Journal of the Siam Society; 88

Table of contents :
JSS_088_0a_Front
JSS_088_0b_ObituaryATKirsch
JSS_088_0c_Obituary_GehanWijeyewardene
JSS_088_0d_Wenk_HistoryOfArtOfMotherOfPearl
JSS_088_0e_SuchitraChongstitvatana_LovePoemsInModernThaiNirat
JSS_088_0f_UThawKaung_AyedawbonKyanImportantMyanmarLiteraryGenre
JSS_088_0g_Randolph_ExcavationOfKilnsNearSisatchanalai
JSS_088_0h_NandanaChutiwongs_PhuPhraBat
JSS_088_0i_SunaitChutintharanon_HistoricalWritingsNovelsMoviesDramas
JSS_088_0j_AnanGanjapan_ChangingPowerOfMoMuang
JSS_088_0k_AttachakSattayanurak_IntellectualAspectsOfStrongKingship
JSS_088_0l_BoonyongKettate_AncestralSpiritForest
JSS_088_0m_Smithies_MadameConstancesJewels
JSS_088_0n_Dowling_NewLightOnEarlyCambodianBuddhism
JSS_088_0o_McDaniel_CreativeEngagementSujavannaWuaLuang
JSS_088_0p_HePing_ShanguoIsNotShanKingdom
JSS_088_0q_Marcinkowski_PersianReligiousCulturalInfluences
JSS_088_0r_Eade_RulesForInterpolationInThaiCalendar
JSS_088_0s_DedicationOfUbosotAtWatSaBuaKaeo
JSS_088_0t_LeffertsCort_EarthenwareTechnologyInMainlandSoutheastAsia
JSS_088_0u_Hearn_ThaiCeramicsLanNaAndSawankalok
JSS_088_0v_Dalton_IncredibleJourneyOfWa
JSS_088_0w_ReviewArticles
JSS_088_0x_Reviews
JSS_088_0y_Back

Citation preview

The Journal of the Siam Society

Patrons of the Siam Society Patron His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej Vice-Patrons Her Majesty Queen Sirikit His Royal Highness Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkom Her Royal Highness Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhom Her Royal Highness Princess Galyani Vadhana Krom Luang Naradhiwas Rajanagarinda Honorary President Her Royal Highness Princess Galyani Vadhana Krom Luang Naradhiwas Rajanagarinda Honorary Vice-President Mom Kobkaew Abhakara na Ayudhya His Serene Highness Prince Subhadradis Diskul

Council of the Siam Society, 2000-2002 President

Mrs. Bilaibhan Sampatisiri

Vice-Presidents

Prof. Krisda Arunwongse Dr. Olam Chaipravat Mr. Paul G. Russell

Leader, Natural History Section

Dr. Weerachai Nanakom

Honorary Secretary Honorary Treasurer Honorary Librarian Honorary Editor, JSS Honorary Editor, NHB

Mrs. Monita Singhakowin Mr. Kenneth White Mrs. Sharon O'Toole Dr. Ronald D. Renard Dr. Warren Y. Brockelman

Members of Council

Dr. Woraphat Arthayukdi Mr. Poomchai Lamsam Dr. Dhiravat na Pombejra Mrs. Mira Kim Prachabam Mr. John Reid Mr. James Rooney Mr. Vara-Poj Snidvongs Dr. Chaisak Suwanirikul

1 3 NOV 2001

The Journal of the

Siam Society Volume 88, Parts 1 & 2

2000

.Property of the . tbm Society's LibrarY ~ANr.KOK

Honorary Editor Ronald D. Renard

Editorial Assistant Achara Sangruji

Advisory Committee Prapod Assavavirulhakam (Chulalongkorn University, Thailand) Oskar von Hiniiber (University of Freiburg, Germany) Sunait Chutintharanon (Chulalongkorn University, Thailand) Piriya Krairiksh (Thammasat University, Thailand) David K. Wyatt (Cornell University, USA) Charles Higham (Otago University, New Zealand) John Guy (Victoria and Albert Museum, UK) Charles Keyes (University of Washington, USA) Dhiravat na Pombejra (Chulalongkorn University, Thailand) Nandana Chutiwongs (Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, The Netherlands) Phasook lndrawooth (Silpakorn University, Thailand) Louise Cort (Smithsonian Institution, USA) H. Leedom Lefferts (Drew University, USA) Claude Jacques (Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes, France) Craig Reynolds (The Australian National University)

Editorial Board Kanitha Kasina-ubol Euayporn Kerdchouay Franctois Lagirarde Albert Paravi Wongchairachai Martin Perenchio Peter Skilling © The Siam Society 2000

ISSN 0857-7099 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the Siam Society. The Journal of the Siam Society is a forum for original research and analysis. Opinions expressed in the Journal are those of the authors. They do not represent the views or policies of the Siam Society. Printed byAmarin Printing and Publishing Public Company Limited 65/16 Chaiyapruk Road, Taling Chan; Bangkok 10170, Thailand. Tel. (662) 882-1010. Fax (662) 433-2742, 434-1385 e-mail: [email protected] http://www.amarin.co. th

The Journal of the Siam Society 2000

Volume 88, Parts 1 & 2

Contents

Abstracts

9

Poem by Phaitoon Phromwichit

14

Obituary for Professor Anthony Thomas Kirsch

15

Obituary for Professor Gehan Wijeyewardene

24

Editorial

26

Articles KLAUS WENK

Notes on the History of the Art of Mother-of-Pearl in Thailand with Particular Reference to the Doors on the Ubiisot of Wat Phra Chetuphon SucHITRA CHONGSTITVATANA

Love Poems in Modem Thai Nirat

15

UTHAWKAUNG

Ayedawbon Kyan, an Important Myanmar Literary Genre Recording Historical Events

21

KAREN RANDOLPH

Excavations of Kilns Near the Old City of Sisatchanalai, Thailand: Prompt Redevelopment of Pottery Production

34

NANDANA CHUTIWONGS

Phii Phra Biit: A Remarkable Archaeological Site in Northeastern Thailand

42

SUNAIT CHUTINTHARANON

Historical Writings, Historical Novels and Period Movies and Dramas: An Observation Concerning Burma in Thai Perception and Understanding

53

ANAN GANJANAPAN

Changing Power and Positions of Mo Muang in Northern Thai Healing Rituals

58

ATTACHAK SATTAYANURAK

Intellectual Aspects of Strong Kingship in the Late Nineteenth Century

Journal of the Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

72

vi

Contents

BooNYONG KETTATE

The Ancestral Spirit Forest (Don Pu Ta) and the Role Behavior of Elders (Thao Cham) in Northeastern Thailand

96

MICHAEL SMITHIES

Madame Constance's Jewels

111

NANCY DOWLING

New Light on Early Cambodian Buddhism

122

JusTIN McDANIEL

Creative Engagement: Sujava!J!Ja Wua Luang and Its Contribution to Buddhist Literature

156

HE PING Shanguo is not a Shan Kingdom: To Correct a Mistake Related to the Early History of Tai-speaking Peoples in China and Mainland Southeast Asia

178

MUHAMMAD ISMAIL MARCINKOWSKI

Persian Religious and Cultural Influence in Siam/Thailand and Maritime Southeast Asia in Historical Perspective: A Plea for a Concerted Interdisciplinary Approach

186

J.C. BADE

Rules for Interpolation in the Thai Calendar; Suriyayatra Versus the Sasana

195

Notes Dedication fo the Ubiisot at Wat Sa Bua Kaeo

201

LoUisE CaRT AND LEEDOM LEFFERTS

An Approach to the Study of Contemporary Earthenware Technology in Mainland Southeast Asia

204

RAY HEARN

Thai Ceramics, LanNa and Sawanakalok: An Interview with John Shaw

212

JoHN DALTON

The Incredible Journey of the Wa From 1949 to 2005

218

Review Articles Hjorfeifur Jonsson, Yao Design ofNorthern Thailand, Jacqueline Butler-Diaz; Patterns on Textiles of the Ethnic Group of Vietnam, Diep Trung Binh; Lao Mien Embroidery: Migration and Change, Ann Yarwood Goldman; Botschaften an die Gotter: Religiose Handschriften der Yao; Siidchina, Laos, Thailand, Myanmar, Thomas 0. Hollmann and Michael Freidrich; Yao Ceremonial Paintings, Jacques Lemoine; Peoples ofthe Golden Triangle: Six Tribes of Thailand, Paul Lewis and Elaine Lewis. Ronald D. Renard, The Haw: Traders ofthe Golden Triangle, Andrew Forbes; The Aka: Guardians of the Forest, Jim Goodman; Children of the Jade Dragon: The Naxi of

Journal of the Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

222

Contents

Lijian and Their Mountain Neighbors the Yi, Jim Goodman; Khon Muang: People and Principalities ofNorth Thailand, Andrew Forbes & David Henley; The Kachin: Lords of Burma's Northern Frontier, Bertil Lintner.

vii

231

Reviews Don McCaskill and Ken Kampe, editors Development or Domestication? Indigenous Peoples of Southeast Asia Reviewed by Susan M. Darlington

235

Michael Smithies A Siamese Embassy Lost in Africa 1686: The Odyssey of Ok-khun Chamnan Reviewed by Dhiravat na Pombejra,

236

Robert Challe Journal du voyage des Indes Orientales, Monsieur Pierre Raymond, suivi de Ia relation de ce qui est arrive dans le royaume de Siam en 1688 Reviewed by Michael Smithies

23 7

Shigetomi, Shin'ichi Cooperation and Community in Rural Thailand: An Organizational Analysis of Participatory Rural Development Reviewed by Michael M. Calavan

239

Luo Yongxian A Dictionary ofDehong Reviewed by Pranee Kullavanijaya

240

Fleur Brofos Laos Roots Reviewed by David Snellgrove

241

E. Bruce Reynolds Thailand & Japan's Southern Advance 1940-1945 Reviewed by Ronald D. Renard

245

Alain Forest Les Missionnaires franr;ais au Tonkin et au Siam XVIIe-XVIIIe siecles: Analyse comparee d 'un relatifsucces et d 'un echec total Reviewed by Michael Smithies

246

Hans Penth, Phanphen Khriiathai, Snao Ketphrom Corpus of Llin Nii Inscriptions, Vol. 3 Reviewed by Peter Skilling

248

Heinz Bechert, editor Sanskrithandschriften aus den Turfanfunden, Teil8, Die Katalognummern 1800-1900 Reviewed by Peter Skilling

249

a

Journal of the Siam Society 8lU & 2 (2000)

viii

Contents

In Brief

250

Other Titles Received

254

Notes for Contributors

255

Back Issues

257

Publications

258

Contents of JSS Volume 87, Parts 1 & 2 (1999)

261

Journal ofthe Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

ABSTRACTS

Notes on the History of the Art of Mother-of-Pearl in Thailand with Particular Reference to the Doors on the UbOsot of Wat Phra Chetuphon KLAUS WENK

Although mother-of-pearl has been used in Thailand as a decorative medium since the 3rd-6th centuries), little is known about its history or use over the years. Despite the gaps in our knowledge, it is possible to distinguish "late" from "earlier" objects. Among the most excellent late items are doors in this temple that can be dated to the reign ofRama 111 (1824-1851). The doors depict scenes from the old Thai classical story, the Riimakfen. Besides reviewing the subjects portrayed, an explanation of the manufacturing process including the tools, raw materials, and artistic technology needed is provided. Comparative information on mother-of-pearl manufacture in neighboring countries such as Vietnam and China and a discussion of the available literature on the topic is also given.

