Ethnoarchaeological Perspectives of Prehistoric Settlement Patterns of South-Central Ganga Valley 9781407308067, 9781407337975
Despite the early beginnings of agriculture in the Ganga plains and the Belan valley, the hunting-gathering way of life
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English Pages [335] Year 2011
Polecaj historie
Table of contents :
1
2
After completing my Masters Degree from the Deccan College I approached the then Director of Deccan College Prof. V.N. Misra in 1994 for enrolment as a candidate for doctoral research. He readily agreed and suggested that I could take up study of prehistoric record of the Ganga valley from ethnoarchaeological point of view. He also asked me to read four volumes of the book -The Tribes and Castes of North-Western Province and Oudh by William Crooke (1896). Soon I started reading this and other related books, and also the reports of important Stone Age sites in the area. Against this background the topic entitled “Prehistoric Settlement Pattern of South-Central Ganga Valley: An Ethnoarchaeological Perspective” was selected for my doctoral research. The selection of the topic was influenced by the fact that, in addition to rich Stone Age record, the area is occupied by many simple living communities still maintaining their age old traditional ways of life, the study of which could be of great help in understanding prehistoric settlement systems. Thus an ethnoarchaeological study assumed a large measure of importance.
Once I started my fieldwork I realized that the communities referred in the ethnographic literatures as very primitive are in fact quite acculturated due to modernisation. The ethnographic survey however led to personal interaction with various communities living in the area, but only three communities, i.e. Musahars, Kols and Mallahs were selected for the present study. I undertook systematic fieldwork in the area and studied in an intensive way the seasonal behaviour of these communities.
6.5 Basketry 231-235
1.1 Aims and Objectives of Research 1
1.2 Methodology 2-3
Chapter 2 GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING 17-29
2.8 Flora 26-27
2.8.1 Trees 26
2.9 Fauna 27-28
2.9.2 Birds 27
2.9.3 Reptiles 27
2.9.4 Fishes 27-28
Chapter 6 ECONOMY, TECHNOLOGY AND MATERIAL CULTURE 178-236
6.5.1 Bamboo Basket making 232-233
Chapter 7 IMPLICATIONS OF ETHNOGRAPHY FOR UNDERSTANDING PREHISTORIC LIVING PATTERNS 237-259
Chapter 8 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION 260-272
8.1 Settlement and Subsistence pattern of the Mesolithic inhabitants
in the Belan and Ganga valleys 264-268
8.2 Settlement and Subsistence pattern of the Neolithic inhabitants
in the Belan valley 268-270
8.3 Settlement and Subsistence pattern of the Chalcolithic inhabitants
in the Belan and Ganga valleys 270-272
List of Chalcolithic Sites in South-Central Ganga Valley 293-294
Appendix IV
List of Figures
List of Plates
List of Tables
text
The Ganga valley has rich prehistoric archaeological record, and numbers of them are explored, excavated and very well documented by Late Prof. G.R. Sharma and his colleagues of Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University. This has piled a lot of index data for further research. The south-central Ganga valley being inhabited with many simple living communities, an ethnoarchaeological study was imminent. This resulted in interaction with various communities, but only three communities, i.e. Musahars, Kols and Mallahs were selected for their peculiar and apposite settlement and subsistence pattern for the present study.
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Aims and Objectives of Research
Keeping in mind the results of the prehistoric studies in South-Central Ganga Valley and accepting the limitations of the ethnoarchaeological approach, the present study attempted the following:
Layout of villages in the Study Area: The uplands are closely packed with village settlement; the average inter village being a km or two away. It is due to the rich soil of the region that the settlements of this area are mainly compact. With some local irregularities, this close spacing decreases from north to south ranging from nearly 3 km-1.5 km. In many parts of the region are semi-compact types of villages; the hamlets are mostly younger than the main village. Rural dwelling in the form of small hamlets is a rare feature except in the narrow khadar of the Ganga.
Chapter 2: This chapter describes the Geographical setting in the study area including physiography, geology, drainage system, climate, flora and fauna.
Chapter 1: This chapter discusses an overview of aims and objectives, methodology, previous archaeological research in the study area, history of settlement pattern studies in archaeology and the fieldwork carried out by the author.
Chapter 3: This chapter gives a detailed discussion of the archaeological evidence in the study area. The distribution of explored and excavated Mesolithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites. The cultural remains are studied to understand the settlement and subsistence pattern of the prehistoric people. Concluding discussion follows chronology of the prehistoric sites.
Appendix III: List of Chalcolithic Sites in South-Central Ganga Valley
Notopterus chitala (Ham)
1. Main System: River Ganga: The river Ganga (Fig. 3) touches the study area in a series of bold sweeping curves from its first point of contact at the village of Murassapur and then flows in a south-easterly direction and is joined by the Yamuna near the fort. Ganga flows for about 125 km in the study area. It continuously shifts its channel within its wide bed (known as kachhar), the deep stream or dhar dhura prevailing everywhere. The old beds of the Ganga are seen near the mouth of the Tons and in several other places. During the monsoon season the river has great depth and attains an average breadth of 3-5 km but in winter and summer it shrinks considerably. In summer it becomes fordable and changes its course often; position of fords varying from year to year. The high banks are generally cut up by ravines, which are more prominent near its confluence with the Tons. The river Ganga has a number of important streams and northern tributaries like Daur, Bisnar, Mansaita, Bairagia, Andaua and Gondri. The streams and nullah of the Ganga joining from the south or southern tributaries are Sakara and Bara. The subsystem and the southern tributaries of the Ganga are as follows:
2. Other Important Rivers
Sariha: This is the principal stream of tahsil Meja and rises about 3 km south of Manda. Running northwards it receives the waters of several hill torrents, the chief being the Mardaha, Mirthia, Khoda and Aonradh which form a single channel south-east of Manda to join Saraiha near Bedauli. Further north, near Bangalia, it is joined by the Gularia and then running eastwards leaves the study area near Koilari.
2.6.2 Lakes
2.8.1 Trees: A variety of trees are found in the study area. Except in the Trans-Yamuna tract, which has a large area under forest, the number and extent of the planted trees gives a well-wooded appearance consisting of Mango (Mangifera indica Linn.; Aam) and Butter tree (Madhuca indica J.F. Gmel syn., Madhuca latifolia Macbr, Bassia latifolia Roxb.; Mahua), the latter predominating in the doab, especially in the western part. The chief varieties of trees found are Adhatoda vasica Nees (Rus), Acacia arabica Willd. (Babul), Holoptelea integrifolia Planch.(Chilbil, kanju), Ficus glomerata Roxb. syn. and Ficus racemosa Linn. (Gular), Bauhinia racemosa Lam. (Kachnar), Carissa carandas Linn. (Karaunda), Terminalia arjuna Roxb. Wight & Arn (Kahwa), Ziziphus glaberrima Santapau (Kakor), Agave vivipara (Ketki or Hathi chingar), Ficus rumphii Blume (Pakar), Epicarpus orientales (Senhur), Trophis aspera (Sihor), Acacia speciosa (Siras), Aloe spicata (Wild aloe), Almondette (Buchanania lanzan Spreng. syn. Buchanania latifolia Roxb.; Chiraunji), Bael (Aegle marmelos Correa ex Roxb.; Bel), Banyan (Ficus indica Linn.; Bargad), Bead tree (Melia azedarach Linn.; Bakain), Belliric Myrobalan (Terminalia bellirica Roxb.; Bahera), Black Nightshade (Solanum nigrum Linn.; Makoe), Black plum (Syzygium cumini Linn. Skeels syn.), Eugenia jambolana Lam. (Jamun), Chebulic Myrobalan (Terminalia chebula Retz.;Harra), Coromandel Ebony Persimmon (Diospyros melanoxylon Roxb.; Tendu), Cutch tree (Acacia catechu Willd.; Khair), Flame of the Forest (Butea frondosa Koenig ex Roxb; Dhak), Horse radish tree (Moringa pterygosperma Gaetrn.; Sahijna), Indian Gooseberry (Emblica officinalis Gaertn. Syn. Phyllanthus emblica Linn.; Aonla), Indian Jujube; Common Jujube (Ziziphus mauritiana Lam. syn. Zizhphus jujuba Lam., non mill.; Ber), Indian Laburnum, Purging Fistula (Cassia fistula Linn.; Amiltas), Indian Olibanum tree (Boswellia serrata Roxb.; Salai), Indian walnut (Albizia lebbek Benth; Kala siris), Jack fruit (Artocarpus integrifolia Linn. f.; Kathal), Mango-Ginger (Curcuma amada Roxb.; Haldi), Money Jack (Artocarpus lakoocha Linn., Barhal), Mulberry (Morus indicus; Shahtut), Neem tree (Azadirachta indica A. Juss. syn. Melia azadirachta Linn.; Nim), Night Jasmine, Coral Jasmine (Nyctanthes arbor-triistis Linn.; Harsinighar), Palmyra Palm (Borassus flabellifer Linn. syn. Borassus flabelliformis Roxb.; Tar), Peepal tree (Ficus religiosa Linn.; Pipal, Peepal), Sandalwood (Ougeinia oojeinensis (Roxb.) Hochr. syn.; Sandan, Ougeinia dalbergioides Benth.(Chhagon or Sandan), Silk cotton tree (Salmalia malabarica (DC.) Schott & Endl.; Semal), Sissoo (Dalbergia sissoo Roxb.; Shisham), Tamarind Tree (Tamarindus indica Linn.; Imli), Teak (Tectona grandis Linn. f.; Sagun or Sagwan), Thorny bamboo (Bambusa arundinacea Willd. Bambusa species; bamboo), Toon (Cedrela toona Roxb. syn. Toona ciliata. Roem.; Tun), Vetiver (Vetiveria zizanioides (Linn.) Nash; Khaskhas), Wild Date Palm (Phoenix sylvestris Roxb.; Khajur), Wild Jujube (Ziziphus nummularia (Burm. f.) Wight & Arn. syn. Ziziphus rotundifolia Lam.; Jharberi or Jhadiaber).
2.9 Fauna
2.9.2 Birds: The birds found in the study area are the same species, commonly found in the Gangetic plain. They inhabit chiefly the sarpat and kusa grasses along the banks of the river Ganga. They are Barheaded goose (Anser indicus Lathum; Kareyee hans, hans), Black breasted or rain quail (Coturnix coromandelica Gemlin; China bater), Black partridge (Francolinus francolinus Linn; Kala teetar), Blue rock pigeon (Columba livia Gmelin; Kabutar), Brahminy shelduck (Tadorna ferruginea Pallas; Surkhabh), Bush quail (Perdicula combryensis), Bustard quail (Turnix suscitator Gmelin; Bater), Common or grey quail (Coturnix coturnix Linn; Bada bater), Common Indian sand grouse (Pterocles exustus Temminck; Kuhar, bhat teetar), Common peafowl (Pavo cristatus Linn; Mor, mayur), Crow-pheasant or coucal (Centropus sinensis Stephens; Mahoka), Common snipe (Gallingo gallingo Linn; Chaha), Great Indian bustard (Choriotis nigriceps Vigros; Sohan, hukna), Grey partridge (Francolinus pondicerianus Gmelin; Safed teetar), Hoopoe (Upupa epops Linn; Hudhud), Indian myna (Acridotheres tristis Linn; Desi myna), Jungle bush quail (Perdicula asiatica Latham; Lowwa), Jungle crow (Corvus macrorhynchos Wagler; Kala kowwa, jangli kowwa), Koel (Eudynamys scolopacea Linn; Kwal), Lesser florican (Sypheotides indica Miller; Barsati), Painted snipe (Rostratula bengalensis Linn; Ragchaha), Peafowl (Pavo cristatus Linn; Mor), Red munia (Estrilda amandava Linn; Lal), Red turtle dove (Streptopelia tranquebarica Herman; Seroti), Roseringed parakeet (Psittacula krameri Scopoli; Tota), Spotted dove (Streptopelia chinensis Scopoli; Chitroka), Sparrow (Muxicapa ticklias; Gorriya), Strurmus matabaricus (Mynah), Weaver bird (Ploceus philippinus; Baya), Egretta gazretta (Bagula), Crane (Grusantigone; Saras or Bagula), and Pycnonotus cafer (Bulbul).
The Greylag goose (Anser anser Linn. i.e. Rajhans, kharhans), Grey Heron (Ardea cinerea Linn. i.e. Khyra) and Large Egret (Ardea alba Linn. i.e. Bada bagula), visit the district during the winter, live on winter crops and are generally found near lakes and rivers. They are also observed during the post-monsoon period. Several species of duck, pochards and teal are also found near the lakes as long as they contain water.
2.9.3 Reptiles: Snakes are common in the area, the most poisonous being Cobra (Naja naja or Naia tripudians), Krait (Bungaraus caeruleus) and Russell’s viper (Vipera russellii) which, is viviparous and nocturnal in its habits and is seldom found beyond the hilly country of Yamunapar tract. The Gharial (Gavialis gangeticus) and Mugger (Crocodilus palustris) are found in the rivers Ganga, Yamuna and Tons.
About 43 species of fish belonging to 11 different families are found (Table 1) in the river Ganga between Kalakankar to Phaphamau (80( 33’ N; 26( 43’ E. and 24( 47’ N; 26( 15’ E), covering the districts of Pratapgarh on the northern side and Allahabad to the south. No marked variations are seen in different seasons but the maximum variety of fish is found during winter and the post monsoon period. The class of aquatic mammals is represented by its lone member Gangetic dolphin (Platanista gangetic) known as Susa, Sons, or Swis (Bilgrami 1991: 92). (Bilgrami 1991: 87-89, 91)
Table 1: The systematic list of fishes recorded from the river Ganga between Kalakankar to Phaphamau (Class: Osteichthyes; Sub-class: Actinopterygii)
Species
Stratigraphy: The habitational deposit is 1.55 m thick and comprises 10 layers (Table 4), divisible into three cultural phases. The section and the materials recovered from various levels provide consistent evidence for the beginning and growth of the settlement in evolving sequence, right from the Epi-Palaeolithic to Advanced Mesolithic or Proto-Neolithic phase. Due to the absence of soil cover the nature and the reasons for the end of the occupation at the site cannot be ascertained.
