Fauvel Studies: Allegory, Chronicle, Music, and Image in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS Français 146 019816579X, 9780198165798
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S E I D U T S L E V U FA Allegory, Chronicle, Music, and Image in Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale de France, MS Frangais 146 ?
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The manuscript Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, fonds francais 146 is an unparalleled witness to the politics, society, and culture of the French royal court in the early fourteenth century. It contains an interpolated version of the Roman de Fauvel, completed by Gervés du Bus in 1314, that uniquely combines the Old French text with music setting poetry in French and Latin, highquality illuminations (including early depictions of the architecture of medieval Paris), and further literary elaborations and additions. The narrative finds a place within several literary traditions, serving as a satire on Enguerran de Marigny, a fallen minister of Philip IV (d. 1314), and also as admonition or advice for the new king Philip V (crowned 1317). Alongside the Roman de Fauvel, fr. 146 also includes French and Latin narrative dits (the latter edited here for the first time), the complete known works of Jehannot de Lescurel, and an important French verse chronicle. Fauvel’s short refrains and chant pieces are also newly collected and catalogued. Leading medievalists and younger scholars from a wide range of fields have contributed to this exciting interdisciplinary venture. Their essays reveal the extraordinary range of material and contexts touched by Fauvel and its interpolations, adding to our understanding of political satire, of the processes of literary or musical composition, and of patronage in the medieval period, amongst numerous other topics, advancing knowledge and enriching contexts on many fronts. Generously illustrated, this volume includes essential new reference material for medievalists in political, social and urban history, art and architectural history, musicology, the history of the book and codicology, and medieval languages and literatures, principally Old French and Latin.
Margaret Bent is a Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford. Andrew Wathey is Reader in Music at Royal Holloway, University of London. Jacket Illustrations: (Front) The horse Fauvel usurps the royal French throne. Fr. 146, fo. 11‘ (Back) The hybrid Fauvel approaches his nuptial bed, accompanied by the earliest known depiction of a charivari. Fr. 146, fo. 34". Reproduced by kind permission of the Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris.
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Allegory, Chronicle, Music, and Image in Paris,
Bibliotheque Nationale de France, MS francais 146
Edited by
MARGARET
BENT
and
ANDREW
WATHEY
U.W.E.L. LEARNING
RESOU RCES Cm) Aes ULASO é
CLARENDON
PRESS 1998
- OXFORD
Oxford University Press, Great Clarendon Street, Oxford 0x2 6DP
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Berlin Ibadan Oxford is a trade mark of Oxford University Press Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York
© Oxford University Press 1998
This publication has been supported by a subvention from the American Musicological Society and with the assistance of the Scouloudi Foundation
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press. Within the UK, exceptions are allowed in respect of any fair dealing for the purpose of research or private study, or criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, or in the case of
reprographic reproduction in accordance with the terms of the licences issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside these terms and in other countries should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, re-sold, hired out or otherwise circulated without the publisher’s prior consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Fauvel studies: allegory, chronicle, music, and image in Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale de France, MS francais 146 / edited by
Margaret Bent and Andrew Wathey. Pp:
cm.
Includes bibliographical references. 1. Roman de Fauvel. 2. Cwilization, Medieval, in literature. 3. Bibliotheque nationale (France).
Manuscript.
Francais 146.
I. Bent, Margaret. II. Wathey, Andrew. PQr461.F23F38
1998
841'.1—dc21
97-12910
ISBN 0-19-816579-X 1 eh
7 GO) 2) GS)
Typeset by Best-set Typesetter Ltd., Hong Kong Printed in Great Britain on acid-free paper by Bookcrafi Ltd., Midsomer Norton, Somerset
Preface ew
The essays that make up the present volume are the fruit of three terms of seminars and conversations organized in Oxford by Margaret Bent between 1992 and 1995, and a conference in Fauvel’s city of Paris organized by Margaret Bent and Andrew Wathey in July 1994.
Although they all relate to the contents of Bibliothéque Nationale de France, fonds frangais 146, they are almost as diverse in stance and scope as the components of the manuscript itself. Some reach out far beyond the primary discipline of their respective authors, who represent history, literature, art history, architectural history, and music. It has been one goal of the Oxford seminars and of the Paris conference to bring some of those disciplines together and to take advantage of the access to the whole manuscript that the new facsimile provides. In many ways, that publication has provided the impetus for the whole of the present enterprise. By no means all the questions surrounding the Roman de Fauvelare resolved by the papers in this volume. Collectively, however, they attempt to capture something of the extraordinary depth and richness of the contents and contexts of this work, of its frames of reference, and of the political and creative cultures from which it sprang. The editors have attempted to reconcile differences of view where possible (especially where new information would change an author’s position), but have not imposed consistency on the interpretations. It is hoped that the many small remaining discrepancies will in turn inform and stimulate new examination of the issues. In this volume we have aimed also to forge a new type of framework for the study of Fauvel that we hope may stimulate comparable approaches for other works. In the course of our work we have incurred many debts and obligations. We are grateful to all those who attended the seminars and the conference, but especially to those who crossed the Atlantic in order to take part. Indeed, the generous support and encouragement of Elizabeth A. R. Brown and Nancy Freeman Regalado throughout the genesis of this book has done much to ensure maximum contact between scholars. It is a pleasure to acknowledge the historic role of Les Editions de I’Oiseau-Lyre in making the polyphonic music of Fauvel available nearly forty years ago in the first volume of their monumental
series, ‘Polyphonic Music of the Fourteenth Century’. We were honoured
by Mme Margarita Hanson’s gracious hospitality and generous help during the Paris conference. Thanks are due to our host, the Université de Paris-Sorbonne (Paris IV), and especially to
Georgie Durosoir for inviting us to hold the conference there, and to Ivan Cloulas, who kindly arranged an exhibition of related documents in the Archives Nationales. Frangois Avril, whose legendary knowledge has informed the work of countless medievalists, and who
vi
Preface
has made a major contribution to art-historical study of fr. 146, gave us the benefit of his expertise in a special viewing of the manuscript. Erato Disques kindly permitted us to show the video of the Roman de Fauvel, performed by the Boston Camerata under the direction of
Joel Cohen. Local arrangements were admirably handled by Emma Dillon and Karen Duys. Support for the conference, for publication, or both, was generously provided by the Ministére de la Culture et de la Francophonie; the Université de Paris [V-Sorbonne; Royal Holloway College, University of London; All Souls College, Oxford; the Faculty of Arts and Science, New York University; the American Musicological Society; The Scouloudi Founda-
tion; and the Journals Department of Oxford University Press. Martin Kauffmann won our lasting gratitude by coordinating the illustrations with the consummate skill that an art historian brings to the shape of an illustrated book. Above all, our thanks go to Bonnie Blackburn and Leofranc Holford-Strevens, who not only provided
expert copy-editing but attended all the seminars and the conference; their wise and learned counsel shaped and refined the content of many contributions. This volume is infinitely the better for their attentions. Of those unable to take part, we particularly missed Edward Roesner, who for musicologists all but embodies Fauvel studies, and to whose support and wise counsel both editors are indebted; and Emilie Dahnk Baroffo, whose pioneering and courageous work in her dissertation of 1935 has been a vade mecum for many of us. It is to her that this volume is dedicated.
M.B. A.W.
Contents Crew
List of Illustrations
x
List of Tables
Xi
List of Musical Examples
XIV
List of Contributors
Xvi
Abbreviations
XViil
Introduction MARGARET
BENT
i and
ANDREW
WATHEY
1. Jehannot de Lescurel and the Function of Musical Language in the Roman de Fauvel as Presented in BN fr. 146
25
WULF ARLT 2. Fauvel and Marigny: Which Came First? MARGARET
35
BENT
3. Rex toians, ionnes, iolis. Louis X, Philip V, and the Livres de Fauvel ELIZABETH A. R. BROWN
53
4. Authorial Self-Representation and Literary Models in the Roman de Fauvel KEVIN BROWNLEE
1G
5. The Refrain and the Transformation of Genre in the Roman de Fauvel Appendix: Catalogue of Refrains in Le Roman de Fauvel, BN fr. 146 ARDIS BUTTERFIELD
105
6. Hybridity, Monstrosity, and Bestiality in the Roman de Fauvel MICHAEL CAMILLE
161
7. The Flowering of Charnalité and the Marriage of Fauvel
175
Appendix: Texts of Floret cum Vana Gloria/Florens vigor!|Neuma and Carnalitas luxuria ALICE V. CLARK
Contents
Vill (oe)
Desespoir, Esperance, and Douce France: The New Palace, Paris,
and the Royal State MICHAEL
187
T. DAVIS
. The Profile of Philip V in the Music of Fauvel Appendix: Servant regem/O Philippe prelustris Francorum |Rex regum EMMA DILLON
215
. The Metrical Chronicle Traditionally Ascribed to Geffroy de Paris
233
\o
JEAN 10,
DUNBABIN
The Latin Dits of Geffroy de Paris: An Editio Princeps LEOFRANC
247
HOLFORD-STREVENS
Le Contexte folklorique et musical du charivari dans le Roman de Fauvel MICHEL HUGLO
277
Satire, Pictorial Genre, and the Illustrations in BN fr. 146 MARTIN KAUFFMANN
285
14. La Chancellerie royale a la fin du régne de Philippe IV le Bel
57,
102,
ley
ELISABETH LALOU 15. Jehannot de Lescurel’s Chansons, Geffroy de Paris’s Dits, and the Process of Design in BN fr. 146
321
Appendix: The Pricking Patterns and Column Widths of Gatherings 6 and 7 of fr. 146 JOSEPH C. MORIN 16.
jo
Discours du narrateur, discours de Fortune: les enjeux d’un changement de point de vue JEAN-CLAUDE MUHLETHALER
337
Tradition and Innovation in BN fr. 146: The Background to the Ballades
353
Appendix A: The Ballades in the Roman de Fauvel
Appendix B: A Group of Ballade Texts in Douce 308 Appendix C: The Notes lohorenges of Le Roman de la Rose CHRISTOPHER PAGE ie
Cosmic Quaternities in the Roman de Fauvel
Appendix: Excerpts from Walter Burley, Expositio libri de sex principiis NIGEL F. PALMER 19. The “Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez in BN fr. 146: A Catalogue Raisonné
SUSAN RANKIN
395
421
Contents
ix
20. The Chronique métrique and the Moral Design of BN fr. 146: Feasts of Good 467
and Evil
NANCY FREEMAN 21.
REGALADO
Local Chant Readings and the Roman de Fauvel
495
Appendix: Manuscripts Consulted ANNE
WALTERS
ROBERTSON
22. Jehannot de Lescurel MARY and RICHARD ROUSE
525
23. The Stylistic Context of the Roman de Fauvel, with a Note on Fauvain
529
Appendix A: The Historiography of Fauvel and Related Illumination Appendix B: The Stylistic Subgroups Surrounding the Fauvel Master ALISON STONES 24. Le Roman de Fauvain: Manuscript, Text, Image JANE H. M. TAYLOR
569
25. The World of the Courts: Content and Context of the Fauvel Manuscript MALCOLM VALE
591
26. Gervés du Bus, the Roman de Fauvel, and the Politics of the Later Capetian Court
599
Appendix: Members of the Royal Commission to Investigate the Financial Administration of Enguerran de Marigny, at 24 January 1315,
and of the Estroit Conseil, July 1316 ANDREW WATHEY 27. Polyphonic Reworkings of Notre-Dame Conductiis in BN fr. 146: Mundus
a mundicia and Quare fremuerunt
615
Appendix: Manuscript Sigla LORENZ WELKER
Select Bibliography for fr. 146
637
Index of Manuscripts
643
Index of Musical Compositions
648
General Index
651
List of Illustrations C1 ofer
Plates (the plates appear between pp. 332 and 333) i Friaé, tors” . Fr. 146, fo. 10 , Fr 146, fo.410
Iv. Fr. 146, fo. 11 Vv. Fr 146, {04 30°
vi. Fr. 146, fo. 34 vu. Fr. 146, fo. 36°
vil. Fr. 146, fo. 38° Figures a & BN fr. 2195, fo. 156"
42
4.1. Fre 146; fo. 23"
7»
Fr 146,310. 144
4.3. Fr. 146, fo. 45°
Uy 101
5.17 Fr. 146, fo. 24°
129
Ae
Gait, BN lat. 10435, fo. 117°
165
6:2, BN ft.372, 10. 59.
167
6.3. Fr. 146, fo. 26"
169
6.4. Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale Albert I, MS 9548, fo. 155° (detail)
170
6.5. Rouen, Bibliothéque Municipale, MS 1044 (O.4), fo. 16° (detail)
172
Brussels, Bibliothéque Royale Albert I“, MS 9548, fo. 64” (detail)
ills Fr. 146, fo. 12°
174 176
Ta.
Fr146, fore,
176
8.1.
Paris, Palais de la Cité, plan
189
Sie
BN, Estampes, Vx 15, p. 271 (1156)
192
6.6.
8.3. Paris, Musée Carnavalet, Topo PC 004 F
192
8.4. BN, Estampes, Vx I5, p. 269 (1155)
194
oS
BN, Estampes, Ve 53g, rés. fo. 126 (1020)
8.6. BN, Estampes, Ve 53g, rés. fo. 5 (1021)
194 195
List of Illustrations
XI
8.7. BN, Estampes, Va 225c¢
196
8.8. BN, Estampes, Va 225¢€
196
8.9. BN, Estampes, Va 225d
203
8.10.
BN, Estampes, Ve 53g, rés. fo. 5 (1022)
8.11.
Paris, view of exterior (north) of former Grand-Chambre
205
8.12.
BN, Estampes, Ve 53e, rés. fo. 3 (476)
207
8.13.
205
Paris, schematic plan of centre of city with conjectural route of 7 June 1313 parade
208
8.14.
Fr. 146, fo. 1
212
12.1.
Arrét de Louis XIV contre le charivari, 1681
278
13.1. Fr. 146, fo. 42° (detail)
286
132.
BN nouv. acq. lat. 3145, fo. 121"
286
13.3.
Fr. 146, fo. 43° (detail)
286
13.4.
Paris, Musée Jacquemart-André, MS 1, fo. 104°
286
290
13.5.
Paris, Archives Nationales, D 50
13.6.
BN lat. 13836, fo. 78°
292
mi.
London, British Library, Add. MS 54180, fo. 91”
296
13.8.
Paris, Musée Jacquemart-André, MS 1, fo. 113°
13.9.
Fr. 146, fo. 26° (detail)
297 298
BN fr. 2615, fo. 72° (detail)
298
13.10.
13.11. Malibu, California, J. Paul Getty Museum, 83.ML.99 (MS Ludwig IX.3), fo. 23°
298
19-42.
Fr. 146, fo. 42°
300
13.33.
Paris, Musée Jacquemart-André, MS 1, fo. 109"
301
13.14.
Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, 71.170
302
13.15.
Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, 71.264 (front)
304
13.16.
Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, 71.264 (top)
304 305
13.17. Paris, Musée National du Moyen Age/Thermes de Cluny, cl. 403 16.1.
Fr. 146, fo. 4°
339
18.1.
Oxford, Bodleian Library, BB 24. Art. Seld., sig. a6 verso
412
ZO.
Fr. 146, fo. 34” (detail)
471
DOD:
Fr. 146, fo. 37° (detail)
484
20.3.
Fr. 146, fo. 32”
488
20.4.
Fr. 146, fo. 33°
489
20.5.
Fr. 146, fo. 16° (detail)
23-1.
BN fr. 9123, fo. 4°
493 534
25.2. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 211, fo. 235° (detail)
535
List of Illustrations
Xil
23.14.
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 10177, fo. 331° (detail)
215;
BN fr. 790, fo. 15° (detail)
23.16.
BN fr. 1590, fo. 24° (detail)
535 535 536 536 539 539 540 540 541 541 541 546 546 546
D317;
Vatican City, Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Pal. Lat. 1964, fo. 1° (detail)
547
23.18.
Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 360, fo. 21' (detail)
547
23.19.
Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 360, fo. 36" (detail)
547
2333. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 10177, fo. 67' (detail) 23.4.
BN fr. 9123, fo. 96°
235.
New York, J. Pierpont Morgan Library, M.322, fo. 6°
DBnG. New York, J. Pierpont Morgan Library, M.323, fo. 1°
2357. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 211, fo. 2° (detail) 23.8. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 211, fo. 3° (detail)
23.9.
Rennes, Bibliothéque Municipale, MS 243 (142), fo. 3°
25-10!
BN fr. 333, fo. 99” (detail)
235i
New York, J. Pierpont Morgan Library, M.322, fo. 1' (detail)
2312,
BN fr. 10132, fo. 329° (detail)
23.)GE BN fr. 10132, fo. 398” (detail)
23.20. BN fr. 1580, fo. 55° (detail)
547
5,095
Modena, Biblioteca Estense, MS @ P 8.6, fo. 46° (detail)
549
2302
Rennes, Bibliotheque Municipale, MS 593 (147), fo. 225” (detail)
549
23.23,
Paris, Bibliotheque Mazarine, MS 427, fo. 140° (detail)
550
23.24.
BN fr. 571, fo. 149°
560
WBRa2s.
Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, St. Peter perg. 92, fo. 2°
226.
Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale Albert I“, MSS. 456-7, fo. 1°
D2, D7
Brussels, Bibliothéque Royale Albert I“, MSS. 456-7, fo. 125°
23.28.
Brussels, Bibliothéque Royale Albert I“, MSS. 456-7, fo. 133°
563 564 564 565
DARTS
BN fers 71tom46"
57°
DAeo
BN fe5715 fo. 147"
571
243:
BN fr. 571, fo. 148”
571
24.4.
BIN iss 7 i tonis0:
24.5.
BNift; 57mif0) 146°
24.6. BN fr. 372, fo. 60'
572 575
579
DATE
Paris, Bibliotheque de |’Arsenal, MS 3525, fo. 122'
2OnL:
Beauvais, Archives Départementales de |’Oise, G 7635, no. 2 (detail)
606
oe,
Fr. 146, fo. 29°
619
581
List of Tables Ce
Contents of fr. 146
Simplified genealogical table of the houses of Capet and Valois Chronology 7A
Topical motets in Fauvel
PII
Fortuna’s wheels and control of time in Fauvel
at: A much simplified diagram of part of the Fauvel narrative and
the historical narrative a
The strophic incipits of “La Chanson de Bele Aelis’ in narrative sequence
15.1. Gathering structure of fr. 146 aes
124
322
Gatherings 5 (partial), 6, and 7 of fr. 146, showing the schematic
layout of Geffroy de Paris’s collected poems and the works of Jehannot de Lescurel 15.3. Pricking patterns in gatherings 6 and 7 of fr. 146 15.4. Column widths on fos. 51-55 of fr. 146 7A.
Melodic forms in the six ballades of Le Roman de Fauvel
324 334 335 371
i722. Structure of two thirteenth-century ‘balades’, Un chant novel vaurai
faire chanter and En tous tans se doit fins cuers esjoir
Oh
17.3. Some scribal presentations of the three-stanza ‘balettes’ in Douce 308
380
18.1. The correspondence of microcosm and macrocosm in Fauvel
402
TAT. Simplified genealogical table showing Chatillon—Valois connections
498 985
lyis8 Notre-Dame conducttis in fr. 146
616
ST.
Origins of chants and new motet tenors in fr. 146
List of Musical Examples ker
For examples in Chs. 5 and 19, see Index of Compositions Jil
Lescurel, beginning of Gracieusette, La tres douce Gilete
2
Lescurel, Abundance de felonie, compared with Adam de la Halle,
Il ne meut pas de sens
27 28
1. Lescurel, Amours que vous ai meffait, first two phrases
28
TA. Beginning of Douce dame debonaire (fr. 146, fo. 16")
30
iS. Falvelle qui iam moreris (fr. 146, fo. 29°)
31
TOs Beginning of Falvelle qui iam moreris, reduced melody, compared
with Amours que vous ai meffait (Lescurel) and Amours, aus vrais cuers commune
31
ye
Melodic correspondences in Falvelle qui iam moreris
32
eos
Falvelle qui iam moreris, ending of first and second parts
59)
Talis Comparison of tenor Neuma quinti toni in Floret/Florens and Garrit gallus/In nova
177
Tee
Prose Carnalitas luxuria, breves 127-57, with hypothesized tenor
181
Wy
Parallel construction of prose Carnalitas luxuria (breves 161-80) and triplum Floret cum Vana Gloria (breves 18-37)
182
9.1. Rhythmic motif A in Servant regem /O Philippe |Rex regum
221
Oz: Rhythmic motif B in Servant regem /O Philippe |Rex regum
ND)
9.3. Rhythmic motifA at triplum, bb. 15—16
222
IAT. The first verse of the anonymous ballade Ay, amours, tant me dure from fr. 146
355
G2.
Exploitation of tessitura in Ay, amours, tant me dure from fr. 146 compared with A la doucour de la bele saison (Gace Brulé) and Qui-m disses, non a dos ans (Guiraut Riquier)
356
7.
The two-part motet Chanter m estuet |Mea
362
Vea
Excerpt from the motet Selonc le mal |Docebit
ip
Excerpt from the three-part conductus-motet A ma dame |Hodie perlustravit
365 367 372 375
17.6. The first verse of James changon neferoie
ther The first verse of Un chant novel vaurai faire chanter (Wibers Kaukesel) Diets Alleluia Veni Sancte Spiritus (excerpts) Os
Ant. Jn paciencia vestra (opening)
Pllge Resp. Trope Familiam custodi (excerpts)
SOI
503 504
List of Musical Examples
XV
21.4. Resp. Filie therusalem (excerpts)
507
21.5. Ant. Estote fortes (opening)
508
21.6. Ant. Dignare nos
509
21.7. Resp. I/luminare, illuminare (excerpts)
510
21.8. Resp. Verbum caro (opening)
511
21.9. Resp. Esto nobis (excerpts)
513
21.10.
Resp. Non auferetur (opening)
21.11. Tenor of motet Tribum que non abhorruit |Quoniam secta latronum |Merito hec patimur compared with other chant sources
514
518
27.1. Mundus a mundicia, with duplum of version in F 27.2. Quare fremuerunt, parallels between setting of vv. 1-4 (part A) and tenor of version in F
624
27.3. Hypothetical process of reworking for A part of Quare fremuerunt
625
27.4.
Quare fremuerunt, B part: paraphrase of Salve regina
621
627
27.5. Quare fremuerunt, B part: ouvert—clos distinction
628
27.6. Favellandi vicium, vv. 1-4, with tenor of motet Bien me doilCum li plus|In corde ipsius
632
27.7. Favellandi vicium, bb. 18-22, with tenor of motet Bien me doilCum li plus/In corde ipsius
633
27.8.
633
Thalamus puerpere/Quomodo cantabimus I{ Tenor], bb. 23-5
List of Contributors Ther
Wulf Arlt is Professor Ordinarius of Musicology at the Musikwissenschaftliches Institut, University of Basle Margaret Bent is a musicologist, and Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford
Elizabeth A. R. Brown is Emerita Professor of History at Brooklyn College and the Graduate School, The City University of New York Kevin Brownlee is Professor of Romance Literature at the University of Pennsylvania Ardis Butterfield is Lecturer in English at University College, London Michael Camille is Professor in the Department of Art History at the University of Chicago
Alice V. Clark completed her doctorate in Musicology at Princeton University and teaches at Pennsylvania State University Michael Davis is Professor of Art History and Chair of Medieval Studies at Mount Holyoke College Emma Dillon is a Junior Research Fellow in Musicology at Christ Church, Oxford
Jean Dunbabin is Reader in Medieval History at the University of Oxford and a Fellow of St Anne’s College
Leofranc Holford-Strevens is a classical scholar and copy-editor for learned editions at Oxford University Press, Oxford Michel Huglo is a historian of medieval music and Professor Emeritus, CNRS, Paris
Martin Kauffmann is a historian of medieval art and Assistant Keeper of Western Manuscripts at the Bodleian Library, Oxford
Elisabeth Lalou is Ingénieur de recherche au CNRS, and Sous-Directeur de lIRHT (Institut de Recherche et d'Histoire des Textes)
Joseph Morin is Assistant Professor of Music, University of Maryland, Baltimore County
Jean-Claude Mihlethalter is Professor of Medieval French at the University of Lausanne
List of Contributors
xvii
Christopher Page is Lecturer in English at Cambridge University, a Fellow of Sidney Sussex College, and Director of Gothic Voices
Nigel Palmer is Professor of Medieval German at the University of Oxford and a Fellow of St Edmund Hall Susan Rankin is Lecturer in Music at Cambridge University and Fellow and Director of Music at Emmanuel College
Nancy Freeman Regalado is Professor of French and Director of the Medieval and Renaissance Studies Program at New York University Anne Walters Robertson is Professor and Chairman of the Music Department at the University of Chicago
Mary Rouse is Managing Editor of Viator and Richard Rouse is Professor of History at the University of California, Los Angeles Alison Stones is Professor of History of Art and Architecture at the University of Pittsburgh and an Associate of the Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies at the University of California, Los Angeles Jane H. M. Taylor is Lecturer in French at the University of Oxford and a Fellow of St Hilda’s College
Malcolm Vale is Lecturer in History at the University of Oxford and a Fellow of St John’s College Andrew Wathey is Reader in Music at Royal Holloway College, University of London Lorenz Welker is Professor of Musicology at the Institut fiir Musikwissenschaft, University of Munich
Abbreviations rae
Archives Départementales Analecta hymnica medii aevi, ed. Guido Maria Dreves, Clemens Blume, and
Henry Marriott Bannister, 55 vols. (Leipzig, 1886-1922) Paris, Archives Nationales
Bibliotheque de |Ecole des Chartes
London, British Library BN
Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale de France
CFMA
Classiques frangais du moyen age
CMM
Corpus mensurabilis musicae
Cesr
Corpus Christianorum: Series Latina
CSEL
Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum
Dahnk
Emilie Dahnk, L’Hérésie de Fauvel (Leipziger romanistische Literaturwissenschaftliche Reihe, 4; Leipzig and Paris, 1935)
Diverrés
La Chronique métrique attribuée a Geffroy de Paris. Texte publié avec introduc-
Studien,
tion et glossaire, ed. Armel Diverrés (Publications de la Faculté des Lettres de PUniversité de Strasbourg, 129; Paris, 1956)
EMH
Early Music History
fr. 146
Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale de France, fonds frangais 146
JAMS
Journal of the American Musicological Society
Langfors
Le Roman de Fauvel par Gervais du Bus publié d apres tous les manuscrits connus,
ed. Arthur Langfors (Publications de la Société des anciens textes frangais; Paris, 1914-19) (citations of Langfors App. refer to the “Addicions’ of fr. 146, published as an appendix to Langfors’s edition) MGH
AA
Monumenta Germanica Historica: Auctores Antiquissimi
New Grove
The New Grove Dictionary ofMusic and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie (20 vols.; London, 1980)
OMT
Oxford Medieval Texts
PL
Patrologia Latina
PMFC
Polyphonic Music of the Fourteenth Century
p-mus.
piéce musicale, following the numbering of the music in Dahnk
Abbreviations
xix
RHF
Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France
Roesner et al.
Le Roman de Fauvel in the Edition ofMesire Chaillou de Pesstain: A Reproduction in Facsimile of the Complete Manuscript, Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Fonds Frangais 146, introduction by Edward Roesner, Francois Avril, and Nancy Freeman Regalado (New York, 1990)
Rosenberg—Tischler
The Monophonic Songs in the Roman de Fauvel, ed. Samuel N. Rosenberg and Hans Tischler (Lincoln, Neb., 1991)
SATF
Société des anciens textes francais
Schrade, Fauvel
The Roman de Fauvel; The Works of Philippe de Vitry; French Cycles of the
Ordinarium missae, ed. Leo Schrade (PMFC 1, with separate commentary; Monaco, 1956) (pieces with ‘F’ numbers refer to this edition) Storer—Rochedieu
Six Historical Poems of Geffroi de Paris, Written in 1314-13318, ed. Walter Storer
and Charles Rochedieu (University of North Carolina Studies in the Romance Languages and Literatures, 16; Chapel Hill, 1950) TUL
Thesaurus Linguae Latinae
Wilkins, Lescurel
Nigel Wilkins, The Works ofJehan de Lescurel (CMM 30; American Institute of Musicology, 1966)
-7 Fe ~~
mAs aed
‘Mad
aks (in diaibergril.)
4
A!
ren)
i
=u) anih
7
5
j
te
ri
s1( Dy dtd F ab
Sivonen a)
(Vad he ison Pibie — '
of
v6t
7
Se
x
=a
paee
Fae
ul
,
=
= te
.
J
es
ve
d
4
>
We
ny
iae-6t
—
BAIA -
* mA
onlays @ =
7
eT?
Introduction aXew
MARGARET
BENT
and
ANDREW
WATHEY
The Roman de Fauvel, long a source of fascination to medievalists, is a satirical allegory in two books referring to the troubled last decades of the reign of Philip the Fair of France (12851314) and those of his sons Louis X (1315-16) and Philip V (1317-22). It tells the tale of ahorse embodying the vices: the name is an acrostic of flaterie, avarice, vilanie, varieté, envie, lacheté (Langfors, vv. 247-52) and also means ‘veil of falsity’ (vv. 241-3, recalling both Fauvel’s own deceptive appearance and the Faus Semblant of the Roman de la Rose);' the colour fauve had
acquired connotations of evil and deceit (also vanity, vv. 220-3).’ Fauvel is elevated from stable to throne by the Goddess Fortuna; he even seeks her hand in marriage, but is fobbed
off with Vaine Gloire in a union that populates and defiles the ‘sweet garden of France’ with ‘new Fauvels’ (Fauveaus nouveaux) and Fortune denounces him as a harbinger of Antichrist.° The Roman has come down to us in two main versions. The shorter, and earlier, of these
is found in thirteen manuscripts; eleven were known to the Roman’s editor Arthur Langfors, and two are recorded by Jean-Claude Miihlethaler.* It consists of a poem in octosyllabic couplets divided into two books, of which Book I contains 1,226 lines and ends with a couplet
assigning its completion to the year 1310: Qui fut complectement edis En l’an mil et trois cens et dis. (Langfors, vv. 1225-6)
Book II consists of 2,054 lines, ending with verses dating it to 6 December 1314: Qui fu parfait l’'an mil et .1iij. .ccc. et .X., sans riens rabatre, Trestout droit, si com il me membre,
Le .vj°. jour de decembre.’ (wv. 3273-6) ' See below, Brownlee, Ch. 4. > See also Margherita Lecco, ‘Il colore di Fauvel’, in Massimo Bonafin (ed.), Testi e modelli antropologici (Milan, 1989), 93-114. > Le Roman de Fauvel par Gervais du Bus publié d apres tous les manuscrits connus, ed. Arthur Langfors (Publications de la société
des anciens textes francais; Paris, 1914-19), pp. xi-xxvi; Le Roman
Frangois Avril, and Nancy Freeman Regalado (New York, 1990),
3h
* Langfors, pp. xi-xxviii; Jean-Claude Miihlethaler, Fawvel au pouvoir: lire la satire médiévale (Nouvelle Bibliotheque du Moyen Age, 26; Paris, 1994), 18 n. 7, 437. Note that three of Langfors’s MSS (Dijon, BM 525, the fragmentary BN n. a. fr. 4579 and
de Fauvel in the Edition of Mesire Chaillou de Pesstain: A Reproduction in Facsimile of the Complete Manuscript, Paris,
Epinal, BM 189) do not contain Book II.
Bibliotheque Nationale, Fonds Francais 146, ed. Edward Roesner,
the correct reading was established by Langfors, pp. xxxvi—xxxix.
> Some manuscripts give the 16th, and one September, but
2
Margaret Bent and Andrew Wathey
and (in one important branch of the tradition) naming the author: Ge rues Le nom De celui Diex de
doi .v. boi .v. esse et sournom confesse qui a fet cest livre: cez pechiez le delivre.
(wv. 3277-80) The words doi, boi, and esse in the first line are the spelt-out letter-names of D, B, and S;° the line may thus be read as “Ge rues d.v. B.v.s’, i.e. Gervés du Bus, who was a clerk in the French
royal chancery. The longer recension of the Roman, containing musical, literary, and pictorial interpola-
tions as well as variations in the common text, is found only in MS Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale de France, fonds francais 146 (hereafter fr. 146), to which Langfors assigned the
siglum E. In Book II, the colophon cited above is suppressed; instead Gervés is named in a
substitute colophon that gives the impression of awaiting scribal correction and may have been intended to offer the author a measure of disguise. On fo. 23° (see Fig. 4.1) a musical interpolation (p.mus. 54) is followed by eight verses of which the first lacks an initial letter,
evidently left for the rubricator to supply: ‘[ ] clerc le roy francois derues’. The blank is preceded by a minuscule g, intended not as the rubricator’s guide-letter but as a correction for the dof derves; as Langfors argued, the initial blank should have been filled with ./. (to be read as the numeral ‘Un’).’ Thus emended, the passage runs: Un clerc le roy francois Geriies,
Aus paroles qu’il a conceues En ce livret qu'il a trouvé Ha bien et clerement prouvé Son vif engin, son mouvement;
Car il parle trop proprement: Ou livret ne querez ja menConge. Diex le gart. Amen. (Langfors, p. 137)
After these verses stands a note in prose: Ci s’ensivent les addicions que mesire Chaillou de Pesstain ha mises en ce livre, oultre les choses dessus dites qui sont en chant.
Chaillou de Pesstain, who has long eluded unmasking, is identified by Elisabeth Lalou in this volume (Ch. 14) with a clerk of the royal chancery, Geoffroy Engelor, a Breton clerk from the diocese of Dol, who routinely signed himself ‘Chalop’ at the foot of royal acts.* ‘Pesstain’ is ° These lines, printed by Langfors from Tours, Bibliothéque Municipale, MS 947 (L), are common to three other sources: BN
fr. 2195 (J), fr. 12460 (F), and fr. 24436 (M).
FandJsubstitute .d.
for dot. Boi and doi are the regular outcome of Latin bé and dé,
replaced in modern French by the direct Latinisms b¢ and dé.
y Langfors, 136-7. ® Cf. ead., ‘Le Roman de Fauvel a la chancellerie royale’, BEC
152 (1994), 503-9.
Introduction
3
orthographically peculiar with two ‘s’s, and may, as Lalou suggests, be a mistranscription of the place-name Perscain, now Persquen near Pontivy (Morbihan) in Brittany. A plausible alias for Engelor might thus have been Chalop de Persquen, or Chaillou de Pesstain. It must
be admitted that no document links the name of Geoffroy Engelor dit Chalop with the toponym Persquen/Pesstain; on the other hand, the survival of materials relating to the
activities of royal notaries outside the chancery is often poor, and firm corroboration of their various aliases is notoriously hard to come by. The ‘addicions’, printed by Langfors in his appendix, amount to 1,808 verses; these do not
include another 1,069 verses, and the texts of the musical interpolations, published by Emilie Dahnk.’ The length of the poem is all but doubled; the scene with Fortuna, discussed by Jean-Claude Miihlethaler in Ch. 16, is greatly expanded, and we are treated to a wedding-
feast for Fauvel and Vaine Gloire with the accompanying charivari and the Tournament of the Virtues and Vices. Furthermore, as we shall see, the additions alter the poem’s emphasis by relating the satire more directly to a particular target. The musical items, 169 in number, range from short snippets of chant or pseudo-chant to
extended monophonic lyric forms and carefully crafted motets, the only polyphonic items in Fauvel. The use of chant in the Roman has recently been studied by Susan Rankin;'° her chapter in this volume (Ch. 19), the companion piece to that article, subjects the smaller
musical insertions to their first proper scrutiny and presents a catalogue raisonné. Michel Huglo (Ch. 12) relates certain chant melodies in the manuscript to the Sainte-Chapelle. Anne
Walters Robertson (Ch. 21) examines the chants, including the motet tenor melodies, in the context of local chant traditions; most appear to be Parisian, but two point to the vicinity of Arras. The thirty-four motets range from adaptations of late thirteenth-century compositions to the most modern creations that the notational and technical innovations of the early fourteenth-century Ars nova could devise. Lorenz Welker (Ch. 27) considers the reworkings of Notre-Dame conductiis in fr. 146 and refines and develops some of the findings of Joseph Morin’s doctoral dissertation.'' New scholarship on French lyric forms of this important transitional period is strongly represented in the present volume. Ardis Butterfield (Ch. 5) provides for the first time a
catalogue of the refrains used in Fauvel, appended to a study showing how refrains played a pivotal role in establishing the new and hybrid genres for secular monophony of which fr. 146 is such a rich repository. Christopher Page (Ch. 17) argues that the ballades are a reinvention or adaptation of the grand chant courtois of the trouveres, in which Ars nova rhythmic systems give new life to the dance-song forms, understood against the background of those in Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 308. He characterizes some of the more ambitious Fauvel » Emilie Dahnk, L'Hérésie de Fauvel (Leipziger romanistische
'S. Rankin, ‘The Divine Spirit of Truth: Chant in the
Studien, Literaturwissenschaftliche Reihe, 4; Leipzig and Paris, 1935). Her work survives most of the criticism of reviewers at the time; although her linking of compilation to heresy is no longer tenable, particularly since the unlocking of the political allegory by Becker (below, n. 32), it is easy to see why she proposed a
| Roman de Fauvel, JAMS 47 (1994), 203-43. '' Joseph Morin, “The Genesis of Manuscript Paris, _Bibliothéque Nationale, Fonds Francais 146, with Particular Emphasis on the “Roman de Fauvel”’ (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1992), ch. 5.
solution that addresses many of the outspoken and sensational aspects of the collection.
4
Margaret Bent and Andrew Wathey
monodies as monophony to be sung in the measured manner of polyphony, a bridge to the motet style fused with the older aesthetic of the high style of the grand chant. This fusion seems to originate in Lorraine and Champagne, and Page draws a suggestive link with Philippe de Vitry, who is reported by the author of Les Régles de la seconde rhétorique as one who ‘trouva la maniere des motets, et des balades, et des lais, et des simples rondeaux’. No
ballades, lais, or rondeaux by him are known to survive with music. But if he was associated with the compilation of fr. 146, this largest and richest testimony to art music in early fourteenth-century Paris, might some of these be his? All the Fauvel motets are anonymous, but some of them are attributed with varying certainty to Vitry in other sources, old and new; and now the exciting possibility is raised that more of Vitry’s work may be preserved anonymously in fr. 146. Although it is grammatically unclear whether Chaillou claims or renounces responsibility for the musical items, the manuscript’s links to the royal chancery encourage the belief that some of the most modern motets were indeed composed by Vitry. Mounting evidence connects him with the royal administration through his immediate master Louis de Bourbon, count of Clermont, whose service he entered by 1321 at the latest.’” In Book II of the expanded Roman, songs are increasingly put into the characters’ mouths. Fauvel usually sings in French, Fortuna in Latin. The vulgar characters of the charivari sing in (low) French, the Virtues in Latin. Particular interest attaches to cases where the register
of a character defined by language departs from its norm, as in the motet Aman novi! Heu Fortuna, where the context explicitly places the duplum or motetus
Heu Fortuna in the
mouth of the rejected Fauvel, here exceptionally singing in Latin. As a music manuscript, Fauvel is highly atypical. There are lyric interpolations in many French narrative poems of the period, but none so extensive as this. The Machaut manu-° scripts are a unique instance of combined text and music production, but there the musical genres are clearly segregated. Most other polyphony survives in purely musical anthologies. In Fauvel the music is given prominence by its indexing and by its strong visual presence on the pages. As was pointed out by Joseph Morin, and as is demonstrated anew in all the studies in the present volume that deal with reworking,'°genre boundaries are constantly challenged and transformed (some ‘motets’ resemble later accompanied song), and music becomes an
agent for commentary on the text. The expanded Roman stands at the head of, and as the main item in, a volume also
containing other related material, at last made available in a complete facsimile edition edited with an extended introduction and commentary by Edward Roesner, Francois Avril, and Nancy Freeman Regalado."* Fr. 146 is the unique source of the lyric compositions by the '* Wathey, Ch. 26; id., “The Motets of Philippe de Vitry and the Fourteenth-Century Renaissance’, EMH 12 (1993), 119-50;
id., ‘Myth and Mythography in the Motets ofPhilippe de Vitry’,
'S See the chapters by Clark (7), Dillon (9), Welker (27), and
above all from Butterfield (s).
different
points
of view
Camille
(6) and
Musica e storia, 6 (1998), 121-45. For another statement of a
‘ The introduction was compiled by Edward Roesner from
similar view, but based on other evidence, see Daniel Leech-
material contributed by Frangois Avril, Nancy Freeman Regalado, and himself. A projected reprint of the introduction will include a bibliography and index.
Wilkinson, “The Emergence of Ars Nova’, Journal of Musicology,
13 (1995), 285-317.
Introduction
5
otherwise unknown composer Jehannot de Lescurel,'” presented in an alphabetical sequence of secular monophony going only up to the letter G (omitting E), where the sequence ends with two longer pieces, as it started with an isolated polyphonic rondeau. Significant studies of the works of Lescurel have been made by Wulf Arlt and Joseph Morin,'® to which can now be added Arlt’s study in this volume (Ch. 1). There are also eight poems or dits by one Geffroy de Paris, six in French, published in 1950,'’ and two in Latin, edited here for the first time by
Leofranc Holford-Strevens (Ch. 11). They have strong political content, referring to the same period and the same events as the additions to Fauvel, as well as events of the following reigns, in particular the disputed succession following the death of Louis X in 1316, discussed below. They thus take the period of topical reference of the expanded Roman up to at least 1317. An original index, following a lover’s complainte on a bifolium that Morin shows to have been discarded from gathering IV of the collection,"® lists all the contents of the manuscript in some manner, except the final Chronique métrique. For Fauvel itself, only the musical interpolations are listed (not completely), but under headings precisely categorized by genre. The manuscript ends with a metrical chronicle covering the same historical period, starting in 1300 and becoming much fuller and more animated for the second decade of the century, which saw the events allegorized in the expanded Fawvel.'’ As Jean Dunbabin shows in her
study of the chronicle (Ch. ro), its long-standing ascription to the author of the dts has little or no justification, though both are undoubtedly the work of a clerk close to the royal administration, and as such potentially close to Gervés du Bus, Jean Maillart, and others associated with the enterprise, now perhaps including Chaillou de Pesstain. The manuscript also contains seventy-seven images of various sizes and uniformly high quality;”’ in the facsimile most are published only in black and white, which does them less than justice. They abound in the Roman, often making important contributions to understanding its messages; the other contents of fr. 146 have only minor decoration or none at all. The miniatures are catalogued by Miihlethaler.”' Avril’s fundamental study of the work of the Fauvel artist tentatively identifies him with the Parisian Geoffroy de Saint-Léger, who is documented in the rue Neuve Notre-Dame in 1316, 1323, and 1332.” It is here amplified by Alison Stones’s broad documentation of the wider artistic context of Fauveland Fauvain (Ch. 23). Martin Kauffmann (Ch. 13) considers the royal imagery and anchors it with reference to
'> “Balades, Rondeaux et Diz entez sur Refroiz de Rondeaux Tees
fist Jehannot
de Lescurel’,
in Friedrich
Gennrich,
Rondeaux,. Virelais und Balladen, i (Dresden, 1921), 307-72; nos. 368-460; The Works of Jehannot de Lescurel, ed. Nigel Wilkins (CMM 30; American Institute of Musicology, 1966). : '© Wulf Arlt, ‘Aspekte der Chronologie und des Stilwandels
im franzésischen Lied des 14. Jahrhunderts’, Aktuelle Fragen der musikbezogenen Mittelalterforschung: Texte zu einem Basler Kolloquium des Jahres 1975 = Forum musicologicum, 3 (1982), 193280, esp. 209-30; Morin, “The Genesis’, ch. 5.
" For the French dits, see Six Historical Poems of Geffroi de Paris,
Written
Rochedieu
in 1314-1318,
ed. Walter
Storer and Charles
(University of North Carolina Studies in the Ro-
mance Languages and Literatures, 16; Chapel Hill, 1950). '® Morin, ‘The Genesis’, 145-65, and below, Ch. ts. " La Chronique meétrique attribuée a Geffroy de Paris, ed. Armel Diverrés (Strasburg, 1956).
*® Some manuscripts of the shorter version have one or two illustrations. See Roesner et al. 4 n. 8.
*! Miihlethaler, Fauvel au pouvoir, 413-35. * Roesner et al. 47.
Margaret Bent and Andrew Wathey
6 Contents of fr. 146 Fos.
Hand*
i-tii
Contents
Remarks
[blank]
Three medieval flyleaves: fo. i forms a bifolium with the main corpus of the manuscript, also form a bifolium.
Complainte d'Amour (fragment)
Neal
Originally intended to form part of the main corpus of the manuscript, probably as a draft extension to Fauvel’s complainte after fo. 27 (the leaf signature ‘iiij’ on fo. A also corresponds with this position). Fos. A-B form a bifolium, the whole of which was discarded from the
manuscript before fo. 27° was completed and then salvaged to write the index on fo. B. B TV
Index
Made probably by scanning the contents of the manuscript; originally designed as a classified list of only the musical items in Fauvel; later additions list the works of Geffroy de Paris and Jehannot de Lescurel. The Chronique métrique, possibly incorporated in the volume after the index was drawn up, is omitted.
46-55"
57 —62"
I
Le Roman de Fauvel
The main item in fr. 146. The bifolium formed by fos. 28 bis and 28ter, copied by scribe C and containing a lai for Fauvel, is a later addition, apparently a final adjustment to the courtship scene.
[blank]
Ruled for music, as fos. 44” and 45‘, possibly in order to accommodate further motets that were not ultimately copied.
‘Plusieurs diz de mestre Geffroi de Paris’. Two Latin and six French poems, commenting on events between 1314 and late April or early May 1317
The first two of Geffroy’s dits (Avisemenz pour le Roy Loys and Du Roy phellippe qui ore Regne), copied in a different
‘Balades rondeaux et diz entez... de Jehannot de L’Escurel’. 34 lyrics with music,
Also copied contemporaneously with the Roman, and before the completion of the index on fo. B.
mainly in the formes fixes
hand from the remaining six, may have been intended to balance items at the end of Book I of Fauvel, completing
the manuscript at this point; alternatively, they may have been entered at a later stage, filling a gap between Fauvel and what is now the third dit, Des alliez en latin (‘Hora rex est’). The whole of this section, however, was copied more or less contemporaneously with Fauvel.
Introduction
Fos.
Hand*
Contents
63-88
G
Chronique métrique. Verse chronicle of
French history, 1300-16 88'—92°
[blank]
7
Remarks
Possibly incorporated after the index on fo. B was
completed, though very likely copied for inclusion in this manuscript. Unused pages at the end of the Chronique métrique, two
leaves (after fos. 89 and 92) have been removed. 93a.
[blank]
A medieval flyleaf, conjoint with the rear pastedown
(fo. [94]). * This table follows the description of hands in Roesner et al. 6 (hands B and F, writing short passages respectively on fos. 7'—-8' and on fo. 62°, are here omitted). Note, however, that Morin, ‘The Genesis’, 66-8 ascribes fos. 46-8 to hand C rather than to hand A. Hand C also appears throughout the Romanas a correcting hand; Morin 69-70 suggests that hands C and E may be the work of the same individual writing different
scripts. Fos. 1-48 bear a medieval foliation (I-XLVIII) by hand E; fos. 49-88 bear a modern foliation.
royal seals; Michael Camille (Ch. 6) examines the grotesque end of the artistic spectrum; Michael Davis (Ch. 8) places the Parisian images of Fauvelin their historical and architectural context (indeed, its miniatures include an important early representation of Paris).
Fr. 146 is by far the largest of the Fauvel manuscripts (330 X 460mm.), paradoxically the
oldest, and the only surviving one extended with interpolations, music, and pictures, though
it is the least clear in its date and authorship. At least one other interpolated and illustrated Fauvel manuscript once existed, but it is evident from its description in early fifteenth-
century French royal inventories that the interpolations were different from those in fr. 146. The 1338 will of Gérard de Montaigu, a lawyer and a canon of Notre-Dame de Paris, included
a copy of the Roman de Fauvel ‘cum pluribus parvis romanciis’.” Elizabeth Brown and Edward Roesner are (we think, rightly) cautious about assuming this to be our manuscript, though its candidacy to be so identified has been formidably championed in unpublished work by Richard and Mary Rouse; but this reference at least confirms the chancery connection and may establish a link with Notre-Dame. In addition, fr. 146 may possibly be the less explicitly described of two other Fauvel manuscripts mentioned in a late sixteenth-century inventory of the French royal library.” * Paris, AN, S 6458, no. 8. See Wathey, Ch. 26 n. 38; Morin, ‘The Genesis’, ch. 2.
** See Roesner et al, 4-5. As Jeanice Brooks has helped us to
confirm, the first unequivocal description of fr. 146 appears in the supplement to Nicholas Rigault’s 1622 catalogue of the French royal library, fr. 146: ‘46: Le livre de Fauvel en vers francois. Plusieurs motets, lays, proses, respons, antiennes et
versets en musique. Ensemble plusieurs diz de mestre Geofroy de Paris, nommement
avisemens pour le roy Loys; Item du roy
Philippe, qui ores regne. Item la creation du pape Jean et autres. Plus lhistoire de France, en vers Francois depuis l’an 1301 jusques alan 1414’ (see Henri Omont, Anciens inventaires et catalogues de la Bibliotheque Nationale, 5 vols. (Paris, 1908-21), 11. 263).
Margaret Bent and Andrew Wathey
8
At some point in the fifteenth century, however, fr. 146 appears to have been taken to Savoy.’ It is almost certainly the volume described in an inventory of books made at the death of Philippe II, duke of Savoy, in 1498 as ‘Ung grant livre large et prin en parchemin escript en francois, 4 la main, lectre bastarde, historié et illuminé d’or et d’azur, anoté,
commencant Hellas com jay etc., couvert de postz et peau noyre a quatre plactes d’argent.’ The incipit of this volume corresponds with that of the fragmentary Complainte d amour on fol. i of fr. 146 and the comment that it was a French text written in ‘lettre batarde’ with
illuminations and musical notation serves to confirm this identification. Less certain, though none the less probable, is that fr. 146 was the copy of Fauvel (one of four books of which the third was ‘chiamato el faueo’) said to have been acquired in Paris in 1403-5 by Thomas III de
Saluces and given by his son to Amadeus VIII, duke of Savoy.” The depiction of a fountain of youth, in some respects similar to that in fr. 146, in the baronial hall at Manta, the Saluces family residence, may offer some support for this hypothesis. The return of fr. 146 to the French royal collections appears to have taken place during the reign of Francois I.” The manuscript is an extremely complex document.” Its structure has been exhaustively studied in Morin’s indispensable dissertation, which gives strong evidence for planning and changes of plan during its genesis. His contribution to the present volume (Ch. 15) invites further speculation about the collaborations involved in the process. Moreover, the interrelationships emerging between the many components of the work, both within the Roman de Fauvel itself, where text, additions, music, and images are tellingly arranged on the pages, and between it and the other contents of the manuscript, increasingly make it appear to have been planned as a whole. The format parodies the medieval layout of central text and marginal glosses by putting the central material to the margins and making a feature of the glosses and interpolations, just as the expected scripts of the Roman and of the Chronique are reversed, the Roman being in a chancery hand, the chronicle in a /ittera formata. Nancy Freeman Regalado, in her reciprocal reading of the Roman de Fauvel and the Chronique métrique (Ch. 20), shows many parallels and contrived reversals between these two flanking pillars of the volume, purportedly fiction and fact respectively. These are just further examples of the reversals of the natural order that are a central theme of the Roman: the act of currying Fauvel leads to a bestournement or perversion of order, devant-derriere.”’ Some of the very things that have caused the chronicle to be treated separately might indeed be part of the contrivance that associates it with the Roman. Animal satires play a key part in the Roman, but they were not new and they provide some of the clearest contextual links between Fauvel and other texts or traditions. The story of : For what follows see M. L. Meneghetti,mane ‘Il manoscritto fr.
on their perusal of inventories of Francois I’s books now in the
146 della Bibliotheque Nationale di Parigi, Tommaso di Saluzzo e gli affreschi della Manta’, Romania, 110 (1989), 511-35. *° In the Cronaca di Saluzzo of Gioffredo della Chiesa; see ibid. 513-14. 7 We are grateful to Elizabeth A. R. Brown, Patricia Stirnemann, and Marie-Pierre Lafite for this observation, based
25
Bibliotheque Nationale de France, in preparation for publication. * A concise account of the gatherings and scribes is given in
;
:
:
:
;
Roesner et al. 5-6.
” On this theme in general see Ernst Robert Curtius, Ewropean Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. Willard R. Trask (London, 1953), 94-8.
Introduction
9
Reynard the Fox (in the Roman de Renart and Jacquemart Giélée’s Renart le Nouvel, finished in 1289) is one obvious and pervasive source, extended to further masked animals in the motet texts, one of which also invokes Ovid’s Metamorphoses, the locus classicus for fabulous bestial transformation. The ‘Dame Guile’ of Giélée’s text is cast as a horse, and its descendant Renard le contrefait (1319) perhaps picks up Gervés du Bus’s text in its use of the phrase
‘torcher Fauvel’; this became proverbial along with its variant estriller Fauvel—the origin of the English expression ‘to curry favour’, where favour is a corruption of favel = Fauvel. The slightly later tale of Fauvain, the feminine counterpart of Fauvel, is addressed in Jane Taylor’s contribution (Ch. 24) on its illustrated presentation in BN fr. 571, the unique manuscript containing Fauvain, which has a particular connection with fr. 146 in that it contains two of the motets also found in Fawvel.”” Once thought to be an antecedent of Fauvel, the Fauvain manuscript has since been shown to date from 1326-7 and to be associated with the nuptials of Edward III of England and Philippa of Hainaut.”' Behind much of the satire and allegory in the interpolated Roman de Fauvel of fr. 146, as has long been recognized, lies the figure of Enguerran de Marigny.” The eldest son of Philippe de Marigny, sire d’Ecouis, the head of a minor noble family of the Rouennais, Enguerran entered royal service probably in 1295 and rose through a series of appointments to become the king’s chamberlain in 1305.” His relations with the French princes for most
of Philip’s reign appear to have been good, as witnessed by numerous exchanges of precious gifts, by the concession to Enguerran of a politically important marriage for his daughter in 1309, and more generally by the complicity of the higher nobility in his rise to and exercise of power. Yet beyond a point, and particularly after 1313, Enguerran’s ambition worked against him: in the eyes of the royal princes, if not of their father, the chamberlain’s continued rise was a threat to their own position and self-image, arrogating a status and rights that were properly had by birth alone. On more than one occasion, moreover, Enguerran clearly overplayed his hand, delivering thinly veiled slights to Louis of Navarre (the future Louis X), who in 1313 organized a puppet show at Paris satirizing him, and more seriously in 1314 to Charles de Valois. By taking the most prominent position in the negotiations with Flanders at Tournai in 1314, which the count clearly considered his own, Enguerran made for
himself a mortal enemy. The death of Philip [V on 29 November 1314 stripped Marigny of his political protection, and almost immediately his persecution, orchestrated by Charles de Valois, began. On 7 December the ambassador of the King of Majorca, Guillaume Baldrich, wrote to his master that Marigny was about to be dismissed.’ In the event, however, his
downfall was not immediate. Initially supported by the new king, Louis X, Marigny was first accused and then, in January 1315, cleared of financial mismanagement. He was finally © T?Histoire de Fauvain: reproduction phototypique des 40 dessins du manuscrit frangais 571 de la Bibliotheque Nationale précédée du texte critique des légendes de Raoul le Petit, ed. Arthur Langfors (Paris, 1914); A. Wathey, “The Marriage of Edward III and the Transmission of French Motets to England’, JAMS 45
1963), 198-9. The Aug.
Becker,
Marigny
Fauvel
und
link was Fauvelliana
first discussed (Berichte
by Ph. iiber
*! Wathey, ibid. 14-18 with literature there cited. Un
die
Verhandlungen der Sachsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften
zu Leipzig, Philologisch-historiche Klasse, 88; Leipzig, 1936).
(1992), 1-29. 2 For what follows, see Roesner et al. 48-53; J. Favier,
conseiller de Philippe le Bel: Enguerran de Marigny (Mémoires et documents publiés par la Société de l’Ecole des Chartes, 16; Paris,
* Favier, Un conseiller, 57-8. * Tbid. 200-3.
10
Margaret Bent and Andrew Wathey
brought to trial only in March 1315 when to the earlier charge was added one of necromancy.
Arraigned and subsequently judged in the Parlement of Paris by a commission of nobles and royal councillors that included almost all his enemies, and prosecuted by an attorney in the pay of Charles de Valois, Marigny was convicted at the end of March. His execution by hanging on the gibbet at Montfaucon followed on 30 April, Ascension eve.
This event receives explicit mention in the text of the motet Aman novi! Heu Fortuna! Heu me and at numerous other points in fr. 146 Marigny’s presence behind the allegorical figure of Fauvel is made clear.” Two other motets in fr. 146, Tribum que non abhorruit |Quoniam secta latronum|Merito and Garrit gallus|/In nova fert| Neuma, dwell at length on the evils
wrought within the French polity by the usurper Fauvel, the befouling of ‘le jardin de douce France’, and the subversion of the royal will at the end of Philip IV’s reign; a further motet, Floret cum
Vana Gloria! Florens vigor!/ Neuma,® like Aman novilHeu Fortuna! Heu me, de-
scribes his downfall.’ Marigny is clearly caricatured at the end of the second book of the Roman, where Gervés’s text concludes with a prayer for deliverance from Fauvel and the ‘Fauveaus nouveaux’ despoiling the ‘beau jardin de grace plain’; he is again invoked in an oblique reference to Ferrant, count of Flanders, who was captured in Philip Augustus’ defeat of the English and Imperial forces at Bouvines on 27 July 1214, and on whom Marigny is reported to have addressed a large gathering in Paris in August 1314. As Jean Favier argued, the entire second book of Gervés’s Roman can be read as a satire on the disgraced chamberlain. Taken in this context the first book may be read in a similar light.** In the interpolated text, reference to Marigny is more pointed still, amplified by the placing and subject-matter of the motets, and also by passages in the Chronique métrique, which, here and elsewhere,
may have been intended to serve as a key to the Roman’s allusions.” Other political events mentioned or more obliquely figured in the music of fr. 146 are the suppression of the Templars on charges (then generally believed in France) of sexual and religious abominations; the death of the emperor Henry VII on 24 August 1313, supposedly
poisoned by his Dominican confessor; and the charges of adultery brought in late April 1314 against the daughters-in-law of Philip IV: Marguerite of Burgundy (married to Louis of Navarre), who was imprisoned, and died, or was put to death, in her husband’s reign; Jeanne, countess of Poitiers (married to the future Philip V), who was acquitted; and her sister Blanche (married to the future Charles IV), who was also imprisoned but declined the
expected self-abasement.”’ There are also several ‘royal’ motets that take as their subject the broad theme of kingship and its prime exponents, the kings of France; Elizabeth A. R. Brown (Ch. 3) and Emma Dillon (Ch. 9) discuss aspects of the royal motets thought to be for Louis
X and Philip V. i Roesner et al. 50-3. ” Triplum only in fr. 146; remainder
in Brussels,
Bib-
“See Elizabeth A. R. Brown, ‘Diplomacy, Adultery, and Domestic Politics at the Court of Philip the Fair: Queen
liothéque Royale, MS 19606. See Bent, Ch. 2, and Clark, Ch. 7. __Isabella’s Mission to France in 1314’, in J. S. Hamilton and P. Ih
4 The Marigny motets are studied by Bent, Ch. 2.
”
Favier, Un conseiller, 67, 173, 198-9.
39.
. See Dunbabin, Ch. 10.
Bradley (eds.), Documenting the Past: Essays in Medieval History Presented to George Peddy Cuttino (Woodbridge, 1989), 53-83.
Introduction
U
A view emerging clearly in the following essays is that the apparently topical motets were not composed contemporaneously with the events that they describe, but specifically for the interpolated Roman de Fauvel of fr. 146 as part of its schemes of commentary and admonition. Also important from this standpoint are the passages in the expanded Fauvel— including the musical interpolations discussed by Alice V. Clark (Ch. 7)—that amplify the
description of Fauvel’s marriage and add to Gervés’s text the Tournament of Virtues and Vices. As Elizabeth Brown and Nancy Regalado have shown elsewhere,"' this extended episode is closely modelled on the Grant Feste mounted in 1313 to mark the knighting of Philip IV’s sons and his son-in-law, Edward II, and their assumption ofthe cross. The pattern and urban geography of this fabulous nine-day event, intended as a symbol of Philip’s magnificence and authority, are closely shadowed by the narrative of Fauvel’s marriage with Vaine Gloire. Both the real and fictional celebrations are located in Paris; the field before the Abbey of Saint-Germain, where a great parade took place in 1313, is made the site of the tournament; the revellers of Fauvel take the ferry to the royal palace, where the knighting ceremony was held, for their ‘black’ wedding; the behaviour of Fauvel, who oversleeps on his
wedding-day, is made to parallel that of Edward II as portrayed by the Chronique métrique of fr. 146, itself the fullest surviving narrative of the 1313 celebrations. More broadly, this passage
again offers a symbolic commentary on the moral integrity of the French royal house and its susceptibility to malign influence. The charivari, which as a genre later became associated with second marriages, might in part be seen as a commentary or reaction to the second marriage of Louis X, concluded soon after the convenient death of his first wife. Other piéces d occasion in fr. 146 may include the Lescurel ballades, now that the traditional identification of their author with the Jehan de Lescurel hanged at Paris together with three other ‘enfants de la bourgeoisie’ for offences, including rape and the procuring of abortion,
committed against nuns and others, has been convincingly dismissed by Mary and Richard Rouse (Ch. 22), who show that it is both unnecessary and rash to identify the composer purely on grounds of what turns out to be a common name.” A later dating fits much more plausibly with everything else we know about the genesis of the manuscript and also makes it easier to account for cross-references between Lescurel’s works and the polyphonic motet Quasi! Ve qui gregil Trahunt in Fauvel. Although
the political history of the French court is amply reflected in fr. 146, the
manuscript also illuminates the social and intellectual history of the period. In the present volume, at either end of the spectrum, it is exploited by Malcolm Vale (Ch. 25), writing on
court life and courtly entertainment, and Michel Huglo (Ch. 12) on the maskings of the charivari, of which this manuscript has the first known
manifestation. In Fortune’s long
speech in Book II, an apocalyptic dimension is underpinned by her references to Fauvel as “ “Ta grant feste. Philip the Fair's Celebration of the Knighting of his Sons in Paris at Pentecost of 1313’, in Barbara A. Hanawalt and Kathryn L. Reyerson (eds.), City and Spectacle in
Medieval Europe (Medieval Sudies at Minnesota; Minneapolis,
1994), 56-86.
© The identification had already been questioned by Morin, “The Genesis’, ch. 5.
Margaret Bent and Andrew Wathey
12
representing the fourth age of the world, Melancholy. It is here that he is heralded as a forerunner of Antichrist and of the end of the world. The same passage refers to the author of the Sex Principia, correctly identified by Langfors as a twelfth-century treatise on the last six of the Aristotelian categories, but Fauvel does not quote directly from that work. Nigel Palmer (Ch. 18) shows that the actual reference is to a commentary on the same work by the
Englishman Walter Burley, who was in Paris throughout the first quarter of the fourteenth century. Several versions were in circulation at about the time of the compilation of Fauvel, and it should be treated rather as an analogue than as a source. Burley’s commentary brings out quaternities (the humours, the seasons, the elements, the ages of man) and Palmer demonstrates the contexts of Fortuna’s cosmology from these. The authorship and origins of the Roman de Fauvel, and the direction of its satires, remain
the subjects of a lively debate vigorously pursued in several of the contributions to this volume. The following pages aim to identify the numerous areas of general consensus, and to present a set of working hypotheses. This is not, however, an attempt to produce a single statement: some positions articulated here and by our contributors are mutually complementary, some are as yet divergent.” Gerveés’s explicit involvement in the short Roman is limited to Book II, at least on a strict reading of its colophon: that to Book I provides a clear act of closure and in more than one manuscript the form of the scribal explicit to the first book underlines its independence from the second.“ Nevertheless, as a number of writers have pointed out, it is not inconceivable
that Gervées du Bus was also responsible for the first book of Fauvel. This view was strongly advanced by Langfors, who argued that the differences between the two books were the product of the author’s changing aims and perspectives over the four years that apparently separated their composition. As Roesner observes, the use of the phrase ‘a trouvé in conjunction with Gervés’s name in fr. 146 may suggest that the whole work quickly came to be associated with Gervés, and this ‘by someone who . . . was close to the circle in which du Bus worked’. Others, beginning with Gaston Paris, have been inclined to see the differences between the two books as proof of the involvement of more than one author. This is the position of Pierre-Yves Badel, who suggests that separate authorial origins for the two Livres de Fauvel are betrayed by the character of Book II’s response to the contents of Book I.*° His approach is adopted by several contributors to this volume, although it is not inconsistent with a less polarized formulation of the relationship between the two books of Fauvel than that often advanced. The one new authorial self-naming in the interpolated Fauvel occurs on fo. 23’, where as
we have seen Chaillou de Pesstain claims direct responsibility for the matter following, which is thus differentiated from the previous interpolations. As Kevin Brownlee argues in this “Much
of what follows can be found at greater length in
” Roesner et al. 3.
Roesner et al. 1-53 and Langfors, pp. xi-xxxix, lxxi—lxxviii. “ BN fr. 2195 (J), ‘Explicit l’ystoire de fauvel’; Dijon, BM 525 (K; contains Book I only), ‘Explicit fauvel’; BN fr. 24436 (M),
‘Icy fenist Torche Fauvel’.
“ G, Paris, ‘Le Roman de Fauvel’, Histoire littéraire de la — France, 32 (1898), 108-53; P.-Y. Badel, Le Roman de la Rose au XIV° siécle: étude de la réception de |wuvre (Geneva, 1980), 212-
20.
Introduction
13
volume (Ch. 4), the identification of Chaillou in a prose rubric gives him the ‘“ultimate”
authority of the author-compiler of the book as a whole’. In the course of the interpolated Fauvel, the voice of the author, presumed to be Chaillou, makes
a number of other direct
appearances, most notably in two authorial rubrics on fo. 36‘: ‘Ci retourne l’auteur a sa matire’ and ‘ci parle l’aucteur’ (see Pl. VII). Chaillou also manipulates conventions of
‘authorial presence’ in what constitute a prologue and epilogue to his interpolations, and models his own relationship with the author(s) of the short Roman on that expressed between
Jean de Meun and Guillaume de Lorris in the Roman de la Rose. Already the subject of a direct reference in Gervés’s Book II, the Roman de la Rose provides a far-reaching model for the narratives of the interpolated Fauvel. The question thus arises of the relationship between the two authors and its implications for their respective texts. As a number of writers have suggested, some part in the reworking of Fauvel may well have been played by Gervés du Bus. Chaillou’s framing of his own relationship with the ‘original’ Fauvel text does not exclude this possibility. Indeed, it might be argued that the interpolations hint at Gervés’s complicity in the reworked whole, since they respond mainly to his Book I, and since they deal directly with his authorial standing. Moreover,
it seems almost inevitable that the Fauvel of fr. 146 was the product of a
collaboration of some kind: other authorial hands are most obviously present in the musical and pictorial interpolations, and it is not impossible that the act of assembly—as well as knowledge of the content of the literary “addicions’—was shared with others active alongside Chaillou. But equally important, both for the origins of this text and for Gervés’s involvement in it, is the evident connection between fr. 146 and Paris, in particular the royal
chancery, where Gervés du Bus, the ‘clerc le Roy francois’, had been a notaire since 1313. If Gervés was active in the milieu where fr. 146 was assembled, how could he have been
prevented from knowing of the manuscript or of the project that it embodies? Further, how distant from this milieu was Gervés’s ‘original’ Book II, or even the first book of the short Fauvel? Also important for the relationship between these texts is a further copy of the Roman de Fauvel, now lost but recorded in French royal inventories of 1411, 1413, and 1424. It appears
to have included pictorial and musical interpolations but cannot be identified with fr. 146, since it began with Benedicite domino and was written in a formal text hand.”” It may therefore represent another distinct interpolated version of the text, perhaps with different ‘addicions’. This raises the possibility, among others, that fr. 146 was not the first attempt to elaborate the short Fauvel. It also points to the existence of a larger and multivalent Fauvel tradition, in which the model provided by the shorter text spawned several subsequent
versions, and informed other traditions—musical, iconographic, or textual—at a greater or * See Léopold Delisle, Recherches sur la librairie de Charles V tory; however, his reference to Joseph Barrois, Bibliotheque filsdu roi Jean, Charles V, Jean (Paris, 1907), no. 1194: ‘Un livre de torchefauvel, historié et noté, —protypographique, ou librairies des de Berri, Philippe de Bourgogne, et les siens (Paris, 1830), 80, no. 411 bien escript de lettre de forme. Commengant Benedicite domino.
Fin vous ay dame. Couvert d'un vielz drap de soie a abres vert et_—_ ij petits fermoirs d’argent dorez. Val. iij livres.’ Langfors (p. xin. 1) erroneously implies that the book appears in the 1373 inven-
is to an extract from the 1411 list. For another lost copy of the Roman de Fauvel, probably without music, see above.
Margaret Bent and Andrew Wathey
14
lesser distance from the Fauvel narrative itself. One example of this appears to be the Fauvain of fr. 571 (copied ¢.1326), which assumes a knowledge of the narratives and imagery of both
the short and interpolated versions of Fauvel.* Another instance is provided by the transmission of Watriquet de Couvin’s Dit de Loiauté, which appears to have been infiltrated by parts of the Fauvel iconographic tradition (by way of its subject, Loiauté), without, however,
mentioning Fauvel. The stream of Fauvel-related texts displays an increasingly consistent pattern of political linkages, which may in turn substantiate the tradition’s continuity and coherence. The interpolated Fauvel of fr. 146, the later Fauvel satellites, and perhaps even Gerves's ‘original’ Book II can be connected variously with the court of Philip IV’s brother Charles de Valois and with those of the princely families into which Valois’s children married (notably Chatillon, Bourbon, and Hainaut). This is far from incompatible with the major part played in the narratives and allegories of Fauvel by the royal court. Indeed royal and Valois followings overlapped significantly, and it is in this nexus that more than one contributor to this volume finds the origins of parts of fr. 146. In his monograph of 1994, Jean-Claude Miihlethaler suggested that the interpolated Fauvel might have originated within or close to the circle of Charles de Valois;”” working independently, with different materials and from different perspectives, others have reached a similar conclusion. His involvement in current events and in fr. 146 is further explored here
in contributions by Jean Dunbabin, Leofranc Holford-Strevens, and Andrew Wathey.” As the principal persecutor of Enguerran de Marigny in 1315, Charles de Valois was well qualified
to be the sponsor of the project embodied in the interpolated Fauvel. The Chronique métrique included in fr. 146 is highly, and unconventionally,”' favourable to the count. He can also be connected with a number of the Fauvel satellites—most directly with the Dits of Jean de Condé, which explore parallel themes to those of the ‘political’ motets in Fauvel. In addition,
he can be linked with almost all of the other anti-Marigny texts. As Andrew Wathey shows (Ch. 26), Charles de Valois and his followers were also closely connected with Gervés du Bus, in part through a network of placemen whom the count installed in the royal administration from c.1314 onwards. This may help to explain how the more evident links between fr. 146
and the royal chancery, and the manuscript’s Parisian origins, can be reconciled with Charles’s own involvement. Gerves du Bus had come to Paris and joined the chancery in the first half of 1313, having begun his career as chaplain to Marigny, a fellow Norman. He would
have been especially well placed to observe and comment on abuses of power. The illuminations in fr. 146 were executed by a known Parisian artist, who also illuminated other volumes for the French chancery. Scribes practised in the script of the chancery (an unusual choice for *° Taylor, Ch. 24. ” Fauvel au pouvoir, 381, 398.
made even Charles’s brother Philip address him as ‘king of
antics in 1284 in attempting to take possession of the crown of
the hat’. See Cronica d’En Ramon Muntaner, ed. J. Coroleu (Barcelona, 1886), chs. 103, 119, 121, 236, and for his coronation with a hat instead of the crown Bernat Desclot, Cronica, ed. M. Coll 1 Alentorn, 5 vols. (Barcelona, 1949-51), ch. 136 (iv. 111). We
Aragon won him the appellation ‘king of the hat and the wind’ from the Catalan chronicler Ramon Muntaner, whose narrative
are very grateful to Leofranc Holford-Strevens for drawing our attention to these references.
© Chs. 4, 1, 26 below. *' At least so far as his earlier career is concerned. Charles’s
Introduction
15
an extended literary manuscript) wrote most of the text of the interpolated Roman; as we have
seen, many of the interpolated passages and illuminations display an intimate connection with and knowledge of the capital. Other royal notaries may also have collaborated in the assembly of the interpolated Fauvel, or the manuscript as a whole. At the time that the volume was completed, those attached to the royal chancery, working alongside Gervés du Bus, are known to have included Jean Maillart, author of the Roman du comte d’Anjou, quoted several times in the interpolations to Book II.” It is probably also in this milieu that Chaillou de Pesstain was principally active, if as Elisabeth Lalou suggests he is the royal notary Geoffroy Engelor, who signs himself ‘Chalop’, and who served as a notaire from 1303 to 1334, subscribing a large number of royal acts from ¢.1307. In 1314 he succeeded Pierre de Bourges as the notary attached to the
Parlement, charged with the redaction of the Olim (judicial registers) but still notarizing some royal letters and still formally a notaire. He may be assumed to have enjoyed close contact with the other notaries of the chancery and as the registers of the royal chancery indicate, he too was linked with Charles de Valois and various Valois clients after 1314. From
his position in the Paris Parlement, he would have been ideally placed to observe the prosecution there of the case against Marigny. A number of issues relating to the origins of fr. 146 remain to be addressed. It is not yet clear how long the manuscript took to write, nor how long the larger items in it took to compile. The Chronique métrique, for example, devotes most space to the years 1313-16, but it may have been a late addition to fr. 146, since it is not included in the index; this leaves
open the question whether it was originally conceived with this volume in mind. The balance is probably in favour of its being so intended: not only are its size and format so exceptional that the odds are against its being casually available for inclusion in this volume, but the polemical tone, as its editor notes, resembles that of Fauvel.”’ The text of the Chronique, and even the copy in fr. 146, may be unfinished, in the sense that continuation was perhaps once envisaged.
The sources from which the various texts here were drawn may have been spatially, even chronologically or ideologically separate. More generally, it remains an open question when
the ensemble of texts in fr. 146 was considered to be finished, although there is physical evidence that the plan of the manuscript was expanded at least once during the process of assembly.” This in turn begs questions of audience. How widely were the texts in fr. 146 circulated individually? Who had access to the finished manuscript? Who read and knew the short Fauvel text, the interpolated Fauvel, or the lost version beginning with Benedicite domino? The number of surviving copies of the short Fauvel, without the more elaborate and targeted allegories of the interpolated text or texts, may indicate that this version was the Roques,
* The most obvious example is the interpolated bifolium 28
‘L'Interpolation de Fauvel et le Comte d’Anjow’, Romania, 55
bis-ter, but Morin, “The Genesis’, passim, and below, Ch. 15,
~ Langfors,
wv.
389-443,
667-77.
See
Mario
(1929), 548-51, and further citations listed by Regalado, Ch. 20 n. 78. » Diverrés 13-14.
shows many other cases where changes of plan have left traces in codicological anomalies.
16
Margaret Bent and Andrew Wathey
more readily circulated. Equally, however, the evident brilliance exercised in the compilation of fr. 146 should not blind us to the possibility that some of its contents, or indeed some of its messages, were widely disseminated. If the court or a segment of its population knew of the manuscript, then it seems likely that some also knew at least a little of its contents. It is not surprising, therefore, that where evidence exists for the ownership of copies of Fauvel, either lost or extant, it is also frequently accompanied by a close connection with a royal or princely court. Gérard de Montaigu, for example, who owned a copy of the Roman de Fauvel, spent most of his career in the service of the crown and of Jeanne, daughter of Louis X and queen of Navarre from 1329. The Dijon manuscript of Fauvel was copied for a bishop of Amiens who was the nephew of Charles de Valois’s chancellor.” A broad area of consensus is emerging on several, but not all, aspects of the chronology of fr. 146 and the interpolated Fauvel. The papers in this volume mainly follow the working hypothesis that the ensemble of texts included in the manuscript was completed during or shortly after the early months of 1317. The interpolated Fauvel includes a reference to ‘Phelippe qui regne ores’ that could hardly have been written before the coronation of Philip V at Reims on 9 January 1317. Nor could the motet O Philippe prelustris francorum have been
copied into fr. 146 in the form that celebrates Philip V’s reign before this date. The tournament episode in the Fauvel of fr. 146 includes a description of the shields carried by the Virtues, bearing the date 1316 (v. 1064): in modern style, the French year 1316 ran from 11
April 1316 to 2 April 1317, although, as part of a narrative, this citation indicates simply that the passage must have been written after the beginning of the year. Later in the manuscript, the Latin dit Hora rex est de sompno surgere refers to events shortly after Easter 1317 (3 April), or at the latest in early May. The Chronique métrique concludes with entries relating to events in the autumn of 1316 but is followed by several blank pages suitable for the insertion of further material. In this form, therefore, we may simply have the Chronique as it was available to its copyist in fr. 146. The chronologies of the two versions of the Roman de Fauvel and of fr. 146 present in
addition a series of interpretative problems. For several of the motets in the interpolated Fauvel, and for several of the other texts included in fr. 146, events that are mentioned or
alluded to can be used to establish termini post quos. Yet if these motets at least were written specifically for the manuscript fr. 146, the past events they describe are historicized, not merely reported as they occurred. This is a complex picture in places, further obscured by the involved transmission histories of some of the works in fr. 146 that also survive elsewhere. For
example, it is not yet possible to establish whether the motet O Philippe prelustris francorum| Servant regem| Rex regum in fr. 146 represents the first version of this work, or is adapted from the version beginning Ludowice prelustris francorum rex in BN fr. 571.” But as Margaret Bent » See Wathey, Ch. 26. © This MS was made 0.1326 (see Wathey, ‘The Marriage of Edward III’, 14-18), but until recently was thought to pre-date fr.
146, encouraging the conclusion that the “Ludowice’ version of the motet was the older and that the verbal text was changed to accommodate the death of the old king and the accession of the
the motets. Yet no stemmatic dependence between the two surviving copies can be traced, and nor do the circumstances of the motet's later reception or other manuscript evidence confirm an order of precedence. We cannot exclude the possibility that the ‘O Philippe’ version was the first version and that it was written for fr. 146 (nor, but for fortuitous survival of fr. 571, would its
new. Echoes of this rejected manuscript chronology have been
credentials as a motet celebrating Philip V have fallen under
slow to die and continue to steer datings of the two versions of
suspicion).
Introduction
17
shows (Ch. 2), the assumption, common in much earlier musicological writing,” that such events provide termini ante quos for the motets now seems to have been mistaken. This new perspective has important consequences for the narrative and allusive structures of the interpolated Fawvel, and also raises a broader question: how far can other evidence for dating in Fawvelor fr. 146 be taken at face value? Can the same practice ofretrospective dating be attributed to the date 1314 in the explicit of the short Fauvel, the events described in the Latin dits of fr. 146, or even the abrupt conclusion in the autumn of 1316 of the Chronique
métrique? Here too a variety of views has emerged in the contributions to this volume. On the one hand it can be argued that the distinction between the explicit authorial dating of the short Fauvel and the implicit dating of the motets and Latin dits marks a crucial difference in function and authorial attitude. It is questionable, indeed, whether the inclusion of references to identifiable events constitutes even an implicit attempt to place the work in a temporal framework. Similarly, the abrupt close of the Chronique métrique, and the ease with which it might have been supplemented on the blank folios at its end, may indicate that its author (if not its copyist in fr. 146) left off at a date not very distant from the last events
recorded. On the other hand, it can be argued that the significance at the end of Book II of the date 6 December 1314, the eve of Marigny’s downfall, should raise our suspicions: placed
in a passage that is critical of Marigny, and read against Marigny’s subsequent importance in the interpolated Fauvel, this date very conveniently abets the message of the text. Its presence here, it could be claimed, may be a referential device introduced for literary reasons rather than a documentary statement about the completion of Gervés’s Book II. Cast loose from its chronological anchorage in 1314, Book II of the short Fauvel might
potentially take up a variety of positions slightly earlier than or almost contemporaneous with the longer text. Other evidence suggests that the short Fauvel was not compiled later than that of fr. 146, notably its textual stability and the statement in fr. 146 that the contributions of Chaillou de Pesstain are ‘addicions’. Yet a shorter gap between the composition of the two texts than the three or so years usually advanced remains a possibility. This in turn allows us to envisage a closer potential collaboration between the two texts’ authors, a closer relationship between their respective intentions and allegorical strategies, and between the milieux in which they were written. In particular, the notion of greater authorial collaboration may draw support from the continued presence of Gerves du Bus in the French royal chancery when fr. 146 was compiled, alongside other royal notaries connected with the longer text. Similarly, greater proximity between the circumstances—and perhaps even the physical locations—in which the two texts were composed reduces the need to dissociate their
objectives, or the need for a chronological framework for their differences. In this light, the standing of Book I, whose completion is ascribed to the year 1310, may also be ripe for reconsideration. Might this also be fictive, a literary device? As Edward Roesner points out, the interpolated Fawvel, and by extension the whole of fr. 146, can be considered as a many-sided royal admonitio.* The short Fauvel had already been
recognized by Gaston Paris as a serious criticism of Philip IV and his policies; Langlois
Y Ernest Sanders, ‘The Early Motets of Philippe de Vitry’, JAMS 28 (1975), 24-45:
zs Roesner et al. 50. ” Histoire littéraire de la France, 32 (1898), 108-52 at 118.
Margaret Bent and Andrew Wathey
18
described it as ‘non pas certes antiroyaliste, mais ultraclérical’.“ The various admonitory statements, warnings against evil counsellors, and injunctions to rule justly that these texts contain are all addressed directly or indirectly to the king. In the case of fr. 146, the king is fairly clearly intended to be Philip V: he may be considered the addressee of the work, even though many of the themes taken up by this text are classics found widely in a long tradition of admonitory texts. The short Fauvel presents a more complex picture. It might be considered part of a tradition of generalized admonition, alongside Mirrors of Princes and other political tracts that espouse similar themes; and perhaps in view of its wide circulation this is the more likely frame of reference. Alternatively, this text, like its interpolated version, may have had a distinct and identifiable addressee. The treatment of the Templars in Book I may point to Philip IV in this respect. If the date in 1314 at the end of Gerveés’s Book II is understood literally, the text may be addressed either to Philip IV, who died a week earlier
on 29 November, or (perhaps less plausibly in view of the short time-scale) the new king, Louis X. If the date is read as a literary device, however, Louis X (or even Philip V) may emerge as a more probable addressee of the completed short Fauvel. It is necessary to distinguish clearly between the addressee of the extended admonitio of fr. 146 on the one hand, and the target of its evil counsellor themes, allegories, and criticisms on
the other. The latter individual in this case is most strikingly Enguerran de Marigny. However, the example of his misdeeds may well have been intended to represent not only
established topoi in the practice of admonitio regum but also more current menaces to the integrity of the French realm. These menaces, the indirect objects of criticism, might be
identified in the person of the king himself, but this seems unlikely. Even if parts of the interpolated Fauvel are mildly critical of royal rule, the same point does not apply to the whole: it remains an admonition, not an anti-royal manifesto. If the dates given for the ‘short’ Fauvel are to be believed, even fictively, Marigny cannot yet be its full target, for his powers and abuses post-date the given date for Book I, and his final fall post-dates the death of Philip the Fair and the terminal date for Book I. More plausible hidden targets for the criticisms of fr. 146, however, might well be found among the king’s own enemies, against whom general forms of admonition functioned as quite specific warnings, and who are clearly aimed at in Geffroy’s Hora rex est and Des alliez. Yet these enefnies needed to be identified, cast in
that specific role by the instigators (or the readers) of the project embodied in the interpolated Fauvel. A context for the allegory in the interpolated Fauvel, and perhaps a rationale behind its creation, can be found in the events surrounding the French succession. As is well known,
Louis X died in June 1316, leaving a pregnant wife and a daughter Jeanne, whose paternity had been left in doubt by the revelation two years earlier of her mother’s adultery. In the scheme worked out between the princes during July, the child born to Louis’s widow would become king if a son; if the child were a girl, it was held by most that the kingdom would pass © Charles-Victor Langlois, La Vie en France au moyen Age d apres quelques moralistes du temps (Paris, 1908), 284, in an entire chapter
devoted to Fauvel.
Introduction
19
to Philip, count of Poitiers, Louis X’s eldest surviving brother.”' Philip claimed the regency for himself, against only minor protests. Louis’s child, John I, was born on 13 or 14 November
and died a few days later; Philip then claimed the throne. This time the Opposition was widespread and powerful. Protests were made on Jeanne’s behalf by Agnés de France and Eudes IV, Duke of Burgundy, who enlisted the support of the nobles of Champagne and the Count of Flanders. Among the French pairs, only Mahaut d’Artois and Charles de Valois
appear to have attended Philip V’s coronation at Reims on 9 January 1317.” Philip’s brother
Charles, count of La Marche, stormed out on the eve of the ceremony, having unsuccessfully demanded an increase in the size of his apanage; later he demanded his own share in all lands
added to the ancient royal patrimony. Formal treaties were required to effect even superficial reconciliations with Charles de la Marche in March 1317, following the death of Philip V’s own son, and with Agnés and Eudes IV a year later. If, as has been suggested, the project as a whole originated close to Charles de Valois, its
targets might be sought among Charles’s own opponents. Charles’s attitude to Philip V in the months following the accession is thus important. Most recent commentators on this point appear to accept that, after initially opposing the accession, Charles rapidly came to terms with Philip: there is very little, even later in 1317, to suggest that he actively and directly opposed the new king himself. Some uncooperative postures were struck, but these appear to
have been largely the product of other quarrels, of which the most evident lay between Charles and his half-brother Louis of Evreux. Both Charles and Louis attacked one another’s interests and supporters but did not directly threaten the realm. This was effectively a struggle for the major position of influence behind the throne befitting the senior member of the Capetian
family after the king. Against this background,
the language of admonition,
warnings against evil counsellors past and present, and even satire directed against earlier rulers, might very suitably form part of the propaganda emanating from one side and directed against the other. Scholars in various disciplines have edited and perforce studied the many elements of fr. 146 on several sometimes divergent tracks.’ The student of this manuscript needs to consult
separate editions for the base text of the Roman, for the textual addicions, for the polyphonic motets, the monophonic songs, the songs of Jehannot de Lescurel, the French dis, and the Chronique métrique, not all of which are easily available. For Fauvel itself, a pioneering but
scarce facsimile of the interpolated Roman, published in 1907,” was followed by Langfors’s °' See Andrew Lewis, Royal Succession in Capetian France: Studies on Familial Order and the State (Cambridge, Mass., 1981),
(1316-1322), 2 vols. (Paris, 1899-1931), i. 83, n. 1; Girard de Frachet in RHF 21 (Paris, 1855), 47, ‘licet tunc esset presens, ut
187-92; Gaucher de Chatillon wrote to Edward I] of England
dicebatur, partem aliorum fovente’; Lettres secrétes et curtales
from Saint-Omer on 1 Aug. 1316 ‘Chiers sires si vous faisons
relatives a la France, ed. A. Coulon and S. Clemencet, 3 vols. (Paris, 1906-72), i. 43, nos. 349-50; J. Petit, Charles de Valois
savoir que, de lacort Madame la royne et de nos seigneurs de France et des barons, monseigneur de Poetiers gouverne le roialme de France et de Navarre et gouvernera iusques a tant que
(1270-1325) (Paris, 1900), 174.
madame la royne soit accouchiee et se elle avoit .j. fiz il sera roy
pouvotr, 279. “Le Roman de Fauvel: reproduction photographique du manuscrit francais 146 de la Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris, ed.
et sele avoit fille monseigneur de Poitiers demourroit Rois’ (PRO, SC1/34/155). ® Paul Lehugeur, Histoire de Philippe le Long, roi de France
® A point already recognized in Miihlethaler,
Pierre Aubry (Paris, 1907).
Fauvel au
WOUII[D
JOO‘AT
= — slolny.p invyeyy
AI SATYVHO (1) ‘we ‘Apun8ing
Apunsing
HOBO
32D)
STOTE yadezy pue A
(6r€1 “p) xna1aq
(Sg—oZ71
XI SINOT
Jeorsojeauary AGRL jo oy}
SOSNOP{L jo
jo oypuryg aonsreyy soy ED ouuraf =
(o£-9771 *1)
pegyduns
ap sayouo’) eddipryd
sIouy Pp
For the sources see Wilkins, Lescurel, pp. i-iv, and Mary and
Miihlethaler, Fauvel au pouvoir: lire la satire médiévale (Paris, 1994); Susan Rankin on the liturgical aspects, “The Divine Truth
Richard Rouse, below, Ch. 21. > See e.g. the various comments of Edward Roesner in his
of Scripture: Chant in the Roman de Fauvel’, JAMS 47 (1994),
introduction (written with Frangois Avril and Nancy Freeman
a particular work in Wulf Arlt, ‘“Triginta denariis’*—Musik und
Regalado)
Text in einer Motette des Roman de Fauvel iiber dem Tenor
to the facsimile;
the researches
of Jean-Claude
203-43; ead., below, Ch. 20; and the remarks on the position of
Wulf Arlt
26
true, as I hope to show here, of the new manner of composition in F rench monophonic song,
which is one component of discourse taking place on many levels between the expanded text of the Roman and the musical additions in the Paris manuscript. The monophonic songs give their own answers to general questions concerning the relationship of text, music, and image,
provided that we read them in the light of the discrimination evinced within the surviving
works of Lescurel between various means of musical expression.” The works of Jehannot de Lescurel exemplify the context of upheaval marking the transition to the new genres of polyphony on display from the 1340s in Guillaume de Machaut. Lescurel’s songs constitute the largest stock of notated rondeaux and ballades,
understood according to the same conception of these genres that underlies the rich collection of Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 308, where the ‘balletes’ include poems with the formal pattern of the virelai.’ As there, so too in Lescurel the texts span various genres in form, content, and register; there is also an unmistakable predilection for variety within them. Thus the eleven ‘Rondeaux’ exhibit nine different structures in number and length of lines. The case is similar in the class of ‘Balades’; as in the Douce chansonnier, this includes
poems with the formal pattern of the virelai, even though it is not conceived as a distinct genre till Machaut. In this respect, the index heading “Balades, rondeaux et diz entez sus
refroiz de Rondeaux’ (fo. B’) must be taken seriously for Lescurel in particular—and not
supplemented by adding the term ‘virelais’.° Classification as ballades and virelais sweeps away the symptomatic transition between the two patterns; and significantly, the number of
‘irregular’ patterns is just as large as that of the songs classifiable as virelais within the scheme
of the three formes fixes. there are single-strophe songs in which only the music indicates the presence of a refrain, a quasi-ballade pattern in which the refrain changes, a song whose first part is varied in the repetition, and so on.
The range of content is similarly wide, from the light tone of the dance-songs to the high register of the grand chant, in different formal patterns and in ever changing combinations. As a result, the marked preference for individuality from song to song counts for far more
than the establishment of a new generic framework, on which stress is so often laid.
Each of these characteristics is emphasized even more by the music. Here the novelty of combining different genres and associations can be detected even in the notation. We have here the first monophonic
songs in which the new mensural procedures of polyphony,
attested in motets of the late thirteenth century and associated with the name of Petrus de Cruce, are adopted and exploited in the melodic conception; that is to say, the composer, by means of notation, distinguishes between longer and shorter note-values, on four levels, the Victimae paschali
laudes,
in Ritva
Jacobsson
(ed.),
Pax
et
Kolloquium des Jahres 1975 = Forum musicologicum, 3 (1982), 193-
Sapientia: Studies in Text and Music of Liturgical Tropes and Sequences, in Memory of Gordon Anderson (Studia Latina
280, esp. 209-27.
Stockholmiensia, 29; Stockholm, 1986), 97-113.
lades dans le Chansonnier d’Oxford’, Archivum Romanicum, 4 (1920), 20-40. See also the contribution by Christopher Page,
“ The ensuing discussion incorporates the results ofadetailed
> Already emphasized by Ernest Hoepffner, ‘Virelais et Bal-
investigation of the historical place of Lescurel’s songs: Wulf
below, Ch. 17.
Arlt, “Aspekte der Chronologie und des Stilwandels im franzosischen Lied des 14. Jahrhunderts’, Aktuelle Fragen der musikbezogenen Muttelalterforschung: Texte zu einem Basler
° So the heading in Wilkins: ‘Index of the Ballades, Rondeaux, Virelais and Diz entés sus Refroiz de Rondeaux’.
Lescurel and the Function of Musical Language
27
longest being twelve times as long as the shortest. Here too we may detect that individual phrases are based on traditional melodic patterns of monophony, taken from a wide range of genres, from dance-song to grand chant. On the other hand, the use of mensural notation led
to melodic patterns not previously demonstrable in monophony. However, the decisive feature of the music is its extreme individualization, with a multiplicity of tone; this permits us to recognize even at first glance a clear connection with the
texts. Thus the very light tone at the start of a sardonic song— Gracieusette, La tres douce Gilete, Dex vous doint tres bon jour, Dex vous doint tres bon jour—
is matched by a setting exclusively in short notes, namely semibreves, which I show by copying out the opening lines in the original notation and appending a possible interpretation (Ex. 1.1). A contrasting example may be provided again right from the opening lines, by the serious lament Abundance de felonie | Me fait tieus moz dire et trouver (Ex. 1.2).° In this
song, as is shown in the rhythmic skeleton (a), longer values predominate, the longa and brevis. And if the melody (4) is reduced to its essentials (c), without the ornamental notes, it
will become clear that a grand chant idiom has been adopted here. It is symptomatic that the beginning, with its descent through the entire octave, resembles a song by Adam de la Halle (2), Ll ne muet pas de sens chelui qui plaint. Ex. 1.1. Lescurel, beginning of Gracieusette, La tres douce Gilete Pos
: Gri
‘ad
o-
eel
o-
set
te
ee
~,
o-
La
{ces
dou
gern
cen
Gila
tte
mle
tee
te
Differentiation both in tone and in the relation of music to text extends to the individual sentences. Thus the song Amours que vous al meffait
Qui amie non amee Au dous plaisant m’avez fait Lasse et point ne li agree.
is set at first to a rhythm based on the longest note-values; then at the words ‘Et de quelle eure fui nee | Quant ie n’ai loial ami’ it changes abruptly to the shortest note-values and with an ” Fo. 59°. The rhythmical interpretation follows Wilkins’s
” See the parallel edition of the various versions ofthis melody
transcription, no. 20. Other possibilities, discussed at Arlt, — in Hendrik van der Werf, Trouveres-Melodien, ii (Monumenta ‘Aspekte’, 216, do not affect the general impression.
* Fo. 57°; complete transcription in Wilkins, no. 4.
monodica medii aevi, 12; Kassel, 1979), 504.
28
Wulf Arlt
Ex. 1.2. Lescurel, Abundance de felonie, first phrase: (a) rhythmic skeleton; (4) melody; (¢) reduction of melody; compared with (d) Adam de la Halle, beginning of Il ne meut pas de sens
:
(a)
ph I eophela inetila Se
A
=
Oars 1
-
bun-
en
cx
A
dan-ce
=
=
ZS
Dune
dani
Il
ne
muet
pas
d
ion
=
=e
-
--
|
=e
iit
eee
-
=e
.
cemGente
=
(@) ¢ -
=
eee esee
ae ae =
fe-lo
Sbun!=sdanescesdeste=lo
() ¢ = A
de
ils
10
Sia
a
a
=
qui
plaint
de sensche-lui
=
=
e
Ex. 1.3. Lescurel, Amours que vous ai meffait, first two phrases: (a) rhythmic skeleton; (4) melody; (0) beginning of second part
fe
(a)
i
A - mours
5
a
que vous
r
ai
7
mef - fait
—
halal
a
r
‘
Quiya)
=
fn
mire
‘
]
NON
Ae
on
5
E
eS
—
a |ddddd|d | dod dedddla x [aed id S02 SPs Je (0)
£
|
De
SS —
ee
ee
I
=
—
7
oe
SS
|
A - mours
que vous ai
A
mef- fait
Quia
-
mi-e
non a-me
-
ce
err Meche ncinide|ehadehseeriid s
o
eB Et
a
=e
de
quelle eu-re_
ee fui
ne-e Quant
. ie n’ailoi-al
a
-
-
I
mi
emphatic gesture descends through the whole octave. Ex. 1.3 shows (6) the beginning of the song, (4) its underlying rhythm, and (c) the beginning of the second part. Such varied text-setting is not attested in monophony before this time. It may have happened in performance; indeed, everything suggests that with his short groups of rapid
Lescurel and the Function of Musical Language
29
notes Lescurel was incorporating an ornamental practice into notation. This transition between unwritten practice and the realm of record is an aspect of the creative upheaval in contemporary Paris, in which only to a very limited extent can the new features be derived
from the old."
Lescurel’s monophonic songs, with their differentiated text-setting and their extreme individualization, are historically significant not least for his realization of possibilities subsequently exploited by Machaut, mainly in the polyphonic ballade.'' This is also true of the musical conception even as far as the relation between strophe and refrain in the discourse of the chanson.” Given the problems in identifying this Jehannot de Lescurel, it remains an open question whether his songs came into being before the musical interpolations in the Roman de Fauvel. At any rate, the latter display the essential traits of this new art, though without the extreme
variety in tone, in relation between text and music, and in the multiplicity of formal structure. In the musical
interpolations of the Roman
de Fauvel the new
melodic language of
monophony is generally found in the ‘Ballades [et] Rondeaux’—here too the term ‘virelai’ is significantly absent from the index.'* The lais by contrast are written in long note-values. The new manner is assigned to the world of Fauvel; many of the songs composed in it are put
implicitly or even explicitly in his mouth."* The first ballade, Aj, amours, tant me dure| le mal que jaia porter (p.mus. 43)—with a refrain also found in one of Lescurel’s diz'’—follows immediately on Fauvel’s dialogue with Fortune, Douce dame debonaire (p.mus. 42, fo. 16’). The rondeau A touz jours sanz remanoir | vueil du cuer servir ma dame (p.mus. 45) comes at the end of his grand address to her (19'). The ballade Providence la senee (p.mus. 55, fo. 23°; see below, Fig. 4.1) is introduced with the words: “Lors a Fauvel ceste balade |Mise avant de cuer moult malade’; the next (p.mus. 56) similarly with the lines: ‘En soi complaignant de rechief | Chante Fauvel enclin le chief’ (23°), and others likewise.
Even where the new melodic language is used for texts written in the persona of the
interpolating editor, they are comments directly relating to the world of Fauvel—clearly distinguished from the realm of Latin, of Fortune, or the Virtues, from the locus of reproof,
admonitio, and naturally from the liturgical. Thus the new melodic language first appears in the rondeau Porchier mieus estre ameroie | que Fauvel torchier (p.mus. 30, fo. 10'; see Pl. II), '° See too the helpfully provocative remarks of Lawrence Gushee, whose questions still require consideration: “Iwo Central Places: Paris and the French Court in the Early Fourteenth Century’, in the symposium on ‘“Peripherie” und “Zentrum” in der Geschichte der ein- und mehrstimmigen Musik des 12. bis 14. Jahrhunderts’,
in Hellmut
Kiihn
and
Peter
Nitsche
(eds.),
Ballade’, in Dorothea Baumann, Roman Brotbeck, and Joseph Willimann
(eds.),
Das
Paradox
musikalischer
Interpretation:
Bericht tiber ein Symposium zum 80. Geburtstag von Kurt von Fischer (Berne, 1997), and Sarah Fuller, ‘Guillaume de Machaut: De toutes flours ,in Mark Everist (ed.), Models ofMusical Analysis: Music before 1600 (Oxford, 1992), 41-65; each citing further literature.
Bericht tiber den Internationalen Musikwissenschafilichen Kongress Berlin 1974 (Kassel, 1980), 135-51, esp. 147-8, and the ensuing discussion, pp. 151-7. "" See e.g. Wulf Arlt, ‘Donnez signeurs—zum Briickenschlag
On fo. B‘, as again under Lescurel, we find only ‘Rondeaux, balades et reffrez de Chancons’. On the ballade in the Roman de
zwischen Asthetik und Analyse bei Guillaume de Machaut’, in
Fauvel see now in general Christopher Page, below, Ch. 17.
Christoph Ballmer and Thomas Gartmann (eds.), Tradition und
Innovation in der Musik: Festschrift fiir Ernst Lichtenhahn zum 60. Geburtstag (Winterthur, 1993), 39-64; id., “Machauts Pygmalion
' Examples in Arlt, ‘Aspekte’, 219, 221-4.
" For an edition of the monophonic songs I refer in general
to Rosenberg—Tischler. "Pourquoi m'estes vous si dure. ed. Wilkins, p. 35.
30
Wulf Arlt
which is so laid out on the page as to face the first liturgical piece, Alleluia. Veni sancte spiritus (p.mus. 31). Similarly the text Fauvel est mal assegné| De venir a son desir (p.mus. 47, fo. 19")
adopts the melody of a previous ballade of Fauvel’s, A touz jours (p.mus. 45). Now Edward Roesner has shown that in the interpolation changes of purview and language are likewise deployed with a purpose. Thus the one Latin motet explicitly assigned to Fauvel, Aman novil Heu Fortuna! Heu me (p.mus. 71), comes at a major critical point, at
which Fauvel’s recognition of his lost gamble—with its obvious reference to Enguerran de Marigny—is extended to the historical plane.'° Hence it is not matter for astonishment— even though it has not previously been observed—that the new monophonic language is also clearly used to convey meaning on this second level, as it were, of linguistic reference.
It is significant in this regard that Fortune too twice uses French, but never the new melodic language. On the second occasion she sings a lai (Je qui poair, p.mus. 46, fo. 19°); on the first, she participates in the dialogue with Fauvel, Douce dame debonaire, in which from the very beginning (Ex. 1.4) both the extended melodic descent through the octave and the long note-values display the traditional musical language of the grand chant, an idiom already mentioned in connection with the resemblances between Lescurel’s Abundance de felonie and a song of Adam de la Halle’s, but traceable right down to Guillaume de Machaut’s one notated ‘chanson roial’ in the Remede de Fortune.'’ Ex. 1.4. Beginning of Douce dame debonaire (fr. 146, fo. 16’)
1) seon
onl da - me
atta de-bon
-
ai - re’
ishnaeh eal SOM ‘Fau -vel
que
te
faux?’
The counter-example is the fauvelized conductus Falvelle qui iam moreris (p.mus. 69; Ex.
1.5). This is one of the three monophonic songs by Philip the Chancellor in which the previous melody is not taken over,’* and the only one unambiguously in the new musical language, as revealed in its melodic style, in the ballade form, and in other features of the new art. It is symptomatic of the new style that even the first verse (see Ex. 1.6) may be reduced to a simple stepwise motion (a), here presented with comparable excerpts, (4) and (0), from
songs by Lescurel.'’ The same applies to the use of melodic correspondences to form strophes, as in the agreement between the endings of wv. 1 ~ 3 and v. 6, in the latter without '© See Roesner et al. 16, col. b; Miihlethaler, Fauvel au pouvoir, 1336 and n. 193; and Rankin, “he Divine Truth’, 239-42, and below, Ch. 19. See also Ch. 2. "Cf.
above, at Ex. 1.2, and on Machaut’s ‘chanson roial’
the notation, for in underlaying the text space was left for a melisma as in the earlier melody for this text: Studien zur musikalischen Auffiihrungspraxis in der Zeit der Renaissance ca.
Arlt, ‘Aspekte’, 273-6. 'S See in general Lorenz Welker, below, Ch. 27, esp. pp. 615—
1300 bis 1600 (Phil. Diss. Basle, 1992; Munich, 1992), 147. " (a) comes from the beginning of Amours que vous ai meffait, above, p. 28, Ex. 1.3(b); (8) from the end of Amours aus vrais cuers
17 and Table 27.1. Welker was also the first to point out that the creation of a new melody for this song is demonstrated even in
Arlt, “Aspekte’, 223).
commune,
v. 1, again with reduction of the smaller values (see
Lescurel and the Function of
Musical Language
31
Ex. 1.5. Falvelle qui iam moreris (fr. 146, fo. 29°)
ooo
on
APG
|
ee
=
ty
pais FSS 1.Fal 3. qui
as
-
scis
ef
8
Gi
Bi
of
iam ir
~=mo 3fu
hm!
"
«
a
-
Hie et
gee eect
Gao
=
iS.) pe
COt
=)
be
it
(=
oo
-
~
ae
Be, 5
"
I
errr Sees
oti
-
vii Di
=
I
ie on,
2. qui 4. ma - lus
=
te
=
ny
:
ior
tee
ho-di
-
e,
eS
I
aleet le Me diy LiL Jet
pea Gitty
mB
a
a)
Saag
qui he =
ene
oe
o - cu-los
off
59
HB
no
a - pe - ris,
O90 O me
6. quid
BE
:
“vi=te”
n
ooo F
os. sSrtes cleaned -
bri-us
=
fi = Ce-115.
6.10)
vi = amr
“de=se
Pope
a
-
ooo
ge |
ell| ae TT). 1 eds
Ue
TO
glo
-
fi-
Ex. 1.6. Beginning of Falvelle qui iam moreris, reduced melody (a) compared with phrases from Lescurel: Amours que vous ai meffait (6) and Amours, aus vrais cuers commune (co)
Fal
(b)
-
@: Se ae
vel
=
ee
A-mours que
vous
le
es ai
(Cc)
qui
mo
=e
i
=a bee
es
=o
cuers
-
eo aot
=
————_—_
mef
@ ...aus
iam
vrais
-
fait...
com
-
mu
-=-
ne
Wulf Arlt
32
ornamental prolongation of the penultimate syllable as in the former (see Ex. 1.7). Similarly (see Ex. 1.8) it is to the ending of the first part (a) that the basic melody (4) of the last two verses (set off as a refrain) leads back. Ex. 1.7. Melodic correspondences in Falvelle qui iam morerts
ee ee Bocce
eQUieeiam UNE Tal
mo fu
3
4s
e
=
=
fee SS Sars!
ris
5 ee
6
(vie)
eam
wide= se
=
ris
Ex. 1.8. Falvelle qui iam moreris. (a) ending of first part; (8) last two verses
(4)
sero ma - lus
et
6 2
lieh=
US
©
e
Pass
o>
et
pe - ior
ho =
Gi
=
(in-a-) nis
The position ‘ballade’ stands Heu me. In the refrain ‘Fols ne illumination,
=
fi =
ce
=
=
-
mo
Slo]
2°
fu
=
die—e,
fis
@
=a
eS
til ae
of this song brings us once again to the critical point in the plot. This Latin on the same opening (fos. 29'—30') as the motet Aman novil Heu Fortuna! preceding interpolations the action had intensified (fos. 28ter"—29'). After the voit en sa folie se sens non’ (ref. 14), which also appears in the scroll of the
Fauvel had been admonished
in two of Philip the Chancellor's
powerful
poems: the conductus-strophe Vade retro, Sathana! (p.mus. 65) and the lai Fauvel cogita (p.mus. 66). Both are fauvelized, and both display melodic patterns in the older Latin style: the second takes over the melody of O mens cogita, the former has a new melody, but in the older style and with alternation of long and breve. After these vocal pieces a biblical quotation continues the liturgical vein: ‘Incrassate Falvelle, recalcitrasti, impingate, dilatate, dominum non agnovisti non timens’ (p.mus. 67).”’ But Fauvel does not listen and (now on the next opening of the book) turns once more to Love with a French motet over a song tenor, Bonne
est amours |Se mes desirs (p.mus. 68). Whereupon he is subjected to Falvelle qui iam moreris, one last Latin text of the Chancellor's, but now—since he refuses to listen to anything else— in his own musical language. And it has its effect, as is shown, after the biblical Omnia tempus 20
‘
.
.
‘
i
*
.
.
.
.
Cf. Deut. 32: 15: ‘Incrassatus est dilectus, et recalcitravit: ingrassatus, impinguatus, dilatatus, dereliquit Deum
suum... Cf. Rankin, below, Ch. 19.
factorem
Lescurel and the Function ofMusical Language
33
habent (p.mus. 70) added at the end of fo. 29° (see below, Fig. 27.1), by the central motet Aman novilHeu FortunalHeu me. To be sure, the musical
interpolations of the Roman
de Fauvel, and in particular the
polyphonic compositions, are among the items in this source subjected to the most detailed study. But this has generally been applied to the individual pieces; by contrast, most of the work on their place in the whole still remains to be done. And in this regard the remarks made above on monophonic song are also true of the polyphony. This begins on the very first page with the unusual setting, persistently debated, of Quare fremuerunt (p.mus. 3).”' Here
for the first time a Latin text by Philip the Chancellor appears with the new means of expression available for vocal music exemplified in the strophic form and in the ornamental small note-values of the two equally important voices. The three pieces framing text and illumination on this page may be immediately read as representing an increasing topicality.” The first, Favellandi vicium (p.mus. 1), presents, so to speak, a general troping of the theme-word, with which the main text thereupon begins: “De
Fauvel .. .’. The second, Mundus a mundicia (p.mus. 2), broadens out from this foundation
into the topos of the world turned upside-down. And the third, Quare fremuerunt, by its reference to Ps. 2, whose opening is quoted in the first five words, indirectly provides an initial allusion to Enguerran de Marigny: the rebellion of the ‘reges terrae et principes’ against the Lord in the psalm leads one at once to think of the rebellion of the magnates against the monarch in the Parisian situation. At the same time, the sequence of three pieces exhibits three genres of polyphony, each used differently in the interpolation: the first piece is an obviously new motet, the second is a reworked conductus, and the third exploits the new musical language in a polyphonic context by setting an earlier text with ‘the musical structure of French chansons’.”* The structural counterpart of Quare fremuerunt is the first French motet: Je voi douleur avenir|/Fauvel nous a faitl|Autant (p.mus. 29, fo. 9°). The tenor is repeated four times. The texts of the upper voices make an abbreviated ‘forme de rondeau’, without repeating the first half of the refrain after v. 3.°° The music, too, freely adapts a pattern of repetitions characteristic of song: sections 1 and 4 are identical in text and music; the first half of section 2 repeats
the music of section 1 with a new text, and the top voice of the second half also echoes it in the ascent from d’ to f; in the motetus of section 3 the last four of the six perfections
recall the last four perfections of section 1. And, significantly, the tenor of this piece, as shown by the very unusual rubric at the beginning, is placed in Fauvel’s mouth: ‘rauveL: Autant mest si poise arriere comme avant’. However, the decisive evidence for the role of musical language in the interpolated Fauvel is the fact, and the manner, of the music’s intervention—from the very first page, and with et motetorum vetustissimt stilt, 1/1 (Halle, 1910), 99.
*! See also Welker, below, Ch. 27.
» For editions I refer to Schrade, Fauvel; and for the classification of Mundus amunditia and Quare fremuerunt to the observations of Lorenz Welker, Studien, 145-53. °° Friedrich
Ludwig,
Repertorium
organorum
* As observed by Dahnk 62. * See Schrade’s edn. (p. 25), in which the four sections each form a single system.
recentioris
34
Wulf Arlt
incomparably greater force than the image—in the discourse of the basic text. Naturally the image too has its narrative function, even if as yet it has hardly been elucidated in relation to this manuscript; however, it is the illustrative function of the added pictures that seems far
more prominent.”
The music by contrast, right from the start, creates its own, different centres of gravity— even in conflict with the course of the poem proper. The very first text set to music anticipates the resolution of the allegory not introduced in the Roman tll fo. 2", with the words:”” Se cest livre voulon entendre, Des or més nous convient descendre
A Fauvel proprement descrire Et par diffinicion dire Ce que Fauvel nos senefie.
But how the music does so will become clear only when these pieces are interpreted down to the details of the musical language. Analysis will then lead to aspects of this unique book, and of the intentions of the circle responsible for its planning and execution, that so far have only
begun to be disclosed. We shall then comprehend the specific features of the system of discourse found in these interpolations and how music serves within it as a decisive factor in differentiation and interaction. And then it will become even clearer how closely this source must have been related to the circle of the royal chancery. [translated from the German by Leofranc Holford-Strevens] pe On the illustrations see now Michael Camille, below, Ch. 4, and Martin Kauffmann, below, Ch. 13. 2
Langfors, v. 171.
2 Fauvel and Marigny: Which Came First? rxXtew
MARGARET
BENT
It has long been known that several motets in BN fr. 146 relate to historical events of the
1310s: the Templar crisis, the death of the emperor Henry VII, and the reigns of the French kings Louis X and Philip V. At least three more have specific references to Philip IV (the Fair)
and the downfall of Enguerran de Marigny.' The obfuscation and veiled references that delayed recognition of their historical anchorage are to be expected when a text does multiple duty,” making it not always easy to distinguish primary from secondary meanings. Here I think the distinction matters, partly because of the arguments that have been offered with respect to the purpose, dating, and authorship of these motets. The many elements of fr. 146 have been edited and studied on separate tracks.’ Musicologists have tended to consider the motets as if they were self-contained compositions, treating fr. 146 as just one of several sources transmitting them, and not seeing the Fauvel enterprise as the primary reason for their existence.’ It has usually been assumed that their real-life documentary function came first, that they were imported into or adapted for Fauvel, having been written outside it, and hence that their compositional order must be that of the historical narrative to which they refer. The three Marigny motets (listed in Table 2.1) self-consciously emphasize this historical order with verb tenses suggesting not only self-evident termini post quos for their composition, but also termini ante quos. In Garrit gallus|In nova Philip IV, the ‘blind lion’, is still alive (monarchisat) and the motet, it is argued, must therefore have been composed before his ' These are listed in Table 2.1, following Roesner et al. 24b,
who mention ‘at least’ nine topical motets in Fauvel. The association with Marigny was brilliantly elucidated by Ph. Aug. Becker,
“Fauvel
und
Fauvelliana’
(Berichte
iiber
die Ver-
| Motet
O amicus! Precursoris, in Peter M. Lefferts and Brian
_ Seirup (eds.), Studies in Medieval Music: Festschrift for Ernest Sanders (New York, 1990) = Current Musicology, 45-7 (1990), 43-84.
handlungen der Sachsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philologisch—historiche Klasse, 88/2; Leipzig, 1936). To
* See above, Introduction, pp. 19-22. Jean-Claude Miihle__thaler has also drawn attention to this isolation; see Fauvel au
the compositions associated with Marigny may be added Floret! Florens, in Brussels 19606 and Cambrai 1328. > For another example see the English motet Precursor!
pouvoir: lire la satire médiévale (Paris, 1994), 279. * Sources that transmit some of the modern, Ars nova Fauvel motets include Brussels 19606 and Cambrai 1328. It certainly
Precursoris, whose apparently obscure motetus text tells both of
seems true that extraction of the motets from their context began
the Baptist prefiguring Christ and of acomplex mensural canon __ early. There is no evidence that these copies pre-date Fauvel but
in which one like but unlike part follows another. See Margaret __then, neither is there evidence from manuscript datings that the Bent (with David Howlett)
‘Swbtiliter alternare. The Yoxford
—_uninterpolated Fauvel preceded the version of fr. 146.
Margaret Bent
36 TABLE 2.1.
Topical motets in Fauvel (as listed in Roesner et al. 246)
Scariotis geniture/Jure quod /Superne matris, fo. 2' (F 5, p.mus. 5) On the death of Emperor Henry VII, 24 August 1313 Nulla pestis est gravior/Plange, nostra regia] Vergente, fo. 3° (F 8, p.mus. 9) Sense of crisis towards the end of the reign of Philip IV Detractor est nequissima/Qui secuntur castra/Verbum iniquum, fo. 4' (F 9, p.mus. 12) This has been conjectured to be in support of the Templars following their arrest on 14 September 307. In his unreasonably harsh review of Dahnk in Neuphilologische Mitteilungen, 37 (1936), 58-65;
Langfors proposed an identification of Picquigny with the vidames of Amiens. Roesner et al. 21 suggest that it might rather refer to the period after the death of Philip and to Messire Ferri de Piquegny who, according to the Chronique métrique, led the purge of Marigny.
Desolata mater/Que nutritos/Filios enutrivi, fo. 8° (F 13, p.mus. 27)
Against the Templars, referring to the campaign of 1312-14 and the Bulls of April and May 1312 Se cuers ioans/Rex beatus/Ave, fo. 10" (F 15, p.mus. 32)
On the coronation of Louis X, 3 August 1315
Servant regem/O Philippe/Rex regum, fos. 10'—11' (F 16. p.mus. 33) For the coronation of Philip V, and therefore not before mid-November 1316, death of Jehan, posthumous son of Louis X. [The version of fr. 571 with Ludovice refers to St Louis and is not the original version.]
The three Marigny motets: Aman novi/Heu Fortuna/Heu me, fo. 30° (F 25, p.mus. 71)
Tribum que non abhorruit/Quoniam secta latronum/Merito, fos. 41'—42' (F 27, p.mus. 120) Garrit gallus/In nova/Neuma, fo. 44° (F 30, p.mus. 129) Other motets discussed:
Floret cum Vana Gloria/Florens vigor /Neuma, Brussels 19606 and Cambrai 1328 Carnalitas, luxuria, fo. 12' (prose, p.mus. 36), based on motet triplum
Quasi non ministerium/Trahunt in precipicia/Ve qui gregi/Displicebat, fo. 6° (F 11, p.mus. 21) Trahunt in precipicia/[H]an diex ou pourrai je trouver/Displicebat, Brussels 19606 Han diex! ou pourrai je trouver/Han diex! de tout le monde sire, fo. 26°, semi-lyric composition
death on 29 November 1314.’ In Tribum/ Quoniam the past tense (regnaverat) indicates that Philip is no longer reigning and that the motet must date from after his death (true) but, goes the argument, before Marigny’s execution on 30 April 1315. In Aman novil Heu Fortuna the
body of Marigny has been washed by the rain on the gallows of Montfaucon; therefore it may ‘ Thus Ernest H. Sanders, “The Early Motets of Philippe de Vitry, JAMS
28 (1975),
24-45
at 36: ‘probably
October—
November 1314, certainly no later, since it reflects the state of affairs before Philippe’s death’; and Daniel Leech-Wilkinson,
‘The Emergence of Ars nova’, Journal of Musicology, 13 (1995), 285-317 at 307: ‘before 29.xi.14’. Roesner et al. (24b) are prepared
to stretch this to ‘cannot be later than the beginning of 1315”
.
Fauvel and Marigny: Which Came First?
37
date from up to two years after his execution, the period during which his body was left there as an example before it was finally released for burial in 1317.° Indeed the motet must be at least that late. But that is not the same as asserting that it must have been the last of the three motets to be composed, a claim that may not stand up to scrutiny. The role and position of these topical motets in the interpolated Fauvel itself has hardly been addressed. Even the valuable study by Ernest H. Sanders considered only the external historical events, neglecting to observe that the motetus Hew Fortuna is primarily Fauvel’s first-person lament on his rejection by Fortuna.’ Heu Fortuna also invokes Haman’s execution: ‘velut Aman morior’, says Fauvel in his love—death response to that rejection. The simultaneous triplum Aman novi further emphasizes in its first word the image of Haman applied post mortem to Marigny, recapitulated and brought home in the same text as moster Aman (v. 18, first person plural). ‘In monte falconis’ indicates Montfaucon, the gallows of
Paris, on which Marigny had already been hanged. The Haman—Marigny link in the triplum makes sense of ‘velut Aman morior’ in the motetus and connects Marigny, Haman, and Fauvel. Marigny’s death, like Haman’s, is a real one on the gallows, but real death is not yet part of Fauvel’s narrative. Downfall is predicted but withheld. Fauvel’s words become Marigny’s ante mortem lament, invoking Haman, at his execution, spoken by, or as if by, one not yet dead. The tenor is fashioned, exceptionally, from two chants: one from the Office of the Dead (Heu me) and the other from the Maundy Thursday chant 77istis est anima mea,
expressing Christ's agony in Gethsemane. Both, again, affirm the first person singular. Liturgically the chant indicates the eve of Christ’s Crucifixion. In historical time the motetus signals the eve of Ascension, when Marigny was hanged (that is, Wednesday, 30 April 1315), with much play in the motet texts and the Chronique métrique on height, ascent, and fall. The triplum refers to that hanging after the fact. In Fauvel’s time, his lament precedes Pentecost; the following day will mark his marriage to Vaine Gloire. Similar counterpoints and conflicts between liturgical time and the narrative time of the Roman are worked out on a large scale." The three Marigny motets are presented in fr. 146 in reverse chronological order from that in which the historical events to which they refer took place and which their verb tenses underscore. This fact is known, but has usually been mentioned without comment, or even
been taken to imply support for the view that the motets were imperfectly adapted to their new context, having originally been intended for a different one. It is my goal here to show that this order might have been purposeful, and hence to propose that they were designed from the beginning for Fauvel. Aman novi! Heu Fortuna precedes Tribum | Quoniam, which precedes Garrit gallus |In nova. Fauvel’s lament in the motetus Heu Fortuna, at least, is in the
correct order in relation to the Roman de Fauvel. The other two motets have more oblique and generalized references to Fauvel, which has led to their function in the Roman being considered secondary, as has their apparently wrong order. But many planning details of fr. 146 show increasingly that nothing about its contents or order was casual. If the motets are
® Roesner et al. 52.
” Sanders, “The Early Motets’.
* See Emma Dillon, below, Ch. 9.
Margaret Bent
38
made to act their parts in the narrative, as are the masked characters of the charivari, they may not be literally documentary. The tenses of their ostensible order tell us not about their order of composition, as has been assumed, but rather about the fiction of their reversal and double use. Garrit gallus!In nova presents what is current and about to happen; if it is merely feigning the present tense, its actual composition is no more confined to the time while Philip was still alive than the post factum prophecies in the Divine Comedy are bound to the time before those events occurred.’ Not only were all these motets of current interest; they were
planned as exempla for this grand admonitio to the royal house, and are its raison détre. The Roman de Fauvel is not, after all, a newspaper to be discarded when topical interest is lost. It has already made recent or even current events into art of timeless and lasting value. As Ezra Pound put it, ‘Literature is news that stays news.’
The chronology that has resulted from a documentary reading of the political texts apart from their context in Fauvel has led to arguments about the stylistic development of their composer(s). Schrade had proposed that all three Marigny motets were by Philippe de Vitry.
Sanders used datings by historical event in conjunction with his analyses to argue a progression from less to more tightly ordered pieces, and he made that progression chronological, applying his hypothesis, in turn, to cast doubt upon Philippe de Vitry’s authorship of the less tidy pieces.'” Like Schrade before him, he was concerned to refine the Vitry canon. Schrade had built it up; Sanders added and subtracted pieces, partly on grounds of style, of a rather rigid formal criterion, and of association with other compositions. Roesner further trimmed Vitry’s oeuvre—and
indeed his role in the creation of fr. 146—to a cautious minimum,
arguing that only five or at most seven motets are likely to be his, one of which (Phi millies ad te!O creator) has lost its music."
First, it may be responded that more criteria for compositional ingenuity can be proposed than the particular one demonstrated by Sanders. Neither isorhythm nor upper-part periodicity is the only criterion of craft. Aman novi/ Heu Fortuna is a superbly well-made piece, if not conventionally so with respect to isorhythm and upper-voice periodicity. Broader criteria should restrain the judgement that a composer is the same or different until a wider range of techniques has been established and until we have a clearer consensus about features that are likely or not to be imitable. To rescue Aman novi! Heu Fortuna and Orbis orbatus | Vos pastores from the charges of untidiness may undo Sanders’s reasons for taking them away from Vitry, but that does not yet prove that they or any other motets are by Vitry. Sanders accepts Vitry’s authorship for Garrit gallus/In nova on grounds of its shared cantus firmus with the ascribed (non-Fauvel) motet Douce plaisance |Garison, and supports Vitry’s authorship of Floret/Florens on the same grounds, without consideration of the ease > Dante’s Purgatorio dates from about 1310, but refers prophetically to 1300 and 1306, the kidnap of Boniface VIII, and the
transfer of the papacy to Avignon. Sanders, “The Early Motets’, 36: ‘Apart from the fact, how-
ever, that these two works would be the only motets by Vitry to be preserved as unica in f.fr. 146, their attribution to him would
force us to postulate a curious inconsistency in the composer’s development: both motets, written after as advanced a Piece as
Garrit gallus, lack a coherent phrase structure and generally exhibit a conservative facture.’
'' Roesner et al. 39-42.
Fauvel and Marigny: Which Came First?
39
with which this could be a copied characteristic or a homage, and without observing that
shared tenors occur in motets by different composers.'” Sanders argues that the same cantus firmus makes it likely that the pieces are by the same composer. He removes Aman novi /Heu Fortuna, even though it is on Marigny, as being too untidy to have been written after the tidier Garrit gallus / In nova. This is inconsistent with his bid to add the inferior composition Floret/Florens to the Vitry canon but to remove it from the Fauvel project on grounds that it is already obsolete.'* This argument cannot be invoked without raising the question why this consideration did not prevent the inclusion of other motets dealing with the same series of events. Second, even if style chronology could be demonstrated, we still need not assume that the
piece referring to the latest events was composed last. And even if the composer is the same, a few months is probably too narrow a time frame for such a finely tuned range of stylistic nuance to be established. A complex Ovidian textual-musical quotation seemed to suggest that Garrit gallus /In novaand Tribum/ Quoniamwere indeed composed in the order implied by their ostensible narrative sequence.’ I would now argue that the motets could equally well have been worked out concurrently so that the material seems to refer to itself, without necessarily confining the compositional dates to the apparent historical sequence. One might ask, further: why should the Fauvel master have painted more conventionally in his later work (listed by Avril in Roesner et al. 46), after painting with such originality, verve, and imagination in Fauvel? Third, we cannot assume that Vitry, simply because he is the only known composer of the time by whom we have any motets, must be the author of all competent motets or only of the most competent ones. The issue of personal stylistic development becomes moot, even if Vitry’s authorship of these pieces can be argued on other grounds. Roesner has objected that the three motets are unlikely to be by the same composer because this would show an undue obsession with Marigny.”” But there is no shortage in Fauvel of obsession, whether it be
manifested in the historical events in which Marigny was the villain, or in the collective obsession of the compilers, or in the fauvelization of pre-existent pieces. In an article on the origins of Ars nova, Daniel Leech-Wilkinson has narrowed the composition dates and the compositional progressions of the Fauvel motets.'° He distinguishes two composers for the advanced motets. One may be Vitry; the other he calls ‘the Master of the Royal Motets’. He assumes the evident termini post quos that refer to events that have happened—the king 2 See Daniel Leech-Wilkinson, ‘Related Motets from Four- —_unaccountably failed to observe that Coussemaker’s diplomatic copy of the lost Strasbourg manuscript includes a superior verteenth-Century France’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Associasion of this motet whose readings confirm the emendations I tion, 109 (1982-3), 1-22, for relationships between motets by, for example, Vitry and Machaut. '3 See Alice Clark, below, Ch. 7, at n. 12, and Sanders, ‘The
Early Motets’, esp. 35-6.
there propose. See Albert vander Linden (ed.), Le Manuscrit musical M 222 C 22 de la Bibliotheque de Strasbourg, XV° siecle
(Thesaurus Musicus, 2; Brussels, 1977), 110-11. Daniel Leech-
'" Bent, ‘Polyphony of Texts and Music in the Fourteenth-
| Wilkinson has concurred with this view of the order of the two
Century Motet: Tribum que non abhorruitlQuoniam secta latronuml Merito hec patimur and its “Quotations” ’, in Dolores Pesce (ed.), Hearing the Motet: Essays on the Motet of the Middle
compositions in “The Emergence of Ars nova’ 302. ® Roesner et al. 42b. '° “The Emergence of Ars nova. An earlier version was read to
Ages and Renaissance (New York, 1997), 82-103. In that article]
the Oxford Fauvel seminar.
40
Margaret Bent
has died, Marigny has been hanged. This is obviously true. But like Sanders and Roesner, he goes on to impose termini ante quos, assuming that a piece cannot have been written after a later event that overtakes it. All these writers have assumed or implied that the Fauvel compiler assembled his material, both old material for refurbishing and modern pieces, from
a current repertory external to the Fauvel project itself. This is very probably true of the imported older material. But the issue here is, rather: were the modern, up-to-date motets
written for some other purpose independent of the Fauvel project, or were they purposemade for Fauvel? As Edward Roesner has pointed out in response to a draft of this chapter, a consequence of assuming that all three motets were written for Fauvel is to place them at the very centre of the early Ars nova and at the apex of the transmission of this repertory. There is clearly a problem with this assumption, for the copies in fr. 146 have errors of text and music that disqualify them from being the source for other surviving or ideally correct copies. But is it not possible that the problem here lies in the fr. 146 copies themselves? The material collected for the compilation of fr. 146 must have existed in some more temporary form before being copied into the manuscript, and those working materials could themselves have formed the stemmatic apex of the often inaccurate copies in fr. 146. Other interpolated Fauvel manuscripts with music are known to have existed. Some of the material rejected from this compilation may have been used in those other versions. Fr. 146 may not have been the only repository of compositions designed for a larger Fauvel enterprise. But if these motets were from the start conceived as exempla for Fauvel, serving the dual
purposes of Fauvel narrative and of historical narrative, their actual order of composition remains undetermined and perhaps irrelevant. They take their place in Fauvel as reflective ‘arias’ glossing the main text and, in the pivotal case of the motetus Heu Fortuna, as direct speech by Fauvel after Fortuna’s rejection. Book II has more direct speech by the protagonists, in line with greatly increased interpolation. Fortuna, in the guise of a woman, has two aspects, a counterpart to the hybrid presentation of Fauvel. The Fauvel story itself is the deceptively pleasant side, while the dark and melancholic underside is that of the historical exemplum. To each of Fortuna’s two wheels is fixed another smaller wheel within the larger that turns in the opposite direction. It is through these that Fortuna controls time, and it is their motions that constantly cause the
world’s affairs to change. Table 2.2 gives excerpts from Langfors’s edition describing Fortuna’s wheels, her control of time, and her contrary nature. They illustrate contrary motion, back-to-front, and up-and-down reversals. The large wheel finds a parallel in the daily east-west motion of the primum mobile—the heaven of the fixed stars—and the contrary small wheel in the proper, periodic movements of the seven planetary heavens, which move south-west to north-east on an inclined plane. It is surprising that Fortuna’s allimportant wheels are not illustrated in our Fauvel, and that depictions of her and her attributes are here less interesting and varied than those of the hybrid Fauvel. By contrast, another copy of the uninterpolated Fauvel in BN fr. 2195 is prefaced by a striking image of Fortuna (fo. 148; see Fig. 2.1). The most conspicuous wheels in fr. 146 are the four on the
Fauvel and Marigny: Which Came First? TABLE 2.2.
4l
Fortuna’s wheels and control of time in Fauvel
Fortuna’s two wheels and their contrary
Fortuna’s doubleness and control of time
subwheels La seignorie temporel, Que deust estre basse lune,
Je sui Fortune, et une et forte Mes diversement mi transporte, Et ma maniere si est double
Est par la roe de Fortune Souveraine de sainte Eglise. Sainte Yglise est au dessous mise
As uns sui belle, as autres trouble. Je sui fille du roy des rois. (vv. 2179-83) Le pouoir m’est commis en temps
Si qu’el donne poi de lumiere;
Par quoy tout mouvement terminent;
Ainsi va ce devant derriere: Les membres sont dessus le chief.
Par moi commencent et definent, Et temps n’est fors que la mesure
(Langfors, vv. 472-9)
Deux roez ot devant Fortune Qui tous jours tournient, mes l’une
De tous mouvemens de nature.
Le temps ay, par quoy je mesure
Va tost et l'autre lentement,
Du monde tout I’ambleure.
Et en chascune vraiement A une mendre roe mise
Onques si tost n’amble ne point Que du temps n’y mete le point,
Tout par dedens et a tel guise
Par le quel je tantost compasse,
Que mouvement contraire tient Contre la roe ou el se tient
Le present ainsi com il passe, Tout soit le present si menuz
Ices roez sans sejourner
Qu’il ne puisse estre retenuz.
Font l’estat du monde tourner.
(vv. 1931-40)
Faudra quant faudra motion,
Aussi dois des roes entendre
Dont chascune en a une mendre, Et ont contraires mouvemens
Et par divers entendemens.
Mez ma dite commission
(vv. 2689-92)
Ainsi cil qui est haut montez, Soit plain de mal ou de bontez, Mainte chose le contrarie Par verite ou par envie Ou par grant tristece ou par cure, Par maladie ou aventure. Et ce dit la roe petite
Car le monde adonc finera Tantost que mouvoir cessera. (vv. 2218-22, 2229-40) Fortune si n’est autre chose
Que la providence divine, Qui dispose, mesure et termine Par compas de droite reson (vv. 2254-7)
Qui contre la grant tous jours lite; Car il n’est nul, sachiez sans doute, A qui Fortune se doint toute. (vv. 2711-20)
chariot of Hellequin. Was the manuscript perhaps at one stage intended to have four Marigny motets? The emphasis on Fortuna’s wheels in the text suggests why Fawvel presents us with different chronological tracks. The Roman de Fauvelis unfolded in a main wheel, while the
42
Margaret Bent
Fre..2:1.. BN fr. 2195, fo. 156" (Photo: BN)
little wheel, the historical narrative, goes against it in the opposite direction. This notion is
echoed in musical and verbal palindromes, in superimposed motet texts, and in the arrangement of the Roman itself. The last line of the triplum Aman novi is ‘Non eodem cursu respondent ultima primis’-—not by the same revolution do the last respond to the first. ‘Sic nec est reversus’ likewise suggests the cursus of Fortuna’s wheels within wheels described in the motetus text Hew Fortuna. Soon after Fortuna has described her wheels the effect is manifested: Fauvel feels the reversal of his own fortunes. The motets are placed in the
Fauvel and Marigny: Which Came First?
43
correct’ historical order until the effect of Fortuna’s wheels is felt at Aman novi /Heu Fortuna. The motetus Hew Fortuna is central to the Fauvel narrative as well as being historically the most explicit of the three motets. It must have been written for Fauvel, but at the same time with very precise historical resonances, and is announced in the lines preceding the motetus as Fauvel’s own lament:' Fauvel oi et entendu
Ce que la dame li a rendu, Esperduz est, ne set que face
En plourant mouilliee la face Non sachant quel chemin tenir Doie, n’a quel fin doit venir, Ha fait le motet qui s’ensuit: Mes il ni prent point deduit.
Then follows Heu Fortuna, Fauvel’s lament on his rejection by Fortuna. He usually speaks French, part of a complex strategy of voices and levels defined by language, but this motetus is his principal Latin utterance, a higher register for its (failed) aspiration.
These motets are not pre-existent compositions or hasty adaptations; they must have been written expressly for Fauvel with deliberately double meaning, their political message tailored to their place in the Roman. If we turn the focus to their primary role in Fauvel, a view largely absent from discussions of the motets, factors other than external historical narrative must determine that role, their dating, and their order in the manuscript. The habit of making
texts do double duty was embedded in the motet tradition from the start, when sacred and profane love were boldly pitted against each other in the juxtaposition of liturgical and secular texts and tunes. The opportunity to exercise and develop new notational possibilities in the early fourteenth century must also have been stimulated by the Fauvel project, another sense in which Fauvel may have prompted the compositions rather than being prompted by them. Among many hybrid aspects of fr. 146 are the fauvelized musical compositions in which
older chants or motets are changed or patched up with Fauvel/ material, or placed in contexts wildly different from their original ones. Some of the motet texts mix French and Latin,
biblical and classical quotations, rhythmic and metrical lines. Juxtapositions in the same motet, as shown for Aman novil Heu Fortuna, may perhaps be considered a further enhancement of the hybrid theme.'* The Renard tradition substitutes animals for humans, as also
happens in Tvibum/ Quoniam and Garrit gallus/In nova. Roesner et al. write (20b): “The fox t ” In addition it is a piece of the utmost sophistication. Sanders’s argument that it is untidy and unworthy fades under an expanded range of criteria for the evaluation of quality and competence, as does his claim that it cannot have been written by Vitry later than ‘tidier’ but ‘earlier’ pieces. Roesner eg al. (20-1, 24b) refer mainly to the topical references in this group: ‘none of these pieces includes explicit reference to the figure of Fauvel’, and it is further implied that none of the newly composed motets
in modern style began life with a text specific to Fauvel. But at other points in the introductory essay it is shown that the motetus of Aman novilHeu fortuna is indeed introduced as the words of Fauvel (18b), and that the Fauvel and Marigny ingredients are linked (5rb—2a).
'* Sanders states that Haman is Marigny, here and in Floret/ Florens. But Fauvel is also Haman and Fauvel is also Marigny.
dn
Margaret Bent
who rules in place of the blind lion, who gorges on chickens, and who sucks the blood of the sheep while the cock crows weeping is meant to be understood as Fauvel himself, and not merely as a stand-in for Marigny.’ The lion is Philip IV, so identified at the end of Book I as well as in the dits. Fauvel is the primary narrative, but Fortuna’s reverse wheel carries the Marigny story, backwards, as counter-plot, and in that counter-plot Marigny is primary. The climax of the transformational symbolism comes in the final two Marigny motets that are linked to each other and to the Roman by building on different lines from Ovid. The final column of the body of Fauvel is headed by the first line of the Metamorphoses, ‘In nova fert animus mutatas dicere formas’, that most famous signal of animal transformation. Garrit gallus/In nova presents the lamenting Frenchman in the voice of the lamenting author (maybe Vitry), for Ovidian purposes a cock, lamenting the fox. The fox is not only Marigny but also the antecedent of Fauvel and the Renard of earlier romans, in which the lion-king Noble is deceived by Renard the wily fox, a clear model for King Philip as the blind lion and Marigny as the fox. This reading of the motets is supported from the roman: Fauvel’s palace was painted with the story of Renard (wv. 1357-8), implying that the fox of earlier romans is transformed here into the horse Fauvel, or at least is his role model. The Ovidian motets gloss the bestial transformations of the Roman,
to show how humans
become animals, or by
currying Fauvel reduce themselves to the status of animals.'’ The extra twist here is that Fauvel the horse on the first folio becomes Fauvel the half-human hybrid who flouts nature. Marigny the human, through his Renard-like fox identity, the vulpis of Garrit gallus! In nova,
becomes Fauvel the hybrid. Marigny’s transformation is ‘first’ recounted, as reverse narrative, in Garrit gallus at the end of Fauvel, ‘starting’ at the end, at the top of the last column, with
In nova [sic] fert at its ‘beginning’, and balancing Fauvel’s fully equine appearance at the beginning of the manuscript. Fauvel started as fully horse, but by the end of the narrative, in
the Fountain of Youth scene, his progeny (begotten with his human hind quarters on Vain Glory, as shown in the nuptial miniature; see Pl. VI) appear fully human. Already old men, they are transformed into youths, albeit by black baptism in ordure and sins, making the solemn Christian ritual of rebirth into a mere trick with time. This scene is accompanied by the second-from-the-end, second in narrative order Marigny motet, Tribum/Quoniam, a piece strongly marked with respect to reversal. Here is the text and David Howlett’s translation of the triplum: Tribum que non abhorruit indecenter ascendere furibunda non metuit Fortuna cito vertere, dum duci prefate tribus Langfors, vv. 335-7: ‘Mes or est du tout berstorne | Ce que Diex avoit atourne | Que hommes sont devenus bestes’. And vv. 19
°
«
416-18: Mes Fauvel, qui trestout desvoie, | A tant fait que cest luminare | Est tout berstornei [fr. 146: bestourne] au contraire’,
With respect to the substitution ofahorse for a fox, Jean-Claude
5 Miihlethaler has pointed out that the horse has associations with /uxuria (a particular vice of the Fauvel programme) and the
Apocalypse, also strongly evoked here (Fauvel au pouvoir, pt. I, ch. 2).
Fauvel and Marigny: Which Came First?
45
in sempiternum speculum
parare palam omnibus non pepercit patibulum. Populus ergo venturus si trans metam ascenderit, quidam forsitan casurus, cum tanta tribus ruerit, sciat eciam quis fructus delabi sit in profundum. Post zephyros plus ledit hyems, post gaudia luctus; unde nichil melius quam nil habuisse secundum.
10
15
Furious Fortune has not feared to bring down swiftly the tribe which did not shrink from ascending indecently, while for the leader of the foresaid tribe she has not refrained from preparing the gallows as an eternal mirror in the sight of everyone. Therefore if the people to come should ascend across the limit, let a certain man who might, perhaps, fall, since such a tribe has collapsed, know also what an outcome it would be to fall into the depth. Winter harms more after gentle west winds, griefs (harm
more) after joys; whence nothing is better than to have had nothing for the second time (i.e. better nothing at all than to have enjoyed good fortune in the past).
That motet could have been planned to start at the top of the page but in fact begins earlier. The layout is so contrived that the words ‘Fortuna cito vertere’, set to a melodic palindrome, appear at the top of the page. The tenor is unnecessarily notated twice to fill the space gained by starting the triplum early. In this context we are surely to understand the ‘tribe’ as referring to Fauvel’s progeny too. As the central of the three Marigny motets, 77ibum /Quoniam is the pivot for their reverse historical order. Marigny is most clearly Fauvel when the two voices of Marigny and Fauvel are united in Aman novi | Heu Fortuna, the third of the Marigny motets, and the third from the end of Fauvel. Here, too, there is a contrary direction, animal to hybrid and man to hybrid in the lament that serves them both.” In addition, the use of animals to represent human forces at the most pointed part of the admonitio is an essential part of the apocalyptic strand of the Roman. All three Marigny motets, and several other Fauvel motets as well, are saturated with themes and structures of reversal and inversion in music and text.”' The wrong order for the historical narrative is the correct order for the topsy-turvy world of Fauvel, and it is that world we deal with when the motets are seen in context. The text of the Roman itself strongly invites this reading. Fauvel ‘fait tout par bestourne’, ‘Meine tout per antifrasin | C'est a dire par le contraire’ (Langfors, vv. 1184-5). Fortuna has raised up Fauvel ‘contraire a raison’ (v. 23) and
‘fortune va sans reson | et si regne en toute seson’ (vv. 297-8). She turns incessantly, changing high to low and far to near, back to front: ‘Que Fortune qui n’est pas ferme, | Et qui de torneir ne se terme, | Le plus avant retornera, | De haut bas, de loing pres fera’ (vv. 79-82). 20 The Trinity motet Firmissime/Adesto stands between the two Ovidian motets, its accompanying miniatures displaying the figure of Christ crucified that alludes to the tenor of Aman novi! .
Heu Fortuna. But Fauvel as a transformed Renard is equally present in Tribum/Quoniam and Garrit gallus/In nova. *' See Roesner et al. 41b for discussion of change and reversal. 2
ral
.
2
a
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Margaret Bent
Above all, Fortuna controls time, the beginning and end of time (vv. 2218-36), and this is
contrived in the art of time, measured music. We need hardly look further than Fortuna’s bidirectional wheels to corroborate the bold execution of chronological paradoxes at so many levels in Fauvel, a narrative that is already contre raison, a grand double negative, a vivid
manifestation of Fortuna.
Sanders has convincingly connected one further motet to the three Marigny motets already discussed.” This is Floret cum Vana GlorialFlorens vigor|Neuma, preserved not in fr. 146 but
in Cambrai 1328 and in the rotulus Brussels 19606, no fewer than six of whose ten pieces,
including this, have a version in Fauvel. Like Aman novilHeu Fortuna, this motet relates as closely to the Roman de Fauvelas to the external historical events. Fauvel (clearly he though not named in the text) flourishes with Vain Glory and all the vices. It is surprising that no one has yet observed that this fits the Fauvel story as clearly as any of the other three. Explanations of why it had to be adapted for inclusion in Fauvel would read rather differently had it been recognized as part of the Fauvel programme, for the adaptation is less explicitly fauvellian than the original. Like the other Marigny motets, this too forecasts a
headlong fall, a ‘gravis precipitacio’.”” All four are laments or complaints about the events they report. If we posit that the topical motets were custom-made for Fauvel and not merely adapted and interpolated, the question arises: for what was Floret/Florens written? In fr. 146 its triplum appears adapted as the prose Carnalitas, luxuria (p.mus. 36).°* This adaptation has
led to an assumption I here challenge, namely that the presence of an adaptation in Fauvel indicates that the original motet first existed apart from Fauvel and was later adapted. I think the motet must have been designed for Fauvel itself. But where was it intended to be placed? In terms of the Fauvel narrative, it must come rather late, at or near the end, reporting the happiness and fecundity of Fauvel’s union with Vain Glory. Sanders has shown that the references in the text of Floret/Florens can be dated while Philip IV was still alive, and as such it must belong, in the Marigny sub-narrative, near Garrit gallus/In nova, that is, at the very
end of Fauvel, after the ‘flourishing’ with Vain Glory with which the triplum begins has produced the Fauveaux nouveaux; and at the beginning of the Marigny story being told in reverse: ‘Presumptuousness flourishes with the vainglory of novelties; .. . the odious love of our flesh perishes’.”” Both Haman and Mordecai are mentioned in the motetus text. Haman was hanged on the gallows prepared for Mordecai, but this is still in the future in the Floret/
Florens text. It anticipates the strong Fauvel-Haman alignment in Aman novilHeu Fortuna,
where the hanging is far in the past, on the gallows whose preparation is announced in the triplum text of Tribum (line 8; see above). In other words, a position at the end of the Roman * ‘The Early Motets’. Whether he has equally convincingly attributed it to Vitry must remain open. He argues (p. 31): ‘Like Tribum|Quoniam|Merito [Floret/Florens| must be attributed to (Vitry] for the two reasons that it seems characteristic ofhis early
style and that it is one of the most advanced motets to be utilized by Chaillou in fr. 146. Moreover,
the other motets based on
the same or closely related cantus firmus are both by Vitry.’ * These words occur in the triplum Trahunt in precipicia (F 1, p.mus. 21). * See Alice Clark’s contribution, Ch. 7 below.
* See Ch. 7, appendix, for texts and translation.
Fauvel and Marigny: Which Came First?
47
fits its place in the Fauvel narrative (a /ieto fine, however sardonically reported, to his union with Vain Glory) as well as its position in the reverse historical sub-narrative, starting at the
end with the earlier stage in the Haman/Mordecai narrative that will culminate in the hanging of Haman in Aman novi/Heu Fortuna. \f the motet was indeed planned for here, why was it not included? It has been pointed out (Roesner e¢ al, 6b) that the blank folio
following Fauvel was originally ruled in two columns as if for another motet comparable to Garrit gallus/In nova. Fo. 45° seems also originally to have been laid out in this way. Could Floret/ Florens have been intended for this position? Its alliteration reflects that of the present explicit (‘Ferrant fina...) and the alphabetical sequence, again flagging the reverse order,
with Garrit gallus and Heu Fortuna. As already noted, the motet as copied in Brussels was in some ways more strongly connected to Fauvel than the prose adaptation now in fr. 146. Its tenor is the same F neuma
used in Garrit gallus/In nova. \t refers to the same period before the death of Philip IV in late 1314. Fauvel flourishes happily ever after with Vain Glory and the vices. That this has not
been read primarily as a Fauvel text now seems almost perverse. Like Aman novi/Heu Fortuna, it aligns Fauvel with Haman. Many signs within its text link it to the other Marigny motets. Chronologically—tor the backwards historical narrative here brought to prominence—it would have had to come either before or after Garrit gallus/In nova. It appears that fo. 45° was indeed ruled to accommodate another motet, though to have placed it after that
motet would have diluted the strong beginning-at-the-end now provided by Jn nova fert.”° And it is hard at this point to see where between Garrit gallus /In nova and Tribum/Quoniam it could have been accommodated.
But there is another possibility: could Floret/Florens originally have been intended to be where Garrit gallus|In nova now is? In Floret/Florens, themes of Fauvel are dominant, though
Sanders gave primacy to the historical events. In Garrit gallus/In nova the political allegory is more developed and the Fauvel narrative recedes behind the fox of antecedent beast-fable romans as well as yielding place to a sharper apocalyptic message. The two motets are on the same tenor, surely not a coincidence, a neuma that is liturgically neutral. Garrit gallus/In nova is the stronger piece with respect to both text and music, infinitely rich and closely connected to Tribum/Quoniam. Was it decided to suppress the Fauvel-oriented happy ending that Floret/Florens provided, and to replace it with the blacker Garrit gallus/In nova that more strongly initiates the reverse motion of the Marigny story and the overriding
apocalyptic foreboding? The triplum of Floret/ Florens was then cannibalized for the prose on the vices, Carnalitas, luxuria, and the motet itself was discarded, at least for purposes of this
manuscript. *© Alphabetical order up to the letter G is given particular prominence in fr. 146. It is the ordering principle for the songs of Jehannot de Lescurel, which finish at G, whose last two pieces are different generically from their predecessors, perhaps indicating that the cut-off was not accidental. In Fawvel, Garrit gallus!In nova begins the backwards cycle of historical motets. Floret! Florens may have preceded it in that cycle, either temporally or in
order. Although 77ibum/Quoniam does not fit such an alphabetical pattern, the possibility remains that an alliterating alphabetical sequence Floret/Florens/ Neuma on F (the initial of both characters, Fauvel and Fortuna), Garrit gallus/In nova, and (H] Aman novi! Heu Fortuna! Heu me was at some stage intended to reinforce that order.
Margaret Bent
48
A challenge to the setting of terminal composition dates for the motets also has implications for the completion of fr. 146 itself and for the wheels within wheels of its own assembly. Consequent upon the removal of firm terminal dates for the compositions, the whole compilation may not be bound by a terminal date as early as 1318; there may have been more time for the careful planning, adaptation of pieces, editing, and replacement to which the possible substitution of Garrit gallus/In nova for Floret/Florens might attest.” The rubric ‘Pour Phelippes qui regne ores | Ci metreiz ce motet onquores’ may take its place within the fiction—the favella—of Fauvel, and perhaps even it cannot be assumed to be documentary. Philip V was crowned on 9 January 1317 and died on 3 January 1322. He could still have been
living when this manuscript was completed; but there seems no need to confine its completion to the early part of the reign, as if it were literally documentary.” Let us return briefly to the junction of Books I and II, fos. ro-u1.” Fortuna’s control of time by means of liturgical reference starts precisely here, with an anointing that immediately precedes the three royal references that are placed between the date of Book I, 1310, and its explicit. The first of these royal references is one of the few insertions of verse lines into Book I of the Roman; most of those insertions are on this page. The young debonair lion, grandson of St Louis, reigned jadis and is now dead. The addition recording his death—in 1314, a striking juxtaposition of dates after the just-advertised 1310—also offers a deliberate emphasis
on verb tenses:”’ Regnaut li lyons debonaires De qui fu plus douz li afaires Que il n’eust besoing este;
Ce li fist la grant honeste Qui en li tout ades regna. Certes ie croi qu'il le regne a Du roiaume de paradis. Cilz fu Phelippes, fius iadis Du tres bon roi hardi Phelippes Qui en Arragon lessa les pippes; Ci si fu filz de saint Loys. Du tout ci mons dit assoys (fo. 11'] Recitant de lui un motet.
Ha, sire diex! comme il flotet 27
“
O Philippe (the motetus of Servant regem!O Philippe! Rex
regum; F 16, p.mus. 33) is texted Ludovice in fr. 571. Andrew
Wathey has removed any cause to regard O Philippe as a hastily updated contrafact of amotet for Louis X, but see above, Introduction, n. 55. The companion royal motet that precedes it in fr. 146 and in historical time, though not necessarily in order of composition, was indeed written for Louis X (Se cuers ioans |Rex beatus/Ave, F 15, p.mus. 32). But O Philippe was written for
Philip V and no one else, and its terminus post quem of midNovember 1316 or early 1317 is the latest such terminus in Fauvel ** As do Roesner et al, 48-9.
” Discussed also in Chs. 3 and 9. a Philip the Fair died on 29 Novy. 1314. This is not the first mention of Philip IV (who succeeded his father in 1285); in Langfors v. 1005 the ‘neveu St Louis’ is mentioned as having dealt with the Templars. The date 6 Dec. 1314 given in some manuscripts (but not this one) for the completion of Book II is
exactly one week after the death of Philip IV. Both days were
Fridays, respectively preceding and following the first Sunday of Advent, which may tie them to the liturgical calendar played out in Fauvel and provide the occasion for some of its portrayals of double narrative.
Fauvel and Marigny: Which Came First?
49
Par mer du cueur et marchoit terre Pour le saint sepucre conquerre!
Se li autre a li garde preissent, D’amer Fauvel ne s’entremeissent: Car loiaute et verite Retornassent, Fauvel gite, (fo. 10°‘ ~ Dahnk, wv. 15-34)
We are led at this moment to expect a motet for Philip IV, but instead follows one for Louis X, then the motet for Philip V qui regne ores. The added verses emphasizing Philip IV’s descent from St Louis, and the two motets, are placed in historically correct order at the very end of Book I (fos. 10'—11'), unlike the historical Marigny motets distributed in reverse order
in Book II. Were there once intended to be three motets here, for the three adult kings” who have come blasphemously to curry Fauvel, anticipating the Antichrist of Book II? Fauvel is depicted on the facing page, mocking them in royal majesty from their throne. And the pair (or group) of royal motets is preceded by the first wholly French-texted motet in the collection, Je vor douleur/ Fauvel nous a fait! Autant (F 14, p.mus. 29), a motet that
emphasizes Fauvel both in the motetus and in the tenor, which is put into Fauvel’s mouth in the first person and signals reversal: “Fauvel: autant m’est si poise arriere comme avant’. French was previously used in a motet only for alternating lines in the ‘hybrid’ triplum of
Detractor est/Qui secuntur |Verbum iniquum (F 9, p.mus. 12) in Book I, which perhaps has a vaguer reference to Marigny dating from the time of Philip the Fair, but it is not discussed here as a Marigny motet. The use of French in a motet is thus set up in immediate anticipation of the very next motet,
Se cuers ioians |!Rex beatus|/Ave (F 15, p.mus. 32), whose French triplum creates an
irreverent hybrid with the royal Latin duplum: the French-speaking Fauvel has inserted himself most unsuitably into a royal context, just before the invocation of the Holy Spirit at the anointing (into which in turn is inserted with calculated incongruence p.mus. 30, the
rondeau Porchier miex: ‘Vd rather be a swineherd than curry Fauvel’) as he will in the miniature following the royal motets defile the royal throne of France. Further testimony to Brussels 19606 as a repository for material designed for but rejected
from fr. 146 may affect Quasi non ministerium | Trahunt in precipicial Ve qui gregi |Displicebat (F 1, p.mus. 21).” The semi-lyric composition on fo. 26" intersperses the dismembered duplum of the Brussels motet
Trahunt in precipicial Han Diex! ou pourai je trouver with
further text starting Han Diex! de tout le monde sire. Ardis Butterfield outlines the complex network of this formally anomalous piece that leaves its mark all over fr. 146 (see below, Ch. 5). In that context, it may not be too far-fetched to connect the interpolated Han Diex! de tout le monde sire with Ha, sire Dieux!, the exclamation that seems to accompany the absence of *! The fourth king, the infant John (known as the bean king), is also mentioned in Un songe, quoted below, Ch. 15.
2 Alice Clark has identified the tenor, Displicebat, as the verse of aSt Augustine responsory beginning Volebat enim (see below,
| Ch. 7 n. 2). There may be some play on letters here: Quasi and Trahunt alliterate with what would be their part-names
quadruplum and triplum, as well as with Quoniam and Tribum.
50
Margaret Bent
an announced motet for Philip [V. Han Diex! ow pourai je trouver is the beginning of the motetus preserved in Brussels with the Latin triplum Trahunt in precipicia. The Latin version of this motet suits the purposes of a royal admonitio rather well. Was it to a version of this motet that the rubric refers? The tenses at the end of Book I—Philip reigns, then is referred
to as jadis—are self-consciously mirrored by the reversal of tenses at the end of Book II (monarchisat in Garrit gallus !In nova, regnaverat in Tribum|Quoniam), as is the debonair
lion at the end of Book I by the regal blind lion at the end of Book II who parallels the blind goddess Fortuna, so portrayed only at the beginning of Book I. Our motet, placed earlier in Fauvel on fo. 6" (p.mus. 21), replaces the Brussels French text
with a Latin one, Ve qui gregi, and a new quadruplum Quasi non ministerium is added. I suggest that the motet originally planned for Philip IV in this position may have been a version, perhaps a less amorous version or a contrafact, of 7rahunt in precipicia /Han diex! ou
pourai je trouver. In the Brussels rotulus this immediately follows Floret/Florens, which I have suggested may have been once intended for, then rejected from, this Fauvel compilation. And in Brussels it immediately precedes the Louis X motet Se cuers ioans |Rex beatus |Ave, which it would likewise have preceded at this point in the interpolated Fauvelhad it been part of an admonitio intended for Philip IV.” This trio of kings at the junction of Books I and II points forward to the end ofthe Fauvel narrative, where the contrary motion of the motet sequence begins. The young debonair lion at the end of Book | is the blind lion of the two Marigny motets placed at the end of Book II. Are we also meant to read Garrit gallus/In nova, where Philip is alive, as balancing a missing motet for him at the end of Book I which marks his death, with a similar emphasis on tenses in both places? The three royal statements are in correct, or ‘forward’ chronological
order, which already suggests that the project may have been fashioned retrospectively after the death of at least one of them. Some of these forwards and backwards directions are shown in simplified form in Table 2.3. If the function of all these motets in Fauvel is primary, their actual order of composition becomes moot. Relationships between the motets do not prevent them from being written at roughly the same time, after all the events to which they refer had happened. In any case, they are too close together in time to encourage any secure stylistic separation. The Marigny motets, at least, must have been planned together, whether or not they are the work of the same composer, and whatever was the precise order of their composition, both words and music. Their narrative order should not necessarily be taken as literal and documentary. This can be partially extended to other motets, some of them less clearly or not at all topical, by means of cross-references, reversals, palindromes, and other structural features. These considerations blur questions of individual authorship and also * Tt could have been placed on fo. 6” for reasons of space (it the conductus repertory. See Dahnk, pp. li-lxvi. The motet would have taken up too much space in the tight composition of __follows v. 668 (close to the number of the beast, 666). Fauvel fos. 10-11); this is also a good place for it, because it follows a allots the alms. The king is complicit in taxing the church, which
complaint about the king’s false counsellors, and we know that __ is riven with simony (text following the motet) and other vices.
king to be Philip the Fair. The upper-voice texts draw heavily on
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52
Margaret Bent
increase the likelihood that some of the non-topical motets, too, were purpose-made for
Fauvel. Not only do they offer a caution against over-literal dating according to the topical references, but beyond that they mark a rich new strand of contrivance in this remarkable Gesamtkunstwerk.
3 Rex toians, ionnes, iolis: Louis X, Philip V, and the Livres de Fauvel Ue BLUIZ ABET
HUA. Rew BRON
positis pro nomine signis Ovid, Tristia, 4. 4.7
Those who gathered the texts assembled in BN fr. 146 created a work whose different parts offered bold admonitions and pointed counsel, both overt and veiled.' The component parts
initially appear quite disparate—a complainte d amour (followed by an index), the two Livres de Fauvel, eight topical dits, a collection of love songs, a metrical chronicle of events from 1300 to mid-1316. Yet the poetic form that characterizes them all signals their moralizing
intent. The counsel they contain was directed at Philip V, the second son of Philip the Fair, who became king of France at age 25, after the deaths of his brother Louis X on 5 June 1316, and of Louis’s posthumous
son John in mid-November.
Joined in the manuscript,
the
different parts resonate with one another, reinforcing and developing the meanings of each portion, just as within the manuscript’s centrepiece, the expanded Livres de Fauvel, illustra-
tions and musical pieces interact with one another and with the text. The complex glossing I should like to thank Margaret Bent and Andrew Wathey for their gracious invitations to their seminar and to the Fauvel conference, and for their generous support and counsel. Many who participated in the conference, and especially Emma Dillon and Leofranc Holford-Strevens, have helped as I attempted to turn oral presentation into written communication. As always, Nancy Freeman Regalado and Richard C. Famiglietti have offered invaluable advice, and I particularly appreciate the help with musicological questions that Joel Cohen, Edward H. Roesner, and Craig Wright have given me. I am grateful, too, to Frank Didisheim, whose English translation of the Fauvel of fr. 146, unfortunately still unpublished, I have used with enjoyment and profit. I appreciate as well the invitation of Jean Barbey and Joél Blanchard to participate at the conference they organized in
Livres de Fauvel’) has been published in Joél Blanchard (ed.),
Représentation, pouvoir et royauté a la fin du Moyen Age. Actes du colloque organisé par
'Université du Maine les 25 et 26 mars 1994
(Paris, 1995), 215-35. ' The essential sources cited here, in addition to those listed under Abbreviations, are the following, with the abbreviations I
use indicated in brackets: Gregory Alexander Harrison, Jr., “The
Monophonic Music in the Roman de Fauvel’ (Ph.D. diss., Stanford, 1963) [Harrison]; Jean-Claude Miihlethaler, Fauvel au
pouvoir: lire la satire médiévale (Nouvelle Bibliothéque du Moyen Age, 26; Paris, 1994) {[Miihlethaler].
* Aristotle, Poetics, 1451"; Gabrielle M. Spiegel, ‘Forging the
March 1994 at the Université du Maine, where I presented a
Past: The Language of Historical Truth in [the] Middle Ages’, History Teacher, 17 (1984), 267-83, esp. 267; Renate BlumenfeldKosinski, “Moralization and History: Verse and Prose in the
paper in which I sketched out some of the ideas I offer here in fuller form; the paper (‘Représentations de la royauté dans les
fir romanisches Philologie, 97 (1981), 41-6.
Histoire ancienne jusqua César (in B.N. f.fr. 20125)’, Zeitschrift
54
Elizabeth A. R. Brown
within Fauvel and between Fauvel and the other parts of the manuscript is nowhere more clearly demonstrated than in the verses, illustrations, and two motets that the compilers added to the end of the poem’s first book and the beginning of the second. Here as elsewhere
in the manuscript the miniatures, text, and musical pieces act as visual prompts encouraging the reader to draw connections with other passages, just as the words of the verses and lyrics
link them to other portions of the manuscript. In many instances, whose number we are only beginning to appreciate, words, music, and images with independent meaning and signifi-
cance derived from other contexts extend the range of resonance beyond the confines of the book. The texts in fr. 146 abound in figures and misteres that are generally left to the audience to explicate.’ The book’s profound and intricate complexities have enticed readers to attempt to unravel them in order to grasp the circumstances under which the manuscript was created and the motivations of those responsible for it. Who were these people? When, where, and for whom did they work? What were their attitudes to the rulers of France? What significance should be attached to the dates and names that the texts mention or allude to? Did the compilers know from the outset that they would utilize all the texts they eventually included in the manuscript? To what extent did they create, to what extent did they copy? Did they intend the different components to be viewed as mutually complementary—and sometimes mutually challenging? These are questions to which the manuscript itself provides no direct answers, and differing responses to them will necessarily result in differing interpretations of Fauvel and the texts that accompany it in fr. 146. The hands in which the initial portions of fr. 146 were copied, the virtually contempora-
neous works that the Fauvel artist executed for the royal court, and texts that are liberally cited in Fauvel have persuaded me that the manuscript was prepared in Paris by a group of literarily and musically sophisticated clerks who worked in the chancery of Philip V, and who created the work as a piece of serious amusement for the edification not only of themselves and their colleagues, but also, and most important, of the king. I believe it was begun in 1317
and completed before the end of 1321. Codicological evidence studied by Joseph C. Morin (see Ch. 15) shows that the precise placement of the topical poems and the love songs was
reconsidered and altered as the manuscript was being prepared, but this does not seem to me to prove that the compilers radically altered the planned contents of the book as they were proceeding. Whether they initially perceived the complex interrelationships the assembled * For ‘le mistere de Fauvel’, see Langfors, wv. 231-2; fr. 146, fo. 35 Harrison, wv. 229-30. See also Langfors, vy. 262-4 (Fauvel as ‘Chose apparant et non estable...! Figure pour gens dechevoir’); fr. 146, fo. 3°; Harrison, vv. 260-2. At the beginning
of the second book the poem stresses the necessity ‘De fauuel cognoistre listoire | Et bien retenir en memoire | Car il est de tout mal figure’: fr. 146, fo. 1°; Harrison, vv. 1267-9; Langfors, wv. 1231-3. See as well fr. 146, fo. 21°; Langfors, vv. 2574-8; Harrison,
too Fortune’s warning to Fauvel ‘que du monde
la figure |
Senfuit soudene en pourreture’, elaborated in the accompanying prose Fauvel cogita (‘quod preterit mundi figura. fugit subita sic interit quasi pictura.’): fr. 146, fo. 29°; Harrison, vv. 4124-5; Dahnk 163-4, vv. Ia—Ib. As the dreamer exclaimed after recounting his vision in Un songe, ‘moult me semble couuert’: fr. 146, fo.
52'; Storer—Rochedieu 65, v. 145. Des alliez opens with a ‘figure’
wv. 2606-10; Roesner et al. 45 (the two crowns of Dame Fortune
whose purpose the poet promises to report ‘brement’; his explication, however, introduces a host of other ‘figures’, whose
described as “figure et mistere’); and also fr. 146, fo. 37°; Harrison, wy. 5153-61; Langfors App., vv. 895-903 (the miraculous appear-
significance is not always apparent: fr. 146, fos. 53'-54'; Storer— Rochedieu 73-80, esp. 73, vv. I-15.
ance of the Virgin Mary to the Virtues ‘par grant mistere’), Note
Rex ioians, ionnes, iolis
55
texts might suggest to contemporary and later audiences is in my view unknowable. The names that purport to identify, directly or indirectly, those who wrote and edited the texts are not, I think, to be taken at face value; no more are the dates that purportedly indicate the times when the works were composed. They serve instead to draw the audience’s attention to certain personalities, certain milieux, and certain times, while enabling those responsible for the manuscript to cloak themselves in a veil of anonymity. The compilers of the manuscript left no doubt about the contemporary individuals and problems that concerned them. The tactics they employed were inspired by those used in the short version of Fauvel that is elaborated in fr. 146.
Within this short version, the few allusions to identifiable public figures linked the two books unmistakably to Philip the Fair’s France. The repulsive qualities of Fauvel and his courtiers strikingly resembled those that Philip’s hated minister Enguerran de Marigny incarnated, and the poem’s pertinence to Enguerran was intensified at the end of the second book. There the author declared that the book was finished on 6 December 1314 and offered
an enigma suggesting that he, the author, was Gervés du Bus, Enguerran’s erstwhile chaplain who had followed him into royal service. Gervés’s name and the date that was featured were particularly suggestive, since on 6 December 1314 rumours that Enguerran would soon fall were beginning to circulate, and since denunciation of Enguerran’s wickedness by a person who knew him as intimately as did his former chaplain would have had special weight.’ The number of allusions, direct and indirect, to contemporary rulers and events is markedly increased in the Livres de Fauvel of fr. 146.
The compilers altered and embellished the first book of Fauvel far less than they did the second. They added to the first book just a handful of verses, and only a fifth of the illustrations and a quarter of the musical pieces appear within the ten folios the book occupies in fr. 146. In this chapter I focus on the additions that occur at the end of the first book, on fos. 10—11' (see Pls. IH-IV). The placement of the additions—illustrations, text, and three musical pieces, the rondeau Porchier miex estre ameroie que Fauvel torcher, and two motets
invoking Louis IX, Louis X, and Philip V—signals their significance, by throwing the commencement of the second book on to the bottom of the first column of fo. 11’, and thus
-subordinating it to the motetus beginning ‘O Philippe’ copied above.’ The three author
publiés par la Société de
says that Enguerran “Officiaus a acourt mis | Qui ne resont pas nos amis | De son gre de sa uolente | Qui en ont eu la plante’: fr.
* Jean Favier, Un conseiller de Philippe le Bel: Enguerran de
Marigny (Mémoires et documents
l’Ecole des Chartes, 16; Paris, 1963), 21-2, 29, 67, 92, 150, 173, 198,
146, fo. 85°; Diverrés, vv. 6935-69; see also fr. 146, fo. 833
202 (attributing Fauvel to Gervés on 67 and 198); Roesner et al.
Diverrés, vv. 6295-302.
50-1. On 7 Dec. 1314 an agent of the king of Majorca in Paris
> Roesner et al, 26 discuss the arrangement of these texts; cf. also 50. They believe that the additions at the end of Book I ‘present a gentler view of [Philip the Fair] than did the author of Book I. Moreover, by lauding his two successors, Louis X and Philippe V, they point to a time when Fauvel will no longer rule the world, just as the end of Book II foresees the demise of Fauvel. But at the same time they offer an ironic commentary on the beginning of Book II: the splendor of the French monarchy as presented in these two motets stands in sharp contrast to the bestial court of the upstart Fauvel.’
reported the uncertainty regarding Enguerran de Marigny’s future prospects: ‘Dicitur etiam pro certo quod dictus dominus rex recepit camarlanos et hostiarios armorum et notarium secretorum, eosdem quos pater suus habebat dum vivebat. De domino Gelramo dubitatur an sit receptus in camarlanum, propter illa que superius scripsi vobis’: Charles Baudon de Mony, ‘La Mort et les funérailles de Philippe le Bel d’apres un compte rendu & la cour de Majorque’, BEC 58 (1897), 5-14, esp. 14. In a
speech attributed to Charles de Valois, the metrical chronicle
Elizabeth A. R. Brown
56
portraits that surround the additions anticipate and parallel three similar images at the end of the second book—just as the motets addressed to Louis X and presented to Philip V anticipate the first two dits, the Avisemenz pour le Roy Loysand Du Roy phellippe qui ore Regne. The author portraits encapsulate the narrative verses and musical pieces they enclose, suggesting that the verses and songs form a carefully structured unit and are to be read and comprehended as such. Here I shall propose that the compilers inserted these additions to explicate central themes of the whole manuscript, and that the additions and the dominant image of the crowned and enthroned Fauvel in the central column of fo. m’ constitute the climactic centre of the Livres de Fauvel, the contents of the first book leading up to the motetus O Philippe and those of the second book progressing in retrograde movement from the book’s end to the image of Fauvel as king. Whether the proximity of motetus and image suggests confrontation or contamination is a question to which I shall return at the end of the chapter. On fo. 10° (see Pl. II) a prayer to the ‘unccion esperital | Qui est plus clere que cristal’ appears towards the top of the central column; its eight verses (two above and six below)
frame the first of the author portraits.° This miniature shows him kneeling before a lectern supporting his book, visited by the dove of the Holy Spirit, which is invoked in the Alleluia, Veni sancte spiritus, at the top of the third column. The descent of the Holy Spirit at Pentecost brought power to Christ’s disciples and enabled them to prophesy and understand all tongues.” Thus the compilers of the manuscript seem to suggest their hope that the Holy Spirit will not only accomplish Fauvel’s banishment from France, as the prayer asks, but also enable their auditors to grasp the true import of the signs—words French and Latin, music,
and images—that the manuscript contains. The text and music of the apparently incongruous rondeau Porchier miex estre fill the remainder of the second column. Under the invocation of the Holy Spirit in the third column is a second image of the author (here shown before his book, addressing a group of nobles). The third image, depicting the author regarding his book in the presence of an attendant clerk and nobles, marks the closure of the first book and the beginning of the second on fo. 11". The themes of the illustrations and the rondeau recur again at the end of the manuscript, on fos. 42'—43'. There the author, without his book, first asks Fortune to condemn Fauvel, then kneels to implore the Virgin, Fortune’s sovereign in heaven (see below, Fig. 13.1), and finally, in the same pose, the triune God, enthroned like Mary on a banquette, the Holy Spirit hovering between Christ and his Father
(see below, Fig. 13.3). Porchier miex estre reappears on fo. 42’, this time as the tenor accompanying a Latin motetus and triplum addressed to the Virgin, suggesting that she will aid in accomplishing Fauvel’s downfall. For this the author’s work, inspired by the Holy Spirit, paves the way.” The added text and musical pieces at the end of the first book provide * ‘He unccion esperital | Qui es plus clere que cristal |Descent * Dahnk 207-8. The tenor is placed at the bottom of the y car ymet ta grace | Ne sueffre plus que fauuel face | Si ses ours _ second and third columns offo. 42", thus effectively blocking the tumber en ce monde | De sa seite trop yhabunde | De france fay triplum Celi domina and the motetus Maria virgo virginum fauuel banir | Trop la greuee son hanir’: fr. 146, fo. 11'; cf. copied above; the musical pieces addressed to Omnipotens Harrison, vy. 1211718 (several of whose readings differ from
mine).