Love Poems in Modern Thai Nirat SUCHITRA CHONGSTITVATANA

Department of Thai, Faculty ofArts, Chulalongkorn University The paper aims at considering love themes in modem Thai Nirat to see how they change and develop from the old convention. It focuses on the works ofthree contemporary Thai poets: Lam Nam Phu Kradung (Melody ofPhu Kradung) by Angkhan Kalayanapong, Khian Phandin (To Write Homeland) by Naowarat Pongpaiboon, and Ma Kan Kluai (Banana Tree Horse) by Paiwarin Khongam. The study reveals the changing poetical forms of Nirat as well as the diversity of content and style of the poets. Contemporary Thai poets have successfully developed the form ofNirat from the old convention to serve their various purposes. Modem Thai Nirat has transcended the traditional form of love poem and lamentation of lovepain and has become an efficient form of love poem for society and mankind.

Ayedawbon Kyan, an Important Myanmar Literary Genre Recording Historical Events UTHAWKAUNG Member, Myanmar Historical Commission, and former Chief Librarian, Universities Central Library (1969-1997) The Ayedawbon kyan is a genre of Myanmar historical writing second in importance only to the Royal Chronicles. Ayedawbon typically tell how men of prowess became kings, as well as how they stayed in power, suppressed rebellions, and waged wars of territorial expansion. Myanmar

Journal of the Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

X

Abstracts

authors are attempting to resolve problems regarding Ayedawbon written from the time of King Bayinnaung's reign (1551-1581) to 1823. Problems include authorship, the total number of texts, and obscure language, corrupted passages, and dating. Efforts are being made to find more recensions of the texts to provide the basis for solving the problems that will yield more useful information on Myanmar as well as its relations with Thailand.

Excavations of Kilns Near the Old City of Sisatchanalai, Thailand: Prompt Redevelopment of Pottery Production

DR. KARREN RANDOLPH Lubbock Christian University The excavation of 13th-16th century kilns along the Yom river in the area around the old city of Sisatchanalai stimulated interest and prompted the redevelopment of pottery production in the village of Ko Noi. The current pottery production in this area drastically affected the economic fabric of the village. This paper deals with the various types of kilns excavated, the construction of similar modem day kilns, the process of kiln modernization and some economic effects.

Phii Pra Bat: A Remarkable Archaeological Site in Northeastern Thailand NANDANA CHUTIWONGS

Phu Pra Bat, in the PhU Phan Mountains ofUdon Thani, has an archaeological site over a sandstone cliff. The site's rock-shelters retain traces, such as rock paintings, of prehistoric human activities. The site was later occupied by Buddhist communities in the 8th to 1Oth centuries, showing examples ofDvaravati art, and again in the 11th to 13th centuries as well as the 16th to 17th centuries. PhU Pra Bat presents as example of the transformation of pre- and proto-historic sites into Buddhist ecclesiastical places. Although now a national reserve, PhU Pra Bat remains a site of pilgrimage.

Historical Writings, Historical Novels and Period Movies and Dramas: An Observation Concerning Burma in Thai Perception and Understanding SUNAIT CHUTINTHARANON

In a review of the popular image of Burmese in Thai novels, plays, and movies, the author finds many stereotypes. For example, the drama, Nai Khanom Tom, tells of a Thai boxer captured and in Burma as a prisoner of war. In its telling of the great skill of this man, also dehumanizes the Burmese, depicting them as plunderers and murderers. The author traces the roots of such stereotypes through Thai novels, to writings in the reign of King Chulalongkom such as Thai Rop Phama (Our Wars With Burma), to early-nineteenth century writings. At that time, Thai leaders saw the Burmese as enemies of Buddhism, the Thai people and the Thai kingdom. This stereotype has never changed although how it is portrayed has.

Changing Power and Position of Mo Muang in Northern Thailand Healing Rituals ANAN GANJANAPAN

Faculty of Social Sciences, Chiang Mai University

Journal ofthe Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

Abstracts

xi

This paper examines changes in the power and moral position of Mo Muang (traditional healers in northern Thailand) as seen through case studies of healing rituals, in Nan, Phayao and Lampang provinces. The paper seeks to identify indigenous perspectives as seem through ideas of power, knowledge and morality. The paper examines the dialectical relationships between the reproduction of ritual knowledge and the transformation of power. In the changing social relationships that are occurring in Thailand, a strong bureaucratic system holds on to power while the enlarging middle class find itself with only limited power. Mo Muang play a role in helping members of this new and volatile middle class rationalize their distorted social position.

Intellectual Aspect of the Formation of Strong Kingship in Siam ATTACHAK SATIYANURAK

This paper reviews the background of strong kingship in Siam. Whereas most studies on this subject have described the emergence of strong kingship as largely a response to Western colonial incursions on Siam and its neighbors, this paper examines important intellectual forces that motivated the king of Siam's actions. Among the most significant forces was the development of a new historical consciousness starting in the reign of King Rama IV. This was based on a new conception of time which itself emerged inter-relatedly with other socio-economic changes including the commercialization of society, that gave importance to novelty and creation. Through this an entirely new worldview emerged in Siam, differing from the static society embodied in the cosmology of the centuries old Traiphum Phraruang (Three Worlds ofPhra Ruang).

The Ancestral Spirit Forest (Don Pu Ta) and the Role Behavior of Elders (Thao Cham) in Northeastern Thailand BooNYONG KETTATE

The people of northeastern Thailand believe that Don Pu Ta (the ancestral spirit forest) is sacred space where their ancestral spirit can be found. The care they provide the forest and their own descendants living in communities with such forests provides for a tranquil life. Recent and incessant forest destruction has greatly altered the traditional role of the Don Pu Ta and the behavior of the Thao Cham (elders) ritual. This study assesses the present condition of Don Pu Ta, the role and behavior of the Thao Cham, rituals, attitudes and beliefs, the relationships in the community regarding Don Pu Ta, values, as well as the impact on the mental health of the people in the community. Don Pu Ta were examined in nine provinces of the northeast. Data were collected through interviews with 385 community leaders and other appropriate individuals in the northeast. The findings of the study showed that, despite the changes, people in the northeast still maintain close links with the Don Pu Ta and interact with it every season of the year. The gather forest produce from the area as food, for sale, as medicine, or for use in handicraft or utensil manufacture. The Don Pu Ta have Thao Cham who are selected to serve to facilitate communication between the ancestral spirits and the members of the community. They preside over propitiation, divination, and other ceremonies before the ancestral spirits which the villagers continue to value, trust, and believe in. They regard the Don Pu Ta as sacred space and that those violate it will be punished by the ancestral spirits. The power of these spirits and the behavior of the Thao Cham continue to influence the community's way of life. This predisposes the villagers to conserve their ancestral spirit forests so as to maintain their force through the maintenance of their traditional culture ·that supports the villagers' agricultural activities.

Journal of the Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

xii

Abstracts

Madame Constance's Jewels MICHAEL SMITHIES

Phaulkon, "Monsieur Constance" to the French, during his brief period in power from 1683 to 1688 at the end of King Narai's reign amassed a considerable personal fortune, some of which was placed in the jewels nominally owned by his wife, Maria Guyomar de Pinha. After Phaulkon's arrest on 18 May 1688 in the Lopburi coup d'etat engineered by Phetracha, the Siamese made great efforts to lay hands on some of the Greek's wealth, more particularly on his wife's jewels. This article, using an anonymous unpublished manuscript in the Bibliotheque Nationale, as well as the recently published (1998) testimony of Lieut. de La Touche, the engineer Vollant des Verquains' account of events and Major Beauchamp's neglected manuscript, reveals the duplicity and cupidity of the French commander Desfarges and his chief-of-staff Beauchamp, as well as the suspect role of the Jesuits in the affair, in which only the junior officer de Fretteville emerges with dignity, and he appears to have been murdered for his probity. The Jewels themselves were either seized by the Dutch at the Cape or disappeared with the death of Desfarges, and the impoverished Mme Constance languished a slave in Phetracha's palace for fifteen years.

New Light on Early Cambodian Buddhism NANCY DoWLING

This paper studies early Cambodian images of Buddha, mainly from Angkor Borei, from which a new chronology is established. It indicates that Buddhist imagery is a short-lived phenomenon in Angkor Borei with the earliest dated to the early seventh century and the latest to the sixth to the seventh decade of the seventh century. This terminal date supports the late seventh-century commentary written by the Chinese Buddhist monk 1-ching that Buddhism had been expelled from Cambodia by a ''wicked king" for which Jayavarman I, who reigned from AD. 657-681, was the likely candidate. Of further importance is that the Angkor Borei images of Buddha tell us that after the late seventh century, there was a hiatus of nearly 400 years before Buddhist imagery re-appeared in the late twelfth to thirteenth century. Elsewhere in Cambodia this was not the case with inscriptions testifying to the practice of Buddhism in the eighth century. As to the type of Buddhism, these images offered us proof of at least two Theravadan schools in Angkor Borei: the Miilasarvastivadanikaya and the Sammitinikaya.

Creative Engagement: Sujava7J1Ja Wua Luang and its Contribution to Buddhist Literature JusTIN McDANIELS

The Sujavar:tr:ta Wua Luang (SWL), an apocryphal Buddhist Jataka story written in Khiin, employs translocalliterary practices to express local values, religious beliefs and practices. The SWL has a similar structure to canonical Jatakas: its main character is a bodhisatta and the story involves selfsacrifice, renunciation and the lives of royalty and the gods. However, the Khiin writers inserted many new features into this known form, including: 1) an emphasis on monogamy; 2) a greater attention to the value of romantic love; 3) an acceptance of sibling marriage; 4) a focus on achieving the three joys; 5) frequent references to the practice of local and/or Brahmanistic magic; 6) meditative practices which include the kamma!fhana (specific objects of meditation); 7) an explicit importance placed on copying, honouring and listening to the text; 8) and a greater

Journal of the Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

Abstracts

xii i

emphasis on the perfection of knowledge and renunciation . Although there are many other important themes and values expressed in the SWL (like the emphasis placed on the connection between physical beauty, wealth and spiritual power, the importance of giving and the period of asceticism in the forest) these particular eight features are largely local innovations on the canonical Jiitaka type. By focusing on them, Khi.in creative strategies for manipulating classical literature for their own purposes will emerge. The Khi.in composer(s) of the SWL found the complex narrative structure, compelling chain of events and prestigious classical language of the canonical Jilt aka to be an exce llent vehicle to comment upon local historical events, political and socia l concerns and cultural values and practices. Studying the SWL in this light will lay the basis for a new understanding of the relationship between canonical and vernacular literature in Southeast Asia.

Shanguo is not a Shan Kingdom: To Correct a Mistake Related to the Early History of Taispeaking Peoples in China and Mainland Southeast Asia DR.

HE P ING

Shanguo is a kingdom, recorded in ancient Chinese annals, which sent its envoy to China during the 1st and the 2nd centuries. Most Chinese scholars think that it is a Shan kingdom in today 's northern Myanmar and western pa1t of Yunnan , China. Some scholars even think that it included parts oftoday's Laos and Thailand. So it has been written in articles and books about the history of Dai-Shan peoples and even the history of other ethnic Tai groups . This paper, however, proves that Shan-guo is neither in today's Myanmar and Ylllman nor in other mainland Southeast Asian countries; it is not a Shan Kingdom .

