Hadrian as Builder and Benefactor in the Western Provinces 9781841719191, 9781407329345

Table of contents :
3. Introduction.pdf
4. Ch1.pdf
5. Ch1Gloss.pdf
6. Ch2.pdf
7. Ch2Gloss.pdf
8. Ch3.pdf
9. Ch3Gloss.pdf
10. Ch4.pdf
11. Ch4Gloss.pdf
12. Ch5.pdf
13. Ch5Gloss.pdf
14. Ch6.pdf
15. Ch6Gloss.pdf
16. Conclusion3.pdf
17. Bibliography.pdf
18. Army Appendix.pdf
19. GaGeRoadroutes.pdf
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Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Table of Contents
Acknowledgements
Preface
Abbreviations
Dedication
Introduction
Chapter 1 Dalmatia and the western Danubian Provinces of Noricum, Raetia, Pannonia, Superior and Pannonia Inferior
Chapter 2 The Provinces of Gaul Gallia Narbonensis, Gallia Lugdunensis, Gallia Aquitania, Gallia Belgica
Chapter 3 The Provinces of Germany Germania Inferior, Germania Superior including the agri Decumates
Chapter 4 The Province of Britannia
Chapter 5 The Spanish Provinces Tarraconensis, Lusitania and Baetica
Chapter 6 The Provinces of North West Africa. Africa Proconsularis, Mauretania Caesariensis and Mauretania Tingitana
Conclusion
Bibliography
Army Appendices
Appendix of German and Gallic Roads

Citation preview

Hadrian as Builder and Benefactor in the Western Provinces Trudie E. Fraser

BAR International Series 1484 2006

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 1484 Hadrian as Builder and Benefactor in the Western Provinces © T E Fraser and the Publisher 2006 The author's moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781841719191 paperback ISBN 9781407329345 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841719191 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2006. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

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Table of Contents page Acknowledgements

iv

Preface

v

Abbreviations

vi

Maps and glossaries: Folding maps with glossaries for each province are located at the end of each chapter.

Introduction

1

Chapter 1

13

Dalmatia and the western Danubian provinces: Raetia, Noricum and the Pannonias.

Chapter 2

41

The provinces of Gaul: Gallia Narbonensis, Gallia Lugdunensis, Gallia Aquitania, and Gallia Belgica.

Chapter 3

65

The provinces of Germany: Germania Superior and Germania Inferior.

Chapter 4

91

The province of Britannia.

Chapter 5

111

The Spanish provinces: Baetica, Tarraconensis and Lusitania.

Chapter 6

129

The north west African provinces: Africa Proconsularis, Mauretania Caesariensis and Mauretania Tingitana.

Conclusion

153

Bibliography

160

Army Appendices

175

Appendix of German and Gallic roads

191

Please note that the maps shown at the start of each chapter are also available to download from www.barpublishing.com/additional-downloads.html iii

Acknowledgements

This publication is the result of encouragement by Professors Anthony Birley and Alanna Nobbs, the examiners of my doctoral thesis, and my supervisor Professor Ronald Ridley. I am extremely grateful to the University of Melbourne and the Department of History for my appointment as an honorary fellow and for a publication grant, both of which enabled the conversion of my thesis into this present manuscript. My original research was greatly assisted by an Australian Postgraduate Award and the Jessie Webb travelling scholarship with which I was able to study at the British School at Athens, the Institute of Classical Studies, the Warburg Institute and the British Library. I should like to express my gratitude to the librarians of all these institutions, especially the late Robert Prince and Dr.Teresa Pagliaro of the Baillieu library, for their courtesy and expert help. I have been blessed with wonderful friends throughout the world who have continued to support me with their patience, love and practical help, and while I hope they will forgive me for not mentioning them all individually, I really must acknowledge the constant encouragement of my son Patrick and friends Pearl Dreier and Dr. Kathleen Hay in Melbourne, and the enormous contribution of my mother and son Richard in Britain. Special thanks must go to my sister Elspeth without whom the chapter on the Spanish provinces would have been more difficult to write, and to Sister Catherine Hendry who never failed to conjure up extremely comfortable accommodation conveniently close to the London libraries. My childhood friend Renate Krause-Hiegert and her husband Karl-Uwe Sperling in Friesland will be delighted to see the fruits of many ‘Hadrianic’ discussions and technological advice! I shall be forever in debt to Bill Bache of Munigraph, cartographer extraordinaire, who wove his amazing magic over my amateurish maps to achieve unbelievable clarity and order. But my deepest and most grateful thanks must go to Professor Ridley for his unwavering support and guidance both for my original thesis and in the preparation of this manuscript.

Trudie Fraser, Fellow of the Department of History, The University of Melbourne.

iv

Preface

This study has been a most rewarding and exciting journey that began many years ago when a previous research project led me to the Hadrianic city Aelia Capitolina. My interest in Hadrian’s passion for building and architecture was awakened. According to the ancient sources, this emperor was a great builder and benefactor of provincial cities, a reputation that has endured through the centuries. These sources identified very few cities and, although there has been considerable research of Hadrianic building in the eastern provinces, the less urbanised western provinces seemed to have been neglected 1 as was Hadrian’s reign until recently. 2 Like all journeys there were times of doubt and anxiety. This project was well advanced when the publication by Boatwright of Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire, was announced. My initial fear that that this book, seemingly on a similar topic, would negate my work, has proven unfounded. On the contrary it would appear that my research complements Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire by adding all the available Hadrianic evidence for the western provinces, not only of civic building, but also of road building and military building. In addition this study offers a comparison between building during the reigns of Hadrian, Trajan and Antoninus Pius allowing a clearer perspective of Hadrianic building. All the available epigraphic, archaeological and numismatic evidence has been sought, especially of building initiated by provincial and local administrative officials, in an endeavour to understand the effect of the implementation of Hadrian’s military and urbanisation policies. As urbanisation was in its infancy in many of these western provinces, an examination was conducted of the availability of building supplies and its ability to support civic building programmes. Hadrian’s personal contribution in this regard has been a major consideration and all building, including road building, generated by imperial military policy has been detailed. Since a satisfactory conclusion of Hadrianic building could not be reached in isolation, a comparison was made of similar building and public works during the reigns of Hadrian’s predecessor and successor, Trajan and Antoninus Pius. In the final analysis, even though the type and extent of building varied considerably between the various provinces, it is clear that the volume of civic Hadrianic building works exceeded Trajanic by more than thirty percent and Antonine building by fifty percent. It can therefore be concluded that Hadrian fully deserved his reputation as a builder and benefactor given by the ancient sources, if not of every city, certainly of many cities in the western provinces.

1

Apart from Mary Boatwright Hadrian and the city of Rome Princeton 1987. Prior to the publication of Anthony Birley’s outstanding biography Hadrian. The Restless Emperor in 1996, the major modern works on Hadrian were Brian Henderson’s early biography, The Life and Principate of the Emperor Hadrian (1923), Hadrian, a later, more light-weight biography by Stewart Perowne (1960), Marguerite Yourcenar’s inspired semi-fictional account of Hadrian’s life Memoirs of Hadrian (1963) and a number of excellent essays by Ronald Syme. 2

v

Abbreviations

AAA = Atlas Archéologique de l’Algérie Acta Ant.= Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae Acta Arch. = Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae AE = L’Année épigraphique AIJ = Antike Inschriften aus Jugoslawien 1 AIug = Archaeologia Iujoslavica AR = Alba Regia ANRW = Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt Ant.Afr. = Antiquités Africaines Ant. J. = Antiquaries Journal Ant.Tan.= Antik Tanulmanyok AOAW = Anzeiger der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften Arch.Ael. = Archaeologia Aeliana Arch.Ert.= Archaeologiai Ertesito Arch. Hung. = Archaeologia Hungarica Arr. = Arrabona AV = Arheoloski Vestnik = A.Arch.Slov Bp.Reg.= Budapest Regiksegei BCiv. = Bellum Civile BCTH = Bulletin archéologique du Comité des Travaux historiques et scientifiques BRGK = Bericht der römisch-Germanischen Kommission BVBI = Der Bayerische Vorgeschichtsfreund C = Cohen Car. = Carinthia I: Zeitschrift fur Geschichtliche Landeskunde von Kärnten Carn.Jb. = Carnuntum Jahrbuch CBA = Council for British Archaeology CP = Les carrières procuratoriennes équestres sous le Haut-empire romain H.-G.Pflaum Paris 1961 CIL = Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum CILA = Corpus Inscripciones Latinas de Andalucia CRAI = Comptes rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres Dig. = Digesta Iustiniani Dio = Dio Cassius EE = Ephemeris Epigraphica ERE = The Economy of the Roman Empire ESAR = An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome Eph.Ep = Ephemeris Epigraphica Epigraphica = Epigraphica - Rivista Italiana di Epigrafia Epig.Stud. = Epigraphische Studien Fol.Arch.= Folia Archaeologica Gnomen = Gnomen:Kritische Zeitschrift für die gesamte klassische Altertumswissenschaft GZM/S = Glasnik Zemalijskog Muzeja u Sarajevu HN = Historia Naturalis HSCP = Harvard Studies in Classical Philology IAM = Inscriptions Antiques du Maroc IGRR = Inscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanas pertinentes ILA = Inscriptions latines de l’Afrique ILAlg = Inscriptions latines de l’Algérie ILB = Les Inscriptions Latines de Belgique ILIug.II = Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia repertae et editae = Situla, V,XIX, XXV ILM = Inscriptions latines du Maroc ILN = Inscriptions Latines de Narbonnaise ILS = Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae ILS/L = Inscriptiones Latinae Sloveniae v.1 ‘Neviodunum’ ILTun = Inscriptions latines de la Tunisie IRT = Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania ILTG = Inscriptions Latines des Trois Gaules IvEph. = Die Inschriften von Ephesos JAK = Jahrbuch für Altertumskunde JOAI (B) = Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Instituts Vienna

vi

JOM = Jahrbuch des Oberösterreichischen Musealvereins JRS = Journal of Roman Studies KM = Kärntner Museumsschriften MGSL = Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft für Salzburger Landeskunde NL = Nesselhauf & Lieb ‘Inschriften aus den germanischen Provinzen und dem Treverergebiet’ BRGK 40 (1959)

NS = Nase Starine NFGM = Naturkundliche Forschungen zu den Grabungen auf dem Magdalensberg Oä = Österreicheische Akademie der Wissenschaften Philosphische-Historische Klasse OAI = Österreichisches Archäologisches Institut PAR = Pro Austria Romana PIR = Prosopographia Imperii Romani Polyb. = Polybius PBA = Proceedings of the British Academy PBSR = Papers of the British School at Rome R = Riese (ed) Das rheinische Germanien in den Antiken Inschriften RAN= Revue archeologique de Narbonnaise RCHM = Royal Commission on Historical Monuments RE = Realencyclopädie der Klassischen Alterumswissensschaft RFS = Roman Frontier Studies RGGK = Römisch-Germanisches Korrespondenzblatt RIB = Roman Inscriptions of Britain RIC = Roman Imperial Coinage RLO = Der römische Limes in Österreich ROB = State Service for Archaeological Investigations in the Netherlands SJ = Saalburg-Jahrbuch SBAW = Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Phil.-hist. Klasse SchvSt = Schild von Steier SHA Hadr. = Scriptores Historiae Augustae "vita Hadriani" SIG = Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum SMCA = Jahresschrift Salzburger Museum Carolino-Augusteum SSRE = Structure and Scale in the Roman Economy TMKK = Tierknochenfunde aus der Stadt Magdalensberg bei Klagenfurt in Kärnten Vell.Pat. = Velleius Paterculus VAHD = Vjesnik za Arheologiju i Historiju Dalmatinsku (Split) VHAD = Vjesnik Hrvatskog Arheoloskog Drustva (Zagreb) VMMK = A Veszprem Megyei Muzeumok Kozlemenyei WMBH = Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen aus Bosnien und der Hercegovina WPZ = Wiener Prähistorische Zeitschrift ZHVSt = Zeitschrift des Historischen Vereins für Steiermark ZPE = Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik

vii

For Professor Ronald Ridley outstanding teacher and scholar

viii

Introduction In omnibus paene urbibus et aliquid aedificavit (SHA Hadr.19.2)

many talents.6 Above all, his passion for building and architecture (SHA Hadr.19.9-13) and his reputed benevolence, particularly to the provinces (SHA Hadr.13.5, 21.5-6, Dio 691-3), are of special interest.

Hadrian not only built in every city, but also in enormous volume everywhere (SHA Hadr.19.2, 19.9), and as he travelled through one province after another, he built a wide variety of buildings in many cities, visiting more than any other emperor (Dio 69. 9.1, 5.2-3). In this way Hadrian gained his reputation as a prolific builder and benefactor of provincial cities described by the two major extant sources for his life, the vita Hadriani in the so-called Scriptores Historiae Augustae, written under the pseudonym Aelius Spartianus,1 and the eleventh century epitome of Book 69 of Cassius Dio’s Roman History. 2

Hadrian’s reluctance to put his name on his many public works, apart from Trajan’s temple (SHA Hadr.19.9) and numerous aqueducts (SHA Hadr. 20.4), presents great difficulties in identifying buildings that he personally financed or initiated. The literary sources provide general observations on segregated baths (SHA Hadr. 18.11), aqueducts (SHA Hadr.20.4), theatres (Dio 69.10.1), water supplies and harbours (Dio 69.5.2-3), Hadrian’s munificence to Italica (Dio 69.10.1) and on citizenship (SHA Hadr. 21.7), but mention few actual buildings. Only three in the western provinces can be definitely attributed to Hadrian: the temple of Augustus at Tarraco (SHA Hadr. 12.4), a basilica (SHA Hadr. 12.2-3) or temple (Dio 60.10.3) at Nemausus, and a tomb for his hunting horse at Apta (Dio 60.10.2-3, SHA Hadr. 20.12-13).

The accuracy of their statements is a concern, especially as neither author was a contemporary of Hadrian. In addition, although there is a large but scattered body of literary information on various aspects of the emperor’s life, this contributes little to our knowledge of Hadrian’s building in the provinces. 3 Furthermore, as more recent research suggests that Hadrian built mainly in the eastern provinces,4 a distinction not made by either the vita or Dio, so it seemed worthwhile to pursue an enquiry into the situation in the western provinces.5 This should then remove any lingering doubts about the contribution of these provinces and their cities to Hadrian’s reputation as a builder and benefactor. The search for buildings begins with the emperor himself. Limited as they are, the vita and Dio nevertheless provide sufficient information to show that Hadrian was a man of

Three buildings do not constitute ‘building everywhere and in every city’ nor are they the great variety indicated by the vita and Dio. It became obvious that if the identity of the baths, aqueducts, theatres and harbours were to be revealed, wider research, particularly of the archaeological evidence, would be required to justify Hadrian’s reputation. There was also the possibility that Hadrian’s reputation was not based on his personally funded buildings alone, but on everything that was built throughout his reign, perhaps even as a result of his encouragement, example and imperial policies. Hadrian has been credited with ‘unleashing a building boom’, 7 the suggested result of the remission of taxes made early in his reign, his ruling on the renewal of tax farmers’ contracts and concessions for the operators of government-owned mines. 8 This investigation was therefore increased to examine the effects of Hadrian’s policies in the western provinces, including his urbanisation programme, all civic building and road-making during his reign and the availability of building materials. In addition, as several of these provinces were frontier provinces, the extent and effect of Hadrian’s military work on civic building has also been considered.

1

The problems concerning the authorship of the vita Hadriani have little relevance to this study, which focuses on the reputation gained by Hadrian in the ancient world. The major source for the vita Hadriani was Marius Maximus’ vitae Caesarum. A.R.Birley Lives of the Later Caesars London 1976, 15 n.30; A.R.Birley ‘Marius Maximus: The Consular Biographer’ ANRW 2.34.3 (1997) 2730. This appears to have been a detailed, if somewhat unfavourable account, as only seven of the twenty seven chapters of the vita Hadriani are free of adverse comments about Hadrian and two of these give Maximus as a source. Birley ‘Marius Maximus: The Consular Biographer’ 2729. 2 Cassius Dio’s Roman History was written c.207/219, approximately seventy years after Hadrian’s death. Although an earlier account than the vita Hadriani, it survives only in an abridged version compiled by the eleventh century monk Xiphilinus. Dio and Marius Maximus were contemporaries and, although it is possible that Dio may have used Maximus’ biography of Hadrian, the lost vitae Caesarum are known mostly from references in the Historiae Augusta. Birley ‘Marius Maximus: The Consular Biographer’ 2678-2757. B.Baldwin ‘Dio Cassius on the Period A.D.96-180: Some Problematic Passages’ Atheneum 63 (1985) 195-7. 3 Hadrian wrote his autobiography (SHA Hadr.16.1), of which only a fragment survives, supposedly in the last months of his life. A.R.Birley ‘Marius Maximus: The Consular Biographer’ 2678-2757. 4 The latest study on Hadrianic provincial cities, M. Boatwright Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire Princeton 2000, concentrates on Hadrian’s personal building in Athens, Aelia Capitolina, Italica and Antinoöpolis. 5 These have been grouped geographically and discussed in approximately the order in which Hadrian visited them: Dalmatia and the western Danubian provinces (the Pannonias, Noricum and Raetia), the Gauls, the Germanies, Britain, the Spains and the North West African provinces.

Finally, in order to reach a balanced conclusion of the extent of Hadrianic building, a comparison will be made with

6

Hadrian’s accomplishments were numerous; he was poet, a prose writer, a philosopher, a musician and a mathematician (SHA Hadr. 14.8-9). 7 R.Duncan-Jones Money and Government in the Roman Empire Cambridge 1994, 13. 8 The assumption has been made from data obtained from very few western provinces. R. Duncan-Jones Structure and Scale in the Roman Economy Cambridge 1990, 61-76.

1

Introduction

building during the reigns of Trajan, Hadrian’s predecessor, and Antoninus Pius, his successor.

opportunity would have been taken, especially in provincial cities, to convey imperial propaganda.14

The challenge has been, as it may have been for others, to locate all the available literary, epigraphic, numismatic and archaeological evidence for the western provinces that could support this quest.9

The sources The most recent and reliable work for Hadrian’s journeys is the excellent Itinera Principum by Helmut Halfmann, published in 1985, which not only details and documents Hadrian’s journeys, but also includes an excellent and thorough commentary. A welcome addition is the article by Ronald Syme ‘Journeys of Hadrian’ ZPE 73 (1988) that clarifies such issues as Hadrian’s first journey to Mauretania. Mention has already been made in the Preface of modern scholarship relating to the life of the emperor Hadrian and particularly of the most recent biography of Hadrian Hadrian, the Restless Emperor by Anthony Birley, published in 1997. No text could have been more informative for this study, often providing detail difficult to obtain elsewhere, delivered with insightful comments coupled with a sense of humour.

Hadrian’s presence in these provinces as emperor The first line of enquiry, in spite of some negativity,10 must be Hadrian’s provincial journeys. These were unusual enough to provoke the comment that they were scarcely matched by any other emperor (SHA Hadr.13. 4-6) and in a reign spanning twenty-one years, Hadrian was absent from Rome for twelve of these. The emperor confirmed his reputation for travelling with great speed over vast distances, by visiting all his western provinces within the first five years of his reign, with the possible exception of Africa,11 and an emergency visit to the Pannonia frontier in late 133. 12

All other sources will be discussed in their relevant sections, but special mention should be made of La Construction Publique en Italie et dans l’Afrique Romaine by Hélène Jouffroy, published in 1986. Her book is a model for this type of research and was especially helpful for the chapter on the African provinces. It was only necessary to add the information that has been brought to light in the intervening years since its publication.

Although Hadrian’s motivation for travel was certainly based on his natural curiosity and determination to experience everything personally (SHA Hadr.17.8, Dio 69.5.1), he was, above all, concerned with the maintenance of peace and the security of the empire (SHA Hadr.5.1). Consequently his first journey through his provinces as emperor was not a leisurely progress. It was a fast, but thorough, inspection and assessment of the state of his empire and its frontiers. Many of the eighteen western provinces were of great importance to Rome: the Africas and Spains supplied annona to Rome, the Germanies, Britain and most of the Danubian provinces were vital frontier provinces.

It was expected that Hadrianic buildings could be identified stylistically, however, the variety of interpretation of architectural features by provincial craftsmen in the Hadrianic era was enormous.15 Even using the articles by Frank Brown, ‘Hadrianic Architecture’ in Essays in Memory of Karl Lehmann (1964), and Donald Strong, ‘Late Hadrianic architectural ornament in Rome’ PBSR 21 (1953), it soon became apparent that the identification of Hadrianic provincial buildings would be far beyond the scope of this enquiry.

It is not surprising that this military emperor relocated forts and garrisons and established new ones (Dio 69.9.1, SHA Hadr.10.6), but as he also travelled with an entourage of architects and craftsmen ‘[Aur.Vict.]’ Epit.14.4-5), he was obviously prepared for civic building.13 It cannot be assumed, however, that Hadrian built wherever he went, but his itinerary can provide a guide to the possible location of buildings, reasoning that his physical presence in a provincial city may have stimulated building and encouraged benevolence. It also seems logical to assume that, in a time of limited means of communication, every

This research has therefore concentrated on the following aspects that were expected to be the most productive in obtaining a broader understanding of Hadrianic building: 1. Administration: attempts to identify provincial governors and legates as potential builders. 2. The status of communities: considers changes that might provide the incentive for wealthy individuals to finance public buildings and beautify their cities. 3. Building materials and labour: investigates the available materials and labour for civic building. 4. Hadrianic civic building: presents the epigraphic and archaeological evidence for public building in this era and discussing the problems associated with construction time. 5. Hadrianic military construction: examines other aspects of building, including roadworks, which may have affected the general perception of building in this era.

9

All primary sources are given in the Bibliography. Commenting on the uselessness of this line of research. B.W.Henderson The Life and Principate of the Emperor Hadrian A.D.76-138 London 1923, 281, 283, 285. 11 Hadrian may not have visited Gallia Aquitania and Lusitania. See chapter 6 for a possible visit to Africa early in his reign. 12 Unrest amongst the Suebi to the north of the Danube and the Sarmatians to the east brought Hadrian to Pannonia on his way back to Rome from the war in Judaea. There is no proof of Hadrian’s route; he may have travelled overland, passing through Sirmium and Siscia (or Poetovio) to Aquileia or from Pannonia through Dalmatia to the Adriatic coast. R.Syme ‘Journeys of Hadrian’ ZPE 7 (1988) 167-8. From there it was a short sea crossing to the coast of central Italy. 13 Although this might be considered true for all Hadrian’s journeys in both eastern and western provinces, a recent suggestion is that Hadrian’s ‘travelling entourage of craftsmen’ were simply legionaries.Oliver Stoll Römisches Heer und Gesellschaft Beiträge 1991-1999 Stuttgart 2001, 379374, = MAVORS Roman Army Researches, ed. M.P. Speidel, v.13. 10

14

Hadrian’s awareness of this prompted his desire to emulate Augustus and could have been the catalyst for his restoration of the temple of Augustus at Tarraco. 15 One of these investigations used the Spanish research on Corinthian capitals by Angeles Behemerid, Capiteles Romanos 1992, and Jose de la Barrera Anton Los Capiteles Romanos de Merida Badajoz 1984.

2

Introduction

Inferior held consular rank.23 The five governors of Gallia Aquitania, Gallia Belgica, Gallia Lugdunensis, Hispania Lusitania and Pannonia Inferior were praetorians. 24 In all these provinces a governor, whose term of office was usually three years, held the title legatus Augusti pro praetore. The governors of the four procuratorial provinces, Mauretania Caesariensis, Mauretania Tingitana, Noricum and Raetia, were equestrians with the title of procurator.25

6. A comparison between the extent of public building in Hadrian’s reign and public building in the reigns of Trajan and Antoninus Pius to gain a more balanced perspective of Hadrianic building. 7. The evidence of Hadrianic coins, particularly his last great issue, is used to gain some insight into Hadrian’s own assessment of his work in these provinces. The discussion that follows covers information pertaining to these topics that is common to all the western provinces in this study. This is presented in approximately the order in which these seven sections appear in each chapter.

The commander of a legion was a senator of praetorian rank with the title of legatus legionis. In provinces with more than one legion he was subordinate to the governor and obliged to follow orders, but in practical terms legionary commanders had power over the governors. Other legates were senators serving on the staff of either the military commander or governor.

1. Administration – the identification of governors and legates High-ranking officials, governors, legates and procurators, had the power to authorise major constructions on behalf of the emperor, and many also had the wealth to be personal benefactors of public buildings. These men were, however, representatives of Rome and their relationship with the cities was military and judicial.16 Their buildings may therefore be limited to cities that either benefited from their patronage, or were their place of residence or patria.

The sources The main sources for the governors and legates of these eighteen western provinces were Bengt Thomasson Laterculi: Praesidum I Gothenburg 1984; Anthony Birley The Fasti of Roman Britain Oxford 1981; Werner Eck Die Statthalter der germanischen Provinzen vom 1-3 Jahrhundert: Epig.Stud.14 Köln 1985; ‘Jahres- und Provinzialfasten der senatorischen Statthalter von 69/70 bis 138/9’ Chiron 12 (1982) 281-362; Chiron 13 (1983) 147237 ; Géza Alföldy Fasti Hispanienses; Senatorische Reichsbeamte und Offiziere in den spanischen Provinzen Wiesbaden 1969; Bengt Thomasson Fasti Africani Stockholm 1996 supplemented by: Géza Alföldy Die Legionlegaten der römischen Rheinarmeen: Epig.Stud.3 Köln 1967; Konsulat und Senatorenstand unter den Antoninen Bonn 1977; Noricum London 1974; ‘Niedergermanische Statthalter in Inschriften aus Köln und Nettersheim’ BJ 184 (1984); Jenö Fitz ‘ Legati Legionum Pannoniae Superioris’ Acta Ant. 9 (1961); ‘Legati Augusti Pro Praetore Pannoniae Inferioris’ Acta Ant. 11 (1963); Willy Hüttl Antoninus Pius Prague 1933; Marjeta Sasel Kos ‘Private Munificence in Salonae under the Principate’ VAHD (86) 1994; J.Medina ‘Epigraficki Podaci o Munificencijama i Ostalim Javnim Gradnjama iz Anticke Liburnije’Radovi, Filozofskog fakulteta Zadar 6 (1969); Andras Mócsy Pannonia and Upper Moesia London 1974; H.-G. Pflaum Les carrières procuratoriennes équestres sous le haut-empire romaine Paris 1961 suppl.1982; Les procurateurs équestres sous le haut-empire romain Paris 1950, Ronald Syme ‘Governors of Pannonia Inferior' Hist. 14 (1965); ‘Hadrianic Proconsuls of Africa’ ZPE 37 (1980) and John Wilkes Dalmatia London 1969.

As civic building could be personal or built on behalf of the imperial fisc, identification is sought of all potential builders, the governors and legates of these provinces and other officials, as a means of recognising their building. The high-ranking officials of the different eighteen provinces selected for this study varied greatly in number and status.17 The number of legions stationed in a province determined the rank of its governor. 18 If there was more than one legion then the governor was consular, otherwise he was praetorian 19 and also the legionary commander. 20 The exception was Africa Proconsularis where there was a proconsul for the civil administration. In procuratorial provinces with only auxiliary units, the procurator- governor 21 was subordinate to the legate of the nearest legion in a neighbouring province. In the three senatorial provinces, only the governor of Africa Proconsularis held consular rank. Three legates assisted him, whereas the governors of Gallia Narbonensis and Baetica held praetorian rank and were each assisted by one legate. Of the eleven imperial provinces, 22 the six governors of Britannia, Dalmatia, Pannonia Superior, Hispania Tarraconensis, Germania Superior and Germania 16

J.C.Mann ‘The Cities of the Roman Empire’ in Britain and the Roman Empire Aldershot, Vermont 1996, 103. 17 The selection of these may have posed a problem for Hadrian, of whom it was remarked that 'when he came to power was confronted by grave emergencies and a shortage of friends and partisans'. R. Syme 'Governors of Pannonia Inferior' Hist.14 (1965) 343. 18 H.M.D. Parker Roman Legions Cambridge 1928 (repr.1961), 188. 19 W.T. Arnold The Roman System of Provincial Administration London 1879, 121. 20 This could be a six-year posting. R.Syme ‘The Career of Valerius Propinquus’in Roman Papers (ed) A. Birley Oxford 1988, 588. 21 H.-G.Pflaum Les procurateurs équestres sous le haut-empire romain Paris 1950, 58. 22 In theory the emperor governed imperial provinces, but in practice he appointed governors as his deputies.

23

Ibid. By Hadrian’s reign the governorship of a praetorian province usually preceded a consulship and a consular command. Ibid. 586-7. 25 The ducenary procurators of Noricum, Raetia, Mauretania Caesariensis and Mauretania Tingitana were in the 3rd échelon. Pflaum Les procurateurs équestres sous le haut-empire romain 237, 248; Les carrières procuratoriennes équestres sous le haut-empire romaine Paris 1961 suppl. 1982. 24

3

Introduction

Public funds for building, most of which came from the rent of public land,29 were clearly insufficient for the local officials responsible for civic building projects. The addition of munera was often required, 30 and occasionally, as the research shows, there was assistance from the imperial fisc. This could have been the result of imperial policy, especially for roadworks, or more rarely, a direct gift from the emperor or a senior official.

2. The status of communities and the effect on public building This section examines changes in communities that are common to all western provinces and may have provided the means, or incentive, for financing public buildings and the beautification of provincial cities. It has been suggested that the creation of cities by the Romans was not altruistic and that urbanisation was not encouraged as a civilising process. It appears that their aim was to administer the empire in the most advantageous way for Rome, which entailed giving local communities the responsibility of collecting taxes, dispensing justice and paying for cursus publicus.26

The main source of building funds was from wealthy individuals. It was often given voluntarily, encouraged by social competition and personal ambition. Many benefactors also wished to be involved in the administration and to experience the prestige and power of public office. If prestige only was desirable, without political authority, then one of the priesthoods, 31 that of pontifex, augur or flamen, was chosen.32

This may be so, but Rome’s efforts at urbanisation were also another step in the Romanisation process 27 of the provinces. The members of the wealthy local élite were encouraged to emulate a Roman way of life and to enjoy the amenities offered by a Roman city. In their pursuit of this, they financed public buildings that serviced and beautified their cities. Fortunately, unlike their emperor, they had no qualms about attaching their names to these buildings. Indeed, this was often an added incentive.

All magistrates, but not priests, belonged to the ordo, whose members, decuriones, were formally appointed. 33 The ordo, which also included ex-magistrates and even citizens who had never held magistracy, was responsible for local administration and issued the authority for public works, even demanding construction of buildings. 34 The magistracies (similar in civitates and municipia) sought were the chief magistrates, duoviri (IIviri), 35 the general administrators, aediles, and the financial administrators, quaestores, who were less frequently attested. 36 Magisterial functions were similar in all provinces.37 The decurions allocated funds for public expenditure. Duoviri were responsible for local roads and hostels for visiting officials,

Recent research, which emphasises the importance of their contribution in Dalmatia, could also apply to these other western provinces. The Dalmatian study shows that in the early principate 77% of new buildings and the renovation of old buildings were by benefactors from the private sector. This is in contrast to 16.5% by emperors or imperial legates and 6.5% that were the decision of the local councillors and supervised by the aediles.28

29

In the Spanish communities. N.Mackie Local Administration in Northern Spain AD 14-212 BAR Int. Series 172 1983, 118. Income from land generally. R.Duncan-Jones Structure and Scale in the Roman Economy Cambridge University Press 1990, 176. 30 By the Hadrianic era this was a tax imposed on all those who lived within a city’s territory (Dig. 50.1.57). Women also had to provide munera in either their husband’s city or their own if not married. There is no evidence of hardship arising from this financial burden in these provinces but it was known to have caused problems in Aquileia (ILS 1374). 31 In some provinces there was also the added cost. The dues for the position of flamen in Africa were more than for any other office. Ibid. 177. 32 These appointments were either for a year or for life. Mackie Local Administration in Northern Spain 62. 33 The number could vary and be as low as thirty but was never over one hundred. Ibid 87, 56-7. 34 A hundred of the wealthiest and most influential citizens formed a council known as the ordo decurionum that was presided over by duoviri iure dicundo and had the power to issue decreta. Local government voting took place annually for these magistrates. Their judicial and administrative powers corresponded to those of consuls in Rome. Other officers also elected were duoviri aediles, responsible for provisions, building and policing, and a quaestor whose duties included the administration of public funds. The duoviri iure dicundo and duoviri aediles sometimes made up a group called the quattuorviri. Every five years this group became the quinquennales and as such held potestas censoria, the power to organise and conduct the census. The ordo was also responsible for providing publicly funded entertainment. Ibid 118. 35 The titles of magistrates in Spain could vary according to the community, ibid. 102-3, and in some provinces, for example, the vergobret in Gaul and sufetes in Africa. A praefectus, usually an ex-duovir, could be appointed for an absentee duovir. 36 J.F.Drinkwater Roman Gaul London Canberra 1983, 107-8; Mackie Local Administration in Northern Spain 56. Quattuorviri were a combination of aediles and duoviri. 37 L.A.Curchin The Local Magistrates of Roman Spain University of Toronto Press 1990, 16.

26

Mann ’The Cities of the Roman Empire’ 107-9. Romanisation was the process in which a city or territory and its people changed their traditional habits and adopted the language, dress, social behaviour, legal system, religion, architecture and administrative practices of Rome. Whether this occurred quickly or slowly depended on many different factors, but it was fostered and encouraged by Rome as a means of maintaining peace and control over the diversity of peoples in the empire. Complete Romanisation was achieved by the acquisition of Roman citizenship. One means of achieving this was through military service. Over two-thirds of the Roman army originated, and was stationed, in the western provinces where there was a greater number of lower class citizens. P.A.Brunt Roman Imperial Themes Oxford 1990, 267. 28 The wealthier upper classes were involved in local administration, where civic building was part of a definite programmme. Even so, the wide variety of building is evidence of the use of personal wealth and the desire of these individuals to benefit their communities.. Early urbanisation of this region, particularly of the coastal cities, provided less opportunity for later benefactors. M. Šašel Kos ‘Private Munificence in Salonae under the Principate’ VAHD (86) 1994 201- 204. Other studies in Liburnia (the region of Illyricum and Dalmatia between the rivers Arsia and Titus) classified construction into three categories: new and restored buildings by private individuals, those by the state or emperors and those financed by the local councils. Most evidence of munificence comes from the 1st century and is directly related to the early urbanisation of this region. It was closely linked to the Romanisation of the native peoples, the largest group of personal benefactors of new buildings, the local élite who were the city magistrates. An economic decline in the late 2nd century caused a corresponding decline in munificence particularly in commercial centres. J.Medina ‘Epigraficki Podaci o Munificencijama i Ostalim Javnim Gradnjama iz Anticke Liburnije’Radovi, Filozofskog fakulteta Zadar 6 (1969) (English summary ‘Epigraphic data concerning munificences and other public buildings in Liburnia’ 73-4) (This was in contrast to the later period of prosperity (late 2nd century) in the African provinces). 27

4

Introduction

ditches and drains and care of rivers, whereas the maintenance of the curia and basilica and baths theatres, amphitheatres and circuses was supervised by aediles. 38 Both aediles and duoviri were required to provide public entertainment.39 A further responsibility of the aediles was to ensure that buildings were not demolished unless ordered by the council. The recycling of building materials must have been common practice as Hadrian issued an order that forbade the demolition of buildings so that the materials could be used in another city (SHA Hadr.18.2).

Settlements often began as vici (villages), or fort-like villages called castella. 44 Civitates (the tribe and territory) referred to communities with some form of local autonomy 45 that were often divided into pagi (sub-tribes), with central vici (CIL 13. 4301, 4303).46 The central administrative city, civitas, could be elevated in status to become a municipium. With few exceptions Hadrianic provincial municipalities were either municipia with Latin rights 47 whose duoviri and families were granted Roman citizenship, or those that were granted Latium maius, Hadrian’s new version of Latin rights. The result was a substantial increase in the number of Roman citizens as citizenship was granted to the decuriones and their families in addition to the duoviri. 48 This was a great attraction for the local élite, especially as Latin communities had the right of commercium enabling them to exchange contracts with Roman citizens. 49

For the privilege of holding public office all magistrates and priests were required to pay dues. These summae legitimae or honorariae were the admission fees that could vary considerably. 40 Ob honorem payments differed in that they were made in celebration of the appointment and, although they could be the result of electoral promises, they were not enforceable.41 Magistrates required a good source of income, as the level of taxation stipulated by the census had to be collected or made up by them. 42 The financial liability of local magistrates may have been the cause for concern at Pompaelo in Tarraconensis (CIL 2. 2959).

Municipalities had an easily identifiable local administration. It was a very flexible system with the locals retaining many of their customs and social organisations, and their magistrates dispensing justice under the control of the governor. Their citizens were expected to do military service in the legions and were liable for munera.50

Evidence for this study comes from many inscriptions referring to building by the ordo and decurions. Their munificence in financing many buildings was encouraged by urbanisation, a process well understood and promoted energetically by Hadrian. 43Consequently those cities raised in status by Hadrian are identified in the expectation that they will reveal increases in public building. This is expected from new sources of magisterial dues and the increased interest in civic building.

By the Hadrianic era the creation or establishment of coloniae had become the prerogative of the emperor.51 Hadrian, however, did not encourage this, considering the status of municipium preferable, (Aul.Gell.Noct.Att.16.13).52 Changes in the status of communities, in both the Trajanic and Hadrianic periods, are seen as potential indicators of

44

An oppidum is an urban area larger than a village. It can refer to a preRoman Celtic settlement as well as the urban centre of a city. Mann ‘Cities of the Roman Empire’ 104. 45 Prior to the second century AD the term civitas was used for native communities, whereas those of Roman origin were municipia or coloniae. F.F. Abbott and A.C. Johnson Municipal Administration in the Roman Empire Princeton 1926, 4. 46 Vici could be important enough to have their own magistrates and some pagi could even be promoted to civitates, but vici were usually subordinate to a civitas. Sometimes civitas capitals were called vicus, a title often retained even after the city had become important. (Originally civitates were not equal in status. Civitates foederatae were allied states and normally sovereign communities. The two others, subject to Rome, were civitates liberae, the free states that had privileges and civitates stipendariae, the tributary states who had no privileges).Drinkwater Roman Gaul 106. 47 Two exceptions were Utica and Italica. A.R.Birley Hadrian The Restless Emperor London, NewYork 1997, 207. Also see Status of Communities in chapters 5 and 6. 48 Latium maius: Sherwin-White The Roman Citizenship 255. At the end of his life André Chastagnol no longer held the generally accepted opinion that Hadrian granted Latin status to all the Gallic civitates (despite the lack of specific evidence), and believed that the grant was probably Claudian. Told to A.R. Birley by Mme. S. Demougin. 49 These communities are attested in the western provinces only. 50 Abbott & Johnson Municipal Administration in the Roman Empire 8. 51 Prior to the late republic, colonies differed from municipia in that they were new settlements and their creation had involved a legal procedure. Ibid. 4. 52 Hadrian’s opinion on the advantage of municipal over colonial status was expressed in a speech made on the Italicenses (Gellius NA 16 .13.4-5). Coloniae were usually new establishments for Roman citizens, whereas municipia were native settlements where the inhabitants were granted citizenship and status while retaining their traditional laws and administration (Gellius NA 16 .13. 6-9). Colonies were subject to Roman law, but were autonomous with regard to local affairs.

38

The Flavian city charters from the municipalities of Irni and Malaca specifically mention the responsibility of the aediles for various types of buildings, including temples and sanctuaries, baths, markets, drains and roads (ILS 6088, 6089). J.Gonzalez ‘the Lex Irnitana: a new Flavian municipal law’ JRS 76 (1986) 147-243. J.S.Richardson The Romans in Spain Oxford 1996, 200-205. 39 A large inscription at Caravaca declares an annual feast willed to the community of Asso by L. Aemilius Rectus, an aedilis of Carthago Nova and patron of Asso (CIL 2.5941 = ILER 1413). 40 The entry fees for the ordo, magistracies and priesthoods, and the amounts of ob honorem payments were higher than average for Africa Proconsularis where there is more evidence for summae honorariae. Traditionally a voluntary payment on assuming public office, this was calculated according to income and status and the amount varied enormously. (Antoninus Pius attempted standardisation). R. Duncan-Jones The Economy of the Roman Empire Cambridge (1974) 2nd ed.1982, 63, 107-8, 150. The highest financial obligation of all public offices was for the sevirate, the priesthood for freedmen. Mackie Local Administration in Northern Spain 42, 64. In some communities the financial burden of holding of public office became increasingly onerous and was the subject of correspondence between Trajan and Pliny. The emperor’s decision was that each city should decide its own course of action but he suggested that non-volunteers for public office should be expected to pay lower dues (Ep 10.112-113). The problem created by the decreasing number of willing office bearers resulted in the issuing of rescripts by Hadrian. (Dig.50.4.14.6; 50.7.5.5; 50.1.37.pr; 50.6.6.8) and officials were sometimes expected to serve again in the absence of new volunteers. 41 R. Duncan-Jones ‘Costs, Outlays, and Summae Honorariae from Roman Africa’ PBSR 30 (1962) 66. 42 C. Jullian Histoire de La Gaule v.4 Paris 1913, 357. 43 A.N. Sherwin-White The Roman Citizenship Oxford 1973, 263.

5

Introduction

Hadrianic building resulting from expressions of personal and civic pride.

framework, but also of increased quantities of marble for the classical elements and decorative effects.

The sources

Hadrian’s passion for marble is especially interesting. The trade had increased dramatically at the beginning of the second century, mostly due to its reorganisation under imperial ownership and to the opening of new quarries in the first century.55 A further change occurred in 132, when a survey of the imperial marble yards, almost certainly ordered by Hadrian, 56 allowed the release of marbles to provincial cities.

The works of Nicola Mackie, Local Administration in Northern Spain AD 14-212 BAR Int.Series 172 1983, and ‘Urban munificence and the growth of urban consciousness in Roman Spain’ in Thomas Blagg & Martin Millett (eds) The Early Roman Empire in the West Oxford 1990, 179 – 192, deal specifically with the Spanish provinces but have proven to be exceptionally useful for general information on local government and magistrates. Sound information, especially on the early development of settlements, can be found in the much older Frank Abbott & Alan. C. Johnson Municipal Administration in the Roman Empire Princeton 1926. Detailed information on the development of local administration can be found in The Roman Citizenship by Alan Sherwin-White, Oxford 1973.

The supply of building materials was a major factor in determining the time and effort required in the construction of monumental civic buildings, and their selection reflected the wealth of the community or the donor. The importance of these materials in the western provinces is recognised and investigated with a view to establishing what was available in the Hadrianic era. Links are not only noted between supply and the volume of building and restoration work, but also, wherever possible, between specific materials and buildings.

Although reference is made to the individual provinces elsewhere, the thorough work on Spain by Leonard Curchin The Local Magistrates of Roman Spain University of Toronto Press 1990, should be mentioned.

In antiquity one of the most important considerations was that the quarries should be close to the market and long distance trade, particularly of heavy goods, could only be contemplated where there was good water transport. This knowledge assists the location of quarries, but the problem still remains to establish their Roman authenticity and production. Quarries are listed wherever possible, and their ownership, whether state (military), imperial or private (including those inherited or confiscated), is acknowledged.

For information on magisterial dues and their financial obligations (including the comparative costs and duration of building discussed in a later section), nothing surpasses Richard Duncan-Jones The Economy of the Roman Empire Cambridge (1974) 2nd ed.1982; ‘Costs, Outlays, and Summae Honorariae from Roman Africa’ PBSR 30 (1962); Structure and Scale in the Roman Economy Cambridge University Press 1990.

Bricks and tiles referred to are the Roman ceramic products known as tegulae, imbrices or pillae. These had many uses in the building industry and were often custom made as required. There is evidence for some large manufacturers, many small private factories and for itinerant producers in several provinces. With few exceptions the military produced bricks and tiles for its own use.

3. Building materials and labour The advance of urbanisation created the need for civic centres, which in Roman cities consisted of specific buildings and facilities. Considering these, John WardPerkins commented that ‘after the time of Hadrian there was not a single new building of substance that did not make extensive use of imported marble, and a great many of the existing buildings were correspondingly remodeled’. 53 This is apparent by the many changes that were taking place throughout the western provinces during Hadrian’s reign, many of which were attributable to Hadrian’s personal interest in architecture and building.54

The evidence for unskilled and skilled labour required for various aspects of the building industry such as quarrying, transport, stone carving, glass and mosaic work is given wherever possible. The sources In general the limited, but vital, information in the ancient sources has been supplemented by secondary sources. Some of these have been exceptionally useful and reliable. Among these are several publications by John Ward-Perkins that include Roman Imperial Architecture 1970 repr. 1990, ‘Tripolitania and the Marble Trade’ JRS 41 (1951), ‘Quarrying in Antiquity: Technology: Tradition and Social Change PBA 57 (1971) and ‘Nicomedia and the Marble

Hadrian encouraged a new style of architecture created by blending the traditional classical Greek linear designs with the revolutionary curvilinear style that was made possible by the use of free form concreting. The dimensions of civic buildings were such that enormous quantities of building materials were required, not only of timber for the concrete 53

Discussing Lepcis Magna in Africa Proconsularis. J.B.Ward-Perkins Imperial Roman Architecture London, 1970 repr.1990, 378. 54 Hadrian’s interest in architecture manifested itself in such buildings as the Pantheon, the enormous temple of Venus and Rome and his magnificent villa at Tivoli. The construction of many new cities, including the nova urbs of Italica in Baetica, Antinoöpolis in Egypt and Aelia Capitolina (the Greco-Roman city that replaced the ruined city of Jerusalem), is an indication of his personal involvement in city planning.

55

The earliest known quarries of high-grade specialist marbles were in Asia Minor and other lands around the Aegean. J.B.Ward-Perkins ‘Quarrying in Antiquity: Technology: Tradition and Social Change PBA 57 (1971) 10-11. The serious quest for new sources prompted the opening of many imperially owned, or acquired, quarries that began with the Carrara quarry by Caesar. 56 J.B.Ward-Perkins ‘Nicomedia and the Marble Trade’ PBSR 48 (1980) 26

6

Introduction

Trade’ PBSR 48 (1980). A more recent publication by Hazel Dodge, ‘Ancient Marble Studies: recent research’ JRA 4 (1991), was useful but could be improved by more detailed maps.

evidence for public building in the Hadrianic era should reveal the identity of their benefactors, many of whom were also provincial and local office bearers.61 The finance

The often very general information on quarries found in Angelina Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces Warszawa 1983 could fortunately be supplemented by the excellent recent publication, Richard Talbert (ed) Barrington’s Atlas of the Greek and Roman World Princeton University Press Princeton Oxford 2000, and the outstanding work by Robert Bedon, Les carrières et les carriers de la Gaule romaine Paris 1984, with its many excellent maps.

For a city to acquire its civic buildings it was obviously necessary to attract wealthy private benefactors. 62 Even so there was no guarantee that the promised funds would always be available, or be sufficient for the building in question. Pledging the finance was one thing, completing the building, as costs soared or funds plummeted, was another issue. Several instances are known where money was bequeathed by one generation for a building and, after having had a fresh injection of funds, the building was dedicated by another generation, sometimes decades later. 63

Particular mention should be made of Louis West’s old, but comprehensive, Roman Gaul: the Objects of Trade Oxford 1935 and the more recent, fascinating article by Bojan Djuric; ‘Eastern alpine Marble and Pannonian Trade’ Akten des IV Internationalen Kolloquiums uber Probleme des provinzialromischen Kunstschaffen Narodni Mzej Slovenia 1997.

A precise building date is often difficult to give when construction spanned many years and sometimes over more than one reign. The dedication date is not always a reliable indication of the construction period. In the presentation of the evidence for building dates, it has often been necessary to rely on the opinions of archaeologists and other experts, who have based their assessments on artefacts or specific architectural features found with a building.

The most useful sources for general building techniques and labour are Frank Sear Roman Architecture 1982 rev. 1989, and Jean-Pierre Adam (La construction romaine) Roman Building: Materials and Techniques (tr) Anthony Matthews London 1994.

Dependence on the income from the magistrates’ dues, sometimes from a hundred, or fewer, decurions and a few priests per annum,64 often left a city with insufficient means to meet its commitments.65

Individual provinces obviously required specific information and references to the sources are given within the chapters concerned.

An estimate has been made of the expected income from the summae honorariae compared with the cost of public buildings. 66 It has been found that the construction of a temple required four years’ income, a forum needed eleven years and baths were similar to theatres in requiring thirtythree years’ income or more. Assuming that the average city had at least four temples, baths, a porticoed forum, a theatre and a market, it has been calculated that their construction would consume 90 years’ income. As cities also had the added cost of maintaining and building streets, drains, walls, gates and an aqueduct, an astounding figure of between 120 and 140 years’ income was required to supply an average city with its civic buildings and public facilities.67

4. Hadrianic civic building Romanisation stimulated the growth of cities throughout the empire that were remarkably similar in layout and in the selection of their civic buildings. 57 A Roman city was expected to have well laid out streets with good drainage and perhaps with porticoes. The administrative buildings, the curia and basilica, were in the forum with the main city temple and an excellent water supply, perhaps brought by aqueduct, serviced the city baths and fountains. There were possibly other temples and a market and, depending on the size and wealth of the city, there could be a theatre, an amphitheatre, and even a circus.58 With only three civic buildings credited to Hadrian in these western provinces, the opinion that Rome lacked interest in provincial city centres seems justified. 59 It is expected that further research in the western provinces will endorse the results of the Dalmatian research especially as ‘this was the golden age of the provincial municipalities, in which public munificence was one of the accepted responsibilities of the wealthy citizen. 60 The epigraphic and archaeological

monument in the new prestige material’. J.B.Ward-Perkins, ‘Quarrying in Antiquity: Technology, Tradition and Social Change’ PBA 57 (1971) 14. 61 The governors, legates, duoviri, decuriones, aediles, quaestors, pontifices, flamines, augures were discussed previously. 62 The most obvious example is Thugga, which did not become municipium until Septimius Severus, yet had a series of extremely wealthy benefactors during the Hadrianic era. Duncan-Jones SSRE 178-180. For more detail see Hadrianic Civic Building in ch. 6. 63 The temple of Fortuna at Mustis in Africa Proconsularis is an example. Duncan-Jones ERE 87-8. 64 An estimation of possible dues: 1 flamen: 6.000, 2 duoviri: 8.000, 2 aediles: 8.000, 100 decuriones: 12.500. Duncan-Jones SSRE 177, ERE 72. 65 At the city of Thubursicu Numidarum in Africa Proconsularis, for example, approximately half the combined dues was required to pay the salaries of municipal employees. Duncan-Jones SSRE 177. 66 This has been possible for Africa Proconsularis where considerable evidence has survived. 67 Ibid. 177-8.

57

J.F.Drinkwater, 'Urbanisation in Italy and the Western Empire' ch.13 in Wacher v.1 1987, 345-7. 58 M.Rostovtzeff The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire v.1 & 2, Oxford (1st ed.1926) rev. 1967, 142-3. 59 Mann ’Cities of the Roman Empire’ 109. 60 ‘The magistrate who could afford a handsome marble sarcophagus for himself and his family could afford also to embellish his city with a

7

Introduction

fewer than half the number in the empire.70 These thirteen legions were distributed throughout less than one third of the western provinces, with the largest forces stationed in Britain and Pannonia Superior.71

The sources Limited but useful information can be found in literary and numismatic sources, but obviously there is a great reliance on the archaeological and epigraphic sources. These too have their limitations, depending on the condition of artefacts, and the information they can yield. As most inscriptions would have accompanied a building, a restoration or a statue, these will be discussed according to their provenance. Cities are presented in alphabetical order within their individual provinces for easier access of their building evidence.

Hadrian’s military policy placed a great emphasis on the auxiliaries. His time and effort in the relocation of many of these units demonstrate his awareness of their special skills. 72 The number of auxiliaries, alae (mounted cavalry) and cohortes (the infantry), varied in each province throughout his reign,73 and the smaller, more mobile units could be moved quickly and easily. Under Hadrian the numeri, the special units used as scouts and patrols by the auxiliaries established by Trajan, became a permanent section of the army.74 The military aspect of Hadrian’s work, as he travelled through his western provinces, is of great importance for a better understanding of the time he could devote to civic building.

The archaeological information for these provinces was obtained from a wide range of secondary sources that are referred to in the various chapters. This was not always easy to access, even though help was sought from archaeologists in several of those provinces. It is therefore possible that some information has been inadvertently overlooked.

The army as builders

The exceptional works of Richard Duncan-Jones 68 have been invaluable in providing an understanding of the problems and pressures associated with the construction of these public buildings.

The army had its own competent craftsmen, in fact ‘joiners, carpenters, smiths, painters and workmen of every kind’, who were capable of all kinds of construction (Veg. 2.11). Evidence of their work is given in the chapters relating to the provinces where Hadrian’s military policy focussed on the strengthening of the northern frontiers of the empire.

A final analysis of Hadrianic building will be made in a later section after consideration of building during the reigns of Hadrian’s predecessor Trajan and successor Antoninus Pius.

The sources

5. Hadrianic military construction

Military discharge diplomas are a valuable source of information for auxiliary units and the publications by

As other aspects of Hadrianic building, including military building and roadworks may have affected civic building, especially in the frontier provinces, the extent of non-civic building must be taken into consideration.

70

Each legion consisted of approximately 6000 men commanded by a legate of the senatorial class, who held praetorian rank and whose title was legatus legionis. His subordinates were six tribunes and sixty centurions (company commanders) and a number of non-commissioned officers. 71 There were three legions in Britannia: I Augusta, VI Victrix, XX Valeria Victrix, three in Pannonia Superior: I Adiutrix, X Gemina, XIV Gemina Martia Victrix, two in Germania Superior: VIII Augusta, XXX Ulpia Victrix and two in Germania Inferior: I Minervia and XXII Primigenia. Three provinces had only one legion, Pannonia Inferior: II Adiutrix, Africa: III Augusta and Spain: VII Gemina (for more detail see all Army Appendices). 72 See the section on military building in each chapter, especially the frontier provinces and all Army Appendices for unit skills and relocation times. 73 An approximate number is given in the Army Appendices for each chapter. 74 There were six types of auxiliary units in the Hadrianic period of which alae were the most senior. They differed from cohortes in that they consisted only of cavalry, whereas cohortes were either infantry or (from the Julio-Claudian period), mixed cavalry and infantry units. These mounted infantry were cohortes equitatae (CIL 8.253) and their size varied considerably. An infantry cohors quingenaria had approximately 480 men, whereas cohors milliaria had 800. The type and size of a unit was an important factor in the selection and building of its fort. Although alae were usually quingenary (i.e. approximately 500 men), Hadrian’s friend Arrian, governor of Cappadocia, wrote of 512 men in an ala quingenaria (Tact.18). The ala milliaria was the largest auxiliary unit with 1000 horses and 768 men, which obviously required extensive accommodation. Usually only one was stationed in a province. The cohors milliaria equitata, (twice the size of cohors equitata), was the second largest auxiliary. It was a mixed cohort of 800 infantry and 240 cavalry (Hyginus de Metatione Castrorum 25-7). Prefects or tribunes commanded the auxiliaries with centurions subordinate to them in the infantry and decurions in the cavalry. For the size of units: P.A.Holder Studies in the Auxilia ...Augustus to Trajan BAR Int.ser. 70 Oxford 1980, 8-9

The importance of his armies to Hadrian can be understood by his last series of coins. These honour eleven armies, seven of which were in the western provinces. 69 Three of these, Britannia, Germania and Hispania, had legionary forces, while Mauretania, Dalmatia, Noricum and Raetia had only auxiliary units. Hadrian instituted a programme to improve army discipline (SHA Hadr.10.2-4, Dio 69.9.2-4) and, although there is only epigraphic evidence of the imperial inspection in Africa, it seems certain that Hadrian took the opportunity to review all his armies during his provincial journeys. On his accession as emperor, Hadrian made several major decisions concerning the empire and the potential cost of retaining Trajan’s territories. Not only did he recall legions back to the Danube from Parthia, but he also placed legions in their own provinces, selecting the most strategic positions for the fast mobilisation of detachments in the event of trouble. By the end of Hadrian’s reign the legionary strength in the western provinces of the empire was thirteen legions,

68

Cited above in section 2: The status of communities and the effect on public building. 69 The eastern armies were Cappadocia, Dacia, Moesia, Syria. Coh.Praetor. was also honoured with an exercitus coin.

8

Introduction

Margaret Roxan are excellent. 75 It should be noted, however, that diploma dates can be a problem as the length of service time by units can often only be estimated. (Occasionally other diplomas may help by giving earlier or later dates for the same units). Unfortunately no diplomas exist for some provinces, and therefore no information on the auxiliaries. Of the thirteen Hadrianic diplomas, four are from Mauretania Tingitana and three from Germania Superior.

be compared with the road building during the reigns of Trajan and Antoninus Pius to establish the extent of Hadrian’s benevolence. The sources The main source is of course the milestones, supplemented in recent years by some very exciting archaeological evidence. 79 Over the centuries many milestones have unfortunately disappeared, owing to their isolated locations and because, being large blocks of stone, often limestone and occasionally marble, they were very useful for building purposes. 80

The secondary sources are too numerous to give full credit to here. Mention should be made of P.A.Holder Studies in the Auxilia ...Augustus to Trajan BAR Int.ser. 70 Oxford 1980, for a discussion of the size of units and for some Hadrianic military diplomas; also of John Spaul, Ala2: the auxiliary cavalry units of the pre-Diocletianic imperial Roman army Andover 1994 and Cohors2 BAR 841 Oxford 2000, because, in spite of criticism, 76 these are the most recent comprehensive accounts of the auxiliaries. There are also many excellent articles in various publications of Roman Army Papers, and many other works, cited in the text and in the bibliography, by such eminent scholars as Jean Baradez, Eric Birley, Dietwulf Baatz, David Breeze, René Cagnat, Gilbert Leonard Cheesman, Robin Collingwood, Brian Dobson, Elizabeth Fentress, Jenó Fitz, Denes Gabler, Willy Groenman van Waateringe, Willam Hanson, Michael Jarrett, Lawrence Keppie, Yann Le Bohec, Marcel Le Glay, Valerie Maxfield, Hans Schönberger, Graham Webster and Willem Willems.

Milestones with legible inscriptions can reveal a great deal about the repair and construction of roads and those responsible for the finance, organisation and labour. The imperial fisc, in the name of the emperor, appears to have financed very few roads throughout the provinces, and when it did, the roads were mainly for military purposes. The municipality whose territory the roads traversed was usually responsible for the maintenance and construction of the local roads. ‘Restituit’ is often used on the milestones of municipalities and the work is dedicated to the reigning emperor whose name is in the dative. If construction took place under imperial orders, a milestone will name the emperor or his legate, and sometimes the name of the legion that provided the labour. In this instance the emperor’s name will be in the nominative, sometimes the ablative, with the name of the legate in the ablative. 81

Road building in the western provinces

The chance existence, the discovery and preservation of milestones, all emphasise the problems arising from conclusions based on present evidence. Many years ago Bullock wrote that ‘Gallic inscriptions sometimes occur under the most unexpected headings in CIL and that to unearth them from three volumes of one thousand words each and piece them together is no light task.’ 82 Happily, this is no longer true since Gerold Walser published a remarkable revision of CIL Gallic and German roads. His work, unfortunately, does not include other western provinces, some of which have few secondary sources that can provide satisfactory detail.

Road building is included in this section as the army, which had the expertise and labour, initially constructed the majority of roads. Unless road construction was for military purposes, local communities were mainly responsible for their maintenance. Hadrian was aware of the tremendous financial hardship that this could inflict. Not only did he share the cost of a road at Beneventum with the local community by paying two-thirds (CIL 9.6075), but he also received repeated requests for help from the inhabitants of Dagis in Dacia, who were threatening to move elsewhere. 77 A situation that may be found to affect the financing of road repairs and construction was that the cursus publicus, the imperial post, prior to Hadrian’s reign had been the responsibility of the local civitas. This was altered by Hadrian, who placed it under the control of the imperial fisc.78

The Dutch archaeologists, W.A.M. Hessing, Jan Kees Haalebos and Willem Willems, have published some outstanding work that admirably supplements the epigraphic evidence, and provides new archaeological information for roads in Germania Inferior.

Road works could demonstrate another aspect of Hadrian’s generosity to provincial cities and contribute to the general perception of continual building. The Hadrianic work will

75

Roman military diplomas were first issued under Claudius for auxiliary units and members of the fleets and continued until 212. Numeri did not get a grant of concubium and citizenship for their children. M.Roxan ‘The Distribution of Military Diplomas’ 267-9. 76 W. Eck & A. Pangerl criticise Spaul as unreliable: ZPE 143 (2003) 208. 77 R. MacMullen Soldier and civilian in the Later Roman Empire Harvard 1967, 88. Although neither of these examples were located in the provinces selected for this study, they could be indicative of problems experienced by many poorer communities in the western provinces. 78 Drinkwater Roman Gaul 34.

79

The work of the Dutch archaeologists is mentioned below. Milestones have been used in a variety of ways; for example one round milestone became a church pillar. R. Chevallier Les Voies Romaine Paris 1997, 67, fig.21. 81 These comments refer to North West Africa. R.M. Haywood, ‘Roman North West Africa’ in ESAR v.5 1940, 66. The same formula was probably used throughout the empire for milestone inscriptions. 82 W.H.Bullock The Romans on the Riviera and the Rhône London 1898, 165. 80

9

Introduction

The sources

6. A comparison of Hadrianic provincial building in the western provinces with building during the reigns of Trajan and Antoninus Pius

The ancient literature and the most recent biography of Trajan by Julian Bennett Optimus Princeps Indiana University Press 1997, provide almost no information on Trajan’s building. 86 Nevertheless it has been said that there was ‘much activity in construction and care of roads aqueducts, bridges, canals’ in the provinces during his reign.87

The similar lengths of the consecutive reigns of these three emperors suggested the possibility of comparing the volume of their building in the western provinces. This is done in the expectation that a better perspective can be gained of Hadrian’s provincial building.

The modern biography by Willy Hüttl Antoninus Pius 2vls Prague 1933-6, 88 still remains the most comprehensive work on this emperor. Seventy years, however, have elapsed since its publication and much archaeological and epigraphic evidence has been discovered during this time.

Although these three emperors reigned for approximately the same length of time,83 their personal knowledge of the provinces differed enormously. Hadrian’s journeys took him to nearly all his provinces, not only to the frontiers, and although he was concerned with a broad range of issues, his focus was always on the security and viability of the empire.

A great reliance on the epigraphic and archaeological evidence for both emperors is obviously necessary.

Trajan, in a similar fashion to Hadrian, gained a personal knowledge of much of the empire as a child travelling with his family, and later as a career soldier. 84 After becoming emperor in 98, Trajan travelled mainly in a military capacity, concentrating on the frontiers and expansion. He fought two wars in Dacia and campaigned in Parthia in the last years of his life.

7. Evidence of the coins The loss of Hadrian’s autobiography (SHA Hadr. 16.1) places greater emphasis on his coins, particularly the last great issue, as an indication of the emperor’s retrospective view of his life’s work in these provinces.

In complete contrast to Hadrian and Trajan, there is no record that Antoninus Pius left Italy throughout his long twenty-three year reign (and he had rarely done so before).85 He was an administrator, who ruled the empire from Rome or from his Campanian estates, reasoning that by doing so he would more accessible (SHA Pii.7.11-12). His reign was the first for more than half a century to show no major spending initiative (Paus. 8.43.4, SHA Pii 8.1-4, 9.1-2) and, without leaving Rome, he apparently restored all the places destroyed during his reign (SHA Pii 9.2) and still left a large surplus of revenue to his successors.

Although these coins are the most useful for this study, some of the early coins are also significant. An example is the orbis terrarum coin issued c.119/121, perhaps a strong indication that Hadrian had begun to determine his policies and plans for the provinces early in his reign, prior to his extensive journeys through the empire. 89 These coins are associated with the Greek and Hellenistic notion of the civilised world and Augustan art used this concept to personify the emperor. Hadrian, perhaps in his desire to emulate this emperor, even furthered this by depicting himself as restorer or benefactor of the peoples and cities of the Roman empire. 90 Commemoration of public buildings on coinage was confined to Rome until the third century and rarely included the provinces. 91 The only Hadrianic exception was a coin in the eastern provinces.92

83

Trajan: 19 years from 98 to 117, Hadrian: 21 years from 117 to 138 and Antoninus Pius: 23 years from 138 to 161. 84 M. Ulpius Traianus, Trajan’s father, was legatus legionis X Fretensis and instrumental in subduing the revolt in Judaea in 67 (at the time of the sacking of the 2nd temple). He may have been governor of Cappadocia before becoming legatus Augusti propraetore of Syria c.73/76. Traianus’ appointment to the prestigious position of proconsul of Baetica and his last appointment as proconsul of Asia appear indicative of the esteem in which he was held by Vespasian. Traianus’ achievements, the elevation of the family to the patriciate, and his continuing support of the Flavian dynasty (to whom he may have been related by marriage) have been seen as influential in Trajan’s subsequent career. J.Bennett Trajan Optimus Princeps London 1997 (2nd ed. 2001) 13-18. During his father’s term as governor of Syria, Trajan served his military tribunate with one of the Syrian legions; then III Gallica; IV Scythica; VI Ferrata; XVI Flavia. His military career took him to the Rhine in 76, possibly to Germania Inferior. By 87 he was legatus legionis VII Geminae at Legio in Tarraconensis, taking this legion to Germania Superior in 89 to assist the quelling of Saturninus’ revolt. By 92/93 Trajan had been appointed legatus Augusti in Germania Superior (and perhaps of Pannonia c.95/6, successfully campaigning against the Suebi). He was adopted by Nerva in 97 and was at colonia Agrippinensium in Germania Inferior when Hadrian brought the news of the emperor’s death in 98 (Dio 68.4.2; Epit.de Caes.13.3; SHA Hadr.2.6). Ibid. 22-30, 41, 49. 85 Antoninus Pius was born at Lanuvium near Rome, although his patria was at Nemausus in Gallia Narbonensis. He was in Asia as proconsular governor in 133/136.

86

Sources for Trajan’s life are the correspondence between the emperor and Pliny the Younger in volume 10 of his letters and Panegyricus and the epitome of Dio Book 68 written one hundred years after Trajan’s death. 87 No buildings are given for the western Danubian provinces. B.W. Henderson in Five Good Emperors Cambridge University Press 1927. 88 V.1 was published in 1936, three years after v.2. 89 The orbis terrarum coins are the work of a less skilful craftsman than the ‘province’ coins of the last great issue. On the reverse orbis terrarum supports a large globe on her left knee and wears a long chiton, a himation and a mural crown. This crown suggests that orbis terrarum represents the civilised or inhabited areas as distinct from barbarian territories. J.M.C.Toynbee The Hadrianic School A Chapter in the History of Greek Art Cambridge 1934, 24-25. 90 Ibid. 24-25. 91 C.Foss Roman Historical Coins London 1990, xvii. Trajan, however, does have a number of buildings on his coins. J.P.C.Kent Roman Coins London 1978, pl.76. 92 One of an octastyle temple is known for Asia. H. Cohen Description Historique des Monnaies v.2 Graz 1955,124 n.240, 234, n.1508.

10

Introduction

During the Hadrianic era there were few local mints and virtually none in the western provinces, with the rare occasional mint at Nemausus and Lugdunum in Gaul. 93

Stuttgart 1935, with its excellent charts, Harold Mattingly & Edward Sydenham The Roman Imperial Coinage V Part II, London 1926 and Harold Mattingly Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum v.3 1965. For the study of iconography the work by Jocelyn Toynbee, The Hadrianic School: A Chapter in the History of Greek Art 1934, still stands alone. More recently Clive Foss has placed Roman coins into their historical context in his most useful publication Roman Historical Coins London 1990.

The mint at Rome did not record Hadrian’s lengthy journeys or his current activities in the provinces, but in the last decade of his life (c.134/5) the emperor rectified this by minting four coin types for his last issue. These were: 1. restitutor; 94 2. exercitus; 95 3. adventus; 96 and 4. ‘provinces’. Of these it is the restitutor coin that represented the assistance given to provinces, especially in restoration and building, which is of central interest to this study. 97

This investigation is concerned with the accuracy of Hadrian’s reputation as a prolific builder in the western provincial cities. The pursuit of this is expected not only to reveal more of Hadrian’s personal building, but also that all construction work during this period will be shown to have contributed to a general perception of intense and continuous building during Hadrian’s reign.

The originality of the design of these coins is thought to be the result of Hadrian’s personal interest, especially if he supervised the minting of this series. If so, these coins perhaps reflect the thoughts and memories of an ailing emperor. The final years were not easy for Hadrian. His personal suffering was aggravated by the disastrous Bar Kochba rebellion, threatening to destroy his vision of pax Romana. It is not surprising that the coin series has come under scrutiny for its omissions and inexplicable inclusions of provinces and cities. It does, however, provide an insight into Hadrian’s own assessment of his provincial achievements, and represents what he remembered and considered of value. It also reveals the enormous energy of this emperor who travelled the length and breadth of his empire, reviewed and reformed his armies, strengthened his frontiers and visited most of his provinces and many of their cities. The sources Many catalogues with their coin descriptions and illustrations have been in print for many years, yet they are still the most comprehensive sources for Hadrianic coins. Included in this group are Paul Strack Untersuchungen zur römischen Reichspragung des zweiten Jahrhunderts II, 93

M. Crawford ‘The Monetary System of the Roman Empire’ in M. Crawford (ed) L’Impero Romano e le Strutture Economiche e Sociali delle Province BSR 4 Como 1986, 65. 94 The restitutor coins are similar in depicting the emperor raising up the kneeling province that symbolises the help given to a province. H.Mattingly Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum v.3: Nerva to Hadrian London 1965, clxxxiii. 95 Each exercitus coin shows the emperor adlocutio, addressing the troops either from a platform or from horseback. Mattingly BMC v.3, clxxxii f. 96 Coins of the adventus type commemorate the arrival of the emperor at the place named on the coin. Hadrian is usually depicted togate with his hand raised in greeting and facing the personified province or place. Toynbee The Hadrianic School 4. 97 There are some disagreements about the exact date: Mattingly suggests from about 134 or 135 to 138 but he disagrees with Strack’s choice of 137, preferring sometime soon after Hadrian’s return to Rome in 134. Mattingly BMC v.3, cxliii f. Strack offers several arguments for his choice of 137: first, it was the year of Hadrian’s vicennalia; second, the coin for the Pannonias, issued by L.Aelius on his appointment to governorship of those provinces, appears to be part of the ‘provinces’ series. Even so the ‘Pannonian’ coins may have been an addition. His third argument for 137 concerns Judaea, where the Bar Kochba revolt was not suppressed until 135, and yet its ‘province’ coin does not reflect the war, or Iudaea capta, nor does it depict local contributions to the empire unlike other ‘province’coins. P.L.Strack Untersuchungen zur römischen Reichspragung des zweiten Jahrhunderts II, 132 ff; According to Toynbee, this series was struck in one single issue between 134 and 138. Toynbee The Hadrianic School 2.

11

Introduction

12

Chapter 1 Dalmatia and the western Danubian Provinces of Noricum, Raetia, Pannonia, Superior and Pannonia Inferior per Illyricum Romam venit (SHA Hadr. 5.10).

``In the first year of his reign Hadrian, the new emperor of Rome, made his way to his capital from Antioch per Illyricum (SHA Hadr. 5.10), a journey that may have taken him through Dalmatia and the Pannonias.1 In addition to these two provinces, this chapter will include the Danubian provinces of Noricum and Raetia that Hadrian visited on his first provincial journey.2

brought Hadrian back to the Danube with Trajan (SHA Hadr. 3.2-3; CIL 3.550 = ILS 308) 5 and his first legionary command.6 Hadrian’s career was now on the rise. It has been said that ‘the best and swiftest career in the service of Caesar is to command a legion and then govern a province’7 and Hadrian was to achieve both by the age of thirty. In 106 he was sent as praetorian legate to Pannonia Inferior (SHA Hadr.3.9-10) where he remained for two years. On his return to this province a decade later it was as ruler of the empire.

There are problems in the search for buildings from the Hadrianic era, both for those endowed by the emperor himself and those built as a result of his policies. The first concerns Hadrian’s reluctance (with the exception of aqueducts) to put his name on his buildings (SHA Hadr.20. 4, 21.9).

Hadrian in these Provinces as Emperor The new emperor received news of the uprising of the Sarmatian tribes 8 as he prepared to leave Antioch for Rome. When Hadrian arrived in Moesia Inferior in early 118, the Roxolani were attacking the limes and Hadrian’s personal intervention with the king of the Roxolani was required (SHA Hadr. 6.8). At the same time the Iazyges were mounting an offensive against the frontier of Pannonia Inferior (SHA Hadr. 6.6-8) 9 Hadrian then took the unusual

The second is that the relationship between the Roman provinces and the modern countries that occupy the same territory is not always clear. Raetia, in particular, is often neglected and rarely treated as a separate province, being either included with Germania Superior or discussed as part of Roman Switzerland. A third problem is that, despite the considerable amount of material published on these provinces for over one hundred years (in a variety of languages), the archaeological reports are often difficult to access. It seems that there has been (and perhaps still is) too high a concentration on sites along the Danubian frontier and, but to a lesser extent, on selected urban sites.

transferring to XXII Primigenia for his third military tribunate: A. R. Birley Hadrian .The Restless Emperor London 1997, 37. Only L.Minicius Natalis (PIR2 M 620) is also known to have served as tribune with three legions: Syme ‘Hadrian in Moesia’ 204-8. 5 The inscription at Athens, c.112, describes Hadrian as: comes expeditionis Dacicae donis militaribus ab eo (Traiano) donatus bis (ILS 308). 6 Hadrian commanded I Minervia with great distinction and so gained great favour with Trajan, who presented Hadrian with the diamond ring given to him by Nerva. This was seen as an indication that Hadrian would be Trajan’s successor (SHA Hadr.3.6-7). 7 R. Syme ‘Governors of Pannonia Inferior’ Hist.14 (1965), 342. 8 The uprising may have been precipitated by the death of the governor, C.Iulius Quadratus Bassus (AE 1933, 408).(For Quadratus Bassus: R. Syme: review of A. Stein ‘Die Reichsbeamten von Dazien’ JRS 36 (1946) 162-165). The Iazyges (i.e the ‘Sarmatians’), had supported Trajan during the Dacian Wars but there was a problem over land that was not returned (Dio 68.10.4). The king of the Roxolani, P. Aelius Rasparaganus, was both rex Roxalanorum and rex Sarmatarum (ILS 852, 853). The Roxolani (who had previously supported the Dacians) had agreed to assist in the protection of the frontier and were aggravated by a perceived reduction in the agreed stipendium stated in their treaty with Trajan (SHA Hadr.6.8). Hadrian negotiated directly with the king: Birley Hadrian, 84-87; H.W. Benario A Commentary on the Vita Hadriani in the Historia Augusta American Philolog. Assoc. 1980, 69-70. 9 Hadrian in Pannonia (Philostratus Soph 2,1,14). It is interesting that Hadrian, as new emperor, would spend a year in the Danubian regions before going to Rome. Trajan had acted in a similar manner in the Germanies. No evidence exists of Hadrian in Pannonia at this time, or that he travelled per Illyricum to Rome. Henderson misunderstood Hadrian’s date of arrival at Rome, giving as evidence only Acta Frat.Arval. VI 2078-2083 (B.W. Henderson The Life and Principate of the Emperor Hadrian London 1923, 279-282), and missing the conclusive evidence of Acta Frat.Arval. VI 32374.R. Syme ‘Journeys of Hadrian’ ZPE 7 (1988) 160.

Hadrian’s knowledge of these provinces began in 94/95 at the start of his military career while serving as tribune with the II Adiutrix in Pannonia (later Pannonia Inferior) (SHA Hadr.2.3).3 Political events accelerated this career, moving him from the Danube to the Rhine in 97, when on behalf of the army he congratulated Trajan on his adoption by Nerva (SHA Hadr.2.5). 4 Subsequent service in the Dacian Wars 1

The subdivision of Illyricum after AD 9 resulted in the province becoming Pannonia and Dalmatia. J.J. Wilkes Dalmatia London 1969, 46. 2 The Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum 3, part 1, p.151, stipulates that Illyricum includes the Roman provinces of Dalmatia, Pannonia Inferior, Pannonia Superior, Noricum, Raetia, Dacia and Moesia Superior. The eastern Danubian provinces of Dacia and Moesia Superior will be omitted from this study. 3 II Adiutrix was at its new fortress at Aquincum by 89. It may have been initially been stationed at Sirmium in Moesia Superior; J.J.Wilkes ‘Roman Legions and their Fortresses in the Danubian Lands’ in Roman Fortresses and their Legions London 2000, 106, or perhaps at Singidunum: R.Syme ‘Hadrian in Moesia’ Danubian Papers Bucharest 1971, 207. II Adiutrix in Moesia Superior: (SHA Hadr.2.3). 4 In 96 Hadrian was with V Macedonica at Oescus in Moesia Inferior serving his second military tribunate (SHA Hadr.2-3). In October 97 Hadrian left for the Rhine to convey the army’s congratulations to Trajan on his adoption (SHA Hadr. 2. 5-6) and remained in Germania Superior

13

Chapter 1 - Dalmatia and the western Danubian Provinces

step of appointing an equestrian, Marcius Turbo, as military commander of Pannonia and Dacia.10

At Rome Hadrian began planning his last great series of coins. As a retrospective impression of his work in the provinces, these coins, issued in the final years of his reign, are of great interest.18

Hadrian had, at least temporarily, solved the problems on the Pannonian frontier 11 and could embark on a quick inspection of the armed forces and military installations along the frontier. Evidence of his presence in Pannonia was the extraordinary display by the equites singulares Augusti (usually known as the Batavi), 12 who swam the Ister with their arms (Dio 69.9.6).13 This event probably occurred in late spring or early summer when the river Danube was not too cold. After this Hadrian completed his journey to Rome travelling through Dalmatia and crossing the sea to Italy from either the port of Salona or Iader. 14 The new emperor reached his capital on 9 July 118 (Acta Frat.Arval. VI 32374).

The Evidence of the Coins Hadrian minted no restitutor coins for these provinces, an indication that his recollection was not of building.19 Three provinces, however, Raetia, Noricum and Dalmatia, received the exercitus type. With no legions in these provinces, the coins testify to Hadrian’s awareness of the military importance of the auxiliaries located between the great armies of the Rhine and the Danube. The iconography of the coins exercitus Raeticus 20 and exercitus Noricus 21 differ only in that an officer accompanies the emperor on the exercitus Noricus coin.22 The coin for exercitus Dalmaticus (or Delmaticus) is more interesting, especially as Strack was the only numismatic scholar to photograph and catalogue it.23 The mystery is even greater because Dalmatia had only three small auxiliary cohorts, unlike Raetia and Noricum, which had large auxiliary armies of both mounted alae and infantry troops. 24 The exercitus Dalmaticus coin suggests either an unknown emergency arose or perhaps there were special duties performed by these auxiliaries.25

Later imperial visits Three years passed before Hadrian’s made his first known visit to Raetia and Noricum. It was probably in the late winter and spring of 121 when he travelled through Germania Inferior and then crossed to Britannia (SHA Hadr.11.2). A later visit in 124 (favoured by some scholars) 15 does not appear possible, as there is evidence that Hadrian was inspecting the limes of Cappadocia at that time, after which he wintered in Nikomedeia 123/4 before spending the following summer in Asia. 16

Even more curious is that four legions, the only ones stationed in these provinces, were in the Pannonias, yet they were excluded from those honoured with an exercitus coin. 26 It seems that Hadrian may have specifically minted some exercitus coins to honour the contribution of auxiliaries to the security of the empire.

Hadrian, exhausted by grief and illness, made his last major journey to these provinces in 133 on his return to Rome per Orientem et Illyric[um] (AE 1957, 135 = Sm 195 = ILS 1069).17

10

18

Senatorial legates traditionally governed these imperial provinces. Marcius Turbo (PIR2 249) from Dalmatia had just returned from suppressing an uprising in Mauretania. His appointment was ‘more political than military’ and a sign of Hadrian’s insecurity. Ibid.. See also R. Syme ‘The wrong Marcius Turbo’ JRS 52 (1962) 87-96. 11 The terminus dates 130/1,132/4 and 137 of various coin hoards found along the Pannonia Superior limes and the layer of ash found at Aquincum in Pannonia Inferior indicate uncertainty and unrest on the frontier during Hadrian’s last decade. J. Fitz Acta Ant.11(1963) 255; this was perhaps the reason that L.Aelius Caesar, Hadrian’s heir, was appointed governor of both Pannonian provinces in 137. A. Mócsy Pannonia and Upper Moesia London 1974, 102. 12 The Batavi, a mounted bodyguard of five hundred men, was Trajan’s innovation to avoid relying on the loyalty of the Praetorian Guard (CIL 6.31156). They were recruited from the German and Pannonian auxiliaries. M. P. Spiedel, ‘Swimming the Danube under Hadrian’s eyes. A feat of the emperor’s Batavi horseguard’ Ancient Society 22 (1991) 277. 13 Ister was an early Greek name for the Danube. The amazing feat of one of these horsemen is inscribed in poetry on his headstone (CIL 3.3676 = ILS 2558 = Sm. 336). 14 From Iader to Ancona is 105 miles, from Salona to either Aterum or Sipontum is 185 miles. These routes are still used today by modern shipping. M. Zaninovic ‘The Economy of Roman Dalmatia’ ANRW 2. 6 Berlin (1977) 799. 15 Weber favoured a subsequent visit in 124. W.Weber, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Kaisers Hadrianus Leipzig 1907, 154f; Hadrian’s visit in 124 preceded building on the limes, when the connecting roads between the forts were built with stone. Mócsy Pannonia and Upper Moesia 107. 16 H. Halfmann Itinera Principum Stuttgart 1986, 190. 17 Visits by Hadrian in 124, 125 and 131 are problematic, but the career of Caesernius Macedo confirms the journey per Illyricum in 133. R. Syme, ‘Journeys of Hadrian’ ZPE 7 (1988), 168-9. Only short excursions in Illyricum were possible. Halfmann Itinera Principum 209. Hadrian arrived at Rome on 5 May 134 (IGR I 149 = IGVR I 235)

Based on ‘a new impulse of originality in design’ H. Mattingly Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum v.3 Nerva to Hadrian London 1965, cxlii; J.M.C.Toynbee The Hadrianic School. A chapter in the History of Greek Art Cambridge 1934, ch.1. An approximate date for this issue c.134 has been fully discussed in the Introduction. 19 The restitutor coin was based on Hadrian’s understanding of himself as restitutor. 20 Hadrian is on horseback raising his right hand haranguing three or four soldiers holding legionary eagle and vexillum. Mattingly BMC v.3, 502, 1683-84 (1685 has fourth soldier); H. Mattingly & E. A. Sydenham The Roman Imperial Coinage 5 Part 2 London 1926, 461(Ses: RIC 928-930/ 929; four soldiers); Cohen 578-82; C. Foss Roman Historical Coins London 1990, 115; J. P.C. Kent Roman Coins London 1978, 30. 21 Hadrian is on a platform and is accompanied by an officer holding a sword. The emperor is haranguing the officer and four soldiers carrying shield, standard, legionary eagle, a horse and standard. Mattingly BMC v.3, 501; Cohen 565; Mattingly & Sydenham RIC 5 Part 2, 927; Foss Roman Historical Coins (44). 22 Possibly C. Septicius Clarus, Hadrian’s guard prefect in 121/122 . 23 P. L. Strack Untersuchungen zur römischen Reichspragung des zweiten Jahrhunderts II, 143. It is not listed in the catalogue of Roman Imperial Coins in the British Museum (BMC v.3). It was found in Smyrna in 1910 and placed in the Numismatic Cabinet, Berlin. K. Regling ‘Exercitus Delmaticus’ VAHD 49 (1926-27) 73. 24 See Army Appendix (ch.1) for details of these provincial armies. 25 Perhaps similar to one that resulted in Vitrasius Flamininus, Hadrianic legate of Moesia Superior, being given command over the ‘Dalmatian army’. Birley Hadrian. The Restless Emperor 279. It may relate to a special duty, or even a review of the exercitus Dalmaticus by Hadrian. 26 The absence of an exercitus coin for Pannonia could be proof that after his 118 visit Hadrian did not inspect his Pannonian army. Halfmann Itinera Principum 195. Syme rejects this argument, noting the omissions of exercitus coins for Egypt, Judaea and Africa Syme, ‘Journeys of Hadrian’ 169 (see ch. 6 for Hadrian’s adlocutio in N W Africa).

14

Chapter 1 - Dalmatia and the western Danubian Provinces

Even though these five provinces were all imperial, the governors were not of the same rank nor did they hold the same power. The governors of Dalmatia and the Pannonian provinces were senatorial. 33 From the time of Augustus, equestrian procurators were governors of the less important provinces of Raetia and Noricum (Tac.Hist.1.11) 34 and they were subordinate to the nearest governor with legionary troops. 35

Since it is certain that Hadrian was in the Pannonias and Raetia, and most probably in Dalmatia, it is surprising that only Noricum celebrated Hadrian’s arrival with an adventus coin. 27 The graphics could provide an explanation. The emperor wears travelling dress 28 but ‘Noricum’, in uniform and carrying a vexillum, is clearly military. The weapon suggests a connection with the Norican iron industry, where highly prized steel for such items was produced. (The Norican mines were important enough to have their own Hadrianic coins that were not part of the great series, with the legend met(alla) Nor(ica)). 29 It is possible that the adventus coin could represent a special tour by Hadrian of Noricum’s mining region.

By Hadrian's reign there were no legions garrisoned in Dalmatia, Raetia and Noricum. 36 In contrast, the Pannonian provinces were heavily armed with four legions, three of which were in Pannonia Superior thereby giving this province the highest-ranking governor.

Hadrian minted no ‘province’ coins for any of these provinces, but in 137 he issued a Pannonia coin similar enough to the ‘province’ type to be considered the work of the same die-engravers.30 Pannonia is depicted urbanised yet military. 31

Dalmatia Even though three auxiliary units had replaced the legions of Dalmatia before the end of the first century, the governor continued to be consular, 37 residing at the coastal city of Salona with a term of three or four years. 38 Dalmatia was important as the administrative centre for the Pannonian and Dalmatian mines and although the governor had considerable military, civil and special judicial powers, 39 these excluded local administration of municipalities and colonies. 40

As Hadrian did not consider himself as a restitutor of any of these provinces, evidence of Hadrianic civic building must now be sought from other possible builders.

Provincial Administration: Governors and Legates The financing of public building varied considerably throughout the empire. Provincial governors, presidial procurators and army legates were all potential builders and benefactors, either in a private capacity as patrons or as representatives of the emperor. 32

Recent studies conducted for Dalmatia reveal that emperors or imperial legates undertook 16.5% of civic building.41 Stein ‘Die Reichsbeamten von Dazien’ JRS 36 (1946) 159-167; ‘Hadrian in Moesia’ AV 19 (1968) 101 = Danubian Papers Bucharest 1971, 204212;‘Legates of Moesia’ Dacia N.S, 12 (1968) 331 = Danubian Papers Bucharest 1971, 213-224; REA 67 1965, 343; J.J. Wilkes Dalmatia London 1969. 33 W.Eck Senatoren von Vespasian bis Hadrian Munich 1970,19-20, J. S. Richardson Roman Provincial Administration 227 BC to AD 117 London 1976, 61. They had full imperium in civil military and judicial matters assisted by one or two iuridici, and in financial matters by equestrian procurators. L. Homo Roman Political Institutions from City to State London 1929, 318; R.Syme ‘The wrong Marcius Turbo’ JRS 52 (1982) 8796. 34 The administration changed when the Amber road from Savaria to Carnuntum (fortress of XV Apollonaris), became Pannonia, leaving Noricum without a legion. P. A. Brunt Roman Imperial Themes Oxford 1990, 167. Having received judicial power from Claudius, presidial procurators became procuratores iure gladi (Tac.Ann.12.60). The first identified was C. Baebius Atticus (CIL 5.1838 = ILS 1349) His title was procurator Augusti in Norico, then procurator Augusti Norici or procurator Augusti provinciae Noricae. 35 Presidial procurators held the same powers as senatorial governors but with only auxiliaries troops they could require legionary support for overseeing imperial properties, collecting taxes, military administration. Homo Roman Political Institutions 319. 36 See below Hadrianic Military Building. 37 Eck Senatoren von Vespasian bis Hadrian 1. This governor may have just gained the consulship and would go on to command an army on the Rhine or the Danube. Wilkes Dalmatia 81. 38 R.Syme 'Governors of Dalmatia' in a review of A. Jagenteufel Die Statthalter der römischen Provinz Dalmatien von Augustus bis Diocletian in Danubian Papers Bucharest 1971, 200. 39 The cities were the Adriatic ports of Narona, Scardona and Salona. 40 The governor rarely interfered in local government; if he did it was through a curator rei publicae. 41 It was the wealthy local aristocracy who, through their involvement in local administration, were instrumental in the decisions about public buildings, but it is the wide variety of building that provides evidence of the use of personal wealth and the desire of these individuals to benefit their communities. It seems possible that the early urbanisation of this region, particularly of the coastal cities, provided fewer opportunities for later benefactors. M. Šašel Kos ‘Private Munificence in Salonae under the

27

Mattingly & Sydenham RIC 5 Part 2, 904; Cohen 73. Noricum wears a helmet and holds a vexillum, a sacrificial bull by an altar. Mattingly BMC v.3, 496. Only Africa, Alexandria (for Egypt), Spain and Italy were honoured with silver and gold adventus coins; none were issued for Noricum. Ibid.. cxliiif; Foss Roman Historical Coins (43). 28 It is unlikely that he was en route for active service. Toynbee The Hadrianic School 126. 29 Strack 432a. These and other similar coins were minted in Rome as currency for the mining districts. All coins have a version of the legend metallum and, although found in large quantities in mining areas, their connection with the mines has been questioned. H. Chantraine Der Kleine Pauly III, Stuttgart 1969, 1259. The coins depict certain deities and personifications according to the metal being mined. S. Dusanic ‘Aspects of Roman Mining in Noricum, Pannonia, Dalmatia and Moesia Superior’ ANRW 2.6 Berlin (1977) 56-57. 30 These coins are of special interest as they were issued in the name of Hadrian’s adopted son and heir, L. Aelius Caesar, when he was governor of both Pannonias (SHA Hadr. 23.13; Aelii 3.2). Foss Roman Historical Coins 121; Mattingly & Sydenham RIC 5 Part 2, 481, 482 Pl.xvi 337, 10591060,1071-3; Cohen 24-29, 32-3; Strack 139,147. 31 The dress and attributes of Pannonia, depicted for the first time on Roman coinage, suggest a dual nature. 32 The sources used to identify the Hadrianic officials in these provinces were: B.E.Thomasson Laterculi Praesidum I Gothenburg 1984: W.Eck ‘Jahres- und Provinzialfasten der senatorischen Statthalter von 69/70 bis 138/9’ Chiron 12 (1982) 281-362; Chiron 13 (1983) 147-237; J. Fitz ‘Contribution à la carrière d’un proconsul d’Afrique’ Latomus 27 (1968) 45-74; J. Fitz ‘Legati Augusti pro praetori Pannoniae Inferioris’ Acta Ant.11(1963) 245-324, J. Fitz ‘ Legati Legionum Pannoniae Superioris’ Acta Ant. 9 (1961) 159- 207 ;W. Reidinger Die Statthalter des ungeteilten Pannonien und Oberpannoniens von Augustus bis Diokletian Bonn 1956; R. Syme: Governors of Dalmatia’: review of A. Jagenteufel, Die Statthalter der römischen Provinz Dalmatien von Augustus bis Diokletian Wien 1959 in Gnomon 31 (1959) 510-18 = Danubian Papers Bucharest 1971, 192-203; ‘Governors of Pannonia’: review of W.Reidinger Die Statthalter des ungeteilten Pannonien und Oberpannoniens von Augustus bis Diokletian Bonn 1956 in Gnomon 29 (1957) 515-24 = Danubian Papers Bucharest 1971, 225244; ‘Governors of Pannonia Inferior' Hist. 14 (1965) 342-367; review of A.

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Unfortunately only one Hadrianic legatus pro praetore provinciae Dalmatiae, P. Coelius Balbinus Vibullius Pius, (CIL 3. 1933 = ILS 4907), 42 has been positively identified. As his term of office began sometime after 137, it offers little contribution to these studies. Even so, no buildings, even in Salona, can be attributed to him.

where two inscriptions bear his name (CIL 3.5776, 5777). Two dedications are known for his successor, C. Censorius Niger, a local Norican from Flavia Solva 46 (CIL 3.5174, 5181), and four dedications to Q. Lisinius Sabinus were found at Celeia.47 One could be a temple, sanctuary or statue (CIL 3. 5167) and another could either be a statue or shrine of Epona, a goddess of Gallic origin associated, appropriately for Noricum, with horses (CIL 3.5176). Nothing was discovered at Virunum, the official residence of the procurator 48 (Pliny NH 3.146).

Raetia No certain Hadrianic presidial procurators are known for this province although one may have been Varius Clemens (CIL 3. 5212= ILS 1362). The official residence was at Augusta Vindelicorum.43

The Pannonias During the Hadrianic period Pannonia Inferior had a praetorian governor who could expect to become consul designate and be promoted to a consular province such as Pannonia Superior. 49 This may have been the case with [Claudius] Maximus, the last proven Hadrianic legate of Pannonia Inferior. 50

Noricum The mixed population of Noricum required a procurator with specialist civil and judicial skills 44 in addition to previous experience in a province, such as Lusitania with its established mining industry. Several Hadrianic presidial procurators have been identified. Claudius Paternus Clementianus is the best known and the only one with a certain date. 45 His hometown was Abodiacum in Raetia,

Six Hadrianic governors and eight legionary legates are known for Pannonia Superior and eleven governors of Pannonia Inferior, 51 yet the only building that can be attributed to any of these twenty-four men, is the Nymphaeum dedicated by L. Attius Macro (leg.Aug.leg. I Adiutricis) at Brigetio (CIL 3.11077). Hadrianic building took place at the legionary fortresses, Aquincum and Carnuntum, also the places of residence of the Pannonian governors. 52

Principate’ VAHD (86) 1994 201- 204. Other studies in Liburnia (the region of Illyricum and Dalmatia between the rivers Arsia and Titus) classified construction into three categories: new and restored buildings by private individuals, those by the state or emperors and those financed by the local councils. Most evidence of munificence comes from the 1st century and is directly related to the early urbanisation and Romanisation of this region. The local native élite who were the largest group of personal benefactors of new buildings administered local government. An economic decline in the late 2nd century caused a corresponding decline in munificence particularly in commercial centres. J. Medina ‘Epigraficki Podaci o Munificencijama i Ostalim Javnim Gradnjama iz Anticke Liburnije’Radovi, Filozofskog fakulteta Zadar 6 (1969) (English summary ‘Epigraphic data concerning munificences and other public buildings in Liburnia’ 73-4). 42 (PIR2 C 1241) His tribe was Sergia, which could give his origin as Italica in Baetica, but it may also be several other cities, including Salona in Dalmatia. R. Syme in 'Governors of Dalmatia' a review of A. Jagenteufel Die Statthalter der römischen Provinz Dalmatien von Augustus bis Diocletian in Danubian Papers Bucharest 1971,195-6: The slaves of a Coelius Balbinus (CIL 3.2295) and freedmen (2294; 2561; 9009; 13925) of his household at Salona suggest that he resided at Salona as legate of Dalmatia. The inscriptions from Salona could mean that he came from Dalmatia. Eck ‘Jahres- und Provinzialfasten der senatorischen Statthalter von 69/70 bis 138/9’Chiron 13 (1983) 194-195; Syme Gnomon 1959, 513. The senator whose career inscription was found at Salona in the ruins of the amphitheatre was a contemporary of P. Coelius Balbinus Vibullius Pius and may refer to him. J.J. Wilkes Dalmatia London 1969, Appendix II, 85. 43 After conquest Raetia was governed by a praetorian legate legatus pro [pr(aetore) i/n Vindol(icis), assisted by a prefect from coh.Trumplinorum (CIL 5.4910 = ILS 847). A strong tribal system continued to exist (through which Rome received tribute). Some tribes were under Gallic administration prior to the appointment of a governor. Under Claudius this was an equestrian presidial procurator who also supervised the auxiliaries (ILS 1349, AE 1936, 83). H. Wolff 'Raetia' CAH 2 nd ed. v.10, 1996, 539. The titles of the earliest known presidial procurator were procur(ator) Augustor(um) and pro leg(ato) provinciai Raetiai et Vindelic(iai) et vallis Poenin(ai) (CIL 5.3936 = ILS 1348). 44 All known procurators came from the western half of the empire, where they had acquired skills in dealing with the native and Celtic population. G. Alföldy Noricum London 1974, 80. 45 Procuratores Augusti provinciae Noricae: Q. Caecilius Redditus (PIR 2 C71) c.115 (?) but he was in Tingitana by 122 (CIL 3.5163) Thomasson Laterculi Praesidum, 83; Claudius Paternus Clementianus (PIR2 C953) 121 (CIL 3.14362) Ibid. 84; C. Censorius Niger (PIR2 C658) 130/140? (CIL 3.5174, 5181) Ibid. 84; Q.Lisinius Sabinus (PIR2 L285) 135/138 (CIL 3.5167, 5168, 5175, 5176). A military diploma issued during the procuratorship of C. Lisinius Sabinus in Noricum (AE 1988, 915), was dated between 10 December 135 and Hadrian’s death on 10 July 138. (His

Summary The information gained from searching for epigraphic evidence of buildings by these men has contributed some knowledge of Hadrianic buildings. The discovery of a military diploma provided a late Hadrianic date for Q. Lisinius Sabinus’ procuratorship and allowed his buildings and dedications to be attributed to this era.

tribunate year is not clear). L’Année Epigraphique places C. Lisinius Sabinus’ term of office between 100 and 162. 46 See Hadrianic Civic Building for a further discussion of these dedications and temple restoration. 47 This procurator is known from a military diploma (AE 1988, 915). 48 The Claudian municipium of Virunum succeeded Magdalensberg as provincial capital. 49 It was possible that this rank may have only just been acquired. Eck Senatoren von Vespasian bis Hadrian 20. Governorship of a praetorian province practically ensures a consulship. A.Degrassi I Fasti consolari dell’ Impero Romano dal 30 Avanti Christo al 613 Dopo Christo Rome 1952, reviewed by R Syme in JRS 43 (1953), 152; Syme 'Governors of Dalmatia' 200. Five legates were promoted to governorship of Pannonia Superior during this period. Syme 'Governors of Pannonia Inferior' 342-344. 50 [Claudius?] Maximus (PIR2 M933) 137/138-142 (CIL 3.10336 = ILS 1062, 1094; CIL 16. 99,104).Thomasson Laterculi Praesidum,112; J. Fitz ‘Legati Augusti Pro Praetore Pannoniae Inferioris’ Acta Ant.Hung. 11 (1963) 258f. 51 An inscription of L. Cornelius Latinianus, legate of I Adiutrix, found in the governor’s palace at Aquincum, Pannonia Inferior, has provided a new date for his term of office (AE 1962, 116). He was governor of this province in 119 and consul between 121 and 123. A military diploma proves that he was governor of Pannonia Superior on 1 July 126. M. Roxan & P. Holder Roman Military Diplomas IV London 2003, n.8. 52 See below in Hadrianic military building and Army Appendix for the forts and fortresses in the Pannonias.

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Despite the large number of legates identified for the Pannonias, only two, both from Pannonia Inferior, are named on inscriptions.

Hadrianic changes The civilian settlement at Burnum was located within a mile of the legionary fortress,59 and became a thriving community attracting a large number of traders, migrants and native settlers. Burnum appears to have been a municipium, 60 although it is not certain that this was early Hadrianic. It is possible, however, that the emperor may have visited Burnum on his way to Rome in 118 and have made the decision then to raise the civilian settlement to municipium: … Hadrian[o Augusto] pont(ifici) max(imo) [tribunicia] pot(estate) II co(n)s(uli) II p p D(ecreto) d(ecurionum) (CIL 3. 2828 = 9890). 61

The Status of Communities and the effect on Public Building Many changes occurred in the status of communities in these provinces during the Hadrianic era. Whilst this could indicate a certain amount of self interest on the part of Rome, 53 in fact municipal status was not obligatory, and communities were only permitted to change their status if they had a sound economy and a good administration. Under Hadrian, only one city in these five provinces achieved the status of colonia. 54

Most Hadrianic changes were in the Interior. One was almost certainly at Delminium, the ancient capital of the Delmatae 62 and the number of Aelii 63 suggests that Pelva became a Hadrianic municipality (CIL 3.13982),64 and perhaps Salvium too. 65 In addition there are two other possibilities, an unknown settlement, perhaps known as Sarici (near Sipova), and Sipova itself,66 although the evidence for Sipova being identified with Splonum is far from clear.67

The effect of Hadrian’s urbanisation policy on civic building was the encouragement of the wealthy élite, not only to accept public office and so contribute their dues, but also to feel sufficient pride in their cities to embellish them with buildings or beautiful statues. Recent research carried out for Dalmatia shows that in the early principate 77% of new buildings and the renovation of old buildings were by benefactors from the private sector, whereas only 6.5% were the decision of the local councillors and were supervised by the aediles. 55 This investigation hopes to reveal whether this was also the true of the Hadrianic era in the other western Danubian provinces.

59 Garrison of XI (CIL 3.14321.3) and later IIII Flavia firma. After the legions departed in 86, the military territory around Burnum became government property. 60 An undated funerary inscription interpreted as D(is) M(anibus) L(ucio) Nonio Clementiano dec(urioni) m(unicipii) B(ergomati) aed(ili) def(uncto) a]n(norum) XL No(nius) L(ucius) et Val(eria) Valentilla fratri pientissimo. M. Suic ‘Inscriptiones Dalmatiae Septemtrionalis nondum editae’ VAHD 54 (1952) 210, n.19, has been republished with Burnum as the more probable municipality ‘m(unicipii) B(urnistarum)’ Šašel (ILIug.II 845). 61 ‘p p’ represents p(atri) p(atriae). M.Zaninovic ‘Burnum Castellummunicipium’ Diadora 4 (1968) 124. This is either an incorrect interpretation or a scribal error, as Hadrian did not take the title of ‘pater patriae’ until 128. 62 Confusion exists between Delminium and Tilurium, Delminium is named incorrectly as a legionary fortress. M. Rostovtzeff The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire Oxford 1926, 2nd ed. 1957, 239. Tilurium, not Delminium, was the legion’s garrison. In exploratory expeditions with Patsch Zaninovic believes that the problem of Delminium was solved. It seems that it was located on the site of Gradina, a hill fort above the city of Duvno, but the final decision depends on the excavations by archaeologists of the hill fort of Kod Gaja. M. Zaninovic ‘Delminium. Primjedbe uz lokaciju’ (Some remarks on the location) VAHD 63-4 (1961-2) 49-55. 63 A praenomen can assist identification: Hadrianic Aelii have Publius while those of Antoninus Pius have Titus. 64 Mommsen doubts Patsch’s interpretation of this inscription as ‘municipium Pelvensium’. 65 There were many Aelii in Delminium, Pelva and Salvium. A soldier serving in Germany in the mid second century came from municipium Salvium: Ba[t]o Beusantis (f.) optio (coh..Asturnum) ex muni[c]ipio Salvi[o] (CIL 13. 6538). A third century Aelii decurion was from municipium Salvium, but this is not conclusive proof that Salvium was a Hadrianic municipality: D(is) M(anibus) Ael(io) Capit(o) dec municip. Salvio natus Staruequi vix(it) an[ ] XLV Ael(io) Vict(o) filius ipsius patriarissim b(ene) m(erenti) pos(uerunt) (CIL 3. 14249/2 = ILS 7171). 66 An inscription was found in this area with damaged decoration: l(oco) d(ata) d(ecurionum) d(ecreto) ELVE (or LLV) was from an unknown municipality. W. Radimsky ‘Die römische Ansiedlung von Majdan bei Varcar Vakuf’ WMBH 3 (1895) 253. 67 Sipova can be identified with Splonum: G. Alföldy ‘Splonum’ Acta Ant. 10 (1962) 3-12, but was more likely to have been at Plevlje. J.J. Wilkes ‘Splonum Again” Acta Ant. 13 (1965) 111-25.

Dalmatia Trade contacts and the proximity to Italy resulted in a gradual Romanisation of Dalmatia's coastal cities and fortified native settlements. 56 This process was furthered by the legions stationed at Burnum and Tilurium and the veterans of locally recruited auxiliaries who, having retired to their villages, had become the new élite. By the end of the Julio-Claudian period the coastal areas of Liburnia, from Alvona to Rider, and Southern Dalmatia were almost completely urbanised, 57 but the development of the Interior did not begin until the Flavian era when the first municipia were established. 58

53

Rome encouraged urbanisation as the basis of Roman administration and the collection of taxes. 54 There seems little difference in Dalmatia between a colonia and a municipium. 55 See n. 41. 56 Urbanisation was a result of Greek influence on the coastal regions. As Romanisation commenced, architectural styles changed. E. Weigand 'Die Stellung Dalmatiens in der römischen Reichkunst' Strena Buliciana (1924) 77-107. 57 The following municpia were created prior to the Hadrianic era: Augustan: Aenona, Arba, Corinium, Ortoplinia? Tarsatica, Vegium, Senia; Tiberian: Apsorus, Argyruntum, Alvona, Crexi, Flanona, Lopsica, Varvaria; Claudian: Asseria, Curicum,Fertinium, Nedinum (or Tiberian); Julio-Claudian: Alveria (Pliny HN 3.130, 139, 140). Summary from G. Alföldy 'Municipes Tiberiens et Claudiens en Liburnie' Epigraphica 23 (1961 publ. 1962) 53ff, by Wilkes Dalmatia 492. Early colonies were Iader, Salona, Narona and Epidaurum. 58 Ibid. 193.

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centre of ‘Roman civilisation’ in Raetia. 75 The absence of legionary forces and the local recruitment of auxiliaries delayed the Romanisation of this province.76 Nevertheless Augusta Vindelicum thrived, becoming the most important urban centre in this province. 77

Finally, despite a suggestion that Tarsatica may have been a Hadrianic municipality, the evidence does not link it with Hadrian (CIL 3.3028).68 Many grants of citizenship were made during the Hadrianic era, some to individuals such as Aelia Maxima (CIL 3.9972),69 and some to communities, mostly in northern Dalmatia, and one to Corinium in Liburnia (CIL 3.9975).

No other Raetian city received any attention from Hadrian. The first recorded aedilis at strategically important military city of Castra Regina was forty years after Hadrian's death (CIL. 3.14370/10).78

Summary As the coastal cities were well established by Hadrian’s reign, the emperor appears to have focussed on the Interior where he raised cities and settlements in status and granted individuals citizenship. His success can be measured by the later domination of the coastal cities by the Romanised aristocracy of the interior. 70

Summary By elevating the status of Augusta Vindelicum, and not of Cambodunum, Hadrian changed the focus of Raetia’s economy and administration. The lack of further urbanisation may be that no other settlement had even reached ‘market-village’ level. Hadrian’s attention was certainly more on Raetia’s northern frontier and the urgency of his military commitments there.79

Raetia This 'backward' province that suffered under the 'dead weight of barbarism’ 71 had one important settlement, Cambodunum, at the time of conquest. Despite the first century being a period of growth and prosperity, Cambodunum’s decline had already begun with the building of the Alpine road to the Danube and the founding of Augusta Vindelic(or)um. 72

Noricum Exposure to the Roman way of life through Italian traders and the legions contributed to the early Romanisation of some regions of Noricum. Urbanisation progressed as the civitates of Aguntum, Celeia, Iuvavum, Teurnia and Virunum became Claudian municipia (Pliny NH 3 146, CIL 3. p668) with Latin citizenship.80 Solva, the origo of the Hadrianic presidial procurator P. Censorius Niger, was already a municipium by Hadrian’s reign. 81 Virunum replaced Magdalensberg as the new capital and military units were transferred from central Noricum to the Danube.82 This release of military land did not encourage Romanisation, however, as the native population of the central regions chose to retain their tribal traditions and remained isolated from the Roman way of life.

Hadrianic changes Hadrian created the new capital 73 Augusta Vindelicum, a municipium 74 (CIL 3. p.711). According to Mommsen, Augusta Vindelic(or)um had been a ‘market-village’ for over a century when Hadrian bestowed citizenship on the Vindelici, after which this city remained the only large

Hadrianic changes 68

A complicated argument has been presented for the municipality of Tarsatica based on an first century inscription on the tombstone of a soldier of the coh.I Thracians. This has been restored to read Tarsa [tic]es(is) as the soldier’s birthplace (CIL. 3.14579). First century Tarsatica was a civitas peregrina and not yet a Roman community but later became a municipium. Sergia, the name of Hadrian’s tribe, has been linked with another inscription (CIL 3.3027) to credit this foundation to Hadrian (RE 1/11 496). A. von Premerstein & N. Vulic ‘Antike Denkmäler in Serbien’ JOAI(B) 3 (1900) 142. A more logical explanation is that the soldier, serving in a cohors of Thracians, came from Tarsa, which was a Thracian name.Wilkes Dalmatia 196. 69 As the Liburnia was now urbanised, Aelia Maxima probably came from one of the Interior cities assisted by Hadrian. A. Colnago & J. Keil ‘Archäologische Untersuchungen in Norddalmatien’ JOAI(B) 8 (1905) 57. M. Se(v)ero equiti ex singularibus ex c(o)hor. pr. IX stip. II vixit an. Ael(ia) Maxima mater filio infelicis. b(ene) m(erenti) et sivi (sic) viva (f)ecit. 70 Wilkes ‘Splonum Again’122. 71 Rostovtzeff Roman Empire 2 232. 72 Augusta Vindelicum (referred to as Augusta Vindelicorum by Mommsen and Rostovtzeff) was founded by Drusus after his conquest of the Raeti in 16 BC. 73 T. Mommsen History of Rome: The Provinces from Caesar to Diocletian v.1 &.2 .(tr.W.P.Dickson) London 1886 196; Cambodunum was the capital throughout the first century, but when it was replaced by Augusta Vindelic(or)um is still uncertain. L. Bakker Die Römer in Bayern Stuttgart 1995, 415-25 74 This could have occurred at any time during Hadrian’s reign and does not prove a visit by the emperor. Henderson The Life and Principate of the Emperor Hadrian 285.

In contrast to Claudius, Hadrian created only two Norican municipia, Cetium 83 (CIL 3. 5658 = ILS 7113) and Ovilava, a settled community of the descendants of the first Italian traders 84 (CIL 3. 11785). Both were located in the north of the province. 75

Perhaps influenced by the extension of the military frontier on the Upper Rhine and the building of cities in the agri Decumates. Mommsen History of Rome: The Provinces 196. 76 See Hadrianic military building. 77 CIL 3.5800, evidence of the flourishing pottery industry and other trades. CIL 3.5816, soldier and merchant brothers. CIL 3.5833, negotiator artis cretariae et flaturariae. CIL 3.14370, negotiator porcarius. CIL 3.5830, negotiator. 78 Even during the Marcomannic Wars, the legionary fortress and provincial military headquarters, Castra Regina, could not be called a civilised city. 79 See Hadrianic military building. 80 Iuvavum is mistakenly called colonia Hadriana Iuvavum, but its correct name, Claudium Iuvavum, makes it a Claudian foundation (CIL 3.p.667). 81 A reference to Aelia Solva (CIL 6.2385). Henderson The Life and Principate of the Emperor Hadrian 285, is misleading. Flavia Solva was created a municipality by Vespasian (CIL 3 p.649). 82 Lentia, Lauriacum , Augustiana and Zwentendorf. 83 Municipium Aelium Cetium was located in the Traisen valley, in the north east of Noricum. 84 Municipium Aelia Ovilava (Eph.Epigr.IV p.170 no.598). The granting of municipium status by Hadrian is confirmed by the use of the praenomen

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The city was definitely a municipality (CIL 3. 3925 = Sm. 259 = ILS 1408), but its Hadrianic origin is controversial. 93

Summary The success of Claudius’ policy of urbanisation, and the backward nature of the interior settlements, permitted only two Hadrianic municipia. Hadrian obviously considered Noricum to be sufficiently urbanised for his purposes and concentrated on more urgent matters on the frontier.

The name and the position of Moge(n)tiana pose problems, although it may have been located on a minor road going east from Savaria to Caesariana, north of Lake Pelso. 94 Its status as municipium Mogetiana is certain (CIL 3.11043 = 4338) but the identity of the emperor cannot be determined. Numerous inscriptions from decurions named Aelii suggest that it could have been a Hadrianic municipality.95

The Pannonias Romanisation was a gradual process in the Pannonian provinces, much of it due to the presence of the early traders along the Amber Road. The legions, their canabae, civilian settlements and veteran colonies 85 also attracted settlers to the frontiers. 86 As could be expected, all pre-Hadrianic municipia were in the west, either near or on the Amber Road. Scarbantia was the first Flavian municipium, followed by Neviodunum (CIL 3.3919) and Andautonia.87

Another Hadrianic possibility is Mursella, 96 which was situated in an excellent position on the main road between Savaria and Arrabona and had river access (CIL p.536). Two inscriptions are of this municipality’s officials, but do not establish its date (CIL 3.4267, 4490). An unpublished inscription is the basis of another claim for a Hadrianic municipium called Sala, located somewhere in the Sala river valley, 97 perhaps near modern Zalalovo.

Hadrianic changes in status

Pannonia Inferior Pannonia Superior has several Hadrianic municipia. Carnuntum, the Hadrianic garrison of II Adiutrix and the residence of the provincial governor, was almost certainly visited by the emperor. It was neither the legionary fortress nor its canabae that Hadrian made a municipium,88 but the civilian settlement located at least one Roman mile away, which was not under the jurisdiction of the military.89

Hadrian founded colonia Aelia Mursa, his only colony in these five provinces (CIL 3.10305). It is interesting that he chose to create a colony, given his opinion of the advantages of municipalities (Gell. NA 16.3). It is possible that this was a new veteran colony based on deductio, but this is speculation.98 The citizens of Mursa claimed the divine Hadrian as their founder: Divo Hadriano Mursenses conditori suo (CIL 3.3279 = 10260), 99 which probably

It cannot be proven that either of the two southern municipia of Iasorum and Latobicorum were Hadrianic. The first impression is that they may have been part of an imperial plan to urbanise the south, since both were located on the Mursa/Singidunum road near the Flavian municipia of Neviodunum and Andautonia. Iasorum was the last settlement on this road before the border into Pannonia Inferior. The evidence is limited to one inscription. 90 A further complication is that it was also known by its spa name, Aquae Balissae (CIL 6.3297 = p.781).91

93

Latobicorum was a Hadrianic municipium. Zaninovic ‘Burnum Castellum-municipium’ 127; or it was a Flavian municipium that may have changed to Neviodunum and received municipal status from Vespasian. A. Mócsy Pannonia and Upper Moesia 136. Recent publications from Slovenia: M. Lovejak (ed) Inscriptiones Latinae Sloveniae v.1 Neviodunum (ILS/L) Ljubljana 1998, 76-77, and M. Šašel Kos ‘The Roman Inscriptions in the National Museum of Slovenia’ Narodni Muzej Slovenije 1997, 367-369, have added further confusion by reconstructing the inscription without the addition of Hadrian’s name. (There is recognition by both Lovejak and Šašel Kos of Mommsen’s reconstruction). Lovejak seems certain that the inscription is Trajanic but Šašel Kos ends the discussion with a brief note: ‘The reign of Hadrian’. The inscription for this ‘Trajanic municipium’ is carved on a piece of low-grade marble. No Pannonian marble quarries were operating until the third century. Before this all Pannonian supplies were brought through Poetovio from the Hadrianic quarries in Noricum (see Building materials and labour below). Therefore, if Latobicorum were a Trajanic municipium, this inscription must have been carved in the Hadrianic era. Further confusion arises with Praetorium Latobicorum situated further east along the same road, almost on the Noricum/Pannonia Superior border. 94 R.J.A.Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World Princeton 2000. 95 Problems with this name have already been discussed. An Aelius at Mogetiana was Aelius Rufinus (CIL 3.10993). 96 Mócsy Pannonia and Upper Moesia, 144, gave Mursella as a Hadrianic municipium with no suitable explanation. 97 Information given on the discovery of an inscription found at Aquae Iasae from M. Gorenc. He and Mócsy believe that this was a Hadrianic municipium on the Savaria/Poetovio road. Mócsy Pannonia and Upper Moesia 381 n.128. 98 Mursa may have been a legionary fortress for XIII Gemina after it replaced XXI Rapax in 92. XIII Gemina was at Ad Flexum near Carnuntum by 97. Boundary fluctuations meant that Mursa was once also in Moesia.Barkóczi ‘The population of Pannonia’ 256, 283; Wilkes ‘Roman Legions and their Fortresses in the Danube Lands’, 103-4. 99 A reconstruction of this inscription does not refer to Hadrian as a god. Zaninovic ‘Burnum Castellum-municipium’ 127. The building foundations may have been laid when Hadrian last visited c.133. See also Hadrianic civic building.

Latobicorum was also known by its Celtic name of Neviodunum 92 and it is unclear whether the names represent two different periods of time (CIL 3. 3919, 3925).

