 12 Sîn-zēr-ibni (md30-numun-dù) s. Sîn-kāṣir//Imbia BM 113948+, no. 19: 15 Sîn-zēr-iddin (md30-numun-mu) wf BM 113962, no. 27: 9 f. Aḫušunu BM 114170, no. 14: 5 Sîn-zēr-iqīša (md30-numun-ba-šá) f. Sîn-aḫḫē-iqīša BM 113974, no.

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Indices

13: 10 Sîn-zēr-līšir (md30-numun-giš) f. Sîn-nādin-aḫi /~/ [x] BM 113942+, no. 4: 14 wf BM 114046, no. 52: 4’ Sîn-x-x-ilāni ([m]d30-˹x-xdingir.meš˺) wf BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 2’ Sîn-[x] (md30-[x]) s. [x] BM 113948+, no. 19: 20 f. Iqīšā BM 1130966+, no. 18: rev. 15’ f. Sîn-šumu-līšir BM 113997, no. 7: 13 f. Ṣillā BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 16’ f. [x] BM 113948+, no. 19: 18 f. [x] BM 114100, no. 55: 5’ wf BM 113922, no. 32: 1 wf BM 113922, no. 32: 5 wf BM 113975, no. 43: 2 (md30-˹x x x x x˺) wf BM 114074, no. 18: 6’ S[în-...] (˹md3˺[0 ...]) wf BM 113978, no. 47: 3 Sūqāya (msu-qa-a-a) s. Sîn-gāmil BM 114169, no. 9: 4, 12 (ṭupšarru) wf BM 113952+, no. 35: 1, 12 fṢarbû (fṣar-bu-ú) w. Bēl-iqbi BM 113927, no. 2: 2, 9, 10, 13, 14, 16, 17 Ṣillā (˹m˺ṣil-la-a) s. Sîn-[x] BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 16’ s. [x]//Erība-Sîn BM 114100, no. 55: 2’ Šamaš-iddin (mdutu-mu) s. Irkur BM 113983, no. 8: 7 Šamaš-mudammiq (mdutu-sig5-iq) s. [x] BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 9’

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Šamaš-mukīn-apli s. Sîn-šumu-iddin//Sîn-gamil BM 114130+, no. 26: 12’ (ṭupšarru) Šamaš-šumu-iddin (m˹d˺utu-mu˹mu˺) s. Sîn-aḫu-ušabši//Mušēzib-Marduk BM 114050+, no. 22: 8 Šamaš?-šumu-līšir ([md]˹utu?˺-mugiš) wf BM 114074, no. 18: 1’ Šamaš-zēr-ibni ([md]utu-numundù) wf BM 114078, no. 54: B 3’ Šamaš-zēr-līšir (mdutu-numun-giš) wf BM 114074, no. 18: 2’, 5’ Šamaš-x-še? (m˹dutu˺-˹x-še?˺) s. Nabû-zēr-ibni BM 114171, no. 12: 9’ (ṭupšarru) Ša-pî-kalbi (mšá-ka-kal-bi) s. Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia BM 113983, no. 8: 3; BM 113962, no. 27: 3; BM 114101, no. 31: 7’ wf BM 114119, no. 58: 4’ wf BM 113922, no. 32: 15 Ša-pî-Sîn (mšá-ka-d30) s. Gimil-Sîn//Imbia BM 113979, no. 30: 11 f. Aḫušunu BM 114170, no. 14: 11 f. Sîn-tabni-uṣur /~/ Šumu-ušabši BM 113942+, no. 4: 13; BM 113948+, no. 19: 21; BM 113964, no. 20: 12; BM 113980, no. 15: 12; BM 114107, no. 24: 4’ Ša-pî-[x] (mšá-ka-[...]) wf BM 114151, no. 62: 3’ Ša-p[î-x] (mšá-k[a …]) f. [x] BM 114116, no. 25: 9’ Šulā (mšu-la-a) s. Sîn-nuḫšu-ilāni//Ēṭeru BM 114169, no. 9: 8

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f. Sîn-iddin /~/ Ašlāku BM 113976, no. 29: 11 wf BM 113983, no. 8: 2 Šullumu (mšul-lu-mu) f. Nabû-ēṭer BM 113927, no. 2: 39 Šumā (mšu-ma-a) desc. Nazia BM 113928, no. 1: 36 (ṭupšarru) Šumu-ukīn (mmu-gin) f. Sîn-nādin-apli BM 114019, no. 48: rev. 2’ fTabluṭ (ftab-luṭ) wf BM 113952+, no. 35: 6, 7 Ubāru (mú-bar) s. Rēmūt BM 113927, no. 2: 33; BM 114124, no. 3: 10’ fUḫinatu (fú-ḫi-na-tu ) 4 d. Arad?-[x]/Imbia BM 113942+, no. 4: 5 Zabūnu (mza-bu-nu) f. Bēl-lē’i BM 113927, no. 2: 38 f. Sîn-barḫi-ilāni BM 113981, no. 45: 2 Zēria (mnumun-ia) s. Nādin BM 113962, no. 27: 2 f. Arad-Nanna-apla-ukīn /~/ Mandidi BM 113942+, no. 4: 16 wf BM 114116, no. 25: 10’ Zērūtu (mnumun-ú-tu) f. Dummuqu BM 113950, no. 33: 3 [x]-… [x]-aḫu-iddin ([...]-˹šeš˺-mu) f. [x] /~/ lúx BM 114020, no. 49: rev. 1’ [x]-apla-ukīn ([…]-a-gin) desc. Imbia BM 114046, no. 52: 2’ [x]-Gula ([…-dg]u?-la wf BM 114107, no. 24: rev 1’ [x]-iddin ([x x] ˹x˺-mu) wf BM 114019, no. 48: rev. 3’

[x]-mudammiq ([...]-sig5-iq) s. Sîn-bēl-zēri//Ibnā BM 114020, no. 49: rev. 3’ [x]-Nabû ([…] ˹x-dag˺) wf BM 114078, no. 54: B 4’ [...]-˹x˺-e wf BM 113960, no. 34: 5 [x]-Sîn ([...]-˹d30˺) wf BM 114171, no. 12: 9’ [x]-uṣur ([...]-˹ú-ṣur˺) wf BM 113922 (no. 32): 10 [x-ušal]lim? ([... g]i?) s. [x] BM 114064, no. 23: rev. 4’ [x] s. Arad-Marduk BM 114101, no. 31: 4’ s. Arad-Sîn BM 114044, no. 51: 10’ s. Ar[ad-x] BM 114101, no. 31: 2’ s. Iddin-Bēl//Sîn-[x] BM 114100, no. 55: 9’ s. K[i-x] BM 114034, no. 21: rev. 3’ s. Kūnā//Imbia BM 114050+, no. 22: 3 s. Kūnā BM 114107, no. 24: 3 s. Kūnā BM 114171, no. 12: 2’ s. Mannu-damû BM 114042, no. 11: 1 s. Nādin//Madidi BM 113964, no. 20: 14 s. Sîn-[x] BM 113948+, no. 19: 18 s. Sî[n-x] BM 114100, no. 55: 4’ s. Sî[n-x] BM 114100, no. 55: 5’ s. Ša-p[î-x] BM 114116, no. 25: 8’ s. [x] BM 113948+, no. 19: 19 s. [x]//[Imb]ia BM 113964, no. 20: 2 s. [x] BM 113960, no. 34: 4 s. [x] BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 1’ f. Amurru-šumu-iškun BM 114101, no. 31: 10’

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Indices

f. Aplā /~/ Sîn-[x] BM 114100, no. 55: 3’ f. Basia /~/ Etellu BM 114045+, no. 16: 16 f. Lābāši BM 114171, no. 12: 7’ f. Marduk-ēṭer BM 114101, no. 31: 9’ f. Sîn-aḫḫē-x BM 113966+, no. 46: rev. 10’ f. Sîn-šimanni BM 114101, no. 31: 11’ f. Sîn-[x] BM 113948+, no. 19: 20 f. Ṣillā /~/ Erība-Sîn BM 114100,

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no. 55: 3’ f. [x] BM 113948+, no. 19: 19 f. [x] BM 113960, no. 34: 4 desc. [x] /~/ Kinatunu BM 113961, no. 6: rev. 1’ desc. [x] /~/ Sîn-rīm-ilī BM 114046, no. 52: 3’ desc. [x] /~/ Sîn-[x] BM 114044, no. 51: 18’ wf BM 113950, no. 33: 3 wf BM 113950, no. 33: 17 wf BM 113960, no. 34: 6

5.2. Family names Aḫu-lūmur (mšeš-lu-mur) Sîn-iddin Arad-Marduk (mìr-damar.utu) [x] Arad-[x] (mì[r-…]) [x] Ašlāku (lúazalag) Sîn-iddin/Šulā Bēl-iddin (mden-mu) Bēl-ēṭer Erība-Sîn (msu-d30) Ṣill[ā/pn] Etellu (me-til-lum) Basia/[x] Ēṭer (me-˹ṭir˺) Šulā/Sîn-nuḫšu-ilāni Ibnā ([mi]b-na-a) [x]-mudammiq/Sîn-bēl-zēri Ile’’i-Marduk (mda-damar.utu) Marduk-zēr-ibni/Nādin; Sînbānūnu/Marduk-zēr-ibni Imbia (mim-bi-ia/iá) Ardia/Nādin, Nabû-šumu-ukīn/Sînrā’im-zēri, Nidintu/Marduk-zēribni, Ninazu-šumu-iqīša/Sîn-

ušallim, Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’imzēri, Sîn-iddin/Kabtia, Sînmukīn-apli/Ninazu-šumu-iqīša, Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk, Sîn-šimanni/Sîn-kāṣir, Sîntabni-uṣur/Nabû-šumu-ukīn, Sîn-zēr-ibni/Sîn-kāṣir, Ša-pîkalbi/Sîn-rā’im-zēri, Ša-pîSîn/Gimil-Sîn, fUḫinatu/Arad?[x], [x]/Kidinnu, [pn/Kūn]ā, [pn/pn1]-apla-ukīn Ina-ṣilli-tanittu (mina-gissuzag.sal) Sîn-kēšir/Balāṭu Kinatunu (mki-na-tú-nu) [x]/[x] Kūnā (mku-na-a) Iqīša/Bānia Kuṣurā (mku-ṣur-a) Nidintu Mandidi (lúman-di-di) Arad-Sîn/Zēria, [pn]/Nādin Mušēzib-Marduk (mkar-damar.utu) Šamaš-šum-iddin/Sîn-aḫ-ušabši

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Naggāru (lúnagar) Sîn-aḫḫē-iddin/Gimil-Sîn Nazia (mna-zi-ia) Šumā Nergal-uballiṭ (mdu.gur-tin-i[ṭ]) Sîn-ēṭer Ninurta-da[nnu?] (mdmaš-da[nnu?]) Sîn-ašarēd Rē’i alpi (lú˹sipa gu4˺) Nādin/Imbi-Sîn Sîn-aḫu-iddin (md30-šeš-mu) Sîn-kēšir Sîn-aḫu-šubši (md30-šeš-šub-ši) Aplā Sîn-gāmil (md30-ga-mil) [Šama]š-mukīn-apli/Sîn-šumu-ibni Sîn-ibni (md30-dù) Ningišzida-iqbi Sîn-iddin (md30-mu) [x] Sîn-luppašar (md30-lup-pa-šár) Sîn-līšir/Sîn-ēṭer

Sîn-rīm-ilī (md30-am-dingir.meš) Arad-Sîn/Sîn-šumu-ukīn Sîn-šeme (md30-še-mé/šá-muḫ) Sîn-apla-iddin/Sîn-šarra-uṣur, Sînleqe-unninnī/Sîn-ēreš Sîn-ušallim (md30-ú-šal-lim) Nabû-bulissu Sîn-zākir-šumi (md30-za-kir-mu) Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk Sîn-[x] (md30-[x]) Aplā/[pn] Sīsê (lúsi-si-i) Sîn-aḫḫē-uballiṭ/Sîn-iqīša Šamaš-erība (mdutu-su) Ningišzida-ēreš Šāpiku (mšá-pi-ku) Gula-balāssu-iqbi Šumu-ušabši (mmu-gál-ši) Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Ša-pî-Sîn Šumu-uṣur (mmu-ùru) Sîn-ittannu

5.3. Divine names Adad (di[m]) BM 114100 (no. 55): rev. 12’ Anu (da-num) BM 113927 (no. 2): 20 Ea (dé-a) BM 113927 (no. 2): 20 Enlil (den-líl) BM 113927 (no. 2): 20 Ištar (d15) BM 113942+ (no. 4): 8 Marduk (damar.utu) BM 113927 (no. 2): 22 Ninazu (dnin.a.zu) BM 113961 (no. 6): 2

Ningal (dnin.gal) BM 113927 (no. 2): 26; BM 114124 (no. 3): 3’; BM 114141 (no. 44): 3’ Ningišzida (dnin.giš.zi.da) BM 113927 (no. 2): 28; BM 113979 (no. 30): 4; BM 114124 (no. 3): 5’ Sîn (d30) BM 113927 (no. 2): 24; BM 113942+ (no. 4): 8; BM 113948+ (no. 19): 10; BM 113964 (no. 20): 9 ([d30]); BM 114028+ (no. 5): 2; BM 114124

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(no. 3): 1’; BM 114141 (no. 44): 3’; BM 114151 (no. 62): 1’

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Šamaš (dutu) BM 113942+ (no. 4): 8; BM 114028+ (no. 5): 2

5.4. Royal names Aššur-bāni-apli (an.šár-dù-ibila) BM 113928, no. 1: 38 Šamaš-šumu-ukīn (dgiš.nu11-mugi.na) BM 113927, no. 2: 47 Cambyses BM 114045+, no. 16: 21 ([mkam]bu-zi-ia); BM 113976, no. 29: 16 (mkam-bu-zi-ia); BM 114019, no. 48: rev. 7’ (˹mkam˺-[bu-ziia]) Cyrus BM 113974, no. 13: 14 (mku-ra-áš); BM 114130+, no. 26: 15’ (mkuraš) Darius BM 113942+, no. 4: 18 (mda-ri-[iamuš]); BM 114028+, no. 5: 2 (mda-ri-mu-uš), 7 ([mda-ri-mu]˹uš˺) 22 (mda-a-uš); BM 113961, no. 6: 2 (mda-ri-a-muš), rev. 7’ (mda-ri-ía-muš); BM 114170, no. 14: 15 ([m]da-ri-muš); BM 113948+, no. 19: 23 (mda-[ri-iamuš]); BM 113964, no. 20: 18 ([mda-ri-ia]-mu-uš); BM 114107, no. 24: rev. 6’ (mda-r]imuš); BM 113962, no. 27: 8

(mda-ri-i-muš); BM 113963, no. 28: 9 (mda-ri-i-muš); BM 113979, no. 30: 16 (mda-rimuš); BM 113960, no. 34: 2 (˹m˺[da-ri]-˹ía˺-muš); BM 113952+, no. 35: 2 (˹mda-ri-imuš˺); BM 114021, no. 37: 7 ([md]a-ri-iá-muš); BM 114143, no. 38: 7 ([mda-ri]-iá-muš); BM 114129, no. 61: 5 (mda-ri-[...]) Nabonidus BM 113983, no. 8: 13 (dag-); BM 114169, no. 9: 15 (mdag-i); BM 113977, no. 17: 5, 18 (mdagi) Nebukadnezzar BM 113997, no. 7: 10, 21 (m˹dag˺níg.du-ùru); BM 114042, no. 11: rev. 5’ (mdag-níg.du-pap); BM 113980, no. 15: 18 (mdag-níg.duù[ru]); BM 113981, no. 45: 4 (dag-níg.du-ùru); BM 113978, no. 47: 5, rev. 7’ (mdag-níg.dupap); BM 114046, no. 52: l.h.e. 1’ (mdag-níg.d[u-pap]) Xerxes BM 114044, no. 51: 9’ (mḫi-ši-iaar-šú)

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6. Text editions 6.1. Sale of inherited share to a brother No. 1. BM 113928 (1919-10-11, 18)173 5.0 × 8.0 cm obv.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. rev. 27. 28. 29. 30. 173

md

gu-la-tin-su-iq-bi a mšá-pi-ku a-na igi md30-šeš-mu šeš-šú il-lik-ma ki-a-am iq-bi um-ma 2 1/2 ma.na kù.babbar lú ra-šu-tu.meš šá muḫ-ḫi-ia e-ṭir ù 1/2 ma.na kù.babbar bi-in-nam-ma lu-kul md 30-šeš-mu iš-me-šu-ma 2 1/2 ma.na kù.babbar i-ḫi-iṭ-ma lúra-šu-tu.meš šá ugu md gu-la-tin-su-iq-bi iṭ-ṭì-ri ù 1/2 ma.na kù.babbar i-ḫi-iṭ-ma a-na mgu-la-tin-su-iq-bi id-din ù mdgu-la-tin-su-iq-bi ina ḫu-ud lìb-bi-šú ḫa.la-ta-šú šá ina é mden-iq-bi šá uru u edin i-ku-nu-uk-ma a-na md30-šeš-mu šeš-šú id-din pap 3 ma.na kù.babbar kù.pad.du md gu-la-tin-su-iq-bi a mšá-pi-ku ina šuii md30-šeš-mu šeš-šú šám ḫa.la-šú šá uru u edin ma-la ba-šu-ú ki-i kù.babbar ga-mir-ti ma-ḫir a-pil za-ku ru-gúm-ma-a ul i-ši ul -tur-ru-ma a-na a-ḫa-meš ul i-rag-gu-mu ma-ti-ma ina egir.meš u4-mu ina šeš.meš dumu.meš im.ri.a im.ri.a u sa-lat šá é mdgu-la-tin-su-iq-bi šá e11-ma a-na ugu níg.ka9 šá uru u edin ma-la ba-šu-ú i-dab-bu-ub ú-šad-da-ba-bu in-nu-ú ú-paq-qa-ru um-ma níg.ka9 uru u edin ul na-din-ma kù.babbar ul ma-˹ḫir˺ i-qab-[bu-ú] kù.babbar im-ḫar-ru a-di 12-ta-a4 i-ta-[nap-pa]l ina ka-nak imdub mu.[meš] ina gub-zu šá md30-tab-ni-ùru lúgar kur šeš.[unugki]

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obv.

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Text editions

rev.

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31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40.

30-sag.kal a mdmaš-da[n-nu?] md 30-sur a mdu.gur-tin-i[ṭ] m a-a a md30-šeš-šub-ši md en-sur a mden-mu md nin.giš.zi.da-iq-bi a md30-dù lú m m ù umbisag šu-ma-a a na-zi-ia šeš.unugki iti.bár u4.29.kam mu.20.kam an.šár-dù-ibila lugal kur.kur ṣu-pur mdgu-la-tin-su-iq-bi ki-ma imdub-šú tu-ud-da-a-ti igi

md

Translation 1–5 Gula-balāssu-iqbi//Šāpiku came before Sîn-aḫu-iddin, his brother, and said, as follows: “Give me 2 1/2 minas of silver, the creditor claim, which I should pay and 1 /2 mina of silver that I may eat” 6–10 Sîn-aḫu-iddin listened to him. He weighed out 2 1/2 minas of silver to pay the debt charged against Gula-balāssu-iqbi and weighed out 1/2 mina of silver and he gave it to Gula-balāssu-iqbi. 11–14 Gulabalāssu-iqbi of his own free will (sealed a tablet concerning the sale of) his share in the estate of Bēl-iqbi that in town and country and gave (it) to Sîn-aḫu-iddin, his brother. 14–18 Gula-balāssu-iqbi//Šāpiku received in total 3 minas of silver in pieces from Sîn-aḫu-iddin, his brother, the price of his share (in the estate) that in town and country as many as there is. 18–19 He is paid, he is quit (of further claims). 19–20 There will be no (grounds for) complaint. They will not return (to court) and dispute with one another (about the matter). If ever in the future anyone among the brothers, sons, family, relatives or clan of the house of Gula-balāssu-iqbi should come forward and litigate, cause litigation, change (the agreement), (or) bring a claim about all the property in town and country saying “The property in town and country was not given and no silver was received,” he will pay 12 times (the amount of) the silver that he received. 29 At the sealing of this tablet: 30 In the presence of Sîn-tabni-uṣur, gouvernor of U[r]; 31–35 Before Sîn-ašarēd// Ninurtada[nnu?], Sîn-ēṭer//Nergal-uballi[ṭ], Aplā//Sîn-aḫu-ušabši, Bēl-ēṭer//Bēl-iddin, Ningišzida-iqbi//Sîn-ibni, 36 And scribe: Šumā//Nazia. 37–38 Ur, 29.1.20 Aššurbāni-apli, king of Lands. 39–40 Fingernail (impression) of Gula-balāssu-iqbi instead of his seal.

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Notes 34. Bēl-ēṭer//Bēl-iddin witnessed also in BM 118978 = Frame 2013, no. 15: 28. 39. The lack of fingernails proves that BM 113928, no. 1 is a copy.