Persian Religious and Cultural Influences in Siam/Thailand and Maritime Southeast Asia in Historical Perspective: A Plea for a Concerted Interdisciplinary Approach DR. MuHAMMAD IsMA IL M A RCINKOWSKI

Senior Research Fellow and Lecturer, ISTAC, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia This contribution by an Iranologist directs the attention to the historical significance of Iranian cultural influences in Southeast Asia, with special emphasis on Thailand. It indicates especially the role played by Iranians in the Ayutthayan Kingdom during the 17th century, which has yet not been investigated sufficiently. Iranian Twelver ShT' ite Muslims were entrusted with high-ranking offices by the Siamese monarchs as a reward for the various services rendered by them to the Crown. A striking feature was their loyalty and affection even in times of external threats to their Buddhist sovereign, which were reciprocated by the kings who even sponsored the ShT'ite festivals. Their descendants, many of them Buddhists, continued to enjoy royal favour during the Bangkok period.

Rules for Interpolation in the Thai Calendar: Suriyayatra versus the Sasana J. C. E A DE The Australian National University

DR.

As a way of determining which Thai lunar years require intercalation there is a supposed "sasana" rule which proves not to be entirely workable. The following piece demonstrates why; outlines the correct way of determining adhikmas and adhikawan ; and considers the curious debate about adhikamas to be found in the Pa Daeng Chronicle.

Journal of the Siam Society 88. 1 & 2 (2000)

.r'roperty of the .. ._ 'tiam Society's Librarl BANGKOK

EDITORIAL Writing Thai History and Culture Ronald D. Renard

0

ver the past three years, I have visited dozen of provincial cultural centers in Thailand. Almost all are producing books on local cultures, minority groups, languages, rituals, literature, and diverse aspects of life in those provinces. The local photographer's association in Satun 1 has produced a book on the province's cultural highlights. The Thai Language Department at Wachiraprakan School in Kamphaeng Phet has produced a magnificently illustrated and well-written book on a popular novel set in that city2 • Many more examples could be cited. Other groups and individuals are also writing. Local groups of Chiang Mai Karen together with representatives of the provincial primary education office are preparing a curriculum on Karen history and culture for use in primary schools in their villages3 • Dictionaries on the most remote groups in the country are being compiled by professors at Chulalongkom, Thammasat, Mahidol and other universities, as well as by religious groups such as the Summer Institute ofLinguistics. "Cremation volumes", books distributed at funerals, provide much culturally important information. The practice of distributing books at cremations dates to 1881 and the use of this as a means for disseminating important literature was popularized by Prince Damrong Rajanubhap after he became the head of the Vajirafiana (National) Library in 1915. The overall growth of the Thai economy since the early 1980s has resulted in more cremation volumes being prepared with a consequent increase ofsignificant literature found in them. To cite a few examples, quite a lot on Mon culture is found in the cremation volumes of monks from Pathurn Thani where Mon traditions remain strong. In the royal cremation ofM.R. Chakratong Tongyai, are notes of a trip in 1939 up Doi Inthanon in Chiang Mai

from a previously unpublished diary by Walter Zimmerman4 • The six-volume set of books prepared for the funeral of Dr. Sanga Sabhasri5 contains valuable information on forestry, botanical research, and related matters. In 2000, with the backing of Siam Commercial Bank, the 63-volume Thai Cultural Encyclopedia6 was published. Divided into four parts, one for each of the country's regions, the encyclopedia was compiled by teams of experts under the general editorship of Dr. Prasert Na Nagara. A grand array ofinformation on cultural items and practices is presented in a richlyillustrated format. On a lesser scale, a team from Mahidol University under the leadership of Dr. Suriya Rattakul has produced a set of books on each of the country's ethnic minorities which she calls the Saranukrom Klum Chatiphan [Encyclopedia of Ethnic Groups]. Both the golden jubilee ofHis Majesty, King Bhumibol's reign in 1996 and the celebration of the completion of his sixth cycle at age 72 were each marked with hundreds if not thousands of publications. These contribute not only to an understanding of King Bhumibol's work but to the culture of the country as well. Two such books are Phrabat Somdet Phrachaoyuhua Nai Phraboromaracha Chakriwong Kap Nakhon Chic;zng Mai [The Kings of the Chakri Dynasty and Chiang Mai on the relationship between the Kings ofLan Na and of the Chakri Dynasty by the National Historical Commission7 and another, Praphat Ton Bon Doi [Royal Visits to the Hills] by the National Identity Board on His Majesty's work with the hill people of the north. 8 Never has so much material on the country's culture and history been available. This confirms comments by Will Tuchrello, of the Library of Congress, made at a talk in Chiang Mai to the Informal Northern Thai Group in May 2000.

Journal of the Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

Editorial

He noted that despite predictions of paperless offices and the use of the Internet to replace conventional printing, this era has seen rapid increases in publication on all subjects and on culture in particular. Yet it is ironic that despite this upsurge of writing, rarely have popular books aroused so much indignation as in recent years. Consider the case of two books, William Stevenson's The Revolutionary King9 , a biography of King Bhumibol, and The Story ofAnna and the King, by Cecelia Holland 10 • The Revolutionary King did not go on sale in Thailand. Holland's Anna and the King was sold in Thailand despite the movie not being shown in Thai theaters. What does The Revolutionary King tell about Thai history and culture? Although most of the book deals with the king's reign, the story in the book begins in with a synopsis of Bangkok's early history. Take for example the following passage: This army general founded the Chakri dynasty, translated the ancient Indian epic, the Ramayana, which tells the original story of Lord Buddha's earlier incarnations. He called himself Rama the First, meaning he was Prince Rama who became Buddha.

The following points can be made. First, this man, General Chakri, did not himself translate the Ramayana. Second, it is a Hindu epic, not Buddhist, and tells nothing of the Buddha's earlier lives. Third, General Chakri did not call himself Rama the First; he called himself, as king, Phaendin Ton, "Founder of the Kingdom." The calling of kings in the Rattanakosin Dynasty as "Rama I, Rama II, and so on, was instituted over a century later by the sixth king of the dynasty (r. 1910-1924). That monarch's twelve years in England helped him conclude the existing naming system was too complicated for what only must have seemed to him as benighted Westerners. 11 Fourth, calling kings "Rama" does not imply that they have become Buddhas. Another example is the reference to the death of Prince Mahidol: Papa died in late September, 1929, in the season known as the Buddhist Lent when the people

xxvii

wash away their sins by floating tiny candles in banana-leaf boats.

First, Buddhist "Lent" refers to what is called by the Pali term, vassa, meaning "the rains". This begins on the eighth full moon of the traditional Thai lunar year and lasts for three months, (usually July until October). Second, the floating of "banana-leaf boats" seems to be a mistaken reference to Loi Krathong, which occurs one month after the end of vassa, generally in November. Third, Loi Krathong, is a Brahmin and not a Buddhist ceremony. Fourth, the candles are floated on slices of the banana stalk (or more popularly this year in Bangkok, on styrofoam), not the banana leaf. Fifth, calling Prince Mahidol "Papa" needs little discussion. But it should be noted that Stevenson's using such personal terms has, to say the least, stunned Thais and old Bangkok hands. Without reviewing what is discussed in the rest of the book, these and other such lapses on easily verifiable points of Thai culture are disappointing. But this is common to much Western writing on the country. In preparation for the movie, Anna and the King, the producers sponsored historical research. In this effort, Cecelia Holland, examined Thai history, results ofher study being found in The Story of Anna and the King. [London HarperCollins Entertainment 2000] She has written some two dozen historical novels ranging from prehistory to the Middle Ages with several on the American West, especially California. Although several reviewers praise her "exhaustive research", quite likely it was her talents at "novelization" that attracted HarperCollins Entertainment more than her research skills. What can one say about the notice on the book's back cover? "Here is the real story behind the woman who inspired a bestselling biography ... Cecelia Holland weaves a beautiful narrative of the true histories behind Anna Leonowens and the Siamese royal family." She clearly read the books by Anna Leonowens, Bristowe's biography of her son, Louis and the King ofSiam, and other literature on nineteenth century Thailand. She knows that Anna was not who she claimed to be and

Journal of the Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

xxviii

Editorial

something about court life at the time. Still, however, problems remain. Take the first paragraphs of her historical background entitled "Siam". [pp. 36-39] She mistakenly states that the region encompassing Thailand was where rice cultivation originated and that tin production here preceded it in the Fertile Crescent. She mistranslates the "Mae Nem Chao Phraya" as the "Great Mother River" and errs in saying that a group of the Tai coming to Sukhothai took the name "Thai", meaning "free." Her account jumbles the impact of the fall ofNanchao on the southward migration of the Tai from southern China. She overstates the power of the king ofSukhothai (probably never having read the Ramkamhaeng Inscription), and fails to mention that Sukhothai was but one of several Tai (once called "beachhead") states. Similar critiques could be applied to other popular accounts of Thai history and culture. But the problem is not with William Stevenson, Cecelia Holland, or other such writers about Thailand; the problem is that the formal practice of Thai scholarship is not strong enough to dominate the study of Thai culture so that the Stevensons and Hollands of the world can get it right. While Thai scholars of course know Thai history and culture, the present agenda for their discussion is mostly set in Australia, Europe, and North America. All these Thai scholars desiring doctorates in such fields must (at least until very recently) enroll at institutions outside of Thailand, such as at the Australian National University, Cornell, or the School of Oriental and African Studies in London. In addition to experts teaching at these institutions, their libraries include collections of materials on Thailand that are formidable even by Thai standards. Also a factor is the international prestige enjoyed by these institutions. The major theoretical trends influencing Thai history and culture from at least the 1950s when scholars started examining "loose structure" have set the course for Thai studies. This often influences the choice of a dissertation topic for a Thai graduate student and then continues far beyond graduate school. In all areas of research, priorities in these other countries have generally determined what Thai scholars study, even after they have completed graduate school. Themes

such as the "moral economy", "imagined communities", "geobody", and "thick descriptions" set the international agenda for Thai studies far more than any indigenous ways of understanding Thai society. Other reasons involved the relatively young Thai academic life. Beginning only in 1917 with the inauguration of Chulalongkorn University, institutions of higher education in Thailand did not in their early years include many of the country's most outstanding scholars or prolific authors. The "Father ofThai History," Prince Damrong Rajanubhab is but one example of an influential scholar serving as a government official not attached to an educational institution. Similarly, in the early years when universities were seen mainly as teaching institutions, obtaining higher academic rank (such as that of Professor) was not directly linked to scholarly writing. Without a "Publish or Perish" formula, university lecturers who often were quite able to write insightful studies, were not encouraged to do so. Through the 1950s, university enrollment was small and many upwardly mobile young Thai studied overseas. Not until 1939 did Chulalongkorn University have to tum prospective students away. Libraries, public and private, were rare until after World War II. Factors such as these resulted in there being few academic journals in Thailand until the 1960s and thus few literary outlets for would-be authors. The only scholarly association was the Siam Society which basically was an English (and secondarily, French) language organization. From its start in 1904, "for the investigation of arts, science, and literature in relation to Siam and neighbouring countries," it paid particular attention in the Journal to disciplines such as archaeology, ethnography, and material culture such as pottery and numismatics, which were more readily accessible to non-Thais than such fields as history, literature, and religion. There were exceptions in the early years. Prince Damrong assisted the Society continually and the French scholar George Credes contributed significantly to Thai epigraphical studies. Experts in disciplines requiring advanced knowledge of the language remained Thai and largely outside the Society. In 1906, the Council