Culture Sequence: The entire deposit has been divided into three cultural phases on the basis of lithic tool Table 4; Phase I Epi-Palaeolithic, Phase IIA Early Mesolithic: Non-Geometric microliths, Phase IIB Early Mesolithic: Geometric microliths and Phase III Advanced Mesolithic or Proto-Neolithic
Broad blades
Percentage %
Table 9 Stratigraphy at Panchoh
Deposit
2. Khajuri (Panchoh) (24( 54’ 30” N.; 82( 2’ 30” E.)
Year/ Skeleton No.
Table 11 Mesolithic Human Remains from Sarai Nahar Rai
Sex
Orientation
Osteoarthritis
Table 12 Stratigraphy at Mahadaha
Thickness
Phase
Grave/ Field No./ Year
Sex
I
I/ XIV
/ 1978
Double Burial/ ----
Female
Male
Young Adult
Young Adult/ 20-25
Male
Adult/ 28-32
III/ XII
Male
II
Male
Auditory exostosis
Male
Male
III
body/ ----
Male
Young Adult/ 19-22
Male
Male
Male
Male
Male
West-East/----/ ----
----
West-East/Right hand on abdomen, left hand beside the body /Right
----
Southeast to Northwest/ Both hands beside the body/ left
Female
IV
Male
Young Adult/ 18-21
Male
East-West/ Right hand missing, left hand beside the body/----
Female
East-West / Right hand missing, left hand beside the body/ left
Female
East-West/ ----/ ----
----
West-East/ Right hand folded up, left hands on pelvis/ left
Male
West-East / Both hands beside the body/ left
Male
West-East / ----/ Right
Female
West-East / Right hand on pelvis, left hand below pelvis / Right
Male
West-East / Both hands beside the body/ left
Female
East-West/ Both hands beside the body/ left
----
Southeast to Northwest/ ----/ ----
Male
/Right
Female
Table 14 Typological Classification of tools, Mahadaha
Total
Deposit
Percentage %
Layers
Total
Table 17 Finished and utilized artefacts at Damdama
Total
Phase
Table 19 Mesolithic Human Remains, Damdama
Sex
I
Legend 5: Yayati, the fifth king of the lunar race, divided his kingdom among his five sons. The descendants of one of his sons, Turvasu, settled in the south, and the tenth generation from inclusive, consisting of four brothers Pandya, Korala, Chola and Kola, divided the empire they had inherited. The offspring’s of Kola are the present day Kols.
Settlement I (Temporary Fishing Settlement): The settlement is temporary in nature and is abandoned and reoccupied. These settlements are located close to the fishing area and where there is sufficient supply of firewood. The settlement is occupied mainly during rainy and partially in summer seasons. The location of the settlement is about 100 m inland or along the riverside (Pl. 65). Sufficient space is left between the habitation area and the river in the rainy season so that the water level does not reach the settlements during floods. The area of the habitation is along the river.
The platforms are installed in various locations inside the house such as near the hearth, in one of the corners or inside rooms made specifically for keeping storage bins. In case the house has first floor (Pl. 87) no platforms are required.
Mud platforms: Mud platform i.e. ‘Pathara’, precedes the making of the bins. It is rectangular or circular in shape (Pl. 79). It is made from a mixture of clay, mud, sand, salt, dried neem (Azadirachta indica Juss.) leaves and thorny branches of ber (Zizyphus jujuba, Z. nummularia). These special mixtures are added in order to prevent the bin being damage by white ants and rodents. The circular platforms are of varying diameters ranging from 0.50 m to 1.5 m and a height of 0.10 m to 0.15 m. The rectangular platforms are especially designed for rectangular, quadrilateral or square storage bins and circular platforms for cylindrical, barrel, conical and drum shaped bins.
Stone platforms: These platforms are of three types:
Technique of making clay storage bins: Clay storage bins are hand made and are locally known as ‘Kuthila’, ‘Kuthali’ and ‘Kuthala’. They are made before the harvest. During this time the older bins/ platforms are also renovated. They are always placed above ground (Pls. 79, 80, 84, 85, 86).
Type
Shape
Description
Bin Diameter
(In meter)
Height
(in metre)
Thickness
Pear
Featureless rim with flat top, tapering side with wide carinated base. Also are with wide inverted mouth and tapering sides.
Mouth: 0.45
Upper part: 0.75
Base: 0.95
1 to 1.20
0.038
Pot
Featureless rim with flat top, flaring neck, carinated shoulders, tapering side and flat base.
Mouth: 0.60 Shoulder: 1.30
Base: 0.46
1.20 to 1.45
0.025 to 0.038
Barrel
Featureless rim with flat top, slanting neck, carinated shoulders, irregular and slightly flaring sides and flat base.
Mouth: 0.60 Shoulder: 1.20 Base: 1. 20
1.20 to 1.25
0.025 to 0.038
Drum
Mouth: 0.70 Shoulder: 1.20 Base: 0.95
1.25 to 1.35
0.025 to 0.038
Cylindrical
Mouth: 0.70 Shoulder: 1.20 Base: 1.10
0.80 to 0.95
0.025 to 0.038
Thin Cylindrical
Mouth: 0.70 Shoulder: 0. 95 Base: 0. 93
1.20 to 1.30
0.025 to 0.038
Rectangular
Mouth: 0.75 Shoulder breadth: 1.10 x 0.75
0. 85 to 1
0.025 to 0.038
Quadrilateral
1.35 to 1.50
0.050 to
Rectangular bin with Twin mouth
0. 85 to 1
0.038 to 0.050
Square
0. 95 to 1.20
0.038 to 0.050
Conical
2 to 2.20
0.050 to
0.063
Pot inside the clay Bin
Bin: 0. 95 to 1.20
0.038 to 0.050
Table 24b Types of Storage Bins
Type
Shape
Storage
Platform (m)
Village
Pear
Three parts. Stone slab‘pihna’
Wheat, mustard, castor seeds, ber & jowar
Height: 0.10
Single Purwa & Saidabad
Pot
Three parts
Clay ‘pihna’
Diameter of circular cavity: 0.30
Rice, pulses & mustard
Circular mud platform
Diameter: 0.50
Height: 0.15
Pathartal
Barrel
Two/ three parts
Stone slab pihna’ Diameter of circular cavity: 0. 30
Rice & Pulses
Circular mud platform
Diameter: 1.25
Height: 0.15
Pathartal & Jadipur
Drum
Three parts
Clay ‘pihna’
Wheat, millets & Pulses
Four stone slabs as platform.
Height: 0.15
Mando
Cylindrical
Diameter of circular cavity: 0.30
Mustard & pulses
Height: 0.15
Thin Cylindrical
Wheat & pulses
Rectangular
Wheat and rice
Quadrilateral
Wheat
Four square stone slabs as platform
Rectangular bin with Twin mouth
To keep two different types of grains at a time in
a bin. Mostly varieties of pulses & rice
Rectangular shaped mud platform
Measures 1.05 long x 0.70 wide x 0.15 high
Square
Pulses & rice
Square shaped mud platform.
Measures: 0.90 long x 0.90 wide x 0.15 high
Conical
Five parts Clay ‘pihna’ Diameter of circular cavity: 0.30
Design: Chevron pattern, worms, elephant, goat and peacock
Wheat & rice
Circular mud platform
Diameter: 1.02
Height: 0.20
Pot inside the clay Bin
Clay ‘pihna’Storage bin is situated next to the hearth.
Mustard, Pulses & millets
Circular mud platform
Diameter: 1.60
Height: 0.30
Wall Storage Bins: This is a peculiar style of storing grains and important belongings among the Musahars. The wall is used as medium to store grains. The thickness of such walls varies from 0.40 m – 0.50 m. The suitable location in the wall for storage is near the window opening (Fig. 32). Usually pots of varying sizes (acquired from the potters) are placed inside the wall cavity and covered in such a way that only the mouth of the pot is visible. The diameter of the mouth is 0.50 m. Flat stone slab or clay ‘pihna’ covers the mouth. These bins are sometime made airtight. Mustard and pulses are the grains stored in them.
6.1.5 Bird trapping: Musahar men and young boys generally trap all types of birds available in the area except vultures, eagles and owls. The birds are either hunted for consumption or for sale in the market. The birds caught for sale are: blue rock pigeon (kabutar; Columba livia Gmelin), red munia (lal; Estrilda amandava Linn), red turtle dove (seroti; Streptopelia tranquebarica Herman), rose ringed parakeet (tota; Psittacula krameri Scopoli) and spotted dove (chitroka; Streptopelia chinensis Scopoli). The birds hunted by them are given in Table 25 (English and scientific names are based on Salim Ali 1996).
China bater
Nets: To trap the bird the Musahars spread a net made of thread with 61 x 61 cm dimension between two big trees. The net is spread at least 20 cm above the ground and then spread grain on the net to lure birds. When the birds come and sit on the net to eat, they get entangled and are caught. Later they are removed by hand and placed in a bag and carried to the camp, but some are consumed there and then itself.
Gummed bamboo sticks: The Musahars apply gum of Acacia arabica Willd. to bamboo sticks about 30 cm long. These are placed in-between the branches and leaves of any fruit bearing tree. When the birds come into contact with these sticks, they are trapped. Birds, which are to be consumed, are kept separately from the ones to be sold, which are kept in cages.
Catapults: Small stones or pellets are used in the catapult. Once hit by the pellet the birds faint, and are then collected.
Wells: In this method birds like pigeons, which like to sit in a well for its coolness, are trapped. About four to six people simultaneously cover the well with a net on which gum is rubbed from the top. Then the birds are scared by making a lot of noise, which causes them to fly upwards. In this process they get entangled in the net and get stuck to the gum applied on it. The net is then overturned and the birds are plucked from it.
Notopterus chitala (Hamilton)
Species
Dasyatis pastinacus (Linnaeus)
Catla
Mirka
Reba
+
Riverine fishing: Fishing is a year round activity. In the rains the pace of fishing is more hectic, for then some economically important varieties of fish, like rohu and hilsa are found in abundance. In deep river water, fishing is done from boats using nets. During the summer the rivers shrink and change into shallow streams and pools. Then the method of fishing is restricted to using traps and small nets. According to a local Mishrilal Mallah ‘Fishing starts at dawn with the Mallahs sitting in their dongis (small, long and narrow boats, prepared from a single thick tree trunk) enter the river with a sarhat (fishing instrument with 12 pointed iron prongs), a kurail (a big net) and a bisari (a small net) for catching fish’.
Lacustrine fishing: Fishing is also carried out in jhils and tanks, which are the breeding grounds of many fresh water fish. Innumerable tanks are scattered throughout the study area. Fish are caught with nets and traps. In large tanks fishing is done with nets, hooks and prongs. In small tanks fishing is done in summer when the water is shallow. Fish are then caught by hand, sticks, and cover baskets.
Table 28 Division of labour among the Mallahs
Consumption of fish: Fish satisfy food needs. They are dried and stored for later consumptions in the following ways:
Preservation: One of the techniques of preserving fish is to dry them. Sun and wind drying are the common methods employed for drying fish. The other methods employed by the fishermen for preserving the fish for longer period of time are: dry salting method and wet salting method.
Amaranthaceae
Parts of plants eaten as vegetables
Chirchiri
Tender shoot, leaves
Papilionaceae; Fabaceae
Kaliziri
Caesalpiniaceae
Lasora, chota lasora
Kachnal, ashta
Plants used for making leaf plates and cups
Plants used of making basket
Saccharum munja (Grass)
Caesalpiniaceae
Caesalpinia sappan Linn.
Varthangi
Melastomataceae
Kasan
Plants exploited for extracting oil
Mahua
Gums used for fowling
Babool, babul
Plants used for construction, roofing and thatching
Saccharum munja (Grass)
Fabaceae
Mimosaceae
Fruit pulp
Liliaceae
Piyaz
Lal mircha
Karaunda
Myrtaceae
Table 32 Organisation of labour among the Kols and Musahars
Tamatar
Citrullus vulgaris
Lauki
Karela, kareli
Khira
Kakri
Tarbuj, Tarbuz,
Tarmuj, Hainmana
Radish
6.5 Basketry
Types of baskets: Mainly utility baskets are made out of bamboo. The baskets are traditionally circular in shape with a handle and with or without a cover. The different varieties are:
6.5.2 Cane Basket making
The cane baskets are made for sale in local markets.
6.5.3 Munj Basket making
Types of Munj baskets: Munj baskets are of three types:
Chapter 7
Summary: Food production, even in its simplest form, provides an opportunity and a motive for the accumulation of a surplus as seen from the Mesolithic site of Chopani-Mando.
8. 1 Settlement and Subsistence pattern of the Mesolithic inhabitants in the Belan and Ganga valleys
Amilia
Sr. No.