A document recording that Gula-balāssu-iqbi//Šāpiku came directly to Sîn-aḫuiddin, his brother asking for silver. The details of a request are presented in the form of consent in the next sentence, after the umma. The request is expressed by imperative forms of the verb with the particle -ma (i)binnamma, “Give me …”. 150 out of the total 180 shekels of silver was used to pay credits or earlier obligations expressed in the stative of the verb eṭēru. 30 shekels were probably used for the current needs of the debtor and it is expressed by akālu in the form of firstperson singular precativus. Sîn-aḫu-iddin, the older brother (see commentary to BM 113927, no. 2) listened to Gula-balāssu-iqbi and weighed out 150 shekels of silver so that Gula-balāssu-iqbi would pay the creditors’ claims charged against him and weighed out 30 shekels of silver and gave it to Gula-balāssu-iqbi. The next sentence begins with words expressing the voluntary decision (ina ḫūd libbīšu) of Gula-balāssu-iqbi to transfer, in exchange for the silver, his shares in the property of his father (ll. 11–14). The decision was written on a separate record, which is suggested by the hendiadys kanāku … nadānu. The next clauses of the transaction, ll. 14–20, are typical for sale contracts. The final clauses of the record, the same as in the sale of real estate property, refer to the legal consequences that will result should a claiment appear with a title to the property (ll. 21–28).

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6.2. Gift of slaves, field and a house by husband to his wife No. 2. BM 113927 (1919-10-11, 17)174 5.3 × 8.3 cm obv.

174

For a short description of the text, see Frame and Waerzeggers 2011: 145. © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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rev.

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obv. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. rev. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42.

Chapter 6 lú

a-me-lut-ti a.šà ù é šá mden-iq-bi a-šú šá mdag-šeš.meš-gi a-na fṣar-bu-ú áš-šá-ti-šú id-di-nu šid m igi-dag-lu-mur fna-mir-ti u-kin-ni-šú f ba-zi-ti u-kin-ni-šú fba-ḫi-ti giš kiri6 šá ina ugu ídḫi-il-ti ús.sa.du an.ta md 30-en-numun dumu-šú šá md30-sum.na ús.sa.du ki.ta 50-ú šá mmu-še-zib md en-iq-bi pa-an fṣar-bu-ú áš-šá-ti-šú ú-šad-gil u4-mu ma-la fṣar-bu-ú bal-ṭa-tu tak-kal mam-ma ina lìb-bi dumu.meš šá mden-iq-bi a-na muḫ-ḫi ul i-šal-laṭ ˹ár˺-ki fṣar-bu-ú md30-šeš-mu mri-mu-tu u m˹d˺gu-la-tin-su-iq-bi mim-ma šá fṣar-bu-ú ma-la ba-šú i-zu-zu man-nu ina lìb-bi-šú-nu šá lum-nu a-na fṣar-bu-ú ip-pu-uš-ma i-dal-làḫ-šú ina níg.ka9 šá fṣar-bu-ú šuii-su (BLANK SPACE) te-el-li šá da-ba-ba an-na-a in-nu-ú d a-num den-líl u dé-a ár-rat la nap-šur ma-ru-uš-ti li-ru-ru-šú d amar.utu en gal-ú a-ga-nu-til-la-a šá la pa-ṭa-ru li-šá-áš-šiš d 30 dnanna-ri an-e u ki-tìm saḫar.šub.ba-a li-šal-bis-su-ma liš-tap-pu-du na-me-e d nin.gal gašan ra-bi-ti mu-šú numun-šú u nunuz-šú ina pi-i un.meš tu-še-li d nin.giš.zi.da gu.za.lá ki-tì ra-pa-áš-ti naq me-e li-za-am-mi-ši-ma qí-bi-ru a-a ir-ši ina ka-nak imdub mu.meš ina gub-zu šá md30-tin-su-e gìr.níta šeš.unugki m ú-bar dumu-šú šá mri-mu-tu igi md ag-ga-mil dumu-šú šá msum.na-dpap-sukkal m ˹ ˺níg.du dumu-šú šá map-la-a ˹m˺den-dù-uš dumu-šú šá mba-lat-su m dumu-šú šá mdag-numun-dù ˹ ˺sum.na-a ˹m˺den-da dumu-šú šá mza-bu-nu m d ˹ ˺ ag-kar-ir dumu-šú šá mšul-lu-mu m na-ṣi-ru dumu-šú šá md30-en-numun md ag-mu-mu dumu-šú šá mdag-ga-mil md 30-še-mé dumu-šú šá mden-mu © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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43. 44. 45. 46. 47.

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md

nin.giš.zi.da-kam dumu-šú šá mdigi.du-mu m mu-šal-lim-damar.utu dumu-šú šá mden-sur ù lúumbisag šá-ṭir imdub md30-sum.na dumu-šú šá md30-šeš-šub-ši šeš.unugki iti.apin u4.18.kam mu.10.kam dgiš.nu11-mu-gi.na lugal tin.tirki

Translation Bēl-iqbi/Nabû-aḫḫē-šullim gave and counted slaves, field and house to fṢarbû, his wife: 4–5 Pāni-Nabû-lūmur, fNamirtu he has assigned (to her), fBaziti he has assigned (to her), fBaḫiti (and), 6–10 an orchard located on the Ḫiltu canal, the upper side (adjacent to) Sîn-bēl-zēri/Sîn-nādin, the lower side (adjacent to) the “Fifty” of Mušēzib, Bēl-iqbi assigned to fṢarbû, his wife. 10–11 fṢarbû will enjoy (it) as long as she lives. 11–12 (And until this time) nobody among the sons of Bēliqbi shall dispose (of it). 13–15 Later (after the death of) fṢarbû, Sîn-aḫu-iddin, Rēmūt, and Gula-balāssu-iqbi will divide all the property which belongs to fṢarbû. 15–18 If any of them will do the evil against fṢarbû and disturb her, he will be deprived of the share in the property of fṢarbû. 19–30 Whoever changes this agreement, may Anu, Enlil and Ea curse him with an indissoluble, grievous curse. May Marduk, the great god, make him get dropsy that cannot be removed. May Sîn, the luminary of heaven and earth, dress him in leprosy and may he (the cursed one) roam around the desert. Ningal, the great lady, will make his name, offspring and descendant disappear from peopleʼs talk. May Ningišzida, the throne-bearer of the broad underworld, deprive him (a son) who would make funerary libations. May he have no grave. 31 At the sealing of that tablet: 32 In the presence of: Sînbalāssu-iqbi, šakkanakku of Ur, 33–44 Before: Ubāru/Rēmūt, Nabû-gāmil/IddinPapsukkal, Kudurru/Aplā, Bēl-ēpuš/Balāssu, Iddinā/Nabû-zēr-ibni, Bēl-lē’i/ Zabūnu, Nabû-ēṭer/Šullumu, Nāṣir/Sîn-bēl-zēri, Nabû-zākir-šumi/Nabû-gāmil, Sîn-šeme/Bēl-iddin, Ningišzida-ēreš/Nergal-iddin, Mušallim-Marduk/Bēl-ēṭer. 45–46 And scribe who wrote this tablet: Sîn-iddina/Sîn-aḫu-šubši. 46–47 Ur, 18.8.10, Šamaš-šumu-ukīn, king of Babylon. 1–3

Notes 1–3. Texts of this kind usually begin with a voluntary declaration of the husband (ina ḫūd libbīšu), like in BM 33092 (Roth 1989–90, no. 2: 1) or in BM 32205+ (Wunsch 1995–96, no. 2: 2). BM 113927, no. 2 begins atypically, as a horizontal line isolates the first three lines and the voluntary declaration is omitted. 11–12. Securing protection of the wife in property (often a house or part of it, field and slaves) by her husband before his death was a common practice in the Ancient Near East (an example is VS 5, 129, cf. Roth 1991–93; van Driel’s interpretation slightly differs, van Driel 1998: 186). Such a formula

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is well known and BM 113927, no. 2 features the following elements: a) A clause of temporary exemption of Bēl-iqbi’s sons to the property given to fṢarbû by her husband until her death (ūmu mala fṢarbû balṭatu takkal mamma ina libbi mārī ša Bēl-iqbi ana muḫḫi ul išallaṭ). This statement in perpetuity protects the assets transferred to the recipient and has the consequence of time, i.e. in perpetuity, only in connection with the previous statement. The statement of the inviolability of property lost legal effect with the death of the recipient, as expressed by (w)arkû fpn2 pn3 pn4 u pn5 mimma ša fpn2 mala bašû izūzū “Later (after the death of) fpn2, pn3 pn4 and pn5 will divide all the property of fpn2”. The formula is based on the verb zâzu commonly attested in records concerning division of inheritance. It results from the general policy of Babylonian legal practice, that only sons were heirs to the property of their father, but also from the rules of keeping property in the hands of one and the same family. In the next sentence it is emphasized that Bēl-iqbi’s sons will share fṢarbû’s property only after her death (see point e). The text does not take into account the proportions in which the assets will be divided what makes the document problematic. Two solutions could be considered. First, the brothers divided the property equally. Second, the older one, presumably mentioned as the first, received the highest share. This, however, usually applies to the entire property of the father, but BM 113927, no. 2 concerns only part of the property given by a husband to his wife for security. A similar solution is found in the Neo-Babylonian Laws § 13, where the children from the first and possibly from the second marriage share their property equally (Roth 1995: 147–8). It is worth noting that ten years later, in BM 113928, no. 1 Gula-balāssu-iqbi sold his share to Sîn-aḫu-iddin (zittīšu ša ina bīt pn3 ša āli u ṣēri iknukma ana pn1 aḫīšu iddin). Gula-balāssu-iqbi was the youngest of the three brothers, since he is mentioned as the last one. b) Noteworthy is the fact that in BM 113927, no. 2 the three brothers are called only the sons of Bēl-iqbi. A similar family relationship is known from YOS 20, 20 (commented in Roth 1991–93: 11, cf. Monerie 2016: 528), in which Anu-zēr-ibni was the father of his children, but his wife f Nidintu was not named their mother. Roth thinks, contrary to McEwan, that the information written in the record relating to the kinship between the woman and children – whether she was their mother or stepmother – was not so important in defining the right to inherit property after her death. In BM 33092 (Roth 1989–90: no. 2), fḪubbuṣtu is the mother and Tabnēa is the father of their sons and the children have the right to property after her death. But it is very likely that in BM 113927, no. 2 fṢarbû was not their biological mother. That opinion is based on ll. 15–18 (see below). Both lines refer to the possibility of excluding any of them from the property of fṢarbû if they committed evil against her (see point f). It seems that

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the relations between fṢarbû and Bēl-iqbi’s sons were not friendly. The hostility towards probably the second wife and stepmother of Bēl-iqbi’s sons forced Bēl-iqbi to take such a severe record into account. c) There is no information relating to a refund or compensation for nudunnû. In some records, apart from a widow’s settlement granted by her husband, there are data concerning a refund or compensation for nudunnû that was previously provided by the bride’s family. According to Neo-Babylonian Laws § 12 and 13, if nudunnû was taken by the husband, and whether they had children or not, “a dowry equivalent to the dowry (which her husband had received) shall be given to her from her husband’s estate” (cf van Driel’s opinion about the stipulation of § 12, van Driel 1998: 170– 71) and this was expressly stipulated in the record (kūm nudunnû). d) There is no evidence that all three brothers, or any of them, were obliged to take care of fṢarbû until her death. e) The division of property, previously transferred by a husband to his wife, between the sons was a rather common phenomenon. Records, as in the case of BM 113927, no. 2, usually do not specify the size of shares. f) The contract guarantees the inviolability of rights and dignity, including the bodily and psychological inviolability of the recipient under threat of losing the right to the property. Such a clause that refers to a guarantee of inviolability for fṢarbû against harassment on the part of Bēl-iqbi’s sons is quite unusual. It is expressed by lumnu epēšu “to act in an evil way” in Dur. 3 plur. + -ma (CAD E: 212) and dalāḫu “to disturb” in Dur. 3 plur. + pronominal suffix 3 sg. fem -ši! written in the text -šu. 19–30. The main part of the text ends with a curse formula, which has recently been the subject of M. Sandowicz’s study (Sandowicz 2012: no. C.113). 37. If we accept the idea that a = aplu, i.e. “son” not “descendant”, Iddinā, the son of Nabû-zēr-ibni might be attested in BM 118978//118971: 27 (Frame 2013: no. 15). 43. Concerning the reading of Neo-Assyrian digi.du, see Frame and Waerzeggers 2011: 147.

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No. 3. BM 114124 (1919-10-11, 214) 2.9 × 2.3 cm obv.

obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. rev. 5’. 6’. 7’. 8’. 9’. 10’. 11’.

rev.

[d30 dnanna-ri an-e u ki-tìm] [saḫar.šub.ba-a li-šal-bis-s]u-˹ma liš-tap-pu-du na˺-me-e [dnin.gal gašan ra-bi-ti] mu-šú numun-šú u ˹nunuz˺-šú [ina pi-i un.meš] ˹tu˺-še-li [dnin.giš.zi.da gu].za.lá ki-tìm ra-pa-áš-t[i] [naq me-e li-za]-˹am˺-mi-ši-ma [qí-bi-ru a]-˹a˺ ir-ši [ina ka-nak imdub] mu.meš [ina gub-zu šá md30-tin-su-e lú]gìr.níta šeš.unugki [igi mú-bar dumu-šú šá mri]-˹mu˺-tu [mdag-ga-mil dumu-šú šá msum.na-dpap]-˹sukkal˺ missing

Translation [May Sîn, the luminary of heaven and earth, dress him in leprosy] and may he (the cursed one) roam around the desert. [Ningal, the great lady], will make his name, his offspring and his descendant disappear [from peopleʼs talk]. May [Ningišzida, the thr]one-bearer of the broad underworld, [dep]rive him of (a son) who would make funerary libations. May he have no [grave]. [At the sealing of] that [tablet]: [In the presence of: Sîn-balāssu-iqbi], šakkanakku of Ur, [Before: Ubāru/Rē]mūt, [Nabû-gāmil/Iddin-Pap]sukkal 1’–7’

Notes 1’–11’ are parallel to BM 113927, no. 2: 24–34.

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6.3. Gift of household equipment No. 4. BM 113942+BM 114104 (1919-10-11, 32+194) 7.2 × 5.0 cm obv.

rev.

obv.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

[…] ˹…˺ […] […] ˹…˺ […] […]-mil/iš-ki/di 1 gišbanšur ˹3 gišgu˺.[za.meš] [x gú].˹zi˺.meš 1 ba-ṭu-ú 1 ˹na-ṭi˺-i[l-li] [šá mni]-din-tu4 a-na fú-ḫi-na-tu4 dumu.mí šá m˹ìr?˺-[…] [a m]˹im˺-bi-iá nin ad-šú id-[di-in (x)] [šá dib]-bi an-nu-tu4 in-nu-[ú (x)] ˹d30˺ dutu ù d15 ḫ[a.a-šú liq-bu-ú] ina a-šá-bi šá fkaš-šá-a dumu.mí šá ˹mdag˺-[x]-mu im dub ka-ni-ik (BLANK SPACE) ˹na4kišib md20˺+[10-giš] © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

ina ṭup-pi ni-din-tu4 šu-ma-a-t[u4] igi mri-mut-d30 a šá md˹30-ág˺-numun a mi[m-bi-ia] md 30-tab-ni-ùru a šá mšá-ka-d30 a mm[u-gál-ši] md 30-na-din-šeš a šá md30-numun-giš a m˹d˺[…] md 30-ši-man-nu a šá md30-kàd a mim-b[i-ia] m d ìr- nanna a šá mnumun-ia a lúman-[di-di] md [ ]˹30˺-giš lúumbisag a šá md30-sur dumu md30-lup-pa-˹šár˺ [šeš.unugki it]i.sig4 u4.28.kam mu.9.kam mda-ri-[ia-muš] [lugal tin.tirki lugal] kur.kur

Translation … 1 table, 3 cha[irs, x cu]ps, 1 plate(?), 1 grat[e(?) that Ni]dintu ga[ve] to f Uḫinatu/Arad?-[x]//Imbia, the sister of his father. 7–8 May Sîn, Šamaš and Ištar decree the destruction who changes this agreement. 9–10 The tablet was drawn up and sealed in the presence of fKaššāya/Nabû-[x]-iddin. 10–11 Seal of Sîn-[līšir], (At the writing) of this tablet concerning gift, 12–16 before: Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri// I[mbia], Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Ša-pî-Sîn/Šu[mu-ušabši], Sîn-nādin-aḫi/Sîn-zēr-līšir//[x], Sîn-šimanni/Sîn-kāṣir//Imb[ia], Arad-Sîn/Zēria//Man[didi], 17 Sîn-līšir, scribe, son of Sîn-ēṭer//Sîn-luppašar. [Ur]. 28.3.9, Dar[ius, king of Babylon. kin]g of Lands. 1–6

Notes 5. There is no other text that would increase our knowledge about the family relations between Nidintu and fUḫinatu. Nidintu might have been Mardukzēr-ibni’s son if we accept the idea that Nidintu from the discussed text is the same person as Nidintu from BM 113961, no. 6. 10. The sealing of a tablet in the presence of a female one finds in UET 4, 12. The record concerns the sale of an orchard planted with date palms belonging to Sîn-zēr-līšir/Bānia//Kūnā who sold it to Balāṭu/Zaina (for the Iranian name Zaina, see Zadok 1994: 16 and Travernier 2007: 368). fBuqašīti/ Kiribtu, wife of Sîn-zēr-līšir/Bānia//Kūnā, consented to the sale as it was recorded in ll. 26–27: ina a-šá-bi šá fbu-qa-ši-ti dumu.mí šá mki-rib-tú dam md 30-numun-giš a šá mdù-ia imdub ka-nik. This is a rare case when the wife has a real influence on the family estate and the sale of the garden depended on her consent. There are also records that confirm various kinds of issues that were made in the presence of female, like BM 26475 (= Waerzeggers 2010: no. 134) where after the list of witnesses one finds note that “2 shekels of silver (and) a kur.ra textile (are paid as) compensatory payment” in the presence of fNanāya-ḫammat. 10. The caption ˹na4kišib md20˺+[10-giš] cannot be recognised as a continuation of l. 10; in fact this is a text accompanying the seal impression.

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11. 16. 17.

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The nidintu “gift” explains the reason why Nidintu gave fUḫinatu household equipment. Though the signs are very clear, the name Arad-Sîn-apla-ukīn is otherwise unattested and I emended it to Arad-Sîn. The family name Sîn-luppašar appears in UET 4, 13: 35 and UET 4, 36: 19. In UET 4, 13: 35 (Camb 2) the third witness is Sîn-kāṣir, son of Iqīšā, descendant of Sîn-luppašar. In UET 4, 36: 19 (Nbn [x]) the second witness is Sîn-ēṭer, son of Sîn-[nad]in-aḫi, descendant of Sîn-luppašar. Sîn-ēṭer might be the same person as the scribe’s father in the example discussed here.

6.4. Oath No. 5. BM 114028+114099 (1919-10-11, 118+189) 4.8 × 4.1 cm

lo.e.