Journal of the Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

Editorial

lamented "the almost complete absence of Siamese from its membership list." 12 When they wished to manifest the knowledge of their subject they had few outlets. One was cremation volumes. Prince Damrong while head of the Vajiraiiana (National) Library in 1915 in cooperation with Credes, its curator two years, promoted the use of cremation volumes for publishing noteworthy Thai writings. Besides material on the deceased, cremation volumes often included chronicles, religious treatises and royal addresses. Another outlet was the increasing number of newspapers or magazines being published in the twentieth century. The first major Thai history of northern Thailand researched by the investigation of original sources was published in serial form by Vachirayan (Journal of the National Library and the one early scholarly journal that did exist) from 1898-1899 as Prawat Lao Chiang (History ofthe Lao Chiang). 13 The Bangkok Times published articles on Thai culture from time to time as did an increasing number of other publications. In such an environment where scholarly articles appeared in diverse places, insight or special knowledge was often exhibited in small groups of instructors or scholars chatting with each other. Just as traditional Thai musicians sometimes tried to confuse others playing in the same ensemble by varying the tempo, traditional Thai academics sometimes tried to outdo their associates by showing off awareness of arcane subjects or innovative ways to explain traditional lore. An example of such special knowledge in mass media occurred on 16 October 2000 when the Matichon weekly magazine displayed a wellknown politician on its cover with the caption, "Je cognois tout, fors que moy-mesme." The phrase, in centuries-old French was once translated by King Rama VI and included in his Pramuan Sup hasit (Collected Aphorisms). Even though only a handful of Matichon 's readers could understand this phrase, the editor published it, without a translation in the weekly magazine, leaving his uninformed readers in the dark for a couple of days until a translation appeared in a daily edition of Matichon. Through this transfer of knowledge rooted in personal relationships rather than the written

xxix

word, Thai studies carried on. In this, the nature of the person was important often as much as the ideas or theories presented. Thai reviews of Thai scholarship generally pay attention to the individual making the presentation as much as the ideas themselves. From this standpoint, there are compellingly insightful "Thai" methods for studying the culture. Using the Thai Sam Kok (Romance of the Three Kingdoms) is one popular way in Thailand to understand Thai politics. The Thai story is based on San Kuo Yen I (Romance of the Three Kingdoms) which was written by Luo Guan Zhong and then revised by Mao Zong Gang and his father just before 1650. This fictional account describes the tumultuous times in China after the collapse of the Han Dynasty (206 B.C.-220 A.D.) when China was divided into three kingdoms. The story was translated into Thai during the reign of King Rama I by a man named Hon and entitled Chaophraya Phrakhlang who oversaw Bangkok's foreign relations. King Rama I ordered him to head a team that would write a Thai version. As Malinee Dilokwanich notes, rather than wanting an exact translation, the king aimed to produce a work detailing aspects of military strategy that was also outstanding literature. To do this, although the story line was changed only a little, many alterations were required. The Chinese worldview, involving the mandate of heaven, was replaced by a Thai world involving merit and lack of merit. Place and personal names were written not in Mandarin but in the Fukien dialect, more prevalent in Thailand. Motifs and events, such as a fleet on the Yellow River being destroyed by the east wind were changed, in this case, for example, to the fleet being swamped by the southwest monsoon on the Chao Phraya River. The result notes Malinee was "a total adaptation to Thai literary conventions, to the Thai language and to the Thai world view" representing "a new genre of prose fiction." 14 Since then new dramatic and prose versions were written from diverse viewpoints. The original Thai version is a standard school text. The importance of Sam Kok is widely recognized. At Wat Bowonniwet, where before becoming king, Prince Mongkut served as the abbot, a Chinese style building, Wihan Keng

Journal ofthe Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

XXX

Editorial

houses murals of the pivotal scene in Sam Kok where Cho Cho' s fleet was swamped (known to Chinese as the Battle of the Red Cliffs). King Vajiravudh referred to Sam Kok as the best novel ever written in Thai. Thais commonly say that people who read Sam Kokthree times knows so many tricks that they cannot be trusted. The Sam Kok tradition exudes lively innovation, individuality, and creativity in much the same way as the best research in the provincial cultural centers. Yet just as little of that scholarship has been noticed by the outside world, most of the Sam Kok discussion has remained within the country. This is unfortunate because Thais routinely refer to Sam Kok, particularly regarding politics. In a cover story in the business monthly, Manager, 15 Sam Kok was used to analyze recent Thai politics including the events of May 1992. Perhaps the only serious "international" discussion of this phenomenon was by Craig Reynolds, "Tycoons and Warlords: Modem Thai Social Formations and Chinese Historical Romance". 16 Despite the existence of such useful and intellectually challenging modes of analysis, the direction of Thai studies remains under the direction of non-Thais outside of Thailand. This is shown in two recent reviews of Southeast Asian studies. In the first, a 1995 "state-of-thefield essay" on the anthropology of Southeast Asia, 17 out 200 works mentioned, less than fifteen were by Southeast Asians. All of these were in English and none were by Thais. 18 The second was a reevaluation of the future of Southeast Asian studies at a colloquium ofNorth American-based scholars in Washington held in early-2000. 19 Except for Professor Charles Keyes, who noted that those "seeking to become specialists in Thailand must today acquire an extensive knowledge of the . . . scholarship published in Thai if they are to make any significant contribution to knowledge", no one present made any serious reference to Thai scholarship. The fact that such Thai scholarly publication was rare until the last two decades is a major reason why non-Thais have been able to set the agenda for much of Thai scholarship. As Keyes notes, though, the situation has changed. Besides the publications of the cultural centers, there is an increasingly active academic community

publishing Thai works at many universities. Changes in academic regulations now require applicants for academic rank (such as assistant professor) to conduct research and publish the results. The opening of master's degree programs throughout the country has resulted in hundreds of theses being written. The result of these changes has been a vastly increased body of literature in Thai on Thai studies. New programs are opening that give the indication of continued innovation and expanded scholarly publication. Maha Sarakham University is planning a program emphasizing northeastern Thailand but also covering Tai and related groups throughout Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, and other countries in the region. The Rajabhat Institute of Surin is organizing the Phanom Dongrek Studies Program covering the northeastern Thai-Lao-Cambodian triangle. In its local oral history project the Institute aims to produce hundreds of books. The Siam Society is in a good position to support such studies. Members are found throughout the country and elsewhere in the world working in a variety of disciplines related to the study ofThai culture. The Society's library is one of the oldest in the country and possesses an excellent collection of rare books on the country. Recent improvements to this library promise to make it better able to serve its users. The Society's tour program visits both the famous as well as little-known centers ofcultural activity. Lectures on all aspects of Thai culture at the Society supplement this program. Publications including monographs, the Natural History Bulletin and the Journal contribute as well. In the absence of active academic publishing in the countries surrounding Thailand, the Journal and the other publications serves as a medium for scholarly expression for the entire region. This Journal issue brings articles and reviews looking at Thailand from the inside and from the outside. Articles cover the fields of archaeology, art, history, literature, ethnology, philately, and religion. These articles deal with all the regions of Thailand as well as three of its neighbors. In review section, approximately two dozen books are discussed. These articles also touch on a range of social groups: royalty, hill people, Muslims, residents of the ancient northeast, young lovers, scoundrels, the clergy,

Journal ofthe Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

Editorial

and other French in Ayutthaya of the 1680s, performing artists, and potters. Members of the spirit world are also discussed. Honorary member, Professor Klaus Wenk, has contributed what he says will be his last academic article. Studying the elegant motherof-pearl doors ofWat Pho showing themes from the Riimakien (Thai Ramayana), Professor Wenk reviews the history of mother-of-pearl making in Thailand as well as the story itself. Excellent photography some contributed by former Society President, Bangkok Chowkwanyun, complements the article. From the Faculty of Arts at Chulalongkom, Suchitra Chongstitvatana discusses nirat, a form of Thai poetry conventionally written by a man to his beloved while away on a trip. Besides interpreting the genre, sensitive translations of modem nirat make it possible for people who do not read Thai to appreciate these characteristically Thai poems. A poem of quite another genre, and in northern Thai, by Phaithun Phromwichit complements the obituary to Thomas Kirsch. Two articles and one note from the 7th International Conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists (EurASEAA) held in Berlin in September 1998 were contributed through the kind assistance of Dr. Wibke Lobo from the Museum ofEthnology in Berlin and former editor, Dr. Ian Glover. Karen Randolph examines pottery production in Si Satchanalai and Nandana Chutiwongs assesses intriguing finds at Phii Phra Bat in northeastern Thailand. Louis Cort and Leedom Lefferts examine the process by which earthenware is produced at present in Southeast Asia. Thailand's Burma/Myanmar expert, Sunait Chutintharanon, assesses the Thai perception of Burma in Thai popular literature. Considerable work has been done in recent years by collaborating teams ofThai and Burmese experts to review the shared history of these two countries. Besides helping organize a wellattended symposium at the Siam Society on King Naresuan, the one Thai king who could defeat the Burmese, Dr. Sunait has been an advisor to the Thai historical movie on Queen Suriyothai that is about to be released. Experience from the academic and popular worlds inform Dr. Sunait's perceptive article.

xxxi

From Yangon University comes U Thaw Kaung, a participant in the team collaborating to improve the state of Thai-Burmese studies and a frequent lecturer at the Society. His presentation on Ayedawbon, a particular type of historical account that resembles in some ways the Chotmaihet of Thailand provides a rich body of information. This deepens our knowledge of the means used for recording history in these two countries that many mistakenly assume to be the same. Profound historical insights can be obtained from studying the article by Chiang Mai University's intellectual historian, Attachak Satayanurak. This is the first half of a longer paper prepared in Kyoto University. The second half of this paper is expected to appear in the next issue. Of considerable importance is the adoption and adaptation of Western ideas and concepts that changed the Thai way of life and the country's kingship. Boonyong Kettate of Maha Sarakham University reviews the spirit world of the northeast in his paper. The Pu Ta (ancestral) forests is a popular indigenous method for propitiating spirits that also preserves woodlands and maintains social order. The fate of these forests in recent years is also discussed. Also dealing with the spirit world is Anan Ganajanapan's discussion of northern Thai healing rituals. A multi-disciplinary anthropologist at Chiang Mai University, Dr. Anan uses his earlier degrees in political science and history to deal with changes in rituals holistically and comprehensively. Also dealing with change but of a considerably different kind, Nancy Dowling innovatively examines changes in Buddhist images in early Cambodia. The University of Hawaii Professor tentatively links iconographic modifications with changes in the Buddhist sects in early-Cambodia. Justin McDaniel from Harvard University examines at a Tai Khun manuscript from Chiang Tung (also known as Jengtung, Kengtung, and Kyaington) in Shan State of Burma. He proposes ways by which this heretofore little-known text can contribute to our understanding of Buddhist literature. Well-known to JSS readers in Michael Smithies. He has found yet another previously

Journal ofthe Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

xxxii

Editorial

unknown manuscript in the French archives. This one, not without some humorous touches regarding the interplay of high-ranking officials dealing with the horde of expensive jewelry left by Madame Constance Phaulkon, makes one think that there must be more such manuscripts. In a review Professor Smithies tells of just another such manuscript on 17th century Ayutthaya, the account of Monsieur Pierre Raymond. Ever since the Nanchao Theory (telling that fall of Nanchao to the Mongols precipitated a mass migration ofTais south to found kingdoms such as Sukhothai, Chiang Mai, and Ayutthaya some 700 years ago) was found untenable, studies of Tais in China have grown more popular. Among the latest is He Ping, presently at Chulalongkorn University, who reviews the ethnicity of Shangua in southern China. Looking to the future, Muhammad Ismail Marcinkowski, tells that much can be learned from examining Persian sources for studying the Ayutthayan era. He calls for interdisciplinary studies ofPersian accounts now several centuries old. These accounts can be expected to yield new perspective to the accounts of the French for this period. In these contributions one sees diversity almost to the point of disarray. But a theme

exists in that all explore new territory in their field. All provide new information and contribute to the existing body of knowledge. New documents, new poetic creations, new theoretical and historical interpretations, new archaeological discoveries, and either new scholars or scholars newly available to the English-speaking audience are found herein. Traditional Thai music lacked the concept of perfect pitch. Different ensembles tuned their instruments to be internally harmonious. The pitch we have established for the JSS at present is innovative scholarship on this region. Although the Greater Mekong Region which the JSS is now serving is hardly new, the opportunity to conduct research in most areas within it, even imperfectly, is novel enough. At no time since before World War II would it have been possible for the JSS to present articles on the geographical areas studied in this issue. As the Society moves towards its second century, the JSS aims to support the kind of research found in this issue and to spread the findings widely. This will correct the worst abuses of recent popular writing as well as encourage scholars in the region to publish more. In so doing the JSS will contribute to Thailand regaining control over the conduct of Thai studies.