Site Name
IAR 1966-67: 37; IAR 1982- 83: 92
Ayodhya
Bahraicha
Bansghat
Pal 1986: 37
IAR 1982-83: 92
IAR 1975-76: 44; Pal 1986: 15, 16
IAR 1982-83: 92
List of Chalcolithic Sites in South-Central Ganga Valley
Ayodhya
IAR 1963-64: 39; Pal 1986: 50
Khajuri
Misra 1990:197
Misra 1990: 197
REFERENCES
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Series Foreword
Preface
Table of Contents
List of Figures
List of Plates
List of Tables
Chapter 1: Introduction
Chapter 2: Geographical Setting
Chapter 3: Archaeological Evidence
Chapter 4: Ethnographic Present
Chapter 5: Settlement Patterns of the Simple Communities
Chapter 6: Economy, Technology, and Material Culture
Chapter 7: Implications of Ethnography for Understanding Prehistoric Living Patterns
Chapter 8: Discussion and Conclusion
Appendix I
Appendix II
Appendix III
Appendix IV
References
South Asian Archaeology Series
Citation preview
BAR S2242 2011 ANSARI ETHNOARCHAEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES OF PREHISTORIC SETTLEMENT PATTERNS
B A R
South Asian Archaeology Series 14 Series Editor Alok K. Kanungo
Ethnoarchaeological Perspectives of Prehistoric Settlement Patterns of South-Central Ganga Valley Shahida Ansari
BAR International Series 2242 2011
South Asian Archaeology Series 14 Series Editor Alok K. Kanungo
Ethnoarchaeological Perspectives of Prehistoric Settlement Patterns of South-Central Ganga Valley Shahida Ansari
BAR International Series 2242 2011
Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 2242 South Asian Archaeology Series No. 14 Series Editor: Alok K. Kanungo Ethnoarchaeological Perspectives of Prehistoric Settlement Patterns of SouthCentral Ganga Valley © S Ansari and the Publisher 2011 The author's moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.
ISBN 9781407308067 paperback ISBN 9781407337975 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407308067 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2011. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.
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Foreword Alok Kumar Kanungo Series Editor, South Asian Archaeology Series International Series of British Reports
The International Series of British Archaeological Reports, with its 2000 titles to the present time, is undoubtedly one of the most important places of publication in the discipline of Archaeology. But it is a pity that works on the archaeology of South Asia have been less represented in the series than their interest and value deserves. The archaeological record of South Asia (comprising India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and the Maldives) is extremely rich. This wealth begins in the Lower Palaeolithic period and includes, for example, the Harappan Civilization, one of the oldest in the world (covering a very large area and having many unique features -- the most ancient known town planning, its architecture and high standards of civic hygiene, its art, iconography, paleography, numismatics and international trade). South Asia also has a large number of earlier, contemporary, and later Neolithic and Chalcolithic cultures. Moreover, what makes South Asia particularly significant for the study of past human behaviour is the survival of many traditional modes of life, like hunting-gathering, pastoralism, shifting cultivation, fishing, and fowling, the study of which throws valuable light on the reconstruction of past cultures. In the region there are a large number of government and semigovernment institutions devoted to archaeological teaching and/or research in archaeology and a large and professionally trained body of researchers. Of course, a number of universities and other institutions, in the area do have their own publication programmes and there are also reputed private publishing houses. However, British Archaeological Reports, a series of 30 years standing, has an international reputation and distribution system. In order to take advantage of the latter – to bring archaeological researches in South Asia to the notice of scholars in the western academic world – the South Asian Archaeology Series has been instituted within the International Series of British Archaeological Reports. This series (which it is hoped to associate with an institution of organization in the area) aims at publishing original research works of international interest in all branches of archaeology of South Asia. Those wishing to submit books for inclusion in the South Asian Archaeology Series should contact the South Asian Archaeology Series Editor, who will mediate with BAR Publishing in Oxford. The subject has to be appropriate and of the correct academic standard (curriculum vitae are requested and books may be referred); instructions for formatting will be given, as necessary. Dr. Alok Kumar Kanungo Fulbright Fellow, Department of Anthropology University of Wisconsin-Madison B-12, Deccan College Faculty Hostel Pune 411006, INDIA email: [email protected]
PREFACE India is rich in archaeological and ethnographic record and quite a ethnoarchaeological studies have already been carried out. But, in most cases either ethnography over shadows the archaeological components or else it is used to understand archaeological findings in a piecemeal fashion. Cases are few which attempt to understand the archaeological findings through the study of ethnographical process. The present work attempts to integrate the study of cultural ethnography with the processes of archaeological reconstruction. Simple living communities of Northern India in general and those of south‐central Ganga valley in particular have mostly been studied from the perspective of caste/varna/race system; their cultural practices have been studied but marginally. The subsistence and settlement patterns of the simple living communities of south‐central Ganga valley, which are important for understanding the life ways of prehistoric people, got sidelined. It was only in the middle of the last century the focus of archaeology in North India shifted from imposing historical sites as monuments to prehistoric sites. The early rice evidence at Koldihwa and Mesolithic burials at Sarai‐Nahar‐Rai and other places exposed by the late Prof. G.R. Sharma of Allahabad University and his colleagues proved to be a decisive factor. This team led to further explorations and excavation of prehistoric sites. South‐central Ganga valley has now made known rich Stone Age record and as such occupies a prominent
place on the archaeological map of the country. After completing my Masters Degree from the Deccan College I approached the then Director of Deccan College Prof. V.N. Misra in 1994 for enrolment as a candidate for doctoral research. He readily agreed and suggested that I could take up study of prehistoric record of the Ganga valley from ethnoarchaeological point of view. He also asked me to read four volumes of the book ‐ The Tribes and Castes of North‐Western Province and Oudh by William Crooke (1896). Soon I started reading this and other related books, and also the reports of important Stone Age sites in the area. Against this background the topic entitled “Prehistoric Settlement Pattern of South‐ Central Ganga Valley: An Ethnoarchaeological Perspective” was selected for my doctoral research. The selection of the topic was influenced by the fact that, in addition to rich Stone Age record, the area is occupied by many simple living communities still maintaining their age old traditional ways of life, the study of which could be of great help in understanding prehistoric settlement systems. Thus an ethnoarchaeological study assumed a large measure of importance. Once I started my fieldwork I realized that the communities referred in the ethnographic literatures as very primitive are in fact quite acculturated due to modernisation. The ethnographic survey however led to personal interaction with various communities living in the area, but only three communities, i.e. Musahars, Kols
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and Mallahs were selected for the present study. I undertook systematic fieldwork in the area and studied in an intensive way the seasonal behaviour of these communities. Despite the early beginnings of agriculture in the Ganga plains and the Belan valley, hunting‐gathering way of life has not completely disappeared from the region. Communities like the Musahars live almost entirely by small game hunting and gathering whereas others like the Kols combine hunting‐gathering with some agriculture and the Mallah with fishing and agriculture. All the three communities live a partly nomadic and partly sedentary life and raise several kinds of settlements ranging from temporary ones lasting only a few weeks to permanent ones lasting for many years. In the present study I have made an attempt to reconstruct the lifeways of the past inhabitants of this region though the study of settlements of the three simple communities, with particular emphasis on the relationship between subsistence practices, economic activities and mode of the disposal of the dead. A detailed study of the residential and other structures‐their form, function, construction materials and techniques, disposal of cultural refuse, and location of burial and cremation grounds has been carried out. I have studied living as well as abandoned settlements, carefully mapped the layout of the settlements, location of structures, and loci of various activities, and have documented them photographically as well as in drawings. I have compared the living as well as abandoned settlements of the three communities with the excavated settlements of Mesolithic and Neolithic‐Chalcolithic cultures of the Ganga valley and found considerable similarities. The settlements of
the living communities provide useful insights for reconstructing past settlements. The work is divided into the following eight chapters: Chapter 1 gives an overview of the aims and objectives, methodology, previous archaeological research in the study area, history of settlement pattern studies in archaeology and the fieldwork carried out by me. Chapter 2 describes the geographical setting of the study area including physiography, geology, drainage system, climate, flora and fauna. A detailed account of the Mesolithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic cultures of the Ganga and Belan valleys, including explored and excavated sites, is presented in Chapter 3. The excavated Mesolithic sites are Sarai Nahar Rai, Mahadaha and Damdama in the Ganga valley, and Chopani‐Mando in the Belan valley, the Neolithic sites are Mahagara, Koldihwa and Panchoh in the Belan valley, and the Chalcolithic sites are Koldihwa and Khajuri in the Belan valley. The published literature of the investigators provide valuable information related to the habitats, structural features, material remains, technology, settlement and subsistence patterns, and burial practices of the archaeological sites. Chapters 4, 5 and 6 gives detailed description of ethnographic present, settlement and subsistence patterns of the Musahars, Kols and Mallahs. Chapter 7 and 8 is devoted to reconstruction of the prehistoric living patterns in the region on the basis of correlation of archaeological and ethnographic data. At the end a summary of the important aspects of the archaeology and ethnography of the study area is presented. This book has become possible due to the, inspiration, encouragement, guidance and
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support provided to me by many persons during the course of my research. I would like to place on record my gratitude to all of them. To Prof. V.N. Misra who has very generously shared his valuable insights and understanding of Archaeology and Ethnography. His deep knowledge of ethnoarchaeological studies has benefited me tremendously. His intense involvement with the subject has been a constant source of inspiration and encouragement to me. To Prof. K. Paddayya who had been a wonderful teacher and a guiding force in my academic career. To all the teachers of the Department of Archaeology at Deccan College for providing a highly interactive research atmosphere, who taught me Archaeology both in the classroom and in the field, especially Drs. S.N. Rajaguru, R.S. Pappu, P.K. Thomas, M. Nagar, G.L. Badam,, V. D. Gogte, G. Lad, S.R Walimbe, M.D Kajale, A. Marathe, B.C. Deotare, S. Mishra, V.S. Shinde, R.K. Mohanty, S.G. Deo, P.P. Joglekar, and S.M. Atre. To the Librarian and all other members of the library staff, especially Mr. R.R Shigvan, Mrs U.L. Jagtap, Mr S.B. Khute, Mr. S.D. Khirsagar, Mr M.K. Pullellu, and Mr S. Jadhav for being helpful and cooperative. To Messrs B.B. Dighe, D.D. Phule, S.D. Rokade, S.A. Pradhaan, D.V. Karanjkar and B.S. Waghmode of Drawing Section for their support; to my student Ms. Manasi Khati for preparing the cover page sketch.
To Prof. V.D. Misra, Dr. J.N. Pal and Dr. J.N. Pandey of the Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University for sharing me their rich field experience of the study area, and providing a large number of photographs of the excavated sites and for valuable help during my fieldwork. To Prof. P. Singh and Dr. Ashok Singh, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University and Dr. R. Tewari, State Archaeology Department, Lucknow for availing me with field guidance and library facility of their departments. To Prof. Rajeshwar Prasad, President of Indian Social Science Association, Agra for updating me with the recent social setup of the simple communities of the Allahabad and the nearby area. He motivated me with his undying enthusiasm towards the urgent need for community wise documentation. To Dr. Mahaesh Sabade and Dr. Madura Bhide of Ayurveda Rasashala, Pune, who identified some of the plants collected during the fieldwork. To late Ravindranath Misra for his critical and patient editing of the manuscript. To Dr. Alok Kanungo for just being there not only as a companion but also as a source of encouragement right from the beginning of the fieldwork till converting the Ph.D. thesis to this book. But for his help it would have been difficult for me to work among the simple communities living in the remote areas.
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To all those people in the villages in the Ganga and Belan valleys for their readiness to provide ethnographic information and their interest in my work, especially Rampalji, Kanchukiji, Adhaykshji, Sarita didi and Putul who provided me with essential facilities during my stay and who accompanied me during my fieldwork in the interior and remote villages. To my friends for their love, support and guidance, especially Savia, Duria, Suchira, Mala, Dam, Mishi, Trupti, Richa, Johnny, Timothy, Sonya, Arati, Gajul, Selva, Sunil Jhadav, Sunil Gupta, Seevalee, Uttara, Sukanya, Viraj, Namita, Swayam, Veena, Nirmal, Jwala, Hemant, Akhilesh, David, Amen, Chumbeno, Riza Abbas, Yashima, Aditi, Azadeh, Anita, Mini, Debashree, Lopamudra, Vishwanath, Harishankar, Balaram, Kedar, Ashish, Samark, Maqbool, Ayaz, Raghib, Gudu, Aafreen, Adiba,
Mohammad, Rizwana, Abeera, Yusuf and Suryakant. To Dr. S.N. Kanungo, B. Kanungo, Jhunu apa, Runu apa, Sana Bhaojo, Butu Bhai, Ajit Bhai, Kesab Bhai, Abhishek, Rhea and Anurag for their love and support. To my family members for encouraging me all along with love, prayers and keen interest in the progress of my work, especially my brother Mustafa Kamal who never let me lose my sense of perspective and constantly urged me to put my best foot forward and for being the ideal sounding board with all his wisdom; my sisters Razia aapa and Aasia aapa for the final word of advice. Lastly, to Abba and Ammi for their patience, gentle guidance, constant encouragement and love. To them I dedicate this work.
