Pax Romana [Reprint 2020 ed.] 9780520333598

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PAX ROMANA

Paul Petit

PAX ROMANA

translated by James

Willis

University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles

First English language edition 1976 Originally published in France as La Paix Romaine by Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 1967 © Paul Petit, 1967 Printed in Great Britain for the publishers University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California I S B N : 0-520-02171-1

Contents

Introduction

9

PART ONE - PRESENT KNOWLEDGE

11

1. The Roman peace A. The overall picture B. The Roman army C. Imperial defence and expansion

13 13 16 24

2. Government and administration A. The emperor and his powers B. Administration C. City and town organization

46 46 54 69

3. Economic and social life A. General conditions B. Rural life C. Industry and commerce D. Urban life and society

74 74 81 85 91

3. Religious life A. Imperial policy in religion B. Religion and philosophic thought

104 104 111

PART T W O - THE PROBLEMS

123

1. Problems of politics A. The nature and development of the principate B. Imperial politics and personalities

125 125 152

2. Society and economics A. Demography and biometrics B. Sociology of the upper classes C. Social promotion D. The state and economic life E. The general structure of economic activity

160 160 163 175 181 189

3. The major economic divisions A. The flowering and decline of Italy B. Provincial economic regions

195 195 205

4. Society and civilization A. Social aspects of religion B. Art and society

227 227 232

Conclusion - The concept of 'crisis'

245

PART THREE - INSTRUMENTS OF RESEARCH

251

List of Abbreviations

253

1. The Principal Sources A. Greek authors B. Latin authors C. Legal texts D. Geographi andgromatici E. Papyrological sources F. Epigraphical sources G. Numismatic sources H. Archaeology

254 254 255 257 257 258 258 259 259

2. General Bibliography A. Tools of research B. History

261 261 263

3. Specialized Bibliography A. The Pax Romana B. Government and administration C. Economics and society D. Civilisation E. Art and archaeology

268 268 272 281 284 286

4. Italy, the provinces and the regions outside A. Rome and Italy B. The provinces C. Rome and the outside world

291 291 293 308

Bibliographical Supplement

311

Notes Index

320 36i

List of Maps

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

The Roman Empire The Rhine—Danube frontier The Rhine-Danube Limes The Eastern frontier The provinces of the Roman Empire in the mid-second century 6. Trade in the Roman Empire in the second century

Introduction

T h e chronological boundaries o f this b o o k are quite strict: it begins at the end o f the civil wars, after the battle o f A c t i u m in 31 B.C., and ends w i t h the c o m i n g to p o w e r o f the Severans in A.D. 193. T h e first t w o centuries o f this era are generally considered the high point o f the Empire, w h e n the flowering o f R o m a n civilization is studded w i t h distinguished names. T h e later Empire has suffered f r o m the prejudice implicit in the French contrast o f Haut- and BasEmpire, whereas j u d g m e n t s on the earlier epoch are more indulgent. B u t to the scientific historian there can be neither grandeur nor decadence, h o w e v e r brilliant the literature, arts or material achievement. W e may add that the epochs seemingly blessed b y providence are not always those best k n o w n , for there is a great temptation simply to revarnish yet again the g l o w i n g canvases w h i c h a golden age permits. U n l i k e the classical historians, the moderns have preferred to apply their techniques to periods o f crisis, and the late Empire, having long lain fallow, has in recent years been assiduously tilled. T h e unrest and the revolutions o f our o w n day have made historians better able to understand troublous times, while to the Marxist school archaic elements and late antiquity are more appealing, being better suited to illuminate d o g m a . T h e present time seems ripe for a study o f the early Empire in the same spirit and using the same techniques; and w e soon learn that even a golden age has its reverse, and that it m a y offer as many problems and difficulties as those epochs w h e n the

IO

Introduction

swift march of history seems to promise a keener intellectual pleasure to its" students. These considerations have dictated my decisions: the chronological narrative of reigns and events has been omitted. Instead the first part of the book gives an overall description of the structure and civilization of the Roman world, deliberately restricted to essentials in order not to add yet another picture (and that necessarily a static one) of the Empire at its zenith. In the more protracted discussion of problems which comprises Part Two of the book I have had to make painful sacrifices. Scholarly questions, many of them very difficult, pertaining to military affairs, to administrative history, to law and to religion, have been left on one side, as have purely literary and aesthetic deliberations. In accordance with modern tendencies (sometimes exaggerated, but that does not concern us here), while treating political problems at some length, I have stressed those chapters devoted to the economic and social life of the Empire and of each of those large sectors within it which I have striven (I hope with success) to distinguish. With the same thoughts in mind I have set out what was relevant to the religious life and to movements in the arts. Christianity has been excluded, as belonging more properly to another book. Since its inception the Marxist school of historiography has been hard on this period, delighting to dwell on the faults of a 'slave-owning society' or on the inadequacies of romanization. I have paid considerable attention to these views, despite their dogmatism (now happily less rigid), because of the light which they have thrown on social problems, and on the history of certain specific regions such as central Europe and the Black Sea coast, and at the same time because they are opposed to the generally optimistic assessment of'bourgeois' historians, and finally because such views seem to me to be unduly neglected in the world of western historical research.

I

The Roman Peace

A.

THE O V E R A L L PICTURE

In 31 B.C. the Roman Empire - i.e. Italy and the provinces ruled by Roman magistrates - extended over almost all the Mediterranean basin, but in many cases held only a coastal strip. Spain and Gaul form continental masses, but Italy, Dalmatia, Greece with Macedonia, Asia Minor, Cyrenaica and the part o f Northern Africa then occupied are seaboard areas, their hinterlands being scarcely penetrated by Roman arms or Roman culture. The Empire in a territorial sense, like the Achaean, Phoenician and Greek colonizations before it, remained centred on the Mediterranean, through which its main lines of communication passed. An inland people by origin, the Romans let themselves be led by the logic of their conquests. A t the end o f the second century, a glance at the map calls forth certain reflections (map 1): the area directly administered has doubled, and the advances have been made evenly in all directions. N o t only is the Mediterranean littoral uninterruptedly occupied, but there have been important advances inland. There are no islands o f freedom left in Spain or Gaul; Britain is held as far as the Scottish border, and Northern Africa as far as the Sahara; Egypt is Roman to well above the First Cataract, and so is central Europe to the Danube - in Dacia even across the Danube. Only the Rhine, first reached in Caesar's day, permits no bridgeheads between Koblenz and Nijmegen. The greater part o f these conquests was achieved under Augustus and Claudius -

The Roman Peace

15

no great military rulers - in the first century; Trajan added Arabia and Dacia, Antoninus a slender and temporary strip (from 142 to 197) in the north of Britain. There were no longer any vassal kingdoms remaining within the Roman frontiers, while outside them was only one organized and civilized state - the Parthian kingdom of the Arsacids, disputing with Rome the control of Greater Armenia. The paradox is that such great conquests as these are in no cases (not even in Dacia, despite some appearances to the contrary) to be explained by motives of pure imperialism. Economic imperialism, a notion beloved of modern writers, can hardly be invoked - scarcely even for Arabia - except for Britain, and it is certainly never the sole motive. The emperors in fact made war in order to further the security of the mother-country, Italy, or of the provinces won under the Republic. Leaving aside the mopping-up operations in the Alps or against the Asturians and Cantabrians in Spain, we may note the part played by natural frontiers - the Sahara, the Syrian desert, the Euphrates, Danube and Rhine. Everywhere we see the desire to establish a buffer between the barbarians and the vital provinces: Cisalpine Gaul and Dalmatia are shielded by the conquests on the Danube; in Asia, Cilicia and Bithynia are covered by the reduction of the vassal kingdoms of Galatia and Cappadocia; the organization of the Mauretanias, Numidia and Tripolitania kept the African nomads away from the coastal areas; the offensive against the Dacians (partly for the sake of the mineral wealth, either in the ground or already stockpiled) made easier the reduction of Transylvania; the conquest of Arabia secured the land route between Egypt and Palestine as well as the Arabian trade; the occupation of Britain put down Frisian piracy and opened new markets. The province of Belgica, however, with the so-called Upper and Lower Germany on the left bank of the Rhine, found themselves without any buffer, in direct contact with the barbarian world - for not even the Romans could reckon the river as an effective barrier after Ariovistus. T o explain this anomaly and some smaller ones w e have to consider the barbarian world. Under the Republic, the Romans had fought against Carthage and against the Hellenistic kingdoms. But the conquest of Gaul by Caesar and that of Dalmatia by Octavius as triumvir heralded a new phase: a powerful state with well-equipped armies now found itself facing unorganized and scattered tribes of barbarians,

16

Present Knowledge

yet its task was not thereby made lighter. Instead of set-piece battles in which victory decided the campaign, now came guerrilla warfare constantly renewed; instead of kings who were easily discouraged, with whom one could conclude treaties, now came a multitude of chieftains, knowing nothing of diplomatic protocol, always cunning, often indomitable. The scenes of operations became ever larger and more continental, full of marshes and woodlands suitable for ambuscades rather than broad plains suitable for conventional tactics, while the ever-lengthening and more tenuous lines of communication reduced logistics to an absurdity. Furthermore, it began to prove harder to subdue backward populations than people long accustomed to obedience or rulers who had been softened by Hellenism. The Romans might have pretended to 'liberate' Greece in Flamininus' day, but there was no question of liberating these German, Dacian or Sarmatian savages, who had learned from the example of Gaul that the material progress brought by the conquerors was paid for with the loss of liberty and by fiscal exploitation. Every conquest made under the Empire was long and arduous and punctuated by serious rebellions. The only foes to submit without resistance or regrets were the kingdoms - Noricum, the Cottian Alps, Thrace, Galatia and Cappadocia. After the end of the first century, the expansive energies of the Roman Empire were exhausted: Trajan's Parthian war was no more than an isolated and indeed abortive episode. Nevertheless, by pushing the frontiers forward the Empire had driven the barbarians far from its vital centres, and a skilful combination of natural and artificial defences won it half a century of peace from Hadrian to Marcus Aurelius. B.

THE R O M A N A R M Y

The history of Rome saw several successive armies. Under the Republic were those of Camillus and later of Marius; in the late Empire those of Gallienus and Diocletian. In the first two centuries w e see the slow development of the army of Augustus and Hadrian. It is not a particularly large force, some 350,000 to 400,000 in all, which is not much for the size of the tasks confronting it. This smallness in numbers was in fact its main weakness. T o account for this defect, w e must

The Roman Peace

17

stress that a great part o f the p o p u l a t i o n w a s slaves w h o c o u l d n o t b e m o b i l i z e d or f r e e d m e n w h o w e r e n o t m o b i l i z e d , so that the n u m b e r o f recruits b e c o m e s s o m e 4 per cent o f the adult male p o p u l a t i o n - say 10,000,000 o u t o f the 50,000,000 total. S o m e writers h a v e d w e l t o n R o m e ' s internal enemies also - the great mass o f slaves, 1 b u t there w e r e n o slave-revolts u n d e r the E m p i r e . R o m e w a s n o Sparta, and internal forces w e r e n e g l i g i b l e - the garrison o f R o m e itself, one urban c o h o r t in L y o n s , another in C a r t h a g e . T h e smallness o f n u m b e r s p r o b a b l y arises f o r financial reasons. T h e a r m y w a s a professional a r m y , w h i c h t o o k its rise f r o m the M a r i a n r e f o r m s , m u l t i p l i e d disastrously u n d e r Caesar and the triumvirs, and w a s r e d u c e d as far as possible b y A u g u s t u s . A professional a r m y w a s best suited to a m o n a r c h i c a l r e g i m e , b u t it cost a great deal and led to v e r y l o n g - t e r m e n g a g e m e n t s , f o r it w a s necessary to p r o v i d e j o b s or pensions f o r the veterans. T h i s small n u m b e r o f effectives, taken t o g e t h e r w i t h the l e n g t h o f the frontiers to be c o v e r e d ( o v e r 6000 miles), the technical p r o b l e m s o f logistics, and lastly the distaste w h i c h m o s t e m p e r o r s felt f o r large concentrations o f strength, w h i c h m i g h t a r m a usurper, p r e v e n t e d the a d o p t i o n o f the theoretically best system - a c o v e r i n g f o r c e w i t h a p o w e r f u l strategic reserve stationed in the interior. In all periods, f r o m A u g u s t u s to A n t o n i n u s , the a r m y w a s a l w a y s stationed either o n threatened frontiers or in regions recently subdued. T h i s

system

w o r k e d w e l l e n o u g h against a relatively w e a k state like Parthia or against isolated barbarians, but it w a s to s h o w its b a n k r u p t c y later w h e n several fronts w e r e threatened at once. E v e n u n d e r A u g u s t u s , the r e v o l t in P a n n o n i a and D a l m a t i a ruined at o n e stroke the splendid projects o f T i b e r i u s in G e r m a n y . T h e basic unit w a s a l w a y s the l e g i o n , w i t h an a v e r a g e f o r c e o f 5000 m e n - ten c o h o r t s o f f o o t , 120 c a v a l r y , 60 centurions, six military tribunes and a legate o f senatorial rank, e x c e p t in E g y p t . A f t e r great a r g u m e n t it is n o w g e n e r a l l y agreed that

Augustus,

h a v i n g had s o m e f i f t y legions at his c o m m a n d after A c t i u m , f o r financial and strategic reasons p r o g r e s s i v e l y r e d u c e d their n u m b e r s to just 28 a b o u t 13 B.C., at w h i c h t i m e he w a s able to discharge those recruited f o r the A c t i u m c a m p a i g n and Co w o r k out accurately his financial possibilities. H e w a s to lose three m o r e under V a r u s in 9 B.C., and the E m p i r e carried o n w i t h 25 l e g i o n s until A.D. 42, w h e n C l a u d i u s established the t w o Primigeniae w i t h his British c a m p a i g n in

i8

Present Knowledge

view. Nero created the Prima Italica in 67; then the two Adjutrices and the Septima Gemina were formed in the civil wars. In 70 four legions of Germany disappeared, and only two replaced them; 83 saw Domitian's creation of the Prima Minervia, and subsequently Trajan established the Tricesima Ulpia and the Secunda Trajana. T w o were lost in the interval, and Hadrian also lost t w o ; thus at the outset of Marcus Aurelius' wars on the Danube there were 28 legions, as under Augustus. T w o more were created in 165, and this number stayed unchanged until the appearance of Septimius Severus' three 'Parthian' legions. All in all, this is a remarkable uniformity. The Empire then had at its disposal about 150,000 legionaries, all on the frontiers, stationed in camps which became permanent and which from Claudius' time began to be built in stone; there was one camp to one legion, except occasionally in Germany, where at Mogontiacum and Novaesium t w o were within one great camp. Where need arose, on threatened sectors or for big offensives, several legions might be grouped into full-scale armies; contrariwise one or more cohorts might be detached for separate service (vexillationes). This fragmentation became more and more frequent, and offset the excessive size of the legion as a unit against barbarian raids or internal revolts. The demand for light and mobile troops explains also the multiplication of auxilia - cohorts of infantry, squadrons of cavalry, and mounted cohorts (cohortes equitatae). Although w e have some 200 military diplomata, it is hard to agree on a complete list of these units, usually of 500 men, sometimes of 1000, scattered in many places and often of transitory duration. It is generally thought that the auxilia over all comprised as many men as the legions - perhaps even a few more. These formations were often designated by complicated titles2 which mostly include ethnic names - names of barbarous or only slightly romanized tribes from which they were originally recruited, as Brettones, Tungri, Rhaeti, Thraces etc. 3 These aliens served for 25 years at lower rates of pay than the legionaries; they often kept their o w n style of arms, and acted as scouts, covered the flanks and generally supported the legions. Such squadrons and cohorts gradually required tactical independence and became detached from the one which they attended. Having been at first stationed in the legionary camps, they gradually shifted to defending the castella or fortresses along the frontier. Their commanders were equestrian

The Roman Peace

19

prefects. The progress of romanization brought a levelling upwards, so that the auxilia were scarcely distinguishable in arms and tactical employment from the legionary vexillationes. The reigns of Trajan and especially Hadrian saw the creation of new corps directly imported lock, stock and barrel from the barbarian world, with their own weapons, tactics and junior officers: these were the numeri; Moors and Palmyreneans were among their number. They are accused of having 'barbarized' the army, but in the second century at all events their senior officers were Romans. The old Quirites would have been horrified to see their city become a garrison t o w n ; but the troubles of the late Republic taught the lesson that a strong power needs protection. T o deal with natural disasters and with fires, Augustus set up a paramilitary force of freedmen, divided into seven cohorts of 480 vigiles, with tribunes and a prefect. This useful rather than prestigious force attracted little attention. T o maintain public order, the prefect of the city (a senator of high rank) was entrusted with first three, then four cohorts of 480 policemen; with less privilege and prestige than the praetorians, this force was also less turbulent and less politically active. The emperor's guard (praetorium) was made up of nine (later ten, sometimes as many as twelve) 4 praetorian cohorts of 480 foot and 120 horse, with their tribunes and as their head the praefectus praetorii. At first they were stationed mostly in Italy, then in the environs of R o m e ; finally in 23 Sejanus put them all in barracks together in the castra praetoria north of Rome. They were predominantly Romans and central Italians, usually without legionary service, commanded by the most distinguished centurions and tribunes, with handsome pay and sumptuous equipment, serving relatively short engagements (16 years) with little danger. These envied units had in the first century a violent history which Tacitus seldom glosses over; modern writers are more balanced in their judgments, some, like Durry, being favourably inclined, others, like Passerini, tending to severity. Over-indulged by some emperors, responsive to public agitation in an overcrowded capital, conscious of their own power, which was all too readily invoked in political crises, the praetorians (it must be said) remained well-disciplined under capable emperors. Some elite units were personally attached to the prince, viz. the speculators w h o formed part of the praetorians, the 'Germans of the Guard' (Frisians, Ubii, Bata-

20

Present Knowledge

vians), and later the equites singulares. The Romans were never a seafaring people, and under the Republic the fleet was always neglected and improvised at the last moment. Augustus and Agrippa, however, in opposing Cleopatra and Sextus Pompeius, had had occasion to recognize its value; at the same time, if the seas were not policed, piracy tended to reappear. Hence, after Actium, Augustus kept up two fleets, one at Misenum, the other at Ravenna; some smaller flotillas were based on Carthage, Alexandria and Seleucia. Later came the Black Sea fleet at Trapezus and the Channel fleet at Boulogne; lastly there were river squadrons on the Rhine and Danube. The navy was never a sought-after service: its recruits were at first slaves, with freedmen as officers; after Claudius the slaves disappear, and the intake is mostly provincials from maritime regions, socially undistinguished and having a status rather like that of the auxilia. There was no considerable naval war during the pax Romana, and the suggestion has been made that the main function of the fleet was to facilitate the social promotion of some underprivileged foreigners, such as the Egyptians, by admitting them to the legions after a period in the navy. 5 The higher command levels were less affected by the lowly esteem of naval service: the freedmen of Augustus' day were speedily followed by equestrian centurions primi pili, and after the fleets of Misenum and Ravenna had been entitled 'praetorian', we find in them knights w h o pass on to prefectures. Technical demands were slight, for there was no professional training, and w e find Pliny the Elder dying in 79 as admiral of the fleet at Misenum. The navy's j o b was to provide escorts for great men being posted elsewhere, to guard the coasts, to protect convoys bringing corn and other merchandise, although the speed of the liburnes was ill adapted (as some writers maintain) 6 for keeping pace with the lumbering cargo-boats of the day. The same, however, might be said of a modern destroyer escort. The river squadrons, on the other hand, manned by legionaries as marines, did an important j o b in watching the barbarians on the Rhine and Danube, protecting trade, and carrying out the amphibious operations of Drusus and Tiberius in Germany. Recruitment for the Roman armies had greatly changed since the Republic.The professional army was not made up of citizen conscripts, but of volunteers (although the pressure to volunteer may sometimes

The Roman Peace

21

have been great in 'press-gang' periods such as A.D. 9); and w e may think that lack of enthusiasm among the more sophisticated citizens very soon brought about a change in recruiting methods. The Empire was to find its defenders more and more among provincials and foreigners. The term of enlistment was very long, the private soldier was not highly thought of, discipline varied in different units and different areas (the eastern armies were always reckoned easy-going), but it could be merciless; the rewards 7 were empty honours, promotion was slow, wages a trifle, even after Domitian's 25 per cent increase - 100 denarii per annum for an auxiliary infantryman, 225 for a cavalryman in an ala, 300 for a legionary, 500 for the member of an urban cohort, 1000 for a praetorian, 5000 for a centurion, 10,000 for a centurion primi pili. W e see at once that the differentials were very large: modern writers estimate that an auxiliary could just keep himself but have nothing left over (before Septimius Severus the cost of food was deducted from the pay); but a legionary did have something left over, perhaps partly thanks to bounties and donatives, for the amounts in cash in the coffers of legions were often enough to offer dangerously great resources to rebellious and unscrupulous officers. 8 From a legal point of view, only citizens went into the legions, but w e very soon find them containing foreigners artificially naturalized. This was no great evil, since in any case a legionary did not enjoy citizen-status until his discharge: w e find even some praetorians coming from Tridentine tribes who had no citizenship, as in the business of the Anauni under Claudius. 9 Freedmen could enter only auxiliary formations or the navy, but their children could go into the legions. Foreigners were allowed in principle to join only the auxilia; on discharge they received at first the conubium, but later (after Claudius) citizenship for themselves, their concubine and their children. These legal questions, however, are not without their difficulties. An attempt has recently been made to use epigraphic evidence in order to determine the ethnic origins of legionary soldiers; and the conclusions which Forni 1 0 has based on his very wide researches are generally accepted. Augustus wanted legionaries to come from the Italian middle class, as Tiberius Gracchus had before him. But as the comforts of life increased and the service lost its attractions in an age

22

Present Knowledge

when the virtues of an earlier breed of Romans were disappearing, middle-class Italians rapidly stopped volunteering. T o avoid recruiting f r o m a lower social quality (such as has been blamed, for example for the atrocities of A . D . 69—70), he had to turn to the provincials, at a time w h e n the progress of romanization was multiplying the n u m b e r of citizens, or at least of m e n w h o could speedily become citizens w i t h o u t public danger. T h u s f r o m Vespasian onwards only the praetorian cohorts were recruited f r o m Italy, while the legions were at first d r a w n f r o m the most romanized provinces (Dalmatia, Baetica, Narbonese Gaul), and later f r o m other provinces in east and west, even f r o m frontier provinces, as Pannonia, U p p e r and L o w e r Moesia, and the Germanies. These provincials, of good quality, often of good family, still retained some soldierly spirit and found it socially advantageous to j o i n the standard. In this w a y the army was kept f r o m being flooded with proletarians. W h i l e it m a y be untrue that Italians were ever excluded f r o m the legions by a formal enactment often attributed to Vespasian, 11 it is certain that they gradually became fewer, but w i t h o u t ever totally disappearing. At the same time the establishment of legions in permanent camps along the f r o n tiers favoured local recruitment, which became the rule f r o m Hadrian o n w a r d , and the enrolling of soldiers' sons w h o g r e w up around the camps (the ex castris). T h e a r m y became m o r e and m o r e provincial, and tended to f o r m a caste; but w e should not talk of its being barbarized, n o r of antagonism between soldiers and civilians, at least for the first t w o centuries of the Empire. In this area as in others, p r o v i n cials came to play an ever-increasing part at the expense of Italy, and that is all. T h e evolution illustrated below 1 2 m a y well be compared with changes in the recruitment of senators (below, pp. i63ff.): Period AugustusCaligula ClaudiusNero VespasianTrajan HadrianSeverus

Italy

Western prov.

Eastern prov.

207

49

79

0

117

82

23

12

73

90

no

61

17-

839

112

381

Rhine-Danube

The Roman Peace

23

Paradoxically this professional army was commanded by amateurs, w h o received no military training, for there were no military colleges. The ancient conception of the public man was that he could exercise a civil magistrature or a military command equally and alternately. N o w since the principate, no magistrate held military command in his official capacity - neither consul nor praetor nor even the proconsul of a senatorial province (except for Africa before Caligula). The command of a legion or legions was an imperial legatio, sometimes assigned to ex-quaestors (as late as the crisis-period under Vespasian in 70), but more often to ex-praetors. A command of several legions at once was only exercised by a governor of a great and strongly defended imperial province, or by a senior commander with a specific mission, or (more frequently) by a member of the imperial family: such commands were seldom granted to others, whose loyalty might not stand the strain of such power: Avidius Cassius helped to justify such suspicions. But while senators were suspect, the command of a legion was never given to a knight before Septimius Severus (except of course in Egypt). Before taking command of a legion, a senator had had one year, indeed one season, of military service as tribunus lati clavi, when twenty years old; this office entailed no work and no responsibility, and its formative value was slight, except for fanatics like Trajan, w h o seems to have exercised it for ten years on end. The knights, despite being excluded from high command, received a better military training in their tres militiae, three years of service as prefect of a cohort, legionary tribune angusti clavi or prefect of an ala, and among their procuratorships they might be tribune of a Roman cohort, prefect of a fleet, or prefect of a legion in Egypt. The equestrian governor (praeses) of a procuratorial province had at his disposal auxiliary troops which could be of great importance, as in Thrace and the Mauretanias. In fine, a knight served in all branches, and his experience was valuable to him in commanding auxilia, which could require more finess than a legion. The junior officers, the centurions, were the very backbone and finest element of the Roman army. Y o u n g knights of humble origins and without connexions might begin their careers as centurions, but more and more the centurion became an ex-ranker, who had risen to his position after 15 or 20 years - say at the age of 35. He seldom

Present Knowledge

24

left his own legion, but progressed within it from cohort to cohort in inverse order of their numbers; the first centurion of the first cohort, the centurion primi pili, was an important personage. From the first days of the Empire, under Augustus and Tiberius, when the equestrian cursus was still undefined, centurions primi pili often became prefects of cohorts or of alae and entered the equestrian order. After Claudius' reign they generally transferred to the cohorts in R o m e , where they became successively tribunes of the vigiles, of the urbaniciani and finally of the praetorians; then, after reaching the primipilate a second time, they could rise to procuratorships. Thus the centurionate was, as it were, the escalator of social promotion in the army. W e are less well informed about the many grades of N . C . O . s principales, as they were called - such as signifer, aquilifer, duplicarías, beneficiarius, etc.: these ranks punctuated a soldier's career and could lead to the centurionate. In general, the professional competence of Roman soldiers was in inverse ratio to their rank and nobility of birth. It is astonishing in these circumstances that reverses due to sheer incompetence were not more frequent: the strength of the basic command structure on the one hand, and the embryonic state of the military art on the other, may provide some explanation. C.