Notes 1 Saturn Province Photography and Tourism Club. Ruamruang Muang Satun: Thiraluk Khroprop 150 Pi. Satun: Satun Province Photography and Tourism Club. 2 Thung Maharat Kap Prawatisat Muang Kamphaeng Phet [Thung Maharat and the History of Kamphaeng Phet]. Kamphaeng Phet: Center for the Development of Thai Language Education, Wachiraprakan Secondary School, edited by Santi Aphairat and Supranee Saengthong, 1996. 3 Rang Khrongkan Phathana Laksut Thongthin Na Radap Prathom Suksa Chonphai Pakkoyo [Draft Project to Develop a Local Primary School Curriculum on the Karen Ethnic Group]. Chiang Mai: Mae Wang Watershed Community Network Organization, et al. n.d. [ca. 1998]. 4 In Memory of the Royal Cremation of Mom Rajawongse Chakratong Tongyai. Bangkok: 23 November 23, 1998, pp. 138-152.

5 English-language titles of the six volumes are: Professor Dr. Sanga Sabhasri, Forest is Life, Building the Nation through Science and Technology, Trees in the Garden, Blissful Life in the Botanic Garden, and Life is Like the Mountains. Bangkok, 1999. 6 Nangsu Saranukrom Wathanatham Thai [Encyclopedia of Thai Culture]. 1999-2000. Bangkok: Foundation for the Encyclopedia of Thai Culture. 7 Phrabat Somdet Phrachaoyuhua Nai Phraboromaracha Chakriwong Kap Nakhon Chiang Mai [The Kings of the Chakri Dynasty and Chiang Mai]. Bangkok: Historical Commission, Secretariat of the Prime Minister, 1996. Edited by Wina Rochanaratha, et al.. Translated by Theera Nuchpiam and Winai Pongsripian. 8 Praphat Ton Bon Doi [Royal Visits to the Hills]. 1996. Bangkok: National Identity Board. Edited by Kanita Lekhakun. 9 William Stevenson, 1999. The Revolutionary

Journal ofthe Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

Editorial

King: The True-Life Sequel to Th e King and !. London: Co nstab le. 1 ° Cecelia Holland. 1999. The Story of Anna and the King. London : HarperCollins Entertainment. 11 Who frequentl y failed to reali ze that Thai princes, suc h as Prince Mongkut or Prince Vajiravudh CHANGED their name when taking the thron e such as to King Chom Klao or King Mongkut. Tired of being mistakenly referred to as his grandfather, the grandson who was the real KING Mongkut decided to li st all the kings of the dynasty as Rama, fro m I to the then 6, as a convenience for non-Thais. 12 "Report for 1906". Journal of th e Siam Society 3:2, p. 39. 13 Phraya Prachakitkorachak wrote that Lao Chiang was an ea rly Tai group whose descendants comprised part of the Tais who founded Chiang Mai. In 1907 the work became known as Phongsawadan Yonok when published with some emendations in book form. 14 Mali nee Dilokwanich. 1983. "Sam Kok": A Study

xxx iii

of a Thai Adaptation of a Chinese Novel. Seattle: Univers ity of Washington Ph.D. dissertation, p. 2. 15 Hanuman. "General Disorder". 1992. Manager. (October), pp. 12-18. 16 In Anthony Reid, ed. Sojourners and Settlers: Histories a,(Southeast Asia and the Chinese in Honour of Jennifer Cushmen. St. Leonards: Allen & Unwin, 1996. 17 John R. Bowen. 1995. "The Form Culture Takes: A State-of-the-Field Essay on the Anthropology of Southeast As ia". Journal of the Association ofAsian Studies 54:4 [November] pp. 1047- 1078. 18 The author notes (p. I 047) that he is focus sing on anthropologists in the United States and that the article is shaped by his interest in Indonesia. Nevertheless, the construction of the article and his selection of so urces indicates a beliefthat little outside the United States is in this "Field". 19 Southeast As ia Program: Weighing the Balance Southeast Asian Studies Ten Years After. Washington D.C. Social Science Research Council.

Journal of the Siam Society 88. 1 & 2 (2000)

Property of the {iam Society's Library 'RANnKOK

1!1.

m.

ci..

jvt-i'il3J'I.h~L'WtU

iUnaJff~an!f.:J1'2f-i

!iaJ~o~roC::~[~81 G~8Gtti:g8: o:>e>p: l!nGcmb:gb:o:>&p: accom;ts of the lives these kings. 4"

The compilers of this dictionary also explain that the root word oo(O'l: A-ye is used especially in forms A-yedaw, A-yebon, Ayedawbon and that the meaning is: "affair, cause, campaign, struggle, revolution; fortune, prospects, position; historical account of a campaign or struggle for power or a cause." 5

Dr. Hla Pe in a separate article also defines Ayedawbon as a "royal affair: it generally consists of the struggle to power, a savouring of Hitler's 'Mein kampf"6 Myanmar historian Dr. Aye Kyaw has compared the Myanmar terms Yazawin (rajawan), ayedawbon and mhattan with some Thai terms. He writes: "Besides the rajawan, the Burmese terms, mhattam and aretoau pum [ayedawbon] are synonymous with the Thai terms, chotmaihet or kotmaihet and they deal with account or report on particular events. In particular, the aretoau pum are concerned with the short histories of particular wars or uprisings."7

The modem meaning of Ayedawbon as a "Social or political uprising; revolution" has been discussed in some detail by Dr. Robert H.Taylor in his article "Burmese Concepts of Revolution". He also discusses the original meaning: "The root of ayei-daw-bon is ayei, meaning a business or affair, to which is appended taw (daw) the suffix denoting royalty, a deity, or (now) the state-and bon (pun), a narrative or sequence of events, giving literally "story of royal or state affairs". Judson, in a dictionary he prepared in the early nineteenth century~ noted that ayei-daw, while literally meaning royal affairs, was a term applied especially to wars waged by kings, but also rebellions, etc., while ayei-bon-sa (sa meaning paper) was a journal of military occurrences. In current daily parlance the term is generally taken to mean the style or nature of a movement or matter concerning royalty or the state; it indicates a political movement in a similar but more forceful sense than the alternative but neutral term hlok-sha-hmu. An ayei-daw-bon is also a body of literature, being the five or six historical accounts of the struggle for power by Kings Danyawadi [sic.] Yazadarit, Hanthawadi Hsinbyushin, Nyaungyan Min. and Alaungpaya. "8

The word Ayedawbon continued to be used in the titles of over a dozen books, after 1885 and the end of the Myanmar monarchy, right up to recent times. For example there is book called Thakin Nu Ayedawbon [Thakin Nu's Struggle

Journal ofthe Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

Ayedawbon Kyan, an Important Myanmar Literary Genre Recording Historical Events

for Power] (1949), Taungthu Laithama Ayedawbon [Peasants' Revolution] ( 1965}, Kyaungtha Ayedawbon [Students' Revolution] (1956), Sethmu-lethmu Ayedawbon hnei Myanmar zwe [Industrial Revolution and Myanmar Perserverance] and so on. Obviously my paper does not cover these latter books. In this paper I will be talking about Ayedawbon kyan, as a distinct Myanmar literary genre in the form of monographs which give historical accounts of royal campaigns and accounts of the lives of four famous Myanmar kings, namely: (1) Rajadirit (or Razadarit}, AD 1385-1423 (2) Hanthawaddy (Hamsavati) Hsinbyumya Shin,or King Bayinnaung, AD 1551-1581 (3) Nyaungyan Mintaya, AD 1599-1605 (4) Alaungmintaya Gyi or Alaungpaya, AD 1752-1760 The other two Ayedawbon kyan do not centre on particular kings, but on events in certain regions, viz.: (5) Dhanyawaddy Ayedawbon is on the Rakhine (Arakan) region from the time of Kanrajagyi, a king who reigned, c. 825 BC to events in AD 1784 when Rakhine was annexed by the Myanmar King Bodawpaya. Dhanyawaddy is the name of one of the capital cities of the Rakhine kings, and also a classical name (Pali) of this Kingdom (Arakan). (6) Majjhimadesa is the Myanmar Piili word for central India, Majjhima meaning " the middle" and des a "region", or "country". Judson 's Burmese-English Dictionary gives the meaning of Majjhimadesa as being a Pali word for the middle place, the middle part of the world, including the sixteen countries of India, famous in Buddhist history. 9 The Majjhimadesa Ayedawbon is about events in the Rakhine (Arakan) region during the reign of King Badon or Bodawpaya, and about a Myanmar mission to India; it covers the period AD 1787 to about 1822.

Distinctive characteristics of Ayedawbon kyan A typical Ayedawbon treatise has the following characteristics: Accounts of ( 1) how individuals of prowess fought to become kings; especially their military

23

campaigns to achieve power and obtain the throne. (2) how these kings kept their power by various means and endeavours. (3) how there were rebellions against their power and the throne and how they were successfully crushed and quelled. (4) how wars were waged for the expansion of their territory. 10

Problems in connection with Ayedawbon kyan The Ayedawbon kyan treatises pose a number of problems to scholars. Among them are: (1) Authorship of some ofthe texts. (2) The total number of Ayedawbon kyan that were written. (3) Language problems (at least one is a translation into Myanmar) (4) Whether some are parts oflarger works. (5) Incomplete or corrupt texts. (6) Uncertain dates of composition or compilation . Two Myanmar scholars have tried to find solutions to some of these problems but they have only been partially redressed. These two scholars were Dr. Yi Yi 11 eminent Myanmar researcher and historian of the Myanmar Historical Commission and Professor of Myanmar Literature at University of Yangon, U Maung Maung Gyi; 12 both have now passed away. I will be discussing some of the problems based mainly on their writings.