Shahida Ansari Lecturer‐cum‐Keeper in Museology Department of Archaeology Deccan College Post‐Graduate & Research Institute Pune – 411 006, INDIA [email protected] Ramzan EID and Shri Ganesh Chaturthi, 11 SEPETEMBER 2010
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Contents Preface Contents List of Figures List of Plates List of Tables Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Aims and Objectives of Research 1.2 Methodology 1.3 History of Archaeological Research in the Study Area 1.4 Brief History of Settlement Pattern Studies in Archaeology 1.5 Fieldwork by the Author 1.6 The Results of Research and Structure of Presentation Chapter 2 GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING 2.1 Study Area 2.2 Physiography 2.3 Geology 2.4 Mineral Resources 2.5 Soils
17‐29 17‐18 18‐19 19‐20 20 21‐22
2.6 2.6.1 2.6.2
22‐25 23‐24 24‐25
Drainage System Rivers Lakes
2.7 Climate 2.7.1 Temperature 2.7.2 Rainfall 2.8 Flora 2.8.1 Trees 2.8.2 Grasses 2.9 Fauna 2.9.1 Animals 2.9.2 Birds 2.9.3 Reptiles 2.9.4 Fishes Chapter 3 ARCHAEOLOGCIAL EVIDENCE 3.1 Belan Valley 3.2 Excavated Sites in the Belan Valley 3.3 Distribution of Neolithic Sites 3.4 Distribution of Chalcolithic Sites
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i‐iv v‐vii viii‐x xi‐xvi xvii‐xviii 1‐16 1 2‐3 3‐5 5‐10 10‐16 16
25‐26 25 25‐26 26‐27 26 26‐27 27‐28 27 27 27 27‐28 30‐108 30‐34 34‐44 44‐58 58‐68
3.5 Ganga Valley 3.6 Distribution of Mesolithic Sites 3.7 Summary 3.8 Chronology Chapter 4 ETHNOGRAPHIC PRESENT 4.1 Musahars 4.2 Kols 4.3 Mallahs
68‐70 70‐101 102‐105 105‐108 109‐132 109‐122 122‐129 129‐132
Chapter 5 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7
SETTLEMENT PATTERN STUDIES OF THE SIMPLE COMMUNITIES Musahar Settlements Kol Settlements Mallah Settlements Construction Techniques of Mud Houses Minor Structures Sanitary Facilities/ Disposal of Food Refuse Degree of Permanence and Impermanence of Settlements
133‐177 134‐143 144‐147 147‐153 153‐157 157‐175 175‐176 176‐177
Chapter 6 ECONOMY, TECHNOLOGY AND MATERIAL CULTURE 6.1 Hunting and Fowling 6.1.1 Rat hunting 6.1.2 Squirrel hunting 6.1.3 Tortoise hunting 6.1.4 Hare and Porcupine hunting 6.1.5 Bird trapping 6.2 Fishing 6.2.1 Fishing Practices Among the Mallahs and Musahars 6.2.2 Methods and Techniques of Fishing 6.2.3 Processing and Preservation 6.3 Gathering of wild plants among the Kols and Musahars 6.3.1 Ethnobotanical Survey 6.3.2 Plants used for Healthcare 6.3.3 Honey collection 6.3.4 Collection of fuel 6.4 Agriculture 6.4.1 Crops (kharif, rabi and zaid crops) 6.4.2 Agricultural Calendar 6.4.3 Crop Production Technique 6.4.4 Crop Pattern 6.4.5 Agricultural Implements 6.4.6 Manure 6.4.7 Irrigation 6.4.8 Crop protection
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178‐236 178‐185 178‐180 180‐181 181‐182 182 182‐184 184‐196 184‐186 186‐195 195‐196 196‐216 196‐200 200‐215 215‐216 216 216‐231 216‐217 217‐218 218‐225 225 225‐229 229 230 230‐231
6.4.9 Agricultural Ceremonies 6.5 Basketry 6.5.1 Bamboo Basket making 6.5.2 Cane Basket making 6.5.3 Munj Basket making Chapter 7 IMPLICATIONS OF ETHNOGRAPHY FOR UNDERSTANDING PREHISTORIC LIVING PATTERNS 7.1 Settlement Patterns 7.1.1 Structures (Hut types) 7.1.2 Placement and types of hearth 7.1.3 Storage Facilities 7.1.4 Pottery 7.1.5 Disposal of food refuse 7.2 Subsistence Pattern 7.2.1 Small game hunting 7.2.2 Fowling 7.2.3 Fishing 7.2.4 Gathering 7.2.5 Agriculture 7.3 Technology 7.4 Burial Practices
231 231‐235 232‐233 233‐234 235
237‐259 238‐249 238‐243 243‐245 245‐248 248 248‐249 249‐256 249‐250 250‐251 251‐253 253 253‐256 256‐258 258‐259
Chapter 8 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION 8.1 Settlement and Subsistence pattern of the Mesolithic inhabitants in the Belan and Ganga valleys 8.2 Settlement and Subsistence pattern of the Neolithic inhabitants in the Belan valley 8.3 Settlement and Subsistence pattern of the Chalcolithic inhabitants in the Belan and Ganga valleys Appendix I List of Mesolithic Sites in South‐Central Ganga Valley Appendix II List of Neolithic Sites in South‐Central Ganga Valley
260‐272 264‐268 268‐270 270‐272 275‐290
291‐292
Appendix III List of Chalcolithic Sites in South‐Central Ganga Valley Appendix IV Glossary of technical terms used for diseases and drugs
293‐294
295
References
297‐310
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List of Figures Fig. 1 Fig. 2a Fig. 2b Fig. 3 Fig. 4 Fig. 5 Fig. 6 Fig. 7 Fig. 8
Fig. 9
Fig. 10
Fig. 11 Fig. 12
Fig. 13 Fig. 14 Fig. 15 Fig. 16
Fig. 17
Map showing location of South‐Central Ganga Valley and Tahsils Geological map of South‐Central Ganga Valley Geological map of South‐Central Ganga Valley Drainage Pattern in South‐Central Ganga Valley Schematic section on the Belan (After IAR 1966‐67: 36) Distribution Map of Epi‐Palaeolithic, Mesolithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites Plan of huts in Phase III, Chopani‐Mando (After Sharma et al. 1980: 35) Floor II of Phase III, littered with stone pieces and microliths, Chopani‐ Mando, (After Sharma et al. 1980) Lithic tools from Chopani‐Mando, Phase II A; 1‐2 Elongated broad blades; 3,5 Burins; 6 Borer or awl; 4,7,8 Points; 9‐11 Parallel sided blades; 12‐14 Backed blades; 15‐16 Notched blades; 17‐18 Penknife blades; 19‐20 Scrapers; 21‐23 Cores (After Sharma et al. 1980: 46) Lithic tools from Chopani‐Mando, Phase II B; 2‐4,17 Backed blades; 5‐7 Parallel sided blades; 1,8,13‐14 Penknife blades; 9‐10 Serrated blades; 11‐ 12 Notched blades; 15‐16 Points; 18‐19 Burins; 20 Microburin; 21‐27 Scrapers; 28‐30 Trapezes; 31‐33 Triangles; 34‐35 Lunates; 36‐38 Cores (After Sharma et al. 1980: 50) Lithic tools from Chopani‐Mando Phase III; 1‐3 Parallel sided blades; 4‐11 Backed blades; 12 Notched blade; 13‐14,16,18 Penknife blades; 19‐22 Saw‐ edged blades; 23‐24, 26‐27 Borers; 25 Microburin; 28‐33 Points or arrow heads; 34‐36 Scrapers; 37‐40 Lunates; 15, 41‐44 Triangles; 45‐47 Trapezes; 48 Tranchets; 49‐51 Cores (After Sharma et al. 1980: 55) Plan of the floor and cattle pen of the Last Phase, Mahagara (After Sharma et al. 1980) Neolithic Blades, Mahagara; 1‐8 Parallel sided blades; 9‐11 Backed blades; 12‐15 Penknife blades; 16‐18 Serrated blades; 19‐23 Points; 24‐26 Triangles; 27‐29 Trapeze; 30‐31 Tranchet; 32‐34 Side‐scrapers; 35 End‐ scraper; 36 Hollow‐scraper; 37‐39 Cores; 40 Core‐rejuvenating flake (After Sharma et al. 1980: 165) Schematic section of the Ganga (After G.R. Sharma 1973a: 130) Horseshoe lakes in the Ganga valley (After Sharma 1973a: 131) Site plan of Sarai Nahar Rai (After G.R. Sharma 1973a: 137) Microliths from Sarai Nahar Rai; 1‐4 Symmetrical points; 5 Obliquely retouched blade; 6 Backed blade; 7‐9 Blunted‐back blade; 10 Parallel sided flake; 11 Symmetrical lunates; 13‐14 Asymmetrical lunate; 15‐19 Isosceles triangles; 20 Scalene triangle; 21 Cylindrical core (After G.R. Sharma 1973a: 143) Site plan of Mahadaha, showing Habitation‐cum‐Cemetery, Butchering complex and Lake area (After Sharma et al. 1980)
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17 19 20 22 33 34 37 38
39
40
41 46
51 68 69 71
73 78
Fig. 18 Plan of Mahadaha grave and hearths (After J.N. Pal 1992b: 30) Fig. 19 Microliths from Mahadaha; 1‐7 Parallel sided blades; 8‐12 Blunted backed blades; 13 Penknife; 14 Notched blade; 15 Trapeze; 16‐18 Triangles; 19‐22 Lunates; 23‐24 Borers; 25‐32 Points; 33‐40 Scrapers (After Sharma et al. 1980: 103) Fig. 20 Site plan of Damdama (After Varma et. al. 1985: 49) Fig. 21 Microlithic tools from Damdama; 1‐5 Unmodified blade; 6 Core trimming blade; 7‐10 Core; 11‐12 Exhausted core; 13‐16 Blade with use mark; 15‐23 Retouched blades; 24‐27 Retouched and truncated blades; 28‐33 Straight backed blades; 34‐44 Convex backed blades; 45‐46 Partly backed blades; 47 Partly backed and truncated blade; 48‐54 Straight backed and truncated blades; 55‐56 Convex backed and truncated; 57‐65 Lunates; 66‐ 76 Isosceles triangles; 77‐83 Scalene triangles; 84‐85 Trapezoid; 86‐87 Trapeze; 88‐91 Drill; 92‐95 Percoirs (After Varma et al. 1985: 59) Fig. 22 Microlithic tools from Damdama; 1‐3 Traverse arrowhead cum drill; 4 Burin; 5‐8 Microburin; 9‐18 Retouched flakes and scrapers (After Varma et al. 1985: 60) Fig. 23 Double (Grave XX) and Multiple (Grave XVIII) burials, Damdama (After J.N. Pal 1988: 30) Fig. 24a Layout of Musahar Settlement Type I (Seasonal Open Air Settlement) Fig. 24b Layout of Musahar Settlement Type I (Seasonal Open Air Settlement), SITE‐1: Dwelling Area Fig. 24c Layout of Musahar Settlement Type I (Seasonal Open Air Settlement), SITE‐3: Burial Ground Fig. 24d Layout of Musahar Settlement Type I (Seasonal Open Air Settlement), SITE‐2: Cremation Ground Fig. 25a Layout of Musahar Settlement Type II (Seasonal Summer Settlement), Dwelling Area Fig. 25b Layout of Musahar Settlement Type II (Seasonal Summer Settlement), ITE‐1: Abandoned Hut Fig. 26 Layout of Musahar Settlement Type III (Semi Permanent Settlement) Fig. 27 Layout of Musahar Settlement Type III (Semi Permanent Settlement) Fig. 28 Layout of Cattle pen in Kol Settlement Type III (Year Round Permanent Settlement) Fig. 29a Map showing Village Mando, SITE‐1 (Settlement Type II a, Seasonal Agricultural Settlement, hill top) and SITE‐2 (Abandoned Mallah Settlement Type II a) in the Belan Valley Fig. 29b Layout of Mallah Settlement Type II a (Seasonal Agricultural Settlement, hill top) Fig. 29c Layout of Abandoned Mallah Settlement Type II a (Seasonal Agricultural Settlement, hill top) Fig. 30a ‘U’ shaped hearths Fig. 30b Hearth inside the stone and mud platform
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78
86 90
92
93 100 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 174
149
150
151 159 160
Fig. 30c Fig. 30d Fig. 31 Fig. 32 Fig. 33 Fig. 34 Fig. 35 Fig. 36 Fig. 37
Open hearth Sigdi Pit Hearth Placement of Wall Storage bin in the Musahar house Fishing with screen, hooks and lines Different types of fishing traps used by the Musahars and Mallahs Fishing with net i.e. jal Fishing with hooks and lines Pronged spear used during fishing
Fig. 38 Bags and tools made of organic material used during gathering by the simple communities; a. Laggi; b. Khara; c. Khonch; d. Baiyya Fig. 39 Agricultural Implements; a. Plough i.e. hal; plough parts, 1. Haris; 2. urh; 3. Kudh; 4. Birholi; 5. Agvasi; 6. Khapri; 7. Phal; 8. Muthia b. Clod crusher/leveler i.e. pata or patela Fig. 40 Agricultural Implements; a. Katni; b. Sickle i.e. hansiya Fig. 41 Agricultural Implements; a. Harness i.e. jowatha; b. Hoe i.e. khurpi; c. Spade i.e. pharua Fig. 42 Husking device i.e. dheki used by the simple communities; (1) Stone or wood mortar fixed in the ground Fig. 43 Husking Implement i.e. okhli, used by the simple communities; a. Cup shaped mortar; b. Cylindrical mortar; c. Sub‐type decorated mortar; d. Decorated Hourglass mortar Fig. 44 Types of pestle i.e. moosal used for husking grain by the simple communities; a. Club headed pestle with constricted grip; b. Pestle with club‐hand; c. Pestle with grip in the middle Fig. 45 Types of tools used for basket making; a. Sharpener; b. Banka; c. Banki; d. Knife i.e. Chaku; e. Bodkin i.e. Suja; f. Pichari Fig. 46 Types of baskets made by the simple communities of the study area; a. Bamboo basket; b. Cane Basket; c. Munj basket Fig. 47 Musahars hut type, construction and remnant after abandonment; a. Hut type leading to remains of floor without post‐holes after abandonment; b. Hut type leading to remains of post‐holes inside the periphery of the floor; c. Hut type leading to remains of post‐holes outside the periphery of the floor. Fig. 48 Rat hunting and Rock Art, depiction of rat hunting and hunters carrying rats from rock painting, Jaora (Madhya Pradesh) Fig. 49 Fishing and Rock art, Painting from Lakhajoar (District Raisen, Madhya Pradesh) and paintings from Kerwaghat, Kowar Khoh and Gojra (Mirzapur, Uttar Pradesh) Fig. 50 Food processing tools; a. Rotating quern i.e. chakki; b. Grinding stone i.e. silbatta
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160 161 161 170 187 188 189 191 193
196 226 227 227 228
228
228 232 233
239 251
254 255
List of Plates Pl. 1a Pl. 1b Pl. 2a Pl. 2b Pl. 3a Pl. 3b Pl. 3c Pl. 3d Pl. 4a Pl. 4b Pl. 5a Pl. 5b Pl. 6a Pl. 6b Pl. 6c Pl. 6d Pl. 7a Pl. 7b Pl. 8 Pl. 9 Pl. 10a Pl. 10b Pl. 11 Pl. 12a
Pl. 12b Pl. 13 Pl. 14 Pl. 15a
Sculptural remains, votive Stupa, Ramgarh Hero stone, Ramgarh Sculptural remains, Phultara Engraved pillars, Phultara Village on top of the mound, Birha Cooking pot, lid and quern collected by the villagers from the mound, Birha Sculptural remains, Birha Potsherds found on the mound, Birha Mound, Sikro Structural remains, Sikro Mound, Kharwakhas Potsherds found from the mound, Kharwakhas Rocky outcrop and circular raised platform, Shankargarh Microliths, Shankargarh Core, Shankargarh Debitage, Shankargarh General view of the site, Lohgara Potsherds, clay lumps with reed impression, BaranpurTable Stone paved circular platform, Phase III, Chopani Mando (After Sharma et al. 1980) Querns; 1 Mahadaha, 2‐3 Mahagara, 4 Chopani Mando (After Sharma et al. 1980) Bone objects, Phase III, Chopani Mando (After Sharma et al. 1980) Stone bead, Phase III, Chopani Mando (After Sharma et al. 1980) Impressed pottery, Phase III, Chopani Mando (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Impression of rice‐husk, Phase III, Chopani Mando (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Close‐up of rice husk, Phase III, Chopani Mando (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Circular floors with post‐holes, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) General view of the circular floors forming a house unit (Fl. 8, 9 & 10), Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Hoof impressions of cattle in the cattle pen, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University)
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11 11 11 12 12
12 12 13 13 13 14 14 14 14 15 15 15 15
39 42 42 43 43
44 44 46
47
48