IMPERIAL DEFENCE A N D E X P A N S I O N

W e are fairly well informed today on Roman strategic dispositions and their changes during the first two centuries. The literary texts have long been known, but are inadequate: to them w e can add inscriptions, military diplomata, the witness of prosopography, and even the stamped markings on bricks or tiles made in army workshops.

a.

Development of military dispositions on major fronts

North Africa. The defence of this area was always entrusted to a single legion, the Tertia Augusta, stationed at Ammaedara, later at Theveste under the Flavians, and from Trajan onwards at Timgad and Lambaesis. Its nominal strength of 5000-6000 men was strengthened by numerous auxiliaries because of the revolts and subsequent

The Roman Peace

25

occupation o f the Mauretanias. T h e total (about 15,000 men) is not v e r y great, because there w e r e veterans still subject to recall installed on the frontiers of the occupied zone, and auxiliaries could swiftly be s u m m o n e d f r o m Spain to defend Tingitana. In the second century the m a x i m u m must have reached 2 5 , 0 0 0 - 3 0 , 0 0 0 men. In Carthage the proconsul had the X H I t h urban cohort and a small mounted force, while the fleet f r o m Alexandria discharged the task o f surveillance. T h e recruitment o f the force was at first v e r y varied, but became almost w h o l l y local, w i t h a force o f Palmyrenian archers for desert patrols. Egypt.

D o w n to the death o f Augustus, E g y p t reckoned three

legions (the 3rd Cyrenaica, the 12th Fulminata and the 2 2 n d D e i o tariana) and some considerable auxiliaries, perhaps 2 3 , 0 0 0 - 3 0 , 0 0 0 men in all. S o large a force was needed f o r a densely populated and recently occupied country, a vital source o f corn, and relatively isolated: only Syria could provide reinforcement in emergency. In Tiberius' first years E g y p t has only t w o legions w i t h reduced auxilaries, but w i t h a garrison o f 7000 in Alexandria. In the second century, after the conquest o f Arabia, the revolt o f 1 1 7 and Hadrian's J e w i s h w a r , it has only one legion, the 2nd Trajana, a recent creation recruited locally; but by that date the country was well pacified. The eastern front, from the Red Sea to the Caspian. This was not a continuous line; at first it consisted o f t w o strong positions, Syria and Asia M i n o r , w h e r e R o m a n provinces w e r e sheltered b y vassal k i n g doms. A b o u t A.D. 6 w e find that Syria has three legions (the 3rd Gallica, the 6th Ferrata and the 10th Fretensis) cantoned in the northeast, but not on the Euphrates, w i t h auxiliaries enough to bring up the total to some 36,000 men- A classis Syriaca was based on Seleucia, and there m a y have been already a classis Pontica on the Euxine. For a long time all was quiet here, and the a r m y , w h i c h was largely recruited locally, declined in discipline and effectiveness. B u t after C o r b u l o ' s campaigns under N e r o (A.D. 63, using seven legions), the J e w i s h w a r of 6 7 - 7 1 and the advancing o f the frontier to the Euphrates under the Flavians, w e see some changes m a d e : Syria n o w has three legions (the 3rd Gallica, 4th Scythia and 6th Ferrata), Cappadocia (an imperial consular province since A.D. 72) has the 1 2 t h Fulminata at Melitene and

26

Present Knowledge

the 16th Flavia at Samosata, while auxiliary forces are pushed as far forward as Palmyra and Harmozica (Tiflis), and the classis Pontica from Nero onwards numbers 40 vessels. In all w e may reckon 70,00075,000 men. The conquest of Arabia in 106 is followed by the appearance of the 3 rd Cyrenaica in that province. B y the middle of the second century the army had been stabilized after the Parthian war and the Jewish revolt, and consisted of two legions in Judaea, one in Arabia, three in Syria on the Euphrates, and t w o in Cappadocia: with their auxiliaries these will have made up a total of 80,000-85,000 men. The Danube front, from Noricum to the Black Sea. Under Augustus the auxilia only were on the river-banks, the legions being in the interior: the 4th Scythica, 5th Macedonica and the 7th in Macedonia and Moesia, and five legions in Illyricum (then comprising Dalmatia and Pannonia), viz. the 8th Augusta, 9th Hispana, n t h and 15th Apollinaris and 20th Valeria. These forces principally safeguarded the triangle Emona-Siscia-Poetovio, so as to protect at once northern Italy and the trade-route from the Danube to Aquileia. After the Pannonian revolt of A.D. 6-9, w e find the legions moving closer to the Danube. B y mid-century four are in Moesia (the 4th Scythica, 5th Macedonica, 7th Claudia and 8th Augusta); their sector reaches as far as Aquincum. One only (the n t h Claudia) is in Illyricum, while Pannonia has two, the 13th Gemina and 15th Apollinaris, cantoned at Carnuntum and Poetovio, with some auxilia covering Noricum. The total is nearly 90,000 men. It was this powerful Danubian army group that helped Vespasian to power (e.g. the march of Antonius Primus). Under Domitian and Trajan the Dacian problem made some changes necessary: towards 107, after the Dacian wars, w e find that the Moesias (set up in 86) have five legions, the 2nd Adjutrix, 7th Claudia, 1st Italica, n t h Claudia and 5th Macedonica, stationed at Singidunum, Viminacium, Novae, Durostorum and Troesmis, while the newly occupied Dacia has three (1st Adjutrix, 4th Flavia and 13 th Gemina) with strong auxilia. Dalmatia now has no legion, but only some auxilia; the two Pannonias (divided in 106) have four legions (the 2nd Adjutrix, 14th Gemina, 15th Apollinaris, 30th Ulpia), 1 1 and Noricum still has its auxilia. In all there are 50,000 men in Moesia, 14,000 in Dacia, 1500 in Dalmatia, 15,000—17,000 in Lower Pannonia, 22,000 in Upper Pannonia, 5000 in N o r i c u m : roughly 110,000 men

The Roman Peace

27

made up the army of the Danube, now covering almost the whole length of the river. The numbers were somewhat increased in midcentury, and must have been near to 130,000 when Marcus Aurelius opened his campaigns in 166. The Rhine front, including Rhaetia (where the auxilia formed part of the Rhine army). About A.D. 6 there were five legions on the middle and lower Rhine - the 5th Alauda, 13th Gemina, 17th, 18th and 19th, the last three being those lost under Varus. They had numerous auxilia and totalled some 60,000 men, cantoned at Castra Vetera, Ara Ubiorum and Mogontiacum; to them w e must add the t w o legions (13th Gemina, 21st Rapax) that covered Rhaetia. Towards A.D. 20, after the clades Variana and the campaigns of Germanicus, there were eight legions - two at Vindonissa, two at Argentoratum, and four on the lower Rhine, with numerous Pannonian auxiliaries and local levies, amounting to some 100,000 men in all. Under Trajan a sharp reduction can be seen, ending the preponderance of the army of the Rhine: there are n o w four legions with auxilia, probably about 45,000 men, and this number was not to be much altered, except that larger forces of auxilia would be installed in the forts of the limes, from the Main to the upper Danube. Gaul itself 'was composed of 'disarmed' provinces - not only the senatorial Narbonensis, but also the Tres Galliae, because the army of the Rhine was stationed in the military sectors (later provinces) of Germany which were effectively separated once Belgica had been set up. If there should be internal unrest, vexillationes were fetched from Spain or Upper Germany. The Iberian peninsula. The five legions which were set up at the end of the campaign against the Cantabri and Astures progressively disappeared under the Julio-Claudians. From Vespasian onward, there was a single legion, the 7th Gemina, stationed at Leon in Asturia, with a few auxiliaries: the greater part had been transferred to Africa when the Mauretanias were established. Britain. At the time of the Claudian conquest there were four legions (the 2nd Augusta, 9th Hispana, 14th Gemina and 20th Valeria) with auxilia roughly equal in number, say some 50,000 men. After Agricola's campaigns the force was reduced to three legions, supported

28

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Knowledge

under Trajan and Antoninus by strong auxiliaries. In normal times (i.e. setting aside periods o f civil or foreign wars) w e can see (i) that, in the first century especially, the defence o f Italy takes first place: hence the importance o f the Vindonissa-Dalmatia sector along the half-circle of the Alps and Alpine provinces; (2) that the a r m y o f the Rhine remains the strongest until Trajan, but loses its preponderance w h e n the Dacian and Parthian wars are being prepared; h o w e v e r , f o r a hundred years the prosperity of north-eastern G a u l is secured by the presence o f a strong military f o r c e ; (3) that primacy passes in the second century to the D a n u t i a n a r m y , which explains the speedy

romanization

of Illyricum and Pannonia and fore-

shadows the rise to p o w e r o f Septimius Severus after the wars of Marcus Aurelius; (4) that the eastern a r m y is a l w a y s the second in importance since the Euphrates became an imperial frontier under the Flavians, but it had not the same unity or civilizing influence as the other armies: the front was too extended and the peoples w e r e either resistant to assimilation, like the J e w s and Arabs, or had already an ancient civilization, as in Syria and Asia M i n o r .

b.

Secondary operations

1 . Reduction of unassimilated areas.

T h e Alps f r o m the Ligurian coast

to N o r i c u m f o r m e d a barrier w h i c h was not to show itself troublesome until after the occupation o f Gaul. Caesar had done no m o r e than open the pass o f M o n t - G e n e v r e , free passage being secured f o r the R o m a n s by the loyalty of Donnus and later of his son, ' k i n g ' Cottius, w h o was entitled prefect and kept his independence. B u t f r o m the banks o f the Rhine the best route lay through the Little St Bernard, and its southern approach was ruled by the Salassi o f the valley of Aosta, w h o exacted tolls on traders using the pass. In 25 B.C. Terentius V a r r o destroyed them and founded Augusta Praetoria (Aosta); in the south, between 1 5 and 1 4 B.C., the maritime Alps w e r e reduced, while in the northeast a joint campaign o f Drusus and Tiberius, culminating in the victory o f L a k e Constance, o v e r t h r e w the Rhaeti o f the T y r o l and the Vindelici o f Bavaria. N o r i c u m then became a province, thus securing the Brenner and Great St Bernard passes: the R o m a n road over the latter was only built under Claudius. T h e Alps (apart f r o m the central k i n g d o m o f Cottus) w e r e then organized into procura-

The Roman Peace

29

torial provinces - the maritime Alps, Rhaetia and Vindelicia, and latter the Graian and Poenine Alps (Tarentaise and Valais). In north-western Spain the Cantabri and Astures clung to their independence, protected by distance and by their impenetrable mountains. Their presence here, rendered yet more dangerous by movements of little-known tribes, hindered the colonizing o f Hispania Tarraconensis and communications with Aquitaine through the Pyrenees. V e r y likely also the gold mines o f Asturia and Galicia attracted R o m a n greed. It needed the efforts o f Augustus in peson in 2 6 - 2 5 B.C., of his lieutenants, and finally o f Agrippa in 19, to w i n d up the campaign and deprive the hardy shepherds of their liberty. Following the foundation of towns and colonies (Bracaraugusta, Asturica Augusta, Emerita and Caesaraugusta - the modern Braga, Astorga, Merida and Saragossa), romanization made swift progress, and the most adventurous souls enlisted in auxiliary corps which were readily put to w o r k on the Rhine and in Illyricum. 2. T h e first province to be f o r m e d in north Africa was Africa Proconsularis (27 B . C . ) , at that time including N u m i d i a ; Caesar dismembered it and made its western border the line Ampsaga-Cuicul-Zarai-Hodna. In 25 B.C. the former k i n g d o m o f Bocchus in Mauretania, without an heir since 33, was ceded t o j u b a II, w h o was f o l l o w e d in A.D. 23 by his son Ptolemy. T h e latter was assassinated by Caligula's contrivance in 40, and his k i n g d o m was annexed; thus all north Africa became R o m a n , with a narrow coastal strip in Tripolitania as far as Leptis Magna. In 37 Caligula had set up the military territory o f Numidia, under the legate o f the 2nd Augusta, and in 42 Claudius organized the t w o Mauretanias — Caesariana and Tingitana - under ordinary procurators resident at Iol Caesarea (Cherchel) and (probably) Volubilis. T h e boundary between the t w o provinces was a wadi near the Mailouya river. Occupation had been easy, and the coastal and north-western regions were never threatened. B u t to the south and south-west, in the H o g g a r and Saharan Atlas, as far as the south o f what is n o w Tunisia, dwelt barbarous tribes - Mauri, Musulamii, Gaetuli, Garamantes, accustomed to a free and wandering life: the R o m a n advance deprived them of their lebensraum, and they resented being tied d o w n . A f t e r various insurrections under Augustus, between 1 7

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Present Knowledge

and 22, a latter-day Masinissa, the Numidian Tacfarinas, successfully withstood several expeditions, thanks to his mobility. He boldly claimed lands from the incensed Tiberius, gained the assistance of the Mauri on Juba's death, and was at last surprised and killed at Auzia. Domitian had to wage war against the Nasamones of Syrtis Magna and the Mauri, w h o gave trouble throughout the second century; the Baquates, who first appeared near Cartenna under Hadrian, were a very mobile foe - they threatened Sala in 144 and Volubilis between 140 and 145, the cities being defended by the prefects with local auxiliaries. The trend of the mountain-chains, being mostly from south-east to north-west, favoured the manoeuvres of these tribes, whose centres for rallying and dispersal seem to have been the Mulucha valley, the Djebel Amour, and the Ouarsenis. It was against these peoples, and to cut them off from the formidable bastion of the Aures, that the Roman push to the south-east was organized in the first and second centuries. In this w a y a regular frontier policy was gradually developed. 1 2 The limes here was not a fortified line, but an organized frontier zone, some 30-60 miles in depth, consisting of roads, forts and ditches, gradually colonized by veterans, by local farmers, and by nomads in process of settlement; the zone moved gradually towards the southwest. Without going into detail, which is still debated, despite the labours ofBaradez and his school, w e can distinguish several successive stages of the Roman advance. Under the Julio-Claudians there was no real occupation beyond a line Cirta-Ammaedara-Thelepte-CapsaTacapae; the Tertia Augusta was stationed at Ammaedara, which was securely connected to Carthage by a major lateral highway. Under the Flavians the legion was moved to Theveste, and from this new pivot the line was pushed forward to Sitifis through MasculaThamugadi-Lambaesis and Zarai. Under Trajan the Nementcha mountains were bypassed rather than traversed by a road dotted with posts (Capsa, A d maiores, A d medias, Badias, Vescera, Mesarfelta, Tubunae) which rejoined the Flavian line at Zarai. Thamugadi (Timgad) was organized as a colony in 100. It was a westward push like that of the us A in the nineteenth century, but here to the west and south. The Tertia Augusta was definitively installed at Lambaesis in 128. The Aures was n o w penetrated by roads, and to keep the Mauri away from it the camp of Gemellae (attested in 126) was set up far to

The Roman Peace

3i

the south, m a n n e d b y the cohors prima Chalcidenorum,

composed of

Syrians familiar w i t h deserts. A e r i a l a r c h a e o l o g y has b r o u g h t to light three stretches o f a ditch and parallel agger, flanked b e f o r e and b e h i n d b y t o w e r s and small forts. It is possible, a l t h o u g h n o t certain, that thisfossatum is o f the same date as H a d r i a n ' s W a l l in B r i t a i n or the b e g i n n i n g s o f the S y r i a n limes, and that w e should attribute the idea o f its construction to H a d r i a n . It is certain that in the second c e n t u r y the fossatum

w a s n o t c o n n e c t e d to T r i p o l i t a n i a , w h e r e the limes is o f

S e v e r a n date. T o s u m up, d u r i n g the first t w o centuries, despite f r e q u e n t local alerts in the centre and south, the d e f e n c e o f N o r t h A f r i c a w a s r e m a r k a b l y secure, despite the small n u m b e r o f t r o o p s (often b a c k e d u p b y auxilia and uexillationes.

T h e rapid prosperity o f A f r i c a P r o -

consularis and N u m i d i a is the m o s t e l o q u e n t tribute to this defence. 3. The conquest of Britain.

W h e n w e consider that the g e o g r a p h e r s o f

antiquity m a d e B r i t a i n nearer to Spain than it is, and that Caesar had blazed the trail b y his l a n d i n g in 55 B.C., w e c o u l d as w e l l w o n d e r w h y the conquest w a s so l o n g d e l a y e d as w h y C l a u d i u s d e c i d e d to u n d e r t a k e it in A.D. 43. T h e reasons f o r the delay w e r e the difficulty o f l a n d i n g troops, the m a g n i t u d e o f the o t h e r tasks c l a i m i n g A u g u s t u s ' attention, and T i b e r i u s ' respect f o r his predecessor's instructions. F o r C l a u d i u s ' decision there w e r e several m o t i v e s : an a b o r t i v e p r o j e c t o f C a l i g u l a ' s , w h o h a d assembled a fleet, built a lighthouse, and enlarged the h a r b o u r o f G e s o r i a c u m ; 1 3

unrest a m o n g

the

British

princelings, the c h i e f o f the T r i n o b a n t e s , Caratacus, s e e m i n g to b e a d a n g e r to R o m a n merchants l i v i n g in B r i t a i n ; lastly m o r e accurate reports o f the island's riches, w h i c h c o u l d w e l l arouse the c u p i d i t y o f the f r e e d m e n in the e m p e r o r ' s e n t o u r a g e (here Narcissus m a y h a v e p l a y e d a part). T h r e e , perhaps f o u r , l e g i o n s u n d e r A u l u s Plautius (say 40,000 m e n i n c l u d i n g

auxiliaries, principally

cavalry)

were

sufficient f o r the enterprise; t h e y landed at R u t u p i a e , m a r c h e d o n L o n d o n and the T h a m e s , and t o o k C a m u l o d u n u m . T h r e e c o l u m n s reached the areas held b y f r i e n d l y tribes, the Iceni, C a t u v e l l a u n i , R e g n i and B e l g a e . B u t as t h e y pushed f o r w a r d t h e y m e t less easyg o i n g peoples, w i t h m o u n t a i n fastnesses at their backs - the D u m n o n i i in C o r n w a l l , in W a l e s the Silures stirred u p b y the exiled Caratacus, and in the n o r t h the B r i g a n t e s o f the Pennines, w h o s e q u e e n C a r t i -

32

Present Knowledge

mandua favoured the Roman cause, but found little backing from her people. The excesses of Roman administrators provoked the revolt of Boudicca, queen of the Iceni, and Suetonius Paulinus had some trouble in putting it down. It remains a mystery that neither the Silures nor the Brigantes took advantage of the hazardous situation of the Romans. The Brigantes were subdued by Petilius Cerialis between 71 and 74, the Silures by his successor Frontinus between 74 and 77. Tacitus' father-in-law Agricola was the next governor, f r o m 77-82 according to modern writers, but possibly from 7 8 - 8 3 . 1 4 He wanted to complete the conquest of the island, and penetrated into Scotland, where his forts from Forth to Clyde are dotted along the line of the future Wall of Antoninus. In 82 or 83, with his army supported by a fleet hugging the east coast, he penetrated the Grampians, built the camp of Inchtuthil, and w o n a pitched battle, but could not exploit it since summer was now ending. The opportunity was lost: after sending his fleet round the north coast of Scotland (the details of its route are disputed), he was recalled by Domitian, w h o was anxious to strengthen the Rhine-Danube front. Hadrian, w h o was present in person in 1 2 1 - 2 2 , decided to fortify the frontier, fixing it definitively on the line Solway-Tyne. His famous 'wall' is very elaborate, being made up in depth of two roads with a vallum and the wall proper, built of stone or earth, with towers and small forts. The w o r k was not purely defensive, but served also as a base for nipping possible attacks in the bud; and the presence of civilian installations attests also a wish to pacify the whole area and to regulate commerce with the independent tribes. This programme was made difficult by the turbulence of some remains of the Brigantes w h o had fled to the Cheviots, where many native forts have been found. Between 139 and 142 the legate Lollius Urbicus subdued them and fortified the line Clyde-Forth with the 'Antonine Wall', built of turves on a foundation of rubble with stone facings, with a ditch in front and with small forts at intervals: one feels there was an attempt at economy, dictated by the shortage of man-power. The wall was intended rather to protect the area behind it than to serve as a base for any future advance: none such seems to have been contemplated. It was given up as untenable, after being several times pierced by Caledonian tribes and partly rebuilt, under Commodus between 181 and 183.

The Roman Peace

33

c. The Rhine - Danube frontier (map 2) About 15 B.C. the Rhine was the frontier of Gallia Belgica as far as Lake Constance, while Rhaetia and Noricum secured the Alpine passes, without the banks of the Danube being effectively occupied. Illyricum after the campaigns of 35-3 B.C. scarcely extended beyond the Save, while beyond the Adriatic coast it did not reach the far side of the Dinaric Alps. Nowhere had romanization made much progress; on both banks of the frontier river warlike tribes still dwelt - near the Rhine the Frisii, Batavi and Treveri, and on the far bank their kinsmen the Bructeri, Sygambri and Chatti. On the middle Danube there were on one side the Vindelici, Taurisci, every species of Pannonian and Dalmatian; on the other the Hermonduri and Marcomanni, who left the Rhine valley about 9 B.C. to settle in Bohemia; further east lived the Quadi, and beyond them the realm of the Dacians and Sarmatians (to the latter are to be added the Iazyges and Bastarni), the source of a danger later to be realized. The Rhine frontier was not to undergo any great changes. The basic problem was the failure to conquer Germany.' 5 Not appreciating the difficulties of troop-movement in a vast region of swamp and forest, and under-estimating the valour of the Bructeri, Chatti and Cherusci (especially the last), Augustus had charged Drusus, Tiberius and finally Germanicus with the task of advancing the frontier to the Elbe, presumably in order to shorten the defensive front along a line from the Elbe to the Sudetenland. The jumping-off points were, in the north, the Lippe valley towards the 'Cheruscan redoubt' on the middle Weser, in the south, the lower Main valley, against the Cherusci again and the Hermonduri. Naval operations along the North Sea coast as far as the mouths of the Ems, Weser and Elbe were to facilitate transport, permit penetration up the rivers, and take the barbarians in the rear. The results were disappointing, and the storms of the North Sea made tragedy attend on most of the return voyages. Then the Bohemian question came uppermost through the ambitions of Marbod, king of the Marcomanni. In A.D. 4 Tiberius mounted a combined operation from west and south, traversed again the lands of the Bructeri and Cherusci, was met on the Elbe by his fleet which had sailed down the west coast of Jutland, and secured the support of the Hermonduri and Semnones. In A.D. 6 a triple expedition was launched, from Mainz eastwards, from Rhaetia northwards, and north-

34

Present

Knowledge

The Roman Peace

35

eastwards f r o m C a r n u n t u m , the c o m m o n target b e i n g B o h e m i a , w h e n the Illyrian insurrection b r o k e o u t and lasted f r o m 6 to 9. M a r b o d w a s r e c o g n i z e d as an ally and friend o f the R o m a n p e o p l e , and m a d e n o f u r t h e r m o v e . T h e e x t r e m e g r a v i t y o f the D a l m a t o P a n n o n i a n r e v o l t s h o w s h o w precarious R o m a n o c c u p a t i o n w a s in regions so close to Italy, and it reveals a tragic shortage o f soldiers. Scarcely had it been p u t d o w n w h e n the Variana clades f o l l o w e d in A.D. 9 - three l e g i o n s lost b y the f o l l y o f their c o m m a n d e r , the difficulty o f the terrain, and the c u n n i n g o f A r m i n i u s . V a r u s had a t t e m p t e d , without

a n y civil or m i l i t a r y f r a m e w o r k ,

to i n t r o d u c e

Roman

justice, i f n o t R o m a n taxation, a m o n g tribes w h o m a y h a v e had n o sense o f national u n i t y then, b u t w e r e certainly attached to their liberty, despised civilization, and did n o t e v e n w i s h to b e o r g a n i z e d in a n y w a y . A r m i n i u s w a s speedily assassinated, M a r b o d s o o n e x i l e d : neither f o u n d e d a g e n u i n e state. A f e w years later, T i b e r i u s rather u n w i l l i n g l y sent G e r m a n i c u s o f f o n s o m e successful raids in depth, spectacular indeed, b u t speedily c h e c k e d b y A r m i n i u s o n the W e s e r ; and the return j o u r n e y s , b y sea in 15, b y land in 16, w e r e b o t h p a i n f u l and costly. A l l in all, n o t h i n g lasting w a s a c h i e v e d ; the means f o r the conquest o f G e r m a n y w e r e l a c k i n g . It is c o m m o n l y said that A u g u s t u s advised T i b e r i u s n o t to cross the R h i n e , b u t the Res Gestae seem to s h o w that he r e c k o n e d the E l b e as the real frontier o f G e r m a n y (Tacitus, Annals

1 , 1 1 ; Res Gestae c.26). P r e s u m a b l y it w a s T i b e r i u s

w h o p u t a n a r r o w e r interpretation o n A u g u s t u s ' w o r d s . T h e r e d u c t i o n o f the central salient w a s the w o r k o f Flavian g o o d sense. Brilliant b u t u n p r o f i t a b l e raids g a v e place to the m o r e solid w o r k o f roads and fortresses. C l a u d i u s ' castella had already crossed the R h i n e and u p p e r D a n u b e ; those o f Vespasian n i b b l e d at the base o f the re-entrant angle, and w e r e supported b y the r o a d L a d e n b u r g Offenburg-Arae Flaviae-Giinzburg-Augsburg.