Publius. It later became colonia Aurelia Antoniana Olivava (CIL 3.5630 = ILS 7112). 85 The Barbii of Aquileia, who opened a branch at Scarbantia, are an example of a powerful trading family (CIL. 3.14068). Traders were attracted to veteran colonies, many established before the Trajanic era. One was near the great legionary fortress at Poetovio (CIL 3. 4057). 86 The legions accounted for over 20.000 men and with the Pannonia auxiliaries there would have been approximately 38.000 soldiers. See Army Appendix for this chapter and the section Hadrianic military building in Pannonia. 87 Neviodunum was a Domitianic municipium. L.Barkóczi ‘The Population of Pannonia from Marcus Aurelius to Diocletian’ Acta Arch.16 (1964) 259. 88 Archaeological excavations have shown that contrary to the opinion of F. Gregorovius The Emperor Hadrian (tr) Mary E. Robinson London 1898, it was not the canabae that developed into the future cities. 89 H. Stiglitz RE suppl.12(1970) 1575; E.Swoboda Carnuntum Wien 1953, 154. 90 G. Alföldy ‘Municipium Iasorum’ Epigraphica 26 (1964) 95-106. 91 An inscription found at Rome demonstrates this duality of place names: the origo of an eques singularis is ‘ad Aquas Balizas pago Iovista’, Iovista was another name for Aquae Balissae. 92 Fluss RE 11/2 (1922); Saria RE 17 (1936).

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refers to the cult of emperor worship rather than that this inscription was cut after the emperor’s death.100

Hadrian encouraged the urbanisation of the Dalmatian hinterland to avoid the dangers from large expanses of nonRomanised territory, but a similar attempt in Noricum was unsuccessful. In the remote areas of the Pannonias, however, Hadrian was more successful and was able to strengthen the frontiers by promoting urbanisation.

At Aquincum, as at Carnuntum, it was the civilian settlement and not the legionary fortress or its canabae that was created a municipium. Aquincum was also the residence of the provincial governor and municipal status may have been conferred during an imperial visit. This status is suggested by an inscription (possibly from the base of a statue) 101 and two others, one from a IIvir, found at a temple to Hercules (AE 1953, 14) and the other from a decurion (CIL 3.10377).

Despite the controversy over identity, the pattern of Hadrianic municipalisation suggests that the emperor wished to encourage urbanisation in two distinct regions, in the north along the Danubian frontier 105 and in the south along the important east/west highway to the eastern provinces. It is possible (given the verification of these municipia), that Hadrian contributed to the great period of urban growth in the Pannonias, which began in the Flavian era, by creating more municipia there than in any other of these five provinces.

Another Hadrianic municipium was Bassiana (situated between Sirmium and Singidunum) in the territory of the civitas Scordiscorum. Evidence of its Hadrianic status can be found on an inscription of a decurion.102 Cibalae was southwest of Mursa at the junction of the road from Aquincum in the north and the inland road from Sicia. While the decurion’s inscription clarifies its municipal status (CIL 3. 3267), it does not provide a date.

It is impossible to reconstruct a more accurate picture with the available information. But it seems that with his urbanisation policy Hadrian acted wherever he perceived a need (SHA Hadr. 21. 5-6), making decisions that would benefit these provinces and make them an integral part of the Roman Empire.

Even though the link with Hadrian is tenuous, mention should be made of Gorsium, near Lake Pelsa, where the gravestone of Publius Aelius was found. This decurion either came from the municipality of Aquincum or another unknown municipium nearby (AE 1965, 12).103

Building Materials and Labour It is now clear that urbanisation throughout these provinces was at very different stages and consequently building requirements were also different. The availability of building materials, particularly marble, various kinds of stone, brick, tiles and timber, for both public and civic buildings, will now be investigated. In addition, the effect of military building on supply with any observable changes during the Hadrianic period will be noted, as will the transport of these goods and the type of labour involved in the building industry.

Summary Six possible Hadrianic municipia in Pannonia Superior were at Carnuntum, Iasorum, Moge(n)tiana, Mursella, Praetorium Latobicorum and Sala 104 and a further three were at Aquincum in the north and Bassiana and Cibalae in the south of Pannonia Inferior. Conclusion

Marble and stone

The remark that 'provincials Romanized themselves' is understandable, particularly in respect to the coastal areas of Dalmatia and regions of Noricum. But it is clear that, without the presence of Italian traders and settlers, the legionary fortresses and veteran settlements, Romanisation would have been the slow process observed in Raetia, where settlements were too primitive for more than token municipalisation.

A limited trade was conducted through the trading centre at Aquileia that supplied the increasing demand for high quality stone.106 Apart from marble, the finest stones were porphyry, granite, basalt, breccia, fine limestone and travertine.107 The marble found at Tragurium in Dalmatia (Pliny NH 3.171) may have been simply high quality limestone. Other good quality limestone was later quarried and exported from Corcyra Nigra 108 and high quality marble and limestone were quarried in three locations on the island of Brattia near Salona. 109 A Nymphaeum at Brattia was dedicated in the

100

A decurion of this colony was originally from the municipality of Aquincum (m. Aq. D. col. Murs. ILS 7126 = CIL 3.10305), which makes the date for the change in status of these two places interesting. 101 T. Nagy ‘Der vicus und das municipium von Aquincum’ Acta Arch.23 (1971) 59. 102 For decurions at Bassianae, confirmation of its Hadrianic municipal status and the correct form of the name, see S.Dusanic ‘Municipium Bassianae’ Ziva Antike-Antiquite Vivante: 15 (1965) 85-108 (English summary 106-107). 103 D(is) m(anibus) P(ublius) Ael(ius) Respectus dec(urio) mun(icipii) v(ivus) f(ecit) s(ibi) et Ulp(iae) Amasiae coniugi Aelia Materriio fil(ia) ann(orum) X h(ic) s(ita) e(st) parentes t(itulum) m(emoriae) p(osuerunt). 104 Halicanum could be a Hadrianic municipality. K. Pócsy ‘Pannonian Cities’ in The Archaeology of Roman Pannonia (eds) A. Lengyel & G. T. B. Radan Budapest 1980, 270, n.9.

105

The effect of his policy can be observed in the vicus Vindonianus near Aquincum where several inhabitants had become equestrians by the third century (CIL 3.10570). 106 The marble agencies at Aquileia: J. B. Ward-Perkins ‘Il commercio dei sarcofagi in marmo fra Grecia e Italia Settentrionale’ Torino (1963) 123 n.29. 107 J. B. Ward-Perkins ‘Quarrying in Antiquity: Technology: Tradition and Social Change PBA 57 (1971) 3. 108 This limestone was later used in the construction of the military building near Gradac near Posusje. F. Fiala & C. Patsch, ‘Untersuchungen römischer Fundorte in der Hercegovina’ WMBH 3(1895) 259-60. 109 The Roman quarries were all in the south of the island at Rasohe, Strazisce and Plate where the majority of the inscriptions were found.

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second century by Q. Silvius Speratus, centurion of the coh.I Belgarum and superintendent of the theatre: Nymphis s(acrum) Q. Silvius Spe(ratus?) cent(urio) coh(ortis) I Belg(arum) curagens theat(ri) d(onum) d(edit) (CIL 3.3096). 110 It is possible that Q. Silvius may also have been responsible for issuing the marble from these quarries for the theatre at Salona.111

During the Hadrianic period most of the Pannonian wooden forts were rebuilt in either limestone or sandstone, both probably available as surface stone.117 Fort rebuilding may have begun at the same time as the connecting roads after Hadrian’s early visit. 118 The scarcity of stone in this area is apparent by the repair of forts in sun-dried brick after the Quadian raids 136/138. 119

There was an enormous demand for stone in the frontier provinces of Raetia, Noricum and the Pannonias, as a result of Hadrian’s rebuilding programme, but Roman quarries in Raetia have been difficult to locate.112

Bricks and tiles Bricks and tiles in Dalmatia had been a mixture of imported and locally-made from the time of conquest.120 The imported products were brought from Italy in large quantities from private or imperial factories (that were previously private),121 and distributed to the coastal cities, particularly around Salona 122 and Narona. Bricks and tiles were taken as far south as Doclea, but transport inland was limited to accessible water transport.

Supplies of medium grade marble were abundant in Noricum. During the Hadrianic era several new quarries were opened, mainly in the southwest, although some were in the north where most cities had access to local supply. 113 The ownership of quarries was either municipal or private with the most prestigious quarries usually imperially owned. Some lime was produced in Noricum and there is evidence of at least one kiln at Schalkham near Mattsee.114

Production from the imperial brickyards was not necessarily destined for public buildings. 123 The same was true of locally made bricks and tiles manufactured by the legions 124 and by at least one auxiliary unit.125 An exception to this seems to have been a special Claudian building project at Asseria that received legionary assistance. 126

The Pannonias had no marble to quarry and all their marble, granite and porphyry requirements were imported until the third century.115 Marble was shipped to Neviodunum, Andautonia and Siscia from Noricum through Poetovio, the centre of the Pannonian marble trade. The exception was the high quality white marble that was imported into all these provinces from the Aegean.116

Brick stamping was actively encouraged by the emperor Hadrian,127 and the practice spread, in a limited fashion, to

B.Kirigin ‘Nalaz Rimskih Natpisa I Reljifa Kod Skripa na otoku Bracu’ VAHD 72-73 (1979) 131-142. (This marble was later used for Diocletian’s palace and for columns in the imperial baths at Sirmium). 110 The date of the inscription is given by G. Alföldy Bevölkerung und Gesellschaft der römischen Provinz Dalmatien Budapest 1965, 107. 111 B. Gabricevic ‘Dva Priloga Poznavanju Urbanistickog Razvoja antikne Salone’ VAHD 53 (1905-1) 158-160. 112 Several ancient quarries in modern Switzerland were in Germania Superior, not Raetia. F. Stähelin Die Schweiz in römischer Zeit Basel 1948, 425. 113 Poetovio (in Pannonia Superior) and Flavia Solva (just over the border in Noricum) were supplied by the Smartno quarries in the Pohorje mountains. The quarries at Hudinja, near Smartno, supplied Celeia and Solva; the Spitzelofen quarries in Koralpe supplied Flavia Solva and the Lavant Valley. B. Djuric ‘Eastern alpine Marble and Pannonian Trade’ Akten des IV Internationalen Kolloquiums über Probleme des provinzial römischen Kunstschaffen Narodni Mzej Slovenia 1997, 76. The quarries at Kraig and Tentschach supplied Virunum, and Gummern supplied Santicum and Teurnia with marble. In the north, the Enns valley quarry supplied Ovilava and Lauricum. Near Cetium the Danube was used for marble transport: F.Jantsch ‘Der römische Steinbruch in Gummern’ Car.119 (1929) 161. The imperial marble quarry on the Schiadberg was not exploited until Septimius Severus’ reign when quantities of marble were required for milestones. F. Narobe ‘Die Römerstraßen über den Radstädter Tauern’ MGSL 100 (1960)22. 114 M. Hell ‘Römischer Kalkofen in Schalkham bei Mattsree’ PAR 7 (1957) 7f. 115 D. Simonyi ‘Sull’origine del Toponimo “Quinque. Ecclesiae” di Pecs’ Acta Ant. 8 (1960) 165-7. This may be when production began in the granite and verde antico quarries, located between the rivers Drava and Sava (maps 1 & 2). H. Dodge ‘Ancient Marble Studies: recent research’ JRA 4 (1991) 28-50. No place name is given but it could be near municipium Iasorum in the Papuk Mountains. The most common stone was porous travertine from the Lake Fertö region. (Margitbánya stone and a red sandstone from Balaton A. Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces Warszawa 1983, 19, were not quarried during the Hadrianic era: Djuric ‘Eastern Alpine Marble and Pannonian Trade’ 76, 80). 116 Most of the marble trade was conducted ‘downstream’ on the Danube, using the Mura, Drava and Sava rivers. The best quality, however, came ‘upstream’ from the Aegean through the Sea of Marmora and the Black Sea. Ibid..

117

Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces 20. The unlikely date of 124 has been discussed above. A coin of Hadrian cos. III (minted after 30 April 119) was found at Matricia under the fort paving. This could not have been repaired, even possibly built, before 119. The coin’s poor condition suggests that it was in circulation for many decades before ending up under the road. 119 Even later, during the reign of Marcus Aurelius, watch-towers were being built in wood. S. Soproni ‘Limes’ in The Archaeology of Roman Pannonia Budapest 1980, 221. 120 Many Italian settlers, the Lurii In Salona, Risinium and Acruvium, and the Junii in Narona, made and stamped their own tiles on their estates. 121 The three most common stamps (in addition to the emperor’s name) are Pansiana, Solonas and Cinniana (CIL 3.3213). There were at least one hundred privately owned factories, some were very small. J.J.Wilkes ‘Importation and manufacture of stamped bricks and tiles in the Roman province of Dalmatia’ BAR 68 (1979) 67-8. 122 Most of the published stamps are from this region. 123 Wilkes ‘Importation and manufacture of stamped bricks and tiles in the Roman province of Dalmatia’ 68. 124 Their factory was at Smrdelja located close to the legionary camp at Burnum. 125 Stamps are known from four legions, VII c p f (the Franciscan private collection at Sinj), XI cpf (CIL 3.14022), IIII Flavia f.(CIL 3.14021)VIII Aug (CIL 3.6435), and one auxiliary, coh.VIII Voluntariorum c.R.(CIL 3. 10182) which may have stamped their products only during the legionary occupation. After they had departed, the auxiliaries, coh. VIII Voluntariorum c.R, I Belgarum and III Alphinorum, may have produced unstamped bricks and tiles. Ibid. 65, 67. 126 Ibid. 72. 127 Identification of bricks and tiles is possible from the brick stamps. This practice began in Rome in the 1st century BC. At first this simply recorded one name, but this eventually included the name of the brickyard owner (dominus), the producer (officinator) and sometimes the name of brickyards (figulae). By 110 bricks were stamped with the name of the consul, a practice that continued in Rome until 164. The domini became wealthy landowners, often senators, who were disguising manufacturing and trade as agricultural pursuits CIL 3.2328/178 = 13340/10). J. C. Anderson ‘Roman Brick Stamps’ Archaeological Monographs of the British School at Rome 3 London 1991, 1. 118

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Dalmatia where, with the exception of some tegulae, most locally manufactured tiles were unstamped.128

The army was traditionally skilled in many aspects of building including bridges, aqueducts, roads and all military installations and land surveying (limitatio).136

In the early Roman period Aquileia exported bricks to Noricum. 129 This trade was supplemented quite adequately by the local brick works near Magdalensberg,130 but in the post-Claudian era it became necessary to establish more local brick works to service the increasing urban demand. These brick works were located in the major cities of Iuvavum, Aguntum,131 Celeia (CIL 3. 11862), Teurnia (CIL 3.11859), Solva (CIL 3.5762, 11866-11869) and Cetium (CIL 3.13541a).

Romanisation and the increasing prosperity of Noricans created a demand for monuments, statues, tombstones and inscriptions. Italian stonemasons had arrived before the Flavian era and evidence of their work can be seen on tombstones close to the legionary fortresses of Pannonia (CIL 3. 4227, 4228, 4244). These stonemasons were also responsible for the sculpture of the Capitoline Triad at Savaria and Scarbantia. 137 In the Hadrianic era the most famous was the Italian master sculptor at Virunum,138 whose fine marble sculptures decorated the Baths at Virunum.139 His influence can be seen elsewhere in Noricum and at Poetovio, the centre of the Pannonian marble trade. Most cities had their own stonemasons and workshops and during the Hadrianic period the rationalisation of the industry was the catalyst for the establishment of guilds associated with building.

In the Pannonias sun-dried clay bricks have been found in all the early Trajanic forts on the Danube from Brigetio to Intercisa, with the exception of the fort at Intercisa. Wood This appears to have been plentiful in these provinces and was important to their economy. Timber from the forests near Salona was one of Dalmatia’s earliest export items 132 and at least one timber merchant (negotiator materiarius) is known from this city (CIL 3.12924 = ILS 5174). Other timber producing regions were near the northern Liburnian city of Lopsica 133 and the eastern interior city of Raetinium in the Una valley.134

Unskilled civilian labour Illyrian pirates were famous for slavery and were still active during the Hadrianic period in Dalmatia and Pannonia Superior, and to a limited extent in Pannonia Inferior (CIL 3.4500, 4501, 11301, 11379, 14355/15, 14359/4, AE 1929, 217; 1939, 261).140 Occasionally slave labour and free labour was mixed, as is known from at least one Norican quarry.141 The use of agricultural slaves was widespread and regular slave markets were held at Carnuntum, Emona, Scarbantia, Poetovio and Brigetio.142

The forests of Noricum and Raetia were also excellent sources of good quality building timber and wood products.135 Labour

Imperial slaves and freedmen played a major role in the Romanisation of Pannonia, Noricum and Dalmatia.143 Many freedmen were sent from the big trading houses in Aquileia to establish branches in these provinces.

There is abundant evidence for skilled civilian labour from inscriptions found in Salona. These refer to guilds of craftsmen associated with the timber industry, such as woodworkers, collegium dendrophorum (CIL 3.8823), and woodcarvers, collegium fabrum tignuariorum (CIL 3 8841). Other burgeoning trades associated with the newly available stone and marble were those of the sculptor and stonemason. A lapidarius is known from Narona (CIL 3. 1777), and there was a guild, collegium lapidariorum, in Salona (CIL 3 8840).

136

Army surveyors, agrimensores, surveyed Dalmatia’s most fertile regions and divided the land in a grid-pattern (centuriation), which facilitated its the distribution to army veterans and new settlers. Zaninovic, ‘The Economy of Roman Dalmatia’ 767-809. 137 S. Paulovics ‘Capitolium di Savaria’ Arch. Ert (1940) 45-6: The temple is classical style Hadrianic with an Italian influence. C. Praschniker ‘Die kapitolinische Trias von Ödenburg-Sopron’ JOAI(B) 30 (1937) 133 138 For a general discussion on the workshops: M.Gorenc ‘Steinmetz- und Bildhauermanufakturen in unseren Gebieten und ihr Verhältnis zu anderen norischen und pannonischen werkstätten zur Zeit des römischen Kaiserreichs’ (in Slovenian with a German summary) AV/A.Arch.Slov. 19 (1968) 195-9. Specifically for the monuments of Solva, another major production area: W. Modrijan & E. Weber Die Römersteinsammlung im Eggenberger Schlosspark 1(Graz 1965); J. Klemenc ‘Das römische Gräberfeld in St.Peter im Sannatale’Arch.Iug. 2 (1956) 57-66. 139 The ‘Dying Amazon’ statue is in the museum at Vienna. Statues by his pupils, also found in the baths, are of Apollo, Isis Noreia, Mars, Mercury and Venus. 140 For further information on slavery in Pannonia: A. Mócsy ‘Die Entwicklung der Sklavenwirtschaft in Pannonien zur Zeit des Prinzipates’ Acta Ant. 4 (1956) 221-247. 141 Free quarrymen (CIL 3. 5093). An unpublished inscription verifying slave labour at Gummern quarries. R. Egger ‘Antiquarischer Bericht aus Karnten’ JAK 7 (1913) 272b 271- 272. 142 Mócsy ‘Die Entwicklung der Sklavenwirtschaft in Pannonien zur Zeit des Prinzipates’ 221-250. 143 Imperial slaves were often powerful and influential and cannot be considered in the same category as common slaves. Temples and other buildings at Tiffen, Hohenstein and Friesach in the Gortschitz valley were built or restored by imperial slaves or lease-holders and their employees. Alföldy Noricum 118 n.106.

128

There were exceptions; for example the large stamped floor tile weighing 53.4 kg at Stolac. Wilkes ‘Importation and manufacture of stamped bricks and tiles in the Roman province of Dalmatia’ 69. 129 A tile stamp from Aquileia gives the name of a leading Italian family member, Luc. Bar(bii) Aq(u)il. F. Narobe ‘Römische Funde in Salzburg’ JOAI (B) 28(1933) 143. 130 Evidence from tile stamps: CIL 3.11860, 12013(6). 131 Iuvavum: M. Hell ‘Zwei römische Ziegelstamel aus Salzburg’ MGSL 102 (1962) 23; W. Alzinger Aguntum und Lavant Österr. Arch.Institutes 1985 38, 54. 132 Rostovtzeff Roman Empire 2 639 n.64. 133 C. Patsch ‘Die Lika in Römerzeit’ Schriften der Balkankommission, Antiquar. Abt.1 Vienna 1900, 103. 134 I. Cremosnik ‘Crkvina u Golibicu’ GZMS 11 (1956) 133f;‘Arheoloska istraivanja u okolici Bihaca’ GZMS 13 (1958) 121f; ‘Spomenik sa japodskim konjanicima iz Zalozja kod Bihaca’ GZMS 14 (1959) 103f. 135 Noricum was also a producer of wax, hemp, pitch and tar, construction materials required for the building of both sea going and riverboats. Rostovtzeff Roman Empire 2 67.

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The army used prisoners of war, slaves and criminals for unskilled military labour. Convicted criminals could be sentenced to public labour, damnatio ad opus publicum, which involved cleaning baths and sewers and road repairs, but slaves and criminals could not be employed in the construction of temples and other major public buildings.144

And although four Hadrianic inscriptions have been found at Burnum, there is no evidence of building. The earliest, c.118, may be prior to the change in status of the city (CIL 3.9890 = 2828). The second is from the tombstone of an aedile, whose duties may have involved the supervision of public buildings and repairs. 145 The third is an unknown dedication c.119/138 (CIL 3.2844). The fourth was found in the vicinity of the forum. This not a building inscription but details the long and illustrious career of Sex. Iulius Severus, 146 friend and colleague of Hadrian, and his best general (Dio 69.13.3). It is possible that Severus may have retired to Dalmatia, where he must have had close connections with Burnum to set this inscription up in the forum c.127. There was no indication of a building or a statue connected to this inscription.

Summary The Hadrianic period was obviously one of considerable change in Dalmatia, the Pannonias and especially Noricum, creating a such demand for marble and fine stones that many new quarries were opened and a new trading depot at Poetovio was established for the Norican/Pannonian market. As a result river transport increased as a more economical means of transport of heavy, bulky material.

The new Hadrianic citizens of Corinium (whose magistrates had perhaps been building their civic centre for many years) made no discernible contribution to their municipality.

The import of bricks and tiles through Aquileia was supplemented and then replaced by numerous local brick and tile factories. Timber was abundant and sufficient to meet new requirements. Evidence of change in the building industry is apparent in the establishment in most cities of collegia for craftsmen, including carpenters, stonemasons and sculptors. Regular slave markets ensured a steady supply of unskilled labour.

Excavations at Delminium have revealed a very simple forum in which six fragments of an inscription were found of a dedication to an emperor who held tribunician power for at least twenty years. 147 The lettering is not in the style of the later emperors, and it is possible that it may have been Hadrian who created this municipium. The forum was a large paved open area with some simple architectural features such as square capitals, cornices and at least one column base, 148 although there was no indication of a colonnade. Within the forum was a divided building consisting of a small basilica and what must have been a very uncomfortable senate house, as its door faced the prevailing wind.

When military and civilian needs overlapped, as in the case of roads and aqueducts, army expertise was used, but the army was rarely involved in the supply of building materials and labour for civilian projects.

Hadrianic Civic Building It has been shown that urbanisation varied enormously in these provinces. The expectation therefore is that the evidence of civic building will range from new construction in the new municipalities and colonies, to restoration work in the established urban areas.

In the absence of roof tiles it appears that the roof may have been constructed of stone slabs. It has been claimed that at least one stamped tile, now lost, was seen at the site. 149 It is unlikely that Hadrian was involved in the construction of this primitive and poorly designed forum.

In addition, there is recognition of the fact that communities built their civic centres slowly over time, as funds permitted or as benefactors were found, and that dedication dates of buildings can be misleading. Furthermore, there is a reliance on excavated and published archaeological evidence and the accessibility of this material for these Roman provinces. The major problem encountered is that contemporary professional organisations invariably operate within modern boundaries that do not equate to the Roman provinces. This makes archaeological material from some of these provinces difficult to locate, and occasionally presents some language difficulties.

There are no Hadrianic buildings to demonstrate the growing wealth of the mining industry. The city of Domavium has now been thoroughly excavated and its civic buildings belong to a later era.150 145

Suic ‘Inscriptiones Dalmatiae Septemtrionalis nondum editae’ 210 n.19, discussed above, see note 65. 146 The cursus of Julius Severus (CIL 3.2830 = 9891= ILS 1056 = Sm. 217). 147 Emperors, besides Hadrian, who held tribunician power for twenty years or more were Augustus, Tiberius, Trajan, Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius and Caracalla. 148 The architectural features are mostly simple. Fragments were found of a Greek style column base, unfluted columns and acanthus leaves of a Corinthian capital. An almost complete limestone capital is perhaps 6th century. C. Patsch ‘Archäologisch-epigraphische Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der römischen Provinz Dalmatien’ WMBH 9 (1904) 187-8, 202. 149 A colleague, named as ‘a reliable source’, saw the tiles at the site. Ibid.. 190. The stone slab roof: Wilkes Dalmatia 371. In Richard Tomlinson’s opinion (given to me at the British School at Athens), it is unlikely that no trace would remain, even fifty years later, of tiles seen in 1904. For terms and illustrations of the usage of various types of Roman tegulae, imbrices and pillae: R. Ginouvrès Dictionaire Méthodique de l’Architecture Grecque et Romaine École de Française de Rome/d’Athenes 1992, 182-4, pl.80-85. 150 Excavated buildings include the residence of the governor or the imperial procurator in charge of the mines. The early 2nd century baths (of two or three rooms), needed a new water supply by 220. By 274 they required extensive renovations and in the late 3rd century an elaborate bath

Dalmatia Too little remains of a Hadrianic inscription found at Arupium to identify the dedication, or even to date it more accurately than post 119 (CIL 3. 1004).

144

Pliny’s correspondence with Trajan concerned Bithynian criminals who had been sentenced to work in the mines or the arena yet were working as public slaves for a small salary (Ep 10.31). Trajan’s replied that they should only clean baths and sewers and repair roads (Pliny Ep. 10.32).A similar situation may have occurred elsewhere in the empire.

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Hadrian, as the evidence shows, was very concerned with the urbanisation of the interior cities, so it is of interest to follow the development of these and their civic centres. The evidence is slim. Pelva and Salvium were well located on the inland road between Salona and Servitium. Neither city progressed as expected, possibly because of their proximity to the polje, marshy land that was subject to flooding for several months of the year. 151

Summary There are not many civic buildings in the Dalmatian cities that can be attributed even indirectly to Hadrian. In the coastal cities the reason could be that civic centres were already well established. Despite Hadrian’s interest in the urbanisation of the interior, however, cities such as Pelva never flourished, and the period of prosperity for others came long after the Hadrianic era.

The most important Roman city in Dalmatia was Salona, the capital and governor’s residence, which by Hadrian’s reign had already been a colony for one hundred years. This wealthy, vibrant city controlled the largest territory in the province, but none of its large second century building works, including the walls, theatre and amphitheatre, can be attributed to the Hadrianic era.152 And despite the enormous volume of epigraphy from the first to the third century,153 there is only one late Hadrianic inscription c.137 (CIL 3. 1933).154

There was no evidence of the expected development of civic centres in the mining district in this period of great productivity. The lack of building progress could be due to problems in the administration. These communities, however, were geographically isolated and may have had different requirements to other urban centres. Raetia Although the Flavian municipality of Abodiacum was the patria of Claudius Paternus Clementianus, a Hadrianic presidial procurator of Noricum, there is no evidence of his benevolence to this city.

Nothing at Sipova links this city with Hadrian, yet even its few architectural fragments suggested to the excavator that it had been a wealthy community. It is possible that it flourished as a result of the emperor’s urbanisation policy.155 The site of the Hadrianic municipality of Sirici remains elusive.

The provincial capital, Augusta Vindelicum became a municipium under Hadrian (CIL 3.p.711) and there was extensive rebuilding in stone of the wooden buildings and palisade, and possibly even the walls during his reign. One gate and two towers can still be identified, but of the capital’s public buildings, only traces of a bath complex in Georgenstrasse, and of what may have been a temple in Pettenkoferstrasse, remain. A clearly identified Hadrianic building is a large peristyle house, unique in being the only urban domestic dwelling of this era that has been discovered in these provinces.156

complex was built with forty-five rooms. Zaninovic ‘The Economy of Roman Dalmatia’ 785. W. Radimsky ‘Bericht über die Ausgrabungen von Domavium bei Srebrenica in den Jahren 1892 und 1893’ WMBH 4 (1896) 202-42. These mines were highly regarded by the Romans and were at their most productive in the 3rd and 4th centuries when they were supplying the Danubian armies with arms. E. Pasalic ‘O antickom rudarstvu u Bosni i Hercegovini’ GZM 9 (1954) 47-75 (Summary in French ‘L’exploitation des mines dans l’antiquite en Bosnie-Hercegovine’). 151 Wilkes Dalmatia 269. 152 Archaeological excavations at Salona discovered no Hadrianic buildings but found that much of the eastern part of the city was not completely urbanised. F. Oreb ‘Archaeological excavations in the Eastern Part of Ancient Salona’ VAHD 77 (1984) 25-25. Excavations at the cross roads of two main roads found a large split slate road surface and that the east/west road was 5m wide and the harbour road was 6.7 m wide. B. Kirigin et al., ‘Salona 86/87’ VAHD 80 (1987) 53-54; The foundation of the double colony of Salona was not Augustan: M. Suic in ‘O municipaliteu anticke Salone’(Sulla municipalita dell’ antica Salona) VAHD 60 (1958) 11-38. Other Hadrianic inscriptions and buildings: M. Suic ‘The Limitation of Roman colonies on the Eastern Adriatic coast’ Zbornik Instituta za Historijska nauke u Zadru 2 (1956-57) 13-50 (Italian summary: ‘Ricerche Archeologico-Topografiche sull’antico Jader’ 49-50). Alföldy Bevölkerung und Gesellschaft der römischen Provinz Dalmatien 108-18. See Building materials and labour. 153 Of thirty inscriptions found in Salona, all but two belong to the principate. The evidence from Salona represents approximately 50% of Dalmatian inscriptions, yet only 0.83 % record private benefactions. This is less than elsewhere in Dalmatia but without the large number of Christian tombstones, the figures are similar to the rest of the province. Šašel Kos ‘Private munificence in Salonae under the Principate’ 201- 214. 154 This unusual inscription of 137 commemorates the inauguration of a IIvir iure dicundo at Salona presided over by a.priest. The names of the emperor and governor are missing. H. Cos La Province Romaine de Dalmatie Paris 1882 155 The architectural fragments came from an elaborately decorated tomb of a dead child. Its inscription is limited to information about the family (CIL 3. 13237). D. Sergejevski ‘Kasno-anticki spomenici iz Sipova’ GZM 7 (1952) 41-57 (Summary in French ‘Monuments de la basse antiquité trouvés à Sipova’).

The search for Hadrianic buildings in Brigantium was unsuccessful, even though it was a well-established Roman settlement on the main highway. 157 In the superseded capital of Cambodunum, most of the public buildings were destroyed in the first century and had been replaced by Trajan’s reign. As Augusta Vindelicum became the new administrative and trading centre, Cambodunum declined in prosperity and did not achieve municipality until the end of the second century.158 No Hadrianic buildings have been positively identified in any other Raetian city, although the fort of Castra Regina, Hadrianic garrison of the coh. II Aquitanorum, was rebuilt in stone with large baths. 159 Summary Apart from raising the status of Augusta Vindelicum to municipium, the cities of Raetia appear to have taken little of 156

This has been excavated south of the cathedral. G. Ulbert The Princeton Encyclopaedia of Classical Sites Princeton 1976, 121-122; L. Ohlenroth ‘Zum Stadtplan der Augusta Vindelicum’ Germania 32 (1954) 76ff. 157 With the oldest Roman inscription in the province (Drusus c.4-14). 158 H.-J. Kellner ‘Cambodunum’ Princeton Encyc.of Classical Sites 188-9; W. Kleiss Die öffentlichen Bauten von Cambodunum Munich 1962. 159 P. Reinecke ‘Das Auxiliarkastell Ratisbona-Kumpfmühl (Regensburg)’ Germania 9 (1925) 86-8.

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Hadrian’s time and energy. There was some building in the capital as it established itself as the new administrative centre, but city walls were built in preference to civic buildings.

amphitheatre (known from a relief depicting the goddess Nemesis) were probably second century.164 Virunum, the capital, does have hints of Hadrianic buildings and a statue of Hadrian found in the theatre has prompted the suggestion that the building was either constructed or renovated during the second century, and could even be Hadrianic. 165 In particular as the cavea of the theatre was built into the hillside in the Greek style, and there was extensive use of marble, Hadrian’s favourite building material, for the orchestra and scaenae frons. 166 Two interesting inscriptions were found at Virunum. One came from the base of a white marble statue erected by the citizens after the deaths of Hadrian and his intended heir L. Aelius Caesar (CIL 6.985 = ILS 329 = AE 1974, 468).167 The second, a badly damaged inscription found at Hohenstein, northeast of Virunum, records the restoration of a temple to Noreia: Au)g. s(a)crum (in honorem) (?) Cl)audi Paterni Clementiani proc. Aug. (cel)lam col(u)mnas p(avi)menta porticum (de sua pecunia fecit) (CIL 3. 14362). The wealthy benefactor who ‘restored’ the sanctuary with a colonnaded and paved arcade was Claudius Paternus Clementianus, the presidial procurator for whom no commemorative buildings or statues could be found at Abodiacum, his patria.168

The search for Hadrianic buildings elsewhere has produced no evidence. This was understandable at Cambodunum, which experienced a massive rebuilding programme during the Trajanic era, and also perhaps at Brigantium, where there was a well-developed and unusual civic centre, but it was surprising to find nothing dedicated by Claudius Paternus Clementianus at Abodiacum. It seems unlikely that the rural economy of Raetia and its few civitates could have supported public building programmes. In addition, as Hadrian’s last great series of coins demonstrates so clearly, it was Raetia’s frontier and not urbanisation that occupied the emperor’s limited time in this province. Noricum There was extensive second century building at Aguntum and during the Hadrianic period two unusual walls were built on the east and west sides of the city. An enormous two-lane gate flanked by two towers was set into the eastern wall. Neither wall nor towers could be considered defensive, but they were impressively decorative. If, however, the local streets were laid out c.150 160 when the walls and gates had only just been constructed, there is a possibility that these walls were also post-Hadrianic.161

Without further evidence the numerous second century buildings and dedications cannot be dated with certainty. It is apparent, nevertheless, that many of these have been found at cities along the east/west highway that prospered from the Hadrianic period.169 Summary

The search for buildings endowed by Censorius Niger, the only other known Hadrianic presidial procurator, yielded two dedications. These were not found at his hometown of Solva but in a garden at Celeia. Neither refers to a building: one is on a rose jug (CIL 3.5181), the other is now missing (CIL 3. 5174).

Noricum, the most Romanised of these provinces except for the coastal area of Dalmatia, was disappointing in its yield of Hadrianic building. Perhaps this was partly due to the extent of Claudian and Flavian urbanisation. Excavation of Claudian municipia was easier as, unlike the Hadrianic municipia, they were not covered by modern cities. Nevertheless, even excavating under these difficult circumstances, Ovilava’s street plan and possibly also the ‘forum’ were shown to be Hadrianic.

Time has not treated the Hadrianic municipium of Cetium well and it is impossible to recognise any Hadrianic structures in present day St.Pölten, although it is known that the remains of the Roman city are beneath the Altstadt.162 Roman artefacts found at Iuvavum indicate that it prospered in peace and became a wealthy community. The forum and several Severan buildings have been located, even an aedes et signum for Mercury (CIL 3.5533), but nothing positively Hadrianic.

of the tower foundations: F.Wiesinger ‘Zur Topographie von Ovilava’ JOIA(B) 21/22 (1924) 345-423. 164 ‘Ovilavis’ E. Polaschek RE 18/2 (1942) 1986-1993. 165 F. Sear Roman Theatres and Architectural Studies Oxford University Press (forthcoming). 166 The Hadrianic funerary monuments also suggest a wealthy community (CIL 3. 5000, 5005). 167 This could be an example of emperor worship. 168 This inscription has been combined with another fragment that acknowledges the Sabinii as Paternus Clementianus’ family [Noreiae Au]g. s[a]crum Sabi[nius....pro sal.(?) Cl]audi Paterni Clementiani pro. Aug. a [solo restituit cel]lam columnas pavimenta porticum (CIL 3.14363).Alföldy Noricum 244. 169 The temple of Hercules near Celeia may belong to Antoninus Pius’ reign. J. Klemenc ‘Izkopavanja na Sadnikovem vrtu v Celju’ Celjski Zbornik 2 (1957) 101-102. The building or restoration of a temple of Fortuna (CIL 3.5156), date unknown. A 2nd century aedes of Dis Smertrius built near Virunum. R. Egger ‘Aus der Unterwelt der Festlandkelten’ JOAI(B) 35 (1943) 99. Restoration of a temple to Hercules at Danielsberg, Teurnia (CIL 3.4726). A temple on the Grazer Kogel, R. Egger ‘Eine Darsttellung des Iusus Iuvenalis’ JOAI(B)18 (1915) 125, and a temple of Hercules, restored and decorated at Maglern, were connected somehow with the collegia Iuvenalis (CIL 3. 4718).

The evidence from Ovilava, Hadrian’s other municipium, is a little better. A new city plan celebrated its rise in status. These streets, laid out at right angles, can still be identified in modern Wels and are the only definite Hadrianic construction. Other public buildings that have been located include baths with a hypercaust system, possibly a forum and a bridge over the river Traun. None can be proven to be Hadrianic, although the southern aqueduct 163 and the 160

S. Karweise RE Suppl XII (1970) 4-9. Swoboda Carnuntum 4 252. 162 G. Pascher Der römische Limes in Österreich 19 (1949) 129. 163 The street plan, bridge and towers, forum-baths and hypercaust system: G. Trathnigg ‘Beiträge zur Topographie des römischen Wels I’ JOIA(B) 48 (1966-7) 139-146; Interesting old maps of the street plan and a photograph 161

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Peace in the province and prosperity in Aguntum are reflected in the extravagant and impressive Hadrianic gateway, ‘decorative’ walls and the extensive temple ‘restoration’, in addition to numerous monumental buildings that could not be dated accurately.

Synekdemos. One of these fragments was a section of fine relief carving and the other was part of an inscription that has been reconstructed: … Hadrianus Aug.] Pon[t. max. trib. pot cos p p. procos? ]Ponte [m Dravi flaminis restituendum curavit]. 173 The style of the script has placed this inscription between the reigns of Hadrian and Septimius Severus. As Hadrian built or restored at least two sections of roads in this district, he could the mystery imperial builder.174

The discovery of several inscriptions relating to the procurators was encouraging, as was the chance that Virunum’s theatre may have been designed, or improved, with Hadrian’s assistance. The existence of the master sculptor and his pupils suggests a level of culture in the province.

A Hadrianic inscription was found at Siscia, headquarters of the classis Flavia Pannonica, and a flourishing city at the crossroads of the major highways north and west to the Danube and east to Noricum and Italy. The inscription (CIL 3. 3968) c.125, does not refer to a building, although Siscia has many second century buildings.175

The Pannonian Provinces Hadrian advanced his provincial urbanisation policy in the Pannonian provinces by creating more municipalities than in any other of the provinces in this study; the expectation of civic buildings is therefore higher.

Little is known of the Hadrianic municipia of Iasorum, Mursella, Mogetiana and Sala. The location of Mogetiana is uncertain and Sala’s is extremely vague. The sites of Mursella and Iasorum/Aquae Balissae, even though identified, have not yet been excavated so there is no archaeological evidence of public buildings.176

Pannonia Superior A well-preserved late Hadrianic inscription c.137 was found in the city of Arrabona. It belonged to a statue erected by the military forces to honour Hadrian and his heir L. Aelius and is the only dedication of its type in these provinces (CIL 3. 4366).

Pannonia Inferior Hadrian’s new colony Aelia Mursa was located on one of the more important roads in Pannonia Inferior.177 Its foundation date is based on a white marble inscription discovered near the river Drava in the middle of the city. It commemorates an unidentified building erected by II Adiutrix c.133 (CIL 3.3280 = 10261). (The new colony flourished to such an extent that the flamen, C.Aemilius, could provide the city, out of his dues, with fifty tabernae and a double colonnade under which a market could be held (CIL 3.3288)).178

The civilian settlements near the legionary fortresses of Pannonia all experienced great changes during this period. By the middle of the second century there were shops and an underground aqueduct at Brigetio, and Vindobona had acquired a forum and other public utilities. 170 The civilian settlement of Carnuntum (raised to municipal status by Hadrian) gained walls and a new gate: …Hadr(iani) Aug. p p porta et muru(m) per pedes Lon C Altu P VII Iuvent(us) colen(s)Iove(m)Dolichen(um) impensa sua fec(it) (AE 1936, 132). During this period, although it may not have been Hadrianic, a large forum enclosed by a portico was built in the civilian city. In addition there was a market place, shops and baths serviced by the local water supply, and insulae several stories high. 171 Carnuntum had two amphitheatres, one for the military, renovated in stone in the first part of the second century, and the large municipal amphitheatre, said to be Hadrianic.172

As governor of Pannonia Inferior Hadrian was quite familiar with the capital Aquincum and it would have been natural for him to show some interest in its development. As part of his urbanisation policy Hadrian raised the status of Aquincum to municipium in the early 120s. During this period there is evidence of building in the craft area of the city and Hadrianic insulae have been found within the civilian city. Baths and a new forum with a Capitolium were built in the central shopping district also early in his reign, c.117, but as construction took over two decades, they are classified as Trajanic/Hadrianic. Only a small fragment of a large limestone inscription links the emperor with this

Three inscriptions, of varying interest, have been found in the south of the province, all on main roads and two from cities on the main east/west highway that linked the two Pannonian provinces with Noricum. The first inscription came from Neviodunum and is a dedication to Hadrian. It is of indeterminate date and mentions no buildings (CIL 3. 3915 = 10798).

173

The last line could be pontem lapideum fecit: V. Skräber ‘Die römische Draubrücke bei Pettau’JOAI(B) 17 (1914)157-9. 174 The Celeia/Poetovio road (CIL 3.5733) and the Solva/Poetovio road (CIL 3.5744) just over the border in Noricum. See Hadrianic road building. 175 This city was already well developed under the Flavians, but has a number of 2nd century buildings, including a curia, basilica, baths and market place with portico. Pócsy ‘Pannonian Cities’ 268. 176 Iasorum and both cities named Mursella in Pannonia Superior and in Pannonia Interior have been excavated. The location of Moge(n)tiana is uncertain but could be modern Sumegescki. Not much information exists for Sala apart from the inscription already discussed, it may have been on the Amber Road and had stone houses. Ibid. 264. 177 In 1980 nothing further was known of this city. Ibid. 262. 178 C. Aemilius c.f. Serg. Col.Murs. ob honorem flaminatus tabernas L cum porticibus duplicibus in quib. Mercatus ageretur pecunia sua fecit.

The second and most interesting inscription came from Pettau near Poetovio on the Aquileia/ Sirmium road. In 1913 two marble fragments were found of the old Roman stone bridge noted in the fifth century by Hierokles in 170

Pócsy ‘Pannonian Cities’ 258. Ibid. 259. 172 Stiglitz RE 12, 1575. 171

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civilian city: I(ovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo) ob salute(m)Hadriani Aug(usti) v(ici) X pu(blice) pos(uerunt) (CIL 3.3431 =373).

Summary It seems that Hadrian paid greater attention to the two Pannonias than to the neighbouring provinces. The civic settlements at Carnuntum and Aquincum had been raised in status to municipia early in his reign in an effort to promote urbanisation on the frontier.

The city walls and some public utilities can be dated with slightly more certainty to Hadrian’s reign. One of the two amphitheatres, possibly the civilian one, was completed under Pius but, given the time taken to build, this may have been begun under Hadrian. There is also a suggestion that this may be the same building as the second century theatre. 179 In addition an aqueduct was built by the military for the legionary fortress, but it also supplied the canabae and civilian settlement with warm water from the hot springs 1.5 kilometres north of the city.180

Generally the civic building evidence is slim and there are still uncertainties concerning the Hadrianic origin of some buildings, but it is interesting that, of all possible public buildings, it is the civic amphitheatres of Carnuntum and Aquincum that could be Hadrianic. If this were true, then the importance of entertainment for civilians on the frontier of the empire was obviously a priority for Hadrian.

The governor’s residence, where Hadrian once lived, had been built during the Trajanic era on the periphery of the canabae in the vicinity of the dockyards. 181 Rebuilding commenced after its destruction, but it is difficult to know at what stage, if any, Hadrian, as past governor and amateur architect, became involved in the planning of the new residence. It was built on an impressive site opposite the military fortress and its layout and the unusual shape of the rooms seem distinctly Hadrianic in style. It displays a high standard of architectural and decorative finishes that could only have been achieved in a period of peace and prosperity.

The magnificent new governor’s palace on its prominent site near the legionary fortress at Aquincum clearly displayed the power and wealth of Rome to the hostile tribes across the river. The city’s residents were fortunate that the legion built a new aqueduct during this period. Having an adequate supply of water almost certainly resulted in the building of baths for both the civilian and military population. The statue dedications are not helpful for building evidence, but they do indicate that there was surplus wealth in these provinces, as evident at Cibalae, a Hadrianic municipium. Cibalae’s buildings have not yet been dated.

182

Bassiana and Cibalae, Hadrian’s other municipia in southern Pannonia Inferior, were both on the Siscia/Mursa road. Because of its excellent location Hadrian probably visited Bassiana, but nothing is known of its buildings.183 Cibalae has been thoroughly excavated in recent years and the remains of an aqueduct, sewers, hypercaust, workshops for mosaics, some marble, pottery and oil lamps 184 have been discovered, but none with any definite Hadrianic connections.

Hadrian’s road building near the Poetovio bridge was probably connected with his development of the Noricum quarry industry and promotion of Poetovio as an important trading centre for marble and stone. Whatever Hadrian’s thoughts were on the relative peace in Pannonia Inferior in 133 after the disaster in Judaea, this was the period when he chose to establish his colony at Mursa. This is the only known colony in these provinces and its large building was almost certainly Hadrian’s last civic building there.

Further north was Gorsium, located at the crossroads of the southern roads to Sopianae from Arrabona, Brigetio and Aquincum. Even after the decline of road transport in favour of the river Danube, Gorsium retained its importance as the religious centre of the province where the concilium provinciae took place. Despite the city’s economic change its Trajanic Capitolium and colonnaded forum were finally completed in the Hadrianic era. 185

Hadrianic Military Building Very few Hadrianic civic buildings have been identified for these provinces. The reasons could be many, but these provinces were vitally important to Hadrian. This can be understood from the fact that he travelled at least three times to these regions, each time with a military purpose 186 and minted exercitus coins for Raetia, Noricum and Dalmatia. Moreover, in addition to having four legions stationed in the Pannonias, a further sign of their strategic importance was Hadrian’s decision in 136 to make his heir L. Aelius Caesar governor of both Pannonian provinces. It seems worthwhile to therefore investigate Hadrian’s military programme, including the movement and garrisoning of troops, fort

179

F. Sear Roman Theatres and Architectural Studies (forthcoming). Pócsy ‘Pannonian Cities’ 255; Szilágyi RE suppl.11 (1962) 62-131. 181 H & H. Polenz Das römische Budapest Münster 1986. 182 A Hadrianic date is doubtful. Detailed drawings of the decorative features and floor plans of the palace. I. Wellner ‘Zur Frage der Bauzeit des Stätthalterpalastes von Aquincum’ Arch Ert. xcvii 1970 116-125. 183 Hadrian’s visit to this city. S. Dusanic ‘Bassinae and its territory’ Arch.Jug. 8 (1967) 67-83. It had not been excavated in 1980. Pócsy ‘Pannonian Cities’258. 184 The trial trenches of the archaeologists show that the population of Cibalae had been large. Ibid. 260. 185 The final report on the excavation of Gorsium attributes the increase in building of the civic centre (which included temples to Jupiter Dolichenus and Minerva) to Hadrian’s elevation of Gorsium’s status. The report proposed an imperial visit in 124. The excavated buildings were Commodian restorations after the fire c.178. J. Fitz ‘Gorsium. Excavations in a Roman Settlement of lower Pannonia’ Acta Arch.Carpathica 10 (1968) 287-300. There were three steps from the forum to the Capitolium. Pócsy ‘Pannonian Cities’ 261. 180

186

As already mentioned, Hadrian responded in 119 to a crisis with the Roxolani and the Sarmatians (SHA Hadr. 6.6). In 121/122 his aim was to raise the standard of the armies and secure the northern frontier along the Danube and the Rhine (SHA Hadr.10. 5-6). On his last visit in 133 indications that trouble was brewing in this vulnerable region were the Pannonian coins hoards of 130/1 and 132/4 and two military diplomas from Arrabona and Alisca issued in 133. J. Fitz ‘Legati Augusti Pro Praetore Pannoniae Inferioris’ Acta Ant. 11 (1963) 255.

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construction, frontier fortifications, and to assess the effect of all this on civic building.

Besides providing security their duties were apparently mainly concerned with mining supervision and providing a military escort when required. There is no building evidence for the Hadrianic period, not even a road repair. Although they may have continued tile production, there is no evidence that they manufactured tiles for non-military buildings.193 Auxiliary units were, however, involved with marble production on Brattia for several centuries. 194 A Hadrianic inscription connects a centurion of coh.I Belgarum with the theatre at Salona and the marble at Brattia (CIL 3.3096). Such a large task would have involved a detachment of the cohort.

There are some problems with the disagreement amongst scholars about the location of forts and the Roman names for modern sites. The recently published Barringtons’ Atlas has been used and Roman and modern names have been selected after careful consideration of all the evidence. 187 The ‘Danubian’ armies These were either a combination of legionary and auxiliary forces, as in the Pannonian provinces, or consisted entirely of auxiliary units, as in Raetia, Noricum and Dalmatia.188 The legions (approximately 24.000 troops), were supported by an even greater force of auxiliary units (approximately 38.000), mostly located along the frontier of the river Danube.189 In addition to these 62.000 men there was the navy, classis Pannonica, whose main base was at Taurunum in Pannonia Inferior. 190

Even though Hadrian may have taken the opportunity to inspect the coh.VIII Voluntariorum garrisoned at Burnum, and at the same time confer municipality on the civilian settlement (CIL 3. 9890 =2828), neither Burnum nor the other civilian settlement of the legionary fortress at Tilurium, despite their strategic positions, 195 developed into important cities after the departure of the Dalmatian legions.

Adequate accommodation not only was required for this enormous number of men, their weaponry, horses, supplies and sundry personnel, but it was needed in the most strategically advantageous positions. According to Dio the emperor Hadrian ‘personally viewed and investigated absolutely everything’. He inspected all the garrisons and forts, constructing new ones where necessary, moving some to better positions and razing others .... and trenches, ramparts and palisades’ (69.9.1-2).

Summary Hadrian quite obviously perceived no military threat to Dalmatia and the three small auxiliaries of cohorts, with their detachments in the bigger cities, were considered adequate protection for Dalmatia. The auxiliaries were capable builders, but there is no evidence of any public construction or any fort rebuilding relating to an ongoing defence policy as in the other provinces. The Dalmatian cohorts were equitate and highly mobile. As such they were capable bodyguards for the governor and escorts for the valuable products of the imperial mines and quarries.

The interiors of the forts also received attention. Both Dio and the vita report that these were reorganised to enforce Hadrian’s policy of maintaining the frugality and discipline of military life, in which elaborate dining rooms, porticoes and gardens played no part (Dio 69.2; SHA Hadr. 10.5-6).

The Danubian frontier provinces As a general policy Hadrian kept his legions well back from the frontier but the four legions in the Pannonian provinces were stationed within two hundred kilometres of each other on the banks of the Danube, three in Pannonia Superior and one in Pannonia Inferior. Besides the four legionary fortresses there were over sixty auxiliary forts to be assessed, dismantled, re-positioned or built anew. Many required additional fortifications but all were part of the ambitious plan conceived originally by the Julio-Claudian emperors and continued by the Flavians to secure the northern frontiers. It was not simply a matter of rebuilding the wooden forts in stone, not only did this have to be located within easy distance of forts, 196 but quarry labour

Dalmatia The security of this province relied on three cohorts, a small force of approximately 1600 men, but for whom Hadrian struck an exercitus coin. 191 Smaller units or detachments of these cohorts were based at the home forts in the coastal hinterland, one day’s march apart, and others were in the large coastal cities such as Salona, Narona and Epidaurum.192 187

See Glossary (chapter 1). See Army Appendix (chapter 1). 189 Auxiliaries had been withdrawn from the interior and positioned on the frontier since Claudius’ reign, a policy continued by Vespasian. D. Gabler ‘The structure of the Pannonian Frontiers and its development in the Antonine Period - some problems’ RFS 1979 (eds) Hanson & Keppie Part 2 BAR 71(ii) 1980, 637. 190 Dusanic ‘Bassianae and its territory’ 70. Naval bases were at Brigetio, Carnuntum and Aquincum. Although the navy was deemed an inferior service, sailors were still granted Roman citizenship after twenty-six years of service. 191 The governor could rely on for emergency assistance from the nearby legions (a detachment of II Adiutrix was sent from Pannonia during the Trajanic era and one of XIV Gemina was stationed at Salona during the Marcomannic Wars). There is some evidence that one or two auxiliaries were stationed briefly in the province (see Army Appendix ch.1). 192 Fortunately the Dalmatian auxiliaries were equitate each with about 360 horsemen which provided the mobility required in this provincia inermis. (see Army Appendix ch.1 for locations of forts and detachments) 188

193

There is stamped evidence of tile manufacturing by coh.VIII Voluntariorum in the first century (CIL 3.10182/a), which may belong to the period of legionary occupation (see Building Materials and Labour). Wilkes ‘Importation and manufacture of stamped bricks and tiles in the Roman province of Dalmatia’ 65, 67. 194 See Building Materials and Labour for evidence of III Alphinorum and the Baths of Licinius. 195 Both legionary fortresses had been strategically placed for maximum surveillance of the tribes beyond the Dinaric Alps. Tilurium was particularly important as it controlled the bridge crossing over the river Hippius (Cetina), the route between the coastal settlement of Salona, later the capital of Dalmatia, and Delminium, the capital of the Delmatae. Burnum was located northwest of Salona in the centre of the Liberian Burnistae. 196 To build a legionary fortress (for 6000 men) it has been estimated that 15.000 cubic metres of stone and 500 cubic metres of clay were needed. A

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organised and transport had also to be arranged. Tiles were required for roofing and a large quantity of wood for framing.

Several other forts were rebuilt in stone early in Antoninus Pius’ reign 205 and others between 141 and 150. 206 The result is no firm evidence of Hadrianic fort construction in stone and no stone quarries of this period located in Raetia.

Before any rebuilding could take place, however, the most suitable position for the auxiliary units had to be determined. Forts were planned at regular intervals, regardless of terrain 197 and temporary quarters provided during the construction phase.198

Hadrian was also credited with planning and constructing frontier defences of wooden palisades where there was no natural protection of a river (SHA Hadr. 12.6). Raetia was the only one of these provinces that required such protection from hostile tribes, 207 but although the concept may have been Hadrian’s, there is no archaeological evidence in this province for a Hadrianic palisade of oak (or any wood), along the Raetian limes. 208 The dendrochronological data (taken from the wooden watchtowers and the palisade along the limes) provide the date 139/140. The wood was therefore not felled until after Hadrian’s death. The section between Lorch and the Antonine fort of Unterböbingen has a later dendrochronological date of 160. 209

Raetia At the beginning of the Hadrianic era, the northern frontier was approximately twenty-five kilometres north of the Danube and came forward to meet the river at Eining. The western frontier (fortified since Claudius’ time) was well protected by the German limes to the north. Hadrian transferred the ala II Flavia milliaria to Heidenheim to protect the region below Lauriacum (CIL 14.2287, ILS 1992, 1995, 2002).199 He increased the auxiliaries on the limes Raeticus to sixteen cohorts 200 and four alae. With four milliary units, one of which was an ala and another was an equitate cohort, there were also five quingenary equitate cohorts. All this must have placed an enormous burden on fort requirements,201 yet there is no evidence of any fort being built for a specific unit, although many must have been renovated. 202

Summary There is little evidence of any military construction by Hadrian in Raetia and yet there were many Hadrianic auxiliaries 210 with a wide range of military and building skills. Of the fourteen Hadrianic auxiliary forts that have been identified, nine of the occupying units were tile makers and so almost certainly involved with building of some kind. Two of these were very large manufacturers and were able to supply other units with bricks and tiles. Another unit not only supplied others with meat, but was also a supplier of tiles for building purposes to at least four other units.211

Some forts remained wooden and were never rebuilt in stone. 203 The fortifications of Quintana/Quincina (Künzing) were improved with the addition of another ditch, but, like the fort at Gnotzheim, its new stone walls were Antonine.204

The rebuilding of the forts in stone was either not possible, or not yet a priority. It is feasible that Hadrian organised and planned their rebuilding but this was not completed until the reign of Antoninus Pius. The building of the palisade also may have been planned by Hadrian, but the date of the felling of the wood and therefore the construction places the Raetian palisade firmly in Antoninus Pius’ reign.

small auxiliary fort naturally required much less, but there were many more of them and all with individual needs. G. Webster The Roman Imperial Army London 1968 repr.1998 213-228. 197 On the frontier, these were 10 kilometres apart, but could be 20. Along rivers the distance between them could increase from between 30 and 40 kilometres. D. J. Breeze ‘Regiments and Frontiers – Patterns of distribution on rivers and natural frontiers’ in W. Groenman van Waateringe, B. L. van Beek (eds) RFS 1995 Oxbow Monograph 91, 73. 198 Army units could certainly set up temporary camps for secure accommodation while building during construction periods. There is some evidence at many forts that the annex, or fortified enclosure, may have been used for this purpose. Webster The Roman Imperial Army 228. 199 Vespasian and Domitian had begun the extension northwards of the border and had built the first auxiliary forts along the frontier as far as Kosching. Between 78/81 the auxiliary forts on the frontier line were Gunzburg, Kosching, Eining and Regensburg- Kumfmuhl. Gabler ‘The Structure of the Pannonian Frontier and its development in the Antonine Period - some problems’ 637. Ala II Flavia milliaria transferred from Heidenheim to the new fort at Aalen in the Antonine period. Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany: an Archaeological Survey’ JRS 59 (1969) 170. 200 In 107 Raetia had four alae and eleven cohorts (CIL 16.55 = ILS 2002).The presidial procurator commanded Raetia’s forces but was subordinate to the legate of the nearest legion (VIII Augusta at Argentorate). 201 As ala milliara units required a fort with accommodation, fodder storage, stables and exercise areas for over a thousand men and horses, these units were rare and perhaps limited to one in each province. Four equitate cohorts increased Raetia’s cavalry. There was about eight to sixteen kilometres between Raetian frontier forts. Breeze ‘Regiments and Frontiers’ 73. 202 Böhming, Ellingen, Gunzenhausen, Halheim and Theilenhofen were all occupied by Hadrian’s reign. H. Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany’ 170. 203 Ibid. 162 204 Four separate building stages have been identified at the fort Quintana/Quincina (Kunzing). Ibid. 169.

205

Including the alae forts of Kosching and Pförring (CIL 3.5906, 5912, c.141). 206 Those completed c.140/150 were Gnotzheim, Weissenberg, Pfunz, Eining, Castra Regina, Quintana, Straubing, (that had a new timber gate in the first half of the 2nd century, a stone fort and two ditches in the mid 2nd century). H. Schönberger ‘Recent research on the limes in Germania Superior and Raetia’ in W. S. Hanson, L. J. F. Keppie (eds) RFS 1979 12 BAR 71(i) 1980, 547; and Passau-Altstadt: Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany’ 170. 207 Dalmatia had no problem and the Danube protected Noricum and the Pannonian provinces on their most vulnerable frontiers. 208 The Raetian palisades are considered Hadrianic in concept, but their date of construction is uncertain. Schönberger 166. For early archaeological work on the limes Raeticus. B. W. Henderson Five Good Emperors Cambridge 1927, 134-141. The construction of the palisade and use of oak. Birley Hadrian, the Restless Emperor 116. 209 N. Hodgson ‘Relationships between Roman River Frontiers and Artificial Frontiers’ in W. Groenman van Waateringe, B. L. van Beek (eds) RFS 1995 Oxbow Monograph 91, 62. 210 Of the twenty-two units of 12.500 men in Raetia during Hadrian’s reign, 2980 were horsemen and highly mobile, moving between forts and provinces. Others like III Britannorum stayed in the province for the entire 2nd century. 211 See Army Appendix (ch.1). Tiles were not carried in the soldiers’ knapsacks. Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany’ 169, but while their means of transport is unknown, it would have been by river if possible. Several units supplied others. One method was to send working groups to other forts and set up temporary kilns.

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Noricum

the ala I Commagenorum since 96, was restored in stone during the Hadrianic period and Augustiana, another ala fort, was completed in stone c.140/144. 221

By Hadrian’s reign Noricum’s military rôle had changed and the majority of her armed forces were garrisoned on the northern Danubian frontier, a natural border. 212 Noricum had no legions, but those of Pannonia Superior were within easy reach by road or river. 213 Hadrian’s exercitus Noricus of 7000 men consisted of three alae and eight cohorts, three of which were large milliary units.214 Their commander, the procurator, was required to maintain communication between the German and Pannonian legions, in addition to surveillance of the tribes, especially the Marcomanni, across the river Danube.

There is little information on stone quarries in Noricum and most references are to marble quarries far from the Danube in the south east of the province. 222 The quarries supplying building stone for Ovilava, a Hadrianic municipium, may have sent supplies by river to auxiliary forts on the Danube.223 Summary Hadrian’s expertise in military strategy is shown in the increased fortifications and careful placement of the auxiliaries in the vulnerable Tullnerfeld region.

The emperor’s military plans were to improve the location and forts of the auxiliary units, including the rebuilding of these forts in stone. All Hadrianic units and their forts have been identified. 215 A detachment of coh. IIII Tungrorum, a large milliary cohort, brought from Britannia to Noricum in the last years of Hadrian’s reign (CIL 16.174) was garrisoned at the capital of Virunum, where it may have provided an escort and protection for the governor. 216

So many Norican forts were rebuilt in stone, it is tempting to conclude that Hadrian had solved the problem of supply. With good access to stone and the building skills of the auxiliaries, most forts were completed by the early Antonine period c.140/144.

The most vulnerable region was the Tullnerfeld, where five forts were built ten kilometres apart. 217 Hadrian’s strategy was to increase the cavalry by placing two alae and an equitate cohort 218 between two garrisons of cohorts.

The Pannonias Pannonia Superior Even though the Danube formed a natural frontier, the hostile tribes across the river were sufficiently threatening for three legions to be garrisoned within two hundred kilometres of each other. 224 The legionary forces facing these tribes was increased by the large number of auxiliaries of over six thousand infantry and nearly four thousand cavalry, 225 all of which had to be garrisoned adequately in the most strategic positions.

Most Hadrianic rebuilding took place in the middle and eastern section of the Danube. Ioviacum, perhaps Cannabiaca, Lentia, Ad Iuvense and Faviana were undergoing construction at this time. 219 Astura may have already been a stone fort, 220 but Commagena, garrison of 212

Before the change of boundary c.14 that put the Amber Road, the major highway north to the Danube, in Pannonia Superior, Noricum was of great military importance to the empire. Claudian army reforms in Noricum moved units from the centre to new forts on the Danube, Lentia, Lauriacum, Augustiana and Zwentendorf. 213 Stamped tiles of X Gemina have been found on the northern Tullnerfeld (CIL 3.14369). 214 See Army Appendix (ch.1). 215 All are along the Danube. Ibid.. 216 Detachments were sent to Raetia, also to the Pannonias where it was supported by the classis Flavia Pannonica. 217 This exposed position, at the eastern end of the limes between the Wachau and the Wienerwald, meant that the forts were placed much closer than those in the Danube gorge. Breeze ‘Regiments and Frontiers’ 73. 218 These three units probably had about 1200 horsemen with 1500 horses. Their forts were located to allow sufficient area for the construction of stables for a large number of horses and accommodation for their grooms. The flat terrain was ideal for exercising horse. For the intricate planning involved in constructing military forts with adequate stables: K. R. Dixon & P. Southern The Roman Cavalry: From the First to the Third century AD London 1992. 219 Ioviacum, was one of coh.V Breucorum’s forts rebuilt in stone during the Hadrianic era. Zwentendorf, a fort used by a detachment of this extremely mobile unit involved with building, was one of the earliest to be rebuilt in stone, perhaps during Trajan’s reign. Lentia, the fort of ala I Pannoniorarum Tampiana victrix, was rebuilt in stone late in Hadrian’s reign or early in Pius’. Ad Iuvense and Faviana (the large fort of I Aelia Brittonum m) were also rebuilt in stone. For Faviana the rebuilding is vaguely 2nd century. H. Übl ‘Der Österreichische Abschnitt des Donaulimes: Ein Forschungsbericht (1970-79)’, RFS 1979 Part ii BAR 71(ii) 1980, 588, 591. (See Army Appendix for chapter 1). 220 Coh. I Asturnum, at Astura since 106 (CIL 16.52), may have had a stone fort in the Trajanic period. For the two building periods and the auxiliary occupants: Übl ‘Der Österreichische Abschnitt des Donaulimes’ 592. According to Barrington Atlas (the most recent research) Astura has a different location that places the non-equitate coh. I Asturnum, and its fort

The Legionary Fortresses Brigetio and its canabae were ideally located at the meeting of land and water routes. Building began on the stone fortress in 118/119, at the time of Hadrian’s first visit and after the arrival of I Adiutrix. It was finished by 123/124 (AE 1971, 318). 226 The glistening white fortress, with its two metre thick lime-covered walls and indented towers, must have presented an impressive sight. There were four gates, with the main one, similar to the fortress at Vindobona, facing north across the Danube. The aqueduct was probably constructed in the same period to service the fortress and its

Astura, between two alae, even though it is not so logical. The milliary equitate coh. I Aelia Caesariensis may still have been at the neighbouring fort of Cannabiaca before it left for Pannonia Superior by 133. 221 Augustiana, fort of ala I Augusta Thracum, was the last in this area to be rebuilt in stone c.140/144 (CIL 3.5654 = 11795). 222 See Building Materials and Labour. 223 It is possible that this may have been the military supplying the city. 224 Two of these, X Gemina at Vindobona (Dio 55.23) and XIV Gemina at Carnuntum (Dio 55.24), were stationed in the province to deal with any disturbances caused by the Marcomanni. I Adiutrix, had been brought to Brigetio because of the threat from the Quadi. 225 The Hadrianic auxiliaries consisted of five alae (one milliary), and eight cohorts, two milliary equitate, one milliary and two equitate (see Army Appendix ch. 1). 226 Brigetio was originally the Trajanic fortress of XXX Ulpia Victrix.

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canabae. The civilian city did not develop until the third century.227

would have ensured that the province was adequately protected.233

During his major reorganisation of the legions early in his reign, Hadrian moved XIV Gemina to Carnuntum (Dio 55.24). The fortress had been built in a light coloured stone by the XV Apollinaris on a high ridge on the southern bank of the Danube, forty kilometres downstream from Vindobona. It was irregular in shape, its circuit walls 1.8 metres thick with typically rounded Hadrianic corners. Thorough archaeological excavations have shown that the fortress underwent eight different building stages, one of which must have been Hadrianic.

All the forts from Noricum to the mouth of the Save have been located and most of their occupants have been identified. Wood was the main building material used for the large military building programme that began in 70, 234 with only one known stone fort. 235 At least four auxiliaries were reputed to be builders and one of the milliary cohorts, I Aelia Gaesatorum, was a large manufacturer of tiles. Quadrata and Ad Statuas were the only two new Hadrianic forts. Both were built in wood, not stone, during the early years of Hadrian’s reign and were even replaced in wood after the great destruction of auxiliary forts during the Marcomannic Wars.236

The location of Carnuntum at major crossroads made it a regional trade centre. For this purpose a large forum/market place with two porticoed courtyards and four fountains was built within the canabae. Like other legionary fortresses, the canabae was outside the walls yet surrounded the fortress. The governor’s residence was southwest of the forum. Other facilities within the canabae were large baths, with the separate facilities for men and women promoted by Hadrian (Dio 8.3; SHA Hadr.18.10-11),228 and a military amphitheatre.229

Summary It is certain that Hadrian would have calculated the military advantages in his deployment of the legions and his efforts to strengthen their fortresses are apparent. At Brigetio the fortifications must have been extremely inadequate, as rebuilding by the incoming legion began almost immediately and lasted six years. At least one of the building phases at Carnuntum, the most prestigious of the legionary fortresses, was Hadrianic in design. Other Hadrianic building included a market place and an amphitheatre in the canabae. The fortification of Vindobona was vital because of the proximity to the vulnerable Tullnerfeld. This fortress had been built less than twenty years previously and seemingly required no major repairs. As a result of Trajan’s prolific fort building, few Hadrianic forts were built in Pannonia Superior and even fewer rebuilt in stone during this period.

At the beginning of Hadrian’s reign X Gemina took up permanent occupancy at Vindobona (Dio 55.23), the closest legionary fortress to Noricum. This unusually shaped fortress followed the contours of a high plateau surrounded by the Danube and was the terminal of the Amber Road. 230 The fortress had three gates; the main left gate faced across the river Danube and the walls of the two corners were rounded in the Hadrianic manner. Shortage of good building stone is evident in the construction of this fortress which could explain the lack of building by its new Hadrianic occupants. The legate’s residence, however, located in the centre of the southwest section of the fortress, has some decorative architectural features in marble, a material not easily available before the Hadrianic era. 231

In Pannonia Inferior the fortress at Aquincum was rebuilt by II Adiutrix in the early years of Hadrian’s reign (CIL 8. 25740, Dio 55.24), 237 and the canabae surrounding the fortress was also reorganised and a military amphitheatre built on its outskirts. An aqueduct was constructed to supply the fortress and its baths from the thermal springs. Both the canabae and the municipium were fortunate to have access to this water supply.

Auxiliaries and their Forts There were thirteen Hadrianic auxiliaries in this province. As two of the three milliary cohorts were also equitate, this required eight very large forts for eight thousand five hundred men, over four thousand horses and their food supplies. It was unusual to have three milliary units stationed in one province, but perhaps detachments were placed in small inland auxiliary forts. This could answer the criticism that the interior regions were neglected because of the concentration of troops on the Danube. 232 Hadrian

It seems that the legion was involved in building the Hadrianic city walls of the civilian settlement before the interior buildings were constructed. The civilian 233

The map of Pannonia Superior shows Hadrian’s astute placement of his units. He chose two alae for Pannonia Superior that specialized in the use of contus, the heavy lance; one was ala I Canninefatium cR garrisoned at Gerulata. The largest auxiliary, the milliary equitate coh.I Aelia Caesariensis s., was at Cannabiaca close to the Norican alae. Hadrian’s other choice, ala I Ulpia Pannoniorum, was at Solva, one of the earliest auxiliary forts in an extremely strategic position at the bend of the river in the far northeast of the province. 234 Two early forts, at Solva and at Vindobona. Gabler ‘The Structure of the Pannonian Frontier on the Danube’ 638. 235 The Trajanic ala fort of Petronell, west of Carnuntum. Übl ‘Der Österreichische Abschnitt des Donaulimes’ 593. 236 This building occurred when the legions were transferring. Gabler ‘The Structure of the Pannonian Frontier 641-4. 237 This legion was responsible for preventing potential problems with the Sarmatian tribes. In its absence IIII Flavia was brought to Aquincum as a temporary replacement.

227

K. Pócsy Städt in Pannonien Budapest 1976 56-60; J. Fitz Der römische limes in Ungarn 1976 32f 228 E. Swoboda Carnuntum:seine Geschichte und seine Denkmäler 1964 229 Neue Pauly 994; Stiglitz RE suppl.12 (1970) 1576-1583; Pócsy ‘Pannonian Cities’ in A. Lengyel & G. T. B. Radan (eds) The Archaeology of Roman Pannonia Budapest 1980, 260. 230 Originally the fort of ala I Britannica, it was rebuilt as a legionary fortress by XIII Gemina c.100 (CIL 3. 4156) and replaced by XIV Gemina. Wilkes ‘Roman Legions and their fortresses in the Danube Lands.’ 110. 231 Neumann RE 9 A 1 (1961) 62-9. 232 According to Spaul, whose work focussed on the middle of the 2nd century and not on the Hadrianic period. J.Spaul Cohors2 BAR Int.Series 841, 2000, 515-16

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amphitheatre, located outside the municipium, was begun in Hadrian’s reign and completed during Pius’.238 Hadrian also organised the building of a new governor’s residence, 239 a surprisingly highly decorated and elegant building, considering his policy on luxury in military establishments. 240 It is obvious that Aquincum was of special interest to Hadrian. II Adiutrix was the only legion in these provinces not moved in his reorganisation of the legions. Archaeological excavations have shown that renovations were made to the fortress, the canabae, the civilian settlement and the governor’s residence during his reign, yet the only surviving dedication to Hadrian in Aquincum is one small inscription (CIL 3. 3431 = 373).

forts have been located, as they were placed regularly at fifteen Roman miles apart, regardless of the terrain and the suitability of the location. Three are known to have partially collapsed into the Danube, 245 so it is not surprising that Hadrian is credited with moving forts (Dio 69.9.1). One of those moved was the predominantly wooden Intercisa, south of Aquincum, which had been destroyed during the wars that brought Hadrian per Illyricum in 117/8. Intercisa was built on the edge of the plateau and its front wall collapsed into the river. Hadrian ordered the fort to be rebuilt twenty metres to the west. 246 It was not in stone; recent research shows that this did not occur until c.170/180, and not during the Hadrianic era, as previously thought. 247 A reason for the confusion may be that the later stone fort was not only superimposed on the wooden fort walls but also had typically Hadrianic rounded corners. Moreover it retained the gate from the early timber and earth fort.248

Auxiliaries and their Forts During the Hadrianic period there were approximately nineteen auxiliaries in Pannonia Inferior. 241 Five or six were alae, one of which was a large milliary unit. Hadrian placed two alae at Campona and Matrica and a large milliary cohort at Vetus Salina in the north, where they could give excellent support to the legion at Aquincum. Two of these forts may have been stone. Hadrian placed ala I praetoria singularium Teutoburgium, near Mursa, in the south of the province. His decision to place another two units close to one another in the south east is both interesting and curious; I Augusta Ityraeorum was at Rittium and Flavia Pannoniorum at Acumincum.

Excavations of the ala fort of Campona, near Aquincum, have revealed that it was never wooden, but this is an exception. 249 Hadrianic stone forts are rare. Ulcisia Castra and Vetus Salina could be late Trajanic or even early Hadrianic stone forts, 250 but the majority of stone forts were constructed from the time of Pius to Commodus.251 Hadrian may have planned to rebuild more forts in stone and certainly had capable builders amongst his auxiliaries. At least five of the thirteen cohorts manufactured their own bricks and tiles. Tiles made by the cohort at Lussonium have been found at Poetovio, on the other side of Pannonia Superior. Several auxiliaries were proficient in river transport, 252 sometimes assisted by the navy, classis Flavia Pannonica; other times using private vessels (CIL 3.4025). A large number of stamped tiles have been found down river

Hadrian not only selected a highly mobile cavalry force, but this extended to the cohorts, many of them equitate. Consequently, during this period nine forts were required along the limes of Pannonia Inferior capable of housing a very large number of cavalry troops, their horses and fodder, and probably a further ten or eleven smaller forts were needed for the peditate units. 242 Many forts, mostly wooden, already existed during Hadrian’s term as governor 243 but at least one, Matrica, was constructed early in his reign. 244 Nearly all these Pannonian

built in stone until after 180. P. Kovacs ‘Excavations in the Roman Fort at Szazhalombatta (Matrica) 1993-5 RFS 1995, 426. 245 Part of Annamatia, perhaps the fort of I Thracum Germania, fell into the river. A. Radnóti, L. Barkóczi ‘The Distribution of troops in Pannonia Inferior during the 2nd century AD’ Acta Arch. Hung.1 Budapest 1951, 211. 246 The rebuilding was probably by the ala I Thracum veteranorum, the Hadrianic occupant of Intercisa. 247 Intercisa and Vetus Salina were rebuilt in stone in the same period. Ibid. 226. Intercisa I ‘Geschichte der Stadt in der Römerzeit’ Archaeologia Hungarica (1954); Intercisa II ‘Geschichte der Stadt in der Römerzeit’ Archaeologia Hungarica (1957). 248 The second stone building (Caracallan) was a more elaborate building with stone towers. The last building stage was Valentinian. B.Lörincz & Zs. Visy ‘Die Baugeschichte des Auxiliarkastells von Intercisa’ 681-92, 885; Intercisa was rebuilt in stone after the Marcomannic Wars c.178. Gabler ‘The Structure of the Pannonian Frontiers’ 653. 249 Radnóti & Barkóczi ‘The Distribution of troops in Pannonia Inferior during the 2nd century AD’ 225. Obviously the excavation was carried out before the publication of this article and there may be other stone forts. 250 Another border problem means that two provinces can lay claim to Ulcisia Castra being one of their earliest stone forts. At the time of building, whether it was late Trajanic or early Hadrianic, Ulcisia Castra was still in Pannonia Superior. It did not become part of Pannonia Inferior until Caracalla’s reign. 251 A. Mócsy ‘Der Pannonische limes: Probleme der Neueren Forschungen’ RFS 1979 631; Radnóti & Barkóczi ‘The Distribution of troops in Pannonia Inferior during the 2nd century AD’ 225. A different opinion: Antoninus Pius was emperor when Vetus Salina was rebuilt in stone: Gabler ‘The Structure of the Pannonian Frontiers’ 644. 252 Radnóti & Barkóczi ‘The Distribution of troops in Pannonia Inferior during the 2nd century AD’ 209.

238

See below Antoninus Pius’ Civic Building. Discussed above. 240 Szilagyi RE sup. 11 (1969) 82-91 for the fortress and 91-95 for the canabae; Póczy Städte in Pannonien 41-55; K. Póczy Aquincum Budapest 1969, 47, 52. 241 Neither Eadie nor Spaul looked specifically at the Hadrianic period, nevertheless their opinions are interesting. The very low number of ten units could be explained by the fact that the military threat to southern Pannonia Inferior was insignificant during the first part of the 2nd century. J. W. Eadie ‘The Development of the Pannonian Frontier south of the Drave’ Limes (1976) Budapest 1977, 215. The peaceful situation resulted from Rome’s continual re-negotiations of the Sarmatian treaties (Dio 69.15.2). There were insufficient auxiliaries in Pannonia Inferior at this time to man the Danubian forts of Pannonia Inferior and adequately patrol the province interior. Spaul Cohors2, 516. 242 See Army Appendix (ch.1). 243 A large building programme began c.70 that included the ala fort of Obuda at Aquincum and the fort at Vetus Salina, followed by the Flavian forts of Teutoburgium, Intercisa and Cirpi. Archaeological excavations indicate that by the end of Trajan’s reign a line of wooden auxiliary forts had been built along the Danube. Gabler ‘The Structure of the Pannonian Frontiers’ 639. 244 Matrica’s timber building was a Hadrianic construction by I Alphinorum e: D. Gabler ‘Early Roman occupation in the Pannonian Danube Bend’ in W. Groenman - van Waateringe, B.L. van Beck, W. J. H. Willems, S.L. Wynia (eds) RFS 1995 Oxbow Monographs 91 (1997) 90. Matrica was not 239

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from an auxiliary fort, where there was large scale manufacturing.253

vulnerable section of Noricum’s frontier, necessitated specialist building and renovation of forts in this region.

Hadrianic stone rebuilding, especially in a region poor in stone, may not have been considered vital, especially as all treaties were current and there was no immediate military urgency.254

Hadrian had the ability to perceive a need and to respond to it. Nowhere is this more apparent than with his Pannonian armies, especially the legions. Each received Hadrian’s individual attention from the beginning of his reign, resulting in changes at each legionary fortress, either with the legion or with the buildings.

Summary Hadrian’s strategy for the long Danubian frontier of Pannonia Inferior began at the beginning of his reign. Sufficient auxiliary forts had been built over a period of years, some perhaps even planned and built by Hadrian himself during his years as governor, but some legionary fortresses needed refortification. Major reconstruction work began almost immediately in each area of Aquincum, the fortress, the canabae and the municipium.

Hadrianic building focussed on improvements to the fortress at Carnuntum and new construction work at Brigetio. This fortress took six years to build; either there was a genuine shortage of stone, or perhaps the political situation did not allow for the release of military labour for quarrying and building. Hadrian seemed, nevertheless, aware of the propaganda value in having three strong legionary fortresses on a short stretch of the Danubian frontier, and Hadrianic building at Carnuntum certainly reflected the wealth and power of Rome to the barbarian tribes across the river.

Few auxiliary forts were built in stone, apart from emergency work on forts destroyed during the unrest early in Hadrian’s reign, in addition to those whose river bank foundations collapsed.

Each province was at a different stage in its rebuilding efforts. Noricum’s stone forts were completed in both the reigns of Hadrian and Pius. Raetia’s defences were at a more preliminary stage. Stone was in short supply in Pannonia and since the fortresses had priority, it was more than thirty years before most of the Pannonian forts could be rebuilt in stone. The palisade was erected in Pius’ reign 255

Conclusion It is now very clear that from a military aspect that these provinces each received very different treatment by the emperor.

Hadrian’s time in these provinces was brief, three short visits, two of which were per Illyricum, on his way to Rome. His preoccupation with such an enormous military programme would have left the emperor with little time for other activities. Hadrian himself acknowledged the empire’s gratitude to her auxiliary forces of Dalmatia, Raetia and Noricum with exercitus coins.

Dalmatia apparently had no military problems and Hadrian made no discernible alteration to the units and their deployment, leaving the province confidently to his Dalmatian governors. There is no evidence of any military construction, and the usual public works that used army labour and expertise, such as roads, bridges and aqueducts, are absent in the Hadrianic evidence for Dalmatia. The military involvement with the marble industry suggests that this was an imperial venture, probably encouraged by Hadrian for a specific purpose.

Hadrianic Road Building One of the most famous roads in these provinces was the ancient Amber Road that covered the enormous distance from Aquileia in northern Italy to Carnuntum on the Danube.256 This road, and the settlements along it, had continued to develop and facilitated trade with the legions previously stationed at Poetovio and Carnuntum.257

Raetia, Noricum and the Pannonias were frontier provinces and Hadrian’s priorities were to accommodate his armies adequately and to secure the frontiers with the effective placement of his military forces. This was vital for Raetia with its insecure frontier, part of which was a vast open area, but even if the fortification plans of the palisade and rebuilding of the forts in stone were Hadrianic, these were not implemented until early in Pius’ reign.

By Hadrian’s reign a change in boundaries had placed the northward bound section of the Amber Road in Pannonia Superior. Its traffic was now predominately military, bound for the forts and fortresses along the Danube. Gallic goods, transported more economically by river, now replaced the Italian road trade. Nevertheless the east/west road to Sirmium was a vital link to the southern regions of Noricum and the Pannonias and gave access to the lower Danube and the eastern provinces.

The newly established stone and sculpture industry in Noricum may have been responsible for the identification of good sources of stone. As a result more Hadrianic stone rebuilding of forts occurred in this province. Hadrian’s careful placement of units in the Tullnerfeld, the most

255

Ibid. 645. At this time the area of the road from Poetovio to Carnuntum was within Norican territory. 257 The concentration of Italian pottery finds from this period and inscriptions at Emona, Poetovio and Carnuntum, attest to this. For maps: Ibid. 645. 256

253

Ibid. 213. No forts were rebuilt in stone until after the Marcomannic Wars, which was the greatest building period of forts in this region. Gabler ‘The Structure of the Pannonian Frontier on the Danube’ 644. 254

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Dalmatia

road, and the Celeia/Poetovio road. A well-preserved Hadrianic milestone c.132, from the Celeia/Poetovio road was found at Ivenca (CIL 3.5733) and another at Skofja, three miles from Celeia, c.132 (AE 1980, 662).264 A third Hadrianic milestone, from the Solva/Poetovio road, was found at St. Johann (in the Draufeld) close to Poetovio, on the Norican side of the border. The poor condition of this milestone can only confirm a date after 128. Although it is not conclusively 132, nevertheless it seems that these roads were either constructed or repaired c.132, at the time of Hadrian’s last visit to this area. As he did not visit these provinces in the decade from 122 until 132, the repair of these roads may have been a reaction to the recent Judaean crisis (CIL 3. 5744 = Weber RISt. 374). 265

There is no record of any Hadrianic road building in this province and the evidence of any road building after the Claudian era is poor. 258 This lack could be explained by the fact that milestones have been destroyed or re-used as building material, or perhaps are still undiscovered.259 Most of the existing milestones are from mid third to fourth century.260 It is possible that the roads were in sufficiently good repair and that the newly generated wealth from the mines paid for the maintenance of the important road to the Danube. There is no record of this, however, or of any other road works by Hadrian’s Dalmatian governors, who fortunately governed a peaceful and economically buoyant province with no great military concerns.

The Pannonias The only Hadrianic milestone c.131/132, discovered in Pannonia Superior, is also considered to be the earliest Roman milestone in the province (CIL 3. 4614 =15198). 266 It was found at Kohfidisch (near Savaria) but may have come from the main road that connected Savaria with Vindobona (AE 1973, 427). 267 Pannonia Inferior also lacks evidence of Hadrianic road construction. The earliest known milestone from Pannonia Inferior is Nervan (CIL 3.3700 = Sm.411) with the most evidence is from the Severan era. 268

Raetia No evidence of any Hadrianic roadwork can be found for this province. Raetia was the terminus of the main road to the Gauls, via Claudia Augusta, the road begun by Drusus and completed by Claudius. By Hadrian’s reign, all major roads in this region passed through the Raetian capital of Augusta Vindelicum.261 Noricum

Summary There is an abundance of Norican milestones mostly from the Teurnia-Iuvavum road and mainly from the Severan era. These number more than the total for combined reigns of Trajan, Hadrian and Antoninus Pius. 262 Cities are not named on the milestones from Trajan to M. Aurelius, although the distances are given, and exact dating is difficult. 263

As this group of neighbouring provinces each had different responsibilities for the security of the empire and different levels of Romanisation and urbanisation, it is hardly surprising that Hadrian’s policies for them were also quite different, including the construction of roads.

Hadrianic roadworks were on two main Norican roads that linked Noricum and Pannonia Superior, the Solva/Poetovio

In Dalmatia where extensive roadworks took place in the first century, there is no evidence of Hadrianic construction. This could be expected as the province was under no military threat, and consequently there was no need for troops to be mobilised quickly. Dalmatia’s long coastline with its excellent harbours provided economical water transport for all trade, especially in agricultural produce and heavy goods such as marble and stone. Rivers provided transport northwards from the mining districts to the legions, where they could be processed into arms.

258

Road building in the Danubian provinces began with Augustus and continued until the reign of Valentinian (CIL 3.10180). Tiberius built a basic network of main roads from Salona under the supervision of the legate P. Dolabella. The road to Tragurium was constructed before AD 18 (CIL 3.3199), by AD 19/20 the long road to Daesitiatium (CIL 3.3201 = 10159) had been completed, and by AD 20 two other long roads into the interior were also operational (CIL 3.3198a/b = 10156). The original construction work was carried out by the legions VII and XI (CIL 3.3200). One of the most important roads of the province led from Narona through the mining district to the river Danube. Claudius completed the southern road from Epidaurum to Trebinje in 47/48 (CIL 3.10175). 259 Only numbers remain on the fragment of milestone CIL 3.13317a. 260 Third century milestones: CIL 3.10174, 13320 –13324, 10164-10166. Fourth century: CIL 3.10176 E. Pasalic ‘Römische Strassen in Bosnien und der Herzegowina’ Arch.Iug. III (1959) 61-73. 261 At the time of occupation Drusus began work almost immediately on the road finally completed by Claudius in 46-47 that became known as via Claudia Augusta. Although the old road to Augusta Vindelicum over the Brenner Pass was more direct, Drusus had chosen a new route that avoided the gorge of Isarcus and the swamps and forests of the Brenner. Under Septimius Severus and Caracalla the old track was made into a military road in order to move troops more easily. W.W. Hyde Roman Alpine Routes The American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia 1935 139-140. See map from G. Walser Die römischen Straßen und Meilensteine in Raetien Stuttgart 1983. 262 Twenty Severan milestones: G. Winkler Die romischen Straßen und Meilensteine in Noricum Stuttgart 1985, 67, eight have been located: CIL 3.5704, 5714, 5715, 5720, 5722, 5723, 5727, 5735. 263 Alföldy Noricum 314 n.132.

The lack of evidence in Raetia was perhaps due to increasing river transport and Hadrian’s concentration on his military policy in this province. Noricum has produced three Hadrianic milestones, from the last decade of the emperor’s reign. This was the period of Hadrian’s last visit to this region returning to Rome per 264

The use of ‘Vas’ suggests that this may be the same milestone found at Skoja Vas in the riverbed of the Hudinja (Il.Iug 1197). 265 E. Weber ‘Die römerzeitlichen Inscriften der Steiermark. Veroffenlichungen der Historischen landeskommission fur Steiermark’ Arbeiten zur Quellenkunde 35 Graz 1969 266 The fragmentary inscription is more likely to be Antonine than Trajanic. 267 An illustration of this milestone, E. Weber ‘Die römischen Meilensteine aus dem österreichischen Pannonien’ JOAI(B) 49 (1968-71) 145. 268 See fn.262.

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Building in the Pannonias took place in the civilian settlements near the great legionary fortresses, at the provincial governor’s palace at Aquincum c.107/8 (during Hadrian’s term as governor), an unidentified building at Carnuntum in 107 (CIL 3.11199) and at Vindobona c.103/5 (CIL 3.4566 = AE 1971, 314). Trajan built at least eight earth forts and the earliest known stone fort in Pannonia Superior. 274 The construction of the Capitolium and forum was begun at Gorsium in the Trajanic era, in addition to a large number of insulae, stone houses and fountains with carvings of nymphs and river gods. 275 At Savaria a priest made an unknown dedication to Trajan (CIL 3.10910). The bridge near Poetovio has several possible imperial builders and, given his propensity for bridge building, this could have been by Trajan. 276

Illyricum. With the Judaean disaster fresh in his mind the emperor must have reviewed the situation on the Danubian frontier. Perhaps he saw the looming threat of the northern tribes and ordered the roads to be repaired to facilitate troop movement. The evidence is slight, but the other Hadrianic milestone, also found on this road, c.132, with those from the Pannonias of a similar date, could support this theory. As the imperial fisc paid for these roads to be built or repaired, it seems that Hadrian considered these roads to be vital to his defence policy. It could be, however, a situation where the cost may have been too high for the local communities.

Comparison with the Building of Trajan and Antoninus Pius

The only building inscription from a Trajanic governor, procurator or legate 277 is a dedication by A. Trebonius, a Norican procurator, for what appears to have been a small shrine to Noreia Isis at Virunum (CIL 3.4810). The epigraphic evidence of Trajanic road works in this area is extremely poor: only two Trajanic milestones exist for these provinces, one in Dalmatia and one from the Celeia/ Poetovio road in Noricum c.98/9. 278

In order to put the statements made by Dio and the vita about Hadrian into perspective, a comparison is made between the evidence of Hadrianic building and that of Trajan and Antoninus Pius. Trajan Trajan had a personal knowledge of much of the empire and especially of the Danubian frontier and Dacia where he had fought two wars. 269 As no mention is made in the literary sources of Trajanic buildings in these provinces, the reliance is on epigraphic and archaeological discoveries.

Summary The archaeological and epigraphic evidence of civic building reveals fewer buildings than expected, but several large long-term projects of a utilitarian nature. There were two aqueducts, and evidence of city planning including the development of a civic centre and perhaps two or three forums. A splendid arched gateway, one small and perhaps two large temples complete the list of identifiable buildings.

In Dalmatia a splendid arched gate was built at Asseria and in the same city there was a rectangular forum with porticoes and basilica. 270 Two simple forums could be Trajanic. Although there is some doubt about the forum at Delminium, the forum at Doclea included a basilica and seems definitely Trajanic.271 The aqueduct at Iader has been attributed to Trajan (CIL 3.2909 = 9983 = Sm.392) as well as the forum complex which included a temple and two storied porticoes overlooking the harbour c.103/111 (CIL 3.9987 = 2922). 272 A Trajanic aqueduct (CIL 3.8684) and amphitheatre, for which there is a badly damaged inscription (IL Jug.2259), were built at Salona. Another inscription from the late first and early second century could be part of a group of sanctuaries (CIL 3.14243/4 = 8795, 2105). Other Trajanic dedications in Dalmatia possibly include a triumphal monument at Spalati (CIL 3. 1972).

Civic building may have been confined to Dalmatia where Trajan had no military assignments, and not in the frontier provinces. One milestone and a possible bridge complete the evidence for Trajanic roadworks. Antoninus Pius There is no record that Antoninus Pius ever visited the west Danubian provinces. He was therefore reliant on his governors, presidial procurators and legates for carrying out his policies and providing effective administration. No epigraphic or archaeological evidence was discovered of any

Trajanic building evidence in Noricum is limited to a dedication made to the emperor at Celeia c.103/111. Raetia has no inscriptions to verify Trajanic building at the old capital of Cambodunum. 273 274

Earth and palisaded forts already constructed by 85 were Cannabiaca, Ad Flexum, Vetus Salina, Ad Statuas (Vardcomb), Lugio and Ad Militare. Trajanic earth forts were Gerulata, Quadrata, Ad Statuas (Acs Vaspszta), Ad Mures, Azeum (Almasfuzito), Solva (Estergom), Cirpi, Ulcisia Castra. Soproni ‘Limes’ 220. The first (Trajanic) stone fort was at Albertfalva built for a milliary auxiliary unit. F. Ference ‘Limes Research’ in The Archaeology of Roman Pannonia 1980, 39. 275 Pócsy ‘Pannonian Cities’ 242. 276 See Hadrianic Civic Building (Pannonia Superior). 277 Trajanic governors, presidial procurators and legates were sought using: Wilkes Dalmatia App.II; G. Alföldy ‘The presidial procurators of Noricum’ Noricum London 1974, 245; J. Fitz ‘Legati Augusti pro praetori Pannoniae Inferioris’ Acta Ant.11(1963) 311. 278 See Hadrianic Road Building. Noricum CIL 3.5738.

269

Sources for Trajan’s life are the correspondence between the emperor and Pliny the Younger, book 10 of his letters and Panegyricus and Dio 68, written one hundred years after Trajan’s death. The recent biography by J. Bennett ‘Trajan, Optimus Princeps’ Indiana 1997, is a poor source for Trajan’s building activity. 270 A photograph of this arch shows the inscription very clearly. J.B. WardPerkins Roman Imperial Architecture London 1970 Reprint 1990, 252. 271 See Hadrianic Civic Building (Dalmatia). 272 A more recent reading of the forum inscription is that Melia had the paving of the city market hall and an arch with statues built in the first century. Šašel Kos ‘Private Munificence in Salonae under the Principate’ 211. There is a possibility that this may not be Trajanic. 273 This included a new forum, curia, basilica, baths and temples.

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construction initiated by these officials during Antoninus Pius’ reign. 279

There was some emphasis on entertainment for the frontier communities with the building of at least two amphitheatres in one region. Local authorities showed more responsibility for the roads funding six roads compared to one by the imperial fisc.

The towers of an aqueduct built by the coh.VIII Voluntariorum c.R at Salona in Dalmatia. (AE 1940, 176) are the only evidence of any building by the military during these three reigns. The rest of the aqueduct is not mentioned, which suggests that this may have been an additional arm of an existing aqueduct. The work was supervised by the governor and the auxiliary commander and may have been funded by the imperial fisc.

Conclusion The available epigraphic and archaeological evidence for these provincial cities cannot support the claims for civic building by Hadrian (Dio 10.1; SHA Hadr.21.5-6) and there are few buildings that can be attributed to governors and legates. It cannot be assumed that Norican procurators were more involved in civic building than their counterparts in other provinces without further evidence of Dalmatian governors and Raetian procurators. Even though many Pannonian officials have been identified, there is little knowledge of their civic building.

By Antoninus Pius’ reign the silver mining district of Domavium was growing in wealth and several inscriptions testify to the increasing benevolence of its citizens (CIL 3.12739, 12740). At Emmetzheim in Raetia there may have been an Antonine temple of Mercury (CIL 3. 5924 = 11911). Antoninus Pius received the credit for the completion of at least nine Raetian forts in stone (including work at Kösching by the ala I Flavia cR: CIL 3.5906 = 374) and during his reign the frontier reached Theilenhofen, after which there were no further extensions. 280 An inscription set up by the civitates of Cambodunum could be the only Antonine milestone in Raetia (CIL 3.5770). Noricum has more definite evidence, with two early milestones c.142/144 from an unknown road near Celeia (CIL 3.5743; AE 1980, 663).

It is clear that supplies of building materials for civic building programmes were not a problem. These were either readily available, or in the case of marble and stone, new supplies were being established. Whilst this availability has not necessarily (on the available evidence) translated itself into a large number of Hadrianic buildings, there was definitely an enormous increase in the number of cities and civic buildings in the second century.

The Pannonias have yielded more. Six milestones have been found in Pannonia Superior, also from the early years of his reign c.139 to 143. All these roads were built or repaired by the local communities, whereas the imperial fisc funded the only roadwork in Pannonia Inferior. There is evidence of considerable building activity around the legionary fortress of Aquincum. The aqueduct and canals were constructed between 130 and 160, and the military amphitheatre by 145. There must have been progressive work throughout Antoninus Pius’ reign on the civilian amphitheatre, as it was completed in 162, the year after his death.

Hadrian’s first consideration was to consolidate and secure the frontier borders of the empire and his second was to ensure that the native population of these provinces became increasingly loyal to Rome through Romanisation and urbanisation. From the evidence it seems that he mainly pursued his urbanisation policy during his visit in 121/122, and since communities obviously relied on the wealth of their private citizens, magistrates and priests for public building, Hadrian’s policy could be considered to have encouraged their civic building. Raetia was the least urbanised of these provinces, but areas of Dalmatia and Noricum were already well urbanised, resulting in only four settlements becoming municipia. The situation in the Pannonias was very different, perhaps because Hadrian knew these provinces well from his time as governor of Pannonia Inferior. He created at least nine new municipia and founded one colony in the Pannonian provinces.

As with the other emperors, there are several unidentified dedications to the emperor. In 138, the society of freedmen in charge of the imperial cult at Aquincum, the collegium Augustalium, made a public dedication to the emperor. A governor, C. Iulius Geminus Capellianus, may have dedicated a temple to Neptune at Aquincum during this period (CIL 3.3486 = 375). Summary

It was therefore expected that there would be a corresponding increase in civic building. The evidence offers few certainties and many possibilities. The certainties include an unidentified Hadrianic building, a large peristyle dwelling, a street layout that seems to indicate a forum and baths, a temple restoration, at least three amphitheatres (civilian and military), a military aqueduct that also serviced the civilian settlements and several walls, some of which were simply practical whereas others were merely ornamental.

Few roadworks were recorded for this reign and the scant evidence for buildings includes two aqueducts, a series of canals and some city planning. Only one temple can be identified from this reign. There are, however, many second century buildings with and without inscriptions that cannot be attributed to any definite period. 279

They were identified using W. Hüttl Antoninus Pius Prague 1933; Alföldy Noricum 245; Fitz ‘Legati legionum Pannoniae Superioris’ 159207. 280 Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany’ 170. Excavations at Theilenhofen have revealed a construction camp area that shared the baths with the final fort complex. Schönberger ‘Recent research on the limes in Germania Superior and Raetia’ 547.

Numerous Hadrianic possibilities are suspected among the second century buildings. Several, in the absence of absolute evidence, must be shared with other emperors. Large buildings were often long-term projects spanning more than 36

Chapter 1 - Dalmatia and the western Danubian Provinces

one reign. Among those already suggested is the forum at Delminium, built either in Hadrian or Antoninus Pius’ reign and the Capitolium at Gorsium, of which construction began under Trajan and was completed by Hadrian. Several others, such as the theatre and amphitheatre at Salona, the theatre at Virunum and the amphitheatre and aqueduct at Ovilava, are from the period of these three emperors, but as yet cannot be dated with accuracy. The fine governor’s residence at Aquincum, once thought to be Hadrianic, now has a question mark over its date.

kingdoms. The awareness of continual military danger may, nevertheless, have been the reason for the emperor’s repair and maintenance of some roads at the time of his last visit c.132/3. It is possible that the roads had been neglected through the increased use of the Danube for commercial traffic, or perhaps the local stone industry had progressed to the point where milestones in these regions were becoming more common. A few milestones on either side of the border near the Pettau/ Poetovio bridge are Hadrianic. They record construction of roads in 132 financed by the imperial fisc. As already discussed, the bridge could have been built by one of several emperors but, as Hadrian built the surrounding roads, it was most likely that a bridge to cross the river was constructed at the same time. Hadrianic roads were all imperially funded, in contrast to the Antonine roads that were financed by the local communities, and there was also more evidence of road works.

The evidence shows that more amphitheatres were built during the reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius. In all reigns there was evidence of building of aqueducts. If any regional conclusions can be drawn, it would be that the majority of Trajanic building took place in Dalmatia, and of Hadrianic building in Noricum. Both provinces were Romanised and urbanised before the reigns of these emperors. The effect of Hadrian’s urbanisation policy can best be seen in the evidence for increased building in the Pannonias in later reigns.

For Hadrian’s work in these provinces to be put into perspective a comparison was made with the buildings of his predecessor and successor. Of the three emperors Hadrian was the one most familiar with these provinces. Trajan was limited by his military campaigns elsewhere and Antoninus Pius relied completely on senior provincial officials and on delegations sent to him at Rome, for his decision making.

It is doubtful whether Hadrian was in these provinces more than three times as emperor, in 119, at some stage between 121 and 122, and for the last time c.133. He could only have stayed briefly in Dalmatia, but the coin and literary evidence indicates that his time and effort were spent on the northern borders of Raetia and Noricum, perhaps travelling more widely through the Pannonias. It was therefore decided to investigate Hadrian’s military activities as the possible focus of his building in these provinces.

The results of this investigation show that although public building in these provinces increased during these three reigns, no emperor could claim more than the others. The evidence in fact shows that in both military and civilian building there was a continuation of building and policy by these emperors.

There was no evidence of military building in Dalmatia. Apart from the lack of epigraphic evidence, the only explanation could be that the few units available for building had adequate accommodation and that the condition of the roads was good. Although Hadrian began the construction of several stone forts in Raetia, it was Antoninus Pius who received the credit for the completion of at least nine. It is likely that Hadrian planned and organised the palisade in Raetia too, but the results of the dendrochronology tests show, contrary to the statement in the vita (SHA Hadr.12.6), that the palisade was constructed during Antoninus Pius’ reign. Hadrian’s seven stone forts in Noricum, however, surpass in number the two of Trajan and the one of Antoninus Pius.

If the effect of Hadrian’s military and urbanisation policies on his building is taken into consideration then it is clear that in these provinces, with the exception of Dalmatia, Hadrian’s priority was military building for the security of the empire. His urbanisation policy, particularly in the Pannonias, was successful, perhaps as a result of his closer association with these provinces, which certainly encouraged building in the reign of Antoninus Pius. All three emperors were involved in what appears to have been a continuous plan for the frontier. Hadrian’s contribution was perhaps the greatest. His talent lay in his enormous organisational ability. He completed the building of the legionary fortresses and began the final stage in the rebuilding of the forts in stone, made possible by his encouragement to open more stone quarries and the increased use of river transport for heavy goods. His assessment of the frontier situation allowed the legions and auxiliaries to be placed most effectively, and stronger and more permanent military garrisons were built for these troops. These fostered the growth of the canabae and civilian settlements of forts and fortresses, of which the civilian settlements became the foundation of future cities.

In Pannonia Superior Hadrian was responsible for the rebuilding of the fortress at Brigetio, although Trajan had built Vindobona. Both emperors were involved in at least one of the eight construction phases of Carnuntum. Hadrian built only two wooden forts following an intense period of Trajanic fort building. The fortress at Aquincum in Pannonia Inferior was an early Hadrianic stone construction. Both Trajan and Hadrian share the credit for two auxiliary stone forts, but Trajan was responsible for the completion of the fortification line of wooden forts. Hadrian’s opening of stone quarries may have facilitated the rebuilding of these forts in stone in Antoninus Pius’ reign that continued until after the Marcomannic Wars.

Above all, Hadrian was able to leave a clear plan for the completion of the frontier fortifications for his successor, Antoninus Pius, who was not a soldier and remained in Italy, mainly at Rome, throughout his imperial term of office. Hadrian’s work enabled his non-military successor to

Hadrian was driven by an intense desire to maintain pax Romana and sought peace treaties with the tribes and client 37

Chapter 1 - Dalmatia and the western Danubian Provinces

complete the immense task (begun perhaps even in the time of Domitian) of fortifying the northern frontier.

reign, either by the emperor or by his subjects, than during the reigns of Trajan and Antoninus Pius.

Hadrian’s greatest contribution was long term planning, both civil and military. He may not have been personally responsible for any more than a few roads and an occasional building, but his policies were a stimulant to the building industry. The future may reveal more evidence of Hadrianic building, but the present information suggests that there was no more civic building in these provinces during Hadrian’s

It can only be concluded that neither ancient author was referring to only Hadrian’s civic building in these provinces (Dio 10.1; SHA Hadr.21.5-6), but were perhaps including his military building. This was certainly prodigious and must have contributed to a feeling of great building activity during that period. The peace that made this building possible perhaps contributed to Dalmatia, Raetia and Noricum being honoured with their exercitus coins.

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Glossary of Cities and Rivers for Chapter 1 Giving the Roman names of cities mentioned in the text and their modern names if possible using the spelling of names according to Barrington Atlas. Malata Banstor Moge(n)tiana Tüskevár Municipium Iasorum Daruvar Mursella Kisárpás Neviodunum Drnovo pri Krskem Petronell - west of Carnuntum Poetovio Ptuj Praetorium Latobicorum Trebnje Quadrata Baratsfoldpuszta / Lebeny? Sala Zalalövö Savaria Szombathely Scarbantia Sopron Siscia Sisak Solva Esztergom Vindobona Vienna

Dalmatia Argyruntum Starigrad Paklenica Arupium Vitalj Asseria near Benkovac Brattia Brac Burnum Ivosevici Corcyra Nigra Korcula Island Corinium Karin Delminium Lib u Borcanima Doclea Domavium Epidaurum Cavtat Iader Zadar Lopsica Narona Vid Pelva Listani Raetinium Golubic Salona (colonia Martia Julia) Solin Salvium Podgradina north of Pelva Sipova Splonum Gor.Vrtace Tarsatica Trsat Tilurium Gardun

Pannonia Inferior Acumincum Slankamen Ad Militare Kiskoszeg Albertfalva Budapest Alisca Öcsény Annamatia Baracs Aquincum Budapest Bassiana Sárvár/ Petrovce Burgenae Novi Banovci Campona Nagytétény Cibalae Vinkovci Cornacum Sotin Gorsium Tác Intercisa Dunapentele Lugio Dunaszekcso Lussonium Dunakomlod Matrica Szazhalombatta Mursa (Colonia Aelia) Osijek Rittium Surduk Singidunum Beograd Sirmium Mitrovica Taurunum Zemun Teutoburgium Dalj Ulcisia Castra Szentendre Vetus Salina Adony

Raetia Ab(o/u)diacum Epfach Alba Mons Rauhe Alb Aquileia Heidenheim Augusta Vindelic(or)um Augsburg Brigantium Bregenz Cambodunum Kempten Castra Regina Regensburg Iciniacum Theilenhofen Quintana/Quincina Künzing Noricum Ad Iuvense Ybbs Aguntum W/ G Arelape Pöchlarn Astur(a/is) Zeiselmauer/Zwentendorf (see text) Augustiana Traismauer Celeia Celje Cetium St.Pölten Com(me)agena Tulln Faviana Mautern Flavia Solva Seckau near Lei(b/p)nitz Ioviacum Schlögen Iuvavum Salzburg Ivenca Neuniz Lentia Linz Lauriacum Ovilava Wels Stanacum Oberanna Teurnia (St.Peter in Holz) Virunum Zollfeld (near Klagenfurt)

Rivers Aeneus Una Aenus Inn Anisus Enns Arrabo Rába Colapsis Kupa Danuvius Danube Dravus Drava Drinus Ager Druna Traun Isaras Isar Isonta )Saalach Ivarus )Salzach Iuevis Ybbs Laedavus Leitba Licus Lech Murus Mur/ Mura Naro Neretva Sala Zala Savarias Gyöngyös Savus Sava Tilurus Urbanus Urbas

Pannonia Superior Ad Flexum Magyaróvár Ad Statuas Acs Ad Muras Vaspuszta Ala Nova Schwechat Andautonia Scitarjevo Aquae Balissae = Iasorum Arrabona Gyor Brigetio O-Szöny Caesariana Szentkiró Lyszabadja Cannabiaca Zeiselmauer Carnuntum Altenburg Cirpi Dunabogdany Crumerum Neudorf Emona Ljubljana Gerulata Karlsburg Latobicorum = Neviodunum

39

40

Chapter 2 The Provinces of Gaul Gallia Narbonensis, Gallia Lugdunensis, Gallia Aquitania, Gallia Belgica post haec profectus in Gallias omnes civitates variis liberalitatibus sublevavit (SHA Hadr.10.1).

The vita implies that Hadrian was responding to a crisis or catastrophe of some kind. This was not the case. Hadrian had been emperor for four years before he embarked on his first tour of the provinces and, although the Gauls were honoured to be the first on his itinerary, there is no indication of any crisis. Hadrian’s journey began in 121 and before his return to Rome in the summer of 125 he had visited nearly all his western provinces, some he would never see again.

main road between Gallia Narbonensis, where Plotina’s relations lived, and the Spanish provinces, home to many of Hadrian’s relations. As a young tribune (stationed at Moguntiacum in 97), he may have had the opportunity to travel to the closer Gallic provinces of Lugdunensis and Belgica, 7 but in 99, only two years later, Hadrian’s career had taken him far from Gaul.8 As emperor Hadrian travelled through these provinces twice during his first journey: in the summer of 121 and the late autumn of 122, between which he visited at least five other provinces. 9 His purpose for visiting the Gauls is not clear, but his journey possibly began at the port of Massilia in Gallia Narbonensis, 10 a route he may often have taken from Rome in the expectation of some local hunting. He may then have wintered at Lugdunum 121/122, before continuing to Germania Superior (SHA Hadr.10.2).

While he may not have come to the Gauls in response to an emergency, Hadrian suffered two personal tragedies during his time in these provinces. The first was near Apta, perhaps in the autumn of 121, when Borysthenes, his favourite hunting horse, suddenly died (SHA Hadr. 10.1; Dio 69.10.2). In the following autumn Hadrian learned of the death of Plotina, Trajan’s widow.1 These losses were gains for Gallia Narbonensis. The emperor took time from his busy schedule 2 to pause at Nemausus, Plotina’s patria, where he planned and organised the only Gallic building credited to him by the ancient authors 3 (SHA Hadr.12.1-2, Dio. 10.3).

Lugdunum was used to hosting imperial guests and the city benefited from Hadrian’s benevolence and interest in architecture by receiving several new civic buildings during this period.11 Hadrian’s planned inspection of the northern frontiers and programme for improving army discipline possibly allowed only a quick late autumn visit, just sufficient time for the implementation of his building plans before departing for Moguntiacum.

The special tomb that Hadrian built for Borysthenes at colonia Iulia Apta 4 was typical of this emperor who had great love for his dogs and horses (SHA Hadr.20.13). 5 Plotina may have been honoured with hymns, but Hadrian composed a poem for Borysthenes and inscribed it on his tomb (CIL 12.1122 = Sm. 520; Dio 10.2). 6

After nine months of exhausting travel, Hadrian returned to Gaul in the autumn of 122. 12 Once again it appears that Hadrian was merely passing through, this time on his way to Tarraco where, still concerned with the security of the empire, he had called an assembly of the Spanish provinces to discuss his scheme for conscription.13

Hadrian in the Gauls There is no evidence of any pre-imperial visits to the Gauls, but Hadrian may have known these provinces, or at least Gallia Narbonensis, quite well. The via Domitia was the 1

For discussion on the date of Plotina’s death D.Kienast ‘Zur Baupolitik Hadrians in Rom’ Chiron 10 (1980) 396. Tile-stamps bearing Plotina’s name have been dated to 123. H.Temporini Die Frauen am Hofe Traians Berlin 1978, 11f. This suggests that Hadrian may have stayed in Gaul into 123: A.R.Birley Hadrian The Restless Emperor London 1997 334, n.11. 2 At the time Hadrian was on the way to Spain he also heard of the riots in Alexandria that can be dated by Alexandrian coins to 29 August 121/122. This news may have shortened his stay in the Gauls and have prevented the emperor from visiting Gallia Aquitania. 3 The vita calls it a basilica: per idem tempus in honorem Plotinae basilicam apud Nemausum opere mirabili exstruxit (SHA Hadr. 12.2-3) whereas Dio calls it a temple 69.10.3. At the same time Hadrian had hymns sung and wore black in honour of Plotina, his longtime loyal supporter and close friend. For further comment on the basilica/temple see below in section Hadrianic civic building. 4 Apta had been a colony since Caesar’s time and was located on the high road from the Rhone up the Durance to the Cottian Alps and Turin. 5 (Marius Maximus recounted the story of the horse: equos et canes sic amavit ut iis sepulchra constituerit (SHA Hadr.20.12-13). 6 CIL 12.1122 = Sm. 520.

7

As a young tribune Hadrian served with Trajan in Germania Superior for several years with XXII Primigenia p.f. (CIL 3/1 550 = ILS 308), garrisoned at the provincial capital of Mogontiacum. 8 Hadrian went to Rome after Nerva’s death, then served with Trajan in the first Dacian war (SHA Hadr. 3.2-3) and, in command of his first legion, achieved great distinction in the second Dacian war (SHA Hadr.3.6-7). After this he went as praetorian legate to Pannonia Inferior (SHA Hadr.3.9-10). 9 Hadrian continued to Germania Superior, Raetia and Noricum, returning to Germania Inferior. In June/ July 122 Hadrian visited Britannia for a few months before returning to Gaul (SHA Hadr. 11.2, 12.1). See chapters 1, 3 and 4. 10 Following F. Gregorovius The Emperor Hadrian (tr) M.E.Robinson London 1898, 54, this route has been accepted by many modern scholars. 11 See Hadrianic civic building and R. Chevallier ‘Gallia Lugdunensis’ ANRW II.3 Berlin (1975) 921- 928. 12 …compositis in Britiannia rebus transgressus in Galliam (SHA Hadr.12.1). 13 See Chapter 5.

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In total Hadrian could not have been in the Gauls more than seven or eight months, 14 but his presence and his commitment to improving Roman life in the provinces, in addition to his great interest in architecture, may have had a considerable effect on Gallic civic building.

Provincial Legates

Administration: the

Governors

The Status of Communities and the effect on Public Building The southern province of Gallia Narbonensis had been part of the Roman empire since 118 BC and by 44 BC this included the other Gauls too. Various systems of local government in the Gauls were well established by the Claudian era and there is little evidence of change during Hadrian’s reign.23

and

The emperor was only one possible benefactor of public buildings. Others such as the wealthy 15 and powerful, governors, legates and other provincial administrators were potential builders too, but, unlike the emperor, may have chosen to put their names on their public buildings.

Cities with the status of colonia were more usual in Gallia Narbonensis, where Narbo Martius became Gaul’s first colony and Rome’s first colony outside Italy.24 Although most early colonies were associated with Roman veteran settlements, Lugdunum Convenarum was a city created for non-Romans who had fought in the Spain and the Gauls. This city contributed to the Romanisation of this region and was later promoted to colonia. 25

Of the four Gauls, only Gallia Narbonensis was a senatorial province, the other three were imperial provinces.16 A proconsul of praetorian rank governed Narbonensis (Dio 53.14.2, Strabo 17.3.25) whereas a legate of praetorian rank governed each of the other provinces.17

Under Augustus the term civitates26 changed its meaning to include the whole tribal territory and its administrative centre, the civitas capital. 27 The strong tribal system in Lugdunensis, Aquitania and Belgica provided the foundation for these early Roman cities.28 The sixty ‘cities’ 29 or civitates were used by Rome as efficient central administrative units for the sixty Gallic tribes 30 Many Gallic civitates had military beginnings, 31 unlike the Danubian provinces, where the civilian settlements near military fortresses became municipalities in their own right. In the Gauls these usually developed close to road and river transport and were also important market centres.32 Even though their population was often not greater than the total of the surrounding villages, the civitas centre was the

As the emperor’s representative, the governor of a Gallic province held tremendous power and this position usually immediately preceded the consulship.18 Among his areas of responsibility the most important for this study were inspector of buildings and director of public works. 19 He was assisted by a small staff of equestrian procuratores provinciae (there were only two procurators for the three Gauls) 20 who were responsible for the collection of taxes from all civitates.21 The names of governors and legates (and some procurators) from the reigns of the three emperors Trajan, Hadrian and Antoninus Pius have been sought 22 and investigated as possible benefactors or builders of public building. These have been discussed below in Hadrianic civic building and Hadrianic road building.