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obv.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. lo.e. 11. rev. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18.

m

ki.ne-na-a-a a šá mšeš-li!-šìr i-na d30 dutu ˹ù˺ mda-ri-mu-uš lugal tin.tirki lugal kur.kur a-na [md30-n]a-din-ibila a šá mìr-damar.utu [a md30-za]-kir-mu ˹ù˺ šeš.˹meš˺-šú [it-te-me k]i-i a-d[i-i] iti.apin [mu.9.kam mda-ri]-˹mu-uš˺ lugal [a.š]à-˹šú˺ šá i-na šu-pa-˹lu˺ [x b]il/ne-ti šá ba-ad-ḫu [a]d?-de--ku-ú ù íd ba-ad-ḫu a.meš ú-šá-ṣi-ba-ti [(x)] ù? dul-lu bab-ba-nu-ú [i]-na lìb-bi ip-pu-uš […] [lúmu-kin]-˹ni˺ md30-a-mu a-šú [šá m]˹d30˺-lugal-ùru a md30-še-mé md 30-mu (erasure) a mšeš-lu-mur m ni-din-tú a mku-ṣur-a mdnin.giš.zi.da-kam

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a mdutu-su lúumbisag md30-ši-man-ni a-šú šá md30-kàd a mim-bi-ia uru šá fin-ṣab-tu4 iti.ne u4.22.kam mu.9.kam mda-a-uš lugal kur.kur

Translation Kinūnāya/Aḫu-līšir has sworn by Sîn, Šamaš and Darius, king of Babylon, king of Lands, to [Sîn]-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//[Sîn-zā]kir-šumi and his brothers that: “by the month of Araḫsamna, [the 9th year of Dari]us, the king, I will plow his [x] located below [x-b]ilti ša badḫu and I supply the badḫu canal with waters; the work will be done as best as possible”. 15–19 Witnesses: Sîn-apla-iddin/Sînšarra-uṣur//Sîn-šeme, Sîn-iddin (erasure), descendant of Aḫu-lūmur, Nidintu// Kuṣurā, Ningišzida-ēreš//Šamaš-erība. 19–20 Scribe: Sîn-šimanni/Sîn-kāṣir//Imbia. Ālu-ša-fInṣābtu. 22.5.9 Darius king of Lands. Notes 1. For the identification of Kinūnāya/Aḫu-kēšir as Kinūnāya/Aḫu-līšir, see note 134. 8–10. The meaning of the verb dekû in an agricultural context is: “to remove, to clear away” (CAD D: 124–5) and “unidentified agricultural activity” (CAD D: 128), “weed” (CDA 58). Van Driel and Jursa considered this term to denote the preparation of a field before ploughing, and a plough was used to do the work dekû (van Driel 1990: 358–9, cf. Jursa 1995: 140–1). The verb dekû is attested in the following records relating to agricultural activity: • BM 42423 (= Jursa 1999: 179–180) (errēšūtu contract) pn1 i-di-˹ku˺[ma i]-˹zaq˺-qáp “he will plow and plant.” • BM 42547+BM 42647 (= Jursa 1999: 196–7) (errēšūtu contract) ma-aa-˹ri˺ i-de-ki i-pa-áš-ru ina iti.du6 še.numun i-zaq-qáp “he will plow and break up (the soil in) the mayāru field (and) he will plant the arable field in the month of Tašrītu.” • BM 64697 (= MacGinnis 2007: no. 2) (“cultivated land (and) newly opened”) še.numun i-di-ik-ku-ú i-pa-áš-šá-ru ù i-zaq-qa-pu “They will plow, break up and plant the land.” This example is interesting because of the fact that tenants have received tools needed to do the work, such as “one ploughshare” (1-et sik-kat an.bar), “one appatu” (1-et ap-pa-tu4 an.bar) which might be “rein” for leading oxen during the plowing, and one other item (1-et [x (x)]). • Camb 102 (= Ries 1976: 149) (ana taptê contract): after the opening formula (ll. 1–5) one reads tap-tu-ú ú-pat-ta pa-áš-ku.meš i-na-á[š]-ši i-de-ki i-pa-áš-ru ù i-zaq-qáp (collation of some fragments, see Jursa

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1995: 140286), “he will break new ground, remove the pasku-objects, he will plow, break up and plant.” • CTMMA 3, 144 (errēšūtu contract) še.numun(?) dul-lu [ip-pu-šú i-dee]k(?)-˹ku(?)˺-u i-pa-áš-šá-ru [giš…] ˹x˺ i-zaq-qa-pu-u sùr i-ḫir-ru-ú “[(For) as much off(?)] the field as(?) they do the work (of cultivation), hoe and loosen (the soil), plant […-trees], (and) dig irrigation ditches.” • Dar 273 (= Wunsch 2000: no. 191) (nukuribbūtu contract) še.numun ma-la ina gišapin i-de-[ek-ku-ma] i-pa-áš-šá-ru “He will pl[ow] the field with epinni [and] he will break up.” • Wunsch 2000: no. 145 (errēšūtu contract): i!-de-ek-˹ki˺ i-pa-áš-šar […] “he should hoe (dekû) and turn over (pašāru) the ground, and […].” • YOS 21, 207 (= Janković 2013: 302) (errēšūtu contract): dul-lu ina lìbbi ip-pu-uš ma-a-a-ri i-de-ek-ku, “He will do the work there. He will work up the mayyāru-land.” (see her comments on pages 272–3 for the meaning of the term). As above, the verb dekû appears mostly in lease contracts relating to the activity of taking on new or uncultivated land that was prepared for planting with trees (for details of the work that was done and the type of lands, see most recently Jursa 2003–2005: 172–83). The verb dekû should be understood in a similar way also here. It relates to the plow or weeding in the land below [x-b]ilti ša badḫu. The only problem is that if we accept that Kinūnāya/Aḫu-līšir swears to do the work in the following months (the text is dated to the month Abu and he swears to do the work until Araḫsamnu) the reconstruction and emendation of the verb in 1 sg. durativum should be [a]d?-de--ku-ú. But the final -ú (for plural) indicates that more people were responsible for the work. The solution might be that Kinūnāya/Aḫulīšir took the oath for the workman or workmen who were to work with him. 9. The term badḫu is unknown, but the ll. 10–11 suggest that presumably the name of the canal is mentioned here. However, the term preceding badḫu in l. 9 is not identified. 10–11. The lines relate to the work of supplying canals with water. Details of such work are given in BIN 1, 125: 8, íd.meš i-ḫi-ir-ú-ma me-e ú-šá-aṣ-ba-tu-’ tap-tu-ú ú-pa-at-tu-ú, and see Janković’s comment to the term in a similar context in Uruk, see Janković 2013: 305 and 308.

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6.5. Ēpišānūtu contract No. 6. BM 113961 (1919-10-11, 51) 5.5 × 3.9 cm obv.

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u4.21.kam lúmu(over erasure)-tu(over erasure) šá iti(over erasure).gu4(over erasure) šá mu.35.kam m da-ri-a-muš lugal kur.kur pa-ni dnin.a.zu šá mni-din-tu4 a šá mdamar.utu-numun-dù a mim-bi-ia a(over erasure)-na ˹lú˺e-piš-nu-tu (K:nu-e-piš-tu) a-na mdag-bul-lit-su ˹a?˺ md30-ú-šal-lim id(K:i)-din qé-me ḫu-ṣa-bi ˹šá˺ lúàr.à[r …] md ˹ag-x˺-[…] missing ˹x˺ […] a mki-˹na-tú-nu mmu x x x˺ © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. 7’.

a mki-din-nu a mim-bi-ia m d ìr- 30 a md30-mu-gin a md30-am-dingir.meš (ONE BLANK LINE) lú umbisag md30-it-tan-nu a mmu-ùru šeš.unugki iti.še u4.28.kam [mu].35?.kam mda-ri-a-muš lugal kur.kur

Translation 1–6 The (performance) of the 21st day of the baker’s prebend before Ninazu in the month of Ayyaru of the 35th year of Darius king of Lands, that Nidintu/Mardukzēr-ibni//Imbia gave to Nabû-bulissu//Sîn-ušallim. 6–7 Ḫuṣābu-flour of the mill[er], Nabû-[x …]. 1–4’ [Witnesses: [x]/[x]//Kinatunu, [x]/Kidinnu//Imbia, Arad-Sîn/Sîn-šumu-ukīn//Sîn-rīm-ilī. 5’ Scribe: Sîn-ittannu//Šumu-uṣur. 6–7’ Ur. 28.12.35, Darius king of Lands. Notes 6. The imperative i-din is not expected in the operative formula of ēpišānūtu contracts, cf. the formula and structure of ēpišānūtu contracts in Sippar and Borsippa in Jursa 1999: 44–50 and Waerzegers 2010: 173–185. 6. Ḫuṣābu should be understood here as a kind of flour. 6.6. Investigation before the deputy No. 7. BM 113997 (1919-10-11, 87) 6.2 × 4.5 cm obv.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. lo.e. 12. rev. 13. 14. 15. 16.

m

si-lim-den a-šú šá mri-mut u mba-šá-˹a˺ a-šú šá mba-ba-a it-ti a-ḫa-meš a-na pa-ni ˹lú˺2-i il-la-ku-ma na-a-a-ru šá sa-di-ru ˹šá˺ a.šà.meš šá lú2-i im-ma-ru-ma a-ki-i šá! kùš.meš šá a.šá šá ina na-a-a-ru šá lú2-i a-na ugu msi-lim-den ip-pa-lu mba-šá-a i-méš-šaḫ-ma msi-lim-den ú-šá-aṣ-bat ki-i kùš.meš a-tar-e-ti ina lìb-bi a.˹šà m˺[si-lim-d]en ina pa-ni mba-šá-a i-te-la-a-nu ˹x˺ [x (x)] ˹mu˺.20.kam mdag-níg.du-pap lugal t[in.tirki] [a.š]à.meš šá 6-ta mu.an.na[.meš] [mba-šá]-˹a˺ a-na msi-lim-den ˹i˺-[nam-din]? ˹lúmu˺-kin-nu md30-mu-giš a-šú šá md30-[x] md 30-˹mu˺ a-šú šá mdnin.a.zu-kam mba-[…] a-šú šá mba-šá-a md30-dù a-šú šá mgi-lu-nu md 30-su a-šú šá mna-zi-iá md30-ib-ni

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17. 18.

a-šú šá mam-me-˹ni˺-dingir md˹30˺-na-din-mu a-šú šá md30-en-dù.a.bi

19. 20. 21.

u lúumbisag md30-sur a-šú šá ˹md˺30-na-din-šeš šeš.unugki iti.˹bár˺ u4.20.1.lá.kam mu.2˹6.kam˺ m˹dag˺-níg.du-ùru lugal tin.tir˹ki˺

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Translation 1–6 Silim-Bēl/Rēmūt and Iqīša/Babā will go together before the deputy and they will check the parchment concerning sadiru of the fields of the deputy. They will make adjustments for Silim-Bēl according to cubits of the field of the deputy that are in the parchment. 6–7 Iqīša will measure and have Silim-Bēl take possession. 8–12 If more cubits of the field of [Silim]-Bēl turn up with Iqīša, Iqīša will [give] to Silim-Bēl the [… of/since] fields for/of six years starting fr[om] the 20th year of Nebuchadnezzar, king [of Babylon]. 13–18 Witnesses: Sîn-šumu-līšir/Sîn-[x], Sîn-iddin/Ninazu-ēreš, Ba-[x]/Iqīša, Sîn-ibni/Gilunu, Sîn-erība/Nazia, Sîn-ibni/Ammeni-ili, Sîn-nādin-apli/Sîn-bēlkali. 19 And scribe: Sîn-ēṭer/Sîn-nādin-aḫi. 20–21 Ur. 19.1.26, Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon. Notes 3. The syllabic writing na-a-a-ru is considered to stand for niāru which is usually preceded by the determinative kuš (= mašku) “leather” meaning “parchment” (CAD N II: 201 “parchment”; AHw 784 “Pergament”; Stol 2004: 388). Zadok and Zadok 2003: 36 is an example of such a writing. This is a receipt belonging to the Borsippean archive of an oxherd family, dated by Jursa to the time of Darius (Jursa 2012: 391). According to the text, part of the products for the temple of Nergal were issued akī kušniāri “according to the parchment (order) of pn1, the alphabet scribe of prebends” (cf. Zadok 2009: 63, 72 and 127f.). From Uruk come GCCI 1, 54: 8 and GCCI 1, 92: 5 (cf. CAD N II: 201) relating to silver for parchment: GCCI 1, 54: 7–8 (1 gín a-na kuš.meš a-na kušna-a-a-ru.meš) and GCCI 1, 92: 5 (1/2 gín a-na kušna-a-a-ri na-din). In BM 113997, no. 7 the syllabic writing na-a-a-ru is not preceded by kuš or any other determinative, but I doubt whether the term here means “papyrus.” BM 113997, no. 7 is one of the few documents proving the use of parchment as a material other than clay tablets in Babylonia in the NeoBabylonian period. The context of BM 113997, no. 7 raises one fundamental question concerning the purpose of using parchment in Babylonia in Nbk 26 in traditional cuneiform culture. The question arises from the conclusion that the choice of material is closely related to the writing, but also to the type of information that is provided and the author of the text, i.e. whether the document was created in a state, temple or private environment. In Babylonia at the time of the so-called Chaldean Dynasty the main writing medium were clay tablets inscribed with cuneiform. But this general view is somewhat distorted by the fact that parchment used as writing medium is not preserved from Mesopotamia. In fact, the only evidence of their use are references to parchment in texts written on clay tablets, as is

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the case of BM 113997, no. 7, cf. the use of parchment in Achaemenid and Hellenistic periods in Stolper 1985: 158–160 and Clancier 2011. It can be assumed that parchment was much more commonly in use than archaeological remnants suggest. The royal administration of the so-called Chaldean Dynasty plausibly relied more strongly on Aramaic as an administrative language than did traditional Babylonian institutions such as the temples (Jursa 2014: 97). There is no doubt that parchment was the writing medium used to convey information in Aramaic. This means that the person who wrote the document niāri mentioned in BM 113997, no. 7 used the Aramaic language. BM 113997, no. 7 does not identify this person. However, we know that in Babylonia a writing medium such as parchment was mostly used by the Aramaic speaking sēpirus who in the so-called Chaldean Dynasty usually belonged to the state administration (Jursa 2012, cf. Clancier 2005). In light of this, it is quite reasonable to assume that BM 113997, no. 7 refers to the establishment of a field boundary (see below), where the activity was in the legal authority of the state official, represented here by a deputy. But the deputy in most cases represented some kind of institution or part of it whose competence was sometimes very extensive, as in the case of šanû ša māt tâmti “the vicegovernor of the Sea Land” (cf. Kleber 2008: 313– 324). Unfortunately, in many documents, and also in BM 113997, no. 7, the competence of the deputy cannot be identified since the text gives no suggestion as to what kind of institution he was linked. In addition, BM 113997, no. 7 is one of the early testimonies on the use of materials such as parchment, casting a new light on the role of the Arameans and the Aramaic language in the early 6th century B.C. (The text is dated 26 years of reign of Nebuchadnezzar (579 BC). According to Beaulieu, “Assyria leading to the adoption of Aramaic in the 8th and 7th centuries as second administrative language of Assyrian empire” and the settlement of Arameans and Chaldeans in 9th century Babylonia had the effect that in “the 6th century, the royal administration of Babylonia had also become bilingual” (Beaulieu 2013: 359). The term sadīru is sometimes translated as “Bandlinie auf Stein” (AHw 1002) and “line, row” (CAD S: 18). However, the common term for “border” and “border line” of a field and house used in most Neo-Babylonian sale land contracts is itû (ús.sa.du). It is possible, in light of the meaning “to array, to set in row” of the verb sadāru (CAD S: 13–14), that in BM 113997, no. 7, the term refers to the border and that the text refers to the action of checking a proper field boundary and the measurements of the fields. It is certain that sadāru is not of Aramaic origin since the term has been already attested in the Old Babylonian period, for instance, in texts from Mari (CAD S: 11–16).

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The sign at the beginning is numeral 1 rather than šá, but meš written after kùš allows one to accept such a transliteration. For the use of the verb apālu in a similar context, see CAD A II: 158; the verb commonly attested in land sale contracts in the sentence zēru atri u maṭu … aḫāmeš ip-pa-lu “should the field be either larger or smaller … they will make mutual adjustments”. One might guess that Silim-Bēl and Iqīša did not come to a mutual agreement and therefore asked the deputy, the representative of plausibly the state authority that would settle their dispute. The sentence ana muḫḫi Silim-Bēl apālu probably means that SilimBēl was a claimant. According to the context the verb šuṣbutu is used to denote that the measurement that will be made by Iqīša should lead Silim-Bēl to accept it. There is Sîn-iddin/Ninazu-ēreš in UET 4, 120: 4, but the latter record belongs to the Sîn-uballiṭ Archive and the records from the archive are dated to Nbp 2–9. Sîn-ēṭer/Sîn-nādin-aḫi, the scribe may well be the same person as Sînēṭer/Sîn-nādin-aḫi//Sîn-luppašar from UET 4, 36: 18 dated to Nbn [12].

6.7. Promissory notes No. 8. BM 113983 (1919-10-11, 73) 3.8 × 2.9 cm obv.

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1 gín kù.babbar šá fana-dan-nu lú qal-lat šá mšu-la-a ina ugu mšá-ka-kal-bi a-šú šá md30-ág-numun a mim-bi-ia ina iti.sig4 ina(over erasure)-an-din lú mu-kin7 mdutu-mu a-šú šá mir-kur mba-la-ṭu a-šú šá md30-mu lú umbisag mmuk-e-a a-šú šá md30-mu šeš.unugki iti.ab u4.6.kam mu.12.kam dag- lugal eki

Translation 1–5 1 shekel of silver belonging to fAna-dannu, the slave girl of Šulā is owed by Šapî-kalbi/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia. 6 He will pay in the month of Simanu. 7–9 Witnesses: Šamaš-iddin/Irkur, Balāṭu/Sîn-iddin. 10–11 Scribe: Mukkēa/Sîn-iddin. 11–13 Ur. 6.10.12, Nabonidus, king of Babylon.

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Notes 13. The king’s name can be reconstructed from prosopography. Ša-pî-kalbi/ Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia appears in two other records, but only BM 113962, no. 27 has a date (Dar 8). The year number 12 can only be attributed to Nabonidus, since the other king whose name begins with the theophoric element of the god Nabû at that time was Nebuchadnezzar III, whose reign lasted only a few months. The dating of BM 113983, no. 8 to the reign of Nabonidus seems most reasonable. 8. Such a name is not known to me.

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No. 9. BM 114169 (1919-10-11, 259) 4.9 × 3.8 cm obv.

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1 gín 4-tú bit-[q]a kù.babbar šá mri-mut-d30 a-šú šá md 30-ág-numun a mim-bi-ia ina muḫ-ḫi msu-qa-a-a a-šú šá md 30-ga-mil u4.20.kam šá iti.zí[z](over erasure) i-nam-din lú mu-k[in]-˹nu˺ mšu-la-a a-šú šá m˹d˺30-ḫé.-dingir.meš a me-˹ṭir˺ md30-šeš.meš-˹mu˺(over erasure) a-šú šá m˹šu˺-d30 a lúnagar

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su-qa-a-a lúumbisag a-šú šá md 30-ga-˹mil˺ šeš.unugki iti.ab u4.˹30˺.kam mu.1˹3˺.kam mdag-i lugal eki

Translation /8 shekel of silver belonging to Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia is owed by Sūqāya/Sîn-gāmil. 5–6 He will pay (the silver) on the 20th day of the month of Šabāṭu. 7–10 Witn[es]ses: Šulā/Sîn-nuḫšu-ilāni//Ēṭer, Sîn-aḫḫē-iddin/Gimil-Sîn// Naggāru. 11–12 Scribe: Sūqāya/Sîn-gāmil. 13–15 Ur. 30.10.13, Nabonidus, king of Babylon. 1–5 3

Notes 9. For the use of nuḫšu “abundance, plenty, prosperity” in personal names, see CAD N II: 320. No. 10. BM 114011 (1919-10-11, 101) 5.6 × 2.4 cm obv.

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obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. lo.e. 4’. 5’. rev. 6’. 7’. 8’. 9’.

[…] ˹x x˺ […] […] ˹x x x˺ šá ˹x x˺ […] ˹x˺ i-šal-˹laṭ?˺ a-˹di-i˺ […] ˹x x muḫ-ḫi˺-šú i-rab-bi […] ku-um kù.babbar šá a-na […] ˹x˺ dumu mim-bi-iá […] ˹x˺ a-na x x šeš.˹unugki˺ [… md]en-tin-iṭ a šá mdag-˹x˺ [(x)] […] ˹x x x x˺ […] missing

Translation … (no other creditor has authority) to dispose of the (pledge) till […] … (the interest) accrue against him; […] in exchange for silver that for […], descendant of Imbia; […] … for … Ur; […] Bēl-uballiṭ/Nabû-x [(x)] … Notes While the reading of the preserved fragments might be accepted, the formula is quite ambiguous.

No. 11. BM 114042 (1919-10-11, 132) 2.8 × 2.8 cm obv.

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1

/3 gín 4 gín kù.babbar […] a-šú šá mman-nu-da-mu-[u …] md 30-mu lúqa[l-la …] md 30-na-din-mu […] ˹šám˺-šú -šal-li[m …] a-di-i ˹x˺ […] missing

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šá […] md en-[…] uru du-um-m[a-al-qu] iti.apin u4.5?.k[am mu.x.kam] md ag-níg.du-pap [lugal tin.tirki]

Translation 24 shekels of silver [belonging to pn]/Mannu-dam[û is due by] Sîn-iddin, the sl[ave …] Sîn-nādin-apli […] will rece[ive all the silver for?] his price […] till x […]; ša […] Bēl-[…] Dummalqu. 5?.8.[x] Nbk [king of Babylon]. Notes 2. The name Mannu-damû written mman-nu-da-mu-u is also attested in Nbk 175: 14.

No. 12. BM 114171 (1919-10-11, 261) 4.6 × 3.4 cm obv.

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obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. rev. 7’. 8’. 9’. 10’. 11’. 12’.