Pl. 15b Hoof impressions of cattle in the cattle pen, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 16 Rusticated decorated ware; criss‐cross designs and thumb‐nail, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 17a Neolithic tools from Mahagara; 1‐8 celts, 9‐10 adzes and 11 chisel (After Sharma et al. 1980) Pl. 17b Neolithic tools from Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 18 Bone arrowheads, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 19 Fragments of burnt daub with reed impressions, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 20 Earthen discs, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 21 Clay beads, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 22 Shell pendants, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 23a Potsherds with rice husk impression, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 23b Close‐up of the rice husk impression, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 24 Decorated corded ware, Pd. I Neolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 25 Rounded celts with flat sides, Pd. I Neolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 26 Ground plan of oval hut with post‐holes, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 27 Single mouthed chullah, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (After Misra 2000) Pl. 28 Decorated incised pottery, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 29 Sherds with appliqué, rippled and knobbed designs and graffiti, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 30 Painted and Incised pottery, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University)
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49 52 52 53
47 53 53 53 54 54 55
56
59 59
61
61
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Pl. 31
Painted Black‐and‐Red and Black slipped ware sherds, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 32 Lithic Short Blade Industry, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 33a Bone arrowheads with circular cross‐section, barbed arrowheads with socketed tangs, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 33b Bone and Ivory industry, Pd III Iron Age, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 34 Terracotta beads, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 35 Beads and Pendants of stone, bone and shell, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 36 Circular stone discs, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 37 Terracotta objects, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 38 Perforated bone objects, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 39 View of the floor and postholes of the community hearth at Sarai Nahar Rai (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 40 Shallow Graves; Multiple burials (Skeleton 1973 – II lower and 1973 – III upper) at Sarai Nahar Rai (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 41 Two microlithic points and right humerus of Skl. XIII at Sarai Nahar Rai (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 42 Pit hearth at Mahadaha (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 43 Grave good (five bone rings) suggesting a bone necklace; Grave IV, Mahadaha (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 44 Shallow grave for the burial (Grave V), Mahadaha (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 45 Flexed burial (Grave XXIV) at Mahadaha (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University)
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63
64 64
64 65 64
63
72
74
75 80
84
84 83
Pl. 46
Bone implements, Mahadaha (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 47 Bone ornaments (ear rings, finger rings and necklace), Mahadaha (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 48 Shallow and oblong grave with tapering sides; Double burial (Grave VI), Damdama (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 49 Village deity (Gaon deota) of Musahars Pl. 50 Polished stone worshipped by Musahars Pl. 51 Sitala Mata Temple, Musahar settlement Pl. 52 Phulmati Mata worshipped by Musahars Pl. 53 A Musahar woman showing tattoo marks on her hands Pl. 54 Musahar men playing musical instruments Pl. 55 Cremation ground of Musahars Pl. 56 Musahar burial ground near water source Pl. 57 Panchon Pir the left corner of the hut, worshipped by Kols Pl. 58 Deosthan of Kols Pl. 59a Musahar family living under Mahua tree, Settlement I (Seasonal Open Air Settlement) Pl. 59b ‘U’ shaped chulha (hearth) in the Musahar, Settlement I (Seasonal Open Air Settlement) Pl. 60 Musahar family under Mahua tree, Settlement II (Seasonal Summer Settlement) Pl. 61 Circular hut in Musahar Settlement II (Seasonal Summer settlement) Pl. 62 Rectangular leaf hut of Musahars, Settlement IV (Year Round Permanent Settlement); Quern placed outside the hut Pl. 63 Purwas of Kol, Settlement II (Semi Permanent Settlement, hamlet) Pl. 64 Thatched hut with painted walls and floor, Settlement III (Year Round Permanent Settlement) Pl. 65 Mallah Settlement I (Temporary Fishing Settlement) on the banks of river Tons Pl. 66 Mallah Settlement II a (Agriculture Settlement, hill top) along the river Belan Pl. 67 Hut type and crop protection shed, Mallah Settlement II a (Agricultural Settlement, hill top) Pl. 68 Abandoned Mallah Settlement II a (Agricultural Settlement, hill top) Pl. 69 Hut type in Mallah settlement II b (Seasonal Agricultural Settlement, Receding Ganga); also seen is sigdi (hearth) Pl. 70 Crops grown in summer on receding Ganga, Mallahs (Settlement II b) Pl. 71 Mud wall with stones and slabs at the base of the wall Pl. 72 Musahar men placing thatched frame roof Pl. 73 Mud wall, remains of an abandoned Kol hut
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96 113 114 114 115 118 119 120 122 126 126 135 274 274 138 274 145 146 147 148 149 151 152 153 154 155 156
Pl. 74a Pl. 74b Pl. 74c Pl. 75 Pl. 76
Decorated mud wall of a Kol house Decorated mud wall of a Kol house Embossing of animal figures on the mud walls of a Kol house Abandoned ‘U’ shaped brick hearth with bone remains of roasted animal Musahar girl grinding turmeric on quern with the help of a muller next to three stone hearth Musahar girls cooking chappati on a hearth inside the stone and mud platform Dhakna placed over pit hearth Decorated Conical and Barrel shaped storage bin placed on mud platform Stone platform used for placing storage bins Bin parts being dried on grass Process of joining clay bin parts ‘Puri pot’ in a corner of the Musahar hut, also seen is the wattle and daub screen Pear shaped storage bin Quadrilateral, Barrel and Pot shaped storage bins Drum shaped storage bins Cylindrical and Thin Cylindrical shaped storage bins placed on the first floor of the hut; also seen is clay pihna and covered circular cavity of the storage bin Motif of a human faced lizard on storage bin part Free standing stone enclosures as hen coops in Musahar settlement Paved stone enclosures as hen coops in Musahar settlement Paved stone hen coops inside a Musahar hut Chickens are kept in a hanged basket Pigsties in Musahar settlement Cattle tied in courtyard; calf eating from mud troughs i.e. chinni Mud houses surrounding the cattle pen in Kol settlement
164 166 171 172 172 172 173 173 175
Pl. 96 Houses surrounding the cattle pen; stone slabs and straw placed in the cattle pen to avoid dampness
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Pl. 77 Pl. 78 Pl. 79 Pl. 80 Pl. 81 Pl. 82 Pl. 83 Pl. 84 Pl. 85 Pl. 86 Pl. 87
Pl. 88 Pl. 89 Pl. 90 Pl. 91 Pl. 92 Pl. 93 Pl. 94 Pl. 95
Pl. 97 Pl. 98 Pl. 99 Pl. 100 Pl. 101 Pl. 102 Pl. 103 Pl. 104 Pl. 105
Covered enclosure for cattle and goats Tools: khanta (extreme left) and gahdala (extreme right) used for digging rat holes Musahar men digging rat hole Musahar man catching rat Roasting of rat on twigs and branches (open hearth) Musahar man cuts open the belly of the rat with rodent tooth (incisor) Equal distribution of roasted rat among them Musahars hunting squirrels Musahars roasting squirrel on twigs and leaves (open hearth)
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158 274 158 159 160 160 161 162 162 165 166 170 163 163 164
175 178 179 273 273 273 273 180 273
Pl. 106 Musahar women cooking tortoise after roasting it on three stone hearth; an ‘U’ shaped hearth is seen behind the woman Pl. 107 Food refuse, animal bones thrown behind the hut Pl. 108 Chilwan shown by Mallah girls Pl. 109 Mallah fishing with bhawar jal Pl. 110 Spreading of maha jal from boat by Mallah children Pl. 111 Mallah man with fishing prongs (ballum and pachki) Pl. 112 Mallahs fishing by explosive Pl. 113 Multipurpose tool khanta used for chopping branches Pl. 114 Musahar family coming after gathering leaf, firewood (branches), vegetables and herbs Pl. 115 Local market Pl. 116 Rotating quern used for grinding grain Pl. 117 Hunting tools; different types of gadasa and a barcha (spear) Pl. 118 Agricultural tools Pl. 119 A Kol women sitting with moosal next to rotating quern i.e. chakki made of mud, clay and bamboo Pl. 120 Leather bucket i.e. moth used for drawing water from the well Pl. 121 Machan used as crop protection Pl. 122 Basket making in process outside hut Pl. 123 An abandoned Kol hut Pl. 124 The remains of abandoned Kol hut after 4 years Pl. 125 Abandoned hut area with stone paved floor, wall and hearth area Pl. 126 Stone paved floor, Phase II B, Chopani‐Mando (After Sharma et al. 1980) Pl. 127 Floors with stone pieces, anvils, microliths and postholes, Phase III, Chopani‐Mando (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University) Pl. 128 Floor and hut area littered with pebbles, Musahar Settlement III (Semi‐ Permanent Settlement) Pl. 129 Hearth (I/B4) at Sarai Nahar Rai (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad University)
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Pl. 130 Pit hearth used for boiling milk, cooking, warming food by Kols and Musahars
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Pl. 131 Pl. 132 Pl. 133 Pl. 134 Pl. 135
244 244 273 273 272
Single mouthed hearth of Transitional phase, Khajuri (After Misra 2000) Single mouthed chulha (hearth) next to a clay bin inside a Musahar hut Butchering and roasting of a pig among Musahars Roasting of pig meat on an open hearth among Musahars Butchering and distribution of pig
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273 181 187 188 190 192 193 274 273 236 256 257 226 255 229 230 236 240 240 240 240
241 274
List of Tables
Table 1 Table 2 Table 3 Table 4 Table 5 Table 6 Table 7 Table 8 Table 9 Table 10 Table 11 Table 12 Table 13 Table 14 Table 15 Table 16 Table 17 Table 18 Table 19 Table 20 Table 21 Table 22 Table 23 Table 24a Table 24b Table 25 Table 26 Table 27 Table 28 Table 29 Table 30
Systematic list of fishes recorded from the river Ganga between Kalakankar to Phaphamau 28‐29 Belan Section 30‐32 Stratigraphy at Chopani‐Mando 34‐35 Contents on floor Phase III, Chopani Mando (After Sharma et al 1980: 39) 37 Typological Classification of tools, Chopani‐Mando (After Sharma et al 1980: 61) 41 Stone objects, Chopani‐Mando (After Sharma et al 1980: 61) 41‐42 House‐wise distribution of artefacts, Mahagara (After Sharma et al 1980: 183) 50 Lithic tools, Mahagara 51 Stratigraphy at Panchoh 56 List of Epi‐Palaeolithic Sites in South Central Ganga Valley 70 Mesolithic Human Remains form Sarai Nahar Rai 73‐74 Stratigraphy at Mahadaha 77 Mesolithic Human Remains form Mahadaha 80‐83 Typological Classification of tools, Mahadaha 87 Stratigraphy at Damdama 89‐90 Distribution of unmodified waste, Damdama (After JN Pal 1986a: 2) 93 Finished and utilized artefacts, Damdama 94 Distribution of raw material, Damdama (After JN Pal 1986a: 3) 94‐95 Mesolithic Human Remains, Damdama 97‐100 Changes in animal resources management at Damdama (Thomas et al 1995b: 36) 101 Radiocarbon dates for the Mesolithic skeletons, Ganga valley (After Lukacs et al 1996: 306) 107 107‐108 Dates from the Belan Valley Festival Calendar of Musahars 116 Types of Storage Bins 167‐168 Types of Storage Bins 168‐169 Game birds of the Musahars 182‐183 Organisation of labour for small game hunting and fowling among Musahars 184 List of fish exploited by the Mallahs and Musahars from the Ganga and Yamuna rivers 185‐186 Division of labour among the Mallahs 194‐195 Wild plants collected by the Kols and Musahars 197‐200 Plants used for health care 200‐206
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Table 31 Botanical remains from the archaeological site and the plant by the Kols and the Musahars Table 32 Organisation of labour among the Kols and Musahars Table 33 Agriculture Calendar of the Kols, Musahars and Mallahs Table 34 Vegetables grown by the Mallahs in Receding cultivation in Sangam (Jhusi), Allahabad
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206‐215 216 217‐218 224‐225
Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION The Ganga valley has rich prehistoric archaeological record, and numbers of them are explored, excavated and very well documented by Late Prof. G.R. Sharma and his colleagues of Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University. This has piled a lot of index data for further research. The south‐ central Ganga valley being inhabited with many simple living communities, an ethnoarchaeological study was imminent. This resulted in interaction with various communities, but only three communities, i.e. Musahars, Kols and Mallahs were selected for their peculiar and apposite settlement and subsistence pattern for the present study. 1.1 Aims and Objectives of Research Keeping in mind the results of the prehistoric studies in South‐Central Ganga Valley and accepting the limitations of the ethnoarchaeological approach, the present study attempted the following: • To understand the settlement pattern and land‐use strategies of the prehistoric (Mesolithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic) cultures of the study area with the help of ethnographic data of the simple communities, i.e. the Musahars, Kols and Mallahs. • To judge the possibility of recovering the ephemeral settlements in the archaeological record. • Abandoning of settlements on a seasonal basis by the Musahars and Mallahs in relation to the Mesolithic settlements. • To undertake a locational analysis of the archaeological sites of the region.