23

A. King Roman Gaul and Germany California 1990, 68. When Narbo became a colony in 118 BC this marked a major change in Roman policy. Of the subsequent forty-five republican colonies, five were in Gallia Narbonensis and three in the Three Gauls. F.F. Abbott ‘The Colonising Policy of the Romans’ Class. Phil. 10 (1915) 372-3,378-9; F.F. Abbott & A.C. Johnson Municipal Administration in the Roman Empire Princeton 1926,7. 25 Then at Arelate, Baeterrae, Aurasio, Forum Iulii, and possibly at Noviodunum, Lugdunum, Valentia and Vienna J.B. Ward-Perkins Roman Imperial Architecture London 1970, 220. Another early Latin colony was Nemausus. Some of the early colonies were Latin colonies such as Nemausus, but after Augustus only full Roman colonies were founded. King Roman Gaul and Germany 70. 26 Caesar referred to the Gallic tribes as civitates. Some tribes had kings and had abolished the monarchy in favour of vergobrets, annually elected magistrates (BG 1.16; 7.32-33). 27 Gallic tribes appeared to have more than one centre in their territory. These were known as oppida and one would be the civitas, the administrative centre. J.C.Mann ‘City foundations in Gaul and Britain’ in M. Jarrett & B. Dobson (eds) Britain and Rome Kendal 1965, 113 28 Mann ‘City foundations in Gaul and Britain’ 113. 29 Sixty seems like a convenient number and it is difficult to establish the number of civitates. O. Brogan Roman Gaul London 1953, 66; The total may have been 63: Aquitania: 21, Belgica:14, Lugdunensis: 28. M.-T. Raepsaet-Charlier ‘ Les Institutions municipales dans les Germanies sous le Haut Empire: bilan et questions’ in Cités, municipes, colonies: Les processus de municipalisation en Gaule et en Germanie sous le Haut Empire romaine M. Dondin-Payre & M.-T. Raepsaet-Charlier (eds) Sorbonne 1999, 271-352. 30 J.F. Drinkwater ‘Urbanization in the Three Gauls: some observations’ in Roman Urban Topography in Britain and the western Empire F. Grew & B. Hobley (eds) (CBA Research Report 59) London 1985, 49. 31 E.M. Wightman Soldier and civilian in early Roman Gaul in J. Fitz (ed) Limes:Akten des XI.Internationalen limeskongresses Budapest 1977, 82. 32 Wightman Gallia Belgica, 76, 97. 24

14

Five or six months on the initial journey north and perhaps two on his return journey south to Tarraco. 15 An early example was the arch at Mediolanum, built by one of the Gallic élite C.Iulius Rufus (CIL 13.1036). 16 The other three Gauls were imperial provinces whose administration was organised by Augustus in 27 BC. C. Haselgrove ‘The Romanization of Belgic Gaul: some archaeological perspectives’ in T. Blagg & M. Millett (eds) The Early Roman Empire in the West Oxford 1990, 53. 17 Proconsuls and legates came from the senatorial class, prefects and procurators were equestrian. C. Jullian Histoire de La Gaule v.4 Paris 1913, 416-7. 18 J.F. Drinkwater Roman Gaul London Canberra 1983, 94. 19 He was also commander of the armed forces (of which there were very few in the Hadrianic era), supreme justice and chief of police. Jullian Histoire de La Gaule 4, 418. 20 From the second half of the first century the financial affairs of Lugdunum and Aquitania were controlled from Lugdunum and those of Gallia Belgica and the two Germanies from Augusta Treverorum. 21 Drinkwater Roman Gaul 98-9. 22 Using B.E.Thomasson Laterculi Praesidum Gothenburg 1984, supplemented by W.Eck ‘Jahres- und Provinzialfasten der senatorischen Statthalter von 69/70 bis 138/9’ Chiron 12 (1982) 281-362; Chiron 13 (1983) 147-237; H.-G. Pflaum ‘Les Fastes de la Province de Narbonnaise’ Gallia Suppl.30 Paris 1978; R.Chevallier ‘Gallia Lugdunensis’ ANRW 2.3 Berlin (1975) 860-1060; ‘Gallia Narbonensis’ ANRW 2.3 Berlin (1975) 686-828; A.L F. Rivet Gallia Narbonensis: Southern France in Roman Times London 1988; H.-G. Pflaum Gnomon 37 (1965) 388-396.

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meeting-place of the ordo for the entire civitas, and was also the beneficiary of patronage and finance for civic buildings.33

administration and auxiliary command. It was in effect Gauls ruling Gauls.42 Gallic magistracies were similar to those in other provinces with the addition of a local magistrate, similar to a quaestor, known as vergobret. 43 The combination of religious and political life must have been very appealing for a Gaul, for whom the culmination of a political career was an imperial priesthood. 44 The altar was at the confluence of the rivers at Condate, close to Lugdunum.45

Within a civitas there could be as many as twelve vici which were also important market and trade centres. 34 They occasionally had their own local magistrates and public buildings, although these were fewer in number than the civitas capitals. 35 Even so a vicus could have a temple, theatre, aqueduct and baths. In Gallia Belgica, vici and pagi were common settlements on the main roads and were often the sites of mansiones.

Gallic sources of civic expenditure

The Gauls may have hoped for leges municipales,36 but as the status of Gallic civitates was similar to that of latin municipia elsewhere in the empire, 37 it was deemed unnecessary and of no practical value to become a municipium. Municipia were therefore unusual in the Gallic provinces, if not completely absent.

As in other provinces the summae honorariae, the dues payable by magistrates and priests, and gifts made ob honorem were partly the means of financing civic buildings. Income from land could provide another, but not all cities were as fortunate as the veteran settlement of Arausio, which owned 20% of the surrounding territory, generating a good income from rents and licenses. 46

A colonia was the highest status a city could achieve, but this was not desirable to the Gallic people, who considered it an empty honour. 38 When a civitas with Latin rights was given the name and title of colonia, there was little change apart from the city receiving a charter, a few more magistrates and some alteration in the religious duties. In many cases the title of civitas continued to be used, in spite of the change in status and sometimes in addition to the title of colonia. Civitas capitals were often given an extra name, with imperial connotations, but to the Gauls this seems to have been less important than the wealth and prestige of the individual.

The phenomenon of evergetism, the conspicuous expenditure on public works or buildings or benefactions, was well known in the Gauls 47 and the Gallic civitates relied on their local élite to fulfil this rôle. As they were usually landowners, it was necessary to employ estate managers to permit the owners freedom to attend to the administration of civitates. Civic building was one task that was undertaken with great enthusiasm, since it provided an opportunity to display loyalty to Rome. Furthermore it was a means to emphasise their Romanisation and to establish their status as patrons of the community. Civic building was a most satisfactory way of spending their wealth and it even produces rivalry between cities and individuals leading to excessive generosity by some private benefactors. One example is the cryptoporticoes of Gallia Belgica. 48

Despite Hadrian’s personal opinion of the desirability of municipal over colonial status (Aul.Gell.Noct. Att. 16.13),39 the emperor created at least one new Gallic colony at Avennio, perhaps even during this tour.40

The cost and availability of building materials were still major considerations and most private houses were small and constructed of earth and wood. 49 Even though large amounts of money were spent on the civic centres of civitas capitals, 50 a public building might take two generations to complete.

Local Administration For the socially ambitious in these provinces citizenship could be acquired either by service in the auxilia or by holding public office. Auxiliary service automatically granted citizenship and this played an important role in the Romanisation of the Gauls. 41 From the beginning the Romans made use of Gallic aristocrats for local

Although inscriptions form the most valuable source for identifying the civic builders of local communities during

42

Ibid Drinkwater Roman Gaul 107-8. 44 Drinkwater ‘Local careers in the Three Gauls’ 93. G. Woolf ‘The Roman Cultural Revolution in Gaul’ 178. 45 Drinkwater Roman Gaul 111-113. 46 Mistakenly referred to as a Flavian veteran settlement: R. Duncan-Jones Structure and Scale in the Roman Economy Cambridge1990, 176. Arausio was founded as a colony for the veterans of II Gallica (Colonia Firma Iulia Arausio Secundanorum): A. L. F. Rivet Gallia Narbonensis London 1988, 272. 47 Wightman Gallia Belgica 625. 48 See below in Trajanic Civic Building. 49 G. Woolf ‘Urbanization and its discontents in early Roman Gaul’ in E.Fentriss (ed) Romanization and the City Portsmouth (R.I) 2000, 119. 50 Drinkwater ‘Urbanization in the Three Gauls 51; R.Bedon, R.Chevallier & P. Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme en Gaule Romaine Paris 1988, v.1, 302. The mosaics of M. Flavius Marcus cost HS 2 million HS (CIL 13.1147), and at Vasio (Vaison) in Gallia Narbonensis marble for the decoration of the baths in the Flavian era cost HS 50.000. 43

33

Ibid. 100. Ibid. 94. E.M. Wightman Gallia Belgica London 1985, 91, 96-7. 36 J.F. Drinkwater ‘Local careers in the Three Gauls’ Britannia 10 (1979) 91. 37 The Gauls were too backward and scattered to become Italian type municipalities: Brogan Roman Gaul 66. 38 The emperor Claudius elevated the main civitates of the Treveri to coloniae. Colonia Augusta Treverorum was destined to become the great city of Trier/Treves. 39 This may have referred to only some situations. For further discussion see A. N. Sherwin-White The Roman Citizenship Oxford 1973, 360-375 40 Colonia Iulia Hadriana Avennio. A. Garzetti From Tiberius to the Antonines: A History of the Roman Empire AD 14-192 (tr) J. R. Foster London 1960 repr.1974, 389. 41 G. Woolf Becoming Roman: the origins of provincial civilisation in Gaul Cambridge 1998, 40. 34 35

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the Hadrianic era, the value of modern works must also be acknowledged. Among these are: John Drinkwater Roman Gaul: The Three Provinces London Canberra 1983; ‘Urbanization in the Three Gauls: some observations’ in Roman Urban Topography in Britain and the western Empire F. Grew & B. Hobley (eds) (CBA Research Report 59) London 1985, Richard Duncan-Jones ‘The wealth of Gaul’ Chiron 11 (1981) 217-20 and, for an understanding of the status of Gallic communities, M. Dondin-Payre & M.-T. Raepsaet-Charlier (eds) Cités, Municipes, Colonies: Les processus de municipalisation en Gaule et en Germanie sous le Haut Empire romaine Sorbonne 1999 and Edith Wightman Gallia Belgica London 1985.

encouragement, more imperially owned quarries were opened. In the far south of Gallia Aquitania, in the high Pyrenees, close to Lugdunum Convenarum and the river Garumna, there were rich deposits of white and coloured marbles. Even though these were considered to be lower grade than African marbles, the large number of Roman quarries in operation, especially at St.-Béat in the Trajanic and Hadrianic period, 53 testify to their popularity.54 Not all quarries were imperial; some were privately owned (CIL 13.38) 55 and may have belonged to the Serenus family, who used both white and coloured marbles from St.-Béat for their dedications to Trajan at Lugdunum Convenarum.56

Conclusion A flourishing export trade in several marbles was established. These included a black marble streaked with white known as marmor celticum 57 and white marble quarried specifically for the export of stelae, statues and pre-cut columns.58

As with many aspects of this study, there is a constant awareness that conclusions can only be drawn from existing evidence. By the Hadrianic era urbanisation in the province of Gallia Narbonensis was well established. There were a large number of colonies with well-developed civic centres. Hadrian created only one new colony and no municipalities.

Slightly north of the marble quarries were five Roman limestone quarries 59 and there were a further two near Calagorris. 60 Transport was possible and easier by river, although via Tolosa in summum Pyreneos also serviced local cities such as Lugdunum Convenarum, Calagorris and Tolosa.

A strong tribal system formed the basis of the civitates in the three Gauls and in addition to their central administrative civitas these often had several vici. Higher status for their cities was not important to the Gallic people, and municipal status clearly offered no advantages. The limited elevations in city status with the injection of additional summae honorariae added an extra burden to the provision of civic building funding, already a matter of great concern due to the large number of tribes and the relatively small population. Fortunately the motivation for public building came from the Gauls themselves, their competitive nature and the desire to become Romanised. Wealth became the determining factor.

The southern cities of Gallia Narbonensis were fortunate to be located near rich deposits of marble, limestone and sandstone. Marble and sandstone were quarried in the mountain range north of Narbo and Baeterrae, and the soft sandstone quarry further east along the via Domitia supplied Nemausus. 61 Limestone from Lespignan, one of

The section Hadrianic civic building will examine Hadrian’s influence on Gallic civic building as a result of his presence, and the possibility that his building projects may have stimulated the ambitions and vanity of wealthy Gauls.

Gallic tribes. A. Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces Warszawa 1983, 15-16. 53 The same vein of marble was quarried in Pyrenean Tarraconensis near Arties. Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces 15. This quarry has been particularly hard to locate as its position is said to have been on the left bank of the Garumna, a river that (according to modern atlases) only flowed in Gallia Aquitania. 54 These were at St.-Béat, Marignac, Sost (red marble), Sarracolin, Cier, Barousse (white marble), Barbazan, Sarp, Lez, Argut-Dessus and Arguenos. R.J.A. Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World Princeton 2000, 25. R. Bedon Les carrières et les carriers de la Gaule romaine Paris 1984. Three other marble quarries, Oust, Seix and Aubert, have been located near Consoranni and this marble could have been transported down-river by a tributary of the Garumna. Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas 25. 55 J.J. Hatt ‘Mausolée et four crematoire..’ Gallia 25 (1967) 82. 56 See the section below Evidence of Trajanic building. Red marble from the nearby Sost quarry has also been found in Lugdunum Convenarum. Bulletin de la Societé Française des Fouilles Archéologique 4, 54. 57 This marble was also known as ‘Aquitanian’, a name given to it by Sidonius. It was quarried near the Lez, a tributary of the Garumna. L. West Roman Gaul: the objects of Trade Oxford 1935, 137. 58 An inscription from Marignac records the first shipment of 20 feet columns (CIL 13.38). West Roman Gaul 137. 59 These were located on the lower slopes of the mountains at Aurignac and to the west at Ardiège and a little further north at Montmaurin on the road to Elimberrum. Bedon Les carrières map 10. 60 At Roquefort and Belbeze. Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas 20. 61 The marble quarries were at St.-Pons and St.-Hilaire, the sandstone quarries at Le-Poujol-sur-Orb and Bédarieux. The soft sandstone (mollasse) quarry was at Mus. Bedon Les carrières map 2. Sources of stone for Nemausus: Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces 16.

Building Materials 51 and Labour Although Romanisation had been a gradual process in the Gauls for over three hundred years, perhaps only the southern cities had their full complement of public buildings. By Hadrian’s reign, many required restoration, and adequate supplies of fine building materials and labour were sought for both restoration and new building. Marble and stone Marble for civic buildings had previously been imported, but the demand for local supplies of decorative stone increased. 52 It is possible that, with Hadrian’s 51

Literary evidence: Cicero de Off. 2.3.13; Pliny NH 36.2; 36.9.1-2; 36.24.1; 36.44.2; 36.47.1. 52 Some of the quarries on the Mediterranean coast of Narbonensis had been in production since the 7th century. The increased Romanisation created a demand for stone not used as a building material by the free

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the quarries close to Baeterrae, 62 has been found at Narbo, 63 and stone for the arena at Nemausus came from two of the three local quarries. 64 Arelate, Glanum and Massalia were also close to limestone quarries 65 and Forum Iulii had its own local supply of porphyry.66 Two Augustan quarries supplied the stone for many public buildings, including the aqueducts and baths.67

via ex Italiae per summas Alpes Rhodanum petentes, such as Dea Vocontiorum, had access to good building stone. 77 The cities of Gallia Aquitania were not so lucky, but two exceptions were Vesunna and Augustoritum. Chancelade supplied the builders of the Tour de Vésone and probably, with some effort, columns of local serpentine marble were transported to Augustoritum for the embellishment of its amphitheatre.78 Water transport either by river or sea was important for the delivery of stone, 79 especially for cities such as Limonum with no local supply. Some were fortunate to have limestone quarries in their vicinity, such as the coastal city of Mediolanum and the northern city of Avaricum. 80

Northwards along the valley of the Rhône there was a variety of coloured marbles and no shortage of limestone.68 Red porphyry and brecchia was quarried at Vasio and limestone nearby.69 Granite, highly prized for architectural decoration, special statues and inscriptions, was quarried in the Vienna district and near Lugdunum.70 Hadrian obtained limestone from Fay, one of Lugdunum’s local limestone quarries, for the Odeon and the Gier aqueduct. 71 Another quarry at Franclens was located on the left bank of the Rhône. This was close to the ancient Condate where the typically Hadrianic stone work with two brick courses can still be seen.72 This could verify Hadrian’s renovation, even if not his building, of a new temple there. Limestone has been found in abundance along the Rhône, but only one marble quarry at Lemincum.73

Quarries in Gallia Belgica were in production from the time of Augustus.81 The proximity to the frontier had created the need for defence installations. This resulted in the opening of a large number of military quarries, such as those at Pfalzerwald and Norroy on the Upper Moselle.82 The use of Norroy limestone for a fine inscription is proof that good quality stone and expert craftsmen were available seventy years before the Hadrianic era. 83 In the second century limestone was replaced in popularity by white sandstone quarried at Breitfurt near col. Aug. Treverorum, 84 and red sandstone used in that city came from the Kyllburgweiler.85 Quarry marks on the greyish sandstone of the Porta Nigra indicate that the builders were also the quarry owners. 86 The quarries at Norroy and Pellenz quarries in the Brohl valley were later operated by civilians.87 In addition to limestone and sandstone, tufa was also quarried at Brohthal, north of Mayen.88 There were over thirty sources of easily acquired building stone89 and many quarries increased production with the emphasis in the second century on availability rather than quality for civilian use.90

There were excellent sources of stone in other parts of the province: Dôle had access to limestone and two marble quarries and there were sandstone and limestone quarries near Cabillonum.74 Supplies of local limestone and good quality sandstone were available for the public buildings of Augustodunum.75 Limestone quarries surrounded Lutetia and gypsum was quarried at Montmartre. 76 Cities along the

62

At Nissan-lez- Ensérune, Lespignan and Les Brégines and further north at Servian: Bedon Les carrières map 2. 63 Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas: The vein of basalt on the coast at Embonne (on the Cap d’Agde),15, limestone: 25. 64 Quarries were at Canteduc, Roquemallières and Barutel. Barutel and Roquemallières supplied stone for the arena with some blocks as large as 8000 kilograms. Bedon Les carrières 58, map 4. 65 Near Arelate was the quarry at Les Taillades, and to the north, close to St.-Rémy, was the Glanum quarry. Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces 15. Roman limestone quarries were forty kilometres west of Massalia at La Couronne and St.Blaise. Bedon Les carrières map 5. The two local limestone quarries at Cassis: Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas 15. 66 The porphyry quarries at Boulouris and Bouteillière. Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas16; Bedon Les carrières map 5. 67 From the two Augustan quarries at Tropaeum Alpium (near Nice). Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces 16. (Not shown in Barrington Atlas). 68 The marbles were white, grey, yellow, black, pink, green and black veined with white! West Roman Gaul 139. 69 Limestone was quarried at Beaumont-du-Ventoux, at St.-Restitut near col. Augusta Tricanstinorum, and at Crussol near Valentia. 70 One granite quarry was at Annonay south of Vienna, and to the north there were two more granite quarries at Montagny and St.Andéol, and two in the Fourvières district of Lugdunum. Bedon Les carrières map 6. Vienna also had a supply of soft sandstone. 71 Trept, Villebois, Montalieu and Fay. Ibid. 55. 72 Ibid. 56. 73 Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas 17. 74 Marble quarries at Sampans and Damparis in the vicinity of Dôle and sandstone and limestone at Germolles. Bedon Les carrières map 3. 75 St.Emilan and St.Leger du Bois to the west of city produced good quality sandstone and the limestone quarry to the north of the city at Bard probably supplied its public buildings. Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas 18; Bedon Les carrières map 3. 76 Limestone quarries of Clamart, Arcueil and Cachan and at nearby Montmartre was a source of gypsum.

77

Limestone quarries were at La Condamine, Romeyer, Marignac and La Queyrie. Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas 17. 78 Limestone was quarried at Chancelade close to Vesunna and marble was quarried further north at La Roche l’Abeille. Bedon Les carrières 62, map 9. 79 The limestone quarries that supplied Augustoritum were at Lucenay, close to the Arare River. The coastal city of Burdigala, however, would have brought its limestone from Bourg across the estuary. 80 Naiogola and Taillebourg quarries were close to Mediolanum and Avaricum had its own local limestone quarry, and two nearby at Les Averdines and Charly. Ibid. map 10. 81 Wightman Gallia Belgica 135. 82 Norroy is between Divodunum and Scaponna on the via Lugduno. 83 This inscription of oölithic limestone quarried at Norroy (Upper Dogger Lotheringens), names the legate of I Minervia stationed at Bonna, c.52-4. H. Petrikovits ‘Eine Bauinschrift des Lagers der legio I in Bonn’ Germania 21 (1937) 234. There are other military inscriptions from Norroy (CIL 13.4624; 4625; 4623 = ILS 9120). 84 Breitfurt limestone. Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces 17; This coarse white sandstone was used for statues: A.Grenier ‘La Gaule Romaine’ in ESAR 3 537-38; White sandstone was used as quality became less important. Red sandstone was quarried in the Vosges. Wightman Gallia Belgica 135. 85 West Roman Gaul 146. 86 Wightman Gallia Belgica 86. Several types of sandstone from different quarries were used. E.Wightman Roman Trier and the Treveri London 1970, 194. 87 Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces 17. 88 Wightman Roman Trier and the Treveri 193. 89 Thirty-one sources are cited: West Roman Gaul 147-49. 90 Wightman Gallia Belgica 135.

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Lime and mortar

officina Clariana Auli Decii Alpini at Vienna. Archaeological evidence from at least nineteen sites demonstrates the wide distribution of bricks and tiles throughout Gallia Narbonnensis and several brick-works operated in rural Gallia Belgica. 102 Some large cites had no local industry, such as Arelate, which relied on supply from the Viennese factories.103 The large brick manufacturer at col.Aug.Treverorum supplied local needs and exported its goods down the Moselle and Saar valleys.104

Limestone was a vital ingredient in the making of mortar 91 and an important commodity in the building industry 92 with many other industrial uses. 93 It is usual to find single lime kilns, but occasionally banks of kilns capable of producing large quantities are discovered. 94 (Quicklime, made in a slightly different process, was used for the slaked lime found on Gallic stone reliefs). 95 Mosaics

Wood This industry thrived in the second century, possibly due to the availability of such materials as limestone, schist, granite, porphyry, serpentine, terra cotta, glass and the highly-prized amber and ivory. The traditional source of amber was the Baltic and ivory was imported from North Africa. Mosaic workshops were at Nemausus, Aquae Sextiae and Lugdunum, and the signature of a second century mosaic worker has been found at a villa near Iuliobona on the north coast.96

Wood was used for both building and road making.105 Gaul did not have the dense forests of the German and Danubian provinces, but there were still vast tracts of woodland in the northeast and on the mountain ranges.106 The most useful for building were pine (so plentiful that it was exported to Italy), and oak, which was the preferred wood for road pilings, fencing and for statue carving.107

Roofing and flooring stone

Transport

Hadrian used schist from one of the two quarries near Lugdunum 97 for the restoration of the amphitheatre and the vaults of the Odeon.98 Another schist quarry was located at Luchon in the Pyrenees, 99 and both gneiss and schist were found near Augustodunum and Aquae Onesiorum. Grey slate was quarried in the Ardennes, and red and blue slate from the Eubris in Gallia Belgica. 100

Marble from St.-Béat was shipped all over Gaul during the Roman era as far north as Rouen and Rennes and west to Lugdunum, Arelate and Massilia. Although river was the preferred form of transport, occasionally the roads became a necessary alternative. Stone quarried from the Charly was transported along via Coriello on the section between Avaricum and Augustodunum, and via Domitia was the only transport available for the soft rock from the Mus quarries. 108

Bricks and Tiles Romanisation encouraged the use of bricks and tiles, previously never used by the Gauls. Brick making became a thriving industry run by non-military organisations.101 One of the largest of these private manufacturers was the

Labour

91

102

During the Hadrianic era no legions and very few auxiliary units were stationed in the Gauls.109 This must have

Mortar was made by burning limestone in kilns to make the lime base to which various grades of stone and additives were used to produce different types of mortar. For the materials suitable for making lime: Vit.Arch.2.5.1; Pliny HN 36.53.174 for the process of making lime: Cato Agr. 38. 92 Used also for sealing joints in pipes, building of aqueducts, pavements and general concrete construction. 93 Rome used 1500 wagonloads each year for the aqueducts. It was also used for agricultural purposes, the tanning and wine industries and whitewash. B. Dix ‘The manufacture of lime and its uses in the western Roman provinces’ Oxford Journal of Archaeology 1/3 (1982) 343. 94 Ibid. 331-345. 95 R. Ling ‘Stuccowork’ in D. Strong & D. Brown(eds) Roman Crafts London 1976, 209-21. 96 The mosaic master craftsman was T. Sennius Felix from Puteoli. West Roman Gaul 180. 97 Bedon Les carrières map 6. 98 Ibid. 55. 99 Ibid. map 10. 100 Similar rocks: shale and greywacke were commonly used in Germania Inferior but no quarries have yet been identified. Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces 17. Bedon Les carrières, map 8. West Roman Gaul 138-9. 101 But not to the same extent as in Latium and Campania. West Roman Gaul 139. Some early military bricks have been found in the Allier valley made by VIII Augusta prior to the Hadrianic period. In these peaceful provinces without the expertise of a resident army, brick production was not military. Many varieties were made for decorative purposes as a substitute for marble, in particular for mosaic work. J.A.Blanchet Étude sur la décoration des édifices de la Gaule romaine Paris 1913, 20. Inventory 154-212.

Wightman Gallia Belgica, 131-42. West Roman Gaul 140. For first century potteries at Trier. Wightman Gallia Belgica 89. 105 A secondary use was for fuel, although there is evidence of coal being mined in Gallia Belgica. Wightman Roman Trier and the Treveri 196. Coal at Rive de Gier and Frejus was apparently not exploited. West Roman Gaul 72. 106 These forests were of oak, ash, birch, boxwood, elm, yew, maple, plane, willow and pine. 107 See Chapter 3 for the evidence of Hadrianic Road Building in Germania Inferior. 108 Bedon Les carrières 89. 109 Even though the Gauls were inermes, their contribution of auxiliary troops to Rome’s military machine had been considerable. The Gallic aristocrat, deprived of his traditional fighting role, had found an acceptable position with status and pay as an auxiliary cavalry commander. Gallic cavalry were considered the élite of these units in the Roman army (Strabo 4.4.2). This accelerated Romanisation at the same time as controlling the Gallic leaders. King Roman Gaul and Germany 65. In pre-Flavian times Gallia Belgica raised thirty-five cohorts and five alae, a number surpassed by Gallia Lugdunensis where twenty-five alae and twenty-one cohorts were enlisted for service. Aquitania provided only seven cohorts and Gallia Narbonensis, whose citizens were eligible for service in the legions, raised only one ala. More than twenty-five per cent of the auxiliary infantry and half the cavalry came from the Gallic provinces in the pre Flavian period. This may, however, have decreased by Hadrian’s reign. G.L. Cheesman The Auxilia of the Roman Imperial Army Oxford 1914, 634, 81. See Army Appendix (chapter 2). 109 For example the Dalmatian marble quarry at Brattia, see Chapter 1: Building Materials and Labour (CIL 3.10107, 3096). 103 104

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tignuarii, even had their own cemetery. 118 Col. Aug. Treverorum was one of the centres for stoneworkers, 119 who were probably itinerant tradesmen.120

seriously curtailed the expertise and labour traditionally provided by the army for quarrying, mining and the building of roads and bridges. Furthermore, Trajan had recently changed the role of the auxiliaries, using detachments for various aspects of provincial administration, 110 including customs and security duties. Under this scheme a unit controlled one of the main roads between the Gauls and the Germanies 111 and another supervised the St.-Béat marble trade which used the road across the Pyrenees.112 Coh. I Urbana was stationed at Lugdunum, 113 giving protection to both the Imperial mint (CIL 13.1875) and the Imperial altar.114 As this unit was replaced during, or perhaps shortly after, Hadrian’s visit to the Gauls by coh. XIII Urbana,115

Agricultural and household slaves were common in Gaul.121 Some slaves were gladiators and some provided the labour force of the small family enterprises of Gallia Belgica. 122 Others worked in the silver mines 123 and in the marble quarries of the St.-Béat region (where free labour was also employed). 124 Summary There is ample evidence that in the Hadrianic era these provinces were well supplied with good building materials and an adequate labour force, both skilled and unskilled, although military labour was considerably limited. Even in Gallia Aquitania and Gallia Belgica, where urbanisation was slower than elsewhere in the Gauls, there was still good access to materials. As cities flourished in the more economically successful parts of the provinces, they were able to finance their public buildings more easily and the proximity of quarries was an advantage.

It seems likely that Hadrian was responsible for this change. One of these two cohorts worked with the emperor on various aspects of his building in Lugdunum, in particular the aqueduct from Gier and the restoration of the theatre and amphitheatre. Evidence at Lugdunum suggests that craftsmen were brought from Rome to work on the renovations, possibly some of Hadrian’s travelling entourage of craftsmen ([Aur.Vic.] Ep. 14.5-11). 116 Many inscriptions referring both to individual craftsmen and a great variety of trades, their colleges and guilds, have been found at Arelate, Vienna, Ardiège, Nemausus and Mediolanum.117 The carpenters of Lugdunum, fabri

Most regions had good sources of stone, and quarries were generally near rivers that facilitated transportation. There is no direct evidence that Hadrian opened any quarries in the Gauls, but many were operating during this period and production must have increased to meet the demand. Timber was readily available and supplies of bricks and tiles appear to have been plentiful owing to local private enterprise.

110

D. B. Saddington ‘Auxiliary forces from Augustus to Trajan’ ANRW 2.3 Berlin 1975, 198. 111 One of these was the detachment at Biesheim-Kunheim in the high plains of Alsace that controlled the road into the interior of Gaul until the third century. This unit may have been either a detachment from a legion or an auxiliary. M. Redde ‘Le Camp de Biesheim-Kunheim’ in L’Armée Romaine en Gaule M. Redde (ed) Paris 1996, 207-209. 112 The cohort garrison (its identity is uncertain) was maintained at Lugdunum Convenarum. Its fort was small therefore the unit could not have been large. Its responsibilities, however, were great for it was required both to control the road across the Pyrenees and to protect the marble mines and valuable shipments of this commodity from the quarries of St.-Béat. M. Redde ‘Le camp de Saint-Bertrand-de-Comminges’ in L’Armée Romaine en Gaule (ed) M. Redde Paris 1996, 209-10. Diagram of fort. D. Schaad, G. Soukiassian ‘Encraoustos: un camp militaire romain a Lugdunum Convenarum (Saint-Bertrand-de-Comminges). Aquitania 8 1990. 113 This garrison was composed of a permanent detachment of between five hundred and one thousand troops from Rome. Y. Le Bohec ‘La garnison de Lyon sous le Principat’ in L’Armée Romaine en Gaule M. Redde (ed) Paris 1996, 100. A thousand men were brought from the paramilitary police force of Rome to Lugdunum. Drinkwater Roman Gaul 96. The Urban cohorts were created by Augustus in 13 BC and organised in a similar fashion to the Praetorians. Y. Le Bohec The Imperial Roman Army (tr) R. Bate London 1984 2000, 21-2 114 The cohort also provided protection against outlaws and its presence was a deterrent to potential usurpers. In peace time it provided a guard of honour for the governor and in times of trouble the governor could receive further military either from the Germanies or by recruiting locally. Drinkwater Roman Gaul 96. 115 Coh.I Urbana had been in Gaul since the 70s and was replaced in the decade 120/130. M. Dondin-Payre & M.-T. Raepsaet-Charlier ‘Critères de datation epigraphique pour les Gaules et les Germanies’ in M. DondinPayre & M.-T. Raepsaet-Charlier (eds) Cités, Municipes, Colonies: Les processus de municipalisation en Gaule et en Germanie sous le Haut Empire romaine Sorbonne 1999, XI. 116 See Hadrianic Civic Building in this chapter and the Introduction chapter for the commentary on Hadrian’s entourage of craftsmen. 117 West Roman Gaul 141. Collegium lapidarii Almanticensis:CIL 12.732. Although the late 6th century inscription of a sculptor marmoris (CIL 12.944) is long after the Hadrianic era, it may have been a traditional trade at Arelate. There were brickworkers at Vienna (CIL 12.5679), a

Labour sources were also good and the existence of numerous guilds shows these to have been well organised. There is evidence of new techniques and skills being introduced into Lugdunum by itinerant craftsmen, particularly stone masons, and Hadrian’s own Roman craftsmen.

Gallic Civic Building Gallic cities and buildings throughout these provinces exhibit certain characteristics. The use of a grid system was not universal, especially in the vici, even though some had impressive civic buildings.125 In some instances streets were laid out, but no buildings constructed.126 This was often related to the availability of benefactors and finance.

marmorarius at Ardiège (CIL 13.122), a lapidarius at Nemausus (CIL 12.3070) and at Mediolanum lapidarii structores for the nearby quarry. 118 Ibid. 141. 119 Other centres were at Neumagen, Arlon, Buzenol and Koblenz. 120 Wightman Roman Trier and the Treveri 194-5. 121 Trade in Gallic slaves may have continued until the fourth century because they were excellent grooms. 122 Wightman Gallia Belgica 136. 123 West Roman Gaul 158-9. 124 A. Grenier Manuel d’archéologie Gallo-Romaine v.2 Paris 1934, 957; Sometimes convict labour was used in the mines. Bedon Les carrières, slaves: 153; convicts: 155-7. Slave labour in the St.-Béat quarries: (ILTG 15). 125 Drinkwater ‘Urbanization in the Three Gauls 54. 126 Carhaix in Brittany is an example. Woolf ‘Urbanization and its discontents in early Roman Gaul’ 119; Woolf Becoming Roman: 117.

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The forum was the first civic building to be erected and, unlike frontier provinces, the Italian influence was greater than the military.127 Gallic fora were elongated and divided into religious and secular areas, usually with three elements: a courtyard with single roomed shops or offices, a second courtyard with a temple, and a basilica for justice. There may also have been a curia for the meeting of the local ordo. 128 The temple, which was either a temple of the Imperial cult or a Capitolium, faced towards the basilica or curia located at the eastern end.129

Hadrianic Civic Building

The second century Gauls showed a lack of interest in political and military affairs and a preference for material welfare and religion. 130 This is reflected in the many Gallic theatres associated with rural temples 131 and the few classical temples in the forum where the preference was for Romano-Celtic temples. 132 There were also many temples at water sanctuaries and healing springs, which were greatly venerated by the Gauls.

The epigraphic record is often difficult to access, 140 and even though the value and interpretation of archaeological techniques can be questionable, archaeological excavations provide an essential source of additional building information for the Gauls. The numismatic evidence offers another perspective.

Most cities had amphitheatres located on the outskirts, and these were more popular than theatres 133 but perhaps less so after the first century.134 The Gallic version was a combination of theatre and amphitheatre.135 Circuses were very rare in the Gauls and usually in the south; the known four were at Aurasio, Lugdunum, Arelate and Nemausus.

Hadrian’s last great series of coins represent his personal review of his provinces and through which he expressed his understanding of his achievements and relationship with those provinces. The Gallic provinces were honoured with two of the four coin types: the adventus and the restitutor.

Cryptoporticoes, constructed under the portico surrounding the temple precinct, appear to have been a Gallic favourite. They can be seen at Arelate, Durocortorum and Bagacum. The vast space underneath could be used for storage, but access was often difficult and it may have been used for slave accommodation.137

The adventus coin celebrates Hadrian’s arrival in these provinces, the beginning of his first great journey through the western provinces. By Hadrian’s reign the Gauls were well Romanised and the figure of Gallia shows this clearly on both the adventus and restitutor coins, particularly in her dress, although her sagum was originally Gallic.141 She is unarmed, representing the peace and prosperity of the Gallic provinces, and is allowed the dignity of standing to greet the emperor. She no longer represents the frontier of the empire; that rôle now belongs to Germania.

Since the vita states quite clearly that Hadrian was generous in different ways to all the communities in the Gauls (SHA Hadr.10.1), considerable evidence of the emperor’s benevolence was expected in these provinces.139 Although he was reluctant to put his name on his buildings (SHA Hadr.20. 4), the building and restoration work of his travelling craftsmen can be identified ([Aur.Vic.]Ep. 14.5.11).

The Evidence of the Coins

136

Baths were not built until the late first century and required a good water supply. Many aqueducts were built; some were quite spectacular with tiers of arches above the ground others, whilst others were hidden below ground. Many castella divisiorum used for the distribution of the water can still be seen.138

By Hadrian’s reign Gaul had been officially provincia inermis for over fifty years (Tac.Hist.1.16) 142 and it has 139

Hadrian was also imitating Augustus in his travels. Jullian Histoire de La Gaule 4 471-2. 140 W. H. Bullock The Romans on the Riviera and the Rhône London 1898, 165. Modern research has added considerably to the epigraphic record, and there is a wonderful, updated version of inscriptions relating to roads published by Walser as CIL 17/2. Unfortunately the situation regarding other inscriptions is still ‘no light task’ as these are widely dispersed in many journals and local collections of inscriptions. 141 Gallia faces Hadrian, who has his right hand raised, and holds a patera as she sacrifices over a central garlanded altar. See the illustration H. Cohen Description Historique des monnaies v.2, Graz 1955, 109. The legend reads Adventvi Avg Galliae. A variation of the Gallia adventus coin shows the addition of a sacrificial animal by the altar. H. Mattingly & E. Sydenham The Roman Imperial Coinage 5 Part 2, London 1926, 884, 885. The animal behind the altar is identified as a bull and Gallia has her hand at the side. Ibid. RIC 884, 885, and others show slight differences in her dress and in the attribute held. H. Mattingly Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum v.3 London 1936, 491: nos 1641,1642,1643,1644; J. M. C. Toynbee The Hadrianic School A chapter in the History of Greek Art Cambridge 1934, 80-85; P. L. Strack Untersuchungen zur römischen Reichspragung des 2. Jahrhunderts II: Die Reichspragung zur Zeit des Hadrian Stuttgart 1933, 749. 142 The last Gallic legion, VIII Augusta, had left its fortress at Mirebeau during the reign of Vespasian for its new garrison at Argentorate in Germania Superior (from where the legion was expected to protect both the Gauls and Germany. Tac. Ann.4.5.2). Le Bohec ‘La garnison de Lyon sous le Principat’ 101. VIII Augusta was at Argentorate during the Hadrianic era.

127

Drinkwater ‘Urbanization in the Three Gauls’ 53. Wightman Roman Trier and the Treveri 81. Ibid. 81; King Roman Gaul and Germany 76. 130 Jullian Histoire de La Gaule 6 293. 131 These may have been for ceremonies connected with local cults. M. Rostovtzeff The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire v.1 & 2 Oxford (1st ed 1926) rev.1967, 205.Also see Jullian Histoire de La Gaule 6 154. 132 King Roman Gaul and Germany 76. 133 Wightman Roman Trier and the Treveri 84. 134 These were occasionally in the centre of cities but were mostly constructed on the edge. Woolf Becoming Roman 122. Woolf considers amphitheatres to be less common in the Gauls after the first century, but the evidence (see below) is for more of these buildings in the second century than theatres. 135 Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.1, 975. 136 King Roman Gaul and Germany 80. 137 Wightman Roman Trier and the Treveri 81; King Roman Gaul and Germany 77-8. 138 Ibid. 78. 128 129

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been observed that the pacified provinces are those with restitutor coins.143 Hadrian expresses his awareness of his building and restoration with the restitutor coins. Gallia, as the recipient of the emperor’s benevolence, shows gratitude and subordination as Hadrian extends his right hand to raise her up.144 An investigation of this benevolence follows. Gallia Narbonensis 145

such huge dimensions that it has been claimed to be Hadrianic.153 Aven(n)io is the only known Hadrianic colony in Gallia Narbonensis, 154 but none of its public buildings (including the forum, arcades, curia, triumphal arch and possibly a basilica) seem to have been built or restored in celebration of this event.155

A limestone inscription at Antipolis was dedicated to Hadrian in honour of his birthday, 24 January 124, in the consulship of M. Acilius Glabrio and C. Bellicus Flaccus Torquatus. This stone did not come from the local quarry but was brought especially to Antipolis from Rome 146 (CIL 12. 169 = ILN 2.2).

As expected, Narbo, the earliest Roman colony and the provincial capital, had many civic buildings by the second century.156 Grenier disputes Gayraud’s opinion, based on the epigraphic evidence, that Hadrianic renovations took place in the forum, preferring to credit these to Antoninus Pius. 157 The large letters in the Hadrianic marble inscription that give 132 as the completion date for the renovations indicate a large building (CIL 12.6024).158 The only building of this size in Narbo was the Capitolium in the forum, which was a pseudoperipteral, octostyle temple with Corinthian columns built in the early principate. Carrara marble was used for both the inscription and the Capitolium. 159 It is possible that Hadrian may have ordered this renovation in 121 when he visited the city.160

No architectural details are known of the tomb Hadrian built at Apta for Borysthenes, his favourite hunting horse (CIL 12.1122; Dio 10.2; SHA Hadr.20.12-13). It seems to have been built outside the city,147 but given Hadrian’s architectural interests, it would have been an interesting building.148 By Hadrian’s reign the Caesarian colony of Arelate 149 had many fine public buildings.150 It may have lacked a theatre, but this was more likely to have been Trajanic and not Hadrianic. 151 Arausio, however, had an Augustan theatre (still in a remarkable state of preservation) and a wellestablished civic centre by the Hadrianic era.152 It seems that a temple to an unknown god was built at this time with

Narbo was wealthy and had a fine complement of buildings. One of these, a sanctuary near the Flavian amphitheatre and temple of Cybele, may also have been Hadrianic 161 (CIL 12.4321-9).162 The wealth of its citizens during the Hadrianic period can be seen in the memorial building with its apsidial exedra, mosaics and six sarcophagi located on via Domitia, 163 and from the very large marble inscription from the base of what must have been a very large statue (CIL 12.4354).164

143

Hadrian honoured pacified provinces with a restitutor coin and unpacified provinces with an exercitus coin. Strack 148, 149. Mattingly BMC v.3 clxxiv. 144 Coins with the legend restitutori Gallia show the emperor wearing a toga and holding a roll in his left hand. Mattingly & Sydenham RIC 5 Part 2 950, 951. (A rare variation shows Gallia with l arm at side). Adventus: 749, restitutori Galliae: 776: Strack. A denarius ‘restitutor’coin: 39, adventvus coin: 38. C. Foss Roman Historical Coins London 1990, 115. J. P. C. Kent Roman Coins London 1978, 30. Denarii coins with legend restitutori Galliae:nos 877, 878, 879, 880, 881, 882. 1806. Coins with Hadrian on the right and Gallia with her left arm at side: nos 1807,1808,1809, and 1810, 1811, 1812, 1813. Mattingly BMC v.3: 350, 517, 521. 145 The major cities of Gallia Narbonensis were the Greek colony of Massilia, Nemausus (patria of both Plotina and Antoninus Pius), Aquae Sextiae, Narbo Martius, Glanum, Col.Iulia Arelate Sextanorum, Aurasia and Vienna. 146 Origin of the limestone. A. Chastagnol & J. Gascou InscriptionsLatines de Narbonnaise II Antibes, Riez, Digne Paris 1992, 40-1; [M(anio) Acilio Glabrione C(aio) B]ellico Fla[cco Torquato co(n)s(ulibus)] VIIII Kal(endas) F[ebruar(ias) I]mp(eratore) Caesare D[iui Neruae] nepote [Diui Trai(ani) Parth(ici) f(ilio) Traiano] Hadriano [Aug(usto) pont(ifice) max(imo) trib(unicia) pot(estate) VIII co(n)sule [III p(atre) p(atriae) cum i]nscriptio[ne permissu?] pontific[um] dedicatum. 147 This was perhaps outside the city near Mt. Louerion on the road to Cabellio. 148 There are no known Hadrianic buildings in this city. Its well-developed civic centre contained a forum with a Capitolium, shops, a basilica and a curia. Elsewhere in Apt were an aqueduct, baths and a temple to Mars. 149 Veterans of the VI Victrix settled at Arelate. 150 It had a forum with a Capitolium, shops, porticoes and cryptoporticoes, an early sanctuary of the Imperial cult, north baths, serviced by an aqueduct and a commercial area. 151 A. Modona Gli edifici teatrali Greci e Romani Firenze 1961 286. 152 The Capitolium in the forum dominated the view not only of the theatre but also of the whole city. There is textual evidence of an amphitheatre and archaeological evidence of a circus, stadium, perhaps a gymnasium and baths in the southeast of the colony.

In the autumn of 122 after hearing of Plotina’s death, Hadrian planned, and possibly began, the construction of a 153

This is a second century construction with aspects of Hadrianic architecture. Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 402; Bedon, Chevallier, Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 189. 154 It had become a Latin colony under Claudius and then a Roman colony under Hadrian known as colonia Iulia (Hadriana) Auen(n) civitas Avennicorum. 155 Ibid. 78. 156 The forum, near the river port, contained a Capitolium and basilica (or temple) and warehouses on the south side. 157 A. Grenier ‘Les capitales romains en Gaule et le capitole de Narbonne’ CRAI 1956, 322, M. Gayraud ‘La ville de Narbonne’ Narbonne Antique, des origines à la fin du IIIme Siècle (suppl.8 to RAN= Revue archèologique de Narbonnaise) (1981) 265-66. 158 This is being used as a chancel and altar table in a local church at Pezilla. 159 Ibid. 266-8, but according to Ausone the marble came from Paros and not the quarries at Carrara. Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.1 142. There would have been very few buildings constructed from this marble, especially during this era, as it had to be shipped from the Caesarian quarries in Italy. 160 Gayraud ‘La ville de Narbonne’ 268. 161 The temple of Cybele or Mater Deum is probably late second century and the amphitheare is Vespasianic. Ibid. 272, 276. 162 This city also had a theatre (CIL 12.4445) and perhaps a circus and the usual complement of aqueducts and baths. 163 Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.1 375. 164 L. Aemilio L F Pap. Arcano trib mil leg XI Gem et trib mil leg I Minerv item trib mil leg II Aug omnib honoribus in colonia sua funct adlecto in amplissimum ordinem ab Imp Caes Hadriano Aug IiiiiI vir equitum Romanor curon quaestori urbano trib plebis praetori designat L.Aemilius moschus IiiiiI vir Aug patrono optimo post obitum eius inlatis arcae seviror ob locum et tuitonem statuae L D D IiiiiI viror..

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beautiful basilica in her honour at Nemausus (SHA Hadr. 12.2-3). The basilica no longer exists, but a modern reconstruction suggests a building with a front façade of eight Corinthian columns.165 At the same time Hadrian planned a water sanctuary or Nymphaeum, 166 which may have even been a restoration of the sanctuary of the water god Nemausus for whom the city was named.167 A large bilingual inscription found in the ruins of the ancient baths which could relate to their refurbishment was dedicated to the emperor Hadrian by T. Iulius Voltinia Dolabella, IIIIvir (CIL 12. 3232).

At Vienna, there were many public buildings 174 of which three were theatres, a unique occurrence in the Gauls. The expectation of a large theatre-going public must have dictated not only the number and size of these theatres but also the restoration of the extremely large Claudian theatre of the Mysteries of Cybele. The coins found there suggest that the restoration, dated to approximately the end of the first century, could be extended into the Hadrianic period.

Nemausus was rich in many beautiful buildings, of which the amphitheatre may have been Hadrianic.168 Some buildings have disappeared, such as Hadrian’s basilica and the theatre, but some remarkable pre-Hadrianic building is still visible.169 Distinct elements of Hadrianic architecture can be seen in the temple of Diana with its barrel-vault roof, walls with shallow statue niches and the curved portico.170 South of the city is a temple that could have Hadrianic propylons.171

Hadrian’s personal involvement can be assumed for four buildings only in Gallia Narbonensis, but twelve cities were the recipients of some kind of Hadrianic building. Nearly fifty per cent of building was in the two cities of Nemausus and Narbo. Most new Hadrianic building and renovations involved temples and theatres, but there were no certain amphitheatres. The building or renovation of another theatre at Vienna suggests that this was the theatre capital of the Gauls. The only basilica was a special variety and was built to commemorate Plotina. Of the water-related buildings, only one Nymphaeum and one aqueduct can be identified. No epigraphic, archaeological or textual evidence of either bath building or renovation can be found in this province for the Hadrianic period. The emphasis was clearly on renovations and the construction of cultural and religious buildings.

175

Summary

An inscription from the beginning of Hadrian’s reign c.119 found at Turedonnum on the Rhône is an indication of at least one group of contented Gauls,172 the Rhonanici indulgentissimo principi (CIL 12.1797), perhaps at his benefaction. Three inscriptions record the renovation of the small theatre at Vasio, a city sixteen miles northeast of Arausio, but there are no other details (CIL 12.1375; 1380; 1496). The renovations may not have been Hadrianic but within the theatre are two white marble statues, one of Hadrian with a laurel crown and the other of either Sabina, or her mother Matidia, which were dedicated at that time.173

Gallia Lugdunensis 176 A dedication to Vulcan found at a sanctuary south of Agedincum was from a flamen who could have been a foundry owner. The enormous structure suggests a Hadrianic date in spite of the discovery of a coin of Domitian.177 To the south of Noviodunum was Caesarodunum, which had an amphitheatre with Hadrianic proportions and brickwork.178 An inscription from this era, c.119/138, was found in the city but unfortunately the surviving script shows only the emperor’s name and consular status (CIL 13.3078). Although it is impossible to determine what the inscription commemorated, a dedication of a building, perhaps the amphitheatre, is an attractive possibility.

165

Grenier admits that his description of Plotina’s basilica is pure conjecture and goes on to suggest that T.Flavius Hermes did the marble and stone work. He calls this a funerary basilica of a type known in Gaul. Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 518, 528. There is doubt whether it was a funerary basilica with a commemorative monument or a civil basilica. Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.1, 213. 166 R. Chevallier & R. Poignault L’empereur Hadrien Paris 1998,110; Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 520. 167 J. B. Ward-Perkins & A. Boethius Etruscan and Roman Architecture Middlesex 1970, 350; Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 520. 168 The city had a first century circus, a rarity in Gaul, a large amphitheatre with sixty arcades and even a second century library or meeting room. Dates for the amphitheatre range from Augustan to the Hadrianic period. Ibid.165. Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 184. 169 The Maison Carré, a remarkable survival of a lovely Augustan building, as is the elegant aqueduct, the Pont du Gard with its castellum divisorium. Ward-Perkins & Boethius Etruscan and Roman Architecture 224. 170 P. MacKendrick Roman France London 1971, 74; Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 184; R. Chevallier (ed) Actes du colloque ‘Les Archeologes et l’archaeologie’ (Bourgen Bresse) 1992. The identification of this building has problems since it was used as a church for over five hundred years. It may even be the Nymphaeum already mentioned, as it is built around a holy spring and dedications to the god Nemausus have been found there. Rivet Gallia Narbonensis 165. 171 P. Gros, P. L’Architecture Romaine: Les monuments publics Paris 1996, 131. This may be the remains of Plotina’s ‘temple/basilica’. Rivet Gallia Narbonensis 165. 172 Located between Valentia and Vienna. 173 The hairstyle resembles Matidia’s but why Vaiso had statues of Hadrian and his mother-in-law, but not of his wife Sabina, is unknown. Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3,769. (It is possible that a statue of Sabina was set up

Condate Riedonum, in the far west of the province, was at a major crossroads but some distance from the more urbanised areas. The temple of the Hadrianic basilicaand is now missing). The theatre renovation was first century. Rivet Gallia Narbonensis 288. 174 It had several temples, a temple of Augustus and Livia, a Capitolium in the forum, a temple of Mars and a Mithraeum. The colony also had a municipal arch, a circus, baths and a stone bridge. Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.1 243, v.2, 78. 175 The Odeon seated three thousand and the theatre one thousand three hundred. Ibid v.1, 150; Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 780. 176 The capital of this province was Lugdunum and some of its major cities were Forum Segusiavorum, Augustodunum, Alesia, Noviodunum Diablintum and Caesarodunum. 177 Sens cathedral would fit into Vulcan’s huge sanctuary at La Motte du Ciar. MacKendrick Roman France 174-6. 178 The amphitheatre is Hadrianic or a little later. Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 682- 4; Probably Hadrianic: Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 247.

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temple complex, constructed c.135, was dedicated to either Mars Mullo or Mars Vicinnus. The planning of the Antonine aqueduct and baths may have been initiated at this stage. 179

special chairs were built in the front four rows for the city magistrates. The orchestra floor was renovated with grey granite paving bordered with red and green marble, and in 121, Hadrian’s first year in Gaul, his statue was placed in the scaenae frons.188

The first building phase in Forum Segusiavorum was Claudian/Neronian. The basilica was built during the Hadrianic/Antonine period, the second and most productive phase. Other buildings with less certain dates are the second century baths with their gymnasium of Hercules and a wooden Augustan theatre, which was replaced in stone by Claudius (CIL 13. 1642) and has renovations in second century brickwork.180

The population of Hadrianic Lugdunum and its environs must have been large. In addition to a larger theatre and an Odeon 189 (which were possibly connected), 190 the amphitheatre was enlarged and restored to lighten the effect of the walls later in Hadrian’s reign, c.130/136.191 The method used to date building from the brick courses is now a controversial issue and Lugdunum’s dates could be revised in the future.192

Lugdunum, the capital of Gallia Lugdunensis and of the Three Gauls, was one of the earliest Roman cities founded in 43 BC after Caesar’s conquest. 181 Its growth seemed inevitable, given its wonderful natural advantages and location at the confluence of two great rivers, Arar (Saône) and Rhodanus (Rhône). Not only was it the centre of a thriving river trade, it was connected by road to most parts of Gaul 182 (Strabo 4.6.11). The city gained enormous prestige from being the location of the Imperial altar of Rome and Augustus183 and from an Imperial mint that supplied the huge armies stationed along the Rhine. The city of Lugdunum that Hadrian knew was at the height of its prosperity.

It seems that Hadrian had perceived other problems at Lugdunum, more serious than not having enough seats in the theatre. The terrain of the city was difficult and the aqueducts were not working efficiently which caused severe problems with the water supply.193 Hadrian’s solution was to organise the building of the Gier aqueduct, Lugdunum’s fourth and last, yet largest, and of which several piers and arcades still survive. 194 An inscription found at the limits of the service area for Lugdunum confirms Hadrianic work on the aqueduct system: ex auctoritate imp caes Traiani Hadriani Aug nemini arandi serendi pang/endive ius est intra id spatium agri quod tutelae ductus destinatum est (CIL 13.1623 = AE 1888, 31 = ILS 5749). 195

The majority of its public buildings, however, were Augustan, c.15 BC, 184 and consequently by the Hadrianic era many were in need of repair. Hadrian provided the much-needed revitalisation and his own architects and craftsmen from Rome renovated these buildings in the fashionable new style of architecture, using special techniques to overcome local problems.185

This was the first of Hadrian’s improvements to Lugdunum that eventually included remodelling the entire upper 188

F. Sear Roman Theatres and Architectural Studies Oxford University Press (forthcoming). 189 Wuilleumier maintains that the Odeon was erected at the same time as the theatre was extended: Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 792, 798; ‘risale ad epoca adrianea’ Modona Gli edifici teatrali 213; Sear Roman Theatres and Architectural Studies (forthcoming). 190 Chevallier & Poignault L’empereur Hadrien 110; The similarity with the temple of Cybele c.160, suggests an Antonine construction. MacKendrick Roman France 69. 191 These Hadrianic works were part of the second building phases for the theatre and the amphitheatre. Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 165. The remodelling in 130/136 resulted in a less heavy appearance of the walls. Audin & Le Glay ‘L’amphitheatre des Trois Gaules à Lyons’ 88. The restored amphitheatre was larger than the amphitheatres of Arelate and Nemausus. 192 The amphitheatre has a double row of bricks in the arena. J. Guey & A. Audin ‘L’amphitheatre des Trois Gaules à Lyon’ Gallia 20 (1962) 35. Three rows of bricks are typically Antonine. Audin & Le Glay ‘L’amphitheatre des Trois Gaules à Lyons’ 88. This would make the Odeon an Antonine construction. The dating system using the different brick layers is problematic particularly in Lugdunensis where there are many first century examples (Roman Gaul used only two types of masonry opus vittatum and opus vittatum mixtum. The second type began to be used in the Trajanic era and became very popular during the Hadrianic period). J.-P. Adam Roman Building, materials and techniques (tr) A. Matthews London 1994, 141-3; A. Desbat ‘Note sur l’apparition des constructions à arases de briques dans la région lyonnaise’ Gallia 49 (1992-3) 45-50. 193 Drinkwater ‘Lugdunum’ 136. 194 The Gier aqueduct carried water using three conduits seventy-five kilometres from Mont Pilatus, St.-Chamond, St.-Jean de Bonneford: Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.4, 129 (with map and photograph of arcades). 135; Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.1, 280. 195 This is the same inscription as one found near the village of Chagnon. It was also described as a terminal stone (cippus terminalis quadratus) near a Roman aqueduct which carried water to Lugdunum from Mount Pilatus in the region of Forum Segusiavorum to the west of Lugdunum.

Hadrian, understandably, chose highly visible public areas and places of entertainment to renovate. The sanctuary of Rome and Augustus was restored and perhaps a provincial temple was also built at Condate. 186 The forum was renovated and embellished and the theatre was repaired and decorated.187 This building was extended to seat 10.000 and

179

The aqueduct may have been Severan and not Antonine, and the second century baths would have been a contemporary structure. Ibid. 209. 180 Ibid. 140; Renovation: Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 829. 181 Garzetti From Tiberius to the Antonines 413. 182 This was made possible by the development of the great road system by Agrippa c.37 BC. 183 J. F. Drinkwater ‘Lugdunum – ‘natural capital’ of Gaul?’ Britannia 6 (1975) 135. 184 The Augustan forum and theatre c.15 BC: Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 165. 185 At Lugdunum the aggregate consisted of large pieces of brick that helped to prevent the masonry absorbing the humidity in addition to giving the walls greater flexibility and resistance against cracking. A. Audin & M. Le Glay ‘L’amphitheatre des Trois Gaules à Lyons’ Gallia 28 (1970) 88. 186 The type of sanctuary is uncertain but is called ‘confederal’. Chevallier & Poignault L’empereur Hadrien 110. It may refer to the temple of the Imperial cult mentioned above and the municipal temple of Augustus. Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.1, 220; This may be the temple of the Imperial cult for worshipping living and dead emperors. Drinkwater Roman Gaul 75. 187 The restoration date is based on the brick courses and the marble: Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 790-92; Modona Gli edifici teatrali 132; Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.1, 243.

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city.196 Hadrian also renovated the commercial district. The port was moved nearer to the canabae, 197 the warehouses were relocated and accommodation provided in the canabae.198

other buildings of the impressive civic centre of this wealthy city are considered to be Hadrianic.205

Hadrian’s benevolence does not appear to have been emulated by Lugdunum’s leading citizens. The city does, however, have a Hadrianic inscription of a non-citizen, Claudius Quartinus (PIR C990), but unfortunately it describes only his career (CIL 13.1802) 199 and does not accompany a building or even a statue. Tragically, despite Hadrian’s great interest and efforts to improve this bustling city, Lugdunum had all but disappeared by the fourth century. 200

Even taking into consideration that Roman emperors traditionally stayed at Lugdunum (perhaps because it was the centre of the Imperial cult), it is still remarkable that Hadrian was personally involved with so much building in this city. Of the fifteen buildings constructed or renovated in this province during the Hadrianic period, at least half were at Lugdunum. The majority of these buildings were associated with entertainment, the theatre, amphitheatre and Odeon, and all seemed to have received personal attention from the emperor.

Summary

While there are only hints that the theatre at Lutetia could have been Hadrianic or Trajanic, 201 the wooden Gallic theatre-amphitheatre complex at Mediolanum Aulercorum was definitely replaced by Hadrian (CIL 13.3200).202 In the north of the province there are several cities with buildings that could be Hadrianic. One of these was at Noviodunum Diablintum, the Roman capital of the Diablintes tribe, where coins found under the cavea have suggested a Hadrianic date for the theatre. 203 The baths at Noviomagus Lexoviorum restored in the late Antonine era may have been constructed during the Trajanic or Hadrianic periods. Its aqueduct was either Hadrianic or Antonine.204

There were few or no baths, several religious buildings and another special combination of basilica and temple. In addition there were two aqueducts built, six entertainment centres and a typical Gallic theatre-amphitheatre complex. Gallia Aquitania

206

The vita did not exclude Gallia Aquitania from being a beneficiary of Hadrian’s generosity, but so far it is the only Gallic province with no direct evidence of an imperial visit. There was, however, evidence of building during the Hadrianic era in several Aquitanian cities.

Only Hadrian’s name remains on the inscription (CIL 13.3214) found at Caudebec-les-Elbeuf close to Ratomagus/Rotomagus. Since it was on marble, it is possible that it came from a fine statue or building. A possible building may have been the baths, built in the first and second centuries, and perhaps partly Hadrianic. No

The theatre at Allèans (on the river Cher in the north) was early second century. A little more specifically, the theatreamphitheatre at d’Areines near Vendôme was Trajanic or Hadrianic.207 Even more precisely it has been possible to date the amphitheatre of Augustoritum not only from the brickwork and its general appearance to the Hadrianic period but also to the discovery of a large number of Hadrianic coins. The marble columns of serpentine came from the quarry at La Roche-L’Abeille.208 In the west of the province at Fontaines-Salées,209 the famous water sanctuary has a long room resembling the dormitory of an Asklepeion used for the incubation or healing sleep. The reconstruction to segregate the bath area seems to have been Hadrianic.210

196

Audin & Le Glay ‘L’amphitheatre des Trois Gaules à Lyons’ 88. 197 R. Chevallier ‘Gallia Lugdunensis’ ANRW 2.3 Berlin (1975) 930. 198 Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.1, 328 (warehouses and port) 165. 199 Dessau considered Lugdunum to have been Claudius Quartinus’ patria: Hermes 45 (11), but Ti Claudius Quartinus was from Puteoli where he was a IIvir. G. Alföldy Fasti Hispanienses Wiesbaden 1969, 79-81 200 By the end of Hadrian’s reign Lugdunum boasted several temples: a Capitolium, a sanctuary of the imperial cult and several temples to Cybele, Mercury, Deae Matres, Mars and Diana. It had baths serviced by four aqueducts and a castellum. There were shops near the Odeon, a circus, theatre and amphitheatre, and a market and warehouses in the harbour area of the river ports. For the city’s decline: Drinkwater ‘Lugdunum’ 135. 201 Lutetia Parisiorum had a similar street plan to Lugdunum Convenarum, Virunum in Noricum, Iader in Dalmatia and to Venta Silurum, Calleva and Viroconium in Britannia without the temple. Its public buildings included a forum with porticoes and cryptoporticoes, a temple and basilica, a theatre, amphitheatre, a circus and an aqueduct with at least three baths. Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.1, 240. 202 The city was south of Rotomagus. The theatre has a cavea seventy-five metres in diameter. Ibid.139. The original wooden building may have been Claudian, but the brickwork has dated the building to the second century. Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 954. 203 This was located on the edge of the city near the temple of Romanised Gallic deities. Ibid. 966; Sear Roman Theatres and Architectural Studies (forthcoming). 204 The baths were restored after the reign of Antoninus Pius in the second half of the second century. Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 162. This makes a Hadrianic date more acceptable for the aqueduct.

205

The city also had a forum, close to the temple of Venus, and both a theatre and an amphitheatre situated on the northern perimeter of the city. Ibid. 212. 206 The province of Gallia Aquitania had three provincial capitals during the course of its history. The first was Mediolanum, founded by Agrippa c.20 BC. Limonum, promoted by its influential and wealthy citizens, became the second between the end of the first century and the middle of the second century. Its prosperity did not survive the troubles of the end of the second century and the new capital became Burdigala. Gros L’architecture romaine: Les monuments publics 82. Lugdunum Convenarum, Vesunna, Avaricum and Augustoritum were the other major cities. 207 The theatre at Allèans and the theatre-amphitheatre at d’Areines near Vendôme were similar in date. Grenier Manuel d’archèologie v.3, 947, 9. 208 The dating of the amphitheatre: Ibid 675-6. General buildings: Bedon, Chevallier, Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 159. The marble at La Roche l’Abeille: Bedon Les carrières 62. 209 Near St.-Père-sous-Vezeley. 210 The second building phase is probably Hadrianic. Fontaines-Salées is near Autessiodurum, Gallia Lugdunensis. The museum has some artefacts from the smaller rooms of this complex; they include hairpins, cosmetic palettes

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The interesting city of Lugdunum Convenarum, founded by Pompey, is situated high in the Pyrenees near the famous marble quarries. With Hadrian’s great love and use of marble, it is reasonable to expect that this city would have acquired some beautiful Hadrianic marble buildings, but it was not until the Antonine period that the Augustan limestone forum was renovated in marble. (The nearest that this elegant city came to having a Hadrianic building was the Greek style theatre, altered perhaps by Trajan or even in a later period).211

central forum at Vesunna was similar to the forum of Trajan at Rome 219 and displays a Hadrianic influence. Summary Gallia Aquitania may have been the only Gallic province not visited by Hadrian in 121/122. Furthermore this province has revealed no conclusive evidence connecting the emperor personally with any buildings and no dedication of any kind to Hadrian. It is disappointing that no definite Hadrianic buildings have been discovered, especially at Lugdunum Convenarum, as the production of marble increased enormously in this region. A total of ten buildings are known from eight Aquitanian cities during this period. This level of building activity across the provinces is sixty percent higher than Narbonensis and Lugdunensis, but as the proportion of new buildings in Aquitania was also higher, this could indicate that it was experiencing later urbanisation.

The sanctuary of Mars at Le Moulin-du-Fâ is a Gallic style temple similar to the Tour de Vésone. 212 The abundance of marble dates it to the second century and the absence of bricks puts it in the first half of the century rather than the second. It could be considered to be part of the great Hadrianic architectural tradition.213 Sanxay may have been the beneficiary of several magnificent Hadrianic buildings.214 The site of the temple or sanctuary of Apollo is pre-Roman but the date of the building, and its dimensions, are Hadrianic. 215 The Hadrianic influence can be seen in the fascinating design of the various shaped rooms and pools constructed in the second building stage of the baths.216

Even so, its sanctuaries strongly suggest that Gallia Aquitania was the centre of Gallic religious life. Much of the building activity, and the only known Hadrianic bath construction, took place in two of these sanctuaries, both of which must have been water sanctuaries, as there is no mention of aqueducts. Other constructions include the Gallic style temples, two theatres and another Gallic theatre/amphitheatre complex.

Five main roads led to Vesunna Petrucoriorum and to a building considered the most interesting in Gaul, the Tour de Vésone or temple of Vesunna. This Gallic temple had a polygonal or circular cella dedicated to a Celtic divinity, who was almost certainly the guardian goddess of Vesunna. 217 The brick arases and use of opus mixtum, in addition to a bronze of Trajan found in the temple, have given part of the structure a Hadrianic date.218 This unusual and impressive building was originally marble-veneered. The layout of the

Gallia Belgica 220 Even though there was supposedly an intense building period between the reigns of Claudius and Hadrian in both city and country,221 there are no buildings in Gallia Belgica that can be definitely attributed to Hadrian’s reign. The only possibility is a sandstone altar at Hochscheid near Bernkastel, which was dedicated to Apollo at some time between the early and middle second century.222

and perfume containers suggesting that this may have been an Asclepeion. MacKendrick Roman France 176-8. 211 Bedon, Chevallier, Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.1, 240. 212 The sanctuary is close to Novioregum, where the river Garumna meets the Atlantic. 213 Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 452-457. Illust. 453. 214 Evidence of Hadrianic building at Sanxay (on the river Clinio, west of Limonum) can be found in the bath area: MacKendrick Roman France 167-170; There is no element that can be used to date the Amphitheatre/theatre complex. Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 942: for a sequence of construction but no definite dates. Inscriptions of Titus and Vespasian from the theatre have been lost. P. Aupert Sanxay Paris 1992, 42; Le Père C. de la Croix, the original excavator, is uncertain about dating but considers the carving of the capitals to be contemporary to the rest of the building. This may be as late as Antonine but is no earlier than 94. It could be Hadrianic as this emperor visited the Gauls. Le Père C. de la Croix Memoire Archéologique sur les Decouvertes dites de Sanxay Paris 1883, 74. For a theatre date from the early to mid second century: Gros. L’Architecture Romaine 298. 215 A circular domed cella of approximately 10 metres in diameter formed the centre. This had four wings and on the eastern side was an enormous portico that carried sixty-six Corinthian or composite columns. 216 These included a pool with three apses for tubs, a circular caldarium, an octagonal tepidarium and a square frigidarium. Four small areas were perhaps dressing rooms. 217 Its circular cella was 27 metres high and nearly 18 metres in diameter. The walls were seven feet thick and the colonnade was 7 x 14. P. Grimal Roman Cities (tr) M. Woloch Wisconsin 1983, 228, 55-6.; MacKendrick Roman France 122; Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 440-447. Illust. 443. 218 The date is difficult to determine as the interior and exterior are different periods. J. Lauffrey La Tour de Vésone à Périgueux (Gallia Suppl.49) Paris 1990, 109, 112; Bedon, Chevallier, Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.1, 128.

There are, however, several buildings that could be either Trajanic or Hadrianic. One of these is the baths of St Barbara at Augusta Treverorum, but these also could have been Antonine. A strong argument for the second quarter of the second century is that the city was wealthy and was the current residence of the procurator of Gallia Belgica and the two Germanies. 223 The round Gallic style temple at Caesaromagus could be Hadrianic but the baths can only be dated vaguely to the second century.224 The aqueduct of Divodurum Mediomatricorum, which brought water from twenty-two kilometres away to the two

219

The forum had two separate sections. Ibid v.1, 218; v.2, 198. The capital was col.Aug.Treverorum, Trier, the resident of the procurator. The governor resided at Durocortorum, Reims. R. Haensch Capita provinciarum. Statthaltersiutze und Provinzverwaltung in der römischen Kaiserzeit Mainz 1997, 863. Other provincial cities were Vesontio, Angematunum, Divodurum Mediomatricorum, Ribemont-surAncre, Noviodunum. For Atuatuca see chapter 3. 221 Wightman Gallia Belgica 137. 222 H. Nesselhauf & H. Lieb ‘Inschriften aus den germanischen Provinzen und dem Treverergebiet’ BRGK 40 (1959) Berlin 1960, 126-127. 223 Wightman Roman Trier and the Treveri 85. 224 This city was large enough to have an amphitheatre. Bedon, Chevallier, Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 175. 220

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baths in the city, and its castellum and drainage system were either Trajanic or Hadrianic. Although there was a great deal of construction during this period, no other buildings can be identified as Hadrianic.225 A similar situation occurs at Ribemont-sur-Ancre, where the early second century theatre could be either Trajanic or Hadrianic.226

The lack of Hadrianic buildings in Gallia Belgica could be due to Hadrian’s concentration on the security of the empire, and especially on the frontiers of the Germanies, the western Danubian provinces and Britannia. It is possible that Hadrian’s schedule left him little time other than to pass quickly through Gallia Belgica. Another possibility is that he was more concerned with the role of this province supplying food and goods to the armies, than encouraging the development of civic centres. The military situation may have also focussed his attention on the improvement of the roads.

Summary It is difficult to understand why, in this alleged period of high building activity, there is so little evidence of Hadrianic building. 227 In fact the three possibilities, an aqueduct, a theatre and baths, could even be Trajanic. As there was no shortage of building materials in this province, and it is clear that many buildings took a considerable time to complete, explanations could lie in the shortage of finance or a lack of commitment to civic building. There may have been a resistance to Romanisation or, in a province so close to the frontier; energy was being specifically directed to supporting the armed forces.

With the exception of this curious situation in Gallia Belgica there was a wide range of buildings built and repaired across the Gauls. Even so, there were still many new buildings being planned, constructed and often completed. Even Gallia Aquitania, a province Hadrian is reputed never to have visited, has ten Hadrianic buildings in eight cities, most of which were new constructions. These Hadrianic buildings reflect another side of Gallic life, the continuation of the traditional values, a veneration of water sanctuaries, the distinctive round temples of the local deities and an enjoyment of a different style of entertainment that resulted in the theatre-amphitheatre combination.

Conclusion Hadrian made two short visits to the Gallic provinces as emperor within two years, in which time it was claimed that he was generous in many different ways to all communities. Although the building evidence does not support this claim, the emperor personally organised at least four buildings in Gallia Narbonensis and seven in Gallia Lugdunensis, but only two or three cities directly benefited from his generosity.

Gallic buildings themselves are indicative of Hadrian’s continued interest in raising the standard of the cities. Although the Gauls were late in acquiring baths, several aqueducts and water sanctuaries were being built and extended. Entertainment centres were a high priority in these peaceful provinces and the emphasis on religious buildings, particularly of the Gallo-roman type, is an indication of the blending of Gallic culture and the Romanisation process.

Gallia Narbonensis was the first of the Gallic provinces and its early urbanisation was reflected in its wellestablished civic centres. This resulted in much of Hadrianic building being focussed on restoration and renovation. Most Hadrianic buildings were temples, perhaps emphasising the religiosity of the Gauls, and the renovation and building of theatres, which may reflect a particular cultural environment.

Hadrianic dedications are confined to the more Romanised Gallic provinces with none found in Aquitania and Belgica. And although dedications do not necessarily indicate buildings, statues also contribute towards urban beautification and encourage similar or greater benevolence in others.

The type of building in Gallia Lugdunensis is similar to Gallia Narbonensis with few or no baths but several religious buildings. In addition there was a concentration on entertainment buildings and many renovations. The spread of building across the province gives some indication of wealth at this time and the interest of the Gauls in achieving a Roman way of life. How much of this was due to the presence of the emperor is difficult to ascertain, but local magistrates would either have experienced or heard of Hadrian’s great interest in architecture. News of the great building projects in Lugdunum would have been spread all over Gaul by those attending the religious conventions in the city and by the many traders and merchants passing through the city.

Comparison with Civic Building of Trajan and Antoninus Pius The situation in the Gallic provinces is of great interest as each of these emperors was familiar with the Gauls. Trajan may have had a close connection with Nemausus through his wife Plotina whose patria it was. He would have travelled extensively through the Gauls, both en route to the Spanish provinces, to his legion at Legio or his hometown of Italica in Baetica, and to the Germanies during his terms as governor. Nemausus was also the patria of Antoninus Pius who, acknowledging the burden that entertaining even a frugal emperor such as himself could impose (SHA Pii 7.11), chose to remain in Rome or on his estates at Campania throughout his reign. It is possible, however, that his connections with Nemausus and Gallia Narbonensis would give them an advantage.

225

The baths were the Grand Baths in the rue Poncelet and the Baths du Musée. Another sanctuary was built in the forum in addition to the Capitolium, a Corinthian temple of the cult of Rome and Augustus and a basilica. The larger of two amphitheatres was probably Flavian. The city also had a fine cryptoporticus and a hospital. Ibid 175. 226 Ward-Perkins RIA 478, n.18. 227 As above: Wightman Gallia Belgica 137.

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exedrae.239 A further sign of wealth is the explicit marble inscription at Augustodunum, which refers to the repair and restoration of the theatre c.105 (CIL 13.2658). 240 Whereas the temple to Mercury at Forum Segusiavorum may possibly be Trajanic,241 the fragment found at Lugdunum clearly states Trajan’s name (CIL 13.1790). 242 Another fragment of an inscription c.102, found at Portus Namnetum, on the Atlantic coast provides equally scant information (CIL 13.3112).243

Trajan’s civic building The fourth aqueduct supplying Aix de la Trevaresse appears to be a rare Trajanic construction in Gallia Narbonensis. 228 It is often impossible to date some buildings with accuracy and the baths at the wealthy city of Aquae Sextiae can be given only an approximate second century construction date, and its aqueduct sometime between the end of the first and beginning of the second century.229 Further mysteries involving Trajanic building in this province are the questionable Trajanic origins of the amphitheatre at Arelate, and the overly optimistic claim that the second century theatre and temple complexes at Arausio and Vienna were Trajanic.230

Gallia Aquitania’s limited evidence of Trajanic building is concentrated in Lugdunum Convenarum. The affluence of this city during the Trajanic period 244 is apparent from the market and basilica complex with three Trajanic apses.245 Several Trajanic inscriptions have been found in the forum, including a dedication, now in seven pieces, c.100, and two others that may refer to the city’s elevation to a colony. 246 Five fragments of a Trajanic dedication from C. Iulius Serenus 247 and his family to Plotina, c.100, were found with the statue base at the southwest entrance to the precinct of the temple of Rome and Augustus. 248 It is possible that C. Iulius Serenus may also have financed a small amphitheatre in the city during this era.249

Another is the highly ornate Trajanic building at Narbo c.98 (CIL 12.4341). 231 Some more positive evidence may have been expected at Nemausus, Plotina’s hometown, but there are problems: the Trajanic theatre claimed for this city 232 may have been an amphitheatre begun by Nerva and completed by Trajan.233 The confusion may be the result of the composite building of theatre/amphitheatres in these provinces.234 Two inscriptions were found at Nemausus; one of these was connected with an unknown building (CIL 12.3169).235 In addition to the theatre mystery there is a Trajanic inscription c.101 at Vienna, of an unknown dedication (CIL 12.1839 = ILN 387).236

The agricultural wealth of the region close to Lugdunum Convenarum during the Trajanic period can be observed in the large villa of Chiragen which underwent considerable extensions. Among these were two cryptoporticoes, one surrounding a court and another located east of the peristyle and baths. 250 Further north a theatre/amphitheatre complex at the sanctuary of Sanxay was possibly Trajanic. It was built on the other side of the river against the hillside with

The epigraphic evidence from Gallia Lugdunensis varies widely from the inscription at nearby Agedincum, which states quite definitely that a Trajanic portico and a walkway were built in this city, 237 to an unusual dedication in the form of a pyramid found at Ager Senonum. This has been mistakenly thought to be Trajanic.238

239

Alésia was on the border of Germania Superior and Gallia Lugdunensis. Its prosperity in the first and second centuries was due to the local crafts. Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 345-6; J. Le Gall Alesia Paris 1963, 129136. 240 [Imp Caes Nerva Traiano] [Aug Germ]anic. D[acic. Pontif] [max t]rib p VIIII c[os V imp IV p p] .ino val[--cur. civ.] [splendis]simae Au[gustodunens] [-- theat]rum de [integro rest]ituerunt dedi]cante. 241 Bedon, Chevallier &. Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 140. 242 The Trajanic inscription found on a quayside at Lugdunum only reveals that there may have been a dedication to Trajan in that area. 243 The civic buildings of this city may have been of the same limestone as the inscription. The city’s location, at the mouth of the river Liger gave it the excellent water transport facilities. 244 Lugdunum Convenarum’s economy was based on the marble quarries, mines, agriculture, forestry and healing waters. 245 The basilica at Lugdunum Convenarum has Trajanic characteristics. Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 500-2, 345. MacKendrick Roman France 96-98. 246 This consists of seven fragments of white marble from the quarry at St.Béat (see Building Materials and Labour) (ILTG 70). Two other fragments of inscriptions (ILTG 71, 72) are also considered to be dedications to Trajan, and although one does not name the emperor (ILTG 73), it is considered part of this group. It is possible that inscriptions 71-74 could refer the colonial status of Lugdunum Convenarum. (The marble for these inscriptions came from St.-Béat and are all white with the exception of ILTG 72, which is coloured marble). Wuilleumier ILTG 23. 247 C. Iulius Serenus was one of the Gallic élite from Lugdunum Convenarum, where he was IIIIvir and priest of Rome and Augustus. He had served under Trajan and was prefect of ala VII Phrygum. 248 The many inscriptions from the wealthy Serenus family: (ILTG 96-80) are all of coloured marble. The dedication to Plotina (ILTG 74 = AE 1938, 170) is contemporary with ILTG 70; AE 1938, 169, 171. Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 332 gives the text in full of these inscriptions with a commentary. Another group consists of 28 or 29 fragments. 249 MacKendrick Roman France 96. (No evidence has been found to support this claim). 250 Ibid. 131.

The prosperous eastern city of Alésia received a forum (either new or renovated) based on Trajan’s forum at Rome. Alésia’s ambitious design incorporated a temple facing a column of Trajan and a basilica with two libraries in the 228

The aqueduct at Aix de la Trevaresse, Tracconnade, was constructed in the first half of the second century. Grenier Manuel d’archéologie 75 229 The city and baths: Bedon, Chevallier, Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 47; The aqueduct: Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.4, 75. 230 The amphitheatre at Arelate may be Nervan and the second century theatre and temple complexes built against hillsides at Arausio and Vienna are not necessarily Trajanic. Ward-Perkins RIA 231-3. 231 This building was dedicated to Trajan by Q. Serv (Sext)ilius. 232 Modona Gli edifici teatrali 286. 233 Ward-Perkins RIA 233. 234 Drinkwater Roman Gaul 149. 235 This was a dedication to Trajan after the Dacian wars and Parthian campaigns c.116/7, from the legate of I Italica. The second was the cursus of D. Terentius Scaurianus (AE 1982, 678), who had been stationed at Bonna as legate of I Minervia in 96/98 when Trajan was governor of Germania Superior and became emperor. Trajan appointed Scaurianus as governor of Gallia Belgica 98/101 (which may have involved him in public building). 236 The dedicator was the Trajanic consul Q. Articuleius Paetus. 237 The inscription found at the baths at Agendicum records that T. Priscus (and others) made provision for a feast and provided oil for the people: porticus et ambulationes fecerunt ….et ob dedicationem epulum et oleum populo, potius quam propia inpensa sua dederunt) CIL 13.2943. 238 The confusion seems to have arisen because the name of the divinity to whom it was dedicated ‘Trihiano’, is similar to the emperor’s name (AE 1914, 199 = ILTG 330). (Crocus, the name of the dedicator, was a Gallic name from the Sidoine). Wuilleumier ILTG 330.

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some masonry substructure for lower seating.251 A more certain Trajanic amphitheatre was built for the southern city of Segodunum. 252

forum with portico temples, sanctuary and market, basilica at Genava 263 and an amphitheatre at Tolosa.264 Summary

Trajan’s military projects during his governorship of Germania Superior almost certainly acquainted him with Gallia Belgica. The first Trajanic civic building at col. Augusta Treverorum was its forum. The rebuilding of the bridge over the Mosella soon followed 253 and late in Trajan’s reign the colony gained a Trajanic amphitheatre. 254 Unfortunately its circus can only be given a second century date.255

Trajanic building in the Gauls is often controversial and it is clear that no buildings can be attributed to the emperor himself with absolute certainty. Of the building that took place during his reign at least seven or eight were amphitheatres, most of them located in Gallia Aquitania and Gallia Belgica. This is perhaps an indication that the emperor sought to provide a particular type of entertainment for his subjects especially in these areas more isolated from the Roman way of life. (Gallia Aquitania does provide evidence of considerable private wealth, especially in Lugdunum Convenarum and the neighbouring villa at Chiragen).

The increase in Romanisation during this period can be seen at Divodurum Mediomatricorum, where two baths were built. 256 Other possible Trajanic additions were the city’s larger amphitheatre, the aqueduct, its castellum and the drainage system.257

The amphitheatres in Gallia Belgica may also have been catering to personnel and traders linked to the great armies on the Rhine. There was embellishment of baths, but no new bath buildings. In the absence of natural springs, aqueducts are necessary precursors to bath building and only one Trajanic aqueduct has been found. Other Trajanic buildings were two temples, one forum and a circus.

Grannum may have two Trajanic buildings: a vaguely dated amphitheatre and a more certain basilica. 258 Sam(m)aro/abriva Ambianorum was another recipient of a Trajanic amphitheatre. (This was a wooden structure on a stone foundation built in the first decade of the second century). The city baths were also completed at the beginning of the second century.259

Antoninus Pius’ civic building Inscriptions have been found throughout these provinces that have either no relation to any building 260 or are impossible to identify with certainty as Trajanic. These include the theatre at Augusta Suess(i)onum, 261 the theatres at Derventum and Germanicomagus, and in the south, an extra-mural amphitheatre at Forum Iulii,262 an interior

There are several Antonine inscriptions from Gallia Narbonensis which cannot be related to buildings, 265 whilst there are restorations and building extensions, such as those at Alba Helviorum, which cannot be definitely attributed to his reign. 266 The arch built at Dea Vocontiorum has now, however, been given an Antonine date, 267 and the theatre at Arelate has been dated to 149 by dendrochronological tests, but the exact date of the second century circus is still unknown.268

251

The theatre itself is 295 feet wide with a round orchestra 123 feet in diameter but the scaena frons is small. MacKendrick Roman France 168170. It may have been built at the end of the first century or beginning of the second century: Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 943; it would then be Trajanic and not Hadrianic. 252 Segodunum was in the south of the province between Anderitum and Divona. Its amphitheatre, at the northwest end of the city, was built in the last years of the first century and the early years of the second. It capacity of 15.000 suggests a city of a reasonable size. This could be deduced from the fact that the aqueduct brought 22.000 litres daily to the baths over a distance of twelve kilometres. Bedon, Chevallier, Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 211. 253 The forum was early second century. Wightman Roman Trier and the Treveri 78. 254 Ibid. 81. Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.4, 708. 255 Bedon, Chevallier, Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 250. 256 These have already been mentioned in Hadrianic civic building. 257 Ibid. 175. Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 700, 713. 258 The Trajanic basilica: Ibid. 490. The second century amphitheatre is possibly Trajanic but it can only be dated to late first or early second century. Bedon, Chevallier, Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 147. 259 The Flavian aqueduct would have permitted the construction of the baths. Ibid. 52. 260 Two are military diplomas. The first is for the equites singulares under the prefecture of Claudius Livianus (AE 1980, 647 = ILB 138) found at Han-sûr-Lesse (= Rochefort) in 1963. The second (CIL 13.3606 = ILB 137), was found in the Ager Tungrorum for units serving in Britannia under T. Avidius Quietus and dismissed by P. Metilius Nepos c.98. Another was a headstone of white limestone headstone found at St.Maximin in Gallia Belgica. H. Finke ‘Neue Inschriften’ BRGK (17) 1927 Frankfurt 1929, n.38. 261 This was completed in the second half of the first century and was probably Flavian. Bedon, Chevallier, Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 235. 262 Ibid. 143.

Narbo was a beneficiary of both Trajan and Hadrian, but a grand inscription confirms the statement in the vita that Antoninus Pius completed major restorations c.145/161. Among these were the baths and porticoes that had been

263

Ibid. 146. Ibid. 242. A large marble inscription, a dedication to Antoninus Pius, records the restoration of free bathing facilities to Gagarius (St.Jean de Garguier) near Massilia (CIL 12.594). A second, found at Cularo/Gratianopolis, is a dedication to Antoninus Pius from T. Camulus Lavenus and his sister Camulia (CIL 12.2230). 266 The restoration and extension of the first century forum probably took place in the middle of the second century at the same time as the extension of the Augustan theatre and the restoration of the temple of Jupiter. Ibid. 49. 267 F. Kleiner ‘The Roman Arches of Gallia Narbonensis’ in JRA v.11 (1998) 612, a review of A. Küpper-Böhm Die römischen Bogenmonumente der Gallia Narbonensis in ihrem urbanen Kontext Köln 1996. 268 Tests were carried out on the foundation wood of the theatre. C. Sintes and J. Bremond ‘Les Fondations du cirque’ Revue d’Arles 2 (1990) 53-57; C. Sintes et al., Musée de l’Arles antique (Arles 1996) 78. 264 265

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destroyed by fire, the basilica omni apparatu perhaps some of the wealthy residential areas.270

269

and

city of Anderitum and the coastal city of Aquae Terebellicae and could belong in this category.280 The claim for an Antonine temple at Avaricum is unsubstantiated.

Most of the epigraphic evidence was not found at Nemausus, Antoninus’ patria, 271 but at Vienna. Two marble inscriptions discovered cannot be connected with buildings. One is a beautifully inscribed dedication from a patron c.140 (CIL 12. 1853 = 388), and the other is a fragmentary dedication to the emperor (CIL 12. 1853). 272 It is possible that the theatre of Mysteries at Vienna may have undergone some restoration at this time.

Building at the villa at Chiragen continued from 150 until c.200. This was the third construction period and the one that used the most marble from St-Béat. The buildings included a marble fountain court, two small ‘dower’ houses, an apsidial summer dining room and an enclosed garden. 281 There is archaeological evidence of Antonine building at Lugdunum Convenarum, even though the large complex of a basilica with three apses, a portico around an existing temple and the North baths can only be dated vaguely to this period. 282 The restoration of the north-south shops, which involved the replacement of the Augustan limestone of both forum and shops with marble, has been dated more precisely to c.150. 283

Gallia Lugdunensis presents other examples of a variety of buildings and dedications that could belong to Antoninus Pius’ reign. At Augustodunum, the city where the children of the Gallic aristocracy were educated, there is a proven for a renovated or replaced bridge c.140, but a less certain claim to a temple of Janus. 273 The aqueduct and baths at Condate Riedonum could be Antonine,274 but the forum and baths of Iuliomagus were probably much later. 275

There is little evidence of public building during this period in Gallia Belgica, although the building of cryptoporticoes may represent local rivalry between the Gallic élite of Bagacum and Durocortorum. 284

Lugdunum has a large dedicatory inscription from an important Gallic procurator of this reign 276 and an expensive dedication of an altar and Bucranium in the temple of Cybele to the emperor c.160. 277 This temple, the baths c.160 and the Odeon are the subject of controversial archaeological evidence concerning their construction date.278 The bath renovations at Noviomagus Lexoviorum could be the result of improved water supply during this reign. 279

The bath complex of St. Barbara c.140 was the most important building at col. Augusta Treverorum during Antoninus Pius’ reign. Two other public buildings were the bridge c.144/152, 285 and the circus in its initial building phase. 286 A more exact date cannot be given for the second century reconstruction of the baths at Samobriva. 287

There is less epigraphic and archaeological evidence of building activity in Gallia Aquitania during Antoninus Pius’ reign but the economy was flourishing enough to continue financing public buildings throughout the second century. Given the length of construction time it is possible that some of these buildings may have been begun in the reign of Antoninus Pius. The civic buildings at the inland

Summary Antoninus Pius was personally responsible for the rebuilding of the baths, portico and basilica after the fire at Narbo, verifying the claim in the vita. Building occurred in each Gallic province throughout Antoninus Pius’ reign and sixteen public buildings were completed during this time.

269

SHA Pii 9.2. The inscription: CIL 12.4342. Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 279. 270 Antoninus Pius may have assisted in the restoration of these properties destroyed in the 150s. Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 180. 271 Antoninus Pius’ name before his adoption by Hadrian was Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Arrius Antoninus (CIL 8.8239). His father’s family came from Nemausus (SHA Pii 1.1). 272 This legate was a governor of Gallia Lugdunensis and procurator of both Raetia and Noricum. 273 Ward-Perkins IRA 228, although according to Grenier it cannot be dated. Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.3, 462. 274 The aqueduct may have been Severan and not Antonine, which suggests that the second century baths serviced by it were probably contemporary. Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 209. 275 The important building period of this city was from the time of Claudian to the late second century when the baths were completed. Ibid. 52. 276 C. Iulius Celsus (Maximianus) held several important procuratorships, including two in Lugdunensis and Aquitania (CIL 13/1/1.1808). (Perhaps the same man mentioned in SHA Hadr.18 with a different nomen). 277 L. Aemilius Carpus and other priests made this dedication shortly before the emperor’s death (CIL 13/1/1.1751). (There was an increase in Taurobolia, but this is the only definite Antonine construction). The temple was located in the forum behind the ancient theatre. 278 This has already been discussed in Hadrianic Civic Building. 279 These were built at the end of the first century and later restored, even after the reign of Antoninus Pius. The building of a second century aqueduct that may have been Antonine would have encouraged this. Ibid. 162.

Only one aqueduct is known, but there must have been more due to the increase in public baths. Three theatres, but no amphitheatres, were built during this reign, which may

280

There were two marble quarries close to Aquae Terebellicae (on the Atlantic coast) where there was a temple built in the second half of the second century that may be Antonine. Anderitum was an inland city on the main road south to Segodunum. It possessed a fine monumental ensemble with porticoed streets, drains and shops completed at the end of the second century. 281 Aconius Taurus may have owned the villa. Marble was brought from the St.-Béat quarries for the fountain court and ‘dower houses’ on the east of the baths. The new complex on the south and southeast of the baths with the apsidial summer dining room could be reached by a passage from the atrium. The enclosed garden featured seats in a curvilinear recess and another summerhouse. MacKendrick Roman France 131-2. 282 The North baths are ‘second century’. Ibid. 98. The basilica complex can only be given an approximate mid-second century date. Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 216. 283 Ibid. 216. 284 MacKendrick Roman France 140-1. 285 Wightman Roman Trier and the Treveri 159. Bridge: c.144-152 Gallia Belgica 87. 286 The baths were mid second century Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.4, 369; This began in the second century. Bedon, Chevallier & Pinon Architecture et Urbanisme v.2, 250-1. 287 Grenier Manuel d’archéologie v.4, 329.

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indicate a cultural change as the Gauls became more Romanised and Latin plays could be better understood. The construction of two elaborate cryptoporticoes in nearby cities could demonstrate open rivalry between their Gallic élite. The basilica complex in Aquitania is evidence that its cities were still involved in the initial building of their civic centres. Two temples and one altar testify to deeply religious nature of the Gauls.

record its construction or repair in 123, to the sections from Limonum to Caesardunum (AE 1969-70, 394 = CIL 17/2.439), and from Limonum to Fines (CIL 17/2.441= ILTG 474).293 The finance for both was provided by the imperial fisc. A similar situation occurs in Gallia Lugdunensis where two Hadrianic milestones were also found on one road, via Lugduno- Augustonemetum- Mediolanum Santonum, between Lugdunum and Augustonemetum. These roadworks were also financed by the imperial fisc. The milestone found at Biozat in two fragments can be dated to 121 (CIL 13.8906 = 17/2. 343) 294 but the other, found at Perignac on the Allier, has no date (CIL 13.8910 = 17/2. 350).

Hadrianic Road Building Gaul was fortunate in having an excellent river system, providing economic transport from the Atlantic to the Mediterranean, which facilitated trade and the movement of people and goods. The roads had traditionally followed the river valleys (Strabo 4.1.2) and Agrippa extended these to traverse the Gallic provinces. 288 By Hadrian’s reign this network was well developed, with the city of Lugdunum at the crossroads of at least four arterial roads.

More Hadrianic milestones have been found in Gallia Belgica than in any other Gallic province. Of the six found, there was only one (from via Augustam Suessionum Augustobonam) 295 that was funded by the imperial fisc (CIL 13.9024 = 17/2. 520). The remaining five are road works financed by the local communities. Four of these were found on via Lugduno / Augusta Treverorum/ Mogontiacum, where work was completed early in Hadrian’s reign. The milestone found near Trois Maisons near Auxonne 296 records the completion of work c. 118 (CIL 13.9047 = 17/2. 529 = ILTG 489). Three others are from c.121, the year of Hadrian’s visit. One was found near Ricciacum, close to col. Augusta Treverorum (CIL 17/2. 543 = AE 1935, 160), and the second at Choilley 297 (CIL 13.9045 = 17/2. 531 = AE 1961, 237 = ILTG 488). The other was found between Bitburg and Prum in the Nattenheim(er) wood (the border area between Gallia Belgica and Germania Inferior) on via Augusta Treverorum - Coloniam Agrippinensium ( CIL 13.9133 = 17/2. 552).The fifth milestone, found in the middle section at Scarponna near a Roman bridge, cannot be dated 298 (AE 1969-70, 414 = CIL 17/2.537).

The roads in Gallia Narbonensis were among the oldest of the Gallic roads. Via Iulia Augusta (later via Domitia) and via Aurelia had been built well before the Hadrianic era. 289 The only known Hadrianic roadwork in this province was part of via Augustonemeto Gesocribatam (probably near Antigny). The work was done in 121, the year of Hadrian’s first journey through Gaul and although the milestone is very primitive (CIL 17/2. 378 = ILTG 47), the emperor’s name is clearly in the nominative.290 An important Hadrianic inscription that was discovered in a villa near Reii provides some fascinating information.291 Even though only a fragment survives, the inscription reveals both the emperor’s authority over road construction and his permission to the governor or local magistrates to restore the roads: Auctore …Hadriano ….vias si ?ce Ernendas curau (CIL 12. 365 = ILN 2.56). 292 Even with no other evidence, it can be assumed from this inscription that there must have been Hadrianic road repairs both in this area and possibly elsewhere in this province.

Conclusion Although eleven milestones record Hadrianic work on only six roads throughout the four Gallic provinces, the inscription found at Reii shows that in Gallia Narbonensis there must have been more road building than indicated by the one extant milestone. This inscription also makes it clear that the road was repaired at the expense of the imperial fisc, and supervised by the governor on behalf of the emperor. This is important as it specifies imperial control over road repair and construction. It is not clear,

With just two Hadrianic milestones, it seems that the roads of Gallia Aquitania received only slightly more attention. Both milestones were found on via a summo Pyrenaeo and 288

In 40 BC Octavian assumed control over Gallia Comata and appointed Agrippa as the first governor who began organising and building the Roman road system. From Lugdunum (Strabo 4.6.11) these roads crossed the Gauls, connecting centres (many of which later became important cities) and facilitating the movement of troops, especially along via Coriallo Cambetem ad Rhenum from Cabillonum to the Rhine. This new road system may have necessitated the building of military forts. Drinkwater Roman Gaul 123. 289 The first major Roman road was via Iulia Augusta, which connected Gaul and Italy from Genoa to Arelate passing through Aquae Sextiae. This road then became via Domitia from the Rhône to the Pyrenees and to Tarraco in Hispania. Augustus reconstructed via Aurelia on the old Massiliot road in 12 BC and C. Domitius Ahenobarbus built via Domitia from Forum Iulii and terminating at Arelate. Bullock The Romans on the Riviera and the Rhône 185. 290 Wuilleumier ILTG 1963; F. Eygun ‘VIIe ‘Circonscription’ Gallia 15 (1957) 223. 291 This small city was located inland from the Forum Iulii on a small tributary of the river Druentia. 292 Another interpretation is ex glarea silic est ernendam (viam) curavit: Chastagnol & Gascou InscriptionsLatines de Narbonnaise v.2:Antibes, Riez, Digne Paris 1992, 253.

293

This milestone was found at Vienne in a garden on the left side of the road going from Cenon/Vienne to Vonneuille-sur-Vienne. It is similar to a milestone CIL 13.8944 c.140. Wuilleumier ILTG. 294 Biozat was between Effiat and Vichy. This road was the responsibility of the civitates Arvernorum and the measurement used was the leugas, a Gallic measurement. For the ‘leugas’: G.Walser ‘Bemerkungen zu den gallisch-germanischen Meilensteinen’ ZPE 43 (1981) Bonn 395. 295 It was found close to Aug. Suessioneum at Vifford/ Viffort in the canton de Conde, Ainse. 296 According to Mommsen this milestone is from the section of the road Dibio/Dijon to Dole/ Jura and he (contrary to Walser who leaves it undated) restores the inscription to give Hadrian TP II. 297 Near the village of Montormentier on the section of the road from Tilena to Andemantunnum. 298 See R. Billoret ‘Circonscription de Lorraine’ Gallia 28 1970, 286.

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however, whether these roads were to be the responsibility of the provincial governor or the local magistrates.

Trajan’s reign. This milestone is so badly damaged that the date c.100, is uncertain, but it seems that the work was financed by the imperial fisc. 305

Perhaps a similar situation of supervision by the governor on behalf of the emperor existed for Lugdunensis and Aquitania, where there is only evidence for one road for each province. It was quite different in Gallia Belgica, where more roads were built and repaired, all by the local communities with one exception. There was no evidence of military involvement in road construction, even on roads built or repaired by the imperial fisc. It can be assumed that the few auxiliary units stationed in these provinces during this period were engaged on other duties and that the source of unskilled labour came from convicts and slaves.

Antoninus Pius The evidence of road building in Gallia Narbonensis on via Helviorum to Alba Helviorum during this reign c.144/5 is enormous. One unusual milestone, of unknown date, found in this sector gives the emperor’s name in the genitive, 306 making the source of the funding uncertain, but eighteen or nineteen milestones found near or at Ardeche record work financed by the local authorities. 307 In the same year c.144/5, the local communities also completed work on via Agrippa on the Vienne road 308 and in 147 on the road to Valentia. 309 In contrast the milestones found on via Aurelia all record work financed by the imperial fisc. 310 The earliest were three repairs in 139 on the section of the road to Aquae Sextiae 311 followed by a further repair five years later at Rousset. 312 In the previous year work had been completed on the section towards the Forum Iulii, 313 and in the same year on a branch of via Aurelia. 314 A similar situation occurred on several sections of via Domitia, where nine milestones record repairs in 145 all funded by the imperial fisc. 315

All the datable evidence is from the early years of Hadrian’s reign, mostly during or immediately after his visit, which implies some directive or encouragement from the emperor himself. Furthermore, since the roads funded by the imperial fisc were so widely scattered over the Gauls, perhaps each province benefited in a small way from the emperor’s benevolence.

The Road Building of Trajan and Antoninus Pius Trajan

Five milestones from this reign have been discovered on via ex Italia. One could be read either Hadrianus or Pius. 316

Only three Trajanic milestones have been found on via ex Italia in Gallia Narbonensis, one of which may be Nervan. 299 The road from Genava to Iulia Equestris was repaired in 99 300 and the work on the road from Castrum Marselinum in 109 301 was funded by the imperial fisc. Gallia Aquitania has two Trajanic milestones on via a summo Pyrenaeo. In 98, the first year of Trajan’s reign, the local community financed work near Caen/ Calvados, 302 whereas another section of the road, from Burdigala to Mediolanum Santonum, appears to have been repaired by the imperial fisc in 102. 303

305

Found near Augusta Treverorum (CIL 13.9128 = 17/2.544). CIL 17/2. 198 = 12.5580a.b. CIL 17/2.176 = ILN 653: found near Cruas; CIL 17/2. 189 = ILN 652; CIL 17/2.179 = 12.5567: found near Meyse; CIL 17/2.180 = 12.5568: found near Rochemaure; CIL 17/2. 175 = 12.5564 = AE 1992, 1213, CIL 17/2. 177 = 12.5565, CIL 17/2. 182 = 12.5569, CIL 17/2.183 = 12. 5570. CIL 17/2. 191 = 12.5573, CIL 17/2.192 = 12. 5574, CIL 17/2.193 = 12. 5575, CIL 17/2. 194 = 12.5576; CIL 17/2.195 = 12.5577, CIL 17/2.196 = 12. 5578, CIL 17/2.197 = 12.5579, CIL 17/2.200 = 12.5581, CIL 17/2.201 = 12. 5582, CIL 17/2.202 = 12.5583: found near Gard. 308 One milestone was found in the village of Damuyant near the bridge over the river Gerbolle (CIL 12. 5541 = 17/2). 151), and the other at Chanas (Chena) (CIL 12. 5544 = 17/2.154). 309 This milestone was found near the village Etoile-sur-Rhône (CIL 12. 5551 = 17/2. 162). 310 Although ILN 295 is given as a milestone from Antoninus Pius’ reign: J. Gascou Inscriptions Latines de Narbonnaise – Aix-en-Provence Paris 1995 n.59, there is no proof of this at all according to Walser (CIL 17/2.59). 311 CIL 12.5477 = 17/2.54 = ILN 292, discovered in the region of Aix-leprovence/ Aquae Sextiae, CIL 12.312(?) = 17/2.56 = ILN 648a = ILGN 293, CIL 12.313? = 17/2.57 = ILN 648b =ILGN 294. M.Em.Esperandieu Inscriptions Latines de Gaule (Narbonnaise) 1929. 312 In 146: CIL 17/2. 52 = ILN 649. 313 Three milestones were found on this section: CIL 12. 5462 = 17/2. 27 = ILN 192, CIL 12. 5458 = 17/2. 30 = ILN 191, CIL 12. 5464 = 17/2. 39 = ILN 193. 314 Two milestones (CIL 12.5451 = 17/2.73,74, 75,76 = ILN 191 and CIL 12. 5453 = 17/2.77) were found at Le Muy north of the river Bleone. Via Foro Voconii was a branch of via Aurelia. 315 Four repairs are recorded on milestones found from Jonquières to Nemausus: CIL 17/2. 213 = 12.5599, CIL 17/2.223 = 12.5603, CIL 17/2.226 = 12.5604, CIL 17/2.227 = 12.5616, and five repairs between Nemausus and Summus Pyranaeus (CIL 17/2.244 = 12.5625, CIL 17/2. 245 = 12.5626, CIL 17/2.247 = 12.5629, CIL 17/2.257 = 12.5639 and CIL 17/2.258 = 12.5640). 316 This milestone was discovered at Etoy (canton deVaud ) on the road to Iulia Equestris (CIL 13. 9060 = 17/2.128). 306 307

At Pommiers in Gallia Lugdununensis, the milestone from the section of via Lugduno Augustonemetum et Augustoritum from Forum Segusiavorum to Augustonemetum has recently been reinterpreted, placing the emperor’s name in the nominative, crediting the imperial fisc with the construction.304 In contrast to the Hadrianic roadworks, there is only one milestone recording work on via Lugduno Augustam Treverorum et Mogontiacum in Gallia Belgica during 299

Found at Vapincum at the crossroads to the Alpes Cottiae (CIL 12.5536). 300 This milestone was found at Versoix (canton of Geneva) (CIL 12.5536 = 17/2. 141) and may have been in Germania Superior. G.Walser ‘Bemerkungen zu den gallisch-germanischen Meilensteinen’ ZPE 43 (1981) 391 n.49. 301 Traianus.. pecun.. sua fecit (AE 1945, 83).This ancient city received its modern name from the abundance of flowers growing in the lagunes. J.P.Clébert Province Antique Paris 1970, 103. 302 From the section of the road near Araegenuae (CIL 13.8990 = 17/2. 445). 303 The milestone (CIL 13. 8898 = 17/2. 426), was found in the vicinity of St.Ciers and Babinot. 304 ‘Traiano’, according to Mommsen (CIL 13.8917), but Walser gives ‘Traianus’(CIL 17/2. 346).

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Chapter 2 -The Provinces of Gaul

The earliest was c.138 317 and three were c.144. Two roads were constructed locally and one was imperially funded.318

An enormous contrast can be observed of the road construction in Gallia Narbonensis especially in the first decade of Antoninus Pius’ reign. Forty-three milestones record road maintenance or construction work on the roads, of which at least nineteen were financed by the imperial fisc. A simple explanation for this could be the link between Antoninus Pius and Gallia Narbonensis, the province of his patria. It may have prompted his benevolence early in his reign (there is no known evidence of Antonine roadworks after 147). Even so, the overall funding of the Antonine roadworks appears to have been shared equally by the imperial fisc and the local communities.

In 140 the imperial fisc funded work in Gallia Aquitania on the Vienne section of via a summo Pyrenaeo from Limonum to Fines, 319 and at an unknown date, the local community financed work on a different section of the road. 320 The two milestones c.140, found on via Augustonemetuo Gesocribatam 321 record imperial road works. Little evidence exists for Gallia Belgica, which has only two milestones from two different roads. In 139 work was completed on via Augusta Treverorum by the local community 322 but different readings of the other milestone, found on via Col. Agrip.-Atuatuca-Bagacum, have made the source of funding unclear. 323

For the first time in these three reigns there is some proof of bridge building and two bridges can be added to the large number of Antonine roadworks. The inscriptions suggest that many roads required maintenance and, since the emperor did not visit these provinces personally, it seems that the governors as his representatives were diligent in ensuring that roads were repaired.

Conclusion There is almost no evidence of Trajanic road works in the Gauls. Seven milestones exist for four roads, one in each of the provinces. With the exception of the road near Augusta Treverorum, all the work that can be dated was on the southern Gallic roads during the first years of Trajan’s reign. This suggests that the emperor’s attention was diverted elsewhere, possibly by the wars in Dacia. Nevertheless the evidence shows limited imperial interest in Gallic road works with local communities taking most of the responsibility for funding.

Comparison of the Road Building of Trajan, Hadrian and Antoninus Pius The evidence shows a slight increase in construction from four roads (seven milestones) during the Trajanic era to six roads (eleven milestones) during Hadrian’s reign. The reign of Antoninus Pius shows a tremendous increase in road making and repair with a total of fifty-three milestones from ten Gallic roads.

Work on the Gallic roads during the reign of Antoninus Pius presents some tremendous contrasts. Amazingly there are no milestones and no archaeological evidence for any work on the roads of Gallia Lugdunensis and the local authorities financed the small amount of construction on the roads of Gallia Belgica.

The majority of road construction took place in the early years of each reign. For Trajan this occurred before he became preoccupied with the Dacian wars. Hadrianic work was completed between 121 and 123, the years of his visit. It seems possible that Hadrian either authorised or encouraged this work. In Gallia Belgica where there was clear evidence of more road works, this could indicate preparation for the transport of troops and goods to Britannia for the building of the Wall. Otherwise each province of Gaul received equal attention from Hadrian.

The situation in Gallia Aquitania is also interesting. Most of the Antonine roadworks were in 140 and were funded by the imperial fisc. Both factors strongly suggest that Hadrian had already commissioned these works. In addition few road works in this province have been directly attributed to him.

Even though more road construction took place during Antoninus Pius’ reign than in the combined reigns of Trajan and Hadrian, as most took place in the first few years of his reign, it could be possible that some roadworks were authorised by Hadrian. Nevertheless Gallia Narbonensis was the primary beneficiary, and Antoninus Pius’ family links with this province should be acknowledged. Furthermore, as these roads were much older than in the rest of Gaul, they may have been in greater need of repair. There appears to be no satisfactory explanation for the lack of road making in Gallia Lugdunensis during this reign unless river transport was utilised more.

317

Milestone CIL 17/2.138 = 12. 5533 was found in the canton de Vaud on the road to Iulia Equestris. 318 Milestone CIL 12. 5498 = 17/2. 84 was found at Goult (Vaucluse), the other two at Orgon (Bouchées du Rhône): (CIL 12. 5499 = 17/2. 85, CIL 12. 5501 = 17/2. 87). 319 Of four milestones (CIL 13. 8942 = 17/2.435, CIL 13.8943 = 17/2.436, CIL 13. 8944 = 17/2.437, CIL 13. 8945 = 17/2.438), the date of CIL 13.8943 = 17/2.436, is undecipherable but is almost certainly the same as the other four. 320 To Mediolanum Santonum (Saintes/ Charente-Maritime): CIL 13.8899 = 17/2.427. 321 At Antigny between Mediolanum and Limonum: CIL 13.8938 = 17/2. 375, and at Chauvigny: CIL 13.8931 = 17/2.379:. 322 The milestone was found between Bitburg and Prum on the section of the road from Augusta Treverorum to col.Agrippinensium. It gives the emperor’s name in the dative (CIL 13.9134 = 17/2.553). 323 This milestone, c.139/161, was found at Peronnes on the section of the road from Bavay-Tongres-Cologne in 1979, which may have been too late for inclusion by Walser in CIL 17/2. Meanwhile there is disagreement between AE 1986, 502, where the emperor’s name is given in the dative and ILB 136, which gives it in the nominative.

Further evidence of Hadrian’s personal involvement with road building is the fact that despite the Hadrianic inscription giving authority to the governor or local magistrates, a large percentage of Hadrianic work was funded by the imperial fisc. This was not the case in the 60

Chapter 2 -The Provinces of Gaul

Trajanic and Antonine eras, when funding was equally divided between the local communities and the imperial fisc.

adopting the new Roman styles and combining them with their traditional techniques. There is abundant evidence of an increase of building with marble, Hadrian’s love of this stone and his promotion of it as a building material, must have encouraged local communities to do the same. The Gallic interest in Roman architecture can been observed in the use of stone, bricks and tiles used in Roman fashion.

Perhaps Hadrian’s attention to the roads contributed to his reputation for being generous to all communities.

Conclusion

Many public buildings in the Gauls can be attributed to both Trajan and Hadrian. It is feasible, given the long period required for the construction of many civic buildings and the enormous cost, that a large number may have been begun during Trajan’s reign and completed during Hadrian’s reign.

This chapter has attempted to verify the statements made by the ancient sources concerning Hadrian’s generosity to provincial cities and, in particular, that he came to the aid of all the Gallic communities. It has considered all the evidence, literary, epigraphic, archaeological and numismatic, relating to Hadrianic public building in the Gauls. An effort has also been made to consider whether Hadrian gained this reputation as a result of his policies which encouraged civic building. In order to assess Hadrian’s achievements in this area a comparison has been made with the public works of Trajan, his predecessor and Antoninus Pius, his successor.

Trajan built nothing personally in the Gallic provinces and the majority of Trajanic buildings were amphitheatres, of which there were seven or eight built during his reign; there was also a circus. Apart from two temples, a forum and an aqueduct, the emphasis was clearly on entertainment. Antoninus Pius differed from Trajan in that he personally authorised a building programme with the restorations at Narbo after the disastrous fires. Even so it is also possible that there were many buildings completed during his reign which were begun in earlier reigns. There is a hint of competition between communities in Belgica over their cryptoporticoes.

The situation that Hadrian found in the Gallic provinces was quite unlike the frontier provinces which he also visited during this first journey through the provinces as emperor. Gallia Narbonensis had been part of the empire for two centuries and the Three Gauls for well over a century. Romanisation and urbanisation were well established and there was no need, and consequently little evidence, of Hadrian’s raising the status of communities. As many cities had long completed their civic centres, many of these now required renovation.

The comparison with the work of Trajan and Antoninus Pius is particularly interesting in the maintenance and construction of roads, where the combined works of Trajan and Hadrian were surpassed by those of Antoninus Pius, who is even responsible for two bridges, the first recorded in these three reigns. It has already been mentioned that of the three emperors, Antoninus Pius, was the only one not to visit these provinces during his reign. He expected their representatives to petition him at Rome. Their arguments were obviously persuasive, especially those from Narbonensis and Aquitania in the first decade of his reign, since many of these provincial roads were repaired by the imperial fisc.

Hadrian, possibly aware of the vast wealth, competitive nature and piety of the Gauls, provided several examples, particularly in Lugdunum, of the renovation and restoration of existing buildings. He also set an example of building for reasons of piety and beautification of communal areas with his basilica for Plotina and the tomb for Borysthenes. Hadrian was personally responsible for the improvement of public amenities and places of entertainment. Theatres of various types, aqueducts and assistance with local road building gave the people of Gaul an awareness of the benevolence of their emperor. Places of worship, such as the temple at Condate, strengthened the religious and political allegiance of the Gauls.

The comparison of the building works of Trajan and Antoninus Pius with those of Hadrian perhaps reflects the emperors themselves, their policies and attitudes towards the provinces. Trajan’s Gallic buildings suggest an emperor whose main concerns were not with a pacified province but with the frontiers of his empire. Trajanic civic buildings were mostly amphitheatres, and it could be that this type of building was used for propaganda and political purposes. Antoninus Pius’ Gallic building was typical of this emperor, who was an administrator who preferred to rule his empire from the comfort of home. Buildings were completed, roads were maintained and the province of his patria was well cared for.

Hadrian’s time in the Gauls was short, only a matter of months, and as he had more urgent matters to attend to with the armies and frontiers, his achievements in these provinces are especially commendable. The impetus that he gave to building during his reign is apparent in the civic buildings and dedications by private individuals and officials. These mainly include religious buildings and entertainment centres, which is perhaps a comment on the nature of the Gauls themselves. The increasing desire of the Gallic people to enjoy a Roman way of life can be seen in the construction of at least two aqueducts, a good supply of water being a necessary requirement for bath building.

It was Hadrian, with his enthusiasm for the provinces and the raising of the standard of provincial life, who cared enough to observe conditions for himself. He journeyed throughout every Gallic province and, although a visit to Aquitania cannot be proven, the marble quarries may have been provided an incentive. In each province there is

The work of Hadrian’s team of builders and architects at Lugdunum demonstrates that architecturally Gaul was 61

Chapter 2 -The Provinces of Gaul

evidence of widespread building throughout his reign. It seems that Hadrian understood the nature of his Gallic subjects and that the energy and interest he invested in

public buildings provided a positive influence on Gallic urban-centres.

62

Glossary of Cities and Rivers for Chapter 2 Giving the Roman names of cities mentioned in the text and their modern names if possible using the spelling of names according to Barrington Atlas.

Gallia Aquitania

Gallia Narbonensis

Anderitum Javols Aquae Onesiorum Bagnères-de-Luchon Aquae Terebellicae Dax Augustonemetum Clermont-Ferrand Augustoritum Limoges Avaricum Bourges Burdigala Bordeaux Calagorris Divona Cahors Limonum Poitiers Lugdunum Convenarum St.-Bertrand-de-Comminges Mediolanum Santonum Saintes Novioregum Royan Segodunum Rodez Vesunna Périgueux)

Alba (Helviorum) Ardeche Antipolis Apta (Col. Iulia) Apt Aquae Sextiae (Col. Iulia Augusta) Aix-en-Provence Arausio Orange Arelate (col.Iulia Arelate(nsis) (Sextanorum) Arles Avennio (col.Iulia (Hadriana) Auen(n) civitas Avennicorum) Avignon Baeterrae Béziers Cularo/Gratianpolis Grenoble Dea (Col.Dea Augusta Vocontiorum) Die Forum Iulii Fréjus Genava Genève Glanum St-Rémy-de-Provence Mass(a/i)lia Marseilles Narbo Martius Narbonne Nemausus Nîmes Reii (col. Iulia Augusta Apollinaris Reiorum) (Tilena Tichatel/Thil-Châtel) Tolosa Toulouse Turedonnum Vasio Vaison-la-Romaine Vienna Vienne Vidubia St.Bernard-des-Cîteaux

Gallia Belgica Atuatuca Tongres Augusta Suess(i)onum / Noviodunum ?Soissons Augusta Treverorum Trier/Treves Bagacum Nerviorum Bavay Caesaromagus Beauvais Derventum Divodurum Mediomatricorum Metz Durocortorum Reims Grannum Grand Sam(m)aro/a-briva Ambianorum Amiens

Rivers Arar Saône Duranius Dordogne Garumna Garonne Liger Loire Matrona Marne Mosa Meuse Mosella Moselle Rhodanus Rhône Samara Somme Sequana Seine

Gallia Lugdunensis Alesia Alise Agedincum Sens Aregenoua Vieux Augustobona Troyes Augustodunum Autun Augustodurum Bayeux Autessiodurum Auxerre Cabilonnum Chalon sur Saône Civitas (Portus) Namnetum Nantes Caesarodunum Tours Condate Redonum Rennes Forum Segusiavorum Feurs Iuliobona Lillebonne Iuliomagus Angers Lugdunum Lyon Lutetia Paris Mediolanum Aulercorum Noviodunum Diablintum Jublains Noviomagus Lexoviorum Lisieux Ratomagus/Rotomagus/ Rouen

63

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Chapter 3 The Provinces of Germany Germania Inferior, Germania Superior1 including the agri Decumates1 inde in Germaniam transiit (SHA Hadr.10.2).

only of auxiliary troops. 4 A winter on the frontier would have had many advantages. Although the security of the empire was a dominant issue, the emperor was also concerned with encouraging urbanisation. There is no doubt that, while this had considerable benefits for Rome,5 it laid the foundation for civic building for provincial communities and enabled them to enjoy the amenities of a Roman way of life. The extent to which Hadrian was able to encourage urbanisation in the Germanies, given his enormous military commitments before he crossed the sea to Britannia, will be examined in this chapter.