[…] ˹x x (x)˺ [… a]-˹šú˺ šá mku-na-˹a˺ [(x)] [šá iti ina u]gu ma-ni-e 1 gín kù.babbar [ina muḫ-ḫi]-˹šú˺ i-rab-bi ˹šá a-ḫi? qí˺-[it?] [iti.x (x)] ˹x˺ [x] ˹x˺ iti.gu4 […] ˹x˺ [… m]la-ba-ši a-šú šá m˹x x˺ [x] […] ˹x˺ m˹i˺-damar.utu […] […]-˹d30˺ m˹dutu?-x-še?˺ [a-šú šá m]dag-˹numun˺-dù lúumbisag šeš.˹unugki˺ [iti.x u4].14.kam mu.19.k[am] [Nbk?] lugal ˹tin˺.tir˹ki˺

Translation 1’–5’ [… pn]/Kūnā one shekel of silver [pe]r mina interest will accurate against him [monthly]; as part till [the month x] … month of Ayyaru … 7’–9’ […] Lābāši, son of …; …, son of Na’id-Marduk […] 9’–12’ […]-Sîn and Šamaš-x-še, [son of] Nabûzēr-ibni, scribe. Ur. 14.[x].19, [Nbk II]?, king of Babylon.

No. 13. BM 113974 (1919-10-11, 64) 5.0 × 3.8 cm obv.

obv.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

˹2 gur˺ zú.lum.ma šá mdamar.utu-numun-dù a-˹šú šá m˺na-din a mda-damar.utu ina muḫ-ḫi mri-mut-d30 a-šú šá md 30-˹ág˺-numun a mim-bi-ia ˹ina iti˺.gu4 zú.lum.ma-a4 2 gur ˹ina šeš.unugki˺ i-nam-din © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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137

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7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

FINGERNAILS ˹lú˺mu-kin-nu ˹m˺d30-téš-dingir.meš a-šú šá mki-ru-uḫ-ḫu-dag md 30-šeš.meš-ba-šá a-šú šá md30-numun-ba-šá ù lúumbisag mri-mut-d30 a-šú šá 30-ág-numun a mim-bi-ia šeš.unugki iti.sig5 u4.12.kam mu.4.kam mku-ra-áš lugal kur.kur md

Translation 1–4 2 kurru of dates belonging to Marduk-zēr-ibni/Nādin//Ile’’i-Marduk are owed by Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia. 5–6 He will give back the said 2 kurru of dates in the month of Ayyaru in Ur. 8–10 Witnesses: Sîn-bāšti-ilāni/Kiruḫḫu-Nabû, Sîn-aḫḫē-iqīša/Sîn-zēr-iqīša. 11–12 Scribe: Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia. 13–14 Ur. 12.3.4, Cyrus, king of Lands.

No. 14. BM 114170 (1919-10-11, 260) 4.2 × 3.6 cm obv.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

1 gur zú.lum.ma šá md30-tab-ni-ùru a-šú šá md pa-mu-gin a mim(K:ḫi)-bi-iá ina muḫ-ḫi mšeš-šú-nu a-šú šá md 30-numun-mu ina iti.du6 zú.lum.ma-a4 1 gur ina šeš.unugki

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obv.

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rev.

lo.e. rev.

8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.

˹i˺-nam-din lú mu-kin-nu mìr-i[á] ˹a˺-šú šá mna-din a [m]˹im-bi˺-i[a] m šeš-šú-nu a-šú šá mšá-ka-d30 u lúumbisag md30-en-dingir a-šú šá m ki-dag-tin šeš.unugki [it]i.˹sig4˺ u4.6.kam mu.5.kam [m]da-ri-muš lugal eki lugal kur.kur

Translation 1–5 1 kurru of dates belonging to Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Nabû-šumu-ukīn//Imbia is owed by Aḫušunu/Sîn-zēr-iddin. 5–8 He will deliver these dates, 1 kurru in Tašrītu in Ur. 9–11 Witnesses: Ardia/Nādin//Imbia, Aḫušunu/Ša-pî-Sîn. 12–13 Scribe: Sîn-bēlilāni/Itti-Nabû-balāṭu. 13–16 Ur. 6.3.5, Darius king of Babylon, king of Lands.

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No. 15. BM 113980 (1919-10-11, 70) 4.4 × 3.2 cm obv.

lo.e.

rev.

u.e.

obv.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. lo.e. 9. 10. rev. 11.

2 gur 2 pi še.bar ˹x˺ [x] šá mdamar.utu-apin-eš (K: meš) ˹a-šú šá˺ m ki-ru-uḫ-ḫu-dag ina muḫ-ḫi m ri-mut-d30 a-šú šá md 30-ág-numun a mim-bi-ia ina iti.še še.bar-a4 2 gur 2 pi ina šeš.unugki ina ká ka-lak-ku ˹i˺-nam-din ú-ìl-tì maḫ-ri-tú e-ṭir-’ šá mri-mut-d30 ši-i lú mu-kin-nu md30-tab-ni-ùru

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12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

a-šú šá mšá-ka-d30 a mmu-gál-ši md 30-na-din-ibila a-šú šá mìr-dšú md a 30-za-kir-mu dub.sar m ri-mut-d30 a-šú šá md30-ág-numun a mim-bi-iá šeš.unugk[i] iti.du6 u4.29.[kam] mu.sag mdag-níg.du-ù[ru] lugal eki u kur.kur

Translation 2 kurru, 2 pānu of barley ˹x x (x)˺ belonging to Marduk-ēreš/Kiruḫḫu-Nabû is owed by Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia. 6–8 He will pay the said 2 kurru, 2 pānu of barley in the month of Addaru, at the gate of the silo in Ur. 8–10 The earlier debts that were on Rēmūt-Sîn he has paid. 11–14 Witnesses: Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Ša-pî-Sîn// Šumu-ušabši, Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//Sîn-zākir-šumi. 14–16 Scribe: RēmūtSîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia. 16–19 Ur. 29.7.0, Nb[k III] king of Babylon and Lands. 1–5

No. 16. BM 114045+BM 114102+BM 114123+BM 114161 (1919-10-11, 135+192+213+251) 5.5 × 4.1 cm obv.

lo.e.

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rev.

u.e.

obv.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. lo.e. 10. rev. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

2 ud[uḫ]a-di-ri-e bab-ba-nu-tu (erasure) ta-lit-ti šá iti.du6 ù ˹2˺ gur zú.lum.ma šá mri-˹mut˺-d30 ù(over erasure) šeš(over erasure).meš-šú a.meš šá md30-ág-numun a mim-bi-ia ù md30-na-din-ibila a-šú šá mìr-damar.utu a mim-˹bi-ia˺ ina muḫ-ḫi mki.ne-na-[a-a] ˹a-šú šá m˺šeš-li-šìr [ina iti.x] udu.níta.meš-a-˹an˺ 2 i-[nam-din] ù ina iti.[x …] zú.˹lum. ma˺-[a4 2 gur] ina ˹šeš˺.[unugki i-nam-din] lú mu-k[in-nu pn a-šú šá pn1] a m[x x (x)] ˹x˺ m˹ba-si-ia˺ ˹a-šú˺ [šá m]˹x˺-[x]-˹x˺ a me-til-lum lú ˹umbisag˺ [m]dnin.a.zu-mu-ba-šá a-˹šú šá md˺30-gi a m˹im˺-bi-ia uru ˹šá-f˺in-ṣab-tu4 ˹nam˺ šeš.unugki

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20. 21.

˹iti˺.[x] u4.26.kam mu.˹3?˺.kam [mkam]-bu-zi-ia lugal eki lugal kur.kur

Translation 2 [ḫ]adirû-lambs of good quality, the offspring of the month Tašrītu, and 2 kurru of dates belonging to Rēmūt-Sîn and his brothers, sons of Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia and Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//Imbia, are the debt of Kinūnā[ya]/Aḫu-līšir. [In the month of x] he will deliver those two sheep and in the month of [x … he will return] dates [2 kurru] in Ur. Witness[es]: [x]/[x], Basia/[x]//Etellu. Scribe: Ninazu-šumu-iqīša/Sîn-ušallim//Imbia. Ālu-ša-fInṣābtu piḫat Ur. 26.[x].3?, [Cam]byses king of Babylon, king of Lands. Notes 1. Recently on ḫadirû see Abraham and Sokoloff 2011: 33 and Kozuh 2014: 61. 8–9. See note 1 to BM 114028+, no. 5.

No. 17. BM 113977 (1919-10-11, 67) 5.0 × 3.6 cm obv.

lo.e.

obv.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

1˹4!˺ gur a-ka-lu šá fkaš-šá-a ˹géme˺ lugal ina šuku.ḫi.a šá lúun.meš é šá lugal šá ina pa-ni-šú ina muḫ-ḫi fbu-sa-sa dumu.mí-su šá mna-ṣir ul-tu u4.1.kam šá iti.kin mu.9.kam mdag-i lugal eki a-di u4.1(over erasure).kam šá iti.apin šá mu.10(over erasure).kam

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7. 8. 9. lo.e. 10. rev. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

u4-mu 1 bán a-ka-lu md30-šu-lum--kun lú qal-la šá fbu-sa-sa a-na fkaš-šá-a i-nam-din md30-šu-lum--kun lúqal-la-šú [k]u-mu maš-ka-nu šá fkaš-šá-a lútuku-ú [šá]-nam-mu a-na ugu ul ˹i-šal-laṭ˺ ˹a-di˺ fkaš-šá-a a-kal-šú ta-šal-lim-˹mu˺ lú mu-kin-ni mzálag-e-a a-šú šá mba-su-ru m d ˹ innin˺-na-mu-ùru a-šú šá mìr-dinnin-na m ˹na˺-din a-šú šá mim-bi-d30 a lú˹sipa˺ gu4 u ˹lú˺umbisag md30-ti-ér a-šú šá md˹30-kam˺ a md30-˹šá-muḫ˺ šeš.unugki iti.kin u4.22.k[am mu].˹9!˺.[kam] mdag-i [lugal eki]

Translation 1–4 14! kurru of bread belonging to fKaššāya, the slave girl of the king, which is at her disposal (and) owed by fBusasa/Nāṣir (will be taken) from the provisions of the people of king’s household. 4–9 From the 1st day of the month of Ulūlu, the 9th year of Nabonidus, king of Babylon, till the 1st day of the month of Araḫsamna of the 10th year, 1 sūtu of bread Sîn-šulmu-šukun, the slave of fBusasa, will give to f Kaššāya daily. 9–10 Sîn-šulmu-šukun, her slave, is pledge to of fKaššāya. 10–12 Another creditor shall not dispose (of Sîn-šulmu-šukun) until fKaššāya received bread in full. 13–15 Witnesses: Nūrēa/Basūru, Innin-šumu-uṣur/Arad-Innin, Nādin/Imbi-Sîn//Rē’û alpi, 16–17 and scribe: Sîn-leqe-unninnī/Sîn-ēreš//Sîn-šeme 17–19 Ur, 22.6.9!, Nabonidus, [king of Babylon].

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Notes 7. Such a name is also attested in UET 4: 115: 4, 19 transcribed by Figulla as Sîn-šú-lum-šú-me-eḫ (Figulla 1949: 50). 17. For a possible reading of md30-šá-muḫ as Sîn-šeme, see Wunsch 2014: 19. A lot of studies have been recently devoted to subjects concerning categories of women and their role in the social strata in Babylonia in the first millennium B.C. (Weisberg 1974, Joannès 1980, Greenfield 1987, Kuhrt 1989, Beaulieu 1993, Wunsch 1995–96, Beaulieu 1998, Wunsch 2003, Joannes 2008, Joannès 2013, Michel and Lion 2016, Stol 2016). The authors, studying records from private or temple archives, divide women into three categories: women belonging to the royal family, women belonging to the elites and women belonging to the lower social strata. Another categorization is the division into free and non-free women. Among women of the royal court, we find information primarily about daughters, and less frequently about royal mothers (fKaššāya and fBa’u-asītu, the daughters of Nebuchadnezzar II; fGigitu, the daughters of Neriglissar; fEa-nigaldi-Nanna, the daughters of Nabonidus; fAdad-guppi, the mother of Nabonidus). On the other hand, the elite women are usually daughters, spouses, and widows of the most famous Babylonian families. We read about them in marriage contracts, in records concerning various transactions with the purpose of transferring ownership and less frequently in court records. Women of a lower social status are, above all, those belonging to the temple and slaves in the service of private families. Women of the temple (mainly širkatu) appear in administrative documents, in which their role is usually shown as help with light work, like weavers. In other records, they receive the provisions due to the women of the temple. Many documents from private archives address sales or other activities with the transfer of rights to a slave serving in the houses of wealthy inhabitants of Babylonia. The low number of records from the palace archives of the Chaldean kings makes it difficult to present a detailed reconstruction of the royal court (Jursa 2010b). The record published above seems to fill this gap to some extent by providing information about a woman described as amtu (ša) šarri. Kassaya is not identified either by father’s or the family name, which indicates that she was a well-known person. It is rather a coincidence that the woman from BM 113977, no. 17 has the same name as fKaššāya, the daughter of Nebuchadnezzar II. The record describes her as amtu (ša) šarri, i.e. the term that refers to any female subject of the king as his servant. We do not know exactly what the role of f Kaššāya was in Ur, where the tablet was written. We know that Nabonidus gave slaves abducted during war campaigns to the temples (He boasted of presenting 2,850 prisoners for Nabû and Nergal after the victorious campaign in Cilicia, see Beaulieu 1989: 117). However, the social status of fKaššāya seems to be much higher than an ordinary royal slave. The very fact that a promissory note was written, in which fKaššāya is the creditor, and in which the pledge is set up in

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favor of fKaššāya, argues that fKaššāya was not an ordinary slave. In the NeoAssyrian empire, amtu (ša) šarri designated (apart from “girl servant of the king”) a high-ranking woman of the court (Svärd 2010). If the Neo-Assyrian clue is correct, then fKaššāya could have been closely associated with the royal court during Nabonidus’ time. It is also worth citing the idea that “the term for slave, male or female, was used indiscriminately in ancient Near Eastern languages to refer to any hierarchical inferior, […], without necessarily implying the strict legal relationship of ownership of the former by the latter.” (Westbrook 1998: 230). According to the promissory note, fKaššāya was to receive 1 sūtu = 6 l. of akalu daily for fourteen months. This gives 1 kurru = 180 l. of akalu monthly, and 14 kurru = 2520 l. during the whole period. The meaning of the term akalu here is “bread” (CAD A I: 238–45). The norm might well be compared with norms of provisions issued for the temple workers. This can be done only and exclusively bearing in mind that the documents from the temple archives regarding the payment of employee supplies refer to barley and/or dates, and thus raw materials. BM 113977, no. 17 concerns the supply of a finished product. The remuneration of the workforce of the royal residence in Ebabbar, the ēpiš dulli ša qīpi, consisting of ten supervisors and fifty workers recruited from the temple’s širkus, amounted to 66 kurru per month, i.e. one worker received 1 kurru (180 l.) per month, 6 l. per day (Jursa 2008: 390–91). The workers of the “inner city” that formed the core of the workforce of Ebabbar received 180 l. per month (Bongenaar 1997: 297–9, Jursa 2008: 391). In general, according to Jursa, 180 l. of dates or barley were issued for the monthly provision of an adult/trained worker in Sippar (Jursa 2008: 392). In Uruk, the monthly norm in the time of Nabonidus was the same as in Sippar, i.e. 180 l. (Jursa 2008: 400 and 404). However, Zawadzki clearly concluded in his study that in the time of Nabonidus and Cyrus the daily norm was really 6 l., but it was 3 l. of barley and 3 l. of dates. In some instances the norm could have been higher, but in general the latter norm was valid (Zawadzki 1983: 79). In light of the above 6 l. of bread, the finished product, the daily norm was very high. This is an additional argument for accepting the opinion that fKaššāya belonged to the highest strata of Babylonian society. f Kaššāya would have received bread from the provisions of niš bīti ša šarri and this refers to men serving for the king. The term niš bīti is commonly attested in Sippar, designating ša qabalti āli meaning “the workmen of the inner city”, the largest group of personnel employed by Ebabbar in the city (Bongenaar 1997: 296). The debtor of the contract is fBusasa, possibly a widow, as she acts alone (she is not identified in any way). She owned a slave, Sîn-šulmu-šukun, whom she pledged. This might prove that she came from a wealthy family of Ur. We do not know if there were any relations between fKaššāya and fBusasa. It is also striking that fBusasa had to provide a provision, secured by a pledge, transferred form

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provisions belonging to men serving the king and not from her private property (if she was a widow, she could own such property). No. 18. BM 114074 (1919-10-11, 164) 4.7 × 3.6 cm obv.

obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. 7’. rev.

[… md]˹utu?˺-mu-giš ˹ina muḫ˺-[ḫi (…)] [mr]i-mut u mdutu-numun-giš […] [(x) x] šìr [m]d30-ú-bil-l[a …] [ú]-ìl-tì a-na mri-mu[t …] […] ˹m˺dutu-numun-giš i-nam-[din] [lúmu]-kin-ni md30-˹x˺-[…] […] ˹x˺ […] missing completely missing

Translation […] Šamaš-šumu-līšir owed b[y] [R]ēmūt and Šamaš-zēr-līšir […] … Sîn-ubillu […]; [Pro]missory note for Rēmūt … Šamaš-zēr-līšir will gi[ve]. [Witn]esses: Sîn-x-[…]; … Notes 3’. Sîn-ubillu, son of Sîn-zēr-iqīša and brother of Sîn-aḫ-iqīša and Sîn-ušallim appears in UET 4, 16: 14, 18, 27, 44.

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6.8. Imittu debt notes No. 19. BM 113948+BM 114026 (1919-10-11, 38+116) 6.2 × 5.1 cm obv.

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5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. lo.e. 13.

9 gur 3 (pi) 4 bán zú.lum.ma zag.lu a.šà šá garinbàd-ḫ[u] šá md30-na-˹din˺(over erasure)-ibila dumu šá mìr-damar.utu a m d ˹ ˺[30-za-kir-mu] e-lat 2 (gur) 3 (pi) 2 bán ḫa.la šá md30-a-mu a šá mki-dutu-tin

ù 1(over erasure) (gur) 1 (pi) 4 bán ḫa.la šá mmu-˹ra˺-šu-ú a šá ˹m˺ìr-dnanna ina muḫ-ḫi md30-šeš.˹meš˺-tin a šá md30-ba-šá ˹a lúsi˺-si-i ˹ina˺ iti.apin zú.lum.ma-a4 [13 gu]r ˹3˺ (pi) 4 bán ina šeš.unugki ina ká ka-˹lak˺-ku [i-na]m-din it(over erasure)-ti bil-ti šá gišḫu-˹ṣa˺-bi [t]u-ḫal-la ù man-ga-ga i-nam-˹din˺ ˹e˺-lat 2 gur eš-ru-ú šá d30 (erasure) 4? gur 5-šú ḫa.la lúnu-giškiri6-ú-tu e-ṭir ˹zú˺.lum.ma šá ina šuii md30-˹na˺-din-a [a]-˹na˺ sis-˹sis?˺-nu? ˹x x˺? nam-din mim-ma ˹ma˺-[la]

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14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. u.e. 25. l.h.e. 26. 27.

˹šá˺ i-nam-di-nu ul-tu é-šú e-ṭir lú mu-kin-nu md˹30-numun˺-dù(over erasure) [a-šú] šá md30-kàd a mim-bi-i[a] ˹md30-a-mu˺ [du]mu šá md30-˹lugal-ùru˺ a m˹d30-še˺-m[é] [x x x] ˹a˺-šú šá md30-˹x˺-[x] ˹x˺ a mìr-˹x˺ [...] ˹a-šú šá x?˺ [...] md ˹30?˺ [...] x x [x x] ˹lú˺umbisag m˹d˺[30-tab-ni-ùr]u d[umu mšá-ka-d30] ˹a mmu˺-gál-ši [šeš.unugki it]i.[x] u4.25.kam mu.˹9?.kam mda˺-[ri-ia-muš] lugal tin.tir˹ki lugal kur.kur˺ FINGERNAIL ṣu-pu[r md3]0-˹dù-ùru˺ e-l[at x x (x)] ˹x˺ nu šá é dingir.meš […] ˹x˺

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Translation 1–6 9 kurru, 3 (pānu), 4 sūtu of dates, the rent of the field in Tamirtu-Badḫu belonging to Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//S[în-zākir-šumi], apart from 2 (kurru), 3 (pānu), 2 sūtu, the share of Sîn-apla-iddin/Itti-Šamaš-balāṭu, and 1 (kurru), 1 (pānu), 4 sūtu, the share of Murašû/Arad-Sîn, is owed by Sîn-aḫḫē-uballiṭ/Sîniqīša//Sīsî. 6–8 The said [13 kurru], 3 (pānu), 4 sūtu of dates he will give back in Araḫsamna at the gate of the storehouse in Ur. 8–9 He will also give a load of palm wood, tuḫallu-basket and palm fibre. 10–12 Apart from 2 kurru, the tithe of Sîn, (and) 4? kurru, the fifth-share is paid for gardeners. 12–14 The dates from Sîn-nādinapli …, whatever has to be given, is paid from his property. 15–20 Witnesses: Sînzēr-ibni/Sîn-kāṣir//Imbi[a], [Sîn]-apla-iddin/Sîn-šarra-uṣur//Sîn-šem[e], [x]/ Sîn[x]//Arad-[x], [x]/[x], Sîn-[x]/[x]. 21–22 Scribe: [Sîn-tabni-uṣu]r/[Ša-pî-Sîn]/ Šumu-ušabši. 22–24 [Ur]. 25.[x?].9? Dar[ius], king of Babylon, king of Lands. 25 Fingernail (impression) of Sîn-tabni-uṣur 26–27 Apa[rt from …] of the temples … Notes 1. For an alternative reading of the place name, see p. 44. 2. The reconstruction of Sîn-zākir-šumi’s name is based on two other records with Sîn-nādin-apli/Arad-Marduk//Sîn-zākir-šumi. He is the second witness in the debt note BM 113980, no. 15 and he heard the oath by Kinūnāya/Aḫu-līšir in BM 114028+, no. 5. It is most likely that he is one of the parties in BM 114034, no. 21, but his name as well as his grandfather’s name is reconstructed. 5. The lessee, Sîn-aḫḫē-uballiṭ/Sîn-iqīša//Sīsî appears again in two other imittu debt notes. In BM 113964, no. 20 he is responsible for the delivery of an uncertain sum of dates to a member of the Imbia family. It must be pointed out that his name is almost completely reconstructed. In BM 114107, no. 24 Sîn-aḫḫē-uballiṭ/Sîn-iqīša//Sīsî is due 1980 l. of dates from a field located along the Ḫarri canal. 7. The reconstruction [13 gu]r results from the total of all outstanding shares. 12–14. Most of the signs in l. 13 are not clear, which hinders understanding of the fragment. For a possible interpretation of the text, see p. 66–7.