Domitian

pushed

further across the D a n u b e , led his line a l o n g the L o r c h to the N e c k a r , and c o n n e c t e d the latter b y a f o r t i f i c a t i o n to the M a i n . Further n o r t h , his victories o v e r the C h a t t i in 83 enabled h i m to w i d e n the M a i n valley p o c k e t and cross the R h i n e o n a b r o a d f r o n t as far as K o b l e n z , or a little further. T h i s territory, settled at first b y G a u l s and G e r m a n s as chance dictated, w a s a f t e r w a r d s o r g a n i z e d under the n a m e

of

Campi Decumates. O n the left b a n k , t w o military sectors, placed under the l e g i o n a r y legates o f M a i n z and C o l o g n e , b e c a m e the p r o v i n c e s

Present Knowledge

36

Legionary

Augustus

[Cologne

Claudius from Claudius to Vespasian

Lßonn (VRemagen yingj^Jr»—HeddesdorK 1 —

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< Limes

Antoninus

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. Provincial boundary

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^ S i f T B^^Eining

The Roman Peace

37

of Upper and Lower Germany. T h e line from the Rhine to the Danube (Koblenz-Regensburg) was guarded by a limes of ditches, palisades, towers (first of wood, then of stone), and an increasing number of castella of auxiliary troops. Antoninus pushed the central part further east, and strengthened the fortification (map 3). While Drusus was campaigning in Germany, between 13 and 9 B.C., first Vinicius, then Tiberius had pushed from the Dalmatian coast as far as the Danube, thus securing the transverse axis SisciaSirmium and the amber route Poetovio-Savaria-Carnuntum, meeting little resistance, but not consolidating the conquest, as the revolt of A.D. 6 - 9 revealed. Illyricum when pacified anew formed the provinces of Dalmatia and Pannonia; the frontier with Noricum was defined, and security was assured this time by the roads opened under Tiberius and Claudius. On the lower Danube the situation was precarious because of the Dacians and Sarmatians. Moesia from 15 to 44 formed a great consular command with Achaea and Macedonia, and the banks of the river were watched over by flotillas and by military prefects. Thrace, under the protection of Roman arms, but consumed by dynastic quarrels, was annexed by Claudius in 4 5 - 6 and became a procurator's province. In the north, the lower Danube region was not in any real sense occupied, and the Greek towns on the Black Sea (Callatis, T o m i and Histria) fought off the barbarians alone or with the help of occasional sallies from legates of Moesia. Between the Iazyges of Tisia (modern Tisza) and the Sarmatians (with the Bastarnae, Getae and Roxolani) of Moldavia and Bessarabia, Transylvania and the curve of the Carpathians were occupied by the Dacians, w h o had already proved menacing in the first century B.C. under Burebistas. Towards the end of the first century of our era they had formed a powerful kingdom under Decebalus, w h o began a series of crossings of the Danube in 82. Domitian built an earthen rampart barring of the Dobrudja a little above T o m i , and sent a punitive expedition across the river: in this fell Cornelius Fuscus, possibly with the Quitita Alaudae. Trajan saw that the business must be settled. The first Dacian war was marked by t w o campaigns: the first (in 1 0 1 , north of Viminacium) was indecisive; the second, the next year, was waged along the Aluta (Oltu) towards central Transylvania. Decebalus accepted a peace, which was no more than a truce. The second war was better prepared; Trajan swept straight into

3«

Present Knowledge

Sarmizegetusa, the whole country was mopped up, and Decebalus was reduced to suicide. The new province of Dacia, provided with an axial road Sarmizegetusa-Apulum-Napoca-Porolissum, and peopled with Dalmatian and oriental immigrants, together with veterans installed as colonists. 16 The capture of Decebalus' hoard, together with vigorous exploitation of the gold and iron mines, produced great wealth, which was quickly absorbed in public works and preparations for the Parthian war. In the east, L o w e r Moesia with its three legions took in and protected the Greek cities, and extended across the Danube with camps on the Sereth. It seems probable that Trajan contemplated a direct road from Pannonia to the Black Sea by Intercisa, Apulum, Bretzcu and Poiana. The Romans had failed to conquer Marbod's Bohemia, but their occupation of Transylvania gave greater security to the provinces of the lower Danube and set the stage for the economic development and internal colonization of Thrace and Moesia. The Danube frontier, although well fortified by Hadrian and Antoninus, was threatened in its Norican and Pannonian sectors under Marcus Aurelius, from 167 onwards. The origin of the barbarian pressure lay in the irresistible movements of Goths coming from Scandinavia and moving towards the Euxine, thus exerting a lateral pressure on the peoples of central Europe and pushing them onto the Pannonian bastion. The displacement of the Vandals on the Oder had a corresponding effect on the Quadi and Marcomanni. In 167, taking advantage of Verus' eastern war, these tribes crossed the Danube, pierced the Julian Alps, laid siege to Aquileia, and caused panic as far as Verona. Marcus Aurelius took four years to re-establish the situation. Noricum and Pannonia were recovered and a camp placed at Castra Regina; Carnuntum became operational headquarters and the emperor's residence from 1 7 1 to 175. The Marcomanni and their allies were worsted in 174, and the war was continued against the Sarmatians. The revolt of Avidius Cassius suspended operations, but in 176 Marcus Aurelius and Commodus celebrated an official triumph over the Germans and Sarmatians. The emperor dreamed of conquering central Europe from Bohemia to the Carpathians, and of erasing the Hermonduri, Marcomanni and Sarmatians from the map. T w o new provinces would have seen the light - Marcomannia and Sarmatia according to the Historia Augusta, Marcus Aurelius 24,5. The Her-

The Roman Peace

39

cynian region would have followed the Alpine region into the Roman fold. The death of Marcus Aurelius in 180 ended these projects; Commodus dropped them as hastily as Hadrian had dropped those of Trajan. We may still wonder whether the material resources of the empire in men and treasure would have been adequate to turn these dreams into reality. d. T h e eastern frontier (map 4) The imperial frontiers from the Black Sea to the Red had not reached their full development, and the situation was very complex, when Augustus came to power. North of the Euxine, the kingdom of the Bosporus was a vassal state and very important for supplying the Greek cities of the Black Sea, Aegean and Asia Minor, for suppressing the pirates of the Caucasus, and for the resistance that it put up against the Scythians and Sarmatians and against the extension of Persian influence. South of the Euxine, Asia Minor was far from being wholly Roman: between the Roman provinces of Asia, Bithynia and Cilicia and the Parthian kingdom lay various vassal kingdoms — that of Amyntas in Galatia, of Archelaus in Cappadocia, Deiotarus in Paphlagonia, Polemon in Pontus, and the kingdoms of Lesser Armenia and Commagene. Augustus was disinclined to renew Caesar's eastern projects, and the Parthians, with their monarchy enfeebled by its feudal structure, its unreliable army and its dynastic squabbles, were not anxious for war. Armenia, however, caused some difficulty, since the Romans were determined to see on its throne a king who was their protégé, even if he belonged to the Parthian family of the Arsacids. In Rome public opinion had been disturbed since the defeat of Crassus in 53 and Antony's reverses in 35. The lynchpin of Roman defence in the east was Syria, whose eastern frontiers extended to the Euphrates - a barrier easily crossed in either direction. Three legions had their cantonments there, but to the south were the vassal principalities of Emesa and Ituraea and the great kingdom of Herod. Arabia was untouched, for all its commercial importance, and the coast road between Pelusium and Gaza was exposed to raids from the desert Bedouin. In these areas Augustus' achievement was unadventurous, but solid. In the kingdom of the Bosporus, 1 7 taking advantage of strife occasioned by the troublesome queen Dynamis, he tried to persuade

Present Knowledge

4°

4

The eastern frontier

The Roman Peace

4i

the faithful Polemon of Pontus to intervene, but with no success. However, Dynamis and her successors remained 'friends of the Roman people'. A t the other end of the eastern frontier he sent t w o prefects of Egypt on expedition, Cornelius Gallus to Nubia, Aelius Gallus to Arabia, but with purely commercial ends in view. In Asia Minor, Galatia was annexed in 25 B.C. on the death of Amyntas, together with Pisidia, Isauria and a part of Lycaonia: R o m e was now approaching the Euphrates. Galatia was further enlarged by the annexation of Paphlagonia in 6 B.C., on the death of Deiotarus, and of part of Pontus, which opened the door to Armenia. T o pacify Galatia, however, warfare and the creation of several colonies (e.g. Antioch of Pisidia) were necessary. A few years earlier, Augustus had thought that he had reached a lasting agreement with the Parthians; putting pressure on Phraates through Tiberius, he had prevailed on them to restore Crassus' eagles and to recognize Roman suzerainty over Armenia, where Tigranes II was enthroned with due solemnity by Tiberius. This success was elegantly acclaimed by Roman poets, by the Roman mint, by the title of imperator and by the reliefs on the statue from Prima Porta. But it was hollow. The Armenians were divided, and the pro-Parthian party was stronger than the pro-Roman. In A.D. I Augustus sent his grandson Gaius to the east; he had an interview with the Parthian king in the middle of the Euphrates, tried to instal a new king in Armenia, but was wounded and died in A.D. 4. At Augustus' death, the Romans had lost all influence in Armenian affairs. During the first century various problems presented themselves: 1. In Asia Minor the march towards the Euphrates continued; Cappadocia was annexed, and so was Commagene at the outset of Tiberius' reign. This brought the Roman frontier to the river, and assured the state of substantial revenues and the emperor of vast domains. Caligula, perhaps taking a hint from his ancestor Antony, tended to re-establish vassal kings in many places, but Claudius soon sent them all packing. 2. The Armenian question became increasingly grave under Tiberius and Nero. Instability was endemic, assassination the common coin; the Armenian nobility was split, and the Parthians, now with more

42

Present

Knowledge

active rulers (Artabanus, his son Arsaces, and Vologeses f r o m A.D. 51) redoubled their intrigues. Vologeses sought to enthrone his o w n brother, which led N e r o to take up arms in 57. C o r b u l o had much ado to make the Syrian a r m y fit f o r battle, and even more trouble in seeing eye to eye with the Syrian or R o m a n administrators, such as Caesennius Paetus, w h o was sent out as legate in 61 and capitulated the next year at Rhandeia with t w o legions. In 63, having at last an army o f seven legions under his sole command, C o r b u l o restored the situation, and the peace o f Rhandeia in that year laid it d o w n that Tiridates should remain king of Armenia, but receive his c r o w n in R o m e f r o m Nero's hands: the ceremony took place in 66. Armenia thus became an Arsacid appanage, in which R o m e retained the right o f investiture but no real power. Nevertheless, this reasonable compromise secured fifty years o f peace. 3. T h e J e w i s h question also was very complicated. T h e Romans never k n e w h o w to handle a nation so different f r o m others, with its love o f liberty heightened by its religious separatism. F r o m 37 to 4 B.C. the country was ruled by Herod the Great, w h o set up a kind o f Hellenistic monarchy and maintained order in a w a y that satisfied the Romans. O n his death everything changed: his heirs began to quarrel and R o m e made clumsy attempts to arbitrate. T h e J e w s were always ready to agitate - against R o m e , against their o w n rulers, for or against various religious movements, many of them quite fanatical. In A.D. 6 Judaea became a procuratorial province. T h e reasons for the great revolt o f 66 are complex. There was a natural antipathy between J e w s and R o m a n s : the former were exasperated b y the tribute, b y the sight o f soldiers near the Temple, by the intervention o f procurators in judicial matters and by the f a v o u r shown by R o m e to everything non-Jewish. T h e y were also divided among themselves in a social and a religious sense: the wealthy were allied with the high priests and received R o m a n support in maintaining social order, while the poor were shot through with mystical enthusiasms harking back to the prophets, calling f o r redistribution o f lands and a return to the communal life of the primitive tribes; they were stirred up by a handful o f extremists on w h o m Josephus lays the blame for all that went w r o n g . 1 8 T h e c o m m o n ideal o f the J e w s was the biblical and theocratic state dominated by the national religion - an ideal which

The Roman Peace

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Roman administration could not tolerate. In M a y 66 the simmering unrest boiled up into open rebellion. Vespasian, the legate charged with suppressing the rebellion, and his son Titus were hampered by the general imperial crisis of 68-9, and it took several years and 50,000 men to storm Jerusalem and the last of the fortresses built by Herod (Masada did not fall until 73). Judaea was once again a procuratorial province, its capital being Caesarea (Colonia Prima Flavia Augusta Caesariensis), while the Decima Fretensis and its legate were stationed at Jerusalem. The Sanhedrin and the arch-priesthood were abolished, the Temple was closed to worshippers, and the didrachm for its upkeep went into the Jiscus Iudaicus. The Jewish question came to life again under Hadrian with the brief but bloody revolt of Bar Cochba; but Roman rule was to prevail in a country which thenceforward was deprived of its religious centre, for Jerusalem in its turn became a colony under the name Aelia Capitolina ( 1 3 3 - 5 ) . 4. In Asia Minor the Flavian achievement made little noise, but was of great importance. Instead of the Augustan army of four legions stationed in Syria, Vespasian had three armies totalling six legions, in Judaea, Syria and Cappadocia. The Syrian frontier was pushed east as far as Sura, and the final annexation of Commagene in 72 made it possible to station a legion at Samosata. T w o others, at Melitene and Satala, guarded Cappadocia, which then formed one big consular command with Galatia and Polemon's Pontus, annexed by Nero in 64-5, to which Lesser Armenia was added in 72. Only Lycia and Pamphylia formed a separate province, all the centre being united with Cappadocia, which also possessed the port of Trapezus and its fleet. In Nero's reign the lack of good east-west communications had been deeply felt. T w o big roads were built, the northern one going from Bithynia by Neocaesarea and Nicopolis to Satala, the southern from Caesarea Mazaca by Arabissos to Melitene. But the Flavians had no wish to break the treaty of 63. Against the common threat of the Alani (Sarmatians coming from the Caucasus) Vespasian made his auxilia occupy the site of Harmozica near Tiflis in 75; Vologeses took umbrage, but his only reaction was to support a bogus Nero w h o had appeared in the east. His death in 77 weakened Parthia again. A Latin inscription from Domitian's time has been found near Baku. The great campaigns of Trajan and Versus in the second century

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had almost no lasting results. Trajan's Parthian war of 1 1 3 - 7 has, nevertheless, occasioned many jtudies and discussions. The essential facts are clear: the emperor sailed for Antioch in October 1 1 3 , occupied the whole of Armenia in summer 1 1 4 , conquered and organized Mesopotamia in 1 1 4 - 5 , and received the title Parthicus in February 1 1 6 . He went down the Euphrates and Tigris, with supporting river-squadrons, seized Ctesiphon in 1 1 6 and reached the Persian Gulf. A rebellion broke out in the conquered provinces of Assyria and Mesopotamia, while the Parthians under Osroes, driven back but not defeated, took the field again. The weary Trajan managed to retain the northern part of the country, and set up an ephemeral monarch over the rest. The Jewish revolt, starting at Cyrene, set all the east aflame; Trajan, n o w infirm, brought the army back to Syria and handed it over to Hadrian. Leaving for Rome, he put in at Selinus in Cilicia, where he died in August 1 1 7 . The direct cause of the war was Osroes' claim to appoint a puppet king in Armenia without consulting Rome. But Trajan was only waiting for this casus belli: what then were his intentions? T o annex Armenia once for all, as he had Dacia, seemed to him the only final solution, despite Armenia's being poor, with wretched communications, and incapable of defence. As for Parthia, no one now believes that he intended to destroy it and repeat the conquests of Alexander. Presumably he intended to protect Armenia and the Euphrates by buffer areas - Osroene, whose king A b g a r he expelled, and northern Mesopotamia as far as a line from Chaboras to the Singara mountains, along which he seems to have built a strategic road with castella. His descent of the rivers and thrust to the Persian Gulf suggest a wish to intimidate the Parthians by such a show of force, and make them agree to the creation of vassal kingdoms which would secure for the Romans, without too much expense, control of the route to the Indian Ocean. Then w e must face the problem of the economic objectives of the war, which are taken seriously by Guey, while Lepper dismisses them as negligible. B e that as it may, the annexation of Nabataea in 106 gave R o m e access by land to the far-eastern trade-route, or at least to its nearer end. T o end Parthian interference, Trajan wanted to be in control of the sea-borne trade arriving at Spasinu Charax. 1 9 Setting all this aside, it is astonishing that he did not create new legions, as he did before the Dacian war. Was the Dacian

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gold all frittered a w a y , or, more likely, was it at that time impossible to increase the numbers o f the army? Trajan had not the means to execute his policies; and this lesson was not lost on Hadrian, w h o abandoned the n e w l y - w o n provinces and fixed the Euphrates firmly as his boundary. U n d e r Marcus Aurelius, the war, nominally under the c o m m a n d o f Verus, but really under A v i d i u s Cassius, was defensive: Vologeses III in 162 had invaded Armenia, defeated the legate o f Cappadocia, attacked Syria and threatened Antioch. Armenia was recovered, Artaxata taken and the land brought back under R o m a n influence, but without any idea o f annexation. In 164 Osroene and Mesopotamia were occupied, while Avidius w i t h the main force marched d o w n the Euphrates and burned Seleucia and Ctesiphon. These were purely punitive expeditions, w i t h o u t any political p r o g r a m m e . B u t the plague, first appearing at Seleucia, was to do frightful damage all through the Empire, and it ended the w a r in 166. R o m e retained her protectorate o f Armenia, her garrisons in Osroene, and part o f northern Mesopotamia as buffer territories. Palmyra still kept its garrison, w h i c h is attested f r o m Hadrian onward. In mid-century the general situation was satisfactory, although the rapid advance o f Vologeses in 162 had revealed certain deficiencies, especially a shortage o f troops. T w o imperial consular provinces, Cappadocia and Syria, held the w h o l e frontier f r o m Lesser Armenia to Sura, w i t h forts linked b y military roads. Palmyra sent out her horse-archers against the nomads o f the Syrian desert. In the south, Arabia was guarded b y the legion at Bostra, while against the Bedouins it was defended b y a veritable limes, the first in the east, running along the trade route f r o m Damascus through Bostra and Petra to the g u l f of Akaba. Thus Rome's tasks along her frontiers were carried out inexpensively, w i t h no aggressive purposes, and in general conformity with the directives o f Augustus. B u t the age o f Antoninus is the only period that can be truly called 'the R o m a n peace'. T h e shortage o f m o n e y and o f men shows that the conquering powers o f the empire were failing. A f t e r the accession o f Marcus Aurelius, the brief invasion o f Syria and the endless wars on the D a n u b e tell us that an epoch is over, and that the R o m a n peace has passed a w a y , never to return.

2 Government and Administration

In effect the Republic died when Caesar crossed the Rubicon in early 49 B.C., but the new regime did not become organized until 27. The last years of the civil war, from 33 to 27, were decisive: the dictatorship and triumvirate were succeeded by the principate. Government was in the hands of one ruler, and politics gradually gave place to administration. Open conflict between ambitious individuals or parties disappeared: theprinceps, heading a party or a powerful clientela, was surrounded only by coteries. The principate was begotten of civil war and rested on the power of the army, but it devised for itself (not without some heart-searchings) a constitutional basis. A. a.

T H E E M P E R O R A N D HIS P O W E R S

The constitutional basis

Despite some disagreements among scholars, w e may allow, for the moment, that the regime achieved stability in January 27, the triumvirate having ended in 32, and the civil wars with Actium in 31. Between 31 and 27 Octavius was (with yearly renewals) consul, protector of the people (by his jus auxilii), who had sworn loyalty to him in 32, and princeps senatus since 28. In January 27, when peace was assured and the res publica restored, Octavius wished to hand back power to the Senate and people, but accepted in the end a sharing of power, which was the official inception of the principate. The first basis of his power was an imperium which is hard to define

Government

and

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47

e x a c t l y b u t bears the appearance o f a p r o c o n s u l a r imperium, since it e x t e n d e d o v e r a v e r y l a r g e provincia:

b y assuming responsibility f o r

g o v e r n i n g the frontier p r o v i n c e s o r those w h i c h w e r e n o t securely pacified, h e r e m a i n e d c o m m a n d e r o f v i r t u a l l y the w h o l e a r m y . In 23 B.C. this imperium w a s e x t e n d e d to all the p r o v i n c e s , b e i n g declared superior (maius) to that o f the proconsuls. B u t at that date A u g u s t u s (so called since 27), h a v i n g been consul f r o m 31 to 23, laid d o w n the consulship; this suggests that t h e n c e f o r w a r d his imperium w a s legally proconsular. T h e second basis o f his p o w e r - a civil one, and the o n l y o n e m e n tioned in the Res Gestae, w h e r e A u g u s t u s takes pains to e x t o l it 1 - w a s the tribunician p o w e r . M o s t specialists n o w agree that he w a s g r a n t e d the sacrosanctity o f a tribune in 36, the jus auxilii in 30, and n o t until 23 the full tribunicia potestas. In fact the civil p o w e r s that h e n e e d e d w e r e secured f o r h i m b y the consulate b e t w e e n 31 and 2 3 ; w h e n n o l o n g e r consul, he r e g a i n e d his p o w e r to s u m m o n assemblies and the Senate (and possibly the right, b e l o n g i n g to superior magistrates, to publish edicta) b y v i r t u e o f the tribunician p o w e r , w h i c h w a s o n this occasion b e s t o w e d o n h i m f o r life, b e i n g at o n c e perpetual and annually r e n e w e d , as w e infer f r o m the n u m b e r i n g o f his terms o f office, w h i c h begins o n l y in 23. W e k n o w , o f course, that A u g u s t u s , b e i n g a patrician as Caesar's son, and a creator o f patricians b y the lex Saenia o f 30, c o u l d n o t b e a tribunusplebis

in so m a n y w o r d s ; this

d e v i c e saved h i m f r o m h a v i n g colleagues to w h o s e intercessio he w o u l d b e subject. W e m a y r e c k o n the s u p r e m e p o n t i f i c a t e as the third e l e m e n t in his p o w e r . A s the heir to the magistrates o f old, h e had to be, like t h e m , capable o f securing f o r the R o m a n s the pax deorum.1 T h e e x t r i u m v i r L e p i d u s l i v e d surprisingly l o n g , and A u g u s t u s did n o t w a n t to lessen the prestige o f the p o n t i f i c a t e b y d e p o s i n g its i n c u m b e n t ; c o n s e q u e n t l y he w a s n o t pontifex maximus until 12 B.C. H o w e v e r , his n u m e r o u s priesthoods, n o t a b l y the a u g u r a t e and his l o n g - s t a n d i n g p o n t i f i c a t e ( f r o m 48) enabled h i m f r o m the outset to administer the state religion as h e t h o u g h t fit. T h e activities o f A u g u s t u s in o t h e r spheres suggest that he received other p o w e r s also, p r o b a b l y in the f o r m o f authorizations granted b y the Senate, e.g. censorial or consular p o w e r s exercised t e m p o r a r i l y for specified tasks, b u t also, in a m o r e p e r m a n e n t w a y , the direction

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of foreign policy and the right to intervene in the election of magistrates (nominado and commendatio). Further, there is n o constitutional title that legitimizes his appointment of administrators and functionaries outside his o w n provincia, or the firm grip that he kept on all state finances. O n l y a part of these powers is reflected in his official titles of imperator and pontifex maximus and holder of tribunicia potestas. His family n a m e of Caesar and the titles bestowed by the Senate of Augustus and Pater patriae have no consitutional significance. T h e very w o r d princeps never occurs, and the celebrated auctoritas whose mention in the Res Gestae has engendered such controversy is equally missing — at all events in the very extended sense which some scholars have sought to assign to it.

b.