Hadrian’s first visit to the German provinces as emperor began soon after his arrival in Gaul in the late summer or early autumn of 121. He may have chosen to stay in Lugdunum for the winter of 121-122 1 and then travelled in the early spring of 122 to Germania Superior. But his time was precious. He expected to be in Britannia by June or July 122,2 and the detail in the vita (SHA Hadr. 10.2 - 11.2) suggests that his programme was very full. A winter on the German frontier was therefore quite conceivable, especially as Dio describes Hadrian bareheaded in the German snows (Dio 69.9.4). The emperor was familiar with the bitter cold of the northern winter, having been governor of Pannonia Inferior and even earlier as a young tribune in Germania Superior (SHA Hadr.2.5).3

Hadrian’s movements within the German provinces are uncertain. A late autumn arrival in Germania Superior would suggest that he took up residence at the capital, Moguntiacum, with the most senior of his military commanders.6 From Moguntiacum he would have been able to inspect and reorganise the military forces of Germania Superior, then proceed easily along the German and Upper Danubian frontiers, checking fortifications and the strength of the armed forces, and selecting those he needed for Britannia.

Hadrian may even have welcomed this opportunity to winter with his frontier troops in 121/122, as he planned to inspect the limes, the frontier fortifications and organise troop placements, but more importantly he planned to implement extensive army reforms. Not only were the legions and auxiliaries of the German provinces subject to these reforms, but also the armies of Raetia and Noricum, which consisted

This demanding itinerary would have occupied Hadrian throughout the winter until the late spring, when he would have travelled down the Rhine frontier to colonia Ara Claudia Agrippinensium,7 the capital of Germania Inferior. During this journey Hadrian may have had time to encourage urbanisation, but after arriving at the residence of his friend, A. Platorius Nepos, governor of Germania Inferior, military matters would have taken precedence. Both men were about to leave for Britannia, where Nepos would assume his new position as governor. It seems certain that discussions would have centred on military strategy for Britannia, particularly the building of a northern wall and the deployment of troops for this purpose.

1

Scholars are divided on the location of Hadrian’s first winter quarters in 121/122. Lugdunum (Gallia Lugdunensis), the usual choice of the emperors, would still have allowed time for Hadrian to inspect the armies and limes of Raetia, Noricum and the Germanies before his departure for Britannia in June/July 122. H. Halfmann Itinera Principum Stuttgart 1986, 197. Lugdunum’s extensive Hadrianic building programme supports this choice. R. Chevallier ‘Gallia Lugdunensis’ANRW II 3 (1975) 921, 926f. Moguntiacum, in Germania Superior, would have been a more suitable venue: W.Weber Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Kaisers Hadrianus Leipzig 1907, 106, 108; A.R. Birley Hadrian. The Restless Emperor London, New York 1997, 113. 2 Coinciding with Hadrian’s arrival in Britannia in June/July 122 (SHA Hadr. 11.2) was the arrival of VI Victrix (ILS 1047) and A. Platorius Nepos, the new governor and Hadrian’s his friend. R.Syme ‘The Travels of Suetonius Tranquillus’ Hermes 109 (1981) 111. A military diploma, naming the departing governor, Pompeius Falco, and the new governor, A.Platorius Nepos, records the discharge of a large number of troops in Britannia on 17 July 122 (CIL 16.69). F.N. Pryce ‘A New Diploma for Roman Britain’ JRS 20 (1930) 16-23). Nepos had assumed office only a few weeks prior to 17 July 122: A.R. Birley The Fasti of Roman Britain 1981,101. Hadrian’s presence at this ceremony would have required his arrival prior to 17 July 122. (For Hadrian’s itinerary see Halfmann Itinera Principum 190). 3 Having delivered the army’s congratulations to Trajan on his adoption by Nerva, Hadrian had stayed at Moguntiacum to serve with XXII Primigenia (under his brother-in-law Servianus) (SHA Hadr.2.5-6). From there he later took news to Trajan at col. Agrippinensium of Nerva’s death (Dio 68.4.2; Epit.de Caes.13.3; SHA Hadr. I2.6).

4

Hadrian’s work in these provinces (discussed in Ch.1), demonstrates the emperor’s concern with the location and garrisoning of the auxiliaries, securing frontier fortifications, in addition to giving his attention to civilian affairs. 5 As discussed in the Introduction. 6 Possibly C.Quinctius Certus Poblicius Marcellus 121(?) -129 (PIR P1042). 7 Roman veterans were settled at colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium (Tac Ann 12.27.1; Hist 4.65). Drinkwater Roman Gaul 56. Ara refers to the altar of the Ubii. Agrippina, Claudius’ wife, Germanicus’ daughter and Agrippa’s granddaughter, was born at Oppidum Ubiorum in AD 15. Citizens were known as ‘Agrippinenses’. J.v.Elbe Roman Germany 1975, 184-5.

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Chapter 3 - The Provinces of Germany

Provincial Legates

Administration:

the

Governors

flourished and become important centres of trade either directly or indirectly from their association with the army.14

and

Military vici and canabae

When Hadrian assumed power, it had been nearly thirty years since Domitian had created two separate imperial provinces of Germania Superior and Germania Inferior (Not.Dig.253).8 A man of consular rank governed each frontier province for three to five years. 9 His duties included the supervision of judicial and civil affairs in addition to military command of the two legions stationed in his province.

This close association between the growth of German cities and the military occupation can be observed at Bonna, Moguntiacum,15 Novaesium, Vetera and Vindonissa. All were direct descendants of the civil settlements associated with Drusus’ legionary fortresses. A similar situation existed with the auxiliary forts and their vici. As military policy and the frontier changed, troops were relocated but the civilian population of the vicus remained and became the basis for a developing city. One example (resulting from Hadrian’s reorganisation of the limes) was Aquae Mattiacorum, where the auxiliary unit vacated their fort for the front lines c.121/122, leaving a civilian settlement that continued to progress independently.16

Colonia Agrippinensium was the Hadrianic capital and governor’s residence of Germania Inferior and the province’s legionary fortresses were at Vetera, the garrison of the XXX Ulpia Victrix (CIL 13. 8197),10 and at Bonna, the garrison of I Minervia (Dio 54.24.3; CIL 13.8071).11 The capital and residence of the provincial governor of Germania Superior was at Moguntiacum and was also the fortress of the legion XXII Primigenia (CIL 13. 6961). The province’s other legion, VIII Augusta, was garrisoned in the south at Argentorate (CIL 13.9082).

The recent research on military vici has identified three distinct types, which can be catagorised by their location on the roads near the fort.17 The effect of this on public building is difficult to gauge, but it must have influenced the growth pattern of a settlement. Military vici had conventional street grid plans, fora 18 and other civic buildings such as town walls, basilicas, baths and theatres,19 and utilized military building expertise, labour and materials.

Unfortunately only fifteen of the governors and legates of these provinces during the Hadrianic era have been identified 12 and there is no evidence of their direct involvement in building with one notable exception; Oppius Severus, leg. Aug. leg. VIII Augusta (stationed at Argentorate between 120 and 134). Considerable evidence exists of quarrying, road building and possibly the building of a temple (suggested by a dedication to Pater Rhenus) that took place under his supervision.13

Many vici had no association with the military but were, as in the Gallic provinces, tribal settlements that formed the basis for civitates and so enabled the development of local government.20 One of the settlements, or vici, in a civitas

The Status of Communities and the effect on Public Building

14

D. Baatz ‘Research in the limes of Germania Superior and Raetia 198398’ in V. A. Maxfield & M. J. Dobson (eds) RFS (1989) University of Exeter 1991, 175-178. 15 Moguntiacum (or Mogontiacum) was named after Mogon, the Celtic equivalent of Apollo. 16 Baatz ‘Research on the limes of Germania Superior and Raetia 1983-98’ 177. The vicus at Walheim on the Neckar continued to develop after the departure of the auxiliary. 17 Research of the 1980s and early 1990s identified one type built along a major road to the fort, a second on a road that by-passed the fort and a third built on the far side of a ring road around the fort. C.S. Sommer ‘From conquered territory to Roman province’ iSn J. D. Creighton & R. J. A. Wilson (eds) Roman Germany, studies in cultural interaction JRA suppl.series 32 Portsmouth, Rhode Island 1999, 175. 18 Excavations have shown that the forum was an essential part of fort life and its position was of great importance. It was either in front of the fort or beyond the porta principalis dextra and is proof that there was a predetermined layout of fort and vicus. Fora have been found at Saalburg, Heddernheim, Ladenburg, Regensburg-Kumpfmühl, Saalburg-Erdkastell and Zugmantel (the largest known vicus attached to a Roman fort). The fora of Saalburg and Heddernheim were triangular in shape. The fort at Ladenburg has been particularly useful in assessment of other Roman settlements: Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany’ 171-6. 19 Ibid. 180. 20 The creation and growth of civitates were important factors in the foundation of cities. After occupation tribes were organised into civitates with peregrine rights lasted for various lengths of time. Caesar had maintained tribal borders and, although there was military supervision, an internal hierarchy still existed. Communities usually became independent when supervision by the military ceased. They could become municipia. The elevation of communities began with Tiberius and was developed by Claudius into a definite Romanisation policy which the Flavians continued, extending citizenship and civil rights. There was a greater emphasis on urbanisation under Hadrian, but it declined from the time of Antoninus

‘nullas Germanorum populis urbes habitari satis notum est’ (Tac.Germ.16).

By Hadrian’s reign Tacitus’ description of scattered German villages, isolated farmhouses and lack of cities was no longer the case. Under military occupation, cities had 8

A result of the revolt of the Upper German armed forces c.88/89 (Suet. Dom.6.2; Dio 67.11). Germania had previously been under the financial administration of Gallia Belgica, but the armies had been under the jurisdiction of their own consular legate. W.T. Arnold The Roman System of Provincial Administration Oxford 1914, 275. 9 C. Jullian Histoire de La Gaule 4 Paris 1913, 416-7. No Romano-German held this office until after the third century. 10 A dedication from L.Aemilius Carus (PIR A338) legatus Augusti legionis XXX Ulpiae victricis (Vetera) c.138 (CIL 6.1333 = ILS 1077). 11 I Minervia (stationed at Bonna since the Domitian era) was Hadrian’s first legionary command during the second Dacian War. This legion and XXX Ulpia Victrix remained in Germania Inferior until the end of the Roman period. 12 Using B. E. Thomasson Laterculi Praesidum Gothenburg 1984, supplemented by G. Alföldy ‘Die Legionlegaten der römischen Rheinarmeen’ Epig. Stud.3 Köln 3 1967; W. Eck Die Statthalter der germanischen Provinzen vom 1-3 Jahrhundert Epig. Stud.14 Köln 1985; W. Eck ‘Niedergermanische Statthalter in Inschriften aus Köln und Nettersheim’ BJ 184 (1984) 97-115; W. Eck & E. Paunov ‘Ein neues Militärdiplom für Auxiliartruppen von Germania Inferior aus dem Jahr 127’ Chiron 27 (1997) 335-354; R. Syme ‘The Career of Valerius Propinquus’ in A.R. Birley (ed) Roman Papers 5 Oxford 1988, 579-607. 13 A temple (suggested by the dedication to Pater Rhenus), and other building activities are described below in Hadrianic civic building.

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was chosen to be the central administrative town with its own magistrates 21 and its civic centre gained the usual Roman public buildings (a forum, curia and basilica). Even a small market town (magus), often found near the central civitas, 22 and could acquire some public buildings.23

No civitates in the lower Rhine are known before the late first century and Trajan created the first in the agri Decumates after the fortification of the limes in 105/115. These are claimed to have been the civitas Ulpia Sueborum Nicrensium,28 civitas Ulpia Taunensium, with Nida as its centre, 29 and civitas Ulpia Mattiacorum 30 (and possibly the civitas Auderiensium).

The system of local government and magistrates consisted of an ordo with a varying number of decurions. This was similar to other western provinces, where the personal wealth and dues of local office bearers were the main source of income for public buildings. Priests had usually held office in their local civitas and it was therefore a great incentive for an ambitious man to hold a local magistracy, especially if this might result in the prestigious position of becoming a priest required to attend the provincial cult centre at col. Agrippinensium.

Hadrianic changes When Hadrian came to power urbanisation had been mainly concentrated along the banks of the Rhine and was relatively new in the rural areas. Civitates

It was a rare occurrence, in both the German and Gallic provinces, for a civitas to become a municipium. This elevation was not considered to be advantageous for a community. Nevertheless, if a change in status encouraged enthusiasm and civic pride from new office bearers, who were often the best source of local munificence, then the change should be identified.

There is considerable confusion surrounding the civitas Auderiensium, whose administrative centre was the small town of Dieburg. Although it may have been Hadrianic, it has been suggested that logically it must have been Trajanic as it was located close to his other new civitates south of the Main.31 Another suggestion is that, although Trajan gave his name to the vicus, calling it vicus Vetus Ulpius, it was Hadrian who raised its status to civitas.32

Evidence from epigraphic, archaeological and literary sources from both Hadrianic and Trajanic periods is sought in the expectation that this will either reveal or assist in the search for Hadrianic building.

The earliest known magistrate of the Lingones was a duovir c.100/200 (CIL 13.5686). It is impossible to determine a date for the foundation of their civitas Andemantunnum, from this inscription.

Pre Hadrianic changes Col. Claudia Ara Agrippinensium was the first of the three pre-Hadrianic colonies. 24 It was destined to become the capital of Germania Inferior and was the residence of the governor during Hadrian’s reign, and eventually the great city of Cologne. The other colonies were col. Ulpia Traiana in Germania Inferior and col. Aventicum in Germania Superior.

colonies: Les processus de municipalisation en Gaule et en Germanie sous le Haut Empire romaine M. Dondin-Payre & M.-T. Raepsaet-Charlier (eds) Sorbonne 1999, 320. 27 For further discussion of this problem see Wilmanns, ‘Die Doppelurkunde von Rottweil’ 1-182. Its name suggests a Flavian founder, possibly Domitian, but there is an argument for Arae Flaviae being a Trajanic foundation. 28 The central town of the civitas Ulpia Sueborum Nicrensium was Lopodunum. Trajan created this civitas during his period as governor c.97/8 as the name suggests. The earliest inscription to name this civitas is from the Severan era (CIL 13.6420). Ibid. 128. 29 Nida became civitas Ulpia Taunensium, the central town of the Taunenses c.103/111 (CIL 13.9127 = 17 629). This civitas is first mentioned on an inscription of a duovir c.242 (CIL 13.7265). Nida was a civitas centre that was known as vicus; see also: H. Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany: an archaeological survey’ JRS 59 (1969) 165 (see n. 23). It was the civil settlement of Nida (not the nearby fort) which received its name from the river Nidda, a tributary of the Main. Elbe Roman Germany 119; Wilmanns ‘Die Doppelurkunde von Rottweil’ 136. 30 Aquae (Wiesbaden) was the centre of the civitas Ulpia Mattiacorum of the Mattiaci tribe. Speculation about the Hadrianic origin of Aquae Matticorum was based on a milestone c.122 (CIL 13.9124 =17.626). This fostered belief that Aquae was a civitas at this time, but the milestone does not mention its status. There is no evidence that can attribute the creation of this civitas to any particular emperor. Civitas Ulpia Mattiacorum had Latin rights during the second century and at the beginning of the third, but its foundation date is uncertain. Wilmanns ‘Die Doppelurkunde von Rottweil’ 133. The first known decurion comes from a second century inscription found at Mainz (CIL 13.7063). Other inscriptions also mention officials of the civitas Ulpia Mattiacorum (CIL 13.7266, 7271, 7281, 7587). Some can be dated vaguely from the second to the third century (for example: a priest of the civitas (CIL 13.7061), others are much later. A later inscription c.239 was found at Nida (CIL 13.7353). 31 The civitasAuderiensium may have been Hadrianic. Raepsaet-Charlier ‘Les institutions municipales dans les Germanies sous le Haut Empire 320; M.-T & G. Raepsaet-Charlier ‘Gallia Belgica et Germania Inferior’ANRW II.4, Berlin (1975) 320. 32 D. Baatz ‘Fall des Limes und Spätantike’ in D. Baatz & F.-R. Herrmann Die Römer in Hessen Stuttgart 1982, 210.

Very few municipalities are known in the German provinces. A great deal of uncertainty surrounds the name and date of the earliest, municipium Arae Flaviae. 25 In spite of its name, it could be Trajanic,26 but its only inscription, c.186, is no help in clarifying the problem (AE 1981, 691). 27 Pius. M. Rostovtzeff The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire (rev. by P.M. Fraser) Oxford 1957, 222. 21 Occasionally the civitas was called vicus, particularly in the agri Decumates. 22 These were generally spaced evenly apart and a certain distance from arable land. Sommer ‘From conquered territory to Roman province’ 183. 23 A typical second century settlement was Wiesloch, south of Heidelberg, where there was a Mithraeum and twenty houses. It was located no further than eight or nine kilometres from arable land and could be representative of a planned immigration policy and land occupation in the first half of the second century AD. Ibid. 170. 24 This Roman veteran colony became colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium c.50 after Agrippina’s marriage to the emperor Claudius. Drinkwater Roman Gaul 56. 25 J. C. Wilmanns ‘Die Doppelurkunde von Rottweil und ihr Beitrag zum Städtewesen in Obergermanien’ Epig.Stud. 12 Bonn (1981) 2. 26 C. S. Sommer ‘Municipium Arae Flaviae:militärisches und ziviles Zentrum im rechtsrheinischen Obergermanien’ BRGK 73 (1992) Mainz 1993, 309; M.-T. Raepsaet-Charlier ‘Municipium Tungrorum’ Latomus 54 (1995) 368; M.-T. Raepsaet-Charlier ‘Les institutions municipales dans les Germanies sous le Haut Empire: bilau et questions’ in Cités, municipes,

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Municipia

dateable inscription (CIL 13.3599), and a third century decurion, Vitorius Caupius (AE 1921,66). Obviously neither assist the claim that Tongres was a Hadrianic municipium.

In Germania Inferior the evidence is for one, perhaps two municipia, with several uncertainties. It is popularly believed that Forum Hadriani, the central town of the Canninefates tribe, received its name from Hadrian.33 From the evidence of one of four milestones discovered recently near Forum Hadriani in 1997, it is now almost certain that Hadrian raised its status to municipium. It is now clear that the abbreviation MAC meant M(unicipium) A(elium) C(ananefatium). This establishes Forum Hadriani as a Hadrianic municipality 34 with only a slight possibility that it may have been Antonine. (As the milestone was already in place by Antoninus Pius’ reign, it is more possible that the municipality was Hadrianic).35 The first mention of a decurion of Forum Hadriani is on a section of a monumental inscription of a much late date than the Hadrianic era. Obviously this does not solve the problem of dating the municipalisation (AE 1994, 1286).36

The second Hadrianic contender was municipium Batavorum / Ulpia Noviomagus. The Batavi had received Latin rights from Trajan, together with his name and possibly ius nundinarum.41 There is some doubt, however, whether this was the civitas of the Batavians,42 and the epigraphic evidence does not support a Hadrianic municipality.43 Germania Superior has produced only one Hadrianic municipality, municipium Vangionum / Borbetomagus (AE 1978, 534).44 Conclusion The evidence is quite clear. Hadrian raised the status of very few German communities. Given this emperor’s opinion of the disadvantages of colonial status, it is no surprise that there are no known Hadrianic colonies. But with his great interest in urbanisation, it is surprising to find so few municipia. There were certainly two, perhaps even three or four municipalities, but no definite civitates, for which there is a distinct lack of dateable inscriptions, which prevents any conclusive identification. The evidence, limited as it is, suggests that all civitates were Trajanic and that there were no Hadrianic civitates in either German province.

Two more Hadrianic municipalities may eventuate if the claims can be proven that the civitates of the Tungri and Batavi became municipalities at the same time as Forum Hadriani.37 Technically the civitas of the Tungri should be considered under Gallia Belgica but as ‘La cité relevait de la province de Germanie inferière,38 it will be discussed here. The evidence for a Hadrianic elevation of the civitas Tongeren to municipium Atuatuca Tungrorum is based on a recent discovery in 1990 at Tongres. The inscription on a second century limestone altar appears to be a dedication to Jupiter of a temple or sanctuary by the salt merchant and manufacturer Drusus: I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) et Genio Mun(icipii) Tung(rorum) Cat(ius) Drousus sal(arius –inator –samentarius) Men(apiorum) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) (AE 1994, 1279). 39 It confirms that Tongres was a municipality, a status supported by the mention of its genius.40

Although this may be due to several reasons, the evidence seems to suggest that by Hadrian’s reign the process of elevating the German tribal communities to civitates had been nearly completed by Trajan. Since Trajan had probably selected all suitable communities, it is possible that Hadrian saw no purpose in raising the status of settlements that were little more than organised villages. It is unlikely that Hadrian was too involved with his army commitments as, even with considerable military pressure in the Danubian provinces, he still had time to promote eight towns to municipia in the Pannonias.

Unfortunately only two magistrates are known for this municipality: an aedilis, C. Gracileius Similis, from a non-

Since construction time and the cost of public buildings often resulted in communities completing buildings many years after their foundation, evidence of Hadrianic building is also sought in communities raised in status by both Hadrian and Trajan.

33

Hadrian may have visited Forum Hadriani and the Batavi on the insula Batavorum before embarking for Britannia. This may have been the opportunity for Hadrian to complete the process of their Latin rights begun by Trajan. Raepsaet-Charlier ‘Les institutions municipales dans les Germanies sous le Haut Empire’ 320. 34 This dispenses with the claim that it was Aurelianic: Raepsaet-Charlier ‘Municipium Tungrorum’ 367. 35 W. A. M. Hessing ‘Building programmes for the Lower Rhine Limes. The impact of the visits of Trajan and Hadrian to the Lower Rhine’ in: H. Sarfatij et al (eds), In discussion with the past (Zwolle/Amersfoot) 1999, 155. 36 The most accurate date is the first half of the second century, but could even be close to the third. J. E. Bogaers ‘Civitates und Civitas-Hauptorte in der nördlichen Germania inferior’ BJ 172 (1972) 323. 37 H. Wolff ‘Civitas und Colonia Treverorum’ Historia 26 (1977) 204 –242 (on the co-existence of the titles civitas and colonia). 38 Confusion has occurred, as part of the tribal territory was in one province and part in another. ‘La cité relevait de la province de Germanie inferiere’. Raepsaet-Charlier ‘Municipium Tungrorum’ 369. 39 A possible alternative: I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) et Genio Mun(icipii) Tung(rorum) Cat(ius?) Drousus sal(inator?) Men(apius?) vel (civitatis?) Men(apiorum?) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito). (À Jupiter Très Bon et Très Grand et au génie du Municipe des Tongres, Cat(ius?). Drousus producteur de sel et salaisons, Ménapien, ou de la cité des Ménapiens, s’est acquitté de son voeu volontiers et a bon droit). Ibid. 361. 40 Local magistrates would have prevented improper use of this title, especially for a dedication to Jupiter. Ibid.362.

41

Raepsaet-Charlier ‘Les institutions municipales dans les Germanies sous le Haut Empire’ 281, 320. 42 Noviomagus was supported by the Roman administration and changes occurred after the Batavian revolt 69/70. It was simply a town in the land of the Batavians and not their civitas. J. H. F. Bloemers ‘Nijmegen: ROB Excavations 1974-1979 in the Roman forts, cemeteries and canabae legionis’ in W. S. Hanson, L. J. F. Keppie (eds) RFS 79 Part ii BAR Int. Series 71 (ii) 1980, 471-474; J. H. F. Bloemers ‘Lower Germany: plura consilio quam vi Proto-urban settlement developments and the integration of native society’ in T. Blagg & M. Millett (eds) The Early Roman Empire in the West Oxford 1990, 82. 43 The decurion Valerius Silvester is named on an undated inscription: Dea Hurst(e)rg(a)e ex praecepto eius Valerius Silvester decurio municipii Batavorum posuit l.m (AE 1959,10). Two other inscriptions mention the name Hilarus; as a decurion of the municipium Batavorum (AE 1975,630) and L. Hon. Hilarus (AE 1975, 646) c.227. 44 Raepsaet-Charlier ‘Municipium Tungrorum’ 367.

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it seems that there were at least two tufa quarries at Kruft and possibly Kretz,51 and perhaps another four in the nearby river valleys. 52 These extremely busy quarries produced three types of tufa and supplied many military establishments over a long period.53 Other tufa quarries have been identified on both sides of the Rhine just north of Rigomagus.54

Building Materials and Labour As in other frontier provinces the emphasis was on military building, and the army often initiated a supply of materials that, in many instances, the civilian community could later access. Evidence of the availability during the Hadrianic period of a range of building materials and labour is sought from literary, epigraphic and archaeological sources. Wherever possible an attempt will be made to link specific materials with Hadrianic buildings.

Inscriptions from the early principate are proof that the military quarry at Norroy produced limestone, and it seems that marble was quarried in limited quantities at Bavay for the local market. 55 Military quarries have also been located on the right-bank of the Rhine in Germania Inferior and in the northern Eifel Mountains, and at Pfalzerwald.56

Marble and Stone Despite Hadrian’s love of marble as building material, his army reforms dealt with the prohibition of luxury items and facilities in forts and fortresses (SHA Hadr.10.4-8). It could therefore be expected that marble supplies would not have been a high priority for these military provinces. Nevertheless, the governor’s residence, representing the civilising power of Rome, was justification enough for extensive use of marble at Aquincum, 45 and the excavations of the governor’s palace at col. Agrippinensium have revealed another splendid and luxurious residence.46

During the Hadrianic era there was an increased demand for civilian building materials and, from this period and throughout the third century, quarries were expanded by the military to fulfil both civilian and military requirements.57 Some quarries may even have changed from military to civilian ownership. One of these may have been the quarry near Mackw(e)iller in the Vosges 58 that was the property of a Roman eques (ILG 38) during the reign of Antoninus Pius, c.150-160.59

Even with an abundance of good local stone, the Germanic tribes had traditionally used wood for building, possibly because it was more easily worked than stone and was both plentiful and easily accessible (Tac.Germ.16). The Romans too, before their quarries were in production at the beginning of the occupation, constructed their military installations of wood. The first building stone was volcanic tufa 47 that was shipped from the military quarry at Norroy in the upper Moselle and used to build the legionary fortresses along the Rhine.

Other building stones quarried in the north (mainly on the border between Gallia Belgica and Germania Inferior) were limestone, sandstone and basalt. 60 Military units had been 51

An inscription (later unfortunately destroyed) was discovered at an ancient quarry at Kretz (perhaps also known as Kotterheim) in the Krufterbach valley in the Pellenz region when it was reopened in modern times (CIL 4 p.131). It was similar to one found at Schweppenburg (CIL 13.7719). R.Bedon Les carrières et les carriers de la Gaule romaine Paris 1984, map 1; The Meurin Co.quarry inscription at Kretz. Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces 51. 52 The quarries in the river valleys were Vinxtbach, Brohlbach, Krufterbach and Nette. Bedon Les carrières (map1). 53 From the Claudian to the Trajanic period numerous dedications to Hercules testify that detachments from at least eight legions and five auxiliaries worked these quarries. For the types of tufa quarried in this district and a comprehensive list of these military detachments: Röder ‘Die antiken Tuffsteinbrüche der Pellenz’ 228. 54 On the west bank at Berkum and on the east bank near KönigswinterDrachensfels and Königswinter-Petersberg. R. J. A. Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World Princeton 2000, 11. 55 Oölithic limestone quarried at Norroy (Upper Dogger Lotheringens), c.52/4, was used for the fine inscription of the legate of I Minervia stationed at Bonna. H. Petrikovits ‘Eine Bauinschrift des Lagers der legio I in Bonn’ Germania 21 (1937) 233. A marble inscription was dedicated by the auxiliaries serving during the Flavian era with XXI Rapax (CIL 13.4623). This legion disappeared after 92. Y. Le Bohec The Imperial Roman Army London 1994, 26. Bavay produced only coloured marbles. F. R. Braemer ‘Les marbres a l’epoque romaine Revue Archeologique (1971) 171. 56 Petrikovits ‘Romisches Militarhandwerk Archaologische Forschungen der lezten Jahre’ 10, 12. Evidence for military labour: Macmullen Soldier and civilian in the Later Roman Empire 31. 57 The two Pellenz quarries in the Krufterbach valley cited by Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces 156 could be the Kruft and Kretz quarries in the absence of any other known tufa quarries. 58 The military origins suggest that, prior to its acquisition by the eques, this quarry would have been part of the Vosges administrative group. Although Mommsen placed it in Gallia Belgica (CIL 13. Tab.III), its location, high in the Vosges near the border between Germania Superior and Gallia Belgica, make the province difficult to determine. 59 J. J. Hatt ‘Mausolée et four crèmatoire Gallo-Romains à Mackwiller’ (Bas-Rhin)’ Gallia 25 (1967) 82. 60 Limestone was quarried at Montagne de St.-Pierre and sandstone at Nievelstein in the Mosa valley on the border of Gallia Belgica and Germania Inferior. Bedon Les carrières et les carriers de la Gaule romaine map 13 (this may be the Newel-Butzweiler sandstone quarry). Basalt was

Although the focus of these Roman frontier provinces was always military, it may have been the civic buildings of col. Agrippinensium that provided the incentive for the opening of the first quarries in the Brohl district by Claudius.48 It was the military expansion of the limes with forts and roads by Domitian, however, that created the demand for more imperially owned quarries, operated with military labour and expertise.49 Open cast quarrying was probably the most common method of Roman quarrying and certainly the most economical. 50 Many centuries of exploitation have made the identification of these quarries quite difficult. Nevertheless,

45

See chapter 1 for the use of marble in the new governor’s palace at Aquincum. 46 As discussed below in Hadrianic Civic Building. 47 Tufa is a soft easily worked rock that hardens on exposure to air. F. Sear Roman Architecture London 1982 rev.1989, 84. 48 J. Röder ‘Die antiken Tuffsteinbrüche der Pellenz’ BJ 157 (1957) 228. 49 New quarries were opened on the right-bank of the Rhine in Germania Inferior and in the northern Eifel Mountains. H. v. Petrikovits ‘Römisches Militärhandwerk. Archäologische Forschungen der lezten Jahre Öa 111 (1974) 1975, 10-12; For the roles of military personnel in mines and quarries: R. MacMullen Soldier and civilian in the Later Roman Empire Harvard 1967, 31-32. The quarries and mineral resources of the Vosges and the Ardennes were imperial property. E. Wightman ‘Rural settlement in Roman Gaul’ANRW II. 4 Berlin (1975) 684. 50 Two were at Kruft and Plaidt. A. Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces Warszawa 1983, 155-6.

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quarrying sandstone in the south near Borbetomagus since the Claudian era. 61 During the Hadrianic era, it was XXII Primigenia, stationed at Moguntiacum, who worked this quarry. 62 The other legionary fortress of Germania Superior was at Argentorate, 63 where its proximity to the Vosges provided access to excellent supplies of sandstone, some limestone and basalt.64 The labour for these quarries was almost certainly provided by VIII Augusta, whose Hadrianic fortress was at Argentorate (CIL 13.5989).65

Bricks, tiles and terracotta products The Germanic tribes had no use for bricks or tiles (Tac.Germ.16) and it was the Roman army that established this industry.71 Most legions and auxiliary units were capable brick and tile manufacturers and, although several auxiliaries manufactured for other units,72 it was very rare for military bricks to be used for civilian buildings.73 (Where this occurred it is tempting to assume that the buildings were owned or built by important government officials or military persons). Excellent deposits of good clay at Rheinzabern, north of Argentorate, had been used for brick manufacturing by the XXII Primigenia since c.50. Frontier changes during the Flavian period resulted in the movement of this industry nearer to the limes at Nida,74 where production was resumed and was flourishing in the Hadrianic period.75

The variety of stone used for votive offerings, altars and buildings from the first century is enormous. Besides tufa, sandstone, red sandstone and red quartz sandstone used for building inscriptions at Augusta Raurica, 66 there were several varieties of limestone: white, yellow, one with a dark streak and another spotted limestone as well as grey Muschelkalk.67 Yellow limestone, quarried in the far south of Germania Superior,68 has been found in many places including Eburodunum and Aventicum, and in the second forum at Noviodunum where there is a mason’s mark on the stone.69 At Vidy, near Lousonna, several yellow limestone votive inscriptions were dedicated to Hercules, Mercury and the Imperial cult encouraged by Hadrian. Three of these inscriptions refer to sacrum (AE 1939, 209).70 Since one has been approximately dated from the late first to second century, it is seems certain that the quarry was in production during the Hadrianic era.

The German potteries, famous for their high quality sigillata, also produced utilitarian products such as terracotta pipes. Many of these potteries, particularly those in southern Germania Superior, were at their most productive during the Hadrianic era.76 Lead This was in great demand both by military and civilian communities for water pipes 77 and roofs. A clay furnace and double action pump testify to its production and use for industrial equipment.78 Roman lead mines have been located near col. Agrippinensium and in the Eifel Mountains.79 Some mines were in production during the Hadrianic period.80

quarried at Niedermendig, in the neighbouring valley, east of Kruft, not for the building industry but for quernstones, which were valuable export items. The destination of the thirty stones found in a Rhine shipwreck near Argentorate is unknown, but quernstones from Niedermendig have been found in Britannia and even free Germany. O. Brogan Roman Gaul London 1953, 140. 61 The Kriemhildenstuhl quarry was west of Borbetomagus and south of Moguntiacum on the left bank of the Rhine. Ibid. 139; Bedon Les carrières et les carriers de la Gaule romaine Paris map 13. (The granite and sandstone quarries at Felsberg on the other side of the Rhine were probably third century). 62 These quarries were opened and worked by the military as proven by the fourteen military inscriptions found at Limburg and Kriemhildenstuhl, eight of which name XXII Primigenia stationed at Moguntiacum. F. Spräter Limburg and Kriemhildenstuhl. Ibid. 219-220. 63 Argentorate was the largest Roman city in this region (modern Alsace), which covers a narrow section of land in the Upper Rhine valley between the Vosges Mountains and the Black Forest. J. Le Gall Alesia Paris 1963, map. 64 Three sandstone quarries, le Koepfel, Hultehouse and le Moulin de Champagne (CIL 13.5989), were near Reinhardsmünster, Bedon Les carrières et les carriers de la Gaule Romaine map 12, and could be identified with the Roman sandstone quarries near Tres Tabernae, northwest of Argentorate. Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas 25. Also near Argentorate were the two sandstone quarries at la Croix-Guillaume and Haslach. Basalt was quarried at le Kaiserstuhl and limestone at Kuttolsheim (between Reinhardsmünster and Argentorate). 65 This inscription was found at Reinhardsmünster. 66 A first century inscription of red sandstone was found north of the theatre (AE 1945, 101 = NL.102). Another was also red sandstone (NL.100) and one was red quartz sandstone (NL.101). H. Nesselhauf & H. Lieb ‘Inschriften aus den germanischen Provinzen und dem Treverergebiet’ BRGK 40 (1959) 160. 67 Of two Claudian inscriptions found at Vindonissa, one was described simply as sandstone (CIL 13.5224) and the other of grey limestone was a building inscription at the amphitheatre (NL.64). For the identification of these stones: Nesselhauf & Lieb ‘Inschriften aus den germanischen Provinzen und dem Treverergebiet’ BRGK 40 (1959) Berlin 1960, 145-146. 68 At La Raisse by lake Eburodunensis. For the ancient quarries in the Swiss region of Germania Superior: F. Stähelin Die Schweiz in römischer Zeit Basel 1948, 425. 69 (NL.20). 70 The votive inscription to Hercules (NL.25) and two others (NL.26 & 29) mention sacrum. A yellow sandstone inscription (NL.30) Ibid.

71

XXI Rapax and XI Claudia made the earliest military bricks in Germany. E. Samesreuther ‘Der römische Gutshof bei Laufenburg (Baden)’ Germania 24 (1940) 36. Early bricks of XXI Rapax: Stähelin Die Schweiz in römischer Zeit 173-8. 72 See Army Appendix (ch.3). 73 The continuous construction of the villa at Tác-Fövenypuszta (from the 60s to the third century) was an exception in that only military bricks were used. (These were of 1 & II Adiutrix and the coh. VII Breucorum). E.B. Thomas ‘Die römerzeitliche villa von Tác-Fövenypuszta’ Acta Arch. 6 (1955) 92-94. 74 Brogan Roman Gaul 145. 75 Enterprising pottery workers from Heiligenberg occupied the old legionary factory at Rheinzabern and began production c.130, becoming a major supplier of the armies on the northern frontier with two branches at Kräherwald, near Stuttgart, and at Westerndorf in Bavaria. It was most productive during the Hadrianic era and until c.140. F. Oswald & T.D. Pryce An Introduction to the study of Terra-sigillata London 1920 (rev. G. Simpson) 1966, 29-30. 76 Heiligenberg, near Argentorate, was the earliest with its most productive period from c.110 until 120. Production flourished throughout Antoninus’ reign. Ittenweiler and Blickweiler, its subsidiary factories, were most productive during the Hadrianic era and Eschweilerhof during Antoninus Pius’ reign. La Madelaine, in the Argentorate district, was another famous pottery that achieved maximum production during the Trajanic and Hadrianic periods (c.96-135): Brogan Roman Gaul 145; Oswald & Pryce An Introduction to the study of Terra-sigillata, 11, 27. 77 The aqueducts of Lugdunum required between 12.000 and 15.000 tons. J.-P. Adam (La construction romaine) Roman Building: Materials and Techniques (tr) A. Matthews London 1994, 346, n.47. 78 A lead double action force pump found near Argentorate. Brogan Roman Gaul 157. A clay furnace specifically for lead production was found at Friedrichssegen. O. Davies Roman Mines in Europe Oxford 1935, 180. 79 At Kommern and Kall. Ibid. 171, 176. 80 Such as Wiesloch, near Heidelberg, which operated from the Flavian period until the third century, and Mühlamatt near Salzberg. Ibid. 177.

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Roofing and interior paving stone

Wood

Although the Romans preferred terracotta tiles for roofing, a quarry producing blue roofing slate has been found close to Rigomagus in the forested region near Mayen.81 Slate was used as an alternative to lead or terracotta pipes for the water main at col. Agrippinensium.82

Except in the far north where there were very few trees, the German provinces produced plentiful supplies of the timber required by the Romans. The extent to which this was responsible for the deforestation of the land is not clear. 88 Nevertheless, the gradual destruction of the great beech wood forests of the Wetterau occurred during the Roman period, leaving mostly pine and oak.89 Even the oak forests were depleted, as it was particularly suitable for road making and chosen for military fortifications, such as the palisade during the Hadrianic period. 90

Lime and mortar Limestone was burnt in kilns to make the lime for mortar, various types being produced by the use of different grades of stone and additives.83 The versatility of limestone mortar made it extremely important building commodity for making concrete, sealing the joints in pipes, the building of aqueducts, pavement construction and whitewash.84A single kiln found near a quarry or a source of limestone is most common but occasionally several kilns will be found, such as those at Iversheim.85 The Iversheim kilns were built and operated by the military in the first century to supply the fortress at Bonna and then later Novaesium and col. Ulpia Traiana.86 Their ideal location enabled production to continue, as the inscriptions confirm, throughout the Hadrianic period until the third century.87

Labour and transport Military labour, if it was available, was used in the mines, quarries, wood-mills and pottery industry. Army officers were brought in for their technological and administrative expertise. Several fascinating inscriptions, many from the Trajanic era, not only link quarries and military work parties, but also identify army units and personnel. 91 During the Hadrianic era legionary detachments supplied the labour for at least two quarries and the pottery industry. XXX Ulpia victrix (stationed at Vetera) was at Kruft (AE 1926, 21) 92 and XXII Primigenia (stationed at Moguntiacum) was at Schweppenberg (CIL 13.7702). The lime kilns of Iversheim were controlled by the military and worked by detachments of sixty men from various legions quarrying and assembling the stone, cutting timber for fuel and operating the kilns.93 The existence of guilds for lime workers (ILS 7289) suggests, however, that civilians operated some kilns. Slave labour was used in conjunction with free labour both in the production of lime (ILS 7289a) 94 and by the military in the tufa quarries of the Brohl district.95

81

K.A. Seel ‘Römerzeitliche Fluren im Mayener Stadtwald’ BJ 163 (1963) 321. Other metamorphic rocks such as schist and gneiss are also found in the German provinces. 82 W. Haberey ‘Neues zur Wasserversorgung des römischen Köln’ BJ 1556 (1955-6) 158-9. 83 B. Dix ‘The manufacture of lime and its uses in the western Roman provinces’ Oxford Journal of Archaeology 1/3 (1982) 331-334. 84 The aqueducts of Rome required 1500 wagonloads annually. The building industry was not the only consumer; lime mortar was used for agricultural purposes, for the tanning and wine-making industries. Ibid. 343. 85 The limestone at Iversheim, near Münstereifel, was dolomite, which occurs when part of the calcium of the limestone is replaced by magnesium. (Other limestone is chalk and oölite). J. F. Healy Mining and metallurgy in the Greek and Roman World London 1978, 44. Initially there were four Roman kilns, then six, of which one collapsed leaving five. Dix ‘The manufacture of lime and its uses in the western Roman provinces’ 334, 343. The estimate that each tonne of product required an oak log measuring ten metres long and 0.5 metres in diameter and two pine trees of approximately the same size, necessitates a close supply of wood, in addition to suitable stone. (Toxic fumes and high fire danger, however, kept production away from settlement areas). Iversheim was very close to an excellent timber supply which included the willow and the poplar, a wood chosen by the Romans for the fierce heat it emits on burning. (Experiment to determine the production capacity, the excavator of these kilns used beech. W. Solter Römische Kalkbrenner im Rheinland 1970). 86 G. Alföldy ‘Inschriften aus den Kalkbrennereien der niedergermanischen Legione in Iversheim’ Epig.Stud. 5 (1968) 18-27. An inscription suggests that these kilns were in production from the 1st century building of the fortress at Bonna throughout the Hadrianic era (CIL 13.7943, c.161). Mortar from Iversheim has been found at Novaesium and col. Ulpia Traiana. M. Carroll Romans, Celts and Germans - the German provinces of Rome Stroud 2001, 94. Iversheim had direct river access, either along the Erft or the Rhine, to all the legionary fortresses and the capacity to supply a large market. Fifty men could produce two million kilograms (200 tonnes) of lime each month. The entire process took two to three weeks. Dix ‘The manufacture of lime and its uses in the western Roman provinces’ 336. 87 Later inscriptions show that the production of lime, and perhaps its shipment, was supervised by the magister calc(ariorum), a junior ranking officer of the legion XXX Ulpia victrix stationed at Vetera. Inscriptions 7,8 & 9: Alföldy ‘Inschriften aus den Kalkbrennereien der niedergermanischen Legione in Iversheim’ 21-23; Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces 154; Dix ‘The manufacture of lime and its uses in the western Roman provinces’ 333.

Col. Aug. Treverorum was one of the centres for stoneworkers 96 who may have been itinerant tradesmen.97 88

The Romans cleared woodlands for crops but large areas had been under cultivation for many years and significant deforestation can even be traced to the Iron Age. A. Kreuz ‘Becoming a Roman farmer: environmental evidence’ in J.D. Creighton & R.J.A. Wilson (eds) Roman Germany JRA suppl.series 32 Portsmouth (R.I) 1999, 73-4. 89 Carroll Romans,Celts and Germans 17. 90 There may even have been a shortage of supply for the palisade. See Hadrianic military building for dating by dendrochronology. 91 An inscription from Brohltal c.96 names the legate Licinius Sura, a friend of Trajan (AE 1923, 33). Inscriptions from Brohl (CIL 13.7696) and Tönnistein, a dedication to Hercules (CIL 13.7695), are both from a detachment of VI victrix working at these quarries under the centurion C. Bassus Terentius (perhaps with specialist quarrying skills). Damage to an inscription at Kruft destroyed both the name and the legion of the Trajanic tubicen (CIL 13.7711). The name of another trumpeter, M. Hellius Secundus of X Gemina, survived on an inscription at Schweppenburg (CIL 13. 76994); he worked at Brohl before the legion was transferred by Trajan to Pannonia (CIL 13.7699). XXI Rapax quarried at Brohl under L. Licininius Festus (CIL 13.7702) before disappearing in 92. 92 At Kruft a dedication to Hercules and Minerva was found from a detachment of XII Ulpia victrix (AE 1926, 20). 93 Lime workers received twice the average wage (perhaps 50 denarii daily), as the manufacturing process of lime required both skill and continuity. Dix ‘The manufacture of lime and its uses in the western Roman provinces’ 342-3. 94 Ibid. 343. 95 Röder ‘Die antiken Tuffsteinbrüche der Pellenz’ 254. 96 Other centres were at Neumagen, Arlon, Buzenol and Koblenz.

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The number of inscriptions relating to the woodworkers’ colleges or guilds testifies to the importance of this trade in the German provinces.98 Detachments of soldiers were also employed in the timber mills 99 and several woodworking tools have been found engraved with their names.100

Hadrianic Civic Building ‘The contrast between the German and Gallic provinces is that the inhabitants of second century Gaul showed a lack of interest in political and military affairs and preferred material welfare and religion’.103

Building materials, especially stone, are heavy and unwieldy products so the location of quarries near rivers eased transportation problems. Evidence that the early military quarries used the classis Germanica for transport on the Rhine has been found at Tönnistein (CIL 13.7726), near Antoncaum (CIL 13.7723) and at Brohltal, where there was a dedication to Neptune (AE 1923,32).101 River transport was operated by sailors’ guilds that took their names from their regions. Inscriptions from Vidy testify to a collegium nautarum Veronensium Arelicae and the nautae Leusonneses, who made a dedication to Neptune (NL 28).102

If this statement is correct, then it will be interesting to see whether Hadrianic civic building can support it. Evidence will be drawn from the literary, epigraphic and archaeological sources but particularly from cities raised in status by Hadrian and his predecessor. As Trajan was more active in this regard than Hadrian, and since construction periods depended on available finance and consequently may have spanned many decades, it is quite possible that civic buildings with Trajanic foundations may have been completed in the Hadrianic period. By Hadrian’s reign the early German cities 104 were well endowed with public buildings, but many parts of the provinces were not urbanised. The evidence is expected to vary from rebuilding and maintenance in the older cities to new buildings in the new urban centres.

Summary The evidence shows a wide variety of building materials in the German provinces. Even though it is not easy to locate Roman quarries, and even more difficult to determine their production period, the evidence suggests that many had been operational since the Claudian era and were still in production in the Hadrianic period. Stone quarries were located all over the provinces, usually near rivers, so transport was easy and well organised by guilds. Although early military building was in timber, it was soon replaced by stone for the fortresses and forts along the Rhine and the major rivers. An excellent stone supply became quickly available not only for military installations but also for the rapidly developing cities along the Rhine.

The extent of Hadrianic building will be assessed taking into account the available building materials and the constraints of an imperial military policy which demanded extensive road building and military construction. In the absence of literary evidence for building in these provinces during this period, there is a reliance on the archaeological and epigraphic evidence. Many of the public buildings of the thirty-six cities of second century Germania Inferior have now been located and excavated.105 Often the choice of civitates’ capitals was related to the supply of building materials,106 but it seems that despite the excellent location of municipium Atuatuca Tungrorum, 107 this did not encourage Hadrianic building. Only one large building, resembling a temple on a podium, is known. It was decorated with frescoes and with marble perhaps from the small local quarry at Bavay.108

Wood was plentiful, in spite of the gradual destruction of forests and the woodworking guilds suggest a buoyant industry. Lead, the most useful metal for the building industry, was mined during the Hadrianic period and used for pipe production. Although it has been possible to identify the origin of stone used for inscriptions and even to link mortar from Iversheim and the product of certain tufa quarries with legionary fortresses, so far only the wood used for road works and the palisade can be identified as Hadrianic.

A different, but quite disappointing situation is found at col. Agrippinensium, where Hadrian almost certainly stayed with his friend and governor of the province, A. Platorius Nepos. Although excavations of the governor’s palace in 1953 revealed a large peristyle villa that had undergone several building phases, incredibly after the Flavian period 103

A comment on C. Jullian Histoire de La Gaule 6 Paris 1913, 293 in Rostovtzeff Roman Empire 2, 548, n.37. 104 At the start of the Hadrianic era there were many well-established and flourishing Roman cities in the German provinces. The earliest were Augusta Raurica, founded in 44 BC, and Oppidum Ubiorum (later col. Agrippinensium), created c.38 BC by Agrippa, Augustus’ son-in-law, from two military camps on the banks of the Rhine. 105 J. Kurnow ‘Zentralität und Urbanität in der Germania Inferior in des Jahrhunderts n. Chr.’ in Die römischen Stadt im 2.Jahrhundert n.Chr. Koll. In Xanten Köln 1992, 144. 106 A. Vanderhoeven ‘The earliest urbanisation in Northern Gaul. Some implications of recent research in Tongres’ in N. Rymans (ed) From the Sword to the Plough: Amsterdam Archaeological Studies I Amsterdam 1996, 229. 107 Gravel for the roads came from the Mosa. Limestone and flint were available east of the town along the Mosa and from Maastricht. Ibid. 229. 108 Raepsaet-Charlier ‘Gallia Belgica et Germania Inferior’ 222.

97

E. Wightman Roman Trier and the Treveri London 1970, 194-5. 98 Two others were at Heddernheim (CIL 13. 371; AE 1962, 232) and Aventicum (CIL 13.5153, 5154). There were fabri tignariorum (CIL 13.7655) at Moguntiacum and col. Agrippinensium (CIL 13.8344). 99 Three inscriptions found in the region around Trennfurt near Obenburg were early third century. MacMullen Soldier and civilian in the later Roman empire 27. It can be assumed, however, that the military were involved in similar activities during the Hadrianic era. 100 H. Jacobi Das Römerkastell Saalburg Homberg 1897, 208-111, illustr. 27, 28, 29. 101 Stone was still being transported in this manner during the reign of Antoninus Pius for the forum at col. Ulpia Traiana (CIL 13.8036). Bedon Les carrières et les carriers de la Gaule romaine 141. 102 Their choice of stone was white limestone, but the sailors of lacus Lemannus chose yellow sandstone for a later inscription dedicated to the Imperial cult (NL.30).

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known inscription is from a later era (AE 1994, 1286). 123 Current dendrochronology testing is expected to further knowledge of its Roman buildings that at present is limited to the excavation of the town walls and the location of the baths and forum.124

none of these occurred until the middle of the second century.109 Hadrianic evidence in the city itself was slightly better. The initial public building of this Claudian colony had been accomplished very quickly, quite possibly in less than ten years 110 and, understandably, by the Hadrianic era its civic centre could have needed repair. Excavations have revealed that the city walls, the forum and Capitolium were all restored in the second century111 and east of the new market was a stone amphitheatre112 and possibly a theatre.113 Yet only one of these new constructions, a circular cryptoporticus built c.135, can be termed Hadrianic.114

Changes and improvements were being made at ports along the Rhine. One was at the vicus at Gelduba, where the port may have been repositioned when a group of harbour shops was built close to the fort.125 By the second century, Noviomagus had town walls, baths and an amphitheatre.126 This city had had a cryptoporticus, two Gallic Roman temples, a pottery, large warehouses, a peristyle house and even some painted decoration.127 But whereas Noviomagus had no attested Hadrianic building,128 nearby there was a contemporary villa at Druten, c.70/80, which may have had a commercial connection with the legionary fortress. This villa continued to flourish after the departure of the legion and, in the early second century, a second storey extension was added. Its painted decoration schemes are clearly Hadrianic in concept.129

Attention was also given to the public amenities during the second century and an aqueduct was constructed below ground because of frost.115 This may have encouraged the building of new public baths in the second century.116 A small public bathhouse had been built in the first century just inside the city walls. It was demolished c.120/30 (perhaps as a result of the new baths) and replaced by a suburban house.117 The remains of a beautiful mosaic in that bathhouse indicate exceptional luxury for such a small establishment, but also represent the high quality work available at this time.118 The current situation, until the archaeologists can provide more accurate dating, is that this Roman provincial capital with its thriving commercial centre, 119 seven temples 120 and main roads lined with colonnades121 has very few Hadrianic buildings. The Hadrianic contribution to the city amounts to a cryptoporticus, a suburban house built over a bathhouse and the bust of a young woman with a Hadrianic hairstyle.122

Other changes, perhaps connected with Hadrian’s military plans for Britannia, included local road construction near Praetorium Agrippinae where several stages of rebuilding also took place. Two distinct building types have been identified in this region. One, surrounded by a palisade, was not built in the local style and the others were second century farmhouses. Neither type seems definitely military or agricultural and their exact function is uncertain.

Forum Hadriani is the only municipality in the province to be positively identified as Hadrianic, even though its first

The forum and Capitolium of col. Ulpia Traiana, a Trajanic colony,130 have an early second century date 131 and were probably Trajanic and not Hadrianic. Few civic buildings can be dated with accuracy, 132 including the aqueduct 133

109

O. Dopplefeld ‘Römische Großbauten unter dem Kölner Rathaus’ Germania 34 (1956) 98. 110 H. G. Horn (ed) Die Römer in Nordrhein-Westfalen Stuttgart 1987 466 111 R. Bedon, R. Chevallier, P. Pinon Architecture et urbanisme en Gaule romaine (v.1 ‘L’urbanisme’) Paris 1988,127. 112 This includes epigraphic evidence from B & H. Galsterer Die römischen Steinschriften aus Köln Köln 1975 and B & H. Galsterer. Neue Inschriften aus Köln II: Funde der Jahre 1980 –1982 Epig. Stud.13 Köln/Bonn 1983; Kurnow ‘Zentralität und Urbanität in der Germania Inferior in des Jahrhunderts n. Chr.’ 150. 113 The existence of a theatre is based on a model of the theatre and masks. F. Sear Roman Theatres and Architectural Studies Oxford University Press (forthcoming). 114 Horn (ed) Die Römer in Nordrhein-Westfalen 469. 115 One aqueduct was more than fifty kilometres long, another brought water one hundred kilometres from the Eifel Mountains. Bedon, Chevallier, Pinon Architecture et urbanisme en Gaule romaine v.1, 127. 116 Kurnow ‘Zentralität und Urbanität in der Germania Inferior in des Jahrhunderts n. Chr.’ 150 117 The bathhouse was a Reihentyp and was probably a military construction as the tiles were military. The baths may have been connected with the army. Other public buildings in CCAA, temples, forum, city walls also show signs of building assistance from army. The house became part of the cemetery in the fourth century. M. Carroll-Spilleke ‘An early bath house in the suburbs of Roman Cologne’ JRA 10 (1997) 263-270. 118 Decoration was becoming very sophisticated, but unfortunately very few frescoes of first half of the second century have been preserved. 119 There were also glass, leather and metal workshops. P. Le Baume ‘Das römische Köln’ BJ 172 (172) 286. 120 A.-B. Folman-Schulz ‘Römische und einheimische Tempel in Niedergermanien’ in Die römischen Stadt im 2.Jahrhundert n.Chr. Koll. in Xantener 2 Köln 1992, 248. 121 Bedon, Chevallier, Pinon Architecture et urbanisme en Gaule romaine v.1, 127. 122 P. Le Baume Colonia Agrippinensis Cologne 1967, 53.

123

This inscription, either late second or third century, is the first mentioning a decurion of the municipality of Forum Hadriani. Bogaers ‘Civitates und Civitas-Hauptorte in der nördlichen Germania inferior’323. 124 The results could alter the evidence dramatically. Kurnow ‘Zentralität und Urbanität in der Germania Inferior in des Jahrhunderts n. Chr.’ 147. 125 Two guesthouses were built during the second wood building phase and stone used for the foundations of second century houses. C.Reichmann ‘Gelduba (Krefeld Gellup) als Fernhandesplatz’ in T. Grünewald & H.-J. Schallles (eds) Germania Inferior Berlin 2001, 486-7. 126 This was a military amphitheatre. Kurnow ‘Zentralität und Urbanität in der Germania Inferior in des Jahrhunderts n. Chr.’ 143-152. 127 Raepsaet-Charlier ‘Gallia Belgica et Germania Inferior’ 314. 128 These buildings were probably third century. J. E.Bogaers & R. Rahiers ‘Noviomagus’. Ant.den Spüren der Römer in Nijmegen 1979; J. K. Haalebos Castra und Canabae Nijmegen 1995, 50, 53. 129 L. J. F. Swinkels ‘Mural Paintings from a Roman Villa at Druten, The Netherlands’ in J. Liversidge (ed) Roman Provincial Wall Painting of the Western Empire BAR Inter.Ser. 140 1982, 183-185. Archaeological techniques are now able to recognise and save decorative features that were previously discarded as crumbling plaster. 130 Its colonial status occurred between X Gemina’s departure for the Danube and the arrival of VI Victrix between 27.1.98 and the summer or winter of 102. (The veteran colony later moved to a better site at Xanten). J. C. Mann ‘Ulpia Traiana and the Occupation of Vetera II’ BJ 162 (1962) 162; H.-J. Schalles ‘Überlegungen zur Planung der colonia Ulpia Traiana und ihrer öffentlichen Bauten im Spiegel städtischer Architektur des 2.Jahrhunderts n.Chr.’ in Xantener 6 (1995) 380-81. 131 Ibid. 379-428 132 These include several undated temples and a Neronian amphitheatre, renovated in wood and stone in the second century and rebuilt in stone during the third century. C.-M. Ternes Römisches Deutschland Aspekte seiner Geschichte und Kultur Stuttgart 1986, 261; Bedon, Chevallier, Pinon

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which would have been built before the two baths. One of these was Hadrianic, c.120/130, and had separate bathing facilities for men and women.134 Second century houses were built near the entrance to the port, 135 where Hadrianic improvements took place c.134/135.136

that the legion was also responsible for the supervision of navigation on the Rhine. It seems that VIII Augusta was adept at both defensive and utilitarian construction work and it may have been for its building skills that Hadrian chose to send a detachment of this legion to Britannia during the Wall building phase. The subsequent reduction of the garrison at Argentorate indicates the emperor’s confidence in the political stability in southern Germania Superior. 147

The new legate’s palace at Vetera was built with private baths c.122.137 The building may have been constructed during the spring and early summer of 122, encouraged perhaps by the forthcoming imperial visit and taking advantage of a large labour force with its two resident legions.138

Although the rural population surrounding Argentorate may not have been interested in civic building, several discoveries have been made at Königshafen,148 the civilian settlement of the legionary fortress. These include Hadrianic fortification walls c.120/130, a second century stone or brick theatre or Odeon,149 and a red marble statue of a woman with a typical Hadrianic hairstyle. 150

In Germania Superior there is slightly more epigraphic evidence. Arae Flaviae, in the far south of the province, was the first of the German municipalities. It may have been Trajanic in spite of its name.139 The public baths are this city’s only datable building and belong to the late Trajanic or early Hadrianic period, c.110/120.140 The other monumental buildings have not been dated.141

Few buildings in Augusta Raurica can be directly attributed to the Hadrianic period, although the city underwent extensive renovations shortly afterwards. 151 The theatres and amphitheatres of Augusta Raurica had a varied history of use. The theatre had been made into an amphitheatre c.73/74 and reconverted in the Trajanic/ Hadrianic era c.100/130, or even under Pius.152 The renovations included new seats made of red sandstone (perhaps from the quarries in the Vosges), and a semicircular orchestra. There was also a replacement amphitheatre built c.140/150 about one kilometre southwest of the theatre.153 The date of the basilica is unknown, but its design may have been influenced by the double-apsed Basilica Ulpia in Rome,154 a building completed, if not built, by Hadrian, whose design for the temple of Venus and Rome also included two apses.

There is abundant evidence that detachments of VIII Augusta, stationed at Argentorate, were involved in military building,142 the quarrying of stone (CIL 13.5989), bridge and road building under Oppius Severus c.120/130. 143 It is possible that this legion may also have been used for civic building.144 A dedication, made to Pater Rhenus by Oppius Severus, c.130,145 was found with a Corinthian capital which could have belonged to a temple. 146 An inscription suggests

Architecture et urbanisme en Gaule romaine v.2, 262; H. v. Petrikovits ‘Jahresbericht 1935’ BJ 142 (1937) 248-9. There was a temple to Mars and other temples near the Capitolium by the northwest gate. Horn (ed) Die Römer in Nordrhein-Westfalen 632. 133 Traces of an aqueduct have been found which supplied water to the colony. Raepsaet-Charlier ‘Gallia Belgica et Germania Inferior’ 135. 134 Schalles ‘Überlegungen zur Planung der colonia Ulpia Traiana und ihrer öffentlichen Bauten im Spiegel städtischer Architektur des 2.Jahrhunderts n. Chr.’ 422. C. Rüger ‘Xanten –Colonia Ulpia Traiana’ in Horn (ed) Die Römer in Nordrhein-Westfalen 619-638. This reflects Hadrian’s views on mixed bathing (SHA Hadr.18.11). The other baths with palaestra and latrines are not second century. H. Hinze ‘Bericht über die Ausgrabungen in der Colonia Traiana nördlich von Xanten’ BJ 161 (1961) 346-349. 135 Kurnow ‘Zentralität und Urbanität in der Germania Inferior in des Jahrhunderts n. Chr.’ 143-152; Bedon, Chevallier, Pinon Architecture et urbanisme en Gaule romaine v.2, 262. 136 H. Cüppers Die Römer in Rheinland-Pfalz Stuttgart 1990, 663. 137 Horn (ed) Die Römer in Nordrhein-Westfalen 636. 138 VI Victrix, prior to its departure for Britannia, was temporarily stationed at Vetera with the XXX Ulpia victrix.. 139 The stone fort at Rottweil, Kastell III, could be contemporary with the creation of municipium Arae Flaviae. P. Filtzinger ‘Römische Archäologie in Südwestdeutschland gestern und heute’ in P. Filtzinger, D. Planck, B. Cämmerer (eds) Die Römer in Baden-Würtemberg Stuttgart 1976, 482. 140 Early second century baths. Ibid. 487, 491. 141 The street plan was typically Roman. The civic buildings included a forum, basilica, theatre, temple, even a market and covered shopping mall. Some of these could belong to the Kastell III stage. Sommer ‘Municipium Arae Flaviae: militärisches und ziviles Zentrum im rechtsrheinischen Obergermanien’ 293-8. 142 See Hadrianic Military Building. 143 J.-J Hatt Argentorate Strasbourg Lyon 1993, 37. The legion was involved in quarrying stone: see Building materials and labour. 144 Some road works were as early as c.74 (CIL 13.9082). H. Jouffroy ‘ Le rôle de la VIIIe Légion Augusta en Germanie Supérieure au IIe siècle’ in H. Vetters & M. Kandler (eds) Akten des 14 Int.Limes Kongresses 1986 in Carnuntum Wien 1990, 415. 145 Hatt Argentorate Strasbourg 19 Illust: Frontispiece. 146 Ibid. 104.

The agricultural community around the Hadrianic municipium Vangionum flourished in the second century but, while excavations at Borbetomagus have revealed no signs of resistance to Romanisation,155 there is also no indication that agriculture provided sufficient wealth for the

147

Jouffroy ‘Le rôle de la VIIIe Légion Augusta en Germanie Supérieure au IIe siècle’ 415-416. 148 The legionary brick works moved to the canabae and vicus known as Königshafen during Trajan’s reign. Ibid. 79. 149 It also had a Mithraeum, a sanctuary of Mercury and Epona and baths within its walls. Bedon, Chevallier, Pinon Architecture et urbanisme en Gaule romaine v.2, 238. 150 Hatt Argentorate Strasbourg 121. 151 Including a new city wall, another aqueduct and three baths. The main central baths were built in the second century but one may have been Hadrianic baths for women. Bedon, Chevallier, Pinon Architecture et urbanisme en Gaule romaine v.1, 68-9. Renovations to the forum included two large temples, the hexastyle Capitolium, porticoes and rows of shops. Ward-Perkins RIA 221. 152 The original theatre was built by Munatius Plancus 43 BC: C.-M. Ternes & R. Chevallier ‘Die Provincia Germania Superior im Bilde der jüngeren Forschung’ ANRW II.5.2 Berlin (1976) 887. 153 The dates of the second theatre and amphitheatre are based on coin evidence and the absence of brick in the construction. Sear Roman Theatres and Architectural Studies (forthcoming). 154 Ward-Perkins RIA 221-3. 155 A large number of villae rusticae surrounded Borbetomagus. R. Häussler ‘The Romanisation of the civitas Vangiorum’ Bull. Inst. Arch. London 30 1993 (1994) 51-53.

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civic buildings.156 It seems doubtful that the Capitolium and basilica were built in the Hadrianic era, although Borbetomagus did support the Imperial cult favoured and encouraged by Hadrian (CIL 13. 6243), and excavation has revealed a building with some fine Hadrianic painted decoration.157 Unfortunately the date of the triumphal arch erected by the decurion Lucius Victor is unknown (CIL 13. 6244).

however, a fragment of a Hadrianic inscription found in a pier of the old bridge over the Rhine at Moguntiacum, but only the emperor’s name, Hadrianus, can be deciphered (CIL 13.6799 = R.97). The pottery industry at Nida, civitas Ulpia Taunensium, thrived during the Trajanic/Hadrianic period and should have encouraged civic buildings. But of the few discovered, the earth and timber theatre seems to be Trajanic, and only a second century building decorated with fine frescoes may have been Hadrianic.165

Hadrian possibly raised Dieburg in status from vicus to civitas, 158 but the only proven Hadrianic building was a villa rustica, c.120.159 A very primitive stone inscription found at Ilbenstadt in the Wetterau (CIL 13.7393) was restored with some uncertainty as a dedication to the emperor Hadrian. In the desert of evidence it is exciting to read that this could refer to a building: templum et protectum, and from a reinterpretation, perhaps even protectum ante porticum.

Another inscription fragment, also found on a bridge, was at Nieder-Ingelheim. The inscription is unintelligible but seems to be part of a dedication to Hadrian: hadriano mo et. (CIL 13.7500 = R.99). It is possible that these two inscription fragments could be remnants of milestones. Conclusion

The Trajanic civitates began to construct their administrative and public areas. The capital of the civitas Ulpia Sueborum Nicrensium, Lopodunum, 160 was founded c.100. 161 It has Hadrianic buildings that could include city walls, baths with a similar painted decoration found at col. Agrippinensium and either a theatre or an amphitheatre. 162

There is no literary evidence of Hadrianic building in the two German provinces and the epigraphic evidence is poor. This paucity could be for several reasons. One could be that stone is both destructible and reusable. Building inscriptions were often on marble or limestone and these could be recycled for lime mortar. A second reason could be that stone building inscriptions were not as popular in the German provinces as they were elsewhere, such as in Africa Proconsularis. A third reason could relate to the few civic buildings constructed during this period.

Moguntiacum, capital of Germania Superior and legionary fortress of XXII Primigenia since c.92/6, was also the residence of the governor. Its canabae, the civilian settlement, lay between the fortress and the river. (On the opposite bank was Castellum Mattiacorum). The civilian settlement was slow to develop 163 and none of the few public buildings identified were Hadrianic.164 There was,

The archaeological evidence is therefore extremely important. Archaeology, however, relies on the effectiveness of excavation procedures, the interpretation of the findings and the efficient publishing of the data. Further problems can arise when the sites of Roman cities, and especially their civic centres, have been continually occupied, and excavation has only been possible through unusual circumstances.

156

Borbetomagus had a forum (located under the present cathedral), paved Roman streets, a theatre, amphitheatre and ten temples. M. Grünewald Die Römer in Worms Stuttgart 1986, 30. 157 Its date was approximately late first/early second century. Ibid 37; M. Grünewald ‘Borbetomagus, Hauptort der Civitas Vangionum’ in H. Cüppers (ed) Archaölogisches Teil Die Römer in Rheinland-Pfalz Stuttgart 1990, 673679. 158 See The status of communities above. This could have been the last civitas in Hessen. D. Baatz ‘Fall des Limes und Spätantike’ in D. Baatz. & F-R. Herrmann Die Römer in Hessen Stuttgart 1982, 210. Confusion may have arisen from its name vicus Vetus Ulpius, which suggests a Trajanic foundation. 159 E. Schallmayer ‘Römische Zivilsiedlung MED (…), Hauptort der Civitas Auderiensium’ in D. Baatz & F.-R. Herrmann Die Römer in Hessen II Grabungsstätten, Geländedenkmäler und Museen, Stuttgart 1982, 250. 160 The central town of the civitas Ulpia Sueborum Nicrensium was Lopodunum. Trajan created this civitas during his period as governor c.97/8. Its name is the most convincing evidence, as the earliest inscription giving the full name of this civitas is from the Severan era (CIL 13.6420). Wilmanns ‘Die Doppelurkunde von Rottweil..’128. 161 The civic centre had a forum and basilica. Baatz ‘Research on the limes of Germania Superior and Raetia’ 177. 162 The walls have yet to be proven to be Hadrianic. G. Wolff Berl. IX, 22. The painted decoration at col. Agrippinensium has been dated to the first half of the second century. Filtzinger 'Römische Archäologie in Südwestdeutschland gestern und heute' 349. An actor's mask (second century AD) was found near the south gate of Lopodunum and a number of stone seats inscribed with the donors' names (CIL 13.6421). Sear Roman Theatres and Architectural Studies (forthcoming). D. Baatz LopodunumLadenburg a.N Die Grabungen im Frühjahr 1960 (Badische Fundberichte, Sonderhaft 1) 1962 31; Elbe Roman Germany 170, 239. The theatre could be later third century. Filtzinger 'Römische Archäologie in Südwestdeutschland gestern und heute' 348. 163 It did not become a civitas until c.300 and a municipium until 355. 164 An aqueduct brought water nine kilometres from Königsborn to the fortress and the castellum divisorum in the canabae. Brick stamps of I

Fortunately with the advent of new technology, archaeologists have been provided with information about the past that was previously unimaginable. One of the most interesting and useful is dendrochronology for the precise dating of wooden artefacts. It is fortunate that evolving technological changes provide the opportunity and expectation of extending the present knowledge of Hadrianic civic building. The limited information currently available for Hadrianic civic building in these provinces suggests that, although there was some building activity, nothing can be attributed to Hadrian personally and very little to his reign. There are few temples and no administrative buildings that could have

Adiutrix and XIV Gemina give dates c.69/96. Cüppers Die Römer in Rheinland-Pfalz 459. The theatre could been built by Drusus, ibid 464, and possibly renovated in stone and brick in the late second century. E. Neeb ‘Das römische Theater zu Mainz’ Germania 1 (1917) 54-8. 165 The theatre: K. Wölcke ‘Neue Ergebnisse über die Stadtbefestigung von Nida-Heddernheim’ Germania (1931) 79; ‘Der neue Stadtplan von NidaHeddernheim (1938) 162. The frescoes have been dated by pottery finds c.100/140. M. Schleiermacher ‘Der Freskenraum von Nida’ SJ 48 (1995) 76-77.

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been expected in the new communities. Instead the emphasis is on bath buildings, including segregated bathing, an innovation of Hadrian. Bath building indicates that an adequate water supply was available, but it also represents a stage in Romanisation. A fascinating aspect of Hadrianic building in these provinces is the sophisticated decoration of both private and public buildings.

between 70 and 110/115, it was probably built before c.100 when the unit left the local fort.174 Until then this area had been used by the army 175 and was an important centre for the distribution of military goods and supplies. The civitas (Ulpia) Noviomagus was the civilian settlement which developed from the canabae of the old legionary fortress. It received Trajan’s name and marketing rights (ius nundinarum) after the departure of the legion to the Pannonia frontier.176 Exact dating of buildings is elusive, but by the second century, Noviomagus had town walls, baths, an amphitheatre, a cryptoporticus, two Gallic Roman temples, a pottery and large warehouses, a peristyle house and some painted decoration. 177

Buildings that are loosely described as ‘second century’ cannot be ignored, as they represent the efforts of communities over a period of time. Many were encouraged in their growth by the Hadrianic army reforms and the change in status of their cities. There are a variety of buildings in this category. City walls occur several times, perhaps more as a definition than defence, and there are temples, theatres, baths and an aqueduct. Signs of wealth and progress can be observed in the renovations that were taking place in the larger cities, particularly in col. Agrippinensium, and especially where there were good supplies of building materials.

Numerous fragments of Trajanic inscriptions exist but few allow a positive identification of civic buildings.178 Many are connected with military installations such as a dedication at Rigomagus c.98.179 The digging of canals, drains and street layout during the Trajanic era may also have been the work of the military, 180 as was the repair to the armamentarium at Lugdunum Batavorum. 181 (An inscription at Mitelo probably denotes a votive and not a building).182

Comparison with Civic building of Trajan and Antoninus Pius Eutropius wrote of Trajan that urbes trans Rhenum in Germania reparavit (Brev 8.2), and it may have been the comparatively peaceful conditions that enabled this emperor to concentrate on the Romanisation and urbanisation of these provinces.166

At Aquae in Germania Superior, an unidentified building with a fine epistyle would have been built by the two legions mentioned on a Trajanic inscription, c.102 (CIL 13.6298). 183 Arae Flaviae has been considered as a possible Trajanic municipium. An interesting inscription unfortunately does not positively identify the emperor, 184 but a brick stamp gives the name of the last resident auxiliary (AE 1975, 621).185

Trajan’s first and only German colony, col. Ulpia Traiana, acquired several buildings during his reign. He had raised this city in status prior to the departure of X Gemina for the Danube, but before the arrival of the VI Victrix. 167 Although there was a suggestion that the city walls were built at this time, 168 dendrochronology has now established the precise date of their construction to the winter of 105/6. 169 Other buildings from this period were the late Trajanic baths, forum shops, three temples (a Capitolium, a temple of Mars, and a small Romano-German temple),170 and a preHadrianic but otherwise undated aqueduct.171 The enlargement of the Neronian amphitheatre in timber on masonry footings is second century but not necessarily Trajanic.172

174

R. M. van Dierendonck ‘Valkenburg-Marktveld: military and civilian occupation in the vicinity of a Roman fort’ in W Groenman van Waateringe, W. J. H. Willems, S.L.Wynia (eds) RFS Budapest 1995, 548. 175 Ibid. 553. 176 Civitas Ulpia Noviomagus (‘new market’) was the first civitas to receive Trajan’s name. Bogaers ‘Civitates und Civitas-Hauptorte in der nördlichen Germania inferior’ 310-333. 177 See fn.126, 127, 128. 178 A limestone plaque found in the Rhine in 1992 (AE 1995,1108) could be dated 114 from Trajan’s title ‘optimo’. It resembles another plaque found at Rigomagus (CIL 13.11981), probably c.102. H. Finke BRGK 27 1937, n.255. These inscriptions suggest no buildings. 179 A dedication by an auxiliary was found at Rigmagus (CIL 13.11981). Another was inside the fort. Finke ‘Neue Inschriften’ n.255 (see also Lehrer Germania I (1917) 17). 180 Including a Trajanic house with a hypercaust system. Cüppers Die Römer in Rheinland-Pfalz 531. 181 This limestone inscription c.100 is a dedication to Trajan by an unnamed legate (whose name could be in the nominative) for the repair of the building by coh. I Flavia Hispanorum p.f.e Traianus ..per cohortem I Flavian Hispanorum piam fidelaem equitatem (…et) armam(entarium) fecit. It has been suggested that this legate was either A.Vicirius Martialis or Q. Soscius Senecio, who went to Dacia in 101 with Trajan (AE 1984, 667). B & H. Galsterer.Neue Inschriften aus Köln II: Funde der Jahre 1980 –1982 Epig. Stud. 13 Köln/Bonn (1983) 168-9, n.1. 182 Dedicated at its garrison at Mitelo to the emperor by the coh. I Lucensium pf , c.104-111 (CIL 13.8823). 183 I Adiutrix and XI Claudia. 184 The inscription consists of four pieces of sandstone in very poor condition. It is difficult to determine whether the emperor is Vespasian, Nerva or Trajan. A suggested reading is murum vici novi faciendum curaverunt (CIL 13.11722). 185 A brick stamp of the coh.III Dal(matorum) p.f was found at Arae Flaviae. It was stationed there from 100 until 110-115, and was its last auxiliary.

Unusual changes in the district around Praetorium Agrippinae and the harbour at Flevum and Fectio were taking place at the end of the first century and beginning of the second.173 Although the building of a horseshoe jetty has been dated 166

Trajan’s urbanisation policy produced one colony, one municipality and three or four civitates. 167 See fn.130. 168 C.-M. Ternes Römisches Deutschland Aspekte seiner Geschichte und Kultur Stuttgart 1986, 261. 169 A date was established by testing five wooden palings. B. Schmidt ‘Ein dendrochronologischer Befund zum Bau der Stadtmauer der CUT’ BJ (1987) 502.; Horn Die Römer in Nordrhein-Westfalen 631 170 Ibid. 632. 171 Raepsaet-Charlier ‘Gallia Belgica et Germania Inferior’ 135. 172 Ternes Römisches Deutschland Aspekte seiner Geschichte und Kultur 261; Bedon, Chevallier, Pinon Architecture et urbanisme en Gaule romaine v.2, 262; H. v. Petrikovits ‘Jahresbericht 1935’ BJ 142 (1937) 248-9. The orginal wooden amphitheatre was Claudian. Ward-Perkins RIA 232-3. 173 Discussed in Road building.

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The Trajanic era was a period of great building activity for VIII Augusta at Argentorate. The Flavian ramparts were rebuilt in stone c.98/100, 186 possibly quarried by this legion 187 which also built the aqueduct at Kuttolsheim.188 Work subsequently began on a group of buildings serving the baths and there was a separate conduit constructed to the legate’s palace at Kirchheim.189 Several fragments were found of a dedication of a large bronze statue of Trajan c.102/117 (ITG 419).

but a section of an interesting inscription at nearby Lessenich refers to a building restoration even if it is not a public building (CIL 13.8001).200 Of the possible civic buildings in Germania Superior, the forum at Augusta Raurica, with a temple and basilica, has been dated to slightly earlier than the middle of the second century.201 It may represent the completion of Hadrianic restorations. There were civic buildings at Moguntiacum, although it is uncertain whether these belonged to the fortress or the canabae. One is a building inscription from a large monument with a tentative reading [mur]um [arc]um.202 This may connect it to unsubstantiated evidence that a second stone wall was built at Moguntiacum during this period. An altar c.140/62 could have been part of a larger complex, and possibly military (CIL 13.6728).203 Another inscription at Nettersheim refers only to an altar.204

Aventicum, one of the earliest southern Germanic cities, had a well-appointed civic centre 190 built in four separate periods.191 The third of these was Trajanic 192 and this was possibly the period when a large building, perhaps the Capitolium, was planned. 193 Epigraphic evidence shows that military labour was used for the construction of at least one temple during this period (CIL 13.5089).194 None of the three inscriptions found at Moguntiacum was connected to civic buildings. 195

The inscriptions of this period found in the numeri forts of Neckarburken,205 Hesselbach, near Eulbach and Niederberg identify only the units and not their buildings.206

Antoninus Pius Few civic buildings in Germania Inferior can be clearly attributed to this reign. Two inscriptions have been found at col. Agrippinensium. The first has been missing since 1955 196 and the other refers to an unknown aqueduct.197 A temple to the mother goddesses, c.160, was the first recorded temple building in colonia Ulpia Traiana since Trajan’s building fifty years earlier.198 Two inscriptions found at the legionary fortress of Bonna reveal nothing of buildings,199

Summary The archaeological and epigraphic evidence of civic building during the reigns of Trajan and Antoninus Pius reveals continuity. A long-term building project at col. Ulpia Traiana extended from the Trajanic period, culminating in a temple during Antoninus Pius’ reign. A similar pattern can be seen in both Trajanic and Hadrianic city renovations, but the evidence of new building in provincial cities is more elusive, with the exception of Lopodunum. The military focus can be seen in numerous road works, jetty building and the repair of an armoury.

186

The fortress was built with extra fortifications. Jouffroy ‘Le rôle de la VIIIe Légion Augusta en Germanie Supérieure au IIe siècle’ 413. 187 Hatt Argentorate Strasbourg 37. For quarrying by VIII Augusta see Building Materials and Labour (CIL 13.5989). 188 The water was brought from the Souffel. Ibid. 77. 189 This legate’s palace and the one at Neuss were built in the same era . Baatz ‘Späthadrianische Ziegelstempel der 8.Legion von der Saalburg’ 41. Writing materials for scribes discovered in these buildings suggest that rooms were used for administrative purposes. Hatt Argentorate Strasbourg 20,77. The buildings (in the area of St Thomas) were highly decorated with wall frescoes. Ibid. 20, 120-1. 190 Its public buildings included a forum with a temple to Apollo and another to Aventia, a library in the northeast and a sanctuary connected to a theatre or amphitheatre. 191 The first two were Claudian and Vespasianic. During this time the city’s three baths were built, one Claudian and two Flavian, and perhaps at least one of the city’s six aqueducts. The city walls were built in the late first century F. Stähelin Die Schweizer in römischer Zeit Basel 1948, 604-5. 192 The city continued to flourish, replacing colonia Iulia Equestris / Equestrium (Nyon), near lake Lemannus, in importance. Its fourth building period was probably Antonine. Bedon, Chevallier, Pinon Architecture et urbanisme en Gaule romaine v.2,75-6; Ternes ‘Die provincia Germania Superior im Bilde der jüngerer Forschung’ 902-6. 193 Ternes ‘Die provincia Germania Superior im Bilde der jüngerer Forschung’ 902-6. 194 An inscription of XVI Flavia was found in a temple. 195 One is a military diploma: 8 Sept 116, (CIL 13.6822). The second is from the early part of Trajan’s reign and offers little except the date c.99102 (CIL 13.6797a). The third is a dedication by the legate c.115, whose name only partially survives: …SSUS (CIL 13.6798). 196 A limestone dedication to Antoninus Pius c.138/161: (no.180). H. Galsterer Die römischen Steininschriften aus Köln Cologne 1975; (NL.215). 197 A sandstone dedication to Antoninus Pius from the Agrippinenses (AE 1995, 1113). 198 Horn (ed) Die Römer in Nordrhein-Westfalen 632. This may have been very late in Antoninus Pius’ reign. 199 A fragment exists of one (CIL 13.8047) and the other is dedicated to Antoninus Pius’ health in 160, the last year of his life (CIL 13.8036).

200

Dedication to the Capitoline triad, the genius of the town and Antoninus Pius of an unidentified domum vetustate collapsam a solo restuit. 201 Ward-Perkins RIA 221. 202 A fragment of a red sandstone building inscription from a large monument was found during repairs to a bridge at Mainz (NL.165). 203 It is often difficult to determine whether an inscription belonged to a building or a votive offering. A problematic dedication to the emperor and his son M. Aurelius at Vicani Segorienses is from the Alae Noricorum. (CIL 13.8517). Another one was found in front of the praetorium gate at Trienz near Sattelbach (CIL 13. 6498) and a sandstone inscription was found in the Hohewald which gives the names of the consuls in 146 (CIL 13. 6511). For buildings clearly identifiable as military see Military Building of Antoninus Pius. 204 It was important enough for the governor, C. Novius Priscus, to have his name and rank on this sandstone inscription (CIL 13. 11990), but it was not connected with a building or to another altar found nearby, c.196-227. W. Eck ‘Niedergermanische Statthalter in Inschriften aus Köln und Nettersheim’ BJ 184 (1984) 115. 205 Fragments of inscriptions were found at the small numeri fort at Neckarburken. One came from the praetorium (CIL 13.6491), the location of another (CIL 13.6492) is unknown. A third, c.145/161, found by the decumanus gate, is of the numerus Brittonum Elant[iensium] (CIL 13.6490 = AE 1893, 44). The construction of unknown buildings took place during this period. Filtzinger ‘Römische Archäologie in Südwestdeutschland gestern und heute’ 349. 206 Further evidence of numeri is of the Triputienses Brittones, who left a dedication to Antoninus Pius at Hesselbach on the Odenwald limes c.146 (AE 1890, 166 = CIL 13.6514). This unit may have been responsible for the large inscription c.146 (CIL 13. 6518) (fragments of which were found north of Eulbach), and another at the fort of Niederberg c.139/141 (CIL 13.7738).

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native dress, 213 usually standing, holding a spear and supporting a large hexagonal shield with a central boss. 214 Germania retains her native characteristics, but is armed and seemingly ready to defend Graeco-Roman culture and the frontiers of the empire, which could reflect Hadrian’s retrospective perception of these provinces.

The enormous increase in inscriptions during Antoninus Pius’ reign deserves comment, as these apply to both civilian and military building, especially of the numeri units. The availability of stone had increased since Trajan’s reign, and there had been a long period of peace during which stone-related crafts could develop. Although not buildings the small number of statues that has been identified indicates both civic pride and surplus wealth. The majority of public building during these three reigns took place in the major cities, but the archaeological record may yet disprove this.

The importance Hadrian placed on his German army and the frontiers is apparent in his military policy (SHA Hadr.10), inherited in part from his predecessors. He retained four legions in the German provinces (the number selected by Trajan), 215 only relocating one of Germania Inferior’s two legions. The XXX Ulpia Victrix returned to Germania Inferior 216 replacing VI Victrix c.119 217 at the fortress of Vetera (CIL 13. 8197).218 I Minervia remained at Bonna, where it had been stationed since the time of Domitian.219 The residence of the Germania Inferior governor was at col. Agrippinensium (close to the headquarters of the fleet at Alteburg). No changes were made to the legions in Germania Superior: the XXII Primigenia remained at Moguntiacum (also the residence of the governor), and the VII Augusta remained at Argentorate.

Hadrianic Military Building The disappointingly slim evidence of Hadrianic civic building in the German provinces could be due to Hadrian’s focus on military policy in these provinces. This aspect of his work was emphasised by the literary sources and appears to be confirmed by the Coin Evidence. 207 Hadrian’s concept of the German provinces is clearly indicated in his last great issue of coins minted late in his reign. Germania Inferior and Germania Superior are combined and represented as Germania on two coin types of this series, the exercitus and ‘province’.208 It is significant that of the eleven exercitus coins issued by Hadrian for the entire Roman empire, seven were for these western provinces, one of which was for the Rhine army. 209

Hadrian’s total German army was a large, formidable force: four legions of over twenty-two thousand men with an almost equal number of auxiliary troops. 220 As the security of the empire depended on the efficiency of the army to protect the frontiers, a focal point of Hadrian’s military policy was his introduction of tough army reforms (SHA Hadr.10). 221

The changeable nature of evidence is clearly demonstrated by the discovery in 1936 of the German ‘province’ coin in this series. 210 The Germania of previous coins is no longer submissive, 211 but is now depicted as an armed figure 212 in

His movement and placement of the legions, auxiliaries and numeri and use of their skills are of special interest, as the army was involved in many activities associated with building. Even though these mostly had a military purpose, roads and aqueducts often benefited the civilian population.

207

The loss of Hadrian’s autobiography (SHA Hadr. 16.1) places greater emphasis on the coin evidence for Hadrian’s personal assessment of his achievements in the provinces. The German coins are connected to events of 121. C. Foss Roman Historical Coins London 1990, 115. 208 The exercitus coin (legend: ‘Exercitvs Germanicvs’ or ‘Exerc German’) is known only in sestertii (no.40. Foss Roman Historical Coins) (The denomination in which the ordinary soldier was paid is uncertain, although the annual amount may have been 300 denarii in four separate instalments. Legionaries and the various auxiliary units were paid on a different scale). There must have been limited awareness of this coin, especially by the army it honoured, if it was only issued in one denomination. G.R. Watson The Roman Soldier London 1969, 91, 99-100). 209 Strack gives ‘Exercitus Germania’ as one of six coins for the western provinces, of which three 797, 798, 799 are all sestertii, P.L. Strack Untersuchungen zur römischen Reichspragung des 2. Jahrhunderts II:Die Reichspragung zur Zeit des Hadrian Stuttgart 1933, but see chapter 1 for the ‘Exercitus Delmaticus’. There are no exercitus types in the emperor’s own coinage of gold and silver. Mattingly BMC 497; clxxiii. All are the adlocutio type in several different designs. Hadrian is shown bareheaded, wearing military dress with paludamentum, haranguing various groups of soldiers either from horseback or from a platform. An example of a sestertius in the British Museum shows a mounted Hadrian haranguing three soldiers, one holding the eagle and the other two with standards. Ibid. v.3, 500 n.1679; H. Mattingly & E.A Sydenham The Roman Imperial Coinage 5 Part 2 London 1926, 459, n.920, 921; J.MC. Toynbee The Hadrianic School: A chapter in the History of Greek Art Cambridge 1934, 86- 97. 210 A ‘province’ coin for Germania was not known prior to this date. Neither Strack in 1933, nor Mattingly and Sydenham (RIC) mention it in 1926. But by 1936 Mattingly can give six examples of this coin. BMC v.3, 345-6 nos. 837, 838-842 (these vary slightly). The ‘province’ coin was a denarius. Foss Roman Historical Coins, n.41. 211 Romanisation is reflected by the coins. The defeated and dishevelled Germania capta is submissively acceptant of Roman rule on the Domitianic coins. This changes dramatically on the Trajanic coins to a neat Germania pacata holding an olive branch. Mattingly & Sydenham RIC 5 Part 2, nos. 5, 15, 35; Toynbee The Hadrianic School 92-4.

212

This supports the observation that the provinces with exercitus coins are represented as armed figures in the ‘province’ type, whereas pacified provinces have restitutor coins. Mattingly BMC v3, clxxiii, clxxiv; Britannia, Hispania and Germania were armies with legions and auxiliaries. The armies of Dalmatia, Noricum, Mauretania and Raetia had only auxiliaries. Strack 148, 149 (see Army appendices for more detail). 213 The personified Germania wears a dress similar to Tacitus’ description consisting of a long, sleeveless, tightly fitted tunic worn by women so that one shoulder and breast were exposed (Germ.17.1-3). Occasionally there is an addition of a sagum, the native cloak. Mattingly BMC v.3, clxxix. 214 Toynbee The Hadrianic School 95-6. 215 See Trajanic Military Building fn.279. 216 It had been sent to Pannonia by Trajan, and may have returned in 117. Elbe Roman Germany 187. 217 For an alternative date of 95/122 for VI Victrix at col. Ulpia Traiana. J-S. Kühlborn ‘Beobachtungen zum Bau der Stadtmauer der CUT’ BJ 187 (1987) 492. 218 A dedication from L.Aemilius Carus (PIR A338) Legati Augusti legionis XXX Ulpiae victricis (Vetera) (CIL 6.1333 = ILS 1077). 219 See n.13 The Hadrianic legions remained at their fortresses on the Rhine until the end of the Roman period. 220 See Army Appendix (ch. 3). 221 During his short stay in the German provinces Hadrian supervised the training and disciplining of the soldiers. He re-organised their duties, leave and expenses. Bribes and luxuries were forbidden and receipts were demanded for all supplies to prevent unnecessary purchases and maintenance. As a counter balance Hadrian also improved arms and equipment, opened pathways to promotion, and stipulated the length of service time.

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quarrying of stone (CIL 13.5989) 229 and road building, under the supervision of Oppius Severus between 120/130, in addition to the building of at least one Rhine bridge. 230

Both the vita and Dio claim that in addition to clearing camps of banqueting rooms, porticoes and gardens, Hadrian also selected camp sites (SHA Hadr. 10.6; Dio 69.9.1). The identification of Hadrianic forts is not easy. There had been continuous building along the limes for many years before Hadrian became emperor and building inscriptions are quite rare, especially for wooden forts. Dating has relied on artefacts, predominantly pottery and brick stamps,222 most of which have been found in auxiliary fort bathhouses. Baths had been considered a compulsory amenity since the Domitian era and consequently they were usually constructed at the same time as the main building.223 This no doubt gave rise to the statement that ‘a fort means a bath and a bath means a fort’.224 It could also mean that if the bathhouse can be dated, then the fort probably can be too.

There was no need for Hadrian to increase his military forces on the limes in the relative peace of the first half of the second century. Consequently there was little requirement for new forts. This situation is supported by the archaeological evidence. Saalburg is the only cohort fort to be positively identified as Hadrianic. Even so, this was the successor to a small Domitianic fort built c.90.231 There are various conflicting dates for the building extension, but there is complete agreement that the coh.II Raetorum moved to Saalburg, most probably towards the end of the Hadrianic era. The exterior wall of the new fort was wood and stone; no stone was used for the interior buildings. 232 There is some uncertainty whether the nearby forts at Kapersburg and Arzbach were late Trajanic or early Hadrianic.

The usefulness of dendrochronology for more accurate dating of wooden structures has been mentioned for roads, city walls and the palisade. 225 This technology has recently identified some interesting Hadrianic buildings and installations that include a bridge at Groß Krotzenburg (c.136+/-2), a villa at Mündelsheim (c.132+/-10) and several wells at Saalburg c.122, at the vicus of Lahl-Dinglingen c.120, at Wiesloch (c.115+/-10) and at Sindelfingen (120/130).226 These results are encouraging for the future dating of wooden forts.

During the late Hadrianic period Echzell, the first of the large milliary forts on the Wetterau limes, was built, or partially rebuilt, in stone with an encircling stone wall. 233 This was the only fort large enough for an ala, but its Hadrianic occupant is unknown. 234 Since the ala commander at Echzell was the senior officer of this frontier section, this could explain the elaborate frescoes of mythical scenes c.135/155 that decorated the officers’ quarters.235

In the period since the building of the limes the role of auxiliary troops had undergone a transformation. In Germania Superior they had been positioned to protect the roads (especially those leading to the legionary fortress of Moguntiacum) and to police the native population. A change in their duties occurred with the creation of the Trajanic civitates, which effectively absorbed the German tribes into the administrative structure of the Roman empire.227 The auxiliaries were gradually transferred to the limes to become front line troops where additional forts, many of stone, were built for them.

Brick stamps of the XXII Primigenia, the legion with jurisdiction over this section of the limes, have been found in several Wetterau forts where Hadrianic stone building took place. Defensive stone walls were built at the Domitianic fort of Butzbach, c121/126, 236 whereas the Trajanic earth fortlet of Degerfeld, located directly on the

Abundant Hadrianic evidence exists that demonstrates the responsibility of each legion for the auxiliaries in its region. Several detachments from VIII Augusta (from Argentorate) and XXII Primigenia (from Moguntiacum) either assisted or directed building projects at auxiliary forts. In addition to the six hundred brick stamps found in the baths at Saalburg, more have been discovered at a further eleven forts: Zugmantel, Feldberg, Saalburg, Kapersburg, Butzbach, Friedberg, Okarben, Frankfurt/ Heddernheim, Neckarburken, Heilbronn-Böckingen and Baden-Baden. 228 Detachments of VIII Augusta were also involved in the

229

J.-J Hatt Argentorate Strasbourg Lyon 1993, 37. See Building materials and labour. 230 Road works as early as c.74 (CIL 13.9082). Jouffroy ‘ Le rôle de la VIIIe Légion Augusta en Germanie Supérieure au IIe siècle’ 415. 231 Baatz ‘Zur Grenzpolitik Hadrians in Obergermanien’ 118. 232 Date of construction: 121/122. Elbe Roman Germany 445. The fort was enlarged c.125/139 and was occupied by II Raetorum either in 139 or slightly earlier. Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany’165 n.164. When this unit was transferred to Saalburg in the last years of Hadrian’s reign, it was replaced at Butzbach by coh. II Augusta Cyrenaica e. from Heidelberg-Neuenheim. Elbe Roman Germany 104.. The final phase of the earth fort is dated by the Gallic pottery c.135-139. H. Schönberger ‘Die Namenstempel auf glätter Sigillata aus dem Erdkastell der Saalburg’ Saalburg-Jahrb. 27 1979, 21-30. See also Army Appendix for ch.3. 233 D. Baatz ‘Limeskastell Echzell’ SJ 22 (1965) 140. Most of the brick stamps are from XXII Primigenia, although some found in the bathhouse are late VIII Augusta, coh. I Flavia Damascenorum and IIII Vindelicorum. D. Baatz ‘Die gestempelten Ziegel aus dem Bad des Limeskastell Echzell’ SJ 22 (1965) 124-5, 137-140; Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany’ 165. 234 For other possible units and for an ala and a cohort being stationed there at the same time: D. Baatz ‘Römische Wandmalerein aus dem Limeskastell Echzell, Kr. Büdingen (Hessen)’ Germania 46 (1968) 40. 235 Scenes show Theseus and the Minotaur, Fortuna and Hercules, Daedalus and Icarus. M. Schliermacher ‘Die Wand- und Denkenmalereien aus dem Kastell Echzell’in Der römische Limes in Österreich Akten des 14. Int.Limeskongresses 1986 (eds) H. Vetters & M. Kandler Wien 1990, 431442. 236 H. Schönberger ‘Zur Grösse des Erdkastells in Butzbach’ SJ 22 1965 21-22.

222

D. Baatz ‘Zur Grenzpolitik Hadrians in Obergermanien’ in E. Birley, B. Dobson and M. Jarrett (eds) RFS 1969 Cardiff 1974, 117. 223 Ibid. 120. 224 G. Wolff ‘Zur Geschichte des Obergermanischen Limes’ BRGK 9 (1916) 18-114. 225 See Hadrianic Civic Building, Military Building and Road Building. 226 K. Kortüm ‘Zur Datierung der römischen militärlagen im obergergermanisch-rätischen Limesgebiet’ SJ 49 (1998) Mainz 61-63. 227 Trajan created civitates along the border regions; the first may have been civitas Ulpia Sueborum, followed by civitas Taunensium and civitas Mattiacorum. 228 D. Baatz ‘Späthadrianische Ziegelstempel der 8.Legion von der Saalburg’ in SJ 27 (1970) 31, 44-45, Illustr.5.

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limes, was not only given a stone wall but also completely rebuilt in stone.237

Southwest of Canstatt was the smaller Domitianic cohort fort of Grinario (Köngen). Its Hadrianic importance was certainly due to its frontier location and this probably precipitated the rebuilding in sandstone and tufa, c.120. It may have been the only Hadrianic cohort fort on the lower Neckar.246 Further evidence of its importance may be gauged from the fine granite inscription, c.129, possibly its building inscription, found near the left gate of the fort (CIL 13. 9084 = 11730 = R.102).247 Since granite quarries were not numerous in Roman Germany, 248 it may have been a luxury building material and this granite may have made the difficult journey from Heiligenberg near Argentorate.

Brick stamps have dated Inheiden, one of two numeri fortlets in this region, to the late Trajanic or early Hadrianic period. 238 The other fortlet of Altenstadt had some interior Hadrianic building, 239 but there is no firm date for its exterior buildings. Stockstadt, the Hadrianic garrison of the coh.II Hispanorum, was rebuilt in stone, perhaps assisted by a detachment of the XXII Primigenia known to have worked there briefly.240 Their brick stamps have been found in the early construction layers at the nearby forts of Rückingen and Niederberg and suggest late Trajanic or early Hadrianic construction.241

Other forts were rebuilt during this period but their dates are too uncertain for inclusion.249

Compared with the Wetterau, there seems to have been almost no building activity on the Odenwald limes during the Hadrianic period, although there was movement of the auxiliary units. Coh.III Delmatarum had been at Oberscheidental during the Trajanic period and moved to Rückingen either in the late Trajanic or in the early Hadrianic period,242 perhaps after rebuilding the fort. This cohort had a reputation for building and large-scale tile production and could have been involved in the rebuilding of Rückingen, as well as Wimpfen.243

Hadrian’s military building was not confined to the movement and selection of fort sites. He extended the military zone across the roads and rivers and placed some guard posts beyond the frontier to control and tax those crossing the frontier.250 There may have been a very limited extension of the frontier eastwards involving the forts Echzell, Oberflorstadt, Altenstadt, Marköbel, Rückingen and Groß Krotzenburg. Although the construction of most of these forts had begun during the Trajanic era,251 many experienced some strengthening of their fortifications in stone during the Hadrianic period.252 The bridge at Groß Krotzenburg was probably built for military purposes.

Hadrian’s army reforms included the reorganisation of the numeri that had been part of the auxiliary forces during the Trajanic period, if not earlier. Numeri were stationed in small fortlets along the Odenwald limes. 244 There was no necessity for this section to be heavily fortified and therefore no need for further building in the Hadrianic period.

Hadrian was particularly concerned with delineating the borders, per ea tempora et alias frequenter in plurimis locis in quibus barbari non fluminibus sed limitibus dividuntur, stipitibus magnis in modum muralis saepis funditus iactis atque conexis barbaros separavit (SHA Hadr.12.6). His primary aim was to use a palisade, not as a defence against the aggressive German tribes (for which this type of fortification was in any case inadequate), but to control the migration of people and goods. The palisade was constructed by the insertion of the three metre long oak stakes 253 into the ground along the limes. This had the advantage of creating visual boundary 254 and providing an

The equitate coh. III Aquitanorum, which manufactured tiles for several other auxiliaries, was the Hadrianic occupant of Neckarburken (AE 1893, 46). A Hadrianic military diploma, 16 October 134, was found in the praetorium of this fort (CIL13.6495 = R.104). Further south there is evidence of the rebuilding in stone of two important forts. One was Canstatt, an early Domitianic fort, and the only Hadrianic ala fort on the Neckar limes. It was rebuilt in stone by the ala Scubulorum at the beginning of Hadrian’s reign c.120, 245 perhaps anticipating an imperial visit as its commanding officer was the highest-ranking auxiliary officer in this region.

246

Construction was considered to have been at the same time as other forts on the Neckar. C. Unz Grinario, das römische Kastell und Dorf in Köngen Stuttgart 1982, 39. There is no supporting evidence of this. 247 The granite inscription is not mentioned by Unz Grinario, das römische Kastell und Dorf in Köngen, but is described by H.Finke Inscriften Württemburg. A Hadrianic military diploma was also found at Grinario (AE 1982,718) c.130, naming three alae and eight cohorts. K.Dietz ‘Der obergermanische Statthalter des Jahres 130 n. Chr. Zum Militärdiplom von Köngen, Kr. Esslingen’ Chiron 12 (1982) 207-209. See Army Appendix (ch.3). 248 Felsberg was not in operation until the third century. See Building Materials and Labour. 249 Such as the fort at Lorch and the fortlet at Holzheim that were both rebuilt in the middle of the second century. Baatz ‘Research on the limes of Germania Superior and Raetia’ 175. 250 Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany’ 165. 251 See Trajanic Military Building. 252 Stone defences were built around Altenstadt. Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany’ 165. 253 Birley Hadrian.The Restless emperor 116. 254 Recent excavation reports indicate that there were considerable gaps between each half-trunk stake. E. Schallmayer ‘Der Limes, Marköbel und Kaiser Hadrian’ Denkmalpflege & Kulturgeschichte 2 (2003) 15 In correspondence A.R.Birley suggested that economy of time and effort could have been the reason and that dense vegetation, possibly thornbushes, filled the gaps (November 2004).

237

The stone fort was either very late Antonine or Aurelianic. H.-J. Simon ‘ Das Kleinkastell Degefeld in Butzbach, Kr.Friedberg (Hessen) Datierung und Funde’ SJ 25 (1968) 16. Its close resemblance to the milescastles along Hadrian’s wall suggests a Hadrianic date: Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany’ 165. 238 Ibid. 118. 239 H. Schönberger ‘Die römischen Truppenlager der frühen und mittleren Kaiserzeit zwischen Nordsee und Inn’ BRGK 66 (1985) Mainz 392. 240 Elbe Roman Germany 375. 241 Baatz ‘Zur Grenzpolitik Hadrians in Obergermanien’ 118. See Trajanic military building. 242 Baatz ‘Zur Grenzpolitik Hadrians in Obergermanien’ 122. 243 See Army Appendix for ch.3. 244 The establishment of the numeri was previously considered an innovation of Hadrian. Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany’166. See fn. 287. 245 Schönberger ‘Die römischen Truppenlager der frühen und mittleren Kaiserzeit zwischen Nordsee und Inn’ 392; Filtzinger ‘Römische Archäologie in Südwestdeutschland gestern und heute’ 531-2.

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active peacetime occupation for the troops. Sections have proven elusive. The assumption has been that the palisade was continuous but there were areas, for example along the Main, where it was not required. 255

building (and for sharing accommodation with the XXX Ulpia Victrix). It is possible that the brick stamp represents the work of a small detachment sent for a specific purpose. Some units stayed in their forts for many years, such as coh. II Hispanorum p.f stationed at Traiectum from 90 until the end of the Roman era. 264 This small Claudian fort was built on a sandy ridge, close to the mouth of the Rhine where the river could be crossed more easily. 265 The resident cohort would have been involved in each of the six building phases, the fourth of which was Hadrianic c.125. Only the principia was stone; all the other buildings, including the ramparts, were of ‘wood, clay and sods’. 266 During this period the cohort could also have been involved in the extensive construction of the local limes roads. 267

Recent dendrochronology tests on the palisade wood from the Hammersbach-Marköbel section of the Wetterau limes show that the oak was felled in the winter 119/120, and that building began in 120 or shortly afterwards. 256 Not only does this remove any doubt that this was Hadrianic, but it also seems certain that Hadrian, one year prior to his arrival at Moguntiacum for the winter 121/122, 257 had initiated the first stage of his plans for the German frontier. Several forts south-west of Marköbel, such as MiltenbergAltstadt, Osterbrucken and Öhringen, were established as military out-posts approximately twenty to thirty years before the auxiliary units moved eastwards to their Antonine garrisons. 258 These forts may have been used as bases for the palisade builders.

In the Hadrianic era there were between five and seven alae stationed at large alae forts south of Traiectum. 268 (This may have some connection with the local tribes’ specialisation in horse breeding). 269 At least eighty secondcentury horse burials have been found at Gelduba, a fort associated with the equitate cohort II Varciacorum, the Hadrianic occupant during Gelduba’s second building phase, c.115/120. 270

The military situation in Germania Inferior was slightly different and less complex as the limes had the natural protection of the Rhine. Since most of the forts had been built in stone after 90, there was no need of a stone rebuilding programme similar to Germania Superior.259

grooms, in addition to exercise areas and storage for fodder. The only ala milliara in these provinces was in Germania Superior (it may have been one of four alae in that province, but this is an unresolved issue). See Army Appendix for ch.3. 264 A conclusion based on five tile stamps of the cohors II Hispanorum Peditata pia fidelis, the only known stamps of this cohort. The garrison of their ‘mounted counterpart’ may have been at Mannaricium (on the Meuse). T. J. Hoekstra & S. L. Wynia (eds) Het Romeinse Castellum te Utrecht Utrecht 1989 (English summary 167). There is no mention of the peditate unit. J. Spaul Cohors2 BAR 841 2000. 265 The name ‘Traiectum’ implies ‘fordable’ and probably is connected with the river Vecht. The meandering of the Rhine over many centuries has destroyed the evidence of its Roman course. Hoekstra & Wynia Het Romeinse Castellum te Utrecht 165; M. D. de Weerd & S. L. Wynia ‘The Roman Fort at Utrecht’ in V. A. Maxfield and M .J. Dobson (eds) RFS 1989 Exeter 1991, 215. 266 During the middle of the second century flooding must have caused severed disruptions to life in the fort and its vicus. The area around the fort was raised and the fort itself was realigned but not rebuilt in tufa until the third century. Het Romeinse Castellum te Utrecht (eds) T .J. Hoekstra & S. L. Wynia 168: Stone principia and tufa fort: Het Romeinse Castellum te Utrecht (eds) T. J. Hoekstra & S. L. Wynia, Utrecht 1989 (English summary 166-7); de Weerd & Wynia ‘The Roman Fort at Utrecht’ 215. 267 See Hadrianic Road Building. 268 For alae forts of Gelduba, Burginatum, Durnomagus and Wesslingen (see Army Appendix). The ala fort of Asciburgium was no longer used after ala Moesica, its last auxiliary unit, left for the Wetterau limes. The site was used for burial until the Trajanic era and, perhaps due to its location between Novaesium and Vetera, the civilian town of Asciburgium continued to grow and prosper throughout the second century. T. Bechert ‘The Roman military settlement of Asciburgium (Mers-Asberg) Topography and Chronology’ in W.S. Hanson & L.J. Keppie (eds) RFS 1979 Part ii (BAR Int. Series 71ii) 1980, 513. 269 Not only did the local people breed horses for the Romans, but also, according to archaeological evidence which shows an increase in local production, they probably provided food supplies. Sunken ships found at Woerden and Zwammerdam have shown that building materials and food were brought in by ship from northern Gaul. Het Romeinse Castellum te Utrecht (eds) L. R. P. Ozinga, T.J. Hoekstra M. D. de Weerd & S. L. Wynia 164. 270 Gelduba may have been an ala quingenaria fort. Rüger ‘Research on the limes of Germania Inferior (German Part), 1974-1979’ 496-7; For Gelduba’s building periods: I. Paar & G. Groger ‘Zur Datierung der Holzbauperioden des Niedergermanischen Auxiliarkastells Geldulba (Krefeld-Gellep) Ausgrabungen 1970-1976’ in W. S. Hanson & L. J. Keppie (eds) RFS 1979 Part ii (BAR Int. Series 71ii) 1980, 515- 529.

There was considerable movement of troops during Hadrian’s reign, especially of auxiliaries (many associated with the emperor’s plans for Britannia), and subsequent renovations and alterations to existing forts. There were two definite building phases at the legionary fortress of Vetera. The second was in the early Hadrianic period, c.120, when XXX Ulpia victrix was transferred to Vetera. Brick stamps signify new building activity after this legion’s arrival at the fortress. 260 Other discoveries include Hadrianic kilns, drying sheds, dumps and an aqueduct which brought water from the river into figulinae, the potters workshops, through clay pipes set in clay.261 A second century brick stamp found at col. Ulpia Traiana 262 belongs to the coh. VI Ingenuorum m.c.R. This unit does not appear on the 127 diploma and has no known garrison. As a milliary cohort it would have certainly required a large fort, 263 but one stamped tegula is insufficient evidence for its 255

M. Klee Der Limes zwischen Rhein und Main Stuttgart 1989, 119. Schallmayer ‘Der Limes, Marköbel und Kaiser Hadrian’ 15-16. 257 For the possibility of Moguntiacum being Hadrian’s winter quarters 120/121, see fn 3. 258 Two dedications at Böckingen c.148, and an inscription at Jagsthausen c.161, are Antonine. The forts at Öhringen and Osterbrucken may have been sited to protect the roads. Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany’ 167-70. 259 The early Augustan legionary fortress at Marktbreit was built with earth and wood prior to the availability of stone. Baatz ‘Research on the limes of Germania Superior and Raetia 1983-98’ 175. 260 C.B. Rüger ‘Research on the limes of Germania Inferior (German Part), 1974-1979’ in W.S. Hanson & L. J. Keppie (eds) RFS 1979 Part ii (BAR Int.Series 71ii) 1980, 496. Other stamps on tegulae and imbrices were of XXII Primigenia. 261 Rüger ‘Research on the limes of Germania Inferior (German part) 19741979’ 496. 262 G. Alföldy ‘Die Legionslegaten der römischen Rheinarmeen’ Epig. Stud. 3 Köln/Bonn 1967 n.19. 263 Housing large milliary cohorts was not easy and even more complicated for an ala milliara, which needed accommodation for the men, horses, and 256

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More evidence of horses comes from the ala fort of Durnomagus, the Hadrianic fort of ala I Noricorum, where undated cavalry stables have been excavated. 271 The same site reveals a large tile factory with five kilns and a drying shed obviously used by I Noricorum for the manufacture of several different building items produced exclusively for Bonna and transported approximately ninety kilometres down river to the fortress. 272

Comparison with the Military Building of Trajan and Antoninus Pius Apart from the reduction of the legions from seven to four in these two provinces,276 Trajan’s major change was the relocation of the majority of auxiliaries to new forts built on the limes. Continuing with Domitian’s plan for the German limes, he created a permanent frontier along the river Main, through the Odenwald, building at least fifteen new forts from Seckmauern to Canstatt, then crossing the river Nicer to the Trajanic fort at Grinario.277 From Grinario the limes changed direction to the east to meet the northern frontier of Raetia.

Few Hadrianic buildings could be expected at the old legionary fortress at Noviomagus. After a brief stay its last legion, XI Hispana, had departed c.120. Before leaving for the Danube in 104, the previous occupant X Gemina, had built the fortress amphitheatre which the people of Noviomagus used and maintained until 175. 273

In the Wetterau the auxiliary fort at Nida was enlarged in the late first century to accommodate a milliary ala of one thousand men, their horses and their grooms. 278 This stone fort was evacuated between 100 and 110, when ala I Flavia Gemina milliara was transferred closer to the limes. 279 Nothing is known of Trajanic building at Moguntiacum, but a building inscription c.102, found on the opposite bank at Castellum Mattiacorum, is definitely military. 280 Cohort forts at Oberflorstadt, Marköbel and at Rückingen and GroßKrotzenburg were built between c.100/117 and the small fortlet of Degerfield was built directly on the limes near the fort at Butzbach. 281 The cohort forts at Groß-Gerau, Heidelberg-Neuenheim, Hofheim and Okbarken were constructed in the final phase of Trajanic military building.

Summary Hadrian commenced his consolidation of the Germania Superior frontier with the felling of the palisade oak for the Wetterau limes in the winter 119 and spring 121. During his inspection in 121/122, Hadrian began the reorganisation of his army. The evidence indicates careful relocation of troops, especially on the limes, but no certain proof that Hadrian chose any sites for their forts. 274 On the contrary many forts were abandoned, 275 and a period began of rebuilding, renovating, enlarging and strengthening fortifications, which included the additional security of watch-towers and palisading where required.

282

Peace allowed the legions some freedom from military action and there is considerable evidence of their building, especially with the auxiliary troops in districts under their jurisdiction. This is particularly evident in Germania Superior where, after the final position of forts had been determined, these could be made more secure and more durable in stone. Such building was often assisted by small detachments from XXII Primigenia or VIII Augusta, who moved around the provinces providing their expertise in the quarries, making bricks and pipes, building aqueducts, even cutting timber for palisading and roads.

Other Trajanic military building were small fortlets used for the numeri that were built along the long section of the Odenwald limes, 283 and possibly the fort at Ems and the little wooden fortlet of Marienfels on the Wetterau. 276

The Dacian wars and Parthian campaign resulted in a Trajanic relocation of the legions. XI Claudia, at Vindonissa under Vespasian, left for the Danube with Trajan after 101. Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany’ 165; J. J. Wilkes ‘Roman Legions and their Fortresses in the Danube Lands’ in Roman Fortresses and their Legions London 2000, 104. Trajan’s transfer of the X Gemina to Pannonia in 104 left Noviomagus unoccupied until IX Hispana returned from Britannia. VI Victrix remained in Germany throughout the Flavian and Trajanic periods at Novaesium and, after a brief stay at Vetera, was transferred by Hadrian to Britannia c.119. These changes may have reduced the German army by 50% to 45.000 men. Le Bohec The Imperial Roman Army 168. 277 Forts included Lützelbach, Vielbrunn, Eulbach, Würzburg, Hesselbach, Schlossau, Oberscheidental, Neckarburken, Wimpfen, Kochendorf, Heilbronn-Böckingen, Walheim, Benningen: Sommer ‘From conquered territory to Roman province’ 163. 278 After its rebuilding this fort was twice the size of Saalberg. Ibid. 128. 279 Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany’ 165 280 The building was dedicated to Trajan by XXII Primigenia, garrisoned at Moguntiacum and engaged in building at the auxiliary fort (CIL 13.7285). 281 Ibid. 165. 282 Baatz’ opinion based on the tile-stamps of XXII Primigenia. According to Schleiermacher, however, the few auxiliaries on the Taunus-Wetterau limes were garrisoned at Butzbach, Arnsburg and Echzell. Ibid. 164, n.146, 147. 283 See fn.244. It is now accepted that the numeri had been part of the auxiliary forces during the Trajanic period, or even earlier. Hadrian may simply have been responsible for their reorganisation. These small units were stationed at Hesselbach in the Odenwald c.100 and at other Trajanic forts too small to house a peditate quingenary cohort. An unproven theory is that these fortlets may have been originally for small legionary detachments. Numeri may have been at Hesselbach since it was first built, possibly as early as 100. The date for Hesselbach has provided a Trajanic dating for this series of border fortlets. Baatz ‘Zur Grenzpolitik Hadrians in Obergermanien’ 119, 122.

There was limited military building in Germania Inferior, mostly in the legionary fortress, renovations to the northern forts and on the limes roads. 271

These could have been the stables of the auxiliary I Germanica. Rüger ‘Research on the limes of Germania Inferior (German Part), 1974-1979’ 497. 272 The excavations of the second and third century barracks of I Minervia revealed a Trajanic inscription on an altar. It has been dated c.99/102 from the name Cornelius Priscus, commander of I Minervia after L. Licinius Sura. Ibid 498; Alföldy ‘Die Legionslegaten der römischen Rheinarmeen’ 16. 273 The two main building phases of Noviomagus were Augustan/Neronian and Flavian/Trajanic. The canabae, located in the Kelfkenbos Valkhof area, continued to develop after the departure of the legions. Bloemers ‘Nijmegen: ROB Excavations 1974-1979 in the Roman forts, cemeteries and canabae legionis’ 473. 274 Dio could not have been referring to the Germanies (69.9.1). 275 The location of forts was extremely important for the passing of signals along the line and it seems that the Romans made allowances for heavily wooded areas. These could have determined the unusual positions of OberFlorstadt, Inheiden, Echzell, Arnsberg and Marköbel. D. J. Wooliscroft ‘Signalling and the Design of the German limes’ in W. Groenman van Waateringe, W. J. H. Willems, S. L. Wynia (eds) RFS Budapest 1995, 595-601.