See Acts 1: 5, 8; 2: 1-18.
domine, the Holy Trinity, and Jesus Christ on fos. 43'-44° (Dahnk 208-13) suggest that Fauvel will never perish without the
direct intervention of the three persons of the Trinity.
Rex ioians, ionnes, iolis
57
a variety of keys to the manuscript’s purpose, the compilers’ convictions, and the methods they use to transmit them to their audience. The last twenty-two lines of the short version ofthe first book of Fauvel appear in the third column of fo. 10°, beneath the second image ofthe author. The verses of the short version end with the date 1310 (‘En lan mil & cenz trois & dis’), which is elaborated by twenty lines
unique to fr. 146. The new verses fill the rest of the column and the first three lines of the first and second columns of fo. 10°. In fr. 146 the date 1310 assumes the function that (like the date
6 December 1314 at the end of the second book of the short version) it very likely possessed
in the short recension—to indicate the precise historical moment towards which the author wished to direct his readers, the twenty-fifth year of the rule of Philip the Fair. In that year, 1310, the new verses continue, ‘reign[ed] the debonair lion, whose actions were
gentler than they need have been, which gave him the great honesty that in him constantly reigned’. Abruptly advancing forward to Philip’s death and then back to his predecessors, the author declares: ‘I surely believe that he reigns in the realm of Paradise. This was Philip [the Fair], late son of the very good king, bold Philip [III], who died in Aragon, and he was son
of St Louis.’ The text stops on the last line of fo. 1o' with the obscure and probably corrupt line, ‘Du tout ai mons [mon?] dit assoys [asseis?]/—perhaps, “Of all this have I set down my
dit.’ In the verses that follow on the first column of the reverse of the folio, the poet directs his attention to St Louis and his merits. “Reciting of him’—evidently St Louis—‘a motet. O
God, how he sailed the sea with all his heart and marched by land to conquer the Holy Sepulchre.’ Here the narrative passes to the top of the second column, ending with the admonition, ‘If the others were to take note of him’—again St Louis—‘they would not become involved with Fauvel, for loyalty and truth would return, Fauvel cast out.’ On the facing page, fo. 11’, the first miniature to show Fauvel crowned is visual evidence that this has not yet occurred. The X-shaped throne on which he sits belongs properly to a king of France, linked as it was with Dagobert, Suger, and Saint-Denis, and depicted as it was on the great seals of the kings of France from the reign of Louis VII on—the same seal, as contemporaries would have known, that Louis X had deferred employing for four months after the death of his father Philip the Fair.’ In the topsy-turvy world of Fauvel, it is only the horse himself and, on fo. 9‘, one of /i seigneur temporel dedicated to keeping Fauvel bzen frote, who are depicted on the venerable French throne. The remainder of the first column of fo. 10° contains the triplum that accompanies the motetus Rex beatus confessor domini, which initially focuses on St Louis. This motetus fills the
middle of the second column, following two lines of the triplum and preceding the tenor, a simple ‘Ave’, taken from the Office of St Louis. At the bottom of the second column the
author announces, ‘Pour Phelippes qui regne ores | Ci metreiz ce motet onquores.’ In the third column appears the motet’s triplum, Servant regem misericordia, which ends ‘Rex hodie est et cras moritur | Iuste vivat et sancte igitur’, presented as a solemn warning without musical accompaniment. The Advent tenor Rex regum et dominus dominancium fills the last two lines. ” Elizabeth A. R. Brown, ‘Kings Like Semi-Gods: The Case of Louis X of France’, Majestas, 1 (1993), 5-37 at 20-1.
Elizabeth A. R. Brown
58
O Philippe, the tiplum’s companion motetus, is positioned on the first column of the facing page, which introduces a certain distance between it and the motet’s other parts, and sets it directly beside the image of the enthroned Fauvel. The triplum addresses by name ‘O Philippe prelustris francorum rex’. Calling him ‘noble youth’ (zsignis iuvenis), it counsels him to rely on the advice of the preux, and to live in his great-grandfather St Louis's sanctity—just as Hora rex est calls on him to imitate the royal line and regenerate the line of his ancient forebears.'” Paraphrasing the coronation oath and prefiguring an admonition of the metrical chronicle to Philip the Fair,"' it admonishes him to foster the church’s peace and judge his people with equity—equitate, which Emma Dillon proposes may have suggested an equine allusion to the proximate image of Fauvel (see below, Ch. 9)."” It calls on him to assault the pagans as he has sworn to do—which was a burning issue for Philip V. The metrical chronicle records the crusading vow that he and his brothers took at the great Pentecost féste which Philip the Fair gave for their knighting in 1313—just as it narrates the
moving deathbed scene in which, implored by Philip the Fair, Louis X assumed responsibility
for fulfilling his father’s own
vow—which
he had never done.’ Curiously, the metrical
chronicle makes no allusion to the grand assembly held in Paris on 22 July 1316, at which many nobles took the cross and the young Philip, then count of Poitiers, reaffirmed his dedication to the crusade and his intention to depart a year from the next Pentecost. Contemporaries, however, would surely have known of the ceremony.” If the king goes on crusade, the motetus continues, he will resemble the princes whose names are praised. The word nomina appears beside the lion-headed terminals of Fauvel’s throne; it is located directly across from the word nomini in the motetus Rex beatus, just as the word sanctitate, the virtue of the crusading St Louis that the king is counselled to cultivate, lies opposite the words Rex beatus. In the motetus Rex beatus the first four lines praise St Louis, confessor of the Lord, and proclaim that he is now reigning in heaven with the company of saints. It then addresses ‘you’ (vos [MS nos]), who share St Louis’s name and proceed from his blood, tells him to rejoice in his ancestor, and declares that if he follows Louis’s example (mores eius) his name and life WW) esos
5
:
fs
;
Imitator Regalis generis | Antiquorum genus regenera’: fr. 146, fo. 50’; see Leofranc Holford-Strevens’s edition of Hora rex est, VV. 21-2, below, Ch. 11.
"" After attacking Philip the Fair in 1313, vient | Qua nostre roy pais maintiengne | Et
the monetary policies implemented by the chronicler prays God, ‘dont tout bien tel uoie ensaingne | Que son Royaume en que desor mais si sa uise | Quen franchise uiue lyglise’: fr. 146, fo. 80°; Diverrés, vv. 5534-8. ° “Hec populo christiano et mihi subdito in Christi nomine promitto, vt ecclesie dei omnis populus christianus veram pacem nostro arbitrio in omni tempore seruet. Item vt omnes rapacitates et omnes iniquitates omnibus gradibus interdicam. Item vt in omnibus iudiciis equitatern et misericordiam
precipiam, vt mihi et vobis indulgeat suam misericordiam clemens et misericors dominus’: Elizabeth A. R. Brown, ‘Franks,
Register Croix of the Chambre des comptes, a recension of the last direct Capetian ordo, on which see ibid., 65-6, 139-42). In Hora rex est, the verses “Tanquam clauis claudis et aperis: | Claude malis et bonis resera’, recall the citation of this passage
(Matt. 16: 19) in the coronation ordo’s prayer accompanying the bestowal of the virga or main dejustice. ibid. 110-11. It is worth noting that the motetus as preserved in fr. 146 reads ‘Ecclesie pacis tenens /ocum—trather than lorum, the reading found in the later manuscript BN fr. 571, on which see Andrew Wathey, “The Marriage of Edward III and the Transmission of French Motets to England’, JAMS 45 (1992), 1-29 at 20. ' Fr. 146, fos. 78”, 84°; Diverrés, vv. 4885-900, 6777-87; in the preceding verses (6859-76), Philip the Fair charged his eldest son with making amends for the impositions he had levied.
Elizabeth A. R. Brown, ‘The Ceremonial of Royal Succes-
Burgundians, and Aquitanians and the Royal Coronation Cer-
sion in Capetian France: The Double Funeral of Louis X’, orig.
emony in France (Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 82". Philadelphia, 1992), 104 (from the Ordo maior of
pub. Traditio, 34 (1978) = The Monarchy of Capetian France and Royal Ceremonial (Aldershot, 1991), no. VII, 227-71 at 260-1.
Rex ioians, ionnes, iolis
59
(vox [MS nox] et vita) will be consonant with his holy blood. This is surely Louis X, St Louis’s
namesake and Philip V’s predecessor, now dead. Similar observations and counsel are found in Avisemenz pour le Roy Loys, which describes St Louis’s support ofthe church, the peace the realm enjoyed while he reigned, his two crusades, and his lack of bitterness (‘en lui not amer’). The dit reminds Louis X that he is descended from St Louis and will be wise (sages)
to imitate him, concluding ‘His name you bear; now act that you may have like renown’?— which the unfortunate king had been singularly unable to accomplish. As the two motetus parts Rex beatus and O Philippe advise first Louis X and then his brother Philip to imitate St Louis, so the triplum Servant regem misericordia sets forth in stern terms the qualities the good king should possess. A catena of prophetic biblical citations, it lauds the wise (sapiens) king and denounces the insipiens. It declares that mercy, truth, and
clemency preserve the king, and commends the virtues of the wise and pious ruler, and the justice and judgements he renders from his throne, contrasting the rex sapiens with the rex
insipiens et impius and insisting on the evils associated with the latter’s rule. The king’s clemency is laudable, the verses declare, his severity terrible. Before warning the king that he will die tomorrow and should thus live justly and devoutly, the triplum introduces the theme of youth, presenting it in a darker and more ambiguous mode than is implied by the motetus’s address to King Philip as insignis iuvenis. The verses tellingly elaborate and rephrase Eccles. 10: 17, Proy. 10: 16, and Eccles. 4: 13, the first of which proclaims, “Blessed is the land
whose king is noble’; the second, “Woe to you, o land, whose king is a boy [puer]’; and the third that “a poor, wise boy [pwer] is better than an old and stupid [stu/tus] king who does not
know how to foresee for the future’.'° In contrast, the triplum declares, ‘Good is the land whose king is noble, but woe to the land if he is puerile [puerz/is]; better [however] to be poor
and wise and a boy [pwer] than to be a foolish king [rex insipiens].’ At the beginning, these verses substitute puerilis for Ecclesiastes’s puer, and at the end insipiens for its stultus,\’ thus
insisting on the antipathetic qualities associated with boyhood (rather than on boyhood itself ) and linking the declaration to the triplum’s earlier contrast between the rex sapiens and insipiens. The solemn reminder of the fragility of the king’s life and his responsibility for living in justice and holiness intensifies the gravity of this admonition. So too does the tenor’s _appeal to the King of Kings and Lord of Lords of the Apocalypse, who slew the beast, and the
kings of earth who supported him, preparing the way for the angel to bind Satan for a thousand years.’* Do the last verses of the triplum and the tenor, read together, imply that Fr, 146, fo. 47°; Storer—Rochedieu 13, wv. 426-37. The dit
terra, Cuius rex puer est’ (Prov. 10: 16); ‘Melior est puer pauper, et
later tells Louis that ‘he should seek only wisdom [sagesse]’ and
sapiens, Rege sene et stulto, Qui nescit praevidere in posterum’
stresses that he should solicit sage conseil: fr. 146, fos. 48°, 505 Storer-Rochedieu 26-7, vv. 870 and 893; 40, wy. 1352-3. The
(Eccles. 4: 13).
poet declares that the person who is sages et senez will be respected and elevated, whatever defects of lineage or physique he may
insipiens. see Prov. 23: 23 (Et cor insipientium provocat stultitiam’); Eccles. 10: 2-3 (‘Cor sapientis in dextera eius, Et cor stulti in sinistra illius. Sed et in via stultus ambulans, Cum ipse
have: fr. 146, fo. 49°; Storer—Rochedieu 33, vv. 1094-9. At the
"” There was ample biblical authority for substituting studtus for
beginning the poet notes that dits should emphasize the duty of insipiens sit, Omnes stultos aestimat’); Isa. 32: 5-6 (“Non vocabitur kings to govern sagement, saying that Scripture teaches that all ultra is qui insipiens est, princeps, Neque fraudulentus kings should rule ‘par la sapience’: fr. 146, fo. 46°; Storer— appellabitur maior; Stultus enim fatua loquetur, Et cor eius Rochedieu 2, vv. 43-9. '6 ‘Beata terra cuius rex nobilis est’ (Eccles. 10: 17); “Vae tibi,
faciet iniquitatem, Ut perficiat simulationem’).
"8 Ecclus. 10: 12; Apoc. 19: 11-21, 20: 1-3.
60
Elizabeth A. R. Brown
the foolish king, duly warned, can mend his ways before he dies and in the end triumph over the beast—in this case, Fauvel? Or do they suggest that the foolish king should be replaced by a poor, wise puer who through his rule will prepare the way for the Second Coming? Both readings seem possible. Neither is flattering to the ruler to whom the musical piece is directed—unless the insignis iuvenis of the motetus is thought to possess the puer’s wisdom without his puerilitas. It is tantalizing to speculate on the compilers’ attitude to the rex puer, since between the twelfth century and the time the clerks were working on fr. 146, a distinct change had occurred in views of the child ruler. The accomplishments and virtues of St Louis, the child
king who came to the throne at age 12, had led Vincent de Beauvais to re-evaluate and transform the negative image implied in Proverbs and Ecclesiastes and stressed by John of Salisbury. Vincent declared that education, discipline, and guidance made the “puerilis etas
aptior ... ad serviendum deo’, and cited a host of biblical passages celebrating the merits of
children (including the young rulers Josiah and David, who is invoked as puwer in the last direct Capetian coronation ordo).'” Servant regem misericordia, however, contains no hint that the rule of a child king is something to be desired, and there is no evidence that the compilers of fr. 146 found such a prospect appealing. True, Un songe links the virtue of sapience directly with St Louis, but it says nothing of his youth.” Under the year 1301,
lamenting that Philip the Fair received ‘la mendre part’ of what his agents collected, the metrical chronicler bluntly announced that the king ‘ne deust plus estre enfant’.”' The explication of Prov. 10: 16 given by the contemporary Dominican preacher and theologian Guillaume de Sauqueville (who was active in Paris in the first decades of the
fourteenth century) suggests how the compilers of fr. 146 may have understood the verse. Preaching on the text ‘Rex sapiens populi stabilimentum’,” Sauqueville focused on St Louis, ‘rex valde sapiens’, who required for his rule /umen sapientie. Exalting the virtues of a ruler who was known to have become king when he was 12, Sauqueville did not mention this fact, but he was evidently troubled by Proverbs’ outcry at the rex puer, which he discussed at length—only to conclude, twisting the facts: “But note: Louis was old and wise and thus he ruled well.” As a commentary on the verse that may reflect and may have influenced contemporary views, Sauqueville’s exposition has particular interest. Its relevance to Servant Jacques Le Goff, ‘Le Roi enfant dans lidéologie monarchique de l’Occident médiéval’, in Actes du Colloque international. Historicité de lenfance et de la jeunesse. Athenes, 1-5 octobre 1984 (Archives historiques de la jeunesse grecque, 6; Athens, 1986), 231-50 at 242-9; see Vincent de Beauvais, De
eruditione filiorum nobilium, ed. Arpad Steiner (The Mediaeval Academy of America, Publications, 32; Cambridge, Mass., 1938), 83-8 (ch. xxiv, Qualiter omnia consonant huic etati erudiende), at
85-6. David is referred to as puer in the consecration prayer Omnipotens sempiterne deus. Brown, ‘Franks, Burgundians ,107. *” Fr. 146, fo. 49°; Storer-Rochedieu 34-5, vv. 1157-91. *! Er, 146, fo. 65°; Diverrés, wv. 898-904. Cf. also Fortune’s
* Wisd. 6: 26; cf. Ecclus. 49: 17.
* ‘Sed nota: senes fuit et sapiens; ideo bene rexit’: Hildegard Coester, Der Kénigskult in Frankreich um 1300 im Spiegel von Dominikanerpredigten (a thesis submitted at Frankfurt in 1935/
36), esp. pp. v—vi (an edition of the sermon, from BN lat. 16495, fos. 161'—-162". I am grateful to Ralph Giesey for providing me with a copy of the thesis, preserved among the papers of Ernst Kantorowicz; | have deposited a copy at the New York Public Library, where it can be consulted. Much work remains to be done on Sauqueville, who appears to have taught theology at the University of Paris c.1316-17, and whose collected sermons (BN
fr. 16495) contain one written before the death of Queen Jeanne
reference to ‘conturbatus principatus Regis iunioris’, in the prose
de Navarre
Veritas equitas. fr. 146, fos. 22'~23', esp. 22"; Dahnk ro (stanza
Sauqueville, dominicain’,
Xa).
on
(1914), 298-307.
2 Apr.
1305:
Noél
Valois,
‘Guillaume
de
in Histoire littéraire de la France, 34
Rex ioians, ionnes, iolis
61
regem muisericordia and to Fauvel is striking not only because he uses the metaphor of horse and rider as the basis of his argument and treats of carnality as well as rulership, but also because he ends his discussion by invoking Eccles. ro: 17, the verse with which the triplum’s lines on the rex puer open. ‘Sometimes’, says Sauqueville, a boy is set on a horse, and although he should rule him, the horse, feeling this, rules him and throws
him in the mud. So frequently those who should rule others are themselves ruled by others, and so all is cast down. By the horse is signified the flesh, by the boy inferior reason; and when that [reason] is
alone over carnality, it takes the rein in its teeth and inferior reason is cast down, since it cannot rule well alone, without superior reason.”
Applying Sauqueville’s statements as a gloss to Servant regem misericordia and to Fauvel would suggest that the ruler who intends to master the horse Fauvel must be old and wise and must exercise superior reason, which will also, incidentally, enable him to master carnality.
How can he—in this case Philip V—acquire such superior reason? Through the admonitions, education, and counsel the compilers of fr. 146 were offering to the king. Otherwise, as Servant regem misericordia proclaims, the reign of a puer will be preferable to his.
The compilers did not explicitly identify any particular pwer whose rule would be better than that of the wilful, foolish king the triplum might be read as implying Philip V was or might become. Emma Dillon proposes that the puer might have been perceived as the baby king John, whose death opened the way for Philip of Poitiers’s accession to the throne. She notes that Un songe describes John as ‘living and dying at the same moment’, and says that his reign ‘began today and tomorrow ceased’—recalling the triplum’s ‘Rex hodie est et cras moritur’.”’ The presence of two allusions to clementia in the triplum might have fostered such an association, since John’s mother was Clémence (Clementia) of Hungary. That the triplum’s references to puer and clementia might have evoked such resonances is certainly possible—although as the compilers knew and the metrical chronicle makes clear, had John lived Philip of Poitiers would have been regent (named unanimously, according to the chronicler) and would have been effective ruler of France.”®
In view of the triplum’s allusion through the word puwerilis to the antipathetic qualities of boyhood, it seems to me equally possible that its puer might have been linked with the dead * “Ve terre, cuius rex puer est. Aliquando puer ponitur super
equum et licet deberet eum regere, hoc sentiens equus eum regit et proicit in lutum. Sic frequenter qui deberent alios regere per alios
reguntur;
ideo
totum
precipitatur.
Per
equum
caro
26
¢
& acorde fu sanz descort | Ensemble de commun
acort |
Que se hoir malle | le fruit nestoit | le quens de poitiers roy seroit’: fr. 146, fo. 88°; Diverrés, vv. 7861-4; see Brown, “The Ceremonial of Royal Succession’, 257-9. The chronicle’s
assignatur, per puerum inferior racio; et quando illa est sola super carnalitatem, accipit frenum cum dentibus et precipitatur racio inferior, quia non potest bene regere sola sine racione superior.
chronologically garbled account surely exaggerates the approval attending Philip’s assumption of the position of regent: ibid.
Sed nota: senes fuit et sapiens; ideo bene rexit. Ecclesiasticus [szc]
at the birth of Clémence’s son, ‘Duquel de France len tendra | Le
X: Beata terra cuius rex nobilis est: Coester, Kénigskult, pp. v-Vi. * Ycelui temps si com moy semble | II nasqui & mourut ensemble | Hui commenca demain failli | Ainsi de vie a mort sailli |Comme fait le Roy a la feue |Qui commence ensemble et acheue | Ennuit sera seignouriant | Et demain poure mendiant’: fr. 146, fo. 52°; Storer—-Rochedieu 68, vv. 253-60. See Dillon’s discussion below in Ch. 9.
257-8, esp. 258 n. 124. The enigmatic De la comete expresses joy Reaume’; earlier in the dit, however, the poet denied that the
earthquake he was discussing signified “Que terrienne seignourie | Sesmouura de sa propre ligne’, and cited as evidence the fact that ‘France se tourne au secont frere’, commenting “De fait ce de droit estre doit | Chascun nen lieue pas le doit’: fr. 146, fos. 54°, 55; Storer—Rochedieu 49, vv. 247-54; 51, VV. 307-23.
62
Elizabeth A. R. Brown
baby’s late father, Louis X. Louis apparently had a reputation for puerilitas, for which a contemporary chronicler said his father often rebuked him; on his deathbed, ie
the Fair
was reported to have admonished Louis to cultivate maturitatem in moribus.” The rex puer of Servant regem misericordia would indeed have been particularly likely to be associated with Louis X if (as I believe) the entire motet was originally composed for him and adapted for fr. 146, and if contemporaries knew this.” The placement of Servant regem misericordia directly opposite the triplum accompanying Rex beatus would in any case have encouraged such connections, since there seems no question that this triplum is an indirect attack on the puerile qualities of Louis X. Whereas like Servant regem misericordia, the motetus and tenors of the two royal motets exude serious solemnity, the triplum that faces Servant regem in the first column of fo. 10" is shockingly and discordantly disparate. Written in French, the language of the beast Fauvel,” it begins, ‘Se cuers ioians ionnes iolis & gentis ainme cest raisons’: ‘if the heart that is joyous, young, handsome and kind loves, this is [as] reason [decrees].’”” This proposition is expounded at length, and at the end the ladies (dames) are advised to choose lovers who are
‘gentilz Iolis Iennes Ioians’, since they and no others should enjoy love. What relevance has this to the adjacent pieces, and particularly to the sober narrative verses concerning St Louis's virtuous crusades that directly precede the triplum? If amour is read as the amour charitable that Fauvel’s foes the Virtues exemplify, if it is interpreted as the amour fine that the Virtues feel for their oste in Paris, who figures Jesus Christ,’ or the amour fine that moves God to ” Brown, ‘Kings Like Semi-Gods’, 13-14.
jeune age de Louis X, quand il monta sur le tréne, en 1314’; she
** The preservation of the motet in the later manuscript BN
suggests that it is ‘peut-étre 4 la divergence complete des deux
fr. 571, with “Ludowice’ replacing “O Philippe’ in the motetus,
textes du Mot[etus]
strongly suggests this possibility, and double invocation of clementia in the triplum supports it, since such allusions would have been appropriate in a motet written for or about the coro-
admission dans Fauv[el].’ Miihlethaler 210 simply remarks, ‘La piéce musicale 32 est un motet a caractére hybride dans lequel le
nation of Louis and Clémence of Hungary at Reims on 3 Aug.
motetus en latin.’ Roesner et al. 17 hypothesize that the combination of French and Latin may indicate that ‘the composer's intent is to underscore the idea that all men, secular and ecclesiastical alike, hail the newly crowned Louis X.’ The penultimate
1315. The references in the motetus to ‘proaui sanctitate’ and to
an unfulfilled crusading pledge would in my view have inhibited any thoughtful reader (or editor) from linking the motetus’s text with St Louis—which would seem to be the only reason why the compilers of fr. 571 would have altered the address from a hypo-
thetically original “O Philippe’ when they decided to include the song in their manuscript. Leofranc Holford-Strevens’s unpublished analysis of the texts of the two versions and Edward H. Roesner’s study of their musical notation demonstrate the un-
et du Tr[iplum]
que ce motet
doit son
triplum en frangais avec sa thématique amoureuse s oppose au
(33rd) song attributed to Lescurel (Wilkins, Lescurel, 21-7; fr. 146, fos. 60—61') announces, ‘Cest raisons que la doie amer’; the
song often refers to the lover’s cuer and the final verse, which begins ‘Ie requier Amours en ma fin | Par qui iai servi de cuer fin’,
146. Cf. Wathey, “Marriage of Edward III’, 18-20. The motet is
ends ‘Car ie ne puis autrement | Avoir cuer lie ne ioiant’. *’ Fr. 146, fo. 31° (“Amoient charitablement;; ‘laiment damour fine’): Harrison, vv. 4500-25, esp. 4503-6, 4525; Langfors App., wy. 263-90, esp. 268-71, 290. The long prayer to ‘Sire diex’ at the
associated with Louis X’s coronation in Roesner eg al. 21 n. 141
end of Fauvel presents Jesus Christ as the hoste ‘Qui tenebres
(referring as well to Louis’s ‘succession to the crown’, which
efface et oste | Et tout occurte en lumine | Par les Rais de sa clarte fine’, and was thus “mal hoste’ when he descended into Hell, ‘Car toute sa gent en osta | Et les conduit droit ala voie | En son
likelihood that the version in fr. 571 was taken from the one in fr.
occurred more than eight months before his long-deferred coronation), 24, 25, 30, 49; cf. Dahnk 69 (associating the motet with
Louis's ‘avénement’), and Langfors 139 (hypothesizing that the piece was addressed to Louis X ‘lors de son avénement). For a contrary view, see Chs. 2, 9, and 26. ” See Roesner et al. 16-17.
* Dahnk 67 comments that the triplum ‘n’a pas le moindre rapport avec Saint Louis, mais on y pourrait voir une allusion au
paradis plain de ioie | Ou tous iourz viuront en leesce | Sanz mal souffrir et sanz tristesce’: fr. 146, fo. 44° (where, emphasizing its significance, the line ‘Estoit venuz estre leur hoste’ appears on the first line of the page); Harrison, vv. Gor0-22; Langfors App., wv.
1744-56.
Rex ioians, tonnes, iolis
63
bestow eternal joy on those who suffer in this life, the triplum might indeed have relevance to the sancritas featured elsewhere on the pages. The spatial parallel between sonnes in the triplum’s first line and insignis tuvenis of the
second line of O Philippe might initially suggest that the triplum is intended to call attention to the amour vrai for both his subjects and his wife attributed to Philip V elsewhere in the manuscript. Un songe calls him ‘amoureus & reconnoissant’, praising his dedication to his subjects and his fidelity to his wife.” In Du Roy phellippe qui ore Regne, he is told that God loves him and his wife, that his ‘name proclaims that [he] should love good people with [his]
heart and without bitterness’, and notes that if he guards the meaning of his perfect name, he will be a perfect king.” Hora rex est calls on him to ‘unfurl the royal banners against the sons of the adulterous race’; it equates him with the fleur-de-lis that destroys carnale vicium.” His devotion to his wife Jeanne of Burgundy, wrongly accused with her guilty sister-in-law
and sister of adultery in 1314, is lauded in Du Roy phellippe, in Un songe, and in the metrical
chronicle; Des alliez en francois counsels Philip, addressed as ‘gentilz Roys’, to ‘turn to the crowned queen to take your counsel’.”° Further, the merits of conjugal love are strikingly emphasized in Gracieus temps est, the last of the manuscript’s collection of love songs. Like Un songe, this song describes the poet’s dream. In it the woman pursued by the lover is called ‘Iennette’, who is a ‘Dame tres digne destre amee | Car de biaute | Ie li donnai la roiaute’. The pertinence of a royal woman addressed as ‘Iennette’ to the reigning queen Jeanne, Philip V’s wife, would not have been lost on the audience. In the song this queen-like woman rejects what she decries as the fausse amour proffered by men who ‘deceuuent | Les iennes fames & deceuuent | Leurs uouloirs’. In the context of such songs the explanation she gives is singular: ‘par mariage’ she has found /oial amour in one who is ‘bel et gracieux et sage | Et raisonnable | Plaisant iolis et amiable | Et a touz gens e[s]t agreable’. Because she loves a ‘personne si gente’, “Touz les iours de ma uie serai gaie et iolie’.” Many of the words the lady uses to
describe her husband echo those of the triplum Se cuers, but here the man is also ‘sage’, recalling the rex sapiens of Servant regem misericordia. Further, the husband is ‘raisonnable’, Legenda Aurea vulgo Historia lombardica dicta. Ad optimorum
* Fr, 146, fo. 21'; Harrison, vv. 2523-8; Langfors, wv. 2491-6. ® Fr, 146, fos. 52'-53' (where ‘Amoureus’ is the first word on fo. 53°); Storer—Rochedieu 70, wv. 291-324. * Dex les aime’; ‘Lentente de ton non parfait | Garde si seras
ch. LXV (62) (on Saint Philip: ‘Philippus dicitur os lampadis vel os manuum, vel dicitur a philos, quod est amor, et yper, quod est
Roys parfait |Ton non dit que tu doiz amer | Bonne gent de cuer
super, quasi amator supernorum.
sanz amer | Ton non dit que Gueite es & garde | Cest bon non de Roy or le garde... | Ton non dit que tu doiz reluire | Com la lampe clere. & mal | Conscience auoir clere & monde | Ouuerte a dieu et close au monde | Ton non dit que tu aies bouche | De
propter suam luculentam praedicationem, os manuum propter assiduam operationem, amator supernorum propter coelestem
mains or pensse a quoi ce touche |Cest que ta bouche ne pramette | Rien que ta main a fin ne mette’; fr. 146, fo. 50°"; Storer—
librorum fidem, ed. Th. Graesse (3rd edn., Breslau, 1890), 292-3,
Dicitur, igitur os lampadis
contemplationem’).
*® Fr. 146, fos. 50'—s1'; see the edition below, Ch. 1, v. s.
© Fr. 146, fos. 50' (Du Roy phellippe), 52'-53' (Un songe), 53° (Des alliez), 82°; Storer-Rochedieu 53, vv. 7-11; 70, vv. 291-314;
Rochedieu 53, 54-5, wv. 11 and 53-8, 61-8. Note also, in Des alliez,
78, vy. 193-95; Diverrés, vv. 6011-56. De /a comete suggests that
‘Auxi de lomme la pensee |Telle come du cuer est pensee | De fait
Jeanne was wrongly defamed when she was accused of adultery
& de bouche ensement | Se moustre manifestement’: fr. 146, fo. 53°; Storer-Rochedieu 73, wv. 4-8. And in De /a comete, ‘Or serue donc diex & honeure | Chacun & de bouche & de main’: fr. 146, fo. 55°; Storer-Rochedieu 52, wv. 344-5. Cf. Jacobus ‘de Voragine’,
along with her sister and cousin: fr. 146, fo. 59°; Storer— Rochedieu 45, vv. 111-15. ” Fr, 146, fos. 61-62"; Wilkins, Lescurel, 28-36, esp. stanzas 9, 20, 26-8.
Elizabeth A. R. Brown
64
reflecting the virtue that Fauvel signally lacks, the virtue the poem declares should possess lordship in the world, had bestiality not usurped her place and falsity broken her.** In Hora rex estitis ratio that teaches Philip V the principles of good government—the same racio superior that Guillaume de Sauqueville exalted as the chief attribute of the wise ruler.” Se cuers, however, contains no intimation that fie, charitable, virtuous, and married love
is what is being discussed. Rather, the triplum anticipates the bestial desire that Fauvel feels for Dame Fortune, which he expresses in Jolis sanz raison clamer.° The true nature of the triplum’s amourisperhaps revealed by the prose Carnalitas luxuria, which, placed in the third
column of fo. 12', can be seen as a gloss responding to and developing the triplum of the first column of fo. 11°. Most significant, Se cuers accompanies the motetus Rex beatus, in which
Louis X is addressed. It is indeed Louis X (who became king of Navarre at the age of 15 in 1305) whom the Chronique métrique repeatedly designates as ‘le Ioenne roy’ before his accession to the French throne nine years later, and whom De Ja comete calls ‘ioenne . . . et amoureus—without saying precisely whom he loved.*' Avisemenz pour le Roy Loys counsels him not to believe ‘les gennes Iolis cointes’ and reminds him of King Rehoboam,
who
was ‘Iennes’ and who ‘fu desconfis | Quant les foles ioenes gens crut—just as Du Roy
phellippe comments of past rulers, ‘Des Ioennes des Iolis des cointes | Ont trop les Roys este acointes’. Of whom had Louis X been ‘amoureus’? As the Chronique métrique makes clear, initially of his first wife, Marguerite of Burgundy, who betrayed him. The adultery that she and her sister-in-law Blanche committed with two knights (whom the Chronique métrique describes
as ‘joli & gay’) was revealed in 1314, the year when, De /a comete declares, man and woman ‘France mirent en desroy | Par le grant peche dauoutire’. Avisemenz pour le Roy Loys insists on the ‘scandals’ that afflicted the realm, bringing ‘sus Roys | et sus Roynes les desrois’.” Marguerite had avowed her guilt and sorely repented, lamenting, in the words of the metrical chronicle, that because of her deeds ‘au royaume reprouchiees | Les roynes seront toziors mes’. As a result of this tragedy, the chronicle says, Louis ‘nestoit pas molt esioys . . . por sa * Fr. 146, fo. 3° (“Fauuel beste non resonnable’, the first line raisonnable’]; ‘Et que faussete raison brise’ (cf. Langfors, v. 356, ‘Et resons est au dessous mise’]); Harrison, vv. 258, 354. In the
quemmi pour combatre’: fr. 146, fo. 65°; Diverrés, vv. 671-5; on Conine, see Frantz Funck-Brentano, Les Origines de la guerre de Cent ans: Philippe le Bel en Flandre (Paris, 1897), 360-2. “" Fr, 146, fos. 54v, 76v, 78, 79; Storer-Rochedieu 46, v. 148;
short Fauvel,
a perdu
Diverreés 174, v. 4361; 180, vv. 4687 and 4706; 181, v. 4735; 188, v.
roiaute | Quant nous voion bestiautei | Sus les hommes si haut
5134. In the Avisemenz pour le Roy Loys Louis is several times addressed as ‘gentil Roys’: fr. 146, fos. 49", 50°; Storer—Rochedieu
of the folio
[cf. Langfors,
v.
26,
the preceding verses
‘Fauvel
declare,
beste
‘Raison
est
nient
assise’: Langfors, vy. 353-6. Curiously, in fr. 146 the first of these
lines appears as ‘Raison a par tout roiaute’, which distorts the lines’ meaning but does not, I think, pervert it; unless it is a copyist’s error, the change requires that the line be read, ‘Reason
29, V. 976; 32, V. 1085; 39, v. 1325.
* Fr. 146, fos. 46", 50°; Storer-Rochedieu 26, vv. 885-6; 27, vy. 900-21; 55, wv. 77-8. See 1 (3) Kgs. 12: 8 (‘Qui dereliquit
should have royalty over all, bur...’. On sagesse | sapientia and rulership, see above, and esp. n. 15. » Fr. 146, fo. 51'; see n. 24 above.
consilium senum, quod dederant ei, et adhibuit adolescentes’); 2
” Fr. 146, fo. 27°; Dahnk 151-2. Discussing the revolt led by Pierre Coninc in Flanders in 1301, the metrical chronicle (refer-
example of Rehoboam in John of Salisbury’s discussion of the
ring to him as ‘Pierre Tisserant’) says that he was ‘a Roy eslis’ because ‘Courtois estoit larges jolis’, and comments, ‘Mes les iolis ne font pas tout | Il se metent plus tost au bout | Por fuire
33 44, w. 97-9; Diverrés 202-5, esp. vv. 5877 and 6062-3.
Chron. 10: 8, 13-14 (‘locutusque est iuxta iuvenum voluntatem’). Le Goff (‘Le Roi enfant’, 239-40) notes the importance of the child king in the Policraticus. © Br. 146, fos. 47’, 54°, 81'—-82'; Storer-Rochedieu 15, vv. 490-
Rex ioians, ionnes, iolis
65
fame’.”” Even before Marguerite died, providentially, in April 1315, Louis began wooing a prospective second wife, Clémence of Hungary, and his actions were widely known. While awaiting Clémence’s arrival during the summer of 1315, a contemporary reports, ‘he burnt
with juvenile ardour and loosened the reins of continence’; during this time, he adulterously
fathered an illegitimate daughter.”” His shockingly hasty marriage to Clémence took place shortly after her arrival in France on 31 July 1315, three days before he was at long last crowned at Reims and anointed with the heaven-sent ‘unccion esperital’ that was the special pride of the kings of France. The metrical chronicle reports that at the wedding there were few guests and no ‘feste ne dance’, and comments of the union, ‘Diex doint que le royaume en soit lie | Plus qui ne fu de la premiere’.” Such a second marriage, involving a man betrayed by his first wife and performed with indecent speed, was just the sort to merit the ‘parfait’ but extremely curious charivari of fr. 146 that follows the wedding of the well-matched couple Fauvel and Vaine Gloire, the charivari that the poem says bothered Fauvel not in the least-— ‘whomever it was supposed to displease’."” Thus of all the rulers alluded to on fos. 10'—n1", it was Louis X whose actions Se cuers ioians ionnes iolis was most likely to evoke. Se cuers toians seems to have been chosen—and probably composed—as an accompaniment to Rex beatus in order to condemn the thoughtless love of youth and, more specifically, the thoughtlessly youthful and amorous Louis X himself. As the dits and metrical chronicle show, Louis X was the antitype of the exemplary ruler. The dits that discuss his reign stress his lack of authority, what he failed to do rather than what he actually accomplished. The passages devoted to him and his rule in the metrical chronicle show that he was hardly St Louis’s worthy namesake and successor. Doubly committed to aid the Holy Land, he had done nothing. Recounting his death and burial, the
chronicler implores God to pardon him and efface his sins. The king, he says, was credulous. He was not as attentive to the realm’s needs as reason (reson) should have counselled him.”
The chronicler calls on the glorious Trinity to grant Louis, ‘at the day of Final Judgement, reign in heaven’, but he also begs the triune God ‘to hold us in his power and give us after him a king who will not bring confusion [desroy] on his people”’—implying (like the Avisemenz pour le Roy Loys) that Louis had done just this. If the true meaning of the additions concerning Louis X must be sought beneath and beyond the words and images on fos. 10°—11', what of the praise of Philip the Fair expressed in the narrative verses that precede the motets? As their placement and a host of statements in the dits and metrical chronicle make patently clear, the verses could hardly be sincere. Consider first the proximity of the words ‘li lyons debonaires’ to the verse of Porchier miex " Fr. 146, fo. 82‘; Diverrés, vv. 5968-6008
(esp. 5996-7),
” “A quoi quil en deust desplaire | Semblant nen fist onques
6062-3. In narrating her death, the chronicle insists on Margue-
_fauueaus | Plus assez li fu des auiaus | Quil ot eu auec sa fame |
rite’s repentance and notes that the Franciscans of Vernon ‘Sa sepulture noblement | Firent & molt deuotement’: fr. 146, fo. 86'; Diverrés, vv. 7141-94, esp. 7145-54, 7193-4. © Brown, ‘Kings Like Semi-Gods’, 18-22.
Quil honnora comme sa dame’: fr. 146, fo. 36°; Harrison, wv. 5017-26; Langfors App., wv. 761-70. ** Pr. 146, fos. 78’, 84, 87°; Diverrés, vv. 4885-96, 6773-90, na 7993-7 70% Fr. 146, fo. 87°; Diverrés, vv. 7725-31.
“© Br, 146, fo. 86°; Diverrés, vv. 7393-412, esp. 7398-9; Brown, ‘Kings like Semi-Gods’, 22, 27-8.
Elizabeth A. R. Brown
66
estre ameroie declaring that the swineherd “Nai cure de sa monnoie ne nai son or chier’. The swineherd’s sane attitude to earthly wealth, praised lengthily by Dame Fortune, is the precise antithesis of the feelings ascribed in fr. 146 to Philip the Fair and his ministers—and those of Fauvel and his courtiers, led by Luxuria and Avaricia.”” Un songe bemoans the taxes that were levied during the reign of Philip the Fair, when everyone ‘son proufit pouchacoit’.”” The metrical chronicler’s bitterest denunciations of Philip are prompted by his impositions and by his manipulation of the realm’s coinage (monnoie).”* In the long harangue to the king that the chronicle attributes to the barons of France, they denounce his taxes and tell him he has taken so much from others that both God and man despise him. In the same harangue the barons compare him with his ancestors ‘who took nothing from the kingdom . . . but gave liberally of their own’, and they cite, among others, the very kings mentioned with Philip in the verses added to the end of the first book of Fauvel. St Louis, they say, paid for his crusades by using his own resources (du sien), and if Philip III collected a tenth from the church for
his expedition against Aragon ‘por le dieu seruise’, he did so ‘si doucement’ that it burdened neither man nor woman.” As to the verses’ praise of Philip the Fair’s “douz afaires’, the metrical chronicler hardly thought that his fiscal policies were marked by the douceur attributed to Philip II's levy, even if he said the dying king answered the barons ‘doucement’ and proceeded to abolish taxes.” Deploring the French defeat at Courtrai in 1302, the chronicler presented Philip the Fair as far too ‘soufrans ... cortoys et... debonere’ towards the Flemings. He was ‘tendres’, and from this came ‘les granz esclandres | Dont vous en estes escharni | & vostre royaume desgarni’. The king’s dealings with the Flemings, the chronicle says, showed that he was ‘& dur & tendre | Durs. aus siens & douz as estranges’.” Later, criticizing the failure to pay French soldiers (and again commenting on Philip the Fair’s own wealth), the chronicler declares unconvincingly that the king should not ‘be said to do this’, since he is filled “de grace | et de doucour et de pite | et de droiture et dequite’.”° Far more typical of the chronicler’s pronouncements Is his assertion regarding the coinage manipulation in 1313, that the king ‘Si
dur nous est et si amer | Que mis nous a en haute mer’.” In the context of the entire manuscript, the sure belief (“Certes ie croi’) expressed in the
additional verses that Philip the Fair ‘reigns in the realm of Paradise’ rings hollow. In the barons’ address to the king, reported in the metrical chronicle, they ask the king how he can *° Fr, 146, fos. 9° (the avarice of earthly rulers), r1'—12" (the
description of Fauvel’s gaudy palace; the denunciation of /uxus and diuitie in the prose O labilis sortis, Luxuria and Auaricia at Fauvel’s court, in the prose Carnalitas), 23°‘ (Fortune’s diatribe against cupidity; Harrison, wv. 1062-82, 2833-920; for the versets Nemo potest and Beati pauperes see Dahnk 113); cf. Langfors, wv. 1056-75, 2799-886.
' Fr. 146, fo. 52°; Storer-Rochedieu 66, vv. 175-82; 67, Ww. 2O6=7s
* Note particularly the chronicle’s lengthy attack on the monetary manipulations of 1313: fr. 146, fo. 80'; Diverrés, vv. 5349-540. Cf. also fr. 146, fos. 70' (1303), 72° (1305 and 1306); Diverreés, vv. 2265-86, 3017-20, 3089-100.
* Fr. 146, fos. 83'-84'; Diverrés 213-17, esp. wv. 6525-76, 6597-8. Un songe complains about the levies made during the reign of Philip the Fair ‘pour aler en Iherusalem’: fr. 146, fo. 52”,
Storer—Rochedieu 66, wy. 177-82. é Fr. 146, fo. 84'; Diverrés, vv. 6697-709. » Fr. 146, fos. 66', 68°“; Diverrés, vv. 1014-18, 1601-4, 1754
5. Louis X is addressed as ‘Roy debonnaires’ in the dit Avisemenz pour le Roy Loysand termed ‘debonnaire’ in Un songe: fr. 146, fos.
50', 52°; Storer—Rochedieu 17, v. 1260; 68, v. 242. e Fr. 146, fo. 70'; Diverrés, vv. 2295-302. >” Fr, 146, fo. 80'; Diverrés, vv. 5371-2. The preceding verses (5365-70) harshly denounce the king’s policies and refer to the counsel that prompted them as ‘dur’.
Rex ioians, ionnes, iolis
67
hope to have ‘meson en ciel’ after having taken so many unaccustomed taxes from his people. They tell him that no prelate, however lofty, could absolve him if he continued to take his subjects’ property. Before dying, Philip laments that he has so tallaged and taxed that he will never be absolved.”* The chronicler himself declares after reporting the king’s death, ‘May God forgive him his sins, since there are few besides his own relatives who will give anything for him, since France suffered great damage while he held the kingdom.” If the obscure verse that ends the twelve lines of the addition copied on fo. ro"—‘Du tout ai mons dit assoys-— in fact refers to what precedes as the poet’s dit, it is noteworthy that seven of the preceding lines discuss Philip the Fair—and that, according to the metrical chronicle, the dying king, declaring himself ‘maudis’, himself acknowledged, ‘De moi ne puet estre biau dis | Estre dist
nestre raconte’.” The apparently flattering sobriquet ‘lyons debonaires’ seems at first sight to suggest that Philip the Fair should be identified both with the king of beasts, mentioned earlier in the first book,”' and with the majestic heads that adorn the royal throne proper to the kings of
France—even if Fauvel is shown occupying it on fo. m1". Early in the book, however, the prose Presum, prees presciently laments the transformation of the vulpis (renard ) into the leo, as the lupus is changed into a pastor.” The deeper significance of the image of Philip the Fair as ‘lyons debonaires’ is revealed at the end of the second book of Fauvel. There the motetus parts Quoniam secta latronum and In nova fert (with its accompanying triplum Garrit gallus) present a leo who, afflicted with cecitas obscura, is cecatus, lumine priuatus, cecus.” Echoing the mutation described in Presum,
prees, the red dragon of /n nova fert, changed into a traitorous renard, lords it over the blind lion who meekly obeys, as the renard, surfeited with fowl (pull/z), sucks their eggs, and as (in
Garrit gallus) the weeping galli mournfully chatter—a sorry vision, enacted in a street tableau at the Pentecost feste of 1313 (described in the metrical chronicle), where Renart gorged
himself on chickens and hens.” The motetus Quoniam secta latronumand its triplum Tribum que non abhorruit describe how, while the blind lion reigned, the renard consumed the galli— either ‘cocks’, or ‘French’, or both—before finally being hanged.” Thus the lion, Philip the * Er, 146, fo. 84°"; Diverrés, vv. 6596-606, 6590-5, 6759-60. ® Diex ses pechiez si li pardoint | Car po en a qui por li doint
| Si nest de son propre linage | Car en France vint grant damage | Au temps que le royaume tenoit’: fr. 146, fo. 84°; Diverres, wv. 6827-31.
® Fr. 146, fo. 84°; Diverrés, vv. 6767-9. ° Fr, 146, fo. 3°; Harrison, vv. 268-71 (cf. Langfors, vv. 268-
71). In Des alliez en francois the poet looks forward to the day when Philip V will bring the allies low, after having, ‘tout debonnairement’, observed their striving: fr. 146, fo. 53°; Storer— Rochedieu 76, wv. 115-20. ® Er, 146, fo. 6; Dahnk 37-9, esp. wv. 1.4 and 7. Cf, in the
triplum Super cathedram moysi and the motetus Jure quod in opere, ‘veniunt falsi prophete in uestimentis ouium lupi autem interius rapaces’: fr. 146, fos. 1’, 2'; Dahnk 10-11, vy. 22-25; 13, W.
III.6-7; 214, v. 7. De la creation du pape iehan (fr. 146, fo. 51’ ’)
similarly bemoans the ‘presidentes’ who ‘ouium induti vestibus | In lupinis seuiunt dentibus’. The poem calls on the pope to deal with those who take no care of their sheep (“Non habentem curam ouilium’) and prays that he may be ‘nobis vt lapis anguli’,
which the motetus Presidentes in thronis seculi declares the church lacks (‘caret basis lapide anguli’): fr. 146, fo. 1'; Dahnk 10, v. 8.
® Pr. 146, fos. 42", 44°; Dahnk 214-15, wv. 10-11 and 15; 215, v.
19. ™ Fr. 146, fos. 44°, 79° (‘la vie de renart sanz faille | Qui menioit & poucins & paille’); Dahnk 215-16, esp. 215, vv. 12-133 216, vv. 1-20; Diverrés, vv. 4999-5000; for 1313, see also the next
note. ® Fr. 146, fo. 42"; Dahnk 204-5, vv. 3-9 (Quoniam secta latronum); 205, vv. 4-8 (Tribum que non abhorruit). See Colette
armaminj horum armati dentibus’, and in /n nova fert, “mox
Beaune, ‘Pour une préhistoire du coq gaulois, Médiévales: Langue, textes, histoire, Moyen Age et histoire politique, 10 (1986),
lupinis dentibus armatus’: fr. 146, fos. 7', 44°; Dahnk 46, wy.
69-80 (who does not treat these texts).
12-13. Note too, in the triplum Orbis orbatus ocullz]s, “ut lupos
Elizabeth A. R. Brown
68
Fair, submitted to the renard, the crafty and all-powerful Enguerran de Marigny, whom the metrical chronicle calls the king’s sve, the ‘grant mestre’ of his court, and who, the chronicle says, was taunted as ‘Renart’ as he was carted off to prison.”
The blindness attributed to the lion king in the motets reflects the esteem in which contemporaries held vision and their scorn and contempt for blindness. Vision was considered the premier of the five senses,” and the lion’s second distinguishing quality the fact that he slept with his eyes open and vigilant.” The evils of blindness are stressed in numerous musical pieces in Fauvel. The triplum that accompanies the motetus Vos pastores adulteri describes the ‘Orbis orbatus ocull[i]s [qui] in die cecus [clespitat’.” The motetus
O nacio
nephandi generis bemoans the ‘gens perfida cecata’ who cannot see Moses’ face and is incapable of mystical understanding.” In the prose Carnalitas, Cecitas is one of Fauvel’s chief attendants.” A verse of the motetus Mundus a mundicia, unused in Fauvel but surely evoked by the familiar motetus copied on the first page of the poem, called France itself “caecorum regio’. Hora Rex est expresses the hope that if the eyes of pieras are opened, if the severity of
Rehoboam is softened, if the king—Philip V—receives zealous counsel, peace will come to his kingdom, he will be able to close his eyes in sleep, and their fierceness will grow gentle.” In such a context, the blind lion who fails to protect his flock is a fitting symbol for such a king as Philip the Fair, scorned for speaking little, hunting much, and failing to discipline the officials who pillaged his realm.” He had not forfeited his crown, but he had stroked Fauvel es
5
and allowed the beast to exercise imperial power. 66
Fr. 146, fos. 82°, 85°; Diverrés, vv. 6241, 6259, 6985-91. See also fr. 146, fo. 80°; Diverrés 196-7. The scenes depicting the life of Renart presented by the bourgeois of Paris at the grant feste of 1313 may well have been directed against Enguerran de Marigny:
fr. 146, fos. 78-79’; Diverrés 185-6, esp. vv. 4988, 4999-5005; see the preceding note, and Elizabeth A. R. Brown and Nancy Freeman Regalado, ‘La grant feste: Philip the Fair's Celebration of the Knighting of his Sons in Paris at Pentecost of 1313’, in Barbara A. Hanawalt and Kathryn L. Reyerson (eds.), City and Spectacle in Medieval Europe (Medieval Studies at Minnesota, 6; Minneapolis, 1994), 56-86 at 68, 70. *’ Michel
Pastoreau,
Couleurs,
symboles:
Le Bestiaire de Pierre de Beauvais (Version courte), ed. Guy R. Mermier (Paris, 1977), 61. © Fr. 146, fo. 7’ (MS: respitat); Dahnk 45-6, esp. 46, vv. L1-
” Er. 146, fo. 12°; Dahnk 72, w. 6-9. Fr. 146, fo. 12°; Dahnk 75, v. 5. ” Dahnk 7-8, esp. 8, vv. VII.1-3.
” ‘Tirannidis lateant tribuli | Hoc expedit procedas equitas | Pietatis pateant oculi | Roboana cedat seueritas | Consilij sit o Rex ceduli | Vt tuo sit regno transquillitas | Tui per hoc succumbent oculi | Et mitiscet eorum feritas’: fr. 146, fo. 51' (see
études
below, Ch. 11). Similarly, De /a creation du pape iehan voices the
d histoire et d'anthropologie (Paris, 1989), 246, connects this pre-
hope that “Tirannidis pereant oculi | Pietatis pateant oculi’: fr.
judice with the equation drawn between God and light. For
146, fo. 51°.
Christ’s ‘clarte fine’, which effaced the shadows of Hell and ‘tout occurte enlumine’, see fr. 146, fos. 43'—44'; Harrison, vv. 6006-
fr. 146, fo. 52°; Storer—Rochedieu 67, v. 204 (‘Dou le Roy trop si
14; Langfors App., vv. 1740-8;
images,
75
the accompanying
motetus
™ See above, and, for Philip’s renowned taciturnity, Un songe,
Scrutator alme cordium refers to God as ‘lumen verum de lumine’, fr. 146, fo. 43°; Dahnk 211, v. 2. In Fauvel the Virtues are
sen taisoit’). 1 discuss these aspects of Philip’s personality, often remarked by his contemporaries, in “The Prince Is Father of the King: The Character and Childhood of Philip IV of France’,
suffused with clarte when the Virgin Mary appears to them; the
Mediaeval Studies, 49 (1987), 282-334 at 286-7, 292, 329-30; and
response [/uminare illluminare iherusalem uenit lux tua et gloria
in “Persona et Gesta: The Image and Deeds of the ThirteenthCentury Capetians. 3. The Case of Philip the Fair’, Viator, 19
dominj super te orta est, precedes the poem’s description of the miracle: fr. 146, fo. 38'; Harrison, vy. 5185-91; Langfors App., wv.
(1988), 219-46 at 220, 221, 227-8, 229, 235, 231, 232, 237-8; the
925-31; Dahnk 196. Pastoreau points out that the disdain for the
essays are reprinted in Brown, The Monarchy of Capetian France,
pig in part resulted from the animal’s poor vision, which has
nos. II, V.
suggestive implications for the role played by the porchier in Fauvel: fr. 146, fos. 10', 42°; Dahnk 63, 207.
” Attacking Philip the Fair’s actions in 1302, the Chronique métrique declares, ‘En dieu tient ceste chose toute | Qui volt que
** ‘Secunda natura leonis est quum dormierit oculi ejus vigi-
la tante personne | Perdist de france la couronne | He. roy onques
lant, aperti enim sunt’: the Latin Bestiary of Pierre de Beauvais,
ne fut tel perte | France des bons en est deserte’: fr. 146, fo. 67°;
in Mélanges darchéologie, d'histoire et de littérature, ed. Charles Cahier and Arthur Martin, 4 vols. (Paris, 1847-79) i. 109; see also
Diverreés, vv. 1458-1651, esp. 1554-8.
Rex ioians, ionnes, iolis
69
Apart from prayers to God, the king of kings, and the Virgin, queen of heaven, the short Fauvel ottered no solution to France’s plight, no prospect that an earthly king might restore proper order to the world. The texts assembled in fr. 146, however, hold out the possibility that Philip V, atoning for the failings of his father and brother, imitating St Louis, may be France's saviour and Fauvel’s nemesis. The metrical chronicle presents an exaggeratedly positive account of his progress towards the throne after Louis X’s death. It recounts and praises the specific reforms he introduced as regent and prays, ‘Of what he shall do and has
done, God grant that there will come profit.” As if responding to the plight of the galli described in Fauvel’s motets, Un songe presents Philip as the ‘Roy des cos’, the proper king of the galli, who cherishes, defends, and guards ‘his own hen’, who, loving and grateful, feeds
his chickens and seeks grain for them.” The clerks’ expectations of Philip V and their confidence in France’s future were nevertheless guarded. At the end of the second book of Fauvel the horse and his brood are regenerated in the Fountain of Youth; on fo. 1° Philip V confronts an enthroned Fauvel. Gloom and despair pervade many of the dits, especially De la comete and the Desputacion de leglise de Romme et de leglise de France. Some passages in Fauvel and a verse of De la comete indicate belief that the end of the world and Antichrist’s coming are near.” Still, the clerks have not lost all faith in the future. Moved by a sense of urgency, they offer counsel to the king, implying that his only chance of success lies in accepting the advice they give. He is told in Un songe that he must be a shepherd, not a wolf; he must be wise. He must not sleep too much but like a cock be alert to his courtiers’ actions and to his people’s needs. Similarly, Hora Rex est summons him to rise from slumber. No /eo cecatus should he be. Above all, he should impose no tax and should determine to keep France free of the servitude it had suffered under his father’s rule.” If—and only if—Philip heeds the advice the manuscript presents, with God’s help he can silence the sorrowful weeping of the gal/i and defend against Fauvel, Renart, and all their like ‘le lis et le jardin de France’.”” The clerks’ advice is blunt and their warnings sometimes harsh. But as the Avisemenz pour le Roy Loys makes clear, this is the nature of ‘sage conseil et meur’. Philip V was exhorted in Un songe to be like a cock in ‘anointing the good’ and ‘pricking with his spurs the evil, to correct them’.”' To convince him to act as they believed he should, his clerks prick and goad him. Advisers who speak ‘fine language’ and tell the king what he wants to hear do him no 7 De ce quil fera & quil fist | Diex doint quil | en viengne
proufist’; ‘& diex doint quil | En viengne bien’; fr. 146, fo. 88°; Diverrés, vv. 7816-70, esp. 7845-6 and 7860. See n. 26 above,
and Brown, “The Ceremonial of Royal Succession’, 261-70. ” Fr, 146, fos. 52°53; Storer—-Rochedieu 65, v. 159; 70, wv.
291-319. ’ In Fauvel, see fr. 146, fos. 10°, 12° (Carnalitas luxuria), 28, 29° (Fauvel cogita), 31; Langfors, vv. 1175, 1449-56, 3081-103, 3109-10, and 3127; Harrison, vy. 1181, 1485-92, 4056-79, 4084-5,
4102; Dahnk 74-5, esp. v. 35; 165, esp. v. VII.2. In De la comete
the poet despondently refers to ‘diuerses doulours | Que leglise a a endurer | En brief temps quelle a a durer’: fr. 146, fo. 54°; Storer—Rochedieu 50, vv. 281-4. ” Fr, 146, fos. 52, 52°-53'; Storer—Rochedieu 64, v. 124; 65, vv.
138-43;
70-2,
wv.
291-378;
see
Roesner
et al. 20,
52. The
Avisemenz declares that the dit counselling the king to be generous (large) and keep his kingdom free is all very well, but is contradictory in attacking and speaking too much of the clergy; here the author seems to be directing his comments at just such a dit as Fauvel itself: fr. 146, fo. 48'; Storer—Rochedieu 4-s, wy.
120-35. * Fr. 146, fo. 44°; Harrison, v. 2020; Langfors App., v. 1794.
*' “Mes com bon coc sera Ialous | Sus la gent & les bons oindra | Et de ses esperons poindra | Les mauues pour eux corrigier ;‘Mes comme coc dois oindre & pointre | Oing les bons & poing les mauues | Par droiture touz les mauues’: fr. 146, fos. 52', 53; Storer—Rochedieu 65, vv. 138-41; 72, wv. 356-68.
Elizabeth A. R. Brown
70
service, the Avisemenz declares. In contrast, it is ‘the good friend’ who ‘stings and prods, with
stinging and sharp words’. No admonition in fr. 146 is sharper than those found in the enigmatic triplum Servant regem misericordia. The triplum’s warning that it would be better to have a pueras king than
a foolish man can be read as an expression of desperate regret that the puerile Louis X has not
lived on or that his infant son John has not survived. It can be seen as a covert allegation that the insignis invenis addressed in the motetus—Philip V—is or may become foolish, and that
he has no prospect of mastering the powerful, enthroned Fauvel, by whom he is contaminated. But if the clerks had truly despaired of Philip V, why should they have counselled him as they did, how could they have seen him as true king of the Gall? Here I should like to suggest another reading of the carefully positioned motetus O Philippe and the image of the proud Fauvel on fo. 1’. Margaret Bent, Emma Dillon, and Nancy Freeman Regalado have pointed out the curious inverted time sequence of the three topical motets in the second book, with the evil fox and the blind king alive in the last one, the king dead and the fox hanged in the second, and in the first the culprit long dead, his body strung up on Montfaucon washed by rains, his dying lament a ghostly reminder of how far he had fallen. This inversion contrasts with the forward motion of narrative and motets in the first book, and notably in the section that includes the royal motets. On fo. 11, where the first book ends and the second begins, the reigning king Philip V faces Fauvel, seated on the throne of France and ruling in might, rejuvenated after his death—as he and his offspring were rejuvenated in the second book. In the second book Fauvel’s beginning is thus his end, his end is his beginning.
The forward and retrograde motions that culminate in the confrontation between Fauvel and Philip V on fo. 11‘ suggest not only the movements of the wheels of Dame Fortune, but also the course
and recourse
associated with labyrinths,
images of which
adorned
the
pavements of numerous churches in northern France, including the coronation cathedral of Reims. But what significance would the labyrinth have had to the compilers of fr. 146? In the first decades of the fourteenth century, when the manuscript was being prepared, Jesus Christ was equated in the Ovide moralisé with Theseus, and Satan with the Minotaur. Theseus’ victory over the Minotaur at the heart of the Labyrinth was interpreted as a figure of Christ’s triumph over Satan in the harrowing of Hell.** This episode is prominently featured in the aro! sage conseil & meur | Touz ceus sire qui te riront| Et — van Werenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde [Amsterdam], Ns, 30 ta voulente te diront | Il ne voudront mie ton bien | Biau te (1931) (Book 8), 142-5, vv. 1395-1504. The date ofthe translation parleront & non bien | Le bon ami point & argue | Par — is debated, but it was certainly prepared after 1309: Carla Lord,
poingnant parolle et ague | Souuentes foiz trouuera len’: fr.146,
| “Three Manuscripts of the Ovide moralisé, Art Bulletin, 57
fo. 48"; Storer-Rochedieu 27, vv. 897-900; see also fr. 146, fo. (1975), 161-75 at 162-3. The compilers of fr. 146 would not have 50; Storer-Rochedieu 40, vv. 1340-2. Cf. fr. 146, fo. 53” (Des had to rely on a translation, and I assume here that they were alhiez en francois); Storer—Rochedieu 76, vv. 129-32. Of Louis X __ familiar with the equation between Theseus and Christ. On the
the metrical chronicler commented, ‘Se creu eust conseil meur|
—_labyrinth, see Penelope Reed Doob, The Idea of the Labyrinth
Vescu eust plus asseur’: fr. 146, fo. 87°; Diverrés, vv. 7697-8. from Classical Antiquity through the Middle Ages (Ithaca, 1990), *® For the Ovide moralisé, see C. de Boer, Martina G. de Boer, 117-51. Robert Branner’s proposed date of 1290 for the labyrinth and Jeannette Th. M. Van ’t Sant, ‘Ovide moralisé, poeme du _ at Reims seems convincing: “The Labyrinth of Reims Cathedral’, commencement du quatorziéme siécle, publié d’aprés tous les Journal of the Society ofArchitectural Historians, 21 (1962), 18-25; manuscrits connus’, Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie see also Francis Salet, ‘Le Premier Colloque international de
Rex ioians, ionnes, tolis
98:
long prayer to Sire diex at the end of Fauvel.* The prayer contains no explicit reference to Theseus, but the structure of fo. 11° and the temporal sequences of the two Livres de Fauvel
suggests that those who designed fr. 146 might have seen in the confrontation between Philip V and his adversary Fauvel an analogue to the encounters between Theseus and the Minotaur
in the centre of the maze, and between Christ and Satan in Hell. The outcome of this particular contest, however, remained to be seen.
The royal clerks have done their work. At the end of Fawvel they cry out for drink. In the texts they have gathered in their manuscript,
they have chosen
to declare their views,
responding in their own fashion to the dilemma posed in the complainte d'amour that opens the book: whether to keep silent or speak out ((Conguerar, an taceam’, in Ovid’s words).
They know the dangers of ‘speaking over much’, as three of the dits put it. ‘He who chooses may remain at ease about what has been done, if he keeps his silence’, proclaims De la
comete.”’ In Un songe, the poet describes at length his hesitancy to reveal his dream, declaring that it is often better to be silent than to speak, since one often sins ‘en dit’.*’ ‘Just as too
much scratching can burn, so too much talking can harm,’ declares the Avisemenz pour le Roy Loys.* ‘Thus one must speak meiennement, the dit says, ‘for the word [Ja parolle] makes known man’s estate and all his being’. This the clerks’ words have done, and the middle way they have chosen involves parables, enigmas, musteres, and figures. As a verse at the end of
Fauvel implores Jesus Christ ‘by your signs [signis] enable us to conquer the world’,” so the compilers seem to have hoped that the signs in their manuscript would aid their audience—
and goad Philip V—to vanquish the world’s evils. The middle path they chose was appropriate in a world where much ‘seem|[ed] covered’.”’ As the metrical chronicle asserts, ‘France is turned en parabole, shamefully and ruinously, since as is said, “For want of a head, foolish la Société
frangaise d’archéologie
(Reims,
1-2
juin 1965).
Chronologie de la cathédrale’, Bulletin monumental, 125 (1967), 347-94 at 348-62. Craig Wright's talk, ‘Music, Liturgy, and the
Medieval Church Labyrinth’, given in the Seminar on Medieval Studies at Columbia University on 6 Dec. 1994, made me aware
of the potential importance of the labyrinth as a key to Fauvel. Alan E. Bernstein provides a useful introduction to the Gospel of Nicodemus, the source of the story of the harrowing of Hell, in
The Formation of Hell: Death and Retribution in the Ancient and Early Christian Worlds (Ithaca, 1993), 275-9. * Pr. 146, fos. 43—44', where the description of the harrowing of Hell is divided between fos. 43° and 44’; Harrison, wv. 59276050, esp. 5997-6022; Langfors App., vv. 1661-784, esp. 1731-56.
On fo. 43°, the left-hand column contains the motet Scrutator alme cordium, which addresses God as ‘lumen de lumine’, glossing the clarte with which Jesus illumined Hell’s occurte, the righthand column contains the verset Nos signis pie christe, which | shall discuss below: Dahnk 211-12. See also n. 31 above, and below at n. 90. ® Fr. 146, fo. A; Ovid, Ex Ponto, 4. 3.1. On the significance
ofthe complainte’s inclusion in the manuscript, cf. Roesner et al. 6. For the use of material from the same Ovid letter in the motet Tribum | Quoniam
(p.mus. 120), see Margaret Bent, ‘Polyphony
of Texts and Music in the Fourteenth-Century Motet: Tribum que non abhorruit| Quoniam secta latronum|Merito hec patimur
and its “Quotations” ’, in Dolores Pesce (ed.), Hearing the Motet:
Essays on the Motet ofthe Middle Ages and Renaissance (New York, 1997), 82-103, at 84-9.
*° “Qui voudra demoure a aise | De ce qui fait est si sen taise’: fr. 146, fo. 54°; Storer—Rochedieu 48, vv. 207-8.
*” Pour ce souuent miex vaut le taire | Que le parler si com len dit | Quer souuent peche len en dit’: fr. 146, fo. 54°; Storer— Rochedieu 61-2, wy. 31-42, esp. 34-6.
** “Aussi com trop grater peut cuire | Aussi le trop parler peut nuire’: fr. 146, fo. 40°; Storer—Rochedieu 4, vv. 96-7. This comparison is repeated in De /a comete (‘Quer le trop parler peut bien
nuire | Auxi com trop grater peut cuire’): fr. 146, fo. 54°; Storer— Rochedieu 48, vv. 209-10.
® “Pour ce dit celui que ne ment | Quen doit parler meiennement | Quer la parolle fait connoistre |Domme lestat et tout son estre’: fr. 146, fo. 40'; Storer—Rochedieu 4, vv. 99-100. *’ ‘Nos signis pie christe tuis fac uincere mundum et nostre
quecumque patent aduersa saluti’: fr. 146, fo. 43” (cited inaccurately as ‘Non signis, pie christe’, in Harrison 554, who evidently follows Dahnk 211-12, although her index gives the correct reading, ‘Nos’).
*' Cf, ‘De ceci ai ge grant merueille | Et moult me resemble couuert’: fr. 146, fo. 52° (Un songe); Storer—Rochedieu
143-4.
65, vv.
72
Elizabeth A. R. Brown
belief and greed has brought confusion to France”’.”* Or again, ‘All was en parabole, since
with their mouths they said one thing and in their heart thought another’.”* The royal clerks spoke—and speak—not to ‘the people, perfidious and blind’, who embrace the letter of the law and cannot look on Moses’ countenance, but rather to those who search out the marrow within the words set before them, who interpret them as they seem intended to be read—not only for entertainment, but also for instruction through the signs and symbols they contain, +s 94 muistice.
*” ‘France est tornee en parabole | & a grant honte et a _ Diverrés, wv. 6173-6. See also n. 34 above. meschief | Si com dist par defaut de chief | Fole creance & ” Fr. 146, fo. 12; Dahnk 72, vv. 4-9 (O nacio nephandi couuoitise | A france a confusion mise’: fr. 146, fo. 68° (1302);
generis). Hora rex est admonishes
Diverrés, vv. 1632-6.
“Tanquam a re plus Rex quam littera’: fr. 146, fo. 50°; see below,
Philip to rule so that he is
*> “Mes tout estoit en parabole | Car de lor bouche vme disoient | & en lor cuer autre pensoient’: fr. 146, fo. 82" (1314);
Ch. 1, v. 24.
4 Authorial Self-Representation and Literary Models in the Roman de Fauvel Crew KEVIN
BROWNLEE
This chapter explores the complex authorial persona created by Chaillou de Pesstain in his version of the Roman de Fauvel, focusing on questions of continuation, rewriting, and textual self-consciousness.' My point of departure is the fact that Chaillou’s book presents itself as an amplificatio, a transformative expansion of a pre-existing model, the conjoined Roman de Fauvel text comprising of the anonymous Premier livre (1310) and Gervés du Bus’s Second livre (1314). In this context, Chaillou’s project involves a privileged status for the Roman de
la Rose as model text, with regard to Chaillou’s highly self-conscious deployment of the literary processes that both generate and structure Jean de Meun’s transformative rewriting of Guillaume de Lorris.° I concentrate on five key passages in which Chaillou represents himself as author-figure. First, the celebrated instance of authorial self-naming in fo. 23", where Chaillou’s book most explicitly stages the issues of continuation and rewriting, as well as the (hierarchical) relation-
ship between its successive authors. Second, what I read as the ‘prologue’ to Chaillou’s single longest narrative interpolation, on fo. 30’, which can also be seen as a ‘third prologue’ within
Chaillou’s revised, expanded version of Fauvel. Here I am particularly interested in how Chaillou manipulates the conventional status in medieval French literature of the ‘prologue’ as a privileged locus for authorial presence and self-representation. I give particular attention to the claims of the authorial je with regard to the writing, the composition of the book as ' Citations are from Langfors and Dahnk. Translations are — Anticrist (dating from 1236) and Jacquemart Giélée’s Renart le mine. Nouvel (dating from 1291). See Mithlethaler’s important new > Fora reading of Gervés’s Second livreagainst the anonymous _ study, Fauvel au pouvotr. lire la satire médiévale (Paris, 1994), 35Premier livre see Pierre-Yves Badel, Le ‘Roman de la Rose’au XIV’ 142. For the extraordinary dominance of the Roman de la Rose as siecle: étude de la réception de |euvre (Geneva, 1980), 212-20: ‘Le vernacular model text and literary point of departure for the 14th Roman de Fauvel: Du livre I et des “états du monde bétournés”
_c. in France, see Badel, esp. 55-114, 142-4; and Sylvia Huot, The
au livre II et a la vulgarisation philosophique; une inspiration
‘Romance of the Rose’ and its Medieval Readers: Interpretation,
religieuse’. > My reading of the Rose as model text in the Fauvel is thus meant to complement Jean-Claude Miihlethaler’s insightful
Reception, Manuscript Transmission (Cambridge, 1993), esp. 1646, 323-37. Citations are from Félix Lecoy (ed.), Le Roman de la rose par Guillaume de Lorris et Jean de Meun, 3 vols. (Paris, 1965—
analyses of the literary functionings of the Fauvel’s other principal vernacular models, especially Huon de Méry’s Torneiment
__75).
Kevin Brownlee
74
a whole, especially as concerns temporality (and its implications for the identity and the authority of the author, as well as for textual self-consciousness and the [constructed] status of the self-conscious reader). Third, the significance and the function of the two authorial
rubrics on fo. 36": ‘Ci retourne l’aucteur a sa matire . . . and ‘Ci parle l’aucteur’. At issue here are questions of narrative versus lyric discourse, and clerkly versus courtly authority. Of special importance to my reading is Chaillou’s shifting configuration of the first-person narrator-protagonist, which I see as related to the opening sequence of the Roman de la Rose.
Fourth, the authorial apologia on fo. 38° that introduces the actual narrative account of the battle between the Virtues and the Vices. When the author-figure (in Chaillou’s apologza) excuses his refusal to (re-)name the personification allegories who will participate in this
battle, what is recalled (in part by means of the citation of a key rhyme-word pair from the base passage in the Rose) is the authorial intervention (10409~18) in which Jean de Meun
introduces his list of the names of the personification characters who form the army assem-
bled by the God of Love. This ironic reversal of the Rose functions in Chaillou’s Fauvel to highlight the author-figure as remanieur of Jean de Meun, in terms of the poetics of rewriting. Fifth and finally, I consider Chaillou’s epilogue (fo. 45°) in which the author-figure’s rewrit-
ing of his model in Gervés functions to effect closure. I give special attention both to the textual details of Chaillou’s rewriting of Gervés’s epilogue and to how the layout on the page of Chaillou’s epilogue functions literarily.
The act of authorial self-naming occurs only once in the fr. 146 version of Fauvel, and in a
particularly significant way. On what is very close to being the central folio of the Roman de Fauvel (fo. 23° in a text running from fos. 1° to 45°; but also including fos. 28°° and 28", numbered in a different hand; see Fig. 4.1), in the middle column, we find two contiguous
intercalations, the first in verse, the second in prose, that name in sequence the first and second authors of the Fauvel:
aus En Ha
clerc le Roy francois, deRues, paroles qu'il a conceues ce livret qu’il a trouvé bien et clerement prouvé
Son vif engin, son mouvement;
Car il parle trop proprement: Ou livret ne querez ia menConge. dieux le gart! amen. (Dahnk, vv. 41-8)
Gervés, a clerk of the French King, with the words he has invented in this book which he has composed, has well and clearly demonstrated his quick wit, his mental alacrity; for he speaks very appropriately: do not look for lies in the book. God save it/him! Amen
Authorial Self-Representation in Fauvel
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i s’ensivent les addicions que mesire Chaillou de Pesstain ha mises en ce livre, oultre les choses dessus dites qui sont en chant. (Dahnk, rubric +6)
hereafter follow the additions that messire Chaillou de Pesstain has put in this book, not counting the
musical pieces found above
For a work as self-consciously about continuation and rewriting as Chaillou’s Fauvel, the Roman de la Rose functions as a (transformed) model in a variety of important ways: ideological, mimetic, narrative, discursive, and textual. It is useful, in this context, to consider Fauvel’s single explicit reference to (and citation of the title of ) the Roman de la Rose in fr.
146, on fo. 14' (see Fig. 72) * For the ways in which this citation (‘la premiere allusion au Roman de la Rose qui soit datée avec certitude’, 212) sets up the Rose as an ‘autorité’ (213) for Gerves, cf. Badel, 212-13, 216-19.
76
Kevin Brownlee Faus Semblant se sist pres de ly,
Més de ceste ne de cely Ne vous vueil faire plus grant prose,
Car en eulx nul bien ne repose; Et qui en vuelt savoir la glose Si voist au Roumans de la Rose. (Langfors, wv. 1593-8) False Seeming was seated near her (= Hypocrisy), but I do not wish to discourse further concerning
either her or him, for no good resides in them. And whoever wishes to have them glossed should go to the Romance of the Rose.
Already in Gervés’s text, this naming of the Rose is given special emphasis in a variety of interrelated ways. First, the naming takes place in connection with the character Faus Semblant, which the Roman de Fauvel presents itself as ‘sharing’ with the Roman de la Rose. Second, Gervés’s text elaborately defers to Jean de Meun’s with regard to this key character,
both in terms of mimesis (how he is represented) and in terms of interpretation (what he signifies). Third, the cited title (Roumans de la Rose) is in the rhyme position, providing extra
emphasis. Moreover, this metric emphasis is compounded by the rhyme glose/rose, in formal and semantic as well as in intertextual terms. For the two components of this semantically overdetermined rhyme-word pair belong to a key nexus of interrelated rhyme-words and semantic fields from Guillaume and Jean’s conjoined Rose text. _In addition, Gervés makes
the rhyme-word Rose (in v. 1598) the culmination of an unusual (hence emphatic) ‘double’
couplet: prose/repose/glose/Roumans de la Rose. Furthermore, the Rose character Faus Semblant has a special significance for the Roman de Fauvel’s conception of its eponymous hero, including his links to the dangers of linguistic non-referentiality.° Finally there is, it seems to me, an extra degree of emphasis provided for the Fauvel’s unique explicit reference to the Rose by the page layout (which can itself be considered a feature of Chaillou’s revision of Gervés’s text). For the layout of fo. 14' in fr. 146 involves a
spatial configuration that provides a double frame for the verse text of the central column > ‘Rose [rose] /enclose /chose(s) /glose(s). Yhe famous couplet in
the six rhyme-words ofthe group ofwv. 7049-54, and the signifi-
which Guillaume de Lorris names his work (‘ce est le Romanz de
cance of opposer, as rhyme-word and as seme, to Jean’s poetics of dialectic). See also Jean’s first promise to ‘le texte... gloser’
la Rose, | ou Vart d'Amors est tote enclose’, 37—8) is, of course,
also an important opening statement about Guillaume’s courtly poetics. In the words of Daniel Poirion: ‘the generative rhyme, the master-rhyme that defines the theme and represents the symbol of Guillaume de Lorris’s book, is indeed, the rhyme rose/ enclose ofverses 37-38 (‘From Rhyme to Reason: Remarks on the
Text of the Romance of the Rose’, in Kevin Brownlee and Sylvia Huot (eds.), Rethinking the ‘Romance of the Rose’: Text, Image,
(15120); and the celebrated couplet from the Rose's concluding
sequence that ‘summarizes’ Jean’s poetic and linguistic practice: ‘Ainsinc va des contreres choses, | les unes sunt des autres gloses’ (21543-4), well analysed by Nancy Freeman Regalado in ‘“Des contraires choses”: la fonction poétique de la citation et des exempla dans le Roman de la Rose de Jean de Meun’, Littérature, 41 (1981), 62-81.
Reception (Philadelphia, 1992), 73). The rhyme-word pair rose/
° For this fundamental aspect of Faus Semblant in Jean de
enclose reappears three other times in Guillaume’s text: vv. 33478, 3759-60, 3969-70. In Raison’s debate with Amant on linguistic referentiality, one of the ways in which Jean de Meun effects
Meun’s poem, see Kevin Brownlee, ‘Machaut’s Motet 15 and the
his provocative expansion of Guillaume’s courtly poetics involves using rhyme to redefine the status of the ‘rose’ as object of discourse: rose/chose (6895-6), choses! gloses (6927-8; 7049-50; cf.
Roman de la Rose: The Literary Context of Amours qui a le pouoirlFaus Samblant ma deceiil Vidi Dominum,, EMH10 (1991), 1-14. For the links between Faus Semblant and Fauvel, see Miihlethaler, Fauvel au pouvoir, 109-12.
Authorial Self-Representation in Fauvel
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(1569-98), as can be seen in Fig. 4.2. On the right and the left are two columns of musical
notation, the opening stanzas of the prose Inter membra singula (p.mus. 40, with stanzas [IVb.1 in col. a and stanzas IVb.2—VIIb.1 in col. c). At the top and the bottom column b is
framed by two miniatures, of approximately the same size: the upper one depicts Fauvel seated, gesturing with his right hand to a group of seven ladies seated to his left; the lower minature depicts a lady seated alone.’ The central column of verse text is thus set off, placed in a ‘visually emphatic’ position by means of the symmetrical double framing. And the final words in this central column are thereby given a special importance: Roumans de la Rose. column, obtains on ” It is significant to note that a similar layout, with a similar double framing of the poetic text in the central 8.14). Fig. below, (see 1' fo. work, the opening folio of Chaillou’s
78
Kevin Brownlee
Given the Roman de Fauvel’s textual awareness of the Rose, the double authorial naming
near the mid-point of the Fauvel in fr. 146 cannot, I think, fail to recall the famous moment at a similarly central point in the Rose where Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de Meun are
named for the only time in the romance (10465-648). The double authorial naming in the
Rose is explicitly linked to continuation: Jean will continue Guillaume by ‘adding’ to his part of the poem, and thus ‘completing’ it. At the same time, this process of continuation is retrospective with regard to the textual moment that identifies it: it is presented as having begun much earlier in the Rose (in v. 4029, according to wv. 10525~31). Finally, a set of key
differences between Guillaume and Jean as author-figures are elaborated, from the perspective of the latter. It is here, in effect, that the ‘transfer’, the ‘takeover’ effected by Jean, is staged as part of the Rose’s plot line: the second author is presented as the architect, the compiler of the conjoined Rose text, the source of its overall significance.” These features of the central moment of authorial naming in the Rose are both recalled and transformed in Fauvel, fo. 23”. First, there is the mimesis of authorial difference. The name
of Gervés, the first author, is given partially and in the form of an enigma,’ which recalls that author’s full self:naming by enigma in a (now suppressed) part of the conclusion to his (pre-
Chaillou) ‘original’ version of the Fauvel’s Second livre.'* As in the Rose the naming in Fauvel occurs neither at the junction of Books I and II, nor where Chaillou’s additions start. Even as Chaillou’s version names Gervés, it establishes him as a ‘first’ author, disempowering, as it
were, his name as a sign of closure, while setting up a readerly anticipation of a new kind of closure. Chaillou’s name, on the other hand, is given clearly and in full, though it too may be an enigma. In addition, the fact that Chaillou is identified in a prose rubric associates him with the ‘ultimate’ authority of the author-compiler of the book as a whole, gua material
artefact, while the verse passage that identifies Gervés serves, by contrast, to place him ‘within’ the book’s discursive world. This fundamental contrast between the two authors is,
of course, also spelt out and elaborated in the two passages themselves: Gervés has composed the initial book (‘trouvé . . . ce livret’); Chaillou has enlarged it through ‘addicions’. Finally,
Chaillou’s addition/continuation is presented as in part retrospective, since it involves all the musical intercalations encountered up to this moment in the text, beginning with fo. 1, where (as noted above) the central column of text (b) is framed by two columns of music: the three motets Favellandi vicium (p.mus. 1 [a]); Mundus a mundicia (p.mus. 2 [c]); Quare
fremuerunt (p.mus. 3 [c]). By associating his authorial self explicitly with the musical interpolations, Chaillou is thus able to extend his ‘claim’ of authorial control, the signs of his
remaniement, all the way back to the beginning of the Fauvel in fr. 146.
* See Kevin Brownlee, ‘Jean de Meun and the Limits of Romance: Genius as Rewriter of Guillaume de Lorris’, in Kevin Brownlee
and
Marina
Scordilis
Brownlee
(eds.),
Romance:
Generic Transformation from Chrétien de Troyes to Cervantes (Hanover, NH, 1985), 114-34. > See Langfors 136-7, who follows Ch.-V. Langlois, La Vie
en France au moyen age dapres quelques moralistes du temps
(Paris, 1908), 287; and Edward Roesner in Roesner er al. 27 n. 38.
'° This enigma is found in v. 3278: ‘Ge rues doi .v. boi .v.
esse’, and is deciphered by Langfors (p. Ixxi), following Langlois and Gaston Paris (‘Le Roman de Fauvel’, Histoire littéraire de la
France, 32 (1898), 149), as “Gervés du Bus’. See the explanation above, Introduction.
Authorial Self-Representation in Fauvel
79
At the same time, of course, the double authorial intervention on fo. 23” marks a kind of new beginning, and, in this context, it is interesting to consider how it seems to demarcate two different functions for that folio’s musical interpolations (see Fig. 4.1). Before the intervention come two musical settings of biblical verses that serve as sacred, Latin ‘supplements’ or ‘reinforcements’ to Fortune’s vernacular words, which appear as proleptic paraphrases or glosses, followed by the authoritative text. Thus, after Fortune’s declaration ‘et nul ne puet bien, ce me semble, | amer Dieu et le monde ensemble’ (2877-8), comes the musical setting of Matt. 6: 24 (Luke 16: 13), Nemo potest duobus dominis servire (p.mus. 53; col. b).
Similarly, Fortune's treatment of spiritual vs. material wealth and poverty (2885-6) is followed by the musical setting of Beati pauperes spiritu, quoniam ipsorum est regnum celorum (p.mus. 54; col. b). These musical intercalations thus serve to re-enforce the scriptural authority of Fortune’s discourse at the moment in her speech where she sounds most like a Christianized version of the Boethian Lady Philosophy. At the same time, they dramatically (and literally) provide the dimension of song that had been missing in Jean de Meun’s Lady Reason (Fortune’s other key literary model). Finally, they seem to emanate from the authorfigure, rather than from the character Fortune. After the authorial interventions, the two remaining musical items on fo. 23 have a
different status and a different function. First, they are vernacular and secular. Second, both the ballade Providence la senée (p.mus. 55; col. c) and the ballade En chantant me vuel
complaindre (p.mus. 56; col. c) are explicitly presented as sung by the character Fauvel. They therefore represent a significant change in the discursive structure of Gervés’s model text: Fortune’s long monologue in Gervés is here turned into a dramatic dialogue in Chaillou, as Fauvel’s ballades introduce his extended ‘interruption’ of Fortune’s speech.'' The first ballade presents him as staging in summary form the plot events of his unsuccessful love-suit. This includes the significant narrative detail of Fauvel’s marriage to Vaine Gloire, which highlights the fact that Chaillou has ‘already’ transformed Gerves’s base-narrative, in which this event is not mentioned until v. 3157 (found on fo. 30° in fr. 146), since in fr. 146 this element is introduced into the plot in Fortune’s lai (p.mus. 46, VI[Ia—IXb. on fo. 19"), a musical intercalation for which Chaillou as author-figure is responsible (cf. Chaillou’s opening rubric
to the Second livre). The stylized affective stance and language ironically ‘personalize’ the figure Fauvel’s rejection by the figure Fortune. The second ballade introduces the direct, dramatic presentation of Fauvel as (parodic) courtly lover that will predominate in the rest of his ‘dialogue’ with Fortune (Chaillou’s first long ‘addicion’), which may thus be seen as
constituting an extensive elaboration of the initial narrative topos given by Gervés in Fauvel’s first proposition to Fortune (in vv. 1985-2006; 2026-82; cf. Chaillou’s musical elaboration of Fauvel’s courtly persona with p.mus. 42, 43, 44 [lai], 45). The two kinds of musical intercalation on fo. 23” therefore function in tandem with the JTS
.
:
. ° "" See Langfors 141-2; and especially Roesner ef ai. 7: these poetic and musical for Fortune into a dialogue’.
«
of
“addicions”
»
gy
transform what is a long monologue
80
Kevin Brownlee
double authorial naming to highlight Chaillou’s transformation of Gervés’s model (or base) text. At the same time, this folio stages not simply the author, but the very act of authorial self-representation on what might be called the theatre of the page.
I Chaillou’s final interpolation is also his single longest narrative addition to his model text.” It recounts the final set of episodes in Chaillou’s composite work, Fauvel’s wedding feast and its celebratory joust between the Virtues and Vices, before moving on to the authorial prayer for deliverance from Fauvel and the epilogue that closes the work. This extended sequence opens (on fo. 30%; see Pl. V) with a prologue-like passage that functions, I suggest, to mark it as the work of Chaillou self-presented as the Roman de Fauvel’s (second or) third author: Qui de la biauté et painture, De la fagon et pourtraiture Du palais Fauvel me sivret,
Je di quen ce petit livret Au commancier men aquité;
Més encor moustré ne dit é Ou, comment siet, n’en quele marche;
Pour ce vous vueil, ainz que je marche Terre, dire ce que en sé, Car gi ai un petit pensé, Et de son siege la maniere. (Langfors App., vv. 1-11)
To him who should follow me concerning the beauty and the painting, the manner and the portraiture of Fauvel’s palace, J say that J have already taken care of this at the beginning of this little book; but J have not yet shown or said where and how it is situated, nor in what region; therefore, before I depart, J want to tell you what J know about this, for J have thought a bit about it, and about how it is situated. First of all, the heightened presence of the first-person authorial voice, self-consciously
addressing the reader on the subject of the composition and reception of this text, marks the passage as a prologue. In purely quantitative terms, this first-person voice is grammatically explicit in seven out of the eleven lines of this ‘prologue equivalent’ (in wv. 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10).
Second, the rhetorical stance here directly recalls Gervés’s prologue to the Second livre (122744), with its use of the following topos: ‘you the reader have already heard one part of the Fauvel story, but you have not yet heard this other part, which I shall now recount to you’, e Published in Langfors 146-95 as an appendix entitled Interpolation du manuscrit E’, containing 1,808 lines. My citations (including verse numeration) are from Langfors (App.).
Chaillou’s other extended interpolation, as mentioned above,
involves Fauvel’s ‘interruptions’ of Fortune’s speech plus her reply. See Roesner et al.7, 22. For the text, see Dahnk 114-54, w. _49~98r.
Authorial Self-Representation in Fauvel
81
In Gervés's prologue to the Second livre it is a question of the ‘description’ of Fauvel (presented as already recounted in the Premier livre) vs. the ystoire (1231) of Fauvel (which the
Second livre will recount in a putatively complementary mode). In the terms of Benveniste, histoire will complement récit; in the terms of Weinrich, erzdblte Welt will complement
besprochene Welt.’ By echoing Gervés’s prologue and its rhetorical stance (which in turn
explicitly referred to the prologue of the Premier livre), the opening passage of Chaillou’s final sequence sets up a configuration in which it functions as a ‘prologue equivalent’, the third in a series for the Roman de Fauvel as a whole, viewed from the perspective of Chaillou’s
composite work. The authorial voice that speaks here thus stages itself as that of acontinuator, marking a new beginning that is simultaneously a continuation. Third, Chaillou’s ‘pseudo-prologue’ both calls attention to and thematizes the issue of continuation through the (playfully problematic) claims made by the authorial je with regard to the composition of the book as a whole. The basic strategy is as follows: Chaillou’s authorfigure explicitly claims already to have described the paintings decorating Fauvel’s palace in an earlier part of ‘ce petit livret’ (4). What is thus posited is a unified first-person authorial subject who has produced a unified written artefact: ‘Je di qu’en ce petit livret | Au commancier m’en aquité’ (4-5). But the reference here is to a passage in Gerves’s opening sequence in which Fauvel’s palace is presented (in wv. 1315 ff.), and most particularly, to the elaborate description of the palace’s wall-paintings (1333-86) that is clearly introduced as such: ‘Dedens estoit paint richement | Le dit palaiz et cointement’ (1333-4).’* It is as if
Chaillou were wittily pretending to be Gervés, appropriating to himself as global author of his composite version of Fauvel a key segment written by the model author who had been explicitly designated as such in the double authorial naming on fo. 23”. The process of literary continuation, of interpolating ‘addicions’, is thus presented as a retrospective rewriting of the work as a whole. At the same time, this treatment of the issue of continuation involves playing with the inscribed reader’s awareness of the text already read. What this reader has previously read as the product of Gerves-author he/she is now asked to remember as the product of Chaillou-author. The textual self-consciousness built into the beginning of the final segment of Chaillou’s work is reflected in the constructed status of the self-conscious reader.
Two other passages in the opening of Chaillou’s final segment are relevant to the present discussion. After the initial list of wedding guests (53-76), we find a second explicit reference '5 See Emile Benveniste, ‘Les Relations de temps dans le verbe francais’, in Problemes de linguistique générale I (Paris, 1966), 237-50; and Harald Weinrich, erzahlte Welt (Stuttgart, 1964).
Tempus—Besprochene
und
‘ This passage in Gervés is itself intertextually significant in that it recalls the wall-paintings at the beginning of the Rose, which contrastively set up the ‘three-dimensional’ allegorical figures on the inside of Deduit’s garden. In Fauvel, the construct from the Rose is transformed: the Fauvel paintings are on the inside walls, and they figure rather than contrast with the ‘full’
allegorical characters of the poem. These ‘full’ allegorical charac-
ters, meanwhile, basically involve the negative two-dimensional representations on the outside wall of Deduit’s garden in the Rose, here in Fauvel playing (usurping?) the roles of the positive three-dimensional personification allegories in Guillaume de Lorris. At the same time, the paintings in Fauvel involve a meditation on the inadequacies of language and art (including music) that is ironically relevant to the composite work of Chaillou, with its visual and musical components. Cf. the figures represented on Fauvel’s faudestuel (1253-82), and, in this connection, Margherita Lecco, ‘Il palazzo di Fauvel’, in Ricerche sul
‘Roman de Fauvel’ (Alessandria, 1993), 66-81.
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82
to the ‘fictional’ past of Chaillou as author-figure with regard to the writing of the book. After
a summary recall of the guests at Fauvel’s wedding (53-76), beginning with Charnalité and concluding with Faus Semblant, the author-figure refers to: ... toute l’autre compaingnie Du lignage, conseul, mesnie Fauvel qu’autre foiz ai descripte. (Langfors App., vv. 77-9)
the rest of the entire company of Fauvel’s lineage, council, household, which I have described elsewhere
Again, the earlier passage adduced by Chaillou as his own is to be found in Gervés (1387-
672), directly after the description of the portraits on the inside walls of Fauvel’s palace. As does Chaillou’s summary, Gervés’s model text begins with Charnalité (in vv. 1388 ff.). Faus Semblant there occupies a central position (1593-8), directly linked to the immediately preceding figure of Ypocrisie (1575-92) and to the key model text for Fauvel which is the
Roman de la Rose (1597-8), explicitly mentioned here for the only time in the entire Roman de Fauvel. Perhaps the use of Faus Semblant in the rhyme position (75) to close Chaillou’s summary list in a way that refers back to Gervés’s more elaborate list is in part a means of indirectly invoking the Rose as the primary model text for this vernacular literary continuation.
Finally, Chaillou as author-figure intervenes in the opening sequence of his final interpolation to speak of his authorial future, to promise that he will achieve closure: Combien que dolenz, triste et morne
De ce que Fauvel tout bestorne,
La matire qu’ai pris ensivre Vueil et assez tost finer ce livre. (Langfors App., vv. 147-50)
Although I am pained, sad, and gloomy by the fact that Fauvel turns everything upside down, I want
to pursue the subject-matter that I have taken up and to finish this book quickly
The affective engagement of Chaillou as author-figure here recalls a key earlier feature of the Fauvel authorial persona (present both in the Premier livre and in Gervés’s Second livre). At
the same time, this affective reaction to Fauvel’s moral and political destructiveness serves as a sign of the author’s authority and authenticity: he does not simply describe Fauvel’s power from a position safely outside that power, but rather shows himself to be an interested party, a patriotic Frenchman and a devout Christian, a member, as it were, of the work’s audience.
This aspect of the author’s stance in Chaillou—a kind of solidarity with the reading public— is directly related to his strategic use of the first-person plural pronoun in political and (especially) religious contexts, when the full significance of the threat represented by Fauvel is at issue.
Authorial Self-Representation in Fauvel
83
Most important, however, is Chaillou’s claim of control gua author in terms of closure, which may be seen as the concluding element of the authorial self-portrait contained in the ‘prologue equivalent’ that opens Chaillou’s final and longest interpolation. The identity and authority of this author-figure reaches back to appropriate the beginning of Gerves’s Second livre that he is here rewriting, and extends forward to anticipate the definitive conclusion to his own amplified version of this Second livre, and, indeed, of his expanded version of the Roman de Fauvel as a whole.
I The extended ‘component of the charivari episode constituted by the ‘lay des Hellequines’ (p.mus. 90, En ce dous temps desté, whose twelve units run from fos. 34% to 36”) is
immediately followed by the three sotes chansons (SC 10-12; fo. 36°") that serve to close the series initiated at the top of fo. 34 (by SC 1) and introduced by the rubric (+10) at the bottom of column c of the preceding folio (34; see Pl. VI): ‘Ci s’ensivent sotes chancons que
ceus qui font le chalivali chantent par mj les rues. Et puis apres trouvra on le lay des hellequines’ (Here follow the sotes changons sung in the streets by those who participate in the charivari. And afterwards will be found the lay of the Hellequines).”” The rubric that immediately follows Sote Changon 12 at the top of fo. 36“ (see Pl. VID) is the first in fr. 146 that explicitly uses the term aucteur, and it initiates a particularly important sequence of authorial self-representations: “Ci retourne l’aucteur a sa matire et parle de la iouste; mes il met avant .x. vers en concluant son chalivali et dit ainssi’ (+11) (Here the author
returns to his subject matter and speaks of the joust; but before this he sets down ten verses to conclude his charivari and speaks thus). The authorial self-consciousness and control implied (indeed, claimed) by this rubric are quite striking. First, there is the explicit conceptualization (and articulation) of narrative structure as such. The principal plot line
(first indicated as such for the Chaillou ‘composite’ Fauvelin paratextual terms by the rubric on fo. 11 (see Pl. IV) that functions both as explicit for Book I and as incipit and proleptic
plot summary for Book II)'* is designated as the matire of the aucteur, and the episode of the charivari is designated as an extended and purposeful digression, of which this author-figure is fully conscious in compositional terms. What emerges is a bipartite structural presentation of the Fauvel as a whole, involving a kind of base line (the matire) into which various elements (designated in formal and/or narrative terms) are intercalated. ' In the discussion that follows, my working assumption— or, perhaps better, hypothesis—is that the rubrication of fr. 146 (and thus its literary functioning and significance) is under the control of Chaillou as author-figure. For the rubrication of this MS, see Roesner et al. 18; and Dahnk. It is interesting to speculate on the differences between fr. 146, on the one hand, and, on the other, 13th- and 14th-c. MSS of the Roman de la Rose, with
regard to authorial identity and control in codicological terms,
especially (in the present context) with regard to the literary function of rubrication. See below, n. 18.
'© This rubric (+2; followed by an author portrait) reads as follows: ‘Si fenist le prumier livre de Fauvel, Et Se Commence le segont, qui parle de la noblece de son palais, Du Conseil que il a, Et comment il se veut marier A Fortune, et comment Fortune le
maria a Vainne Gloire.’
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84
With regard to the charivari intercalation (or digression) itself, this mimesis of selfconscious authorial intentionality at the level of composition had been initiated at the close of the wedding-dinner scene. Here the author-figure intervenes in his narrative to announce a postponement of his treatment of the joust sequence: Mais, engois que nous nous couchain,
Diré a dis de vous ou a vint Un fait qui celle nuit avint,
Car de la jouste me veuil taire Jusqu’a tant que le jour repaire. (Langfors App., vv. 628-32)
But before we go to bed I shall tell ten or twenty of you something that happened that night, for I want to be silent concerning the joust until morning comes.
The authorial voice speaking here is suggestively (and ambiguously) double, at once inside and outside the story line, at once protagonist and narrator. The use of the opening secondperson plural initially blurs the distinction between the time of récit (the past of the story line) and the time of discours (the present of composition). It seems at first as if the narrator were
himself a character at Fauvel’s wedding dinner, referring inclusively to the assembled guests. The speech situation then seems to shift, as the ensuing je/vous configuration (629-30) implies an extra-diegetic public to whom the author is recounting the events of the story, but
at a time of day and in a social setting (evening, after dinner) that correspond to those operative within the story itself at this moment in the unfolding narration. The event (fait; 630), which the narrator explicitly presents as constituting his next (“digressive’) episode, is the charivari, prompted, as it were, by Fauvel’s attempt to consummate his marriage (633 ff.).
This extra-diegetic author/public configuration seems to obtain fully by v. 631, as the authorial voice articulates its decision to postpone the narration of the joust episode, only to be blurred once again by the ambiguous temporality of v. 632, a ‘double future’ in which the arrival of the (extra-diegetic) dawn that will signal the telling of the joust narrative is conflated with the arrival of the (intra-diegetic) dawn when the events of the joust will take place. It is to this earlier authorial intervention (on fo. 33“) that rubric +1 on fo. 36“ refers, thereby
effecting a kind of closing frame. At the same time, rubric +11, with its introduction of the term aucteur into the ‘technical’
vocabulary of fr. 146’s rubrication programme, seems to resolve the ambiguity inherent in the author-figure’s self-presentation in vv. 628-32 by establishing ‘officially’ the distinction between the level of plot and the level of composition, and situating the author-figure securely in the latter. We seem to be dealing with a ‘fully’ third-person narrator, that is, one detached from direct participation in the narrative events of the story he is recounting. This impression is strengthened by the reiterative verb ‘retourne’, which implies the anteriority of authorial control, and by the possessive adjective (‘sa matire’, ‘son chalivali’), implying an unproblematically efficacious power-relation between author and subject-matter. Furthermore, the quantitatively precise designation ‘.x. vers’, which accurately designates the se-
Authorial Self-Representation in Fauvel
85
quence of narrative verse immediately following the rubric, works to emphasize this book’s status as measurable
(material/verbal)
artefact, under the control of because known
in
advance to the author-figure.'’ This impression is strengthened by what is in effect an explicit evocation of readerly self-awareness, a set of instructions to the reader to consider the ten-line passage immediately following as the conclusion to a digression that will then be followed by the next major section of the narrative, which had itself earlier been evoked, anticipated, and postponed. The first use of the term aucteur in a rubric of Chaillou’s Fauvel thus appears to establish the kind of omniscient author-figure designated by the same term in a large number of fourteenth-century Roman de la Rose manuscripts, and associated with Jean de Meun qua
first-person narrator as opposed to Guillaume de Lorris qua first-person protagonist." When the second authorial rubric of Chaillou’s Fauvel follows in close succession on this same folio (that is, just after the ten-line sequence referred to in the first rubric), this effect is compounded. Rubric +12, ‘Ci parle l’aucteur’ (see Pl. VII), seems to indicate a definitive
authorial identity for Chaillou as an omniscient narrator a la Jean de Meun, external to the fictional world of the plot.'” The Latinate form of the term”” reinforces the clerkly status of this authorial voice, implying a bookish authority (and derivation) as well as the experiential detachment from the events of a given plot line that is part and parcel of this conventional authorial stance in medieval French literature.”! ” In this context, it should be noted that this ten-line passage involves in sequence: first, an exaggerated /ouange of the ‘superlative quality’ of the charivari that is obviously more relevant to its writerly treatment than to its pseudo-historical status (761-5); and second, a careful closing of the larger narrative frame by means of an evocation of the character Fauvel in bed with his new bride (766-70), which revisits in terms of a formal closure
ways. The central column of the folio is musical, flanked by two columns of non-musical verse text, a pattern that is reversed on the facing folio 39'. The musical pieces of fo. 38"° are associated by the rubrication with a series of three voices: at the top of the
the narrative elements (633-81) used to introduce the charivari
Sancta et immaculata virginitas, quibus te laudibus referam, nescio, itself immediately followed by rubric +15, “Les vierges parlent’, which introduces p.mus. 104, Adoremus dominum, quia ipse est sponsus et salvator noster and p.mus. 105, Anulo suo subarravit nos
sequence after the authorial intervention (628-32) that had first set it in motion. For the poetics of the charivari in the Fauvel, see
the important article by Nancy Freeman Regalado, ‘Masques réels dans le monde de limaginaire: le rite et lécrit dans le charivari du Roman de Fauvel’, in Marie-Louise Ollier (ed.), Masques et déguisements dans la littérature médiévale (Montreal
and Paris, 1988), 111-26. Cf. also Lecco, ‘Ipotesi sullo charivari’, in Ricerche, 111-30.
'® For this distinction in terms of the literarily significant rubrication of 14th-c. Rose MSS, see Sylvia Huot, From Song to Book: The Poetics of Writing in Old French Lyric and Lyrical Narrative Poetry (Ithaca, 1987), 90-5: “L’Aucteur and [’'Amant:
Lyrico-narrative Discourse in Le Roman de la Rose’; and ead., ‘“Ci parle l’aucteur”: The Rubrication of Voice and Authorship
column the rubric “Vertuz parlent’ (+13) introduces p.mus. 102,
Esto nobis, domine, turris fortitudinis, which is immediately followed by the authorial rubric (+14), introducing p.mus. 103,
dominus noster Ihesus Christus, et tanquam sponsas coronavit nos corona. The Fauvel’s final use of the authorial rubric thus works to associate the voice of the ‘aucteur’ with those of the Virtues in
the allegorical combat sequence in a particularly intimate way. His voice is visually interwoven with theirs by means of the rubrication pattern of fo. 38". At the same time, this authorial voice is presented as singing in response to them, collaborating
musically with them. This involves a new expansion of the term ‘aucteur within the poetic economy of the Fauvel as a whole, from omniscient narrator-figure and first-person protagonist (on fo. 36") to a kind of officiant in a rite involving sacred
in Roman de la Rose Manuscripts’, Substance, 17/2 (1988), 42-8.
music. Furthermore, the musical insertions of fo. 38°” mark (and
Cf. also ead., The ‘Romance of the Rose, 332. For this aspect ofthe narrator figure in Jean de Meun’s Rose as suggested by rubrication identifying the Aucteur or Acteur as opposed to the Amant, see Huot, ‘ “Ci parle l’aucteur”’, 45-8. “See Marie-Dominique Chenu, ‘Auctor, actor, autor’, Bulle-
comment upon) a significant moment in the authorially selfconscious narrative, as the authorial je explicitly effects the transition from the description of the Vices’ arms to that of the were, the central musical column. The last line of fo. 38” is the
tin du Cange-Archivium Latinitatis Medii Aevi, 3 (1927), 81-6.
opening of the sentence, “Passer me vuil legierement’, which is
>! The third and final instance of an explicitly authorial rubric in Fauvel occurs on fo. 38°: ‘L’aucteur parle’ (+14). Here again, page layout and rubrication function literarily in important
then completed by the first two lines at the top of column c: ‘De raconter comment sont cointes | Vertuz sur leur chevaux et
Virtues’ arms. This moment ofnarrative transition encloses, as it
jointes’ (1058, 1059-60).
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Kevin Brownlee
What ensues, however, is something quite different: a series of rapid shifts in authorial persona, a set of disjunctions with regard to authorial self-representation, involving the selfconscious manipulation of conventional oppositions with regard to voice (first- vs. third-
person); temporality (present vs. past); mode (lyric vs. narrative); and discourse (courtly vs. clerkly): Ci parle Vaucteur. A la jouste veuil reperier,
Car j’o0i Paloete chanter Le carin, le chardonnerel, Qui plus tost que menesterel Le jour cornent pergoivent l’aube. C’est en icelui temps que |’aubeEspine et les fleurs s’esgaient, Que li oiseil leur chant essaient, Comme Iestournel et le merle, Le mauviz trestout par le merle, Et la fauvete et la linote, Touz oiseillons a une flote En jardins et en buissonnez Maintiennent leur jolis sonnez,
Neis ceus qui sont mis par les cages, Et qu’en verdeur sont les bocages,
Que trestout le chetif vermine, Qui souz terre tout l’iver mine, Se met en haut tout apparant; Que fleurs vont le pays parant Par diverses couleurs nouveles, Que damoisaus et damoiseles Qui en amour loial languissent, Pour le joli temps s’esjouissent. Cil oisel m’enseingnent sanz doute Que l’aube du jour tout hors boute La nuit et le pooir qu’apert Pour lentré du jour qui appert. Lors vi le jour cler et luisant, Si m’en alai tout deduisant Au lieu ou l’en dut assembler Pour joster, més forment trembler Tantost me fist gent molt vilaine Que j’encontrai a male estraine. (Langfors App., vv. 771-804)
Here the author speaks: to the joust | want to repair, for I hear the singing of the lark, the finch(2), the goldfinch who perceive the dawn earlier than minstrels trumpet the day. It is that time when hawthorn
Authorial Self-Representation in Fauvel
87
and flowers rejoice, when the birds try out their songs, the starling, the blackbird, the redwing on the
battlements, and the warbler and the linnet, a multitude oflittle birds in gardens and in bushes keep up their pretty sonnets, even those in cages; and when the woods are green then all the little creatures
who had burrowed underground all winter come out in full view; when flowers decorate the earth
with diverse new colours; when boys and girls who languish in loyal love rejoice because of the sweet season. These birds teach me without a doubt that daybreak expels night and the power that belongs to her, in favour of the entry of the day that appears. Then I saw the day clear and bright, and I went off all joyfully to the place where they were to assemble to joust, but the very wicked people whom I encountered made me tremble greatly.
The two authorial rubrics of fo. 36" have led us to expect a clerkly discourse and a narrative procedure, with the allegorical joust as subject-matter. This expectation initially seems to be
fulfilled in v. 771, as the first-person narrator states what appears to be his intention to recount the joust episode. The statement ‘A la jouste veuil reperier’ (771) picks up on and responds to both of the two earlier statements of authorial intentionality that had promised a later treatment ofthis topic within the unfolding plot line, and which serve to open and to close the charivari episode: the (negative) declaration by the first-person narrator (628-32; in effect: ‘I do not now want to treat the joust’); and the (positive) statement in the name of the third-person aucteur contained in the first authorial rubric of fo. 36“ (in effect: ‘he will now
treat the joust’). At the same time, however, there is a suggestive ambiguity in v. 771 that will be exploited later in the passage: the verb reperier has a metaphorical sense, which seems to predominate here, associated with the voice of the narrator (‘I want to tell about [‘get to’] the
joust’); the literal sense of this verb would imply that the narrator figure is also a character in the story he is telling (‘I want to go to the joust’). While this ambiguity is maintained in the passage that immediately follows, the voice of the narrator speaking in the present of the time of composition continues to predominate.
More importantly, however, the narratorial e is at this point abruptly redefined by a set of lyric topoi, linked by the causative car (772). As the force behind the narrator’s desire to treat
the episode of the joust, we are presented with a standard lyric motivation, which normally calls forth a courtly love song from the first-person subject: ‘joi l’'aloete chanter’ (772).” A significant shift has been effected in the identity of the author-figure. We have moved from clerkly aucteur to lyric je, but (and this is part of what I have called ‘disjunction’) in order to
introduce the narrative subject-matter of the allegorical joust. What follows is an elaborate deployment of the ‘lyric springtime’ topic” in which the birdsong motif predominates.” First ‘Ladouce » Cf. the classic example: the Chastelain de Couci’s
voiz du louseignol sauvage’ (Chanson III [authentique] in Alain Lerond’s edition). For this fundamental topic in the grand chant courtois,
see
Roger
Dragonetti,
La
Technique poétique
des
* See Ernst Robert Curtius, European Literature and the
— Latin Middle Ages, trans. Willard R. Trask (Princeton, 1953), 195-200; and especially Dragonetti, La technique poétique, 163iets
dai
trouveres dans la chanson courtoise: contribution a Vétude de la rhétorique médiévale (Bruges, 1960), esp. 183-8; and Paul
“ Cf. the somewhat different use to which this springtime morning birdsong motif is put in Huon de Méry’s first-person
French Courtly Lyrics —Difficulties and Hidden Difficulties’,
nent, wv. 3282-91.
Zumthor, Essai de poétique médiévale (Paris, 1972), 189-205. See _ narrative in Le Torneiment Anticrist, vv. 186-209, ed. Bender. See also wv. 3277-98, with its elaboration of the ‘aubespin’ compoalso the key article by Peter F. Dembowski, ‘Vocabulary of Old
Critical Inquiry, 2 (1976), 963-79:
Kevin Brownlee
88
(772-5), the springtime dawn scene is introduced in preliminary fashion with the evocation of three (conventional) species of songbirds who are presented as superior to the ‘menesterel’ (774), the term Chaillou uses for the inferior lyric poets against whom he will define himself as ‘clerjais’ in wv. 981-8.” Second (776-7), the topos is rhetorically unfurled in fully explicit
terms and linked to the component of ‘new spring flowers’. Third (778-85), there is a re-
elaboration of the birdsong motif, with an expanded list of singing species. Within the immediate narrative context of the Fauvel, this accentuation of the (conventional courtly lyric) beauty of the birdsong here (on the ‘morning’ of the joust) serves as a counter to the exaggerated aural ugliness of the charivari (see vv. 682-765).°° At the same time, the birdsong
motif, which here constitutes the single most important component of the Fauvel’s use of the ‘new springtime topos’, is articulated in ways that recall the opening of Guillaume de Lorris’s Roman de la Rose. Chaillou’s (courtly conventional) emphasis on the equivalence of the birds’
songs to poems by means of the term ‘sonnez’ (784) recalls Guillaume’s characterization of the birdsong at the opening of the Rose as ‘lais d’amors e sonoiz [= ‘sonez’, ed. Langlois] cortois’ (703). Furthermore, this line in the Fauvel involves the rhyme-word pair “buissonnez/ sonnez’ (783-4), which seems to echo the related rhyme-word pair ‘sons/buissons’ (95-6) from Guillaume de Lorris. In addition, the order and the naming in the Fauvel’s vv. 779-80 (‘Comme l’estournel et le merle, | Le mauviz trestout par le merle’) recalls vv. 652-4 of the
Rose: ‘melles i avoit et mauvis, | qui beoient a sormonter | les autres oisiaus por chanter’. Fourth (786-9), there is an abbreviated deployment of the ‘newly green vegetation’ motif combined with the equally conventional motif of the ‘reappearance of minute animal life that had been subterranean during the winter’. Fifth (790-1), the ‘new spring flowers’ initially mentioned in v. 777 are re-evoked and elaborated in terms of the standard rhetorical figure that presents the diversity of floral colours as an ornament to the earth. Finally (792-4), the
passage culminates with the human component of the topos, that is, young men and women moved by the springtime to love, here in explicitly courtly terms, ‘en amour loial’ (793).
This extended and carefully constructed deployment of the lyric springtime topos (77294) is then followed by another disjunction in terms of the self-presentation of the Fauvel’s
first-person narrator-figure. The reader has just been prepared for the first-person voice to sing of love. What happens instead is that the love experience is confined to the third-person ‘damoisaus et demoiseles’ (792) from whom the Fauvel’s authorial je is differentiated in wv. 795-8. The effect is calculatedly effective: at that point in the lyric springtime topos where convention determines (and thus the contemporary medieval audience expects) that the first-
person voice will declare that the coming of spring moves him to love and that the birds’ song moves him to sing love poetry, Chaillou’s authorial je engages in a very different declaration. The birds that he hears do not move him, but rather inform him of the arrival of a key moment in his narrative chronology: ‘Cil oisel m’enseingnent .. .’ (795; the use of a verb
from the clerkly-didactic rather than from the courtly-lyric register is also significant here). 25
: i. See Section IV below. Does this use of the courtly birdsong motif also constitute
a suggestive reprise of the courtly discourse of the ‘lay des Hellequines’?
Authorial Self-Representation in Fauvel
89
Instead of speaking as a lyric love poet, he speaks here as a narrator. In the line that reintroduces the first-person voice for the first time since thejehad presented itself as hearing the birds singing (in v. 772), the object pronoun functions to contrast his reaction to the birdsong with that of the third-person lovers evoked in v. 792. The temporality in which this narrative voice speaks appears to be the présent de l’énonciation. A final disjunction with regard to authorial self-representation ensues immediately, and is signalled by a tense change: from present to past, from discours to récit. In vv. 799-800 the
narrator becomes a character, participating in the events of the plot. The temporal shift receives extra emphasis by being doubly marked: a temporal adverb is followed by a verb in the preterite: ‘Lors vi le jour cler er luisant’ (799). Next, this perception of spring dawn (and, retrospectively, the entire preceding lyric topos of springtime) is placed into an ongoing narrative sequentiality. His awareness of the coming of dawn (799) prompts the narrator to journey to the site of the joust: ‘Si m’en alai.. .’ (800). His intense affective reaction to the members of Fauvel’s household whom he encounters there (802-4) confirms his status as a
character functioning within the unfolding plot. This is the first time in Chaillou’s text where a first-person narrator-protagonist configuration has obtained in overt, fully explicit terms.”
The episode that follows is recounted from the first-person perspective of the poet-narrator playing the role of witness-participant at the level of plot, as he first observes and reacts to the Vices assembled in front of ‘leglise de Saint Germain’ (814-15), then goes on to the hotel where the Virtues are lodged, and from which they proceed to the tournament (820-92). This
first-person-witness stance unifies and authenticates three different mimetic registers: the historically referential register of the Parisian urban geography”* through which the narratorprotagonist moves; the allegorical register in which personifications of the Vices and Virtues function as characters; and the theological register of the miraculous visions (823-38; and also 893-968), which involves biblical and/or doctrinal truth. In addition, the numerous affective
reactions of this unified first-person protagonist to what he witnesses form a coherent pattern that constitutes an exemplary moral perspective for the reader.” The various shifts in authorial self-representation that have taken us from the clerkly narrator of the rubrics at the top of fo. 36", through an extended evocation of the lyric je, to the first-person protagonist at the bottom of that column involve, I suggest, two reversals of the narrator-protagonist configuration in the Roman de la Rose. \n the first it is a question of Guillaume de Lorris and the text of his poem. In the second, it is a question of Jean de Meun and the manuscript status of the conjoined Rose as conceived by him. First, therefore, there is an evocation of the beginning of Guillaume de Lorris’s poem that
simultaneously transforms that textual model. For Guillaume’s text opens with a series of shifts with regard to authorial persona in which the basic progression is as follows. The 7” This may be seen as a realization ofpossibilities provided by the suggestive ambiguity in the narrator's earlier self-presentation vis-a-vis his subject-matter. See e.g. vv. 9-10, 28-30, 89-92, 102; 8 For the complex status of historical referentiality in the
Fauvel, see Miihlethaler, Fauvel au pouvoir, “Troisitme Partie. L/histoire: Satire et référentialité’, 275-400. ” For the moral perspective provided by the first-person narrator-protagonist, see Miihlethaler, ibid., ‘Le Roman de Fauve: les fonctions du narrateur’, 168-233.
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prologue (1-20) is spoken by a clerkly narrator who cites Macrobius as auctor (7) to buttress his own position, that is, we start with an ‘indirect’ version of the authoritative persona of the learned author-figure. After the initial set-up of the dream frame (21-30; cf. Chaillou’s ‘detached’ dream frame in vv. 1086-8), we then move to a literarily self-conscious presentation of the text to follow as the subject-matter of a book under the control of the authorfigure (31-44). The ensuing sequence establishes this author-figure as the first-person protagonist in the narrative he is recounting, by means of an extensive deployment of the lyric topos of the ‘springtime morning’ (45-102) with special emphasis on the ‘birdsong motif (67-83, 95-7, 100-2).”” This first-person protagonist then continues his journey by a river that he compares to the ‘Saine’ (112; in the rhyme position; cf. the ‘Sainne’ in the rhyme position of Chaillou’s v. 816, which figures literally as part of the description of his journey) and first encounters a series of personified Vices (the ten portraits on the outside wall of the
Vergier in wv. 132-460). Repeated exposure to the lyric birdsong (476-98, 605-8, 641-80, 699-706) then leads Guillaume’s first-person protagonist to encounter a series of personified (courtly) Virtues (the ten named dancers in Deduit’s carole inside the Vergier; 799-1282).
Chaillou’s transformative recall of this Guillaumian model thus involves a careful programme of differentiation. Chaillou qua author-figure simultaneously evokes and devalorizes any possible lyric identity for his first-person voice as narrator as well as for his first-person character as protagonist. What we have in Chaillou is therefore a first-person witnessprotagonist stance that remains entirely clerkly, learned, having (parodically) rejected the courtly erotic authority of Guillaume’s lyric-based system. At the same time, however, Chaillou is thus able to maintain the powerful (though conventional) authority involved in
first-person narration within the medieval system of genres. Within the context of the Roman de Fauvel, Chaillou’s first-person protagonist, by visibly divesting himself of the courtly lyric erotic identity contained in his intertextual Guillaumian model, also distances himself from the character Fauvel whose most intensive and elaborate use of courtly erotic discourse has just taken place in his plea for Fortune’s hand in Chaillou’s (second-most) extensive interpolation. It is as if, in transformative intertextual comparison
with his Guillaumian model, Chaillou has presented his clerkly authorial persona as (fictional
but authoritative) witness to the events of his plot. The second intertextual recall of the narrator-protagonist configuration of the Roman de la Rose at issue in this key passage in Chaillou is tied to Jean de Meun and to the manuscript tradition’s indication of his authorship by means of rubrication. Again, it is a question of a reversal effected by the Fauvel. In a large number of thirteenth- and fourteenth-century manuscripts of the Rose” the first use of the term ‘laucteur’ in a rubric in Jean’s part of the
Rose is literarily significant. It frequently occurs, according to Sylvia Huot, at the mid-point sequence of the conjoined Rose text where Jean de Meun is first explicitly identified as the new 30
For the innovation involved in this overtly (courtly) narra-
tive treatment of a key (courtly) lyric topos, see Karl D. Uitti, ‘French Literature after 1200’, in Joseph Strayer (ed.), Dictionary
of the Middle Ages, iv (New York, 1984), 262-64; and David F.
Hult, SelfFulfilling Prophecies: Readership and Authority in the
First ‘Roman de la Rose’ (Cambridge, 1986), 186-250. *' See Huot, From Song to Book, 94-5; ‘“Ci parle l'aucteur”’,
44-7; The ‘Romance’, 332.
Authorial Self-Representation in Fauvel
9I
author-figure in contradistinction to Guillaume de Lorris as first-person protagonist.” The rubric ‘l’aucteur’ thus indicates the presence of the Rose’s ‘definitive’ authorial persona, identified with Jean as continuator.”
In the Roman de la Rose, then, the rubric ‘l’Aucteur’ at the mid-point of the conjoined text signals the definitive appearance of a first-person narrator detached from the world of the fiction, the world of the plot; and most clearly detached from the first-person protagonist. In the Roman de Fauvel, on the contrary, the emphatic (because double) introduction of this authorial rubric on fo. 36“ marks the point at which the first-person narrator, as it were,
becomes a first-person protagonist as well.
IV Just before the description of the joust proper begins, there is an important authorial
intervention (fo. 38°"; see Pl. VIII) in which Chaillou explains how he intends to treat the narrative sequence to follow:
Dessus vous ai dit tout par ordre, Si que je n’i sai gue remord[r]e, Touz les noms des dites parties, Si que chers amis et amies Jaraie sanz reson musé De plus nommer les; escusé Men aiez, car une redite Seroit, si com le cueur me dite, Et si seroit une riote De tout deviser note a note Les armes que doivent porter, Si vous en vuilliez deporter, Si en dirai en general Plus que un menesteral
Ne feroit en une semaine, Et se je sui en bonne vaine De trouver, grant joie en avral, Et d’aucunes, si com savral,
Mais en clerjais en parleré. (Langfors App., vv. 969-88; emphasis mine) » For the structural and literary significance of this mid-point sequence, see Uitti, ‘From Clerc to Poete: The Relevance of the Romance of the Rose to Machaut’s World’, in Machaut’s World: Science and Art in the Fourteenth Century. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 314 (1978), 209-16; and K. Brownlee, ‘Jean de Meun and the Limits of Romance’, 114-19.
* Cf. Huot, From Song to Book, 95: ‘about half of the manuscripts that I have studied simply use /Amant throughout Guillaume’s text, so that /’Aucteur does not appear until after Love's identification of Jean de Meun as continuator.’
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Above I have told you in sequence all the names of the parties involved, so I do not know what to
repent of in it, so that, dear friends, I should have foolishly wasted my time to name them more; please
hold me excused for it would be repetitive, I am convinced, and it would also be a bore to describe
in detail the arms that they carried. If you want to dispense with this, I shall say more about them in general than a minstrel would do in a week. And if | am in good condition for composing [writing], I shall take great joy in it, and I shall describe for you as well as I know how some of the arms, but
I shall speak of this in clerkly language.
This passage is an authorial apologia in two parts, each dealing with and justifying a different choice with regard to compositional technique. The first part (969-76) looks backwards, textually speaking, referring to earlier passages in which the names of the combatants have already been given, and evoking the compositional principle of avoidance of repetition. The second part (977-88) looks forward, textually speaking, referring to the description of the combatants’ arms, and making a choice between two techniques of descriptio. comprehensive detail (‘tout deviser note a note’) is rejected in favour of a more generalized treatment
(‘en general’). At the same time, these two techniques, these two
approaches to narrative description, are associated with two different kinds of authorial identity and discourse: Chaillou explicitly rejects the identity of a ‘menesteral’ for that of a clerkly poet, one who utilizes ‘clerjais’ in order to ‘trouver’. The first part of Chaillou’s apologia involves an intertextual recall of a key analogous moment in the Roman de la Rose, where the authorial voice discusses the matter of naming a set of personification allegory characters. At that point in Jean de Meun’s part of the Rose just after Amant has been readmitted into the service of the God of Love by means of repeating in abbreviated form the latter’s ‘ten commandments’ (10373-82),* Amours sum-
mons the various courtly personification characters who collectively constitute his troops (‘toute sa baronie’, 10411) to assemble. His stated purpose is to order this army (‘mes genz’, 10404) to attack Jealousy’s castle, that is, to do battle with the enemy army of (anti-courtly) personification characters. The names of Love’s troops are introduced by what is, I think, the first intervention by Jean de Meun speaking as narrator, as poet-author rather than as lover-
protagonist: Briefment les nomeré sanz ordre por plus tost a ma rime mordre. (vv. 10417-18)
I will briefly name them without order, in order to get through my rhymes more quickly.
The intertextual link between this passage in Jean de Meun and Chaillou’s apologia is triggered by the latter’s citation and redeployment of the former’s key rhyme-word pair: Jean’s ordre|rime mordre becomes Chaillou’s ordre /remordre. Intertextually speaking, two reciprocal processes are at issue, one involving verbal detail, the other narrative context. The 34 See Brownlee, ‘ ‘Jean de Meun and the Limits e ey 3 oe é of Romance’, for the significance of this exceptional abbreviatio by Jean ofa textual model in Guillaume.
Authorial Self-Representation in Fauvel
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recall (by citation in the Fauvel) of a verbal detail in the Rose triggers one kind of comparative
reading, while simultaneously evoking similarities and differences (a second kind of comparative reading) with regard to the narrative contexts (in the Rose and in the Fauwvel) in which each of the two couplets occurs. Thus, the Rose is evoked as model at the same time as the semantic content of the model couplet from the Rose (and the model narrative sequence in Jean’s text) are reversed in Chaillou’s text: Jean’s explicitly proleptic treatment claims (ironically) that the list of names to follow will be ‘sanz ordre’; Chaillou’s explicitly metaleptic treatment claims that the list of names already given has been ‘tout par ordre’. At the same time, the model passage from Jean’s Rose is itself an inter/intra-textual citation, of an analogous passage of authorial intervention in Guillaume de Lorris’s part of the Rose (689-98). Shortly after Amant has met Oiseuse and has entered the garden (629), the voice of the author intervenes to explain the necessity of sequentiality in the construction of the narrative to follow: first he will treat Deduit and his company;
then he will turn to a
description of the garden itself. Narrative description cannot reduplicate the simultaneity of ‘lived’ experience: Tot ensemble dire ne puis, mes tot vos conteré par ordre, que l’en ni sache que remordre.
Gr. 696-8) I cannot speak of everything together, but I will recount it all in orderly sequence, so that no one will be able to reproach me about it.
It is the citation by Jean-author of the key final rhyme-word pair used here by Guillaumeauthor (ordre/remordre) that establishes the intertextual relation between the two passages within the Rose. Guillaume’s model text is simultaneously evoked as such and visibly transformed, rewritten by Jean. Thus, Guillaume’s ‘par ordre’ is semantically inverted by Jean’s ‘sanz ordre’; and Guillaume’s ‘remordre’ is punningly distorted as ‘rime mordre’, at the same time wittily shifting the emphasis from the possible reaction of Guillaume’s inscribed audience to the writerly activity of Jean as authorial subject. The complex intertextual link between these two rhyme-word pairs also works to suggest that the two sequences in which they are found in the two Rose poets be read against each other, that Jean be seen as rewriting the Guillaumian model that he is continuing. Thus Guillaume’s initial presentation of Amours’s followers as dancers in the carole (725-1282) is rewritten by Jean’s re-presentation of them as assembled troops (10419-30). The abbreviatio
here effected by Jean on his Guillaumian model text is striking by virtue of its unusualness: the normal rhetorical procedure used by Jean to rewrite Guillaume is, of course, amplificatio.
What results here is an implicit devaluation (a qualitative reduction signified by a striking quantitative reduction) of the courtly discursive and behavioural system at the heart of » See Hult, Self Fulfilling Prophecies, 160-74.
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Guillaume’s Rose. This revisionist hermeneutic is reinforced by its close proximity to the equally striking abbreviatio employed by Jean in his rewriting of the God of Love’s ten commandments (10373-82 is a reduction of 20744-2252). I should like to suggest that Chaillou’s use of the ordre /remordre rhyme-word pair (96970) functions as a ‘double’ citation of the Rose, and this in two different ways: on the one
hand, Chaillou is simultaneously citing both the passage in Jean de Meun and the passage in Guillaume de Lorris. Indeed, Chaillou’s wording is actually closer to that of Guillaume’s couplet. Not only does Chaillou’s first line duplicate both of the final words in Guillaume’s first line (‘par ordre’), but also it maintains Guillaume’s basic syntactic structure: a first-
person singular authorial subject addresses a second-person plural inscribed audience claiming a kind of total treatment of a particular literary subject-matter. A je addresses a vous to affirm control of a tout by means of words organized in the proper sequence, par ordre. Chaillou’s ‘Dessus vous ai dit tout par ordre’ (969) thus reproduces with one significant
variation Guillaume’s ‘mes tot vos conteré par ordre’ (697). The key change effected by Chaillou upon Guillaume (emphasized by means of the close correspondences between the rest of the two verses) involves tense, the representation of the temporality of textual production: Guillaume-author’s claims concerning his textual future are replaced by Chaillouauthor’s claims concerning his textual past. Furthermore, the final two words of Chaillou’s
second line reproduce the final two words of Guillaume’s couplet: “que remordre’; while both second lines have savoir as their verb. In addition, there is the relevance to Chaillou of Guillaume de Lorris’s passage as a selfconscious authorial commentary, as well as its relation to its own immediate narrative context. Several key oppositions emerge in this second connection. Guillaume’s (positively marked) courtly personifications are opposed to Chaillou’s (positively marked) spiritual
personifications (which involve a number of courtly virtues, but within a Christian spiritual register, and in particular, with a key reversal in terms of Virginité/Chasteté: the basic enemy figure in Guillaume’s courtly context becomes the basic hero figure in the spiritual/moral terms of Chaillou).” In addition, Guillaume’s
carole (with the negative figures ‘safely’
externalized as ‘mere’ wall-paintings, at least temporarily) is contrasted with Chaillou’s fullfledged battle between Virtues and Vices (in which Chaillou’s narrative rewrites Jean de Meun’s, fully conscious of Jean’s rewriting of Guillaume’s narrative). These functional oppositions between Guillaume and Chaillou (with their critical interrogations of courtliness) are particularly striking in terms of Chaillou’s extensive courtly presentation of * Cf. also the implications of Jean’s rewriting/citation (in vv. 10369-70) as romanzlconmanz of Guillaume’s comandemenz! romanz (2057-8). The cited and modified rhyme-word pair func-
he were also Guillaume-protagonist:
“Le diex d’Amors
lors
— mencharja’ (2055) vs. the direct discourse of Jean’s Amours to _Jean’s character Amant.
tions to juxtapose contrastively the two passages: (i) in terms of ” For the key role of Huon de Méry’s configuration of the inscribed speech situation, Guillaume’s narrator becomes __personified vices as model for Chaillou in his allegorical joust
Jean’s character, Amours;
(ii) ‘cist romanz’
thus becomes ‘tes
sequence, see the trenchant analysis of Miihlethaler, Fauvel au
romanz’—associated, in Jean’s new poetics, no longer with the (new) author-figure, but with the ‘character’ Guillaume, foreven Guillaume-author has become a character in Jean’s expansion of Guillaume’s poetic universe; (iii) there is an implicit undoing of Guillaume $_ narrator-protagonist configuration (soon to be
pouvoir, 90-6. For iconographic details (including the relations to the iconography of the Vices in Guillaume de Lorris’s Rose), see ibid. 97-100. For the ways in which ‘multiple models’ are made to function (at times, simultaneously) in the Fauvel, see Miihlethaler’s insightful notion of‘intertextualité ouverte’ (112-
made explicit in Jean’s text), as Guillaume-narrator speaks as if
19).
Authorial Self-Representation in Fauvel
95
Fauvel in the second-longest narrative interpolation of his composite work (Fauvel’s interruption of Fortune’s speech to make an elaborate courtly plea; Dahnk 114-53, wv. 55-981). The second way in which Chaillou’s use of the ordre /remordre rhyme-word pair (969-70) functions as a ‘double’ citation ofthe Rose involves, | suggest, Chaillou’s purposeful evocation of Jean de Meun in the process of citing, continuing, and rewriting Guillaume de Lorris.
What we have here is a mise en scéne of the literary processes that generate the Roman de Fauvel, and for which the Roman de la Rose provides the model, the authorization, and the
point of departure: an author-figure who functions to effect the continuation, the rewriting, and the completion of an ‘unfinished’ model text.* All this is reduplicated within the context of Chaillou’s composite Fauvel itself. For his
apologia involves intratextual citational references that function in literarily significant ways. When Chaillou claims to have already enumerated ‘touz les noms des dites parties’ (971), that
is, the Virtues and the Vices, he is referring to several disparate earlier passages. The detailed treatment of the various Virtues has taken place in vv. 203-46, that is to say, in an earlier part
of Chaillou’s final ‘addicion’ to the Fauvel. This is, it should be noted, a suggestively hybrid list of forty-four characters in Langfors’s edition, beginning with Virginité, Chastée, and Religion, then moving through—among others—Courtoisie, Debonnereté, Pitié, and Charité, Sapience, Verité, before ending with Prouesce.” In terms of the Rose as model,
courtly, spiritual, and ‘rational’ (that is, deriving from the discourse of Raison) characters are commingled in a way that undoes the basic opposition between positive and negative qualities that obtains in the plot line of the Rose.
An enumeration of the Vices has also taken place near the beginning of Chaillou’s interpolation, where they are listed as the thirty-three guests Fauvel invites to his wedding, in vy. 54-88. This list begins with Charnalité and includes Cupid and Venus, before ending with Faus Semblant (75). Again, the evaluative configuration of personification characters
from the Rose is here broken up; the two axiological categories that function in opposition within the context of the Rose’s poetics are here provocatively commingled. An additional signal to the effect that the Rose is meant to be read here as model text is found, I think, in
the rhyme-word pair Menconge/songe of vv. 71-2. At the same time, however, this list of the Vices in Fauvel is itself a much abbreviated summary of a passage from near the beginning of Gerves’s Second livre, where Fauvel’s *® The ways in which Gervés (as Chaillou’s model text) can be
work ostensibly already complete authorizes Chaillou’s continu-
considered unfinished or ‘open’ are of course quite different from
ation of Gerves. Chaillou, however, changes the form in which
the textual ‘openness’ of Guillaume de Lorris vis-a-vis Jean de
continuation takes place. Rather than simply prolonging the
Meun.
text as unfin-
sequence, that is, adding a third segment (a 77oisieme livre) after
ished, see the now classic article of Douglas Kelly, ©“Li chastiaus .. . Qu’Amors prist puis par ses esforz”: The Conclusion of Guillaume de Lorris’ Rose’, in Norris J. Lacy (ed.), A
Gervés’s epilogue (his explicit closure), Chaillou ‘internalizes’
Medieval
revision, an expansion (including, of course, the musical and visual interpolations). For the closure effected in Chaillou’s epi-
(For the narrative status of Guillaume’s
French
Miscellany
(Lawrence,
Kan.,
1970),
61~78.)
While, however, Gerves’s Second livre involves an explicit closure by an epilogue (3272-80), including date and authorial signature, it also presents itself as the ‘continuation’ of a (retrospectively considered) Premier livre to which closure had been explicitly effected by an epilogue (wv. 1205-26), concluding with the statement that ‘cest petit livret’ was ‘complectement edis’ in the year 1310 (vv. 1224-6). In a sense, then, Gerves’s continuation of a
continuation,
adds a narrative ‘infix’ (or infixes) instead of a
narrative ‘suffix’. Chaillou’s continuation is thus a rewriting, a logue (in part a rewriting of Gervés’s epilogue), see Section V below. ® See Miihlethaler,
Fauvel au pouvoir (esp. 90-111,
195-8,
275-98) for a consideration ofallegory and mimesis in the Fauvel
in terms ofthe personifications of both the Virtues and the Vices. Cf. also Lecco, Ricerche, 51-110.
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‘company’ is presented in sequence, with extensive authorial commentary for each of the
major figures (1383-672). This list also begins with Charnalité (1387-464) and includes Venus
(1557-62), but here the figure of Faus Semblant occupies a central position, and this list
concludes with Herese and Sodomie.”” It should be noted in passing that this list also
contains an important signal with regard to reading the Rose as model text: it is this mention of Faus Semblant that prompts the only explicit reference in the Roman de Fauvel to the Roman de la Rose (1598)."' Finally, these various correspondences and textual points of contact serve to present Chaillou’s list of Fauvel’s wedding guests (in vv. 54-88 of his final addicion) as an abbreviated rewriting of Gervés’s list of Fauvel’s courtiers (in wv. 1383-672). This
presentation is, of course, made explicit when Chaillou, having finished his initial listing of the Vices with Faus Semblant in v. 75, refers in general, all-inclusive terms to the other
members of Fauvel’s household ‘qu’autre foiz ai descripte’ (79) (that I have described elsewhere).”
I suggest that Chaillou’s apologia, with its claim to previous comprehensive treatment the names of both the Virtues and the Vices, involves a reference to the listings both Chaillou’s own interpolation and in Gervés’s Second livre. We thus have here a kind ‘double’ authorial claim with regard to textual possession of the same sort as we have seen
of in of in
the ‘prologue’ to Chaillou’s final (and longest) interpolation (treated in Section I above).
Chaillou is again implicitly claiming as his own a part of the text of the composite Fauvel that is clearly authored by Gervés, his explicitly acknowledged predecessor (see above, Section I). This instance of authorial self-consciousness highlights the status of Chaillou’s text as a.
continuation and as a rewriting of Gervés qua textual model. At the same time, Chaillou’s transformative rewriting of Gerveés is once again presented as based on, as authorized by, Jean
de Meun’s continuation and rewriting of Guillaume de Lorris in the single most important model text in the late medieval French literary tradition, the Roman de la Rose.
V Chaillou’s epilogue (Langfors App., 1799-808) functions to effect closure of his new text, his
new composite version, his new continuation of the Fauvel, by both recalling and rewriting “ Further research still needs to be done on the relation between Sodomie/Sodomites in the Fawvel, and the status of
Ne vueil faire pour le redire; Et trop lonc seroit a escrire
‘sodomie’ in the Rose (especially in the speech of Genius).
Les nons de cele multitude
“" * Vices them
De gent si mauvese et si rude. (Langfors App., 161-8)
See Section I above. See Section II above. In addition, both Chaillou’s list of the (54-88) and Gervés’s earlier more elaborate treatment of (1383-672) seem to be at issue in Chaillou’s authorial
comment concerning the arrival of Fauvel’s invited wedding guests at his palace: Venue est toute sa ligniee Que il a par lettres mandee. Les nons vous ai dit de pluseurs
Devant, si que vos museeurs
All his kindred came whom he had sent for by letter. I have told you the names ofseveral above, and I do not want to bore you by repeating them. And it would be too long to write the names of this multitude of wicked and uncouth beings.
This passage both reinforces Chaillou’s overtly fictional selfpresentation as author of Gervés’s text in the ‘pseudo-prologue’ (vy. I-5, and esp. 77-9) and prepares for (anticipates) vv. 968-76
of his authorial apologia.
Authorial Self-Representation in Fauvel
97
the epilogue to Gervés’s Second livre (3269-80). At issue is a sophisticated process of textual citation and textual transformation, initiated by the fact that the first syntactic unit of the opening couplet of Chaillou’s epilogue (‘Ferrant fina, bien deust finer | Fauvel .. .’ (Ferrant came to an end, Fauvel must come to an end...), App., 1799-800) evokes (in effect,
reproduces) that of the first couplet of Gervés’s epilogue (‘Ferrant fina, aussi fera | Fauvel . . .’ (Ferrant came to an end, Fauvel will also do so . . .), 3269-70)."° Not only does this involve Chaillou’s use of Gervés’s epilogue as a closing signal, it also suggests that the second epilogue
is meant to be read against the first. In this context, the grammatical rhyme (finer/finer) of Chaillou’s opening couplet (replacing Gerveés’s corresponding rhyme-word pair fera/sera) takes on a special significance. Not only does it constitute a standard topos signalling closure in medieval French verse narratives, it also sets up the verbal play that will be a defining feature of Chaillou’s epilogue in contradistinction to Gervés’s. At the same time, the comparative reading set in motion by the parallel opening couplets in the two epilogues calls attention to the striking change in proportion between them, in terms of subject-matter and its quantitative treatment. In Gervés, only the opening three lines (3269-71) of the epilogue are devoted to Fauvel, and simply state that he cannot live for ever: ©. . . ja si grant ne sera, | car il ne puet pas tous jours vivre’ (for no matter how great he will be, he cannot live for ever, 3270-1). In Chaillou, however, these three lines are expanded
to seven and a half lines, an amplificatio all the more noteworthy in that Chaillou’s epilogue is almost the same length as that of his predecessor (10 lines vs. Gervés’s 12). Chaillou’s
amplificatio involves a kind of miniature portrait of Fauvel’s character and of his power. He is an omnipotent deceiver: Fauvel, qui n’a a qui finer En ce monde, car tuit obéissent a lui, tout a robé. Robé nous a tout en lobant, Et lobé en nous desrobant.
I] finera, car touz jourz vivre Ne pourra pas. ... (Langfors App., vv. 1800-6)
Fauvel, who does not need to fine anyone in this world, for all obey him, has stolen everything. He has robbed us by deceiving, and deceived by robbing us. He will die, for he cannot live for ever... . This miniature,
summarizing,
portrait of Fauvel in Chaillou’s epilogue turns around
annominationes on rober and lober, a key word-pair used in a particularly striking and significant annominatio in the Roman
de la Rose in which the character Faus Semblant
describes the essence of his identity and activity: ® L&ngfors notes this and other parallels with regard to the _sequences has already begun before the latter’s epilogue, in what two epilogues (117-18, 195), as well as the fact that this procedure
of textual reminiscences
by Chaillou of Gervés’s concluding
__I consider to be a preliminary set of signs of closure on the part
— of Chaillou (see Langfors 114-17; esp. his glosses on wv. 3202 ff.).
98
Kevin Brownlee Li plus fors le plus foible robe.
Mes je, qui vest ma simple robe, Lobant lobez e lobeiirs, Robe robez e robeeurs. (vv. 11519-22)
The stronger rob the weaker. But I, wearing my simple robe, cheating the cheated and the cheaters, rob the robbed and the robbers.
I would suggest that this functions as a final recall of the Rose as a model text for Chaillou, by evoking Jean de Meun’s Faus Semblant as a model for Chaillou’s Fauvel. The structure of this expansion, this amplificatio on the name Fauvel in Chaillou’s epilogue, is also highly significant. It involves what might be called a ‘textual infix’ vis-a-vis the base provided by Gervés’s epilogue, whose first three lines are, as it were, ‘opened up’ in Chaillou. First we get Chaillou’s recall (App., 1799-800) of the first two lines of Gervés
(3269-70), as cited above. Next comes what might be called Chaillou’s ‘addicion’ concerning Fauvel (App., 1801-4). Finally, Chaillou concludes this passage (App., 1805-6) by recalling the third line of Gervés’s epilogue (App., 1801).
This particular strategy of textual expansion in Chaillou’s epilogue vis-a-vis Gervés’s is suggestively analogous to Chaillou’s overall strategy for ‘continuing’, for expanding the Fauvel text he takes as his model, and, especially, Gervés’s Second livre. As mentioned above
in Section I, Chaillou does not effect continuation sequentially, as was the case with the Roman de la Rose. Rather, Chaillou ‘continues’, expands his model from the ‘inside’, leaving
the basic frame, the original textual boundaries, more or less intact, and certainly visible as such: the beginning and the end of the Premier livre; the beginning and now here the end of the Second livre. This aspect of Chaillou’s epilogue may thus be seen to illustrate, to emblematize, the overall strategy of literary continuation he utilizes with regard to his model Fauveltext. At the same time, of course, this partial reinscription, this strategic citation of Gervés’s epilogue,
functions within the larger context of Chaillou’s work as a whole to effect precisely the kind of ‘continuation by infix’ that it emblematizes. The penultimate section of Chaillou’s epilogue (App., 1806-7) constitutes a final recall and
transformation of Gervés’s epilogue, in which abbreviatio functions as significantly as did the amplificatio (on Fauvel) in the first part of Chaillou’s epilogue.
First we have (App., 185-6) Chaillou’s replication/citation of the suggestive rhyme-word pair vivre/livre from Gerves’s epilogue (3271-2), within a basically identical semantic context (‘Fauvel will not live forever; this book is finished’). Again, this serves simultaneously to evoke Gervés’s epilogue as Chaillou’s model (or point of departure), while marking Chaillou’s book as different, as his own. The model is cited in such a way as to emphasize difference from it. “ Cf. also the rhyme-word pair in w.. 11969~70, spoken by — Motet 15’. It is, in addition, interesting to note in the Roman de Faus Semblant: ‘Cuidiez que je ne triche et lobe | por ce se je vest. Fauvel the thyme robes /lobes (665-6) associated with Chaillou’s
simple robe’; as well as vy. 11757-8: ‘Ja ne les connoistrez aus
robes, | li faus treistres pleins de lobes.’ See Brownlee, ‘Machaut’s
_ character Loberie (664); as well as robe/lobe (1691-2) in Gerves,
__in close proximity to the character he names as Roberie (1661).
Authorial Self-Representation in Fauvel
99
This is perhaps most strikingly visible in the new way in which the key word livre is presented in Chaillou. A third-person demonstrative adjective is replaced by a first-person possessive adjective: Gervés’s ‘Ici fine cest second livre’ (3272) becomes Chaillou’s ‘Ci faut mon livre | secont’ (App., 1807-8).”” This shift in modifier indicates the difference between
Gerves’s book and Chaillou’s: an appropriation of the ‘Book of Fauvel’ by Chaillou as new
author-figure.
Chaillou’s brilliant use of enjambment works to further this suggestion. ‘Mon livre’ as
Chaillou’s creation is emphasized by the metrical unit of v. 1806, which seems to imply that Chaillou is taking possession of the entire ‘Livre de Fauvel’ as it exists in fr. 146. The metrical
separation of ‘mon livre’ (the last words of y. 1806) from the quantifying adjective ‘secont’ (the first word of v. 1807) calls attention to Chaillou’s second book as itself a secondary category, subordinated to his global ‘livre’. That is to say, the enjambment gives a double
status to the literary creation that Chaillou is claiming: both ‘my book as a whole’ (as v. 1806 is read as a metrical unit); and ‘my second book as opposed to his second book’ (as the second hemistich of v. 1806 is read as forming a syntactic unit with the first word of v. 1807). This effect is heightened by the change in grammatical (as well as metrical) position of the adjective ‘secont’: from pre-nominal position in Gervés (v. 3272), to post-nominal position in
Chaillou (App., 1806-7). Chaillou’s appropriation qua author-figure of both Gervés’s ‘second livre’, and of the new,
composite Fauvel as a whole is directly linked to (may even be seen as necessitating) the striking abbreviatio effected by the final section of Chaillou’s epilogue as read against its model in Gervés: the suppression, the writing out of Gerves’s elaborate presentation of both
his date of completion and his anagram signature: Ici fine cest second livre, Qui fu parfait l’'an mil et .iiij. .ccc. et .x., sans riens rabatre, Trestout droit, si com il me membre, Le .vj’. jour de decembre. Ge rues doi .v. boi .v. esse Le nom et le sournom confesse De celui qui a fet cest livre. (Langfors, vv. 3272-9)
Here closes this second book, which was completed in the year one thousand three hundred and fourteen, without any revisions, fully completed, as I remember, the sixth day of December. ‘Ge’ ‘rves’ ‘d ‘uw ‘b’ ‘u’ ‘s’ [= Gervés du Bus], I confess to be the name and surname of him who wrote this book. © Tn terms of the sigla used by Langfors to group the Fauvel MSS into families, the following variations occur: in MSS AD
the line reads ‘cest second livre’; in MS C ‘ce second livre’; in MSS FJLM ‘mon secont livre’. See Langfors, pp. xxvii, bxxiii. Langfors chooses A as the base MS for his edition, on several grounds,
including the fact that ‘il est probablement le plus ancien, au moins antérieur 4 F qui est de 1365’ (p. xxxv). For the possible
relations between fr. 146 (Langfors’s MS E) and the six MSS that contain both the first and the ‘complete’ second book of Fauvel
(ACFJLM), see p. xxxiii, where he speculates on ‘un hypothétique modéle commun de ACDE’. For the purposes of my own argument, I am assuming here (somewhat speculatively, to be sure) that A can stand as the model for fr. 146.
100
Kevin Brownlee
The fact that Chaillou is here suppressing this passage, effecting an abbreviatio, is emphasized by the recall of Gervés’s epilogue resulting from Chaillou’s reproduction of Gervés's key rhyme-word pair vivre/livre (in his wv. 1805-6, following Gerveés’s vv. 3271-2).
This abbreviatio involves several suggestive aspects of Chaillou’s handling of both continuation and closure in his epilogue. First, the elimination of Gerves’s date of completion is, as it were, necessitated by the change of authorship. Gervés’s date can no longer function as a sign of closure for Chaillou’s ‘new’ Fauvel text. It is, I think, also significant that Chaillou does not simply substitute a new date of completion, but chooses, rather, to heighten the
sense of difference between his text and Gervés’s by eliminating entirely the topos of “date of completion as sign of closure’ from his own epilogue. Second, the writing out of Gervés’s anagram
signature (itself a conventional
sign of
closure) from Chaillou’s epilogue has several significant effects. On the one hand, of course, the name of Gerveés du Bus is no longer operative as the authorial signature for Chaillou’s new version of Fauvel, nor a fortiori as a sign of closure for that text. On the other hand, the name
Gervés du Bus has already been included (in anagram form) at the mid-point of Chaillou’s composite text (Dahnk, vv. 41-8; fo. 23”), where it was explicitly presented as that of the first or model author, and followed by Chaillou’s own name (not in an anagram) as that of the second author or continuator (as discussed above, Section I). It is as if the new version, the
new format, that constitutes Chaillou’s continuation of Gervés’s Fauvel ‘requires’ the authorial signature (and the double authorial naming from the perspective of the second author) not as a sign of closure, but as functioning within the new composite text. The strategic situating of the authors’ names near the mid-point of the Roman de la Rose (and the lack of authorial signature, or date of completion, at the conclusion of Jean de Meun’s conjoined Rose text) are, of course, relevant in this context.
A further significant rewriting of Gerveés’s formal strategy for effecting closure by means of an explicit presentation of his particular authorial self involves Chaillou’s revision of the final invocation to God that constitutes the last line of Gervés’s epilogue: “Diex de cez pechiez le [= the author] delivre’ (God deliver him from his sins) (3280). Gervés prays for himself, in
a conventionally pious formula indicating closure by placing the emphasis on the common humanity of the author-figure. Chaillou, by contrast (though in equally conventional terms), prays for his book, in his penultimate line: “. .. Dieu en gré le [= ‘mon livre’) regoive’ (may God be pleased to receive it) (App., 1807).
The final line of Chaillou’s epilogue (App., 1808) may be seen as an ‘addition’ to the model provided by Gerveés’s epilogue. It appends a new element to the carefully structured remaniement in which Chaillou’s penultimate line corresponds
to Gervés’s final line, a
Goliardic formula of closure that stresses the presence of this new component in Chaillou’s global author-figure: ‘/’ai sef, il est temps que je boive’ (J’m thirsty; it’s time that J drink) (App., 1808). Furthermore, Chaillou’s final line of text both begins and ends with the firstperson nominative singular pronoun (its first and its penultimate word), which is entirely absent from Gervés’s, and is thus given a double emphasis here. In one sense this repeated je of Chaillou serves to replace Gervés’s anagram signature as a sign of closure. In another sense,
Authorial Self-Representation in Fauvel
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Chaillou’s final line of text involves a different and elaborate kind of closing signal as it functions to ‘generate’ the musical frame that surrounds the epilogue on three sides on fo. 45° (see Fig. 4.3). The verbal text of the central column is flanked by the two upper voices of a Goliardic motet (a drinking song; p.mus. 130), whose tenor constitutes part of the lower musical frame for the epilogue.” The triplum is inscribed in col. a: ‘Quant je le voi ou voirre cler, volentiers m’i vueil acorder; et puis si chante de cueur cler: Cis chans veult boire’ (when
I see it clearly with its clear appearance, willingly I want to be in agreement with it; and with a clear heart is sung: this song wants to drink); the motetus is inscribed in col. c: ‘Bon vin doit
l’en a li tirer et li mauves en sus bouter. Puis doivent compagnons chanter: Cis chans veult boire’ (one should pour the good wine and throw out the bad. Then good companions should sing: this song wants to drink). The tenor, at the bottom ofcol. c, reads: ‘is chans veult boire’ (this song wants to drink). Within the context of the motet, the words of the
tenor thus duplicate the final words of both of the upper voices. Special emphasis is thus given to this phrase, and especially to its triply repeated final word, the infinitive bozre (to drink). It is as if the final first-person singular present subjunctive of this same verb (bozve)
at the end of the last line of Chaillou’s epilogue is answered by the last word of each of the three voices of the Fauvel’s concluding motet, which it thus may be seen as ‘generating’, or,
in medieval rhetorical terms, which may be seen as an amplificatio upon it, but one involving essential musical and visual components.
Special attention is thus called to the significance of the page layout of Chaillou’s final folio as such. This is reinforced by the fact that an additional musical piece occupies the final space of both columns a and b: the refrain (number 15 in Dahnk’s edition) Cz me faut un tour de vin: dex! quar le me donnez! (1 must have a round of wine: God! Let it be given to me!). Not
only does this final refrain echo semantically all three voices of the final motet as well as the “© As Friedrich Ludwig has shown in ‘Die Quellen der Motetten “altesten Stils”’, Archiv fiirMusikwissenschaft, 5 (1923), 280 n. 1. Ludwig’s interpretation ofafinal three-voiced motet has
been seconded by Dahnk (217), and by Jacques Chailley, Histoire musicale du moyen age (3rd edn., Paris, 1984), 229 n. 2.
Kevin Brownlee
102
final line of the epilogue, but it also calls attention to itself as part of a visual as well as a musical frame for Chaillou’s epilogue, as part of the brilliant ‘multimedia’ closure that is effected by Chaillou’s final folio, ‘collaborating’ visually (when read from left to right) with the motet’s triplum (with which it forms a vertical column), the epilogue itself (for which it forms the outer lower frame), and the motet’s tenor (with which it forms the ‘horizontal’ final line of Chaillow’s Fauvel). Furthermore, the complex spatial interrelations of the various components of fo. 45° both recall and emphasize the spatial layout of fo. 44", in which the
tripartite columnar textual configuration contrasts with the bicolumnar configuration for the two upper voices of the motet (p. mus. 129: Garrit gallus/In nova), and in which there are close (though suggestively contrastive) interrelations between verbal text and musical texts,
semantically as well as formally.” The musical frame for Chaillou’s epilogue on fo. 45', as well as the complicated and playful ways in which this frame is generated out of the final line of that epilogue, all serve both to
recall and to give a final and ‘definitive’ emphasis to the claim made by Chaillou in his own name at the mid-point of his innovative, composite text that he is the source of ‘les addicions... mises en ce livre, oultre les choses dessus dites qui sont en chant’ (the additions... put into this book, including the musical pieces found above); (+6)—going back, we remember, to the rewritten and reconceived fo. 1' of fr. 146, in terms of Chaillou’s
innovative and explicit poetics of the Gesamrkunstwerk."* The new kind of closure that Chaillou effects upon his new book, upon his brilliantly composite rewriting and continua-
tion of Gervés’s Second livre, thus incorporates and foregrounds both the visual component of the manuscript page (in this sense it is a text for the eye) and the ‘addicion’ to Gerves’s model verbal text of key musical components (in this sense it is a text for the ear). This final and complex combination of text and music, involving each of these forms considered individually and simultaneously taken together, thus epitomizes and illustrates Chaillou’s new conception ofliterary continuation as such, taking as models both Gervés’s continuation of the anonymous Premier livre of the Roman de Fauvel on the one hand, and Jean de Meun’s continuation of Guillaume de Lorris’s ‘first’ Roman de la Rose on the other. What is achieved is an appropriately new kind of ‘heterogeneous’ closure, combining the literary and musical, the visual and aural, the readerly and performative. Finally, this composite epilogue also involves a suggestive remotivation of a conventional
explicit: Explicit, expliceat, | ludere scriptor eat’ (It ends; let it end; let the writer go and play). Because of its position on the page, this explicit does not occupy the final position, being framed by the Fauvel’s final musical piece (refrain 15). The function of this playful explicit is itself being played with. Furthermore, the explicit is semantically (and ‘dynamically’) related both to the final line of the epilogue, and to the concluding musical pieces (the motet that is p. mus. 130, and ref. 15). The explicit reinforces and elaborates (from yet another perspective, one in which the scribe is normally differentiated from the author) the authorial desire for drink that forms part of the conventional sign of closure that is App., 1808. At the 47
For the motet Garrit gallus /In nova, see Margaret Bent, above, Ch. 2. A
AQ
“8 See Section I above.
Authorial Self-Representation in Fauvel
103
same time, the explicit’s call for /udus is quite literally fulfilled on the final folio itself, by the motet and the refrain, which are both drinking songs. The Goliardic celebration of the completion of the text is thus made into a key element of the way in which the text effects closure. And the normally writerly status of the explicit is made to function within the overtly composite artistic economy ofChaillou’s final folio, and the profound yet playful closure he -
:
creates for his masterpiece.’
9
© Elizabeth Brown adds an important semantic dimension to the functioning of Chaillou’s explicit. She sees its insistence on play and playfulness as emphasizing (by contrast) the seriousness of the subject-matter of Chaillou’s book as a whole, of that which
precedes the epilogue. Brown goes on to suggest that the various works following Chaillou’s Fauvel in fr. 146 serve as glosses that
function to effect a serious reading of Chaillou’s text. | am grateful to Professor Brown for sharing with me in manuscript the relevant passages from her forthcoming book, provisionally entitled Adultery, Charivari, and Political Criticism in Early Fourteenth-Century France: ‘Les Livres de Fauvel’
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~ For a recent discussion of this process, see Lawrence Earp,
Cable, and James I. Wimsatt (eds.), The Union of Words and
‘Lyrics for Reading and Lyrics for Singing in Late Medieval —Music in Medieval Poetry (Austin, Tex., 1991), 101-31. ® See Roesner et al. 24. France: The Development of the Dance Lyric from Adam de la Halle to Guillaume de Machaur’, in Rebecca A. Baltzer, Thomas
Ardis Butterfield
108
Il. Structural Change in the Interpolated Narrative: The Mid-Point Most dramatically, Chaillou presents his own work as a form of transition by announcing it as ‘addicions’ that amplify and continue a prior narrative. The moment of transition is marked by the rubric in the lower half of the central column of fo. 23", “Ci s’ensivent les addicions que mesire Chaillou de Pesstain ha mises en ce livre, oultre les choses dessus dites
qui sont en chant’ (see above, Fig. 4.1). This celebrated rubric has a pivotal role in the interpolated Fauvel. It is immediately preceded by eight lines newly set into the narrative, in which Gervés du Bus is named as the author of the Roman (Dahnk, wv. 41-8). The narrative
exhibits here an extended moment of hiatus. It signals the point at which Chaillou de Pesstain changes his manner of revision of the existing Roman. His work has two distinct stages: in the first book he adds musical pieces (mostly in Latin), but alters the text very little.
Within the second book, however, he not only adds a large number of further pieces but also around 3,000 lines of extra narrative. The most substantial interpolations begin, as signalled by this rubric, with an expansion of Fauvel’s attempt to woo Fortune in an audacious bid to create stability for his wicked pre-eminence. At first sight, it is not clear why Chaillou should begin his principal ‘addicions’ where he does: he does not base his structural alterations, for instance, around the division between the two books at fo. 11’. Edward Roesner, having demonstrated the extraordinary skill and care
with which the new material was visually arranged, page by page, column by column, admits finally to some embarrassment over the placing of the rubric with which they are announced: we cannot be certain that the material always went exactly where it was intended. (For example, are the lines on fol. 23°, col. b, declaring Gervés to be the author of the original ‘livret’ and Chaillou the man responsible for the ‘addicions’ and musical items precisely where Chaillou intended them to fall?)’
Where sections of text can be shown repeatedly to be positioned strategically at the edges of a page, it seems especially curious to find so important a rubric buried relatively inconspicuously in the lower half of a central column. However, on one reckoning of the final make-up of the book, we could say that this rubric comes at its centre. Fo. 23” marks the half-way point of the book’s total number of forty-five folios, and the visual centre of this folio falls in the middle of the central column, which is where the lines naming Gerves begin.” Medieval attention to the mid-point of a text is well attested: what is notable here is the emphasis Chaillou gives to the physical form of the text over its conceptual structure, so that ” Ibid. 29. * Claims about where the precise mid-point of the narrative
lies need to be hedged about with qualifications: in this case, it might well be objected that the codicological extent of the inter-
polated Fawvel cannot have been known so precisely in advance, since there is spare ruling at the end of the final folio. Furthermore, it is still far from clear at what stage in the preparation of
the volume the bifolio on fos. 28bis and ter was added: it would have to be assumed here that it was added retrospectively in order to move this rubric into a more central position. But in any
event, it is not necessary for the rubric to be the precise geometrical or arithmetical mid-point of the book for its mid-way position to be significant.
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
109
the spatial presence of the material book creates a counter-structure to the narrative division into books of the original Roman. The rubric signals various other kinds of division. The double authorial signature has the effect of marking the way in which one author is made to cede to the other: Chaillou, it seems, feels it appropriate to register his presence at this halfway point, perhaps because it draws eloquent attention to the kind of authorial changes he is making to the physical and material articulation of the satire. The shift between authors thus points to the difference between the old Roman and the new, the former uninterrupted narrative being shown to be literally displaced by ‘addicions’ on a grand scale. But the rubric also signals a shift in Chaillou’s own techniques of displacement: from a first half in which an existing narrative is (sometimes silently) broken up by musical interpolations that it was never intended to have, the book passes to a second stage in which, by virtue of the added textual material, it is conceived from the outset as hybrid. In order to effect this, Chaillou alerts the reader to the fact that the narrative has itself undergone a generic change from being a broadly satiric allegory to a love narrative with inset verse. So emphatic an announcement of change and renewal arouses the reader’s sense of anticipation about the nature of Chaillou’s immediately subsequent ‘addicions’. They turn out to comprise an extended ensemble at the centre of which are placed two pieces of seemingly inscrutable generic complexity. Attracting the term ‘semi-lyric’, neither piece has received much discussion in its own right.’ Yet together they form part of a larger ensemble that the interpolator has placed at the very heart of the Roman. Moreover, as I shall argue, this monophonic ensemble, fixed at a key moment of transition within the Roman, itself consti-
tutes a model for a notion of transition that pervades the entire work. Although the polyphony in fr. 146 has naturally claimed most attention from musicologists, the monophonic repertory is at least as rich a resource of information about the formation of genre in this period. The forty-five monophonic French songs raise particularly acute questions of category: with the exception of some of the refrains all are unique to this manuscript (in contrast to the Latin-texted pieces, which nearly all exist in other sources),
and several are the earliest or even the only examples of their kind. In that sense, they appear to testify to a process of change that has already taken place by the time of the copying of the manuscript, in that fr. 146 largely records only the new genres of the formes fixes and the lai, rather than the older grands chants, present, for instance, in Nicole de Margival’s early fourteenth-century (?) Dit de la Panthere. However, certain pieces from fr. 146 are so anomalous in form that the moment of transition is still visible: these include two singlestanza songs, warily classified by modern editors as ‘ballades’, and the sottes changons or fatras,
which pose several problems of form and structure.’ A third group, the focus of this essay, is constituted by the so-called ‘semi-lyric’ pieces, ‘Amour dont tele est la puissance’ and ‘Han Diex ou pourrai je trouver’, both characterized by their use of independent refrains. > Tam grateful to Nancy Regalado for allowing me to readher unpublished papers “Description of the Semi-lyric Ensemble in
BN MS f. fr. 146, fols. 24'—287zer”, a version of a paper presented to the Medieval Academy of America, Toronto, Apr. 1987 and
Design of fr. 146’, a version of a paper presented with Elizabeth A. R. Brown at All Souls College, Oxford, 20 Nov. 1992.
'° On the latter see Patrice Uhl, ‘Les “Sotes Changons” du roman
de Fauvel (MS
E): la symptomatique
‘The Place of the Lescurel and Fauvel Semi-lyric Pieces in the — rubricateur’, French Studies, 45 (1991), 385-402.
indécision
du
Ardis Butterfield
110
Ill. The Central Semi-Lyric Ensemble Having made so deliberate an announcement of his technical procedures as an interpolator, Chaillou goes on to construct an elaborate sequence of additions that explores the limits of these procedures. The ensemble that follows is itself elaborately symmetrical: at the centre is a ballade (Se j'onques a mon vivant, p.mus. 57, fo. 26'), and adjacent to this a sequence of sixline stanzas; on either side of these are arranged the two semi-lyric compositions. These in turn are framed by the two formally anomalous single-stanza songs mentioned earlier; finally, at the outer edges of this widening circle of pieces, come another sequence of six-line stanzas and a group of formes fixes.’' Summarized
briefly like this, it is clear (I think) that this great wave of interpolated
material, rightly described by Nancy Regalado as a ‘virtuoso display’, forms a complex series of formal curves in which the categories of lyric and narrative constantly shift and develop. The examples of formes fixes provide fixed points at either edge of the ensemble; within it, however, few things are what they seem, so that on the one hand the narrative role of the octosyllabic couplets is both interrupted by refrains and usurped by long strings of sixains, and on the other, lyric forms mutate and, in the case of the piece beginning “Han Diex ou pourrai je trouver’, fragment. ‘Amour dont tele est la puissance’ The key areas of transition occur in the two extended pieces with inset refrains. The first,
described in the Roman as a dit (Dahnk, v. 78), is essentially a dit a refrains, on the model of Jacquemart Giélée’s Renart le Nouvel (with which it has three refrains in common), Tibaut’s Roman de la Poire, or Baudouin de Condeé’s Li Prison d’Amours. There is some ambiguity as
to where the dit in Fauvel begins: Fauvel starts to speak with the words ‘Ma dame aiez pitié de mi’ (Dahnk, v. 59), which are given a minor initial; however, a much larger initial occurs at ‘Amour dont tele est la puissance’ (Dahnk, v. 81) preceded by an illustration. On closer reading, Fauvel’s opening words can be seen to form not the start of the dit, but an introduction to it: Et qui ou cor fort m/atalente Qu’a ce dit trouver mette entente. Je le vous presente, emperial Dame, de fin cueur loial: ‘Amour dont tele est la puissance . . . (Dahnk, vv. 77-81)
From “Amour dont tele est la puissance’ the dit is divided into thirteen approximately equal sections of around forty lines, each of which concludes with a refrain. hi).
+ . . . . It seems that the ensemble was at one stage intended to end _ of the manuscript and its bifolio replaced with fo. 28 dis and ter,
with a (non-musical) complainte, but this was moved to the start
on which is copied the lai Pour recouvrer alegiance (p.mus. 64).
Refrain and Transformation ofGenre
III
The form of this piece is especially hard to determine. Perhaps the closest formal analogy is provided by two pieces by Jehannot de Lescurel that are copied into a later section of the codex, the diz entez sus refroiz de rondeaux, as they are termed in the index. These, ‘Gracieuse, faitisse et sage’ and “Gracieux temps est quant rosier’, consist of nine-line strophic sections, each terminating with a different refrain. The thirteen sections in the Fauvel dit enté are too irregular in length to be considered strophic, yet frequently enough divided by refrains to make their allegiance to narrative a slight one.'’ The piece thus falls directly between the strophic and the non-strophic, and in that sense between lyric and narrative. In addition, since, like the Lescurel dirs, the refrains have musical notation but the intervening ‘narrative’ sections do not, the performing medium of the dit oscillates between the spoken and the sung. Semi-lyric, from this point of view, has two senses: a formal category that is located somewhere between lyric and narrative, and a hybrid character in performance that crosses between song and speech.
‘Han Diex ou pourrai je trouver’ The second semi-lyric piece in Fauvel, ‘Han Diex ou pourrai je trouver’, functions quite differently from ‘Amour dont tele est la puissance’. Briefly, it consists of a pre-existent 14-line motetus part split into consecutive fragments, each of which is used as a ‘refrain’ set at the head of a six-line strophe that amplifies, purely textually, each so-called ‘refrain’: Ainssi en mot choisist et prent Sanz parler a prevost n'a matire.
