Grumentum: The Epigraphical Landscape of a Roman Town in Lucania (Giornale Italiano Di Filologia - Bibliotheca) 9782503589992, 2503589995

Table of contents :
Front Matter
INTRODUCTION
EDITION AND COMMENTARY
Back Matter

Citation preview

GIORNALE ITALIANODI FILOLOGIA

BIBLIOTHECA 22

EDITOR IN CHIEF Carlo Santini (Perugia) EDITORIAL BOARD Giorgio Bonamente (Perugia) Paolo Fedeli (Bari) Giovanni Polara (Napoli) Aldo Setaioli (Perugia) INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC COMMITTEE Maria Grazia Bonanno (Roma) Carmen Codoñer (Salamanca) Roberto Cristofoli (Perugia) Emanuele Dettori (Roma) Hans-Christian Günther (Freiburg i.B.) David Konstan (New York) Julián Méndez Dosuna (Salamanca) Aires Nascimento (Lisboa) Heinz-Günter Nesselrath (Heidelberg) François Paschoud (Genève) Carlo Pulsoni (Perugia) Johann Ramminger (München) Fabio Stok (Roma) SUBMISSIONS SHOULD BE SENT TO Carlo Santini [email protected] Dipartimento di Lettere Università degli Studi di Perugia Piazza Morlacchi, 11 I-06123 Perugia, Italy

Grumentum The Epigraphical Landscape of a Roman Town in Lucania

Christian Laes Alfredo Buonopane

F

© 2020, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher.

D/2020/0095/187 ISBN 978-2-503-58999-2 e-ISBN 978-2-503-59000-4 DOI 10.1484/M.GIFBIB-EB.5.120607 ISSN 2565-8204 e-ISSN 2565-9537 Printed in the E.U. on acid-free paper.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACES 7 INTRODUCTION 9

1. The history of epigraphy in Grumentum 11 1.1. Scholars, forgers and priests from the Renaissance to Mommsen and later 11 1.2. Excavations and systematic archaeological research 18 2. Grumentum in Antiquity: an historical overview 25 3. Political institutions 36 3.1. The aediles 38 3.2. The praetores duo viri 39 3.3. The quaestores 41 3.4. The decuriones 41 3.5. The magistri Mercuriales Augustales and the Augustales Mercuriales 43 3.6. The Herculanei Augustales / Augustales Herculanei 45 4. Military men and the army 47 5. Economic activities and professions 48 6. Religion 51 7. Family and life course 54 8. The role of Christianity 57 EDITION AND COMMENTARY 65

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF EPIGRAPHICAL AND LEXICOGRAPHICAL ABBREVIATIONS 199 LIST OF FIGURES 201 INDICES

Index of Literary Sources 207 Index of Epigraphic Corpora 209 Index of Places 213 Index of People 217 General Index 223 CONCORDANCE 227 BIBLIOGRAPHY 229

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PREFACES

This volume seems to be a conclusive summa of  Grumentum’s history. My ten year archaeological research in this Lucanian and Roman town began by chance during some conversations with Hans-Joachim Gehrke in Freiburg i.B., with Alessandro Guidi in Verona, and, above all, with Maria Luisa Nava, who was then soprintendente of  Luca­ nia. Alfredo Buonopane has been involved in the research during its early phases, and especially in the first year, when I had everything prepared for the activities and the team was ready, but I fell off  my bike and had some bones damaged. But Alfredo Buonopane was there. Christian Laes cooperated by carrying out epigraphical research, keeping abreast with Buonopane, and getting the archaeologist Ine Jacobs involved in the Grumentan research. This has been the first step of  a long-lasting cooperation of  my Department with Belgian scholars and universities. Conferences and publications have been promoted in order to disseminate the results of  our work and to let a larger audience know more of  this important ancient city. Another article is still awaiting publication, where the history of  the Forum is presented and the conclusion eventually reached that the extant Forum was created in the Augustan age, while previously the main square was not there, but probably in the abutting north-eastern zone. The Veronese archaeological team also took the first step of  its geophysical research in Grumentum by using a magnetometer with success, and started with a tridimensional documentation, also thanks to the cooperation of  colleagues from the Universities of  Padua, Perugia, and Venice (IUAV). The city centre of  Grumentum has been a field school for a lot of  students, and not only those of  the University of  Verona. This book by Buonopane and Laes is an up-to-date monograph gathering and discussing all the documents concerning ancient Grumentum, and especially its Roman phases. The institutions of  Grumentum and their development are a illustration of  how a Roman city was founded and then occupied and run. Specific features also characterize this city, for example the life of  the imperial cult. Therefore, I say thanks to these two authors who give a further impulse to the study of  this important town in southern Italy. Attilio Mastrocinq ue 7

Revealing the history of  the Roman town of  Grumentum by carefully (re)-editing its inscriptions, accompanied by a translation and extensive commentary, has proved to be a passionate yet time-consuming undertaking for both authors, who started the work in 2012. Looking back at the years of  collaboration, the memories of  both travels to and from Italy, and inspiring correspondence and conversation stand out. Fully acknowledging that a similar edition will not be produced in the next generations to come, both authors hope that their work will inspire scholars who focus on the still rather understudied region of  Lucania in Roman and Late Antiquity. The authors would like to thank the Soprintendenti Archeo­logici of  Basilicata, who were in charge during the years of  their research: Maria Luisa Nava, Marcello Tagliente, Massimo Osanna, Caterina Greco, Antonio De Siena, and Teresa Elena Cinquantaquattro. They would also like to thank Antonio Capano, former director of  the Museo Archeologico Nazionale dell’Alta Val d’Agri and Francesco Terlano, current director, as well as all the members of  the Museo staff, who have in many ways facilitated with their courtesy and helpfulness the often laborious research. Finally, special thanks go to Vincenzo Falasca (1942-2019), the real Genius loci of  Grumentum, for all his useful suggestions and for the many photographs he gave us. In sadness we acknowledge that he did not live to see this book in printed form. Many thanks are also due to several institutions that sponsored research trips: Free University of  Brussels, University of Antwerp and University of  Verona. Studying and discussing the inscriptions from Grumentum also led to pleasant contacts and enriching exchanges with colleagues who are gratefully acknowledged here: Attilio Mastrocinque (University of  Verona), who was director of  the excavations in the period 2005-2014; Olli Salomies (University of  Helsinki) and Heikki Solin (University of  Helsinki), who offered valuable and inspiring advice after a seminar taught in March 2015; and last but not least Johan Strubbe (University of  Leyden), who read and reread several versions of  both the commentary/edition and the introduction, and whose sharp and keen observations have saved this book from many errors. Thanks are also due to Patrick McLoughlin, Riccardo Bertolazzi and David Langslow for their thorough language revision and to Fiammetta Soriano, who edited the indexes and drew a new map of  Roman Grumentum (fig. 2). Needless to say, any remaining mistakes are on account of  the authors, who nevertheless hope to inspire a new generation that does not shy away from the sometimes difficult but always inspiring task of  ‘doing’ Roman epigraphy. Christian Laes Alfredo Buonopane 8

INTRODUCTION

1. The history of  epigraphy in Grumentum 1.1. Scholars, forgers and priests from the Renaissance to Mommsen and later “Grumentinae inscriptiones diu latuerunt”: so Theodor Mommsen wrote at the beginning of   his brief  excursus on the history of  Grumentum and its territory.1 Indeed, only between 1563 and 1564 some inscriptions of  Grumentum began to circulate among scholars, thanks to Giovanni Antonio Paglia († 1580), an Apulian poet and man of   letters.2 He sent to Aldo Manuzio il Giovane (1547-1597) 3 several inscriptions from South  Italy, including at least four found in Grumentum,4 which the Venetian scholar reported in one of   his manuscripts now in the Biblioteca Apo­ stolica Vaticana.5 The first person to transcribe some inscriptions of   Grumentum, directly from the stones, seems to have been Aelius Everardus Vorstius (1565-1624), the great Dutch physician and professor of   philosophy at the University of   Leyden.6 At the end of  the century, he travelled to the Vallo di Diano, going as far as Saponara (also called Saponaria), the modest settlement built near ancient Grumentum, where he transcribed at least three inscriptions,7 which he sent to Joseph Justus Scaliger (1540-1609) 8 and to Aernout van Buchel (Arnoldus Buchellius; 1565-1641).9 In the following century no one was interested in this ancient Roman town, with the important exception of   the German geographer Lukas Holste (Lucas Holstenius; 1596-1662),10 who in 1666, in his Adnotationes to the book of    Philipp Clüver 1  CIL X, p. 27; see also Capano 2016 for a recent survey of  erudite attention to Grumentum in the Middle Ages and the Modern Age. 2   Buonocore 2017: 241. 3  Russo 2007. 4  N. 9, 10, 26 and 53 in the present edition. 5   Inscriptiones veteres variae, vol. X (Vat. Lat. 5237), f. 193v. 6   CIL X, p. 19, n. III; Baumann 1918. 7  N. 9, 37 and 114 in the present edition. 8  Grafton 1983; the texts are in cod. Lugd. 61, f. 174r. 9  Brugmans 1924; the texts are in Commentarius rerum quotidianarum, Aug. 1597 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Utrecht, Ms. 798). 10   Fuchs 1972: 548-550; Buonocore 2017: 210-211.

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(Philippus Cluverius; 1580-1622),11 identified the site of   Grumentum with good precision.12 Only Carlo Danio (1669-1737),13 the learned archpriest of  Saponara, who conducted the first systematic excavation on the site of   ancient Grumentum, made the first collection of   the inscriptions found in the area of   the ancient Roman city see the light.14 Danio communicated very regularly with the famous Neapolitan scholar Matteo Egizio (1674-1745),15 with whom he was in contact since 1698, about his epigraphic discoveries, which would happen almost daily (“iscrizzioni se ne trovano alla giornata” he wrote on 29 March 1704).16 Danio’s project was to publish them all together, in a “dissertazione lapidaria” containing almost 41 texts that Danio had sent to Matteo Egizio on 5 August 1714,17 to get his opinion on it. His private collection, preserved in the “giardinetto non dispregiabile” of  his residence,18 was still visible in 1846, when Theodor Mommsen undertook an autopsy of them while preparing the Inscriptiones Regni Neapoli­ tani 19 – “in hortis Danii” is in fact the wording used by Mommsen in the lemmata of   these inscriptions. They presumably remained in the garden until the devastating earthquake of  1859, which caused the almost total loss of  the epigraphic heritage of  Grumentum.20 Inscriptions from the Danio garden seen by Mommsen include no less than 34 numbers of  the present edition: n. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 11, 18, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 39, 40, 45, 49, 50, 52, 54, 55, 57, 60, 63, 65, 68, 73, 74, 75, 76, 84, 109, 110, 113, and 115. Unfortunately, both the “dissertazione lapidaria” and the transcriptions or drawings (if   there were any), which were probably attached to the letters sent by Danio to Egizio, are not cur-

    13  14  15   16  17  18  19  20   11 12

Cluverius 1624. Holstenius 1666: 89. Pilutti Namer, Buonopane 2010; Falasca 2015. Baschirotto 2009: 9. Ceresa 1993. Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli XIII C 90, 154. Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli XIII C 90, 165. Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli XIII C 90, 154. CIL X, p. 28. CIL X, p. 428; Buonopane 2007: 316.

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INTRODUCTION

rently available and might have been lost forever.21 We know of   their existence from the fact that Egizio circulated at least three inscriptions among other scholars: two were published in his book about the senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus,22 and one 23 was sent to Giu­lio Anto­nio Averoldi of   Brescia (16511717),24 who in turn sent it to the Rovigo scholar Camillo Sil­ ve­stri (1645-1719).25 This last inscription was also sent to Lodovico Antonio Mura­tori – who published it in his Thesaurus26 – by Sebastiano Paoli,27 with some supplements written by Danio himself.28 This is an interesting document, not only of   the circulation of   epigraphic texts at the start of   the eighteenth century, but also of   the collaboration between Carlo Danio and Sebastiano Paoli. In  only one case do we have a  complete transcription, preserved in a letter sent on 6 October 1726.29 It is a funerary inscription, which used to be located in the church of  S. Maria dei Lom­bardi, in the district of   Tricarico, and perhaps already unavailable by the mid-nineteenth century, since Mommsen did not see it.30 Of  notable interest is  also what Theodor Mommsen writes about the epigraphic aspects of   the busy exchange of   letters between the young archpriest from Saponara and the erudite librarian from Naples, in the introduction to the chapter on Gru­mentum (XV.) in volume X of   the CIL. The German historian highlights the impressive number of   inscriptions communicated, but also laments the loss of  such texts: (…) exceptis duabus, quas edidit Aegyptius n.  215. 220 tertiaque Tricaricensi n. 127 servata in altera eiusdem Danii ad Aegyptium epistula, denique quarta n. 222, quam Averoldus   Pilutti Namer, Buonopane 2010.   CIL X 215 and 220. See Buonopane 2007: 325-328, and also Egizio 1729: 155. 23  CIL X 222. 24  Nichilo 2007: 195-214. 25  Favaretto 2002: 236-237. 26  Muratori 1739-1742: 474, n. 8. 27  See also note 36. 28  As mentioned by Mommsen in CIL X 222. 29  Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli XIII C 90, 179. 30   CIL X 127. 21 22

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Silvestrio Rovigensi misit acceptam ab Aegyptio, Grumentina Aegyptii perierunt.31

Moreover, the archaeological discoveries of   Carlo Danio and some of  the inscriptions he collected were made known already in 1713 thanks to the publication of   a long letter sent by Gia­como Antonio Del Monaco to Matteo Egizio.32 This letter offers useful information on the first archaeological excavations carried out in the area of   ancient Grumentum, and several updates on the archaeological and epigraphic finds that belonged to the Danio collection, which were lost after the collector died.33 The work had great resonance, because an ample extract was printed two years after in the Giornale de’ letterati d’Italia,34 a  magazine that had considerable diffusion among European intellectuals.35 Sebastiano Paoli (1674-1751) copied some inscriptions from Carlo Danio’s manuscripts too. Native of   Lucca and a scholarly clergyman, with interests ranging from literature to antiquarianism, he lived some years in Saponara, in the palace of   Gian­fran­ ce­sco Sanseverino, Prince of   Bisignano, where he was a tutor to his son. He also corresponded with Matteo Egizio, and was in contact with the most illustrious minds of  his time, such as Ludo­vico Antonio Muratori, Scipione Maffei, Apostolo Zeno and Anto­nio Vallisneri, with whom he collaborated by sending notes for the Giornale de’ Letterati d’Italia.36 He wrote also an Iter Grumenti­ num, where, describing his journey from Naples to Sapo­nara, he reported 32 inscriptions from Grumentum. Unfortunately, this work remained unpublished until 1884.37 Little interest in epigraphy appears in the work of   Niccolò Ramaglia (c.  1695-1750), who between 1734 and 1736 wrote the Memorie grumentine e Saponariensi. The original manuscript has been lost, but we know it thanks to a copy, preserved in the   CIL X, p. 27-28.   Del Monaco 1713; the inscriptions are n. 18, 25, 26, 108 and 112. 33  Lombardi 1832. 34   Il Giornale de’ Letterati d’Italia  XX, 1715: 28-42 (see also XIX, 1714: 424-425). See also Buonopane 2012: 274. 35  See the studies collected in Del Tedesco 2012. 36  Paoli 2014. 37   Racioppi 1884: 660-669. 31 32

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INTRODUCTION

municipal library in Moliterno, which was recently published, but only in part, by Vincenzo Falasca.38 A few inscriptions (n. 2, 5, 13 and 18) were transcribed by Costantino Gatta (16731741),39 a learned physician, in his extensive books on the history of   Lucania,40 but, as Theodor Mommsen notes, his readings are of  little value, because they are “non optime descripta versuumque ordine passim neglecto”.41 A most important scholar was Francesco Saverio Roselli,42 the author of   a Storia Grumentina, published in Naples in 1790.43 Mommsen casts a very negative judgement on him: ineptiis suis cum impudenti mendacio coniunctis incredibilem confusionem generavit (…) sed molestias creant genuini tituli permulti a Rosellio summa cum incuria interpolati, ut saepe ignores conflicterene cum falsario an cum interpolatore.44

So he condemned as fakes a  great number of   inscriptions published by Roselli.45 According to Mommsen, Roselli was not only a forger, as is evident from when he tried to ennoble the origins of  the city by claiming he had found the tomb of  the Pythagorean philosopher Ocellus Lucanus,46 but also an interpolator of   genuine texts, who created horrendous pastiches. However, this judgement should now be somewhat softened: it seems that he did not always act in bad faith, but rather he could not read the inscriptions correctly. Roselli’s mistake is often to have integrated texts based on his own imagination, as in the cases of   the inscriptions with a Hercules Thebanus, a Ianus Enotrius, a Numen Por­ci­num.47 Moreover, some texts were transcribed incorrectly or incomprehensibly due to his inexperience and to his lack of      40  41  42   43  44  45  46  47   38 39

Falasca 2005. Di Rienzo 1999. Gatta 1732; Gatta 1743. CIL X, p. 19. Pedio 1964: 52; Falasca 2005: 35; Buonopane 2007: 317-322. Roselli 1790. CIL X, p. 28. CIL X, 23*-54*. CIL X, 25*-26*. CIL X, 30*, 31*, 39*.

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familiarity with epigraphy. Be this as it may, Mommsen’s judgement appears too severe, especially if   we consider that many of   these ‘fake’ inscriptions are collected only in Roselli’s manuscripts and not in his printed book; what is more, 32 or 33 inscriptions reported by Roselli are published by Mommsen in the CIL as genuine. In the ninenteenth century there is  nothing worth mentioning until the journey by Theodor Mommsen, who in December 1846 travelled to Grumentum, where he could perform autopsies on the inscriptions. On that occasion the German historian observed that most of  the epigraphic heritage collected by Carlo Danio had by then been lost “furto neglegentiave”.48 In 1852, with the publication of   the Inscriptiones regni Nea­ politani Latinae and, thirty years later, in 1883, with the edition of   volume X of   the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, both edited by Theodor Mommsen, the inscriptions of   Grumentum, –  84 texts and 34 falsae 49  – entered the international scholarly circuit, with a  proper edition based on the examination of   the literary sources and on the autopsy of   the surviving monuments. For the first time, there was a  reliable collection of   the inscriptions of   this ancient Roman colony. The autopsies performed by Theodor Mommsen are extremely useful, because many inscriptions examined by him are now irredeemably lost, both because of   the devastating earthquake of   1857 and because of   the dispersal of   some private collections, in particular those of  Carlo Danio and, some years later, of  Francesco Perrone. In preparing his edition, Theodor Mommsen also enjoyed the col­laboration of   the canon Francesco Paolo Caputi,50 whose hard work and dedication were highly praised by Mommsen.51 He sent to the German scholar copies of  at least thirteen inscriptions, some of   which he had published between 1873 and 1874.52 Caputi   CIL X, p. 28.   CIL X, 20*-54*, 201-283 and 8093-8094. 50  CIL X, p. 28; Pedio 1964: 17, 27 and 51-52. 51  CIL X, p. 28: “quae de patriis antiquitatibus strenuo collegit, eorum mihi copiam fecit tam per litteras quam per amicos”. 52  Caputi 1874; Caputi 1877: 129-132. 48 49

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INTRODUCTION

also wrote a  history of   Grumentum, in which the inscriptions are properly used to reconstruct the historical events of   the ancient Roman colony and where he attempted to systematically bring together the results of   the archaeological findings and the scholarly studies of  the previous two centuries.53 In those years, Giacomo Racioppi (1827-1908), an important economist and politician,54 consulted the manuscript of   Seba­ stiano Paoli’s Iter Grumentinum,55 which was in Caputi’s library, and in 1884 he published the inscriptions there transcribed.56 Three of  these texts were republished, with brief notes, by Theodor Mommsen in 1889.57 In the last years of   the nineteenth century Giovanni Patroni (1869-1951),58 an official of  the National Archaeological Museum of  Naples, published some new inscriptions, including an important fragment containing the career of   a magistrate (n.  17).59 In  the first years of   the twentieth century, Francesco Perrone (1867-1923), a  lawyer and an important politician (twice in the Nitti governments), brought together an important collection of   antiquities in the garden of   his home in Saponara, many of   which apparently came from the collection of   Carlo Danio.60 In  1927, Perrone’s widow sold to the Italian state most of   the finds in his collection, including two important inscriptions.61 They were brought to the National Archaeological Museum of  Reg­gio Calabria, where they are still kept.62

    55  56  57   58  59  60  61  62   53 54

Caputi 1902. Capelli 2016. See above p. 14. Racioppi 1884: 660. Mommsen 1899: 76-77, n. 269-271 (See n. 86, 87, 88 in this edition). Vistoli 2014. Patroni 1897. Falasca 2015: 37-64. N. 12 and 19. Falasca 2013; Falasca 2015: 37-64.

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1.2. Excavations and systematic archaeological research The study of the inscriptional evidence long predated the start of   systematic excavations at the site of   Grumentum, though the already mentioned volume by Caputi in 1902 had systematically brought together what was known about the archaeological records. The first systematic excavations were done in the vicinity of  the Roman theatre, in a campaign by Pellegrino Claudio Se­stieri (1910-1973), which started in 1951 but was soon abandoned for lack of   funding. Sestieri also took the initiative of   setting up a small private museum, containing the first finds of   his excavations.63 From 1961 on, the archaeological zone with the theatre, the amphitheatre and the public baths drew the attention of  the Mini­stero della Pubblica Istruzione. Subsequently, in 1964 the newly founded Soprintendenza alle Antichità della Basilicata put its first superintendent Dinu Adameșteanu (1913-2004) in charge of  the Grumentum excavations. Adameșteanu not only took care of  the restoration of   the theatre (fig. 1); he also published the first systematic reports of  the excavations.64 Making use of   aerial photography and in collaboration with Giu­lio Schmiedt,65 Adameșteanu also precisely identified the urban layout. Since 1969 Liliana Giardino has systematically explored the Grumentum area, not only bringing to light an interesting domus with mosaics,66 but also revealing important new data on the urban layout, on the presence of   public and private buildings, on the organization and the viability of   the territory.67 In 1980, curated by Paola Bottini, the restoration and consolidation of  the amphitheatre began (fig. 3). These works were succesfully finished in 1987.68

    65  66  67   68   63 64

Sestieri 1956. Adameșteanu 1968; 1970 and 1971 are the first reports. See Schmiedt 1970: tav. CXI. Giardino 1977. Giardino 1981, 1983 and 1990. Bottini 2009: 20-21.

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INTRODUCTION

Fig. 1 The theatre of  Grumentum

In 1988, the University of   Rome La Sapienza, under the direction of   Paolo Sommella, started surveys in the areas next to the two temples (D and C), located respectively north and south of  the forum. Works continued in 1994, led by Andrea Caran­dini and Paola Bottini. These excavations made it possible to identify three buildings of   considerable size, one of   them with a circular plan (fig. 4), and some houses, inhabited from the end of  the second century bce to the early imperial age.69 This research led to the creation of  the Museo Archeologico Nazio­nale dell’alta Val d’Agri, near the ancient town, and to the publication of  an important catalogue, edited by Paola Bot­tini.70 From 1999 to 2006 an international team, led by Hansjörg Thaler, after having carried out the exploration with georadar of   a large area, brought to light the imposing complex of  the thermal baths of  the   Di Giuseppe, Ricci 2009.   Bottini 1997.

69 70

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Fig. 2 Urban layout of  Grumentum

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INTRODUCTION

Fig. 3 The amphitheatre of  Grumentum

Fig. 4 Building discovered during the excavations by Carandini and Bottini

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imperial age, with fine mosaic floors and some statues of   excellent manufacture.71 In 2003-2004, Maria Luisa Nava carried out important excavations in the area of   the forum, highlighting the decumanus maximus and some of   the cardines. Also a few domus, the porticus, the remains of  the basilica and a large fountain-nymphaeum at the southern entrance were discovered.72 For ten years, from 2005 to 2014, a mission from the University of   Verona, led by Attilio Mastrocinque, carried out regular excavations in the area of   the forum, with remarkable results for reconstructing the history of   the city (fig.  5). The two big temples were investigated stratigraphically. Temple C, originally the Capitolium, maybe transformed into Caesareum at a later stage, and temple D became the new Capitolium, which was built in the Claudian age. Of  great interest is the discovery, a few metres from the southern side of  temple D, of  a circular temple, characterised by a peristyle (Tempio rotondo).73 Furthermore, thanks to a scrupulous field survey, it  was possible to identify the layout of   the Roman walls and detect some parts still visible.74 Finally, all these researches have allowed, with the help of   literary and epigraphic sources, to date the establishment of   Grumentum as a  Roman colony to the 50s of   the first century bce. The results of   the Verona excavations and most of   the materials found were presented at some conferences and immediately published,75 while the overall edition of  the excavation is being prepared (fig. 2). Finally, the British Archaeological Project at Grumentum (BAPG) has been active since 2014. The project operates under an agreement between Cardiff  University, the Soprintendenza Archeo­lo­gica della Basilicata, and the Comune di Grumento Nova, under the direction of   Taylor Lauritsen from the Christian-Albrechts-Universität in Kiel. It focuses on commercial and industrial economies between the late Republic and the early   Thaler 2009; Zschätzsch 2009; Tarlano, Castoldi, Donnici 2019.   Nava 2009. 73  Soriano, Saracino 2016; Soriano 2016; Mastrocinque 2016. Soranio 2016: 107-109 has pointed to the existence of a Christian church North of the round temple, constructed between the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth century. 74  Soriano, Camerlengo 2009. 75  Mastrocinque 2009, 2013 and 2016; Mastrocinque, Marchetti, Scavone 2016; Mastrocinque, Marchetti 2019. 71 72

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INTRODUCTION

Fig. 5 The area of  the forum

fourth century ce, and has mainly excavated in Settore S, a mercantile quarter situated in the centre of  the town. The excavations revealed the presence of   a large building positioned roughly parallel to the forum. It consists of   a series of   tabernae (shops) and a portico to the west. The complex seems to have been abandoned around the midth of   the fourth century ce, with metalworking and glass production continuing in the vicinity through the early medieval period. While the building dates from the early third century ce, excavations below the foundations also revealed earlier structures with a similar function. These rooms probably go back to the times Grumentum was installed as a Roman colony. 23

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So far, most of  the publications of  the BAGP are published online as annual reports or posters.76 Not too much new epigraphic evidence was discovered during the excavations of   the last decades. And even before this period, not much attention has been paid to the inscriptions in order to write a history of  the the town. Although Emilio Magaldi (19061993) 77 and Niccolò Ramagli (1903-1981) 78 wrote interesting books about the ancient history of   Lucania, little further attention was paid to the epigraphic heritage of  Grumentum. The only exceptions were an important paper by Angela Donati, dedicated to a  big statue base placed in honor of   the knight C.  Mulvius Orfilius Restitutus (n. 16), and several papers and books witten by Vin­cenzo Falasca, a passionate and cultured scholar of  the history of   Grumentum.79 In 1997, when the National Archaeological Museum of   Alta Val d’Agri was created, Massimiliano Munzi drew up an accurate catalogue of   twelve inscriptions exhibited in the new museum, including three unpublished ones.80 In 2005 and 2006, Alfredo Buonopane dealt with the problem of   several epigraphic forgeries from Grumentum and studied the inscriptions concerning both the construction of   the city walls and the devotion to the domus Augusta.81 Since 2012, Alfredo Buonopane and Christian Laes, for the preparation of  this book, began to methodically make the autopsies of   the inscriptions of   Grumentum and its territory. They were also able to study the inscriptions exhibited in the Museo Archeologico Nazionale dell’alta Val d’Agri and those preserved in its storage, thanks to the courtesy of   Antonio Capano, then director of   the Museum. On the advice of   Vincenzo Falasca, then, they found and examined many inscriptions believed to be lost, but actually kept in some private homes in Grumento Nova. 76  See https://www.bapg.co.uk/about (seen 30 December 2019), and particularly the section Publications. Ine Jacobs, University of   Oxford, also participated during some seasons with a Belgian team, mainly from the Free University of  Brussels. See Jacobs 2014. 77  Magaldi 1947. 78   Ramagli 1962. 79  E.g. Falasca 1997; 2005; 2015. 80  Munzi 1997: 283-293. See n. 93, 94, and 95 in our edition. 81  Buonopane 2006-2007.

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INTRODUCTION

2. Grumentum in Antiquity: an historical overview As is the case with most cities in Antiquity, the origins of   Grumentum are lost in the mists of   time. Roman authors agree to classify the inhabitants of   the town as Lucani. These Lucanians belonged to the so-called Osco-Umbrian or Sabellian language group. In  the sixth century bce, they were pushed away from the territory of   Campania by the expanding Etruscans, and consequently occupied the region known in Antiquity as Lucania (roughly present-day Basilicata). After their migration, they merged with the Oenotrians and the Siculi, who previously inhabited the zone.82 Grumentum profited from a  strategic position, situated on the right bank of  the Aciris (Agri) about 600 m. above sea-level, near the confluence of  the Sciaura stream in the Agri river. The earliest archaeological evidence from Grumentum dates to the second half  of  the fourth century bce. In the area of  the Basi­lica di S. Marco, next to the Museo Nazionale dell’Alta Val d’Agri, some tombs, a votive stele, terracotta statuettes, coins and miscellaneous tableware were found during the excavations of  1982.83 The name Grumentum possibly derives from the Oscan grama (“village, inhabited place”), though the Latin grumulus (“a  little hill, hillock”) or grumus (“a  little heap”) come to the mind as obvious explanations in a Apennine region which morphologically consists of   conical hills. Needless to say, a strict demarcation between Sabellian and pure Latin roots is impossible to make, and a link with Greek γνῶμα (“a mark, a token”) also belongs to the possibilities.84 As  for the story about king Myentum, who helped the Trojans during the Trojan war, married Sapona, was led by a  crane (Italian gru) to found the city of  Grumyentum, and afterwards dedicated a temple to his wife who died there in childbed, one can only be amazed about 82   For general introductions about Lucania, see e.g. Lepore, Russi 1973; Russi 1995; Gualtieri 2003: Isayev 2007. 83  Bottini 1997: 105-107; Capano 2008; Falasca 2011: 2. 84  Alessio 1961: 238-239 on the Latin grumus. Note that in a  metric inscription from Rome, the word grumum is used with the meaning of  sepulcrum. See CIL I 1017 (Hospes, resiste et hoc ad grumum ad laevam respice). Note also the Sanskrit word grāma, referring to ‘an inhabitated place, village, hamlet’. We are grateful to Nikolaus Gross for this suggestion.

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the fascinating philology produced by scholars of  the Ottocento, who were keen to display their knowledge of   etymology and legend.85 When ancient writers discuss origins of  cities, they are mainly concerned with mythological founders who granted the town a special prestige. The Augustan geographist Strabo deals with the Samnites and the Lucanians in a same paragraph, calling the Lucanians Samnites in race, who afterwards took possession of   the Samnite cities.86 He first mentions Petelia (Strongoli) as a rather populous city up to his days, founded by Philoctetes.87 Other foundations by Philoctetes were ancient Crimissa (Cirò Marina) and Chone (Casabona) in the interior above the promontory Crimissa. Grumentum and Vertinae (Verzino) are cited as situated in the inland, and so are Calasarna (only mentioned here, with present position unknown) “and some other small settlements” (καὶ ἄλλαι μικραὶ κατοικίαι). Grumentum is thus surely not considered a very important place by Strabo, and stands in contrast with Venusia, described a “notable city” (πόλεως ἀξιολόγου), but already rather belonging to the Samnite region (Strabo did not distinguish too strictly between Lucania and Samnium).88 Also, the rather belittling comment by Strabo, who presumably never visited the inland of   Lucania himself, needs to be understood in the context of   his somewhat ‘colonial’ stance towards the Lucanians, who according to him had lost all their typical characteristics in order to become ‘Romans’.89   Baschirotto 2009: 13-14.   Musti 1988. See also De Lachenal 1993 on Lucania in Republican and imperial Rome. 87  For sometimes much debated questions on location, geographical context and present-day names, readers do well to consult the Digital Atlas of  the Roman Empire [http://dare.ht.lu.se/places/30495.html]. 88 Strabo, Geographica 6, 1, 3: καὶ Γρουμεντὸν δὲ καὶ Ὀυερτῖναι τῆς μεσογαίας εἰσὶ καὶ Καλάσαρνα καὶ ἄλλαι μικραὶ κατοικίαι μέχρι Ὀυενουσίας πόλεως ἀξιολόγου· ταύτην δ’ οἶμαι καὶ τὰς ἐφεξῆς ἐπὶ Καμπανίαν ἰόντι Σαυνίτιδας εἶναι. Note that ancient authors mostly considered Metapontum, Venusia and Aceruntia (Ace­ renza) as cities from Apulia, while Blanda  Iulia (nowadays in Calabria) and Cosi­linum, Paestum, Velia, and Buxentum (all in nowadays Campania) were considered as Lucanian cities. See Campione 2000b: 5. Cf. also Horace, born in Venusia, but saying about himself: Lucanus an Apulus anceps (Saturae 2, 1, 34). 89  Strabo, Geographica 6, 1, 2 on which see Pelgrom 2004: 21 and infra p. 32. 85 86

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INTRODUCTION

Pliny the Elder 90 mentions the Grumentini together with inhabitants of  ten other cities in Lucania: Atina (Atena Lucana), Bantia (Banzi), Eburi (Eboli), Potentia (Potenza), the Sontini (living near the river of  Sontia, now Sanza near Policastro Bussentino), Siris (the exact site is not determined, but it may be placed on the left bank of  the river Siris now Sinni, cf. the modern Nova Siri which preserves the name), the Tergilani (only mentioned here, site unknown), the Ursentini (equally unknown and only mentioned by Pliny), Volcei (Buccino), Numistro (Muro Lucano). As places not existent anymore in his time, Pliny mentions Thebae Lucanae (modern Luzzi?) and Pandosia (Santa Maria d’Anglona, Tursi) where Alexander I, brother to Olympias and uncle to Alexander the Great, died in the year 326 bce.91 Listing the names of   towns of   the Lucanians in the interior, the second century ce astrologer Ptolemy mentions Ulci (a Greek transcription for Volcei), Compsa (Conza della Campania), Potentia, Blanda (Palecastro di Tortora) and Grumentum.92 The first political and military contacts between the Romans and the Lucanians date from the Second Samnite War (326 bce) and the Third Samnite War (298 bce), when they asked for Roman help against the Samnite troops.93 When Thurii was threatened by the Lucanians in 291 bce, the city asked for Roman support, which resulted in the gradual conquest of   the region by the Romans. In 282 bce, consul Gaius Fabricius Luscinus placed a Roman garrison in Thurii, and in 275 bce Marcus Curius Dentatus celebrated a  triumph for his victory over the Lucanians. Grumentum, which already existed as a Lucanian oppidum, was possibly founded around this period as a Roman military colony, though no single text explicitly says so. The town profited from the presence of   the Via Appia, constructed in 312 bce and ini-

90  Pliny, Naturalis Historia 3, 98: Mediterranei Bruttiorum Aprustani tan­ tum; Lucanorum autem Atinates, Bantini, Eburini, Grumentini, Potentini, Sontini, Sirini, Tergilani, Vrsentini, Volcentani, quibus Numestrani iunguntur. Praeterea interisse Thebas Lucanas Cato auctor est, et Pandosiam Lucanorum urbem fuisse Theopompus, in qua Alexander Epirotes occubuerit. 91  Livy 8, 24. 92 Ptolemy, Geographia 3, 1, 61. 93  See in general for this period Lomas 1996: 11-48.

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tially serving military purposes.94 Alternatively, in the so-called period of   phase I Grumentum may never have been a  Roman colony and remained a Lucanian settlement.95 In this first Roman phase, not too many things changed for the local population, who largely continued their social, cultural and religious practices. The Romans usually restricted themselves to bilateral treaties with the local elites for political issues.96 Roman Grumentum enters the historical records in the year 215 bce as the scenery of   a battle between the Romans, lead by Tiberius Sempronius Longus, and the Carthaginians under Hanno. The battle resulted in considerable losses for the Carthaginians (more than 2000 of   their soldiers were reportedly killed and 41 military standards were taken, while only 280 Romans did not survive). Consequently, Hanno’s troops left Lucania and advanced to Bruttium.97 Crawford has linked a  bronze coinage with the Greek letters γρυ to the Punic war and Grumentum,98 and scholars now believe that through coin issue Grumentum, at the beginning of   its settlement, manifested its own political condition in the fourth and third century bce.99 An extended episode concerning the battle at Grumentum between the armies of   the Roman commander-consul Claudius Nero and Hannibal, dates to the year 207 bce. Livy narrates how some Lucanian cities in fear sought protection with the Romans, while the Punians were crossing their region. The Roman camp was situated at about two km from the Punic encampment, but 94  Giardino 1990 has collected the evidence on the early Republican period of  Grumentum. 95  Mastrocinque 2007: 119 who points to the fact that no author mentions Grumentum in this phase as a colonia Romana or Latina. 96   Pelgrom 2004: 23. 97  Livy 23, 37: Q uibus diebus Cumae liberatae sunt obsidione, iisdem diebus et in Lucanis ad Grumentum Ti. Sempronius, cui Longo cognomen erat, cum Han­ none Poeno prospere pugnat. Supra duo milia hominum occidit et ducentos octoginta milites [amisit], signa militaria ad quadraginta unum cepit. Pulsus finibus Lucanis Hanno retro in Bruttios sese recepit. 98  Imagines Italicae III 1459. See also Crawford 2012. Others have tried to link the coinage with the hypothesised city of   Grumum (now Grumo Appula) which might have been the town of   the Grumbestini, mentioned by Pliny, Naturalis Historia 3, 105. 99   Arzone 2016: 328.

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INTRODUCTION

the Carthaginians themselves had settled at less than one km from the city walls, so that their earthwork seemed almost in contact with the walls of   Grumentum.100 What follows is in Livy’s words a dramatic episode of  Roman bravery: Claudius Nero’s troops rose from ambush and attacked the enemy at daybreak. Panic broke out in with the Punic soldiers, and in the end over 8000 men were slain, and more than 700 were captured; nine Punic military standards were taken. Of  the famous elephants too, four were slain, and two apprehended. Only 500 Romans and Roman allies fell.101 Archaeological surveys have revealed how after the Second Punic War most of   the original Lucanian settlements disappeared or shrunk to mere hamlets.102 The major part of   the sanctuaries near sacred sources were abandoned. Was this the period when Lucanian identity was given up for ever? Such surely was Strabo’s impression two hundred years later, but anthropological research has showed that things are not that straightforward as they appear at first sight. The nearby sanctuary of   Rossano di Vaglio was not only restored, but also expanded after the Second Punic War. Full of   ‘symbols of   the Lucanian past’ and mythically infused with timelessness, such temple might have served as a place in the sacred landscape which was particularly effective for cultural and economic exchange – in other words, contact and resistance in a period when Lucanian communities had given up their heaviest cultural anchors.103   Livy 27, 41: Hannibal undique contracto exercitu quem in hibernis aut in praesidiis agri Bruttii habuerat, in Lucanos ad Grumentum venit spe recipiendi oppida quae per metum ad Romanos defecissent. Eodem a Venusia consul Romanus exploratis itineribus contendit et mille fere et quingentos passus castra locat ab hoste. Grumenti moenibus prope iniunctum videbatur Poenorum vallum; quingenti pas­ sus intererant. Castra Punica ac Romana interiacebat campus. Falasca 2011: 4-5 (with photo) identifies the place of   Nero’s camp as nowadays Cerreta e Ponte delle Cianche, while Hannibal’s troops were located at Giardino. In between the two camps was the nord part of  Giardino and S. Sebastiano. 101  Livy 27, 41-42. See in particular the last sentences of   chapter 42: tamen supra octo milia hominum occisa, [supra] septingenti capti; signa militaria novem adempta; elephanti etiam, quorum nullus usus in repentina ac tumultuaria pugna fuerat, quattuor occisi, duo capti. Circa quingentos Romanorum sociorumque vic­ tores ceciderunt. 102  Gualtieri 2008. 103   Adameşteanu, Dilthey 1992 on this sanctuary; Pelgrom 2004: 25-28 on cultural awakening, drawing on theories by A.  P. Cohen on the construction 100

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The fourth century Liber coloniarum mentions Grumentum as a  praefectura limitibus Graccanis. This means that the city’s ager was delimited under the Gracchi (134-121 bce), that the place was divided into square centuriae of  200 iugera (25 hectars), that its citizens enjoyed Roman citizenship without the right of   bringing in their votes, and that the praetor urbanus from Rome took care of   juridical matters by yearly sending a  magistrate. Surely, newcomers who were granted parts of   the ager publicus were a  reality of   this phase, which is  sometimes called Grumentum II.104 Grumentum was again the scene of  battlefield in 91 bce during the Social War. At this time, Marcus Lamponius is said to have killed some 800 of   the Roman forces under Licinius Crassus and to have driven the remainder into the town of  Grumentum.105 In  all likelihood, these refugees were not subjected to the best of   fates, when the city was finally taken by the Allies. In  a  rhetorically coloured passage, the historian Florus mentions Grumentum as one of   the towns being utterly destroyed during the Social War – in all, to the Romans the destructions caused by this war were worse than what was suffered during the times of  Hannibal or Pyrrhus.106 In the lost eighteenth book of   his Annales, Claudius Q uadrigarius used the scenery of   the siege of  Grumentum to describe an extraordinary example of  servile virtue and gratitude. During the siege, two slaves had sought refuge to the besieging Allies. When the city was finally taken, they hastened to be with their female master, and pretended to take her as prisoner in order to execute her for her presumed cruelty. In reality, they brought her to a secret place where she survived. When things went back to normal, she of   community. Gualtieri 2009 deals in a  nuanced way with the question of  Romanization of  Lucania. 104  Liber coloniarum 1 (209, 8 L.): Atina, Consilinum, Tegianum, Grumen­ tum limites Graccani. (I) (Praefectura) Grumentina limitibus Graccanis quadratis in iugera n(umero) CC. See Mastrocinque 2007: 119 who believes the migration must have had only limited demographic impact. 105 Appianus, Bellum Civile 1, 41: Μᾶρκος δὲ Λαμπώνιος τῶν ἀμφὶ Λικίνιον Κράσσον ἀνεῖλεν ἐς ὀκτακοσίους καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς ἐς Γρούμεντον πόλιν συνεδίωξε. 106  Florus, Epitome 2, 6: Nec Hannibalis nec Pyrrhi fuit tanta vastatio. Ecce Ocriculum, esse Grumentum, ecce Faesulae, ecce Carseoli, Aesernia, Nuceria, Picentia caedibus, ferro et igne vastantur.