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Summary

Summary

Trajan continued the military defence policy of Domitian by establishing and securing the limes. He reduced the legionary strength and changed the role of the auxiliaries. As these units assumed greater responsibility for defence, they moved their garrisons to the frontier. This initiated an intense period of fort construction of all sizes for alae, cohorts and numeri, the new auxiliary scouts.

The final advancement of the German limes took place along the Odenwald section during Antoninus Pius’ reign. Military building involved the consolidation of frontier fortifications including stone defences, ditches and the rebuilding of wooden watchtowers in stone.

Antoninus Pius

The retention of four legions in the German provinces by Hadrian, the same number selected by Trajan, is an indication of the stability of the military situation. The maintenance of this stability, and the ability to plan and construct for this purpose, was a feature of these three reigns.

Conclusion

The final advance of the limes in Germania Superior took place during the reign of Antoninus Pius. The Odenwald and Neckar limes were moved 25 km to the east. This new section, from Miltenburg to Welzheim, follows a straightline eighty-one kilometres long and connected the auxiliary forts of Walldürn, Osterburken, Jagsthausen, Öhringen, Mainhardt and Murrhardt), meeting the Raetian limes at Lorch.

Peace in these provinces also enabled Hadrian to send a detachment of XXII Primigenia to Britannia with two alae units and two cohorts (one cohort was already there) to assist with his next major military project, the building of the Wall. By 125/127 one ala and two cohorts had returned, and the third cohort by 130. By this time it was possible for the large milliary coh. I Flavia Damascenorum to be sent on active duty to Judaea.290

The forts at Miltenberg-Altstadt, Osterbrucken and Öhringen had already been established as military out-posts, possibly prior to the building of the Hadrianic palisade and used during its construction. These forts became garrisons for auxiliary units approximately twenty to thirty years later when they finally moved east. 284 It seems that the new Antonine limes had, in addition to the existing fortifications, one or two ditches and a series of watchtowers and forts placed at regular intervals. This was a continuation of Hadrian’s plan for these frontiers.

There is little doubt that Hadrian was continuing the limes policies of Trajan and previous emperors. His major innovation was the construction of the wooden palisade, which may also have included the forts that were later part of the Antonine limes. If so, this would suggest that the advancement of the Odenwald frontier by Antoninus could have been a Hadrianic plan. Nevertheless, the efficiency of pre-Trajanic and particularly of Trajanic fort building, the most productive period of fort construction of these three reigns, meant that Hadrianic fort building was predominantly confined to the rebuilding at Saalburg and the renovation of existing forts. This may have enabled greater flexibility for the legions, which were able to quarry stone, build roads and bridges and assist auxiliaries with the rebuilding of their forts and construction of the palisade.

Even though dated 139, the inscription found in front of the temple at Saalburg almost certainly belongs to the Hadrianic reconstruction of this fort.285 (The inscription found near Heilbronn-Böckingen c.148 may be connected with the building activities of VIII Augusta, but there is no mention of a building).286 Few changes were made to the Taunus /Wetterau limes, with perhaps only stone defences built at the numeri fort at Altenstadt. 287 Inscriptions from the Odenwald limes reveal that the wooden watchtowers were rebuilt in stone during Antoninus Pius’ reign.288 Their continual use is obvious as many experienced up to four building periods. 289

The reign of Antoninus Pius saw a completion of an imperial plan for the German limes which involved the final extension of the frontier, the movement of auxiliaries to their new forts, the rebuilding of the watchtowers in stone and the final construction of ditches.

284

See fn.258. This names Anton. Aemilianus, the governor of Germania Superior and legate of XXII Primigenia, who may have come from Moguntiacum for the dedication of the aedes to the mother goddess and the emperor Antoninus Pius pr pro se et suis aedem subst et VLSA (aream substravit) (CIL 13.7458). Another inscription, found in the praetorium, reveals that the new occupant was coh.II Raetorum.c.R, for whom the fort was rebuilt (CIL 13.7462). 286 The inscription was on a sandstone statue base (Apollini Pythio sacrum Nasellius Proclianus centurio legionis VIII Augustae Torquato et Iuliano consulibus votum solvit libens laetus merito:CIL 13. 6469). Tile stamps of VIII Augusta have been found at many forts, including HeilbronnBöckingen. Baatz ‘Späthadrianische Ziegelstempel der 8. Legion von der Saalburg’ 31, 44-45. The cohort in residence may still have been the Hadrianic occupant, V Delmatarum. 287 Ibid.167. 288 Two stone towers on the Odenwald limes were plastered or whitewashed and decorated with red tuck pointing c.145-146. Baatz ‘Research on the limes of Germania Superior and Raetia’ 176. 289 Baatz ‘Zur Grenzpolitik Hadrians in Obergermanien’ 119.

Hadrianic Road Building

285

Hadrian inherited Agrippa’s comprehensive road network completed by Claudius in the middle of the first century.291

290

See Army Appendix ‘Germania Superior’. The first roads were constructed in this region by Agrippa, who extended the north-east route to the Atlantic, via Augustodunum and Beauvais. The east-west road had been completed between Bagacum and col. Agrippinensium by 20 BC. The main road south followed the left bank of the Rhine from Cisalpine Gaul , through Raetia, Brigantium, Turicum, Vindonissa and Augusta Rauricum. At this point was a major crossroads for the road west to the Gauls. R. Chevallier Roman roads London 1976 repr.1989, 172. See Appendix of German and Gallic roads for the names and routes of the individual roads. 291

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(this included a large dyke) was cut in the winter of 124/5.299 The orders related to this stage have been connected with Hadrian’s visit to the area in 121/122. 300 The Hadrianic work on these roads, bridges and other military structures has been called especially impressive because of the ‘high technical quality and logistical organisation’. Finance would have been provided by the imperial fisc as part of the military programme. 301

The early roads were built for military purposes to carry troops and supplies to the fortifications along the limes. 292 As in other provinces, towns developed along these roads, especially at intersections and bridge crossings. The lower Rhine region of Germania Inferior experiences damp inclement weather but, in spite of this, the area was heavily populated during the Roman period and there was considerable military building. The earliest known milestones are from the beginning of Trajan’s reign and are evidence of the many improvements he made to the local roads. 293

Excavations at the forts Traiectum, Nigrum Pulum, and Fectio (and even further east at Castra Herculis) have revealed that the road works c.125 were only a part of an enormous project which must have drastically altered the appearance of the limes. 302

Four new milestones were discovered near Forum Hadriani in 1997 and confirmed that the abbreviation MAC should be read Municipium Aelium Cananefatium. Since the milestones were already in place during Antoninus Pius’ reign, it is now accepted that Municipium Aelium Cananefatium was Hadrianic and not Antonine.294

Another indication that this was originally Trajan’s plan for the German limes comes from the period when Trajan held extraordinary command in the Germanies and transferred two local legions to the Danube. The subsequent reduction in military power necessitated restructuring and strengthening of the frontier fortifications in this area. The importance of this project can be gauged by Trajan’s prolonging his stay in this region for some time after Nerva’s death. The new emperor was needed more urgently on the frontier at that time than at Rome.303

Further excavation has shown that this road was only part of a very large building programme which took place within a short period. The earlier Trajanic building phase corresponds with building at the fort at Laurium, where a row of oak posts were found in 1998, and Hadrianic road building included building at Praetorium Agrippinae, Vleuten de Meern and other large projects at a junction of this road near the fort of Matilo. 295 There is a definite connection between the building of this limes road and other building activity along the frontier of Germania Inferior.

More epigraphic evidence of Hadrianic roadworks exists in Germania Superior. Of the five Hadrianic milestones (with one doubtful exception), all the roads appear to have been the responsibility of the local communities. The earliest roadworks were in 118, the second year of Hadrian’s reign, on via Coriallo at Mathay near Epamanduodurum (CIL 13.9080 = 17/2. 486). 304 The date for the repair of via Lousonna (Andematunnum /Durocortorum) Gesoriacum is uncertain,305 but work was completed on the road to Aventicum between 128 and 138 according to a milestone found at Entreroche (CIL 13.9065 = 17/2.500 = R.103).

A military road was discovered during excavations in 1985 at the auxiliary fort of Praetorium Agrippinae. This road had obviously been constructed to meet a specific need that required a low bridge and a landing platform. It is one of the few limes roads to have been identified so clearly 296 and has been dated by dendrochronology to 123/124 after a major natural disaster in the autumn of 123 or spring of 124. 297 Dendrochronology has also provided evidence for different building stages: the second phase south of the fort was Trajanic c.99/100, and the third phase was Hadrianic c.124.298

Several other roads were made or repaired at the time of Hadrian’s visit. One was via Lugduno Augustam Treverorum et Mogontiacum at Bingium c.121 (AE 1979, 417) and another was one of the viae in agris Decumatibus.306 This section of the road from Castellum Mattiacorum to Aquae Matticacorum was not financed by the imperial fisc. It was completed c.122, perhaps even when Hadrian was in that region and ordered the local community to build or repair the road (CIL 13.9124 = 17/2. 626 = AE 1896,102).

The date of the Vleuten de Meern limes road has also been determined by dendrochronology. It is now certain that the oak used in the construction of the second phase was cut in the winter of 99/100, and that the wood for the third phase

299

Ibid. 253. During Trajan’s reign, c.99-100, alder, ash and oak were felled for road construction. Oaks were cut in the winter of 124/5 for the last major roadworks in this area for a century. Hessing ‘Building programmes for the Lower Rhine Limes. The impact of the visits of Trajan and Hadrian to the Lower Rhine’ 152. 300 Haalebos & Willems ‘Recent research on the limes in the Netherlands’ 252. 301 Hessing ‘Building programmes for the Lower Rhine Limes. The impact of the visits of Trajan and Hadrian to the Lower Rhine’153. 302 Ibid. 303 Ibid. 304 Known as the old road from Montbeliard to St.-Hippolyte on the section of the road from Ariolica to Argentorate. 305 This section was from Lousonna to Ebrurodunum. 306 After the absorption of the agri Decumates into the empire in the second century, two new roads with customs stations were built. Carroll Romans, Celts and Germans 33. One was along the Neckar to Moguntiacum and the other to Argentorate along the Kinzig. Chevallier Roman roads 172.

292

The roads built up to the limes were known as ‘spurs’. 293 See Trajanic Road Building. 294 Hessing ‘Building programmes for the Lower Rhine Limes. The impact of the visits of Trajan and Hadrian to the Lower Rhine’ 155. (It may have been Aurelianic: Raepseat-Charlier ‘Municipium Tungrorum’ 367). 295 The bank at Leiden-Roomburg was reinforced with wooden revetments that have been dated 124/125. Haalebos & Willems ‘Recent research on the limes in the Netherlands’ 258. Hessing ‘Building programmes for the Lower Rhine Limes. The impact of the visits of Trajan and Hadrian to the Lower Rhine’ 152; 296 Ibid. 150. 297 R. M. van Dierendonck ‘Valkenburg-Marktveld: military and civilian occupation in the vicinity of a Roman fort’ in W. Groenman-van Waaterringe, W.J.H. Willems, S.L. Wynia (eds) RFS 1995, 550. 298 Haalebos & Willems ‘Recent research on the limes in the Netherlands’ 2512.

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The milestone found at Grinario on the road Moguntiacum to Argentorate is later, c.129. The inscription has three interpretations: one clearly gives the emperor’s name in the nominative (CIL 13.9084 = R.102), whereas a later reading gives it in the dative (CIL 17/2. 656), and another gives only an abbreviated form of Hadrian’s name (AE 1900, 3).

was found on the strategic limes road near Vetera c.98/99, 311 and the third c.98/99 came from Confluentes on the road between Moguntiacum and col. Agrippinensium.312 Nearly all the Trajanic work on five roads in Germania Superior can be dated to the first two years of his reign. The only one built by the imperial fisc was an important road in the agri Decumates near Buhl. 313

Conclusion Six Hadrianic milestones exist for German roads and, as always, there are problems when drawing of conclusions from such limited evidence. Even so, it is clear that while most roads were the responsibility of the local communities, the important limes roads were financed by the imperial fisc.

The local communities funded all other road works, which included repairs to via Coriallo c. 98/99, 314 construction work on via Lousonna Gesoriacum 315 and on via a Raetiae finibus c.99. 316 A Trajan milestone was found on via Augustodunensis near Dibio, close to the border of Gallia Lugdunensis. The work cannot be dated but appears to be connected to via Lugduno Augustam Treverorum et Mogontiacum. 317

Hadrian’s achievement on the limes roads in Germania Inferior is laudable, as his time in the Germanies was brief and his programme very full. He arrived in Germania Superior at the end of 121 or at the beginning of 122. Having inspected his armies in Raetia and Noricum, 307 he returned to the German provinces. He was at col. Agrippinensium by the late spring and left for Britannia in early July 122. 308

On the evidence from these six imperially funded roads, it seems that the roads of Germania Inferior were more important strategically than those of Germania Superior, where the local communities provided the finance. It is interesting to note that all these roadworks took place during the first few years of Trajan’s reign, when he was in the Germanies and were not from the latter part of his reign, when he was preoccupied in Dacia and Parthia.

In this brief period Hadrian organised the construction of 40 or 50 kilometres of limes road along the bank of the Rhine from Praetorium Agrippinae to Vleuten. This road, built along a dyke in a low, deforested area with all the environmental problems of this region, must rank amongst Hadrian’s most impressive frontier fortifications. Even more so since he was simultaneously concerned with transferring a large number of troops to Britannia.

Antoninus Pius There were few roadworks in the Germanies during the reign of Antoninus Pius and the milestones are all from the first years of his reign. In great contrast to his generosity to the Gauls (especially Gallia Narbonensis), only one German road, via Mogontiaco Lugdunum Batavorum c.140, was financed the imperial fisc. 318 According to two other milestones found on this road, the local communities financed the work.319

Comparison with Road Building of Trajan and Antoninus Pius Trajan The archaeological evidence of road building and other Trajanic improvements to the Germania Inferior limes suggests that Trajan may also have had some authority over this province prior to becoming emperor. 309 In contrast to Hadrianic roadwork, the imperial fisc financed all the Trajanic work in Germania Inferior. Three milestones record work done on via Mogontiaco Lugdunum Batavorum within the first few years of Trajan’s reign. The first came from the village of Beek (near Noviomagus) c.98/102, 310 the second

Epigraphisches aus dem Rheinland II: zwei neue Meilensteine aus Niedergermanien Epig. Stud. 4.1967, 33. Haalebos & Willems ‘Recent research on the limes in the Netherlands’ 258. This milestone, although fragmentary, has been dated to 98/99 because of a similarity to an inscription from Confluentes (CIL 17.574). It was found at Beek near Noviomagus and Vetera. Hessing ‘Building programmes for the Lower Rhine Limes. The impact of the visits of Trajan and Hadrian to the Lower Rhine’ 152. 311 H. Petrikovits ‘Ein römisches Meilensteinfragment aus dem Xantener Dom’ Epig. Stud. 4 1967, 115; Alföldy ‘Epigraphisches aus dem Rheinland II: zwei neue Meilensteineaus Niedergermanien’ 42, gives an certain date of 98-117 (CIL 17/2.582 = AE 1967, 345). 312 The milestone was found near the provincial border (CIL 13.9147 = 17/2. 574 = AE 1967, 345). 313 This milestone, c.100, is a famous local stone in Buhl (in BadenWurttemberg near Moguntiacum), and is called the ‘Immerstein’ CIL 13.9120 = 17/2. 649. 314 Two milestones were found in the vicinity of Epamanduoduorum: one was for the section to Vesontio c.98 (CIL 13. 9081 =17/2. 487) and the other, c.98 was found in the village of Mathay (Doubs) (CIL 13. 9079= 17/2. 485). 315 Near Ariolica (CIL 13.9078 = 17/2.502). 316 Near Baden in the section from Aventicum to Aquae Helveticae (CIL 13.9075 = 17/2. 595). 317 (CIL 13.9042 = 17/2. 527). 318 Near Rigomagus in Germania Inferior (CIL 13.9152 = 17/2.577). 319 (CIL 13.9144 c.139), and at Moguntiacum on the road to Augusta Treverorum (CIL 13.9131 = 17/2. 561).

307

Hadrian arrived in Germania Superior in the spring 122, having travelled by ship to Massilia and then up the Rhône and Saône. He travelled to Raetia, Noricum and Germania Inferior from Germania Superior. Halfmann Itinera Principum 190, 195. Hadrian may have made Moguntiacum his headquarters. Birley Hadrian. The Restless Emperor 115. 308 He embarked for Britannia either from Atuatuca to Boulogne, or (more likely) from Lugdunum Batavorum. The last town before embarkation was Forum Hadriani, a day’s march from the harbour. Hessing ‘Building programmes for the Lower Rhine Limes. The impact of the visits of Trajan and Hadrian to the Lower Rhine’ 155. 309 Trajan was a governor in Germania when he was adopted by Nerva in 97 (SHA Hadr. 2.5-6 ;Dio 68.3.4), possibly of Germania Superior but certainly of Germania Inferior. He was at col. Agrippinensium when he received the news of Nerva’s death in 98 (Dio 68.4.2; Epit. De Caes.13.3; SHA Hadr.2.6). J. Bennett Trajan Optimus Princeps London 1997 repr. 2001, 45. 310 This section of the road was between col. Agrippinensium and Noviomagus/ Batavorum (CIL 13.9162 = 17/2.584). G. Alföldy

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Two milestones were found on via a Raetiae finibus. The first, c.138, was found between the villages of Mumpf and Stein-Säckingen 320 and the other was a terminal milestone found near the forum of Augusta Raurica c.139. 321 The only other road to be repaired during this reign was via Helvetiorum, financed by the local community in c.140. 322 These milestones from very early in Antoninus’ reign may represent the completion of Hadrianic roadworks.

were spent in the Germanies. Much of this time must have been spent on the frontiers with the armies, re-organising, inspecting, planning and building, which were his focus. In this Hadrian was certainly successful. His curiosity ensured that he was personally involved in everything and his military expertise enabled a reassessment of the frontier and strategic placement of the forces. The sources claim that Hadrian selected campsites (SHA Hadr. 10.6; Dio 69.9.1), and it is clear that many units were relocated. This prompted the renovation of forts, including some rebuilt in stone, as part of the emperor’s policy to improve fortifications, but there is no evidence that he authorised any new fort building in these provinces. It can only be concluded that there were already sufficient forts located in the most effective positions.

Several reasons could be given for the lack of Antonine roadworks in the Germanies and the fact that only one road appears have been funded by the imperial fisc. Antoninus’ personal knowledge of the Germanies was limited to the information he received from his governors and legates and from provincial petitioners (but for whom he was always accessible). He was an administrator, and somewhat parsimonious, and it could be concluded that there was a limit to his generosity, most of which had been directed towards his home province of Gallia Narbonensis.

The palisade along the German limes was constructed wherever it was necessary, even to the detriment of the oak forests. The availability of stone was no longer a problem, as both military units and civilians were involved in quarrying. After the Dacian wars and Parthian campaign of the previous reign, the relatively peaceful climate in the German provinces permitted legionary assistance for auxiliary building within their region.

Summary The majority of roadworks belong to the early part of each emperor’s reign and most was achieved during the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian (although via a Raetiae finibus required constant work throughout all three reigns). It is obvious that Trajan and Hadrian were involved with the same military road project on the limes in Germania Inferior. This was obviously of great importance, as Trajan spent the early part of his reign organising it before going to Rome and the archaeological excavations have shown the thoroughness of the Hadrianic work. Hadrian must have completed this project, as there is no evidence of further work by Antoninus Pius. As the local communities funded all maintenance and road construction in Germania Superior, with the exception of one Hadrianic limes road, this could reflect imperial policy that only military roads in the Germanies would be funded by the imperial fisc.

Hadrian was also intent on improving urbanisation as a means of ensuring a Roman way of life across the empire. Given his enormous military commitments, it is remarkable that he was able to devote any time to this aspect of his policies. The evidence shows that his elevation of community status was far below Trajan’s, with only one municipality for each province. Trajan had an intimate knowledge of the German provinces from his period as governor, and it is possible that he had raised the status of all suitable communities before Hadrian came to the throne. Since a change in status often provided an incentive for civic building, which often took considerable time, labour and finance to complete, then Trajan’s urbanisation policy obviously had an effect on Hadrianic public building. A strong indication of the continuity of the imperial policies of these two emperors can be seen with the roads, especially in Germania Inferior, where strong evidence exists that Trajan and Hadrian were following the same programme. The immediate concern may have been the situation in Britannia, and Trajan’s roadworks may have been designed for the movement of troops and supplies that took place at the beginning of Hadrian’s reign.

Conclusion The ancient sources did not explicitly name the German provinces as beneficiaries of Hadrian’s generosity. Nevertheless, since the vita was quite clear that all provincial cities and many communities benefited in some way, the German provinces are included in this attempt to uphold Hadrian’s reputation. From the evidence it can be seen that most of the Hadrianic building in the Germanies was on roads and on military buildings. No public building in these provinces can yet be directly credited to Hadrian. Security was always the emperor’s prime concern, particularly on his first provincial journey. His time in these regions was brief, in total no more than eight months, of which probably fewer than six months

The building industry can only flourish under suitable conditions and, although this was a period of great social change in the German provinces, it was definitely regional. There were two distinct urban groups: the older wellestablished cities along the Rhine and the new provincial cities and settlements. Many of these had just achieved independent status from the occupying forces, which were relocated to the frontier. Two quite different civilian building programmes can be identified: renovations with few new buildings in the cities and new construction work in the provincial civitates and vici.

320

(CIL 13.9077 = 17/2. 596). This is one of four or five milestones found in this area. It is of interest not only because of its new short formula without the Tribunica potestas, but also, as the last milestone, it was designed to go on a wall and not be free-standing. G. Walser ‘Zu den Römerstraßen in der Schweiz: die capita viae’ Mus.Helv. 54 (1997) Basel 53-61 (AE 1996, 1139). 322 Found at Paudex near Lousonna, canton of Vaud.(CIL 13.9062 = 17/2. 657). 321

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Even with the limited evidence, these categories are apparent. Forty per cent of Hadrianic civic buildings are new constructions in the new cities, ten per cent are rural villas, forty per cent are renovations, and ten percent are new buildings in the established cities. These results show the importance of the change in status of provincial cities and the desire to acquire the amenities associated with a Roman way of life. The city building is indicative of a thriving economy which could support the renovation of large public buildings and the widespread application of sophisticated decorative techniques. The rise in building inscriptions during Antoninus Pius’ reign is very interesting. It could be due to the final completion of buildings begun during Hadrian’s reign, the greater availability of fine stone, improved stone working skills and perhaps even an increased interest in inscriptions. From the immediate evidence Hadrian’s reputation as a prolific builder and benefactor of provincial towns and cities did not extend to the German provinces, since he did not personally endow any buildings. Furthermore, even though there is no doubt that these provinces exhibited a steady increase in urbanisation, it is difficult to attribute this directly to Hadrian. Nevertheless, his work in the German provinces was remarkable, considering his limited amount of time and the distances that he is known to have covered. Despite the demands of his frontier work and his personal involvement with the armies, Hadrian still had time to consider the needs of some local communities, even giving his name to one. At the same time he was planning the fortifications in the north of Britannia and the deployment of troops. It is disappointing not to find evidence of the emperor’s personal generosity in the German provinces, but his work there shows a remarkably vigorous man making a supreme effort to be aware of the needs of his subjects in frontier provinces and, as such, he could be termed a benefactor. With the exception of the Antonine limes in Germania Superior (and the evidence suggests that Hadrian planned this), the time of military expansion was past and the peace that followed encouraged the growth of the civilian settlements.

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88

Glossary of Cities and Rivers for Chapter 3 Giving the Roman names of cities mentioned in the text and their modern names if possible using the spelling of names according to Barrington Atlas.

Germania Inferior

Germania Superior

Albaniana Alphen aan den Rijn Asciburgium Moers-Asberg Atuatuca Tongeren Bagacum Bavay Batavodurum Nijmegen Bonna Bonn Burginatium Alt-Kalkar Carvium Herwen- De-Bijland Castra Herculis Arnhem-Meinerswijk Col.(Claudia Ara) Agrippinensium/Agrippina Cologne/Köln Col.Ulpia Traiana Xanten Durnomagus Dormagen Fectio Vechten Flevum Velsen Forum Hadriani/ Mun.Aelium Cananefatium Voorburg Gelduba Krefeld-Gellep Harenatium Rindern Iuliacum Jülich Laurium Woerden (by Vleuten de Meern) Lugdunum Batavorum Katwijk-Brittenburg Matilo Leiden-Roomburg Nigrum Pullum Zwammerdam Novaesium Neuss Noviomagus/ Batavodurum Nijmegen Praetorium Agrippinae Valkenburg Rigomagus Remagen Traiectum Utrecht Vetera/ Colonia Ulpia Traiana Xanten

Andematunnum Lingonum (crossroads) Langres Aquae Baden Baden Aquae Mattiacorum Wiesbaden Arae Flaviae Rottweil Argentorate Strasbourg Antunnacum Andernach Augusta Raurica Augst Aventicum Avenches Basilia Basle Bingium Bingen Borbetomagus Worms Castellum Mattiacorum Confluentes Koblenz Eburodunum Epamanduodurum/ Mandeure/ Doubs Grinario Köngen Lorch Lopodunum Ladenburg am Neckar Lousonna Vidy Mog(o/u)ntiacum Mainz Nida Heddernheim Noviodunum (Col.Julia Equestris) Nyon (L.Geneva) Noviomagus/ Nemetes Speyer Sumelocenna Rottenburg am Neckar Vesontio Besancon Vindonissa Windisch Rivers Luppia Lippe Moenus Main Mosa Meuse Mosella Moselle Nicer Neckar Rhenus Rhine

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Chapter 4 The Province of Britannia Britanni teneri sub Romana dicione non poterant (SHA Hadr.5.2).

archaeological evidence).9 Her foot is placed on a pile of stones, or a rock, which has encouraged speculation that this could represent a ‘wall’, and that Hadrian was already planning to build a defensive wall in Britannia early in his reign.10 Alternatively, the coin may have been minted as a celebration of peace after the rebellion in the north.11

Even though a visit to Britannia prior to Hadrian’s accession seem unlikely, the vita leaves no doubt that the emperor was well aware of the continuing military problems in Britannia. While coins with the legend exped(itio) Aug(usti) (BMC 3.425,433) may or may not refer to Britannia,1 inscriptions exist of two career officers which clearly indicate unrest in Britannia. The centurion T. Pontius Sabinus (ILS 2726) was on an expeditio Britannica, possibly in 122, with over three thousand men from VII Gemina in Tarraconensis and XXII Primigenia and VIII Augusta of Germania Superior. 2 The other, M. Maenius Agrippa, was on expeditio in Britannica with coh. I Hispanorum (CIL 11.5632 = ILS 2735), perhaps also in 122. 3 The possibility that the emperor himself was present at that time is high.4

The success of these early coins may have been the catalyst for Hadrian’s last great issue, 12 which included three coin types for Britannia: adventvs and exercitvs Britan/nicvs coins and another ‘province’ coin 13. The adventus coin celebrating Hadrian’s arrival in Britannia has not always been fully acknowledged.14 As it shows Britannia wearing non-military dress, perhaps representing the prosperous Romanised area of southern and central Britain welcoming Hadrian,15 it could refer to the emperor’s encouragement of urbanisation.

The Evidence of the Coins An early ‘province’ type of coin was minted for Britannia in 119, two years prior to the imperial visit in 121.5 Britannia was the first and only province to receive this attention from Hadrian early in his reign.6 The personification of Britannia (used both for the early ‘province’ coin and the last great series) shows Britannia armed and not provincia capta.7 She wears native dress, 8 and holds a spear and a spiked shield (for which there is

9

One, found at the Roman fort at Conovium (Caerhyn, North Wales), is now at the museum at Caerleon. W. Gardner ‘The Roman Fort at Caerhûn, Co. Carnarvon Archaeologia Cambrensis 80 (1925) 321 fig 4. 10 Her right foot rests on a rock marked to resemble brick coursing. H. Mattingly & E.A. Sydenham The Roman Imperial Coinage 5 Part 2, London 1926, 577, Cohen n.197, Mattingly BMC v.3 1174-1175, H. Mattingly ‘Some Historical Coins of Hadrian’ JRS 15 (1925) 19, C. Foss Roman Historical Coins London 1990, 113 n.23 (illust.). The rock could be the rocky country through which the later Hadrianic wall was built. Mattingly ‘Some Historical Coins’ 214, A. S. Robertson, ‘The Romans in Northern Britain: The Coin Evidence’ ANRW 2.3 Berlin (1975) 368. In the later ‘province’ series Dacia is seated on rocks that are more symmetrical, yet no defensive wall was built in that province. Toynbee The Hadrianic School 56. 11 Britannia represents a warrior at rest in the attitude of securitas with her head on one hand, which was also a sign of mourning. Mattingly ‘Some Historical Coins’ 214, n.1. In his letter to Antoninus Pius c.162, Fronto (2.p22) briefly mentions Roman losses in both in Judaea and Britannia: ‘Quid? avo vestro Hadriano imperium obtinente quantum militum ab Iudaeis, ab Britannis caesum’ which supports the large replacement contingent sent from three legions (ILS 2726). 12 Toynbee ‘Britannia on Roman coins of the second century A.D.’ 144. 13 Adventvi Avg Britanniae (n.45), exercitvs Britan/nicvs (n.46) and ‘province’ coin Britannia (n.47). The ‘province’ coin was minted in the smaller denominations. Foss Roman Historical Coins 115; J. P.C. Kent Roman Coins London 1978, 30. Different denominations of this coin have been found: Mattingly & Sydenham RIC 5 Part 2, 845, 846; Foss Roman Historical Coins 115 n.47; Strack, ‘province’ coins: 712,713. As the seat is not visible, it is only conjecture that it may be a rock. Mattingly BMC v.3 508: 1723,1723,1724. 14 Strack gives no. 882 (Adventvi Avg. Britanniae:ses) with no other details. P.L. Strack Untersuchungen zur römischen Reichspragung des 2. Jahrhunderts II:Die Reichspragung zur Zeit des Hadrian Stuttgart 1933; Mattingly & Sydenham RIC 5 Part 2, 453. In BMC v.3 490, Mattingly lists a sestertius with no catalogue number, referring only to C(ohen)28. The mint for this last great series was at Rome; although an adventus coin die has been discovered at Verulamium, this may not have been for Britannia. Robertson ‘The Romans in Northern Britain’, 369. 15 Toynbee The Hadrianic School Cambridge 1934, 57.

1

Expeditio is interpreted as being on active service. H. Mattingly Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum v.3, clxvi; R. Syme ‘Journeys of Hadrian’ ZPE 73 (1988) 166. 2 M.G. Jarrett ‘An Unnecessary War’ Britannia 7 (1976) 146-7. It could be later c.130: E. Birley Roman Britain and the Roman Army Kendal 1953, 29. 3 The cohort may have already become milliary and built its fort at Alavna. Jarrett ‘An Unnecessary War’ 147-9 4 Ibid. 148. 5 There is the possibility that work already started on the wall at this time and that Hadrian’s visit to Britannia was to observe the construction process and not to inaugurate it. J.M.C. Toynbee The Hadrianic School Cambridge 1934, 54; This was in addition to the Restitutori Orbis Terrarum series, minted c.120, as a programme of Hadrian’s intended provincial journeys. J.M.C. Toynbee ‘Britannia on Roman coins of the second century A.D.’ JRS 14 (1924) 144. 6 Ibid. 7 Although the artist used to depict Britannia on the early coins was less skillful than the designer of the last great series, the early personification was used for the later coins with no alteration. There has been difficulty in distinguishing whether Britannia is sitting or standing; even so this GraecoRomano Britannia is depicted as vigilant, even with her head on her right hand. Ibid. 145-6; Toynbee The Hadrianic School 54; Mattingly BMC v.3, clxiii. 8 A short tunic (braccae), short boots, and a large fringed cloak fastened on the right shoulder. Britannia’s hair differs on the ‘province’ coin from that on the coins of the frontier provinces Dacia, Thracia and Noricum. Instead of the rolled fillet knotted behind the head, the hair is waved away from the face. The significance of this is not clear, but it may have been more realistic or simply easier for the artist. Toynbee The Hadrianic School 56.

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An exercitus coin could be expected for Britannia, where the army had an estimated strength of nearly fifty thousand men in 122.16 Even though the coins recognise the importance of the armies, the less military design of the adventus and ‘province’ coins indicate another peaceful civilian aspect of the province. There is an implied acceptance of the GraecoRoman culture of the empire while maintaining local traditions. This situation is possibly reflected in its public buildings.

After inspecting his legions at Deva and Isca Silurum on his return south, it is possible that Hadrian, accompanied as he was by Sabina (SHA Hadr. 11.3) would have visited the famous provincial spa at Aquae Sulis. This may have resulted in new building or at least some architectural advice from the imperial visitor before his departure for the south east of the province. Hadrian’s great interest in developing wastelands (CIL 8. 25943,26416) has led to the suggestion that he may have visited the Fenlands and encouraged the settlement in this region.20 There is no definite evidence of Hadrian’s personal intervention, but not only did the main development of this area take place during his reign 21 but at the same time there was a great increase in the population, in addition to the small holdings and the pottery. As with all reclaimed land, it was almost certainly crown land and leased under the supervision of procurator saltus, who was responsible to the procurator provinciae.22 The site at Stonea Grange has revealed a small affluent settlement with at least thirty or forty houses, an ‘unusual and elegant’ stone building that was probably used for administrative purposes, a street grid and a religious sanctuary.23 It seems to have been a central market place, similar to Forum Hadriani in Germania Inferior, and perhaps even linked to a religious site. Whatever the function of Stonea, an imperial visit to this area would have included the nearby cities and provided stimulus for expansion of their civic centres.

Hadrian in Britannia as Emperor ergo conversis regio more militibus Britanniam petiit, in qua multa correxit murumque per octoginta milia passuum primus duxit, qui barbaros Romanosque divideret (SHA Hadr. 11.2)

The coins and military diplomas leave no doubt that Hadrian visited Britannia. After completing an arduous journey along the Danubian and Rhine frontiers, the emperor arrived in the summer of 122, bringing with him A. Platorius Nepos, his friend and governor of Germania Inferior, and VI victrix. A military diploma (CIL 16.69) records that a large number of troops in Britannia was discharged on 17 July 122, possibly by the emperor himself in the presence of the new governor, A. Platorius Nepos, and the outgoing governor, Pompeius Falco.17 The elaborate ‘war memorial’ at Jarrow (RIB 1051a/b) suggests that any recent unrest was over by the time of Hadrian’s visit and that the emperor could devote his short time in the province to securing the frontier, in which the building of the Wall was an integral part.

Hadrian’s prime objective was to maintain peace in Britannia which would enable the province to develop a civilised Roman way of life. Even though the construction of the Wall was an important aspect of this policy, it is the effect of his policies on urbanisation and the development of civic centres that are of special interest in this study.

Hadrian’s movements within the province are not clear, but he undoubtedly visited the Wall region to observe the construction of this enormous undertaking. His presence at Vindolanda is supported by the discovery of a building of this period, possibly built as a residence for the emperor, and a letter of appeal, c.120, which was found in the centurion’s quarters.18

The Administration: the Governors and Legates Private patronage came from many sources, but highranking officers, especially governors and legates, were also benefactors of public buildings.

At the same time Hadrian would have taken the opportunity to encourage and support the units involved in the building, and in fact there are inscriptions that imply his personal involvement with some sections.19

Britannia had three legions during the Hadrianic period, 24 therefore (as there was more than one legion) the governor was of consular rank. In this province he was also required to be an able and experienced general, especially in mountainous warfare, and a good and trustworthy administrator. 25 His term of office was for approximately three years and would have been the culmination of a career that began as a praetor and included the command of a legion close to military action.26

16

Three legions, thirteen alae and thirty-seven cohorts: see Army Appendix (chapter 4). The exercitus coin is the usual adlocutio type showing Hadrian, bareheaded in military dress, mounted or standing, haranguing a group of soldiers. Only sestertii, in a variety of designs, are known: Hadrian on horseback addressing five soldiers (912), or, Hadrian stands on a platform addressing three soldiers (913). Mattingly & Sydenham RIC 5 Part 2, 458 nos. 912, 913. There is a slight difference in the weapons carried by the soldiers on the coins in the British Museum: Mattingly BMC v.3 936, 498,1672, 1673. Foss Roman Historical Coins 115 n.46 (ses); Strack gives two exercitus coins for Britannica 788, 789. 17 The troops had been retained until the imperial inspection was completed. F.N. Pryce ‘A New Diploma for Roman Britain’ JRS 20 (1930) 17. 18 The building, within the fort, was decorated with painted wall plaster. The letter (writing tablet 344) was written by a civilian merchant and addressed to ‘your Majesty’. A.R. Birley Garrison Life at Vindolanda Stroud 2002, 75-6, 116-117; A. K. Bowman & J. D. Thomas Tabulae Vindolandenses II London 1994, n.344. 19 See below Hadrianic military building.

20

T. Potter ‘The Roman Fenland: A review of recent work’ in M.Todd (ed) Research on Roman Britain 1960-89 Britannia Monograph Series 11 London 1989, 159. 21 Ibid. 158-9 22 C. W. Phillips The Fenland in Roman Times R G S Research series 5 London 1970, 10, 19. 23 Potter ‘The Roman Fenland’, 160-5. 24 See Army Appendix for chapter 4. 25 P. A. Holder The Roman Army in Britain London 1982,57; A.R. Birley The Fasti of Roman Britain Oxford 1981, 388. 26 See Table 5 in Birley The Fasti of Roman Britain 30. After this he could become a governor with praetorian rank and, after gaining the consulship, become a consular governor in Moesia Inferior or Germania Inferior. S.S.

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As governor his military duties would have entailed responsibility for army recruitment, and the appointment of the tribunes and centurions.27 His diplomatic duties involved dealing with client kings,28 supervising the civitates, administering justice and maintaining the roads and the public courier system. Assisting him were legionary commanders of praetorian rank chosen by the emperor 29 and who had jurisdiction over their districts and the auxiliaries in that region. The equestrian procurator Augusti Britannicae was based in Londinium, the financial centre of Britannia, and was directly responsible to the emperor for financial affairs.30

Since Rome was unconcerned with the provision of provincial administrative buildings,33 the cities of Britannia relied on patronage, of which there is scant evidence from either emperors or senators. This province therefore relied on her wealthy families (scarce in frontier provinces) to endow her public buildings.34 These families were usually local aristocrats who, having been elected as magistrates, controlled the administration, the public building and religious life of a town. Although the prestige of public office was enormous, the financial burden of the dues, summae honorariae, games, statues and public buildings could be onerous for an urban oligarchy.

Other staff, seconded from the legions, acted as bodyguards for the governor and assisted him in his daily administrative tasks. 31 Their Hadrianic base was at the Cripplegate fort, near the governor’s residence at Londinium.

Local government magistrates The administrative organisation of Britannia’s coloniae and municipia was similar to other western provinces and included a senate or ordo of decurions and the senior magistrates known as duoviri iure dicundo, who were responsible for justice. The duoviri were assisted by two aediles whose responsibilities included the maintenance of public buildings, streets and drains. These four magistrates were sometimes known as quattuorviri. In some instances coloniae and municipia also had quaestors responsible for the administration of local finance. Every fifth year the most senior pair became the quinquennales responsible for the membership of the ordo. The local ordo chose representatives from their communities to attend the annual concilium provinciae held at Camulodunum.35

There is no evidence that these senior government officials, whose responsibilities may have included building and construction works, and who had sufficient private means to sponsor public works, 32 can be credited with any civic building.

The Status of Communities and the effect on Public Building The Romans encouraged urbanisation not only as a civilised way of life but as an effective way of administering the empire economically. As in other provinces, local administration in Britannia was conducted either in the civitas capitals of the tribes (which were sometimes subdivided into pagi and vici), or in cities that had either been established or promoted to municipia and coloniae.

The seviri Augustales had no administrative responsibility but maintained the imperial cult and were obliged to pay their duties or contribute to the public purse.36 By Hadrian’s reign many tribes in Britannia had been organised into civitates peregrinae, self-governing towns of non-Roman citizens that were widely scattered due to their large tribal lands.37 The magistrates of civitates peregrinae were similar to those of coloniae and municipia, with some variations. Most importantly, their magistrates did not achieve Roman citizenship unless Latin status had been given to the town.

Reliable indicators of urbanisation are the civic buildings that were constructed for administrative purposes. Much of the knowledge of their existence in Britannia relies on archaeological excavations, especially as almost no epigraphic evidence of these buildings has been found.

Frere Britannia London (1967) repr.1978, 223. To this Birley adds Germania Superior and Moesia Superior, Pannonia Superior, Cappadocia and Syria Palaestina. These were provinces where the threat was low or help could be obtained easily. Birley The Fasti, 29. By the reign of Antoninus Pius change was apparent when C. Popilius Carus Pedo refused a legionary command (ILS 1071). 27 Ala commanders were equestrian officers chosen personally by the emperor on the basis of confidential reports from the governors. Auxiliary commanders held their commissions for three years. Holder The Roman Army 61-2. 28 Frere Britannia 223. 29 It was impossible to attain a consulship having only had legionary command. Birley The Fasti of Roman Britain 20,or to a proconsulship after being praetor: W. Eck ‘Beförderungskriterien der Senatorischen Laufbahn gestellt an der Zeit von 69 bis 138 n.Chr.’ ANRW 2.1 Berlin (1974) 202 n. 213 30 This post required a capital of 400.000 sesterces and carried a salary of 200.000 sesterces (CIL 7.24). J.C. Mann ‘The Administration of Roman Britain’ Britain and the Roman Empire Aldershot 1996, 143. Frere Britannia 227-8. 31 These included a centurion (princeps praetori), three adjutants (cornicularii), three registrars (commentanienses) with their adiutores. Under these were thirty speculatores, ten from each legion. Frere Britannia 226-7; Mann ‘The Administration of Roman Britain’ 143. 32 Using A. R. Birley The Fasti of Roman Britain Oxford 1981 and B.E.Thomasson Laterculi Praesidium I Gothenburg 1984..

At least nine communities had become civitates and established their civitas capitals during the Flavian/Trajanic eras: Calleva Atrebatum, Corinium Dobunnorum, Durnovaria, Isca Dumnoniorum, Noviomagus Reg(i)norum, Ratae Corieltavorum, Venta Belgarum, Venta Icenorum and Viroconium Cornoviorum.38 33

J. C. Mann ‘The Cities of the Roman Empire’ in Britain and the Roman Empire Aldershot 1996, 109-110. 34 M. Todd ‘The cities of Roman Britain after Wheeler’ in S.J. Greep ‘Roman Towns: the Wheeler Inheritance’ CBA Res. Rep. 93 (1993) 6. 35 Frere Britannia 239. 36 Freedmen required considerable wealth to be elected as seviri. 37 In comparison to the 300 cities of the Spanish provinces and the 60 cities of the Gallic provinces. Mann ‘The Cities of the Roman Empire’ 103. 38 J. Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain London 1975: Silchester (Calleva), civitas capital of the Atrebates: 271; Cirencester (Corinium), civitas capital of the Dobunni: 302f; Dorchester (Durnovaria), civitas capital of the Durotriges: 323f; Exeter (Isca Dumnoniorum), civitas capital of the Dumnoni: 335; Chichester (Noviomagus), civitas capital of the Regni: 255f; Leicester (Ratae), civitas capital of the Corieltavi: 343;

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Hadrian established very few civitates in Britannia, despite his great interest in urbanisation. In the forty years following his visit in the summer of 122,39 it seems that there were only three, perhaps four, new civitates. Two were in Wales and their civitas capitals were Moridunum (Demetarum), which developed from the vicus of the Flavian fort in the early second century, and Venta Silurum (RIB 311).40 In the north Petuaria Parisorum and perhaps Isurium Brigantum,41 were both early to mid-Hadrianic. The military unit had vacated the fort at Parisi by 121 and, as its vicus had junior magistrates by 144, it must have already become a civitas.42

towns and cities, especially the Flavian and Trajanic civitates. Another important consideration should be the ability of these tribal communities to plan and construct their public buildings. Their available wealth varied enormously, according to their lands and their previous involvement in uprisings against Rome, and this could be reflected in their civic buildings.

Building Materials and Labour The climate and geology of Britannia created a sharp division between the availability of building materials in the north/northwest in comparison to the south/south east of the province. The choice of materials determined the construction of civic centres, the scope of building design, the construction period and the cost for the community.

There is little evidence for municipia in Britannia. Only two existed by the Hadrianic period. One was Verulamium, which possessed a Flavian forum/basilica and could have been a Claudian municipality (Tac.Ann.14.33), but was possibly Vespasianic. 43 The other may have been Londinium, which also had a Flavian basilica /forum, but was never a civitas capital.44 No Hadrianic municipalities are known to have been created.

Marble and Stone Good building stone was in short supply in the southeast of the province and there was a lack of good timber in the north.47 As settlement occurred more rapidly in the southern regions, the shortage of building stone, prior to the opening of more quarries, resulted in many early civic buildings being built of timber, or sometimes with stone that had been transported over a considerable distance. During the first century stones, flint and rubble were used for foundations, with a gradual increase in stone building in the second half of the century.48

Three coloniae were founded prior to Hadrian’s reign and occupied the sites of the legionary fortresses. Camulodunum (colonia Claudia? Victriciensis) was founded for legionary veterans c.49, and at the end of the first century Glevum (colonia Nervia Glevensium) and Lindum were established.45 Summary Little change occurred in local administration during the Hadrianic period. There were no new coloniae or municipia and very few new civitates were established, which seems to support the suggestion that urbanisation was seriously affected by military activity in the north of the province. 46 Hadrian’s great interest in urbanisation and civic architecture should therefore be sought in the influence and encouragement that he may have given to the local magistrates responsible for civic building. This should be apparent in an increase in public building in established

Stone suitable for inscriptions was imported and Camulodunum had a marble yard for imported pre-shaped items. 49 Many imported marbles, including rosso antico, cipollino, giallo antico and verde antico, have been found at Camulodunum and pavonazzetto at Durnovaria.50 Building stone was even brought across the channel from Marquise, near Boulogne.51 Although the supply of local stone was limited, some wellknown varieties were available from the early Roman period. One of these was the bluish grey ‘marble’ from the Isle of Purbeck in Dorset, used for temple panels and architectural features at Calleva, and also for columns at Camulodunum, Durnovaria, Isca, Londinium, Fishbourne and Verulamium (the inscription of Agricola).52 A

Winchester (Venta Belgarum), civitas capital of the Belgae: 291; Caistorby-Norwich (Venta Icenorum), civitas capital of the poor Iceni tribe: 243 and Wroxeter (Viroconium), civitas capital of the wealthy Cornovii tribe: 362. 39 Over the span of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius reigns. 40 Caerwent (Venta Silurum), civitas capital of the Silures, and Carmarthen (Moridunum (Demetarum), capital of the Demetae). Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 378, 391. 41 Civitas capital of the Brigantes. Ibid. 401. 42 Civitas capital of the Parisi. Ibid. 394, 398. 43 There is a difference of opinion among scholars, but it was probably a chartered town with Latin rights in the first century. J. M. Reynolds ‘Legal and constitutional problems’ in J.S. Wacher The Civitas Capitals of Roman Britain 1966, 73; A review of this book considers it too soon after conquest for a municipality, and so far there is no archaeological support. J. E. Bogaers in JRS 57 (1967) 230-4. 44 Londinium may have been promoted to a municipium with Latin status during the Vespasianic era. M. Todd ‘The Early Cities’ in M. Todd (ed) Research on Roman Britain 1960-89 Britannia Monograph Series 11, London 1989, 81. Another opinion is that, although Londinium was the provincial capital, it was neither a colony nor a municipality and did not become a city until 314. J. C. Mann ‘London as a Provincial Capital’ Britannia 29 (1998) 337. 45 Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 76; Frere Britannia 231. 46 Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 378.

47

For this reason the medieval builders plundered many southern Roman buildings. 48 A. Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces Warszawa 1983, 17-18. 49 R. G. Collingwood ‘Roman Britain’ in ESAR v.3 1937, 104; JRS 12 (1922) 221. 50 These marbles, found near the temple of Claudius, came from Greece, Tunisia and Algeria. P. Crummy ‘Colchester (Camulodunum/Colonia Victriciensis)’ in G. Webster (ed) Fortress into City London 1988, 42-3. The dark green verde antico came from Thessaly and pavonazzetto (marmor Synnadicum) from Phrygia. H. Dodge ‘Ancient Marble Studies: recent research’ JRA 4-5 (1991-2) 28-50. 51 J.H. Williams ‘Roman Building Materials in S.E. England’ Britannia 2 (1971) 180. 52 Ibid. 181. This was used for opus sectile, cornices, dados and inscriptions. M. Fulford ‘The Economy of Roman Britain’ in M. Todd (ed) Research on Roman Britain 1960-89 Britannia Monograph 11, 189; Frere Britannia 326; Purbeck marble panels at Silchester. Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 281.

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fossiliferous limestone, similar to Purbeck marble, suitable for inscriptions and fine work, was quarried at Petworth and Charlwood in Sussex.53

Red sandstone (ironstained) may have been the unknown stone quarried at Hardbridge, Chester 66 and the stone used at Seguntium in the later second century.67 Red sandstone was also quarried in the south-eastern Folkestone beds 68 The sandstone ‘Hassock’ came from the Hythe Beds in the Maidstone and Borough Green districts. 69 This was also the quarry for calcareous tufa, a low density material suitable for vaulting. 70

Limestone was quarried in the Portland and Swanage areas and transported by land and water to various destinations, one of which was Colliton Park where it was used for columns.54 Limestone and flint were quarried on the South Downs near Noviomagus.55

Roofing Slate and Stone The fine-grained creamy öolithic limestone quarried near Aquae Sulis, known as Bath stone, was used at Camulodunum, Calleva, the theatre at Verulamium56 and the principium at Isca.57 The Neronian/Flavian date for the temple at Aquae Sulis is evidence of the early availability of this stone.58 Glevum used another high quality öolithic limestone quarried in the Cotswolds.59

Sandstone roofing came from the Forest of Dean and Pennant Hills. 71 Roofing slate came from Charnwood Forest, Wiveliscombe, Stonesfield and Colleyweston, the source of slate for Duruvigutum.72 Swithland slate from west of Ratae was traded all over the east Midlands and has been found at Lindum about eighty miles away.73

Lincolnshire was apparently another important source of good quality limestone, but no evidence can be found of these quarries, or of the quarry at Sibson near Durobrivae.60 (This could be the result of confusion with the two Roman stone quarries at Barrack and Waverley near Durobrivae).61

Lime The production of lime/mortar requires adequate supplies of both wood and limestone, which was not always available in this province. Nevertheless, many Roman limekilns have been located. Some are at Richborough and Northfleet in Kent, at Housesteads on Hadrian’s Wall,74 and close to the north gate of Glevum on the road to Londinium.75

Two varieties of limestone came from Kent. One was cretaceous lower greensand, sandy limestone from the Hythe Beds known as ‘Kentish Rag’. This was used locally and in Londinium.62 The other was Wealden freshwater limestone from Staplehurst which was used for tesserae.63

Wood At the beginning of the Roman period the main problem was not with supply but with the seasoning of wood (Caes. BG 4.32; 5.15, 19, 20; Dio 60.19.5). The most popular building woods were birch, hazel, oak, willow and poplar.76 Oak was the most productive tree in ‘lowland Britannia’ and was the main timber used for load bearing.77 Wood continued to be the preferred building material for first and second century forts and for many public works. Evidence of change in the second century occurs as a result of the depletion of supply both in the north and the south.78

Pennant sandstone, blue closely grained sandstone was quarried in the Mendips and the Forest of Dean, where it was used locally for roofing at Corinium. Noviomagus used calcareous sandstone from Horsham for roofing, and had access to another sandstone quarry at Lodsworth.64 Other stones that have been identified are granite from Charnwood Forest used as building rubble at Ratae, and Millstone Grit, an important building material in the eastern central regions, which came from Melbourne. A closer source for sandstone was at Dane Hills.65

66

T. F.C. Blagg ‘Tools and Techniques of the Roman Stonemason in Britain’ Britannia 7 (1976) 152-172 67 Frere Britannia 335. 68 Perring & Roskams with Allen ‘Early Development of Roman London’ 68. 69 Ibid. 70 Ibid; Williams ‘Roman Building Materials’ 174. 71 Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces 18. 72 Williams ‘Roman Building Materials’ 166-195; Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces 18. 73 A. McWhirr & D. Viner ‘The Production and Distribution of Tiles in Roman Britain with particular reference to the Cirencester region’ Britannia 9 (1978) 369-71. 74 Collingwood ‘Roman Britain’ in ESAR v.3, 103. 75 Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 159; B. Dix ‘The manufacture of lime and its uses in the western Roman provinces’ Oxford Journal of Archaeology 1/3 (1982) 331-345. 76 Pollen analysis has shown that supply was not a problem. W.S. Hanson ‘The Organisation of Roman Military Timber supply’ Britannia 9 (1978) 298. 77 Perring & Roskams with Allen ‘Early Development of Roman London’ 67. 78 The expansion of the iron industry may have depleted the forests. An indication of the shortage of wood can be seen in the construction of the amphitheatre at Silchester: Fulford ‘The Economy of Roman Britain’ 188.

53

Known as Bethersden marble in Kent. Ibid. 268. Williams ‘Roman Building Materials’180. 55 Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 281. 56 The Antonine forum/basilica at Silchester. Fulford ‘The Economy of Roman Britain’ 188; Williams ‘Roman Building Materials’ 180. 57 Fulford ‘The Economy of Roman Britain’ 188. 58 Ibid. 182. 59 This stone was used in large quantities up to c.150. Also used at Glevum was the poorer quality Lower Lias limestone, a mudstone from the Severn Valley. H. Hurst ‘Gloucester/Glevum’ in G. Webster (ed) Fortress into City London 1988, 67. 60 The quarry at Sibson. Frere Britannia 295. 61 Other quarries: H. M. Ordnance Survey Map Roman Britain Southhampton 1994. 62 D. Perring & S. Roskams with P. Allen ‘Early Development of Roman London west of the Walbrook’ Roman London v.2 CBA Research Report 70, 1991, 68; Fulford ‘The Economy of Roman Britain’ 188. It was used for the town-wall. Frere Britannia 335. 63 Perring & Roskams with Allen ‘Early Development of Roman London’ 68. 64 Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 268. 65 Granite quarries were at Charnwood Forest: Groby and Enderby. Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 345. 54

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of a further six Roman lead furnaces.86 During Hadrian’s reign the XX Valeria victrix (or a detachment) was working the mines near Shelve Hill, about two miles from Shrewsbury (CIL 7.1209) and at Matlock in Derbyshire (CIL 7.1208).

Bricks and Tiles There was a large non-military tile industry in Britannia and tiles have been found as far as sixty miles from the manufacturing area. The large number of itinerant tilemakers ensured that there was no problem with supply.79 Two brick works have been found close to Calleva, one of which may have been in production in the Neronian period.80 The municipal tile factory at Glevum and another factory at Londinium (which manufactured red to reddish brown bricks and tiles) were both in production during the Hadrianic period.81

Organic Building Materials The grass-like material used for tempering clay and for thatching roofs was in plentiful supply along the marshy banks of the rivers. Transport

Terracotta products Britannia was fortunate in having an excellent network of navigable rivers and wherever possible heavy goods were transported by water. ‘Kentish Rag’ was taken by sea to Camulodunum and a second century barge was found near Blackfriars Bridge in the Thames loaded with this stone.87

In addition to domestic wares, the pottery industry was also engaged in the production of terracotta pipes and sundry goods for the building trade. During Hadrian’s reign this industry flourished in the Fens around Norfolk, increasing to such an extent that these potteries dominated supply in the east of Britannia, to the detriment of the potteries of Verulamium. The Trajanic potteries of Hartshill and Mancetter in Warwickshire remained the principal manufacturers in the west of the province.82 The pottery recently discovered near Venta Silurum was almost certainly connected to the legion at Isca Silurum.

Labour The British tribes gradually became skilled in Roman building methods and the use of new materials. Two stone masons were Priscus, lapidarius, and Sulinus, a son of Brucetus. Several items can be attributed to Sulinus: a statue base at Aquae Sulis that describes his occupation as a sculptor (RIB 151) and an altar (RIB 105), and eight other sculptured stones, some of Bath stone, were found in a mason’s yard at his hometown, Corinium.88

Brick-earth The brick-earth beneath Londinium was ideal for building because its high sand content inhibited shrinking and excessive warping, whereas the local clay was too fine and too plastic and not suitable to be used without additives. Brick-earth was quarried adjacent to the building sites 83 and the earliest known pits were at Newgate Street and Watling Court. The Newgate pit continued in use and became very deep. The popularity of clay walling during the Hadrianic period could be attributed to a shortage of stone, owing to an increase in public building.84

Whereas there is no evidence that the army assisted the urban development of their civilian settlements, it seems that the civitates of Gaul helped the civitates of Britannia.89 Summary Despite the shortage of stone it appears that there was a large variety available from many local quarries, although the extent of the availability and the cost may have been important considerations for many poorer communities. Nevertheless even though supplies of stone became increasingly available for civic building, there may have been competition for supplies at Glevum and Corinium. There was adequate timber for building and the number of potteries and itinerant potters ensured that bricks, tiles and terracotta building materials were readily available.

Lead There is more evidence of lead working in the second century than any other metal, and its export value was high.85 Workshops can occasionally be associated with specific buildings, such as at Aquae Sulis, where one was connected with the plumbing and roofing of the baths. At Durnovaria there is similar evidence in the forum and also

There is little evidence of the trade guilds found in other western provinces, but the discovery of marble yards and mason’s workshops is indicative of the existence of these trades.

79

A list of production sites and kilns: McWhirr & Viner ‘The Production and Distribution of Tiles’ 369-71. Table 11. 80 Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 286. 81 The municipal factory at Glevum (St. Oswald’s Priory), produced roofing tiles for the city in the early second century. (These were stamped RPG: Res Publica Glevensisium). In the middle of the second century sandstone from the Forest of Dean became more popular for roofing. Hurst ‘Gloucester/Glevum’ 67, 71; Perring & Roskams with Allen ‘Early Development of Roman London’ 68. 82 As always the caution is that conclusions can only be made on the available evidence which changes constantly as a result of further research and archaeological discoveries. Phillips The Fenlands in Roman Times 165. 83 Perring & Roskams with Allen ‘Early Development of Roman London’ 67. 84 Ibid. 107. 85 Fulford ‘The Economy of Roman Britain’ 189.

86

Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 331. Williams ‘Roman Building Materials’ 166, 172. (This was probably late second century). Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces 18; Perring & Roskams with Allen ‘Early Development of Roman London’ 68. 88 The collection included a heads of Mercury, a river god and a relief of Dea Matres. B. Cunliffe Roman Bath Discovered Stroud 1971 repr. 2000, 131; Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 317. 89 T.F.C. Blagg ‘An examination of the connections between military and civilian architecture’ in Military and civilian in Roman Britain: cultural relationships in a Frontier province T.F.C. Blagg & A.C. King (eds) BAR Brit.Series 136 1984, 249-264. 87

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Rome (and other cities using the latest architectural techniques) is apparent in this building.99

Hadrianic Civic Building Britannia was not urbanised in the same way as other provinces. The cities were small and widely scattered, based on tribal territory. They resembled country towns with a population of between 2000 and 4000 and not more than 10.000 persons. As in other provinces these were the centres of local administration and required civic buildings. Some small cities may have had certain responsibilities and consequently possessed some public buildings, but baths associated with the mansiones and cursus publicus were the most usual.90

Calleva (Atrebatum) developed from a native town and military base, gaining its first Roman building in the Claudian era. 100 A colonnade of Bath stone, found close to the ‘Neronian’ baths, was obviously constructed after the opening of the quarries in 47.101 Even so, stone probably continued to be in short supply, since the Neronian/Flavian amphitheatre, and its second century replacement, were both built of timber,102 as was the Flavian basilica in the forum/basilica complex.103 Calleva’s second street grid was laid out in the early second century and was Trajanic/ Hadrianic.104 The timber basilica was replaced in stone during the Hadrianic/Antonine era, c.125/150, a time of major growth in the city. Bath stone was used for building and many fragments of Purbeck marble inscriptions were found in the vicinity of the forum, basilica and temple.105 There was also a shrine or a curia in the forum.106 Corinthian capitals found at Calleva are similar to the Hadrianic capitals in the forum/basilica at Viroconium.107

The construction of public buildings was an enormous undertaking for any community and must have been daunting for new communities with limited resources.91 When there were several towns in a region, the burden on small communities was greatly increased and there was a subsequent dependence on local industry to support a civic building programme.92 It has been suggested that Hadrian’s visit in 122 provided the impetus that generated prosperity for Britannia and raised civilised life to a level enjoyed in other parts of the empire. 93 The emperor’s great interest in urbanisation and architecture may have provided the incentive for others to contribute financially to the provincial cities.94

The civic centre at Camulodunum underwent two major building phases during which, as Britannia’s most important Roman town of the early occupation, it must have gained most of its public buildings.108 Apart from a Romano-Celtic temple built post 120/5, and the Hadrianic or early Antonine timber theatre built south of the temple at Gosbeck’s farm, there are no other Hadrianic buildings.109 The combination of temple/theatre was typically Celtic and found frequently in the Gallic provinces.110 Evidence of a large pottery

Although the civitas capital of the Belgae territory was Venta, the size and importance of Aquae Sulis suggest that it served in some administrative capacity for the civitas. Aquae Sulis became a famous spa that flourished from the end of the first century,95 by which time it was well developed with signs of a wealthy patron connected with Rome.96

99

Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 87. An example could be Lugdunum. It is unclear whether this was military or civilian. For some of the arguments see Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 273-4. 101 Its ‘Neronian’ date was derived from a stamped tile but the evidence of the street realignment suggests a Flavian date. Ibid. 274. 102 M. Fulford The Silchester Amphitheatre Britannia Monograph Series 10 London 1989, 36.; J. Wacher ‘Cities from the second to the fourth centuries’ in M. Todd (ed) Research on Roman Britain 1960-89 Britannia Monograph 11, 98. 103 M. Fulford ‘Silchester: the early development of a civitas capital’ in S.J. Greep ‘Roman Towns: the Wheeler Inheritance CBA Res. Rep. 93 (1993) 28-29. Londinium’s basilica was built of stone in the same period (see Londinium below). These are the first timber-framed basilica and forum found in any Roman Province. Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 276. 104 Fulford ‘Silchester: the early development’ 29. 105 The date of these fragments, RIB 69-85, could not be determined, as they were too small to assemble. 106 It was too small for use by the ordo. Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 277. 107 Fulford ‘Silchester: the early development’ 32; M.G. Fulford ‘Excavations on the sites of the amphitheatre and forum/basilica at Silchester’ Ant.J 65 1985, 59; The Corinthian capitals are typical of provincial carving, which displays a lack of fluidity. Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 277. For the date: Wacher ‘Cities from the second to the fourth centuries’ 92. 108 The first, c.50, followed the departure of the XX legion, when colonia Claudia Victricensis Camulodunensium was established for veterans by the governor Ostorius Scapula. The fortress site was enlarged, retaining some of the street layout and adding the temple of Claudius, a basilica and theatre. The second building phase took place after the fire c.60/1. Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 76-77. 109 Temple: P. Crummy ‘The development of Roman Colchester’ in S.J. Greep ‘Roman Towns: the Wheeler Inheritance’ CBA Res. Rep. 93 (1993) 40; Theatre: F. Sear Roman Theatres and Architectural Studies Oxford University Press (forthcoming). 110 See section on Hadrianic civic building in Chapter 2. 100

The archaeological evidence shows that there were extensive alterations and improvements to the baths during Hadrian’s reign, one of which was the addition of a sweat bath, laconicum.97 The enormous foundations found east of the temple and north of the baths appear to belong to a tholos, equal in diameter to the width of the temple. This building, unusual for the western provinces, may be Hadrianic because of its size and elaborate decoration. 98 It has also been suggested that the influence of craftsmen from

90

B.C. Burnham & J. Wacher The ‘Small Towns’ of Roman Britain London 1990, 4-5 91 See notes on cost of building in the Introduction. 92 M. Todd ‘The cities of Roman Britain after Wheeler’ in S.J. Greep ‘Roman Towns: the Wheeler Inheritance’ CBA Res. Rep. 93 (1993) 9. 93 G. Webster ‘A note on new discoveries at Viroconium (Wroxeter) which may have a bearing on Hadrian’s Frontier Policy in Britain’ in W.S. Hanson & L. J.F. Keppie RFS (1979) BAR 1980 Int.series 71 i. 295. 94 Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 378. 95 It was located in a rich farming and industrial area producing corn, wool, stone and pewter: Cunliffe Roman Bath Discovered 127. Aquae Sulis was also situated on major crossroads and by a military river crossing. 96 Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 86-7. 97 It is possible that these alterations allowed for the closing of the door between the Circular Bath and the tepidarium, thus allowing for the segregation of bathers, a policy supported by Hadrian. Cunliffe Roman Bath Discovered 95. 98 Hadrian may have initiated the building of this temple during his visit of 122, inspired by his love of Hellenistic architecture. Cunliffe Roman Bath Discovered 110-112.

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manufacturer, bricks, tiles and a municipal glassworks suggests that Camulodunum was well supplied with a variety of building materials.111

Bricks, tiles and pottery were manufactured locally from the middle of the first century and in the early second century general construction gradually changed from timber to part timber/part stone.125 It seems that gravel and limestone were quarried outside the city walls, but the presence of a quantity of imported marbles 126 and fragments of non-British limestone, possibly from Gaul,127 are suggestive of local wealth and an expensive and ambitious building programme.

The previous military vicus was transformed into the city of Corinium Dobunnorum in the last two decades of the first century.112 The first civic buildings were the forum, an elaborate complex surrounded by a colonnade built in the late first century forum, and a basilica (the second largest in provincial Britannia), which was separated from the open forum area by another colonnade. In the Hadrianic period a substantial extension made to the forum could have been a cattle market and butchery section.113 Purbeck marble inscription found in the forum (RIB 114) may not be Hadrianic but is indicative of the quality of stone being used in the hometown of the sculptor Sulinus (RIB 105). As much of Corinium’s civic building was taking place in the same period as nearby Glevum, there was considerable competition for building supplies and labour, in spite of local stone being quarried at the Querns. The quarry became the site of the amphitheatre after the stone supply was exhausted.114 The first century timber amphitheatre 115 was renovated at the beginning of the second century with stone walls. There is also evidence of continual road resurfacing.116

The civilian settlement of Eburacum, on the opposite bank of the river Ousa to the fortress,128 did not become a colonia until the third century.129 Archaeological excavations have revealed the main road leading to the fortress and a minor road leading to a large bath complex and late first century timber buildings.130 Even though a fragmentary Hadrianic building inscription does exist, no buildings, military or civilian, can be linked to the Hadrianic era (EE 7.935).131 The building which began in the civilian settlement at Glevum (colonia Nervia Glevensium) c.125 concluded with the city having most of its public buildings by 150.132 Construction began on a large temple, perhaps of the Imperial cult, in the Hadrianic era and was completed by the Antonine period.133 The baths (tentatively identified by an apsidial hypocaust) were Hadrianic, c.120. 134 There were commercial brick and tile factories, one of which was near St. Oswald’s priory, which supplied the growing colonia. Öolite limestone was quarried close to Glevum and used for the forum.135

Although Durnovaria shared the administration of the civitas with Lendiniae, its public buildings still included a forum, an early amphitheatre117 and large Hadrianic baths,118 which were serviced by a late first century (Trajanic) aqueduct.119 Durnovaria was supplied with marble from the nearby quarries at Purbeck, building stone from the Portland quarries and bricks from the local manufacturer.120

Isca Dumnoniorum had also been the site of a legionary fortress.136 Besides the forum and basilica, Isca also had a market, public baths with a colonnade and an aqueduct by the Hadrianic era.137 An unidentified building, c.125/150, was discovered outside the north-west entrance to the city 138 (perhaps a mansio), but no temples, theatres, amphitheatres or certain Hadrianic civic buildings are known. Building materials used at Isca were chert and basalt called ‘trap’,

The baths at Durovernum Cantiacorum were originally built in the late first or early second century and completed in the Hadrianic era with a large portico on the northwest and southwest sides.121 The city also had a Romano-Celtic temple in a large second century colonnaded and porticoed courtyard.122 Since the forum was across the main street from the precinct, it has been suggested that these two areas were combined into a large complex incorporating a forum, basilica, temple and theatre.123 A triumphal arch of unknown date was located close to the Flavian theatre.124

125

Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 198. Wacher ‘Cities from the second to the fourth centuries’ 96. 127 Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 88. 128 Where in 120 VI victrix perhaps replaced IX Hispana. 129 Eburacum became a colonia before 237. R.C.H.M Eburacum:Roman York Leicester 1962/1970, 49. 130 Ibid. 54 131 This limestone inscription is not connected with defence work. Ibid. 8. 132 This busy construction period may have prompted the use of Forest of Dean roofing stone in place of the local tiles. Hurst ‘Gloucester/Glevum’ 67. 133 Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 78. The discovery of several large columns suggests a temple peribolos. Hurst ‘Gloucester/Glevum’ 65. 134 A. G. Hunter in ‘Roman Britain in 1959’ JRS 50 (1960) 230. 135 H. Hurst ‘Excavations at Gloucester’ Ant. J 52 (1972) 24-69; As buildings were demolished this stone was continuously reused. Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 159. 136 After the withdrawal of the legion c.71-74, the civitas Dumnoniorum was established c.80 on the site of the fortress. 137 A bridge used by the post-military aqueduct was dated by dendrochronology to 100/101. C. Henderson ‘Exeter (Isca Dumnoniorum)’ in G. Webster (ed) Fortress into City London 1988, 110-115; P. T. Bidwell The legionary bath-house and basilica and forum at Exeter (Exeter 1979) 67-90 in M. Todd (ed) Research on Roman Britain 1960-89 Britannia Monograph Series 11, 84; Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 338. 138 Henderson ‘Exeter (Isca Dumnoniorum)’ 115 126

111

Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 128-9. Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 86. 113 Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 306-7. 114 A. McWhirr ‘Cirencester/Corinium Dobunnorum’ in G. Webster (ed) Fortress into City London 1988, 80-83. 115 A. McWhirr ‘Cirencester–Corinium Dobunnorum’ in S.J. Greep ‘Roman Towns: the Wheeler Inheritance CBA Res. Rep. 93 (1993) 46-55. 116 Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 307-8. 117 Constructed around a Neolithic henge monument at Maumsbury Rings. 118 Ibid. 325. 119 Probably using water from the River Frome at Notton Hill, or alternatively from Steps Farm, Frampton. Ibid. 327. 120 Ibid. 332. 121 S. S. Frere in ‘Roman Britain’ JRS 39 (1949) 110. 122 The street grid: Wacher ‘Cities from the second to the fourth centuries’ 103. 123 This may have taken more than twenty years to complete. Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 193. 124 Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 84-5; Wacher ‘Cities from the second to the fourth centuries’ 96. 112

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quarried locally on the Rougement Hill. Purbeck marble and sandstone were used for the baths.139

occurred with cracking as a result of decaying organic material in the foundation trenches and the old quarry pits under the floors of the basilica.152 Behind the basilica was a double row of shops and a central water feature in front 153 which could have been a fountain.

Few public buildings of Isurium Brigantum, civitas capital of the Brigantes, have been identified,140 and none were Hadrianic.

Major rebuilding took place in the first decade of Hadrian’s reign after the city’s second major fire. Since many of the buildings were of stone, they were more easily rebuilt, but have been less easy to date accurately.154

It is possible that Lindum was founded as a veteran colony for IX Hispana.141 The first wooden forum was built on the site of the principia and rebuilt in stone in the Trajanic or Hadrianic period at the same time as the colonnade of the forum-basilica complex.142 Other unidentified buildings were constructed during the Hadrianic/Antonine period, 143 and at the same time (the first half of the second century), a series of terracotta pipes encased in concrete brought water from the Roaring Meg stream through an underground aqueduct.144 The Hadrianic era was a period of intensive building, which included the street layout, an excellent sewage system, the construction (or reconstruction) of the baths145 (possibly military in origin), and the completion in stone of the city walls.146

There were at least two large baths (thermae) and several small balnea. The enlargement of the thermae at Huggin Hill was part of a large military building project c.122, at the time of Hadrian’s visit.155 As the military unit was also building its garrison thirty metres away, c.122,156 it may also have been involved with the reconstruction of Londinium’s Flavian amphitheatre, a predominantly timber structure which was demolished in 120.157 The rebuilding in stone for both military and civilian use may not have been completed until c.145.158

The early city of Londinium consisted of three distinct regions: the area south of the river (where non-citizens lived) and the eastern and western hills divided by the Walbrook.147 The city’s public buildings and a military ‘enclave’ were on the western hill.148

Hadrian’s known interest in the reclamation of land is apparent in the rebuilding of the waterfront downstream of the Walbrook during the 120s.159 Renovations were made to the warehouses and the ‘palace’, where new wings enclosed a central courtyard and pool (perhaps an atrium).160

Londinium experienced its ‘greatest commercial prosperity’ in the early second century;149 not only was it a major port but, by Hadrian’s reign, it was also the office of the procurator and the residence of the provincial governor, for whom a luxurious palace was constructed in the Cripplegate area.150 The wealth of the community can be gauged from the enormous building project in the second forum, which spanned the years between 100 and 120/30, and included the largest basilica in the empire at that time. 151 Problems

Londinium’s stone for its basilica was Kentish Rag (Lower Greensand) that was brought at great expense from the Medway valley in Kent. Other luxury stone included imported coloured marbles, Purbeck marble, and öolite from Aquae Sulis.161 Since civic building increased so dramatically in this city during Hadrian’s reign, it seems probable that there was either encouragement from him, his governor or the procurator, whose stamped tiles have been found close to public buildings.162 The street plan of Moridunum was laid out in the Hadrianic period. The amphitheatre may have been constructed as part of Hadrian’s reforms and Moridunum’s promotion as a civitas capital of the Demetae.163 Even though this was a

139

Ibid. 101. One may be the rear of the basilica and another could be baths belonging to a mansio. Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 403. 141 (colonia Domitiana) Lindensium. 142 Wacher ‘Cities from the second to the fourth centuries’ 96-7. 143 M. Jones ‘Lincoln (Lindum) in G. Webster (ed) Fortress into City London 1988, 155-7. 144 Ibid. 159; Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 139. 145 M. J Jones & B. J. J. Gilmour ‘Lincoln, Principia and Forum; a preliminary report’ Britannia 11 (1980) 61; Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 79. 146 Jones ‘Lincoln (Lindum) 159, 161. 147 P. Rowsome ‘Development of the town plan’ in B. Watson (ed) Roman London: Recent Archaeological Work Portsmouth (R.I) 1998, 38. 148 Londinium may have been a dual or plural community with a military administrative centre on the western hill and a civil conventus civium Romanorum on the eastern (both with different grid systems: orthogonal on the eastern hill and organic on the western). N.C.W. Bateman ‘Public Buildings in Roman London: some contrasts’ in B. Watson (ed) Roman London: Recent Archaeological Work Portsmouth (R.I) 1998, 54,56. 149 Rowsome ‘Development of the town plan’ 35; Londinium declined dramatically from 152 to 155. P. Marsden The Roman forum site in London: discoveries before 1985 London 1987,114-5. 150 M. Fulford ‘Epilogue: a view of Roman London from the hinterland’ in B. Watson (ed) Roman London: Recent Archaeological Work Portsmouth (R.I) 1998, 107-112. 151 The basilica was the largest building north of the Alps. Bateman ‘Public Buildings in Roman London’ 50; The building of the basilica may even have begun in the late Flavian period. J. Morris Londinium: London in the Roman Empire London 1982, 169; T. Brigham ‘A reassessment of the second basilica in London, A.D. 100-400’ Britannia 21 (1990) 54, 93. The construction of this forum/basilica may 140

have required the labour of one to two hundred men for between ten and twenty years. Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 88. 152 Bateman ‘Public Buildings in Roman London’ 50. 153 Wacher ‘Cities from the second to the fourth centuries’ 96. 154 This was less devastating than the previous fire that had consumed the timber city. Even so, in parts the ash was eight feet thick. G. C. Dunning ‘The Two Fires of Roman London’ Ant.J. 25 (1945) 52, 54, 60. The fire may have been later c.125-130. Marsden The Roman forum site in London: discoveries before 1985, 107. 155 Less than twenty years later the baths were abandoned, the walls demolished and the mosaics and marble removed. Bateman ‘Public Buildings in Roman London’ 48. 156 Ibid. 51-3. 157 Only the arena and entranced walls were masonry. Ibid. 51. 158 N. C. W. Bateman ‘The London amphitheatre excavations 1987- 1996’ Britannia 28 (1997) 83. 159 Hadrian’s work in the Fenlands and Stonea is discussed above. 160 T. Brigham ‘The port of Roman London’ in B.Watson (ed) Roman London: Recent Archaeological Work Portsmouth (R.I) 1998, 29-30. 161 Fulford ‘Epilogue: a view of Roman London’ 108, 111. 162 Evidence of enormous building projects from the Flavian period onwards suggests co-operation betweeen the procurator and governor. I.M. Betts ‘Procuratorial tile stamps from London’ Britannia 26 (1995) 55, 70. 163 Bateman ‘The London amphitheatre excavations’ 83.

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flourishing Trajanic city,164 no other pre-third century public buildings have been discovered.165

Another building, perhaps a Romano-Celtic theatre, has been discovered but not dated.174

Noviomagus Reginorum developed during the Flavian period on a site previously occupied by the military, and the restructuring of the centre continued into the Antonine period. Although excavations have revealed the possibility of several large buildings including baths, a theatre or temple and an amphitheatre, only one building, a domestic house, can be called Hadrianic.166

The archaeological record indicates that Venta Silurum developed as a ribbon sprawl along the road towards the fortress at Isca.175 Numismatic and ceramic evidence now indicates that the forum, with its colonnaded porticoes around three sides and six shops, was Hadrianic.176 The basilica could be a later Hadrianic/ Antonine construction. Its mid-second century Corinthian capitals display the influence of north-eastern Gaul.177 The city’s early baths may have been demolished and rebuilt in the early second century.178

The fort at Petuaria Parisorum was reoccupied during the Hadrianic period and extensions made to the fortifications, that perhaps included buildings and a rampart in the Hadrianic/early Antonine periods, were in preparation for the classis.167 There is no further evidence of civic development in the Hadrianic period.

By the Hadrianic era Verulamium was a well-established civitas capital with predominantly timber buildings built along its roads. Little appears to have been built in the Hadrianic era, although a temple near the London Gate is early second century and two aediculae are from the Hadrianic/Antonine period. 179

Ratae Corieltavorum was originally the site of a military vicus. Its street plan was laid out c.100 168 and a site selected for the forum construction. Building of the forum/basilica did not occur until the late Hadrianic period (perhaps the result of economic growth due to peace in the province). The building plan was altered to accommodate new inner and outer porticoes, shops and a monumental porch. The discovery of Roman fountains confirms that there was an adequate supply of water to service the town and the later Antonine baths.169 No temple can be dated earlier than the late second century, well past the Hadrianic era. The existence of an amphitheatre seems certain but its location is unknown.

An uncompleted building programme, which included a street grid, baths and a forum, began at Viroconium following the departure of the legion.180 Another major rebuilding phase that added two large insulae began in the early part of Hadrian’s reign, and doubled the size of the city.181 It was one of the largest civic building projects in Britannia 182 and included a new street plan, a market and a colonnade surrounding the piscina. A basilica and a very large forum (built over the unfinished baths due to a change in plans) 183 were completed c.129/130.184

Local topography was carefully considered by the engineers and town planners of Venta Belgarum and by 100 the forum and basilica were built in the well-drained valley. (One early building used Purbeck marble in its construction).170 There are no proven Hadrianic buildings, but there are indications of another large building, perhaps a theatre or amphitheatre on the higher ground,171 and a Romano-Celtic temple in Lower Brook Street with a vague second century date.172

Unique in Britannia is a Hadrianic building inscription, c.128/9: Imp(eratori) Ca[es(ari)] divi Traiani Parthici fil(io) di[vi N]ervae nepoti Traiano H[a]driano Aug(usto) ponti[fi]ci maximo trib(unicia) pot(estate) XXIII[I co(n)s(uli) III p(atri) p(atriae)] civitas Cornov[iorum] (RIB 288). Many fragments of this sandstone commemorative inscription were found by the entrance to the east portico of the forum where it must have fallen when the building was

The coin evidence at Venta Icenorum suggests a late Hadrianic /early Antonine date for the forum. A large Hadrianic building in the forum, possibly baths, may have been built even slightly earlier than the forum itself. 173

174

Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 250. The road was nine Roman miles long. R. J. Brewer ‘Venta Silurum: a civitas capital’ in S. J.Greep ‘Roman Towns: the Wheeler Inheritance’ CBA Res. Rep. 93 (1993) 65. The coin evidence has allowed the alteration to a Hadrianic date from the late first century date proposed by Nash-Williams. Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 380-381. This was probably late Hadrianic c.130-140. B.R. Hartley ‘The Enclosure of British Towns in the second century AD’ in B. Hartley and J. Wacher (eds) Rome and her Northern provinces 1983, 84-95. 177 As it has at Calleva and Durnoverum. Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 87 178 The earlier building may not have been baths (as proposed by NashWilliams): Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 379. 179 Ibid. 227, 240. 180 XX Valeria victrix had left by 90.G. Webster ‘Wroxeter (Viroconium)’ in G. Webster Fortress into City 1988, 136 181 The legionary fortress was demolished and the site levelled. G. Webster ‘A note on new discoveries at Viroconium (Wroxeter) which may have a bearing on Hadrian’s Frontier Policy in Britain’ in W. S. Hanson & L .J. F. Keppie RFS (1979) BAR 1980 Int.series 71 I, 291. 182 Webster ‘Wroxeter (Viroconium)’ 142. 183 Ibid. 184 G. Webster ‘The Defense of the Legionary Fortress at Viroconium (Wroxeter) AD 55-90’ in V. A. Maxfield & M.J. Dobson (eds) R F S (1989) Exeter 1991, 125. The period of thirty years between the foundation date and the completion of the forum is difficult to explain as the Cornovii was not a poor tribe (like the Iceni of Caistor). Street plan: Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 369. 175 176

164

H. James ‘Roman Carmarthen’ in S.J. Greep ‘Roman Towns: the Wheeler Inheritance’ CBA Res.Rep.93 (1993) 95. 165 The baths discovered in 1897 were either connected to the military fort or a mansio. Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 392. 166 The large baths, whose mosaics resemble those at Fishbourne, and the cisterns that provide the water were probably constructed in the first century. Ibid. 264-8. 167 The street plan, however, remained disorderly. Ibid. 397-8 168 Ibid. 345 169 Ibid. 346-7; construction may have begun on the baths in the late Hadrianic period. Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 86. 170 Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 295. 171 Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 85; K. E. Qualmann ‘Roman Winchester’ in S.J. Greep ‘Roman Towns: the Wheeler Inheritance’ CBA Res. Rep. 93 (1993) 66 –77. 172 M. Biddle ‘Excavations at Winchester in 1971’ Ant.J. 1975, 278. 173 The forum could be c.140-150. S.S. Frere ‘The Forum and Baths at Caistor-by-Norwich’ Britannia 2 (1971)8, 22.

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destroyed.185 The fine workmanship of both the inscription and the entablature moulding are suggestive of Hadrian’s craftsmen from Rome.186

unit. Large baths appeared to come later in urban planning. Those at Ratae, Viroconium and Isca Dumnoniorum were built in the Hadrianic/Antonine period.

Construction of the new baths commenced at the same time as the forum but took many years to complete. It is possible that part of the area may have been used for a market and that Viroconium had a theatre or circus associated with the temple.187 The enormous Hadrianic building phase seems to have been the enthusiastic reaction of the Cornovii to becoming a civitas peregrina188 and may have commenced at the time of Hadrian’s visit in 122.189

Buildings apparently begun and finished in the Hadrianic era were those expected of civic centres, with the exception of arches and aqueducts.

Summary

Following the suggestion that evidence points to greater urbanisation during the Trajanic period than the early Hadrianic,191 the expectation would be for a corresponding increase in public building.

Comparison with Civic Building of Trajan and Antoninus Pius 190 Trajanic civic building

The overall lack of inscriptions for public buildings in Britannia and only one for the Hadrianic period have led to a greater reliance on the archaeological evidence for the dating of public buildings. The solitary inscription at Viroconium gives what has been considered to be the completion date of the forum. The problem in Londinium, where stone walls were reused after the fire of the 120s, has been discussed, but dating is generally difficult in Britannia because of the lengthy construction periods of civic buildings in the majority of cities. It is clear that buildings often took decades to complete, depending on the availability of finance, building materials and labour. It is therefore with great caution that a definite date is assigned to a building.

This could be true of street planning. Calleva had two street plans, the second of which was considered to have been Trajanic/ Hadrianic. 192 Nothing specific, however, can be attributed to Camulodunum, even though considerable building activity took place in the early and mid Trajanic period.193 More is known at Corinium Dobunnorum, where the forum/ basilica may have been finished in the early Trajanic era and the amphitheatre received stone walls. 194 In addition there was some Trajanic road-making, particularly resurfacing.195 One of the two Trajanic aqueducts in Britannia serviced the large Hadrianic baths of Durnovaria.196

This was obviously the situation with Londinium’s second forum and basilica, and perhaps with the forum at Ratae, where buildings were begun in the 80s or 90s and completed in 120 at the earliest.

Another city to receive its street layout in the Trajanic era was Durovernum Cantiacorum. It also had baths begun in the Trajanic period and completed in the Hadrianic era with a large portico on the northwest and south-west sides.197 During this period the construction of buildings gradually changed from timber to a combination of timber and stone.

A similar number of buildings were begun in the Trajanic era and finished in the Hadrianic as were started in the Hadrianic period and completed in the reign of Antoninus Pius. The emphasis of public building changed from street plans and fora, at the beginning of the Trajanic period to the temples, baths and basilicas of the Hadrianic period. It was not unusual for timber fora to precede those built in stone, for example at Silchester and Exeter. A similar situation occurred with other buildings where there appears to have been a scarcity of stone prior to the opening of more quarries.

198

The civilian settlements of the legionary fortresses were improved. In addition to the partial rebuilding of the defences of Eburacum during the Trajanic era,199 a large bath complex reveals evidence of late first century timber buildings.200 The creation of the colony at Glevum at the end of the first century resulted in the renovation of several of the fortress buildings, which were being adapted for the colony201 and the construction of a Trajanic forum on the

In most cases a street plan was the first stage in civic planning, followed by a forum and basilica in a combined

185

190

Its survival may be due to the lack of later development on the site of Viroconium. 186 D. Atkinson ‘Civitas Cornoviorum’ Classical Review 38 (1924) 146148; R. G. Collingwood & M.V. Taylor ‘Roman Britain in 1924’ JRS 14 (1924) 244 & pl. 27. 187 Baths and market. Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 368-9. Circus /theatre: explanations vary for this walled enclosure that was destroyed in the middle of the second century: Webster suggests a religious theatre and Wacher considers that this may have been Britannia's only circus. Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 375. 188 Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 84. The Cornovii are from the east of north and central Wales and Shropshire. G. Webster ‘The City of Viroconium (Wroxeter): its military origins and expansion under Hadrian’ in S.J. Greep ‘Roman Towns: the Wheeler Inheritance CBA Res. Rep. 93 (1993) 50- 55. 189 Webster ‘Wroxeter (Viroconium)’ 140.

For military building see sections below. Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 87. 192 Fulford ‘Silchester: the early development of a civitas capital’ 29. 193 The buildings are unspecified but may include the first Roman temple/theatre complex. Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 77. 194 McWhirr ‘Cirencester- Corinium Dobunnorum’ 46-55. 195 Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 307-8. 196 The alternative source may have been Steps Farm, Frampton. Ibid. 327. 197 The street grid. Wacher ‘Cities from the second to the fourth centuries’ 103. Baths: S.S. Frere in ‘Roman Britain’ JRS 39 (1949) 110. 198 Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 198. 199 A limestone inscription refers to the Trajanic building of the SE gate of the fortress by IX legion (CIL 7.214 = RIB 665). 200 R.C.H.M Eburacum 54. 201 Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 151. 191

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site of the principia.202 The Trajanic forum was originally gravel floored and its basilica built of timber.203

Londinium the temple precinct has the only Roman arch of these three reigns in Britannia.214 The waterfront of Londinium continued to expand in the Antonine era in spite of the fire that consumed the city between 120 and 130. 215 Southwark, the suburb on the south bank, consisted of a number of sand and gravel islands. A timber warehouse in this district has been dated by dendrochronology to 152/3.

The post-military aqueduct at Isca Dumnoniorum was Trajanic.204 In addition to its first grid plan, there is also the possibility that the stone forum/basilica with a colonnade on three sides was Trajanic.205 A building at Lindum considered to have been the public baths was built in the early Trajanic period and its street and sewer construction spanned the Trajanic and Hadrianic eras. 206

No buildings have been identified but the general restructuring of the centre at Noviomagus Reginorum continued into the Antonine period.

Britannia’s only Trajanic amphitheatre was built at Londinium c.100 at the same time as the fort on the northeast of the city. An inscription (RIB 21), probably Trajanic, of a slave of the concilium, is an indication that the Imperial cult, and therefore a temple, already existed at Londinium.207

In the Hadrianic/early Antonine eras, preparations were made for the arrival of the classis at Petuaria Parisorum. 216 A small influx of people subsequently arrived in the nearby vicus Petuarienses and its development was such that by 144 it had junior magistrates of a civitas. A limestone dedication of the theatre proscaenium by M. Ulpius Januarius, aedile of the vicus Petuariensis,217 was found near the east gate c.140/144 (RIB 707).218

Moridunum was reputed to have been a flourishing Trajanic town,208 but it had no major public buildings until the third century. Two other cities with Trajanic street plans were Ratae Corieltavorum, where the streets were laid out c.100 after the departure of the army,209 and Venta Belgarum. Engineering works in this town during the Flavian-Trajanic period prepared a well-drained site at the bottom of the valley for the building of the forum and basilica c.100.

Building delays were commonplace and the large baths at Ratae Corieltavorum begun c.145/50 were finally completed c.155/60.219 Two major Antonine constructions at Venta Icenorum were the baths c.140/150 and the forum c.150/160.220

Two possible Trajanic buildings were the baths at Venta Silurum, which were demolished and rebuilt in the early second century, 210 and the temple built near the London Gate of Verulamium in the early second century.

The influence of north-eastern Gaul has been seen in the mid second century Corinthian capitals of the Hadrianic /Antonine basilica at Venta Silurum.221 A dedication c.152 to Mars Lenus may have been connected to the RomanoCeltic temple (RIB 309).

The forum and baths at Viroconium were not completed during the Trajanic era for unknown reasons, but may have been economic or perhaps general unrest in the province.

Two aediculae have been found at Verulamium from the Hadrianic/Antonine period.222 During the Antonine era many buildings were rebuilt in stone following the fire c.155 which destroyed much of the timber city, including the forum and basilica. This period witnessed considerable stone reconstruction in the forum and theatre temples.223 The first building phase in timber and stone of the theatre was c.140/150.224

Antoninus Pius’ civic building The timber basilica at Calleva was replaced during the Hadrianic/Antonine era, c.125/150, a time of major growth in the town, and alterations, still in timber, were carried out on the amphitheatre during the Antonine era.211

Summary A Hadrianic or early Antonine timber theatre built south of the temple at Gosbeck’s farm near Camulodunum, was rebuilt of ‘Kentish Ragstone’ c.150/200, and dismantled for its stone in the mid third century.212

It has been claimed that by 100 most of the cities of Britannia had been established, had street grids and a few public buildings.225 This is difficult to assess, but according

Temples were embellished during this period. North of the forum at Glevum a suspected Antonine temple to the Imperial cult received a colonnaded precinct,213 and at

214

Bateman ‘Public Buildings in Roman London’ 49. Dunning ‘Two fires of Roman London’ 48-77. 216 The street plan however remained disorderly. Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 397-8. 217 Perhaps he was a retired soldier, whose father or grandfather had been enfranchised under Trajan. Ibid. 398-9. 218 Ibid. 396-7. JRS 28 (1938) 199. 219 Ibid. Construction may have begun on the baths in the late Hadrianic period. Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 86. 220 Frere ‘The Forum and Baths at Caistor’ 8, 22. 221 As it has at Calleva and Durnoverum. Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 87. 222 Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain, 227, 240. 223 R. Niblett ‘Verulamium since the Wheelers’ in S.J. Greep ‘Roman Towns: the Wheeler Inheritance CBA Res. Rep. 93 (1993) 78-92. 224 Sear Roman Theatres and Architectural Studies (forthcoming); K.M. Kenyon ‘The Roman Theatre at Verumlamium, St. Albans’ Archaeologia 84 1935, 213-247. 225 Wacher ‘Cities from the second to the fourth centuries’ 92. 215

202

Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 78. Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 152-3. 204 Henderson ‘Exeter (Isca Dumnoniorum) 115. 205 This was constructed on the site of the legionary baths. Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 338. 206 Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 78-9. 207 Ibid. 80. 208 James ‘Roman Carmarthen’ 95. 209 Wacher The Towns of Roman Britain 345. 210 See fn. 175. 211 Ibid. 279. 212 Sear Roman Theatres and Architectural Studies (forthcoming). 213 Todd ‘The Early Cities’ 78. 203

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to the above information nearly fifty percent of cities either had Trajanic streets or Trajanic streets that were completed in the Hadrianic era. As might be expected from the volume of Trajanic and Hadrianic street plans, none are attested for the Antonine period.

fines conser]vati [div]ino pr[aecepto …c]o(n)s(ul) II[I (RIB 1051a = CIL 7. 498b = AE 1947, 123). [Seven lines missing] diffusis [barbaris et] provinc[ia reciperata] Britannia ad[didit limitem inter] utrumque O[ceani litus per m(ilia) p(assuum) LXXX] exercitus pr[ovinciae opus valli fecit] sub cur[a A(uli) Platori Nepotis leg(ati) Aug(usti) pr(o) pr(aetore)] (RIB 1051b = CIL 7. 498a). 230

The situation regarding public building is not one that suggests prolific building in the Trajanic era, but there was apparently even less in the Antonine. There is a representative scattering of Trajanic buildings, with the greatest emphasis on basilicas, followed by aqueducts, but no known temples. The Antonine buildings were mainly temples, followed by theatre building, with the completion of several Hadrianic basilicas and temples.

The emperor’s natural curiosity and his desire to experience everything first hand suggests that he would have visited the Wall area, and there is some indication of his presence at Vindolanda. 231 Furthermore, several military inscriptions give Hadrian’s name in the genitive, which could indicate the emperor’s personal involvement with those sections, 232 perhaps even to the selection of the line for the Wall.233

Hadrianic Military Building

The Wall Builders

murumque per octoginta milia passuum primus duxit, qui barbaros Romanosque divideret (SHA Hadr. 11.2)

The Legions At the start of Hadrian’s reign the legions of Britannia were II Augusta, XX Valeria victrix and IX Hispana. In 122 Hadrian brought VI victrix from Germania Inferior, initially to assist with the building of the Wall and then as the replacement for IX Hispana.234

Hadrian’s consolidation of the frontiers was based on his desire for stability in the empire and he embarked on his first major provincial tour with the specific aim of assessing and securing these frontiers. He was certainly aware of the continuing problems in Britannia’s north,226 and as, during the course of his first provincial journey, Hadrian had provided extra fortifications for the frontiers on the Rhine and Danube, the idea for a more permanent northern frontier for Britannia could have been a natural progression. 227The concept of a fortified stone wall would have been discussed with his friend and military colleague A. Platorius Nepos, governor of Germania Inferior, whom Hadrian then selected to become the new governor of Britannia. This appointment and the transfer of the VI victrix from Vetera in 122 with numerous auxiliary units certainly indicate thorough planning before the emperor’s arrival in July 122.228

The inscriptions show that detachments from three legions, II Augusta,235 XX Valeria victrix 236 and VI victrix, 237 worked on specifically assigned sections of the Wall.238 230

This inscription may have been part of a tropaeum. It was found at Jarrow (during the restoration of a church) on the Tyneside two and a half miles from the South Shields fort (RIB p.351). 231 See fn 18. 232 II Augusta at Hotbank milecastle 38 (this dedication stone was found in two pieces near the Wall, approximately one mile from Housesteads, close to Bradley Farm where one stone was built into doorway, RIB 1637 /1638 = CIL 7.661) and XX Valeria victrix at Moresby fort (c.128/138) (RIB 801 = CIL 7.362). 233 See comments RIB p.520 234 The arrival of VI victrix may have been a response to an increased need for building expertise and labour, and IX Hispana may not have left Britain for another 10 or eleven years. Birley Roman Britain and the Roman Army 27-8. 235 Inscriptions for building by the II Augusta under A. Platorius Nepos have been found at Cawfields milecastle 42 (near Ascium) (RIB 1666 = CIL 7. 663), at Chesterholm (Vindolanda) a fragment; similar to a milecastle inscription may be from an early Hadrianic fort (RIB 1702 = CIL 7. 713); at Hotbank milecastle 38 two dedication stones were found, one was in two pieces near the Wall, approximately one mile from Housesteads, close to Bradley Farm, where one stone was built into doorway. (RIB 1637 = CIL 7.661), and a similar inscription (RIB 1638 = CIL 7.660), at Netherby (Castra Exploratum) an inscription (now lost) (RIB 974 = CIL 7.961) and at Housesteads (Vercovicium) c.122/126 (CIL 7. 662 = RIB 1634). 236 Building inscriptions of XX Valeria victrix have been found at Moresby fort (three fragments of sandstone found at east gate of Barrow walls near Workington) c.128/138 (RIB 801 = CIL 7.362); near Thirlewall castle 47 (at Chapel house) (RIB 1852 = CIL 7. 835) and a building stone at Housesteads (Vercovicium)(CIL 7.665). A building inscription (now lost) of both II Augusta and XX Valeria victrix was found at Bewcastle (Fanum Cocidi) (after 126?) (RIB 995 =7.978). 237 VI victrix built at Halton Chesters (Onnum) under A.Platorius Nepos c.122/126: a dedication slab from the west gate was found on the ground (RIB 1427 = AE (1938) 116 = JRS 27 (1937) 247) and at Pons Aelius (Newcastle Upon Tyne) where altar inscriptions at the bridge shrine are dedicated to Neptune and Oceanus 237 (RIB 1319,1320). 238 Tables 4 and 5 give the allocation of milecastles, turrets, curtain and section of the wall built by each legion. Breeze & Dobson Hadrian’s Wall (4th ed) 73.

The evidence suggests that construction of the Wall began in 122 or 123 and was possibly completed by the end of Nepos’ term office in 126. 229 Two fragments of a large sandstone inscription, c.124, which records the building of the eighty-mile wall under Nepos may have been a war memorial: [Divorum] omnium fil[ius imp(erator) Caesar Traianus] Hadr[ianus Augustus imposit]a necessitat[e imperii intra 226

Since the time of conquest there had been periodic outbreaks of rebellion in Britannia with rebellion in the North in 117. Hadrian hoped that the Wall would separate the Selgvae from the Brigantes. Frere Britannia 149. 227 The Hadrianic watch-towers on the Stanegate line are an indication that Hadrian was following Trajan’s frontier policy for Britannia. The concept and initiative for building the Wall as a permanent frontier with closer smaller forts and watch-towers were, however, Hadrian’s, and although security was obviously a high priority, the Wall was no doubt a highly visible and impressive reminder of the strength of Rome. V. Maxfield ‘Hadrian’s Wall in its Imperial Setting’ Arch. Ael. 18 (1990) 4, 21; B. Dobson ‘The Function of Hadrian’s Wall’ Arch.Ael.14 (1986) 5, 25. 228 The transfer of VI Victrix to Britannia from Vetera, Germania Inferior, may have been because of its frontier experience. D. Shotter Roman Britain London, New York 1998, 27. 229 For a fuller discussion see D. Breeze & B. Dobson Hadrian’s Wall London 1976 (4th ed. 2000), 66.

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Although there is considerable uncertainty over the movements of IX Hispana after its last recorded presence at Eburacum c.108 (RIB 665),239 it is possible that it may have been one of the builders of the Turf Wall in the western section. This is difficult to prove as the epigraphic evidence is non existent, 240 but it seems that the construction of a milecastle on the Turf Wall was typical of their work.241

The ala Augusta Vocontiorum cR arrived in Britannia in 122 to play a protective role during the Wall construction and as a quick reinforcement of exercitus Britannicus. II Gallorum Sebosiana was based at Vinovia during the Wall construction, where it gave protection to units based at the rear of the wall. A tile discovered at Segedunum suggests that I Hispanorum Asturum later assisted in the extension of this fort in 130 (RIB 2464). 244

The Auxiliaries Several cohorts were involved in some way with the Wall construction. I Afrorum c.R was perhaps brought from Africa for this purpose. I Aquitanorum came from Germania to assist in the project and returned afterwards. I Asturnum equitata also came from Germania before 116 and returned before 134. I Batavorum came from Pannonia and I Pannoniorum from Germania Inferior to assist in some capacity with the Wall building programme before returning c.127. II Pannoniorum was involved with wall building before going to Dacia and VI Nerviorum, stationed in Britannia for the duration of Hadrian’s reign, was well known as a building unit.245

At the time of Hadrian’s visit in 122 there were thirteen alae and thirty-five cohorts listed as being in Britannia (CIL 16.69). Even though some units may have been awaiting transfer, but had remained because of the emperor’s visit, there were still six alae and twenty-one cohorts in Britannia on 15 September 124 (CIL 16.70). The increase is remarkable, given that a previous Trajanic diploma showed two alae and eleven cohorts (19 January 105: CIL 16.51). This large contingent of auxiliaries was the result of Hadrian’s decisions to build the Wall and the transfer of VI victrix. Legions did not travel alone but were accompanied by auxiliary troops of equal number,242 so it can be assumed that VI victrix brought its complement of auxiliaries. It is highly probably that Hadrian, with the assistance of Nepos and Varro, would have selected these not only for their military skills but also for their proficiency in building, hunting, and transporting supplies.

Other units had specific expertise in the supply of food and transport skills: IV Lingonum not only assisted with the digging of the vallum at Irthington, but it also specialised in supply and river transport, especially by barge. I Menapiorum and I Morinorum were sea-faring units based on the coast. Proficient hunters and possible meat supply units were I Hamiorum s., I Lingonum equitata and I Thracum e.c.R.246

There is little mention made of any auxiliary assistance in the building of the Wall except for the digging of the vallum by the IV Lingonum, and the building of granaries at Condercum, Onnum and Vindobala by the classis (RIB 1340).243

Building materials This ambitious project required an enormous amount of stone, for which, as the inscriptions show, small regularly spaced quarries were opened along the length of the Wall.247 At Red Rock Fault there was a geological change from limestone to sandstone.248 This would have made the stone easier to quarry, but mortar requires a good supply of limestone and timber which would then have had to be transported along the wall. Turf was chosen as a substitute for the second phase of the Wall construction, a building material the legions were expert in using. 249

239

The promotion of personnel from this legion and the discovery of its tiles indicate that this legion was still in existence and not in disgrace. For a discussion see E. Birley ‘The Fate of the Ninth Legion’ The Roman ArmyPapers 1929- 1986 Amsterdam 1988, 316-325. 240 Any inscriptions on wood would have little chance of survival, but stamped tiles of IX Hispana were found at Luguvalium (Carlisle), where this legion may have been garrisoned during the building of the Wall. Birley Roman Britain and the Roman Army 28. 241 C. E. Stevens The Building of Hadrian’s Wall Kendal 1966, 84, 73. 242 Y. Le Bohec The Imperial Roman Army London 1994, 25. The identity of several builders is unknown: a dedication stone c.129, was found near the east gate for the building of the fort Great Chesters (Aesica) c.129 (RIB 1736 = CIL 7.730): A fragment of an oak plank found in a pit at High House Turf Wall milecastle 50 was part of the Hadrianic inscription that has been very heavily restored to read that this was built under the governorship of A. Platorius Nepos (RIB 1935). Fragments of dedications to Hadrian have been found at Melandra castle (Ardotolia?) (perhaps Trajanic) (RIB 280 = EE 3.72), at Maryport (Alauna) (RIB 851= CIL 7.413a) and by a Roman gate at York (Eburacum)(RIB 666 = EE 7.935). 243 The cohort inscriptions do not refer to any building at the forts: at Birdoswald (Camboglanna) a sandstone altar was erected by I Aelia Dacorum (RIB 1872 = CIL 7.803); at Bowes (Lavatris) an inscription (now lost) of IIII Breucorum under Iulius Severus c.130/133 was used as an altar in a Saxon church, (RIB 739 =CIL 7.275); at Milecastle 19 an altar was dedicated by the milliary cohort I fida Vardullorum m.e.cR (RIB 1421). A building slab found in the portico of the fort granaries at Benwell (Condercum) commemorates building by a detachment of the classis Britannica under A. Platorius Nepos c.122/126 (RIB 1340 = JRS 28 (1938) 200. An elaborately edged inscription, possibly from the north gate of the fort at Carvoran (Magnis), may have commemorated the stone building of the fort under Flavius Secundus, prefect of coh.I Hamiorum (RIB 1808 = JRS 31 (1941) 142).

244

J. Spaul Ala2 Andover 1995: Ala Augusta Vocontiorum: 241; Gallorum Sebosiana: 70; I Hispanorum Asturum: 39-41. 245 I Afrorum c.R: 460; I Aquitanorum: 141; I Asturnum equitata: 72; I Batavorum: 209; I Pannoniorum: 511; II Pannoniorum: 337; VI Nerviorum: 223; J.Spaul Cohors2 BAR 841 2000. 246 IV Lingonum: 180; I Menapiorum: 185; I Morinorum: 186; I Hamiorum s.: 408; I Lingonum e.: 176; I Thracum e.c.R.: 380. Spaul Cohors2. 247 Many of the following quarry inscriptions are now missing: Crowdundle, 2 ½ miles from Kirby Thore, these are mostly lost (CIL 7.305 = RIB 998; CIL 7.306 = RIB 999); Shawk, 7 miles west of Carlisle, are all lost (CIL 7.921 = RIB 1001, CIL 7.921b = RIB 1002, CIL 7.921c = RIB 1003); Wetheral district quarry (CIL 7.922 = RIB 1004-6); Brampton district, north of the river Gelt, some lost (CIL 7.912a-h = RIB 1007-1015); the remaining inscription is almost illegible, at a quarry at Pigeon Crag on the south of the river Gelt (CIL 7.913 = RIB 1016); Coombe Crag (CIL 7.871a-g = RIB 1946-52); Bankshead milecastle (an inscription on Coombe Crag stone, possibly a quarry inscription) (RIB 1957 = CIL 7.836); Haltwhistleburn – destroyed (CIL 7.733 = RIB 1680); Housesteads (JRS 51 (1961)194); Lodge Crag - lost (CIL 7.844a = RIB 1953-4). Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces 52. 248 Breeze & Dobson Hadrian’s Wall 28, 32. 249 Frere Britannia 213.

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The building process

In addition there were five outposts, three units along the Cumbrian coast, five in Wales and eleven units between the Wall and the legionary fortresses at Deva and Eburacum.256

Work commenced on a stone wall ten feet wide and fortyfive miles long from Newcastle to the river Irthing, but before 126 for unknown reasons there was a change in plan. 250 The catalyst may have been the change from limestone to sandstone at Red Rock Fault, with problems associated with the mortar. It was probably necessary, however, to hasten the process of building, compounded by the realisation that for maximum efficiency the forts needed to be on the Wall itself. Whatever the reasons, provision was made for the Wall garrison to be moved from the Stanegate line. Twelve forts were added to the original plan to accommodate the units and the new section of the Wall was constructed in turf, twenty feet wide, for thirty-one miles from Irthing to the Solway.

Summary Hadrian’s immediate concern on his arrival in July 122 would have been to supervise the initial work on the Wall project. The summer was short and there was much to be done. Apart from the intricate design of the Wall itself, there was the placement of forts, milecastles and watchtowers. The logistics of the building process were staggering: the manpower required and the provision of suitable building material, in addition to the welfare of the builders. This enormous task must have occupied much of the emperor’s time in Britannia and should be considered when assessing his achievements in the civilian communities.

In addition to the forts, there was a milecastle at every Roman mile along the Wall. The similarity between the milecastles on Hadrian’s Wall and the Hadrianic fort at Degerfeld (near Butzbach) on the frontier of Germania Superior is interesting.251 Between each milecastle there were two watchtowers. To the north of the Wall there was a ditch and to the south the vallum, a deep ditch with earth ramparts either side as a customs barrier and cattle fence, separated the military and civilian zones.

Comparison with the Military Building of Trajan and Antoninus Pius Trajan At the start of his reign Trajan was concerned with the reorganisation of the Germania Inferior limes 257 and shortly after his attention was diverted to Dacia. The appointment of L. Neratius Marcellus as governor of Britannia, a man who had never held a military command (usually a prerequisite for this position),258 could confirm Trajan’s lack of interest in military expeditions to Britannia. Nevertheless, although the expected reoccupation of Agricola’s conquests in northern Britannia did not occur, it seems that Trajan continued with Domitian’s plan for the building of a line of large forts along the Stanegate,259 at Wickham and along the Cumbrian coast at Burgh by Sands and Kirkbride.260

Nineteen forts were constructed on the Wall which housed 11.600 soldiers and their horses.252 The largest fort, Uxellodunum (Stanwix), appears to have been carefully calculated to be the geographical centre of the Wall which stretched from the east to west coasts and down the Cumbrian coast. Its importance is emphasised by its position on the main western route north and the fact that it was designed to garrison a milliary ala, the only one stationed in Britannia, and whose commander was the senior officer of the Wall units. 253

Few Trajanic inscriptions exist of military building, but there was construction at each of the legionary fortresses of Deva, Eburacum and Isca Silurum. There was further construction at two Trajanic auxiliary forts in South Wales (one at Castell Collen and another at Gelligaer), 261 at Hardknott in the Lake District, at Londinium (after 100) and

This would seem to indicate that the Romans expected most trouble from the hostile tribes north of Stanwix. 254 A smaller ala unit was garrisoned at Condercum (Benwell). The large cohorts were at Vercovicium (Housesteads), Aesica (Great Chesters) and Banna (Birdoswald). 255

256

Spaul Cohors2 511-512. Trajan did not go straight to Rome, but stayed in Germania Inferior to supervise this work. See section: Trajanic Road building, chapter 3. 258 See above section: The Administration: Birley Garrison Life at Vindolanda 66. 259 The construction of the forts in the valleys along the Tyne/Solway frontier appears to have been a continuation of the plan drawn up by Domitian. The forts were Corbridge, Nether Denton, Chesterholm, and Carlisle, with intermediate forts at Newborough, Carvoran and Old Church Brampton and two small forts at Haltwhistle Burn and Throp. G.S.Maxwell Romans in Scotland Edinburgh 1989, 130-2. Breeze & Dobson Hadrian’s Wall 10. 260 Salway Roman Britain 166. 261 Castell Collen fort (Llanfihangel-helygen, northwest of Llandrindod Wells ): a fragment of a sandstone inscription, possibly Trajanic, was found near the headquarters (RIB 414 = EE 9.1373); The Gelligaer fort (Forden Gaer) (near Cardiff): two fragments of a Pennant sandstone inscription were found in ditch near the southeast gate of the fort and commemorate the building by II Augusta c.103/111 (RIB 397 = EE 9.1031 = JRS 48 (1958) 151). Another fragment found in the same ditch may have come from a different building (RIB 398 = EE 9.1032). A third fragment was found at the northwest gate of the fort (RIB 399).

250

257

This change may have been prompted by the realisation that the Wall was too difficult to defend with the Irthing Gorge and the river Tyne, perhaps in flood, between the Wall and the Stanegate forts. Jarrett ‘An Unnecessary War’ 150. 251 The shape of these is unusual. They have rounded corners, square gate towers and internal corner towers built to a trapezoidal plan. Degerfeld was rebuilt and given a stone curtain wall towards the end of Hadrian’s reign. H. Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany’ JRS 59 (1969) 166, 252 Breeze & Dobson Hadrian’s Wall (4th ed.)54; see Glossary and Army Appendix for chapter 4. 253 The central position of Stanwix may be a coincidence according to Breeze & Dobson Hadrian’s Wall 53. The seniority of the commander at Stanwix does not appear to have carried any extra responsibility. 254 This is confirmed by the fact that the construction of the 40 Roman mile Cumbrian coast section of the Wall included ‘mile-fortlets’ similar in size to the Wall milecastles, in addition to two ‘towers’ between them, similar to the Wall ‘turrets’. Furthermore three outpost forts were built north on the west end of the Wall during the Hadrianic era. Breeze & Dobson Hadrian’s Wall 53; A. R. Birley Hadrian’s Wall HMSO 1963 7th Impr. 1976, 13; Salway Roman Britain 184; Frere Britannia 122. 255 See Army Appendix for chapter 4.

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at the Templeborough fort which was rebuilt in stone.262 An inscription found at Lancaster was dedicated to Trajan, but does not indicate a building.263

Three legions were once again involved in Wall construction, 269 but there is no evidence of any auxiliary contribution. There are, however, inscriptions that could relate to military building. 270 The Antonine Wall differed from Hadrian’s Wall in that it was half its length 271 and was constructed mainly of turf on a sandstone base.272 Its defence fortifications consisted of a ditch and approximately eighteen forts and fortlets built at regular intervals of 2.4 04.8 km (1.5 and 3 miles). 273 At least three forts were built between the Wall and the Tay to the north, perhaps as a protection for the people of the Fife peninsula.274

Unrest in northern Britannia between the years 100 and 105 can be seen in the destruction of the forts at Newstead and Corbridge. Five other forts also show evidence of burning, 264 although this has been related to the withdrawal of troops for the Dacian Wars. By the summer of 105, the year of the start of the Second Dacian War, most of the northern bases established by Agricola had been evacuated, 265 followed shortly after 107/8 by IX Hispana from Eburacum. 266

Auxiliaries occupied several of the forts both on and near Hadrian’s Wall during this period. 275 Inscriptions record the presence of these auxiliary units and of others garrisoned in the Midlands. 276

Antoninus Pius Q. Lollius Urbicus, the first Antonine governor of Britannia, began reconstruction at the fort at Corbridge from 139. Building was still in progress when rebellion broke out. (As Corbridge was considered to be an ideal Roman base for a Roman reoccupation of Scotland, its rebuilding may have precipitated unrest). 267 Lollius Urbicus took immediate military action, completing a successful campaign c.142, when he ‘overcame the Britons and built a second wall, one of turf, after driving back the barbarians’ (SHA Pii. 5.4). The decision c.142/3 to construct this new northern frontier, the Antonine Wall, from Bo’ness on the Firth to Old Kilpatrick on the Clyde, may have been made more for propaganda purposes than from any specific fault with Hadrian’s Wall. 268

269

(CIL 7, p.191-4). II Augusta: At or near the fort of Balmuildy/Bermulie four inscriptions commemorate building under Q.Lollius Urbicus (RIB 2191 = CIL 7.1125). Five fragments of another inscription with a sculpted decoration, found by the north gate, also commemorate building under Q.Lollius Urbicus (RIB 2192 = EE 9.1390a). Two others were found northwest of the fort that record the lengths of Wall built (RIB 2193 = CIL 7.1130) and (RIB 2194 = CIL 7.1131); a large stone dedication to Antoninus Pius at Bridgeness/Carriden records building on the Antonine Wall (RIB 2139 = CIL 7.1088); Two inscriptions found west of the Duntocher fort record building (RIB 2204 = CIL 7.1136); near Cadder fort (on Graemes Dyke) an inscription gives the length of the Wall built (RIB 2186 = CIL 7.1126). Another just the legion’s name (RIB 2188). VI Victrix: An inscription found near the Duntocher fort has a decoration of winged victories standing on globes. It records the measurement of building by VI victrix (RIB 2200 = CIL 7.1135). A commemorative inscription record sections of the Wall built by detachments of the legion: at Castlehill, Lennoxshire records the length of wall built by a detachment of VI victrix (RIB 2196 = CIL 7.1132) and west of Inchbelly bridge Kirkintilloch fort (RIB 2185 = CIL 7.1121 = EE 9.626) and ¾ mile east of Old Kilpatrick fort (RIB 2205 = CIL 7.1140). Inscriptions record lengths of the Wall built by detachments of XX Valeria victrix at Bar Hill/Auchendavy district (RIB 2173 = CIL 7.1143), at Castlehill fort (RIB 2197 = CIL 7.1133) and one decorated with cupids with sickle and bunches of grapes was found at Hutcheson Hill (RIB 2198 = CIL 7.1133a). A building slab at Hutcheson Hill (Britannia 1970, 19). Three inscriptions have been found in the district of Old Kilpatrick. One is part of an inscription that marked the eastern end of the final sector on the west. It also records the length of Wall built (RIB 2206 = CIL 7.1142). Another, more elaborate depicting a temple pediment, could be from the same inscription. It was found at west of the Ferrydyke fort and marked the westward termination of the Antonine wall and the length of wall built (RIB 2208 = CIL 7.1141). The third inscription, illegible through wear as a threshold in Ferrydyke, possibly recorded further Wall building (RIB 2207). 270 At Bar Hill fort (found in the well of the praetorium) by coh.1 Baetasiorum cR (from the first period of the Antonine wall) (RIB 2170 = EE.9.1245); an inscription at Castlecary records an important building constructed by coh. I Tungrorum m.(RIB 2155 = CIL 7.1099).Three fragments of a dedication were found in the praetorium well at Rough Castle recording the building of the principia by coh.VI Nerviorum (RIB 2145 = EE 9.1241; ILS 9176). 271 The Antonine Wall, 37 miles (60 km) long, may have followed the line chosen by Agricola in 80/81 for his praesidia. Maxwell Romans in Scotland 137. 272 Parts of the wall were of earth (mostly between Watling Lodge and the Forth); the sandstone base was 14-16 feet (4.3-4.9 m) wide. Ibid.138. This type of construction allowed for better drainage. Breeze and Dobson Hadrian’s Wall 94-5. 273 There was some variance in the size of the forts: Ibid. 138-142. Even so they were smaller, and more widely spaced, than those on Hadrian’s Wall, and even smaller than the Trajanic forts on the Stanegate: V. Maxfield ‘Hadrian’s Wall in its Imperial Setting’ Arch. Ael. 18 (1990) 21. 274 L. Keppie Scotland’s Roman Remains Edinburgh 1986 (2nd ed.1998), 14. 275 Breeze and Dobson Hadrian’s Wall 91. 276 North of the Wall at High Rochester (Bremenium) a dedication of the coh. I Lingonum equitata was found in front of the praetorium. It dates from the term of Q.Lollius Urbicus c.139/143 (RIB 1276 = CIL 7.1041), fragments of an inscription of coh.II Tungrorum m.e. at Birrens

262

Frere Britannia 109-110. At Chester (Deva): two small fragments of a slate inscription were found outside the east gate of the Roman fortress c.102/117 (RIB 464 = EE 7. 883b; 9.1044; JRS 39 (1949) 114). At York (Eburacum): part of an inscription was found twenty three feet below King’s Square at the southeast Roman gate (RIB 665 = CIL 7. 241). It commemorates the building of the gate by IX Hispana c.107/108 during an extensive rebuilding phase of the fortress that included gates, towers and a stone curtain-wall. R.C.H.M Eburacum 8. At Caerleon (Isca Silurum): II Augusta dedicated a building to Trajan with an ansate marble inscription c.99/100 (RIB 330 = JRS 18 (1928) 210 = AE 1930, 110) and part of an öolite inscription of II Augusta was found outside the fortress (RIB 331 = CIL 7.105). 263 The left-hand corner of a sandstone dedication to Trajan (perhaps from the military headquarters) was found in the restoration of St. Mary’s Church (RIB 604 = EE 7 943). 264 Forts with evidence of burning are at Dalwinton, Cappuck, Glenlochar, Oakwood and High Rochester. Salway Roman Britain 165. 265 After twelve years at Vindolanda (now on the new northern frontier), coh. IX Batavorum left in summer 105 for the Danube and never returned to Britannia. Birley Garrison Life at Vindolanda 69. 266 An inscription records the building of one of the fortress gates of Eburacum by this legion (RIB 665). 267 The barbarians were the Brigantes, who instigated the revolt. Antoninus Pius received the title of IMP II for 142: (CIL 10.515 = ILS 340); IMP II and victory coins c.143: RIC 719, 725, 732, 743-5 = C 113-115,119, 4423. Foss Roman Historical Coins 126. 268 Small legionary replacement units were still housed in the forts on Hadrian’s Wall during the early Antonine period: Salway Roman Britain 190, 200 and inscriptions show that there was building at Corbridge by II Augusta under Q.Lollius Urbicus 139: found in the west granary (RIB 1147 = JRS 26 (1936) 264) and in the east granary 140 (RIB 1148 = EE 9.1146); two building dedications of VI victrix were found at Chesters, one in the south-east corner of the headquarters building (RIB 1460 = CIL 7.584), and the other in the barracks (RIB 1461 = EE 7.1019); at Benwell (Condercum): Marcus Libernius Fronto centurion of II Augusta set up an altar in fulfilment of his vow c.139/161 (RIB 1330 = CIL 7.506) and in 158 there was rebuilding between Benwell and Rudchester by VI victrix.