S’ainssi la bele sanz reprouche, Douce de vis, riant de bouche, En moi choisist et prent sanz bourde, Sanz parler, quar en riens ne touche
A prevost n'a maire, et je couche Ma vie en li, que qui m’en sourde. (Rosenberg—Tischler,
R 6.2, strophe u, p. 100)
A further curious feature of this dismembered voice-part is that six of its lines, which then come to be turned into refrains, are identical with part of the fourth strophe of Nevelon d’Amiens’s Dit d’Amour. This spiralling process of citation continues in fr. 146 itself, for one of these newly created refrain lines is in turn quoted in Jehannot de Lescurel’s dit enté ‘Gracieus temps est’, just as the first line of the piece (“Han Diex ou pourrai je trouver’) acts as the first line in the enté structure of a sotte chanson given later in the manuscript. The whole voice-part, finally, is cited in absentia as it were by the motet Quasi non ministerium | Trahunt '2 Refrain narratives are not an exact precedent for this semi- _ refrains range from five to nine lines, creating a temporarily lyric, since although many have sections interrupted frequently —_strophic effect (Gerbert de Montreuil, Le Roman de la Violette ou by refrains, the spacing of refrains is usually quite irregular. A
rare exception is the opening court scene of the Roman de la Violette where the narrative cues that lie between a series of seven
de Gerart de Nevers, ed. Douglas Labaree Buffum (SATF; Paris,
1928), vv. 104-53).
Ardis Butterfield
112
in precipicial Ve qui gregi |Displicebat (p.mus. 21), given here in a four-part version in which the French text is replaced by one in Latin.” The place and function of the refrains in both these semi-lyric pieces creates puzzlement. Such short snippets of texted music are difficult to grasp as forms either of text or melody:
it is not easy to imagine a performance of either piece that would avoid a strong impression of disruption and disjointedness. Their brevity makes them appear of only slight significance either verbally or musically. This difficulty of interpretation is compounded by the fact that they are the key structuring principle in each piece, and, as I have argued, put into a key
structural position in the manuscript. If we wish to understand the fundamental principles of interpolation and re-formation in fr. 146, then attention to the refrains is vital. This chapter is an attempt to redress the significance of the refrain both to Fawvel and to the development of genre in the fourteenth century. IV. Refrains in Narrative: Precedents for Fauvel The interpolated version of Fauvel has various kinds of literary antecedent. Its relation to thirteenth- and other early fourteenth-century narratives with inset verse has received some comment, most notably in the recent facsimile edition of the manuscript." Yet the subject remains little explored, especially because those who have considered the thirteenth-century narratives most fully have not included Fauvel in their discussions.’’ The sheer size and complexity of Fauvel has been daunting in this respect, and the sense that the work so far exceeds its precedents has inhibited comparison.'® Any assessment of these narrative precedents in relation to Fauvel has to take account of its superlative characteristics; indeed the introduction of Fauvel into the discussion encourages us to consider the precedents themselves in a different light. One feature of Chaillou’s Fauvel that sets it apart from other hybrid narratives is the generic diversity of its inset pieces. The majority of the fifty or sixty thirteenth-century narratives with inset verse contains not a broad spectrum of lyric genres, but a single type of citation: refrains, along with a smaller proportion of rondets. Jean Renart’s Roman de la Rose
(c.1210), usually described as the work that set the fashion for the subsequently very widespread practice of setting songs into narratives, largely on the strength of Renart’s own claims in the Prologue, is quite unusual in its breadth of generic reference. No subsequent narrative until Fauvel itself encompasses so large a variety of genres (among the forty-seven songs in Renart’s Rose some ten genres are represented), and apart from the closely contemporary Roman de la Violette of Gerbert de Montreuil, Les Miracles de Nostre Dame of Gautier de , For full references, see App., refrain nos. 25-35. : Roesner et al, Introduction, III, esp. 17-18.
Fauvelis not mentioned in the index of Huot, From Songto
'° ‘Seen in its entirety, however, the satirical, moral, political, Biblical, or obscene content of the great bulk of the Fauvel
repertory of lyric compositions is quite unlike the corpus of
Book, and receives only cursory description in Maureen B. M. _ material included in most other medieval French works into Boulton, The Song in the Story: Lyric Insertions in French Narra- — which lyrics are inserted’ (Roesner et al. 18). tive Fiction, 1200-1400 (Philadelphia, 1993), 147-52.
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
113
Coinci, and the prose Tristan, no other thirteenth-century vernacular work contains anything approaching its range.’ After Fauvel, the pattern of combining narrative and lyric changes again, in that poets such as Guillaume de Machaut and Jean Froissart set large numbers ofthe new lyric formes fixes into their dits. By contrast, many thirteenth-century narratives cite refrains exclusively, sometimes in very large numbers (there are around sixty-five in Renart le Nouveland forty-nine in Baudouin de Condeé’s Prison d'Amours),"* or else only one or two (as in Galeran de Bretagne or Baudouin’s Li Contes de la Rose).'”
The musical transmission for these inset songs is somewhat patchy. No music exists in the romances for grands chants.” (Musical notation occurs only in the contrafacta sources, that is, in Gautier de Coinci’s Miracles and in a late thirteenth-century Latin work by Adam de la Bassée, based on Alain de Lille’s Anticlaudianus but including thirty-eight musical pieces modelled on trouvére chansons, dance-songs, and a pastourelle.)”' Otherwise, the only lyric genre to be copied with music in thirteenth-century narratives, outside the special case of the Arthurian lai, is the refrain.” The prominence of the refrain in thirteenth-century narrative can be further gauged from Tibaut’s Le Roman de la Poire, the first work in French to combine first-person narrative with refrain songs, and one of the earliest imitations of the Roman de la Rose of Guillaume de Lorris.” The Poire is remarkable for the intricacy with which refrains are woven into the fabric of the text, both in terms of its narrative structure and in its manuscript presentation. Sixteen of its twenty refrains form an acrostic spelling out the name of the lady, an[G]NEs, the
name of the poet-lover, TIBAUT, and finally the word aMors. Many punning allusions to the acrostic are made in the text, so that the refrains form a kind of covert, coded language that
works in parallel with the narrative. The manuscript layout of the poem gives prominent visual attention to each refrain. The most celebrated, fr. 2186, decorates the initial letter of each refrain with exquisitely historiated scenes.”* These are accompanied each time immediately to the right-hand side of the initial with the triple-spaced text of the refrain, the spaces mostly filled in with blank red staves. It is difficult to think of any other thirteenth-century 1
Aiitie prose
Tristan (the oldest manuscript is dated ¢.1230)
Boogaard,
Rondeaux et refrains du XII° siecle au début du
has a quite different generic range ofinset verse, including seven-
XIV" (Paris, 1969), Part III, Section IV; and Friedrich Ludwig,
teen lais, ‘canchons’, ‘vers’, ‘lettres en vers’, ‘devinailles’, and ‘inscriptions’. For the still only partially edited work, see Le
‘Die Quellen der Motetten “altesten Musikwissenschaft, 5 (1923), 214-18.
Roman de Tristan en prose, ed. Renée L. Curtis, 3 vols. (Munich,
(SATE; Paris, 1961); Baudouin de Condé, Li Prisons d'Amours,
* Arthurian lais should perhaps be mentioned as an exception here (seventeen occur with music), but they possess a form that is unparalleled outside Arthurian romance, and hence hardly rank as conventional ‘grands chants’. *' Gautier de Coinci, Les Miracles de Notre Dame, ed. Vernon
1963; Leiden, 1976; Cambridge,
1985); also Philippe Ménard
(gen. ed.), 7 vols. (Geneva, 1987-94).
"8 Jacquemart
Giélée,
Renart
le Nouvel,
ed. H.
Roussel
Stils”’,
Archiv fir
Dits et contes de Baudouin de Condé et de son fils Jean de Conde, ed.
Frederic
Auguste Scheler, 3 vols. (Brussels, 1866-7), 1. 267-377. " Galeran de Bretagne, ed. Lucien Foulet (CFMA; Paris, 1925); Li Contes de la Rose, in Dits et Contes, ed. Scheler, i. 133-46.
Geneva and Lille, 1955-70); Adam de la Bassée, Ludus super Anticlaudianum, ed. Paul Bayart (Tourcoing, 1930).
The lengthiest bibliography of French narratives containing lyrics is that of Boulton, The Song in the Story, app. I. Considerable
tion, are not, of course, ‘lyric’ but narrative.
caution should be exercised, however, over the numbers given for
Nizia (SATF; Paris, 1984).
the inset pieces, as these rely uncritically on normalizing modern editions and are frequently either inaccurate or misleading (for instance, Fauvel is listed as containing one refrain). Shorter, but
* A series of nine large paintings at the start accompany a sequence of introductory alexandrine monologues. Reproductions of the major illuminations in this manuscript are included
more reliable, published listings are given by Nico H. J. van den
by Marchello-Nizia, pl. I-XVIII, 159-78.
Koenig,
4
vols.
(Textes
littéraires
francais;
” The laisses in Aucassin et Nicolette, at first sight an excep* Le Roman de la poire par Tibaut, ed. Christiane Marchello-
114
Ardis Butterfield
manuscript (though fr. 146 surpasses even this) that makes so clear and triply emphatic a distinction (in word, picture, and music) between refrain and context. The ways in which refrains were circulated and exchanged are perhaps most concisely demonstrated by a group of works from the last quarter of the thirteenth century, all associated with Arras. The central figure in this group is Adam de la Halle, whose Jew de Robin et de Marion (c.1283-7) draws extensively and innovatively on refrains. Copied into the same manuscript in which Adam’s collected oeuvre 1s assembled (the ‘Adam de la Halle’ manuscript, fr. 25566, Trouvére MS W) is Jacquemart Giélée’s Renart le Nouvel. This satiric beast
narrative, one of the most direct precedents for the interpolated Fauvel, survives in four copies, dated internally 1288, 1289, 1290, and 1292. Jacquemart was from Lille, about thirty miles from Arras. His Roman, the only member of the large Renart corpus to contain refrains,
employs them in scenes and situations that parallel several other narratives, Le Tournoi de Chauvency by Jacques Bretel, La Court de Paradis, and the anonymous continuation of Mahieu le Poirier’s Le Court d’Amours. All these works share refrains in an intricate network of liaisons.” Certain manuscript connections stand out: for instance, as well as sharing refrains with Le
Tournoi, several of the remaining refrains in Renart le Nouvel appear in ballettes and pastourelles from the Oxford chansonnier Douce 308 (Trouvére MS I), one of the manu-
scripts in which Le Tournoi de Chauvency is copied.” In addition, the physical link between Renart le Nouvel and Adam de la Halle in fr. 25566 is strengthened by the fact that no fewer
than seven refrains in Renart le Nouvel occur in rondeaux by Adam (copied in the same manuscript).”” More spasmodic refrain correspondences draw in Fauvel: thus a single anonymous salut d amour shares refrains in common with all the following works: Le Tournoi de Chauvency, Renart le Nouvel, Le Court d’Amours, Le Jeu de la Feuillée, and Robin et Marion,
together with Le Roman de la Violette, Le Roman de la Poire, and Le Roman de Fauvel.* It seems clear from these cross-references that the authors in this region were drawing upon
a similar stock of refrains. The particular coincidences of citation suggest not so much direct allusion as a common creative method, itself indicative of a wider interest in the process of mixing genres. Their consciousness of the refrain as a separate genre is emphasized by its » Jacques Bretel, Le Tournoi de Chauvency, ed. Maurice
283-308; 98 (1897), 59-80, 343-82; 99 (1897), 77-100, 339-88; 104
Delbouille (Bibliotheque de la Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres
(1900), 331-54. Many similarities exist (as was noted above) be-
de l'Université de Liege, 49; Liége and Paris, 1932); La Court de Paradis, ed. Eva Vilamo-Pentti (Annales Academiae Scientiarum
tween refrains in Le Tournoi and songs from this chansonnier; moreover, it contains twelve refrains from Renart le Nouvel and
Fennicae, Ser. B, 79/1; Helsinki, 1953); Le Court d’Amours de Mahieu le Poirier et la suite anonyme de la ‘Court d’Amours’, ed. Terence Scully (Waterloo, Ont., 1976).
eleven from La Court de Paradis. *” van den Boogaard, Rondeaux et refrains, refrs. 156, 289, 430, 496, 746, 784, and 1074.
*° For descriptions of this well-known MS, see E. Schwan, Die
alifranzisischen
Meyer,
“Troisitme
Liederhandschrifien
rapport
sur
mission
1886);
littéraire
25 Teal Ne Jubinal, in Nouveau recueil de contes, dits, fabliaux et
Paul
autres pieces inédites des XIII’, XIV’ et XV" siécles (Paris, 1839),
en
235—41 (van den Boogaard, Sal. II). It has the form ofan extended
308°, Archives des missions
chanson avec des refrains, with twenty-nine stanzas (varying from
scientifiques et littéraires, 2nd ser., 5 (1868), 154-62 and 21344; and also Arthur Langfors, ‘Mélanges de poésie lyrique francaise, 1V. Grans chans du manuscrit d’Oxford’, Romania, 57 (1931), 312-94. The lyric pieces in this MS have all been diplo-
four to eight lines), each ending with a separate refrain. We know
Angleterre et en Ecosse: D. Douce
une
(Berlin,
matically transcribed by Georg Steffens, ‘Die altfranzésische
little about the provenance and date of the saluts d'amour, but this one at least, by virtue of its refrains, shows that it is likely to be another work from the Lille—Arras region. Adam de la Halle’s
LeJeu de la Feuillée and Le Jeu de Robin et de Marion are edited
Liederhandschrift der Bodleiana in Oxford, Douce 308’, Archiv
respectively by Jean Dufournet
fiir das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen, 97 (1896),
Varty (London, 1960).
(Ghent,
1977) and Kenneth
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
IIs
survival in written copies of these works with musical notation. The presence of music marks the refrains out against the background of the narrative register: physically as well as visually, it estranges the refrain from the rest of the text. Isolated bright-red staves abruptly set into columns of narrative couplets create a visual border between two realms of sound that are in some sense foreign to each other. Not surprisingly, this creates problems for the scribes of the manuscripts, who often give the impression that they are improvising with new kinds of layout under the pressure of copying an unfamiliar combination of genres. Even in Fauvel, the quality of improvisation is not lost so much as presented as an art: few manuscripts are poised so amboyantly between spontaneous innovation and control. One of the most intriguing examples of novel layout is provided by the Renart le Nouvel manuscripts, which possess many idiosyncrasies of presentation that have never been satisfactorily explained. The relations between the refrains, both musically and verbally, are highly complicated in all four manuscripts. No two of the manuscripts contain the same number of refrains (W (fr. 25566) has 65, F (fr. 1593) has 68, L (fr. 1581) has 62, and C (fr. 372) has 59).
Nor do they present the refrains in the same order; some refrains are repeated (although sometimes transposed) within a manuscript, but the particular refrains, and the number of
repeats, vary from manuscript to manuscript. Furthermore, each time a refrain is displaced among the manuscripts, it is given to a different character to sing.” This could explain some of the ways in which the tunes are transposed, since it is possible they were altered to suit a lower or higher voice. But in many cases the refrain is given a different tune as well, to
correspond to the different way in which a refrain text is being used within the narrative. Three of the copies have notation in full; the fourth has empty staves, with just a single
refrain melody sketched in. Of these, fr. 1593 has the strongest appearance of a playbook, with
the names of characters written into the margins by each refrain: as in the unique manuscript of Aucassin et Nicolette, fr. 2168, the refrains are written out with laborious care, implying the
work of a scrupulous, yet also occasionally confused amateur. Perhaps the closest comparison with MS F is the unique copy in the Bibliotheque Municipale at Lille (MS 316, olim 397) of Adam de la Bassée’s Ludus super Anticlaudianum (written between 1279 and 1285). A canon
and priest of the collegiate church of Saint-Pierre in Lille, where he died on 25 February 1286, Adam is highly likely to have had personal and literary connections with Jacquemart Giélée, also from Lille. Adam’s Latin poem is a light-hearted reworking of Alain de Lille’s Anticlaudianus into which nearly forty songs have been introduced, including several contrafacta of chansons by local trouvéres (such as Sauvage de Béthune, Raoul de Soissons, Martin Béquin de Cambrai, Lambert Ferri d’Arras, and Henri, duc de Brabant), two of
unidentified dance-songs, and one each of a pastourelle and motet.”’ The manuscript has a private, provincial feel to it: there are no illustrations, and evidence of much rubbing and » See van den Boogaard, ‘Jacquemart Giélée et la lyrique de son temps’, in Henri Roussel and F. Suard (eds.), Alain de Lille,
Gautier de Chatillon, Jakemart Giélée et leur temps (Lille, 1980), 333-53. For a more extended discussion of van den Boogaard’s
*” The dance-songs are indicated by the following two rubrics and their use of the words baler and chorea: (i) ‘Notula super
__illam quae incipit: De juer et de baler ne quie mais avoir talent’ (no. 121, fo. 29) and (ii) “Cantilena de chorea, super illam quae
argument, see Ardis Butterfield, ‘Interpolated Lyric in Medieval
_incipit: Qui grieve ma cointise se tou lai ce me sont amouretes
Narrative Poetry’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 1988),
cau cuer ai’ (no. 154, fo. 36’).
76-8.
Ardis Butterfield
116
scraping in places. Yet it has clearly been carefully planned, with the Latin narrative in quatrains interrupted by sections of music, each in turn rubricated (where appropriate) with instructions on the source of the melody as well as the name of the character performing the song. Like MS F of Renart le Nouvel, much care has been expended on Lille 316 in terms of scribal corrections, additions, and annotations: indeed the numerous marginal and interlin-
ear glosses (mostly of a learned, explanatory kind) have been conjectured to be by Adam de la Bassée himself.’ One of the most important features shared by these manuscripts is their attention to details of performance. As Andrew Hughes has argued, there are many reasons, such as the varying melodic range of the songs, the casting of the sequence melody Laetabundus as a dialogue, and the use of well-known local trouvere and chant melodies, for
thinking that the Ludus was carefully crafted for public performance.” Despite being in Latin, the work retains close contact with secular vernacular song in a way that is reminiscent of, but in many ways more ambitious than, Gautier de Coinci’s Miracles, and which in turn
forms a highly important precedent for the Roman de Fauvel.” Links between all five of these Lillois manuscripts and fr. 146 are provided by the miniatures in C and L, the character of which implies that the different animal parts in Renart le Nouvel were played by human actors. For there are two types of miniature: those that depict real animals, and those that show animals in quasi-human postures and dress. These last have their closest parallel in the far more finely drawn miniatures of the Fauwvel manuscript.” Looking across a range of manuscripts associated with the Arras region, we find a collective determination both to put genres into new kinds of juxtaposition and to record the results in writing. Given focus by the large annual gatherings of the two poetic guilds, the confrérie and the puy, when poetic festivals were organized with the puys of Ghent, Douai, Tournai, and
Lille, a substantial interest developed in creating aggregate structures of small independent citations in narrative, in such a way as to cause narrative principles to be reinvented. A closer look at Renart le Nouvel may clarify this suggestion further. In particular, considering the practice of refrain citation in this work will help to provide a context for the methods of Chaillou de Pesstain. Renart le Nouvel occurs in two parts, each of which recounts the enmity between Renart the Fox and Noble the Lion. Both parts end with a reconciliation celebrated with a feast. The final scene in the poem depicts the ceremonial entry of Noble’s court into Renart’s castle, Passe-Orgeuil. Groups of refrains are sung during these two feasts,
and in love-scenes between Renart and his three paramours; but the largest concentration of songs (amounting to two-thirds of the total number of refrains) occurs in the final court procession. Here, as in Le Tournoi de Chauvency, miniature scenes are played out between 31
; ; Ludus super Anticlaudianum, ed. Bayart, p. vii.+ They seem
to be in two hands—one
similar to the main
text, the other
(occurring in the later part of the volume) more cursive and informal. The glosses are of many kinds: interlinear, marginal,
boxed. Bayart disputes the catalogue date of 14th-c. in favour of the last quarter of the 13th (p. vii).
* Andrew
Hughes, ‘The Ludus super Anticlaudianum
Adam de la Bassée’, JAMS 23 (1970), 1-25.
of
: ~33 An anonymous contemporary French translation was made of the Ludus, but without music: see Bayart, pp. Ixxixcvi, and Robert Bossuat, “Une prétendue traduction de l’Anticlaudianus d’Alain de Lille’, in Mélanges de linguistique et de littéraire offerts a Alfred Jeanroy (Paris, 1928), 265-77. “ Compare also the marginal illuminations in the Roman d Alexandre, MS Bodley 264.
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
117
pairs of lovers, such as Renart and Hersent the she-wolf, the monkeys Boursee and Symons, ‘Beline le brebis’ and ‘Belins li moutons’. In many exchanges, the affair is complicated by a
third party: thus when ‘Cointeriaus’ (another monkey) overhears Symons sing to Boursee (‘A ma dame servir | ai mis mon cuer et moi’), this is a cause for ‘grant doel’ (6780). Renart le
Nouvel cites refrains in a virtuosic display of reductive comedy. Each refrain, especially in the last procession, performs a highly condensed summation of a miniature psychological drama, drawing on a range of emotions from pique, disloyalty, and petty rivalry to jealousy and accusations of adultery. Each time, Jacquemart exploits the shock of confrontation between the register of the refrain (sometimes ‘aristocratisant’, sometimes ‘popularisant’), the speaker, and the context.” The effect is particularly ambivalent in the long court scenes, where the grandiose, ceremonious setting, peopled by a noisy and often belligerent menagerie of animals, is punctuated by a series of song sketches that mark out the oddness of the relation between animal and court. Fauvel evidently draws much from Renart le Nouvel, particularly in the way that a love narrative is superimposed across an animal satire. Nonetheless, the effect in Fauvel is much
sharper: the quality of the comedy is altered by the wildness of the juxtapositions, and the mingling of human and allegorical characters within the framework of an animal plot creates unease. In addition to this, Chaillou complicates the generic disturbance of his interpolation still further by splicing his animal satire with the foreign genre of the dit amoureux. In this genre, too, the refrain plays a key part in a number of works with interpolated refrains. Fauvel must therefore be compared not only with Renart le Nouvel, but also with a work as apparently dissimilar as Baudouin de Condé’s Li Prison d'Amours. In this extended
allegorical dit (written between
1240 and 1280) of over 3,000 lines,
including forty-nine refrains, the narrative and refrains have a symbiotic relationship, in which the narrative is as much generated by the words and sentiments of the refrains as the refrains are chosen to exemplify the discussion of love in the narrative. As with both semilyric pieces in Fauvel, where the refrains are treated as key phrases to be echoed, elaborated upon, and discussed, Baudouin treats the narrative very much as a verbal gloss on the refrains,
drawing attention to the linguistic support they give to his argument: Ains lor di fine verité,
Si le preuve d’auctorité D’un rondet dont c'est ci li dis: Sa biele boucete, par un tres douc ris A mon cuer en sa prizon mus. (vv. 123-7)
Having quoted this refrain, he comments on the aptness and justness of the sentiments of the person who first composed and sang the song, and remarks on the wittiness of calling the prison of love ‘sa biele boucete': > On these terms, see Pierre Bec, La Lyrique francaise au moyen age (XII‘—XIII° siecles): contribution a une typologie des
genres poétiques médiévaux, études et textes, 2 vols. (Paris, 1977-8), 33-5.
118
Ardis Butterfield Ice expresse il bien et touce, Quant il nomme sa biele bouce. (wv. 136-7)
Then once again he appeals to the refrain’s authority: Par le canchon corendroit dis, M’en deffenc et m’en garandis,
Que jou n’ai pas dite mengoingne; (vv. 207-9)
But this time he caps his appeal with another refrain: La sentensce le retiesmoigne Au recort de ceste cangon: Sa boucete vermillete m‘a mis en sa prizon. (vv. 210-11)
This refrain is remarkably similar to the previous one; indeed it reads as if Baudouin is simply
giving a précis of the one he has just quoted. Yet he tries to use the way it echoes the first refrain as a means of giving further weight to his argument, pointing out solemnly how the two refrains agree: Bien se porsivent et concordent Cil doi rondet et bien s’acordent
A cou que amours ait prizon. (vv. 213-15)
It is difficult to know how ingenuous Baudouin is being, whether he simply brought together two refrains that were happily coincident in phrasing, or whether he deliberately tailored (or even invented) one to match the other.*’ Nonetheless, it seems likely that he is making an elaborate joke in trying to pass off his own variations as examples of apt and witty independ-
ent authoritative opinion. In any event, here, as in Fauvel, we have an example of an author taking advantage of the character of refrains as independent yet closely interwoven forms of speech in order to create the very texture of his narrative. The presence of blank staves in one of the copies of Li Prison d’Amours (just two refrain melodies are filled in) raises questions about the performing medium of the dit. It is not easy to be certain about the role of music in these extended narratives, especially when the written
evidence for music is incomplete. How far should we assume from either the presence or absence of musical notation in the manuscripts that refrains were indeed sung during the course of a narrative? °° The first refrain (Sa biele boucete) is unique to Li Prisons d‘Amours (see van den Boogaard, Rondeaux et refrains, refr.1640),
but the second appears in a chanson avec des refrains (Riso), and has a parallel in the refrain of R1646 (Li debonnaires Diex m’a mis
en sa prison) (see van den Boogaard, refts. 1641 and 1223). For a full reference to R (Raynaud-Spanke), see Appendix, p. 135.
Neither of these songs, however, can be dated with sufficient precision to settle the question of authorship.
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
119
The situation is unlikely to have been one of simple polarities. Clearly the existence of
extensively notated works such as Renart le Nouvel or La Court de Paradis shows that the
concept of awork that passed back and forth between speech and song was a fully elaborated one. It is also clear that the boundaries between the kind of text that was sung and the kind that was spoken were not distinguished according to some concept of the ‘literariness’ of one and the ‘musicality’ of the other: Li Prison d’Amours has so close and flexible a semantic and grammatical relation between the narrative and the inset refrains that it would make the transitions between music and speech very quick and fluid. Likewise, the Poire shows that
refrains can be both integrated in a pointedly verbal way into their narrative context and expected to function as melodies. We know from the widespread citation of refrains in fully musical contexts, such as chansons or motets, that the common
perception of refrains was
formed by their musical as well as verbal characteristics. From this point of view, the lack of musical notation cannot be regarded as an indication in itself that the songs were not intended to be sung. The sporadic nature of the existence of music even within the works that possess it—in only three cases out of some fifty-six thirteenth-century works does music survive in more than one manuscript copy of a single work—means that we should be careful not to interpret the figures too conservatively. For example, in the three manuscript copies of La Court de Paradis, one has notation, but the other two do not even have spaces for staves; if the former had not survived, we might have been tempted to conclude that music was never intended for the work. Similarly, saluts d'amour and complaintes d'amour appear to survive collectively without music; when one realizes, however, that those with
refrains are wholly represented by a single non-musical manuscript (BN fr. 837), the grounds for thinking that music did not feature in these works may turn out to be somewhat restricted. Those manuscripts which contain blank spaces for staves, however, illustrate the delicacy and difficulty of interpreting the written forms of these works. Out of the over 150 manuscripts listed in van den Boogaard, Rondeaux et refrains, three copies possess blank staves; a further nineteen allocate double- or triple-line spacing for the songs, but have no staves.” Where several works have notation (or blank staves) in some copies and spaces for staves in
others, such as Le Restor du Paon, Robin et Marion, and the Roman de la Poire, it is clear that the latter are simply unfinished manuscripts, left for a musically literate scribe to fill in the staves and notation. Yet in other manuscripts the spaces (by definition) are not so easy to read. It could be that in some cases, such as the eight manuscripts of Cleomades, in which the rondeaux are generally copied out with double- or sometimes triple-spacing between the lines, but never once with staves, that the very uniformity of the practice is a sign that each scribe is deafly obeying the written convention of his exemplar rather than that the songs had some ‘original’ notated form in the Roman.” Sometimes, as in the single surviving copy of Le * The total of manuscripts with reasonably secure signs that argument, see Lawrence Earp, ‘Scribal Practice, Manuscript Promusic was intended for the inset songs is forty-nine, or a third of — duction and the Transmission of Music in Late Medieval France: The Manuscripts of Guillaume de Machaut’ (Ph.D diss., the whole group. ** That is, the ‘original’ copy may never have had notation, _ Princeton University, 1983), 166. rather than that all these eight are incomplete. For an analogous
Ardis Butterfield
120
Court d’Amours, BN n. a. fr. 1731, such an erratic line-spacing is given to the refrains that although it might conceivably represent a musically illiterate sanine s attempt to leave space for notation, some other explanation is probably to be sought.” Examples like these suggest that the spaces may be a form of visual marker for the songs, but not necessarily a sign of music itself. It is possible that these particular copies are a witness to a certain degree of flux and uncertainty amongst the scribes about the character of the works they are transcribing. The copies of Baudouin’s Li Prison d’Amours are a test case for interpretation, since although one copy has blank staves, the other does not distinguish the refrains visually from the narrative in any way. It could even be that the two manuscripts indicate two different ways of responding to the dit: one sees it as a piece of purely verbal discourse, the other as a form of discourse that is divided between song and speech. The changing patterns of literacy in the thirteenth century make either possibility viable: what I wish to emphasize here is that the issue is less a matter of trying to decide for one view as against another than of recognizing the extent to which thirteenth-century manuscripts are witnesses to a crisis of representation in the written medium. They represent all the uncertainty, flexibility, and inventiveness of a newly applied medium attempting to record and transmit both song itself and a newly hybrid generic relationship—that between song and narrative. The very instances of inconsistency and ambiguity reveal that the physical process of writing does not merely register perceptions of genre and sound passively, but it also materially alters them. Placing song in the midst of narrative provokes scribes and their audiences into rethinking how song and speech might be distinguished, and indeed whether they should be distinguished. Traces of this deliberation are evident across a whole spectrum of thirteenth-century manuscripts.
V. Refrain Citation:
A Model of Transition
The role of the refrain in this crisis is pivotal. So far this discussion has concentrated on the citation of refrains in narrative. A more familiar context for refrains is that of song. In the usual dictionary definition it is ‘a phrase or verse occurring at intervals, especially at the end of each stanza of a poem or song’.”” Yet in thirteenth-century composition the definition of a refrain widens to a disconcerting degree. It acts formally as a ‘refrain’ in its most generally used sense only within rondeaux, and in a sub-group of chansons. In a large proportion of other works, ranging from motets, chansons avec des refrains, love narratives, sermons, proverb collections, to drama, refrains have a far more flexible formal role. Most distinctively, they are cited not just within works, but across them, the same refrain appearing in as many as six or seven contexts from a variety of genres. In his standard bibliography, van den Boogaard = .
.
All .
the .
;
refrains
it is inconsistent,
have .
along with
:
some
kind .
;
; ‘ ; but — but with only one line left blank before the refrain.
some
are
of spacing, .
the lineation:
thus
cramped into one long line, whereas others are set into two lines,
4
.
OED, s.v. Refrain.
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
121
collects nearly two thousand citations that cross-refer among some 200 rondeaux, 600 chansons, 470 motets, and 56 narrative and didactic works.“!
The primary feature of refrains is thus their mobility: mobility of form, function, and generic athliation. Thirteenth-century authors, in allowing refrains to migrate across genres so freely, present them as no more ‘at home’ in lyric than they are in narrative, but as profoundly transitional elements. One result of this is that the refrain bears an intriguingly disruptive relation to the concept ofgenre in itself. Refrains apparently defy ordinary notions of autonomy. They do not answer easily to any of the criteria that might normally be expected to define a poetic form, a song, or even a genre. They have such irregular patterns of metre and rhyme that in many contexts even their overall length remains an open question; they may or may not occur with music or in musical genres; and they are so short, and variable in function, either as texts or as melodies, that scholars have been reluctant to accord them more than a fragmentary status, let alone regard them as a genre in their own right. At the same time, just as they raise questions about genre by means of their own characteristics, they make connections across so many genres in this period that analysis of even a single refrain allows a glimpse of a much larger creative process. By having so wide a generic base, refrains possess a seemingly unique ability to speak for a whole range of genres. Their passage from work to work and from genre to genre enables them to mix or mediate between genres. It is characteristic of the copious nature of Fauvel that it should contain so many varieties of refrain citation. Tracing all the refrains is an intriguingly indeterminate activity. Their protean character can lead to confusion: for instance, Roesner comments misleadingly that ‘the refrains proper are all unique’, by which he appears to mean the “eleven snippets of motet enté and the twelve sotte chanson fragments’.”” However,
the catalogue in the Appendix,
which numbers fifty-five refrains in total, demonstrates at a glance that refrains may represent, in different contexts, a repeated formal device within a lyric genre, a structural unit within a motet, an autonomous
citation in narrative, a verbal or musical fragment, or a
proverbial or visual motto. Unusually, Fauvel presents all these citational practices within a single work, sometimes, in a powerfully graphic manoeuvre, allowing the same refrain to be
cited in more than one way (‘Han Diex’ is one of the most notable examples: see refrain no. 25). Thus as well as a number of formes fixes in each of the major types—rondeau, ballade, and ‘virelai—Fauvel includes thirty-six independent refrains set directly into the narrative. Among those that are interpolated into the first semi-lyric dit, six out of thirteen are widely attested in other contexts, with concordances among a range of further narratives, motets, chansons, and rondeaux. This draws attention to a further idiosyncrasy of Fauvel, in the way
that it includes a mixture of well-known refrains alongside unica and, in particular, unica that *' Rondeaux et refrains. See also Eglal Doss-Quinby, Les Re-
frains chez les trouveres du XII’ siecle au début du XIV" (New York, 1984). ® Roesner et al. 25. However, earlier (p. 22) Roesner lists the
number of refrains as fifteen, with the sottes chansons and motet
— entérefrains itemized separately (which begs the question of what he considers a ‘proper’ refrain).
Ardis Butterfield
122
form a new sub-genre of refrain as sotte chanson. Altogether, Fauvel shows, in disconcerting juxtapositions, refrains working within narrative, within lyric, and within the semi-lyric and the semi-narrative.
VI. Refrains in Lyric: Semi-Lyric Precedents for Fauvel The disruptive effects of refrain citation are evident in ‘lyric’ just as much as in narrative contexts. The formal function of refrains in the chanson, for instance, subjects it to considerable tensions. There are two main types of refrain songs in the thirteenth century: those in which each strophe is followed by the same refrain (the chansons a refrains), and a much smaller group in which the refrain varies from strophe to strophe (the chansons avec des
refrains). The two groups are thus distinguished entirely by the formal character of the refrain. What is striking about the chansons avec des refrains is the way they have the principle of formal irregularity built into them. More than this, the refrains have a strangely double
role, for, on the one hand, they occupy a formally regulating position, yet, on the other, they disturb the song’s overall formal structure by their unpredictability. The borderland between strophes in a chanson is a highly privileged area; it is a site of change and redefinition.”
Baude de la Quariére (Kakerie), ‘La Chanson de Bele Aelis’ A celebrated song from BN fr. 12615 (the Chansonnier de Noailles) by Baude de la Quariére (Kakerie), known as “La Chanson de Bele Aelis’, is a supreme illustration of this. It is worth considering closely for the sake, first, of understanding how far refrains can break into the
strophic structure of a thirteenth-century chanson, and secondly, for the context it provides for the semi-lyric pieces in Fauvel. It is a pastourelle avec des refrains with a record number of ca
ie
:
pegie
refrains (fifteen) set into its
:
ae:
five strophes, the first of which is given here:
44
Main se leva la bien faite Aelis.
Vos ne savés que li loursegnols dit, I] dist c’amours par faus amans perist. Voir se dist li lousegnols,
Mais je di que cil est fols Qui d’amor se veut partir. Fine amours loiaus Est boene a maintenir. © The problems of transmission in the chansons avec des re-
(eds.), Chanter m’estuet: Songs of the Trouvéres (London, 1981),
frains are considerable: for instance, the music for the refrains is no. 128, 302-5). See Butterfield, ‘Medieval Genres and Modern often incomplete and inconsistent. Thus whereas one copy of | Genre-Theory’, Paragraph, 13 (1990), 184-201 at 197.
Moniot d’Arras’s ‘Dame, ains ke je voise’ (trouvére MS T) gives
separate melodies for the first three refrains (out of five), another
manuscript of the same song gives different music again for refrains I and IV (see Samuel N. Rosenberg and Hans Tischler
“La
Chanson de Bele Aelis par le trouvere Baude de la
Quariére, ed. Rudolf Meyer, Joseph Bédier, and Pierre Aubry
(Paris, 1904).
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
123
Loial amor ai trovee, Ne men partira riens nee.
Et pour cou que j’ai bone amor Keudrai la violete au jour Sour la raime.
Bien doit quellir violete
Qui par amours aime.
Its strophic form is so irregular that its earliest editors were bafHed by it; Meyer, Bédier, and Aubry were the first to realize that the irregularities (and semantic discontinuities) were caused by the presence of a very large number of refrains, placed in the same relative structural position within each strophe. A further difficulty in interpreting the song is caused by the patchy character of the musical notation in the manuscript. Only certain sections are notated: the whole of the first strophe, and then the different refrains, together with odd
strophic lines and half-lines. The music thus seems to confirm the sense of deliberate and extreme discontinuity that characterizes the text, in the way that each strophe is not just concluded by refrains but broken up by them, a feature of the chanson that makes it rare among chansons but comparable to motets and the quasi-lyric/quasi-narrative structures of the saluts and dits. In fact two kinds of grafting take place across the chanson, for, as well as the refrains, the opening strophic sections are partly made up of individual consecutive lines from the core narrative of “Bele Aelis’, that is thus splintered strophically into short fragments. These fragments, in a manner analogous to the refrains in “Han Diex’, can be pieced together to form a ‘complete’ narrative (see Table 5.1).
The “Bele Aelis’ narrative is a stock element of the rondets de carole, many of which are
quoted in Jean Renart’s Roman de la Rose. It also occurs widely in other strophic chansons and motets, and even forms the basis of sermons.”” Nearly every line from Baude de la Quariére’s version can be paralleled, often several lines together. Compare, for instance: van den Boogaard, rondeau 2__—-van den Boogaard, rondeau 8
Main se leva bele Aeliz, Dormez jalous, ge vos en pri— biau se para, miex se vesti, desoz le raim. Mignotement la voi venir cele que j aim.
Main se leva la bien fete Aeliz, par ci passe li bruns, li biaus Robins. biau se para et plus biau se vesti. Marchiez la foille et ge qieudrai la flor. Par ci passe Robins li amorous, encor en est li herbages plus douz.
© ‘Bele Aelis’, along with ‘C’est la jus’, form two principal
topoi in the rondets de carole. From van den Boogaard, Rondeaux et refrains, it can be seen that apart from the sixteen rondets in
Renart’s Rose, the two types also occur in the Lai dAristote (rondeau 17); sermons (rondeaux 42-4); Sone de Nansai (rondeau
45); Meliacin (rondeau 47); rondeaux by Guillaume d’Amiens (rondeaux 92-3); van den Boogaard, rondeau 111 (from the Montpellier MS); rondeaux 159-62 and 164-5 (from BN fr.
12615), and rondeaux 180 and 185 (from BN fr. 12786). That makes a total of thirty-three out of the 198 rondeaux printed by van den Boogaard. Bartsch and Raynaud between them print a further six (different) songs of the “Bele Aelis’ type, and three
songs of the ‘C’est la jus’ type (Karl Bartsch, Altfranzdsische Romanzen und Pastorellen des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1870): see (including some duplications) nos. 80, 85, 87, 88, 90, 93, 102; Gaston Raynaud, Recueil de motets francais. nos. XL,
Ardis Butterfield
124
TABLE 5.1. The strophic incipits of ‘La Chanson de Bele Aelis’ in sequence SE EE
Position (strophe and line)
Text
Textual concordances*
JL, i Il, a JUNE, a IV, 1
Main se leva la bien faite Aelis Bel se para et plus bel se vesti Si prist 'aigue en un doré bacin Lava sa bouche et ses oex et son vis
rondeau 8 rondeau 8; cf. rondeaux 2, 3, 7, 9, 42, 185
Vai
Si s’entre la bele en un gardin
rondeau 42
ie
Keudrai la violete au jour
rondeaux 43, 169, 8; cf. I, 14 (refrain 263),
Pa)
Sour la raime
refrain I9I rondeau 2
“N. H. J. van den Boogaard, Rondeaux et refrains du XII" siécle au début du XIV’ (Paris, 1969).
Baude adds further narrative motifs, such as the nightingale who appears in every strophe to offer thoughts on love, and a flickering sense of dialogue between several voices—the nightingale herself, the first-person speaker, and Aelis—but all these elements are left tanta-
lizingly brief and undeveloped. The effect of fragmenting the narrative in this way is to disturb the concept of ‘chanson’. There is a degree of regularity, in that most strophes possess the same number of lines and the same structural pattern,® but within this there is considerable disunity, not just in terms of metre, rhyme, line length, and melodic mode, but also of pronouns cutting across one another, a proliferation of unattributed and unattributable
voices, and a stretched and discontinuous narrative that succeeds not so much in shaping the song as in disrupting any possibility of sustained reflection. It is characteristic of the piece that its most formally stable element (the first six lines of each strophe) should be the result of an exercise in dismemberment. Baude de la Quariére’s chanson is very much sui generis in its extent; nonetheless, its structural originality reminds us just how flexible the concept of form becomes in the thirteenth century. Form is not abandoned, but pressure is placed on its boundaries through a careful exploitation of unpredictable, even improvisatory elements that create the central formal impetus of a piece through their very irregularity. In this way this type of song epitomises the tension in a refrain’s function between its role XLI, XLII, XLIV). Studies of the “Bele Aelis’ songs include Maurice Delbouille,
‘Sur les traces de “Bele Aélis”’, in Irénée
Cluzel and Frangoise Pirot (eds.), Mélanges dédiés aJean Boutiére, 2 vols. (Liége, 1971), i. 199-218; and also, on their use in sermons, Tony Hunt, ‘De la chanson au sermon: Bele Aelis et Sur larivede
la mer, Romania, 104 (1983), 433-56.
“° Tn fact Meyer et al. exaggerate the regularity: their edition irons out quite a bit of textual and musical disturbance to metre,
number of lines, and melodic mode caused by the refrains, perhaps the most extreme instance of which is their removal ofa line from the second refrain of strophe III.
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
125
as a regulating formal feature of a chanson, and as an irregularly cited, formally disruptive element in narrative. As a result of this double, and in some sense opposing function, refrains
represent a catalyst of change in both lyric and narrative. This occurs because refrains, by
definition, work on the edge: on the margins of strophes, their presence in narrative creates
pseudo-strophic boundaries that confuse the divisions between the strophic and the nonstrophic, lyric and narrative, speech and melody. Saluts d'amour
No genre demonstrates this fluidity more pertinently in relation to Fauvel than the saluts damour. This genre is remarkable for the way in which it modulates freely between the categories of lyric and narrative. The (largely anonymous) poets perform this not by some compromise compositional principle that simply blurs any distinction between the two, but by taking two different paths in which formal distinctions are articulated in quite distinct ways. As a group they show remarkable formal diversity: in the narrative sa/uts refrains can be set into the pieces in a wide range of ways, while the strophic group varies considerably in length and number of strophes.”’ Two of the latter (Salut IT and Li Confrere d’Amours) have quatrains of alexandrines, each quatrain ending in a different refrain; another (Salut ) has fourteen onzains in octosyllabic rimes plates, ten of which end with rondeaux, the remaining four with refrains. In the case of Salut ITI, the form of the strophes even varies internally, since of the forty strophes, each ending again in a different refrain, the first five are seven-line, the
rest five-line.“* The closest formal equivalent to these strophic saluts is the chanson avec des refrains, although the number of strophes in the latter rarely rises above seven. Complainte I also recalls a lyric genre, since, like the motet enté, it is framed by a refrain at the start and at the end. Several end with strophic envoys; La Complainte Douteuse is interrupted by five strophic interludes before ending with a complete five-strophe song and envoy. Such greatly extended chanson structures are complemented by the narrative sa/uts and complaintes, which, conversely, are like abbreviated dits a refrains. Salut Ia, for example, in d'Amours is described as a salut in the text (v. 1750). A salut
* Paul Meyer, ‘Le Salut d’Amour dans les littératures provengale et francaise; mémoire suivi de huit sa/uts inédits’,
preserved in the “La Clayette’ MS is of particular interest in the
BEC 28 (1867), 124-70. For the numbering of the Sa/uts and Complaintes, | follow van den Boogaard. Saluts I and Ia, and
shown by Richard O’Gorman to be made up entirely of patch-
light of the fractured character of ‘Han Diex’ since it has been
Complainte 1, are edited by Meyer; Salut II by A. Jubinal,
work
Nouveau receuilde contes, dits &c., 2 vols. (Paris, 1839-42), il. 235—
d'Amour from the La Clayette Manuscript Attributed to Simon’,
41; Salut WI by Oskar Schultz-Gora, Zertschrift fiir romanische Philologie, 24 (1900), 358-69; and Complainte Il by Henri
Monfrin, “Pieces courtoises du xm siecle’, Revue de linguistique
Omont, Fabliaux, dits et contes (Paris, 1932; repr. Geneva, 1973), fos. 355'-362". D'Amour et de Jalousie, ed. Edmond Faral, Romania, 59 (1933), 333-50; Li Confrere d'Amours, ed. Arthur Langfors, Romania, 36 (1907), 29-35; La Flour d’Amours, ed. Joseph Morawski, Romania, 53 (1927), 187-97; Le Débat du clerc et de la damoiselle, ed. Alfred Jeanroy, Romania, 43 (1914), 1-17; Nevelon Amiot, Dit d'Amour, ed. Alfred Jeanroy, Romania, 22 (1893), 4570. In addition, one of the dits in Nicole de Margival’s Panthere
borrowings
from
lais in the prose
Tristan (“The Salut
Romance Philology, 20 (1966), 39-44); the salut is edited by M. J. romane, 34 (1970), 133-48). There is also a group of twenty 13thc. occitan saluts, of which four present strophic divisions; see Pierre Bec, ‘Pour un essai de définition du salut d’amour’, Estudis romanics, 9 (1961), 191-201 at 199. 8 A similar oddity occurs in Salut IT, which has a single odd
strophe of eight lines plus a one-line refrain amongst the usual pattern of four- or five-line strophes.
Ardis Butterfield
126
rimes plates, has just one refrain in the middle, whereas D'Amour et de Jalousie has twenty refrains in two sequences towards the end. A couple illustrate considerable formal instability, such as ‘Ma douce amie, salut, s'il vous agree’ (Meyer, no. 8), which shifts from a seven-line
ten-syllable opening (rhyming ababbab) to twenty monorhyming alexandrines, to a final group of eight ten-syllable lines rhyming ababbaab. All these shifts are signalled in the explicit
to the poem, which reads: ‘Explicit requeste d’amors et complainte et regres’. They recall the formal variety of the Roman de la Poire, which has several features in common with a salut structure. The four messengers of Amour, named Beauté, Courtoisie, Noblesse, and Fran-
chise, all offer saluts (see vv. 841, 862, 896, 950, 952, 1017), and as well as the twenty-odd
refrains (of varying metre) set into its octosyllabic couplets the poem begins with twelve twenty-line songs in alexandrine couplets. None of these pieces, then, quite shares the precise mixture of regularity and irregularity of the Fauvel dit structure. On the other hand, there are instances of formal transpositions
and of the setting of strophic songs alongside refrains that are close to the kinds of movement taking place across the whole ensemble in Fauvel from fo. 23° to fo. 27°. Textually, there are further points of contact, in that it is characteristic of many of the sa/uts to set up an intimate structural dialogue between the strophic or narrative lines and the inset refrains. Sometimes the impending quotation of a refrain is suggested in advance, at others the timing of a refrain enables a point to be made more forcefully, to be summarized, or capped with an epithet. The strophic sa/wss, in particular, turn the fluid, prospective, and retrospective technique in the narrative sa/uts of internal commentary between ‘narrative’ and refrain (a similar technique to that of Baudouin de Condeé’s Li Prison d’Amours), into a tight, rhetorical patterning
of concatenation: J ai, j ai amoretes au cuer qui me tienent gay.”
Gay me tient amors et joli et tout mon cuer a Si saisi... (Sal. IIL, 8-11)
Compare these two passages from the first semi-lyric piece in Fauvel: ss
/
.
“5
J'ai amé et touz iourz amerai.” Jamerai certes voirement . . (Dahnk, wv. 114-15)
and: Tout le cuer m’en rit de ioie, quant la voie. Resbaudir ma doit bien et rire Le cuer de ioie, ce puis dire, Quant ma douce dame regart. (Dahnk, vv. 176-9) 49
van den Boogaard, refr. 935. ” Tbid., refr. 906: concordances in Renart le Nouvel 6764;
R59; Sal. I, refr. 27 (for full references see van den Boogaard, or below, App., no. 11).
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
iz,
One final parallel to the structure ofthe larger Fauvel ensemble is that several sa/uts fall into two halves, the formal address by the lover paired with a reply from the lady (for example, Meyer, no. 3, Salut II, D'Amour et de Jalousie), creating a dialogue structure. Likewise, through his ‘addicions’, Chaillou turns a monologue for Fortune in the original Roman into a dialogue. Through dialogue, the saluts also recall the débats amoureux in two more works of mixed genre, Perceforest, and Le Roman de Cassidorus.”' A neglected genre in modern terms, the formal instability of the saluts deserves to be reassessed in relation to larger trends in the thirteenth century, as an innovative and radical attempt to revise the formal boundaries of lyric writing.
VII. Lyric and Narrative: The Revision of Boundaries in Fauvel Against the very full background of writing in mixed genres in the thirteenth century Chaillou de Pesstain’s version of Fauvel seems less singular but all the more hyperbolical. Fauvel is part of a large movement towards re-examining and realigning the categories of lyric and narrative that begins early in the previous century. The high degree of self-consciousness in the layout of the manuscript, the use of initials, pictures, staves, notation, and rubrics to create a complex commentary on the art of categorization has a much earlier precedent in the Roman de la Poire, and is also recognizably part of a process of increasing attention to the mechanics of writing that is prominent among puy-inspired authors from the 1270s to 1290s. Similarly, the principle of formal diversity and disjunction is widely explored by thirteenthcentury authors, especially through inventive forms of refrain-citation. In many manuscripts
before fr. 146 we see scribes and authors working out the implications of setting one genre into another, or of creating liaisons between unlikely partners of text and melody. At the same time, fr. 146 stands apart from precedent in the sheer density of its inclusiveness: it represents a kind of summa of all previous attempts to reflect on generic difference. For this reason, it thus also alerts us to the ways in which writing in mixed genres during the thirteenth century cannot itself be neatly categorized. Any attempt to think of narratives with lyric insertions as a separate tradition has failed to learn, through Fauvel, how broad the base of generic experimentation is in the period, how wide a definition of ‘narrative’ and ‘lyric’ is reached, and how it includes melodies as well as poetic texts, and melodies and texts in many kinds of relation to each other. The presence in Fauvelofso many techniques of grafting and interleaving genres draws attention to the formal techniques of works now on the periphery of modern interests in the period, such as chansons avec des refrains or saluts d'amour, in which a persistent re-evaluation of lyric and narrative takes place. The interpolated Fauvel is an archetype of transition. A catalogue of ‘addicions’ records multiple acts of transformation across the border from the Ars antiqua to the Ars nova. In the heart of the work, Chaillou sets down his signature to mark the place of an interpolation 5! See Robert Bossuat’s discussion in ‘Un débat d’amour dans le roman
de Cassiodorus’,
in Etudes romanes dédiées
a Mario
Roques (Paris, 1946), 63-75. The Roman de Cassidorus also con-
tains a six-line salut d'amours (see the edition by Joseph Palermo, 2 vols. (SATF; Paris, 1963-4), 1. 193).
128
Ardis Butterfield
within an interpolation, a transition within a transition, in the form (or half-form) of the
semi-lyric. The semi-lyrics are themselves structured around the key transitional element of the refrain, an element which itself undergoes transition as it mutates from the first semi-lyric to the second. The ensemble begins with ‘Providence, la senee’, a virelai (in form) described in the text
as a ‘balade’. This is followed by a formally anomalous single-stanza song, “En chantant me veul complaindre’. Half-way down the first column of fo. 24’, and introduced by a picture of Fauvel addressing Fortune, is placed the introduction to the first semi-lyric (see Fig. sir) aidiae
semi-lyric itself has pride of place on the page at the top of the centre column, with another picture and a large initial. Both picture and initial are unusual: this courtship episode is the only section of the manuscript in which musical interpolations are illustrated, and this size and type of initial occurs elsewhere only to mark the book divisions and the lai on fos. 28 zs and ter. The semi-lyric (Amour dont tele est la puissance’) now extends over the next opening and the verso of fo. 25, where the last refrain serves as the lower boundary of one page and the upper boundary of the next (fo. 26'), crossing the border between one folio and another. It is worth remarking how the refrains also define the side margins of the semi-lyric,
in the way that they frequently break out beyond the edge of the columns. We have now reached the centre of the ensemble, and this is marked appositely by a true forme fixe, the ballade ‘Se j’onques a mon vivant’, and a frontal picture of Fauvel being crowned as king (see below, Fig. 13.9). From here the narrative octosyllabic couplets are transformed into seventeen sixains, each with a flourished initial, which fill up the remaining
two columns on the page. This allows the next page turn to uncover the second semi-lyric, ‘Han Diex ou pourrai je trouver’. This, like “Amour dont tele est la puissance’, is given visual prominence by its position on the page and the use of pictures, one at the start and another at the end to frame it (see below, Fig. 6.3). Once again, the illumination is unusual, in this
case because it is the only occasion in the manuscript where Fauvel is depicted with both his bestial and his human face on the same page. It would be difficult to imagine a more direct way of giving visual support to what must be the most intensely hybrid piece in the entire compilation. Even more so than in the first semi-lyric, the refrains break up the orderliness
of the page: varying considerably in length, one dangles over the edge of a column and disturbs the layout of the following strophic text, two others are so brief that they do not fill the line. Octosyllabic narrative is again suspended after ‘Han Diex’ in favour of a long sequence of sixains: visually the march of initials on the right-hand page matches the crowded array of initials for the semi-lyric on the left. Finally, the whole ensemble (in effect, a single utterance by Fauvel) is brought to an end on fo. 27° with a cluster of formes fixes: a second formally unique single-stanza song, two ballades, a ‘virelai’, and a rondeau, all of which fill the entire
page. The suspension, even cessation, of narrative is characteristic of the ensemble: only twenty
lines or so of narrative rimes plates occur (as the introduction to ‘Amour dont tele est la
puissance’) in eight sides of manuscript folio. The Roman is effectively ceasing to function as
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
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a roman, and this takes place through a series of devices of interpolation that have been a
characteristic of the roman genre for nearly a hundred years. Such a concatenation of interpolations leaves virtually no interstices of narrative to act as a frame for the inset pieces: in that sense the whole ensemble functions as a single lyric interpolation. We could say, in other words, that lyric takes over as the dominant mode of the ensemble. This is clearly not a simple process, because the sequence offers such an improvisatory play of different and novel forms, each merging into each other and yet at the same time knocking abruptly against one another. The link between all these dissonant elements is the refrain, for it occurs both in the form of separate citations and as a structural component of the semi-
lyrics and the formes fixes. Its status in “Han Diex’, in the work that Hoepffner wittily called
130
Ardis Butterfield
a motet farci, is more difficult to describe. “Han Diex’ is a strange case of citation in that it seems to turn the grafting procedure inside out. The refrains are not grafted into the work so
much as created out of a process of splitting apart another. The performance of this piece, a curious melée of the spoken and sung, would have a double disjointedness for anyone who knew the original motet, in the way that the original musical frame is broken up by speech. This piece, and ‘Amour dont tele est la puissance’, together form an extended exploration of the boundaries between song and speech, speech being used to interrupt, yet also to echo and reinforce song. Themselves a mixture of song and speech, the refrains generate a passage of strictly equivocal status at the centre of the Roman. Both semi-lyric compositions in Fauvel are marginal works that modern editors have found difficult to classify and even to print. There is still no means, other than the manuscript itself, of reading the first one in its complete state of hybridity, as a work of song and speech. Such an ensemble, at the heart of the Roman, mimics in smaller compass the techniques of the whole, profoundly concerned as they are with scrutinizing the nature of boundaries—musical, textual, visual, and spatial. The refrain, at the heart of the ensemble,
is a kind of synecdoche, in a double sense: it figures as a part for the whole precisely because it is also representing the whole for part. This is shown most clearly in “Han Diex’, where the sense of a song as a whole, through a process of deliberate fragmentation, creates many smaller units of song that each begin to function autonomously. Discussing ““High” and “Low”: the medieval grotesque’, Aron Gurevich writes: ‘In this ceaseless movement from opposition to blending, and from blending to opposition lies the force field of the activity of “grotesque thinking”.’” Neither exactly external nor internal to a work in which they occur,
refrains play out the polymorphous clerical procedures by which different media, different contexts, and different genres at once collide and are mutually transformed. Marginal genres (in modern terms) such as the salut, the chanson avec des refrains, and the
motet are revealing of the kinds of detailed, local revisions to the structure of song and narrative that begin to precipitate the very large changes in the character of French song, and indeed narrative, that take place across the border of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
The pressures under which song and narrative are placed in all these works, brought about by allowing small units of text and melody to have a powerfully disrupting effect on form, metre, rhyme, and semantic continuity, create conditions by which the notion of category itself comes under threat. Fauvel is the last work in which independent refrains are cited in any number: in its pages the refrain reaches its culmination, but also its ultimatum. Fittingly,
a refrain provides the last word of the Roman, ina final bacchic exclamation by the narrator.”° The interpolated Fauvel offers tantalizing suggestions about the radical shifts in lyric form of the early fourteenth century. It represents a pattern for change in the sense of being both * Aron Belief and
Gurevich, Perception,
Medieval Popular Culture: Problems of tr.
Janos
M.
Bak
and
Paul
» This refrain is also given special mention by being the last
A. — item in the original index to the book (other refrains, though
Hollingsworth (Cambridge, 1988), 207. For some reservations _ included as a category among the generic headings of the index about the term ‘grotesque’, see Michael Camille, Image on the (‘Rondeaux, balades, et reffrez de Chancons’), are not listed there Edge: The Margins ofMedieval Art (London, 1992), 12.
separately).
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
131
model and witness. Apart from this central ensemble and the later group of sottes chansons (in many ways comparable to the semi-lyrics), the corpus of French monophonic songs contained within Fauvel is exclusively constituted by uniquely early attestations of the new currency of fixed forms. In the centre of his book, Chaillou creates space for a transitional passage in which the process of change in lyric form is at once closely scrutinized and painstakingly manifested. He thus registers, with extraordinary sensitivity, a moment of cultural transition. Through its movement from one half-fixed genre to another, the semilyric ensemble shows in miniature a gradual fixing of form. There is a tendency to view French refrains as the scraps and debris left by a fading older lyric tradition, or else romantically, by scholars of the generation of Joseph Bédier and Alfred Jeanroy, as precious remnants of a lost golden age of folk oral culcure.” The study of the refrains in Fauvel stimulates a more radical understanding of their role. Rather than see them merely as pieces of verbal and musical litter, strewn untidily over thirteenth- and early fourteenth-century French writing, or even as rare nuggets of dance-song hiding nostalgically in romance descriptions of festive court scenes, I suggest they perform a key (though as yer still not fully narrated) function in one of the largest and most comprehensive generic shifts of the period. The wayward progress of the refrain through the central interpolated sequence in Fauvel finishes with it incorporated and contained within the full range of formes fixes: rondeau, virelai (at least in prototype), and ballade. Two decades later, in Machaut’s Remede de Fortune, the independent refrain is given one last utterance (without music) as the final item
in a list of newly defined lyric forms. By this citation, Machaut recognizes the historic identity of the refrain, and yet by categorizing it so consummately, sets it in amber, as a dead letter. In Fauvel, by contrast, the refrain still retains its power to move, as a form of writing poised on the border.
APPENDIX
Catalogue of Refrains in Le Roman de Fauvel, BN fr. 146 The following catalogue comprises a full listing of the refrains in the fr. 146 copy of Le Roman de
Fauvel. A refrain catalogue presents a special challenge since the refrain is as much a musical as a textual entity, and the melodies and texts are equally common currency, cited across a huge range of sources in medieval musical and literary genres.” For the first time, the corpus of refrains in Fauvel is presented in its entirety with both texts and melodies indexed and concordanced.”° * The great pioneering work on refrains by these two scholars is best approached through two articles by Joseph Bédier, ‘Les Fétes de mai et les commencements de la poésie lyrique au
Leech-Wilkinson in the preparation of this catalogue. On the difficulties of defining refrains, see Ardis Butterfield, “Repetition and Variation in the Thirteenth-Century Refrain’, Journal of the
Plus Anciennes Danses francaises’, Revue des deux mondes, 31
Royal Musical Association, 116 (1991), 1-23. *° The two major refrain bibliographies are for texts, van den
(1906), 398-424, and Alfred Jeanroy, Les Origines de la poésie
Boogaard, Rondeaux et refrains, and for melodies, Gennrich’s
Moyen Age’, Revue des deux mondes, 35 (1896), 146-72 and ‘Les
lyrique en France au Moyen Age (3rd edn., Paris, 1925).
Rondeaux,
» Tam grateful for the generous help and advice of Margaret Bent, Suzannah Clark, John Stevens, and, in particular, Daniel
Gennrich, however, is idiosyncratic and inconsistent, and the
Virelais und Balladen (see below for full reference).
two bibliographies do not adequately complement each other.
Ardis Butterfield
132
The criterion for inclusion of refrains within this catalogue encompasses both independent citations and those within rondeaux, motets, and other ‘host’ genres. Compiling both textual and musical listings has therefore involved extracting lines from their contexts and presenting them as individual units that can then be cross-referred to other medieval sources. I have endeavoured to be as faithful to the manuscript version of the refrains as possible, hence the texts have been freshly transcribed from the manuscript with minimal alteration and following the manuscript’s layout closely. The musical readings of the refrains, prepared with the assistance of Daniel Leech-Wilkinson and Suzannah Clark, likewise follow those of Fauvel, other
sources may differ considerably. The Fauvel notation is read following the principles set out in the Ars nova treatises, and with original note-values reduced by a factor of eight (breve becomes crotchet, etc.). I have presented the music without barlines, except at the end of each refrain
(where appropriate) and to indicate the presence of rests. Altered breves are indicated above the stave; likewise, where the rhythm has been corrected, the manuscript reading is shown. Plicas are noted in the usual way, namely with a slur and a stroke through the second note. Refrain citation presents a bewilderingly complex network of concordances. Sometimes both text and music will be re-cited together, in another context only the text or, conversely, only the music. Moreover, all these citations take place with greater or lesser degrees of variation, in some cases prompting the question of whether this is a re-citation of a single refrain, or effectively the citation of a new refrain.” In following the layout of the manuscript, I have identified the refrains according to the differentiation made by the scribe/author, which has thus involved ascribing a separate number to each of the fragments of “Han Diex’, in place of the inconsistent treatment
in van den Boogaard and Rosenberg—Tischler. For ease of reference, where there is any discrepancy, van den Boogaard’s number is given in brackets alongside the relevant number in this catalogue. No. 22 is written out as two refrains in the manuscript, even though the sense of the second text line cannot stand independently of the first: I have described it as 22a and 22b, to indicate both that it cannot be regarded as two separate refrains, and yet to respect the scribe’s mise en page. In addition, I have given a separate number (no. 42) to the repeated (but not identical) citation of “Han Diex’ later in the manuscript (the line is paired with a different refrain line). There are a few other cases where refrains are repeated within the Roman: nos. 3 (text and melody), 6 (text only), 7 and 8 (melody only), 17 and 18 (melody only, in part). All these partial
repetitions are catalogued separately except no. 3, the exact repetition of which in a later motet I have categorized as a repeated occurrence of a single refrain, rather than a distinct refrain. (Three
refrains, nos. 6, 33, and 38, recur with the same texts and melodies in the dits entés of Jehannot de l’Escurel copied later in the same codex.) The total number of refrains in this catalogue thus comes to 55. Of this number, 36 are independent citations, and 22 have concordances outside fr. 146.
The fr. 146 version of Fauvel is unusually comprehensive in its presentation of musical notation for refrains, thus making it a particularly useful subject for such a catalogue.” Only one refrain occurs in the narrative without music: no. 41 has blank staves in its position in the af Butterfield, ‘Repetition and Variation’. *
This differs from van den Boogaard, 322-3, who numbers
» The only narrative resource for refrain melodies of greater proportions is Renart le Nouvel, which cites over a hundred
50, although one of these is caused by an error in his own _ different refrains across the four manuscripts, often with more transcription (see his no. 39). than one melody for a single text.
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
133
narrative, and is also written in without staves into the scroll held by Fortune in the illumination on fo. 28¢er’, clearly conceived as a visual retort to Fauvel’s scroll on the previous page. A second refrain (no. 26, part of the semi-lyric ‘Han diex’), the single word ‘Conseil’, has no music (or even
blank staves) separately assigned to it in its position between strophes; however, its portion of music is in fact incorporated at the end of the previous refrain.” In this catalogue the textual concordances use the style in van den Boogaard, following the order in which he lists them (rondeau, chanson, motet, roman), and his shorthand for the types of citation (see Rondeaux et refrains, 22-4). For the musical concordances I have given references to the manuscript and folio locations, and have also indicated whether or not the melody is the same as, related to, or different from the melody given in fr. 146. In the case of chansons avec des refrains, even where music survives (and is listed as doing so in Robert Linker’s bibliography), it is usually given for the first strophe only, leaving subsequent refrains without notation (see no.
17); this is a common hazard in the transmission of this genre, and in bibliographical accounts of it.” Further questions arise in the lineation and punctuation of refrains. The form of a refrain is often very hard to determine. Context sometimes makes it clear, but even then refrains often cut irregularly across the metre and rhyme of a ‘host’ genre. In Fawvel, the refrains are usually written as prose, with occasional punctuation in the text and rests in the music. For the sake ofclarity and simplicity, I have divided refrains only on the grounds of matching the metre and/or rhyme scheme of the ‘host’ (nos. 1-4, 7-9, 27; 35-6, 40, 43, 44), or, in the case of two independent refrains, on the basis of internal rhyme (nos. 22, 23). I have also indicated the kind ofinitial given
to each refrain to give some sense of the relative importance ascribed to the refrains in the overall ordinatio of the manuscript.” The refrain is an elusive and enigmatic genre, and the fr. 146 version of Fauvel is characteris-
tically sensitive, visually and aurally, to these qualities. It shows the full spectrum of refrain citation: as a repeated formal device in the fixed forms, as a constructional element in motets, as an independent citation in narrative, as a verbal or musical fragment of a pre-existing song, or as
a visual motto. It therefore poses questions that invade the procedures of a catalogue such as this even while it is being compiled. Naturally, there are citations that exist on the periphery and beg to be included, even marginally. Among these may be mentioned the interesting case of a refrain in the making occurring within the visual dynamics of the manuscript: the words ‘Venez au cors!’, which form the last line of the ninth strophe (fourth versicle) of the lai Pour recouvrer alegiance
(p.mus. 64), are written on the scroll held by Fauvel (fo. 28 ter’) in the miniature drawn between
strophes IXd and Xa (see Dahnk 160). The practice of writing mottos on scrolls occurs in other manuscripts, such as in the four large pictures in the frontispiece of the BL Royal 19. B. xiii copy of the Roman de la Rose.°’ This ‘refrain’ is not included in the catalogue, whereas the ‘refrain’ in 60 This refrain seems to have been incompletely transcribed. See commentary to no. 26.
narratives, see Ardis Butterfield, “Mise en page in the Troilus Manuscripts: Chaucer and French Manuscript Culture’, in Seth
®! Robert White Linker, A Bibliography of Old French Lyrics
Lerer (ed.), Reading from the Margins: Textual Studies, Chaucer,
(University, Miss., 1979). As the cross-references between this catalogue and Linker’s are few and sporadic, I have not listed them. ° Bor further discussion of the mise en page of refrains and other song genres in the manuscripts of 13th- and 14th-c. French
and Medieval Literature = Huntington Library Quarterly, special issue, 58 (1996), 49-80.
°® Examples of the mottos include ‘Lasse iai failli a ioie’ and ‘Lonc temps servi ay’.
Ardis Butterfield
134
the corresponding scroll held by Fortune is—even though the latter might be better described as
a proverb. Nevertheless, it is only in the context of a catalogue such as this that such distinctions may be explored. The catalogue comprises the following elements:
Number:
This corresponds to the order in which the refrains appear in the Fauvel section of fr.
146. Van den Boogaard’s numbering (pp. 322-3) is given in parentheses. Fo.: For ease of reference, columns (a, b, and c) have been noted as well as the page (recto and
verso). Where a refrain starts in one column and continues in a second, this is indicated by fo. ae : eG 45°“; where the refrain is written across two columns, by fo. 45°. Text: Texts of refrains are freshly transcribed from the manuscript, and hence do not always
correspond exactly with those given in van den Boogaard (who edits the texts of refrains according to different principles; see van den Boogaard 21-2). Occasional differences from
Rosenberg—Tischler are noted. Editorial alterations are confined to capitalization of proper names, expansion of abbreviations, and occasional line-division (see introduction above). Suggested emendations are given in square brackets if they are to supply an omission in the manuscript, or stated in the notes, in the case of corrections.
Initial. Here I indicate the size and type of initial given to the refrain in the manuscript. van den Boogaard: Numbering in Nico H. J. van den Boogaard, Rondeaux et refrains du XII siécle au début du XIV’ (Paris, 1969). Editions.
Reference is made to the following further editions, in order:
Dahnk
respectively her piece musicale number (p.mus.), refrain number (ref.), or paragraph number (§) with page and line references, or sotte chanson number (SC). R=0 Rosenberg—Tischler Sch. Schrade, Fauvel (cited by page) Gennrich — Friedrich Gennrich, Rondeaux, Virelais und Balladen aus dem Ende des XII., dem
XIII. und dem ersten Drittel des XIV. Jahrhunderts, mit den iiberlieferten Melodien, 3 vols. (vol. i: Gesellschaft fiir romanische Literatur, 43 (Dresden, 1921); vol. ii: Gesellschaft fiir romanische Literatur, 47 (Géttingen, 1927); vol. iii: Das altfranzdsische Rondeau und Virelai im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert (Summa musicae medii aevi, 10; Langen bei Frankfurt, 1963)). Vols. i and ii are given as FG i and FG ii. The more discursive third volume is not referred to in this catalogue. The
material in these volumes is idiosyncratically arranged. FG i presents a full numbered series of pieces, with music; FG ii has an index of refrain texts at the
back, and also a further arrangement of supplementary material keyed to FG i.
Here, I give a reference to the full piece in FG i, where it exists, followed by Gennrich’s index number for the refrain, and a page reference to FG ii to any See Joseph Morawski (ed.), Proverbes fran¢ais antérieurs au XV° siecle (CFMA; Paris, 1925), no. 790.
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
135
further editorial material for that refrain and its concordances. If music is supplied for the latter, this is noted. Langfors Hoepftner
Langfors, review of Dahnk, in Neuphilologische Mitteilungen, 37 (1936), 58-65 E. Hoepftner, “Chanson frangaise du xii‘ siecle’, Romania, 47 (1921), 367-80
Host genre: A description (where applicable) of the genre of piece in which the refrain occurs. All
pieces are monophonic unless otherwise indicated. In the case of motets, I note whether the refrain is part of the tenor (T), motetus (M), or triplum (Tr).
Voice: An indication of the singer (or speaker) of each refrain within the narrative. Concordances : The other contexts (where they exist) of each refrain, based on van den Boogaard,
updated and enlarged where appropriate. The key to the references is as follows: Adam
Adam de la Halle, Dit damour, ed. A. Jeanroy, “Trois dits d’amour’ du xu‘ siécle’,
Chauv.
Jacques Bretel, Le Tournoi de Chauvency, ed. M. Delbouille (Bibliothéque de la
Romania, 22 (1893), 45-70
Esc.
Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres de Université de Liége, 49; Liége and Paris, 1932) Jehannot de Lescurel, Chansons, ballades et rondeaux de Jehannot de l'Escurel, ed. Anatole de Montaiglon (Paris, 1855), refrain no. For editions of the music for Lescurel, see Balades, rondeaux et diz entés sus refroiz de rondeaux, ed. F. Gennrich (Summa musicae medii aevi, 13; Langen bei Frankfurt, 1964); and Wilkins, Lescurel Friedrich Gennrich, Bibliographie der diltesten franzisischen und lateinischen Motetten (Summa musicae medii aevi, 2; Darmstadt, 1958). First-line references to
motet voice-parts is given ‘top down’ in the order quadruplum, triplum, motetus, tenor. The abbreviation indicates that the refrain that it is inserted within The Montpellier Codex, Hans Tischler (ed.), The of the Middle Ages and Mor
Nevelon Ovide Par.
Pelerin
déb. (from van den Boogaard) stands for début, and occurs at the start of the voice-part; int. (intérieur) means the part (see van den Boogaard 23) Montpellier: Faculté de Médecine, H 196. Number from Montpellier Codex, 4 vols. (Recent Researches in the Music Early Renaissance, 2-8; Madison, Wis., 1978-85)
J. Morawski (ed.), Proverbes francais antérieurs au XV" siecle (CFMA; Paris, 1925) Nevelon Amiot, Dit d'Amour, ed. A. Jeanroy, “Trois dits d'amour’
Traduction et commentaire de l’Ars amatoria d’Ovide, ed. B. Roy, L’Art d’Amours (Leiden, 1974) (folio nos. of BN f. fr. 881 given) La Court de Paradis, ed. E. Vilamo-Pentti (Annales Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae, B 79/1; Helsinki, 1953) Adam de la Halle, Le Jeu de Robin et de Marion, précédé du Jeu du Pelerin, ed. K. Varty (London, 1960)
G. Raynauds Bibliographie des altfranzdsischen Liedes, neu bearbeitet und erganzt von Hans Spanke, i (Leiden, 1955; repr. with index, 1980) Jacquemart Giélée, Renart le Nouvel, ed. H. Roussel (SATF; Paris, 1961) van den Boogaard Index no. Salut d’Amours (II), ed. A. Jubinal, Nouveau recueil de contes, dits, fabliaux et autres pieces inédites des XIII’, XIV‘, et XV’ siecles, 2 vols. (Paris, 183942), i. 23-41
Ardis Butterfield
136
G. Steffens, ‘Die altfranzdsische Liederhandschrift der Bodleiana in Oxford, Douce
Steffens
308°, Archiv fiir das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen, 99 (1897), 3397 88
CATALOGUE 1 (2). Fo. 9” Text: Ie uoi douleur auenir | car tout ce fait par contraire-
=e a Se le
uoi
-
leur
tout
ce
=
fait parcon-trai
-
re-
Initial: large, flourished van den Boogaard: 1150 rond. 53 Editions: p.mus. 29; Sch. 25 (music) Host genre: rondeau; 3-part motet (Tr)
Voice: narrator
Concordances: none Comments: Occupies 1'/, lines. The refrain of a rondeau that in turn constitutes the upper voice in a 3-part motet: Je voi douleur avenir| Fauvel nous a fait present|Fauvel: autant m est si poise.
The rondeau lacks the conventional repetition of the refrain after the first ‘strophic’ section; instead the refrain is stated only at the beginning and end of the song. The refrain occurs towards the end of the first book of the Roman, during which the narrator comments on the perversion of the world. The text of both upper parts is closely associated with wv. 1125-30 of the narrative. ai). Fons
os
Text: Fauuel nous a fait present | du mestier de la ciuiereInitial: large, flourished
e
=F Fau
= SSS nous
a
fait
pre
-
sent
du
mes
9
tier de
la
ei ci-uie
-
van den Boogaard: 742 rond. 52 Editions: p.mus. 29; Sch. 25 (music) Host genre: rondeau; 3-part motet (M) Voice: narrator
Concordances: none Comments: Occupies 1'/, lines. This refrain is sung in parallel with no. 1, occupying the same formal position in a second rondeau that forms the motetus of the same motet.
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
137
3. Fo. 10" (see Pl. II) Text.
Porchier miex estre ameroie | que Fauuel torcher-
Se Por
-
chier
miex
estre
a
-
me - roi
=
que
Fau
- ue
tor
- cher.
Initial. large, flourished van den Boogaard: 1493 rond. 54 Editions: p.mus. 30; R-T no. 16 (music); FG i, no. 355 (music); FG ii, Index 842 Host genre: rondeau Voice: narrator Concordances: rond. a
Fauvel p.mus. 122 (motet: T); see FG ii, 243-4 (music)
Comments: Occupies 1'/, lines. The refrain of amonophonic rondeau. It is abbreviated on the first repetition to ‘Porcher [sic] miex estre ameroie’; the final repetition is in full. This rondeau
is repeated later in the narrative (fo. 42°) as the tenor of a 3-part motet with Latin texts in the upper voices: Celi dominalMaria,
virgo virginum|Porchier miex estre amerote.
4. Fo. 15°° Text:
Iai fait nouueletement | amie
= lai
fait
nou - ue
es
leoe—ate
=
ee
ment
Initial large, flourished van den Boogaard: 934 Editions: p.mus. 41; Sch. 40 (music) Host genre:
3-part motet (M)
Voice: Fauvel Concordances: Mgoo T déb (see FG ii, no. 60, music) Comments: Opens the motetus of a 3-part motet: La mesnie fauvelinel Jai fait nouveletement|
Grant despit ai ie. Each part of the motet is taken by a different character or characters—by Fauvel’s relations (who offer support), Fauvel (who outlines his plan to marry Fortune), and
Fortune (who expresses contempt for Fauvel) respectively. The line-division corresponds to the rimes croisées and heptasyllabic metre of the first four lines of the motet. / ai fait nouveletement occurs elsewhere as the refrain of a rondeau that itself constitutes the tenor of the motet Au tans nouvellChele m’a tollus ma joie! ‘ai fait nouveletement (Mo fo. 359°, no. 295, same melody, written a fifth lower).
5. Fo. 16° Text: Ia mamour ne te lerai
ee ma
-
-
mour
ne
te
le
-
=
rai
Ardis Butterfield
138
Initial. lower-case initial in first strophe; undecorated capital in second and third strophes van den Boogaard: 995 Editions: p.mus. 42; R-T no. 19 (music); FG i, no. 356 (music); FG u, Index 132 Host genre: ballade Voice: Fauvel, Fortune Concordances: none Comments: ‘ce lerai’ emended to ‘te lerai’, the reading given in the MS in the second and third
strophes. Occupies halfa line, set offon either side by a raised point (second and third strophes only). The refrain of ‘Douce dame debonaire’, a ballade written in a rare dialogue form (between Fauvel and Fortune) that predates the next known example (by Deschamps) by over
fifty years. 6. Fo. 17” Text.
Pour quoi mestes vous si dure
ee b
our
quoi
vous
si
du
=
re
{nitial. undecorated capital
van den Boogaard: 1517 Editions: p.mus. 43; R-T no. 20 (music); FG i, no. 357 (music); FG ii, Index 1272 Host genre: ballade Voice: Fauvel Concordances: Esc. 81 (see FG i, 370; ii, no. 357, music); p.mus. 64, strophe XIb; R—T, p. 110, strophe 12.3.2 (music) Comments: Fo. incorrectly printed as 16e in van den Boogaard (see p. 322). The refrain of the
ballade “Ay, amours, tant me dure’, sung by Fauvel in despair at his rejection by Fortune. It is abbreviated to ‘Pour quoi’ after the second strophe. It occurs again with the same melody (minor variants) in Jehannot de Lescurel’s “Gracieus temps’, after strophe 23, fo. 62". See Balades, rondeaux et diz entés sus refroiz de rondeaux, ed. Gennrich, 66. The same text (but with
a different melody) also appears in the lai Pour recouvrer alegiance, fo. 28 bis —28 ter’. TO
IOs
Text. A touz iours sanz remanoir | vveil du cuer seruir ma dame
SS
Se 3
A
touz
3
iours
sanz
noir
eon
3 vveil
3
3
Bua
E du
cuer
ae Sser
=
mai -
uir
ee
3
ma
3
Srrosierae
;
da
=
3
=
|
,
=
“
me
Refrain and Transformation ofGenre
139
Initial large, flourished van den Boogaard:
190 rond. 55
Editions: p.mus. 45; R-T no. 22 (music); FG i, no. 358 (music); FG ii, Index 241 Host genre: rondeau Voice: Fauvel Concordances: none
Comments: Occupies 2 lines. The refrain of a monophonic rondeau. It is abbreviated on repetition to ‘A tour iours’ and ‘A tour iours sanz remanoir vueil du cuer seruir etc.’ respectively. It has the same melody as no. 8. The song marks the end of Fauvel’s initial declaration of love to Fortune. 8. Fo. 19° Text:
Fauuel est mal assegne | de venir a son desir
Initial. \arge, flourished van den Boogaard: 741 rond. 56 Editions: p.mus. 47; R-T no. 24 (music); FG i, no. 359 (music); FG ii, Index 860 Host genre: rondeau Voice: narrator Concordances: none
Comments:
Occupies 2 lines. The refrain of a monophonic rondeau. It is abbreviated on
repetition to ‘Fauvel est mal assegne’; the final repetition is in full. It has the same melody as no. 7. The song acts as a commentary on Fortune’s rejection of Fauvel expressed in the preceding lai.
9. Fo. 23” (see above, Fig. 4.1) Text: Prouidence la senee | a poinnes ma encline | a sauoir que destinee | ma de[s] ques ci destine
———
a
Pro -ui -den-ce
-
rar :
gears abs, Sa-uoirque
des
-
-
a
ma
poin- nes
ma)
Bites en!
—
sich
=
areca eae de[s]-ques
Gl,
des) — sti
-
Ardis Butterfield
140 Initial: \arge, flourished
van den Boogaard: 1536 Editions: p.mus. 55; R-T no. 26 (music); FG i, no. 360 (music); FG i, Index 309 Host genre: ‘balade’ (virelai form) Voice: Fauvel Concordances: none
Comments: ‘deques’ emended to ‘desques’ as in R-T. Occupies 2'/, lines. The refrain of a song, ‘Providence la senee’, in the form of a virelai, but introduced
monophonic
in the
narrative as a ‘balade’. There is only one restatement of the refrain, at the end, abbreviated to
‘Prouidence etc.’. This is the first song to be inserted after the rubrics naming Gervés du Bus and Chaillou de Pesstain as authors of the new compiled Roman. 10. Fo. 24" (see Fig)-5:1)
Text: Las quant on na de moy cure
= quant
Beas see on
na
Initial. undecorated capital van den Boogaard: 1201 Editions: p.mus. 56; R-T no. 27 (music); FG 1, no. 361 (music); FG ti, Index 1271 Host genre: single-stanza song (‘ballade’?) Voice: Fauvel Concordances: none Comments: ‘ha’ emended to ‘na’ as in van den Boogaard, Gennrich, and R-T. The last line ofa 7-line single-stanza song that gives the appearance of being a truncated ballade. u. Fo. 24" (see Fig. 5.1) Text:
Iai ame et touz iourz amerai a
8A
SSS
b
a
6
SS SS SSS
a
6
SS
Initial. \arge, flourished van den Boogaard. 906 Editions: Dahnk, ref. 1 (p. 118, v. 114); R-T no. 28 (music); FG ii, Index 98 and p- 234 (music)
Host genre: refrain Voice: Fauvel Concordances:
R59; Ren. 6764; Sal. II, 27 (see FG ii, pp. 102 (music), 169)
Comments: The second note in the manuscript has avery short tail: I have interpreted it as a long. This is the first independently cited refrain in the narrative. It is the first refrain in the semilyric dit ‘Amour dont tele est la puissance’. The refrain is also cited in a salut d’amour (BN fr.
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
141
837, fo. 269b—271a, without music), in a balette in Bodleian Library, Douce 308, fo. 225d (Steffens, no. 27, 346, without music), and in Renart le Nouvel by Jacquemart Giélée (with music). The three manuscript copies of Renart le Nouvel with notation (BN fr. 25566, fr. 372, and fr. 1593) often cite different melodies for the same refrain texts. Here music is present in fr. 25566, fo. 166° (same melody) and fr. 1593, fo. 50 (different melody). In fr. 1593, my references are to the more recent foliation, which gives rise to some differences from FG. Fa. Forag “(see Fis §.1) Text:
laim dame donneur et de pris etc.
a Initial large, flourished van den Boogaard:
945
Editions: Dahnk, ref. 2 (p. 119, v. 144); R-T no. 29 (music); FG ii, Index 933 and p. 234 (music) Host genre: refrain Voice: Fauvel Concordances: none Comments: No other attested contexts exist for this refrain, although the addition of ‘etc’ in the manuscript seems to imply the scribe’s knowledge of one. 13. Fo. 24” Text: Tout le cuer men rit de ioie quant la uoie
Tout
le
cuer
men
rit
de
io
quant
la
uoie
Initial. \arge, flourished van den Boogaard: 1781 Editions: Dahnk, ref. 3 (p. 121, v. 176); R-T no. 30 (music); FG ti, Index 983 and p. 235 (music) Host genre: refrain Voice: Fauvel Concordances: R444. Il; R1240. IV; M 18 déb; M288 int; Par. 504; Ovide 82a (see FG ii. 216, 225 (music from Par.), 260, 272)
Comments:
MS reading ‘voie’; R-T emend to ‘voi’. Occupies a single extended line. A very
widely cited refrain: see (1) the chanson avec des refrains ‘Li biaus tans d’esté’ by Colars li Boutelliers (3rd strophe); this song occurs in two MSS, neither of which gives music for the refrain (BN fr. 844, fo. 129b, music for first strophe only; Vat. Reg. 1490, fo. 74, omits third
strophe); (2) a chanson avec des refrains ‘Penser ne doit vilanie’ doubtfully ascribed to Guiot de Dijon (4th strophe); this song occurs in five MSS, none of which gives music for the refrain; four give music for the first strophe only (Paris, Bibl. de l’Arsenal, 5198, fo. 206; BN fr. 844,
Ardis Butterfield
142
fo. 176; fr. 845, fo. 99; fr. 847, fo. 95); fr. 12615, fo. 136 omits the fourth strophe entirely; (3) and (4), two motets, both with music: Tant me faitlTout li cuers/|Omnes (Mo, fo. 157’, no. 1153
related melody, though closer at start to Par. version), and Si com aloie jouer!Deduisant com fins amourous!Portare (Mo, fo. 199", no. 148; different melody); (5) La Court de Paradis (BN fr. 25532, fo. 334"), 504 (melody is the same in part), and (6) La Traduction d’Ovide, fo. 82a (no music).
14..Fo..24, Text: Son dous regart ma mon cuer emble
oS Son
SS SSS
dous
on
cuer
em
=
ble
Initial. \arge, flourished van den Boogaard: 1717 Editions: Dahnk, ref. 4 (p. 122, v. 214); R-T no. 31 (music); FG ii, Index 317 and p. 235 (music)
Host genre: refrain Voice: Fauvel Concordances:
Comments: rondeau without 846, fo.
rond. 87; R816. III (see FG ii. 31, 267)
Occupies a single line. This independently cited refrain occurs as the refrain of a by Guillaume d’Amiens (Vat. Reg. 1490, fo. 118, same melody) and also occurs music in the anonymous chanson avec des refrains ‘Ma dame me fait chanter’ (BN fr. 85, music for first strophe only).
15. Fo. 24” Text: Samours mont mon cuer emble nest pas perdu
SSS Sa
-
mours
Saas
mont
mon
cuer
eae nest
Initial. \arge, flourished van den Boogaard: 1649a Editions: Dahnk, ref. 5 (p. 123, v. 256); R-T no. 32 (music); FG ii, Index 1241 and p- 235 (music) Host genre: refrain Voice: Fauvel Concordances: none Comments: Occupies a single extended line. 16. Fo. 24° Text: He Diex tant ioliement ma pris bonne amour
Sa He
Diex
tant
io
ment
pris
bonne
-
mour
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
143
Initial. \arge, flourished van den Boogaard: 833 Editions: Dahnk, ref. 6 (p. 125, v. 294); R-T no. 33 (music); FG ii, Index 1160 and p. 235 (music) Host genre: refrain Voice: Fauvel Concordances: none Comments: Here, as elsewhere, I have restored the MS reading from R-T’s normalization
‘Dieus’. Occupies a single extended line. Ruka.
Text: A ma dame seruir meit tout mon cuer et moy
== SSS -
me
SS meit
tout
mo
cuer
Initial. large, flourished van den Boogaard: 81 Editions: Dahnk, ref. 7 (p. 126, v. 342); R-T no. 34 (music); FG ii, Index 963 and p. 235 (music) Host genre. refrain Voice: Fauvel Concordances: R548. I]; R12z92. IV; Ren. 6760; Ovide 57b (see FG ii. 170 (music from Ren.), 213,
263, 273) Comments:
MS reading ‘meit’; R-T emend to ‘met’. Occupies one extended line (the last syllable
and its music encroaches
into the right-hand
margin of the next four text lines). The
penultimate note of music is omitted in the MS; it is supplied from the concordance. This chanson avec des refrains occurs in five MSS, none of which gives music for the refrain, as they all have music for the first strophe only (Bibl. de P’Arsenal, 5198, fo. 331; BN fr. 846, fo. 120b;
fr. 845, fo. 159; fr. 847, fo. 135; n. a. fr. 1050, fo. 208). Another widely cited refrain: (1) ‘Quant florist la prée’ (2nd strophe); (2) the chanson avec des refrains ‘Bien voi c’amours me veut mais mestroier’ (4th strophe); this song occurs in Berne, Stadtbibl. 389, fo. 35", without music; (3)
Renart le Nouvel (two further melodies, one the same as fr. 146 shared by fr. 372, fo. s1', and fr. 25566, fo. 166', and another in fr. 1593, fo. 50"), and (4) Ovide (no music). The melody ends
in the same way as no. 18. 18. Fo. 25" Text.
Dame
a vous
me
sul donne
SS Dame
Initial: \arge, flourished van den Boogaard: 394
—— vous
2S
SS don
Ardis Butterfield
144
Editions: Dahnk, ref. 8 (p. 128, v. 390); R-T no. 35 (music); FG i, Index 315 and p. 235 (music) Host genre: refrain Voice: Fauvel Concordances: none
Comments: The melody ends in the same way as no. 17. 19. Fo. 25" Text: Je puis bien dire las mar ui vostre dous viaire
SS Te
puis
bien
dive
are
ee tre
ae dous
Vil ="al
=
re
Initial. large, flourished van den Boogaard: 1121 Editions: Dahnk, ref. 9 (p. 129, v. 430); R-T no. 36 (music); FG ii, Index 217 and p. 235 (music) Host genre: refrain Voice: Fauvel Concordances: none Comments: Occupies a single extended line. Note how the phrasal introduction to the refrain (‘Je puis bien dire’) is itself part of the refrain and included in the melody.
2OWKO. 25*
Text: lapelerai se Diex me gart
SSS a
a
a5
SS
ee
Initial. large, flourished van den Boogaard. 1015 Editions: Dahnk, ref. 10 (p. 131, v. 474); R-T no. 37 (music); FG ii, Index 282 and p. 235 (music) Host genre: refrain Voice: Fauvel Concordances:
Ren. 6824 (see FG ii. 173 (music from Ren.))
Comments: Occupies a single line. This refrain is cited in Renart le Nouvel (two further melodies in fr. 1593, fo. 51' and fr. 372, fo. 52") with an extra line ‘de traison vo doulz regart’ | ‘de traison
vostre regart’ respectively. Dahnk restores this line as part of the narrative (p. 131) without any MS authority: in fact, refrains quite commonly circulate in different line-pairings; see Butterfield, “Repetition and Variation’, 11-12 and nos. 25 and 42 below.
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
145
21. Fo. 25”
Text: A iointes mains vous pri douce dame mercy
SSS loin
-
tes
mains
vous
pri
dou - ce
=
me
Initial. \arge, flourished van den Boogaard: 80 Editions: Dahnk, ref. 11 (p. 132, v. 519); R-T no. 38 (music); FG ii, Index 700 and p. 236 (music) Host genre: refrain Voice: Fauvel Concordances: rond. 78 (see FG i, 65 (music); FG ii, 82-3 (music)); Chauv. 1366 (see FG ii, 144) Comments: Occupies one extended line (the last word encroaches into the right-hand margin of
the third line below). The music for ‘mercy’, however, is omitted. It has been supplied from the concordance. Also cited in Le Tournoi de Chauvency by Jacques Bretel (Oxford, Bodleian
Library, Douce 308, without music) and as the refrain of apolyphonic rondeau by Adam de la Halle (BN fr. 25566, fo. 33°, music). The melody in the middle voice of the latter is closely
similar, especially in the opening measures, to the melody in fr. 146. 22a and 22b. Fo. 25“
Text: Et quant il vous iarai le don | Que doit auoir ami autrement non
== Et
Fs quant
= Que
——— doit
Se
vous
ays
wor
ee aS
rai
2a au
-
tre
-
==
Le ment
non
Initial. \arge, flourished “E’ and ‘Q’ [for ‘que’] van den Boogaard: 721 Editions:
Dahnk, ref. 12 (p. 134, vv. 563-4); R-T no. 39 (music); FG ii, Index 1099 and p. 236
(music)
Host genre: refrain Voice: Fauvel Concordances: none Comments: As R-T observe, two syllables appear to be lacking. They follow FG in conjecturally adding [plaira] after ‘vous’. Written as two separate lines, each with a flourished initial as if they were separate refrains. (Contrasts with no. 23.)
Ardis Butterfield
146 23. Fos. 25-26" Text:
Jatendrai ainssi aimi | Dame tant com vous plera mercy 3
oS == ae Ia-ten - drai
ains - si
ai
-
-
mi
Da-me
S73
tant com
vous
ple - ra
mer - cy
Initial: large, flourished van den Boogaard: 1024 Editions: Dahnk, ref. 13 (p. 135, vv. 610-11); R-T no. 40 (music); FG ii, Index 711 and p. 236 (music) Host genre: refrain Voice: Fauvel Concordances: none Comments:
Occupies two lines.
24. Fo. 26"
Text: Quen chant faire en meit mentente:-
eee eee ee Quen
chant
faire
SSS en
meit
-
fen
=
-
Initial. undecorated capital van den Boogaard: 1573 Editions: p.mus. 57; R-T no. 41 (music); FG i, no. 362 (music); FG ii, Index 453 Host genre: ballade Voice: Fauvel Concordances: none Comments: MS reading ‘meit’; R-T emend to ‘met’. Occupies 1'/, lines.
25. Fo. 26™ (see below, Fig. 6.3) Text:
Han Diex ou pourrai ie trouuer
Initial. large, flourished van den Boogaard: 776 Editions: Dahnk, p. 139, § 1; R-T no. 42 (music); FG ii, Index 378 and p. 236 (music); Hoepffner Host genre: refrain (‘motet farci’) Voice: Fauvel
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
Concordances: Comments:
147
refrain no. 42; SC 1; Brussels MS 19606 (M int.); BN lat. 7682
No. 25 is the first of the fragments of the set-piece ‘motet farci’ (as Hoepffner termed
it). It consists in a pre-existent 14-line motetus part, An diex on pora ge trover, found without music on the guard leaf of BN lat. 7682, and in a 3-voice motet in Brussels MS 19606, fo. 3’, that is split into eleven consecutive fragments (refrain nos. 25-35). Six of the lines of this motetus, which then come to be turned into refrains in fr. 146, are identical with the last six lines of the fourth strophe of Nevelon d’Amiens, Dit d’Amour (Il. 43-8). Earlier lines in this
strophe also contain the words ‘confors’ and ‘alegement’. The first two lines of the piece (“Han Diex ou pourrai je trouver | conseil, confort, n’alegement’) act, with minor variation in the second line, as the first and last lines respectively in the enté structure of a sotte chanson given later in fr. 146 (see below, no. 42). The melody of the whole voice-part, finally, is cited again
in the motet Quasi non ministerium| Trahunt in precipicia | Ve qui gregi |Displicebat (p.mus. 21), given here in a four-part version in which the French text is replaced by one in Latin. In nos. 25-6 and 28-31, individual lines of the original motet are split into even smaller pieces, which are spliced into the ‘motet farci’ on separate lines in the manuscript. Each refrain throughout the semi-lyric is echoed verbatim and amplified in the subsequent strophe. 26 (25). Fo. 26™ (see below, Fig. 6.3) Text:
[C]onseil
{C]on
=
4
seil
Initial. space left for capital (guide letter written in)
van den Boogaard: 776 Editions: Dahnk, p. 139, § 2; R-T no. 42 (music); FG ii, Index 378 and p. 236 (music) Host genre: refrain (‘motet farci’) Voice: Fauvel Concordances. =SC 1; Brussels MS 19606 (M int.); BN lat. 7682 Comments: Has no music (not even blank staves) on the line assigned to it: in fact the music is
included in the MS at the end of no. 25. As it stands, it is the shortest refrain in the MS. It is possible, however,
that the line was
left incomplete. All the concordances
read ‘conseil,
confort, n’alegement’, with music. This form of the text is also supplied in Fauvel in the subsequent strophe (‘De quoi trouver conseil, confort |N alegement?’). R-T fill out the refrain line on this basis, and provide music from the concordances. See no. 42 below.
27 (26). Fo. 26” (see below, Fig. 6.3)
Text: Des mauls que la belle au vis cler | me fait sentir si asprement
Des
mauls que
la
belle au
vis
cler
me
fait sen - tir
si
aS
-
pre
-
ment
Ardis Butterfield
148
Initial. \arge, flourished “D’; smaller, flourished ‘M’ van den Boogaard: 482 Editions: Dahnk, p. 140, § 3; R-T no. 42 (music); FG ii, Index 382 and p. 236 (music); Hoepftner Host genre: refrain (‘motet farct’) Voice:
Fauvel
Concordances:
Brussels MS 19606 (M int.); BN lat. 7682
Comments: Occupies two lines. It is notable how the scribe/editor allocates flourished initials to this series of fragmentary refrains.
28 (27). Fo. 26” (see below, Fig. 6.3) Text: Du tout en tout a moi greuer se delite a
4
see SSS ciet
: Du
tout
en
tout
Et Pee a
moi
gre
=
uer
Se : se
de
-
lite
Initial. large, flourished
van den Boogaard: 634 Editions: Dahnk, p. 140, § 4; R-T no. 42 (music); FG ii, Index 394 and p. 236 (music); Hoepffner Host genre: refrain (‘motet farci’) Voice: Fauvel Concordances: Brussels MS 19606 (M int.); BN lat. 7682 Comments: Occupies one extended line.
29 (27). Fo. 26” (see below, Fig. 6.3) Text: Et a escient
Sonne
eaae:
Initial. small, flourished van den Boogaard: 634 Editions: Dahnk, p. 140, § 5; R-T no. 42 (music); FG ii, Index 394 and p. 236 (music);
Hoepffner
Host genre: refrain (‘motet farci’) Voice: Fauvel
Concordances:
Brussels MS 19606 (M int.); BN lat. 7682
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
149
30 (28). Fo. 26” (see below, Fig. 6.3) Text: Vrai Diex comment
de ce tourment porrai ie istre
renee Vral
Diex
com
-
ment
Soe de
ce
tour
-
ment
por
- rai
ie
is
tre
[Initial small, flourished van den Boogaard: 1876 Editions: Dahnk, p. 140, § 6; R-T no. 42 (music); FG ii, Index 441 and p. 236 (music); Hoepftner Host genre: refrain (‘motet farci’) Voice: Fauvel Concordances: Brussels MS 19606 (M int.); BN lat. 7682 Comments: Occupies one extended line (the last word and portion of music encroaches into the right-hand margin of the lines below). 31 (28). Fo. 26" (see below, Fig. 6.3) Text.
Seurement
SSS ment
Initial small, flourished
van den Boogaard: 1876 Editions. Dahnk, p. 140, § 7; R-T no. 42 (music); FG ii, Index 441 and p. 236 (music); Hoepftner Host genre: refrain (‘motet farci’) Voice: Fauvel Concordances: Brussels MS 19606 (M int.); BN lat. 7682 32 (29). Fo. 26’ (see below, Fig. 6.3)
Text: Las quant mercy pri doucement
=
es quant
mer
-
=
ment
Initial. small, flourished
van den Boogaard: 762 note Editions: Dahnk, p. 141, § 8; R-T no. 42 (music); FG ii, Index 211 and p. 237 (music); Hoepffner Host genre: refrain (‘motet farci’)
Voice: Fauvel Concordances: Brussels MS 19606 (M int.); BN lat. 7682; Nevelon 43
Ardis Butterfield
150 33 (29). Fo. 26" (see below, Fig. 6.3)
Text: Elle me dit crueusement: fui de ci de toi nai que fere
ae
aa Seis: == et Gator
aa El-le
me
dit
cru-eu
-
se
-
ment
ci
de_ toi
nai
que fe - re
Initial. small, flourished
van den Boogaard: 762 Editions: Dahnk, p. 142, § 9; R-T no. 42 (music); FG ii, Index 211 and p. 237 (music); Hoepffner Host genre: refrain (‘motet farci’) Voice: Fauvel Concordances: Brussels MS 19606 (M int.); BN lat. 7682; Esc. 80; Nevelon 44-5; cf. Adam 48
Comments: Occupies one extended line with the last few words and their portion of music squeezed into the right-hand margin of the line below. These lines form lines 43-4 from the 4th strophe of Nevelon d’Amiens, Dit d'Amour. The second of the two lines is in turn quoted later (with a similar melody, allowing for transposition) in fr. 146, fo. 62" after the 22nd
strophe of Jehannot de Lescurel’s dit enté “Gracieus temps est’. See Gennrich, L Escurel, 65. A
Dit d'Amour by Adam de la Halle, in the same manuscript as that by Nevelon, has another version of this same line, also in its 4th strophe, v. 48 (“Tu li respons: “Fui! va te voie!” ’). The process of circulation here is hard to determine, or even guess at.
34 (30). Fo. 26" (see below, Fig. 6.3) Text: Iai ce qui me vient a talant
SS qui
mi
vient
a
ta
-
-
lant
Initial. large, flourished van den Boogaard: 923 Editions: Dahnk, p. 142, § 10; R-T no. 42 (music); FG ii, Index 214 and p. 237 (music); Hoepffner Host genre: refrain (‘motet farci’) Voice: Fauvel Concordances: Brussels MS 19606 (M int.); BN lat. 7682; Nevelon 46 Comments: Nos. 34-5 form lines 46-8 of Nevelon d’Amiens, Dit d’Amour.
35 (30). Fo. 26“ (see below, Fig. 6.3) Text: Ainssi en moi choisist et prent | Sanz parler a preuost ne a maire
a ee Ains
-
si
en
moi
choi
eee sist
et prent
Sanz
par -ler
Se a
pre-uost ne a mai - re
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
151
Initial. large, flourished ‘A’; smaller, flourished ‘S’
van den Boogaard: 923 Editions: Dahnk, p. 142, § 1; R-T no. 42 (music); FG ii, Index 214 and p. 237 (music); Hoepftner Host genre: refrain (‘motet farci’) Voice: Fauvel Concordances: Brussels MS 19606 (M int.); BN lat. 7682; Nevelon 47-8 Comments: Occupies 2 lines. This is the final refrain of the ‘motet farci’. 36 (31). Fo. 27™ Text:
Dame saucun confort nai- | de vous durer ne porrai-
Da
me
sau
cun
—~
7
3
:
3
on
3¢
fort
nal
3¢
SSS 3
3
de
3
vous
du
-
rer
ne
por
-
ral
Initial. undecorated capital van den Boogaard: 441 Editions: p.mus. 58; R-T no. 43 (music); FG i, no. 363 (music); FG ii, Index 147 Host genre:
? single-stanza song
Voice: Fauvel Concordances: none Comments: Occupies 1'/, lines. The last two lines of a six-line single-stanza song, ‘Dame, se par bien amer’. Note that this song has a different form from the one in which refrain no. 10 occurs.
gr Ag2). Fere7™ Text: Douce et de tout noble afaire | nassentez | quen languissant mon cors suze en vous seruir
ia aaa SSS
Douce
tout
=
=
quen
ae
oeeetalesene
guis
n- “sioms.
— cors
noble
suze
vous
=
E
Ardis Butterfield
152
Initial. \arge, flourished van den Boogaard: 615 Editions: p.mus. 59; R-T no. 44 (music); FG 1, no. 364 (music); FG ii, Index 883 Host genre: chanson balladée Voice: Fauvel Concordances: none
Comments: Occupies two lines (both extended). The refrain of a monophonic song in the form of a virelai. (The term virelai is not in fact used in the manuscript; see refrain no. 9). The lineation indicated above follows the metrical/rhyme scheme of the chanson balladée. The refrain is abbreviated on repetition to ‘Douce et de tout noble afaire &c’ (1st strophe) and ‘Douce etc’ (2nd and 3rd strophes). The language and sentiments of this chanson and of the
two subsequent ballades are closely related.
38 (33). Fo. 27 Text:
Diex vo cuer comment lendure-
Sea eee Diex
3
3
cuer
com
3
[#]
-
ment
=o
len
-
du
-
¢
-
3
-
re.
Initial. undecorated capital
van den Boogaard: 580 Editions:
p.mus. 60; R-T no. 45 (music); FG i, no. 365 (music); FG ii, Index 1273
Host genre. ballade Voice: Fauvel Concordances: Esc. 55 (see FG i, no. 356; il. 253) Comments: The refrain of a ballade, ‘Jolis sanz raison clamer’, which alludes back to no. 36. It is abbreviated on repetition to “Diex vos cuers etc’ (2nd and 3rd strophes). It is cited later in fr.
146, fo. 60“, with a closely similar melody, after the 21st strophe of Jehannot de Lescurel’s dit enté ‘Gracieuse faitisse et sage’. See Gennrich, LEscurel, 52.
39 (34). Fo. 27" Text: Destre jolis ai raison:
= Des
eS - tre
jOmeaalis
Initial. \ower-case initial in each strophe; line set off on either side by a raised point (each strophe)
van den Boogaard. 483 Editions: p.mus. 61; R-T no. 46 (music); FG i, no. 366 (music); FG ii, Index 1123 Host genre: ballade
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
153
Voice: Fauvel Concordances: none Comments: The refrain of the ballade ‘Se de secours pou de point’. The refrain is abbreviated on repetition to ‘destre jolis &c’ (2nd strophe) and ‘destre &c’ (3rd strophe). It repeats and reaffirms the sentiments of the first two lines of p.mus. 60, ‘Jolis sanz raison clamer | Me doi bien et vueil’ (see refrain no. 38 above).
40 (35). Fo. 27“ Text: He las iai failli a ioie- | quant len ne mapele amj-
c=
SF Sg
He
gr SES lal
fail
-
li
SS ee quant
:
ee ma
-_
pele
a
-
mj-
Initial large, flourished van den Boogaard: 849 rond. 57 Editions: p.mus. 62; R-T no. 47 (music); FG i, no. 367 (music); FG ii, Index 642 Host genre: rondeau Voice: Fauvel Concordances: none
Comments:
Occupies 1'/, lines. The refrain of amonophonic rondeau. The first restatement is
abbreviated to ‘He las iai failli a ioie’; the second is in full. Van den Boogaard lists the refrain incorrectly as 848 instead of 849 in his Fauvel entry (refrain 35, p. 323). The only forme fixe in the Roman in which the musical as well as the textual repetitions of the refrain are copied out
in full. 4I (36). Fo. 28 ter? Text:
Fols ne voit en sa folie se sens non:
Music: none given Initial. \arge, illuminated
van den Boogaard: 759 Editions: Dahnk, ref. 14 (p. 160); R-T no. 49; FG ii, Index 1107 and p. 237 Host genre: refrain-proverb Voice: Fortune
Concordances: Rut6a; see references in Dahnk 160; Mor 790 Comments: This proverbial refrain is cited with blank staves. It is also written on a scroll held by Fortune in a picture above. It occurs as the incipit to a song in Metz, Bibliothéque Municipale
Ardis Butterfield
154
535, fo. 170 (no music). As a proverb it was fairly widely cited, as the references in Dahnk and Morawski indicate. The distinction between refrains and proverbs is far from clear-cut, however.
42 (25). Fo. 34" Text: An Diex ou pourrai ie trouuer || Confort secours nalegement
es,
An
3
Diex
ou
3
3
a
Se Con
=
fort
se
-
SU
ie
uer
trou
¢
cours
-
=
rai
pour
«
m
¢
ie -
fide
-
ge
-
ment
Initial. large, flourished ‘A’; undecorated capital “C’ van den Boogaard. 776 Editions: SC 1, p. 184 (see also p. lxvi); R-T no. 55 (music); FG ii, Index 378 and p. 236 (music); Hoepftner Host genre: fatras Voice: Fauvel Concordances: refrain no. 25; p.mus. 21 (Dahnk, pp. li-lix); Brussels MS 19606 (M int.), see FG ii, p. 237; BN lat. 7682
Comments:
The same two lines (text and melody) are cited in this fatras as open (in abbreviated
form) the semi-lyric piece on fo. 26" (see refrain no. 25). The scribe presents this fatras in an enté form, that is, with the fatras grafted into the refrain, so that the two lines of the refrain
form the first and last lines of the piece respectively (as indicated by the double vertical above).
43 (38). Fo. 34” Text:
En non Dieu agace agace | vous ni ferez plus uo ni
(==
ee non
Dieu
a
- gace
a
ce
vous
nl
fee
Lez
plus
uo
ni
Initial. large, flourished
van den Boogaard. 663 Editions: SC 2, p. 185; R-T no. 56 (music); Langfors, p. 60; FG ii, Index 725 and p. 238 (music) Host genre: fatras Voice: charivari revellers
Concordances: none Comments: Occupies 1'/, lines. The first of a sequence of obscurely or obscenely worded refrains (nos. 43-50) sung during the charivari by noisy revellers. These are the only surviving soites
chansons in which refrains are presented with music. They present many oddities of form,
structure, and meaning. The ‘etc’ written after nos. 47, 49, 50, and 53 seems to imply that these
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
155
particular citations are incomplete rather than autonomous. In contrast to no. 42, this fatras has a full statement of the refrain at the start only. See Uhl, ‘Les “Sotes Chancons” ’, for further discussion.
44 (39). Fo. 34" Text:
Lautrier de hors Pinquigni | vi un chat enseueli- | dit que espousera lundi-
Ss Lau-trier
de hors
Pin-qui
-—
eee gni
vi un
chat
en
- se-ue
-
.
join
dit que es - pou-se
-
ra lun - di.
Initial: large, flourished van den Boogaard: 1208 Editions:
SC 3, p. 185; R-T no. 57 (music); Langfors, p. 60; FG ii, Index 690 and p. 238 (music)
Host genre:
refrain (sotte chanson)
Voice: charivari revellers Concordances: none Comments: Occupies 2 lines, with a line division after ‘enseueli’. The first of a group of7 refrains written on consecutive lines: a unique layout for refrains in the MS (with the possible exception of the curious layout in no. 22).
45 (40). Fo. 34™ Text: En Hellequin le quin nele en Hel{lequin, Hellequin]-
SSS En
Hel
le
-
quin
le
= quin
ne
en
Hel.[ - le
= -
quin
Hel-le
=
quin]
Initial. \arge, flourished van den Boogaard: 656 Editions: SC 4, p. 185; R-T no. 58 (music); FG ii, Index 852 and p. 238 (music) Host genre: refrain (sotte chanson) Voice: charivari revellers Concordances: none Comments: Last word usually emended
as shown to accommodate
the last five notes of the
melody.
46 (41). Fo. 34” Text: Elles ont peux ou cull] nos dames
a les
peux
ou
cu[l]
nos
da
veo
mes
Ardis Butterfield
156 Initial large, flourished
van den Boogaard: 640 Editions: SC 5, p. 186; R-T no. 59 (music); FG ii, Index 244 and p. 238 (music) Host genre: refrain (sotte chanson) Voice: charivari revellers Concordances: none Comments: ‘cu’ emended to ‘cul’ as in R-T.
47 (42). Fo. 34" Text:
Trente
quatre
pez
moysis
Cle;
a Tren
qua
-
=
tre
pez
sis
Initial. \arge, flourished
van den Boogaard: 1795 Editions: SC 6, p. 186; R-T no. 60 (music); FG ii, Index 925 and p. 238 (music) Host genre: refrain (sotte chanson) Voice: charivari revellers Concordances: none
48 (43). Fo. 34" Text: Vostre bele bouche besera mon cul
a
ul
VCS
emt
=
be
ros ra
mon
Initial. large, flourished
van den Boogaard: 1850 Editions: SC 7, p. 186; R-T no. 61 (music); FG ii, Index 1244 and p. 238 (music) Host genre: refrain (sotte chanson) Voice: charivari revellers Concordances. none
49 (44). Fo. 34” Text: le ui les pex de mon cul en etc.
Se le
ul
Se les
Initial. large, flourished van den Boogaard: 1147
pex
de
ee mon
cul
SS
en
Refrain and Transformation of Genre
157
Editions: SC 8, p. 186; R-T no. 62 (music); FG ii, Index 1245 and p. 238 (music) refrain (sotte chanson)
Host genre:
Voice: charivari revellers Concordances: none Comments: ‘en etc’ is underlaid to the last six notes of the melody.
50 (45). Fo. 34” Text:
Dame se vos fours est chaut. etc.
me
se
vos
fours
est
chaut.
ere.
Initial large, flourished van den Boogaard: 443
Editions: SC 9, p. 186; R-T no. 63 (music); FG ii, Index 298 and p. 238 (music) Host genre: refrain (sotte chanson) Voice: charivari revellers Concordances: none
51 (46). Fo. 36" (see Pl. VII) Text: Sus sus a la dance dErmenion
Sus
SUS
a
la
dan
=
ce
dEr
~
me
-
nion
Initial. large, flourished van den Boogaard: 1753 Editions. SC 10, p. 191; R-T no. 65 (music); FG ii, Index 1090 and p. 238 (music) Host genre:
refrain (sotte chanson)
Voice: Les Herlequines Concordances: none
Comments:
Presented as a single line occupying one column in music that is written across two
columns. Nos. 51-3, though still part of the charivari section of the expanded narrative, have more conventional refrain texts than the preceding sottes chansons. 52 (47). Fo. 36°” (see Pl. VI)
Text: Nous ferons des prelaz gorpiz et des larrons mestres:
oe Nous
fe
ee
-
rons
des
pre - laz
eeen
gor
-
piz
et
des
eee lar
=
rons
mes
Se
itkes
Ardis Butterfield
158
Initial. large, flourished van den Boogaard: 1385 Editions: SC 11, p. 191; R-T no. 66 (music); FG ii, Index 582 and p. 239 (music) Host genre: refrain (sotte chanson) Voice: Les Herlequines Concordances: none Comments: Occupies one extended line. 53 (48). Fo. 36“ (see Pl. VII) Text:
Si ie ni aloie ie niroie mie. etc.
ee Si
yl
=
Initial. large, flourished van den Boogaard: 1686 Editions: SC 12, p. 191; R-T no. 67 (music); FG ii, Index 791 and p. 239 (music) Host genre. refrain (sotte chanson) Voice: Les Herlequines Concordances: Pelerin 108 (see FG ii. 89) Comments: “etc not noted by R—-T and not present in Le Jeu du Pelerin, a posthumous prelude
to Adam de la Halle’s Le Jeu du Robin et Marion, where the refrain is also cited (with a different melody), fr. 25566, fo. 38". 54 (49). Fo. 45°"
ra&c
(see above, Fig. 4.3)
Text: Cis chans ueult boire.
eae SS SSS SSS SS SSS SSS eS
=
&
E
=F
|
Initial. Lower-case initial (Mot., Tr), space for capital? (unclear) (T); line set off by a raised point in each voice-part. van den Boogaard. 371 Editions: p.mus. 130; Sch. p. 71 (music); FG ii. 240 (music). (This refrain is not in EG’s Index.)
Host genre: 3-part motet (Mot., T, Tr) Voice: narrator
Concordances:
none
Refrain and Transformation of Genre Comments:
159
In this 3-part motet, Quantjele voilBon vin|Ci me faut (R894a), the refrain forms the
tenor, and is sung simultaneously by all three parts (to different tunes) at the end.
55 (50). Fo. 45° Text: Ci me faut vn tour de vin Dex quar le me donnez-
fpr me
faut
eras vn
tour
de
vin
Dex
quar
le
me
ne
-
ne
Initial large, flourished van den Boogaard: 370 Editions: Dahnk, ref. 15 (p. 217); R-T no. 71 (music); FG ii, Index 562 and p. 239 (music) Host genre: retrain Voice: narrator Concordances: Mot. See FG ii, p. 239. Comments: Presented as one long line across two columns. The last word (and note) of the whole work. Also cited in Mgr (Mo, no. 33, fo. 51°, refrain on fo. 55) with a very similar melody (written a fifth higher): Ce que je tieng/Certes mout est bone vielBone compagnie!Manere.
ano \ : stderr hiigeses
Ih hy ry
sa
|
co Te, role ve
> ens
(eh ioes ~
en
Seren)
_
oi hihi é
Ma ‘yy
Oa Gey
aut wel
vilere-weA@
°
Sanders, ‘The Early Motets’, 33: the motetus ‘was no longer
topical; nor is it in any way pertinent to the passage of the roman to which he added the triplum’. He leaves the question at that point, since his concern is the motetus text, which he convinc-
ingly puts into historical and exegetical context. To say that a
Phrases are defined in all voices as a unit closing with a major rest
motet refers to events in the past, however, may not fix its date
(a breve or long in length); in this motet upper-voice phrases always end with a breve followed by a two-breve rest. It is interesting, and perhaps significant, that every number between 3 and 10 is represented in the triplum’s phrase structure, save for 8, while 7 appears twice. This grouping is not present in the
of composition; see Margaret Bent (Ch. 2).
prose, with its phrases of1o Bae Ba Spar Shar Si)tonateay
+9 +6+7+5+5+2+2+
" Leo Schrade believed that the prose was the original and the
' Roesner et al. 29. The motet Conditio nature!O natio nephandi |Mane prima sabbati (F 17, p.mus. 35) occupies column
b of fo. m1" and column a of fo. 12; the standard layout of the manuscript would therefore require a musical work in column c of fo. 12". Roesner et al. do not suggest why Floret was selected for this location.
“The Early Motets’, 33.
The Flowering of Charnalité
179
The use of a musical interpolation at this point is a fitting counterpart to the series of miniatures depicting Fauvel’s courtiers. Since Charnalité is the first of these characters, she must begin the new prose as well. Nostre carnis dilectio, the last line of the triplum, therefore
becomes Carnalitas, the first word of the new prose and the foremost of Fauvel’s courtiers. This change sets offa chain reaction: just as the last becomes first, the first becomes last as Vaine Gloire loses her primacy and is relegated to the end, though with the consolation of seven additional lines of text describing her future marriage to Fauvel (vv. 29-35). The entire
opening section ofthe triplum (vv. 1-6) is moved to the end of the prose, as the last eight lines of the old work inspire the new opening. The foreshadowing of the marriage of Fauvel and Vaine Gloire, who will populate the world with their progeny,’’ anchors the end of the prose to the story as it continues, in the same way that the references to Charnalité and Fauvel’s palace connect the prose to the text that precedes it. The pride of place given to Charnalité, however, does not depend simply on Gervés’s roman. Nancy Freeman Regalado has shown that the victory of Virginité over Charnalité in the Tournament of Virtues and Vices added to Fauvel is the first battle, the longest description, and the only one to receive a musical interpolation—the prose Virgineus sensus (p.mus. ut). The text has obvious parallels with Carnalitas: Virgineus sensus cui suppetit est bene census.
Carnales superat, nam deus huic aderat. :
Pe)
i
Cesset adulterium, luxus habet vicium.””
Given the specific references to the defeat of [sensus] carnales and luxus, as well as adulterium,
I think it likely that this text was composed for the manuscript to emphasize the victory of Virginité over Charnalité and Avoutire (who wears garments given her by Luxure). The reference to these characters recalls the beginning of Book II, the list of courtiers beginning with Charnalité and Couvoitise, and the prose Carnalitas luxuria. The position of the works underlines this connection: as mentioned, Carnalitas is the first musical work to accompany the introduction of Fauvel’s court (though not the first of Book II), Charnalité is the first
courtier introduced, the battle with Virginité is the first of the tournament, and Virgineus sensus is the first—indeed the only—musical interpolation in the tournament scene. This tournament conveys a critically important message in the context of the succession crisis following the death of Louis X and his posthumous son John I. The five combats depicted here (Virginity vs. Carnality and Adultery, Chastity vs. Fornication, Patience vs. Pride, and Abstinence vs. Gluttony) ‘point to virtues of immediate significance in 1316: sexual ‘Car Fauvel chascun jour engendre | En tous pais Fauveaux nouveaux’ (Langfors, wv. 3220-1). It should be remembered that at the beginning of Book II, where the prose appears, Vaine
Gloire has not yet been introduced—in fact, Fauvel has yet to announce his plan to control Fortune by marrying her—and much less does he know, as we do, that he will fail. '© Number 69 in Rosenberg—Tischler, who call it ‘a later song,
showing the typical irregular rhythms of the early 14th century’ (p. 49); it is an unicum in fr. 146.
” ‘He to whom is supplied a virgin sense is well assessed. He surpasses carnal persons, for God was present to him. Let adultery cease; lechery entails vice.’ This text has several significant emendations from the manuscript (and the version published by Rosenberg—Tischler). For these emendations and the translation,
I am grateful to Leofranc Holford-Strevens.
180
Alice V. Clark
continence (virginity) to ensure dynastic succession; patience and abstinence to guard against
the pride and greed of royal advisers, the “Fauvels” hungry for power’.' It is interesting in the light of Regalado’s remarks that Avoutire and Fornication, specifically sexual vices that are subtypes of Luxuria, have been added by the compiler of fr. 146; they do not appear in the list of Fauvel’s courtiers at the beginning of Book II. As Regalado concludes, the personification allegory of the tournament ‘enabled Chaillou to bend his materials closely around historical circumstances while forcing them towards moral generalization where they could serve their political purpose of advising and admonishing the king’.’” This agenda is seen elsewhere in the roman as well, including the beginning of Book II, where the point is emphasized not by new narrative text but by the addition of musical and visual imagery, both of which underline the position of Charnalité: first of Fauvel’s courtiers at this point, and first of Virginité’s victims at the tournament to come. The middle portion of the triplum text (vv. 7-28) is not greatly changed in the new prose.
The principal alteration appears minor but is significant: ex is changed throughout. The triplum text, where all the evil things named proceed ‘from’ the deadly sins, becomes in the
prose a list that speaks not of results but location: envy “comes next’ (v. 7); sloth is ‘not far away (v. 17); avarice ‘is present’ (v. 21). The new prose thus reflects its altered context, where
the members of the court are listed (and depicted) in turn, radiating from Fauvel. By the time the alteration had reached this point, if not before, the triplum text had outgrown its motet frame, and the other voices were dropped. It appears, however, that some thought had been given to keeping the tenor as well, at least up to the point of copying the text of fo. 12’: there is a blank stave at the bottom of the folio, column c, that is difficult to explain in any other way. Moreover, there is an extra line of music below the text block on fo. 12", col. b; it is possible that at one time matching lines were intended in columns a and c to hold either the rest of the tenor or a repetition of it. A number of problems, however,
would arise with a two-part version of this work. In the first place, the amount of space available on fo. 12' is probably not enough for the complete tenor, which would have to be visible on both pages for the motet to be performable—and a work not performable on the page would be unprecedented in this manuscript.” Secondly, the additional text describing the marriage of Fauvel and Vaine Gloire makes a polyphonic version more difficult: where extra fauvelizing text occurs in other motets, it comes at the end, and the tenor is spun out to cover it.” Here, however, the text is inserted after line 28, creating special complications: in the added and reordered material following breve 121, the combination of the prose with the tenor would create structural fourths and frequent sevenths, seconds, and ninths. More'* Nancy Freeman Regalado, ‘Allegories of Power: The Tour* In fact, only one polyphonic work crosses from one opennament of Vices and Virtues in the Roman de Fauvel(BN MS Fr. _ ing to the next: Firmissime fidem|Adesto, sancta trinitas /Alleluya
146)’, Gesta, 32 (1993), 144. She also underlines the role of Glut-
—_(F 30, p-mus. 124), where the page turn is carefully planned.
tony as an attribute of the tyrant, who ‘is said to sacrifice public *" See e.g. In mari miserie! Tenor (F 6, p.mus. 7), Ad solitum good for private pleasure’. Tam grateful to Adelaide Bennett for — vomitum/ Tenor (F 7, p.mus. 8), and Ade costa dormienti |Tenor
drawing my attention to this article. Ibid. 144.
(F 20, p.mus. 39), all of which have new tenor material to cover the additional fauvelizing text.
The Flowering of Charnalité
181
over, new tenor material would change the repetition that is a hallmark of this motet. Even in the long section of music shared with the motet triplum, however, there are problems: the
two-part framework of triplum/prose and tenor is riddled with direct and barely disguised parallel fifths and octaves. This contrapuntal nightmare is of course present in the original three-part motet as well, but without the motetus it becomes overwhelming (see Ex. 7.2).” By the time the music of fo. 12' was copied, therefore, any thought of a two-part motet must have been given up; the ruled line at the bottom of the folio was left blank, and the extra line at the bottom of fo. 12°, column b, was not matched with another ruled line in columns a and c. Ex. 7.2. Prose Carnalitas luxuria, breves 127-57, with hypothesized tenor interval:
4 7k
4 =
ae
et =
D
5
8
65
8
oo
t
12 a
i=
-
=
9
7
6
o—o2— 2
7 9
1
EI
—@-+
oo
6 oO
De
@-
a5
Qe
=
I
Ss
5
|
9
5
5 9
2" _ 6.
|
Eb
An initial plan to have a two-part work may be one reason why not much musical alteration was made in the prose. The melodies of the motet triplum and the new prose are virtually identical down to breve 122, just after the beginning of the inserted text. After that point, rather than writing a new melody, large segments were taken from previous material and from the final section of the motet triplum: The motetus has some parallel perfect intervals with the tenor as well, but in general it has more contrary motion. A particularly prominent example of parallel motion occurs at the .
.
°
opening of the motet, where all three voices move from fif'le' to gig Id’. U
tf
Alice V. Clark
182
Carnalitas bb. 1-122 bb. 133-47. bbSi61=770"0 bb. 180-6 bb. 187-end
Floret id 057) 128-41 -35 55-61 148-end
EINE = = = =
Some of the reused material coincides with the moving of the opening triplum text to the end: the section that becomes bb. 161-77 of the prose sets the same words in the triplum text (vv. 4-6 of the triplum, wv. 37-9 of the prose) before going on to other material (see Ex. TNs
Otherwise, musical repetition is not linked to textual connections. Ex. 7.3. Parallel construction of prose Carnalitas luxuria (breves 161-80) and triplum Floret cum Vana Gloria (breves 18-37) ————
Co,
Con-ten-ci- 0 hac In-o
- be-di-en
- ci
-
Con-ten-ti- 0 ac
- be-di-en
- ti
-
a
°
oe
i=
SS
in-o
=
cea (7K)
Iac-tan-ci
-
a
a pro-ce-dit
Dis-cor-di
“Den ia
|
67.6
a
|e
a per-ti-na-ci-e
cap-ti
-
oO
-
a per-ti-na-ti-e
cap-ti
-
oO
SS
7)
a
o-
:
pre
-
f
|
o
7
Va - ni-ta-tum
5
-
Oe
-
6 oo
ft
sump-ci-o
eee ex
in - vi-di
-
a
in
pro-spe-ris
af-flic-ti
-
o
The paucity of melodic alteration and the reuse of material suggest that recomposition was carried out on the spot, a conclusion that may be confirmed by the anomaly in layout discussed above: a major change seems to have been made in the nature of the piece by the omission of the tenor, a decision that seems to have been made between the copying of the text of fo. 12’ and its music. In addition, the rhythm of the original motet, in groups of perfect longs, was maintained in much of the new prose, but was broken in two spots during the final section: these occur near the phrases ending in b. 155 and b. 180, where there is one breve extra.” This anomaly could be a sign that the music editor, revising as he went along and no longer bound by the tenor structure, lost track of the long-units—which are much less apparent on the surface of amelody moving mostly in semibreves. In support of this theory, 23 Sanders, ‘ é ; A wi ; 2 . aS ; “The Early Motets’,, does not use units of longs in his edition; Harrison, ‘The Monophonic Music’, emends the musical text to make the phrases fit a three-breve long.
The Flowering of Charnalité
183
it should be recalled that both these phrases fall on fo. 12", and by the time this page was copied any thought of a two-part motet had been dropped. The use of short phrases of two or three longs in this last section is also inconsistent with the style of the earlier part of the prose. No concession is made in the prose melody to the fact that this voice, originally the top voice in a three-part texture, is now a monophonic piece that must stand alone. Gestures that do not appear in the other proses in the manuscript and do not seem designed for solo singing—such as the frequent use of repeated notes and leaps down and back of a fourth— are not changed. In fact, the general melodic style of this prose is very different from the others in the roman, many of which were composed more than a half-century before their use in this source. In the end, part of the effect of this seemun ely}incongruous prose may be to serve as a reminder that Fauvel’s court is in session.” In this scenario, working from the triplum text and the manuscript agenda outward, the triplum held the seed of the motet’s destruction, and textual rather than musical or even
spatial considerations were primary in generating Carnalitas. Once the process was begun, however, musical and spatial concerns dictated the removal of the tenor, while the new prose may have gained by a closer association with Virgineus sensus, possibly composed as a counterpart to Carnalitas. The new prose in this context is part of a wider attempt to emphasize the danger of sexual infidelity, a critical element in the admonitio that this manuscript represents. It serves to introduce Charnalité and Fauvel’s other courtiers at the beginning of Book II, just before Fauvel tries to secure his high position by marrying Fortune. But, by its new closing section foretelling the marriage of Fauvel and Vaine Gloire and by the original motet’s association with Marigny, it foreshadows Fauvel’s fall. There is hope for France after all. APPENDIX
Texts of Floret cum Vana Glorial Florens vigorl Neuma and Carnalitas luxuria TEXTS
OF
MOTET
AND
PROSE”
Floret cum Vana Gloria (triplum)
Carnatlitas luxuria (prose)
(Brussels 19606, verso)
(fr. 246; fo. 1)
Floret cum vana gloria novitatum presumptio ypocrisis 1actantia discordia contentio ac inobedientia
Carnalitas. luxuria in favelli palacio presunt et inconstantia cum hiis mundana fictio. cecitas horror. Occia
) phd
5
4 Even so, the melodic style differs from other late proses in this manuscript—compare e.g. Virgineus sensus, discussed above.
»” T am grateful to Leofranc Holford-Strevens for textual | emendations.
Alice V. Clark
184 pertinentie captio
ebriositas passio
procedit ex invidia in prosperis afflictio detractio et odia
post procedit invidia
nocensque sussuratio de proximi iniuria
in prosperis Afflictio 10 MS proximis
ioconda exultatio ex ira contumelia
exit et indignatio clamor rixe blasphemia
15
mentis turget inflatio
MS terget
profluit ex accidia foras mencis vagatio malicia pigricia rancor et dispiratio
MS et
mentis turget inflacio.
20
rancor [fo. 12"] et desperacio. Assistit avaricia
MS fallatio producio
fallacio prodicio
iniquitas periuria
inequitas pariuria.
fraus cordis obduratio ex gula inmundicia sensus hebes in genio scurilitas leticia
Fraus cordis oduracio post gula immundicia
25
sensus habet in gremio
vana cum multiloqueo sequitur ex luxuria huius mundi affectio
30
cecitas inconstantia ac inconsideratio
cum fauvello cui Nuncia vox sit datur commissio
gravis precipitatio in deum parit odia nostre carnis dilectio
Scurrilitas leticia vana cum multiloquio in fine vana gloria visu Fortune previo
antichristi. Ve nuncio
Vane glorie filia ypocrisis. Contencio hic Inobediencia pertinencie captio lactantia. Discordia Vanitatum presumpcio
Sponsam ducunt per devia cadant in precipicio
Florens vigor ultiscendo
MS cui quod
de adventus nequicia 35
40
Florens vigor ultiscendo (motetus)
MS varia
iungitur matrimonio
horror futura gloria
juste vincens omnia
MS urget
Non longe sunt accidia falax mentis vagacio malicia pigricia
manat ex avaritia
fallacia prodicio
[detractio] et odia nocens que susurracio de proximi iniuria. iocunda exultacio. Ira hinc contumelia exit et indignacio clamor rixe blasphemia
MS pertinacie
The Flowering of Charnalité
185
ad tibi fides loquendo fastus [ad supplicia] qui amant [Aman] genu flectendo impediunt obsequia causatori adherendo fugiunt causaria sicque falsum sustinendo succumbit iusticia mardoceo detrahendo preparant exidia que in ipsos convertendo senciendo [sencient] duplicia cum iudex distuciendo iusta dabit premia
ite)
Tenor: [Neuma quinti toni]
TRANSLATIONS” Floret cum Vana Gloria (triplum)
With Vain Glory flourishes the presumptuousness of novelties, hypocrisy, boastfulness, discord, contention and disobedience, (and) the seizing of property. From envy proceeds affliction amidst successes, detraction and hatreds and harmful whispering,
delicious exultation from injury from neighbours.” From anger issues insulting language and indignation, clamour,
conflicts, blasphemy; the mind swells and is puffed up with pride.” From accidie flows forth meandering of the mind abroad, malice, sluggishness,
Carnalitas luxuria (prose) Carnality, lechery rule in Fauvel’s palace and inconstancy; with them,
worldly deceit, blindness, horror. Idleness, drunkenness, passion; in procession,
envy follows, affliction amidst successes, detraction and hatreds and harmful whispering,
delicious exultation at a neighbour’s injury.” Hence anger, insulting language issues, and indignation, clamour,
conflicts, blasphemy; puffing-up of the mind oppresses.” Not far off
rancour, and despair. From avarice
are accidie, deceitful meandering of the mind, malice, sluggishness, rancour, and despair. Avarice is in
exudes deception, treason, iniquity, perjury, fraud, hardness of heart.
attendance, deception, treason, iniquity, perjury, fraud, hardness of heart.
*° The translations are those of David Howlett, accompanying the recording of Philippe de Vitry and the Ars Nova by the
replaced by a nominative. three notes.
| am indebted to him for the next
Orlando Consort (Amon Ra, CD-SAR 49, 1991); |am grateful to
*” Here proximi (fr. 146) is right and proximis (Brussels) is
Dr Howlett for permission to reprint them with slight revisions. Leofranc Holford-Strevens, who translated the beginning of the prose Carnalitas luxuria, remarks that in several places in fr. 146 the notion of cause has been lost, ex plus ablative having been
wrong. ** “Wipes clean’ and ‘oppresses’ are the respective translations of terget and urget, both corruptions of turget, ‘swells’. The original sense was: ‘the mind swells and is puffed up (with pride)’.
Alice V. Clark
186
Next gluttony, uncleanness has its senses”
From gluttony uncleanness, dull sense” in the spirit, scurrility; vain pleasure with much speaking. From self-indulgence follows the love of this world, blindness, inconstancy
in the spirit, scurrility; vain pleasure with much speaking.
In the end Vain Glory by a harbinger
and inconsiderateness from the glory
vision of Fortune is joined in matrimony with Fauvel, to whom let his name be a
that will become horror, grave headlong
warning. A commission is given concerning
descent. The odious love of
the depravity of the coming of Antichrist. Woe to the messenger. Hypocrisy, the daughter of Vain Glory, contention and
our flesh begets hatred of God.
disobedience, the seizing of property, boastfulness, discord, the enjoyment of
vanities call the bride through devious ways. May they fall from a great height. Motetus
Flourishing power, in your avenging justly winning all your cases, and to you, Faith, speaking for punishment for arrogance: those who by bending the knee to Haman impede proper services, by
adhering to the plaintiff they concede diseased things—and thus by sustaining the false justice succumbs—by dragging Mordecai away (or: by slandering Mordecai) for execution they prepare ruin, which they will feel double turning on to themselves when the Judge in trying the case will give just rewards. 29
«¢
Dull sense’
5)
.
&
7
.
(sensus hebes) is the correct reading; habet is a corruption.
8 Desespoir, Esperance, and Douce France: The New Palace, Paris, and the Royal State UY MICHAL
I
DAVIS
One of the main protagonists of the Roman de Fauvelis a work of monumental architecture. The palace of Desespoir, in the heart of the city of Esperance, serves as the setting for the depraved rule of the evil horse-king, Fauvel, and his court of vices. This theatre of sin is not
an invention of literary imagination, but a carefully described portrait of the new royal palace on the Ile de la Cité in Paris. By centring the action of the Fauvel story within the walls and halls of the palace, the authors identify the contemporary government as the unmistakable target of their satire.’ At the same time, the realm of Fauvel represents the world turned
upside-down, a place where everything takes on its opposite nature: ... le monde bestourne Par tout
sans
mesure
et sans
bourne
Et qu’ainsi tout criature A lessié sa propre nature
Et pris le contraire.. . (Langfors, vv. 1155-9)
i
He overturns the world
Everywhere without measure and without limits And thus every creature Has abandoned its true nature
And taken on the opposite Research for this paper was carried out with the assistance of
al. 3-4, 10. As the authors note, the palace evoked by Gervés du
grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities in
Bus remains vaguely sketched. It is Chaillou de Pesstain’s additions that elaborate the details associating Desespoir with the royal palace.
1986-7 and 1989 and faculty grants from Mount Holyoke College in 1994. For their ideas and insights, I thank Bettina Bergmann, Elizabeth A. R. Brown, Brigitte Buettner, Michael
Camille, Christopher Page, and Nancy Freeman Regalado. ' This point has been explored amply by Jean-Claude Miihlethaler, Fauvel au pouvoir: lire la satire médiévale (Paris, 1994), esp. sect. 3, histoire: satire et référentalité’; Roesner et
* Miihlethaler, Fauvel au pouvoir, 61-142; Keith Moxey, ‘Hieronymus Bosch and the “World Upside Down”: The Case of The Garden of Earthly Delights, in Norman Bryson, Michael Ann Holly, and Keith Moxey (eds.), Visual Culture: Images and Interpretations (Hanover, NH, 1994), 104-40.
Michael T. Davis
188
One of the keys to unlocking the meanings of the Roman de Fauvel lies in an analysis of the
royal palace. In turn, the narrative verse and the images of fr. 146 offer crucial insights into the physical and ideological character of one of the most important secular structures erected in medieval Europe. In this article, I shall assemble surviving architectural, graphic, and literary evidence to reconstitute the early fourteenth-century form of the Palais de la Cité, parts of which survive within the fabric of the nineteenth-century Palais de Justice.’ Through an exploration of the choice and composition of its constituent elements, we recognize that in the palace Philip IV the Fair sought to craft an image of royal authority legitimated by the past, of a government that was the instrument of public well-being, and of a nation whose
heart was the king himself.
Construction and Architectural Context of the Palace Thanks to the remarkable archival studies of Jean Guérout, the history of the palace site from Gallo-Roman times until the end of the Middle Ages is well known.’ Association of the
western half of the Ile de la Cité with a domicile of authority dates to the Roman Empire. Julian the Apostate, while still Caesar, governed the region around Lutetia from a fortified
residence about 360 and excavations have uncovered important ancient remains.’ Inhabited by Merovingian kings, the old palace was rebuilt by Robert the Pious in the early eleventh
century.” During the twelfth century, Louis VI and Louis VII added the cylindrical donjon, the Grosse Tour, and the royal apartments, the logis du roi.’ Louis IX continued the enlargement by erecting the Sainte-Chapelle (1241-8) and the adjoining Galerie des Merciers, as well as the so-called Salle sur Eau with its attached Tour Bonbec (Fig. 8.1).°
Philip the Fair began the transformation of this motley collection of structures into a coherent administrative and residential complex in the mid-1290s with a series of land purchases around the old enclosure. By 1298, new walls are mentioned. The Grand-Salle, the great audience hall, was under way in 1301, the Grand-Chambre, the meeting hall of
Parlement, in 1302, while the remodelling of the /ogis du roi followed around 1308.’ Although * See David Van Zanten, Designing Paris: The Architecture of Duban, Labrouste, Duc, and Vaudoyer (Cambridge, Mass., 1987),
encountered the perfidious Leudast browsing the nearby shops of the Cité, as reported by Gregory of Tours, The History of the
177-223, for the later history and rebuilding of the Palais de Justice. Further details can be found in Hilary Ballon, The Paris
Franks, trans. Lewis Thorpe (Harmondsworth, 1974), 362-3 (vi.
of Henri IV: Architecture and Urbanism (Cambridge, Mass., and
° Guérout, ‘Le Palais’ (1949), 102-31. ” Thid. 132-46. * Ibid. 157-74; see (1950), 180-7 for a description of the attached Trésor des Chartes and the Maison de la Parcheminerie.
New York, 1991); Katherine Fischer Taylor, In the Theater of Criminal Justice: The Palais de Justice in Second Empire Paris (Princeton, 1993), 15-20, 75—108.
* Jean Guérout, ‘Le Palais de la Cité a Paris des origines a
1417: essai topographique et archéologique’,
Paris et Ile-de-
France: Mémoires, i (1949), 57-212; 2 (1950), 21-204; 3 (1951), 7-
IOI. > Ibid. (1949), 83-102. For a comprehensive
discussion
of
Lutetia, consult Pierre-Marie Duval, Paris antique, des origines au
III’ siécle (Paris, 1961); Lutéce: Paris de César aClovis (Paris, 1984). In 583, King Chilperic and Queen Fredegunde must have been
heading to the palace after mass at Notre-Dame when they
ey)
The most recent study of the Sainte-Chapelle is Jean-Michel Leniaud and Frangoise Perrot, La Sainte-Chapelle (Paris, 1991). * Guérout, ‘Le Palais’ (1950), 23-44. The topography and land transactions surrounding the reconstruction of the palace have been studied in detail by Léon-Louis Borelli de Serres,
‘L’Agrandissement du palais de la Cité sous Philippe le Bel’, Mémoires de la Société de U-histoire de Paris et de I'Ile-de-France, 38 (1911), I-106.
Desespoir, Esperance, and Douce France
189
Fic. 8.1. Paris, Palais de la Cité, plan. A: Grand-Salle; B: Grand-Chambre; C: Tour César; D: Tour d’Argent; E: Tour Bonbec (Louis IX); F: Salle sur Eau (Louis IX); G: Galleries;
H: Grand Préau; I: Logis du Roi; J: Grosse Tour; K: Chambre des Comptes and Hétel des Monnaies; L: Galerie des Merciers (Louis IX); M: Grand Degrés; N: Sainte-Chapelle (Louis IX); O: Residences of Sainte-Chapelle canons; P: Chapel of Saint-Michel; Q: Porte Saint-Michel; R: Grande Porte; S$: added during reign of John II. (Photo: author, redrawn after Guérout)
the palace was inaugurated during the Pentecost festivities in June 1313, construction and
decoration continued until 1324.'° When completed, the entire precinct stretched nearly 170 metres from east to west, 360 metres with the gardens (Figs. 8.1, 8.2). _In planning the palace, Philip the Fair might have quoted to his master mason, Jean de
Cerens, the advice given to him by Giles of Rome in De regimine principum that the ruler should demonstrate his magnificence in the buildings he erects. His habitation should be wondrous and constructed with subtle industry, not for vainglorious display, but so that the '° Construction after 1314 on the dependencies of the new palace is described by Guérout, ‘Le Palais’ (1950), 44-52. A sense
of the cost of the project can be glimpsed in fragmentary accounts published in RHF, Documents financiers, 1: Inventaire danciens comptes royaux dressés par Robert Mignon sous le regne de Philippe de Valois, ed. Charles-Victor Langlois (Paris, 1899), 272— 4. From Mar. 1308 to Jan. 1309, 1,344 livres parisis (strong) were spent, from Feb. 1310 to Feb. 1315, 27,409 livres tournots. Approximately 10,000 pounds ‘pro operibus palacii Regis Parisius’
appear in the accounts of Philip the Fair for the years 12991301:
Les Journaux du Trésor de Philippe IV le Bel, ed. Jules Viard (Paris,
1940). Also consult Les Journaux du Trésor de Charles IV le Bel, ed. Jules Viard (Paris, 1917) for the limited expenses (around 2,000 pounds) between 1322 and 1328. For the inauguration of
the palace, consult Elizabeth A. R. Brown and Nancy Freeman Regalado, ‘La grant feste: Philip the Fair’s Celebration of the Knighting of his Sons in Paris at Pentecost of 1313’, in Barbara
A. Hanawalt and Kathryn L. Reyerson (eds.), City and Spectacle in Medieval Europe (Medieval Minneapolis, 1994), 56-86.
Studies
at
Minnesota,
6;
Michael T. Davis
190
people seeing it may be awe-struck and less inclined to rise up.'' To Jean de Jandun, writing
his Tractatus de laudibus parisius in 1323, the palace appeared ‘impregnable, enclos(ing) an area vast enough to contain innumerable people’.'* Jean de Cerens used towers and turrets as a leitmotif to achieve an impressive, bristling exterior silhouette. Gervés du Bus called attention to glistening roofs of slate,'” while Chaillou de Pesstain remarked on the forbidding beauty of the fortifications of Fauvel’s palace: Ou palais ha quatorze ou douse Chastelez, que tours, que tourneles, Bateilleresses, fors et beles,
Qui li aident au besoing (Langfors App., vv. 34-7)
The palace has fourteen or twelve Strongholds, some towers, some turrets.
Battlements strong and beautiful, That protect it in time of need
In reality, the palace was not intended as an effective stronghold: the outer walls embraced offices, halls, the kitchen, canonical residences, the Chapel of Saint-Michel, and suites of commercial shops.'4 Battlements were decorative, devoid of provisions for hoarding,
machicolations, or meurtriéres. Rather than fulfilling a military function, this ensemble of towers, crenellated walls, and steep roofs identified the palace as a locus of power.
The cylindrical shapes of the new towers that define the main quarters of the palace echo the form of the old donjon and underscore the calculated historical association that underpins the design as a whole (Fig. 8.2). The innovative character of Philip the Fair’s palace
resides not in outright invention but in the studied combination and elaboration of established elements to articulate a message of royal prestige. The deliberation with which components of élite historical pedigree are assembled reveals a remarkable architectural consciousness on the part of the ‘building committee’-—the king, his counsellors, and the master mason. '' Giles principum,
of
Rome
(Aegidius
Romanus),
2. 3. 2, cited by Elizabeth
De
regimine
A. R. Brown,
“Persona
et Gesta: The Image and Deeds of the Thirteenth-Century Capetians. 3. The Case of Philip the Fair’, Viator, 19 (1988), 21946 at 232. For Jean de Cerens as the possible first master mason of the palace, see Henri Stein, Le Palais de justice et la Sainte-
Chapelle de Paris (Paris, 1927), 8; id., ‘L’Architecte Jean de Cerens’, BEC98 (19377), 209-10; Guérout, ‘Le Palais’ (1950), 557. Nicolas de Chauraes was master mason in 1314 while Jean de
Gisors occupied the post of master carpenter. Jean de Jandun, ‘Tractatus de laudibus parisius’, published in Paris et ses historiens aux XIV'et XV sizcles, ed. A.J. V. Le Roux de Lincy (Paris, 1867), 48-9. Jean ther: proceeds to describe the
palace in virtually the same terms of virtuous severity as Giles of Rome.
'S “Mes sachiez que son dit palaiz | N’estoit pas couvert de
balaiz. | Le palaiz fu couvert d’adoise | Si plaisant que nul n’y adoise | Qui ja més departir s’en puisse, | Quel que paine et labour y truisse. | Reluisant est la couverture | Du palaiz, si que sans mesure | Esmeut chascun a y venir’ (Langfors, wv. 1315-23). That roofs were viewed as an important element of impressive architecture is evident in Caroline Bruzelius, ‘ad modum franciae:
Charles of Anjou and Gothic Architecture in the Kingdom of Sicily’, Journal of the Society ofArchitectural Historians, 50 (1991), 403, where roof tiles of the French-sponsored abbey of S. Maria della Vittoria were ordered ‘ad modum franciae’. '" See Guérout, ‘Le Palais’ (1950), 78-84 for a description of
the outer walls (enceinte) of the palace. Its non-military character clearly emerges through a comparison with contemporary defensive architecture. See the recent study of Jean Mesqui, Chateaux et enceintes de la France médiévale (Paris, 1991), i. 38-88,
221-54.
Desespoir, Esperance, and Douce France
191
Pre-existing buildings were incorporated into Philip’s project, a decision that sacrificed
absolute regularity of plan in favour of an architectural archive of the Capetian dynasty. By mounting the older structures like relics in a splendid new setting, Philip created a physical metaphor for the continuity of royal power legitimated by the authority of the past.” It should be recalled that in the Grand-Salle the king appeared in the company of statues ‘that seemed to be alive’ of all his predecessors.'° Not surprisingly, the Sainte-Chapelle was set like a jewel in the centre of the Grand Cour to advertise the divinely chosen status of the French people and their monarch by showcasing the incomparable collection of Christ’s relics (Figs. 8.1, 8.2).'’ With the canonization of Louis
IX in August 1297 and Philip’s intentions to translate his grandfather’s remains, the chapel would become a monument to the sanctity of the saint’s royal successors.'* In addition, the preservation of the Grosse Tour and the facade of the royal apartments had little to do with either defence or economy. The buttresses and massive square towers of the Jogis du roi had been built in the twelfth century, but the window forms, sculptural embellishment of the doorways, and moulding profiles of the aqueduct-like arches witness the activity of Philip the Fair's builders (Fig. 8.3). Stephen Gardner has likened the corps-de-logis exterior with its giant
order pilasters to the Constantinian basilica at Trier and the two-storey disposition with towers finds its closest parallels and antecedents in Roman villa architecture as well as city gates.’ Rising over the western end of the Ile de la Cité, the west facade of the palace created an impressive riverfront gateway into the city itself: “Le palais, si com l’en va vers | Occident, tient de bonne guise’ (Langfors App., vv. 142-3).
The immense Grand-Salle, often referred to as the palace itself, dominated the complex (Figs. 8.2, 8.4). Such aulae had been the distinguishing feature of aristocratic residences '’ Among the most recent studies that have explored the medieval construction of history as a political tool are Andrew Lewis, Royal Succession in Capetian France: Studies on Familial
"” For the idea of the Sainte-Chapelle as a national shrine, see Robert Branner, Saint Louis and the Court Style in Gothic Archi-
Order and the State (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Gabrielle Spiegel, ‘Genealogy: Form and Function in Medieval Historical Narrative’, History and Theory, 22 (1983), 43-53; ead., Romancing the Past: The Rise of Vernacular Prose Historiography in 13th-Century France (Berkeley, 1993); and Anne D. Hedeman, The Royal Image: Illustrations of the Grandes Chroniques de France, 1274-
furnishings and interior arrangements of the chapel in “The Grande Chasse of the Sainte-Chapelle’, Gazette des Beaux Arts,
1422
(Berkeley, 1991).
tecture (London, 196s), 56-7. Branner extends his thoughts to
ser. 6, 77 (1971), 5-18. See also Leniaud and Perrot, La Sainte-
Chapelle, 81-117. '* Elizabeth A. R. Brown, ‘Philippe le Bel and the Remains of Saint Louis’, Gazette des Beaux Arts, ser. 6, 95 (1980), 17582.
" Stephen Gardner, “The Influence of Castle Building on
'© Jean de Jandun, in his “Tractatus de laudibus parisius’, 48g, mentioned: ‘Pro inclite vero recordationis honore, ydola
Ecclesiastical Architecture in the Paris Region, 1130-1150’, in
cunctorum regum Francie, qui hactenus precesserunt, sunt ibidem adeo perfecte representationis proprietate formata, ut
Romance
primitus inspiciens ipsa fere judicet quasi viva.’ The statues are the subject of articles by Noél Valois, “Les Statues de la grande
Minneapolis, 1984), 106. A photograph among the papers of Théodore Vacquer, Bibliothéque historique de la Ville de Paris,
Kathryn Reyerson and Faye Powe (eds.), The Medieval Castle: and
Reality
Studies
at
Minnesota,
1;
salle du Palais’, Bulletin de la Société de l'histoire de Paris, 30
MS
(1905), 87-90, and Uwe Bennert, ‘Art et propagande politique sous Philippe IV le Bel: le cycle des rois de France dans la
whose complex profile and elision into the adjoining buttress masonry accord with an early 14th-c. date. Photographs recording the sculpture ofthe west facade of the palace, the Cour Saint-
Grand’salle du palais de la Cité’, Revue de l'art, 97 (1992), 46-59; they are discussed by Guérout, “Le Palais’ (1950), 1325. Philip
the Fair’s concern with descent is underscored by Elizabeth A. R. Brown, ‘The Prince is Father of the King: The Character and Childhood of Philip the Fair of France’, Medieval Studies, 49 (1987), 314.
255, piéce 75 shows
(Medieval
mouldings above the west windows
Martin, before its demolition in Sept. 1868 are housed in BN, Estampes, Va 225c.
* For the equation of the ‘palais’ (palatium) with the GrandSalle, see Guérout, ‘Le Palais’ (1950), 30-1.
192
Michael T. Davis ROYAL!!!
EN
LA
CIITE
Fic. 8.2. Paris, Palais de la Cité, general view from east by Boisseau. BN, Estampes, Wacms.
p. 271 (1156) (Photo: BN)
Fic. 8.3. Paris, Palais de la Cité, west facade of logis du roi. Paris, Musée Carnavalet, Topo PC 004F (Photo: Musées de la Ville de Paris)
Desespoir, Esperance, and Douce France
193
since antiquity, and Philip certainly intended his great hall as a stage for official royal performance. Like its counterparts at Westminster or Aachen, the Grand-Salle also served
as a judicial space. On ‘business days’, notaries plied their trade on raised seats set against the walls and petitioners to Parlement awaited their day in court under its vast wooden vaults.”! Philip's Grand-Salle was set apart from its models and rivals by its size and embellishment. At 70 metres in length and 27 metres wide, it was the largest hall in western Europe.” Judging
from later graphic views, the courtyard windows were crowned by gables, a feature found in Paris only at the Cathedral of Notre-Dame and the Sainte-Chapelle (Figs. 8.5, 8.6). Far from being formulaic decorative features, gables, like crowns, were the marks of highest architec-
tural distinction and they signal the Grand-Salle as a quasi-sacred space for the public presentation of the reigning Vicar of Christ.” It is likely that the king held the state banquets in the Grand-Salle during the 1313 festivities. Although the metrical chronicle attributed to
Geftroy de Paris does not locate the feasts in its otherwise expansive account of the week’s events, they were occasions of high royal spectacle. The Saturday banquet followed the reception into Paris of Edward II and Isabella, his queen and Philip’s daughter, while Sunday’s repast honoured the king’s three newly knighted sons. The new Grand-Salle offered the only space in Paris of sufficient size and grandeur both to accommodate and to awe the horde of attending magnates: we must imagine the king appearing crowned and, flanked by
select guests, seated on a raised dais behind his imposing table of black marble bathed in the late afternoon light streaming in through the hall’s west windows and reflecting off the polished stone surfaces.”* And once Fauvel leaves his stable, ‘II s’est herbergié en la sale |Pour mielx demonstrer
son regale’ (vv. 15-16). We can well imagine that the horse’s court
ceremonial mirrored that of his human counterparts: Par la sale en tour les piliers Furent a mons et a miliers ' Mesqui, Chateaux et enceintes, ii. 77-90, for the functions of the Grand-Salle. The activities of notaries are signalled by Jean de Jandun, “Tractatus de laudibus parisius’, 48: “Etenim super
articulated in the West in the 8th c. For a general discussion of the development oftheocratic kingship consult Walter Ullmann, Principles of Government and Politics in the Middle Ages (New
patentes lateralium sedium altitudines hujus aule, cunctis fere diebus, insident viri politici, quorum hii quidem magistri requestarum, illi vero regis notarii, ex officiis propriis
York, 1961), pt. Il, ch. 1, 120-3; and Ernst Kantorowicz,
nominantur.’
France with Christ was wielded with particular effect by royal propagandists during Philip IV’s reign, as discussed by Joseph
* See the chart in Mesqui, Chateaux et enceintes, ii. 78, fig. 87.
Although the Great Hall at Westminster at 80 metres was longer than Philip's Grand-Salle, the latter was wider and thus enclosed a larger space: 1,890 vs. 1,600 square metres. * Although differing in details, the engravings by Froideau,
The
King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton, 1957), 61-78, 207-72. The equation of the king of
Strayer, ‘France: The Holy Land, the Chosen People, and the
Most Christian King’, in Medieval Statecraft and the Perspectives of History (Princeton, 1971), 300-14, esp. 307.
“ Chronique métrique de Godefroy de Paris, ed. J.-A. Buchon (Paris, 1827), vv. 5200-16; more recently, Diverrés, vv. 4839-40.
BN, Estampes, Ve 53g, rés. fol. 126 (1020), and Thierry, Ve 53g, rés. fol. 127 (1021), render the windows of the western two bays
The two banquets and their ceremonial context are discussed by
on the south side of the Grand-Salle in the form of twin-lancet openings crowned by a gable enclosing a trefoil. Presumably the
Brown and Regalado, “La grant feste’, 59-62. For the black marble table, mentioned with wonder by Jean de Jandun, “Tractatus
remaining windows were rebuilt by Solomon de Brosse in 161938 following the 1618 fire in the Grand-Salle.
de laudibus parisius’, 48 and Guillbert de Metz, Description de la
The concept that royal power was bestowed by God, thus making the king a Vicarius Dei or Vicartus Christi, was first
ville de Paris au XV'siecle, ed. A. J. V. Le Roux de Lincy (Paris, 1855), 53-4; Guérout, ‘Le Palais’ (1950), 137.
194
Michael T. Davis
Fic. 8.4. Paris, Palais de la Cité, interior of Grand-Salle, view by Jacques I Androuet
du Cerceau. BN, Estampes, Vx ts, p. 269 (1155) (Photo: BN)
Fic. 8.5. Paris, Palais de la Cité, Grande Cour (Cour du Mai) looking north-west towards Grand-Salle, by Froideau. BN, Estampes, Ve 53g, rés. fo. 126 (1020) (Photo: BN)
Desespoir, Esperance, and Douce France
195
Fic. 8.6. Paris, Palais de la Cité, Grande Cour, view of Galerie des Merciers during demolition (1777), by Thierry. BN, Estampes, Ve 53g, rés. fo. 5 (1021) (Photo: BN)
Entour Fauvel et sa chaiere, Loings et pres, devant et derriere (vv. 1669-72)
In the Great Hall around the piers A crowd of thousands pressed Around Fauvel and his throne, Far and near, before and behind
A series of galleries laced the individual atoms of the Palais de la Cité together: the Galerie des Merciers and Galerie des Prisonniers connected the Sainte-Chapelle, the Grand-Salle,
and the Jogis du roi; the Galerie des Peintres or de Saint-Louis, which ran along the western side of the Grand
Préau, linked the royal apartments with the Tour Bonbec and Salle
sur |’Eau; the corridor along this courtyard’s northern edge extended to the Tour César and Tour d’Argent, the bureaux of criminal and civil justice (Figs. 8.7, 8.8). Well known from
earlier ecclesiastical and aristocratic residences, galleries were a pragmatic response to the sprawl of the palace. They allowed the designer to compose the complex as a series of semi» These galleries or ‘allées’, whose specific designations postdate the period of Philip the Fair, are discussed by Guérout, “Le
Palais’ (1949), 171-3; (1950), 87-93, 122-5; Mesqui, Chateaux et —_enceintes, ii. 35, 149-50.
Fic. 8.7. (above) Paris, Palais de la Cité, Grand Préau by Urruty, c.1831. BN, Estampes, Va 225c (Photo: BN) Fic. 8.8. (deft) Paris, Palais de la Cité,
gallery interior. BN, Estampes, Va 225€ (Photo: BN)
Desespoir, Esperance, and Douce France
197
independent, yet connected functional blocks. While Louis [X’s Galerie des Merciers created an impressive architectural link between the ecclesiastical and secular poles of the palace, the Sainte-Chapelle and Salle du Roi, its primary function was circulation.”° Philip the Fair used the gallery on an unprecedented scale and reconceptualized it as a setting for official display. The Galerie des Merciers was transformed from a simple corridor into a multi-purpose space that was the main entrance to the palace through the addition of the Grands
Degrés and ‘porte du beau roi Philippe’ (Figs. 8.2, 8.6).” First, with the
installation of merchants’ (merciers) stalls, the gallery served as a public place of commerce. Second, this wing created an exterior stage for royal ceremony, for the monumental staircase ascended to a black marble apron from which proclamations were read against the sculptural backdrop of statues of Philip and his chief minister, Enguerran de Marigny.” Although infused with nobility, Philip’s galleries were not yet the lavishly decorated corridors of the later fourteenth century, as at the Hétel Saint-Pol, nor were they the exercise or picture galleries of the Renaissance period.”” On the one hand, they accommodated the choreography of official court life. Froissart relates that important visitors were ushered through the palace galleries into the king’s apartments.”’ On the other hand, the gallery as a transitional zone between the glare of the public sphere and the realm of residential privacy is evoked exquisitely by the Grandes Chroniques account of the entry of Emperor Charles IV and King Charles V to the Great Feast of 1378: “And soon after, the king descended from his chamber and met the
emperor to go to dine in the Grand-Salle of the palace . . . And thus they went without great hurry through the Merceries (Galerie des Merciers) and through the Grand-Salle of the palace up to the high dais to the table of marble’.*' This intimate moment is shared by the two rulers in the quietude of the galleries moments before they enter the teeming extravaganza of the Feast. The bivalent nature of the gallery seems a particularly apt architectural expression of the complex character of Philip the Fair, who was at once a consummate political showman carefully crafting his public image, but also a fiercely private person.” © Mesqui, Chdteaux et enceintes, 149, terms the galleries of
Louis IX’s palace “espaces chargés de symboles, destinés a magnifier le souverain’, but offers no supporting evidence. * Guérout, ‘Le Palais’ (1950), 25-7, 84, 87-9; Mary Whiteley, ‘Deux escaliers royaux du x1v* siécle: les “Grands Degrez” du Palais de la Cité et la “Grande Viz” du Louvre’, Bulletin monumental, 147 (1989), 133-42. A drawing by Etienne Martellange of
statue appears to be uncrowned, his costume of monastic simplicity in comparison with the trumeau king’s elaborate mantle. His identity remains unknown. ” For a description of the galleries of the Hotel Saint-Pol, see Henri Sauval, Histoire et recherches de la ville de Paris (Paris, 1724,
repr. London, 1969), ti. 281. The subsequent history ofthe gallery is treated by Wolfram Prinz, Die Entstehung der Galerie in
the Sainte-Chapelle after the fire of 1618 (Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, iny. no. C.Lar.II.117) shows gables over a window and
Frankreich und Italien (Berlin, 1970); Mark Girouard, Life in the
atop the wall of the Galerie des Merciers. The tracery of the window gable appears to be identical with those of the choir
Coope, ‘The “Long Gallery”: Its Origins, Development, Use and
chapels of Notre-Dame, built between 1296 and ¢.1315, indicating
that the gallery was remodeled during Philip IV’s reconstruction of the palace. The Oxford drawing is published by J. J. L. Whiteley, ‘Architectural Views by Etienne Martellange and
English
Country
House
(New
Haven,
1978),
100-2;
Rosalys
Decoration’, Architectural History, 29 (1986), 43-84. ” Cited by Whiteley, ‘Deux escaliers royaux’, 140-1. 3] BN fr. 2813, fo. 473°, quoted by Jacques Gardelles, Chateaux et guerriers de la France au Moyen Age (Strasburg, 1980), iv. 284.
The Great Feast is discussed by Hedeman, The Royal Image, 128-
Francois Stella’, Master Drawings, 33 (1995), 384, fig. 23. *8 Whiteley, ‘Deux escaliers royaux’, 137-42. Enguerran’s
32
statue, occupying the niche on the right side of the portal, was destroyed following his fall in 1315. Whiteley proposes that the
(Princeton, 1980), 3-35; also Elizabeth A. R. Brown’s fundamen-
figure represented in the Retable de Parlement of 1453-4 on the
left jamb of the portal may be Louis X. To my eye, the Retable
® Consult
Joseph
Strayer,
The Reign
of Philip the Fair
tal studies of Philip the Fair’s personality: “The Prince is Father of the King’ and ‘Persona et Gesta’.
Michael T. Davis
198
There appears to be a meaningful retrospection behind the emphasis on the gallery. The treatment of agallery as the monumental vestibule to the palace as a whole and the siting of the portal midway between the royal au/a and chapel repeat the entry at Aachen.*’ One may well question whether thoughts of the Carolingian palace’s architecture stirred in the minds of Philip, Marigny, or Jean de Cerens, but is it merely coincidental that the figure of Charlemagne on the Retable de Parlement, painted in 1453-4, stands directly in front of the Grands Degrés and their portal?” Philip III had waged a concerted campaign in word, image, and deed to demonstrate the identification of the French king with the sainted emperor.” In the wake of Philip III’s failure to gain the imperial crown, his son, Philip the Fair, may have used architectural appropriation as a strategy to buttress the contention that the French, not the Germans, were the true heirs of Charlemagne.” This may explain why Philip imported the black marble slabs from Germany for the two spots of royal public appearance at the palace, the apron (perron) of the Grands Degrés and the high table in the Grand-Salle.*” If France
could not annex Aachen, then at least a portion of Aachen could be re-fashioned in Paris. Finally, is it also possible that the gallery meant to evoke the grandeur of ancient Rome? The porticus had been a recurrent sign of wealth and status in Roman palace and villa planning, and, as mentioned above, the west facade of the /ogis du roi echoes late antique
imperial prototypes. However, few, if any, of these grand residences would have been known. A more relevant source for Capetian patrons and builders may lie in the fabled imperial palaces of Constantinople. Robert de Clari’s awestruck account of the Bucoleon and Blachernae palaces following the Crusaders’ sack of the city in 1204 stresses the enormous number of halls and chapels all connected with one another. The Byzantine capital and its palaces represented the epitome of splendour appropriate for the world’s most powerful ruler. Describing the magnificence of Fauvel’s nuptial chamber, Chaillou de Pesstain compares it to the fabulous wealth of Constantinople: Fait fu, si a faite s’entree Dedenz la chambre encortinee 3 Mesqui, Chateaux et enceintes, 35, 149-50: Felix Kreusch, ‘Kirche, Atrium, und Portikus den Aachener Pfalz’, in Karl der
Grofse: Lebenswerk
und Nachleben,
iii: Karolingische Kunst
(Diisseldorf, 1965), 505-29.
* Whiteley, ‘Deux escaliers royaux’, 137-40. The most recent study of the Retable du Parlement is Charles Sterling, La Peinture
essai sur l’idéologie imperiale en France’, Revue historique, 173
(1934), 273-311, 497-534; For Charlemagne as a role model for Philip IV, Hedeman, The Royal Image, 35. In the Chronique
métrique, the dying Philip is urged to think of Charlemagne: “Hé! gentil roy, 4 Charlemainne | Pensez, et & vos devanciers | Qui si alérent drois sentiers’ (Diverrés, vv. 6678-80).
médiévale a Paris, 1300-1500 (Paris, 1990), ii. 36-49, with compre-
* At least since the coronation celebration of Otto I, the
hensive bibliography. © Hedeman, The Royal Image, 17-22. The ‘crown of Charle-
German emperor appeared in the palace at Aachen at a marble table: ‘ad mensam marmoream regio apparatu ornatum’. Walter
magne’ as well as Joyeuse, his sword, which became standard
Kaemmerer,
ritual objects in royal coronation ceremonies, appear to have
Anlage und Uberlieferung’, in Karl der Groffe: Lebenswerk und Nachleben, i: Persinlichkeit und Geschichte (Diisseldorf, 1965),
been made—or
at least reshaped—during
Philip III’s reign.
Colette Beaune, The Birth of an Ideology: Myths and Symbols of Nation in Late-Medieval France, trans. Susan Ross Huston (Berkeley, 1991), 55-7. The importance of Charlemagne to the
Capetian dynasty has been explored by Gabrielle Spiegel, “The Reditus Regni ad Stirpem Karoli Magni: A New Look’, French Historical Studies, 7 (1971-2), 145-74. * Gaston Zeller, ‘Les Rois de France, candidats A Pempire:
‘Die Aachener
Pfalz des Karls des Grosfen
in
prs 38 Robert
of Clari,
The Conquest of Constantinople,
trans.
Edgar Holmes McNeal (New York, 1969), ro1-5. For a discus-
sion of the ancient Roman cryptoporticus see Reinhard Fértsch, Archéologischer Kommentar zu den Villabriefen des Jiingeren Plinius (Mainz, 1993), 41-8. This reference was brought to my attention by Professor Bettina Bergmann.
Desespoir, Esperance, and Douce France
199
La ou fu le lit bel et noble: N’a tel jusqu’a Costentinnoble
Si parez, si riches, si cointes. (Langfors App., vv. 643-7)
This was done, then he entered Into the curtained chamber Where there was a beautiful and magnificent bed:
There is none like it even in Constantinople So soft, so rich, so beautiful.
Further, French propagandists explained the plunder of Constantinople as a long-awaited revenge against the Greeks for the destruction of their mythical homeland, Troy, and a symbol of the transfer of empire to the West.” I am not suggesting, by drawing these connections, that the Constantinopolitan palaces exercised a direct influence on the architecture of the Palais de la Cité. Rather like Suger’s attempt to rival the treasury of Hagia Sophia at Saint-Denis, not by reproducing specific objects, but by amassing a comparable collection
of dazzling gems, vessels, and relics, French kings used analogous architectural elements to set themselves on an equal plane with the imperator Romanorum.” It was enough for the SainteChapelle to match the material splendour and appropriate the relics of the Holy Chapel of the Byzantine palace, for galleries to link the Palais de la Cité’s myriad chambers, and to appoint those rooms with the costliest of furnishings.”’ The setting of the palace was even more novel than its architecture. From their apartments, the royal residents, the queen on the ground floor, the king above, looked out beyond a small courtyard to a vast formal garden.” A domed foliate pavilion rose at the intersection of arched trellises that divided the trapezoidal plot into approximately equal quadrants dotted by small trees. In the June prospect of the palace in the 77és Riches Heures, taken from the Hotel de Nesle on the Left Bank, the enclosing walls obstruct our view of the garden floor. However, later descriptions mention beds of vegetables as well as flowers.” The shaded walkways, soft grass benches, colourful flowers, and succulent fruits created a place for royal repose. But more than just a pleasant natural retreat, the harmony and fertility of this park symbolized a paradisiacal France and all of its virtues. The mournful description of the ruined garden within the walls of Fauvel’s Desespoir may provide a glimpse of the allegorical intent of the garden of the Palais de la Cité: » Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, 226-44.
- Sauval, Histoire et recherches de la ville de Paris, ii. 283-4.
Abbot Suger. On the Abbey Church of St.-Denis and its Art Treasures, ed. Erwin Panofsky and Gerda Panofsky-Soergel (2nd
“ Alain Labbé, L ‘Architecture des palais et des jardins dans les chansons de geste (Paris and Geneva, 1987) and A. Bartlett
edn., Princeton, 1979), 64-5.
Giamatti,
“ Inge Hacker-Siick, ‘La Sainte-Chapelle de Paris et les chapelles palatines du Moyen Age en France’, Cahiers
(Princeton, 1966) offer fundamental insights into the literary representations of paradise and gardens. For a general treatment
archéologiques, 13 (1962), 217-25,
for the tradition of chapel-
of medieval
The
Earthly
gardens,
see
Paradise
and
the
Renaissance
the classic study of Marie
Epic
Luise
reliquaries.