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INTRODUCTION

returned to the city, and manumitted her two slaves, as they had saved her life. The story is  dished up as a  remarkable –  and to a Roman master and slaveholder even unexpected – example of  a beneficium offered by slaves in a  treatise by Seneca. Four centuries later, also Macrobius shares the amazement at such noble servile attitude and behaviour.107 It should be noted that the accounts by Appianus, Seneca, Florus and Macrobius do not explicitly state that Grumentum was fighting together with the Romans against the Allies. Yet, this seems to be the most likely possibility.108 Surely, it was a  town of  some importance during these days. It has been suggested that shortly after the Social War, Grumentum was founded as a  so-called colonia Sullana. However, this hypothesis rests on a inaccurate reading of   the enumeration of   such colonies by Mommsen, who rather hypothesized that the city became a colony somewhere between the times of  Cornelius Sulla and Iulius Caesar.109 Be it as it may, the first decades after the Social War were surely not very prosperous for Gru­ mentum: the city had been sacked and most of   the Lucanian region significantly suffered as trade and economy in general were concerned. We may surmise gradual restoration, and continuing Roman cultural influence. Such is at least testified from two terracottas and a bearded head, found near temple C and the Forum.

 Seneca, De beneficiis 3, 23 and Macrobius, Saturnalia 1, 11, 23.   The statement by Appianus points in this direction. We understand the mention by Florus of   the destruction of   Grumentum as if   many cities adhering to the Romans were destroyed by the Allies (see note 80). Also, we interprete the sentence in Seneca, De beneficiis 3, 23 as if   the Allies had besieged the city of  Grumentum, with things getting back to normal quite soon after the event of  the capture of   the town (Eductam deinde extra muros summa cura celasse, donec hostilis ira consideret; deinde, ut satiatus miles cito ad Romanos mores rediit, illos quoque ad suos redisse et dominam sibi ipsos dedisse). De Ruggiero 1922: 593 and Falasca 2011: 5 also state that Grumentum remained faithful to the Romans, while Weiss 1912: c. 1898 believes that Grumentum fought against the Romans during the Social War. Russi 1946: 1899-1900 is not quite clear on the matter, but seems to suggest that the status of   colonia Sullana was linked with negative behaviour towards the Romans during the Social War. 109  On such colonies, see e.g. Liber coloniarum  1 (232, 20 L.) about Capitolum: lege Sullana est deductum. Lepore, Russi 1946: 1899-1900 and Di Giu­ seppe, Ricci 2009: 140 for the details of  the discussion. Mastrocinque 2007: 120 convincingly argues against Grumentum having been a colonia Sullana. 107 108

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Issued by local artisans, the ritual and symbolic values of   these artefacts clearly depended upon the Roman tradition.110 In the year 59 bce the Lex Iulia agraria Campana meant a new start for the city of   Grumentum: it was refounded as a  colonia, and the land was assignated to veterans of  Pompey, in a migration movement which brought 20,000 Roman citizens to Cam­pa­nia. One can easily imagine how such would have altered every-day life of   the inhabitants of   Grumentum. When the law was passed, a  collegium of   XX viri was installed. A  team of   land surveyors was sent, parts of   the urban space were destroyed and parcels allotted to the newcomers. In 57 bce, works were still going on, as proves the exceptional case of   an aedilis pro quaestore being responsible for the construction of   the new city walls (n. 18).111 These walls were further rebuilt in 56 and 51 bce (n. 19 and 22). The citizens were assigned to the Pomptina voting district.112 For Pompey and Caesar, the urgent and pressing matter of  thousands of   impoverished and frustrated veterans who had been waiting for years for promised land for themselves and their families was finally solved.113 One wonders about the social and cultural impact of   the newcomers. The sources do not tell, but the effect might have been profound. Surely, one has to imagine the revival of   Grumentum as a gradual process, keeping in mind the remark by Strabo who still considered it a  “small settlement”.114 On  the other hand, one should be careful not to fall into the trap of   the ‘colonialistic’ attitude of  Strabo, who considered Lucania as a backward region, with local customs having disappeared and with settlements

110   Pompele 2016, who dates the artefacts before the foundation of  a Roman colony. 111  Mastrocinque 2007: 120-122. 112  But see n. 20 for a citizen belonging to the Sergia tribus. Based on CIL VI 2382 b 29 = 32638 b 29, mentioning a Q . Vibius Q . f. Cla. Neoptolemus Grum., it has been suggested that the name Claudia was added to the colonia of   Grumentum during the reign of   Emperor Claudius (De Ruggiero 1922: 593-594). However, it seems more likely to explain the title Claudia as a case of   a pseudotribus. See Lepore, Russi 1946: 1900 and Mastrocinque 2007: 122. 113   Mastrocinque 2007: 120-122 referring to the relevant literary sources as Plutarch, Pompeius 47- 48. 114   Cifani, Munzi, Fusco 1999: 455 observed a decay in the rural areas due to the Social War – the rural crisis was solved by the late first century ce.

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which were wholly without repute.115 As  we have mentioned above, the picture was not entirely black or white, and a  sacred place as the sanctuary for Mefitis in Rossano di Vaglio might have served as a strong symbol of  local Lucanian identity. Since Mefitis was also worshipped in Grumentum (n.  3), such could have enhanced the status of   the town.116 The same argument goes for the lack of   Oscan inscriptions from the city.117 What we think about languages is strongly coloured by nostalgic/ romantic views and the concept of   national states. In  no way, languages played the role for formation of   identity as they do in the present day. So, one might imagine the inhabitants of   Grumentum recurring to either Oscan (and thereby referring to their own local traditions) or to Latin (which they exclusively used for inscriptions), without experiencing this choice as a  matter of   oppression or cultural domination.118 In the first three centuries ce Grumentum became the most flourishing city of   Lucania. Ranked as a  medium-sized town with a  walled area of   28 ha,119 we may surmise a  population of   about 6 to 7,000 inhabitants. In section 5, we will deal with the flourishing economic activities of  the town during the imperial period. The excavations show an intense economic life and renewed building activities around the end of   the first century bce and the first half  of  the first century ce. The growth started after the recovery from the Social War and lasted well into the reigns of  Augustus and the Julio-Claudians.120 We know of  families as the gens of  the Titii, who belonged to the municipal élites by being part of  the collegia and ensuring the rather large public donations that were linked with such office. Such family groups built their fortune by the concentration of  property in the country, where large farms or villae concentrated on the rich agricul Strabo, Geographica 6, 1, 3.   Lejeune 1990; Adameşteanu, Dilthey 1992; Pelgrom 2004: 25-28, supra

115 116

p. 29.

117  Rix 2002: 123-133 lists the Sabelic text evidence from Lucania and Bruttium. 118   Clackson 2015: 74-78 for an insightful discussion on language and possible resistance to Rome. 119   De Ligt 2012: 332. 120  Buonopane 2006-2007: 331-333; Braito 2016: 304.

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tural and productive potential of   the territory.121 These wealthy families surely disposed of   the means to deal with unexpected setbacks. When a  earthquake in the first half  of   the second century destroyed walls of   a villa in Marsicovetere, the reconstruction of   the walls was already finished by the mid-second century.122 Surely, the presence of   the family of   the Bruttii, related to Emperor Commodus’ wife Bruttia Crispina, added to the prestige of  the town. They owned an important villa in nearby Marsicovetere Barricelle (n. 43). The family of  the Bruttii is mentioned in Grumentum from the first century bce on (n. 18, 43, 53, 60 and 94). Though the 1,000 to 2,000 members of  the senatorial class presumably numbered only 0,0033 percent of   the total population of   the Roman Empire, the nearby presence of   a senator significantly added to the status of   a town.123 At least two of   these viri clarissimi were closely linked to Grumentum. Caius Passienius Cossonius was a prominent senator in the late second century ce (n. 12), while Rufius Festus (n. 13) possibly lived either in the same period, or in the end of   the third, beginning of   the fourth century. The equestrian class numbered perhaps ten times more members (equaling to an exiguous 0,03 percent of   the population), and is represented in Grumentum by Caius Mulvius Ofillius Restitutus, who after a  military career as an equestrian officer pursued a  municipal cursus honorum as an honoured patron of  the town (n. 16), while the presence of  another knight at Grumentum is unsure (n. 15). Not bothered by the troubles that hit the borders of  the Roman Empire and unconcerned with the rivalry between military commanders with imperial aspirations, the third and the fourth century still was a  relatively prosperous period for the South of   Italy.124 The vitality of   the region appears from the impressive   N.  40 (Titius  Viator) and n.  92 (Titius Nicephor) both freedmen and belonging to collegia of   Augustales; n. 77 (Titia Chionissa); n. 28 (Titius Ampliatus). See Braito 2016: 304-306. 122  Pagliuca 2016: 21-22. 123  See Knapp 2011 for reflections on the very small numbers of  the elites and the way these influence our views on Roman social and political history. 124   Though one has to take into account that pandemics may strike regionally, 121

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INTRODUCTION

number of   dedications and honorary statues that city councils set up for the various emperors of  the Severan dynasty (193-235). We know that these emperors paid considerable attention to the region, by restoration of   roads and public buildings, as well as by interventions in local disputes.125 Grumentum had since long profited from the presence of   the Via Appia (Rome-VenosaBrindisi) and the Via Popilia (Rome-Reggio di Calabria). Now a  conjunction between these two roads was made by the Via Herculia, built between 286-305. The new Via passed through Venosa, Potenza and Grumentum, from which it lead to Nerulum (Rotonda) in the South and to Heraclea (Policoro) in the East.126 The restoration of   the thermal baths may have taken place in the same period (n. 13, 14 and 21). Grumentum is consequently named in the Itinerarium Antonini, the redaction of  which probably stems from the reign of   Diocletian (284-305),127 and indicated on the Tabula Peutingeriana, a copy of a map thought to have been made in the fourth century.128 The city presumably shared in the political upheaval and consequent damage suffered in Italy by the first quarter of   the fifth century.129 Up to at least the middle of   the sixth century, Grumentum is  documented in the literary sources as a  center of   some importance. According to the legend of  the martyrdom of  San Laverio, Christianity was strongly present from the early fourth century on. The history of  Grumentum in Late Antiquity is known by some vivid details and stories, which will be dealt with in the last section of  this introduction.

Lucania was hit by the Cyprian Plague (249-260) which had disastrous effects in most parts of  the Roman Empire, as it was by the pestilence of  165-185. Little to nothing of  the evidence from Lucania testifies to marked disasters, which must have changed people’s lives more than whatsoever. See Harper 2017: 65-118 and 119-159 for evocative surveys of  both periods of  collapse throughout the different regions of  the Roman Empire. 125  Bertolazzi 2016. 126   Buck 1971; Giardino 1991: 827-838. 127  Itinerarium Antonini 104, on which see Cianciarulo 2010. 128  See Talbert 2010 and http://www.cambridge.org/us/talbert/ (seen August 2020). 129   Pagliuca 2016: 23 mentions how the walls of   a villa in Marsicovetere collapsed in this period and were no longer reconstructed.

35

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3. Political institutions Like all Roman colonies, Grumentum had a sophisticated administrative structure that allowed a proper and orderly management of  the affairs of  the city and its inhabitants. We have attestations of   aediles, praetores duoviri, quaestores and decuriones.130 They very much constituted ‘the social fabric’ of   the city, and were as such responsible for many of   the buildings that are still admired on the archaeological site. The following table synoptically lists these magistrates and their major accomplishments in chronological order (the number refers to the number of  our edition). Table 1 – The magistrates of  Grumentum N.

Name

Magistratures

Other offices

Activities

Dates

18

C. Bruttius C. f. Ser(gia)

aed(ilis) pro q(uaestore)

city wall

57 bce

22

Ignotus/i

aedilis? aediles? praetor duo vir? praetores duo viri?

city tower

56 bce

19

[Se]x. Poppaedius Sex. f. [S]er(gia))

aedilis

city wall

51 bce

19

Q . Poppaedius Sex. aedilis f. [S]er(gia)

city wall

51 bce

22

C. Aebutius C. f. [G]al(eria) vel F] al(erna)

aedilis

city wall

51 bce

20

Q . Pettius Q . f. Tro(mentina) Curva

pr(aetor) duo vir

public baths

57-51 bce

20

C. Maecius C. f. Ouf(entina)

pr(aetor) duo vir

public baths

57-51 bce

29

[- - -]tius L. f. Pom(ptina)

[praetor II vi]r quinquiens

[prim]us pilus legion(is) XXI (Rapacis?)

end of first century bce – start of first century ce

17

[- - -] C. f. Pom(ptina)

aed(ilis) pr(aetor) II vir

flamen [perpetuus di] vi Augusti

first half of the first century ce

  Buonopane 2017.

130

36

INTRODUCTION

N.

Name

Magistratures

Other offices

Activities

Dates

[C.] Mulvius C. f. aed(ilis) [P]om(ptina) Ofil­ pr(aetor) II vir II lius Rest[it]utus [q]uin(quennalis) q(uaestor)

praef. coh. I [M] orinor(um) et Cersiacor(um) trib. mil. leg. II Adiutricis P(iae) F(idelis) prae[f.] alae I Vespasianae Dardanor(um), praef. fabr. II Aug(ustalium) Herc(ulaneorum) patronus

L. Aquilius Mamius

aed(ilis) pr(aetor) IIvir q(uaestor)

augur

36

C. Stremponius C. f. Pom(ptina) Bassus

aed(ilis) pr(aetor) IIvir q(uin)q(uennalis) q(uaestor) rei pub(licae) III

augur curator rei p(ublicae) kalendari Potentinor(um) curator muneris peq(uniae) Aquillianae II

first half of the second century ce

38

[- - -]tius L. f. Pom(ptina) [- - -]

omn[ibus mune]ribus et princi[palibus] honoribus innoc[enter fu] nctus

munerarius [egregiae] editionis familia[e gladiat]oriae decurio e[- - - spl] end[id]ae civitatis [Reginoru]m Iuliensium [col]l(egii) Beneris patronus

end second century ce

35

Mn. Otacilius Mn. f. Pom(ptina) Bassus

aedilis

second century ce

37

C. Turcius C. f. Pom(ptina) Nebrus

aedilis pr(aetor) IIvir quaes(tor)

second century ce

24

[- - -] Silvinus

aed(ilis)

39

[- - -]ttius Q . f. Pom(ptina) [Ph?] ilogenes

dec(urio)

16

9

70-78

ob hon(orem) augur(atus) d(onum) d(edit)

[- - - ex pec(unia)?] mul[taticia?] [- - - aere?] mul[taticio?]

1 January – 30 April 119

first-second century ce?

first-second century ce?

37

GRUMENTUM

3.1. The aediles The aediles performed duties similar to the aediles of  Rome: they had to ensure the steady flow of   supplies to the city and manage the cura annonae, maintain city roads and sacred and public buildings, organise celebrations and public games, and periodically make sure that the officially recognised weights and measures were being used. They could also impose fines for violations regarding their areas of  jurisdiction. The first records of   the aediles, who were involved in the construction, at their own expense, of   large sections of   the walls and towers, date to the late Republican period, between 57 and 51 bce.131 C. Bruttius (n. 18) in 57 bce built 200 feet of   wall. Besides being an aedilis, he also carried out the duties of   quaestor (aedilis pro quaestore), an office that evidently was at the time not yet held by anyone in the colony.132 In 51 bce three aediles, the two brothers Sex. and Q .  Poppaedius (n.  19) and a  certain C.  Aebutius (n.  22), oversaw the construction of   1,200 feet of  wall. Particularly interesting is  the presence of   three aediles in the same year. It  is  therefore likely that in Grumentum, as in Arpinum, Formiae and Fundi, at least in the Republican age, the collegium of  the aediles was composed of  three members.133 Also worth noting is  that all four of   the abovementioned aediles belonged to a tribe other than the Pomptina, which was the prevalent tribe in Grumentum.134 This seems to suggest that they, like the praetores duo viri recorded in the same period of  time, not only came from other cities, preserving the tribe in which they had been registered but also, and more importantly, that these magistrates were not nominated but rather created in accordance with the lex data (the foundational law) of   the new colony.135 Besides the construction work of   the walls, the only other document relating to the activity of   the aediles is the inscription   Soriano, Camerlengo 2009.   Buonopane 2017. On the issue of  the origin and presence of  the quaestorship in Roman cities: Petraccia Lucernoni 1988, 1-11. 133  Buonopane 2017: 122. 134  Forte 2010: 193-197. 135  Mayer i Olivé 2009: 214-215. 131 132

38

INTRODUCTION

(n.  24) bearing the name of   an aedilis and the formula [- - - ex pec(unia)] mul[taticia] or [- - - aere] mul[taticio]. This seems to suggest that in Grumentum, as in other urban centres, the aediles used the money raised through fines to fund public construction activities.136 From the first half  of   the first century to the end of   the second century ce, the office of   aedilis sometimes was the first step in a local political career, since some of  those who had been aediles later became praetor II vir (n. 9, 16, 17, 36, and 37). Some even made it to quaestor (n. 9, 16, 36, and 37). 3.2. The praetores duo viri The praetores duo viri (n. 20 and 22) were the highest magistrates of   the colony from 57-51 bce. This is a rare title, so far only recorded in Abellinum, Privernum, Telesia and Narbo Maius.137 According to some scholars it derives from an indigenous Oscan title meddix. Others believe that praetores duo viri is  an extension of   the original title of   praetor to praetor duovir or that the title of   praetor is  merely an additional and ornamental element of   duovir. Some have claimed that the double title intended to emphasise the function of  judge held by this magistrate.138 The duties of   these praetores duo viri were similar to the consuls in Rome: administering civil and criminal justice in the city, convening the citizens’ council (decuriones) to present draft laws and provide reports, organise the citizen assemblies (comitia) to elect magistrates and priests in the colony. They also administered the city’s finances and contracted out and inspected public works. Every five years, they added to their duties the organisation and management of   activities relating to the census and to the review of   the city’s administration, including the list of   city councillors, whom they could expel from the order for undignified behaviour. In such cases, they took on the title of  quinquen­ nales.

  Marengo 1999: 73-84; Laffi 2007: 219-220.   Buonopane 2017: 123-124. 138  On the whole question see Buonopane 2017: 123-125. 136 137

39

GRUMENTUM

In the earliest attestation of   the office, the two praetores duo­ viri, Q . Pettius Q . f. Tro. Curva and C. Maecius C. f. Ouf. (n. 20), implementing a decree by the decurions and using public funds, oversaw the construction and inspection of   the public baths, located near the Forum.139 Again, these praetores duoviri of  Gru­ mentum are not registered to the prevalent tribus Pomptina. The former belonged to the Tromentina tribe, while the latter mentions the Oufentina tribe. This again suggests that they, just like the first aediles, conserved the tribe in which they had been registered in their place of   origin and that, consequently, these magistrates were not nominated but rather created in accordance with the lex data (cf. supra, p. 38). Two of  the praetores duoviri from Grumentum held the office on multiple occasions. In the case of   the anonymous magistrate, who was also aedilis and flamen perpetuus divi Augusti (n. 17), it was a simple iteration of   the same office. More interesting is the case of  the primus pilus (n. 29) of  the legio XXI. He was probably a  veteran who had returned to his native city, and between the end of  the first century bce and the first years of  the first century ce was praetor II vir for as many as five times (quinquiens). This might point to the respect and trust that the citizens felt towards his good work, or to the lack of   people who were able or willing to take on the duties of   such an onerous office.140 In the last decades of   the first century ce and in the first half  of   the second century ce two praetores II viri are mentioned who as quinquen­ nales presided over the census: C. Mulvius Ofillius Restitutus (n.  16), a  member of   the equestrian order, who returned to his home city after pursuing a brilliant career as an officer in the army, and C. Stremponius Bassus (n. 36). From the first decades of  the second century ce the praetores duo viri held other offices in their city or in nearby cities: C. Mul­ vius Ofillius (n. 16) was patron of  the collegium of the Augustales Herculanei, while L. Aquilius Mamius (n. 9) was augur. Next to holding the same office, C. Stremponius Bassus (n. 12) was curator kalendarii of   nearby Potentia and twice in charge of  managing the funds of   the testamentary bequest of  a certain Aquilius to   Gualtieri 2003: 101; Capano 2009b: 78-112.   Buonopane 2016.

139 140

40

INTRODUCTION

organise a  munus. He probably was appointed to this charges because of   his proven financial experience (indeed, as will be seen below, he was quaestor of   his city three times). Finally, also [- - -]tius [- - -] (n. 38), who was patron of  the collegium Beneris (!), as a  munerarius set up a  gladiatorial show and had the honour of  being a member of  the ordo decurionum of  Regium Iulium. 3.3. The quaestores The delicate task of   managing public funds, a duty that required particular financial experience, was entrusted to the quaestores. It was a prestigious office, as demonstrated by the fact that, from the second half  of   the first century ce on, it was held by some of   those who had already held the highest office in the colony (n. 9, 16, 36, and 37). Therefore, it represented the very sought after pinnacle of  a local political career. An interesting case is again C. Stremponius Bassus (n. 36), who due to his experience (he had already been curator rei p(ublicae) kalendari Potentinor(um) and twice curator muneris peq(uniae) Aquillianae), held the office of  quaestor no less than three times. 3.4. The decuriones The city councillors, indicated with the term decuriones, varied in number from thirty to hundred, depending on the city. They had to be over the age of   25-30, be born free (and from the start of   the third century ce have at least a  freeborn mother), enjoy full civil rights, be of   high moral character, practice honourable professions (excluded were gladiators, actors, brothel owners, funeral directors and auctioneers). They had to be of   considerable wealth, the limit of   which varied from city to city, and had to pay, like the other magistrates, a substantial amount of  money (summa honoraria) to guarantee their proper behaviour. They also enjoyed many privileges: they had reserved seats at theatre performances, games and public shows, if   convicted they could not be deported, tortured or sent to forced labour in mines.141

  Le Roux 2013; Segenni 2013; Melchior Gil 2013.

141

41

GRUMENTUM

Every five years the praefecti II viri quinquennales drew a list of   new decurions, selected from among former magistrates and people recommended by illustrious personages, among whom sometimes even the emperor; they were appointed for life, although every five years, during the census, their behaviour was examined and, in the case of  disgrace, they could be expelled. For Grumentum, we know that the council met in the curia, which has been identified along the Forum (fig. 2). During its sessions, presided in turn by one of   the supreme magistrates, various topics pertaining to city life were reviewed. The council established the days of   religious holidays, bestowed honours on deserving individuals and sometimes decided to erect statues in their honour, and debated the construction and demolition of   public buildings, approved testamentary bequests, the use of   public water, the funding of   games, decided on the leasing or use of  public land.142 We do not know much about the decurions of   Grumentum and their activities. We only have one incomplete name (n. 39). Interestingly, [- - -]ttius Q . f. [Ph?]ilogenes was the son of  an freeborn father and a freed mother, as was the magistrate C. Turcius C. f. Pom(ptina) Nebrus (n.  37). The inscriptions also tell us that in the late Republican age the decurions commissioned the construction of   public baths, which was entrusted to the prae­ tores duo viri in charge (n. 20), and that they decided on the erection, at public expense, possibly inside the Augusteum, of  a statue of   Tiberius in the year 15/16 (n. 7), one of   Claudius in the year 43 (n. 8) and one of   Furia Tranquillina, the wife of   Gordian III, after the year 241. By  decurional decree a  statue was erected –  we do not know whether at public expense – in honour of   a magistrate of   Grumentum, who was also flamen perpetuus divi Augusti (n. 17).

  See Camodeca 2003: 173-186.

142

42

INTRODUCTION

3.5. The magistri Mercuriales Augustales and the Augustales Mercuriales Two magistri Mercuriales Augustales (both in n.  5 and 92) are recorded in Grumentum. A similar nomenclature is found in the surrounding area: one in Brindisi, and one in Nola. In the latter case, they are referred to as magistri Mercuriales et Augustales, which might suggest the existence of   two different collegia. Three inscriptions from Grumentum mention Augustales Mercuriales (n. 5, 41, and 100), the members of   a collegium which, as far as we know, only existed in Paestum and Brindisi.143 Grumentum, with this singular variety of   names, is therefore an interesting case study, which can be helpful in particular in understanding the formation and evolution of   the imperial cult. Anton von Premerstein,144 based on a  marginal, but very acute, observation by Theodor Mommsen,145 had assumed that the Augustales originated from collegia dedicated to the cult of  divinities. As  such, the Mercuriales, associated the imperial cult with an actual religious cult. This theory has been confirmed with new arguments by various scholars.146 The validity of   this theory has been definitively confirmed by a recent study by Mayer i Olivé.147 After examining a passage from Horace’s Carmina,148 in which Augustus is  referred to as almae filius Maiae, and appears as the god Mercury, and after analysing the numerous references to the Mercuriales and the magistri Mercuriales, which are recorded in the Roman world between the end of   the second century bce and the start of   the Augustan Age, he shows that the transformation of   the Mer­ curiales into Augustales might be explained as a transition from a Republican Age cult to a cult of  the emperor.149

  Buonopane 2016a.   von Premerstein 1895: 842-843. 145  CIL X, pp. 109 and 142. 146   See Buonopane 2016a: 314 for a summary. 147  Mayer i Olivé 2016. 148 Horace, Carmina 1, 2, 41-44. 149  Mayer i Olivé 2016: 393-396. 143 144

43

GRUMENTUM

The same evolution is  evident from the inscriptions of   Grumentum, which we show in the following table, following, as much as possible, a chronological order: Table 2 – From magister Mercurialis Augustalis to Augustalis Mercurialis Name

Denomination

Type of  inscription

Dates

M. Picacilius (mulieris) l. Philargy[rus]

mag(ister) funerary Merc(urialis) Aug(ustalis)

beginning of  the first century ce

Titius P. l. Nicephor

mag(ister) funerary Merc(urialis) Aug(ustalis)

beginning of  the first century ce

Q . Vibiedius Philargyrus.

Aug(ustalis) votive? Merc(urialis) funerary?

first half  of   the first century ce

41

L. Turcius Dafnus

Aug(ustalis) funerary Merc(urialis)

first half  of   the first century ce

100

Q . Modius [- - -]

Augustalis funerary M[ercurialis]

second half  of  the first century ce

92

92 5 and 86

As can be seen, the first magistri Mercuriales associated the cult of   Mercury with the imperial cult, preserving, however, the ancient nomenclature magistri, also after the identification of  Augustus as Mercury.150 They chose to exist as one a  single col­ legium, unlike what happened in other cities (for example Rudiae and Brundisium 151). Thus, they were called magistri Mercuriales Augustales. In  a  second phase, the denomination was simplified and replaced by Augustales Mercuriales. Not by chance, Augusta­ lis now preceded Mercurialis and the term magistri seems to have disappeared. One of   the Augustales Mercuriales, Q .  Vibiedius Philargyrus (n.  5), in one inscription (n.  86) is  referred to also as minister Larum Augustorum. This seems to reaffirm not only his involvement in the imperial cult, but also that of   the Augustales Mercu­ riales.   See in general Clark 2011: 347-372.   CIL IX 23 and 217.

150 151

44

INTRODUCTION

Finally, as far as the social aspect is concerned, it is interesting to note that all these magistri Mercuriales Augustales and Augustales Mercuriales were in all likelihood freedmen. For some, it is explicitly mentioned, as in the case of   M. Picacilius Philargyrus, former slave of  a woman of  the gens Picacilia (n. 92), or of  Titius Nicephor, a libertus belonging to the gens Titia, one of  the most important families from Grumentum and surrounding area (n. 92).152 For the other three, the Greek cognomina suggest freedmen status. There might be some doubt about Q . Modius, although the fact that he shared the nomen gentilicium with his wife suggests they were both freed. All this is further significant proof   of   the decisive role played by the class of   liberti in the formation and spread of   a cult connected to the figure of   the princeps.153 3.6. The Herculanei Augustales / Augustales Herculanei A collegium that was originally dedicated to the cult of   Hercules (see n. 1 for a dedication to this divinity), but which later associated this cult with the cult of   the emperor, in all likelihood underwent a very similar evolution. An examination of   the epigraphic sources, indicated in the table below, suggests that the initial name was Herculanei Augustales, which in the last decades of   the second century ce changed to Augustales Herculanei, as if   to emphasise the pre-eminence of   the imperial cult. Only one inscription (n. 93) mentions a  magister:154 unfortunately, it is impossible to establish with any certainty whether it should read Aug(ustalium) Herc(ulaneorum) magister,155 in which case it would refer to the president of   the collegium, or Aug(ustalis) Herc(ulaneus) magister, a  preferable reading based on a  comparison with the magistri Augustales Mercuriales.156 We also know the name of   one of   the patrons of   this collegium: the eques C. Mulvius Ofillius Restitutus (n. 16), who, after pursuing a long     154  155  156  152 153

Braito 2016. Mayer i Olivé 2016: 21-25. On the magistri Herculanei see Cerrone 2008: 838-839. As suggested by Munzi 1997: 184, n. 30 = AE 1998, 383. See Duthoy 1978: 1287-1288, 1291-1293; Buonopane 2016.

45

GRUMENTUM

military career, returned to his native city, where he took on all city magistrate offices. With regard to the legal status of   the members of   this col­ legium, it can be observed that L.  Magius Myrtilus (n.  30), C.  Opsius Optatus (n.  30) and P.  Titius  Viator (n.  40) do not indicate whether they are ingenui or liberti, which would seem to suggest the latter. C. Allidius Choroebus, both because of   his cognomen and because he was married to a woman referred to as a contubernalis, must have been a libertus. It is also worth pointing out that one of   them, P. Titius Viator, belonged to the gens Titia, which, as mentioned above, was one of  the most prominent families in Grumentum and surrounding area. A freedman of  the same gens, P. Titius Nicephor (n. 92) was mag(ister) Merc(urialis) Aug(ustalis). This suggests that in Grumentum, as in other cities of   the Roman Empire, some families tried to insert their members, mainly freedmen, into the various structures dedicated to the imperial cult. Table 3 – From Herculaneus Augustalis to Augustalis Herculaneus  

Type of  inscription

Name

Denomination

30

L. Magius Myrtilus

Herc(ulaneus) Aug(ustalis)

honorific? votive?

second half  of   the first century ce

30

C. Opsius Optatus

Herc(ulaneus) Aug(ustalis)

honorific? votive?

second half  of   the first century ce

 

Aug(ustales) Herc(ulanei)

honorific

last decades of the first century ce

40

P.Titius Viator

Aug(ustalis) Herc(ulaneus)

funerary

second century ce

93

C. Allidius Choroebus

Aug(ustalis) Herc(ulaneus) mag(ister)

funerary

second century ce

16

46

Dates

INTRODUCTION

4. Military men and the army Throughout its history and not only in times of   battle and siege, Grumentum was frequently confronted with the presence of  veterans and military men: maybe in the early third century bce (the phase of   Grumentum  I) and surely after the Lex agraria from 59 bce, when the arrival of   large groups of   veterans of  Pompey and new construction works marked the start of   a new phase of  the city as a colonia Iulia. However, only few of   these military men left their traces in the epigraphical record. We know of   five instances of   soldiers with a special connection to the imperial house and the City of  Rome. Titus Flavius Saturninus was an evocatus who served for more than twenty years in the army (n. 4). Aelius Dignus is mentioned as beneficiarius of   the praetorian cohorts (n.  25). Aelius Marcianus died during his service with the praetorian cohorts and was buried and commemorated by a  fellow soldier (n.  26). A  Thracian with the name Aurelius Asdula took service in the same cohorts and lost his brother during a Danubian campaign (n.  27), whereas it is  possible but far from certain that Publius Titius Ampliatus belonged to the cohorts of   night watches in Rome (n. 28). While all these instances belong to the second half  of   the second or to the third century ce, there is  also one pri­ mus pilus of   legio XXI from the first century ce (n. 29). Finally, a dedication by a father to his son Q uintilius who served in the cavalry unit of   the sixth Dalmatian vexillatio again points to the third century ce (n. 72). Starting from this material, it is tempting to suggest – but ultimately impossible to prove – some connections. Was Grumentum a place where men for the praetorian cohorts were traditionally recruted (n. 16 surely suggests origin from Grumentum)? And did these soldiers return to their home city once they had served out their time in Rome? Or, was Grumentum rather a preferred place for retirement to praetorian veterans? A striking Balkan link appears in two military inscriptions. Two brothers had a name of  Thracian origin and served together in a  Danube campaign. One was honoured with a  cenotaph in Grumentum (n.  27). Young Q uintilius was part of   a unit stationed in Dalmatia (n. 72). To these instances may be added two 47

GRUMENTUM

other non-military inscriptions, mentioning the exotic name of   Burtzi (n. 55, possibly referring to a castle in Dalmatia in present-day Montenegro) and the female name Mumma which is only found in the Danube region, possibly in Pannonia (n. 48). Together, these inscriptions offer a  glimpse of   a multi-cultural town in which a community of   people from the Balkans had settled (see also n. 80). Sometimes, their names testify of  foreign origin. It is again left to our imagination in how far they were viewed as strangers, and whether they somehow remained attached to their place of  origin. At least their being part of  the Roman army and their being mentioned on Latin inscriptions testifies to a certain degree of  Romanisation.

5. Economic activities and professions What we know about the economic activities in the city of   Grumentum mostly does not derive from the information available in inscriptions. As  a  medium-sized town in the South of   Italy, it surely profited from the exceptionally favorable circumstances at least during the period of  the High Empire. Ancient historians have indeed since long abandoned the idea of  the Roman economy as an underdeveloped and primitive system, with an upper class cherishing the ideal of   leisure (otium) and striving for status quo at the very best. In comparison with other pre-modern empires, the economic performance of   the Roman Empire (c. 200 bce – 500 ce) was impressive and as expansive as the West-European economy to 1500 – or 1700 as some optimists have claimed. This remarkable success obviously did not result in a general increase of   welfare or in the diminishing of   poverty, but added to a sense of  security and prosperity. In large estates on the countryside, local elites of   a few large families concentrated on the production of   bricks, tiles, stonemasonry, lead pipes or ceramic containers as amphorae or dolia –  activities which were complementary to cultivation, production of   olive oil or wine and live stock farming.157 The production of   the famous Lagarinum wine added to the fame of   the

  Chelotti 1996; Braito 2016: 306.

157

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INTRODUCTION

region.158 Archaeological evidence from extensive survey projects of   the suburbia provides evidence for growth in the town and in the rural settlements from the first century ce on.159 The territory of   Val d’Agri was especially suitable for the establishment of  workshops, and offered all necessary elements as woodland, soils rich in clay or sand, and water resources. Grumentum also profited from the extended possibilities for networks throughout the provinces of   the Empire. The city was included in short and long distance trade. While the majority of  the first century bce pottery finds belong to the local-regional ware, from the first quarter of   the first century ce terra sigil­ lata ceramics from Central  Italy Arretine workshops and from South Campania and Calabria came more into use. Eastern si­gil­ lata and Asia Minor productions as Rhodian wine amphoras are also found.160 Based on the incidence of   African red slipware, archaeologists now confirm stable commercial activity between Grumentum and African workshops to at least the middle of  the fifth century.161 According to the marks, lamps were produced in Italic and African factories.162 For construction and embellishment, both local stones and marble from Chios and Milete were imported.163 The numismatic collection of   the coins brought to light in the Roman Forum is composed of   56 coins, with attestations up to the first quarter of  the fifth century.164 Zooarchaeological analysis has proved the important role played by farming, while hunting was rather marginal. The main domestic animals were goats, sheep, cattle and pigs. Sheep were especially valued for wool and milk, cattle for ploughing. Wool and cheese were important products in ancient Lucania. Zooarchaeological studies for the sixth and seventh century point to   This wine was claimed to have healed Messala Potitus. See Pliny, Natura­ lis Historia 14, 69: Omnium vero eorum maxime inlustrata Messalae Potiti salute Lagarina, non procul Grumento nascentia. 159  Cifani, Munzi, Fusco 1999: 448-451; Braito 2016: 306. 160  Lepri, Marchetti, Stuani, Zentilini 2016. 161   Pagan 2016. 162  Scapini 2016. 163  Malacrino 2008. 164  Arzone 2016 offers a full catalogue of  the numismatic documentation. 158

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GRUMENTUM

animal breeding with increased attention to producing secondary products and meat, mostly pig’s meat and boars, hunted in the woods. Next to Grumentum, several sites of   Lucania confirm an increasing consumption of   meat in Late Antiquity. This change in diet is  explained by factors as the agricultural crisis with a decrease of   farmed land and increasingly numerous uncultivated fields left without owners, Christianization that abolished the ancient cultic practice of   the sacrifice of   meat, and contacts with Germanic people as the Lombards who used to consume more meat and milk.165 “The study of   labour in Roman Antiquity is  beset by intractable problems in the empirical record: what evidence survives is typically vague, unrepresentative, or ideologically coloured”.166 The problems of   studying labour in Antiquity have never been summarized in a more succinct and condense way than in this single sentence. Yet, it says it all. The information that has reached us mainly concerns labour ideology and concepts of   the higher social classes. These people mainly appear in section 3 of   this introduction. They would never have considered their political activities, functions and magistracies as a profession, though it was time-consuming and though financial profit was involved (not in the form of  salary however). Also, what exactly compelled people to have their professional activity mentioned on an inscription is often beyond our knowledge. Here, factors as professional pride and selfrepresentation have been proposed, surely in the case of   slaves for whom the appreciation for performing a  job assigned by their master could mean that they were not ‘socially dead’.167 In  a  relatively small community as Grumentum, readers and passers-by might obviously have known the profession of  the deceased, even when it was not explicitly mentioned on the gravestone. In the case of  freed persons, the mere mention of  the name on the inscription possibly was enough for the passer-by 165   Bellucci, Candelato, Salari 2016; Bellucci 2016; Scavone 2016 (with valuable observations on Late Antiquity). 166  Harper 2008: 97. So far, only two edited book volumes deals with the crucial issue of   labour in the Roman world. See the chapters in Marcone 2016 and Verboven, Laes 2017. 167  The central thesis of  Joshel 1992.

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INTRODUCTION

to understand a connection with the patron and his professional network.168 Again, such information is  largely lost to nowadays readers and historians, though the large amount of   inscriptions concerning freed persons might be revealing in itself. In all, only four inscriptions from Grumentum rank as occupational inscriptions, explicitly mentioning a  profession: a  slave dispensator (n.  42), two slaves with the job title of  actor (n.  43 and 121) and a Greek grammaticus (n. 118). The latter is the only indication of   the teaching of   Greek language and literature in the town, though we may safely assume that the elite was mostly raised bilingually in a region where the Greek language had always been important.169 Other material can offer some more information on labour activities in Grumentum. A  businesswoman of   the gens Titia is attested on brickstamps of   the first century ce. Belonging to one of  the important rising families of   her period, Titia invested her patrimony in new productive and commercial enterprises.170 Other ‘factories’ from Grumentum were the one owned by Appius Rullus (n. 107) and by Titus Stasius (n. 108), mentioned on lead pipes. Given the wide range of  economical activities in construction, agriculture and trade that must have been going on in Grumentum, the epigraphical evidence can indeed be considered as meagre and utterly sparse.

6. Religion Generally speaking, the pantheon of   the Roman world is rather poorly presented in the inscriptional evidence from Grumentum, though other material evidence can add to the picture of  religious life in the city. 168   Ex-slaves occur in n. 5, 28, 30, 37, 39, 40, 41, 47, 49, 53, 54, 61, 65, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80, 86, 96, 102 and 106. 169  Munzi 1993 failed to notice the parallels for grammatici Graeci in inscriptions from other towns. Pointing to both this inscription and the survival of  only one Greek text from Grumentum hardly makes a case for an awakened interest for Greek culture with the local elite of   the second century ce. Bison 2016a has pointed to other evidence of   literacy and written communication, in the form of  small boxes that were used as protection cases for individual seals. 170  Braito 2016, with ample bibliography on businesswomen (see also Che­ lotti 2003 for our region). See supra p. 33-34 on the Titii.