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The literary evidence for unrest in the north between 154 and 158 is controversial: 277 the evidence of destruction levels at the fort at Birrens is doubtful. Even so it appears to be supported by the coin evidence, a coin hoard found at Corbridge, and the arrival of C. Iulius Verus with troop reinforcements. 278

provision of various building materials and flexibility in regard to changes in plan. The success of Hadrian’s Wall for the purpose he intended cannot be judged by the building of the Antonine Wall at the start of Antoninus Pius’ reign. The Antonine Wall appears to have been built as deliberate propaganda and as a response to a Roman-induced military threat from the northern tribes. The Antonine Wall was shorter than Hadrian’s Wall, a simpler construction and with fewer forts and, unlike Hadrian’s Wall, the emperor did not supervise its building.

Summary Trajan’s expected Scottish campaigns did not occur and his military building in Britannia was mainly limited to the forts along the Stanegate line and down the Cumbrian coast. Some rebuilding took place at the legionary fortresses and at a few auxiliary forts. At the time of the Second Dacian War destruction occurred at several Stanegate forts, two of which were the result of military attacks, but some may have been related to troop withdrawal for the Dacian campaign.

Throughout all three reigns there was rebuilding at the legionary and auxiliary forts elsewhere in the province.

Hadrianic Road Building

Another rebuilding phase at Corbridge took place at the beginning of Antoninus Pius’ reign which could have related to new plans for a Scottish campaign. Lollius Urbicus put down the subsequent revolt in 142 and engaged the three legions to commence the turf construction on the new, but much smaller, Antonine Wall which stretched from the Firth to the Clyde. A ditch and approximately 18 forts and fortlets, built at regular intervals, defended this Wall and several forts were built north of the Wall to protect the Fife peninsula.279

Although the army constructed most of the roads in this province during the first century,280 there is no epigraphic evidence until the Hadrianic era. Even for this period there are only three milestones, two of which are military and one civil, 281 and the archaeological evidence is limited to a resurfaced section of Dere Street near the bridges at Piercebridge c.130.282 The civilian milestone was found at Thurmaston, two miles from Ratae (or from the gate) on the viae Britanniae Mediterraneae. It records repair work c.120/121 on the Fosseway to Lindum (RIB I.2244 = CIL 7.1169). The milestone is Triassic sandstone from a quarry at Upper Keuper, Dane Hills, close to the city of Ratae. A large building in the city was made of sandstone from this quarry and it is possible that this milestone may have been a rejected column.283

There is a possibility that there was another period of unrest c.154/8, but no further military building.

Comparison of the Military Building of Trajan, Hadrian and Antoninus Pius Trajan’s military building in Britannia was focussed on the building of a line of forts along the Stanegate. It seems certain that his campaigns in Dacia and Parthia took his attention far from this northern outpost. The situation was different for his successor Hadrian for whom the stabilising of the frontiers was a major concern. No doubt the serious unrest at the start of Hadrian’s reign was the catalyst for the building of the Wall from the Tyne to the Solway, but military reasons were not the emperor’s only consideration.

The first of the military milestones is from the same period c.120/121 (RIB I.2265 = EE 7.1090 = JRS 44 (1954) 106). It was found at Conovium near Llanfairfechan, on the Deva/ Seguntium road.284 The milestone is Millstone Grit, coarse sandstone with quartzite pebbles found at Cefn-y-Fedw, Llangollen and Minera. As better stone was available from a closer source, it seems that XX legion, the central authority for maintenance of this road, chose a source close to their fortress at Deva. The milestones were inscribed there before being shipped to their final destination.285

Hadrian selected a type of construction for the Wall in Britannia unlike that on any other frontier in the empire. The project involved the movement of troops, legions and auxiliaries, their welfare through years of construction, the

280

These roads were Richborough/Canterbury/London; Watling Street: London/Wroxeter/Chester; Fosseway: Exeter/Lincoln; London/Silchester – Cirencester /Gloucester, Old Sarum/Dorchester, and Winchester; London/Lincoln; London/Colchester/Norwich; London/Chichester, the Welsh roads 50-80 and roads of northern England 70-85. Collingwood ‘Roman Britain’ v.3, 25. 281 More inscriptions and milestones have survived in the north, where stone was more available and more durable. J. C. Mann ‘Epigraphic consciousness’ in Britain and the Roman Empire, Collected Studies Series 1996, 254-256. 282 D. A. Jackson & T. M. Ambrose ‘A Roman Timber Bridge at Aldwincle, Northants’ Britannia 7 (1976) 39-43. 283 J. Sedgley The Roman Milestones of Britain: their Petrography and probable Origin BAR 18 Oxford 1975, 27. 284 Rhiwiau-uchaf, Caernarvonshire North Wales. Gardner ‘The Roman Fort at Caerhûn, Co. Carnarvon’ 315 fig.7. 285 Sedgley The Roman Milestones of Britain: their Petrography and probable Origin 33.

(Blatobulgium) Julius Verus c.157/9 (RIB 2110 = EE 9.1230), and at Maryport, two inscriptions from coh I Delmatorum have been discovered, both set up by the prefect Paulus Postumius Acilianus. Three fragments were found at (RIB 850 = CIL 7.400) and an elaborate dedication to Jupiter from what may have been part of the parade ground platform (RIB 832 = ILS 3009). A lost inscription giving the consulship as c.140 or c.141/4 was found at Castlesteads (RIB 1997 = CIL 7. 895a). A Millstone Grit inscription was found in the praetorium at Brough-on-Noe recording building by coh.1 Aquitanorum under Julius Verus c.158 (RIB 283 = JRS 17 (1927) 218). 277 Pausanias 8. 43. 4: see Breeze and Dobson Hadrian’s Wall 88-9, 118. 278 Coins: RIC 930, 934; C 117-8: Foss Roman Historical Coins 131. Corbridge hoard of coins 159-60. C. Iulius Verus’ arrival: RIB 1322; Frere Britannia 126. Evidence to the contrary: Breeze and Dobson 117-118. 279 L. Keppie Scotland’s Roman Remains Edinburgh 1986 (2nd ed.1998), 14.

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The second Hadrianic milestone c.119/138 (RIB I.2272 = CIL 7.1175) was in the riverbed of the Artle Beck near Caton, Lancaster. This tall Millstone Grit milestone was used for new roadworks, probably by the military for a minor road, via Ecuracum.286 The quarry for this Millstone Grit milestone may have been further south at Longridge (north of Ribchester).287

Conclusion Hadrian was in Britannia for no longer than four months, during which time he concentrated on the security of this northern frontier province. Even though he was intensely interested in urbanisation, there is no record of his interest in the status of communities in this province. Furthermore there is no indication of Hadrian’s personal contribution to any civic building, although the design of the tholos at Aquae Sulis and the quality of its decorative element do link it to him. Nevertheless, his presence and the enormous effort that was being taken to ensure the security of the province appear to have had a positive effect on the civic building of communities.

There is some archaeological evidence of Hadrianic bridges and bridge repairs. One repair was to a first century timber bridge at Aldwincle, Northamptonshire, which collapsed during the Trajanic era and was reconstructed during the Hadrianic period.288 Two Hadrianic bridges were built over the Tyne. The bridge at Pons Aelius (Newcastle-on-Tyne) was built by VI victrix where the river was 735 feet wide. A shrine containing altars to Neptune and Oceanus, from whom protection was sought, was erected on the bridge at the point where the river met the tidal waters (RIB 1319= E.E. 3, 99; RIB 1320 = CIL 9.1162). Other bridges included the shorter but very solid one at Chesters (CIL 7.586)289 and another close to the Wall at Corbridge. Further south there was a Hadrianic bridge over the Medway at Rochester.290

Unfortunately, there is little evidence for the benevolence of individuals, owing to the lack of building inscriptions, which could be attributed to the continuing scarcity and cost of stone. Even though there were more changes in the status of communities in the Trajanic era than in either the Hadrianic or Antonine eras, the evidence clearly shows that there was fifty percent less civic building during this time than in the Hadrianic era. An increase such as this could be expected in poor communities, which also had less access to good building stone. There was a definite change in the selection of building materials, as superior stone became easier to obtain in the Hadrianic period. This may have been due to the opening of quarries, easier transportation and even greater individual or community wealth.

Roads and Bridges of the reigns of Trajan and Antoninus Pius As the earliest milestones were Hadrianic, it follows that none have survived from the Trajanic era. Unfortunately there is no archaeological record at present, as in Germania Inferior, of Trajanic roadworks. A bridge over Tyne at Corbridge, however, represents the public highway construction during his reign.291

The building of fora and basilicas was predominant, as would be expected of new communities. It is interesting that, whereas there is no epigraphic evidence for road building during this era, there is abundant archaeological evidence for municipal street planning, over fifty percent more in the Trajanic than in the Hadrianic era. This suggests that street layouts took precedence over basilicas and fora.

The scant remains of road and bridge construction during the reign of Antoninus Pius are a few bridges and a possible milestone that was last seen in a garden at Kilsyth. It was described as being part of a pillar with rectangular panel, but extensive damage prevented both its identification as a milestone and the builders mark (RIB I. 2312 = CIL 7.1109). 292 A more informative inscription was found in the North Channel of the Swing Bridge, Newcastle. The dedication was to Antoninus Pius by detachments of II Augusta, the VI victrix and XX Valeria victrix under Julius Verus 158/161 (RIB 1322 = ILS 9116). Three bridges on Hadrian’s Wall have been given Antonine dates, two at Willowford near Birdoswald and one at Summerston.293

Buildings that spanned the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian were in the same proportion as those for Hadrian’s and Antoninus Pius’ reigns. Only the type of building varies, with the completion of streets and fora from the Trajanic period and Hadrianic temples and basilicas being completed in the Antonine era. Within the reigns of these three emperors there was also a variation in building choice. There was a progression from the fora, baths and aqueducts of the Trajanic era (the only aqueducts known to have been built in Britannia during these three reigns were Trajanic) to the baths and temples of the Hadrianic period, with theatres and temples dominating the Antonine era. This perhaps reflects the changing needs of communities from the basic necessities for urban life and administration to leisure activities.

286

It was four and a half miles NNE of centre of the Lancaster fort; the mileage was calculated from the edge of the military vicus. C.S. Sommer The Military Vici in Roman Britain:Aspects of their Origins, their Location and Layout, Administration, Function and End. BAR British Series 129 1984, 25; Collingwood ‘Roman Britain’ v.3, 25. 287 Sedgley The Roman Milestones of Britain 36. 288 This bridge was near Thrapston on the Colchester/ Leicester/ Godmanchester road. Jackson & Ambrose ‘A Roman Timber Bridge at Aldwincle’ 39-43. 289 P. T. Biddle & N. Holbrook Hadrian’s Wall Bridges Archaeological report 9 HBMC 1989, 95,105. 290 Collingwood ‘Roman Britain’ v.3, 23. 291 Northumberland County History 10, 457-9. 292 Sedgley The Roman Milestones of Britain 50. 293 Willowford Bridges 1A and 2 and Summerston Bridge 1. Biddle & Holbrook Hadrian’s Wall Bridges 105.

compositis in Britannia rebus transgressus in Galliam (SHA Hadr.12.1)

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Glossary of Cities and Rivers for Chapter 4 Giving the Roman names of cities mentioned in the text and their modern names if possible using the Ordinance Survey Map Roman Britain, Southampton 1994

Aballava Burgh-by-Sands (A)Esica Great Chesters Alauna Maryport (Ardoch/ Learchild) Aquae Sulis Bath Arbeia South Shields Ardotalia? Melandra Castle Banna? Birdoswald B(r)ibra Beckfoot Blatobulgium Birrens Brav(o)niacum Kirkby Thore Bremetennacum Ribchester Bremia Llanio Brocolitia Carrawburgh Calleva Atrebatum Silchester Camboglanna? Castlesteads Camulodunum Colchester Conovium/Kanovium Caerhûn Castra Exploratorum Netherby Cataractonium Catterick Cilurnum Chesters Condercum Benwell Congavata? Drumburgh Coria Corbridge Corinium Dobunnorum Cirencester Deva Chester Derventio Pap Castle Durno(no)varia Dorchester Durobrivae Water Newton Duroliponte Cambridge Durovernum Canterbury Duruvigutum Godmanchester Eburacum York Fanum Cocidii (Fanoco(ci)di) Bewcastle Gabrosentum Burrow walls? Moresby Glannoventa Ravenglass Glevum Gloucester Isca Silurum Caerleon Isurium Brigantum Aldborough

Isca Dumnoniorum Exeter Lavatris Bowes Letocetum Wall Lindum Lincoln Londinium London Luguvalium Carlisle Magis Piercebridge Magnis Carvoran/ Kenchester Maia Bowness Mediobogdum Hardknott Moridunum Carmarthen Noviomagus Reg(i)norum Chichester Onnum Haltonchesters Petuaria Brough-on-Humber Pons Aelii Newcastle upon Tyne Ratae Corieltavorum Leicester Segedunum Wallsend Seguntium Caernarvon Trimontium Newstead Uxellodunum Stanwix Venta Belgarum Winchester Venta Icenorum Caistor-by-Norwich Venta Silurum Caerwent Vercovicium Housesteads Verteris Brough Castle Verulamium St Albans Vindolanda Chesterholm Vindomora Ebchester Vindo(b/v)ala Rudchester Vinovia Binchester Viroconium Cornoviorum Wroxeter Voreda Old Penrith Rivers Ousa Ouse Thames Tamesis Tyne Tinea

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Chapter 5

The Provinces of Hispania Baetica, Lusitania & Tarraconenis

Chapter 5 The Spanish Provinces Tarraconensis, Lusitania and Baetica ...post haec Hispanias petiit et Tarracone hiemavit, ubi sumptu suo aedem Augusti restituit. (SHA Hadr. 12.3-4).

Hadrian recognised the need for a special levy. 6 The emperor called representatives from Spain’s three provinces to an assembly at Tarraco, at which he presented his suggestion. The response was light-hearted (SHA Hadr. 12.4) 7 and probably disappointing for the emperor.

In 117 Hadrian became Rome’s second ‘Spanish’ emperor, succeeding his kinsman, Trajan. Although the ‘Spanish’ Romans traced their origins from the soldiers and their families who had settled at Italica at the end of the Punic Wars (Appian Ib. 38.153),1 Hadrian’s birthplace was more likely to have been at Rome, where his father P. Aelius Hadrianus Afer was a senator 2 (SHA Hadr.1.3) than at Italica (Dio 69.1). His early knowledge of the Spanish provinces could have been limited to fewer than three of his adolescent years following his return to Italica in 90 having assumed the toga virilis (SHA Hadr.2.2). After spending sometime in the iuvenes, the local military youth organisation, Hadrian left the Iberian peninsula for Rome where he took his first steps on the cursus honorem.3 By 94, he was at Aquincum and had embarked on his military career as tribunus legionis II Adiutricis (CIL 3.550).4

During this time at Tarraco, the winter of 122/3, Hadrian restored the temple of Augustus at his own expense (SHA Hadr.12.3) before leaving for Syria and the Euphrates in the spring.8 There is no firm evidence for his visiting either Lusitania or Baetica, yet it seems uncharacteristic of Hadrian not to seize the opportunity to visit as many regions and cities, and in particular to inspect his legion at Legio in the north-west of Tarraconensis.9

The Evidence of the Coins Although Hadrian’s own retrospective assessment of his work in the Spanish provinces can be seen in the coins of his last great series, an early coin reveals his initial sentiments. It shows Heracles of Gades in front of a Punic temple (tetrastyle with Corinthian columns), and its date, c.119, suggests that from the beginning of his reign Hadrian desired to emulate Hercules as a great ‘civiliser’.10

There is no indication that Hadrian returned to the Spanish provinces in the intervening years until he became emperor.

Hadrian in the Spanish Provinces as Emperor At the end of the fourth year of his reign, Hadrian made his only known visit to the Spanish provinces as emperor (SHA Hadr. 12.3-4).5 He left Britain in the summer of 122 on the final stages of a hardworking tour which had included inspections of the northern frontiers and his armies in Raetia, Noricum, Britannia and the German provinces (SHA Hadr.10.2, 11.2, 12.6). As he made the autumn journey south through Gaul, Hadrian’s mind would have been focussed on the security of the empire and the anticipated problems in Britannia. VII Gemina, the only legion stationed in the Spanish provinces, had already provided 1000 men for service there; many never returned and

Even more interesting is the fact that only the Spanish provinces were issued with all four coin types in Hadrian’s last great series. The traditional representation of Hispania was retained on the ‘province’ coin,11 to which Hadrian added items that illustrated Spain’s economic importance to Rome.12 The appearance of an olive branch 13 was to be

6

Syme ‘Hadrian and Italica’ 147 [625]. The Italian settlers had been given an exemption from Trajan and it seems unusual that Hadrian should ignore this. J. J. Van Nostrand ‘Roman Spain’ in ESAR v.3 1937, 147. Extra troops could be sent swiftly by sea to Britannia. 8 H. Halfmann Itinera Principum Stuttgart 1986, 190, 207-8. 9 L. Curchin Roman Spain Conquest and Assimilation London New York 1991, 63. 10 These early coins c.119: Cohen 814, 1083, 1088, recall Hadrian’s connections with Gades, his mother’s patria. H. Mattingly ‘Some Historical Coins of Hadrian’ JRS 15 (1925) 214. 11 Description of Hispania from J.M.C. Toynbee The Hadrianic School Cambridge 1934, 160. 12 Versions of the Hispania ‘province’ coin: P.L. Strack Untersuchungen zur römischen Reichsprägung des 2. Jahrhunderts II:Die Reichsprägung zur Zeit des Hadrian Stuttgart 1933, 716, 717. Different denominations show a variety of poses: Hispania draped reclining, holding branch and resting arm on rock: with rabbit: 1747, 1749/50, 1752, 1755; with no rabbit:1748, 1753; rabbit?: 1751; Hadrian’s head uncovered: 1756: H. Mattingly Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum v.3 London 1936; Legend ‘Hispania’ with Hispania reclining holding branch and resting elbow on rock, with rabbit: H. Mattingly & E.A. Sydenham The Roman Imperial Coinage 5 Part 2, London 1926: 851, 852; C. Foss Roman Historical Coins London 1990, 51. 7

1

Italica was chosen by Scipio Africanus to settle wounded allied Italic soldiers after the battle of Ilipa in 206/205 BC. Hadrian’s paternal ancestors had come originally from Hadria in Picenum origo imperatoris Hadriani vetustior a Picentibus, posterior ab Hispaniensibus manat; si quidem Hadria ortos maiores suos apud Italicam scipionum temporibus resedisse in libris vitae suae Hadrianus ipse commemorat. (SHA Hadr.1.1). 2 For an intriguing, but rather doubtful, assessment that twenty-five per cent of the senate were ‘Spanish’ Romans during the Hadrianic era: R. Etienne, ‘Les sénateurs espagnols sous Trajan et Hadrian’, in: Les empereurs romains d’Espagne, Actes de colloque international organisé à Madrid Paris 1965, 55-85. 3 Trajan reportedly removed Hadrian from Italica Rome because the young man was pursuing the hunt too enthusiastically (SHA Hadr.2.1). Trajan was consul in 91 and in these last years of Domitian’s reign Hadrian was given his first post as one of ten vigintiviri (SHA Hadr.2.2). 4 R. Syme ‘Hadrian and Italica’ JRS 54 (1964) 142-3 = Roman Papers E. Badian (ed) Oxford 1979 617-619. 5 There is no evidence that Hadrian visited Baetica and Lusitania during this time.

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expected, but more unusual was the inclusion of a rabbit. This probably symbolised the mineral wealth which was of immense importance to Rome.14 The adventus coin formally recognised Hadrian’s visit to these provinces.15

governors and legates and their names are more likely to be found on inscriptions. In the Hadrianic era, there were three Spanish provinces: Lusitania, Baetica and Tarraconensis (Dio 53.12.4-5; RG 28). A praetorian proconsul assisted by a quaestor and a legate governed the senatorial province of Baetica (Strabo 3.4.20). In the Hadrianic period an unarmed legate assisted the governors of both imperial provinces of Lusitania and Tarraconensis. The consular governor of Tarraconensis, with the only Spanish legion stationed in his province, also had the assistance of the legionary legate of the VII Gemina.20 Procurators, who collected the taxes and supervised the imperial properties, such as mines and quarries, were independent of the governors and directly responsible to the emperor.21

The restitutor coin 16 is the most informative for this study, as this represents Hadrian’s own acknowledgement of his building achievements. His restoration of the enormous temple of Augustus in Tarraco at his own expense is known from the literature (SHA Hadr.12.4), but one building seems insufficient to justify the minting of a coin and more buildings could be expected. The inclusion of the exercitus coin is the most surprising. 17 It suggests that Hadrian did go to Legio. In these peaceful provinces the military role of the only legion, VII Gemina, and the various auxiliaries was limited. Their duties involved customs and security work, supervision and labour at the mines, and specialised building and engineering work.18 The exercitus coin could represent Hadrian’s address to his legion on the subject of conscription and his reliance on the exercitus Hispaniae to provide emergency troops for the neighbouring provinces, especially Britannia and the Mauretanias. The minting of this coin stresses the importance of the Spanish legion to the security of the empire.

The provinces were divided into conventus or districts for judicial purposes. There were four in Baetica, three in Lusitania22 and seven in Tarraconensis, each with its own capital. 23 Two Hadrianic judgements are known. One determined a three-way boundary between Sacili, Epora and Solia in Baetica (CIL 2.2349 = 22/7.776; AE 1913, 3; 1986, 363; ILER 6344). The other, at Pompaelo, clarified the financial liability of the Calagurris magistrates c.119 (CIL 2. 2959). An investigation was made of all known officials, who governed with imperial authority, carried out imperial policy, and authorised major expenditure and building on behalf of the imperial fisc.24 Although nothing was discovered of their building activities, the names of C. Iulius Proculus (a governor of Baetica), and Ti. Claudius Quartinus occur on inscriptions dealing with legal matters. 25

The Administration: the Governors and Legates The high cost of civic buildings was often beyond the financial capabilities of communities and there was a reliance on the generosity of wealthy donors, many of whom resided outside the Spanish provinces, 19 but others were provincial officials. Although Hadrian was reluctant to put his name on buildings, this was not necessarily true of his

The Status of Communities and the effect on Public Building

13

The olive was a major crop and the production of oil was on a large scale. Its grade and quantity ensured a high export market. J.M.C. Toynbee The Hadrianic School Cambridge 1934, pl. IV 10-14. 14 A suggestion is, since cuniculus is the Latin word for both ‘rabbit’ and ‘mine’, that the rabbit represents the mining industry. Toynbee The Hadrianic School 160. 15 Hispania is depicted holding the olive branch, as on the ‘province’ coin, standing by an altar with a sacrificial bull. It was minted in all denominations including the aureus. Strack,750; Mattingly BMC v.3,1645,1646,1647,1648, Cohen 38 as 1645; Mattingly & Sydenham RIC 5 Part 2, 886, 887. The animal is identified only as a ‘victim’; Foss Roman Historical Coins 48. 16 Strack, 777; Mattingly BMC v.3, 1814-18. The legend differs slightly. Hispania holds branch, sometimes with a rabbit in the centre: 1819-1822; Mattingly & Sydenham RIC 5 Part 2, 926, 952, 953, 954, 955; Foss Roman Historical Coins London 1990, 49. 17 The usual adlocutio type: Hadrian is either standing or on horseback addressing an officer, who holds a sword, and three men who hold the eagle, vexillum shield and standard, and with the legend Exerc Hispan or Exerc Hispanicvs: Strack 800, 801 (three variations are known of each of these). Hadrian standing, holding sceptre and haranguing officer holding sword, and three soldiers holding legionary eagle, vexillum, shield and standard, Mattingly BMC v.3, 1680 (Hadrian on horseback haranguing three soldiers holding shield and vexillum and shields and standards Legend: EXERC HISPANICVS Cohen 564). Hadrian standing, haranguing officer holding sword and three soldiers with eagle, vexillum and shield, and standard:, with legend Exerc Hispan: 922; Hadrian on horseback haranguing three soldiers all with shields, one with vexillum, the others with standards, with legend Exerc. Hispanicvs: 923, Mattingly & Sydenham RIC 5 Part 2. Foss Roman Historical Coins 50. 18 See below Military building and road works. 19 For the cost of public buildings see Introduction. Such donors might be senators residing at Tibur or Rome.

‘Romaniser c’est municipaliser en même temps qu’urbaniser’

26

Even though geographical and climatic differences had an enormous effect on the growth of cities in these provinces, 27 it was the Romanisation process that encouraged urbanisation. Many proto-urban settlements became civitas

20

The governor of Baetica was a proconsul. N. Mackie Local Administration in Northern Spain AD 14-212 BAR Int. Series 172 1983, 9-10. 21 Ibid. 18. 22 The conventus Pacensis, the conventus Emeritensis and the conventus Scallabitanus. 23 According to Pliny these were Astigi, Corduba, Hispalis and Gades in Baetica (NH 3.1.7), Emerita Augusta, Pax Iulia and Scallabis in Lusitania (NH 3.3.18), and Caesaraugusta, Carthago Nova, Clunia, Tarraco and the districts of Asturica and Bracara in Tarraconensis (NH 4.22.117). 24 Using G. Alföldy Fasti Hispanienses. Senatorische Reichsbeamte und Offiziere in den spanischen Provinzen Wiesbaden 1969; W. Eck Senatoren von Vespasian bis Hadrian Munich 1970; R. Syme ‘The career of Valerius Propinquus’ in Roman Papers. 25 A Hadrianic inscription from Villanueva de Cordoba records Iulius Proculus (PIR2 I 497) settling a boundary dispute between three Baetian communities (CIL 2.2349 = ILS 5973 = AE 1913, 3). Proculus was cos. suff.109 (ILS 1040). 26 J. Gagé Les classes sociales dans l’Empire romain Paris 1964, 153-4. 27 J. E. Edmondson ‘Romanization and Urban Development in Lusitania’ in T. Blagg & M. Millett (eds) The Early Roman Empire in the West Oxford 1990, 153-5.

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capitals with local aristocrats as their magistrates. 28 The subsequent establishment of administrative centres created the need for the civic buildings.

ordo, consisted of decuriones and ex-magistrates 38 as in other provinces. Women and freedmen were excluded from these magistracies; if they had sufficient wealth, however, some priesthoods were available for women and the sevirate for freedmen.39

Local communities in most provinces relied on private benefactors and public officials, the magistrates and priests, to finance their civic buildings. In these provinces, however, there was an even greater reliance on private generosity, as Spanish communities had a limited income from land rental.29 Furthermore summae honorariae, the dues paid by magistrates and priests for their positions were not well known in these provinces. The cost of priesthoods, however, was greater than for other magistracies as they carried the prestige of office without the onerous duties.30

Pre Hadrianic changes Augustus created four municipia in Baetica, four in Lusitania and seven in Tarraconensis.40 In addition, Lusitania gained five colonies 41 and approximately thirty civitates, although some of these date from the Flavian period.42 According to Pliny, Vespasian bestowed ius latii on these three provinces (Pliny NH 3.30), which questions the continued existence of civitates. There was, however, an increase in Flavian municipia, especially in Baetica and Tarraconensis.43

There is some evidence that taxes from local office bearers in these provinces may have taken the form of personal service. 31 Without the restrictions from Rome for the use of locally raised taxes for public buildings, many cities were reliant on the benevolence of non-resident wealthy citizens.32

Hadrianic changes in status Urbanisation was well advanced in these provinces by the Hadrianic era and there are few instances of change in status of cities during this period. It is doubtful whether the Spanish communities gained from Hadrian’s introduction of Latium Maius.44

Some citizens, such as M. Valerius Capellianus of Caesaraugusta, could apply for imperial permission to change their place of residency (CIL 2.4249 = ILER 1591). A successful application possibly resulted in an injection of funds into the new community.33 Magistrates were more likely to donate to the community ‘ob honorem’ either a building or a statue, games and banquets/feasts, with the approval of the ordo. This was an opportunity for the display of munificence by magistrates to their communities. The wealth and status of a city and its officials were therefore vital to the development of the civic centre.

It is impossible to be certain of any new civitates, although civitas Aravor (Deveza, near Marialva) in Lusitania could have attained this status c.118 (CIL 2.429 = ILER 6045) and the civitas Limicorum (Limici near Jinzo de Limia) in Tarraconensis has a late Hadrianic date c.132/133 (CIL 2.2516 = ILER 1111). The large number of Flavian municipia may be the reason for so few Hadrianic foundations. Only two have been tentatively identified. Urgavo in Baetica may have gained its municipal status from Hadrian in 130/131 (CIL 2.2111 = ILER 1110),45 and Ilugo in Tarraconensis seems to have had its municipal status conferred by Hadrian c.119/138 (CIL

Vici, castella, civitates, municipia and colonia The civitates of Spain did not generally have the tribal connections of the Gauls and their territories were smaller. Pagi were subdivisions of these and not of the tribes as in other provinces.34 Vici and castella were smaller settlements within the civitates and sometimes had their own administrative system.35

38

The ordo usually had one hundred members, but could be as low as thirty in the Spanish provinces. Mackie Local Administration in Northern Spain 57. 39 A priest had automatic membership of the ordo. Ibid. 10, 54. 40 Keay Roman Spain 57. 41 The colonies were Emerita Augusta, Metellinum, Norba Caesarina, Pax Iulia and Scallabis Praesidium Iulium. The four Augustan municipalities, Ebora Liberalitas Iulia, Myrtilis, Salacia Urbs Imperatoria and Olispio Felicitas Iulia, were proto-urban settlements. Edmondson ‘Romanization and Urban Development in Lusitania’ 165, 156 (proto-urban settlements). 42 Flavian civitates included Aeminium, Conimbriga and Eburobrittium. Ammaia was a Claudian municipality. J. Alarcão Roman Portugal Warminster 1988, 25-8; Flavian municipalities were Mirobriga, Caesarobriga, Capera and Bletisa in the conventus Emeritanus, Ossonoba, Balsa, Mirobriga Celtica and Caetobriga in the conventus Pacensis, and Sellium, Conimbriga and Aeminium in the conventus Scallabitanus: Edmondson ‘Romanization and Urban Development in Lusitania’ 166. 43 The population doubled between the time of Caesar and Hadrian. Van Nostrand ‘Roman Spain’ in ESAR 148. Bracara Augusta became a municipality in the Flavian period. Alarcão Roman Portugal 30, 39. 44 L.A. Curchin The Local Magistrates of Roman Spain Toronto, 1990, 75.Latium maius gave Roman citizenship to both the magistrates, duoviri, aediles, and the local councillors, decuriones. This was an attempt by Hadrian to facilitate Romanisation. Vespasian had ‘offered’ i.e. tribuit Latin rights to all Spain but not all Spanish communities were able to avail themselves of this. A.N. Sherwin-White The Roman Citizenship Oxford 1973, 255, 366-7. 45 Municipium Albense Urgavonense.

In 44 BC the system of local magistrates, with duoviri, aediles and quaestores, 36 was introduced into new coloniae and municipia (FIRA 12 19, CIL 2. 5439).37 The council, the 28

Edmondson ‘Romanization and Urban Development in Lusitania’ 162. Even though it was their major source of public money. Mackie Local Administration in Northern Spain 118. 30 Ibid. 118, 85-6, n. 25-6. 31 Ibid. 118. 32 Ibid. 43, 103. 33 R. Duncan-Jones Structure and Scale in the Roman Economy Cambridge 1990, 165. 34 In these provinces pagi existed only in Baetica and the civilised parts of Tarraconensis and Lusitania. Mackie Local Administration in Northern Spain 24. 35 Ibid. 22. 36 Duoviri had first to hold the office of aedile. Quaestors are rarely mentioned on Spanish inscriptions, perhaps due to their unpopular tax collecting duties. Quatturoviri were unusual in these provinces. Ibid. 59-60. 37 The charter of Urso on bronze is one of several municipal charters found in the Spanish provinces. Others came from Emporiae, Clunia, Italica and the Flavian municipalities of Malaca, Salpensa and Irni. S. Keay Roman Spain London 1988, 59. 29

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2.3239 = AE 1902.1).46 This inscription is discussed below in Hadrianic civic building.

province, was used only for local construction.56 Better grade marble was quarried in the vicinity of Emerita Augusta and Ebora.57

There are problems in the identification of coloniae, as many continued to style themselves as municipia.47 Hadrian possibly increased the colonies of Baetica from nine to eleven with Iliturgi 48 (CIL 2.190) and Italica. The inhabitants of Italica may have waited in vain for an imperial visit, yet this city was granted colonial status and became colonia Aelia Augusta Italica (CIL 2.1135 = ILER 6037), despite Hadrian’s opinion that it was preferable to be a municipium rather than a colonia and subject to the law of Rome (Aul.Gell.16.13.4).49 Italica’s desire to become a colony may have been to gain the ius Italicum, which would free its citizens from land tax.50 Freedom from the control of the provincial governor would have been an added incentive.51

The quarries, located at Estremoz, Vila Viçosa and Borba, were all involved in large-scale production and their marbles have been identified at several places, in buildings and as special architectural features. Marble from Vila Viçosa has been found mainly in the centre and south of the province, predominantly as capitals and bases of columns. 58 Occasionally it was used for columns, veneers and sculpture and was one of the marbles selected for the theatre at Emerita Augusta. Marbles from Estremoz and Vila Viçosa were used at Conimbriga.59 Some quarries were privately owned, although many were imperial, such as the quarry where a marmorarius, a slave connected to the Antonines, dedicated an altar.60

Building Materials and Labour

Analysis of some stone has been successful. The limestone found at Conimbriga originated from two quarries 61 and the marble and limestone found at Ebora came from the Trigachos quarry in the southern Vipasca mining district. Common building stone was quarried at Vipasca for general construction work in the vicus.62

Without a good supply of building materials the construction of public buildings was difficult. As many Spanish cities had achieved municipal status during the Augustan and Flavian eras, by the Hadrianic era the development of their civic centres was already in progress Hadrian’s reign could be considered as a period when restoration and renovation in superior quality materials predominated. It is possible that there was also a decrease in construction time as building materials became more accessible.

Two of the largest Hadrianic cities in Tarraconensis were close to good supplies of stone: there was a limestone quarry near to Tarraco and a sandstone quarry near Barcino. 63 Further north in the Pyrenees there were rich marble deposits mainly in Gallia Aquitania, but one marble quarry has been claimed for Tarraconensis.64 Col. Clunia Sulpicia was fortunate to have supplies of marble from Los Casares and limestone from the quarry at Espejon.65

Marble and Stone Although a variety of marbles were quarried in the Spanish provinces, the poor quality resulted in the import of superior grade marbles. 52

In the west of the province there were sandstone quarries at Mont Neme, close to Flavium Brigantium, and at Louriño

There is limited information on the stone quarries of Lusitania, but sufficient marble and fine-grained stone were available for inscriptions.53 Local granite and schist were used for building in the Alentejo, the north and interior Beiras,54 whereas limestone was the chosen building stone in the Beira Litoral, Estremadura and the Algarve.55 The low grade marble quarried at Vimioso, in the north west of the

56

Ibid. 81; A.M. Alarcão (ed) Portugal Romano:A Exploração dos Recursos Naturais Museu Nacional de Arqueologia Lisbon 1997, 80. 57 These quarries have been identified as Estremoz, Vila Viçosa, Pardais, Rio de Moinhos and La Alconera south of Emerita Augusta. F.C.S. Real ‘A Mineração Romana’ in A.M. Alarcão (ed) Portugal Romano:A Exploração dos Recursos Naturais Museu Nacional de Arqueologia Lisbon 1997, 80. 58 Marble from quarries near Estremos and Vila Viçosa supplied the marble for the Corinthian capitals of the temple of Ebora Liberalitas Julia at Ebora. Alarcão Roman Portugal 112. 59 The Herdade da Vigára quarry at Vila Viçosa (discovered in 1976) began production in the first century AD. The marble is white, but occasionally has purple-grey streaks. Ibid. 88, 80-1, 157. 60 The slave was in the service of Aurelia Vibia Sabina, daughter of Marcus Aurelius. Ibid. 80. 61 One was from a local quarry at Ança and this limestone has been described as ‘soft’, and the other quarry was further south at Porto de Mós (near Collipo and Selium) and produced a smooth stone. Ibid. 81. 62 Trigachos is also known as S.Brissos. Alarcão Portugal Romano 86. Limestone was quarried at S.Brissos (Monte-o-Novo). A.Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces Warszawa 1983,15. 63 Limestone quarries at El Medol and sandstone quarries near Montjuich. Ibid. 64 This quarry has not been identified. Apparently it was located on the left bank of the river Garumna near Arties and must have been the same vein of rock also quarried at St.-Béat. Ibid. 65 Marble came from the Los Casares quarry and limestone from the quarry at Espejon.

46

M. Zahrnt ‘Ein Hadrianisches Municipium in der Hispana Tarraconensis’ ZPE 79 (1989) 173-176. 47 A.T. Fear Rome and Baetica: Urbanization in Southern Spain c.50 BC AD 150 Oxford 1996, 152. 48 Ibid. 64. 49 Hadrian’s remarks have been interpreted as referring only to those communities created or promoted in the late Republic, eg Italica in Baetica and Urica in Africa Proconsularis. Sherwin-White 362-3. 50 Curchin Roman Spain Conquest and Assimilation London 1991, 66. 51 Mackie Local Administration in Northern Spain 101. 52 Marble was imported from Greece and Africa: L. West Roman Gaul Oxford 1935, 89. 53 D. Birmingham A Concise History of Portugal Cambridge 1993,13 54 These quarries were located at Suimo near Olisipo, at Cuarta de la Jara and at Raposera de Abajo north of Emerita Augusta. R.J.A. Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World Princeton 2000, 26. The quarry at Raposera de Abaja may have been the supplier for the columns of the temple of Ebora Liberalitas Julia at Ebora. Alarcão Roman Portugal 112. 55 Ibid. 80.

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near Forum Limicorum.66 The only Roman sandstone located in southern Tarraconensis was near Carthago Nova.67

Lead Since Pliny had declared that ‘nearly the whole of Spain abounds in mines of lead,’ in the Pyrenees, in Lusitania, Cantabria (NH 34.164), it was expected to find abundant evidence of lead. This has not been the case. There were first and second century mines at Malhada in Lusitania, and the famous mines at Vipasca produced some lead. (The analysis of the pipes found at Conimbriga only proved that the lead was not mined at Braçal near Malhada).74 Lead was also mined during this period at the La Fortuna mine, near Carthago Nova, and in the Sierra Morena Mountains.75 In Tarraconensis (CIL 2.2958) and Baetica (FIRA 1.104) the lead mines were mainly imperial property and were administered by freedman procurators. It is possible that the discovery in Britannia of a more accessible and higher grade ore caused the abandonment of the Spanish mines.76

Marble had been quarried in Baetica since before the Augustan era.68 Pliny mentions a lapis palmatus found near Munda (NH 36.18.134) and suggests marble quarries in Baetica (NH 3.30). Some of these quarries may still have been operational in the Hadrianic era and even supplied Italica and Emerita Augusta.69 Gades may have acquired marble from Sierra Carija.70 Limestone quarries in this province have been located close to Singil(i)a Barba at Antiquera and at Luque in the vicinity of Iliturgicola. Lime and Mortar There was certainly sufficient limestone for the production of lime mortar, but the evidence is limited to two Roman kilns which were discovered at Silveira and Pedrulha in Lusitania.71

Labour The labour for town construction was often munera, obligatory labour demanded from the lower sections of the community. There seems to have been an expectation of citizens to work a number of community hours.77

Bricks and Tiles The terracotta industry produced tegulae and imbrices for roofing, paving and building bricks, suspensurae for hypocausts and terracotta pipes. Few factories have been identified in these provinces and it seems certain that many were on large estates and serviced local building needs. In addition to these, several other large factories are suspected to have existed, such as one outside the boundary of Olisipo and others at Conimbriga 72 and at Bracara Augusta.73

Another traditional and valuable source of labour was the army. Its peacetime construction work, particularly on roads and in the mines, and its engineering expertise (Tac Ann.13.53;11.20) was highly regarded. There is evidence in the mining districts around Asturica Augusta that soldiers worked under the supervision of the freedmen procurators, providing labour, technical knowledge and security services.78

Wood The woods used for building in these provinces were oak (Pliny 16.32), juniper (Pliny 16.198) and pine from Baetica and the Pyrenees (Strabo 3.2.6, Pliny 16,32). As these were also used extensively for the mining and shipping industries, this resulted in extensive deforestation (Strabo 3.4.11).

Many freedmen came from Greece to the Spanish provinces and held important positions. One of these was Ulpius Aelianus, a freedman procurator of the mines at Vipasca during the Hadrianic period (CIL 2.127-134). Hadrian’s regulations at Vipasca refer to slaves (CIL 2.5181) 79 who were a valuable labour source, especially in the mines.

Mica Conclusion Mica, specularis lapis, used for the manufacture of windows, was found at Segobriga (NH 36.22.160-1).

There were ample supplies of building material during the Hadrianic period for new buildings and restorations. Local marbles were used extensively, as has been shown by their

66

Sandstone was quarried at Mont Neme close to Flavium Brigantium and at Louriño near Forum Limicorum. Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World 25. 67 At Mazarrón: Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World 27. 68 The marble decorated the Augustan or Tiberian theatre in the vetus urbs. S.J. Keay ‘Recent work at Italica’ in Social Complexity and the Development of Towns in Iberia (eds) B. Cunliffe & S. Keay PBA 86 1995, 402. For further uses see below Hadrianic civic building in Baetica. 69 Some of these quarries may have included La Alconéra (south of Emerita Augusta), Almadén (north of Italica), at Coin (near Cartimo) and at Sierra Elvira (close to Callicula). Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World 26-7. 70 The quarry was north of Bornos. Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces 15. 71 Opus signinum made from lime sand and powdered brick was probably produced as a matter of course from broken bricks and tiles in a builder’s yard. Alarcão Roman Portugal 83. 72 The many brick stamps attest to the widespread nature of the industry despite the lack of kiln sites. Ibid. 82-3. 73 Keay Roman Spain 113-114; Alarcão Roman Portugal 81-83.

74

Ibid. 79 Keay Roman Spain 63; The Sierra Morena mines were confiscated by Tiberius after the suicide of Sextus Marius, who had been falsely accused of an incestuous relationship with his daughter. C. Knapp Roman Cordoba California 1983, 39. 76 Van Nostrand ‘Roman Spain’ v.3, 160. 77 An example of this is the town charter of the Spanish town of Urso, which stipulates that each citizen under sixty and over fourteen years of age must contribute five days labour each year to the town (ILS 6087; 98). There were exemptions, as demonstrated by a letter of Hadrian to Modestinus (D 27.1.6.8) which releases some professions such as philosophers, rhetoricians, school teachers and doctors from this duty and other responsibilities. 200 operae or days of building labour were donated for the construction of the Hadrianic amphitheatre at Tibur (ILS 5630). 78 A.H.M. Jones ‘The Roman Military Occupation of North-West Spain’ JRS 66 (1976) 62. 79 There are several references to slaves in the Vipasca mines (CIL 2.5181; FIRA v.1 n.103, 104) and numerous inscriptions support the importation of slaves (CIL 2, 3903, 3944, 4319, 6116, 1755, 6107). 75

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identification in Roman buildings, in addition to the imported varieties. Bricks and tiles were manufactured both on estates and in several large factories and were readily available.

and an inscription testifies to his inspection and adlocutio to his African troops (CIL 8.2532 = 18042 = ILS 2487). In the extensively Romanised Spanish provinces the expectation is that the emperor’s intense curiosity, his love of architecture, and personal links with this region would manifest itself in the civic building of his era.

The labour force during the Hadrianic era was a mixture of civilian, military and slave.

Baetica

Hadrianic Civic Building

The following inscription from Hadrian’s Villa at Tivoli c.135/136, makes it clear that the province of Baetica had been a special beneficiary of the emperor: [ob libe]ralitates pub[lic]....[imp. Caes. T]raiani Hadria[ni Aug. pont.max.,trib.pot.X]X, cos.III,p.p., im[p. II erg]a prov[inciam] Hispaniam Baetica[m, ex a.d.] III id. Aug. Q.A[quilio Nigro M.] Rebilo Aproniano cos., in a.[d. X]IIII k. Ian. [L.Tutilio Luperco P.Calpu]rnio Atiliano cos. (ILS 318). This could be expected as Hadrian’s patria was Italica (SHA Hadr.1.1).

The lack of literary evidence for civic buildings places the emphasis on the epigraphic and archaeological evidence. These rely on the survival and discovery of evidence and its publication. Some communities had no interest in epigraphy and in some locations there was no suitable stone available for inscriptions.80 Further problems have been encountered in the accessing of Spanish inscriptions. Much of this is due to their scattered nature. The collection of Roman inscriptions for the Spanish provinces by J. Vives (ILER) has several inaccuracies. More reliable in detail, but with many gaps, is the annual volume of new inscriptions L’Année Epigraphique.

Given the wealth of Baetica, many Hadrianic inscriptions may have been originally with buildings. If not with buildings, then the inscriptions would have belonged to statues that decorated the cities.

In addition there are many journals in Spain and Portugal which publish their local inscriptions. These are not easy to access. A recent updating of CIL 2 (II2) has been partially completed and, fortunately for this study, Leonard Curchin published a large number of inscriptions in 1990 pertaining to local magistrates, which has been immensely helpful.81

The large marble inscription found at Aratispe (Cauche el Viego, near Málaga) is a mystery with its change in date from c.128 to c.131/2. The size and material used for the inscription suggest that this may have been a building, perhaps begun after Hadrian’s visit: … Hadriano Aug(usto) pontifici max(imo) trib(unicia)potest(ate) XVI cos. III, p.p. res p. Aratispitana d d (CIL 2.2055 = 22/5,731 = 436 = ILER 1108-9).

Hadrian’s movements within the provinces of Spain are not clear. According to the sources, he visited only Tarraco and, while much of his time must have been spent at the assembly he called to that city, his restoration of its temple also required organisation (SHA Hadr.12. 4-5). Nevertheless there was still some time for relaxation (SHA Hadr.12.5).

L. Manilius Gallus and L. Manilius Alexander, seviri of the Flavian municipality of Aurgi, provided loca spectaculorum as well as a sum of money to the community (CIL 2.3364 = ILER 1419). A fragment of an inscription at Azuaga (Municipium Iulium/Flavium V(gultuniacum) reveals little information, but the mention of Trajan’s divinity is an indication that this municipality had a temple to the Imperial cult (CIL 2.5548).

Hadrian left these provinces in the spring (possibly unexpectedly, owing to military emergencies).82 His visit may have been no longer than six months, a short time to cover the vast expanse of this peninsula, even for an energetic man who liked to experience everything personally and travelled so fast (SHA Hadr.17.8, 13.5).

Even though Corduba, colonia Patricia, was the provincial capital of Baetica, there is no evidence of a visit by Hadrian either before or after he became emperor. 83 Buildings such as the monumental Bath complex in Cordoba are therefore of considerable interest. The Pegasus mosaic in the Baths can be dated stylistically to second century, and more specifically to a similar one at Ostia, an Italian town extensively rebuilt by Hadrian. A further Hadrianic connection is the similarity between the division of the plunge-bath in the Corduba Baths and the Hadrianic baths in the nova urbs at Italica.

Even so, a review of the legion could be expected especially as the focus of Hadrian’s Spanish visit was the assembly at Tarraco where the problem of conscription was to be discussed. It seems even more likely that Hadrian would have inspected his Spanish legion as his ultimate concern was the security of the empire. He had just made enormous efforts to inspect and reorganise his northern armies (Dio 9.2), on his arrival in Britannia a military diploma records the official discharge of a large number of troop (CIL 16.69)

Three large unfluted granite columns have been found at Hispalis (colonia Iulia Romula), a neighbouring city of

80

N. Mackie ‘Urban munificence and the growth of urban consciousness in Roman Spain’ in T. Blagg & M. Millett (eds) The Early Roman Empire in the West Oxford 1990, 182. 81 Curchin The Local Magistrates of Spain 1990. 82 Hadrian left Spain for Syria in the spring in response to the Parthian threat (SHA Hadr. 12. 8), but may also have had to suppress Mauri riots in Mauretania Tingitana before leaving for the eastern frontiers (SHA Hadr.12.7-8).

83

In favour of a visit to Corduba by Hadrian in 122: Knapp Roman Cordoba 32. Referring to the lack of excavation in Spain of Roman remains, Fear recalls Stylow’s remark, ‘“Cordoba callada”? Si! es que no la dejan hablar.’ Fear Rome and Baetica: Urbanization in Southern Spain 170.

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Italica. 84 These columns were traditionally thought to have been from a large temple and actually resemble some of the columns in the Hadrianic Pantheon at Rome. They may also have been part of a colonnade.85 It is interesting that they are also very similar to those of the scaena frons in the theatre at Emerita.86 Two other columns with marble capitals, apparently from the same building in Hispalis, have been found in Almeda de Heracles. The similarity in the workmanship of both these capitals and those found in the villa at Tivoli has led to the speculation that they may have been imported. 87 A more acceptable suggestion is that they were also work of craftsmen employed at nearby Italica. The origin of the marble could provide the answer.

Karystos and Hadrian’s favourite, giallo antico from Simitthu.92 Italica’s aqueduct was extended during the Hadrianic period to service Termas Mayores,93 Italica’s new public baths and gymnasium complex, the largest in the Spanish provinces. The construction techniques were Hadrianic and the design of the gymnasium closely resembles the precincts of the Traianeum and the library at Athens.94 Lead pipes have been found in the baths inscribed with: Imp C[aesar] H[adrianus] A[ugustus] or C[olonia] A[elia] A[ugustus] I[talicia] (CILA 366,579). The nature and function of another large public building is uncertain and it may have been a market or an Odeon. As there were already two public baths, the Trajanic baths and the new Hadrianic complex, it is unlikely that this was another, in spite of the discovery of suspensurae tiles.95

There was a high expectation of a large number of Hadrianic buildings at Italica, based on the statement by Dio that Hadrian was extremely benevolent to his patria (69.10.1). The abundant archaeological evidence for the transformation of Italica into a beautiful new city c.125 has verified this. Unfortunately there is little epigraphic evidence of the Hadrianic work. The only inscription from this era is on a large fragment of a marble tablet discovered in an unknown building in the nova urbs: II Tr II C. This has been imaginatively restored to become II Tra[iani hadriani pm tr p] II Cos (CIL 2.5369). Another inscription not connected to a building is a votive dedicated to the health of Hadrian and Sabina (AE 1915, 9).

The amphitheatre, also Hadrianic, was the largest in the province; it provided seating for 25.000 people and had five entrances.96 The building was cleverly designed using two hillsides along the long axis, and external staircases were built to service the upper levels.97 Extensive use was made of concrete revetted with brick in the arches which encircled the building. Unfortunately the location chosen for the nova urbs was subject to flooding. It seems that poor survey work in the initial stages had failed to recognise the instability of the land in that region and its potential problems. Hadrian’s magnificent building scheme for Italica suffered as a result. Within one generation many of its inhabitants had abandoned their beautiful new homes and within fifty years the site was derelict.98 Perhaps if Hadrian himself had visited the construction site the outcome may have been different.

The nova urbs covered an area of thirty-eight hectares 88 and was comparable in size to the capital of Tarraconensis at thirty-six hectares. 89 Ten thousand people could reside within the new walls. It is possible that Hadrian planned this as a memorial to Trajan, since its focus appears to have been the Traianeum, located on the high ground overlooking the new town. Furthermore, an inscription suggests that this complex was dedicated to the Imperial cult of Trajan (CILA 343). Its design is typically Hadrianic and is similar to the temple of Augustus at Tarraco and the library at Athens.90

Hadrianic building at Italica extended to the vetus urbs, where the Tiberian theatre underwent major renovations. 99 This theatre was rich in marbles from the local quarry Almadén de la Plata and many imported varieties including Hadrian’s favourite giallo antica 100 and two columns of cipollino.101 The scaenae frons was embellished with composite Corinthian capitals and a small Isaeum was built within the colonnaded area (an inscription refers to the goddess Bubastis). The religious connection with the theatre is evident from the discovery of a podium base of nearby

The marbles used in the Traianeum and other buildings in the nova urbs are equal to the quality and variety found at Emerita Augusta, Corduba and Tarraco. Italica’s marbles were both local and imported. White marble was brought from Almadén de la Plata (there was even a new road leading from the city to the Mons Marmorius).91 The imported varieties came from Carrara, Luni (used for the altar and podium of the Traianeum), Porta Santa on Chios (used for the entrance to the Traianeum), cipollino from

92

I. Rodá ‘Los mármoles de Itálica. Su comercio y origen’ in Italica MMCC (eds) A. Caballos, P. Leon Sevilla 1997, 155-180; Keay ‘Recent work at Italica’ 406. 93 Reference to A.M. Carlo ‘El acueducto romano de Italica’ MDA(M) 20 (1979) 319-20 in Boatwright ‘Italica and Hadrian’s Urban Benefactions’ 120. 94 Ibid. with reference to J.M.R. Hidalgo’s research 118. 95 Keay ‘Recent work at Italica’ 40 96 Boatwright ‘Italica and Hadrian’s Urban Benefactions’ 117 97 Fear Rome and Baetica: Urbanization in Southern Spain 198. 98 J. S. Richardson The Romans in Spain Oxford 1996, 219. 99 For the original building date: S.J. Keay ‘Early Roman Italica and the Romanisation of western Baetica’ in Italica MMCC Sevilla 1997, 41-42. 100 Rodá ‘Los mármoles de Itálica. Su comercio y origen’ 155-180. 101 F. Sear Roman Theatres and Architectural Studies Oxford University Press (forthcoming).

84

J. Campos & J. González ‘Los Foros de Hispalis Colonia Romula’ AEspA 60, 1987, 123-159. 85 The idea possibly came from the Arabic geographer al-Himyari Kitab in Ar-Rawd. Fear Rome and Baetica: Urbanization in Southern Spain 191. 86 Martos Diaz in Capitales corintios romanos de Hispania cited by S. J. Keay Roman Spain London 1988, 222. 87 Fear Rome and Baetica: Urbanization in Southern Spain 192. 88 Keay ‘Recent work at Italica’ 404. 89 A. Garcia y Bellido ‘Italica de Hadriano’ Emps Esp 16, 11. 90 Keay ‘Recent work at Italica’ 408. 91 Milestones: CILA (v.2,t.2) 367. M.T. Boatwright ‘Italica and Hadrian’s Urban Benefactions’ in Italica MMCC (eds) A. Caballos, P. Leon Sevilla 1997, 118.

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temple. Several statues were found in this temple, including Venus, Diana and Hermes and some nymphs.102

Urgavo c.130/131 (Munici)pium Albense (Urgavon)ense), one of only two known Hadrianic municipalities (CIL 2.2111 = 22/7.74 = ILER 1110).

Without doubt the Hadrianic buildings at Italica required specialised craftsmen, many of whom were brought from the east.103 Their contribution to Romano-Spanish architecture created the artistic tradition of carved tombs, marble sculptures and mosaic pavements,104 and their influence is apparent in many buildings.

Lusitania Lusitania had fewer urban settlements than the other two provinces and since occupation has been continuous in its cities, the archaeological evidence is difficult to obtain. Furthermore, few building inscriptions have survived in Lusitania.110

Gades was a thriving city, its wealth based on a pastoral economy, control of the tin trade and its excellent navy (Livy Per. 110, Strabo 3.1.8, 3.5.3-11). As this was the hometown of his mother, Domitia Paulina (SHA Hadr.1.1), it seems certain that Hadrian would have visited Gades as a young man, even if he had no time in 122.105 There is no convincing evidence of Hadrianic buildings in the city.106

Its capital, Emerita Augusta, was an example of a Roman civic centre from its foundation.111 By the Hadrianic era, some buildings required restoration and one of these was the theatre. An inscription, c.135, states that Hadrian restored the seats and stage of the theatre that had been destroyed by fire; he also proclaimed circus games: …cuneu[m et p]ros[caenium theatri in]cendio [consumpta restituit editisque ludis scaenicis et] circen[sibus d.d (CIL 2.478). The restoration process may have begun during the emperor’s visit and completed many years later. Many aspects of the craftsmanship at Emerita Augusta show a similarity to Italica, and if Hadrian did travel with a team of workmen, it is possible Hadrian left some behind (Epit. de Caes.14.5). The signatures of Greek craftsmen on the capitals suggest that Hadrian may have also restored the colonnade.112

Often only the names of cities, but little else, have survived on inscriptions. These inscriptions are still worth noting as they show that there was some civic activity. An example is Mirobriga, a town with a beautiful forum paved in marble, and new second century baths. Unfortunately its Hadrianic inscription, even though restored, provides no hint of buildings c.117/138 (CIL 2.2365 = ILER 1114). 107 Another example is the badly damaged inscription of fine limestone from Itliturgicola et Ipolcobulcola (CIL 2.1642 = ILER 1113). Just prior to the Hadrianic era, the wealth of L. Porcius Quietus, IIvir of this city, had provided the land and finance for the building of a temple, forum and statue (CIL 2.1649; ILER 2075)).

Of the many temples in Emerita Augusta, only a temple of Mars has been identified as Hadrianic. This small Corinthian temple with its elaborate entablature was erected by Vetilla, the wife of L. Roscius Paculus, a Hadrianic senator: Marti sacrum Vetilla Paculi (CIL 2.468 = ILER 237).113

The names of the dedicators from the Flavian municipality of Munigua are missing from the inscriptions, c.132 (AE 1966, 182 a, b). The use of high-grade marble, however, suggests that the inscriptions accompanied something special, especially in a place that enjoyed a beautiful sanctuary modelled on the temple of Hercules at Tibur and the temple of Fortuna at Praeneste.108

No building accompanied an inscription from the second year of Hadrian’s reign, 118, which was found at Marialva, the civitas Aravorum (CIL 2.429 = ILER 6045). As the town was the civitas capital, located on the major road linking Bracara Augusta and Emerita Augusta, this could indicate an important building..114

Two other unknown donations were made in Baetica around the time of the emperor’s visit to Spain. These could have been buildings, but they were more likely to have been statues. The inscription at Saepo has a definite Hadrianic date of 123/4, but nothing to reveal the identity of the dedicator or the donation (CIL 2.1339 = ILER 1106). The inscription found in the forum at Singilia Barba was also Hadrianic, c.122/123; the donor was M. Acilius (CIL 2.2014 = ILER 1105).109 The other Hadrianic inscription for this province is a special one, for it reveals the new status of

Two interesting Hadrianic inscriptions were found at Olisipo, municipium Felicitas Iulia. These not only record the dedication of two statues, one of Hadrian (CIL 2.186 = ILER 1104) and the other of his wife Sabina c.121/2 (CIL 2.5221 = ILER 1268), but also that they were donated by the municipality, an unusual occurrence.115 Tarraconensis Hadrian stayed briefly at Nemausus, in Gallia Narbonensis, on his way to Tarraco, enough time to organise the temple in

102

Keay ‘Recent work at Italica’ 412. Keay Roman Spain 222. 104 Birmingham A Concise History of Portugal 13 105 Garzetti supports a visit by Hadrian. A. Garzetti From Tiberius to the Antonines: A History of the Roman Empire AD 14 -192 (tr) J.R.Foster London 1960 repr. 1974, 389. 106 A Hadrianic tower was demolished at Gades. R.Chevallier & R. Poignault L’empereur Hadrien Paris 1998, 110. 107 Restoration: H]adri[ano aug. G]erm[anico max] p[ont.m]ax. mun[icipes] Miro[brigenses]. 108 Richardson The Romans in Spain 225. 109 Municipium Flavium Liberum...Hadriano Aug. p. m.trib. p. VI, imp. VI, cos III, p.p. M. Acilius C. f. Quir. Ruga Sing. de sua p(ec.) d.d. 103

110

Edmondson ‘Romanization and Urban Development in Lusitania’ 167. Emerita Augusta had two fora, one for the imperial cult, three aqueducts, two public baths, a theatre, an amphitheatre, a circus and many temples. Ibid. 168-9. 112 F.J. Wiseman Roman Spain London 1956, 90. 113 This delightful little temple survived as a chapel to the martyr Eulalia. 114 There has been no thorough site investigation. A temple has been described, but the lead pipes suggest baths. Alarcão Roman Portugal 54. 115 During the magistracy of the duoviri, M. Gellius Rufus (Rutilium) and L. Iulius Avitus (Vives gives Rutilianus). 111

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honour of Plotina, who had recently died. Via Domitia, the road from Nemausus to Tarraco passed through Barcino, patria of the influential family of L. Minicius Natalis (ILS 1039). Perhaps an expected visit from the emperor to their estate was the reason that L. Minicius Natalis and his son L. Minicius Quadronius Verus built new baths and an aqueduct. The large black marble inscription has been dated sometime after 117: balineum c[um port]icibus solo suo et du[ctus aquae] fecerunt (CIL 2.6145 = ILER 2053). 116

equipment, in addition to a feast in memory of her husband and her son (CIL 2.3240 = ILER 2039). In contrast the extent of the generosity is not known of a IIvir and flamen of Labitolosa, promoted by Hadrian to the equestrian order. But complying with the terms of M. Clodius Flaccus’ will, his heir, Cornelia Neilla, made a dedication in his honour c.138, (AE 1995, 891). Close to the concilium where the ceremonies took place was the large temple of Augustus. The restoration of this temple was Hadrian’s major building project for the city of Tarraco and work began during his winter in that city (SHA Hadr.12.3). Completion was achieved with the assistance of C. Calpurnius Flaccus, curator templi, praefectus murorum, who had the responsibility of repairing the temple and the walls of the city.121

Barcino has produced many inscriptions: few mention buildings but the names of many magistrates and priests have been preserved. One was the cursus of L. Minicius Natalis (CIL 2.4510 = ILER 1369) and another was from M. Herennius Severus, aedilis, duovir and flamen, who may have been related to a Hadrianic consul (CIL 2. 4525 = ILER 5558). 117 Three slightly different inscriptions record the posthumous bequest made to the concordia decurionum by L. Aemilius Rectus in recognition of his aedileship at Carthago Nova. A small shrine 118 could have been a welcome addition to the meagre list of Hadrianic buildings, but this seems more likely to have been a small silver statue:119 …ob honorem aedilitatis concordiae decurionum testamento suo fieri iussit. L.Aemilius Senex heres sine deductione XX vel tributorum ex CCL libris argenti fecit (CIL 2.3424 = ILS 6953 = ILER 1411) also (CIL 2.3423 = ILER 6081), although hoc opus could refer to building (CIL 2.5941 = ILER 1413).

As in the other cities there is abundant evidence of statues dedicated to Hadrian and many of those at Tarraco were connected to events at the time of the emperor’s visit. The number of statues in need of attention apparently became so great (especially if they had been gilded), 122 that Cn. Numisius Modestus was elected by the provincial assembly and given the responsibility of statue maintenance (CIL 2.4230 = ILS 6930 = ILER 1611).123 These statues were of important men in the community. One statue was donated c.122/3 by Q. Caecilius Rufinus, a member of the special assembly called by Hadrian to Tarraco (CIL 2.4201 = Alf.331 = ILER 1304).124 Another honoured Q. Fabius, who had been promoted by Hadrian (CIL 2.4213 = Alf.273 = ILER 1636) 125 and several others were the bequests from wills. One was the statue of the flamen, judge and decurion, L. Numisius Montanus, which his sister Numisia Victorina ordered to be placed in the forum (CIL 2.4275 = Alf. 349 = ILER 1327).126 Another was a fine silver statue dedicated to the genius of Tarraco in the will of L. Minicius Apronianus, a man who held many public offices, aedilis, quaestor, duovir, duovir quinquennalis, flamen divi Traiani (CIL 2.4071, 4274 = ILER 558,1552).

A Hadrianic temple has been suggested on the basis of three marble fragments found at Clunia. The inscription hints at a building, but the suggestion of a temple to Isis may be too fanciful: pro salute imp. Caes. Hadriani Aug. T(utelae) colon(iae) Cluniensium [P.Aeli]us Au[gusti l]ib (CIL 2.2780 = Clunia II 22 = ILER 495). The restorations in the municipality of Ilugo must have been notable, as the inscription refers to Hadrian as restitutor c.119-138 (CIL 2.3239),120 or perhaps conservator (AE 1902, 1). While suggesting that the emperor was the benefactor, perhaps even responsible for raising the status of the town, the inscription is not specific about the nature of the restorations, and the buildings cannot be identified.

Three other Hadrianic inscriptions found at Tarraco all referred to M. Fabius Paulinus, his close friends and an unknown dedication given to the community, 117/138 (CIL 2.4269 = Alf. 374, 375, 376; CIL 2.4269? AE 1917-18,4 = ILER 1336; ILER 1338 = AE 1929, 229).

A quite different situation occurs with another inscription (also found at Ilugo), which makes the donor, the bequest and the source of the money quite clear. Although the date is vague, Annia Victorina’s generosity is not; she provided the community with an aqueduct, bridges, pipes, cistern and

121

Curchin The Local Magistrates of Roman Spain 226. This happened when an emperor was deified. L.A. Curchin ‘Personal wealth in Roman Spain’ Hist. 32 (1983) 230 123 The number of statues was so large that a special magistracy was created to look after them. Garzetti From Tiberius to the Antonines 389. There is no evidence for the number of statues or a special magistracy. Curchin The Local Magistrates of Roman Spain 195. 124 Q. Caecilio Gal Rufino Q.Caecili Valeriani F Saguntino ob legationem qua gratuita aput maximum princ Hadrianum Aug Romae funct est P H C (Vives dates this 117-138). 125 Q.Fab[io fil] Gal M... Saet[abitano] omni[b honorib] inre p s[ua functo]equo p d[onato ab] Hadrian[o aug allecto] inquinq d[ecurias] ab eodem p[raef.cohor]tis Primae......Flam. 126 L.Numisio L Fil Pal Montana aed[………] donato ab imp Hadriano.. Aug. iudici decur. Numisia Victorina soror testamento in foro poni iussit. 122

116

Another incentive for a stay at Barcino was that this was the hometown of Pedanius Fuscus, the husband of Hadrian’s niece Julia. They were possible travelling companions of the emperor. A. R. Birley Hadrian.The Restless Emperor London, New York 1997, 146. The career inscription of L. Minucius Natalis Quadronius Verus is at Barcino (CIL 4510; ILER 1369). 117 Curchin The Local Magistrates of Spain 184. 118 The donation was a small shrine: Mackie Local Administration in Northern Spain 83. 119 The donation was a small silver statue: Curchin The Local Magistrates of Spain 195. L. Aemilius Rectus donated a small shrine. Mackie Local Administration in Northern Spain 83. 120 This could also be fundatori or conditori as only ‘tori’ can be read.

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Arva, is an example of the high cost of being a sevir. 127 The freedman M. Egnatius Venutus received the honour ornamenta decurionatus and was granted a statue by the ordo. He paid not only for a statue but also for marble benches and a column (CIL 2.1066 = ILS 5487 = ILER 1734).128

Conclusion Given the inscription found at Tibur, the number of Baetican cities to have benefited from Hadrian’s benevolence was expected to be more than one. This one city, Italica, gained an entire new city area and renovations to at least one building in the old city. This is perhaps not surprising, for Italica was his patria and Trajan’s also. The buildings suggest that Hadrian built his new city to honour Trajan. The surprise was Hadrian’s lack of personal involvement, given his interest in architecture. He sent his building team, but there is no evidence that he went himself.

The cost was high too for Sempronia, the daughter of M. Sempronius Sempronianus, IIvir and priest of the Flavian municipality of Aurgi, who donated baths, an aqueduct and a section of woodland (CIL 2.3361 = ILS 5688 = ILER 2040).129 The female heirs of L. Fabius Caesianus, IIvir and flamen of Barbesula, honoured his will by donating a feast to the community (CIL 2.1941 = ILER 1556). Another flamen and his wife donated an aedicula in honour of his office (CIL 2.1939 = ILER 1000), and in the same municipality, the father of IIvir C. Cervius Quintianus was granted permission by the ordo to erect a magnificent statue of his son (CIL 2.1940; ILER 1739).

Apart from his supervision of the restoration of the temple of Augustus, another building attributed to Hadrian perhaps received equally as much of his attention. Given the importance of the mines in Lusitania, he may have wished to honour Emerita Augusta, the provincial capital, by organising the restoration of its theatre. Stylistically there could be connections between the theatre restoration and the new city of Italica. It appears that Hadrian used his own craftsmen in both places.

The archaeological evidence shows that the gate at Carmo (on the road from Hispalis to Corduba) is one of the earliest Roman buildings in Spain. Its wall dates from the time of the Punic wars, but some sections were restored by Trajan.130 The highly decorated white marble base of an equestrian statue, c.114, at Cisimbrium was dedicated to the emperor Trajan by the local decurions (CIL 2.2097 = 22/5.295 = ILS 297 = ILER 1101).

The remaining evidence of the Hadrianic buildings in Baetica is disappointing given the expectations arising from the inscription at Tibur. Aside from the number of buildings in Italica’s nova urbs, the greatest number of Hadrianic buildings was in Tarraconensis. This province also had the largest number of statues, which necessitated the appointment of an official to maintain them.

It seems certain that Corduba had some Trajanic building, but the record is bleak, and only one incomplete inscription survives. This was from Iunius Bassus Milonianus, IIvir and praefectus fabrum, and most probably accompanied a statue (CIL 2.2222 = ILER 1691).

The inscriptions show that there was much private wealth available, especially in Baetica, but there is scarce evidence that it was used for public building. Even if such evidence is lacking, this is not true of other means of urban beautification. Each province has many statues, authorised by the ordo, but erected with private funds by those honoured to have their statues in a public place. The only exception was at Olisipo, where the community financed the statues of Hadrian and Sabina at the time of the imperial visit.

An inscription found at Saepo in the vicinity of Gades c.114-/116 is a dedication of a statue by the decurions (AE 1987, 499). 131 At Hispalis, a rare inscription gives the cost of the gilded statue (CIL 2.1163 = ILS 1905 = ILER 555). An unknown dedication was at Ilipa (CIL 2.2352), but there was another special statue at Iliturgicola et Ipolcubolcola, where the dedication to the emperor Trajan was in fine marble and the cost was borne by the community c.102/114 (CIL 2.1640 = 22/5.252 = ILER 1098).132

Comparison with Civic Building of Trajan and Antoninus Pius

Trajan’s hometown Italica was fortunate in gaining four statues, which were dedicated to the genius of the city by the IIvir M. Cassius Caecilianus, a priest of the Imperial cult of Trajan (AE 1982, 520). In addition there were new public baths on the hill of Los Palacios, south-west of the town.133 The brickwork has been conclusively identified as Trajanic.

Trajan Trajan was the first of the ‘Spanish’ emperors, and like his kinsman Hadrian, his patria was Italica. As Trajan spent the more time in the Spanish provinces than Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, more building during his reign could be expected in these provinces. Baetica

127

Mackie Local Administration in Northern Spain 42, 86. in locum quem ordo decrevit statuam et scamna marmorea et antam marmoravit de sua pecunia dedit. 129 This woodland provided the fuel for the baths. Curchin ‘Personal wealth in Roman Spain’ 230. 130 Wiseman Roman Spain 193. 131 Shows similarities in dating to the inscription at Cisimbrium. Res publica Saeponensium statuam triumphalen ex decreto decurionum dedit. 132 ..ex beneficis eius pecunia publica decreto ordinis factum et dedicatum. Vives suggest dates of 103-117. 133 Citing García y Bellido 1960. Keay ‘Recent work at Italica’ 40.

The inscription on a base of reddish limestone found at the Flavian municipality of Aratispe was possibly from a posthumous statue of Trajan erected some time after 117/8 (CIL 2.2054 = 22/5.730 = ILS 304 = ILER 1103). The large marble inscription found at another Flavian municipality,

128

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The inscription at Mellaria is also clear. A statue was ordered for C. Sempronius Sperato and two equestrian statues were placed on his tomb (CIL 2.2344 = ILER 1725). Some interesting inscriptions have been found at Municipium Iulium/Flavium U(gultuniacum).134 One was to Marciana, Trajan’s sister c.115 (CIL II2/7.892), and another, possibly a white marble equestrian statue, was dedicated to the emperor in the same year by the decurions of the municipality (CIL 2.1028 = 5543 = 7.888 = AE 1993, 1016 = ILER 1102). A statue on a reddish limestone base was found at Nescania and dedicated to Trajan c.113/5 by the Nescarienses (CIL 2.2010 = 22/5.846 = ILS 29 = ILER 1100).135

with a palaestra and portico during the Trajanic period, c.105/115.141 Other ‘Trajanic’ buildings have questionable dates, such as the arch at Emerita Augusta, the capital of the province (AE 1997, 779), and the temple at Moura built by Camarius in memory of his wife Silvine (AE 1989, 371). The temple at Pax Julia, with its Corinthian or composite capitals, can only be dated vaguely to the turn of the second century.142 Q. Antonius Gallus and his fellow IIvir, T. Marcius M[a]rcianus, from Olisipo, made a dedication, probably a statue, to Matidia (Trajan’s niece) (CIL 2.4993 = ILER 1265). 143 In contrast to the many Trajanic arches and bridges is the field consecrated to Trajan at Venia by the vicani Venienses. This could be connected to emperor worship and a temple planned for the land. 144

The munificence of some local magistrates often demonstrates their great wealth. M. Valerius Proculinus, IIvir from Singilia Barba/ Antequera, expressed his gratitude to a public gathering by donating oil and baths, youth games in the theatre, a gymnasium and baths for men and women. In addition, he gave money for sacrificial victims and for a statue c.109 (AE 1992, 977 = AE 1989, 420). Another benevolent aedilis and IIvir was M. Valerius Marcellus, who made the unusual donation of a clock and also gave games and circuses to Tucci (CIL 2. 1685 = ILS 5623 = ILER 6079).

Tarraconensis This province was also the beneficiary of Trajanic arch building. A large stone arch with twelve visible pillars was built in 104 (CIL 2.2478 = ILER 2068), or perhaps earlier, c. c.100/104 (AE 1966, 21) at the important crossroads of Aquae Flaviae which linked the mining district with Astorica Augusta and Bracara.

Lusitania Another Trajanic arch was one that Hadrian himself could hardly have missed seeing at as he travelled along the road from Barcino to Tarraco. This enormous forty foot high monument, with its Corinthian columns on either side, was the bequest of one of Trajan’s close friends and generals, L. Licinius Sura (CIL 2. 4282 = ILER 2065).145 Many inscriptions exist at Barcino of his freedman L. Licinius Secundus. These all seem to relate to statues and none mention buildings (CIL 2.456-65).The inscription at Bracara is similar (CIL 2.2450).

The granite curia at Augustobriga with its Corinthian columns was built in the Trajanic period. The architecture has a combination of architrave and arch which apparently is unique in these provinces.136 Even though the curia may be unique, it is the six-arch bridge over the Tagus at Alcántara that is the most famous Trajanic building in the Spanish provinces. The bridge and its small temple have been dated c.105/6 from the marble inscriptions on an arch (CIL 2.759-762 = ILS 287 = ILER 1099). 137 This Trajanic construction is an example of cooperation between the imperial fisc and eleven civitates, who also had responsibility for the secondary road leading to the bridge.138 Another of Trajan’s bridges may have been the granite bridge at Alconétar. Although only two flat arches remain, they show sufficient resemblance to the Trajanic bridge over the Danube for the bridge at Alconétar to be considered Trajanic.139

A more unusual building was the second century lighthouse at Brigantium (La Coruña). Its builder has been identified as Cn. Servius Lupus, but the suggested Trajanic date has not been verified.146 A fragment of an inscription from Dianium reveals only that there was some civic activity in this coastal city during the Trajanic era, c.106.147 Trajan’s interest in bridge building could be the reason that he has been credited for the restoration of the Claudian bridge at Martorell.148 There is more substantial evidence, however, for a Trajanic restoration of the Nervan aqueduct at Segovia ordered by M. Mummius Mummianus and P. Fabius Taurus, IIviri of municipium Flavii Segoviensium c.98 (AE 1992, 1034).149

A less certain Trajanic date can be given to the four way arch at Capera. It appears to be early second century, but the inscription is not Trajanic.140 Construction of the south baths at Conimbriga began under the Flavians, and was completed 134

Opinions differ on the period when municipal status was acquired. The stone may have come from the same quarry as the stone for the statue at Aratispe. Vives dates this inscription c. 109/110. 136 Wiseman Roman Spain 152. 137 The inscription names Cn. Julius Lacer as the architect. 138 Van Nostrand ‘Roman Spain’ v.3 196. For discussion of the eleven civiates: Alarcão Roman Portugal 17-24. 139 Wiseman Roman Spain 151. 140 The date of the monument: W.L. MacDonald The Architecture of the Roman Empire: v.2 An Urban Appraisal Yale 1986, 87. (CIL 2.806, 810, 812, 813) The inscription 834 states that the arch was built according to the terms of the will of M. Fidius Macer’s parents (CIL 2. 834 = ILER 3717; CIL 2.835 = ILER 6136). 135

141

Alarcão Roman Portugal 40; J.B. Ward-Perkins Roman Imperial Architecture London 1970 repr.1990, 478, n.20. 142 The temple at Pax Julia. Alarcão Roman Portugal 110. 143 T. Marcius Marcianus may have been a relative. 144 Alarcão Roman Portugal 107. 145 Ward-Perkins RIA 218. 146 A second century building: Wiseman Roman Spain 145. Trajanic: P. MacKendrick The Iberian Stones Speak New York 1969, 160. 147 The date of this inscription is uncertain (CIL 2.3581=5959). 148 MacKendrick The Iberian Stones Speak 160. 149 G. Alföldy ‘Die Inschrift des Aquäduktes von Segovia: Ein Vorbericht ZPE 94 (1992) 231-248. The evidence suggests that the original building

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With great consideration for his family and the community, L.Antonius Crescens, aedilis, duovir and flamen of Valentia, took care of his funeral arrangements, ensuring that everything was satisfactory by selecting the place and paying for the tomb (AE 1933, 5-6).

what was given at Ocurri, near Gades, in 142 (CIL 1336 = ILER 1120) but at Osset, Q. Cornelius Senex (IIvir for the fourth time) and his daughter gave a large feast for the community (CIL 2.1258 = ILER 1678). Lusitania

Conclusion There is very little evidence of civic improvements in this province during the reign of Antoninus Pius. At Emerita Augusta an inscription was found in a temple which may have been connected with the Imperial cult (CIL 480; ILER 1130) and at Mirobriga there was an unidentified dedication from Licinius Licinianus of mun. Mirorgenses c.137/61 (ILER 1112).

This reign witnessed enormous building activity in the cities. All three provinces gained many new buildings including three baths, two aqueducts (one restoration), three arches, a gate and three bridges, in addition to two temples and a lighthouse. Statues were a very popular donation in Baetica, but not in the other two provinces. Baetica also enjoyed the only known special feasts and games donated in this era. It is interesting to note that there are few unknown dedications.

Tarraconensis The citizens of Tarraconensis were more benevolent, and probably more affluent than those of Lusitania, and there is abundant evidence of donations across the province, even if many of these cannot be tied to buildings. Some will remain mysteries because of damage to the inscriptions. Examples have been found at Baetulo c.140/144 (CIL 4605 = ILER 1117), 152 at Bracara (conventus Bracaraugustanus) c.138161 (CIL 2381; ILER 1127) and at Carthaga Nova c.145/61 (CIL 3412; ILER 1124). At Castulo, however, the inscription of a sevir is quite explicit in describing the pleasure of the circus games and the wonderful gladiatorial spectacle lasting four days, his gift to the community. In addition he also gave a statue in honour of his office as sevir c.155 (AE 1976, 351).153

Antoninus Pius Unlike Trajan and Hadrian, Antoninus Pius had no ties with the Spanish provinces and there is no indication that he even visited Tarraconensis, although his home province was the neighbouring Gallia Narbonensis. Baetica The first inscription from Almedilla (Amedina), an unlocated city, gives little information (apart from the emperor’s titles) and the fact that there was a dedication to the emperor c.143 (CIL 3236 = ILER 1121). In contrast the buildings at Baelo (near Gades) have only a vague date, but have been identified as a Capitolium consisting of three temples. They are second century and were possibly Antonine, despite their comparison to the Hadrianic complex at Thugga.150

Other inscriptions express similar honour by their donors, but not the nature of the donations. At Damania a priest of the cult of Rome and Augustus made a donation in honour of receiving citizenship of the colony of Caesaraugustus from Hadrian (CIL 2.4249 = ILER 1591). An inscription at Dertosa expresses gratitude to the legate c.138 (CIL 2.4057; ILER 1115). Another inscription no longer considered to be a milestone was found at Egara, only the date, c.139, is given (CIL 4494 = ILER 1116), but the inscription at Ilurco names its IIviri (CIL 5511 = ILER 1128).

Two marble bases were found at Hispalis. One can be dated accurately to 146 from the expensive ornate anaglyph (CIL 1168 = ILER 1119), 151 but the second can only be dated to Antoninus Pius’ reign c.139/161 (CIL 2.1167 = 441). This was the hometown of the wealthy and influential family of M. Messius Rusticianus, who paid for a white marble statue to be erected at Hispalis (AE 1983, 517).

At Libisosa a flamen of the Imperial cult, C. Vibius Porcianus Quintius Italicanus, gave the expected donation in honour of his priesthood c.140/160 (CIL 2.4254 = ILER 1617). At Limici the civitas Limicorum made a dedication to the emperor c.141 (CIL 2517 = ILER 1118), and at Mirobriga, c.158, the ordo permitted the seviri to make a donation (CIL 2366 = ILER 1123).

A sacred statue at Ipolcobulcola was given, c.139/61, in honour of his office by a sevir, C. Annius Prasius, with thanks for the water supply (CIL 2.1643 = 22/5.267 = ILER 1700). One of several municipalities to enjoy a special function donated and funded by a magistrate or priest during this reign was Isturgi, municipium Triumphale, where A. Terentius Rusticus, aedilis, IIvir and pontifex, gave dramatic games (CIL 2.2121 = ILER 6076).

Further evidence of citizens changing their residence can be found at Tarraco where C. Valerius Avitus, IIvir of Augustobriga, applied to Antoninus Pius to become an adlected citizen of Tarraco. No doubt this request accompanied a substantial donation (CIL 2.4277 = ILER 1330). Also at Tarraco is a votive inscription for the health

A small tetrastyle temple was built at Nescania and dedicated to Jupiter by the curatores and iuvenes Laurenses (CIL 2.2008; ILS 5423; ILER 149). There is no indication of

was Nervan, c.97,but could be Trajanic; R.C. Knapp Latin Inscriptions from Central Spain California 1992, 201,203-5 and that it was built of white ‘Aberdeen-like’ granite. Wiseman Roman Spain 82. 150 Ward-Perkins RIA 183. 151 scaphari qui Romulae negotiantur de sua pecunia donum d(edicaverunt

152 153

122

The inscription at Baetulo is not a milestone as previously listed.. For the high cost of being sevir see the Introduction.

Chapter 5 - The Spanish Provinces

acquiring excellent horses locally.162 (The Army Appendix for this chapter contains a summary of available information about these units during the Hadrianic period). Fortified villas from Vipasca to the south coast suggest that a military escort for mineral shipments may have been used.

of the emperor by his freedmen at the temple of Silvanus c.138/161 (CIL 2.4089 = ILER 304).154 Conclusion Civic building in these provinces during Antoninus Pius’ reign is limited to one temple complex and perhaps a single temple. The remaining evidence is for four statues, two circus and gladiatorial games and one feast. This does not seem sufficient for a twenty-year reign, but these are the only records that have survived. If the nature of the unknown dedications, for which there is good evidence, especially in Tarraconensis, were known, then perhaps a different conclusion could be reached.

There is little evidence of buildings or colonies being constructed for military use during the Hadrianic era. Three inscriptions have been found at Legio, the legionary fortress of the VII Gemina. The first refers to a dedication to the genius of the legion by the governor, L. Attius Macro c.134 (CIL 2.5083 = ILER 554). The second, a large marble base from the temple of Diana, cannot be dated accurately. As it was dedicated by Q. Tullius Maximus during his service as legate of the VII Gemina (CIL 2.2660 = ILER 5754), it could be Trajanic, but was not later than Hadrianic. A third inscription records the dedication of a small Nymphaeum by Cn. Terentius Homullus (CIL 2.5084).

Hadrianic Military Building The military forces in the three Spanish provinces during the Hadrianic era were not large. The only legion, VII Gemina Felix,155 was stationed at Legio, north-east of Asturica in Tarraconensis. 156 Small legionary detachments were garrisoned at the provincial capitals of Corduba and Tarraco (CIL 2.4142)157 and possibly at Emerita Augusta.158 In these peaceful provinces the main duties of the legion and auxiliaries were policing and controlling piracy along the coast.159

From the milestone evidence it is certain that the army was involved in road making, particularly those financed by the imperial treasury in the early years of Hadrian’s reign. They may even have lent their expertise to local councils for their road works.

Hadrianic Road Building

The assembly at Tarraco called by Hadrian during his visit is an indication that the emperor was aware that he had an excellent source of recruits in these provinces. Coming immediately after his inspection of the northern frontier armies and the building of the Wall in Britannia, Hadrian must have also considered the potential of Spanish troops as emergency support, especially for Britannia.

The Spanish Roman roads inherited by Hadrian had their roots in the Republican period, when two main military highways had traversed the peninsula west and south from Tarraco. Other military roads followed the rivers. During the Augustan era a circular road system was completed that followed the coast. An extremely important road was via Augusta/ Domitia which connected the Spanish peninsula with Gaul and Italy. Milestones from the Claudian and Tiberian eras record the building of roads to Gallia Narbonensis and Gallia Aquitania.163

There was some military presence all over the peninsula, but the identity of the auxiliary troops in the early second century is not clear.160 A special security force of two or three cohorts was based at Tarraco to cover the Mediterranean coastal lands from the Ebro to the Pyrenees. The governor of Baetica controlled the cohort garrisoned in his province. 161 A high proportion of auxiliaries was mounted, no doubt as a result of the terrain and the ease of

The Hadrianic era was mainly a time of active road maintenance, although the western pass through the Pyrenees was completed during this period (CIL 2.4906).

The roads which Hadrian made a priority early in his reign were those of Lusitania 164 and all were imperially funded. Most of the work was done on the northward bound via Emerita Salmanticam c.120/122 with Hadrianic milestones 154 Silvano aug sacrum pro salute imp Caes Hadriani Antoni aug pii nostri et discovered from Emerita Augusta c.121 (CIL 2.6205) to Salmantica c.121/122 (CIL 2.4682 = ILER 1923). These liberum eius, Atimetus lib tabularius prov Hisp citerioris. 155 VII Gemina Felix had been renamed because of the bad association of its milestones indicate that the main concentration of Hadrianic previous name, VII Galbiana, with Galba. Its new name suggests a repairs was in the region around Capera (CIL 2.4663,4664), combination with another unit. J. S. Richardson The Romans in Spain Oxford c.121 (CIL 2.4658), 165 and the completion of work at 1996, 185. 156 Carcabosa in 120 (CIL 2.6202 = ILER 1920) and in 121 Two roads connected Legio to the coastal towns of Gagio and Brigantium. It is also possible that the Spanish legion was called upon to render support to Africa. Jones ‘The Roman Military Occupation of NorthWest Spain’ 52 157 Mackie Local Administration in Northern Spain 10, 184. 158 Keay Roman Spain 61. 159 The fleet was commanded by a praefectus orae maritimae, whose headquarters were at Tarraco. K. McElderry ‘Vespasian’s Reconstruction of Spain - Addenda’ JRS 9 (1919) 91. 160 As concluded from P. Le Roux L’Armée romaine et l’organisation des provinces ibériques d’Auguste à l’invasion de 490 Paris 1982 (see Army Appendix for chapter 5). 161 Mackie Local Administration in Northern Spain 184, 190; these may have been based at Laetania.McElderry ‘Vespasian’s Reconstruction of Spain - Addenda’ 91.

162

See Army Appendix for chapter 5 and Jones ‘The Roman Military Occupation of North-West Spain’ 61. 163 The road to Narbo which passed through Geruda and Barcino was Claudian CIL 2.4954, 6242 and the road branching off at Virovesca on the great east-west highway was Tiberian CIL 2.4904-5. This road crossed the Pyrenees between Gallia and Hispania. 164 There is still great uncertainty about these roads, despite the six volumes of As grandes vias da Lusitãnia by Mário Saa. 165 Galestro towards Salmantica :Hadrianus.TP V Cos III restituit c.121 (en et lugar de Carcaboso, que esta desde Caceres a Salamanca).

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(CIL 2.4659 = ILER 1918, CIL 2.4661), 166 and between Galisteo and Carcabosa (CIL 2. 4656 = ILER 1921). Repairs were also carried out north of Capera at Oliva (CIL 2.4662 = ILER 1922) and Plasenicia (CIL 2.4669). 167 Other milestones were found at Granja (CIL 2.4668)168 and at an unidentified place (CIL 2.4678). The road at civitas Aravorum was repaired twice during Hadrian’s early reign in 118 (CIL 2.429 = ILER 6045) and in 121/2 (AE 1954, 87). At least one other imperially funded repair was in progress in 121 on the road to Myrtilis in the south of Lusitania (ILER 1903). It seems very possible that this was an important road for the safe and speedy transport of valuable mineral products from Vipasca.

The local communities were also working on this road during the same period (but to a lesser extent) at Valle de S.Cosmade (CIL 2.4867 = ILER 1823), Alemdoponte c.134? (CIL 2.4871 = ILER 1825) and Sajamonde c.133/4 (ILER 1885).172 It is uncertain (Ant.It. 19 or 20) on which road to Lucas Augusti that the repairs at San Pedro de Arxemil belong (AE 1976, 309). In direct contrast, the maintenance of via Bracara Asturicam Tertia appears to have been the complete responsibility of the local communities, which funded all the repairs in the years 133 and 134. Milestones recording this work have been found at: Galfo c.134 (CIL 2.6220, 173 Geira c.134 (CIL 2.4821 = ILER 1826), near Bobadela de Pinta c.133 (CIL 2.4860 = ILER 1827), San Torquata, Celanova c.134 (CIL 2.4849 = AE 1976, 403), near Portella de Homem (CIL 2.4839), Portladome c.134 (CIL 2.4841 = ILER 1821) 174 and Vilar dos Santos c.132/133 (AE 1974, 404 = CIL 2.4857). The milestone found at Volta do Covo (CIL 2.4825), cannot be dated. With just two exceptions, at Carrica near Portus (CIL 2.4743) and at Ramalheiras (AE 1987, 480), via Bracara Olisipem also appears to have been the responsibility of the local communities.175

The second decade of Hadrian’s reign is represented by just one milestone recording work on via Emerita Augusta Olisipem at Alemquer c.135 funded by the imperial fisc (CIL 2.4633). A great contrast occurs in Baetica, where there is very little evidence of road works during the Hadrianic era. Three milestones have been found on the new road to the marble quarries at Mons Marmorius (CILA 367) and another was found at Antequera, recording repairs made by the imperial fisc to the Malaca road c.122-123 (CIL 2.4694 = ILER 2025). 169

As with all the other roads to Bracara, the construction work took place in the middle 130s. The sections repaired included those at Bracara, c.134/5 (CIL 2.4752 = ILER 1850) and near Portus Cale 176 c.134 (CIL 2. 4736 = ILER 1849), between Bracara and Portus Cale 177 c.134/135 (CIL 2.4735 = ILER 1846), and near Villanova de Famelicão c.134/5 (CIL 2.4737-8 = ILER 1847-8). A date cannot be given to the road repair at Oiteiro, Paive castle 178 (CIL 2.6211 = ILER 1824), but it was possibly during the same period.

The roads of Tarraconensis, particularly those in the north and west, received more attention than viae Baeticae. Road works took place in the middle of Hadrian’s last decade and those that received imperial funding were mainly in the north and west. Two exceptions in the south were at Valentia where the important coastal road a Carthagine Nova ad summum Pyrenaeum was repaired by the imperial fisc during the first year of Hadrian’s reign (CIL 2.6238 = ILER 1982), and at La Cerradura between Castulo and Carthaga Nova late in his reign, c.135/6 (AE 1976, 282a).

In the north of the province a milestone found at Agreda on via conventus Cluniensis from Emerita Augusta to Caesaraugusta records repairs at Augustobriga in 131 (CIL 2.4892 = ILER 1951). Two others are from Oteiza c.132/133 (AE 1974, 412) and Callenses c.134 (CIL 2.4906, 6056 = ILER 1983) on branches of the Pompaelo road, which became via de Hispania in Aquitaniam, linking Tarraconensis and Gallia Aquitania.179

The western roads of Tarraconensis, most of which terminated at Bracara Augusta, were remade or repaired between 133 and 137. Via Bracara Aquae Flavias et Aqua Flaviis Asturicam attracted imperial funding in 136/7 for two sections at Aquae Flavia (CIL 2.4779/4780 = ILER 1853-4)170 and at Boticas 171 (CIL 2.4783 = ILER 1852).

Conclusion Imperial funding was also available for the repairs to via Bracara Asturicam Quarta between the years 133 and 134. Several milestones were discovered in the region near Pontevedra c.134 (CIL 2.4877 = ILER 1882), at Almuiña c.133 (ILER 1883) and in 134 (CIL 2.6230; ILER 1828), at Malvar near Pontevedra c.134 (CIL 2.6231 = ILER 1829), and Villaboa c.133 (ILER 1884).

There is considerable epigraphic evidence of road works, repairs and maintenance throughout the Hadrianic period in these provinces which records the cost borne by both by the local communities and by the imperial treasury.180Hadrian’s 172

ILER gives the incorrect CIL numbers for the milestones from Villaboa and Sajamonde. 173 cos IIII is incorrect. 174 This milestone has the emperor’s name in the nominative. 175 This contradicts the view held by Alarcão Roman Portugal 51. 176 The location of Cale is uncertain. It may have been either Vila Nova de Gaia or Oporto. Ibid. 51. 177 At S.Mende de Infecta (Porto) c.134/5. 178 Near the rivers Durius and Paiva. 179 The ‘Oteiza’ road continued westwards to Legio and Asturica Augusta and the ‘Callenses’ (Santacara) road went south to CaesarAugusta. 180 Formula used for ascertaining the builder of the road, see Introduction. R. M. Haywood ‘Roman North West Africa’ in ESAR v. 5 1940, 66. When the emperor’s name appears in the nominative, this indicates that for various

166

Hadrianus TP V Cos III restituit (CIL 2.4659) (dated incorrectly at 100 by Vives). HA TP ..III rest. (CIL 2.4661). 167 A stone column in Plasenicia ..in marmorario decanorum...in the small square of the goddess: Hadrianus T PV cos III restituit c.121. 168 This milestone was in poor condition but is considered to be Hadrianic: TP V Cos III restituit c .121-122. 169 The stone was found in the forum of Antiquaria in Baetica: Hadrianus TP VI .......’ deest reliquum’ c.122-123. 170 Between the crossroads at Aquae Flaviae and Bracara. 171 Although ILER 1851, 1852, 1853 all give t.p.XX for Hadrian, Vives adds a variety of dates: 135, 136, 137.

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primary interest in the first decade of his reign was the roads of Lusitania, and in the second decade he was more focussed on the roads of Tarraconensis. Those of Lusitania were repaired at the time of Hadrian’s visit and were almost certainly connected with his policies at the time. As these roads serviced the mining districts, a predominate source of wealth for the empire, imperial concern may have been prompted by economic reasons.

several parts of the northern via Conventus Clunienses. Trajanic building and maintenance work continued on this road throughout the first decade of the first century.187 Another northern road to be repaired in several places by Trajan was via Caesaraugusta c.96/101. 188 Summary At least twenty-three Trajanic milestones exist in the Spanish provinces. All but two of these milestones record that the works were funded by the imperial fisc, testifying to the importance of these roads to the empire. Most of the road construction was carried out in the north of Tarraconensis, in the region of the legionary fortress of VII Gemina, and near the mineral rich areas of Tarraconensis and Lusitania. It could therefore be assumed that Trajan’s military and economic policies determined the extent of the road works. Labour would no doubt have been supplied by the legion. During Hadrian’s reign road maintenance increased twofold, echoing the pattern of the Trajanic road works, but with greater emphasis on funding by the local communities. This enormous amount of activity appears to have come to an abrupt halt under Antoninus Pius. There is no evidence of any road building or maintenance during his reign. 189

The condition of northern and western roads of Tarraconensis was vital for the ease of troop movement from the legionary headquarters at Legio, north east of Asturica Augusta. In addition there was the consideration of safe transportation of the mineral products from the Très Minas district. The importance of the Spanish roads to the economy of the empire, and perhaps too, the lack of local wealth in Lusitania and parts of Tarraconensis, led to the imperial fisc providing approximately sixty per cent of the finance and, almost certainly, labour and expertise from the VII Gemina.

Comparison with the Road Building of Trajan and Antoninus Pius The importance of via Emerita Salmanticam in Lusitania must have prompted the large scale restorations which took place at the expense of the imperial fisc in 98/99, the first years of Trajan’s reign. Seven milestones have been found on this road.181

Conclusion Hadrian himself chose to commemorate his work in the Spanish provinces with a restitutor coin. This makes the lack of more Hadrianic civic building in the peninsula quite surprising, particularly considering Hadrian’s family connections with Baetica. Italica certainly benefited from his patronage with a beautiful nova urbs. The scope and design of this new city suggests that this may have been prompted more by an act of piety to Trajan than benevolence towards his patria.

In contrast Baetica is represented by only one Trajanic road repair, but this apparently extremely urgent work on via Augusta (vias vestutate corruptas refecit et restituit) may have involved more than the one section identified at Corduba c.98. 182 A similar situation existed on the southern roads of Tarraconensis, where there were four repairs. Two were on viae Castulonenses, one of which appears to have been more than repair work (refecit et restituit), 183 and another was on the inland road from Carthago Nova to Albacete c.98.184 The northern roads of this province received more attention. Seven were built or repaired by Trajan either in 98, the first year of his reign, or in 104, before he left for the Danube. In the far-west of Tarraconensis, on roads leading to Bracara, are the only two Trajanic road works funded by the local communities in these provinces. 185 Other sections of these roads were repaired by the imperial fisc in 104, 186 as were

Tarraconensis also receive some attention from the emperor. Hadrian’s rebuilding of the temple of Augustus at Tarraco was definitely funded personally by him, but it was a restoration that may have been politically motivated, as Hadrian’s thoughts gravitated towards the portrayal of himself as the new Augustus. A smaller, but more perplexing, choice for Hadrian’s munificence was his restoration work in the municipality of Iluga. The proximity of this city to Castulo and Linares could provide some answers, but the mystery remains. Hadrian also included Lusitania in his personal benevolence with his magnificent restoration of the theatre at Emerita Augusta.

reasons, finance was supplied by the imperial fisc. It is assumed that a similar situation existed in other provinces. 181 At Salmantica c.98 (CIL 2.4685 = ILER 1909, CIL 2.4684 = ILER 1910) and in the vicinity c. 98 (CIL 2.4679 = ILER 1915) and further south at S.Bartholoméo c.98/99 (CIL 2.6206 = ILER 1944), and nearby at Baños, c.98/99(CIL 2.4673 = ILER 1914) and Béjar (ILER 1913) and at Capara 98/99 (CIL 2.4667 = ILER 1908). 182 CIL 2. 4725 = ILER 2023. 183 This was at Úbeda c.98/99 (CIL 2.4933 = ILER 2022). The other was at at Ilugo c.98/99 (CIL 2.4934 = ILER 2021) and the third was at Cieza (north of Murcia) (ILER 2000). 184 AE 1982, 621. 185 One at Aquae Flaviae in 104 on via Bracara Asturicam (CIL 2.4782 = ILER 1842) and the other at Rubiás, Orense on via Bracara Quarta in 98 (ILER 1902). 186 At S.Thome de Caldallos (CIL 2.4796 = ILER 1819) and at Pastoria (to Aquae Flaviae) c.104 (CIL 2.4781; ILER 1843) on via Bracara Asturicam.

At Villareal on via Bracara Quarta (CIL 2.4797 = ILER 1820) and near the Roman bridge over the river Bibey (AE 1974, 402). 187 At Canales (Numantia) (CIL 2.4894 = ILER 1946, c.104/111 (CIL 2.4898 = ILER 1947). At Calderuela c.104/111 (CIL 2.4893 = ILER 1948) and Aldea del Pozo c.100 (CIL 2.4900 = ILER 1949). 188 At Alcalá de Henares c.96/98 (CIL 2.4912 = ILER 1943) and in 101 (CIL 2.4913 = ILER 1950) and at Valtierra after 97 (CIL 2.4914 = ILER 1945). 189 No evidence has been found to refute the statement made by Van Nostrand ‘Roman Spain’ v.3 196. The two milestones suggested by CIL were found to be building or statue inscriptions.

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All these buildings must have been popular decisions, but they hardly qualify Hadrian as restitutor of the three provinces. There is no evidence, contrary to the Gauls, that Hadrian’s munificence influenced local officials to imitate his actions. Known public works by Hadrian’s governors and legates are limited to those by L. Attius Macro at the legionary fortress at Legio. Few buildings can be attributed to the generosity of local officials during this period.

But if Hadrian is to be considered a true restitutor of these provinces, then it must be on account of the road building. His work was outstanding; Hadrianic roadworks began early in his reign and doubled those of the Trajanic period. The lack of road making under Antoninus Pius can only lead to the conclusion that Hadrian left the Spanish roads in an excellent state of repair. (Further research might reveal whether twenty-years’ neglect under Antoninus Pius resulted in a flurry of repairs on Spanish roads during the reign of Marcus Aurelius). 190

The change in status of communities did not take place to any large extent during the Hadrianic era, probably as a result of the widespread municipalisation during the Flavian period. Two municipalities and one colony are the only Hadrianic changes. There is increasing evidence that citizens were beginning to move their place of residence, perhaps for political reasons.

During the Hadrianic era these provinces were enormously wealthy, mainly as a result of the mineral wealth, but also agriculturally, Baetica in particular. Sufficient wine, olive oil and grain were produced in these provinces to supply the export trade. Perhaps it was because of these factors that Hadrian concentrated his energies and attention on the roads. During the first decade of his reign, at the time of his visit, the roads of Lusitania were all rebuilt and repaired by the imperial treasury and therefore must have received Hadrian’s personal approval. These roads were both necessary for the transport of mineral ore and for the movement of the army engaged in guard duties. Roadworks in Tarraconensis in the next decade of his reign were only partly funded by the treasury, the remainder being the responsibility of the local government.

As these provinces, especially Baetica, were more Romanised than many of the other western provinces, most cities had already developed their civic centres. This may account for the lack of emphasis on public building during this period. It is clear that local communities in these provinces could not depend on the dues from their priests and magistrates for sufficient building funds. In place of the taxes for office, these officials were encouraged to make donations for the honour of holding their appointments. From the evidence, it appears that there was a greater interest in the beautification of their cities with statues and the provision of feasts and games than on civic buildings.

A third reason for the maintenance of roads in first class condition was Hadrian’s awareness that the security of the empire depended on the movement of troops in a military emergency. Hadrian was anticipating potential problems, especially in Britain where reinforcements could be required quickly, and since there was only one legion, based at Legio, in these provinces, the good condition of the Spanish roads was vital.

The lack of expenditure on building may have been that Rome did not encourage public funds to be used for building purposes, preferring to use taxes in other ways. This forced communities to look for private benefactors among their wealthy citizens. Those living elsewhere, perhaps at Rome or Tivoli, generally had other priorities. It was more appealing for these expatriates to pursue either life at court or as Roman senators than to hold public office in their local community. Many of those living locally chose to build lavish villas on their estates rather than civic buildings, which required a large initial outlay, constant maintenance and often years of construction.

Although there was a great increase in the encouragement of local communities to fund their local roads in these provinces, many roads were still financed by the imperial fisc, an indication of Hadrian’s awareness of their great importance to the empire. Hadrian’s reputation was for extensive building wherever he went and perhaps the absence of road construction under Antoninus Pius may have partly contributed to the memory of intense Hadrianic building. Hadrian’s personal civic building, however, was highly selective. This could be attributed to his limited time in these provinces and the fact that his attention was predominately focussed, as always, on the security of the empire and more specifically on the reasons for his calling the assembly at Tarraco.

The comparison of Hadrianic civic building with building during the reigns of Trajan and Antoninus Pius is very interesting. The change from the extensive building during the Trajanic period to considerably less in the Hadrianic, and almost non-existent building during Antoninus’ reign, is remarkable. What is also evident is the complete absence of administrative building. The amenities of Roman life, such as baths, became increasingly popular from the early second century. Although it is doubtful whether this could be attributed directly to Hadrian, the emphasis during his reign was on recreation with the building of baths and aqueducts and the pleasure of games and spectacles. This contrasts with the emphasis during the Trajanic era on communication, including bridge building, and arches. The continued interest in religion is demonstrated by the building of temples in each reign. Hadrian’s encouragement of the new style architecture, with its greater freedom in the shape of buildings and the use of interior space, must have given some positive impetus to the design of such buildings.

The coinage certainly states quite clearly that Hadrian considered himself restitutor of the Spanish provinces. And, under the circumstances, perhaps it is remarkable that he was able to plan and execute such major projects as the nova urbs at Italica, the temple of Augustus in Tarraco and the theatre restoration at Emerita Augusta in a few short months.

190

A brief survey of the inscriptions suggests that this may have been the case.

126

Glossary of Cities and Rivers for Chapter 5 Giving the Roman names of cities mentioned in the text and their modern names if possible using the spelling of names according to Barrington Atlas. Baetica

Tarraconensis

Anticaria Antequera Aratispe Cauche el Viego Arva Alcolea del Rio Astigi Écija Aurgi Jaen Baelo Bolonia Barbesula Torre de Guadiaro Callet/Callenses El Coronil Carmo Carmona Cisimbrium Corduba Córdoba Gades Cádiz Hispalis Sevilla/Seville Ilipa Magna Alcalá del Río Iliturgicola Ipolcobulcola Isturgi Andújar Italica Santiponce Malaca Málaga Mellaria Cerro de Masatrigo Mirobriga Capilla Munigua Mulva Nescania Cortijo de Escaña Obulcula Porcuna Occur(r)i Casa de S’Lucía Onoba Huelva Osset S.Juan de Aznalfarache? Saepo Dehesa de la Fantasía Salpensa (near Utrera) nr Hispalis Singili(a) Barba Cortijo del Castillón near Antequera Tucci Herdade do Carvalhal U(gultuniacum) Azuaga Urgavo Arjona Urso Osuna

Aquae Flaviae Chaves Asturica Augusta Astorga Aurgi Municipium Flavium Jaen Baetulo Badalona Baria/ Bara? Barcino Barcelona Bracara Augusta Braga Brigantium La Coruña (Torre de Hércules) Caesaraugusta Zaragoza Calagurris Loarre? Carthago Nova Cartagena Castulo Clunia Peñalba de Castro Damania Dertosa Tortosa Dianium Denia Egara Terrassa Ilugo Santisteban del Puerto Ilurco Eras de San Martin Isona Lérida Labitulosa Cerro del Calvario Leiria Liria Legio León Libisosa Limici/Forum Limicorum Monte do Viso Martorell (near Tarraco) Numantia Soria Pompaelo Pamplona (Portus) Cale Vilanonva da Gaia Saguntum Sagunto Segovia Tarraco Tarragona Valentia Valencia

Lusitania

Rivers

Alcántara (on the Tagus) Alconétar (on the Tagus) Almedilla /Amedina? (Civ.)Araviorum Deveza/ Marialva Augustobriga Talavera la Vieja (B)Aesoris Castro Marim nr Balsa Tavira Capera Caparra Conimbriga Condeixa-a-Velha Deveza ( nr Marialva) Ebora Évora Emerita Augusta Mérida (Iulia) Myrtilis Mertola Lac(c)obriga Lagos Mirobriga Santiago de Caçém Moura Norba Cáceres Olisipo Lisbon/Lisboa Ossonoba Faro Pax Iulia Beja Salmantica Salamanca Vipasca Aljustrel

Anas Guadiana Baetis Guadalquivir Durius Douro Ebro Ebro Tagus Tejo

127

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Chapter 6 The Provinces of North West Africa Africa Proconsularis, Mauretania Tingitana and Mauretania Caesariensis

Chapter 6 The Provinces of North West Africa Africa Proconsularis, Mauretania Caesariensis and Mauretania Tingitana in Africam transiit ac multum beneficiorum provinciis Africanis adtribuit (SHA Hadr. 13.4-5)

Although the claim is that Hadrian visited more provincial cities than any other emperor and built in practically all of them (SHA Hadr.19.2/9; Dio 69.3), this statement by the vita suggests that he was particularly generous to the provinces of Africa. 1 The three North West African provinces, which stretched along the southern shores of the Mediterranean from Syrtis Major in the east to the Atlantic in the west, were the prosperous Africa Proconsularis and the two more volatile Mauretanias. 2

contribution, from the literary texts, the numismatic, epigraphic and other archaeological evidence. Hadrian’s possible visit in 123 One of Hadrian’s first actions as emperor, even before he had left Antioch for Rome in 117, was to send Q. Marcius Turbo to deal with the trouble in Mauretania (SHA Hadr. 5.2, 8, 9). 4 This was obviously an ongoing problem as several years later, when Hadrian was in Spain or Gaul in 122/123, there was another revolt of the Mauri. 5 With only one legion garrisoned in these provinces 6 it seems feasible that Hadrian, with his reputation for moving more swiftly and covering more area than any other emperor (SHA Hadr. 13.5), could have gone briefly to Africa in 123.

Peace and prosperity in the empire were of great importance to Hadrian, and as Africa Proconsularis was one of four provinces which supplied annona to Rome, and was a major source of basic food for Rome, peace in these provinces was particularly important.3 It was therefore inevitable that Hadrian should turn his attention to his North West African provinces at the slightest hint of unrest.

The question of his presence in Mauretania at this time has generated considerable speculation and disagreement. Supporting Hadrian’s presence are two comments made in the vita (SHA Hadr. 7-8). The first, motus Maurorum compressit, implies Hadrian’s personal intervention, but is considered ambiguous, and the second, a senatu supplicationes emeruit, is seen as proof of Hadrian’s participation in suppressing the revolt. 7 Even so, the senate did give credit for military victory to an emperor regardless of his presence.8

Hadrian in these Provinces as Emperor A response to a revolt of the Mauri in 123 may have precipitated the first of two imperial visits alluded to by the literary evidence (SHA Hadr. 12.7). The second was in the summer of 128 when he reviewed his African troops (CIL 8.2532,18052). In both instances Hadrian’s stay was limited to a matter of months, and in each case the emperor had a military objective and consequently little time for the benevolence suggested by the vita. He was nevertheless the first Roman emperor to visit these provinces,

Hadrian’s road making at Carthage (CIL 8.2092, p.865) and the decision taken at that time to transfer the legionary headquarters from Theveste to Lambaesis in late 123 or early 124 have been seen as evidence of this earlier visit.9

Hadrian’s presence may well have been the catalyst for increased building activity, and confirmation will be sought of all Hadrianic building, in addition to Hadrian’s personal

4

The dismissal and execution of the Moorish general Lusius Quietus in 118 may have caused the unrest. Diplomas found at Thamusida and Rapidum are of troops discharged in 118: AE 1913 157. Cohorts of the III Augusta stationed in small forts across Mauretania were assisted by various auxiliary units in putting down the Mauri uprisings. 5 The discharge diplomas of 124,129,132,130 have been considered as evidence that the revolt of 122/3 was the last Mauri uprising of Hadrian’s reign. P. Romanelli Storia delle province romane dell’Africa Roma 1959, 338. 6 In 128 the three North West African provinces were protected by one legion, the III Augusta assisted by a large number of auxiliaries (see Army Appendix for chapter 6). It was the only legion in these provinces for nearly three hundred years. 7 J. Dürr Die Reises des Kaisers Hadrian Wien 1881, 37-42; W. Weber Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Kaisers Hadrianus Leipzig 1907,117; B.W. Henderson The Life and Principate of the Emperor Hadrian London 1923, 84. The troops were the cohors IV Vindelicorum: Romanelli Storia delle province romane dell’Africa 335-6. 8 R. Chowen ‘The problem of Hadrian’s visits to North Africa’ CJ 65 (196970) 323. 9 Dürr 37f. Support for Hadrian’s four month journey to Thabracha, Rusicade, Cirta, Choba and Quiza: Romanelli Storia delle province romane dell’Africa 339.

1

‘Africa’ is taken to refer to the three Hadrianic provinces of North West Africa: SHA Hadr.13.4-5. 2 Africa Proconsularis had been part of the empire since Carthage was destroyed in 146 BC. Claudius created the Mauretanian provinces of Caesariensis and Mauretania Tingitana in AD 44 (Dio 60.8-9). Mauretania was in revolt after the murder of their king by Caligula and his attempt to annex the country (Pliny NH 5.2). Numidia became a province independent of Africa Proconsularis during the reign of Septimius Severus, between 193 and 211. R.T. Ridley History of Rome: A Documented Analysis Rome 1987, 534; (ILS 9488); Possibly under Q. Anicius Faustus (PIR 2 A 595): H.-G. Pflaum Libyca 5 (1957) 74. H. Jouffroy La construction publique en Italie et dans l’Afrique romaine Strasbourg 1986, 201.For further discussion see B.E.Thomasson Fasti africani Stockholm 1996, 170-6. 3 Other provinces supplying annona were Egypt, Sicily and Spain. At first annona was wheat or a cereal crop, in later years oil was added. Annona was used for various purposes: it was either given freely to the Roman people or to the army as a substitute payment for officials or sold at a reduced price. R.M. Haywood ‘Roman North West Africa’ in ESAR v. 5 Baltimore 1940, 44.