• To establish the importance of small game hunting, fishing and fowling among the simple communities. • To explore the reasons for burying the dead within the habitation area among the present simple communities and ancestor worship. • The use of tools made of organic materials leading to the stabilisation of the prehistoric people of the Ganga plain, which is devoid of stone. • Studying the importance of storage facilities like storage bins. • Use of Ethnomedicine among the simple communities as healthcare. 1.2 Methodology There are several methods known in archaeology, which help in identifying and reconstructing the settlement patterns of archaeological cultures. The method adopted here is primarily ethnoarchaeological. Ethnographic fieldwork was carried out systematically and scientifically year round. The settlement pattern research undertaken by the author is within the context of archaeological and ethnoarchaeological research of the study area. Both the archaeological and ethnographic approaches required a systematic survey of the region in order to locate and record the cultural modifications within the study area. The earlier reported evidence of excavated, explored sites has been looked into and pedestrian surface survey across the landscape for evidence of past human activity has been carried out. The research focuses on location, type and spatial extent of artefacts, sites (cluster of artefacts) and any visible cultural modifications to the natural landscape of 1
the already explored sites. The methodologies adopted for field survey include large contiguous blocks of land for cultural remains. For ethnographic settlement pattern study, census reports of simple communities and village to village survey among them was carried out in order to locate and record evidence, which would enable better understanding of the past. The settlement study includes the location, size, and characteristics of human settlements, and also incorporates a variety of information of the use of local natural resources, placement of limited activity sites and artefacts depending on the remains of abandoned settlements allowing for better understanding of past systems of regional settlement. Thus, a model to draw general implications for early hunter‐gatherer behaviour was established. Available literature, exploration and excavation reports were referred to unravel various aspects i.e. settlement, subsistence and migration patterns of the Mesolithic hunter‐ gatherers and Neolithic‐Chalcolithic farmers. Distributional Pattern: The urban settlement of the study area is covered by the towns and cities, which are multi‐ functional. The distributional pattern of rural settlements and their types in the region are intimately related to its dominantly alluvial morphology and the predominantly agrarian economy. The nature of terrain, drainage, climate, type of soils, natural vegetation, facilities of water supply and means of transport also have an important role in the development of these settlements. Cultural and social customs, traditions, and taboos imbibed through the millennia, appear to have guided the orientation and arrangement of clusters of different sizes belonging to different castes and communities.
In the Ganga‐Yamuna doab, high fertility of soil i.e., bhangar lands, adequate irrigational facilities, and well‐developed means of transport have given rise to almost uniform distribution of settlements located above flood levels. In the Yamunapar tract, where the land is often broken, the distributional pattern of villages is governed by the availability of the level nature of the plain. The large ravine tracts are almost devoid of any settlements (Singh: 1971: 143). The ravines of Sai and other rivers are devoid of settlements as are usar tracts, and only on their edges with better lands have villages sprung and large and medium compact and semi‐compact settlements found. Terms: The general terms like farmsteads, hamlets and villages are commonly used here to describe the settlement types. The term farmstead characterises the grouping of agricultural buildings forming the focus of an individual farm enterprise. Normally there is a dwelling house or more than one house, animal shed, storage shed for fodder and crops, working area, yards, pens and open work‐spaces, all delimited by fences, walls and access ways. The term hamlet is an area for settlement comprising a cluster of 6‐8 farmsteads. The hamlets cannot easily be distinguished from the smallest villages and are identified by three characteristics: they are relatively small, they are frequently administratively linked with other places upon which they are dependent, and they normally contain a limited range of services than villages. The term village is a clustered assembly of dwelling places. The physical factors largely mould settlement pattern in the area. The level topography, fertile soil and sufficient water supply in the inter‐fluvial uplands; rural dwellings are collectively grouped into large compact villages. The villages are larger in the bhangar lands. Every village has small hamlets, situated at a distance of 2
hardly a few hundred metres. They are usually named after the main village and are basically small‐sized satellite settlements i.e. hamlets. The tenants and agricultural labourers who belong, to the lower castes usually inhabit these settlements.
made in 1860 by H.P. Le Mesurier (1861) from the Tons, valley of hilly tract region, south of Allahabad in Uttar Pradesh. Later W. Theobald (1862) collected Neolithic celts from Banda in Bundelkhand. In 1867‐68, A.C.L. Carlleyle discovered the earliest microliths from caves and rock shelters in the Kaimur Range, in Mirzapur district of Uttar Pradesh. In 1881 he discovered microliths and human skeletal remains from the floor of rock shelter, at Morhana Pahar in Mirzapur (Cook and Martingell 1994). Carlleyle’s work was never adequately published and is known only from secondary sources like that of J.A. Brown (1889), V.A. Smith (1906) and B. Allchin (1958). Discoveries of Neolithic celts in Banda district were made in the 1870ʹs and 1880ʹs by J. Cockburn (1879) and H. Rivett Carnac (1882; 1883; 1884). J. Cockburn (1883a; 1883b; 1888; 1894) also discovered the first Palaeolithic artefacts from the Singrauli basin in Balia district and Kon ravines in Mirzapur district of Uttar Pradesh. In the course of his explorations near Gaharwargaon in the Singrauli basin he also obtained fossil cattle bones. After this no discoveries were made for two decades. C.A. Silberrad (1907) located some painted rock‐shelters in Banda district. In 1911‐12 Sir John Marshall (1911‐12) found a Neolithic celt in the historical context at Bhita in Allahabad district. In 1932 M. Ghosh (1932) examined painted rock‐shelters at Lekhahia, Kohbar and Mahadaria in Mirzapur district. In 1949 V.D. Krishnaswami and K.V. Soundara Rajan (1951) carried out an exploration in the Singrauli basin and located several Palaeolithic and Mesolithic sites. In 1955 G.R. Sharma (IAR 1955‐56: 4) located the first Palaeolithic site in Banda district. The discovery of Morhana Pahar by B. Allchin in 1958 (1958: 153‐155) led to a systematic investigation of the region by archaeologists from the Allahabad
Layout of villages in the Study Area: The uplands are closely packed with village settlement; the average inter village being a km or two away. It is due to the rich soil of the region that the settlements of this area are mainly compact. With some local irregularities, this close spacing decreases from north to south ranging from nearly 3 km‐1.5 km. In many parts of the region are semi‐compact types of villages; the hamlets are mostly younger than the main village. Rural dwelling in the form of small hamlets is a rare feature except in the narrow khadar of the Ganga. The individual village is dominated either by a single community or a number of significant rural communities. Various cultural factors and social customs have guided the clustering of houses belonging to different castes. The nucleus of the village is the most influential and here the dominant caste stays next to the service class. Another section, mostly including cultivators and artisans, occupy the adjacent area. On the outskirts live the cultivator’s class, landless labourers and lower caste people. The mud houses are declining fast and pucca houses with wooden planks are the most common house types constituting a large percentage of the total houses, followed by cemented concrete‐roofed houses. The Settlement pattern adopted by the simple communities, i.e. the Musahars, Kols and Mallahs are discussed in detail in Chapter 5. 1.3 History of Archaeological Researches in the Study Area The first finds of prehistoric tools, namely Neolithic celts or hatchets in India were 3
University. During 1959 to 1963 R.K. Varma (1964) explored 33 open‐air Mesolithic sites and 27 rock shelters in Mirzapur district. Pottery bearing Chalcolithic affinity, was collected from Achhola, Onaur, Sarainkala, Unchadih and Upraura in trans‐Ganga plain (Meja sub‐division of Allahabad district) in 1959 by G.R. Sharma (IAR 1959‐60: 46). In 1960’s a large numbers of megaliths, assigned to the Chalcolithic period, were discovered by G.R. Sharma on the banks of the river Chandraprabha in Varanasi district of Uttar Pradesh (IAR 1961‐62: 53). Subsequently, megaliths were also reported from Allahabad, Mirzapur and Banda districts of Uttar Pradesh. Megaliths found in this area belong to two cultural horizons: Chalcolithic and Iron Age (Pal 1986b: 17). In 1962 G.R. Sharma excavated the Megalithic site of Kakoria in Varanasi district (IAR 1962‐63: 34‐41). This excavation showed that the megaliths in the Chandraprabha and Karmanasa valleys were associated with the Chalcolithic culture (IAR 1963‐64: 57; Misra 1977: 86). In the 1960ʹs R.K. Varma explored various parts of Mirzapur and located numerous sites pertaining to different phases of Stone Age (1964: 73‐75; 1965: 73‐76). G.R. Sharma explored the tracts between the Vindhyan region in the north and the Kaimur in the south and brought to light a number of painted rock‐shelters and Mesolithic sites (1965: 76‐79). R.K. Varma and G.R. Sharma excavated the rock shelters of Morhana Pahar and Baghai Khor, which established a sequence in the evolution of the microlithic industries from the pre‐pottery non‐ geometric phase to diminutive microliths with pottery phase through the geometric microliths without pottery and with pottery phases (IAR 1962‐63: 37‐38). In Banda district Neolithic polished stone axes and hammer stones were collected by
P.C. Pant (IAR 1962‐63: 37‐38). In 1963‐64 V.D. Misra excavated Mesolithic open‐air settlements and rock‐shelters at Lekhahia in Mirzapur. The excavation confirmed the development sequence of microlithic industries as similar to those obtained at Morhana Pahar and Baghai Khor (1977: 53‐ 57). P.C. Pant (1965: 81) conducted extensive exploration in Varanasi, Mirzapur, Banda, Hamirpur and Jhansi districts of southern Uttar Pradesh and brought to light 24 microlithic sites. The site of Chopani‐Mando furnished further evidence of development in the microlithic industry of the Vindhyan region. It was excavated horizontally and yielded ten layers divisible into three cultural phases i.e. Epi‐Palaeolithic, Early Mesolithic and Late Mesolithic (Sharma et al. 1980: 33‐ 70). In 1969, Neolithic celts were recovered from Chorbana and Chaukatha (Meja tahsil), Jamua (on the Lapari) and Taradah (on the Belan) in Allahabad district (IAR 1969‐70). Significant prehistoric research in the region took place from 1970 onwards. In 1973 G.R. Sharma (1973a: 129‐146; 1973b: 106‐110) published reports of his explorations in the Vindhyas and the Ganga Valley. He and his colleagues (Sharma et al. 1980) explored Allahabad, Pratapgarh, Sultanpur, Jaunpur and Varanasi districts and brought to light 198 Mesolithic sites. Prof. V.D. Misra (1977: 29‐67) highlighted the spatial distribution of archaeological sites, their sequence and chronology. R. Tiwari (1983) reported rock‐ shelters and microliths in the Vindhyan region. The two important sites of Tokwa and Jhusi are not incorporated in the thesis for ethnoarchaeological study, as they were ongoing at the time of submission of the thesis. The site of Tokwa (24° 54’ 20” N; 82° 16’ 45” E.), is situated on the confluence of 4
the Belan and Adwa rivers in Lalganj sub‐ division of Mirzapur District of Uttar Pradesh. The site was excavated in 2000 by J.N. Pal and M.C. Gupta under the guidance of V.D. Misra of the Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, University of Allahabad. It covers an area of 27,579 sq m. The occupational deposit, measuring 4 m, is divisible into 16 layers. It has revealed a cultural sequence of Neolithic, Chalcolithic and Iron Age. There was a temporal gap between the Neolithic and Chalcolithic cultures as they exhibit different traits in ceramic tradition. While Neolithic pottery is handmade the Chalcolithic is wheel thrown. There is also difference in preparation of clay in manufacturing the pots. The characteristic ceramic tradition of the Neolithic, namely handmade cord impressed ware is not represented in the Chalcolithic horizon. Moreover the uppermost Neolithic horizon has yielded small potsherds, which are interpreted by the excavators as indicating that the site remained unoccupied for a considerable length of time between its desertion by the Neolithic people and reoccupation by the newly arrived Chalcolithic people (Misra et al. 2001: 70). Another important site of Jhusi (25° 26’ 10” N.; 81° 54’ 30” E.) is located on the confluence of the Ganga and the Yamuna in Allahabad District. It was excavated for four seasons (1995, 1998, 1999, and 2002) by V.D. Misra and his colleagues of the Allahabad University. A total of 16.5 m cultural deposit containing evidence of seven cultural periods, namely Mesolithic, Neolithic, Chalcolithic‐Early Iron Age, NBP, Sunga‐ Kushana, Gupta and Early Medieval was encountered. The Mesolithic period is represented by geometric microliths (Misra et al. 1996, 1999, 2000 and 2003). Phase A of the Chalcolithic‐Early Iron Age (previously called Pre‐N.B.P), which is devoid of iron objects, has given following calibrated
radiocarbon dates 1597 BC, 1400 BC, 966 BC and 799 BC. Phase B, marked by the appearance of iron objects has given the following dates 1107 BC, 897 BC, 844 BC, and 789 BC. The discoveries have provided considerable evidence for a proper study of the Mesolithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic way of life in the study area. Under the supervision of G.R. Sharma (1973; Sharma et al. 1980) a number of sites were excavated which are discussed in Chapter 3. These are: • The Mesolithic sites of Sarai Nahar Rai, Mahadaha and Damdama in the Ganga Valley and Chopani‐Mando in the Belan Valley. • The Neolithic sites of Mahagara, Koldihwa and Panchoh in the Belan Valley and, • The Chalcolithic sites of Koldihwa and Khajuri in the Belan Valley. 1.4 Brief History of Settlement Pattern Studies in Archaeology Study of settlement patterns deals with interrelationship between man‐land and his environment. It has broadened the scope in archaeology in which it studies not only the pattern of settlement but also its activity loci i.e. spatial distribution of human activity in relation to landscape, soils, climate, water sources, flora and fauna. And for the ethnographer, the ways in which ethnic groups carry out their cultural activities over the landscape. Thus, resulting in a close relationship between ethnographers and archaeologists. L.H. Morgan (1881) in his book House and House Life of the American Aborigines mentions that the study of residential North American aboriginal architectural remains helps in understanding the social organisation of the prehistoric people who 5
occupied them. It was J. Steward (1937, 1938) who promoted settlement pattern studies in the field of archaeology in the American Southwest. Inspired by the work of J. Steward a noted cultural anthropologist with a special ecological bent, G.R. Willey (1953) conducted regional pattern research as part of the interdisciplinary Viru Valley Project. In his book Prehistoric Settlement Pattern in Peruvian Valley, for the first time he placed the concept of the settlement pattern at the forefront, for substantial use in the field of archaeology. Willey delineated changes in the form and distribution of sites in a small Peruvian valley during the course of several millennia, and related these changes to socio economic trends and to historical events. Willey (1953: 1) defines settlement pattern as “the way in which man disposed himself over the landscape on which he lived. It refers to dwellings, to their arrangement and to the nature and disposition of other buildings pertaining to community life”. This formed the basis for Willey’s interpretation of prehistoric chronology, settlement function, and cultural institutions along the north coast of Peru. In his introduction he further defines the settlement pattern as a “strategic starting point for the functional interpretation of archaeological cultures” that reflect “the natural environment, the level of technology on which the builders operated, and various institutions of social interaction and control which the culture maintained”. Spurred by Steward’s challenge to accomplish more than a simple “potsherd chronicle” Willey (1974 a, b), recorded as wide a range of archaeological site information as possible, including settlement size, layout, diagnostic artefact frequencies, and site proximity to important resources such as water, defensive positions, and arable land. Willey and