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The Capitoline Triad (Iuppiter, Iuno and Minerva) was undoubtedly worshipped at specific calender days in the Capitolium (the so-called temple D on the forum).171 Also the Augusteum or Caesareum (temple C) was a  place of   worship of   the Capitoline Triad on the same forum. It was originally dedicated to Divus Iulius, and the discovery of  a beautiful marble head of  Livia Drusilla, the wife of   Emperor Augustus, proves its close connection with the imperial house.172 However, not a single inscription mentions one of  the three deities of  the Triad explicitly by name (n. 2 for Iuno in all likelihood does not belong to Grumentum). Several inscriptions point to the imperial cult: there are dedications to Augustus (n. 6), Tiberius (n. 7), Claudius (n. 8), Hadrian (n.  9), Furia Sabina Tranquillina wife of   Gordian  III (n.  10), and a fragmentary dedication (n. 11). In n. 5 the god of   woods Silvanus is explicitly linked to the the imperial cult and the Lares Augustorum. The same Lares appear in n. 68. Both Hercules and Mercurius were connected to the imperial cult, and worshipped by the Augustales, officers and their adjuncts – not seldom freedmen – who took care of   this important matter. These Augustales were consequently named Mercuriales or Herculanei (see sections 3.5 and 3.6). The inscription mentioning C. Allidius Choroebus, a magister of   the Augustales Herculanei, was found in the neigbourhood of   the so-called temple B, which makes worship of  Hercules at this place plausible, though it does not mean that no other deities were worshiped near this temple (n. 93). In all likelihood, the beautiful marble relief  depicting the sacrifying of  a bull also belonged to the imperial cult and the worship of   the Genius Augusti. In  the beginning of   the eighteenth century, this bas-relief  was seen and described by Del Monaco. It is now in the museum of   Metapontum and dated to the end of   the first century ce.173 Scholars from the early eighteenth century had interpreted it as a sacrifice to Apollo, who was identified to Egyptian Serapis (cf. infra) – a statuette of   Apollo with an arch was preserved in the garden of   the little museum of    Fusco 2009; Scavone 2013; Fusco 2016.   See the lengthy contributions by Fusco 2012 and Soriano, Camerlengo 2013. Falasca 2012: 35 for an overview. Sperti 2009: 318 on the head of  Livia. 173  Baschirotto 2009: 10-11; Falasca 2011: 13; Sperti 2009: 319 on the various proposed dates. 171 172

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INTRODUCTION

Danio. Since nothing survives of  the Danio collection, details on this marble are forever lost in the mist of  times.174 As for local gods, the importance of   the cultus of   Mefitis can hardly be underestimated, both for the question of   Lucanian identity and for the longue durée (n. 3, cf. supra p. 32-33). A most intriguing piece of  evidence is the round temple, a construction which is  situated right in the centre of   the town and built not long after the establishment of   the colonia  Iulia. This might have been a  so-called mundus, connected to the gods of  the underworld and pointing at cosmic dimensions and the afterlife. Unfortunately, no inscriptions have been found to confirm this interpretation, which is all together quite likely.175 Recently, a  small bronze statue of   a private Genius has been found near this temple. This divine entity was especially popular after the Augustan reform of  the vici between 12 and 7 bce.176 Deities from the East are hardly attested in Grumentum. There is  only one dedication to Mithras, and the location of   a Mithraeum has not been identified so far – in all, the fact that not too many soldiers are attested for Grumentum does not make it certain at all that there was any such place of  worship for Mithras (n. 4). During the excavations of  Temple A (constructed at the end of  the second century ce) next to the palaestra, a marble torso was found which possibly represents Egyptian Harpocrates, son of   Isis and Osiris. The piece of   marble is dated to the first-second century ce, but the connection to the temple is far from certain.177 Surely, the ancient world of   gods fascinated the earliest local historians of   Grumentum, and they did not refrain from rather fanciful interpretations. They believed the name Saponara derived from Serapis. The remains of  an ancient temple in the main church of   Saponara, the Chiesa della Collegiata also called the Chiesa Madre, were thought to be relics of   a Serapeum. So far, no con  Sperti 2009: 316.  Mastrocinque 2007 on the date; Marastoni 2009 has aptly collected the evidence on the mundus in ancient religious thought. See e.g. CIL IX 3173 (Corfinium); AE 1979, 195 and SupplIt III C 1 (Consilinum) for epigraphical attestations (Marastoni 2009: 248). 176  Bison 2016. 177   Corchia 1983. See also Falasca 2011: 21. 174 175

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GRUMENTUM

clusive evidence for this hypothesis has been found.178 Also the presence of   a Jewish community in ancient Grumentum belongs to the realm of  speculation. Again, antiquarians of  the nineteenth century reported in their correspondence about Hebrew coins and small objects in their collections, nothing of   which survives nowadays. The toponym Giudea and the fact that Venosa is known to have had a relatively strong Jewish community from the fourth to the ninth century are hardly convincing factors to prove the case of  Jewish presence in Grumentum.179

7. Family and life course Since about fifty years, social historians have given up using age inscriptions as demographic evidence. Instead of  calculating average ages and life expectancy, these inscriptions should be used to study representation of   life course. Which ages were considered important to mention, and for what reason? Why was emphasis put on details as amount of  months or days lived? Was there a gendered pattern? What about social class? Who were the commemorators, and is there a link between certain ages and commemorators? Thanks to the possibilities of   data base research, such study of   life course in Latin inscriptions has strongly developed in the last decade.180 Epitaphs mentioning the age of   the deceased are well presented in the evidence from Grumentum: 38 cases out of   a total of   129 inscriptions means roughly 30%. At  the same time, the number is  far too limited for any statistic analysis: sex ratios or the relationship between dedicator, dedicatee and age category cannot be studied with this little amount of   evidence. The following table should thus only be regarded as an overview, which enables the reader to go to the specific inscriptions and commentaries, using the evidence as vignettes of  daily life. Roughly speaking and quite unexpectedly, Grumentum shows the same patterns 178   Baschirotto 2009: 9-10. Note that Falasca 2011: 12 still believes in the presence of  the god Serapis in Grumentum (as well as Aesculapius and Castor and Pollux). No epigraphical evidence about these gods exists. 179  Munzi 1993: 385. See also Salvatore 1991 on the Jewish community of  late ancient Venosa. 180  Laes 2012: 95-96 offers a status quaestionis.

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INTRODUCTION

as the whole of   Regio III: a significant amount (40%) of   inscriptions for younger people (age 25 or younger), more specification of   months and days in this category, emphasis on ‘rounded’ key ages as eighteen, twenty-five, thirty, forty and seventy. On  the other hand, the absence of   Christian grave inscriptions in Grumentum explains the absence of   phenomena as stress on older ages or the plus minus formula.181 Table 4 – Ages in the inscriptions from Grumentum Age

Reference

Remark

4

n. 62, 85, 123

months added (n.  85); months and days added (n. 62); days added (n. 123)

5

n. 34, 56

months and days added (n.  34); days added (n. 56)

8

n. 96

 

13

n. 52

months and days added

15

n. 61

 

17

n. 94

months and days added

18

n. 66, 67, 97

months added (n. 67)

25

n. 51, 78, 95

 

26

n. 35

 

27

n. 60

 

29

n. 99

months and days added

30

n. 33, 55, 69, 71

 

31

n. 72

 

33

n. 58

months added

35

n. 28

 

38

n. 121

months and days added

40

n. 42, 43, 64, 81, 125

months added (n. 43 and 64)

50

n. 74

 

  Laes 2012: 102-105.

181

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Age

Reference

Remark

59

n. 84

 

70

n. 48, 91, 101

 

20 +

n. 88

days added

? (fragmentary state)

n. 25

 

Also, the Grumentum inscriptions testify to a wide range of  social relations, mainly in the family. Again, the following list makes no claims for statistics, but only invites the reader to look at the evidence which offers rich and manifold scenarios of   daily life. The list of   family relations is as follows. For dedications between a  couple: wife to husband (n.  25, 28, 42, 57, 58, 60, 69, 79 (?), 80, 84, 100, 118); husband to wife (n. 29, 40, 41, 53, 65 (?), 81, 93, 95, 98, 99, 122). For dedications involving parents and children: one or two parents to son (n. 31); parents to son (n. 62, 66, 85); parents to daughter (n. 32); father to son (n. 35, 56, 72, 123); father to daughter (n. 34 (?), 52, 71); mother to son (n. 37, 44, 50, 51, 59, 61, 67); mother to daughter (n. 33, 88); daughter to father (n.  48, 125); daughter to mother (n.  74); children to mother (n.  82); son to mother (n. 99 (?)); son or daughter to mother (n.  101). There are also ‘mixed types’ of   dedications: a women dedicates to both her parents and her brother (n. 120); wife and children to husband/father (n.  36), wife and son to husband/father (n. 57), man to wife and daughter (n. 96). Other relationships include brother to brother (n. 27, 43, 46, 64), brother to sister (n. 47 (?)), fellow soldier to soldier (n. 26), freedman to patron (n.  49), fellow freedman to freedwoman (n.  78), fellow freedwoman to freedman (n.  47 (?)), slave couple to a  nutritus (n.  94), husband and brother to wife/ sister (n.  95), son-in-law to mother-in-law (n. 91). The presence of  some cupae inscriptions makes for some interesting cases of  duration of  marriage mentioned – again a table is offered as for further reference, but without any statistical claims.182   A systematic study of   cupae inscriptions throughout the different provinces of  the Empire does not yet exist. See Buonopane 2013; Buonopane, Chelotti 2018. 182

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INTRODUCTION

Table 5 – Duration of  marriage in the Grumentum inscriptions Duration of  the marriage

Reference

Dedicator-dedicatee

4 y.

n. 60

wife to husband

8 y. 8 m.

n. 58

wife to husband

16 y.

n. 80

wife to husband

15 y. 2 m. 16 d.

n. 98

husband to wife

20 y. 4 m.

n. 42

wife to husband

? (fragmentary state)

n. 25, 57

wife to husband

Finally, the inscriptions from Grumentum offer rich documentation on slaves. One encounters slave couples (n.  2, 42, 69), parent-child commemoration (n.  51, 61, 62, 82, 85), brother to brother dedication (n.  43, 64, 66), single commemoration (n.  68). In  n.  94 we find a  particular instance of   a slave couple commemorating a teenager whom they had raised though it was not their own child.

8. The role of  Christianity The origins and diffusion of   Christianity in Lucania have been studied extensively, and we only sketch the general outlines, in order to understand the specific context of  Grumentum.183 Both during the High Empire, as Regio  III, and after the reforms of   Diocletian, as a provincia, the region of   Lucania and Bruttium has been sensed as a strong unity – both from a administrative and a  cultural point of   view. For the advent of   Christianity, the literary, archaeological and epigraphic sources do not allow us to go beyond the beginning of   the fourth century, though it is likely that the Christian faith developed in the second and third centuries, initially in city centres near the coast or in the proximity of   major roads (Via Appia and Via Popilia), and afterwards towards inner and mountainous areas. The hierarchical 183  Seminal works include Campione 2000a; 2000b and 2012. Campione 2000a: 85-95 specifically deals with Christian Grumentum.

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organisation of   the new faith started in the fourth century, and by the late fourth century Christianity was strenghtened by the frequent attendance of  popular shrines and sanctuaries. Lucanian pilgrims visited Nola, there was a  well-known Basilica in Metaponto, local saints were venerated in Aecae, several oil lamps are found in Venosa. By the end of   the fifth century, an active and lively network of   established dioceses was in frequent contact with Rome. Potenza, Acerenza, Venosa and Grumentum all had their own bishop. Correspondence with the papal court included matters as ecclesiastical property, the ordination of   priests or bishops, the status of   slaves, adminstrative issues. As  language, liturgy, and ecclesiastical discipline were concerned, the Lucanian church was always strongly oriented towards Rome. In contrast with regions as Apulia, Campania or Sicily, no bishops from councils in the East seem to have visited, and Lucanian bishops themselves only very rarely attended councils – if   they did so, it were invariably councils held in Rome. Epigraphically, Christendom has not left a single trace in Grumentum. All together, the Christian epigraphical testimonies from Lucania and Bruttium are not extensive.184 What we know about Grumentum in this period is  strongly linked with the legend of  the martyrdom of  Saint Laverius. While there is no doubt that in the fourth century Grumentum became a  Christian centre of   importance, most information found in the Vita Sancti Laverii is problematic. In fact, the author of   this hagiography, Roberto De Romana, is  said to have finished his work in 1162.185 According to the Vita, Pope Damasus (366384) would have appointed a certain Sempronius Attus as the 184  They have been collected and edited by M.  Buonocore, Inscriptiones Christianae  Italiae septimo saeculo antiquiores. Regio  III. Regium  Iulium, Locri, Taurianum, Trapeia, Vibo  Valentia, Copia-Thurii, Blanda  Iulia (Bari, 1987). For the study of  life course, the emphasis of  Christian epitaphs on old age (above 60 years of   age), the plus minus formula for indicating age, and the tendency for age rounding are remarkable. See Laes 2012: 105. Only very few Lucanian inscriptions refer to Christian cult or worship, which explains the virtual absence of  epigraphy in Campione 2012. The Lucanian evidence has attracted attention due to the mention of  women officeholders. See Eisen 1996: 131-133 and Campione 2000b: 17. 185  Text, translation, introduction and commentary are most easily accessible in Falasca 2012.

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INTRODUCTION

first bishop of   Grumentum. However, the mention of   Sempronius Attus has been recognised as a fifteenth or sixteenth century addition to the Life of   San Laverius, and the mention of   Pope Damasus appointing a  local bishop on his own initiative surely is to be considered an anachronism.186 Whether that is true or not, the first installation of   a bishop was preceded by a  period in which Christian faith was not yet established, and here the legend of  Saint Laverius comes in. Born in the village of  Tergia to a pagan father named Achileus, Laverius embraced the Christian faith. While preaching, he came in conflict with the prefect Agrippa, who submitted him to various and atrocious forms of  torture. On the forum of  the city of  Acerenza, he was put on the so-called wooden horse (eculeus) for an entire day night, but he survived. After being put to jail, he was exposed to wild animals, who suddenly became tame and bowed before the holy man. Again put in prison, he was visited by an angel, convoluted by a splendid light, who invited him to escape. Laverius then arrived in Grumentum on 4 July of  the year 312.187 Nowadays visitors to the Parco Archeologico still see the remains of   the Santa Maria Assunta church, dating from the fourth century, and built in close proximity to the Imperial Baths. These visitors may read that it was erected on the spot where Laverius on Assumption Day, 5 August 312, managed to convert the inhabitants of   Grumentum to Christianity. Up to the desastrous earthquake of   1857, the priests of   Saponaria held an annual solemn procession on Assumption Day to the old church, which was better preserved than it is nowadays after the natural disaster.188 After the escape from Acerenza, Agrippa had sent soldiers to search for Laverius. The martyr was eventually betrayed for money by a greedy inhabitant of   Grumentum, who indicated his hiding place to the military men. After attempts to turn him away from Christian faith, and after a cruel public whipping on the forum 186   Campione 2000b: 9. In  these days, bishops went to Rome for approval and ordination after being elected by the people and the local clergy. 187  Vita Sancti Laverii 1-5. 188  Falasca 2012: 51-52 dishes up the story in the booklet for visitors to the park. It is undoubtedly anachronistic, since the feast of  Assumption Day has only been established around the year 600.

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of  Grumentum, Laverius was decapitated and coronated with the crown of   martyrdom on 17 November of   the year 312, not far from the city walls of   Grumentum, at the point where the rivers Agri and Sciaura cross.189 Indeed, a church dedicated to San Laverio and originally containing his relics, has been built in the fourth or fifth century, situated in the zone of  a Roman necropolis of  Grumentum.190 A third early Christian basilica from Grumentum dates to the fifth century, and is named after San Marco, a bishop of   Aecae from the third or fourth century, and a  saint well attested in Lucania.191 This basilica with three naves was frequently used up to the High Middle Ages, as it witnessed by the presence of  medieval tombs. Situated next to the Museo Nazionale dell’Alta Val d’Agri, it is located exactly in the zone where the earliest material from the fourth century bce has been found (cf.  supra p.  25), and where the main Roman necropolis was situated.192 Possibly, also the cult of   the Oscan Mefitis has to be situated in this area (n. 3). In all likelihood, Grumentum became a bishopric in the fourth century. The city is mentioned in a letter by Pope Gelasius from 494-495, in which the pope asks Sabinus, bishop of  Consilinum, to ordain the defensor Q uartus as a  deacon for the people of  Grumentum. In  doing this, the bishop had to act as a  visitator, not in his quality as priest.193 It is understood that this regulation was due to the fact that the bishopric of   Grumentum was vacant 189  Vita Sancti Laverii 6: (…) ipsum dicta die, e carcere ductum cum militaribus signis duxerunt, non procul extra tamen moenia civitatis in locum ubi duo flumina Acris et Sciagra connectuntur. (…) ibidem spectante populo Grumentino post eum cum lacrymis Domino commendatum, gladio percussus truncato capite pervenit ad palmam. 190   Capano 2007 and 2010; Falasca 2012: 37-50; Bertelli 2012 and 2013. 191   Campone 2000b: 13-14, also referring to a church for San Michele and San Marco in Trigezio. 192  Bottini 1991 (High Middle Ages) and 2013; Capano 2009a. In the same zone, the inscription for Egloge Fabricia was found (n. 96) as well as twelve coins (Capano 2009a: 6-7). See Rotondo 2016 for a recent survey on the San Laverio church. 193  Gelasius, fragm. 6 in A. Thiel, Epistolae Romanorum pontificum genuinae (Hildesheim, New York 1974) p. 486: Sabino episcopo mandat, ut populo Grumen­ tino Q uartum defensorem diaconum consecret; noverit tamen, inquit, dilectio tua, hoc se delegantibus nobis exsequi visitatoris officio, non potestate proprii sacerdotis.

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at that moment.194 The city of   Grumentum is  the background of   two other epistles of   Pope Gelasius. Here, he takes up the defence of  two clerics, Silvester and Faustinianus. As freed slaves, they had turned to service of   the church, but now Teodora, the heir of   their deceased master, questioned their manumission, urged them to return to slavery and consequently claimed their possessions. Moreover, Teodora apparently had succeeded in convincing the archdeacon of   Grumentum to have the case treated in a civil court, instead of   resolving the matter before an ecclesiastical tribunal. In utter despair, the two clerics had appealed to the pope, who contacted the comes Gothorum Zeja to settle the matter, rather than the corrector provinciae. We do not know how the story ended, but the case is revealing for the crisis of   Roman political and juridical institutions, and the way church tried to deal with the Gothic authorities, who belonged to the Arian faith.195 The archaeological records point to the sixth century as a period of  steady decay, and the picture is strongly confirmed by the literary evidence.196 In his Gothic Wars, Procopius sketches a gloomy picture of   the fate suffered by the inhabitants of   Bruttium and Lucania during the second expedition of   Belisarius (544-548). In order to secure the military operations in Apulia, the Byzantine general Johannes had found support with the influential Lucanian landowner Tullianus. The latter however faced difficulties with the local population, since the Byzantine strategy of  the scorched earth had made the imperial army increasingly impopular. Nevertheless, Tullianus managed to raise an army of  peasants and mercennaries in order to protect the valleys that gave access to the region. Although he initially defeated the troops of   the Gothic leader Totila, his success was only temporary. Hoping to return to their lands and to gain independence from the rich landowners, and supported by exiled slaves in Campania, the peasants defected to the Goths. As the mercennaries fled and Tul  Campione 2000b: 20.   Gelasius, Ep. 23 and 24  (ed. Thiel p.  389-391). See Campione 2000b: 20-21. 196  Cifani, Munzi, Fusco 1999: 448-451. Rotondo 2016: 155-156 mentions building activities and burial practices in the San Laverio to the beginning of  the sixth century ce. 194 195

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lianus had to seek refuge with the Byzantines, the whole region soon came again into Gothic hands, with the city of   Acerenza being used as the main strategic camp. Only in 548 Lucania returned to the Byzantine Empire, and Emperor Justinian went to great efforts to reorganise the vexed province from an administrative, social and economic point of   view. Grumentum is nowhere explicitly mentioned in this episode of  the Gothic wars, but one may easily imagine the profound social disintegration which affected the whole region.197 The first bishop of   Grumentum known by name is Tullianus in the year 559. From a letter by Pope Pelagius I we know that Tullianus had informed the pope about the election of   Latinus, a deacon from Grumentum, as a bishop of  the neighbouring dioecesis Consilinum-Marcellianum. In his letter, Pope Pelagius urges Tullianus to ask Latinus to come to Rome with the requested documents, so as to be approved as bishop and to be ordained on Easter night. Moreover, Pelagius also tells Tullianus that he had already been informed about Latinus’ election by other canals: Petrus, a  visiting bishop of   the vacant diocese of   Potentia. The same Petrus is  addressed in another papal letter concerning the same matter. Together, these two papal epistles inform us about every-day practice in a  suburban bishopric as Grumentum in these days: the local clerus and the people elected their bishop, who consequently went to Rome for papal approval and ordination.198 By 599, the dioecese of   Grumentum had been divided into different parishes. In a papal letter by Gregory the Great we read about a certain Luminosus, who is called servus Sanctae Mariae, quod est parrochiae ecclesiae Grumentinae. Together with is wife, whose name is  not mentioned, Luminosus was maltreated by 197  See mainly Procopius, De bello Gothico 7, 18, 20-22; 7, 22, 2; 7, 22, 4-6; 7, 22, 20-21 on Tullianus and his fight against Totila and the Goths. Campione 2000b: 25-26 has aptly summarised the episode and commented upon it. Note that the landowner Tullianus is in no way to be identified with the first bishop of   Grumentum who bore the same name. Cf. also supra p. 50 on the change in dietary customs in this period, which needs to be understood in a period of  abandoned land for cultivation. 198 Pelagius, Epistulae 56 and 58 in P. M. Gassò, C. M. Batlle, Pelagii I papae epistolae quae supersunt (556-561) (Montserrat, 1956) p. 146-148 and 153-154. See Campione 2000b: 27-28.

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a vir clarissimus named Salusius. In his letter, Pope Gregory the Great asks Romanus, defensor of   the ecclesiastical properties in Sicily, to intervene in favour of   Luminosus, to guarantee ecclesiastical protection for the unfortunate couple and to inform the local authorities about the case. It is  not entirely clear why the intervention had to start from Sicily: presumably the aristocrat Salusius resided over there.199 The letter by Gregory the Great is  almost the last mention of   Grumentum as far as Antiquity is  concerned. In  the next centuries, a gradual disintegration of   the territory took place.200 Two devastating Saracene raids in 878 and 896 caused people to leave the city centre and to settle in small hamlets or villages, further or less far away, as S. Lucia e Gumentino, Tramutola vec­ chia, Spinoso, Moliterno, Marsicovetere and San Martino. After yet another Saracene attack in 1031, the ancient city of  Grumentum was definitively abandoned, and the new village of  Saponaria (now Grumento Nova) was established on the opposite hill by the archpriest Donato Leopardo in 1031.201

199   Gregorius Magnus, Epistulae 9, 209 (MGH 2, 195-196). See also V. Rec­ chia, Opere di Gregorio Magno. Lettere (VIII-X) (Rome, 1998) 441 and Cam­ pione 2000b: 30-31. 200  Note that the city is still mentioned in the presumably seventh-century Geographia Ravennatis 4, 35: Grumentium quae confinatur cum territorio civitatis quam superius nominavimus Tarentinae. 201  Caputi 1902 and Falasca 1997 provide the readers with an apt overview. For the general context of  the medieval history of  Basilicata, see Fonseca 2006.

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EDITION AND COMMENTARY

1. Dedication to Hercules CIL X 201 Altar in the garden of   Danio, seen by Mommsen. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 99. According to the CIL drawing, the letter C in the second line has been erroneously rounded into what appears like a  letter O. However, the abbreviation SACCR for sacrum is not attested.

Herc(uli) / sa{o}cr(um). Dedicated to Hercules. 2. sa•cr Falasca Other inscriptions (possibly) related to Hercules include n.  16, 30, 32, 40, 93, and 110. See also introduction p. 45-46. 2. Dedication to Iuno CIL X 202; ILS 5469; InscrIt 3, 1, 190; EDR147641 In the garden of   Danio, seen by Gatta, Tafuri, Roselli, Antonini and Mommsen. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 93.

Pietas, Sec[un]/di contuber(nalis), mag(istra),  / arcum et cande/ labrum Iunoni / d(e) s(uo) d(onum) d(edit). Pietas, wife of   Secundus, head of   the guild, donated an arch and a candlestick to Iuno out of  her own money. In all likelihood, this inscription does not belong to Roman Grumentum. According to Gatta (1673-1741; see p. 14), a  doctor 67

GRUMENTUM

from Salerno who published his La Lucania illustrata in 1723 in Naples, the inscription originated from the municipality of  Sala Consilina, but was transported by Danio to his small local museum. Mommsen saw it there, but was not aware of  the information offered by Gatta. See the commentary in InscrIt. Pietas is a relatively common Roman name, both as a cogno­ men or as a  single slave’s name, see Solin 1996: 170. The word contubernalis makes it clear that we are dealing with a slave couple. As the head of  a religious corporation, Pietas took care of  a sanctuary for Iuno, most likely connected to the Capitoline Triad and the imperial cult. 3. Dedication to Mefitis Fisica CIL X 203; ILS 4028 Fragment of   a stone, in the garden of   Danio, seen by Roselli and Mommsen. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 94.

- - - - - -?/ [- - -] Mefiti Fisicae [- - -]/ - - - - - -? - - - to Mefitis Fisica- - Mefitis was an ancient Italic goddess, connected to the foul stench caused by sulphur vapour. As  such, she had a  shrine in Rome on the Esquiline (see Festus, De significatione verborum 351, ed. Lindsay; Varro, De lingua Latina 5, 49; Servius, In Aenei­ dem 7, 84). She is  sometimes connected to places with lakes or pools, which exhale carbonic dioxide and hydrogen sulphide, as Ampsanctus or Amsanctus (modern Sorgente Mefita) in the territory of   the Hirpini, close to the Via Appia (the temple is mentioned by Pliny, Naturalis Historia 2, 208). But also in Cremona, a famous temple of  Mefitis is known (Tacitus, Historiae 3, 33). There was a cult of   Mefitis Utiana in nearby Potenza, attested in CIL X 130 (Mefitis); 131-133 (Mefitis Utiana). The cult is surely pre-Roman, and particularly well attested in Oscan-Sabellian Italy. See Fracchia, Gualtieri 1989, Lejeune 1990, and the still fundamental source collection on Mefitis by Peter 1897. Particularly for Grumentum, a  connection with hot water sources has been 68

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suggested, with the Basilica San Marco mentioned as the possible perpetuation of  the cult of   Mefitis Fisica in Christian Grumentum (see Falasca 2011:  11). Since sulphur pools have not been found in Grumentum, it might be safer to interpret Mefitis Fisica as a goddess of  agriculture or fertility. A more general connection with the presence of   water and rivers cannot be excluded, while a  recent interpretation links the goddess with transition of   the herds to their new pasture (Monaco 2012). As noted in the introduction p.  32-33, a  sacred place as the sanctuary for Mefitis in Rossano di Vaglio might have served as a strong symbol of   local Lucanian identity. Since Mefitis was also worshipped in Grumentum, such a connection could surely have enhanced the status of  the town. The interpretation of   the epithet Fisica has been debated. Inscriptions and graffiti from Pompeii show that Venus sometimes had the epithet Fisica. She is  known variously as Venus Fisica, Venus Fisica Pompeiana or simply Venus Pompeiana (CIL X 928; CIL IV Supp. II, 6865; CIL IV 1520; CIL IV 4007; CIL IV  2457; CIL IV 538; CIL IV 36  – see Schilling 1954: 383-388; Coarelli 1998; Carroll 2010: 96). There is no mention of  Mefitis at Pompeii. Already Bücheler had made a case for Venus Fisica being the same as the Samnite and Lucanian goddess Mefitis. He considered Venus Fisica from Pompeii as a  goddess of   weddings (Bücheler 1890). Hence, she has been interpreted as a  goddess of  women, as by Calisti 2006. Along the same lines, Schilling 1954 and F.  Spoth (art. physicus, TLL X, 1, c. 2063, ll. 21-25) have seen a  connection with the Greek φυσική. They therefore propose an interpretation as Venus Genetrix. For several reasons, this interpretation is unlikely. In first century inscriptions, Greek φ would not have been rendered by the letter f. Also, Venus Fisica appears to have been a public cult in Pompeii, making the association with child bearing and weddings implausible (see CIL IV 6865 ann. Solin). Coarelli 1998: 188-189 has related the epithet Fisica to the Latin fides and the Oscan fisios. The goddess might thus be a trustworthy mediator between the heavens and the underworld. This ‘Italic’ interpretation, linking Oscan fisias, Umbriam fisio and Latin fida seems utterly plausible (CIL IV 6865 ann. Solin). Other 69

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scholars of   Oscan and Umbrian have proposed the more general meaning of   Fisica as “godly, belonging to the gods” (Untermann 2000: 285-286 s.v. fisic). 4. Dedication to Mithras CIL X 204; CIMRM 1, 170; CIMRM 2, 23; Simelon 1992: 699, n. 13; Simelon 1993: 74, n. 8; EDCS11400290 In the garden of  Danio, seen by Roselli and Mommsen. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 94.

Soli Invicto / Mythrae / T(itus) Fl(avius) / Saturninus, / evoc(atus) Augg(ustorum) nn(ostrorum), / - - - - - Titus Flavius Saturninus, evocatus of  our two Emperors, [fulfilled his vow?] to Mithras, the invincible Sun, [who well deserves it?]. 5. [v(otum) sol(vit) l(ibens) m(erito)] Roselli. On  this line Mommsen remarks: Rosellius, ut multa peccavit, ita recte fortasse addidit. The stone probably had traces of   being broken after the fourth line. This inspired Roselli to add the obvious fifth line, which eventually did not make it into the CIL edition, neither into EDCS. Falasca 2015: 94 accepts it as authentic. The mention of  two emperors dates the inscription at the earliest to the years 161-169 (with Marcus Aurelius and Verus reigning together), though other dates in the third century are possible. According to Simelon 1922: 699 the mention of   Mithras makes the connection with Marcus Aurelius and Verus more certain, and Weaver 1972: 58 has dated the inscription to the year 161. Munzi 1997: 167 proposes a  date not later than the second century. As an evocatus, Saturninus had voluntarily served in the Roman army for more than the obligatory twenty years. He had a  special connection with the imperial house. He was possibly one of   the military men belonging to the cohortes urba­ 70

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nae of   the City of   Rome, who are commemorated in Grumentum (see  n.  25-28)  – a  remarkable fact given the relatively rare attestations of   other soldiers at Grumentum (n.  29 and 72 see Cal­delli, Petraccia, Ricci 2012: 295-298 and the introduction to this volume, p.  47-48). Probably origi­nating from Grumentum, Saturninus decided to settle here after his military service (see Simelon 1992: 699; Le Bohec 1989: 49 and 59). This is the only dedication to Mithras from Grumentum, and the location of  a Mithraeum has not been identified so far. 5. Dedication to Silvanus CIL X 205; ILS 3545; Gregori 2009: 327 In the garden of   Danio, seen by Como, Roselli and Mommsen. Note the superscription of   the letter Y on the R in line 3. The stone is  now lost. See Falasca 2015: 93-94. It is  known that Danio had found a  series of   stones near the Capitolium. Since this inscription is  connected with the imperial cult and testifies to  building activity, it possibly belonged to this area. See Di Giuseppe, Ricci 2009: 147.

Silvano deo  / sacr(um).  / Q (uintus) Vibiedius Philargyrus,  / minist(er) Lar(um) Aug(ustorum) et Aug(ustalis) / Merc(urialis), tectum, mensam  / lapid(eam), aram voto susc(epto)  / e m(onitu) d(e) s(ua) p(ecunia) f(ecit). Dedicated to the god Silvanus. Q uintus  Vibiedius Philargyrus, minister of  the Lares of  the Emperors and Augustalis Mercurialis, in fulfilment of   a vow, admonished by the deity, built out of   his own money a roof, a table of  stones, and an altar. 71

GRUMENTUM

Philargyrus is  a  Greek cognomen, which is  particularly well attested in the regions of  Apulia and Calabria (Kajanto 1965: 13; Solin 2003: 815-818). Most likely, he was a  freedman. See also n. 68 and 86. According to Suetonius, Augustus 30 the emperor divided Rome into regions and neighbourhoods (vici). Officers of   such neighbourhoods (magistri vici) had to be elected annually. People of   the neighbourhood worshipped the Lares Augusti in honour of   the emperor. Tables of   stone were used to put the offerings on display (see CIL II 3570; VIII 20277; AE 1999, 169 for the wording mensa lapidea) This inscription shows how the colonia Grumentum was organised as a  mini-Rome. The town was divided into vici. The magistri vici were assisted by ministri. Both the officers and their adjuncts were often freedmen. The adjective Augustalis expresses the link with the imperial cult; the identification of   Augustus with Mercury gave rise to such titles as Augustalis Mercurialis, found frequently on the inscriptions of   southern Italy. After the battle of  Actium, Octavian was assimilated to Mercury (Horace, Carmina 1, 2; see p. 43), since he was regarded as bringer of peace and prosperity (see Combet Farnoux 1980: 448-449). For a list and discussion of   Augustales in Grumentum, see introduction p. 43-46. On the Augustales in general and their social origin, see also the fundamental contributions by Duthoy 1978; Abramenko 1993 and Vandevoorde 2014: 78 and 82 (showing on p.  22-23 that Regio III with 58 persons belongs to the regions with a rather modest number of  Augustales).

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6. Dedication to Augustus CIL X 206; Buo­no­pane 2006-2007: 337-338 In the kitchen of  Raphael Giliberti, seen by Heinrich von Brunn, a  friend and colleague of   Mommsen who made an epigraphical journey through Campania and Lucania in 1855. See G.  Von Lücken, art. Brunn, von Heinrich, Neue Deutsche Biographie II (München, 1955) 679-680 and Buo­no­pane 2006-2007: 325. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 123.

[I]mp(eratori) Caes[ari, divi f(ilio)], / Augusto [- - -], / patron(o) +./ - - - - - To the Emperor Caesar Augustus, son of   the Divine Caesar, patron, - - In the second line, the name of   the inhabitants of   Grumentum might have been mentioned, while the hasta of   the third line might point to an expression as d(ecreto) [d(ecurionum) p(ublice)], see infra n.  7. Unfortunately, it is  impossible to link this dedication with certainty to an existing monument concerning the imperial cult, as for instance a statue in the Augusteum. 7. Dedication to Tiberius CIL X 207; AE 1998, 384; Højte 2005: 267, n. 23; Buo­no­pane 2006-2007: 335-337; EDR 146614 Three fragments of   a marble plate. Mommsen reported the stone was still left intact near the altar, in the pavements of  the ruins of  the Santa Maria Assunta, a church near the Forum. Also Danio had seen it. See Falasca 2015: 88. Edited by Paulo Caputi in 1874. The slab is  now in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta Val d’Agri (inv. no.  262373). Cm  104  × 90.8  ×  12.7. Letters cm 7.6 (8 for the letter T in l. 2) – 5.8. Weak traces of  triangular interpuncts. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane, August 2008. 73

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Ti(berio) Caesari, divi / Augusti f(ilio), Augusto, / co(n)s(uli) , pont(ifici) max(imo), trib(unicia) pot(estate)  / XVII,  / d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) p(ublice). To Tiberius Caesar Augustus, son of   the Divine Augustus, who has been consul twice, pontifex maximus, in the seventeenth year of  his tribunate, by decree of  the decuriones, set up at public expense. 5. Munzi 1997: 285 has wrongly read the fifth line as p(osuerunt). The wording d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) p(ublice), that appears in another inscription of   Grumentum (n.  8), indicates that the monument decreed by the ordo decurionum was established using public money (Fasolini 2013: 61-63). The mention of   the tribunate dates the inscription to 15/16 ce (Kienast, Eck, Heil 2017: 70). There is  an omission of   the number II, indicating Tiberius’ second consulate, which he performed in the year 7 bce. In the same way as the dedication to Claudius (n. 8) the consulate is mentioned before the pontificate, an anomalous position. The dedicatory slab probably belonged to a statue of  the emperor which pertained to the Augusteum. 8. Dedication to Emperor Claudius Buo­no­pane 2006-2007; 333-335; AE 2006 357 Two fragments of  a grey marble plate found in 2004 and in 2009 in the south area of   the forum. Now in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co dell’Alta  Val d’Agri (no inventory number assigned) cm  48  × 37 × 3. Letters cm 8-4. Autopsy by Buonopane, August 2015. 74

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Ti.  Claudi[o Caesari]  / Aug(usto) German[ico],  / pont(ifici) max(imo), tri[b(unicia)] pot(estate) III], / imp(eratori) IIII, / p(atri) p(atriae), [- - -] / d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) [p(ublice)]. To Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, pontifex maximus, in the third year of   his tribunate, for the fourth time imperator, father of   the fatherland, consul for the third time, by decree of  the decuriones, (erected a statue) at public expense. The mention of  the fourth imperial acclamation dates the inscription to 43 ce (Kienast, Eck, Heil 2017: 82-83). The slab probably belonged to the basis of  a statue of  the emperor in the Augusteum. 9. Dedication to Hadrian CIL X 208; Højte 2005: 411, n. 459; Bassignano 2017: 174, n. 42 The inscription is already reported as belonging to the San Laverio church by Giovanni Antonio Paglia di Giovanizzo and the Dutch physician Aelius Everardus  Vorstius who, respectively in 1563-1564 and 1592-1593, were the first to visit Grumentum in search for inscriptions (see introduction p. 11). The inscription was consequently mentioned by Manutius (who received it from Paglia di Giovanizzo), and by Scaliger, Buchellius and Gruterus (who as compatriots got it from Vorstius). As  such, a  copy can be seen in Gruterus, Inscriptiones Antiquae Totius Orbis Romani from 1692. Also Del Monaco and Roselli report having seen the stone on the same spot. However, it was already searched after in vain by Mommsen (Ego frustra investigavi) and is  now lost. See Falasca 2015: 88 and 101-104. 75

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Imp(eratori) Caesari,  / divi Traiani Part(hici) [f(ilio)],  / divi Nervae nep(oti),  / Traian(o) Hadriano Aug(usto),  / pont(ifici) max(imo), tr(ibunicia) pot(estate) III, / co(n)s(uli) III, / L(ucius) Aquilius Mamius,  / aed(ilis), pr(aetor) II vir, q(uaestor),  / ob hon(orem) augur(atus) / d(onum) d(edit). To the Emperor Caesar Trajan Hadrian Augustus, son of   the divine Trajan Parthicus, grandson of   the divine Nerva, pontifex maximus, in the third year of  his tribunate, in the third year of  his consulate. Lucius Aquilius Mamius, aedile, praetor II vir, quaestor, set this up as a gift on the occasion of   his honourable instalment as an augur. The mention of   Hadrian’s tribunate and the consulate dates the inscription to first of   30 January – 30 April 119. Hadrian held his third tribunate from 10 December 118 to 9 December 119; his third consulate was from 1 January to 30 April 119 (see Kienast, Eck, Heil 2017; 122-124). Again, a connection with an imperial statue and the imperial cult near the Caesareum is likely, but impossible to prove. The name Aquilius appears in connection with a  gate in Grumentum in the Vita Sancti Laverii 5: et mane diluculo stans in foro iuxta portam Aquiliam voce magna clamare coepit (Falasca 2012: 63). See also n.  36, 47 and 48 for other inscriptions with this name. Mamius is  a  rare cognomen, though it is often attested as a nomen gentilicium. The only other mention is in CIL X 5388. See also CIL I 1594 (p. 1005) (Aquinum, Regio I) from the Republican period, where the orthogra76

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phy is Maamius. See Schulze 1904: 424 and 516. This local dignitary fulfilled the normal cursus honorum for a municipality. Note the position of   quaestor as exceptional position extra ordinem: unlike in most municipalities, it was held after being a  praetor (see introduction p. 41 and Buo­no­pane 2016). 10. Dedication to Furia Sabinia Tranquillina, wife of  Emperor Gordian III CIL X 209 The inscription is only preserved by Manutius, and was seen by the archpriest Giliberti in the years 1570-1580. Mommsen did not see it; the division in six lines is by his hand. See Falasca 2015: 123.

- - - - - -?/ [Furi]ae Sabini[ae] / Tranquil[l]inae, / Aug(ustae), / co(n)iugi d(omini) n(ostri), publ(ice) / d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). - - - To Furia Sabinia Tranquillina Augusta, wife of  our Emperor, - - - has offered this as a gift by decree of   the decuriones at public expense Furia Sabinia Tranquillina (c. 225 – after 244), daughter of   the praetorian prefect Sabinius Aquila Timesitheus, married Gordian  III, who reigned from 238 to 244. The marriage was contracted in 241, and she was installed Augusta just before Gordian’s Persian War in the same year. For other epigraphical evidence, see CIL VI 2114, 130. See PIR2 F 587 and see Kienast, Eck, Heil 2017: 189.