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As the legion had moved to Lambaesis prior to this, the roadworks and the fort at Rapidum are better indicators of the emperor’s presence in 123.10 With Hadrian’s limited time in the spring of 123 and the Parthian threat on the vulnerable eastern frontier,11 a flying visit to these provinces in 123 would have focussed on the rapid mobilisation of the armed forces to deal with a military emergency.12

Apart from Hadrian’s arrival in Carthage and his inspection of the troops at Lambaesis and Zaraï, very little is certain about the emperor’s movements in North West Africa in 128. 18 It is possible that he may have passed through Avitta Bibba, Lares, Theveste, and Thamugadi to Lambaesis and returned by the coastal road (recently restored by Sex. Iulius Maior), passing through Rusicade and Cirta.19

The Evidence of the Coins

Hadrian’s visit in 128

As with all the provinces of the empire, Hadrian’s last great issue of coins provides a glimpse into Hadrian’s own retrospective view of his achievements. The coins for these African provinces provide a few surprises and are very interesting. Africa Proconsularis is treated as the province of Africa, but the two Mauretanias are combined as Mauretania. ‘Africa’ and ‘Mauretania’ each received three coins of a possible four and these six cover all the coin types. Those minted for Africa (Proconsularis) were the adventus, restitutor and ‘province’, and those for the Mauretanias were the adventus, exercitus and ‘province’.

The visit of 123 may be controversial, but there can be no doubt that Hadrian left Rome for these provinces in the late spring of 128.13 He spent the early summer months in these provinces and had returned to Italy by August.14 His arrival at Carthage attracted considerable attention as it coincided with the first rains for five years (SHA Hadr.13. 4). Hadrian’s immediate concern, as with many of his early journeys, was the security of his empire. An inspection was organised of his army and the new legionary fortress at Lambaesis where, over a period of six days from 1 July 128, Hadrian reviewed and addressed several military units (CIL 8. p.283). Amongst these was the auxiliary cohors II Hispanorum equitata, which the emperor complimented on its exceptional building skills.15 On 7 July Hadrian inspected the cohors I Flavia equitata 16 at Zaraï (CIL 8.18.042). From there the emperor proceeded to an unknown destination, perhaps Castellum Phuensium, on 12/13 July to review the ala I Pannonorium and the cohors VI Commagenorum equitata.17

The adventus coins for both provinces are further proof of Hadrian’s presence in Africa Proconsularis and in at least one of the two Mauretanias, but they do not clarify whether both Mauretanias are included or the number of Hadrian’s visits to these African provinces. 20 On all the adventus coins both Africa and Mauretania wear the elephant skin headdress. 21 This cannot therefore be accepted as a symbol for only Mauretania being ‘warlike’. 22 The military aspect of Africa is further emphasised by her short military chiton and vexillum. 23 This could be in recognition of the activities of III Augusta, particularly at the time of Hadrian’s visit(s).

The inscription on the base of a commemorative column at Lambaesis which contains excerpts of his five speeches to the legion and auxiliaries is indisputable evidence of these events (CIL 8.2532,18,042 = ILS 2487).

Whereas Mauretania on the ‘province’ coin is still a military figure wearing a short tunic, carrying one or two javelins and leading a horse, 24 there is no suggestion of anything military in the personification of Africa on this coin type. Instead Africa is depicted as a productive and

10

Road building from Theveste to Carthage, roads near Rapidum: BAC 1908,247, and fort building at Rapidum: CIL 8.20833. Ibid. 335f. Support of Hadrianic fort at Rapidum in 122, construction of roads from Rapidum to Thanaramusa and from Rapidum to Auzia, and renovation of road between Saldae and Sitifis in 124. J. Baradez Fossatum Africae Paris 1949, 155. 11 H. Halfmann Itinera Principum Stuttgart 1986, 197. 12 Unaware of the evidence of Quinctianus’ inscription (n.13) Henderson considered a visit to Mauretania in 123 to have been Hadrian’s only visit to this region: Henderson The Life and Principate of the Emperor Hadrian 84, 287. 13 A brother, T. Caesernius Statius Quinctius Macedo Quinctianus, was Hadrian’s companion on a journey to the east and Illyricum (AE 1957, 135 = Sm.195). L. Iulius Vestinus, who replaced Suetonius as ab epistulis, may also have accompanied Hadrian to Africa. A.R. Birley Hadrian. The Restless Emperor !995, 205. 14 Hadrian was met by the senate’s ambassador, praetor P. Cluvius Maximus Paullinus (AE 1940 99), and left almost immediately for the east (SHA Hadr.13.6), and was in Athens by October that year. 15 This was a special compliment as detachments of the unit were serving elsewhere and their numbers were reduced as a result. A. Garzetti From Tiberius to the Antonines: A History of the Roman Empire AD 14-192 (tr) J.R.Foster London 1960 repr.1974, 395. 16 This is the name reconstructed from the mutilated inscription. 17 Halfmann Itinera Principum 192. Castellum Phuensium (Phua, near Cirta) was perhaps the inspection ground of ala I Pannoniorum and the camp of cohors VI Commagenorum equitata. Romanelli 1959, 338-9. Hadrian’s speech to ala I Pannoniorum mentions that part of their inspection would take place on the parade ground of cohors VI Commagenorum equitata indicating that the auxiliaries united for manoeuvres. M. Le Glay ‘Les Discours d’Hadrien à Lambese (128 Apr.J.C)’ in J.Fitz (ed.) 11th International Limes Congress Budapest 1972, 550-551.

18

A possible route may have been from Carthage, Utica, Turris Tamalleni, along the border to Lambaesis and Zarai and inland in Mauretania travelling back along the coast to Carthage. 19 Garzetti From Tiberius to the Antonines 395. 20 They both show Hadrian togate holding a roll. He stands facing the personified provinces by an altar with a bull. This is symbolic of the religious ceremony that took place on Hadrian’s arrival. 21 1664-6 (and the elephant skin headdress: 1667),1668-1669: H. Mattingly Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum v.3 London 1936, 4945; similar description with Mauretania wearing an elephant skin headdress: 897, 898, a victim 899, 900, holding corn ears: 901, 902 (586:with headdress, 584:without) H. Mattingly & E.A. Sydenham RIC 5 Part 2; P.L. Strack Untersuchungen zur römischen Reichspragung des 2. Jahrhunderts II:Die Reichspragung zur Zeit des Hadrian Stuttgart 1933, 757; C. Foss Roman Historical Coins London 1990, 115, (52). 22 Mattingly BMC v.3 clxxvii. 23 J.M.C. Toynbee The Hadrianic School A chapter in the History of Greek Art Cambridge 1934, 34-5. Usually Africa is a draped standing figure holding a patera over a garlanded altar and corn ears in her left hand. Mattingly BMC v.3, 487-88, 1628- 33, (Cohen 12); Mattingly & Sydenham RIC 5 Part 2, 573 pl.40, 872, 873, 874. Africa holds no palm: 875; Strack: 739, 740, 740a, 741; Foss Roman Historical Coins 115, (79). 24 There are five variations of this coin. Toynbee The Hadrianic School, 124; Mattingly BMC v.3, 512-514, 1758 - 1764 (reversed on 1760) 17651768 (1766: only one javelin); Mattingly & Sydenham RIC 5 Part 2: 623 pl.43, 854-860; Strack: 720-26; Foss Roman Historical Coins, 117, (54).

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civilised figure, reclining by a basket of corn and holding a scorpion and cornucopia in her hands.25

The legate of III Augusta, no longer under the jurisdiction of the governor, 31 commanded the legion and the interior from the legionary fortress of Lambaesis.32

The exclusion of ‘Africa’ in the exercitus coin type is difficult to explain, especially as the only legion in these provinces was garrisoned in this province. Possibly Mauretania, with only auxiliary units, was honoured with an exercitus coin because Hadrian was particularly appreciative of the role these units played in quelling the Mauri rebellions.26

The wealth and stability of Africa Proconsularis made the post of governor one of the most sought after in the empire. At the time of Hadrian’s visit c.128 the governor was either L. Stertinius Noricus 127/128, or Q. Ninnius Hasta 128/129. None of the assistant legati is known.33 The legionary commander was Q. Fabius Catullinus c.127/129, who may have been a Spanish-Roman and well known to Hadrian. 34

The last coin type, the restitutor coin, was the most important indicator of building. As it was minted only for ‘Africa’ 27 it supports the literary account that Hadrian personally built only in Africa Proconsularis. 28

The equestrian procurators who governed the two imperial Mauretanian provinces had a variety of titles. The most usual was procurator pro legato or procurator. (The latter title causes confusion as it often refers to an imperial administrator).35 In rare cases praeses, denoting commander of the military forces, was used. During Hadrian’s visit of 128, Vettius Latro, an African Roman whose patria was Thuburbo Maius, was the procurator of Mauretania Caesariensis. 36 M. Gavius Maximus was perhaps the newly appointed governor of Mauretania Tingitana.37

Summary Unfortunately the adventus coins cannot clarify the problem concerning the number of Hadrian’s African visits, but they do prove at least one. Although the iconography of the adventus coin recognises the military aspect of Africa Proconsularis, the issuing of the exercitus coin only for the Mauretanias echoes Hadrian’s decision to honour his auxiliary troops in other provinces where there was no legion.29

Patrocinium was an expression of allegiance to Rome for the legates.38 As a result, there is no doubt that the cities of these provinces benefited from their governors, legates and procurators 39 who built not only on behalf of the imperial fisc, but also as private individuals and as patrons of communities.40

The ‘province’ coin depicting a prosperous Africa supports the importance of this province a major supplier of food for Rome and the ‘exercitus’ coin for ‘Mauretania’ suggests Hadrian’s gratitude to the auxiliaries of those provinces.

The Status of Communities and the effect on Public Building

A further examination of the archaeological and epigraphic evidence for Hadrianic civic building will either verify or disprove the evidence of the restitutor coin.

When the local tribes exchanged their nomadic life for a permanent location, a Roman military official was appointed to supervise the process, ceasing his duties after the establishment of urban life. The settlement then became a civitas with its own local magistrates. It was an indication of the acceptance of the Roman system as well as of the growth in the local economy.

The Administration: Governors and Legates After the reorganisation of Africa under Gaius, c.39/40 (Tac.Hist.4.48, Dio 59.20.7), a proconsular governor, assisted by two praetorian legati (who each supervised a separate district), administered the coastal area of the senatorial province of Africa Proconsularis from Carthage. 30

31

Ibid. III Augusta was previously stationed at Ammaedara and Theveste, and moved to its permanent headquarters at Lambaesis towards the end of Trajan’s reign. 33 See B.E. Thomasson Laterculi praesidium, Gothenburg 1982, 371f; Fasti Africani Stockholm 1996. 34 CIL 8.2533: B. Thomasson ‘Praesides provinciarum Africae’ opus Rom. 7 (1969) 182; R. Syme ‘The career of Valerius Propinquus’ in A.R. Birley (ed) in Roman Papers 5 Oxford 1988, 603. 35 J.E. Spaul ‘Governors of Tingitana’ Ant. Afr. 30 (1994) 255. 36 M. Vettius Latro (PIR V 332) served with Hadrian in II Adiutrix. 37 M.Gavius Maximus (PIR2 G104) assumed this office c.129-132 (just after Hadrian’s visit): Thomasson Fasti Africani 227. 38 P.I. Wilkins ‘Legates of Numidia as Municipal Patrons’ Chiron 23 (1993) 189. 39 For their identification: Thomasson Laterculi praesidium 371f; Fasti Africani; W. Eck ‘Jahres- und Provinzialfasten der senatorischen Statthalter von 69/70 bis 138/9’ Chiron 12 (1982) 281-362; Chiron 13 (1983) 147237; R. Syme ‘Hadrianic Proconsuls of Africa’ in A.R. Birley (ed) Roman Papers v.3 1984; ‘The Umidii’Historia 17 (1968) 92; BCTH (1904)202f ; J.E. Spaul ‘Governors of Tingitana’ Ant. Afr. 30 (1994) 235-260. For the buildings and dedications of the Hadrianic governors and their legates see sections on civic building and military building. 40 Inscriptions were often erected by the local authority and did not always mention patrocinium. For epigraphic evidence of patronage at Thamugadi, Cirta, Cuicul, Diana Veteranorum, Verecunda and Lambaesis, see Civic Building and Wilkins ‘Legates of Numidia as Municipal Patrons’ 56-192. 32

25

On some aurei Africa is semi-naked and partially leaning on a lion. Toynbee The Hadrianic School 34-5; Mattingly BMC v.3, 506, 1707-1714; Mattingly & Sydenham RIC 5 Part 2: 840,841; Africa holds corn ears and cornucopiae – no basket: 842; Strack: 708-10; Foss Roman Historical Coins, 115 (81). 26 Toynbee The Hadrianic School 124. Hadrian is shown on horseback haranguing three or four soldiers who carry standards and a spear. The first two carry standards, the third a spear. Mattingly BMC v.3, 501, 1681. Hadrian haranguing three (924) or four soldiers (925): Mattingly & Sydenham RIC 5 Part 2; Foss Roman Historical Coins 115, (53); Strack: 802-4. 27 Hadrian raises the kneeling Africa who wears civilian dress and the elephant skin head-dress, and holds two or three corn ears, in the centre the three corn ears growing perhaps represent Hadrian’s restoration of the land. Toynbee The Hadrianic School 34; 1786- 1791 (1787-8: 2 corn ears), 179296, Hadrian bare-headed (1795 with 2 corn ears). Mattingly BMC v.3, 518; Mattingly & Sydenham RIC 5 Part 2: 940-2; Strack: 768/9; Foss Roman Historical Coins 115(80). 28 See below Hadrianic Civic Building. 29 Two examples in the western provinces are Raetia and Noricum. 30 The districts supervised by these two legati were the Carthaginian and Hipponensian. The existence of a third in Tripolitania (IRT p.8) has now been discounted: D.J. Mattingly Roman Tripolitania London 1995, 56.

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Local communities were able to retain many of their customs and social organisations, and there was the opportunity for the wealthy to assume an active rôle in local administration as magistrates known locally as sufetes. From the Flavian period in the Tripolitanian region of Africa Proconsularis it was possible for ambitious citizens to achieve more than the highest local magistracies of IIviri quinquennales and become equites and, by the early second century even senators.41

citizenship, or those that were granted the new Latium maius, which gave Roman citizenship to the decurions and their families in addition to the duoviri and their families. Gigthis (of the Cinthii) was so eager for the change that it applied twice to Rome for the privilege (CIL 8.p.2293, 22737; ILS 6780), 46 but Hadrian may have granted this only to Thisiduo (CIL 8.14763= ILS 6781).47 Many uncertainties surround African Hadrianic municipia and few can be dated accurately. Two inscriptions at Althiburos, however, testify that it was a Hadrianic municipium. One gives its new title (CIL 8.27769) and a fragment on an arch near the forum names Hadrian as conditor municipi c.128/137 (CIL 8.1825 = 27775). Avitta Bibba has a similar but more intact inscription of the same date c.137 (CIL 8.799). Some inscriptions have no dates such as those at Abthugni (CIL 8.11206, 23085) and Bisica Lucana (CIL 8.799, 12292).

As public buildings were required, there was the added prestige for wealthy individuals to become benefactors of their communities and beautify their cities. Finance for building has been discussed in the Introduction. Often the summae honorariae, or legitimae, the admission fees or dues of the various magistracies and priesthoods, were the most important source of income for cities and the wealth of these officials was therefore crucial. Patronage was vital for cities and patrons were chosen by the ordo.42

Others have only vague Hadrianic claims and in the case of Civitas…iana the inscription c.135/8, may not necessarily confirm a new municipium (CIL 8.23945). The claim of municipium Aelium Sua is based on its name (CIL 8.929 p.118). Naraggara, according to Gsell, was a municipality as proven by the mention of pontifex (ILAlg.1189. p.111) and that it was a place of some consequence during this period.48

As in other provinces, the local magistrates were responsible for collecting taxes for Rome, and local communities were a source of military recruits.43 Despite these advantages for Rome, there is no evidence that municipal or colonial status was forced on provincial cities. During Hadrian’s reign many African communities, mainly in the Bagradas and Miliana valleys, were able to demonstrate an effective administrative organisation and a sound economy and were permitted to change their status. In contrast to the cities in the northern part of Africa Proconsularis, the smaller cities within the territorium of Lepcis failed to develop in status.44 Changes in status are important as they could encourage additional expressions of pride by new magistrates in their cities and manifest as buildings or statues.

Perhaps Thizika achieved a long overdue elevation to municipium in this period (ILAfr.r.432), and Thuburbo Maius may also have been Hadrianic (Liar. 244 = ILTun 699). Turris Tamelleni (centre of the Nygbenii) has an inscription to support its claim: …divo] Hadrian[o] conditori municip[i] (CIL 8.83). Both the location and status of Ulisparra are unknown, but it was either a Hadrianic municipium or colonia 49 and the city of Zattara may have been a municipium (ILAlg. 1.533). There is some doubt over several other claims for elevation in status of cities by Hadrian.50

Africa Proconsularis Hadrianic changes in status Civitates There are no certain Hadrianic civitates. Tepelte was a civitas from Hadrian’s time until Gordian’s but its date is unknown (CIL 8. 12248 & CIL 8.Sup.pt.1 p.1261). An inscription of 129 records the existence of vicus Haterianus but no information on a civitas (CIL 8. 23125).45

Coloniae Hadrian created several colonies, among which were Bulla Regia, possibly elevated for economic reasons due to its position on the commercial route from Simitthu to the port of Thabraca (CIL 8.25522),51 Utica, near Carthage (CIL 8.1181) and Zama Regia (CIL 8. 23601, 6.1686). A

Municipia Hadrianic municipalities were either municipia, whose office bearers of and their families were granted Roman

46

It may have been elevated to municipium under Antoninus Pius: A.R. Birley in a review of J. Gascou La politique municipale de l’empire romain en Afrique Proconsulaire de Trajan à Septime-Sévère Rome 1972, in JRS 64 (1974) 239. 47 Thisiduo and Gigthis became full municipalities within a short time. Broughton The Romanization of Africa Proconsularis 149. Gigthis became an Antonine municipium. J. Gascou ‘La politique municipale de Rome en Afrique du Nord de la mort d’Auguste au début du IIIe siècle’ ANRW II.10.2 (1982) 192. 48 A marble inscription found at Lambaesis near the praetorium gives Naraggara as the patria of a number of soldiers who entered service under Hadrian (CIL 8.18085). 49 Gascou ‘La politique municipale de Rome en Afrique du Nord’ 190. 50 A further three, Thapsus, Avitina and Thambes, have been suggested: X. Dupois ‘Nouvelles promotions municipales de Trajan et d’Hadrien A propos de deux inscriptions récemment publiées’ ZPE 93 (1992) 130. 51 Colonia Aelia Hadriana Augusta Bulla Regia. Gascou ‘La politique municipale de Rome en Afrique du Nord’ 182.

41

Mattingly Roman Tripolitania 57. Lex Malacitana LXI and Lex Coloniae Genetivae Iuliae XCVII and CXXX. B.H. Warmington ‘The Municipal Patrons of Roman North Africa’ PBSR 11 (1954) 49. 43 Hadrian’s policy was to recruit armies from their homeland, and station them there. The protection of their families and properties became an incentive to enlist. Detailed inscriptions giving the names of soldiers of III Augusta show that after Hadrian most were of African origin: CIL 8.2565, 18067-8. T.R.S. Broughton The Romanization of Africa Proconsularis London, Oxford 1929, 147. 44 Lepcis became a municipium in c.74 and a colonia in 109. Mattingly Roman Tripolitania 57. 45 … Hadriano Aug pontific max trib pot XIII cos III pp cives Romani qui vico Hateriano morantur 42

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recently discovered inscription has added Canopitana to this list (CRAI 1979, 404) which also includes Uthina, perhaps already a colony but given special favour by Hadrian c.134 (ILS 6784).52 It appears that Lares definitely became colonia during Hadrian’s reign (CIL 8.1779) but the colonial status of Thaenae cannot be dated conclusively (CIL 8.22797). 53

the local dignitaries to beautify their cities and perpetuate their memories through local building programmes. The privileges of belonging to a colony or municipality were still highly regarded and the burdens of public office had not yet manifested themselves.57

The Mauretanian provinces

The cities of Sabratha, Oea and Lepcis Magna58 are excellent examples of the enormous changes that occurred in Roman architecture in the second century. Much of this was due to Hadrian’s promotion of marble as a building material and his introduction of the new style of architecture which was becoming the standard throughout the Roman empire. Although this lacked the charm of the limestone architecture which preceded it, an independent style of decoration evolved in these provinces known as ‘exuberant baroque’. 59 In spite of the large vaulted spaces that the increased use of concrete allowed, the new style of architecture never attained the same popularity in these provinces as it did elsewhere in the empire.

Building Materials and Labour

Pre Hadrianic changes in status Romanisation and urbanisation in these provinces were well advanced by Hadrian’s reign and many cities had already acquired municipal or colonial status. Hadrianic foundations are important for the impetus they provided for public building, but as some foundations were late in his reign, buildings as a result of earlier changes, possibly Trajanic, should also be sought. There are nine possible Trajanic municipia: Capsa (c.105/117), Calama (ILAlg. 285), Cillium (CIL 8.11,26), Diana Veteranorum, 54 Hadrumentum (CIL 8.6.1687), Leptis Minus, Lepcis Magna c.110 (IRT 353, between Trajan and Septimius Severus), Madauros, Thuburscu Numidarum (ILAlg.1240), and seven coloniae: Chullu, Cuicul, Lepcis Magna, Milev, Rusicade, Thamugadi, Theveste.55

Marble and stone Pliny mentions Numidian marble (NH 5.22), the highly prized yellow marmor Numidicum also known as giallo antico, a great favourite of Hadrian who used it in many buildings and as gifts for several cities. 60 This marble was used predominantly for pavements and veneer work and occasionally for small columns. It was quarried at Simitthu and taken down river to Utica for export (CIL 8.14600; 25639) 61 and it is possible that the nearby colonia Iulia Augusta Numidica Simitthus was founded as a source of labour and protection for these quarries.62

Hadrianic changes Choba appears to have been the only Hadrianic municipality in Mauretania Caesariensis (Sm. 510) and Tipasa its only Hadrianic colony (AE 1958,128).56 There were no changes of status in Mauretania Tingitana during this period. Summary

Several other coloured marbles were quarried in these provinces, but only in sufficient quantity to supply the local market. 63 One of the more famous was the rare black marble quarried at Djebel Filfila,64 twenty-three kilometres east of the coastal city of Rusicade, a port used for the

Hadrian continued the work of his predecessors in the creation of municipalities and colonies in North West Africa. His foundations were predominately in the north east of the province, with very few in Mauretania Caesariensis and none in Tingitana. In comparison with Trajan’s efforts at urbanisation, the creation by Hadrian of possibly fifteen new municipalities, and perhaps eight new colonies, suggests a fifty percent increase both in new municipalities and new colonies.

57

This became increasingly apparent from the time of Hadrian. R. DuncanJones Structure and Scale in the Roman Economy Cambridge University Press 1990, 168. 58 These were the three major cities of Tripolitania, which became a province at the end of the third century. 59 J.B. Ward-Perkins Roman Imperial Architecture London, 1970 repr.1990, 376-8 60 It was used for columns at Hadrian’s villa at Tivoli: CIL 8.7927 n.3, at Anzio: CIL 15.7926, and for exedrae columns, paving and veneer in the Pantheon. Gifts of this marble played a large part in Hadrian’s munificence. He gave a hundred columns to Athens for the gymnasium (Paus.1.18.9) and twenty to Smyrna (IGRR 4.1431). W.L. MacDonald The Architecture of the Roman Empire v.1 Yale 1965 rev. 1982, 97-98. J.B. Ward-Perkins, ‘Tripolitania and the Marble Trade’ JRS 41 (1951) 97. 61 M. Lepidus had introduced Numidian marble from these quarries into Rome in 78 BC: Pliny NH 36.49. It was used by Augustus in his forum and subsequently became extremely popular. Ward-Perkins RIA 33. (The river Medjerda: Ward-Perkins ‘Tripolitania and the Marble Trade’ 96). These quarries had passed into imperial ownership after the annexing of the client kingdom in 46. 62 Ibid. 63 Some were quarried at Djebel Mahouna, Djebel Klab, Djebel Raouass and Djebel Oust A. Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces Warszawa 1983, 14. 64 White marble was mainly quarried at Djebel Filfila. Ward-Perkins, ‘Tripolitania and the Marble Trade’ 91.

The effect of these changes should manifest itself in a corresponding increase in public building. The change of status would have encouraged the enthusiasm and desire of

52

Colonia Aelia Hadriana Augusta Zama Regia. Ibid.188. Colonia Aelia Augusta Lares and colonia Aelia Augusta Mercurialis Thaenitanorum. Ibid. 188, 190; Broughton The Romanisation of Africa Proconsularis 146; Thaenae may have changed its name under Pius (CIL 8.2991): Henderson The Life and Principate of the Emperor Hadrian’ 287, 289. 54 Ibid 174-5 (see also Hadrianic military building). 55 Ibid. 168-79. 56 An inscription c.196 refers to municipium Aelium Choba and another (AE 1949,55), to divo Hadriano conditori municipii. Baradez considers that Tipasa may have been an Antonine creation (Libyca 4 (1956) 271), but Gascou compares the similarity of the title with Italica’s Hadrianic title. Gascou ‘La politique municipale de Rome en Afrique du Nord’ 180-1. 53

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shipment of Numidian marble. Pliny refers to a black stone which could be this black African marble (NH 36.135) and it is possible that this quarry was in production during the Hadrianic era. Black marble sent to Lepcis Magna during the Severan era may also have originated from this quarry. 65 Other marble quarries in Africa Proconsularis which supplied local cities were Akra near Hippo Regius, AïnSmara near Cirta and Jebel Nahli near Carthage.66 In Mauretania Caesariensis there were marble quarries at Sidi Hamza, near Pomeria and Altara and at Choua near Iol Caesarea.67

Lime/mortar

The general availability and cost of building materials were of concern to those constructing public buildings. These provinces were fortunate to have other building stone in addition to the expensive marble. In Africa Proconsularis the local stone varied considerably in quality, but there was no export trade, even of the higher grades. In some cases the amount quarried may have been limited, such as the high quality grey limestone which acquired an attractive yellow patina with age. This came from the local quarry at Ras elHamman which began production at the end of the first century BC. It only supplied Lepcis Magna and this limestone was the building material selected for the city’s better quality buildings. 68

Wood

It seems certain that many lime kilns existed in these provinces, but only one kiln, at Tipasa in Mauretania Caesariensis, has been located. 73 Bricks and Tiles The evidence is sparse, but state owned brick works are known for Mauretania and brick stamps show great activity in this industry during the mid-second century.

Since both Pliny and Vitruvius mention the cedar wood of North Africa (Pliny NH 16.19.7, Vitr. de Arch 2.13), supply must have been plentiful and there was a flourishing export trade in the fourth century.74 The cedar came from the forests of the Altas and Aurès mountain ranges, which stretched from the north of Africa Proconsularis across Mauretania Caesariensis to Mauretania Tingitana. Sala in Mauretania Tingitana was connected with timber workers and one of its two main roads connected the city with Tingis, the capital and nearest port to Spain. 75 Other commodities used in the building industry

The neighbouring cities of Sabratha and Oea used the local soft sandstone, which required the protection of stucco. 69 Further north, limestone may have been supplied by sea to Carthage from quarries located near Tegla and Siminina. 70 Several inland cities and forts, such as Thuburbo Maius, Gemellae and Ammaedara, had access to local limestone quarries. 71

Mica, specularis lapis, found in North West Africa, was a valuable commodity for the manufacture of windows (Pliny NH 36.160). Asphalt was found in the Carthage area (Vitr. de Arch 8.3.8), and in Algeria (Strabo 17.3.11) and resin, pitch and alum may have been local products of Mauretania during Hadrian’s reign, as they were subject to border duty at Zaraï c.202 (CIL 8.4508).

In the Mauretanian provinces limestone was quarried at Malakoff, southwest of Castra Tingitanum, and at Mokada Nazizi near Iol Caesarea. Granite was quarried nearby at Aron Djouad and basalt quarried further east at Cissi.72

Labour The buildings of North West Africa indicate the presence of competent marble craftsmen whose expertise suggests an origin and training in the marble yards and quarries of the East. Conclusion

65

Two blocks of black marble resembling the marble quarried at Djebel Filfila, which were intended for the basilica, were found during the excavation of a Severan street in Lepcis Magna. They were inscribed with the name of a Praetorian prefect C. Fulvius Plautianus (IRT 530a), who may have been the owner of this quarry. Ibid. 90-92. 66 R.J.A.Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World Princeton 2000, 31. For the Jebel Nahli quarry near Carthage and those not yet located, at Djebel Orousse, Djebel Aziz: Dworakowska Quarries in Roman Provinces 69. 67 Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World 28-31. 68 It was similar to travertine in durability, but finer in texture. Ward-Perkins ‘Tripolitania and the Marble Trade’ 95. 69 Ibid. 94. 70 Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World 32-3, also J. Cintas ‘Matériaux de construction employés à Carthage’Karthago 10 1959 (1962) 137-139. 71 Stone for the Capitolium columns and the temple of Mercury at Thuburbo Maius came from Djebel Ouest. Other limestone, white, yellow and grey, and also granite were obtained locally. (The same granite was used for the Antonine baths at Carthage). P. Elouard ‘Notes sur les materiaux de construction utilisés à Thuburbo Majus’ in A. Lézine Architecture romaine d’Afrique. Recherches et mises au point. Tunis 1961, 141-2. Gemellae and Ammaedara: Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World 33. 72 Ibid. 28-30. Other stone quarries were at Aïn Schkor and Moulay Idriss. R. Etienne Bulletin d’arch. Marocaine 6 (1966) 179-330.

Wood was in plentiful supply for the building industry. Local quarries were able to supply suitable building stone for civic centres even in limited quantities and adequate river and sea transport was available. The expertise for increasing the durability of soft sandstone existed, enabling the widespread use of this material even for ambitious projects. As more marble quarries were opened, this luxury material became increasingly available. Its growing popularity brought craftsmen and skilled marble workers from the east. 73

B. Dix ‘The manufacture of lime and its uses in the western Roman provinces’ Oxford Journal of Archaeology 1/3 (1982) 346) quoting J. Baradez ‘Nouvelles fouilles à Tipasa: Les fours à chaux des constructeurs de l’enceinte’ Libyca 5 1957, 293. 74 The decrees of Valentinian and Honorius state that ‘we again invest the African shippers who bring wood for public use and necessity with the privileges formerly conceded to them’ (Cod.Theod. 13.5.10). 75 Haywood ‘Roman North West Africa’ v.5, 69.

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Labour and engineering expertise for roads, aqueducts and military installations still relied on army personnel.

to a feast given by Philoxenus and his son: Hadriano Aug PP Philoxenu[s] ni fil arcum ob [ad]lectione et cenae Phi[loxeni f]ili sui adiecta pecunia a solo fecit id[emque] dedicavit (CIL 8 25955). Another arch was at Althiburos, a municipality in the Hadrianic period (CIL 8.1825). An inscription found in front of the triumphal arch (to which it may have belonged) claims Hadrian as conditor municipi, (CIL 8.27775d). The city’s porticoed forum and monumental gates were second century and construction may have begun when municipal status was achieved (CIL 8.1828). 82 The arch at Aradi was not Hadrianic, but a badly damaged inscription was found in this city celebrating the foundations of a temple, c.131, laid in honour of the perpetual priesthood of a flamen (CIL 8.23861).

Hadrianic Civic Building This section looks at building in these provinces in the light of Hadrian’s own assessment of his work in Africa according to the coins, in addition to the impetus that his presence and example may have given the building industry, especially his encouragement of the marble trade. By Hadrian’s reign there were approximately three or four hundred cities in this region, 76 which varied considerably in origin. Some were old Phoenician settlements, even the ancient capitals of the local kings. Others were tribal capitals which had become Roman civitates, or newer cities founded as veteran colonies and military vici.

Further triumphal arches were built at Arsacal … Hadriano […]i f. Q. Potitus arcum […](CIL 8 6047), and at Avitta Bibba during the Hadrianic era. The arch at Avitta Bibba may also have been a celebration of the city’s founding by Hadrian and the given date, c.137, may have been the year of completion. The inscription (which also mentions Hadrian’s heir) has been reconstructed from seven pieces: … Hadri[ano avg.] pont m[ax trib pot XXI imp]II cos III p p [condito]ri munic[ipi]L. Aelio C[aesari Imp. Caes. Traiani Hadrian]i Aug f [trib. pot. cos.II] ..vibiae? Matidiae Au]g f Sabin[ae Augustae Imp.Caes. Traiani Ha]driani [Aug] (CIL 8.799 = 12266).83

Among the many factors that influenced the scope of public building, were the size and wealth of cities, which varied enormously particularly in the fertile region of the Bagradas. Fortunately civic building and local acts of benevolence were among the very limited ways in which wealthy Roman Africans living in the Africa Proconsularis, the mostly highly urbanised section of the entire empire,77 could dispose of their income. There was political and social advantage in such generosity, as well as community expectation.78

Some cities have strong Hadrianic connections with no known buildings from that era. One of these is the Hadrianic municipality of Bisica, where an interesting inscription, c.130, is not only the cursus of a local magistrate who was descended from a veteran of III Augusta, but is also a dedication in honour of his public offices and patronage (AE 1979, 657). There is the possibility of a late Hadrianic Capitolium at Bulla Regia. A fine statue of Hadrian was found in the southwest corner of the forum and a block of marble, dated to 134, from the imperial quarry at Simitthu, located only fifteen miles away. The Capitolium and statue perhaps celebrated the gaining of colonial status by this city under Hadrian. 84

In many cases it was a legal requirement to place details of building donations on the buildings concerned, 79 and it is fortunate that many inscriptions still exist in these provinces.80 When these obviously relate to buildings and statues they have been cited. Others, even though they exist only as fragments or are simply honorary and career inscriptions, are included for any possible contribution they can make. The archaeological and few literary references to building are used to supplement the epigraphic evidence. Africa Proconsularis Little is known of the small port of Acholla, near Thysdrus, but sufficient wealth had accumulated by the Hadrianic era for the building of highly decorated sea baths c.115/120, and the completion of the baths of Trajan erected by A. Terentius Felix.81

At Capsa, in 127, 85 P. Aelius Papirius, IIvir and flamen, dedicated a splendid arch with a statue and quadriga with part of his dues for the magistracy and priesthood to the emperor Hadrian and to P. Valerius Priscus, proconsul and patron of the city, 86: … Hadriano Aug [pont. max. trib. pot. co]s III p p P. Aelius Papir [… arcum a so]lo cum statua et quadriga ex[ HS… n ob honore]m II viratus excepta [legitima summa item ex] HS X (milibus) n(ummum) ob honorem flamoni per[petui adiectis ampli]us HS XXXII (milibus)DC n(ummum) d d fe[c. idemq. perm…]cati P.

Arches were a popular construction in Africa, especially in this region. Three fragments remain of the inscription from the arch at Aïn Golea, North West of Thignica. These refer 76

In the vicinity of Thugga there were over two hundred ‘cities’ often only ten kilometres apart. G.Ch. Picard La Civilisation de l’Afrique Romaine Paris 1959, 48. 77 J.F.Drinkwater,‘Urbanization in Italy and the Western Empire’ in J.Wacher The Roman World v.1 London 1987, 366. 78 R.Duncan-Jones ‘Wealth and Munificence in Roman Africa’ PBRS 31 (1963) 161-2. 79 Dig. 50.10.7.1. 80 The survival rate of inscriptions in these provinces was ‘probably’ better than in any other western province with the exception of some parts of Italy. R. Duncan-Jones ‘Costs, Outlays and summae honorariae from Roman Africa’ PBRS 30 (1962) 55. 81 G.Ch. Picard ‘Les thermes du thiase marin à Acholla’ Ant.Afr.2 (1968) 146-147; ‘Acholla’ CRAI (1947) 558-61.

82

A. Merlin Forum et maisons d’Althiburos Notes et Documents 6, Paris (1913) 24-34. 83 This inscription incorrectly suggests Vibia and not Salonia as the praenomen of Matidia Augusta, the mother of Hadrian’s wife Vibia Sabina. The date of Sabina’s death is also problematic: CIL 8 part I p.100. 84 A beautiful statue of Hadrian was discovered in the SW of the forum. P. Quoniam ‘Fouilles récentes à Bulla Regia’ CRAI (1952) 464 460-472. 85 For the date of the arch: Jouffroy La Construction publique en Italie et dans l’Afrique romaine, 221. 86 This inscription could have a later date as P. Valerius Priscus’ (PIR V 116) proconsulship has been revised from 127 to 137: Thomasson Fasti Africani 58; Eck Chiron 13, 213.

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baths, an arch and temple.96 Unfortunately although these buildings cannot be identified as Hadrianic, two inscriptions were found from two statue bases, one of probably of Hadrian’s wife, Sabina (CIL 8.8317), and the other of her sister Matidia (AE 1911, 109). The legate, Q. Planius Varius Ambibulus is recorded as a patron of the city, c.132 (ILS 9486 = AE 1911, 111 = 1966, 545). 97

Valeri Pri(sci) [proc]os c v pa[tr]oni municipii ded. (CIL 8.98). At Carpis a husband, wife and their son, dedicated a marble building and a statue at the sanctuary of Caelestis, ob honorem for their priesthoods and magistracy, and gave a day of games, c.129 (CIL 8.993). Hadrian’s visit of 128 began at Carthage, the provincial capital and residence of the proconsul of Africa. 87 The emperor received an enthusiastic welcome from the Carthaginians, as his arrival coincided with torrential rains that broke a five-year drought (SHA Hadr. 22.14). This was perceived as an auspicious event, for not only did the wealth of Carthage depend on its vibrant agricultural industry, but Rome also relied on Africa for annona. This may have been the catalyst for Hadrian’s decision to build the enormous aqueduct from Mt Zaghouan to Carthage.88 The grateful Carthaginians adopted, if only briefly, the name Hadrianopolis for their city (SHA Hadr.20 4-6).

There was a Hadrianic temple at Hr.Kasbat (vicus of Gemellae?): Dianae Aug. Sacrum Pro salute Imp. Caes. Traiani Hadriani Augusti L. Romanius p f arn Gallus voto posuit idemq. dedicavit (ILAfr. 237) and possibly an amphitheatre. 98

Carthage was also the beneficiary of a sum of money and gladiatorial games in the amphitheatre given by a magistrate (AE 1910, 78) c.133/8 (ILAfr. 390 = ILS 9406). 89 A further five days of games and the decoration of the temple of Ceres with marble and statues were pledged by a flamen (ILAfr. 384).

Trajan elevated the ancient Punic port of Hadrumentum to a municipality. Its new status may have been the incentive for the major building programme which occurred between the Hadrianic and Severan eras and included a theatre, amphitheatre, circus and baths, none of which have been identified as Hadrianic.101 The arch, however, of which only a few surviving architectural fragments remain, was built during the Trajanic/ Hadrianic period. 102

At Gigthis there was continuous building through the Hadrianic period (perhaps after receiving Latium Maius from Hadrian (CIL 8.p.2293, 22737). 99 Buildings included a decorative forum, with temples and Corinthian columns of unfluted reddish limestone on pinkish white marble bases. 100

No theatres in these provinces have been positively identified as Hadrianic, not even the theatre at Carthage with its a statue of Hadrian 90 and its extensive use of a variety of marbles. These marbles included spiral and fluted columns of marble, granite, porphyry and onyx, yellow from Simitthu and green from Sparta91 which suggest Hadrian’s encouragement and support of the marble industry.92 The grandeur of the theatre was described by the contemporary African intellectual and novelist Apuleius:93 ... et pro magnitudine frequentiae locus delectus est. praeterea in auditorio hoc genus spectari debet non pavimenti marmoratio nec proscaenii contabulatio nec scaenae columnatio,sed nec culminum eminentia nec lacunarium refulgentia nec sedilium circumferentia (Florida 18). 94 The irregular terrain of Cuicul, built for the veterans of the III Augusta in 96/7,95 resulted in city of unusual beauty. By the second half of the second century, this city had a theatre,

The Augustan municipality of Hippo Regius, once the capital of Numidian kings, became the residence of an imperial procurator. Both imperial and local officials acquired considerable wealth and were generous in their benefactions. C. Sestius Panthera, a Hadrianic administrator of local imperial estates, dedicated a marble temple decorated with columns: Sestio Panthera pro[c. Aug ] Callistus lib(ertus) tab(ularius) aedic(ulam) marm(oream) colum[nis ornatam de sua pecunia fecit?] (ILAlg.1.3991 = AE 1922, 18). 103 IIvir and aedilis, C. Salvius Fuscus, gave a sum of money ob honorem and silver statues and one with a gold crown: C. Salvius] l f Quir Fusc[us praef] fabr aedil IIvir IIvir Quinq [stat]uam argenteam ex HS LI CCCXXXV tribus libel sing terr et aeris quad cum rei p HS l prom amplius ad HS X M N legitima et HS VII M N quae in imagines argenteas Imp Caes Traiani Hadriani Aug

87

96

88

97

This was once the ancient Phoenician capital. Its cistern was the largest in the Roman world. 89 ob honorem cum HS CC mil promisisset inlatis aerar H-S xxxviii mil leg am[pliata] pec.spectaculum in amphi[theatro] gladiatorum et Africanarum Quadriduo dedit dd pp: AE 1910, 78; Gladiators and panthers were given to the amphitheatre for four days: Duncan-Jones ‘Costs, Outlays..’, 96. 90 E.L. Manton Roman North Africa Manchester 1988, ch.8. 91 P. MacKendrick The North African Stones Speak Carolina 1980, 61. 92 P. Romanelli ‘L’Africa di Sant’Agostino’ in In Africa e a Roma Rome 1981, 163. 93 Apuleius was born in Madaura and educated in Carthage. 94 “…and the place chosen for my speech is worthy of so great a multitude. Moreover, in a theatre we must consider, not the marble of its pavements, nor the boards of the stage, nor the columns of the scaenae frons, nay, nor yet the height of its gables, the splendour of its fretted roofs, the expanse of its tiers of seats.” The Apologia and Florida of Apuleius (tr) H.E.Butler Oxford 1909, 200. 95 Cuicul located strategically on the road from Cirta to Sitifis, controlled the road through the mountains of Kabylie.

Ward-Perkins RIA, 401. Wilkins ‘Legates of Numidia as Municipal Patrons’ 202. 98 Amphitheatre ruins. J.Baradez Mélanges Carcopino 55-59. 99 Broughton The Romanization of Africa Proconsularis 149. Gigthis later became municipium Gigthense under Antoninus Pius (CIL 8. 22707; ILS 6779). L.A. Constans Gigthis, Étude d’histoire et d’archéologie sur un emporium de la Petite Syrte Paris 1916, 25. 100 Ibid. 26-34 The Capitolium may have been Trajanic in origin and completed by Antoninus Pius: see below Trajanic civic building. 101 Some of this prosperity was perhaps due to Salvius Julianus, proconsul c.166-169, a citizen of Hadrumentum.. 102 L.Foucher Hadrumetum Publ. de l’Université de Tunis 1964, 147. 103 Three other reconstructions given by Gsell: Num(ini) Aug(usti) Imp(eratori) Caesari Traiano Ha[driano Aug(usto), (or) p(ontifici) m(aximo), tr(ibuniciae) p(otestatis) co(n)s(uli) II or III], C.Sestio Panthera, pro[c(uratore) Aug(usti)(or) praed(iorum) salt(us)Hipp(oniensis) et Thev(estini)], Callistus lib(ertus), tab(ularius), aedic(ulam) marm(oream) colum[nis ornatum fecit idemque dedicavit / or de sua pecunia fecit].

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... Hadriano Aug pont max trib pot II[II] 112 cos III Q. Servilius Candidus sua impensa aquam quaesit[am] et elevatam in coloniam perduxit (CIL 8.11 = ILS 5754 = IRT 357 = AE 1977, 848 = Sm. 400).

promisit suo et C. Salvi restituti fili sui nomine posuit idemque dedic cum corona aurea (CIL 8.17408 = ILAlg.1.10; ILS 5474). The wealth in the region around Hippo Regius can also be gauged from another Hadrianic inscription (CIL 8.5278, 17462 = ILAlg.1.132). Suetonius, imperial biographer and one time secretary to Hadrian, placed a marble inscription in the forum at Hippo Regius, his patria, on which he listed his three secretarial positions and his priesthood (AE 1953, 73).104

C. Bruttius Praesens, proconsul of Africa and supervisor of public works, c.134/135, 113 placed an inscription in the baths detailing his career (IRT 545). This may have accompanied a dedication, perhaps one of the many marble statues found in the baths. An inscription found in the baths c.137, could be related to the construction: …Had[riano] Aug(usto) p[on][t(ifice) max(imo) tr]ib[(unicia) pot(estate)] XI [co(n)s(ule) III p(atre)] p(atriae) P(ublius) Valerius Priscus proco(n)s(ul) per[P]opilium Cele[rem leg(atum) suum (IRT 361).114 Similarly the the large grey limestone inscription of Aemilia Iouina found in a monumental building on the west corner opposite the Chalcidium could also be connected with the baths (IRT 363).

Occasionally a link to Hadrian can be established when the name Aelia occurs, although this is generally problematic.105 One example of this uncertainty is the curia Aelia at Iulia Neapolis, where a statue was erected in memory of an augur (CIL 8.974). 106 In 128 a flamen of Hadrianic colony of Lares donated a large sum of money which was partly dedicated to a curial feast and perhaps also to a building (CIL 8.16322).107

The theatre at Lepcis Magna was an exceptionally generous gift to the city by an Augustan notable. 115 Many subsequent improvements were made to this building,116 including some during the Hadrianic period. One fragment of a cream marble inscription found in the theatre gives only Hadrian’s name (IRT 364). Further instances of the generosity of Q. Servilius Candidus could be the two brown limestone bases discovered by the stage and cavea of the theatre near the temple of Ceres (IRT 358), a seated statue of Sabina,117 and a broken marble block found near the theatre fountain (IRT 359). Both inscriptions refer to the water supply: …aquae aeternitati consuluit Quintus Servilius Candidus pecunia sua perduxit.

Fortunately at the Trajanic colony of Lepcis Magna, the major city of Tripolitania, the Hadrianic buildings can be identified. This city had two great building complexes, located along the two sides of the main axis. There was a theatre at one end and a Nymphaeum at the other. The southwest baths and gymnasium were Hadrianic but the northeast complex which incorporated the forum and basilica was Severan. There was, however, a large doubleapsed building with two rows of columns, which may have been a Hadrianic basilica. This building was renovated in 125.108 The baths at Lepcis are the earliest known monumental building in this region to have used marble as a structural material. 109 They were also the first of the imperial-style baths in Africa and were the largest baths in the Roman world at that time,110 although structurally there is little evidence of the concrete vaulting that was used in contemporary Roman bath-buildings.111 The building of the baths was made possible by the generosity of Q. Servilius Candidus, whose underground aqueduct brought water to the colony c.119/120. A grey-brown limestone inscription was found in the cistern wall, south of the Hadrianic baths:

Another cream marble inscription, c.132/133, found in the Augustan temple of Liber Pater in the old forum (IRT 362) may relate to the second century redecoration in marble.118 Marcius Vitalis made a dedication in his will to the temple of Apollo c.130, and his daughter completed his bequest by building a street and donating land for building: Deo Apollini ex HS CC milibus testamento Marcius Vitalis legatis Iunia Gaetulici filia Parata heres [...]aetum amplius adiectis HS LXXIID […] de suo aream ... stratam fecit (IRT 707). 119

112

Hadrian’s tribunician year given as IIII, which was either from 10 December 119 until 9 December 120 (IRT 357), or between 1 January until 9 December 119 (AE 1977 p.252). His third consulate was 1 January 119. 113 C.Bruttius Praesens L. Fulvius Rusticus 134-135 (PIR2 B164) (IRT 545; AE 1950, 66). 114 This appears to give the dedication as 126/127, reading Hadrian’s tribunician year as XI, but a recent and more acceptable opinion is c.137 from the proconsular date for P. Valerius Priscus (PIR V 116): B.E Thomasson Fasti Africani 58-9; Popilius Celer was legate to P.Valerius Priscus in 137 (IRT 361). Ibid 107. See n.86. 115 Three bilingual inscriptions, in Neo-Punic and Latin, on grey limestone were found in various parts of the theatre (IRT 321, 322, 323). The two latter inscriptions are identical and record that Annobal Rufus gave the theatre as a gift from to the city in AD 1/2. 116 See section Comparison with Trajanic civic building. 117 MacKendrick The North African Stones Speak 152. 118 This Augustan temple was the earliest of the three temples in the Old Forum. D.E.L. Haynes An archaeological and historical guide to the preIslamic antiquities of Tripolitania London 1959, 88. 119 For the revisions: Jouffroy La Construction publique en Italie et dans l’Afrique romaine, 214. See below Civic building of Antoninus Pius for a dedication by another Marcius Vitalis, perhaps a grandson.

104

C. Suetonio [fil] Tranq[uillo f]lami[ni ..adlecto] int[er selectos a di]vo Tr[aiano Parthico] Pont Volca[nal] I .. [ a] studiis a Byblio[thecis ab e]pistulis..[Imp caes Tra]iani Hadrian[i Aug Hipponensis Re]gii dd pp 105 It could refer to either Publius Aelius Hadrianus or Titus Aelius Antoninus Pius. 106 Memoriae M.. Numisi Clodiani dec auguris homini bono qui decedens testamento s[uo] ad remunerandos curiales curiae Aeliae HS X mil n reliquit ob honorem eius hanc statuam idem cur sua pecunia a posuer.. 107 Expenditure may also have been designated for a building, as HS 110.000 was sufficient for 100 feasts (based on the calculations of DuncanJones ‘Costs, Outlays and summae honorariae from Roman Africa’ 73). 108 The basilica. D.S. Robertson Greek and Roman Architecture Cambridge 1964, 324. The similarity to the design of the Hadrianic temple of Venus and Rome at Rome suggests a temple. 109 Ward-Perkins ‘Tripolitania and the Marble Trade’ 89. 110 There were change rooms, a palaestra with cipollino columns, lavatories, hot and cold rooms, a large open-air pool and a plunge pool lined with marble and surrounded by arches. As these baths were axially symmetrical like the Antonine Baths in Carthage this suggests the same architect and builder. Ward-Perkins RIA 398. 111 Ibid. 378.

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An early Hadrianic votive dedication to Mercury and Minerva was possibly given by the governor, M. Vitorius Marcellus c.120/121: Mercurio et Minerviae votum solvit Tullus sacaerdos ex pecunia quam a Boccio copone accepit ne cum eo ex decreto Marcelli proconsulis qui eum kalumniatorem cognoverat iniuiarum ageret (IRT 304).

d(ecurionem)(AE 1968, 586). C. Iulius Placidus, a man of considerable wealth, also made a dedication to the temple of Apollo (AE 1968, 587). In honour of his perpetual priesthood, IIvir L. Iulius Florus made a dedication to the temple of Pluto at Mustis (AE 1968, 594).122 The construction of a portico with four columns for a temple of Caelestis, which was begun at the end of Hadrian’s reign by a priest of Caelistis and Aesclepius and finished in 145, is an example of the time required to complete building works (AE 1968 595).

Two pieces of an honorary inscription found at the affluent agricultural city of Mactar give the career of C. Bruttius Praesens 134/135 (similar to one at Lepcis Magna: IRT 545). Since he was curator of public works, these may represent a dedication of a building or, as is more likely, a statue (AE 1952, 94). An inscription from the base of a statue of Sabina was found near the ruins of the aqueduct (AE 1951, 43). Nothing has been found, however, to support the vague claim for the unusual, early second century, extramural temple of Apollo.120

No date can be give to the arch at the municipality of Numluli (CIL 8.15930), but in c.124 a dedication was requested (presumably of a magistrate by the ordo), for a feast and crown: …rogatus f. eius adiecto ornamento coronae dedic. et epul est (CIL 8.15381).

A different situation exists at the Trajanic municipality of Madauros, where an informative inscription describes a temple of the gods. This small inland city had a Hadrianic flamen wealthy enough to fund this impressive building with its marble columns, underground vault and steps leading up to the porch: ...Hadriani Aug(usti) [fla]men perp aedem divorum quam ord[ ]drato cum crypta et pronavo et gradib et columnis mar (ILAlg.1.2082). Another Hadrianic inscription was found in the same place, and even though its original location and exact date are uncertain, it could be connected with the building of this temple (ILAlg.1.2081).

The restored inscription at Rouached (between Cuicul and Milev) is all that remains of an unlocated Hadrianic temple dedicated by the heirs of Q. Raecius Quadratus in 120: Numini Caelestis Aug Imp Traiano Hadrian(o) Caes Aug tr p p m cos III Q. Raecius Quadratus her(edes) temp(lum) fec(erunt) et l(ibenter) a(nimo) d(e)d(icaverunt) sibi her(edi) heridi[b]usve colendum p d VII idus Sept (CIL 8. 8239 = 20076). 123 Unfortunately the fragmented state of the only Hadrianic inscription found at the busy military and commercial port of Rusicade makes interpretation impossible. Even the date poses a problem, as Hadrian is given the title pater patriae, a title he did not accept until 128, yet his tribunate year is given as 123 (CIL 8.10877 = ILAlg. 2.14).

An unusual inscription c.121, found at the municipality of Mizeoter,121 south west of Carthage, dedicates an altar to the Imperial cult and to Mercury Silvanus: … p[ro salut]e I[mp(eratoris)] Hadriani Aug(usti) Silvano deo sac(rum) Aebuti(i) Saturninus et Victor T(iti) Aebuti(i) f(ilii) ara(m) sua p(ecunia) f(ecerunt) idemque dedicarunt (AE 1986, 718). In the same city an ornamental entrance was built for the precinct of the temple of Tellos and Ceres (CIL 8.12332).

The protective coating of stucco over the poor quality sandstone of Sabratha and Oea, 124 the two other important cities of Tripolitania, gave their traditional architecture a unique appearance. Hadrian’s popularisation of marble may have offered an alternative, and better, building material and led to the renovation of many first century buildings. 125 Nevertheless, even though the earliest marble inscription found at Sabratha could be Hadrianic, it was not until the city became a colonia under Antoninus Pius in 157, that its main rebuilding programme took place.126

The inland agricultural city of Mustis was fortunate to receive several substantial gifts and buildings, many in the attractive local yellow sandstone, from its magistrates and priests. One early Hadrianic inscription, c.117, also gives the ‘cost’ of two public offices, flamen and duovir at Mustis. C. Iulius Placidus dedicated, ob honorem, the decoration of the temple of Aesculapius with three marble statues and paintings, in addition to sacred silver vessels for the temple of Pluto: Aescula[pio Au]g(usto) sacrum Pro salute [Imp(eratoris) C]aesaris Traiani Hadriani Part(hici) Aug(usti) p(atris) p(atriae), C(aius) Iulius M(arci) f(ilius) Corn(elia tribu) Placidus, ob [honor(em) flam(onii) perp(etui)]cum sestertium) X (milia) in opus munificentiae promisisset et ob honor(em) (duum)vir[atus) (sestertium) II (milia), ad[iecta a se] [ampl]ius pecunia, templum cum statuis (tribus), marmoribus, picturis exornavit, [item, ad or]namentum templi Plutonis, urceum et lancem ex arg(enti) p(ondo) (sex) fecit idemq(ue) ded(icavit) d(ecreto)

Two North West African basilicas claim Hadrianic beginnings. The first was at Sigus, where two inscriptions, c.127/138, were found in the building itself (CIL 8.5696; 5697); the latter was a dedication to Hadrian’s wife, Sabina. The second basilica at Simitthu 127 had apses at both ends and internal piers along the walls. There is no evidence of 122

This may have been late Trajanic. Restoration given in CIL. Other suggestions include: hec = haec, temp(la) fece l(ibens) ac de(d)e, or, dele(gavi) her(edi) cet.(CIL 8. 20076 p.1893). A further interpretation: Jouffroy La Construction publique en Italie et dans l’Afrique romaine, 215. 124 Modern Tripoli covers much of the evidence of Roman construction at Oea. Nothing Hadrianic has been found, although the city experienced many second century restorations in marble. See below Civic building of Antoninus Pius and Ward-Perkins ‘Tripolitania and the Marble Trade’ 95. 125 Ibid. 126 Ibid. This inscription has not been identified or located with certainty. See Civic building of Antoninus Pius below. 127 A claim made by Professor F. Rakob to Ward-Perkins RIA, 488. 123

120

Manton Roman North Africa ch.8; H. Jouffroy La Construction publique en Italie et dans l’Afrique romaine Strasbourg 1986,210 citing G.Ch. Picard Civ. Mactar, 61,150. 121 Gens Bacchuiana = Municipium Mizeoter ( Bou Djelida /Jelida).

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any fine architectural decoration, which might be expected in a city so close to the imperial quarries that produced Hadrian’s favourite marble. Giallo antico was, however, used for the late Hadrianic inscriptions found in the amphitheatre, yet not linked conclusively with the building of the amphitheatre, which has no certain foundation date. One inscription was a dedication to Aelius Caesar c.137: Hadriani Aug[usti] Aelio Caesare II co[n]s[ule] sub cura Agathae lib[erti Augusti] ( AE 1994, 1868). The other inscription has been dated to 138 before the death of Hadrian: Hadrian(i) Aug(usti) d(e) loc(o) Camerino et Nigro co(n)s(ulibus) sub cura Agathae lib(erti Augusti) (CIL 8.25634 = AE 1994, 1869). 128

tr]ibunic potestat X cos III pp dd pp ..uariu[s] leg Aug pro pr patronus coloniae dedicavit (CIL 8.17845 = 8.2358, 2359).131 Two other legates and patrons made dedications to the colony. One was Sex. Iulius Maior, in 125/126, (AE 1954, 149) 132 and unknown dedications (CIL 8.17845) (Ant-Afr. 1989, 192). The other, an unknown patron, made a dedication in 134 (AE 1920, 121). One of the numerous imperial statues at Thamugadi was of Sabina, set up c.137 after her death and deification (CIL 8.17847). Only one possible Hadrianic building has been discovered at the Trajanic colony of Theveste (once a fortress of III Augusta). The small fragment of the inscription is too damaged to provide a positive identification of the emperor, but is tentatively Pius (CIL 8.1853). It is tempting to connect this inscription to an amphitheatre, since a local magistrate was able to offer gladiatorial games lasting five days during this period (AE 1977,859 = CIL 8.1887 = 16510 = ILAlg. 3066).

The inscription found at Sufetula could refer to the foundation of a Hadrianic temple 119 (ILAfr.124). 129 Another at Taphrura c.121 definitely records the dedication of a temple to Saturn: pro salute Imp(eratoris) Caesar(is) Traiani Hadriani Aug(usti) Taphrurenses templum Saturno impensa pub(lica) fecer(unt) cur(antibus) (AE 1983, 951). The badly damaged text found at Thabbora reveals only that it was Hadrianic, c.134. Many names are given but none can be accurately reconstructed and the nature of the dedication is unknown (CIL 8.23896). At Thagura, however, an inscription clearly identifies a public funded building as an early Hadrianic portico to the gods and cult of the emperor built in 118: Diis [patriis?] et Numini [imp] Caes divi [Nervae nepoti divi T]raiani filio Traiano [Ha]driano [Aug Germanico] Dacico Parthico pont[tif ma]ximo t[ribunic potestat]II cos II pp porticuus pp factum idemq(ue) dedica[vit] (ILAlg.1028).

Doubt exists for an alleged Hadrianic curia at Thibilis, one of the Cirta group of cities, where an inscription set up during Hadrian’s fifth tribunician year by the people could have been for either a building or a statue (AE 1907, 7).133 Another uncertainty concerning a curia is at Thuburbo Maius where the style of ornamentation identifies the building as either Hadrianic or Antonine. The decorative features were the mascot of III Augusta and acanthus foliage on the ceilings. Of the city’s many public buildings, 134 only one, the temple of Mercury built by L. Numinius Vitalis, has been proven to be Hadrianic c.118/138: Mercurio Aug. sacrum pro salute imp. Hadriani Caesaris Augusti L. Numisius aedem a solo sua pecunia fecit (AE 1961, 71 = CIL 8. 842).

The Trajanic veteran colony of Thamugadi had many public buildings that included an attractive colonnaded forum paved in blue limestone with a basilica, a large building possibly plain timber-clad or colonnaded with two tiers of Ionic and Corinthian columns. Coins found in the southeast corner of the forum suggest a Hadrianic date, but an inscription from an unknown patron of the colony, c.124, cannot be connected to the basilica (AE 1920, 121). 130 Two inscriptions record the dedications of P. Metilius Secundus (leg. leg. III Aug. c.120/123) patron of the colony, to Apollo (AE 1920, 37; CIL 8.2591 = ILS 3229), but others cannot be linked to buildings: …Hadriano Augusto] pont[ifice maximo t]rib potest. vii cos. iii] P. Met[elius Secund[us le]g. Aug. pro praetore [patron]us colo[niae d]edicavit d(ecreto) d(ecurionem) p(ecunia) p(ublica) (CIL 8.2357 = 17844). Another similar inscription was found by the east gate (AE 1985, 873).

Since Trajan had raised Thubursicu Numidarum to municipal status in 113, some Hadrianic civic buildings could be expected. Three inscriptions have been found, none with Hadrian’s tribunate year, from three different buildings or statues. The first, a marble plaque broken in two pieces, was found during the excavation of an old street (ILAlg.1248). The second, a limestone inscription, was found in the pavement of the basilica east of this street (ILAlg.1249) and the third, a tiny fragment found North West of the forum novum, may even be Antonine and not Hadrianic (ILAlg.1250). No other information is known. The impressive Claudian market at Thugga was the result of a flourishing local economy, encouraged no doubt by Thugga’s location on the busy road between Carthage and Cirta. Although it was only a civitas during the Hadrianic

Three fragments found in the forum are from the epistyle of an unknown building dedicated in 126 by patron and legate, P. [Ian]uarius: ...Hadriano Augusto [pontifice] maxim[o

131

Ianuarius, c.126, was succeeded as legatus Augusti pro praetore by Q. Fabius Catullinus, who was legate at the time of Hadrian’s inspection, 127/129 (PIR2 F25, CIL 8.2533) B. Thomasson ‘Praesides provinciarum Africae’ opus Rom 7 (1969) 182. 132 Y. Le Bohec ‘Inscription inédites ou corrigées concernant l’armée romaine d’Afrique’ Ant. Afr. 25 (1989) 192. 133 No evidence can be found for a Hadrianic curia at Thibilis claimed by MacKendrick The North African Stones Speak 204. 134 These included a Capitolium, a forum, a market and winter and summer baths.

128

Other inscriptions found in the vicinity of the amphitheatre are either 134: AE 1994, 1871 or 138: AE 1994, 1866 = CIL 8.25634; AE 1994, 1870. 129 This may be the Capitolium in the forum described by A. Merlin Forum et églises de Sufetela 7-11. 130 The construction of public buildings continued throughout the second and third centuries. These included a Capitolium, perhaps a copy of the one at Carthage; two other temples; several arches; two markets and a library (all of which had interesting curvilinear designs), and fourteen public baths. Ward-Perkins RIA 395-395.

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era (CIL 8.1479) c.118, 135 its wealth allowed the construction of several Hadrianic buildings in the vicinity of the forum. One was a complex of three temples dedicated by the prosperous Gabinii family to Concordia, Frugifer (the city deity) and Liber Pater (the Punic wine god, Shadrach): 136 Pro salute Imp Caesaris Traiani Hadriani[Aug. A. Gabinius] Quir datus patronus pagi et civitatis M. Gabinius Quir. Bass[us flamen Aug. perp. p]atronus pagi et civitatis templa Concordiae Frugiferi Liberi Patr[is cum reliquis te]mplis et xystis solo suo a fundamentis sua pecunia struxerunt in qu[od opus cum HS] L promisissent multiplicata pec consummaverunt itemq ded cura[toribus f]ortunato l instani[o] fortunato et gemello (CIL 8.26467 = 15520 = ILTun 1389 = AE 1951, 75).

third century and among its many public buildings were mid second century baths and an enormous amphitheatre.140 Influential men often set up their career inscriptions in prominent places in their hometowns and, although these might have once accompanied a building or a statue, sometimes only the inscription remains. The provincial governor, L. Catilius Severus Iulianus Claudius Reginus, 141 124/125 placed such an inscription at Thysdrus (ILAfr. 43 = AE 1913, 229) and Q. Lollius Urbicus, later governor of Britannia, placed one at Tiddis, his patria (CIL 8.6706). At Tipasa (Tifech) a priest endowed a temple of Victory c.118/138: Victoriae Reginae numini Hadriani...Ulpius Namphamo qui templum iussit fieri ipse est sacerdos (CIL 8.17142 = ILAlg.1.1984). The cives Romani paid for a statue honouring the imperial cult c.128 (CIL 8.17143 = ILAlg. 1.1985). 142

Another inscription, found near the Capitolium, commemorated their dedications of marble, statues and decoration to the temples of Concordia, Frugifer and Neptune (CIL 8.26468). Further dedications from this family were made by A. Gabinius Datus (ILTun 1511), and his two sons, M. Gabinius Bassus, who gave marble and statues to the temples of Concordia, Frugifer, Liber Pater and Neptune (CIL 8.26470 = ILTun 1391, ILTun 1512) and A. Gabinius Datus (ILTun 1513).

In other cases the gift is known, such as the entertainment and annual feast dedicated at Uthina c.117/138 (which was perhaps part of a celebration for the new colony), but the identity of the dedicator has been lost (CIL 8.24017). Across the valley, near Uthina, the still awesome brick and stone aqueduct which once stretched for eighty kilometres 143 is the most famous Hadrianic construction in North West Africa. It was built by the emperor to bring water to Utica (another of his new colonies) and facilitated the building of baths both at Uthina and Utica by the middle of the century.144 The completion of the aqueduct in 128 was celebrated by the minting of a coin at Carthage, depicting Astarte on a lion in front of a spring issuing from a rock. 145

The dedication of a finely decorated temple to Fortuna, Venus, Concordia and Mercury c.128/138 was made by Q. Maedius Severus, patron of the pagus and civitas, and his daughter: Fortunae Aug Veneri Con[cordia]e Mercurio Aug sacrum pro salute Imp Caesaris Traiani Had[riani] Aug pont max trib potest cos III p p Q. Maedius Severus patronus pagi et civitatis nom[ine suo et M]aediae Lentulae filiae suae flam perp templum quod ex HS LXX [mil fa]cturum se promiserat ampliata pecunia a fundamen[tis … exstruxit… omni splen]dore exornavit idemque dedicavit cur[atore] magnio 137 primo seiano (CIL 8. 26471 = ILTun 1392 = AE 1951, 75).138

The spring was at Zaghouan, fifty-six straight kilometres south of Carthage, at the base of the cliff at Djebel Zaghouan. The planning and initial construction of the Antonine Nymphaeum at Zaghouan could be Hadrianic. The small temple-like structure with a vaulted roof in the centre of a semi-circular colonnade of twenty-four Corinthian columns resembled a theatre as seen from the proscenium.146

C. Pompeius Nahanus made a bequest in his will for the building of the sanctuary of Pietas: Pietati Aug.sacrum Rogatus testamento C. Pompei Nahani fratris sui ex HS XXX m[ilibus in solo s]uo [extruxit] [idemqu]e dedicavit curatoribus M. Morasi[o] D[o]nato C.Pompeio Cossuto c.118/138 (CIL 8.26493) and S. Pullaienus Florus Caecilianus, also a patron of the city, possibly dedicated a statue c.126/132 (CIL 8.26615).

The temple of Caelestis at Vallis c.132 received a dedication of a cella with two columns: C. Iunio Serio Augurino M. Trebio Sergiano cos. C. Celius Saturnus structor ab Avit(i)nis votum solvit columnas duas in cella Caelestis [deae sua pecunia fecit et dedicavit] (ILTun 1281). At the

Thysdrus is an example of a city whose prosperity can be traced to the Hadrianic era. Thirty seven thousand acres of olives were planted at this small inland city near the west Syrtis coast during Hadrian’s reign.139 The resultant wealth made Thysdrus the richest city in North West Africa by the

140

Baths and amphitheatre. Jouffroy La Construction publique en Italie et dans l’Afrique romaine 228, 232. Gordian was proclaimed emperor in this amphitheatre in 238. 141 Friend of Pliny and great grandfather of Marcus Aurelius (SHA Hadr. 5.10; 24.6; 15.7; Marc.1.4). 142 …Hadriano Aug pontif max trib pot XII cos III cives Romani cultores Larum et Imaginum Aug S P F. 143 F. Sear Roman Architecture London 1982 rev. 1989, 202. 144 See below Civic building during Antoninus Pius’ reign. 145 A. Graham Roman Africa 1902, 108 mentions this coin, but it cannot be located in RIC. 146 A date of 160/170 for the Nymphaeum at Zaghouan is based on the similarities between its portico and cella and the decor of the bath at Carthage, also completed at that time. Mackendrick The North African Stones Speak 63. A similar concave structure can be seen in the temple complex at Lambaesis c.162. Ward-Perkins RIA 411-412, and the Severan Nymphaeum at Lepcis Magna c.193/211. The Hadrianic Nymphaeum at Daphne near Antioch may have influenced the design. Sear Roman Architecture 197-8.

135

It became a municipum under Septimius Severus, and colonia under Gallienus c.260/268. 136 The location of the temple of Liber Pater with its large peristyle and adjacent theatre was between the temple of Concordia and the shrine to the local deity of Frugifer. It is obvious from the stairways and the irregular shaped buildings that it s plan was adapted to the terrain. 137 MAGNIO sic. 138 The inscription was reconstructed from three fragments found near the Capitolium and the temple of Mercury. 139 Manton Roman North Africa 123.

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crossroads of Zama Maior, L. Ranius Felix, pontifex maximus, erected an elaborate four-way arch c.117/138: Imp Caesari divi Traian[i Parthici fil. divi Nervae nep. Traiano Hadriano] Aug pont m[ax. tribun. potest cos. p.p] L.Rannius Felix f Aug p p pont arcum cum adiecta pecunia fecit ampliu[s dd p p] (CIL 8.16441 = Eph.7.n.76).

Building continued at an even pace throughout Hadrian’s reign, with a noticeable increase only in the year of his 128 visit. Although this accelerated building did not continue, it must be concluded that the emperor’s personal encouragement was not required for the volume of Hadrianic building in these provinces.

Public funds were used to build a temple of the deified emperors in 121 at the Hadrianic municipality of Zattara: 147 Numini divor Augustorum sacr et Imp Caes divi Traiani Parthici f divi Ner nep Traiani Hadrian Aug pont max trib pot V cos III S PP DD PP (CIL 8.5177 = ILAlg.1.533), and another temple, c.118/138, possibly a Capitolium, is suggested by the remaining half of an inscription found near the aqueduct fountain at Zucchara: [...]i Reginae [ p]ro salute[imp. caes. divi Traiani. Parthi]ci f divi Nervae[nep. Traiani Hadriani Aug. po]ntif maximo […aedem a sol]o suis impensis (CIL 8.921 = 8.11198).

Although it is difficult to determine whether a rise in status affected the civic building in the African cities, it is worth noting that of those where Hadrianic building took place, 14.5% were Trajanic foundations and 15% (an almost equal number) were Hadrianic. If city foundations are assessed separately, then it is clear that Hadrianic building occurred in 50% of both Trajanic and Hadrianic foundations. Seventy-two dedications were found in sixty-three cities. Seventy-five percent of which were buildings and twentyfive percent were statues, games, feasts and sacred vessels. More than fifty percent of the buildings were temples, of which twenty-five percent were renovations, mostly of marble. Twenty percent of buildings were arches, the second most popular Hadrianic construction. The small number of administrative buildings suggests that most cities had established civic centres. There were few baths built and no theatres. There were, however, theatre renovations in marble. This does suggest that the tremendous increase in the use of marble both for new buildings and for renovations can be directly attributed to Hadrian’s interest in this material.

Mauretania Caesariensis If Hadrian visited the provincial capital Iol Caesarea, the most important city and port in these provinces after Carthage, his visit has left no trace apart from some vague claims for Hadrianic statues in the West Baths.148 It seems, however, that Hadrian did visit Quiza on the Chelif. An inscription found in the ruins of a bridge suggests that the IIviri erected an arch in 128, perhaps to commemorate the imperial visit: …Hadrianus Aug pont max trib pot XII cos III p p arcus portaru[m] S… publica facta IIvir civi et P. Sallusti Severi A P (CIL 8. 9697 = 21514).

Comparison with the Civic Building of Trajan and Antoninus Pius

The marble for the statue base found at Saldae appears to have been dedicated in honour of the diva Sabina by the decurions of the col. Iulia Salditana c.136: pecunia publica posuerunt (CIL 8.8929). Marble was also available for the renovation and redecoration of the dilapidated building at Sitifis: [col. n]er Sitifis exornavitque marmo Hadriani con o vetustino I (CIL 8.8465).

Trajan There is no record that Trajan visited these provinces either before or after becoming emperor. Cities which have some Trajanic building or civic decoration are listed in alphabetical order.

The Punic settlement of Tipasa had been granted Latin rights by Claudius (Pliny NH 5.2.20) and had begun its civic building in the first century. No Hadrianic buildings or inscriptions have been found.

Two of the Trajanic baths known for these provinces are those built at Acholla c.110/113, 150 where the mosaics symbolise Trajan’s victory over the Parthians, and those dated to the early years of the second century at Belalis Maior. 151 The temple of Celerus at Carthago was redecorated with marble c.114, and a dedication made ob honorem aedilitatis of a statue and five days of games (ILAfr.384)). Few other Trajanic buildings can be identified.

Mauretania Tingitana There is no civic building in this province that can be definitely attributed to the Hadrianic era. No proof can be found at Volubilis, a city famous for its many beautiful Roman mosaics, to support the claim that the North Baths were either Trajanic or Hadrianic.149

The legate L. Minicius Natalis, patron of Cirta made an unknown dedication to the municipality c.103/5 (CIL 8.7069 = ILAlg.659) and a building was restored at Civitas …enorum by another legate, C. Antius A. Iulius Quadratus, and proc. Postumius Acilianus c.102 (AE 1939, 178).

Conclusion Hadrianic inscriptions have been found in fifty-eight cities of Africa Proconsularis, in five cities of Mauretania Caesariensis but none were found in Mauretania Tingitana.

At Hippo Regius no buildings were mentioned on the inscriptions of T. Flavius Macro, IIvir and curator, whose duties were to oversee the annona of the saltus (AE 1922, 19), or at Lambaesis, where an augur, L. Claudius Brutus,

147

Located between Tipasa in Mauretania Caesariensis and Hippo Regius in Africa Proconsularis. 148 MacKendrick The North African Stones Speak 207-208. 149 Ibid 303-304.

150

G.Ch. Picard ‘Acholla’ CRAI (1947) 558-61 A. Mahjoubi Recherches d’histoire et archéologie à Henchir el- Faouar (Tunisie): la cité des Belalitani Maiores Tunis 1978, 206 151

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dedicated ob honorem two statues of Victory and Mercury (AE 1911, 105).

Vettius Myrinus c.93 is this city’s only Trajanic link (AE 1939, 81). Even though there was considerable Hadrianic building at Thugga, no Trajanic buildings have been discovered.

The city of Lepcis Magna acquired colonia status from Trajan c.109/110 (IRT 284; AE 1991, 1690 = 1987, 1063). In celebration the city immediately erected a large decorated four-way arch using the local grey limestone (IRT 353 = Sm.509). White marble inscriptions suggest that there was also restoration work done on the basilica Ulpia and forum (IRT 543), and the ob honorem of a flamen may have provided funds to continue the construction of the larger basilica and public baths c.101/2 (IRT 352). Some building also took place in the old forum, perhaps on the temple of Liber Pater c.112/113 (IRT 354-6), in addition to a dedication to the colony by the chief priest Frontonus (AE 1957, 238).152

A large marble statue of Jupiter and colossal heads of Juno and Minerva were found in the ruins of an Ionic temple at Thubursicu Numidarum. These statues and several marble fragments of an inscription indicate that this may have been a Capitolium, built c.113 when the city became a Trajanic municipium and that the temple was a gift from the pontifex and provincial governor, C. Pomponius Rufus Acilius [Pri]scus Coelius Sparsus, and his two sons C. Pomponius and Q. Pomponius Rufus Marcellus, both serving as legates to their father (ILAlg.1.1230-1 = AE 1909, 238-239).159

In 116 the governor, A. Caecilius Faustinus, erected a triumphal arch (CIL 8.11798 = 621) and built a forum at Mactar. 153 A fragmentary inscription of the same year was found east of the thermae may have belonged to these baths (AE 1966, 515).

No building information remains on the mutilated Trajanic inscription found at Utica (AE 1964, 192), but the unusual white limestone inscription at Uzaae records that a flamen dedicated ob honorem a temple of the Imperial cult and silver statue c.106/107 (IL Tun.148 = AE 1938, 43).

Also in 116, M. Valerius Fuscus, IIvir and flamen of the nearby city of Mustis, built a portico and chapel for the temples of Ceres and of Dis Pater ob honorem for his perpetual priesthood (AE 1968, 599) and a statue was bequeathed to the municipality of Semta (AE 1923, 28) inscription found in fragments at Sitifis obviously belonged to an important building, unidentified but known to have been dedicated in 98 (AE 1949, 42 = Sm. 511). It may have been a Capitolium such as the one organised by a flamen at Thagura c.98/118 (ILAlg.1.1026).

Antoninus Pius It seems unlikely that Antoninus Pius visited Africa before becoming emperor and certainly not afterwards, given his aversion to imperial journeys (SHA Pii 7.11). Cities with Antonine buildings and inscriptions are listed alphabetically according to their province. Africa Proconsularis Not only did Agbia receive games and a feast by consensus of the decurions, but restoration work was also carried out on the dilapidated temple of Ceres. This was in addition to the building of a portico, and a gift of a silver statue of Fortuna and another statue of the genius curiae for the curia c.138/61 (CIL 8.1548; 15550 = ILS 6827). M. Valerius Quadratus built a temple to either Ceres or Venus at the Hadrianic municipality of Althiburos c.145 (CIL 8.27772, 27776).

P. Munatius Gallus (leg.leg.c.100/102) founded the veteran colony at Thamugadi and built the walls and gates c.100 (CIL 8.17842-3 = 2355 = ILS 6841; AE 1913, 119)).154 Very little is known of its Trajanic building 155 and although the curia could be Trajanic, the basilica (of which traces were found in the forum) may have been Hadrianic. 156 It is possible that the spectacular Arch of Trajan was not Trajanic or even Hadrianic as has been claimed, but was late Antonine (CIL 8.17843 = ILS 6841).157

At Aubuzza the decoration of a building with portico and caldarium was the gift of a flamen c.138/161 (CIL 8. 16368). A portico was built at Avitta Bibba c.159, and a statue presented by a priest of Ceres (CIL 8. 805). Two Capitolia were decorated during Antoninus Pius’ reign, one at Belalis Maior, the ob honorem of a sufetes (AE 1978, 855), and the other (which possibly included the construction of the building), at Biracsacar (CIL 8.23876).

A small temple was built at Thamusada at the beginning of the century,158 but at Thuburbo Maius, the cursus of M. 152

E.V.Caffarelli & G.Caputo The Buried City:Excavations at Leptis Magna (tr.D.Ridgway) London 1964, 17; Arch of Trajan at Lepcis Magna: Pierre Gros 483. 153 The forum may have been built following Trajan’s elevation of the city to municipium: G. Ch-Picard ‘Les places publiques et le statut municipal de Mactar’ CRAI 1953, 81. 154 Another inscription from the same legate: CIL 8.17892. Col .Marcianam Traianam Thamugadi was named after Trajan’s elder sister. It was thirty kilometres from Lambaesis and seventy miles south of Cirta and was ideally situated to control the mountain passes. The city layout conformed to military plans except for the cardo maximus, which terminated at the decumanus maximus to accommodate the slope of the land. 155 Trajanic evidence includes the cursus of the legate and patron A. Larcius Priscus, c.109 (CIL 8.17891 = ILS 1055) and a statue of Victoria Parthica erected by the legate T. Sabinus Barbarus c.116 (CIL 8.235). 156 Dedication to Trajan: CIL 8.2356. 157 Trajanic: c.100: Sm.508; Hadrianic: M. Vilimkova Roman Art in Africa London 1963, 35; Perhaps a little earlier than Severus: Ward-Perkins RIA 394. 158 Jouffroy La construction publique en Italie et dans l’Afrique romaine 216.

Rebuilding took place at Carthago after the fire c.142/5 (AE 1925, 32). By 145 water had been brought from the Hadrianic aqueduct to service the Antonine Baths, which were completed in the following year (CIL 8.12513 = IL.Tun.890). The baths, an example of the new style concrete architecture faced with local limestone, display

159

C. Pomponius Rufus Acilius [Pri]scus Coelius Sparsus and his sons made a similar gift of a Capitolium to the city of Gigthis during the reing of Nerva (ILAfr. 13 = AE 1909, 240).

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Hadrianic features in their design. 160 Only the foundations now remain of this immense building once reputed to be the largest and most sumptuous bath complex in the empire. Two other Antonine buildings in Carthage, the temple of Aesclepius (CIL 8.24535) and the curia, c.160/9, are known through the plays of Apuleius.161

(IRT 374). Two marble inscriptions indicate that building was taking place both in the old forum c.138/9 (IRT 368), and near the market where there was a dedication of marble ob honorem of a Hadrianic or Antonine aedilis (IRT 379). A marble statue base with decorative reliefs, c.151/152, was found in the forum (IRT 369), and one of low grade grey limestone was found in the street (IRT 378). An arch was erected in honour of Antoninus Pius and his sons, c.145/60.

An expensive silver statue of the empress Faustina was donated at Cillium c.139/61, and two statues (perhaps of marble), of Antoninus and L. Verus (AE 1957, 77). The legate T. Caesariensis Statius Quintius Statianus Memmius Macrinus, patron of Cirta made an unknown dedication in 141 (CIL 8. 7036 = ILS 1068 = ILAlg. 2.623).

166

Two inscriptions suggest that the wealthy Calpurnia Honesta may have been priestess of two cults at Lepcis Magna. The grey limestone inscription indicates that she built a temple with a covered area, perhaps for Jupiter Dolichenus, c.152/3, (IRT 370) and, in the same year, a white marble inscription found in the old forum could record her work on the temple of Liber Pater (IRT 371).

Provision was made for an exedra to the genius of the people of Cuicul to be provided with marble columns and a statue in 160/161. Improvements were made to the forum and the Basilica Julia (AE 1920, 114). In c.157, a statue was dedicated by an unknown donor (AE 1964, 225), and the brother of L. Cosinius Primus dedicated ob munificantiam statuam, a market with columns and a statue pro honore (AE 1916, 34-6). 162 An inscription placed on the Arch of Crescens, c.160/2, records the bequest of flamen C. Iulius Crescens that his brother should erect a arch, and include two statues of Fortuna and Mars and a statue of Antoninus Pius (AE 1949, 40). 163

At Mactar the only dedication was a statue for a temple ob honorem c.157 (CIL 8.622 = 458), but at Missuae the architectural detail hints at a beautiful building c.138/161 (CIL 8.988) and, during Antoninus Pius’ reign c.138/161, the municipality of Mizeoter (Gens Bacchuiana), gained a temple of Saturn (CIL 8.12331 = ILS 4440). In 145 the temples of Caelestis and of Tellus at Mustis both received dedications from L. Cornelius Laetus, IIvir and priest of Caelistis and Aesculapius, ob honorem for his perpetual appointments. A bronze statue and a new fourcolumn portico were given to the temple of Caelistis (AE 1968, 595). In addition, he restored the four-column portico built by his grandfather and dedicated a statue to the temple of Tellus (AE 1968, 596).

A patron of Diana Veteranorum, L. Novius Crispinus, made a dedication in 149 (AE 1930, 40) and late in Pius’ reign, a statue of Victory was set up c.160/3 (CIL 8.4582). At Hr el-Gonai a priest of Saturn dedicated a door for the temple.164 An inscription was found in the forum at Gigthis placed there c.159 by Q. Egrilius Plarianus (leg.Aug. Africae) patron of this city (CIL 8.11026).

Baths were built at Oea in the middle of the century and, according to Apuleius, a basilica in c.157/8. 167 An unusual and expensive silver statue (with ostiis) was dedicated to the sanctuary of Neptune at Pheradi Maius, c.138/161 (IL Tun. 246), and at Rusicade, where an unknown building was completed during Antoninus Pius’ reign, a round building (aedicula) was built for his statue c.138/160 (ILAlg.393). 168 In 157, under Antoninus Pius, Sabratha became a colonia. The city then embarked on a major rebuilding programme that included a temple to the genius of the colony (IRT 6).169

Several inscriptions were found in the theatre at Lepcis Magna. Two have scant information to offer apart from the emperor’s name (IRT 377) and the date c.140 (IRT 373). But a third notes the embellishment of the theatre with marble c.156/7 (IRT 372), and another acknowledges a gift of marble from a IIvir and augur, possibly also for the decoration of the theatre (IRT 375). In 157/8 Marcius Vitalis and Iunius Galba rebuilt the proscaenium and scaenae frons of the theatre, decorating it with Greek marble, columns and a new fountain (IRT 534 = AE 1952, 177). In the same year cisterns were built and decorated with marble columns and cupids (IRT 533). 165 An inscription was found in the orchestra of the theatre with a statue, the ob honorem of an aedilis (IRT 376).

Several inscriptions on giallo antico were found at Simitthu (similar to the Hadrianic inscriptions that were found in the vicinity of the amphitheatre). These perhaps represent a continuation of building works. One was in 138, after Hadrian’s death (AE 1994, 1870) and two others were c.154

During this vibrant building period another marble inscription testifies to marble being donated by the priest Haterianus for either the Hadrianic baths or the old forum

166

G. Di Vita-Evrard ‘Un nouveau proconsul d’Afrique, parent de SeptimeSévère: Caius Septimius Severus’ MEFR 75 (1963) 389-414. 167 Jouffroy La constructi on publique en Italie et dans l’Afrique romaine 228; Apol.73.2. 168 A. Grenier Rec.Const. 68 1953, 87. 169 The increase of marble for building during the second century is evident in the Capitolium, the forum porticoes, the cruciform building at the south west corner of the forum, the Antonine temple, the South Forum temple, the temple of Hercules and the theatre, considered the most beautiful in Africa. J.B. Ward-Perkins Roman Imperial Architecture London 1960 repr.1990, 378-380. The variety of stone included black granite, white Grecian marble, pavonazzetto, cipollino, black marble and red marble from Simitthu. MacKendrick The North African Stones Speak, 168.

160

The use of concrete is greater than usual in African buildings and some room shapes are reminiscent of those at Hadrian’s Villa at Tivoli. 161 Temple of Aesclepius: Apul. Florida 18.37; the curia: Florida 18, 8-9. Another statue: AE 1916, 17. 163 .During the term of office of D.Fonteius Frontinianus L.Stertinius Rufus 164 (…rdenses) ILAlg.1.1096. 165 (Marcius Vitalis may have been a grandson of Marcius Vitalis, who left a bequest in his will c.130 for his daughter to build a temple to Apollo: IRT 707)L. Hedius Rufus Lollianus Avitus (procos) and C. Vibius Claudius Severus (leg.pr.pr).

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and 156 (AE 1994, 1867, 1873).170 The remains of an aqueduct have also been discovered close to a bridge erected c.158 (ILTun.1259).171

In 156/7 a marble statue of Antoninus Pius was set up at Thugga (AE 1968, 585). A portico in the forum with columns and an additional storey with a panelled ceiling were added to the forum c.138/161 (AE 1914, 174-5 = ILA 521) and an unknown dedication made by a priestess at the sanctuary of Minerva c.138/161 (CIL 8. 26490 = ILA 518).

The Antonine era was a period of growth for Sufetula with a forum, portico, construction of the Capitolium and a monumental gate in the forum (CIL 8.11319).This was completed in 139 when work began on the basilica.172

The flamen Iulius Urbanus erected a statue at Tipasa (Tifech) ob honorem for his perpetual priesthood c.138/161 (ILAlg.1986).During the Antonine period the Hadrianic municipality of Tuccabor gained a temple cella (CIL 8.25852), and a four way arch with steps and a statue (CIL 8.1320 = 14851). Unfortunately a badly damaged inscription c.155 (AE 1991, 1733) does not mention a building, but at Uzali Sar (Hr Djal) the building dedicated by Iulius Maximus to Antoninus Pius was perhaps a temple (CIL 8.14301 = 10557). At Vina a statue of the divus Hadrianus was set up (AE 1961, 199).

Marble statues of divus Hadrianus, L. Verus (ILA 300) and Antoninus Pius (CIL 8.24003) were set up at Sutunurca c.146, and a dedication was made at Thagaste by a priest of Saturn (AE 1905, 109). No buildings at the veteran colony of Thamugadi can be attributed to T. Caesernius Statius Quintius Statianus Memmius Macrinus (leg.leg.140/141), patron of the colony, although several fragmentary blue limestone inscriptions have been found in the forum (AE 1954, 150; 1985,874 = CIL 8.17849, .CIL 8.17850?). In 146, another patron, C. Ulpius Pacatus Prastina Messalinus (leg.leg.Aug.143/146) added an aqueduct (AE 1985, 875a) and a covered street (AE 1902, 146), and at the end of his term of office, the north gate was constructed by patron L. Novius Crispinus c.149, (CIL 8.17852).

Mauretaniae Among the few Antonine buildings known for these provinces is the temple for Cybele built at Banasa c.138/160 by brothers IIviri (AE 1957, 63), and a warehouse for wheat at Iomnium c.139/160 (AE 1957, 176). The procurator T. Fl Priscus Gallonius Fronto Marcius Turbo built a temple at Rapidum c.158/160,173 and at Sala (near Rabat) work was done on the walls and gates in 144 (AE 1931, 38), the same year as the curia (begun in the first century), was completed (AE 1931, 38). Sala may have even had an Antonine three way arch. 174

More covered streets were built near the temple of the Capitolium by M. Valerius Etruscus (leg.leg.151/152), another patron of the colony (AE 1989, 891; AE 1899, 3 = ILS 5351), who also renovated and decorated the curia c.152 (CIL 8.17855; 8.17854 = AE 1954, 151;1985, 876b,c, d). In 158 L. Matuccius Fuscinus (leg.leg.158) constructed several unknown buildings near the entrance to the forum and the theatre (CIL 8.2376;17858; 2360 =17817 = AE 1985, 877a.), and the last legate of this reign, D. Fonteius Frontianus, dedicated two statues at the sanctuary of Victory (CIL 8.2353 = ILS 5476).

At Sitifis the aedilis L. Petronius Ianuarius pledged ornamenta and also a statue of Antoninus Pius to the civitas from his dues c.156 (CIL 8.8466). It could be expected that Tipasa’s elevation to colonial status may have encouraged some urban munificence. An inscription records the building of walls and gates c.146/7 (AE 1955, 130) which is supported by excavation work that revealed fortification work, c.144/150, and a. By the end of the second century the city had also had several undated temples, a basilica and a theatre.175 At Volubilis the people erected a statue of diva Faustina, c.140/144 (AE 1923, 17), and a temple with porticoes and statues was built in 158 (CIL 8.21825).

None of the dedications made by the aediles at Thamugadi appear to have been connected to buildings. M. Acilius Concessus donated an extra large sum of money in honour of his magistracy (AE 1987, 1073). M. Acilius Papiria set up several statues, one of Antoninus Pius c.139/161 (CIL 8. 2362, 17864; AE 1941, 45), and L. Iulius Bradua dedicated another c.138 (CIL 8.17838; AE 1997, 1666, 1673). A statue of the emperor was also set up at Themetra c.139/161 (AE 1946, 234). At Thuburbo Maius a bronze statue was dedicated c.139/46 (c.139-61: ILTun 714), and in 144 a statue the genius of the municipality (ILA 240). In addition there was some decoration of the temple of Frugifer (ILA 238 = AE 1915, 22) by a priest and his wife and sons ob honorem flamoni (CIL 8.853; 12370, AE 1942/3, 102, ILTun 692).

Summary of Trajanic and Antonine civic building The most concentrated building period was c.109/110, although twenty percent of building occurred in the late Trajanic period c.116. Building took place in twenty-two cities, of which Trajan raised only three in status. Temples, even more so than baths, were the most popular buildings in this period (with at least one redecoration). This emphasises the importance of religion in these provinces.

170

There is no certain date for the amphitheatre. Aqueduct: P. Romanelli Topografia e Archeologia dell’Africa Romana Turin 1970, 225. 172 Sufetula, forum and portico, Capitolium and gate: A. Merlin Forum et églises de Sufetula Notes et Documents 5, Paris (1912) 6-25. For 2nd C basilica and baths: N. Duval ‘L’ urbanisme de Sufetula = Sbeïtla en Tunisie ‘ ANRW II.10. 2 (1982) 606-8.

173

171

W. Seston ‘Le secteur de Rapidum sur le limes de Mauretanie Césarienne après les fouilles de 1927’ MEFR 45 (1928) 159.; 174 Jouffroy La construction publique en Italie et dans l’Afrique romaine 223. 175 S.Lancel ‘Tipasa de Mauretanie: histoire de archéologie’ ANRW II. 10, 2, 1982, 755-778.

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Basilicas were the next most popular building, which suggests that the civic centres of most cities were becoming well-established.

The earliest dedications at Lambaesis were made to Apollo by P. Metilius Secundus leg.leg. 120/123 (CIL 8.2591; AE 1920, 37) and the earliest building was the temple to Jupiter Dolichenus dedicated by Sex. Iulius Maior, leg.leg.III Augustae c.125/126: Pro s[alute] et incolumitate Imp Cae[s.Traia]ni Hadriani Augusti Sex Iuli[us Maio]r legatus ipsius pro praetore templ[um i. o. m. D]olicheno dedicavit (CIL 8.18221 = 2680). The praetorium, a stone building with arch gateways at the centre of the camp, has been attributed to Hadrian with a tentative date of 125. 180

Of the thirty-six cities with buildings from Antoninus Pius’ reign, eight cities were raised in status, four by Trajan and four by Hadrian. At least fifty major buildings, three minor buildings, nine renovations and approximately thirty new buildings are recorded. Again, the most popular building was the temple, representing over twenty percent of new buildings. Two of these were Capitolia. Porticoes were the next most popular (nine percent), followed by arches (six percent).

Q. Fabius Catullinus, leg.leg. 127/129, at the time of Hadrian’s visit, set up altars for votive dedications to Jupiter (CIL 2609 = ILS 3061) and for the winds that produce good storms (CIL 8.2610 = ILS 3935). (This was perhaps prior to Hadrian’s visit when copious rains fell). Another dedication by this legate was made c.129 after Hadrian’s visit (CIL 8.2533). P. Cassius Secundus, leg.leg. c.135/138, is named in two inscriptions, one is unknown (CIL 8.2534) and the second was at the temple of Neptune (BCTH 6 (1970) 215,1). An inscription with an indecipherable date, from an unknown legate, was found near the amphitheatre, and could refer to balneum, small baths:.. Hadr[ianus Aug pont. max. tri]bunic [pot cos] um balin legato [Aug pr pr] (CIL 8.2692). The only Hadrianic statue is a marble statue to Mercury (AE 1968, 646).

Many dedications of statues, mostly of marble are recorded. An increase in the wealth of these provinces can be gauged from the fact that 16% of statues were either silver or bronze.

Hadrianic Military Building For over a hundred years the Romans maintained relative peace in North West Africa with only one legion, III Augusta, assisted by a large number of auxiliary units. During the Hadrianic period these consisted of approximately thirteen alae, forty-one cohorts and at least one numerus. 176

Hadrianic Forts and Fortifications

The military offensives of the late first and early second century appear to have been fought by the auxiliaries (which supports Hadrian’s minting of the exercitus coin for Mauretania), whereas the legion was involved in numerous building works. 177 These included many roads, bridges, fortifications and aqueducts but also other buildings indicated by the inscriptions of the legati legionis III Augustae.

Several factors assisted Hadrian’s defence plans for North West Africa. By his reign the local African tribes had become more integrated and Hadrian brought to these provinces his recent experiences in frontier defence in Britannia, Germania and Raetia and the use of auxiliaries as front line troops.

Building at Lambaesis by the legates

As neither a continuous stone wall, nor a wooden palisade, was a suitable frontier control for the desert areas of the North West African provinces, Hadrian chose an intermittent fossatum. This ran parallel to the road from the forts at Mesarfelta and Thubunae. These two forts were contemporary with the fossatum and were the termini of this section. The fossatum is considered to be Hadrianic, not only were Hadrianic artefacts discovered in the excavations, 181 but there are also distinctive similarities between the Wall in Britannia with its sequence of forts, the flatbottomed ditch of the vallum and the watch-towers discovered on the fossatum near Gemellae.182

It has been suggested that the praetorium and west camp of the new fortress of III Augusta were built as part of the military demonstration. 179 In his adlocutio Hadrian referred to the changes in the fortresses and building of a new one, nostra memoria bis non tantum matatis castra sed et nova fecistis (CIL 8.2532 = 18042 = ILS 2487).

Hadrian continued the development of the limes northwards from Gemellae to Thubunae and Zaraï, and westwards to the auxiliary forts of Auzia and Rapidum, and Thanaramusa in Mauretania. The limes went southwest to Numerus Syrorum from Columnata 183 and the southern defence followed the slopes of the Aurès Mountains. The southern limes was not

Detachments of the legion and the auxiliaries were stationed at various forts and settlements throughout the provinces. As in other provinces the fortresses and forts are of great interest, as their civilian settlements or vici often developed into cities in the peaceful years following the Hadrianic era. The fortress of III Augusta was first at Ammaedara and then Theveste. The legion moved to its permanent headquarters at Lambaesis towards the end of Trajan’s reign. 178

180

Robertson Greek and Roman Architecture 342. It may have been built prior to Hadrian’s visit to provide accommodation for him. 181 E. B. Fentress Numidia and the Roman Army BAR Int series 53 1979, 98. 182 E. Birley ‘Hadrianic Frontier Policy’ in E. Swoboda (ed) Carnuntina Graz / Köln 1956, 28-30. 183 Other forts were Tiaret, Cohors Breucorum, Ala Miliaria, Altava and Pomeria.

176

For auxiliary units stationed in these provinces during Hadrian’s reign, see Army Appendix (chapter 6). 177 R. MacMullen ‘Roman Imperial Building in the Provinces’ HSCPh 64 (1959) 216. 178 R. L. V. Cagnat L’armée romaine d’Afrique New York 1975, 433 f. 179 Romanelli Storia delle province romane dell’Africa 341.

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related to the southwest of Numidia,184 and there was no frontier in the Tripolitanian region. 185

Fewer veteran colonies were created, perhaps as a result of Hadrian’s military reforms, one of which allowed the children of soldiers to inherit for the first time (Pap. Berlin no.140), It could be that Diana Veteranorum was the only Hadrianic veteran colony.192

Although there is no archaeological evidence for the continuation of the limes into Mauretania Tingitana, Hadrian maintained auxiliary units equal to those in Mauretania Caesariensis in the area encompassing Tingis, Banasa, Volubilis and Sala.186

Summary Hadrian’s decisions for the African provinces involved strengthening the limes to the south and west. Towards this end he moved the legionary fortress to Lambaesis and built sections of the limes with few forts. The fossatum was not a continuous fortification and its purpose was to control the migration of nomadic herds. Several aspects of the fossatum are similar to Hadrian’s Wall and it seems certain that this energetic and curious emperor made a quick tour of these frontiers with a definite military purpose that included the construction of the fossatum..

New forts were a necessary addition to Hadrian’s fortification plans and several have been attributed to his reign, although it is not certain that Ad Piscinam was Hadrianic. 187 In 126 a temporary fort (which became permanent in 132) was built at Gemellae on the eastern limes. The coh. I Chalcidenorum, under Sex. Iulius Maior leg.leg.c.125/126, set up a statue to Hadrian (AE 1950, 58). The cohort vacated the fort for III Augusta and this legion, under Q. Planius Sardus L.Varius Ambibulus c.131/133, placed an inscription on the centre gate of the principia c.131/132 (AE 1950, 59). The remains of stuccoed and frescoed walls can be seen in the principia. Its civilian settlement later acquired an amphitheatre, baths and temples.188

Comparison with the Military Building of Trajan and Antoninus Pius Trajan fortified the limes road from Tacapae to Capsa. The frontier line during his reign went west through Ad Maiores and Thabudeos and then southwest to Gemellae. The fort at Ad Maiores was built c.104/5 and there are traces of a canabae outside the camp walls. Chott el- Beida was built by T. Sabinius Barbarus c.116/117 (AE 1904, 144). A fragment of an inscription set up by L. Munatius Gallus c.100/102 at Mascula does not mention building (CIL 8. 17685). A building that may have been Trajanic was the amphitheatre at the fort at Mesarfelta, which was later restored by an auxiliary (CIL 8.2483).). This fort, however, has been considered Hadrianic which suggests that the amphitheatre would be also. The playing card shape of Thabudeos has led to the suggestion that it might be a Trajanic fort which developed into a civilian settlement.193

Other Hadrianic forts include Praesidium Sufative at Albulae c.119 and Rapidum, on the western limes, thirty kilometres west of Auzia (CIL 8. 20833). Its canabae was to the west and south of the fort.189 An inscription found there dedicates the foundations of a temple, perhaps to Jupiter, c.122 (CIL 8. 20833): … Ha[drianus] Aug[ustus] po[ntifex] max[imus] trib[unicia] pot[estate] (AE 1992, 1910) and another celebrates the completion of the building by coh. II Sardorum c.128/138, (AE 1975, 953). Two other possible Hadrianic forts were at Thanaramusa in 122 190 and Turris Tamelleni, the vicus of which must have become a municipium: [divo] Hadrian[o] condito[ri m]unicip[i] (CIL 8.83).

Under Antoninus Pius there was building at Diana Veteranorum by L. Novius Crispinus Martialis Saturninus c.149 (AE 1930, 39). In 161 the heir of M. Cossinus Secundus was instructed to dedicate a statue for the sanctuary of Victory (CIL 8. 4582).

Forts were placed at intervals of between fifteen and thirty kilometres with fortified farms in between. This system enabled farmers to plan their conservation of water and topsoil within the security of the limes. 191 Cities, such as Sufetula, could now prosper in peace without walls, and nomadic tribes, who could no longer follow their seasonal routes, were encouraged to change to a settled existence.

Several legates built at Lambaesis during this period. T. Caesernius Statius Quintus Statianus Memmius Macrinus constructed an unknown building (CIL 8.2637 = ILS 342;) and dedicated a votive altar to Neptune c.140/141 (BCTH 6 (1970) 218). Under Q. Cornelius Quadratus there was a dedication (CIL 8.18081) and consecration of a bathing pool at the sanctuary of Aesculapius and Hygeia (AE 1989, 870) L. Novius Crispinus built at the temple of Neptune, and made other unknown dedications c.147. 194 At the same time a marble base of a statue of Fortuna was given ob honorem

184

Four sections have been suggested for the Numidian limes: the area around Telmin, the mountain area near Ad Maiores, the region around Badias, Gemellae and Thubunae. Baradez Fossatum Africae 136-137, 145149. 185 J.C. Mann ‘Frontiers of the Principate’ in Britain and the Roman Empire Aldershot 1996, 526. 186 See Army Appendix (chapter 6). 187 Fentress Numidia and the Roman Army 111. 188 See Hadrianic civic building. Baradez Mélanges Carcopino 55-69. 189 Rapidum was a Hadrianic settlement.Romanelli Storia delle Province Romaine dell’Africa 122-24; Baradez Fossatum Africae 1949. 190 C. Daniels ‘Africa’ in J. Wacher The Roman World v.1 London 1987, 246. 191 The three stages were to first build terrace walls to prevent erosion, then reservoirs and dams to collect the rainwater. Finally, canals and irrigation ditches were dug to channel the water where required. The limes was supported by the road which followed the contour of the 400 ml rainfall. Photographic evidence is provided by Baradez Fossatum Africae Pl.34, 47, 48, 69B.

192

S. Gsell Atlas archeologique de l’Algerie Paris 1911 f2762. Diana may have been Trajanic; unfortunately the earliest dateable inscription is c.141: CIL 8. 4587. 193 See Hadrianic Military Building for a Hadrianic fort date. Fentress Numidia and the Roman Army 88. 194 His career inscription c.150: CIL 8.2747 = ILS 1070 was found in the praetorium of the fortress with an honorary dedication: CIL 8.18273; temple of Neptune: CIL 8. 2652; unknown dedications: CIL 8. 2542 ; AE 1898, 11; AE 1940, 19.

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Hadrianic Road Building 198

by a flamen as part of his dues (CIL 8.18214), and a dedication was made to Minerva (CIL 8.18234), in addition to games, by another flamen (CIL 8.18083).

Hadrian inherited a road system that began with the construction of a military road in 14 by III Augusta that linked its fortress at Ammaedara with Capsa and Tacape (CIL 8. 10018, 10012 = ILS 151). This road, six hundred kilometres long, created a frontier southwards to Capsa and west into the Tebessa Mountains.199

In 151/152 M. Valerius Etruscus consecrated an altar at the temple of Jupiter (CIL 8. 2613) and in 158 L. Mattucius Fuscinus dedicated a temple, or shrine, to Neptune and a collecting basin for spring water near a magnificent triumphal arch (CIL 8. 2653 = ILS 3282). The shrine that he built with his wife and daughter had a pronaos with columns and was built on the temple of Neptune, c.158 (CIL 8. 2630, 18100). 195 A temple to Aesculapius was built c.161/2 (CIL 8.18079 = ILS 3841). 196

Extensive road works continued under Vespasian 200 and by the close of the century the new legionary headquarters at Theveste was the centre of a network of roads. These connected with Carthage and Capsa to the east, Hippo Regius to the north, and westwards from Auzia to the frontier forts of Mauretania.

During L. Novius Crispinus’ term of office, c.147/9, Verecunda was made an imperial vicus (CIL 8.4199 = 18493 = ILS 6850). In 160/162 an unknown dedication (CIL 8.3203) was made there by D. Fonteius Frontinianus, leg. leg, who also supervised the building of the aqueduct completed after the death of Antoninus Pius. (CIL 8.4205 = 18495).

The westerly relocation of the legionary fortress to Lambaesis at the start of Hadrian’s reign necessitated the construction of new roads. In 123 III Augusta (supervised by the legate P. Metilius Secundus) worked on via Carthago Thevestem, an important military road that linked the forts of Rapidum and Auzia. The milestone from Hr. Kerâan is typical of those found at various places on this road: 201 Imp Caes divi Nervae nepos divi Traiani Parthici f Traianus Hadrianus Aug pont max trib pot VII cos III viam a Karthagine Thevestem stravit per leg III Aug P Metillio Secundo leg Aug pr pr LXXXV (CIL 8. 10048; 22007 = 10062; 22022 = 10067). Other milestones are fragmentary and do not mention the builders. 202 The terminal of via Carthago Thevestem was marked by a stone at Theveste (CIL 8. 22173 = 10114 = ILS 5835 = ILAlg. 3951). The only Hadrianic bridge along this road is a granite bridge with four arches which was discovered buried in river mud a few kilometres northeast of Theveste. 203

Mauretania The expertise of Nonius Datus, veteran engineer of III Augusta, was sought at Saldae after the local labour force encountered serious problems with the building of the aqueduct c.151/152 (CIL 8.2728 = ILS 5795). There are a large number of inscriptions during this period that cannot be linked with buildings. 197 Summary Comparatively little military building was done during Trajan’s reign compared with Antoninus Pius’. Trajan fortified the limes to Capsa and perhaps built three forts. During Antoninus Pius’ reign most of the building took place at the Hadrianic veteran colony of Diana Veteranorum and at the legionary fortress and canabae at Lambaesis. The reliance on the expertise of the army was apparent in the building of the aqueduct at Saldae.

In 124, the following year, roadworks proceeded on via Ad Sitifim towards western Mauretania. Milestones have been discovered close to Sitifis (CIL 8. 22404), between Sitifis and Cuicul (CIL 8. 10355), from Sitifis to Buhira (CIL 8. 10363), at Lagande (CIL 8. 22406) and at Ksar el-Tir, under the supervision of P. Metillius Secundus (CIL 8. 22007). A new road, via Cirta Rusicadem and its bridges, may also have been part of an early Hadrianic project. Three milestones were found on this road, two of which were at Rusicade. One gives the bridge builder as Sextus Iulius Maior, leg.leg.125/126 (CIL 8. 10296 = ILS 5872). The other inscriptions suggest that the local authority financed the road. Opinions have differed over this, with some

195

Unknown building: BCTH 1932/3, 307, n.12. The shrine or temple of Neptune has also been called the temple of Isis and Serapis). 196 Inscriptions without buildings: CIL 8.2694, c.160; AE 1908, 10; an honorary inscription (CIL 8.2543). 197 Aquae Flavianae: a votive inscription set up by C. Prastina Pacatus Messalinus (leg.leg) 143/146 (CIL 8.17723); Calceus Herculis an honorary inscription of L. Matuccius Fuscinus c.158 (CIL 8.2501); Cirta: honorary inscription of patron T. Caesernius Statius Quintus Statianus Memmius Macrinus (leg.leg. III Aug.) c.141) (CIL 8.7036 = ILS 1068); Gemellae T. Caeserinius Statius Quintus Statianus Memmius Macrinus (leg.leg.III Aug 140-141: AE 1950, 60: ala I Pannoniorum;at Mascula, T. Caeserinius Statius Quintus Statianus Memmius Macrinus (leg.leg.III Aug) 140/141 (CIL 8.17678), but no mention of building; Medjdel (10 kms from Chott ech Chergni) c.148/9 unknown cohort: AE 1991,1705; Tillibar seems to be Antonine: Cagnat L’armée romaine 757 in spite of a Hadrianic claim: MacKendrick The North African Stones Speak 59; Zama/Zana c.140 (AE 1930, 39). T. Caesarinus and L. Novius Crispinus c.149: AE 1930, 40.

198

Mommsen lists 41 roads for Africa Proconsularis alone and the detailed map produced by Salama gives some idea of the problems identifying the individual roads and places cited in the inscriptions. 199 Fentress Numidia and the Roman Army 66, 70. 200 Ibid. 70 201 By the confluence of the rivers at Hr. Tillaked-Duames (CIL 8.22039); near Hr. Guettar (CIL 8.22040; CIL 8.22042; CIL 8.22050); at Aïn Hedja: CIL 8.22063; CIL 8.22071 = 10081 and at Lorbus (CIL 8.22125 = 10092). 202 These include one found close to Sidi Medien (CIL 8.22018 = 10065; CIL 8.22036; CIL 8.10086, CIL 8.22062 = 10080); another at Lorbus (CIL 8.22129 = 100091) and one near Hr.Hadj (CIL 8.22147). 203 ‘Jeté sur un affluent de l’oued Meskiana il portait la grande route de Carthage à Theveste: ce qui permit de croire qu’il date de l’époque d’Hadrien’. S. Gsell Les Monuments antiques de l’Algérie v.2 Paris 1901,10-11.

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support for a joint imperial and local project and some for funding by the imperial fisc: 204 ex auctoritate Imp Caesaris Traiani Hadrian[i] Aug. via nova a Cirta Rusicadem strata per possessores territori Cirtensium (CIL 8. 10322); ex auctoritate Imp Caesaris Traiani Hadrian Augusti viae novae Rusicadensis R P Cirtensium m constituit pm (CIL 8. 22370). The terminal at Canopitana was for a new section of road (AE 1979, 658).

Mountains. Its military objective was to enable closer supervision of the tribes. The columnar inscription at Ad medias (south of the Aurès Mountains) may be either a milestone or indicator of a mansio. It was set up by L. Minicius Natalis c.105. 209 To the southeast there were new Trajanic roads that linked the southern shores of the Chott Djerid with the interior of Tripolitania. The milestones from via Thelepte Thevestem record work c.100 and in 116. 210 A little further north, a milestone was set up on via Ad Mactarem between Theveste and Kairuân (CIL 8.21978) and another at Abbé Fabre, where a section of the road from Tasaccura to [Bulla?] Regia was financed by the imperial fisc.211

In 128, the year of Hadrian’s visit, repairs were made to the great via Hadriana that followed the banks of the river Bagradas eastwards through the wheat growing area. This road serviced the agricultural trade from Thugga, Mustis and Mactar. 205 An extension to via Cirta Thrabracem from Simitthu to the coast was a road built to encourage the local marble industry. Several milestones found along the via Simitthu Thrabracam (constructed c.129) were near the baths at Simitthu (CIL 8. 22199 = 10960), by the fountain at Aïn Gâga between Simitthu and Fernâna (CIL 8.22202), the location of one is unknown but was possibly nearby (CIL 8.22201), and another was near the camp at Fernâna (CIL 8.22203).

On the far north coast a fragment of a milestone found at Rusicade records road building by the legate A. Larcius Priscus perhaps in 110. 212 Bridges and mansiones A Trajanic bridge was built at Simitthu on via Carthago Hipponensium over the river Bagradas c.112 213 and another, a bridge with round piers, was built at Pont de Jedeida on the road from Carthage to Bulla Regia. A blue limestone inscription set up by L. Munatius Gallus, leg. Aug. c.100/102, was found at Tazouguert (eight kilometres southeast of Khenchela). This may have been a milestone or an inscription for a mansio. Another was possibly at Sousse.

Summary Several new roads built in the early years of Hadrian’s reign were primarily for military use. A large network was concentrated around the new fortress at Lambaesis, including several bridges that were either built or repaired. Fourteen milestones exist for via Carthago Thevestem, compared with a total of thirteen for all other roads. This and its early construction date testify to its importance for Hadrian.

214

During the reign of Antoninus Pius the area behind Lambaesis, near Mons Aurasius was opened up. An inscription carved on the cliff face 215 records that a section of via Thamugadi Vescera between Lambaesis and Biskra at Tighanimine was constructed by a detachment of VI Ferrata in 145 under C. Prastina Messalinus. Another mountainous road was via Cirta-Hippo Regius /Hippone Regio Calamam, a section of which, between Hamman Berda and Ascour (near Penthièvre), and the restoration of the bridges was supervised by M. Valerius Etruscus in 152. 216

Later roads, built at the time of Hadrian’s visit in 128, seem to have been constructed for commercial purposes, especially for the extremely important agricultural trade. The roads to Simitthu suggest an imperial interest in the transport of marble from the quarries to the port. As this marble was used for smaller architectural ornament it did not require river transport. 206

Later Antonine roadworks were at Rapidum in Mauretania Caesariensis, c.154/155, and near Auziamet sur Djuab in 156. 217 Two roads were made from Milev and to Collo. At Milev taxes paid for a paved road for wheeled vehicles in 161, and alterations were made to the road at Cirta c.160/2. The only known Antonine bridge was at Simitthu c.158. 218

Comparison with Road Building of Trajan and Antoninus Pius The early Trajanic roadworks may have been related to the founding of the veteran colony at Thamugadi c.100. The section of via Thamugadi Lambaesem from Mascula to Lambaesis was completed c.100, 207 and the other road, inter Thevestem et Thamugadem, was built by L. Munatius Gallus c.100/102. 208

209

L.Minicius Natalis identical milestones: CIL 8.22348 = Sm.425, CIL 8.22349. 210 c.100: CIL 8.10037, c.116: ILAlg.1.3978. 211 AE 1911, 125. 212 CIL 8.10324 = 22382. 213 CIL 8.10117. 214 Tazouguert: AE 1969/70, 709; Sousse: AE 1900, 38; AE 1901, 50. 215 CIL 8.10230 = ILS 2479. 216 ILAlg.1.3875-6 = AE 1904, 21; CIL 8. 22210 = ILAlg.1.3876. 217 Rapidum: AE 1994, 1901; Auziamet sur Djuab: CIL 8.10439. 218 Milev: CIL 8.22391; Collo: CIL 8.10328; taxes: CIL 8.10327; Cirta: CIL 8.7046 = ILAlg.1.631. Simitthu bridge: ILTun 1259.

Having extended the frontier, Trajan ordered the building of a new military road south of the Nemencha and Aurès 204

The road was funded by the imperial fisc: Graham Roman Africa 108, or the local authorities. Romanelli Storia delle province romane dell’Africa 341, or a combination. Haywood ‘Roman North West Africa’ 68. 205 Manton Roman North Africa ch. 8. 206 See above for the use of this marble. 207 CIL 8.10210 = ILS 284. 208 CIL 8.10186 = AE 1969/70, 709.

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Summary

dues of public officers and from generous donations by private individuals.

All the Trajanic road works were military. Eight milestones exist for seven roads, some of which were new roads around the new veteran colony of Thamugadi and south along the new frontier.

The epigraphic evidence of building in Africa Proconsularis is abundant and clearly supports Hadrian’s assessment, which is further supported by the archaeological evidence. Fifty-five cities in Africa Proconsularis received Hadrianic buildings, compared to only five in Mauretania Caesariensis and none in Tingitana.

The road through the mountains that connected Thamugadi and Vescera, the major construction during the Antonine period, was also military. Most of the roads were interior roads and all were built to connect military bases. Of six roads built in this period, two were new mountain roads. The first instance of a tax levied on wheeled vehicles is recorded in the Antonine era.

In comparison with building during the reigns of Trajan and Antoninus Pius, the Hadrianic contribution to Africa was greater. The overall evidence of building shows that there was three times as much building in the Hadrianic than in the Trajanic period and twice as much as during the reign of Antoninus Pius. In many cases buildings were begun, but it was many years, even generations, before their completion and there are many examples of Hadrianic buildings being completed in the Antonine era.

Conclusion The vita claimed that Hadrian had been particularly generous to the African provinces (SHA Hadr. 13.4-5), and Hadrian himself, by giving three of the four coins types of his last issue to both Africa and Mauretania, suggests that these provinces were special. He visited Africa and at least one of the Mauretanian provinces, as the adventus coins make clear. In spite of having inspected the army in Africa Proconsularis, however, it was only Mauretania, where military action was experienced during his reign, which received an exercitus coin. Africa Proconsularis, was given a restitutor coin, a definite indication that Hadrian himself considered that most of his building and restoration work was achieved in that province.