Philips (1958) opined that each settlement categorises one component of archaeological culture. Archaeologists before this had been interested in cultural reconstruction as well as cultural relationships (Steward and Setzler 1938; Taylor 1948), but Willey’s settlement pattern study for the first time offered a systematic methodological framework for a “conjunctive’ approach. Willey’s research was innovative for the following reasons: • It was part of an interdisciplinary project that served as a model for subsequent research associated with “new” or “processual” archaeology. • Attempts by Willey to understand regional prehistoric cultural institutions reflected a disciplinary change in focus away from descriptions of cultural remains and chronology, toward a more comprehensive interpretation of cultures as adaptive systems. • And the results pointed the need for both excavation and regional settlement pattern surveys to better understand human use of various landscapes. E.Z. Vogt (1956) defined settlement patterns as ‘the patterned manner in which household and community units are arranged spatially over the landscape’. Emphasising the process of patterning within individual settlements, he formulated the scope and appropriate interpretation of settlement pattern study. According to Vogt (1956: 174) the range of the forms of local grouping, for purposes of settlement pattern analysis, would include: • the nature of individual domestic house type or types; • the spatial arrangement of these domestic house types with respect to one another within the village or community unit; 6
• the relationship of domestic house types to other spatial architectural features; • the overall village or community plan; and • the spatial relationships of village or communities to one another over as large an area as is feasible. These forms of local grouping are interrelated in a network, which include three minimal levels: individual house and special feature; collection of such houses and features in a village or community; and inter village or intercommunity aggregate. The interrelationship of settlement units may be said to shift up and down among these three levels. He found three types, which he considered most appropriate: • Which explores the relationship of living arrangements to geographical features such as topography, soil, vegetation types or rainfall zones; • Which focuses upon the social structural inferences that can be made about socio political and ceremonial organisation; and • Which concentrates upon the study of change through time with a view to providing materials for generalizing about the cultural process. Vogt (1956: 174‐175) suggested two kinds of approaches. ‘Ecological’ i.e. settlement pattern as a product of the interaction of environment and technology and ‘Sociological’ i.e. in which the settlement pattern data is used as a basis for making inferences about the social, political and religious organisation of prehistoric culture. He suggested that these two kinds of approaches along with the studies of process might be considered as a separate branch of study of settlement pattern. These two kinds of studies are distinguished not only by approach, but also to a large degree by their choice of data. B. G. Trigger (1965) has tried to analyse on these lines to find
out to what degree similar factors have determined the settlement pattern of a single region through time. W.T. Sanders (1956: 117‐126) emphasised on analysing the distribution of human settlements in the context of agricultural systems, local specialisation and inter‐ regional exchange. He also distinguished between community settlement pattern and zonal settlement pattern. The community settlement pattern according to him concerns: • Types of communities • Individual units of population • House types • Streets and population distribution and form • Organisation of public buildings • And density of community population The zonal settlement pattern concerns: • Distribution of community size • Distances between communities • Density of population • And symbolic relationship between communities. K.C. Chang (1958) attempted to use settlement patterns to reconstruct the social institutions of ancient cultures. In Neo‐ classic study of Neolithic village pattern, he postulated that land ownership as the important determinants of Neolithic community types. His survey of Neolithic societies could bring about strong correlation between planned settlement patterns with single lineage and communities, which are multilineal. Chang (1958: 299) proposed following two definitions: • Settlement pattern: the manner in which human settlements are arranged over the landscape in relation to physiographic environments. 7
• Community pattern: the manner in which the inhabitants arrange their various structures within the community and their communities within the aggregate (Aggregate according to him means ‘a gathering of certain number of communities, which are bound by close social, political, military, commercial or religious ties’). Chang (1958: 304‐306) provides a method of identifying household units and grouping them into several categories according to layout i.e., planned, unplanned, segmented, or homestead. On the basis of ethnographical material from the circumpolar region, Chang in 1962 (29‐30) devised a typology of the time‐space relationship of settlement components as follows: 1. Year‐ round settlement, within which the annual cycle of main subsistence activities of occupants can be completed. • Permanent settlement: occupies a locale permanently. • Semi permanent settlement: abandoned after one year’s or several year’s occupancy because (among other factors) the ecological potentials of the locale is exhausted and occupants are unable to restore it. 2. Seasonal settlement–complex: a network of seasonal settlements occupied by a group of people in turn in different seasons of the year, distributed within the confines of an annual subsistence region. a. Sedentary seasonal settlements: annual subsistence region of a group of occupants remaining permanently unchanged • With permanent bases: locales of main seasonal settlements remain permanently unchanged
• With transient bases: locales of the various seasonal settlements (particularly main sites of occupation) keep changing after one year’s occupancy because (among other factors) the ecological potential of particular locales is exhausted and the occupants are unable to restore it, though the whole annual subsistence region of the group remains unchanged b. Temporary seasonal settlements: a group of people has to change its habitation from one annual subsistence region to another after one year’s or several years occupancy because (among other factors) ecological potential of the whole region is exhausted and occupants are unable to restore it. Chang (1963) by his cross‐cultural study of burial practices and social structure of a tribal society in North China points out the importance of special purpose structures to the communities and warfare is another factor that shapes the overall distribution of settlements. In archaeological context the settlement pattern according to Chang (1972: 7) is the study of physical locale or a cluster of locales where the members of the community lived, ensured their subsistence and pursued their social functions in a delineable time period. Chang (1972: 5) refers to the principal use of ethnography for archaeological interpretation. He mentions “Ethnographic model not only provide information on specific (use, ethnic continuity etc.) associations but also suggests general principles of association and concomitance among diverse cultural and social variables for the archaeologist”. From the study of the settlements of living peoples he gives the following methodological generalisations: 8
• That there are two main area where “patterns” of settlement can be formulated, and these are, first, the variable and hierarchical interrelationship of settlement units and second, the concomitant variables of space on the one hand ,and of other aspects of culture or the other; and • That although the study of either pattern must begin with the definition of settlement units for both internal and external articulation, such definition is dynamically determined by the level of the hierarchy and the nature of the interrelationship. The meaning to the above in short is that the settlement pattern study is a classificatory process of formulating the interrelating units, and the methods for such studies must be accordingly determined. Bruce G. Trigger (1967: 151) defines settlement pattern archaeology as the study of social relationships by use of archaeological data and suggested (1965, 1967, 1968, and 1978) three levels of settlement pattern studies i.e. individual building or structure, community layout and zonal pattern. Each of these levels is shaped by factors that differ in quality or degree from the factors that shape other levels, and hence the separate study of each is likely to shed more light on archaeological cultures than would the study of a single level. • Individual Buildings: In the simplest societies, there may be only one, quite uniform, house type and no special‐ purpose buildings, yet this single house type may represent an accommodation to a considerable variety of factors. The individual structures are affected by several factors like subsistence regime, environment, building material that the same environment offers, adaptation to
climate, skills and technology of builders, structure of the family, differences in wealth and rank, social institutions, special purpose structure to serve the needs, specialisation of production, religious beliefs and political institutions. • Community Layout: It deals with the layout of the structures constituting a single community. The determinants are environment and the effectiveness of the subsistence technology, location, ecological factors, family and kinship organisation, classes, religious and ethnic groups, specialisation, graveyards, civic centres, political organisations, warfare and defence and cosmological conceptions. • Zonal Patterns: The density and distribution of population of the region is determined by the nature and availability of natural resources, economic factors like trade, political organisation, warfare, religious taste and symbolic factors, migration and population change. Trigger (1968: 53‐70) observes ‘that the interpretation of various aspects of the settlement pattern can be meaningful from diachronic (i.e. the study on the development of social and economic institutions), as well as a synchronic vantage point and using functional ethnographic correlations, but other aspects may be understood only as the result of a historical process of development’. And in the interpretation of prehistoric settlement patterns, two kinds of correlations are of value: ‘the first kind is functional correlations of universal applicability and the second kind is those limited in their applicability to a particular area’. H.D. Winters (1969: 129) distinguishes between settlement pattern and settlement system. Settlement pattern defined by him 9
is ‘the geographic and physiographic relationship of a contemporaneous group of sites within a single culture. And settlement system ‘refers to the functional relationship among the contemporaneous group of sites within a single culture’. Roberts (1996) in his study of rural settlement has defined ‘pattern’ and ‘form’ of settlement. ‘Pattern’ is applied to the distribution of the varied elements of settlements‐ individual farmsteads, hamlets, village markets or a mixture of all types, throughout a landscape or a region. In contrast, ‘form’, or morphology, is applied to the character of an individual element of settlement, be this in the form of a house, village or a town. He has used the terms like ‘dispersed’ and ‘nucleated’. ‘Dispersed’ is used to indicate that even the individual farmsteads lie scattered, each being separate from the neighbour, while ‘nucleated’ is used either to indicate a settlement pattern made up of elements in which dwellings and other buildings are concentrated into a number of tight clusters or to describe one such cluster where this is present. ‘Dispersed settlement’ in rural areas has a pattern where single, solitary dwellings predominate. The houses are set well apart from each other, whereas ‘nucleated settlement’ in rural area has a pattern where buildings are built close together in clusters (i.e. hamlets or villages). Settlement pattern studies laid attention on distribution pattern of a large number of sites (Trigger 1962), attempts to use such studies to reconstruct the social (Chang 1958, 1962) and religious (Sears 1961), institutions of ancient cultures. Some important studies of settlement pattern at zonal level are those of Childe (1934), Fox (1934), Bullard (1960), Jones (1960, 1961), Adams (1961, 1965) and Renfrew (1972). The
regional pattern studies include the work of Willey (1953) in Peru; Winter (1967, 1969), and Fitting (1969) in North America; Flemming (1971) and Jones (1960, 1961) in Europe; Hester and Hobler (1969) and Trigger (1965) in North‐east Africa; Adams (1965) and Wright (1969) in Mesopotamia; Coe and Flannery (1967) and Spores (1969) in Mesoamerica; Green (1967), Kennedy (1969) in East Polynasia. In India, H.D. Sankalia (1960) brought about a brief report on archaeological settlement pattern. Significant studies in this field came after a gap, and only in the late seventies. The studies carried out are by N. Akhtar (1972) in Northern India, M.K. Dhavalikar and G.L Possehl (1974, 1982), Y.M. Chitalwala (1977, 1982) in Western India, S. Bhan (1977), M.K. Dhavalikar (1977a, 1977b, 1978, 1983) in the Deccan, K.N. Dikshit (1979), M. Lal (1978, 1984) in Ganga‐ Yamuna Doab, V. Shinde (1984, 1990), V.H. Sonawane, and R.N. Mehta (1985) in Gujarat, M.L.K. Murty (1989) in the Lower Godavari, Krishna, Tungabhadra, Penneru and Kaveri basins, D. Raju (1985, 1990) in the Lower Krishna Valley, R. Ray (1987) in Eastern India and Venkatasubbaiah (1992) in the Pennar Basin. 1.5 Fieldwork by the Author The author from 1995 to 1998 carried out extensive fieldwork and collected Ethnographic data on the Musahars, Kols and Mallahs from the following villages in Allahabad district. Field work was carried out in the villages of Shankargarh (25° 11’ N.; 81° 37’ E.), Mawaiya (25° 17’ 12” N. 81° 37’ 12” E.), Lohgara (25° 11’ 23” N.; 81° 36’ 12” E.), Mardapur (25° 23’ 14” N.; 82° 8’ 47” E.), Saidabad (25° 22’ 16” N.; 82° 6’ 42” E.), Ajna (25° 23’ 13” N.; 82° 9’ 10” E.), Karchana (25° 17’ N.; 81° 56’ 19” E.), Rampur (25° 18’ 56” N.; 81° 55’ 59” E.), Daraganj (25° 26’ 54” N.; 81° 53’ 13” E.), Bargarh (25° 14’ 8” N.; 81° 35’ 11” E.), Khursudnipur (25° 23’ 2” N.; 10
82° 2’ 37” E.), Mando (24° 54’ 53” N.; 82° 7’ 15” E.), Jadipur (24° 56’ 23” N.; 82° 7’ 4” E.), Baranpur (24° 58’ 36” N.; 82° 5’ 16” E.), Pathartal (24° 57’ 55” N.; 82° 6’ 28” E.), Sikro (24° 58’ 44” N.; 82° 4’ 46” E.), Single Purwa (25° 11’ N.; 81° 36’ E.) Kharwakhas (25° 4’ 45” N.; 81° 49’ 2” E.), Birha (24° 58’ 46” N.; 82° 3’ 32” E.), Phultara (25° 4’ 50” N.; 81° 46’ 45” E.) and Jarkhori (25° 4’ 1” N.; 81° 48’ 12” E.). Besides, author also collected data from hamlets near the above‐mentioned villages as well as from settlements abandoned by these communities. The important settlement types were plotted on graphs and are discussed adequately in Chapters 5 and 8. The author also walked several transects across the alluvial plains of the Ganga and the Yamuna to obtain the evidence of past occupations in the area. The village‐to‐village surveys led to the discovery of the following new archaeological sites: 1. Ramgarh (24° 56’ 55” N.; 82° 8’ 40” E.): Under a tree in the village were found a number of votive stupas (Pl. 1a), which were collected from a nearby mound, which has been levelled by the farmers. One hero stone (Pl.1b) was placed on the raised platform for worshipping. Old men of the village told the author that in earlier times a mound existed there.