Authorship Three of the Ayedawbon kyan have authorship problems: (l} Hanthawaddy Hsinbyumyashin Ayedawbon (2) Nyaungyan Mintaya Ayedawbon (3) Alaungmintaya Gyi Ayedawbon (three versions)

Hanthawaddy Hsinbyumyashin Ayedawbon The authorship of Hanthawaddy Hsinbyumyashin Ayedawbon is not given in the main reference source for Myanmar classical literature, viz. the Pitakat-taw Thamaing by U Yan. The bibliography by U Y an mentions the

Journal of the Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

24

UTHAWKAUNG

name of this Ayedawbon and says that it was written by a Saya [acharn] whose name is not known. 13 The printed version found in various editions does not seem to be complete and no author's name is found in the text or manuscripts. The authorship has been attributed to (1) Letwe Nawrahta and (2) to U Tun Nyo (Twin-thin Taik Wun Maha Sithu) by different scholars. In the introduction to the Thudhamawadi edition of Ayedawbon Nga Saung Dwe, the editors Saya Bi, Saya Thein and Saya Ko Ba Kyaw attributed authorship to Letwe Nawrahta 14 and in later modem printed collected editions of the Ayedawbon kyan like the Myanmar Min Mya Ayedawbon. Prof. U Maung Maung Gyi writing in the Introduction agrees with the Thudhamawadi editor and famous Myanmar writer Hmawbi Saya Thein in giving the authorship to Letwe Nawrahta. 15 But well known researcher of the Myanmar Historical Commission, the late scholar and historian Dr. Yi Yi attributed authorship to U Tun Nyo based on a comparison of the style of writing. 16 Dr.Yi Yi compared the style of writing in the Hsinbyumyashin Ayedawbon with the writing in one of the versions of the Alaungpaya Ayedawbon. In both, the author at the close of each episode in the narrative writes "this is the end of this particular (name mentioned) Ayedawbon, one episode". For example in Hsinbyumyashin Ayedawbon: "This is the end of the Ayedawbon, one episode, on the conquest ofToungoo City." 17 In the same style one of the versions of the Alaungmintaya Ayedawbon which Dr.Yi Yi identified as being by U Tun Nyo, at the end of each episode it is stated that this is the end of such and such Ayedawbon, one episode. In this Ayedawbon even the exact date is given for each event, e.g. "On 5th waxing of Wagaung, year 1114 (AD 1752 July 5) at a place called Shwe Paung Laung, the conquest over the Talaings [Mons] Ayedawbon, one, episode is hereby ended." To make the problem more complex, the version of the Alaungpaya Ayedawbon which Dr. Yi Yi idenitified as being by U Tun Nyo is attributed to Letwe Nawrahta by U Hla Tin

(Hla Thamain) the editor ofthe two versions of the Alaungpaya Ayedawbon. If Dr. Yi Yi is proved to be wrong and this version of the Alaungpaya Ayedawbon is by Letwe Nawrahta, then the Hsinbyumyashin Ayedawbon which is similar in style might also be by Letwe Nawrahta. Some Myanmar scholars, apart from Dr. Yi Yi, gave Letwe Nawrahta as the author of Hsinbyumyashin Ayedawbon. This is probably because Letwe Nawrahta did write an Ayedawbon usually called Hinbyushin Ayedawbon but it was not on Bayinnaung but on King Bodawpaya. · To resolve the authorship problem, I tried, about fifteen years ago, to find a more complete version on palm-leaf manuscript of the Hsinbyumyashin Ayedawbon. I found a rare palm-leaf manuscript of this Ayedawon whose text is more complete than the printed one, but there is no mention of the author's name in the manuscript either. This manuscript version was in the possession of Myanmar scholar and member of the Myanmar Historical Commisson, U Maung Maung Tin, who has now donated the manuscript to the Universities Historical Research Centre. Unfortunately, this manuscript version did not solve the authorship problem either, but only made it more complex, for in the colophon the date 1033 Pyathoe lasan 5 (Myanmar Era) is given 18 and it is probably the date of composition. If this date is correct, this Ayedawbon was written in 1671. As Letwe Nawratha was born only in 1085 Wasola (1723) and U Tun Nyo in 1088 (1726/27) the Hsinbyumyashin Ayedawbon cannot be by either of these writers. More research needs to be carried out to resolve this problem. One Myanmar author, Maung Kyauk Taing, in a fairly comprehensive article he wrote on Letwe Nawrahta in a book published by Myanmar Nainggan Sarpay Pyant Pwa-ye Athin (Myanmar Society for the Propagation of Literature) in 1974, mentioned that he had already seen a full, complete text of this Ayedawbon, in typescript, copied from a palmleaf manuscript. He said that the text was the same as the one printed and published, only it had 17 typed pages extra at the end which gave the colophon. 19

Journal ofthe Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

Ayedawbon Kyan, an Important Myanmar Literary Genre Recording Historical Events

The colophon stated that the author was a Myanmar Minister whose title was Yazataman (Rajataman) who later received the title Oketha-raw, and that he served under King Bayannaung. If this is correct then this Ayedawbon is a contemporary record. In early 2000, I was able to get a mimeographed copy of the complete text of this Ayedawbon, with the help of U Thein Hlaing, Deputy Director General of the Universities Historical Research Centre. This mimeographed copy was made from a palm-leaf mss. copied in AD 1839. The colophon states that the author Yazataman (Rajataman), with the title Oke-tha-raw, was requested by the Crown Prince, eldest son of King Bayinnaung and by the King's younger brothers, the Kings of Pyi (Prome), Toungoo and Innwa (Ava) and also by the Ministers to compile this Ayedawbon in the year Myanmar Era 926 (AD 1564);20 Actually the Ayedawbon covers events up to AD 1579, two years before King Bayinnaung died suddenly after a short illness in 1581. The author also mentions that he compiled the Ayedawbon using contemporary sources, various inscriptions and 235 records of various events that took place during the reign. Out of these records he selected 135, of which 100 were rejected as not being worthy ofbeing recorded in this Ayedawbon. So it seems that the author wrote about only 35 important events, mainly military campaigns, that were successfully accomplished by the King, as he thought that they are important to record for posterity. I would like to see otherpalm-leafmss. versions of these last 17 pages, to decide on their authenticity and to see whether there are variant texts. I feel sure that there are more complete texts of this Ayedawbon on palm-leaf, probably waiting to be "discovered" by some enterprising librarian or scholar, still lying neglected in one of the many monastic libraries of Myanmar. Nyaungyan Mintaya Ayedawbon This is not listed by U Yan. The author's name is also not given in the text of this Ayedawbon. After careful scrutiny of the text Dr. Yi Yi states that it is a composite work with text either directly copied or adapted from U Kala's Maha

25

Yazawin Gyi, the Great Chronicle of Myanmar, vols. 3 to 17 and 18 and from Min Ye Dibba Egyin, written around AD 1608 by Shin Than Kho (1598-1638). The authorship of this work has been attributed to: ( 1) Maha Atula Dammika Yazar, the judge who was the Myosa of Myin-gon-daing in the introduction of the Thudhamawadi edition by the editor Saya Thein and othersY (2) Letwe Nawrahta Prof. U Pe Maung Tin in his. History of Burmese Literature attributed Nyaungyan Mintaya Ayedawbon to Letwe Nawrahta. 22 Prof. U Maung Maung Gyi is of the opinion that Letwe Nawrahta wrote three Ayedawbon kyan which are in a way consecutive in historical events covered, i.e. Hsinbyumyashin Ayedawbon on King Bayinnaung, Nyaungyan Mintaya Ayedawbon on the dynasty founded by Prince Nyaungyan, one of the sons of King Bayinnaung and Alaung Mintaya Gyi Ayedawbon, on King Alaungpaya who founded the Konbaung Dynasty, the Dynasty directly after the Nyaungyan Dynasty. 23 Dr. Yi Yi on the other hand does not think that any of these authors wrote this Ayedawbon and that this work is just like a notebook in which exacts from U Kala and Min Ye Dibba Egyin (a poem on the birth of Min Ye Dibba, a son of King Anaukphetlun) had been copied by someone. 24 Even if that is the case Nyaungyan Mintaya Ayedawbon is still of value to historians because there are only few works on the Nyaungyan Dynasty (AD 1597-1752). Alaung Mintaya Gyi Ayedawbon This Ayedawbon kyan poses some of the most complex problems of authorship because at least three different versions have been found and two do not have authorship statements. According to U Yan, the Royal Librarian of King Mindon and King Thibaw, there are two versions. One is by Letwe Nawrahta and the other by U Tun Nyo. U Yan states that the one by Letwe Nawrahta is a contemporary record written during King Alaungpaya's reign (17521760). At the time Letwe Nawrahta had the rank of Thandawsint. 25 The other version that U Yan lists is the one that he says is by Twin-thin-taik Wun, Mingyi

Journal of the Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

26

UTHAWKAUNG

Maha Sithu, i.e. U Tun Nyo, a native ofMaung Htaung village of Alon Myo (Alon town) Abet Taik (Upper tract). Unfortunately U Yan does not give further details. A monograph entitled Alaungpaya Ayedawbon was first printed in 1883 by Okkalapa Press and later reprinted in 1900 in Yangon by the well-known printer and publisher, the Hanthawaddy Press, which transferred many valuable Myanmar and Pali manuscripts into printed form. These first printed versions did not give the name of any author, but only mentioned that it was by a wise man from the time of King Alaungpaya. In a new issue of 1943, with a new cover, the Hanthawaddy Press printed on the cover the name of the author as Twin-thin-taik Wun, Maha Sithu. Only in the popular Thudhamawadi edition of the Ayedawbon Nga Saung Dwe, first published in 1923, did the editors in the short one page introduction attribute the authorship to Twin-thin-taik Wun, Maha Sithu (U Tun Nyo).26 Later collected editions of this version of Alaung Mintaya Ayedawbon changed the authorship to Letwe Nawrahta, because U Pe Maung Tin in his History ofBurmese Literature21 and Prof. U Maung Maung Gyi28 both give the author as Letwe Nawrahta. In fact a later edition of the collected Ayedawbon kyan reprinted U Maung Maung Gyi's article as an Introduction. In 1961 the Ministry of Culture published two versions of Alaungpaya Ayedawbon, edited by U Hla Tin (writer Hla Thamain). U Hla Tin in his introduction states that a new version of the Alaung Mintaya Gyi Ayedawbon was found in the Myanmar National Library from the collection inherited from the Bernard Free Library. U Hla Tin says that the new version first published in this edition is by Letwe Nawrahta and that the earlier published edition is by U Tun Nyo29 (i.e. going back to the authorship given in the Hanthawaddy and Thudhamawadi editions). Dr. Yi Yi, on the other hand, after examining both texts in this new edition says that both are by U Tun Nyo, because she had seen a third version in manuscript form in the Mandalay University Library which had Letwe Nawrahta's name in the text. Dr. Yi Yi states that the new version from the Bernard Free Library collection

is the Alaungpaya Ayedawbon by U Tun Nyo and the earlier version published by Hanthawaddy, Thudhamawadi and others is also by U Tun Nyo but that it is not a separate Ayedawbon but only the part on Alaungpaya from the author's Maha Yazawin Thit. 30 Dr. Yi Yi's verdict is now widely accepted by scholars, though in popular collected editions, Letwe Nawrahta's name still appears as the author. This has come about because the version by Letwe Nawrahta still remains in manuscript form and has not been printed in book form up to now. Maung Kyauk Taing made a careful comparison of the two Alaungpaya Ayedawbon published together in 1961, and he disagrees with Dr. Yi Yi's verdict. He thinks that they are by two different authors and gives detailed analysis of the texts to prove his contention. He accepts that the first published version is by U Tun Nyo but not the version published in 1961. He says that we still need to do further research to find out who the author is, as he does not think Letwe Nawrahta wrote it either. 31 The other Ayedawbon kyans do not have problems of authorship. (4) The Dhanyawaddy Ayedawbon in the colophon mentions that it was written by the Rakhine Sayadaw (i.e. Abbot of Arakan) whose title was Kawitharabi Thiri-pawara Egga-maha Dhamma-razadi-razagura. It was written in Myanmar Era 1149 =AD 1787,32 i.e. three years after the Rakhine Kingdom came to an end. (5) Rajadirit Ayedawbon is now widely accepted as being written, or rather compiled and translated into Myanmar (from some Mon historical texts whose authors are not known), by Banya Dala, a Mon minister and general who served under King Bayinnaung (AD 15511581). Banya Dala lived about AD 1518 to 1572. Banya Dala was undoubtedly a man of great ability, a Man patriot, a well-known military commander, minister and author. He later fell into disgrace due to a military failure and was exiled by King Bayinnaung to central Thailand, to a malarious place called Zanet. The King of Ayutthaya took pity on him, and with the consent of King Bayinnaung transferred him to Kamphaeng Pet old town around AD 1572, but Banya Dala is said to have fallen sick and died within a month of his arrival.