Gothein, A History of Western Garden Art (London and New
* Guérout, ‘Le Palais’ (1950), 14-19. The only medieval view of the garden is the June page from the 7rés Riches Heures ofJean,
York, 1928, reissued New York, 1966), i. 171-204; and John Harvey, The Medieval Garden (Beaverton, Ore., 1981).
Duke of Berry, Chantilly, Musée Condé, MS 65, fo. 6’, painted 1413/1416.
Michael T. Davis
200
Més sus toutez chosez je plain Le beau jardin de grace plain
Ou Dieu par especiauté Planta le lis de roiauté
Et y sema par excellence La france graine et la semence De la flour de crestienté,
Et d’autres flours a grant plenté: Flour de paix et fleur de justise, Fleur de foy et fleur de franchise, Flour d’amour et rose espanie De sens et de chevalerie.
Tel jardin fu a bon jour né Quant de telz flours fu ajourné: Crest le jardin de douce France. Hélas! com c’est grant mescheance De ce qu’en si tresbeau vergier S’est venuez Fauvel herbergier. (Langfors, vv. 3227-44)
But I pity above all That fair garden full of grace Where God most fittingly Planted the lily of royalty And where he has sown above all
The precious grain and seed Of the flower of Christianity, And other flowers abound: Flower of peace and flower ofjustice, Flower of faith and flower of freedom, Flower of love and blooming rose Of reason and chivalry,
Such a garden does exist With such flowers is adorned:
It is the garden of lovely France. Alas! what a great misfortune That into this delightful orchard Fauvel has come to live.
We cannot know if Philip and his planners were inspired by knowledge of ancient Roman examples, eastern palaces from the Byzantine or Islamic empires, contemporary chateaux, such as the famous ‘magic garden’ at Hesdin built by Philip IIP’s uncle Robert II d’Artois, or literary descriptions.” But the conception of the palace as a locus amoenus, a paradeisos, in the ® See Anne Hagopian van Buren, ‘Reality and Literary Romance in the Park of Hesdin’, in Elisabeth Blair MacDougall (ed.),
Medieval Gardens (Washington, 1986), 115-34.
Desespoir, Esperance, and Douce France
201
heart of the largest city of western Europe lent it the mythic aura of royal residences past and present.” In sum, Philip the Fair’s palace brought together secular and ecclesiastical forms, rural spaces and urban monumentality, modern Rayonnant-style architecture, earlier Capetian structures, Carolingian, and even Roman references to create an essentially new palace-type. In place of the military function of the chateau and in addition to the recreational and ceremonial roles of the aristocratic residence, the Palais de la Cité embraced administrative,
judicial, and even commercial functions. Reflecting the expanding role of royal government, these new purposes affected profoundly the physical planning and symbolic meaning of the palace complex.
The Palace as the Image of the Royal State The Palais de la Cité was organized as an ideal microcosm of the French royal state founded on the theory of good government. This concept, rooted in classical political thought, coalesced during the reign of Philip the Fair. Giles of Rome’s De regimine principum, written for the young prince, set forth a mirror based on Aristotelian ethics and principles formulated by Cicero in De res publica.” As stated most forcefully by Marsilius of Padua in his promonarchical Defensor Pacis of 1324, ‘the state is a perfect community having the full limit of
self-sufficiency which came into existence for the sake of living, but exists for the sake of living well’.“* And this good life for all citizens was assured by a just monarch who was no longer simply the minister Dei, but was now cast in the role of minister utilitatis publicae.” A subtle redirection in royal architectural patronage may reflect these recent developments in political theory and the king’s responsibilities. Whereas Louis IX festooned Paris with a multitude of churches, Philip the Fair devoted more energy to secular institutions and public works. True, one of his major projects was the Dominican abbey of Saint-Louis at Poissy, but
he also paved streets in Paris, rebuilt the Grand Pont and part of the city’s fortifications, erected the Collége de Navarre, and, of course, dramatically enlarged the royal palace, the administrative and judicial headquarters of his government.” Understanding the intellectual underpinnings of Philip’s government illuminates the significance of the palace’s design, its functional order, and its complex mix of public and private areas. The arrangement of walls, buildings, and galleries structured the palace in concentric layers composed by a longitudinal sequence of courtyards and roughly bisected by *° Mesqui, Chateaux et enceintes, ii. 73-6. Huguette Legros, ‘Variations sur un méme théme: Locus amoenus, heroon et jardin royal’, in Hommage a Jean-Charles Payen (Caen, 1989), 231-8. |
thank Professor Margaret Switten of Mount Holyoke College for this reference. Departing from one of the central motifs of the paradisiacal /ocus amoenus, the garden of the Palais de la Cité apparently did not include a fountain, pool, or water channel. *” Brown, ‘Persona et Gesta’, 232-4; Wilhelm Berges, Die
Fiirstenspiegel des hohen und spaten Mittelalters (Leipzig, 1938); Charlotte Lacaze, ‘Parisius-Paradisus, an Aspect of the Vie de St. Denis Manuscript of 1317’, Marsyas, 16 (1972-3), 64.
*
Marsilius of Padua, Defensor Pacis, trans. Alan Gewirth
(Toronto, 1980), 12. ” Lacaze, ‘Parisius-Paradisus’, Defensor Pacis, 90.
65;
Marsilius
of
Padua,
” For Philip the Fair’s projects in and around Paris, see Lacaze, ‘Parisius-Paradisus’, 62-4; Brown, ‘Persona et Gesta’, 222-7; Alain Erlande-Brandenburg, ‘La Priorale Saint-Louis de
Poissy’,
Bulletin
monumental,
129
(1971),
85-112;
Hercule
Géraud, Paris sous Philippe le Bel (Paris, 1837); Raymond Cazelles, Paris de la fin du regne de Philippe Auguste a la mort de Charles V, 1223-1380 (Nouvelle histoire de Paris; Paris, 1972).
2Oz2
Michael T. Davis
a ‘royal spine’ that ran from the /ogis du roi through the Grands Degrés to the Grande Porte (Fig. 8.1). The plan thereby achieved a clear division of administrative units and maintained an appropriate hierarchy of spaces. The strata of the palace contiguous to the city were lively public spaces. Merchants were installed in boutiques along the outer skin of the eastern wall and plied their trade under the vaults of the eponymous Galerie des Merciers on the west side of the Grande Cour. Litigants and witnesses summoned to appear before Parlement, installed in the Grand-Chambre, would have entered through the Grande Porte, turned right, ascended a flight of marble stairs past a fresco of Enguerran de Marigny, and entered the Grand-Salle through a portal flanked by a statue of the Virgin and Child.”’ The courtyard itself was animated by judicial spectacles of criminals exposed to public humiliation on a ladder and official readings of royal edicts.” Processions also circulated through this sector of the palace. For example, each year the students of the College of Ave Maria visited the Chapel of Saint-Michel and its image of St Gabriel.” Set into the eastern wall next to the Porte Saint-Michel, the chapel may continue the association of oratories dedicated to the archangel with gateways as seen in Carolingian westworks or the upper storey of the west block at Saint-Denis (Figs. 8.2, 8.9).”* While no specific events in the Chapel of Saint-Michel are recorded, its shrine or picture of St Gabriel, patron of ambassadors, may suggest that it was a site of diplomatic ritual. As one penetrated deeper into the palace, the heterogeneity of the Grande Cour shaded into more exclusively bureaucratic and residential areas. An ecclesiastical node was defined in the south-east sector of the palace by the Sainte-Chapelle to the north, the residences of its canons along the salubrious south flank, and the Chapel of Saint-Michel to the east.” The royal financial bureaux of the Chambre des Comptes and the Chambre des Monnaies framed the west side of this second spatial zone. They were connected to the /ogis du roi, but their L-
shaped wings formed further subsidiary courts that buffered the royal apartments from public exposure
(Figs. 8.1, 8.2). This careful isolation of the king’s chambers
from the public
buildings forcefully distinguished the old palace of Louis IX from the new ensemble of Philip the Fair.”° Each quadrant of the palace, marked by paired towers and tall roofs, showcased a different aspect of the royal government: justice in the Grand-Chambre, religion in the SainteChapelle, prosperity in the commercial galleries and financial offices, fertility in the garden. Marsilius of Padua, citing Aristotle’s Politics, enumerates the components of the state as ‘the agricultural, the artisan, the military, the financial, the priestly, and the judicial or delibera-
tive’.” To function efficiently these parts must be arranged according to natural principles; *! Guérout, ‘Le Palais’ (1950), 131-2; Whiteley, “Deux escaliers
royaux’, 142. * Guérout, ‘Le Palais’ (1950), 86-8. * Astrik L. Gabriel, Student Life in Ave Maria College, Mediaeval Paris (Notre Dame, 1955), 204-12. For processions on
special occasions that entered the palace courtyard, see Whiteley, ‘Deux escaliers royaux’, 133-42. * Guérout, ‘Le Palais’ (1950), 188-9, for the chapel of SaintMichel. For the association of the archangels with chapels, usu-
ally in elevated places, see Jean Vallery-Radot, ‘Notes sur les chapelles hautes dédiées a S. Michel’, Bulletin monumental, 88
(1929), 453-78; K. J. Conant, ‘La Chapelle Saint-Gabriel a Cluny’, Bulletin monumental, 87 (1928), 55-64; Abbot Suger, 97-
9, ISI, 237. ” The dependencies of the Sainte-Chapelle are studied by Gueérout, ‘Le Palais’ (1950), 180-99.
* Ibid. 66-8.
7 Marsilius of Padua, Defensor Pacis, 1s.
Desespoir, Esperance, and Douce France
203
Fic. 8.9. Paris, Palais de la Cité,
chapel of Saint-Michel, west wall, by Bonnardot after painting of 1715. BN, Estampes, Va 225d (Photo: BN)
thus the state is conceived as the social analogue of the body with the king as its heart: “For by the soul of the whole body of citizens . . . there is first formed or should be formed in that whole body a part which is analogous to the heart . . Consequently, the action of the ruler in the state, like that of the heart in the animal, must never cease.’* This somatic representation of the state, | would argue, guided the conceptual planning of the palace project. The king’s residence was the focus, the true architectural heart, of the entire complex as the
pinwheel of galleries radiated out to the surrounding districts of the palace. This disposition achieved a design equivalent to Marsilius’ prescription that ‘all other parts are ordered by and toward the ruler as the first of all the parts’.” Further, the obvious effort to attain an approximately symmetrical plan composed of regular internal spaces, despite the constraints of the island site and pre-existing structures, created an arrangement with striking parallels to * Ibid.
64,
67.
See
Marie-Christine
The Body and Surgery in the Middle Ages, tans. (Cambridge,
Pouchelle,
R. Morris
1990), 105-16 for an extended discussion of the
body politic. I thank Michael Camille for this reference.
» Marsilius of Padua, Defensor Pacis, 67.
Michael T. Davis
204
contemporary conceptions of the human body.” Once again, Marsilius of Padua brings together an architectonic order, the body, and the state: “The body is composed of many parts, and it must grow in due proportion to preserve its symmetry . . . Similarly, the state is composed of many parts.” Elizabeth A. R. Brown and Nancy Freeman Regalado have attached this notion of the body politic to the processional order of 1313 and it is repeated in the poems and chronicle of fr. 146. For Philip the Fair, ‘he who hated disorder’ (cil n ama oncques le desrois), the palace established a powerful allegory of the healthy body of the F rench state led by its just monarchs.
The Palace and Paris If the Palais de la Cité was intended as an embodiment of the ideal order of the kingdom, it was no less intimately tied to another cell of the political corpus, Paris. Historians have, without exception, viewed the projects of Henry I[V—the Place Dauphine, the FPont-Neuf,
the Place Royale, and the Place de France—as the first examples of coherent urban planning in Paris.°> However, it is clear that Philip the Fair’s reconstruction of the royal palace aimed to restructure the fabric of the capital. Just as the king was placed at the centre of his palace, so too the new entrances, bridges, and streets fixed the palace as the heart of the capital. According to Jean Guérout, the collapse of the Grand Pont during the terrible flood of 1296 may have given the king the idea to move the east wall of the palace outward and to reorder the adjacent streets.“ The two portals in the east facade tied the palace to the city: the Grande Porte, upon which royal edicts were posted, aligned with the rue de la Vieille Draperie to establish an axis of entry and announcement, while the Porte Saint-Michel connected the centre of regnum, the palace, with the locus of sacerdotium, the cathedral, via
the rue de la Calandre and rue Regraterie (Figs. 8.1, 8.2, 8.10). To the north, the rue SaintBarthélemy was cut to the river and the new Pont-au-Change was launched to the Right Bank.” It connected the judicial sector of the palace’s north side to the Chatelet and the populous commercial area surrounding Les Halles. The towered facade of the GrandChambre of Parlement echoed the masses of the prison-fortress to send forth an assertive Pouchelle, The Body and Surgery, in the chapter ‘Building, Architecture, and the Macrocosm’, 125-59, explores the notion of
the body as a ‘nested structure’ composed of embedded cells and
boxes as well as the metaphors shared in the conceptions of the body and architecture. S! Marsilius of Padua, Defensor Pacis, 66.
® Elizabeth A. R. Brown and Nancy Freeman
Regalado,
designed, but it had a certain harmony resulting from the repetition of narrow frontages along the street.’ | am currently at work on a study of the architecture of Paris in the time of Philip the Fair.
Guérout,
‘Le Palais’ (1950), 41-2; also Borelli de Serres,
‘L’Agrandissement du palais’, 11-13, 62-86. Studies of the flood of 1296 and the rebuilding of the Grand Pont, also called the
‘Universitas et communitas: The Parade of the Parisians at the Pentecost Feast of 1313’, in Kathleen Ashley (ed.), The Semiotics of
Pont-aux-Changeurs: André Vernet, ‘L’Inondation de 1296-97 a Paris’, Paris et I'lle de France: Mémoires, 1 (1949), 47-56; Abbé
Procession (forthcoming). I owe a profound debt of gratitude to
Adrien Friedmann, Paris, ses rues, ses paroisses du Moyen Age a la
this and other studies on the Pentecost celebrations and various
Révolution (Paris, 1959), 197-207; Virginia Wylie Egbert, On the Bridges of Mediaeval Paris (Princeton, 1974), 21; Marjorie Nice Boyer, Medieval French Bridges (Cambridge, Mass., 1976), 22-6,
aspects of fr. 146 kindly shared by the authors prior to publication. ° Most recently, Anthony Sutcliffe, Paris: An Architectural History (New Haven, 1993), 3, has written, “The resulting (medi-
eval) townscape was anarchic in that it had not been planned or
74: © Borelli de Serres, ‘L’Agrandissement du palais’, 6-8, 37-8,
85; Guérout, “Le Palais’ (1950), 40-1.
Fic. 8.10. Paris, Palais de la Cité, Grande Porte by Lallemand (1783). BN,
Estampes, Ve 53g, rés. fo. 5 (1022) (Photo: BN)
Fic. 8.11. Paris, view of exterior (north) of former Grand-Chambre (Photo: author)
HIME
rR
Michael T. Davis
206
reminder of the implacability of royal law, ‘of the thunder of Parlement's final sentences which give joy to the innocent but overwhelm the criminal and impious with bitterness and misfortune’ (Fig. Many
Wholesale appropriations around the Place Saint-Michel at the south-east corner of the palace during the years 1312-15 may indicate that a second bridge was planned to cross the Seine and join the rue de la Harpe, the spine of the Left Bank.” This piece of the project, the Pont Saint-Michel between 1379 and 1387, affirmed the finally realized with the erection of importance of the links between the university and the government. The king, queen, and
royal officials were active founders of colleges during the early fourteenth century.” These institutions sent a steady stream oflawyers and scholars back to the bureaux of the palace. Lastly, new facades were constructed at Saint-Barthélemy, the parish church of the palace, and, possibly, at Saint-Leufroy, a small chapel that lay immediately in front of the Chatelet.” Although documentary confirmation is lacking, Saint-Leufroy’s triplet west window resembles that of the Grand-Chambre as well as the tracery patterns of other modest contemporary churches (Fig. 8.12).”” The rebuilding of these church facades indicates that the king sought to enhance the approach to his palace with impressive monuments. The construction and widening of streets, the new bridges, and modern facades shifted the
centre of Paris’s urban gravity away from the Cathedral of Notre-Dame at the eastern end of the Ile de la Cité to the royal palace. The king’s goal to order the city around his palace was given a dramatic performance in the 7 June 1313 procession that climaxed a week-long extravaganza celebrating the knighting of Philip’s three sons. According to the Grandes Chroniques, 50,000 Parisians, all the bourgeois and crafts of the city of Paris made a most beautiful parade and came to the... Ile Notre-Dame . . . And from that isle, over a bridge erected upon newly built vessels and boats, two by 66
Jean de Jandun, “Tractatus de laudibus parisius’, 48-9. The construction and description of the Grand-Chambre are found in Guérout, “Le Palais’ (1950), 31-2, 35-6, 145-64. *” Borelli de Serres, ‘L’Agrandissement du palais’, 42-8, 88-9; Guérout, “Le Palais’ (1950), 38-40; Cazelles, Paris, 281; Jean
Favier, Un conseiller de Philippe le Bel: Enguerran de Marigny (Paris,
1963),
87-9.
Charges
of
profiteering
from
the
expropriations of these properties, largely owned by the Barbou
Estampes, Ve 53e rés. fol. iii, 476. No construction is mentioned in the sparse documentation concerning the church, which was
intimately associated with the commercial life of the Seine and the Right Bank. Jean-Baptiste Renou de Chauvigné dit Jaillot, Recherches critiques, historiques et topographiques sur la ville de Paris depuis ses commencements jusqu au présent (Paris, 1772-5), i. 55-63; Cazelles, Paris, 199, 205, 214; Friedmann, Paris, ses rues, ses paroisses, 91-3. For Saint-Barthélemy, the parish church of the
Enguerran de Marigny at his trial in 1315. For the Pont Saint-
Palais de la Cité, Jaillot, Recherches critiques, 1. 29-35; L.-M. Tisserand and A. Berty, Topographie historique du vieux Paris
Michel, see Boyer, Medieval French Bridges, 1, 105, 120. ® Although some uncertainty exists concerning particular foundation dates, approximately fourteen colleges were estab-
(Paris, 1876-97), i. 319-22, with plan; Jacques Hillairet, Z Tle de la Cité (Paris, 1969), 1339-42. The church was rebuilt and the choir enlarged between 1309 and 1315.
and
Marcel
families,
were
included
in the charges
against
lished between 1300 and 1331. Of these, six (Navarre, Laon-
“ Such triplet windows are to be found in contemporary
De Presles, Montaigu, Du Plessis-Marmoutier, Burgundy, Cornouaille) were the result of the generosity of the royal family,
parish and monastic churches such as the Virgin chapel of Saint-
current or former civil servants; two were foreign (Linképing,
Germain-l’Auxerrois
(c.1300), the chapel of Notre-Dame-du-
for students from their dioceses. Astrik L. Gabriel, ‘Motivation
Mont-Carmel attached to the Grands Carmes (1318), the church of Notre-Dame-des-Menus, in Boulogne (1319). Interestingly, four-light windows were restricted to élite churches—the chapels
of
of the Cathedral,
Ecossais), and six were probably founded by ecclesiastics, usually the
Founders
of
Medieval
Colleges’,
Beitrige
zum
the chapel of Saint-Louis
and north
nave
Berufsbewufstsein des mittelalterlichen Menschen (Miscellanea Mediaevalia, 3; Berlin, 1964), 67, emphasizes colleges as a forma-
chapels at Saint-Denis, and the palace chapel of Saint-Michel—
tive ground for loyal lawyers and civil servants. ® The facade of Saint-Leufroy is depicted in a drawing, BN,
decoration in projects under royal control or within the sphere of
and may suggest a kind of hierarchic ‘decorum’ of form and the king’s influence.
Desespoir, Esperance, and Douce France i
a oN
a TT SHAE
NNNnn Oar Nan i ndginiNman Reema
SP
|
t.~}
Ce.
yrelle
facut
oe ere. dey
/f & Janis. i 2we Chan elle s Leufr nik siltie wes mila Da: Se ole Fie nd Babel E Dig la Goings nes Ne ee ce
®
de of. Scapa
Ma; el Derm a. 2
woavoaca/ fe daasine meElana me oe
207
200 eee
-
Fic. 8.12. Paris, Saint-Leufroy, facade. BN, Estampes, Ve 53e, rés. fo. 3 (476) (Photo: BN)
A carer! de
arn i
two, one craft after another and the bourgeois grouped in the same way came to the king’s court before his palace which he had recently had built in fine and noble fashion by Enguerran de Marigny .. . At which palace the three kings, namely Philip the Fair, king of France, Edward his son-in-law, king of England, and Louis his eldest son, king of Navarre, with counts, dukes, barons, and princes of the above-mentioned kingdoms, were assembled to see the festive parade. . .” ” Les Grandes Chroniques de France, ed. Paulin Paris (Paris, 1837), v. 197-8.
Michael T. Davis
208
RIGHT
BANK
des-Prés
* op b=ae=
pontoon bridge
\"».
Fic. 8.13. Paris, schematic plan of centre of city with conjectural route of7June 1313 parade (Photo: author)
In my opinion, after leaving the staging area of the Ile Notre-Dame, just to the east of the Ile de la Cité, and crossing the pontoon bridge, the marchers wended their way past the Cathedral, down the rue de la Vieille Draperie, and entered the palace courtyard, the Grande Cour, where they saw the three kings arrayed before them on the marble apron at the head of the Great Steps (Fig. 8.13).”” Raymond de Beéziers’s caption to his illustration of the event in his Kalila et Dimna reports that ‘the whole community of Paris, with the greatest solemnity pass(ed) before the sight of the king and the other kings stationed at the entry of the palace and surrounded by all the royal host of knights’. The bourgeois and craftsmen must then have exited the palace by the Porte Saint-Michel. Those who did not take ferries across the river to the Pré-aux-Clercs near Saint-Germain-des-Prés to see the evening tournament proceeded along the rue de la Calandre and the Petit-Pont to the Left Bank. As Elizabeth Brown and Nancy Regalado have noted, Philip and the palace stood at the physical and temporal centre of the parade that moved towards them in the morning, then away from them after dinner.” ” Whiteley, ‘Deux escaliers royaux’, 142, suggests thatatem-
Age,
ed.
Léopold
et
1899),
Communitatis
382-3:
Parisius
‘Figura
quent similar occasions.
solemnitate maxima transeuntis ante conspectum regis et aliorum
” Raymond de Béziers’s captions to the six miniatures of the Pentecost festivities, added to his translation of Kalila et Dimna,
regum existencium ad (h)ostium palacii circumque cum tota regali milicia.’ Also Brown and Regalado, ‘Universitas et communitas .
Fabulistes latins depuis le siecle d'Auguste jusqu a la fin du Moyen
Uniuersitatis
(Paris,
et
are found in BN lat. 8504, fos. B'-1'; they are published in Les
descriptio
Hervieux
porary scaffolding might have been erected on this and subse-
” Brown and Regalado, ‘Universitas et communitas .
cum
Desespoir, Esperance, and Douce France
209
Contemporary writers and painters lent added emphasis to the bond between the king and his capital. The Parisius-Paradisus described in Jean de Jandun’s Tractatus de laudibus parisius is the living demonstration of just royal government—the same qualities of wisdom, faith, justice, and prosperity nurtured inside the walls of the palace flourish throughout the wellordered city and the realm of France.” In the illuminations of the Vie de Saint-Denis, originally intended for Philip IV and finished for Philip V in 1317, the royal patron saint spreads the Christian message within the walls of a fourteenth-century Paris vibrant with the
activities of the ‘good life’.”°
The Palais de la Cité, Desespoir, and Esperance To this point, I have attempted to reconstitute a sense of the ‘official programme’ behind the rebuilding of the Palais de la Cité. In Jean de Jandun’s words it was an edifice that ‘was not decorated for indolence and the crude pleasure of the senses, nor raised to flatter the false
vanity of vainglory, nor fortified to shelter the perfidious plots of proud tyranny; but it was marvellously adapted to the active, effective, and complete care of our wise monarchs who seek continually to increase the public well-being by their ordinances.” Once Fauvel installs himself on the throne, however, the palace is transformed into its opposite, Desespoir. So startling is this reversal of the palace’s character that it seems a feat of magic: Est ce chose bien desguisee
Que la sera ceste asemblee? Est ce greigneur desconvenue
Que tel pays ainssi se mue? Est ce plus grant enchantement
Que il va ainssi faitement? (Langfors App., vv. 123-8)
Is it so completely changed That this assembly it can house? Is there a greater misfortune Than that it could be so transformed? Was it through some magic spell That this has happened?
The horse’s palace becomes not simply a monument to vainglory, but through his marriage, the home of Vain Glory. Comprehension of the Roman de Fauvelas a satire of the reigning > Lacaze, ‘Parisius-Paradisus’, 60-6. The conception of Paris
ancient Rome appears in the criticism that the Chronique métrique,
as the communis patria, that is, as an embodiment of the entire
vv. 231-46 levels at Philip's challenge to papal authority. See
realm, is studied by Pierre Timbal, ‘Civitas Parisius, communis
patria, in Economies et sociétés au moyen age: mélanges offerts a Edouard Perroy (Paris, 1973), 661-5. This idea comes from Roman law and was voiced frequently in French political thought during the reign of Philip the Fair. Significantly, the memory of
Diverreés 97.
© Charlotte Lacaze, The ‘Vie de St. Denis’ Manuscript (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Ms. fr. 2090-2092) (Outstanding Dissertations in the Fine Arts; New York, 1979), 126-38. ” Jean de Jandun, ‘Tractatus de laudibus parisius’, 48-9.
210
Michael T. Davis
government turns on the ability to identify Desespoir with the Palais de la Cité and to that end the authors, Chaillou de Pesstain in particular, and the illuminators of fr. 146 created a
remarkably precise verbal and visual portrait of Philip the Fair’s edifice. As mentioned above, Fauvel’s palace is described with twelve or fourteen towers, exactly the number included in the actual complex, and embellished with impressive battlements. Enormous in size, it includes an imposing west facade, two main entrances, a pillared hall for
banquets and appearances, an oratory housing the Crown of Thorns worn by Jesus, and a suite of lavish private chambers.” In drawing attention to the Irish wood of Desespoir, “Le palaiz, ains fu lambroissiez |Trop cointement du fust d’Islande |A une taille espesse et grande | D’un bois qui n’est fendu n’ouvert (Langfors, vv. 1370-3), Gervés places Fauvel in the king’s
very chamber in the Jogis du roi, which was panelled with the same material.” Desespoir looms over the western end of an island bathed by the ‘Sainne’ river in the heart of Esperance, a city renowned for its clergy, its wealth, and its beautiful women (Langfors App., vv. 12-32).
Of course, Esperance is Paris, but the sketch reflects the new order of Philip the Fair’s capital: the great doors of the palace lead to two bridges, one to the north, the other to the south,
which connect the isle with the surrounding city (Langfors App., vv. 90-109). The miniatures of fr. 146 add further details to the image of the palace. On fo. 30° as a complement to the verse description of Fauvel’s residence, the painter composed an accurate,
if composite, view of the Palais de la Cité, one of the first recognizable likenesses of a specific structure since antiquity (Pl. V). We see the crenellated walls, a monumental gateway flanked by two towers (the Tour d’Argent and the Tour César?), the Grand-Salle, the GrandChambre of Parlement with its triplet window, the conical roof of the Grosse Tour, a tall cylindrical tower, and three slim chimneys.” By omitting the logis du roi stress is placed on
the public structures and views of the palace enjoyed by all Parisians. The palace is subtly presented not as a private residence, but as the seat of government. Setting this prospect into the verset Ha Parisius civitas regis magni (p.mus. 73) affirms the identification of the palace with the city, but the poem’s text emphasizes the dichotomy between Fauvel’s Desespoir and Esperance, the greatest city in the world (‘la meilleur cité | Qui dessouz ciel compraigne
siege’, Langfors App., vv. 18-19). The virtuous prosperity of the city, ‘Ville plus riche du monde | Et ou plus de bien habonde’ (vv. 111-12), is represented by a scene of bustling river
traffic and what appears to be a commercial warehouse in literal illustration of the lines La riviere porte navie: Par son droit non Sainne est nommee, N’il na cité si renommee Par toute la crestienté.
Je croi que Diex y a enté La foi en l’arbre de jouvent (Langfors App., vv. 22-7) . Chaillou de Pesstain’s description of the palace on fos. 30°-31' of fr. 146 is bracketed between wv. 1-146 in Langfors 146-50. The passages of Gervés du Bus, vy. 1369-86, and Chaillou de Pesstain, vv. 644-53, which deal with Fauvel’s living
chambers, stress their rich curtains and costly textile hangings. ” Guérout, ‘Le Palais’ (1950), 97. * Roesner et al. 45.
Desespoir, Esperance, and Douce France
oti
The river carries a fleet: By its rightful name it is called the Seine, There is no city so renowned In all of Christianity. There, I believe, God grafted Faith to the tree of youth
Together, the images of fo. 30° form a complex diptych that simultaneously offers complementary snapshots of two essential aspects of the Parisian cityscape and a stark contrast between corrupt rulership and moral society. The juxtaposition of the empty palace with the populated quais may also hint at the threat that Fauvel’s vicious administration poses to the ‘good life’ not only for the capital city, but for France as a whole. From the battlements of the palace, the ruler can survey the entire
realm: ‘Des creniaus en haut remire on | Le douz pais et la contree | Qui douce France est
appelee’ (Langfors App., vv. 14-16). The palace gardens, whose flowers signify the plenty, peace, faith, freedom, love, and chivalry of ‘douce France’, lie bare and trampled under the hooves of Fauvel’s court. Desespoir is no longer the seat ofjustice, but the source of vice and evil that poisons paradise: Du palais qu’a non Desespoir Maint mal venra, si com j’espoir, De ce que Fauvel se delite. Dame du ciel, par quel merite Est avilez ce que jadis Ert nommez le douz paradise? (Langfors App., vv. 117-22)
From the palace named Desespoir Great evil will come, as I fear, From all Fauvel’s crimes. Lady of Heaven, for what purpose Is debased that which once Was called a gentle paradise?
In a complete inversion of the meaning of the Pentecost parade, the sins of the palace menace the kingdom and the organic integrity of the state is destroyed as the royal heart is placed in opposition to the body of its citizens. The remaining miniatures of fr. 146 depicting life in Desespoir adopt more generalized architectural boxes for the setting of the action. While these structures resemble theatrical stage scenery, their ornamentation identifies the building by mimicking forms ofthe palace.”
On fo. 1', when Fauvel leaves his stable, he follows a fetching female figure up a flight ofsteps through a trilobe portal, set between a pair of towers and capped by a gable, into the great hall (Fig. 8.14). The image should not be understood as a factual architectural view, but all its
elements—the high stairs, cusped doorways, gables, cylindrical turrets, the au/a—were the ' Lacaze, ‘La Vie de St. Denis’
Manuscript, 140-53, 163-74.
212
Michael T. Davis
Fic. 8.14. Fauvel enters
palace. Fr. 146, fo. (Photo: BN)
basic building blocks of the Palais de la Cité. The reader is immediately made aware that something is amiss, for a horse is loose in a noble edifice.
Throughout the manuscript, a consistent vocabulary of architectural details is used as a signal for the palace. In the shocking image of fo. 11' (see Pl. IV), Fauvel appears in all of his regal finery in a throne hall composed of a gabled portal connected to a pinnacled buttress by a lobed arch whose spandrels are enriched by trefoils. And as Fauvel prepares to consummate his marriage to Vain Glory in a richly curtained bedroom, members of the court survey the antics of the raucous charivari from the gabled walls of the palace (Pls. VI-VII). Note that it
Desespoir, Esperance, and Douce France
213
is exterior architectural trappings that carry the palatial association while interior space is
reduced to generic quadratic chambers. Even the Grand-Salle in which the debauched banqueting of Fauvel and his friends, the Vices, takes place is rendered formulaically by a single or triple arch with no obvious reference to actual architecture.*’ These same forms are extended to other prestigious settings beyond Desespoir: the palace of Fortune (fo. 19'), the stands for the climactic joust between the Virtues and Vices (fo. 40'), and the structure in which Fauvel chats with monks of the mendicant orders (fo. 8”).°° Gables, towers, pinnacles,
and tracery expressed high rank and material splendour. In the hands of Parisian artists and masons working for élite patrons, they became the architectural equivalents of the royal purple.
Conclusion This chapter has explored Philip the Fair’s Palais de la Cité as an architecture whose forms and spaces went beyond functional intent to aim at a representation of political ideals. In the absence of written project briefs, the credibility of such interpretative ventures, especially as regards secular architecture, may appear dubious. Architectural analysis can recite the chronological facts of construction, describe the character of the design, or recover the sources of various components. But the connection of a physical structure to conceptual or symbolic agendas remains elusive. It is in the words and experiences of contemporaries that the articulate power of a building is revealed and the meanings of the abstract language of architecture become comprehensible. The Roman de Fauvel offers us a mirror, by turns concordant and inverted, through which we see the royal palace. Thus, not only did its design respond pragmatically to the expanding functions of the government, but choices of building type, ornament, and figural decoration aimed to define the image of monarchical power. The palace’s innovative combinations of familiar forms of aristocratic architecture—towers, gal-
leries, chapels, a ceremonial hall—the orchestration of its spaces, and its unparalleled complexity reflected the new concept of good government and the pre-eminent role of the king as the agent of social well-being. Commerce,
justice, efficient administration,
and piety
flourished within its walls in a perfectly ordered microcosm of the realm beyond. The towered gates of this royal city and the gabled profiles of its structures broadcast the message that the French state is a paradise and its people are God’s chosen.” * A gabled structure identifies the palace in which the Vie de St. Denis manuscript is presented to ‘rex Philipp(us)’ (BN fr. 2090, fo. 4°), as well as the imperial palace of Domitian. See Lacaze, ‘La Vie de St. Denis’ Manuscript, 165.
*5 The joust scenes are studied by Nancy Freeman Regalado,
_“Allegories of Power: The Tournament of Vices and Virtues in the Roman de Fauvel(B.N. MS Fr. 146)’, Gesta, 32 (1993), 135~46. * The most elegant statement of French ‘political theology’ under Philip the Fair remains Strayer, “France, the Holy Land’,
300-14.
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», The Profile of Philip V in the Music of Fauvel Hew
EMMA
DILLON
Hé las! France, com ta beauté
Vet au jour d’ui en grant ruine Par la mesnie fauveline, Qui en tout mal met ses deliz. Hurtée ont si la fleur de lis Fauvel et Vainne Gloire ensemble
Qu’elle chancele, ce me semble. (Langfors, vv. 1636-42)
Alas, France, how your beauty is wrought today in utter ruin by the family of Fauvel, who delight in all that is evil. Fauvel and Vaine Gloire together have so wounded the fleur-de-lis that she flounders, Or sO it seems to me.
On 9 January 1317 Philip of Poitiers was crowned Philip V, King of France. His coronation concluded a succession crisis in which his claims to authority had not gone unchallenged,
even if his right to the throne was undisputed. It is widely accepted that BN fr. 146 was written to offer counsel to the new king.’ However, it has not been made clear what role
Philip has in the allegories of Fauvel. How far do Philip’s actions, and the politics ofhis reign, become the subject of comment in the text? Events up to June 1316 are well represented in fr. 146.” Marigny, Philip IV, and Louis X are woven into the allegory and serve Philip as exempla. At the same time, they are the target of rebuke and complaint, allowing the compilers to voice
grievances about the past. But how far can fr. 146 be read as a reaction to events and concerns current at the time of writing? The dating of the manuscript is crucial to this debate. There is a consensus that work on
the manuscript is likely to have started shortly after Philip’s coronation, although we still do I should like to thank Elizabeth Brown for generously sharing material, and advising on numerous points discussed here. The revisions and corrections to my original paper owe a great debt to her deep knowledge of the period. In addition, I am grateful to Margaret Bent, Cormac Newark, Nigel Palmer, and Andrew
| Wathey for their help and encouragement chapter.
in preparing this
' Ernest Sanders, ‘Fauvel, Roman de’, New Grove, vi. 430, and Roesner et al. 53. “ Roesner et al. 19-21 and 24-5.
OG
Emma Dillon
not know precisely how long after.’ The rubric of the motet for Philip V, Servant regem/O PhilippelRex regum, is for ‘Phelippe qui regne ores’ who now reigns, and, as Edward Roesner points out, ‘it seems unlikely . . . that a verse of this sort in a manuscript such as MS fr. 146 would have referred to Philippe as actually reigning until his formal coronation at Reims on gth January 1317’. While it is still unclear whether the dits were part of the original
conception, or added as work got under way, events as late as May 1317 are referred to in their texts, which suggests that work on fr. 146 continued for some months after Philip's accession.’ No documented evidence survives for a commission, or for the employment of scribes and artists. Nor do the rubrics within the text offer firm evidence about a date of composition. However, a book containing a work as complex as the Roman must have taken some time from conception to completion.’ Even if the physical act of copying was undertaken in a relatively short space of time, the sheer amount of music, the number of literary additions,
and the careful planning and execution of illuminations suggest that fr. 146 was compiled over several months at least, and possibly even a year or more. Palaeographical evidence indicates that new ideas were being incorporated at a late stage, in some cases in the final phase of copying: late additions, replanning, and corrections occur throughout the book.’ Furthermore, those apparently involved in the creation of the book served in the king’s chancery, and cannot have been working full time on fr. 146. If work began around the time of Philip’s accession, it must have continued some months into his reign. The book was the product of a political and royal circle, addressing itself to a royal audience: it is hard to imagine that its contents were not affected by contemporary events.» We should therefore be sensitive to the possibility that the text of the Roman continued to reflect events very close to the time of its compilation. In this study I examine the profile of Philip V in the Roman de Fauvel, taking into account the politics of the succession and the early part of his reign. I shall focus on the single motet in his honour, Servant regem/O Philippe! Rex regum. The piece falls at a particular concentration of royal interest in the book, at the junction of Books I and II on fos. 1o’—11' (Pls. I— IV). To the left of it lies the motet for Louis X, Se cuers ioans|Rex beatus |Ave, and to the right
the image of Fauvel enthroned. In her discussion of these folios, Elizabeth Brown addresses the role of Philip as recipient of didactic messages, arguing that the two motets function as exempla for him.'” My analysis of Servant regem/O Philippe! Rex regum fully supports this > date “ > sion
See ibid. 1 and 48 for the most recent discussion of apossible for fr. 146. Ibid. 48-9.
See below, Leofranc Holford-Strevens, Ch. 11, for a discusof the historical references in the dits. Joseph Morin has
addressed the palaeographical evidence for the dits as a later addition in “The Genesis of Manuscript Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Fonds Frangais 146, with Particular Emphasis on the Roman de Fauvel’ (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1992), and below, Ch. 15. ° In contrast to the Roman, the Chronique métrique, dits, and
Lescurel songs were undemanding for the copyist, and work could have been executed relatively quickly. ” Roesner et al. 28-9 show that the contents of some folios
were not decided until a late stage in copying, for example fos. 6 and 9. Morin, “The Genesis of Manuscript B.N. fr. 146’, gives extensive evidence of planning and reworking in fr. 146. See too Margaret Bent, above, Ch. 2, and her discussion of Floret/ Florens and Garrit gallus/In nova.
* See below, Elisabeth Lalou, Ch. 14, and Andrew Wathey, Chae: > The text is edited with a commentary in Dahnk 64-5. For the edition of the music, see Schrade, Fauvel, 29-31. My discussion of the motet refers to David Howlett’s edition and transla-
tion of the text (see Appendix); the edition of the music that accompanies this study is my own, based on the copy in fr. 146. All bar numbers refer to this score. "See above, Ch. 3.
The Profile of Philip V
217
reading, and I share her premiss that the book’s intention is to advise and teach Philip. However, I shall suggest that this admonition also embraces complaint aimed specifically at Philip, motivated by the changing political scene at the time of the book’s creation. The additions attributed to Chaillou de Pesstain attest to the uncertainty with which the new reign was greeted. The book can be read from both fictive and realistic perspectives, and it is necessary to make a distinction between fictive time and real historical time. The author manipulates dates and tenses to establish a sense of ‘present’ in the narrative. The rubric of the Philip motet is in the present tense (‘qui regne ores’). In Book II the Virtues bear arms
in the tournament with the date 1316 emblazoned on them. This confines the fictive ‘present’ to some point between Philip’s coronation in January and 2 April 1317.'' In the allegory, the narrator speaks in the present tense: ‘Hé las! France, com ta beauté | Vet au jour dui en grant ruine’ (Langfors, vv. 1636-8). He presents a negative view that is borne out by the narrative: Fauvel and his followers trample the ‘douce jardin’, and the fleur-de-lis is under threat
(Langtors, vv. 1543-86). The author thus locates the allegory in the historical setting of Philip’s accession.
Moreover,
he writes as if this were real present, but assuming he was
writing some time around January, probably continuing beyond Easter, then this was past as soon as he started writing. It is possible that the fictive ‘present’ is coloured not only by events between January and Easter, but also by the author’s knowledge of real events beyond it.'” The text could thus be read simultaneously as a comment on the real present as it unfolded to the compilers of the manuscript. This point can be extended. Time immediately after 1316 is fictionalized as ‘future’ in Fauvel, but corresponds with the author’s real present. Narrative prophecy may thus be a vehicle for comment on his reality. The authority of the narrator as seer is assured, for his fictive foresight is guaranteed by his real experience. Again, the prospect is bleak. Far from expressing optimism, the final passages in the interpolations are despondent. The tournament ends in victory for Virtue: this seems at first to secure a virtuous future and an end to Fauvel. However, triumph is tempered by Fauvel’s freedom: the horse leaves the jousting
field dejected but unrestrained. The drama moves to its climax as the ‘mesnie fauveline’ arrive at the Fountain of Youth and receive the gift of eternal life, assuring eternity for the line of Fauvel (fo. 43°; Langfors, vv. 1611-30). The author salvages some hope, praying that God will intervene and stamp out Fauvel for good. But the image of the fountain overshadows the last pages of the Roman, and the overwhelming feeling at the end is of foreboding rather than optimism.
How should these mixed messages be interpreted? Is the prophetic dismay at the end of Fauvela reaction to real events, known to the author? Political events early in Philip’s reign may offer a motive for these negative signals. Philip V inherited a monarchy in disarray. Philip IV’s reign closed under the cloud of Enguerran de Marigny. Louis X, crowned in 1315, had been a weak and ineffective ruler, reluctant to assume the crown, and remained under the influence of his uncle, Charles de Valois, throughout his brief reign.’ Louis’s death in June "According to the French calendar, the new year began at _ as present in the Marigny motets. See above, (Chie Easter, which in 1317 fell on 3 Apr. y Margaret Bent similarly shows how the past is fictionalized
' Elizabeth A. R. Brown, ‘Kings like Semi-Gods: The Case of
Louis X of France’, Majestas, 1 (1993), 5-37.
or
Emma Dillon
14 1316 led to a crisis of succession unprecedented in the history of the Capetian monarchy. Even those who did not dispute Philip of Poitiers’s claim to the throne (in the absence of male offspring) did not automatically accept that he should hold temporary power, awaiting the outcome of the pregnancy of Louis’s widow, or that he should be regent if Clémence
produced a son. The distribution of power and personal ambitions among the brothers and uncles of the dead king may be relevant for understanding the mixed messages at the end of the Roman. Contention for authority in the realm during the months following Louis’s death has been thoroughly documented.'” Philip’s uncles, Charles de Valois and Louis d’Evreux, as senior members of the royal family, asserted their own claim to power after some momentary indecision.'° Along with Charles de la Marche, they were entrusted with the guardianship of Clémence."” There was perhaps no more strategic place to be than close to the possible future heir of France, which ‘gave these men clear authority for exercising immediate control over the kingdom, and gave them good reason for hoping to secure more clearly defined positions of power in the future’.'* None the less, in the month following Louis’s death, Philip’s actions
were decisive. After a series of political and ritual manoeuvres, he consolidated control in July 1316, when he entered Paris and took up residence in the royal palace.’ He met with the
Grand Conseil and rapidly secured their support. From then on, Philip “comme roy se contenist’ (Diverrés, v. 7792). At the same time that he secured power, it was established that he would be Regent, should Clémence give birth to a son.
Philip’s actions clearly stirred up resentment among the other members of the royal family. While the Chronique métrique gives a largely neutral account of events, it transmits some of the tension engendered by Philip. Describing the pseudo-royal entry to Paris in July, the author recounts how Philip, clearly fearing opposition, ordered all extraneous people out of the palace, and then locked the doors and windows (wv. 7793-806). The events of November
can only have intensified the tensions between Philip and his uncles. There was a superficial reconciliation at least by January when Valois attended the coronation. Nevertheless, as Andrew Wathey points out, rivalry between him and his half-brother Louis persisted in the following months (see below, Ch. 26). Louis was given favours by Philip V that Valois, as elder uncle, might legitimately have expected. This point can be extended, for not only might there have been tension between the counts, but also between Valois and Philip himself. Furthermore, Philip’s ‘revival’ of Marigny in June of that year (in which he gave the chamberlain a formal burial, and reinstated his exiled relatives) can only have antagonized the
France:
'© Brown, ‘The Ceremonial of Royal Succession’, 240-1, de-
Studies on Familial Order and the State (Cambridge, Mass., 1981),
' See Andrew
Lewis,
Royal Succession
in Capetian
tails the formation of an administrative council. " The author of the Chronique métrique also recorded the
187-92; Paul Lehugeur, Histoire de Philippe le Long, roi de France (1316-1322), 2 vols. (Paris, 1899-1931), i. 79-93; Elizabeth A. R. Brown, “The Ceremonial of Royal Succession in Capetian France: The Double Funeral of Louis X’, Traditio, 34 (1978),
227-71 = The Monarchy of Capetian France and Royal Ceremonial (Aldershot, 1991), no. VII. Lewis, Royal Succession on Capetian France, 189-90.
mandate (Diverrés, vv. 7703-6).
'* Brown, ‘The Ceremonial of Royal Succession’, 235.
"Brown, ibid. 231, describes the second burial of Louis X by Philip of Poitiers ‘as perhaps the most critical and dramatic of measures [taken by Philip] to secure the disputed regency, and ultimately, the crown of France.’
The Profile of Philip V
219
count, who, as Favier has demonstrated, was the main force behind Marigny’s trial and execution in 1315.”
This background is particularly important in the light of growing evidence of the involvement of Valois’s clients in the creation of the manuscript.” If fr. 146 was a product of a
Valois circle, then an admonition to Philip is likely to have reflected some of the Count’s concerns and anxieties. As Andrew Wathey points out, the anti-Marigny theme in fr. 146 is perhaps the most obvious signal that the book takes up Valois’s preoccupations (see Ch. 26).
In addition, it is likely that some ofValois’s complaints found their way into the presentation of Philip himself. I shall now turn to an analysis of the motet in Philip’s honour. Elizabeth Brown’s study of fos. 10'—11' suggests that a critical stance was taken in the book against Louis X, accounting for the negative messages in Se cuers ioans/Rex beatus/Ave and in Fauvel’s nuptials and tournament.” An anti-Louis campaign in the book would thus serve as an exemplum for Philip. As she argues, the motet for Philip, Servant regem/O Philippe/Rex regum, functions within a scheme of commentary about Louis. This is achieved in two ways. First, working from the view that the motet was originally written for Louis X, she suggests that it contains messages critical of Louis, glossing themes present in the adjacent motet, Se cuers ioans |Rex beatus |Ave. Secondly, it teaches Philip the qualities of good kingship by juxtaposing him with Louis. The contrast between the themes of juvenile love in Se cuers ioans/ Rex Beatus | Ave and kingly duty in Servant regem/O PhilippelRex regum reinforces this lesson. A number of questions remain, however. Brown’s reading follows the accepted view that
Servant regem/O Philippe/Rex regum was originally written for Louis X, and that the version in fr. 146 was changed to accommodate the accession of the new monarch.” Thus, Servant
regeml O Philippe |Rex regum refers specifically to Louis X, not Philip. But it remains possible that Servant regem was originally conceived with Philip V as its subject. Louis’s status as dedicatee of the motet rests on a faulty dating of the sole surviving source to transmit the motet text as ‘Ludowice’: fr. 571. It was originally thought to have been copied ¢.1315, but
Andrew Wathey has recently dated it ¢.1326/7.”* The ‘Ludowice’ version of the motet thus need not necessarily pre-date the ‘O Philippe’ version; nor, however, is it clear that the ‘Ludowice’ version was invented specifically for fr. 571.” In short, no priority can be established for either version on the strength of its source. While this does not prove that Philip V was the original addressee of the motet, it must loosen the status of “Ludowice’ as *© See Jean Favier, Un conseiller de Philippe le Bel: Enguerran de Marigny (Mémoires et documents publiés par la Société de
Mensuralnotation von 1250-1460 (Leipzig, 1904), i. 47. Friedrich
PEcole des Chartes, 16; Paris, 1963), 191-204, for an account of
Ludwig proposed identifications respectively with Louis X and Philip V, presuming the manuscripts to be in that order, in his
Marigny’s downfall, and Valois’s part in it, and on the ‘rehabilitation’, 221-3. See also Paul Lehugeur, Histoire de Philippe le Long
review of Wolf in Sammelbinde Gesellschaft, 6 (1904-5), 603-4.
(Paris, 1931), 109, for an account of Marigny’s burial in 1317.
unchallenged (including by Roesner et al. 24). * Andrew Wathey, ‘The Marriage of Edward III and the
*! See the studies by Jean Dunbabin, Jane Taylor, and Andrew Wathey in this volume, Chs. 10, 24, and 26. ~ The presence of an anti-Louis narrative in the charivari is touched on in Elizabeth Brown, ‘Kings Like Semi-Gods’, 27. 3 Johannes Wolf first drew attention to the different
names
in the two sources
of this motet
in Geschichte der
der Internationalen MusikThis view has remained
Transmission of French Motets to England’, JAMS 45 (1992), 1-
29. | am grateful to Dr Wathey for offering further suggestions and comments on this question. » See ibid. 19-22 for discussion ‘Ludowice’ in fr. 571.
of the significance
of
Emma Dillon
220
the original dedicatee. This in turn has some bearing on understanding Philip's profile in the manuscript: if the motet was written for him, then it may contain messages that relate specifically to his reign.”® This does not, however, exclude the possibility that the texts recall Louis, as a way of reminding Philip of his duties. The texts of the motet are strongly didactic, preaching the qualities of good and bad kingship (see Appendix). They belong to a tradition of princely advice literature; in fact, the other context for this motet in fr. 571 is a compilation of just such texts.’ The motet texts
juxtapose virtuous attributes with their negative counterparts.” Indeed, the whole piece is constructed on the play of oppositions. The most basic of these is between the triplum, comprising biblical allusions and citations, and the motetus, in which such allusions are absent and whose tone is ceremonial. The voices of the motet underline the oppositions,
distinguished in sound by their different texts and rates of rhythmic activity (the motetus slower-moving,
the triplum with more
rapid semibreve
movement).
It is also suggested
visually by the physical arrangement of the motet on the page: the split between fos. 10" and u1' places the triplum on the left, the motetus on the right. Unusually for Fawvel, the tenor part of the motet is copied out twice, once beneath each of the upper voices. It is not so obvious on fo. 11, however, because it begins in the middle of a line and carries no text. But
the dual statement none the less has the effect musically (and to a lesser extent visually) of creating two motets within one. It would be feasible to perform motetus with tenor as one motet, and triplum with tenor as another: each pair makes correct contrapuntal sense. More will be said about this division later. The triplum text is made up of a series of statements and counter-statements based on two motifs, the wise/unwise and the young/childish: “Rex sapiens dissipat impios | insipiens erigit inscios’ (vv. 4-5; a wise king scatters the impious, an unwise one raises up the ignorant);
‘Bona terra cuius rex nobilis |sed ve terra si sit puerilis (vv. 15-16; good is the land whose king is noble but woe to the land if he be childish). The following lines play on sapiens/insipiens, and introduce youth as a positive attribute, to counterbalance “puerilis’: ‘Melior est pauper et sapiens atque puer quam rex insipiens (vv. 17-18; better poor and wise and a child, than a foolish king).
The opposition is underlined by a musical device. The motet employs a rhythmic motif of *° A third source for ‘O Philippe’ was the lost Trémoille codex. Heinrich Besseler’s inventory of the surviving index
in
‘Studien
zur
Musik
des
Mittelalters’,
Archiv
fir
Musikwissenschaft, 8 (1927), 236-40, identified the incipit for a motet ‘O Philippe’ as the triplum of a motet for Philip VI, O
script’, in Bryan Gillingham and Paul Merkley (eds.), Beyond the Moon: Festschrift Luther Dittmer (Musicological Studies, 54; Ottawa, 1990), 217-40. This may suggest that ‘O Philippe’ was in circulation outside fr. 146.
” These texts are also discussed in Wathey, ‘The Marriage of
Philippe francielO bone dux| [Solus tenor], with a note that it may
Edward III’, 18-19 and Jane Taylor, below, Ch. 24.
refer to the motetus of Servant regem/O PhilippelRex regum. all identifiable
* This programme is common in this period and can be found in a text close to the Capetian princes: Giles of Rome’s De
motets in the index list pieces by motetus. For this reason, Margaret Bent identifies the incipit as Servant regem/O Philippel Rex regum in its ‘O Philippe’ form, saying that ‘O Philippe Franci
regimine principum. He was tutor to Philip IV, dedicating his text to him in 1280. For an account of this work, see Joseph R. Strayer, The Reign of Philip the Fair (Princeton, 1980), 7-9 and
quilO bone dux! (Solus tenor] would be another eligible candidate
Elizabeth A. R. Brown, ‘Persona et Gesta: The Image and Deeds of the Thirteenth-Century Capetians. 3. The Case of Philip the
However,
with
the exception
of one
motet,
only if motetus and triplum have been reversed for this entry’. See her article “A Note on the Dating of the Trémoille Manu-
Fair’, Viator, 19 (1988), 219-46 at 232-5, 237.
The Profile of Philip V
22a
five semibreves (motif A). This grouping represents one of the most innovative features of
notation in the Fauvel music, and the motet is the earliest surviving example of this
phenomenon of the Ars nova. To informed eyes and ears, this feature would have stood out
as new and different. The composer exploits the novelty to draw attention to significant
messages in the text, placing the central opposition of the rex sapiens/insipiens in the
foreground. The statements occur in close succession (bb. 41 and 46); the relationship is
further cemented by melodic repetition (see Ex. 9.1) Ex. 9.1. Rhythmic motif A in Servant regem/O Philippe! Rex regum: (a) Triplum, bb. 40-2; (4) Triplum, bb. 45-7
(a)
==
===: Sa
+
- pi - ens
Se in
=
=Si-
pi-ens
255
dis
ee €
-
Ti
-
git
The motetus text focuses on the ceremonial, reminding the king of his coronation promises: two lines are based on the words of the coronation ordo (‘ecclesie pacis tenens lorum | ac iudicans plebem equitate’; vv. 5-6).”” A third promise, as Brown shows (see above, Ch. 3), refers to the king’s pledge to undertake a crusade (v. 7). The programme of
Opposition is contained in the music. The opening lines are set to a rhythmic motif (B) presented three times (motetus, bb. 1-22) and then again in retrograde (motetus, bb. 22-8)
(see Ex. 9.2). The function of the motif at this point is not clear, although the intention could be to undermine the assertion of Philip’s authority in the text that it sets: ‘O Philippe prelustris francorum, rex insignis iuvenis etate’. Rhythmic motif B becomes a central feature of the musical design. It recurs at moments of textual importance, coinciding with two points of intense musical activity. At bars 124-30
of the motetus it sets part of the word ‘spopondisti’ (you have promised), thus drawing attention to the coronation and crusading promises. The whole word is further underlined in » The lines from the coronation promises read ‘Hec tria populo christiano et mihi subdito in christi promitto nomine. In primis ut ecclesie dei omnis populus christianus ueram pacem nostro arbitrio in omni tempore seruet . . . Tercium, ut in omnibus iudiciis equitatem et misericordiam precipiam ut michi et uobis indulgeat per suam misericordiam clemens et misericors deus’; quoted from E. S. Deswick, The Coronation Book of Charles V of France (1338-1380) (Henry Bradshaw Society, 16; London, 1899), col. 12. For a recent study of the French corona-
tion ordo, see Elizabeth A. R. Brown, ‘Franks, Burgundians, and Aquitanians’ and the Royal Coronation Ceremony in France (Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 82°; Philadelphia, 1992).
David Howlett’s version reads “ecclesie pacis tenens locum’,
based on the reading in fr. 146. Fr. 571 has ‘lorum’ for ‘locum’,
which is closer to the original text of the coronation ordo. While both readings make perfect sense, I prefer to follow ‘lorum’ here, and have emended the text that appears in the Appendix accordingly. ” Philip renewed his crusade oath in 1316, just after his return to Paris. I am grateful to Elizabeth Brown for sharing her contribution to this volume before publication. In the context of Se cuers ioans! Rex beatus/Ave, the allusion in the motetus of Servant regem!O Philippe! Rex regum must remind the listener of Louis X, who, as Brown shows, was reprimanded for failure to fulfil his promise. If this is indeed a double reference—to Louis’ oath and to Philip’s—its purpose may be to remind the new king to hasten to fulfil his promise, and not to delay as his brother did.
Emma Dillon
222
Rex regum: (a) Motetus, bb. 1-22; (6) Motetus, Ex. 9.2. Rhythmic motifB in Servant regem|O Philippe! bb. 22-8 1
motif B
see
ania 2h
GE ence
am
60660
@
@
1
Ne
SA
et
SS==ne cra o s srerer= sia
motif B Ne
ge
4
nis
4
i
=-
iu - ven - is
:
e
that it occupies three longs’ worth of music, the longest time assigned to a single word in the whole motet. Rhythmic motif B sounds again at bars 145-51 of the triplum, coinciding with the words ‘quam rex insipiens’, picking up again on the sapiens/insipiens opposition. Both
these moments are spotlighted by other musical devices. The motet is constructed over a plainchant tenor, heard twice. This sets up a structural symmetry in the music (in the score, the first tenor statement is copied adjacent to second to make parallels accessible to the eye). It lays open the opportunity for repeating music in the upper voices at parallel points, which is in turn a way of creating emphasis. Comparing bars 124-30 with their parallel in the first color, 34-40, and 145-51 with 55-61, we see that there is melodic transfer between the voices
(these are shaded in the score). The repetition underlines the emphasis generated by rhythmic motif B. Further, in the bars preceding the rhythmic statement, one of the voices falls silent. These silences have the effect of clearing the musical texture, to make audible the messages in the other voices. At bars 121-4 the triplum is silent, enabling us to hear the ‘spo-’ of
‘spopondisti’. At bars 142-5 the motetus is silent against the first part of the phrase ‘atque puer, quam rex insipiens’. This brings to the foreground the main opposition of the whole motet: contrasting puer/ sapiens, with puerilis! insipiens.
The puer/puerilis opposition may have a deeper significance. The original context of quotations in the triplum text unlock further messages, which, I shall suggest, personalize the opposition. Dahnk noted that the penultimate line ‘rex hodie est, et cras moritur’ is a quotation from Eccles. 10: 12;” but strong resonances of the same line are heard in one of the tethat supplement the Roman. Un songe is a cameo of the progression of kings on fos. 10°— 1.” The author tells of adream of four kings: Philip IV, Louis X, John I, and Philip V. John,
Ae child-king, is likened to a bean, that jumped from life to death in a single moment: Si ne fu ce temps que un moment. pour ce, est comparé 4 la feve,
Quer il vint et mourut en feve: * For full details of citations see Dahnk, 67-9.
* Storer—Rochedieu, 61-72.
The Profile of Philip V
223
Y-celui temps,—si com moy semble,— Il nasqui et mourut ensemble. Hui commenga, demain failli; Ainsi de vie 4 mort sailli, Comme fait le Roy la feve, Qui commence ensemble et acheve: Ennuit sera seignouriant, Et demain povre mendiant.”’
The verbal and temporal echoes invite us to read the dit against the motet text. The poem becomes the dramatizing agent of the motet. The ‘puer’ in the triplum can be identified as John. Introducing the child-king to the text in turn adds new meaning to the words
‘Clemencia regis laudabilis’ (triplum, |. 13; a king’s clemency is praiseworthy, or Clémence, mother of the ‘rex sapiens’, John, is praiseworthy). The importance of clemencia/Clémence is further underlined by the same five-note motif (A) employed to set up the sapiens/ insipiens opposition. It sets the first sounding of ‘clemencia’ (b. 15-16; see Ex. 9.3). The second
‘clemencia’ falls at the Golden Section of the music (b. 109). Both devices may serve to personify Clémence in the motet text. The allusions to Clémence and the child-king in the context of the succession crisis may add further significance to the opposition of the ‘puer’ and the ‘rex insipiens’. I suggest that the texts personify John as the child, and Philip as the childish. The motet manipulates its strategy of opposition to cast Philip in the negative role.
It brings fresh meaning to the line ‘atque puer quam rex insipiens’-—better the boy (had John lived) than the foolish king. Ex. 9.3. Rhythmic motifA at Triplum, bb. 15-16
eee ec = non.
cle
agen
=
Ci
wy
There may be another clue to support the connection between the motet and the dit. The final two lines of music in the triplum are absent from fr. 146. The lines it sets are ‘rex hodie est, et cras moritur | iuste vivat et sancte igitur’, the first of which I have suggested is the cue for the dit. While this may be a scribal oversight, everything else about these folios suggests deliberate design. If this is intentional, then music, it seems, falls silent, not daring to sound the most controversial message of the piece. This reading may make sense of the visual design of the motet on the page. The page-split magnifies the separation between the voices: the triplum identifies John, the ‘rex sapiens’, and the motetus Philip, ‘rex insipiens’. Philip is placed on the right-hand side, next to the image % Storer—Rochedieu 68, vv. 250-60 (with emendations): ‘So, so from life to death it leapt, as does the King of the Bean, who this time was but a moment. For this, it is compared to the bean, _ begins and finishes together: tonight will he be lord, and tomorfor it came and died like a bean: that time, so it seems to me, was__ born and died together. Today it began, tomorrow it ceased; and
row a poor beggar.’
224
Emma Dillon
of Fauvel enthroned. The symbolism of right and left commonly denotes the opposition between good and evil, but it can work both ways. Elsewhere in Fauvel, evil is equated with
the left: Fauvel and Vaine Gloire enjoy a left-handed marriage.” But there is also evidence for the reverse organization. The page-split was exploited in demonological treatises from later periods: texts on the nature of God and Satan place attributes of God on the left-hand page, and those of Satan on the right. On the equation of right with evil, some further points should be noted. The motetus occupies the first column to the right of the page-split; it is also at Fauvel’s right hand. In the Credo, Christ sits at the right hand of the Father (‘sedet ad
dexteram Patris’); here, Philip (personified in the opening line of the motetus) sits at the right hand of the beast. The devilish associations of those who sit at Fauvel’s right are made in one of the chant fragments (p.mus. 80), which reworks Ps. 108: 6 to read ‘Constitue, domine,
super Falvellum dolorem inferni, et diabolus stet a dextris eius’.” How does the choice of chant tenor work in the didactic scheme of the motet? I shall argue that the chant forms part of a liturgical scheme in the Roman that may in turn connect with apocalyptic themes in the poem. The chant is taken from the middle of a responsory for the third Sunday in Advent; the decision to quote from the middle, rather than the beginning,
suggests that the composer intended to exploit a specific textual reference attached to the chant.” The text comes from Apoc. 19: 16: ‘Rex regum, dominus dominantium’ (King of kings, lord of lords), referring to the king of the Second Coming.” In one sense, this is an
appropriate choice in a motet addressing itself to a newly crowned king: the accession of a new ruler was commonly fashioned as a Second Coming. However, the citation attaches the motet to a strong apocalyptic theme in the Roman. Gerves’s poem depicts a world close to its end. In Book I, the narrator is witness to the signs of creation in reverse, as the world’s order is turned topsy-turvy.“” The theme is continued in Book IJ in Fortuna’s prophecy. The four ages of man are a metaphor for the progression of the world towards apocalypse: it now approaches old age, sunk into a state of melancholy. The tenor text thus connects the motet with the sense of imminent crisis in the Roman. This dimension is further enhanced by the visual image of Fauvel on fo. m1’, which, as Martin
Kauffmann
has suggested, parodies
standard iconographic representations of Christ at the Last Judgement.” Full understanding of the apocalyptic allusion of the chant is dependent on its liturgical significance. The choice of Advent connects the motet with a complex liturgical agenda in 4 See Rodney Needham (ed.), Right and Lefi: Essays on Dual Symbolic Classification (Chicago and London, 1973). I should like
to thank Daniel Penney for a helpful discussion of the significance of left and right in Fawvel. * Discussed by Lucy Freeman Sandler, ‘The Handclasp in the Arnolfini Wedding: A Manuscript Precedent’, Art Bulletin, 66
(1984), 488-91. *° This was discussed by Stuart Clark, ‘History and Theory: The Deconstruction
of Witchcraft in Early Modern
Europe’,
lecture at All Souls College, Oxford, 25 Jan. 1995.
*” The original form reads ‘Constitue super eum peccatorem: et diabolus stet a dextris eius.’ * Another example of a motet whose tenor quotes from the
middle of achant is O amicus! Precursoris, the subject of a study by Margaret Bent and David Howlett, ‘Swbtiliter alternare: The Yoxford Motet O amicus/Precursoris, in Peter M. Lefferts and Brian Seirup (eds.), Studies in Medieval Music: Festschrift for Ernest Sanders (New York, 1990) = Current Musicology 45-7
(1990), 43-84. ® Identified by Dahnk, 68. Langfors, wv. 311-26. Apocalyptic content in Fauvel is discussed in Jean-Claude Miihlethaler, Fauvel au pouvoir: lire la satire médiévale (Nouvelle Bibliothtque du Moyen Age; Paris, 1994), 73-112. See also Nigel Palmer, below, Ch. 18. “' See below, Ch. 13.
The Profile of Philip V
225
Fauvel. There is abundant liturgical allusion in the Roman, in the choice of motet tenors, references in the motet and conductus texts, and above all in the fifty-three fragments of chant or pseudo-chant concentrated in Book II.” It is possible to discern liturgical patterns that articulate whole seasons. At the heart of the interpolations in Book II is a group of eight chants for the season of Nativity."’ They are anticipated by liturgical allusions in the music of Book I, including the Advent tenor of Servant regem/O Philippe/Rex regum. The purpose is not to articulate the temporal scheme of the literary text, for the reader is led to expect a Pentecost chant here: Fauvel issues an invitation to the joust the following day, which, he says, is the ‘lendemain de Penthecouste’.“’ However, the connection of Nativity with a second liturgical cycle for Easter may suggest an alternative function. The literary interpolations in Fauvel borrow from several other texts, among them the Tourneiment Anticrist by Huon de Méry. Only a couple of lines of Huon’s text find their way into Fauvel, and it serves rather as a structural frame for the Fauvel nuptials and tournament.*’ Margaret Bender demonstrates how Huon’s original narrative shadows a Triduum structure: Maundy Thursday—Antichrist’s banquet, a parody of the Last Supper; Good Friday—the battle of Virtue and Vice; and Holy Saturday—victory and the celestial banquet.** The nuptial sequence in Fauvel closely shadows these events: on the eve of his wedding Fauvel hosts a banquet, attended by Virtues and Vices; the following morning the two armies fight a tournament; the Virtues are victorious, but their triumph is muted, and whereas Méry’s Virtues enjoy a celestial banquet, those in Fauvel simply retreat. The Easter structure in the Tourneiment is therefore automatically implied by the borrowings in Fauvel. It is made explicit, however, by means of liturgical chants. The outer days of the sequence are articulated by the correct liturgical chants. The tenor of the first major motet in the additions to Book II, Aman novil Heu Fortunal Heu me, mixes chants for Maundy Thursday and the Office of the Dead.*’ At the end of the tournament, Fauvel and his troops bathe in the waters of the Fountain of Youth (fo. 42’; see below, Fig. 13.12). Slotted in beside the fountain is a chant for Holy Saturday, drawn from the litany for renewal of baptismal promises. However,
the texts are fauvelized: Litany for Baptism
Fauvel
Sit fons sit fons vivus
Hic fons hic devius
aqua regenerans :
aqua degenerans 4
:
unda purificans””
unda damnificans
* For a recent discussion of the chant fragments see Susan
Rankin, ‘The Divine Truth of Scripture: Chant in the Roman de Fauvel’, JAMS, 47 (1994), 203-43. See also Ch. 19 below.
1 am
% Roesner et al. 9-10.
“Le Torneiment Anticrist by Huon de Meri, ed. Margaret O. _ Bender (Romance Monographs, 17; University, Miss., 1976).
grateful to Dr Rankin for sharing this material with me prior to
“
publication, and in addition for offering suggestions about the
"’ Not all notated sources contain music for this text. Paris,
chants discussed here. ® P mus 97, 98, 99, 100, tor, 103, 109, and 110. For a description of these chants, see below, Ch. 19. 4 Langfors, v. 188.
Identified by Margaret Bent; see above, Ch. 2.
BN lat. 956 is a Parisian source with music, and the chant in _Fauvel matches almost exactly. For a description of this chant, see below, Ch. 19. On this image, see Martin Kauffmann’s contribution to this volume, Ch. 13.
Emma Dillon
226
We are led to expect a Good Friday chant on the day of Fauvel’s tournament, but hear instead chants for the Nativity, which thus usurp the place of Good Friday in a perverted Easter cycle. Returning now to the theme of apocalypse in the tenor of Servant regem, I shall suggest how this connects with the liturgical scheme outlined above. The apocalypse theme reaches its peak in Fortuna’s prophecy in Book II.” The signs around her indicate that the world is close to apocalypse, and with her gift of foresight, she predicts that Antichrist himself is imminent: Et cest bien raison vraiement, Car, se l’Escripture ne ment, Les signez perent que pres estre
Devon du temps en quoi doit nestre L’anemi de crestienté,
Celi par qui toute plenté De mal doit ou monde venir
Sur le temps qui devra finir. Fauvel... Tu es d’Antecrist le courrier, Son mesagier et son fourrier. (Langfors, vv. 3097-105, 3109-10)
And it is true to reason, for, if the scriptures do not lie, the signs reveal that soon is the time in which
must be born the enemy of Christianity, he who so full of evil must come to the world at the time that it must cease. Fauvel ... you are the courier of Antichrist, his messenger and servant.
The prediction concludes the original version of the Roman de Fauvel, but leaves an important opening for future versions of the text. This propels the narrative in fr. 146 forward, and
it may be possible to interpret the later version as a fulfilment of the original prophecy. According to medieval traditions of Antichrist, he will be ante-Christ, a precursor to the second coming. He will also be anti-Christ, assuming the form of Christ, and enacting the major events in his life as a black parody. Like Christ, he will enjoy a Nativity. The text emphasizes that he ‘doit nestre’. Nativity, positioned within the warped Easter cycle, could be interpreted as the birth of Antichrist in the text. At the centre of fo. 38" is a chant from a Matins responsory for Nativity with the words ‘Verbum caro factum est’. The words of Fortuna’s original prophecy now find fulfilment as Antichrist enters the text. Advent anticipates Nativity. If Nativity is the signal of Antichrist, then it is prophesied through music in Book | in Advent in the motet for Philip V. In the single illumination of Antichrist, on fo. 28, he is depicted as a crowned king on horseback. The warning to Philip V is clear. This interpretation of Servant regem sets Philip in a controversial light, as the ‘rex insipiens’, pitted against the ‘rex sapiens’, John. The opposition recalls the succession crisis, ® The prophecy is discussed in detail in Nigel Palmer’s study, below, Ch. 18.
” P.mus 100, fo. 38".
The Profile ofPhilip V
a7
in which Philip overcame the claims ofthe royal uncles for control of the realm in the months before John’s birth. While the idea ofa child ruling the kingdom well is clearly insupportable, the motet seems to play upon this anomaly: better the child than the foolish king. The tenor refines the view of the ‘rex insipiens’ still further, and Philip’s accession marks France’s entry
into the epoch of Antichrist. This fits in with the negative signals with which the Roman closes. The final folio is filled with the sighs of the galli, who fear the approaching fox in Garrit gallus!In nova fert |Neuma.”' What place do these messages have in a manuscript designed as a mirror of princes? The didactic intent of fr. 146 prevents them from being purely subversive. The book explores the boundaries of admonition. Admonition is the process of giving advice, but by definition, it is also warning and sometimes reproach. I suggest that Servant regem/O Philippel Rex regem is truly admonitory, and that in offering advice, it enables its writer to voice complaint. Philip is presented in the negative to enforce the positive attributes of kingship to which he must aspire: through allegory and music he is made to occupy the role of the ‘rex insipiens’ that he may learn the ways of the ‘rex sapiens’. At the same time, the motet is a reminder of the succession crisis, in which Philip provoked unease among precisely the people who are likely to have been involved with the creation of fr. 146. For Charles de Valois, the presentation of Philip as an anti-model is a way of offering a stern warning, in keeping with the literary tradition ofthe mirror ofprinces, but within that
project it articulates personal grievance. The many themes of loyalty and duty ultimately steer the criticisms towards a constructive end, that of giving advice. The senders too are personified in the book. One line in the motetus reminds Philip to heed the advice of upright counsellors: “consilio utere proborum’. In the French dit for Philip, this message is more specific, telling him that he must listen to the ‘elder’ and ‘mature’ men on his council, an
emphasis that would speak well for Valois: Croy les anciens esprouvez, Qui seront en ta court trouvez.
Des joeunes, des jolis, des cointes, Ont les Roys esté acointes; Pour ce, croy le conseil meiir, Se honneur veus avoir, n’eiir.””
Believe the tested old men, who will be found in thy court. With the young, the handsome, the fops, the kings have been too intimate; wherefore, believe mature counsel, if thou wishest to have honour, not luck.
Criticism is only one dimension in a vast programme of admonition. All messages, positive and negative, contribute to a single end, which is to influence the unknown future beyond the allegory. That future is an unwritten book, the writing of which lies in the hands of
Philip.
*! “Garrit Gallus flendo dolorose, luget quippe Gallorum concio, que satrape traditur dolose’ (triplum, wy. 13)
” Du Roy phellippe qui ore Regne, Storer—Rochedieu 55, vv. 75-80.
Emma Dillon
228
APPENDIX
Servant regem|O Philippe prelustris Francorum| Rex regum TEXTS
AND
TRANSLATIONS:”
Triplum Servant regem misericordia et veritas necnon clemencia. Iudicii rex sedens solio malum tollit aspectu proprio. Rex sapiens dissipat impios insipiens erigit inscios.
Impietas regis si tollatur iusticia thronus roboratur. Iudicium causam determinat iusticia falsum eliminat. Mendacia rex qui libens audit
10
omnes servos impios exaudit.
Clemencia regis laudabilis, severitas eius terribilis. bona terra cuius rex nobilis sed ve terre si sit puerilis. Melior est pauper et sapiens
15
atque puer quam rex insipiens.
Rex hodie est et cras moritur; luste vivat et sancte igitur.
20
Mercy and truth and also clemency save a king. A king sitting on a throne of judgement takes away evil at the very sight of him. A wise king scatters the impious; an unwise one raises up the ignorant. If the impiety of aking be taken away the throne is strengthened by justice. Judgement settles a case, justice eliminates the false.
A king who willingly hears lies heeds all impious
servants. The clemency of a king is praiseworthy, his severity terrible. Good (is) the land whose king is noble but woe to the land if he be childish. Better poor and wise and a boy than a foolish king. Today he lives and tomorrow he dies. Therefore let him live justly and holily. Motetus O Philippe, prelustris Francorum rex, insignis iuvenis etate
consilio utere proborum * The edition and translation have kindly been provided by Dr David Howlett. I am grateful to Jonathan Bickerton for his
expert help with the musical examples. In the score plicas have been represented as small arrows (up or down),
The Profile of Philip V
229
in proavi degens sanctitate ecclesie pacis tenens lorum
5
ac iudicans plebem equitate. Aggredere gentem paganorum; spopondisti! Nunc accelera te ut conformis sis principum quorum
nomina sunt laudis approbate!
10
O Philip, illustrious king of the French, outstanding at the age of a youth, use the counsel of upright men, living your life in the sanctity of your great-grandfather, holding the rein of peace of the church and judging the people in equity. Attack the race of pagans. You have promised. Now hasten, that you may be comparable to those rulers whose names are of commended praise. Tenor Rex regum, dominus dominancium.
King of kings, Lord of lords.
10 TRIPLUM
=
=H
=
ware Ser -
MOTETUS
u
vant
13
=== SSS re- gem
mi-se-ri
re
- cordi-a
et
t
ae oO
Phi
-
lip
-
-
pe
TENOR
SSS
=
——
Ss
==
SSS
t
aa ae pes
ee
= =
-
— tas
f
pro -
SSS ==
bo
1
=é
=
Fe
—
= =
=
2 Ss
—
97
100
= SS rex
qui
li
-
qui
SSS bens au
dit
om - nes
ser - vos
im - pi - os
aE)
t
bem e
103
-
te.
ta
1
106
109
25
aa
2
ewe
ae Ce
=
“meh=och
=
as a
se-ve-ri-tas
e
]- i
=
=Sag2 rex
no-bi
-
lis
sed
ver
iter=|) Ten
si
==
-
10 The Metrical Chronicle Traditionally Ascribed to Geftroy de Paris Tew
JEAN
DUNBABIN
The metrical chronicle ascribed to Geffroy de Paris is found only in BN fr. 146, fos. 63'-88', and was edited in 1956 by Armel Diverrés.' It is concerned with the years 1300 to 1316,
offering a full coverage of events during this period, as seen by an observer based in Paris.’ The reasons for its inclusion in the famous Fauvel manuscript have been much debated. In this chapter I consider the metrical chronicle’s value as historical evidence and attempt to explain why the compilers of the Fauvel manuscript regarded it a suitable text with which to conclude their choice of material. The attribution of the metrical chronicle to Geffroy de Paris no longer seems particularly convincing. Originally proposed on linguistic grounds, the similarities between the chronicle
and Geffroy de Paris’s French poems, also contained only in fr. 146, are now thought to indicate roughly contemporaneous authors operating in the same milieu rather than a single author (though this cannot be ruled out on linguistic grounds).* The verbal echoes between Geffroy’s poems and the metrical chronicle which so impressed Natalis de Wailly’ can be accounted for (where such account is needed) by the hypothesis that Geffroy had access to the chronicle when he wrote his poems, especially Un songe (in which the bulk of echoes occur), a hypothesis reinforced by the view that fr. 146 was a group production, and that the dits were the last items to be added to the manuscript. On the other hand, there are distinct differences, both in tone and in political sympathy, between Geffroy and the author of the metrical chronicle. Diverrés pointed out that Geffroy’s French poems were conventionally moralistic and given to demonstrating the author's learning, while the metrical chronicle was more light-hearted, less pompous. But he thought this might be explained by the difference in genre.° Leofranc Holford-Strevens, in ' La Chronique métrique attribuée a Geffroy de Paris. Texte
Some of these alleged echoes are statements of fact, others are
publié avec introduction et glossaire (Strasburg, 1956). * See Roesner et al. 48. > Diverrés 1-12. “N. de Wailly, Mémoires de l'Institut National de France. Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, 18 (Paris, 1849), 516-17.
proverbs. > See the arguments of Elizabeth A. R. Brown (Ch. 3) and Joseph Morin (Ch. 15). ° Diverrés 12; cf. Roesner et al. 19.
234
Jean Dunbabin
analysing Geffroy’s two Latin poems (see below, Ch. 1), has underlined their thoroughly clerical diction, their echoes of civil and canon law, grammar, and scholastic philosophy—all
of which are foreign to the author of the metrical chronicle. Edward H. Roesner, in the introduction to the facsimile edition of the manuscript, drew
attention to one notable discrepancy of opinion between the two authors: while Geffroy in two of his poems lambasted the aristocratic leaguers of 1314-17 as rebels, the metrical
chronicler cited their views with apparent sympathy.’ Roesner did not, however, regard this as decisive evidence that the two works were by different hands. Yet although Geffroy’s Des
alliez was written either at the end of 1316 or in the course of 1317,” and his Hora rex est in April or early May 1317,’ and therefore several months later than the chronicle ends, it is difficult to imagine that the chronicler would within so short a space of time have changed his tune on the morality of opposition to the crown, merely because it was now worn by a different king. There are in addition other reasons for questioning the attribution of the metrical chronicle to Geffroy. While Geffroy’s poems showed his unequivocal support for Philip of Poitiers,
both before and after his accession to the throne in November 1316, the metrical chronicler
hardly mentioned Philip (his poem finishes during Philip’s regency and before his coronation). Furthermore, Geffroy’s political programme was apparently that of a conventional clergyman; his opposition to Philip IV’s counsellors was almost entirely on the ground that they usurped the church’s temporalities,” while the metrical chronicler, as we shall see,
regarded them as perverting the whole realm. Geffroy betrayed no anti-papal feeling; he celebrated the accession of John XXII in his poem Natus ego; the author of the metrical
chronicle, in sharp contrast, commented that it was too early to know yet whether the new pope was a wise or a bad man (vv. 7883-4). Geffroy’s Desputaison entre l'eglise de Romme et
leglise de France (which was anti-Italian but firmly pro-papal in tone) hinted at awareness of the issues being discussed at Avignon in 1316-17,” knowledge more likely to have been accessible to a beneficed cleric than to a clerk involved primarily in administration, as the author of the metrical chronicle appears to have been.'* Geffroy’s attitude towards the church was entirely supportive, whereas the metrical chronicler feared its potential for leading Christians astray (see below, p. 240). In sum, the common characteristics of Geffroy and the chronicler are easily explained in terms of a similar background; their dissimilarities of style, prejudice, and political persuasion argue against their being the same man. Since Funck-Brentano’s critical reading of the metrical chronicle, it has been accepted Roesner et al. 19, 50. ® Storer—Rochedieu 73-80; on the dating, see p. v. ” See Holford-Strevens, below, p. 252. '© See esp. Avisemenz pour le Roy Loys, ed. Storer—Rochedieu,
wy. 457-67, 486-90. ‘' Tam most grateful to Dr Leofranc Holford-Strevens for pointing this out to me. '° Storer—-Rochedieu, 81-90, esp. 89, vv. 22 and 23, in which he mentioned St Peter’s move from Antioch to Jerusalem. This chimed in with the debate in John XXII’s curia immediately after
his election on whether it was legitimate for the pope to moye
from Rome to Avignon. See the discussion by Petrus de Palude (Pierre de la Palud) on the subject in his De Potestate Papae, ed.
P. T. Stella (Ziirich, 1966), 187-90. 'S Diverrés 13-15. For the decreasing likelihood of chancery clerks being beneficed, see Robert-Henri Bautier, Chartes, sceaux
et chancelleries: études de diplomatique et de sillographie médiévales (Paris, 1990), ii. 856-7. But naturally there were still beneficed clerks both in the chancery and in other administrative posts in the reign of Philip V.
The Metrical Chronicle
235
that, although the author says he began to write in 1300, he actually started at the end of 1312 or the beginning of 1313, and that his comments subsequent to this were almost contemporaneous with the events he described."’ Roesner has consequently drawn a distinction between the two parts of the chronicle, contrasting the chronological inaccuracies, the moralizations, and the expressions of personal view to be found in the part covering 1300 to 1312 with the much more matter-of-fact narrative of the last four years.'” His reading of the text agrees with that of other recent historians, who have been inclined to regard the chronicler as a major first-hand source for the period 1312-16."°
But the author’s choice of literary form for his task has implications for the value of the metrical chronicle as a historical source, implications that apply as much to the later as to the earlier part of his work. The chronicler wrote in the vernacular, and in rhyming couplets. Although the literary quality of his production was low—Diverrés regarded his great merit as being his absence of poetical pretentiousness' —he was operating according to literary rules that dictated both form and flavour. Without an appreciation of what he was trying to do, the historian may be led to give more credence to the author’s exact words than they were intended to inspire.'* The chronicle was clearly meant to be recited aloud, to an audience trained to derive pleasure as well as information from the recital.’” It was created to be experienced, its emotional commitments shared, its heroes applauded, its villains execrated, its vividness participated in, to an extent unimaginable among sober Latin chroniclers of the period.” Therefore even at their most informative the verses should be read as moulding the responses of their audience; they never descended to straightforward narrative.”' One obvious way in which the chronicler signalled his intentions to his listeners was by introducing well-known literary parallels into his work. So he twice compared Charles de Valois with Charlemagne as portrayed in the epic Ogier the Dane (vv. 564, 5197); after telling of the disastrous French defeat at Kortrijk in 1302, he spoke of searching for Ganelon (the de
” This is brought out clearly by a comparison between the
Courtrai et les chroniqueurs qui en ont traité pour servir 4
chronicle and Jean of Saint-Victor’s Chronicle, in Etienne Baluze,
Phistoriographie du régne de Philippe le Bel’, Mémoires de
Vitae Paparum Avenionensium, ed. G. Mollat (Paris, 1914), i. 1-23, 107-20, which for the years 1312-16 describes many of the same events as the metrical chronicle, but in a duller and less obviously biased way. It has been customary to assume that Jean of SaintVictor drew directly on the metrical chronicle; but Charles Samaran has argued that the similarities are not great and could be accounted for by common sources; for these he suggests the documents at Saint-Denis, public ambassadorial records, messages, or
Frantz
Funck-Brentano,
‘Mémoire
sur
la bataille
L’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, 10 (1894), 235—326. '> Roesner et al. 19. '® e.g. Jean Favier, Un conseiller de Philippe le Bel: Enguerran
de Marigny (Paris, 1963), 3: ‘la précieuse Chronique métrique’; 137:
‘la chronique
métrique
de
Geoffroi
de
Paris,
dont
information est en général sérieuse’. Controversially, Favier believes the chronicler rather than the count of Nevers over which royal servant taunted him when he was in prison; see pp. 165-6.
” Diverrés 21.
news placards (Histoire littéraire de la France, 41 (Paris, 1981), 8).
For a slightly different view, see Elizabeth A. R. Brown and Nancy F. Regalado, ‘La grant feste: Philip the Fair's Celebration of the
'* Gabrielle M. Spiegel, Romancing the Past: The Rise of Knighting of his Sons in Paris at Pentecost of1313', in Barbara A. Vernacular Prose Historiography in Thirteenth-Century France Hanawalt and Kathryn L. Reyerson (eds.), City and Spectacle in (Berkeley, 1993), 55-69, has summarized the case for believing
Medieval Europe (Medieval Studies at Minnesota, 6; Minneapolis,
that early 13th-c. readers assumed history in verse to deserve little credence. A century later this opinion is likely to have been standard. " For a similar judgement on political verses ofa later period, see J. Coleman, ‘The World’s Ear: The Aurality of Medieval
1994), 75-6 Nn. 13. *' This does not of course mean that they are valueless as a historical source, merely that they must be used cautiously. Roesner’s grouping of the chronicle among other ‘purely historical works’ (Roesner e¢ al. 50) is potentially misleading.
Literature’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Edinburgh, 1993), 159-64.
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traitor in the Song of Roland) to explain the catastrophe (v. 1599). And he declared the French currency changes of 1312 to have been foretold in the prophecies of Merlin (wv. 54317). These references would be sufficient to evoke in his audience a clear comprehension that
their entertainment was as important to the author as their edification. More significantly, the chronicler relayed episodes with obvious echoes in romantic literature. The imprisonment of the count of Nevers in Paris for crimes that seemed inadequate to the punishment, and his escape during the Epiphany celebrations after making his jailers drunk (vv. 4065-300) was of the stuff of romance. So, too, was the description of the 1313 Pentecost feast (vv. 4703-5098). This exuberant and detailed account of a nine-day
orgy has been treated as first-hand evidence of an early royal celebration.” Yet the position ascribed in it to Queen Isabella of England as the lady of the revels, and Edward II’s reported adoration of his wife (vv. 5099-132) accord rather with literary expectation than with bald
fact.”* It may therefore be dangerous to read the whole as an accurate statement of the events of June 1313. Some exaggeration, some touching up of colours, would come naturally to the mind of a jongleur seeking to please his Parisian audience. No other detailed account of the ceremonies exists (Jean of Saint-Victor’s and that of the Grandes Chroniques are much
shorter).” In the absence of the full French royal household accounts for the great knighting ceremony,” we cannot be sure just how much of what the chronicler retailed was imaginative
embroidery. But a pinch of salt would not come amiss in the twentieth-century reader’s use of this evidence for historical purposes. The genre he followed permitted our author to employ direct speech as a regular means of building up excitement and underlining the moral dilemmas facing his characters. This habit automatically raises for the historian the problem of the accuracy with which he portrayed the thoughts of those he described in vivid dialogues. Some conversations, for example that in which the devil foretold for Marigny his approaching death (vv. 7074-96), must be read as invention to heighten the sense of crisis and to underline the villainy ofthe villain. The verbal exchanges reflected poetic, not historical, reality. Others are harder to evaluate. Did the strong indictment of Philip the Fair’s rule put into the mouths of the disgruntled baronage while the king lay dying (vv. 6428-52) in fact represent the grievances that sparked off the Leagues? Or did it reflect the poet’s (or his patron’s) view of what those grievances ought to have been? If the latter, it should be treated with the caution normally reserved for a partisan account. * It is noteworthy, and perhaps important, that the copyist of
fr. 146 omitted the line after this—perhaps because it contained an allegation he thought indiscreet or wrong. * Roesner et al. 7, 8, 9, where it is cited as historical evidence. Also Brown and Regalado, ‘La grant feste’, 58.
* On Philip IV’s indignation at his daughter's treatment by her husband and by Piers Gaveston, see J. R. Maddicott, Thomas
ofLancaster 1307-1322: A Study in the Reign ofEdward II (Oxford,
1970), 83-6, 150. P. Chaplais, Piers Gaveston, Edward II’s Adoptive Brother (Oxford, 1994), 10, is inclined to see politics rather
than sex at the root of Philip’s dislike of Gaveston. But Isabella’s hatred for Gaveston is not in doubt. While Gaveston’s execution
improved matters, and the 1313 ceremony was clearly intended to symbolize new friendship between Philip and his son-in-law, the immediate past cannot have been so wholly forgotten as the chronicler suggests. > Fora
full description of all available material on the event,
see Brown and Regalado, ‘La grant feste’. *° There are entries relating to the provision of horses for the new knights, to the expenses of those sent to greet King Edward II of England and his queen, and to the feast provided for the English party; see Comptes Royaux (1285-1314), ed. R. Fawtier and F. Maillard (Paris, 1954), i. 772-9.
The Metrical Chronicle
WG
More ambiguous still, from the historian’s point ofview, is the narrator’s own voice, which breaks into the flow of the poem at increasingly frequent intervals.”” It may be read as a literary device. For example when, having recounted first the French case against the Flemings in 1302 and then the Flemish case against the French, the author remarks (vv. 1054—
6): ‘I do not know whom to believe now, but I regard the man who conjectures on this as mad’, his aim may be to stress the unavoidability of battle, the judgement of God, to resolve the otherwise unresolvable. The narrator's voice serves to heighten the tension before the disaster of Kortrijk is unfolded. An alternative interpretation is that the narrator was here
reflecting the mixed feelings of some French lords, especially of Charles of Valois, who had ineftectually interceded with Philip TV on behalf of the count of Flanders in 1300,”° and who retained links of affection with the count’s sons (though not with other Flemings) long after
the shameful defeat of the French army in 1302.” Yet on other occasions the sentiments expressed in the first person may betray an element of popular uncertainty about the correctness of the official line. For example, after he recorded the official indictment of the Templars, the chronicler commented that he believed the accusations to be true, but only God knew (wv. 3541-7); similarly, in describing the noble
death of the Templar Master Jacques de Mollay, he raised the issue of whether denying an earlier confession constituted relapse (vv. 5643-58), and he suggested that the Master’s death might have been a kind of martyrdom (v. 5745).”’ But elsewhere (vv. 3595-6) he stated
without equivocation that the Templars were guilty of manifest heresy. These and other apparent expressions of inconsistent personal opinion remain among the most tantalizing
elements in the metrical chronicle. Can they be taken, as Raymond Cazelles took them, as expressing typical Parisian ‘man in the street’ sentiment?*’ Or do they reflect confusion caused by differently slanted news placards put up in Paris? Or alternatively should we regard them principally as literary devices, allowing a change in key at a crucial moment during the recital in order to enhance the impact of what was to follow? The author’s sense of drama accords with that of the Fauvel interpolator, whose work occupies the bulk of fr. 146. There is much in common between them, both in intellectual
and in political preoccupations. Naturally the editors of the facsimile have stressed the internal coherence of all parts of the manuscript.” But the chronicle retains some distinctive * Jean-Claude Miihlethaler, Fauvel au pouvoir: lire la satire médiévale (Paris, 1994), 287, 341, 351-2, discusses the narrator's voice, but sees more coherence in the comments than I can detect. *8 See John of Saint-Victor, as recorded in RHF 21, p. 637. But cf. the different account in Chronique latine de Guillaume de Nangis, ed. H. Géraud (Paris, 1843), i. 309. Elsewhere the metri-
Nevers; see Favier, Un conseiller, 158-60, 167-8, 209-10. If, as I shall argue, the chronicler’s patron was Charles of Valois, then expressions of goodwill towards the comital family in 1316-17
cal chronicler described Louis of Nevers’s (sic) attempts to gain
ambitions in this direction (Chronique latine de Guillaume de
support among the French lords in a less than sympathetic
Nangis, ii. 1).
manner (vv. 420-8).
” The chronicle is, overall, surprisingly well disposed towards the comital house of Flanders, given the constant troubles between that county and the king. A possible explanation for this may lie in the common enmity for Marigny, the king’s minister,
shared by the chronicler and Robert of Béthune and Louis of
were entirely predictable. Charles of Valois had planned in 1308 to marry his daughter to Louis of Nevers’s son; Frantz FunckBrentano, Philippe le Bel et Flandre (Paris, 1897), 521. He revived
this plan in 1316-17, by way of frustrating Louis of Evreux’s
© Such an opinion contrasts strongly with the view of the original Fauvel poet; see Langfors, vv. 934-98.
*' Nouvelle Histoire de Paris de la fin du regne de Philippe Auguste a la mort de Charles V 1223-1380 (Paris, 1972), 396.
*° Roesner et al. 4, 7, 21, 49.
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Jean Dunbabin
features. It is not mentioned in the index (though the index was concerned above all with
lyrics); and it is written by a different scribe using different rulings. It is comparatively unembellished, with only one large decorated initial at the beginning and no full-scale illustrations; even the small decorated initials are rarer in it than in the rest of the manuscript. These facts are compatible with, though not proof of, the chronicle having been added as an afterthought, as a consequence of a decision taken during the actual production of the manuscript.”
The original intentions of the compilers of fr. 146 may seem both impossible to ascertain and relatively unimportant. But they cannot be irrelevant to an assessment of the coherence of the contents. I believe that the metrical chronicle was not created specifically for inclusion in fr. 146. Much of it had an independent existence outside the one extant manuscript. The lines omitted in the copying—vv. 1600, 2950, 7890, and particularly 732~s—all suggest
censorship of an already circulating work. The copyist did not regard himself as bound to respect the integrity of his original. Indeed, he may even have chosen to end his copying
abruptly in the course of the description of Philip of Poitiers’s regency in the autumn of 1316; it is not improbable that the original chronicle had a more deliberate ending than the one known to us in the manuscript. To substantiate the hypothesis of the chronicle’s independent existence, it is necessary to consider the purpose for which it was written. Its character suggests its origin in the early fourteenth-century equivalent of a popular news-sheet, combining information with comment designed to mould opinion. There were probably many such verses in circulation.” Our text is distinctive in that the author, who began to write in 1312-13," chose to provide
a long historical introduction to his news-gathering by way of reinforcing the underlying meaning of the events he was describing. He wanted his audience to appreciate the relentless current of disasters through which France, the land of the free, was becoming enslaved and
all true values were being subverted. A perspective from 1300 onward made it easier to see who was responsible for these calamities. The chronicler invoked the Trinity (vv. 1-2) at the beginning of his verses as an indication of his deep moral seriousness. He then turned at once to the events of 1300. For him the
significance of that year lay in the fact that then Boniface VIII began his war against the Colonna (actually this occurred in 1298), a war which the chronicler perceived as in direct defiance of Christ’s command to St Peter to sheathe his sword (vv. 15-21); and in the same
year the pope enriched himself by cheating of their wealth and fine clothes those nobles and * Richard and Mary Rouse, in an as yet unpublished paper on Geoffrey of Saint-Léger (which I am most grateful to them for allowing me to use), point out that although the chronicle was written on a separate booklet of three quires, the decoration by the Fauvel master on the opening page demonstrates that only a short time can have elapsed between the writing of the first three
™ Tt is notable that Geffroy of Paris begins two of his poems, De la comete and Un songe, by the assertion that he wrote under pressure of public demand for news; Storer—Rochedieu 42, 61. Verse on topical matters was clearly in demand in early r4th-c.
parts and the addition of the chronicle. Roesner et al, 49 note
Saint-Denis chronicles to counter the pro-Flemish ‘romans’ in circulation (RHF 32, p. 174, wv. 119-39). 3D F k B « Z Cites . : . unck-Brentano, ‘Mémoire’, 281-2, still seems convincing.
that, though the chronicle
ends in the autumn
of 1316, the
copying must have occurred after the coronation of Philip V in Jan. 1317.
Paris. The author of La branche aux royaux lignages commented
that he was inspired to write his vernacular verse rendering of the
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239
clergy who had flocked to Rome for the Jubilee proclaimed for spiritual reasons (lines 3761). There could hardly be clearer signs of the malaise that was soon to afflict the whole of Christendom. To begin with, the symptoms of disease were seen in France’s enemies, Boniface and the Flemings (by whom the author meant the inhabitants of the towns, not the comital dynasty). In 1301, according to the metrical chronicle, the communes of Flanders demonstrated their
folly by electing Peter Koninck as their leader; in defiance of all natural order, they took a weaver as their king (vv. 653-700)—Peter’s surname offered an excellent opportunity for wordplay in the cause of driving home a moral point. The humiliation of the men of Bruges at Mons-en-Pévéle in 1304 was portrayed as proper punishment for an act of such folly. No
king not of royal blood should have promised to safeguard his people; defeat under such leadership was inevitable. (Naturally the author omitted to mention at this point the Flemish army's total destruction of the French at Kortrijk in 1302.) But very soon the disease spread to France, and particularly to the royal court, where various of the king’s ministers were seen to suffer from it. A layman, Pierre Flote, began to
preach, though his text did not come from the Bible (vv. 868-73). He and others of his kind persuaded the king to tax the church harshly, to the profit, not of the kingdom, but of royal
officials (vv. 891-913). The disaster at Kortrijk was to be attributed to the king’s harshness to his own people (which contrasted with his kindness to foreigners), to his refusal to listen to those of high birth, to his servants’ exploitation of their position, to the promotion oflawyers,
and to the consequent emigration of knights. The Franks were losing their defining characteristic of freedom (vv. 1745-90).
The chronicler expounded this theme yet more forcibly in his account of the French lords’ denunciation of Philip IV on his deathbed. They complained of the subordination of aristocrats to royal servants of humble birth; ‘serfs, villeins, advocates have become emperors’ (vv. 6441-2). The chief object of their vituperation was Enguerran de Marigny, here por-
trayed as a poor man who had become very rich, a mere knight who regularly stood at the right hand of the king, a clever servant who held both king and pope under his sway (vv. 5547-89). ‘He controlled the whole realm; no one could deal with the king if Enguerran opposed him; his permission was necessary before one could speak with the king’ (wv. 56026). To his adversaries, Marigny had become a potent symbol of all that was wrong with France. His power attested to the strength of the black arts on which he drew (vv. 7176-7).
Though the hated royal counsellors were the principal infectors of the realm, the disease spread beyond their orbit. Introducing the terrible story of the adultery of the king’s daughters-in-law, the chronicler remarked ‘In May of this year, a season full of beauty was turned to misery in the kingdom in a way which will be talked about as long as the world lasts’ (vv. 5867-72). That fate was against the French is a constantly recurring theme in the last part of the chronicle. When Louis X called up the army to wipe out the humiliations *© On the radical nature of Boniface’s indulgence, see Jacques Le Goff, The Birth ofPurgatory, trans. A. Goldhammer (London, 1984), 330-2.
” Favier, Un conseiller, 196, believes that here the author faithfully reflected public opinion.
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inflicted by the Flemings, he was defeated by the constant rain. Sunk in mud to their knees, he and his princes became the objects of mockery to spectators (vv. 7484-502). The com-
plaints of his subjects against bad government were heightened by the effects of famine (vv. 7561-90). The death of Louis X raised the whole problem of the succession (vv. 7861-4).
Damage was inflicted on the realm by Flemings and the men of Bayonne (vv. 7893-924). Throughout the chronicler linked the theme of political disarray with serious ecclesiastical disorder, the result of bad leadership. The death of Boniface VIII after Anagni divided opinion between those who thought it a just punishment for his avarice (vv. 1953-8), and those who hailed him as a martyr (vv. 2179-84). Pope Clement V endorsed the heavy taxation imposed on the French clergy by the king’s ministers, thereby demonstrating his uselessness as shepherd of his sheep (vv. 3040-54). The council of Vienne, which should have been the
answer to many of the church’s problems, proved to be only another means of extorting money from it (vv. 4515-26). Everything turned out to be the contrary of what it should have been. Behind the blatant charges of mismanagement and corruption at the highest levels of the church lay a veiled but more serious charge: the pope might be endangering the souls of Christians. In a remarkably outspoken passage following on from his description of the arrest of the Templars, the chronicler remarked that in the next world God would judge justly and see through all deceptions. “But here below in this church [militant, not triumphant], we are bound by the will and ordinance of the pope. Whoever calls this into question is guilty of a sort of heresy. Canon law attests and proclaims this: whoever intrigues against the prince of the church bears the mark of a heretic. So here below one is obliged to adhere firmly and without hesitation to the word of the pope. But he must guard himself carefully against doing evil; for if he does so he sins more than any other mortal’ (vv. 8557-70). These lines bear
eloquent testimony to the damage done to ecclesiastical authority by the quarrel between Boniface VIII and Philip the Fair. Simple faith in authority was hardly possible any more. That the world was seriously out of joint, that natural laws were being subverted, old
certainties destroyed, was for the chronicler an omen of doom. When the Jews (for whom he had no sympathy) were expelled from France in 1306, they left prophesying a terrible blow to the Christians and their leader; this prophecy the author believed to have come true, as his
audience would shortly appreciate (vv. 3189-210). Exactly what he meant he did not explicitly state. But he told the whole story of events from 1306 on in increasingly gloomy and foreboding tones. Everything was becoming systematically worse; all hope was being snuffed out. Even the well-deserved death of Marigny brought no relief—other rapacious officials remained (vv. 7318-32).
So relentlessly miserable a scenario was the precursor in medieval tradition to the coming of Antichrist.” The chronicler hinted at this connection when describing the events of the year 1312 (the first he was recording very shortly after they occurred). He recounted the story *® For a recent treatment of the theme in literature, see R. K. Emerson, Antichrist in the Middle Ages: A Study of Medieval Apocalypticism, Art and Literature (Manchester, 1981).
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of two soothsayers who came to Paris correctly prophesying the end of the world, but also claiming that Antichrist was already born. He immediately demonstrated his own orthodoxy by alleging that the prophets themselves were Antichrists (vv. 4530-46).”” The chronicler was not prepared to defy St Augustine’s condemnation of speculating on the timing of the end of the world." However, his willingness to mention other men’s sins in this regard may have been a kind of insurance policy. He was at least forcing his audience to think about the prophecy. Thus did the chronicler expound the history of the French realm and the Roman church between 1300 and the autumn of1316. It was a story of relentless misery brought about by a failure to recognize natural law. When men began consciously to upturn the pre-ordainéd order, then events rapidly slipped out of their control and disaster beckoned. If this was the message of the metrical chronicle, in whose interests was it written? To whom was it intended to rally support? In one sense, it was clearly a reactionary message: jumped-up officials were not the proper counsellors of kings; a king who abandoned his great
lords to look for financial competence among men of lesser blood risked defeat on the battlefield, the alienation of his people through unjustifiable taxation, and the ill will of his clergy. Such a perspective on recent history was obviously attractive to the high nobility of France. There was also an element in the chronicle of Gallicanism, of distrust of popes and papal pronouncements, that was far from conservative. The verses bear the clear imprint of the breach between Boniface VIII and Philip the Fair, not officially healed until the decision in 1312 that Boniface should not be tried for heresy. The patron the chronicler was attempting to please must have believed in his right to criticize ecclesiastical authority. A clue as to the identity of this patron comes in the chronicler’s repeated reference to Charles of Valois as ‘monsieur’ or ‘monseigneur Charles’.“' It is hard to explain this appellation, from which no other aristocrat in the text benefits,’ except in terms of the author’s deliberate highlighting of his personal relationship with Philip the Fair's brother, the aspirant to many thrones, the thorn in the flesh of those committed to policies of peaceful coexistence with France’s neighbours.” As soon as the Valois household is postulated as the chronicle’s cradle, an important episode in its early pages becomes clearer. The lengthy and misleading account of Charles of Valois’s Italian and Sicilian campaign of 1301-2, which occupies a prime place (vv. 63-653), assumes significance as a record of the debacle as Charles of Valois might wish to have it remembered. The Capetian prince making his ignominious peace in Sicily was compared with Charlemagne forced to treat with Ogier the Dane, Boniface VIII was accused of ” Tam
grateful to Miss E. Rutson
for her reading of this
Hundred
Years War:
The Angevin Legacy 1250-1340 (Oxford,
passage. “© De Civitate Dei 18. 53: ‘In vain therefore do we try to reckon
1996), 198.
the remainder of the world’s years, when we hear the plain truth
guished, which fits with the hypothesis to be expounded below
telling us: “It befits us not to know them”.’
(p. 245) that the chronicler had entered royal service during his reign. © Miihlethaler, Fauvel au pouvoir, 398, suggests that fr. 146 as a whole was compiled for someone in the circle of Charles of Valois.
2 e.g. VV. 7764, 6907, 269, 7113, 78, 4372, 4868, etc. On the
significance of this title to a jongleur, see Christopher Page, The Owl and the Nightingale: Musical Life and Ideas in France 11001300 (London, 1989), 51. Cf. Malcolm Vale, The Origins of the
“ In wy. 4866 and 7761, King Louis X was similarly distin-
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Jean Dunbabin
negotiating behind Charles’s back with Frederick of Sicily (an example of ascribing one’s own crime to the innocent party), and the whole was painted as a contribution to world peace (vv. 564, 513-17, 612-18). The impression conveyed by the chronicler that Charles struggled
heroically against the odds for many months was quite false; he remained in Sicily only for three months before capitulating on terms that severely embarrassed the pope. The chief sin of omission in the text is the failure to connect this hopeless and counterproductive campaign with Boniface VIII’s markedly anti-French sentiments in November 1302. There could hardly be a more striking example of manipulation of the past in the interests of restoring a patron’s public reputation. But though Charles’s Italian campaign proved a severe blow to his own and to French prestige in Italy, it did confer one blessing on him: he could not participate in the disastrous Kortrijk campaign of 1302. The chronicler, having described the terrible French defeat and performed the expected character assassination on the Flemish victors, was consequently free to lambaste the count of Artois, who died in the battle, for the rashness of his strategy (wv.
1339-42). The shame the French nobility incurred on that occasion was still waiting to be wiped out; Philip IV’s victory at Mons-en-Pévéle in 1304, though inflicting a significant dent on Flemish morale, was not adequate to restore French pride (vv. 1632-6). Hence the anticipation in Charles de Valois’s household when war loomed again in 1314; hence the
bitter sense of betrayal when Marigny prevented war by concluding the treaty of Marquette (vv. 6214-36). Hardly surprisingly, the author fails to mention that it was Charles himself (under pressure from Marigny) who signed the ignominious treaty on the king’s behalf.“
Given both the author’s literary pretensions and his partisanship, historians should approach his account of the fall of Marigny, the climax of his story, with some caution. Much
of what he said can be corroborated by evidence from other sources.”’ The author was correct in identifying Charles de Valois as Marigny’s chief enemy, in holding the prince responsible for persuading a reluctant Louis X to proceed against the errant minister, and perhaps also for refusing Marigny’s brothers’ request that he be allowed to go into exile (vv. 6884-7126). The chronicler also summarized the accusations made against Marigny accurately (vv. 69947o15). Such matters could easily be checked at the time; lies did not pay. On the other hand, his description of the proceedings was deeply misleading, in that he omitted altogether to mention (and indeed in line 6857 by implication denied) that Louis on 24 January 1315 approved an audit of Marigny’s accounts for the past three years.*° This approval undermined the chronicler’s subsequent accusations against the king’s servant of theft of royal revenues (vv. 6884-8, 7289-96).*” Modern historians are in agreement that, although Marigny was certainly guilty of self-enrichment through royal service, he neither fleeced the king nor betrayed the realm in his dealings with the Flemings.* The death penalty was therefore unjustified. Z Favier, Un conseiller, 180, 184, 234-6,
members of the commission that approved Marigny’s accounts;
. See in particular Favier, ibid. 191-220.
see F. Pegues, The Lawyers of the Last Capetians (Princeton,
a‘ Ibid. 203-6. “ Tf the author of the chronicle was indeed, as I shall suggest,
1962), 64. “’ Favier,
connected with Etienne de Mornay, then his failure in this regard was a very serious matter, since Etienne was one of the
Un conseiller, 210-14. Pegues, Lawyers, 83, under-
lines the indiscriminate nature ofthe charges brought against all Philip IV’s financial agents.
The Metrical Chronicle
243
It is unlikely that others shared the chronicler’s view of the trial of Marigny as the struggle between the noble Charles and the depraved royal servant. Literary skill was involved in counterpointing the chronicler’s hero against his villain, in widening the appeal of the antiMarigny camp by indicting the king’s minister of sorcery and deeds too evil to be recounted (vv. 7141-80). Far from being a simple, factual account as Roesner describes it,” his narrative
was a determined effort to sway public opinion. Perhaps the scepticism about the charges against Marigny obvious in the Continuator of Guillaume de Nangis” was so widely shared as to render determined propaganda necessary. Certainly the homily on greed (vv. 7288-96)
with which the chronicler concluded his lurid description of Marigny’s death must have had wide general appeal in France in 1315, and helped to stifle doubts about the legality of the proceedings. But old men with long memories will have been struck by the similarity between the execution of Marigny, engineered by a prince of the blood, and that of Pierre de la Broce, forced on a reluctant Philip II by his cousin Robert of Artois in 1278.’ Those of royal birth seemed bent on spilling the blood of royal financial advisers. The last good turn performed by the chronicler for Charles of Valois was to portray him (with a touch of irony?) as the chief protector of the pregnant queen Clémence after Louis X’s death (vv. 7761-6). Those in the know will have appreciated that Charles’s calculated
goodwill towards Clémence was probably motivated by the aspiration to claim the regency before his nephew Philip of Poitiers could return from Lyons (where he had been pressurizing the cardinals to elect a new pope) to assert his own rights.” But in this endeavour, as in most
of those that filled his life, Charles was rapidly to be frustrated. He had to content himself with playing a major role in the council that was imposed upon the new regent, until the death of Clémence’s baby son John in November 1316 left Philip of Poitiers free to claim the throne. But of this dénouement the chronicler told nothing, either because by then he had ended his story or because the compilers of fr. 146 decided not to copy out the rest of what he had to say.” Therefore much in the metrical chronicle is explicable in terms of its origin as an advertising campaign in favour of Charles of Valois. If the chronicler’s literary talents were strictly limited, his powers of persuasion were less so. Charles emerged from his portrayal as a famous knight, worthy to be compared with Charlemagne, who had avoided the shame that tainted others in 1302, who had striven in vain to wipe out that shame, who had repeatedly argued for the maintenance of good traditions in the ruling house, who had rid France of Marigny, and who deserved to be held in the highest ® Roesner et al. 19 and 51.
* For the emergence
of a council of great lords to run
* Ed. Géraud, i. 418. Cf. the anonymous chronicler in RHF — France during the five weeks before Philip of Poitiers was 22, p. 25, who records that many people ascribed the wars and _ recognized as regent, see Raymond Cazelles, La Société politique et la crise de la royauté sous Philippe de Valois (Paris, 1958), disasters that subsequently afflicted the realm to Marigny’shanging. It is true that the metrical chronicler mentions criticism Of) the hanging (vv. 7347-51), but he disassociates himself from the
critics. *' Chronique latine de Guillaume de Nangis, i. 249-50. On the
36-75 » It is evident that the death of John caused a serious dispute
among members of the Capetian family; see P. Chaplais, “Un message
de Jean de Fiennes
a Edouard
II et le projet de
that execution, |démembrement du royaume de France (janvier 1317)’, in Essays in verses written to sway public opinion in favour of see Nancy Freeman Regalado, Poetic Patterns in Rutebeuf: A Medieval Diplomacy and Administration (London, 1981), part X, pp. 145-8. Study in Non-Courtly Poetic Modes of the Thirteenth Century (New Haven, 1971), 86-7.
Jean Dunbabin
244
esteem. It was a portrait radically different from that conventionally provided by modern historians.™ There is, then, ground for consigning the author of the metrical chronicle to the household
of Charles of Valois. In some ways, this is a more suitable background for him than the royal administration which Diverrés postulated.” Diverrés himself drew attention to one problem with his own hypothesis, the chronicler’s obvious distaste for jumped-up advocates, who abounded in the lower ranks of the royal household.” The chronicler’s inaccurate account of French affairs up till about 1306 was also strange in an author who could be assumed to have had access to royal records. Why draw on very obviously faulty memory if a little research would get events into their proper order? Nor is there any information in the earlier part of the chronicle that would have been unavailable to a fairly wide circle of courtiers and clerks in the large number of princely households that gyrated around Paris in the period. You did not have to be a chancery clerk to know about the problems of royal taxation, the devaluations and fluctuations in money supply, the crisis of succession to the throne, or even the complaints against Marigny. These were commonplaces to the politically aware with connections with the royal family. But if the metrical chronicle should be interpreted as a puff for Charles of Valois, why was it included in fr. 146? There was no reason for those in the orbit of the new king Philip V in the years 1316-18 to flatter Charles. They will, of course, have been grateful for his leading role in the hanging of Marigny; but Philip V’s decision, in the course of 1317, to allow Marigny’s corpse a Christian burial, and his renewed favour to some at least of those who had worked for the disgraced chamberlain, must have led to tension between uncle and nephew.” Contemporary evidence is divided on whether or not Charles of Valois was present at Philip’s coronation in January 1317.” Geffroy of Paris’s poems are testimony to the antipathy felt among the new king’s adherents for the leaguers who had drawn indirect support from Charles’s denunciation of Philip IV’s government.” In early 1317, some Parisians in the know believed Charles of Valois to sympathize secretly with Charles de la Marche and the duke of Burgundy, Philip’s strongest opponents during the regency and in the early months of his reign.” He certainly did ally briefly with Louis of Nevers, the most immoderate of those opponents.”’ By the middle of 1317, Charles was therefore no longer a bastion of support for The Reign of Philip the Fair
viii, ed. J. Viart (Paris, 1924), 337; on the restoration of favour to
(Princeton, 1980), 369: Charles ‘was neither very intelligent nor
™ See Joseph R. Strayer,
Raoul de Presles, see Pegues, Lawyers, 77-9. On the connection
a good organizer, and he lacked the toughness and tenacity to carry through difficult projects’; Vale, The Origins ofthe Hundred Years War, 196-9, where Charles is blamed for provoking the war
between Raoul and Marigny, see Favier, Un conseiller, 165 and n.
of 1294 with Edward I of England.
ies in Familial Order and the State (Cambridge, Mass., 1981), 189.
» Diverrés (13) suggested that the author was a royal official, and Roesner et al. (49) concurred. Jean Fayier, Philippe le Bel
1. On other friends of Marigny, see Pegues, Lawyers, 81-2. * See A. W. Lewis, Royal Succession in Capetian France: Stud» Particularly Des alliez and Hora rex est.
author as a clerk in the royal administration ‘quelque peu aigri par une carriére 4 demi réussi’.
°° Chronique de Guillaume de Nangis, i. 432. See also Chaplais, ‘Un message de Jean de Fiennes’. Charles de la Marche was reconciled to his brother in Mar. 1317, when Philip, after the death of his son, recognized Charles as his heir unless he had
°° Diverrés 13. But ironically, Pegues, Lawyers, 203, regards
another son. Eudes of Burgundy negotiated with Philip for
(Paris, 1978), 533, was so convinced of this that he described the
Charles of Valois as an important patron of lawyers. ” On Marigny’s burial, see Les Grandes Chroniques de France,
longer, but finally made peace in Mar. 1318. *' See above, n. 29.
The Metrical Chronicle
245
the crown, to be cajoled and made much of. Why, then, should Philip’s clerks immortalize a piece of Valois propaganda by including it in a luxury manuscript? To pose the problem in these terms may, however, be to make two unjustifiable assumptions: the first that decisions about the main components of the manuscript could be made as late as the composition ofthe last poems contained in it. Though Philip’s clerks completed it, the Fauvel manuscript must surely be thought ofas the product of at least two years’ labour and therefore as having been initiated by Louis X’s clerks (if not those of Philip IV). If the chronicle was being copied as the political situation changed in later 1316 or early 1317, then
a positive decision to exclude it would have been necessary. Such a decision would have depended on the royal clerks regarding its pro-Valois stance as by now so offensive as to undermine its usefulness. Yet that usefulness—its emphasis on the moral corruption of church and king—remained. Without the chronicle, the satire of the Fauvel masque might soon be misunderstood. The second unjustifiable assumption is that royal clerks never had divided loyalties, that clerks of princely households did not enter royal service. The royal chancery at least was easily permeable by officials trained elsewhere, as had occurred in December 1314, when the new king Louis X had removed his father’s disgraced chief chancery official, Pierre de Latilly, and
substituted Etienne de Mornay, Charles of Valois’s chamberlain and close confidant.” For almost the whole of Louis’s reign, the chancery was in the control of a man who had every reason to flatter the patron to whom he owed his rise. Coincidentally the author of the metrical chronicle became well informed on the detail of royal government. His story of Louis’s chamberlain’s journey to Hungary to bring back the Angevin princess Clémence as Louis’s new bride (vv. 7393-448) may well have been based on first-hand information. And throughout 1315 and early 1316 he seems to have known in great
detail what was happening at court. It is therefore possible that the characteristics that led Diverrés to postulate for him a career in royal administration were inculcated during a short period as a minor official in Louis X’s chancery under Etienne de Mornay’s supervision.” But if this supposition appears too tenuous, it remains the case that the chancery for much of Louis X’s reign was a natural environment for the production of a work that blended criticism of Philip IV’s kingship and anti-Marigny propaganda with profound admiration for Charles of Valois. On this hypothesis, the chronicle was known to the compilers of fr. 146 as the work of a colleague or erstwhile colleague, reflecting views with which they had learned to sympathize. But the events of the second half of 1316 were to put these sympathies under severe strain. Characteristically, it was one of Philip of Poitiers’s first actions as regent to replace Etienne
(and presumably various of his minions) in the chancery.” The star of Charles of Valois began to wane. Philip’s accession to the throne in November 1316 and his coronation in ° Chronique latine de Guillaume de Nangis, i. 415; Pegues, Lawyers, 62. °° Some corroboration of this is to be found in the chronicler’s title ‘messire’ for Louis in 1315; see n. 42.
* Etienne de Mornay had ceased to hold this office by July 1316, when Pierre d’Arrablay was in charge of the chancery; see Paul Lehugeur, Philippe le Long, roi de France 1316-22: le mécanisme du gouvernement (Paris, 1931), 11; Pegues, Lawyers, 194.
246
Jean Dunbabin
January 1317 meant the clipping of the wings of his brothers and uncles. The inclusion of Geffroy of Paris’s French and Latin poems in fr. 146 reflected the new mood of political correctness. They were doubtless designed to reduce the radical import of much of the rest of the content. The compilers’ original decision to add the metrical chronicle to the other material in fr. 146 was taken in the course of producing their version of the extended Fauvel masque. For them at that point, the chronicle fulfilled the function of a historical key to their satire. The
factual detail it provided explained the meaning of certain individual episodes, and its overarching interpretation of recent French history as a subversion of the natural law chimed exactly with the mood of the enlarged Fauvel. It seemed like a perfect fit for their needs, at a time when the future both of the church and of the kingdom was impenetrably obscure. Events were, however, to overtake them before they had finished their task. But the compilers’ view of their source should not obstruct ours. The text they exploited in their own interest was originally created to earn the favour of Charles of Valois, whose concerns only temporarily accorded with those of the royal chancery. Historians should take this into account when exploiting the metrical chronicle as a historical source. And they should also remember that the literary conventions within which it was written had a marked influence on its contents. As a source for the period 1300 to 1316 the metrical chronicle needs to be handled with delicacy.
11 The Latin Dits of Geffroy de Paris: An Editio Princeps Ute LEOFRANC
HOLFORD-STREVENS
On fos. 46-55" of BN fr. 146 appear eight moralizing poems on contemporary events of a kind known as dits or dités, six in French and two in Latin.' They are listed in the index as follows (fo. B““): tem plusieurs diz de mestre. Geffroi de paris.
remierement auisemenz pour le Roy Loys.
tem du Roy phellippe qui ore Regne. tem tem tem. tem
des alliez en latin. de la creation du pape iehan. Vn songe. des alliez en francois. |
tem de la comete et de leclipse et de la lune et du soulail tem la desputaison de leglise de Romme et de leglise {de leglise] de france pour le siege du pape.
The author’s name appears in one of the French poems as ‘Geffroy de Paris’ (Avisemenz 1359) and as simply ‘G.’ in another (Un songe 47); the second Latin poem begins “Natus
ego G. de Parisio’. There is no reason to doubt that all eight are by the same man; some scholars have also assigned to him the anonymous
Chronique métrique of fos. 63'—88', but
relevant portions of her 1960 dissertation and for copies of her
A scholar working outside his own field is particularly dependent on those who have provided him with information he did not possess. I am much indebted to the participants in the Oxford seminar and the Paris conference, especially Jacques Boogaart,
works cited in n. 53. ' For the codicology of these folios, and its implication for
Jean Dunbabin, David Howlett, Christopher Page, and Andrew
Roesner et al. 6. The French poems were published by Storer—
Wathey, for helpful comments and suggestions then and afterwards, but above all to Elizabeth Brown for copious assistance in
Rochedieu with a not wholly accurate translation; see the devastating review by Félix Lecoy, Romania, 73 (1952), 119-25.
relation to the historical background of the dits, including the
order of copying, see Joseph Morin, below, Ch. 15, superseding
248
Leofranc Holford-Strevens
others have found differences of style and outlook.’ Ei incumbit probatio qui dicit, non qui negat. The dits are entered in the manuscript without titles, although a much later hand has
added above them those found in the index, slightly modernizing the orthography; we may surmise that the titles do not go back to the poet, but are mere indications of the subjectmatter deduced from the texts themselves. The first Latin poem has commonly been known in modern scholarship as De Alliatis, which is the indexer’s Des allies.en latin translated into
dog-Latin (or rather latin de cuisine, for alliata are dishes with garlic),’ and the latter as De /a creation du Pape Jehan, which, being in French, is an incongruous title for a Latin poem.
Rather than invent Latin titles of my own, I shall call them by their opening words, Hora rex est and Natus ego, reserving the title Des alliez for the French poem on that subject. The Latinity of the poems is distinctly medieval, exhibiting er constructed with the ablative
as if it were the preposition cum (Hora rex est 140), -que used prospectively for et (atus ego 15), and quod given the sense of ut consecutive (Natus ego 118).’ Both poems abound in biblical quotations, and demonstrate knowledge of commentaries, patristic hae a hymns, scholastic philosophy, grammar, and law,° but little or nothing of pagan literature.’
Medieval too is the poems’ metre, the French décasyllabe as applied to Latin, with caesura after the fourth syllable, or exceptionally (Hora rex est 35, 236, ?108) the sixth; in Natus ego the caesura is neglected to accommodate a biblical quotation (74) and an octosyllabic word (107).
Hiatus is found only in the liturgical quotation at Hora rex est 25;° at Natus ego 1s it is avoided by the abuse of -que.
In Hora rex est the verses are grouped in nineteen /uitains, each of which rhymes abababab, in Natus ego into nine douzains rhyming aabaabaabaab and one qguinzain, which is the eighth stanza of the poem as a whole, with an extra tercet of aab. All rhymes are at least disyllabic, * See Jean Dunbabin, above, Ch. ro, and for bibliography and
temporaries sometimes Latinized the alliez as alligati (e.g. Jean de
discussion see Diverrés 11-15. The classic assertion of common
authorship is Natalis de Wailly, Mémoires de l'Institut National de
Saint-Victor, RHF xxi. 667 &; cf. below, n. 23), but I have not encountered Alliati before a letter of 18 Oct. 1708 NS from
France: Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, 18/2 (1849), 495~
Prince Ferenc Rakéczi II of Transylvania to the Prussian court-
535, who notes parallels in sentiment and language (510-17) and
preacher Daniel Jablonski (Epistolae procerum regni Hungariae, ed. G. Pray (Pozsony [= Bratislava], 1806), iii. 517-25 at 521-2). > At Hora rex est 136 tui (gen. sg. of tu) for tua represents an
ends by suggesting that Geffroy was a wax-chandler living between Pointe-Saint-Eustache and the Montmartre gate; further works were ascribed to the same poet by Charles-Victor Langlois, ‘Gefroi des Nés, ow de Paris, traducteur et publiciste’, Histoire littéraire de la France, 35 (1921), 324-48. ‘L’avis exprimé par ce
savant nous parait quelque peu téméraire’ (Diverrés 12 n. 1). > To take but one example, those who
maintain
common
authorship must explain away the contrast between the extravagant praise of the new Pope in the poem just cited with the reserve expressed by the chronicler (vv. 7883-6): ‘Briement son oeuvre mousterra | Se preudome ou mauvés sera; | Encor n’en
puet on riens savoir, | Ne chose dire, quant a voir.’
* Paulin Paris, Les Manuscrits francois de la Bibliotheque du Roi, i (Paris, 1836), 329 wrongly asserts that the poem is called de
Alliacis [sic]; Wailly and the subsequent Catalogue des manuscrits francais of the Bibliothéque Impériale, i (Paris, 1868), 1 give the
true title, but De Alliatis appears in Langlois (p. 329) and in Storer—-Rochedieu, who transcribed vv. 1-51 (pp. 58-60). Con-
occasional Silver construction not uncommon in medieval Latin.
° These are explained, so far as I have recognized them, in the Commentary; specialists will no doubt find more. ” ‘Cato’, echoed
more
than once
in Hora
rex est, was
an
elementary schoolbook; the classical word-plays honorlonus and prece nec pretio (Natus ego 30, 115) were medieval commonplaces.
At Hora rex est 96 ‘et mitescet eorum feritas’ the classical scholar recalls Horace, Epist. 1. 1. 39 ‘nemo adeo ferus est, ut non mitescere possit’, but the connection is too tenuous. ‘Alexander’ (Hora rex est39) was even more banal an allusion than the contest of Ajax and Ulysses (Avisemenz 1174-91). Since in medieval pronunciation final -7 is a full consonant, there is no hiatus after it: instances are (at caesura) Hora rex est 40, 52, 54, 76, 86, Natus ego 58, 97, 103; (elsewhere) Hora rex est 7> 13, 24, 114, 118, 143, Natus ego 2, 30, 32, 43, 50, 56, 86, 98.
The Latin Dits of Geffroy de Paris
249
sometimes rich (i.e. with identity ofinitial consonant), occasionally trisyllabic; apart from the usual inaccuracy where Greek is concerned,’ the penultimate syllable of the rhyme-words is uniformly short and therefore unstressed,'” with the single exception of eradicans at Natus ego 40.'' Otherwise, even though the natural French pronunciation of Latin was with end-stress, the rhymes never override the correct Latin accent as they sometimes do in the Fauve texts.” This constraint is not observed, by Geffroy or other French poets, at the caesura, where the preceding word is most commonly paroxytone, as at Hora rex est 2 ‘Ergo stirge; | cedat accidia’."* In the French dits, Geftroy likes to rhyme the same word in two senses or two uses: e.g. Avisemenz 23-4: Et pour le roys sunt il escripz Si doivent estre en ces escripz
(participle) (substantive)
or simple homophones: so ibid. 33-4: De servitutes oster toutes Et toutes autres males toutes.'*
(‘all’) (‘exactions’)
In Hora rex est, the word singuli used in y. 85 to mean ‘every one’ in the phrase omnes et singuli, ‘all and sundry’, rhymes with itself used in v. 81 in the rare but attested sense ‘wild boars’,’ more normally singulares, the origin of their French name sangliers. At Natus ego 52:
:
:
:
:
:
es
3 ostium ‘gate’ and /ostium ‘of enemies’ are homophones in French pronunciation.
16
” Hora rex est 2 accidia < OxN6E1M (normal), 9 caractére
Lettres secretes et curiales du pape Jean XXII, ed. A. Coulon,
April); contrast no. 211, to the loyal Louis of Evreux (‘gaudentes audivimus’), and similarly no. 212, to Henri de Sully. Even during the summer, Charles de la Marche remained contumacious, and his uncle of Valois (who had his own interests to look
after) seemed unwilling to restrain him: see e.g. nos. 256-9, 34952, 358, 365, 388-9 with Petit 176-80, Wathey loc. cit. The Pope’s
anxiety to reconcile the malcontents “qui vulgariter alligati dicuntur’ is manifest in many other letters. In general see Giovanni Tabacco, La casa di Francia nell azione politica di Papa Giovanni XXII (Istituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo, Studi
Charles de Valois (1270-1325) (Paris, 1900), 170-5; Andrew W.
storici, 1-4; Rome, 1953), chs. 4-5.
Lewis, Royal Succession in Capetian France: Studies on Familial
* G. G. [= W.] Leibniz, Codex iuris gentium diplomaticus (Hanover, 1693), no. 45 (pp. 95-7), cf. nos. 46 (p. 97), 48 (p. 98).
Order and the State (Cambridge, Mass., 1981), 149-54, 187-92; and on Charles de la Marche’s reported claim, exploited for his
The dates for which Robert is summoned are stated inconsist-
own ends by Jean de Fiennes (on whom see Lehugeur 72), Pierre
ently, and with the wrong feriae.
Chaplais, ‘Un message de Jean de Fiennes a Edouard II et le
Leofranc Holford-Strevens
252
her name,” but really by Eudes of Burgundy and Robert of Flanders’ son Louis of Nevers; the latter, with whom Valois was negotiating a marriage-alliance,° embarked at once upon a course of brigandage;” on 1 May Philip, having taken all political and military precautions, summoned some 3,000 men-at-arms to musters at Paris and Macon on the 29th.”*
Geffroy indicates that spring has arrived (v. 130), and with it the campaigning season; but in 1317 wintry weather lasted down to Easter,” which fell on 3 April. Too long has the king slept, or else wasted time in the forest and at the gaming-table; his own wish to rebel against him, and his chief counsellors may deliberately be giving bad advice; force may lawfully be used against force, and those who profit by a truce to reprovision themselves are invading the kingdom like a plague of mice; let the king take the field in person. All this suggests a time when the loyal poet can advise the king to do what he already means (or would have it thought he means) to do: probably late April, certainly no later than early May, if v. 130 is to have point.’ On the 26th of that month Philip, seeing that Burgundy wanted nothing to do with the violence of Nevers, postponed his musters till July. The summer might be a more appropriate date for Des alliez en francois, in which many of the rebels are already repenting (vv. 34-6) and their defeat is confidently predicted (vv. 133-5).°' To be sure France was not
yet out of danger, and the pope continued to speak of turmoil,” but there was more urgency in April.
The second poem, Natus ego, represents John XXII as the new pope of whom great things are expected; the year 1316 is mentioned in wy. 22-4: > See A. Pinchart, ‘Lettres inédites tirées des archives de Belgique concernant lhistoire de France 1317-1324’, BEC 45 (1884), 73-80 at 76-8; Lehugeur 93-4; Elizabeth A. R. Brown,
‘Charters and Leagues in Early Fourteenth-Century France: The Movement of 1314 and 1315 (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1960), fos. 486-7 with 780-1 nn. 77-81. *© See Petit 176-7. On 29 Apr. 1317 the pope urged Valois to abandon the project: ‘Si enim comes ipse sic tibi coniunctus in incepta temeritate perstiterit, vix poteris excusari quin tibi opinio
vulgaris adscribat quod ad talia de tua conscientia ac de tuo confisus favore procedit. Hec itaque fili meditatione sollicita discutiens prudenter provide fame tue, ut eam nulla notet infamie macula, sed age sollicite ut conservetur illesa’ (Lettres
secretes, NO. 209).
*”” That he began his campaign at this time is evident from the compotus of Guillaume d’Anlezy, royal knight and 6ailli of Nevers, ‘de receptis et expensis per eum factis cum gentibus armorum ibi, ratione guerre predicte, videlicet a die martis ante
Sanctum
Georgium anno M° ccc’ xvm’ usque ad Sanctum
zs Lehugeur 94 and n. 1 (correcting RHF xxiii. 807-8). To
increase the turbulence, Béraud VII of Mercur, constable of Champagne, was engaged in a war of his own with Hugues of Chalons, lord of Arlay and a firm supporter of the king’s (Brown, op. cit., no. VII 139-40).
» Continuation of Guillaume de Nangis, i. 435.
* There are three echoes of the Pentecost hymn ‘Veni creator spiritus’ (vv. 14, 41, 42), but Whit Sunday in 1317 fell on 22 May,
which seems rather late. For Pentecost allusions in this MS see Emma Dillon, above, Ch. 9. *' ‘Tl ont fait une triboullee |De marz, mes com blanche gellee | Tost ara fait son passement. 7riboullee is nowhere else attested, though related words denoting disturbance of various kinds are frequent; in the dictionaries of La Curne de Sainte-Palaye, Wartburg, and Tobler-Lommatzsch it is rendered ‘mélange’, but
better is ‘giboulée’ (F. Godefroy, J. Bonnard, and Am. Salmon, Lexique de Vancien francais, not in Godefroy’s Dictionnaire), i.e.
‘Averse soudaine et violente, accompagnée de vent, de gréle, parfois méme de neige, fréquente au début de printemps, surtout
Remigium eodem anno’ (= 19 Apr.—1 Oct. 1317): RHF, Docu-
en mars’ (CNRS,
ments financiers, i: Inventaire danciens comptes royaux dressé par
mars bilingual dictionaries give ‘April shower’. * e.g. ‘in huius precipue turbine temporis’ (Lettres secrétes, no.
Robert Mignon sous le régne de Philippe de Valois, ed. Ch.-V. Langlois (Paris, 1899), 339, no. 2626. Philip’s energetic response, which included confiscation of his lands, induced him to make
peace on 13 Sept. (Lehugeur 96-8); but he did not keep his word. See Elizabeth A. R. Brown, Politics and Institutions in Capetian France (Aldershot, 1991), no. VII 136-8.
Trésor de la langue francaise); for giboulée de
257, 22 June 1317), ‘hoc presertim inpacato tempore’ (no. 350,
undated). The duke of Burgundy was not finally reconciled till 27 Mar. 1318; Artois and Flanders remained unpacified till 1320 (Lehugeur 120-91).
The Latin Dits of Geffroy de Paris
253
Cedat, Rachel, ploratus gentium, Quia pastor surrexit ouium M. ccc. sex cum denario.
The link to the injunction ‘Cedat’ implies that we should understand ‘since a shepherd of the sheep hath arisen in (this present year of) 1316’, or at most ‘arose in (the year just past, namely) 1316, not ‘arose (some time ago) in 1316’; but the date must of course be taken according to the mos Gallicus of reckoning the year from Easter, according to which ‘1316’ ran from Easter
Sunday, 1 April 1316,” to Holy Saturday, 2 April 1317. Composition at Eastertide brings us down to about the time of Hora rex est, not quite eight months after John’s election on 7
August and seven after his consecration on 5 September. This is not too late for such a poem: Philippe de Vitry’s motet Petre Clemens/Lugentium/Non, with a text of similar tone, was performed at Christmastide 1342 in honour of Clement VI, elected on 7 May in that year and consecrated on the 19th.™*
Early in his reign Pope John XXII sought the advice of the learned on the lawfulness of his remaining at Avignon; throughout his pontificate Avignon was officially no more than the temporary residence of the curia pending a return to Rome.” (It was John’s successor Benedict XII who began work on the Palais des Papes.) In De la comete 258-9, written as we
have seen in November 1316, Geffroy reports that John, who had been elected at Lyon and consecrated at Cahors, once more wishes to leave France: Le Pape reveut estranger La terre ott fu pape creez.
The language does not imply great joy at the prospect. By early 1317 the danger had passed; soon after the coronation, Geffroy wrote in Un songe 282-90 that the pope’s presence was God’s reward for French piety,” in particular that of Philip V. Here speaks the good Frenchman; but how far did the good churchman concur? In the debate-poem La desputaison, possibly dating from the same time as De /a comete,” Rome and Avignon contend for the papal presence: there are twelve pairs of stanzas, in each
of which Rome speaks the first and is answered, often quite sharply, in the second: Avignon, where John had settled on 14 October, clearly enjoys possession of the pope, and in most of the poem has the better of the argument, even being allowed to jeer that Rome is only concerned about lost revenues (25-6): * Or more exactly from Vespers on Holy Saturday. * Andrew Wathey, ‘The Motets of Philippe de Vitry and the Fourteenth-Century Renaissance’,
EMA 12 (1993), 119-50 at 134.
» Petrus de Palude, Tractatus de potestate papae, ed. P. T. Stella (Zurich, 1966), 188-90, writing in 1317, argued that the
Pope had the right ‘to transfer his see to another city, as St Peter had done in moving from Antioch to Rome’ (cf. La desputaison, st. 22), but failing that ‘should not remain away from the eternal
city for any length of time except for pressing reasons’: Jean Dunbabin,
A Hound
of God:
Pierre de la Palud and the
Fourteenth-Century Church (Oxford, 1991), 105-6. For a different view see Gulielmus Petri de Godino, ed. Wm.
The
Theory of Papal Monarchy
D. McCready,
in the Fourteenth
Century:
Guillaume de Pierre Godin, Tractatus de causa immediata ecclesiastice potestatis (Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, Studies and Texts, 56; Toronto, 1982), 4. 334-500 (pp. 202-4, cf. pp. 15-19).
* Technically, Avignon was not French soil, a face-saving fact that could be recollected or overlooked at will. 37 Wailly : 520.
Leofranc Holford-Strevens
254
Celle amour monde, dont tu aimes le pape, Est tout pour ce que la pecune en ates.
However, when in stanza 23 Rome plays her ace, that her right to the pope is divinely ordained, Avignon is sufficiently shaken to acknowledge that the argument has merit even while denying that it is conclusive (186-8)— Ce que tu diz est de congruité,
Et ne quedant en jugement me couche Que ce n’est pas cas de necessité
—and offers to leave the decision to God; in a final unpaired stanza Rome consents. The author of the Desputaison, though he does not desire the pope to leave Avignon, displays a residual unease that the city to which God Himself sent St Peter no longer holds his successor; this is also true in Natus ego. Verse 84, “‘Christum rursus figunt patibulo’, at surface level alludes to the famous legend that when St Peter, fleeing from Nero’s persecution,
was about to pass through the city gate, he met Christ coming towards him, and said: ‘Lord, whither goest thou?’; Christ replied: ‘I am coming to Rome to be crucified again.” However,
this passage had been cited by Hawg II, in a letter preserved in the Decretals of Gregory IX and known to all good canonists,” in order to demonstrate that Rome was the Apostolic See; in turn Innocent was cited in the debate concerning John XXII’s residence at Avignon.” The implication of v. 84 will therefore be that those who have forced Peter’s successor to abandon Rome are causing Christ to be recrucified.”’ At VV..92-3
Vt de luda foret migracio Potestate sub Babilonica
it is hard not to think of the pope’s exile; indeed, the traditional view of the age makes France Babylon, holding the pope captive. But those are not the sentiments we expect from Geffroy; if the pope’s exile is intended, then it is as a consequence not of French impiety, but of secular wickedness in i general. Yet the image of Babylon for the Church’s sins and sufferings was not new; these were plentiful in Geffroy’s day, not least those resulting from the two-year °° Acta Petri 35 (Martyrium Petri 6): “ut autem portam civitatis voluit egredi, vidit sibi Christum occurrere, et adorans eum ait:
e e.g. Walter of Chatillon, Moralisch-satirische Gedichte, ed.
Karl Strecker (Heidelberg, 1929), 9. 10: ‘Aurum templi penitus
Domine, quo vadis? Respondit ei Christus: Romam venio iterum
redditur obscurum, | plures reedificant Babylonis murum, | per
crucifigi.’ » Decret. Greg. IX, 4.17.13= Corpus Turis Canonici, ed. E.
quos
domus
domini
fit spelunca
furum,
| quibus
contra
Friedberg, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1879-81), ii. 716.
stimulum calcitrare durum.’ Cf. Thalamus/ Quomodo/A (p.mus. 78), Tr. r-10: “Thalamus puerpere, | thronus Salomonis, | pressus
Petrus de Palude 199. 20-4 Stella.
est caractere | nove Babilonis; | regalis ecclesia | sedet in tristicia,
' Even in secular terms Rome was suffering gravely from the absence of her rulers: see Ludwig von Pastor, tr. Angelo Mercati,
Storia dei Papi dalla fine del medio evo, i (Rome, 1942), 81: ‘E difficile farsi un’idea sufficiente del grado di selvatichezza e del
totale squalore, in cui Roma era allora piombata.’
| rex custodit atrium | ut fortis armatus, | tendit in exilium | sanctorum senatus’, where Dahnk cites Carmina Burana 34. 3. 5, and see below on Natus ego 74-5.
The Latin Dits of Geffroy de Paris
255
vacancy between the death of one pope and the election of the next,” to which v. 76, ‘Mundi
caput fit acephalitas’, must refer, even if we also read into it the withdrawal from Rome.
Moreover, v. 22, ‘Cedat, Rachel, ploratus gentium’, recalling Jeremiah’s consolation to the
exiles, implies that the new pope will lead the Church out ofits Babylonian bondage; which
in this author is likelier to mean not that John will return to Rome but that he will vindicate the rights and power of the papacy. Nothing therefore entails a quasi-Petrarchan equation by Geffroy of papal Avignon with the Babylon of the Apocalypse."* As a Frenchman writing in the vernacular he is glad and proud to have the pope on the French periphery, but cannot quite suppress a doubt (as
neither could John) whether such residence is canonically proper; as a churchman writing in Latin he feels compelled to acknowledge that it is the consequence of laymen’s crimes, but nothing in his text implies that the criminals are French.
Partly because of the belief that Geffroy also wrote the chronicle, his compatriots have not always judged him favourably as a stylist;” a foreigner may perhaps be permitted to say that in rimes plates he is all too often diffuse, that he shines better in the stanzaic poems Des alliez en francois and La desputaison, but that his masterpieces are the Latin dits, with their concentrated vigour, their recurrent sound-play, and their polished erudition. The poet has absorbed all that the University has to offer, which at that date included the lectures of the supremely learned Nicholas of Lyra, regent master in 1308. This is no pious bourgeois, no salt-measurer or wax-chandler who has somehow acquired a smattering of Latin, but a cleric fit to preach before pope and king: if we wish to identify the author, let us search not for Geffroy de Paris, but for Galfridus Parisiensis.
I The scribe who recorded these poems, barely understanding Latin, has committed several errors; the most ludicrous is lignum for lumen at Hora rex est ei the most persistent the
confusion of final s and ¢ (Hora rex est 6, 51, 88, 90, 93, 130, 133; Natus ego 46, 50, 89), as also at De la comete 186 (fo. 54”): sien mourut — 185
Moult, que nuls ne les secourus ® See G. Mollat, Les Papes d’Avignon, 1305-1378, 10th edn. (Paris, 1965), 45: ‘La Cour était désorganisée par la longue vacance du S.-Siége, le trésor apostolique épuisé par les donations
“Rime in vita di madonna Laura 138, esp. v. 3 ‘Gia Roma, or —Babilonia falsa e ria’, “: See Storer—Rochedieu, pp. viif.
° Dr Howlett suggests that the scribe misread /umen as linum testamentaires exagérées de Clément V et les dilapidations de ses and respelt it /ignum; in medieval MSS these two words are all neveux, T’indépendance de la papauté compromise par les menées de Philippe le Bel, la guerre grondait en Italie et Orient _but interchangeable. se voyait menacé par les Turcs: telle était la situation en 1316.’
Leofranc Holford-Strevens
256
where both rhyme and syntax show that secourus is a mistake for secourut.’ He began to write oculi for emuli at Hora rex est 95, and substituted it for tribuli at Natus ego 64; the word is
found nearby in both places, but to make this error twice may suggest a certain concern with
his own eyes. In addition, we find assimilation of endings (Hora rex est 46: inimicis potentis
for inimicis potenter), and confusion of e and 9; there are also phonetic errors—interchange of s and soft c, an for en—tresulting from French pronunciation that I have, without conviction, retained as possibly authorial.
I retain the scribe’s distinction between u and », together with medieval spellings such as
e for ae and even cauptus and aubsque; those most likely to confuse a modern reader are glossed in the apparatus by notes of the form ‘cauptus /. cautus’. In accordance with modern practice I use i everywhere for initial 7 denoting the consonant and for final j.*The letters cand tare often (though not always) hard to distinguish: I have arbitrarily interpreted as
cany
ambiguous form preceding 7 plus vowel whether classical Latin had c or 4 but otherwise
wherever possible given the scribe the benefit of the doubt. I have imposed modern worddivision, capitalization, and punctuation. On the other hand, I have freely emended errors in the wording of the text; editorial deletions are marked by braces { },”” editorial additions by angle-brackets < >, and other changes of words or letters by italics. In such cases, the original reading is indicated in the
apparatus: thus at Hora rex est 6, where I emend ‘dormis’ to ‘dormit’, I print “dormi? in the text and ‘dormis’ in the apparatus. Scribal deletion is noted only in the apparatus, by double square brackets [ ]. Some readers may be surprised to find a copy written so soon after its original treated as distrustfully as one of a classical author dead some thousand years beforehand, but so manifold are the errors that cannot be disputed as to render hazardous the defence of readings that a conservative critic might be tempted to maintain, as at Hora rex est
69 or Natus ego 3; nor is such faulty copying unique to these poems among the contents of fr. 146.
The renderings of biblical quotations are modelled on the Authorized Version and on Richard Challoner’s revision of the Rheims—Douay translation, which unlike the Protestant versions was made from the Vulgate. Purely modern English was rejected as unsuited to expressing the spirit of any culture but its own. In the commentary, the Vulgate quotations are generally taken from Weber’s edition; the Psalms are cited from the Gallican Psalter (‘iuxta LXX’) unless otherwise stated. Passages
from ecclesiastical writers are cited to indicate the manner in which Geffroy may have One might invoke the influence of the final letter in the — but not in 13th- or 14th-c. writings. In French texts, to conform preceding word here and at Natus ego 89 ‘transeat plebit’, in the following word at Hora rex est 88 ‘precedas veritas’, 90 ‘procedas
— with native practice, I distinguish jfrom Zand v from w, and final _ é(s) from e(s).
equitas’; but this will not avail in other instances. At Nulla/ ” This is the convention among classical scholars in editing Plange |Vergente (p.mus. 9), Tr. 11 ‘iacet’, which has no subject, _papyri and inscriptions, increasingly too in other texts, instead of seems to be an error for ‘iaces’. square brackets, used by papyrologists and epigraphists for resto* In quotations from other Latin texts, however, I use the rations of matter physically destroyed, but in the 19th c. (and
spelling of the modern edition cited, and failing that standardize;
I have arbitrarily restored classical ae in the Glossa ordinaria (whose original compilers may have varied between ae, ¢, and e)
sometimes still among modern linguists) for editorial additions.
” Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem, ed. Robert Weber OSB, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1969).
The Latin Dits of Geffroy de Paris
257
understood his texts; it is not suggested either that he must have had those authors in front of him or that he could not devise his own applications. The abbreviation G/. ord. denotes
the Glossa ordinaria, found along with Nicholas of Lyra’s Postille in early printed editions of
the Bible.
Paris, Biblioth€que Nationale de France, f. fr. 146, fos. 50°51" (i) Hora Rex est [so“]Hora Rex est de sompno surgere,
It is time, O King, to rise from slumber;
Ergo surge; cedat accidia.
therefore rise; let slothfulness depart.
In te tui volunt insurgere. Ventillare vexilla regia In filios gentis adultere. Nimis tua dormit milicia. Licitum est vi vim repellere;
Thine own wish to rise up against thee.
Igitur, Rex, pugna pro patria.
Brandish the royal standards against the sons of an adulterous race. Thy chivalry sleepeth overmuch. It is lawful to repel force with force; therefore, O King, fight for thy fatherland.
Ut tu prosis et possis regere.
Marked out with the stamp of a king, King of the Franks, doze more sparingly, that thou mayest be of use and rule.
Insignite regis caractere,
Rex Francorum, dormita parcius, Populus est tibi propicius;
Thy people is favourable to thee;
Super femur tuum accingere. Hostes regni repellas longius. Tempus instat quo rupto federe
gird thyself above the thigh. Mayst thou drive the enemy far away.
Patri non est subiectus filius.
the son is not subject to the father.
Rex Philippe, tu regni diceris Capud; ergo subditis impera. Tanquam clauis claudis et aperis: Claude malis et bonis resera. Imitator regalis generis, Antiquorum genus regenera.
King Philip, thou art called the kingdom’s head; therefore command thy subjects. Like a key thou closest and openest: close to bad men and unlock to the good. Imitating thy royal stock, regenerate the race of the ancients.
The time is at hand when, breaking the ties,
Et de flore da fructum operis,
And from the flower give the fruit of deed,
Tamquam a re plus rex quam litera.
as king in sooth more than by name.
Enixa est nobis puerpera Gallicana regio gemitum, Quia terra, ponthus et ethera Multiplicem mouent exercitum. Rex, extende manus ad opera, Et omnibus tuum fac debitum.
Our mother, the realm of Gaul, hath brought forth a sigh unto us, because earth, sea, and heavens are mustering a mighty army. King, stretch forth thine hands to work, and do thy duty to all.
6 dormis
9 regis[kjcaractere ut videtur
20 majl|lis
15
20
25
30
258
Leofranc Holford-Strevens
Quia raro timebis cetera Si deo cor habeas subditum.
For seldom shalt thou fear the rest
O Rex, et dum tue potencie Surburbana consistunt subdita, Tu predecessorum memorie Cogita tam facta quam merita. Iam fermentum surgit malicie, Rebellantum vires debilita.
And while, O King, the demesne by the city remains subject to thy power,
if thy heart be obedient to God.
think thou on the deeds and the merits of thine ancestors’ tradition.
Already the leaven of malice riseth.
Alexander primus in acie,
Exhaust the rebels’ strength. An Alexander, first in the front line,
Rex, tuorum animos excita.
O King, arouse thy soldiers’ courage.
Tuis /umen accende sensibus, Sis dux et lux, rex et lex preuia. Columbinis simplex in moribus, Sis serpentis cauptus astucia. Cum populi tui principibus Inimicis potenter obuia, Et contentus solis honoribus Certantibus largire spolia.
Kindle a light in thy senses, be leader, light, king, law that goes before. Be simple with dovelike conduct, wary with the cunning of the serpent. With the leaders of thy people mightily confront thine enemies,
Rex dictus es, Philippe, lilium;
King Philip, thou hast been called a lily,
Mundiciam in corde regio. Ista tuum decent imperium
purity in thy royal heart. Those things beseem thy rule
Et te docet eadem ratio.
and reason teacheth thee the same.
Est lilii radix primaria Secretorum fides celestium, Et hastile rectum iusticia Distribuens cuifus}que proprium; Viror virans quem seruant folia Est bonorum congaudens gaudium, Sed flos candens vite mundicia, Exterminans carnale vicium.
The first root of the lily is faith in the heavenly mysteries, And the upright stalk is justice
Iam ascendunt in montem Libanum,
Now they climb Mount Lebanon O King, striving to destroy the lily, whereby the organ of the kingdom is spoiled;
Psalterium cum timpanistria, Cedit corus simul et cimbalum. Verumtamen instet audacia, 41 lignum 65 ascendant
44 cauptus /. cautus 69 timpanum
AS
bestow the spoils upon them that fight.
and mercy in judgement, a kindly countenance toward the people,
Vnde regni turbatur organum;
40
and, content with honours alone,
Vere tu par tunc eris lilio Si directum tenes dominium, | [51*]Pietatem et in iudicio, Ad populum vultum propicium,
Rex, nitentes perdere lilia,
35
thou shalt truly then be like a lily,
50
if thou maintain right rule,
55
distributing to each his own;
60
the flourishing greenness the leaves preserve is good men’s joy that rejoice together, but the white flower is purity of life,
destroying carnal vice. 65
the psaltery with the damsel drummer,
the choir and the cymbal retreat. But let boldness press ahead, 46 potentis
51 tenet
7O
61 virans / virens
The Latin Dits of Geffroy de Paris Vt probetur per ignis clibanum Amicorum regni fiducia.
that by the oven of fire may be tested the loyalty of the kingdom’s friends.
Inter spinas non aubsque merito
Amongst the thorns, not undeservedly, is the lily of the valleys, as we read; I doubt not that thou art the Lily, the King, for the lily is painted on thine armour. But many arise against thee, by implication against the lily; therefore such men are duly called thorns, whose end is bad, so it is said.
Conualium lilium legitur:
Te lilium regem non dubito, Nam lilium armis depingitur. Jn te tamen plures, inplicito
In lilium consurgunt; igitur Tales spine dicuntur debito, Finis quarum malus vt dicitur.
Tui corda conserua populi; Vultum tuum precedar veritas.
Savage boars are creatures of thorns, but bright joyfulness is the lily’s. To thorns belong piercing prickles, but mayst thou, O King, have good will. This let all and sundry feel; do not keep the late unlawful taxes, but thy people’s hearts; may truth go before thy countenance.
Tirannidis lateant tribuli— Hoc expedit—procedat equitas,
Let the caltrops of tyranny lie underground —this is advantageous—let equity come forth,
Pietatis pateant oculi,
let the eyes of pity be open,
Roboana cedat seueritas.
let the severity of Rehoboam withdraw. O King, diligently take counsel that thy kingdom may be at peace; by this thy challengers shall succumb and their fierceness shall be mellowed.
Sunt siluestres spinarum singuli, Sed lilii clara iocunditas.
Sunt spinarum pungentes stimuli, Sed tibi sit, o rex, beninitas. Hance sentiant omnes et singuli; Non taillias dudum illicitas,
Consilii sis, o rex, ceduli
Vt tuo sit regno transquillitas;
Tui per hoc succumbent emuli Et mitescet eorum feritas.
Sic sapiunt vt agant impie. Naturalis obedit Gallica Rex, regio, tibi cotidie. Deleantur ideo cronica
Que consurgunt in te milicie. Numquam tuis fuit sophistica; Aliunde surgunt insidie, [s1°]In quos arma prodeant bellica. O Francorum maxime nobiles, Regem male si vos consulitis, Non eritis tunc detestabiles Amorem si fictum pretenditis, De facili nimis flexibiles,
Their wisdom is to act impiously. The true-born realm of France obeys thee every day, O King. Therefore let the armies that rise against thee be blotted out from history. Thy subjects had never the sophist’s arts; it is from others that plots arise, against whom let warlike arms advance. O most noble men of the French, if ye counsel the king amiss, shall ye not be detestable,
if ye pretend a false love, too easily able to be twisted,
84 beninitas / benignitas 77 iure, inplicitum: metuo ut intellexerim 73 aubsque /. absque 93 sit ceduli / seduli 88 precedas go procedas 95 emuli] emli, sed em ex oc mutatum videtur 94 transquillitas / tranquillitas
259
iS
80
85
90
95
100
105
Leofranc Holford-Strevens
260
Si plus censum quam sensum queritis, Caritate fideque steriles, Si mel foris, fel intus geritis?
Mutabitur sic color optimus Et argentum vestrum in scoriam.
Status vester aderit infimus Et perdetis nomen et gloriam. In dolore tamen hec dicimus, Reuocetis vestram infamiam; Est priore peior nouissimus Error dei iusta sententiam. Est nobiscum quia rex Israhel,
Speculator rerum celestium,
if ye seek wealth rather than sense, devoid of charity and faith, if ye wear honey without and gall within?
Thus shall the fairest hue be spoiled and your silver to dung. Your state shall be the lowest and ye shall lose name and glory. Yet we say these things in sorrow; may ye revoke your infamy. The last error is worse than the first according to God’s pronouncement.
and here the learned Nathaniel, having skill in the sacred law. Strong as God, on this side Michael
Non proderit igitur Hismael
Therefore Ishmael shall not avail the foe,
Sed ducetur ad exterminium.
but shall be led off to the slaughter.
Ecce tempus, rex, venit propere, Jam recessit himber et pluuia.
Behold, O King, the time comes on apace, the storm and rain are over. Be guided to the common good; make not excuse of conscience. Thou shouldst prefer the good of the kingdom and things common to what is one man’s. March on to win the war; only thy presence hath power.
Ne causeris de consciencia. Bonum regni debes preponere, Singulari quoque communia. Ingredere bellum deuincere; Sola tui valet presencia.
Now come the days for fighting to the finish,
Uerbum dei, fons sapiencie,
Word of God, thou fount of wisdom.
Incentiuum corona premium,
Regem nostrum cum regno Francie
Incentive, garland, and reward, Guide our king with the realm of France
Dirigere per mundi deuium. Dona sibi palmam victorie
Give him the palm of victory
120 iusta / iuxta
bemail thy body and behelm thy head; Rally all those that desert thee, and put away forests and dice. The smooth words of truce deceive
125
130
135
140
while the enemy gather stores into the barns;
like mice they invade the kingdom. Take up thy dart, smite with the spear.
145
through the crooked path of the world.
129 versus minoribus litteris scriptus 146 incesnia
120
standeth by them with assistance.
Debellandi iam dies veniunt, Muni corpus capudque galea; Tuos vi si qui defugiunt, Et dimitte siluas et alea. Treuge verba blanda decipiunt, Dum congregant hostes in horrea; Vt mures regnum insiliunt. Tolle telum, percute lancea.
140 et 2g. cum
115
For the King of Israel is with us, who beheld the affairs of heaven,
Et hic quidem doctus Nathanael, Habens legis sacre consilium. Quis vt deus fortis hinc Michael Est assistens in adiutorium.
Ad commune bonum dirigere;
Ilo
130 recessis
133 debet
139 vim
The Latin Dits of Geffroy de Paris
261
Super suos insultus hostium,
Over the assaults of his enemies
Et post huius finem miserie
And after the end of this life’s misery To ascend his heavenly reward.
Conscendere celeste brauium.
150
(ii) Matus ego [fo. 51] Natus ego G. de Parisio Regis huius cum adiutorio Cui filius est vnigenitus Quid de papa Iohanne sentio? Non confisus in sensu proprio Sed gracia data diuinitus, Pauca quedam dicere cupio. Sed ad illum prius confugio
Qui pater est deus ingenitus, Finis manens sine principio, Ut emittat vna cum filio Michi sancti karisma spiritus. Summe deus, creator omnium, Tibi sit laus honor tripudium,
what think I of Pope John? Not trusting in my own wits
5
but in grace given by God, I wish to say a few words. But first I take refuge with Him Who is the Father, God unbegotten, End everlasting without beginning, that together with His Son He may send me the grace of the Holy Spirit.
Est Johannes huius indicium, eius proprie proprium,
Non a sensu datum contrario. Cedat, Rachel, ploratus gentium,
to thee be praise, honour, and dancing, to the Holy Spirit and the Son. The Church hath borne a son and given him charge as father of the faithful, an infusion of spiritual dew. John is his designation, properly his proper name, not given by antiphrasis. Rachel, let weeping for the world abate,
for a shepherd of the sheep hath arisen
Est Iohannes dulce vocabulum Et gracie figurat titulum; Ex quo tale nomen vis sumere, Officium Iohannis cedulum
‘John’ is a sweet word
in 1316.
Tuum super habeas populum Vt tibi sit honor cum honere. Vulneratum defer in stabulum,
Curam habe prebeque pabulum,
1 Matus
30 honore
25
and signifieth possession of grace;
since thou art pleased to take that name, mayst thou be diligent in doing John’s duty to thy people,
that thou mayst have honour with thy burden. Carry him that is wounded to the fold, take care of him and feed him,
sensus est: praemium caeli conscendendi
3 Qui
15
20
Quia pastor surrexit ouium M. ccc. {et} sex cum denario.
152 constendere
10
Highest God, creator of all things,
SpirituZ sanctoque filio. Ecclesia peperit filium Quem prefecit patrem fidelium, Spiritalis roris infusio. Nomen
I, born G. of Paris with that King’s assistance Who hath an only-begotten Son,
I5 spm
19 iudicium
24 com
28 cedulum / sedulum
30
262
Leofranc Holford-Strevens
Sis lucerna lucens in opere, Ardens quoque, simul per stimulum Discipline contra periculum
Genimina debes corripere. Sis Batista, fide purificans, Non tam dictis quam factzs predicans,
be a shining lantern in thy work, and burning withal; at the same time with the goad of discipline thou must admonish thy children against danger.
Be thou the Baptist, purifying with faith,
Regula, lex in libra iudicans,
preaching less with words than deeds, a prophet, forerunner of the Lord, planting the good, uprooting the bad, a rule, a law, judging with the scales,
Non statwi parcens vel ordini. Portuensis ad portum aplicans, Qui factus es summe pontificans,
not sparing estate or rank. Bishop of Porto putting into port, who hast been made supreme pontiff,
Non tecum sit filius Gemini; Sis linea cuncta rectificans Et Simonis Iohannes dimicans
may the son of Benjamin not be with thee;
Tu propheta precursor domini,
Bonos plantans, malas eradicans,
Zelo legis iniquo semini. Magnum nobis est infortunium.
Sis Michael nostrum ad prelium. Angelus es quidem altissimi,
and John son of Simon fighting with the zeal of the law against an unjust seed. Great is our misfortune. Be Michael for our battle. Indeed thou art the angel of the Highest,
if thou beest the shepherd entering by the gate.
[5r“]Ergo uires reprimas hostium,
Therefore suppress the forces of the enemy, strong, very strong, that they are.
lam spinarum pungentes stimuli
Cedant atque siluestres cinguli, Roboana quoque seueritas; Tirannidis pereant ¢ribuli, Pietatis pateant oculi, Reuertatur et lex et equitas. Fiant mites principes populi Cum Abraam pastore seculli. Vmbra cesset, accedat veritas, Curre pater seruus hzznuli
40
be the line making all things straight
Si pastor es intrans per ostium. |
Qui quidem sunt fortes fortissimi; Uirtus horum per mercennarium, Non habentem curam ouilium. Per te potest hic ventus reprimi Superborum atque sublimium. Propter colla sis in refugium, Inimici iudices proximi.
35
50
Their courage cometh through an hireling
5S
that hath no care of the flocks.
By thee can this wind be quelled of the proud and haughty. For our necks’ sake be our refuge; the nearest governors are hostile.
60
Now let the piercing prickles of thorns Withdraw, and the savage boars, And the severity of Rehoboam. Let the caltrops of tyranny perish,
the eyes of pity be open, let law and equity return. May the rulers of the people be merciful with Abraham, the shepherd of his age.
65
Let shadow depart, let truth approach,
Run, father, like a young hart
39 fcis (nempe pro fcis) 40 males eraditans 41 lex {lex] 42 statui tla scriptum ut ex u cauda m litterae pendeat (nimirum statuj fuit in exemplart) 46 sit 48 zele 50 sit 63 seueritis 64 oculi 7O et — seruus /. ceruus
7O
hunuli
The Latin Dits of Geffroy de Paris Et sis nobis vt lapis anguli, Confederans tot res oppositas. Passibilis est ista qualitas: Quomodo sedet sola ciuitas Roma condam repleta populo.
Mundi caput fit acephalitas, Metaplasmo subest auctoritas Ex quo Syon iam caret titulo. Therusalem, tua sublimitas Ad lerico descendit semitas, Reponitur ius in ergastulo, Refrigescens mundique caritas Et superhabundans iniquitas; Christum rursus figunt patibulo.
263
And be unto us as a corner-stone, Joining so many opposites.
This is a passible quality: How doth the city sit solitary, Rome, that once was full of people! The world’s head becomes headlessness; authority is subject to irregularity, now that Zion hath lost possession. Jerusalem, thy sublimity Goeth down the roads to Jericho, Law is consigned to the slave-prison, and the world’s charity is growing cold
Hoc processit a sanctuario,
Vt de Iuda foret migracio
that Judah might be removed
Potestate sub Babilonica. Non plus duret hec circumcisio;
under the power of Babylon. Let this circumcision last no longer; the law of the Gospel, after John, should be without foreskin.
Qua sancio dormit canonica. Opposita nubes est radio
Ne transeat plebis oratio, Vt lectio dicit prophetica.
Esse debet sine prepucio Post Iohannem lex euangelica. Te Iohannem aquilam nuncio; Contemplare solem in radio
Et commissa pro plebe supplica. Presidentes sed ut in pluribus Columbinis se fingunt moribus, Sic sapiunt vt agant impia. Et ouium induti vestibus In lupinis seuiunt dentibus, [51] Ypocrisi sub aparancia. In soliis astant regalibus, Quorum sophisticationibus Viduata iacet ecclesia, Argumentis quoque falacibus.
Quare? quia gelboe montibus Non descendit aut ros vel pluuia. 75 condam /. quondam 110 mentibus
89 plebit
80
and iniquity is overflowing; they crucify Christ once more. The destruction is great as the sea; there hath been rebellion in the world, whereby the Church’s law sleepeth. A cloud hath blocked the sunlight lest the people’s prayer pass through as the text of the Prophet saith. This came forth from the sanctuary,
Uelut mare magna contricio; Iam in mundo fuit sedicio,
W
85
90
95
I declare thee John, the Eagle;
Contemplate the sun in its rays and pray for the people entrusted thee. But the rulers, as in most things, feign the manner of doves; their wisdom is to do evil, and clad in sheep’s clothing they rage with wolfs teeth, under the mien of hypocrisy. They stand by royal thrones; by their sophistries the church lies widowed, and by their fallacious arguments. Why? Because to the mountains of Gilboa descendeth neither dew nor rain. 105 aparantia / apparentia
107 sophistitationibus
100
105
IIO
Leofranc Holford-Strevens
264
What judgment should be given on these facts? Arise, father, and stand in the entrance, fulfil thy gracious name.
Ad premissa quid iuris questio. Surgas, pater, et stes in hostio,
Imple nomen tuum propicium. Non timore prece vel precio
Neither by fear, petition, nor payment
Corrumparis hoc in principio,
be corrupted at this outset, but from thy countenance let judgement come forth so that in shipwreck the operation of thy power may be the solace of the weak, and under the governance of John
Sed ex tuo vultu iudicium
Sic prodeat quod in naufragio Tua virtus et operatio Consolatrix fiat debilium, Et Iohannis sub magisterio Tui tandem cum dei filio Mereamur celeste brauium.
115
120
we, thy people, with the Son of God
may earn at the last our heavenly reward.
120 consolatum
Commentary Hora rex est
3
Cf. Rom. 13: 11 ‘et hoc scientes tempus quia hora est iam nos de somno surgere’. tui: not ‘thy people’ (see 12), but ‘those close to thee’, ‘thy kin’.
4 ventillare: not parallel to insurgere (Storer-Rochedieu),
but imperatival, cf. 147. I have no
warrant for supposing a nonce-use as the imperative of a deponent ventil(l)ari analogous to cavillari?' moreover, the active ventilare is frequent in the Vulgate. 5 adultere: not an adverb (Storer—Rochedieu) but = adulterae, adultery is a common
biblical
metaphor for sin and idolatry, but note esp. Wisd. 3: 16 ‘filii autem adulterorum inconsummati erunt et ab iniquo toro semen exterminabitur’, Isa. 57: 3-13; Generacio (p.mus. 89) ‘Generacio eorum perversa et infideles filii [cf. Deut. 32: 20]. Et erit hoc in obprobrium ipsis.’ For the degeneracy of bastards see also Langfors, v. 1639 (~ fr. 146, fo. 14%). One would think of the
doubtfully legitimate Jeanne and the impenitent consort of Charles de la Marche. 7 Cf. Digest 43. 16. 1. 27; Walther 33384d. 8
pugna
pro patria: ‘Cato’,
Breves sententiae 23 (Disticha
Catonis,
ed. M.
Boas
and H. J.
Botschuyver (Amsterdam, 1952), 19); on the use of this text by lawyers see Gaines Post, Studies in Medieval Legal Thought: Public Law and the State 1100-1322 (Princeton, 1964), 43553:
9
Character frequently denotes a sacrament, or its spiritual consequence;” the scribe seems to have written and deleted a k (for karismate, cf. ‘karisma’ Natus ego 12?). Neither Gregory VII nor Innocent III had killed the belief that royal unction was a sacrament; French kings—who were credited with especial sanctity—were anointed with chrism reputedly brought from heaven by a dove for Clovis’s baptism in 496.”
*! On such variations in general see Pierre Flobert, Les Verbes
déponents latins des origines a Charlemagne (Paris, 1975).
* This latter was a medieval development of an image used by St Augustine especially for baptism: see Nicholas M. Haring, “Augustine’s Use of the Word Character, Mediaeval Studies, 34 (1952), 72-97. With our text cf. the conductus Crucifigat omnes
(W, 71'-72' = Carmina Burana 47), 33-5 ‘Quisquis es signatus | fidei charactere | fidem factis assere.’ *> See Marc Bloch, Les Rois thaumaturges: étude sur le caractére
surnaturel attribué a la puissance royale particuliérement en France et en Angleterre (Paris, 1924), 216-45; Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The
King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology
The Latin Dits of Geffroy de Paris 10
265
‘Cato’, Br. sent. 19 ‘quod satis est dormi’ (p. 17 Boas—Botschuyver).
12
Kings who failed to maintain the public weal might lawfully be deposed;” in any case, Philip will be able to rule (not merely reign) only if he crushes his opponents. For the loyalty of the people cf. 102, 123.
13 14 16
Ps. 44: 4 ‘accingere gladio tuo super femur tuum, potentissime.’ ‘Veni creator spiritus’ (= AH, no. 144), v. 17: ‘hostem repellas longius’. Not a literal allusion to a disobedient son, unless Robert of Flanders was to be exculpated for
II
Louis of Nevers’s outrages, but an image of rebellion and disorder; for the language cf. 1 Cor. 15: 28. 17-18 tu regni diceris capud: the newer legal doctrine (Post 341-3).
impera: perhaps only ‘command’, but if there is a hint that the king is imperator in his kingdom (i.e. subject to no superior; Post 453-81), this will be the middle term of a climax. 19-20 Implicit assimilation to St Peter (Matt. 16: 19)—or even Christ, called in Capetian coronation
ordines at the bestowal of the virga ‘ipse qui est clavis David et sceptrum domus Israel qui aperit 21
et nemo claudit (et) claudit et nemo aperit’,” cf. Isa. 22: 22, Apoc. 3: 7. imitator: nominative in apposition to tu as inherent subject of regenera; not vocative, implying
that Philip is already imitating his royal ancestry, which suits less well with the censures of his inaction. 22
Cf. Se cuers joians | Rex beatus |Ave (p.mus. 32), Mo. 8-10; Servant regem/O Philippe/ Rex (p.mus. 33), Ir. 9-10.