Relations with the Senate

T h e lofty role of the Senate in R o m a n history, together with republican politics and traditions, m a d e relations w i t h the Senate a delicate problem for the founder of the principate. T h e Senate was, f u r t h e r more, n o t merely a corporate b o d y with ill-defined powers and f u n c tions, w h i c h made the restraining of those powers difficult, but also, indeed essentially, the bastion of a nobility which was attached to the Republic b y w o r t h y ideological considerations (e.g. the rejection of dictatorship and Caesarism) and solid material interests, such as the profits of office-holding and of party politics. Augustus succeeded t h r o u g h being at once irresistible and careful, also because the civil wars, the proscriptions, and the falling birth-rate a m o n g the upper classes, together with some well-managed purges, enabled him to infuse into the old nobilitas the new blood of his partisans and personal clients. T h e problem has been long obscured by the circumlocutions of Augustus himself in the Res Gestae, by the ancient literary tradition, and by the authority of M o m m s e n , w h o created the notion, n o w n o longer current, o f ' d y a r c h y ' . T h e r e are m i n o r differences still a m o n g scholars - some even n o w stress the importance of the role assigned to the Senate - but w e can make our point well enough if we study the Senate's powers in theory and their exercise in practise. In the Res Gestae Augustus dwells happily on the political role of the Senate — his principal functions were assigned to him ex senatus auctoritate, senatu populoque Romano consentientibus\i the stage-

Government

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Administration

49

management of its sessions on the 1 3 t h and 16th J a n u a r y 27 shows that he publicly considered it as the repository of political p o w e r . This was the tradition of the nobilitas, although the people in its comitia centuriata and tributa had equally a part in the running o f the Republic. Octavius, h o w e v e r , was in the Caesarian tradition the 'patron' o f the people, the holder o f imperium, the saviour of the state and of f r e e d o m (u index libertatis). In the division o f p o w e r s (as unequal as that o f the provinces) the Senate kept w h a t was at once the most theoretical and the most dangerous - investiture, i.e. the p o w e r in theory to choose, in practise to recognize in legal f o r m , the ruler of the state. V e r y rarely, even in the early E m p i r e , was an emperor chosen b y the Senate in reality: only N e r v a comes to mind, and he was chosen, with his o w n agreement, b y the members o f the conspiracy w h i c h o v e r t h r e w Domitian. N o r did the Senate b y itself ever depose an e m p e r o r : N e r o was declared hostis publicus under external pressure. Investiture implied the bestowal o f p o w e r s - the imperium and the tribunicia potestas - but the Senate was content to bestow them on someone w h o imposed himself or was imposed upon them. Vespasian was the first to reckon the beginning o f his reign (dies imperii) f r o m his proclamation b y the a r m y rather than his investiture by the Senate. Nevertheless, it was not until Diocletian that an emperor failed to ask for it. O n the emperor's death, the Senate decided on his apotheosis (relatio inter divos) or his condemnation (abolitio or damnatio memoriae). In the day-to-day business o f g o v e r n m e n t it collaborated with the emperor, was kept i n f o r m e d , g a v e its approval, received embassies and the like, but everything depended on the will and pleasure of the emperor. Its p o w e r to m a k e laws was a creation o f the Empire, but the inception, the content, and almost the drafting, o f senatusconsulta stemmed f r o m the emperor. U n d e r Tiberius the Senate also received the p o w e r to choose magistrates, but with grave limitations - a commendatio that must be obeyed, a list previously prepared, nominations extra ordinem, so that the 'elections' soon became no m o r e than acclamations. Its judicial role was also n e w and delicate; the emperor handed o v e r to it embarrassing prosecutions, thus pushing o f f onto a not v e r y popular corporate b o d y the o d i u m of rigged condemnations, or proceedings for peculation against governors w h o w e r e members o f the Senate. T o condemn a colleague could be embarrassing, to

50

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acquit him scandalous, as Pliny reflects on Marius Priscus. The senatus-consultum Calvisianum, otherwise known as the fifth edict of Cyrene, set up a streamlined procedure for cases of simple peculation without capital crime. 4 In the realm of administration the Senate retained in Italy a real but poorly-attested role. In Rome, out of its former monetary functions it retained only the striking of bronze coinage (after 15 B . C . ) , the management by quaestors (under supervision) of the aerarium Saturni, and the upkeep of certain public buildings, especially temples. Shortage of funds often made it dependent on the emperor. In fact it was senators rather than the Senate that took part in government, discharging defined tasks which had been decided at a high level and could be quite demanding under Augustus or Marcus Aurelius, and holding individual appointments, either the traditional magistracies or imperial functions in the cursus honorum, such as curatelde, legations and proconsulates. The senatorial provinces remained under the principal, but not sole, authority of the Senate, since there were procurators in them representing the emperor's interests, to say nothing of direct interventions in virtue of the imperium maius. These provinces were old-established, rich and brilliant (Asia Achaea, Africa, Narbonensis, Baetica), and some part (though not the greatest, e.g. the mines) of their revenues supplied the aerarium, but the number of these provinces did not go up, and their relative importance declined. The servility, incapacity or negligence of the Senate have been the target of critics since antiquity. 3 B u t without forgetting the very natural consciousness of its o w n lessened importance or the many hindrances put in its way by the emperors and their representatives, w e must stress two essential points: (1) Senators as individuals were too much dependent on the emperor to neglect his favour or incur his resentment; admission to the Senate depended largely on him, and even more so did the cursus honorum: determined opposition would wreck a man's career before it threatened his life. A more organized opposition could be checkmated by a large creation of new senators. The great families died out very soon (from the middle of the first century); the new great names had not long been ennobled; the Senate was constantly, sometimes very rapidly, being replenished. Under such conditions it is remarkable that the memory of the ancient grandeur of the Patres

Government

and

Administration

51

was p o w e r f u l enough to create a m o n g their successors (parvenus as m a n y were) men of independent mind. (2) In an age w h e n administration had b e c o m e m o r e important than politics, the Senate was better equipped to listen to rhetorical harangues than to take definite action: its financial resources w e r e slight, it had no armed forces or even police, and no professional training. A b o v e all, it had virtually no staff, no slaves or freedmen at its disposal, no offices, n o records b e y o n d the official Acta, and no administrative tradition. E v e n w h e n it was free, the Senate had never had any talent f o r administration. O v e r and a b o v e any statutory rules, every emperor had his o w n notion o f his relations w i t h the Senate, and this notion often determined his 'politics' in the n a r r o w sense of the w o r d , since the people n o w had no consitutional means of making its voice heard. T h e literary tradition, nurtured in senatorial circles, assessed each reign on this criterion and decided w h i c h emperors w e r e ' g o o d ' and w h i c h 'bad' - a value-judgment that needs several grains o f salt if one wishes to take a w i d e r v i e w . T h e ' g o o d ' emperors, taking Augustus, Titus and Trajan as models (the latter was entitled Optimus f r o m 1 1 4 ) , are in reality those w h o , without surrendering any real p o w e r , w e r e clever enough or amiable enough to keep up appearances and not w o u n d feelings. T h e tradition starts w i t h Tiberius, w h o s e accession is attended with a great m a n y proofs of g o o d w i l l ; it is reaffirmed b y N e r o on first taking p o w e r , b y Galba in his adoption of Piso, and is given its most elaborate expression by Pliny in the panegyric on T r a j a n ; Antoninus and Marcus Aurelius are equally desirious o f h a r m o n y with the Senate. T h e 'bad' emperors o f course include the brutal and the unbalanced - a Caligula or a C o m m o d u s - but also excellent

administrators

like Claudius,

Vespasian,

Domitian

or

Hadrian, and w e have to enquire m o r e closely w h e r e the responsibility lies. If w e m a k e an exception o f Augustus, w h o had to f o u n d a regime and m a k e his authority recognized, and thereby aroused in different w a y s an opposition w h i c h subsequently faded a w a y , w e note that the most savage hatred is reserved f o r those w h o most cynically disregarded the sanctity of the persons o f senators. Contrariwise a regard f o r forms, a show o f respect, confidence, collaboration, keeping the Senate i n f o r m e d , leaving it some senatusconsulta to discuss - these

52

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w e r e e n o u g h to w i n praise f r o m a b o d y w h i c h was willing to be pleased w i t h o u t being entirely d u p e d . T h e strained relations w i t h Claudius, Vespasian or Hadrian call for a deeper explanation. T o an irresponsible e m p e r o r the Senate reacted b y c o n t e m p t or b y servility or absenteeism, sometimes b y conspiracy and assassination, as w i t h N e r o , D o m i t i a n or C o m m o d u s . B u t it had n o defence against the steady evolution of the regime, w h i c h was speeded u p b y those princes w h o felt conscious of their duties. T h u s Claudius developed bureaucracy in the hands of f r e e d m e n , Hadrian in those o f knights; there was resistance to Claudius' extension of citizen-rights (e.g. the ius honorum to distinguished Gauls) and to other f a v o u r s h o w n to provincials, w h o w e r e increasingly called to high office or b r o u g h t into the Senate b y the adlectiones w h i c h became c o m m o n f r o m Vespasian o n w a r d ; and the rising legalistic spirit, even w h e n enlightened as in Hadrian, m e t senatorial suspicion. For all the repeated eulogies o f republican father-figures, like C a t o or P o m p e y , and criticism of Julius, the f o u n d e r ' s father, the imperial r e g i m e was never challenged: it was only that the n e w nobilitas, even the most parvenus, e m b r a c e d the self-centred and conservative prejudices of the old. T h e y had n o constructive p r o g r a m m e , n o serious alternative to w h a t m a y perhaps f o r once be reasonably called the o n w a r d m o v e m e n t of history. B u t the bad n a m e once given has long obscured the interpretation of some reigns: thus H a d r i a n was traditionally blamed for the rise of the equites and the introduction of orientals into the Senate; b u t prosopographical studies have s h o w n that D o m i t i a n had already set u p i m p o r t a n t equestrian posts in administration and that, against all f o r m e r belief, the invasion of the Senate b y orientals dates f r o m Trajan's reign.

c.

The problem o f succession to the Empire

It is c o m m o n l y said that the p r o b l e m of succession was the weak point of the Empire. It is true that the princeps, as heir to the republican magistrates w h o s e p o w e r s he c o m b i n e d , could have n o legal p o w e r to choose or impose his successor. A Capetian style of hereditary succession was ruled out. Nevertheless, of the sixteen emperors f r o m Augustus to C o m m o d u s , w e find that nine succeeded to p o w e r in an entirely regular m a n n e r (Tiberius, Caligula, N e r o , Titus, D o m i t i a n , Trajan, Antoninus, M a r c u s Aurelius and C o m m o d u s ) , that three of

Government

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Administration

53

these were the sons o f an emperor (Titus, Domitian, C o m m o d u s ) , five were officially adopted sons (Tiberius, N e r o , Trajan, Antoninus, Marcus Aurelius), and the ninth (Caligula) was given b y Tiberius the same status as his o w n grandson Tiberius Gemellus. Thus heredity (real or fictitious) is the c o m m o n element explaining the succession o f more than half these emperors; and a m o n g the others Claudius was Caligula's uncle, and Hadrian was cousin to Trajan, w h o was officially reckoned as having adopted him. T h e only irregular and contested successions were those o f Galba, O t h o , Vitellius, Vespasian and N e r v a ; and the total o f their reigns comes to n o more than 1 3 - 1 4 years out o f the 178 f r o m A.D. 14 to 192. T h e first four in fact all arose f r o m the same crisis, in which a striking part was played b y the provincial armies, while N e r v a was chosen b y those w h o had slain Domitian and w i t h the secret agreement o f the Senate. It is thus evident that the principate invoked the hereditary principal, for all the republican trappings o f its early days. P o w e r in one man's hands tends always towards monarchy and heredity. There

are t w o

distinct operations w h i c h

we

must

consider

separately: the choice o f the future emperor and his official investiture. Every emperor w h o had a son chose him, but often in vain: Agrippa Postumus was eliminated by Tiberius, Tiberius Gemellus murdered b y Caligula; Claudius' son Britannicus was set aside b y the wiles o f Agrippina, but still N e r o killed him, obviously fearing the strength o f heredity in the eyes o f public opinion. Titus and Domitian were Vespasian's sons, as C o m m o d u s was o f Marcus Aurelius, and it has been plausibly surmised that Hadrian wanted to pass on the Empire to his son Ceinoius C o m m o d u s , illegitimate as he was, and then to his grandson Lucius Verus: such at least is Carcopino's theory. In several cases direct descent was deemed insufficient, and the son or grandson was associated w i t h another relative for security's sake: 6 the son-inlaw Tiberius adopted w i t h the grandson Postumus; Tiberius constrained to adopt his nephew Germanicus b y the side o f his o w n son Drusus, and his grandnephew Caligula placed alongside his youngest son Gemellus (the latter, h o w e v e r , was o f suspect paternity); likewise Antoninus compelled b y Hadrian to adopt at once Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. Such complications arose f r o m the very start because Augustus had no male children. B u t as soon as he had grandsons (Gaius and Lucius) there was no doubting his wish to hand on the

Present Knowledge

54

Empire to them. Still, it was not till Vespasian that an emperor openly declared that his sons and no others should succeed him. 7 N o w since this choice had no constitutional validity, the emperors, starting with Augustus, were at^pains to load their candidate with titles, honours and privileges of the most extravagant nature, or with real powers, e.g. the title princeps iuventutis, the prefix imperator (from Vespasian onward), the name Caesar, which became official from Hadrian's time, extraordinary magistracies and commands, frequent bestowal of the proconsular imperium and the tribunician power, and association in the Empire. Only the title of Pontifex Maximus was never shared before 238. As for the 'double principate', to which some scholars, like E. Kornemann, have sought to assign an institutional value, it was never truly practised except by Marcus Aurelius, first with Verus, then with his own son Commodus, for reasons which w e do not know, and it remained quite exceptional. B.

ADMINISTRATION

Under the Republic there was virtually no such thing as administration - no principles, no organization, no staff. R o m e and Italy were run by governors with the help of quaestors, while tax-collecting was in the hands of tax-farming companies. In general, there were no checks and no accountability, no technical competence, but a consistent doctrine that the provinces were the praeda of the Roman people, to be exploited at will. Caesar had meditated some considerable changes in this system, but imperial administration is properly Augustus' creation. The Senate retained in principle the administration of R o m e and Italy, while the magistrates, stripped of their political activities (for elections quickly passed to the Senate, with the emperor taking part through his commendatio), found themselves reduced to administrative duties. Consuls now held office for only t w o or three months, and their judicial activities were very limited (tutela, manumissio, fideicommissum). The praetors rose from 10 to 16 in number and became specialized in function, i.e. the praetorship was becoming a j o b rather than an honour. The tribunes kept their personal rights of auxilium and intercessio and their sacrosanctity, but - a negation of their entire history - were chosen by the Senate and became servants of the

Government and

Administration

55

emperors. T h e aediles kept some supervisory duties (markets, streets, m o n u m e n t s , food-supply), b u t these w e r e constantly encroached u p o n b y imperial administrators. T h e quaestors effectively lost their m a n a g e m e n t of the aerarium, and a dozen or so of t h e m w e n t every year into the senatorial provinces as financial assistants to the proconsuls, while others held secretarial positions attending on the consuls or the e m p e r o r (quaestores Augusti). T h e r e w a r d of a magistracy was n o t in holding it, b u t in having held it and thus having the d o o r opened to quaestorian, praetorian or consular positions in the imperial service, which w e r e reserved for senators. B u t the m a g n i t u d e of the a d m i n i strative task was far b e y o n d the potential of such recruitment, of which the technical c o m p e t e n c e was never very high. T h e emperors gradually set u p a parallel administration w h i c h they entrusted to equestrians. T h e evolution of an administrative branch was n o t accomplished in a day or even b y steady progress; here also, just as in relations w i t h the Senate, one discerns the personal policy of the individual e m p e r o r . Augustus was the initiator, arranging the administration of his provinces in almost a revolutionary m a n n e r : his native p r u d e n c e presumably led h i m to m a k e f e w changes in Italy, but to create the great u r b a n prefectorates. T h e middling and inferior posts w e r e entrusted to m e m b e r s of his familia, f r e e d m e n and slaves, w i t h o u t always clearly separating his personal affairs f r o m those of the state. 8 Later Claudius s h o w e d an innovating spirit in developing the central administration, w i t h f r e e d m e n of high standing in charge of the various offices. F r o m Vespasian o n w a r d w e see an irreversible m o v e m e n t t o w a r d s specialization and professionalism, especially in the financial and fiscal branch, since Vespasian above all others was concerned to k n o w exactly w h a t his rights and dues were. A progressive replacement of f r e e d m e n b y knights in i m p o r t a n t and technical positions began w i t h D o m i t i a n and w e n t steadily on d o w n to Hadrian and C o m m o d u s , in w h o s e reign w e m a y reckon that the equestrian official career, built o n the p y r a m i d ofprocuratelae, reached its definitive f o r m . A special place, in i m m e d i a t e p r o x i m i t y to the e m p e r o r , has to be given to the consilium principis, w h i c h some recent studies have m a d e clearer to us, despite great difficulties of d o c u m e n t a t i o n . B e t w e e n the all-powerful e m p e r o r and his administrators w h o simply had to do his bidding, the R o m a n s had only a hazy n o t i o n of w h a t w e u n d e r -

56

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Knowledge

stand by a 'council of ministers', 'cabinet' or ' g o v e r n m e n t ' . This is w h y it is so hard to explain w h a t strictly political choices w e r e o p e n to an e m p e r o r (discussed below). W h a t is officially called (but only f r o m the end of the second century) the consilium principis o w e s its origin to the private assessors of the old republican magistrates indeed to the council o f kinsmen w h o sat w i t h the paterfamilias - and at the same time to the m o r e or less hierarchically ranked groups of philoi of Hellenistic monarchs. Augustus, h o w e v e r , while h e had a r o u n d h i m similar amici and comites, h a d sufficient respect for the Senate as the traditional adviser of magistrates to organize committees of senators, appointed for six m o n t h s , at first fifteen in n u m b e r , later t w e n t y , w i t h w h o m he held discussions and reached decisions of a constitutional value which is hard to define. Every e m p e r o r had a council of friends w i t h n o f o r m a l legal standing. Claudius seems to have been the first to ask t h e m for legal opinions, but it was n o t until Hadrian that professional lawyers w e r e regularly s u m m o n e d to the consilium. T h e e m p e r o r never considered himself as b o u n d b y their decisions, and w e d o n o t k n o w in detail h o w the sessions w e r e conducted. T h e inclusion of knights o n a p e r m a n e n t basis dates also f r o m Hadrian, s h o w i n g a tendency t o w a r d s professionalization of the council, and in fact the title of consiliarius appears u n d e r M a r c u s Aurelius. B u t although there w e r e p e r m a n e n t m e m b e r s , the essential role was played b y the e m p e r o r ' s friends. It has even been suggested that there w e r e t w o kinds of meetings - o n e official, w i t h the consiliarii to settle p r o b l e m s of law and justice, the other purely private, as f o r m e r l y , and in fact m o r e i m p o r t a n t , to decide the greater p r o b l e m s of g o v e r n m e n t . W h a t w e find is in fact an aborted f o r m , as it were, of w h a t is not to appear until the late E m p i r e under the n a m e of consistorium.

a.

Central administration

Augustus and his first successors m a n a g e d their affairs in a purely empirical fashion, and seem to have been lacking m u c h i n f o r m a t i o n w h i c h w e should n o w consider essential. Vespasian, so far as w e k n o w , seems to have been the first to w a n t a clear conception of his domains and their revenues and of his o w n rights. T h e only exception is Agrippa, w h o alone in the nascent e m p i r e had a head for administration and began to take surveys and censuses.

Government

and

Administration

57

A f t e r the e m p e r o r , the greatest p e r s o n a g e is t h e p r a e t o r i a n prefect, c o m m a n d i n g his personal g u a r d , t h e praetorium. U n t i l D o m i t i a n ' s t i m e t h e r e was o n l y o n e as a rule, b u t after that t h e r e w e r e m o r e o f t e n t w o , b o t h for p r u d e n t i a l reasons a n d because t h e duties b e c a m e m o r e varied. A t first the p r e f e c t was simply a soldier, responsible for the e m p e r o r ' s safety a n d f o r public o r d e r . H e h a d p o w e r to n o m i n a t e his o w n praetorians a n d t o sit in j u d g m e n t o n t h e m ; his p e r m a n e n t presence at t h e e m p e r o r ' s side g a v e h i m inevitably a n d w i t h o u t any r e g u l a t i o n an e n o r m o u s influence, w h i c h w a s v e r y soon attested in the a m b i t i o n s o f Sejanus: admission t o the consilium, h o n o u r s m a k i n g h i m the equal o f senators, a n d f r e q u e n t personal i n t e r v e n t i o n s in g o v e r n m e n t . G r a d u a l l y h e b e c a m e a k i n d o f chief o f general staff: several prefects c o n d u c t e d c a m p a i g n s and fell in battle. F r o m N e r o o n w a r d s the prefect was in c h a r g e o f m i l i t a r y supplies, t o w h i c h p u r p o s e h e applied t h e m i l i t a r y annona, w h i c h was a tax levied in k i n d , f o r the aerarium militare received o n l y taxes in m o n e y - the vicesima hereditatium a n d quadragesima libertatis. G r a d u a l l y his judicial f u n c t i o n s b e c a m e m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n his o t h e r s : t h e y arose f r o m his ius gladii and w e r e increased b y delegation f r o m the e m p e r o r . In Italy h e held criminal j u r i s d i c t i o n in the first instance outside a limit of 100 R o m a n miles a r o u n d the city (this was in fact o n l y d e f i n e d clearly u n d e r the Severans), w h i l e in t h e i m p e r i a l p r o v i n c e s h e h a d an appellate j u r i s d i c t i o n c o n j o i n t l y w i t h t h e e m p e r o r . A r o u n d h i m t h e r e d e v e l o p e d several a d m i n i s t r a t i v e offices o f w h i c h w e k n o w little. T h e c o u n t e r p a r t to o u r big 'ministries' w e r e offices w h i c h started f r o m small b e g i n n i n g s a n d d e v e l o p e d slowly. U n d e r A u g u s t u s , f r e e d m e n o f the e m p e r o r ' s , w i t h slaves t o h e l p t h e m , dealt w i t h finance and w i t h t h e d r a f t i n g a n d filing of official d o c u m e n t s . C l a u d i u s ' c o n t r i b u t i o n was to o r g a n i z e specialized services (scrinia), w h i c h are clearly of great i m p o r t a n c e since t h e y are h e a d e d b y the p o w e r f u l f r e e d m e n o f the reign, Pallas a n d Narcissus. T h e finance-office (a rationibus) b e c o m e s the m o s t i m p o r t a n t f r o m the t i m e w h e n the revenues of the p r o v i n c i a l jisci start to b e a d m i n i s t e r e d b y the fiscus in R o m e . T h e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e section (ab epistulis), in existence certainly f r o m A u g u s t u s ' reign, studied a n d classified official corresp o n d e n c e : it was later split i n t o t w o parts - Latin a n d G r e e k . T h e office a cognitionibus, created b y C l a u d i u s , dealt w i t h cases that c a m e b e f o r e the e m p e r o r o n a p p e a l ; the a studiis (also his creation) seems t o

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Present

PUBLIC

J= E s 191-95. studies only the method of classing the knights and the beginning of their cursus, which depends on their social standing. 41. A. Bergener, [240], 64-95 (the Pisones); 143-58 (the Julii Silani); 119-43 (the crisis of 41); 167-81 (the conspiracy of 65). 42. Syme, [380], appendices C., I and J. Id., 'Pliny's less Successful Friends', Historia i960, 362-79. See also his review of Degrassi's Fasti consolari in JRS 1953, 148-61, esp. 154-7. Id., 'Antonine Relative', Athen. 1958, 306-15. H.G. Pflaum, 'Les gendres de Marc Aurèle', JS 1961, 28-41. Id., [207]. 43. F. Grosso, [205], 388-405; also c.5 passim (provincial governors); appendix E, pp. 678-87. 44. M. Jaczynowska, 'The Economic Differentiation of the Roman Nobility at the End of the Republic', Historia 1962, 486-99 (list of senatorial properties as an appendix). P. Merlat, [474]. V.l. Kusihchin, [468]. R. Duncan-Jones, 'The Finances of the Younger Pliny', Papers of the British School in Rome 1965, 177-88. 45. R. Duncan-Jones, [465]. 46. It has recently been declared that we cannot k n o w whence the e m perors of provincial origin got their fortunes (e.g. Trajan, Hadrian) : A. Piganiol, [537], 301. 47. J. Beaujeu, [353], 54~7548. Marsh's theories have been deservedly rejected by Allen and Balsdon, cf. Bergener, [240], 213. 49. Wirszubski, [250], 12sff. Bergener, [240], 203. Under Augustus the only genuine 'republicans' were presumably Cremutius Cordus and Antistius Labeo : ibid. 204. 50. Bergener, [240], 119-42. Grenzheuser, [242], 12-16. Timpe, [239], 77-93-

Notes

pages

166-8

51. Grenzheuser, [242], 82-4, with notes 46-52 on pp. 182-4; 2 5 ° - 3 52. Ibid., 1 8 - 9 ; 162. Pflaum, [268], 50-4. 53. Wirszubski, [250], 137fr. L. Biezunska-Malowist, [323] and Wirszubski's review in JRS, 1953, i66f. 54. Grenzheuser, [242], 106-28; 250. 55. Bergener, [240], 2o8f. 56. Syme's book on Tacitus [3 80] is basic. O n the views of eastern historians see M.K. Gasparov, 'Recent Foreign Literature on Tacitus and Suetonius' (in Russian), VDI1964, 1, 176-91. 57. An old but still valuable w o r k is that of A. von Premerstein, Das Attentat der Konsulare auf Hadrian im Jahre 118 n.Chr., Leipzig 1908, 88pp. ( = Klio Beiheft 8, repr. 1964). Pflaum, [207] rejects the wellk n o w n theory of Carcopino on the part played by the hereditary principle: see the latter's reply in REA 1965, 67-79. 58. Pflaum, [208], H4fF. 59. Philostratus' life of Apollonius of Tyana is being less despised n o w a days: F. Grosso, 'La "Vita di Apollonio di Tiana" come fonte storica', Acme 1954, 3 3 3 - 5 3 2 ; id., [205] I2if. Schtaerman, [337], 258-67. O n Dio see F. Millar, A study of Cassius Dio, O x f o r d , 1964. Cf. J. Morris, 'Senate and Emperor', in Studies presented to G. Thomson, Prague 1963, 149-61. 60. Cf. the books of O . Hirschfeld, A. Stein, [270], and Pflaum, [268] and [269]. 61. Pflaum, [268], 3-16. A.M. Duff, Freedmen in the Early Roman Empire, Cambridge 1928, 266pp., reprinted 1958. M o r e recently P.R.C. Weaver, [271]: freedmen procurators, whether in the palace or in the provinces, are more numerous in the second century, but most often under the orders of equestrian procurators, and they bear only the title proc., not proc. Aug. Cf. F. Millar, 'Some Evidence on the Meaning of Tacitus' Annals XII 60', Historia 1964, 180-7. 62. Pflaum, [268], 60-7. 63. Stein, [270], 107-94. See ibid. 126 on the question h o w far there was a lowering of standards by the influx of freedmen and orientals. 64. Ibid. 363-416. More recently M.G. Jarrett, [510]. O n knights of Spanish origin see H.G. Pflaum, 'La part prise par les chevaliers romains originaires d'Espagne à l'administration impériale', in [537], 87-121. 65. Pflaum, [268], 172, 174, 178, 185, 193. Some earlier works are De Laet, 'La composition de l'ordre équestre sous Auguste et Tibère', RB Phil. Hist. 1941, 509-31, and R. Lacey, The Equestrian Officials of Trajan and Hadrian, Princeton 1917. Pflaum (p. 258) shows that

pages

168-71

Notes

equestrian careers differ according to the origin of the office-holder ; that Romans, Italians, Spaniards and Gauls, up to the time of the Severi, had a brighter future than Africans or Asiatics, the latter being held back by their ignorance of Latin. 66. D e Laet, [288], 386, 398f. : examples of knights w h o held subsequently became conductores, and then became again. This alternation of official posts and mercantile is very troublesome (for the conductor was basically a ibid. 40if.).

procuratelae, procurators occupations tax-farmer,

67. Stein, [270]; 97; 4 2 1 ; 437f. C f . J . Gagé, [63], 119, n.6, in apparent contradiction. 68. M.I. Henderson, 'The Establishment of the Equester O r d o ' , JRS 1963, 6 1 - 7 2 . 69. Stain, [270], 9 6 - 1 0 6 ; 420-22. D e Laet, [288], 384ff. 70. D u r r y , [103], 1 3 9 - 4 3 . Pflaum, [268], 2 3 7 - 5 9 . 7 1 . Pflaum, [268], 1 6 5 - 7 0 ; 2 9 7 - 3 1 6 . F. della Corte [371], with Rambaud's review, REL 1958, 324-7. 72. Stein, [270], 439, considers that movable wealth got more and more into the hands of freedmen. 73. Pflaum, [268], 167. J . Gagé, [63], 114. 74. Stein, [270], 2 9 1 - 3 6 0 ; 4 2 2 - 3 . He thinks that in the second century there were very few senators whose fathers or grandfathers had not been knights. In his study of the ideology of the upper classes, Schtaerman [337] does not find room for the knights. But it would be interesting to k n o w whether their ideology (at least that of the upper echelons) was closer to that of the military class or that of the senators with their latifundia - the t w o being antithetical. 75. Stein, [270], 447. Pflaum, [268], 58-67. O n the part played by Hadrian, Alvaro d'Ors, 'L'oeuvre d'Hadrien et l'histoire du droit romain', [537], 1 4 7 - 6 1 . 76. 'Études sur la vie municipale en Asie Mineure sous les Antonins', REG 1895, 203ff., and 1901, 3 5 i f f . 77. Light has been thrown recently on some points of detail: M . Leglay, 'Taxation et autonomie municipale d'après une nouvelle inscription de Cuicul en Algérie', [95] 2 2 4 - 3 3 . W . Seston, 'Le décret de Digne et la fin de l'autonomie municipale en Occident', REA 1962, 3 1 4 - 2 5 (the decree of 187). 78. 79. 80. 81.