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11. Dedication to an emperor CIL X 210 In the garden of   Danio, only seen by Mommsen. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 97.

- - - - - -  / [- - -] trib[unicia pot(estate) - - -]  / [- - -] pont(ifici) [max(imo) - - -]/ - - - - - - - -] in the ? year of  his tribunate, - - - pontifex maximus - - 12. Honorary inscription to senator Passienius Cossonius CIL X 211; ILS 1119; Costabile, Lazzarini 1987: 160 n. 32; Chausson 1998: 201-204; Camodeca 2014: 170; Assorati 2014: 467; EDCS11400297 Up to 1927, this stone belonged to the private collection of   the Saponara parliamentarian Francesco Perrone. His widow sold the collection to the Soprintendenza Ar­cheo­lo­gica della Calabria, which was at that time in charge of   the province of   Basilicata. Hence, the inscription was transferred to the Museo Ar­cheo­ lo­gi­co Nazionale di Reggio Calabria. Since the year 2000, it is part of   the collection of   the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale di Metaponto, as the transfer was requested by the Soprintendenza Ar­cheo­lo­gica of  the Basilicata region. This stone had belonged to the castle of   the Sanseverino family in Saponara. In 1716, Seba­ stiano Paoli, the educator of   prince Luigi II, copied the text and sent it to Muratori, who edited it in his Novus Thesaurus Veterum Inscriptionum (1739-1742). The text was also seen and copied by Roselli and by Mommsen, who reports to have seen this inscription “in the house of   the baron” (in domo baronis), the San­se­ verino palace in Saponara. Also von Brunn saw the stone. By the time of   Kaibel, who visited Saponara in 1874, it was already lost, since the palace had been demolished during the earthquake of  1857. However, the owner of   the palace Andrea Giliberti had donated the stone to his political friend Francesco Perrone. The 78

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

archpriest Caputi, who kindly hosted Kaibel in 1874, was not aware of   this, and therefore the stone was for a  long time supposed to be lost. See Falasca 2015: 88-89; 105 and 148-150 (with photo). The stone is  a  rectangular plate. It consists of   a triple moulding, a framework with Latin inscription and a base which is again triple. Signs of  damage both on the base and on the right side. Now in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale di Meta­ponto (no  inventory number assigned). Cm  110  ×  52  ×  54.3. Letters 9-4. The letters are carved in a very regular way (note the rather long tail of   the Q ). The words are separated by triangular interpuncts.

C(aio) Passienio, C(ai) f(ilio), Scap(tia),  / Cossonio Scipioni  / Orfito, c(larissimo) v(iro), auguri,  / publ(ice) p(opuli) R(omani) Q uir(itum) adlec(to) / inter patric(ios), prae[t(ori)], / candid(ato) cur(atori) r(ei) p(ublicae) S[u]/trinorum, q(uaestori) urb(ano),  / X vir(o) sclit(ibus) (sic) iud(icandis), / seviro equit(um) Rom(ano­ rum), / populus aere conl(ato) d(onum) d(edit). To Caius Passienius Cossonius Scipio Orfitus, son of   Caius belonging to the Scaptia tribus, senator, augur, who was publically installed as a patrician of   the Roman people, praetor, candidate to become the curator of   the city of   the Sutrini, quaestor of   the town, decemvir for judicial trials, sevir of   a Roman cavalry squadron. The people set this up as a  present, after they had brought together the money. 9. seviro equit(i) Rom(ano) Falasca and EDCS. 79

GRUMENTUM

This inscription introduces us to one of   the most prominent figures in the history of   Roman Grumentum. The Passienii were important proprietors of   large latifundia, both in Lucania and (to a lesser extent) in Bruttium. Caius Passienius Cossonius Scipio Orfitus’ mother was Cornelia Marullina, daughter of   Lucius Cossonius Eggius Marullus (consul in 184 and proconsul of   Africa in 198) and a Cornelia, a descendant of   the family of   the Cornelii Scipiones Orfiti, who belonged to the senatorial hierarchy since the first century  ce. His father was the otherwise unknown Caius Passienius. By taking the name Caius Passienius Scipio Cossonius Orfitus, he thus combined his father’s gentilicium with parts that are reminiscent of   his mother’s family – which was indeed much more prestigious than his father’s. Thanks to his mother’s genealogical line, he became a  patrician, whereas his father’s family belonged to the plebeians. He retained the tribus of   his father, whereas most of  the Eggii Marulli belonged to the Cornelia tribus (Jacques 1983: 80-81). He started his political career as a sevir equitum Romanorum. This was a  largely ceremonial task, one of   a board of   six men who organised and lead the yearly 15th July horseback parade of   Roman knights through the streets (Winsbury 2014: 97 on the example of   Pliny the Younger, see CIL V 5262). He then became decemvir litibus iudicandis (note the hypercorrection in the Latin of  the inscription, the intended form was no doubt stli­ tibus; see Q uintilian, Institutio Oratoria 1, 4, 16 on forms as stlis for lis or stlocus for locus). Under imperial law, the decemvirate implied jurisdiction in capital cases. The quaestorship was usually held at about age 25. His early appointment as a curator of   the town of   Sutrium (modern Sutri), situated some fifty kilometres north of   Rome between the lakes of   Vico and Bracciano along the Via Cassia, was undoubtedly caused by a special alliance with that region. The term candidatus indicates that it was instigated by the emperor himself  (see Cébeillac-Gervasoni 1973). His instalment as a patrician must have taken place during or shortly after his quaestorship, since he skipped the plebeian tribunate to immediately become a praetor. From Africa Proconsularis we know a legatus Cossonius Sci­ pio Orfitus, son of   the proconsul Eggius Marullus, who was in 80

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

charge of   the province in 198-199 (ILTun 614; AE 1942/43 111; AE 1992 1776). This was most probably a nephew of   our Caius Passienius Scipio Cossonius Orfitus, as Eggius Marullus was his maternal uncle.202 See Munzi 2003: 91-93 for a  reconstruction of   a stemma. For the noticeable career of   this person, see PIR P 107; PIR2 C 1540; E 7-10 (on the Eggii Marulli); Jacques 1983: 80-81, n. 29; Raepsaet-Charlier 1987: 257 n. 287.

  Another possible interpretation by Jacques 1983: 80-81 is  adoption by Lucius Cossonius Eggius Marullus, and a political alliance with Eggius Marullus’ son, Cossonius Scipio Orfitus. This is of  course difficult to prove. 202

81

GRUMENTUM

13. Honorary inscription to senatorial corrector Rufius Festus CIL X 212; Zumbo 1995: 302, n. E20d; EDCS11400298 The stone was copied and edited by Gatta in his Memorie topo­ grafico-storiche della Provincia di Lucania (1732). Roselli claimed that the stone was found by his grandfather Giovanni Roselli in the vineyard of   Vincenzo Giliberti. Grandfather Roselli then handed over a  copy to Gatta. Both Como and Antonini mention to have seen it in the garden of   Danio. The former sent his copy to Muratori, who edited it in his Novus Thesaurus Veterum Inscriptionum (1742). During his visit, Mommsen had not seen the stone. However, after him von Brunn saw it “in an inconvenient place” (loco incommodo). The archpriest Caputi reported to Kaibel that he had rediscovered the stone: it was in the farm of   his relative Gennaro Caputi, member of   the family which had inherited part of   Danio’s patrimony. Caputi edited the text in Risorgimento Lucano, 20 August 1874. After this, the stone got lost. See Falasca 2015: 91 and 111-114.

Ruus Festus,  / v(ir) c(larissimus), corr(ector) Luc(aniae) et  / Brit(ti), / ad ornatum / thermarum / conlocavit. Rufius Festus, senator and corrector for Lucania and Bruttium to decorate the thermal baths, has set this up. 1. Rullus Gatta, Muratori, Antonini, Mommsen, Caputi and EDCS 2. v(ir) c(larissimus) corr(ector) Luc(aniae) et Caputi, Mommsen; the former editors did not report the letter V and C 3. Brit(tiorum) Antonini and EDCS. From the reign of  Trajan on, correctores were sent as special commissioners to settle mainly financial matters. Rullus is  rather 82

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

attested as a cognomen (e.g. CIL VIII 8736). In all likelihood, this stone referred to a senator named Rufius Festus, two of  whom are attested in PIR2 R 155 (end of  the third, beginning of  the fourth century, originating from Volsinium) and R 156 (end of   the second century, originating from Volsinium). Along with the other inscription to a corrector (see n. 14), this is an indication for imperial interference with the thermal baths, though it is impossible to further link the inscription to a specific place in the baths. See Thaler 2009. The form Britti is  a  well-known variant for Brutii and Brutti, also in manuscripts. See LS s.v.

83

GRUMENTUM

14. Honorary inscription to a corrector CIL X 213; Zumbo 1995: 301, n. E17d; EDCS11400299 The inscription was seen in Sarconi, a village near Saponara (now Grumento Nova) in the direction of   Moliterno, in the house of  Francesco Sansobrino. Caputi saw it, communicated it to Kaibel and published it in Risorgimento Lucano, 24 August 1874. Mommsen reported that the stone was already lost at the time of  publication of   the CIL X (hodie desideratur). However, in October 2012 Falasca rediscovered at least a part of  this stone in a wall at the Via Pre­toria di Sarconi between the numbers 20 and 22 (it had already been discovered and published in 1950 by Niccolò Rama­gli, a  local scholar from the community of  Sarconi). He reports that a  thick layer of   plaster had to be removed to uncover the heavily mutilated stone, which he edits with a photograph and indication of   dimensions (cm 45 × 46), estimating the real height and width at cm  59 and 82. See Falasca 2015: 123 and 152-154  

 

- - - - - - / [- - - ex?] / ((sestertium))? DLIV [(milibus) n(ummum) - - -] / a solo c[ondidit/onstituit? - - -] / column[as - - - ad] / orna­ tu[m thermar(um) - - -],  / correct(or) L[ucan(iae) et Britt(i)],  / cura[vit - - -]. 84

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

with 554 thousand sesterces? - - - from the ground he erected - - columns - - - to decorate the thermal baths - - - corrector of  Luca­ nia and Bruttium took care. 1. no traces of  this line appear on the photo by Falasca, indicating that parts of   the stone are not yet uncovered 2. c[onditas - - -] Falasca 5. L[ucan(iae) et Britt(iorum)] EDCS and Falasca. See above n. 13 for further commentary. Falasca 2015 too links this inscription with Rullus Festus and the decoration of   the thermal baths, but he proposes a date in the fourth or fifth century. He also mentions the identification with Rufius Festus, late ancient historiographer and writer of   the Breviarium. However, such identification is highly speculative, as is the association with Rufius Festus Avien(i)us, author of  the Descriptio orbis terrae and the Ora maritima. See Kelley 2010: 75. For ex sestertium mili­ bus nummum see e.g. CIL III 1482 and VIII 10833  = 17257. The combination a  solo condidit is  attested in CIL VI 29751 (- - -]arium el[- - -]  / [- - -]av a  solo Q [- - -]  / [- - -]  / v(ir) c(larissimus) Campaniae consu[la]/ris condidit erexi[t]  / ornavit adque ded[i]/cavit). For a solo constituit, see CIL X 5348, l. 9-16 (quod opera thermarum es/tivalium vetustate corrup/ta s(ua) p(ecunia) restituit exornavit/que porticos etiam circum/cingentes colimbum a  solo  / constituit statuam ampli/ficandam memoriam eius / ponendam censuerunt).

85

GRUMENTUM

15. Honorary inscription (?) to a Roman knight (?) CIL X 223; Demougin 1975: 181, n. 18; De Carlo 2015: 249 Mommsen did not see the inscription. He based his text on a  manuscript by Roselli, though he had doubts about the transcription, not about the authenticity of   the text (male descripta potius quam falsa). Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 124.

M(arco) Aurelio, M(arci) f(ilio), Pom(ptina), / Felicissimo, splen(dido) equi(ti) Rom(ano). To Marcus Aurelius, son of   Marcus, of   the Pomptina tribus, a most happy and splendid Roman knight. The expression splendido equiti Romano is  quite common (e.g. AE 1998, 286 from Palestrina), but the combination felicis­ simo splendido equiti Romano only occurs here. It is  theoretically possible to read Felicissimo as a  cognomen, but the name Felicissimus seems related with slave status. See Kajanto 1965: 104; Solin 1996: 94 (with 23 mentions). Reading felicissimo as an adjective would mean that the cognomen of  this knight is lacking. Mommsen’s suspicion on Roselli’s transcription therefore seems justified. 16. An equestrian officer Ramagli 1962: 93, n.  1; Donati 1971: 70-74; AE 1972 148; Devijver 1977: M71; Tibor 1991: 23, n. 1; Traverso 2006: 93-94, n. 4; De Carlo 2015: 249; EDR075274 According to Donati, who published this important inscription in 1971, the stone was then preserved in the local library, but afterwards mysteriously disappeared. Donati measures cm 132 × 89  ×  23.5; letters 9-5.4. During visits in 2004, 2008 and 2015, Buo­no­pane has searched in vain for this inscription. 86

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

[C(aio)] Mulvio, C(ai) f(ilio),  / [P]om(ptina), Ofillio Rest[i]/ [t]uto, aed(ili), pr(aetori) II vir(o) II / [q]uin(quennali), q(uaes­ tori), praef(ecto) coh(ortis) I  / [M]orinor(um) et Cersia/cor(um), trib(uno) mil(itum) leg(ionis) II  / Adiutricis P(iae) F(idelis), prae[f(ecto)]  / alae I Vespasianae  / Dardanor(um), praef(ecto)  / fabr(um) II, / Aug(ustales) Herc(ulanei) / patrono. To Caius Mulvius Ofillius Restitutus, son of  Caius, of  the Pomptina tribus, aedile, two times praetor duumvir quinquennalis, quaestor, prefect of   the first cohort of   Morini and Cersiaci, military tribune of   the second legion Adiutrix Pia Fidelis, prefect of   the Ala I Vespasiana of   the Dardani, two times praefectus fabrum. The Augustales Herculanei set this up for their patron. As a proud member of   the equestrian class, C. Mulvius Ofillius Restitutus, born in Grumentum as witnessed by his belonging to the Pomptina tribus, made a  successful career in the Roman military. As a commander of  a cohort of  500 Morini and Cersiaci (this unit is only mentioned here), he was located in Gallia or in Britannia. The military tribunate of   the second legion brought him again to Britannia, while the commandership of   a cavalry unit of   500 Dardani took him to Moesia Inferior. It is not clear where he served as praefectus fabrum, officer of   the military engineers. On his military career as an equestrian officer, see Devijver 1977: M 71 and 1987: M 71, dating this inscription between 70 and 78. After this, he pursued a  municipal career, undoubtedly as a  rich and honoured patron, following all the different steps of   the cursus honorum (see n.  9, 36 and 37 for similar careers, including the praetor II vir quinquennalis and the quaestorship extra ordinem). For the Augustales Herculanei, see n. 40 and 93, 87

GRUMENTUM

and introduction p. 45-46. The text of  this inscription might help to correct a passage in Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia 4, 106. Instead of   pagus Gesoriacus, Donati 1971 has proposed the reading pagus Cersiacus. See however Delmaire 1974 who defends the reading pagus Gesoriacus. 17. Statue base with dedication to a magistrate from Grumentum NotSc 1897 181; Russi 1973: 1929; Costabile, Lazzarini 1987: 154, n.  4; Bassignano 1996: 68-69, n.  29; Falasca 2015: 62 and 146-147, n. 8 Marble statue base, the left part of   which is  missing. The findspot is unknown, though the monument was certainly set up in the area of  the city. At first it was placed in the municipal library, from which it was taken to the Perrone collection, and from there to the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale di Reggio Calabria, where it is currently preserved (no inventory number assigned). Cm 56  × 53  ×  55. Letters cm  8-4.8. Published by Patroni in NotSc 1897: 181, and then by Costabile and Lazzarini, this important text is never mentioned in AE. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane 2011. See also Russi 1973: 1929 and Falasca 2015: 62; 146-147, n.  8.

[- - -] C. f. Pom(ptina tribu), flamini  / perpetuo di]vi Augusti, aed(ili), pr(aetori) II vir(o) / [- - - h]er(es vel -edes) ex testamento eius. / [L(ocus) d(atus) decr(eto)] decurionum. To [- - -] son of   Gaius, of   the tribus Pomptina, perpetual flamen of   the Divine Augustus, edile, praetor duovir, [- - -] the heir(s) according to his testament. The place (for this monument) was given by decree of  the decurions. 88

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

Regrettably, the lacuna at the beginning of   the text makes it impossible to know the identity of   this important individual. He was edile and then highest magistrate in the city (on the civic magistracies, see introduction p.  36-42), becoming also flamen perpetuus of   the Divine Augustus. The monument can be dated to the first half  of   the first century ce on account of   the shape of  the letters and content of  the text. 18. Construction of  the city wall CIL X 219; CIL I 758 (p. 946); ILS 5330; ILLRP 608; Buo­no­ pane 2006-2007: 324-325; AE 2006 356; Gregori, Nonnis 2014: 494-496; Engfer 2017, Kat. 184 Seen by Del Monaco, Como (who sent his copy to Mura­ tori), Roselli and Mommsen in the garden of   Danio. Now lost. Unlike many of   the inscriptions from the Danio garden, we do have a photo of   the drawing by Ritschl, as preserved in the CIL I volume. See Falasca 2015: 92 and 114-117. The stone was a rectangular plate. Cm 45.6  ×  68.8; letters cm  6-4.4 (Buonopane, estimations based on the dimensions of   Ritschl’s copy). The letters were carved in a regular way (note the rather long tail of   the Q  and the divergent legs of  the letter M). The words are separated by triangular interpuncts, but one instance of   a quadrangular interpunct appears in line 3.

C(aius) Bruttius C(ai) f(ilius), / Ser(gia), aed(ilis) pro q(uaestore) / mur(um) p(edes) CC de sua  / peq(unia) faciundum  / coer(avit), P(ublio) Cornel(io) / Q (uinto) Caecil(io) co(n)s(ulibus). Caius Bruttius, son of  Caius, of  the Sergia tribus, aedilis pro quae­ store had the wall erected, 200 feet long, out of   his own money, in the consulate of  Publius Cornelius and Q uintus Caecilius. 3. AMUR Del Monaco and Gate. 89

GRUMENTUM

The inscription can be dated to the year 57 bce. It is the only text in which the function of   aedilis pro quaestore appears (see the lists in Petraccia Lucernoni 1988: 286-330). It may have been the case that in this early urbanistic phase of  the town, the aedile still had the financial power of   a quaestor to take care of   building projects (see Mastrocinque 2007: 122). Note that our aedile belongs to the Sergia tribus, while most of   the Roman citizens of   Grumentum were inscribed into the Pomptina tribus. The Brutti were an important and influential family in Grumentum (see introduction p. 34). 19. Construction of  the city wall CIL X 220; CIL I 770 (p. 948); ILS 5331; ILLRP 607; Buo­no­ pane 2006-2007: 327-328; AE 2006 356; Gregori, Nonnis 2014: 494-497, 502, 513, n. 42; Engfer 2017: Kat. 185 Mommsen as well as Heinrich von Brunn have searched in vain for this inscription. In  fact, both had searched in the wrong place. This is  one of   the two inscriptions which were indicated by Danio to the Neapolitan archaeologist Matteo Egizio in 1704 and later on edited by him (see n. 50). Also Roselli had seen the stone. In his edition, Egizio mistakenly reports that the stone was located in the church of   the Order of   the Friars Minor (in aede fratrum minorum). Mommsen followed this indication, though Roselli had rightly pointed to the church of   the Conventual Franciscan fathers (nella chiesa de’ PP. Conventuali). In  fact, Saponara had two Franciscan convents: one of   the Friars Minor Capuchin and one of   the Friars Minor Conventual. The latter was destroyed in 1841 to make place for a new cemetery, and was thus not existent when Mommsen visited the village in 1846. See Falasca 2015: 90 and 109-111. The stone was rediscovered in the Biblioteca Municipale di Sa­ponara (Grumento Nova) by Francesco Paolo Caputi, and edited by him in a local journal Giovane Lucania on 24 December 1894. Patroni inserted it in his edition of   inscriptions from Grumentum in 1897. Subsequently, the inscription found its way into the CIL I and the ILLRP (with photographic reproduction). At the present moment, the stone is in Reggio di Cala­bria, Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale (it is  not clear when the trans90

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

fer from Saponara took place, but it must have been related with the fact that the Soprintendenza Ar­cheo­lo­gica della Calabria has been responsible for the region of   Basilicata for a certain period of   time). Now in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale di Reg­gio di Calabria (inventory no. 1408/C). Grey marble slab, mutilated on both sides. Cm 54.3 × 55.2 × 12. Letters 6-5. Regular writing (note the outspokenly divergent legs of   the letter A, the rather long tail of   the letter Q ). The words are separated by triangular interpuncts.

Se]x(tus) Q (uintus) Poppaedi[ei], Sex(ti) f(ilii),  / [S]er(gia), C(aius) Aebutius, C(ai) f(ilius), / [G]al(eria?), aediles moer[um] / [p]edes MCC de sua / [p]eq(unia) faciundu[m] / [c]oeraver(unt), Ser(vio) Sulpici[o] / M(arco) Marcello co(n)s(ulibus). Sextus and Q uintus Poppaedius, sons of   Sextus of   the Sergia tri­ bus, together with Caius Aebutius, son of   Caius, of   the Galeria (?) tribus, as aediles, have erected 1200 feet of   the city wall out of   their own money, during the consulate of   Servius Sulpicius and Marcus Marcellus. 1. [P]oppaedi[us] CIL. Note that this is  the only divergence between the CIL reading as presented by Mommsen and the autopsy by Buonopane. 3. [F]al(erna) or [G]al(eria) This building inscription can be dated to 51 bce, and the Latin bears archaic traces (moerum instead of   murum, see the Latin moenia; pequnia instead of   pecunia). See also n.  18, 20, 22, 23, 36 and 112 for sponsorship and the wording sua pecunia. The gens Poppaedia is known from Volcei (CIL X 417 and 432) and Oliveto Citra (InscrIt 3, 1, 288). See Gualtieri: 148-149. There may have been several reasons for mentioning three aediles: the 91

GRUMENTUM

two brothers Poppaedius might have divided the responsibility of   the office among each other, one of   them might have died in officio and was then replaced by Aebutius or by his brother, one of   the brothers might have initiated the work a year before when he was holding the aedile office, or Grumentum simply had three aediles, as was the case in municipalities as Arpinum, Formiae or Fundi. Once again, the three benefactors do not belong to the Pomptina tribus (see supra n. 18). Also the Sexti Poppaedii from Marruvium (CIL IX 3752) belonged to the Sergia tribus. See Simelon 1992: 693. 20. Construction of  the Republican thermal baths CIL X 221; CIL I 770 (p. 948); ILS 5331; ILLRP 606 ; Buo­no­ pane 2006-2007: 329; AE 2006 356 Slab seen by Mommsen in the vineyard of   Ioannes Baptista de Cunto. Now lost, but known by a drawing by Ritschl in CIL I. Cm 45.5 × 88.9. Letters 8-7.5 (estimations by Buonopane, based on the drawing by Ritschl). Both on palaeographical grounds (resemblance of   the letters B, F, M, Q  and R with the Poppaedii inscription, see supra n. 20) and on historical grounds, the inscription should be dated around 50 bce. See Falasca 2015: 124.

Q (uintus) Pettius, Q (uinti) f(ilius), Tro(mentina), Curva;  / C(aius) Maecius, C(ai) f(ilius), Ouf(entina), pr(aetores) / duovir(i), balneum ex / d(ecreto) d(ecuriorum) de peq(unia) pob(lica) fac(iun­ dum) cur(averunt). / Q (uintus) Pettius, Q (uinti) f(ilius), probavit. Q uintus Pettius Curva, son of   Q uintus, of   the Tromentina tri­ bus, and Caius Maecius, son of   Caius, of   the Oufentina tribus, praetores duoviri, have taken care of  the construction of  the thermal baths by decree of  the decuriones with public money. Q uintus Pettius, son on Q uintus, controlled the work. 92

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

In all likelihood, this inscription belonged to the so-called thermal baths, which were built during the first urbanistic phase of  the colony. Therefore, this Republican inscription (note the forms pequ­ nia and poblica on line 4) is contemporary with n. 18 and 19. See Simelon 1992: 694; Mastrocinque 2007: 122-123. As one of   the two responsible praetores duoviri, who again do not belong to the Pomptina tribus, Q uintus Pettius apparently took more responsibility, in the form of  controlling the quality of  the construction. 21. Restoration of  the thermal baths CIL X 222; ILS 586 The stone was seen in the garden of  Danio by Paoli and Roselli. The former sent his copy to Muratori, who edited it in his Novus The­ saurus Veterum Inscriptionum in 1742. The text came to Camillo Silvestri di Rovigo by Danio, who sent a  copy to Egizio, who in his turn mentioned it to Averoldo in Brescia. Averoldo eventually sent his copy to Camillo Silvestri. Mommsen did not see the inscription, which in his time only existed as described in a manuscript in the library of  Camillo Silvestri di Rovigo. He based his text on Muratori and Roselli. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 93.

Balnea / ex disciplin[a d(omini) n(ostri)] / L(uci) Domiti Aur[e­ liani In]/victi Aug(usti) po[st longam]  / seriem ann[orum resti]/ tuit / Q (uintus) Aemilius Victo[r] / Saxonianus. After a long series of   years, Q uintus Aemilius Victor Saxonianus restored the thermal baths as ordered by our Emperor Lucius Domitius Aurelianus Invictus Augustus. 93

GRUMENTUM

Emperor Aurelianus (270-275) was known for his veneration of   the Sun God Sol  Invictus, a  god for whom he established a new temple in Rome in the year 274 and who is prominent in his numismatic propaganda. He was also known for restoring the discipline in the army (Eutropius, Breviarium 9, 14). Mommsen suggests that the disciplina mentioned in this inscription might point to Aurelianus’ reform of   the thermal baths which he carried out in the city of   Rome (SHA, Aurelianus 45, 2: Thermas in Transtiberina regione Aurelianus facere paravit hiemales, quod aquae frigidioris copia illic deesset). In  any case, the biographers indicate this emperor’s remarkable discipline (SHA, Aurelianus 6, 1: libidinis rarae, severitatis inmensae, disciplinae singularis). It seems however far more plausible to link the term disciplina to the way the enterprise was financed and controlled (Fagan 1999: 297-298; Rambaldi 2006: 218). The function and the person of  Saxonianus are further unknown. The cognomen is  not uncommon. See Kajanto 1965: 202.

94

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

22. A new building inscription concerning the building of  a city tower AE 2002 377; Buo­no­pane 2006-2007: 322-324; AE 2006 356; Gregori, Nonnis 2014: 494-495, n. 41; Engfer 2017: Kat. 183 This fragment was discovered during the excavations of   the big thermal baths in 2001, and promptly edited by A.  Zschätzsch in ZPE. It is  the angle of   a rectangular plate with moulding, of   local limestone. Now in the storage of   the Museo Ar­cheo­ lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta  Val d’Agri (no inventory number assigned). Cm 39 × 61 × 28. Letters cm 7.5-6.4. The letters are carved out quite deeply, though not in a very regular way (note that the legs of   the E and the F are of   equal length, the opening of  the letter P and the straight and somewhat long tail of  the Q ). The words are separated by triangular interpuncts, the lines are structured as ‘paragraphs’, with the last line protruding to the left, which leads one to suppose that also the first line protruded to the left.

- - - - - - / [- - -] / [t]urrem [de sua] / peq(unia) fac[iendam coer(avit/ erunt)], / Cn(aeo) Corn(elio) L(ucio) [Mar(cio) co(n)s(ulibus)]. [- - -] he/they had the tower built out of   his/their own money under the consulate of  Cnaeus Cornelius and Lucius Marcius. The inscription can be dated to the year 56 bce, when Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus and L. Marcius Philippus were consuls. See Broughton 1952: 207 and 1986: 68. The archaic Latin forms (pequnia and – presumably – coeravit), the date as well as the subject link this inscription with the building inscriptions in n. 18, 19, 20, 23 and 112. 95

GRUMENTUM

23. A building inscription CIL X 8093; ILS 5539; Tarpin 2002: 391; Buo­no­pane 20062007: 330; AE 2006 356 This inscription was published for the first time by Fiorelli in Notizie degli Scavi from 1877, after the existence of   the stone was indicated to him by Caputi. Caputi claimed to have found the text on a  portico in the neighbourhood of   the amphitheatre, in his time belonging to the vineyard of   Clemente Ro­selli. The inscription was inserted without autopsy in the additamenta of  the CIL by Mommsen and his collaborators – the stone is now lost. See Falasca 2015: 132.

T(itus) Vettius, Q (uinti) f(ilius), / Ser(gia), architectus, / porticus de peq(unia) / pagan(ica) faciund(as) / coer(avit), / A(ulo) Hirtio C(aio) Vibio / co(n)s(ulibus). The architect Titus Vettius, son of  Q uintus from the Sergia tribus, took care of   the building of   the porticoes with money from the pagus, during the consulate of  Aulus Hirtius and Caius Vibius. 4. pagan(ica) Buonopane; pagan(orum) ILS; pagan(a) Tarpin. This building inscription can be dated to 42 bce, and the Latin bears archaic traces, as pequnia and coer(avit) for cur(avit). See n. 20 for a similar case, where the aediles also belong to the Sergia tribus. See also n. 18, 19, 20, 22 and 112 for other building inscriptions. For architects in epigraphical evidence, see Donderer 1996.

96

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

24. An aedile and city finances CIL X 225 In the garden of  Danio, seen by Roselli and Mommsen. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 92.

- - - - - - / [- - -] Silvinus, aed(ilis,) [- - -] / [ex pec(unia)] mul[ta­ ticia- - -]. The aedile Silvinus, - - - with money collected from the fines - - -. 1-2. Silvinus Aed(ilis) mulieri Roselli 2. ex pec(unia) Mommsen. An alternative reading with the same meaning might be [ex aere] mul[taticio- - -]. The aedile Silvinus had probably used money collected from fines for the benefit of   the town (see introduction p. 39). On the use of   money from fines in municipia from Italy, see Marengo 1999; Laffi 2007: 219-220.

97

GRUMENTUM

25. Gravestone for a beneficiarius CIL X 214; CBI 866 Seen by Del Monaco, Como, Roselli and Mommsen in the garden of  Danio. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 92-93.

D(is) M(anibus). / Aelio Digno, b(ene)f(iciario) / p(raefectorum) praetorio ee(minentissimorum) v[v](irorum),  / qui vixit ann(os) [- - -],  / militabit an[nos/(os) - - -],  / Iulia  Vera[- - -]/ia uxor c[oniugi] / bene mer[enti fe]/cit, cu[m quo] / vix[it an- - -]. To the spirits of   the departed. To Aelius Dignus, beneficiarius of   the most honourable men of   the praetorian prefects. He lived - - - years, and served for - - - years. His wife Iulia Ver[- - -]ia set this up for her husband who deserves this, and with whom she lived for - - - years. CIL mentions the iconographical presence of   a jar for offering (urceus). 3. ee(minentissimorum) v[v](irorum) Mommsen: fuit in lapide EE.VV (though this does not appear on the drawing in CIL); EF Falasca 6. CBI: probably Vera[nil]ia, but three letters are far too few as a supplement. This inscription can be dated to the third century ce (Cal­delli, Petraccia, Ricci 2012: 296). The letter b instead of   v in line 5 is  already attested from the first century on (Väänänen 1981: 50-51). See also n. 33, 69, 80 and 82. A beneficiarius was a soldier 98

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

who had been relieved of   active service by his commander and who was attached to the suite of   this official. Note that Aelius Dignus belonged to the cohortes urbanae of   the City of   Rome, as he was serving for the praetorian prefects (see n. 4 and introduction p. 47-48). This inscription appears to be the only example of   a beneficiarius from Regio III; there is one in Regio II and there are five beneficiarii in Regio  IV. See Nelis-Clément 2000; Ott 2001: 221. For the name Iulia, see n. 101 and 118.

99

GRUMENTUM

26. Gravestone for a soldier of  a praetorian cohort CIL X 215; Simelon 1992: 695, n. 1, 703, n. 26 Already in 1563-1564, this stone was seen in Saponara by Giovanni Antonio Paglia di Giovanizzo during his travels to Marsico Nuovo and Saponara. He sent his copy to Manutius, who inserted the text in his Codex Vaticanus Latinus 5237, fol. 193. Based on Manutius’ text, Raffale Fabretti published the inscription in 1702. Del Monaco, Roselli and Mommsen saw the stone in the garden of   Danio. The Camaldolese monk Angelo Calo­gerà, who probably visited the garden when Danio was still alive, sent his copy of   the text to Muratori, who published it in his Novus Thesaurus in 1742. The stone was thought to be lost, but is now rediscovered by Falasca in Via Giulio Cesare Gili­berti n° 27, where it is built in horizontal position into the main wall of  the kitchen. The left side is partly covered by the thickness of   the floor. Also the first line is not readable anymore, since it is inserted into the left wall of  the kitchen. Falasca measures cm 80 × 46. The letters appear as quite regular, with consistent use of interpuncts throughout. See Fala­ sca 2015: 91 and 154-158 (with photo on p. 155).

D(is) M(anibus. / Aeli Marciani, / mil(itis) coh(ortis) VI pr(aeto­ riae) P(iae) V(indicis) / G(ordianae) Maxime, st(i)p(endiorum) / XII. Huic, pecun(ia)  / eiusdem Marci/ani, Valerius  / Valerianus evok(atus) / faciundum / curavit. To the spirits of  the departed. To Aelius Marcianus, soldier of  the sixth praetorian cohort Pia Vindex Gordiana Maxima, who served for twelve years. Valerius  Valerianus, an evocatus, had set this inscription up for him with the money of  the same Marcianus. 100

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

CIL mentions the iconographical presence of   a jar for offering (urceus) on the left side and a  bowl (patera) on the right side. Mommsen indicated that MAXIME should either be understood as a stone cutter’s error for Maximi (indicating the name Aelius Marcianus Maximus), or for Maximae (referring to the cohors Pia Vindex Gordiana Maxima). The word order clearly points to the latter solution. It is surely mistaken to understand it as “con il massimo stipendio di dodici anni” (Falasca). Aelius Marcianus most probably originated from Grumentum, where he was buried by his compatriot, veteran and fellow soldier Valerius Valerianus, after he had died during military service in the City of   Rome (see n. 4 mentioning another evocatus, and introduction p. 47-48). Since Aelius Marcianus did not serve out his time, he was unmarried and thus the inscription was set up by a  fellow soldier. The inscription can be assigned to the third century ce. See Simelon 1992: 695; Clauss 1973: 77-82 and Cal­ delli, Petraccia, Ricci 2012: 296. 27. Gravestone for a soldier of  a praetorian cohort CIL X 216; Ricci 1994: 356-36 Seen by Roselli and Mommsen in the garden of  Danio. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 94.

- - - - - - / [- - -]…[- - -] / Aur(elius) Asdula, mil(es) / coh(ortis) V pretorie, / fratri ben(e) meren(ti), / qui mecu laborait / an(nos) XII et Fruninone / est in barbarico. Aurelius Asdula, soldier of   the fifth praetorian cohort to his brother who well deserves it, who worked with me for twelve years, and who now is in Frunino, in a barbarian country. 101

GRUMENTUM

The linguistic variants in line 5 point to a date not earlier than the third century ce (Caldelli, Petraccia, Ricci 2012: 29). The cogno­ men Asdula does neither appear in Kajanto 1965 nor in Solin, Salomies 1994. It is  Thracian, and probably means “horseman”, as such it survived in the Bulgarian word jazdja (Georgiev 1983: 1203 and 1208). This is the only inscription in which laboravit appears in a military context. It does appear in the inscriptions of   husbands to their wives (CIL XIII 7813; ILCV 4325 – both Christian), or in the context of   serving as a cleric (ICI 12 55). The only other instance of   brothers “working” together is  again a  Christian inscription: ICUR VII 18777: Florentinus Felici qu(i)esquenti fratri dulcissimo  / ad(que) karis(s)imo qui vixit adque laborabit cum eo / b(ene) m(erenti) f(ecit) in p(ace). In all likelihood, labo­ rare here refers to “working together as a  military man”, that is “fighting and suffering” (LS B 1). Barbarico refers to territory outside the borders of  the Roman Empire (see Weiler 1963-1964 for extensive treatment of   the literary passages; Sarnowski 1991: 143 for the epigraphical testi­ monies). Similar instances occur in CIL XIII 8274 (o/ccissus in bar/barico) from Cologne; AE 1998 1139 (qui di/(sperdit)us(?) est / in barbarico) and AE 1991 1378 (in barbarico / liberatus) – both from Moesia Inferior. The place name Frunino is unknown and only attested here (a military fort at the Danube with the present-day name of   Izvorul Frumos is attested in Romania, see http://dare.ht.lu.se/places/34825.html). Mommsen understood it as the place where Asdula’s brother had died. Note that four other inscriptions from Grumentum possibly point to a Balkan origin (see introduction p. 47-48). Alternatively, one might tentatively think of   a reading as fruni(tus) non se est (“he did not fully enjoy life”; see CIL XII 2039) but this remains impossible to prove since the stone is lost. Thracian Aurelius Asdula thus took service in Rome in a praetorian cohort (see n. 4 and 26, and introduction p. 47-48), lost his brother during a  Danubian campaign, and afterwards settled himself  in Grumentum (perhaps invited by a fellow soldier who originated from this place?). The grave he set up for his brother was a  cenotaph (Simelon 1992: 697). The theme of   dying in a foreign country, and thus receiving a proper burial 102

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

in the hometown since the corpse could not be retrieved, is  frequent in Latin epigraphy (Lattimore 1942: 199-202). The phrase may be linked to the motive of   death on the battlefield, as expressed in the wording desideratus in acie (Bertolazzi 2015). The inscription can be assigned to the third century ce. See Caldelli, Petraccia, Ricci 2012: 296. 28. Gravestone for a horn blower CIL X 217; Simelon 1993: 155-156, n. 126 Seen by Roselli and Mommsen in the garden of  Danio. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 94; Braito 2016: 305.

P(ublio) Titio P(ubli) (ilio) Ampliato / cornici(ni) co(ho)r(tis) I / Aticta contuber/nali bene meren/ti fecit et sibi v(ixit) / a(nnos) XXXV. To Publius Titius Ampliatus, son of   Publius, hornblower of   the first cohort. Aticta set this up for her partner who well deserves it and for herself. He lived for 35 years. Above line 1 a horn has been depicted. 1. P(ubli) f(ilio) suggested by Mommsen. The inscription has been dated to the first-second century ce (Caldelli, Petraccia, Ricci 2012: 296). The name Aticta only appears here, and Mommsen indicated this reading as uncertain. Her partner Publius Titius Ampliatus might have been a freedman, if   he was part of   the cohortes of   night watches (vigiles) in 103

GRUMENTUM

Rome. This is however rather unlikely, since the vigiles only had bucinatores, and no cornicines. As  such, Titius Ampliatus was most probably a hornblower of  a praetorian cohort in Rome, and thus freeborn (see also Braito 2016: 305). Already Mommsen proposed to read P(ubli) f(ilio) instead of  P(ubli) l(iberto), a confusion which indeed often occurs in inscriptions (Sablayrolles 1996: 229; Braito 2016). As a soldier, Titius Ampliatus was not allowed legal marriage, hence his partner Aticta, who was probably of   Greek origin, named him as contubernalis (Tramunto 2009). See also n. 40 and 93. The family of   the Titii had notable members in Grumentum, Venosa, Potenza and maybe Volcei (see introduction p. 33-34). From the instrumentum, they are known as a  family of   entrepreneurs (Braito 2016). In Potenza, these Titii all have the same praenomen Publius and they also belong to the milieu of   the Augustales. Given the filiation in line 1, the suggestion that the name Publius Titius P. l. Ampliatus reads as a male counterpart of   Titia C. l. Aucta from Venosa (CIL IX 586), must be disregarded (Simelon 1993: 156-157).