Journal ofthe Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

Ayedawbon Kyan, an Important Myanmar Literary Genre Recording Historical Events

When Rajadirit Ayedawbon was first published in 1923, the Thudhamawadi editors erroneously attributed the authorship to Sithu Gamani Thingyan. 33 But U Yan states that Sithu Gamani Thingyan wrote only two historical works, namely the Zinme Yazawin and the Rakhine Yazawin. 34 U Yan and later U Pe Maung Tin stated that this Ayedawbon is by Banya Dala, and this was supported by U Maung Maung Gyi and Dr. Yi Yi. So there is no controversy in connection with the authorship of this Ayedawbon. Banya Dala's writing has been praised as a model of good Myanmar prose of the early Toungoo period and the text was prescribed for Myanmar literature students. 35 In the British Library, Oriental and India Office Collections, there is a palm-leaf manuscript entitled Magadu Ayedawbon. On further examination, this text has been found to be the first portions of the Rajadirit Ayedawbon, concerning Magadu who later became Lord of Martaban under the title Wareru (AD 12871296). So this Ayedawbon cannot be designated as a separate one. The Rajadirit Ayedawbon being a compilation and translation into Myanmar language from Mon historical records and also because it was written in the language of nearly 500 years ago, there are many obscure words and passages in the text. Sithu U Kaung who established the Burma (Myanmar) Historical Commission in 1952 and became its first Chairman, requested the Mon scholar Dr. Nai Pan Hla to make a modem Myanmar translation from the Mon version which was later published by the Burma Research Society. 36 ( 6) Majjhimadesa Ayedawbon does not have any authorship problems either as it is clearly stated in the colophon to the palm-leaf manuscripts that it was written by Nay Myo Zeya Kyaw Htin, the Governor of Dwarawaddy (or Sandoway Than Dwe) town. He was born in Mrauk-U, the old capital of the Rakhine Kingdom; his father was a Rakhine, who was also a governor and his mother was a Myanmar, a descendant oflnnwa (Ava) royalty. 37 This Ayedawbon was completed on November 17, 1823; we know this because the Myanmar equivalent date is given in the colophon (Myanmar Era 1185 Tazaungmon La-san 5). 38

27

The main problem which concerns the Majjhimadesa Ayedawbon is whether it is a real Ayedawbon. The author himself does not call it anAyedawbon but only a Sadan or treatise. 39 Dr Yi Yi also rejects it from the Ayedawbon list. 40 Only U Hla Tun Phyu who did a Master's thesis at Yangon University on this Ayedawbon tries to prove that it is a real Ayedawbon. (7) Lastly, I would like to mention another Ayedawbon /cyan which is still in manuscript form, and which I have not seen. Maung Kyauk Taing says that Letwe Nawrahta wrote another important Ayedawbon /cyan, apart from the Alaungpaya Ayedawbon. It is also called Hsinbyushin Mintaya Ayedawbon Thamaing but it is not on King Bayinnaung but on King Badon or Bodawpaya,41 one ofthe sons of King Alaungpaya. On the manuscript the title does not have the word Ayedawbon; the title is Min Khan-daw Sardan. But the author in the opening passage has the phrase Hsinbyushin Mintaya Gyi Ayedawbon Thamaing and some have called this work under this name. Hsinbyushin means "Owner I possesor of the White Elephant" and it is often used in the title of some Myanmar kings. With King Bayinnaung the plural "mya" is suffixed to "Hsinbyu" = White Elephant(s) and he is usually known as Hsinbyumyashin. The other famous Myanmar King Hsinbyushin was one of the sons of King Alaungpaya who reigned from AD 1763-76. King Bodawpaya (1782-1819) is usually not referred to as Hsinbyushin.

Historical Periods and Events Covered in Each Ayedawbon Kyan Dhanyawaddy Ayedawbon The line of Rakhine kings came to an end in AD 1784. Like most histories ofRakhine after a short account of the legendary kings, the history starts with Sanda Thuriya (AD 146-198). The text has many homilies and wise counsels given to various kings on good govenance by wisemen and ministers. From the time of Sanda Thuriya, the line of Rakhine kings is given, with more detailed accounts of kings Minbyagyi, Min Phalaung and Min Rajagyi until the time of Maha Thamada Raja Min when Rakhine became part of the Myanmar kingdom in 1784. The text

Journal of the Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

28

UTHAWKAUNG

was written soon after and finished on 1Oth February 1788 as the Myanmar equivalent date was recorded in the colophon. Majjhimadesa Ayedawbon This Ayedawbon is also on Rakhine and continues from AD 1784 to about 1816. The text can be divided into three parts. Pt.1 covers the period of rebellion against Myanmar rule by followers of the last Rakhine king from about AD 1794 to 1795, and tells how it was crushed. Pt.2 is on Nga Chin Byan's rebellion from about AD 1798 to 1811. Pt.3 is on Myanmar missions sent by King Bodawpaya to India to collect manuscripts, and also to carry out intelligence work on the British expansion into India. The author of this Ayedawbon, Zeya Kyaw Htin, led the mission of 1812. Near the end of the text are some royal orders of the Myanmar king in connection with the mission, including records on an Indian princess and her retinue sent to King Bodawpaya in 1814-15 and a royal order to repair and widen the royal road between Dwarawaddy (Sandoway) on the sea coast across the Rakhine Yoma mountains to the Ayeyawady River (near Pyay orProme). Rajadirit Ayedawbon Unlike the other three Ayedawbon kyan which have the name of the king in the title of the work, Rajadirit Ayedawbon is not only on Rajadirit (AD 1385-1423) but the text begins much earlier with Magadu who became king of the Mon territory of Lower Myanmar as King Wareru (AD 1287-1296). This Ayedawbon covers a period of about 165 years as it ends with the death ofRajadirit in 1423. The early portion of this Ayedawbon before Rajadirit has been copied in a separate palmleaf manuscript under the title Magadu Ayedawbon. It is now in the British Library, Oriental and India Office Collections (Burmese manuscript no.3449). Rajadirit Ayedawbon is an interesting work of literature as it has many stories, accounts of court intrigues, rebellions, diplomatic ventures and so on, and you can now read it in my friend and colleague's U San Lwin's excellent translation into English. You will meet many

intriguing characters, and towering above them all is King Rajadirit, fighting against this rival, Myanmar King Min Khaung, but magnanimously mourning him when he died. Rajadirit is portrayed as a wise, righteous king, chivalrous, admiring wise men, kind to women and to his followers, in short a good Buddhist monarch whose conduct could be held up for emulation. 42 Hanthawaddy Hsinbyuyashin Ayedawbon The text is on the life, especially the military campaigns, of King Bayinnaung (1551-1581). G.E.Harvey writes that "His life was the greatest explosion of human energy ever seen in Burma. From his teens till his death (at 66) he was constantly in the field, leading every major campaign in person". 43 This Ayedawbon is a detailed record of these military campaigns, a number of them being against the Shans, Chiang Mai, Ayutthaya and Linzin (Vientianne). The Ayedawbon does not cover King Bayinnaung's younger days, his life as "Maung Chadet" (Cadet in Thai romantic fiction) or his alleged romances with the ladies. If begins around AD 1549 with his rise to kingship. The printed version starts in AD 1549 and ends abruptly in 1576 with the arrival of a princess from Sri Lanka together with a Buddha's tooth. This was about five years before his death. Actually there were no military campaigns in the last five years of his life. In 1581 he was planning a campaign to conquer Rakhine and some of his advance forces had already taken Than Dwe (Sandoway), but he fell sick and died at the age of 66. Now that I have obtained the last 17 pages of this Ayedowbon, which had been missing I can relate what is in these pages. As expected there are no records of military campaigns. More importantly and of much value to historians are the 6 events44 recorded in this part. They include: (1) The building of the royal palace at Hanthawaddy (Hamsavati) or Bago (Pegu), giving in detail the names of the 20 gates of the walled city, the names of the various buildings of the palace. The text states that it was modelled on the royal palaces in Taungoo and Ayutthaya with three inner enclosures. (2) Conferring on his second son, Nawrahta Minsaw, in AD 1579, the kingship of Zinme (Chiang Mai) which the King regarded as

Journal of the Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

Ayedawbon Kyan, an Important Myanmar Literary Genre Recording Historical Events

Survanna bhuin, at a royal ceremony in a specially constructed royal pavillion in front of the Maha Zedi (Chedi) at Bago (Pegu). It also tells how the great King admonished the Crown Prince and his younger son, the King of Chiang Mai, to live always in harmony with brotherly love. (3) The construction of A-Myawaddy Town on the Mynamar eastern border (with Thailand), in AD 1576, as a frontier defence outpost with four trading centres (bazaars) in it, named respectively Hanthawaddy, Yodaya (Ayutthaya), Zinme (Chiang Mai) and Lin Zin (Vientianne). (4) The construction of Kale town near the Myanmar north-western border (with China and India) in AD 1576. (5) An account of trading with foreign countries and the various kinds of goods brought by the 40 to 50 ships which annually came to Pathein (Bassein). ( 6) The construction of four stupas at the four corners of the royal capital city of Hanthawaddy. Alaung Mintaya Gyi Ayedawbon Both of the published texts of this Ayedawbon cover the life of King Alaungpaya from birth to death, and give many details of his military campaigns. The first published version by the Hanthawaddy and Thudhamawadi presses begins with a short account tracing Alaungpaya's supposed ancestry and descent from a daughter of the Pagan King, Narapate Sithu. The version first published in 1961 by the Ministry of Culture begins with accounts of the Buddha's legendary visits to various parts of central Myanmar and his prophesies. It also gives short accounts ofPyu and Pagan kings and tells how Alaungpaya's forebears (all allegedly descended from Pyu and Pagan royalty) travelled north to Moksobo (later renamed Shwebo). Both texts then tell of Alaungpaya's birth at Moksobo in AD 1714, of how the Mon king sacked Innwa (Ava) and took away the Myanmar king and royal family to Hanthawaddy in 1752 and how Alaungpaya rebelled and fought against the Mons to regain Myanmar supremacy. In the military campaigns recorded in this Ayedawbon we can see the Mon power finally crushed, some Mon towns like Dagon for example