[63], 1 8 - 2 1 (bibliography); 153-90. G . Picard, [525], n 8 f . ; 122. P. Veyne, [201], I96ff. Duncan-Jones, [506], 1 6 7 - 7 1 .

Notes

pages

171-4

82. Even the entry of sons offreedmen into the curias was not so frequent as used to be believed, cf. E. Lepore, 'orientamenti per la storia sociale di Pompei', in [477], 157-66, cited by P. Veyne, [483], 210, n.i. 83. On Salona see G. Alfody, [635], 1 0 8 - 1 1 : Italian colonists and their descendants, veterans, sons of freedmen and rich romanized natives make up the ordo. 84. Picard, [525], 1 1 8 - 9 . 85. U . Laffi, [277]. P. Veyne, 'Contributio, Benevent, Capoue, Cirta', Latomus 1959, 568-92. 86. Nevertheless the history of munera in the early Empire, especially in the west, ought to be pursued determinedly, cf. De Laet, [288], 372 n.i. 87. Cf. the well-known works of Liebenam, Ortel and Abbott and Johnson, [242]. 88. L. Polverini, [279]. 89. At least in the west, although the laws of Salpensa and Malaca point to the existence of import taxes. Cf. also Dessau, ILS 6092 (Sabora, in Baetica). In the east, where the import tax is known through the 'fiscal code' of the City, we find other municipal taxes, on sales, market-rights, fisheries, etc.: De Laet, [288], 3 5 1 ; 361. 90. There is no thorough-going general work since Ortel, Die Liturgie, 1917. 91. B . Laum, Stiftungen in der antiken Welt, 1914. 92. Picard, [525], 118 and n.25 (p. 381). R. Duncan-Jones, [505] and [465]93. Id., [465], 305f. Cf. Dessau, ILS6957 (Barcino, inHisp. Tarraconensis). 94. [65] passim, esp. pp. 95. J . Gagé, [63], 1 6 4 - 5 . G. Picard, [525], 1 2 5 - 6 , notes that the summae honorariae are generally highest in the seaport towns. 96. R. Meiggs, [487], 1 9 5 - 2 1 1 : making money by trade is normal, and the decurionate begins to be accessible to rich freedmen during the second century. 97. De Laet, [288], 398-402, particularly associates them with the equestrian order, but those are the farmers of large customs-areas. Cf. Picard, [525], 1 2 5 : beginning with Hadrian, the class of local proprietors (hence essentially decurional) furnishes at once the conductors (farmers of imperial domains) and the procurators whose j o b it was to protect the tenant-farmers against them. Cf. above note 66. 98. E.g. P. Oliva, [664], 236f. E.M. Schtaerman, [337], 26-36. 99- [65], 1 5 1 - 6 ; 164-76.

pages 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106.

107. 108. 109. no.

in. 112.

113. 114.

115.

116. 117. 118. 119. 120.

174-7

Notes

[525], 153-67- [65], 180. Rostovtzeffis violently assailed by Oliva, [664], 42Î Schtaerman, [337], 28ff. Ibid., 2 3 2 - 4 ; 258-67. G. Picard, [525], 109-15. A.M. Duff, Freedmen in the Early Roman Empire, Cambridge 1928, 72-5. F. De Martino, [56], 700 (with bibliography). D e Martino, [56], 687f. J. Triantaphyllopoulos, 'lus Italicum personnel (Inschr. Didyma, 331)', Jura 1963, 109-38. Id., 'Persönliches lus Italicum', [95], 398-403. U . Schillinger-Häfele, 'Claudius und Tacitus über die Aufnahme von Galliern in den Senat', Historia 1965, 443-54. Freedmen (above, note 105), 12-88; 214-20. O n Africa see G. Picard, [525], 113. R. Böhm, 'Die Doppelbürgerschaft des A e g y p t e n Harpocras bei Plinius, Epistulae ad Traianum 5, 5, 7, 10', Aegyptus 1958, n - 2 7 . De Martino, [56], 694, n.15. Le droit latin, [281], 37-48. De Martino, [56], 709-713. N . Sherwin-White, [283], 190. Cf. E. Birley's review of N . Nesselhauf, CIL XVI: Diplomata militaria, Berlin 1936, in JRS 1938, 224-29. S. Mazzarino, [41], 233. H . Nesselhauf, [152]. O n other problems concerning veterans and their privileges, D e Martino, [56], 838-44. O n 'veterans without diploma' see S. Daris, [149], i8f. 'Le statut juridique des nouveaux citoyens romains et l'inscription de Rhosos', AC 1944, 11-35, a n d !945> 2 9~59- Id., [166], 108-18. D e Martino, [56], 692-4. W . Seston, M. Euzennat, [282], and E. Schönbauer, [284]. In general, De Martino, [56], 666-88. G. Alfody, 'Einheimische Stämme und civitates in Dalmatien', Klio 1963, 187-95, with bibliography. I.S. Svencickaia, [717]. E.S. Golubtsova, [707]. J. Guademet, 'La juridiction provinciale d'après la correspondance entre Pline et Trajan', Reu. Int. Dr. Ant. 1964, 335-54. J. Colin, 'Pline le Jeune et les cites grecques', Historia 1965, 455-9. M. Lemosse, Le régime des relations internationales dans le Haut-Empire romain, Paris 1967, pp. 154-75-

121. The works of E. Volterra, Diritto romano e diritti orientali, Bologna 1937, and of F. de Visscher, [147] are becoming a little out of date. More recently we have de Visscher's 'La constitution Antonine

Notes

122.

123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131.

132.

133.

134.

135. 136. 137.

138.

pages

177-80

(212 apr. J . - C . ) et la persistance des droits l o c a u x ' , in Cah. Hist. mond. !955» 7 8 8 - 8 1 1 , a n d the e x a m p l e lately studied b y E. Polay, ' D i e Z e i c h e n des W e c h s e l w i r k u n g e n zwischen d e m römischen Reichsrecht u n d d e m P e r e g r i n e n r e c h t i m U r k u n d e n m a t e r i a l der siebenbürgischen W a c h s t a f e l n ' , Zeitschr. Sau. Stift., röm. Abt., 1962, 57-65. L. H a r m a n d , [494], 3 4 8 - 5 3 . D e M a r t i n o , [56], 6 7 1 - 3 , o n the thesis a d v a n c e d b y L. Teutsch, ' G a b es " D o p p e l g e m i n d e n " i m römischen Afrika?', Rev. Int. Dr. Ant. 1961, 2 8 1 - 3 5 1 . M . Lemosse (see above, n o t e 120), 180-3. J. T r i a n t a p h y l l o p o u l o s , 'Persönliches lus Italicum'.Jwra 1963, 109-38. D e M a r t i n o , [56], 676-87. [281]. C f . M . Lemosse, op. cit. 676-87. Id., 'Volubilis, m u n i c i p e latin', R.H.D. 1952, 3 8 8 - 4 0 1 ; b u t see Picard's criticism in [525], 366, n.35. U s e f u l i n f o r m a t i o n o n the west in L. H a r m a n d , [494], 2 9 1 - 3 5 3 . [287]. D e M a r t i n o , [56], 6 7 3 - 5 . T h e first h o n o r a r y colonies appear u n d e r Claudius. H a r m a n d , [494], 2 9 1 - 3 1 6 . S h e r w i n - W h i t e , [283], 233fr. G. A l f ö l d y , ' N o t e s sur la relation entre le d r o i t de cité et la n o m e n c l a t u r e dans l ' e m p i r e r o m a i n ' , Latomus 1966, 3 7 - 5 7 . C f . J . M . Lasserre, ' U n Syrien et sa famille à El-Kantara', REA 1965, 3 5 3 - 6 7 . J. G a u d e m e t , [280]. C f . F. de Visscher, 'La c o n d i t i o n des pérégrins à R o m e j u s q u ' à la constitution a n t o n i n e de l'an 2 1 2 ' , Ree. Soc.J.-Bodin: I X , L'étranger, 1, Brussels 1958, 195-208. [63], 1 4 3 - 8 . C f . G . Picard, [525], 164-7. S. Szadeczky-Kardoss, [512] a n d [513]. H . H . Belova, [552]. D . T u d o r , [693]. R. M a c M u l l e n , [334]Mansuelli, [472], 1 7 5 - 8 2 : in Cisalpine Gaul, m i x e d (i.e. municipal a n d imperial) careers are n u m e r o u s , and the f o r m e r office-holders c o m p o s e d a municipal elite. In Africa, municipal senators w e r e p r o m o t e d b y being enrolled in the decuriae o f j u d g e s : H . G . P f l a u m , 'Les j u g e s des cinq décuries originaires de l ' A f r i q u e r o m a i n e ' , Antiq. afr. II 1968, 153-95See N . S h e r w i n - W h i t e , [283], 233fr. S. de Laet, 'Le rang social d u primipile', AC 1940, 1 3 - 2 3 . S. Mazzarino, [41], 235. G. Forni, [105], 1 4 5 - 5 1 (with table o f places w h e r e veterans settled). G.E.F. C h i l v e r , [462], 1 1 4 - 1 8 . J . K . K o l o sovskaia, [660]. J . C . M a n n , The Settlement of Veterans in the Roman Empire, U n i v e r s i t y

pages

180-81

Notes

of London thesis 1956 (seems not to have been published). 139140. 141. 142. 143.

De Laet, [288], 384-403F.G. Maier, [492]. P . R . C . Weaver, [271]. Cf. above, p. 267 and n.2. J . Gagé, [63], 138-43G. Boulvert, [266]: he studies successively the part played by these people in government and administration under the different emperors, in connexion with the evolution of a true administration, viz. that of the équités ; then, the individual circumstances of imperial slaves and freedmen, their bonds with the emperor, and finally their place in society. This most interesting work unhappily appeared too late to be used here. We have also to bear in mind the corrections necessitated by the exhaustive labour of H. Chantraine, [267].

144. A. von Premerstein, s.v. 'Augustales' in De Ruggiero's Diz. epigr. I, 1895, 824-77. D. Tudor, [675]- J- Gagé, [63], 1 7 1 ; 188, n.39. E. Demougeot, 'L'inscription de Lattes (Hérault)', REA 1966, 86-100. 145. J . Gagé, [63], 142 on the 'mercantile vocation' of freedmen compared with that of the Jews in Europe in recent centuries. Cf. P. Veyne, 'Vie de Trimalcion', Annales (E.S.C.), 1961, 2 1 3 - 4 7 . 146. The chapters in A . M . Duff (above, note 105) are superficial. Cf. G. Mansuelli, [472], 1 7 1 - 4 . 147- F.G. Maier, [492], 347-51. 148. E.M. Schtaerman, [338], and the same writer's 'Slaves and Freedmen in the Class-conflicts at the End of the Republic', VDI1962, 1, 24-45. Also [337], 1 0 7 - 3 5 . 149. J . Rougé, [321], 2 9 5 - 3 1 0 , has an interesting study on the importance of freedmen of oriental origins among people in sea-borne trade, especially in the western provinces. 150. A . M . Duff, Freedmen, 205-9. Tenney Frank, 'Race Mixture in the Roman Empire', American Historical Review 1916, 689, thinks that in Rome under the Empire 90 per cent of the inhabitants had slaves among their ancestors! But it is a mistake to suppose that every Greek cognomen points to servile origin, cf. F.G. Maier, [492], 3 4 1 - 4 . In any case, the statistics are inadequate, cf. Maier ibid. 344 against J . Vogt, 'Rassenmischung im röm. Reich', Vergangenheit und Gegenwart, 1936, and are furthermore deceptive: according to L. Ross Taylor, [345], epitaphs of freedmen are three times as numerous as those of ingenui, because they wanted to leave behind them the record of their social success. Cf. H. Chantraine, [267], 1 3 2 - 7 . 1 5 1 . M. Rostovtzeff, [65], 54; some economic regulation appears under the Flavians (iiof.), and from the middle of the second century we

Notes

pages

181-4

find a policy that is less liberal, but essentially f r o m the fiscal v i e w point. Where trade is concerned, Rougé, [321], 465-74, stresses this libertarian regime, despite state control of the annona and of corpora and collegia engaged in primary production. 152. 153. 154. 155. 156.

F . M . de Robertis, [320], 2 2 4 - 8 . A . Levi, [159], 3 0 1 . D e Laet, [288], 449f. Ibid. 3 6 3 - 4 2 4 . P . M . Duval, [306], P. Fustier, [307], and F. Ulrix, 'Recherches sur la méthode de traçage des routes romaines', Latomus 1963, 1 5 7 - 8 0 . C f . G. Barruol and P. Martel, 'La voie romaine de Cavaillon à Sistéron sous le Haut-Empire, étude topographique', Rev. Et. ligures 1962, 1 2 5 - 2 0 2 .

157. P. Salama, [529]. R . Chevallier and others, [305]. 158. A . Piganiol in REL 1949, 343, dealing with Cary's book [59]. 159. R . Bartoccini, Il porto romano di Leptis Magna [498]. A . Degrassi, [464]. R . Chevallier, ' A la recherche des ports antiques de Ravenne', RB Phil. Hist. 1963, 9 2 - 1 0 9 . J . Rougé, [321], 107-74. 160. The t w o basic works are F.-G. de Pachtere, La table hypothécaire de Veleia, Paris 1920, and P. Veyne, [483]. 1 6 1 . R . Chevallier, [500]. Id., 'Notes sur trois centuriations romaines: Bononia, Ammaedara, Vienna', Homm. Grenier, 'Latomus' series, Brussels 1962, 4 0 4 - 1 7 . C f . [304]. 162. A . Caillemer, R . Chevallier, [499]. A . Piganiol, [591]. S. Lambrino, 'Traces épigraphiques de centuriation romaine en Scythie mineure (Roumanie)', Homm. Grenier, 1962, 928-39. C . Saumagne, 'Les domanialités publiques et leur cadastration au premier siècle de l'Empire romain', J . Sav. 1965, 7 3 - 1 1 6 (land-survey of Orange). 163. P. Veyne, REL i960, 459. 164. E. Ardaillon, 'Metalla' in Daremberg and Saglio, Diet, des Antiquites [2]. R.J. Forbes, [61], VII, 1963. 165. C . D o m e r g u e is preparing a thesis on the Spanish mines. In the interim, see Van Norstrand, Roman Spain, in [62], III, i66ff. O n Asia, T . R . S . Broughton, ibid. IV, 6 9 3 - 5 . O n quarries w e still fall back on C . Dubois, Etude sur l'administration et l'exploitation des carrières, Paris 1909 - an old w o r k which ought to be brought up to date, cf. P . M . Duval, REA 1966, 370. 166. H. Mattingly, Roman Coins from the Earliest Times to the Fall of the Western Empire, ed. 2, London i960, i82ff., estimates that the devaluation of the denarius (by reduction of its silver content) and the reduced number of strikings between Nero and Caracalla were in-

pages

184-7

Notes

tended to slow down the depletion of reserves of precious metals. But there were probably other reasons, cf. above, p. 187 and 188, and note 187 below. 167. F. Grelle, [289]. It is generally believed (on the authority of Gaius, Institutes II 21) that tributum was the tax laid on senatorial provinces and stipendium that on imperial provinces; but the difference between lands of the populus and those of the princeps becomes attenuated. Cf. De Martino, [56], 775-97. 168. S.J. De Laet, 'Note sur l'organisation de la vigesima hereditatium', AC 1947, 29-36. 169. Id., [288], with Nesselhaufs review, Historia 1953, 1 1 1 - 5 . 170. A . H . M . Jones, 'The Aerarium and the Fiscus', JRS 1950, 2 2 - 9 (reprinted in [51]). F. Millar, [292]. 1 7 1 . A . Garzetti, [36], 6 1 1 . 172. Jones, op. cit. De Laet, [288], 364 and n.2. F. Millar, 'The Fiscus in the first T w o Centuries', JRS 1963, 28-42. 173. H. Nesselhauf, [293]. 174. De Laet, [288], 403-10. The reform had not been completed by Commodus' time, for we still find conductores in his reign. 175. [63], 1 1 3 . 176. R. Remondon, [45], 88; 299f. 177. A . Levi, [159], 3 0 1 ; 322: the burden of tribute left a very small margin for manoeuvre in the provinces. Yet Vespasian increased it, apparently without any great inconvenience, cf. U . Kahrstedt, [69], 84. 178. De Laet, [288], 447: some industries moved in order to avoid paying inter-provincial customs duties. 179. S. Mazzarino, [41], 152 considers that the fall of Nero was due to the revolt of provincials who were being crushed by the tributes levied by his procurators. 180. [297] (in a very condensed form). 181. C f . my Guide de I'Etudiant, 155. 182. J . Guey, [297], 60. Id., [298]. 183. T. Pekary, Historia i960. 38if. (Review of Bolin [294].) 184. J . Guey, [294], 55-63. W e may note that here again it is the eastern provinces that most urgently need study (ibid. 58-9). 185. Ibid., 65. Id., 'De " L ' o r des Daces" (1924) au livre de S. Bolin (1958)', in Mel. Carcopino, Paris 1966, 445-75: the advent of Dacian gold brought down the gold-price by 1 0 - 1 5 per cent. 186. [294]. 187. T. Pekary, Historia i960, 380-3. 188. This would be 'Bolin's Law', see Guey in the article cited, 66-7. But

Notes

pages

187-90

Pekary in the review cited (above, n. 180) is very sceptical. 189. [41], 62; 1 3 9 - 4 8 . 190. T o this theory ([41], Höf.) w e may oppose that of M . Rabossi, 'La coniazione di Nerone', Acme 1953, 479-87, w h o thinks that N e r o lightened the coins in order to line up the denarius with the lighter oriental drachma. In this w a y he w o u l d have killed t w o birds with one stone, encouraging trade by a unified currency and helping his o w n liquidity problems out of the profits. P. Oliva, ' Z u r Problem der Finanzkrise im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert u. Z . im römischen Reich', Altertum 1962, 39-46, thinks that the devaluation arose f r o m economic expansion and the need for increased monetary circulation, and at the same time from the transition from slave-farming to tenant-farming, since the payment of rents in money would need an increased supply of coin. His views are summarized in [664], 96; 1 1 3 . 1 9 1 . W . Krenkel, [330]. J . Szilagyi, [344]. 192. A . Levi, [159], 3 0 8 - 1 8 . Mazzarino, [41], 6 i f . ; çôff. Garzetti, [36], 586f. 193.. Ibid., 6 5 1 - 2 'Il problema 194. A . Passerini, Commodo', 195196. 197. 198. 199.

200. 201. 202. 203.

204.

(no real financial crisis under Domitian). G. Bitaghi, economico del regno di N e r v a ' , Par. Pass. 1 9 5 1 , 2 5 7 - 7 3 . 'Sulla pretesa rivoluzione dei prezzi durante il regno di Stud. Luzzato, Milan 1 9 4 9 - 5 0 , 1 - 1 7 .

T . Pekary, [299], 444-6. J . Guey, [298]. [320]. I. Calabi-Limentani, [75]. D e Robertis, [320], 7 6 - 9 . Ibid., 26. Schtaerman, [337], 1 1 8 - 2 0 . G. Picard (RA 1963, 2, 87) thinks that an archaeological study could be made on attitudes to w o r k among the Romans (in connexion with the monument of the baker Eurysaces). H.I. Marrou, Mousikos aner, Grenoble 1937. D e Robertis, [320], 26; 37-42. J . Gagé, [63], I42f. D e Robertis, [320], 1 0 1 - 1 6 . Ibid., 2 2 1 - 4 . H. Kalex, 'Ueber die Arbeitsbedingungen und den Gesundheitszustand der Arbeiter in der Antike', in Sozial-ökonomische Verhältnisse, ed. H. Diesner, Berlin 1 9 6 1 , 168-79. Lemosse's rapid survey (in. Lacour-Gayet's Histoire du commerce, Paris 1950, II, 129-68) touches little more than the legal problems of state regulation of commerce. O n the 'infrastructure', the ' c o m mercial classes' and 'economico-juridical problems' see n o w the thesis o f j . Rougé, [321], 1966.

pages

190-94

Notes

205. G. Picard, [525], 88-90. 206. At least as far as exchange is concerned. O n the organization of seaborne trade see Rougé, [321]. 207. Some obscure points have received attention recently : A . H . M . Jones, [318]. A. Jankowski, 'Remarks on the R o m a n Commercial Assistants and Agents in the T i m e of the Principate', Antiquitas 1, 1963, 167-84 (in Polish, with English resumé pp. i84f.). 208. M. Ponsich, Les lampes romaines en terre cuite de la Mauritanie Tingitane, Rabat 1961, 131pp. with 34 plates. F. Benoît, L'épave du GrandCongloue à Marseille, Paris 1961, 211pp., 106 fig. and 34 pl. 209. A recent study is A.P. Detsicas, The Anonymous Central Gaulish Potter Known as X-j and his Connections, 'Latomus' series, Brussels 1963, 73P210. C o m m o n pottery is still very poorly k n o w n , cf. J.-J. Hatt, [441]. 211. E. Sander, 'Der praefectus Fabrum und die Legionsfabriken', Bonn. Jahrb. 1962, 139-61. V. von Gonzenbach, 'Die Verbreitung der gestempelten Ziegel der im I. Jahrh. n. Chr. in Vindonissa liegenden römischen Truppen', Bonn. Jahrb. 1963, 76-150. 212. W e could benefit f r o m a special study of craftsmanship and industry as they developed in the latifundia and villae, i.e. outside the cities which were the normal setting for these activities. 213. Even for northern Italy we have still very little knowledge of these questions, says Mansuelli, [472], 136. 214. In addition to the works mentioned above, w e may mention E.M. Schtaerman, ' C o m m u n e s in the Western Provinces of the Roman empire' (in Russian), Klio i960, 207-24. T . Kotula, 'Economic and social relations in the African saltus' (in Polish), Eos 1954-55, 139-74215. N . Jasny, 'Wheat Prices and Milling Costs in Classical R o m e ' ( Wheat Studies of the Food Research Institute), California Food Researches Institute, 1944, X X 4, 138-70. 216. G.E. Fussell, A. Kenny, [308]. 217. J. Kolendo, La moissoneuse antique [309]. J. Birebent, [302], but this is a technical rather than a historical study. 218. [311]. 219. K.D. White, 'Wheat-farming in R o m a n Times', Antiquity 1963, 207-12. 220. M. Renard, [312]. 221. As concerns the light R o m a n plough (aratrum) and the wheeled plough (caruca), this problem is clearly explained by Collingwood and Myres, [601], 21 iff., cf. p. 219.