29. Gravestone for a primus pilus CIL X 218; AE 2016 339; Traverso 2006: 93-94, n. 4 Seen in Sarconi (see supra n. 14). The stone first belonged to the small medieval church of  Saint Jacob. Caputi saw the stone, copied it and sent his reading to Mommsen, who supplied the first two lines (edited in cursive) on the basis of   a manuscript and an edition by Roselli, not seen by Caputi. After the restoration of  the little church due to the earthquake of   1857, the stone was built into the outside wall, with the text turned upside down. In this position, it was photographed by Pino Latronico in 1980, just before the community of   Sarconi decided to demolish the little building in order to make way for a rather insignificant piazzetta. After this unfortunate event, the stone got lost. See Falasca 2015: 123 and 161-165 who managed to recuperate the photos by Latronico; Buo­no­pane 2016: 399. 104

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

- - - - - - /[- - -]tio L(uci) f(ilio), Pom(ptina), / [prim]o pilo legion(is) XXI, / [praet(ori) II vi]r(o) quinquiens / [et - - -]e Q (uinti) f(iliae), u[x]ori. To - - -]tius, son of   Lucius, of   the Pomptina tribus, primus pilus of  the XXIth legion, five times praetor II vir, and to - - - daughter of  Q uintus, his wife. 2. XXII in the edition by Roselli, but based on the manuscript Mommsen indicated this as a typographical error. He also refers to the historical context which makes the reading XXI more likely. 3. pate?]r quinquiens Falasca, surely mistaken. [praet(ori) II vi]r(o) Buo­no­pane 4. [f]e(cit) Q (uinto) f(ilio) u[x]ori Falasca, surely mistaken. The inscription must be dated to the end of   the first century bce or the beginning of   the first century ce. The mention of  the Pomptina tribus might point to the fact that this primus pilus of   the legio XXI Rapax originated from Grumentum (Cal­delli, Petraccia, Ricci 2012: 296). This legion was destroyed by the Sarmatians in 92, and in the years before it had mainly served in the Germaniae (see Bérard 2000 and Dobson 1978: 123). This army officer retired in his hometown, and was actively involved in local politics, acting five times as a praetor II vir, the most important magistracy in the town (Buo­no­pane 2015: 357358; Buo­no­pane 2016). See also introduction p. 47-48.

105

GRUMENTUM

30. Dedication by two Herculanei Augustales CIL X 230; EDCS11400316 Found in 1867 by Caputi near the San Laverio church. He edited the inscription in Risorgimento Lucano, 27 August 1874 and sent his copy to Kaibel. Caputi also sent a  copy to canon Ga­briele Iannelli, director of   the museum in Capua, who published the text in 1878. Falasca rediscovered the stone at Via Garibaldi n° 16, in the garden of   Giuseppe Bafunno, who belongs to the family which were heirs of   Caputi (see also n.  106). The stone had been broken in four pieces, and the lower right side is missing. Falasca measures cm  30  ×  41. The letters appear regularly carved, and the photo shows interpuncts throughout. See Falasca 2015: 125-126 and 141-142.

L(ucius) Magius Myrtilus,/ C(aius) Opsius Optatus, / Herc(ulanei) Aug(ustales). Lucius Magius Myrtilus and Caius Opsius Optatus, Herculanei Augustales. 3. Herc(uli) Aug(usto) EDCS Magius Myrtilus and Opsius Optatus were probably freedmen linked to the imperial cult. For a  list and discussion of   other Augustales Herculanei, see introduction p.  45-46. See n.  65 for another inscription mentioning Lucius Magius Myrtillus.

106

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

31. Gravestone for Costantius CIL X 183; AE 2013 377 Cupa lucana of  local limestone, the right part of  which is missing; a  square table in the shape of   a stele was carved in the middle. It has been reused in the ancient church of   Santa Maria de Petra in Viggiano, serving as the right jamb of   the south entrance to an underground space. Cm 45 × 98 × 43. Letters cm 6.5-2. Seen by Rossi, but not by Mommsen. Published by Buo­no­pane 2013: 242-243, n. 1. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane 2012.

[- - - - - -] / Constantio, / filio / duĉissimo (!). [- - - - - -] to the sweetest son Constantius. 2. AN//IO CIL 3. filio CIL 4. DV//SSI CIL In this region, Constantius (Solin, Salomies 1994: 317) is  only documented by this inscription, whereas the frequent disappearance of   the letter l before the guttural consonant characterises the adjective dulcissimus (Väänänen 1981: 63). From the shape of   the letters, the monument typology and the presence of   the cognomen Constantius, the stone can be dated from the second half  of  the third to the first half  of  the fourth century ce.

107

GRUMENTUM

32. Gravestone for Fausta from her parents CIL X 187 Lost monument of   unknown typology once located in Viggiano “in silva intus”. It was seen by Rossi, but not by Mommsen.

Filiae pul[chr]issime (!) / Fauste (!) / Hercuens et Mimara / [bene­ meren?]ti M [- - -] C F F. To their most beautiful daughter Fausta. Hercuens and Mimar set this up for he who well deserved it (?) [- - -] The personal name Fausta is very common (Solin, Salomies 1994: 330), whereas Hercuens is otherwise unknown. It is possible that the stonecutter made a mistake. Alternatively, we might be dealing with an erroneous transcription. In  both cases, the correct form could have been Herculeus (Solin, Salomies 1994: 341). The name Mimara has a  Greek origin (Fraser, Matthews 1997, II. A: 301), and it is likewise unattested in Latin epigraphy. It is worthwhile to stress the presence of  the monophthong -e in place of   the diphthong -ae in pul[chr]issime and in Fauste (!). The superlative form pulchrissima is  not documented by other inscriptions (see K.-H.  Kruse, art. pulcher, TLL X, 2, c.  25602572, with c. 2561, ll. 18-26 only citing superlatives with -erri­ mus). However, the ending -rissimus is occasionally attested for other adjectives ending on -er. See M.  Leumann, Lateinische Laut-und Formenlehre (Munich, 1952) p. 492 “Vereinzelt: -rissimus: celerissimus: Enn., Ann., 460; miserissima: CIL III, 4480; integrissimo: CIL II, 1085; IX, 2878: integrissima. Cf. CIL IX, 3729; XIII, 1980”.

108

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

33. Gravestone for Felicissima from her mother CIL X 188; AE 2013 378 Cupa lucana made of   local limestone. Although affected by numerous chips, it is preserved in its entirety. A rectangular table table is carved in the middle. It is surmounted by a gable the superior part of which is  missing. The letters are elongated, shallow and quite regularly carved. The stone was reused in the ancient church of   Santa Maria de Petra in Viggiano, serving as the left jamb of   the north entrance to an underground space. Cm 52 × 122  × 46.5. Letters cm  6.5-3.5. Seen by Rossi, but not by Mommsen. Published by Buo­no­pane 2013: 243, no. 2. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane 2012.

Felicissima,/ mater, Feli/cie (!), filie (!) bene / merenti, fe(cit),/ que (!) bixit (!) an(nos) / XXX. Felicissima, the mother, made (this monument) for Felicia, her well-deserving daughter, who lived for 30 years. 4. MEREnTI CIL but on the stone, the letter N is visible. The cognomina Felicissima and Felicia are very common (Solin, Salomies 1994: 330) and are documented in the territory of  Grumentum (n.  125). It is  again worthwhile to note the presence of   the monophthongs -e in place of   ae in Felicie, filie and que (see supra n.  32) as well as the presence of   a b in place of   a v in bixit. See  Väänänen 1981: 38-39 and 50-51. See also n. 25, 69, 80 and 82. The typology of   monument, the onomastic forms and the shape of   the letters can be dated to the second half  of   the third century ce. 109

GRUMENTUM

34. Gravestone for Pactumeia Prima from Pactumeius Primus, her father (?) CIL X 192 Altar made of   local limestone. The surface of   the inscription is  heavily corroded. A  triangular gable is  carved on the cornice between two spiral pulvini. A moulding connects the body to the plinth. The letters are quite regular and well engraved, but hardly legible owing to corrosion. The monument is  preserved in the locality of   Molini di Alli, near Viggiano. Cm 90 × 66 × 60. Letters cm 4.4-4. Seen by Rossi, but not by Mommsen. Rediscovered by Signoretti 1985. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane 2015.

Pactumeius Pri/mus + + + + + + + + + + + /ius [Pa]ct[u]m[e]iae / Primae + + + + + + + + /+ + + + +, quae vi(ixit) an(nos) V, m(enses) XII, [d]ies III. Pactumeius Primus - - - to Pactumeia Prima - - - who lived for five years, twelve months, three days. 2. MPVRCLCERVLL CIL but these letters are now illegible. 4-5. FINEL MIICEX/ERVRI CIL but also these letters are now illegible. Mommsen suggested that they might express the formula FILIAE PIENTISSIMAE or something similar. 110

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

The family name Pactumeius is well documented (Solin, Salomies 1994: 135) and appears in others inscriptions from Grumentum (n. 81 and 89). The indication of   twelve months, instead of   adding another year, is  strange. It is  found in various parts of   the Roman Empire, e.g. in CIL III 7564 (Tomi); CIL VIII 16615 (for a one-year-old child); AE 1975 169 (Albanum). The monument can be dated to the third century ce on account of  the formulas used and the shape of  the letters. 35. Gravestone for an aedilis CIL X 224 (see p. 961) Found in the central square of   the village of   San Q uirico ad Ra­ paro. Apparently, Mommsen did not see it, but he relied on the edition by Paulino Durante from 1831 and the schedae by Cassitius. Now lost. Note the somewhat strange addition for the indication of  age at line 4. See Falasca 2015: 124.

M(anio) Otacilio,  / M(ani) f(ilio), Pom(ptina), Basso,  / aedili v(ixit) a(nnos) XX/VI.  / M(anius) Otacilius,  / M(ani) f(ilius), Pom(ptina), Q uintus / fil(io) pientissimo fec(it). To Manius Otacilius Bassus, son of   Manius of   the Pomptina tri­ bus, an aedile who lived for 26 years. Manius Otacilius Q uintus, son of  Manius of   the Pomptina tribus, made this for his most respectful son. The praenomina M(anius) are also suggested in the schedae by Cassitius (indicated in CIL X p. 961). This rather rare praenomen indeed appears with famous politicians as Manius Otacilius Crassus, consul in 263 bce or Manius Otacilius (ILS 8888) from the early first century bce. The Otacilii are known as an important equestrian family in five inscriptions from Volcei in Inscr. It., 3, 1, 25; 58; 64; 89 and 99. See Simelon 1992: 692. 111

GRUMENTUM

36. Gravestone for a local magistrate, organiser of  gladiatorial games CIL X 226; ILS 6451; EAOR III 11; AE 1992 312; 1998 389; Chelotti, Evangelisti 2017: 91, n. 11; Bassignano 2017: 174, n. 143; See Falasca 2015: 124-125; Buo­no­pane 2017: 127, 142-143 After Mommsen’s visit, the stone was found in the North-West area, outside the Grumentum territory in the zone of   San Lave­ rio, in a  field belonging to a  man named Giannone, at the confluency of   the Agri and the Sciaura rivers. Caputi sent a copy to Mommsen on 1 October 1870 and edited the inscription in 1874. Now in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta  Val d’agri (inv. no. 262381). Limestone block with double pitched roof. The stone has been well preserved, apart from some fractures on the sides. Both the trunk and the basis are made of   the same block. Interpuncts are  almost entirely absent, and the letters have not been elaborated that well (the modern rubrication has not made the reading easier). Cm 130  ×  75-85  ×  65. Letters cm  5.5-2.8. Autopsy by Buonopane and Laes, August 2012, and full commentary by Buonocore in EAOR.

D(is) M(anibus). / C(aio) Stremponio, / C(ai) f(ilio), Pom(ptina), Basso, aed(ili),  / pr(aetori) IIvir(o) q(uin)q(uennali), auguri,  / curatori rei p(ublicae) ka/lendari Potentinor(um),  / curator(i) muneris peq(uniae)  / Aquillianae  II, q(uaestori) rei pub(licae) III, / Helvia Psychario uxor, / C(aius) Stremponi(us) Bassianus / et Faustina fili(i) b(ene) m(erenti) / fecerunt. 112

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

To the spirits of   the departed. To Caius Stremponius Bassus, son of   Caius of   the Pomptina tribus. He was aedilis, praetor II vir quinquennalis, augur, curator rei publicae and curator kalen­ dari for the town of   Potenza, two times curator for the gladiatorial games by gift of   Aquillius, three times quaestor of   the town. His wife Helvia Psychario and his children Caius Stremponius Bassianus and Faustina set this up for him who well deserves it. 3. AE · P CIL and all the editors, except Buonopane Caius Stremponius Bassus fulfilled the normal cursus honorum of  magistrates in Grumentum, with the quaestorship extra ordinem (see introduction p. 41). He became an aedile and afterwards a  praetor II vir quinquennalis. On  his multiple holding of   the quaestorship, see Petraccia Lucernoni 1988: 139-140. He also held offices outside Grumentum. Curatores rei pub­ licae were extraordinary officials, who were installed by the emperor for management and leasing out of   the public land. They were also responsible for the spending of   public funds and the payment of   the debts to the community (see Duthoy 1979). The curator kalendari, also installed by the emperor, kept control over the account and the debt register of   a municipality (see Japella-Contardi 1977). According to Buonocore (EAOR) the function should be understood as curator rei publicae kalendari Potentinorum, and not as two separate offices, but both functions are often attested separately. The inscription has been dated to the end of   the second century ce (Buonocore) or to the beginning of   the third century, in a period when imperial control for at least the town of   Potenza seems to have been imposed (see Duthoy 1979: 185, n.  223, based on Mancini 1910: 1370). There are other examples of  cura­ tores rei publicae Potentinorum (e.g. CIL X 131), but this is the only instance of   a citizen of   Grumentum being entrusted with this task. On  Potenza in Roman times, see Nicoletta 2000 and Di Noia 2012. Curatores muneris took care of  gladiatorial games, which were organised by the municipality, but sponsored by private persons (see Fora 1996). Caius Stremponius Bassus had taken care twice of   a fund which could have been initially founded quite some years before. The addition pequniae Aquillianae means that the 113

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money for the games had been provided by testamentary gift of  a citizen named Aquillius (-anus being the suffix to denote the origin of  the money; Fora 1996: 77). See also n. 9, 47 and 48 for this name. Buonocore (EAOR) has proposed an identification with L. Aquilius Mamius, also a local magistrate, augur and procurator of   Grumentum, whose dedication to the Emperor Hadrian can be assigned to the year 119-120 (see supra n. 9). Curatores calen­ darii are attested from the reign of   Trajan to that of   Septimius Severus, thus spanning the period of  98-211. The cognomen Pyschario is mainly attested with women from the gentes Helvia or Claudia (AE 1968, p. 60-61). See also n. 95 for a Helvia. 37. Gravestone for a local magistrate CIL X 227 Mommsen reports the stone as belonging to the castle of  the duke of   Sanseverino (in arce comitis; see also n. 12), but only refers to it as being seen in 1592-1593 by Vorstius, who had sent his copy to Scaliger, Buchellius and Gruterus – these three scholars published the inscription. Possibly, Mommsen has not seen the stone himself. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 125.

C(aio) Turcio, C(ai) f(ilio), Pom(ptina), / Nebro, aedil(i), pr(ae­ tori) II vir(o), quaes(tori), / Allidia C(ai) lib(erta), Nebris, / mater filio piissimo / fecit. To Caius Turcius Nebrus, son of   Caius of   the Pomptina tribus, aedile, praetor II vir, quaestor. Allidia Nebris, freedwoman of  Caius, set this up for her most respectful son. Caius Turcius Nebrus went through all the steps of   the municipal career, with again the quaestorship as the last honourable 114

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

office extra ordinem (see introduction p. 41). His cognomen (“Peacock”) is  extremely rare. Besides this, it is  only found in an inscription from Montpellier in Gallia Narbonensis (CIL XII 272; AE 1992, 1223 – see Michel Richard, Gascou 1992: 453 note 39, suggesting a  connection with the imperial cult) and is obviously derived from his mother’s former slave name Nebris. This slave name, meaning “skin of   a peacock” is  well attested. See Solin 1996: 508 and Solin 2003: 1144-1145 (34 records, 14 of  which are for slaves or freedmen). It  is  probable that Allidia Nebris was freed by and then married to a  (freed)man named Caius Allidius, a  native from Grumentum (see n.  93). Turcius Nebrus was a  son out of   this marriage. The inscription testifies to  a successful municipal career for the son of   a freedwoman (see also n. 39) on which see introduction p. 42.

115

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38. Gravestone for a local magistrate, organiser of  gladiatorial games CIL X 228; EAOR III 36; Falasca 2015: 125 and 133-135 Mommsen saw the stone near the church of  Santa Maria Assunta, and reports that it was now with the lawyer Giuseppe Gianone. The stone has been found back in 1965 near the Santa Maria Assunta church, though the circumstances of   the rediscovery remain unclear. It is now in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta  Val d’Agri (inv. no.  262370). Limestone altar, heavily damaged on all sides, especially on the left. The trunk and the basis are made out of   the same block of   stone. Crown and basis are moulded. The letters are not carved very accurately, the triangular interpuncts are  not used in a  consistent way, and the layout of   the text is not closely following the central axis. A jar (urceus) is depicted on the left side, a bowl (patera) on the right side. Cm 123 × 58 × 51-60. Letters cm 3.8-3.8. Autopsy by Buo­ no­pane and Laes, August 2012, and full commentary by Buonocore in EAOR (strangely overlooked by Falasca 2015: 133-135).

[- - -]tio, L(uci) f(ilio), Pom(ptina),  / [vac. cm  20]  / [in nostra] colonia omn[i]/[bus mun]eribus et princi/[palibus] honoribus innoc/[enter fu]ncto, munerario / [egregiae] editionis familia[e] / [gladiat]oriae, decurioni e[- - -]  / [- - - sp]lend[id]ae civitatis  / [Reginor]um Iuliensium,  / [ob animu]m eius onorific(um)  / [in nos col]l(egium) Beneris, patrono / [opti]mo. 116

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

For - - -tius son of   Lucius from the Pomptina tribus. (…) In our colony, he had held all the offices and all the most important honorary functions in a  blameless way. He was the giver of   an excellent gladiatorial exhibition. He was a decurio and a IIII vir (? - patron - curator?) of   the splendid city of   Regium Iulium. We, the collegium of   the goddess Venus have set up this inscription because he, our excellent patron, had honoured us much. 1. Brut?]tio has been tentatively suggested by Buonocore. This would link the organiser of   the gladiatorial games to the senatorial gens of   the Bruttii, well known in Grumentum. 6. e[t] CIL. 7. [IIII vir(o)] CIL. Buonocore also mentions possibilities as patrono or curatori. 9. [ob maxima]m vel [ob eximia]m eius onorific(entiam) has been suggested as less probable by Buonocore. This locally successful magistrate and organizer of   gladiatorial games in Grumentum also made his career outside the colony (note that this is  the only inscription in which Grumentum is  explicitly called colonia). In  Regium  Iulium (Reggio di Cala­ bria) he was a decurio, and he also held another office there, the detail of   which cannot be ascertained (see Degrassi 1962 on the exceptional function of   IIII vir in Roman coloniae, a position he might have held if  one follows the reading of  CIL). The blameless holding of   public functions is expressed in almost the same way in an inscription from Suessa Aurunca (CIL X 4755 lines 6-8: patrono omnibus hono/ribus muneribusq(ue) innocen/ter in patria sua functo). A collegium Veneriae Aufenginates is known from the town of   Aufenginum (AE 1968 153). Collegia Veneris mostly seem to be attested in Dalmatia (CIL III 1981, 2106, 2108 and 14727, 1 from Salona; 14641 from Pituntium) with just one other example from Italy (Fabriano 2, p. 52). A contubernium Veneris is attested in Allifae (CIL IX 2354). Such associations probably consisted of   priests and worshippers of   Venus (see EAOR for further literature). With familia gladiatoria, the inscription most probably refers to the gladiators and the technical personnel who made the spectacle possible. For reasons of  epigraphic formulae used and on palaeographical and onomastic grounds, Buonocore has dated the inscription to the end of   the second century ce. Linguistically, it shows some 117

GRUMENTUM

interesting variations: b instead of   v in Beneris (see n.  25, 33, 69, 80 and 82 for similar examples), onorificum without the initial  h (see W.  E. Ehlers, art. honorificus, TLL VI, 3, c.  2939, ll. 64-65 for similar examples in inscriptions).

39. Gravestone for a local councillor and his mother CIL X 229 In the garden of  Danio, seen by Roselli and Mommsen. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 95.

[- - -]ttio, Q (uinti) f(ilio), Pom(ptina),  / [- - -Ph]ilogeni, dec(u­ rioni), / [- - -]tiae, Q (uinti) l(ibertae), Auctae, / [- - -] matri eius / [- - -]EV[- - -]aeius / - - - - - To [- - -]ttius [Ph?]ilogenis, son of   Q uintus, of   the Pomptina tri­ bus, a  decurio. To [- - -]tia Aucta, freedwoman of   Q uintus, his mother by [- - -]eio. 1. [- - -A]ttio Roselli 2. [- - -Ph]ilogeni is the only possible onomastic addition, also proposed by Roselli 3. [Q (uintae) At]tiae Roselli. As in n.  37, we have the example of   a son of   a former slave mother who made his way into the city council. See also introduction p. 42.

118

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

40. Gravestone for an Augustalis Herculaneus CIL X 231 In the garden of   Danio. Only seen by Mommsen. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 97.

P(ublio) Titio  Viatori,  / Aug(ustali) Herc(ulaneo),  / Crescens lib(ertus) f(aciendum) c(uravit) / sibi et Alliae Castae, cont(uber­ nali), / b(ene) m(erenti). To Publius Titius Viator, Augustalis Herculaneus. The freedman Crescens has taken care of   this, for himself  and for his partner Allia Casta, who well deserves it. Publius Titius  Viator took care of  the worship of  Hercules, connected to the imperial cult. On Augustales Herculanei, see p. 45-46 in the introduction. In  all likelihood, Crescens was a  freedman of   Titius  Viator. His union with Allia Casta is  designed with the term contubernalis, (n. 28 and 93; see also Tramunto 2009). Maybe, her alliance with Crescens dates to the time they were both slaves, or when he at least was a slave (see also n. 37 and 41). The tendency to continue using the terminology appropriate to earlier stages of   the relationship is also shown in other examples, as CIL VI 15598. See Gardner 1986: 59. 41. Gravestone for an Augustalis Mercurialis and his wife CIL X 232 Mommsen never saw the stone, but knew it from a manuscript by Roselli, who does not indicate where he saw the inscription. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 126. 119

GRUMENTUM

L(ucius) Turcius Dafnus,  / Aug(ustalis) Merc(urialis), sibi  / et Turciae Atticae, / uxori. Lucius Turcius Dafnus, Augustalis Mercurialis, for himself  and for his wife Turcia Attica. 1. L. Duricius Roselli in manuscript; F. Turcius proposed emendated reading by Roselli 2. Mommsen raises the possibility of  reading Aug. Herc. Since we can only rely on a manuscript tradition, we can not single out this possibility. For a possible origin of  this stone, which might have belonged to the Capitolium area, see n. 5. The freedman Turcius Dafnus was involved in the imperial cult of   Mercurius Augustus. On Augus­ tales Herculanei, see p.  45-46 in the introduction. Again, his alliance with Turcia may date from the period when they were both slaves. After their manumission by a master with the nomen Turcius, they now opted for the legal term uxor.

120

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

42. Gravestone for Gamus, an administrator/treasurer (dispensator) CIL X 237; EDCS11400323 The stone was found near the river Sciaura. Caputi edited it in Risor­ gimento Lucano, 27 August 1874. He gave a copy of  the text, made by a friend of  his, to Iannelli and Kaibel. Mommsen never saw the stone and already reported that it was lost. See Falasca 2015: 126.

Gamo disp(ensatori) Vera / coniugi inc(omparabili), / cum q(uo) v(ixit) an/n(os) XX, m(enses) IIII.  / Ips(e) v(ixit) a(nnos) XL,  / b(ene) m(erenti) f(ecit). Vera made this for Gamus, a dispensator, her incomparable husband who well deserves it and with whom she lived for twenty years and four months. He himself  lived for forty years. 5. ips(e) Mommsen ips(a) EDCS Owners chose to employ slaves as dispensatores (treasurers, financial administrators) as this guaranteed full control over their activities (Brunn 1999: 34-35). Unlike n.  2, this slave couple opted for the terminology of   legal marriage (coniunx), though their union was technically not a real marriage (see n. 57, 58 and 69 for similar cases). Age at (first) marriage as attested in the inscriptions has been studied ever since Harkness, 1896. An excellent survey for duration of   marriage in the epigraphic record is Shaw 2002. The best general overview on ages of  first marriage is Scheidel 2007. Inscriptions tend to stress longer marriages. In  this case, Gamus’ first age at marriage is quite young, since men tended to 121

GRUMENTUM

marry between age twenty-five and thirty. Therefore, one could also read ips(a) in line 5. This would mean that Vera had her husband commemorated after her own death. By putting the pronoun ipsa, she emphasised that she is the subject of   the verb v(ixit), and not the dedicatee Gamus mentioned in the first line. However, this reading makes less sense grammatically. In  this case, we should imagine the not very likely scenario that, after the death of   her husband, Vera waited for her own death and then commissioned another person to erect a gravestone for her husband and herself  (or should one imagine that they died soon after each other?) Rather, the pronoun ipse is used to indicate the changing of   the grammatical subject which in the relative clause of  lines 3 and 4 obviously is Vera (see n. 56 and 57 for other possible confusions in grammar as pronouns are concerned). Precisely the same use of   ipse appears in n. 56, which makes the addition ips(e) as proposed by Mommsen even more likely. The name Gamus is frequently attested for slaves: Solin 1996: 479 (22 mentions) and Solin 2003: 1035-1036 (47 mentions, among which 22 slaves or freedmen).

122

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

43. Gravestone for a brother of  a steward (actor) CIL X 238 The stone was found in 1868 near the San Laverio church at the left of   the Sciaura river. Caputi edited it in Risorgimento Lucano, 27 August 1874. He gave the stone, apparently broken in several pieces, to Kaibel and Iannelli. Mommsen never saw the stone, which is now lost. See Falasca 2015: 126.

Cani[…]io/dio fratri  / usc[in]us, L(uci)  / Pru[tti] Crispi/ni c(larissimi) v(iri) serv(us) act(or), / b(ene) m(erenti) f(ecit), q(ui) v(ixit) a(nnos) / XXXX, m(enses) IIII. Fuscinus, steward slave of   the senator Lucius Bruttius Crispinus, to his brother Cani[…]iodius, who well deserves it. He lived for forty years and four months. 3. Fuscinus Mommsen, Buscinus Caputi. Note that the last letter of   this line appears to be I, not L. 5. serv(us) act(or) Mommsen SFR ACI Caputi As the dispensator in n.  42, the job of   actor also implied being a steward/overseer of   the possessions of   his master (see Carlsen 1995, see also n.  121). This actor worked for a  most important senatorial family. Lucius Bruttius Q uintius Crispinus was consul in the year 187, and is known from an inscription in Puteoli (CIL X 1784). See PIR2 B 169. In nearby Barricelle de Marsico­ vetere, a villa belonging to Caius Bruttius Praesens (PIR2 B 165) was excavated. He was grandfather or father to Bruttia Crispina, 123

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who married Emperor Commodus in the year 178 (PIR2 B 170). See Falasca 2011: 11. The family of   the Bruttii also appears in n. 18, 53, 60 and 94; see also introduction p. 34 (see Small 1999: 589; Di Giuseppe, Gargano, Russo 2007 and Di Giuseppe 2010 on the family and the large villa at Marsicovetere – Barricelle). The Bruttii of  the late second century ce are also thought to have been the owners of   the House of   the Mosaics near the theatre. The name Buscinus only appears here and the reading is prob­ lem­atic. Mommsen rightfully suggested the reading Fuscinus, a much attested Roman name. See Solin, Salomies 1994: 84 (as nomen gentilicium) and 336 (as cognomen). 44. Gravestone by mother Lucia Prima to her son Ampudius Custos CIL X 239 Mommsen reports to have seen the stone, which was in the house of   Paolo Roselli. Later, also Heinrich von Brunn saw it. It is now lost, though Falasca managed to identify the house of   Paolo Roselli with the address Via Carlo Danio n° 22, a place in which he found two other inscriptions that were thought to be lost (see n. 66 and 80). See Falasca 2015: 127.

D(is) M(anibus).  / Cn(aeo) Ampudio  / Custodi Luccia  / Prima mater / b(ene) m(erenti) f(ecit) f(ilio). To the spirits of   the departed. Mother Luccia Prima made this for her son Cnaeus Ampudius Custos, who well deserves it.

124

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

45. A grave by testament CIL X 240 In the garden of   Danio. Seen by Mommsen. Also Roselli saw the stone, though he did not specify where. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 95.

Anneiae, P(ubli) f(iliae), / Secundae her(es) / ex testamento / arbi­ tratu [- - -]. Belonging to Anneia Secunda, daughter of   Publius. Her heir has set this up. OR: The heir of   Anneia Secunda, daughter of  Publius set this up according to her testament. By the decision of  - - Since the wording arbitratu is commonly followed by a personal name, we can safely assume that at least one line of   this inscription is lost.

125

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46. Gravestone by Annius Rufinus to his brother Annius Priscus CIL X 241 Mommsen saw the stone, which belonged to the collection of  Giuseppe Nicola Roselli, nephew of   Fr. Saverio Roselli, who was a lawyer and the mayor of  Saponara during Mommsen’s visit (see also n. 51 and 67). The stone is now lost. See Falasca 2015: 127.

C(aio) Annio, C(ai) f(ilio), Pom(ptina), / Prisco. / C(aius) Annius, C(ai) f(ilius), Pom(ptina), / Rufinus / frater fecit. To Caius Annius Priscus, son of   Caius, of   the Pomptina tribus. His brother Caius Annius Rufinus, of   the Pomptina tribus, has set this up. 47. Fragmentary gravestone CIL X 243 Mommsen never saw the stone, which is  only known by the manuscript of   Roselli (remarkably Roselli did not publish it in his Storia Grumentina). Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 127.

Aquilio Montano s(epulturam?) / Aquilia Ianuaria b(ene merenti) f(ecit). Aquilia Montana made this grave (?) for Aquilius Montanus who well deserves it. Since they share the same nomen, Aquilius Montanus and Aqui­ lia Ianuaria were in all likelihood a couple of  freedman and freed126

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

woman. Alternatively, they might have been brother and sister. On the name Aquilius, see above n. 9, 36 and 48. On the cogno­ men Montanus, see n. 75. 48. Gravestone by daughter Aquillia Muma to her father Aquillius Prepontis CIL X 244 Found near the Basilica San Marco. Seen by Mommsen. Now in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta Val d’Agri, (inv. no. 262382). Cm 85  ×  70  ×  61,5. Letters cm 8-5.2. The letters are regularly carved, but no signs of  interpuncts are visible. The rectangular framework is damaged at the right side. Munzi 1997: 288, n. 5, with photo), see also Falasca 2015: 89, 106-107 (with photo on p. 106).

Dis Man(ibus) / Aquilli / Prepontis A[q]/uillia Mumma p[a]/tri piissimo f(ecit). / Vixit annis LXX. To the spirits of   the departed of   Aquillius Prepontis. Aquillia Mumma made this for her most pious father, who lived for seventy years. 3-4. pr(a)e(fectus) pontis A[q]/uilli Anumma Roselli and Falasca On the name Aquilius (here spelled with double l), see above n.  9, 36 and 47. Mommsen mentions the fanciful interpreta127

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tion by Roselli, who understood Prepontis as “prefect of  the pons Aquilius at Grumentum”. A  gate named porta Aquilia is  mentioned in the Vita Sancti Laverii (Falasca 2012: 64). In fact, such interpretations affirmed Mommsen in his conviction that Roselli was merely a forger or an interpolator (see introduction p. 15; see also n. 53 and 81 for other cases of   Roselli’s creativity in referring to the Vita). The name Mumma is remarkable. Besides this example, it only appears in a military diploma from 27 September 154, belonging to a Danube province, possibly to Pannonia (AE 2004 1923). The woman’s name is  Mumma Retimes – Retime being the name of   her father (Weiss 2004: 247-254). In  the same region, the names Momma, Mommus and Mommo are attested (Weiss 2004: 253). This is another possible indication of   a Balkan link in Grumentum (see introduction p.  47-48). Recently, Fa­la­sca has tried to rehabilitate Roselli’s interpretation or at least his sincerity, pointing to the fact that the letter E on the third line might be read as F.  This would have lead Roselli to read pr(ae)f(ectus). However, the names Amumma or Anumma (proposed by both Roselli and Falasca, though the second letter is clearly an M) are never attested in Latin epigraphy, which makes this interpretation most unlikely. 49. Gravestone by a freedman Artorius Hilarus to his patron Artorius Scindalamus CIL X 245 Gravestone in the garden of   Danio, seen by Mommsen. Also Roselli had seen the stone, but he does not specify where it was. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 95.

M(arcus) Artorius, M(arci) l(ibertus), / Hilarus sibi et / M(arco) Artorio, M(arci) l(iberto), Scindalamo, / patrono, Artoriae, M(arci) l(ibertae), / - - - - - - 128

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

Marcus Artorius Hilarus, freedman of  Marcus for himself  and for Marcus Artorius Scindalamus, freedman of   Marcus, his patron. For Artoria [- - -], freedwoman of  Marcus. 4. patrono Artorii F M L D D Roselli; l(ugens) d(ono) d(edit) Falasca Being a  freedman himself, Marcus Artorius Scindalamus in all likelihood later freed Marcus Artorius Hilarus. The Greek cog­ nomen Scindalamus (“Splinter”) only appears in this inscription (there are no records in Greek inscriptions either). It is unclear whether Artoria was Scindalamus’ or Hilarus’ partner. We rather suggest a connection with Hilarus, since line 4 does not contain the word et, mentioning Scindalamus and Artoria together as a couple. In this case, both Hilarus and Artoria as a couple may have been freed by their patron Scindalamus, or Hilarus himself  might have been the patron of   Artoria whom he freed. Note the rather strange reading by Roselli on line 4, which lead Mommsen to yet another depreciative comment: Reliqua corrupit Rosellius. Again, Falasca quite remarkably tends to defend Roselli, not only solving L D D as l(ugens) d(ono) d(edit) (an abbreviation which actually does not exist in Latin epigraphy), but also leaving the letters F M unsolved.

129

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50. Gravestone by mother Baebia to her son Attius Curva Restitutus CIL X 246 Gravestone in the garden of   Danio, seen by Mommsen. Also Roselli had seen the stone, but he does not specify where it was. Now lost. This is  one of   the two inscriptions which were indicated by Danio to the Neapolitan archaeologist Matteo Egizio in 1704 and later on edited by him (see n. 19). Mommsen confused this inscription with CIL X 215, claiming that the latter had been published by Egizio. See Falasca 2015: 95 and 117-119.

Q (uinto) Attio Curvae  / Restituto, Q (uinti) Atti filio,  / Baebia mater fecit. / Q uod filius matri debuit / facere, mater fecit / filio. To Q uintus Attius Curva Restitutus, son of  Q uintus Attius. His mother Baebia made this. What the son ought have made for his mother, his mother made for him. See n. 20 for another instance of   the rather rare cognomen Curva. The lament in lines 4-6 is  a  typical complaint about untimely death and the reversal of   roles in cases in which parents have to bury their children (see also n. 61). See Lattimore 1942: 187-191 and Laes 2004: 49 on this theme. 51. Gravestone by slave mother Posilla to her slave son Auctus CIL X 247 Gravestone seen by Mommsen. It belonged to the collection of   Giuseppe Nicola Roselli (see n.  46 and 67). Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 127. 130

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

Aucto, P(ubli) Gavi / ser(vo), v(ixit) annos XXV. / Posilla mater / fecit filio. To Auctus, slave of   Publius Gavus, who lived for 25 years. His mother Posilla made this for her son. Posilla is attested once as a slave name in Rome. See Solin 1996: 120, who mentions it as a variant for Pusilla (a name pointing to young age). 52. Gravestone by father Impetratus to his daughter Aurelia Hermione CIL X 248 Gravestone which is  said to have been placed at the entrance of   the garden of   Danio, which is now situated at the Via Giulio Cesare Giliberti. Only seen by Mommsen. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 97.

D(is) M(anibus).  / Aureliae Hermi/one, fil(iae) dulc(issimae),  / quae vix(it) an(nos)  / XIII m(enses) VII d(ies) VIIII.  / Impetra­ tus / pater / fil(iae) e(rexit). To the spirits of   the departed. To Aurelia Hermiona, his most sweet daughter who lived thirteen years, seven months and nine days. Father Impetratus set this up for his daughter. 131

GRUMENTUM

CIL mentions the depiction of  a jar for offering (urceus) as well as a bowl (patera). 7. fil(ia?)e Mommsen. All instances refer to Impetratus as a cognomen, never as a slave’s name (Solin, Salomies 1994: 344). Although he uses a  single name, father Impetratus was thus most probably not a slave and Aurelius could have been his nomen gentilicium. His daughter Aurelia Hermiona was surely of  free status. The names Aurelius/a point to the early third century ce. The term e(rexit) is quite rare for a simple gravestone, since it often supposes the construction of   a monument (altar, building, …). See however HEp 9, 431 for a  parallel: D(is) M(anibus)  / e(x) m(emoria) V(aleriae?)  / Afrae an/noru(m) XV / m(ater) e(rexit). 53. Gravestone by Bruttius Oriens to his wife Bruttia Apollonia CIL X 249 Manutius mentions this stone, and transcribed it without the division into four lines (Cod. Vat. Lat. 5327), though he had not seen the stone himself. The archpriest Giliberti in all likelihood sent the copy to Manutius after his visit to Saponara in the years 1570-1580. Also Roselli has seen the text, and copied the text in his manuscript. Mommsen in all likelihood never saw the stone, and only knew it from Roselli. See Falasca 2015: 128 and 135.

D(is) M(anibus).  / Brut[t]iae Apolloniae  / Bruttius Oriens  / coniugi b(ene) m(erenti) f(ecit). To the spirits of   the departed. Bruttius Oriens made this for his wife Bruttia Apollonia who well deserves it. 2. Brutiae Roselli and Manutius 2. Apoloniae Manutius 3. Brutias Manutius 4. Contugi Manutius, who also omitted the letter F. 132

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

In all likelihood, Bruttia Apollonia and Bruttius Oriens were a couple of   ex-slaves of   the important family of   the Bruttii (see introduction p. 34). The name Bruttius Oriens appears in the Vita Sancti Laverii 9: habito colloquio cum eminentis prudentiae viro Bruttio Oriente, consilium sumunt (Falasca 2012: 73). Therefore, the suggestion that archpriest Giliberti and Roselli made up the name (and the whole inscription) based on their knowledge of  the Vita should be taken into consideration (Falasca 2015: 135). See also n. 48 and 81 for similar cases of  ‘creativity’ by Roselli. 54. Fragmentary gravestone CIL X 250 Gravestone in the garden of   Danio, only seen by Mommsen. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 97.

- - -s]ib(i) et Deutero / [- - - fi]lio Primogeni / [- - -]iae, M(arci) l(ibertae), Tertiae fil(iae) - - -] for himself/herself  and for Deuter [- - -], for his son Primogenius (?); and for [- - -]ia Tertia, his/her daughter, freedwoman of  Marcus. The name Primigenius was very popular as a  slave name in the City of   Rome. Solin 1996: 116-119 mentions 86 records, but also indicates that the variant Primogenius is  well attested. For the name Deuter (rather than Deuterius or Deuterus), see Solin 1996: 503, also mostly a slave name.

133

GRUMENTUM

55. Gravestone for a thirty-year-old CIL X 251 Gravestone in the garden of   Danio. Only seen by Mommsen. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 98.

- - - - - -  / [- - -]erbamus(?) et  / Domitianus  / et Burtzi b(ene) m(erenti) f(e)c(erunt). / Q ui vixit an(nos) XXX. [- - -]erbamus (?) and Domitianus and Burtzi made this for [- - -], a person who well deserves it. He lived for thirty years. The names on this stone are puzzling. We know of  no single Latin name with an ending -erbamus or -erdamus. Also the name Burtzi is unknown, as well as Burtsi, if   one wishes to read the S as a letter s. However, a  place called Burzumi or Burzumon is  known from the Geographia Ravennatis 208, 3; 211, 8 or in Itinerarium Antonini 339 (Birziminium). It was a castle in Dalmatia, known as Bersumno, situated at the conjunction of   the rivers Morača and Zeta, between Spuž and Podgorica, in nowadays Montenegro. See Tomaschek 1897; Patsch 1897 and http://dare.ht.lu.se/ places/23273.html (seen August 2020). Again, this opens the possibility for a Balkan origin (see introduction p. 47-48).

134

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

56. Gravestone by a father to his son CIL X 252 Only mentioned by Roselli, and known by his manuscript, since he strangely enough never published the inscription. Mommsen never saw it. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 128.