No. 20. BM 113964 (1919-10-11, 54) 4.7 × 5.2 The obverse and the part of the reverse is very badly preserved. The surface of the tablet is worn. I decided not to stipple.

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[3 or 4? 3 (pi) gur z]ú.lum.ma zag.[lu? … šá] […] ˹x˺ a.meš ˹šá˺ […] [mim-bi]-˹ia˺ ina muḫ-ḫi md10+[20-šeš.meš-tin a-šú šá] [md30-ba-šá-a] a mlú˹si-si-i i˺-n[a iti.x] [zú.lum.ma]-a4 ˹3 or 4?˺ gur ˹3 (pi) x˺ […] [ina ká ka]-lak-ku it-ti ˹bil˺-[ti] [šá] ḫu-ṣa-bi tu-ḫal-l[a …]

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8. 9. 10. 11. rev. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18.

151

[man-g]a-ga i-nam-din [(x)] [ina lìb-b]i 3 (pi) 4? bán eš-ru [šá d30] […] ˹pi šá˺ [x x] meš […] […] ˹x˺ […] [lúmu-kin-n]i md30-tab-n[i-ùru] [a-šú šá mšá-k]a-d30 a mmu-gál-š[i] […] a-šú šá mna-din a lúman-d[i-di] (ONE BLANK LINE) [md30]-tab-ni-ùru lúṭup-šar-ri a-šú [šá] [mdag-mu]-˹ú˺?-ki-ni a mim-bi-ia [šeš.unu]gki iti.du6 u4.4.kam [mu.x.kam] [mda-ri-ia]-mu-uš lugal eki luga[l kur.kur]

Translation kurru 3 pānu +x? d]ates im[ittu … belonging to …], sons of […//Imbi]a are due from S[în-aḫḫē-bulliṭ/Sîn-iqīša]//Sīsî. 4–8 I[n the month of x] he will give back the said 3/4? kurru 3 pānu +x? [of dates … at the gate of the si]los, along with a load [of] palm wood, tuḫallu-basket and [palm] fiber [(x)]; [with] 3 pānu 4? sūtu for the tithe [of Sîn]. … . [Witnesse]s: Sîn-tabn[i-uṣur]/[Ša-p]î-Sîn//Šumuušabš[i], [pn]/Nādin//Mand[idi]. Scribe: [Sîn]-tabni-uṣur/[Nabû-šumu]-ukīn// Imbia. [U]r. 4.7.[x Dar]ius, king of Babylon, king [of Lands]. 1–4 3 ? [ /4

Notes 10. The line possibly refers to the share of dates due to the gardeners.

No. 21. BM 114034 (1919-10-11, 124) 2.8 × 3.8 cm obv.

rev.

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[…] ˹x˺ […] [… zag.l]u? šá garin ˹x˺ […] [šá md30-na-din-ibila dumu] ˹šá m˺ìr-dšú [a md30-za-kir-mu] [ù] šeš.meš-šú ˹ù˺ […] [ina mu]ḫ-ḫi md30-še[š.meš-tin a šá md30-ba-šá] [a] lúsi-si-i ˹i˺-[na …] [… x]+˹1˺ gur ˹2?˺ (pi) 3 bán i[na …] […] ˹x x˺ é […] […] šá? […] [lúmu-k]in-˹ni˺ […] [… m]d30-šeš-[…] [… du]mu šá mk[i …] […] ˹x˺ mšeš-k[i …] [… m]damar.utu-šeš-[…] [… m]im-bi-iá […] [iti.x u4].18.kam mu.4.kam [Dar]? [lugal] eki lugal [kur.kur]

Translation … […imittu] of Tamirtu-[…, belonging to Sîn-nādin-apli]/Arad-Marduk//[Sînzākir-šumi and] his brothers and […, is ow]ed by Sîn-aḫ[ḫē-bulliṭ/Sîn-iqīša]//Sīsî. I[n …x]+1 kurru, 2? (pānu), 3 sūtu i[n …] … … house? […] of […] [Wit]nesses: […] Sîn-aḫ-[…], [… s]on of It[ti-…], […] x Aḫu-k[ēšir …], Marduk-aḫ-[x …], […] Imbia […]. 18.[x].4, [Darius king] of Babylon, [king of Lands]. Notes 3’. The name [Sîn-nādin-apli]/Arad-Marduk//[Sîn-zākir-šumi] is reconstructed on the basis of BM 114028+, no. 5 and BM 113948+, no. 19. 5’. Sîn-aḫḫē-bulliṭ/Sîn-iqīša//Sīsî is reconstructed on the basis of BM 113948+, no. 19, BM 113964, no. 20 and BM 114107, no. 24, in which he also is a lessee.

No. 22. BM 114050+BM 114117+BM 114146 (1919-10-11, 140+207+236) 5.7 × 4.3 cm obv.

1. 2. 3. 4.

[1 gur 3 pi še.bar] 1 (pi) 4 bán še.gig.b[a] [imittu ša eqli] ˹ina?˺ garinfin-ṣab-tu4 [šá pn a-šú šá mku-n]a-a a mim-bi-[ia] [ina mu]ḫ-ḫi mba-šá a-šú šá m˹dù˺-ia © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

˹a m˺ku-na-a ina iti.˹zíz˺ še.bar-a4 1 gur 3 pi 1 (pi) 4 bán š[e.gi]g.ba ina šeš.unugki i-nam-din ˹lú˺mu-kin-nu m˹d˺utu-mu-˹mu˺ a-šú šá md30-šeš-gál-ši [a] mkar-d˹amar.utu˺ [m]ba-zu-zu a-šú šá mšu?-d30 [u] lúumbisag mba-šá a-šú šá [m]˹dù˺-ia

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12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17.

[a mku]-˹na˺-a uru šá-fin-˹ṣab-tu4˺ [iti.x u4.x?]+˹3˺.kam mu.6.[kam] [Darius] lugal eki [lugal kur.kur] […] ˹x˺ pa ta […] ú tu

Translation [1 kurru, 3 pānu of barley], 1 (pānu) 4 sūtu of wheat, [the rent of the field] in Tamirtu.f Inṣābtu [owed to pn/Kūn]ā//Imb[ia b]y Iqīša/Bānia//Kūnā. He will deliver this barley, 1 kurru, 3 pānu (and) 1 (pānu) 4 sūtu of w[he]at, in the month of Šabaṭu to Ur. Witnesses: Šamaš-šum-iddin/Sîn-aḫ-ušabši//Mušēzib-Marduk, Bazuzu/Gimil-Sîn. [And] scribe: Iqīša/Bānia//[Kū]nā. Ālu-ša-fInṣābtu, [x]+3.[x].6, [Darius] king of Babylon, [king of Lands]. … Notes 3. The alternative reading is […]-˹x˺-a for …-apli.

No. 23. BM 114064 (1919-10-11, 154) 3.2 × 3.1 cm obv.

obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’.

rev.

[…] ˹ti˺ […] [… z]ú.lum.m[a …] [… ina šeš].˹unug˺ki ina ká ˹ka˺-[lak-ku] [… ina š]eš.˹unug˺ki ina ˹ká˺ […] [… e]š-ru?-u ˹x˺ […] […] ˹šá˺ ḫa.la ˹u˺ […] © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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7’. 1’. 2’. 3’.

[…] ˹x˺ […] […] ˹x x x x˺ […] […] ˹x a˺ mmu-gál-š[i …] […] ˹x˺ a md30-˹mu˺ […]

4’. 5’.

[… g]i? dumu šá m[…] […] ki ˹x˺ […] missing

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Translation […] ti [… d]ate[s …], [… to the U]r to si[lo], [… to the U]r to [silos? …], [… ti]the […]; […] of the share o[f? …]; … […]//Šumu-ušabš[i …]; […]//Sîn-iddin […]. […ušal]lim?/[…]; […] ki […].

No. 24. BM 114107 (1919-10-11, 197) 2.5 × 3.2 cm obv.

obv.

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1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

[11 gur zú.lum.ma z]ag.lu a.[šà.meš] [… ina muḫ-ḫi] ídḫar-r[i] [šá … a]-˹šú˺ šá mku-na-[a] [a mim-bi-a ina mu]ḫ-ḫi md30-šeš˹.meš˺-[tin]-iṭ [a-šú šá md30-ba-šá a lú]si-si-i [ina iti.x zú.lum.ma]-˹a4˺ 11(over erasure) gur(over erasure) [ina ká ka]-lak-ku [i-nam-din … mu].˹5.kam˺ missing © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. 7’.

[… -dg]u?-la […] ˹x˺ [… lú]man-di-di [md30-tab-ni-ùru] ˹lú˺dub.sar [a-šú šá mšá-ka-d30] mmu-gál-ši [šeš.unugki iti.kin?].2.kam u4.21.k[am] [mu.5?.kam mda-r]i-muš lugal ˹e˺[ki] [lugal] ˹kur˺.kur

Translation [11 kurru of dates i]mittu of the fie[lds … on the] Ḫarr[i] canal [belonging to pn]/Kūnā//[Imbia owe]d by Sîn-aḫḫē-[bull]iṭ[/Sîn-iqīša//]Sīsî. 6–8 [He will give back] the said 11 kurru [of dates in the month of x, to the gate of sil]o [… year] 5. 1’–2’ (witnesses) [… x-G]ula, […]//Mandidi, […]. Scribe: [Sîn-tabni-uṣur/Šapî-Sîn]//Šumu-ušabši. [Ur]. 21.[6?]b.[5?], [Dar]ius, king of Babylon, [king] of Lands. 1–5

Notes Obv. 4. The reconstruction of Imbia is based on BM 114050+, no. 22. Rev. 2’. Two individuals from the Mandidi family acted as witnesses: AradIštar/Zēria//Mandidi in BM 113942+, no. 4 – last witness and [x]/Nādin //Mandidi in BM 113964, no. 20 – last witness. Rev. 5’. The reconstruction of the month’s name is based on Parker and Duberstain 1956: 30 and data collected by Walker, who, as always, very kindly gave me his unpublished catalogue of intercalary months, for which I am extremely grateful to him.

No. 25. BM 114116 (1919-10-11, 206) 2.0 × 3.4 cm obv.

rev.

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obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. 7’. rev. 8’. 9’. 10’. 11’.

157

[x gu]r ˹zag˺.[lu …] zú.lum.ma […] ina ká ka-l[ak-ku … it-ti] bil-ti […] ù man-g[a-ga …] e-lat 1 g[ur …] [x]+2 gur ˹2 (pi)˺ [i-nam-din] ˹lú˺mu-kin-[nu …] a-šú šá mšá-k[a …] m numun-˹ia˺ […] [l]úum[bisag …] missing

Translation [x kurr]u imit[tu] … dates […]; to the sil[o … with] a load [(of palm-leaf ribs) …] and date-palm fib[res …] in addition to 1 ku[rru …], [x]+2 kurru 2 (pānu) [will deliver]. Witnes[ses: …], son of Ša-p[î-…]; Zēria […], s[cribe: …]

No. 26. BM 114130+BM 114155 (1919-10-11, 220+245) 3.9 × 2.5 cm obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. 7’. 8’. lo.e. 9’. 10’. rev. 11’. 12’. 13’. 14’. 15’. 16’.

šá uru ˹f˺[Inṣābtu? …] a mim-bi-ia ina m[uḫ-ḫi mki.ne-na-a] a-šú šá mšeš-li-šìr [zú.lum.ma-a4 x] ina ugu 1-et rit-t[i ina m]a-ši-ḫ[i šá …] i-nam-din it-ti [x (x)] 3 bán ḫa!-ṣa-ri? […] u ˹x x x x i˺-[n]am-din mki.n[e-na-a] ˹šá ugu˺ ḫa.la-šú ˹e˺-ṭir mki.ne-n[a-a] ˹eš-ru-ú˺ ina ḫa.la-šú i-nam-din ˹lúmu-kin-nu m˺d30-mu a-šú šá m kab-ti-iá a mim-bi-ia md 30-ki-šìr a md30-šeš-m[u] lú u umbisag md[ut]u-gin-a a-šú šá md 30-mu-dù a ˹md˺30-ga-mil šeš.unugki iti.[d]u6? u4.˹10.kam˺ mu.4.kam mku-raš [lugal eki u kur.kur] ˹e-lat˺ 2 (pi) 3 bán zú.[lum.ma …] missing

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Translation 1’–3’ [… located] in Āl-f[Inṣābtu belonging to x/x]//Imbia is o[wed by Kinūnāya]/ Aḫu-līšir. 3’–6’ [The said dates x] he will pay at onc[e in the m]easur[e of …] in addition to [x] (and) 3 sūtu that he will give for the store and transportation costs(?). 6’–7’ Kin[ūnāya] is paid in his share. 7’–8’ Kinūn[āya] will pay the tithe from his share. 9’–11’ Witnesses: Sîn-iddin/Kabtia//Imbia, Sîn-kēšir//Sîn-aḫidd[in]. 12’–13’ And scribe: [Šama]š-mukīn-apli/Sîn-šumu-ibni//Sîn-gāmil. Ur. 10.7?.4 Cyrus [king of Babylon and Lands]. Apart from 2 (pānu), 3 sūtu of dat[es …] … Notes 1’. For the correctness of the reconstruction Āl-f[Inṣābtu] speaks the fact that two other records in which Kinūnāya appears were composed in Ālu-šaf Inṣābtu, see: p. 64 and 65. 2’–3’. See note 1 to BM 114028+, no. 5. 5’–6’. The end of the l. 5’ should be read ḫaṣāru as the “place for dates storage” (CAD H: 130, cf. Janković 2013: 73). It is quite possible that one should

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expect the term gimru (“transportation cost”) at the beginning of l. 6’ (CAD G: 78). For the use of the two words in a similar context, see VS 3, 74: 6– 8 (ina iti.apin zú.lum.ma gam-ru-tu ina ma-ši-ḫu šá lugal ina ḫa-ṣa-ri u gimir šá a-di bar-sipki i-nam-din).

6.9. Receipts No. 27. BM 113962 (1919-10-11, 52) 5.7 × 3.7 cm obv.

lo.e.

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1. 2. 3. 4.

1 gín kù.babbar šá it-ti giš bán 1/2 gín kù.babbar mnumun-ia ˹a mna˺-din ina šuii mšá-ka-kal-bi a md30-ág-numun © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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a-na ugu md30-na-din-˹ibila˺ ma-ḫir iti.ne u4.18.kam mu.8.kam mda-ri-i-muš lugal kù.babbar šá ina šuii md30-numun-mu na-šá-’

Translation (From) 1 shekel of silver (due) from the sūtu-rent, 1/2 shekel of silver Zēria/Nādin has received from Ša-pî-kalbi/Sîn-rā’im-zēri on behalf of Sîn-nādinapli. 7–8 18.5.8, Darius, the king. 9–10 Silver that was received from Sîn-zēr-iddin. 1–6

No. 28. BM 113963 (1919-10-11, 53) 5.4 × 3.4 cm obv.

lo.e.

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1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

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1˹5 ma˺.na túg˹ki˺-tin.meš ˹pi˺-ṣu-tu 4 mášṣib-tu4 a-˹na˺ dul-lu ina igi m dù-ia ina gub-zu šá mšeš-šú-nu a mgu-da-du ù m˹ki˺-d30-bu-nu-ú-a iti.ne u4.3.kam mu.11.kam m da-ri-i-muš lugal

Translation 1–4 15 [m]inas of white kitinnû (for) 4 ṣibtu garments for the work at the disposal of Bānia. 4–6 In the presence of Aḫušunu/Gudādû and Itti-Sîn-bunûa. 7–9 3.5.11, Darius king. Notes 1. BM 113963, no. 28 proof of the white colour of kitinnû. Note that the kitinnû is in BM 113963, no. 28 preceded by the determinate túg usually put before fabric materials. 1. S. Zawadzki quotes a few examples of texts with the use of kitinnû for manufacturing the ṣibtu in the Ebabbar temple (Zawadzki 2006: 25–26). In BM 113963, no. 28 Bānia probably received 15 minas of kitinnû (the number is partly broken) for manufacturing 4 ṣibtu, which means that one ṣibtu weighted 3.75 minas, i.e. 255 shekels. 2. Glossa ṣib-tu4 used as an explanatory equivalent of máš.

No. 29. BM 113976 (1919-10-11, 66) 4.9 × 3.5 cm obv.

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8. lo.e. 9. rev. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.

ina ú-˹ìl-tì šá˺ še.bar ra-šu-tu šá md30-ba-nu-nu ˹a˺-šú šá mdamar.utu-numun-dù a mda-damar.utu šá ina muḫ-ḫi mri-mut-d30 a-šú šá md30-ág-numun a mim-bi-iá ina lìb-bi 2 gur 2 (pi) 3 bán še.bar md30-ba-nu-nu ina šuii mri-mut-d30 ma-ḫir 1-en-ta-a4 šá-ṭà-ri il-qu-u FINGERNAILS ṣu-pur md30-ba-nu-nu ku-um na4 dub-šú lú mu-kin-ni md30-mu a-šú šá m šu-la-a a lúazalag m d ˹ ˺30-dù-šeš a-šú šá md30-gi ˹u lúumbisag˺ md30-ba-nu-nu a-šú šá ˹mdamar.utu˺-numun-dù a mda-damar.utu šeš.unugki ˹iti˺.šu u4.5.kam mu.3.kam m kam-bu-zi-˹ia˺ lugal eki u kur.kur

Translation From the debt note for barley, the claim of Sîn-bānūnu/Marduk-zēr-ibni//Ile’’iMarduk, charged against Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia. 5–6 Sîn-bānūnu received out of it 2 kurru, 2 (pānu), 3 sūtu of barley from Rēmūt-Sîn. 7 Each (party) has taken one (copy of this) tablet. 8–9 Fingernail (impressions) of Sîn-bānūnu instead of his seal. 10–12 Witnesses: Sîn-iddin/Šulā//Ašlāku, Sîn-bāni-aḫi/Sînušallim, 13–14 and scribe: Sîn-bānūnu/Marduk-zēr-ibni//Ile’’i-Marduk. 15–16 Ur. 5.4.3, Cambyses king of Babylon and Lands. 1–4

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No. 30. BM 113979 (1919-10-11, 69) 4.4 × 3.5 cm obv.

lo.e.

rev.

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1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

1 gur 5 bán še.bar 1 (pi) 4 bán 3 silà zú.lum.ma 2-ta (K:ga) ˹šuii.meš˺ kù.babbar babbar-ú 3 ri-bat kù.babbar šá gi-ni ina šuku.ḫi.a šá é dnin.giš.zi. md 30-ki-šìr a-šú šá mtin-ṭu m a ina-gissu-zag.mí a-na ma-la ḫa.la šá mri-mut-d30

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8. lo.e. 9. 10. rev. 11. 12.

u.e.

13. 14. 15. 16. 17.

a-šú šá md30-ág-numun a mim-bi-iá ina šuii mri-mut-d30 e-ṭè-ru lú mu-kin7 mšá-ka-d30 a-šú šá mšu-d30 a mim-bi-iá (ONE BLANK LINE) md 30-ki-šìr lúumbisag a-šú šá mtin a mina-gissu-zag.mí šeš.unugki iti.apin u4.4.kam mu.6.kam mda-ri-muš lugal eki lugal kur.kur

Translation 1 kurru, 5 sūtu of barley, 1 (pānu), 4 sūtu, 3 qû of dates, 2/3 (shekel) of white silver, 3/4 (shekel) of stamped silver from the provision of Ningišzida temple, 5–10 Sîn-kēšir/Balāṭu//Ina-ṣilli-tanittu has received from Rēmūt-Sîn in accordance with the share of Rēmūt-Sîn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia. 11–12 Witnesses: Ša-pî-Sîn/ Gimil-Sîn//Imbia. 13–14 Scribe: Sîn-kēšir/Balāṭu//Ina-ṣilli-tanittu. 15–17 Ur, 4.8.6, Darius king of Babylon, king of Lands. 1–4

Notes 10. e-ṭir or e-ṭi-ir is accepted as the most often attested writing for the Passive of eṭēru.