23
i.e. let the flower of royal glory put forth the fruit of royal deeds: cf. Cant. 7: 12 ‘si flores fructus parturiunt. ‘Non est intuendum si vineae florent, sed si flores ad partum fructuum convalescunt; quia mirum non est si quis bona incohet, sed valde mirabile est, si intentione recta in bono opere perseveret’ (G/. ord.).
25 Caelius Sedulius, A solis ortus cardine (= AH|, no. 53), v. 17: ‘enixa est puerpera’;” the happy theme is inverted as in Dante’s shuddersome verse ‘Vexilla regis prodeunt inferni’ (Jnferno 34. ree
26
regio is taken as derived from rex and regnum, cf. Isidore, Etymologiae 14. 5. 21 ‘a rectoribus
27
autem regio nuncupata est’. In fact all are derived from the same root. ‘Quem terra pontus ethera’ begins a Marian hymn (A//1, no. 72) falsely ascribed to Venantius
31
raro: litotes for numquam.
Fortunatus (opus spurium 8 Leo,
MGH AA
iv/1. 385).
(Princeton, 1957), 333; Charles T. Wood, Joan ofArc and Richard
1970). But in France the precedents of 751 and 987 proved sterile
LIT: Sex, Saints, and Government in the Middle Ages (New York, 1988), 21-2; Elizabeth A. R. Brown, ‘Kings like Semi-Gods: The
(Wood 27).
» For the realm as a caput mysticum see Kantorowicz 207-32. © See Brown, ‘Franks, Burgundians, and Aquitanians ,92, 110,
Case of Louis X of France’, Mayjestas, 1 (1993), 5-37; for the chrism see ead., ‘Franks, Burgundians, and Aquitanians’ and
cf. E. Marténe, De antiquis ecclesiae ritibus, rev. edn. (Bassano del
the Royal Coronation Ceremony in France (Transactions of the
Grappa, 1788), ii. 226. Note too the prayer that God, having
American
permitted the king ‘usque in hunc presentem diem iuvenili flore letantem crescere’, may cause him to advance to better things every day ‘tue pietatis dono ditatum plenumque gratia veritatis’
Philosophical Society, 82’; Philadelphia, 1992), 44;
William M. Hinkle, The Fleurs de Lis of the Kings of France, 1285— 1488 (Carbondale,
Ill., 1991), esp. 29-30.
Gregory of Tours
knows nothing of the dove (Historia Francorum 2. 31), added to
(Brown 90, 106, cf. Marténe ii. 224), cf. vv. 23, 88.
the story by Hincmar, Vita Remigit 15 (MGH Scr. rer. Merov. iii. 296-7), who employed its purported cargo at the coronation of
Chevalier, Repertorium hymnologicum (Louvain, 1892-1912), no.
Charles the Bald in 869. * Post 376-7; see Edward Peters, The Shadow King: Rex inutilis in Medieval Law and Literature 751-1327 (New Haven,
” For the use of this stanza as a Christmas hymn see Ulysse
5491. *’ For this device cf. Eduard Fraenkel in his edition of Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1950), iii. 652-3, on 1387.
266
Leofranc Holford-Strevens
suburbana: i.e. the region round Paris. fermentum malicie: 1 Cor. 5: 8. 37 41 lumen: Veni creator spiritus, v. 13: ‘accende lumen sensibus’; but note too the late-antique and medieval derivation of Philip from Hebrew pi lappid = os lampadis, alluded to at Du Roy phellippe 61-4.” 42 preuia: from v. 19 of the same hymn, “ductore sic te praevio’. 43-4 Matt. 10: 16-17 ‘Ecce ego mitto vos sicut oves in medio luporum; estote ergo prudentes sicut 34
serpentes et simplices sicut columbae. Cavete autem ab hominibus; tradent enim vos....
45-8 Philip should defend his rights and the interest of the kingdom, but not exploit the situation to
agerandize his own power and wealth in his father’s spirit (Car vous voulez tout a vous traire | Sans riens donner du vostre avoir’, Chronique métrique, vv. 1640-1); rather he should reward his followers like a true monarch (Esth. 2: 18 ‘dona largitus est iuxta magnificentiam principalem’); cf. Count Bohemond’s words in Gilo of Paris, Historia vie Hierosolimitane, 7(3). 55-6 “dona manent omnes, sed non mea dona vocabo | quod sibi quisque dabit; victori nulla negabo’ (ed. C. W. Grocock and J. E. Siberry (OMT, 1997), 164). 49-88 With the allegories of the French royal lily here cf. Des alliez 157-92;” observe that there is no overlap. See too Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermones in Cantica canticorum 48. 1-2 (PL 183. 1012-13 = Cistercian edn. ii. 67-8); Ps.-Bernard, Vitis mystica 18-26 (PL 184. 672-84). 56 Cf. La desputaison 132 ‘ne raison ne le dite’. 60
cuique: with the medieval trisyllabic scansion. The MS has the genitive cuiusque by the frequent confusion of cuius or cui’ with cuz; | take the error for scribal. ‘Iustitia est constans et perpetua voluntas ius suum cuique tribuens’ (Justinian, /nstitutes 1. 1. pr.). virans: a francien phonetic error for virens. Cf. 1 Cor. 12: 26 ‘sive gloriatur unum membrum, congaudent omnia membra’. See Sennacherib’s boast at 4/2 Kgs. 19: 23 (cf. Isa. 37: 24) ‘in multitudine curruaum meorum ascendi excelsa montium in summitate Libani et succidi sublimes cedros eius, electas abietes
eius’; this parallel, which requires the indicative ascendunt, seems more appropriate than Jer. 22: 20 ‘ascende Libanum et clama et in Basan da vocem tuam et clama ad transeuntes quia contriti sunt omnes amatores tui’, to which the subjunctive would direct one. 67-9 Cf. e.g. Exod. 15: 20, Judg. 1: 34 ‘cum tympanis et choris’; 1 Kgs./Sam. 10: 5 ‘et ante eos psalterium et tympanum’; Ps. 149: 3 ‘laudent nomen eius in choro, in tympano et psalterio psallant ei’; Ps. 150: 4 ‘laudate eum in tympano et choro, laudate eum in chordis et organo’; for these instruments as accompaniments of pleasure Job 21: 12, for the cessation of music in time
of trouble Thomas Connolly, Mourning into Joy: Music, Raphael, and Saint Cecilia (New Haven and London, 1994), 79-110, 263-7, cf. Isa. 24: 8, Ezek. 26: 13, 1 Macc. 3: 45, Apoc. 18: 22.
67 organum: a symbol of order and harmony: Quodvultdeus, De gloria regnoque sanctorum 14. 17 (CCSL 60. 221. 67-70) ‘habes organum ex diuersas fistulis sanctorum apostolorum doctorumque omnium ecclesiarum aptarum quibusdam accentibus, graul, acuto, et circumflexo [!], quod
musicus ille Dei spiritus per Verbum tangit implet et resonat’, and so commentators on Ps, 150: 4: Augustine, Enarr. in Ps. CL 7 (CCSL 40. 2915. 22-2916. 2) ‘Quibus [sc. chordis] fortasse ideo addidit organum, non ut singulae sonent, sed ut diuersitate concordissima consonent, sicut ® Jerome, PL 23. 843-4, cf. CCSL 72. 146; see A. Darmesteter, “Philippus = os lampadis’, Romania, 1 (1872), 360-2. ® On which see Hinkle 14-16, who notes extensive use of
Vitis mystica; observe too Langfors, vv. 3227-66 App., wv. 1563-1642, 1791-8.
~
Langfors
The Latin Dits of Geffroy de Paris
267
ordinantur in organo. Habebunt enim etiam tunc sancti Dei differentias suas consonantes non dissonantes, id est consentientes non dissentientes, sicut fit suavissimus concentus ex diversis quidem sed non inter se adversis sonis’; Ps.-Jerome, Breviarium in Psalmos, PL 26. 1230 D, ‘sicut enim organum ex multis fistulis compositum est, unum autem modulatione melos mittit’; Petrus de Palude on Ps. 150: 4 (Douai, BM 45, vol. vi, fo. 263°) ‘et organo, id est pro gloria sanctis
doctoribus collata qui recte organo conparantur. In organis diversi soni emittuntur per diversas fistulas et melodia efficitur et concordantia
proferuntur unam
efficitur; sic a doctoribus multe sententie.. .
facientes concordiam et melodiam.’ Although Augustine, who posits a
stringed instrument, is at pains to distinguish the general sense of organum from the current
Latin application to a bellows-organ, it is the latter that prevailed, e.g. Cassiodorus (CCSL 98. 1328, 98-104), Nicholas Trivet, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 738, fo. 250%;°' the Flores Psalterit, MS Bodley 318 (s. xiv), fo. 246" even pervert Augustine’s exposition to obtain it. 68-9 Although wy. 17-18 demonstrate that Geffroy is capable of enjambing a disyllable and the scribe
of punctuating before it, elegance both of metre and of style is better served by terminating the clause with the verse and understanding cedit from v. 69 (where the singular verb with two singular subjects is unexceptionable).
68
timpanistria: Ps. 67: 26 ‘in medio 1uvencularum tympanistriarum’, applied by Augustine, Enarr. in Ps, LXVII 34 (CCSL 39. 893), quoted in Gi. ord., to new churches; the enemies of ‘nostre
courone sacree’ (Des alliez 57) are naturally enemies of the Church as well. corus: at Ps. 150: 4 understood by some contemporaries as the bagpipe,” but Nicholas of Lyra 69 prefers to take it ‘pro societate laudantium’, cf. e.g. Cassiodorus, CCSL 98. 1328. 93-4 “Chorus est plurimarum vocum ad suavitatis modum temperata collectio’, Flores Psalterii, fo. 245" on Ps. 149: 3: ‘chorus est consencio cantancium’, fo. 246" on Ps. 150: 4: “chorus laudat deum, quando
eum laudat pacata societas.’ Hebrew mahél ‘whirling’ denotes a dance. cimbalum: MS timpanum, which despite its biblical association with chorus noted above,
FAL
74
is otiose after timpanistria in v. 68. For cimbalum, which head-rhymes with simul and alliterates with cedit, cf. Ps. 150: 5 ‘laudate eum in cymbalis bene sonantibus, laudate eum in cymbalis iubilationis.’ The scribe, with the notable word t2mpanistria in his mind and recalling the frequent ‘tympanis et choro’, mistook cim for tim and looked no further. Ps. 20: 10 ‘clibanum ignis’; but the image is rather that of Prov. 17: 3 ‘sicut igne probatur argentum et aurum camino ita corda probat dominus’, 27: 21 ‘quomodo probatur in conflatorio argentum et in fornace aurum sic probatur homo ore laudantis.’ Cant. 2. 1-2 ‘ego flos campi et lilium convallium;” sicut lilium inter spinas sic amica mea inter filias’, commonly expounded of good under attack from evil such as heathendom or heresy,” e.g.
6) Both Trivet and Petrus de Palude were kindly brought to my attention by Dr Page. Prosper of Aquitaine (CCSL 68A. 211.
below (so that the lily-like lips of Cant. 5: 13 become absurd at Shakespeare, A Midsummer Night’s Dream 5. 1. 325 Wells—
28-9) supposes a wind-instrument: ‘in chordis et organo: id est
Taylor).
in quolibet instrumento musico quod vel pulsu potest sonare vel flatu’; cf. Prudentius, Apotheosis 389 ‘organa disparibus calamis
*" Fauvel’s wedding-guests include ‘Heresie et Bouguerrie’ (Langfors App., v. 70); cf. Gerves’s “Herese y fu, et Sodomie’
quod consona miscent’, Curt Sachs,
(Langfors, v. 1667; Brownlee, Ch. 4 n. 40), but bougue(7)rie is
The History of Musical In-
properly ‘heresy’ (originally Bogomilism or its south French
struments (New York, 1940), 106. ° So Trivet and Petrus de Palude; see Ps.-Jerome, ep. 23. 9
analogues): e.g. Laurent of Orléans, Somme le roi, BL MS Cotton
(PL 30. 215 B).
Cleopatra A. v, fo. 109(104)' ‘Por ce sont li bougre e li herite
°3 Whatever the true identity of these flowers (for which Sandra Raphael refers me to F. Nigel Hepper, Illustrated
bon gage... de ce sont venues toutes les manieres deresie e de
Encyclopedia of Bible Plants (Leicester, 1992), 46-7), Latin lilium
mescreandise.’
connotes whiteness, as in v. 63 and in the expositions quoted
(‘heretics’] orgoilleus dampné, car il ne vuelent croire Dieu sans
268
Leofranc Holford-Strevens GL ord. ‘in ecclesia nec mali sine bonis nec boni sine malis esse possunt: bonus enim fuit qui malos tolerare non potuit.” ... tu requiem quaeris et laudes lectuli, sed scito quod candidior tribulationum aculeis efficeris et maior est fructus predicationis quam quietis; Bernard of Clairvaux loc. cit. ‘Non mediocris titulus profecto virtutis, inter pravos vivere bonum, et inter malignantes innocentiae retinere candorem et morum lenitatem, magis autem si his qui oderunt
pacem pacificum, et amicum ipsis te exhibes inimicis.’ Similar advice was given the King by Pope John; note especially Lettres secretes, no. 255 (22 June 1317): “Et si felicibus tuis auspictis cuncta tibi non succedunt ad votum, si rebelles ad tuam obedientiam redire contempnunt, si rupto fidelitatis et naturalitatis federe [cf. v. 15] insurgunt contra te qui tibi assistere tenerentur, si que forsan alie difficultates se ingerunt, equanimitate et cum gratiarum actione supportes. Non enim est Iacob quem Esau non persequitur, nec est Abel quem Chaym malitia non exercet.’ 7: Cf. Natus ego 97: “Te lohannem aquilam nuncio.’ TT The MS reading makes neither sense nor rhyme; implicito is the least change, but ‘with implicit right’ does not fit the context. My further emendation is highly tentative; I have not found an example of implicito used adverbially, though it would not surprise. 80 Cf. Avisemenz 310 ‘Bonne fin ne pevent ensuivre’, of those who maltreat their mother the Church; Des alliez 94-6: ‘Quar de mauvés commencement | Estre ne peut adroitement | conclusion bonne amenee’; Walther 9520. Fauvel will come to a bad end, Langfors App., wv. 1442-7.
81-4 The poet sets up two contrasting spheres, that of the thorns to which he has likened the rebels and that of the French royal lily; the rebels are destructive boars and injurious prickles, but the king should win his subjects’ hearts with cheerfulness and benignity. 81
siluestres: ‘wild’ (‘sanglers sauvages’ are served at Fauvel’s wedding-feast, Langfors App., v. 395), but also, as Dr Page points out to me, ‘heathen’. See Ps. 79: 14 “exterminavit eam aper de silva et singularis ferus depastus est eam’, with Bruno Astensis ad loc. (PL 164. 1012 Cc): ‘Iste aper et
ferus singularis quilibet haereticus est, veluti Arius et Simon Magus, per quem et tyrannos nihilominus intelligere possumus. Qui bene de silva venire dicuntur, quoniam silvestres et extranei sunt, neque domesticam
ferunt disciplinam.’ Cf. Flores Psalterii, fo. 128" ‘gentilis
populus sevus et incultus . . . singularis propter superbiam, ferus propter incredulitatem.’ 86-7 For loathing of Philip IV’s taxes see Avisemenz 33-4, cf. 477-85 on Godfrey of Bouillon; Un songe 337-48. They were deemed unlawful because the king retained them even though the 88
92
95
pretext on which they had been levied no longer held.” Ps. 88: 15 ‘iustitia et iudicium praeparatio sedis tuae, misericordia et veritas praecedent vultum tuum’, cf. Prov. 20: 28 ‘misericordia et veritas custodiunt regem et roboratur clementia thronus elus’ and Servant regem/O Philippe! Rex regum (p.mus. 33), Tr. 1-2, 7-14. Cf. Natus ego 63; Avisemenz 901-21. See 3/1 Kgs. 12, 2 Par. [= Chron.] 10; Philip V is again being advised not to reimpose his father’s taxes. The scribe appears to have begun to write ocwli (cf. v. 91). Cf. Pope John to Charles of Valois, Lettres secretes, no. 354 (14 Aug. 1317): ‘rebellium ac emulorum quorumcunque conatibus congruis remediis occursurus’.
© See Gregory the Great, Homilia in euangelia, 2. 37. 7 (PL 76. 1285 C-1286 D), who notes that one of the seven deacons ordained in Acts 6: 5 founded the heresy condemned at Apoc. 2: 6; the assertion (1286 a) “Abel enim esse renuit, quem
Cain
malitia non exercet’ is exploited by John XXII in the letter cited just below.
°° For the last phrase see Eph. 2: 19. Cf. Bruno on Matt. 14: 15-16 (Comment. in Matth. 61; PL 165. 196 c): ‘Hoc autem agit in
deserto, id est in populo silvestri et indomito, indisciplinato et indocto.’ °” See Brown, Politics and Institutions, nos. I (esp. 576-82), III (esp. 18-20), V; Post 479.
The Latin Dits of Geffroy de Paris 97
100
269
Cf. Natus ego 103; Jer. 4: 22 ‘sapientes sunt ut faciant mala, bene autem facere nescierunt’; such wisdom ‘pro malitia accipienda est’ (Jerome, In Hierem. t. 85, CCSL 74. 48, citing Luke 16: 8 and Gen. 3: 1) and is ‘terrena animalis diabolica’ (Jas. 3: 15, adduced by Nicholas of Lyra). Cf. Ps. 68: 29 ‘deleantur de libro viventium et cum iustis non scribantur’ (= p-mus. 82); Gl. ord., following Augustine, Enarr. in Ps. LXVILIT 2. 13 (CCSL 39. 926-7), warns ‘Non sic tamen
accipiendum est tamquam in hoc libro aliquem scribat deus quem postea deleat, sed secundum spem illorum qui scriptos se putent.’ The rebels are to be left out of the chronicles. 102 103 106
Cf. Natus ego 107. Aliunde = ex aliis, hence guos 104 (an unexceptionable construction); but cf. John ro: 1 ‘qui non
intrat per ostium in ovile ovium sed ascendit aliunde, ille fur est et latro.’ In classical Latin regem consulere is to seek the king’s advice, regi consulere to look to his advantage; but regem consulere of advising the king is a recognized medieval usage. In Des alliez stt. 3-5 Geftroy denounces the noble rebels as degenerate.
109
Cf. the bad (albeit clerical) counsellors at Avisemenz 571-4: ‘Es quiex n’a [n’i a? na ne?] stabilité,
I1o
| foy, leauté, ne couvenant; | Mes sunt le cochet a tout vent, | Qui de toutes parties clinent.’ censum .. . sensum: homophonous for Geffroy, and a familiar pun: Walther, index s.v. census.
Ii2
mel... fel: another jingling antithesis, frequent in classical and medieval Latin; see Walther,
113
index s.v. fel, but note too no. 8907 ‘fel latet interius, est ubi sermo pius’. Lam. 4: I ‘mutatus est color optimus.’ (‘Sed nunc fere in omni statu apparet dissolutio et inhonestas’: Nicholas.)
114
Isa. 1: 22 ‘argentum tuum versum est in scoriam.’ (‘Clari scilicet et lucidi ad vitia sunt reversi’:
GL. ord.)
Literally “Your lowest estate will be present’: one would expect erit, but with aderit we should consider vobis in place of vester. 119 Matt. 27: 64 ‘et erit novissimus error peior priore.’ 121-6 Jesus Christ, Nathaniel, and the archangel Michael are on Philip’s side; they symbolize respectively the Church, the people (perhaps also the University), and the army. Cf. Soph. (= Zeph.) 3: 15 ‘rex Israhel Dominus in medio tui, non timebis malum ultra’; the King I21 115
ofIsrael is interpreted as Jesus Christ (John 1: 49; cf. Jerome, CCSL 76A. 705-8, and Nicholas 122
ad loc.). Matt. 3: 16: after Jesus’ baptism ‘ecce aperti sunt ei caeli et vidit spiritum dei descendentem sicut columbam venientem super se’.
123
Nathanael: see John 1: 45-51. Nathaniel recognized Jesus for the Son of God and King of Israel; he is therefore expounded as the ‘verus populus Israel’ (G/. ord.) who acknowledges Christ’s
mission. Here he stands for the true people of France (cf. wv. 12, 102), who acknowledge Philip V for their king even as in Plebs fidelis (p.mus. 115) it is the ‘plebs fidelis Franciae’ that praises God; furthermore, it was the king’s eponym, the apostle Philip, who had brought about the encounter. Nathaniel is called doctus as being ‘peritissimus scripturarum’ (G/. ord.): Philip expects him to understand the words “quem scripsit Moses in lege et prophetae’ (John 1: 45). 125 Quis vt deus: the name Michael is correctly glossed Quis ut deus? ‘Who is like God?’ by Jerome, De nominibus Hebraicis, CCSL 72. 129, but here quis is the dative plural of the relative pronoun (= quibus), having continuative force: ‘to whom is accompanying’ = ‘and there accompanies them’; for the periphrasis, common in late and biblical Latin, cf. Matus ego 82-3. See Dan. to:
13 ‘et ecce Michael unus de principibus primis venit in adiutorium meum’ (cf. ro: 21, 12: 1); the
270
127
Leofranc Holford-Strevens implication is that the enemy are serpents and devils (Jude 9, Apoc. 12: 7); cf. Garrit gallus |In nova fert|Neuma (p.mus. 129), Mo. 2-4. Hismael: Abraham’s son by Hagar, ‘ferus homo, manus eius contra omnes et manus omnium contra eum’ (Gen. 16: 12); an allusion to the violent count of Nevers? According to St Paul, he
persecuted Isaac: ‘sed quomodo tunc qui secundum carnem natus fuerat persequebatur eum qui secundum spiritum, ita et nunc’ (Gal. 4: 29, cf. 4: 22-3); this takes some extracting from the text of Gen. 21: 9, but see e.g. Ps.-Aug. [i.e. Bede] at PL 38. 32-3, ‘Maior erat Ismael et roboratus in malitia, sed ludens cum puero Isaac, seducebat Isaac, et quasdam fraudes ludendi cum infirmo
faciebat. Animadvertit mater lusum illum esse persecutionem.’ He is thus a hate-figure for Christian tradition: e.g. Walter of Chatillon, Moralisch-satirische Gedichte, 1. 31* Strecker ‘Istos
128
130
[sc. leccatores] manet Stigis edes, | isti non sunt coheredes | Ysaac, set Ismael; | hos dignetur extirpare, | qui de celo venit dare | pacem super Israhel’, 15. 14. 1 “Crede, semen Chanaan, semen Hismaelis’. exterminium: frequent in later Latin, cf. ‘in exterminium’ Judith 4: 10, Sir. 39: 36. Cf. Cant. 2: u ‘iam enim hiems transiit, imber abiit et recessit.’ Note the imperative ‘Surge’ in vv. 10 and 13 of this chapter.
131-4 Philip must overcome his personal reluctance (perhaps more affected than felt) to exert himself in his own cause against rebels of the blood royal.
133 On the superiority of public to private see Post 376-7. 134 For singularis ‘an individual’s’ see Oxford Latin Dictionary s.v. 1. The singulare may be Philip’s own convenience, which if he is to be a true king and not a tyrant (cf. Clark, Ch. 7 n. 18), he
will subordinate to the common good; but Andrew Wathey suggests that it is the Duke of Burgundy’s ambition. 138 galea: taken here as imperative of the rare but attested verb galeare, rather than as ablative of galea, which would yield a zeugma, ‘Protect your body (sc. with armour) and your head with a helmet’, too Vergilian a construction for this style. 140 et dimitte siluas: at Du Roy phellippe 29-32 Geffroy bids the king give up hunting and fishing for a while lest he lose his lands: ‘II t’esteut lessier en espasse | Le rivoirier et la chasse | Quar se au bois tu te veus ardre, | Tu pourras bien de tes plains perdre’.” et alea: et is constructed with the ablative as if cum, cf. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, iii.
7505, 12-15; the British Academy's Dictionary of Medieval Latin from British Sources s.v. et 1.
Philip was notoriously fond of the dicing-game griesche, ‘quail’ (Lehugeur 15-16; cf. Tobler— Lommatzsch s.v. gregeois), mentioned at Langfors, v. 491 (~ fr. 146, fo. 4“). 141 142
treuge: the treaty of 1 September with the Flemings, which was not expected to hold. congregant in horrea: as object we must understand provisions to be used in war: Robert of Flanders ‘profita de la tréve pour approvisionner la Flandre de denrées et de vins, si bien qu'elle en fut bient6t mieux pourvue que la France’ (Lehugeur 59). Cf. Joseph’s precautions in Egypt
68
Chronicler had apostrophized that mighty huntsman Philip TV ‘Je croi, se les boys ne lessiez, | Que de vos plains lairez assez’ (1525-6); cf. R.-H. Bautier, “‘Diplomatique et histoire politique: ce que la critique diplomatique nous apprend sur la personnalité
In patristic times he is made to symbolize Jewish persecution (cf. the reinterpretation of Esau and Jacob as respectively Jew and Christian) but Crusading publicists need only recall that he is the ancestor of the Arabs, or ‘Saracens’, cf. G/, ord. on Gen. 16: 12, ® Plains is not ‘laments’ (Storer—Rochedieu as if plainz) but
open country as opposed to bois; for the Parisian rhyme perdre (MS ‘pdre’) ~ ardre see e.g. Diverrés 26 with nn. 3-4. The
de Philippe le Bel’, Revue historique, 259 (1978), 3-27 at 9-11;
Elizabeth A. R. Brown, The Monarchy of Capetian France and Royal Ceremonial (Aldershot, 1991), no. V 236-8.
The Latin Dits of Geffroy de Paris
271
(Gen. 41: 34-5, 47); contrast the fowls of the air (Matt. 6: 26, where as here the object is not expressed),
145 Sir. 1: 5 ‘fons sapientiae verbum dei in excelsis’. 146
incentiuum: the MS reads incesnia, which is not Latin; my conjecture substitutes a word of frequent use in the Fathers, cf. TLL vii/1. 873.
147 150
152
corona premium: cf. Wisd. 4: 2 ‘in perpetuum coronata triumphat incoinquinatorum certaminum praemium vincens’, said of ‘casta generatio cum claritate’;” the Capetians prided themselves on a chastity that, if not flawless, easily surpassed that of other royal houses. dirigere: evidently imperatival. suos: agreeing with imsultus where sense requires sworum agreeing with hostium; a striking transference of epithet. The figure (called hypallage by Servius on Vergil, Aeneid 6. 268) is of ancient origin and is common in late writers, but is here driven to its limits; cf. on Matus ego 70. brauium: properly the wreath awarded as the prize at an athletic contest (‘praemium cursus’: Gl. ord.), and so used as a metaphor for the Christian’s heavenly reward by that keen sportsman St Paul (1 Cor. 9: 24);' here apparently conceived abstractly as the reward of ascending to heaven. Natus ego
The rubricator, as often happens in manuscripts, has added the wrong letter, perhaps misreading atus as atrris. huius: used for ezus, perhaps on grounds of euphony: in French pronunciation regis etus would have been réjizéjus. Classical poetry sometimes admits hic... qui with little deictic force; even
outside that context, confusion of /ic and is began in the early Empire in the forms /i and Ais, later spreading to others. cui: the transmitted gui is not indefensible, for the Son is also king, cf. Langfors, vv. 2167-74 (~
fr. 146, fo. 20°), but cui is more elegant, as providing the correlative offilius, I have greater trust in the poet than in the scribe. The corruption cui > qui is not uncommon (it also occurs in French at Langfors App., v. 273, albeit induced by the preceding ci/).
r1-12 The Western doctrine of the Double Procession of the Holy Ghost, “qui ex patre filioque procedit’. 13. Or, without internal punctuation, ‘God, supreme creator of all things’; but the caesura suggests
otherwise. I5 sanctoque: here = sancto et instead of et sancto, a catachresis found elsewhere in medieval Latin; see e.g. Franz Blatt, Dye lateinischen Bearbeitungen der Acta Andreae et Matthiae apud anthropophagos (Zeitschrift fiir die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft, Beiheft 12; Giessen, 1930),
187, index s.v. que IIa.” 19 indicium: MS has /udicium, ‘judgement’, which makes no sense. ” So most MSS: ‘o quam pulchra est casta generatio cum claritate’; but some early copies read melior est (so Weber) for 0
quam pulchra, and the Greek original has Kpel(oo@v OATEKWOL META ApETNG, ‘Better is childlessness with virtue’. 7! Cf
H. A. Harris,
Greek Athletes and Athletics (London,
1964), 129-35. ” So Walter de Gray Birch, Cartularium Saxonicum, it (Lon-
don, 1887), 348-9, no. 669 (5 Apr. 930): ‘largissima tonantis idumaque [= manu et| mirando ineffabilique proprii arbitrii
privilegio’; Ieuan ap Sulien (s. xi), ‘Carmen Iohannis de uita et
familia Sulgeni’, 126-9 ‘quattuor...natos...iam sunt hec nomina quorum. Rycymarch sapiens. Arthgen. Danielque
Iohannes’, ed. D. R. Howlett,
The Celtic Latin Tradition of
Biblical Style (Dublin, 1995), 237 (I owe these references to Dr Howlett). See too Regis’s motet Lux solempnis adest, v. 18 ‘Qui genitoque patri compar ab utroque procedit’, Johannes Regis Opera Omnia, ed. C. Lindenburg (CMM 9; 1956), il. 4.
Leofranc Holford-Strevens
272 21
John’s name does not instantiate the principle of /ucus a non lucendo; cf. Philip the Chancellor, Mundus a mundicia (= AH xxi, no. 206), st. 1 (= p.mus. 2). 1-2 ‘Mundus a mundicia | dictus
per contraria’; more loosely Langfors, vv. 1184-5 ‘Meine tout per antifrasin, | C’est a dire par le contraire’ (~ fr. 146, fo. 10"), linking this term to the general theme of bestournement, cf. Je voi
douleurlFauvel nous a faitlAutant (p.mus. 29), Tr. 2, 6 ‘car tout ce [= se] fait par contraire’. 22
24
Whereas in the monody of 1164 X 1170, In Rama sonit gemitus (W, 168"), Rachel's weeping comes from Matt. 2: 18,” Geffroy goes to the source at Jer. 31: 15-17, addressed to the
Babylonian exiles: ‘Haec dicit Dominus: Vox in excelso audita est lamentationis, fletus et luctus Rachel plorantis filios suos et nolentis consolari super eis, quia non sunt. Haec dicit Dominus: Quiescat vox tua a ploratu et oculi tui a lacrimis, quia est merces operi tuo, ait Dominus, et revententur de terra inimici, et est spes novissimis tuis, ait Dominus, et revertentur filli ad terminos suos.””* To be read em ce ce ce sex cum denario. Unable to accommodate in his metre the correct Latin for ‘in 1316’, anno millesimo trecentesimo sextodecimo (cf. e.g. RHF xxi. 209), the poet had to give the date some other way. His solution was to treat the first four numerals of M.ccc.xvi as letters and express the notion of cardinal 16 by the periphrasis ‘sex cum denario [sc. numero]’; the scribe
has added the impossible pre-caesural et under the influence of contemporary French idiom.” On 1316 as a significant year in fr. 146 see Emma Dillon, above, Ch. 9. 26
Tohannes is glossed ‘in quo est gratia, vel Domini gratia’ (Jerome, De nominibus Hebraicis, CCSL 72. 146; more accurate would be ‘God hath been gracious’).
30
The MS text, though translatable at a pinch (‘that you may have honour for your merits besides the honour of your office’), is proved corrupt by the rhyme of -dre with -ére; Geffroy has no other such lapse from double rhyme, and only one, in pure Latin words, from correct word-stress (v. 40). For the word-play on honor and (/) onus see Walther 7753, 11123a, 11126, and note Quasi/
Trahuntl Vel Displicebat (p.mus. 21), Tr. 5-6 ‘gaudent frui potencia | honoris sine onere’.”° 31-2 Cf. the Good Samaritan, Luke 10: 34; the parable will be recalled at vv. 79-80. 33-4 Cf. John 5: 35, of John the Baptist: “ille erat lucerna ardens et lucens.’ Nicholas of Lyra explains: ‘Hic ostendit [sc. Iesus] quod Iohannes testimonium debet eis [sc. Iudaeis] esse acceptum
propter tria: scilicet propter eius officium, quod erat praeco Christi, quod notatur cum dicitur Ille erat lucerna, ostendens hominibus viam salutis, scilicet Christum, et sicut lucerna non lucet ex se, sic lohannes non erat lux, sed venit ut testimonium perhiberet de lumine [1: 8]; secundo
? Tn wy. 5-8 the ‘Rachel Anglie’ weeps because her first-born ‘et [= namely] loseph Cantuarie’, the exiled Becket, “Egiprum colit Gallie’; but since Rachel had died before her son was sold into Egypt, the link is the prophecy fulfilled while his namesake was in refuge there. On this piece see Denis Stevens, ‘Music in
Honor of St. Thomas of Canterbury’, Musical Quarterly, 56 (1970), 311-48 at 316-18; John Stevens, Words and Music in the Middle Ages: Song, Narrative, Dance and Drama, 1050-1350 (Cambridge, 1986), 68-70; it can be heard, along with Crucifigat omnes (n. 52) and Deduc Syon uberrimas(n. 83), performed by the
Gothic Voices on The Spirits ofEngland and France (Hyperion CDAG66739).
“ Nicholas of Lyra comments: ‘Rachel enim sepulta fuit iuxta Bethleem ut habetur Gen. xxxv [v. 19] et ideo dicebatur mater civitatis Bethleem et totius territorii...Iudei autem aliqui
dicunt quod cum ludei ducerentur captivi in Babylonem et
transirent iuxta sepulchrum Rachel, vox de sepulchro miraculose prodiens fuit audita implorando dei pietatem pro illis qui captivi ducebantur’; cf. on Gen. 48: 7, where see Rashi, and cf. Gen. Rabbah 82: 10; 87. ” Cf. De la comete 39 “M.ccc. et xi. en nombre’, 125 ‘L’an mil .ccc. et xv. vint’; Langfors, v. 1226 (~ fr. 146, fo. 10%) ‘En
lan mil e trois cens et dis’, v. 3274 (not in fr. 146) ‘.ccc. et x. Chronique métrique, v. 407 ‘L’annee .M.Ccc. et .1.’ (407), and so
throughout except ‘Mil. ccc.xmm. l’annee’ (5619), cf. Langfors App., v. 1060 (fo. 38") ‘En mil ccc dis et sis ans’.
’° Tt is also classical: see A. Otto,
Die Sprichwoérter und
sprichwortlichen Redensarten der Romer (Leipzig, 1890), 167. The
notion that onus ‘burden’ and honos/honor ‘honour’ were etymologically related (Varro, LL 5. 73) favoured the misspellings honus honeris honustus (Gellius 2. 3. 3).
The Latin Dits of Geffroy de Paris
273
propter charitatis incendium, quod notatur cum dicitur ardens, in tantum quod propter zelum charitatis divine mortem suscepit; tertio propter virtutum exercitium in tantum quod credebant eum Christum, quod notatur ibi: lucens.’ 34-6
Cf. Eccles. 12: 11 ‘verba sapientium sicut stimuli’, with Jerome ad loc.: “quae in similitudinem
stimulorum corrigunt delinquentes et pigros mortalium gressus aculeo pungente commovent’ (CCSL 72. 358); corripere, of rebukes and admonitions to the misguided, is a recurrent term in
39 40 45
the Vulgate; genimina too is a good biblical word for shoots and fruits, here applied to spiritual offspring. tu: not a vocative, but equivalent to a repeated sis. Cf. Matt. 15: 13 ‘omnis plantatio quam non plantavit pater meus caelestis eradicabitur.’ See Gregory the Great, /n librum I Regum 132 (CCSL 144. 3630, Il. 2605-8), on 1 Kgs./Sam. 9: 21 ‘numquid non filius Iemini ego sum de minima tribu Israel’: ‘Gemini quippe filius est, qui
negligentes imitatur in cura sui, et in exemplo proximi. Geminus quippe est, quia dum curam sui neglegit, exempla boni operis aliis non inpendit. Qui ergo tales imitatur, filius Gemini dicitur.’ 46 Cf. the Baptist’s words at Matt. 3: 3, Luke 3: 4, John 1: 23 (from Isa. 40: 3-4, cf. Des alliez 21728); contrast Fauvel’s words at Langfors, wv. 1701-4 (~ fr. 146, fo. 15"): ‘La droite voie m’est trop grieve, | Et la torte m’est bonne et brieve; | Ja le droit chemin ne tendrai, | Ne par ly n’yrai ne vendrai.’ 47 John Hyrcanus I, son of Judas Maccabaeus’ brother Simon, is recorded as an effective leader at 1 Macc. 16: 23-4, and at greater length by Josephus, but it was Judas’ father, the priest Mattathias, himself the son ofaJohn son of Simon, who in 167/6 Bc, rebelling against Antiochus IV’s suppression of Jewish worship, ‘zelatus est legem’ and summoned ‘omnis qui zelum habet legis’ to follow him (1 Macc. 2: 26-7). The Maccabees are recalled at Avisemenz 536-43. 52 Cf. the Good Shepherd ofJohn ro: 2. 55-6 Cf. John to: 12-13; Quasi! Trahunt |Ve/Displicebat (p.mus. 21), Qu., esp. 7, 16-17; Orbis /Vos/ Fur (p.mus. 22), Mo. 1-2. Augustine, Jn Loh. 46. 5 (CCSL 36. 400) ‘sunt in ecclesia quidam praepositi de quibus Paulus apostolus dicit [Phil. 2: 21] sua quaerentes non quae lesu Christi’,
quoted in Gi. ord. 57
Cf. Christ’s stilling of the winds, Matt. 8: 26-7; but here the wind is a metaphor for pride:
59 60
Cf. Ps. 93: 22 ‘et factus est Dominus mihi in refugium’. iudex ‘governor’ is standard late Latin, no more than reinforced by the Liber Iudicum.
‘Ventum id est diaboli superbiam stravit’ (G/. ord.).
61-6
Much here recalls Hora rex est.
64 tribuli: MS has oculi, anticipating 65; corrected from Hora rex est 89.
68 I have not found Abraham so described elsewhere; but cf. Ps.-Aug. Quaestiones ex utroque (sc.
testamento) mixtim, PL 35. 2324: ‘Hic eius imago quaedam positus est, ut ad eius similitudinem genus humanum reverteretur ad deum.’ 69 umbra: the darkness that obscures the truth (or Christ, who is truth, 1 John 5: 6); but also the shadow or reflection that has supplanted the substance. seruus: i.e. cervus, cf. Cant. 2: 9,” 17; 8: 14 ‘hinnulo cervorum’, literally ‘a fawn of stags’.”* 7O ” Nicholas: ‘Per hoc designatur velocitas divini descensus ad _ offspring of a stallion and a jenny, and inuleus a fawn; but the confusion is ancient. dandum legem.’ 8 Strictly binnulus is the diminutive of hinnus, ‘hinny’, the
Leofranc Holford-Strevens
274
Instead, Geffroy has ‘stags of fawns’; interchange of cases is a recognized figure,” but this example is extreme. 71 Cf. Eph. 2: 20, 1 Pet. 2: 6 (Christ the cornerstone). that 73 ‘This has had a lasting effect upon Christians.’ Passible qualities are of two kinds: those cause particular sensations (e.g. sweetness, heat); and those that result from a natural or durable
condition, whether physical (e.g. skin-colour) or psychological (e.g. irascibility), as opposed to transient 200N or passiones (e.g. a blush or fit of anger).”
74-5 Lam. 1: 1: ‘Quomodo sedet sola civitas plena populo’, a well-known verse,” regularly applied to the woes of the Church. Paschasius Radbertus comments: “‘Ceterum spiritualiter lacrimosius, quotiens ecclesia culpis exigentibus sponso Christo viduatur, a propheta vel sanctis viris plangitur’ (PL 120. 1064 p; cf. Gl. ord.); cf. Nicholas: “Hic incipit lamentatio casus Hierusalem historice per quam signatur lamentatio casus Hierusalem allegorice que est militans ecclesia’; Desolatal QuelFilios (p.mus. 27), Tr. 1-10 with Dahnk’s comm.; Langfors, vv. 387-90 (~ fr. 146,
fo. 4‘) ‘Bien peut [sc. Eglise] par desolacion | Chanter la lamentacion | De Jeremie le prophete; | Je croi qu’elle fut pour lié fete.’ 76
Acephali are persons not properly subjected to a bishop or a lord; the implications are decidedly unfavourable.”
Tl, Metaplasm is a deliberate deviation from the accidence prescribed by grammarians (auctoritas), being the poetic licence that in ordinary mortals would be called barbarism; cf. the bravura
display of grammatical terms in the motetus of Nulla/Plange/Vergente (p.mus. 9), and note ‘diastola .. . sistola’, Aman novilHeu Fortuna! Heu me, Mo. 2, 5.
79-80 Luke 10: 30 ‘homo quidam descendebat ab Hierusalem in Hiericho et incidebat in latrones, qui etiam despoliaverunt eum et plagis impositis abierunt semivivo relicto’. 81 ergastulo: used of the Jews’ Egyptian bondage (Exod. 6: 6-7) and Jeremiah’s imprisonment, during which he told King Zedekiah ‘in manu regis Babylonis traderis’ (Jer. 37: 15-16). 82-3 Cf. Matt. 24: 12 ‘et quoniam abundabit iniquitas refrigescet caritas multorum.”’ The participles (as often in biblical Latin) are predicative, approximating to the English continuous tenses, not attributive (which would make charity and iniquity the fellow prisoners of right). 84 See above, p. 254.
85 Lam. 2: 13 “magna enim velut mare contritio tua’; ‘contritio est enim gentis illius, vel ecclesiae corruptae aut cadentis animae’ (G/. ord., cf. Paschasius, PL 120. 1130 Cc).
90
Lam. 3: 44 ‘opposuisti nubem tibi ne transeat oratio’; “quod enim praeterita non plangunt et novis peccatis provocant deum quotidie deum delinquendo inexorabilem reddunt (Gl. ord., cf. Paschasius, Pl 120; 197716);
g1 i.e. from God in His sanctuary. 92 Lam. 1: 3 ‘migravit luda propter adflictionem et multitudinem servitutis; habitavit inter gentes nec invenit requiem; omnes persecutores eius adprehenderunt eum inter angustias’; so elsewhere in the Bible of captivity. ” Vergil, Aeneid3. 61 ‘dare classibus austros’; Servius ad loc.
‘hypallage est: nam classes austris damus’. *° See
Aristotle,
Categories
9°27-10°'1I0
on
OAONTIKAI
NOL TNTES (qualitates passibiles Martianus Capella 4. 368); ‘sen-
* Cf. John of Garland’s example of iambic octosyllables: ‘Ve, ve mundo a scandalis, |Ve nobis ut acephalis’, Parisiana poetria, ch. 7, ed. Traugott Lawler (New Haven, 1974), 162, Il. 563-4. * Cf conductus Deduc Syon uberrimas (W, 150°-152" =
sible or passible qualitie’, Robert Burton, The Anatomy ofMelan-
Carmina Burana 34), 15 ‘refrigescit karitas’; Walter of Chatillon,
choly, I. 1. ii. 6 (ed. Thomas C. Faulkner, Nicolas K. Kiessling,
Lieder 12. 1-2 Strecker ‘Frigescente caritatis | in terris igniculo’, Moralisch-satirische Gedichte 5. 12. 4 Strecker ‘quoniam iam caritas refrigescit plurium’; Jacquemart Giélée, Renart le Nouvel 7739 (ed. H. Roussel, Paris, 1961), ‘Et Carités est refroidie’.
and Rhonda L. Blair, i (Oxford, 1989), 150. 6-7).
*' Two participants at the conference observed that it was quoted in Crucifigat omnes 7-8 ‘plena gente | sola sedet civitas’.
The Latin Dits of Geffroy de Paris
275
94-6 ‘Let us no longer be captives like the Jews, whose physical circumcision is superseded by the spiritual circumcision of the Gospel’: Rom. 2: 25-9, cf. John 7: 23: ‘si circumcisionem accipit homo in sabbato ut non solvatur lex Mosi, mihi indignamini quia totum hominem sanum feci in sabbato?’, extended by expositors from healing to salvation. This is the Christian claim to be verus Israel, which at Langfors App., vv. 1700-7 and in the motetus of Condicio/O nacio |Mane (p.mus. 35) mutates into a religious odium perhaps sharpened by the Jews’ readmission to France in 1315. 97 The evangelist John’s emblem is the eagle, which bird was supposed capable of staring into the sun (e.g. Isidore, Etymologiae 12. 7. 11). 100
With
this stanza
cf. Super cathedram |Presidentes/Ruina
(p.mus.
4), esp. Tr. 1-3 ‘Super
cathedram Moysi | latitat sub ypocrisi | grex modernus prelatorum’, Mo. 1-2 ‘Presidentes in thronis seculi | sunt hodie dolus et rapina’, 6 ‘regnat domus rapax et volpina’; Nulla /Plange| Vergente (p.mus. 9), Tr. 16 ‘presidentibus avaris’. Cf. Hora rex est 43. Cf. Hora rex est 97. 103-5 Cf. Matt. 7: 15 ‘adtendite a falsis prophetis qui veniunt ad vos in vestimentis ovium, intrinsecus Io!
102
autem sunt lupi rapaces’; ‘non possunt cognosci ex apparentia exteriori’ (Nic.); note ‘hypocrita’ in v. 5; Scariotis/Iure |Superne (p.mus. 5), Mo. 12-13.
rro-11 Cf. 2 Kgs./Sam. 1: 21 ‘Montes Gelboe, nec ros nec pluviae veniant super vos’; ‘Merito per gelboe superba Iudaeorum corda significantur qui dum in huius mundi desideriis defluunt inuncti id est Christi se morte miscuerunt (G/. ord., from Rabanus Maurus, PL 75. 1099 c); here applied to hard-hearted worldly counsellors. Ii2
quid iuris questio: a legal tag, known even to Chaucer’s Summoner (General Prologue 646),” let
alone to the lawyer John. In principle zus might be understood either of a right or justification claimed by a party,” or of the law to be found by the court;” the present passage supports the latter interpretation. stes in hostio: like Elijah receiving the voice of God (3/1 Kgs. 19: 13); but cf. too Apoc. 3: 20 “Ecce sto ad ostium et pulso.’ 114 prece vel precio: so e.g. Matthew of Vendéme, Milo 57; Walter of Chatillon, Moralisch-satirische Gedichte 4. 26. 3 Strecker; Philip the Chancellor, Mundus a mundicia (= AH xxi, no. 206), st. 6. 1, Walther, index s.v. pretium.” 116-17 Ps. 16: 2 ‘de vultu tuo iudicium meum prodeat’. 113
119
tua virtus et operatio: not simply ‘moral virtue and action’, but a hendiadys for twae virtutis operatio, cf. Eph. 3: 7 ‘cuius factus sum minister secundum donum gratiae dei, quae data est mihi secundum operationem virtutis eius’; Nicholas of Lyra explains ‘in miraculis quibus apostolica
doctrina confirmatur’, cf. 1 Cor. 12: ro ‘operatio virtutum’ = ‘working of miracles’, Eph. 1: 19 (of the Resurrection) ‘secundum operationem potentiae virtutis eius’. consolatrix: MS has consolatum, not used for ‘comfort(er)’. 120 121-3 With this closing prayer cf. Hora rex est 151-2. 84
Cf. L. A. Holford-Strevens, ‘Quid iuris questio, Notes and
86
The genitive iuris may be partitive, as at Justinian, /nstitutes
Queries, 240 (= NS 42) (1995), 164-5. Similarly the moot cases at
1. 10. 1 (from Gaius I. 59) ‘ut etiam dissoluta adoptione idem iuris
the English Inns of Court ended with the question ‘Ceux que droit?’: see The Reports of Sir John Spelman, ed. J. H. Baker, 2 vols. (Selden Society, 93-4; London 1977-8), ii. 133 with n. 6.
si extraneo successistis’. *” Of classical origin: e.g. Horace, Epist. 2. 2. 173 “nunc prece
® eg.
Codex
Justinianus
adversarii si quid iuris habes’.
4. 30.
5 ‘adversus
petitiones
maneat’, or predicative, e.g. Codex 2. 28. 2. 1 ‘Quod iuris est et
nunc pretio’; Ovid, Fasti 2. 806 ‘nec prece nec pretio nec mouet ille minis’.
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ik, Satire, Pictorial Genre, and the Illustrations in BN fr. 146 Ure MARTIN
KAUFFMANN
In the absence of a strong illustrative tradition for the Roman de Fauvel, and in the presence
of unique and extensive textual and musical interpolations to the original text, the illustrations in fr. 146 could not be copied from a single source: they had to be partly invented, and
partly adapted from a variety of other contexts.' The construction of a new pictorial cycle always involved the borrowing and adaptation of models. But in this case, far from indicating a paucity ofinvention, the original context of the borrowing makes a deliberate contribution to the resonance of the image. The effectiveness of the visual satire depends on the audience’s recognition of and participation in these other contexts. Visually, the project relied on the familiarity of the intended spectators with the raw material that is here twisted into new and unfamiliar shapes. Before turning to two main examples, it is worth noting that this principle is perhaps least true of the pictures in the manuscript that depict the author or narrator himself. It is not that some of these ‘author portraits’ do not employ well-known types; rather, it is that the types are not distorted. Thus the miniature of the author kneeling before the Virgin and Child on
fo. 42" (Fig. 13.1) sits squarely in the tradition of devotional and intercessory scenes: compare Jeanne II de Navarre, the daughter of Louis X and Marguerite of Burgundy and the wife of Philip III, king of Navarre, count of Evreux, in a similar position in her Book of Hours (BN
nouy. acq. lat. 3145, fo. 121°; Fig. 13.2).° The final prayer for deliverance is illustrated on fo. 43'
with a picture of the author kneeling before a so-called “Gnadenstuhl’ or ‘Mercy Seat’ Trinity I should like to acknowledge the help I have received from many stimulating papers and discussions, both in the sessions of the Oxford seminar on fr. 146 and at the Paris conference of 1994. The richness of these occasions makes it difficult to single out individuals, but special thanks are due to Margaret Bent,
Elizabeth Brown, Michael Camille, Emma Dillon, Nigel Palmer, Nancy Freeman Regalado, Malcolm Vale, and Andrew Wathey. ' For a description of the manuscripts of the uninterpolated Roman, see Langfors, pp. xi—xxviil.
Z Henry Yates Thompson
(ed.), Thirty-two Miniatures from
the Book of Hours ofJoan II, Queen of Navarre (London, 1899); A
Descriptive Catalogue of the Second Series of Fifty Manuscripts in the Collection of Henry Yates Thompson (London, 1902), 151-83 (description by S. C. Cockerell); B. Donzet and C. Siret (eds.),
Les Fastes du gothique: le sitcle de Charles V (Paris, 1981), no. 265, with further bibliography. Folio 121 is no longer in the manu-
script, and is known only from photographs: it was probably removed during the Second World War. I am most grateful to Patricia Stirnemann for this information.
286
Martin Kauffmann
vin
cl of Soe
Fig. 13.1. Fr. 146, fo. 42” (detail) (Photo: BN)
Fic. 13.2. BN nouv. acq. lat. 3145, fo. 121° (detail) (Photo: Conway Library, Courtauld Institute of Art)
Ooa
Fic. 13.3. Fr. 146, fo. 43° (detail) (Photo: BN)
Fic. 13.4. Paris, Musée Jacquemart-André, MS 1, fo. 104" (detail) (Photo: Conway Library, Courtauld Institute of Art)
Satire, Pictorial Genre, and Illustrations
287
(Fig. 13.3), a relatively new formulation seen in the Hours of Jeanne de Savoie (Paris, Musée
Jacquemart-André, MS 1, fo. 104°; Fig. 13.4); executed probably around 1320 by Jean Pucelle
and others, it is a good example of the repertoire of religious imagery found in the Parisian courtly milieu.” The image in fr. 146 is entirely appropriate to the Trinitarian themes of the surrounding texts.’ Thus the author's credentials, pictorially speaking, are impeccably orthodox.’ What makes the use of models in other contexts more pungently satirical is the way in which one image can participate in or borrow from two or more genres of imagery. ae sporaly Parisians were already accustomed to the mixing of secular and religious genres.
Fauvel Enthroned The first example to be examined here is the miniature of Fauvel enthroned on fo. 1' (Pl. IV).
Perhaps the most immediate visual connection made by this image might have been with Renart, the personification of falsehood, as seen for instance in the miniature from a manuscript of Jacquemart Giélée’s Renart le Nouvel (BN fr. 372, fo. 59'; see above, Fig. 6.2).
Renart, paws splayed, is identified by his attire as half Templar, half Hospitaller, and is worshipped by one member of each order. Amongst the accusations of misconduct directed by Philip the Fair against the Templars in 1308 was that of idol worship.’ The idea of the religious hypocrite whose deceitfulness is hidden by a habit is common to Fauvel, to Renart, and to Faus Semblant in the Roman de la Rose, characters who share an ability to alter their appearance in a moment. Fr. 146 is of course replete with references to Renart, the false counsellor to, and usurper of the throne of, King Noble the lion. Fauvel has the exploits of Renart painted on the walls of his palace, together with monkeys and foxes disguised as boys, false judges, and false counsellors, and scenes of the history of falsehood since the beginning of time: ° Kathleen Morand, Jean Pucelle (Oxford, 1962), cat. no. 12;
° In listing the theatrical tableaux vivants and entertainments
(Paris,
that took place in the streets of Paris during the Pentecost feast
Bibliotheque Nationale, Ms. fr. 2090-2092) (Outstanding Disser-
of 1313, the author of the metrical chronicle in fr. 146 places
tations in the Fine Arts; New York, 1979), 226-31.
scenes from the Life of Christ cheek by jowl with scenes from popular tales such as Renart: Diverrés, vv. 4953-5048; Elizabeth A. R. Brown and Nancy Freeman Regalado, “La grant feste. Philip the Fair’s Celebration of the Knighting ofhis Sons in Paris
Charlotte
Lacaze,
The
‘Vie de St. Denis’ Manuscript
* The motet Firmissime fidem |Adesto, sancta trinitas |Alleluya (p.mus. 124); Invocation to the Trinity (Langfors App., vv. 1661-
798). > The Gnadenstuhl Trinity was potentially suspect, because of the danger that the Spirit might seem to be flying from the Father to the Son, which would offend against the doctrine of the ‘Filioque’ clause. But this type did nevertheless become the standard way of representing the Trinity, and there is no suggestion here of satirical intent. In the context of the hybridity of Fauvel, the representation of the Trinity as three heads sharing a single body—an image type that was criticized for its monstrosity—would have been a more likely signal for satirical play. For such criticism, see Creighton Gilbert, “The Archbishop on the Painters of Florence, 14507, Art Bulletin, 41 (1959), 75-87.
at Pentecost of 1313’, in Barbara A. Hanawalt and Kathryn L.
Reyerson (eds.), City and Spectacle in Medieval Europe (Medieval Studies at Minnesota, 6; Minneapolis, 1994), table 3.2.
7 Malcolm
Barber,
The Trial of the Templars (Cambridge,
1978), 249. * Langfors, pp. Ixxxvi-xcy; G. Ward Fenley, ‘Faus-Semblant, Fauvel and Renart le Contrefait: A Study in Kinship’, Romanic Review, 23 (1932), 323~31; for the visual tradition see Patricia M.
Gathercole, ‘Illustrations of the Roman de Renart: Manuscripts BN fr. 1581 and BN fr. 12584’, Gesta, 10 (1971), 39-44.
288
Martin Kauffmann Dedens estoit paint richement Le dit palaiz et cointement
De synjoz et de renardeaux Contrefaiz, a petis hardeaux, A tricherrez et a bouleurs, A advocas et a plaideurs, A faux jugez, faux conseilleurs,
Faux tesmoings, faux raporteeurs, Faux hosteliers, faux conteeurs,
Faux seigneurs et faux flateeurs; Toute monnoie de baras Y estoit painte a grant haras, Et tout entour y avoit paintez Chancons, lois et baladez maintez, Hogqués, motés et changonnetes,
Qui n’estoient pas d’amouretes, Més de fraudez bien esprouveez, Que mestre Barat ot diteez, La furent eu palaiz signeez, Bien escriptez et bien noteez
Par bemoz et fausses musiques; Aussy y furent les croniques De fausseté, la et en ¢a Puis que le monde commenga, Et de Renart toute I’istoire Y estoit peinte a grant memoire.
Et sachiez ilequez meismez Ot pluseurs dechevans sophimez Et mistions de premerainez En termes, et premisses vainez
Pour engendrer conclusions De mal et de deceptions; Nels d’elenches les cauteles Et les fallaces qui ysneles Sont a toute gent decevoir, Y furent, ce te di de voir. (Langfors, vv. 1333-68)
In passing it is worth stressing the significance of this description. The decoration of royal apartments in this period shared an ethical and exemplarist purpose with, for instance, the writing of national histories, with their moral exhortations to imitate the good and to avoid
the evil. In England, the main constituent of the scheme of decoration of the Painted Chamber of the Palace of Westminster in the time of Henry I[]—in effect, the king’s official
bedroom—was a scene of the coronation of King Edward the Confessor, Henry’s saintly
Satire, Pictorial Genre, and Illustrations
289
predecessor, through whose imagined virtues most of the discourse concerning good government, on the part both ofthe king and of his opponents, was carried on.’ In the splays of the windows opposite this scene were painted female personifications of the royal virtues of Largesce (overcoming Covoitise) and Debonereté (triumphing over Ira).'° In the reign of
Henry's successor Edward I, a frieze-like representation of the events of the Book of
Maccabees was added. In these paintings Judas Maccabaeus was presented as the heroic
example of chivalric kingship. Alongside were depicted the salutary experiences of the bad kings of the Old Testament: the tyrant Antiochus, the idolatrous Sennacherib, the fratricidal Abimelech, and the sacrilegious Nebuchadnezzar.'' The decoration of Fauvel’s palace points to a secular typology according to which Fauvel will emerge as the fulfilment of the treacherous exemplar. Beyond the analogy with Renart, Fauvel, here shown crowned for the first time, is clearly
seen to be occupying the throne of the Kingdom of France. The miniature is related to the standard iconography of kings of France, past and present, and perhaps in particular to their seals—though Fauvel significantly lacks the regalia that confer legitimacy. The throne on
which Fauvel sits is the ‘throne of Dagobert’ restored by Suger at Saint-Denis, and had been depicted on the great seals of the kings of France from the reign of Louis VII onwards.” A familiarity on the part of the creators of fr. 146 with the image on the royal seal can surely be taken for granted, given their activities in the royal chancery.’” It was in the reign of Philip IV that the more kingly lions’ heads were substituted for the long-necked wolf-like creatures on the arms of the throne.'* But if anything, the image of Fauvel is perhaps closest to that on the first great seal of Louis X (Fig. 13.5): the lion heads on the throne point forward, not
sideways, and the inner border surrounding the image is cusped with fleurs-de-lis.'” Given the role of the great seal as an instrument of authentication, as well as a tangible sign of sovereign authority, the visual play upon
it is immediately suggestive of the themes of
deception and the usurpation of legitimate power.
The main theme of the motetus next to the miniature of Fauvel enthroned, O Philippe prelustris francorum (p.mus. 33), is the duties and attributes ofroyal rule, and the value of wise
counsel. Andrew Wathey has explored the changing contexts of this piece in relation to its ” Paul Binski,
The Painted Chamber at Westminster(London,
1986), colour pl. I.
Brown,
‘Persona
et Gesta:
The
Image
and
Deeds
of the
Thirteenth-Century Capetians. The Case of Philip the Fair’,
'° Tbid., colour pl. II.
Viator, 19 (1988), 219-46, at fig. 1; reprinted in ead., The Monar-
"' Tbid. 71-103.
chy of Capetian France and Royal Ceremonial (Collected Studies,
"> Robert-Henri
Bautier,
‘Echanges
d’influences
dans
les
345; Aldershot, 1991), no. V.
chancelleries souveraines du Moyen Age, d’aprés les types des
" Dalas, Les Sceaux, no. 91. Louis used this seal from Apr.
sceaux de majesté’, Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres: Comptes rendus des séances, 1968, 192-220 at 202-12; Brigitte
1315, in advance of his coronation on 3 Aug. that year, but almost five months after his accession. The two features referred to here
Bedos Rezak, ‘Suger and the Symbolism of Royal Power: The Seal of Louis VII’, in Abbot Suger and Saint-Denis: A Symposium,
are already found on Louis's seal as king of Navarre, in use from 1307: Dalas, no. 90. Note also, however, the forward-facing lions’
ed. Paula Lieber Gerson
heads on the throne of Philip IV in one of the miniatures
(New York, 1986), 95-103; Martine
Dalas, Les Sceaux des rois et de régence (Corpus des sceaux francais _ representing the events of the Pentecost feast of 1313 that were added to a manuscript of Raymond of Béziers’s Latin translation du moyen age, 2; Paris, 1991). '3 Bor the evidence of the notarial activities of those involved,
see Andrew Wathey’s contribution to this volume, Ch. 26. '4 Dalas, Les Sceaux des rois, nos. 82 and 85; Elizabeth A. R.
of Kalila et Dimna presented to the king (BN lat. 8504, fo. 1):
Brown, ‘Persona et Gesta’, fig. 12.
290
Martin Kauffmann
Fic. 13.5. Paris, Archives Nationales, D 50 (Photo: Archives Nationales)
appearance as Ludowice prelustris francorum in BN fr. Rea The reference here to Louis IX, St Louis, is at any rate clear. The king is to live his life in the sanctity of his ancestor: “Nunc
accelera te | ut conformis sis principum quorum | nomina sunt laudis approbate!’ In fact, the motets successively honouring Louis X and Philip V on this opening in fr. 146—Se cuers ioians |Rex beatus/Ave (p.mus. 32) and Servant regem/O Philippe|Rex regum (p.mus. 33)— both refer to St Louis. The first four lines of the motetus Rex beatus in the central column of fo. 10° (see PI. III) praise St Louis, who now, it says, reigns in heaven in the company ofsaints; his namesake and descendant, Louis X, should rejoice in his ancestor and follow his example.” In the roman, at any rate, this has not happened, as Chaillou’s added lament at the top
of the same page makes clear: Se li autre a li garde preissent, D’amer Fauvel ne s’entremeissent: Car loiauté et verité Retornassent, Fauvel gité. (Dahnk, vv. 31-4) '© Andrew Wathey, “The Marriage of Edward III and the Transmission of French Motets to England’, JAMS 45 (1992), 129. The motet is also discussed in this volume by Elizabeth A.R.
Brown (Ch. 3) and Emma Dillon (Ch. 9). '” Compare the advice given in the dit Avisemenz pour le Roy
Lays: Storer—Rochedieu, wv. 426-37.
Satire, Pictorial Genre, and Illustrations
291
Thus the dignity of the French royal house and the state of the fictional realm in which Fauvel has usurped the throne are connected. It is necessary at this point to remember the implications, in relation to the image of Fauvel, of the conscious effort on the part of the French monarchy to create a visual image of itself that was bathed in reflected glory from its saintly forebear.'* Louis’s grandson, Philip IV, had actively promoted his cult.'” After the canonization in 1297, Philip wished to translate Louis's remains from Saint-Denis to the Sainte-Chapelle, Louis’s own reliquary for the Crown of Thorns, where the presence of the relics would testify to the holiness with which his sainthood suffused his descendants and the decrees of their judges and officials.” The opposition of the monks of Saint-Denis meant that only part of the skull was eventually removed. The jaw reliquary subsequently commissioned for Saint-Denis showed Philip III and Philip IV on either side, supporting the relics.”' At Poissy, the Dominican nunnery founded by Philip IV at Louis’s birthplace, Philip commissioned statues of Louis and. his wife Marguerite de Provence
(in the north transept) and six of their children (in the
south). The stress on ancestry involved not only Louis [X as an individual but the whole Capetian dynasty. Nothing represented this more clearly than Philip IV’s new palace on the Ile de la Cité.” Expanding on themes taken from the Torneiment Anticrist, Chaillou provides a long panegyric description of Esperance, the noble city in which Fauvel’s palace is situated.”* The
double-gabled structure shown in the miniature on fo. 30° (PI. V), supported by an open gallery, has plausibly been taken to represent the western facade of the Grand-Salle of the palace. This was the hall, used to hold banquets as well as the hearing of petitions, that Philip
filled with a sequence of statues of the kings of France (see above, Fig. 8.4).” The rulers of France could be made to form, with some adjustment, a single hereditary line from the Merovingians to the Capetians. According to the earlier tradition, Hugh Capet and his line had been permitted by God to replace the Carolingians for seven generations; only the return of the Carolingian line through the marriage of Philip Augustus to Charlemagne’s descendant Isabelle of Hainaut had made their continued rule possible. Both in the Grand-Salle, and in the rearrangement in 1306 of the tombs in Saint-Denis (which allowed for Philip’s own
burial next to Louis IX), Philip rejected this dispensation in favour of the idea that Hugh Capet had himself been a descendant of Charlemagne.” Such genealogical realignment is also '* Martin R. Kauffmann, “The Image of St. Louis’, in Anne J. Duggan (ed.), Kings and Kingship in Medieval Europe (King’s College London Medieval Studies, 10; London, 1993),
* Alain Erlande-Brandenburg, ‘La Priorale Saint-Louis de Poissy’, Bulletin Monumental, 129 (1971), 85-112. > For a detailed discussion of the palace, see the contribution
Identity (Studies in Church History, 18; Oxford, 1982), 201-
by Michael Davis to this volume, Ch. 8. *' Langfors App., vv. I-52. ” Uwe Bennert, ‘Art et propagande politique sous Philippe IV le Bel: le cycle des rois de France dans la Grand’salle du Palais
14.
de la Cité, Revue de l'Art, 97 (1992), 46-59.
265-86.
" Elizabeth M. Hallam, ‘Philip the Fair and the Cult of Saint Louis’, in Stuart Mews (ed.), Religion and National
*® Elizabeth A. R. Brown, ‘Philippe le Bel and the Remains of
*® Gabrielle M. Spiegel, “The Reditus Regni ad Stirpem Karoli
Saint Louis’, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, ser. 6, 95 (1980), 175~825
Magni:
reprinted in ead., Monarchy of Capetian France, no. III. *! Michel Félibien, Histoire de labbaye royale de Saint-Denys
74. For the earlier arrangement of the royal tombs at Saint-
A New Look’, French Historical Studies, 7 (1971-2), 145-
en France (Paris, 1706), 540, pl. III C.
in the Reign of St. Louis’, Art Bulletin, 56 (1974), 224-43.
Denis, see Georgia Summers Wright, ‘A Royal Tomb Program
Martin Kauffmann
292
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found in manuscripts at this time: it occurs, for example, in the illustration on fo. 78° of BN lat. 13836 (Fig. 13.6), the chronicle of the deeds of French kings and of the miraculous
intervention of St Denis in the history of the nation, which originally formed the last part of the illustrated Life of St Denis (BN fr. 2090-2) commissioned by Philip IV but eventually presented to Philip V in 1317.” In such a scheme history does not remain trapped in the past; *” Léopold Delisle, ‘Notice sur un recueil historique présenté a
Philippe le Long par Gilles de Pontoise,
Abbé
de Saint-
Denis’, Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliotheque im-
périale, 21/2 (1865), 249-65; Lacaze, The ‘Vie de St. Denis’ Manu-
script, 370-6; Hervé Pinoteau, ‘Les Origines de la maison capétienne’, in Vingt-cing ans d études dynastiques (Paris, 1982), 157.
Satire, Pictorial Genre, and Illustrations
293
it forms a continuum, prophesying, determining, and legitimating the present: ‘il n’est donc pas étonnant. .. que catalogues et genéalogies se soient multipliés dans les temps de crises politiques et de pouvoirs contestés’. In this context it scarcely seems productive to ask whether the image of Fauvel enthroned is a play upon the image of Philip IV, or Louis X, or Philip V. All royal ‘portraits’ were designed to look much the same.’ It was the stability of the image that helped to foster a sense of royal continuity, which the successors to the saint-king Louis IX hoped would enhance their aura. The fact that we do not know whether the inhabitants of the royal galleries of the cathedral facades at Paris, Chartres, Amiens, and Reims represent the kings of the Old Testament or of France may be a politically deliberate confusion.” The kings of France were the inheritors of Pepin and Charlemagne, crusaders, defenders of the papacy and of orthodoxy. The exceptional quality of their faith had been rewarded by God with the fleurde-lis, the holy ampulla, the oriflamme, and the power to touch for the King’s Evil. The political theology of the Capetian dynasty stressed the virtue of the blood, not the person— hence the concern for the purity of the blood, and the extreme reaction to the suggestion of
pollution by adultery.” Philip's reign does, however, represent a new departure in the determination of the king to project his own image, as well as to frame it with the images of his associates and predecessors. Graphic and documentary evidence testifies to the erection of several such statues of the reigning king, though all are now lost. In Notre-Dame de Paris, Philip’s exploits in battle were commemorated by an equestrian statue—though this was later identified as a monument to Philip VI.” A statue of the king at the head of the great stairway
leading to the palace was flanked by another of his chief minister, Enguerran de Marigny, who had overseen the work of construction.” Marigny had also installed a standing statue of Philip in the chateau he built at Mainneville.™ For art historians the interest in the representation of the living, as opposed to the memorialization of the dead, has lain chiefly in its perceived place in the study of individual physiognomy and the emergence of realistic portraiture.” In the context of fr. 146 the interest * Bernard Guenée, ‘Les Généalogies entre lhistoire et la tse la fierté d’étre Capétien, en France, au Moyen Age’, Annales, 33 (1978), 450-77 at 450; see also Gabrielle M. Spiegel,
‘Political Utility in Medieval Historiography: A Sketch’, History and Theory, 14 (1975), 314-25. rs Compare too the ‘montjoies’ or markers erected on the
*' Colette Beaune, The Birth of an Ideology: Myths and Symbols of Nation in Late-Medieval France, trans. Susan Ross Huston | (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1991), 172-92.
© Francoise Baron, ‘Le Cavalier royal de Notre-Dame de Paris et le probleme de la statue équestre au Moyen Age’, Bulletin Monumental, 126 (1968), 141-54.
road between Paris and Saint-Denis at the end ofthe 13th c., each
* Diverrés, vv. 5577-80; Jean Guérout, ‘Le Palais de la Cité &
of which contained three niches filled with generalized representations of French kings in a variety of poses, cumulatively repre-
_ Paris des origines a 1417: essai topographique et archéologique’, —Mémoires de la fedération des sociétés historiques et archéologiques de
senting the continuity of the line: Anne
— Paris et de I'Ile de France, i (1949), 57-2123 2 (1950), 21-204 at 89;
Lombard-Jourdan,
“Montyoies et Montjoie dans la plaine Saint-Denis’, Mémoires dela
3 (1951), 7-101;
federation des sociétés historiques et archéologiques de Paris et de Vile de France, 25 (1974), 141-81. * Johann Georg Prinz von Hohenzollern, Die Kénigsgalerie der franzésischen Kathedrale: Herkunft, Bedeutung, Nachfolge (Munich, 1965); Gerhard Schmidt, ‘Bemerkungen zur Kénigsgalerie der Kathedrale von Reims’, Wiener Jahr buch fiir Runes chichte, 25 (1972), 96-106; Willibald Sauerlander, “Les Statues
Marigny’, Annales de Normandie, 15 (1965), 517-24. * Brown, ‘Persona et Gesta’, fig. 5. ® Roland Recht, ‘Le Portrait et le principe de réalité dans \a sculpture: Philippe le Bel et l'image royale’, in Europdische Kunst um 1300. Akten des XXV. internationalen Kongresses fir Kunstgeschichte, Wien, 4.10. September 1983, vi (Vienna, 1986), 189-201.
royales du transept de Reims’, Revue de l’Art, 27 (1975), 9-30.
Jean
Favier,
“Les Portraits
d’Enguerran
de
294
Martin Kauffmann
lies in the possible responses, both political and theological, to this campaign of royal selfrepresentation. Ironically, one of the articles of Philip’s accusation against Boniface VIII declared that the Pope had encouraged idolatry by erecting representations of himself within churches and outside them.** Vincent de Beauvais, in his De morali principis institutione,
written for Louis IX, warned against rulers setting themselves up to be worshipped in images of wood or stone.” With regard to the pride of royal images, Fortune in fr. 146 recalls the story of Nebuchadnezzar as the exemplum of fallen pride (Langfors, vy. 2355-68). Intoxicated
by earthly glory, he made everyone worship his image. For this he was punished by madness; driven from the society of men, he lived as a beast of the field for seven years before returning
to his senses and honouring God as his Creator (Dan. 4: 28-37). At this point we already know that those who make an idol of Fauvel are reduced to the level of beasts. On fo. 3°, the miniature shows the Creation of Eve on the left; on the right, Fauvel’s ability to make beasts out of men (PI. I). The miniature is preceded by the line adapted from Genesis (1: 26) that God gave man dominion over the beasts. Fauvel is a new idol, along the lines of the Golden
Calf; the Creator’s order has been overturned.” Elizabeth Brown has suggested that some of Philip IV’s concern with distance, familiarity,
presentation, and display may have been derived from the manual on the education of princes and the rule of kings that Philip commissioned, before his accession to the throne, from Giles of Rome.” Giles taught that over-familiarity would breed contempt for the royal dignity, and that the king’s palace should be constructed so as to induce a feeling of awe in
his people. Philip seems to have taken these precepts to heart: in solemn assemblies we are told that his stern and remote public posture was emphasized by his silence; the king’s ministers spoke on his behalf. Bernard Saisset, the Bishop of Pamiers, was alleged to have said of Philip: ‘Item quod non erat homo nec bestia, sed imago. Item quod nihil omnino sciebat nisi respicere homines.””° But the impersonality of the royal image had not succeeded in obscuring the issue of the personal qualities of the ruler. Law, state, economy, and Aristotle had not yet displaced the idea that a ruler must be able to govern himself—must demonstrate his worthiness—if he is to govern others. Giles of Rome exhorted the prince to study the moral sciences, ponder the good customs of the realm, and hear frequently the worthy deeds of his ancestors. The discourse, as seen for instance in the treatise Somme le Roy written in 1279 by the Dominican Frére Laurent for Philip III, and as presented only half-satirically in *° C.
Sommer,
Die
Anklage
der
Idolatrie
gegen
Papst
Bonifaz VIII. und seine Portrdtstatuen (Freiburg, 1920); Nancy
* Jean-Claude Miihlethaler, Fawvel aw pouvoir: lire la satire médiévale (Nouvelle Bibliotheque du Moyen Age,
Rash, “Boniface VIII and Honorific Portraiture: Observations on the Half-Length Image in the Vatican’, Gesta, 26 (1987), 47-
see the contribution of Michael Camille to this volume, Ch.
58.
6.
* Vincentii Belvacensis de Morali principis institutione, ed.
Robert
J. Schneider
(Corpus
Christianorum
26; Paris, 1994), 61-3. For further discussion of this miniature,
* Brown, ‘Persona et Gesta’, 232-3.
Continuatio
“’ The evidence for this and other remarks comes from the
Mediaevalis, 137; Turnhout, 1995), 1. It should be noted, how-
ever, that Vincent’s treatise does not appear to have been widely
dossier compiled to document the charges of treason brought against the bishop: P. Dupuy, Histoire du différend d'entre le pape
disseminated until later in the 14th c.: Robert J. Schneider and Richard H. Rouse, “The Medieval Circulation of the De Morali
653.
Principis Institutione of Vincent of Beauvais’, 189-227.
Viator, 22 (1991),
Boniface VII et Philippe le Bel roy de France (Paris, 1655), preuves,
Satire, Pictorial Genre, and Illustrations
295
Fauvel, is of virtues and vices inhabiting the court. A typical page from one of the earliest extant illustrated manuscripts of the Somme le Roy, dating from the late thirteenth century (BL Add. MS 54180, fo. 91°), illuminated by the distinctive artist who may or may not have been called Master Honoré, shows personifications of the virtues of prudence, temperance, fortitude, and justice (Fig. 13.7)."' In passing we might note that the scene of prudence at a lectern instructing the seated maidens is essentially the same common type of teaching image as that of the author below the miniature of Fauvel enthroned on this page of fr. 146. Thus the promotion of royal hagiography established standards of behaviour against which the present incumbents could be judged and found wanting. Contemporaries were well aware of this danger, and it found eloquent expression in the Life of St Louis prepared by Joinville at the commission of Philip IV’s queen, Jeanne de Navarre, but eventually presented to her son, the future Louis X. Speaking of the canonization, Joinville remarks:
Dont grans joie fu et doit estre 4 tout le royaume de France, et grans honours A toute sa lignie qui a li vourront retraire de bien faire, et grans deshonours 4 touz ceus de son lignaige qui par bones oevres ne le vourront ensuivre; grans deshonours, di-je, 4 son lignaige qui mal voudront faire; car on les mousterra
au doi, et dira l’on que li sains roys dont il sont estrait, feist envis une tel
mauvestié.*”
The action of this double-edged sword is apparent in fr. 146, for instance in the metrical chronicle, which reports a highly rhetorical version of the harangue of the nobles protesting about Philip IV’s failure to pay back the subsidies pledged in aid of the abortive campaign against Flanders.** Here the king is compared unfavourably with his ancestors: St Louis paid for his crusades from his own resources. It was a danger every time the image of St Louis was conjured up.” The danger, in short, is that the new king is perceived to stand in relation to St Louis as Fauvel stands in relation to a good or legitimate king—just as the splendour of the French monarchy is implicitly contrasted with the bestial court of the upstart Fauvel, described at the beginning of Book II of the Roman.” The distinctive posture of Fauvel, with hooves uplifted, is also the signifier of a far more radical usurpation: that of Christ himself. At the Last Judgement Christ raises his arms to
display his wounds; his chest and feet are also exposed. In revealing his body, Christ reveals his true nature; so too does Fauvel. In this posture Christ is often accompanied, as on fo. 113° of the Hours ofJeanne de Savoie (Fig. 13.8), by angels bearing the Instruments of the Passion. ' Eric G. Millar, An Illuminated Manuscript of La Somme le
Roy Attributed to the Parisian Miniaturist Honoré (Roxburghe
A. R. Brown, ‘Reform and Resistance to Royal Authority in Fourteenth-Century France: The Leagues of 1314-1315’, in Parliaments, Estates and Representation, i (London, 1981), 109-37;
Club, 202; Oxford, 1953); but see also Ellen Kosmer, ‘Master Honoré: A Reconsideration of the Documents’, Gesta, 14 (1975),
reprinted in ead., Politics and Institutions in Capetian France
63-8.
(Collected Studies, 350; Aldershot, 1991), no. V. “ For further examples of the rhetorical contrasting of the
© Jean, sire de Joinville, Histoire de Saint Louis, Credo et Lettre a Louis X, ed. Natalis de Wailly (2nd edn., Paris, 1874), 408.
* ‘Roys, que tu regnes
maintenant,
| Tu
te doiz aler
maintenant, | Si comme tes ancessors firent | Qui de lor royaume riens ne prirent | Ne ne tolirent, ne haperent, | Mes du lor largement
donnerent’
(Diverrés,
vv.
6571-6).
For the noble
leagues, of which Joinville was a leading member, see Elizabeth
deeds of St Louis with current abuses, see Andrew
W. Lewis,
Royal Succession in Capetian France; Studies on Familial Order and the State (Harvard Mass., 1981), 13475. * Roesner et al. 26.
Historical Studies, 100; Cambridge,
Martin Kauffmann
296 |
andere,
& atrhipice Ap
Fic. 133.7. London, British Library, Add. MS 54180, fo. 91° (Photo: Conway Library,
Courtauld Institute of Art)
It is in this garb that he comes to judge the world at the end of time. At his feet, the dead arise out of their tombs: some of them hail and beseech their saviour. This picture of Christ was also to be seen in monumental form—on Last Judgement tympana at Saint-Denis, at Chartres, at Notre-Dame de Paris, and at Reims.”° The apocalyptic mood in Fauvelis present from the beginning. The Church sunk in heresy and sin; the oppression of the poor by secular lords; the enslavement of France: all herald the end of the world. In rejecting Fauvel’s suit, Fortune denounces him as the harbinger of “© Willibald Sauerlinder and Max Hirmer, Gothic Sculpturein France 1140-1270 (English edn., London, 1972), figs. 1 (Saint-
— sept, centre doorway); 147 (Notre-Dame de Paris, west portal, centre doorway); and 236 (Reims, north transept, ‘Judgement
Denis, west portal, centre doorway); 108 (Chartres, south tran-
_ portal’).
Satire, Pictorial Genre, and Illustrations
297
Fic. 13.8. Paris, Musée Jacquemart-
André, MS 1, fo. 113” (Photo:
Conway Library, Courtauld Institute of Art)
Ms
Ua
fz %
Le4
Antichrist: “Tu es d’Antecrist le courrier, |Son mesagier et son fourrier.” Furthermore, the
motet on this page is strongly apocalyptic in tone. The tenor carries the text “Rex regum et dominus dominantium’
from the Book of Revelation (19: 16). The triplum text, Servant
regem, extols the throne as the true seat of justice, inimical to false judgement; the king must live justly, because tomorrow he may die and himself be judged. But the occupant of the
throne in the image is the incarnation of hypocrisy and injustice—Antichrist himself. ah Langfors, vv. 3109-10. This is another aspect of the rela-
34. For a full discussion of the Apocalyptic themes in Fortune’s
tionship of Fauvel to Faus Semblant: R. K. Emmerson and R. B. _ speech, see the contribution by Nigel Palmer to this volume, Ch. Herzman, ‘The Apocalyptic Age of Hypocrisy: Faus Semblant 18. and Amant in the Roman de la Rose’, Speculum, 62 (1987), 612-
298
Martin Kauffmann
Fic. 13.9. (top lefi) Fr. 146, fo. 26° (detail) (Photo: BN)
Fic. 13.10. (top right) BN fr. 2615, fo. 72” (detail) (Photo: BN)
Fic. 133.11. (deft) Malibu, California, J. Paul Getty Museum, 83.ML.99 (MS Ludwig IX.3), fo. 23° (detail) (Photo: J. Paul Getty Museum)
The juxtaposition with the scene of orthodox teaching suggests that only those who attend to the lesson will see the beast for what he really is.” The miniature of Fauvel enthroned is not the only one in this manuscript to play with royal imagery. The scene on fo. 26' of Fauvel being hailed by the Vices (Fig. 13.9) may be compared with the standard depiction of a coronation: compare for instance the miniature of the coronation of Pepin from a manuscript of the Grandes Chroniques de France in whose production the Fauvel Master may have been involved (BN fr. 2615, fo. 72°; Fig. 13.10).” * At the beginning of Book II the reader is told ‘De fauvel cognoistre listoire | Et bien retenir en memoire | Car ilest de tout mal figure’ (Langfors, vv. 1231-3).
® Anne D. Hedeman,
The Royal Image: Illustrations of the
‘Grandes Chroniques de France’, 1274-1422 (California Studies in the History of Art, 28; Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1991), 30-5, PATHS.
Satire, Pictorial Genre, and Illustrations
299
There may also be a reference to the moment in the coronation ceremony when the peers support the crown of the monarch in a gesture symbolizing their loyalty to the crown: in the scene from a later manuscript ofthe Grandes Chroniques (BN fr. 2813, fo. 439"), both the King (Charles V) and the Queen (Jeanne de Bourbon) have the weight of their office supported in this way.” It is tempting to see in this mock ceremonial a reference to a different mocking,
that of Christ, whose tormentors hail him as the King of the Jews—seen for instance in the initial on fo. 23' of the so-called Ruskin Hours, produced in north-east France in the first quarter of the century (Fig. 13.11).”' In fr. 146, the usurper is hailed as king, though his claim is false; in the Christological parallel, the true king is mocked for his claim to be king—a claim, ironically, that he has not actually made. However, this scene was not as commonplace as that of the coronation, nor was its iconography as standardized; so it is less easy to be certain of an immediate visual recognition on the part of the viewer.”
The Fountain of Youth The other main example to be examined here is the illustration of the Fountain of Youth on
fo. 42° (Fig. 13.12). Four bearded old men enter the picture on the right. In the centre, where eight beardless youths, the offspring of Fauvel and Vaine Gloire, are shown bathing in a twotiered fountain, the transformation has already taken place. On the left, the rejuvenated figures emerge
from the fountain and put on their clothes. These are the ‘Fauveaux
nouveaux’, who go off to infest the garden of France. The prophecy of the motet found on this opening of the manuscript, 77ibum que non abhorruit!Quoniam secta latronum|Merito (p.mus. 120), concerning the ultimate destruction of the tribe and its leader by Fortune, finds no echo in the picture.”
It is in images of baptism that the closest religious parallels to the fountain in Fauvel are to be found, such as the scene on fo. 109" of the Hours of Jeanne de Savoie (Fig. 13.13). As the
water is poured over the heads of the converted, they are infused with the Holy Spirit, shown as the dove descending from heaven. In the Fauvel fountain, however, the bathers are infused
not with the Holy Spirit but with the ‘ordure’ that pours from the mouths of the gargoyles. On the one hand, cleansed of their sins in the waters of redemption, those born again to a new beginning in eternal life; on the other, the rejuvenated children of falsehood, set to
trample the flowers of Faith, Peace, and Justice that bloom in the Garden of France, until ® Ibid., pl. 4; pp. 95-133, 244-8.
» Joseph Morin points out that the outline of the miniature
*! Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum, MS Ludwig 1X.3: Anton von Euw and Joachim M. Plotzek, Die Handschrifien der
must have been determined before the lyric texts were copied, since the surrounding music, especially the end of the motetus
Sammlung Ludwig, ii (Cologne, 1982), 74-83, pl. 23-42.
voice, conforms
* For details of the iconographical tradition, see M. Lurz, Die Verspottung Christi des Mathis Gothard Nithart gen. Griinewald: Tkonographie der Verspottung Christi unter besonderer Beriick-
sichtigung des Werkes Griinewalds und seiner Beziehung zu den vorhandenen
Kopien
(Dissertationen
Cologne and Vienna, 1979).
zur
Kunstgeschichte,
9;
Morin,
“The
to the shape of the canopy: Joseph Charles
Genesis
of Manuscript
Paris,
Bibliotheque
— Nationale, Fonds Frangais 146, with Particular Emphasis on the Roman de Fauvel’ (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1992), 98-
101.
Martin Kauffmann
300
stim
BiG. 13:12. (F t.a46, fos 425 (detail) (Photo: BN)
they are finally destroyed. Literally wedged above the miniature is the verse referring to the degenerate baptism.” As Emma Dillon has pointed out, this chant—‘Hic fons | Hic devius | aqua degenerans | unda damnificans’—is a perversion of a chant from the blessing of new water during the Easter vigil, the time of renewal of baptismal promises—'Sit fons | Sit fons vivus | aqua regenerans | unda purificans.”” Contemporary pictures of the baptism of Christ himself, such as the miniature on fo. 93' of the Hours ofJeanne de Savoie, look very different:
the relationship is with scenes of the baptism of his followers, which is clearly more appropriate to the context in fr. 146.
The fusion in the sacrament of baptism of the ideas of death and rebirth underlie the symbolic content of the depiction of the Fountain of Life that appears in some Gospel manuscripts, and which formed one of the oldest Christian religious symbols.” The fusion is that of Rom. 6: 3-4: ‘Know ye not, that so many of us as were baptized into Jesus Christ were baptized into his death? Therefore we are buried with him by baptism into death: that 54
:
ge
te
;
Morin argues that this is a late entry, since the staves are 3
mole
.
°
drawn free-hand, the painted initial differs from those found in the Fauvel section of the manuscript, and the incipit is absent from the index at the beginning: ibid. 98-101.
55 56
:
:
See her contribution above, Ch. 9. ‘
f
aire
:
Paul A. Underwood, “The Fountain of Life in Manuscripts
of the Gospels’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 5 (1950), 41-138.
Satire, Pictorial Genre, and Illustrations
301
ua prrerect filio ep
Fig. 13.13. Paris, Musée
Jacquemart-André, MS 1, fo. 109" (Photo: Conway Library, Courtauld Institute of Art)
like as Christ was raised up from the dead by the glory of the Father, even so we also should walk in newness of life.’ The architectural structure of the Fountain in the depictions produced in the circle of the Carolingian court, such as the one on fo. 6° of the Gospels of Saint-Médard of Soissons (BN lat. 8850),” refer to the Lateran Baptistery in Rome, where
Constantine himself was supposed to have been baptized, and where Charlemagne’s son Pippin was baptized by Pope Hadrian I. In fact fr. 146 here indulges in a quite sophisticated
satirical play on the theology of baptism. Typologically speaking, the water of baptism that ” Ibid., fig. 26.
302
Martin Kauffmann
#
a 4
Fic. 3.14. Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, 71.170 (Photo: Walters Art Gallery)
issues from the wound of Christ, which is collected by Ecclesia and distributed through the world by the Four Gospels, is the ‘fons’ of Gen. 2: 6, which went up from the earth ‘and watered the whole face of the ground’. This so-called paradise fountain was identified as the source of the river that waters the Garden of Eden in v. 10. Conversely, the ‘douce jardin’ of France, a very Eden, is polluted by the offspring of Fauvel who have been baptized, rescued from old age and death to youth and new life, in the Fountain. There is another sort of imagery, however, to which this scene is also related. At precisely
this period, the Fountain of Youth is found on luxury objects, where it plays a significant part in the visual culture of courtly romance: for instance, on the ivory cover of a mirror (Fig. 13.14)—the emblem of vanity par excellence.” The old and lame either hobble or are carried
by cart or piggyback to a garden, to regain their youthful appearance in the Fountain. Once rejuvenated, they enter the castle or city gate, and demonstrate
that together with their
youthful looks they have recovered youth’s passions. The Fountain of Youth also appears on a series of finely carved Parisian caskets designed to hold jewellery or other precious objects, of which several examples still survive. They all *® Raymond Koechlin, Les Ivoires gothiques francais, 3 vols. (Paris, 1924), no. 1067; Richard H. Randall, Jr. (ed.), Masterpieces of lvory from the Walters Art Gallery (New York, 1985), no. 323.
Satire, Pictorial Genre, and Illustrations
303
exhibit carved panels concerned with the themes of love, youth, and marital fidelity, and may have been made as wedding gifts. The inclusion of the Fountain of Youth in this repertoire was due to its presence in the literary tradition of the Alexander romance.” An example, also from the Walters Art Gallery in Baltimore, shows the typical range of scenes (Fig. 13.15). The Fountain, the construction of which is similar to that shown in fr. 146, shares the panel with two other scenes: Alexander being warned by Aristotle to beware of his lady-love, and Aristotle’s own humiliation as, motivated by his senile infatuation, he allows himself to be ridden on all fours by Phyllis round an orchard. The back of the casket depicts scenes from the romance of the Grail;°’ whilst on the ends, Galahad receives the keys to the Castle of Maidens, and the love of Tristram for Queen Iseult is contrasted with the hunt of the unicorn.
On the lid of the casket is a tournament between knights, watched from a balcony by both men and women (Fig. 13.16). On each side of this tournament the sport is mocked in scenes that suggest the battle of the sexes. On the left, the Castle of Love is besieged by men, their
catapults loaded with roses, while the young ladies, assisted by the God of Love, defend their honour by tossing roses on to the attackers. On the right, a lady and a knight tilt with branches of flowers. Courtship is not merely allegorized in these luxury objects: sometimes the ivories depict a whole series of scenes of lovers in conversation, analogous to the sequence of scenes of Fauvel’s wooing of Fortune.” Thus the Fountain of Youth in fr. 146 acts
simultaneously as a parody of the baptismal ritual and as the climax to the mock-courtly sequence of courtship, wedding feast, and tournament. In visual as much as in literary allegory, the language of courtly ritual was
assimilated to religious models.
It was
the
pervasive familiarity of sacred representation that opened the way for artists—the same artists, working for the same public—to enjoy the play upon it.’ And thus it is possible in fr. 146 for the images to play simultaneously upon the visual cultures of devotional and courtly experience. Courtly love, after all, is a kind of worship. The God of Love petitioned by Fauvel on fo. 2867s" was also a stock character from these intimate objects of conspicuous consumption. And when one looks at the deification of desire as he is portrayed on another mirror case (Fig. 13.17)°'—crowned, cross-legged (as Fauvel appears when he sings of love on fo. 26’), seated on the lion-headed throne, his hands raised to hold his arrows that he presents to his subjects—we can perhaps see yet another analogy with the image of Fauvel enthroned. Even in the pose of his majesty, it appears, Fauvel is marked out visually as the bestial subverter, not only of royal and Christological dignity, but of the religion of love as well. In focusing on the richness of these images in fr. 146, this chapter has begged the question * 1D. J. A. Ross, ‘Allegory and Romance on a Mediaeval _ bridge, Gawain on the perilous bed, and the three maidens at the Chateau Merveil. French Marriage Casket’, Journal of theWarburg and Courtauld * Koechlin, [voires, nos. 1005, 1006, 1007, 1014. Institutes, 11 (1948), 112-42. I benefited greatly from the advice on
this subject that I received from the late Margaret Gibson. ® Koechlin, Jvoires, no. 1281; Randall, Masterpieces of Ivory, no. 324. °' Gawain fighting the lion, Lancelot crossing the sword
** Michael Camille,
The Gothic Idol: Ideology and Image-
|Making in Medieval Art (Cambridge, 1989), 298-316. Paris, Musée de Cluny: Koechlin, Jvoires, no. 1077.
304
Martin Kauffmann
Fic. 13.16. Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, 71.264 (top) (Photo: Walters Art Gallery)
of the identity of the inventor or inventors of the polyvalent iconography. It is clear that whoever devised these compositions was alert not only to the genres of contemporary artistic practice but also to the subtlety of textual interplay. But this is not true of all the miniatures. Artistically speaking, what is disconcerting in this manuscript is to find scenes of great subtlety, wholly in tune with the resonances of the textual and musical contents—such as
Satire, Pictorial Genre, and Illustrations
305
Fig. 13.17. Paris, Musée National du Moyen Age/Thermes de Cluny, cl. 403 (Photo: Réunion des Musées Nationaux)
those discussed here, or the charivari scenes—together with miniatures in which little is made of the suggestiveness of the text. Into this category fall the repetitive and largely uninventive depictions of Fortune: at no stage does the artist make use of the text’s descriptions of
Fortune’s wheels to vary the diet.” One possible explanation for this juxtaposition of miniatures of greater and lesser sophistication—in the absence of wide divergences of style,
which might suggest the participation of several artists of widely differing abilities—is that the artist was not in fact responsible for devising the compositions at all. In those cases where the artist worked together with someone closely involved in the construction of the manuscript as a whole, scenes of variety and subtlety resulted. In other cases, when the artist received no advice from such an “‘iconographer’, the level of invention is at a markedly lower level. The fact that very few of the other manuscripts attributed to the Fauvel Master exhibit scenes of the depth and complexity of those discussed in this paper would tend to support the idea that he was not—or at least, not solely—responsible for their composition.” ® For instance, Langfors, wv. 2689-774. See also Fig. 2.1. 6 For a full discussion of the artistic orbit of the Fauvel
master, see the contribution of Alison Stones to this volume, Ch. 23.
|
_
ee
:
,
|
a
;
!
rea S
>
7 -
A 7
aga
*) 48 wi)
Te
Sra
hee
a
ed 7
A ranges nite ae irehens
:
Gre
ihn 2
j iby SAE i
‘egy *
Fa
s ablewie
viele eahaeel Be | (a
vigtas®) 9 mag ‘ Ai waaee iw as Robert-Henri
Bautier,
‘Le Personnel
de la chancellerie
royale sous les derniers capétiens’, Prosopographie et genese de Etat moderne. Actes de la Table ronde organisée par le C.N.R.S. et TE.N.S.J.F. Paris 1984, éd. Fr. Autrand (Collection de PE.N.S.J.F., 30; Paris, 1986), 91-115. André Lapeyre et Rémy Scheurer, Les Notaires et secrétaires du roi sous les regnes de Louis XT, Charles VIII et Louis XII (1461-1515) (Paris, 1978).
Elisabeth Lalou
308
ainsi l’ordonnance du 23 janvier 1286 dresse une liste de dix notaires.° Une nouvelle ordonnance en 1291 en énumére treize: trois ‘clercs de sanc’, deux ‘a Paris pour les registres et le Parlement’, six ‘avec le Chancelier’, deux ‘du Conseil aus Parlemens’.’ II est donc fort
intéressant de voir apparaitre dés 1291 une spécialisation chez ces notaires: certains (six) sont
bien 2 la chancellerie, ‘avec le Chancelier’, comme les comptes de |’Hétel le confirment par
ailleurs, mais d’autres sont auprés du Parlement, pour les registres ou bien comme clercs de sang (ils sont alors laics et ont la signature des lettres de sang dans les affaires criminelles) ou bien encore ‘du Conseil aus Parlemens’. [ls ne sont encore pourtant qu’en assez petit nombre.” En juillet 1316 et en décembre 1316, d’aprés le réle du Parlement, ils sont 27 et ont pris le titre de ‘secrétaires’, titre d’abord apparu
sous la forme originelle de ‘clers du secré’.’ Leur nombre croit ensuite rapidement: 12 en 1293,
14 en 1296, 19 en 1298, 27 en 1316, puis dés décembre 1316, 33 et en 1343 98. En fait sous Philippe le Bel, les notaires étaient environ 25, en comptant les clercs plus ou moins rattachés
4 la cour, comme notaires, parfois de fagon temporaire, notaire de tel ou tel seigneur prétant par exemple son aide, en cas de besoin, les ‘apprentis notaires’, jeunes clercs entrant seulement a la cour. Donc une bonne partie des notaires est auprés du Parlement, dépendant plus étroitement du Président de cette chambre nouvelle.” Huit notaires s’ils sont 4 Paris et sils ne sont députés a certains offices, doivent venir tous les jours aux requétes. Ils rédigent les lettres des requétes, avant que celles-ci, remises au maitre des requétes ou au maitre de la GrandChambre, soient revétues du signet que porte |’un d’entre eux, avant d’étre envoyées au Chancelier pour étre scellées. ° AN, JJ 57, ‘Nicolas de Chartres, Robert de la Marche,
chascuns a 2 provendes d’aveine, 12 d. de gaiges, 1 valet a gaiges et I mengant a court et forge et chandelle. Geoffroy Gorjut,
comme Guillaume d’Arcuel et li autre qui sont avques eus.’ “Maistre Jehan Bequet,
maistre Robert
de Senlis, sont du
Conseil aus Parlemens et ne prenront riens a court.’
Jehan de Dijon, cil dui ensemble auront 3 chevaus et 18 d. par
* Les notaires sont cités aussi dans les comptes de |’Hétel,
jour et 4 provendes d’aveine et 2 valés mengant a court et I a gaiges, et forge et chandele aussi comme li dui devant. Maistre
tout au moins les notaires qui sont avec le chancelier, en 1302-3
Jehan Bequet, Guilaume
d’Arcuis, ausi comme
li dui devant.
Pierre Reue, Guillaume de Nogent, ausy. Jehan Maillart, Jehan le Picart, ausy.’
et 1303-4. ” ‘JJ 57, éd. Paul Lehugeur, Histoire de Philippe le Long roi de France (1316-1322): Le mécanisme du gouvernement (Paris, 18971931; rééd. 1975), 209. Pierre de Bourges, Geoffroy Chalop, Amis
” AN, JJ 57. 1291: ‘Li archediacres de Flandres qui porte le seel
d’Orléans, Pierre de Prunay, Gilles de Remy, Regnaut et Pierre
aura 6 s. de gaiges par jour, quant il sera a Paris, il aura 20 s. pour toutes choses et forge et mengera en son hostel’.
Crépy, Pierre Barrier, Jean de Belleymont, Gui Cointet, Jacques
“Maistre Guillaume de Crespy, 32 d. et 3 provendes d’aveine, ses manteaus, chandele et forge si comme |’en a acoustumé; et quant il sera a Paris, 6 s. par jour et forge et mengera en son hostel.’ ‘Guillaume d’Erquoil, Guillaume de Nongent, Jehan le Picart
comme clere de sanc, iront avec le roy et aura chascuns 12 d. de gaiges, 2 provendes d’aveine, 1 valet mengant a court et a gaiges, forge, chandele si comme il est acoustumé; et quant il seront a
Paris, il auront 6 s. pour toutes choses.’ ‘Nicolas de Chartres, Robert de la Marche, seront a Paris pour les registres et le Parlement et auront chascuns 6 s. par jour et leur restor de chevaus.’ ‘Gieffroy Le Gorjut, Jehan Clersens, Jehan de Dyjon, maistre P. de Bourges, Nichole de Loncpré, Richart de Montdidier, seront avec le chancelier et auront autiex gaiges a court et dehors
d’Aubigny, Jean Maillart, Raoul de Préaux (Perellis), Jean de de Jasseines,
Raoul
de Joué,
Thomas
de Rains,
Jean
de
Barneville, Pierre Fabre, Gervais du Bus, Guerin de Tilliéres,
Guillaume de Fourqueus, Rally (ou Rely, Relicus), Jacques de Vertus, Pierre de Beaune, Geoffroy de Ruffi (ou Roissy), mestre Beatus, Jean du Temple, Symon Mordret, Pierre Tesson, Felis
(Colombier), Etienne de Gien, Jean d’Aubigny, Regnaut Parquier. Dans BN, Coll. Clairambault 754, huit autres: Pierre de
Fretes, Jean d’Acy, Alain d’Avril, P. Baqueler, Jean de L’H6pital, Herbert de Congy, Colart, Guill. de Ry. '’ D’aprés Lehugeur, sont occupés en Parlement sous Philippe V, Jacques de Jasseines, Raoul de Joué, Jean de Barneville, Regnaut Parquier, Symon Mordret,
Pierre de Frétes, Jean d’Acy, Jean d’Aubigny, Moulins, Juliot de Cluny.
Pierre Tesson,
Regnaut de
La Chancellerie royale
309
Sous Philippe le Bel, Pierre de Bourges est greffier du Parlement (les Olim sont son ceuvre); Geottroy Chalop lui succéde apres avoir été son adjoint.'' Pierre Barrier rédige une partie des lettres du chancelier, de méme que Gorjut; le clere de sang est Jean du Temple qui expédie la plupart des lettres au criminel. Pierre de Gien, qui signe ‘Giem’, d’abord son adjoint, lui succede. Trois notaires sous Philippe le Bel sont affectés aux gens des comptes. Une autre partie enfin est sous les ordres du chancelier, qui ne porte que le titre de ‘garde du sceau’, depuis que Philippe Auguste a estimé le titre de ‘chancelier’ trop dangereux 4 cause du pouvoir qu’il représentait et laissé la chancellerie vacante aprés la mort de Hugues du Puiset en 1185. Les notaires sont donc sous les ordres de ces personnages qui ont joué un si grand réle durant le régne de Philippe le Bel: entre autres Pierre Flote (garde du sceau de juillet 1301 4 sa mort le 11 juillet 1302 4 Courtrai) et Guillaume de Nogaret (garde du sceau du 22 septembre 1307 4 sa mort le 1 avril 1313).'° Le régne de Louis X le Hutin voit réapparaitre le terme de
‘chancelier’, Etienne de Mornay gardant le titre de ‘chancelier’ qu’il portait quand il était sous les oe du roi de Navarre, de la méme fagon que Pierre d’Arrablay sous Philippe V peu apres. ~ La tache premiére des notaires est de préparer les actes royaux, en vue de leur expédition. Les lettres sont commandées par ‘ceux qui ont droit de commander letres’. A la chancellerie avec eux se trouve le clerc de |’audience (‘cil qui rent les lettres’), le futur ‘audiencier’ et le
contréleur de la chancellerie qui participent 4 l’audience du sceau. Une certaine spécialisation des notaires s’esquisse donc a partir de la fin du régne mais cela n’empéche pas qu’ils puissent recevoir encore telle ou telle mission selon la volonté ou le besoin du roi. Il me semble important de souligner les modifications de statut qu’ont connu ces notaires: non pas tant de leur statut social que de leur travail méme. Le régne de Philippe le Bel est le moment en effet de la mise en place des institutions, du Parlement, de la chambre des comptes, du Conseil, méme si la rédaction des ordonnances qui définissent les institutions n’aura lieu que sous Philippe V le Long seulement.'* Sous Philippe le Bel, déja, les procédures de gouvernement sont profondément modifies. Les historiens ont polémiqué pour déterminer quelle part Philippe le Bel prenait dans le gouvernement du royaume. La chronique de Geffroy de Paris contenue dans le manuscrit fr. 146 accuse les mauvais conseillers et Fauvel est le modéle de l’officier du roi nouvellement
apparu. L’événement va plus loin qu’une simple polémique d’historiens. En fait, on passe au '' D’aprés Lehugeur, un ‘Godefredus’ fait effacer en 13319 un
maitre sur le réle du Parlement. Ce serait Geoftroy Chalop. ' Abraham
Tessereau,
Histoire chronologique de la grande
chancellerie de France (1710), p. 9. Liste des gardes du sceau: Pierre Chalon (1282-10 juillet 1290, évéque de Senlis en avril 1290), Jean de Vassogne (juillet 1290—fin 1292, évéque de Tournai en 1292), Guillaume de Crépy (début 1293, appelé ‘chancelier’ par des ambassadeurs le 10 avril 1293-1298), Thibaut de Pouancé,
évéque de Dol, garde du sceau temporaire du printemps 1296 a fin 1297 et d’octobre 1298 a aotit 1301, Pierre Flote (juillet 1430111 juillet 1302), Etienne de Suzy (1302~avril 1306, cardinal le 15
_—_déc. 1305), Pierre de Belleperche (octobre 1306—fin 1307, évéque d’Auxerre le 27 aotit 1306), G. de Nogaret (22 sept. 1307-01 avril
13313), Gilles Aycelin (temporairement
lors des absences
de
Nogaret), Pierre de Latilly (26 avril 1313-déc. 1314), Etienne de Mornay (1° jany. 1315-1316; doyen de Saint-Martin de Tours, 131 aoiit 1332), Pierre d’Arrablay (22 juillet 1316—fin 1316, cardinal de Sainte-Suzanne, évéque de Porto), Pierre de Chappes (1316-20),
Jean Cherchemont (1320-8, $25 oct. 1328). oe Georges Tessier, Diplomatique royale francaise (Paris, 1962), 124 1 A Lehugeur, Histoire de Philippe le Long.
310
Elisabeth Lalou
début du régne de Philippe le Bel d’un roi qui est supposé tout connaitre des affaires de l'Etat A un gouvernement de |’Etat par un groupe de grands commis. Voici de quoi provoquer Pécriture du Roman de Fauvel. L’Itinéraire royal livre le détail de cet événement.”’ En effet, le roi voyage sans cesse. II se
déplace de résidence en résidence. A l’origine, Parlement, Conseil, Chambre des comptes ont lieu 1a ou se trouve le roi. Le chancelier suit le roi avec les conseillers. Peu a peu, le Parlement,
les sessions de la chambre des comptes ont lieu dans des endroits d’ot le roi est absent.'° Le roi ne vient bientét plus apparemment qu’aux sessions de cléture. Tout se passe comme si les techniciens réglaient les affaires qui ne posent pas de probléme et ne soumettaient au roi, lors des derniers jours du Parlement, que les affaires litigieuses ou posant probleme. En ce qui concerne le Conseil, cest un peu différent. Mais a la fin du reégne, le gouvernement fonctionne quasiment comme avec un conseil des ministres. Un groupe de techniciens prépare les affaires et les conseillers présentaient leurs dossiers.'’ Le roi, apres les avoir écoutés, devait donner son avis et la décision finale, dans des cas difficiles, revenait au
roi. Mais celui-ci s’appuyait de plus en plus sur ce groupe de ‘grands commis de l’Etat’. Dans quelques cas, il refusait de prendre la décision, en tout cas d’entendre les ambassadeurs en labsence du ‘ministre’ chargé du dossier." Lors des assemblées de 1303, contre Boniface VII, ou encore en 1314, le roi laisse méme
parler ses conseillers et son attitude en ces occasions et lorsqu’il recevait des ambassadeurs avait motivé la réflexion de Bernard Saisset: “Notre roi ressemble au grand duc, le plus beau
des oiseaux, mais qui ne vaut rien. II ne sait que regarder fixement les gens sans parler.” Tout ceci devait apparaitre comme une nouveauté insupportable aux yeux des contemporains. Le roi de France, petit-fils de saint Louis (canonisé en 1297, par la volonté de Philippe le Bel), sacré 4 Reims, et possédant de ce fait des pouvoirs conférés par Dieu, donnait
Pimpression d’abandonner son pouvoir a d’autres. C’était en soi un scandale. Scandale dont se font l’écho le Roman de Fauvel ou les dits de Geffroy de Paris. Ceux qui étaient le plus conscients de la situation étaient les hommes du roi. Ils savaient au plus prés comment les choses se passaient. II est donc logique qu’ils aient cherché par la satire 4 exprimer leur mécontentement, tout en s’adressant au nouveau roi, en lui présentant des conseils, en chantant, pour adoucir le propos. Les changements fondamentaux de |’Etat fournissaient la base de la satire. A la fin du régne, s'y ajoutérent des ‘affaires’ dirait-on aujourd’hui: la suppression du Temple, |’affaire des brus du roi, la Flandre et lost levé pour rien... et la place prise par Enguerran de Marigny. L’enrichissement de Marigny n’a rien de trés neuf. Comme d’autres favoris, il profite de sa
situation pour faire fortune. D’autres avant lui en ont fait autant. D’autres aprés lui payent
" LTtinéraire de Philippe IV le Belest en préparation par moi- _ intacts certains de ces dossiers, préparés par exemple, par Nogaret méme sous la direction de Robert-Henri Bautier. ou Miles de Noyers. Cf. H. Jassemin, “Les Papiers de Miles de ’ E. Lalou, “Vincennes dans les itinéraires de Philippe le Bel |Noyers’, Bulletin philologique et historique (1918), 173-233.
et de ses 3 fils (1285-1328)’, dans Vincennes aux origines de ’Etat
moderne, actes du colloque de juin 1994 (Paris, 1996), 191-213. 17
>
:
nm
y*
A
Ce mot n’est d’ailleurs pas du tout faux, méme s'il apparait
comme
un
peu
anachronique,
puisque
nous
avons
conservé
ie Joseph R. Strayer, The Reign of Philip the Fair (Princeton,
1980). ¢
2 Jean Favier, Philippe le Bel (Paris, 1978), 3.
La Chancellerie royale
311
de leur vie leur situation. Ce qui en revanche est trés nouveau est la situation de Marigny. Avant lui, Pierre de la Brosse est un ‘favori’ du roi, seulement un favori. D’autres suivront
plus tard. i est presque logique que les favoris, que ceux qu’on appellera plus tard les mignons, "tirent des avantages de l’amitié qu’ils manifestent au souverain. Les favorites elles aussi s’enrichissent et récupérent chateaux et terres. Mais ce qui est nouveau avec Marigny est l'apparition du ‘grand commis de I’Etat’ qui s’enrichit, enrichissement d’ailleurs nullement frauduleux, d’aprés le rapport de la commission nommée pour statuer sur le probléme en 1316.
Apres lui d’autres subissent le méme sort: ainsi Pierre Rémi, ‘familier’ de Charles IV, lié a la famille Chauchat est arrété le 9 février 1328 et pendu.” Et Géraut Sas, manieur d’argent avant lui, est arrété au début du régne de Charles IV et meurt en prison.” Ce ne sont la que deux exemples mais Marigny a eu en fait une belle postérité d’argentiers’ pendus a Montfaucon. Gerves du Bus a commencé sa carriére au service de Marigny. Et les notaires parce qu ils sont tres proches du chambellan, ne l’aiment probablement pas beaucoup. Les notaires qui ont ‘trempé’ dans le manuscrit fr. 146 sont bien ceux qui ont vécu les années ‘terribles’, 1312-17: les affaires de la fin du régne de Philippe le Bel puis le remariage de Louis X (avec Clémence de Hongrie, en 1316), le passage du pouvoir a Philippe V aprés la
mort de son frére, toutes circonstances qui ont provoqué une floraison de satires.” Les notaires plus jeunes, arrivés aprés coup, semblent moins impliqués dans ces affaires: Gui Juliot de Cluny, clerc du secret, Malicorne (sous Charles [V), Hugues de Charolles ou Thomas Ferrant, qui signent a c6té des anciens (Barr., Chalop, J. de Templo, Jac. et Gervas.) ne font pas partie de la méme zp anom Entre 1310 et 1318, une quinzaine de notaires est déja en place depuis cing a dix ans.’ Les plus récemment arrivés 4 la cour sont Jean du Temple, Raoul des Préaux (qu’on a souvent appelé en confondant deux personnes, Raoul de Presles),
Jacques de Vertus. Pierre Tesson (homme de Robert d’Artois), Regnaut Parquier, Jean d’Acy
et Gervés du Bus. Certains sont clercs mais une petite minorité est laique. A la fin du régne, sur 13 clercs, six
sont mariés. Parmi les mariés, on compte les clercs de sang: Jean de |’Hépital, Martin de Crépon, Jean du Temple. Jean Maillart est marié de méme que Jacques de Vertus. Les notaires royaux ont de longues carriéres: Maillart reste ainsi en place 18 ans (1304-22), ou Jean
d’Acy 35 ans (1313-48). Ce ne sont pas des parisiens et trés peu sont originaires de la France du Sud. Ils n’appartiennent pas au groupe des fameux ‘légistes’. Nos notaires sont originaires du vieux domaine (Picardie, Orléanais, Berry) et de Normandie. Ils ne sont pas trés riches. *” Philippe Contamine, ‘Pouvoir et vie de cour dans la France du XV‘ siécle: Les Mignons’, Comptes rendus de l'Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, 1994, 541-554. *! Voir Lexikon des Mittelalters (Munich, 1994).
* Raymond Cazelles, La Société politique et la crise de la royaute sous Philippe de Valots (Paris, 1958), 107.
et prophetes en France méridionale (fin XIII'—début XV" siecle, 27
(1992), 247. Plus tard le remariage de Charles IV avec Marie de
Luxembourg, en septembre 1322, aprés la prononciation de la nullité de son mariage avec Blanche, continuera la série des événements sujets a critique.
“ Regnaut d’Aubigny, Jean de IHépital, Geoffroy du Plessis,
> Voir aussi sur les rumeurs qui ont suivi la mort de Philippe le Bel, Colette Beaune, ‘Perceforét et Merlin: Prophéties,
Jean de Crépy, Jacques de Jasseines, Guillaume de Ry, Raoul de Joué, Gilles de Remy, Pierre de Prunay, Guillaume de Dol, Guy
liceérature et rumeur au début de la Guerre de Cent ans’ dans Cahiers de Fanjeaux, Fin du monde et signes des temps: Visionnatres
de Livry, Pierre d’Aubigny, Pierre Barrier, Pierre dEtampes, Jean
Maillart, Chalop.
Elisabeth Lalou
312
Ils ont un honnéte niveau de vie. Les clercs recoivent des bénéfices (ils portent d’ailleurs souvent le nom, dans ce cas, de leur principal canonicat). Originaires de province, tous ont cependant des maisons a Paris.” S’ils sont peu fortunés, ce sont en revanche des gens cultivés. Plus tard, la cour est le centre du premier humanisme.”° Mais dés 1310 et apparemment jusqu’a la fin du x1v" siécle, la cour de France, dans son personnel administratif méme, réunit des gens de talent. Nos
notaires
sont
des
hommes
de
I’écrit.
En
kilométres
d’écriture,
ils battent
probablement le plus prolifique des auteurs contemporains. Ils ont écrit les actes a la Chancellerie, en grand nombre, les registres au Parlement. Leur importance pour les archives n’est plus a démontrer.”” Certains possédaient des livres, livres de droit pour la plus grande
part. Mais ils avaient aussi une culture laique, et certains possédaient des romans. Enfin ces
notaires ont aussi produit des ceuvres littéraires et étaient donc en méme temps des écrivains. Regardons d’un peu plus prés ces notaires écrivains: Geoffroy du Plessis, Jehan Maillart et bien stir Gervés du Bus et Chaillou de Pesscain. Geoffroy du Plessis, chancelier de l’église de Tours depuis 1298, fondateur en 1323 du collége du Plessis (rue Saint-Jacques) a écrit en 1297-8 une Vie de saint Louis, aujourd'hui
perdue,” avec l’aide de Pierre de La Croix d’Amiens. II possédait quelques livres: deux artes dictaminis (de Pierre de Blois et Bernard de Meung), un Traité sur la propriété des choses moralisé de Barthélemy l’Anglais et le Secretum secretorum du Pseudo-Aristote. Jehan Maillart est ’auteur du Roman du comte d'Anjou, écrit en 1314 (vers 8154-5), qui avait
été commandé par Pierre de Chambly.” Ces 8000 vers rapportent une histoire voisine d’ailleurs de la Manekine de Beaumanoir. Sur celui-ci,” un colloque récent a permis de faire avancer la recherche de facon révolutionnaire puisque d’un seul et méme Philippe de Beaumanoir, bailli et écrivain, sont sorties deux personnes distinctes: Philippe de Remy, sire
de Beaumanoir, le pére, bailli du Gatinais, au service de Robert d’Artois puis chevalier de la cour de la comtesse d’Artois qui a écrit les romans (Jehan et Blonde, La Manekine) et Philippe de Beaumanoir, le fils, né vers 1263-4, bailli de Chaumont (1279-83), sénéchal de Poitou (1284), puis de Saintonge (1289), de Vermandois, de Touraine, de Senlis, mort en 1296,
auteur des Coutumes du Beauvaisis. * Richer de Montdidier habite en la Bretonnerie. Jean de Dijon a une maison rue de la Huchette. Guill. de Nogent, un
larchiviste du Trésor des chartes.
jardin pres de la rue des Rosiers. Jean de |’H6pital, une maison
(Paris, 1940), n° 799, 902, 1008. ” Ed. Mario Roques, 1931 (CFMA); G. et P. Paris, Histoire littéraire de la France, 31 (1893), 318-50; Ch.-V. Langlois, La Vie en France au Moyen Age (Paris, 1924), 260-4; Roger Dragonetti, ‘Qui est l’'auteur du comte d’Anjou?’, Médiévales, 11 (1986), 85-98.
tue de la Calandre, un jardin, rue Saint-Hilaire. Jean de Crépy a
** Les Journaux du Trésor de Philippe le Bel, éd. Jules Viard
une maison prés de la porte du Louvre et une maison a NotreDame des Champs. Ceux qui sont chanoines de Notre-Dame de Paris ont probablement une maison 4 ce titre, dans la Cité. * Gilbert Ouy, ‘Paris, l'un des principaux foyers de Lengin du Comte d Anjou est: “Qui voudra son senz esprouver | a Phumanisme en Europe au début du xv‘ siecle’, Bulletin de la mon nom en ce di trouver | Et mon seurnon, prengne avisance, | Société de Uhistoire de Paris et de I'Ile de France, 94-5 (1967-8), 7198. On peut citer plus tard, Jean de Montreuil (+1418, secrétaire
Puis le vers ou est “decevance”, | En deus verséz, qui aprés viennent
du roi en 1391), Gontier Col (1418), Alain Chartier, secrétaire de
soutilment i gardera’ (vv. 8105-12).
Charles VII a Bourges (+1430) ou encore les historiens Nicolas de Baye (1400-17) ou Clément de Fauquembergue (1417-35). *” Les Olim sont Vceuvre de Pierre de Bourges, Nicolas de
Chartres et Robert de la Marche.
Gérard de Montaigu est
| Assez tost et si s’entretiennent, | Car illecques les trouvera | Qui w Aspects de la vie au XIII’siécle: Histoire, Droit, Littérature.
Actes du Colloque international Philippe de Beaumanoir et les coutumes du Beauvaisis (1283-1983), mai 1983, Beauvais-Clermonten-Beauvaisis (GEMOB,
Beauvais, 1984).
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313
Jehan Maillart a done signé son Roman d’un ‘engin’ peu transparent.”' Roger Dragonetti a proposé de laisser de cété ce premier ‘engin’, de prendre en compte un autre ‘décevance’ (au
vers 7483) et attribuerait l’ceuvre 4 L’asnier ou L’asne.”” Quelque tentée que je sois par ces ingénieux développements, la premiére hypothése d’attribution du Comte d’Anjou a Jehan
Maillart me semble certaine, surtout aprés l’identification de Chaillou. Maillart est en effet ‘le notaire le roy’, ainsi que le nomme l’ordonnance de |’Hétel de 1307. Il signe la majorité des lettres commandées ‘per dominum regem’. II était ‘clerc du
secret’ de Philippe le Bel, avant que le titre existat. On a conservé signés de sa main environ 450 actes originaux, 200 de 1304 4 1314 et 250 de 1314 4 juillet 1322. S'il est bien l’auteur du Roman du comte d’Anjou, son travail a la chancellerie ne s’en est pas ressenti. Il meurt en 1323." De Gervés du Bus, ‘Gervasius de Busto’, notaire de 1313 a 1338, l’auteur du Roman de
Fauvel, la communication de M. Wathey donne une biographie trés 4 jour.” II est d’abord chapelain de Enguerran de Marigny (en 1312-13) puis notaire a la chancellerie (entre 1316 et
1338). C’était un normand. Bus se trouve dans |’Eure, dans le canton d’Ecos, tout prés des lieux ol Marigny s’était taillé une principauté ou tout au moins un beau domaine. Gervés a fondé une chapellenie 4 Saint-Jean au Vieil Andely en 1332.” II était recteur de Ry.” En 1337, un épisode jette sur lui une curieuse lumiére: il se serait laissé graisser la patte a l'occasion dun procés entre le chapitre de Saint-Front et le consulat de Périgueux.”* Je n’en dirai pas plus car
la communication de M. Wathey reprend une grande partie des éléments et en ajoute d’autres qui prolongent encore la vie de Gervés du Bus.
Chaillou de Pesstain, enfin, compila le Roman de Fauvel. I\ l’a interpolé avec des passages du Roman du comte d’Anjou, spécialement les scénes de fétes.”’ On a longtemps identifié ce personnage avec un des personnages de la famille Chaillou ou Chaillot: un chevalier, Raoul
Chaillou, bailli d Auvergne (1313-16), puis de Caux (1317-19), de Touraine (1322), qui fut un
temps délégué a I’Echiquier de Normandie (1323), enquéteur-réformateur en Languedoc (1324), rétabli aprés une courte disgrace au Parlement de Paris (1329) et mort au printemps 1336 ou 1337 (on parle alors de ses hoirs).”” *! “Je nay pas moult Han te tel chose | Ainz pesche au MalIL ART qui enclose’ (8069-70, legon du ms. A). * “Car souvent avés oi dire: | “Ly asnes a son veul suppose | Et
* Registres du trésor des chartes. Regne de Philippe VI, éd. Aline Vallée (Paris, 1978), JJ 66, n° 916 inv. 1555 (févr. 1332, n.st.; permission d’acquérir 20 |.p. de rente), n° 1042 inv. 1681 (mai
ly asnier pense autre chose.” | Ainsy est il icy endroit’ (wv. 7487-
1332, fondation de chapellenie au Vieil-Andely); JJ 69, n° 50 inv.
9). Il existe bien a Paris une rue Geoffroy L’Asnier, qui existait
2762; JJ 71, n° 123 inv. 3602 (déc. 1388, permission d’acquérir
déja en 1300, mais elle résulte de la déformation du nom Frogier
encore 20 £ de rente). ” Eavier, Un conseiller, 93.
L’Asnier, famille bourgeoise qui possédait alors des maisons dans cette rue. * I] mengera avec les chapelains et prendera avainne pour trois chevaus et aura pour deux vallés 16 d. par jour, qui ne mengeront point a court, et aura pour soy 19 d. de gages.’ AN, JJ 57, fol. 50. * Les Journaux du Trésor de Philippe IV, éd. Viard, n° 5900, 5967. * Ch. 26. Voir aussi Regestrum Clementis Papae V (Rome,
1886-1957), vii. 48 (n° 7795), et viii. 181 (n° 9294) et 188 (n” 9331).
BN fr. 7852, p. 110. Les Journaux du Trésor de Charles IV le Bel, éd. J. Viard (Paris, 1917), n° 4987 et 7523.
* Arlette Higounet-Nadal, ‘Présents et services des Consuls de Périgueux aux xtv’ et xv’ siécles’, Bulletin de la Société
Historique et Archéologique du Périgord, 111 (1984), 29-43. Ead., ‘Le Journal des dépenses d’un notaire de Périgueux en mission a Paris (janvier—septembre 1337)’, Annales du Midi, 76 (1964), 379-
402. * Mario Roques, ‘L'Interpolation de Fauvel et le Comte d Anjou, Romania, 55 (1929), 548-51: Fauvel 369-89 (~ Comte d Anjou 2353), 389-444 (~ 1107), 445-6 (~ 2369-70), 1161-766 (~ 877-1008: le repas).
Cazelles, La Société politique, 301.
Elisabeth Lalou
314
Cette identification a toujours été peu sire. En effet un bailli pouvait-il exercer sa verve satirique contre sa propre position? D’autre part, Charles-Victor Langlois avait identifié ‘Pesstain’ avec ‘Pertain’ dans la Somme (canton de Lesle), certaines des interpolations se référant a des localités de la Somme (vidame de Picquigny, grange de Rumilly, four de Gagny ...). Mais, en tout état de cause, Raoul Chaillou n’était jamais dit originaire de Pesstain. On avait aussi pensé 4 un Jean Chaillou (mais pas de Pesstain), clerc du roi, secrétaire du
duc de Normandie en 1347."" Il est dit ‘clericus reas secretarius ducis Normannie’ et il est
payé pour ses gages a l’armée du roi du 11 mai au 1"septembre 1347. Il aurait été tout jeune en 1317. Méme si dans I’entourage du duc de Normandie figurent Philippe de Vitry,” le
musicien, il semblait difficile de rattacher ce groupe apparu autour du futur Charles V a 1318 et donc une période bien antérieure. Il convenait de chercher plutét ce Chaillou parmi les notaires du roi: cest la en effet que jai réussi 4 Pidentifier. Jai identifié notre homme en localisant ‘Pesstain’, qu’il faut lire en réalité “Pesscain’. Un
notaire du roi signe Chalop. Il s’appelle Geoffroy Engelor dit ‘Chalop’ et il est breton: il apparait comme clerc du diocése de Dol. J’ai cherché donc un ‘Pesstain’ en Bretagne et jai trouvé Persquen, dans le département actuel du Morbihan (arr. Pontivy, c. Guéméné-sur-
Scorff). Chaillou de Pesstain est donc Geoffroy Engelor dit Chalop de Persquen, breton et notaire du roi de 1303 a 1334.
Il convient d’esquisser ici une courte biographie de notre Chalop de Persquen.”* La premiére apparition de Geoffroy Chalop date de 1287. II est alors clerc du diocése de Dol et tabellion du pape Nicolas IV. II rédige en 1303 certaines des adhésions a |’appel au concile. A partir de 1307, il rédige et souscrit un grand nombre d’actes pour la chancellerie. On connait
une cinquantaine d’actes jusqu’en 1314. Ensuite il est notaire du Parlement avant de succéder a Pierre de Bourges a la rédaction des Olim. II est garde des enquétes en 1325 et signe les accords en Parlement jusqu’en février 1331. Il est pourvu de plusieurs bénéfices: il est chanoine de Péronne, en 1310 (ce qui explique peut-étre les allusions a la Picardie, évoquées ci-dessus), évidemment chanoine de Dol (6 sept. 1316), lieu ot il dut aller 4 l’école. Mais aussi de Chinon, canonicat auquel il renonce en mai 1326. II disparait en 1334."
Une des raisons pour laquelle Pidentité de Geoffroy Engelor dit Chalop, originaire de Persquen est restée cachée si longtemps est la complexité de la formulation onomastique en cette fin du xum siécle. Le début du xiv‘ siécle est le moment ot les noms de famille commencent a se fixer, mais des ambiguités demeurent: un Jean Lefévre pouvant encore exercer le métier de forgeron. Les notaires avaient donc un prénom, un nom de famille, et souvent aussi un nom de provenance. S’ajoutait souvent 4 cela un surnom ou une abréviation "Les Journaux du Trésor de Philippe VI, éd. Viard, n° 557 et _ royale’, BEC 152 (1994), 503-9, jai dressé la liste des actes signés
1105, et Registres du Trésor des chartes, Regne de Philippe VI, n° 4778. Cazelles, La Société politique, 301. * Dans mon article ‘Le Roman de Fauvel a la chancellerie
par Chalop. “ Son nom ‘Engelor’ correspond probablement aux noms d’aujourd’hui: Angelloz, Engellau ou Angelot.
La Chancellerie royale
315
de leur prénom par lequel ils signent les actes. Sans compter parfois l’appellation par le lieu du bénéfice le plus important dont ils jouissaient. On n’appelle ainsi jamais autrement que ‘le doyen de Gerberoy’ un certain Gérard de Saint-Just, notaire du roi. Et presque tous les notaires ont ainsi, comme Chalop, trois ou quatre éléments dans leur nom.” A la lumiére de l'identification de Chaillou, la signature du Fauvel interpolé mérite qu'on la regarde de prés. Rappelons qu’elle se présente au vers 2886, fol. 23” de la facon suivante: [I] clerc le roy frangois de Rues aux paroles qu'il a conceiies en ce livret qu'il a trouvé ha bien et clairement prouvé son vif engin, son mouvement;
Car il parle trop proprement: Ou livret ne querez ja men conge Diex le gart! Amen.”° puis: [C]i s ensivent les addicions
que mesire Chaillou de Pesscain ha mises en ce livre, oultre les cho ses dessus dites qui sont en chant
Les historiens ont noté avant moi l’inexistence des lettrines en début de ligne, soulignant probablement la présence dans ces vers des noms des auteurs. Apparemment Chalop a ressenti la nécessité de mettre le nom de Gerves du Bus dans une énigme. Celle-ci peut probablement se lire de plusieurs fagons différentes. “de Rues’ fait allusion probablement 4 ‘Du Bu’ mais aussi a ‘Gervés’, en changeant le den g."” Ce qui est écrit est aussi ‘dervés’ ou ‘desve’, soit fou,” avec un jeu identique a celui de la signature Chaillou plus bas: du ret du s(Pesscain, Perscain). De plus, “Rues’ fait probablement allusion
aux nombreuses utilisations au cours du roman au verbe ‘ruer’ et aussi a la ‘roue’ de Fortune.
Donc le masque que Chalop fait porter 4 Gervés du Bus est fort complexe. Ce qui de ce fait est trés étonnant est I’écriture de “Chaillou de Pesscain’ in extenso et apparemment en clair. Cette clarté est d’ailleurs toute relative puisque Chalop est resté caché de 1317 jusqu’au 7 juillet 1994. Son énigme simple a parfaitement fonctionné pendant sept siécles. Elle doit pourtant comprendre des doubles sens et des allusions que nous ne © Par exemple Pierre Garnier de Bourges, Raoul Souain de Joué dit Joy, Amis le Ratif d'Orléans, Raoul Breton de Préaux, Guy Cointet de Livry, Regnaut Parquier d’Auppegard. Les noms propres sont: Parquier, Maillart, Gorjut, Barrier, Cointet; les
“On pourrait imaginer, ce que j’avais fait dans une hypothése présentée lors du colloque, que le manuscrit a été copié par un scribe peu compétent et que ce vers serait empli de fautes d’orthographe. Mais d’aprés la lecture que l’on peut faire
surnoms: Engelor, Le Ratif, Breton; les signatures abrégées sont
du reste du manuscrit, il est probable que ces vers contiennent
Amis (Amis d’Orléans), Jac. (Jacobus de Jasseines), Joy (Raoul
des doubles sens et des énigmes. "’ B. Godefroy, Dictionnaire de l'ancienne langue francaise, ii
Souain), Guido (Cointet), Perellis (Raoul des Préaux), Egidius (Gilles de Remy), Ro. (Robert de la Marche).
“6 Langfors, 48 et plus loin 137.
(1938), col. 677.
316
Elisabeth Lalou
soupconnons pas. La premiere ‘blague’ est probablement de nommer cette petite ville de Persquen, en Bretagne, dont personne n’a probablement entendu parler en 1317, si ce nest par Geoffroi Chalop. L’auteur du roman peut sembler se glorifier de sa ville d’origine. ‘Chaillow’ est aussi trés étonnant: d’ordinaire Chalo signe Chalop, le p final figurant probablement ‘Perscain’. Faut-il y voir une prononciation ‘bretonne’, de ‘rustre’ ou de ‘paysan’? Faut-il y voir une porte ouverte au lecteur vers le verbe ‘chaloir’? Ce n’est probablement pas la totalité de la lecture que l’on peut en donner. En résumé Le Roman de Fauvel est de Gerveés du Bus, notaire a la cour, il est compilé par Geoffroi Engelor dit Chalop de Persquen, qui a recopié des passages du Roman du Comte d’Anjou de son collégue Jean Maillart. Les auteurs sont tous des notaires du roi, issus du méme milieu. Ils partagent le méme esprit satirique, les mémes histoires (la Manekine et le Comte d’Anjou) et ils se font des emprunts des uns aux autres.
Cette certitude que la chancellerie royale est le lieu d’origine du Roman de Fauvelimplique que l’on serait en droit de se demander si le mystérieux Geffroy de Paris, |’auteur des huits ‘dits’ historiques,” 4 quil’on a attribué de facon incertaine la Chronique métrique,” n était pas
lui aussi un notaire issu du méme milieu outre Geoffroy Chalop, qui aurait pu étre pour les gens de Persquen Geoffroy ‘de Paris’. Parmi les notaires, six se prénomment Geoffroy. On peut éliminer Geoffroy Gorjut (1284-1304), Geoffroy du Temple (1266-89), Geoffroy de
Fresnes (1298-1308) et Geoffroy de Ruffi (ou de Roissy) qui n’apparait qu’en 1316. Reste Geoffroy du Plessis (1295-1332),"' protonotaire et en outre notaire apostolique. Mais en
dehors des notaires, il existe d’innombrables Geoffroy,” un panetier de Philippe le Bel sappelait méme Geoffroy de Paris. Mon sentiment est que Geffroy de Paris qui se dit ‘homme du roi’ était peut-étre un ménestrel, un de ces hommes qu'il est si difficile @identifier. Le voulait-il méme? S’appeler Geffroy de Paris ressemble en effet 4 un masque. De méme, Jehannot de Lescurel, |’auteur des chansons, est pour la méme raison trés difficile
a identifier.” Mais méme si Geffroy de Paris et Jehannot de Lescurel restent de mystérieux inconnus,
Gerves du Bus et Chaillou de Pesscain sont bien issus de la Chancellerie et partagent la méme culture. Les notaires sont tous aussi en relation étroite avec les mémes personnes et les mémes commanditaires.
Plusieurs de ces notaires étaient familiers de la famille de Chambly, les
seigneurs de Viarmes qui fournissent de pére en fils, des chambellans 4 Philippe le Bel, qui tous s 'appellent Pierre de Chambly. Le Roman du Comte d’Anjou fut commandé par Pierre de Chambly, chambellan du roi. La Chronique métrique adoucit son propos lorsque l’on en vient 4 parler des chambellans, Bouville et Chambly.” ® Tl signe le premier des dits par ‘Roys, mon dité ci te defin. | Cil qui le fist si est ton homme. | Geffroy de Paris l’en le nomme.’ Sur les autres signatures: ‘G.’, ‘Natus ego G. de Parisio’; voir la communication de Leofranc Holford-Strevens, ch. 11. Diverrés. Voir cependant la communication de Jean Dunbabin, supra, ch. 10.
Charles-Victor Langlois, ‘Geoffroy du Plessis, protonotaire de France’, Revue historique, 67 (1898), 70-83. * Dans les livres de la taille, dont l’indexation est en cours par
Caroline Bourlet, 1PIRHT, des centaines de Geoffroy sont cités. * Sur Jehannot voir la communication de Mary et Richard Rouse, ch. 22. Il existe dans les comptes de I’Hétel plusieurs Jeannotus ‘ministerellus’: un ‘Jehannotus ministerellus abbatie de Jotro’ et un ‘Jehannotus de Duaco’. ” Pierre d’Aubigny,
un autre des notaires, avant d’étre au
service du roi était clerc du sire de Chambly. Guillaume d’Ercuis, précepteur de Philippe IV, qui était mort alors, était originaire de Mesnil-lés-Chambly.
La Chancellerie royale
a7,
Nos notaires ont aussi des liens et méme fort étroits avec Marigny. Jean Maillart, vers 1305,
a signé des actes pour lui. Gervés du Bus a d’abord été son chapelain. Regnaut Parquier a rédigé le contrat de mariage d’Isabeau de Marigny. Or nos notaires qui sont sous les ordres du roi et du chancelier, semblent étre plut6t dans un camp peu favorable 4 Marigny. Certains notaires étaient attachés plus spécialement au chancelier. C'est le cas de Pierre Barrier ou Barriére, par exemple qui était attaché a Nogaret. En 1313, Barriére écrit dans un texte que Marigny ‘sait toutes les affaires secrétes du roi’.
Certains notaires, trés proches du lieu réel de gouvernement, se rendent compte qu’a la fin du régne de Philippe le Bel en 1313-14, le Conseil est évincé et seul le roi et Marigny sont au
courant des grandes questions financiéres et diplomatiques.” Méme si nos notaires—surtout Gervés du Bus en fait—montrent leur verve satirique, méme s'ils sont attachés a certaines personnes qui sont les ennemis de Marigny, certains des grands ou le chancelier par exemple, (ou qui sont dans la commission d’enquéte contre lui, comme le chancelier, Pierre de Latilly), ils ne sont pas au nombre des personnes qui ont provoqué sa chute. En revanche que Gervés n’ait pas pati de sa violente satire est di probablement aux circonstances: |’>homme qu'il attaquait est pendu au moment opportun. Si Marigny était resté au pouvoir, Gerves et ses compéres Chalop et Maillart auraient peut-étre eu quelques ennuis. En méme temps la satire n’attaque pas seulement I’homme lui méme mais surtout l’évolution de la fonction de chambellan. La Chambre du roi est un des métiers de |’H6tel. En tout cas, elle apparait a ce titre dans les comptes de |’H6tel. Or on note un changement dans |’ordonnancement de |’Hétel précisément vers cette époque. La Chambre, dans les ordonnances de |’Hétel, disparait de la liste des six métiers de Hotel et céde la place a la fourriére qui désormais s’occupe du logis du roi. La Chambre existe encore mais elle est classée a c6té des chambres (avec la Chancellerie précisément, celles des maitres d’hétel et du confesseur, l’Auménerie, la chapelle et la Chambre aux deniers).
La Chambre n’est donc plus comptée parmi les six métiers de I’Hotel. Mon hypothése est quelle représente trop de pouvoir car elle s’;occupe de la personne méme du roi. Quelques officiers relativement subalternes (quoique parmi les chirurgiens du roi se trouvent de grands esprits comme Jean Pitard, chirurgien, mort vers 1335 qui a laissé un traité de recettes médicales ou Henri de Mondeville, le grand chirurgien du début du xiv‘ siécle, qui a
embaumé le corps de Louis X le Hutin, déja chirurgien sous saint Louis puis professeur de chirurgie a Paris en 1312”) sont sous les ordres du trop puissant chambellan du roi, Bouville, Chambly et enfin Marigny.” Donc il s’agit encore une fois, d'une modification administrative, provoquée par |’évolution significative des structures institutionelles du pouvoir en ce début du xrv* siécle et que les notaires imputent a Marigny ou plutét au cheval Fauvel. Cependant les chambellans ne sont probablement pas les commanditaires du manuscrit fr. 146. Les ceuvres du manuscrit intéressaient au premier chef quelqu’un en relation avec » Favier, Un conseiller, 176. % Ernest Wickersheimer, Dictionnaire biographique des médécins en France au Moyen Age (Geneve, 1936) et Compléments, par Daniéle Jacquart (1979), i. 282 et il. 465.
*” Ona parlé de la chambre du roi et de son chambellan. Mais ne peut-on pas aussi penser a la table royale? Que les interpolations soient empruntées aux passages de repas impliquerait-il qu il y a trop de fétes a la cour?
318
Elisabeth Lalou
P administration royale. Or j’ai été attirée par le fait que Guillaume Flote, seigneur de Revel, futur chancelier du roi, possédait un autre manuscrit du méme atelier, /mage du Monde de Gossouin de Metz. Qui plus que le futur chancelier pouvait s’intéresser a des ceuvres issues du milieu des notaires? Guillaume Flote,* né vers 1280, fils de Pierre Flote, chancelier de Philippe IV, mort a Courtrai, est bien connu. D’abord destiné a la carriére ecclésiastique, il est chanoine, posséde
des bénéfices, quand en 1303, il redevient chevalier pour assumer I’héritage paternel de la seigneurie de Revel en Auvergne. II devient alors chevalier du roi. I] méne une ‘double carriére de juriste et de diplomate’: il siége entre 1307 et 1313, aux Requétes de Languedoc; sous Louis X il entre a la Grand-Chambre. II est chargé de nombreuses missions de confiance par les rois successifs: il part en Angleterre aupres d’Edouard III, en Savoie (de la part de Jean XXII) et
il est spécialiste des questions du Dauphiné. II est allié a la famille de Mello, par sa premiére épouse (Elips de Mello qui meurt en 1338), 4 la famille d’Amboise par sa seconde épouse (Jeanne d’Amboise, veuve de Geoffroy de Mortagne, vicomte d’Aunay et de Gaucher de Thouars seigneur de Tiffauges).”” Crest un des hommes politiques les plus actifs et les plus
écoutés de Philippe VI. L’attribution hypothétique de la commande du manuscrit 4 Guillaume Flote m/avait amenée, dans une premiere version de ce texte, 4 me poser la question de savoir si le manuscrit
fr. 146 ne pouvait pas étre une copie plus tardive que 1318-20, date livrée par les textes, les piéces musicales et le style des enluminures. J’avangais méme
la date de 1338, date de
Paccession au cancellariat de Guillaume Flote et surtout de son remariage avec une femme deux fois veuve avec la possible répétition d’un charivari a cette occasion. Cette trop séduisante hypothése a été rejetée par les différentes réflexions faites au cours du colloque.
Le manuscrit fr. 146, le “brélot Fauvel’, serait contemporain ou presque des événements dont il se fait ’écho: de ce moment de foisonnement, de bouillonnement, des chansons, des charivaris pour les remariages de Louis X (1316) peu avant celui de Charles IV (1322), moment
de déferlement des rumeurs parmi le peuple de Paris, dont ces ceuvres se font |’écho.”” Reste enfin une derniére question: celle de savoir quelle était la destination du manuscrit. Le roi pouvait étre un destinataire possible, méme si le manuscrit est inachevé.°' Ce manuscrit n était peut-étre que le brouillon de l’exemplaire royal. On sait en effet que Charles V possédait en 1373 un manuscrit du Roman de Fauvel mais qui n’était pas le manuscrit fr. 146.”
Ce manuscrit de pupitre est le témoin de l’émergence a cette époque de formes nouvelles d’expression. 61
’
may
“
i
*® Cazelles, La Société politique, 92-3, et Bautier, ‘Recherches sur la Chancellerie royale’, 89 (ou 313). Son prédécesseur a la chancellerie, Gui Baudet, est mort le 24~5 février 1338. » Pere Anselme, Histoire généalogique et chronologique de la maison royale de France (Paris, 1730), vi. 275 et Cazelles, La Société politique, 390.
"La table n’est pas terminée. L’inachévement de la chronique attribuée 4 Geffroy de Paris est imputable peut-étre au
*° Jean-Claude Miihlethaler, Fauvel au pouvoir: lire la satire médiévale (Nouvelle Bibliothtque du Moyen Age, 26; Paris,
vous ay dame. Couvert d'un vielz drap de soie a abres vert et II petits fermoirs d’argent dorez. Valeur: 3 £.’
1994), 339.
copiste. * Léopold Delisle, Recherches sur la librairie de Charles V (Paris, 1907), n° 1194: ‘Un livre de Torchefauvel, historié et noté, bien escript de lettre de forme. Comm.
Benedicite Domino, Fin:
La Chancellerie royale
319
Quelqu’un en tout cas, soit le commanditaire, soit Chalop lui-méme, a commandé la réunion dans un méme manuscrit du Fauvel interpolé, des images, des pieces musicales et des dits. On peut penser que Chalop en personne est le ‘metteur en scéne’ de ce manuscrit, mis en page avec l'aide de ses collégues, notaires 4 la chancellerie ou musiciens travaillant a la chapelle royale. J’ai identifié qui était feu ‘Chaillou de Pesstain’,”’ Geoffroy Engelor dit Chalop, de Persquen. Mais le nom du génial ordonnateur du manuscrit restera probablement toujours a |’état d’hypothese. 8
Mes propos démontrent que ‘Le détour par I’érudition (n’est pas) superflu’ (Miihlethaler, Fauvel au pouvoir, 299).
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25
Que poisse avoir la joie
” The repetition of stanza 1, Il. 3-4, in the same position in
with refrain, Compaignon je sai tel chose, complete with an ‘AB
stanza 2 is an unusual feature; this repetition apparently does not
AB X musical setting, is an abridged version of asong by Gace
constitute an internal refrain (being absent from stanza 3), and
Brulé (RS 1939). This version is found in the Manuscrit du Roi, fo. 24”.
yet is clearly intentional. Another instance ofathree-stanza song
372
Christopher Page Ou j’ai si forment pensé, Dex! souvent l’ai desiree; Por coi fu ele de mere nee La tres douce au cuer vaillant? 30
Dex, je Laim tant,
[Ma dame, qu ausi vodrote Garder s eneur con la mote}.
1 feroie| MS ferai; 28 has one syllable, perhaps two syllables, too many.
This song (see Ex. 17.6) is preserved in all four manuscripts of the KPNX group, and is anonymous in all save X, where it bears the contemporary ascription ‘Gilebert de bernevile’, a trouvére with a marked interest in heterometric patterns and unrepeated metrical experiments.” This Ars nova ‘ballade’ avant la lettre would appear to be an isolated experiment as far as the noted sources of trouvére lyric are concerned. Other evidence also suggests that the simple addition of R to the AB AB X of many grands chants courtois does not make a full history of the Avs nova ballade. The chansonniers reveal that ballade and virelai were intertwined in the second half of the thirteenth century, and that both duly emerged from a ‘ballade—virelai’ matrix. The existence of this matrix in the thirteenth century is revealed by the song-terminology of both Ars antiqua and Ars nova musicians. Chaillou de Pesstain uses the term ‘balade’ for Ex. 17.6. The first verse of James changon ne feroie. Text and music from BN naa. fr. 1050, fo. 103°” (trouvére manuscript X, attr. Gillebert de Berneville). In the first line of text the MS reads ‘ferai’ for “feroie’ SSS
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* The attribution to Gillebert is challenged by Theodore Karp, in his article “Gillebert de Berneville’ in New Grove.
Tradition and Innovation in BN fr. 146
373
Ex. 17.6. Continued 62
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a song with virelai characteristics (as some recent scholars have judged them to be), namely
Providence la senee, which is introduced with the couplet “Lors a Fauvel ceste balade | Mise en avant de cuer moult malade’ (App. A, no. 7).”’ The musical form is akin to that of many Ars nova virelais. There is perhaps no need to suggest that Chaillou de Pesstain was reluctant to use the word vzrelaz: it may simply not have been in his vocabulary or indeed that of Gervés du Bus. The list of musical forms inscribed on the walls of Fauvel’s palace includes ‘Chancons, lois. . . baladez .
. Hoqués, motés et changonnetes’, but no ‘virelais’ (Langfors,
vv. 1346-7), while the contemporary indices of musical interpolations in Le Roman de Fauvel and of the songs of Jehannot de Lescurel list no ‘virelais’, even though modern editors mon before 1300, took some time to re-emerge in 14th-c. French
» See Rosenberg—Tischler, nos. 26 and 44. The index in fr. 146 places Providence, la senee among the “Rondeaux, balades et reffrez de chancons’. This is also where we find the second item classed as a virelai by Rosenberg—Tischler, Douce et de tout noble
ent metrical structure from the refrain, thus creating a degree of
afaire (indexed by the first word only, apparently having been
polymorphism.
missed at first). It would seem that the 13th-c. term vireli, com-
as virelai, a form that perhaps shows contamination with /ai, since the medial section of an Ars nova virelai may have a differ-
Christopher Page
374
involved with both repertories have found that term useful.°’ Evidence for a ballade—virelai
matrix is easy to multiply. The important chansonnier in Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce
308 (trouvére
manuscript
I, without
contains
music)
of poems
a large number
assembled under the heading ‘balettes’,”’ and in one case a poet represented there refers to his own poem as a balaide (14). Other poets, however, call their songs ueirelit (100) or uireli (149),
and one poet promiscuously refers to his song as chanson, chansonete, and uirelis (52). Many
‘balettes’ are called chanson (21, 40, 46, 60, 88, 92, 107, 150, I5I, 156, 165), chansonete (36, 81, 85, 87, 101, 149), or chant (21, 38, 67, 78), a flexible terminology that reflects the protean nature of these ‘balettes’, all generated from the principle of alternating verse and refrain (which is the matrix of virelai and ballade) but without the partial recapitulation of the refrain within the verse (which is the matrix of the rondeau). In addition to the Douce ‘balettes’, the chansonniers contain several songs in which a trouvére declares that his song is a balade.” One of these is a lyric (RS 811) by an Arras trouvere of the first half of the thirteenth century, Wibers Kaukesel (see Ex. 17.7). The first stanza runs:” Un chant novel vaurai faire chanter Pour la millour ki soit decha la mer; Bien loiaument |’aim de cuer sans fauser Et amerai ma vie. Diex! ki a boine amour, Sil sen repent nul jour, Il fait grant vilonie.
In the Wibers’s ‘bara de’ hands of
Chansonnier de Noailles, the only complete source of this song, the last stanza of poem begins “A ma dame, bara de, presenter | Te voil .. .’, where the mysterious is presumably a scribal error for ‘balade’. Confusion of ‘I’ and ‘r’ is possible in the most chansonniers, although it is not an obvious mistake and a phonological shift
(rhotacism of the intervocalic /I/ in balade) seems unlikely. A similar poem by another Arras trouvere, Guillaume li Vinier, suggests that “balade’ was indeed the original reading in Wibers
Kaukesel’s poem:™ * Rosenberg—Tischler, nos. 26 and 44; Wilkins, Lescurel, p. v.
not occur in the original. The numbers given here refer to the
Here one may mention Guillaume de Machaut’s determination to give the term ‘chanson baladée’ precedence over ‘virelai’. For Machaut, the distinction between the two words was perhaps largely a matter of tone. ' The lyric poems of the manuscript are published in a
numbers of the songs in Steffens’s edition. © For further poems, both in Old Occitan and Old French, where forms of the word ‘ballade’ are used, and indeed for an
diplomatic edition in G. Steffens, ‘Die altfranzdsische Liederhandschrift der Bodleiana in Oxford, Douce 308’, Archiv fiir das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Litteraturen, 97 (1896),
Eggebrecht,
exhaustive review of textual evidence pertaining to the ballade, see Wolf Frobenius, “Ballade (Mittelalter)’, in Hans
Handwérterbuch
der musikalischen
Heinrich
Terminologie
(Wiesbaden, in progress). * Text from Christopher Page (ed.), Songs of the Trouveres
283-308; 98 (1897), 59-80, 343-825 99 (1897), 77-100, 339-88; 104
(Antico
Edition, AE 36; Exeter, 1995). The base manuscript
(1900), 331-54. The ‘balettes’ are in vol. 99, pp. 339-88. Steffens
chosen
for both
employs the older, ink foliation. His record of the points (i.e. indications ofline endings) is often faulty, and it should be noted
(Chansonnier de Noailles, trouvére manuscript T), fo. 168"*.
that the Roman numerals with which he indicates each stanza do
words
and
music
here
is BN
fr. 12615
™ Text from P. Ménard, Les Poésies de Guillaume le Vinier (Paris, 1983), 130. Guillaume li Vinier died in 1245.
Tradition and Innovation in BN fr. 146
375,
Ex. 17.7. The first verse of Un chant novel vaurai faire chanter, by Wibers Kaukesel, from BN fr. 12615 (trouvére manuscript I’, Chansonnier de Noailles), fo. 168
a
Pee The first careful description of the chansonnier was prepared by P. Meyer and published in Archives des missions scientifiques et littéraires, 5 (Paris, 1868), 156-244. The clearest and
most reliable account of the manuscript is still the entry (with various layers of revision) by Bodley’s Librarian, E. B. W. Nicholson, for the Summary Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, 7 vols. in 8 (Oxford, 1895-1953;
repr. 1980), no. 21882, where the whole volume is placed in the late 13th c. The inclusion of acopy of Le Tournoi de Chauvenct, narrating an event that took place in Lorraine in Oct. 1285, gives a terminus a quo for Section C of the manuscript, which includes the chansonnier. See M. Delbouille, Jacques Bretel: Le Tournoi de
which the refrain is different at the close of each stanza) included
in this section should also be subtracted from the total, reducing the final total of‘balettes’, by my count, to 159. ” Grands chants are often presented in ‘abridged’ forms in the French chansonniers, and often with three stanzas, but this does
not represent a constitutive aspect oftheir genre. The currency of tri-stanzaic songs in the Middle High German tradition (kindly drawn to my attention by Dr Nigel Palmer) deserves a study to itself. ” An inventory of the ‘balettes’ in this category would encompass Steffens, “Die altfranzésische Liederhandschrift’, vol. 99, pp. 339-88, nos. I, 2, 7, 14, 19, 28, 44, 47, 56, 57, 61, 65,
Christopher Page
380
TABLE 17.3. Some scribal presentations of the three-stanza ‘balettes’ in Douce 308 (R = refrain; V = Verse; Roman numerals indicate stanzas) R IY
W
R
iN
WE
R
JON,
WE
R
R Io) ave Nl NW iol =WE It We Wh WE Wut WA
R R R
Ik We IN We WUE WE
R R R
I Il W0L
R
WW. WE WE
beginning of a stanza in virelai fashion. There is therefore a type of “balette’ in Douce 308 that must begin, like an Ars nova ballade, with the verse and not with the refrain. This is a kind
of song that Johannes de Grocheio in Paris around 1300 appears not to have known.
Etymologically speaking, the title “balette’ employed by the scribe of Douce 308 suggests that some of the poems gathered under this heading are dance-songs, at least in their metrical form, while an illustration at the beginning of the ‘balette’ section, showing a couple dancing to a tabor player, indicates that the illustrator was content with an emblem that interprets the ‘balettes’ as dance-songs by function as well. Some of the poems do indeed call loudly for such an illustration:”° Amors an la cui baillie Ie suis et de sa maisnie
Serai sans panceir folie Jai non partirait 126, 137, 140, 143, I51, 153, 156, 161, 163, 164, 165, 166, 170, 176, 186(2), and 188.
© Tbid., no. 162.
Tradition and Innovation in BN fr. 146
381
Mes cuers en iour de ma vie Ainz l’amerai. Ralons a la balerie Bure luriva!
Qui n aimme ni udigne mie, Sad el,iva!
Taken as a whole, however, the ‘balettes’ display every modulation of tone and technique that thirteenth-century lyric can offer, including poems such as the following, where the metrical form and high-style poetic is of a very different order from the lyric just cited:”” Quant li nouiaus tens s’agence Ke cilz doit estre iolis Qui en amor ait fience Et por li est esiois, Lors chans que ie suix espris D’une plaisans habundance
D’amours, qui mon cuer ait mis An vne douce esmaiance, Par coi tres bien m’est auis
Qui par amours aimme, souent est malades et garis. Bone amor ait teil poissance, Car cilz qui est ces sogis
Souent ait ioie et pezance, Si est liez et si pancis; Ansi an est mal seruis Car lour bien, lour esperance Lour retolt et ieu et ris; Mis m/ait en teile belance Kil me samble uoir ce dit:
Qui par amours aimmet, souent est malades et garis. Bien sai n’an suis an doutance
Car felons plains de mesdis N’aueront iai bone vaillance Uers ciaus c'amours ont saixis,
Mais suns d’iaus li plus sutis Esgardoit bien la samblance De ma dame ou son cleir vis Ne poroit kerre escusance, Ne deist con esbahis:
Qui par amours aimmet, souent est malades et garis.
” Tbid., no. 123, here checked against the original and with one trivial error thereby removed.
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Christopher Page
When the new season prepares itself so that he who trusts in love, and who rejoices in it, must be love which has put my heart into courtly, then I sing, for I am carried away by a pleasing abundance of a sweet astonishment, wherefore it seems to me indeed that he who loves is often ill and cured. Good Love has such power, for he who is Love’s subject often has joy and distress so that now he is happy, now he is anxious; so he is badly served thereby, for the lovers’ good and the lovers’ hope steal away both their happiness and laughter. Love has put me into such a state of hesitation that I see the truth of this saying: he who loves is often ill and cured. I know that I have nothing to fear, for wicked men, full of malicious gossip, will never command the
good opinion of those whom Love has in seisin, but if one of the most discerning were to study well the bearing of my lady, with her radiant face, he would have no excuse for his behaviour, nor could he say like one amazed: he who loves is often ill and cured. This song has three stanzas, a final and consistent one-line refrain, and a poetic structure
ready to receive an AB AB | X | R musical setting. The poem has a high-style text in the manner of the grand chant courtois cast in three isometric and monorhymed stanzas with a ‘seasonal’ opening in the trouvéres’ best manner and some grandiloquent abstractions (‘plaisans habundance’) and oxymorons (‘douce esmaiance’) characteristic of the grand chant.
In poetic terms, and in terms of implied musical structure, therefore, Quant li nouiaus tens s agence is a ballade ready to be given an Ars nova musical setting. To sift the 159 ‘balettes’ of Douce 308 for other poems like Quant li nouiaus tens s agence is to apply the following criteria, based upon the ballades interpolated in Le Roman de Fauvel but also answering in large measure to the ballades of Jehannot de Lescurel: (1) (2) (3) (4)
a poetic text in the tradition of the grand chant courtois a metrical form permitting an AB AB | X | R musical structure three isometric and monorhymed stanzas the same refrain at the end of each stanza
(5) poetic lines of seven syllables (6) minimal or no use of assonance
Only sixteen ‘balettes’, some 9 per cent of the total, satisfy all these criteria (see App. B).” The proportion would be increased substantially, to around 22 per cent, if poems combining lines of five and seven syllables were to be included. (two of the six Fauvel ballades display such a disposition). Even so, it still appears that the Fauvel ballades represent a careful filtration of a tradition of three-stanza, high-style ‘balettes’ to which the Douce chansonnier is virtually the only witness outside (and before) fr. 146. There are two points to register * Ibid., nos. 19, 56, 152, and 187. It should be emphasized that, in this survey, I have only considered the poems that the
scribe has written out with the V-R pattern. Of the sixteen
—_poem that the scribe has written out as V-R, but which would also make sense as R-V
(i.e. in ballade fashion), were indeed
counted as R-V. The virtue of the system of counting adopted
poems listed in App. B, four fall within the category of poems _ here, however, is that it treats the scribe’s choice of layout as a that could not be performed with the refrain at the beginning of significant one; the explicit evidence that his layout is sometimes the verse; they are Steffens 19, 56, 164, 166 (to which one should
perhaps add 186). Different figures would be produced if every
_ot significant is restricted within the Douce ‘balettes’, as far as I
can discern, to the case of Steffens 11/115.
Tradition and Innovation in BN fr. 146
383
concerning the Douce ‘balettes’. First, there are very few concordances for these poems anywhere in the thirteenth-century chansonniers. Paradoxical as it may seem, the poems among the ‘balettes’ that do have concordances suggest the insularity of the Douce manuscript rather than its participation in the mainstream, for a number of them are not ‘balettes’ at all.” Any poem that seems out of place in the ‘balette’ section of Douce 308 has a good chance of possessing a concordance. Secondly, a distinction may be drawn between poems with no concordances and poetic forms with no parallel. Many ofthe ‘balettes’ in Douce 308 are related in their form to the ballades by Wibers Kaukesel and Guillaume li Vinier quoted above.*’ Even if these Douce ‘balettes’ have very few concordances, they nonetheless display a poetic form that can be closely paralleled in the chansonniers, as the examples by Wibers Kaukesel and Guillaume li Vinier reveal. A ‘balette’ like Quant li nouiaus tens s agence is not only a unicum, it is also cast in a tri-stanzaic form that is scarcely to be found in any French thirteenth-century sources outside Douce 308, save as a passing metrical experiment. They represent a very special development of the ballade—virelai matrix.
While it is true that the Douce chansonnier contains a remarkable number of unica in all categories, other sections of the collection, and especially the one devoted to the grans chans, do not always display the same marked isolation from the mainstream trouvére practice. The grans chans that open Douce 308 include lyrics attributed in other chansonniers to most of the major trouveres, including Blondel de Nesle, Gautier de Dargies, Adam de la Halle, Gace
Brulé, and Thibaut de Navarre.”' The central tradition of trouvére song, as practised in the lands of Champagne and north-eastern France adjacent to Lorraine, is powerfully evoked here. If the “balettes’ seem to present a different picture, the image may be a deceptive one created by accidents of survival or by other factors lost in la nuit des temps and no longer susceptible to investigation. As it stands, however, the evidence suggests that the three-stanza ‘balettes’ listed in Appendix B represent a tradition that the compilers of the great trouvére chansonniers either (i) did not wish to represent or (ii) could not represent.
The first of these two hypotheses may have little to commend it, for there is no apparent reason why the compilers of the chansonniers should have wished to omit songs like Quant li nouiaus tens s agence. If, on the other hand, the compilers were unable to include them, this
may have been because these lyrics formed a contained tradition—perhaps one that was fostered in Lorraine?” ” Examples include Steffens 66 (with five stanzas), 72 (five stanzas, no refrain), 74 (no refrain), 110 (no refrain), 133 (four stanzas), 139 (a three-stanza grand chant courtois by Adam de la Halle), 182 (5 stanzas, a French version of troubadour song).
*° Examples include Steffens 10, 17, 20, 23-5, 27, 30-1, 34-41, 44, 47-50 et passim.
*! For inventories of these songs, notes of concordances and
editions of some of them see P. Meyer’s account in Archives des missions scientifiques et littéraires, 156-244, and Arthur Langfors, ‘Mélanges
de poésie
lyrique
francaise,
IV.
Grans
manuscrit d’Oxford’, Romania 57 (1931), 312-94.
chans du
* There is no doubt that Lorraine possessed a vigorous tradi-
tion of French monody that drew deeply upon the arts of neighbouring Champagne but also contained elements recognized as distinctively “Lotharingian’. The principal sources of trouvére monody from Lorraine territory include the important chansonnier that is now BN fr. 20050 (trouvére manuscript U) and Berne, Burgerbibliothek, MS 389 (trouvére manuscript C), a large collection (unfortunately with blank staves throughout)
where the Lorraine colouring of the language is very marked. Between them, these two manuscripts reveal the presence of virtually every trouvére lyric tradition on Lotharingian territory.
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Christopher Page
Conclusions In a valuable survey of lyric forms from the thirteenth century through to Guillaume de Machaut, Lawrence Earp has recently contrasted the unmeasured character of the grand chant courtois with the measured rhythm of dance-songs. Equipped with this fundamental distinction, Earp proposes that around 1300 ‘rhythmic innovations that had earlier been applied to the motet were now applied to the other genre that had historically been rhythmicized, the dance-song’. In due course, he suggests, the full resources of the new Ars nova rhythmic system were brought to bear upon these dance-songs, perhaps by Philippe de Vitry himself, the results of these initiatives being principally visible to us in the formes fixes of the fourteenth century. The conclusions developed in this chapter entirely support those of Earp. The rise of the formes fixes surely does rest upon a change in perception, precipitated by the motet, whereby the register of certain musico-poetic elements, and especially of music employing consciously calibrated durations and a pulse, was raised. It would not be wise to refer to all the ‘balettes’ in Douce 308 as dance-songs by function, but they are surely dancesongs by form, at least for the most part, and one of their generic markers was presumably a measured rhythm. There may have been different layers of rhythmic style matching the many layers of poetic register and formal structure to be found in the Douce ‘balette’ anthology,
but the presumption must surely be that a musical setting with a pulse was one of their generic characteristics; it would be merely self-serving to dismiss the opening illustration of the ‘balette’ collection in Douce 308, showing a couple dancing to a tabor, as a naive or
literalistic response to the generic name of the ‘balettes’ that follow. It shows a musician setting a beat. The kind of three-stanza ballade represented by Quant li nouviaus tens s agence, and by the ballades of fr. 146, is attested in Lorraine around 1300 but nowhere else at this early date. It was produced under the influence of the grand chant (both in terms of poetic register and
melodic form) but also by the fusion of elements in the ballade—virelai matrix of the thirteenth century. This particular fusion does not appear to have been known in Paris around 1300, to judge by the treatise of Johannes de Grocheio. When such ballades eventually passed to Paris, I suggest, certain musicians intuitively recognized in them a form fit for development in a way that would accomplish a long-standing artistic project: to marry a very common
melodic form, and the highest poetic manner, of the grand chant to music whose
elements were consciously calibrated according to the newest and most prestigious practice, very much in the manner of the motet. The rhythmic and melodic resources ofthe ‘Lorraine’ ballade were therefore duly expanded in accordance with the Ars nova interest in motetis et cantilenis. © The melodies of some Douce 308 poems, ‘balettes’ and others, may be preserved in some half a dozen Ars antiqua
“On the development of an Ars nova melodic style in these ballades by taking melodic contours characteristic of the grand
motets. See Tischler, S. Stakel, and J. C. Relihan (eds.), The chantand expanding them with smaller note-values and passing Montpellier Codex, 4 vols. (Recent Researches in the Music of the __ notes, among other devices, see Arlt, above, Ch. r.
Middle Ages and the Renaissance, 8; Madison, Wis., 1985), nos. 164, 272/280, 290, 295, 309, and 321.
Tradition and Innovation in BN fr. 146
385
In elaborating the new ballades, I suggest that Ars nova musicians were also sensitive to the following considerations:
1. The grand chant courtois was too long Listeners with a pure (or at least a conservative) taste in the thirteenth century regarded the
spaciousness of a grand chant courtois, established by five or even six stanzas, as essential for the dignity of the form to be maintained. A comparable aesthetic seems to have ruled both the composition and the performance of grand chant melodies. Guilhem Molinier stipulates a lonc and pauzat melody for the canso, while his contemporary Johannes de Grocheio observes that the cantus coronatus (i.e. the grand chant courtois) is ‘composed entirely from longs—perfect ones at that’. Sheer passage of time in performance, as one stanza succeeded another, seems to have been of the essence. A number of chansonniers cater quite scrupulously for this taste, almost invariably presenting grands chants courtois in versions of four, five, or even six stanzas,’’ and when scribes found themselves copying a short grand chant they sometimes registered their surprise.”° Most modern editors of trouvére poetry have shared these priorities. Reluctant to edit anything less than the fullest recoverable text of a song, they have generally printed chansons with the expected five or six stanzas. The chansonniers, however, often present a different picture from many modern editions in this respect, for while the songbooks contain many grands chants with five stanzas they also incorporate numerous abridged copies. The Chansonnier de Noailles, for example, contains several folios whose material may derive from an abridged compilation of songs by an individual trouvére, or from one designed to bring all his short songs together in one place. Folios 29-31" of this manuscript present four songs by Guillaume li Vinier, three of them originally composed by Guillaume with only three stanzas, and one song, Bien doit chanter, here abridged to three from five with envoz. Later in the Chansonnier de Noailles, on fo. 99°“, there is a set of songs by Conon de Béthune abridged to three stanzas. A search through the chansonniers produces a small corpus of grands chants that appear to have been originally composed with only three stanzas, including a few attributed to Gace Brulé,”’ several among the works of Guillaume li Vinier, already mentioned above,** and one
by Adam de la Halle.*’ Between these important figures one may thread the names of some * Examples would include chansonniers A, N, and R. Chansonnier A contains no reduced songs, while N, perhaps of 1270-80, has very few before fo. 178". R has some scattered threestanza songs between fos. 84' and 170. T, perhaps an Artesian
book, has a moderate number. *© See above, n. 8. * H. Petersen Dyggve, Gace Brulé trouvere champenois: édition des chansons et étude historique (Helsinki, 1951), songs xxiv, xxvi, xxxii, xlv, xlvil, Ixi, Ixii, and Ixix. Song Ixi is anonymous in
the unique source; Ixiii is anonymous in all sources, while xxvi has some notable conflicting attributions. 8 Ménard, Les Poésies de Guillaume le Vinier, songs XVII, XVIII, XXVII. Song XVII has a three-line refrain but is metri-
cally quite unlike most grands chants courtois for it uses a remarkably long stanza (20 lines, most relatively short). Song XVIII has no refrain, but the introduction of the nightingale as a speaker, whose words are directly quoted in the song, breaks the univocal convention ofthe grand chant courtois. The third song, XXVII, is a jeu parti. ® Marshall, The Chansons ofAdam de la Halle, no. XXX1. The
scribe of the Douce chansonnier places this song among the ‘balettes’ of his anthology—even though it has no refrain—so firmly did he judge the presence of three stanzas to draw it away from the grans chans placed elsewhere in his collection. For the Douce 308 text see Steffens, ‘Die altfranzésische Liederhandschrift’, vol. 99, 339-88, no. 139.
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Christopher Page
minor trouvéres,”” but there is very little sign of a tri-stanzaic tradition here that the musician-
poets of the Ars antiqua might have bequeathed to their descendants cultivating the Ars nova. What the scribes seem to be telling us is that listeners in the thirteenth century sometimes found grands chants too grands. Here, once again, the evidence may lead to Lorraine. The chansonnier that is now BN fr.
20050 (trouvére manuscript U) has long been conspicuous among the great anthologies of trouvére song for the relatively early date of the section with music (perhaps ¢.1250) and for
the Messine neumes employed there.’ Throughout the manuscript there are numerous songs abridged to three stanzas, including grands chants attributed in other sources to Gace Brulé (fo. 32), the Chastelain de Couci (fos. 39"—40'), Hugues de Berzé (fos. 50"~51'), and Gautier de Dargies (fo. 57'~58'). A section of particular density begins at fos. 163'-169'. These folios, which lie within the part of the manuscript where Lorraine forms and spellings abound,
contain fifteen songs copied with only three stanzas,” all without music. It is not so very unusual for groups of reduced or abridged songs to appear together, or in close proximity, in the chansonniers, but this clutch of fifteen songs presented with three stanzas is not easy to match elsewhere. The corpus includes grands chants by Thibaut de Navarre, Gace Brulé, the Vidame de Chartres, and Thibaut de Blazon, among others, with concordances scattered through eighteen sources, the great majority of which give the texts in fuller versions with
four or five stanzas.” There is nothing to prove that this set of three-stanza and abridged songs originated in Lorraine, but the virtual confinement of the three-stanza ‘balette’ to the
Lorraine manuscript Douce 308 suggests that the tendency to reduce grands chants of four or five stanzas to three may have been particularly strong in Lorraine in the thirteenth century. In this sense one may well endorse Margaret Switten’s suggestion that Lorraine defined itself relative to neighbouring France as anti-grand chant courtois,* which we may interpret here as the conscious recognition of a preference for compact versions of the trouveére’s high-style song, which, in the purest francien tradition, possessed five stanzas or even six. This prefer-
ence could have helped to precipitate a ‘revised’ grand chant courtois of three stanzas: the ballade.