D(is) M(anibus. / L(ucio) Fabricio Lu/cano, filio b(ene) m(erenti), / Fabricius Luca/nus pater fecit. / Q ui vixit annis / V, dies III. To the spirits of   the departed. To Lucius Fabricius Lucanus, his son who well deserves it, who lived for five years and three days. His father Fabricius Lucanus made this. Father and son are both free Roman citizens belonging to the gens Fabricia (for which see also n. 96). The well-attested cogno­ men Lucanus is not restricted to the region Lucania, and appears also outside Italia. See Kajanto 1965: 193. Note that also in this inscription, the word order is  grammatically a  bit confused, qui obviously not referring to pater, but to filio (see n. 42 and 57 for somewhat similar cases). 57. Gravestone by a wife to her husband CIL X 253 Gravestone which is  said to have been placed at the entrance of  the garden of  Danio (see n. 52). Seen by Mommsen. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 98. 135

GRUMENTUM

Felici co(n)iugi / Fortunata / et Renatus fil(ius) / be(ne) m(erenti) ff(ecerunt), / c(um) qua [v(ixit) / a(nnos) [- - -]. To her husband Felix. Fortunata and the son Renatus made this for him who well deserves it. He lived with her for [- - -] years. CIL mentions the iconographical presence of   a jar for offering (urceus) as well as a bowl (patera). Since only single names are used, this is in all likelihood a slave couple with a son. The names Felix, Fortunata and Renatus are indeed common as slave names. See Solin 1996: 86, 97 and 177. This is an inscription mentioning the duration of   marriage (see introduction p. 57). The grammar is flawed (see n. 42 and 56). We would expect to read cum quo, “with whom”, instead of  cum qua, since Fortunata is the grammatical subject and the dedicator. Apparently, the logic behind this formulation is that “Felix lived with her for [- - -] years” (as if   one would read Fortunata cum qua (Felix) vixit), perhaps caused by the fact that also the son Renatus is mentioned as dedicator and grammatical subject. The term coniunx usually designates a  legal marriage, but her refers to a slaves’ union (see n. 42, 58 and 69 for similar cases). 58. Gravestone by Prote to her husband CIL X 254 Mommsen saw the stone, near the main church, the so-called Chiesa Madre (see also n.  72). Nowadays it is  still there, built into in a wall. As it is so obvious to find, it is most probable that the stone was not there before 1790, when Roselli published his Sto­ria Grumentina. In  any case, Roselli never mentions the inscription. Cm 125.5  ×  62.2  ×  12 (the part that comes out 136

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

of   the wall). Letters cm  5.2-4.4. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane and Laes, August 2012. Already in Mommsen’s time, some parts of   the stone were barely legible – a situation which has deteriorated now. Our  close autopsy revealed some new readings. See also Falasca 2015: 89-90; 108 and 144-146.

D(is) M(anibus) s(acrum). / Ferullo Fabuci (?) / qui vixit annos / XXXIII, mens(ibus) XI,  / fecit Prote co(n)/iugi b(ene) m(erenti), cum quo / vixit annis VIII, / mensib(us) VIII. Dedicated to the spirits of   the departed. To Ferullus son of   (?) Fabucius, who lived for 33 years and 11 months. Prote made this for her husband who well deserves it, with whom she lived for eight years and eight months. 2. Fabul(lo) Falasca 3. annis Mommsen and Falasca. This is  the only instance of   the name Ferullus. Both Kajanto 1965: 128 and 268 (who considers it as derived from the word ferus, indicating temper of   character) and Solin, Salomies 1994: 331 consider it as a  cognomen. Also the name Fabucius is extremely rare; as a  cognomen we only know a  free woman Sit­tia L(ucii) f(ilia) Fabucia from Cirta in Numidia (CIL VIII 7771). Other cognomina as Fabacius, Fabarius, Fabulus come to the mind (Solin, Salomies 1994: 328). It is possible that both the son Fe­rullus and father Fabucius are mentioned by their cognomen. 137

GRUMENTUM

Since the name Prote points to Greek origin (Solin 2003: 1122), the most plausible scenario is a union of  a free citizen to a woman without citizenship, which is  represented as a  legal marriage by the wording coniugi (see n. 42, 57 and 69 for similar instances in the case of  a slave union). 59. Gravestone by Fortunata to her son Decimus CIL X 255 Only known by the manuscript from Roselli. Mommsen never saw the stone himself. See Falasca 2015: 128.

Fortunata / Decim{i}o, fil/io bene / me[re]n/ti, fecit et / - - - - - Fortunata made this for her son Decimus who well deserves it and [- - -] 2. Decimio Roselli Fortunata is  a  very common slave name (Solin 1996: 97-98). However, the very common nomen gentilicium Decimius never occurs as a slave name (Solin, Salomies 1994: 67). It is thus likely that Roselli misread. We therefore propose to read Decimo, Decimus being a praenomen which was commonly used as a slave name (Solin 1996: 3). 60. Gravestone by Fundania Gallitana to her husband Bruttius Maximus CIL X 256 Mommsen indicates that this was one of   the so-called cupae lucanae, which he called columnae formae Lucanae (see Buono138

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

pane, Chelotti 2018). The stone was seen by him in the garden of  Danio, but is now lost. See Falasca 2015: 98.

D(is) M(anibus).  / Fundania  / Gallitana  / Bruttio M/aximino, co(n)i(ugi)  / b(ene) m(erenti), f(ecit), cum qu/o vix(it) ann(os) / IIII et ipse vix(it) / ann(os) XXVII. To the spirits of   the departed. Fundania Gallitana made this for her husband Bruttius Maximinus who well deserves it. She lived with him for four years; he himself  lived for 27 years. This is  again an attestation of   a quite early age of   marriage for a man. For a similar situation, see n. 42, including the somewhat strange grammatical use of   the pronoun in line 8. For the gens Bruttia, see introduction p. 34.

139

GRUMENTUM

61. Gravestone by Multasia Aequitas to her son Gemellus CIL X 257 Only known by a manuscript from Roselli. Mommsen indicates it as ‘suspect’, though he points to a very similar wording in CIL X 246 (see n. 50). Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 128.

Gemello / Minici Croci (servo), / Multasia Aequitâs. / Mater fil(io) quod / fil(ius) matri facere / debuit. V(ixit) an(nos) XV. Multasia Aequitas to Gemellus, slave of   Minicius Crocius. The mother did for her son what the son had to do for his mother. He lived for 15 years. 3. Note the letter T which is carved above the letter A. The name Multasia is  very rare. Besides this example, we only know a  freed couple Multasius Felix and the nutrix Multasia Felicitas from Urbs Salvia in Picenum (CIL IX 5552). Also the gentilicium Crocius is rare. See Solin, Salomies 1994: 64 who only offer one instance from Praeneste. Minicius Crocius is a double gentilicium (AE 1998 608 for a woman named Minicia Crocinis). It seems likely that mother Multasia Aequitas was a freed slave, while her son still was in slavery. For similar wording about the reversal of  the natural order, see n. 50.

140

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

62. Gravestone by slave parents Geminus and Victorina to their little son Geminus CIL X 258 Caputi edited the inscription in Risorgimento Lucano, 27 August 1874 and informed Kaibel. Already in 1883, Mommsen mentioned that the stone was lost. See Falasca 2015: 128-129.

Gemino, fidelis/simae memori/ae et inconpa/rabili dulcissim/o filio b(ene) m(erenti) f(ecerunt) Ge/minus et Victo/rina. Q (ui) v(ixit) a(nnos) IIII, / mens(es) VIIII, d(ies) XVIII. To Geminus, whom they remember as very attached, their very sweet son to whom nobody compares and who well deserves it. Geminus and Victorina made this for their son who lived for four years, nine months and eighteen days. 1, 2, 4, 5 and 7. Note the ivy leafs as interpuncts, and the letter I carved above the letters L and R. For the relatively frequent slave names Geminus and Victorina, see Solin 1996: 101 and 119. The abundant use of   epitheta for the deceased little son is remarkable, though many prose inscriptions emphasise parental grief  by the use of   such epithets. See Sigismund Nielsen 1997 and 2001.

141

GRUMENTUM

63. Gravestone by heirs CIL X 259 Gravestone in the garden of   Danio, seen by Mommsen. Also Roselli had seen the stone, though he does not mention where it was. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 96.

P(ublio) Lapilla[no], / Phi[- - -]/ Lapillana[e - - -], / heredes [- - -] / arbitra[tu - - -]. To Publius Lapillanus Phi[- - -] and Lapillana - - -, the heirs - - -, by the judgment of  - - 1. Lapilla[nus EDCL The name Lapillanus (if   that is the correct reading) only occurs here. A pagus Lapillanus is attested in Cassinum (CIL X 5172). See Solin 1993: 375. Both the endings -anus and -anius exist to denote the origin of  a place (Schulze 1904: 531). The name Lapillanius is attested in CIL VI 33545 (Solin, Salomies 1994: 101), but the combination with Lapillana in line 3 makes Lapillanus a more likely reading. 64. Gravestone by a brother (and by a colleague?) to his brother CIL X 260; EE VIII, 268; Falasca 2015: 129; EDCS11400346 Mommsen only knew the inscription from the manuscript by Roselli. He identifies it with another almost identical copy by Roselli, in which the first two lines are not transcribed. Then, in 1899, Mommsen and his collaborators inserted in EE a  new reading, based on the manuscript of   Sebastiano Paoli, edited by Racioppi 1884: 668. Now lost. 142

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

D(is) M(anibus). / Libera/li, qui vi(xit) / an(nos) XXXX, m(enses) / V, / collega / et fra/ter b(ene) m(erenti) f(ecit/ecerunt?). To the spirits of  the departed. To Liberalis, who lived for 40 years and 5 months. His brother and collega made this for him who well deserves it. (or: His brother and a collega …) 4. m(enses) V CIL 6. f(ecerunt) EDCS From the abbreviation f  it is  impossible to know whether the collega and the frater were one and the same person. The term collega points to belonging to a  collegium. See  Verboven 2011. Liberalis is well attested as a slave’s name (Solin 1996: 79). Most likely, both brothers were slave members of a collegium. 65. Magius Myrtilus commemorating his wife? CIL X 261 In the garden of   Danio, seen by Mommsen. Now lost. Edited by Caputi in in Risorgimento Lucano, 27 August 1874. See Falasca 2015: 98 and 142.

L(ucius) Magius Myrtilu[s] / l(ibens) fecit. Lucius Magius Myrtilus set this up willingly. 143

GRUMENTUM

Only by the indication that the head of   a woman (caput muli­ eris) was depicted above the text, we can conjecture that this was a  gravestone by a  husband to his wife. Myrtilus is  well attested as a  cognomen (Solin 2003: 1179-1180). Lucius Magius Myrtilus may have been freeborn or freed, since Myrtilus also exists as a slave’s name (Solin 1996: 519-520). See n. 30 for another inscription mentioning Lucius Magius Myrtillus. 66. Gravestone by parents to their adolescent son Marcus CIL X 262 Seen by Mommsen, in the collection of  Paolo Roselli. Mommsen mentions the poor quality of   the letters, though they were intelligible (litteris minime bonis, sed evidentibus). Also seen by von Brunn. Falasca rediscovered the stone in 1996 in Via Carlo Danio n° 22, built in the little wall of   the landing of   the staircase which lead to the garden below the house. Inscription n. 44 was on the same spot, next to this stone. See Falasca 2015: 129 and 140-141 (with photo). Cm 53 × 37.2. Letters cm 5-2.8. Autopsy by Buo­ no­pane and Laes, August 2012.

D(is) M(anibus). / Marco pate(r) / et Arria mat(er) / filio benem/ erenti fec(erunt), qu(i) / vix(it) annis XVIII. To the spirits of   the departed. The father and the mother Arria made this (grave) for their son Marcus, who well deserves it; he lived for eighteen years. 2. pat(er) L CIL; L(ucius) Falasca, though it is  rather unlikely that the father would only mention his praenomen. 144

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

Mommsen supposedly understood the letter L after the word pat(er) as l(ibens), as in n. 65, pointing to the father’s willingness to erect the stone. Our new autopsy revealed the reading E, so that we may presume the abbreviation pate(r). The father might have omitted his name, since it was the same as that of   his son, Marcus. Arria is  the feminine form of   the frequently attested nomen gentilicium Arrius (Solin, Salomies 1994: 22), so that it is  highly unlikely that this would be a  slave family, with each member using a single name. 67. Gravestone by Papiria Stabilita to her adolescent son CIL X 263 Seen by Mommsen, in the collection of   Giuseppe Nicola Roselli (see also n. 46 and 51). Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 129.

D(is) M(anibus). / Numerio fl {i}/io benemer/enti Papira Sta/bilita fecit, q(ui) vi/xit an(nos) XVIII men/sum (!) sex. To the spirits of   the departed. To her son Numerius who well deserves it. He lived for 18 years and six months. Papiria Stabilita made this. Note the errors by the stone cutter: the changing of  the letters  l and i in the second line, and the left out letter i for the name Papi­ ria. Also the grammar is  inconsequent: the genitive plural men­ sum frequently occurs as a variant form for mensium, but the use of the case stands in contrast with the grammatically correct accusative an(nos) or the ablative an(nis). Obviously, it is possible that the carver or the dedicator had the incorrect qui vixit ann(orum) XVIII in mind, with again a genetive. For the name Stabilita, see n. 74 and Kajanto 1965: 259. 145

GRUMENTUM

68. Gravestone to the slave Philargyrus CIL X 264 In the garden of  Danio, seen by Mommsen. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 98.

Philargyro, / Mari Bassi / ser(vo). To Philargyrus, slave of  Marius Bassus. The name Philargyrus being very common (Solin 2003: 815-818) it is not possible to posit a link between this slave and the freed minister of  the Lares (see n. 5). 69. Gravestone by Pieris to her husband CIL X 265 Found in 1868, near the San Laverio church, at the east bank of   the Sciaura river, and consequently edited by Caputi in Risor­ gimento Lucano, 27 August 1874, who sent his copy to Iannelli and Kaibel. Already in 1883, Mommsen reported that the stone was lost. See Falasca 2015: 130.

- - - - - -]  / coniug[i]  / Piaeris  / b(ene) m(erenti) f(ecit),  / q(ui) b(ixit) an(nos) / XXX. [- - -] Piaeris made this for her husband who well deserves it. He lived for thirty years. 146

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

As Piaeris is a slave’s name, this is again an instance of   a couple of   slaves who use the vocabulary of   legal marriage (see n. 42, 57 and 58). While the name Pieris is  common (Solin 2003: 644645), the variant Piaeris only occurs in CIL VI 10865 and 27602. Linguistically, this inscription shows the confusion of   the initial b with v, which already occurs from the first century ce on (see n. 25, 33, 80, and 82). See also Väänänen 1981: 50-51. 70. Two fragments of  a building inscription? CIL X 266; Falasca 2015: 130 Mommsen, who did not see the inscription, mentions that the stone belonged to the vineyard of   Monaco. It was seen and copied by Roselli and von Brunn (both of   whom did not indicate where they saw the stone), and edited by Caputi in Risorgimento Lucano, 17 September 1874 (who mentioned the vineyard of  Monaco). This piece can be linked to another fragment, never published before, which is located in the courtyard of  the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta  Val d’Agri. In  fact, both fragments are now preserved at this place, with no inventory number assigned. Fragment a): cm  19.5  ×  43  ×  41.5; fragment b): cm 20.5 × 40.5 × 37.5. Letters cm 7. Autopsy by Buonopane and Laes, August 2012.

- - - - - - / Cn(aeus) Pin[arius? - - - aed]ifican[dum curavit? - - -] [- - -] Cnaeus Pinarius had this monument built 1. Pi[narius?] Roselli, but a trace of   the letter N is visible on the stone These fragments might be linked with the following inscription (n.  71), which makes the name Pin[arius] plausible. The patrician gens Pinaria is  mentioned by Plutarch and Livy. Although he never saw n. 71, Roselli already suggested reading Pi[narius]. 147

GRUMENTUM

71. Gravestone by Pinarius Callitanus to his daughter Pinaria Marcella CIL X 267 The stone belonged to the estate of   a certain Pasquale Alberti, in the region of  the San Laverio church, at the left river bank of  the Sciaura river. Caputi edited it in Risorgimento Lucano, 17 September 1874 and sent his copy to Kaibel and to Iannelli. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 130.

D(is) M(anibus). / Pinaria[e] / Marcella[e] / Pinarius / Callita­ nus / filiae b(ene) m(erenti) / f(ecit). V(ixit) a(nnos) XXX. To the spirits of   the departed. To Pinaria Marcella, his daughter who well deserves it. She lived for thirty years. Her father Pinarius Callitanus made this. CIL mentions the iconographical presence of   a jar for offering (urceus) on the left side and a bowl (patera) on the right side. For Italy, the nomen gentilicium Pinarius is more confined to the North and the City of   Rome, though it is  also attested in the provinces (see also n. 70). See Schulze 1904: 366. 72. Gravestone by Q uintilianus to his son Q uintilius who had served in the military CIL X 268; AE 1928 41; Cantacuzène 1928a and b; EDCS11400354 Mommsen saw the stone, near the main church, the so-called Chiesa Madre. He mentions its very difficult reading. Today, 148

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

the stone is  still on the same place, built into in a  wall, with cm 125.5 × 62.2. The letters are between cm 4.5 and 5.2 height. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane and Laes, August 2012. Unfortunately, it proved impossible to take a picture from the right angle and with sufficient light. The stone is  an inscribed monolithic cupa, with a semi-cylindrical shape. See Falasca 2015: 90 and 108-109 (who still mentions the stone as lost). See also n. 58.

D(is) M(anibus). / Q uintilio / filio, ex n(umero) e/cq(uitum) (!) de sexta / Dalmata, / q(ui) v(ixit) a(nnos) XXXI. Q uint/ilia[n]us pate[r] / b(ene) f(ecit) m(erenti). To the spirits of  the departed. Father Q uintilianus made this for his son Q uintilius, who well deserves it, who participated in the cavalry unit of  the sixth Dalmatian vexillatio. He lived for 31 years. 8. m(emoriam) EDCS Mommsen was convinced that lines 4-5 contained the name of   Q uintilius’ mother, Sexta Dalmata. However, this reading has been rightfully rejected a long time ago (Cantacuzène 1928a and b). The reading ecques for eques may be explained by evolutions as equs and ecus for equus, as documented from the second half  of   the third century ce on (Väänänen 1981: 51). The combination of   the wording qui vixit annos and bene merenti fecit is  attested in other cupae found in the neighbourhood of   Grumentum (as CIL X 188 from Viggiano or a recently edited cupa from the same locality, see Buo­no­pane 2013: 243-244). The equites Dalmatae were ethnic units (numeri), first known under 149

GRUMENTUM

Emperor Gallienus (253-268). They were probably not named after their national origin, but after the province where the emperor stationed them as readily available force (see Speidel 1975: 225-226). The sixth unit of   the Dalmatae is only attested in this inscription (see Southern 1989). This is again an indication for a possible Balkan connection (see introduction p. 47-48). 73. Gravestone CIL X 269 In the garden of   Danio, seen by Mommsen. Also Roselli saw the stone, but he does not specify where it was. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 96.

Rufae / [- - -]anni have./ - - - - - To Rufa, of  [- - -]annus/ to Rufa. Farewell! Roselli rather fancifully supposed that this inscription contained a salutation to the dead which was repeated three times (“saluto ai moribondi ripetuto 3 volte”).

150

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

74. Gravestone by Stabilita to her mother Agele CIL X 270; ILCV 950 In the garden of  Danio, seen by Mommsen. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 99.

Stabili/ta matri  / beneme/re(n)ti fecit  / Agileni,  / que visit an(nos) / L. Stabilita to her mother Agele, who well deserves it. She lived for fifty years. 1 and 7. Note the remarkable tail of  the L. The name Stabilita is too common to establish a certain connection with Papiria Stabilita who set up a gravestone for her adolescent son (n. 67). Agileni is a dative of   the name Agele, a well attested name. However, the form Agileni, with the letter i, is rare, as it only appears in ICUR 1278 and NSA 1923, 362. See Solin 2003: 1275-1276. The orthography points to the third century: confusion between quae and que and visit instead of  vixit (the latter frequent in inscriptions). See Väänänen 1981: 38, 65.

75. Fragment of  a gravestone CIL X 271 In the garden of   Danio, seen by Mommsen. Now lost. Also Roselli had seen the stone, but he does not specify where it was. See Falasca 2015: 96. 151

GRUMENTUM

[- - -]o C(ai) l(iberto) Tarulae, / [- - -]l(ibertae) Tertiae, / [- - -] P(ubli) (iberto) Montano. To [- - -] Tarula, freedman of  Caius, to [- - -] Tertia, freedwoman of? / [- - -] to Montanus, freedman of  Publius. The nomen gentilicium Montanus is  attested, but frequently exchanged with the form Montanius (Solin, Salomies 1994: 121). Here is  appears as a  cognomen (see also n.  47). Tarula is  known as a  male cognomen (see CIL VI 18220 for the name C(aius) Flavius C(ai) l(ibertus) Tarula). The emendation of   the erroneous E in line 3 to L makes it likely that three freed persons are commemorated here. 76. Fragment of  a gravestone CIL X 272 In the garden of  Danio, seen by Mommsen. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 99.

[- - -]tilliae [- - -] / [- - -] Lurchillae Ca[- - -] The name Lurchilla only appears in this inscription. 77. Gravestone for a freedwoman CIL X 273 The stone belonged to the house of   Ludovico De Cilla. It was edited by Caputi in Risorgimento Lucano, 27 August, 1874 and the apograph was sent to Kaibel. Falasca did not succeed in iden152

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

tifying the exact location of   this house. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 131.

Titiae, P(ubli) l(ibertae), / Chionissae. To Titia Chionissa, freedwoman of  Publius. Though the name Chione is well attested (Solin 2003: 607 and 649), this is the only instance of  the use of  the name Chionissa. 78. Gravestone for freedwoman Philelma, by a collibertus CIL X 274 The stone was only seen by Roselli, from whom two apographs are known. Roselli did not specify the location. The text as presented in CIL is the reading by Mommsen, who apparently never saw the stone. He combined the most probable readings from the first and the second Roselli transcription (Roselli I and II in the apparatus), which only survived in manuscript form. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 131.

Vettia, Cn(aei) l(iberta), Philelma, / vixsit a(nnos) XXV. Cn(aeus) Vettius / Anteros / collib(ertus) de s(uo) f(aciendum) c(uravit). Vettia Philelma, freedwoman of   Cnaeus, lived for 25 years. Cnaeus Vetttius Anteros, a fellow freedman set this up from his own means. 1. Vesta Cna Philelma Roselli II 2. vixit an Roselli II; Envettius Roselli II 3. Arieros Roselli I 4. collib de s c Roselli I While the name Anteros is  very frequent (Solin 2003: 132133 lists no less than 190 instances, 136 surely stemming from 153

GRUMENTUM

a slaves’ or freedmen’s context), the name Philelma only appears here. The name Philema is well attested (Solin 2003: 1347). For the form vixsit, see Väänänen 1981: 65 and supra n. 74. 79. Gravestone by freedwoman Vibiaedia Aria, to husband Avidius Paederos CIL X 275; EDCS11400361 Again, this stone was only seen by Roselli, who made two apographs. Roselli did not specify the location. The text as presented in CIL is  a  combination made by Mommsen out of   the most probable readings from the first and the second Roselli transcription (Roselli  I and II in the apparatus), which only survived in manuscript form. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 131.

Vibiedia, D(ecimi) l(iberta), Aria sibi et C(aio) Avi/dio Paed[e]­ roti, con(iugi) b(ene) m(erenti), f(ecit). Vibiedia Aria, freedwoman of  Decimus, made this for herself  and for Caius Avidius Paederos, her husband, who well deserves it. 1. Vibiedia D L without mentioning the cognomen Roselli I; Vibie­ dadlaria Roselli  II; et e Roselli  I 2. Pedroti Roselli  I Paedroti Roselli II; contubernali benemerenti fecit Roselli II; con(liberto) EDCS. The cognomen Paederos is frequent (Solin 2003: 132-133). While the nomen gentilicium Vibedius is well attested (see n. 80 and 104), a  freed couple named Vibiedius and Vibiedia only occurs in an inscription from Amiternum (SupplIt 9, 170 and AE 1992, 494). While the abbreviation con might be understood as conliberto (to her fellow freedman), coniugi (to her husband) is a much more likely solution, since both names exclude the possibility that Aria and Paederos were freed by the same patron.

154

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

80. Gravestone by Vivedia Silvana to her husband Vivedius Velicus CIL X 276; Simelon 1993: 77, n. 8 Seen by Mommsen in the house of   Paolo Roselli. Later on, also von Brunn saw the inscription. Falasca rediscovered the stone in 1996 in Via Carlo Danio n° 22, built in the little wall of   the landing of   the staircase which leads to the garden below the house. Inscription n. 66 was on the same spot, next to this stone. Cm 55 × 37.5. Letters 5.8-3. See Falasca 2015: 131 and 138-139 (with photo). Autopsy by Laes and Buonopane, August 2012.

T(ito) Vivedio  Vel/ico Vivedia S/ilvana, co(n)iu/gi be(ne) m(e­ renti), f(ecit), / c(um) q(uo) v(ixit) an(nos) / XVI. Vivedia Silvana made this for Titus  Vivedius Vellicus, her husband who well deserves it, with whom she lived for sixteen years. 2. T(ito) Vivedio Falasca, who rightly interpretes the ┴ between the first and the second line as an overturned letter T. Mommsen preferred to see it as the letter L needed for the name Vel/lico. 6. XV Mommsen, clearly mistakenly. This is  another instance of   the name Vibedius/a (see n.  79 and 104), with changing of  the letter b into v (Väänänen 1981: 50-51). Since husband and wife share the same name, it is likely that they were both slaves freed by the same master. The cognomen Vellicus might be Iberian or Celtic (see Holder 1916: 152 s.v. Vellica and 153 s.v. Vellicus). Alternatively, it may be a variant for the Latin 155

GRUMENTUM

cognomen Bellicus. In  the latter form, it is  again a  name which might point to a Balkan connection (see introduction p. 47-48, and see Ferjančič 2009: 109 on Marcus Aurelius Vellicus, recipient of  a diploma militare in Sohače in the year 236). 81. Gravestone by Praetumeus Chrestillus to his wife Dicilla Lucilla CIL X 277 Only known from a manuscript by Roselli. Mommsen changed the distribution in lines as presented by Roselli, and corrected some readings. He considers the text as badly edited (corrupta), but not as a fake. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 131 and 136.

Dicillae / Lucillae, / quae vixit / annis XL. Prae/tumeus Chres/ tillus coniugi / b(ene) m(erenti) f(ecit). To Dicilla Lucilla, who lived for forty years. Praetumeus Chrestillus made this for his wife who well deserves it. 3. que Roselli 5. tumeius Falasca 6. tilius Roselli. The name Chrestillus is  rare. Apart from this inscription, we only know CIL VI 34827 (Solin 2003: 1009). Moreover, Praetumeus is only attested here, and is treated as a ‘suspect’ nomen gentilicium by Kajanto 1965: 143 (Falasca’s reading Praetumeius does not appear on any inscription either). Also the name Dicilla is only attested on this inscription. Tellingly, the names Dicillia Lucilla and Pactumeius Cristillus appear as a couple in the Vita Sancti Laverii 7: corpus vero Beati Laverii a Dicilla Lucilla nobili foemina cum viro suo Pactumeio Cristillo (Falasca 2012: 70). See 156

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

n. 34 and 89 for the name Pactumeius. Taking into account the passage from the Vita, the possibility that Roselli made up this name (and the whole inscription) based on his knowledge of   the Vita should be considered (Falasca 2015: 135). See also n. 48 and 53 for similar cases. 82. Gravestone to a mother by her childeren Felicio and Octaviana CIL X 278 Only known from a manuscript by Roselli. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 131-132.

D(is) M(anibus). / [Agat]heni(?) matri Felicao(!) / et Octabiana(!) b(ene) m(erenti) f(ecerunt). To the spirits of   the departed. To their mother Agathe (?). Felicio and Octaviana made this for her who well deserves it. 2. [Agat]heni(?) matri Felicio Mommsen, but apparently there was no place for four letters on the stone. Another solution would be Heni instead of Heleni, dative of Helene, a female slave name well attested (Solin 2003: 538-541). Both the children Felicio and Octaviana and the mother Agathe were probably slaves. Agathaeni (CIL VI 11234) and Agatheni (CIL VI 4408) are rare dative forms of   the name Agathe (Solin: 1996: 407-408), but this reading is  only acceptable if   one presumes that parts of the stone are missing, which Roselli does not indicate in his manuscript. Felicao is in all likelihood a mistake for Felicio. It is most probably a male name, though in CIL VI 11536 it occurs as a  female name Ambivia P. l. Felicio (Solin 1996: 93). In the name Octabiana, this inscription shows again (see n.  25, 33, 69 and 80) the confusion of   the b with the v (Väänänen 1981: 50-51).

157

GRUMENTUM

83. Fragment of  gravestone CIL X 281 Near the San Laverio church. Only known by a copy by Brunn. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 132.

- - - - - - / [- - -]ES / [- - -]EL / [- - -]FRO / [- - - c]o(n)iugi - - -]ES / [- - -]EL / [- - -]FRO / [- - -] to his wife/ to her husband 84. Gravestone by a wife to her husband CIL X 282 Gravestone in the garden of  Danio, seen by Mommsen. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 99.

[- - -] / marito be/nemerenti. / V(ixit) annos LIX. To her husband, who well deserves it. He lived for 59 years. 85. Gravestone by Helion and Hilaria to their young son Helion CIL X 8094 Also this inscription was published for the first time by Fiorelli in Notizie degli Scavi from 1877, after indication by Caputi. It is 158

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

said to have been found close to n. 23, and is now lost. See Falasca 2015: 132.

D(is) M(anibus).  / Helioni  / Helion pater  / et Hilaria mater,  / parentes, f(ilio) / fec(erunt). / V(ixit) a(nnos) IIII, / men(ses) II. To the spirits of  the departed. Father Helion and mother Hilaria, the parents, made this for their son Helion, who lived for four years and two months. The use of   three single names in all likelihood points to slave origin. The ‘pure’ Greek form Helion is a rather rare occurrence (see Solin 2003: 401 – suggesting that ICUR 13552 might also point to the name Aelio), while the form Helius is much more in use (Solin 2003: 399-400). For another possible example of   the name Helion in Regio III, see Paestum 72.

159

GRUMENTUM

86. Gravestone for a minister Larum Augustorum EE 8, 1, 269; EDCS34300278 The stone was first copied and edited by Paoli, who found it in the garden of   Danio. Then, in 1899, without autopsy Mommsen and his collaborators inserted it in EE, based on the manuscript of  Sebastiano Paoli, edited by Racioppi 1884: 667. Now lost.

Q (uinto) Vibiedio / Philarg[y]r[o], / ministr(o) Lar(um) Aug(ustorum),  / August(ali) Merc(uriali),  / Eusebi(us) et  / pater fec(erunt). To Q uintus  Vibiedius Philargyrus, minister of   the Lares of   the Emperors and Augustalis Mercurialis. Eusebius and his father made this. 3-4. minist(e)r Lar(um) Aug(us­to­rum)  / August(alis) Merc(urialis) EDCS. The freedman Q uintus  Vibiedius Philargyrus is  also mentioned in a dedication to Silvanus. For a full commentary, see n. 5, and introduction p. 43-45. Mommsen suggested that Eusebius and his father belonged to the funerary collegium of   the Eusebii. Probably, also the father bore the name Eusebius. 87. Gravestone by Volumnius Pothinus (?) to his sister (?) Attia Vitalis EE 8, 1, 270 The stone was first copied and edited by Paoli, who found it in the garden of  Danio. Then, in 1899, without autopsy Mommsen and his collaborators inserted it in EE, based on the manu160

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

script of   Sebastiano Paoli, edited by Racioppi 1884: 666. It is now lost.

4. Pothilius EE Attiae / Vitalidi / Volum/nius Pothi[n]us / sorori / b(ene) m(erenti) f(ecit). Volumnius Pothinus (?) made this for his sister Attia Vitalis who well deserves it. The editors of   EE suggested the reading Pothinus, a quite common cognomen, instead of the unattested Pothilius. Another possibility might be Potinius, found in CIL VIII 26291. Vitalis rarely appears as a  female cognomen (see AE 1996 363 from Anagni for Iulia Vitalis). Brother and sister do not bear the same nomen. They might have been stepbrother and stepsister, or they might have undertaken the condicio nominis ferendi, importing the names of  connections (see Salway 1994: 133).

161

GRUMENTUM

88. Gravestone by Nome (?) to her daughter (?) EE 8, 1, 271; EDCS34300280 Racioppi 1884: 669 mentions his finding of   the inscription: the stone was part of   a trough for beasts of   burden, near the house which belonged to a gentleman named De Cunto. Then, in 1899, without autopsy Mommsen and his collaborators inserted it in EE. It is now lost.

- - - - - - / [- - - filiae?] / [in]felicissima[e - - -] / [- - -] Nome mater [- - -] / qu(a)e vixit an(nos) XX[- - -] / dies XV[- - -] / - - - - - - . [- - -] her most unfortunate daughter, [- - -] mother Nome [made this?]. She lived for 20 + years and 15 + days. 3. [- - -]nome EDCS The name Nome is  attested. Solin 1996: 564 mentions five records of  this name.

89. Gravestone for Pactumeia Gemina NotSc 1897: 181 Two recomposed fragments of   a marble slab lacking the lower right corner. No information about where and when it was discovered is  recorded. From the municipal library of   Grumento Nova it was brought to the Perrone collection, and from there to the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale di Reggio Calabria, where it is currently preserved (no inventory number assigned). Cm  40  ×  72.5  ×  4.5. Letters cm  7-4. Published by Patroni in NotSc 1897: 181 and then by Costabile, Lazzarini 1987: 154, n. 8 and Falasca 2015: 150-151, n. 10. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane 2011. 162

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

Pactumeiae / P(ubli) f(iliae) Geminae. // L(ucio) [- - -] / - - - - - To Pactumeia Gemina, daughter of  Publius. // To Lucius… The name Pactumeius is documented in Grumentum (see n. 34 and 81), whereas Gemina is  a  very common name (Solin, Salo­ mies 1994: 338). In the second fragment, the letter L might be the praenomen of  an individual, whose full name appeared in another column flanking the surviving text. From the shape of   the letters the text can be dated to the first century ce.

163

GRUMENTUM

90. Gravestone for M. Servilius NotSc 1897: 182 Stele made of   local limestone lacking the inferior part. It is surmounted by a triangular gable, within which a flower with four petals was carved. It was discovered in 1897, and was apparently reused in a wall enclosing the garden which had belonged to the canon Giuseppe Maria Ciaramelli in present-day Vico  II Garibaldi, where it is  still preserved. Cm  40.5  ×  37.5  ×  19. Letters cm 5.6-4; punctuation symbols in the shapes of   both circles and “commas”. Published by Patroni in NotSc 1897: 182 and then by Falasca 2015: 137-138, n. 1. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane 2015.

M. Servilio / (mulieris) l(iberto) Homer(o) / - - - - - -. To Marcus Servilius Homerus, a woman’s freedman [- - -]. Both the family name Servilius (Solin, Salomies 1994: 169) and the uncommon cognomen Homerus (Solin 2003: 260) are for the first time documented in this region. From its typology and the shape of the letters, the monument can be dated to the first century ce. 91. Gravestone for Furia Faustina by her son-in-law NotSc 1901: 25-26 Funerary monument of    unknwon typology, perhaps a  cupa lucana. In the first publication, the letters are described as “cattive (…) e di tempi tardi”. The stone was discovered together with 164

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

n. 92 in Viggiano in 1901, in the property of   Valentino Labanca among the rests of   an ancient building, possibly a  villa rustica. Now lost.

Fur(iae) Faustine, (!)  / socre (!), Fur(ius) Ru/finianus b(ene) m(eren)t(i), / qu(a)e vixit an(nos) LXX. Furius Rufinianus to Furia Faustina, his well-deserving motherin-law, who lived for 70 years. 2-3. Rufininus NotSc, but this cognomen is  not otherwise documented; it might be an erroneous transcription of   the common personal name Rufinianus. Furius is a very common gentilicium (Solin, Salomies 1994: 84), and so are the cognomina Faustina and Rufinianus (Solin, Salomies 1994: 329, 323). It is interesting to note the popular form soc(e)ra, which is influenced by the masculine word socrus, where the e is dropped. Note also the monophthongization of   the diphthong ae in e. Based on onomastics and linguistic peculiarities, the inscription is datable to a period between the third and fourth century ce.

92. Gravestone for two magistri Mercuriales Augustales and for the mother of  one of  them NotSc 1901: 25-26; AE 1901 173; AE 1927 13; Braito 2016: 304305 Slab made of   local limestone. It had a  curved shape, for it was originally part of   a funerary monument with a  circular plan. The slab was discovered in Viggiano in 1901, in the property of  Valentino Labanca together with n.  91, but is  now lost. Cm 142 × 58. In AE 1927 13 it is erroneously reported that the stone was found in Potenza. 165

GRUMENTUM

Titius P(ubli) l(ibertus) Nicephor,  / mag(ister) Merc(urialis) Aug(ustalis), sibi et / M(arco) Picacilio (mulieris) l(iberto) Philar­ gy[ro],  / mag(istro) Merc(uriali) Aug(ustali), et  / Titiae P(ubli) l(ibertae) Philemationi, matr[i]. Titius Nicephor, freedman of  Publius, magister Mercurialis Augus­ talis, (made this monument) for himself  and for Marcus Picacilius Philargyrus, freedman of   a woman, magister Mercurialis Augustalis, and for Titia Philemation, freedwoman of   Publius, his mother. 1. Nicephor[us] AE, but the addition is unnecessary. On the magistri Mercuriales Augustales, see introduction p. 43-45. Unlike Picacilius (Solin, Salomies 1994: 143), which is  here recorded for the first time, the gentilicium Titius appears also in n. 28 and 40. The three Greek cognomina Nicephor, Philargyrus and Philemation are quite common (Solin 2003: 125-129, 142, 156). It is hard to know how Titius Nicephor was related to the other two individuals. Philemation was perhaps his mother: both mother and son were freed by a  master Publius. Maybe Philargyrus was a colleague of  his in the collegium. The monument can be dated to the first or second century ce from its typology and the shape of  the letters. 93. Gravestone of  C. Allidius Choroebus, Aug(ustalium) Herc(ulaneorum) mag(ister) Ramagli 1962: 93; AE 1998 383 Marble slab preserved in its entirety and slightly chipped. Findspot and date of  discovery are unknown. It is stored in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta  Val d’Agri (inv. no.  266466). Cm  28  ×  58.5  ×  8. Letters cm  7-4. Published by Munzi 1997: 184. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane 2011. 166

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

C.  Allidio (!) Choroebo (!)  / Aug(ustalium) Herc(ulaneorum) mag(ister), sibi et / Eppiae Rhodines (!) contuber(nali) / suae. Gaius Allidius Choroebus, magister of  the Augustales Herculanei, for himself  and his partner Eppia Rhodines. On the Augustales Herculanei see p.  43-45 in the introduction. The gentilicium Allidius is also documented in n. 37, whereas the cognomen Choroebus is  here recorded for the first time. As  for the woman, the gens Eppia is  attested in Potenza (CIL X 132) and Rhodine is a very common personal name (Solin 2003: 690). Note the confusion of cases in this inscription. For the apparent dative C. Allidio Choroebo, we would expect nominative C. Allidius Choroebus, while the genitive Rhodines is in error for the dative Rhodine. The Greek cognomina and the use of  the word contubernalis (on which see Tramunto 2009) might indicate that Choroebus and Rhodine were ex-slaves (see also n. 28 and 40). From the content of   the text and the shape of   the letters, the monument can be dated to the second century ce. 94. Gravestone for a nutritus AE 1998 390; Laes 2016 Altar made of   local limestone, damaged on all sides, especially on the cornice and in the tympanum. Traces of   carving all over the surface. The quadrangular shaft is  linked to a  plinth, and to a cornice with ornaments on the three sides. On the surface of   the shaft, a  significant crack also affects some letters. While both the front and the sides have been refined with a hammer, the back has been sketched only roughly, since it was put against a  wall. On  the right side, an umbilicate bowl (patera umbili­ cata) is  depicted; on the left, a  bundle of   small twigs, possibly in a kind of   case. The stone was found in the eastern necropolis. Now in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta Val d’Agri 167

GRUMENTUM

(inv. no.  262379). Cm  127.5  ×  53.5  ×  43.5. Letters cm  4-2.5. The letters appear quite regular, deeply carved, and noticeably pointed. Traces of   triangular interpuncts. First edition by Munzi 1997: 291, n. 9. Autopsy by Buonopane, August 2008.