As temples represent the greatest number of buildings in each reign, this could indicate the religious temperament of the local people, or perhaps the desire to be seen adopting the religion of Rome. The architectural beauty of porticoes and arches may have contributed to their popularity, but as with the dedication of statues (which increased dramatically from the Trajanic to Antonine period), they provided conspicuous means of immortalising the generosity of the benefactors. Dated monetary gifts, especially of small amounts, increased dramatically from the Hadrianic era until the Severan period, lasting longer in Africa than anywhere else in the empire.219

Hadrian’s time in Africa and Mauretania, whether it was one or two visits, was spent in a manner typical of his provincial journeys, covering large areas in a very short space of time. He may have travelled from Carthage to the southern limes and westwards past the legionary fortress of Lambaesis, even as far as Quiza in the east of Mauretania Caesariensis. In these provinces, as in others, however, there is very little evidence of Hadrian’s personal building projects. Once again, this was perhaps due to his reluctance to put his name on his buildings (SHA Hadr. 19.9).

One of Hadrian’s great architectural contributions to the North West African provinces was bath design.220 The baths at Lepcis Magna were the first complex of their kind to be built in Africa. The use of marble in their construction and the city’s subsequent extensive use of this material strongly suggest Hadrian’s influence. The baths at Carthage, dedicated shortly after Hadrian’s death, were technically Antonine in construction but essentially Hadrianic in design. Hadrian’s promotion of marble as a building material can be observed throughout these provinces where, from the Hadrianic period all major public buildings made extensive use of marble, and the evidence can be seen in the many restorations in this stone. As the quarries at Simitthu were imperially owned, Hadrian was able to make generous gifts of marble to several communities and he increased the efficiency of the North West African trade in marble by building a new road from Simitthu to the coast.

Aqueducts were apparently an exception (SHA Hadr.20.4), and the aqueduct built by Hadrian from Zaghouan to Carthage was so important that it is even mentioned in the literary texts. This aqueduct, however, only partially upholds Hadrian’s reputation for helping communities in distress (SHA Hadr.21.5). A more pressing reason for the emperor’s generosity could have been the importance of Africa’s grain to Rome. Nevertheless, the provision of a new aqueduct contributed towards the continuing prosperity of this province, where ownership of land was the basis of prosperity and status.

Hadrian indirectly contributed to monumental building through his stimulation of the economy. He increased the prosperity of this essentially agricultural society with his law to release unused sections of arable land to tenants, who were provided with excellent terms. Even though it is possible that this may have involved only the imperial estates, these covered a sufficiently large area to have an

The increase in the wealth of individuals and communities stimulated the desire of citizens to extend and beautify their cities with civic building and other urban improvements. Not only did this provide the means of disposing of surplus wealth but it also gave the benefactors the satisfaction of benefiting fellow citizens. Hadrian encouraged this situation by changing the status of many communities, which attracted further funding for civic building projects from the

219

Duncan-Jones ERE 65-6. His influence can be observed in Africa over the next two hundred years. Ward-Perkins RIA 198. 220

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influence on provincial production. New boundaries were established for the avoidance of local disputes and a more efficient road system was constructed. Hadrian’s visit to Africa was certainly part of a broadranging policy to assess and strengthen the frontiers of his empire (SHA Hadr.5.1) and in North West Africa there is clear epigraphic evidence for this. His review of the legion and auxiliaries even incorporated building exercises at the legion’s new headquarters at Lambaesis. Hadrian’s local recruitment policy not only changed the nature of the Roman army but also radically affected the building programmes of military vici and colonies. Important roads were built to facilitate the movement of troops, new forts were established, and the limes reinforced with the fossatum to secure the vulnerable sections of the frontier. The success of these measures is shown by the fact that only one legion, III Augusta, and the auxiliaries continued to maintain peace in these African provinces for many years. The virtual absence of active service released military personnel to build roads and aqueducts, and possibly to supervise quarrying as in other provinces. Although there is limited proof of his personal involvement in these provinces, Hadrian undoubtedly provided the impetus for public building. His desire for peace and equality in the empire, and his great interest in the welfare of the provincial communities, combined with his love of architecture and building created a suitable climate for civic building, to which the Africans responded with great enthusiasm.

150

Glossary of Cities and Rivers for Chapter 6 Giving the Roman names of cities mentioned in the text and their modern names if possible using the spelling of names according to Barrington Atlas. Africa Proconsularis

Thuburbo Maius Tobour /Hr Kasbat Thubursicu Numidarum Khémissa Thugga Dougga Thysdrus el-Djemm Tiddis Kheneg Tipasa Tifech Tuccabor Toukabeur Turris Tamalleni Telmine – civitas Nybgeniorum Ulisparra/ Ulisippira/Uluzibbira Uthina Oudna Utica Utique Uzaae Msaken Uzalis Sar Hr Djal / el Alia? Vallis Sidi Medien Verecunda Markouna Vina Hr.el Maden Zaghouan Zama Maior Jama Zama Regia Jama Zarai Zraia Zattara Kef Bezioun Zucchara (civitas Zuccharitana) Bent Saïdane

Abthugni Hr.Souar Ach(o/u)lla Hr. Botria Ad Maiores Hr.Besseriani Ad Piscinam Agbia Aïn Hedja Althiburos Médeïna Ammaedara Haïdra Aradi Hr.Bu Arada Arsacale el Gulia Aubuzza Hr.Zezza Avitta Bibba Bou Ftis Belalis Maior Hr el-Faouar Biracsaccaria Sidi Bou Medien Bisica Bou Arada/ ? or Hr.Bijga Bulla Regia Hamman Darradji Calama Guelma Canopitana /Canop(e)? Capsa Gafsa Carpi(s) el-Merissa Carthago Kart Hardash/Carthage Castellum Phuensium Phua Chullu Medeina? Cillium Cirta Constantino Civitas..iana Hr. el Aluani Civitas..enorum Kheurbet el-Bilaas Cuicul Djemila ‘the beautiful’ Diana Veteranorum Zana Gemellae el-Kasbat / Hr Sidi Aïsch Gens Bacchuiana /Miz(eoter) Bou Djelida (Jelida) Gigthis Henchir Djorf bu Grara/ Bou Ghara Hadrumetum Sousse Hippo Regius Bône / Hippone / Annaba Iulia Neopolis Nebel Kedim Lambaesis Lambese Lares Lorbus Lepcis Magna Lebda Mactar(is) Maktar Madauros Madoure Mascula Khenchela Mesarfelta (near) d’El Outaya Milev Mila Missuae Sidi Daud Miz(eoter)/ Gens Bacchuiana Bou Jelida Musti(s) Hr.Mest/Le Krib Naraggara Sidi Youssef Numluli Hr.el Matria Oea Tripoli Pheradi Maius Hr.Fradis Rouached Rusicade Philippeville Sabratha (Municipium) Semta Hr. Ksour Dzemda Sigus Simitthu Chemtou Sua (municipium Aelium) Chaouch Sufetula Sbeïtla Sutunurca Hr.Aïn el Askeur Tacapae Gabès Taphrura/ Taparura Thabbora Bordj Tambra Thabraca Tabarka Thabudeos Thaenae Hr Thyna Thagaste Souk Ahras Thag(u/o)ra Taoura Thamugadi Timgad Themetra Theveste Tébessa Thibilis Announa Thisica Aïn Tachegga Thisiduo Crich el Oued

Mauretania Caesariensis Albulae (Praesidium Sufative) Aïn Témouchent Auzia Sour el-Ghozlan /Aumâle Cartenna Tenès Choba Zama Mansoura Icosium Algiers Iol Caesarea Cherchel Iomnium Tigzirt Medjedel Pomaria Tlemcen Portus Magnus Bettioua / St.Leu? Quiza (on the Chelif) Pont du Chélif Rapidum Sour Djouab Reg Saldae Bougie/ Bejara Sitifis Sétif Tasaccora St-Denis-du-Sig Thanaramusa Castra Berrouaghia Thubunae Tipasa Tipasa (a coastal town - not Tifech) Tu(b/p)usuctu Tiklat Zucchabar Miliana Mauretania Tingitana Banasa Sidi Ali bou Djenoun Sala Chellah Thamusida Sidi Ali ben Ahmed Tingi(s) Tangiers Tocolosida Bled Takourart, Aïn Schkour? Volubilis Ksar Faraoun Rivers Bagrada Medjerda Muthul Mellegue (Meskiana)

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Conclusion

At the completion of his African journey in 128, the eleventh year of his reign, Hadrian had already covered vast distances of his western empire, visiting nearly every province. With the exception of Illyricum, he is not known to have visited any of them again. His itinerary suggests that these journeys were not haphazard but formed part of a well-devised plan during which it was said that he visited more provincial cities than any other emperor and built in practically all of them (SHA Hadr.19.2-9; Dio 69.5.2-3). This study has sought for evidence of this, especially given that Hadrian apparently prepared for any building eventuality by travelling with a retinue of architects and craftsmen ‘[Aur.Vic.]’ Epit. 14.4-5). It is also clear that the speed and brevity of Hadrian’s provincial tours make any building achievements remarkable.

provinces with the issue of an exercitus coin. Although both these coin types add to a complete understanding of Hadrian’s building programme, it is the restitutor and adventus coins which have been of special interest to this study. The restitutor coins represent Hadrian’s own assessment of his provincial building and it is significant that only eight of the eighteen western provinces: the Gallic and Spanish provinces and Africa (Proconsularis) were issued with these coins. These support the literary evidence of Plotina’s basilica at Nemausus in Gallia Narbonensis, the restoration of the temple of Augustus at Tarraco in Hispania Tarraconensis and the aqueduct to Carthage in Africa Proconsularis, but it is doubtful whether these buildings provided sufficient justification for the coin issue. It is even more doubtful that Hadrian’s reputation was based on so few buildings.

The search for personally planned and endowed buildings by Hadrian has not been easy. One reason was his well known reluctance to put his name on his buildings (SHA Hadr.19.9). For his building prowess to have received such favourable comments by Dio and the author of the Historia Augusta (both writing a considerable time after Hadrian’s death),1 they obviously had access to sources not available today. Among these would have been the emperor’s autobiography and the lost Vitae Caesarum of Marius Maximus. Even with the loss of such vital literary evidence, it is easy to understand how the collective memory of building activity during the Hadrianic period would have contributed to the provincial building reputation of this widely travelled emperor, already well-known for his building achievements and architectural interests.

From the epigraphic and archaeological evidence it is clear that, despite the brief time spent in each province and the enormous periods required for the construction of monumental building, Hadrian made several other personal contributions to provincial civic building. At Lugdunum, in Gallia Lugdunensis, he initiated a building programme which included a new aqueduct, an Odeon, the restoration of the forum and theatre, in addition to the building of new warehouses. In Baetica, an ambitious building project at his patria, Italica, included the renovation of the theatre in the vetus urbs and the construction of a new city with a Traianeum, an amphitheatre, a market and baths among its many amenities. In Africa it seems that Hadrian was responsible for the initial planning, and possibly the construction, of the Hadrianic baths at Lepcis Magna.

Without the benefit of additional contemporary sources, this study has relied on the available epigraphic and archaeological evidence either to validate or disprove the building reputation accorded to Hadrian. Eighteen western provinces were examined as they were in the Hadrianic period, but for convenience two artificial groups were compiled: one of the western Danubian provinces and Dalmatia, the other the North West African provinces of Africa Proconsularis and the Mauretanias. Reference therefore will be made individually to these provinces in the following discussion.

No civic buildings in any of the western Danubian provinces, Britannia or the Germanies can be attributed personally to Hadrian. The only possible exception was the governor’s palace at Aquincum in Pannonia Inferior, in which Hadrian, once governor of this province, may have taken a personal interest. It does seem, however, that its initial construction took place during the Trajanic period. The effect of Hadrian’s presence As it cannot be assumed that buildings personally initiated by the emperor constituted the entire evidence on which his biographers based their comments, a further enquiry was conducted. This wider assessment of Hadrianic building has given consideration to all civic building that may have been inspired by the emperor’s presence, or encouraged by his urban and military policies.

Hadrian’s last great issue of coins In the absence of Hadrian’s autobiography, it is possible through the last great series of four coin types to understand something of the emperor’s retrospective view of his provincial work. Even so, discoveries such as that of the Germania ‘province’ coin in 1936 can dramatically alter the evidence.

Once again the evidence of the coins was sought and in particular the issue of the adventus coins, which denoted an imperial visit. The twelve provinces identified in this group were Noricum, the Gauls, Britannia, the Spains and the Africas. Of these it is uncertain whether Hadrian ever visited Gallia Aquitania and Mauretania Tingitana. It is known, however, that he visited Raetia, the Pannonias and the

Hadrian paid special tribute to many provinces with the issue of the ‘province’ coin, and to the rôle of the armed forces, particularly the auxiliaries, in seven western 1

See Introduction p.1 n.2 for a discussion of sources.

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Conclusion

Germanies, none of which were honoured with an adventus coin.

proportion of the established African cities of that period. The continuing construction of Trajanic baths is the only Hadrianic building recorded for Mauretania Tingitana. Africa’s building may have been encouraged by the emperor’s presence, but, apart from a few cities, its great wealth and urbanisation are more visible in statues, games, feasts and gifts than Hadrianic building. Nevertheless, perhaps the adventus coin could be claimed as an indicator of possible municipal improvement in these African cities.

It could perhaps be claimed that these provinces were all frontier provinces and as such were part of Hadrian’s military programme, which included extensive frontier building. It should be recognised that this was also the case with Britannia and, to a certain extent, with Africa Proconsularis and Mauretania Caesariensis. The civic building in the provinces honoured with adventus coins could therefore be of limited significance. Nevertheless it is worth noting.

Consideration was also given in this study to the extent to which Hadrian’s urbanisation policies affected civic building. The results show that this was apparently not so in Dalmatia, where only one new municipality is recorded as having built a new forum in the Hadrianic era. In Raetia, building was limited to walls and a tower and in Noricum to one street plan. Although there was great interest by Hadrian in urbanisation, especially in the Pannonias, which achieved the largest number of Hadrianic municipalities, the only buildings which can be claimed as a result were mostly in the fortress canabae of Aquincum and Carnuntum.

First, there was only slightly more civic building in Noricum than in the neighbouring Danubian provinces (discounting building in the civilian settlements of the legionary fortresses of Pannonia). Evidence in Noricum is confined to the capital of Virunum and to Ovilava, one of Hadrian’s new municipalities. In the Gauls, more building took place in Gallia Lugdunensis, much of it reconstruction work, than in the other Gallic provinces. This is hardly surprising, since Lugdunum was the traditional host-city to the emperors and home of the imperial cult. In Gallia Narbonensis there were new buildings at Nemausus, perhaps inspired by Hadrian’s personal building there. Almost no civic building is known for Gallia Belgica, a province close to the frontier which perhaps concentrated its energies and finances on army supply. As so little Hadrianic building is known for Gallia Aquitania, the absence of an imperial visit seems a possibility. Nevertheless all the Gallic provinces provide evidence for continuous building from the Trajanic into the Hadrianic period with the apparent wealth and peace to do so.

In the Gauls, Hadrian’s urbanisation policies also appear to have had little effect on civic building with the exception of Lugdunum Convenarum. No new or commemorative building is known at Avennio, the only Hadrianic colony. Less urbanisation took place in the Germanies during Hadrian’s reign than during Trajan’s and there is no evidence that rise in community status in either reign affected civic building. Such evidence is also lacking for Britannia, where only a porticoed forum at Venta Silurum is known for the new civitates. A similar conclusion can be reached for Hispania where, apart from the buildings of the new colony of Italica (which were more likely to have been constructed for political reasons), there was no evidence of building construction as a result of a rise in status. In the African provinces, apart from monumental arches, there seem to have been few buildings constructed as a result of Hadrian’s urban policies, although the civilian city of the Trajanic legionary fortress of Thamugadi and the city of Lepcis Magna could be exceptions. The considerable renovations at Cuicul are noteworthy in that they possibly represent the availability of better building materials.

Britannia, also honoured with an adventus coin, reveals evidence of at least fifteen cities embarking on new civic building in the Hadrianic era. Seven of these cities also completed Trajanic buildings and six began construction, which continued into the Antonine era. The emperor’s personal encouragement of this activity may be surmised from the report that he set many things right in Britannia (SHA Hadr.11.2). The third group, the Spanish provinces, was older and more established than most provinces. Consequently its cities were not in need of new city centres. Hadrianic building evidence is concentrated in Baetica, which is understandable given his family connections with Italica and the emperor’s desire to honour his predecessor and kinsman Trajan. There are very few known Hadrianic constructions in Lusitania, despite Hadrian’s interest in the mining regions, but it is surprising to find a lack of Hadrianic building in the large province of Tarraconensis. A simple explanation could be that Hadrian’s concentration was mainly focussed on the assembly and his personal restoration of the temple of Augustus at Tarraco.

It has to be concluded that there is insufficient evidence in these provinces is to support the hypothesis that civic building was encouraged by a rise in status of communities. This study also looked at the types of Hadrianic buildings to determine whether any pattern in the development of civic centres was discernable in the choice of building. At the same time a comparison was made with the civic building of Trajan, Hadrian’s predecessor, and Antoninus Pius, Hadrian’s successor as a measure of the extent and volume of Hadrianic building. The Hadrianic buildings of the western Danubian provinces are an example where lack of evidence prevents any depth of analysis. It can only be concluded that during the Hadrianic period the increase in wall and gate construction might indicate that security precautions had taken precedence over administrative and leisure buildings. New

In the last group, forty-nine cities of the African provinces of Africa Proconsularis and Mauretania Caesariensis experienced Hadrianic building, a considerable number compared to other provinces, but this was only a small 154

Conclusion

buildings during the Trajanic and Hadrianic periods appear equal in number, but there was a decrease of fifty percent during the Antonine period. One explanation for this could be that both Hadrian and Trajan, unlike Antoninus Pius, were personally familiar with these provinces and were able to generate interest in building.

and Hadrianic periods, and predominantly in Lugdunensis. Belgica’s Hadrianic building consisted of one long period of bath construction. In the Germanies only one basilica represents Hadrianic administrative building. The building of aqueducts, although none were specifically Hadrianic, continued throughout the three reigns and possibly contributed to the beginning of bath construction which began in the Trajanic/Hadrianic periods. Another reason for the popularity of baths may have been the proximity of the military.

Building types varied slightly with amphitheatres and aqueducts, in addition to a few temples, being built throughout these reigns. There was an obvious need for adequate water supplies, although there is only one instance of a bath building, and this was associated with a forum complex. The level of Romanisation, apparent in the building of temples and amphitheatres, suggests a greater acceptance of the Roman religion and entertainment than of the language required for the theatre. There is little evidence of street planning and administrative buildings with only Ovilava, one of the two Hadrianic municipalities, acquiring a new street layout.

Although most temple building was Trajanic, there was continuous temple building throughout the period of the three reigns. Even so the number was small and this could perhaps be due to a lack of available wealth, but might also reveal a reluctance to adopt Roman gods. There is a slight indication, from the number of new theatres and restored theatres, that these provinces were experiencing a higher level of Romanisation and becoming more familiar with Latin.

The evidence shows that building in the Gauls was continuous throughout the three reigns. Hadrianic building consisted of the completion of several major Trajanic buildings, among which were theatres in Narbonensis, Aquitania and Belgica. Hadrianic building types varied considerably within the Gallic provinces. In Gallia Narbonensis these were mainly temples, whereas in Aquitania they were Gallic temple sanctuaries. The large number of Gallic sanctuaries built and renovated suggests that an acceptance of Roman gods did not lessen the Gallic adherence to their own gods. The intensity of Gallic religiosity, and desire to become more Romanised, can also be understood by the fourfold increase of temple building in the Hadrianic period.

The increase in renovations during the Hadrianic period may have resulted from a wider availability of better building materials. It is tempting to consider, since these renovations lessened in the following era, that Hadrian’s interest and presence may have been positive influencing factors. Civic building in the Trajanic/Hadrianic periods appears to have been less important in these frontier provinces than the construction of bridges, fortifications and harbours, which enabled the maintenance of good communications and the ability to move troops rapidly and efficiently. The provision of suitable governors’ residences in both provinces appears to have been a priority for both political and prestigious reasons.

In addition to new buildings there was an increase in restoration work, particularly of theatres, during the Hadrianic era. The enormous impetus to restoration work in the Hadrianic period could be attributed to the emperor himself, to his personal example and to his great interest in better quality building materials and techniques. Stylistically certain similarities in architectural features, especially at Lugdunum, suggest the possibility that the emperor and his team of craftsmen were personally involved.

The scarcity of building stone in the more populated south east of Britannia undoubtedly determined the extent of civic building programmes and certainly the use of stone inscriptions. If street planning and the acquisition of a forum and basilica represent the foundation of administrative life in a city, then urban life must have been in its early stages during the Hadrianic period. Although a large majority of street plans were Trajanic, many are known in the Hadrianic era, but none for the Antonine period, which suggests that most city streets were laid out by this period.

Even so there were thirty percent fewer Hadrianic than Trajanic civic buildings. These consisted of an unusually large proportion of amphitheatres (most amphitheatres were Trajanic, with none built during the Antonine period). The large number of theatres built throughout the Trajanic and Hadrianic period (most of the theatres and amphitheatres were in Lugdunensis) was reduced to one restoration during the Antonine period. This could indicate a sufficiency of administrative buildings, which allowed for the building of more structures for entertainment purposes. (Circuses are recorded for the first time in the Antonine era). The number of Trajanic basilicas and fora, and the popularity of amphitheatres over theatres, suggest a lower level of Romanisation in some Gallic provinces during Trajan’s reign.

Many basilicas were under construction from the Trajanic period yet most, and the only recorded curia, were Hadrianic. Several continued to be built into the Antonine period. Equal in number to the Hadrianic basilicas are baths and temples and, to a lesser extent, amphitheatres. A level of Romanisation and adequate water supplies by the Hadrianic period are indicated by the large number of Hadrianic baths (only Trajanic aqueducts are known). Bath building gradually lessened by the Antonine period. Temple construction began slowly in the late Trajanic period, increasing dramatically during Hadrian’s reign and continuing through into the Antonine period.

Baths were built in all provinces throughout these three reigns, but aqueducts were built only during the Trajanic 155

Conclusion

Construction of Britannic amphitheatres only occurred in the Trajanic/Hadrianic period. This could reflect the high cost of building or that no more were required, especially as there was only one renovation in the Antonine period. It could also indicate a change in entertainment as theatre building began in the Trajanic/Hadrianic period. This may have been as a result of increased Romanisation, providing a wider understanding of Latin plays.

Existing theatres were renovated and no new theatres or amphitheatres were included in civic building programmes. There were, however, a large number of cities beautified with statues, a less expensive expression of civic pride or religious piety than a building. Both statues and buildings declined in number during the Antonine period. Few Hadrianic baths are recorded for Africa, but those of Lepcis Magna were revolutionary in design and material.

The building of the first arch in these provinces during the Antonine era altered the focus from utilitarian and entertainment buildings to commemorative or decorative buildings. Longer construction periods are more often recorded in Britannia than for other provinces, suggesting either a lack of finance or suitable building materials, but it could also reveal uncertainty in the archaeological evidence. The great emphasis on military building during the Hadrianic period must surely have affected attitudes towards investment in civic building.

The results show that the types of Hadrianic buildings varied enormously from province to province and between groups of provinces. It has been interesting to speculate that a particular building could reflect the needs of a community, or even that there was a logical, perhaps traditional, order in which civic buildings were constructed. The type of building was also seen as an indication of tribal or racial preferences in addition to the personal choice of the benefactor.

Hadrianic building at Italica, in Hispania, can be seen more as an act of piety towards Trajan. Hadrian’s other personal building project at Tarraco was almost certainly politically motivated as the emperor sought to make connections between himself and Augustus. The aqueducts and baths in these provinces were either Trajanic or Hadrianic, although most aqueducts were Hadrianic. Neither type of building is recorded for the Antonine era. The average number of temples under construction remained constant throughout these reigns, but it was only in the Hadrianic era that places of entertainment were built. Even so, these were in limited venues and may have been organised by the emperor himself.

Enormous differences can be seen in the levels of Romanisation and urbanisation of these provinces in their choice of civic buildings, or the lack of them. The western Danubian provinces had well urbanised areas interspersed with non-Romanised areas. The types of buildings therefore cover a wide range from those for basic security, to administration and to entertainment. Although individually the Gallic provinces varied, overall there was a greater emphasis on entertainment buildings and religious buildings, which perhaps reveals the tribal character and preferences in these provinces. The frontier provinces of Germania had a contrast of well-developed cities and vast tracts of rural, underdeveloped areas with an occasional civic building. There were, as expected, a high proportion of bridges, some baths and temples.

The renovation of buildings began in earnest in the Hadrianic period, indicating that there was either the need to renovate or rebuild, and that this was now easier with good and more accessible building materials. There may even have been a decline in available funds for new building. The Trajanic lighthouse is an interesting commentary of the needs of shipping, both commercial and military.

More street plans, fora and basilicas were evident in Britannia as this province became increasingly urbanised. The Spanish provinces produced few identifiable buildings for this era, most of them associated with water. These provinces also combine sophisticated cities and isolated rural communities. The African provinces exhibited a similar mixture but with a much higher concentration of civic building. The enormous number of arches suggests a level of need beyond administration and entertainment to the beautification of their cities.

There is an abundant, but gradually diminishing evidence of many cities offering statues, games or feasts. These can be seen as an attractive alternative to civic building due either to the high cost of building or the completion of civic centres.

The extent of Hadrianic building

The Hadrianic era saw a lessening in the building of administrative buildings in the North West African provinces, even though new fora, basilicas and a curia continued to be built throughout the three reigns. Temples were built in great numbers in each reign, with an enormous increase during the Hadrianic period, both in building and renovation. This represented a three hundred percent increase on Trajanic temple building, decreasing to fifty percent in the Antonine period.

Within these groups of provinces, the Germanies, Britannia and the African provinces have a greater number of Hadrianic buildings. The large percentage in Britannia may be due to its rapid urban growth and the urgent need for city planning and administrative buildings. The slight increase in new German civic buildings is almost negligible but the beginning of building restoration or renovation from the Hadrianic period signals the availability of suitable building material, possibly resulting from the opening of more quarries under Hadrian. The Africas demonstrate the largest increase of new civic buildings in these western provinces during the Hadrianic period, in addition to a fifty percent increase in renovated buildings. Although the wealth of the African cities and their citizens undoubtedly played an enormous role in this, it could also be explained in terms of

Arches became very popular and were built consistently in all three reigns. There was a tremendous increase in the Hadrianic period which gradually lessened in the Antonine period. Porticoes were also popular due to their practicality and architecturally pleasing features. 156

Conclusion

Hadrian’s presence in these provinces and his encouragement by example of the use of superior building stone and new building techniques.

revolt in Judaea highlighted the need for military preparation in these provinces. In the Gauls the evidence shows only a slight increase in Trajanic road construction from the Hadrianic era, but an enormous increase in the reign of Antoninus Pius, more than in the combined reigns of Trajan and Hadrian. Most building occurred in the early years of each reign. Hadrianic work was completed between 121 and 123, the years of his visit, suggesting that the emperor either authorised or encouraged this work. The emphasis on road works in Gallia Belgica, in comparison with the other provinces, may have been in preparation for the transport of troops and goods to Britannia.

In both the Spanish and Gallic provinces more Trajanic buildings than Hadrianic are recorded. It could be that Hadrian’s time in Spain was taken up with his vast projects at Italica and Tarraco, in addition to the assembly. But his kinsman and predecessor Trajan appears to have spent more time, and possibly had a greater interest, in the Spanish provinces. Apart from the coastal cities of Dalmatia, this group of western Danubian provinces was thinly populated and less urbanised than many of the other provinces. Their military importance may have contributed to this. The volume of civic building was equal in the Trajanic and Hadrianic periods. The decline in the Antonine period perhaps emphasises the importance of imperial visits in the encouragement of provincial building.

The road works in Gallia Narbonensis may have connections with Antoninus Pius, as this was his patria, but their early date suggests that Hadrian may have ordered repairs to the old roads of this province. There appears to be no satisfactory explanation for the lack of road making during this reign in Gallia Lugdunensis, unless river transport in this province was utilised more.

The total number of civic buildings in the western provinces makes it abundantly clear that civic building in the Hadrianic era had increased by thirty-five percent over the Trajanic period. There was a decrease of over fifty percent by the end of Antoninus Pius’ reign.

Further evidence of Hadrian’s personal involvement with road building in these provinces is that, despite the Hadrianic inscription giving authority to the governor or local magistrates for road construction, a large percentage of Hadrianic work was funded by the imperial fisc. This was not the case in the Trajanic and Antonine eras, when funding was equally divided between local communities and the imperial fisc. Perhaps Hadrian’s attention to the roads contributed to his reputation for being generous to all communities.

The Hadrianic period also witnessed more restoration work than the other two reigns. Hadrianic restorations show an increased of two hundred and fifty percent over the Trajanic era and thirty-three percent more than in the Antonine period. This does not necessarily illustrate a lack of desire to finance new buildings, since there were more new Hadrianic buildings than in either of the other two reigns. It is more tempting to attribute it to the emperor’s keen interest in his provinces, which inspired his journeys, and provided examples of his provincial building, which in turn encouraged citizens to emulate his generosity and his innovative building techniques.

Most of the German roads were the responsibility of the local communities, but the important limes roads were financed by the imperial fisc. The majority of roadworks belong to the early part of each emperor’s reign and most building took place during the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian, with the continuation and completion of military road projects. The Hadrianic limes roads received particular attention, facilitating the movement of troops and possibly for supplies for Britannia to support the building of the Wall.

The evidence from the roads Another aspect of building is road construction and since road works are eminently visible and the volume, if sufficiently large, could influence the general perception and memory of building activity, all roads constructed and restored during these three reigns, have been included.

There is no epigraphic evidence of roadworks in Britannia until the Hadrianic era, even though many roads were built in the first century. It seems certain that more roads would have been constructed or repaired during the building of the wall, even though troops were brought in by sea and goods were transported by river. There is no extant Trajanic or Antonine evidence of road building.

Hadrian travelled continuously across his empire and was vitally interested in the efficient transport of troops and goods. It is natural to assume that he would have attended to the roads. Milestones provided much of the evidence, although modern archaeological methods, such as dendrochronology, are providing accurate dating on the wood used in road construction.

Hadrianic road works in Hispania increased one hundred percent over the Trajanic era. Most were in northern Tarraconensis close to the legionary fortress and the mineral rich areas of Tarraconensis and Lusitania. The roads of Lusitania which serviced the mining districts received imperial attention in the first decade of Hadrian’s reign at the time of his visit, and those of Tarraconensis, near the legionary fortress and northern mining districts, in the second decade. Trajanic road works were funded by the imperial fisc, whereas in the Hadrianic period there was

The information from the western Danubian province group is limited to a few milestones from Noricum and the Pannonias from late in Hadrian’s reign. The date, c.132, and financing by the imperial fisc suggest that the Bar Kochba

157

Conclusion

greater emphasis on funding by the local communities. Even so the imperial fisc provided approximately sixty per cent of the finance and most probably labour and expertise from the VII Gemina. In extreme contrast there is no evidence of any road building or maintenance during the reign of Antoninus Pius.

rebuilding of Norican forts in stone was completed in Hadrian’s and Pius’ reigns. The palisading of the Raetian boundary may have been a Hadrianic project, but the evidence, in spite of the statement in the vita (SHA Hadr.12.6), concludes that it was erected by Antoninus Pius, and the majority of Pannonian forts were not rebuilt in stone for more than thirty years. The nonmilitary Antoninus Pius completed the immense task, begun by Domitian, of fortifying the north-western frontier.

Major North West African road works, including several bridges, were completed in the early years of Hadrian’s reign, particularly near the new fortress at Lambaesis. Those built at the time of Hadrian’s visit of 128 were constructed more for commercial than military purposes. It seems that Trajanic and Antonine roads varied little in volume, but the Antonine roads were mostly interior roads built to connect military bases.

The existing evidence of the Hadrianic period in Germania shows a considerable movement of troops, but no direct evidence that Hadrian chose any sites for German forts, despite statements to the contrary by the literary sources. Trajan’s fort building left an excess of forts with only Saalburg requiring any rebuilding by Hadrian. From 121/122, Hadrian consolidated the frontiers and reorganised the army. The movement of troops, however, did incur some changes in the forts and considerable rebuilding and strengthening of fortifications, and the provision of watchtowers and palisades. The legions and auxiliaries were involved in building works especially the rebuilding of forts in Germania Superior with stone.

The limited evidence of the milestones suggests that, except for Antoninus Pius’ home province of Gallia Narbonensis, there was more building and maintenance on the roads throughout the western provinces during Hadrian’s reign than in the reigns of Trajan and Antoninus Pius. Many Hadrianic roads were maintained and built in the Spanish and African provinces with a greater emphasis on the Spanish roads. It is therefore quite possible that Hadrianic road building contributed to a perception of intense Hadrianic building generally.

Hadrian’s immediate concern on his arrival in Britannia was to begin work on the Wall. Apart from the intricate design of the Wall itself, there was the placement of forts, milecastles and watchtowers. The logistics of the building process were staggering; the manpower required, the provision of suitable building material and the welfare of the builders. With such an enormous military undertaking, it could be expected that civic building might be a secondary consideration. The evidence points to the contrary. Indeed, if street planning and the acquisition of a forum and basilica are signs of the foundation of administrative life in a city, then the Hadrianic era represents the beginning of much of urban life in Britannia.

The effect of Hadrian’s military policies on civic building in the armed provinces As Hadrian recognised the importance of his armed provinces with the minting of the exercitus coins, the possible effect of his military policies on civic building in the armed provinces was also considered. The provinces concerned were Dalmatia, Raetia, Noricum, the Germanies, Britannia and Mauretania. No coin was minted for the heavily armed legionary provinces of the Pannonias. Dalmatia apparently had no military problems and there is no evidence of any military construction during Hadrian’s reign and the usual public works which used army labour and expertise, such as roads, bridges and aqueducts. Raetia, Noricum and the Pannonias differed from Dalmatia in that they all were frontier provinces. It has been demonstrated that provision for his armies and the securing of the frontiers occupied Hadrian’s time in these provinces. Hadrian’s Raetian fortification plans, the palisade and perhaps the rebuilding of the forts in stone, were not implemented until late in his reign and early in Pius’ reign. The opening of more quarries enabled Hadrian to rebuild in stone the forts of the vulnerable Norican frontier at Tullnerfeld. The emperor made changes at each legionary fortress either with the occupying legion or with the buildings. The few local forts built in stone may have been connected to the fortress building at Aquincum and Brigetio.

Only Mauretania was honoured with an exercitus coin and Hadrianic military concentration was in this region. The emperor strengthened the limes of North West Africa to the south and west, building new forts along the limes, finalising the relocation of the legionary fortress to Lambaesis and constructing new sections of the fossatum to control the migration of nomadic herds. Several aspects of the fossatum are similar to Hadrian’s Wall. Although Trajan fortified a section of the limes, building at least three new forts, more military building took place during Antoninus Pius’ reign, especially at the Hadrianic veteran colony of Diana Veteranorum and the legionary fortress and canabae at Lambaesis. There was increased civic building in the civilian settlements of forts and canabae and, where there are available records, the contribution of military legates and governors is apparent. The evidence is that although there was a concentration on building at the frontiers, this had an adverse effect on civic building only in the Germanies, Noricum, Raetia and the Pannonias. With increased urbanisation, however, this situation could have changed in successive reigns.

Trajan, Hadrian and Antoninus Pius were all involved in what appears to have been a continuous plan for the frontier. Hadrian’s contribution was the greatest, no doubt due to the time he invested in his thorough inspection tours, during which he was able to reorganise the placement of his forces, in addition to strengthening the frontier, building and altering legionary fortresses and auxiliary forts. The 158

Conclusion

Finally, the aim of this study was to attempt to prove the accuracy of the ancient sources of Hadrian’s building prowess in the western provinces and especially in their cities. This can now be done. Hadrian’s known personal buildings are few, but recognition has been given to the drastic changes brought about as a result of new archaeological discoveries. What can now be definitely concluded, using the currently available literary, epigraphic, numismatic and archaeological evidence, is that the accounts given by the ancient authors were based on accurate information regarding general Hadrianic civic building. It cannot be proven that Hadrian personally endowed more provincial buildings than his predecessor and successor, or that he personally organised building in every provincial city that he visited. Yet the evidence clearly shows that thirty percent more civic building took place during the Hadrianic era than during the Trajanic, and fifty percent more than during the reign of Antoninus Pius. The evidence of the milestones, limited as it often is, supports this. There was more building and maintenance on the roads throughout the western provinces during Hadrian’s reign than in either Trajan’s or Antoninus Pius’. Hadrian’s commitment to a military policy which involved the building and rebuilding of forts and major defence works along the frontiers of the military provinces must also have added to the perception of continual building throughout his reign. This study has shown that the emperor’s influence on provincial life was considerable in many ways. His time in each of the western provinces was brief, almost entirely in the first half of his reign, and it is incredible that he was able to achieve so much. His primary aim in those early years must have been the security of the empire, and clearly his enormous military programme left Hadrian little time for civic building. He was, nevertheless, able to embark on several ambitious projects and to encourage urbanisation resulting from change in status of many provincial cities. This was not always reflected, however, in an immediate increase in civic building in those cities. Yet it seems feasible that it was Hadrian’s own example, his enthusiasm, and provision of better building materials which encouraged the considerable increase in civic building from the close of the Trajanic era, and continued throughout Hadrian’s reign and then to decline in the Antonine period. The reputation given to Hadrian by the ancient sources of his being a prolific builder and benefactor of provincial cities is a fitting legacy for a remarkable emperor.

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174

Army Appendix for Chapter 1 The Legions and Auxiliaries1 of Dalmatia, Raetia, Noricum, Pannonia Superior and Pannonia Inferior Exercitus Delmaticus Legio 2

Auxilia 3 last known diploma before the Hadrianic period 93 (CIL 16.38) Alae 4 Cohortes 5 III Alpinorum e I Belgarum e VIII Voluntariorum e. c.R

I Flavia Brittonum I Campanorum v.

Dated presence in province,Hadrianic fort and any building activity 93 Fort:Andetrium (CIL 3.14950) Detachments at Burnum, Salona (duties for governor CIL 3.13906) and at Gradac near Scardona. Fort: Bigeste (CIL 3.14630)) Governor duties at Salona CIL 3.8756, 2067) from c.100, CIL 3.8762, 8484) and at Narona (CIL 3.8437). 93 Fort: Tilurium (the old legionary fortress (CIL 3.13975, 9724) Detachment at Epidaurum (CIL 3.1742.3163). Undated evidence at Bigeste(CIL 3.13875) and Narona (CIL 3.1808) Doclea, Cacak (CIL 3.8336) Halapic (GZMBD 40 (1928) 82f). Only auxiliary to stamp bricks and tiles, these found at Andetrium (CIL 3.10182). Built aqueduct towers under Antoninus Pius (AE 1940, 176). In Salona:CIL 3.2024 but left late in Trajan’s or early in Hadrian’s reign. Either in Narona or Salona, Dalmatia before mid 2nd century.6

Estimated strength of exercitus Delmaticus in the Hadrianic period: 7 (Depending on troop movement and date) 3 cohorts – quingenary equitata (360 cavalry and 1440 infantry) = 1800

1

Abbreviations: e(quitata) m(iliaria) c(ivium) R(omanorum) v(eteranorum) s(agittariorum) p(ia) f(idelis)(civium Romanorum denotes that the unit was granted citizenship). 2 legio VII Claudia pia fidelis was sent to Moesia by Claudius or Nero between AD 42 and 66. (Josephus mentions only one legion in Dalmatia: Bell.lud. xi.16.4). In AD 70 legio XI Claudia pia fidelis was sent to Germany, R. Syme 'Governors of Dalmatia' Danubian Papers (1971) 199, and replaced by IIII Flavia felix which was transferred to Moesia Superior in c. AD 86 leaving no legions in Dalmatia. The presence of IIII Flavia felix at Burnum, Dalmatia: burial there of the aquilifer Gal.Calvus (CIL 3.14995), and the large quantity of stamped tiles produced by the legion. J.J. Wilkes Dalmatia London 1969, 103. 3 Using military diplomas listed in CIL and L’Annee Epigraphique and information from J. Spaul Cohors2 BAR 841 2000; G.L. Cheesman The Auxilia of the Roman Imperial Army Oxford 1914 repr.New York 1971; P.A. Holder Studies in the Auxilia ...Augustus to Trajan BAR Int.ser. 70 Oxford 1980; J. Spaul Ala2 Andover 1995; Cichorius ‘Ala’ RE I/1 1223-1270, ‘Cohors’RE IV/1231-356. J.J. Wilkes Dalmatia London 1969; G.Alföldy Noricum (Appendix 10) 1974, 257-260. 4 Ala Tungrorum Frontoniana had left for Pannonia by AD 80 (CIL 16.26). 5 III Alpinorum and VIII Voluntarium were in Dalmatia from the Augustan era. III Alpinorum stayed until 185 but VIII Voluntarium was replaced by M.Aurelius with I Delmatarum and II Delmatarum. 6 Spaul Cohors2 23. 7 Calculations for auxiliary units are based on: Alae: usually quingenary = 512 cavalry – very rarely milliary = 768 cavalry and 1000 horses; cohors peditata quingenaria: 480 infantry; cohors equitata quingenaria: 480 infantry and 120 cavalry = 600 men; cohors peditata milliaria: 800 infantry; cohors equitata milliaria: 800 infantry and 240 cavalry = 1040 men. P.A. Holder Studies in the Auxilia ...Augustus to Trajan BAR Int.ser. 70 Oxford 1980, 8-9.

175

Exercitus Raeticus Legio 8

Auxilia: Dates of Hadrianic auxiliary honorary discharge diplomas: 121-135 or 128-135 (AE 1978, 591). (CIL 16.81;85 are too fragmentary for identification of units). 121-5 (RMD 25), 125-8(RMD 32). Non-Hadrianic diplomas: 116 (AE(1995)1185), 147 (CIL 16.94), 138/40 (RMD 94). Alae I Hispanorum Auriana II Flavia m. p.f I Flavia Gemelliana I Flavia Singularium p.f

Dated presence in province, Hadrianic fort and any building activity 121-135 In Raetia by 107 9 Fort: Weissenburg (CIL 3.5899) Fort: Heidenheim (moved there by Hadrian) 121- 135 Fort: Kosching (CIL 3. 5906) Fort:Castrum Biburg near Pförring (built in stone c.141: CIL 3.5912).

Cohortes II Aquitanorum e III Batavorum m. e

Dated presence in province, Hadrianic fort and any building activity (Also known as II Biturigum) 116 Fort:Konigsberg.Tiles:Arnsberg:CIL 3.12413 116 Home fort:Vetus Salina (Pan.Inf).There by 135 (CIL 16.179-80).Tiles at Vetus Salina:AE 1935,163 Stuhlweissenburg: CIL 3.3345 (Several detachments in various places). 116 147 Fort: Weissenburg? Altar: CIL 3.11918. Tile: AE 1969/70, 552. 107 138/40 147 Fort:Gnotzheim (2 units with same name?) Bronze helmet at Castra Regina: CIL 3.14119. Tiles:Theilenhofen:CIL 3.13546. 121-135 Fort: Gnotzheim or Künzing.No building evidence. 121-135 Fort:Pfunz & altars:CIL 3.11929. CIL 3.14370 Building slab.c.18. In Raetia throughout 2nd C. Altars and tiles at Eining (CIL 3.5935;11996) 125-8 Fort: Castra Regina. Tile manufacturer: tiles at Kösching, Straubing, Eining, Castra Regina. Roofed the bathhouse at Kösching: CIL 3.11992. As archers: meat suppliers to forts.10 116 138-40 Fort unknown 116 138-40 Fort: Urspring (At Unterböbingen under Pius). Left Raetia:124/126 for Pannonia Inferior. 107 138-40 Fort: unknown (several units with same name) 116 117-40 121-135 147 Fort: Straubing Tiles: Straubing: CIL 3.11997; AE 1977,595. 116 147 Fort: Haunsheim:CIL 3.5880;11899 121-135 121-5;125-8 138-40 Fort:Künzing12 Tile:Künzing: AE 1930,73 121-135 121-5 138-40 Fort:Unknown

IX Batavorum m. III Bracaraugustanorum V Bracaraugustanorum I Breucorum e. c.R* III Britannorum I Flavia Canathenorum m.s IV Gallorum VI Lusitanorum VII Lusitanorum e I Raetorum e. c.R11 II Raetorum III Thracum v III Thracum c.R * IIII Tungrorum 13 *14

Estimated strength of exercitus Raeticus in the Hadrianic period: 15 (Depending on troop movement and date) 4 Alae (one milliary) 2304; 17 cohorts ( 14 quingenary: 9 peditata,4 equitata; 3 milliary: 2 peditata,1 equitata) = 9120 infantry and 3024 cavalry) = 12,144.

8

The legions XIII Gemina, XVI and XXI Rapax served in Raetia.legio XIII Gemina was the last to leave c.AD 9. Raetia was without a legionary force for over 150 years (F. Schon Der Beginn der romischen Herrschaft in Ratien Sigmaringen 1986, 101 -2) when legio III Italica was stationed in Raetia (Dio 55.24). 9 E.Stein & E.Ritterling Die kaiserlichen Beamten und Truppenkörper im römischen Deutschland unter dem Prinzipat Wien 1932, 123f. Previously in Noricum (Tac.Hist 3.5; CIL 16.11749) and Aquincum, Pannonia Inferior (CIL 3.14349/8). 10 It is possible that this unit went to Arabia c.125. Spaul Cohors2 427. 11 Perhaps this unit was transferred with I Thracum Syriaca to Pannonia under Licinius Mucianus. B. Saria Pannonia 8 (1935) 171f. It was in Germania Inferior c.127 W. Eck & E. Paunov ‘Ein neues Militärdiplom für die Auxiliartruppen von Germania inferior aus dem Jahr 127’ Chiron 27 (1997) 336. 12 H. Schönberger, 'The Roman Frontier in Germany: an Archaeological Survey' JRS 59 (1969) 169. 13 Known from an inscription found at Virunum, Noricum (Car 151 (1961) 469ff), but not mentioned by Cheesman. This unit was in Raetia in the second century. A.Radnóti ‘Neues rätische Militärdiplome aus Straubing und Eining’ Germania 39 (1961) 103. There were either many detachments or this unit was highly flexible for it was in Raetia, Noricum and Mauretania Tingitana during Hadrian’s reign. Spaul Cohors2 235. 14 It is possible that Hadrian took these three units to Judaea 132-6. Schönberger 'The Roman Frontier in Germany: an Archaeological Survey' 169. 15 Calculations for auxiliary units: see fn.7.

176

Exercitus Noricus Legio 16

Auxilia: Auxiliary units listed in Hadrianic discharge diplomas: 128-138 (CIL 16.174). Under Q. Licinius Sabinus: 10 December 135 – 10 July 138 (AE 1988, 915). Alae I Augusta Thracum 17 I Commagenorum I Pannoniorum Tampiana v18 Cohortes I Asturnum II Batavorum m. V Breucorum e c.R I Aelia Brittonum m I Flavia Brittonum 20 Noricorum II Thracum v. c.R. p.f.21 IIII Tungrorum m.(vexillatio) I Ubiorum

Dated presence in province, Hadrianic fort and any building activity 135-138 (AE (1988,) 915)(In Noricum by 107). Fort:Augustiana CIL 3.5654 = 11795. Rebuilt fort in stone c.140-4: CIL 3.5655= 11796. 135-138 (AE 1988, 915).Fort:Commagena (Polaschek RE xvii 1002). Dedication:ClL 3.5655. 128-138 (CIL 16.174) 135-138 (AE (1988) 915). Fort: Lentia (Came from Britannia in during Hadrian” reign) Dated presence in province, Hadrianic fort and any building activity 135-138 (AE 1988, 915). Fort:Astura 19 128-138 (CIL 16.174),135-138 (AE (1988) 915). Fort: Faviana Tombstone at Lentia. 135-138 (AE 1988, 915). Forts: Ioviacum ,Astura, Boiodurum, Stanacum and 3 others. Weihmörting: Tiles: CIL 3.5613 and altar:CIL 3.11781 Tiles: Ioviacum: RLO 21.1958,39. Fort: Ad Iuvense. Tiles: Faviana CIL 3.13539 (not Hadrianic - perhaps Antonine?) 135-138 (AE 1988, 915). Fort:Arelape or Amstetten: Tiles:Pascher RLO 19 (1949) 249 (perhaps stationed at both forts with a detachment downstream at Arelape) March 131 in Pan.Inf: ZPE 126, 249.Fort:Arrabona (P.Sup).Tiles:Astura: AE 1962, 214 135-138 (AE 1988, 915) Fort: Cannabiaca.(Pan.Sup.) 128-138 (CIL 16.174), 135-138 (AE (1988) 915). Fort: Virunum Fort: Faviana. Tiles: Faviana CIL 3.13539

Estimated strength of exercitus Noricus in the Hadrianic period: 22 (Depending on troop movement and date) 9 cohorts (3 milliary equitata, 1 quingenary equitata, 5 quingenary peditata with 3 alae (quingenary) = 1576 cavalry and 5600 infantry). = 7176

16

No Roman legion was stationed in Noricum until the arrival of II Italica c. 171 (Ritterling RE xii 1468 f; Dio 55.24). (CIL 3.1980, CIL 3.14369 –tile stamp). At the time of annexation detachments from the Pannonian legion VIII Augusta (based at Poetovio, Pannonia Superior) were stationed Celeia and Magdalensberg (E. Polaschek RE xvii 1001f). 17 Came from Raetia in 107 (Car 129 (1939) 209). In 2nd century one decurion from this unit was seconded to the governor's staff at Virunum (CIL 3.4839), and another employed in the administration of the mines at Hohenstein (CIL 3.4806). Either I or II Aug.Thracum attested at iron mines at Feldkirchen, Carinthia (Car 129 (1939) 209 = 144 (1954) 151f. 18 Came from Britain sometime after 122. Second century decurion from Iuvavum (CIL 3.5531). 19 Perhaps there were two units, or the unit itself or a vexillation left early in Hadrian’s reign. 20 In Salona:CIL 3.2024 but left late in Trajan’s or early in Hadrian’s reign. Ibid. 109-24. For the fort at Arelape: H. Stiglitz ‘Römische Lager und frühmittelalterliche Siedlungen am norischen limes’ JOAI(B) 46 (1961-3) 145. 21 Transferred to Noricum as part of Hadrian’s reorganisation of the empire. Spaul Cohors2 372. 22 Calculations for auxiliary units: see fn.7.

177

Exercitus Pannonicus Pannonia Superior Legiones X Gemina XIV Gemina Martia victrix I Adiutrix

Fortress:Vindobona (Dio 55.23.4) Fortress:Carnuntum (Dio 55.23.5) Fortress: Brigetio (ILS 2288; Ritterling RE xii 12288)

Auxilia: Units listed in Hadrianic discharge diplomas of soldiers serving under: Cornelius Latinianus: 1 July 126 (AE 1995,1823) Cornelius Proculus: 2 July 133 (CIL 16.76 = 16.77 = AE (1898) 27) Ti.Haterius Nepos:16 June 138 (CIL 16.84) Alae I Hispanorum Arvacorum III Augusta Thracum s I Canninefatium c.R I Ulpia Contariorum m. c.R I Thracum victrix c.R

Dated presence in province, Hadrianic fort and any building activity 126 (AE 1995,1823) 133 (CIL 16.76); 138 (CIL 16.84). Fort: unknown 126 (AE 1995,1823) 133 (CIL 16.76); At Arrabona CIL 3.4380 (Castell Adiaum c.252) 126 (AE 1995,1823) 133 (CIL 16.76); 138 (CIL 16.84). Fort: Gerulata (CIL 3 4391) 126 (AE 1995,1823) 133 (CIL 16.76); 138 (CIL 16.84). Fort: Arrabona 126 (AE 1995,1823) 133 (CIL 16.76); 138 (CIL 16.84). Fort: Petronell nr Carnuntum

Cohortes I Aelia Caes(ariensis) s m e I Aelia Gaesatorum m.

Dated presence in province, Hadrianic fort and any building activity 133 (CIL 16.76), Fort: Cannabiaca:CIL 3.5647 (Astura, Noricum). 126 (AE 1995, 1823). Fort: Unknown. Large manufacturer of tiles. Specialists with heavy iron javelin. (In Dacia by 133). 126 (AE 1995,1823), 133 (CIL 16.76). Tiles: AE 1966,301 Quadrata: Fort? 133 (CIL 16.76), Fort:Crumerum (also altars CIL 3.36640 Sopot, Pan.Inf.23 126 (AE 1995,1823), 133 (CIL 16.76), 138 (CIL 16.84).Fort:Ulcisia Castra (on the bend of the river in Pannonia Inferior). Tiles: AE 1901,224; CIL 3.10672.(Severan building at Ad Statuas lower down the river (AE 1972, 437). 126 (AE 1995, 1823), 133 (CIL 16.76), 138 (CIL 16.84). Forts: Solva (Noricum border) Altofen (east bank at Aquincum).Tiles: CIL 3.4372 at Arrabona (Ebersdorf nr Beckium). Tombstones found at Mattersdorf, north of Scarbantia and at Deutsch Altenburg 138 (CIL 16.84).Fort: Quadrata (Restoration with tiles: AE 1966, 301). 138 (CIL 16.84).Fort: Cirpi (Border fort)

II Alpinorum e. V Lucensium et Callaecorum I Thracum e. c.R. p.f * I Ulpia Pannoniorum m e IV Voluntariorum c.R XVIII Voluntariorum c.R

Estimated military strength of Pannonia Superioris during the Hadrianic period: 24 (Depending troop movement date) 3 legions (16,500); 5 alae (1 milliary and 4 quingenary) = 2816 cavalry; cohorts (2 milliary equitate, 2 quingenary equitate, 3 quingenary peditate) = 4000 infantry and 720 cavalry = 7536 auxiliary troops and 16,500 legionaries = 24,036

23 24

The forts of some units were on boundaries that either fluctuated or were not clearly defined. Calculations for auxiliary units: see fn.7.

178

Pannonia Inferior Legio II Adiutrix

Fortress: Aquincum (CIL 8.25740; Dio 55.24.3)

Auxilia No evidence of Hadrianic honorable discharge diplomas for Pannonia Inferior25 Alae I Augusta Ityraeorum I Praetoria singularium I Thracum Veterana I Flavia Aug Brittonum m cR Flavia Pannoniorum I Tungrorum Frontoniana

Dated presence in province, Hadrianic fort and any building activity AE 1909, 235 = 1938, 13. Fort: Rittium Fort: Teutoburgium 26 (CIL 3.3272) Fort: Intercisa 27 Fort: Matricia28 Fort: Acumincum in 2nd century CIL 3.3252 In Pannonia by 80 (CIL 16.2).Location: CIL 3.3679. Fort: Obuda built in stone 1st half 2nd C.29

Cohortes I Alpinorum Peditata

Dated presence in province, Hadrianic fort and any building activity 135 (ZPE 126,249). Fort: Lussonium(after division of Pannonia). Proficient builders and tile makers, tiles at Poetovio (CIL 3.14100/8). 135 (ZPE 126,149). Fort: Matricia. Tiles: Batina (CIL 3.10674). Fort: Titel?. A large, mobile unit arrived in Pannonia Inferior by 135 (ZPE 126,129)? too late?:143 (ZPE 127, 249) Fort: Acumincum /Malata30 Unit or detachment in Narona or Salona, Dalmatia before mid 2nd C. 114 (CIL 16.61) Altar at Altofen. Fort: Altinum 114 (RMD 153), 135 (ZPE 126,249) Fort: Alisca 31 Tiles at Alisca:Diss Arch.5 p.15 110 (CIL 16.164),135 (ZPE 126,129)Two units? Fort:Burgenae.Late building slab & tile:d Statuas 135 (ZPE 127), 250.Forts: Lugio, Ad Militare, Rittium, Brigetio. Tile:Rittium Transferred to Dacia before 140 (RMD 39) Fort: Ad Militare (I Augusta Thracum e. c.R: Arrived after Hadrianic era). 116 (AE 1995,1185), 135 (ZPE 126,249).Fort: Vetus Salina. Tiles: CIL 3.3760; 10671. In Pannonia before 135 (ZPE 126,249) from Raetia. 114 (CIL 16.61) 133 (ZPE 126,250). Fort: Ad Statuas (Vardomb). Arrived in Pannonia Inferior under Hadrian (then to Moesia Sup. Fort: Lugio Two units? In Pannonia by 126 (ZPE 127,250). Sent to Numidia by Hadrian (building at Khenchela CIL 8. 17673).Returned to Pannonia Inferior in 135 (ZPE 126,149).Fort:?

I Alpinorum e I Brittonum m. I Campanorum vol.c.R I Lusitanorum I Noricorum e I Thracum e.? II Asturum et Callaecorum 32 II Aug .Nervia Pacensis Brittonum m. II Augusta Thracum III Batavorum m e III Lusitanorum VII Breucorum VII Lusitanorum

Estimated military strength of Pannonia Inferioris during the Hadrianic period: 33(Depending on troop movement and date) 1 legion = 5500; 6 alae (1 milliary and 5 quingenary) = 3328 cavalry; 14 cohorts (1 milliary equitata, 2 milliary peditata, 2 quingenary equitata, 8 quingenary peditata) = 7200 infantry and 3808 cavalry = 11,040 auxiliaries and 5500 legionaries = 16,540 The total strength of Hadrian’s exercitus Pannonicus (without the fleet) = 40,576.

25

In addition to the sources cited in fn.1 the following article has been very useful for the location and building fabric of the auxiliary forts in this province: A. Radnóti & L.Barkóczi ‘The Distribution of troops in Pannonia Inferior during the 2nd century AD’ Acta Arch. Hung.1 Budapest 1951 191-226. There are some problems with fluctuating boundaries placing units in different provinces even though there were no changes in their forts. In the absence of Hadrianic diplomas, these examples are earlier: ala Praetoria c.R and cohors V Gallorum were placed in Pannonia Inferior in diplomas of 85 and 110, yet the diplomas of 93 and 100 place them in Moesia Superior. 26 This was the fort built during the Flavian era by ala II Hispanorum Arvarcorum and occupied during their absence in Moesia. J.W. Eadie ‘The Development of the Pannonian Frontier south of the Drave’ Limes (1976) Budapest 1977, 214-215. The ala I praetoria singularium c.R was perhaps stationed at Teutoburgium and that ala I c.R Veterana was stationed at Frustra Gora, Pannonia Inferior but became Moesia Superior. Radnóti & Barkóczi ‘The Distribution of troops in Pannonia Inferior during the 2nd century AD’ 208 27 Ibid. 205, but more recent research suggests Intercisa for the Hadrianic period. B. Lörincz, Zs.Visy ‘Die Baugeschichte des Auxiliarkastells von Intercisa’ in W.S. Hanson & L.F. Keppie (eds) RFS 1979 part ii, BAR Int.Series 71, 1980, 681. 28 Replaced I Flavia Gaetulorum which left Pannonia Inferior between 114 (CIL 16.61) and 145-60. 29 Gabler 1995 88 30 Acumincum was the fort: S. Dusanic ‘Bassinae and its territory’ Arch.Jug. 8 (1967) 67-83. Eadie ‘The Development of the Pannonian Frontier south of the Drave’ 215, gives both Acumincum and Malata as the fort. Slankamen was a possible fort Radnóti & Barkóczi ‘The Distribution of troops..’210.Unit in Dalmatia by mid second century. Spaul Cohors 2 23. 31 Radnóti & Barkóczi ‘The Distribution of troops..’ 213. 32 This unit also known as coh.II Nerviorum et Callaecorum Ibid. 213. 33 Calculations for auxiliary units: see fn.7.

179

Army Appendix for Chapter 2 During Hadrian’s reign three auxiliary units, two of which were cohortes urbanae, detached from the Rome garrison, were known to be stationed in the Gauls (although there may have been more), each of which had special duties. At Lugdunum: 70-120/30: coh. I FlaviaUrbana 120/30 XIII Urbana.34 Protection of the Imperial mint at Lugdunum (CIL 13.1875) At Biesheim-Kunheim: 1st – 3rd century: A detachment (legion or an equitate auxiliary) for patrol of the road into the interior of Gaul.35 At Lugdunum Convenorum: A small cohort garrison (perhaps quingenary) for the protection and supervision of marble shipments from St.-Beat.36 Auxiliary units raised in the Gallic provinces The contribution of these provinces to the auxiliary troops of the Roman army was quite considerable. The following information refers to pre-Flavian period. The figures would have been different for the Hadrianic period when a greater number of Gauls would have had Roman citizenship and Hadrianic policy was to raise troops closer to their region of service. Gallia Belgica Alae 5 Cohortes: 35 Gallia Lugdunensis Alae 25 Cohortes 21 Gallia Aquitania Cohortes 7 Gallia Narbonensis Ala 1

34

M. Dondin-Payre & M.-T. Raepsaet-Charlier ‘Citeres de datation epigraphique pour les Gaules et les Germanies’ in M. Dondin-Payre & M.-T. RaepsaetCharlier (eds) Cites, Municipes, Colonies: Les processus de municipalisation en Gaule et en Germanie sous le Haut Empire romaine Sorbonne 1999, XI. 35 M.Redde ‘Le Camp de Biesheim –Kunheim’ in M.Redde (ed) L’Armée romaine en Gaule Paris 1996, 207-209. 36 M.Redde ‘Le Camp de Saint-Bertrand-de-Comminges’ Ibid 209-10. Diagram of fort by D.Schaad, G. Soukiassian ‘Encraoustos: un camp militaire romain a Lugdunum Convenarum (Saint-Bertrand-de-Comminges). Aquitania VIII, 1990.

180

Army Appendix for Chapter 3 Exercitus Germanicus Germania Inferior Legiones I Minervia XXX Ulpia Victrix

Fortress: Bonna Fortress: Vetera

Auxilia 37 *127 = listed on discharge diploma for auxiliaries serving under L.Coelius Rufus 20 August 127 (Chiron 27, 336) Alae Afrorum veterana Augusta Vocontiorum cR I Thracum classiana cR torquata v I Thracum & Gallorum 41 I Noricorum Sulpicia c.R Indiana Gallorum p.f Cohortes I classica p.f I Flavia Hispanorum e. p.f I Latobicorum et Varcianoru I Lucensium equitata I Pannoniorum et Delamatorum e.c.R I Raetorum c.R II Asturum e. p.f 50 II c.R equitata p.f Domitiana II Hispanorum p.f.e.(c.R)51

Evidence of presence in province, fort, any building activity *127 Fort: Hadrianic fort uncertain but probably Harenatium as it was near Kleve 38 This unit was in Germania Inferior from the Flavian era (CIL 16 23) to reign of Antoninus Pius’ reign (RMD 52). Fort: Burginatium. This unit left for Britain in 122 (CIL 16.69). It had not returned by 127.39 *127 Fort: Burginatium.40This unit took over the fort vacated by Augusta Vocontiarium cR. *127 Fort:Monterburg?Köln. This unit was in Britannia in 122 (CIL 16.69). *127 Fort: Hadrianic fort either at Durnomagus or colonia Agrippinensium.42 In Germania Inferior throughout Hadrian’s reign. *127 Fort: Wesseling 43 In the province from the Flavian (CIL 16.23) to Severan era. Fort: Burungum Left Germania Inferior for Germania Superior at some time before 13444 (CIL 16.80). Evidence of presence in province, fort, any building activity *127 Fort (and stamps):Vleuten de Meern.45 In Britannia 120-125. *127 Fort: Rigomagus 46(building there). Tiles at Vetera, Fectio and Grimminghausen. *127 Fort: unknown.Altar at col.Agrippiensis:AE (1990) 727. *127 Fort: Matilo Possibly in Germ.Inferior recruiting.47 *127 Fort:Bingerbrucken 48 *127 Fort:Lugdunum Arrived from Raetia before Hadrian’s reign and returned afterwards. May have been four units.49 *127 Fort: Batina nr. col. Agripp. In Britannia 105-124 working on Wall and returned to Germ.Inferior by 127. *127 Fort:Carvium. Altars at Brohl. *127 Fort: Traiectum (at least under the Flavians).

37

Using military diplomas listed in CIL and L’Année Epigraphique and information from P.A. Holder Studies in the Auxilia ...Augustus to Trajan BAR Int.ser. 70 Oxford 1980; J. Spaul Cohors2 BAR 841 2000; G.L. Cheesman The Auxilia of the Roman Imperial Army Oxford 1914 repr.New York 1971; J.Spaul Ala2 Andover 1995; Cichorius ‘Ala’ RE I/1 1223-1270, ‘Cohors’RE IV/1231-356 and from the new complete military diploma for Germania Inferior found recently: W. Eck & E. Paunov ‘Ein neues Militärdiplom für die Auxiliartruppen von Germania inferior aus dem Jahr 127’ Chiron 27 (1997) 335-353; G. Alföldy ‘Die Hilfstruppen der römischen provinz Germania Inferior’ Epig. Stud.6 Düsseldorf/Bonn 1968, unless otherwise stated. 38 Spaul Ala2 343; This unit was stationed at Duromagus, Burungum, Novaesium, Gelduba, Calo, Burginatium, Harentium. Alföldy ‘Die Hilfstruppen der römischen provinz Germania Inferior’ 12. 39 This provided immediate reinforcement for the Britannic army and it played a protective role during the construction of the Wall (RIB 2121) Spaul Ala2 240-1. 40 Alföldy ‘Die Hilfstruppen der römischen provinz Germania Inferior’12. 41 There is some confusion with these names and relating the 127 diploma to what was known about these alae. There may have been a mistake writing (2) I Thracum et (3) Gallorum et I Thracum Classiana cR torquata victrix. Instead the names should read: (2)I Thracum et Gallorum (3) I Thracum Classiana cR torquata victrix. Eck & Paunov ‘Ein neues Militärdiplom für die Auxiliartruppen von Germania inferior aus dem Jahr 127’ Chiron 27 (1997) 335-353. 42 Durnomagus: G.Alföldy ‘Die Hilfstruppen der römischen provinz Germania Inferior’ 28:Col.Agripp.at start of 2nd c, and at Worringen under A.Pius. Spaul Ala2 166. 43 Between Bonna and col. Agrippinensium. Alföldy ‘Die Hilfstruppen der römischen provinz Germania Inferior’ 85. 44 This was part of Hadrian’s reorganisation of the German limes.J.Spaul Ala2 Andover 1995, 153; This unit left for Germania Superior in 129: J.K. Haalebos & J.H. Willems ‘Recent research on the limes in the Netherlands’ JRA 12 (1999) 256. This does not explain why it was not on the 127 diploma. 45 Alföldy ‘Die Hilfstruppen der römischen provinz Germania Inferior’ 56. 46 Eck & Paunov ‘Ein neues Militärdiplom für die Auxiliartruppen von Germania inferior aus dem Jahr 127’ 347. 47 Fort: G.Alföldy ‘Die Hilfstruppen der römischen provinz Germania Inferior’ Epig. Stud. 6 Düsseldorf/Bonn 1968, 65. Recruiting: Spaul Ala2 82. 48 Alföldy ‘Die Hilfstruppen der römischen provinz Germania Inferior’ 67. 49 Ibid. 42. 50 In the first century a detachment of this unit had a fort at Brohl where the unit was quarrying. It later built at Llanio, Wales (RIB 407-8) where the unit was gold mining. Ibid. 43. 51 Diplomas show that during Hadrian’s reign this unit (or a detachment), either served in both German provinces or, as it was stationed between the two provinces each governor may have put the unit on his list. The unit was transferred to Britannia at some time between 130 and 179. In Germania Inferior it was

181

Germania Inferior – Cont.

II Varcianorum e.c.R III Breucorum VI Breucorum VI Brittonum VI Raetorum p.f. e. c.R IIII Thracum e.

(Fort:Stockstadt. In Germania Superior 116-130) *127 Tiles & Fort: Gelduba.52 Altar at Brohl. *127 Fort:Laurum Altar:AE 1994,1285. Brick stamp at Albaniana (Alphen aan derRijn) *127 Brick stamps at Albaniana and Vetera.53 *127 Disbanded c.140, soon after the Hadrianic era. *127 Building and tile at Königsfelden (CIL 13.12456) also fort? *127 Fort unknown

The following units were not on diploma 127 but may have served in Germania inferior during Hadrian’s reign: III Lucensium VI Ingenuorum m. c.R I Raetorum

Dedication to Trajan: probably disbanded in 2nd century –Asciburgium CIL 13. 8593 Tombstone at col.Agrip. Stamp at Vetera. Fort: Brittenburg 54

Estimated military strength of Germania Inferior during the Hadrianic period: 55(Depending on troop movement and date) 2 legions = 11,000; 7 alae (quingenary) = 3584 cavalry; 15 cohorts (7 quingenary equitata, 8 quingenary peditata) = 6240 infantry and 4544 cavalry = 10,784 auxiliaries (with another possible 3 units of 1760 infantry and 120 cavalry) and 11,000 legionaries = 21,784 (23,664).

stationed at Traiectum – perhaps with coh.II Thracum. In Germania Superior the unit moved to Heddesdorf after Stockstadt. Spaul Cohors2 125, but this was only briefly during Hadrian’s reorganisation of the army. J. van Elbe Roman Germany 1975, 375. 52 The fort at Gelduba (Krefeld-Gellup) underwent two stone building periods, the first was c.100/105 during Trajan’s reign and the second c.115/120 during Hadrian’s reign. I. Paar ‘Zur datierung der Holzbauperioden des Nieder germanischen Auxiliarkastells Gelduba (Krefeld-Gellup) Ausgrabungen 1970-1976’ RFS 1979 (eds) Hanson & Keppie BAR Int. series 1980, 515-530. 53 Both possible forts.Perhaps disbanded by Hadrian. Spaul Cohors2 324. 54 Alföldy ‘Die Hilfstruppen der römischen provinz Germania Inferior’ 69. 55 Calculations for auxiliary units: see fn.7.

182

Germania Superior Legiones XXII Primigenia VIII Augusta

Fortress: Moguntiacum Fortress: Argentorate

Auxilia 56 Abbrev. e(quitata) m(illiaria) c(ivium) R(omanorum) v(eteranorum) s(agittariorum) p(ia) f(idelis) Auxiliary units listed in discharge diplomas of soldiers serving under: Roscius Aelianus Celer 57c.130 (10 Dec 129 - 9 Dec 130) (AE 1983, 718 = RMD 90) Ti.Claudius Quartinus: 16 October 134 (CIL 16.80 = CIL 13.6495 = AE 1893, 44) ? November between 95/130 (CIL 16.172) Alae Indiana Gallorum p.f 58 I Flavia Gemina (m) 59 Scubulorum I Moesica Felix torquata Cohortes 1 Aquitanorum veterana (e) 1 (Aquitanorum) Biturigum (c.R)? 1 Asturum e. 1 c.R 1Flavia Damascenorum m. e.s 1 Germanorum c.R 1 Ligurum et Hispanorum c.R I Thracum c.R 69 II Augusta Cyrenaica e? II Hispanorum p.f II Raetorum c.R III Aquitanorum e.c.R

Evidence of presence in province, fort, any building activity 130 134 Arrived shortly before 134 as part of Hadrian’s reorganisation of the German limes. Fort: Moguntiacum (116 CIL 16.62), 130 Fort:Nida / Echzell.60 (116 CIL 16.62), 130 Fort:Canstatt then Welzheim Built civitas Taunensium during Domitian’s reign.61 Fort: Echzell (briefly?)62 AE 1969/70,437. Evidence of presence in province, fort, any building activity 130 63 134 Fort: Arnsberg or Friedberg. By 130 this unit had arrived from Britannia where it was building the wall at Carrawburgh (CIL 16.69:122, ZPE 117:127 64). . 130 134 134 Fort: Rottweil (CIL 13.12421/2:brick stamps and early fort)65 134 Fort:Nida to Mainhardt when frontier moved, and at Walheim 66 Brick stamps at Gersheim, Nida and six altars AE 1956, 71. 130 134 Fort: Seligenstadt. Stamps at Saalburg and Großkrotzenburg. 130 134 67 Fort: Nida, Friedberg, Alsheim. Brick stamps at Saalburg, Dentz and Friedberg. 130 134 Fort: Obernburg later Jagsthausen..Tiles at Olnhausen and Obernburg AE 1994,1308. This unit restored the baths for the second time in the Severan era (AE 1995, 1165). 130 129/30 134 Fort: Niedernberg or Grinario (Köngen).Tombstone at Niedernberg 68 130 129/30 Fort: Bendorf? (Offenburg) 130 134 Fort: Butzbach and Heidelberg-Neuenheim am Neckar. 70 Brick stamps at Butzbach. Altar: CIL 13.7342 130 Fort: Stockstadt then Heddesdorf.71 134 Fort:Saalburg after Butzbach 72 Ten altars and tiles at Saalburg (CIL 13.12455). 129/30 134 Fort: Neckarburken (AE 1893, 46) and rebuilt the timber fort at Wimpfen in stone (AE 1904, 28). Six altars at later fort of Osterburken (AE 1978,1896) Brick stamps at Friedburg (CIL 13.12417), Stockport, Obernburg (AE 1903, 382). Large brick and tile manufacturer for several other units.

Germania Superior – Cont. 56

Using W. Schleiermacher ‘Zu Hadrians Heeresreform in Obergermanien’Germania 35 (1967) 117-120 in addition to sources cited for Germania Inferior. A military diploma found at Köngen near Esslingen, Germania Superior, naming three alae and eight cohorts. K. Dietz ‘Die obergermanische..’ Chiron 12 (1982) 207-209. For the identity of Roscius Aelianus Celer: Eck Statthalter M.Roxan Roman Military Diplomas 1978 to 1984 London 1985,152 (AE 1982, 718). 58 First record of title pia fidelis (CIL 10.6123); E. Stein Die kaiserlichen Beamten un Truppenkorper im römischen Deutschland unter dem Prinzipat Wien 1932. It is, however, given on the diploma AE 1983, 718 also Dietz ‘Die obergermanische..’ 207-209. 59 Unlike Stein, Birley and Spaul do not consider this a milliary unit. Spaul Ala2 136; Birley gives no alae milliarae for the Germanies. E. Birley ‘Alae and Cohortes Milliarae’ in The Roman Army Papers Amstersdam 1988, 352. 60 The fort was Heddernheim. Spaul Ala2 135. Schleiermacher & Elbe agree that the unit had moved closer to limes at Echzell by 122, Elbe Roman Germany 128, but Schönberger disagrees H. Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany. An Archaeological Survey’ JRS 59 (1969) 165 n.164 167 n.169. 61 Spaul Ala2 193. This unit also built at Gorsium in Pannonia Inferior (AE 1976, 556) 62 It may have been stationed at Asberg in Germania Inferior and moved to German Superior in the middle of the 2nd century. Ibid.164. 63 Ibid. 141. 64 J. Nollé ‘Militärdiplom für einen in Britannien entlassenen ’Daker’ ZPE 117 (1997) 274. 65 Spaul Ala2 145. 66 Walheim: Schleiermacher ‘Zu Hadrians Heeresreform in Obergermanien’; Other forts: Spaul Cohors2 72-73. 67 This unit or a detachment went to Judaea to fight the Bar Kochba revolt. Spaul Cohors2 433. 68 One tombstone is not sufficient evidence for a unit’s garrison. Ibid. An equitate cohort or numeri may have been at Köngen. C. Unz Grinario, das römische Kastell und Dorf in Köngen Stuttgart 1982, 34-5. 69 Several units bear the name Thracum so it is difficult to identify it with certainty. This one, that had three types of stamped bricks at Bendorf, is called Germanica by Spaul. Spaul Cohors2 364. 70 This unit was stationed at a series of forts, the first known is Heddernheim, but during the Hadrianic period it was probably at only Heidelberg and Butzbach. 71 At Stockstadt from 121/122. Stein Die kaiserlichen Beamten und Truppenkörper im römischen Deutschland unter dem Prinzipat As this unit was stationed close to the border, it was sometimes on military diplomas for both provinces. It was in Britannia between 130 and 179. Spaul Cohors2 125. 72 This unit had previously been stationed at Butzbach and transferred to Saalburg in the last years of Hadrian’s reign. Elbe Roman Germany 104. The fort was Saalburg: Schönberger ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany 165 n.164. 57

183

III Delmatarum e. c.R. p.f IIII Aquitanorum e.c.R IIII Vindelicorum V Delmatarum VII Raetorum

129/30 134 Fort: Rückingen and brick stamps (CIL 13.12433/6). Construction of Domitian limes.Reputation for building and large scale tile production. 73 134 Fort: Obernburg. Also built and perhaps was stationed at Frieburg and Ingelheim 134 Fort: Großkrotzenburg A large tile manufacturer: 28 known varieties (CIL 13. 246477).74 134 Fort:Heilbronn-Böcking or at Aquae Mattiacorum with III Delmatarum before that unit left for Dacia. 129/30 134 Fort: Windisch then further north near Mogunitacum and near Confluentes.

Numeri Brittonum Elantiensium –late?145 size of units? Fort:Niedernburg on the Odenwald Brittonum Triputiensium- late? 145 Estimated military strength in Germania Superior during the Hadrianic period: 75(Depending on troop movement and date) 2 legions = 11,000; 4 alae (1 milliary, 3 quingenary) = 2304 cavalry; 17 cohorts (1 milliary equitata, 6 quingenary equitata, 10 quingenary peditata) = 8480 infantry and 3264 cavalry = 12,744 auxiliaries (with unknown number of numeri) and 11,000 legionaries = 23,744 . The total strength of Hadrian’s exercitus Germanicus would therefore have been approximately 45.528- 47,408 (without the fleet and numeri).

73

Schliermacher suggests Rückingen but Spaul prefers Wiesbaden: Spaul Cohors2 305 and according to Schönberger Wiesbaden had been abandoned by this stage. ‘The Roman Frontier in Germany. An Archaeological Survey’ 169. 74 The unit may have been at Großkrotzenburg in the third century and perhaps before then at Heddernheim. Its tiles have been found at Großkrotzenburg, Waldurn, Miltenburg, Obernburg, Stockstadt, Feldburg, Heddernheim, Friedburg, Rückingen, Langenheim, Saalburg, Moguntiacum, Wiesbaden and Holzbun.Spaul Cohors2290. M. Klee Der Limes zwischen Rhein und Main Stuttgart 1989, 118, gives the number of this unit as III but according to Spaul there was no III Vindelicorum. 75 Calculations for auxiliary units: see fn.7.

184

Army Appendix for Chapter 4 Exercitus Britannicus Legiones II Augusta IX Hispana VI Victrix XX Valeria victrix

Fortress: Isca 76 Fortress: Eburacum Fortress: Eburacum Fortress: Deva 79

77 78

122-133

Auxilia 80 Abbrev. e(quitata) m(illiaria) c(ivium) R(omanorum) v(eteranorum) s(agittariorum) p(ia) f(idelis) Units listed on Hadrianic discharge diplomas of soldiers who were serving under: A. Platorius Nepos, but discharged by Pompeius Falco: 17 July 122: CIL 16.69 A. Platorius Nepos: 15 September 124: CIL 16.70 = RIB II. 2401.6 Trebius Germanus: 20 August 127: J.Nollé ‘Militärdiplom für einen in Britannien entlassenen, Daker’ ZPE 117 (1997) 269-276. P. Mummius Sisenna:14 April 135: CIL 16.82 Alae 81 Agrippiana miniata Aug.Gallorum Petriana m. c.R 82 Augusta (Gallorum) Picentiana 83 Augusta Gallorum Proculeiana Augusta Vocontiorum cR** Gallorum et Thracum Classiana cR Vettonum Hispanorum c.R I Hispanorum Asturum I Pannoniorum Sabiniana I Pannoniorum Tampiana** I Thracum I Tungrorum 88 II Asturum 89 II Gallorum Sebosiana**

Evidence of presence in province, fort, any building activity 122 Fort: unknown. Unit acquired title ‘miniata’ before 120 and was transferred by Hadrian to the East where it remained. 122 124 135 Fort: Uxellodunum (Not.Dig. Occ.40). Lead sealing (RIB 2411.84). 122 124? Fort: unknown. Tombstone at Derventio (RB (1970) 9) 122 Fort: Cilurum (lead sealing RIB 2411.81). Duties included guarding North Tyne valley. Altar at Cilurum (RIB 1978) Dedication to Hadrian: AE 1979, 388. 122 Fort: Trimontium. Protective role during Wall construction. Arrived in Britannia from Germania Inferior in 122 as a quick reinforcement of exercitus Britannicus.84 122 124? Fort: Bravoniacum.85 122 Fort: Brecon Gaer (RIB 403) Later at Vinovia south of the Wall. 122 124 135? Fort: Condercum* Arbeia (RIB 1064) ? Perhaps assisted building of fort at Segedunum during extension 130 (tile: RIB 2464) 122 Fort:Arbeia* 5th on the Wall 86 122 Fort: Tampium? Left Britannia for Noricum on completion of Wall before 128 (CIL 16.174) 124 Fort: Corinium? (RIB 109)87 Evidence of presence in province, fort, any building activity 122 124 Fort:Aballava (RIB 2045) 122 Fort: Cilurnum* 122 Fort: Vinovia during Wall construction where it gave rear protection to wall-based units.90

Exercitus Britannicus – Cont. 76

The legion built their fortress after the civil war 69/70. Inscriptions show the involvement of this legion in the building of Hadrian’s wall (see Chapter 4 military building). 77 Perhaps at Eburacum until 122 (ibid). 78 Arrived in Britannia with Nepos increasing legionary strength. After building wall legion moved to Eburacum. Later a detachment of the legion was based on the Antonine Wall (RIB 2145) and another at Corbridge (RIB 1137). P.A. Holder The Roman Army in Britain London 1982,105. 79 This legion was also very active in the building of the Wall ((see Chapter 4 military building). Its Antonine fortress was to have been at Inchtuchil but the legionary force was reduced before it could be occupied. A detachment of this legion built the Antonine Wall and some troops were garrisoned at Newstead. 80 Using military diplomas listed in CIL and L’Annee Epigraphique and information from M. Jarrett ‘Non-legionary troops in Roman Britain: Part One, The Units Britannia 25 (1994) 35 –77; P.A. Holder Studies in the Auxilia ...Augustus to Trajan BAR Int.ser. 70 Oxford 1980; J.Spaul Cohors2 BAR 841 2000; J. Spaul Ala2 Andover 1995; G.L.Cheesman The Auxilia of the Roman Imperial Army Oxford 1914 repr.New York 1971; Cichorius ‘Ala’ RE I/1 1223-1270, ‘Cohors’RE IV/1231-356. 81 Spaul Ala2: the auxiliary cavalry units of the pre-Diocletianic imperial Roman army. 82 Became milliara during Trajan’s reign and ‘bis torquata’ before 122. Known earlier at Pomponiana (Anotnine fort; Newstead - perhaps at Uxellodunum). 83 Came to Britannia with C.Iulius Agricola. Its 2nd century responsibilities included peacekeeping in Yorkshire Wolds. Ibid. 186. 84 Stamped tile at Londinium (EE 4698) and lead sealing at Ratae (RIB 2411.90). 85 This unit had been stationed in Britannia since the Claudian or Neronian era (and at which time it received its honorary title ‘invicta bis torquata’). Its subsequent movements are uncertain but it may have gone to the east with Iulius Severus after 122. During the Hadrianic era its commander was Caesidius Dexter (CIL 6.6033). Ibid. 87-8. 86 South Shields was too small for a quingenary ala bu could have been its headquarters with other forts north and south of the Wall. ‘Probably’ sent to Britannia by Hadrian and stayed throughout the second and third centuries. Ibid. 189. 87 This ala was in Britannia in the early 2nd century. It returned to Germania Inferior prior to the building of the Antonine Wall. 88 Not called Frontoniana in Britannia.Later worked on the Antonine Wall, fort at Polmont near Edinburgh. Ibid. 120. 89 Unit arrived in Britannia c.92, lead sealings at Coriosopitum (RIB 2441.82) and at Lugurallium (RIB 2411.83), later building:aqueduct and bridge repair. Ibid. 42-3. 90 Sent to Britannia after civil war. Flavian/Trajanic fort:Lancaster (Tile: RIB 2465.1).

185

Cohortes 91 I Aelia Hispanorum m. e I Aelia Dacorum m. I Afrorum c.R** I Aquitanorum** I Asturnum e.** I Baetasiorum c.R I Batavorum** I Celtiberorum I Delmatarum I fida Vardullorum m.e.c.R I Frisiavonum I Hamiorum s. I Lingonum e. I Morinorum nautarum I Menapiorum nautarum I Nervana Germanorum m.e I Pannoniorum** I Sunucorum I Thracum e.c.R I Tungrorum m I Ulpia Traiana Cugernorum I Vangionum m.e II Asturum II Delmatarum II Gallorum e II Hispanorum Vasconum c.R II Lingonum II Nerviorum c R II Pannoniorum** II Thracum III Bracaraugustanorum** III Lingonum III Nerviorum IIII Gallorum e. IIII Breucorum IIII Delmatarum IV Lingonum** IIII Nerviorum V Raetorum V Gallorum e. VI Nerviorum** VII Thracum e.

Evidence of presence in province, fort, any building activity 122 124 Fort:Alavna*(2nd century altars and building slabs). 127 Fort: Fanum Cocidi Banna (built stone fort/ 27 altars and building slabs). 122 124 Fort: unknown? Brought from Africa – probably by Hadrian for Wall construction. 122 124 Fort: Broccolitia c.130-133 (RIB 1550) Assisted building of fort. Came from Germania for building of Wall/ returned afterwards. 124 Fort: Aesica. Came 116/ stayed during Wall building/returned to Germania before 134. 122 124 135 Fort: Bar Hill/ Old Kilpatrick (AP) Altar at Alauna. Building at Mamucium. 122 124 135 Fort: Broccolitia? Came from Pannonia to work on Wall. 122 Fort: ? Came from Spain 122 124 127 135 Fort: Cilurnum (building slab). Altars at Alavna. Evidence of stonemason. 122 124 135 Fort: Castlecary (AP) 122 124 Fort: Vindobala(altars)/Broccolita / Ardotalia? (RIB 1523). Building slabs at Mamucium. 122 124 135 Fort: Magnis*(136-8) (building slabs at Osegontium – built this fort in stone). Altars at Bar Hill. A meat supply unit: hunting expertise. 122 135? Fort: Bremenium (Antonine). A meat supply unit. Not a Wall unit. 122 Fort:Glannaventa? Portus Dubris/ Richborough ? Seafarers possibly became classis Britannica 122 124 135? Fort: Vindolanda? /Portus Dubris/ Richborough? Seafarers possibly became classis Britannica 122 124? Fort:Blatobulgium*?(altar). Caer Gai (votive statue). Other altars at Aballava and Fanum Cocidi. ? Brought from Germania Inferior to assist Wall building. Returned to Germania Inferior ‘almost immediately’c.12792 122 124 Fort: Seguntium? (building slab) Assisted in legionary tile factory at Holt, Wales. 122 Fort: Pons Aelii (RIB 1323) Bowes (building slab).Also built at Banna* Meat supply unit? 122 124 Fort:Vindolanda (early Hadrianic) Later at Banna? (EE 9.1279) Building slabs at Broccolitia, Castle Cary and 11 altars at Vercovicium. 122 124 Fort: Pons Aelii. Road making in Scotland. 122 124 135 Fort:Condercum*(Altar). 122 124 Fort:Bremia (Building slab). Came from Germania Inferior. 122 127 135 Fort: ? but altars at Magnis. 122 Fort: Voreda (near Ala Petriana at Uxellodunum). 122 Fort: ? 122 124 127 Fort: Gabrosentum* (altar and building slab). 122 124 Fort: Segedunum*(altars) /detachment at Brocolitia*? 124 Fort: Bibra* (building slab) Wall building then to Dacia. 122 Mentioned on this diploma – a mistake? 122 124 Fort: ? After Wall building transferred to Judaea c.133 122 127 Fort: (Harrowgate or Leeds?) 122 124 135 Fort: ? no evidence 122 Fort: Camboglanna*(RIB 1979,1980). 122 Fort: Lavatris: building. Altar and stamps from Vindomora. Stamps from Grimescar where the unit supervised tile production. 122 Fort: Mediobogdum (AE 1965,217; JRS 55 (1955) 222) transferred c.127. 122 127 Fort: Segedunum (altars).3rd c. Digging vallum at Irthington, Specialist in supply and transport. 135 no trace 122 (Aesica: Antonine dedication). 122 135 Fort: Cramond (altar). Came with Hadrian from Pannonia Inferior? Stamps building slab and lead sealings at Arbeia. 122 124 Fort: Aesica (altars and building slab). Great builders: slabs also at Rough Castle and Bainbridge. 122 127 135 Fort: Verteris.

*Garrison suggested by D.Breeze & B.Dobson Hadrian’s Wall London 1976 repr,1977, 242-256 ** Units brought to the Wall for building, food supply or protection. Estimated strength of exercitus Britannicus in 122: 93(Depending on troop movement and date) 3 legions = 16,500; 13 alae (1 milliary, 12 quingenary): 6904 cavalry. 37 cohorts: 3 milliary equitata, 1 milliary peditata; 27 quingenary peditata, 6 quingenary equitata = 8344 cavalry and 19,040 infantry = 27,384 auxiliaries. Total strength of Hadrian’s exercitus Britannicus with 3 legions was approximately 43,884

91

Spaul Cohors2. Ibid. 511. 93 Calculations for auxiliary units: see fn.7. 92

186

Army Appendix for Chapter 5 Hadrianic legions and auxiliaries of the Spanish provinces Legio VII Gemina

Fortress: Legio (with several detachments through the peninsula)

Auxilia * ILS 9125-9131 for alae and cohortes that attended celebration of VII Gemina 163, 167 Alae I Gigurrorum Sabiniana I Singularium Sulpicia Tautorum Victrix II Thracum II Fl.Hisp

at Castrelo del Valle at Aldea Nova in Lusitania at Astorga at Calahorra in Asturias and Lusitania (CIL 8.21050)

Cohortes III Breucorum I Celtiberorum e: III Celtiberorum I Gallica e.c.R: II Gallica III Gallorum IV Gallorum e. c.R IV Thracum II Lusitanorum III Lucensium V Raetorum 96 II Ulpia Petraorum m. e.97

138-160 Castromao, Villalis (in Britannia 122-146) 2nd c At Très Minas, Lagos de Covas, Luyego, Rairez de Veiga Around La Baneza 94 Soto de la Vega At Astorga, Tarraco and Malaga At Astorga At Lugo, Corduba and Tarraco (Augusta Emerita?)95

There were several auxiliary units in northern Tarraconensis, and in Lusitania north of the Tagus.98 A single cohort was stationed at Castulo to protect the mines of southeast Tarraconensis and the road through the mountains to Baetica (CIL 2.3272). A similar situation existed at the mines of Très Minas where two votive dedications were from detachments of VII Gemina and coh.I Gallica e.c.R. At Vipasca, the presence of a small military garrison is assumed by the Hadrianic regulations on the bronze tablets that gave the soldiers free hot baths.99 The province of Baetica received additional protection from an auxiliary cohort at Corduba,100 another unit stationed at Tangis and a statio of 170 troops from VII Gemina at Italica whose duties were to repel any Moorish invasions.101

94

The evidence is from boundary stones: one from Castrocalbon south-west of La Baneza and eight from Soto de la Vega, north of La Baneza. Small garrisons were maintained at the provincial capitals of Corduba and Tarraco (CIL 2.4142) and possibly at Augusta Emerita. A.H.M. Jones ‘The Roman Military Occupation of North-West Spain’ JRS 66 (1976) 53-55. 96 G.L. Cheesman The Auxilia of the Roman Imperial Army Oxford 1914 repr.New York 1971, 167. 97 Ibid. 167. 98 These units in Lusitania were most likely cohors III Gallorum and cohors II Lusitanorum and not Ala I Singularium and Ala II Thracum. N. Mackie Local Administration in Northern Spain AD 14-212 BAR International Series172 1983, 193, n.13. 99 Vipasca tablets (CIL 2.5181; ILS 6891) prove imperial ownership. 100 Ibid. 185. 101 Jones The Roman military Occupation of North-west Spain’ 54. This may have been a temporary arrangement in the second century because of the threat of invasion. Mackie Local Administration in Northern Spain AD 14-212 185. 95

187

Army Appendix for Chapter 6 The armies of Northwest Africa

102

Africa Proconsularis (The military region under the control of Fabius Catullinus, the legate of II Augusta) *Those present for Hadrian’s adlocutio in July 128 Legio *II Augusta

Fortress: Lambaesis (AE 1900, 33)

Auxilia Alae *1 Augusta Pannoniorum 103 *..pa. I Flavia Numidica Siliana bis torq. armillata c.R Cohortes *II Flavia Hispanorum e. *II Flavia Afrorum e. *VI Commagenorum e. 108 I Chalcidenorum e.s. II civium Romanorum II Hamiorum m.112 II Maurorum 113 VII Lusitanorum e. XV voluntariorum c.R 115

Evidence of presence in province, fort and any building activity 128 Fort:Castellum Phuensium or el-Gahra (CIL 8.18025). One of the units inspected by Hadrian (AE 1900, 35 = CIL 8.18042 = ILS 9134). 128 Surviving fragment of Ala of Parthians or Hispanorum addressed by Hadrian (AE1910,161) Fort: Castellum Dimmidi and perhaps detachments at Tenes and Aïn Zoui. Detachments also in Caesariensis.104 In Dacia during the Hadrianic era/ involved in Suebo-Sarmatian war 118.105 Evidence of presence in province, fort and any building activity 128 Addressed by Hadrian (CIL 8.18042). Fort: Zarai ?Thuburbo Maius? Altars at Aïn Zouis. Tile stamp at Hr Besseriani. Altars at Aïn Zouis. Tile stamp at Hr Besseriani.106 128 Fort:Tillibaris 107 (Ant.Afr.11,131) Hadrianic building at Remada. 128 Fort: Lambaesis/ Djebel Mellah.109 Unit praised by Hadrian for prowess with stone and not arrows (CIL 8.18042). Fort: Gemellae c.125-6 (AE 1950, 59): erected a statue to Hadrian / left for Bir-oum-Ali before III Augusta arrived. The legion placed inscription on gate of principia at Gemellae c.131-2 (AE 1950,58).110 Altar at Lambesis (CIL 8.2623) 111 Fort: Aïn Wif (in Tripolitania) (IRT 868) Detachment at el-Mahder:30 km NE Lambaesis on Aug 1(CIL 8.4323) First fort and altars at Aïn Zoui (CIL 8.17630-1). Second fort: Khenchela -building slab (CIL 8.17673).114 Fort: Haidra (CIL 8.23255)

Numeri Colonorum *Addressed by Hadrian: 2 Alae and 3 cohorts quingenary equitata: 2464. Other possible units: 2 Alae:1024 and 6 cohorts (1 milliary peditata, 5 quingenary:2 equitata,3 peditata) = 1264 cavalry, 3200 infantry. Total: 8928 116

102

Auxiliary units listed in discharge diplomas in Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum and L’Année Epigraphique, supplemented by R.L.V. Cagnat L’armée romaine d’Afrique (Paris 1913) repr.New York 1975; G.L. Cheesman The Auxilia of the Roman Army Oxford 1914; P.A.Holder The Auxilia from Augustus to Trajan BAR Int.Ser. 70 1980; J. Spaul Cohors2 BAR 841 Oxford 2000; J. Spaul Ala2 Andover 1994; N. Benseddik Les Troupes auxiliares de L’armée Romaine en Mauretania Cesarienne sous le Haut-Empire, Algeria 1982 M. Roxan ‘The Auxilia of Mauretania Tingitana’ Latomus 32(1973) 838-858; Y. Le Bohec Les unités auxiliaires de l’armée romaine en Afrique Proconsulaire et Numidie sous le Haut Empire Paris 1989. 103 Later fort: el Gehara (by Aures). 167 J.Spaul Ala2 Andover 1994, 167. 104 E. B. Fentress Numidia and the Roman Army BAR Int. series 53 1979, 87; J. Spaul Ala2 Andover 1994,107. 105 Ibid. 200. 106 Spaul Cohors2 112-4. 107 Fort: M. Le Glay ‘Les Discours d’Hadrien a Lambese (128 Apr.J.C)’ in J.Fitz (ed) 11th Int. Limes Congress Budapest 1972, 550-551. Principal unit of ‘limes Tripolitanus’. Spaul Cohors2 462. 108 Ibid. 406. 109 Fentress Numidia and the Roman Army 90. 110 Ibid 84. 111 The only record out of Germania Inferior. Spaul Cohors2 28. 112 This may have been the unit addressed by Hadrian and not II Hispanorum according to Le Glay and De Ruggiero. Spaul Ala2 410. 113 Ibid. 469. 114 Sent to Numidia by Hadrian and in Pannonia Inferior by 126 (ZPE 127,250) Spaul Cohors2 67; Fentress Numidia and the Roman Army 96. 115 Spaul Cohors2 39. 116 Calculations for auxiliary units: see fn.7.

188

Exercitus Mauretanicus Mauretania Caesariensis Auxilia Alae 117 I Augusta Ityraecaorum s.118 I Flavia Gemina Sebastenaorum 119 Milliaria 120 II Thracum Augusta p f

121

Cohortes I Aelia Singularium I Augusta Nerviana velox 123 I Corsorum c.R I Flavia Hispanorum e.125 I Flavia Musulamiorum I Pannoniorum 127 II Breucorum p.128 II Brittonum e. II Cirtensium c.R II Gallorum I Nurritanorum II Sardorum IV Sygamborum (or Sugambrorum) VI Delmatarum e. Possible units Aelia Expedita 133 1 Syrorum s III Sagitariorum 135 VII Lusitanorum 136

Evidence of presence in province, fort and any building activity Fort: Iol Caesarea Fort:at/ near Iol Caesarea.(Sour-Djouab) Governor’s escort. Fort:Portus Magnus ? (CIL 8.21617/8) later fort: Tassacurra (8.9750). Fort:Caesarea until early 2nd c (AE (1973)654). Then frontier fort: Castellum Rapidum Evidence of presence in province, fort and any building activity Fort: Aumâle Auzia c.160 (CIL 89054). 122 In Maurentania Caesariensis at unknown location.124 Building slab at Ain Temouchent c.119 126 Fort: Hr Suik (CIL 8.9377) Fort: Zuccabar (CIL 8.9631) Transferred to Britannia after 122 Inscription at Batna (CIL 8.4292) 129 Fort:Hadjar-er-Roum or Sour-Djouab: building slab c.122.130 Fort: Hr Kasbat 131 Fort: Caesaraea /(AE 1921, 31; CIL 8.9377).132

At Caesarea 134

With no existing Hadrianic diplomas for this province the military strength is difficult to estimate.

On the above evidence there were: 4 Alae (1 milliary, 3 quingenary) 2304 with 14 cohorts (11 peditata and 3 equitata) 2664 cavalry and 6720 infantry = Total 9384

117

Doubtful Hadrianic Alae:I Augusta Parthorum: A doubtful Hadrianic unit, the forts were a later era. In Mauretania Caesariensis at the end of the 2nd century. Spaul Ala2 176;I Ulpia Contariorum m.: A Trajanic unit that served in Pannonia Inferior. A detachment was sent to Caesariensis c.149-50 but not here in Hadrianic period. Spaul Ala2 97; I Thracum veterana s: In Pannonia Inferior during the Hadrianic era and in M.Caesariensis in 150. Spaul Ala2 223, from B.Lörincz Pannonia régészeti kézikönyve Budapest 76 1990; Exploratorum Pomariensium : At Tlemcen (Pomeria) (CIL 8.9906) and Ain Khial (CIL 8.21704), perhaps under Severus Alexander.Spaul Ala2 106; III Augusta Thracum s. No evidence of this ala. Ibid. 83. 118 Sent to fight Moors by Antoninus Pius. Ibid. 53. 119 Transferred from Judaea to Caesariensis as part of the Hadrianic reorganisation. Ibid. 195. 120 I Nerviana Augusta fidelis m. was perhaps the same unit as Milliara. Ibid 31,56. 121 Ibid. 231. 122 Spaul Cohors2 483. 123 Ibid. 271. 124 Ibid. 50. 125 Ibid. 114. 126 Ibid. 471. 127 Ibid. 335. 128 In Mauretania Caesariensis for 300 years. Ibid. 320. 129 Cagnat L’armée Romaine d’Afrique 245;Spaul Cohors2 51. 130 Ibid 53; Cagnat L’armée Romaine d’Afrique 245. 131 Spaul Cohors2 247. 132 Ibid. 310. 133 Ibid. 489. 134 Ibid. 416;RE v. 334. 135 J.Spaul Cohors2 487. 136 Ibid. 67.

189

Mauretania Tingitana Auxilia Units listed in discharge diplomas of soldiers serving under: ? 28 March 118 (CIL 16.166); ‘ditus’:121-128 (CIL 16.73);Caecilius Redditus:18 Nov.122 (CIL 16.169/170 = 73); ? 124 (CIL 16.171); M.Gavius Maximus:18 Aug.128-130 (CIL 16.173) 137 [Fre]ganius Maximus 138 131 (AE 1985,991); C.Censorius Niger 133 -?(CIL 16.176).139 Alae Gemelliana c.R I Augusta Gallorum I Hamiorum Syrorum 142 II Flavia Gallorum Tauriana torq vic III Asturum p f c R Cohortes I Asturum et Callaecorum cR 1 Celtiberorum e.c.R I Ituraeorum c.R I Lemarorum II Hispanorum c.R (m?) II Hispanorum Vasconum e.c.R II Syrorum s. m III Asturum e.c.R III Gallorum c.R IV Vindelicorum IIII Gallorum e. c.R V Delmatarum c.R

Evidence of presence in province, fort and any building activity 121-128? 122 Fort:Babba? Brick stamps.140 Fort:Tamuda 141 121-128 122 Fort: Tocolosida (large enough for cavalry early 2nd c) (AE 1906, 119; 1985,991) 121-128 122 Fort: Dar bel Hamri nr. Banasa during Hadrianic era143. 121-128 122 131 Main fort: Suiar or Ceuta (Septem Fratres). Small fort: Tamuda for NE hill district patrol.144 Evidence of presence in province, fort and any building activity 122 131 Fort: Volubilis: and building slab. Altars at Aïn Schkour.145 Returned to Hispania mid-second century.146 121-128 122 131 Fort: Castra Bariensi (Banasa?)147 121-128 122 131 Fort: unknown 121-128 122 131 Fort: Lixus 148 121-128 131 Fort: unknown but perhaps Souar.149 121-128 122 131 Fort:Sala/ Chellah 150 131 Fort: Thamusida. ? 121-128 122came from Dacia 140 151 Perhaps used by Turbo in the Mauri riots at the beginning of Hadrian’s reign (CIL 16/17.124). 152 121-128 122 122 131 Fort? 121-128 122 131 ? (AE 1985, 991)

Estimated strength of Auxilia of Mauretania Tingitana: 5 Alae 2560 with 10 cohorts (1 milliary, 8 quingenary :5 peditata,3 equitata) = 8040 infantry and 3160 cavalry = 11200 Estimated strength of exercitus Africus during the Hadrianic period: (Depending on troop movement and date) 1 legions = 5,500 with 8928 auxilia, Mauretania Caesariensis: 9384 auxilia,Mauretania Tingitana:11,250 auxilia. Total strength 1 legion and 29,512 auxilia: approx. 35,012

137

This date seems the most appropriate: Cagnat L’armée Romaine d’Afrique 218; Cheesman The Auxilia of the Roman Army 165; Spaul Cohors2;Spaul Ala2. Name suggested by ILS 6174 = CIL 14.250. J.E.Spaul ‘Governors of Tingitana’ Ant. Afr. 30 (1994) 241. 139 Few units can be read on this diploma and the date of C.Censorius Niger’s term of office is not certain. 140 Roxan ‘The Auxilia of Mauretania Tingitana’ 845. 141 Ibid 834. 142 Spaul Ala2 140. 143 Roxan ‘The Auxilia of Mauretania Tingitana’ 845; Spaul Ala2 217. 144 Ibid. 45. 145 This cohors was also raised locally. Cheesman The Auxilia of the Roman Army 184. It perhaps became ‘miliary’ in the Trajanic or Hadrianic period. Roxan ‘The Auxilia of Mauretania Tingitana’ 847. An inscription found in the ruins of Ain-Sch’kur names the prefect of this corps as Aelius (or Flavius) Neon (CIL 8.21820) Cagnat L’armée Romaine d’Afrique 259. 146 Roxan ‘The Auxilia of Mauretania Tingitana’ 847. 147 Ibid. 846. 148 Spaul Cohors2 126. 149 Ibid.127. 150 Not ‘milliary’after 122.Roxan ‘The Auxilia of M.Tingitana’ 847; Spaul Cohors2 169. 151 Spaul Cohors2 161; Or came from Hispania. Roxan ‘The Auxilia of M.Tingitana’ 850. 152 Ibid 850. 138

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Appendix of German and Gallic Roads Via a fluvio Varo Diniam Dinia Digne Sanisia Senez Salinae Castellane Vintium Vence ? Cagnes Nicaea Nice Via Aurelia Two branches met at Aquae Aix Ernagina St.Gabriel Glanum St.Rémy Tericiae Mouriès Pisavi Salon Arelate Arles Fossae Marianae Fos.s. Mer Colonia Maritima Les Martiges Calcaria Vitrolles Massilia Marseilles Aquae Sextiae Aix Tegulat Petite-Pugère Ad Turrem Tourves Matavonium Cabasse Forum Voconii Le May Forum Iulii Fréjus Ad Horrea La Napoule Antipolis Antibes Nicaea Nice Viae ex Italia exeuntes per summas Alpes Rhodanum petentes Arelate Arles Ernagina St.Gabriel Glanum St.Rémy Cabellio Cavaillon Apta Julia Apta Catuiacia Céreste Alaunium nr D. des Anges Segustero Sisteron Alarante Le Mônetier- Allemont Vapincum Gap crossroads From Vapincum to Valentia Valence ? Veynes ? Co de Cabre Lucus Luc-en-Diois Dea Vocontiorum Die ? Saillans Augusta Aouste ? Upie Valentia Valence From Vapincum north to Augustum Caturigomagus Chorges Eburodunum Embrun Rama Cesse-Rome Brigantio Briançon (and on to Alpes Cottiae) Duratincum Degoul Fines Vizelle Cularo Grenoble Morginnum Moirans Turedonnum Tourdan Vienna Vienne Bergusium Bourgoin Augustum Aoste Crossroads Northwest to Etenna Yenne Condate Seyssel Genava Genève Crossroads

Colonia Equestris Nyon Lousonna Vidy Viviscus Vevey Pennelucos Villeneuve Tarnaiae Massongex Octodurus Martigny In summo Poenino Gr.St.Bernard From Geneva to Alpe Graia Bautae Annecy Ad Publ. ? Darantasia Moutiers-en-Tarentaise Bergintrum Bourg St.Maurice In Alpe Graia Petit St.Bernard VIA AGRIPPA Via Lugduno Arelate in sinistra Rhodani ripa ducens Lugdunum Lyon Vienna Vienne Figlinae St.Rambert Ursolae St.Vallier (nr. Confuence of r. Isara) Valentia Valence Umbenno Étoile Batiana Bances Acunum Montélima Bonomagus nr.Bollène Arausio Orange Cypresseta Sorgues Avennio Avignon (confluence of r.Druentia) Ernagina St.Gabriel Arelate Arles Via Helviorum Vienna Vienne Ampius Andance Arras Tournon (Valentia Valence) nearby but not on this road Le Teil Viviers Bourg-St.-Andréol Bagnols Remoulins Nemausus Nîmes Uzès Barjac Alba Helviorum Aubenas (and to Le Puy) Via Domitia: via a Rhodani ostiis in Pyrenaeos Ugernum Beaucaire Nemausus Nîmes Ambrussum nr. Gallargues-le-Montueux Sextantio Castelnau-le-Lez For. Domitii Montbazin Cessero St.Thibéry Baeterrae Béziers Narbo Narbonne Ruscino Castel Roussillon In Pyrenaeo Le Perthus Via Narbone Tolosam et Burdigalam Burdigala Bordeaux From Serio Cérons: two routes to Tolosa Toulouse Civ. Vasatas Bazas Tres Arbores nr. Lerm Oscineio Houeillès Scittio Sos

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Elusa Eauze Vanesia St.Jean-Poutge Civ.Auscius Auch Ad Sextum nr. Marsan Hungunverro nr.Gimont Bucco L’Isle-Jourdain Ad Iovem nr. Léguevin Vesubio nr. Montpouillam Fines nr. Buzet Aginnum Agen Lactora Lectoure Sarralis nr. Solomiac Tolosa Tolouse Bad(eira) Bâtie Fines Castelnaudary? Carcasso Carcassonne Liviana Capendu Usuerva nr. Lézignan Narbo Narbonne on the Mediterranean/ Sinus Gallicus Via Lugduno Divonam et Tolosam Lugdunum Lyon Forum Segusiavorum Feurs Aquae Segetae Moingt Icomagus Usson Ruessio St.Paulen Condate nr.Trespeuix? Anderitum Javols Ad Silanum Aubrac? Segodunum Rodez Carantomagus Le Cranton Divona Cahors Cosa Cos Fines Tours-de-Bérot Tolosa Toulouse Via Lugduno Augustonemetum et Augustoritum item viae Arvernorum et Lemovicum This is a very complicated road with many branches Lugdunum is on the far east with all roads going west, north and then south from Vesunna. Going northwest from Lugdunum: Mediolanum nr.Tarare Rodumna Roanne Ariolica nr. St.Martin-d’Estreaux Vorocium Varennes South to: Aquae Calidae Vichy to Augustonemetum crossroads Going west from Lugdunum: Lugdunum Lyon Forum Segusiavum Feurs ? Noirétable Augustonemetum Clermont-Ferrand crossroads Ubrivum Pontgibaud Fines St.Avit Acitodunum Ahun Pretorium nr.St.Goussaud Augustoritum Limoges crossroads Going north from Augustoritum: Argentomagus Argenton Alerta Ardentes Avaricum Bourges Going west from Augustoritum: Cassinomagus Chassenon Sermanicomagus ? Aunedonnacum Aulnay Going south from Augustoritum:

Fines Thiviers Vesunna Périgueux crossroads Excisium Eysses Aginnum Agen Lactora Lectoure Elimberrum Auch Belsinum Masseube Lugdunum Convenarum St.Bertrand Going northwest from Vesunna: Sarrum Charmant Condate Cognac Mediolanum Saintes Going west from Vesunna: Calonhelo? Douzillac Corterate Coutras Varatedum Vayres Burdigala Bordeaux Via Augustonemeto Gesocribatam Gesocribate Brest Vorgium/Vorganium Carhaix Sulim Castennec Darioritum Vannes Duretie Rieux Portus Namnetum Nantes Segora nr.Voultégon Limonum Poitiers Fines Ingrandes Argentomagus Argenton Mediolanum Chateaumeillant Aquae Neri (Neriomagus) Néris Cantilia Chantelle Augustonemetum Clermont-Ferrand Via Osismiorum Northwest from Condate Rennes to Coriosolitum Corseul St.Brieuc Morlaix Gesocribate Brest West from Condate Rennes to Vorgium/Vorgianum Carhaix Via a summo Pyrenaeo ad Oceanum Britannicum Coriallum Cherbourg Alauna Alleaume Crouciaconnum Carentan Augustodorum Bayeaux Araegenae Vieux-s.-Orne Noviodunum Jublains Suindinum Le Mans Fines Château-du-Loir Caesarodunum Tours Limonum Poitiers Rauranum Rom Brigosum Brioux Aunedonnacum Aulnay Mediolanum Santonum Saintes Novioregum Royan? Tamnum Talmont Blavia Blaye Burdigala Bordeaux A branch of the road went to Boi Lamothe-Biganos or Argentyres Losa Sanguinet Segosa Aureilhan? Mosconnum St.Girons-en-Marensin Another branch: Salomacus Salles Telonnum Liposthey?

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Coequosa between Lespéron and Sindères Both met at: Aquae Terebellicae Dax Carasa nr. St.-Palais Imo Pyrenaeo St.Jean-le-Vieux Summo Pyrenaeo Roncesvalles Via Coriallo Cambetem ad Rhenum Coriallum Cherbourg pars occidentalis Cosedia Coutances Legedia Avranches Condate Rennes Sipia Visseiche Combaraistum Combrée Iuliomagus Angers Robrica Longué Caesarodunum Tours Tasciaca Thezée Gabris Chabris Avaricum Bourges Tincontium Sancoins Decetia Decize Aquae Nisincii St.Honoré Augustodunum Autun Avaricum Bourges pars orientalis Tincontium Sancoins Decetia Decize Aquae Nisincii St.Honoré Augustodunum Autun Cabillonum Chalon-s.-Saône Pons Dubis Pontoux Crusinia Orchamps Vesontio Besançon Loposagium Beaume-les-Dames Epamanduodurum Mandeure Large Friesen/Altkirch Cambete Kembs Via Augustoduno ad oceanum Britannicum Caracotinum Harfleur Iuliobona Lillebonne Loium Caudebec Ratumagus Rouen Ritumagus Radepont Petromantalum Genainville Brivisara Pontoise Lutetia Paris Metlosedum/Melodunum Melum Condate Montereau Agedincum Sens Bandritum Bassou Autessiodurum Auxerre Aballo Avallon Sidolocum Saulieu Augustodunum Autun Via Lousonna Gesoriacum Gesoriacum-Bononia Boulogne sûr Mer Lintomagus Brimeux? Montreuil s. Mer? Ad Lullia Le Molinel Durocoregum Domqueur Samarobriva Amiens Roudium Roiglise Isara Pontoise Augusta Suessionum Soissons Ad Fines Fismes Durocortorum Reims Durocatelauni Châlons-s.-Marne Corobilium Corbeil Segessera Bar-.s. Aube

Andemantunnum Langres Varcia Larrêt Segobodium Seveux Vesontio Besaçon Philomusiacum La Malepierre? Ariolica Pontarlier Urba Orbe Lousonna Vidy Via Durocortoro Exeuntes incertae (No milestones for this road during these reigns) Via Gesoriaco Durocortorum et Divodurum Via Augusta Suessionum Augustobonam Augusta Suessionum Soissons Château-Thierry Esternay Romilly-s.-Seine Augustbona Troyes Via Augusta Suessionum Caesaromagum vel Lutetiam Nth-east from Augustmagus Senlis Champlieu Augusta Suessionum Soissons Nthwest from Augustmagus Senlis Litanobriga Creil Caesaromagus Beauvais South from Augustmagus Senlis Lutetia Paris Via Lugduno Augustam Treverorum et Mogontiacum Mogontiacum Mainz Bingium Bingen Dummum Kirchberg Belginum Am Stumpfen Turm Noviomagus Neumagen Aug.Treverorum Trier Ricciacum Dalheim Caranusca Hettange-Grande Divodurum Metz Scarpona Dieulouard-Scarponne Tullum Toul Solimariaca Soulosse Noviomagus Pompierre Mosa Meuvy Andemantunnum Langres Tilena Tichatel (Thil-Châtel) Vidubia St.Bernard-des-Cîteaux Cabillonum Chalon-s-Sâone Tinurtium Tournus Matisco Mâcon Lunna Les Tournelles nr. St.Georges-de-Reneins Asa Paulini Anse Lugdunum Lyon Via Augusta Treverorum Coloniam Agrippinam Col.Agrippina Köln Tolbiacum Zülpich Marcomagus Marmagen Icorigium Jünkerath Ausava Budesheim Beda Bitburg Augusta Treverorum Trier Via Mogoniaco Lugdunum Batavorum – Germania Inferior Southwest from Lugdunum / Katwijk to Flenium Monster Caspingium Almsvoet Grines Rossum Noviomagus Nijmegen

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Harenatium Kleve crossroads Southeast from Lugdunum to Praetorium Agrippina Albanianae Alphen Fectio Vechten Ad Duodecimum Wamel Harenatium Kleve Vetera Xanten Asciburgium Asberg Novaesium Neuss Col.Agrippinensium Köln Bonna Bonn Rigomagus Remagen Autunnacum Andernach Confluentes Koblenz Boudobriga Boppard Volsolvia Oberwesel Bingium Bingen Mogontiacum Mainz Via Raetiae finibus per sinistram Rheni ripam Mogontiacum ducens Mogontiacum Mainz Buconica Nierstein Borbetomagus Worms Noviomagus Speyer (or to Concordia Altenstadt Brocomagus Brumath to Argentorate Strasbourg) Tabernae Rheinzabern Saletio Seltz Argentorate Strasbourg Helellum Benfeld-Ehl *or to Argentovaria Horburg to Argentorate Mons Brisiacus Alt-Breisach Cambete Kembs Arialbinnum nr. Basle Augusta Raurica Augst Vindonissa Windisch Vitudurum Oberwinterhur Ad Fines Pfyn Viae in Agris Decumatibus Munitae Limes Nida Heddernheim Castellum Mattiacorum Mainz-Kastel Mogontiacum Mainz Lopodunum Ladenburg Canstatt Pforzheim Aquae Baden Baden Argentorate Strasbourg Offenburg Arae Flaviae Rottweil Going north to Sumelocenna Rottenburg am N Grinario Köngen Going south to Brigobanne Hüfingen Iuliomagus Schleitheim Tenedo Zurzach Vindonissa Windisch Via Helvetorumi Arae Flaviae Rottweil Brigobanne Hüfingen Iuliomagus Schleitheim Tenedo Zurzach Vindonissa Windisch West to Aug. Raurica Augst South to Salodurum Solothurn

Petinesca Studen Aventicum crossroads East to Eburodurum Yverdon Ariolica Pontarlier Urba Orbe Lousonna Vidy crossroads *west to col.Iulia Equest. to Genava Genève *east from Lousonna to Viviscus Vevey South from Aventicum: Minnodunum Uromagus Viviscus Vevey Octodurus Martigny

194