Notes

pages

195-8

C h a p t e r 3. T h e M a j o r E c o n o m i c D i v i s i o n s 1. Strabo, Pliny the Elder, Columella, Pliny the Y o u n g e r . Soviet authors have set themselves to determine which of them best represents the conditions of labour, and they find Pliny the Elder sometimes at variance with Columella. M . E . Sergeenko, ' O n the rural economy of ancient Italy', VDI 1953, 65-76 (Science soviétique, March 1954, Paris, le Centre F r a n c e - U . R . S . S . , 1 1 p p . ) . C f . E . M . Schtaerman, [337]. 542. R . Chevallier, [304]. Id., 'Archéologie aerienne en Italie', REL 1964, 6 1 9 - 2 1 . See also the labours of C o l . G. Schmiedt, e.g. Mélanges Piganiol, 1966, 1 5 5 - 7 0 . 3. [472], 1 3 6 - 8 . 4. E.g. the rather elderly works of J . Carrington, 'Villae rusticae', JRS 1 9 3 1 , 1 1 0 - 3 0 , and J . D a y , 'Agriculture in the Life o f Pompeii', Yale Classical Studies 1932, 1 6 5 - 2 0 8 . Technical details and references to ancient authors in R . Etienne, [466], 1 4 8 - 5 5 ; 1 9 4 - 2 0 2 . For recent researches see R . Doncéel, 'Nouvelles recherches archéologiques en Campanie 1 9 5 7 - 6 3 ' , AC 1964, 1 2 9 - 4 0 . 5. V . Sirago, [479], 6 5 - 7 7 ; 1496. Ibid. 9; 8 1 - 1 3 ; 90; 1 2 8 - 3 1 . Small individual properties, arising f r o m colonization, were still found in many regions. 7. V . L . Kuzishchin, ' T h e economy of the Italian latifundia in the first century b.c.', Vestnik Moskovskovo Universiteta 1958, 1 5 - 2 9 . 8. Sirago, [479], 3 7 - 5 1 . R . Duncan-Jones, 'The Finances of the Y o u n g e r Pliny', Papers of the British School in Rome 1965, 1 7 7 - 8 8 . R . Martin, 'Pline le Jeune et les problèmes économiques de son temps', REA 1967, 6 2 - 9 7 . 9. Sirago, [479], 1 3 4 - 4 2 . 10. Schtaerman, [437], 2 6 - 3 6 . 1 1 . R . Duncan-Jones, [465]. O n Asia Minor see Broughton's lists in Tenney Frank [62], IV 7 1 5 - 3 3 . 12. Duncan-Jones, [465], 2 i 8 f . ; 2 3 i f . 13. Ibid. 232. But the younger Pliny had found a better solution at C o m u m - viz. the fictitious sale of a property to the city, on which he would pay rent while keeping the running of it in his o w n hands, which seems to imply some mistrust on his part. 14. Duncan-Jones, [465], 22of. 15. A n d incidentally weakens the thesis of Schtaerman, [337], p. 276, w h o maintains that the rich gave generously through fear of social unrest. 16. Italia romana: Municipi e colonie, R o m e Instituto di Studi romani. 17. E. Magaldi, [470].

pages 19 8-2 oj

Notes

18. [467]. 19. One must not forget the poverty of many Italian soils, aggravated by difficulties of communication, cf. V.I. Kusishchin, [469]. 20. Kahrstedt, [467], 124. 2 1 . Properly speaking in the first half of the century, for viticulture was already in decline before 79, cf. V. Sirago, [479], 2 5 1 - 4 . 22. J . B . Ward-Perkins, 'Etruscan and Roman Roads in Southern Etruria', JRS 1957, 139-4323. G.E.F. Chilver, [462]. A . Degrassi, [463]. Cf. R. Chevallier, 'Problématique de la colonisation romaine. L'exemple de l'Emilie-Romagne', Studi archeologici Riminesi, Faenza 1964, p. 19-45. 24. G. Mansuelli, [472], 1 4 9 - 5 2 ; 20if. 25. A. Degrassi, [464]; id., 'Aquileia e l'Istria', Scritti vari, Rome 1962, 9 5 1 - 3 . S. Panciera, [475]. R. Chevallier, 'A la recherche des ports antiques de Ravenne', RB Phil. Hist. 1963, 92-109. 26. The colonization of Cisalpine Gaul was of exceptional importance : 'intensive colonial planting, well distributed and of deeply democratic spirit', says R. Chevallier reviewing Sirago in R. Philol. i960, 92. 27. Mansuelli, [472], 1 2 7 - 4 1 . 28. Ibid. 141—4; J27f. 29. Sirago, [479], 5 - 9 ; 5 1 - 5 ; 96-9. 30. Mansuelli, [472], 175-96. 3 1 . Sirago, [479], 2 5 1 - 4 , stresses the development of viticulture in Latium during the first century at the expense of Campania, because the Roman market was so near at hand. 32. R. Meiggs, [487]. 3 3. The facts are well known : see the classic works of Rostovtzeff[65] and Tenney Frank [62], Kahrstedt's rapid but penetrating survey in [69], 8 6 - 1 1 6 , and Sirago [479]. 34. This point is made by Sirago, [479], 254, but it is hard to turn it to account in any scientific way. 35. G. Lugli, [391]. H. Bloch, [384]. Blake's two studies ([414] and [415]) are concerned only with the first century. 36. Above, p. 197. 37. C f . F. Biancofiore, 'La viabilità antica nel tratto a sud-est di Bari et i suoi centri culturali', Arch. Stor. Pugliese (Bari) 1962, 205-40: the emperors were concerned only with the main roads. 38. R. Chevallier, R. Philol., i960, 86-93. V.I. Kuzishchin, VDI 1963, 3. 177-8339. V. Sirago, [479], 175-80, on the Euboicus of Dion of Prusa. 40. Ibid. 270-3. A special study on this topic would be useful. E. Thomas,

Notes

41.

42. 43. 44.

45. 46. 47. 48. 49.

50.

pages

203-7

[670], describes some important villae of Flavian date owned by Italians settled in Pannonia. Sirago, [479], 203-7, considers, with Salvioli but against Mommsen, that the importing of 'colonial' wheat was not a cause of Italy's decline, but arose from the inadequacy of Italian wheat-production. Id., [479], 267f. On over-production and this edict see Sirago, [479], 256-68. This is Mazzarino's opinion, [41], 182; 187. But Sirago, [479], 259fF., thinks that senators were the most affected, and that they asked Domitian to take this measure: senatorial propaganda, although hostile to Domitian, never makes this edict a reproach against him. Sirago, [479], 264f. D. Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor [710], I 580; II 1143. The most recent works are P. Veyne, [483], and R. Duncan-Jones, [482]. Cf. Sirago, [479], 275-303. Veyne, [483], 222. Duncan-Jones, [482], 127. Did these include many decurions? Veyne, [483], 206-19, thinks so, but the contary opinion expressed by Duncan-Jones, [482], 1 3 1 - 3 5 , seems the better. Duncan-Jones, [482], 1 3 5 - 7 . Sirago, [479], 287, also considers the loans as having been a very doubtful blessing to the landowners, but he does not go so far as to maintain that they were compulsory. Veyne, [483], 234-6, thinks much the same, but firmly holds that they were voluntary (p. 239) - a position which he maintains in his more recent study, 'Les alimenta de Trajan', [537], 1 6 3 - 7 9 (with a valuable discussion).

51. 52. 53. 54.

Sirago, [479], 288f. G.E.F. Chilver, [462], 227-30. Sirago, [479], 267-8; 3 0 1 - 3 . Veyne, [483], 235-8. See his Hellenica, and the Bulletin epigraphique of REG, by J . and L. Robert. 55. L. Polverini, [279], with Sherwin-White's review in JRS 1964, 204. A city's being in debt is not cogent proof of a crisis, and imperial control tended as much to prevent extravagance as to correct maladministration. See Sherwin-White's recent book, The Letters of Pliny. A Historical and Social Commentary, Oxford 1966, 816pp. 56. Apart from their religious significance, which is not to be underestimated, they have some sort of lay function, social and economic, which deserves to be better understood and defined. 57. Cf. L. Si J . Robert, [715], 5 4 1 - 6 (questions of method), and L. Zgusta, Kleinasiatische Personennamen, Prague 1964, 701pp. (rev. Brixhe in

pages

207-10

Notes

REG 1965, 610-9. 58. L. a n d j . Robert, [714]. Cf. A. Laumonier, [708], based on evidence largely of Roman date. The inland, less developed areas are even less known. 59. E.S. Golubtsova, [707]. 60. The Roman colonies in Pisidia seem to have been of less influence, the veterans having been speedily absorbed into the population. Cf. B. Levick, [709]. 61. [718]. Cf. Broughton in [62], IV, 690-2. 62. Cf. G. Tchalenko, Villages antiques de la Syrie du Nord. Le massif du Belus à l'époque romaine, 3 vols., Paris 1953-58; the writer uses an original method, taking as his starting point a technical study of the architectural remains. 63. Y . Yadin, [730]. Id., Masada. A Fortress of Herod and the Zealots' Last Stand, 1966. 64. A. Fuks, [727]. G. Livschitz, [728]. E.M. Smallwood, [729]. 65. The pioneer work is that of M. Hombert and C. Préaux, [737]. See also the labours of the IXth and Xth Congrès de papyrologie (published 1961 and 1964) and of the Institut de Papyrologie at the Sorbonne (under A. Bataille as director). 66. A. Tomsin, [96], 81-95. 67. C. Préaux, 'Papyrologie et sociologie', Ann. Univ. Saarbrück 1959, 5-20. J . Schwartz, 'Papyrologie et histoire culturelle', ibid. 81-6. Id., 'La Gaule romaine en Egypte', Homm. A. Grenier, 'Latomus' series 1962, 1397-1406. 68. I. Biezunska-Malowist, 'Les esclaves nés dans la maison du maître ( oiKoyeveiç) et le travail des esclaves en Egypte romaine', Stud. Clas. 1961, 142-62. 69. F. Coarelli, [752]. 70. J. Lindsay, Daily Life in Roman Egypt, London 1963 ; review by Rees in JRS 1964, 217. 71. T.B.S. Broughton in [62], 872-6 has shown the extent and variety of trade-relations in Asiatic cities, basing himself on the distribution of coin-finds, but there is still room for an overall survey. 72. A.I-LM. Jones, [318]. 73. [321], 85-93; 126-33. 74. Rougé, [321], 130, citing E. Gren, Kleinasien und der Ostbalkan in der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung der römischen Kaiserzeit, Uppsala 1941, 172pp. 75. M.I. Maximova, [711], 76. J . Schwartz, [742]. J.I. Miller, [779].

Notes

pages

210-14

77. G.A. Kotchelenko, [770]. 78. J . Schwartz, [742], 26ff.; 3 i f f . 79. J . Pirenne, [768], with the remarks of P. Leveque, REG 1962, 2 3 1 - 5 ; 1963, 428f. and 1966, 730-2. A recent study by A. Dihle comes down firmly on the side of the traditional date (middle or second half of the first century of our era). 80. J.I. Miller, [779], 2 1 6 - 4 1 . 81. J . Schwartz, [742], 38. 82. [525], with Veyne's review, REL i960, 457-60. 83. G. Picard, [525], 68-76; 371 f. (on Saumagne's interpretation). Cf. A. Piganiol, 'La politique agraire d'Hadrien', [537], 135-46. For a recent examination see J . Kolendo, [512]. 84. Interpretations differ according to the personal ideas of the interpreters. The well-known complaint of the colotti of the saltus Burunitanus (under Commodus) reveals to one scholar their pitiable plight, and to another the effectiveness of imperial protection. Should we really spend any more time on their lamentations or on the miracle (if it be one) of their being heard? 85. J . Birebent, [302], with Leglay's review in REL 1965, 666-8. 86. G. Picard, [525], i 6 i f . 87. E.M. Schtaerman, [337], 192. I. Golovachev, 'Rights of possession of African coloni from the first to the fourth century', VDI 1966, 3, 1 6 3 - 7 2 (in Russian). 88. I. Golovachev, [509]. 89. Id., art. cit. 146-52. 90. E. Frezouls, 'Les Baquates et la province romaine de Tingitane', Bull. Arch, maroc. 1957, 6 5 - 1 1 6 . 91. Outline in J . Desanges, [503], 9 - 2 3 . 92. R. Nierhaus, ' Z u m wirtschaftlichen Aufschwung der Baetica zur Zeit Trajans und Hadrians', in [537], 1 8 1 - 9 4 . 93. A. Piganiol, [537], 1 - 5 and 3 0 1 - 3 (introduction and conclusion of the colloquium). 94. U . Kahrstedt, [69], 1 1 9 - 2 0 . J . Rouge, [321], 307f. 95. A. Garcia y Bellido, [540] and [109]. 96. Cf. (for example) J . M . Blazquez, Estructura economica e social de Hispania durante la Anarquia militar y el bajo Imperio, Madrid 1964. 97. E.M. Schtaerman, [337], I45f. 98. [537]» 190-4. Alvaro d'Ors, [546], 306, concedes the difficulties of the new municipia in the Flavian period. Cf. Dessau, ILS 6092 (Sabora inscription). See also T.R.S. Broughton, 'Municipal Administration in Roman Spain', Cah. Hist. Mond. I X , 1963, 126-42.

¡/ages

214-216

Notes

99. For current work, see his Chronique gallo-romaine in REA, 1965. 100. [561], 272-6. 101. R. Étienne, [581]; P.-M. Duval, [579]; M. Labrousse, [586]; M . Clavel, [578]. The labours of Wuilleumier, Guey and Audin on Lyons have not yet reached the stage of an overall synthesis, but one is needed. 102. R. Agache, E. Vasselle, E. Will, 'Les villas gallo-romaines de la Somme : aperçu préliminaire', Revue du Nord, Oct.-Dec. 1965. For an interesting presentation see J.-P. Eydoux, Les terrassiers de l'histoire, Paris 1966, 1 9 - 5 0 ; 3i7f. R. Agache, 'Recherches aériennes sur l'habitat gallo-romain en Picardie', Mélanges A. Piganiol, 1966, 49-62. 103. G. Drioux, Les Lingons. Textes et inscriptions antiques, Paris 1934. A. Albenque, [568]. 104. Cf. the 'main-road villages' instanced by Kahrstedt, [69], 132, and (as early as 1934) Grenier in [560], II 2, 719-26. 105. Cf. R. Étienne, [581], 150: 'The whole area was worked by a labourforce which was occasionally servile, but in most cases free . . .' Very likely, but one would like a little more precision. 106. Above, page 163, notes 17 and 18. 107. E.g. E.M. Schtaerman, [337], 152-60. 108. [494], 358-60. Agache's aerial investigations may perhaps furnish more precise information on these 'Celtic fields' (see above, note 102). 109. P.-M. Duval, [558], 246. n o . Harmand, [494], 377. Étienne, [581], 92-108, with reference to the work of R. Dion, E. Thevenot and J . André. i n . For example : a Corpus (with commentary) of bas-reliefs representing trades, which are so numerous in Gaul; complete inventories of the collections in museums. I quote as a model the labours of L. Lerat, Catalogue des Collections archéologiques de Besançon, Lampes romaines, 1954; Fibules 1957; Sigillée de Luxeuil, i960. 1 1 2 . H. Vertet, 'Les vases caliciformes de Roanne et la chronologie des fabriques de terre sigillée de Lezoux au début du premier siecle', Gallia 1962, 351-80. 1 1 3 . J.-J. Hatt, Hist, de la Gaule [561], I20f. ; 369-76. The author makes use of monuments and dedications to emperors coming from middleclass and commercial circles, the first appearing under Augustus and more especially Tiberius. One could well undertake a systematic research in this area, which would enable us to grasp the formation of public opinion in Gaul. Cf. id., [442], I04f. 114. C . Vigouroux, 'Le saltus Arverne, complexe économique', Rev. Arch. Centre 1962, 2 1 1 - 2 0 .

Notes

pages

216-19

115. [526], 1 3 0 - 4 3 , w i t h t w o maps. 116. P . - M . D u v a l , ' C h r o n i q u e g a l l o - r o m a i n e ' in REA 1965, 446. 117. Especially w h e n c o m p a r e d w i t h the m u c h p o o r e r Spain, cf. [537], 5 5 - 1 2 1 , w i t h Africa, cf. Picard, [525], 1 2 3 - 4 5 , o r w i t h the east f r o m T r a j a n ' s reign o n w a r d s . 118. C f . K.F. Stroheker, Der senatorische Adel im spätantiken Gallien, T ü b i n g e n 1948. 119. J. R o u g é , [321], 2 4 9 - 5 4 , o n the navicularii o f the western M e d i t e r ranean. 120. G. Mansuelli, [472], 159. 1 2 1 . J. R o u g é , [321], 9 3 - 6 ; 1 4 1 - 3 122. G. Picard, [525], 83F. 123. A. T c h e r n i a , [550], w i t h b i b l i o g r a p h y and m a p s s h o w i n g the d i f f u sion in western E u r o p e o f p r o d u c t s m a r k e d ' M I M ' . F. B e n o î t , ' N o u v e l l e s épaves de P r o v e n c e ' , Gallia 1962, 147-76. 124. M . Ponsich, Les lampes romaines en terre cuite de la Mauritanie Tingitane, Rabat 1961, 131pp. J. D e m e a u v e , Lampes de Carthage, Paris 1969, 240pp. M . Ponsich a n d M . Tarradell, [319]. 125. L. H a r m a n d , [494], 4 2 1 - 6 . H o w e v e r , m a r b l e f r o m the Pyrenees m u s t h a v e arrived at Lillebonne (Seine-Maritime) b y sea. A special study of A m o r i c a m i g h t enable us to solve this p r o b l e m . 126. W o r k s of E. T h e v e n o t and B. H e u k e m e s , cited b y R. N i e r h a u s in [537]. 182, n.3. A. B r ü h l , ' L y o n , V i e n n e et l'Espagne d'après les inscriptions', REA 1962, 54-8. 127. G . Picard, [525], 78. J.-J. H a t t , ' I m p o r t a t i o n s gallo-romaines à Cherchell', Libyca i960 (1965), 1 1 3 - 2 4 : the Gaulish sigillata is a b u n d a n t u n d e r the Flavians, b u t in the second century tends to be supplanted b y Iverian sigillata. R. T h o u v e n o t , ' R a p p o r t s c o m m e r c i a u x entre la Gaule et la M a u r é t a n i e T i n g i t a n e ' , Actes LXXXIV' Congr. Soc. Sav., 1961, 1 8 5 - 9 . Id., 'Le g e o g r a p h e P t o l e m é e et la j o n c t i o n terrestre des d e u x Maurétanies', REA 1962, 82-8. Id., 'La g é o g r a p h i e de P t o l e m é e ' , Homm. Grenier, ' L a t o m u s ' series, 1962, 1 5 0 1 - 6 . T h a t there was n o land c o m m u n i c a t i o n is maintained b y J. M a r i o n , Bull. Arch. Maroc., i960, 442-7. W e m a y n o t e that in consequence the Mauretanias w e r e attracted t o w a r d s Spain a n d Gaul, while African Proconsularis sold its o r a n g e - c o l o u r e d p o t t e r y to Italy, cf. G. Picard, [525], 7 8 - 9 . 128. P. Salway, The Frontier People of Roman Britain, C a m b r i d g e 1965, 286pp. 129. R. C o l l i n g w o o d and J. Myres, [601]. 130. Ibid. 209-14. L. H a r m a n d , [494], 357-64.

pages 220—22

Notes

1 3 1 . Collingwood and Myres, [601], 2 1 2 ; 2 2 1 - 6 . Schtaerman, [337], i8of. 132. Sylvia J . Hallam, 'Villages in Roman Britain. Some Evidence', Antiq. Journal (Society of Antiqu. London), 1964, 1 9 - 3 2 . 133. L. Harmand, [494], 296-8. 134- A. Piganiol, [44], 352. 135. H. von Petrikowitz, Das römische Rheinland [566]. 136. Mass production in the second century leads to loss of artistic quality, but to wider diffusion: W . Schleiermacher, 'Römische Archäologie am Rhein 1940 bis 1950', Historia 1953, 102. 137. J.P. Wild, Textile Manufacture in the Northern Roman Provinces, London 1970, 240pp. 138. A. Grenier, [560], II 2 (1934), 782-883 (villae); 899-905 (landsurveys). 139. E.M. Schtaerman, [337], 178. 140. A. Piganiol, 'Les Gaulois au Wurtemberg', Bull. G.-Bude 1946, Dec., 3 1 - 4 5 . 1 4 1 . Tacitus, Germania 29. S. Szadecsky-Kardoss, [565], thinks that the settlement of these Gauls on the right bank of the Rhine came after the repression of the unrest in 69-70, which particularly affected the Treviri and Lingones. 142. Schtaerman, [337], 1 6 2 - 7 2 ; 2 1 8 - 2 0 . 143. Typical studies are: E. Swoboda, [668]; A. Mocsy, [661]; G. Alfody, [635]; P. Oliva, [664]. Mocsy's long article on Pannonia in Pauly follows the tradition of the Real-Encyclopädie in being mainly a very copious collection ofrealia. 144. P. Oliva, [664], 236-42. 145. On imperial freedmen and Augustales see G. Alfoldy, [651]. 146. Veterans at first were installed close to towns, but later were established in open country and received lands either taken from the tribes or deducted from imperial domains, according to I.K. Kolosovskaia, [660], 9 7 - 1 0 1 , 1 1 0 - 1 2 . 147. G. Alfoldy, [635], 1 0 8 - 1 3 (Salona); 166-89 (in general). 148. Slavery was never very important overall in Pannonia; it was introduced first in the south-western zone, which was more romanized and civilian, and only appears at a late date in the Danube towns (e.g. Aquincum), cf. P. Oliva, [664], 248-58. 149. The basic work is that of E. Thomas, [670], which studies 153 villas all told, and places their most flourishing period in the third century. 150. Schtaerman, [337], 2 1 4 - 2 0 . 1 5 1 . Many villas (including some of the largest) belonged to local principes,

Notes

152. 153. 154.

15$. 156. 157. 158. 159. 160. 161. 162. 163. 164. 165. 166. 167.

pages

222-6

cf. Thomas [670], 177-92 (villa at Parndorf). The writer distinguishes three classes of villae: those belonging to veterans (only a few) ; those owned by rich Italian immigrants who had come in the first century ; lastly those of local notables. Schtaerman, [337], 2 2 1 - 2 3 . Ibid., 230, using a study by T . D . Slatkowskaia, 'Moesia in the First and Second Centuries of Our Era', Moscow 1 9 5 1 . A . Ladomirski, [689]. D. Protase, [623]. I.T. Klouglikova, Dacia in the Time of the Roman Occupation, Moscow 1955, 166pp. (rev. Kolosovskaia, VDI1957, 176-82). E. Swoboda in Gnomon 1959, 442-8 (on Parvan); 1962, 387-93 (on Mocsy). G. Alfoldy, [635], reviewed by Petit in AC 1965, 662f. L. Harmand, [494], 42if. E. Gose, 'Gefässtypen der römischen Keramik im Rheinland', Bonn. Jahrb., Beih. 1, 1950, 48pp. ; cf. Gillam's review i n J R S 1954, 1954-5. L. Harmand, [494], 4 1 8 - 2 5 . S. Panciera, [475]. R. Egger, [641]. [754]. Cf. Wheeler, [748], c.3 and c.5. The channels of penetration are now fairly well known. Wheeler, [748], 22f. on the problem of localizing the Hermonduri. K. Majewski, [760], 357. Wheeler, [748]. K. Majewski, [760], 360. A. Alfoldi, [143], 1 - 1 6 . On Hellenic and oriental influence (direct, not via Rome) on art in north-eastern Gaul in the early second century, see above, p. 243. H. Nesselhauf, Historia 1953, 1 1 3 , with reference to S.J. de Laet [288]. On this point we may note the part played by the Campi Decumates which facilitated direct relations between Upper Germany and the Danube area: the old road through Augst and Vindonissa was joined by two new roads through the Campi Decumates, one from Mainz by the Neckar, the other from Strasburg by the Kinzig.

168. P. Oliva, [664], 192-222. K.S. Poczy, 'Die Rolle von kölner Kaufleuten in der Entwickelung der Zivilstadt Aquincum', Acta arch. Acad. Sc. Hung. 1961, 97-102. 169. R . M . Pernicka, 'Finds of Roman Pottery on Moravian Soil' (in Czech, with French resumé), Proceedings of the Faculty of Philosophy at Brno 1963, 5 1 - 7 . Cf. O. Pelikan, [763]. 170. G. Alfoldy, [635], 187-9. P. Oliva, [664], 339f. (with bibliography). L. Barkoczi, [655]. Cf. E. Thomas, [670], 400. 1 7 1 . V . V . Kropotkin, [758], with Guey's comments (given under the

pages

226-30

Notes

same n u m b e r ) , 2 0 5 ; 2 i o f . K . M a j e w s k i , [759]. E. C o n d u r a c h i in [94], 3 2 6 - 9 (with b i b l i o g r a p h y ) . 1 7 2 . P . O l i v a , [664], 3 3 6 - 9 . 1 7 3 . R . R e m o n d o n , [45], 97. C h a p t e r 4. S o c i e t y a n d C i v i l i z a t i o n 1 . J . B e a u j e u , [353]. 2. [ 1 0 3 ] , 3 0 7 - 5 8 . 3- [ 7 1 ] , 1 9 9 - 2 1 0 . 4. E . M . Schtaerman, [337], 2 3 2 - 4 2 . T h e w r i t e r bases himself on the researches o f J . T o u t a i n , Les Cultes paiens dans l'Empire

romain, 1 9 0 7 ,

but rejects the earlier author's explanations (p. 238). 5. F. B o r n e r , [354]. C f . J . V o g t , [347]. 6- [337]. 65 (Lares); 1 2 6 (collegia); 1 2 9 - 3 1 (Hercules and the eastern religions); 1 5 2 - 4 (religion in Gaul). O n Silvanus see the same author, [338], 2 6 9 - 7 4 . 7- [559], 1 0 7 - 1 3 8. REA

1966, 3 3 - 6 0 , in c o n n e x i o n w i t h F. M a t z , [359].

9. P . Merlat, Répertoire Jupiter

Dolichenus,

des inscriptions et monuments figurés du culte de

Paris 1 9 5 1 , 440pp. Id., Jupiter

Dolichenus,

essai

d'interpretation et de synthèse, Paris i960, 2 3 1 p p . M . J . Vermaseren, [365]. M . L e g l a y , [ 5 1 7 ] and [518]. 10. M . J . V e r m a s e r e n , [74]: the latest to appear are: W . Blavatski, G . K o t c h e l e n k o , Le culte de Mithra Noire,

sur la côte septentrionale

36pp. ; L . Z o t o v i c , Les cultes orientaux

Mésie supérieure,

de la mer

sur le territoire de la

1966, 1 0 5 p p . M . J . V e r m a s e r e n , The Legend oj Attis

in Greek and Roman Art, 1966, 59pp. w i t h 97 ill., 40 pl. A . Garcia y B e l l i d o , Les religions orientales dans l'Espagne

romaine,

20 pl. L . A . C a m p b e l l , Mithraic Iconography and Ideology, R . D u t h o y , The

Taurobolium,

1 2 9 p p . D- T u d o r , Corpus

its Evolution

monumentorum

1967, 166pp., 1968, 444pp.

and Terminology,

religionis

equitum

1968, Danuvi-

norum, 1969, 1 1 2 p p . 1 1 . [480], 3 9 - 6 1 . 1 2 . [352]. ' T a u r o b o l i c inscriptions' b e c o m e m o r e frequent f r o m the time o f Antoninus, w h o f a v o u r e d the cult. 1 3 . J . G a g é , [ 1 9 2 ] : the E g y p t i a n priesthood, the Stoics, even J e w i s h proselytes f o u n d a c o m m o n b o n d in their hatred o f the Flavians. 14. J . Hani, [357]. 1 5 . J . B a y e t , [ 7 1 ] , 207f. 16. A . L a u m o n i e r , [708]. 1 7 . P . - M . D u v a l , [559], 1 3 3 , in c o n n e x i o n w i t h the w o r k o f j . de Vries.