D(is) M(anibus).  / Iunio, nutrito  / incomparabi/li, qui vixit a[n]/nis XVII, mensi/bus XI, diebus XII. / Pollux et Speu/dusa Brutti / Crispini. To the spirits of   the departed. To  Iunius, a  nutritus to whom nobody compares. He lived for 17 years, 11 months and 12 days. Pollux and Speudusa, slaves of  Bruttius Crispinus set this up. The term nutrito is puzzling. It might be interpreted as an abbreviation for nutrito(ri). The case on the left may indeed refer to scholastic matters. If  one sticks to this interpretation, Iunius would have been a quite young child minder (linked with a nutrix) or more generally an educator. In fact, none of   the inscriptions for male educators or nutritores mention the age of  the educator; for paedagogues, the youngest known is  a  woman Urbana aged 25 (CIL VI 9758). See Bradley 1991: 69-70 and Laes 2009: 307. There is, however, no parallel for nutrito as an abbreviation for nutritori. Moreover, apart from the standard formula DM at the start, no abbreviations are used in this inscription, not even for annis, mensibus or diebus. 168

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

Nutritus as a cognomen is most unlikely. Not only would this be the only attestation of  the name – it would also imply that Iunius was freeborn or freed. The former case is unlikely, given the mention of his slave educators/ parents; the latter scenario would almost surely have given him the cognomen Bruttius (Laes 2016: 298). As for the term nutritus, it might refer to an exposed infant who has been raised by other persons, synonymous with alumnus (see e.g. De Ruggiero 1895; Bellemore, Rawson 1990 and Rawson 1986). Unlike alumnus, attested in inscriptions all over the Empire, the term nutritus is  very rare in inscriptions. It sometimes appears as a participle of  the verb nutrire.203 So far, only five instances of  the use of  nutritus as a noun were known (CIL IX 495, 1526, 1963, 3997 and Russi 1986: 864-865). Both geographically and sociologically, our inscription fits very well into the pattern (Laes 2016: 299). Russi has tried to link the occurrence of   nutriti in this region with the phenomenon of   the exposure of   children in the countryside and in the transhumance sphere of   shepherds (forbidden by Emperor Honorius in the year 409; see Codex Theodosianus Th 9, 31). This tempting hypothesis is hard to substantiate. It is of  course possible that Pollux and Speudusa were a couple of  shepherd slaves, working on the countryside of  Grumentum for their master Bruttius Crispinus (see n. 18, 43, 53 and 60 and introduction p. 34 for this family). By their raising the foundling Iunius, they would also have increased Crispinus’ slave stock. But it is far safer to regard nutritus as a mere regional variant for the term alumnus; in that case, the foundling scenario remains, but the link with exposure on the countryside is  not secured. 95. Gravestone for Helvia Asterope by her husband and her stepbrother (?) AE 1998 391 Altar made of   local limestone. The cornice is  characterised by a  double pitched roof   flanked by two pulvins. An umbilicated 203   CIL VI 9625 (nutritae a nobis); 21695 (nutrita Romae, mortua Praeneste); XI 6435 (tenere nutritus, ama[tus]). These inscriptions are commented upon by Russi 1986: 866. For a literary example, see Livy 9, 36: servus ei dicitur comes unus fuisse, nutritus una eoque haud ignarus linguae eiusdem.

169

GRUMENTUM

bowl is  depicted on the right side. The monument was discovered in the eastern necropolis of   Grumentum on an unspecified date. It is  now preserved in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta Val d’Agri (inv. no. 262385). Cm 125 × 67 × 58. Letters cm  6-4. Triangular interpuncts are observable. Published by Giardino 1983: 205 and Munzi 1997: 292 n. 10. Autopsy by Buonopane and Laes, August 2012.

D(is) M(anibus).  / Helviae Asterope  / Mina[- - -] Campanus co(n)iug(i), et Mami(us) / Amandus, frat(er), / b(ene) m(erenti) f(ecerunt). / Vixit a(nnos) XXV. To the spirits of  the departed. To (his) well-deserving wife Helvia Asterope Minatius Campanus and (her) brother Mamius Amandus (dedicated this monument). She lived for 25 years. The gentilicium Helvia is  already documented in Grumentum (see n. 36), whereas Asterope (Solin 1982: 381-382) is recorded for the first time in this area. The name of   the husband can be reconstructed in various ways (Minacius, Minaeus, Minasius, Minatidius, Minatius; Solin, Salomies 1994: 119), while the gentilicium Mamius is documented in Grumentum as cognomen (see n. 9). The cognomina Campanus and Amandus are very common (Solin, Salomies 1994: 291, 307). The structure of  the text seems to indicate that Mamius Amandus was Asterope’s foster brother, 170

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

for he bears a different gentilicium. From the shape of  the letters, text and onomastics, the monument can be dated to the third century ce. 96. Gravestone for daughter and wife Capano 2008: 305; AE 2008 442; Capano 2009a: 7-8 Rectangular slab gravestone out of  limestone. Found in the necropolis of  San Marco, and now in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta Val d’Agri (inv. no. 269679). Cm 62 × 73.5 × 23.5. Letters cm 5.7-3.9 (with taller letter I in l. 4 and markedly taller letter T in l. 5). On the right side, outside the framework, a letter V has been incised. The letters are deeply and regularly carved, and interpuncts are  present throughout. Autopsy by Braito and Laes, August 2012.

Have Egloge Fabricia, / pullila mellita, et vale. / Vixit ann(os) VIII. / Fabricia Q uarta, optima / femina, bene quiescas. / V(ivi) L(ucius) Fabricius Anteros, / L(ucius) Fabricius Anthus. Hello Egloge Fabricia, honey-sweet little bird of   mine, and farewell. She lived for eight years. Fabricia Q uarta, most excellent wife, rest in peace. Lucius Fabricius Anteros and Lucius Fabricius Anthus, who are still alive. 2. Pullila Mellita Capano. Fabricius Anteros and Fabricia Q uarta were most probably a freed couple. For the neigbourhood of   Grumentum, the gens Fabricia is  known from Venafrum (CIL X 4945) and from Canusium 171

GRUMENTUM

(AE 1986 200). The formula (h)ave et vale is frequently attested, so that there is no reason to suggest the presence of  a second dedicatee on line 2. In fact, both pullila and mellita should be viewed as terms of   endearment to address a young child (see Sigismund Nielsen 1997). While the association between little children and birds (pullus “chicken”) is often made, the form pullila is attested here for the first time. The parallels adduced by Capano to interpret Pullila and Mellita as names are hardly convincing. Lucius Fabricius Anthus might have been another child of   the couple, a brother of  Fabricus Anteros, or a fellow freedman. 97. Gravestone for an Ub[oni?]us Buo­no­pane 2013: 243-244 n. 3; AE 2013 367 Cupa lucana made of  local limestone lacking the left half. The text is engraved within a rectangular table in the shape of  a stele, which was surmounted by a  triangular gable. The stone is preserved in Viggiano, in the ancient church of   Santa Maria de Pe­tra, reemployed as the right jamb over the north entrance to an underground space. Cm 37 × 51 × 34.5. Letters cm 5.5-3.5. Published by Buo­no­pane 2013: 243-244 n. 3. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane 2015.

[- - - - - -]  / [- - -]+ili  / [- - -]+ Ub/[oni?]us b(ene) m(erenti)  / [fec(it)], q(ui) v(ixit) a/[nnos] XVIII. To [- - -]ili, Ub[on]ius made (this monument) to the well-deserving, who lived for 18 years. The name of   the deceased, which cannot be read owing to the fragmentary state of   the inscription, was engraved in the first two lines, and was followed by the name of   the dedicator. The 172

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

reconstruction Ub[oni]us is anything but certain, but some con­ firmation might be found in the fact that three letters fit the space occupied by the lacuna. Also, this gentilicium is occasionally docu­ mented in southern Italy (CIL IV 858, cf.  197; 461; 3340, 37; 3340, 115; see Solin, Salomies 1994: 193). Based on onomastics, typology of   monument and shape of   the letters, the monument can be dated to a period between the second half of  the third century and the first half  of  the fourth century ce. 98. Gravestone for Aurelia Tertullina by her husband Capano 2007: 41-42; Bertelli 2013: 170-171; Buonopane, Che­ lotti 2018: 253, 255; EDR122941 Cupa Lucana made of  local limestone. The right part is  missing. Cracks and chips affect the whole surface. Two mirrors with handles appears on either side of  the inscription, which is  engraved within a  rectangular table whose superior part is  carved in relief. The letters tend to resemble the elongated librarial script (scrip­tu­ra actuaria). The stone was discovered in 2007, during the archaeological excavations conducted around the ancient church of San Lave­rio, where it is reused as door jamb in the southern side of  the building. Cm 43 × 98. Letters cm 4.5-4.3. Published by Capano 2007: 41-42. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane and Laes, August 2012.

[D(is) M(anibus?)].  / Aureliae Te[r]/tullinae, coi[u]/gi b(ene) m(erenti), Aureli/us Hesper, ma/ritus, cum / qua vixit ann(os) / XV, m(enses) II, d(ies) XVI. To the spirits of  the departed. (This monument was dedicated) to Aurelia Tertullina, a well-deserving spouse, by Aurelius Hesper, her husband, with whom she lived fifteen years, two months and sixteen days. 173

GRUMENTUM

2-3. L(ucii)? f(iliae) / Tullinae Capano. However, Te[r]/tullinae is easily legible. The gentilicium Aurelius is  common during the first decades of   the third century ce. The personal name Tertullina (Solin, Salomies 1994: 411) is likewise well documented, as well as the cognomen Hesper (Solin 2003: 413-414). From the shape of   the letters, text and typology of   monument, it is possible to date the artifact to the third century ce.

174

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

99. Gravestone for Aurelia Septimina by her husband Capano 2007: 42-43; EDR122942 Altar made of   local limestone, preserved in its entirety but affected by numerous chips. A  handled mirror flanked by spiral pulvins decorates the pediment. The left and right sides are respectively adorned with a wine jug (olpe) and an umbilicate bowl (patera umbilicata). The monument was discovered in 2007 during the archaeological excavations in the ancient church of   San Laverio. It was then brought to the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­ gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta  Val d’Agri, where it is  now preserved (no inventory number assigned). Cm  161  ×  65  ×  48. Letters cm 5.5 – 4. Published by Capano 2007: 41-42. Autopsy by Buo­ no­pane and Laes in August 2012.

D(is) M(anibus).  / Aureliae  / Septiminae,  / coniugi b(ene) m(erenti),  / quae vix(it) an(nos)  / XXVIIII, m(enses) X, d(ies)  / XXIIII, Impetra/tus, maritus. / [E]t matri. To the spirits of   the departed. (This monument was dedicated) to Aurelia Septimina, a  well-deserving wife who lived for 29 years, ten months and 24 days, by (her) husband Impetratus. And also to his/her (?) mother. 175

GRUMENTUM

The gentilicium Aurelius is common during the first decades of  the third century ce. The cognomina Impetratus and Septimina are likewise well documented (Solin, Salomies 1994: 344, 400). The omission of   the gentilicium in the name of   the husband probably indicates that he was also an Aurelius, for this information could be easily deduced when reading the text. The individuals documented here were likely related to those attested by n. 98. They bear the same gentilicium and both monuments come from the same context, which suggests that they were originally part of  the same burial. Likewise, the monument can be dated to the third century ce on account of  its typology and the shape of  the letters. 100. Gravestone for an Augustalis Mercurialis by his wife Buo­no­pane 2016 Slab made of   local limestone. The right half  is missing, whereas deep cracks and numerous chips affect the surviving surface. The stone was discovered in 2015 in Baricelle di Marsicovetere (Po­tenza), during the excavation of  the Roman villa which probably belonged to the powerful family of   the Bruttii Praesentes (Di Giuseppe 2010). It was reused here as table or counter in the late antique structures of   room 62. Now preserved in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta Val d’Agri (no inventory number assigned). Cm  75  ×  70  ×  21. Letters cm  9-5. Published by Buo­no­pane 2016. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane 2015.

Q (uinto) Modio [- - -],/ Augustali M[ercuriali],/ viro suo, [et sibi] / Mod[ia - - -]. / Q ui legis hunc t[itulum, mortalem / te esse memento?]. 176

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

To Q uintus Modius [- - -], Augustalis Mercurialis, her husband, [and for herself] Modia [- - -]. You who read this inscription [remember you are mortal?]. The cognomina of   the two individuals bearing the same gentilicia are lost, and Modius is only sporadically recorded in the Regio III (AE 1912 246; 1974 271). It is  worth noting, however, that a f(undus) Modianus (CIL X 407; InscrIt III, 1, 17; AE 1988 412; AE 2005 90) is  known from 323 ce in Volcei (nowadays Buccino, province of   Salerno), which is about 85 km distance from Grumentum. The two Modii might be either ex-slaves of   the same master or freedman/freedwoman and patron. They may also be relatives, though this possibility seems less likely. The most interesting thing about this inscription is the attestation of  a new Augustalis Mercurialis. See introduction p. 43-45. The monument can be dated to the first century ce from its typology, text and shape of  the letters. 101. Gravestone for Iulia Salvia by her daughter or son Bottini 2013: 192-193; Buo­no­pane 2017: 218-220, n. 2 Fragmentary cupa lucana preserved in the storage of  the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta  Val d’Agri (inv. no.  261008). Found in 1987 near the San Marco church. Cm 41.5 × 80.2 × 37.7. Letters cm  4-1.6. Buo­no­pane 2017: 218-220, n. 2. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane and Laes, August 2012 and Buo­no­pane 2016.

D(is) [M](anibus). / I[u]lia Salbiae (!) / matri b(ene) m(erenti) f(ecit/), / que vixit / [a]nnis LXX. To the spirits of  the departed. Iulia Salvia made (this monument) to her well-deserving mother who lived for 70 years. 177

GRUMENTUM

Iulia is a gentilicium documented in other inscriptions from Grumentum (see n. 25 and 118), whereas Salvia is here documented for the first time. The age of   the deceased is  particularly worth noting, as she is  one of   the senes who account for 8% of   the documented individuals in the Regio III (Laes 2012: 104-105). Linguistically, one observes the letter b instead of v in the name Salbiae (Väänänen 1981: 51-52) and the monophthongization of ae to e in the word que. The monument can be dated to the third or fourth centuries on account of  its typology, shape of  the letters and linguistic phenomena. 102. Fragment of  a gravestone Fragment of   a gravestone (cm  17.9  ×  24.2  ×  14.4), broken on all sides, preserved in the storage of   the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Na­zionale dell’Alta  Val d’Agri (inv. no.  266731). Found in the year 2000, in a little house near the San Giuseppe church. Letters cm 2.4; 4; 4.5. They appear quite regular and are deeply carved, with the letter T being markedly pronounced. Autopsy by Buo­ no­pane and Laes, August 2012.

- - - - - - / [- - -]++[- - -] / [- - -]ini / [- - - libe]rtae [- - -] / [- - -] Aucta [- - -] / - - - - - [- - -] to - - -, freedwoman, - - - Aucta - - For the name Aucta, see n. 39. Many solutions are possible to solve the ending -ini: dative forms of   names as Sabbini (CIL V 3690), Epicharini (CIL VI 2650) or Agatemerini (CIL VI 11594) are just three out of  many possibilities. 178

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

103. Fragment of  a gravestone Slab in local limestone (cm 22.5  ×  21.5  ×  6.4), broken on all sides, preserved in the storage of   the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta  Val d’Agri (no inventory number assigned), Incidentally found in August 2008 by Lara Pozzan, a  student of   the University of   Verona, in a  field near the san Laverio Church and committed to the Museo. Letters cm 6-1.8, with the letter I pronouncedly bigger. They appear quite regular and are deeply carved and noticeably pointed. Traces of   triangular interpuncts. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane and Laes, August 2012.

- - - - - - / [- - - or]dinis nostr[i- - -] / [- - -] multa merita f[ecit/ aciens?- - -] / [- - -Agr]ippam generum [- - -] / [- - -] mereri debeam [- - -] / [- - -lo]cum in camp[o - - -] / [- - -]VS+[- - -] / - - - - - - - - of   our class - - - he did many good deeds - - - father in law Agrippa - - - I ought to merit - - - a place in the open field - - -. Fulfilled his vow. 2. Cf.  AE 1978 94: faciens MERET[..]E[..] (verse inscription from Formia) Little sense can be made out of   this fragmentary text. The many changes of  verbal forms might point to a verse inscription.

179

GRUMENTUM

104. Fragment of  a slab Slab in local limestone, broken on all sides, preserved in the storage of   the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta  Val d’Agri (inv. no. 266683). Found on 7 June 2000 in a little house near the Santa Maria Assunta church. Cm 11.8 × 19.2 × 4.7. Letters cm  2.9  – 0.7). They appear quite regular and are deeply carved and noticeably pointed. Trace of   a triangular interpunct on the first line. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane and Laes, August 2012.

- - - - - - / [Vibiedius Na?]so pa[ter - - -] / Vibiedia [- - -] / [hae?]c p(osuit) / - - - - - - - - father Vibiedius Naso (?). - - - Vibiedia - - - has placed this --The cognomen Naso is the most obvious possibility (see Kajanto 1965: 119 and 237), while the names Iaso or Maso cannot be excluded. See Solin 1996: 335 (Iaso) and ILAlg 2, 2668 (Maso). For the rare name Vibiedia, see n.  79 and 80. For the wording haec posuit, see CIL VIII 2756.

180

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

105. Fragment of  a gravestone Gravestone preserved in the storage of   the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­ gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta Val d’Agri (inv. no. 266697). Found in the year 2000, near the Santa Maria Assunta church. Cm  28  × 35  ×  13.7. Letters cm  5.5-5.2 (with the letter T pronouncedly taller). Autopsy by Buo­no­pane and Laes, August 2012.

[- - - lo?]co dato / Eutactus / - - - - - -. Eutactus, after space (?) has been provided. Eutactus is  attested both as a slave’s name and as a cognomen (Solin 2003: 796-797). 106. Fragmentary gravestone (?) CIL X 242 The stone belonged to the garden of   Danio, but apparently Mommsen never saw it. Caputi edited it in Risorgimento Lucano, 27 August 1874, and sent his apograph to Kaibel. Recently, Falasca 2013 has rediscovered the stone, in a garden wall in Via Gari­baldi n°  16, in the house of   Giuseppe Bafunno (see also n.  30). The Latin text is  on the left side of   the stone, while the largest part has been used for an Italian text from 1867, invoking the disastrous earthquake of   16 December 1857. This text has been composed by Caputi himself  and his brother Nicola. 181

GRUMENTUM

Falasca measures cm  33  ×  52 for the whole stone. See Falasca 2015: 127 and 143-144 (with photo on p. 143).

[- - -]annia L(uci) l(iberta) D[- - -] / - - - - - -? [- - -]annia, freedwoman of  Lucius D[- - -] 1. Annia Falasca; D[omitillae?] Falasca. 107. Fragment of  a lead pipe CIL X 236 The text is  mentioned by Del Monaco and Roselli as found among the lead pipes of   Saponara, near the Decumana. It is not sure whether Mommsen saw it (he does not use descripsi in the CIL edition), and the fragment is now lost. See Falasca 2015: 93 (claiming that Mommsen has seen the text).

Fabr(ica) Ap(pi) R(ulli) / fabr(ica) Ap(pi) Rul(li). The factory of  Appius Rullus / the factory of  Appius Rullus 1-2. Mommsen proposed reading fabrica (factory), referring to other lead pipes with the word officina. 182

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

In proposing the name Rullus, Mommsen presumably thought of   the corrector Rullus (but see n. 12 and 13; the reading Rufius is  more likely). See Falasca 2011: 55-56 who links the text to the aquaduct which started at about 5 km distance of  Gru­mentum. 108. Inscribed fragment of  lead pipe AE 1998 395 Fragment of   lead pipe found in Grumentum in the House of Mosaics. It is  preserved in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta Val d’Agri (inv. no. 263342). Cm 3.5 × 160 × 6. Letters cm 3-2.8. Published by Giardino 1981: 34 and Di Giu­seppe 1997: 200, n. 17. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane 2016.

Eperastu(s) fe(cit) // T(iti) Stasi Culi[- - -] Eperastus made (this pipe) // (Pipe) of  T. Stasius Culi(- - -). The two inscriptions are very interesting, for they carry both the name of   a producer of   fistulae, a slave with the Greek name Epe­rastus (Solin 1996: 456; Solin 2003: 954 and 1463), and the name of   an owner of   the House of Mosaics who had obtained the ius aquae ducendae. He was a  member of   the gens Stasia, which is here documented for the first time. His cognomen can be completed in various ways, as for example Culicinus, Culicio, Culinus (Solin, Salomies 1994: 320). The artifact can be dated to the first half  of   the second century ce on the basis of  the data collected during the excavation. 183

GRUMENTUM

109. A weight of  hundred pounds CIL X 8068, 1 In the garden of   Danio, seen by Mommsen. Now lost. This weight of   hundred Roman pounds (equal to 32.6 kg.) was found together with many minor weights. Now lost.

C (librae)/ AR Hundred (pounds) AR The initials of   the owner of   the weight are reported in line two. They might be interpreted as either A(uli) R(- - -) or Ar(- - -). 110. Fragment CIL X 233 In the garden of  Danio. Seen by Mommsen. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 95.

- - - - - - / [- - -]rimo / [- - -]erc[- - -]/ - - - - - 2. The letters -erc may belong to the words Mercurius, Hercules, Mercurialis or Herculaneus. 111. Fragment CIL X 234 Mommsen never saw the fragment. Del Monaco says that it had been found by Caputi among an amount of   weights. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 92. 184

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

- - - - - - / [- - -] oper(a/um?) pub(lica/licorum?) [- - -] / - - - - - - - -? (of) public works/ buildings (?) - - Possibly, a curator op(erum) pub(licorum), an official taking care of   public works. While we have no examples for Regio  III, we know of   such curatores from Regio  I (Latium and Campania) in CIL X 3759 (Acerra); CIL X 3910 (Capua); CIL X 1799 (Pu­teo­li). For lists of   such officials in Latin epigraphy, see Bruun 1990 and Bonkoffsky 2002. 112. Fragment CIL X 235 Caputi edited the text in Risorgimento Lucano, 27 August 1874. A transcription was made by Kaibel. The stone was thought to be lost, but was rediscovered by Falasca in the Via Garibaldi n° 16. Falasca measures cm 7.1 × 32. Since the text was carved in elegant letters, it may have belonged to a building inscription. See Fala­sca 2015: 126 and 142-143 (with photo).

- - - - - - / [- - -] d(e) s(ua) peq(unia). - - - out of  his own money. The archaic spelling pequnia (instead of   pecunia) points to a date in the first century bce or the first century ce. See n. 18, 20, 22, 23 and 36. 113. Fragment CIL X 279 Aelius Everardus Vorstius saw this fragment in the Santa Maria Assunta church, during his visit in 1592. He sent his copy 185

GRUMENTUM

to Buchellius, who published it in his Iter  Italicum in 1615. In  Mommsen’s times, it belonged to the collection of   Danio. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 92.

- - - - - - / [arbitrat?]u Q (uinti) Fae[- - -]/ - - - - - 1. Fab Buchellius For the wording arbitratu, see n. 45. The nomen can be completed in various ways: Faeanius, Faecenius, Faelius, Fanius are some possibilities. See Solin, Salomies 1994: 37. 114. Fragment CIL X 280 Found by Caputi near the San Laverio church. Caputi sent his copy to Iannelli. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 132.

[- - - mu/turr?]r(um/ im?) d(e) s(ua) p(ecunia). [- - -] a wall/ a tower (?) out of  his own money. See n. 18 and 19 for the building of  a wall. 115. Fragment CIL X 283 In the garden of  Danio, seen by Mommsen. Now lost. See Falasca 2015: 99.

- - - - - - / [- - -]b de suo [- - -]. [- - -] out of  his own money [- - -] For de sua, see n. 18, 19, 22 and 115. 186

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

116. Two fragments on both sides of  a stone Fragments of  a stone, broken on all sides, preserved in the storage of   the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta Val d’Agri (inv. no. 266524). Cm 20 × 31 × 13.8. Found in the year 1998, near the Santa Maria Assunta church. The inscription on side a seems earlier than the one on the opposite side. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane and Laes, August 2012.

a) One line with regularly and deeply carved letters (cm 5.1 with one letter being pronouncedly taller). - - - - - - / [- - - fie?]ri pu[blice? - - -]. - - - at public expense?

b) Two lines of   regularly and deeply carved letters (cm  5 with one letter being pronouncedly taller). - - - - - - / [- - -]m et / [- - - de] s(ua) p(ecunia) f(ecit). [- - -] made this out of  his/her own money. Side b is  possibly a  gravestone, for which the  stone has been reused. When we accept that also side a had been a gravestone, we may think of   [e]ripu[it/erunt] (“has/have snatched away”), a verb which is quite often used in a funerary context. 187

GRUMENTUM

117. Reused stone in the bath house The stone is still in situ in the imperial thermae. Cm 9 × 38 × 8. Letters cm 4.6. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane and Laes, August 2012.

Potitus Potitus Potitus is a quite common cognomen, see Kajanto 1965: 95, 178, 354. In  all likelihood, the fragment was a  part of   a gravestone, which has been reused and built into the thermal baths. 118. Gravestone for a grammaticus Graecus AE 1993 546; EDR100296 Cippus made of   local limestone. It was originally reused as door jamb in a farmstead in the locality of  Madonna della Grazia. From there it was brought to the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co dell’Alta  Val d’Agri, where it is now preserved (no inventory number assigned). Cm 54  ×  27  ×  23. Letters cm 7.4-4.8 (T taller in l. 1). Published by Munzi 1993: 375-387. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane, August 2012.

- - - - - - / [- - -]+[- - -] /[g]rammatico / Graeco, / Iulia, / uxor. To [- - -], teacher of  Greek, Julia, his wife. 188

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

The mention of   a grammaticus Graecus is  particularly interesting (Agusta-Boularot 1994). Unfortunately, the lacuna makes it impossible to know his juridical status. The fact that Iulia was his uxor suggests that he was of   free birth, though it is important to note that this word could frequently be used with little accuracy. The nomen Iulia appears in other inscriptions from Grumentum (n. 25 and 101). From the shape of   the letter and the onomastics the monument can be dated to the second century ce. 119. Base of  a statue to Divus Severus AE 1998 385; AE 2002 376 Statue base made of   local limestone and damaged in several places. Two cuttings for the insertion of  tenons supporting a lifesize bronze statue are still observable. It was found on an unspecified date in the church of   San Laverio. Now it is  preserved in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta  Val d’Agri (inv. no. 262372). Cm 113 × 63,5 × 55. Letters cm 10-9.5. Published by Munzi 1997: 285, n. 3 and Munzi 1998: 93-94); Buo­no­pane 2007: 316-317 note 8 and 338; Bertolazzi 2016: 208-209 and 294 n. 4. Autopsy by Buonopane and Laes, August 2012.

Divo / Severo / publ(ice). To the deified emperor Septimius Severus, at public expense. 189

GRUMENTUM

A very similar inscription has been found in Atina (CIL X 334; InscrIt, III, 1, 128), though in a slightly different context. On the inscriptions mentioning members of   the Severan dynasty found in Lucania, see Bertolazzi 2016: 287-290, 293-294, nos. 1-8. Septimius Severus was deified immediately after his death on 4 February 211 (Kienast, Eck, Heil 2017: 150). 120. Gravestone for the legatus L. Saturius, his wife and son AE 1998 386; AE 2002 376; Camodeca 2014: 270 Fragment of   a slab made of   local limestone. It was reworked into a capital in late antique times. Seen by Niccolò Ramagli and Et­tore Magaldi (Ramagli 1962: 3, note 1) in the ruins of   San Giu­liano church, together with n.  127. It is  now preserved in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta  Val d’Agri (inv. no.  262386). Cm  70  ×  70  ×  24. Letters cm  10-7.5. The words are separated by circular interpuncts. Briefly reported by Ra­magli it is  published by Munzi 1997: 287, n.  4; Munzi 1998: 89-91. Autopsy by Buonopane and Laes, August 2012.

[L(ucio) Saturio - - -] / - - - - - - / legat[o - - -] / Bruttiae P(ubli) f(iliae) [- - -] / L(ucio) Saturio L(uci) f(ilio) [- - -] / Saturia L(uci) f(iliae) B[- - -]. [To Lucius Saturius - - -] legate [- - -], and to Bruttia, daughter of  Publius [- - -] and to Lucius Saturius, son of  Lucius [- - -], Saturia, daughter of  Lucius, B[- - -]. The inscription was dedicated by a certain Saturia B[- - -] to her father, mother and brother. The lacuna in l.  3 makes it impossible to understand which kind of   legate the father was: legatus Augusti legionis or legatus pro praetore or perhaps legatus Augusti 190

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

pro praetore (Thomasson 1991). The gens Saturia is documented in Grumentum only through this inscription, whereas the Bruttii belonged to one of   the most ancient and important Lucanian families (see introduction p. 34). The text can be dated to the first half  of   the first century ce because of  its content and shape of  the letters. 121. Gravestone for an actor AE 1998, 387 Funerary altar made of   local limestone. A  part of   the cornice is missing and an umbilicate bowl (patera umbilicata) is  carved on the right side. The monument was discovered in the eastern necropolis of  Grumentum at an unspecified time. It is now stored in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta  Val d’Agri (inv. no. 232679). Cm 130 × 65 × 57. Letters cm 5-4. Their elongated shape resembles the scriptura actuaria; circular interpuncts can be observed. Published by Giardino 1983: 205; Munzi 1997: 288, n. 6. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane and Laes, August 2012.

D(is) M(anibus). / Sabidius, act(or), / hic in situs est, / qui vixit an(nos) XXXVIII, / m(enses) VIII, d(ies) X. To the spirits of  the departed. The administrator Sabidius is buried here. He lived for 38 years, eight months and ten days. 2. Act(uarius) Giardino. 191

GRUMENTUM

The name Sabidius has an Oscan origin. He was probably a slave entrusted with administrative tasks (see n. 43). The monument can be dated to the second century ce based on the formulas and the shape of  the letters. 122. Gravestone for Sabinia by her husband AE 1998 388; Buo­no­pane 2017: 216-218 Cupa lucana made of  local limestone, at the centre of  which a rectangular table in the shape of   a stele surmounted by a gable has been carved. The table is flanked by two handled mirrors, which have been engraved by cutting into the stone. The monument was found in the eastern necropolis of  Grumentum at an unspecified time. It is now preserved in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta Val d’Agri (inv. no. 262387). Cm 42 × 129 × 46. Letters cm 4.5-4.3, resembling the elongated forms of   the scriptura actuaria. Published by Giardino 1983: 206 and Munzi 1997: 289 n.  7, but then re-edited with a  different reading by Buo­no­pane 2017: 216-218, n. 1. Autopsy by Buonopane, August 2012.

Sabinie (!), / co(n)iugi, / Vuctor (!) / b(ene) m(erenti) f(ecit). Victor made (this monument) for (his) well-deserving wife Sa­binia. 1. [D(is)] M(anibus) Munzi 3. Dulcior(i) Munzi. From a  linguistic point of   view, the forms Sabinie in place of  Sabiniae and Vuctor in place Victor are worthy of  note (Väänänen 1981: 37 and 51-52). Sabinia, with the change of i in u, could be interpreted as either a nomen or a cognomen (Solin, Salomies 1994: 159, 395). The cognomen Victor appears in another inscription (n. 21). 192

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

The monument can be dated to the third or fourth century ce on account of  its typology, shape of  the letters and formulas. 123. Gravestone for an Ergastus by his father CIL X *48; AE 1998 393; AE 2006 356 Mommsen catalogued this inscription – which he could not retrieve – among the fake texts from Grumentum. In  his view, it was a probable forgery, for it had been transcribed by the local erudite Saverio Roselli, whom he did not trust (see introduction p. 15).

However, a funerary monument attesting to an inscription whose content is very similar to the text transcribed by Roselli was found in 1969 in the eastern necropolis of  Grumentum (Giardino 1983: 206, note 61, tab. XLIV, 2). The monument is  a  cupa lucana made of   local limestone. Its right side is  missing and a  table in the shape of   a stele occupies the central space. It is  now preserved in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale dell’Alta Val d’Agri (inv. no. 262374). Cm 42 × 98 × 47.5. Letters cm 5.3-3.5. Edited by Munzi 1997: 293, n. 12. Autopsy by Buo­no­pane in 2016.

D(is) M(anibus) / Mercurius / [E]rgasto, / filio b(ene) m(erenti), f(ecit). / V(ixit) a(nnos) IIII, d(ies) XVII. To the spirits of  the departed. Mercurius (made this monument) to (his) well-deserving son Ergastus. He lived for four years and seventeen days. 193

GRUMENTUM

The suspicious elements in the text transcribed by Roselli were the prayer to a D(eus) o(ptimus) m(aximus) followed by the name Mercurius and the uncommon name Ergastus. Nevertheless, the autopsy of   the monument removes all doubts concerning the authenticity of   the inscription. The cognomen Mercurius is  well attested (Solin, Salomies 1994: 362), whereas Ergastus, which derives from the Greek Ergastós (Fraser, Matthews 1997: 162; Munzi 1997: 293) is here documented for the first time. The stone can be dated to the third or fourth century ce on account of  its typology and shape of  the letters. 124. Gravestone for the slave Ianuarius AE 1998 392; AE 2002 376; Camodeca 2014: 265 Altar made of   local limestone crowned by two pulvins flanking a  gable, at the centre of   which an umbilicate bowl (patera umbilicata) is  carved. It was found among the ruins in the area of   the forum at an unspecified time, and it is  now preserved in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co dell’Alta Val d’Agri (inv. no. 262384). Cm 52 × 51 × 30. Letters cm 5.5-4. Published by Munzi 1997: 293, n. 11. Autopsy by Buonopane, August 2012.

D(is) M(anibus).  / Ianuario, Passi/[e]ni Liciniani ser(vo),  / [Pa]s­sie­nia [- - -] / - - - - - - . To the spirits of   the departed. To Ianuarius, slave of   Passienius, Passienia - - Ianuarius was the slave of   a Passienius Licinianus, therefore related to the senator C.  Passienius Cossonius Scipio Orfitus 194

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

(PIR2 P 144), in honour of   whom the inhabitants of   Grumentum erected a  statue aere conl(ato) (see n.  12). The lacuna makes it impossible to know the juridical status of  the dedicator, nor the relation between dedicator and dedicatee. The monument can be dated to the third century ce from its typology and content of  the text. 125. Gravestone by Felicia for her father Di Giuseppe, Russo 2012: 413-416; Di Giuseppe 2014: 221 Cupa lucana made of   local limestone, at the centre of   which a table in the shape of   a stele was engraved. It was discovered in Baricelle di Marsicovetere (Potenza) during the excavation of  the Roman villa, which presumably belonged to the powerful family of  the Bruttii Praesentes, and was reused as a threshold in the late antique structure of   room 46. It is now preserved in the Soprin­ ten­den­za Ar­cheo­lo­gica, Belle Arti e Paesaggio della Basilicata. Cm 37 × 12 × 15. Letters cm 5.2-4. Published by Di Giuseppe, Russo 2012: 413-416.

Felicia  / Nem[- - -] p(atri)  / b(ene) m(erenti) f(ecit).  / Vix(it) a(nnos) XL. Felicia made (this monument) for Nem(- - -), her well-deserving father. She lived for forty years. Felicia is  a  very common name (Solin, Salomies 1994: 330) and appears in one other inscription from Grumentum (n.  33), whereas the name of  her father may be reconstructed as Nemisius or Nemitius (Solin, Salomies 1994: 126). The monument can be dated to the second half  of   third century ce on account of   its typology, onomastics and shape of   the letters. 195

GRUMENTUM

126. The signaculum of  an imperial slave AE 2010 365 Signaculum ex aere in the shape of   crescent with a  little orbiculus (Baratta 2014: 118, 1a). It was found in Baricelle di Marsi­co­ ve­tere (Potenza) during the exavation of   the Roman villa which had presumably belonged to the powerful family of   the Bruttii Praesentes. It is  now stored in the Soprintendenza Ar­cheo­lo­ gica, Belle Arti e Paesaggio della Basilicata (inv. no.  408498). Cm  6.3  ×  6.1  ×  0.4. Letters cm  1.1-0.8. Published by Di Giu­ seppe 2010: 40-41; see also Di Giuseppe, Russo 2012: 416-419; Buo­no­pane 2014: 144-145, 152, n. 18.

Moderati / Aug(ustae) n(ostrae) Belonging to Moderatus, slave of  our Augusta 2. Aug(usti) n(ostri) Di Giuseppe 2010 and 2014. Inasmuch as the villa was for a  long time owned by the Bruttii Praesentes (see introduction p. 34 and n. 100 and 125), the family of   Commodus’ wife Bruttia Crispina (Kienast, Eck, Heil 2017: 144), we are inclined to believe that Moderatus was a slave of  the Augusta rather than of   Commodus. This signaculum might con­ sequently indicate that he was invested with some administrative tasks concerning the family property (Buo­no­pane 2014: 144; see also Di Giuseppe, Russo 2012: 417). 127. Fragment Ramagli 1962: 93, n. 1 Fragment of   a stone, seen by Niccolò Ramagli and Ettore Ma­ galdi in the ruins of  San Giuliano church, with n. 120. Now lost. 196

EDITION AND COMMENTARY

- - - - - - / [- - -]aud[- - -] / ((sestertios / sestertium milia)) XX[- - -] / -----aud - - - twenty thousand sestertii - - The inscription possibly records a  legacy or an evergetic donation. 128. A public banquet offered to the people Bottini 2013: 191-192 Block of   local limestone, perhaps the architrave of   a funerary monument. The stone was found in the south-western necropolis discovered near the San Marco church, reused as tomb cover. It is  now preserved in the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Nazionale del­ l’Alta Val d’Agri (inv. no. 261007). Cm 13.5 × 63 × 34.5; letters cm 11. Autopsy by Buonopane and Laes, August 2012.

[- - -] epulum pop[ulo - - -]. - - - offered a public banquet to the people - - For the public banquets as evergetic act see Donahue 2004, while four other inscriptions from Lucania recording offers of   epulae. See CIL X 451 (= InscrIt III 5), InscrIt III 209; AE 1976 176 = 1979 194 = 1992 315 = 1999 543. See also EDR 076491. 129. Fragmentary gravestone Bottini 2013: 192 Fragment of  a gravestone of  local limestone found in the southwestern necropolis discovered near the San Marco church. It is now preserved in the storage of   the Museo Ar­cheo­lo­gi­co Na197

GRUMENTUM

zionale dell’Alta  Val d’Agri (no inventory number assigned). Cm 18.9 × 22.2 × 14.4. Letters cm 7-6.8. Autopsy by Buono­ pane and Laes, August 2012.

P(ublius) Met[- - -] / Gem[- - -]/ - - - - - Publio Met- - - Gem- - The nomen can be completed in various ways, as for example Metilius, Metius, Mettenius, Metticius, Mettius (Solin, Salomies 1994: 118). Also the cognomen can be completed in various ways: Gemellinus, Genellus, Geminatus, Gemmulus.

198

LIST OF  EPIGRAPHICAL AND LEXICOGRAPHICAL ABBREVIATIONS

AE CBI

L’Année Épigraphique (Paris, 1888-). E. Schallmayer, K. Eibl, J. Ott, G. Preuss, E. Wittkopf, Der römische Weihebezirk von Osterburken I: Corpus der griechischen und lateinischen Beneficiarier-Inschriften des Römischen Reiches (Stuttgart, 1990). CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin, 1863-). CIMRM M. J. Vermaseren, Corpus Inscriptionum et Monumentorum Religionis Mithriacae (The Hague, 1956-1960). DE E. De Ruggiero (ed.), Dizionario epigrafico di antichità romane (Rome, 1886-). EAOR Epigrafia anfiteatrale dell’Occidente Romano (Rome, 1988-). EDCS Epigraphik-Datenbank Clauss-Slaby [http://www.manfred clauss.de/] EDR Epigraphic Database Rome [http://www.edr-edr.it/] EE Ephemeris Epigraphica (Berlin, 1872-1913). HEp Hispania Epigraphica (Madrid, 1989-). ICI Inscriptiones Christianae Italiae septimo saeculo antiquiores (Bari, 1985-). ICUR Inscriptiones Christianae urbis Romae. Nova series (Rome, 1922-). ILAlg Inscriptions latines de l'Algérie (Paris, Algiers, 1922-). ILCV E. Diehl, Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres (Berlin 1925-1967). ILLRP A. Degrassi, Inscriptiones Latinae Liberae Rei Publicae (Florence2, 1965). 199

LIST OF   EPIGRAPHICAL AND LEXICOGRAPHICAL ABBREVIATIONS

ILS ILTun InscrIt LS PIR PIR2 RE SupplIt TLL

H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae (Berlin 18921916). A. Merlin, Inscriptions latines de la Tunisie (Paris, 1944). Inscriptiones Italiae (Rome, 1931-). C. T. Lewis, C. Short, A Latin Dictionary (Oxford, 1879). Prosopographia Imperii Romani. Saec. I. II. III. (Berlin, 1897-1898). Prosopographia Imperii Romani. Saec. I. II. III. (Berlin2, 1933-). G. Wissowa, W. Kroll, K. Witte, K. Mittelhaus, K. Ziegler (eds), Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswis­ senschaft (Stuttgart, 1894-1980). Supplementa Italica, nuova serie (Rome, 1981-). Thesaurus Linguae Latinae (Leipzig, 1900-).

200

LIST OF FIGURES

The pictures of  the inscriptions deposited in public institutions are published on the basis of  art. 108, par. 3 and 3bis of  Legislative Decree 42/2004 (Code of  Cultural Heritage) in a book carried out as part of  the institutional study and research activities of  the University of  Verona (Italy) and Antwerpen (Belgium). The publication only serves scientific aims, for the purpose of  enhancement and non-profit (since a circulation of  less than 2000 copies is expected and with a cover price of  less than € 77.47). It therefore exempts from concession fees, as also provided for by the D.M. Beni Culturali e Ambientali, 31 Jan. 1994, n. 171 and by the D.M. Beni Culturali e Ambientali, 31 Jan. 1994, n. 171, 8 Apr. 1994. fig. 1. fig. 2. fig. 3. fig. 4. fig. 5.