*" Including Simon d’Authie, Jehan de Renti, and Oede dela __been disturbed at some stage; O has two stanzas, but T gives two and begins a third, leaving space for as many as five. Other
Couroirie. See E. Matzner, Altfranzisische Lieder (Berlin, 1853), 37-8, and J. Spanke, ‘Die Gedichte Jehan’s de Renti und Oede’s de la Couroierie’, Zeitschrift fiir franzdsische Sprache und Litteratur, 32 (1908), 157-218.
agreements, of which there are few, seem mostly confined to the
*' For a facsimile of this manuscript see P. Meyer and G. Raynaud, Le Chansonnier francais de Saint-Germain-des-Prés, i
related pair of chansonniers M and three-stanza versions of En aventure Douce chansonnier, and therefore directly concerns me here) and Je
(SATF;
which does lie within our group).
Paris, 1892). The second volume of this publication
never appeared. The most convenient and compact recent descriptions of this manuscript, with references to earlier literature, are in Zai, Les Chansons courtoises de Chrétien de Troyes, 40-1, and
T, both of which transmit comanz (fos. 39‘—40' of the not within the group that nos chanter (fos. 163-164",
*" Mz. Switten, ‘Song Contexts in Jean Renart’s Romance of
the Rose’. | am most grateful to Dr Switten for showing me a copy of this unpublished essay. For the suggestion (which in-
New Grove, s.v. Sources, French monophony. ake exception is Qui damours ait remanbrance (fo. 165‘),
spired Dr Switten’s suggestion) that Lorraine defined itself as
which has four. ** Those which agree with our chansonnier in the transmission of one or more songs include the sources for RS 1629, Sire deus en tante guise (fo. 165'), whose transmission appears to have
chansons ... (Intertextualités
anti-Arthurian, see Philippe Walter, “Tout commence par des lotharingiennes)’,
in D.
Poirion
(ed.), Styles et valeurs pour une histoire de lart littéraire au moyen Age (Paris, 1990), 187-209.
Tradition and Innovation in BN fr. 146
387
2. The musical ethos of the ballade preserved important elements of the grand chant The ballades interpolated into Le Roman de Fauvel may perhaps preserve something of the
‘long’ melody of a grand chant even though ballade form may reflect an awareness that grands chants were often too long. The conception of French monody that is being explored in fr. 146 is that of monophony sung in the manner ofpolyphony, that is to say with a regular pulse as if there were vertical sonorities to place. In relation to this pulse the ballades of fr. 146 dramatize a contrast between groups of shorter note-values and longer values, often within a
single measure, precisely calibrated against the pulse so that one may be a twelfth, for example, of the duration of another. Bar 6 of Ay, amours, tant me dure (Ex. 17.1) is one of
many places in the manuscript where the differentiation of durational value is very marked in a short space, and this contrast between moments
where little happens, but energy is
concentrated, and moments where a great deal happens, but energy is released, lies near the centre of Ars nova aesthetic. The contrast is often so marked, indeed, that a sense of protraction—a sense of time passing without movement—is often accentuated in the longer notes, regardless of the actual tempo chosen. In this sense, perhaps, the ballades preserve something of the older aesthetic of grand chant music, despite the change to strict measure, by seeking to establish what Guilhem Molinier in the 1330s calls a lonc so.
3. All the formes fixes of the Ars nova offer the composer a structure with an inherent dynamism that is achieved by subtracting layers of repetition from the full thickness, which is the refrain, and then putting them back A study of the ballade as a reflection of musical taste in Paris around 1300 might well begin with the idea of repetition, and particularly with the (?)Parisian material appended to one
copy of Johannes de Garlandia’s treatise towards 1300. There repetitio is briefly but tellingly discussed with specific reference to rondellis et cantilenis vulgaribus.” The author of this material, who may be Jerome of Moravia, identifies one source of aesthetic pleasure that arises from musical repetition, namely that it makes the repeated material conspicuous, so producing a momentary intensification of perception and of pleasure that arises, in part, from the reassurance thus provided that we are classifying some of our impressions correctly. In the more succinct words of the anonymous author: repetitio creates ‘an object for the sense of hearing, through which that sense receives pleasure’.”” The author’s willingness to mention vernacular songs in this context, including songs with a refrain (27 rondellis), is no surprise,
for a refrain is a repeated section of music and words consistently bound together and provides a composer with a straightforward but highly effective way of varying the texture of the listener’s attention, momentarily ‘making an inconspicuous melody seem conspicuous’ (faciens ignotum sonum esse notum).
There is no contemporary analysis of the musical structure of the ballade, but when ” The text is edited in E. Reimer, Johannes de Garlandia: De mensurabili musica, 2 vols. (Wiesbaden, 1972), i. 95.
** “obiectum auditus, per quod auditus suscipit placentiam’ (ibid.).
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Christopher Page
treatises begin to appear upon the composition of ballade poetry the dynamism of ballade form—and its location in the refrain—are made clear. These treatises emphasize that the stanza must move towards the refrain with an irresistible logic of sense. According to Jaques Legrand, for example, the text should ‘prouver et demonstrer’ the refrain and ‘parler pertinamment a luy, aultrement la ballade n’est pas bien composée’.” The source of the ballade’s dynamism—the process of being and coming to be the refrain—is apparent here. The aim of Legrand’s teaching is to ensure that the refrain of the ballade will always be raised above the level of the choric, dance-song refrain that is often simply appended to a stanza, affirming the general meaning or import of the text but remaining syntactically and semantically self-contained. The refrain of the only surviving Old Occitan ballada with music, the well-known A entrada del tens clar, provides a clear illustration of an ‘appended’ refrain of this kind, the one that is perhaps truly native to medieval dance-song.” The Ars nova ballade imposes a more severe demand upon the poet: to create three verses that taper into the same refrain with such pertinence that the verses appear to ‘prove and demonstrate’ the refrain, so satisfying the inexhaustible appetite of contemporary readers for language leaning towards the sententious.
The tradition of writing ballades such as Quant li nouviaus tens s agence passed to Paris some time between Johannes de Grocheio’s treatise of c.1300 and the compilation of fr. 146. Jehannot de Lescurel wrote ballades, as we know from fr. 146, but it remains impossible to determine when (or where) they were composed, especially now that the ‘biography’ of
Lescurel accepted by several generations of scholars has been demolished.” It would appear that soon after 1300, a few talented individuals in Paris, and perhaps only one, made decisive and innovative use of a song-form that had only recently come to the city, quite possibly from somewhere along the Lorraine-Champagne border.’ Does it strain possibility too far to suggest that the carrier might have been the man qui trouva la maniere... des balades: Philippe de Vitry? APPENDIX
A
The Ballades in the Roman de Fauvel In this appendix a ‘ballade’ is understood to be a song, intended to have three stanzas, each with
a refrain at the end of the verse only, set to an AB AB | X | R musical structure. The usage of ”- Langlois, Recueil d’arts de seconde rhétorique, 7-8. See above, n. 71.
® See Mary and Richard Rouse’s contribution to this volume, Ch. 22. °° The last decades of the 13th c. give signs of a link between the Douce repertory of‘balettes’ and the Parisian musical milieu. Several motets in the seventh fascicle of the Montpellier codex have textual incipits corresponding to the openings of ‘balettes’ in Douce 308, and the melodies in each case fit the poems perfectly. None of these poems, however, is an Ars nova ballade of the kind catalogued here in App. B. More striking, perhaps, is
the fact that three refrains are common to the ‘balette’ collection of Douce 308 and to the songs of Jehannot de Lescurel but are found nowhere else. One of these is particularly arresting, for it is a case in which a ballade by Lescurel, Belle, comme loiaus amans, employs a three-line refrain that is identical to one in a
Douce ‘balette’ and is found nowhere else. Moreover, the Lescurel song contains the same number of lines per stanza and
the same consistently 7-syllable lines as the Douce ‘balette’ (though masculine and feminine endings are disposed differently in some cases). The “balette’, Amors qui m ait en la voie, is one of
the sixteen listed in App. B.
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389
Gervés du Bus and Chaillou de Pesstain (on which see above) was certainly broader. The
narrower definition adopted here is designed to isolate songs that survive in a state of special relevance to the development of the ballade in the fourteenth century. According to this definition, there are six monophonic ballades interpolated into Le Roman de Fauvel, but only one of them, Douce dame debonaire, can be confidently regarded as a composition specifically produced for inclusion in fr. 146. In the narrative that enfolds this song Fauvel, having easily persuaded his pliant counsellors that he should wed Fortune, journeys with his retinue to Fortune’s palace of Macrocosme; the ballade is interpolated into the text of Gervés du Bus at this point and is a dialogue between Fauvel, named in the text, and Fortune. Fauvel declares his love for Fortune, who refuses him. In contrast to Douce dame debonaire, none of the other five ballades contains any specific reference to Fauvel or indeed to the surrounding narrative contexts; each one is a high-style song that could have been drawn from an independent tradition because it was deemed appropriate for inclusion in Fauvel’s suit to Fortune and subsequently in his reply to her refusal.'”' Six pieces make too small a corpus with which to form any clear impression of how these ballades may have come to the compilers of fr. 146 in layers, but it is noteworthy that Douce dame debonaire, in addition to being the only ballade to mention Fauvel, is also the only ballade (i) whose X section comprises three lines, (ii) whose X section begins with a ‘c’ rhyme, and (iii)
whose musical setting makes no use of the semibreve. The mensural melody of Douce dame debonaire would cause very little surprise if it were to be discovered among the grands chants courtois of the Chansonnier Cangé copied in a mensural notation, and it is tempting to assume that this ballade is a fauvelized version of an otherwise unrecorded Ars antigua composition. 1. Douce dame debonaire Rosenberg—Tischler, no. 19
fo. 16”
Context: A dialogue between Fauvel, who is named in the text, and Fortune. Fauvel declares his
love for Fortune and she refuses him. This is the only ballade to adopt a lower courtly tone, to disrupt the single speaking-voice idiom of the grand chant courtois, and the only one whose
musical setting does not employ semibreves. Three stanzas. Taille: thyme and syllables
a7+
bs
melody
A
BA
a7+
bs
cs
Beet
cs
dz
D7
ser ae
2. Ay, amours, tant me dure
fos. 16°17"
Rosenberg—Tischler, no. 20
Context. Following on immediately from the previous item. Fauvel continues to declare his love.
There is no reference to Fauvel, to Fortune, nor any direct allusion to the narrative. The tone and much of the diction is that of the grand chant courtots. Three stanzas.
0! The inclusion of such songs, with their high-style language worthy of the trouvéres’ grand chant courtois, in a context where Fauvel is plainly lying for his own ends does not so much subvert the songs as pervert them, so demonstrating the way in which
courtly love-rhetoric can conceal intentions while appearing to declare them, a demonstration by no means peculiar in medieval French literature to this text of Le Roman de Fauvel.
390
Christopher Page
Taille: rhyme:and syllables'va7-2) melody A
\b71 vaya BigwA
=7a Bil
b7emeay sec 1 a@ tl selh ak fos. 23-24"
3. En chantant me veul complaindre Rosenberg—Tischler, no. 27
Context: Follows directly from Providence la senee (see no. 7 below), preceded by two lines interpolated by Chaillou: En soi complaignant derechief Chante Fauvel enclin le chief. There is no reference to Fauvel, to Fortune, nor any direct allusion to the narrative. The tone and much of the diction is that of the grand chant courtois. One stanza and perhaps incomplete.
Taille: rhyme,and syllables)
a7)
7a
melody
A
B
ae ae aca De ene
A
Basia
Di
ence
hgans
Now begins a large addicion by Chaillou, which cuts Fortune’s speech, as written by Gervés, in
two; Gervés’s text resumes on fo. 28" at the words ‘je sui Fortune’ (v. 2893). The addicion is Fauvel’s reply to Fortune. 4. Se jonques a mon vivant
fo. 26"
Rosenberg—Tischler, no. 41
Context: A musical insertion into Fauvel’s reply (itself one of Chaillou’s additions) to Fortune’s refusal of him. The tone and much of the diction is that of the grand chant courtois. There is no reference to Fauvel, to Fortune, nor any direct allusion to the narrative. Three stanzas. Taille: thyme and syllables melody
a7 A
b7+ B
a7 Ae
b7a bya Te
cc7a G7. Dafoe
5. Jolis sanz raison clamer Rosenberg—Tischler, no. 45
fo. 27°
Context: A musical insertion into Fauvel’s reply (itself one of Chaillou’s additions) to Fortune’s
refusal of him. The tone and much of the diction is that of the grand chant courtois. There is no reference to Fauvel, to Fortune, nor any direct allusion to the narrative. Three stanzas. The metrical form is incorrectly given by Rosenberg—Tischler 154, as a sequence of seven-syllable lines. Three stanzas.
Taille: rhyme and syllables
a7
melody
A’ BeowAe -BaltGae Dail
bs
a7
bs
b7
c7+
C7+t+
Tradition and Innovation in BN fr. 146 6. Se de secours pou ne point Rosenberg—Tischler, no. 46
391 foa7
Context: a musical insertion into Fauvel’s reply (itself one of Chaillou’s additions) to Fortune’s refusal of him. The tone and much ofthe diction is that of the grand chant courtois. There is no reference to Fauvel, to Fortune, nor any direct allusion to the narrative. Three stanzas. Taille: thyme and syllables a7 b7 a7 b7 b7 c7 C7 melody APB A BB Nees eae)
ADDITIONAL
ITEMS
7. Providence la senee Rosenberg—Tischler, no. 26
10,23,
Context: Interpolated after v. 2892 of Gerves’s text, to which Chaillou has added, as a prelude to this song: Or pues veoir se cest grant dame Fortune que veus prendre a fame Lors a Fauvel ceste balade Mise avant de cuer moult malade.
In the text of the song Fauvel acknowledges that Providence has led him to recognize his failure
to win her and that he may only have Vaine Gloire. The first line of the text alludes to Fortune’s declaration (vv. 2259-68) that she has four names, one of which is Providence. Three stanzas.
Virelai form.
8. Dame se par bien amer Rosenberg—Tischler, no. 43, inventoried as a ‘single stanza song with refrain’
fo
Context: a musical insertion into Fauvel’s reply (itself one of Chaillou’s additions) to Fortune’s
refusal of him. There is no reference to Fauvel, to Fortune, nor any direct allusion to the narrative. One stanza.
Taille: thyme and syllables melody
a7» b7-a7 Arann.
b7 Ale
By Es
By ah
APPENDIX
B
A Group of Ballade Texts in Douce 308 (Lorraine, ¢.1300), forming a possible antecedent
tradition for the ballades in fr. 146'°
11 19
Amors qui m/ait en la voie Biaulteiz et sans et vaillance '2 The numbers follow those in Steffens’s edition.
392
Christopher Page
22 56 60 123 141 144 152 157 164 166
Se je chans moins ke ne suel Hailais com est endormis En melancolie ai pris Quant li nouiaus tens s’agence Plus amerous c’onkes mais An espoir davoir lai joie Je morrai des malz d’amours De vrai cuer humeliant Aucuns sont qui ont anvie ant ai mal ni puis dureir
167.
Tant ai servi sans fauceir
186 187 188
Se fortune m’ait mostreit Je me doi bien resioir Gratiouzement sui pris
Tailles: A B re
A
B
X
Figgas
ey
ay
DZ
Ag
Dz
D7
a7 a2 DZ
b7
Sse
Dye
8a7
D77-
by
a7
byte)
a7
bye
b742
547
b7
baz
b7-oibaee
a7.
D7
aye
eb
a7
Dye
ar
by a b7
4acz,
\oee
ace
bz
b7
(oy)
U7
tea
Oe
eaten,
a7+
Cz
Ag+
19 aga 22 a7,
A7
56
a7 60 2G) 123 aye 141 a7
D7
ay.
b7+
Polar
A
AT
wolsg
C7
144 Grae
152
Be 157
Amen
7 PO a7 ee bz
Ube
DyA-
164 aye 166
PAD
a7
by
b7
C7
IeGia
See
b7=
27)
b7
Ab7e
icy
C7
b7
a7
b7
b7
167
a7
C7
Oya =
B7+
Tradition and Innovation in BN fr. 146
393
186
a7
b7
a7
b7
pl
erst
b7
a7
b7
Fe
iz
C7
b7
ary
b7
b7
c7+
B7
dy
d7
E7
E7
187
a7 188
a7
APPENDIX.
G7+
G@
The Notes lohorenges of Le Roman de la Rose
A passage in the first part of Le Roman de la Rose, generally assumed to have been composed between 1225 and 1230, reveals the existence of a distinctively Lorraine tradition in music, and perhaps in lyric. Here Guillaume de Lorris describes how the lover enters the Garden of Pleasure and sees men and women dancing a carole, ‘executing many fine steps and turns on the fresh grass’ (745-6). He continues:'” La veissiez fleiiteors, Et menestreus et jugleors; Si chantoit li uns rotruenges, Li autres notes lohorenges, Por ce c’on fet en Loheraigne
Plus beles notes que’n nul raigne. There you might have seen flute-players, minstrels, and jongleurs, one singing a rotruenge, another an air from Lorraine, for the airs composed in Lorraine are finer than those of any other kingdom. This remarkable passage, a brief extract from a long description of the Garden of Pleasure,
requires a searching glance. In this part of the Roman, Guillaume de Lorris is adopting the familiar romance technique of piling up details that impress by sheer accumulation and by the insistent hyperbole associated with them.’ He does not delineate relationships of space or time and therefore we cannot establish whether the rotruenge and the ‘air from Lorraine’ are sung in the same place at different times or at the same time in different places. The courtiers may be dancing to the rotruenge and to the ‘air from Lorraine’ (there is certainly a great deal of dancing in this passage) or they may not.” As for the text of Le Roman de la Rose at this point, recourse
to different manuscripts produces radically different readings. The passage above shows Lecoy’s text, where Guillaume de Lorris declares that ‘the airs composed in Lorraine are finer than those
of any other kingdom’; in Poirion’s edition, however, Guillaume’s claim is that ‘in Lorraine one '8 Félix Lecoy (ed.), Le Roman de la Rose par Guillaume de
' Strictly speaking,
it is not
clear whether
the ‘notes
Lorris et Jean de Meun, 3 vols. (Paris, 1965-75). Translation from F. Horgan, The Romance of the Rose: ANew Translation (Oxford,
_lohorenges’ are songs rather than instrumental compositions; the — words ‘li [menestreiis] chantent. . . notes lohorenges’ could con-
1994), 13. '* The writing belongs to what I have elsewhere called the ‘Reviewing Register’, a generalized view of amultifarious activity (Voices and Instruments, 155-6, especially 2.3-7).
ceivably mean ‘the [minstrels] play Lorraine melodies’. There is _no end to the arguments that might be built and then demolished using evidence of this kind.
Christopher Page
394 :
:
.
i
knows more melodies than in any other kingdom’, © 4 version in which the ‘beles notes’ of Lorraine have disappeared and the inhabitants of that region are praised because they know more melodies than others—a remark that might indicate nothing more than their voracious appetite for the compositions of their neighbours in Champagne and elsewhere. The possibility that the ‘notes lohorenges’ were dance-songs of some kind, and that Lorraine may therefore have pos-
sessed a distinctive culture of dance-song reaching back to the very beginning of the thirteenth century, is an intriguing one, but the evidence is too weak to be pressed.” °° D. Poirion, Le Roman de la Rose (Paris, 1974), 751-2: ‘Por
ce qu’en set en Loheregne | Plus toutes notes qu’en nul regne’. 17 Walter (“Tout commence par des chansons’), has recently
argued that these texts, though not necessarily of Lorraine prov-
enance (Guillaume de Dole has important connections with Liége), all participate in a ‘mouvance
de lespace littéraire
lorrain’. They share a significant number of names with a Lorraine connection, refer in common to certain places, towns, or cities in Lotharingian territory, and display various kinds of intertextuality (involving, perhaps, a degree of conscious selfdefinition by concerted opposition to the Arthurian narratives of France) that mark their common desire to exploit Lorraine as an ‘espace imaginaire’. The texts of outstanding musical interest are Galeran de Bretaigne and Jean Renart’s Guillaume de Dole. The
romance of Galeran contains another reference (vy. 1179) to the
‘Lorraine melodies’ mentioned in the first part of Le Roman de la Rose, while Jean Renart’s Guillaume de Dole incorporates a large number of lyric insertions, including stanzas from songs by troubadours and trouvéres, a chanson de toile (a form with strong Lotharingian connections), and a wealth of dance-lyrics. There is
a strong sense in the text that nearby Champagne is a powerful ‘literary’ presence,
a source
of both Arthurian
narrative and,
through the medium of Gace Brulé who is named twice (wv. 845 and 3620), of the grand chant courtois. See Walter, “Tout commence par des chansons’. I am most grateful to Dr Margaret Switten for this and for other references pertaining to the songculture of Lorraine.
18 Cosmic Quaternities in the Roman de Fauvel onjew NIGEL
F. PALMER
Book II of the Roman de Fauvel' contains as the climax to Fortune’s long speech, in which
she rejects Fauvel’s marriage suit, a passage in which she claims that his very nature and that of his followers are a sign of the end of the world. Through Fortune’s speech the moral satire of the poem is given a new angle, and in vv. 2993-3097 she sets out her doctrine of the
microcosm and the macrocosm, relating the four humours, phlegm, blood, yellow bile, and black bile (or melancholy), out of which the human body is composed, to the four ages of
man and to the four ages of the world. Hitherto the satire was directed at the French court, viewed from the perspective of the two dates inscribed in the poem, 1310 and 1314, which
coincide with the last years of the reign of Philip the Fair, but in Fortune’s speech a new cosmic dimension is introduced: Fauvel is revealed as a representative of the fourth age of the
world, that of melancholy, when the world becomes dry and cold, full of evil and sin. He is a herald of the Antichrist and of the end of the world. The purpose of this paper is to look at the issues raised in this speech, to put them in context, and to comment on the specific slant that Gervés du Bus gives to the traditional theme of the microcosm and the macrocosm.”
Melancholy, which Fortune describes as predominating in the present age of the world, is of course a problematic and much written about concept in late medieval thought.’ What we ' Le Roman de Fauvel par Gervais du Bus, ed. Arthur Langfors
attention to the Roman de Fauvel in the context of a discussion
(SATF; Paris, 1914-19). The observations presented in this study
of ‘cosmic quaternities’ is J. A. Burrow, The Ages ofMan: A Study
are directed only to the two-book version of the poem, which is here taken to have been conceived as a self-contained literary work in which the additions of the interpolated version and the new literary associations of fr. 146, which are separated in time from the ‘earlier’ poem by some significant political events, were not yet anticipated. I find no evidence in the material that I have analysed to gainsay this working hypothesis. I am indebted to numerous friends and colleagues on points ofdetail; in particular I should like to record my thanks to Tony Hunt and Jane Taylor
in Medieval Writing and Thought (Oxford, 1986), 26-7.
for advice on my translations from the French text.
> As far as I know the only writer who has previously drawn
* The most useful point of reference for my purposes is still Raymond Klibansky, Erwin Panofsky, and Fritz Saxl, Saturn and Melancholy: Studies in the History ofNatural Philosophy, Religion, and Art (London, 1964; repr. Nendeln, 1979), hereafter cited as
Klibansky et al. See also the French translation by Fabienne Durand-Bogaert and Louis Evrard (Paris, 1979) and the German
translation by Christa Buschendorf (2nd edn., Frankfurt a. M., 1990), both of which contain important revisions and additions,
as well as additional translations and plates. Page references are to the English edition.
396
Nigel F. Palmer
have here, in 1314, is the totally negative variant, which only later comes to be reconciled with the Aristotelian idea of melancholy as the disposition of all famous poets and philosophers. It is to be remembered, however, that in the opening lines of Book I the poet writes that his observation of the popular subservience to Fauvel has cast him into a state of melancholy,’ and that it is this that has prompted him to write his poem: De Fauvel que tant voi torchier Doucement, sans lui escorchier,
Sui entrés en milencolie, Por ce quest beste si polie. Souvent le voient en painture Tiex qui ne seivent se figure Moguerie, sens ou folie.
Et pur ce, sans amphibolie, Clerement diroi de teil beste Ce qui m’en peut chaer en teste. (Langfors, vv. 1-9)
On account of Fauvel, whom I see people currying so gently, instead of flaying him, I have entered into a state of melancholy, because this beast gets curried so. Often people see paintings of him who don’t know how to judge whether mockery, good sense, or folly is depicted there. And so I am going to put into words, clearly and without any ambiguity, whatever comes into my head about this beast.
It will be necessary to reconsider the significance of the melancholy that gives rise to a satirical poem after looking in more detail at the account of the four humours contained in Fortune’s speech. Book II describes Fauvel in his palace, in his throne room surrounded by his Vices. The king is assembled with his counsellors, almost as in a courtly romance, and he seeks their approval for his marriage suit. He has benefited particularly from the gifts of Fortune: Jay bien de Fortune la grace: Du tout a mon vouloir tournie. Moult m’a donné grant seigneurie: Du monde, qui est sa maison, M’a fait seigneur maugré Raison. (vv. 1718-22)
I have been looked kindly on by Fortune, who has turned her wheel entirely in accordance with my wishes. She has given me power as a great lord of the world, which is her house; she has quite irrationally made me a lord. “ Cf. Jean-Claude Miihlethaler, Fauvel au pouvoir: lire la satire médiévale (Nouvelle Bibliothtque du Moyen Age, 26; Paris,
3097 (pp. 185-7), but not of wv. 1-8; and Margherita Lecco,
1994), 168-79, citing several later examples of melancholy as the
Ricerche sul ‘Roman de Fauvel’ (Scrittura e scrittori, 10; Alessandria, 1993), 20 n. 40, who allows for only one of the
state of mind ofthe satirist (Jean Dupin c.1324-40, Guillaume de
numerous
Machaut ¢.1349, Petrarch in 1358, the Dit de la queu de Renart).
diabolica’).
See also Henrik Heger, Die Melancholie bei den franzdsischen Lyrikern des Spédtmittelalters (Romanistische Versuche und Vorarbeiten; Bonn, 1967), who includes a discussion of vw. 2993-
> Langfors’s capital letter in ‘maugré Raison’ might suggest a reading ‘contrary to the wishes of Reason’, taking ‘Raison’ as a
possible
collocations
of milencolie
(‘la potenza
personified figure, like the opponent of Love in the Roman de la
Cosmic Quaternities in Fauvel
397
However, he fears that Fortune’s wheel may turn again, and suggests that if he were to marry her he could thereby remain master of the wheel for ever. The court approves his intention and he sets out on his wooing expedition to Fortune’s court in the city of Macrocosm. This is followed by an elaborate description of Fortune with her two faces and two crowns and two wheels, and the wheels within the wheels. Fauvel’s future wife Vain Glory is sitting there at her feet. Fauvel presents his suit—and then Fortune replies in a speech that, in the economy of the work, is remarkable for its length (some 1,069 lines, vv. 2117-3184).
U Fortune's speech is a disquisition on her own nature, intended as a serious piece of teaching, and indebted in particular to the Boethian interests of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Fortune appears here as a cosmic deity, standing in a literary tradition of personification allegory that was established anew for the Middle Ages by twelfth-century writers such as Bernardus Silvestris and Alan of Lille. She and her sister Wisdom are the daughters of the King of Kings, through whose mediation the creation and the governance of the world are effected. She has different aspects, which are identified by the different names that are used for her. Her two crowns signify two ways of looking at Fortune, from the position of the prosperous, for whom she signifies their imminent downfall, and from that of the poor, for whom she signifies hope. Unlike Fauvel, one should accept one’s lot in the world: that is the only way to resist the instability of earthly things. Fauvel’s marriage suit is a prime example of man who in his pride has forgotten his true human nature. Fortune now repeats her rejection of Fauvel and abuses him for his filthy origins, which exemplify all the evil there is in man. God only tolerates him because it is his desire that the end of the world should be heralded by wars, evil, and sin, such as are evident at the present time: “Necesse est ut veniant scandala, ve tamen homini illi per quem scandalum venit’ (Matt. 18: 7), to quote the musical
setting that is added in fr. 146 at this point.”
Fortune now elaborates on this malediction:
2995
L’auctour de Sex Et Raison pas ne Que le monde a Et homme si est
Principes dit le desdit nom Macrocosme Microcosme,
The author of the Six Principles declares, and
reason does not deny it, that the world is called Macrocosm, and man is Microcosm, which is to say the greater world and the lesser world, which
Et cest a dire et a entendre Le monde greigneur et le mendre, Dont lun a l’autre trop ressemble; ~=—Et C est en ce, si come me semble,
resemble one another very closely. And hence, it seems to me, man is made up of four qualities
Rose or Ratio in the Anticlaudianus. | read it as a much less
but she does not play a part in the personification allegory of the poem.
3000
portentous expression, more in the spirit of ‘contraire a Raison in wv. 23-4, of which these lines are probably a deliberate echo, ‘sans reson’ v. 297, the opposite of‘par droite raison’ vv. 323, 1163. ‘Raison’ is briefly personified in vv. 1792, 1854, 2823, and 1900,
that are at odds with one another, each being contrary to the others, in whose company there is
® Dahnk
154 (p.mus. 63). Matt. 18: 7 is the source of wy.
2986 ff. in Fortune’s speech.
Nigel F. Palmer
398
3005
3010
3015
Que homme est de quatre qualitez,
only strife: namely, moisture, heat, dryness, and
Qui ont entr’eulx adversitez,
cold.
Car l'une a l’autre contrarie, N’a que guerre en leur compaignie: ~ Cest moiste, chaut, sec et froidure. Chaut et moiste metent leur cure A garder vie et maintenir, Més le chaut ne se puet tenir Que sans cesser en toute guise
~—Nee gast le moiste et amenise, Si com luile gaste la meche, Tant que la lampe devient seche; Lors pert la lampe sa lumiere. Ausi est il en tel maniere ~~Du chaut naturel qui degaste Le moiste adés et moult s’en haste. Le sec aussi le moiste mort, Et le froit si n’atent que mort,
Heat and moisture are concerned to preserve and sustain life. But eat cannot prevent itself from continually, and in many ways, causing moisture to be entirely wasted and diminished, just as the wick uses up the oil so that the lamp becomes dry and then no longer gives light. It is just the same with natural heat, which always consumes moisture, and does so with all speed. Dryness too destroys moisture, and cold is only waiting for death, which doesn’t take its time coming.
Qui vient plus tost que l’ambleiire. 3020 ~~De ces quatre a formé Nature Quatre charnex complexions, Plaines de grans contentions,
Dont la premiere est fleumatique, 3025
Puis sanguine, puis colerique, Et la quarte est merancolie.
De ces quatre est humaine vie Fondee, si comme Nature Les porpocionne et mesure
From these four qualities Nature has formed the four bodily complexions, among which there is great strife. The first of them is the phlegmatic complexion, the second the sanguine, then the choleric, and the fourth is melancholy. Human life is based on these four complexions, in accordance with the proportions and measurements given by Nature to natural bodies with a soul.
Es corps naturelz qui ont amez. 3030
3035
~+Fleume est aus enfans et aus famez. Le sanc vient demander sa rente D’entour .xv. ans jusqu’en tour .xxx. Et puis apres vient dame Cole Soubz .lx. ans tenir s’escole. Puis vient tantost Merancolie,
Qui toute en tristece se lie, Par viellesce, qui le joer Pert, ca il sent le terroer. Et comment que femmes et hommez 3040
Aient pluseurs maulx et grans sommez
' These lines are very difficult. I take the verbal noun joer to mean ‘game’; the rhyme with terroer prohibits the reading ‘player’. Terroer, literally ‘territory’, must refer here to the grave,
Phlegm is a characteristic of children and women. Blood makes its demands around the age of 15 until about 30. For the under-sixties Dame
Choler holds sway. Next comes Melancholy, given over entirely to sadness through old age, who causes the game to be lost, for he (the old man) catches the scent of earth.’ And although women and men endure various troubles and great burdens and much suffering in their youth, nonetheless in their old age they necessarily have more suffering to endure and a bad time. They become punning on the traditional association of black bile with the element earth. In v. 3638 I assume an implied subject, the old
man.
Cosmic Quaternities in Fauvel Et maint tourment en leur jeunesce, Toutes voiez en leur viellesce
Ont il plus par droite raison 3045
3050
3055
De mal et mauvaise saison. Il deviennent mal gracieux, Roupieux, roigneux, chacieux; Apostumez et tous et goute Et maint autre mal les deboute. Ainsi forment abat tristece La fin domme et femme en viellesce. Ainsi est il certainement Du monde tout semblablement, Car de quatre elemens contraires Est fait le monde et ses afaires: Crest le feu, lair, Peve et la terre,
Entre les quelz a moult de guerre, Car il ont diversez naturez, Divers faiz et contraires curez. 3060
Et au premier je te di que Le monde fut fait flumatique, Et les gens qui adonc estoient, Pour le fleume, dont moult avoient, Estoient trop lours et pesans,
399
ungracious, snivelling, scabby, rheumy-eyed; abscesses, coughs, and gout and many other ailments put them out of action. To such an extent is the end of man and woman in their old age assailed by sadness.
The end of the world too, in just the same way, will most certainly be the same, for the world and everything to do with it are made up of the four contrary elements, that is, fire, air, water, and earth, among which there is great strife, for they have different natures, different actions, and different functions. Initially, I must tell you, the world was phlegmatic, and the people who lived then, because of the phlegm which they had in such great quantity, were very heavy and weary, sleepy, slowwitted, and reticent.
Endormis, nicez et tesans.
3065
Le monde aprés sanguin devint, Quant David le prophete vint, Car adont fu l’engin ouvert
Que le fleume ot devant couvert. Qu’en la Virge char et sanc prendre Vendroit Diex pour ceulx racheter Qu’Eve avoit fait pieca mater. Le monde pot colerique estre Quant Diex de la Virge vout nestre,
world was allowed to understand that God would come and assume flesh and blood in the Virgin’s womb to redeem those whom Eve had long ago ruined. The world came to be choleric at that time when God desired to be born of a Virgin. The
Et lors prist le monde a entendre 3070
3075
Et lors fu sec et chaut le monde
world became dry and hot, when He in whom all
Quant cil en qui tout bien abunde
good abounds sent down from the heavens that
Envoia des cielx la rousee
dew, which was so greatly desired. Then the cloud ofjoy poured down rain that tempered our dryness.
Qui tant par estoit desiree. Lors plut la nue de leesce 3080
Later the world became sanguine, at that time
when the prophet David came, for then the device was revealed which previously the phlegmatic humour had kept concealed: then the
Qui trempa nostre secheresce. Més or est le monde venus En grant viellesce et devenus Trestout plain de merancolie, Et cest vers la fin de sa vie.
But now the world has entered into advanced
old age and has become full of melancholy: the end of its life is at hand.
400
Nigel F. Palmer Melancholy, I dare tell you, is the worst of the
Merancolie, bien l’os dire,
3085
Est des complexions la pire:
complexions. It has an earthly nature, which is
Elle est de nature terrestre, Si qu'elle doit seiche et froide estre,
dry and cold, and the world has become cold and dry, full of all evil and sin, covetous, avaricious,
and grasping. There is now no good in the world: the world seeks only to extend its domain, so that there will arise against it wars and commotions (Luke 21: 9); there is no longer any joy or gladness; it is everywhere in a state of upheaval.
Et le monde est froit et sechié, 3090 ~—-Plain de tout mal et de pechié, Couveteux, avel et tenant. En li n’a nul bien maintenant: Il ne quiert fors qu’aquerre terre; Pour ce li sourt meschief et guerre; 3095
| N’a més en li joie ne feste,
De toutes pars est en tempeste; Et cest bien raison vraiement, Car, se l’Escripture ne ment, Les signez perent que pres estre 3100 + Devon du temps en quoi doit nestre L’anemi de crestienté, Celi par qui toute plenté
And that is entirely to be expected, for, if Scripture is to be believed, the signs are appearing (Luke 21: 25; Matt. 24: 3), the time is upon us when the enemy of Christendom shall be born, he through whom iniquity shall abound in the world, which at that time will be about to come to an end.
De mal doit ou monde venir Sur le temps qui devra fenir.
This passage makes use of the widespread notion that the human body is made up of four conflicting qualities.” These are the so-called ‘primary elements’ that the Middle Ages called qualitates. moisture,
heat, dryness, and cold, out of which
all matter
is constituted,
a
commonplace of the ancient and medieval philosophical tradition attested already in the fifth century Bc. The primary elements are held together in one system, but they are in constant conflict, which is illustrated here by the case of moisture, which is dried up by heat, as with the oil in a lamp, but equally by dryness and cold. The second paragraph is concerned with the four humours. These are four substances in the body, each of which combines two of the four primary elements, and which the healthy body ideally possesses in a state of perfect balance. In practice each person, at any one time, has a predominance of one of the four humours, which determines his ‘complexion’ as being sanguine, choleric, melancholic, or phlegmatic, according to which of the four humours is in the ascendancy: blood, choler (normally called either ‘yellow bile’ or ‘red bile’’), melancholy (‘black bile’), or phlegm. As
the tradition developed the four complexions came to be understood not just as physical states, but as marking out physical types, and then also as character types. In Fauvel the four 8
For
what
follows
see
Werner
Seyfert,
‘Ein
Kom-
Das Viererschema in der antiken Humoralpathologie (Sudhofts
plexionentext einer Leipziger Inkunabel (angeblich eines Johann
Archiv, Beiheft 4; Wiesbaden, 1964); Rudolph E. Siegel, Galen’s
von Neuhaus) und seine handschriftliche Herleitung aus der Zeit nach 1300’, Archiv fiir Geschichte der Medizin, 20 (1928), 272-99,
System ofPhysiology and Medicine: An Analysis ofhis Doctrines and Observations on Bloodflow, Respiration, Humors and Internal Dis-
372-89; Klaus Schénfeldt, Die Temperamentenlehre in deutschsprachigen Handschriften des 15. Jahrhunderts (diss. Heidelberg, 1962), 7-18; Klibansky et al, chs. i.1 and 3(b), ii.3. For the four humours in ancient medicine see Erich Schéner,
eases (Basle and New York, 1968), 216-24. ° Latin ‘flavus’ (yellow, including reddish yellow) and ‘rubeus’
are alternative renderings of €av@0c. To avoid confusion I shall
always refer to this humour as yellow bile.
Cosmic Quaternities in Fauvel
401
complexions are said to predominate in the four ages of man. This is a regular feature of medieval medical tradition that was particularly important for doctors in determining how to treat their patients, and also for diet. The choleric man, being naturally hot and dry, should eat moist, cold food, such as young chickens boiled in fresh spring water, whereas the melancholic man (cold and dry) should keep to moist but well-peppered food washed down with hot drinks." It is important to note the sequence in which the humours are listed in ancient, and in the majority of medieval texts: blood (hot/moist), yellow bile (hot/dry), black bile (cold/dry), and phlegm (cold/moist). That is how they are cited, to name but one example, in Isidore’s
Etymologies.'' In this scheme the humours form a cycle, each linked by one ofits two qualities both to the preceding humour and to the following humour. It will be noted that the order of the humours in the Roman de Fauvel, although still forming a cycle linked by qualities, diverges from the norm. So far the statement about man, the microcosm, has been purely physiological. In the third paragraph Fortune moves on to the correspondence between the microcosm and the macrocosm. Like man the world too is made up of the four conflicting primary elements. This was an important point of discussion in early Greek philosophy, because it was used to show that there was not one single principle determining the creation of the world, but rather an
interacting quaternity.’» The idea of the correspondence of the macrocosm and the microcosm is a commonplace of ancient thinking that has persisted to the present day. In Fauvel one particular aspect is picked out, namely the idea that there are four ages of the world characterized by the four complexions, thus creating a correspondence of microcosm and macrocosm. The system set out here can be presented in tabular form (see Table 18.1). The
pivotal point of the argument is that the traditional pattern of quaternities is shown to relate to a fourfold scheme in Salvation History: it is not merely a philosophical, but now also a theological interpretation, and the tetradic scheme is no longer conceived as an interplay of four or as a cycle, but rather as a linear, eschatological sequence.
Il The question that has now to be addressed concerns the relationship of Gervés du Bus’s scheme in the Roman de Fauvel to the philosophical tradition of thinking in tetradic categories. What innovations does he allow Fortune to make, and what is their significance? What are his sources? '° The clearest statements regarding the humours and diet are found in writings dependent on Arabic medicine, as in the Secretum secretorum (trans. ‘Philip of Tripoli’): Opera hactenus
inedita Rogeri Bacon, v: Secretum secretorum cum glossis et notulis, ed. Robert Steele (Oxford, 1920), 66-7. My examples are taken from the Tractatus de complexionibus attributed to Johannes de Nova domo: Seyfert, ‘Ein Komplexionentext’, 290, 292; cf. the important note on p. 381.
"| [sidori Hispalensis episcopi Etymologiarum sive originum libri xx, ed. W. M. Lindsay (Oxford, 1911; repr. 1985), 1. 5. 1-7. " Cf. Hippocrates, De natura hominis 1, in Hippocrates, with
an English translation by W. H. S. Jones, iv (The Loeb Classical Library; London and Cambridge, Mass., 1931), 2.
Nigel F. Palmer
402
TABLE 18.1. The correspondence of microcosm and macrocosm in the Roman de Fauvel 4 humours
4 qualities
4 ages of man
4 elements
4 ages of the world
fire
before David
:
(cold)
phlegm moisture
heat
Tess aes a
ood
yellow bile
under 15 15-30
air
to ChriChrist David to fromrom David
30-60
water
| time of Christ
over 60
earth
end of the world
‘
:
dryness pert black bile cold
At the very beginning of this section he appears to name his source: L’auctour de Sex Et Raison pas ne Que le monde a Et homme si est
Principes dit le desdit nom Macrocosme Microcosme. (wv. 2993-6)
This passage has given rise to some misinformation. Langfors provides a note correctly identifying the point of reference as the Liber sex principiorum, a twelfth-century treatise on the last six of the Aristotelian categories that became a set text of the logica vetus,”’ but also pointing out that what follows is not a direct borrowing from this work. In fact he leaves it open why the reference is included by Gervés du Bus.'* Langfors’s identification of ‘?auctour de Sex Principes’ as Gilbert of Poitiers, an attribution that goes back to Albert the Great (but no further) and is no longer generally maintained today,'’ suggests a connection with twelfthcentury Platonism and the School of Chartres. And indeed the twelfth century was the heyday of the doctrine of the microcosm and the macrocosm.'° For writers such as Arnulf of Orléans and William of Conches, the universe was perceived as an ordered entity, a unique living being conceived by God, an aggregation of creatures held together by the interplay of the laws of Nature, of which man formed a part mirroring the whole. It would not therefore ' Anonymi fragmentum vulgo vocatum ‘Liber sex principiorum, in Aristoteles latinus, il6-7: Categoriarum supplementa, ed. Laurentius Minio-Paluello (Bruges and Paris, 1966), 33-59. Cf. Martin Grabmann, Die Geschichte der
de lars minor, et était, par conséquent, un des traités le plus lus
scholastischen Methode, ii (Freiburg i. Br., 1911), 415-17; Lorenzo
of Twelfth-Century Western Philosophy (Cambridge, 1988), 32852. "© Marie-Thérése d’Alverny, ‘L’Homme comme symbole: le microcosme’, in Simboli e simbologia nell‘alto medioevo
Minio-Paluello, “Magister Sex Principiorum’, Studi medieval, 3rd ser., 6/2 (1965), 123-51.
' Langfors, commun de directement du mention de cet
pp. cili-civ: ‘Ce qui suit, et qui est un lieu la philosophie ancienne, ne provient pas Liber sex principiorum de l’évéque de Poitiers. La ouvrage est plutét due au fait qu’il faisait partie
au moyen Age’. Cf. Lecco, Ricerche, 64 n. 143. " Minio-Paluello, ‘Magister’, 124-33. For Gilbert see John Marenbon, ‘Gilbert of Poitiers’, in Peter Dronke (ed.), A History
(Settimana di studio del Centro Italiano medioevo, 23; Spoleto 1976), i. 123-83.
di studi sull’alto
Cosmic Quaternities in Fauvel
403
be surprising to find in the Roman de Fauvela reference to the controversial figure who was a teacher at Poitiers, Chartres, and Paris. Writers on the microcosm and the macrocosm do
in fact generally list Gilbert as one of the principal exponents of these ideas, but this is simply
based on incorrect information about the passage in the Roman de Fauvel.'’ There is, however, an association with the Liber sex principiorum that deserves closer
consideration. In section 5 (De quando’) of this work the temporality of being is illustrated by reference to the changes experienced by the bodies and souls of men of different
complexions in the four seasons: Est autem quando in omni eo quod cepit esse, ut corpus quidem universum aliquando est et in tempore; suscipit enim temporum alterationes (alteratur enim corpus in estu, hieme, vere et autumno). Similiter autem et anima; acutius etenim quidam in hieme, quidam in estate, quidam in vere speculantur secundum instrumenti complexionem; anima enim coniuncta complexiones comitantur, ut qui aride et gelide compaginationis dementiores se ipsis in autumno sepe sunt, quibus vero sanguis principatur, in vere. Similiter autem et de aliis secundum similitudinem animalium et
temporum."*
The concepts of the microcosm and the macrocosm are not explicitly employed in this passage. But the examples of men who see more clearly according to the season, and whose sanity is affected by the seasons, depend on the ‘resemblance of living beings and of the seasons’ [47], that is on the common principle of pairs of primary elements, such as ‘aridus
et gelidus’ (dry and cold), that determine the physical nature of man and of the macrocosm, here exemplified by the cycle of the four seasons.” In the mid-thirteenth century Albert the Great commented on the Liber sex principiorum and explained this passage by identifying the physical types determined by combinations of the four elements in particular seasons as ‘melancholici’, ‘cholerici’, ‘phlegmatici’, and ‘sanguinei’.”’ The decisive development, however, which provides the best point of reference for the allusion to the Liber sex principiorum in Fortune’s speech, comes in a commentary on the same work by Walter Burley (born in 1274/5), which was written during his time in Paris
from 1309 to 1327 and probably within a few years (as well as a few miles) of the Roman de Fauvel.” The Expositio libri de sex principiis belongs to a set of originally independent '” See Brian Stock, Myth and Science in the Twelfth Century
(Princeton, 1972), 276; M. D. Chenu, Nature, Man, and Society in the Twelfth Century: Essays on New Theological Perspectives in the Latin West (Chicago and London, 1957): ‘Gilbert de la Porrée
gave attention to the theme in his Liber sex principiorum.—From his work the theme passed into vernacular literature, e.g. Le roman de Fauvel’ (p. 30 and n. 63). Chenu’s source is Gérard Paré, Les Idées et les lettres au XIII’ siecle: Le Roman de la Rose (Montreal, 1947), 77, who simply takes Gervés du Bus at his word and asserts that Gilbert was a source for the Roman de Fauvel. '* Anonymi fragmentum, ed. Minio-Paluello, 44-5 [46-47].
Other complexionis
manuscripts animalium
read
‘secundum _ similitudinem
et temporum’;
cf. Minio-Paluello’s
*! Albertus
Magnus,
Commentary
on
the
Liber
sex
principiorum, in: B. Alberti Magni Ratisbonensis episcopi, ordinis praedicatorum, opera omnia, 1890), 305-72 at 342-3.
ed. Augustus
Borgnet,
i (Paris,
* On the Expositio libri de sex principiis see Anneliese Maier, ‘Zu einigen Problemen der Ockham-Forschung’, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, 46 (1953), 161-94 at 189-90; Charles H. Lohr, ‘Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries: Authors G— I’, Traditio, 24 (1968), 149-245 at 174. For Walter Burley and his works see A. B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University
of Oxford to A.D. 1500, i (Oxford, 1957), 314; C. Martin, “Walter
Burley’, in Oxford Studies Presented to Daniel Callus (Oxford, 1964), 194-230 (the best introduction); Agustin Una Juarez, ‘Aristételes en el siglo XIV: la técnica comentaristica de Walter
critical apparatus. °° For the background to these questions see the first chapters
Burley al “Corpus Aristotelicum”’,
of Aristotle’s Problemata.
1988, Bulletin de philosophie médiévale, 30 (1988), 233-50.
(1977), 477-533; R. Wood,
La Ciudad de Dios, 190
‘Studies on Walter Burley, 1968-
404
Nigel F. Palmer
commentaries by Burley on the set texts of Aristotelian logic, which were composed at various different times. Emden records Weisheipl’s suggestion that the Aristotelian commentaries that do not yet show the influence of Ockham (among which the Expositio libri de sex principiis would number) should be dated before 1319."° The textual history of this work is complicated, however, by the fact that there are several different recensions, which may all be authorial, and which may date from different periods.” It seems quite likely that at least a first version was written in the decade after the composition of the Roman de Fauvel, but there is nothing to suggest that the commentary is the earlier of the two works and could have been consulted by Gervés du Bus. It is only, therefore, an analogue, not a source. Burley, in his commentary on the temporality of being, sets about explaining the interre-
lationship between the physical complexion of man and the seasons in a manner similar to Albert, whose commentary he knew, but he then proceeds to interpolate an account of the interplay of four quaternities in man and nature which is not at all unlike the passage in Fauvel.” He states that there are four quaternities (the humours, the seasons, the elements,
and the ages of man), whose nature is determined by corresponding pairs of primary elements according to the following scheme: hot/moist: hot/dry: cold/moist: cold/dry:
air blood fire yellow bile water phlegm earth __ black bile
spring summer winter autumn _
infancy childhood youth old age
He goes on to explain the implications of this for the body during that season of the year that corresponds to a man’s natural complexion, and then to illustrate the principle of the contrariness of the complexions, by which for example hot/dry men (‘colerici’) are granted respite in the cold/moist season (winter) and can study better then. The same principle is said to apply to the ages of man, and to hot/cold/moist/dry regions of the earth, thus extending the scope of the microcosm—macrocosm correspondence. The passage concludes with an example of how this applies to old men, whose cold and dry temperament is shown to be susceptible to seasonal and regional changes. At one point in the argument the Magdalen College manuscript offers a divergent reading,
stating that winter, which was cold and moist in the scheme of quaternities, is cold and dry, and that spring, hitherto hot and moist, is hot and dry: ” A Biographical Register, 314.
will be considered in more detail below, as the version in the
* Maier, ‘Zu einigen Problemen’, records a short (first?) recension and a second, ‘improved’ recension, whereas the
manuscripts to which I refer below provide evidence of three versions.
” | refer to the ‘long version’ of the passage as contained in Oxford, Magdalen College, MS 140, fos. 49-58"
(54°-55"),
early printed edition: Burlei super artem veterem Porphirit et Aristotelis (GW 5772; Venice: Otinus de Luna, 1497; repr. Frankfurt a. M., 1967), fos. ho”—k2"” (at ig’). Maier assigns Magdalen MS 140 and MS Can. misc. 385 to her ‘first recension’, and the Venice print to her ‘improved recension’. Bodleian Library, MS
printed in the Appendix below, which has the same text as
Can. misc. 460, fos. 94-109" (at 103”), which Maier also assigns to the ‘first recension’, contains a different and much shorter
Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Can. misc. 385, fos. 217-233" (227), and is essentially the same, except on one point that
version ofthe passage (see Appendix below), which could well be the author’s first draft of an idea that he later reworked.
Cosmic Quaternities in Fauvel
405
Unde quia senes sunt frigidi et sicci, peius se habent in hyeme, que est frigida et sicca, quam in uere, que [sic] est calida et sicca.
This is most likely an error, as the thought structure of the alternative version in the 1497
printed edition rehearsing the suitability for old men of three different seasons (autumn, winter, and spring) is matched by the following sentence about how they fare in three different regions (cold/dry, cold/moist, and hot/moist).
However,
the association of old
age with winter, which has the advantage of allowing autumn and winter to be positioned in their proper time sequence within the pattern of quaternities, is not unusual in ancient and medieval thought. Burley follows Aristotle in describing old age as characterized by the cold/dry complexion, whereas for the medical doctors Hippocrates and Galen an association of old age and winter with cold/moist and of man in his prime and autumn with cold/dry is the norm.” This same variation in the correspondences of the seasons, the ages, and humours has been noted in other contexts and has given rise to the claim, challenged by E. Schéner, that there are north European and Mediterranean climatic variants of the scheme.” We shall return to this point in the context of the passage from the Roman de Fauvel. Burley’s commentary on the Liber sex principiorum is one of the many that attest the standard place that this short treatise came to assume in university courses in logic, and of which only that by Albert the Great has found its way into a modern printed edition.” In the current state of knowledge it is impossible to know whether the discussion of the microcosm— macrocosm correspondences is a particular feature unique to Burley’s commentary (which seems unlikely), but this text provides evidence of the doctrine of cosmic quaternities as it was propagated in Paris by a contemporary of Gervés du Bus. The details of Burley’s system of quaternities are not identical with those in the Roman de Fauvel, but it can be noted for the moment that the subdivisions of the ages of man are the same, and that particular prominence is given to the discussion of old age, which, in both works, is the age of melancholy. What is lacking in Burley is the teleological, or eschatological, interpretation of the microcosm—macrocosm correspondence, which in the Roman de Fauvel introduces a quite new dimension into the Galenic model that had traditionally been used to relate the world to the body. To understand this it will be necessary to consider some typical examples of the traditional organic model from which Burley’s scheme ts derived, before turning, in conclu-
sion, to consider its eschatological adaptation in the Roman de Fauvel.
© Schoner, Das Viererschema, 58 (Corpus Hippocraticum), 92
ebenfalls keine Einigkeit’. For the ‘climatic’ theory see Erwin
(Galen); 70 (Aristotle); cf. also 84 n. 1. There is good Aristotelian
Panofsky, Albrecht Diirer (London, 1948), i. 157; Klibansky et al,
authority for the view that old age is cold and dry: see De
280.
generatione animalium 5.3 (783°7), 5.4 (784°34); De longitudine et brevitate vitae 5 (466'19); Problemata 1.17 (861'28), 3.26 (87515). For winter see Problemata 1.17 (861'20ff.). These references are from Schéner, 70. * Ibid. 83-4: ‘In der Zuordnung der Qualitéten zu Greisenalter und Winter bzw. Mannesalter und Herbst herrschte
* For the unpublished commentaries see Grabmann,
Die
Geschichte der scholastischen Methode, ii. 416; Minio-Paluello, ‘Magister’, 149-50; Lohr, “Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentar-
ies’, Traditio 23 (1967), 313-413; 24 (1968), 149-245; 26 (1970), 135-216; 27 (1971), 251-351; 28 (1972), 281-392; 29 (1973), 93-396;
30 (1974), 119-44.
Nigel F. Palmer
406
IV The patterns of four that we have so far encountered are part of a broad medieval tradition, ultimately deriving from Pythagorean thought, in which this scheme was particularly favoured to structure perception of the physical world. We have encountered the four cosmic elements, the four primary elements or qualities, which form pairs to characterize the four
secondary elements or humours, which in the human body produce the four temperaments, as they have been known since the Renaissance. They stand in a relationship to the four seasons, the four ages of man, the four winds, the four points of the compass, the four orifices, and the four parts of the day.” The following example will serve to illustrate the commonest form that tetradic thinking takes in medieval medical literature:
30
Quattuor sunt aetates, i. adolescentia, iuventus, senectus et senium. Adolescentia complexionis videlicet calidae et humidae est, in qua crescit et augetur corpus usque ad vicesimum quintum vel tricesimum annum. Hanc iuventus insequitur, quae calida est et sicca, perfectum sine diminutione virium corpus conservans, quae vel tricesimo quinto vel quadragesimo anno finitur. Huic succedit senectus frigida et sicca, in qua quidem minui et decrescere corpus incipit, tamen virtus non deficit quinquagesimo quinto vel sexagesimo persistens anno. Huic succedit senium collectione flegmatici humoris frigidum et humidum, in quo virtutis apparet defectus, quod suos annos vitae termino metitur.
This text is contained in the late eleventh-century Latin translation from the Arabic of Hunain ibn Ishaq, ‘Johannitius’, in the /sagoge in artem parvam Galeni, which was for a long
time one of the most important sources of general physiological knowledge. Johannitius associates adolescentia, up to 25 or 30, with the hot and moist complexion. Juventus, man in his prime, up to 35 or 40, is hot and dry. Senectus, up to 55 or 60, is cold and dry and now the body begins to decline. After that comes extreme old age, senium, with a preponderance
of phlegm, which is cold and moist. The combinations of qualities associated with the four ages are those that traditionally characterize the four humours: blood, yellow bile, black bile,
and phlegm, quoted here in the standard order, although only the phlegmatic complexion is mentioned by name. As in the Roman de Fauvel the boundaries of the four ages are specified,
but here, as commonly in medieval tetradic schemes, childhood up to 25/30 is treated as one
unit, and old age is subdivided into senectus and senium. The passage is concerned only ” On the medieval tradition of quaternities see in particular Heinrich Schipperges, ‘Einfliisse arabischer Medizin auf die Mikrokosmosliteratur
mediaevalia, Mittelalter:
i =
des 12. Jahrhunderts’,
in Miscellanea
Paul Wilpert (ed.), Antike und Orient im
Vortrdge der Kélner Mediaevistentagung 1956-1959
Dichtung und Kunst’, in Les Ages de la vie au moyen age (Cultures et Civilisations Médiévales, bibliography. * Johannitius,
Jsagoge ad
7; Paris, 1992), 85-106; all with Techne
Galieni
18 (ed. Gregor
Preliminary Study in the Method and Application of Visual Exegesis
Maurach, Sudhoffs Archiv, 62 (1978), 148-74 at 155). Cf. Sears, The Ages ofMan, 30 and n. 97; Burrow, The Ages ofMan, 24-5; both with translation. For an Old French version of this passage
(Assen and Amsterdam, 1978); Elizabeth Sears, The Ages ofMan:
from the 13th c., see Le Régime du corps de Maitre Aldebrandin de
Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle (Princeton, 1986), ch. 1;
Sienne: texte francais du XIII" siecle, ed. Louis Landouzy and Roger Pépin (Paris, 1911), 79.
(Berlin, 1962), 129-53; Anna C. Esmeijer, Divina quaternitas: A
Thomas Bein, “Lebensalter und Safte: Aspekte der antikmittelalterlichen Humoralpathologie und ihre Reflexe in
Cosmic Quaternities in Fauvel
407
with physiology and there is therefore no mention of the microcosm—macrocosm correspondence. The information contained in Johannitius’ tetrad can be schematized as follows: four ages
four complexions
adolescence youth old age advanced old age
hot/moist hot/dry cold/dry —cold/moist (phlegm)
years under 25/30 25/30-35/40 35/40-55/60 __over 55/60
The standard microcosm—macrocosm correspondence can most conveniently be illustrated from the early twelfth-century De mundi constitutione of Pseudo-Bede:”| Sunt etiam quatuor humores in homine qui imitantur diversa elementa, crescunt in diversis temporibus, regnant in diversis etatibus. Sanguis imitatur aerem, crescit in vere, regnat in pueritia. Colera imitatur ignem, crescit in estate, regnat in adolescentia. Melancolia imitatur terram, crescit in autumpno, regnat in maturitate. Flegma imitatur aquam, crescit in hieme, regnat in senectute. Hi cum nec plus nec minus iusto exuberant, viget homo.
This is the scheme employed here: 4 humours
4 cosmic elements
4 seasons
blood
air
spring
yellow bile
fire
summer
—-4 ages childhood
__ adolescence
black bile
earth
autumn
maturity
phlegm
water
winter
old age
The four humours in the human body correspond to the four elements, they come to predominate during each of the four seasons (cited in chronological order), and they dominate man during his four ages. In this standard pattern, as in Johannitius, black bile is
associated with autumn and with the middle years oflife, whereas the humour that belongs to old age and winter is phlegm.
The microcosm—macrocosm correspondence was developed further in Book II of the widely copied twelfth-century /mago mundi of Honorius Augustodunensis:”” 58. De elementis
Quatuor quoque elementa qualitatibus .iiii. temporum connectuntur. Terra namque sicca et frigida autumno, aqua frigida et humida hiemi, aer humidus et calidus veri, ignis calidus et siccus estati colligatur. *! Pseudo-Bede: ‘De mundi celestis terrestrisque constitutione. A
* Honorius Augustodunensis, /mago mundi, ed. Valerie |. J.
Treatise on the Universe and the Soul, ed. and trans. Charles
Flint, Archives d'histoire doctrinale et littéraire du moyen age, 57
Burnett (Warburg Institute Surveys and Texts, 10; London 1985),
(1982), 8-153 at 105-6.
18-19 (i. 6-12). Cf. Klibansky et al., 3; Sears, The Ages ofMan, 27.
408
Nigel F. Palmer
59. De homine microcosmo Hisdem qualitatibus est humanum corpus temperatum, unde et microcosmus, id est minor mundus,
appellatur. Sanguis namque, qui vere crescit, est humidus et calidus. Et hic viget in infantibus. Colera rubea, crescens in estate, est calida et sicca. Et hec habundat in iuvenibus. Melancolia, id est colera
nigra, crescens autumno in provectioribus. Flegmata, que hieme dominantur in senibus. 60. Quatuor qualitates In quibus sanguis pollet sunt hilares, misericordes, ridentes, loquaces. In quibus colera rubea, sunt
macilenti, voraces, veloces, audaces, iracundi, agiles. In quibus nigra colera, stabiles, graves, compositi
moribus, et dolosi sunt. In quibus flegmata, tardi, somnolenti, obliviosi sunt.
This may be schematized as follows: The world:
Man:
4 cosmic elements
4 X 2 qualities
4 seasons
earth
cold/dry
autumn
water
cold/moist
winter
air fire
hot/moist hot/dry
spring summer
4 humours
4 seasons
4 ages
blood (hot/moist) red bile (hot/dry)
spring summer
infancy youth
black bile phlegm
autumn winter
later life old age
Honorius begins in ch. 58 with the macrocosm, the four elements, and associates each of these
with a combination of two qualities and with one of the four seasons. Then in ch. 59 he shows
how the same pairs of qualities apply to man, with his four humours (cited in the usual order), and that these predominate in the four seasons (cited in chronological order), and in
the four ages of man. There is a similar structure to the argument here to that in the Roman de Fauvel, except that Honorius begins with the macrocosm rather than the microcosm. There is also one major difference to which we shall have to return: Gervés du Bus cuts out the seasons entirely, and in their place we find the four ages of the world. An important innovation in Honorius’ text is the final paragraph, where he associates the four humours with four different types of human character. This scheme forms the basis of the latemedieval doctrine of the four temperaments, and ultimately provides a framework for the Renaissance notion of the melancholic disposition that befits a man for writing poetry and statesmanship.”” There is considerable variation in the subdivisions and terminology employed to denote the four ages of man in the schemes considered above. Latin usage in antiquity operated with a simple triad puer—iuvenis—senex, which could be expanded into a tetrad by dividing up the * On the pre-history of Honorius’ statement about character types, see Klibansky er a/. 60 n. 167 and the table pp. 63-4.
Cosmic Quaternities in Fauvel
409
media aetas.”” A convenient point of reference is the fourfold scheme of puer—imberbis iuvents—aetas virilis—senex employed by Horace in the Ars poetica (158-78), which provides the blueprint for the divisions employed in the Roman de Fauvel, by Pseudo-Bede, by Honorius, and many other writers. The use of ‘entour .xv.’, ‘entour .xxx.’, and ‘Ix.’ as boundary years by Gervés du Bus is not at all out of line with the definitions of childhood and (advanced)
old age oftered by previous writers,” but it is not the norm, and can only be paralleled as a scheme, to my knowledge, in an unpublished later medieval version of the fourth-century Epistula ad Pentadium of Vindicianus, from which extracts are cited by Vincent of Beauvais in the Speculum naturale (xxxi. 70) under the name of Hippocrates. The relevant passage reads as follows:” Diuiduntur etiam per quatuor aetates, phlegma in pueris ab initio vsque in annos 14. Et inde cholera
in iuuenibus ysque annos 28. Deinde in altera aetate vsque in annos 60 sanguis, Exinde in sene melancholia.
Walter Burley’s scheme, by contrast, creates the quaternary pattern by dividing up men’s early years into infantia and pueritia, so that iuventus becomes the third age. This pattern, although very rare among Latin writers in antiquity, is in fact attested several times in Seneca.” In respect of the subdivision of the four ages the Roman de Fauvel and the Burley commentary represent two quite distinct traditions. Let us now go back to the four humours and note the different sequence in which they are quoted in different texts. Johannitius, Pseudo-Bede, and Honorius all illustrate the usual order, as in Isidore—blood, yellow bile, black bile, and phlegm, which are associated with the chronological cycle of the four seasons, beginning with spring, and with the chronological progression of the four ages. In the Roman de Fauvel the order is different: phlegm in childhood, blood in youth, yellow bile in middle age, black bile in old age. In Burley too there is a distinctive and unusual ordering of the humours: blood in infancy, yellow bile in * E. Eyben, ‘Die Einteilung des menschlichen Lebens im rémischen Altertum’, Rheinisches Museum fir Philologie, Nr 116 (1973), 150-90 at 166. This article provides a comprehensive tabulation of the divisions into three, four, five, six, and seven
ages in the Latin literature of antiquity. See also Franz Boll, “Die Lebensalter: Ein Beitrag zur antiken Ethologie und zur Geschichte der Zahlen’ (1913) = Kleine Schriften zur Sternkunde des Altertums, ed. Viktor Stegemann (Leipzig, 1950), 156-213. ® Childhood ending at 14 or 15 is attested in the brief treatise
[leoi tHS TOU xOOMOV KAaTAOXEVHS TOV av@ownov (2nd/3rd c. ap), in the 12th-c. Tractatus de quaternario,
in Vindicianus’
Epistula ad Pentadium,
in the
Sapientia artis medicinae, and in Haly Abbas; for references see Sears, The Ages of Man, 15, 23, 26, 26, 29. Sixty is attested as marking the division between senectus and senium in the
Tractatus de quaternario, in Haly Abbas, in Avicenna, and in
1624; repr. Graz, 1964), 2345, giving the source
as ‘Epistula
Hippocratis’. Another version of the same text is quoted in the Speculum doctrinale, xiti. 17 (Douai, 1624; repr. Graz, 1964), 1180, but giving a slightly different set of age boundaries (14, 28, and 42). For the original text see Epistula Vindiciani ad Pentadium nepotem, in Valentin Rose (ed.), Theodori Prisciani Euporiston
libri tii cum Theodoreis.
Physicorum fragmento et additamentis pseudo-
Accedunt
Vindiciani Afri quae feruntur reliquiae
(Leipzig, 1894), 485-92. For the ‘Hippocratic’ version (sometimes cited as the Epistola ad Antiochum Regem), see Pearl Kibre,
‘Hippocrates Latinus: Repertorium of Hippocratic Writings in the Latin Middle Ages (V)’, Traditio, 35 (1979), 273-302 at 275— 80, with the incipit ‘Corpus (igitur) hominis’. ” Epistulae morales 4. 2; 70. 2; 121. 16; 124. 12. The examples are collected by Eyben, “Die Einteilung des menschlichen Lebens’, 156-7. See also, among the examples of the four ages
Johannitius, for which see ibid. 23, 29, 29, and above, p. 406; see
discussed by Sears, a British Library commentary on Macrobius,
also Augustine, De diversis quaestionibus Ixxxiit, PL xl. 55. 36 Vincentius Bellovacensis (Vincent de Beauvais), Speculum
a fresco in the Cathedral of Anagni, Ambrose, and the commentary by Remigius of Auxerre on Martianus Capella; Sears, The
quadruplex sive Speculum maius, i: Speculum naturale (Douai,
Ages of Man, 19-21.
410
Nigel F. Palmer
childhood, phlegm in iwventus (here with the sense ‘middle age’), black bile in old age. What does it mean that melancholy comes in fourth position in these texts? Certainly, it has sometimes been stated that in the later Middle Ages, by contrast with the tradition deriving
from antiquity, the melancholic man came to replace the phlegmatic man as the representative of old age, but the number of examples cited in the literature is very small and this is only
a half-truth. What we need to know is whether there is evidence of persistent traditions in
medieval writing that put melancholy in fourth position. The main body of medieval texts that depart from the more common scheme and treat black bile/melancholy as the fourth humour belongs to the medical tradition, in particular to
that of Arabic medicine, where the ordering of the humours is related to the question of their genesis. In these works the sections dealing with the four humours make no mention of the ages of man or the seasons, and so there is no need to reconcile the sequence of the humours and a chronological or natural scheme. An important example of the ‘new’ medical scheme
is contained in the Kitab al-Maliki of “Ali ibn al-“Abbas al-Majiisi (Haly Abbas, died 994), first translated into Latin as the Pantegni of Constantinus Africanus,” where details are given
of the process whereby yellow bile, phlegm, and black bile can be derived from the primary humour blood:
Quia sanguis est sicut mustum, a quo quatuor diuersae substantiae procedunt. Vna est inde claritas, que colerae rubeae est assimilanda, alia aquosa, et ipsa est phlegma. Alia grauis atque grossa, et fundi : ; We , 40 petens ima, quae fex appellata intelligitur esse colera nigra. The various types of the four humours are then dealt with in the order: blood, phlegm, yellow bile, black bile. This same scheme is discussed in more detail by Ibn Sina (Avicenna, died
1077) in the Canon (Book I, fen 1, doctrine 4, ch. 1), first treating blood ‘qui omnibus illis melior existit’, then phlegm, then yellow bile, and finally black bile.*’ The presentation of the
humours favoured by the doctors of Arabic medicine is given wider currency in the thirteenth century by Bartholomaeus Anglicus in the Liber de proprietatibus rerum (c.1240).” In Bartholomaeus’ discussion of the generation of the humours they are put in a different order (although still with black bile in fourth position): Primo siquidem generatur flegma tanquam humor semicoctus. Secundo sanguis cuius decoctio est perfecta. Tercio colera cuius decoctio temperamentum * For the use of iuventus to designate the period up to about the age of 50, see Adolf Hofmeister, ‘Puer, Iuvenis, Senex: Zum
Versténdnis der mittelalterlichen Altersbezeichnungen’, in Papsttum und Kaisertum: Forschungen zur politischen Geschichte und Geisteskultur des Mittelalters. Paul Kehr zum 65. Geburtstag dargebracht, ed. Albert Brackmann (Munich, 1926), 287-316. * For Haly Abbas and Constantinus Africanus, see Charles S. F. Burnett and Danielle Jacquart (eds.), Constantine the African
40
excedit. Vltimo eciam melancolia quasi pars Pantegni, i. 25, quoted from Constantini Africani..
. opera
(Basle, 1536), ii. 1-346 at 21. “" For Avicenna, see Albert Z. Iskandar, in Charles Coulston Gillispie (ed.), Dictionary of Scientific Biography (New York,
1981), xv. 494-501. I follow the edition: Liber canonis Avicennae reuisus et ab omni errore mendaque purgatus (Venice, 1507; repr.
Darmstadt, 1964), here fos. 4-6".
“ For Bartholomaeus Anglicus see Lynn Thorndike, A His-
and ‘Ali ibn al- Abbas al-Magust: The Pantegni and Related Texts
tory of Magic and Experimental Science during the First Thirteen
(Leiden, New York, and Cologne, 1994).
Centuries of our Era (New York and London, 1923), ii. 401-35.
Cosmic Quaternities in Fauvel
4II
terrestrior et aliorum fex in esse procedit. vnde talis est ordo vt dicit auicenna quod elementorum recta et reciproca est generacio.”
This is in fact the same order of the humours as we have found in the Roman de Fauvel However, for his main discussion of the humours, in iv. 7-11, he reverts to the scheme
observed by al-Majiisi and Ibn Sina. The variant ordering of the humours observed so far only in the De proprietatibus rerum and the Roman de Fauvel is also known from an earlier Latin text, the Tractatus de quaternario, which is preserved in a mid-twelfth-century manuscript of Continental origin now in Cambridge.” The scheme adopted by Walter Burley (blood, yellow bile, phlegm, black bile) is in one
particular respect related to the new medical scheme, namely in that black bile stands in final position. thirteenth-century illustrated Italian manuscript, now It is used by the mid-fourteenth-century German poet on the four humoral
and to that of the Roman de Fauvel, This scheme is paralleled in a latein Berlin, of the ‘Salernitan Verses’. Heinrich von Miigeln, whose strophes
types are arranged in the order sanguine, choleric, phlegmatic, and
melancholic.” In the fifteenth century German calendars and illustrated sets of verses on the four temperaments follow the same scheme.” The high point of this tradition, however, is the engraving by Albrecht Diirer of Philosophia surrounded by sets of four figures which forms the first illustrated page in the 1502 Nuremberg edition of Conrad Celtes’s Quatuor libri amorum (see Fig. 18.1).’° Here the four humours form part of an interrelating set of quaternities, which also includes the four elements, the four winds, the four ages (childhood,
youth, manhood, old age, reading the upper and then the lower pairs of busts from right to left), four seasons (combined in chronological order with the busts of the four ages), four
regions (Egypt, Greece, Rome, and Germany) as the origins of four types of wise men (Ptolemy, Plato, Cicero/Vergil, Albert the Great). In their midst sits Philosophia enthroned,
before her a pillar with the abbreviations for Philosophy, Theology, and the seven Liberal Arts. These sets of ideas are joined together on the page as if in a complex cycle. On closer
inspection, however, the scheme must be understood as an elaborate set of interrelationships © T use the edition: Tractatus de proprietatibus rerum editus a fratre bartholomeo anglico ordinis fratrum minorum (GW 3402; "
-
r
vb
[Basle], c.1470), iv. 6, fo. b7”. " Gonville and Caius College, MS 428; unpublished. The
Christoph Gerhardt, “Marienpreis und Medizin: Zu Feige und Weinstock in Heinrichs von Miigeln “Tum?” (Str. 153 und 154)’, in Vestigia Bibliae, vi
= Heimo Reinitzer (ed.), All Geschépf ist
Zung und Mund: Beitrége aus dem Grenzbereich von Naturkunde
text of the relevant section is printed by Sears, The Ages ofMan, 163 n. 70. See the plate in the French translation of Klibansky et
und Theologie (Hamburg, 1984), 100-22 at 104 and notes.
al. 479 (ill. 79). Phlegm, blood, yellow bile, and black bile correspond here to adolescence/childhood (to 14), youth (14-45/ 50), old age (50-60/65), advanced old age (after 65). See also
‘melancholicus’ is pasted in fourth position, but is associated
" Klibansky et al 299 and pl. 78 (where the woodcut of with autumn), 81, 85/87/89a—b, 90a—d. 'S Ibid. 277-83. I have not been
able
to consult
Ewa
© Klibansky et al. 208-9 and pl. 84; French trans., 513 (ill. 86). “° Die kleineren Dichtungen Heinrichs von Miigeln, ed. Karl Stackmann (Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters, 50-2; Berlin, 1959), 390-7 (str. 329-32). Cf. Johannes Kibelka, Der ware meister:
Chojecka, “Betrachtungen tiber Holzschnitte in den “Quatuor Libri Amorum” von Celtes’, in Astronomische und astrologische Darstellungen und Deutungen bei kunsthistorischen Betrachtungen alter wissenschafilicher [llustrationen des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts (Veréffentlichungen der staatlichen mathematischphysikalischen Salons-Forschungsstelle Dresden/Zwinger, 4;
Denkstile und Bauformen in der Dichtung Heinrichs von Miigeln
Berlin, 1967), 82-105.
Burrow, The Ages of Man, 20-2, who on p. 26 explicitly draws attention to the correspondence with the Roman de Fauvel.
(Philologische Studien und Quellen, 13; Berlin, 1963), 205~6;
Nigel F. Palmer
412
ze phir? NOP.
5
F . i,
Frio. 18.1. Albrecht Diirer, Philosophia. The first of a sequence of wood engravings contained in Conrad Celtes,
Quattuor libri amorum
ee
haberCee
(Nuremberg, 1502). Oxford, Bodleian Library, BB 24. Art. Seld., sig. a6 verso (Photo:
Bodleian Library)
rather than as a cycle, for the tetrads are not arranged in cyclical order. The four corners have to be read in the order NE, NW, SE, SW. The implicit order of the four humours, however, is that favoured by Burley and Miigeln, the ancient Isidorean scheme modified by the
inversion of black bile and phlegm. It should be clear from the range of different possible orderings of the four humours that in the case of any individual writer or artist chance may have played some part in determining the scheme to be adopted. However, the order used by Gervés du Bus makes use of a salient feature that could be observed both in the ‘new’ medical tradition and in that favoured by Walter Burley and Diirer, namely the positioning of black bile/melancholy in final position.
Cosmic Quaternities in Fauvel
413
Melancholy now becomes the humour of old age, for which there was an important and influential precedent in the writings of Aristotle.” It must also have been felt that it was natural to associate the ‘black’ humour with approaching death. The sequence of humours used by Burley and Diirer takes the traditional, Isidorean pattern as its basis, and inverts the last two. Whereas in Burley, and in some of the late medieval calendars, melancholy/old age retain their traditional association with the cold and dry season, namely autumn, in Diirer the natural chronology is rectified so that old age and melancholy go together with winter (represented in the engraving by the icicles). In the Roman de Fauvel a different solution to the problem is adopted. Gervés du Bus retains the traditional sequence of hot/moist, hot/dry, cold/dry, and cold/moist humours, but he moves them forward one position in the cycle, so that the cold/dry melancholic humour stands in final position, corresponding to old age and to the last age of the world. For the meaning Gervés du Bus intends it is important that the four humours should be seen as a divinely ordained cycle supported by the natural, cyclical pattern of combinations of the four qualities.
V Black bile, the humour of earth and old age, is now interpreted allegorically by Fortune as an indication of evil and sinfulness: Merancolie, bien l’os dire,
Est des complexions la pire: Elle est de nature terrestre, Si quelle doit seiche et froide estre, Et le monde est froit et sechié, Plain de tout mal et de pechié, Couveteux, avel et tenant. (vv. 3085-91)
This leads into the charge that the present state of the world is a sign of the end: Car, se l’Escripture ne ment, Les signez perent que pres estre Devon du temps en quoi doit nestre L’anemi de crestienté. (vv. 3098-101)
That is to say, ‘Erunt signa in sole’. Luke 21: 25: ‘And there shall be signs in the sun, and in the moon, and in the stars: and upon earth distress of nations, with perplexity; the sea and the waves roaring.’ This argument builds on the traditional association of the humours with particular ” See above, n. 26.
Nigel F. Palmer
AI4
character types, as encountered above in ch. 60 of Honorius Augustodunensis's /mago mundi, and then proceeds to transfer the characteristics of the temperaments to the ages of the world. Those who live in the age of the phlegmatic humour are described as “trop lours et pesans | Endormis, nicez et tesans’ (vv. 3063-4), echoing Honorius’ description of this type as ‘tardi, somnolenti, obliviosi’.”° In the case of the melancholic humour, which is the principal focus of attention in Fortune’s speech, a fuller account is given. First the melancholic condition is
described in purely physiological terms, as an illness that accompanies old age:”” Il deviennent mal gracieux,
Roupieux, roigneux, chacieux; Apostumez et tous et goute
Et maint autre mal les deboute. (vv. 3045-8)
In the next stage of Fortune’s argument, when the humoral principles are applied to the ages of the world, the character traits of melancholic man (‘covetous, avaricious, and grasping’) ”
are combined with the moral judgement that they are ‘full of all evil and sin’, which leads into the identification of the melancholic age as heralding the end of the world in terms derived from Jesus’s last prophetic speeches to his disciples. Medieval sermons on the Last Judgement often take the ‘Erunt signa in sole’ text from
Luke 21, which introduces the pericope for the second Sunday in Advent, as their theme.” The signs in the sun are regularly interpreted as an eclipse, when the sun goes black, the colour of mourning. The basis of these commonplaces is mostly to be found in the commentaries of the Fathers. The authors of medieval sermons commonly quote a passage from homily 49 of the Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum (Pseudo-Chrysostom) describing how the world will clad itself in the black colour of mourning, like a household in which the father has died:
Patrefamilias moriente, tota domus ejus turbatur, omnis familia plangit, et conscissis tunicis suis, nigris se cooperiunt vestimentis: set et humano genere, propter quod fuerant omnia creata, circa exitum constituto, totus contristatur mundus, universa caeli ministeria lugent, et candore deposito, pro vestibus luctuosis tenebris vestientur. 50.
See above, p. 408. Honorius’ formulation of the condition of phlegmatics is derived from the De temporum ratione of Bede, ch. 35 (PL xc. 459). See Klibansky et al. 63. For typical latemedieval examples see Bartholomaeus Anglicus iv. 9, ed. [1470],
fo. b9" (‘corde timidus. sputis et excreationibus multis plenus. piger. et sompniculosus’) and the Tractatus de complexionibus edited by Seyfert (see above, n. 8), 293. See also the detailed account in Schénfeldt (as n. 8 above), 50-5.
*! See the sections on ‘Melancholy as an Illness’ in Klibansky
35), cited in Klibansky e¢ al. 62-3. For late medieval accounts see Schonfeldt, 61-4, where it is stressed that sadness is the basic characteristic of the melancholic.
* See the list in J. B. Schneyer, Wegweiser zu lateinischen Predigtreihen des _Mittelalters (Verdffentlichungen der Kommission fiir die Herausgabe ungedruckter Texte aus der mittelalterlichen Geisteswelt, 1; Munich, 1965), 230-67.
* PG lvi. 906-21 at 918. This influential homily repeatedly resorts to the microcosm—macrocosm correspondence in explain-
et al. 42-55, 75-81. For the ‘signs of old age’ and the ‘signs of
ing the events that precede the end of the world. The passage is
death’ see Rosemary Woolf, The English Lyric in the Middle Ages
commonly quoted in sermons, for example by Conrad of Waldhausen (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibl., Clm 5197, fo. 53"),
(Oxford, 1968), s.v. old age and death in the index.
* Vindicianus, in his Epistula ad Pentadium, states that black bile makes men ‘subdolos cum iracundia, avaros, timidos, tristes, somniculos, invidiosos’ (ed. Rose, 488). See also the characteris-
tics named by Pseudo-Soranus and in meQi xataoxeune (cf. n.
Lucas de Bitonto (Paris BN lat. 15958, fo. 14"), and Philip of Monte Calario (Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Laud Misc. 411, fo. 1').
Cosmic Quaternities in Fauvel
415
When a father dies the whole house is in tumult, all the household laments, and they rend their garments and put on black clothes: but also all the world is saddened on account of the human race, for which all things were created, when it comes to its end, all the attendants of the sky lament, and casting off their radiance they clad themselves in darkness, their clothes of mourning.
A recurrent theme of Judgement sermons is that of the old age of the world, leading to death, which manifests itself in the signs that are described by Jesus to the disciples on the Mount : 55 , ree a . : > : of Olives.”” The /ocus classicus for this tradition is a passage in St Augustine’s homily no. 81 (commenting on Matt. 18: 8) that is so close to the description ofold age in Fortune’s speech that this text, or more likely a sermon derived from it, must surely have been used by Gerves du Bus as a source: Miraris, quia deficit mundus? mirare quia senuit mundus? Homo est, nascitur, crescit, senescit. Querelae multae in senectute: tussis, pituita, lippitudo, anxietudo, lassitudo inest. Ergo senuit homo: querelis plenus est. Senuit mundus: pressuris plenus est. Parum tibi praestitit Deus, quia in senectute mundi misit tibi Christum, ut tunc te reficiat, quando cuncta deficiunt? (PL xxxviii. 504)
Are you surprised the world is failing? Are you surprised that the world is getting old? The world is a man, it is born, grows up, and grows old. Many are its complaints in old age: coughs and phlegm and bleariness, anxiety and weariness. Just as when a man gets old he suffers many complaints, so the world grows old and suffers many calamities. Does not God help you enough in that in the old age of the world he will send Christ to you to make you anew when all things are declining?
Here is a tradition that Gervés du Bus could take over verbatim and combine with the traditional physiological quaternity of the ages of man. A distinctive feature of the Roman de Fauvel, lacking in the medical and philosophical texts, but not at all uncommon in theological literature, is the association of the quaternities with the ages of the world. It occupies a place within the microcosm—macrocosm correspondence that is usually taken up by the four seasons. In late antiquity several writers, including Florus and Lactantius, make use of the fourfold scheme to associate the four ages in the history of Rome with the four ages of man.” When this analogy was taken over by the Church Fathers and medieval theologians or chroniclers, they most often made use of the
scheme that was sanctioned in particular by St Augustine in his De diversis quaestionibus lxxxiii and De Genesi contra Manicheos, in which six ages of the world: infantia from Adam to adolescentia from Abraham to David, juventus gravitas from then to the coming of Christ, and
six ages of man were seen to correspond to Noah, pweritia from Noah to Abraham,
from David to the Babylonian captivity, senectus for the present age, which will last
until the end of the world.” The fourfold scheme was not, however, entirely lost sight of, and
in a Christian context it had the authority of Romans 1: 16-3: 26, with St Paul’s implicit * For the old age of the world see Paul Archambault, “The Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte, 67 (1955-6), 288-317; Auguste Ages of Man and the Ages of the World: A Study of Two — Luneau, L ‘Histoire du salut chez les Peres de l'Eglise (Yhéologie historique, 2; Paris, 1964), esp. 357-83; and above all the article Traditions’, Revue des études augustiniennes, 12 (1966), 193-228, by P. Archambault, “he Ages of Man’. See also Sears, The Ages esp. 207-8. See also Alexander Perrig, ‘Leonardo: Die Anatomie of Man, ch. 3; Burrow, The Ages of Man, 79-92. der Erde’, Jahrbuch der Hamburger Sammlungen, 25 (1980), 51-80 (on the landscape background in the Mona Lisa). © For this, and what follows, see Roderich Schmidt, ‘Aetates
mundi: Die Weltalter als Gliederungsprinzip der Geschichte’,
” De diversis quaestionibus Ixxxiii, i, q. 58 (PL xl. 43); De Genesi contra Manichaeos, i. 23-4 (PL xxxiv. 190-3).
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Nigel F. Palmer
division of history into the age of the law of nature, the age of the Mosaic law, the age of
grace, and the age of glory.” This is not to be confused with the other scheme of four that plays an important part in the medieval understanding of history, namely the four kingdoms of the world symbolized by the four beasts of Daniel 7.” The conception of history employed by Gervés du Bus is most closely related to that of the first chapters of Romans. But the scheme employed is by no means identical. The division between the first two ages is for
Fortune not that before and after the law-giving, but before and after David, making a
division between the sleepy, ‘phlegmatic’ age when men had no notion of the Second Coming, and the age of prophecy when through scriptural revelation it came to be known
‘Qu’en la Virge char et sanc prendre | Vendroit Diex pour ceulx racheter | Qu’Eve avoit fait pieca mater’ (vv. 3070-2). It is also the case that the division between the third and fourth
ages is not that between the ‘age of grace’ and the ‘age of glory’, but rather between the age of grace and the end of the world. It seems unlikely that Gervés du Bus drew his conception of the four ages of the world from any particular source. Rather he seems to have taken the familiar notion of the correspondence of the four ages of man and the four ages of the world, based on the microcosm—macrocosm principle, and to have given it new force by relating it to the four humours. This allows Fortune to turn on Fauvel to declare that the natural constitution of his body points to the end of the world, and makes him a precursor of the Antichrist. When Fauvel presents his marriage suit to Fortune she reads out to him his medical certificate, adding to the traditional physiological and philosophical view of the macrocosm—
microcosm correspondence a theological interpretation, namely that the fourth age, which is there in Fauvel’s own melancholic humoral disposition, has now come and heralds the end
of the world. The account she gives him derives from the ancient tradition that flourished in the writings of the twelfth-century Platonists, but it is given a new eschatological slant that is entirely lacking in writings on humoral pathology.” This is a specific feature of the method of exposition adopted by Gervés du Bus in his poem, and it can be seen as shadowing the larger-scale process of adaptation whereby he takes the theme of the cosmic journey, which had been given classic treatment by the Latin poets associated with the School of Chartres, and brings it, through the nature of Fortune’s response, into the theological domain.”’ The
Roman de Fauvel, seen in this light, belongs to a tradition of eschatological epic in European literature, in which the important benchmarks are Alan’s De planctu Naturae, Le Mort le Roi Artu, and Heinrich Wittenwiler’s Der Ring.
5 Luneau, 47; Archambault, 200-1.
See, for example, Eberhard Nellmann, Die Reichsidee in deutschen Dichtungen der Salier- und friihen Stauferzeit: Annolied — Kaiserchronik — Rolandslied — Eraclius (Philologische Studien
Auvergne, and in particular of Hildegard of Bingen, in Klibansky
et al. 75-81 (‘Melancholy in Theology and Moral Philosophy’). *' The relevant points of comparison are the Cosmographia of Bernardus Silvestris, the Anticlaudianus and De planctu Naturae
und Quellen, 16; Berlin, 1963), 42-50. See also E. Kocken, De _ ofAlan of Lille, and above all, in view of the bridal-quest motif,
theorie van de vier wereldrijken en van de overdracht der the Architrenius of John of Hauville. The significance of these wereldheerschappij tot op Innocentius III. (diss. Nijmegen, 1935). works for an understanding of the Roman de Fauvel requires a ” That is not to say that theological interpretations are en- _more detailed analysis. tirely absent from such writings. See the discussion of William of
Cosmic Quaternities in Fauvel
417
In conclusion something more must be said of the theme of‘melancholy’ in the prologue. Given the importance that melancholy, as the essential disposition of the central character, assumes in the work, some kind of a relationship between this and the ‘mood’ of the poet,
which is brought about by his contemplation of Fauvel, must be envisaged: De Fauvel que tant voi torchier Doucement, sans lui escorchier, Sui entrés en milencolie, Por ce qu’est beste si polie.
(vv. 1-4)
The poet describes himself here as being overcome by a feeling of sadness, when he sees how the people all fawn so on the false king. This is the melancholic pose, for which there is a wellattested ancient and medieval tradition, of the poet whose office it is to see deeper than others into the nature of the world, and of whom it can be said that his melancholy mood is the guarantor of his political authority. The most famous medieval example, popularized by an early fourteenth-century illustration exactly contemporary with the Roman de Fauvel, is Walther von der Vogelweide:” Ich saz Uf eime steine und dahte bein mit beine. dar df sazte ich den ellenbogen, ich hete in mine hant gesmogen
min kinne und ein min wange. dé daht ich mir vil ange, wes man zer welte solte leben.
I sat down on a stone, and crossed my legs and rested one elbow on them. I rested my chin and cheek in my hand. Then I pondered most earnestly how one ought to live one’s life on earth.
The three ‘Reichstonspriiche’ by Walther von der Vogelweide use the melancholic disposition of the poet as part of a programme of political satire, relating to the interregnum and civil war that followed the death of Emperor Henry VI in 1197, foreshadowing the use of the
motif by Gervés du Bus in the context ofthe French political crisis of 1314. There is, however, an important difference, namely that Gervés du Bus, for the first time in the European poetical tradition, uses the word ‘milencolie’ to describe this disposition. In his conception
of the poet’s insight into the essential nature of things, the seer actually takes on the humoral disposition of the world, which is the age of melancholy, but his office as poet also provides a remedy and allows him to comment directly on what he sees: ° Walther von der Vogelweide: Leich, Lieder, Sangspriiche, ed.
‘Melancholie und Inspiration: Walther von der Vogelweide L.
Karl Lachmann, rev. Christoph Cormeau et al. (14th edn., Berlin 8,4 ff: Zur Entwicklung des europaischen Dichterbildes’, in and New York, 1996), 1 (L. 8, 4). See the discussion of the motif | Hans-Dieter Miick (ed.), Walther von der Vogelweide: Beitrige zu Leben und Werk (Stuttgart, 1989), 133-53; both with further in Horst Wenzel, ‘Typus und Individualitat: Zur literarischen Selbstdarstellung Walthers von der Vogelweide’, Internationales _ references. Archiv fiir Sozialkunde der deutschen Literatur, 8 (1983), 1-345 id.,
418
Nigel F. Palmer Et pur ce, sans amphibolie, Clerement diroi de teil beste Ce qui m’en peut chaer en teste. (vv. 8-10)
APPENDIX Excerpts from Walter Burley, Expositio libri de sex principus
Long version
Oxford, Magdalen College, MS 146, fos. 49-58", here 54"—55" {Intelligendum est hic quod expositores distingunt hic quatuor quaternarios, scilicet unum quaternarium [sa] complexionum, alium temporum, tertium corporum simplicium elementorum, quartum quaternarium etatum. {(Quatuor enim sunt humores seu complexiones, scilicet sanguis, colera, fleuma
et melancolia.
Et quatuor
sunt
partes anni
que
naturaliter
diuersificantur in qualitatibus, scilicet uer, estas, autumpnus et hyemps. Et quatuor sunt etates que etiam diuersificantur in qualitatibus, scilicet infantia, pueritia, iuuentus et senectus. Et quatuor sunt corpora, simplicia que uocantur elementa, scilicet ignis, aer, aqua, terra. Et istorum quaterniorum semper quatuor conueniunt in qualitatibus. Verbi gratia, ista quatuor conueniunt in qualitatibus, scilicet aer, sanguis, uer, infantia, quia quodlibet istorum est nature calide et humide. Similiter ista quatuor conueniunt in qualitatibus, scilicet ignis, colera,
estas, pueritia, quia quodlibet istorum est nature calide et sicce. Ista etiam quatuor conueniunt in qualitatibus seu in complexione: aqua, fleuma, hyemps et iuuentus; et quodlibet istorum est
nature frigide et humide. Et ista quatuor conueniunt in qualitatibus, scilicet terra, melancolia, autumpnus et senectus, quia quodlibet istorum est nature frigide et sicce.
[Et est sciendum quod animalia peius se habent in ista parte anni cum qua conueniunt in qualitatibus. Nam simile adueniens simili auget ipsum. Et ideo in uere sanguinei sunt dementiores seipsis in alio tempore. Simile enim adueniens simili facit ipsum furere,” sicut dicunt medici. Et colerici peius se habent in estate quam in alio tempore propter similitudinem eorum in qualitatibus. Et melancolici peius se habent in autumpno quam in alio tempore propter
similitudinem in qualitatibus. Et fleumatici peius se habent in hyeme quam in alio tempore propter eandem causam. {Unde quia simile augmentat simile et contrarium obtemperat contrarium, ideo colerici sunt quasi dementes in estate, quia per caliditatem et siccitatem estatis nimis augmentatur caliditas et
siccitas in colericis in estate. Et minus bene student in estate, sed in hyeme bene student, quia per frigiditatem hyemis temperatur siccitas in eis. Et ideo colerici sunt magis temperati in hyeme quam in estate. Et eodem modo est de aliis quod in uno tempore bene se habent, in alio tempore peius se habent, secundum complexionem animalium et temporis. Unumquodque enim animal
cuiuscumque complexionis sic peius se habet in uno tempore sibi conuenienti in qualitatibus quam in alio sibi contrario in qualitatibus.
® furiri MS.
Cosmic Quaternities in Fauvel
419
Et eodem modo credo quod sit de etatibus et temporibus et regionibus, scilicet cum unumquodque animal, cum est in etate aliqua, peius se habet in tempore sibi conuenienti in qualitatibus quam in tempore sibi contrario in qualitatibus, et peius se habet in regionibus sibi conuenientibus in qualitatibus quam in regionibus sibi contrariis in qualitatibus. Unde quia senes sunt frigidi et sicci, peius se habent in hyeme, que est frigida et humida, quam
in uere, quod est calidum et humidum.” §Similiter quia senes sunt frigidi et sicci, peius se habent in regionibus frigidis et siccis quam in regionibus frigidis et humidis. Et ideo senex multum diutius potest uiuere in regione calida et humida quam in regione frigida et sicca [55"], et adhuc
quia caliditas est magis actiua quam siccitas. Senes melius se habent in estate quam in hyeme, quia eorum frigiditas magis temperatur per caliditatem quam eorum siccitas augmentatur per siccitatem estatis. Et eodem modo debet intelligi de regionibus et eorum qualitatibus.
Short version
Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Can. misc. 460, fos. 94-109", here 103° Nota quod hic solebant distingui elementa, humores, etates et tempora anni. Nam quatuor sunt
etates et quatuor elementa. Et quatuor sunt humores in animalibus, que istis elementis correspondent, scilicet sanguis, colera, fleugma et melanconia.
Et quatuor sunt tempora, que sunt
partes anni, scilicet estas, auptumnus, yemps et uer. Similiter quatuor sunt etates siue partes eui,
scilicet infantia, pueritia, iuuentus et senectus. Modo alique”’ istarum conueniunt in complexione,
ut ista quatuor, scilicet sanguis, uer, infantia et aer, nam omnia ista sunt calida et humida. Et propter hoc sanguine sunt dementiores in uere quam in alio tempore. Nam simile adueniens simili facit ipsum furere,”° ut dicunt medici.
Similiter ista conueniunt in complexione, scilicet ignis, estas, colera et pueritia, quia sunt nature
calide et sicce. Et quod dictum est de sanguineis respectu ueris intelligendum est de colericis respectu estatis, et sic de aliis. Similiter ista quatuor conueniunt in complexione, scilicet terra, melanconia, auptumnus
et senectus, quia sunt nature frigide et sicce. Ista etiam conueniunt in
complexione, scilicet aqua, eugma, yemps et iuuentus, quia sunt nature frigide et humide. “ This sentence emended from the 1497 printed edition. See above, p. 404. © aliqua MS. °° furire MS.
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19 The ‘Alleluyes, antenes, respons,
yenes et verssez’in BN fr. 146: A Catalogue Raisonné ew SUSAN
RANKIN
In the study of musical pieces inserted into the version of the Roman de Fauvel presented in fr. 146, two main directions have been followed: analysis of the pieces themselves, and analysis of their relation to the French narrative. The main focus of this second area of investigation has been the political dimension. That some of the musical pieces inserted into Fauvel could be associated with events in early fourteenth-century France was first argued in detail by Emilie Dahnk.' Ways of reading the French narrative with its musical interpolations against contemporary events were further explored by Becker.” Later studies by Leo Schrade,’ and, more recently, by Edward Roesner, Francois Avril, and Nancy Freeman Regalado, in their introduction to the facsimile of fr. 146,’ have illuminated many aspects of the richly intertextual layers formed by the Fauvel text, musical pieces, miniatures, and historical reality. Yet neither in this field, nor in studies of the musical pieces for their own sake, has the astonishing number or significance of the monophonic Latin chant pieces been recognized. This group of musical interpolations includes fifty-three out of a total of 169 musical insertions in the Fauvel of fr. 146. Almost all belong to the indexer’s category of ‘alleluyes, antenes,
respons, ygnes et verssez’ listed on fo. B' as the fifth group in a catalogue that
separates the musical pieces into three- and two-part polyphony, Latin verse songs (‘proses et lays’), French songs (‘rondeaux, balades et reffrez de chancons’), and, at the end, Latin chant
genres.’ The generic precision of this contents page is directly comparable to that of lists included in Parisian liturgical books of the same period. A relatively unusual phenomenon, such lists must have their ultimate inspiration in the Aristotelian learning that had so deeply ' L’Herésie de Fauvel. > Fauvel und Fauvelliana (Berichte iiber die Verhandlungen der Sichsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philologisch-historische Klasse 88/2; Leipzig, 1936).
> Schrade, Fauvel, Commentary volume. “ Roesner et al,
> Under the heading ‘alleluyes ...’ the list has fifty-two entries; the last of these, Ci nous faut, was added in error (and
should have been included in the previous category, as a French
refrain), while two pieces were omitted. P.mus. 114, Habitacio autem, was probably omitted through oversight, since it never received an initial capital; p.mus. 121, Hic fons, was copied by a corrector, and may have been added to the manuscript only after the content of fo. B' had been prepared. A corpus of fifty-three musical pieces belonging under this heading is thus established.
422
Susan Rankin
influenced Parisian intellects in the thirteenth century.” The presence of Latin chant pieces in the fr. 146 list is all the more remarkable, however, given that the totality of musical
material is not represented on the contents page, the category of refrains being almost entirely neglected and the so-called ‘sottes changons’ not listed at all. The lack of scholarly interest in the Latin chant pieces is easily explained: they held little interest for those concerned with the more progressive aspects of polyphony and its notation, or in poetic composition; nor were scholars of chant per se likely to look into a source that, by its nature, was merely secondary, and that could tell nothing of the liturgical use of specific pieces. It could only be in the context of a study of the relation of the musical pieces to the French narrative text into which they were inserted that anyone would pay attention to these displaced liturgical fragments. Thus Dahnk’s 1935 dissertation—in which she sought to
identify and edit the texts of all musical pieces in the Fauvel of fr. 146—explored the liturgical and musical basis of the Latin chant pieces. As a first attempt to order the material, setting
it in a liturgical context, this was a prodigious piece of work, rendered all the more impressive when one considers the inadequacy of the liturgical source material available to her. As a result of that insufficiency, her work on the chant pieces was more precise textually than
musically. After Dahnk’s work, a large portion of the Latin chant material remained imprecisely identified or not identified at all. Above all, the multi-layered aspect of material in the fifth category, drawn from widely celebrated and from local liturgical offices, as well as
directly from the Bible—with newly composed melodies based on Gregorian models— remained obscure; the line between actual chant and new pieces composed in imitation of chant was not yet clearly drawn, and the significance of the extensive overlap from old to new composition remained unappreciated. Even the most preliminary examination of these pieces suggests a functional relation to the French narrative as dynamic as that of any other category of musical pieces, an impression everywhere confirmed and deepened by closer scrutiny.’ The Latin chants appear as gloss and interpretation of the Fauvel text, their resonance stretching into a wide background of reference, while their musical simplicity (and often extreme brevity) allows a directness of interaction with the French text not available to other musical genres (except the refrains and sottes chancons). It is evident that it was this dimension of resonance that attracted the
compilers of fr. 146 in the first place. A responsory proper to the Sainte-Chapelle could be introduced as a way of placing events described in the French narrative at the centre of the French kingdom (p.mus. 74), while the quotation ofa text used for a sermon at the beginning of the trial of Enguerran de Marigny would associate the conclusion of the French narrative with the downfall of Philip the Fair’s chamberlain (p.mus. 127). Biblical commentary could be directed into the Fauvel story (rather than outwards, into the contemporary political situation): the gloss “To every thing there is a season’ (p.mus. 70) would articulate the change
in Fauvel’s fortunes, the point at which Fortune rejects him as suitor, while ‘they are a very ¥ Lists of liturgical items arranged by genre appear in Paris, Bibliothéque de I’Arsenal 110 (Gradual, s. xiv), and in BL Harley 2891 (Missal, decorated by the same artist as fr. 146).
” See the discussion in Susan Rankin, ‘The Divine Truth of Scripture: Chant in the Roman de Fauvel’, JAMS 47 (1994), 20343.
Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez
423
froward generation, children in whom is no faith’ (p.mus. 89), placed centrally in the portion of the narrative that deals with Fauvel’s wedding night (between the two passages describing
the retiring to bed of Vaine Gloire and then Fauvel), would bring a touch of irony. The quotation of several passages from Deut. 32, the ‘Song of Moses’, would add to the reader’s
appreciation of the position of Fauvel and his followers the political aspects of Moses’ words: the passing of an era of prosperity and success, the arrival of disaster and subjugation, the faithlessness and ingratitude of the people in the face of God’s mercies. Well-known liturgical pieces could bring their own sense to the Fauvel story, independent of biblical reference.
Frequently, such pieces were used to intensify contrasts within the narrative: for example, a series of pieces drawn
from the office of St Agnes (p.mus. 104-7), set beside a long
description of Virginité’s arrival ready to joust, effectively highlights Virginité’s fight as a Christian opposed to non-Christian, evil, forces, while pieces drawn from the liturgy of Advent and Christmas allowed the collected Virtues to express their expectation of the arrival oftheir saviour (or trust in him) during the preparations for the joust (p.mus. 91-110, passim).
Not only have the Vices no such hopes, they are not even granted the medium of song in order to express their thoughts. It is not only in the general sense implied by this last example that music as a medium became crucial to the expression of the expanded Fauvel. Through their link to the authority of established and ancient Christian practice, the liturgical idioms exploited by the new compositions gave these pieces a certain legitimacy, often underlining the moralizing stance taken by the author-narrator who speaks them. Moreover, the association of the new material with the existing repertory of ecclesiastical chant goes a step beyond the use of biblical quotations and established chant melodies: even within the group of newly composed chant pieces (thirty-two in total) those parts of the Bible most often used for the texts of liturgical chants—the Psalms and Gospels—remain the main textual sources. And the Song of Moses,
on which five separate pieces are based, had its place in the liturgy as a lesser canticle at Lauds on Saturdays in Lent. The familiarity of all this material ensured easy understanding of its use. On a more specific level, ways of moulding melodies to texts indicate an interest in exploitation of an interpretative partnership between Latin text and monophonic melody. Individual pieces include many examples of sensitivity in this respect, and demonstrate excellent control of the medium. Finally, the Latin chant pieces are used to articulate structural aspects of the expanded Fauvel, supporting two of the several time-frames threaded through it in fr. 146."
In view of the evident significance of textual, musical, and liturgical detail of the Latin chant pieces, in this catalogue I seek to present a relatively precise identification of each musical piece in the fifth category, building largely on the work of Dahnk in respect of the text sources. In addition, a first step is taken towards the interpretation of the contribution
made by this material to the larger whole formed by French text, miniatures, and musical pieces in fr. 146. That the work of identification can be improved and that of interpretation ® See Rankin, “The Divine Truth’, 235 ff.
424
Susan Rankin
deepened is beyond doubt: such a rich material as the Fauvel ensemble yields its secrets slowly.’
The catalogue adopts Dahnk’s system of numbering the musical pieces, and is arranged in manuscript order. For each individual piece, the heading gives the p[iéce] mus[icale] number and the folio where the piece appears, followed by a full transcription of its text and its music. Under this a series of entries is arranged as follows: Status:
Relation to chant: Text source: Liturgical use:
(as recognized liturgical chant or new composition) (if a new composition, this entry is deleted) (if a new composition, this entry is deleted)
Music:
Voice:
(the speaker, according to placement in the French narrative)
Placement:
(the point of insertion of the piece in the French text)
Information about liturgical use of a chant is given in as precise a form as can be determined; where there is variation of use—as, for example, with pieces drawn from the Common—only a general indication is given. Standard Gregorian editions of the chants, checked against a series of Parisian liturgical books,” have provided a basis for comparison of the Fauvel melodies. The work of using melodic versions to trace the liturgical Use or Uses from which the chants are taken has not been undertaken here;"' it is clear, however, that the chants and their melodies are drawn from more than one local Use. The entry ‘Placement’ includes discussion of the interaction between the piece and the French text, miniatures, and other
musical pieces; comments on layout and other palaeographical or codicological features also appear under this heading. Under ‘Text source’, biblical sources are cited from the Weber edition of the Vulgate.” Quotations from the French text of Fauvel follow the edition of Langfors where possible,”
and otherwise Dahnk. References to editions and catalogues of liturgical chants include: AM
Antiphonale Monasticum, ed. the Monks of Solesmes (Paris, Tournai, and Rome,
1934) CAO
Corpus Antiphonalium Officit, ed. René-Jean Hesbert, 6 vols. (Rome, 1963-79)
Gevaert
Frangois-Auguste Gevaert, La Mélopée antique dans le chant de léglise latine
GT
(Ghent, 1895-6; repr. Osnabriick, 1967) Graduale Triplex, ed. the Monks of Solesmes (Solesmes, 1979)
* In the preparation of this catalogue many have assisted and deserve thanks; I am especially indebted to Emma Dillon, Barbara Haggh, Leofranc Holford-Strevens, and David Howlett. '° BN lat. 1023 (Breviary of Philip the Fair, without notation; s. xiii ex.), lat. 10482 (Breviary from the abbey of Saint-Victor, s. xiv in.), lat. 13233 (Breviary, without notation; s. xiii ex.), lat. 15181 2 15182 (Breviary, s. xiii ex./s. xiv in.), lat. 15613 (Breviary, Seeiiio)s
"' This question is addressed in the study by Anne Walters Robertson; see below, Ch. 21.
' Robert Weber (ed.), Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1983). '> Le Roman de Fauvel par Gervais de Bus. ‘vv. alone refers to this edition, “Langfors App.’ to the additional matter in fr. 146, transcribed in his Appendix.
Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez
425
CATALOGUE
p-mus. 31 (fo. 10°; see Pl. II) Alleluia Veni sancte spiritus etc +H Saas
e
+
o
ee
e
Al-le
+
Seas
-
lu- ia
oe
Ve
-
o
ni
Cd
Sanic- te
os
Fear
eet
spl
-
=
a0
rm
-
@
tus
ete.
Status: Liturgical chant (Alleluia), incomplete. Relation to chant: Only the Alleluia and beginning of the verse
are quoted, omitting the zubilus (between the Alleluia and its verse) and the continuation of the verse. The
complete verse text reads ‘Veni sancte spiritus, reple tuorum corda fidelium: et tui amoris in eis ignem accende’ (GT 253). The presence of ‘etcetera’ indicates that the full
text of the Alleluia verse should be understood to bear on the other material copied here. Text source: Beyond the liturgical sources, no further source for this verse text is known. Liturgical use:
of Pentecost Sunday). Music:
Pentecost Alleluia. In Parisian books, this Alleluia is used during the week
(with Alleluia
V. Spiritus sanctus procedens de throno for Pentecost
Alleluia melody. Final D, range (for the portion quoted)
C-G (mode II). This
Fauvel melody follows the melodic outline for the liturgical Alleluia and verse, but omits the iubilus, and extends only as far as the quoted text; this allows a closing cadence on the final. Voice: Author-narrator. Placement:
The musical piece forms a parallel to the petition added to the French text: “He,
unccion esperital, | Qui es plus clere que cristal, | Descent y car y met ta grace’ (Dahnk, vv. 7-9). These lines are placed high in the second column on the page, above and below
a miniature depicting the author praying, while the Holy Spirit (in the form of a dove) descends from above. The musical piece appears at the top of the third column. This apparent dissociation was probably caused by the copying of the rondeau Porchier miex estre (p.mus. 30) in the remaining portion of the second column, and the desire that the
Alleluia quotation be visually prominent. Had the Alleluia been copied below the text and miniature, and then followed by the rondeau, the two musical pieces would have merged visually. The intention to make the words ‘Veni sancte spiritus’ both present and prominent provides the most attractive explanation for the omission of the Alleluia’s zvbilus. had this been included, the quotation would have required at least two stave lines, and the words ‘Veni sancte spiritus’ would not have appeared on the first of these.
426
Susan Rankin
p-mus. 48 (fo. 21') Et reddet unicuique mercedem iuxta suorum exigenciam meritorum.
# aoe %
Et red-det
a
=
Se
u-ni-cu-i-que
t— eee ee
mer-ce-dem
—t Se
iux-ta su- 0-rum
ee ee
e-xi-gen-ci-am_
Se
me-ri-to-rum.
Status: New composition. Text source: Loosely based on a series of biblical texts, which might include Sir. 16: 15 ‘Omnis
misericordia faciet locum unicuique secundum meritum operum suorum’; Matt. 16: 27 (words of Christ) ‘et tunc reddet unicuique secundum opera eius’; Matt. 20: 8 (words of Christ) ‘voca operarios et redde illis mercedem’.
Music: Final G, Range F-d. This follows an office antiphon melody-type closely (Gevaert théme 17). The specific variant of the type found here is that associated with a division into three phrases (theme 17, var. b), the internal phrase divisions being made here after ‘mercedem’ and ‘suorum’. The office antiphon Voca operarios (CAO 5484) belongs to the same melodic family." Voice: Author-narrator.
Placement: The musical piece immediately follows text that deals with the same subjectmatter (vv. 2511-14): “Et Diex ne vuelt nul bien perir | Et si vuelt tout mal remerir, | Si
qu’aus bons et as mauvaiz paie | A chascun sa propre monnaie’. p-mus. 49 (fo. 21°)
In paciencia vestra possidebitis animas vestras.
rs y
oe oe 5 o Se of Fog 5S on eee In pa-ci- en- ci-a_ ves-tra pos-si-de-bi-tis a- ni-mas_ Se
o>
A ee ves-tras.
Status: Liturgical chant (office antiphon, CAO 3267).
Relation to chant: Exact quotation. Text source: Luke 21: 19 (words of Christ), exact quotation. Liturgical use: Common of Apostles.
Music: Antiphon melody. Final D, range C-a (mode I).”” Voice: Author-narrator. Placement: Vhe musical piece follows text dealing with the same subject-matter (vv. 2665-8): ‘Car s'il vivent en pacience, | Pour eulx aront bonne sentence: | Quant au grant jugement
vendront |Joie pardurable prendront’. The musical piece is itself introduced as a quotation '" The melodies of Et reddet and Voca operarios, together with another member of the melodic family, are transcribed in parallel in Rankin, “The Divine Truth’, 216, Ex. 1.
" This melody is used by Gevaert as the main example for his théme 11, which consists of one fairly fixed melody.
Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez
427
from Scripture by an extension of the French text (Dahnk, wv. 39-40): Selon lescripture
divine | Qui les souffranz ainssi doctrine’. p-mus. 53 (fo. 23°; see above, Fig. 4.1) Nemo potest duobus dominis servire.
SS Ne-mo
SS
po-test
du-o-bus
do- mi - nis ser-vi-re.
Status: New composition. Text source:
Matt. 6: 24 (words of Christ), exact quotation.
Music: Final D, range C-a. It is in the D-mode that the Fauvel composer is least dependent on Gregorian models and most free in handling melodic patterns, while retaining idioms close to Gregorian melodies. In common with other newly composed D-mode melodies,
Nemo potest does not follow any specific melody-type. In modal terms, C, F, and aare used as the framework tones (as well as the final D), resulting in a plagal D-mode melody. The predominant direction of melodic movement is falling, especially through groups of two or three tones linked with single syllables. This notation uses oblique ligature shapes associated more with the modal notation of polyphony than with plainchant.'® Voice: Author-narrator. Placement: The biblical quotation is introduced in direct support of the French text (vv 2877-80): ‘Et nul ne puet bien, ce me semble, |Amer Dieu et le monde ensemble, | Car il sont de condicions | Contraires’.
p-mus. 54 (fo. 23’; see above, Fig. 4.1) Beati pauperes spiritu, quoniam ipsorum est regnum celorum.
' te
Y
=
o
=
=?
ao
Be-a-ti pau-pe-res
or
spi-ri- tu,
t a
quo-ni-am
—ierxee.
Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez
441
The text demanded a long melodic construction, much too long for the Fauvel composer to adopt the technique of repetition used elsewhere; it is possible therefore that the closeness ofthis melody to O sacrum convivium depends on the use of the latter as a model. That melody itself was probably of recent composition. As before, the textual divisions determined by the relation to sources act as the main organizational influence on the melody, which is constructed in short phrases with cadences almost exclusively on F and c. Voice: Virtues.
Placement: \n length and tone, this text is much more like that of a prayer than a chant. It is the last ofaseries ofsix biblical and liturgical pieces, supplemented by a verse, response, and prayer, put into the mouths of the Virtues, and all presented on fo. 33°. The episode takes place just before the Virtues go to bed; in the succession of pseudo-chant and
liturgical pieces, the whole loosely imitates an office. p-mus. 89 (fo. 34’; Pl. VI)
Generacio eorum perversa et infideles filii. Et erit hoc in obprobrium ipsis.
———
ea
+
sz
+
aes
i
¥ Ge-ne-ra-ci- 0
Gro
=
rs
e- o-rum
per-ver-sa
et in-fi- de- les
,
Mad
o—*
fi-li-1 et e-rit hoc
re
in ob-pro-bri-um
p-sis.
Status: New composition. Text source:
Deut. 32: 20 ‘generatio enim perversa est, et infideles filii’
Music: Final G, range F-e. Sharing its intonation with p.mus. 76 and 94, this melody follows ~ a G-mode idiom rather than a melody-type, with clear phrase divisions at ‘perversa’ (on d) and ‘filii’ (on a).
Voice: Author-narrator.
Placement: The context makes it clear that these words refer to the offspring of Vaine Gloire and Fauvel: the musical piece is placed between two passages dealing respectively with the retiring to bed first of Vaine Gloire and then of Fauvel. p-mus. 91 (fo. 37’)
Filie Iherusalem, nolite timere. Cras egrediemini et dominus erit vobiscum. Constantes estote, videbitis auxilium domini super vos. Cras [egrediemini et dominus erit vobiscum]. Gloria patri et filio et spiritui sancto. Sicut erat in principio et nunc et semper et in secula seculorum, amen.
Susan Rankin
442 =
4+
a Fi- li -
e
a
coe
Ihe-ru-sa-
—
So
lem,
=
n
Siege a rest
ans
no-li
-
te
times
+
jaa See
Se
[V] Con- stan-tes
es-to
cd
ee =
-
te, vi- de-bi
ee he
au-xi-
hh
-
um
vos.
eee ea oe
Cras
Sg pa
-
tri et
fi-li- o
et
spi-m-tu
-
in
prin-ci- pi-o
1
en
ee et nunc
et sem- per
gage
+
san-cto.
ae
a e-rat
=
ag
Se
Si-cut
- tis
:
+
Se
do- mi - ni su- per
Glo-ri-a
rit
-
e
mi-nus
-
do
te owe
S15
el
e- gre-di- e- mi-ni et
vo- bis- cum.
sete:
=
Se Cras
“=
et in se-cu
t
- la se-cu-lo
+
-
rum,
Y ora
%
a=
men.
Status: Liturgical chant (office responsory, CAO 7040), with one minor alteration.
Relation to chant: The text and melody of the responsory /udea et [herusalem are reproduced, the only change being the substitution of ‘Filie’ for ‘Iudea et’ at the opening. The whole is written out in a liturgical manner: responsory, verse (‘Constantes’), repetenda (‘Cras’),
shorter doxology, and Amen. Text source: 2 Chron. 20: 17 ‘Non eritis vos qui dimicabitis, sed tantummodo confidenter state, et videbitis auxilium Domini super vos, o Iuda, et Hierusalem: nolite timere, nec paveatis: cras egredimini contra eos, et Dominus erit vobiscum’.
Liturgical use: Nativitas Domini, I Vespers Responsory 3.
Music: Responsory melody. Final £, range C—c (mode IV). The opening recitation on F is in no way disturbed by the omission of one syllable (‘et’). Voice: Angels, addressing the Virtues. Placement: Vhe author-narrator describes the morning scene: above the /érel of the Virtues, angels and archangels descend and ascend two ladders. He writes ‘Je croi que conforter
Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez
443
venoient | Les dames et puis s’en aloient’ (Langfors App., vv. 837-8). P.mus. 91 and 92 present the words he imagines addressed to the Virtues by these angels. p-mus. 92 (fo. 37’)
Estote fortes in bello, et pugnate cum antiquo serpente, et accipietis regnum eternum, alleluia.
%
Es-to-te
for-tes
=a et
Status:
in bel-lo,
et
SS
ac-ci- pi-e-tis
pug-na-te
cum
an-ti- quo
ser - pen- te,
Se
reg-num
e-ter-num,
al- le -
lu- ia.
Liturgical chant (office antiphon, CAO 2684), with some alterations.
Relation to chant: The text is reproduced exactly, and the melody closely. Text source: The text is an old liturgical one, compiled as a cento from a series of biblical sources including (successively) Sir. 46: 1 “fortis in bello Iesus nave’; Heb. 1: 34 ‘fortes facti
sunt in bello’; Rev. 12: 9 ‘Et proiectus est draco ille magnus, serpens antiquus, qui vocatur diabolus et Satanas’; 1 Macc. 2: 51 ‘et accipietis gloriam magnam et nomen aeternum’; 2
Pet. 1: 11 ‘sic enim abundanter ministrabitur vobis introitus in aeternum regnum Domini nostri et salvatoris Iesu Christi’. Liturgical use: Common of Apostles.
Music: Antiphon melody. Final D, range C-d (mode 1). Substantially the chant melody, but in simplified form, often replacing two- and three-note melismas with single notes. Voice: Angels, addressing the Virtues. Placement: See p.mus. 91.
p-mus. 94 (fo. 37°)
Properantes autem veniunt cum exultacione portantes manipulos suos. : =
%
>
ys
a
ay
Se
ca
Pro-pe-ran-tes au-tem ve- ni-unt cum e-xul- ta- ci-o-ne por-tan-tes ma-ni- pu-los su-os.
Status: New composition. Text source: Ps. 125: 6 “Venientes Music: Final G, range G-e. This follows the same melody-type melody-type, both of which
autem venient cum exultatione, portantes manipulos suos’.
has the same intonation as p.mus. 89 and 94, but thereafter as p.mus. 86 (Gevaert th. 23); that is, an intonation and a are relatively common but circulate separately, are here
444
Susan Rankin
moulded together. Apart from this unexpected combination, the use of these melodic patterns is very close to office-antiphon models. Voice: Author-narrator. Placement:
The French text before this is concerned with the dress of the Virtues
(on
horseback prepared for the joust), but it is the two lines that follow the musical piece which more directly motivate the introduction of the scriptural gloss, describing their arrival at the lists on the tournament field (Langfors App., vv. 875-6): ‘Chevauchanz les renes tendues | Droit aus lices s’en sont venues’. p-mus. 95 (fo. 37°) Vv
Sicut mirra electa odorem dedisti suavitatis, sancta dei genitrix.
ogo Ng OFF 6-8 Si-cut mir-rae
-
ae
ae
Se
lec-ta o - do- rem de-di-sti su - a- vi- ta- tis, san-cta de- 1 ge-ni-trix.
Status: Liturgical chant (office antiphon, CAO 4942).
Relation to chant: Exact quotation. Text source: Sir. 24: 20 ‘quasi murra electa dedi suavitatem odoris’. Liturgical use: Purificatio BMV, Matins Antiphon 3 (cf. p.mus. 96). Music: Antiphon melody. Final a, range F-e (mode IV). The third melody from the IV, family (see p.mus. 82).
Voice: Virginité and her cousins (i.e. the Virtues). Placement: The French narrative has just described a pavilion ‘hanging in the air’: here the Virgin mother is seated, accompanied by John the Evangelist, angels, apostles, prophets, archangels, martyrs, confessors, hermits, chaste widows, and virgins, ready to watch over Virginité and her companions (App., vv. 912-20). Placed in a block in the third column, the three musical pieces that follow (p.mus. 95-7) are sung by the Virtues to the Blessed Virgin in her honour. p-mus. 96 (fo. 37°) Dignare nos laudare te, virgo sacrata, da nobis virtutem contra hostes tuos.
ee
ee
eee
="
Dig-na-re nos lau-da-re te, vir- go sa-cra-ta, da no- bis vir-tu- tem con-tra hos-tes tu-os.
Status: Liturgical chant (office antiphon, CAO 2217), with minor alterations. Relation to chant: ‘me’ and ‘mihi’ replaced by ‘nos’ and ‘nobis’. Text source: No direct source identified, other than the liturgical chant.
Liturgical use: Purificatio BMV, Matins Antiphon 2 (cf. p.mus. 95). Music: Antiphon melody. Final a, range F-e (mode IV). The fourth melody from the IV, family (see p.mus. 82).
VoicelPlacement: See p.mus. 95.
Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez
445
Hodie nobis de celo pax vera descendit. hodie per totum mundum [MS: vra]
melliflui facti sunt celi.
p-mus. 97 (fo. 37°)
ee Ho-di-e
no-bis
de
ho - di-e
ee
®
Re
ce
-
lo Spaxiiver)
per to - tum
mun-
=
ra
des
cen
dum ae li- flu - 1 fac - ti
dit.
sunt
—
=
hi
Status: Liturgical chant (office responsory, CAO 6859).
Relation to chant: The portion quoted is limited to the main part of the responsory, omitting verse and doxology. Most of the Parisian chant sources open ‘de celis’. Text source:
No direct source identified, other than the liturgical chant.
Liturgical use: Nativitas Domini, Matins Responsory 2. Music: Responsory melody. Final G, range F-d (mode VIII). Voice/Placement:
See p.mus. 95.
p-mus. 98 (fo. 38°; Pl. VII)
Illuminare, illuminare, Iherusalem, venit lux tua et gloria domini super te orta est. Alleluya Alleluya Alleluya.
ss
&
ve
nit
=
lux tu-a
et
= eo
=
o
"eg ote est
=
aa
doe=
mi
-
} eames
= or - ta
20
)__1_—_~
206
slo =m
—=
ae FSG
% su per te
—_~
+
ee
a Te.
one" on = goto, *%e Al-le lu-ya ee
ni
446
Susan Rankin
Status: Liturgical chant (office responsory, CAO 6882), with an extension. Relation to chant: The portion quoted is limited to the main part of the responsory, omitting verse and doxology. The three concluding Alleluias are added to the responsory (on the consequent musical alterations see below): the last two were copied by the text scribe, but the first one, placed at the end of the third stave, was added by another hand, possibly that
of the music scribe. Text source: Isa. 60: 1 ‘Surge, inluminare, Hierusalem: quia venit lumen tuum, et gloria domini super te orta est’. Liturgical use: Epiphany, Matins Responsory 3. Music: Responsory melody, extended. Final F range C-f (mode V). The melody for the two last Alleluias has been added to that of the responsory, while the first of the Alleluia invocations has been written under a portion of the melody usually sung to the words ‘orta est’. In relation to the melody, these words are moved forwards, to appear under the long melisma usually sung to ‘te’. Of the two added phrases, the second (i.e. the third Alleluia) closely adopts the melodic language of the responsory, but the first
(i.e. the second Alleluia) falls to C, using a part of the range not visited in the responsory proper. The melody of the responsory proper ends at the end of the third stave, having been severely squashed in the second part of that stave. In fact, the three and a half ruled staves provided exactly the right amount of space for the responsory, without added Alleluias. Why did the text scribe copy two Alleluias? And why did the music scribe not erase the two Alleluias, and simply continue the responsory melody on to the fourth stave? Having once accepted that the Alleluias had to be included, however, the music scribe decided how to set them, and then /ad to squash the responsory melody before. Then a large passage of the responsory melody appeared above a relatively empty text line, which was filled by the addition of a third (i.e. the first) Alleluia.
Voice: The voice of the prophet? Placement: The musical piece precedes the relevant lines of the French text, which describe a brightness enveloping the Virtues, and a sound (‘voiz’) coming from the light that ‘gave words and interpreted them’ (Langfors App., vv. 925-9): ‘Sur elles une clarté vint | Dont
chascun esbahi devint, | En la clarté voiz qui donnoit | Paroles et leur esponnoit | Aus dites dames leur vouloir’. p-mus. 99 (fo. 38’; Pl. VII)
Facta est cum angelo multitudo celestis exercitus laudancium et dicencium: Gloria in excelsis deo, et in terra pax hominibus bone voluntatis.
é
4 geen ee fe
Fac-ta
est cum
oe
an-ge-lo
*
a
i
mul-ti-tu-do
tom
ame
ce-les-tis ex-er-ci-tus
ee
t+ oy BS
lau-dan-ci-um
Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez —_—_}--
=
et di-cen-ci-um:
bo-ne
+
—
a
Se Glo-ri-a
in ex- cel- sis de-o, et in ter-ra pax
+
447 +
— ho-mi-ni-bus
vo-lun - ta - tis.
Status: Liturgical chant (office antiphon, CAO 2836), incomplete. Relation to chant: Omits the closing Alleluia of the chant. Text source: Luke 2: 13 ‘Et subito facta est cum angelo multitudo
militiae caelestis
laudantium Deum, et dicentium: Gloria in altissimus Deo, et in terra pax hominibus bonae voluntatis’. Liturgical use: Nativitas Domini, Lauds Antiphon 4.
Music. Antiphon melody. Final G (although, because of the omission of the closing Alleluia, the actual last note is F), range F-e (mode VII). In modal terms the melody is incomplete.
The closing Alleluia may have been omitted because of the text scribe’s reluctance to work in the lower margin, and consequent decision that the Alleluia could be omitted without doing harm to the sense of the text. This implies, however, that that scribe lacked
awareness of the musical significance of this portion of the melody. Musical pieces do occasionally use space below the bottom of the writing frame (for example, on fos. 29° and
29°). Voice: Author-narrator. Placement: The French text here describes how bread and a barrel of wine had fallen from
the Virgin’s pavilion to the Virtues, and the subsequent distribution by a young man (‘jouvencel’), identified as Gabriel, of this bread and wine as the flesh and blood of the heavenly king. Associated itself with the Nativity feast, the musical piece is thus placed in a context that evokes both the Annunciation to the Blessed Virgin and the Last Supper (and thus the death of Christ). This Christmas text could therefore be understood as supporting the Christological themes, as well as a reference to the Gloria sung at mass.
Extending up to App., v. 968 and including the next musical piece, the whole passage presents a condensed theology of the eucharist.
p-mus. 100 (fo. 38°; Pl. VIII) Verbum caro factum est, et habitavit in nobis, cuius gloriam vidimus, quasi unigeniti a patre plenum gracie et veritatis.
Ver-
bum
ca-ro_
fac- tum
est,
et
ha-
bi-ta- vit in
no
-
bis,
448
Susan Rankin
oe
cu-ius glo-ri
ple-num
gra -
vi- di- mus,
am
-
ci-e
et
u-ni-ge-ni
qua-si
ve - Tl
-
a
th
-
pa
-
-
ts.
ta
tre
Status: Liturgical chant (office responsory, CAO 7840). Relation to chant: The portion quoted is limited to the main part of the responsory, omitting verse and doxology. Text source: John 1: 14 ‘Et verbum caro factum est, et habitavit in nobis: et vidimus gloriam eius, gloriam quasi unigeniti a Patre, plenum gratiae et veritatis.’
Liturgical use: Nativitas Domini, Matins Responsory 9. Music: Responsory melody. Final G, range C-d (mode VIHI). Voice: Virtues.
Placement: This is placed almost at the end of the eucharistic episode: as with p.mus. 99, it simultaneously evokes the birth and death of Christ. The text itself is liturgically associated with the Nativity, but here it is heard following the narrator's theological interpretation of
the bread and wine given to the Virtues by the Blessed Virgin. In this sense the “flesh’ is that of the resurrected Christ. This interpretation is underlined by the French continuation (where the narrator speaks in the first person): ‘J’ai tant l’evangile aprochié | Que qui tel pain prent autrement | II le prent a son jugement’ (Langfors App., vv. 966-8). p-mus. rot (fo. 38’; Pl. VIII)
Dum ortus fuerit sol de celo, videbitis regem regum procedentem a patre tanquam sponsus de thalamo suo.
ee Dum
eee
or - tus fu -e-rit sol de ce- lo, vi- de- bi- tis re- gem re -
pro-ce- den-tem
a
pa - tre tan-quam
gum
spon-sus de tha -la-mo
su-o.
Status: Liturgical chant (office antiphon, CAO 2462). Relation to chant: Exact quotation. Text source: The text is an old liturgical one, compiled as a cento from a series of biblical sources including (successively) Jonah 4: 8 “Et cum ortus fuisset sol praecepit Dominus vento calido’; 1 Tim. 6: 15 and Rev. 19: 16 ‘Rex regum et Dominus dominantium’; John Se
Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez
449
26 ‘quem ego mittam vobis a Patre, spiritum veritatis, qui a Patre procedit’; Ps. 18: 6 ‘In sole posuit tabernaculum suum: et ipse tamquam sponsus procedens de thalamo suo.’ Liturgical use: Vig. Nativitas Domini, Vespers, Magnificat Antiphon.
Music: Antiphon melody. Final G, range Dc (mode VIII). Voice: Author-narrator. Placement: This text has a double meaning in relation to its context, the two directions of reference being mutually contradictory. The French text begins the new passage (Langfors App., vv. 989 ff.) describing the rising sun, and the readiness of the Virtues to encounter
their adversaries. It is they who see the ‘king of kings’ proceeding as if from his bridal chamber. But the bridegroom illustrated in the miniature set between the musical piece and the text is, of course, Fauvel: from the top of a tower he stares out to see the Virtues advancing. p-mus. 102 (fo. 38°) Esto nobis, domine, turris fortitudinis. V. A facie inimici. Turris [fortitudinis.] Gloria patri et filio et spiritui sancto. Esto nobis et cetera. [MS: spitui]
(Se &
Es- to no-
oe
S VA
ee
bis, do- mi
-
—
f=
a
aotSa
ne,
=
L
b
dni- mie ct.
fis for-ti-tu
SIC
——
ot
Turris
Se ee re ee eee %
Glo-ri
a %
-
a
pa-tri
et
fi-l-o
=
et spi-m-tu-1i
b san
eo
ee -
cto.
ae Es-to
no
- bis et cetera.
Status: Liturgical chant (office responsory, CAO 6673). Relation to chant: The whole is written out in a liturgical manner:
responsory,
verse,
repetenda of responsory (‘Turris’), shorter doxology, responsory. Text source: Ps. 60: 4 ‘Quia factus es spes mea: turris fortitudinis a facie inimici’. Liturgical use: Quadragesima, Vespers Responsory. Music: Responsory melody. Final a, range Ff Voice: Virtues (with the rubric ‘Vertuz parlent’).
Placement: The next nine musical pieces (p.mus. 102-10) are presented in the manuscript as a continuous series, in columns alternating with French text. Thus, the first and third
450
Susan Rankin
columns on fo. 38” and the middle column on fo. 39' are filled with text, while the middle column on fo. 38” and the first and third columns on fo. 39' are filled with music. This series of musical pieces accompanies a long description in the text of the arms and dress of
the Vices and Virtues (reminiscent of the weight placed on this aspect in Prudentius’ Psychomachia), and how they and their horses behave. In this first piece in the series the Virtues invoke God’s help in the face of the enemy. p-mus. 103 (fo. 38°)
Sancta et immaculata virginitas, quibus te laudibus referam, nescio, quia quem celi capere non poterant, tuo gremio contulisti. +
+
08 eke San- cta
et im- ma- cu- la
ta vir
=
at
otegt oss ots =
eS
gi-ni
- _ tas, qui- bus
te
—
——
selegs5 Hot Eke ggs — o* = eee lau
di
bus re-fe
t ©
ox’
non
7
a
po
-_
-
‘
ram,ne
-
sci
- 0,
qui-aquemce-li
4
ca- pe-re
+
Oy
=
OQ
te- rant,
tu-o
eo
gre-mi-
0
con-tu-lis
- tL.
Status: Liturgical chant (office responsory, CAO 7569).
Relation to chant: The portion quoted is limited to the main part of the responsory, omitting verse and doxology. Text source: No direct source identified, other than the liturgical chant. Liturgical use: Nativitas Domini, Matins Responsory 7. Music: Responsory melody. Final D, range A—a (mode I). Voice: Author-narrator (with the rubric ‘laucteur parle’).
Placement: See p.mus. 102. p-mus. 104 (fo. 38°) Adoremus dominum, quia ipse est sponsus et salvator noster. 7
ooreees
‘
ts
—_ 6"
“ese
A- do - re - mus do - mi - num,
et sal - va - tor
nos
-
4
5eS
qui-a
ter.
ze
ip -
se est spon - sus
Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez
451
Status: New composition.
Text source: No direct source, but the opening ‘Adoremus dominum’ and the brevity of the statement are immediately suggestive of the chant genre of Invitatories. Comparable examples include ‘Adoremus dominum quoniam ipse fecit nos’ (CAO rom) and the Invitatory from the office of St Agnes (from which p-mus. 105~7 are derived), ‘Agnum sponsum virginum, venite adoremus dominum Ihesum Christum’ (CAO 1021).
Music: Final D, range C-G. Compared with the other new D-mode melodies, this sets itself apart as both more elaborate and wholly in the plagal D-mode. Although related to the
liturgical category of Invitatories, no exact textual or melodic model has been found, and the piece was probably composed as an imitation invitatory. While many invitatory melodies are as simple (or simpler) than those of the office antiphons, others can be as
elaborate as this. Voice: Virgins (with the rubric ‘les vierges parlent’). This may refer to the hundred virgins
mentioned on the facing folio (Langfors App., wv. 1147-8: “Et environ cent virges vroies, |
de semblables ja plus ne croies’), and presumably also the collected Virtues. Placement:
The Virgins/Virtues reassure themselves through praise of God. This and the
three following musical pieces (p.mus. 104-7) form a group, either directly or indirectly
based on material from the office of St Agnes. One ofthe most popular of Christian saints, Agnes was condemned to death at the age of 13. Her riches and beauty having excited many suitors, she rejected all, declaring herself betrothed to a heavenly husband. She was accused as a Christian and taken before the Governor; attempts to change her will met only with
her repeatedly stated wish to have no other husband than Christ. She went to her death composed, blessing God and Christ. In the office for her feast, the themes of betrothal to the Lord, of the Lord’s coming as a bridegroom, ofthe precious gems with which he would decorate her—themes taken up in p.mus. 104-7—recur repeatedly. To find material for the virgins to sing, the Fauvel composer had turned to one of the best-known offices for a virgin; in a straightforward sense this office provided material suitable for the virgins of
the Fauvel story to sing, dwelling on their chastity in this world and anticipation of their Lord’s arrival as a bridegroom. Yet the matching of musical pieces with the French narrative is even more specific than this. The French text in the third column offo. 38‘—between the two columns of music that
include p.mus. 104-7—is concerned first with the appearance of the collected Virtues as they arrive ready to joust (Langfors App., vv. 1058-94), and then with Virginité herself (vv. 1095-140). This long description of Virginité’s dress and mien is highlighted with a
decorated capital V, and begins at exactly the same level as Adoremus dominum, the first musical piece in this ‘Agnes series’; the description concludes just over halfway down the second column of fo. 39' (while p.mus. 107 ends at the bottom of the first column). Beginning ‘Virginité poursuit et meinne | Ceste besoingne souvereinne | Ment et si est la
miex paree | Et plus feticement armee’ (vv. 1095-8), and ending ‘Et Virginité sanz demeure | S’est alee metre a son droit’ (vv. 1138-9), the text emphasizes Virginité’s beauty, calm, and
readiness for the fight to come, precisely the way in which Agnes is described as going to
452
Susan Rankin
her martyrdom (in both the Vita and readings of the office). It is absolutely evident that the ‘reader’ of Fauvel was meant to notice a parallel between Agnes and Virginité, an association that reinforced the narrative opposition of Virtues and Vices, of Christian virgins fighting against the forces of evil. And, of course, the implied betrothal of Virginité to Christ has its direct counterpart in the marriage of Vaine Gloire and Fauvel, consummated the night before the joust, a counterpoint already present in p.mus. 1o1 and the miniature below it. The popularity of St Agnes in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century France can hardly be exaggerated. The promotion of her cult in literary compositions can be traced through a series of independently composed verse and prose Old French lives of the mid- and later thirteenth century up to a Provengal miracle play recorded in a manuscript of the early fourteenth century.” It is entirely possible that knowledge of one or more such compositions lay behind parts of the Fauvel text. p-mus. 105 (fo. 38°)
Anulo suo subarravit nos dominus noster [hesus Christus, et tanquam sponsas coronavit nos corona. a
a
==.
A oT a
A- nu- lo su-o
sub- ar- ra- vit nos
a et
tan- quam
do- mi- nus
a spon-
sus
CO- ro- na- vit
nos- ter
Ihe - sus
eo
SSS
==
Chris- tus,
a nos
co - ro- na.
Status: Liturgical chant (office antiphon, CAO 1426), with minor alterations. Relation to chant:
\n the text ‘me’, ‘meus’, and ‘me’ altered to ‘nos’, ‘noster’, and ‘nos’; on the
melody, see below. Text source: Vita S. Agnetis ‘annulo fidei suae subarrhavit me’;”” Isa. 61: 10 ‘quasi sponsum decoratum corona et quasi sponsum ornatam monilibus suis’. Liturgical use: Office for St Agnes, Lauds Antiphon.
Music: Antiphon melody, with alterations. Final G, range G—-d (mode VII). In the Fauvel version, the melody as far as ‘dominus’ simply recites on d, whereas the real antiphon melody allows some small deviation from this recitation. VoicelPlacement:
As p.mus. 104.
p-mus. 106 (fo. 39’) Induit nos dominus cicladibus auro textis, et immensis monilibus ornavit nos, atque circumdedit vernantibus necnon et coruscantibus gemmis dexteras nostras, et colla nostra ** On the Old French lives see A. J. Denomy, The Old French Lives of Saint Agnes (Cambridge, Mass., 1938).
” Acta Sanctorum Jan Il (Antwerp, 1643), 350 ff.
Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez
453
cinxit lapidibus preciosis, et auribus nostris tradidit inestimabiles margaritas. ipse enim pugnat pro nobis. Quis ergo contra nos? [MS: iemmis, cola] 4
3 —o-" 6 %
=e oo =
o
oz
In-du-it nos do-mi-nus ci-cla-di-bus
G==
—
=
=
—
+
SLC
ree
ae eel EeFel
au- ro tex: tis, et im-men-sis mo-ni-li-bus
SS
t
—
e
1°95
os.
$ ao
oe
—
°F 5
Maree ooo or-na-vit
nos, +
= ce
at-que cir-cum-de-dit ver-nan-ti- bus nec-non et co-rus-can-ti-bus
i
ree
==
iem-mis dex-te-ras
nos-
tras,
— a
aoe
eo
et co-la nos-tra cin-xit la- pi-di-bus pre-ci-o-sis, et au-ri-bus nos-tris tra-di-dit in-es-ti-ma-bi-les
oo
mar-ga-ri-tas.
Ip-se e-nim pug-nat pro no-bis.
Quis er-go
con-tra
nos?
Status: New composition.
Text source: Most of this long text has been compiled from parts of the Agnes office, some of the phrases heard three or more times in that office (as responsory, responsory verse, antiphon, and reading). The office itself draws these texts directly from the Vita. The compilation has four parts, beginning ‘Induit me’, ‘atque circumdedit’, “dexteras nostras’, and ‘ipse enim’. The first three have sources as follows: ‘Induit me dominus cyclade auro texta et immensis monilibus ornavit me’ (antiphon, CAO 3328; responsory verse, CAO 6436; Matins reading and Vita); ‘Christus circumdedit me vernantibus atque
coruscantibus gemmis pretiosus’ (antiphon, CAO 1790); “et circumdedit me vernantibus atque coruscantibus gemmis’ (responsory verse, CAO 6955; Matins reading and Vira);
‘Dextram meam et collum meum cinxit lapidibus pretiosus, tradidit auribus meis inaestimabilies margaritas’ (antiphon, CAO 2186; responsory, CAO 6436; responsory verse, CAO 6992; Matins reading and Vita). The last portion is based on Romans 8: 31 “Deus pro
nobis, quis contra nos?’ Music: Final E, range C-c. The procedure adopted at the beginning—transposition of the office-antiphon melody for these words down a third—is not present anywhere else in the Fauvel adaptations, and, in modal terms, produces a peculiar result if related to the eventual final (Z). The common return to C’as a cadence point is equally peculiar. This is the only example among the new compositions of use of the E-mode: whereas compositions in other modes not only bear comparison with Gregorian examples but also encourage the notion that Gregorian examples provided an important resource for this Fauvel composer, this piece implies that the composer either controlled Gregorian E-mode
454
Susan Rankin
idioms less well or chose not to use them. The piece is mainly syllabic, and uses short phrases cadencing on C, £, G, or a. VoicelPlacement: As p.mus. 104. p-mus. 107 (fo. 39') Ipsi sumus desponsate cui angeli serviunt, Benedictum nomen eius in eternum et ultra. _s__
ae
Ip-si su-mus
+
cuius pulcritudinem
Tae
—+
a
de-spon-sa-te +
lu-na
mi-ran-tur.
Sas
cu-i an- ge- li ser-vi-unt, cu-ius pul-cri-tu-di-nem +
Ss sol et
=
sol et luna mirantur.
ae
ee Be-ne-dic-tum
no-men
e-ius
in e- ter- num
Se et ul-tra.
Status: Liturgical chant (office antiphon, CAO 3407), with an extension.
Relation to chant: As far as ‘mirantur’, this reproduces the text and melody of an antiphon from the Agnes office. The phrase that follows is related to another antiphon from the same office, ‘Stans beata Agnes in medio flammae, expansis manibus orabat ad Dominum: omnipotens, adorande, colende, tremende, benedico te, et glorifico nomen tuum in aeternum’ (CAO 5017). The chant melody for this antiphon has no relation to the Fauvel composition. Text source: The Vita S. Agnetis includes the phrases ‘cui angeli serviunt, cuius pulchritudinem sol et luna mirantur’ and (repeated many times, addressed to the Lord)
‘benedico te’. Liturgical use: Office for St Agnes, Matins Antiphon.
Music: Final G, range F-e (mode VII for the first part, VII for the second). The first part, which reproduces the office antiphon melody, uses a melody type that dominates the Agnes office. The second part cadences in precisely the same way as the first, but uses a standard eighth-mode behaviour (moving from G through F a c) to get there. Technically the two parts are in different modes, but, outside a situation where modality would guide the choice of psalm tone, this is unproblematic. VoicelPlacement:
As p.mus. 104.
p-mus. 108 (fo. 39’)
Apud dominum misericordia, et copiosa apud eum redempcio. 2Er
= eee
A-pud do-mi-num
go 9600 #0 mi- se-ri- cor-di-a,
Zea : a et
co-pi-o-sa_
Status: Liturgical chant (office antiphon, CAO 1466). Relation to chant: Exact quotation.
a-pud e- um
= re- demp-ci-o.
Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez
455
Text source: No direct source identified, other than the liturgical chant. Liturgical use: Nativitas Domini, II Vespers Antiphon 4.
Music: Antiphon melody. Final a, range F-e (mode IV). The fifth melody from the IV, family (see p.mus. 82). VoicelPlacement: This and the next two musical pieces occupy the third column on fo. 39’, set alongside text which, once having finished its description of Virginité’s bearing, names the other Virtues collected for the joust. The three musical pieces belong to the liturgy of Advent and Christmas, speaking of the waiting for a saviour (evoked in a different sense
in the Agnes pieces that precede) and his birth. To gird themselves for battle, the Virtues sing of their champion. p-mus. 109 (fo. 39')
Natus est nobis parvulus et vocabitur deus, fortis. Ipse sedebit super thronum David patris sui et imperabit, cuius potestas super humerum eius. [MS: impetrabit corr. by deletion]
Na-tus
est
no- bis
par - vu
e de-us,
for
-
tis. Ip
% Da-vid
pa
-
tms
su.
ie pcetes
-
tas
su
-
-
-
se
-
lus
se- de
1 et im-pe-ra
per
hu-me-rum
Set).
“VO= Ca)
-
bit
=e
Di
su-per
-
ntur
thro - num
bit, cu
=
-
lus
lus.
Status: Liturgical chant (office responsory, CAO 7195), with minor alteration.
Relation to chant: The text and melody of the responsory Nascetur nobis are reproduced, the only change being the substitution of ‘Natus est’ for “Nascetur’ at the opening. The
portion quoted is limited to the main part of the responsory, omitting verse and doxology. Text source: Isa. 9: 6-7 ‘Parvulus enim natus est nobis, et filius datus est nobis, et factus est principatus super umerum eius: et vocabitur nomen eius, Admirabilis, consiliarius, Deus,
fortis, pater futuri saeculi, princeps pacis. Multipicabitur eius imperium, et pacis non erit finis: super solium David, et super regnum etus.’
Liturgical use: Adv II, Matins Responsory. Music: Responsory melody. Final G, range C-e (mode VIII). VoicelPlacement: See p.mus. 108.
Susan Rankin
456 p-mus. 110 (fo. 39°)
Non auferetur sceptrum de Iuda et dux de femore eius, donec veniat qui mittendus est et ipse erit expectatio gencium. 4
= BS Non
au-fe-re-tur
do-nec
ve-
é
ete
+—
'
=t
(ies
5gywe EES gtEtOaag OOO
ni
scep
-
-
-
at
trum
de
I[u-da
et
dux
de fe-mo-re e-ius,
qui mit-ten-dus est
rit ex- pec-ta
-
tl-oO
t
ee Gok tg
et
ip-se
gen-ci- um.
Status: Liturgical chant (office responsory, CAO 7224).
Relation to chant: The portion quoted is limited to the main part of the responsory, omitting verse and doxology. Text source: Gen. 49: 10, exact quotation. Liturgical use: Adv IV, Matins Responsory 3. Music:
Responsory melody. Final D, range C—0, (mode I).
VoicelPlacement: See p.mus. 108.
p-mus. 112 (fo. 41') Pax vobis, ego sum, nolite timere, pro salute enim vestra misit me dominus ante vos.
=
Se
Pax
vo-
pro sa-lu- te
bis, e- go
e
-
nim
sum,
no-li-te
ves-tra
i:
ti- me
-
mi-sit me
b
do
-
mi- nus
an-te
Vos.
Status: Liturgical chant (office responsory, CAO 7102), with alterations. Relation to chant: The chant text reads “Loquens Ioseph fratribus suis et dixit: pax vobis nolite timere pro salute enim vestra misit me dominus ante vos.’ The Fauvel quotation has left out the first phrase, and inserted “ego sum’ after ‘pax vobis’,
Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez
Text source: including brothers); pro salute
457
The responsory and this musical piece are both related to a series of biblical texts, Gen. 43: 23 ‘At ille respondit: pax vobiscum, nolite timere’ (Joseph to his Gen. 45: 4-5 “Ego sum, ait, Ioseph, frater vester, quem vendidistis in Aegypto. . . enim vestra misit me Deus ante vos in Aegyptum’ (Joseph to his brothers); Luke
24: 36 ‘Pax vobis, ego sum, nolite timere’ (the risen Christ to the disciples); John 20: 19 ‘Pax vobis’ (the risen Christ to the disciples). Although the Fauvel text is based principally on
that of the responsory, it repeats the conflation of the two Genesis quotations already apparent in Luke’s gospel, a conflation not apparent in the responsory but present in the office antiphon “Pax vobis, ego sum, alleluia: nolite timere, alleluia’ (CAO 4254). The effect
of drawing speech the recognized Liturgical use: Music:
on these specific Old and New Testament stories is to build into the Fauvel force of two famous moments of revelation: that of Joseph, previously unby his brothers, and that of the risen Christ, also unrecognized by his disciples. Quadragesima III, Matins Responsory 9.
Responsory melody. Final D, range C-c (mode I). For the two added words, which
sit at the beginning of a new melodic phrase, the Fauvel composer has retained the high intonation (from a). The musical effect of omitting the responsory’s opening phrase is interesting: it leaves the passage ‘Pax vobis . . .. exposed, intoning from 4, and falling to D. The rarity of such a procedure at the very beginning of a chant (absolutely outside the realms of Gregorian modality) only serves to emphasize the words. Voice: Fortune (with the rubric ‘Fortune parle’). Placement: This and the three following musical pieces on this recto (p.mus. 112—I5) are again
copied successively in one column dedicated to music (the middle one). All fall under the same rubric, and verbalize the intervention and judgement made by the lady Fortune at the
end of the joust.”’ p-mus. 113 (fo. 41’) Parata est sentencia contra Fauvellum, nam et iudicabitur cum fuerit condampnatus cum principe demoniorum
perpetuo passurus.
=: oo Pa- ra - ta
est _
a nam
cum
a
sen-ten-ci-a
ee eee
con-tra
Fau
-
SiC
i oe vel-lum, sic
Sse
et iu-di-ca-bi-tur cum
——
7:
fu-e-rit
br
1 con-damp-na-tus
——
prin- Cl- pe
de-mo-ni- 0 -
rum
per-pe--tu- 0
pas
-
su-rus.
°° On the significance of Fortune’s use of Christ’s words, see Rankin, “The Divine Truth’, 236 ff.
458
Susan Rankin
Status: New composition. Text source: The text has no direct biblical or liturgical source, but combines biblical references within a framework for the sentence pronounced, which is itself derived from
the French text: ‘Car Fortune, si com je sent, | Leur a de voir segnefié |Que, combien que soit detrié | De juger Fauvel longuement, | Se finera il laidement | Ou temps qui Ii ait destiné’ (Langfors App., vv. 1442-7) and ‘Il perdra vie pardurable | Et revertira au deable’ (vv. 1459-60). Beyond the ‘sententia’ can be heard a passage from Ecclesiastes ‘Etenim quia
non profertur cito contra malos sentencia, absque ullo timore filii hominum perpetrant mala’ (Eccles. 8: 11), a reference that not only underlines the slow but decisive nature of the judgement declared on Fauvel but brings up a biblical ‘restatement’ of Fortune’s changeability ‘Omni negotio tempus est, et oportunitas, et multa hominis adflictio’ (Eccles. 8: 6).
The ‘princeps demoniorum’ appears in Matt. 9: 34 and Mark 3: 22, on both occasions in the mouth of Jesus’ detractors who, seeing his healing powers, accuse him of harnessing the
power of Satan, ‘casting out devils through the prince of the devils’. Music: Final D, range C-d. On two occasions the melody does not provide enough notes for the text syllables (‘“iudicabitur’, “condampnatus’); in both cases the splitting of a two-note
ligature would remedy the situation. The melody is full of typical D-mode sounds, and may represent a direct contrafactum of some antiphon melody in circulation. The main phrase divisions are at ‘Fauvellum’ and ‘condampnatus’. Voice: Fortune. Placement: After Fortune’s announcement ‘Peace be unto you’, this musical piece contains
the first in a series of Latin statements concerning Fauvel’s terrible fate. p-mus. 114 (fo. 41) [H]abitacio autem vestra in Syon.
a
a
cee
[H]a-bi-ta- ci-o au-tem
ves-tra
re in Sy
-
Status: New composition. Text source: Ps. 75: 3 “Et factus est in pace locus eius: et habitacio eius in Syon.’ Music:
Final D, range C—F. Formulated as a recitation on F, with a decorated concluding
cadence; the underlying model is that of psalm recitation, with a concluding differentia. Voice: Fortune. Placement:
The French text pronounces first Fauvel’s terrible fate, and then sets that of the
Virtues in contrast (Langfors App., vv. 1464-71): ‘Com digne retribucion | En arez du
grant roy celestre | Quant vous vous serrez a sa destre | En paradis, ou est ja pris | Vostre lieu, si com j’ai apris, | Si estes tres bien congneiies | De Dieu, et de bons soustenues | Serez en despit de Fauvel.’ The two musical pieces 113 and 114 present the same paired statements of the fates of Fauvel and the Virtues. Moreover, a simple musical device is used to sharpen
Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez
459
the contrast, the pair conceived in a musically symbiotic form, as antiphon and psalm verse. Note: The capital H was never added by the person responsible for the painting and decorating of these capitals; the item began in the middle ofa line, and could easily have been overlooked. The error was compounded when the item was omitted in the list of musical pieces presented on fo. B'.
p-mus. 115 (fo. 41') Plebs fidelis Francie
laudat deum glorie mundi redemptorem. Qui dat ei munera ad sananda vulnera virginum splendorem. Et se contra scelera
Falvellique federa prebet deffensorem.
+
%
Plebs fi - de- lis Fran-ci-e i ee
¥
Qui
Weg © © 8 lau-dat de-um
+t
ee ee
dat
e-1
mu-ne-
See ee ae ee con-tra sce-le-ra
Fal-vel-li-que
65
re-demp-to
— - rem.
AS} eee
eee ee
ees
ra ad sa-nan-da vul-ne - ra vir-gi-num +—____—
rs Et se
glo-ri- e mun-di
4
+
ee ee ee fe-de-ra
splen-do-rem.
ee
pre-bet def-fen- so - rem.
Status: New composition.
Text source. No direct source has been identified, although the incipit “Plebs fidelis’ is relatively common. A sequence in honour of St Louis of Toulouse has this incipit as well as the syllabic pattern 7pp 7pp 6p: ‘Plebs fidelis iubilat | quia sidus rutilat | novae claritatis’.°' But this was a standard verse structure, and there is no especial reason to associate the two texts. Music: Final F, range F-f While both text form and ‘Plebs fidelis’ incipit are characteristic of a sequence, in fact the music does not include the exact repetitions typical of this genre. The piece can best be described simply as a song. Various parallel parts of the text ao AFI x. 240.
460
Susan Rankin
structure—especially the middle portion of each line—are matched by repetitive qualities in the melody. Voice: Fortune.
Placement: Placed as the fourth piece in the ‘judgement’ series by Fortune and the last in the middle column of fo. 41', Plebs fidelis exhorts the people of France to sing praises to the redeemer, who has saved France from the pollution and filthiness of the Fauvelites. In this it rounds off the series of four explaining the fates of Fauvel, the Virtues, and—now—the
French people. p-mus. 116 (fo. 41°)
Devorabit Fauvellum dominus cum germine suo. hoc scitote et quod succendetur ignis dei et ardebit eos usque ad inferni novissima.
oe
De-vo-ra
- bit Fau-vel-lum
b
nO - ViS-Sl
do-mi- nus cum
—____—
-
—+
ger-mi- ne b
su-o. hoc sci- to- te }
ma.
Status: New composition. Text source:
Deut. 32: 22 ‘Ignis succensus est in furore meo, et ardebit usque ad inferni
novissima: devorabitque terram cum germine suo et montium fundamenta comburet’. Music:
Final F range C-d. While the melody has no very clear debt to Gregorian modality,
it follows the mainly syllabic texture of office-antiphon style. It breaks this mould at the end on the word ‘novissima’ , with a long melisma that acts as expression of ‘the last things [of hell]’.
Voice: Author-narrator. Placement: This and the next three pieces (p.mus. 116-19) occupy the middle column of fo.
41. Consisting of a harsh series of condemnations of Fauvel and his issue, they accompany a passage in the French text—occupying almost the whole of the third column—that laments the pollution of France (‘Le beau jardin de grace plain | Ou Dieu par especiauté | Planta la flour de loiauté’, Langfors App., vv. 1564-6) by Fauvel and his children, who appear everywhere (‘Par tout ha ja Fauveaus nouveaus’, v. 1557). Much space is given to a list of the gifts made by God to France: ‘Et y sema par excellence | La franche grene et la semence | De la fleur de crestienté | Et d’autres fleurs a grant plenté: | Fleurs de Pais et fleurs
Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez
461
de Justise, | Fleur de Foy et fleur de Franchise, | Fleur d’Aneur et fleur espanie | De Sens et de Chevalerie. | Tiex jardin fu a bon jour né | Qui de tiex fleurs fu aourné: | C’est le jardin de douce France’ (vv. 1567-77). The author then exclaims on the great mischance
ofFauvel’s arrival ‘as a gardener in this beautiful orchard’. The musical pieces thus provide expression for the anger felt by the author against the Fauvelites for what they have done to France, and, in their condemnatory Latin words, contrast heavily with his description of France as a garden filled with beautiful flowers of virtue. p-mus. 117 (fo. 41°) Veniat mors super illos et descendant in infernum viventes. ,
om
$
=
%
Ve-ni-at
mors
=
4
——
==
fname
Se
su - per il - los et des-cen-dant
in in-fer-num
vi-ven-tes.
Status: New composition. Text source:
Music:
Ps. 54: 16, exact quotation.
Final F, range Ff This is the fifth and last member of the F-final group begun at
p-mus. 63; with the shortest text, the melody uses only the first and last of five available phrases. VoicelPlacement: As p.mus. 116. p-mus. 118 (fo. 41’) Heu, quid destructio hec. melius nobis erat, si natus non fuisset homo ille.
a
non fu -is- set ho- mo
il- le.
Status: New composition. Text source. Matt. 26: 24 ‘bonum erat ei, si natus non fuisset homo ille’.
Music: Final D, range C-c. In its way of using D-modality, this melody has much in common with p.mus. 113, copied on the previous page. It has two phrases, dividing at ‘erat’, with the middle cadence on a. The opening is curiously undemonstrative in melodic terms, given the sentiments expressed by the text. VoicelPlacement: As p.mus. 116.
Susan Rankin
462 p-mus. 119 (fo. 41’)
Iuxta est dies perdicionis ipsius sequaciumque suorum,
et adesse festinant tempora.
Nam
creatorem suum agnoscere noluerunt. Cui beneplacitum est super timentes eum et sperantes super misericordia eius.
Tux
-
ta
est di-es per-di-ci-o
== et ad-es-
se
-
mis ip-si-us se-qua-ci-um-que
tem- po-
fa.
Nam
cre-a-
to
oe
et
spe€-ran
Cu-i
-
-
rum
Se fes-ti-nant
no-lu-e-runt.
su-o
teS
be-ne-pla-ci-tum
su-per
-
rem
-
-um
ag-nos,
=
Ce-Te
a
est su-per ti-men-tes
Mll-Sse-ri-cor
su
di-a
e
-
e-
um
ius.
Status: New composition. Text source: Deut. 32: 35 ‘iuxta est dies perditionis, et adesse festinant tempora’; Deut. 32: 18
‘et oblitus es domini creatoris tui’; Ps. 146: 11 “Beneplacitum est Domino super timentes eum: et in eis, qui sperant super misericordia eius’. Music:
Final D, range Cc. As a D-mode piece, this forms a group with p.mus. 113 and 118,
dominated by the long upward and downward sweeps used by this composer in the Dmode. The melody is set out in clear phrases corresponding to those of the text: the main cadence points are at ‘Iuxta est’ (D), ‘perdicionis’ (D), ‘suorum’ (a), ‘tempora’ (D), ‘suum’ (D), ‘noluerunt’ (a), ‘est’ (a), ‘eum’ (F), “sperantes’ (a), ‘eius’ (D).
VoicelPlacement: As p.mus. 116. p-mus. 121 (fo. 42'; see above, Fig. 13.12) Hic fons, hic devius, aqua degenerans, unda dampnificans. Amen
+
oe
Saale,
}-
J
Oe
OO
°
Hic fons, hic de- vi-us, a-qua de-ge-ne-rans,
re
6
5
4
eae
un-da damp-ni-fi-cans.
A-men.
Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez
463
Status: Liturgical blessing, altered.” Relation to chant:
Within a longer text, the blessing includes the words ‘Sit fons vivus, aqua
regenerans, unda purificans.. .’; the Fauvel text is thus a contrafactum of the liturgical
one, using the standard liturgical melody. Text source: The ceremony from which the text is drawn is of great antiquity; no further source beyond the liturgy is known. Liturgical use: From the ceremony of the Blessing of water at the Easter Vigil.’ This elaborate ritual has many parts, including the touching of the water by the priest, its division into four in the form of a cross, its sprinkling in four directions, and the dipping ofthe Paschal candle into it. The text used as the basis of the contrafactum in Fauvel occurs
early in the ceremony: following the Litany of Saints, the priest says the Preface, and then proceeds to divide the water in the form of a cross, reading the first part of the blessing: ‘Qui hanc aquam regenerandis hominibus preparatam arcana sui luminis ammixtione fecundet ut, sanctificatione concepta ab immaculato divini fontis utero, in novam renata creaturam progenies coelestis emergat, et quos aut sexus in corpore, aut etas discernit in tempore, omnes in unam pariat gratia mater infantiam. Procul ergo hinc, iubente te, domine omnis spiritus immundus abscedat; procul tota nequitia diabolicae fraudis absistat; nichil hic loci habeat contrariae virtutis admixtio; non insidiando circumvolet, non
latendo surripiat, non
inficiendo corrumpat.’ Then the priest touches the water,
saying: “Sit haec sancta et innocens creatura libera ab omni impugnatoris incursu et totius nequitiae purgata discessu. Sit fons vivus, aqua regenerans, unda purificans, ut omnes hoc
lavacro salutifero diluendi, operante in eo spiritu sancto, perfectae purgationis indulgentiam consequantur.’ Several more parts of the blessing follow.
Music: Final D, range C—F. A simple recitation, using the most common tone for the recitation of Preface prayers, normally employed for this blessing.’ The relations between parts of the syntactical structure and recitation notes and between accent and musical cadence follow standard liturgical practice: the first two phrases use F’as recitation and E as cadence note, leaving the recitation pitch on the syllable after the penultimate accented syllable (‘fons,‘aqua’), while the third phrase is treated as a final clause, and therefore cadences on D. Voice: Author-narrator. Placement: A liturgical gloss on the illustration of the Fountain of Youth, which picks up the
themes of baptism (through the association with the Easter Vigil office) and of the new life born from purified (that is, holy) water. Through textual alterations, which describe the » For the identification of this piece I am indebted to Emma Dillon. See above, Ch. 9.
*® The full text of the ceremony, as presented in the r2th-c. edition of the Roman Pontifical (and retained unaltered in Durandus’ version of1292-5), is reproduced in Michel Andrieu,
Le Pontifical romain au moyen-age, i: Le Pontifical romain du XI siecle (Vatican City, 1938), 243 ff.
* On the tones for Preface prayers see David Hiley, Western
— Plainchant:
A
Handbook
(Oxford,
1993),
49ff.
In
some
Pontificals the tone is written out for the blessing, in others not;
where it does not appear the user would be expected to intone the words following the standard rules. In those English and northern French pontificals in which the tone is written out for the blessing, it follows the model which lay behind the Fauvel contrafactum.
464
Susan Rankin
water as bringing degeneration and damnation rather than regeneration through purification, an extreme contrast is made between the Fauvelites’ ‘rejuvenation —achieved through
bathing in dirt and sins—and the powerful symbol of rebirth in the Christian church. Note: Several aspects of the presentation indicate that this musical piece was added after the main material had been copied: the text hand that added these words was that of the main corrector, responsible also for all the material on fos. 28bis/ter, the textual content of the first and second columns on fo. 29" (below, Fig. 27.1), ‘Ci me faut’ on fo. 45' (above, Fig. 4.3), and a text addition at the bottom of fo. 12” (above, Fig. 7.2). The small painted capital
is unlike those more decorated capitals normally added to the musical pieces, and the ruling of the staves is varied rather than regular, not matched to that for the motet that
occupies much of the same page. p-mus. 126 (fo. 43")
Non signis pie Christe tuis fac vincere mundum et nostre quecumque patent adversa saluti ut nobis sit pax hic et post vita perhennis. Alleluya.
Non sig-nis pi-e
Chris-te tu
-
is fac vin-ce-re
mun-dum
Faia ao eg et nos-tre
que-cum-
oe eo @_»
que pa-tent ad-ver-sa
sa-lu
-
—— ti
Se
ut no-bis sit pax hic et post vi-ta per- hen
Al- le
-
lu -
ya.
Status: New composition. Text source: These hexameters are likely to have been composed for this specific use.
Music: Final G, range D-d. Many melodic features are typical of the plagal G-mode: the intonation, the playing on the Fa third with return to G, cas an upper recitation point, the movement from a directly to d, precipitating a fall to G, even the abaG cadence pattern. The way in which these turns of phrase are combined, however, is more typical of later song repertories, such as north French conductus songs. One specific phrase occurs three times: that for ‘pie Christe tuis’ is heard again at the beginning of the second text-line (‘et
Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez
465
nostre quecumque’), and then again at the beginning of the third text-line (‘ut nobis sit pax hic et post vita’), on this third occasion drawn out in single notes and with the new
idea ad dcbaGF interposed before the cadence. That new idea then sets the pattern for the
concluding Alleluia. The melody does not respond to the quantities of the hexameter: indeed the repeated material cuts across patterns of long and short, setting short syllables to parts of the
melodic pattern previously heard with long syllables and vice versa. This quantities in a musical setting was not unusual. In the case of caesuras, the inconclusive: in the first hexameter, the melody makes an internal cadence responding to syntax rather than to the caesura (after ‘Christe’). In the second
ignoring of evidence is after ‘tuis’, hexameter,
the same
cadence
melodic
pattern
has
been
moved
back,
making
an
internal
at
‘quecumque’, in the same position as the caesura. Voice: Author-narrator. Placement:
This and the next musical piece are part ofa longer series begun on fo. 43° with
two motets dedicated to the Trinity, and continued in the first and third columns of this page with another motet, which sets a verse of the hymn Audi benigne conditor; the prevailing mood in the musical pieces is one of praise and petition to God for help to fight the trials of the human world. This series of musical pieces provides the only example in the Fauvel compilation of a group that mixes polyphonic with monophonic pieces. Both p-mus. 126 and 127 present petitions to Christ and the Lord for salvation: in this, they complement the French text in the adjoining column, which tells of the birth, life, and crucifixion of Christ, and the redemption of human
souls: ‘Lors fu li sauverrez liez, |
Crachiez, batuz, crucefiez, | Penduz en la sainte balance’ (Langfors App., vv. 1719-21), ‘Ce
fu nostre redempcion . . . Illeuc souffri mort par envie, | Més en mourant nous mist en vie. | Sa mort ocist la nostre mort’ (vv. 1727731).
p-mus. 127 (fo. 43°) Vv
Non nobis, domine, non nobis, sed nomini tuo da gloriam, quoniam res tua agitur in hac parte.
ea =a? ?
= Non
wear
no-bis, do-mi- ne, non
7 ze quo-ni-am
oe
no- bis, sed no-mi-ni
—— a res tu-a
' 0°
a-gi-tur in
Se tu-o
da_
glo-ri-am,
ee
hae par-te.
Status: New composition. Text source: Ps. 113: 9 (up to ‘gloriam’, exact quotation); Horace Epistle 18. 84 “Nam tua res agitur, paries cum proximus ardet’.
466
Susan Rankin
Music: Final a, range Fe. The sixth melody from the IV, family (see p.mus. 82). In this case, the whole of the melodic model is fitted to the psalm quotation, ending with the typical closing cadence on a repeated a. The text phrase beginning ‘quoniam’ then takes up the idiom of the model to create a second closing phrase (thus breaking the rules of the Gregorian model, which can only finish once). Although the sequence of notes from
the high d (‘tua agitur . . . parte’) adopts the pitch pattern of the previous version directly (‘nomini tuo... gloriam’), the way in which the notes are arranged breaks the stricter
pattern ofthe chant and imitation melodies making up the rest of the group. For example, the closing cadence ligates G and a (on ‘in’) rather than a with c (as on ‘da’).
Voice: Author-narrator.
Placement: See p.mus. 126. This psalm text was the starting-point for a sermon preached by Jean Haniére at the trial of Enguerran de Marigny on 11 March 1315.” ©
Jules Viard (ed.), Les Grandes Chroniques de France, viii (Paris, 1938), 307-8.
20 The Chronique meétrique and
the Moral Design of BN fr. 146: Feasts of Good and Evil “ew NANCY
FREEMAN
REGALADO
Que li sage sunt tiexte et glose Et li pur lai sont parchemin. Geffroy de Paris, Avisemenz’
‘Mundus a mundicia | dictus per contraria’ (World so called contrarily from cleanliness)’— these verses inserted in the upper right corner of fo. 1° (see above, Fig. 8.14), set forth the
matter and manner of the entire compilation of fr. 146. It is a book that looks everywhere at the world of historical experience, but always with a moralist’s eye. What is the role of historiography within this compilation composed in a chancery milieu and filled with rich commentary on contemporary politics? A metrical chronicle of the kingdom of France from 1300 to 1316, sometimes attributed to Geffroy de Paris, fills the final quarter of fr. 146 (fos. 63'-88').° Its presence strengthens the hybrid design of the manuscript, which intermingles genres, themes, forms, and languages.