Notes

pages

2jo-j2

18. In dealing with Mocsy's book [661], Swoboda points to the importance of the local cults of Pannonia (Silvanus, Sirona, the Genii, certain Matres and one Cernunnos. There was not time for them to be assimilated before the waning of romanization, and the late second century saw an 'Illyro-Celtic renaissance', cf. Gnomon 1962, 387-9319. [662], col. 740-8. 20. J . M . Blazquez, [535]. S. Lambrino, [537], 2 2 3 - 4 2 (on native cults in Spain). 2 1 . • J . de Vries, La religion des Celtes, Paris 1962, 279pp. 22. E. Thévenot, Sur les traces des Mars celtiques (entre Loire et MontBlanc), Bruges 1955, 172pp. Id., 'L'interpretation gauloise des divinités romaines: Mars, gardien des calendriers celtiques', Homm. Grenier, Brussels 1962, 1476-90. P. Lambrechts, Contribution à l'étude des divinités celtiques, Bruges 1942, 200pp. On the Gaulish calendar see P.-M. Duval, 'Les Gaulois et le calendrier', Mélanges Carcopino, Paris 1966, 2 9 5 - 3 1 1 . 23. Hatt, [562], 8of. C . B . Pascal, [476]. 24. J.-J. Hatt, [562], 106. 25. From this time (about A.D. 69) onwards the Capitoline Triad becomes fused with the romanized Celtic Triad, ibid. 1 1 4 . Id., 'Interpretation nouvelle du monument de Mavilly', Melanges Carcopino, Paris 1966, 491-506. 26. A Jupiter Taranucnus, first attested in the Severan age, hints at a rebirth of the old god Taranis (ibid. 117). 27. M. Lutz, 'Considérations sur la civilisation dite des "sommets vosgiens" à la lumiere de découvertes récentes', Ann. Soc. hist archaeol. Moselle 1965, 25-39. 28. In Schtaerman's opinion, [338], 274ÎF., local cults give us some insight into the thoughts and feelings of the masses. 29. Cultes indigènes, [537]. 30. P. Lambrechts, [563]. Cf. D. van Berchem in REL 1949, 355, discussing F. Stahelin, Die Schweiz [649] on resistance to romanization. 3 1 . P. Lambrechts, [563], 8f., with bibliography. 32. Mosaic has been very fortunate in this respect, cf. below. On sculpture in Gaul we may cite the Recueil général of E. Esperandieu and R. Lander, 1907-55, and the catalogues of Braemer and Hatt, [575] and [445]33. F. Chamoux, REG 1964, 577: 'Rather than a crop of would-be syntheses on this or that school or artist, what we need is catalogues, collections of documents well arranged, monographs on one class of

pages

34.

35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40.

232-5

Notes

monuments, one theme, or one site. As for theorizing on the evolution of style, that is a luxury which w e can do without at the moment. . .' The problem of primitivism is one of the most tricky, cf. E. Will, 'La Syrie romaine entre l'Occident gréco-romain et l'Orient parthe', in [94], 516, 523. J.-J. Hatt, [442], 77. Id., [443]. Works by M . Lugli [391] and H. Bloch, 'I bolli laterizi e la storia edilizia romani', Boll. Commiss. arch. 1936, 1937, 1938. G. Picard, 'Bull, arch.', REL i960, [331] 1962, [252]. Id., [395], 100-2. J.-J. Hatt, [442], 79-80. Cf. G. Ville, [424], 1 4 7 - 5 2 (on the gladiatormosaic from Zliten). G. Picard, 'Bull, arch.' in REL 1959, 256. Id., [453], 4i2f. The Mausoleum of thejulii at Glanum, cf. G. Picard, 'Bull. Arch.' in REL 1962, 254f. : the theme, inspired by a fourth-century battlepainting, was first translated into sculptural terms, thinks Picard, by a north Italian studio. On the reliefs of the Boscoreale cups see J . Charbonneaux, L'art au siècle d'Auguste [438], 79-83, and Picard's 'Bulletin Archeol.' in REL 1961, 282 and 1962, 334.

41. C. Robert, Die antiken Sarkophagreliefs (1890 etc.) is rather antiquated ; F. Matz is preparing a collection, and R. Turcan has made an important contribution [418]. Cf. G. Picard, 'Les sarcophages romains' in REL 1966, 407-24. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52.

F. Chamoux, [437]. Cf. L. Homo, [38], 629f. Cf. the plan of Picard's book [85] : public art, art and the individual. We may suppose him influenced by Roman and military techniques, cf. Picard, [395], 20. I. Calabi-Limentani, [75]. G. Picard, [182], 185; i9of. Id., REL i960, 325; 1961, 277; 283. See above, p. 237. On art in the great centres and art in the local workshops see E. Will, 'La Syrie romaine' in [94], 5 1 4 - 6 . G. Picard, [85], 5 : 'The study of Roman art ought to be the study of one aspect of Roman social psychology.' Id., REL 1964, 613, in connexion with R. Brilliant, [401]. This branch of research has been initiated by G. Mansuelli, 'Monuments commémoratifs romains de la vallée du Po', Mon. Mem. Fond. E. Piot 1963; it should be very fruitful for the large number of rel efs

Notes

pages

235-9

representing trades carried o n in Gaul. 53. R. Bianchi-Bandinelli, 'Naissance et dissociation de la koinè hellénisti c o - r o m a i n e ' , in [94], 444-6. 54. Ibid. 4 4 8 - 5 1 . 55. G. Picard in REL 1963, 379. 56. Id., REL 1959, 2 5 4 - 8 ; i960, 325; 1962, 2 5 1 - 6 . C f . id. [395], 98-102. 57. Id., [395], 173f. R. Arr\y and others, [569]. 58. G. Picard, [395], 9 9 - 1 0 1 . 59. H . Kahler, [407] inclines t o w a r d s a date after Augustus' death, but most of the specialists are against h i m , e.g. E. S i m o n , J . M . C . T o y n b e e , G. Picard in REL i960, 326; 1961, 276. 60. [419], 44-58, o p p o s e d b y (inter alios) G. Picard in REL i960, 336. 61. J . M . C . T o y n b e e , The Ara Pads reconsidered and Historical Art in Roman Italy, L o n d o n 1953, 26pp., 27 plates. 62. E. S t r o n g , review o f Kraus [408], JRS 1954, I4if. G. Picard in REL i960, 3 2 8 - 3 4 . Id., [85], 1 8 - 2 4 . Id., [395]. 102f. 63. R. Bianchi-Bandinelli, 'Naissance et dissociation', in [94], 451. G. Picard, [182], ii2f. 64. G. Picard, [182], 8 1 - 9 3 . 65. Id., [182], 84. 66. [94], 443-63 (passim.). Cf. G. Picard, [454]. 67. G. Picard, [182], 162-98. 68. Ibid., 193. 69. Analyses o f literature and painting (notably the f a m o u s ' T r o j a n horse'), Picard, [182], 1 8 6 - 9 ; 194-8. C o n n e x i o n s b e t w e e n the themes o f i c o n o g r a p h y and those of literature have been the object of a study b y K. Schefold, a n d J . - M . Croisille is preparing a thesis on the same theme. 70. 71. 72. 73.

Picard, [182], 186-98. O n P o m p e i a n painting, id., REL 1963, 378-90. [382]. Picard, [182], 1 7 2 - 7 . Ibid., 177-80.

74- [395], 97-112. 75. Ibid., 1 0 3 - 1 2 . 76. T h e i r interpretation has given rise to m u c h discussion, cf. Picard in REL 1964, 5 2 2 - 4 . 77. H . Kahler, [83], 97-111. Picard in REL 1964, 5 1 5 - 2 2 , w i t h a discussion of the w o r k o f B. T a m m , Auditorium and Palatium, S t o c k h o l m 1963, 229pp. 78. [368], 79. Picard, [395]. m - Kahler, [83], I37f.

pages

239-43

Notes

80. Picard, [395], 107. 81. Ibid., 138-40. The fundamental work on the villa Hadriana is that of H. Kahler, Hadrian und seine Villa bei Tivoli, Berlin 1950, 186pp. 82. Picard, [395], 149. 83. Id., [85], si84. G. Becatti, [399]. See Picard's review in Gnomon 1962, 290-5. The essential problem is that of the change of style of the years 1 7 5 - 8 0 : Pallottino attributes it to the personal influence of the emperor, whose spiritual travail is revealed in the Meditations ; popular Italian influences are invoked by Becatti and Caprino, economic and social causes by Bianchi-Bandinelli, while Picard describes the renewal of Pergamenian influence in a baroque direction, combined with the primitiveism of frontier art. 85. E. Will, [458], but cf. Bianchi-Bandinelli, [94], 453-8. 86. Cf. Condurachi in [94], 3 1 7 - 3 2 ; ibid. 391-439 on Graeco-Scythian art. 87. 'La Syrie romaine' in [94], 5 1 1 - 2 6 . 88. Ibid., 5 1 3 - 7 . 89. Picard in [94], 237-44. 90. On African baroque in art and literature see Picard, [525], 2 9 1 - 3 5 3 . 91. [539]. 'Las mas bellas estelas geométricas hispano-romanas de tradición céltica', Homm. Grenier, 'Latomus' series, 1962, 729-43. 92. [457]. Id., Art in Roman Britain, London 1962, 220pp., 261 illus. : the author strives to dissect the influences (Roman, Celtic, GalloRoman) and to determine in what respects there is an original native art. Cf. M.J.T. Lewis, [605], 1 - 5 5 a study of the 'Romano-Celtic' temples of Britain. 93. [447]. Id., 'Monuments commemoratifs romains de la vallée du Po', Mon. et Mem. Fondât. E. Piot, 1963, 1 9 - 9 3 . 94. Id., [447]. 95. T. N a g y , 'Quelques aspects de la romanisation dans la Pannonie orientale' in [94], 3 7 5 - 8 1 . The Flavian period sees the building of those splendid villae around Lake Balaton which have been studied by E. Thomas, [670]. 96. [439] 97. [442]. Id., 'Les grands courants artistiques dans l'évolution de la sculpture romaine provinciale de Gaule' in [94], 547-51. 98. Id., [441]. 99. R. MacMullen, 'The Celtic Renaissance', Historia 1965, 93-104. 100. [424]. 101. On methodological problems cf. E. Will's review of K . Parlasca,

Notes

pages

243-8

[627], in Gnomon 1961, 408-12. 102. For analysis and bibliography see G. Picard in REL 1965, 508-22. 103. On the part played by the African Dionysiac brotherhoods, id., 518-20. 104. Ibid., 521f.

Conclusion: The Concept of Crisis S. Mazzarino, [41]. H.G. Pflaum, [208]. P. Oliva, [664]. Thus Mazzarino, [41], 279-80, studies his reign as part of the Severan period. Cf. Grosso, [205], Ö53f. Schtaerman, [337], 299-300, thinks on the other hand that he defended traditional positions (the old town-dwelling, slave-owning order) but with revolutionary means, which broke the senatorial class and threatened the great landowners. For all Gross's elaborate study, the reign of Commodus is by no means perfectly understood. 5. Rome et son Empire, 349-53. Cf. Kahrstedt, [69], 255f. 6. P.-M. Duval, 'L'apport technique de Rome' in [76], 2 1 8 - 1 5 4 . Rougé, [321], 173, concludes his study of the infra-structure of sea-borne commerce by speaking of ' A period of continued progress in the realm of maritime commerce'. 1. 2. 3. 4.

7. Picard, [525], 98f., with the remarks of P. Veyne, REL i960, 458f. 8- [337]9. Cf. N . Belova, 'Urban organization in Roman Gaul in the first two centuries', Mem. Univ. Ural, i960, 3 5 - 8 ( = B C O 1964, i8f.): towns develop especially in those areas where conditions are favourable for the introduction of slavery. F. Kiechle, [329]. 10. F. Vittinghof, 'Die Theorie des historischen Materialismus über der antiken Sklavenhalterstaat der alten Geschichte bei den Klassikern des Marxismus und in der modernen sowjetischen Forschung', Saeculum i960, 8 9 - 1 3 1 . Id., 'Die Sklavenfrage in der Forschung der Sowjetunion', Gymnasium 1962, 279-86. 1 1 . Schtaerman's book, translated in 1964, does not seem to have found a wide audience in the west. J . Gagé cites it in his bibliography, [57], but he does not seem to have made use of it. 12. E. Thomas, [670]. G. Mansuelli, [310] considers that the villa in Gaul is the antithesis of the city. 13. F. Vittinghof, 'Die Theorie . . .' (see above, note 10), 1 1 9 - 2 3 . Since the death of Stalin in 1953, 'schematism' and 'dogmatism' have been severely criticized in the U S S R , cf. A. Deman, Latomus 1966, 99if.,

pages

248-50

Notes

and the importance of free scholarly work is now recognized. 14. The fear of revolts, according to the writer, inspires at one time humanitarian measures, at another the most extreme severity, op. cit. 48-74. 15. For a balanced picture see Picard, [525], 1 5 0 - 2 . 16. For a presentation of the problems and an analysis of modern researches see J . Vogt, [347], notably p. 9 7 - 1 1 1 . 17. G. Cardascia, 'L'apparition dans le droit des classes d'honestiores et d'humiliores', RHD 1950, 3 0 5 - 3 7 ; 4 6 1 - 8 5 . 18. But slavery has often been accused of the same stagnation, which shows that it is not a question of personal status, but of the standard of life. 19. Schtaerman, [337], 120. 20. Ibid., 56-60 (Seneca and Pliny the Younger) ; 232f. (Apuleius) ; 258-66 (Philostratus); 267f. (Dio Cassius). 2 1 . Ibid., 1 1 2 - 3 1 ; 238-46. 22. Ibid., 294. P. Oliva, Pannonia [599], 1 1 3 - 1 8 . D . Tudor, [693]. But see Picard, [525], 1 6 4 - 6 ; 385^ (critique of a Soviet historian). Gagé, [63], 1 4 3 - 8 . R. MacMullen, [334]. Important discussion by L. FlamZuckermann, ' A propos d'une inscription de Suisse ( C I L XIII, 5010); for a study of the phenomenon of brigandage in the Roman Empire, see Latomus 1970, 4 5 1 - 7 3 .

Index

Achaea, 37, 50 A c t i u m , 46

Adam-Klissi (Tropaeum Traiani), 240 adlectio, 50, 52, 68, 71

administration, imperial, 54-9

adtributio, 70, 172

aediles, 55, 97 Aelia Capitolina, 43

Aelius Aristides, 88, 1 1 7 , 207 Aelius Gallus, 4 1

aerarium Saturni, 50, 61,

185 Aesculapius, 1 1 7 A f r i c a , 24, 29, 78, 8 1 , 83, 88, 97, 99, 1 7 1 , 2 1 2 - 1 3 , 2 1 7 , 243, 246, 250 Africa Proconsularis,

2 9 - 3 1 , 50, 98, 2 1 2 , 2 1 8 Africans, 1 6 5 - 8 Agache, R., 2 1 5 , 2 1 6

n.ioS ager publicus, 84 agonothetes, 72 agoranomos, 72, 97

Agricola, 27, 32, 220 agriculture, 1 9 2 - 4 , 2 1 6 , 219

pages

248-50

Notes

and the importance of free scholarly work is now recognized. 14. The fear of revolts, according to the writer, inspires at one time humanitarian measures, at another the most extreme severity, op. cit. 48-74. 15. For a balanced picture see Picard, [525], 1 5 0 - 2 . 16. For a presentation of the problems and an analysis of modern researches see J . Vogt, [347], notably p. 9 7 - 1 1 1 . 17. G. Cardascia, 'L'apparition dans le droit des classes d'honestiores et d'humiliores', RHD 1950, 3 0 5 - 3 7 ; 4 6 1 - 8 5 . 18. But slavery has often been accused of the same stagnation, which shows that it is not a question of personal status, but of the standard of life. 19. Schtaerman, [337], 120. 20. Ibid., 56-60 (Seneca and Pliny the Younger) ; 232f. (Apuleius) ; 258-66 (Philostratus); 267f. (Dio Cassius). 2 1 . Ibid., 1 1 2 - 3 1 ; 238-46. 22. Ibid., 294. P. Oliva, Pannonia [599], 1 1 3 - 1 8 . D . Tudor, [693]. But see Picard, [525], 1 6 4 - 6 ; 385^ (critique of a Soviet historian). Gagé, [63], 1 4 3 - 8 . R. MacMullen, [334]. Important discussion by L. FlamZuckermann, ' A propos d'une inscription de Suisse ( C I L XIII, 5010); for a study of the phenomenon of brigandage in the Roman Empire, see Latomus 1970, 4 5 1 - 7 3 .

Index

Achaea, 37, 50 A c t i u m , 46

Adam-Klissi (Tropaeum Traiani), 240 adlectio, 50, 52, 68, 71

administration, imperial, 54-9

adtributio, 70, 172

aediles, 55, 97 Aelia Capitolina, 43

Aelius Aristides, 88, 1 1 7 , 207 Aelius Gallus, 4 1

aerarium Saturni, 50, 61,

185 Aesculapius, 1 1 7 A f r i c a , 24, 29, 78, 8 1 , 83, 88, 97, 99, 1 7 1 , 2 1 2 - 1 3 , 2 1 7 , 243, 246, 250 Africa Proconsularis,

2 9 - 3 1 , 50, 98, 2 1 2 , 2 1 8 Africans, 1 6 5 - 8 Agache, R., 2 1 5 , 2 1 6

n.ioS ager publicus, 84 agonothetes, 72 agoranomos, 72, 97

Agricola, 27, 32, 220 agriculture, 1 9 2 - 4 , 2 1 6 , 219

362 Agrippa, 20, 29, 56, 85, 94, 107 Aion (Aeternitas), 120 Alani, 43 Alcantara, 96, 105 Alexandria, 20, 86; 90, 158, 2 0 9 - 1 1 , 2 1 7 Alfëldy, G., 153 n.162, 223 alimenta 60, 77, 90, 204-5 Alps, 28; Dinaric, 33; Graian, 29; Maritime, 28 Altheim, F., 230 amid (and comités), 56 Amisus, 210 Ammaedara, 24, 30 amphitheatres, 98 Ampsaga, 29 Amyntas, 39, 41 Anauni, 21 annona, 57, 203 Antinoupolis, 109 Antioch (Syria), 44, 45, 207, (Pisidia), 41 Antoninus (emperor), 37, 38, 51, 79, 96, 1 0 1 , 108, n o , 119, 165, 224, 226, 245 Antonine emperors, 27, 245 Antonius Primus, 26 apoikiai, 208 Apollodorus of Damascus, 234 Apollo, 231 Apollonius o f T y a n a , 1 1 3 , "5 Apuleius, 1 1 2 , 172, 174, 249 Apulum, 37, 38 aqueducts, 94 Aquileia, 26, 38 aquilifer, 24 Aquincum, 26, 222, 223 Aquitaine, 29 Ara Ubiorum, 27 Arabia and Arabians, 26, 28, 39, 41, 45, 90, 210 Arabissos, 43 Arae Flaviae, 3 5 Ara Pacis, 237 Arausio (Orange), 233, 236 arch, triumphal, 94, 236 Archelaus, 39 archaeology, aerial, 31 architecture, 233, 234,

Index 238, 239 archontes, 72 Arezzo (Arretium), 75, 87, 201, 217, 221 Argentoratum (Strasburg), 27 Ariminum, 199 Aries, 217, 218 Armenia, 41, 44, 45 Armenia Minor, 39, 43, 45 Arminius, 35 army (in general), 16-24; (Africa), 24; (Britain), 27; (East), 25, 26; (Egypt), 25; (Spain), 27; (Danube), 26; (Rhine), 27 Arsaces, 42 Arsacids, 39 Artabanus, 42 Artaxata, 45 artists, 234, 235 art (in general), 232fr.; Alexandrian, 235; Augustan, 236f. ; Celtic, 242-44; Flavian, 238f. ; in the army (Militärkunst), 235-40, 240 n.84 \ in the court (Hofluwst), 235, 236, 242; Neronian, 237f. ; Pergamenian, 234f., 240, >1.84; popular, 237, 238, 240 n.84, 241 f., 245 Asia, in general, 90 Asia (Roman province), 50, 7 1 , 88, 98f., 1 0 1 - 3 , 171 Asia Minor, 28, 39, 78, 83, 88, 109, 207, 225-30, 241 assemblies, provincial, 64 assessments, 65 Assyria, 44 Astures, 27, 29 Asturica Augusta, 29 Athens, 79, 93, 97 Atkinson, K., 139 Attis, 1 1 9 auctoritas, 48, 126, 1 3 2 - 3 , 136, 138, 140, 145, 149 augustales, 95, 101, 104, 181 Augusta Praetoria, 28

Augustus (emperor), I7f, 24, 29f, 31, 38, 47-52, 55, 89, 105, I25flf., 152, 164, 187, 195, 233f., 236, 245 Aures (mountains), 30 aureus (coin), 89, 2 1 1 auxilia, 18, 19 Auzia, 30 Avidius Cassius, 23, 38, 45 Aymard, A., 246 Badias, 30 Baetica, 22, 50, 105, 2 1 3 - 4 , 2I7f. Baltic, 90 Baquates, 30, 213 Baradez, J., 30 Bar-Cochba, 43 basilicas, 92 Bastarni, 3 3 , 3 7 Batavi, 33 Bavares, 213 Bayet, J., 119, 227 Bedouin, 39, 45 Belgae, 31 Belgica, 33 benefactions and public munificence, 73, 94-9, 172-4, 197 beneficiarius, 24, 66 Beranger, J., 104 n.76, 141 n.Sj, r48, 150 n.137, 151 Bianchi-Bandinelli, R., 236, 237 Bithynia-Pontus, 39, 88 Black Sea, 26, 38f., 90, 221 Bleicken.J., 137, 138 Boethius, A., 238 Bolin, S „ 187 Bomer, F., 228, 229 Bordeaux, 215, 216, 2 1 7 Bosporus, kingdom of, 39 Bostra, 45 Boudicca, 32 boule, 71 Bowersock, G . W . , 143 n.94 Boyance, P., 229 Bracaraugusta, 29 brigandage, 179, 250 Brigantes, 32 bricks and brickworks, 75, 83, 86 Britain, 3 1 , 217, 218, 218-20, 223, 242, 250

Index B r u c t e r i , 3 3 f. buildings, public, 50 Burebista, 37 Caesaraugusta, 29 Caesarea (Cherchel), 29, 217Ì. Caesarea Mazaca, 43 Caesennius Paetus, 42 C a l i g u l a ( e m p e r o r ) , 23, 29, 31^41. 51. 53. 83.

138, 146, 149, 152, 153

Callatis, 37 Calvisianum (senatusconsultum), 50 C a m p a n i a , 75, 2 0 1 , 202,

205

C a m p i D e c u m a t e s , 35, 2 2 1 , 225 n.iéy C a m u l o d u n u m , 31 C a n t a b r i , 27, 29 C a p p a d o c i a , 25, 39, 4 1 , 43, 45. 84 Capsa, 30 Caractacus, 31 C o r c o p i n o , J., 53, 84, 147 career, senatorial, 66f. ; equestrian, (ìli. ; m i x e d , 68f., 179 n. 134 Caria, 229 C a r n u n t u m , 26, 35, 37,

222, 224, 225

C a r t e n n a , 30 C a r t h a g e , 17, 20, 25, 30,

71, 172, 210

C a r t i m a n d u a , 32 castella, 18, 27, 30, 32, 35, 37. 44 castra praetoria, 19 Castra Regina, 37 Castra Vetera, 27 C a t u v e l l a u n i , 31 Caucasus, 2 1 0 C e i o n i u s C o m m o d u s , 53 C e l e r (architect), 234 C e l t s : see under ' a r t ' a n d 'religion' censor (and censoria potestas), I35f., 145 census, 66f. c e n t u r i a t i o n , i83f. c e n t u r i o n , 2 1 , 23f., 95, 172, 179 Ceres, 1 1 9 Caesar (title), 48, 54, 148 Caesar, Gaius, 4 1 , 53, 140 Caesar, Lucius, 53, 140 Caesarea (in Palestine), 43

C h a b o r a s , 44 C h a m o u x , F., 2 1 8 n.127, 233 n.42 C h a n t r a i n e , H . , 180 n.143 C h a p o t , V., 103 C h a r a x , Spasinu, 44 C h a r b o n n e a u x , J., 236 Chatti, 33-5 Cherusci, 33 C h e v i o t s , 32 Cilicia, 39 Cinna, Cornelius, 141 Cirta, 30 Cisalpine Gaul, 198-200, 242Î. cities, a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of, 69-73. I 7 I - 4 citizenship, 69, 1 7 5 - 7 , i77f. classes, u p p e r , 1 6 3 - 7 4 , 227, 229; l o w e r , 175-6,

363 commissions, senatorial, 49. 56 C o m m o d u s (emperor),

33, 38, 51, 54f-, 80, 83, 108, 110, 121, 152-4, 156, 157, 165, 188, 246

conductores, 77, 8 1 , 84f., 169 n.66, 174, 180, 181,

185, 2I3Í.