No. 31. BM 114101 (1919-10-11, 191) 4.2 × 3.0 cm obv.

lo.e.

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165

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obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. lo.e. 7’. rev. 8’. 9’. 10’. 11’. 12’.

˹x˺ […] ki […] a mì[r-…] a md[…] ˹x x˺ […] a mìr-damar.utu maḫ-[ru] ina lìb-bi 8 gín kù.bababbar […] ḫa.la šá mšá-ka-kal?-[bi] a md30-ág-numun [a mim-bi-ia] ina gub-zu šá mdamar.utu-sur a […] md kur.gal-šu-mu--un a m˹d˺[…] md 30-˹ši-man-ni˺?(over erasure) a m˹d˺[…] ù ˹lúumbisag x x˺ […] missing

Translation … Ar[ad-…]; […]//[…] … […]//Arad-Marduk recei[ved], in addition to 8 shekels of silver […], the share of Ša-pî-kal[bi?]/Sîn-rā’im-zēri[//Imbia]. In the presence of Marduk-ēṭer/[…], Amurru-šumu-iškun/[…], Sîn-šimanni/[…] and the scribe […]. Notes 11’. 30-ši-man-ni is written over erasure.

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6.10. Accounts No. 32. BM 113922 (1919-10-11, 12) 6.0 × 9.2 cm The obverse of the tablet is in very poor condition with numerous cracks and other surface damage. For clarity of reading, the missing parts of the tablet’s surface are not stippled. obv.

obv.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

[x bán] ˹im ta x x˺ md30-[...] [x bán] ˹x x x a?˺ [...] ˹2 bán mx˺-lu-˹x x˺ 1 (pi) 2 bán md˹30?˺-šeš.meš-˹ba?˺ ˹3?˺ bán md30-˹x x˺ [x] ˹x˺ 2 bán md30-šeš-mu

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rev.

7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

1 bán md30-sur 1 bán md˹a/za x-x˺ 1 bán m[x] ˹x šeš˺-su 1 bán [...]-˹ú-ṣur˺ [x x] ˹x x x˺ bi [...] ˹x˺ bi [...] it 1 gur 1 (pi) 1 bán qé-me a-na šá-pi-kal-bi

Translation … Sîn-[x], … 2 sūtu …, 1 (pānu) 2 sūtu Sîn-aḫḫē-iqīša, 3? sūtu Sîn-[x] …, 2 sūtu Sîn-aḫu-iddin, 1 sūtu Sîn-ēṭer, 1 sūtu …, 1 sūtu [x]-aḫu-erība, 1 sūtu [x]-uṣur, …, rev. 14–15 1 kurru, 1 (pānu), 1 sūtu of flour to Ša-pî-kalbi. 1–13

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Notes The text concerns presumably the rations for the temple personnel with total in ll. 14–15, issued to Ša-pî-kalbi, probably the chief of a team of workers.

No. 33. BM 113950 (1919-10-11, 40) 5.6 × 4.5 cm obv.

lo.e.

rev.

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obv.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. lo.e. 10. rev. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17.

169

1 lim 1 me 30 m[a-ši-ḫu šá še.bar] šá mdu-um-mu[q-qu a-šú šá] m numun-ú-tú u m˹x˺ […] ˹ki˺-i 1 me 70 gur z[ú.lum.ma] [4]+˹2˺ gur šá a-na m˹x˺ […] pap ˹1˺ me 76 gur […] m du-um-ú-q[u? …] 5 me 4 ma-˹ši˺-[ḫu šá še.bar] md na-na-a-apin-˹eš˺ […] ki-i 70 gur z[ú.lum.ma] 7 me 21 ˹x x˺ [… šá še.bar] ki-i [x] ˹me˺ gur ˹zú˺.[lum.ma] ina lìb-bi 7 me 40 ina ˹x˺ […] ina ˹pa-an˺ [x (x)] ˹x x x˺ […] ina ˹lìb-bi˺ […] ˹x x˺ […] ina ˹iti x x˺ […] ù ˹mx x x˺ […]

Translation 1–5 1130 m[easures of barley] of Dummu[qu/]Zērūtu and [x] instead of 170 kurru [of dates]; 6 kurru for […]. 6–7 Total: 176 kurru of […] Dummuq[u …]. 8–10 504 measur[es of barley of] Nannā-ēreš […] instead of 70 kurru of d[ates]. 11–12 721 … [… of barley] instead of [x] kurru (of) d[ates]. 13–17 In addition to 740 from ˹x˺ […], 14 ina …, 15 out of …, 16 ina …, 17 and …

No. 34. BM 113960 (1919-10-11, 50) 5.6 × 4.0 cm obv.

rev.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

˹x x x˺ [… iti.x u4.x].kam [mu.x].˹kam m˺[da-ri]-˹ía˺-muš lugal ˹kur˺.[kur] 5 bán m˹lu˺-ú-i-di-ia 5 bán m[x] ˹x˺ a m˹x˺ […] ˹x˺ 5 bán m[…] ˹x˺-e-a ˹5 bán˺? m˹d˺[…] ˹x˺ uninscribed

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obv.

Translation 1–2 …. [… month x, day x, year x, Dari]us king of Land[s]. 3 5 sūtu Lū-idia, 5 sūtu …, 5 sūtu …, 5 sūtu …. Notes 1. The first two signs might be read še.bar.

No. 35. BM 113952+113954 (1919-10-11, 42+44) 7.1 × 5.5 cm obv.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. rev. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17.

šuku.˹ḫi.a x šá msu-qa˺-[a]-˹a ul˺-tu iti.gan mu.˹5?.kam˺ ˹mda-ri-i-muš˺ lugal a-na fbu-˹sa˺-sa sag?-šú id-din-nu ˹1 gur x x x ma-la mdù-a˺? mdnin.˹a˺.zu-su [it]i.˹gan u4.2.kam mu.5?.kam˺ 1 gur 1 (pi) 4 bán še.bar [x] ˹x x x˺ […] ˹x˺ iti.˹ne˺ [u4].˹x˺.[k]am […] ˹sík˺.ḫi.a ina šuii ftab-luṭ iti.ne u4.7.kam mu.5.kam […] qa? saḫ-li-e ina šuii ftab-luṭ […] ta-ad-da ˹ma˺(over erasure)-a-ri iti.gan [u4.x.kam mu].˹5˺.kam (erasure) […] (erasure) […] ˹šuku˺.ḫi.a šá ul-tu iti.gan […] pa-ni m˹su-qa?˺-a-a i-nam-din […] ˹x˺ ku ˹x x x˺ še.giš.ì […] ˹x x x˺ mun.ḫi.a […] ˹ri-ḫi x x x˺ lu tu4 [u]l-˹tu˺ iti.[x] ˹mu.6.kam˺ a-˹di˺ iti.gan mu.˹6?˺.kam ul id-din © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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Translation Provisions that Suqāya gave to fBusasa from his property/capital from the month of Kislīmu, 5th year of Darius, king. 1 kurru … everything that? Ibnā, Ninazuerība. 2.IX.5?. 1 kurru, 1 (pānu), 4 sūtu of barley … ; x.V. […] wool from fTabluṭ 7.5.5; … qa of cress from fTabluṭ; …, [x].5.5.

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… provisions from the month of kislīmu … before Sūqāya will give. … sesame; … slat; … lu tu4; [f]rom the month of [x], year 6 till the month of kislīmu, year 6? did not give. Notes The tablet is in poor condition. Reading of the signs on most parts of the tablet should be treated with caution.

No. 36. BM 113957 (1919-10-11, 47) 5.8 × 3.6 cm obv.

lo.e.

obv.

lo.e. rev.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

še.bar te-lit ul-tu ká -lak-ku a-na ki-ís-sat šá 2 gu4 šá li-li-ís-su ud.ka.bar 2 (pi) 3 bán ul-tu u4.28.kam šá iti.ab a-di-i u4.30.kam šá iti.ab šá u4-mu 2 bán 3 qa ina igi mna-pu-uš-tu4 1 (pi) 1 bán 3 qa ul-tu iti.zíz u4.1.kam a-di-i iti.zíz u4.7.kam ina igi mna-pu-uš-tu4 uninscribed

Translation Barely disbursement from the gate’s silo for the fodder of two oxen of bronze kettledrum. 3–5 2 (pānu), 3 sūtu from the 28th day of the month of Ṭebētu till the 30th day of the month of Ṭebētu, 2 sūtu, 3 qa at the disposal of Napištu daily. 1–2

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6–8

1 (pānu), 1 sūtu, 3 qa from the 1st day of the month of Šabatu till the 7th day of the month of Šabatu at the disposal of Napištu. Notes Compare the text with BM 114021, no. 37 and BM 114143, no. 38. 2.

There are different spellings: šá li-li-ís-su ud.ka.bar in BM 113957, no. 36: 2, but šá li-li-šum [ud.ka.bar] in BM 114021, no. 37: 2, and [šá l]i-li-šum [ud.ka.bar] in BM 114143, no. 38: 2.

The lilissu drum was one of the most important musical instruments used during various religious ceremonies, recitations or prayers. It was of considerable importance since the beginning of the second millennium BC, as it appears in year names as an object dedicated to the gods, replacing the Balaĝ instrument (Gabbay 2014: 134). In the first millennium BC the lilissu drum is found in various texts relating to the ritual of the bronze kettledrum, during which oxen were slaughtered, or used during the eclipse of the moon (Beaulieu and Britton 1994), but also in administrative documents from temple archives as in the example published below. In Babylonia, the ritual of the covering of the kettledrum is known only from Hellenistic Uruk, but there are two references in the astronomical diaries from Babylon (Linssen 2004: 94). The main event of the ritual was selecting and preparing the bull for slaughter and finally the act of slaughter and the covering of the kettledrum. Linssen thinks that the ritual for covering the kettledrum was not part of the regularly performed temple rituals, but was only performed when repairs on the kettledrum were necessary (Linssen 2004: 100). Previously obtained data relating to this ritual refer to the following periods: • •

15th day of an unknown month in Uruk (TU 44) unknown day of the month of Ayyaru (x.II.85 S.E.) and the 24th day of the month of Araḫsamna (24.VIII.41 S.E.) in Babylon.

Beaulieu also points to AUWE 5, 90 that refers to “the ceremony of the preparation of the ritual kettledrum of the temple of Ninurta” in Uruk, dated to the 27th day of the month of Ayyaru (Beaulieu 2003: 303). Additional data comes from BM 117458, most probably from Uruk and since the data concerning the ritual of the lilissu bronze kettledrum is not comprehensive, transliteration and translation of BM 117458 is presented here: BM 117458 obv.

1. 2. 3.

˹3˺ ninda.ḫi làl.ḫi.a 3 ninda.ḫi ì.nun.na šá ri-kis li-li-su ud.ka.bar © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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4. 5. 6. 7. lo.e. 8. 9. rev. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. u.e. 18. l.h.e. 19. 20. 21.

˹šá˺ u4.15.kam šá iti.gu4 [m]ni-qu-du it-ta-ši [3 ni]nda.ḫi.a làl.ḫi.a [3] ninda.ḫi.a ì.nun.na [šá] li-li-su ud.ka.bar šá u4.15.kam u4.24.kam ˹šá˺ iti.gu4 ù dug-da-kur-ra-nu šá ri-ik-su mdag-gin-a giš 6-ḫi.a làl.ḫi.a šá kašna-a-ši ˹šá˺ 3 ud.èš.èš.me šá iti.gu4 md in-nin-numun-gál-ši it-ta-ši iti.gu4 u4.15.kam mu.2.kam du.gur-lugal-ùru lugal tin.tirki [(x)] 6-ḫi ina làl.ḫi.a [x x] qu-ul ˹mim?˺ [x] [x x x] ˹x˺ giš

Translation 3 akalu (of) honey, 3 akalu (of) ghee for the riksu offering of the bronze kettledrum of the 15th day of the month of Ayyaru Niqūdu carried off; [6] akalu of honey, [6] akalu of ghee [for riksu] offering of the bronze kettledrum of the 15th (and) 24th day of the month of Ayyaru and adagurrānu bowls for riksu offering Nabû-mukīn-apli carried off. 6 (of) honey for (making) nāšu beer for three eššēšu festivals of the month of Ayyaru Innin-zēr-ušabši (carried off). 15.2.2 Ner, king of Babylon. [(x)] 5 form the honey [x x / (for the making)] qu-ul ˹mim?˺ [x] / qullupu? cakes, [x x x] x carried off”. BM 117458 provides the data concerning the 15th and 24th day of the month of Ayyaru and the same dates are also mentioned in AnOr 9, 26: 5–6: 11 gur 2 (pi) 2 bán šá 2 ri-kis li-li-su ud.ka.bar šá u4.˹15.kam˺ u u4.[24?.kam šá iti.gu4 …] ˹x˺ šá 1 bán ninda.ḫi.a šá u4.24.kam šá iti.gu4 e-lat gi-né-e ana dx […] The texts published here provide more references to the data. All the texts relate to the transfer of barley for the fodder of oxen for restricted periods.

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BM 113957, no. 36 28–30 Ṭebētu

90 l. per 2 oxen 45 l. per ox for 3 days = 15 l. per ox per day 1–7 Šabatu 45 l. for 7 days BM 114021, no. 37 1–3 Addaru 35 Dar I for 3 days for 2 oxen BM 114143, no. 38 4/7? to [x] Šabatu 34 [Da]r I ? The barley was distributed for two oxen in each record (2 gu4 in BM 114143, no. 38 is reconstructed). There are no data relating to the age and sex of oxen, but one could suppose that only the male was accepted in offerings. In both BM 113957, no. 36 and BM 114021, no. 37 barley was distributed for 3-day periods of feeding, but in different months: 28–30 Ṭebētu in BM 113957, no. 36 and 1–3 Addaru in BM 114021, no. 37. The same feeding period should be expected in BM 114143, no. 38, but the number of days is almost lost: 4/7? to [x] Šabatu. BM 113957, no. 36 provides another distribution period (1–7 Šabatu), but it seems that this information is rather related to the remuneration of Napištu than providing barley for the bulls, as the standard would be very undervalued (see. below). It follows from the above, especially from the information stored in BM 113957, no. 36 that the period of feeding was very short, three days only. Each ox was fed 15 litres of barley daily. The data might be compared with norms of barley distributed for oxen fodder in the Ebabbar temple in Sippar. According to the texts relating to the feeding methods in the fattening house of the Ebabbar temple, the daily norm of 12 l. of barley was the standard for bulls fattened during the last feeding period, i.e. rabû, like the norm of 6 l. during second stage (tardennu) and 3 l. was the standard of animals fattened at the first (šalšu) stage of feeding (Tarasewicz 2008). Comparison of these data clearly indicates a higher daily quota of food for the bulls in Ur. This fact should be interpreted either by far more intense methods of fattening in the short 3–day period or by the age of the animals, i.e. the bulls in Ur were several years old. Furthermore, the three texts relate to the oxen for lilissu siparri drum in the months Ṭebētu, Šabatu and Addaru.

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No. 37. BM 114021 (1919-10-11, 111) 4.3 × 4.2 obv.

obv.

rev.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

[še.bar u]l-tu ka-lak-ku [a-na ki-is-sa]t šá 2 gu4(over erasure) šá li-li-šum [ud.ka.bar] ul-tu u4.1.kam šá iti.še [a-di] u4.3.kam šá iti.še [ina igi] mna-pu-uš-tu4 [iti.š]e u4.1.kam mu.35.kam [md]a-ri-iá-muš lugal kur.kur uninscribed

Translation 1–5 [Barley f]rom the silo [for the fodde]r of two oxen of [bronze] kettledrum, from the 1st day of the month of Addaru [till] the 3rd day of the month of Add[aru at the disposal] of Napīštu. 6–7 1.12.35, [D]arius king of Lands. Notes Compare the text with two similar, BM 113957, no. 36 and BM 114143, no. 38.

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No. 38. BM 114143 (1919-10-11, 233) 3.6 × 2.4 cm obv.

lo.e.

rev.

obv.

lo.e. rev.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

[še.bar ul-tu ka-la]k-˹ku˺ [a-na ki-is-sat šá 2 gu4 šá l]i-li-šum [ud.ka.bar ul-tu u4].˹4?˺.kam šá iti.zíz [a-di u4.x.kam šá] iti.zíz [ina igi mna-pu]-uš-tu4 [iti.zíz u4.x.k]am mu.34.kam [mda-ri]-iá-muš [lugal e]ki

Translation [Barley from the sil]o [for the fodder of two oxen for bronze ke]ttledrum, [from] the 4th? [day] of the month of Šabaṭu [till the x day of the] month of Šabaṭu [at the disposal of Napī]štu. [x.11].34, [Dari]us [king of Lan]ds. Notes Compare the text with two similar, BM 113957, no. 36 and BM 114021, no. 37.

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6.11. Inventories No. 39. BM 113926 (1919-10-11, 16)175 5.7 × 7.8 cm obv.

175

For the short description of the text see Frame and Waerzeggers 2011: 144. For remarks on some terms concerning tools listed in the texts see Brinkman 1988: 140. © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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obv.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

ú-de-e é šá mdag-mu-gin ˹a˺-šú šá md30-ág-numun a mim-bi-ia 20 ka-a-su.meš ˹ud.ka˺.bar 2 ba-ṭu-ú.meš ud.ka.bar 2-ta šá-ḫi-li.meš ud.ka.bar 5-ta mu-naq-qa-ti ud.ka.bar 1 kan-du ud.˹ka˺.bar šá ì.me i-ṣab-ba-ti 2 kal-la ù šul-pu ud.ka.bar 2 mu-kar-ri-˹ši˺.meš ud.ka.bar

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Chapter 6

2-ta mu-ka-˹aṣ˺-ṣi-tu4 ud.ka.bar 1 na-an-su-˹ú˺ gal-ú ud.ka.bar 1 na-an-su-ú ˹tur-ti˺ ud.ka.bar 2 é ˹na-ṭil˺.meš ud.ka.bar 2 ki-šuk-ku.meš ud.˹ka.bar˺ 1 é.šim šá man-di-ti ud.ka.bar 1 é.šim [x x] 2 mu-˹šaḫ-ḫi-nu˺.meš 1-ta qa-bu-ut-tu4 šá ˹rim-me-ku˺ 1 ˹iš-ma-nu-u˺ ud.ka.bar ˹5-ta na-al?-pat šá ì.giš˺ 15 si-˹ir˺-pi.meš an.bar 2-ta ma-ga-za-tú.meš an.bar 2-ta gír.meš an.bar 1 IL TA DI I ṬU an.bar 2 an-gu-re-en.meš an.bar 2 ṣi-ib-˹te-e-tú an.bar 2-ta x˺ [...] ina ú-di-e anše eš-šu-tu 1 kušti-il-lu 1 šid-da-ti 3 ma-áš-šá-nu.meš šá giš˹x x bu˺ 22+[x g]išgu.za.meš 3-ta gan-ga-an-n[u.meš] ˹x x˺ it-tal 3 gan [x] ˹x x x x x˺ [...] 30 dugkut-˹ti x x x˺ 2-ta gišná.meš 3 túggu-uz-gu-za.meš šá ta-bar-ri 1 gadaki-i-pi 1 túg˹qir˺-mu šá gišná 2 é nu-úr.meš 2-[ta kal-l]a šá é nu-úr 1 na4kišib šá na4urudu-ú 1 na4kišib šá na4.dlamma šá dul 5 giššab-ur-ru.meš 1 gišma-ak-šu-t[u4] 1 giški-is-si-ru šá sig4 1 gišna-al-bi-en šá sig4 1 gišna-al-bi-en šá sig4.ḫi.a 2-ta dug ZA NUN AB ḫa-a-ta pap [ú]-de-e é