Surrounding the two books of the greatly expanded Roman de Fauvel, which fills about half the manuscript, are an anonymous, non-musical French love complainte, eight dits of topical
political advice by Geffroy de Paris, two in Latin and six in French, and thirty-four courtly lyrics by Jehannot de Lescurel, two of which (nos. 33 and 34) combine musical and nonmusical verse (see above, p. 6-7, for a list of the contents). The metrical chronicle comes last in this complex tapestry, which interweaves French and Latin, musical and non-musical
forms, initials and illustrations, politics and love, moral satire and history. The ominous It is a pleasure to thank colleagues who have greatly extended my _ invaluable discussions I enjoyed with participants in their Fauvel understanding of medieval historiography and the role of the
seminars at Oxford in 1992 and 1994 and their July 1994 confer-
Chronique métrique in fr. 146: Bradley Berke, Elizabeth A. R. ence in Paris. Brown, Jean Dunbabin, Kathryn A. Duys, Anne D. Hedeman, " Storer—Rochedieu 23, vy. 787-8. Sylvia Huot, Samuel Kinser, Ruth Mellinkoff, Gabrielle M. * Dahnk, p.mus. 2, vv. 1-2; translations throughout are mine, Spiegel, and Pierre Zoberman. I am grateful for generous re- _ unless otherwise indicated. search support by the Guggenheim Foundation. | am particu* On the attribution, see Diverrés 11-15. larly indebted to Margaret Bent and Andrew Wathey for the
Nancy Freeman Regalado
468
figure of the beast-man Fauvel looms over all these crossings of generic boundaries, shading them with moral significance. The Chronique métrique has been used by modern readers of fr. 146 to understand the milieu in which the manuscript was produced and to clarify historical allusions scattered in the satire and in Geffroy’s political poems.* However, although it is one of the most voluminous elements in the compilation—second only to Fauvel in length—the form of the chronicle and its purpose in fr. 146 have not yet received full critical scrutiny. The metrical chronicle has a way of seeming a self-evident, transparent record of events, but like all
historiography, it offers not just facts but narrative, a story that can easily bear the weight of a political programme. It is my aim to explore how the metrical chronicle fits into the grand moral design of fr. 146.
I have based my study on a reciprocal reading of the metrical chronicle and the Roman de Fauvel in fr. 146. In this, I have followed the order of Chaillou’s interpolated satire, which I believe offers a key to reading all the works gathered in the manuscript as an interrelated whole, even the metrical chronicle, which dangles so loosely at the end of the compilation. In
our study for the facsimile edition of fr. 146, we demonstrated how Chaillou arranges his musical insertions, miniatures, and narrative ‘addicions’ within the original Fauvel so that each piece can be played off against the whole, each interpreted in the light of its new context. Closely related by theme, the musical pieces and satire are tightly interconnected by page layout: many of the musical insertions are designated in rubrics or transitional verses such as ‘Pour Phelippes qui regne ores | Ci metreiz ce motet onquores’, which introduces the motet Servant regemlO PhilippelRex regum. The table of contents of fr. 146 first listed only the musical insertions in the Fauvel, at a later point during the compilation process, Geffroy’s dits and Jehannot de Lescurel’s lyrics were added, thereby linking all the musical and verse pieces in the manuscript.° The Fauvel of fr. 146 thus displays an internal system of reciprocal reading supported by the table, proximity, ‘fauvelizing’ adjustments to some citations, and a web of common themes and motifs. This dynamic scheme is like the ‘planetal puissance’ of Fortune’s wheel (Langfors, v. 2539): it is a powerful presence in fr. 146 that attracts the other works in the manuscript into its sphere of moral meanings through the practice of reciprocal reading. Meanings that arise from such a reading do not, however, lie evident within each text;
instead they emerge from each reader’s observations. Meaning so formulated not on the page but in the mind of the reader is like that of the figure of significatio, described by Geffroi de Vinsauf in his Poetria nova (c.1210) where he speaks of the exemplum: “The thought is larger ; Roesner et al. 19-21 and 48-58. Fo. 10°; Dahnk, wv. 35-6 and p.mus. 33; more than a dozen such passages introduce musical pieces (Roesner et al. 18-19).
° Portions of the table corresponding to Chaillou, Geffroy, and Jehannot de Lescurel are edited respectively by: Dahnk 1-5; Leofranc
Holford-Strevens,
above,
Ch.
11; and Anatole
de
Montaiglon, Chansons, ballades et rondeaux de Jehannot de Lescurel (Paris, 1855), 67-8. The table was copied in at least two
Manuscript Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Fonds Francais 146, with Particular Emphasis on the Roman de Fauve (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1992), 77 n. 42 and 81; Roesner et al, 6). It
is unfinished and perhaps incomplete: it omits some of the Fauvel musical insertions, and it does not mention Chaillou’s narrative ‘addicions’ or the metrical chronicle. I am greatly in-
debted to Kathryn A. Duys for her observations on the Fauvel table, part of a study she has undertaken of vernacular literary
stages by the ‘corrector/problem-solver’ of fr. 146, who also cop- _ tables of contents from the 13th and 14th cc. ied the Lescurel lyrics (Joseph Charles Morin, ‘The Genesis of
The Chronique métrique and Moral Design
469
in itself than the speech which pertains to it. . . . It does not come so as to be clearly detected, but instead reveals itself through signs’, indirectly and through analogies to be discovered by the reader.’ I believe that the system of reciprocal reading in Chaillou’s Fauvel—cued by signals in text and layout—ofters a model that can be applied, by association, to all the works in fr. 146 in order to understand their meaning within the compilation. The order of the interpolated satire in fr. 146 suggests that its compilers and first readers were interested in complex juxtapositions of works in different genres.” They liked mixed, hybrid forms and were adept at what we call intertextualities: they manipulated the polyphonic symmetries of motet texts; they were familiar with the practice of lyric insertions into vernacular romance and allegory.” But they were also counsellors and servants of princes, schooled in rhetoric and deeply concerned with moral and political issues of good government. The well-trained clercs in the circles that produced fr. 146 would have recognized everywhere in this compilation the devices of an epideictic and a deliberative rhetoric offering counsel and advice to the ruler."° They would have perceived and supported the common purpose uniting the heterogeneous works gathered in fr. 146. All contribute to admonitio, the discourse of good counsel to the
king, which is expressed directly in the chronicler’s commentary, in Geffroy’s dits, and in Fauvel. The advice is addressed to three kings—Philip IV, Louis X, and Philip V—but directed to the last, Philip the Tall, as he ascended the throne in January 1317. The meanings that emerge from reciprocal readings of the works in fr. 146 are
overdetermined; the intricate patterns of fr. 146 draw a common lesson of noble simplicity from the myriad events of history. Chronicle, satire, and dits alike stress the importance of the moral strength of the monarch for the welfare of the kingdom: if the head is enfeebled, all the
members suffer.'’ This moral lesson can be extracted at any point in the manuscript: each *... Plus est in se quam sermo sit in re. |... | Non detecta venit, sed se per signa revelat. | Lucet ab obliquo, non vult
(Stanford, 1997); on insertion practice at the time of fr. 146, see ead., From Song to Book: The Poetics of Writing in Old French
procedere recte | In lucem . . .” (vv. 1537, 1581-3; ed. Edmond
Lyric and Lyrical Narrative Poetry (Ithaca, 1987), 211-32, Roesner
Faral, Arts poétiques du XII’ et du XIII’ siecle (Bibliotheque des
et al. 15-19, and Maureen Boulton, The Song in the Story: Lyric
Hautes
Etudes, 238; Paris, 1962), 244-5,
Kopp,
Three Medieval Rhetorical Arts, ed. James J. Murphy
trans. Jane Baltzell
(Berkeley, 1971), 87, 89).
* Fr. 146 has not yet been compared with other complex, heterogeneous compilations of the 13th c. such as: BN fr. 24301 (last third of the 13th c.) in which the works of Robert de Blois
(a trouvére educated as a clerc)—his Enseignement des Princes and all his didactic and religious poems—are inserted within his romance Beaudous (see Lori Walters, ‘Manuscript Context ofthe
Insertions in French Narrative Fiction, 1200-1400 (Middle Ages Series; Philadelphia, 1993), 147-52, 282-3.
'° | am indebted to Bradley Berke and Pierre Zoberman for discussions that brought out the importance of rhetoric in the conception of fr. 146. See also Ernst Robert Curtius, who notes the great influence of classical epideictic oratory on medieval literature, saying that its stylistic elements ‘can find application in all genres and to all kinds ofsubjects’ (European Literature and
Beaudous of Robert de Blois’, Manuscripta, 37 (1993), 179-92);
the Latin Middle Ages, wans. Willard R. Trask (Bollingen Series, 36; Princeton, 1953), 156).
and Philippe de Novare’s Mémoires (mid-13th c.), fragments of two ‘livres’, now lost, that combined songs, political animal allegories, and eyewitness reports ofbattles and sieges (see Michel
"' “Que viengnent du tout en deffaut | Les membres, puis queles n’ont chief’ (Diverrés, vv. 888-9); this theme, carried by the image of the body politic, is repeated in the chronicle (wv.
Zink, La Subjectivité littéraire (Ecriture; Paris, 1985), 212-18). For
1634-6, 2247-8, 3040-8, 3085-8), in Fauvel (Langfors, vv. 44164, 478-9), in Chaillou’s musical insertions (Philip the Chancel-
standard editions of medieval texts mentioned incidentally, see Genevieve Hasenohr and Michel Zink (eds.), Dictionnaire des lettres francaises: le Moyen Age (Livre de Poche; Paris, 1992).
» On intertextual play in motets, see Sylvia Huot, Allegorical Play and Textual Polyphony in Thirteenth-Century French Motets
lor’s great prose Inter membra singula, Dahnk, p.mus. 40), and seven times in Geffroy’s dits (Avisemenz, vv. 780-5, 925-6, 1274308; Hora rex est, vv. 17-18; Natus ego, v. 76; Des alliez, vv. 73-45 La desputaison, vv. 89-90).
470
Nancy Freeman Regalado
piece reinforces all the others. Readers, therefore, read backwards and forwards through the manuscript, playing ‘le gieu de la cyviere’, the stretcher or dung-barrow game where what goes forward also goes back, described by the chronicler in his advice to Philip IV: Roy, la besoingne Ne je ne autre n’i Lun tire avant, et Et ce devant si va
vet clochant, voit goute; l’autre boute, derriere,
Comme le gieu de la cyviere. (Diverrés, vv. 1498-502)
This image of the dismal way of the world is just one of many motifs that interrelate the works in fr. 146; the ‘cyviere’ is reiterated everywhere—in Chaillou’s musical insertions, in the charivari illustrations (see Fig. 20.1 and Pl. VI), and in Geffroy’s dits.'” As we play with
the patterns the compilers inscribed so abundantly in this manuscript, we discover with delight how evident meanings are repeated at every level, how signifying relations emerge out of the way each piece is placed into the whole. Reading fr. 146, we find not hidden meanings
but hidden connections.
In this chapter, I trace out one of the many reciprocal readings possible in fr. 146, going back and forth between the metrical chronicle and Fauvel and setting these where possible in the context of contemporary historiographical and literary practice. How are significant links between the unique historical account of events in the metrical chronicle and Chaillou’s version of the Roman de Fauvel cued or signalled by allusions, analogies, and contrasts? How
do such links promote the discourse of good counsel, the common purpose of fr. 146? Although the metrical chronicle is not joined to other works in fr. 146 by any intricate arrangements of insertion or page layout, four special features support a reciprocal reading that connects it to the whole: the unusual association of chronicle and allegorical satire in compilation; the shaping of the historical narrative as a mirror for the prince; images of feasting, the most prominent theme common to the chronicle and the satire; and finally, the
adjustments Chaillou makes to his sources that bring the satire into alignment with the chronicle. I shall examine each in turn to discover how correspondences in theme and form weave a richly textured fabric of political and moral meanings between the chronicle and satire of fr. 146.
The ties of the metrical chronicle to the compilation have seemed tenuous to some: it begins on a new gathering; it is copied in littera formata by a new scribe; it is not listed in the
table of contents. Others have noted, however, that the chronicle is firmly joined to the compilation by its historical setting, political and moral concerns, verse form, and physical '* The image of the ‘cyviere’ recurs in the metrical chronicle (Diverrés, vv. 7253-5) and in Fauvel (Langfors, vv. 1125-30; see
Roesner e¢ al. 13); it is featured in the motet Fauvel nous a fait present | du mestier de la civiere (Dahnk, p.mus. 29); it is sug-
gested by illustrations of the charivari, representing two litters
carried by facing figures (fo. 34°, Fig. 20.1) and a stretcher and two
hand
barrows
(fo. 36’, Pl. VII); it reappears
twice in
Geffroy’s dits (Un songe, vv. 7-12 and La desputaison de leglise de
| Romme, vv. 44-5).
The Chronique métrique and Moral Design
471
Fic. 20.1. Fr. 146, fo. 34” (detail)
design.'* The metrical chronicle is the only anonymous work in fr. 146, although it is founded in part on eyewitness testimony, as are such contemporary vernacular histories as Joinville’s Vie de saint Louis (1309) and the Branche des royaus lingnages (1307), the rhymed chronicle
which the man-at-arms Guillaume Guiart composed for Philip the Fair. It lacks, nonetheless, the juridical formula of attestation that comes into common usage in chronicles at the beginning of the fourteenth century, where authors state their name, their place of birth, rank or official function, and declare the truth of what they write: ‘. . . je, Jehan sire de Joyngville,
seneschal de Champaigne’; ‘Je, Guillaume Guiart, | D’Orliens né’."* It cannot be known whether the metrical chronicler chose to keep his identity in the shadows or whether his name was omitted when this work was copied into fr. 146.
It is not known either whether the metrical chronicle was composed expressly for fr. 146, the only manuscript where it survives. It may well be an independent work imported, like Books I and II of Fauvel and many ofits musical insertions, into the network of intertextual relations of this compilation. It seems to have existed in at least one other copy, for Jean de Saint-Victor, who relies on the vernacular chronicler’s account of the years 1312-16 in his '° Diverrés, 9-10; the full foliate bar border that frames the initial page of the metrical chronicle (fo. 63') resembles those that ornament the beginning of Fawvel (fo. 1'; see above, Fig. 8.14), Geffroy’s dits (fos. 46° and 52’), and the lyrics of Jehannot de
Lescurel (fo. 57‘). For codicological evidence, see Morin, “The Genesis’, 81-2, and above, Ch. 15; on the unity of fr. 146, see Roesner et al. 7, 49. ' Joinville, ed. Jacques Monfrin (Classiques Garnier; Paris,
1995), 8, para. 19; Guillaume Guiart, Branche des royaus lingnages, Prologue and vy. 895-21510 of BN fr. 5698, ed. J. Natalis de
Wailly and L. Delisle, RHF, 22, wv. 30-1. See Christiane Marchello-Nizia, “L’Historien et son prologue: forme littéraire et stratégies discursives’, in Daniel Poirion (ed.), La Chronique et lhistoire au moyen age: colloque des 24 et 25 mai 1982 (Cultures et Civilisations Médiévales, 2; Paris, 1984), 13-25.
a72
Nancy Freeman Regalado
Memoriale historiarum, includes a passage describing part of the itinerary ofthe parade of Parisians in the Pentecost celebration of 1313 that is missing from fr. 146... The metrical chronicler, who began his work around 1313, was still writing as Chaillou de Pesstain undertook his revisions of Fauvel, for his annals break off in 1316—apparently incomplete—
shortly before the coronation of Philip V and just after the election of Pope John XXII.’° No epilogue closes the metrical chronicle, in contrast with that of Guillaume Guiart, who ends his Branche des royaus lingnages with a brief prayer. The very presence of the chronicle in fr. 146 is remarkable, for in the thirteenth’ and fourteenth centuries, fictional satire is seldom compiled with a chronicle, defined as a work of history articulated by dates.’ Although authors of allegorical satires often claim their works can become true,'® most chroniclers declare the truth of history to be incompatible with favoles, the frivolous lies of fiction. “Many speak of the wolf, ine ass, and Renart, of fairy tales and dreams, fantasms and lies’, declares Guillaume Guiart;’” his chronicle, based on written
records at Saint-Denis, will tell the truth of deeds, not lying fables, ‘le voir des gestes . . | Non pas mengonges, ne favoles’.”” Did the compilers of fr. 146 seek to bring truth out of the very mouth of false Fauvel? They do not explain why the metrical chronicle was included in fr. 146, nor do they articulate any one-to-one equivalency of the historical personages in the metrical chronicle and the allegorical figures in Fauvel. The narrative themes of the chronicler and the satirists in fr. 146 are quite distinct,
although they express a common moral perspective in their commentary. Like other chroniclers, the author of the metrical chronicle does summon a few figures from animal satire to
bear the burden of moral commentary: he considers the famous prophecy that Boniface VIII would enter like a fox, reign like a lion, and die like a dog;” he cites the crowd who denounced Enguerran de Marigny as a thieving “Renart’ who had despoiled the kingdom, as " Jean describes the itinerary from the [le Sainte-Marie through the cloister of Notre-Dame to the royal Palace (ed. J. D.
de Renart,
| De faéries et de songes,
| De fantosmes et de
cal chronicle describes only the continuation of the parade to
mengonges’ (Branche, vv. 21-2). ” Branche, vv. 162-3. Guillaume’s ‘favoles’ recall ‘favellandi’, the first word in Chaillou’s Fauvel (Dahnk, p.mus. 1, v. 1), a pun
Saint-Germain-des-Prés ‘aprés disner’ (Diverrés, vv. 5066-7); see
on Fauvel, the Latin fabella (a diminutive offabula, ‘fable; lie’),
Elizabeth A. R. Brown and Nancy Freeman Regalado, “La grant feste: Philip the Fair's Celebration of the Knighting ofhis Sons in Paris at Pentecost of 1313’, in Barbara A. Hanawalt and Kathryn
and fabulor (to speak). Readers of fr. 146 must have enjoyed the rich irony of hearing the same word in the metrical chronicle, in
L. Reyerson (eds.), City and Spectacle in Medieval Europe (Medieval Studies at Minnesota, 6; Minneapolis, 1994), 64-6, and
prisonment in his palace at Agnani by Nogaret in 1303: £, filiol
eaed., ‘Universitas et communitas. The Parade of the Parisians at the Pentecost Feast of 1313’, in Kathleen Ashley (ed.), The Semi-
ton sire (Diverrés, vv. 1997-9).
otics of Processional Performance (in preparation).
Philippe de Novare (Mémoires 1218-1243, ed. Charles Kohler (CFMA 10; Paris, 1913), 29-33) and the Minstrel of Reims (Récits dun ménestrel de Reims au treizieme siecle, ed. J. Natalis de Wailly (Société de l’Histoire de France, 179; Paris, 1876), 204-15); see
Guiniaut and J. Natalis de Wailly, RHF, 21, p. 657). The metri-
'© On date of composition, see Diverrés 10-11.
” See Bernard Guenée, ‘Histoire et chronique: nouvelles réflexions sur les genres historiques au moyen Age’, in Poirion (ed.), La Chronique et histoire, 3-12.
'’ “Mes I’en puet tex songes songier | Qui ne sont mie mengongier, | Ainz sont aprés bien aparant’ (Guillaume de Lorris, Le Roman de la Rose (c.1230), vv. 3-5); ‘En songes doit
fables avoir; | Se es puet devenir voir’ (Raoul de Houdenc, Songe d enfer (c.1210?), vv. 1-2). ” Pluseurs
repalent de Guenart,
| Dou
Lou, de I’Asne,
the macaronic Italian attributed to Boniface, protesting his immy, qui es to| Qui mefaig tant de tempesto?| Favelle a my qui est *' Motifs from the Roman de Renart appear in chronicles by
Nancy Freeman Regalado, ‘Staging the Roman de Renart: Medieval Theater and the Diffusion of Political Concerns into Popular Culture’, Medievalia, 18 (1995), 127. * Diverrés, vv. 4743-4, 4773, 4776; see vv. 4729-99. On stereotypical enumerations of guests in romance, see Walter,
Mémoire, 328-33.
Langfors App., wv. 56-7, 59; 65; see vv. 56-84, 161-200. ‘ [bid., vv. 207-8, 217-18; see vv. 201-46.
Nancy Freeman Regalado
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% iron ta For example, the study of alleluia lists and litanies; see the discussion of these and other ways of discovering the usage of manuscripts in Victor Leroquais, Les Sacramentaires et les missels
new edition and translation by Dolores Pesce is forthcoming. * See the discussion of these issues in my article ‘Which Vitry? The Witness of the Trinity Motet from the Roman de Fauvel’, in
1924), i, pp. xix—xxxii; and id., Les Bréviaires manuscrits des
Dolores Pesce (ed.), Hearing the Motet: Essays on the Motet of the
Ixxvii-lxxxil.
manuscrits des bibliotheques publiques de France, 4 vols. (Paris,
bibliotheques publiques de France, 6 vols. (Paris, 1934), 1, pp.
496
Anne Walters Robertson
literary grounds,‘ we still do not know which church in the city, if any, is reflected in the chant used in this manuscript, nor if it is a matter of a single institution. The editors of fr. 146 have drawn attention to this, stating: ‘what remains to be investigated . . . is the extent to which [the plainchant in fr. 146] was drawn from a particular local Use’.’ A response to this question is the goal of this article. In addition, we shall see that the nature and palaeography of the chant melodies can shed light on how this music was entered into the manuscript. And finally, we can speculate on one of the myriad ways in which the chants may function in fr. 146.
It has long been known that fr. 146 contains actual chant as well as newly composed, chantlike pieces, and Susan Rankin has recently studied how the latter were modelled on the former.° In addition to their novelty as ‘made-up’ chant, the chantlike pieces are crucial to the story of Fauvel, offering commentary on the poem in ways not otherwise available through the existing monophonic repertory. The actual chant in fr. 146 includes responsories, antiphons, and alleluias, as shown in Table 21.1.’ Three of the newer motets whose tenors are based on chant and whose texts suggest that they may have been written expressly for the manuscript will also be taken into account here (Table 21.1, p.mus. 71, 120, and 124).
With the exception of the alleluia Veni Sancte Spiritus (p.mus. 31), found at the end of Book I of fr. 146, all chant and chantlike pieces appear in Book II. In addition, proses, lais, and other monophonic forms found in both books join with the chants to serve as lyrical glosses for the poem. But the function of the monophony in Book II is greatly expanded, for here some of it takes on the additional role of character speech. This is especially important in terms of the chants and chantlike pieces, which are often the very melodies that give voice to characters (see Table 21.1). Whereas man is portrayed in Book I as more or less in control of his circumstances, in Book II the hand of Providence is evident.’ Here Providence is sometimes at odds with the narrator, a tension that may likewise be reflected on another level, as I shall contend, in the music of Book II.
The empirical nature of the study of musical variants, while valuable at times, has its limitations. Relying as it does on comparisons of numerous versions of a chant, this methodology may appear to make certain assumptions. It seems to take for granted, for instance, that written sources are reliable witnesses of the ways chants were actually sung in particular houses. While this is certainly not true in terms of the day-in, day-out recreation of melodies within a fluid oral tradition, it is the case that many of the surviving chant manuscripts from “ Roesner et al. 48-53. > Ibid. 25.
Harrison, in “The Monophonic Music in the Roman de Fauvel’ (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1963), who discusses the chant
* ‘The Divine Truth of Scripture: Chant in the Roman de
fleetingly on pp. 98-9 and indexes the monophonic pieces on 122 ff. See now Rankin’s catalogue of the chants, above, Ch. 19.
Fauvel, JAMS 47 (1994), 203-43. | am grateful to Dr Rankin for
sending me a copy of the proofs of this work during the early
” In addition to these genres, I also discuss the one responsory
stages of my research in the summer of 1994. As she states, it was not her ‘primary goal to find the liturgical Use or Uses from which these chants derive’ (ibid. 211 n. 35). Earlier scholars who have looked at the chant in fr. 146 include Emilie Dahnk, who did little more than label the chants according to genre and the chantlike pieces ‘versets’ in her study of 1935; and Gregory A.
trope in fr. 146, Familiam custodi (p.mus. 87). I have omitted the sequences in Book II, on the other hand, because their music does not stem directly from one of these genres. * Jean-Claude Miihlethaler demonstrates this in his contribution in the present volume (see above, Ch. 16); see also his Fauvel au pouvoir: lire la satire médiévale (Paris, 1994), 168 ff.
Local Chant Readings and Fauvel
497
Western Europe show broad, geographically stable patterns of transmission, and moreover that local consistencies often are handed down from one generation of manuscript to another.’ In examining the chant in fr. 146, therefore, we shall not concern ourselves with the
fact that the chants in fr. 146 were undoubtedly performed with slight variations at different times, but instead view this source as a relatively fixed document for purposes of comparison with similar records in the extant manuscripts from other houses. Given the emphasis in comparative studies of chant on sources and their variants, it might seem that one could find models for this work in textual criticism. Whereas some similarities do exist, these pursuits differ fundamentally in terms of their goals.'” In editing text, or for that matter music, the focus is on the final product, a text or score usable to scholars, performers, or amateurs. By contrast, the object of chant comparisons is neither a ‘best source’ reading, nor a composite reading made from all the various versions. Indeed, even the original or Urtext melody of a given chant, were it to be recoverable, is not as important as
the identification of one particular version that might shed light on the origin of a manuscript, the whereabouts of a composer, or some other question. Another issue related to this methodology is how reliable the findings are. In part, the validity of our results depends on the length of the chant, and in general, the longer the
melody the better. In dealing with a brief portion ofa tune, such as the motet tenor shown in Ex. 21.11, the amount of music may not be sufficient to illustrate the distinguishing features
of a particular reading. Related to this is the problem that can arise in studying chants from the office, which constitute the majority of the music in fr. 146 (see Table 21.1). Mass chants will usually offer more convincing comparisons, simply because greater numbers of books from the mass have survived. Often, in fact, the difference can be rather striking. For mass chants of suspected northern French heritage, one can easily muster more than sixty northern French graduals and missals for study, whereas little more than half that number may exist for similar work with an office chant (see Appendix).
Finally, it is important to establish what constitutes significant and non-significant variants. This is especially critical for the chants of fr. 146, since, as we shall see, the majority are in fact Parisian, agreeing rather closely with the sources from the Cathedral of Notre-Dame, and to only a slightly lesser degree with manuscripts from other Parisian churches (e.g. Sainte- Chapelle, Sainte-Geneviéve, Saint-Denis, Saint-Maur). That is, within the Parisian sphere, there is a certain uniformity of reading that often makes it impossible to state
unequivocally that a chant in fr. 146 comes from one Parisian church rather than another.’ An added or missing repeated or passing note is probably not significant, since either one » See the work of the monks of Solesmes in Le Graduel romain: édition critique, 2 vols. (Solesmes, 1957).
'© Some recent summaries of the history of textual criticism include Jerome J. McGann, A Critique ofModern Textual Criticism (2nd edn., Chicago,
1992), 15-22; G. Thomas
Tanselle,
On the tension between original score and modern edition, see the important article by Margaret Bent, “Editing Early Music:
|The Dilemma of Translation’, Early Music 22 (1994), 373-92. '' Craig Wright reached a similar conclusion in his discussion at Notre Dame of the Alle. Pascha nostrumin Music and Ceremony
Textual Criticism and Scholarly Editing (Charlottesville and Lon-
of Paris (Cambridge Studies in Music; Cambridge, 1989), 248-
don, 1990), 274-321; and Stephen G. Nichols, ‘Introduction:
50.
Philology in a Manuscript Culture’, Speculum, 65 (1990), I-10.
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could be produced or omitted through simple mishearing or misreading. A Parisian manuscript from one church may have the note, while another omits it. By the same token, the disappearance of a group of pitches that repeats something just heard is often unimportant, since the omission may be due to a classic scribal error, haplography. More telling are variants that alter melodies in other ways. There are many possibilities for such significant variants, from the addition or omission of an entire segment of notes, to the presence or absence of an upper or lower returning figure of two or three notes. In the final analysis, of course, the judgement about significance must be made on a case-by-case basis, and the categorization of variants can range from an exact to a somewhat imprecise science. In what follows, I attempt to distinguish among kinds of variants to signal both the chants that seem to share a common origin as well as those that appear to deviate from this ‘norm’. Only two chants in fr. 146 come from the mass: the alleluia Veni Sancte Spiritus and the tenor of one of the new motets, Firmissime fidemlAdesto sancta trinitaslAlle. Benedictus es. Rankin has drawn particular attention to these pieces, showing that they frame the rest of the chant in the manuscript, and that they serve as a loose depiction of time in fr. 146, outlining the period from Pentecost (Alle. Veni Sancte Spiritus) to Trinity (Alle. Benedictus es).'* The
fact that they are both alleluias, and the only alleluias in the manuscript, brings this temporal relationship into even sharper relief. And the two pieces have something else in common: their non-Parisian beginnings. The distinctive melodic variants in the alleluia Benedictus es point to its origin in the region of Arras. In fact, this forty-note chant matches exactly the two extant readings of the alleluia Benedictus es from Arras found in Arras, Bibliotheque Municipale, MS 437 and MS 444, and
it differs significantly from versions from other locales.'’ In similar fashion, the melody of the alleluia Veni Sancte Spiritus (Ex. 21.1) favours readings outside Paris. This chant is incomplete in fr. 146, comprising only the beginnings of the alleluia and the verse. We can imagine that the notator wanted to offer a taste of the piece without presenting it in entirety, and he seems to acknowledge this in the cue to the verse “Veni Sancte Spiritus etc’. In recording just the solo portions of the chant, the notator betrays a performer’s interests.’ Because the alleluia Veni Sancte Spiritus is incomplete in fr. 146, the results of comparisons
with this chant have to be tempered by the fact that we shall never know if the variants that do appear would point to the same conclusions in the remainder of the piece. Nonetheless the twenty-nine notes present in this alleluia allow us to distinguish both significant and insignificant differences. For the purposes of this example, I used some sixty graduals and missals from the twelfth through the fifteenth centuries, most of them from northern France (see Appendix). Ex. 21.1 reduces this number to sources that preserve readings closest to that
of the alleluia. The final manuscript in the example, BN lat. 861, represents the scores of VA 1
*
The Divine Truth of Scripture’, 235.
'
; See the discussion in my “Which Vitry? j
written out with cues to their repetenda and Gloria patri, as
‘
This suggestion complements Rankin’s observation that two of the responsories (Filie iherusalem, Esto nobis) are likewise
though intended to be performed; “The Divine Truth of Scrip-
ture’, 225.
Local Chant Readings and Fauvel
501
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Local Chant Readings and Fauvel
5O§$
506
Anne Walters Robertson
Initially, however, melodic comparisons seem to call in question a claim of Parisian heritage for the chants in fr. 146. The antiphon Jn patiencia vestra (p.mus. 49) is identical in all Parisian sources, barring the rearrangement of three notes on the word ‘animas’ (see Ex. 21.2). This spot may constitute a significant variant, since it does alter the contour of the
melody rather noticeably. The text of the following chant, the responsory Jste locus (p.mus. 74), has been substantially altered vis-a-vis the Sainte-Chapelle source that preserves the parent responsory (Dies festa). Despite the textual changes, the music differs only in small ways. In general, the melody in fr. 146 is slightly more elaborate, with the embellishment consisting of a few extra repeated pitches and passing notes. The only major change is at omission of the melisma at the end of the responsory, and this may be due to lack of space.” Since notated versions of the liturgy for the Feast of the Relics are rare, it is impossible to
speculate further about the origin of the slight differences in the version in fr. 146.
Next comes the responsory trope Familiam custodi (p.mus. 87), a well-known texting of one of the melismas of the famous newma triplex of the Christmas responsory Descendit de celis (Ex. 21.3). Of the several melismas that make up the neuma triplex, the reading in fr. 146
is the one scholars have labelled as ‘A’.”” This melody was also sung in Paris, but in a somewhat different form (Ex. 21.3, ll. 9-11).”' The closest match to fr. 146 is from Nevers (I. 2). By contrast, the Notre-Dame readings write an entire section a step higher on the text
‘redemisti morte’, and they likewise vary at the words ‘tua ut cognoscat’. Because of these irregularities, the responsory trope Familiam custodi in fr. 146 looks ‘non-Parisian’. Of the responsory and antiphon pair File iherusalem and Estote fortes (p.mus. 91-2), Filie iherusalem certainly appears to be Parisian. We should expect to find a few variants in responsories due to their prolix nature, and the omitted lower returning note figure on the word ‘iherusalem’ is the only real deviation from the Notre-Dame and other Parisian sources (Ex. 21.4). Estote fortes, on the other hand, looks less Parisian. The truncations on the words
‘et’ and ‘pugna-ze,’ along with the extra note on ‘an-ti-quo’, contrast with the Parisian versions, nor do they seem to result from crowding in the manuscript (Ex. 21.5). In the next part of the Roman, the Virgin Mary offers the Holy Eucharist to the Virtues,
who respond with praise in the antiphon Sicut mirra and petition in the antiphon Dignare nos (p.mus. 95-6). Sicut mirra is a precise match with sources from Notre-Dame and virtually all other Parisian manuscripts. Dignare nos is altered to change the singular pronoun of the Gregorian antiphon Dignare me to plural. In the process, a few melodic variants may have been introduced, most of them insignificant (Ex. 21.6). The 6 on ‘no-bis’ may be important in comparison with the different reading in the winter breviary from Notre-Dame (BN lat. 15181), but in fact the note is unstable in all readings of the antiphon. Whereas the chant is * This responsory is given next to its source in Rankin, ‘The Divine Truth ofScripture’, p. 227, Ex. 6. See also Michel Huglo, above, Ch. 12. ” See the discussion of the ways in which the notator sometimes altered music in response to space limitations occasioned
by prior placement of the text in Joseph Charles Morin, ‘The
Genesis of Manuscript Paris, Bibliothéque nationale, Fonds francais 146, with Particular Emphasis on the Roman de Fauvel’ (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1992), 168 ff. ” See Thomas Forrest Kelly, ‘Neuma triplex’, musicologica 60 (1988), 1-30, esp. 3.
*' The last two lines of Ex. 21.3 use melisma ‘B’; ibid. 3.
Acta
Local Chant Readings and Fauvel
507
Ex. 21.4. Resp. Filie iherusalem (excerpts) Iudea et [herusalem (= Filie Iherusalem)
1,
ff. 146, fo. 37r . a Fi- h
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Anne Walters Robertson
508 Ex. 21.5. Ant. Estote fortes (opening)
Estote fortes
1
fr. 146, fo. 92r _#
69
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for
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lat. 10482, fo. 308r; Paris, Notre-Dame
Es - to - te
3
for- tes
in bel -
Jat. 15181, fo. 499r: Paris, Notre-Dame
Es - to - te
for-tes
in bel
4 A| London, B.L., Add. 23935, fo. 360v; Paris Dominican iA 2
2
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Paris, B. Ste-Geneviéve 2641, fo. 287v, Paris, Ste-Genevieve
v7,
‘ai 2 (ioSSS, aes Se BN 4g TSS Ga
Es - to - te
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for- tes
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|at. 17296, fo. 268r; Paris, St-Denis
Es - to- te 7
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lat. 12044, fo. 229r; Paris, St-Maur
Es - to - te
for-tes
in bel
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na
not a perfect copy of versions from Notre-Dame, the variants it contains are all present within the city. The ensuing Christmas cycle of five responsories and antiphons (Resp. Hodie nobis and Illuminare, illuminare, Ant. Facta est, Resp. Verbum caro, Ant. Dum ortus, p.mus. 98-101) all
look Parisian, although once again the match with sources specifically from Notre-Dame is not evident in two of the responsories. In [//uminare, illuminare (Ex. 21.7), the opening
descent of a third is found in the manuscript from Sainte-Geneviéve, but not at Notre-Dame, while the missing upper returning note on the text ‘Ihe-rw-salem’ seems to mirror SaintDenis. Similarly, in the responsory Verbum caro, the end of the melisma on ‘est’ (Ex. 21.8) differs from all Parisian sources except Saint-Denis, with which it agrees precisely.
Local Chant Readings and Fauvel
509
Ex. 21.6. Ant. Dignare nos
Dignare me laudare
1.
fr. 146, fo. 37v a
_*
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2.
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Fic. 23.26. Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale Albert I", MSS 456-7, fo. 1 (Photo: Bibliotheque Royale)
Fic. 23.27. Brussels, Bibliothéque Royale Albert I", MSS 456-7, fo. 125° (Photo: Bibliotheque Royale)
image showing the cataract surgery performed by John of Mainz that restored Gilles’s sight shortly before he died.'”’ So it is tempting to assume that BR 456-7, which is very different from Gilles li Muisis’s other books, was made for the distinguished abbot before the commissions he gave Pierart between 1349 and 1352, at the end of his abbacy. According to being worked on by Natalia Czeckalska at the University of Poznari. I have attributed to Pierart two volumes of Vincent of Beauvais’s Speculum historiale, Brussels, BR 79 and 118 decorated with foliate initials (Stones, ‘Prolegomena to a Corpus’, 302 n. 3), and the Somme le roi of 1358 in Lille, BM 366 (116), noted (without attribution) in Frangois Boespflug, O.P., ‘Autour de la tradition picturale du Crédo au Moyen Age (xm‘—xv* siécle)’, in
Illustrated Somme
Manuscripts of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth
and Fifteenth Centuries’ (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1973), 97. As Avril also observed, the Vaux du paon and Restor du paon,
New York, Morgan Library, Glazier 24, is close to Pierart’s style (1981, no. 302). A resumé of Pierart attributions, considered in relation to the puzzling Yvain of Chrétien de Troyes, Paris, BN
Rituels: mélanges offerts a Pierre-Marie Gy, O.P., ed. Paul de
fr. 1433, is in Stones, “The Illustrated Chrétien Manuscripts’, 259 n. 127. For more on Pierart’s Queste manuscript see also Lori
Clerck and Eric Palazzo (Paris, 1990), 55-84, esp. 77 and fig. 11;
Walters, “Wonders and Illuminations: Pierart dou Tielt and the
also noted, without attribution, by Ellen Kosmer, ‘A Study ofthe Style and Iconography of a Thirteenth-Century Somme le roi
Queste del Saint Graal’, in Busby, ed., Word and Image, 339-72.
(British Museum Ms. Add. 54180) with a Consideration of Other
'
Brussels, BR 13076, fo. 50’.
The Stylistic Context of Fauvel
565
Fic. 23.28. Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale Albert I", MSS 456-7, fo. 133° (Photo:
Bibliotheque Royale)
entries in the manuscript containing an account of the abbey’s administration, BN n. a. fr. 1789, Pierart held the post of keeper of the abbey’s manuscripts, an office he assumed in 1349 and retained to the end of Gilles’s abbacy, 1352 or 1353." There is little to go on in making a comparison between the drawings in Gilles li Muisis’s
Gospel and Epistle book and those in Fauvain. Gilles’s book lacks the distinctive heart-
shaped leaves like the ones on the painted borders in fr. 571 and Harvard Law School 12, which also appear occasionally (e.g. fos. 147°, 149", fo. 150") in the Fauvain section of the
manuscript, but it does display very prominent serrated ivy or sycamore leaves of a type that also appears in Fauvain. They occur both as free-standing tree motifs (fos. 149‘ (Fig. 23.24), 150’) and as part of the pen-flourishing in coloured ink that is part of the minor initials, whether attached on the outside (fo. 147") or as part of the infilling (fos. 148", 149° (Fig. 23.24), fo. 149’). The same approach to minor initials, in which the infilling is done in ink with the leaf forms left reserved, is found in both books; it is exploited to a far greater degree in the '° D’Haenens, Comptes et documents, 770; ‘Pierart dou Thielt’, 90.
Alison Stones
566
Gospels and Epistles, where large initials are the primary form of decoration (Fig. 23.28). This approach to pen-flourishing is particularly characteristic of early fourteenth-century English manuscript decoration,” but there are parallel developments around 1300 elsewhere in Europe, as Beer and Schmidt have shown for south Germany and Austria.’ Northern France offers particularly interesting examples of similarly elaborate pen-flourishing with leaf and other motifs in reserve in books made for liturgical use at Arras as well as in related literary works in Latin and French,'” and the phenomenon makes an impact in Paris as well, as Avril has shown.’ Despite the relative paucity of decoration in Gilles li Muisis’s Gospel and Epistle book, there are also some imposing and memorable human faces included within the penflourished initials and worn by grotesque hybrids on the borders (Figs. 23.26, 23.27, 23.28).
Firmly drawn with broad features and wide-open eyes with prominent black dots, they are quite reminiscent of the Breviculum faces on the one hand (Fig. 23.25) and of the Fauvain faces on the other (Fig. 23.24). Iwould not at this stage go so far as to suggest that all are the work of the same hand, but I do think they belong to the same current of monumental painting of which little expression now survives in northern France or Flanders.''' It may be possible to suggest one more
reason for associating this activity in Tournai, based on a
coincidence of names. Pierart dou Thielt’s predecessor as keeper of the books at Saint-Martin "7 Some superb examples are reproduced in Avril and Stirnemann, Manuscrits enluminés d origine insulaire, e.g. the late
5286 (see also mention of this in n. 4 above); and the Liber
3th-c. Bible, BN lat. 15472, cat. no. 154, part of the Windmill Psalter group; see also Sandler, Gothic Manuscripts, fig. 177, the
Sloane 3983, on which see T. S. Pattie, Astrology as Illustrated in
astrologiae of Georgius Zothorus Zaparus Fendulus, London, BL the Collections of the British Library and the British Museum
Pontifical of Bangor, cat. 69; the phenomenon is far more com-
(London, 1980), fig. 7, and, for the tradition as a whole, Vicky A.
mon in England than Sandler’s illustrations suggest. "8 Gerhard Schmidt, Die Malerschule von Sankt Florian
Clark, “The Illustrated “Abridged Astrological Treatise of Albumasar”: Medieval Astrological Imagery in the West’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1979). The Sloane manuscript is
(Graz, 1962); E. J. Beer, Initial und Miniatur (Basle, 1965). '® Stones, ‘The Illustrated Chrétien Manuscripts’, 253-6, "0 RE. Avril,
‘Un
enlumineur
one of a group of five complete manuscripts and one fragment,
of which the earliest, BN lat. 7330, was made in southern Italy or
figs. 85-6, 90-4, 99, 101-2, 104. ornemaniste
parisien
de la
premiére moitié du xiv‘ siécle: Jacobus Mathey (Jacquet Maci?)’, Bulletin Monumental, 129 (1971), 249-64.
"' Tt would seem to me to come from the same orbit as the style of the major painter in the Livre d images de Madame Marie, BN n. a. fr. 16251, made probably in Cambrai or Mons ¢.1285, represented among the reproductions selected by Hasler for comparison with the Breviculum, which | think is the work of
two artists, one of whom worked primarily in monumental media; certain miniatures in BN n. a. fr. 16251 are particularly noted for the monumentality of poses and for striking details like the use of wide-open eyes encircled with blue (see especially Christ in the Washing ofthe Feet, the Betrayal and the Harrowing of Hell, St Stephen at his martyrdom, and the horse of St Martin). The blue eyes are not directly repeated but the emphasis
Sicily in the second quarter ofthe 13th c. for an unknown patron in the entourage of the emperor Frederick II; see Francois Avril and Marie-Thérése Gousset, with the assistance of Claudia Rabel, Manuscrits enluminés dorigine italienne, ii: XIII’ siécle (Paris, 1984), no. 189 and Georgius Zothorus Zaparus Fendulus, Liber astrologiae, facs. edn., ed. Marie-Thérése Gousset and JeanPierre Verdet (Paris, 1989). The late 14th c. Morgan Library copy, M 78s, was made for Lubertus Hautschild, Abbot of St Bartholomew, Bruges, and given by him to Jean de Berry in 1403, and a fragmentary copy, of the second quarter of the 14th c., is in
Lille. A Flemish provenance for Sloane 3894, and its possible links with BR 456-7 and fr. 571, are worth investigating further. But there are other parallels from further afield that may be
on the treatment of large staring eyes (done in black) in the
equally compelling. A line-drawing closely comparable to the Breviculum, Fauvain, and the Gospel and Epistle book is the double portrait of a feline lady and a fang-toothed man, atlas
figures of both the Breviculum and the Gospel and Epistle Book is striking, and occurs also, but to a lesser degree, in Fauvain.
figures supporting a Yom Kippur text copied in 1345 by Samuel bar Kalonymus of Ulm, Vatican BAV Ebr. 438, fo. 107”. This
And two more manuscripts illustrated in line-drawing remain to BN lat. 8446, reproduced by Lacaze (1979: 366, fig. 230) in the
unexpected parallel was drawn to my attention in another context by Ruth Mellinkoff, to whom I am grateful; see A Visual Testimony: Judaica from the Vatican Library (New York, 1987),
context of the line-drawn copy of the Vie de saint Denis, BN lat.
no. 24, pp. 60-1.
be fully explored in this context: the astronomical diagrams in
The Stylistic Context of Fauvel
567
was one Jean de Bruyelle, a name that is reminiscent of that of Michel de Brieoeil, perhaps
also to be understood as Bruyelle, canon of Saint-Géry, Valenciennes, one of the scribes of the Fauvain compilation. It is tempting to wonder whether this coincidence of names might imply a family link that goes beyond a scribal connection between the compilation of which Fauvain is part and book-related activities at Saint-Martin, Tournai. It is not known if Jean de Bruyelle also wrote, illuminated, and bound books as did his successor. As keeper of the manuscripts of a distinguished library that Vincent of Beauvais is alleged to have found impressive two or three generations before,''” it is quite likely that Jean de Bruyelle took care of repairs and also of keeping the library furnished with whatever books were felt to be required. Only a few of the books whose illumination has been attributed to Jean’s successor Pierart can be shown to have belonged to Saint-Martin directly, suggesting that he catered for outside clients as well. Perhaps Jean de Bruyelle did the same, counting among them one or more of those discussed here. A
copy of his Speculum historiale was produced for, and probably at, the abbey during Vincent's lifetime. See Stones,
‘Prolegomena to a Corpus’, 302-3, 315.
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24 Le Roman de Fauvain: Manuscript, Text, Image Uiew JANE
Ha Ms TAYLOR:
Raoul le Petit’s Roman de Fauvain, an early exemplar of the bande dessinée, is very little known—in part, of course, because it has been edited only once, in a facsimile limited edition.’ In all honesty, its literary value is not great: its 250 or so lines of verse are mediocre at best, and although it is sometimes called a roman,’ the storyline is so inconsequent that this is probably a misnomer. Its chief particularity and its chief claim to fame is its medium. This is par excellence an artefact in which text and image are complementary in the most literal sense: incomprehensible one without the other. Each page, as in Fig. 24.1, consists of four compartments, each of which shows a scene from the romance with an explanatory caption,
usually between four and six lines long, in octosyllabic couplets, just underneath. In the first half of the Fauvain, which covers the first five folios, the vignettes are simply paradigmatic, showing Fauvain in a series of typical poses: thus we find him or her’ in the first compartment of Fig. 24.1 persuading a rich man to name her as executor and encouraging the other
executors to misappropriate the inheritance: Quant li riches hom gist a mort, Fauve y est qui onkes ne dort, Si se fet testamenteresse Et au riche home fait promesse Que, quant le sien departira, Sa partie bien en fera. (v)* ' Edited and reproduced in L ‘Histoire de Fauvain: reproduction phototypique de 40 dessins du manuscrit francais 571 de la Bibliotheque Nationale (XIV siecle), précedée d'une introduction et
> Fauvain is the feminine oblique form of fauve, and the animal’s gender varies in the course of the roman: feminine at wv. 10, 23, 204, 206, 210, 249, masculine at wv. 95, 102, 103, 124, 169;
du texte critique des légendes de Raoul le Petit, ed. Arthur Langfors
the images make Fauvain if anything female. This shift from
(Paris, 1914). > Roman is a modern designation for which there is no real
male Fauvel to female Fauvain might suggest gender implica_ tions, but it is never exploited.
justification. Raoul le Petit himself gives no title (his entrée en * References—henceforward in the text—are to Langfors’s matiére runs: ‘Raous li Petiz, ki ryma Ce ge ceste letre dira’), nor _ edition, in which each ‘caption’ is numbered in Roman numerdo the scribes of fr. 571. In 1396, it was spoken of, more neutrally, as livre (see below, n. 8).
als. Translations, unless otherwise stated, are mine.
72
Jane H. M. Taylor
Fic. 24.1. BN fr. 571, fo. 146” (Photo: BN)
When the rich man lies on his deathbed,
Fauvain, who never sleeps, is there beside him and makes herself executrix, and promises the rich man that when she divides up his inheritance, she will ensure that all his
wishes are fully carried out. or refusing alms to the poor (vu; see Fig. 24.2), or reneging on debts (xvi-xvi1), or indulging in simony (xi). By contrast, the remaining five of the pages sketch a narrative in which
Fauvain treacherously kills Loyauté by shooting her when she is blindfolded (Fig. 24.3), but is then carried off to Hell by a devil (fo. 150'), while Loyauté is transported to her apotheosis in Heaven (Fig. 24.4).
The Roman de Fauvain occupies the final few folios of a large manuscript, BN fr. 571,’ and it is the only section to adopt this distinctive text-plus-image format. It is in part this contrast in medium, against a manuscript that seems otherwise conventional enough—some miniatures, a few marginal sketches—which
makes
> The manuscript was described and its contents discussed in some detail for the first time by Paulin Paris, Les Manuscrits
the romance
seem
incongruous.
But the
Manuscripts 1285-1385 (London and Oxford, 1985), ii. 103-5. Two recent articles have directly addressed fr. 571: Michael A.
francois de la Bibliotheque du roi, iv (Paris, 1841), 404-12; there is
Michael,
also a brief description in Langfors’s edition, 5-8. Descriptions
Hainault to Edward UD, Burlington Magazine, 127 (1985), 58298, and Andrew Wathey, “The Marriage of Edward III and the Transmission of French Motets to England’, JAMS 45 (1992), 129.
will be found more recently in Francois Avril and Patricia Danz Stirneman, Manuscrits enluminés dorigine insulaire, VII’—XX* siecle (Paris, 1987), 149-52, and Lucy Freeman Sandler, Gothic
“A Manuscript
Wedding
Gift from
Philippa of
Le Roman de Fauvain
pS IMIoT mAs leteoreTel:
So gipehaat eescnton reno citFyne
Fig. 24.2. BN fr. 571, fo. 147” (Photo: BN)
571
5
Fic. 24.3. BN fr. 571, fo. 148” (Photo: BN)
incongruity has also to do with the variety of the volume’s contents, which today are the following:
fos. 6—122': Brunetto Latini’s Livre du Tresor fos. 124'-143': Pseudo-Aristotle, Secretum secretorum fo. 143°": Oroison de départ® fos. 144-145: Two motets: (i) Servant regem/Ludowice prelustris francorum|Rex regum; (ii) Detractor est/Qui secunturl Verbum iniquum fos. 146—150°: Raoul le Petit, Roman de Fauvain ° The first part ofthis fills in the foot of the column left blank after the end of Pseudo-Aristotle; it is a meditation on the Crucifixion as ‘vrais mireoirs en gel ame se doit mirer songneusement, illustrated in the lower margin by a pen drawing by the same hand as that of the Fawvain (a small sketch of the Crucifixion, with what could be a man and woman kneeling before it, and sight lines carefully drawn from each kneeling figure to the Christ on the Cross). The oroison de depart proper, for which Paulin Paris supplies the title and from which he prints sizeable extracts (408-9), is a prayer entreating the protection of
heaven for a departing knight or crusader. It is preceded by a miniature, also of the Crucifixion, showing a young man meditating on the Cross, with two women praying; it opens: ‘Je vous command a Dieu li roy poussant par cele misme beneson qe Dieu manda sa mere a moun signeur saint Johan. Je vous com-
mand a dieu par cele grace du seint espirit qil parprist a son pere
quant il deust mounter en la croiz . . .’, and ends ‘Je requier totes
les almes de seyntes paroles nostre seigneur . . . Je requer totes les almes par les apostles, par les martirs, par les confessours, par les virgines, par les seyntes vesses, par totes les vertuz du ciel que vostre enemy ne eit poer de vous grever ne de mal fere. Ceo doint la seynte Trinite, li pere et ly fiz et ly seint espirist.’ The version in fr. 571 figures as no. 919 in Jean Sonet’s Répertoire dincipit de prieres en ancien francais (Geneva, 1956); the prayer is to be found
also in other MSS cited as nos. 812, 837; cf. also Keith V. Sinclair, French Devotional Texts of the Middle Ages: A Bibliographic Manuscript Guide (Westport, Conn. and London, 1979), no. 3933. I am inclined to wonder if the choice of this particular prayer too might be evidence for the coherence of fr. 571: what
could be more suitable for a young prince embarking on life than a prayer for safekeeping and guidance?
Jane H. M. Taylor
572
Fic. 24.4. BN fr. 571, fo. 150° (Photo: BN)
In addition, a table of contents on fo. 1’, in a fourteenth-century hand which may be that of A
:
;
the second of the two scribes to work on the codex,’ shows that it once also contained of:
8
5
copies
‘Le livre de julius cesar’ “i. livre com apiele gouvernement des Roys” 0 ‘lestature nostre seygnur & le couronnement le Roy de france & la royne”’ ‘lentendement de la patenostre apres le latin’"’ This is a compilation, then, which at first sight seems as miscellaneous and as random as fr.
146 must have seemed at the time when Diverrés made little of the fact that the Chronique
métrique was anthologized with the Roman de Fauvel in fr. 146. But given the pioneering work that has now been done on compilation and notably on the compilation housed in fr. 146," scholars are rightly apt to claim design for these apparently unwieldy compilations, and ” See Langfors’s remarks, 6, and Michael, ‘A Manuscript
tion of the manuscript comprising the estature nostre seygnur is
Wedding Gift’, 585.
now housed in Harvard (as Law School Library, MS 12); if so, the
* Some confirmation of this is found in a letter written in 1396 acknowledging on behalf of Louis, duke of Orléans a vol-
work in question would be a Statutes of England (see Michael’s remarks, 585, and esp. n. 12). Le couronnement le roy de France et
ume containing ‘le livre du tresor, le livre de Julius Cesar, le livre des rois, le secret des secrez et le livre de Estrille Fauveau, touten
ung volume, et enlumine, armoye des armes du viez duc de
/a royne may perhaps have been a coronation ordo, but is now __ lost.
"' Now lost. According to the table of contents, this and the
Lencastre’ (see Langfors, 7-8).
estature would have consisted of ‘.xvi. foilez’.
> Now lost and unidentifiable. According to the table, it consisted of ‘.xx. quayers’. ° These two items are not easily identifiable. Michael con-
"° The assumption that fr. 146 is a coherent whole underpins much of Roesner et al. This is in line with what many critics now claim for much of medieval compilation. Interesting mises au
tends, on codicological and art-historical grounds, that the sec-
point and useful bibliographies will be found, for example, in
Le Roman de Fauvain
573
the seeming incongruity of the contents of fr. 571—learned treatises, music, a prayer or two, and finally a bande dessinée—has, | consider, its own coherence, just as does fr. 146. What I propose to examine here is the overall compilational design of the codex; I hope to show not only that its diversity is a paradoxical construction of meaning, but also that that very diversity suggests some interesting hypotheses about its genesis.
Recent studies by Michael Michael and Andrew Wathey have suggested—on heraldic and other grounds—that this is a codex with a very precise function: to mark the betrothal of Philippa of Hainaut in 1326 to the future Edward III of England." If this is indeed so—and the arguments seem convincing—the majority of the contents makes for perfect coherence: didactic, encyclopedic prose treatises which ‘fall squarely within the “Mirror of Princes” tradition’.'* Pseudo-Aristotle’s Secretum Secretorum, for instance, after a brief excursus on diet and bathing and useful herbs, moves effortlessly on to principles of justice and good counsel, with particular reference to the need to avoid ‘conseiller orguillus e aver’;'? Brunetto Latini’s Livre dou Tresor'® runs briskly through universal history, natural history, personal morality, and then moves on to questions of justice, conduct in time of war, relations with one’s council, and so on; the so-called gouvernement des rois is probably the treatise known in the
vernacular as ‘Gilles de Rome’,’” which also deals, of course, with all variety of good government. But, at first sight, this would seem not to apply to the motets and, in particular, not to the Roman de Fauvain. Not only is the latter the only text to have this specific and individual form, but it and the motets are the only sections not to seem didactic. This being so, it is tempting to wonder if they were a later addition to the codex—especially given that they do not figure in the fourteenth-century table of contents. However, several things would tell against this. First, by 1396, when the volume was acquired for the library of Louis d’Orléans, the volume certainly did contain what was called the Livre de Estrille Fauvain. Secondly, the quire structure of the codex shows that the end of the Secreta, the two motets,
Sylvia Huot, From Song to Book: The Poetics of Writing in Old French Lyrics and Lyrical Narrative Poetry (Ithaca, 1987); Lori
Walters, ‘Le Réle du scribe dans l’organisation des manuscrits des romans de Chrétien de Troyes’, Romania, 106 (1985), 303-25. For a codicological view, see Lucy Freeman Sandler, “Omne
bonum: Compilatio and Ordinatio in an English Illustrated Encyclopedia of the Fourteenth Century’, in Linda L. Brownrigg (ed.), Medieval Book Production: Assessing the Evidence. Proceed-
ings of the Second Conference of the Seminar on the History of the Book to 1500, Oxford, July 1988 (Los Altos Hills, Calif., 1990), 183-
200. For a rather more sceptical view, see for instance Theo Stemmler, ‘Miscellany or Anthology? The Structure of Medieval Manuscripts: MS Harley 2253, for example’, Zeitschrift fir Anglistik und Amerikanistik, 39 (1991), 231-7.
'? T choose my words here to avoid pre-empting the question. Michael has argued that this is a wedding gift from Philippa to Edward. By contrast, Wathey suggests rather a gift from Edward to Philippa, as do Sandler (‘Omne bonum’, 105) and Avril and
Stirneman (Manuscrits enluminés, 152). Wathey and Stirneman, however, now agree in seeing the volume less as a wedding gift than as a celebratory volume to mark the occasion of the be-
trothal—in other words, celebrating the union of the courts of Hainaut and England.
'“ Wathey, ‘The Marriage of Edward III’, 18. > See Jacques Monfrin, ‘La Place du Secret des secrets dans la
littérature francaise médiévale’, in William F. Ryan and Charles B. Schmitt (eds.), Pseudo-Aristotle, The Secret of Secrets: Sources andInfluences (Warburg Institute Surveys, 9; London, 1982), 73113.
'© Ed. Francis J. Carmody (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1948). It is interesting that this work is often anthologized with the other ‘mirrors of princes’ that we find in fr. 571: with Gilles de Rome in BN fr. 573 and Brussels, Bibliothéque Royale 11099u100, with the Secretum secretorum in Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. lat. 1514. '7 Ed. Samuel P. Molenaer, Li Livres du gouvernement des rois,
a Thirteenth Century French Version of Egidio Colonna’s Treatise de Regimine principum (London and New York, 1899). Michael, ‘A Manuscript Wedding Gift’, 585 n. 11 points to a manuscript of
this text illuminated in England and with a similar ruling pattern and text layout now preserved in Baltimore (Walters Art Gallery MS 144).
574
Jane H. M. Taylor
and the beginning of Fauvain are part of the same gathering,” while fo. 151 is the medieval flyleaf. Third, and finally, the illustrator of Fauvain was also responsible for some of the
marginal sketches in the remainder of the volume. We must therefore accept that this apparently rather miscellaneous codex was conceived as a whole. As a whole, therefore, is it possible to see any principles of coherence in the codex, any new signifying system generated by the juxtaposition of such apparently diverse texts? The integration of the Roman de Fauvain is closely bound up with the other element of fr. 571 which strikes a reader as incongruous: the motets.’ Of course, as Andrew Wathey has-
emphasized, they share in the pedagogic scheme of the MS: The texts of the motet Ludovice take as their main theme the duties and attributes of royal rule, and thus aptly complement the program embodied in the volume’s literary contents. While the triplum text stresses the value of wise counsel and of peace within the church and realm under the guidance of the king, the duplum text extols the throne as the true seat of justice, inimical to false judgement.” But as well as a pedagogic or instructive role, they have an admonitory one, encapsulating and
reinforcing a dialectic always latent in the ‘mirror of princes’ tradition: good versus bad kingship (the rex sapiens vs. the rex insipiens, rex nobilis vs. rex puerilis), good versus bad citizenship (fideles vs. graeur, ‘flatterer’); this dialectic, which in the rest of the codex seems less overt, is then embodied pictorially and narratively in the Roman de Fauvain. Take, for
instance, one of the less obvious images of the Fauvain: page 1, vignette 4 (Fig. 24.5). What this shows is Fauvain (here ‘Fausseté’) drinking from the same cup as Guile and Barat,
‘Deception’: Guille, Fausetés et Baras N’ont ge faire de trois hanas,
Kar quant Fauve a son hanap boit Guille et Barat avoir y doit.
(tv) Guile, Falsity, and Trickery have not the slightest need of three goblets, for when Fauvain drinks from his/her goblet, Guile and Trickery are necessarily drinking from the same one.
Might we not read the image as a literalization of the metaphor in the triplum of the second motet: ‘li graeur qui ades servi ont Mendaciis . . . de fece bibunt et sciciunt’ (‘Alatterers who
have always served lies . . . drink from the lees and are thirsty’).”' Again, the image of the ‘king who raises up the ignorant’ from the duplum of the first motet is surely precisely what we see in vignettes 12 and 13, where the pope is persuaded to make two scoundrels abbots: '* See Wathey, ‘The Marriage of Edward III’, 21-2 n. 38.
Fauvel, see most recently Roesner et al. 21-42; of the two motets
" The texts of the motets as they appear in Chaillou de
from fr. 571, Ludowice (in its fauvelized form, Servant regem/O
Pesstain’s Roman de Fauvelare edited by Dahnk, 26-8, 67-9 (but see Langfors’s review in Neuphilologische Mitteilungen, 37 (1936), 56-65, and Ph. Aug. Becker, Fauvel und Fauvelliana (Berichte
Philippe) and Detractor est/ Qui secuntur are discussed ibid. 24. For a transcription of the texts of the motets in fr. 571, see Wathey, “The Marriage of Edward III’, 20-1.
iiber die Verhaindlungen der Sachsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, 88/
*° Wathey, ibid. 18.
2; Leipzig, 1936), 10-16. On the music of Chaillou de Pesstain’s
translations of the motets.
*1 With his kind permission, I quote from David Howlett’s
Le Roman de Fauvain
575
Fic. 24.5. BN fr. 571, fo. 146" (Photo: BN)
Fauve dist: ‘Sire, delivrés Ces deus seignours ge ci veés. Proudommes sunt, par saint Denis,
Baiser doivent, il y ont mys.’ (xu)
Fauvain says: ‘Lord, free the two lords you can see here. They’re perfectly honest, by St Denis, and they should give you their kiss, since they've invested in it.’
In some ways, then, the Roman de Fauvain concretizes the message of the motets, so that the latter operate as thematically pivotal in making more immediate a dynamic of model and anti-model against the remainder of the codex. What I am arguing is that there are thematic links specifically between the motets and the Roman de Fauvain, and the implications of this are interesting. The Roman de Fauvain is based firmly on the Roman de Fauvel. There are, in the first place, a certain number of textual reminiscences—to the extent that without reference to the Fauve itself, and even with the captions, the images can be difficult to interpret.” What this suggests in turn is also intriguing: if the Roman de Fauvain is inseparable both from the Roman de Fauvel and from the motets, then the compiler(s) of fr. 571, it seems, must have moved within circles where a * See e.g. the image of Fauvain in front of areed-bed (vit), _with the tradition of Fauve: the fact that the central character is which reverts to Fauvel, vv. 663-6 (Langfors 17-18). Moreover, it a horse, for instance, is nowhere introduced or explained.
is clear that Fauvain assumes prior acquaintance at the very least
576
Jane H. M. Taylor
repertory of particular music associated with Fauvel was familiar.”* It would be pleasing to establish a direct link between the Fauvain-plus-motets of fr. 571 and Chaillou de Pesstain’s
interpolated version in fr. 146,’ which is of course an idiosyncratic, even eccentric version, and the only one surviving to contain our motets. Iconographic correspondences would substantiate this, but unfortunately the evidence is thin and inconclusive. Only one of the miniatures of the Fauvain has any convincing analogue in fr. 146: Fauvain’s murder of Loyauté, as compared in Chaillou’s Fauvel (fo. 24") with that of Amour shooting an arrow at
Fauvel. It would be pleasing to see the one as the ironic counterpart of the other: Chaillou’s Amour to the right of the miniature drawing back a longbow to shoot an arrow into the breast of a humanized Fauvel, mirrored in Fauvain by a malicious and very equine Fauvain
drawing back a longbow to pierce the breast of a recoiling Loyauté.” But the motif of Amour and his bow is so commonplace” that it would be unwise to build too much on the correspondence, and I am struck by the fact that the insistent images in fr. 146 of all estates grooming Fauvel (fos. 2-3") awake no echoes in Fauvain, where the equivalent image is of all the estates riding on Fauvain.”’ The absence of iconographic evidence linking fr. 146 and fr. 571 does not mean, however,
that we can draw no conclusions about the manuscript context of the latter: that Raoul le Petit should derive his Fauvain from Fauvel fits into a nexus of iconographic and textual phenomena. So far I have concentrated on the first, illustrative or paradigmatic, section of the romance, and I now propose to turn to its second half. This, as I indicated, has Fauvain
murder Loyauté. Fauvain then takes to his deathbed; after his death he hopes for due reward from the devil, but is cast into hell; meanwhile, Loyauté is taken up to heaven to her apotheosis among the elect. Now this, of course, has no equivalent in either version of the Roman de Fauvel. It is true that Loyauté does figure—briefly—in the latter romance (is it significant that she does so only in Chaillou de Pesstain’s interpolated version?), but her role is peripheral: first as one in a long list of Virginity’s followers,”* and then as one of a group * In Roesner et al. 25-6 Edward Roesner points out that there seems to have existed more than one MS of Fauvel with musical interpolations. That said, he agrees that the presence
of the two motets along with the Fauvain suggests that there
existed “a corpus of polyphony associated with the Fauvel theme,
for whatever
reason
and in whatever
way’, and spe-
culates that ‘both sources turn to a common repertory cultivated by one particular chapel or by a group of related institutions’.
also the contributions of Elizabeth Brown (above, Ch. 3) and Emma Dillon (above, Ch. 9).
” The rhyme trairel faire in Fauvain is reminiscent, perhaps, of the rhetorical play on ¢raire in the same context in Fauvel. *° Notably, Amour and his arrows as they figure in Guillaume de Lorris’s Roman de la Rose, ed. Félix Lecoy (CFMA; Paris, 1970), i, vv. 1731 ff. As a result, and given how heavily illustrated are many of the manuscripts of the Rose (see e.g. John V. Fleming, The Roman de la Rose: A Study in Allegory and
* For this motet in the interpolated Fauvel, see Dahnk 69.
Iconography (Princeton, 1969), pl. 12), it would be difficult to
The sequence of events usually postulated suggests that the
argue for the Fawvel image as the exclusive model for the one in Ja 7p ” In fr. 146, of course, Fauvel is never ridden; indeed the artist has played significantly with Fauvel as horse, sometimes emphasizing his animality, frequently making him half-human (in which capacity, of course, he cannot be ridden). This again finds no echoes in fr. 571, where Fauvain is consistently and exclusively a horse. * See Langfors App., v. 232.
motetus (Ludowice) originally saluted the advent of aLouis (per-
haps Louis X le Hutin), then, because of Louis’s early death, was changed to O Phelippe. This argument assumes that the Ludowice of fr. 571 simply reverts to the original, unfauvelized form of the motet. Wathey rightly points out (‘The Marriage of Edward IIT’,
23) that another Louis has a better claim to celebration than Louis X in a volume dedicated to Edward III and Philippa of Hainaut: their common ancestor, Louis IX, St Louis. See now
Le Roman de Fauvain
577
of abstractions for whom Dame Constance carries the banner.” Thus nothing in Fauvel would suggest making Loyauté central to a new romance. To find what does explain her centrality involves a real jigsaw puzzle of intertexts and codicological and iconographic crossreferences, which in turn suggest that Fawvain, and thus fr. 571 as a whole, might stem from particular and identifiable dynastic and political circles. The first piece of the jigsaw reverts to a poem in the same tradition as Gervés du Bus’s
Roman de Fauvel”’ and which may well have inspired it: Jacquemart Giélée’s allegorical Renart le Nouvel, of 1298.°' Renart le Nouvel is of course the text that introduces Fauvel,
principally as the fawve anesse ridden by Dame Guile,” but also, it seems intermittently, as a character in his/her own right.’ The significant point is, however, the role played by Loyauté. Renart le Nouvel is a profoundly pessimistic poem. The author has Fortune™ invite Renart to take up station at the very pinnacle of her Wheel, promising him that she will henceforth
immobilize it and allow him an everlasting dominion over the world. This triumph involves the destruction of a number of the Virtues—including Loyauté: Ja mais n’en ert Renars mis jus
Se dix nel fait par ses vertus, Ce nous dist Jaquemars Gelee, Que vraie Fois est adossee Et au jour d’'ui Humilités Est entre piés, et Loiautés
Et Carités est refroidie, Et Larguece est defors banie.
(vv. 7733-40) Never will Renart be thrown down [from the top of the Wheel] unless God Himself manages this
by His strength. That is what Jacquemart Giélée tells us, for true Faith is now on her back, and today Humility is trampled underfoot, and Loyalty, and Charity is grown cold, and Generosity is banished.
Loyauté’s role in the text is peripheral—but she plays a much more central role in the characteristic iconography of Renart le Nouvel. Jacquemart Giélée promises to finish his romance with a carefully planned and executed image:”
Fauvel to Gerves du Bus is slightly more complex than it might appear at first sight. Fauvel is, of course, divided into two books;
* Fortune, of course, plays an important role in Book II of Gerves du Bus’s Fauvel and in Chaillou de Pesstain’s interpolations. Fauvel proposes to marry her, but is rejected with some indignation; he is finally fobbed off with Vaine Gloire instead.
Gervés du Bus, according to one branch of the manuscript
On Fortune in Renart le Nouvel, see Henri Roussel, ‘Etude sur
tradition, is named as author of Book II, and while he may well also have composed Book I, this cannot be asserted with confi-
doctoral thesis, Paris 1956), 528-37.
» Tbid., vv. 280-3.
© The attribution of the original, unexpanded version of
dence (see Langfors 187-8).
*! Ed. Henri Roussel (SATF; Paris, 1961). For dating, see wv.
ebemee 3? Tbid., vv. 873, 7147; 7705: 8 Tbid., vv. 1241, 7201, and perhaps 7837.
Renart le Nouvel du poéte lillois Jacquemart Gielée’ (unpub. »* The
implication
of this is, of course,
that Jacquemart
Giélée, like many of the writers and scribes with whom this chapter is concerned, supervised and controlled the production of manuscripts of his own work. The significance of this will appear later.
578
Jane H. M. Taylor Veoir poés apertement Conment siet en haut mandement En son le roe de Fortune, Par coi somes en amertume.
La figure est fins de no livre,
Veoir le poés a delivre, Plus n’en ferai or mention. (vv. 7744-51) You can clearly see how by her clear command (Renart) sits on top of the Wheel of Fortune, a fact
that reduces us to a state of bitterness. The image is to be found at the end of our book; you can easily see it, and we shall say no more about it.
, ie are: there indeed is a large, full-page miniature And in three of the surviving manuscripts, showing Renart at the summit of the Wheel of Fortune with, prominently, Loyauté. In the
miniature in BN fr. 372, for instance (Fig. 24.6) she is the pale figure ground under Fortune's Wheel to the left; beside her is a banderole reading: Loyauté sui, qui plus ne regne; Fausseté ; m’a chacie; du regne. 37
I am Loyalty, who reign no longer. Falsity has hunted me from the kingdom.
More important still, perhaps, may be the implied joint presence of Fauvel and Loyauté. In the upper left of the miniature is a female figure holding a sickle and climbing up the Wheel; just against her is a banderole which reads: .
Comme Faveille est cambres””
38
et torte
Est Loyautés au monde morte. Fauseté sui; par si l’ai vaincu. Sires & ... vo vertu.
Because Fauvel is so twisted and crooked Loyauté is dead to the world. I am Falsity; I have defeated (her?).
This first link suggests a possible pretext for the composition of the Roman de Fauvain— which might arise from a conjunction of Renart le Nouvelon the one hand, and both Gervés’s 36
The miniatures are to be found in BN fr. 372, fo. 60°", BN fr. 1581, fo. 57', and BN fr. 25566, fo. 175’. In the remaining MS (BN fr. 1593), the miniatures have not been completed although a suitable blank has been left. The miniatures of fr. 372 and fr.
dou vrai aniel (Leipzig, 1871), pp. i-xiii. On the Congés, see Pierre Ruelle, Les Congés d'Arras: Jean Bodel, Baude Fastoul, Adam de la Halle (Paris, 1965), 71 ff.
25566 are obviously interrelated. There is nothing to indicate the
” The banderoles are somewhat difficult to decipher, partly because they are rubbed, partly because they have been concealed
provenance of fr. 372, but fr. 25566 is more interesting in this
to some extent in the process of binding. Fortunately, however,
respect. It consists of aremarkable series of specifically Arrageois texts: the only manuscript to contain all three Congés d’Arras, the only one to contain the complete text of Adam de la Halle’s Le Jeu de la Feuillée, etc. For a full description of the manuscript, see Guillaume de Bure, Catalogue des livres de la bibliotheque de feu
MS 372 contains an interleaved transcript made by du Cange. The figure just above Fausseté is in fact Orgueil—but is it possible that the presence of a woman on a horse or mule has suggested using Fauvel as the very figure ofthe devious conspirator? ** Read cambre: from the Latin camurum, ‘bent’, ‘curved’?
M. le Duc de La Valliére (Paris, 1783), and Adolf Tobler, Zi dis
Le Roman de Fauvain
579
Fic. 24.6. BN fr. 372, fo. 60° (Photo: BN)
and Chaillou’s different versions of the Fauvelon the other. Jacquemart, as if dismayed by the immortally dominant Renart that he has conjured up, ends his romance with a prayer for protection from Renart: Or prions le roy Jhesu Crist Qui pour nous char humain prist Que de tel roe nous destourgne, De coi l’ame en Infer ne tourgne
U Renars fait les faus aler Et par Fausseté avaler. (vv. 7841-6)
Now let us pray to Jesus Christ, who became man for us, to save us from such a wheel, so that our souls will not go to the Hell where Renart sends deceivers, and be damned by Falsity.
Gerves, at the end of his Fauvel, prays for the destruction of the hero: Més li lis de virginité Qui pris en soi la deité, Sauve la fleur de lis de France Et le jardin tiengne en puissance Et Fauvel mete en tel prison Quwil ne puist faire traison. (Langfors, vv. 3261-6)
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Jane H. M. Taylor
But may the Virgin Lily, who took into Herself the Godhead, save the Lily of France, and take France’s garden into Her protection, and send Fauvel to a prison where he can no longer deceive.
And so too, finally, does Chaillou, in terms rather similar of course to those employed by Gerves: Douz Jhesucrist, cueur Fauvel seure, Car il gaste tout et deveure.
Douz Diex, ne met a nonchaloir Vertuz qui tant se font valoir Ci aval pour nous soustenir.
Fai Fauvel et sa gent fenir,
Tres douz liz de virginité, Garde vertuz, car verité Soustiennent, et tiengne en puissance Le lis et le jardin de France Et Fauvel mette en tel prison Qu’il ne puist faire traison. (Langfors App., wv. 1785-96)”
Sweet Jesus Christ, attack Fauvel, for he is ruining and devouring everything. Sweet God, do not neglect the virtues who are so much to be admired on this earth, for our sustenance. Put an end to
Fauvel and his lineage, fair Lily of Virginity, maintain the virtues, for they sustain and uphold the lily and the garden of France, and put Fauvel into such a prison that he will be unable to betray.
Fauvain, after all, reintroduces into this black world a sense that, if only sub specie aeternitatis, justice will finally be done and Fauvel/Fauvain given his just deserts by the Devil from whom he had hoped for rich reward. But the concatenation of circumstances that produced Fauvain and fr. 571 may, I consider, have been more complex still, and involve yet another piece of the
jigsaw puzzle: a third writer, Watriquet de Couvin (A. 13319-29).”° Watriquet’s work consists primarily of a collection of Dits,*' two of which particularly concern us: Li enseignemens du jone prince and Le Dit de Loyauté.” | cite them together because in two of the manuscripts of the Dits—BN fr. 14968 and Bibliothéque de |’Arsenal » Tam grateful to Professor Elizabeth A. R. Brown for suggesting this interesting possibility.
“° Watriquet de Couvin has received relatively little critical attention; indeed, the only full studies remain Charles Langlois’s few pages in the Histoire littéraire de la France, 35 (Paris, 1921), 394-421, and a paper by Jacques Ribard, ‘Littérature et société au
Paris, 1990), may signal a revival of interest: Marie-Francoise Notz, ‘Le Mot de la fin; le Dit et sa définition chez Watriquet de
Couvin’, 49-66, and Bernard Ribémont, ‘Jeu de signes, jeu de couleurs: le Dit des. VIII. couleurs de Watriquet de Couvin’, 67-
91. The latter article develops his previous ‘Le Dit des viii couleurs de Watriquet de Couvin’, in Les Couleurs au moyen dge
xiv’ siécle: le menestrel Watriquet de Couvin’, in Glyn Burgess
(Senefiance 24; Aix-en-Provence, 1988), 343-58. Watriquet’s in-
(ed.), Court and Poet (Liverpool, 1981), 227-86. A few further
terest in the significance and symbolism of colours is interesting,
details will be found in Charles H. Livingston, “Un manuscrit retrouvé d’ceuvres de Watriquet de Couvin’, in Meélanges
given the importance attached to this topic in Fauvel, wy. 187-
Delbouille (Gembloux, 1961), ii. 439-46; Jean-Charles Payen, ‘Le
Dit des VII vertus de Watriquet de Couvin et Le Livre de la Philosophie @Alard de Cambrai’, Romania, 86 (1965), 386-93. Two more recent articles, in a volume entitled Ecrire pour dire: études sur le dit médiéval, ed. Bernard Ribémont (Coll. Sapience;
230, on which see the remarks of Margherita Lecco, ‘Il colore di Fauvel’, in her Ricerche sul ‘Roman de Fauvel’ (Scrittura e scrittori, 10; Alessandria, 1993), 36-51. "Ed. Auguste Scheler (Brussels, 1868). References in Roman
numerals are to the poems. © Tbid., nos. x1 and xu, 126-35.
Le Roman de Fauvain quien
le reptes &
lomure.
581
poet Tae
Fic. 24.7. Paris, Bibliotheque de Arsenal, MS 3525, fo. 122° (Photo: Bibliothéque de |’Arsenal)
Lee Feit Paat hans 1ouTs Sinwene ey at bauws auny
Deton; menchre; oletnee
3525—they are copied in sequence, and this link is germane to my argument. The Dit de
Loyauté is a not particularly exciting paean of praise to—of course—Loyauté. But particularly revelatory from our point of view is the fact that in both these manuscripts, the Dit de
Loyautéisintroduced by a miniature (Fig. 24.7) of all estates grooming Fauvel/Fauvain. The crucial point is that Fauvel/Fauvain is nowhere mentioned in the Dit de Loyauté,” nor are
keywords such as ‘flattery’ or ‘Guile’. Sheer accident in the workshop can surely be excluded, given that both manuscripts seem to be presentation copies, and what is more presentation copies prepared under Watriquet’s personal supervision—BN fr. 14968, for his patron Guy de Chatillon, count of Blois, as the rubric under a presentation miniature suggests: Veschi comment Watriques sires de veriolz baille & presente touz ses meilleurs diz en escrit a : ; : : , 44 monseigneur de blois son maistre premierement le mireor aus dames.
and Arsenal 3525 for Philip VI of Valois and his queen. It is surely difficult, in our present context, not to see this juxtaposition of Fauvel/Fauvain and Loyauté as significant, difficult
to imagine that Watriquet had had no knowledge of Jacquemart Giélée’s Renart le Nouvel. That he knew the Roman de Fauvel—perhaps only by repute, perhaps only in Gervés du Bus’s version—is not a matter of conjecture. He cites Fauvel/Fauvain explicitly in the second dit mentioned, Li Enseignements du jone fil du prince, as emblematic of those who court the flattery of sycophants and time-servers: Cilz qui miex de Fauvain a estrillier s’atire, Ce est li miex amez, nulz ne l’ose desdire.”” * There are brief comments on these MSS in Roesner et al.
* Ed. Scheler, x1. This is less a treatise than an admonition: just 102 vv. recommending a careful choice of counsellors, the
“ Fo. 1'. See also Scheler 1.
practice of princely generosity, and due need for preudommes.
2
or
43.
~
.
45
ral
.
.
5
ai
582
Jane H. M. Taylor
The man who is most assiduous in grooming Fauvain is the man who is most favoured—something
no one would dare to deny.
But from our point of view—that of fr. 571—the fact that Watriquet cites Fauvel is less important than the context in which he does so. If it can scarcely be mere coincidence that Watriquet’s presentation manuscripts illustrate a dit eulogizing Loyauté with a miniature of all estates grooming Fauvel, surely the conjunction of these with a treatise directed specifically to the instruction of a young prince is also of more than passing significance? What seems to me to support this latter proposition is the fact that all three of the manuscript compilations with which I am concerned are, implicitly or explicitly, mirrors of princes. Frangais 571 we have already discussed, Watriquet’s didactic treatises are an important component of his presentation manuscripts,’ but fr. 146 too has a claim to be seen in the same light, especially if we take account of a rather neglected section of it, Geffroy de Paris’s dits. The Avisemenz pour le Roy Loys, which is the first to appear in fr. 146u) is both a
topical comment on the position of the clergy in Capetian France, and also a ‘more general moral discourse illustrated with examples from history’.“* Geffroy presents himself as the mouthpiece of stern duty: Et ce qui sera a reprendre Doucement mettre en verité,
Et corrigier en charité. Pour ce le di qu’aucuns dittez Aucuns ont fait ou ont ditez Moz qui sunt en autre devise Assis que raison ne devise. D’autres aussi par convenant Si gracieus, si avenan
Resont en ces ditez trouvez Qu’en les tient bons et esprouvez. Et se li roys les vouloit faire En bien resnier n’auroit que faire. Et pour le roys sunt il escripz. Si doivent estre en ces escripz. [It is the poet’s duty] courteously to set before the king the true state of whatever requires amendment, and to correct it with all due charity. I say this because certain poets have said or written dits with words which have little to do with reason. There are on the other hand dits so gracious, so pleasant to read, that people find them good and well-tested, and if the king were to follow them, then he could not fail to be an excellent ruler. And they are indeed written for the king—and therefore find their rightful place in this compendium. 46
Each MS
,
contains, as well as the Enseignemens,
a verse
treatise explicitly entitled Li Mireoirs as princes, dated 1327 by the author (Scheler xvi; for dating, see vy. 18-19). Geffroy’s dits occupy fos. 46'~55° of fr. 146; the Avisemenz,
the longest ofthe dits, will be found on fos. 46'-s0". The French
dits were
;
edited
:
(with
an
:
English
translation)
by Storer—
_ Rochedieu, but the edition was badly received (see Romania, 73 (1952), 119-25). “8 Roesner et al. 20.
Le Roman de Fauvain
583
What we have then—as between Watriquet’s Dits, fr. 571, and fr. 146—is the conjunction of
several things: a series of regimina principum, a paean of praise to Loyauté illustrated by a miniature of Fauvel, and finally the mention of Fauvain/Fauvel himself. I shall devote the remainder of this chapter to a proposition that must remain conjecture, but which becomes
increasingly plausible: the contention that fr. 571 is the product of ageographical and political network of writers, scribes, artists, compilers, whose affiliations are primarily Valois and Hennuyer, and whose concerns are precepts for good government and the castigation of bad.
Raoul le Petit himself, Michaus de Brieoeil, who copied a major part of fr. 571, Jacquemart Giélée, Watriquet de Couvin, and Gervés du Bus are, as we shall see, a group of remarkably like-minded political commentators linked by remarkably persistent dynastic and geographical threads. Let me return first to Watriquet, of whom, as is so often the case with medieval writers and poets, little is known. Couvin is perfectly identifiable: a little village near Namur, in Hainaut.” His professional life, however, was spent attached to the house of Blois-Chatillon. He calls himself a menestrel: Watriqués Sui nommez jusqu’en Areblois, Menestrel au conte de Blois Et si a monseignor Gauchier De Chastillon.”
He was the author of a certain number of lyric poems, but the major part of his literary output consists of the sort of didactic pieces which we have been discussing, and of topical pieces: his Dit de larbre royal,” for instance, is a dream vision written in 1322 expressing astonishment at the rapid succession of Philip the Fair’s sons, his Dit du roi (1328) celebrates
the succession of Philip of Valois.” Such menestrels—Nancy Freeman Regalado calls them chancery artists”’—were also, increasingly, concerned not just with the performance of their pieces, but also with the proper written presentation of their works, in carefully supervised manuscripts. Watriquet is no exception. I pointed out above that both manuscripts which contain Fauvel miniatures seem to have been done under his personal supervision. Even more
important for our present purposes is the fact that the miniatures in each of the manuscripts make use of the so-called Fauvel artist, the artist who illustrated Chaillou de Pesstain’s ® See Scheler, Introduction, pp. ix—xii. °° In his Dit des .iii. chanoinesses de Couloigne (Scheler, xx1x), wy. 80-4.
*' See Scheler, vu. » Thid., x0. ** In an unpublished paper entitled ‘Parades, Politics and
Poetry in the Court of Philip the Fair: The Parisian Pentecost Celebration of 1313 in BN MS lat. 8504 and BN MS fr. 146’, given at the Seventh Triennial Congress of the International
Courtly Literature Society, Amherst, 27 July—1 August, 1992. On chancery artists (écrivains-fonctionnaires), see also Pierre Bec, La
Lyrique francaise au moyen age (XII-XII siecles): contribution a une typologie des genres poétiques médiévaux, i (Paris, 1977), 29: ‘Il
existe... au nord de la France une catégorie de poetes-chanteurs qui semble avoir eu une certaine conscience de classe: ce sont les menestrels, dont la fonction, souvent hybride, recouvre a la fois
celle d'un officier de cour et celle dun poéte attitré et permanent.’ For details of Watriquet’s ‘chancery artist’ career, the best source is Jacques Ribard, ‘Littérature et société’, which situates Watriquet in the context of the ‘rapports étroits qui unissent littérature et vie de cour’ at the end of the Middle Ages.
584
Jane H. M. Taylor
interpolated version of Fauvel in fre 146." This in turn, of course, points to a Watriquet de
Couvin whose sphere of activity is far from provincial—as is clear from his presenting a copy of his dits to Philip VI of Valois. Francois Avril points out how far the Fauvel artist is linked
to the French court.” And indeed, as menestrel to Guy, count of Blois, he had a particular
reason to feel Valois sympathies—in that the countess of Blois was, of course, Marguerite de Valois, daughter of Charles de Valois, and sister to the future Philip VI. But more than this—
and here the dynastic and geographical network begins to slot into place—Marguerite de
Valois was the sister of Jeanne de Valois, Philippa’s mother and wife of Guillaume II, count of Hainaut (see the genealogical table in Table 24.1; cf. also the table in the Introduction).
Watriquet de Couvin, then, in his single person, provides an invaluable link, geographically and in terms of allegiances, between the courts of France, Hainaut, and England. Born in
Hainaut and in the service of the court of the sister of the countess of Hainaut, closely linked with Valois circles through the family of Chatillon-Blois, and in close contact with the
workshop that produced fr. 146, he may have had no direct contact with the compilers of fr. 571—even fr. 146?—but must surely have moved in some of the same circles as they did.
At this point I must resort to hypothesis. Andrew Wathey’s painstaking researches have elucidated two diplomatic excursions of 1325/6: the tortuous negotiations that led in 1325 to
Edward’s paying homage for Guyenne on behalf of his father in Paris, and those that led to the signing of the marriage contract between Philippa of Hainaut and the future Edward III in 1326. Edward, the future recipient or donor of fr. 571, was thus in Paris with his mother
in September 1325, to perform the act of homage for the duchy of Gascony in Notre-Dame. Ideally, of course, it would be desirable to show Watriquet’s patron, Guy de Blois, present in Paris during the ceremonies attendant on the act of homage. Unfortunately, he does not figure among the list of witnesses.” But perhaps we may take account of a number of other interesting possibilities. In the first place, of course, Guy de Blois’s close family connections not just with the Court of France, but also with the Court of Hainaut, and more particularly with his brother-in-law Philip of Valois, meant that he would be liable to take a particular interest in the fate of the young man, the future Edward III of England, who was soon to marry his niece, Guillaume II’s daughter Philippa, and might well, of course, have been present, even taking a leading part, in the marriage negotiations which were almost certainly set in train when Jeanne de Valois came to Paris in December 1325 for her father’s funeral.”
I am all the more inclined to postulate this in that it seems that during this visit to Paris Jeanne gave a dinner for her 2 sereurs—who must have been Isabelle, duchess of Brittany and, 54
F
rey,
te:
rete
;
;
4
See Frangois Avril, in Roesner et al. 43; the Fauvel miniature in Arsenal MS 3525 is the work of the Fauvelartist, who also
proved fruitless; neither the registres du Trésor des chartes for the reign of Charles IV, nor the surviving accounts, seems to record
illustrated the early part of fr. 14968 (which does not, however, include the Fauvel miniature). See in addition the catalogue
the presence of Guy, count of Blois, let alone that of Watriquet. No archives survive for this date in the Archives Départementales
Trésors de la Bibliotheque de l'Arsenal (Paris, 1980), no. 270.
at Chalons-sur-Marne. ” For Jeanne’s presence in Paris in Dec. 1325, see Homme J. Smit, De Rekeningen der Graven en Gravinnen uit het
» Roesner et al. 47. *° See Pierre Chaplais, The War of Saint-Sardos (1323-1325) (London, 1954), 243-5, and cf. Wathey, “The Marriage of Edward IIT’, fig. 2. Researches at the AN—and I should like to
thank Mme
Elisabeth Lalou for her help and advice—have
Henegouwsche Huis, i (Werken uitgegeven door het Historisch
Genootschap, 3rd ser., 46; Amsterdam, 1924), 145-9.
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586
Jane H. M. Taylor
most important from our point of view, Marguerite de Valois, countess of Blois (see Table
24.1).* Again, there is no record of Guy de Blois’s having been present at this particular dinner—but it is surely probable that in the six weeks or so that Marguerite de Valois spent in Paris, and which included a number of receptions and visits to castles and abbeys around the city, he and his entourage—including, perhaps, Watriquet de Couvin?—might have been
in contact also with the Hennuyers. This is all the more the case in that Watriquet pays particular poetic tributes not only to Guy de Chatillon, but also Guillaume de Hainaut and Charles de Valois: in his Dit des .itii. sieges composed in 1319,” he claims to have seen a vision of four thrones—the thrones of Arthur, Alexander, Naime, and Girart de Fraite—which are
now occupied by their worthy successors Charles de Valois, Guy, count of Blois, Guillaume de Hainaut, and the count of Flanders. And had he indeed been present for some of that time, he would have overlapped with none other than Gervés du Bus, the ‘specialist’ in Anglo-French relations and a signatory to several of the documents relative to the homage question which was under active negotiation at very much the same time,” and who, as
Andrew Wathey shows so convincingly in the present volume (see below, Ch. 26), maintained close contacts with the Valois court of Guy’s father-in-law, Charles de Valois. At what
stage did the compilers of fr. 571 start to design and plan the compilation? Is it not plausible to imagine that fr. 571 might emerge from the coincidence in Paris of Gervés and Watriquet,
who bring together, in their poetic persons, Fauvel and Loyauté? That this might be the case—and of course this too is speculation—is supported by the fact that all the chancery clerks and poets and illustrators who operate in the orbit of fr. 571 (to say nothing of fr. 146) have such strong political affiliations with the house of Valois, and such strong geographical links with Hainaut and the Low Countries—even Gerveés du Bus,
as well as having strong Valois connections, was clearly also, from dialectal traits in his Fauvel, a native of Normandy.” Not too much, perhaps, should be read into this, nor into the fact that Jacquemart Giélée describes himself, with a certain local pride, as a native of Lille, although geographical proximity and the close relations which did of course exist in the first half of the fourteenth century between Hainaut and Flanders*—as witness, perhaps, Watriquet’s linking of their respective counts in the Dit des .iiii. sieges quoted above—would add to our network of relationships. But it is significant to note that professional interests as well as geography link Jacquemart to our group of chancery artists. He too is plainly a chancery artist: a number of the letters inserted in Renart le Nouvel show unmistakable * Ibid. 148: ‘Et le lundy en le ditte sesmaine donna medame a mengier ses 2 sereurs; se monta li somme dou dimence a Paris: 16 ll 4s. Somme dou lundi apres; se donna medame a mengier ses
2 sereurs: 46 Il 19 s 7 d.’ Smit’s footnote (4) is perhaps unneces-
Chaplais, English Medieval Diplomatic Practice, pt. I, vol. i (Lon-
don, 1982), 361-2). ‘ See Langfors, pp. xl-Ixiv.
* See e.g. Henry S. Lucas, The Low Countries and the Hun-
sarily tentative—it is difficult to see which other serewrs could be
dred Years’ War, 1326-1347 (University of Michigan Publications
meant, even given Charles de Valois’s numerous daughters. » No. xv in Scheler’s edition. For the date, see wv. 19-21.
in History and Political Science 8; Ann Arbor, 1929), and cf. J. van Herwaarden, “The War in the Low Countries’, in John J. N.
See Wathey, “The Marriage of Edward III’, ro-12. Gerves, notably, is the first to sign of the notaires et tabellions publiques
Palmer (ed.), Froissart: Historian (Bury St Edmunds, 1981), 101-
present for the ceremony in which Edward swore homage to
J. M. Kerling, Commercial Relations of Holland and Zeeland with
Philip, and was
England from the Late Thirteenth Century to the Close of the Middle Ages (Leiden, 1954).
also responsible for drawing up the notarial
instrument (preserved in the AN in Paris, and edited by Pierre
17. Links with England may be ofsignificance too; see e.g. Nellie
Le Roman de Fauvain
587
chancery style,’ and he too, of course, since he seems to have directed the programme of illustrations for his Renart, shared that same typical concern for book production. Two other interesting names could be added, perhaps, to this register of seemingly Hennuyer chancery writer-artists. The scribe who was responsible for a major part of fr. 571% names himself in a cryptogram at the end of Brunetto Latini’s Tresor, on folio 122'; this was deciphered by Paulin Paris” as Michaus de Brieoeil (perhaps Brieulles-sur-Meuse), a canon
of Saint-Géry in Valenciennes. This particularly sumptuous Franciscan church had been granted to the Order by Jeanne de Flandre et de Hainaut in 1225, and indeed she herself had laid the foundation stone in 1228.’ Even more interesting, perhaps, is the fact that while nothing is known of the Raoul le Petit who produced the verses of the Roman de Fauvain, two local references may have a special significance very relevant to the Hennuyer nexus, and may even lead us back to the house of Chatillon-Blois and the Valois connection. At one point in the rather disjointed narrative, Fauvain refuses to pay his due debts: Fauve dist: ‘Justice, or m’entent: De paier tres mauvaisement Sui je touz jourz appareilliés. Sachez, je sui clers et croysiés Et borgois d’At et ons sanz foy,
Si ferai bien droit ou je doi. Justice n’iert pas maintenant, Jen troveray bien mon garant.
(xvin) Fauvain says: ‘Justice, listen to me now. I am always ready to pay badly. Let me tell you that I am a clerk and a croysiés and a bourgeois d’Ath, and a man without faith, and I shall do right where I must. Justice will not now be; I shall find my own guarantor.
We should note first of all that Ath did of course form part of the county of Hainaut—it was indeed one of those ‘new cities’ whose bounds were much expanded and whose commerce was much encouraged by the counts of Hainaut.’ We are therefore once again, geographically, thrown back into Hennuyer circles. But a more telling point is the peculiar status of the bourgeois d Ath. First, the question of eligibility. As well as the bourgeois d'Ath of the normal sort (that is, property owners within the city limits), there also existed bourgeois forains of
Ath—persons not native to Ath, nor necessarily resident there, but who were able with no great difficulty, in return for a modest subscription and a promise of military assistance, to See Renart le Nouvel, 149-50, 152-3, 179-81, 184-5, 187-8.
IIT’, points out that Saint-Géry remained ‘a proprietary founda-
By ‘chancery style’, I mean here those official formulae and stylistic tricks characteristic of the chancery clerk; on this, see John Flinn, Le Roman de Renart dans la littérature francaise et
tion of the Counts of Hainaut, and a close link can thus be inferred between the scribe of this text and the wider circles of the Hainaut court’; see his n. 30 for further information and
dans les littératures étrangéres au moyen age (Toronto, 1963), 288-
archival references. *” See Jules Dewert, Histoire de la ville d’Ath (Renaix, 1903).
92. *" See Langfors 6. ® Les manuscrits frangois, iv. 405. °° See H. Lancelin, Histoire de Valenciennes depuis ses origines (Valenciennes, 1933), 61-2. Wathey, “The Marriage of Edward
Gaston Paris, in the Histoire littéraire de la France, 32, p. 114, already suggests that Ath was a city where ‘les bourgeois avaient sans doute des franchises particuliéres’.
588
Jane H. M. Taylor
claim certain extremely valuable economic privileges and fiscal exemptions.” And not only economic and fiscal advantages: more relevant to Raoul le Petit’s remark in the Fauvain is the fact that both varieties of bourgeois could also claim significant juridical exemptions: Verriest sums it up by saying that ‘en principe, le bourgeois d’Ath est exclusivement justiciable des maire et échevins de sa franche ville’.©’ What this meant was that a bourgeois d’Ath was able, for any crime other than murder, to appeal against the judgment of the omnes of Hainaut— and could appeal to the Magistrat d’Ath if, say, his goods were seized for debt.” This created, of course,
a comfortably incestuous system, ripe for corruption,” and one which makes
perfect sense of the reference to the bourgeoisie d’Ath in the Fauvain. Perfect sense, however, only in Hennuyer circles: the reference would remain opaque to anyone unacquainted with the juridical and fiscal peculiarities of the situation.” Similarly, Fauvain’s claim to be croysiés may have interesting resonances beyond the obvious ‘having taken the Cross’. It seems possible that here too is a local reference, to a contemplative order which in the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries was particularly implanted in the Low Countries: the Chanoines de la Sainte Croix. Inaugurated in the Low Countries in 1248 by a certain Theodore de Celles,” the Order’s mother-house was at Huy, and by 1325 it possessed six houses in Hainaut and Flanders. Most particularly—and again I speculate—it possessed one in Tournai, the subject of a lawsuit which had been resolved relatively recently in 1322, but only after nearly forty years of negotiations. The house had been founded in 1284 by—significantly—Guy de Chatillon, Count of Saint-Pol (see Table 24.1), in a run-down sector of Tournai. There were instant protests from the Abbé de Saint-Amand, both at the building of ; of mass. 74 The matter had now been satisfactorily an oratory and at the public celebration ** “En principe donc, quiconque pouvait, a tout moment qu’il jugeait bon, requérir son inscription au registre des bourgeois’, p. 216 in Léo Verriest, ‘La Bourgeoisie foraine d’Ath’, Annales du Cercle royal archéologique d’Ath, 26 (1940), 207-302, and J. F. Dugniolle, “Aspects d’une “ville franche” en ses débuts: Ath du xm
au
xiv’
siécle’,
Annales
du
Cercle
royal d'histoire
et
d archéologie d'Ath et de la région et des Musées athois, 46 (1977), 113-46. Bourgeois forains were not particular to Ath; three other
cities in Hainaut enjoyed the same system (see Marinette Bruwier, ‘La Bourgeoisie foraine en Hainaut au moyen 4ge’, Revue belge de philologie et d histoire,33 (1955), 900-20).
| am
extremelygrateful to M. W. de Keyzer, Conservateur en Chef of the Archives Générales du Royaume et Archives de l’Etat dans les Provinces in Mons for drawing my attention to the status of the bourgeois forains of Ath, and to M. René Plisnier of the Bibliotheque de Université de Mons-Hainaut for supplying me with photocopies of the articles cited. ® See Verriest, ‘La Bourgeoisie’, 3.
® Tt is worth quoting in full Verriest’s summary of the position: ‘Si une justice seigneuriale hennuyére détient prisonnier un bourgeois d’Ath, et a saisi de ses biens mobiliers, le bourgeois est
fondé a se “complaindre” au Magistrat d’Ath, qui doit déléguer un sergent pour réclamer la libération du corps et des biens du bourgeois, faute de quoi le juge seigneurial devra venir 4 Ath exposer aux maire et échevins les motifs de son refus d’obtemporer.’ After certain carefully specified further pro-
cedures, ‘si les raisons invoquées sont estimées insuffisantes, le
Magistrat d’Ath prononcera
l’acquittement du bourgeois et
exigera
210).
sa délivrance’
(ibid.
On
the same
topic,
see
Dugniolle, ‘Aspects’, 130 ff. ' For instances of the corrupt practices that this engendered, see Verriest, ‘La Bourgeoisie’, 226 ff. ” Indeed it could be argued that ‘chancery’ circles in Hainaut—which presumably had to deal with the awkwardnesses and anomalies caused by the peculiar status of the bourgeois d’'Ath—would be the most likely to appreciate the full irony of the reference. ” The history of the croisiers is still incomplete: indeed even the date of their foundation is a matter of some dispute (see Heinrich S. Denifle, “Die Constitutiones des Predigerordens’,
Archiv fiir Litteratur und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters, 1 (Berlin, 1885), 165-217). The major source for the history of the Order
as a whole
remains
C. R. Hermans,
Annales
Canonicorum
regularium S. Augustini ordinis Sanctae Crucis ('s-Hertogenbosch,
1858); on the early history of the order, see vol. i. A more accessible but briefer summary will be found in A. Baudrillart, A. de Meyer, and Et. van Cauwenbergh, Dictionnaire d histoire et de geographic ecclésiastiques, xiii (Paris, 1956), 1042-62.
For further details, see Ursmer Berlitre, Monasticon belge,i (Bruges, 1890), 460-3. Again, I am most grateful to M. W. de
Keyzer for valuable help on the Croisiers.
Le Roman de Fauvain
589
resolved after some forty years of argument and counterargument between the regular clergy and the canons. It is difficult to suppose that so knotty an ecclesiastical debate did not become part of the common currency of parish gossip in the 1320s, and surely it is not irrelevant to note the recurrence—once again—of the de Chatillon family? As the family tree shows, the Guy de Chatillon who was the patron of Watriquet de Couvin is the grandson of the Guy de Chatillon who founded the Oratory of the Order in Tournai: may we not justifiably suspect yet another link between Watriquet, Fauvain, and the undiscoverable Raoul le Petit? What we are building up here, in other words, is a sort of geopolitical network: writers, scribes, artists, all from chancery circles, all from Hainaut and northern France, one a royal notary certainly, the other with royal connections probably, present at the celebrations in Paris in September 1326. Might we perhaps imagine, in this group of like-minded artists, a sense of fellow feeling between the royal notaries who had probably been responsible for the preparation of fr. 146 and a new, Anglo-Hennuyer group planning a celebratory volume for Edward
and Philippa, and in the light of political circumstance in England (the hated
Despensers, the tyrant king) struck by similarities between the circumstances that had provoked 146 and their own world? After all, the interpolated Fauvel is par excellence the locus of the anti-regimen principum.
If Fauvel in fr. 146 stands ata moment of political transition—looking with distaste on the last year or so of the reign of Philip IV and his hated minister Marigny, looking forward with hope to a new reign—might it not have seemed a pleasing joke to the chancery artists of fr. 571 to devise a derivative for a book of admonitions to a young man whose father had
counsellors as unfortunate as Marigny? After all, the overall message of the Roman de Fauvain is in its way encouraging: the tyrant, the evil counsellor, will end up in Hell, and Loyauté, liberated from the rule of Fauvain/Fauvel, will triumph. Were the chancery clerks of fr. 571
looking, with hope, on the person ofaking ‘pauper et sapiens atque puer’,” who might, with encouragement, ensure the triumph of loyalty and good government? Ought we even to see
fr. 571 as having a consistent subtext not at the level of reception, but at that of production?
That is to say, as being, like fr. 146, in part an in-joke on the part of the compilers who finish off what is otherwise a highly conventional anthology with the extraordinary additions of the motets and the Fauvain. After all, fr. 146 is illustrative both fictionally and implicationally of what happens to someone who does not take the advice of fr. 571. Is the one entirely
comprehensible without the other? This apparently sober volume is perhaps a most sophisticated example of medieval intertextuality—only entirely ‘readable’, paradoxically, by the compilers themselves. ” See the triplum of Servant regem/Ludowice prelustris.
17 aie
ry
wi, aw viol leowete) le
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ahoy -
ithrtind PLawagnay
4: Dame eat nc )
ein pl edip
vs
Ri
Vay dhs
np
fhe
25 The World of the Courts: Content and Context of the Fauvel Manuscript oo) MALCOLM
VALE
The title of this chapter is intentionally framed in the plural: rather than the ‘world of the court’ | have preferred to call it the ‘world of the courts’ for two reasons. First, the notion that there was only one court in France in the early fourteenth century—that of the Capetian monarch—is very questionable. Secondly, there were signs that at this period a more formal and permanent structure, and an increase in personnel, were conferring greater significance,
both politically and culturally, upon the courts not only of the king, but of the princes of the blood and peers of France. I have also chosen to try to set Enguerran de Marigny and the Fauvel poem into the milieu of courts and households because they happen to form the subject of a current research project on which I am engaged.’ It has been said that the northern French and Netherlandish courts of the time formed a ‘world of their own’, a ‘world in perpetual movement’, marked off as a distinct social group by their life-style and by an itinerant, nomadic existence.” This was to some extent shared by the later Capetian kings themselves. This ever-shifting world was also prone to internal moyvement—the ebb and flow of fortune at court had for a long time been proverbial, and one major theme of the Fauvel poem is precisely that. Enguerran de Marigny’s rise and fall provides us with an example of spectacular rise to power through an almost exclusively courtly medium—the household office of chamberlain to Philip the Fair. The milieu in which the Fauvel story is acted out is courtly, and the settings of its various episodes are the salles, chambres, and garderobes of princely palaces. The city of Espérance (Paris) provides the urban environment in which Fauvel’s wedding to Vaine Gloire takes place, reflecting the
tendencies of courts to gravitate towards towns, as their personnel expanded and as the increasingly elaborate styles of court life demanded access to facilities and resources which only cities and towns could offer.’ ' “The evolution ofthe princely court and its culture in north-
* Jacques Heers, ‘La cour de Mahaut
d’Artois en 1327-8:
west Europe, ¢.1270~1384': a two-year research project funded by _ solidarités humaines, livrées et mesnie’, Anales de historia antigua the Leverhulme Trust. This chapter serves as a preliminary at-
tempt to see the Fauvel poem and its manuscript in the context of court life and culture at this period. Detailed study of the poem does not form part of the project.
—_y medieval, 20 (1977-9), 7~43-
* Langfors App., vv. 258-70.
592
Malcolm Vale
The Roman de Fauvel has been attributed to Gervés du Bus, a notary and secretary who
also served as a household chaplain to Marigny, entering royal service later in his career. He was one of the many literate clerks (both clerical and lay) who occupied positions in the king’s chancery as notaries—men such as Jean Maillart or perhaps Geffroy de Paris, both of whom wrote poetry of a political, moralistic, and satirical kind. The first book of Fauvel was written in 1310; the second book, by Gervés du Bus, was finished by 6 December 1314, very
shortly after Philip the Fair’s death on 29 November. Book I contains most of the satirical diatribes against Church, State, and virtually everyone else; Book II is more allegorical in tone and more clearly influenced by the Roman de la Rose and other literary works. After 1316 the poem underwent a series of revisions and interpolations by other hands, including “Chaillou de Pesstain’, perhaps another chancery clerk—and possibly Philippe de Vitry. The resulting amalgam has come down to us in the shape of a unique manuscript (fr. 146) with the full text of Fauvel, many illustrations, a complete musical notation of the interpolations and some other works, including those of Geffroy de Paris. Fauvel thus began life in Philip the Fair's reign, and then received considerable additions under his sons. In origin, it is argued, the
poem targeted the abuses and excesses perpetrated by Enguerran de Marigny (deposed and executed in 1315), first chamberlain and principal adviser (almost a prime minister) to Philip the Fair, identified with the beast Fauvel by many common
qualities, even including his
reddish hair (fauve can mean ‘tawny’ or ‘reddish-brown’).’ Jean Favier’s work provides evidence for the essentially courtly aspect of Marigny’s early career.’ Our first knowledge of him is found in a document of September 1295, when he paid a sum of money to the treasurer of the Temple. His rank and function at that date are unknown but by July 1298 he appears as panetier in the household of the queen, Jeanne de Navarre. He may have owed his introduction to the queen’s household to the Dominican Nicholas de Fréauville (later cardinal), Philip the Fair’s confessor and a fellow Norman. As the household officer responsible for the panneterie (or pantry) Marigny’s job would have been to supply the basic domestic needs in food of the queen’s entourage: Favier’s comment that he was ‘un fort petit officier domestique” may be justified in the light of Marigny’s subsequent career, but the function was not unimportant in the context of household administration. This demanded an acquaintance with accounting procedures, budgeting, and an ability to negotiate with the Parisian bourgeoisie, both haute and petite, and with the provisioning and supply trades: Marigny thus differed markedly from other laymen who became (or were to become) the leading advisers and confidants of Philip the Fair: both Pierre Flote (d. 1302) and Guillaume de Nogaret (d. 1313) had legal training and qualifications; both
were graduates and legal practitioners, while Marigny apparently had little formal education or training. He was not a clerk, his Latinity was not great, nor was he a /égiste: it was therefore easy for him to make enemies as well as friends among the literate, articulate people who surrounded rulers and served in their administrations at this time. “ See Jean Favier, ‘Les Portraits d’Enguerran de Marigny’, Annales de Normandie, 15 (1965), 517-24. > For what follows see Jean Favier, Un conseiller de Philippe le
Bel: Enguerran de Marigny (Mémoires et documents publiés par la Société de lEcole des Chartes, 16; Paris, 1963), esp. 57-71. Salbidees
The World ofthe Courts
593
Here was a man who no doubt lived on his wits, with considerable financial acumen, and with an ability to curry favour and steadily work his way up through the queen’s household into that of the king. He had become a close counsellor of Jeanne de Navarre, who
bequeathed 500 livres to him in her will after his elevation to the office of chamberlain in the king’s service, probably in 1304.’ One of his former patrons, the Norman noble Hugues de
Bouville, had previously held the office, but had been killed at the battle of Mons-en-Pévéle against the Flemings. This was perhaps the decisive moment in Marigny’s career: the office
of chamberlain gave him direct access to the king’s ear and the king’s person. The three or so chamberlains took it in turns to wait upon the king, and to sleep in his chamber, while
they were given meals, fees, and liveries of robes. They were also responsible for keeping the registers in which the homages performed by the king’s vassals were recorded.” They were prime intermediaries between king and greater subjects, and often interceded on their behalf. By 1308 Marigny had become principal chamberlain, having shown his competence not only in the domestic
affairs of the household
but, by extension, in finance and in
diplomacy, especially in the Flemish affairs which were particularly to concern him until his fall.” By virtue of his office and its functions Marigny was exceptionally well placed to rise in the king’s favour. It was the custom for a chamberlain to sit in the Chambre aux Deniers
(accounting office) and oversee much of the financial business of that department.’ Marigny, and other office-holders in the royal financial administration, did well out of the dissolution of the Templars and the removal from them of their banking and accounting functions. At this stage in the evolution of French royal government the distinction between household and ‘public’ finance was not always clearly drawn. Although the rise of great departments of state, such as the chancery, had already taken place, the real centre of power and decisionmaking remained with the ruler and those who stood, or sat, about him in his council and chamber. This, of course, was nothing new. The ruler’s court had a very long ancestry. The
vicissitudes of court life, and the extent to which worldly courts fell short of their heavenly— or even Arthurian—role models, were well known to many earlier writers, including Abelard, Peter of Blois, and Walter Map. The topoi of evil counsellors, sycophantic flatterers, and corrupt household officers, controlling access to the ruler by extorting lavish bribes from suppliants and favour-seekers, had a long literary pedigree. The Fauvel poem, enhanced by its interpolations and illustrations, thus stands within a well-established tradition and genre. What may distinguish it from other examples of the genre is the degree to which it appears to have a specific target (Marigny and his abettors), and the extent
to which
‘inside’
knowledge of how a contemporary household operated is displayed. This is very much the voice (or voices) of a man or men well acquainted with the organization and practices of
princely households. ” Ibid. 58-60. ® See P. Lehugeur, De hospitio Regis et secretiore Consilio,
ineunte quarto decimo saeculo, praesertim regnante Philippo Longo (Paris, 1897), 43-6. Household ordinances for the French mon-
archy at this period are found in BN fr. 7852, MS Clairambault 832, and AN JJ.57. There is no modern edition of this material.
” See Favier, Un conseiller, 113-28. me ibid. 85-1.
Malcolm Vale
594
Two examples may help here: first, the poet’s remarks about the colour of Fauvel’s coat in Book I. It was not green, nor blue, but fauve, because that was the colour of ‘vanité’: ‘a vaine
beste, vaine cote’. Green was the colour of ‘foi loial et d’espérance’, while blue was that of ‘bien, de sens et de reson’ (Langfors, vv. 200-10). What he may be alluding to are the colours of the liveries of cloth given in princely households (e.g. England, Flanders, and Artois) to
knights (green) and clerks (blue, or azure).'' This was not a uniform rule by this date, but household and wardrobe accounts suggest that there was already some correlation between status, function, and colour. Whatever the case, the poet is well aware of the role that the
distribution of liveries of robes played in the households of the time. He tells us that Fauvel ‘en ce monde,
car tuit obeissent a lui, tout a robé’ (Langfors App., vv. 1801-2). The
distribution of liveries to his mesnie of toadies and flatterers lets the poet make play with the words rober and lober (to flatter) as he denounces the sway which Fauvel had himself built up
by currying favour. The poet seems to make a distinction between Fauvel’s mesnie (greater household, or retinue) and his mesnage (immediate household or family), whose members were ‘of his
lineage’ (Langfors, vv. 1251-2; cf. 1044-6, 1145). The allusion is probably to Marigny’s
nepotism, but it also enshrines a contemporary distinction made between the mesnie and mesnage in documentary sources. The voice of the household man is also heard in what is said about innkeepers in the poem. In Book II, we are told that the walls of Fauvel’s palace are decorated with paintings not only of ‘advocates and plaideurs, false judges and false counsellors’, but of faux hosteliers (innkeepers) (vv. 1333-8). When the interpolator of Fauvel describes the lodgings of the Virtues in the city of Espérance he refers to Humilité, their
quartermaster (fourrier), who finds a good hostel (billet) for them (Langfors App., vv. 260-3). He is described as Large, Courtois, Sage, Benigne and his wife is named Dame Constance, who
carries the gonfanon or banner of virtue (App., vv. 276-83). The normal lodging of an
itinerant princely household at this date, that is, of the mesnie, was provided by inns and hostelries, and the surviving household accounts for Flanders, Artois, and Hainaut include
the names of a number of inns and innkeepers whose premises were frequented by the courts of those rulers as they made their way across the princes’ territories.” An honest innkeeper was no doubt a rarity in fourteenth-century Paris, and the point is made in the poem. When we also remember that the Virtues are also coming to Espérance to participate in a tournament, the reference to Constance’s gonfanon may also have another meaning. It was the practice for tournament participants to fly a banner of their team above their lodgings, and to ‘fenestrate’, or nail up, their shields of arms.'° Contemporary practice may again be reflected here. "See, for one example among many, Rijksarchief Gent, Inv.
Gaillard 64 and 65 for a livery roll of Robert de Béthune, count
" See, for example, Mons, Archives de |’Etat, Trésorerie des
—_comtes de Hainaut, Recueils 69, no. 9; 70, no. 19; 72, NO. 54; 74,
of Flanders, for 1307 which refers to these colours. For English no. 93 (1378, 1384); Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, evidence, see F. Lachaud, “Textiles, Furs and Liveries: A Study of | CC 46922, 46925 (1371-9). the Court of Edward I (1272-1307) (D.Phil. thesis, Oxford See Malcolm Vale, Jousts, Tournaments and Courtly University, 1992), 186-247. There were, of course, other, longLove’, in Games and Sports (The Roots of Western Civilization, standing conventions of colour symbolism with which the au5; Danbury, Conn., 1993), 62-3.
thor of the Fawvel poem conversant.
would
have
undoubtedly
been
The World of the Courts
595
The arms attributed by the author to the members of the Virtues’ tournament team are also worthy of note. Among them Il en y avoit d’azurées Et fleurs de lis d’or ens semées, Autres de gueles a lions Rampans d’argent. . . (Langfors App., vv. 1089-92)
The bearers of the fleurdelisé arms may simply represent those defenders of France who strove to save it from the ravages of Fauvel and his mesnie. Among them may be the princes of the blood, entitled to bear the fleurs-de-lis coat. But the silver lions rampant on a red ground perhaps suggest the arms of the kingdom of Bohemia, held by Jean de Luxembourg from 1310 onwards.’ The princely alliances of the period may therefore repay study if some of the more puzzling aspects of the Fauvel manuscript’s provenance are to be resolved. Could there be an attempt to flatter a patron or patrons by the interpolator at this point, by depicting the Virtues bearing his, or their, arms? What do the Fauvel poem and fr. 146 have to tell us about the cultural dimension of the court at this time? The poem, drawing in part on Jean Maillart’s Roman du comte d ‘Anjou, contains
descriptions of Fauvel’s palace and wedding feast (vv. 1249-65, 1315-29). The place of luxury
fabrics, textiles, and furs in courtly display is, furthermore, emphasized by the description in Book II of Fauvel’s robes: Vestu de draps d’or richement Trestout de menu vair forrez (Langfors, vv. 1284-5)
and so on. The wall paintings of his palace included figures of monkeys and little foxes ‘disguised as boys’, we are told, and it was lined with best timber (fust Dislande: varnished in a brilliant yellow and other colours which almost blinded the spectator 40, 1370-82). The household accounts of Robert II and Mahaut ofArtois between 1328 show that elaborate painted panelling was installed in their palaces and castles
Ireland), (vv. 13331290 and of Hesdin
and Conflans, while Robert II had puppet monkeys, worked by servants pulling wires, mounted on the bridge which led over the marais at Hesdin to his pleasure pavilion in the
park there.’ The monkeys waved to guests as they approached and were, according to the accounts, in constant need of maintenance and repair.
But it is in the allusions to masks, disguises, and metamorphoses that the poem (and some of the musical pieces) brings us closest to the world of courtly entertainment and drama. Not '’ For anear-contemporary representation ofthe arms see the
® See Ann van Buren, ‘Le Chateau d’Hesdin: son plan et
Passionale of abbess Kunigunde (1313-21), fo. 1b (Prague, State
décoration artistique’, Bulletin de la Commission départementale
Library) and K. Stejskal, European Art in the Fourteenth Century
historique et archéologique du Pas-de-Calais, 11 (1985), 516-18; id.,
(London, 1978), 225. For the political role of the princes of the
“Reality and Romance in the Parc of Hesdin’, in Medieval Gar-
blood and greater magnates in France at this time see below,
dens (Dumbarton Oaks, 1986), 117-34.
ins, hy,
596
Malcolm Vale
only do masks and disguises erupt into the text and illustrations for the famous charivari episode (a prime source for a generation of anthropologically aware social historians, including Natalie Zemon Davis and Robert Muchembled),'° but the theme of deception and falsity permeates much of the work, in both the original version and its interpolations. In Book I, the author exclaims: Hé Diex! qu'il a de faus visages Par tout le reaume et |’empire. (Langfors, vv. 1051-2)
The fausseté of the world is exemplified by the faus visages worn both metaphorically and in reality by the inmates of courts and households. Nancy Regalado has drawn our attention to the idea that the participants depicted in full-page illustrations of the charivari are not in fact ghosts, demons, or Hellequin’s wild horde, but masked figures who act out the féte royale.'” She relates the lyrical music of the Lai des Hellequines to the interludes (entremets) of feasts or the faéries (theatrical performances) at great urban festivities.'» These were not necessarily processional performances in an urban setting, but (perhaps far more often) the stock-in-
trade of courtly drama, mumming, and disguising. The royal court of France is sadly deficient in evidence for this kind of activity at this period. Perhaps the image of Philip the Fair and his sons as mummers is a little hard to envisage, given Capetian sobriety and the pronounced sense of royal dignity and decorum which they appear to have inherited from Louis IX. That may have been one reason among many for the shock and outrage with which the alleged affairs of Philip’s daughters-in-law were greeted in 1314. The Capetian court appears relatively austere when set beside those of the Plantagenets or of the princes of France and the Low Countries. We lack detailed royal household accounts, however, for most of the
later Capetian period. Such as survive do not refer to Christmas and Epiphany games or other festivities apart from the Grant feste of 1313, when the king’s sons were knighted and an
Anglo-French reconciliation took place. To seek traces of court mummings and disguisings we must consult sources such as the thousands of documents (12,000 between 1302 and 1328 alone) contained in the archives of
the counts of Artois at Arras.’” From a slightly later period, the court of Edward III of England also provides readily comparable evidence, while there are references in the documentation of the Hainaut court to such activities from the beginning of the fourteenth century onwards.”” The Artois evidence also demonstrates the close connections between the 16
*
i
‘
For an early example see Natalie Zemon Davis, “The Reasons of Misrule’, in her Society and Culture in Early Modern
his Sons in Paris at Pentecost of 1313’, in Barbara A. Hanawalt
France (Stanford, 1975), 97-123 and, more recently, Robert Muchembled, Société et mentalités dans la France moderne, XVIXVIII’ siécle (Paris, 1990).
56-86 at 66-9.
See
Nancy Freeman
Regalado,
‘Masques
réels dans le
monde de l’imaginaire’, in M. C. Ollier (ed.), Masques et déguisements dans la littérature médiévale (Montreal and Paris, 1988), 125.
'* See Elizabeth A. R. Brown and Nancy Freeman Regalado, ‘La grant feste: Philip the Fair’s Celebration of the Knighting of
and Kathryn L. Reyerson (eds.), City and Spectacle in Medieval Europe (Medieval Studies at Minnesota, 6; Minneapolis, 1994),
"An analysis of this documentation will form part of the research project mentioned in n. 1. *” See Juliet Vale, Edward IIT and Chivalry: Chivalric Society and its Context, 1270-1350 (Woodbridge, 1981), ch. 3. The evi-
dence for Hainaut is found in the accounting material now at the Archives de Etat, Mons, which will be the subject of further work.
The World ofthe Courts
597
urban theatre of Arras and the court ofthe counts. In about 1306 or 1307, Mahaut ofArtois,
heiress of Robert II of Artois, killed in the carnage at Kortrijk in 1302, ordered a bourgeois of Arras, Baude de Croiselles, to provide both equipment and musicians for court festivities on St Bartholomew’s night (24 August). He had already been a notable supplier to the court
under her father. A band of ten “compagnons qui fisent le jeu des vielles’ were sent from Arras to Hesdin, paid and fed at the countess’s expense.”' The rest of the performers were members of the court, including the young Robert ofArtois for whom a monster fish (or whale) and a large serpent with three heads, out of which he burst, were provided. Part of the festivities took the form of games, including a mock tournament in which both knights and ladies
participated. At least some of these may have been on hobby-horses. The account lists purchases of wood and nails, with cloth coverings, and a horse’s head. Six knights took on six ladies, who instead of helms and crests wore ‘heads’ (testes). These were probably very like the mummers’ headdresses shown in the Bodleian Alexander romance (dated 1338-44) and corresponded to the ‘heads’ and viseres worn at Edward III of England’s Christmas and Epiphany games between 1347 and 1352.”
The appearance of faux visages (falsis visagis) for Edward’s jousts and tournaments in 1334, and the masks worn at the Cheapside tournament of 1331 (in the form of Tartars’ heads)
suggest that disguisings of the kind found (and perhaps even parodied) in the Fauvel illustrations were a common feature of courtly entertainments and entremets at this date, and
indeed earlier. Another, perhaps more sinister, use of faux visages was when members of the court went dicing, gaming, or conducting illicit affairs and rendezvous with courtesans and prostitutes. When faux visages are set in that context, the Ovidian world of metamorphosis
to which some parts of fr. 146 refer takes on a rather more earthy aspect. I hope to have suggested how the Fauvel poem and related pieces can be seen in the light of Enguerran de Marigny’s rise and fall within the setting of the court; and also how the world of the courts is both reflected in the poem and how it may have influenced its composition. There were many people in France between 1310 and 1320 who might have agreed with the
author’s sentiment that Hé las! France, com ta beauté Va au jour d’ui a grant ruine Par la mesnie fauveline (Langfors, vv. 3254-6)
Although many ofthe known contributors to the manuscript—Gervés du Bus, Jean Maillart,
and Philippe de Vitry—were closely associated with the royal chancery, some certainly had other connections. Maillart addressed his Roman du Comte d'Anjou to Pierre de Chambly, lord of Viarmes, who became chamberlain to Louis X after Marigny’s execution. Philippe de 21 For
this,
and
for
what
follows,
see
Archives
Départementales du Pas-de-Calais, A. 1015, fo. 16°. 2 For the Alexander romance, dated 1338-44, see Oxford,
Bodleian
Library, MS
Bodley 264, fo. 181°; for Edward
games, see Juliet Vale, Edward III and Chivalry, app. 10.
III's
598
Malcolm Vale
Vitry was in the service of Louis de Bourbon, count of Clermont (among others). Gerard de Montaigu, canon of Reims and Notre-Dame, owner of a Fauvel manuscript at his death in 1339, possessed liveries of furred Klas (librata integra panni cum forraturis) given him by the
houses of Navarre and Burgundy.” Louis de Navarre had been no friend of Marigny. He, with Charles of Valois, had opposed the allegedly treasonable and dishonourable agreement which Marigny negotiated with the Flemish at Marquette in September 1314."' We should not forget that the ‘great lords of the Council’, as J. R. Strayer called them, included territorial princes who had been alienated from Philip’s regime in the last year of his life. The noble leagues of 1314-15 were initially sparked off by the king’s refusal to suspend the war tax of 1314 after the Marquette
agreement.
But the demands
of the nobles
in Burgundy,
Champagne, Normandy, and north-east France—regions not traditionally disloyal to the Capetian monarchy—revealed a host of grievances consonant with many of the charges made in the works gathered together in the Fauvel manuscript.”’ Could such a volume really have had its origin in the royal chancery, and have found a home there? We have to ask who might have wanted such a compilation, and had the resources to sponsor it, given that it does not seem to be a chance compendium. If it did come out of a milieu that was conversant with the households of the great, well acquainted with chancery hand, Latin lyrics, musical notation, and both courtly and popular poetry and theatre, then the role of the princes and magnates in retaining royal servants by giving them fees, robes, and liveries as supernumerary members of their own households deserves further study. Given
that the Fauvel manuscript contains so much
direct and indirect satire on, and
criticism of, Philip IV’s government and that of his sons, a possible source might be a great lord of the council. Or, alternatively, in view of its Parisian focus and provenance, the possibility of some connection with one of the greater members of the Parisian haute bourgeoisie might be considered. There were some among them, such as the Coquatrix or the Marcel, who aided Marigny’s fall, partly as a result of grievances stemming from allegedly inadequate compensation for property purchases by him when the Palais on the Ile de la Cité and the Louvre were under construction.” The dislike found in many of the texts for lawyers (especially advocates) is striking, while the attacks on Flote, Marigny, and other advisers
would make sense in the context of 1314 and its aftermath. Strayer could observe, with some justification, that ‘no one ever spoke of the good times of Philip the Fair as they did of the good times of St Louis’.” Perhaps fr. 146 (and other copies of the Fawvel texts) contributed their share to public perceptions of reigns which, despite royal propaganda, had demon-
strated the weaknesses as well as the strengths of Capetian monarchy. ® AN, S 6458A, no. 8, m. 1.
*° Favier, Un conseiller, 196-7.
c Favier, Un conseiller, 193-5.
”” Strayer, Reign of Philip the Fair, 423.
ie aScculne Rs Strayer, The Reign of Philip the Fair (Princeton, 1980), 417-22.
26 Gerves du Bus, the Roman de Fauvel,
and the Politics of the Later Capetian Court Uae ANDREW
WATHEY
The Roman de Fauvel, if we are to believe the author of its second livre, Gervés du Bus, was completed in December 1314, apparently as an extended admonition to the French king.
Chaillou de Pesstain’s ‘edition’ of this text in BN, MS fr. 146, containing literary, musical, and pictorial ‘addicions’, now appears to have been completed during or shortly after the early months of1317, in the period following the coronation of Philip V (here styled as king) on 9 January. And as Edward Roesner and Elizabeth Brown have shown, the interpolated
Fauvel (and the book as a whole) may bear an intention similar to that of Gervés’s model text: it forms a gigantic admonitio warning against evil councillors, additionally embracing an elaborate satire on the disgraced chamberlain of Philip IV, Enguerran de Marigny, who was
hanged in 1315. It can also be seen as a response to the political crisis sparked by Philip V’s
accession. Louis X had died in July 1316, leaving a pregnant wife and a daughter of questionable paternity. Against some opposition, Louis’s brother, Philip, count of Poitiers, claimed the regency, and then, after the death of the infant John I in November, the crown.’ The
weakness of the succession and of Philip’s title, and the danger of counter-claim to which the French realm was thereby exposed, give the admonitory messages of fr. 146 a deeper importance. Its warnings were real, whether directed inwards as a homily to the king or outwards as the visible trapping of kingship, a fitting ornament to a title that was intended to appear legitimate. For some time it has been clear that the project embodied in fr. 146 had its origins at, or very close to, the centre of royal institutions of government, and that the physical substance An earlier version of this paper was read at the Annual Meeting of the American Musicological Society, Montreal, 5 November 1993. I am grateful to Elizabeth Brown, Jean Dunbabin, and Elisabeth Lalou for their help and advice on numerous points. Archival work in Paris upon which this study is in part based was generously supported by a grant from the British Academy, and by Royal Holloway College, University of London. " See e.g. Roesner et al, 48-9. > For narratives of the succession crisis see Andrew
Lewis,
Royal Succession in Capetian France: Studies on Familial Order
and the State (Cambridge, Mass., 1981), 149-54, 187-92; Paul Lehugeur, Histoire de Philippe le Long, roi de France (1316-1322), 2 vols. (1899-1931), i. 79-92; Giovanni Tabacco, La casa di
Francia nell’azione politica di Papa Giovanni XXII (Studi storici, 1-4; Rome, 1953), 85-107; Jules Petit, Charles de Valois (12701325) (Paris, 1900), 166-96; Elizabeth A. R. Brown, “The Cer-
emonial of Royal Succession in Capetian France: The Double Funeral of Louis X’, Traditio, 34 (1978) = The Monarchy of Capetian France and Royal Ceremonial (Aldershot, 1991), no. VII,
alga
600
Andrew Wathey
of the manuscript originated in Paris.’ A known Parisian artist executed the book’s illuminations; scribes practised in the script of the French chancery wrote most of the text of the interpolated Roman; and a number of the interpolated passages also make explicit an intimate connection with—and knowledge of—the city of Paris. The likely instigators of this project, however,
as distinct from its authors or copyists, have received little attention:
neither
Langlois nor Langfors looked far beyond the individuals cited in the text of the interpolated Roman—Gerves du Bus and Chaillou de Pesstain—and their example was willingly followed by Schrade.* Yet the choice of Marigny as an explicit target of the Fauvel allegories in itself provides a clear pointer—together with his execration in the Chronique métrique—to the group of princes and other nobles who in 1315 were responsible for the chamberlain’s impeachment, trial, and execution. Led by Charles de Valois, the senior royal uncle, they included the new king’s brother, Philip of Poitiers, the king’s second cousin, Louis de
Bourbon, and his uncle the Count of Evreux, as well as Charles de Valois’s father-in-law, the Count of Saint-Pol, and his own chamberlain, Etienne de Mornay.’ Moreover, a high degree
of continuity exists between this group and the cliques of nobles located at the core of Philip V’s ‘Great Council’ (or ‘Estroit Conseil’), the body whose very business was the provision of political guidance to the king (see Appendix). Despite the divisions that surfaced in the wake of Philip V’s accession, these nobles and their officials were very frequently about
the sovereign. They were also well connected with the royal bureaucracy, both through its function as a secretariat for the great offices of state, and by their own practice of retaining royal officials, particularly those of the chancery and Parlement. This pluralistic element in the relationships between nobles and the crown and its servants is important. As Malcolm
Vale and others have pointed out, neither the loyalties of this latter group, nor the courts of the princes themselves, existed in isolation.® In what follows, I wish to explore some of the
linkages between those (especially Gervés du Bus) serving the crown and a grouping of nobles associated with Charles de Valois, and the content and genesis of fr. 146. I wish then to speculate briefly on the consequences of this grouping’s activities and political agendas for our readings of parts of the interpolated version of Fauvel.
The construction of an anti-Marigny polemic, as well as that of the legal case by which Philip IV’s chamberlain was condemned, now appears to have been almost exclusively the work of Charles, his allies among the French princes, and their supporters. The two other literary products (alongside Fauvel) in which Marigny is implicitly or explicitly vilified can be connected with this group. As long ago as 1900, Jules Petit drew attention to the repeated and insistent appellation “Monsieur’/“Monseigneur’ which the author of the Chronique métrique i Roesner et al. 48.
See Charles-Victor Langlois, La Vie en France au moyen age de la fin du XII au milieu du XIV" siécle dapres des romans mondains du temps, 2 vols. (Paris, 1924-5), il. 279-84; Gaston Paris, ‘Le Roman de Fauvel, Histoire littéraire de la France, 32
(1898), 108-53; Langfors, pp. Ixxi—Ixxvii; Schrade, Fauvel,Commentary volume, 19-25.
> See Jean Favier, Un conseiller de Philippe le Bel: Enguerran de
Marigny (Mémoires et documents publiés par la Société de Ecole des Chartes, 16; Paris, 1963), 200-25. This point has now also been addressed, from another perspective, in Jean-Claude |Miihlethaler, Fauvel au pouvoir: lire la satire médiévale (Nouvelle
Bibliotheque du Moyen Age, 26; Paris, 1994), 398. ® Malcolm Vale, above, Ch. 25.
Gerves du Bus, Fauvel, and Politics
601
in fr. 146 uniquely bestows on Charles de Valois, and to the relative affection with which he treats the count’s military exploits.’ The creation of the Dis du seigneur de Marigny, the most explicitly anti-Marigny piece to survive, may now be similarly located within the immediate sphere of Valois influence.” Its author, Jean de Condé, appears in the employ of Charles’s daughter, Jeanne, Countess of Hainaut, beginning in 1325/6, the year of her father’s death;
it is not impossible, moreover, that he may be the clerk of the same name in Charles’s household, who notarized his letters and acted as an executor of his will in 1325, or at least that
the poet’s presence at the Hainaut court was underwritten by a family connection with the Condés in the count’s service.’ This is important, not least because several of Condé’s other
poems on contemporary political subjects take up themes and imagery that are pursued in the ‘political’ texts set in the Fauvel motets. Most notable are the poem on the death of the Emperor Henry VII, De lipocrisie des jacobins (also the subject of the Fauvel motet Scariotis geniturel]ure quod/Superne matris), the Dis du Kocand Dis du Lyon (paralleling the beast-fable
material in Garrit gallus/In nova fert/Neuma), the admonitory pieces Du torche and Du prince qui croit bordeurs, both of which warn the king against the seductive voices of evil councillors,
and the poem Je me suis longuement teiis, lamenting “Que nus miert ja més bien venus | S’il ne set Fauvain estriller’.'” A further Valois client can be identified in the anti-Marigny motet Detractor est! Qui secuntur! Verbum iniquum. Almost certainly the ‘Pinquegni’ named by this text was intended to be Regnaut de Picquigny, Vidame of Amiens, who with his brothers Gérard and Ferri, a knight in the service of the count of Saint-Pol, was mentioned by the author of the Chronique métrique as one of Marigny’s persecutors.'' This isolated citation of ” Petit, Charlesde Valois, 139, 173, 224 ff., 345; Diverrés 94-6, 98, 100, 103, 174, 183, 221, 225. I am very grateful to Jean Dunbabin for allowing me to see in draft form her own contribution to this volume (Ch. 10), which also deals with this subject. * Lis Prisons d'Amour, dits et contes de Baudouin de Condé et son fils Jean de Condé, ed. Auguste Scheler, 3 vols. (Brussels, 1866-
by Huon de Méry, the model for the tournament in the interpolated Fauvel, see Ribard, Un ménestrel, 378-9. A copy of Huon’s work was among the books of Louis X at his death, passing first to his confessor Wibert and then to Queen Clémence; it may have been among the goods for which Jean Billouart, royal argentier and a senior official of Charles de Valois, was responsible (see Rouen, Bibliotheque Municipale, MS Leber 5780, vol. 9,
7), iii. 267-76; see also Roesner et al. 20-1.
fos. 55'-56'; Léopold Delisle, Le Cabinet des manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Impériale, vol. i (Paris, 1868), 12).
> For the statement that the poet was employed as a minstrel “see Jacques Ribard, Un ménestrel du XIV’ siécle: Jean de Condé (Publications
Romanes
et
Frangaises,
104;
Geneva,
'! Diverrés 225, v. 7132; see also Jules Viard (ed.), Les Grandes
1969);
Chroniques de France, 10 vols. (Société de |Histoire de France;
Dictionnaire des lettres francaises: le Moyen Age, ed. Genevieve Hasenohr and Michel Zink (Paris, 1992), 762-4. The documentation ofhis period ofservice there, between 1325/6 and 1336, does
Paris, 1920-53), vil. 304-5, and Favier, Un conseiller, 192. The
not, however, describe him in this way; see the documents cited in Ribard, Un ménestrel, 73-8, 81. See Petit, Charles de Valois, 72, 85, 195, 254, 316 for the Jean de Condé who served the count, inter
alia as ‘enquéteur’ in the Bailliage of Caux, where a large part of Marigny’s estates were located, as his treasurer in Italy, and as an official in his Chambre des Comptes. For Valois’s will, see AN,J
164, no. 54; J 404, no. 20; P 1370', no. 1876 (cf. n. 35 below).
'° For these items see Jean de Condé, Opera, i: I manoscritti ditalia,
ed. Simonetta
Mazzoni
Peruzzi,
2 vols. (Accademia
toscana di scienze e lettere ‘La Colombaria’, Studi, 94; Florence, 1990), 75-96; Scheler, Dits et contes, iii. 181-8, 57-62, 289-98, 285-7; Auguste Scheler (ed.), Trouveres belges du XII" au XIV siecle, 2 vols. (Brussels, 1876-9), ii. 156-61 (p. 156, Il. ro-11 for
quotation). For Jean de Conde’s use of the Tourneiment Antcrist
Chronographia, a source
not favourable to Charles de Valois,
reported later in 1315 that Renaud, Ferri, and Gérard had joined
in the leadership of the Artois leagues against Mahaut, countess of Artois, granddaughter of Robert I, count ofArtois, brother of Louis IX (Henri Moranvillé (ed.), Chronographia regum francorum, 3 vols. (Société de |Histoire de France; Paris, 1891-7),
i. 222-3). For these members of the Picquigny family see also F. Irénée Darsy, Picquigny et ses seigneurs, Vidames d'Amiens (Abbeville, 1860), 36-43; Suzanne Honoré-Duvergé, “Des partisans de Charles le Mauvais: les Piquigny’, BEC 107 (1947-8), 8292; Andri Duchesne, Histoire de la maison de Chastillon sur Marne, 2 vols. (Paris, 1721), i. 315-16. For Ferri de Picquigny’s
rehabilitation after 1329 under Philip VI, see Jules Viard, Documents parisiens du regne de Philippe VI de Valois (1328-1350), 2 vols. (Paris, 1899-1900), i. 142. For the purpose of the motet see Roesner et al. 20-1.
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Andrew Wathey
a minor (though celebrated) member of the Valois affinity may in itself be indicative of the motet’s origins. And, conversely, the fact of Picquigny’s political allegiance helps to confirm the status of this piece as an attack on Marigny (rather than a critique of the Templars, as Langfors thought). In addition Jehan Haniére, the prosecuting lawyer at Marigny’s trial and another Valois adherent, receives an indirect reference through the quotation of the text for his speech to the Paris Parlement in the plainsong Non nobis domine juxtaposed with Garrit Gallus at the end of the Roman."* Finally, a weaker and more distant, though not implausible,
connection with Valois circles emerges from the fragmentary Dijon manuscript of the ‘original’ Roman, which was apparently copied over a period of time (and thus perhaps from a readily available exemplar) in the Paris house of the bishop of Amiens.” This bishop was Jean Cherchemont, whose uncle of the same name was the chancellor first of Charles de Valois and later of Philip V and Charles IV. More significant is the connection that can be established between this group of nobles, at the nerve-centre of Philip V’s council, and Gervés du Bus. It is widely known that du Bus was
employed in the French royal chancery from 1313, and that he served as a so-called notaire in the period during which fr. 146 was copied.'* But the 160 or so letters that du Bus notarized between 1315 and 1319 locate his activities much closer to the political centre than this broad
definition of royal notary would suggest.’” An almost exclusive association emerges between du Bus and two royal councillors: Michel de Maucondit, canon of Rouen, and Philippe Le Convers, alias de Villepreaux, a godson and special favourite of Philip IV who in 1317 was
appointed treasurer of Reims. In effect, Gervés was the private secretary of these two men: he travelled with the royal household during their tours of duty at court, frequently notarizing letters in the presence of the king; he worked in Paris when they were charged with business in the chancery or Parlement, and he was intimately attached to the business of the special commissions to which his immediate masters were appointed.'° In the Ordinance of July 1316
the Roman de Fauvel, JAMS 47 (1994), 203-43 at 239; Petit, Charles de Valois, 150-1, 284, 343, 346.
des Historiens de la France: Documents Financiers, 8; Paris, 1994), 865. For his later career, see Ernest Sanders, ‘Roman de Fauvel’, New Grove, vi. 430; Andrew Wathey, “The Marriage of
'S See Henri Omont, ‘Notice sur quelques feuillets retrouvés d'un manuscrit frangais de la Bibliothéque de Dijon’, Romania,
JAMS 45 (1992), 1-29 at 7-11. See also Elisabeth Lalou, above, Ch.
34 (1905), 364-74; Charles Samaran and Robert Marichal, Cata-
14, and Arlette Higounet-Nadal, ‘Le Journal des dépenses d’un
logue des manuscrits en écriture latine portant des indications de
notaire de Périgueux en mission a Paris (janvier—septembre 1337)’, Annales du Midi, 76 (1964), 379-402 at 388.
' Susan Rankin, ‘The Divine Truth of Scripture: Chant in
date, de lieu ou de copiste (Paris, 1959— ), vi. 199, and pls. lviii and Ix. “ Gerves is first recorded as a notarius, with Jean Maillart,
Edward III and the Transmission of French Motets to England’,
For acts notarized by Gervés du Bus during these years see Robert Fawtier and Jean Guerout (eds.), Registres du Trésor des
Jehan de Templo, Jacobus de Tassenis, and Guy de Livry, in an
Chartes IT: regnes des fils de Philippe le Bel: inventaire analytique
account of the royal household for 1 Jan.—r1 June 1313, now lost,
(AN: Inventaires et Documents;
from which extracts were printed in Johann Peter von Ludewig, Reliquiae manuscriptorum omnis aevi diplomatum ac monumen-
Léon Perrichet, La Grande Chancellerie de France des origines a 1328 (Paris, 1912), 540. For surviving acts see below, nn. 16 and 27; AD Calvados, H7756 (Paris, Mar. 1318; ‘Per dominum regem ad relacionem domini M. de Maucondit et Ph. Conversi’?) and AN, K4o, no. 24 (Bois-de-Vincennes, Nov. 1318; ‘Per dominum regem’). See also Georges Tessier, “L’Enregistrement a la Chancellerie royale francaise’, Le Moyen Age, 62 (1956), 39-62.
torum, xii (Halle, 1731), 28-47 (also in BN fr. 7855, p. 89); other
extracts from this account, omitting any mention of Gervés, are printed from the transcripts in Rouen, Bibliothéque Municipale,
MS Leber 5780 (Menant IV), fo. 58, in Robert Fawtier, Comptes royaux (1285-1314), 3 vols. (RHF: Documents Financiers, 3; Paris,
1953-6), ii. 559-62 (and see also iii, pp. cix—cx); see also Elisabeth Lalou, Les Comptes sur tablettes de cire de la chambre aux deniers de Philippe III Le Hardi et de Philippe IV Le Bel (1282-1309) (Recueil
Paris, 1966— ), vol. i, passim;
'° For example, Gervés’s involvement in Philippe Le Convers’s royal forest business in Normandy; see Rouen, Bibliotheque Municipale, MS Y. 29, No. 19 (Paris, 4 Oct. 1317).
Gerves du Bus, Fauvel, and Politics
603
Maucondit was described as one of the ‘clers suivans’, that is a clerk of the ‘Estroit Conseil’, of which he was the most senior non-noble member. Both he and Le Convers also held office in two parallel court institutions: the court of Requétes de l’Hétel, where they sat as judges in civil causes (as the forerunners of the Maitres des Requétes), and the so-called ‘Secret’, a small
secretariat developed to deal with the king’s political and diplomatic business and to correspond with the chancery, where they worked alongside the king’s personal secretary.'” Through his immediate masters, therefore, Gervés du Bus enjoyed access to the three key institutions at the heart of the court, and no doubt also enjoyed a working knowledge of the ideologies and passions ruling its political business. This was, in short, an exceptional position, shared by at most five or six of the forty or so royal notaries. And, significantly, another who may have been close to the production of fr. 146, Jean Maillart, was employed in the same capacity. As a series of payments made to the royal notaries at the beginning of Philip V’s reign makes clear, Maillart was present in the royal household alongside Gervés du Bus almost continually from July to December 1316. His own Roman du comte d’Anjou was
of course completed in this year, and shortly afterwards quoted in the interpolated Fauvel,'* From the end of Philip IV’s reign onwards, the careers of Michel de Maucondit and Philippe Le Convers, both of whom like du Bus were Normans, stood at the centre of the administrative business of the royal court.'” Maucondit had been a lawyer at Orléans in the early years of the century, where he was closely associated with Etienne de Mornay, pleading the university's case at Avignon in 1307 and again in 1312. In the following year he emerged
as a prominent member of the royal council, and he remained a member of this body into the reign of Charles IV, after refusing the see of Pamplona in 1318.” From 1315 onwards he
worked closely with Philippe Le Convers on a variety of special commissions and other high-level administrative tasks. In some of these, for example the commission to grant ‘affranchisements’ in the bailliage of Vermandois, Gervés du Bus also became involved.” Philippe Le Convers first appears receiving a pension from Philip IV in 1285, when he was
also given 40 /.p. by the king to buy ‘books of law’; from c.1300 he took a major responsibility for the royal forests, and from c.1305 he appears to have been a close associate of the king’s secretary, Jean Maillart. His service was richly rewarded by Philip IV (who made him his executor) with gifts of lands; he aquired substantial estates in Normandy, as well as a house in Paris, valued at 1,000 /p., that was appropriated by Marigny in 1313 for the building 7 On the ‘Estroit Conseil’, or Great Council see Jules Viard and Aline Vallée (eds.), Registres du Trésor des Chartes III: regne de Philippe de Valois: Inventaire analytique, 3 vols. (AN: Inventaires et Documents; Paris, 1978-84), iii. 517, 545-52. See also André
Pegues, The Lawyers of the Last Capetians (Princeton, 1962), 75, 122, 129-40, 197-203; Jules Viard, Les Journaux du trésor de Charles IV le Bel (Paris, 1917), 270-1; Guillois, Recherches sur les —Maitres des Requétes de l’Hotel, 31, 219-21, 234-5.
Guillois, Recherches sur les Maitres des Requétes de |'Hotel des
* In May 1326 he was granted an amortisement of 50 L.p. of
origines a 1350 (Paris, 1909), 44, 49. "S See Perrichet, La Grande Chancellerie de France, 554. The
rent to found a chapelry in the church at Plailly (AN, JJ 64, fo. 127° (no. 229); Asniéres-sur-Seine, ‘ad relationem Ph. de Messia.
notary Chalop, on whom below, was by contrast absent from the
—_G. de Rivo’), and another in November of that year to found a
court throughout this period. For another but thinly reasoned
mass for the king at Rouen, Nov. 1326 (JJ 64, fo. 167° (no. 333) ).
view of the attribution of the Roman du comte d’Anjou, see Roger _ For Guillaume de Ry, see below, nn. 28-9. *! Fawtier and Guerout, Registres, i. 71-2 (no. 307), 730 (no. Dragonetti, ‘Qui est l’auteur du Comte d’Anjou?’, Médiévales, 11
(1986), 85-99. " For the careers of these two clerks, see especially Franklin J.
3497).
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Andrew Wathey
programme under way at the royal palace.** Unmarked by the trials of 1315, Le Convers rose to a position of greater prominence under Philip V, serving the king as a key policy-maker and briefly as chancellor to Queen Jeanne in 1318. In the following year Philip V granted him permission to found a hospital in return for the great services that he had performed on behalf of the royal family and in view of ‘the immense clemency and great goodness which was mercifully accorded him by our dearest lord and father, who received him from the baptismal font, named him with his name, and saw that he received gentle training’. It is not impossible that this may help to explain his anti-Marigny stance after Philip IV’s death. Gervés du Bus’s relationship with Michel de Maucondit is fully documented throughout the crisis over the succession of 1316-17. But it is also clear that their association was in place
before this date, and that it extended beyond the sphere of royal business. Both held canonries at Senlis, both were regularly involved in correspondence with Avignon over benefices, and both took a close interest in the affairs of the Collegiate Church of NotreDame at Les Andelys, where Gervés had been a canon since 1313 at the latest.” This was probably the most cherished of Gervés’s ecclesiastical positions, and from the 1320s to 1340s he made it the focus of his own patronage (partly obtained through royal service), endowing a mass at the high altar and two chapels with a series of small properties near the town.” With Maucondit’s assistance, his brother Jean du Bus (alias Le Grant) was presented to a canonry
there in 1320.”° Maucondit also emerges as an important channel for the royal patronage that Gervés received after 1313, securing for him land grants in proximity to his own. He also made sure that his client was the preferred candidate for the archdeaconry of Pont—Audemer (in the diocese of Lisieux) when he gave up this position in the early 1320s: here, in effect, he
appointed his own successor. This was a two-way relationship and on a number of occasions Gervés acted on his immediate master’s behalf, for example in assisting with the drafting of royal charters in favour of the churches where Maucondit was beneficed. A classic demonstration of this—and of the way in which networks of association could function for mutual advantage and as channels of patronage—is provided by a letter of February 1317 in favour of * For Le Convers’s estates see Pegues, The Lawyers of the Last Capetians, 132-4, 136-9. In July 1316 he was given lands at Léry by Philippe of Poitiers, for the ‘grant honeurs qe notre tres noble et tres excellent seigneur le roy Philippe dont dieux ait lame avoit faiz audit Philippe’ (Paris, AN, J192, no. 59; Jts7, no. 1). For a
foundation endowed in 1312 by Le Convers at the Abbey of
Gervés’s canonry, see Regestum Clementis Papae V ex vaticanis archetypis, 8 vols. (Rome, 1885-1957), viii. 181 (no. 9294). * For Gervés’s endowment at the high altar of a ‘messe de nostre dame a note’, which he augmented in 1343, see Evreux, AD Eure, G 206 (11 June 1343); for the two chapels see Rouen, AD Seine-Maritime, G 1772 (2 Mar. 1333 (n.s.)), which bears a
Saint-Ouen, Rouen, which later became an object of Charles de Valois’s devotion, see Rouen, AD Seine-Maritime, 14 H 331. ce Pegues, ibid. 139, translating from JJ 59, fo. 178" (no. 339);
damaged impression of Gervés’s personal seal; see also AN, JJ 62,
Fawtier and Guerout, Registres, i. 612 (no. 3060), subscribed ‘Per
dominum regem qui vult quod sigilletur, non expectato Consilio
licences and grants made to Gervés between Feb. 1332 and Dec. 1338: Viard and Vallée, Registres, i. 198, 214, 368, li. 69 (nos. 1555,
mensis. Barrier’.
1681, 2762, 3602).
fo. 68 (no. 118), a grant in favour of Gervés of 15 I.p. of rent for
the foundation of a chapelry (Reuilly, Mar. 1324). For other
* Gervés was a canon of the cathedral at Senlis by u Sept.
*© Mollat, Jean XXII (1316-1334): lettres communes, iii. 80 (no.
1316 (Guillaume Mollat (ed.), Jean XXII (1316-1334): lettres com-
10828), 9 Jan. 1320; letters executory were sent to Michel de
munes analysées d apres les registres dits d'Avignon et du Vatican, 16 vols. (Bibliotheque des Ecoles Frangaises d’Athénes et de Rome, du Bus and Maucondit are linked (usually as recipients of letters
Maucondit, Guillaume de Ry, and the Abbot of the Holy Trinity, Rouen. This Jean may be identifiable with the Johannes de Bosco described as ‘olim capellano nostro’ in the will of Wast de Villers, Bishop of Senlis, drawn up on 15 Dec. 1335 (Beauvais, AD
executory for benefices) see i. 96 (no. 965), ii. 112 (no. 6739). For
Oise, G 2116).
3 sér.; Paris, 1904-47), 1. 96 (no. 965). For papal letters in which
Gerves du Bus, Fauvel, and Politics
605
the collegiate church of Saint-Frambourg, Senlis.”” In this instance a royal letter was issued on behalf of the foundation where Maucondit was treasurer; the privilege that it embodies was authorized by Maucondit’s close colleague Le Convers; and the text of the letter was notarized by his private secretary (see Fig. 26.1), who in conjunction with another royal notary, ‘Parquerius’, collated it with the official chancery copy. Gervés’s relationship with Maucondit and Philippe Le Convers may also have served to promote the interests of his own close associates among the royal notaries, notably the Normans Regnaut Parquier and Guillaume de Ry (de Rivo).** Frequently named with du Bus in royal and papal documents, they too had begun their careers closely associated with Marigny, in this case while in the service of the crown, and had likewise severed their links and found new supporters after the chamberlain’s demise. The connections within this group of notaries, nourished by the opportunities to serve one another’s immediate masters, persisted well into the 1320s.””
Both Michel de Maucondit and Gervés du Bus entered the employ of the crown in 1313, and in view of the rapidity with which their working relationship was cemented, it is not impossible that Maucondit had a hand in recruiting Gervés. More important is that Maucondit’s own entrée to royal service seems to have been secured through established connections with the placemen of Charles de Valois: he emerges as the close associate of a group of senior lawyers owing their advancement to the count, most notably Jehan Cherchemont, Charles’s chancellor, and Etienne de Mornay, his chamberlain.*° When these men were appointed to the royal household, Maucondit shared in their good fortune, securing for himself not only a seat at the council table, but also an influential voice among the count’s supporters. As Maucondit’s agent and private secretary, with an intimate view of the heart beating at the centre of the French state, therefore, Gervés du Bus emerges as a plausible collaborator in any anti-Marigny project, and this at almost any time after his appointment as a royal notary in 1313.
So far as the origins of fr. 146 are concerned, two important possibilities arise. First that the end (at least) of Gervés’s Book II, already critical of Marigny’s misdemeanours, was just such a project, quite directly inspired through Michel de Maucondit by the interest group *” Beauvais, AD Oise, G 7635, no. 2; see also Fawtier and Guerout, Registres, 1. 93, no. 404. *S For Ry and Parquier, and their links with Gervés du Bus,
see Favier, Un conseiller, 22, 30, 84, 93, 150; Mollat, Jean XXII (1316-1334): lettres communes, il. 112; Ili. 13, 50 (nos. 6739, 10420, 10828); Robert-Henri Bautier, “Le Personnel de la chancellerie royale sous les derniers capétiens’, in Frangoise Autrand (ed.),
Prosopographie et genese de |Etat moderne. Actes de la Table Ronde organisée par le C.N.R.S. et VE.N.S.J.F. Paris 1984 (Collection de PE.N.S.J.E., 30; Paris, 1986), 95-6, 103, 105; Lalou, above, Ch. 14. For their connections with Marigny, see also Favier, Cartulaire et actes d Enguerran de Marigny (Paris, 1965), nos. 18, 33, 45, 52s 54, 122; PRO, SC1/34/22 (Arras, 8 July 1314; subscribed ‘per
dominum Marrigniaci. G. de Rivo’). Other royal letters notarized jointly by Parquier and Gervés du Bus in 1317 are Fawtier and Guerout, Registres, i. 93, no. 405, with the same subscription as no. 404; 101, no. 444, Per dominum Regem.
Gervasius. Parquerius scripsit. Solvit Ix s.’; 103, no. 452 “Per
dominum
Regem. Gervasius. Parquerius scripsit. Collatio fit.
Solvit Ix s.’. For what follows see also Mollat, Jean XXII (13161334): lettres communes, iii. 15, 80 (nos. 10420, 10438, 10828). The
village at Ry, from which Guillaume may have originated, was until 1315 part of the estate of Enguerran de Marigny; it was also the site of Gervés du Bus’s first rectory, which he already held in 1312, acquired no doubt through Marigny’s patronage (Regestum Clementis Papae V, vii. 48 (no. 7795) ). It may later have fallen
under the control of Charles de Valois; see the bequests to the hospital there made by Eudes de Mareuil, a canon of Senlis and client of Charles de Valois, who also received bequests in Eudes’s will (Beauvais, AD Oise, G 692, no. 1; 23 Oct. 1321).
* Guillaume de Ry and Gervés du Bus also undertook together a mission to Creil in 1322 (Lalou, above, Ch. 14). Pegues, The Lawyers of the Last Capetians, 197-203.
606
Andrew Wathey
es
Siig. Feo:
? P — as
ee
oO . ernaf . £7
stelleF
Fic. 26.1. Beauvais, Archives Départementales de I’Oise, G 7635, no. 2 (detail). Royal
letter patent (Paris, February 1317) confirming a grant made by Louis VII to the Collegiate Church of Saint-Frambourg, Senlis, of which Michel Maucondit was Treasurer. The letter was authorized
by Philippe Le Convers and notarized by Gervés du Bus (‘Per dominum Regem ad relacionem domini Philippi Conversi. Gervasius’). With another notary, ‘Parquerius’, du Bus collated the letter with other copies that were made of the letter, and possibly also with the Chancery’s registered copy (now in Paris, AN, JJ 53). This figure illustrates the notarial subscription to the letter, in the hand of Gervés du Bus. (Photo: Archives Départementales de l’Oise)
surrounding Charles de Valois. This possibility is present whether Book II was genuinely completed on the eve of Marigny’s disgrace in 1314, or whether it was finished later and ‘backdated’ for the sake of a telling reference to the chamberlain’s downfall. Second, that the continuity, through 1317 and beyond, of Gervés’s connection with Maucondit (and thus with
the Count of Valois) may have underwritten his continued involvement in the interpolated Roman, in assisting with the revision of his own admonitory polemic. Proximity with the royal notary Chalop, if indeed he was Chaillou de Pesstain, may have aided this process.*! Indeed, Gervés’s position and his presence in the milieu where fr. 146 was assembled make it difficult to see how he could have been prevented from knowing of the manuscript or of the project that it contains. There is one further client of this group of nobles supporting Philip V and associated with the count of Valois who deserves mention in the context of the genesis of fr. 146: Philippe de Vitry. By 1321 at the latest, Vitry appears among the clerks of Louis de Bourbon, Count of Clermont, who had been a council member since 1314 and who was one of the principal
beneficiaries of Marigny’s downfall.’ Although Vitry is customarily cast as a royal clerk * On the proposed identification see Lalou, above, Ch. 14. * For this and what follows see Andrew Wathey, ‘European Politics and Musical Culture at the Court of Cyprus’, in Ludwig
Musicological Congress 20-25 March, 1992 (Musicological Studies and Documents, 45; Neuhausen, 1995), 33-54 at 40-4. For Louis de Bourbon and Marigny, see Favier, Un conseiller, 174, 206, 219,
Finscher and Ursula Giinther (eds.), The Cypriot-French Reper-
220; Jean Louis Alphonse Huillard-Bréholles, Titres de la maison
tory of the Manuscript, TorinoJ.I. 9: Report of the International
ducale de Bourbon (Paris, 1867-82), 243 (no. 1409).
Gerves du Bus, Fauvel, and Politics
607
during this period, newly available archival evidence makes clear that, at least until the early 1340s, his primary loyalties were to Louis, who in 1327 was created duke of Bourbon. Vitry served as his representative at Avignon in 1327, as a witness to several of his charters, and as
the principal clerical executor of his will in 1342. He also acted as his ‘attorney’ in the French chancery, where, despite receiving a fee from the crown, Vitry was principally active on the duke’s own business. Vitry’s early ecclesiastical career was advanced entirely through Louis’s patronage, beginning in January 1321 with a papal provision arranged on his behalf to a benefice at Saint-Géry, Cambrai.’ But already he held a minor benefice in the Bourbon family church at Clermont-en-Beauvaisis: this was a junior position and may pre-date by some years the more prestigious placements in cathedral chapters that were sought on his behalf in the early 1320s. The possibility exists, therefore, that Vitry was already in Bourbon service in the preceding decade. Louis took control of his father’s estates in 1315, and it was
then that the majority of his domestic and administrative servants were recruited: for several of those who (like Vitry) sought service with Louis during Philip V’s reign, this seems to have
been the commencement of a lifelong attachment.” If, by 1317, Vitry was already attached to Louis’s administration, it follows that he too may be locatable at the political centre, and thus plausibly with access to the tight-knit circles within which fr. 146 was compiled. Louis proved a close supporter of Philip V in the early months of 1317. The Marigny affair and Louis’s growing obsession with fulfilling his 1313
crusade vows gave him common cause with his cousin Charles de Valois. Bourbon—Valois relations were firmly cemented by the marriage contracted in 1318 between Louis’s eldest son Pierre and Charles’s daughter Isabella. Louis also shared connections with some of Charles’s supporters and clients in the royal administration, including Philippe Le Convers.” The further possibility of Vitry’s direct involvement in fr. 146 remains at present an open question, although links such as these may encourage the view that he at least enjoyed contact with those responsible for the project. But two further points are worth making here. First, the growing view that the most recent topical motets of Fauvel were written with fr. 146 in
mind may strengthen the argument for a single hand behind some of these pieces. Second (and independent of the number of composers involved), Vitry’s authorship might offer at least a plausible channel of transmission into the Ars nova treatise, where his ‘teachings’ were represented, even if the Fauvel motets’ citation there is itself inadequate as evidence for attribution. .
e
36
To locate the production of fr. 146 within a circle of royal councillors led by Charles de Valois raises a number of questions about the way in which the admonitions and allegories of the % Mollat, Jean XXII (1316-1334): lettres communes, iii. 235 (no. 12862); iv. 140 (no. 15927). * Dictionnaire de biographie francaise (Paris, 1933— ),
Tuileries (2nd edn., Paris, 1887), 14, 33, and preceding plate.
» A partial copy of Le Convers’s will survives in the Bourbon archive, alongside Charles de Valois’s own will and various docu-
et des comtes de Forez, 4 vols. in 3 (Paris, 1868), ili/2, 157-9. For
ments regulating the partition of Valois estates; see HuillardBréholles, Titres de la maison ducale de Bourbon, 316 (no. 1829),
the Bourbon
234 (no. 1352), 298 (no. 1734).
vili. 1493; Jean-Marie La Mure, Histoire des ducs de Bourbon residence in Paris, of which the first part was
bought in 1303, and which abutted that of Enguerran de Marigny, see Adolphe Berty and Lazare-Maurice Tisserand,
** On presence of Vitry’s work in the Ars nova treatise, see Sarah Fuller, ‘A Phantom Treatise of the Fourteenth Century:
Topographie historique de vieux Paris I: région du Louvre et des
The Ars nova’, Journal of Musicology, 4 (1985-6), 23-50.
608
Andrew Wathey
interpolated Fauvel functioned, in terms not merely of this group’s past preoccupation with Marigny, but also of its more pressing political agendas and phobias. For Philip V's council in late 1316 and early 1317, Marigny represented a former, if powerful, threat to the integrity of the crown and the French state, and is stylized in Fauvel as a suitable historical lesson in the dangers of an over-mighty subject. But there were also more current menaces, stemming in part from the weakness of the French succession, which by 1317 the example of Marigny,
as framed in the allegories of the interpolated Fauvel, might have served to evoke. Among
those who openly resisted Philip’s accession, three stand out.” First, Charles de la Marche, Philip IV’s youngest son, who had stormed out of Reims ‘indignatus’ on the eve of the
coronation on 9 January 1317; he continued to oppose his brother openly until March of that year, and then sporadically, after he was acknowledged as heir to the throne in the event that Philip should die without a son. Second, Eudes, duke of Burgundy, who took the part of his dispossessed niece Jeanne, daughter of Louis X, settling with Philip only after the other princes in March 1318 in exchange for a revised marriage contract with Philip's daughter, continued control over his niece, and her betrothal to the eldest son of the count of Evreux. Jeanne herself maintained a lifelong interest in the events of 1316, and in this context it may
not be coincidental that one of the lawyers she retained, Gérard de Montaigu, possessed a copy of a ‘Romancius de fauvello cum pluribus parvis romanciis’ at his death in 1339.”° Finally, Edward II, King of England, a peer of France in his own right and Philip V’s most powerful neighbour, also opposed Philip. His wife Isabella, the daughter of Philip IV, held a significant stake in the French crown, which although not directly shared by Edward would certainly be transmitted to their son. By March 1317 this prince, the future Edward III, was
Philip IV’s only surviving male grandchild. The threats posed by Edward II and his heirs were clearly recognized by contemporaries and to some extent were consummated at the end of 1316 in a scheme to divide the French
realm.”’ Charles de la Marche had already demanded his share of the additions made by his ancestors to the ancient royal demain, and now Edward was encouraged by the rebels in Artois to think in similar terms. To Philip would go the county of Poitiers and the ‘droit corps’ of the kingdom, including Paris; the other princes would receive their appanages. Edward’s share would be Normandy, lost to his Capetian forebears in 1204, and the sovereign 7 For what
follows,
see
Lewis,
Royal Succession,
187-92;
Lehugeur, Philippe V, 79-105.
* For Jeanne’s continuing attempts to redress the loss she had suffered in 1316, see Philippe Charon, ‘Les Domaines de la
maison d’Evreux—Navarre en Normandie, 1298-1385’, 3 vols. (thése, Ecole Nationale des Chartes; Paris, 1990), ii. 466; Beatrice
Leroy, ‘A propos de la succession de 1328 en Navarre’, Annales du
is fr. 146 on the grounds that no other known copy of the Roman de Fauvel includes other items. For Gerard as avocatin the service of Jeanne (while Queen of Navarre), where he is documented between 1329 and 1343, see Pau, AD Pyrénées-Atlantiques, E 519, m. 3; BN, MS Clairambault 833, fos. 1105’—1155'; BN, MS n.a.fr. 9175, fos. 637-644".
Midi, 82 (1970), 137-46. For the copy of the Roman de Fauvel, see
* For this see Pierre Chaplais, ‘Un message de Jean de Fiennes a Edouard II et le projet de démembrement du royaume
AN, S 6458, no. 1, an inventory of the goods of Gerard de Montaigu, canon of Reims and Paris ‘in domo sua quam
de France (janvier 1317)’, Revue du Nord, 43 (1961), 145-8 = Essays in Medieval Diplomacy and Administration (London, 1981), part
inhabitabat in magno vico sancte Genovefe Parisius . . .’, 6 Dec.
X; note also that, in a letter to John Sandale, Bishop of Winchester, of 11 Dec. 1316, Edward was still styling Philip as ‘notre chier
1339; see also Anne Terroine and Lucie Fossier, Chartes et documents de labbaye de Saint-Magloire, vol. iti (Documents, Etudes et Répertoires: IRHT; Paris, 1976), 87-94. Mary and Richard
Rouse, 1993 Lyell lectures (Oxford, forthcoming) claim that this
frere le Counte de Poyters, Governour des Roiaumes de France et de Navarre’ (PRO, SC1/35/161).
Gerves du Bus, Fauvel, and Politics
609
tenure of the duchy of Gascony, ceded by the Treaty of Paris in 1259. In the end this scheme came to nothing; since it is heard of mainly from English sources it is doubtful whether the support of the French princes was ever enlisted. On the English side of this scheme, or what this was taken to be, two points, however, stand out. First, that it excluded Charles de Valois, as a collateral claimant whose own son (the future Philip VI) was further from the crown than
Isabella's, and who among the French princes stood to lose most from the confinement of the succession within the direct line of descent from Philip IV. Second that it operated in the context of Charles’s hostility to England and its kings. This was periodically displayed earlier in the decade and after 1317 became increasingly transparent and influential in French policy. His was the responsibility for the squabbles over Edward’s homage in 1319, and, above all, for pushing Charles IV into war with England in 1324.”
For the French king, as the recipient of the admonition in fr. 146, Fauvel might perhaps stand for any of those who opposed him. But it is also clear that from Charles de Valois’s viewpoint there were additional risks to the integrity of the crown in the new influence wielded at court by Louis, count of Evreux. Long acknowledged as the senior of the two royal uncles, Charles had been lavishly preferred by Philip IV over their half-brother, whose
relative impoverishment had been allowed to persist throughout the reign of Louis X. This was one of the reasons why Louis d’Evreux so readily endorsed Philip of Poitiers’s regency against the competing claims of Charles de Valois in June 1316, and his continued support
was richly rewarded when Philip claimed the throne.*' After some initial hesitation, Charles too supported Philip’s kingship, and was the only male peer present at the coronation in January 1317 (the only other peer to attend was Mahaut, countess of Artois).*7 What has sometimes been viewed as his equivocation in the months following the coronation, however,
can perhaps better be explained in terms of his attempts to temper the influence at court of the other princes, in particular Louis d’Evreux. Charles’s continued pursuit of a marriage treaty with the rebel Louis de Nevers in early 1317 was in part a ploy to sideline his halfbrother, by displacing a similar agreement projected between Evreux and Nevers since 1308. At Philip V’s request, Pope John XXII formally discouraged the marriage; compliance enabled Charles to extract from Philip a number of concessions, including a pardon for Louis de Nevers, to whom the count of Evreux was by now implacably opposed. Similarly, the conflict in the summer of 1317 over the confiscation of Nevers’s estates by Henri de Sully—
they were clients respectively of Charles de Valois and Louis d’Evreux—also reflects on the two royal uncles’ struggle for pre-eminence behind the throne.’ This struggle undoubtedly figured among the ‘great troubles’ about which John XXII wrote to the French king in August 1317, and its periodic resolutions (notably in June and September of that year) “° Petit, Charles de Valois, 207-15; Malcolm Vale, The Angevin Legacy and the Hundred Years War, 1250-1340 (Oxford, 1990),
de Valois, 174; Auguste Coulon and Suzanne Clemencet (eds.), Lettres secretes et curtales relatives a la France, 3 vols. (1906-72), 1.