Courtesy of  Vincenzo Falasca. Graphic elaboration by Fiammetta Soriano (Dip. Culture e Civiltà, University of  Verona). Courtesy of  the Dip. Culture e Civiltà, University of  Verona. Developed by Andrea Carandini and Paola Bottini. Courtesy of  the Dip. Culture e Civiltà, University of  Verona; graphic elaboration by Fiammetta Soriano.

Inscriptions n. 7. n. 8. n. 12. n. 14. n. 16. n. 17.

Buonopane 2006-2007, fig. 7. Buonopane 2006-2007, fig. 6. Falasca 2015: 148. Courtesy of  Vincenzo Falasca. Donati 1971: 71. Costabile, Lazzarini 1987, n. 4. 201

LIST OF FIGURES

n. 19. n. 22. n. 26. n. 29. n. 30. n. 31. n. 33. n. 34. n. 36. n. 38. n. 48. n. 58. n. 66. n. 70. n. 80. n. 89. n. 90. n. 93. n. 94. n. 95. n. 96. n. 97. n. 98. n. 99. n. 100. n. 101. n. 102. n. 103. n. 104. n. 105. n. 106. n. 108. n. 112. n. 116. n. 117. n. 118. n. 119. n. 120. n. 121.

Buonopane 2006-2007, fig. 4. Buonopane 2006-2007, fig. 2. Courtesy of  Vincenzo Falasca. Courtesy of  Vincenzo Falasca. Courtesy of  Vincenzo Falasca. Photo by A. Buonopane. Photo by A. Buonopane. Courtesy of  Vincenzo Falasca. EAOR III 11. EAOR III 36. Munzi 1997: 288, n. 5. Courtesy of  Vincenzo Falasca. Photo by A. Buonopane. Courtesy of  Vincenzo Falasca. Photo by A. Buonopane. Courtesy of  Vincenzo Falasca. Photo by A. Buonopane. Munzi 1997: 184, n. 30. Munzi 1997: 291, n. 9. Munzi 1997: 292, n. 10. Capano 2009a: 7, fig. 4. Photo by A. Buonopane. Capano 2007: 41. Capano 2007: 42. Buonopane 2016, fig. 2. Buonopane 2017: 219, fig. 3. Courtesy of  the Dip. Culture e Civiltà, University of  Verona. Photo by A. Buonopane. Courtesy of  the Dip. Culture e Civiltà, University of  Verona. Courtesy of  the Dip. Culture e Civiltà, University of  Verona. Courtesy of  Vincenzo Falasca. Di Giuseppe 1997: 100, n. 17. Courtesy of  Vincenzo Falasca. Courtesy of  the Dip. Culture e Civiltà, University of  Verona. Photo by A. Buonopane. Munzi 1993: 376. Munzi 1997: 285, n. 3. Munzi 1997: 287, n. 4. Munzi 1997: 288, n. 6. 202

LIST OF FIGURES

n. 122. n. 123. n. 124. n. 125. n. 126. n. 128. n. 129.

Buonopane 2017: 217, fig. 1. Buonopane 2006-2007: 321, fig. 1. Munzi 1997: 293, n. 11. Di Giuseppe, Russo 2012: 414, fig. 3. Di Giuseppe, Russo 2012: 419, fig. 5. Bottini 2013: 192, fig. 19. Bottini 2013: 192, fig. 20.

203

INDICES compiled by Fiammetta Soriano

INDEX OF  LITERARY SOURCES

Appianus Bellum Civile 1, 41: 30 n. 105 Codex Theodosianus 9, 31: 169 Eutropius Breviarium 9, 14: 94 Festus De significatione verborum 351: 68 Florus Epitome 2, 6: 30 n. 106 Gelasius Epistulae fragm. 6: 60 n. 163 23: 61 n. 195 24: 61 n. 195 Geographia Ravennatis 4, 35: 63 n. 200 208, 3: 134 211, 8: 134 Gregorius Magnus Epistulae 9, 209: 63 n. 199

Horatius Carmina 1, 2, 41-44: 43 n. 148 Saturae 2, 1, 34: 26 n. 88 Itinerarium Antonini 104: 35 n. 127 339: 134 Liber coloniarum 1 (209, 8 L.): 30 n. 104 1 (232, 20 L.): 31 n. 109 Livius 8, 24: 27 n. 91 9, 36: 169 n. 203 23, 37: 28 n. 97 27, 41: 29 n. 100 27, 41-42: 29 n. 101 Macrobius Saturnalia 1, 11, 23: 31 n. 107 Pelagius Epistulae 56: 62 n. 198 58: 62 n. 198 Plinius Maior Naturalis Historia 2, 208: 68 3, 98: 27 n. 90

207

INDEX OF  LITERARY SOURCES

Scriptores Historiae Augustae Aurelianus 6, 1: 94 45, 2: 94

3, 105: 28 n. 98 4, 106: 88 14, 69: 49 n. 68 Plutarchus Pompeius 47- 48: 32 n. 113

Strabo Geographica 6, 1, 2: 26 n. 89 6, 1, 3: 26 n. 88, 33 n. 115

Procopius De bello Gothico 7, 18, 20-22: 62 n. 197 7, 22, 2: 62 n. 197 7, 22, 4-6: 62 n. 197 7, 22, 20-21: 62 n. 197

Suetonius Augustus 30: 72

Ptolemaeus Geographia 3, 1, 61: 27 n. 92

Tacitus Historiae 3, 33: 68

Q uintilianus Institutio Oratoria 1, 4, 16

Varro De lingua Latina 5, 49: 68 Vita Sancti Laverii 1-5: 59 n. 187 5: 76 6: 60 n. 189 7: 156 9: 133

Seneca De beneficiis 3, 23: 31 n. 107-108 Servius In Aeneidem 7, 84: 68

Manuscripts Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli (BNN) XIII C 90, 154: 12 n. 16, 18 C 90, 165: 12 n. 17 C 90, 179: 13 n. 29 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (BAV) Cod. Vat. lat. 5237, fol. 193: 11 n. 5, 132

TLL

Lexicons VI, 3, c. 2939, ll. 64-65: 118 X, 1, c. 2063, ll. 21-25: 69 X, 2, c. 2561, ll.18-26: 108

208

INDEX OF  EPIGRAPHIC CORPORA

AE 1901, 173: 165 1912, 246: 177 1927, 13: 165 1928, 41: 148 1942/43, 111: 81 1968, 60-61: 114 1968, 153: 117 1972, 148: 86 1974, 271: 177 1975, 169: 111 1976, 176: 197 1978, 94: 179 1979, 194: 197 1979, 195: 53 n. 175 1986, 200: 172 1988, 412: 177 1991, 1378: 102 1992, 312: 112 1992, 315: 197 1992, 494: 154 1992, 1223: 115 1992, 1776: 81 1993, 546: 188 1996, 363: 161 1998, 286: 86 1998, 383: 45 n. 155, 166 1998, 384: 73 1998, 385: 189 1998, 386: 190 1998, 387: 191 1998, 388: 192

1998, 390: 167 1998, 391: 169 1998, 392: 194 1998, 393: 193 1998, 395: 183 1998, 608: 140 1998, 1139: 102 1999, 169: 72 1999, 543: 197 2002, 376: 189, 190, 194 2002, 377: 95 2004, 1923: 128 2005, 90: 177 2006, 356: 89-90, 92, 95-96, 193 2006, 357: 74 2008, 442: 171 2010, 365: 196 2013, 367: 172 2013, 377: 107 2013, 378: 109 2016, 339: 104 CBI 866: 98 CIL I, 758 (p. 946): 89 I, 770 (p. 948): 90, 92 I, 1017: 25 n. 84 I, 1594 (p. 1005): 76 II, 1085: 108 II, 3570: 72

209

INDEX OF  EPIGRAPHIC CORPORA

III, 1482: 85 III, 1981: 117 III, 2106: 117 III, 2108: 117 III, 4480: 108 III, 7564: 111 III, 14641: 117 III, 14727: 117 IV, 36: 69 IV, 538: 69 IV, 858: 173 IV, 1520: 69 IV, 2457: 69 IV, 4007: 69 IV, 6865: 69 IV, Suppl. II, 6865: 69 V, 3690: 178 V, 5262: 80 VI, 2114, 130: 77 VI, 2382 b 29 = 32638 b 29: 32 n. 112 VI, 2650: 178 VI, 4408: 157 VI, 9625: 169 n. 203 VI, 9758: 168 VI, 10865: 147 VI, 11234: 157 VI, 11536: 157 VI, 11594: 178 VI, 15598: 119 VI, 18220: 152 VI, 21695: 169 n. 203 VI, 27602: 147 VI, 29751: 85 VI, 33545: 142 VI, 34827: 156 VIII, 2756: 180 VIII, 7771: 137 VIII, 8736: 83 VIII, 10833 = 17257: 85 VIII, 16615: 111 VIII, 20277: 72 VIII, 26291: 161 IX, 23: 44 n. 51 IX, 217: 44 n. 51 IX, 495: 169 IX, 586: 104 IX, 1526: 169

210

IX, 1963: 169 IX, 2354: 117 IX, 2878: 108 IX, 3173: 53 n. 175 IX, 3729: 108 IX, 3752: 92 IX, 3997: 169 IX, 5552: 140 X, 20*-54*: 16 n. 49 X, 23*-54*: 15 n. 45 X, 25*-26*: 15 n. 46 X, 30*: 15 n. 47 X, 31*: 15 n. 47 X, 39*: 15 n. 47 X, 127: 13 n. 30 X, 130: 68 X, 131-133: 68 X, 131: 113 X, 132: 167 X, 183: 107 X, 187: 108 X, 188: 109, 149 X, 192: 110 X, 201: 67 X, 202: 67 X, 203: 68 X, 204: 70 X, 205: 71 X, 206: 73 X, 207: 73 X, 208: 75 X, 209: 77 X, 210: 78 X, 211: 78 X, 212: 82 X, 213: 84 X, 214: 98 X, 215: 13 n. 22, 100, 130 X, 216: 101 X, 217: 103 X, 218: 104 X, 219: 89 X, 220: 90 X, 221: 92 X, 222: 13 n. 23, 28, 93 X, 223: 86 X, 224 (p. 961): 111 X, 225: 95

INDEX OF  EPIGRAPHIC CORPORA

X, 226: 112 X, 227: 114 X, 228: 116 X, 229: 118 X, 230: 106 X, 231: 119 X, 232: 119 X, 233: 184 X, 234: 184 X, 235: 185 X, 236: 182 X, 237: 121 X, 238: 123 X, 239: 124 X, 240: 125 X, 241: 126 X, 242: 181 X, 243: 126 X, 244: 127 X, 245: 128 X, 246: 130, 140 X, 247: 130 X, 248: 131 X, 249: 132 X, 250: 133 X, 251: 134 X, 252: 135 X, 253: 135 X, 254: 136 X, 255: 138 X, 256: 138 X, 257: 140 X, 258: 141 X, 259: 142 X, 260: 142 X, 261: 143 X, 262: 144 X, 263: 145 X, 264: 146 X, 265: 146 X, 266: 147 X, 267: 148 X, 268: 148 X, 269: 150 X, 270: 151 X, 271: 151 X, 272: 152 X, 273: 152

X, 274: 153 X, 275: 154 X, 276: 155 X, 277: 156 X, 278: 157 X, 279: 185 X, 280: 186 X, 281: 158 X, 282: 158 X, 283: 186 X, 334: 190 X, 407: 177 X, 417: 91 X, 432: 91 X, 451 (= InscrIt 3, 5): 197 X, 928: 69 X, 1784: 123 X, 1799: 185 X, 3759: 185 X, 3910: 185 X, 4755: 117 X, 4945: 171 X, 5172: 142 X, 5348, l. 9-16: 85 X, 5388: 76 X, 8093: 96 X, 8094: 158 X, 8068, 1: 184 XI, 6435: 169 n. 203 XII, 272: 115 XII, 2039: 102 XIII, 1980: 108 XIII, 7813: 102 XIII, 8274: 102 CIMRM 1, 170: 70 2, 23: 70 EAOR III, 11: 112 III, 36: 116 EDCS 11400290: 70 11400297: 78 11400298: 82 11400299: 84

211

INDEX OF  EPIGRAPHIC CORPORA

1119: 78 3545: 71 4028: 68 5330: 89 5331: 90, 92 5469: 67 5539: 96 6451: 112 8888: 111

11400316: 106 11400323: 121 11400346: 142 11400354: 148 11400361: 154 34300278: 160 34300280: 162 EDR 075274: 86 076491: 197 100296: 188 122941: 173 122942: 175 146614: 73 147641: 67 EE

8, 1, 268: 142 8, 1, 269: 160 8, 1, 270: 160 8, 1, 271: 162

HEp 9, 431: 132 ICI

12, 55: 102

ICUR 1278: 151 13552: 159 18777: 102 ILCV 950: 151 4325: 102 ILLRP 606: 92 607: 90 608: 89 ILS 586: 93

ILTun 614: 81 InscrIt 3, 1, 5 (= CIL X, 451): 197 3, 1, 17: 177 3, 1, 25: 111 3, 1, 58: 111 3, 1, 64: 111 3, 1, 89: 111 3, 1, 99: 111 3, 1, 128: 190 3, 1, 190: 67 3, 1, 209: 197 3, 1, 288: 91 PIR P 107: 81 PIR2 B 165: 123 B 169: 123 B 170: 124 C 1540: 81 E 7-10: 81 F 587: 77 P 144: 195 R 155: 83 R 156: 83 SupplIt 3, Corfinium, 1: 53 9, Amiternum, 170: 154

212

INDEX OF PLACES

Brundisium: 44 Bruttium: 28, 33 n. 117, 57-58, 61, 80, 82, 85 Buccino (Salerno): 27, 177 see Volcei Burtzi: 48, 134 Buxentum: 26 n. 88

Abellinum: 39 Acerenza: 26, 58-59, 62 see Aceruntia Acerra: 185 Aceruntia: 26 n. 88 Actium: 72 Aecae: 58, 60 Aesernia: 30 n. 106 Africa Proconsularis: 80 Allifae: 117 Amiternum: 154 Anagni: 161 Apulia: 26 n. 88, 58, 61, 72 Aquinum: 76 Arpinum: 38, 92 Asia Minor: 49 Atena Lucana: 27 see Atina Atina: 27-28 n. 95, 30 n. 104, 190 Aufenginum: 117 Bantia: 27 Banzi: 27 see Bantia Barricelle (Marsicovetere): 34, 123124 Basilicata: 25, 63 n. 101, 78, 91 see Lucania Blanda, Blanda Iulia: 26 n. 88, 27, 58 n. 184 Brindisi: 35, 43 Britannia: 87

Calabria: 26 n. 88, 49, 72 Calasarna: 26 Campania: 25, 26 n. 88, 32, 49, 58, 61, 73, 85, 185 Canusium: 171 Capua: 185 Carseoli: 30 n. 106 Casabona: 26 see Chone Cassinum: 142 Chios: 49 Chone: 26 Cirò Marina: 26 see Crimissa Cirta: 137 Cologne: 102 Compsa: 27 Consilinum: 30 n. 104, 53 n. 175, 60, 62 Conza della Campania: 27 see Compsa Copia-Thurii: 58 n. 184 Corfinium: 53 n. 175 Cosilinum: 30, 53 n. 175, 60, 62

213

INDEX OF PLACES

Milete: 49 Moesia inferior Molini di Alli (Viggiano): 110 Moliterno: 15, 63, 84 Montenegro: 134, 148 see Dalmatia Montpellier: 115 Muro Lucano: 27 see Numistro

Cremona: 68 Crimissa: 26 Cumae: 28 n. 97 Dalmatia: 47-48, 117, 134, 149 Danube region: 48 Eboli: 27 see Eburi Eburi: 27 Faesulae: 30 n. 106 Formiae: 38, 92 Frunino: 101-102 Fundi: 38, 92 Gallia: 87 Gallia Narbonensis: 115 Germaniae: 105 Grumento Nova: 22, 24, 63, 84, 90, 162 Grumum: 25 n. 84, 28 n. 98 Grumo Appula: 28 n. 98 see Grumum Heraclea: 35 Izvorul Frumos: 102 Latium: 185 Locri: 58 n. 184 Lucania: 7, 15, 24-28, 32, 33 n. 117, 49-50, 57-58, 60-62, 73, 80, 82, 85, 135, 190, 197 Luzzi: 27 see Thebae Lucanae Marcellianum: 62 Marruvium: 92 Marsico Nuovo: 100 Marsicovetere: 34, 35 n. 129, 63, 123-124, 176, 195-196 Metaponto: 58 see Metapontum Metapontum: 26 n. 88, 52

Narbo Maius: 39 Nerulum: 35 Nola: 43, 58 Nova Siri: 27 see Siris Nuceria: 30 n. 106 Numidia: 137 Numistro: 27 Ocriculum: 30 n. 106 Oliveto Citra: 91 Paestum: 26 n. 88, 43, 159 Palecastro di Tortora: 27 see Blanda Palestrina: 86 Pandosia: 27 n. 90 Pannonia: 48, 128 Petelia: 26 Picentia: 30 n. 106 Picenum: 140 Pituntium: 117 Policastro Bussentino: 27 Policoro: 35 see Heraclea Pompeii: 69 Potentia: 27, 40, 62 Potenza: 27, 35, 58, 68, 104, 113, 165, 167, 176, 195-196 see Potentia Praeneste: 140, 169 n. 203 Privernum: 39 Puteoli: 123, 185 Reggio di Calabria: 35, 117 see Regium Iulium

214

INDEX OF PLACES

Regio I: 76, 185 II: 99 III: 55, 57, 58 n. 184, 72, 99, 159, 177-178, 185 IV: 99 Regium Iulium: 58 n. 184, 117 Rhodes: 49 Romania: 102 Rome: 25, 30, 35, 38-39, 47, 58-59, 62, 68, 71-72, 80, 94, 99, 101102, 104, 131, 133, 148 Rossano di Vaglio: 29, 33, 69 Rotonda: 35 see Nerulum Rudiae: 44 S. Lucia: 63 Sala Consilina: 68 Salona: 117 Samnite region: 26 Samnium: 26 San Martino: 63 San Q uirico (Raparo): 111 Santa Maria d’Anglona (Tursi): 27 see Pandosia Saponara, Saponaria: 11-14, 17, 53, 59, 63, 78, 84, 90-91, 100, 126, 132, 182 Sarconi: 84, 104 Sicily: 58, 63 Siris: 27 South Italy: 11, 34, 48, 72, 173 Spinoso: 63

Strongoli: 26 see Petelia Suessa Aurunca: 117 Sutri: 80 see Sutrium Sutrium: 80 Taurianum: 58 n. 184 Tegianum: 30 n. 104 Telesia: 39 Tergia: 59 Thebae Lucanae: 27 Thurii: 27 Tramutola vecchia: 63 Trapeia: 58 n. 184 Ulci: 27 see Volcei Urbs Salvia: 140 Val d’Agri: 49 Vallo di Diano: 11 Velia: 26 n. 88 Venafrum: 171 Venosa: 35, 54, 58, 104 see Venusia Venusia: 26 n. 88, 29 n. 100 Vertinae: 26 Verzino: 26 see Vertinae Vibo Valentia: 58 n. 184 Viggiano: 107-110, 149, 165, 172 Volcei: 27, 104, 111, 177

215

INDEX OF PEOPLE

Nomina virorum et mulierum This index contains both individuals mentioned in the introduction and in the edition. Individuals have been ranked according to their nomen gentilicium as much as possible. This index does not contain authors whose passages are cited in the index of literary sources, nor emperors, who are listed in a separate index below.

Achileus: 59 C. Aebutius Aelius Dignus: 36, 47, 98-99 Aelius Marcianus: 47, 100-101 Q. Aemilius Victor Saxonianus: 93 Agathe: 157 Agele: 151 Agrippa: 59, 179 Allia Casta: 119 Allidia Nebris: 114-115 C. Allidius Choroebus: 46, 52, 166167 Ambivia: 157 Cn. Ampudius Custos: 124 Anneia Secunda: 125 Annia: 182 C. Annius Priscus: 126 C. Annius Rufinus: 126 Appius Rullus: 51, 182 Aquilia Ianuaria: 126 L. Aquilius Mamius: 37, 40, 76, 114 Aquilius Montanus: 126 Aquillia Mumma: 127 Aquillius Prepontis: 127 Arria: 144-145

Arrius: 145 Artoria: 129 L. Artorius Hilarus: 128-129 M. Artorius Scindalamus: 128-129 Aticta: 103-104 Attia Vitalis: 160-161 Q. Attius Curva Restitutus: 130 Q. Attius: 130 Aucta: 118, 178 Auctus: 130-131 Aurelia Hermiona: 131-132 Aurelia Septimina: 175 Aurelia Tertullina: 173 Aurelius Asdula: 47, 101-102 M. Aurelius Felicissimus: 86 Aurelius Hesper: 173 M. Aurelius Vellicus: 156 C. Avidius Paederos: 154 Baebia: 130 Bellicus: 156  Bruttia, gens: 34, 139 Bruttia Apollonia: 132-133 C. Bruttius: 36, 38, 89 C. Bruttius Praesens: 123

217

INDEX OF PEOPLE

L. Bruttius Crispinus: 123, 168-169 Bruttius Maximus: 138 Bruttius Oriens: 132-133 L. Bruttius Q uintius Crispinus: 123 Burtzi: 48, 134 Buscinus: 123-124 Q . Caecilius: 89 Cani[...]iodius: 123 Claudia, gens: 114 Claudius Nero: 28-29 Claudius Q uadrigarius: 30 Constantius: 107 Cornelia Marullina: 80 Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus: 95 P. Cornelius: 89 Cornelius Sulla: 31 L. Cossonius Eggius Marullus: 80, 81 n. 202 Cossonius Scipio Orfitus: 80, 81 n. 202 Crescens: 119 Cul(icinus): 183 Cul(icio): 183 Cul(inus): 183 M. Curius Dentatus: 27 Decimus: 138, 154 Deuter: 133 Dicilla Lucilla: 156 Domitianus: 134 Egloge Fabricia: 60 n. 192, 171 Eperastus: 183 Eppia, gens: 167 Eppia Rhodines: 167 Ergastus: 193-194 Eusebius: 160 Eutactus: 181 Fabacius: 137 Fabarius: 137 Fabricia, gens: 135, 171 Fabricia Q uarta: 171 L. Fabricius Anteros: 171 L. Fabricius Anthus: 171-172 L. Fabricius Lucanus: 135

C. Fabricius Luscinus: 27 Fabucius: 137 Fabulus: 137 Q . Fae[- - -]: 186 Faeanius: 186 Faecenius: 186 Faelius: 186 Fanius: 186 Fausta: 108 Faustina: 113 Felicio: 157 Felicissima: 109 Felix: 136 Ferullus: 137 T. Flavius Saturninus: 47, 70 C. Flavius Tarula: 152 Fortunata: 136, 138 Fundania Gallitana: 138-139 Furia Faustina: 164-165 Furius Rufinianus: 165 Fuscinus: 123-124 Gamus: 121-122 P. Gavus: 131 Gemellinus: 198 Gemellus: 140 Geminatus: 198 Geminus: 141 Gemmulus: 198 Genellus: 198 Hannibal: 28, 30 Hanno: 28 Helene: 157 Helion: 158-159 Helvia, gens: 114 Helvia Psychario: 112-113 Helvia Asterope: 169-170 Hercuens: 108 Herculeus: 108 Hilaria: 158-159 A. Hirtius: 96 Ianuarius: 194 Iaso: 180 Impetratus: 131-132, 175-176 Iulia: 188-189 Iulia Vitalis: 162

218

INDEX OF PEOPLE

C. Mulvius Ofillius Restitutus: 34, 37, 40, 45, 87 Mumma Retimes: 128

Iulia Ver[- - -]ia: 98 Iulia Salvia: 177 C. Iulius Caesar: 31 Iunius: 168-169

Nem[- - -]: 195 Nemisius: 195 Nemitius: 195 Titius Nicephor: 34 n. 121, 44-46, 166 Nome: 162 Numerius: 145

M. Lamponius: 30 Lapillana: 142 P. Lapillanus Phi[- - -]: 142 Liberalis: 143 Licinius Crassus: 30 Luccia Prima: 124 Luminosus: 62-63 Lurchilla: 152 C. Maecius: 36, 40, 92 L. Magius Myrtilus: 46, 106, 143144 Mamius Amandus: 170 M. Marcellus: 91 L. Marcius Philippus: 95 Marius Bassus: 146 Maso: 180 Mercurius: 120, 184, 193-194 Messala Potitus: 49 n. 158 P. Met[- - -] Gem[- - -]: 198 Metilius: 198 Metius: 198 Mettenius: 198 Metticius: 198 Mettius: 198 Mimara: 108 Mina[- - -] Campanus: 170 Minacius: 170 Minaeus: 170 Minasius: 170 Minatidius: 170 Minatius: 170 Minicia Crocinis: 140 Minicius Crocius: 140 Moderatus: 196 Q . Modius: 44-45, 177 Momma: 128 Mommo: 128 Mommus: 128 Montanus: 152 Multasia Aequitas: 140 Multasia Felicitas: 140 Multasius Felix: 140

Octaviana: 157 C. Opsius Optatus: 46, 106 Mn. Otacilius Bassus: 37, 111 Mn. Otacilius Crassus: 111 Mn. Otacilius Quintus: 111 Pactumeia Gemina: 162-163 Pactumeia Prima: 110 Pactumeius Cristillus: 156 Pactumeius Primus: 110 Papiria Stabilita: 145, 151 Passienia: 194 C. Passienius Cossonius Scipio Orfi­ tus: 79-80, 194 Passienius Licinianus: 194 Q . Pettius Curva: 36, 92 Picacilia, gens: 45 M. Picacilius Philargyrus: 44-45, 166 Pieris: 146-147 Pietas: 67-68 Pinaria, gens: 147 Pinaria Marcella: 148 Cn. Pinarius: 147 Pinarius Callitanus: 148 Pollux: 168-169 Pompeius (Pompey): 32, 47 Poppaedia, gens: 91 Q . Poppaedius: 36, 38, 91-92 Sex. Poppaedius: 36, 38, 91-92 Posilla: 130-131 Potitus: 188 Praetumeus Chrestillus: 156 Primogenius: 133 Prote: 136-138 Pusilla: 131 Pyrrhus: 30

219

INDEX OF PEOPLE

Renatus: 136 Rufa: 150 Rufius Festus: 34, 82-83, 85 Sabidius: 191-192 Sabinia: 192 Sabinius Aquila Timesitheus: 77 Salusius: 63 Saturia, gens: 191 Saturia: 190 L. Saturius: 190 Secundus: 67 T. Sempronius Longus: 28 M. Servilius Homerus: 164 Servius Sulpicius: 91 Silvinus: 37, 97 Sittia Fabucia: 137 Speudusa: 168-169 Stabilita: 151 Stasia, gens: 183 T. Stasius Culi[- - -]: 183 C. Stremponius Bassus: 37, 40-41, 113 Tarula: 152 Teodora: 61 Tertia: 133, 152 Titia, gens: 45-46, 51

Titia Aucta: 104 Titia Chionissa: 34 n. 121, 153 Titia Philemation: 166 P. Titius Ampliatus: 34 n. 121, 47, 103-104 P. Titius Viator: 34 n. 121, 46, 119 Totila: 61, 62 n. 197 Turcia Attica: 120 C. Turcius Nebrus: 37, 114-115 L. Turcius Dafnus: 44, 120 Ub[oni]us: 173 Valerius Valerianus: 100-101 Vettia Philelma: 153 C. n. Vettius Anteros: 153 T. Vettius: 96 Vibiedia: 180 Vibiedia Aria: 154 Vibiedius Naso: 180 Q . Vibiedius Philargyrus: 44, 71, 160 C. Vibius: 96 Q . Vibius Neoptolemus: 32 n. 112 Victor: 192 Victorina: 141 Vivedia Silvana: 155 T. Vivedius Vellicus: 155 Volumnius Pothinus: 160-161

Gods Aesculapius: 54 n. 178 Apollo: 52 Capitoline Triad: 52, 68 Castor: 54 n. 178 Fisica: 68-70 Genetrix: 69 Genius: 52-53 Harpocrates: 53 Hercules: 45, 52, 67 Isis: 53 Iulius (divus): 52

Iuno: 52, 67-68 see also Capitoline Triad Iuppiter: 52 see also Capitoline Triad Lares: 52, 71-72, 146, 160 Mefitis: 33, 53, 60, 68-69 Mercurius: 52, 120 Minerva: 52 see also Capitoline Triad Mithras: 53, 70-71 Osiris: 53 Pollux: 54 n. 178

220

INDEX OF PEOPLE

Serapis: 52-53, 54 n. 178 Severus (divus): 189 Silvanus: 52, 71, 160 Sol Invictus: 94

Utiana: 68 Venus: 69, 117

Emperors and their Family Members Emperors are listed under the name that is commonly used. Augustus: 33, 43-44, 52, 72-74, 8889

Hadrian: 52, 75-76, 114 Honorius: 169

Bruttia Crispina: 34, 123, 196 see also Commodus

Justinian: 62 Livia Drusilla: 52 see also Augustus

Claudius: 32 n. 112, 42, 52, 74-75 Commodus: 34, 124, 196

Marcus Aurelius: 70 Nerva: 76

Diocletian: 35, 57

Septimius Severus: 114, 189-190

Furia Sabina Tranquillina: 52 see also Gordian III

Tiberius: 42, 52, 73-74 Trajan: 76, 82, 114

Gallienus: 150 Gordian III: 42, 52, 77

Verus: 70

Popes, Bishops, Clerics, Saints Pelagius, pope: 62 Petrus, bishop: 62

Damasus, pope: 58-59 Faustinianus, cleric: 61 Gelasius, pope: 60-61 Gregorius, pope: 62-63

Sempronius Attus, bishop: 58-59 Silvester, cleric: 61

Laverius, saint: 35, 58-60 Latinus, bishop: 62

Tullianus, bishop: 61-62

Tribus Galeria: 91

Scaptia: 79 Sergia: 32 n. 112, 89-92, 96

Oufentina: 40, 92 Pomptina: 32, 38, 40, 86-90, 92-93, 105, 111, 113-114, 117-118, 126

Tromentina: 40, 92

221

GENERAL INDEX

actor: 41, 51, 123, 191 aediles: 36, 38-40, 76, 87, 90-92, 9697, 111, 113-114 aedilis pro quaestore: 32, 38, 89-90 ager publicus: 30 altar: 67, 71, 73, 110, 116, 132, 167, 169, 175, 191, 194 amphitheatre: 18, 96 amphorae: 48 Arian faith: 61 Arretine, ceramic: 49 augur: 37, 40, 76, 79, 113-114 Augusteum: 42, 52, 73-75 basilica: 22, 25, 58, 60, 69, 127 beneficarius: 47, 98-99 bricks: 48 brickstamps: 51 bucinatores: 104 Byzantine Empire: 62 Caesareum: 22, 52, 76 Capitolium: 22, 52, 71, 120 cardines: 22 cavalry: 47, 79, 87, 149 centuriae: 30 Christian faith: 57-59 Christianity: 35, 57-59 Church Chiesa della Collegiata (Chiesa Madre): 53 Order of the Friars Minor: 90

S. Maria dei Lombardi: 13 Saint Jacob: 104 San Laverio: 60, 75, 106, 112, 123, 146, 148, 158, 173, 175, 179, 186, 189 San Marco: 60, 69, 127, 171, 177, 197 Sanctae Mariae: 62 Santa Maria Assunta: 59, 73, 116, 180-181, 185, 187 Santa Maria de Petra: 107, 109, 172 cippus: 188 circular temple: 22 city tower: 36, 38, 95, 186 city wall: 24, 29, 32, 36, 38, 60, 8991, 189 cohort I Morinorum et Cersiacorum: 87, 103 cohortes urbanae: 71, 99 collegium: 32-33, 34 n. 121, 38, 4041, 43-46, 117, 143, 160, 166 collibertus: 153 colonia Grumentum: 32, 72, 117 Iulia: 47, 53 Latina: 28 n. 95 Romana: 28 n. 95 Sullana: 31 comitia: 39 commander: 28, 34, 87, 99

223

GENERAL INDEX

condicio nominis ferendi: 161 coniunx: 121, 136 consul: 27-28, 39, 74-75, 80, 95, 111, 123 contubernalis: 46, 68, 104, 119, 154, 167 cornicines: 104 corrector: 61, 82-85, 183 cupa lucana: 107, 109, 164, 172-173, 177, 192-193, 195 cura annonae: 38 curator: 37, 40-41, 79-80, 112-114, 117, 185 curia: 42 Danubian campaign: 47, 102 decemvir: 79-80 decumanus maximus: 22 decuriones: 36, 39, 41, 74-75, 77, 92 diocesis: 58, 62 dispensator: 51, 121, 123 dolia: 48 domestic animals: 49 domus: 18, 22, 24 duovir: 36, 39-40, 88, 92-93 duumvir: 87 see duovir eastern sigillata, ceramic: 49 eques: 45, 149 evocatus: 47, 70, 100-101 fabrica: 182 farming: 49 fellow soldier: 47, 56, 101-102 fistulae: 183 flamen perpetuus divi Augusti: 40, 42 Forum: 19, 22-23, 31, 40, 42, 49, 52, 59, 73-74, 194 fountain-nymphaeum: 22 freedman: 46, 56, 72, 103, 119-120, 126, 128-129, 152-154, 160, 164, 166, 172, 177 see libertus freedwoman: 56, 114-115, 118, 129, 133, 152-154, 166, 177-178, 182 see liberta

gladiatorial games: 112-113, 116-117 gladiators: 41, 117 grammaticus Graecus: 188-189 hornblower: 103-104 see cornicines Hirpini: 68 hunting: 49 knight: 24, 34, 80, 86 see eques II vir: 36-37, 39-40, 76, 88, 114 see duovir II viri quinquennales: 37, 40, 42, 87, 113 II vir quinquiens: 40, 105 IIII vir: 117 imperial cult: 43-46, 52, 68, 71-73, 76, 106, 115, 119-120 ingenui: 46 Lagarinum wine: 48 lake Bracciano: 80 Vico: 80 lamps: 49, 58 lead pipes: 48, 51, 182 see fistulae legatus: 80, 190-191 legio II Adiutrix Pia Fidelis: 87 XXI Rapax: 105 Lex data: 38, 40 Iulia agraria Campana: 32, 47 liberta: 118, 128, 133, 152-154, 166, 182 libertus: 45-46, 128, 152, 154, 164, 166 Lombards: 50 magistrate: 17, 30, 36, 38-42, 46, 8889, 112-114, 116-117 magistri Augustales Mercuriales: 45 Herculanei: 45 n. 154

224

GENERAL INDEX

Mercuriales: 43-44 Mercuriales Augustales: 43-45, 165-166 vici: 72 mensa lapidea: 72 mines: 41 minister Larum Augustorum: 44, 160 ministry: 72 Mithraeum: 53, 71 mundus: 53 munerarius: 37, 41 munus: 41 Necropolis: 60, 167, 170-171, 191193, 197 olive oil: 48 oppidum: 27 ordo decurionum: 41, 74 pagus: 88, 96, 142 palaestra: 53 patera: 101, 116, 132, 136, 148 patera umbilicata: 167, 175, 191, 194 patron: 34, 37, 40-41, 45, 51, 56, 73, 87-88, 116-117, 128-129, 154 pontifex maximus: 74-76, 78 porticus: 22, 96 praefectura: 30 praefectus fabrum: 87 praetor: 30, 36, 38-40, 76, 79-80, 8788, 92-93, 98, 105, 113-114, 190 praetorian cohort: 47, 100-102, 104 prefect: 59, 77, 87, 98-99, 128 primus pilus: 40, 47, 104-105 proconsul: 80 procurator: 114 public baths: 18, 36, 40, 42 quaestor: 36, 38-39, 41, 76-77, 79, 87, 89-90, 113-114 quaestorship: 38, 80, 87, 113-114 red slipware, ceramic: 49 river Agri (Aciris): 25, 60 Morača: 134

Sciaura: 60, 112, 121, 123, 146, 148 Siris: 27 Sontia: 27 Zeta: 134 Romanisation: 48 Samnites: 26 sanctuary: 29, 33, 68-69 Saracenes: 63 senator: 34, 78-79, 82-83, 123, 194 senatus consultum: 13 Serapeum: 53 sevir equitum Romanorum: 80 signaculum: 196 slave: 30, 31, 45, 50-51, 56-58, 61, 68, 86, 115, 118-123, 130-133, 136, 138, 140-141, 143-147, 154155, 157, 159, 168-169, 181, 183, 192, 194, 196 soldier: 28-29, 47, 53, 56, 59, 71, 98, 100-102, 104 statue: 22, 24-25, 35, 42, 52-53, 7376, 189, 195 statue base: 24, 88, 189 stock farming: 48 tabernae: 23 temple: 19, 22, 25, 29, 31, 52-53, 68, 94 terra sigillata, ceramic: 49 theatre: 18, 41, 124 thermal baths: 22, 35, 82-83, 85, 9295, 188 Thracian: 47, 102 tiles: 48 tribune: 87 urceus: 98, 101, 116, 132, 136, 148 veterans: 32, 40, 47, 101 vexillatio: 47, 149 Via Appia: 27, 35, 57, 68 Cassia: 80 Herculia: 35 Popilia: 35, 47 vici: 53, 72 vigiles: 103-104

225

GENERAL INDEX

villae: 33 viri clarissimi: 34 War Gothic: 61-62 Persian: 77

Punic: 28-29 Samnite: 27 Social: 30-31, 33 Third Samnite: 27 wine: 48-49, 175

226

CONCORDANCE

The numbers after the equality sign refer to the numbers of   the inscriptions in our edition.

CIL I2 758 (p. 946) = 18 770 (p. 948) = 19 770 (p. 948) = 20 CIL X 48* = 123 183 = 31 187 = 32 188 = 33 192 = 34 201 = 1 202 = 2 203 = 3 204 = 4 205 = 5 206 = 6 207 = 7 208 = 9 209 = 10 210 = 11 211 = 12 212 = 13 213 = 14 214 = 25 215 = 26 216 = 27 217 = 28 218 = 29 219 = 18 220 = 19

221 = 20 222 = 21 223 = 15 224 (p. 961) = 35 225 = 24 226 = 36 227 = 37 228 = 38 229 = 39 230 = 30 231 = 40 232 = 41 233 = 110 234 = 111 235 = 111 236 = 107 237 = 42 238 = 43 239 = 44 240 = 45 241 = 46 242 = 106 243 = 47 244 = 48 245 = 49 246 = 50 247 = 51 248 = 52 249 = 53 250 = 54 251 = 55

227

CONCORDANCE

252 = 56 253 = 57 254 = 58 255 = 59 256 = 60 257 = 61 258 = 62 259 = 63 260 = 64 261 = 65 262 = 66 262 = 67 264 = 68 265 = 69 266 = 70 267 = 71 268 = 72 269 = 73 270 = 74 271 = 75 272 = 76 273 = 77 274 = 78 275 = 79 276 = 80 277 = 81 278 = 82 279 = 113 280 = 114 281 = 83 282 = 84 283 = 115 8068, 1 = 109 8093 = 23 8094 = 85 ILCV 270 = 74 ILLRP 606 = 20 607 = 19 608 = 18

EE VIII 268 = 64 269 = 86 270 = 87 271 = 88 NotSc 1897 181 = 17 1897 181 = 89 1897 182 = 90 1901 25-26 = 91 1901 25-26 = 92 AE 1901 173 = 92 1927 13 = 92 1928 41 = 72 1972 148 = 16 1992 312 = 36 1993 546 = 118 1998 383 = 93 1998 385 = 119 1998 386 = 120 1998 387 = 121 1998 388 = 122 1998 390 = 94 1998 391 = 95 1998 392 = 124 1998 393 = 123 1998 395 = 108 2002 376 = 119 2002 376 = 120 2002 376 = 124 2002 377 = 22 2006 356 = 123 2006 356 = 22 2006 356 = 23 2006 357 = 8 2008 442 = 96 2010 365 = 126 2013 367 = 97 2013 377 = 31 2013 378 = 33 2016 339 = 29

228

BIBLIOGRAPHY All abbreviations of  journal titles in the bibliography and the edition are those used in L’Année Philologique: http://www.archeo.ens.fr/IMG/pdf/annee_philologique_ abrev_revues.pdf

Publications before 1800 Ph. Cluverius, Introductionis in universam Geographiam tam veterem quam novam libri VI (Lugduni Batavorum, 1624). G. A. Del Monaco, Lettera del Sig. Giacomo Antonio del Monaco in­ torno all’antica colonia di Grumento oggidì detta la Saponara indi­ rizzata al Sig. Matteo Egizio (Napoli, 1713). C.  Gatta, Memorie topografiche-storiche della provincia di Lucania … dell’illustre famiglia Sanseverino (Napoli, 1732). C.  Gatta, Memorie topografiche-storiche della provincia di Lucania … presso l’antica città di Consilina (Napoli, 1743). L. Holstenius, Annotationes in Geographiam sacram Caroli a S. Paulo, Italiam antiquam Cluuerii, et Thesaurum geographicum Ortelii: quibus accedit Dissertatio duplex de sacramento confirmationis apud Græcos (Romae, 1666). F. S. Roselli, Storia grumentina (Napoli, 1790).

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