Translation 1–2 Household equipments belonging to Nabû-šumu-ukīn/Sîn-rā’im-zēri//Imbia. 3 20 bronze cups, 2 bronze plates, 4 2 bronze šāḫilu-strainer, 5 bronze munaqqûbowls, 5 1 bronze container for the measure of oil 6 2 bronze vessels, 7 2 bronze bowls, 8 2 bronze mukaṣṣītu-tools 9 1 bronze large washing bowl, 1 bronze small washing bowl, 10 2 bronze naṭīlu-grates, 2 bronze kišukku-grates, 11 1 spice box with mounting, 1 spice box with … 12 2 cooking pots, 1 bowl for washing (the hands), 13 1 iššimanu bronze object, 5 bowls for oil 14 15 iron shears, 2 iron shearing blades 15 2 iron knifes, 1 iron tool (?) 16 2 iron lamp stands, 17 2 iron fetters, 2 …, 18 a new donkey next to the items 19 1 bow case, 20 1 stand for large vat, 3 maššānu made of [x] wood, 21 22+[x] chairs, 3 potstands …, 22 3 potstands? …, 23 30 containers (?), 24 2 beds, 25 3 guzguzu-garments (made) of dyed wool, 26 1 kīpu-garment, 1 cover for bed, 27 2 lamps, 2 lamp stands, 28 1 cylinder-seal© 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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shaped bead of copper, 29 1 cylinder-seal-shaped bead of lamassu-stone with a cover (?), 30 5 boat beams, 1 stand, 31 1 tool for brick, 32 1 brick mould, 33 1 bricks mould, 34 2 … 35 total: household [eq]uipment. Notes 3. The cup(s) (kāsu) and plate(s) (baṭû) stand always together. The texts published so far mention a few cups (up to five in dowries, cf. Roth 1989–90: 25) and one plate, while BM 113926 (no. 39) lists 20 cups and 2 plates, i.e. the proportion is 10:1. The text gives evidence for an unusual number of cups, twenty in total (cf. AHw 454–5 and CAD K: 253–6; AHw 116 and CAD B: 178; Salonen 1966: 119; Joannès 1981: 147; Brinkman 1988: 140; Roth 1989–90: 25; Abraham and Sokoloff 2011: 28). The function of kāsu might be different, as in different historical periods they were used for drinking, but also for storage and their capacity varied from a small one, ca. one litre, to 4 kurru, see CAD K: 256 (meaning 2). 4. There is poor evidence for šāḫilu, mostly from the private texts, and we do not know what the šāḫilu strainer looked like or how it was used. Abraham and Sokoloff translate it as a “bucket” and they doubt if it is a loan from Aramaic, since šāḫilu is already attested in Mari (cf. AHw 1132 and CAD Š I: 96–97; Roth 1989–90: 28; Abraham and Sokoloff 2011: 52). 4. munaqqātu is the plural of munaqqû and seems to be a kind of bowl used for drinking, similar to the munaqqīti-libation bowl used during rituals in the Neo-Assyrian period (cf. CAD M II: 199). The writing mu-naq-qa-tu/i is not attested among the household equipment in Neo-Babylonian texts. The administrative and ritual texts from the temple environment mention the maqqû and it is certain that both terms derive from the same verb naqû (cf. Beaulieu 2003: 7 and Linssen 2004: 160–161). 5. The kandu-vessel is not attested in Roth’s list of items for dowry in the Neo-Babylonian texts. CDA 145 mentions “jar” for tar and wine. In BM 113926, no. 39 the bronze kandu was used for measuring oil (šá ì.me i-ṣabba-ti, see CAD Ṣ: 23 for several examples with similar usage of the verb ṣabātu). However, in the examples cited there it is always used for its measuring capacity, see for example Evetts Ner 14: 2, 10 dannutu ša šikari ša 1 GUR-a ṣa-bít, “ten vats for beer, each holding one kurru.” The term is of Aramaic origin (cf. AHw 436 and CAD K: 148–9; Salonen 1966: 169; Abraham and Sokoloff 2011: 36–37; MacGinnis 1991/1992: 82; Cherry 2017, 158–9). 6. As in the majority of known cases kallu- and šulpu-vessels appear together; they might be functionally related and the numeral “two” concerns presumably both vessels. 8. The reading of mukaṣṣītu follows Brinkman 1988: 140 and the explanation in note 34 on page 154.

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9.

10.

11.

12. 12.

13. 13.

14.

14.

15. 16.

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nansû, cf. namsû, (CAD N I: 245): a large bowl or vessel used for washing head, hands, feet, i.e. the whole body. The small nansû might be used in the kitchen. It is improbable that here nanšû is meant (part of a loom, lever, see Quillien 2017: 98). bīt na-ṭil: the reading of the second word is not certain, but probable. bīt naṭil might be a kind of cage, possibly a birdcage made of bronze wire with view from inside and outside; such a meaning is in accordance with the basic meaning of the verb naṭālu, “to look through.” Note that although naṭil is well attested among household utensils, it is never preceded by bīt. As it is followed by kišukku, ‘grate’ there is an additional argument for a different meaning of naṭilu, for which CAD N II: 130 suggests with caution “(a grate?).” The spice box (bīt riqqi) had some kind of mounting or cap made of bronze, although sometimes the mounting was made of gold (AHw 988 and CAD R: 371, Salonen 1966: 255ff; AHw 602, CAD M I: 209; Salonen 1966: 393). The mušaḫḫinu-cooking pot is one of the most common vessels attested in dowries (AHw 680 and CAD M II: 253–4; Roth 1989–90: 26 and 26114). The qabūtu-bowl was made of various metals and should be one of the most ordinary vessels (AHw 890 and CAD Q: 43–4; Roth 1989–90: 27). The description ša rim-me-ku “for washing (the hands)” is plausible and there are a few examples cited by CAD, but in the form rim-ku/i or ri-meku/i. The iššimannu, see isimannu, a bronze object known till now only from the Middle Babylonian period (AHw 398 and CAD I: 267). The nalpattu-bowls were used for oil storage (cf. AHw 724; CAD N I: 202). The iron nalpattu appears among several iron tools delivered to the Eanna temple by a blacksmith in NCBT 616 cited by Quillien (Quillien 2017: 99). The sirpu “shear(s)” is the first item made of iron on the list (AHw 1037 and CAD S: 316; Roth 1989–90: 27). For different usages the sirpu (“shear” or “scissor), see Quillien 2017: 93. magzazu appears after the better-known sirpu, but is rarely attested in the Neo-Babylonian period. Lassen translated magzazu as “shearing blade” and the fact that these two tools are listed here together strengthen this idea (AHw 577 and CAD M I: 49; Lassen 2010: 276). The identification of the item is uncertain. The signs are clearly legible as il-ta-di-i-ṭu, but I do not know such an item. The item angurennu is well attested among household objects in the first millennium BC (for the earlier attestations, see Faist and Vita 2010). Leichty 1996 identified it as a stand lamp. Worth noting is also the fact that the spelling an-gu-re-en-nu.meš, beginning with an-, is represented earlier and

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plausibly also in the Neo-Assyrian period. All Neo-Babylonian attestations begin with in-. 19. kuštillu “bow case” is not attested among household equipment so far (AHw 1358 “ein Behang ?”; CAD T: 411–2). 20. maššānu “iron tongs?” in Potts 2009: 5 is based on the Assyrian ritual text while in the discussed text the item is made of wood (cf. CAD M I: 387; cf. Roth 1989–90: 29). In three examples cited by CAD maššānu stands together with šiddatu, which suggests the similar meaning for both terms. 21. gangannu appears in many texts, cf. AHw 437 “Gestell für Töpfe”; CAD G: 40–1. Two meanings are proposed, i.e. pot-stand and storeroom for beer (CAD G: 40–1). It is difficult to say if in the discussed text the gangannu is followed by a different item or by an additional description. 23. The reading dugkut-ti is rather certain and might be normalised as kūtu “container,” usually made of clay or metal, rarely of wood (CAD K: 611–2), but the item has yet not been attested in Neo-Babylonian texts. 25. guzguzu is a rarely attested garment and Quillien concludes that “guzguzu should therefore be considered an expensive and heavy cloth, sometimes decorated with red wool” (Quillien 2013: 22, cf. Payne 2013). 26. CAD provides only one example of the kīpu-garment used in a religious context (CAD K: 401). Based on the same example (Peek no. 2), Zawadzki calculated the weight of one kīpu-garment at 9 minas 25.5 shekels (Zawadzki 2006: 109). The kīpu-garment is not attested in dowries. 26. BM 113926, no. 39 extends the meaning of the term qirmu. Texts published so far pointed to a type of coat or mantle (CAD Q: 268–9; Roth 1989–90: 31, Gaspa 2017: 64). In light of BM 113926, no. 39 qirmu was also a kind of bed cover. 28 and 29. The cylinder seals in home inventory should come as no surprise when referring to representatives of the Babylonian elite. It is true, however, that due to the nature of the Neo-Babylonian inventory documents (primarily marriage contracts), the occurrence of seals is rather rare. Inventory lists from the other historical periods (like the Old-Babylonian inventory published by Kalla 2008) enumerate also the seals. The seals were of different quality, first made of copper, the second from precious lamassu stone. Note the presence of cylinder-seal-shaped bead of lamassu stone with gold mounting in FLP 1564: 4 (Beaulieu 2003: 241). For identification of this stone, see CAD L: 65–6, for Akkadian terms for stones and their modern equivalents, see Postgate 1997 and Moorey 1999: 74–110. 29. The dul might mean kisallu “courtyard” or kutmu “cover” (CAD K: 416–9 and 610). 30. šaburru is known as the crossbar of a boat of different length (3, 5, 5 1/ and 6 cubits, see CAD Š I: 20). The beams possessed by Nabû-šumu-ukīn are named as such presumably because they were similar to beams used when

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30. 31.

34.

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the boats were built. makšûtu might be identical with maksûtu, a kind of stand, see CAD M I: 139. It is the second attestation of kisirru, the first might be found in VS 6, 219 (where it follows two shovels given at the disposal of a leatherworker), described in CAD K: 422 roughly as “(a tool).” However, it is doubtful whether in BM 113926, no. 39 the same tool is meant. It should be noted that kisirru in the discussed text is qualified by ša sig4 and is followed by one nalbin ša sig4, and next by one nalbin ša sig4.ḫi.a. Because in many texts the nalbinu-brick mould appears together with kiskirru, i.e. a wooden board, a part of brick mould (CAD K: 424), it is highly probable that instead of ki-is-si-ru we should to read here ki-is-kir!-ru, i.e. that wooden board was meant here. In ll. 31–32 enumerating first nalbin ša sig4, next nalbin ša sig4.ḫi.a, the possible difference probably being that one brick mould was used for manufacturing bricks to be baked, while the other was for bricks to be dried. The identification of the last listed item raises some doubts. The signs are clear and the reading is dugza nun ab-ḫa-a-ta, but the sense is unclear.

It should be noted that the majority of nouns in the plural were written by the scribe with the singular plus meš. For instance, the frequently attested vessel kāsu written in BM 113926, no. 39 syllabically + meš and counted in 20 items, when listed in other texts never has meš after syllabic writing (cf. Roth 1989–90: 25). BM 113926, no. 39 is highly interesting because it seems to comprise a full list of the household equipment. The objects are itemized in some logical order. The register opens with the bronze items (ll. 3–13), followed by iron items (ll. 14–17), furniture (ll. 20–24), garments (ll. 25–26), and at the end wooden tools of rather unidentified purpose. Two jars at the end might be added later when the list was checked. In general the rich equipment of the house, especially in bronze and iron objects, suggests that the owner was a wealthy man. The number of objects is impressive: 46 jars and other vessels made of bronze and at least 24 iron items. Surprising is the small number of clay jars of only two types: 30 kūtu and two unidentified vessels (l. 34). Such a proportion suggests that presumably not all clay vessels are enumerated, maybe only the best or new ones. Only the number of garments is small, five items in total, including precious guzguzu garments, one linen cloth and one bed cover (although two beds are mentioned earlier). Perhaps only the objects which were stored in a chest are on the list, while those that were worn were omitted. Although the reason why the register was made is not known, it sheds some light on the household of the owner, Nabû-šumu-ukīn of the Imbia family (for a similar list but not so long, see VS 6, 246 (= Baker 2004: no. 34)). It seems that

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the majority of vessels belonged to the kitchen and other living rooms of the owner’s family; cups for drinking, for storage of liquids (oil) and presumably solid food, small boxes for spices, large jars for carrying water and for washing, knives, furniture (beds and chairs). Some objects (beams, grate, and cages) might belong to the storeroom inside or outside the house. The record does not give any hints as to why it was written. There are no data of any relation with a dowry or with a decision on division of property or other assets. Maybe a new person (a family member or from outside) was to manage the house and for this reason the owner decided to count all the precious things which belonged to it, but this is only a guess.

No. 40. BM 113958 (1919-10-11, 48) 3.7 × 7.8 cm obv.

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rev.

u.e.

obv.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

3 duga.gúb.ba.meš 4 dugkan-du-ra-ni-e 1 dugḫu-us-su(K:zu)-ú 2 dugbi-˹’-il-tu4˺ 3 ˹dugsiḫ˺-ḫar-ra-nu 3 duga.da.kur.ra 3 dugḫa-bi-ia 20 dugḫaṣ-ba-a-nu 30 dugda-la-ni-e 6 dugníg-na-qu 1-et dugnam-zi-tu4

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12. 13. 14. 15. rev. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. u.e. 32.

187

1 gišgan-gan-nu 3 gi.du8.meš 1 gišil-li-˹e˺ [x]+˹1˺ gi.˹izi.lá˺.m[eš] ˹x x˺ šá še.bar ˹36˺ šá ˹zíz˺.a.an 3 šá sà!-as-qu-ú 1 silà zíd.mad.gá 1 bán zú.lum.ma as-˹ni-e˺ sìr-qí-ia mun-ziq làl ì.nun.na ì.giš ḫal-ṣi kaš.sag ga geštin mun šim.li ki.a.díd ˹ḫar x˺ šim.ḫi.a šá e-gub-bi-e ˹níg.na˺ g[i-z]i-li-tu4 1 (pi) 3 bán še.bar 1 1/2 ma.na síg.ḫi.˹a˺ 1 1/2 ma.na síg ùz 3 gín síg.ḫé.me.da 3 gín síg.za.gìn..ra 1 udu.níta

Translation 3 basins for holy water, 2 4 small containers, 3 1 container, 4 2 containers, 5 3 small bowls, 6 3 containers, 7 3 jugs, 8 20 small pots, 9 30 buckets, 10 6 censers, 11 1 vat, 12 1 potstand, 13 3 tables, 14 1 basket, 15 [x+]1, 16 x of barely, 17 36 of emmer, 18 3 of sasqû-flour, 19 1 qû maṣḫatu-flour, 20 1 sūtu Tilmun dates, 21 sirqu, raisins, 22 honey, ghee, ḫalṣu-oil, 23 beer, milk, wine, salt 24 juniper, sulphur, 25 ḪAR …, riqqū ša agubbî aromatics for holy water 26 censer, torch, 27 1 (pānu), 3 sūtu of barley, 28 1 1/2 mina of wool, 29 1 1/2 mina of goat hair, 30 3 shekels (of) red wool, 31 3 shekels (of) blue-purple wool, 32 one sheep. 1

Notes 16. The beginning can be read ˹x˺ [gu]r. 21. sirqu means “offering” of aromatics or foodstuffs (CAD S: 316–17), but this meaning does not match the context of BM 113958, no. 40. It is listed here alongside other items, raw materials and substances and one should expect a similar meaning of sirqu in BM 113958, no. 40. 25. riqqū ša a/egubbî nignakki gizillî means “aromatics for the holy waterbasin, censer and torch”. It may mean the preparation of aromatics for ritual or ceremony during which the holy water-basin, censer and torch were used (Linssen 2004: 150–151). It is worth noting that the a/egubbû-basin for © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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holy water (l. 1), nignakku-censer and gizillû-torch were also used during the consecration of a cella of Nabû during the New Year festival in Hellenistic Uruk (Linssen 2004: 148.).

No. 41. BM 113992 (1919-10-11, 82) 3.7 × 6.8 cm obv.

obv.

rev.

rev.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 1’. 2’.

[gišp]a ti-it.meš [gišpa] ˹ḫašḫur˺ [gi]špa geštin giš pa šu-˹nu˺-ú giš pa mes-suk-kan-na! giš pa nu-úr-mu-ú giš pa ásal giš pa giškìm giš pa ˹z/ṣa-ṣu/nin˺ gu giš ˹pa˺ giš˹x˺ [(x)] giš ˹ ˺ suḫuš ˹x˺ [(x)] giš gi.˹dùg˺ Ú GÉME M/BA-TI

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3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. 7’. 8’. 9’. 10’.

189

ú

sikil.la BA šam-nu 1(over erasure) tú-ḫal-lu Ú GÉME 5 gín šimmuk ú ti-ia-a-tú ba-áš-lu UDU NITA TUKUL TI ú ˹ka-mu-nu˺ giš ŠU ú babbar

Translation 1 Branch of fig tree, 2 branch of apple tree, 3 branch of wine tree, 4 branch of chest tree, 5 branch of musukkannu-tree, 6 branch of pomegranate tree, 7 branch of Euphrates poplar, 8 branch of willow, 9 branch of …, 10 branch of …, 11 … šuršuroot of …, 1’ sweet reed, 2’ …, 3’ sikillu-plant … 4’ 1 tuḫallu-basket …, 5’ 5 shekels of ballukku, 6’–7’ boiled tījatu-herb, 8’ …, 9’ cumin, 10’ … “white plant.” Notes For the use of the branches of some trees, see Jiménez, E., 2016, “Commentary on Medical recipes (CCP 7.2.u57),” Cuneiform Commentaries Project (E. Frahm, E. Jiménez, M. Frazer, and K. Wagensonner), 2013–2017; accessed December 13, 2017, at https://ccp.yale.edu/P461237. DOI: 10079/6t1g1xv.

6.12. Note with fields description No. 42. BM 113959 (1919-10-11, 49) 5.9 × 3.0 cm obv.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. rev. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

1 me 70 ˹ina 1 kùš˺ sag.ki gú íd ḫar-ri a-ḫu ú-ruk[i] [x or 1] me 28 sag.ki gú garin? ˹šá saḫ˺-li-˹e˺ ˹pap a?.šà˺.meš šá mku-na-˹a˺ ina šá in-ṣa-ab-tú 1 me 30 ina 1 kùs sag.ki gú íd ḫar-ri ina a-ḫu ú-˹ru˺[ki] 97 ina 1 kùš sag.ki gú garin? šá saḫ-li-e pap a.˹šà˺ šá md30-mu a mbe-˹ia˺ ina šá in-ṣa-ab-tú

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obv.

rev.

Translation 1–6 170 cubits measure, the short side on the bank of the Ḫarri canal on the border of Ur; [1]28, the short side on the border of Tamirtu-ša-Saḫlê; total: the field belonging to Kūnā in the Inṣabtu area. 7–12 130 cubits measure, the short side on the bank of the Ḫarri canal on the border of Ur; 97 cubits measure, the short side, on the border of the Tamirtu-šaSaḫlê; total: the field belonging to Sîn-iddin/Kabtia in the Inṣabtu area.

6.13. Letters No. 43. BM 113975 (1919-10-11, 65) 5.0 × 3.4 cm obv.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

a-na mdag-˹x x x˺ šeš- a-ki md30-˹x x x x x˺ f i-qu-pa-tu4 ˹muš˺-šar a-ki mddi.ku5-numun-dù a-na še.bar u mim-ma ma-la

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6. lo.e. 7. rev. 8. 9. 10.

191

ta-ad-da-áš-šú ina gub-zu šá md30-˹šeš?-mu?˺(over erasure) u mina-sùḫ-sur u ma-a ˹a˺ mki-ru-uḫ-dag a-na šuii-ia ˹iṭ-ṭir˺ pu-tá ú-ṣur SEALS

l.h.e.

SEAL

obv.

lo.e.

rev.

Translation 1–6 To Nabû-[x] brother, as soon as Sîn-[x] … release fIqupatu, because he gave him Madānu-zēr-ibni for barley and anything else. 7–10 In the presence of Sîn-aḫu?-iddin? and Ina-tēšî-ēṭer and Aplā/Kiruḫḫu-Nabû. (She is given) for my personal protection: “Take responsibility for guard!”

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Notes 2. The personal name and the end of the line are difficult to read. 3. The fIqupatu is otherwise not attested in the texts published here. 3. The last two signs ˹muš˺-šar are clear, cf. Hackl et al. 2014: no. 78: 12 [m]a-la-ku muš-šìr me-e “gib den Wasserlauf frei” and CAD U: 319. 10. Cf. CAD E: 403, eṭēru A 3c “to save from something (with ina qātī)”. 10. The reading pu-tá ú-ṣur with pūtu and Imp. of naṣāru for the expression of a guarantee to protect somebody is very doubtful but not excluded. Seals impressions left and bottom of the reverse

left edge

No. 44. BM 114141 (1919-10-11, 231) 3.0 × 2.6 cm obv.

rev.

obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. rev.

1’. 2’. 3’.