227-30.
23-4, 43 (nos. 174, 349-51).
“| See Lewis, Royal Succession, 187-8; Brown, “The Ceremo-
nial of Royal Succession in Capetian France’, 235; Tabacco, La casa di Francia, 85-95.
© For Charles’s presence at the coronation see Petit, Charles
” Petit, Charles de Valois, 176-7. “Tabacco, La casa di Francia, 90-6; Coulon and Clemencet, Lettres secretes et curiales relatives a la France, i. 28, 49 (nos. 211212, 394). See also Petit, Charles de Valois, 177.
610
Andrew Wathey
prompted papal congratulations on the restoration of harmony within the French royal family.” In this context, the allegory of Marigny’s tyranny and fall in the interpolated Roman acquires new significance. For those in the Valois camp, Marigny could be seen not only as
a past enemy despatched, but also as a warning against a new usurper keen to monopolize the king’s ear. After Louis X’s death, Louis d’Evreux challenged Valois’s own expectations as senior royal mentor, victimized Valois clients, and made attempts to obtain special favours for his own offspring. For a suitably partisan reader, his rise to prominence might well invite
parallels with the case of Fauvel. So too might memories of the rumour that Louis’s mother, Queen Marie of Brabant, intended to obtain for him the throne by poisoning his halfbrothers Philip and Charles invite comparison with Fauvel’s own suspect birth.” In this light, almost any of the motets’ numerous imprecations against usurpers and false councillors might bring to mind Charles’s half-brother. References to vain self-seeking counsellors, to
bland flatterers ‘who have always served lies’ (Detractor est/Qui secunturl Verbum iniquum), and to representatives of ‘the tribe which did not shrink from ascending indecently’ could be understood in this way; so too the advice to ‘let a certain man who might perhaps
fall... know also what an outcome it would be to fall to the depth’ (7ribum que non abhorruitl Quoniam secta latronum|Merito).”” In this sense, Valois’s other enemies were also implicated: if for a contemporary audience the choice of Marigny as the primary subject of the Fauvel allegories could point to a Valois interest behind fr. 146, and identify his disfavour towards opponents close at hand, it could also bring to mind the count’s more distant enemies. There is, moreover, some evidence to
suggest that the French princes’ mistrust of Edward II was picked up in the allegories of fr. 146. As a threat to the realm and its ruling dynasty, at one time highly favoured by Philip IV, Edward might have been generally seen to parallel Fauvel. As Elizabeth Brown and Nancy Regalado point out, there are hints at this linkage in the charivari accompanying Fauvel’s wedding feast, for which the Grant feste held in June 1313 to mark the knighting of Philip IV’s
sons and the assumption of the cross is widely recognized as the model.** Fauvel, on the morning of his wedding feast, overslept. Similarly, the author of the Chronique métrique in fr. 146 makes Edward and Isabella oversleep on the morning of the ceremony at which the wives of the royal princes took the Cross.” This explicit parallel, drawn between the two most substantial texts in the manuscript, provides a pointer to other linkages between Fauvel and ® Coulon and Clemencet, ibid. i. 44, 57, 67 (nos. 358, 488, 617).
“On which see Elizabeth A. R. Brown and Nancy Freeman Regalado, ‘La grant feste: Philip the Fair’s Celebration of the
*° Lewis, Royal Succession, 187-8.
Knighting ofhis Sons in Paris at Pentecost of 1313’, in Barbara A.
“” Schrade, Fauvel, 16-17, 54-6 (nos. 9, 27). For this motet,
Hanawalt and Kathryn L. Reyerson (eds.), City and Spectacle
for new evidence for its attribution to Vitry, and for further, and hithereto unrecognized, links with Garrit galluslIn nova fertl Neuma, see Andrew Wathey, ‘Myth and Mythography in the Motets of Philippe de Vitry, Musica e storia, 6 (1998) (forthcoming).
in
Medieval
Europe
(Medieval
Studies
at
Minnesota,
6;
Minneapolis, 1994), 56-86 at 60, 64; see also Regalado, above, Chao: 4 ys 4 “ Diverrés 187.
Gerves du Bus, Fauvel, and Politics
611
Edward II (and possibly a catalyst in the minds of contemporaries). Fauvel was féted at the court of the French king, against the judgement of reason, occupying a key position in the King’s affections. Similarly, it is known that Edward received extraordinary favours from Philip IV during the Grant feste: at the knighting ceremony itself, Edward was accorded parity of standing with Louis of Navarre, Philip’s eldest son (and the future Louis X), helping his father-in-law and brother-in-law to knight the remaining 200 present. He also received lavish bequests of armour in Philip’s will.” In addition, Edward, like Fauvel, possessed a court of his own, vice-ridden and hostile to French vital interests.’ Another parallel, also picked up by the Chronique métrique, may emerge from the Antichrist episode at the end of Book II of the Roman, in which the offspring of Fauvel and Vain Glory return to pollute the fair land of France, and in which Fauvel is made into the harbinger of the Antichrist. Present in the original version, this episode is further developed through textual and musical interpolations in fr. 146, as an allegory of dynastic upheaval and of the potential threat to the succession.” The offspring of Edward II, at least from a Francocentric point of view, clearly would destroy the Capetian realm if they were to inherit it. And this takes on added significance set against a passage concerning the Antichrist in the Chronique métrique. Two clerks visiting Paris foretell the end of the world, reporting that the Antichrist is already born. This tale is prominently placed under the year 1312, which was also marked by the birth of Edward’s eldest son.” A broad series of allusions to the difficulties surrounding the succession can also be read into the texts of some of the musical interpolations in fr. 146. Pieces in praise of the royal line and of descent from St Louis (including Servant regem/O PhilippelRex regum and Se cuers ioans|Rex beatus/Ave), in themselves miniature admonitions, make explicit the benefits of—
and dangers threatening—a stable Capetian kingship.” Viewed against the very real threats posed to the succession in 1316-17, their classic bad-counsellor and usurper themes may well
have acquired a wider resonance. Comments such as ‘woe to those who fail the flock at the moment of storm’ (Ve gui gregi in Quasi non ministerium|Trahunt in precipicial Ve qui gregi!
Displicebat) may be read in this light. So too may phrases in the text of the motet at the heart of the Antichrist episode, Garrit gallus/In nova _fertlNeuma: ‘the fox behaves like a monarch with the lion’s consent’, or ‘the family of Jacob is put to flight by another Pharaoh’. The Marigny motets remain in inspiration satires on the deposed chamberlain. Nonetheless, the allegorical gestures of these texts also make a contribution to the task of admonition: Marigny is made into an exemplum, and the past that these texts recount is not merely chronicle but also a source of lessons about current and future ills.
© Brown and Regalado, ‘La grant feste, 57-72; AN, J403, no. 18. *' But on Edward’s relationship with Piers Gaveston see most
recently Pierre Chaplais, Piers Gaveston: Edward II's Adoptive Brother (Oxford, 1994).
ae Langfors 115-18, 189-95. ‘i Diverrés 177. ” For these and the following motets see Schrade, Fauvel, 16-
21, 26-8, 68-70 (nos. 9, I, 15, 33).
612
Andrew Wathey APPENDIX.
Members of the Royal Commission to Investigate the Financial Administration of Enguerran de Marigny, at 24 January 1315, and of the Estroit Conseil, July 1316 Royal Commission 75°, no.
of 24 January 1315 (AN, JJ 50, fo.
115; see Favier,
Enguerran
de Marigny,
206)
Philippe, comte de Poitiers Charles, comte de Valois Louis, comte d’Evreux Gui de Chatillon, comte de St-Pol
Louis de Clermont, seigneur de Bourbonnais Gaucher de Chatillon, comte de Porcien, connétable de France
Miles, sire de Noyers Guillaume d’Harcourt
Etienne de Mornay, chancelier du roi Mathieu de Trie, chambellan du roi Jean de Grez, maréchal de France
Harpin d’Arquery Jean de Marigny, évéque de Beauvais
Pierre de Latilly Jean Dammartin Regnaut Barbou Geoffroy Cocatrix
Maitres des Comptes
The ‘Estroit Conseil’, July 1316
(AN, JJ 57, fos. 40°41’) Charles, comte de Valois Louis, comte d’Evreux Charles, comte de la Marche Robert d’Artois, comte de Beaumont-le-Roger Louis de Clermont, seigneur de Bourbonnais
Jean de Clermont, seigneur de Charolais Amadeus V, comte de Savoie Jean II, Dauphin de Viennois Robert, comte de Boulogne Jean I, comte de Forez Gaucher de Chatillon, comte de Porcien, connétable de France
Jean de Beaumont, maréchal de France Jean de Grez, maréchal de France
Le Chancelier [Messire Pierre de Arrablay] Gui, comte de St-Pol, bouteiller de France
Raoul Herpin, panetier de France
Gerves du Bus, Fauvel, and Politics
Guillaume d'Harcourt, seigneur de la Sauchoye, queux de France Le sire de Fontenay
Béraut, sire de Mercoeil, connétable de Champagne Anseau de Joinville, sire de Reynel Miles, sire de Noyers Henry, sire de Sully, souverain de la Chambre des Comptes Gilles Aycelin de Montaigu, archevéque de Rouen Mestre Michel Mauconduit | Clers Mestre Pierre Bertran
suivans
613
» Mypal eae hi atl gay, wi
rT J cl
Funnier ao,
|
7
-
Si
(bb
our
@ =
A further distinction may be drawn here, in that the six
conducttis on fos. 6'-8' (p.mus. 19, 20, 23-6), unlike those pre-
ceding them in the MS, have undergone hardly any musical
—_modifications and contain no additions specific to Fauvel.
618
Lorenz Welker
That six conductiis in all received a new setting for inclusion in the Roman has led to the supposition that the reviser worked from more than one source, of which at least one was a pure text-manuscript.” However, this theory is not compelling: it can be shown that the
scribe started out from a notated source even when he inserted a conductus in a new version. A look at the way in which the newly composed monophonic Falvelle qui iam moreris (p.mus. 69; see Fig. 27.1), a reworking of Philip the Chancellor's Homo qui semper morerts in the form of a ballade, is written in fo. 29“° yields a revealing detail. In entering the text, the scribe left an unusually wide gap between the first two syllables, ‘Fal-vel(-le)’, even though the new version of the conductus did not need so much space, since there is no extended melisma
over the first syllable to require it. But such a melisma is found in the F version. In view of the dependence of the other conductus settings in fr. 146 on those in F, this is an indication
that the scribe, when entering the text, still had in his hands a setting that at least closely resembled that in F. On that basis, the decision to set the conductus afresh may not have been taken till the last minute.’ In any case, the observation supports the suggestion that the reviser of the conductis worked from only one source.° Although the earlier polyphonic settings were ignored in the interpolations, in the course of inserting the poems in the Roman the reviser produced polyphonic settings of his own for four of them: Mundus a mundicia (p.mus. 2; Philip the Chancellor) Quare fremuerunt (p.mus. 3) Thalamus puerpere!Quomodo cantabimus|| Tenor] (p.mus. 78; Philip the Chancellor) Scrutator alme cordium|{ Tenor] (p.mus. 125).
The four settings differ from one another on the one hand in form and genre, on the other in their rhythmical and compositional organization. The differences are so clearly marked that I shall assume the reviser to have sought a wholly individual compositional solution for each of the four texts. According to the choice of criteria the settings may be classified on different levels. Stylistic and compositional criteria lead us to categorize two of them as conductiis and two as motets: Mundus a mundicia and Quare fremuerunt, with their note-against-note setting and capacity for simultaneous declamation of the text, are in conductus style; Scrutator alme cordium and Thalamus puerpere, with their independent voice-parts and a text-setting that follows the rhythm of the upper voice(s), are in motet style, Talamus puerpere being at the same time distinguished by its three voices from the other settings, which have only two. Rhythmical differentiation and text-declamation yield a second classification. In Mundus a mundicia the breve is divided only into two semibreves, in Thalamus puerpere and Scrutator alme cordium into three at the most; in all three cases the breve receives only one syllable and Cf. Roesner et al. 25. or Evidence for recasting at short notice is also afforded by Hew quo progreditur (p.mus. 6, fo. 2“), whose text was clearly copied
labic setting without initial melisma; only after the text had been copied did the reviser decide to insert, not an extended melisma as in F, but at least a short one.
on the basis of a far longer closing melisma on ‘spiritus alme’, ° That in no way excludes the possibility that this copy transand Clavus pungens (p.mus. 15, fo. 15"), in which the beginning of _ mitted earlier versions than those available in F; see Roesner, __ibid., and Morin, ‘Genesis’, 184-93. part 2, ‘O manuum confixio’, was probably copied from a syl-
Polyphonic Reworkings of Conductiis
619
iis aclyouscE:gneDone? BL. o BR Ot que Pao’
_ famouse te me Soumare apt vee
Fig. 27.1. Fr. 146, fo. 29° (Photo: BN)
the (perfect) long two or three. The greatest differentiation of rhythm appears in Quare fremuerunt, where the breve is divided into a maximum of five semibreves and receives a maximum of four syllables; the long receives a maximum of six. The division of the breve into
five semibreves confers on this piece a rhythmical differentiation otherwise presented in fr. 146 only by the triplum of the motet Servant regem/O PhilippelRex regum (p.mus. 33). However, the motet triplum shows the breve not only divided into five semibreves but also
receiving five syllables, which is not the case in Quare fremuerunt.’ On a third and last level is the choice of preferred intervals, which leads to a qualitative
shift in regard to the ordering of consonance. Here Scrutator alme cordium and Quare ” Because of the difference in declamatory speed, in Mundus a mundicia and the excerpts from Favellandi vicium and Thalamus puerpere the perfect long is represented in the music
examples by a dotted crotchet, but in Quare fremuerunt by a dotted minim.
620
Lorenz Welker
fremuerunt exhibit an unambiguous preference for perfect consonances (fifths and octaves);
Mundus a mundicia, especially when compared with the earlier setting in F, displays a shift in favour of imperfect consonances; but Thalamus puerpere presents what for the source's date and probable place of origin is an unusual accumulation of imperfect consonances in the form of extended parallel thirds—especially in the tenor—duplum duet. The four polyphonic settings of conductus texts are not grouped together in fr. 146: two (Mundus a mundicia and Quare fremuerunt) are copied on the very first page of the text (fo. 1°), whereas the other two appear only towards the end of Book II (fos. 32’, 43"). In this
contribution I shall discuss only the two pieces on the first page, investigating details of composition, notation, and text-underlay and questions of compositional process. I shall
come back to the other two conductus revisions elsewhere.
(i) Mundus a mundicia The two-part composition in fr. 146 is notated with the bottom voice of the three-voice
setting in F at the start of fo. 1. A second—new—voice is copied out after it and marked ‘Tenor’. Only the first voice is texted. Mundus a mundicia is the only one of the four pieces that takes over a voice from the setting in F (though it is extended by an extra section of twelve longs, corresponding to three additional lines of text relating to the Roman).
In Ex. 27.1 the two-voice setting in fr. 146 is correlated with the duplum from F,° demonstrating that the new ‘tenor’ and the duplum in F show melodic parallels, for example
in the setting of v. 3 (bb. 5-6). Leo Schrade drew attention to these parallels, supposing the
reviser to have used material from the polyphonic setting in F: ‘the T of Fauv is actually composed of material taken from the Du of the conductus.” His arguments have recently been adopted by Joseph Morin, and taken to mean ‘that the scribe chose to abandon preexisting voices in favor of newly composed material’.'° But despite Schrade’s reasoning, the
assumption that the reviser of fr. 146 had the polyphonic setting of F in front of him and had recourse to it for his new composition is not at all compelling. Rather, the parallel passages
may be explained without difficulty by the reviser’s consistent use of contrary motion as his guiding principle of composition, which also accounts for the differences from the setting in F. Furthermore, the more restricted range, compared with F, of the new tenor leads to differences where there is contrary motion in both: in setting v. 5 (b. 8) the duplum in F
begins at the upper octave, the tenor in fr. 146 at the upper fifth. The narrowing of the range may also be a reason for the greater frequency of imperfect consonances in the new version; however, knowledge of Thalamus puerpere invites the additional conjecture that the reviser of fr. 146 accorded more importance to imperfect consonances, and especially the third. * In contrast to Leo Schrade’s edition (Fauvel, 3, no. 2) the
fact that the ‘tenor’ is not a lower voice in the strict sense, and to
‘tenor’ of the version in fr. 146 is here written above the voice _ facilitate comparison with the duplum in F, notated first; in turn, the duplum of F is given above it. This
” PMEC, Commentary Notes to Volume I (Monaco, 1956), 58.
arrangement of the voices is intended both to do justice to the
"Morin, ‘Genesis’, 347-9 at 349.
Polyphonic Reworkings of Conductis Ex. 27.1. Mundus a mundicia, fr. 146, fo. 1°, with duplum of vers
2
—
1 F, fo. 240” (stave1)
— —_ ===
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621
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== SS det
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622
Lorenz Welker
The ambitus of the two voices in Mundus a mundicia is roughly the same: fg’ in the first voice, f-e’ in the second, the so-called “Tenor’. Despite this designation in the manuscript the second voice is not a tenor either in the sense of a lower voice or in that of a cantus prius factus. For the greater part of the piece—thirty-seven breves—including the final cadence, it lies above the first voice; only in thirty-four breves is it below, and in twenty the two voices are in unison. Therefore, the piece cannot be adduced as an early example of a compositional strategy ‘from the top downwards’, as Edward Roesner proposed.'' On the contrary, in all respects Mundus a mundicia follows the compositional method of the polyphonic conductus.” The relative frequency of imperfect intervals, however, suggests that it is a late
example of the style and genre, and the virtual restriction already noted to composition by contrary motion shows that the reviser was satisfied in this piece with a purely technical reworking of the pre-existing material. This classification appears to be contradicted by the fact that the piece is copied into fr. 146 with separated voices and listed in the index under the heading ‘motez a tenures sanz treble’. But the small available space is in itself a sufficient reason for the manner of copying: the texted upper voice takes up six staves, the untexted tenor only a little over a line. Score notation, in twelve staves, would have occupied nearly the whole column (fourteen staves deep).'° But the change in the manner of notation for a polyphonic conductus from score with texting of the lower voice to the copying of individual voices with texting of only the first is no evidence for a change in the manner of performance.’
(ii) Quare fremuerunt The second setting of a conductus text in fr. 146, Quare fremuerunt, follows immediately on Mundus a mundicia, also in fo. 1°, and the layout matches that of the preceding piece.
However, the reviser has not directly adopted any of the three voices in F’s setting for his own; as will be shown, he has composed a new two-voice work, subjecting the bottom voice
of the F version to a complex reworking and exploiting other, pre-existing musical material. "" Roesner e¢ al. 23: ‘This is an example of composition from the top downwards, a mode of procedure generally considered uncharacteristic of the early motet’. Cf. too Morin, who, taking Roesner’s view further, treats Mundus a mundicia and Quare
found even in the polyphonic Notre-Dame conductus repertory. '’ The assumption that the score notation otherwise normal for the polyphonic conductus had already gone out of fashion is contradicted even by the notation of Jehannot de Lescurel’s
fremuerunt in a chapter entitled “The Emergence of Accompa-
Douce dame debonaire, fo. 57’.
nied Song’ (‘Genesis’, 315-81). The assumption of a clear separation between upper and lower voice is also reflected in Schrade’s
‘ The assumption that a text cannot be underlaid beneath an untexted additional voice largely notated in ligatures to save space is particularly absurd for the homorhythmic conductus, since the underlay need only follow the texted voice. However, the new manner of notation no longer makes the manner of performance immediately apparent. I have referred to this change from notation that reflects performance to notation that does not and the implications for the interpretation of vocal notation in the course of the 14th c. in my dissertation, Studien zur musikalischen Auffiihrungspraxis in der Zeit der Renaissance
edition: although both voices move in the same ambitus, ‘upper voice’ has been notated with a transposing treble clef, ‘tenor’ with a bass clef. " The insertion ofa note in the newly composed voice at transition from the fourth rhythmic and melodic section to
the the the the
fifth (b. 7) made Friedrich Ludwig unwilling to call the setting in fr. 146 conductus-like: Repertorium organorum recentioris
et motetorum vetustissimi stilt. Band I; Catalogue raisonné der Quellen. Abt. 1: Hss. in Quadratnotation (Halle, 1910), 100. But comparable bridges between sections are constantly
(Phil. Diss., Basle, 1992; Munich, 1992), 145-53.
Polyphonic Reworkings of Conductis
623
This runs counter to the conviction expressed by Friedrich Ludwig and most of his successors that no agreements can be demonstrated between the two-voice setting in fr. 146
and the three-voice setting in F.'" Only Leo Schrade derived the beginning of the new setting from F, specifically from the duplum and tenor of the cauda.'° Indeed the passage adduced by Schrade ofters some parallels with the start of the setting in fr. 146, but as Morin
demonstrates, ‘the brevity of the alleged quotation and the weak melodic parallels make the relationship suspect’. While the parallels with the cauda may also be explained by the use of common melodic formulae characteristic of aD-mode for both pieces, the entire first section of the tenor in F shows similarities in the general course of the melody, in individual musical phrases and gestures, and in part even in the text underlay; only because of the complex reworking already noted, the resemblances are not as obvious as in Mundus a mundicia. \t further becomes apparent that phrases from the tenor in F first return in the lower voice of the new setting, then in the upper. However, by hypothetically reconstructing the revision step by step we may account for the transformation of the model into the setting of fr. 146 (see Ex. 27.2)."° The observable correspondences in section 1 (= wv. 1-2) between the tenor in F and the second voice in fr. 146 are: (i) the melodic movement of both voices from a to d within authentic Dorian; (ii) the last five notes, identical in both voices;
(ii) similar musical gestures with the repeated two-note figures a—gin fr. 146 and a—f in F. The parallels in the second section (= vv. 3-4) between the tenor in F and the first voice in fr. 146 are: (i) the scalar motion from d to a in both voices, and with the same text, ‘non viderunt mon|{-stra]’; (ii) the melodic line, which in both voices ascends to 4, (in fr. 146 peaking on c’); (iii) the closing formula in both voices with a turning figure, albeit a tone higher in fr. 146
than in F. The observation that phrases derived from the tenor in F appear first in the lower voice and
then in the upper may be explained by the voice disposition and construction of the twovoice setting: within these two sections the voices each move within the ambitus of a seventh,
but at the distance of a third: the first voice between dand c’, the second between B, and a. Since the ambitus of the second voice is in general lower than that of the first, it also takes
on the function of a lower voice, in contrast to Mundus a mundicia; voice-crossing is admitted
only by way of exception, in breves 6-8 of the first section, and at the third breve of the Cf. Ludwig, Roesner et al. 24.
Repertorium,
i/t. 99,
and
most
recently
16 Commentary Notes, 59-60. Cf. too the discussion in Morin,
‘Genesis’, 35072. '7 ‘Genesis’, 351-2.
'* The transcription largely follows Hans Tischler, “The TwoPart Motets of the Roman de Fauvel:
A Document ofTransition’,
Music Review, 42 (1981), 1-8. This also applies to the plica,
ignored by Schrade, on the first long in the ‘tenor’ and obvious scribal error in that voice at the beginning of part 2: progression e~f-e-din the MS on the syllable ‘[et] que [sibi]’ been emended in accordance with the parallel passage on syllable “Hec [inquam]’.
the the has the
Lorenz Welker
624
Exoo ye: pried alr fr. 146, fo. 1°: parallels between setting of vv. 1-4 (part A) and tenor ofversion in F, fo. 244” (stave 3)
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second. As a result of the functional division between the two voices, in the last cadence of both sections the lower voice has the finalis ¢, the higher voice the upper fifth a. Since in the tenor segment from F the first melodic section ends on d, the second on a, the reviser assigned the melodic material of the model first to the lower, then to the higher voice.
The note-against-note setting in general shows strict contrary motion, but the detailed organization of each section takes place on two different levels. In the first section the common departure note ais also at first—as far as the plicated breve—the axis of the contrary motion; from then until the closing d—a the axis is a third lower, on f The opening phrase
of the second section too is organized around this ff after that the axis is lowered by a semitone to ¢. For the setting of v. 4, including the close, the axis reappears at ffexcept for
a brief rise to gon the syllables ‘[mon-]stra tot’. By comparing the organization of the new setting with the texting of the model we find that the change of axis in both sections (from
a to f in the first, from e to fin the second) coincides with the beginning of a new verse in F; see Ex. 27.3, in which the first stave shows the tenor in F, the systems beneath it
the intermediate stages, I and I, in a hypothetical process of revision, the bottom system the version in fr. 146. In stage I and the final version the central stave shows the axis. Starting from the above considerations, and in particular the observation that contrary motion is the reviser’s guiding principle of composition, we may derive a hypothetical
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sequence of individual steps by which he may have proceeded from the tenor in F to the version in fr. 146.
I assume that the composer first drafted a simple two-voice setting for both sections, using the tenor in F, such as (i) to lead from a unison (on aor é) to the fifth d—a, (ii) to operate strict contrary motion, and (iii) to show change of sonority and axis after vv. 1 and 3 (Ex. 27.3, I).
Even this hypothetical ‘rough draft’ shows significant parallels with the setting in fr. 146; in particular, the axes of the final version are already here.
The next step (Ex. 27.3, II) was to exchange the g—6} and fc simultaneities in bar 2 (no.
1 in the example) and reverse the distribution between the voices of the notes e and g (end of bar 2, no. 2), then to insert the e-gsimultaneity between the d-a simultaneity and the unison fin bar 3 (no. 3). All these changes may be explained by a desire on the reviser’s part to narrow the differences between successive intervals. This would also account for the interchange between the e-e and d—f simultaneities in bar 5 (no. 4). On the other hand the replacement of the seventh c—O, by the two simultaneities c—c and e}—} suggests that here the
aim was to avoid the dissonance (no. 5). In consequence the d—a simultaneity was delayed and made part of the transposed closing formula. Once again, the basic principle by which this hypothetical intermediate form was transformed into the final was one of smoothing the course of the melody, especially the upper voice. The result of the revision is that except in one place the upper voice moves only stepwise. The exception is the leap of a fourth from c’ to gon the syllable ‘[mon-]stra’.
Perhaps the reviser wished here to give additional emphasis to the peak on c’. At the same time in the lower voice a third is filled in by the @. Next, the reviser underlaid this two-voice setting of vv. 1-4 with wv. 5-8, merely changing
the closing notes so as to lead to a new final cadence c—g. Thus the first eight verses of the text are arranged into two Stollen (as one would say in medieval German metrics) of four lines each, with different endings; that is, they follow an ouwvert-clos scheme. However, the formal
structure of the setting is negated by both the rhyme-sequence and the rhythmic pattern of vv. 1-8: the first four verses rhyme abab, the next four abba, and the verses with the a-rhyme (on -erunt) have alternating accents (‘Quare frémuérunt’, ‘Quia nén vidérunt’, ‘néque dudiérunt’, ‘prélia que gérunt’), while those with the -rhyme (on -/2) are in dactylic rhythm
(‘géntes et pdpuli’, ‘monstra tot dculi’, ‘in orbe séculi’, ‘réges et réguli’). The decision to divide the first part of the text into two musically analogous Stollen was therefore taken without regard to the structure of the text. We are thus led to the formal conception that the reviser, in his technical treatment of the pre-existing materials, was concerned not only with economy of means (the almost exclusive employment of contrary motion), but also with economy of material (in the repeated use of a phrase once devised). This does not mean that the form so created has no further implications. The second, shorter part of the text comprises wv. 9-10, the original ending, and wv. 11-12, newly composed with reference to Fauvel. For this B part of the setting in fr. 146 there are no parallels with the F version; but here too the composer started out from a pre-existing melody (another pointer to economy of material), whose identification is assisted above all by
Polyphonic Reworkings of Conductis
627
the falling fifth dg on ‘sibi’ (v. 9) and again on ‘inquam’ (v. 11). The drop of a fifth stands
out very clearly after the small steps in the melody of the A part, but it is also emphasized by the fact that on both occasions it is not coupled with the rising fifth g-d' to be expected by contrary motion, but leads to the unison g-g. It is precisely this falling fifth that is the key to identifying the model: it points to a piece of music familiar at least to every cleric, the Marian antiphon Salve regina. Ex. 27.4 shows that indeed the entire B part of Quare fremuerunt is a paraphrase of the repeated first phrase of the Salve regina. One reason for the choice of model may be that rhe composer wished to exploit the salutation to the Queen of Heaven as a play on the reference to “reges’ and ‘reguli’ in the conductus text. For the moment, however, the question must be left open.
Ex. 27.4.
Quare fremuerunt, B part: paraphrase of Salve regina (stave 3)
Si
-
bi
-
ve
-
quam,
nt
Res
=
-
et
fe-runt
-
12. Fauvel
10. Re-ges_
~
=
et
=
et
re - gu-
=!
Fal - vu
With the transition from the A part to the B certain parameters of the setting change. True, the ambitus of a seventh is retained initially, in the first section of the B part, and here the range of the first voice, fe’, is a third above that of the second, d-c’, but both verses have been raised by a third. And the final section, which sets the new verses 11 and 12, ‘Hec inquam
inferunt | Fauvel et Falvuli’, not only extends the range of the lower voice upwards by a tone (to a’), but unlike all other sections of the setting leads the second voice, in the final cadence
Lorenz Welker
628
g-d', to the upper fifth d’, while the first voice takes over the finalis g (see Ex. 27.5). The two
sections of the B part are preceded by the octave d-d' on the word ‘et’; like the word, this simultaneity may also be understood as a kind of conjunction linking the B part to the A, not least in mediating the cg cadence of the A part to the prevailing g-d’ sonority of the B part,
first heard on the second syllable, “que’. Ex. 27.5. Quare fremuerunt, B part: ouvert—clos distinction
Serre sree Socreric
Serer SES pS RG ali -
11.Hec
bi que
in - quam,in
-
-
-
runt
fe-runt 12. Fauvel
10. re - ges et
et
Fal-vu
-
re-gu - li.
li.
In contrast to the reworking of the A part the setting of the B part can be derived more or less directly from the pre-existing melody. The departures from the model (see Ex. 27.4) mainly consist in elaborations of the individual notes, a procedure already embarked on in the second section of the A part. The ‘decorated’ version of the model appears in the upper voice, except for the closing phrase of the first section (on ‘reges et regu[-li]’). The momentary
appearance here of the antiphon melody in the second voice may be explained, as in the A part, by the additional function of this voice as a lower voice and its adoption in the cadence of the finalis; this cadence is not derived from the antiphon, but results from continuing the contrary motion about the same axis a. This principle of assigning each voice a distinct role as upper or lower voice, which applies to all the sections so far examined, is abandoned in the very last section. In the closing verse
‘Fauvel et Falvuli’ the second voice takes over the function of an upper voice and ends on the upper fifth d’ (Ex. 27.5). The striking change in the voices’ functional distribution, which up to now had been established on several levels, causing the lower voice to raise itself above the
upper voice, draws attention to the text, which for the first time calls the eponymous hero of the Roman by his name. In consequence one aspect of the setting of Quare fremuerunt offers a parallel to the programme of the whole first page, which at the start of the French text, in the two illuminations, and in the choice and arrangement of the musical pieces anticipates
Polyphonic Reworkings of Conducts
629
the content of the Roman—a programme that has been characterized by the term ‘upsidedownness’ (see above, Fig, Qita)i?
In this spirit, the striking change of tonality in the transition from the A to the B part may be interpreted as a surprising ‘rise’. As shown above, the entire A part moves within a D-mode
more particularly defined by the central d-a sonority. The modal orientation is not annulled till the cg cadence of the c/os ending—a new addition, not derived from the tenor of the F
version. The B part, by contrast, is marked by a G-mode especially manifested in the central g-d’ sonority, hence a fourth above the first part. True, the transposition into the upper fourth might also be explained by generalized variatio; but either way the content of the closing verses is underlined.
The musical pattern is also made more explicit, and indeed more sharply defined, by the rhythmic treatment of the B part. This part, and with it the entire setting, ends with a run
of twelve small note-values (see Ex. 27.5). That this closing stretto appears, once again, over the very words ‘Fauvel et Falvu[-li]’ attests the composer’s purposeful handling of the text he was setting in respect to its content (but not, as we have seen, to its structure).
Questions of rhythmicization and text-underlay simply lead back to our previous observation that the setting in fr. 146, with its divisions of the breve into up to five smaller notes, makes it one of the most advanced works in the corpus. In contrast to Mundus a mundicia (and Favellandi vicium, the first piece on the page) the old order of modal rhythm is abrogated. The rhythmic form, like the text-declamation, suggests that here too the composer started out from a simple model that still operated within the old framework, the
reworking being secondary. For example, in the lower voice before the final long of the first section the pairing a—g appears three times, first as a plicated long, then as a plicated breve, and finally as a ligature cum proprietate sine perfectione, being followed each time by three or
four semibreves: w eee 0009
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B DS teOooo hs Oooo
:
This points to a habit of the reviser’s, observable in other settings as well, of attaching semibreve groups in a derived form of the first rhythmic mode to the end of the long-unit. But the equivalent of the initial imperfect long appears here only once, in the ligature; by contrast the plicated perfect long and the plicated breve may be interpreted as the result of revision, through the lengthening or shortening of the long-breve model. The new rhythmic order entails, especially in the first section (vv. 1-2), a complete change in text-underlay, in
which four syllables are allocated to a single breve-unit. The redistribution of the syllables ' Roesner et al. passim, and recently Susan Rankin, “The Divine Truth of Scripture: Chant in the Roman de Fauvel’,
— Favellandi vicium and Mundus a mundicia into this context. Cr too the aspect of ‘increasing topicality’ discussed by Wulf Arlt,
JAMS 47 (1994), 203-43 at 207, who in an oral version of her —_above, Ch. 1.
paper
also brought
the opposite
rhythmic
disposition
of
630
Lorenz Welker
might indicate that the reviser was not interested in an even text-declamation. However, I think it also conceivable that the imbalance in declamation rhythm between the beginning of v. 1 and the end of v. 2 was deliberate: perhaps the reviser’s aim, in abrogating the old
order, was precisely to create the situation criticized by Jacques de Liege: ‘Sic Moderni, licet multa pulchra et bona in suis cantibus faciant dictamina, in modo tamen suo cantandi, cum
non intelligantur, perdunt ea.”
A final factor in the rearrangement of the conductus text and a further aspect of the presumed function in the programme of the page is the formal structure of the setting, which several writers have described as that of a ballade. The AA’BB’ form does indeed recall standard forms of vocal settings, but to call it a ballade is to over-simplify.”' Indeed, the B
part, in which the two sections are identical for a brief opening phrase and diverge in the extended closing passages, also seems to offer parallels with the estampie. In the light of our previous observations, it appears plausible, even from the rhythmic conception, that what Wulf Arlt calls the ‘musical language’ of Fauvel should be reached in the third piece on the page.” The formal structure reinforces this impression, though taken by itself it can tell us
little. The foregoing hypotheses on the genesis of the A part from the conductus tenor in F and the comments on the B part demonstrate the fact and the nature of the composer’s ability to frame his setting of both parts on the basis of pre-existing melodies. However, they presuppose that in the revision especially of the A part he was no longer simply concerned with problems of voice-leading in both parts, but that at every point in the composition he was also concerned with the harmony of the two voices. On this assumption, there was no
hierarchy of voices in his conception in the sense that the formation of a second voice was dependent on the presence of a first; the compositional process hypothetically reconstructed here points to a simultaneous consideration of both voices from the ‘rough draft’ down to the final version.
(iii) Problems of Classification The various levels of divergence from the conductus models as found for instance in F, and the variation within the revisions in technique and form lead to questions of generic classification. The scribe of the index of the Fauvel interpolations makes no mention of ‘conductus’ or ‘conduit’ in his classification, even though authors writing about the same time as the production of the manuscript, like Johannes de Grocheio, Jacques de Liége, and even the poet Nicole de Margival make use of the term. With one exception all monophonic 20
Speculum
P musicae,
ed.
Roger
Bragard,
viia
(Corpus
scriptorum de musica, 3; [Rome], 1973), 95.
~ In this context it should be noted that the owvert-clos distinction in the repeated A part plays hardly any role in the interpolated ballades, but does in most of the ballades among the songs of Jehannot de Lescurel, in the interpolated lais, and not
. A : . of Pa least in conductis, as is shown by the version of O labilis sortis in
F, which was not taken over in fr. 146. Against this background,
how far the reviser actually intended the ouvert-clos distinction as _a reference to the ballade form, as is usually assumed, is doubtful. *? Cf. above, Ch. 1.
Polyphonic Reworkings of Conductis
631
settings of the conductus texts appear under the rubric ‘proses et lays’, and all polyphonic settings are listed under ‘motez’—the three-voice Thalamus puerpere plausibly amongst the ‘motez a tenure et trebles’, the three two-voice settings amongst the ‘motez a tenures sanz trebles’. The indexer’s division has been understood as a classification by genre” and in the case of the allocation to the motet of Mundus a mundicia and Quare fremuerunt, widely accepted, although Friedrich Ludwig had pointed to differences, denying that they were in any way true motets. The question arises how far the indexer operated on criteria of genre at
all; more probably he classified according to number of voices, language, form, and where appropriate of liturgical placement. In individual cases the choice of criteria allowed a piece to be admitted to more than one category; this is indicated by the listing of the work discussed at the outset, the revision of Philip the Chancellor’s Homo qui semper moreris (with the new incipit Falvelle qui iam moreris). The monophonic conductus setting was first
entered among the ‘Proses et lays’ because of its non-liturgical Latin text; it was then crossed out and added among the ‘Rondeaux, balades et reffrez de chansons’, probably because of its ballade form. This extreme case apart, the indexer’s classification was good enough for all actual instances, and the pragmatic extension of the category ‘motez’ to all polyphonic forms—which might also be due to the use of ‘motet’ here not for a genre but for a voice, the ‘motetus” —does not admit of inferences concerning a classification of individual settings in any way relevant to composition. Rather, the differential approach to the four polyphonically set conductus texts indicates a far more penetrative understanding of compositional structure and form than could be suspected from the index. In any case this imposes qualifications on the assignment of Mundus a mundicia and Quare fremuerunt to the modern notion of the genre ‘motet’. Polyphonic setting apart, the two pieces have nothing in common with the motet except the method of notation: not only in textual pattern, but also in compositional structure, both works belong to the genre of conductus.
(iv) The Design of the First Page and Favellandi vicium![Tenor] The two conducts Mundus a mundicia and Quare fremuerunt are copied in the right-hand column of the first page of the Roman (fo. 1'; see above, Fig. 8.14). Together with the third two-voice setting on this page, Favellandi vicium, copied in the left-hand column and
introducing the entire collection, they frame the two illuminations and the opening text of the Roman.” It has recently proved possible to identify Favellandi vicium as a two-voice reworking of the triplum of the motet Bien me doi!Cum li plus/In corde ipsius (also with the Latin text De gravi seminio for duplum and triplum). Joseph Morin has shown that the upper * Cf. e.g. Roesner et al. 22: “The repertory is- arranged by
25
.
Susan Rankin,
i.
ae
>
5
“Divine Truth’, 207 has pointed out that
even the arrangement of the two columns with Latin texts to left genre.’ 4 Note too the choice of words in Jacques de Liége’s com- _ and right beside the French expresses an aspect of the ‘inverted ments on discantus. ‘possunt tamen supra tenorem unum multi —_world’: the glosses are in Latin, the text commented on in the vernacular, and not vice versa as elsewhere. fieri discantus, ut motetus, triplum, quadruplum’, referring to polyphony in general and not only the motet in particular (Speculum musicae, ed. Bragard, vii. 9).
632
Lorenz Welker
voice of the version in fr. 146 is largely identical with the triplum of the motet, but the tenor—apart from a few melodic parallels with the liturgical motet tenor—was recomposed.”° On the basis of the parallels just mentioned Morin surmises that the reviser of fr. 146 had access to the motet tenor. He sees further evidence in elements of the rhythmic structure of the new tenor: in the peculiar placing of a single breve between two rests, which he derives from the rhythmical shape of the ordines of the model, and in two further places, at which an originally written rest was changed to a note (see Ex. 27.6). The resetting, in his
opinion, was governed by a new melodic consciousness that sought to avoid the numerous fourths of the earlier piece. Ex. 27.6. Favellandi vicium, fr. 146, fo. 1", vv. 1-4, with tenor of motet Bien me doi! Cum li plus/In corde ipsius (stave 3)
velu=. lan— di
Vibe i
See See
=
Dectmetex
eee
Sp eee
= foe
ec
a=
> fa
Lae
eae
ei ee
ee
=
Sula!)
Ee
=
ee
go 3.o0b-ti
-
nent nunc
so-li
-
4.sum-mum-que
a>
Ete
9
See eeir nee eee
Se
——
x
lo
-
cum
cu - ri
-
BSSees
Examination of other motets in fr. 146, however, shows first of all that nowhere else was a liturgical tenor submitted to such thoroughgoing revision, even when—as in Ad solitum vomitum ||Regnat|—it contained a number of fourths. Moreover, the parallels between the
new tenor of Favellandi vicium and that of the earlier version may, as with Mundus a mundicia, be derived from the basic principles on which it is composed, in particular that of contrary motion (cf. Ex. 27.6). Furthermore, the rests originally found instead of the long g, 26 Morin, ‘Genesis’, 325-44.
The
tenor
comes
from
the
gradual Os iusti for the common of Doctors of the Church. The
motet is edited in Yvonne Rokseth, Polyphonies du XIII” siecle, 4
vols. (Paris, 1935-9), ii. 259-60, no. 136, and Hans Tischler, The — Earliest Motets (to circa 1270): A Complete Comparative Edition, 3
vols. (New Haven, 1982), i. 592-6, no. 93.
Polyphonic Reworkings of Conductis
633
b. 21 (Ex. 27.7) and of the long ¢, b. 30, both follow immediately upon a breve f Since in turn
they are each followed by an fand another rest, they may simply be scribal errors corrected in the course of copying. This leaves the explanation of the isolated breve g, b. 18, as a relic of the earlier tenor version (Ex. 27.7); but here the text leads us to another interpretation. The exclamation ‘O [quale contagium]’ at this point is the only interjection in the entire text; in
another conductus revision, that of the motet 7alamus puerpere, the reviser has reproduced interjections (in this case ‘O [quando]) with isolated breves in the setting (Ex. 27.8). I
therefore think it conceivable that the text, which is underlaid only in the upper voice, is reflected in the lower voice by a specific rhythmic device. This may even imply a partial texting of the lower voice, which indeed with its sensible phrasing within a song-like melodic conception differs fundamentally from the liturgical tenor, divided into rhythmically uniform ordines. Ex. 27.7.
Favellandi vicium, bb. 18-22 (Schrade, Fauvel, no. 1, b. 34-42), with tenor of motet Bien me doi!
Cum Ii plus!In corde ipsius (stave 3)
oe peritr resin 5 Syri pice 9.0
qua
sa
-
lecon
-
ta-gi
-
um!
10. Quan-te
ee o qua
-
-
len-ci
SSeS lecon
-
-
a
ta-gi- um]
SSS Ex. 27.8.
pe-sti
Se
Thalamus puerpere! Quomodo cantabimusl |Tenor], bb. 23-5 (Schrade, Fauvel, no. 26, bb. 45-50)
ores ne his e770 J iv E piglet git rf gf
[SS Lastly, Morin pointed to a particularly wide space between the syllables ‘[iusti-]ci-e’, which correspond in the setting to no more than three notes. This he rightly interpreted as a sign of a longer melisma in the model. Moreover, the fact that the tenor of the earlier version at
634
Lorenz Welker
this point has a duplex long, although the upper voice(s) do not exhibit a melisma, led him to suppose that the reviser of fr. 146 started out from an earlier version of the motet than is found in the surviving sources. However, it is also conceivable that the motet triplum was transmitted as a monophonic work, and at the point in question had a cauda. Since the texts of the earlier motets—two French and one Latin—comprise only fifteen verses, the last lines
of the text, ‘Deus misericordie | adhibe hic consilium’, may well have been written specially for fr. 146 (which will also be true of the first two verses, ‘Favellandi vicium | et fex avaricie’).
We should thus have a similar case to the notation of Falvelle qui iam moreris: the scribe copied the new version while also having before him an earlier, melismatic one, the difference
being that in Favellandi vicium only the melisma was omitted, whereas for Falvelle qui iam moreris he had a completely new setting to put in. If the model for Favellandi victum was the monophonic setting of a Latin song, it might have belonged to the same corpus as Mundus a mundicia and Quare fremuerunt. On this assumption the first page presents three adaptations, different in technique and form, of earlier Latin songs in the collection. Favellandi vicium resembles a motet in its staggered musical phrases, but not as being composed over a pre-existing tenor; Mundus a mundicia is a conductus; and Quare fremuerunt is in a form similar to the ballade and in a new rhythmic
pattern. Only Favellandi vicium can be interpreted as early evidence for a compositional strategy ‘from the top downwards’. The wide gap between the text syllables ‘[iusti-]ci-e’ and the absence of a corresponding
melisma are a further indication of recastings at short notice by the reviser. The same explanation will avail for the malcoordination in the copying of text and music in Quare fremuerunt. The copying of the text for the three pieces of music on the first page suggests that the reviser’s starting arrangement was symmetrical in several respects, with all the music on the outer columns, Fauvel mentioned at the beginning and the end of the Latin texts,
‘Favellandi vicium’ and ‘Fauvel et falvuli’, and Mundus a mundicia and Quare fremuerunt each occupying half the right-hand column: of the total of fourteen staves each piece had six texted staves and one left over. However, the space provided was not enough to accommodate the new ‘tenores’: while the new voice of Mundus a mundicia only slightly overruns the staves, copying the lower voice of Quare fremuerunt required an additional half-line. In addition, the voice-designation ‘[T]enor’ is written under the close of the upper voice. We
may conclude from this that this music was not yet available when the text was copied. The foregoing observations and considerations show that the reviser (or one of the revisers)
responsible for the musical interpolations in fr. 146 had at his disposal a source containing monophonic conductus-settings. Most of them he took over unmodified, or with adaptations to the context of the Roman. For three he composed new monophonic versions, for one only a new second voice; one he made into a complex two-voice reworking of the monophonic model; two he provided with a new two- or three-voice setting. Already in Mundus a mundicia and Quare fremuerunt (as in Favellandi vicium) we may detect a compositional
Polyphonic Reworkings of Conductis
635
conception that on the one hand presupposes a nuanced understanding of the texts, especially noticeable in the rhythmic elaboration of Quare fremuerunt—sometimes conflicting with the formal and rhythmic or metrical features of the texts themselves—but on the other is also marked by an emphasis on the technical in the choice and economy of means.”” That is perfectly plausible even for a capable composer, when one bears in mind that many decisions on the setting of individual songs were taken, or at least modified, at the last
minute—which is the conclusion to be drawn from the repeated malcoordination we have observed in the copying of text and music. [Translated from the German by Leofranc Holford-Strevens]
APPENDIX Manuscript Sigla Basel Brux CaB CambCC CambUL CB
MiA OxAdd OxAuct OxR Pari251 Paris44 Par2193 Par2393 Par8207
Basle, Universitatsbibliothek, B XI 8 Brussels, Bibliothéque Royale, 19606
Cambrai, Bibliothéque Municipale, B. 1328 Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, 468
Cambridge, University Library, Hh VI 1 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 4660 Darmstadt, Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbibliothek, 2777 EI Escorial, Real Monasterio de San Lorenzo de El Escorial, F III 18 Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, plut. 29.1 London, British Library, Egerton 274 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, 20486 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, gall.-rom. 42 (Mus. ms. 4775) Oxford, Bodleian Library, Add. A 44 (30151) Oxford, Bodleian Library, Auct. VI Q 3.17 Oxford, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson C 510 Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale de France, lat. 1251 Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale de France, lat. 1544 Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale de France, lat. 2193 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale de France, lat. 2393 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale de France, lat. 8207
* To interpret the extended use of contrary motion as a further aspect of a topsy-turvy world, as Morin suggests (‘Genesis’, 359-60), seems to me somewhat far-fetched, for even in
contemporary for two-voice emerges from consonantias,
theory contrary motion was treated as the norm composition, parallel motion as the exception, as Franco’s formulation: “Deinde prosequendo per commiscendo
quandoque discordantias in locis
debitis, ita quod, quando tenor ascendit, discantus descendat, vel e converso. Et sciendum quod tenor et discantus, propter et ascendit simul pulcritudinem cantus, quandoque descendit .. .’ (Franconis de Colonia Ars cantus mensurabilis, ed.
Gilbert Reaney and André Gilles (Corpus scriptorum de musica,
18; [Rome], 1974), 72-3).
636 Par8433 Praha StV
Lorenz Welker Paris, Bibliothe¢que Nationale de France, lat. 8433 Prague, Archiv metropolitni kapituly, N. VII
Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale de France, lat. 15139 (Saint-Victor)
Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. lat. 7620 Wolfenbiittel, Herzog-August-Bibliothek, Helmst. 628 (677)
Wolfenbiittel, Herzog-August-Bibliothek, Helmst. 1099 (1206)
Select Bibliography for fr. 146 A. Manuscript Sources of Le Roman de Fauvel Dijon, Bibliothéque Municipale, MS 52s. Epinal, Bibliothéque Municipale, MS 189. Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale de France, fr. 146.
Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale de France, fr. 580. Paris, Paris, Paris, Paris, Paris, Paris, Paris,
Bibliothéque Bibliotheque Bibliotheque Bibliotheque Bibliothéque Bibliothéque Bibliotheque
Nationale Nationale Nationale Nationale Nationale Nationale Nationale
de de de de de de de
France, France, France, France, France, France, France,
fr. 2139. fr. 2140. fr. 2195. fr. 12460. fr. 24375. fr. 24436. nouv. acq. fr. 4579.
St Petersburg, Natsional’naya biblioteka Rossii, MS fr. 5.2.101. Tours, Bibliothéque Municipale, MS 947.
B. Facsimiles and Editions ‘Balades, Rondeaux et Diz entez sus Refroiz de Rondeaux les quiex fist Jehannot de Lescurel’, in Rondeaux, Virelais und Balladen aus dem Ende des XII., dem XIIF. und dem ersten Drittel des XIV.
Jahrhunderts mit den iiberlieferten Melodien, ed. Friedrich Gennrich, 2 vols. (Gesellschaft fiir romanische Literatur, 43, 47; Dresden, 1921, Gottingen, 1927), i, nos. 368-400, pp. 307-72. Chansons, ballades et rondeaux de Jehannot de Lescurel, ed. Anatole de Montaiglon (Paris, 1855). La Chronique métrique attribuée a Geffroy de Paris. Texte publié avec introduction et glossaire, ed. Armel Divérrés (Publications dela Faculté des Lettres de l'Université de Strasbourg, 129; Paris, 1956).
Daunk, Emiuie, L’Hérésie de Fauvel (Leipziger romanistische Studien, Literaturwissenschaftliche Reihe, 4; Leipzig and Paris, 1935). L’Histoire de Fauvain: reproduction phototypique de 40 dessins du manuscrit francais 571 de la Bibliotheque Nationale (XIV siecle), précédée d'une introduction et du texte critique des légendes de Raoul le Petit, ed. Arthur Langfors (Paris, 1914).
JEHANNOT DE L’Escuret, Balades, Rondeaux et Diz entez sus Refroiz de Rondeaux, ed. Friedrich Gennrich (Summa musicae medii aevi, 13; Langen bei Frankfurt, 1964). The Monophonic Songs in the Roman de Fauvel, ed. Samuel N. Rosenberg and Hans Tischler (Lincoln,
Nebr. and London, 1991). ‘Le Roman de Fauvel’, ed. Alexandre Pey, Jahrbuch fiir romanische und englische Literatur, 7 (1866),
316-43 and 437-46.
Select Bibliography for fr. 146
638
Le Roman de Fauvel: reproduction photographique du manuscrit francais 146 de la Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris avec un index des interpolations lyriques, ed. Pierre Aubry (Paris, 1907). Le Roman de Fauvel par Gervais du Bus publié d'apres tous les manuscrits connus, ed. Arthur Langfors (Publications de la SATF; Paris, 1914-19). The Roman de Fauvel: The Works ofPhilippe de Vitry: French Cycles of the Ordinarium missae, ed. Leo Schrade (PMFC 1, with separate commentary; Monaco, 1956). The Roman de Fauvel, ed. Leo Schrade; reprint of The Roman de Fauvel published in PMFC 1, with new introduction by Edward Roesner (Monaco, 1984). Le Roman de Fauvel in the Edition of Mesire Chaillou de Pesstain: A Reproduction in Facsimile of the Complete Manuscript, Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Fonds Francais 146, introduction by Edward Roesner, Francois Avril, and Nancy Freeman Regalado (New York, 1990). Le Roman du comte d’Anjou, ed. Mario Roques (CFMA 67; Paris, 1931). ‘Rondeaux, Balades et Resfrez de Chancons aus dem Roman de Fauvel’, in Rondeaux, Virelais und Balladen, ed. Friedrich Gennrich (Dresden, 1921), i, nos. 355-67, pp. 290-306. Six Historical Poems of Geffroi de Paris, Written in 1314-1318, ed. Walter Storer and Charles Rochedieu (University of North Carolina Studies in the Romance Languages and Literatures, 16; Chapel Hill, 1950).
Le Torneiment Anticrist de Huon de Méri, ed. Margaret O. Bender (Romance Monographs, 17; University, Miss., 1976). The Works ofJehan de Lescurel, Edited from the Manuscript Paris, B. N., f-fr. 146, ed. Nigel Wilkins (CMM 30; n.p.: American Institute of Musicology, 1966).
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ANDERSON, Gorpon A., ‘Responsory Chants in the Tenors of some Fourteenth-Century Continental Motets’, JAMS, 29 (1976), 119-27.
Artt, Wutr,
“Aspekte der Chronologie
und des Stilwandels
im franzésischen
Lied des 14.
Jahrhunderts’, Aktuelle Fragen der musikbezogenen Mittelalterforschung: Texte zu einem Basler Kolloquium des Jahres 1975 = Forum musicologicum, 3 (1982), 193-280, esp. 209-27. — ‘“Triginta denariis’—Musik und Text in einer Motette des Roman de Fauvel iiber dem Tenor Victimae paschali laudes ,in Ritva Jacobsson (ed.), Pax et Sapientia: Studies in Text and Music of Liturgical Tropes and Sequences, in Memory of Gordon Anderson (Acta universitatis Stockholmiensis: Studia Latina Stockholmiensia, 29; Stockholm, 1986), 97-113. Aubry, Pierre, Un ‘explicit’ en musique du ‘Roman de Fauvel’ (Paris, 1906).
AvriL, Francois, Manuscript Painting at the Court of France: The Fourteenth Century, trans. Ursule Molinaro (New York, 1978).
BauTier, Ropert H., ‘Le Personnel de la chancellerie royale sous les derniers capétiens’, in F. Autrand (ed.), Prosopographie et genese de |Etat moderne: actes de la Table Ronde organisée par le C.N.R.S. et VE.N.S.J.F. (Collection de lE.N.S.J.F., 30; Paris, 1986), 91-115. Becker, Pu. Auc., Fauvel und Fauvelliana (Berichte iiber die Verhandlungen der Sachsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philologisch-historische Klasse, 88/2; Leipzig, 1936).
Bent, Marcaret, ‘Polyphony of Texts and Music in the Fourteenth-Century Motet: Tribum que non abhorruit/Quoniam secta latronum/Merito hec patimur and its “Quotations”’, in Dolores Pesce (ed.), Hearing the Motet: Essays on the Motet of the Middle Ages and Renaissance (New York, 1997), 82-103.
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639
BrssELeR, HEINRICH, ‘Studien zur Musik des Mittelalters, I: Neue Quellen des 14. und beginnenden 15. Jahrhunderts’,
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‘Studien zur Musik des Mitterlalters, Il: Die Motette von Franko von Kéln bis Philipp von Vitry’, Archiv fiir Musikwissenschafi, 8 (1927), 137-258. BoocaarpD, Nico H. J. van DEN (ed.), Rondeaux et refrains du XII siecle au début du XIV‘ (Paris,
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BRANNER, Ropert, Manuscript Painting in Paris during the Reign of St. Louis: A Study of Styles (California Studies in the History of Art, 18; Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1977).
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and RecaLapo, Nancy FREEMAN, ‘La grant feste: Philip the Fair's Celebration of the Knighting of his Sons in Paris at Pentecost of 1313’, in Barbara A. Hanawalt and Kathryn L. Reyerson (eds.), City and Spectacle in Medieval Europe (Medieval Studies at Minnesota, 6; Minneapolis, 1994), 5686.
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and Hans Tischler, in Plainsong and Medieval Music, 2 (1993), 193-5. CamiLte, Micuaet, Jmage on the Edge: The Margins of Medieval Art (London, 1992).
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and the Roman de Fauvel’, PMLA
47 (1932),
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—— ‘Objet et réalité dans le Roman de Fauvel’, Razo, 2 (L’Image du corps humain dans la littérature et histoire médiévales) (1981), 101-4. Deuts_e, Ltopoip, Recherches sur la librairie de Charles V, roi de France, 1337-1380, 2 vols. (Paris, 1907).
DemBowskl, Peter F., ‘Le Faux Semblant et la problématique des masques et déguisements’, in Marie-Louise Ollier (ed.), Masques et déguisements dans la littérature médiévale (Montreal and Paris,
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Der Ursprung des Harlekin: Ein kulturgeschichtliches Problem (Berlin, 1904), esp.
Favrer, JEAN, Un Conseiller de Philippe le Bel: Enguerran de Marigny (Mémoires et documents publiés par la Société de I’Ecole des Chartes, 16; Paris, 1963). Fentey, G. Warp, ‘Faus Semblant, Fauvel and Renart le Contrefait: A Study in Kinship’, Romanic Review, 23 (1932), 323731.
640
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FortieR-BEAULIEU, PAUL, ‘Le Charivari dans le Roman de Fauvel’, Revue de folklore francais et de folklore colonial, 11 (1940), 1-16. Fow er, Maria Vepper, ‘Musical Interpolations in Thirteenth- and Fourteenth-Century French Narratives’ (Ph.D diss., Yale University, 1979), esp. 1. 124-66. GENNRICH, ERIEDRICH, ‘Fauvel’, in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, iii (1954), 1883-9. GuIBERT-SLEDZIEWSKI, ELIzABETH, ‘“Fauvel”, ou le pouvoir fait Ane-agramme’, Lectures, 3 (1979), U21. Harrison, Grecory A., JR., ‘The Monophonic Music in the “Roman de Fauvel”’ (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1963). Hess, Ropert, ‘Der Roman de Fauvel (Studien zur Handschrift 146 der Nationalbibliothek zu Paris)’ (Diss., Universitat Gottingen, 1909). ——‘Der Roman de Fauvel (Studien zur Handschrift 146 der Nationalbibliothek zu Paris)’, Romanische Forschungen, 27 (1910), 295-341.
Hoeprener, Ernest, ‘Chanson frangaise du xu siécle (Ay Dex! ou porrey jen trouver)’, Romania, 47 (1921), 367-80. review of Le Roman de Fauvel, ed. Arthur Langfors, in Romania, 46 (1920), 426-33. JEANROY, ALFRED, review of Emilie Dahnk, L’Hérésie de Fauvel, in Romania, 62 (1936), 400-1. LaLou, EvisaBeTH, ‘Le Roman de Fauvel a \a chancellerie royale’, BEC, 152 (1994), 503-9. LANGrors, ARTHUR, review of Emilie Dahnk, L’Hérésie de Fauvel, in Neuphilologische Mitteilungen, 37
(1936), 58-65. LANGLoIs, CHarRLES-VicToR, ‘Geffroy des Nés, ou de Paris, traducteur et publiciste’, Histoire littéraire
de la France, 35 (Paris, 1921), 324-48. ‘Jean de Lescurel, poéte frangais’, Histoire littéraire de la France, 36 (Paris, 1927), 109-15. La Vie en France au moyen age, de la fin du XII au milieu du XIV" siécles, d apres quelques moralistes du temps (Paris, 1908, repr. 1924), esp. 276-304. Lecco, Marcuerita, ‘Il colore di Fauvel’, in Massimo Bonafin (ed.), Testi e modelli antropologici (Milan, 1989), 93-114.
Ricerche sul ‘Roman de Fauvel’ (Scrittura e scrittori, 10; Alessandria, 1993). LeecH- WILKINSON, Danie, “The Emergence of Ars nova’, Journal ofMusicology, 13 (1995), 285-317. review of The Monophonic Songs of the Roman de Fauvel, ed. Samuel Rosenberg and Hans Tischler, in Early Music, 20 (1992), 489-91. Le Gorr, Jacques, and Scuitt, JEAN-CLAUDE (eds.), Le Charivari: actes de la table ronde organisé a Paris, 25-27 Avril 1977 (Paris, 1981). LercH,
IRMGaRD,
‘Zur
Messung
der Notenwerte
in den
jiingeren
Fauvel-Motetten’,
Musica
disciplina, 45 (1991), 277-87. LozInskI, GREGOIRE, review of Emilie Dahnk, L’Hérésie de Fauvel, in Literaturblatt fiir germanische und romanische Philologie, 58 (1937), 401-3. Lupwic, FRIEDRICH, Repertorium organorum recentioris et motetorum vetustissimi stili, ed. Luther A.
Dittmer (Brooklyn, 1904-78), i. 679-97. MacuaBey, ARMAND, ‘Notice sur Philippe de Vitry’, Revue musicale, 10 (1929), 20-39. Matrttarb, Jean, Evolution et esthétique du lay lyrique des origines a la fin du XIV" siecle (Paris, 1963), espnj2i 35: Menecuerti, Marta, ‘Il manoscritto francese 146 della Bibliothtque Nationale di Parigi, Tommaso
di Saluzzo e gli affreschi della Manta’, Romania, 110 (1989), 511-35.
Select Bibliography for fr. 146
641
Morin, JoserH Cuartes, “The Genesis of Manuscript Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Fonds Francais 146, with Particular Emphasis on the Roman de Fauvel’ (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1992). MUHLETHALER, JEAN-CiaupeE, ‘L’Allégorie du cheval Fauvel (B.N. Fr. 146): Texte, intertexte, iconographie’, in The Fox and Other Animals = Reinardus (special volume, 1993), 75-93. Fauvel au pouvoir: lire la satire médiévale (Nouvelle Bibliothtque du Moyen Age, 26; Paris, 1994). ——'*Leo cecatus” ou le triomphe de Renart courtisan: l'emploi d’un motif comme indice
référentiel?’, Renardus, 3 (1990), 113-25. —‘Le Roman de Fauvel, une satire médiévale’, in D. Wieczorek (ed.), Le Roman de Fauvel (Reims, 1989), 7-19.
Omont, HENRI, Anciens inventaires et catalogues de la Bibliotheque Nationale, 5 vols. (Paris, 1908-21). Paris, Gaston, ‘Le Roman de Fauvel ,Histoire littéraire de la France, 32 (1898), 108-53. Paris, PauLin, Les Manuscrits francois de la Bibliotheque du Roi (Paris, 1836-48), esp. i. 304-37. Patcu, Howarp, The Goddess Fortuna in Medieval Literature (Cambridge, Mass., 1927). Popin, M., “Les Musiques du manuscrit fr. 146’, in D. Wieczorek (ed.), Le Roman de Fauvel (Reims, 1989), 21-30. RANKIN, Susan, ‘The Divine Truth of Scripture: Chant in the Roman de Fauvel’, JAMS 47 (1994),
203-43. REANEY, GILBERT, ‘Jehannot de |’Escurel [Jehan de Lescurel]’, in New Grove, ix. 591. (ed.), Manuscripts of Polyphonic Music (c. 1320-1400) (Répertoire International
Musicales,
des Sources
B IV/2; Munich, 1969), 163-73.
Recatabo, Nancy FREEMAN, ‘Allegories of Power: The Tournament of Vices and Virtues in the —
Roman de Fauvel (B.N. MS Fr. 146)’, Gesta, 32 (1993), 135-46. ‘Masques réels dans le monde de l’imaginaire: le rite et l’écrit dans le charivari du Roman de Fauvel, MS. B.N. Fr. 146’, in Marie-Louise Ollier (ed.), Masques et déguisements dans la littérature médiévale (Montreal and Paris, 1988), 112-26.
ROBERTSON, ANNE WALTERS, ‘Which Vitry? The Witness of the Trinity Motet from the Roman de Fauvel’, in Dolores Pesce (ed.), Hearing the Motet: Essays on the Motet of the Middle Ages and Renaissance (New York, 1996), 52-81. Roques, Mario, ‘L’Interpolation de Fauvel et le Comte d'Anjow’, Romania, 55 (1929), 548-51.
SANDERS, Ernest, “The Early Motets of Philippe de Vitry’, JAMS 28 (1975), 24-45. ‘Fauvel, Roman de’, in New Grove, vi. 429-33. ‘The Medieval Motet’, in Wulf Arlt, Ernst Lichtenhahn, and Hans Oesch (eds.), Gattungen der
Musik in Einzeldarstellungen: Gedenkschrift Leo Schrade (Berne, 1973), 497-573. SANDLER, Lucy FREEMAN, ‘The Handclasp in the Arnolfini Wedding: A Manuscript Precedent’, Art Bulletin, 66 (1984), 488-91. ScuHMITT, JEAN-CLaupE, ‘Les Masques, le diable, les morts dans |’Occident médiéval’, Razo, 6 (1986), 87-119. ScHRADE, Leo, ‘Guillaume de Machaut and the Roman de Fauvel, in Misceldnea en homenaje a
monsenor Higinio Angles (2 vols.; Barcelona, 1958-61), ii. 843-50. ‘Philippe de Vitry: Some New Discoveries’, Musical Quarterly, 42 (1956), 330-54.
SHEPARD, WILLIAM Pierce, ‘Un Deébat inédit du quatorziéme siécle’, in Mélanges de linguistique et de littérature offerts a M. Alfred Jeanroy (Paris, 1928), 571-81. SpankE, Hans, ‘Zu den musikalischen Einlagen im Fauvelroman’, Neuphilologische Mitteilungen, 37 (1936), 188-226.
642
Select Bibliography for fr. 146
TiscHLER, Hans, ‘A Lai from the Roman de Fauvel, in Robert L. Weaver (ed.), Essays on the Music ofJ. S. Bach and Other Divers Subjects: ATribute to Gerhard Herz (Louisville, Ky., 1981), 145-
55. — ‘Die lais im Roman de Fauvel, Musikforschung, 34 (1981), 161-79. TIsCHLER, Hans, “The Two-Part Motets of the Roman de Fauvel: A Document of Transition’, Music Review, 42 (1981), 1-8.
Unt, Patrice, ‘Hellequin et Fortune, le trajet d'un couple emblématique’, Perspectives médiévales, 15
(1989), 85-9. —
‘Les “Sotes Changons” du Roman de Fauvel (MS E): la symptomatique rubricateur’, French Studies, 45 (1991), 385-402.
indécision
du
UrricHsHorER, G., ‘Der Roman de Fauvel unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung der Zeitsatire’ (Diss.,
University of Vienna, 1965). WaTHEY, ANDREW, ‘The Marriage of Edward III and the Transmission of French Motets to England’,
JAMS 45 (1992), 1-29. —
‘Myth and Mythography in the Motets of Philippe de Vitry’, Musica e storia, 6 (1998), 121-45.
Index of Manuscripts Txew
ABBEVILLE, BIBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE
9548
7
et
AMIENS, BIBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE 108 115 Arras, BIBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE
553 523
444
465
500
523
IV 453
54
523
BaLtrmore, WALTERS ART GALLERY
W. 140
555
W. 144 W. 302 BasEL, UNIVERSITATSBIBLIOTHEK B XI 8
573 n. 521 616
Bari, Eccr. S. Nico.as 3 Beauvais, ARCHIVES DEPARTEMENTALES
281 n. DE
L’OIsE G 7635, no. 2 BERLIN, STAATSBIBLIOTHEK ZU BERLIN—PREUSSISCHER KULTURBESITZ
Hamilton 193
619
548 n.
BERN, STADT- UND UNIVERSITATSBIBLIOTHEK; BURGERBIBLIOTHEK
563 n. 280-1, 432
563 n.
133 1328 CAMBRIDGE, Corpus CHRISTI COLLEGE 468 CAMBRIDGE, FITZwILLIAM MusEUuM
369
35 N., 175 616
521
CAMBRIDGE, GONVILLE AND Catus COLLEGE 428 411 CAMBRIDGE, UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Hh. vi. 1 616 Castres, Muske Goya [s. n.] Grandes Chroniques 932, 542, 550, 555, 557-8 CHANTILLY, Mus£eE Conp£ 65 199 n. 1887 281 n. CourtTral, BIBLIOTHEQUE DE LA VILLE
Goethals-Vercruysse 135
563 n.
DarmstTapT, HEssiscHE LANDES- UND
HocHSCHULBIBLIOTHEK
143, 356 N., 357 n., 383 n.
BrussELs, BIBLIOTHEQUE ROYALE 5
551-2, 557
79
564 n., 562
118
564 n.
9104-5
5593> 555
CamBral, BIBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE 521
8544
521 10 N., 35 N., 49-50, 147-51, 154, 175, 183 521 563 n.
518, 523
51
8327-42
563 n., 564 n.
IV 472
148 (1705)
4783
19606
II 3824 IV 119 IV 319
AUXERRE, BIBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE
453
19389
Io
AuTUN, BIBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE
456-7
573 0.
13076-7
437
389
169-70, 174
11099-11100
ey at
562-5, 566 n.
563m. 561
551 PLZ
9225, 9229-30
172-3, §51-2, 555
9234
551-2, 557, 558 n.
9245
538, 552, 557-8
9543
169
ag Dyon, BrnLioTHEQUE MUNICIPALE 525 Douat, BiBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE
45 113 838 DurHaM, DEAN AND CHAPTER LIBRARY Gr l20 EpINBuURGH, UNIveRSITY LIBRARY 72 EpINaL, BIBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE 189
616-17 In., 12 n., 602
267 521 560 n., 563 n. 175 n.
555
In.
Index of Manuscripts
644
Ex Escortat, ReaL MONASTERIO DE SAN LORENZO
F. Il. 18
617
279, 521, 615, 618, 620-6
FRANKFURT, STAATS- UND UNIVERSITATSBIBLIOTHEK lat. qu. 65
536 n. 298, 299 n.
MANCHESTER, JOHN RyLANDs LIBRARY
FLORENCE, BrBLIOTECA MEDICEA-LAURENZIANA
Plut. 29. 1
Mautu, J. Pau Gerry Museum 46 (92. MK. 92) Ludwig [X.3 24 Metz, BiBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE
521
83 5453 555
Tue Hacue, KONINKLYKE BIBLIOTHEEK
71. A. 23 71. A. 24
538, 555 555
72. D. 40 HamBurc, COLLECTION OF PRINCE OTTINGENWALLENSTEIN I.2 lat. qu. t5 HarvarD University, Law SCHOOL 12
166
523
535
153
Mian, BrBLioTECA AMBROSIANA H. 106 sup. Mopena, BIBLIOTECA EsSTENSE
532, 546 N., 550, 555
34 (a.P. 8. 6) MONTPELLIER,
545, 546 N., 549
FACULTE DE MEDECINE
H. 49 552
561, 565, 572 n.
531 N., 532
H. 196 123 n., 388 n., §27 n. Municu, BAYERISCHE STAATSBIBLIOTHEK Clm. 4660 283 n., 616-17
Clm. 5197
414 n.
Clm. 10177 KARLSRUHE, BADISCHE LANDESBIBLIOTHEK St. Peter perg. 92
Cod. Gall. 17 561, 563
437
5513 555
5OI-2, 521
Lite, BiBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE 26
521
316 (olim 397)
115-16
366 (116) Limoces, BIBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE
564 n.
521
Lonpon, BritisH LIBRARY Add. 16905
521
Add. 17275
545
Add. 23935
503, 507-8, SIO-II, 513-14, 518, 521, 523
Add. 54180 Cotton Cleopatra A. v
295-6 267
Egerton 274
615 n., 616-17
Egerton 745
546, 550 521 281 n., 422 n., 531, 554, 556
New Haven, YALE University, BEINECKE LIBRARY 214 New York, THE CLOoISTERS
[s. n.] Hours of Jeanne d’Evreux
M322-323
563
M785 New York, Pusiic Liprary
Spencer 22
553
Solger 4° 4
535
Oxrorpb, ALL SOULS COLLEGE
51
Oxrorpb, BODLEIAN LIBRARY Add. A. 44
521
Barlow 22
Royal 19 B. xiii
133
Bodley 264 Bodley 318
Royal 19 ID iv—v:
545 Sole nes 538 ie
Royal 20 D. xi
538 n.
Sloane 3894
566 n.
Sloane 3983 Stowe 947
566 n. 553
Yates Thompson 20
531N, 532, 550
Lyon, BrBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE
Tae Maprip, BistrioTeca NACIONAL 20486
Bodley 738 Can. bibl. 62 Can. liturg. 379 Can. misc. 385 Can. misc. 460 Douce 199
Douce 211-12 Douce 308
593
616-17
566 n.
NUREMBERG, STADTBIBLIOTHEK
Harley 3965
553 n.
530
536, 538 N., 540-1, 542, 544-5, 550
(pr. bk.] Auct. VI. Q. 3. 17
545,
538 n.
New York, PIERPONT MorGAN LIBRARY
542
Royal 19 Grit
FUR
556
Harley 3256
Royal 19 ID). i
616-17
Inv. 74-6-27
Glazier 24
2 (17)
Egerton 3759 Harley 2891
553
Cod. Gall.-rom. 42 (Mus. 4775) MUunstTER, WESTFALISCHES LANDESMUSEUM KuNST- UND KULTURGESCHICHTE
LEIDEN, BIBLIOTHEEK DER RIJKSUNIVERSITEIT
Voss. G.G. Fol. 3a Le Mans, BIBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE
535> 546, 553
559 616-17 616
561
116 n., 563 n., 597 n. 267 267 561 523 404 n. 404 N., 419 553 1.
172, $35, 538-9, 551 3» 26, 114, I4I, 145, 357 N., 374, 377-85,
Douce 313
388 n., 391-3 530 n.
Douce 360
545, 5475 551
Lat. liturg. b. 5
521
Index of Manuscripts Laud. misc. 411 Rawl. C. 510 Rawl. Q. b. 6 Oxrorp, MAGDALEN COLLEGE Lat. 146
414 n. 616 553 0.
fr. 333 fr. 334 fr. 372
116, 166—7, 287, 578-9
404, 418-19
fr. 573 fr. 571
9, 14, 16, 48 n., 58 n., 62 n., 166,
- 574
219-21, 290, 559-67, 569-89 338, 531-2, 550-1, 554-5
Parts, ARCHIVES NATIONALES
Js
645 540
938 n. 573 n.
531, 549, 5545 556
NOL
172, 552
JJ so
612
S7q8
538 n.
J s3
606
- 790
545-6
JJ 57
593 n., 612
. 802
553
. 837
119, 140
Paris, BIBLIOTHEQUE DE L’ARSENAL 110
422 2521
. 844 (Manuscrit du Roi)
I4I, 361 n., 371 n., 376
. 845
142-3, 357 n., 361 n.
135
522
153 197
303, SOS, $O7, SIO-II, 513, S15, 519, 523 519, 522
279
523
S95
519, 522-3
. 1453
538
342, 556
. 1456
538 n.
3142
473
. I§OI
379 n.
3481 3482 3525 5059
543, 551-2 553 n. 552, 554-5, 580-1, 584 n. 538, 553
- 1559
542 N., 5455 555
5069
345 N., 532, 550, 592
. 1590
5080 5138 5198
551, 555 563 141, 143, 397 n.
1037
. 846 (Chansonnier Cangé)
143, 360, 367, 389
. 847
142, 143
. 1422-4
563 n.
. 1580
545) 547
. 1581 . 1589
115, 578 n. 482 n.
545-6
1591 1593 1633 1632 2090
357 n., 369 n. II5—I6, 141, 143-4, 578 n. 482 n. 557 213 N., 292, 473, 482
522
- 2092
292, 473, 482, 532 Nn.» 554
548-50
. 2168 . 2186
115 113
. 2195
2n., 12 n., 40, 42, 494
. 2615
298, 531, 5545 556
551-2, 555 532-3, 554 eae
. 2634 . 2813
558 n. 197 n., 299, 478
L28I5
531, 556
99
501
. 5968
471 n.
117
523
. 7852
593 n.
1259
522
- 7855
602 n.
280 n. 503, §O7—II, 513-14 Paris, BiBLIOTHEQUE NATIONALE DE FRANCE
. 9083 » 9123
553 533 M., 534, 539, 542, $513, 955
. 10132
542, 550-1, 5593, 556
Paris, BIBLIOTHEQUE MAZARINE
344
279, 531; 556
411 (241)
427
Paris, BIBLIOTHEQUE HISTORIQUE DE LA VILLE DE ParIs
255 Paris, BIBLIOTHEQUE STE.-GENEVIEVE
20-1 22 93
I9I n.
1655 2641
. . . . .
308 593 Nn. 608 n. 552 543, 551
. 12460
. 12786
123 n.
fr. 95 fr. 105
537 551-3, 555
. 13502
168, 551-2, 554-5
. 14968
580-1, 584 n.
fr. 146
see General Index
fr. 156 fr. 160
538 n., 555 164
- 16495
fr. 183
556
» 22.495
fr. 185
545
. 24301
Clairambault 754 Clairambault 832 Clairambault 833 fr. 8 fr. 60
fr. 241 fr. 316
543-4, S51, 555 532s 551s 555
2n.
B25 777 . 12615 (Chansonnier de Noailles)
545 122 2B Nal 425 361 n., 374-6, 385
pels 213 . 20050
. 24365 - 24369-70
543 60 n. 383 n., 386
532-3, 543, S512, 554-5 469 n. 172, 931, 994
556
Index ofManuscripts
646
lat. 16828
522
596
lat. 17296
503, 507-8, 5O9-II, 513, S15, 523
24429 24436 25526 25532
473 De Ans WIN 544 n. 142
lat. 17311 lat. 17312
501 501
fr. 25566
114—-I5, 141, 143, 145, 158, 578
Paris, BIBLIOTHEQUE NATIONALE DE FRANCE (cont.):
fr. 24390 fr. fr. fr. fr.
lat. lat. lat. lat. lat. lat. lat. lat. lat.
784 830 842 845 861 906 956 1020 1023
523 522 522 5OI-2, 522 500, 522 501, 522 225 n. 519, 523 281 n., 424 n., 432, 534
lat. 1028
504, 523
lat. 1105
522
lat. 112
522
lat. 1251 lat. 1255
617 504, §23
lat. 1266
503, 507, 5IO—I3, 515, 519, 523
lat. 1269 lat. 1337
505, 523 522
lat. 1544 lat. 2193 lat. 2393
616 617 617
lat. 5286 lat. 7330 lat. 7682
530 n., 566 n. 566 n. 147-51, 154
lat. lat. lat. lat. lat. lat. lat. lat.
8207 8433 8446 8504 8850 9425 9441 10435
616 616 566 n. 208 n., 289 n. 301 505 279 164-5
lat. 10482
424 N., 503, 505, 507, S11, 513-14, 518, 523
lat. lat. lat. lat.
10502 10503 12035 12044
522 5Ol, 522
503, 505, 507, SIO-II, 513, 515, 523 503, 505, 507-13, 515, 518, 523
lat. 12726
531; 549s 5545 556
late13233 lat. 13255 lat. 13836
281 n., 424 n. SOL-25 22 292, 473
lat. 13963
554
lat. 14452
522
lat. lat. lat. lat. lat. lat. lat. lat. lat.
15139 15181 15182 15472 15613 15958 15963 16201 16823
615 n., 616 424 N., 503, 5OS—II, 513-14, 518, 523 424 n. 566 n. 424 n. 414 n. 531 282 n. 522
lat. 17329 n. a. fr. 1050 n. a. fr. 1731 n. a. fr. 1789 n. a. fr. 4579 n. a. fr. 9175 n. a. fr. 13521 (La Clayette) n. a. fr. 16251
522 143, 372 120 563 n., 565 In. 608 n. 125 561 n., 566 n.
n. a. fr. 23190 (Trémoille) n. a. fr. 24541 maw lata 1235,
220 n. 542 n.
504
n. a. lat. 1236
504, §23
n. a. lat. 1413 frawlate 1535 Nerae late 73 n. a. lat. 3145 Rothschild 3085
522 504 522 285-6 5325552
Paris, MusEE JACQUEMART-ANDRE
I
286-7, 297, 299, 301
PraGuE, STATE LIBRARY
Passionale of Abbess Kunigunde
595 n.
PraGuE, ARCHIV METROPOLN{ KaPITULI N. VII Provins, BIBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE
I
615 n., 616-17
522
Rerms, BriBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE
217 221 224 264
522) 522 522 522
266 RENNES, BIBIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE
243 (142)
522
540, 555
593
548-9, 553 n., 555
Rome, BiBLIOTECA APOSTOLICA VATICANA
Ebr. 438 Pal. lat. 1964 Reg. lat. 1490
566 n.
Reg. Reg. Reg. Reg. Urb. Vat. Vat.
573 n.
547 141-2
lat. 1514 lat. 1522 lat. 1682 lat. 2049 lat. 376 lat. 4756 lat. 7620
538 n.
475 0. 522
548 n., 555 523 615 n., 616
Rouen, BrBLioTHEQUE MUNICIPALE
250 (A. 233) 252 (A. 486)
277 (Y. 50) 289 (A. 355) 1044 (O. 4) Leber 5780, vol. 9 Y. 29
522 S19, 524 522 522 I71—2, 345 N., $31, $50, 553 601 n., 602 n.
602 n.
Index of Manuscripts St PeTerspurG,
Turin, BrptioTeca NAZIONALE ibe get
NATSIONAL NAYA BIBLIOTEKA
Rossi Probarvex
Veo Bre Bae. s5 SENS, BrBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE 16 29
STUTTGART, WURTTEMBERGISCHE LANDESBIBLIOTHEK Cod. Bibl. fol. 3
ToLepo, CATHEDRAL 56. 19
Tournal, BIBLIOTHEQUE DE LA VILLE IOI Tours, BrsLiIoTHEQUE MUNICIPALE
647 524
§§3 n.
538 n.
523 524
VALENCIENNES, BIBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE
114
519, 524
396-7
560 n.
VERDUN, BIBLIOTHEQUE MUuNICIPALE
759
523
VIENNA, OSTERREICHISCHES NATIONALBIBLIOTHEK 55 n.
2562 WASHINGTON,
474 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
De Ricci 127 WOLFENBUTTEL,
563 n. HERzoG-AuGuSsT-BIBLIOTHEK
Helmst. 628 (677) = W, Helmst. 1099 (1206) = W,
271, 616-17 364 n., 367, 616
558 947
Troyes, BrBlOoTHEQUE MUNICIPALE
59, fragments
PRIVATE COLLECTION (Sotheby’s 13. vii 1920, lot 52) Grandes Chroniques de France
556
Index of Musical Compositions THXew
A A A A
Celi domina / Maria virgo virginum / Tenor Porchier mieuz (p. mus. 122) 56 n., 137 Chanter mestuet /Mea 362 Ci me faut un tour de vin: dex! Quar le me donnez! (ref. 15)
iointes mains vous pri douce dame (ref. 11) 145 lentrada del tens clar 388 ma dame ai tout mon cuer donne 367 ma dame / Hodie perlustravit 367
A ma dame servir meit tout mon cuer (ref. 7) 143 A touz tours sanz remanoir (p. mus. 45) 29, 30, 79, 138-9
Abundance de felonie / Me fait tieus 27-8, 30
IOI, 159, 350, 486 Clavus pungens acumine (p. mus. 15)
(see also Vobis loquor pastoribus) 616, 618 n.
Ad solitum vomitum / [Regnat] (p. mus. 8) 180 n., 632 Ade costa dormientis / Tenor (p. mus. 39) 180 n. Adoremus dominum, quia ipse est sponsus (p. mus. 104) 85 n., 423, 450-2
Ahi, Amours, con dure departie (Conon de Béthune) 354 Ainssi en moi choisist et prent 150-1 Alleluia. Veni sancte spiritus (p. mus. 31) 30, 425, 484,
Compaignon je sai tel chose 371 n. Conditio | O nacio! Mane (p. mus. 35) 68, 178 n., 275 Confortamini in domino (p. mus. 77) 434 Conseil 147 Constitue domine, super Falvellum (p. mus. 80) 436-7 Cristus assistens pontifex (p. mus. 19) 616
496
Crucifigat omnes 264 n. Custodi nos domine (p. mus. 86) 439-40, 443
de Vitry?) 30, 32, 33, 35-52, 177 N., 225, 274, 348, 430,
Dame a vous (ref. 8) 143-4
474 N., 496, 512
Dame, se par bien amer (p. mus. 58) 151, 391 Dame se vos fours est chaut (SC9) 157 De che que fol pense (Pierre de Molins) 370
Aman novi / Heu Fortuna / Heu me (p. mus. 71) (Philippe
Amors qui m ait en la voie 388 n. Amours aus vrais cuers commune 30 0., 31 Amours que vous ai meffait 27, 28, 30 n., 31
An diex ou pourrai (SCi) 154 Anulo suo subarravit nos dominus noster (p. mus. 105) 85 n.,
423, 451-2, 512 Apud dominum misericordia (p. mus. 108) 454-5
An diex on pora ge trover 147 Au tans nouvel /Chele ma tollus ma joie / J'ai fait nouvellement 137 Aj, amours, tant me dure (p. mus. 43) 29, 106, 138, 354-6,
Desolata mater / Que nutritos / Filios enutrivi (p. mus. 27)
249 N., 274 Detractor est / Qui secuntur / Verbum iniquum (p. mus. 12) 49, 249 N., 474 N., 571, 574 N., GOI, 610
Devorabit Fauvellum dominus (p. mus. 16) 460-1 Dies festa movet 280-1
359, 371, 389, 397 Beati pauperes spiritu, quoniam ipsorum est regnum celorum
(p. mus. 54) 79, 427 Belle, comme loiaus amans (Jehannot de Lescurel)
De toute flors (Guillaume de Machaut) 370 Deduc Syon uberrimas 274 n. Deleantur de libro vivencium (p. mus. 82) 269, 437 Des mauls que la belle 147-8 Descendit de celis 506
388 n.
Dignare nos laudare te (p. mus. 96) 444, 506, 509, 517 Douce dame debonaire (p. mus. 42) 29, 30, 106, 138, 371, 389, 622 n.
Benedicite domino 15 Bien doit chanter 385
Douce et de tout noble afaire (p. mus. 59) 152, 373 n. Douce plaisance / Garison selon nature /Neuma quinti toni
Bien me doi / Cum li plus / In corde ipsius 631-2 Bien voi c'amours me veut mais mestroier 143 Bonne est amours (p. mus. 68) 32
Dum ortum fuerit sol (p. mus. 101) 225 n., 448-9, 486, 508
atohs Neva Sale
Du tout en tout 148
Buccinate in meomenia tuba (p. mus. 76) 433-4 Cancons, va tent u aler 366 Carnalitas, luxuria (p. mus. 36) 46-7, 64, 65 n., 68, 69 n., 175, 179-83, 615 n.
Ce queje tieng / Certes mour est bone vie / Bone compagnie / Manere 159
Elle me dit crueusement 150 Elles ont peux ou cul (SCs) 156 En ce dous temps desté (p. mus. 90) 83, 249 n., 491
En chantant me vuel complaindre (p. mus. 56) 29, 79, 128, 140, 371, 390
En Hellequin le quin (SC4) 155
Index of Musical Compositions En non Dieu (SC2)
154
Esto nobis, domine, turris fortitudinis (p. mus. 102) 85 n.,
449-50, 512-13 Estote fortes in bello (p. mus. 92) 443, 506, 508, 517
649
In mart miserie / [Manere] (p. mus. 7) 180 n.
In paciencia vestra possidebitis (p. mus. 49) 426, 503, 506
In precio precium (p. mus. 16) 615 n., 616
Et a escient 148
In Rama sonit gemitus 272 Incrassate Falvelle (p. mus. 67) 32, 429-30
Et exaltavi (p. mus. 28) 249 n., 348, 615 n. Et quant il vous tarat (ref. 12) 145
Induit nos dominus (p. mus. 106) 423, 451, 452-4 Inflammatis |Sicut /Tenor (p. mus. 51) 249 n.
Et reddet unicuique mercedem (p. mus. 48) 426
Inter membra singula (p. mus. 40) 77, 469 n., 615 n., 616 Ipsi sumus desponsate (p. mus. 107) 423, 451, 454-5, 512
Facilius / Alieni / Imperfecti 249 n.
Iste locus dat nobis gaudium (p. mus. 74) 280-1, 422, 431-2,
Facta est cum angelo (p. mus. 99) 225 n., 446, 508
Falvelle, qui iam moreris (p. mus. 69) 30-2, 617-18, 631,
483 n.
Tuxta est dies perdicionis (p. mus. 119) 462
634 Familiam custodi, Criste (p. mus. 87) 496 n., 504-6, 517 Fauvel cogita (p. mus. 66) 32, 54.n., 69 n., 430, 617 Fauvel est mal assegné (p. mus. 47) 30, 139 Fauvellus, proh dolor! (p. mus. 75) 432-3
Favellandi vicium / Tenor (p. mus. 1) 33, 78, 472 n., 615, 619, 631-4
Fiant dies eius pauct (p. mus. 81) 437 Filie Iherusalem, nolite timere (p. mus. 91) 441-3, 506-7 Firmissime fidem adoremus |Adesto, santa trinitas / Alleluya (p. mus. 124) (Philippe de Vitry) 45 n., 180 n., 287 n., 496, 500 Floret cum Vana Gloria / Florens vigor / Neuma (Philippe de Vitry?) see also Carnalitas luxuria 38-9, 46-7, 49, 175, 177-8, 180-3, 216 n.
Floret fex favellea (p. mus. 11) 616
Fols ne voit (ref. 14) 153-4 Garrit gallus / In nova fert /Neuma (p. mus. 129) (Philippe de Vitry) 35-9, 43-52, 67, 102, 177-8,
Jai ame et touz iourz amerai (ref. 1) 140-1 Jai ce que me vient a talant 150 Jame dame donneur et de pris (ref. 2) 141
James chancon ne feroie 371-3 Japelerai se diex me gart (ref. 10) 144 Jatendrai ainssi aimi (ref. 13) 146 Je nos chanter 386 n. Je puis bien dire (ref. 9) 144 Je qui poair seule ai de conforter (p. mus. 46) 30, 79 Je vis les pex de mon cul (SC8) 156
Je voi douleur / Fauvel nous a fait /Autant (p. mus. 29)
33> 49, 136, 272, 470 n. Jolis sanz raison clamer (p. mus. 60) 64, 152, 371, 390 La mesnie fauveline / J'ai fait nouvelement / Grant despit ai ie (p.mus. 41) 137 Lamoureuse fleur deste 175 n. Laetabundus 116 Las quant mercy pri doucement 149 Lautrier dehors Pinquigni (SC3) 155
216 n., 227, 270, 351, 474 n., 601-2, GIO n., 611
Gaudet Falvellus nimium (p. mus. 72) 615 n. Generacio eorum perversa et infideles filii (p. mus. 89) 264,
423, 441-3 Gracieuse, faitisse et sage (Jehannot de Lescurel) 152, 331-2 Gracieusette, La tres douce Gilete 27 Gracieux temps est quant rosier (Jehannot de Lescurel) 63, 150, 491
Ma dame me fait chanter 142 Mon chant en plain 175 n. Mundus a mundicia / Tenor (p. mus. 2) 33, 68, 78, 272, 275, 467, 615 n., 616, 618—23, 631-3
Natus est nobis (p. mus. 109) 225 n., 455 Necesse est ut veniant scandala (p. mus. 63) 397 n., 428 Nemo potest duobus dominis servire (p. mus. 53) 79, 279,
427
Ha, Parisius, civitas regis magni! (p. mus. 73) 210, 430-1, 483 n. Habitatio autem vestra in Syon (p. mus. 114) 421 n. Han Diex! ou pourraije trouver 49-50, 109-12, 121, 128-33, 146-7
He diex tant ioliement (ref. 6) 142-3
Non auferetur sceptrum (p. mus. 110) 225 n., 456, 512, 514-15 Non nobis domine (p. mus. 127) 422, 465-6, 602 Nos signis pie christe (p. mus. 126) 71 n., 464-5 Nous ferons des prelaz gorpiz (SCu1) 157 Nulla pestis est gravior / Plange, nostra regio / Vergente (p. mus. 9) 162, 249 n., 256 n., 275
He las iai failli (p. mus. 62) 153 Heu! quo progreditur (p. mus. 6) 616, 618 n.
Nulli beneficium (p. mus. 24) 616
Heu, quid destructio hec! (p. mus. 118) 461
Hic fons, hic devius (p. mus. 121) 421 n., 430, 462-4 Hodie nobis de celo pax (p. mus. 97) 225 n., 445
O amicus / Precursoris 224 n.
Il ne muet pas (Adam de la Halle) 27, 28 Iluminare, illuminare, therusalem (p. mus. 98) 68 n.,
O O O O
O labilis sortis humane status (p. mus. 34) 66 n., 616-17, 630 n.
225 n., 445-6, 508, 510
In hac valle miserie (p. mus. 85) 440
mens cogita 32 Philippe francie / O bone dux /[solus tenor] 220 n. sacrum convivium 440-1 varium (p. mus. 10) 616
Index ofMusical Compositions
650 Omni pene curie (p. mus. 23) 616
Omnia tempus habent (p. mus. 70) 32, 422, 430-1 Omnipotens domine (p. mus. 123) 56 n. Orbis orbatus / Vos pastores / Fur non venit (p. mus. 22)
(Philippe de Vitry?) 38, 67 n., 68, 273 Parate est sentencia (p. mus. 112) 456-7 Pax vobis, ego sum, nolite timere (p. mus. 113) 457-9, 512 Petre Clemens / Lugentium / Non est 253 Phi millies ad te / O creator 38 Plebs fidelis Francie (p. mus. 115) 269, 281-2, 459-60, 491
Se vous nestes (Guillaume de Machaut) 370 n. Selonc le mal / Docebit 365 Servant regem / Ludowice / Rex regum (in BN, MS fr. 571) 16, 48, 219-20,
282, 290, 571, 574N.,
576 n., 589 n.,
619
Servant regem / O Philippe / Rex regum (p. mus. 33) 10, 16, 48-9, 57-63, 7O-I, 216, 219-31, 249 n., 265, 268, 282, 289-90, 297, 325, 468, 474 n., 492, 6II Seurement 149
Si com aloie jouer / Deduisant com fins amourous / Portare 142
Plebs fidelis rutilat 281
Si ie ni aloie (SC12) 158
Porchier miex estre ameroie (p. mus. 30) 29, 55-6, 65-6,
Sicut mirra electa odorem (p. mus. 95) 444, 506, 517
137, 425
Simulacra eorum argentum et aurem (p. mus. 79) 435-6
Pour recouvrer alegiance (p. mus. 64) 110 n., 138, 327 n. Pourquoi m estes vous ai dure (refrain in p. mus. 43) 29 n., 138
Precursor / Precursoris
35 n.
Presum, prees (p. mus. 18) 67, 615 n. Prosperantes autem veniunt (p. mus. 94) 443-4 Providence la senee (p. mus. 55) 29, 79; 128, 139-40, 3735
390
Sire deus en tante guise 386 n. Son dous regart ma mon cuer (ref. 4) 142 Super cathedram / Presidentes in thronis / Ruina (p. mus. 4) 67 n., 249 N., 275 Sus sus a la dance (SCio)
157
Talent que jai d obeir (p. mus. 44) 79, 106, 330 n. Tant mabellis lamoros pessamens 366 n. Tant mefait / Tout li cuers / Omnes 142
Quant florist la pree 143
Tout le cuer men rit de tote (ref. 3) 141
Quant ie le voi! Bon vin doit / Cis chans veult boire
Thalamus / Quomodo / Tenor (p. mus. 78) 254 n., 617-20,
(p. mus. 130) I0I—2, 158, 350, 486 Quant li nouiaus tens s'agence 382-4, 388 Quare fremuerunt / Tenor (p. mus. 3) 33, 78, 616-20,
Trahunt in precipicia / Han Diex! ou pourai je trouver /
622-31, 634
Quasi non ministerium | Trahunt in precipicia / Ve qui
gregi / Displicebat ei (p. mus. 21) 46 n., 49-50, 111-12, 147, 175 N., 249 N., 272, 273, 611
Qui cogitaverunt (p. mus. 83) 438 Qui d'amours ait remenbrance 386 n. Quo me vertam, nescio (p. mus. 20) 616
631-2
Tenor 49-50, 147, 175 n.
Trente quatre pez moysis (SC6) 156 Tribum que non abhorruit / Quoniam secta latronum / Merito (p. mus. 120) (Philippe de Vitry) 36-7, 39, 43-5, 50, 67, 71 N., 177 N., 249 N., 299, 474 N., 496, 512, 518-20, 6I0
Tristis est anima mea 37
Un chant novel 374-5
Respexit dominus humilitatem nostram (p. mus. 88) 434, 440 Respice, domine deus (p. mus. 84) 438-9
Vade retro, Sathana! (p. mus. 65) 32, 430, 617
Rex et sacerdos prefuit (p. mus. 25) 616
Vanitas vanitatum (p. mus. 14) 616 Vas nems ten vai 366 Vehemens indignatio (p. mus. 26) 616
Sespoir nestoit 370 n.
Veni creator spiritus 252 n., 265
Salve regina 632 Samours mont mon cuer (ref. 5) 142
Veni sancte spiritus 56, 500-2, 517 Veniat mors super illos (p. mus. 117) 461 Verbum caro (p. mus. 100) 225 n., 226, 447-8, 508, 511 Veritas equitas (p. mus. 52) 60 n., 617 Virgineus sensus (p. mus. 111) 179, 615 n.
Sancta et immaculata virginitas (p. mus. 103) 85 n., 225 n.,
450, 512 Scariotis geniture / Jure quod /Superne matris (p. mus. 5) 67 N., 275, 474 n., GOI
Scrutator alme cordium (p. mus. 125) 68, 71 n., 617-19 Se cuers toans / Rex beatus / Ave (p. mus. 32) 48-50, 57, 59, 62-5, 216, 219, 221 n., 265, 290, 325, 474 N., 512 n., 61
Se de secours (p. mus. 61) 152-3, 371, 390 Se jonques a mon vivant (p. mus. 57) 110, 128, 146, 371,
390
Virginis mire pulchritudinis 370 Virtus moritur 616
Vobis loquor pastoribus 358 n. Voca operarios 426 Vostre bele bouche besera mon cul (SC7) 156 Vrai Diex comment de ce tourment 149
General Index Uae
Names in the form A de B, are recorded under the place-name, e.g. Nevelon d’Amiens is indexed under Amiens. Aachen 192, 198 Abelard 593 Abimelech 289 Abraham 415 Acre 478
Aristotle 164, 174, 201, 274 n., 294, 303, 405, 413 De generatione animalium 405 n. De longitudine et brevitate vitae 405 n.
Acy, Jean d’ 308 n., 311 Adam
163—4, 350, 415
Africanus, Constantinus, Pantegni 410 Agatha, St 439 Agen (Lot-et-Garonne), Concile Provincial 277
Agnes, St 423, 439, 451-4 Ahasuerus, feast of 492 Ajax 248 n.
Albert the Great 402, 403, 404, 405, 411 Alexander the Great 479, 586
Alibn al-‘Abbas al-Majiist (“Haly Abbas’), Kitab al-Maliki 410, 411
Politica 202 Problemata 403 n. Arlt, Wulf 5, 357, 630 Arrablay, Pierre d’ 245 n., 309 Arras (Pas-de-Calais) 3, 114, 347, 349, 374, 376, 478, 500, 512 N., §20, 542 n., 562, 566, 596-7
Arras, Moniot d’, Dame, ains ke je voise 122 n. Arthur, Artois Artois, Artois, Artois,
King 540 n., 586 242, 562 n., 594 Counts of 596 Jeanne of, Queen 561 Mahaut, Countess of 19, 20, 251, 312, 537 n., 542,
550, 561, 562, 595, 597, 601 n., 609
Amboise, family of 318 Amboise, Jeanne d’ 318, 532, 550 Ambrose, St 409 n.
Artois, Artois, Artois, Artois,
Amiens (Somme)
Ascension eve, 1315 (30 April) 37
293
Bishop of, see Cherchemont Vidame of, see Picquigny, Renaud de
Marguerite d’ 20 Robert of 251, 252 n., 311, 312 Robert I, Count of 6o1 n. Robert II, Count of 20, 200, 243, 473, 481, 595, 597
Asti, Bruno of 268 Ath (Hainaut) 587, 588 n.
Aubigny, Jean d’ 308 n.
Amiens, Girart d’, Meliacin 123 n., 481, 482 n. Amiens, Guillaume d’ 123 n., 142 Amiens, Nevelon d’, Dit d‘Amours 111, 125 n., 147, 150 Amour dont tele est lapuissance 109, 110-11, 128, 130, 140
Aubigny, Remy
Anagni
Aubry, Pierre 123
240, 409 n., 472 N., 477
Aubigny, Pierre d’ 308 n., 311 n., 316 n.
Aubigny, Regnaut 308 n., 311 n. 308 n.
Anglicus, Bartholomaeus, Liber de proprietatibus rerum 312,
Aucassin et Nicolette 113 n., 115, 345
410, 411, 414 n. Anjou, Charles II, Duke of, King of Sicily 281, 477 n., 479 Anjou, Robert, Duke of 479 Anjou and Maine, Marguerite, Countess of, 1st wife of Charles of Valois 21 Anlezy, Guillaume d’ 252 n. Antichrist 227, 240-1, 297-8 Antioch 234 n.
Augustine of Hippo, St 175 n., 241, 264 n., 267-268, 415 De diversis quaestionibus lxxxiti 415 De Genesi contra Manichaeos 415
Antiochus
273, 289
Augustodunensis, Honorius, /mago mundi 407-8, 409,
414 Auri, Adam and Riquier 349 Austria
566
Auvergne, William of 416 n. Auxerre (Yonne)
309 n., 502
Apocalypse 44 n., 255
Auxerre, Remigius of 409 n.
Aquinas, Thomas, St 344 n., 520 n. Aragon 66
Avesnes, Guy d’ 169 n.
Aragon, Isabella, Queen of France, 1st wife of Philip III 20 Arezzo, Guido of, Epistola de ignoto cantu 495 Ariepeil, Michaus de, see Brieoeil, Michaus de
Avesnes, Jean II d’ 169 n. Avicenna see Ibn-Sina Avignon (Vaucluse)
38 n., 234, 253-5, 603, 606
Palais des Papes 253
General Index
652 Avril, Alain d’ 308 n.
Avril, Francois 4, 5, 39, 171, 325, 335 421, 529 n., 931, 561, 564 n., 566, 584
Besancon, Henri de 562 n. Béthune, Conon de 354-7, 385 Béthune, Robert de, see Flanders, Robert de Béthune,
Aycelin, Gilles 309 n.
Count of Béthune, Sauvage de 115
Babylon 254-5 Badel, Pierre-Yves 12, 342 Baldrich, Guillaume 9
Beziers, Raymond de, Kalila et Dimna 208, 289 n. Bible, books: Old Testament
Baqueler, P. 308 n.
Gen. 1:26 294 16512270 2Gn 302 Bur 260
Barbara, St 169
Barbou, family of 206 n. Bari:
Ste-Chapelle 281 Barneville, Jean de 308 n.
3:19
Baron, Frangoise 544 n. Barrier, Pierre 308 n., 309, 311, 315 n., 317
TOrl2.0
Bataille de Caresme et Charnage (La) 345 Baudet, Gui 318 n. Baudouin II 281 Bautier, Robert-Henri 307, 318 n. Baviére, Isabeau de 478
4l: 34-5 271 Lie Wlgp agp
Baye, Nicolas de 312 n. Bayonne (Pyrénées-Atlantique) Beatrice of England 548 Beatus, mestre 308 n.
240
Beauchamp, Alice 531 n. Beauchamp of Hache, John, Lord 531 n. Beaumanoir, Philippe de 312 Coutumes du Beauvaisis 312 Beaumont, Dames de, convent of 560 n. Beaune, Pierre de 308 n. Beauvais, Pierre de 68 n. Beauvais, Vincent de 60, 567
De morali Speculum Speculum Speculum
principis institutione 294 doctrinale 409 n. historiale 164 naturale 409
Beer, E. J. 566 Becker, Philip Auguste 3 n., 35 n., 421 Becket, St Thomas, Archbishop 272 n.
Bequet, Jehan 308 n. Bede, the Venerable, De temporum ratione 414 n. Bédier, Joseph 123, 131 Belet, Jean 545 n. Belleperche, Pierre de 309 n.
Belleymont, Jean de 309 n. Benedict XI, Pope 23 Benedict XII, Pope 253 Bender, Margaret 225 Bent, Margaret 16, 70, 217, 220 n., 250 n.
Benveniste, Emile 81 Béquin de Cambrai, Martin 115 Berger, Samuel 533 Béroul: Tristan 481 n.
Berron, Ameline de 544 n. Berry 311 Berry, Jean de 551, 566 n. Berzé, Hugues de 386
346, 348
21:9
27.0
270
43: 23 457 45: 4-5 497 ASH) M272
49: 10
456
Exod. 6: 6-7 15:20 Deut
274 266
26:7
440
31: 20 32
429
423
3228° 435 spiky
3p) Salyer. 29)
32:18
462
32:20 32:| 22)
441 460
32: 32 © 435
32: 35
462
Judg. Il: 34
266
1 Kgs. / Sam. SE Ag 10: 5 266 2 Kgs. / Sam. TE N275 3 (1) Kgs. 1D, OX 12:8
64n.
19: 13 275 4 (2) Kgs. 19: 23 266 2 Chron. 10: 8, 13-14 ZO: Iya fad
Judith 4:10
270
Esth. 2: 18
266
Job
7:5 13: 28
348 348
64n.
General Index 14:5 17:14 20:7
435 348 348
21:12
266
IOS. 18:6 20:10
275 449 267
653
lay.
44:4
265
47:3
430
54:16
461
60:4 63:6
449 435
67:26 68:29
75:3
267 269, 437
458
79:14
80: 4
268
433
88: 15 268 89: 16-17 438 93: 22 273 106: 7 106: 16
440 433
108: 6 436 108: 8-10 437
16:4
342
Sir. / Ecclus. ey 7A TOP2 959) te 16:15 426 24:20 444 34:24
435
3936
2710
46:1
443
49:17
60n.
Isa. I: 22
269
9: 6-7
455
113: 12
435
4 ie)be ~
125:6
439 443
2222 265 24:8 266 32: 5-6 59 n. S72 A206
131: 13
433
40: 3-4
273
57: 3-13,
264
113: 9
465
135: 23 440 3 438 139:5 438, 439 9 439 143:1 440 146: 11 462 3
266, 267
150: 4
267
5
267
8: 1-3 341 10:16 59, 60 ies 207, 17:10 341 20: 28 268 EP OEE Liauial, Wyre oSy)
Eccles. 321 450 4:13 59 8:6 458 8:11 458 10: 2-3 59 n. TO: 222) 10; 17 59; 6 ihe a7}
Cant. 2: 1-2
267
60:1 446 61: 10 452 Jets 4:22 269 22:20 266 31: IS-I7_ 272
37: 15-16 Lam. ay
274
pl
I. 3 274 De atey pigfh 3: 44 274 4:1 269
Ezech. 26: 13 Dan.
266
4: 28-37 7 416
294
10: 13. 269 10: 21 269 12:1 269
Jonah 4:8
448
Soph. 3:15
269
1 Macc. 2: 26-7
273
General Index
654 Bible, books (cont.):
2:51
443
3: 45
266
273
New Testament
269
3:16
13:11
79, 427
6:26
264, 486 n. 486 n.
271
1 Cor.
5:8
340m
9: 24
265)
IZ, LOW
Westy
300
13: 12-13.
427
6: 24
8: 26-7
415
275
8:31 453 9: 32-3 346
Degen 272 BR 7B
9:34
1:16-3: 26
2:29
6: 3-4
Matt.
Te
440
Rom.
16: 23-4
533
Olle
BATS
18:7
273
458
10: 16-17
14: 15-16 268 n. 78} G31
16:19
265
16: 27
426
271 27/5
12260266
15: 28
266
266
265
Gal. 270 4: 22-3 4:29 270
Eph. I:,19
275
18: 7
397, 428
2:19
268 n.
18:8 20:8 24:3
415 426 400
D2O 27k. 337 «275 6: IO-Il_ 434
24:12
274
26:24
461
27: 64 269 Mark BaD ASS Luke 2:13. 447
334
273
10:30 274 10: 34 272 Il: It 346n. 16:8 269 WER IG:
VA\y/
20: 18 346 21: 9 400 21: 19 426
Phil. Da2t
273
1 Tim. 6:15 448 Heb. Il: 34 443 Jas.
3:15
269
1 Peter De (Say 2: 7-8 346 omletes I: Il
443
Jude 5) Dg Apoc. / Rev.
21: 25
+400, 413
2:6
268 n.
24:36
457
3:7
265
John I:14
448
1 We}
BZ}
269 I: 45-51 I: 49 269 SOM TG
272 275 269 Baye HOE IAA az 15:26 448 20:19 457 Acts Both SS Ta. By 7: 23 10:1 TOR 2
320M
2715
W237
270
1239
443
18: 22 266 19: I-21 59n. 19:16 224, 297, 448
20: 1-3 59 Nn. Billouart, Jean Gorn. Bingen, Hildegard von 416 n. Bitonto, Lucas de 414 n. Blachernae, Palace of 198
Blanches-Mains, Blazon, Thibaut Bloch, Howard Blois, Pierre de
Guillaume aux, Archbishop of Sens 538 de 386 164 312, 593
General Index Blois, Robert de:
Burgundy
Enseignement des Princes 469 n.
655 598
Burgundy, Agnés of, Dowager Duchess 20, 251 Burgundy, Blanche of, Queen of France, 1st wife of
Beaudous 469 n. Blum, Rudolph 536
Charles IV 10, 20-1, 64, 311 n.
Boccaccio, Giovanni, De casibus 337, 344 n.
Bodel, Jean, Chanson des Saisnes 473 Boethius 346
Burgundy, Eudes IV, Duke of 19, 21, 244, 251-2, 608 Burgundy, Jeanne, Duchess of, daughter of Philip V 21 Burgundy, Jeanne of, Queen of France, wife of Philip V
De consolatione philosophiae 282, 348 n., 520; Lady Philosophy 79 Bohemia 595
Burgundy, Jeanne of, Queen of France, wife of Philip VI
Bohemond, Count 266 Boinet, Amedée 533
Burgundy, Marguerite of, Queen of France, wife of
Boniface VIII, Pope 38 n., 237, 239-42, 294, 310, 472,
Burgundy, Othon IV, Count of 20, 561 Burgundy, Robert II, Duke of 20
20-I, 63, 251, 270, 478 n., 491
21, 532, 550 Louis X 10, 21, 64, 65, 285, 477 n.
477 Bouillon, Godfroy de 268 Bourbon, Louis I de, Count of Clermont, later Duke of Bourbon
4, 21, 532, 545 n., 550, 598, 600, 606
Bourbon, Louis IH, Duke of 21 Bourbon, Pierre de, later Duke of Bourbon Boulogne sur Mer (Pas-de-Calais): Notre-Dame-des-Menus 206 n. Bourges (Cher) 312 n.
Bute Painter 536
21, 607
Butterfield, Ardis 3, 49 Cahors (Lot) 253 Cambrai (Nord) 502, 560 n., 562 n., 566 n.
St Géry 607 Cambron (Somme), Abbey of 560 n.
Bourges, Pierre Garnier de 15, 308 n., 309, 312 n., 314,
315 n.
Camille, Michael 7, 544n. Capella, Martianus 400 n. Capet, Hugh 291
Bourlet, Caroline 316 n. Boutelliers, Colars li, Li biaus tans deste 141 n. Boutremont, Robin 548 Bouville, Hugues de 316, 317, 482 n., 593 Bouvines (Nord)
Burley, Walter 12, 404-5, 409, 411, 412, 413 Expositio libri de sex principiis 403-4, 405, 418 Bus (Eure) 313
10
Brabant, Henri, Duke of 115
Brabant, Marie of, Queen of France, 2nd wife of Philip II 20, 473, 478, 481, 610
Carmina Burana 283 Cassiodorus 267 Catalonia 360 Cazelles, Raymond 237 Celles, Theodore de 588
Celtes, Conrad, Quatuor libri amorum 411
Branner, Robert 280 Bretel, Jacques, Le Tournoi de Chauvency 114, 116, 145,
567, 583, 587 Brittany, Arthur II, Duke of 492
Cerens, Jean de 189-90, 198 Chaillou, Jean 314 Chaillou, Raoul 313-14 Challoner, Richard 256 Chalon, Pierre 309 n. Chalons, Hugues of 252 n.
Brittany, Isabelle, Duchess of 584
Chalons-sur-Marne (Marne)
Brittany, Jean II of 548
Chalop, Geoffroy Engelor dit 308 n., 309, 311, 313 n., 314,
379 n., 481 Brieulles-sur-Meuse (Meuse) 560 n., 587 Brieoeil, Michaus de, canon of St-Géry, Valenciennes
560,
Brittany, Marie of 548 Broce, Pierre de la 243 Brooks, Jeanice 7 n. Brosse, Solomon de 193 n. Brown, Elizabeth 7, 10, 11, 103 n., 204, 216, 219, 221, 294,
Abbot of St Bartholomew, see Hautschild Bruges, Jean de 563 n. 363—4, 366, 371 n., 383, 385, 386, 394 n.
A la dougour de la bele saison
363-4
Bruyelle (Hainaut) 560 n. Bruyelle, Jean de 567 Bucher, Francois
Champagne
4, 19, 251, 368, 383, 394, 598
Chanson de Roland 236 Charenton (Niévre)
12
Bruges 239
Brulé, Gace
315, 316, 317, 319 see also Chaillou de Pesstain Chambly, Pierre de 312, 316, 317, 482, 597
Chappes, Pierre de 309 n.
430 n., 580 n., 599, 610
Brownlee, Kevin
584 n.
538
Bucoleon, Palace of 198 Bucy, Simon de, Bishop of Paris 526 n., 527
526 n.
Charlemagne, Emperor 198, 235, 241, 243, 291, 293, 301 Charles IV, Holy Roman Emperor 197, 478 Charles IV, King of France 21, 311, 318, 542, 584 n., 602, 603, 609
Charles V, King of France 197, 314, 318, 348 n., 478, 551 Charles VI, King of France 531 n. Charles VII, King of France 311 n., 312 n. Charolles, Hugues de 311 Chartier, Alain 312 n. Chartres (Eure-et-Loir) 293, 296, 403
656
General Index
Chartres (Eure-et-Loir) (cont.):
Vidame of 386 School of 402, 416 Chartres, Nicolas de 308 n., 312 n. Chatillon, family of 546 Chatillon, Gaucher de 19 n. Chatillon, Guy I de, Count of Blois (d. 1342) 21, 581, 584,
586, 589 Chatillon, Guy III de, Count of St Pol (d. 1289) 588, 589 Chatillon, Guy IV de, Count of St Pol (d. 1317) 548, 550, 600-1
Chatillon, Jean de, Count of St-Pol 550 Chatillon, Walter of 254 n., 270, 275
Chaucer, Geoffrey 275 Chauchat, family of 311 Chaumes, Nicholas de 190 n. Chavannes-Mazel, Claudine 538 Cherchemont, Jean, chancellor of Charles de Valois 309 n., 602, 605
Cherchemont, Jean, Bishop of Amiens 16, 602 Chiesa, Gioffredo della Cronaca di Saluzzo 8 n.
Chilperic, King 188 n. Chinon (Indre-et-Loire)
314
Chronique métrique 5, 8, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16, 17, 37; 53> $5 1.5 58, 63, 64, 65, 67-71, 161, 174, 216 n., 218, 247, 316, 467-94, 600-1, 610
Cicero 411
De re publica 201 Clairvaux, Bernard of, St, Sermones in cantica canticorum 266
Clari, Robert de 198 Clark, Alice 1, 49 n. Clark, Suzannah 132
Condé, Baudouin de, Li Contes de la Rose 113 Li Prison d’Amours 110, 113, 117-20, 126, 341 n. Condé, Jean de 6or Dits 14
De lipocrisie des jacobins 601 Dis du Koc 601 Dis du Lyon 601 Dis du seigneur de Marigny 601 Du prince qui croit bordeurs 601 Du torche 601 Je me suis longuement teiis 601 Conflans (Yvelines) 595 Congés d'Arras 578 n. Congy, Herbert de 308 n. Coninc, Pierre 64 n. Constantine, Emperor 301
Constantinople 198-9
Coquatrix, family of 598 Couci, Chastelain de 386 La douce voiz du louseignol sauvage 87 n., 367 n. Court de Paradis (La) 114, 119, 142 Courceles, Jehan de 562 n.
Courtenay, Katherine de, Countess of Valois, second wife of Charles de Valois 478 n. Courtrai, see Kortrijk Coussemaker, Edmond 39 n. Couvin, Watriquet de 580-4, 586, 589
Dit de Varbre royal 583 Dit de Loiauté 14, 580-1 Dit des .iii. chanotnesses de Couloigne 583 Dit des .itit. sieges 586 Dit du roi 583
Li enseignemens du jonefil du prince 580-1 Li mireoirs as princes 582 n.
Clémence of Hungary, Queen of France, wife of Louis X 21, 61, 62 N., 65, 218, 223,243, 245, 311, 478 n., 532, 549, GOI n.
Couvin (Hainaut)
Clement V, Pope 240, 477 n., 478 n., 492 Clement VI, Pope 253 Clermont, Louis, Count of, see Bourbon, Louis de Clermont, Robert, Count of 20
Crépy, Jean de 308 n., 311 n., 312 n.
Clermont-en-Beauvaisis (Oise) 607
Clersens, Jehan 308 n. Clovis, King of the Franks 264 Cluny, Gui Juliot de 308 n., 311 Coinci, Gautier de, Les Miracles de Nostre Dame 112, 113, 116
Cointet, Gui 308 n., 315 n. Col, Gontier 312 n.
Colart 208 n. Cologne 477 n. Colombier, Felis 308 n.
583 Crépon, Martin de 311 Crépy, Guillaume de 308 n., 309 n.
Croiselles, Baude de 597 Cruce, Petrus de 26 Curtius, Ernst Robert 469 n. Czeckalska, Natalia 564 n. Dagobert 57, 289 Dahnk, Emilie 3, 22, 175, 222, 274, 421, 422, 423, 424, 496 n.
Damour et de jalousie 125 n., 126-7 Dante Alighieri 362, 364 De vulgari eloguentia 359 Divina commedia 38, 344 n.; Inferno 265; Purgatorio 38 n.
Comestor, Petrus 172 Historia scholastica 538
Vita nuova 350 Dargies, Gautier de 383, 386 Darius 479
Complainte d amour 8, 53, 71, 467
Dauphiné 318
Complainte douteuse 125 Conches, Philippe de 20
David 60, 415-16, 544 Davis, Michael 7 Davis, Natalie Zemon 596
Conches, William of 402
General Index Dayte, Lorenz
525
657
Fabre, Pierre 308 n.
Dean, Jeffrey 333 n.
Fauquembergue, Clément de 312 n.
Delisle, Léopold Denis, St 473
Fauvel Master 39, 172, 285, 287, 289, 294, 295, 298, 305,
531 n.
338, 342, 493 N., 530, 531-2, 533, 538; 549, 550-1
De Sanford, family of 544 n. Deschamps, Eustache 138 Diamond, Joan 537
Diest, Abbey of 538 Dijon, Guiot de, Penser ne doit vilanie 141 n. Dijon, Jean de 308 n., 312 n. Dillon, Emma
10, 58, 61, 70, 300
Dit de la queu de Renart 396 Diverrés, Armel 233, 235, 245 Dol (Ille-et-Vilaine), diocese of 309 n., 314 Dol, Guillaume de 2, 311 n. Douai (Nord), puys 116 Dragonetti, Roger 313
Du Bus, Gervés: author of the short Fauvel passim authorship of short Fauvel 2, 12-13, 74, 78, 100, 315 career in royal chancery 14-15, 312-17, 599-613
chaplain to Marigny 14, 55, 311 Norman dialectical traits of 586
Norman origins and interests 313
role in interpolated Fauvel 13, 606 see also Roman de Fauvel Du Bus, Jean, alias Le Grant
604
Dunbabin, Jean 5, 14, 479 Dupin, Jean 396 n. Du Plessis, Geoffroy 312, 316 Vie de Saint Louis 312 Durandus 463 n. Diirer, Albrecht 411, 412, 413 Du Temple, Geoffroy 316 Du Temple, Jean 308 n., 309, 310, 311, 602 n. Earp, Lawrence 357, 384 Edward the Confessor, King of England 288, 548
Favier, Jean 10, 235 n., Ferrant, Thomas 311 Ferri d’Arras, Lambert Fescant, Guillaume de Fiennes, Jean de 251 n. Flanders 64 n., 237 n.,
244 n., 592
115 544 n. 239, 295, 308 n., 310, 537, 566, 594
Flanders, Ferrant, Count of to, 474 n. Flanders, Guy, Count of 237 Flanders, Robert de Béthune, Count of 19, 237 n., 251-2, 265, 270, 586, 594 n.
Flandre and Hainaut, Jeanne, Countess of 587 Florence 477 n., 478 n. Florus 415 Flote, Guillaume 318, 531, 532, 550, 592, 598 Flote, Pierre 239, 309, 318, 592, 598 Fontainebleau (Seine-et-Marne)
23
Fourqueus, Guillaume de 308 n. Frachet, Guéraud de 251 n. Fraite, Girart de 586 France, Agnés de 19 France, Blanche de 473, 481 France, Blanche de (d.1394) 531 n. Franco, Ars cantus mensurabilis 368 n., 635 n. Francois I, King of France 8 Fréauville, Nicholas de 592
Fredegunde, Queen 188 n. Frederick Il, Emperor 478, 566 n. Freine, Simon de 348
Fresnes, Geoffroy de 316 Fretes, Pierre de 308 n. Frogier d’Asnier, family of 313 n. Froissart, Jean, Grandes chroniques 113, 197, 206, 478 Funck-Brentano, Franz 234 Furnes
479, 480 n.
Edward I, King of England 244 n., 289 Edward II, King of England 11, 19 n., 21, 193, 207, 236, 250, 251 n., 477, 478 n., 483, 485-6, 487, 608, 610-11
Edward III, King of England 9, 21, 166, 318, 561, 573;
576 n., 584, 589, 596, 597, 608 as Prince Edward Egypt 270, 411 Elijah 275
584
En aventure comanz
386 n.
Gagny (Seine-et-Oise) Ganelon 235
314
Galahad 303 Galen 405 Galeran de Bretagne 113, 394 n.
Gardner, Stephen 191
Engelor, Geoffroy, see Chalop England 318, 584, 589, 594 Ercuis, Guillaume d’ 308 n.
Garland, John of 274 n., 348 n., 387 Gascony, duchy of 584 Gaspar, Camille 538 Gaveston, Piers 236 n.
Etampes, Pierre d’ 311 n., 531 Eualach 533 n.
Gayte, Géraud 31, 313 Gencien, Jacques 482 n. Gencien, Pierre, Tournoiement as dames de Paris 481-2 Germany 411, 566
Eve 163-4, 170, 476
Ghent, puys 116
Evreux, Jeanne of, Queen of France, wife of Charles [V 21
Giélée, Jacquemart 115, 287, 583, 586
Esau 270
Evreux, Louis, Count of 19, 20, 218, 237 n., 251 n., 476 n., 487, 600, 608-10
Evreux, Philippe of, see Philip II, King of Navarre
Renart le Nouvel 110, 113-14, 116, 141, 143, 287, 577-9,
581, 586; Beline 117; Belins 117; Boursée 117; Cointeriaus 117; Dame Guile 9, 577; Fausseté
658
General Index
Giélée, Jacquemart (cont.): 578 n.; Fortune 577-8; Hersent
117; Loyauté
577-8;
Noble 116, 287; Orgueil 578 n.; Renart 9, 166, 287,
577) 5793 Symons 117 Gien, Etienne de 308 n. Gien, Pierre de 309 Gildas, St 548 Gillebert 372 Gisors, Jehan de 190 n. Glossa ordinaria 257, 341 Goliath 544 Gorjut, Geoffroy 309, 308 n., 315 n., 316 Gournaix (Seine-Maritime) 379 n. Grandes Chroniques de France 236, 298-9, 477, 478, 486 Grante feste (1313) U, 14 n., 68 n., 236, 472, 476-9, 482,
Honnorez, Pierre 542, 550 Honorius 414 Horace: Ars poetica 168, 409
Epistola 275 n., 465 Hospitallers 166 Houdenc, Raoul de: Armeiire de chevalier 481 n. Songe denfer 481 n. Howlett, David 44, 185 n., 574
Hughes, Andrew 116 Huglo, Michel 3, 1 Hunain ibn Ishaq (Johannitius’) 406-7, 409 Huot, Sylvia 90, 106 Huy 588
483, 485, 486-7, 490, 492, 494, 596, 610-11 Greece 411 Gregory XII, Pope: Decretals 264 Grise, Jean de 563 n. Grocheio, Johannes de 357-8, 359 n., 360, 361-2, 368, 378,
Isabella, heiress of Jerusalem 478
527
Isidore of Seville, St, Ezymologia 265, 401 Italy 360, 479, 566 n.
Grusch, Jean 280 n. Guérout, Jean 188, 204 Guiart, Guillaume, Branche des royaus lingnages 471, 472, 480 n.
Gurevich, Aron 130 Gurney, Sir Matthew
Jablonski, Daniel 248 n. Jacob 270
Jandun, Jean de, Tractatus de laudibus Parisius 190, 208, 531 n.
483 n. Jasseines, Jacques de 308 n., 311 n., 315 n.
Habsburg, Frederick of 477 n. Hadrian, Pope 301 Hagia Sophia, treasury of 199
Jeanroy, Alfred 131
Hainaut
Jerusalem 234 n. Jeu du pelerin (Le) 158
Jéquier, Léon 544 Jerome, St 269, 272
560, 584, 586, 588, 589, 594
Hainaut, Isabella of, Queen of France, wife of Philip Augustus 291 Hainaut, Jeanne, Countess of 21, 584, Gor
Hainaut, Marie of, wife of Louis I of Bourbon
Haly Abbas, see Ali ibn al-‘Abbas al-Majisi
John II (le Bon), King of France
John Hyrcanus I 273
Hautschild, Lubertus, Abbot of St Bartholomew Hauville, Jean d’, Architrenius 416 n. Hedeman, Anne 542 n. Henry III, King of England 548
566 n.
Henry IV, King of France 204 Henry VI, Emperor 417
Joinville, Jean de -295 Histoire de Saint Louis 471, 478
Joseph 457 Josiah 60 Joué, Raoul Souain de 308 n., 311 n., 315 n. Judas Maccabaeus 273, 289 Julian the Apostate, Caesar 188
10, 35, 477, 478 n., 601
Hermaphroditus 171 Hesdin (Pas-de-Calais) 200, 595, 597 Hesperides, garden of 345 405, 409
Holford-Strevens, Leofranc
21, 531 n., 542
John XXII, Pope 234, 251 n., 252-3, 254, 255, 268, 281, 326,
472, 479, 609
Hanieére, Jean 466, 602 Hasler, Rolf 562
Holy Land 65
49 N., 53, 61, 70, 179, 222-3, 227, 251, 326, 327, 332, 599
Hainaut, Philippa of 9, 166, 561, 573, 576 n., 584, 589 Hainaut, Guillaume IH, Count of 21, 542, 550, 584, 586
Hippocrates
Johannitius see Hunain ibn Ishaq John I (le Posthume), King of France (the Bean king) 21,
532,
545-6 N., 550
Henry VII, Emperor
410, 4II
485-6, 608-10
380, 384, 385, 388, 630
Grosrouvre (Seine-et-Oise) Grosseteste, Robert 520 n.
Ibn-Sina (‘Avicenna’), Canon
Ile-de-France 360, 368 Innocent III, Pope 254, 264, 348 De miseria condicionis humanae 348 Isabella, Queen of England 21, 193, 236, 250, 477, 478 n.,
5, 14, 62 n., 179 n., 233
Kahane, Henry and René 283 Kalonymus, Samuel bar 566 n. Kantorowicz, Ernst 60 n. Kauffmann, Martin 5, 224
Kaukesel, Wibers 374, 376-8, 383 K6nig, Eberhard 545
General Index Koninck, Peter 239
659
Lescurel, Jehannot de 5, 11, 19, 25-34, 47 n., II, 216 n.,
Kortrijk 66, 235, 237, 239, 242, 318, 477, 479, 480 n., 597
Kosmer, Ellen 536
307 N., 316, 321-36, 354 N., 373-4, 376 n., 382, 388, 467, 468, 471 n., 525-7, 630 n.
La Bassée, Adam de, Ludus super Anticlaudianum
113, 115,
116
See also in index ofmusical compositions. Belle, comme loiaus amans; Gracieuse, faitisse et sage; Gracieux temps est quant rosier
La Brosse, Pierre de 311 Lacaze, Charlotte 473 n., 482 n. La Croix d’Amiens, Pierre de 312 Lactantius 415
Lescurel, Jehannot de (hanged in May 1304) 527 Lescurel, Martin de 526 Lescurel, Nicolas de 526 Lescurel, Pierre de (at Les Halles) 525-6
La Halle, Adam de 27, 30, 114, 145, 357, 366, 367, 368, 383,
385
Lescurel, Pierre de (owner of land at Grosrouvre)
527
L’Ho6pital, Jean de 308 n., 311, 312 n. Li Confrere d'Amours 125
Jeu de la Feuillée 114, 349, 350, 578 n.
Jeu de Robin et de Marion 114, 117, 158
Liber fortunae 348 Liber sex principiorum 12, 402-3
Li maus damors 366 n.
Lai d’Aristote 123 n. Laigny, Jehan de 544 n. Lalou, Elisabeth 2, 15 La Marche, Charles, Count of 19, 218, 244, 251, 264, 608 see also Charles IV, King of France La Marche, Robert de 308 n., 312 n., 315 n. Lancelot 303 n., 540 n.
Liége, Jacques de 353, 354, 358, 359, 394 n., 630, 631 n. Speculum musicae 353 n. Lille (Nord) 114-15, 566 n., 586
Langfors, Arthur 1, 12, 22, 40, 600, 602
De planctu naturae 416 Lille, Eudes de 562 n. Limousin 544
Langlois, Charles-Victor
Languedoc
17, 314, 525, 527, 600
313, 318
collegiate church of St-Pierre 115 puys 116 Lille, Alain de 397
Anticlaudianus 113, 397 n.
La Quariére (Kakerie), Baude de:
Lisieux (Calvados):
La Chanson de Bele Aelis 122-4 Latilly, Pierre de 245, 309 n., 317
diocese of 543, 604 Li Vinier, Guillaume 374, 376, 383, 385 Bien doit chanter 385 Livry, Guy Cointet de 311 n., 315 n., 602 n.
Latini, Brunetto Trésor 548 n., 571, 5735 587 Laurent, Frére
Loncpré, Nichole de 308 n. London, Cheapside 597 Longchamp 24 Longueville 542 n.
Somme le roy 294-5 Le Bel, Jehan 169 n. Lecco, Margherita
167, 171, 173
Lord, Carla 531, 532 n.
Le Comte, Guillaume 526 n. Le Convers, Philippe, alias de Villepreaux 602-7 Leech-Wilkinson, Daniel 39, 132 Lefévre, Jean 314 Legrand, Jacques 369, 388
Lorraine 4, 379, 383, 386, 388, 391, 393-4 Lorris, Guillaume de 13, 73, 76, 78, 81, 85, 88-91, 92 n.,
93-6, 102, 113, 341, 393 Louis VI, King of France 188 Louis VII, King of France 57, 188, 289, 307
Des rimes 369
Louis IX, King of France (St Louis) 20, 48, 62, 65, 66, 188,
Le Grant, see Du Bus, Jean Le Hem
(Somme)
I9I, 197, 201-2, 282, 290, 293, 476 n., 478, 596, 6oI n.
481
as child-king 60 cult and canonisation of 291, 295, 310
Le Mans 502 Léon, Hervé de 532, 550 Leoninus 358
Le Petit, Raoul
in motets
587, 588, 589
Romain de Fauvain 5, 9, 14, 530 n., 559-67, 569-89; Barat 574; Deception 574; Fausseté 574, 578; Fauvain 9, 569-70, 575, 587, 588; Guile 574; Loyauté 570,
576, 589; Orgueil 578 Le Poirier, Mahieu, Le Court d’Amours 114, 119 Le Roi, Adenet Cleomadeés 119, 473, 481 Berte aus grans pies 473 Les Andelys (Eure), collegiate church of Notre-Dame Lescot, Richard 251 n. Lescurel, Aaliz de 525-7 Lescurel, Fortin de 525-6, 530 n.
604
55, 57-9, 290, 474 N., 576 n., 611
Louis X (le Hutin), King of France 21 books of 295, 482, 601 n. chancery of 309, 311, 317, 318, 549
chamberlain of, see Pierre de Chambly confessor of, see Wibert coronation of 478 n., 492 daughter of, see Jeanne I] Queen of Navarre dit on, see Geoffroy de Paris, ‘Avisemens pour le roy Louis’ death of 9, 53, 240, 477 n. defeat by Flemings 240 in motets
48 n., 49, 55-6, 59-62, 64-5, 282, 290, 325,
328, 474 n., 484, 576 n.
660
General Index
Louis X (le Hutin), King of France (cont.):
queens of, see Clemence of Hungary; Marguerite of Burgundy relations with Louis, Count of Evreux 609-10 second marriage of 11, 318 son of, see John | royal seal of 57, 289 see also Louis, King of Navarre Louis XIV, King of France 277 Louis, King of Navarre (later Louis X of France) 9, 10, 207, 368, 598, 611
Louis, Bishop of Toulouse, St 281, 459 Louis (d.1317), son of Philip V 21 Louvain, abbey of Val-St-Martin 562 n. Low Countries 586, 588, 596 Ludwig, Friedrich 219 n., 622 n., 623, 631 Luke, St 346 Lull, Ramon 561
Lully 277 Luxembourg, Jean of 595 Luxembourg, Marie of, Queen of France, wife of Charles IN! pies B10 fo,
Lyna, Frédéric 538 Lyon (Rhéne) 243, 253, 477 n.
Lyra, Nicholas of 255, 267, 269, 272, 274, 275 Postille 257
Machaut, Guillaume de 4, 26, 29, 39 n., 113, 370, 374 n.,
384, 396 n. Remede de Fortune 30, 131 See in index of musical compositions: De toute flors; Se vous n estes Macon (Saéne-et-Loire) Macrobius 90, 409 n.
estates
542 n., 605 n.
execution and burial 10, 36, 37, 40, 218, 236, 240,
243-4, 311, 479, 597 family of, pardoned 218, 244 fresco of 202 in motets
10, 35-52, 177-8, 183, 520, 611
poems on 601; see also Jean de Condé relations with: Charles de Valois 9, 14, 242-5, 600-2; Gervés du Bus 14, 55, 307, 313, 392, 605-8; Louis, King of Navarre (later Louis X) 598; Louis X 9, 242; Louis de Bourbon 607; Philip IV 9-10, 217, 239,
242-4, 310—-II, 317, 591 royal chancery 317, 605 royal commission on 10, 600 statue of 197, 293
Marigny, Isabeau de 317 Marigny, Philippe Maroie l’escrivaine Marquette, Treaty Martin of Vertou, Marselha, Folquet Master Honoré
de 9 562 n. of (1314) 242, 598 St 548 de 366
295, 530, 532 n., 534-6
Master of the Ghent Ceremonial 563 n. Master of the Royal Motets 39 Matthew, St 346 Maubeuge, Thomas de 530, 533 n., 542-3 Maubeuge Painter 540-51 Maucondit, Michel de 602-6 Meaux (Seine-et-Marne)
512
Medici, Pierre de 279
Mello, family of 318 Mello, Elips de 318
252
Magloire, St 478 Maillart, Jean 5, 15, 307 n., 308 n., 311, 312, 313, 315 n., 316, 317, 592, 597, 602 n., 603
Roman du comte d'Anjou 15, 312, 313 n., 316, 482, 488,
Mercoeur, Béraud VII de 252 n. Merlin 236 Méry, Huon de, Torneiment Anticrist 73 n., 87 n., 94 n., 225, 291, 481 n., 482, 483, 488, Gol n.
Mesnil-lés-Chambly, now Mesnil-sur-Thelle (Oise) 316 n. Messine, family of 379 n. Metz, Gossouin de: Image du Monde (L‘) 318, 338 Meun, Jean de 13, 73-4, 76, 78, 79, 85, 89-90, 91 n., 92—4,
491, 492, 595; 597, 603 Mailly de Torayne, Hugues de 544 n. Mainneville, Chateau of 293
Mainz, John of 564 Majorca, King of 9, 55 n. Malicorne (Eure) 311 Manta 8
95-6, 98, 100, 102
Meung, Bernard de 312 Meuse 379 n.
Map, Walter 593 Marcel, family of 206 n., 598 Mareuil, Eudes de 605 Margival, Nicole de 630 Dit de la Panthere 109, 125 n., 357
Meyer, Paul 123, 127
Michael, Michael 561, 573 Milan 477
Marigny, Enguerran de 9-10, 33-52, 239, 243-4, 591-4, 598-602, 605-8
allegorized in Fauvel as Fauvel 10, 18, 30, 33, 43-5, 55, 162, 215, 317, 608-10; as Haman Renart 44, 68, 472
downfall and trial 9, 17, 55 n., 242, 243, 317, 422, 466, 477, 490; 600, 602, 610 enlargement of royal palace, role in 197-8, 207, 603
37, 43 n., 178; as
chaplains of, see Gervés du Bus; Guillaume de Ry chateau of, at Mainneville 293
Minotaur 70-1 Moliére, Jean-Baptiste Pocquelin:
Le Mariage forcé 277 Molinier, Guilhem 368, 385, 387 Leys d'Amors 368 n. Molins, Pierre de 370 Mollay, Jacques de 237 Mona Lisa 415 n.
General Index
661
Mondeville, Henri de 317 Mons 561 n., 566 n. Mons-en-Pévéle (Nord) 239, 242, 479, 480 n., 482 n., 593 Montaigu, Gérard de 7, 16, 312 N., 533, 550, 598, 608
Occitania 360
Montbaston, Jeanne de 530, 543-4 Montbaston, Richard de 530, 543-4
Ockham, John of 404 Odet, monseigneur 346 n.
Novare, Philippe de, Mémoires 469 n., 472 n., 478 Noyers, Miles de 310 n.
Ogier the Dane 235, 241
Montbaston Painter 540-51
Montdidier, Richer de 308 n., 312 n. Monte Galerio, Philip of 414 n. Montpellier (Hérault), consuls of 251 n. Montreuil, Gerbert de, Roman de la Violette 11 n., 112, 114 Montreuil, Jean de 312 n. Moravia, Jerome of 358, 387 Mordred 540 n. Mordret, Symon 308 n. Morin, Joseph 3, 4, 5, 8, 54, 299 n., 300 n., 516, 620-1,
Order of the Star 478 Orléanais 311 Orléans (Loiret) 603 — Orléans, Amis le Ratif d’ 308 n., 315 n. Orléans, Arnulf d’ 402 Orléans, Louis I, Duke of 531, 572 n., 573 Ovid 71 Ars amatoria (and trans.) 343 n. Ex Ponto 71 n. Fasti 275 n.
631, 633, 635 n.
Mornay, Etienne de 242 n., 245, 309, 600, 603, 605 Mort le Roi Artu (Le) 416 Mortagne, Geoffroy de 318 Moses 72, 423 Moulins, Regnaut de 308 n. Muchembled, Robert 596 Miigeln, Heinrich von 411, 412 Miihlethaler, Jean-Claude 1, 3, 5, 14, 35 n., 44 n., 163, 166, 171, 476, 482 n.
Muisis, Gilles li, Abbot of St-Martin Muntaner, Ramon 14 n.
562, 564-6
Metamorphoses 9, 44 Tristia 53 Ovide moralisé 70, 345 Otto I, Emperor 198 n. Padua, Marsilius of, Defensor pacis 201-4
Page, Christopher 3, 4, 267 n. Palmer, Nigel 12 Palud, Pierre de la 253 n., 267 n. De potestate papae 234 n. Pamiers (Ariége), Bishop of, see Saisset Pamplona, see of 603
Naime 586 Namur 583 Nangis, Guillaume de, Chronicon 478 Continuation 243, 251 n., 252 n. Nantes (Loire-Atlantique)
548
Ballades
Narbonne, Guiraut Riquier de 369 Navarre
3, 11, 26, 29, 106-7, 152, 161, 353-94
Contents, list of 468, 470 Date of 15-17, 23-4, 54-5, 252
251
Navarre, family of 598 Navarre, kings of, see Louis, Philip Navarre, Jeanne II Queen of, daughter of Louis X 16, 18, 21, 60 n., 285, 592, 593, 608
Navarre, Jeanne I Queen of, Queen of France, wife of Philip IV 21, 295, 604 Navarre, Thibaut de 358, 366, 383, 386 Aussi com l'unicorne sui 358
Dits amoureux 44, 53, 117 Diz entez sus refroiz de rondeaux 26, 53, 65, III, 323, 330, 331 Index 53
Refrains 105-59 passim, 161, 422 Roman de Fauvel, see Roman de Fauvel, version of fr. 146 Rondeaux
25, 26, 29, 422
Sottes chansons 83, 109, III, 12I—2, 131, 147, 154-5, 157, 161, 327 N., 491
Nebuchadnezzar 289, 294 Neés, Geoffroi des, Vita 478
Nesle, Blondel de 383 Neufchatel (Seine-Maritime)
Papeleu, Jean 538 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, fr. 146 Alleluyes, antenes, respons, ygnes et verssez 421-66 passim
see also. Chronique métrique; Complainte d’Amour; 542
Nevers (Niévre) 252, 506 Nevers, Louis de 236, 237 n., 244, 251, 265, 609
Lescurel, Jehannot, chansons; Paris, Geoffroy de,
Dits; Roman de Fauvel Parisi4, 7,11, 12; 13,2529; 94,60, 62,)05.1252.0311 13195
Nicholas IV, Pope 314
353, 368, 378, 380, 387, 388, 403, 430, 432, 473 n., 476,
Nicodemus, gospel of 71 n.
478, 482-3, 491, 526, 529, 549, 562, 566, 594, 600
Noah 415
Bishop of see Bussy
Nogaret, Guillaume de 309, 310 n., 317, 472 n., 592
Treaty of (1259) 609
Nogent, Guillaume de 308 n., 312 n. Normandy 311, 313, 314, 586, 598, 608 Nova domo, Johannes de, Tractatus de complexionibus 401 n.
Locations: Chatelet 204, 206, 526 n.; chapel of St-Leufroy 206-7 Cogonnerie 525 Collége d’Ave Maria 202
General Index
662
Porte St-Germain 527 Pré-aux-Clercs 208 rue de Biévre 280 rue de Garlande 525 rue de la Calandre 204, 208, 312 n. rue de la Harpe 206 rue de la Huchette 312 n. rue de la Vieille Draperie 204, 208 rue des Praescheeurs 525 rue des Rosiers 312 n. rue Geoffroy L’Asnier 313 n.
Paris (cont.):
Collége de Bourgogne 206 n. Collége de Cornouaille 206 n. Collége de Laon 206 n.
Collége de Linképing 206 n. Collége de Montaigu 206 n. Collége de Navarre 201, 206 n. Collége des Ecossais 206 n. Collége du Plessis 206 n., 312 Faubourg St-Germain 527 Grand Pont (Pont-aux-Changeurs)
201, 204
Grands Carmes, Notre-Dame du Mont Carmel, chapel of 206 n. H6tel de Nesle 199 H6tel-Dieu 526 n.
rue Neuve Notre-Dame rue Regraterie 204 rue St-Barthélemy 206
5, 171, 280 n., §25, 527, 530; 543
rue St-Hilaire 312 n.
rue St-Jacques 312
Hotel St-Pol 197 Ile-de-la-Cité 187-8, 191, 206, 208, 291, 431, 598
St-André-des-Arts
527
St Barthélemy 206
Ile-Notre-Dame 193, 208 fle Ste-Marie 472 n. La Bretonnerie 312 n. Les Halles 204, 526
Ste-Chapelle 188-9, 191, 193, 195, 197, 199, 202, 279-82,
291, 422, 432, 483, 497, 506
Museé Archéologique de la Ville de Paris 280 n. Montfaucon 10, 36, 37, 70, 311, 313
Ste-Geneviéve 497, 508, 512 St-Germain-des-Prés 11, 208, 472 n., 477, 483, 485-6 St-Germain-l’Auxerrois 206 n.
Notre-Dame
St-Magloire 527
7, 206, 279, 293, 296, 312 n., 358, 472 n.,
St-Maur
497, 502, 506, 508, 512, 516, 527, 584, 598 Notre-Dame des Champs 312 n. Palais de la Cité 188—9, 192, 194-6, 199, 201, 203-5, 209-13, 218, 280, 283, 291, 294, 340, 431, 472 N., 477,
598; Chambre du roi 312; Chapel of St-Michel
190,
202-3, 206 n.; Cour St-Martin 191 n.; Donjon 188, 190; Galerie des Merciers 188, 189, 195, 197, 202; Galerie des Peintres 195; Galerie des Prisonniers 195; Grand Préau 189, 195-6; Grand-Chambre 188-9, 202, 205-6, 210; Grand-Cour 191, 194-5, 202, 208; Grands Degrés 189, 197-8, 202; Grand-Salle 188—9, 191, 193-5, 197, 210, 213, 291, 368; Grande Porte
202, 204, 205; Grosse Tour 188-9, 191, 210; logis du roy 188-9, 191-2, 195, 198, 202, 210; Porte du beau roi
Philippe 197; Porte St-Michel 189, 202, 208; Salle du Roi 197; Salle sur !Eau 188-9, 195; Tour Bonbec 188-9, 195; Tour Cesar 189, 195, 210; Tour d’Argent 189, 195, 210; see also Paris, Royal and Governmental Institutions Palais de Justice 188 Palais du Louvre 277, 598 Petit Pont 208 Place Dauphiné 204 Place de France 204 Place Royale 204 Place St-Michel 206 Pointe-Ste-Eustache 248 n. Pont au Change 204 Pont St-Michel 204, 206 Pont-Neuf 204 Porte de Montmartre 248 n. Porte des Fréres Mineurs
Porte du Louvre 312 n. Porte St-Denis 527
527
497, 512, 516
St-Merry 526 n. Temple 310, 592
Théatre du Palais-Royal 277 University 60 n., 280, 529, 533, 542; masters Paris, royal and governmental institutions: Auménerie 317
Chambre Chambre Chambre Chancery.
255
aux deniers 317, 593 des comptes 58 n., 202, 309, 310 des Monnaies 202 23745175 135 145017493 4505551234e eae 24h
307-19, 592, 593, 597, 600, 602-3, 606-7 Estroit conseil (Grand conseil) 218, 309, 310, 317, 600, 603; Clers suivans in 603 Grand-Chambre 308, 318 Maitres des Requétes 603 Parlement 10, I5, 193, 202, 205, 210, 308-10, 312, 313, 314, 533, 600, 602; Grande Chambre du 204 Requétes de Hotel 603 Panneterie 592 Secret 603 Trésor des chartes 188 n., 312 n., 531
Paris, judgement of 345 Paris, Gaston 12, 17, 78 n. Paris, Geffroy de 193, 233, 244, 246, 247-75, 307 n., 309, 310, 316, 318 n., 321-36, 467, 478 n., 582, 592 Dits of 5, 53-72, 216, 222-3, 233, 247=75, 316, 321-36,
468, 469, 470, 471 N., 473, 475, 491 Avisemenz pour le Roy Loys 56, 59, 64-5, 66 n., 69-71, 247, 249, 250, 268-9, 273, 290 n., 325, 326, 327,
469 n., 582 De la comete 61 n., 63 n., 64, 69, 71, 238 n., 247, 250,
253, 255, 326, 473 De la creation du pape Jehan: see Natus ego
General Index Des alliez en francois 18, 54 n., 63, 67 n., 70 n., 234, 244 N., 247, 248, 252, 255, 326, 469 n.
663
royal palace of 188-204, 291 seal of 289
Des alliez en latin : see Hora rex est
taxes
Du Roy phellippe qui ore Regne 56, 63—4, 247, 266, 270,
and Templars 18, 287
325, 326, 327, 328, 492
treatment of in Chronique metrique 58, 60, 66, 236,
Hora rex est de sompno surgere 16, 18, 58, 63-4, 68-9, 72 N., 234, 244 N., 247-75,
58 n., 66-7, 268, 479 n.
326, 332, 469 n., 486
La desputacion de leglise de Romme et de leglise de France 69, 234, 247, 250, 253-5, 266, 326, 330 n., 469 n.,
470 n., Natus ego 67 n., 68 n., 234, 247-75, 316 n., 326, 332, 469 n. Un songe 49 n., 54 n., 61, 63, 66, 68 n., 69, 71, 222, 233,
239-40, 469-70, 477, 479, 490-1 treatment of in Fauvel 17-18, 57, 66, 215, 234, 244, 245,
598 tutor of, see Giles of Rome
victory at Mons-en-Pévéle see also Grante feste
242
Philip V (le Long), King of France 21, 542 n., 602, 604, 606, 607-8
238 n., 247, 253, 268, 325, 326 n., 327, 331-2, 470 n.,
accession of 18-19, 216-19, 224, 234, 245—G, 311, 482,
473, 476, 492
491, 599, 608-10 chancery of 54, 234, 244-6, 308-9, 311-14, 549 coronation of 16, 19, 48, 215, 217, 221, 234, 238 n., 244,
Paris, Gilo of, Historiae vie Hierosolimitane 266 Paris, Paulin 587 Parquier, Renaud 308 n., 311, 315 n., 317, 605, 606 Paul St 276, 29%) 4t5 Pepin 293, 298
Perceforest 127 Périgueux (Dordogne)
313
TleQi THSTOV KOGUOY ZaTAOXEVNS TOU avOo0wWnov 409 n. Péronne (Somme)
314
Perscain, see Persequen
486, 492, 493, 531, 599, 608-9 death of son 19, 251 dits on, see Geoffroy de Paris, Hora rex est and Du Roy phellipe great council (‘Estroit conseil’) of 600, 602
motet on, see ‘Servant regem’in Index of Musical Compositions as recipient of admonition in Fauvel 18, 53-72, 215-31, 469, 475 N., 599-600, 608-11
Persquen, Chalop de, see Pesstain
relations with: Edward II 608-9, 610; Louis, Count of
Persequen (Morbihan) 3, 314, 316 Pesstain, Chaillou de 2-3, 12-13, 15, 307-19, 389-91 ‘addicions’ of 73-103, 106-10, 116-17, 166, 168, 190, 468,
and second burial of Louis X 218 n.
474, 481-92 Pertain (Somme) 314 Peter, St 253 n., 254, 265 Petit, Jules 600 Petrarch 396 n. Philip III, King of France 66, 198, 200, 243, 474 n., 478,
526 n.
allegorized in Fauvel: as blind lion 44, 67-8, 177 n.; as 293-4
books owned by or commissioned for 209, 292, 473 chamberlain of, see Enguerran de Marigny chancery of 245, 307-19, 549 and cult of Louis IX 291, 295 death of (29 November 1314) 9, 36, 47, 48 n., 55, 239,
477 ., 478 n., 592 Flanders, relations with 66, 242, 295 godson of: see Philippe Le Convers imagery of 291-5 as ‘king of chess’ in Geoffroy de Paris, Un songe 327 n. in motets
19, 609-10
queen of, see Jeanne of Burgundy treatment of in metrical chronicle 234 see also Philip, Count of Poitiers Philip VI (de Valois), King of France 21, 220 n., 293, 474, 531 n., 581, 583, 584, 609
Philip Augustus, King of France 10, 291, 309 Philip the Chancellor 30, 32, 33, 272, 275, 429, 615, 618 Homo qui semper moreris 631
481
Philip III, King of Navarre 285, 291, 294 Philip IV (le Bel), King of France 21, 251 n., 270 n.,
Fauvel
Evreux
35, 49-50, 67-8
and office of St Louis 282 Poissy, foundation at 291 praised in Fauvel 65-6, 474 n. quarrel with Boniface VIII 240-1 relations with: Edward II 611; Louis X 62
Inter membra singula 469 n.
Phyllis 303 Picardy 311, 314 Picart, Jean 308 n., 317 Picquigny (Somme) 314 Picquigny, Ferri de 601
Picquigny, Gérard de 6o1 Picquigny, Regnaut de 601-2 Pinquegni, see Picquigny Pippin, King of the Franks 301 Pisdoe, Oudin 526 Plato 411 Poissy (Yvelines), Dominican Abbey of St-Louis
201,
291 Poitiers (Vienne)
403, 545
Poitiers, county of 608 Poitiers, Gilbert de 402 Poitiers, Jeanne, Countess of 10 Poitiers, Philip, Count of 19, 61, 215, 218, 234, 248, 243, 245, §99, 600, 604 n., 609 Pont-Audemer (Eure), archdeaconry of 604
664
General Index
Porcher, Jean 529 n., 532 n., 536
Robert l’Ecrivain, Maitre
Pouancé, Thibaut de, Bishop of Dol 309 n.
Robert the Pious 188
Pound, Ezra 38 Préaux, Raoul Breton de 308 n., 311, 315 n. Presles, Raoul de 244 n., 3
Robertson, Anne Walters 3 Rochechouart, family of 544-5, 550 Rochechouart, Jean I, vicomte de 544
Provence, Eleanor of 548
Rochechoart, de Baneres et de Limoxins, Aymeris de
Provence, Marguerite of, Queen of France 20, 291 Prudentius, Psychomachia 282, 438, 450
Rochedieu, Charles 331-2
Prunay, Pierre de 308 n., 311 n.
Roesner, Edward
Psalter, Gallican 256 Pseudo-Aristotle, Secretum secretorum 312, 571, 573
Pseudo-Augustine Quaestiones ex utroque testamento mixtim 273 Pseudo-Bede, De mundi constitutione 407, 409
Pseudo-Bernardus, Vitis mystica 265 Pseudo-Chrysostom, Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum 414 Pseudo-Dionysius, Hierarchia celestis 520 n. Pseudo-Jerome, Breviarum in psalmos 267 Pseudo-Soranus 414 n. Ptolemy 41 Puisset, Hugues de 309 Pucelle, Jean 168, 171, 287, 529, 530, 532 n., 542, 543, 549, 550-1
Quodvultdeus, De gloria regnoque sanctorum 266 Rabanus Maurus 275 Rabelais, Francois 346 n. Rachel 272 Radbertus, Pascasius 274 Rains, Thomas de 308 n. Rakéczi, Prince Ferenc II of Transylvania
544 n. 4, 7, 12, 17, 30, 38-40, 62 n., 121, 216,
234-5, 243, 421, 527, 576, 599, 622 Rogier, Peire 359 n.
Roman d’Alexandre 303 Roman de Cassiodorus 127 Roman de Fauvel: Book I 1, 12, 17-18, 44, 48-50, 53-72, 73, 78, 81-3, 98, 102, IGI, 216, 224-6, 325, 328, 333, 338, 396, 471,
474 N., 484, 577 ., 592, 594, 596, 615 Book II 1-2, 4, 10, 1, 12, 14, I5, 17-18, 40, 48-50, 53-72, 73, 78-83, 95-9, 102, 161, 178-80, 183, 216-17,
224-6, 295, 325, 328, 338, 349, 395, 471, 474, 486, 502, §12, 517, 520, §77 N.» 592; 594, 595, 599, 605-6, 611, 617, 620
Characters: Amour 32; Angels 442, 443, 483; Antichrist 1, 12, 49, 226, 395, 611; Avaricia 66; Avoutire 179-80; Bouguerrie 267 n.; Cecitas 68; Charité 95; Charnalité 82, 95, 96, 175, 179-80, 182-3, 489; Chasteté 94, 95, 179; Constance 577, 594; Courtoisie 95; Couvoitise 179; Cupide 95; Debonnereté 95; Fauveaux nouveaux
248 n.
562 n.
10, 46, 299, 436, 460-1, 464, 611;
Faus Semblant 76, 82, 95, 96, 98 n.; Fauvel passim; Fornication 179-80, 489; Fortune 1, 3, 4, 1, 12, 29,
Rally (or Rely, Relicus) 308 n.
30, 37, 40-6, 47 n., 50, 54, 56, 66, 70, 108, 137-40,
Rankin, Susan 3, 279, 496, 500, 512, 629 n., 631 n. Regalado, Nancy Freeman 4, 8, 11, 70, 110, 179, 180, 204,
153, 168, 170, 173, 183, 213, 294, 296, 303, 305, 337-51,
208, 325, 333 N., 421, 583, 596, 610
Regles de la seconde rhétorique (Les) 4 Reims (Marne) 62 n., 65, 293, 296, 310, 493, 598, 608
Cathedral 70 Concile Provincial 277 Minstrel of 472 n. treasurer, see Le Convers Remi, Pierre 311
Remy, Gilles de 308 n., 311 n., 315 n. Remy, Philippe de 312 Jehan et Blonde 312 Manekine
312, 316
Renart le contrefait 9, 474, 475 Renart, Jean: Escoufle 481 n. Guillaume de Dole 394 n. Roman de la Rose 112, 123, 287 Rennes Rose Master
538-40
Restor du Paon (Le) 119 Reue, Pierre 308 n.
Rey-Flaud, Henri 282 Rigault, Nicholas
7 n.
Ripa, Cesare, Iconologia 344 n., 346
354, 389-91, 395, 403, 413-16, 422, 429, 430, 431, 457; 458, 460, 468, 479, 490, 492-4, 520, 577 n.; Gabriel 447; Gluttonie 179, 180 n., 489; Haman 37, 46-7, 178; Hasard 343; Hellequin 41, 341 n., 596; Herlequines 157-8; Heresie 96, 267 n.; Humilité 594; Lion aveugle 44, 50, 67-8; Lion debonair 48, 50, 67; Loberie 98 n.; Loyauté 566-7; Luxuria 44 n., 47, 66, 179-80; Mordecai 46-47; Orgueil 489; Pitié 95; Porchier 66; Prouesce 95; Providence 342, 391, 496; Rehoboam, King 64, 250; Religion 95; Renart 44, 45 n., 67, 177 n., 287, 289, 474, 477; Roberie
Sapience 95, 341, 342; Sodomie
98 n.;
96; Sodomites 96 n.;
Vaine Gloire 3, 1, 37, 44, 46, 47, 65, 79, 83 n., 170, 179-80, 183, 209, 212, 215, 224, 278-9, 299, 337, 340,
343) 347, 391, 397, 423, 431, 441, 452, 485, 487, 577 n., 611; Venus
95, 96; Verité 95; Vices 46, 74, 80, 85 n.,
89, 90, 94, 95, 96, 166, 179, 213, 295, 298, 337, 339, 340, 342, 343, 349, 396, 423, 450, 452, 483, 487-9, 492; Virginité 94, 95, 179-80, 342, 423, 444, 451-2, 455, 576; Virgins 451, 512; Virtues 4, 29, 62, 74, 80, 85 n.,
89, 90; 94, 95, 96, 179, 217, 225, 423, 434, 438, 439, 441-4, 446, 448-52, 449, 450, 451-2, 455, 458, 460, 483, 486, 487, 489-90, 491, 506, 517, 520, 594, 595; Ypocrisie 76, 82
General Index Places: Desespoir, Palace of 44, 66 n., 179, 187, 199, 482,
483, 594, 595; Esperance, city of 187, 291, 482, 591, 594; Macrocosme 337, 341, 342, 349, 389, 397; Microcosme 344; St-Julien 434 Scenes: Charivari 3, 4, 11, 38, 65, 83-4, 85 n., 87, 161, 170, 173, 219 n., 277-83, 340, 343, 470, 485, 490, 491,
533, 596, 610; Fauvel’s Wedding feast 3, 80, 82, 83, 268, 337, 436, 476, 482, 486, 488, 490, 591, 595, 610;
Fountain of Youth 69, 217, 225, 283, 299-303, 343 n., 463, 494; Tournament of the Virtues and Vices 3, 1, 16, 80, 83, 84, 86—7, 91, 179, 342-3, 423, 444, 451-2,
455, 457, 481, 483, 485, 487, 489, 492, 533, 594, 595 Short version
1-2, 13, 14, 17, 69, 482
Version of fr. 146 2, 1, 13, 14, 467, 468, 469, 475, 529 Roman de la Rose 13, 73-103, 123, 133, 3375 341, 393-4, 540, 545, 592
characters: Amant
92, 93, 94 n., 341; Amours
92, 93,
94 n., 396 n., 576 n.; Aucteur/Acteur 85 n.; Chasteté 94; Deduit 81 n., 90, 93; Faus Semblant 1, 76, 97, 98, 287, 297 n.; Genie 96 n.; God of Love 74, 92, 94; Jalousie 92; Oiseuse 93; Raison 79, 95, 341; Vertues 90; Vices 94n.; Virginité 94
Roman de Renart 9, 287 n., 472 n., 474
665
Policraticus 64 n. Salmacis 171 Salmonis, Elias, Scientia artis musicae 358 n.
Saluces, Thomas III de 8 Saluts d'amour 114, 119, 123, 125-7, 130, 136-40 Samaran, Charles 235 n. Sandale, John, Bishop of Winchester 608 n. Sanders, Ernest H. 37, 38, 39, 40, 43 n., 46, 47, 178 Sapientia artis medicinae 409 n. Sarrasin 481 Saumur (Maine-et-Loire)
Savoy, Amadeus VIII, Duke of 8 Savoy, Philippe II, Duke of 8 Schéner, E. 405 Schrade, Leo 22, 38, 178 n., 421, 600, 620-1
seal, French royal 289 Secretum secretorum (trans. ‘Philip of Tripoli’) 401 n. Sedulius, Caelius 265 Seneca 409
Senlis (Oise) 502, 604 collegiate church of St Frambourg 605
Roman de Tristan 113, 125 n.
Senlis, Robert de 308 n.
Rome 234 n., 239, 253-4, 255, 4II, 415, 477 n., 478 n. Rome, Giles of, De regimine principum 189, 201, 220 n.,
Sennacherib
294, 573 Rouen (Seine-Maritime):
Abbey of Holy Trinity 604 n. Abbey of St-Ouen
604 n.
Rouse, Richard and Mary 7, 11, 238 n., 533 n., 537, 543
Ruff, Geoffroy de 308 n., 316 Rumilly (Haute-Savoie) 314 Rutebeuf, Renart le Bestourne 476 n. Ry (Seine-Maritime)
St-Amand, abbé de 588 St-Denis (Seine-St-Denis)
57, 199, 202, 235 n., 238 n., 291,
293 n., 296, 472, 497, 508 - Abbot of, see Suger St-Denis, Yves de, Vita et miracula Sancti Dionysii 473, 482
St Front (Dordogne), chapter of 313 St-Ghislain, Arnulf de 353, 359 St-Jean au Vieil Andely (Eure) 33 St-Just, Gérard de 315 St-Léger, Geoffroy de 5, 171, 172, 174, 238 n., 530, 533, 542;
543 St-Omer (Pas-de-Calais) 19 St-Pol, counts of see Chatillon St-Pol, Mahaut of, 3rd wife of Charles of Valois 21 St-Victor, Jean de 235 n., 236, 471
Memoriale historiarum 472, 542 n. Ste-Croix, Chanoines de la 588 Saisset, Bernard, Bishop of Pamiers 294, 310 Salernitan Verses 411 Salisbury, John of 60
266, 289
Sens (Yonne), Archbishop of, see Blanches-Mains Servius 271
Sicily 566 n. Abbey of S. Maria della Vittoria 190 n. King of, see Charles II, Duke of Anjou Sicily, Frederick of 241-2 Siena 477 n., 478 n.
Silvestris, Bernardus 397 Cosmographia 416 n. Sion, Mount
313
Ry, Guillaume de 308 n., 311 n., 604 n., 605
478
Sauqueville, Guillaume de 60, 61, 64 Savoy 8, 318
430
Sisinnius Master 532 n. Soissons (Aisne), church of St-Médard Soissons, Raoul de 115 Somme 314 Sone de Nansat 123 n. Staehelin Anonymous 370 n. Stirnemann, Patricia Danz 561, 573 n. Stones, Alison 5 Storer, Walter 331-2 Strayer, J. R. 598 Sub-Fauvel Master
300
532-7, 538, 540-2, 543, 545 n., 549
Suger, Abbot of St-Denis 57, 199, 289 Sully, Henri de 251 n., 609
Sully, Maurice de 280 n. Suzy, Etienne de 309 n. Switten, Margaret 201 n., 357, 386
Tartars 597
Tassenis, Jacobus de 602 n. Taylor, Jane 9 Templars
10, 35, 48 n., 166, 167, 237, 240, 341, 348, 474 n.,
477> 479) 593» 602 trial of 287
666
General Index
Temporary Master 532 n., 538 Tesson, Pierre 308 n., 311 Thérouanne (Pas-de-Calais) 562 n. Theseus 70-1 Thielt, Pierart dou 562-7 Thouars, Gaucher de 318 Tibaut, Roman de la Poire 110, 113-14, 119, 126-7 Tilligres, Guerin de 308 n. Toulouse (Haute-Garonne)
368
Bishop of, see Louis, Bishop of Toulouse (St) 459 Parlement of 277 Tournai
9, 561 n., 562, 566, 588, 589
Abbey of St Martin 309 n., 567 Abbot of St Martin, see Muisis puys 116 Tours (Indre-et-Loire) 312
Tours, Gregory of 188 n., 265 n. Tractatus de quaternario 411
Vermandois, bailliage of 312, 603 Vernon (Eure), Franciscans 65 n. Verriest, Léo 588 Vertus, Jacques de 311 Vespasian, Emperor
533 n.
Viarmes, lords of 316 Vidal, Raimon, Razos de Trobar 359 n. Vienne, Council of 240, 478 n. Villena, Enrique de 345 n. Villepreaux, Philippe de, see Le Convers Villers, Wast de, Bishop of Senlis 604 n. Villon, Francois, Testament 350 Vincennes (Val-de-Marne) 473 Chateau of 23-4 Vindicianus Epistola ad Antiochum Regem 414 n. Epistula ad Pentadium 409
Trier, basilica 191
Vinsauf, Geoffroi de: Poetria nova 347, 468
Tristan
Visconti, Gian Galeazzo
545 n.
Trivet, Nicholas 267 Troy 199 Troyes (Aube) 474, 538 n.
531 n.
Visconti, Valentine 531 n. Vita S. Agnetis 452, 454
Vitry, Philippe de 4, 25, 38, 39, 43 n., 44, 253, 314, 353 n., 384, 388, 512, 520, 592, 597-8, 606-7, 610 n.
Tyre 478
See also in Index of Musical Compositions: Aman novi /
Ulysses 248 n.
Heu Fortuna / Heu me (p. mus. 71); Floret cum
Vana
Gloria / Florens vigor /Neuma, Garrit gallus / In nova Vacquer, Théodore
191 n.
Vale, Malcolm 11, 600 Valenciennes (Nord) 560, 561
Canon of St-Géry, see Brieoeil St-Géry 587 Valois, Blanche de 531 n., 532, 550
Valois, Charles de 9, 19, 21, 227, 237, 268, 479, 484, 584, 586, 598, 600-2, 609
Chamberlain of, see Mornay, Etienne de Chancellor of, see Cherchemont, Jean de and the Chronique métrique 55 n., 235-6, 241-6, 477, 600-1
and the French chancery 605-7 and the interpolated Fauvel 14-15, 219, 607-10 relations with: Louis X 19, 217-18, 241-4, 246, 600, 608-11; Philip IV 244; Philip V 218, 251, 609-10
second wife of, see Katherine de Courtney Valois, Isabella of 21, 607 Valois, Jeanne of, see Jeanne, countess of Hainaut Valois, Marguerite of, Countess of Blois 21, 584, 586
Valois, Philippe of 531 n. Valoynes, William de 544 n. Vander Meulen, Janet F. 169 n. Van der Werf, Hendrik 357 Van der Roesten, Jan 544 n. Vassogne, Jean de 308 n. Venantius Fortunatus 265 Vendome, Matthew of 275 Vergil 411
Aeneid 271, 274 n.
UNIVERAITY OF WOLVERHAMPTON LEARNNWGRE ES
fert /Neuma (p. mus. 129); Orbis orbatus /Vos pastores / Fur non venit (p. mus. 22); Tribum que non
abhorruit /Quoniam secta latronum / Merito (p. mus. 120); Firmissime fidem adoremus |Adesto, santa
trinitas / Alleluya (p. mus. 124) Vitry-en-Artois (Pas-de-Calais) 520 n. Vitzthum, Georg von 529 n., 533 n., 537, 542 Vogelweide, Walther von der, Reichstonspriiche 417 Wailly, Natalis de 233 Waldhausen, Conrad von 414 n. Walter, Philippe 480 Walther, Hans 394 n. Warwick, Thomas, Earl of 531 n. Wathey, Andrew 14, 48 n., 218, 219, 270, 289, 313, 573-4, 576 n., 584, 586
Welker, Lorenz 3, 30 n. Wellesley College 168 Westminster 193, 288 Wibert, confessor of Louis X Gor n. Wilkins, Nigel 525, 527 Winter, Patrick de 537 Wittenwiler, Heinrich, Der Ring 416
Yudkin, Jeremy 369 n.
Zagreb fragments 379 n.
CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS VOLUME Wuif Arlt Margaret Bent Elizabeth A. R. Brown Kevin Brownlee Ardis Butterfield Michael Camille Alice V. Clark Michael T. Davis Emma Dillon Jean Dunbabin Leofranc Holford-Strevens Michael Huglo Martin Kauffmann Elisabeth Lalou Joseph C. Morin Jean-Claude Mihlethaler Christopher Page Nigel F. Palmer Susan Rankin Nancy Freeman Regalado Anne Walters Robertson Mary and Richard Rouse Alison Stones Jane H. M. Taylor Malcolm Vale Andrew Wathey Lorenz Welker
Clarendon Press is the academic imprint of
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
De Re
ISBN
0 19- 816579-X
) 78 01 98 165798
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