C o n f l u e n t e s (Koblenz), 37 consensus, 1 2 7 , 128, 143 consilium principis, $$(. C o n s t a n c e , Lake, 28, 33 consulares Italiae, 60 consulate, 46f., 54 contributio, 1 7 2 conventus, 101 C o r b u l o , 25, 42 c o - r e g e n c y , 147 C o r n e l i u s Fuscus, 37 C o r n e l i u s Gallus, 41 c o r p o r a t i o n s , 90 179-81, 228, 249 C l a u d i u s ( e m p e r o r ) , 21,24, C o t t i u s , 28 2 7 - 3 1 . 35f-. 41. 5 i . 55. c o u n t r y s i d e a n d rural life,

64, 94, 119, 138, 145, 8if., 192-4, 247 I49f„ 153, 156, 164, Crassus, 39f. i66f., 175, 180, 217, 237 crisis, imperial, 245-50

C l e a n d e r , 81 clientela, 46, 1 4 2 - 3 cognitio (imperial), 1 3 7 a cognitionibus, 57 cohorts, auxiliary, i j f . ; vigilum, 19; p r a e t o r i a n , 1 9 ; u r b a n , 19, 59 coins a n d coinage, circulation, 50, 89f., 184, 186-8 ; d e p r e c i a tion, 8çf., 188 collegia, 88f., 9 9 - 1 0 1 ,

I02f., 228

coloni a n d colonatus, 82,

84f., 203, 212, 249

C o l o n i a A g r i p p i n a , 225 colonization, 199 n.26,

201, 203

c o l o n y a n d colonists, 64,

69, 177-8, 208 n.6o, 214, 220

C o l u m e l l a , 75, 82 C o l u m n , T r a j a n ' s , 94 C o l u m n , of M a r c u s Aurelius, 94, 240 C o m u m , 96 c o m i t i a , 139, 1 4 1 , 148 C o m m a g e n e , 39f., 43 c o m m a n d - s t r u c t u r e (in t h e a r m y ) , 23f. commendatio, 54, 1 3 9

C t e s i p h o n , 44 C u i c u l , 29 cult of e m p e r o r s , 93, 95,

103, 104-6, 143,150

cults, local, 230, 232, 249; oriental, see 'religions' C u m o n t , F., 229 cura morum legumque, 131, 134-6 curatores civitatis, 60, 72 curatorships, of buildings, 60; of w a t e r supplies, 60; o f t h e banks of t h e T i b e r , 60; of roads, 60 curia (municipal), 92 cursus: see 'career' cursus publicus, 65, 184 c u s t o m s duties, 90, 225 C y b e l e , 109, 1 1 9 C y n i c philosophers, 1 1 3 C y r e n e , 44; edicts of, 50,

61, 136

Cyzicus, 223, 225 Dacia a n d Dacians, 22, 26, 33, 37, 38 n.16, 44,

223, 225

Dalmatia and Dalmatians,

26-7, 35, 37, 222, 223, 225

D a m a s c u s , 45

364 damnatio memoriae, 49 D a n u b e , a r m y o f , 26, 2 7 ; frontier, 3 3 , 38; region, 2 2 1 - 3 , 225f. Decebalus, 37 decuriae iudicum, 1 4 1 , 1 7 9 n.134 decurions, 7 1 , 94f., 170-74, 179 dediticii, 64 Degrassi, A . , 1 6 1 - 2 Deiotarus, 39 Demeter, 1 1 0 , 1 1 9 demography, 160-63 Demonax, 113 denarius, 89, 187, 187 n.igo, 2 1 1 , 224 departments, g o v e r n m e n t : see 'scrinia destinatio, 1 4 0 - 4 1 Diana, 108 dictatorship, 46 dies imperii, 148 D i o Cassius, 1 2 7 , 128, 130, 1 3 4 , 1 3 5 , 1 3 7 , 146, 1 5 2 , 1 7 4 , 249 D i o n o f Prusa (Chrysostom), 77, 88, 96, 98, 1 1 4 , 150, 207 Dionysus, 109, n o , 1 1 9 , 229 diplomata, military, 18, 176 Djemila, 92 domains, imperial, 65, 69,

Index imperial, 7 6 - 8 1 Edessa, 241 effectives, military, i 6 f . E g y p t , 20, 23, 25, 63f., 77f., 8 1 , 83, 88, 94, 2 0 8 - 1 0 , 250 Elbe, 33 election o f magistrates, 49.139-41 Eleusis, mysteries o f , 107, 119 Emérita (Merida), 29 Emesa, 39 E m o n a , 26, 222, 223 Ems'(river), 33 entourage, imperial, I 5 5 f . ephebia, 1 0 2 Ephesus, 72, 93, 1 0 1 , 103, 2 1 0 , 225 Epictetus, 1 1 5 ab epistulis, 57 équités singulares, 20 Esser, A . , 1 5 3 Étienne, R . , 105, 1 5 1 , 1 6 1 , 2 1 5 , 2 1 5 n.105, 2 1 6 Etruria, 196, 199 euergetai\ see 'benefactions' Euphrates, 25, 28, 39, 4 1 , 44 E u r o p e , northern, 2 1 8 - 2 6 Eurycles o f Sparta, 264 ex castris, 22

Fabullus (scene-painter), 234 famines, 193 75. 77. 8 3 - 5 finances, municipal, 95f. dominatus, 149 D o m i t i a n (emperor), 2 1 , fiscus, 57, 83, 90, 185 Jiamines, 104 26, 30, 32, 35, 37, 43, Flavian emperors, 28, 35 49, 5 1 , 76, 83, 98, 1 4 5 , fleet, 20, 105, 140 1 5 4 , 188, 2 0 1 , 204, 234 forum, in towns, 92 donatives, 81 fossatum, 31 Druids, 2 3 i f . Drusus (the elder), 28, 3 3 , freedmen, 1 7 , 20, 2 1 , 52, 55, 66, 95, l8of., 2 0 3 ; 3 7 ; (the younger), 140 imperial, 67, 1 5 6 , 168 D u m n o n i i , 31 ti.61, i8of., 248 Duncan-Jones, R . , 1 6 1 , Frisii, 33 1 7 1 , 1 7 3 , 197. 204 n.49 Frontinus, 32 duoviri, 70 fundi, 87 duplicarius, 24 D u r o s t o r u m , 26 Gades, 2 1 4 , 2 1 7 D u r r y , M . , 169 Gaetuli, 29 D u v a l , P . - M . , 2 1 4 , 228, 242 G a g é , J . , 1 4 3 , 169 n.39, 179, 230 n.13, 243 dyarchy, 48, 126 Galatia, 39, 43 D y n a m i s (queen), 39 Galba (emperor), 51 Galacia, 29 economic policy,

Gamala, 7 1 n.23, 1 7 4 Garamantes, 29 Garcia y Bellido, A . , 242 garrison (of R o m e ) , 1 9 garum, 2 1 7 Gasparov, M.L., 157 n.189 Gaul, 27, 80, 87f., 9 1 , 99, 189, 2 1 4 - 1 8 , 2 3 0 - 3 2 , 2 3 5 , 242, 2 5 0 ; northeastern Gaul, 28, 194, 2 1 5 , 22of., 2 2 3 f t 2 3 1 ; the T h r e e Gauls, 27, 2 1 5 , 243 ; art in Gaul, 2 4 2 f . ; religion in Gaul, 230-32 Gaza, 39 Gemellae, 30 Genius August/, 1 0 3 , 143 Germanicus, 27, 32, 53, 140 Germany (Roman provinces of), 22, 27, 35f., 88, 220, 225, 2 3 5 free G e r m a n y , 3 3 f . , 90, 224 gerusiae, 1 0 2 Gesoriacum (Boulogne), 20, 3 1 Getae, 37 glass manufacture, 86, 88 ' G n o m o n Idiologi', 83 Goldenberg, V . A . , 159 Goths, 38 Grampians, 32 Grant, M . , 1 3 2 Greece, 86 Grenade, P., 1 2 7 - 3 0 , 1 3 1 , i34f., 152 Grosso, F., 1 5 3 G u e y . J . , 186 G i i n z b u r g , 35 gymnasiarchs, 7 2 ; gymnasia, 72, 94 Hadrian (emperor), 16, 30, 32, 38, 43, 5 1 , 5 5 f „ 76, 7 7 - 9 , 84, 89, 1 0 5 - 8 , 109, 1 3 6 , 1 5 4 , 170, 2 1 1 , 2 1 3 , 224, 234, 239f., 245 Hadrianopolis, 78 H a d r u m e t u m , 88 H a m m o n d , M . , 148 H a r m a n d , L., 73, 2 1 6 , 2 1 7 Harmozica (Tiflis), 26, 43 Hatra, 2 4 1 Hatt, J . - J . , 2 1 4 , 2 1 6 n.113, 2 3 1 , 242

Index Hauran (Syria), 241 Heba, inscription f r o m : see 'destinatio' Heinze, R., 133 n.jo Heliopolis, n o Helios, n o , 150 Helvidius Priscus, 166 Henchir-Mettich (North Africa), 84 Hercules, 107, 150, 228 hereditary principle, 52 Herennius (mosaic artist), 244 Hermonduri, 33, 38, 224 Herodes Atticus, 85, 96 Herod the Great, 39, 42 Historia Augusta, 38, 76 Histria, 37, 225 Hodna, 29 honestiores, 79 humiliores, 79 Iceni, 3if. ideology, imperial, 143, 150-52, 157 idiologus, 63 Illyricum, 26, 28, 33, 37, 223 imperator, 54 imperium, 46, 49, 1 2 6 - 1 3 1 , 136-7, 145. 149; consular, 127, I29f.; maius, 47, 50, I29f., 138; proconsular, 47, 127-31. Inchtuthil, 32 incolae, 70 Indian Ocean, 44 industry, 85-8, 190-92 institutions, municipal, 69-73 Intercisa, 38 investiture and designation of emperors, 49, 146-8 irrigation, 213 Isauria, 41 Isis, 109, 112, 116, 119, 229 Italica, 213 Italy, 50, 54, 60, 75-7, 83, 86, 193, 195-205, 240, 250 Ituraea, 39 Iuniani Latini, 175 iuridki, 60 ius auxilii, 46, 134 ius gladii, 57, 63, 137

ius h o n o r u m , 52, 175 ius Italicum, 70 Jal, P., 157 Jerusalem, 43 Jews, 28, 42Í., 77, 103, 208 Jones, A.H.M., 137 Josephus, 42 Juba II, 29 Judaea, 26, 43 Jupiter, 93, 106, h i , 150, 228 jurisdiction, imperial, 136-9 justice, 35, 64 Jutland, 33 Juvenal, 158 Kahler, H., 237 n.59, 239 n.81 Kahrstedt, U., 198, 246 knights (see also 'careers, equestrian'), 23, 52, 59, 140,156 koinon (provincial assembly), 158 komai, 208 Kornemann, E., 54, 153 Kostermann, E., 157 n.189 Ladenburg, 35 La Graufesenque, 75, 87, 2 1 7 Lamasba, 213 Lambaesis, 24, 30 Lambrechts, P., 228, 231 lamps, earthenware, 86, 217 Lanuvium, 100 Last, H., 129 latifundia, 75, 82, 84, 196, 198, 202 Latin rights, 69f. Latium, 75 legati ad census accipiendos, 65; pro praetore, 61, 1 3 7 ; legionum, 23, 63 leges datae, 136 legions, I7f., 21 legislation, imperial, 136 leitourgiai, 72 Leon (Spain), 27 Lepidus (triumvir), 47 Lepper, F.A., 44 Leptis Magna, 29, 93 Leuke Kome, 210

365 Leveque, P., 2 1 1 n.79 Lex de imperio Vespasiani, 125. 135. 139, 140 n.73, I45f.

lex de rudibus agris, 84 lex Iulia de maiestate, i38f. lex Iulia de vi publica, 138 lex Manciana, 76, 78, 84, 205, 2 1 2 lex Valeria-Cornelia, 140 Lezoux, 75, 87, 216, 217, 223 libertas as a political theme, 151 Liebmann-Frankfort, T., 143 n.94 limes, African, 30; Arabian, 45 ; British 31f.; on Danube, 3sf. Lippe (river), 33 logistai, 72 Lollius Urbicus, 32 Londonium, 31 Lorch, 35 Lucan, 1 5 1 , 156, 236 Lucania, 198 Lucian, 1 1 2 , 1 1 7 Ludius (scene-painter), 234 Lycaonia, 41 Lycia, 43 Lyons, 17, 94, 215 n.101 Macedonia, 26, 37 Maecenas, 237 Magaldi, E., 198 Magdalensberg, 224 Magdelain, A., I32f., 146 magistracies, 49 Maier, F.G., i 6 i f . Main (river), 35 Maison Carrée (Nîmes), 236 Maiores, Ad (North Africa), 30 Malaca, laws of, 70, 173 n.89 Mansuelli, G., 197, 235 n.52, 242 Marbod, 33f. Marcus Aurelius (emperor), 27, 28, 38, 45. 5°. 5i. 56, 76, 79f-, 83, 89, 99, 106, 108, n o , 152, 154, 197, 226, 243, 24.6

Index

366 Marcomanni, 33, 38, 2 2 1 , 224 Mars Ultor, 107 markets, 93 Marsyas, symbol of, 1 7 7 Martino, F. de, 129, 1 3 1 , 134-5 Marxist historiography,

155 n.175, 174, 194 n.i,

247-50 Masada, 143 Mascula (North Africa), 30

mass production, 1 9 1 ,

220 ti.136

Maternus, 80 Mauretania, 23, 29, 2 1 8 and n.27; Mauretania Tingitana, 25, 2 1 3 , 2 1 7 , 2 1 8 and n.27 m a x i m u m prices, edict on, 81 Mazzarino, S., 187 Medias, A d (North Africa), 30 Melitene, 25, 43, 207

a memoria, 59

Mesarfelta, 30 Mesopotamia, 44f.

metropolis (in the Greek east), 1 0 1 , 103 migration, internal, 163, 249f. Miletus, 93

militae equestres, 68

Minerva, 107 mines and mining, 63, 65, 85, 184, 2 1 4 , 2 1 9

Minicia (porticus), 58, 60

Misenum, 20, 60 Mithras, i2of., 230 M o c s y , A . , 223, 230 Moesia, 22, 26, 37, 221 M o g o n t i a c u m (Mainz), 18, 27, 33f. M o m m s e n , T . , 48, 126, 1 3 4 , 176 monopolies, 65 Moors (Mauri), 29f mortgage-tables, 204 mosaic art, 243 Mulucha (river), 30

municipia, 64, 69-71, 177, 221

munus, munera, 70, 72,

1 7 2 and n.86 Musonius Rufus, 1 1 3 Musulamii, 29

M y o s Hormos, 2 1 0 Mytilene, 105 Nabataea, 44 Napoca, 37 Narbonese Gaul, 22, 2 1 5 , 2 1 6 , 233, 240, 243 Narcissus (freedman), 3 1 , 57. 85, 156 Nasamones, 30 Neckar (river), 35 Neo-Caesarea, 43 N e r o (emperor), 42, 49, 5 1 . 65, 75. 94. 120, 150, 1 5 2 , 154, 156, 165, 167,

180, 187, 187 n.igo,

243 N e r v a (emperor), 49, 65 Nicomedia, 99 Nicopolis, 43 Nierhaus, R., 2 1 4 Nile, 90 Nimes, 93

nobilitas, 48, 52, 141-2, 168

nominatio, 48, 139

N o r i c u m , 26, 28, 33, 37, 3« N o v a e , 26 Novaesium, 18

numeri, 19

pagi, 69, 193, 2 1 3 Palestine, 208 Pallas (freedman), 57, 85 Palmyra, 26, 45, 90, 2 1 0 , 2 1 1 , 241 Pamphylia, 43 Pannonia, 22, 26, 28, 33, 37, 38, 222, 223, 225, 230, 246 Pantheon, 107 Paphlagonia, 39, 41 Papirius Dionysius

(praefectus annonae), 81

papyrus, 88 Parain, C . , 193 Paris-Magdelain, B . , 1 3 5 , 148 Parthia and Parthians, 3 9 - 4 5 , 2 1 0 , 241 Parvan, M . , 223 pater patriae, 48 patricians, 47 Patrimonium, 185 patronus, patronatus, Jl(.

Pekary, T., 187 11.187-8,

188 Pelusium, 39

peregrini, 64

P e r g a m u m , 93, 1 0 1 , 105

Periplus maris Erythraei,

211 Persian Gulf, 44 oath (sworn to emperors), Petilius Cerialis, 32 Petra, 45, 90, 2 1 0 46, 142 Pflaum, H . G . , 65, 147, Octavius, 46, 126, 142, 164 156, 1 6 8 - 7 0 Oenomaus of Gadara, 1 1 3 Philadelphia (Egypt), 88 OfFenburg, 35 philosophy, 1 1 2 - 1 6 officers (army), 23 Philostratus, 88, 96, 1 1 3 , oil and olive-growing, 79, 174, 249 Phoenicia, 90 212, 213, 214 oppida civium Romanorum,Phraates, 41 Phrygia, 84, 229 177 Picard, G., 142, 1 5 4 - 5 , opposition, senatorial, i6of., 173 n.92, 189 166-8 n.199, 2 1 2 , 235 n . 5 1 , Opramoas of Lycia, 85 237, 238, 239, 244, 245, oracles, 1 1 7 246 orders: senatorial, 66, 1 6 3 - 8 ; equestrian, 67, Piganiol, A . , 1 3 3 , 166 168-70 n.48, 188, 2 1 3 orient and orientals, 39, piracy, 39 Pirenne, J . , 2 1 1 and «.79 68, 207, 2 1 1 , 238 Pisidia, 41 Ors, A . d', 2 1 4 n.98 Osroene, 44f. place-name research, 163, Osroes, 44 207 Ostia, 71 n.23, 93, 200, Platius, Aulus, 3 1 217 Pliny the Elder, 75 Pliny the Y o u n g e r , 5 1 , O t h o (emperor), 153 Numidia, 29, 3 1 , 2 1 2

Index 61, 72, 76, 9 6 , 1 4 0 , 1 4 6 , 166, 207 Plutarch, 1 1 5 , 230 Poetovio, 26, 37, 222, 224 Pola, 199 Polemon of Pontus, 4of. policy of emperors, personal, 152-6 polytheism, 1 1 if. pomoerium, 130 Pompeii, 350 Pontus, 39, 43 pontifex maximus, 47, 54, 106 population, 160-63 populus, 70 Porolissum, 37 portoria, 64, 184 ports and harbours, 183, 199 possesores, 78, 249 post, imperial: see cursus publicus potestas, 132 potters and pottery, 75, 86, 190 and n.210, 1 9 1 , 216, 223, 243 power, imperial, 46f. praefectus, annonae, 59; frumenti dandi, 60 ; military, 19; praetorian, 56-7; urbi, 59; vigilum, 59 praetor, praetura, 54 Praetorians, 19, 139 Premerstein, A. von, 126, 1 3 1 , 138, 141, 149 prices, 79 Prima Porta, statue at, 4 1 , 237 primi pili, centurion, 20, 24, 169 princeps, 46, 48, 52, 129, 133, 145 ; p. iuventutis, 54; p. senatus, 46, 133 principales (army rank), 24 principate, 46, 1 2 5 - 5 2 ; double principate, 54, 148 proconsul, 61 procurators, 59, 63, 65, 68, 76, 168 n.61 property, landed, 8if., 2I2f. prostasia, 126, I 3 i f . province, imperial, 63 ; senatorial, 49, 6if., 137 provinces, in general, 75,

77, 83, 20if.; administration of, 6 1 - 4 provocatio, 137 Ptolemy (king), 29 Ptolemy, the geographer, 211 Puteoli, 2 1 7 Quadi, 33, 38 quaestors, 50, 55 quarries, 65, 85 quattuorviri, 70 quinquennalis, 68, 76 quinquennium Neronis, 154 Rabirius (architect), 234 Rabossi, M., 189 n.igo a rationibus, 57 Ravenna, 20, 60 recruitment, military, 20-22 Red Sea, 39 refusal of power, theme of, 1 5 1 regions of Italy, 149 Regni (British tribe), 31 religion, pagan (in general), 1 0 6 - 1 1 , 1 1 7 , 227-9; Celtic, 230-32; oriental, m , 1 1 8 - 2 1 , 229 Res Gestae, 35, 47-9, 126, 130, 1 3 1 , 135 res privata, 83 Rhaetia and Rhaetians, 27, 29, 33, 221, 225 Rhandeia, peace of, 42 Rhine and Rhineland, 33, 218 roads, i82f., 193 Robert, L., 1 7 1 , 207 and n.56, 229 Robertis, F.M. de, 189 Romanization, 216, 218, 2i9f., 223, 230, 231, 240, 242f., 249f. Rome, 50, 54, 59, 70, 205 ; administration of, 58 (table); population of, 158, 160, 161 Romulus, 105, 107 Rostovtzeff, M., 174, 246 Rouge, J., 181 n.149 and 1 5 1 , 210, 247 n.10 Roxolani, 37, 77 Rubicon, 46 Russia, central 224; southern, 90

367 Rutupiae, 31 Saenia lex, 47 Sala, 30 Salama, P., 182 Salassi, 28 sales tax, 173 and n.8g Salpensa, law of, 70, 173 «.«9 saltings, 65 saltus, 213 saltus Burunitanus, 81, 2 1 2 n.84 Samosata, 26, 43, 207 Sarmatia and Sarmatians, 33, 37-9 Sarmizegetusa, 37 Satala, 43 Sattler, P., 155 Saumagne, C., 176, 178 Savaria, 37, 224 Save (river), 33 Scandinavia, 90 Schtaerman, E.M., 174, 197 n.13, 228, 232 n.28, 247 and n.7, 248 n.14 Schwartz, J., 208 sculpture, 234 Scythians, 39 Sejanus, 19, 57, 156 Seleucia (in Pieria), 20, 25; (on the Tigris), 45 Semnones, 33 Senate, 47-52, 1 3 1 , i47f., i63f., 175, 250 senators, in the army, 23; in general, 140, 156, 163-8 senatusconsulta, 49 Seneca, 1 1 5 , 156, 238 Serapis, 109, 1 1 9 Severan emperors, 28 Severus (architect), 234 Sherwin-White, A . N . , 175 signifer, 24 Silures, 32 Silvanus, 108, 228 silver, 86 Singara, 44 Singidunum, 26 Sinope, 210 Sirago, V., 200 n.j 1, 201 n.34, 202, 204 n.44 Sirmum, 37 Siscia, 37, 222, 224 Sitifis (Setif), 30 sitonai, 97

368 slaves and slavery, 17, 20 55, 66, 161, 203, 208, 228, 247-9, 2 4 9 " - 2 2 Smyrna, 101 sodales, 105 solutio legibus, 146 Spain, 25, 80, 99, 105, 213-4, 219, 230, 232, 242, 243, 246 staff, administrative, 66-8 Stein, A . , 168, 169 stipendium, 64, 184 Strabo, 144 a studiis, 57 subpraefecti, 59 succession, imperial, 52-4, 146-8 Suetonius, 135, 158 n.193, 170 Suetonius Paulinus, 32 summae honorariae, 170, 172, 197 Sura, 43, 45 survey and registration o f lands, 6s, 183, 216 S w o b o d a , e., 222, 223, 230 n.19 Sygambri, 33 S y m e , R., 155 Syria and Syrians, 25, 28, 31. 39. 43. 90, 207, 209f., 230, 241 Szadecsky-Kardoss, S., 221 n.141 Szilagyi.J., 161, 162 tabularium, 65 Tacapae, 30 Tacfarinas, 30 Tacitus (the historian), 19, 127, 134, 140, 147, 151, 152, 157 and n.189, 224 Tarraconensis (province), 29 Tarragona, 76, 105 Tarsus, 88 taste, aesthetic, problems of, 236-40 Taurisci, 33 taurobolia, 109, 119 taxation, 35, 184-6; direct and indirect, 64f. T a y l o r , L.R., 181 n.148 temples, 93 Terentius Varro, 28 terra sigillata, 87, 217, 224 textile industry, 87f.

Index Thelepte, 30 thermae, 9 j f . T h e v e n o t , E., 231 Theveste, 24, 30 T h o m a s , E., 203 n.40, 222 n.149 and 151, 242 rt.9.5 Thrace, 23, 37, 221 Tiberius, 24, 28-31, 33, 37, 41, 49, 51, 105, 138, 187. 233 Tibiletti, G., 141 n.84. T i b u r , the villa Hadriana at, 239 Tigris, 44 T i m g a d , 24, 30, 92, 93, 94 Tiridates, 42, 121 titles, imperial, 145 Titus (emperor), 43, 53,

Vaison, 92 Vandals, 38 V a r r o (the writer), 75, 82 Varus, Quintilius, 27, 35 Veleia, 204 Velleius Paterculus, 214 Venus, 93, 107 Verona, 38 Verus (emperor), 38, 43f., 53 Vescera, 30 Vespasian, 22, 26, 35, 43, 49, 51. 55. 75. 84, 145, 148, 214 Vesta, 107 veterans, 142, 176 and n.114 V e y n e , P., 171, 204 n.49 and 50 145 vicésima hereditatum, 63, T o m i , 37 64, 184 T o y n b e e , J . M . C . , 242 vicus, vici, 69, 193, 196, tractus, 78, 83 213 trade, 90, 190; w i t h the Vienne, 93 outside w o r l d , 90, 224; vigiles, 19 w i t h the East, 90, 21 of. villae, 87, 174, 192, 196, between provinces, 90, 199, 219, 222, 247 190 villa Hadriana, see ' T i b u r ' tradition, the literary, 51, V i m i n a c i u m , 26, 37 152, 156 rt. 183 Vindelici, 29, 33 Trajan (emperor), 22, Vindonissa, 27 26f., 3 7 f „ 44, 51. 7 1 . v i n e - g r o w i n g , 76, 204, 76f., 84, 92, 96, 98, 107, 213, 216 109, 152, i87f., 201, Vinicius, 37 204, 210, 213, 224, 234 Vipasca, mines at, 86 Transylvania, 37 V i r u n u m , 224 Tran T a m T i n h , V . , 229 Visscher, F. de, 177 Trapezus, 20, 43, 216 V o g t , J., 228 Treves (Trier), 221 Vologeses, 42, 43 Treviri, 33 Volubilis, 29 tribunus plebis, 47 wages (of soldiers), 21, tribunicia potestas, 47, 130 80 tribunals, public, 137 W a l l o f Antoninus, 32; tribute, 65, 70, 184 o f Hadrian, 32 Trimalchio, 85, 238 Weser (river), 33 Trinobantes, 31 wheat, 79, 201, 204 Tripolitania, 29, 9 i f . Wheeler, M . , 211 triumvirate, second, 127 W i c k e r t , L., 126, 133 n.34 Troesmis, 26 150 T r o p a e u m Traiani, see W i l l , E., 235 n.50, 236, 'Adam-Klissi' 241 Tubunae, 30 Wipszyska, E., 209 w o r k , estimation of, 189 Ulpian, 162 urbanization and urban Y a z y g e s , 33, 37, 77 life, 78, 9 1 - 4 , 178; see also 'cities' Zarai, 29, 30