[pn] šu[l-mu šeš-šú] ˹šá md˺nin.a.zu-k[am (x)] i-šal d30 u dn[in.gal] šu-lum-ka liq-b[u-ú] 2 gín kù.babbar ù […] ˹x˺ si-ir-tu4 […] (beginning is completely missing) […] […] ˹x˺ ak […] […] ˹x˺ […]

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Translation [pn] asked about the we[lfare of] Ninazu-ē[reš], [his brother]. May Sîn and N[ingal] cau[se] you be well. 2 shekels of sliver …

No. 45. BM 113981 (1919-10-11, 71) 4.2 × 2.9 cm obv.

lo.e.

rev.

obv.

lo.e. rev.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

md

30-bar-ḫi-dingir.meš a-šú šá mza-bu-nu ta iti.ne šá mu.18.kam d ag-níg.du-ùru lugal tin.tirki ku-tal-lum šá md30-na-din-mu a-šú šá mku-na-a TWO SEAL IMPRESSIONS

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Translation 1–7 Sîn-barḫi-ilāni/Zabūnu is the replacement of Sîn-nādin-šumi/Kūnā from the month of Abu of the 18th year of Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon. Notes 1.

5.

md

30-bar-ḫi-dingir.meš, for this name, see CAD B: 110, s.v. barḫu and PNAE 1//II: 899 (Nabû-barḫi-ilāni, “Nabû is the leader(?) of the gods” (Kessler)) and PNAE 3/I: 1130 (Sîn-barḫi-ilāni, “Sîn is the most shining(?) of the gods” (Baker)). The last name appears also in YOS 21, 107: 10. For the similar usage of the term, see Jursa 2014b: no. 49 and Mesopotamia 31: no. 17 (= Jursa 2014b: no. 227). Cf. CAD K: 606: “replacement; referring to a person acting as a replacement”, and AHw 517–8.

6.14. Unidentified legal record No. 46. BM 113966+114022 (1919-10-11, 56+112) 4.6 × 8.3 cm The bottom part of the obverse is almost completely missing, visible are only some fragments of the signs. obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. 7’. 8’. 9’. 10’. 11’. 12’. 13’. 14’. 15’. 16’. 17’. 18’. 19’.

[…] ˹x˺ a ù šá ˹uru ú?˺ […] [… i]t-ta-ši ina igi mden-[…] […] ˹x˺-ú šá é.kiš.nu.gal m˹ìr?˺-d[…] [… md]ag-da lúsag lugal ù ukkin ˹x˺ […] [… di-i]-˹ni?˺ id-dab-bu-ub la di-in-[nu/i …] […]-su-ú mku-na-a is n[e …] […] ˹x˺ šám lúa-me-lut-ti ù mim-[ma ma-la …] […] ˹x˺-ú-tu šá udu.níta gi-ni-e […] [… ina ugu] ˹m˺ku-na-a ip-ru-us-su […] [… s]u?-ma 1 ma-na kù.babbar a-na m˹x˺ […] […] ˹ina˺ ḫu-ud lìb-bi-šú im-ḫ[ur …] [… d]a-ba-bu ina ugu šá […] […] ù di-˹ni˺ […] […] ˹x˺ […] […] […] […] ˹x x˺ [x] ul […] […] ˹x˺ [x] ˹x˺ […] […] ˹x˺ […]

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obv.

rev.

1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. 7’. 8’. 9’. 10’. 11’. 12’. 13’. 14’. 15’. 16’.

[m] ˹x x˺ […] [m]d30-˹x-x-dingir.meš?˺ […] [m]sum.na-šeš ˹a˺-[šú šá …] ˹m˺ibila-a ˹a˺-[šú šá …] [m]d30-sum.na-šeš a-šú šá […] md 30-en-dingir.me a-šú šá m[…] m na-zi-ia a-šú šá md[…] m ram-ma-nu-ú a-šú šá m˹d?˺[ …] md utu-sig5-iq a-šú šá m˹x˺ […] ˹md3˺0-šeš.meš-˹x-x?˺ a-šú šá m˹x˺ […] md 30-sum.˹na-mu˺ a-šú [šá …] m re-mut a-˹šú šá mx˺ […] md 30-téš-dingir.me a-šú šá mmu-[…] md ag-taq-bi-giš a-šú šá mmu-[…] m ˹ ˺ba-šá-a a-šú šá md30-[…] ˹m˺ṣil-la-a a-šú šá md˹30˺-[…]

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17’. 18’. 19’.

[m]iq-ba-a a-šú šá md[ag/en-…] [ù] lúumbisag mki-din-d30 a-[šú šá …] [šeš].˹unugki˺ […]

Translation 1’ … and of the city … […]; […] he brought. 2’–5’ He litigate before Bēl-[…] of é.kiš.nu.gal temple, Arad?-[…], Nabû-lē’i, the king’s official and the assembly. 5’ The case not […] 6’ […] … Kūnā is n[e …]; 7’ […] x the price of the slave and every[thing else …]; 8’ […] … of the offering sheep […]; 9’ […] They gave the verdict against Kūnā […]; 10’ [... s]u?-ma (and) 1 mina of silver for x […]; 11’ […] voluntarily pa[id …]; 12’ litigate against of […]; 13’ […] and the cas[e …]; 14’–19’ … 1’ …, 2’ Sîn-x-x-ilāni […], 3’ Iddin-aḫi, son [of …], 4’ Aplā, son [of …], 5’ Sînnādin-aḫi, son of […], 6’ Sîn-bēl-ilāni, son of […], 7’ Nazia, son of […], 8’ Rammānû, son of […], 9’ Šamaš-mudammiq, son of […], 10’ Sîn-aḫḫē-x, son of […], 11’ Sîn-nādin-šumi, son o[f …], 12’ Rēmūt, son of […], 13’ Sîn-balti-ilāni, son © 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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of Iddin-[…], 14’ Nabû-taqbi-līšir, son of Iddin-[…], 15’ Iqīšā, son of Sîn-[…], 16’ Ṣillā, son of Sîn-[…], 17’ Iqbā, son of […], 18’ [and] the scribe Kidin-Sîn, son [of …]. [U]r. […]. Notes 2’–3’. Probably the official of the temple of Sîn is mentioned here. For é.kiš.nu.gal, see George 1993: 114. 2’–5’. It is the restored ina pāni … dabābu formula. 9’. Probably relating to the verdict given by the assembly against Kūnā, dīni parāsu (CAD P: 172). Rev. 2’. The first sign seems to be nun and the second ta, the sense of which is unclear. Rev. 13’ For the similar name Nabû-balti-ilāni “Nabû is the pride of the god”, see PNA 2/II, 808.

6.15. Unidentified records No. 47. BM 113978 (1919-10-11, 68) 4.7 × 3.2 cm obv.

rev.

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1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. 7’. 8’.

1

/3 gín ˹kù.babbar˺ 4 gín kù.˹babbar˺ […] ù ˹x˺ […] ˹md˺3[0 …] ˹tin? mu?˺ ˹a˺-na ri ˹x x˺ […] ˹f?˺bu-na-ni-tu4 [… mu.40?].kam mdag-níg.du-[pap] […] lúgal ku […] […] lú mu-kin-nu mna-di-nu [(x)] ˹a˺-šú šá mdu.gur-mu ˹m˺dkur.gal-nigin-ir a-šú šá md kur.gal-mu ù lúumbisag md en-ú-pa-qu a-šú šá mgin-a uru du-um-ma-al-qu iti.apin u4.5.kam mu.40.kam mdag-níg.du-pap lugal tin.tir˹ki˺

Translation 1–6 1 /3 shekel of silver, 4 shekels of silver […], and […], S[în …] … fBunanītu [… 40th? year] of Nebuchadn[ezzer] […]. 1’–4’ Witnesses: Nādin/Nergal-iddin, Amurru-uppaḫir/Amurru-iddin. 4’–5’ And scribe: Bēl-upaqu/Mukīn-apli. 6’–8’ Dummalqu, 5.8.40, Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon.

No. 48. BM 114019 (1919-10-11, 109) 5.4 × 3.7 cm The obverse is almost completely eroded. Only a few signs or fragments of the signs might be recognized. At the beginning of the first line one reads 6 gín. rev.

1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. 7’. 8’.

[lúmu-kin]-˹nu˺ m˹dnin˺.a.zu-ù[ru] [a šá md]30-na-din-šeš m˹x˺ [x (x)] [x x] ˹x˺-mu mšeš-šú-nu a m (BLANK SPACE) ˹x x x˺ ˹lú˺umbisag md30-a-mu a šá mmu-gin šeš.unugki ˹iti.kin u4.10˺+[x.kam] mu.˹4?.kam mkam˺-[bu-zi-ia] lugal ˹e˺[ki u kur.kur]

Translation … [Witness]es: Ninazu-u[ṣur]/Sîn-nādin-aḫi … [x]-iddin Aḫušunu, son of … . 5’ Scribe: Sîn-apla-iddin/Šumu-ukīn. Ur, 10+[x].6.4? Cam[byses] king of Babylon [and Lands]. 1’

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obv.

rev.

Notes Rev. 3’. It seems that the scribe started to write the name of Aḫušunu’s father or family name, but finally decided to write it in the next line.

No. 49. BM 114020 (1919-10-11, 110) 5.0 × 3.6 cm Only parts of the signs are visible on the obverse. rev.

1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’.

[…]-˹šeš˺-mu a ˹lúx˺ […] […]-sig5-iq a-šú šá md30-en-numun [a mi]b-na-a [lúum]bisag md30-gin-ibila ˹a-šú˺ [šá m]dnin.a.zu-mu-ba-šá a mim-bi-i[á] [šeš.u]nugki iti.ne u4.˹23 or 26?˺.k[am] missing

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Translation [...]-aḫu-iddin/lúx […], […]-mudammiq/Sîn-bēl-zēri//[I]bnā. [Sc]ribe: Sîn-mukīnapli/Ninazu-šumu-iqīša//Imbi[a]. [U]r.23 or 26.5 […].

No. 50. BM 114027 (1919-10-11, 117) 5.8 × 2.3 cm obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. lo.e. 5’. rev. 6’. 7’. 8’.

[…] ˹x˺ […] ˹x x x x˺ x x x ˹x x md30-na-din-a˺(over erasure) i-šak-kan ki-i u4.25.kam la it-tal-ka šá la di-i-ni lìb-bi ú-ìl-tì šá i-mit-tu4 a.šà šá mu.15.kam šá mu(over erasure).1(over erasure)7.kam(over erasure) [m]˹ba-la˺-ṭu a-na md30-na-din-a

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9’. 10’.

201

[…] md30-a-mu […] ˹x˺ mi

obv.

lo.e.

rev.

Translation … (for) Sîn-nādin-apli he will deliver. If he will not come till the 25th day there is no lawsuit regards to the document concerning the yield (of the) field of the 15th (and) of the 17th year. Balāṭu will … to Sîn-nādin-apli. […] Sîn-apla-iddin …

No. 51. BM 114044 (1919-10-11, 134) 3.2 × 4.8 cm obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. 7’. 8’. 9’. 10’. 11’. 12’.

[…] ˹x˺ […] ˹x˺ [x x] ˹x˺ […] ˹iti.x˺ [x x (x)] […]-ku?-tu4 lu i-na-su-[ku-’] [… it]i.apin […] ˹x x˺ še da ki […] ù iti.še [… d]igi.du den uru-ia ˹ki?˺ [… x?]+˹2˺.kam mḫi-ši-ia-ar-šú lugal […] dumu šá mìr-d30 [(x)] […] dnin.a.zu-˹x˺ [x] […] ˹x uš?˺ it-ta-su ˹x˺

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rev.

lo.e.

lo.e. 13’. rev. 14’. 15’. 16’. 17’. 18’. 19’. 20’. 21’. 22’. 23’. 24’. 25’.

[…] ˹x˺ nu ú meš […] ˹ri˺ i-na-su-ku-’ [… me]š šá digi.du […] ˹i˺-na-su-ku-’ […] ˹x˺ ḫi.a mmar-duk […] ˹x˺ a md30-˹x x˺ […] mim-bi-˹ia˺ […] ˹m˺mu-gál-ši […] ˹x˺ a md30-ga-mil […]-gi [… iti].˹x˺ u4.4.kam [mu.2?.kam mḫi-ši-ia-ar-šú luga]l kurpar-sa [kurma-da-a-a lugal tin.tirki u ku]r.˹kur˺

Translation Due to the fragmentary nature of the text, a translation is not presented here. Notes 4’, 14’, and 16’. i-na-su-ku-’ can be derived from the verb nasāku, but due to the broken context the meaning is not certain. 8’. If igi.du after the brackets refers to the name of the god Nergal (which is most likely due to the reading of such a name in l. 15’) and not to the second part of the personal name, then the record mentions the god Nergal den uru© 2018, Zaphon, Münster ISBN 978-3-96327-022-2 (Buch) / ISBN 978-3-96327-023-9 (E-Book)

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ia “the Lord of my City” and confirms the cult of the god Nergal in Ur in the first millennium BC (cf. George 1993: nos. 254 and 663).

No. 52. BM 114046 (1919-10-11, 136) 3.3 × 3.7 obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. 7’. 8’. rev. l.h.e. 1’.

[…] ˹e˺ ri ˹x˺ […] obv. […]-a-gin a mim-bi-˹iá˺ […] a md30-am-dingir.meš [… m]˹d˺30-numun-giš [… md]30-am-dingir.meš [… m]˹d˺30-pi-riḫ […] ˹x˺-ia […] ˹x x˺ missing completely missing [… x]+2.kam mdag-níg.d[u-pap] l.h.e.

Translation …-apla-ukīn//Imbia; […]//Sîn-rīm-ilī; […] Sîn-zēr-līšir; […] Sîn-rīm-ilī; […] Sîn-pirḫi; …. [… x]+2 Nebuchadn[ezzar …] Notes 3’ and 5’. There are many descendants of Sîn-rīm-ilī in UET 4, see Figulla 1949: 49–50.

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No. 53. BM 114075 (1919-10-11, 165) 1.9 × 3.5 cm obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’.

˹x˺ […] ma-˹ši˺-[ḫu …] ina ár-[ku? …] 2 mi ˹x˺ […] šá 20 […] missing

obv.

Translation Due to the fragmentary nature of the text, a translation is not presented here.

No. 54. BM 114078 (1919-10-11, 168) 2.5 × 4.4 cm There are eight fragments, all written on one side only. The three larger fragments below are readable. The remaining five are very tiny fragments where only fragments of signs are preserved. Fragment A 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. 7’. 8’. 9’.

[…] ˹x šeš˺ na […] […] ˹d˺30 a-na ˹é˺-[…] […] ú-ìl-tì šá […] [… md]ag-sur-zi.[meš …] […] piš ki ˹x˺ […] two missing lines […] ˹x dingir˺ […] […] šuku ˹x˺ […] […] ˹x˺ […] […] ˹x x˺ […] missing

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Fragment B – part of a witnesses list 1’. […] ˹x˺ […] 2’. […] ˹x˺ a-˹šú˺ [šá …] 3’. [… md]utu-numun-dù a-šú ˹šá˺ […] 4’. […] ˹x-dag˺ a-šú šá […] 5’. […] ˹x x˺ […] missing

Fragment C 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. 7’.

[…] ˹x x˺ […] […] ár-ku ˹x˺ […] […] um-ma ˹x˺ […] […] ˹a˺-na dul-l[u? …] […] a-na ki ˹x˺ […] […] ˹x˺ ina sag […] […] ˹x˺ […] missing

Translation Due to the fragmentary nature of the text, a translation is not presented here.

No. 55. BM 114100 (1919-10-11, 190) 4.0 × 2.0 cm obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. lo.e. 6’. rev. 7’. 8’. 9’. 10’. 11’. 12’.

˹x˺ [x] ˹x x x x˺ […] a m[mu]-gál-ši mṣil-l[a-a a-šú šá …] a msu-d30 ma-a a-šú šá m[…] a md30-[x] ˹x x˺ […] ˹a˺-šú šá md3[0-…] md 30-á[g-numun] a mi[m-bi-ia …] ˹x˺ a-šú šá m˹x˺ […] gan.me.da ina ˹x kaskalii x˺ […] a-šú šá mmu-den a md30-[…] md igi.du-mu a-šú šá mdù-[…] [x] ˹x x˺ é di[m …] missing

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lo.e.

rev.

Translation … Šumu-ušabši, Ṣill[ā/pn]//Erība-Sîn, Aplā/[pn]//Sîn-[x] …, [pn]/Sî[n-…], Sînr[īm-zēri]//I[mbia …], x son of [x] […]; red wool to/from … (business) journey?, son of Iddin-Bēl//Sîn-[…], Nergal-iddin/Ibn[ā? …], … the Ad[ad] temple […]. Notes There is a continuation of the writing from the obverse through the lower edge to the reverse, although the text on the obverse seems at first glance to be a list of witnesses. Rev. 9’. The signs for gan.me.da are clear, but the place where the term was written is unexplained.

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No. 56. BM 114106 (1919-10-11, 196) 2.5 × 4.5 cm obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. 7’.

[…] a […] [x] ˹x˺ kur ˹x˺ […] [x] nu ˹tu lú˺[…] ˹m˺dag-šu-b[u …] ˹lú˺qí-i-pi […] m im-bi-[ia …] ˹x di/ki x˺ […] missing

obv.

Translation A fragment too small to be translated.

No. 57. BM 114118 (1919-10-11, 210) 4.2 × 1.6 cm obv.

rev.

obv. rev.

1. 2. 1’. 2’.

[…] 5 iti šuku (BLANK SPACE) mu.5?.k[am …] […] ˹x˺ za mi iš ˹x x˺ […] […].kam 5 iti lu ina 40 […] […] ˹x x x˺ […]

Translation A fragment too small to be translated.

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No. 58. BM 114119 (1919-10-11, 209) 3.4 × 2.6 cm obv.

rev.

lo.e.

obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. lo.e. 6’. rev. 7’.

[…] ˹na mu/numun? x˺ […] […] 2 gín 1? […] [… iti].˹zíz˺ u4.[x].kam m[u.x.kam (x)] [… ina] šuii m(over erasure)šá-ka-˹kal˺-[bi (x)] [(x) it]i.šu u4.21.k[am (x)] [m]u.6.kam […] ˹x˺ ṭu missing

Translation … 2 shekels 1? […]; [… month of] Šabaṭu, day [x], ye[ar x]; [… fr]om Ša-pîkal[bi (x)]. [(x) mon]th of Du’uzu, day 21 [(x)], [ye]ar 6. …

No. 59. BM 114121 (1919-10-11, 211) 3.2 × 3.0 cm obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. 7’.

[…] ˹x ba?˺ […] […] šà ga ˹x x nu˺ [(…)] […] ˹x x˺ gú? ud/t kám x x x […] […] ˹x˺ mut a gi mu ˹x˺ […] […] ˹x˺ sar ra ˹x˺ […] […] ˹a˺-na ú ˹x˺ […] […] sar ra […]

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8’. 9’.

[…] ra […] […] ˹x˺ […]

obv.

Translation A fragment too small to be translated.

No. 60. BM 114126 (1919-10-11, 216) 3.5 × 2.0 cm obv.

edge

obv.? 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. edge 6’.

[…] ˹x x˺ […] ˹x su na˺ […] uru ˹x x x x˺ […] me na šu ˹šeš. unugki šu˺ […] a-ḫar ˹x x x˺ gur ú […] m ? ka […] FINGERNAILS

Translation A fragment too small to be translated.

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No. 61. BM 114129 (1919-10-11, 219) 1.7 × 2.8 cm obv.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

rev.

1’. 2’. 3’. 4’. 5’. 6’. u.e. 7’. l.h.e. 8’. 9’.

2 1/2 gín [kù.babbar …] šá lúmi ˹x˺ [… ul-tu] u4.1.kam šá iti.[x … a-di] u4.1.kam šá i[ti.x …] m da-ri-[…] a-šú šá ˹m˺[…] missing ˹x˺ […] a-šú ˹šá˺ […] a-šú šá m[…] a-šú šá m˹x˺ […] šeš.unugk[i iti.x u4.x.kam] mu.9?.kam [Darius] lugal t[in/kur …] [… m]˹d˺30-gin-ibila […] ˹x˺ x [x x x]

obv.

rev.

u.e.

l.h.e.

Translation 2 1/2 shekels of s[ilver …] of/belonging to … [… from] the 1st day of the month [x … till] the first day of the m[onth x …] Dari[us …] … son of […], son of […], son of […]. Ur [x.x].9? [Darius] king of … … Sîn-mukīn-apli …

No. 62. BM 114151 (1919-10-11, 241) 2.8 × 2.0 obv. 1’. 2’. 3’. 4’.

[…] ˹x x˺ ˹níg.ga˺ d30 […] […] 1/2 gín kù.babbar […] […] ˹a?˺ ṭu mšá-ka-[…] […] ˹ta?˺ u4.20+[x.kam …] missing

obv.

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Translation … the property of Sîn […]; 1/2 shekel of silver […]; … Ša-pî-[…]; from? the 20+[x] day […].

No. 63. BM 113955+113996 (1919-10-11, 45+86) 7.5 × 5.5 cm

The tablet is in very poor condition. The sense of the preserved fragments of signs is unclear and for this reason I resign from publishing a copy and transliteration of it. obv.

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No. 64. BM 114068 (1919-10-11, 158) 4.1 × 4.7 cm

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No. 65. BM 114069 (1919-10-11, 159) 4.0 × 2.5 cm

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