29

renamed Yangon (or End of Strife) and many details of the short reign (AD 1752-1760) are given. Both texts end with Alaungpaya's death from unspecified illness on his return journey after an unsuccessful campaign against Ayutthaya in 1760. The unpublished version of Alaungpaya Ayedawbon which mentions that Letwe Nawrahta is the author is the most complete text not only on King Alaungpaya's reign but also gives an account of 40 years before his rule began, i.e. from about 1711 or 1712. The history of these 40 years has been published in a mimeographed form by U Tun Yi (pen-name Shayhaung Sarpay Thutaythi Ta Oo). U Tun Yi gave it the title Nyaungyan Khit Nhit 40 Yazawin [40 years of the Nyaungyan Period]. On reading through the first pages of this text the author is mentioned as Letwe Nawrahta and the author himself calls the text an Ayedawbon and the title of the whole work Alaung Mintaya Gyi Athtokepatti Ayedawbon Yazawin (Athtokepatti is the Myanmar word for Biography.) 45 The full text of this Ayedawbon is in the Mandalay University Library and we need to copy and edit it for publication. The manuscript has the heading Letwe Nawrahta Yazawin, and comprises of 13 anga (i.e. 156leaves) and eight leaves (a total of 164 leaves) with nine lines of writing per leaf. A typed copy is available in the Universities Historical Research Centre, Yangoon. Hsinbyusbin Ayedawbon This Ayedawbon is also by Letwe Nawrahta and it is about King Bodawpaya (1782-1819). It remains in manuscript form. According to writer and researcher U Tun Yi the palm-leaf manuscript has six anga (i.e. 72 leaves) and two leaves (a total of74leaves) with 12 lines to a leaf. 46 It covers only the first four or five years ofBodawpaya's reign to 1786. The author himself died in 1791, having risen to prominence under King Alaungpaya. He faithfully served under all three sons of Alaungpaya who became kings. As Bodawpaya died only in 1819, 28 years after the author, this Ayedawbon covers only the campaigns Bodawpaya waged to obtain the throne, especially the rebellions ofPhaungasa Maung Maung and Nga Phone. It also tells how Amarapura was built as

Journal of the Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

30

UTHAWKAUNG

the royal capital, about the coronation ceremonies and the author gives even prices of rice, fish paste (ngapi) and so on. 47 This Ayedawbon is a useful source for records of the Rakhine campaign under the Crown Prince in 1785 including detailed accounts of how the Maha Muni image was brought to Amarapura. There are also detailed accounts of royal appurtenances which were displayed according to custom in either the left or the right order, and about the court dresses, crowns, etc. which cannot be found in the main published source for the period, the Konbaungset Maha Yazawindaw Gyi. It is also a contemporary account unlike some of the later histories. Although the author himself calls his work an Ayedawbon the palmleaf manuscript has the heading Min Khan Daw Sardan [Treatise on Royal Ceremonies].48 Conclusion

I have given a brief survey of the Ayedawbon kyan, Myanmar historical treatises written between King Bayinnaung's reign (1551-81) from mid-16th century to AD 1823, i.e. early 19th century. These treatises were a popular Myanmar literary genre of historical writing that was copied on palm-leaf manuscripts from generation to generation. What historical value do they have? Many are contemporary writings written during the period they covered, such as the Hanthawaddy Hsinbyumyashin Ayedawbon and Alaung Mintaya Gyi Ayedawbon, and consequently could be historically more accurate. Most of the authors were exceptional Myanmar people: active military commanders, able ministers and competent writers like Banya Dala under King Bayinnaung and Letwe Nawrahta under kings Alaungpaya and his sons right up to the reign of King Bodawpaya. The authors obviously admired the kings they wrote about. They are good historical records and a useful adjunct to the Myanmar chronicles like U Kala's and the Hman-nan (Glass Palace Chronicle). Some give more detailed accounts as they were written by men who took a leading part in the events recorded.

They not only cover Myanmar history, but are also a good source for Mon and Rakhine history. For many of us who cannot read the Mon language the Rajadirit Ayedawbon in Myanmar language and now in English, gives a good translation of early Mon history as recorded in the Mon historical texts entitled Okpanna Suvanna Bhumi Arranba Kahta and Thudhammawadi Thiha Rajadi-raja vumsa kyan.49 For a concise history of Rakhine under their own kings, from early times to AD 1784, the Dhanyawaddy Ayedawbon is a good historical record written a few years after the last of the Rakhine kings. Some of the Ayedawbon kyan like the Rajadirit Ayedawbon are examples of good Myanmar prose of the 16th century and also examples of translation into Myanmar from Mon. Some of the authors were high officials under the kings they served and therefore had access to court records kept in the king's archives, or record offices. Unfortunately, most of these court records have been destroyed and so the Ayedawbon Kyan treatises preserve some of the valuable historical records in a condensed form. The subjects covered in the Ayedawbon kya~, events during the reigns of some of the great kings of Myanmar, are important not only for Myanmar history but for Thai history as well, especially Rajadirit, Hanthawaddy Hsinbyumyashin (King Bayinnaung) andAlaungpaya Ayedawbon treatises. What we still need to do is to find more manuscript versions of Ayedawbon kyan, to collate different copies and bring out scholarly editions, edited by competent researchers; also to translate some of them into English so that they could be read and studied by a wider circle of scholars interested in Myanmar and Thai history. I hope that scholars both from within Myanmar and from outside will join us in these endeavours. I hope my paper, in however small a way, will contribute towards a wider knowledge and understanding of this important Myanmar literary genre recording historical events, the Ayedawbon kyan.

Journal ofthe Siam Society 88.1 & 2 (2000)

Ayedawbon Kyan, an Important Myanmar Literary Genre Recording Historical Events

Notes 1 Myanmar Language Commission. MyanmarEnglish Dictionary. 2nd ed., 1993. p. 587. 2 Judson, Adoniram. A Dictionary of the Burman Language. Unauthorized 1st ed., 1826. p. 28. 3 Judson, Adoniram. The Judson Burmese-English Dictionary. 2nd ed ... 1921. p. 100. 4 Strewart, J. A, et al, Burmese-English Dictionary,compiled by J.A.Stewart and C.W.Dunn, revised and edited by Dr. Hla Pe, A. J. Allott and J. W. A. Okell, Pt. V ... 1969. p. 319. 5 lbid.p.319. 6 Hla Pe, Dr. "Observations on some of the indigenous sources for Burmese history down to 1886", in the author's Burma: Literature, Historiography, Scholarship, Language, Life and Buddhism. 7 Aye Kyaw, Dr. "Burmese sources for LanNa Thai history" ... p. 247. 8 Taylor, Dr. Robert H. "Burmese concepts of revolution," in Context meaning and power in Southeast Asia, Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University, SEAP, 1986. p. 82. 9 The Judson Burmese-English Dictionary, 2nd ed. rev., 1921., p.741. 10 Hla Tun Phyu,U,ed., Majjhimadesa Ayedawbon Kyan, 1998. p. Kaw (s~) 11 Yi Yi, Dr. "Ayedawbon kyan mya pyat-thana", [The problems of Ayedawbon kyan], in Kantha Seinlei sardan mya, 1969, .pp.30-62. 12 Maung Maung Gyi, Tetkatho. "Ayedawbon Chauk Saung", [The six vols. of Ayedawbon] in the author's Sar Myet-shu, [1964] p. 275-283. 13 Yan,U (Maing Khaing Myosa). Pitakat-taw thamaing, 1959, p.266, item no., 2034. 14 Ayedawbon Nga Saung Dwe, Yangon, Thudhamawadi, 1923, (1) page introduction (no page no.). 15 Myanmar Min Mya Ayedawbon, Yangon, B.E.T. Sar-oke Taik, distributed by Nant Tha Taik, 1967, p.7. 16 Yi Yi, Dr. "Ayedawbon kyan mya pyat-thana", p. 50. 17 Hanthawaddy Hsinbyushin Ayedawbon, in Myanmar Min Mya Ayedawbon, Nant Tha edition, 1967, p.325. 18 Hsinbyumyashin Mintaya Gyi Ayedawbon. Typescript copied from palm-leaf manuscript in U Maung Maung Tin (M.A..)'s Collection, Yangon, Universities Central Library, 1985, Leaf 141, (UCL Accession no. 327461). 19 Kyauk Taing, Maung. "Thukhamain U Nay i Sarpay Gita Thutaythana", in Min Letwe Nawrahta (1085-1335), Yangon, Myanmar Nainggan Sarpay Pyant Pwa-ye Athin, 1974, pp. 111-112. 20 Hanthawaddy Ayedawbon, Mimeographed Copy,

31

copied from palm-leafmss., 1967, p. 97. 21 Ayedawbon Nga Saung Dwe, 1923, (1) page introd. (no page no.). 22 Pe Maung Tin, U. History ofBurmese Literature, 4th edition, [1955], p. 179. 23 Maung Maung Gyi, U Tetkatho, "Ayedawbon Chauk Saung", [1964], p. 280-81. 24 Yi Yi, Dr. "Ayedawbon kyan mya pyat-thana" ... p.53. 25 Yan, U. (Maing Khaing Myosa). Pitakat-tawthamaing ... 1959. p. 266, item nos. 2035 and 2036. 26 Ayedawbon Nga Saung Dwe ... 1923. (1) page introd. (no page no.). 27 Pe Maurtg Tin, U. History ofBurmese Literature ... 4th edition ... [1955]. p. 177-179. 28 Maung Maung Gyi, U Tetkatho. "Ayedawbon ChaukSaun[j' ... [1964] p. 280-81. 29 Alaungpaya Ayedawpon, Hnit Saung Dwe [Two versions], ed. by U Hla Tin (Hla Thamain) 196l.See "Introduction", by U Hla Tin for detailed comparison of the texts, p. 1-13. 30 Yi Yi, Dr. "Ayedawbon kyan mya pyat-thana" ... 1969. p.45. 31 Kyauk Taing, Maung. "Thukhamain U Nay ... 1974. p. 116--121. 32 Dhanyawaddy Ayedawbon in Myanmar Min Mya Ayedawbon ... Nant Tha ed. 1967. p. 131. 33 Ayedawbon Nga Saung Dwe ... 1923. (1) page in trod. (no page no.). 34 Yan, U. Pitakat-taw thamaing ... 1959. p. 264, item nos. 2018 and 2019. see also my article on Sithu Gamani Thingyan in Proceedings of the 6th International Conference on Thai Studies ... 1996. 35 Zaw Gyi (pen-name of Myanmar author U Thein Han). "Mon wungyi hnei Myanmar Sagapyay" reprinted in Yazadarit Ayedawbon. 3rd ed. Yangon: Zwe Sarpay Yeik Myon, 1974., p. hsa (oo) to pha (o). 36 Rajadirit Ayedawbon. Mon version ed. by Nai Pan Hla. Yangon: Burma Research Society, 1958. (Mon text series, no. 3). See also the introduction by Nai Pan Hla to his new translation of Rajadirit Ayedawbon. Yangon: Myawaddy Sarpay Taik, 1997. p. 11. Nai Pan Hla points out that the Mon text is actually a compilation from earlier Mon histories, and the title Rajadirit Ayedawbon was given only later. 37 Majjhimadesa Ayedawbon, ed. by U Hla Tun Phyu. Yangon: Moe Kyi Sarpay, distributed by Rakhine Thagyi Sarpay, 1998. p. phe (