Pl. 1b: Hero stone, Ramgarh
2. Phultara (25° 4’ 50” N.; 81° 46’ 45” E.): The mound covers an area of 24×18 m. It has sculptural remains of an ancient temple (Pl. 2a). Although the temple no longer exists, the villagers of Phultara worship sculptural remains like engraved pillars (Pl. 2b). These remains are placed under the banyan and neem trees inside the village (Pl. 2a, 2b).
Pl. 1a: Sculptural remains, votive Stupa, Ramgarh
11
Pl. 2a: Sculptural remains, Phultara
Pl. 3a: Village on top of the mound, Birha
Pl. 2b: Engraved pillars, Phultara
3. Birha (24° 58’ 46” N.; 82° 3’ 32” E.): The village is situated on an extensive mound, which is partly levelled by farmers (Pl. 3a). Potsherds were spread all over the agricultural field. A few complete pots, lids and quern pieces collected from the mound, are presently used by the villagers (Pl. 3b). Temple remains were also seen spread near gadhaye or village pond (Pl. 3c). The potsherds and a rotating quern (Pl.3d, 3b) belong to the Early Historic period. The pottery included a complete pot and a lid from the mound section (Pl. 3b): 1. Cooking pot i.e. Handi, wide mouth with beaded rim (18 cm diameter), grooved at the top, fine slipped red ware, thrown on fast wheel and paddle to finish the pot, base has been enlarged, well oxidized, soot marks, shape similar to Kotia type 69 A (Misra 2000: 53, 54). 2. Lid (18 cm diameter), plain red ware, thrown on fast wheel, fine fabric. 12
Pl. 3b: Cooking pot, lid and quern collected by the villagers from the mound, Birha
Pl. 3c: Sculptural remains, Birha
The potsherds (Pl. 3d) include rims and body of: 1. Vase, out turned externally grooved and channelled rim (12 cm diameter), long neck, fine red ware, dark red slipped,
2.
3.
4.
5.
the site once belonged to the Bhar rulers. Presently, the villagers worship sculptural remains extracted from the mound. One of the eroded sculptures (Pl. 4b) from the mound is placed under a pipal tree near the mound and is worshipped by the villagers.
well baked, shape similar to Kotia type 29 (Misra 2000: 39, 41). Lid, featureless rim (20 cm diameter), red ware, unslipped, some tempering material. Lid, featureless rim (36 cm diameter), red ware, unbaked, slight tempering material. Bowl, externally blunt beaded rim (36 cm diameter), carination at the shoulder, grey burnished ware, thin slip, grey core, some tempering material. Carinated waist of small vessel, grey ware, burnished, thin grey slip, similar to Kotia type 69 A (Misra 2000: 53, 54).
Pl. 4b: Structural remains, Sikro
Pl. 3d: Potsherds found on the mound, Birha
Pl. 4a: Mound, Sikro
4. Sikro (25° 58’ 44” N.; 82° 4’ 46” E.): The mound (Pl. 4a) covers an area of 28× 25 m and is scattered with the structural remains of a temple. According to local informants, 13
5. Kharwakhas (25° 4’ 45” N.; 81° 49’ 2” E.): The site is destroyed by agriculture and is covered with partial structural remains (Pl. 5a) and potsherds. According to local informant the structural remains are those of the Kol rulers. The agricultural field was scattered with a number of potsherds of fine‐slipped red ware, red ware with incised designs of wavy, straight and oblique lines, and red ware bichrome decoration. The potsherds belong to the Megalithic period and Early Historic Periods. Potsherds, which comprise rims and base (Pl. 5b), are as follows: 1. Shallow lid, featureless rim (28 cm diameter), red ware, unslipped. 2. Pot, out‐turned rim (22 cm diameter) with shallow channelled lip, red ware, thin red slip. 3. Cooking vessel, i.e. Handi, carinated waist, red ware, thin red slip.
4. Lid base (6 cm diameter), fine red ware, unslipped. 5. Small vessel, rim luted on square rim, red ware, slipped. 6. Angular base of a large vessel (16 cm diameter), coarse red ware, unslipped, thin wash, well baked, coarse temper. 7. Shallow dish, thickened out rounded rim (26 cm diameter), coarse red ware, thin wash, incompletely oxidised, coarse temper, grey core. 8. Bowl, featureless slightly internally thickened rim (32 cm diameter), coarse red ware, thin wash, coarse temper, grey core. 9. Bowl, featureless slightly internally thickened rim (42 cm diameter), coarse red ware, thin wash, coarse temper, grey core. 10. Bowl, featureless slightly internally thickened rim (46 cm diameter), coarse red ware, coarse temper, dark grey core. 11. Shape unknown, broken rim (44 cm diameter), coarse red ware, thin slip, coarse temper, grey core. 12. Vase, out curved internally grooved rim (18 cm diameter), corrugation on the neck and thin and shallow grooves on rim lip and lip‐neck junction, diameter of interior neck (12 cm), fine grey ware, thin slip with dark gritty grey core, similar to Kotia type 65 (Misra 2000: 53, 54). 13. Shape unknown, fine grey ware, burnished, oxidised core. 6. Shankargarh (25° 11’ N.; 81° 37’ E.): The site has yielded a number of chert microliths scattered on the rocky outcrop as well as on the mound. A circular raised platform supported by stone is also noticeable (Pl. 6a). On this is a mound, which is littered with microliths. The raw material used for making tools is chalcedony and chert. The artefacts are parallel‐sided broken blades (Pl. 6b). The debitage includes chips, small flakes, cores and chunks (Pl. 6c, 6d). 14
Pl. 5a: Mound, Kharwakhas
Pl. 5b: Potsherds found from the mound, Kharwakhas
Pl. 6a: Rocky outcrop and circular raised platform, Shankargarh
Pl. 6b: Microliths, Shankargarh
Pl. 6d: Debitage, Shankargarh
7. Lohgara (25° 11’ 23” N.; 81° 36’ 12” E.): The site contains Megalithic burials (Pl.7a).
Pl. 6c: Core, Shankargarh
Pl. 7a: General view of the site, Lohgara
8. Baranpur (24° 58’ 36” N.; 82° 5’ 16” E.): The site is largely destroyed by agricultural activities and is scattered with remains of wattle and daub (4 pieces; Pl. 7b) and potsherds of Early Iron Age. The potsherds (Pl. 7b) include: 1. Bowl, slightly incurved featureless rim (18 cm diameter) carinated waist, fine grey ware, burnished grey slip, light red buff fabric. 2. Lower body of a bowl (26 cm in diameter), fine grey ware, grey slip on both sides.
Pl. 7b: Potsherds, clay lumps with reed impression, BaranpurTable
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3. Bowl, featureless rim (20 cm in diameter), fine grey ware, grey slip. 4. Bowl, featureless rim, painted grey ware (PGW), grey slip. 5. Storage jar sherd (body) with groove, coarse red ware, organic temper. 6. Shape unknown, Black‐and‐Red ware. 1.6 The Results of Research and the Structure of Presentation The data, analysis and conclusions drawn in this thesis are arranged in the following chapters: Chapter 1: This chapter discusses an overview of aims and objectives, methodology, previous archaeological research in the study area, history of settlement pattern studies in archaeology and the fieldwork carried out by the author. Chapter 2: This chapter describes the Geographical setting in the study area including physiography, geology, drainage system, climate, flora and fauna. Chapter 3: This chapter gives a detailed discussion of the archaeological evidence in the study area. The distribution of explored and excavated Mesolithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites. The cultural remains are studied to understand the settlement and subsistence pattern of the prehistoric people. Concluding discussion follows chronology of the prehistoric sites. Chapter 4: This chapter describes the ethnography of the simple communities, i.e. the Musahars, Kols and Mallahs as observed during the Ethnographic fieldwork. A brief discussion on their distribution, population, group/sub‐group and gotra type has been studied. Their social, cultural and religious lives are also discussed in detail. 16
Chapter 5: This chapter discusses in detail the settlement pattern of the simple communities, i.e. the Musahars, Kols and Mallahs. Emphasis is given on the settlement type, dwelling structures and other structures, i.e. hearths, storage bins and structures for domesticated animals. The settlement types are then studied in relation to degree of permanence and impermanence. Chapter 6: This chapter discusses the subsistence pattern of the simple communities i.e. the Musahars, Kols and Mallahs. Their hunting, gathering, fishing and fowling techniques finds a major space in this chapter. This chapter also includes their agricultural practices, role of Ethnomedicine in their healthcare and basketry. Chapter 7: This chapter studies the implications of Ethnography for understanding Prehistoric living patterns. Chapter 8: The final chapter tries to collate the inferences from each of the above‐ mentioned chapters to bring out the concise and brief overview of the inferences made in the thesis. Appendix I: List of Mesolithic Sites in South‐Central Ganga Valley Appendix II: List of Neolithic Sites in South‐Central Ganga Valley Appendix III: List of Chalcolithic Sites in South‐Central Ganga Valley Appendix IV: Glossary of technical terms used for diseases and drugs References
Chapter 2 GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING
2.1 Study Area The study area covers the South Central Ganga Valley lying between 24° 47’‐ 26° 10’ N.; and 81° 9’‐ 82° 29’ E (Fig. 1). It covers the districts of Allahabad and Pratapgarh of Uttar Pradesh. The northern boundary of is formed by the conterminous districts of Sultanpur and Jaunpur, to the east, the district of Varanasi, to the south‐east the district Mirzapur, to the south the state of Madhya Pradesh, to the south‐ west the district of Banda and to the west are the districts of Fatehpur and Rai Bareli.
The words ‘geography’ and ‘ecology’ both express the idea of interrelationship. ‘Ecology’ according to M. Bates (1953: 700‐ 710), is concerned with the external factors that control the survival and abundance of individuals and populations, and ‘Geography’ according to R. Hartshorne (1959: 21, 172) is the scientific description and interpretation of the earth as the world of man. The data collected in this chapter is mainly from District Gazetteers of Allahabad and Pratapgarh of Uttar Pradesh and other relevant geographical literature.
Fig. 1: Map showing location of South‐Central Ganga Valley and Tahsils 17
The total area of South‐Central Ganga Valley is 10,993‐sq. km The study area is divided into tahsils and parganas; the district of Allahabad comprises the eight sub divisions of tahsil Chail (comprises a single pargana of the same name), Sirathu (comprise of pargana Kara), Manjhanpur (parganas Karari and Atherban), Soraon (parganas of Nawabganj, Chauhari and Soraon), Phulpur (parganas Jhusi and Sikandra), Handia (parganas Mah and Kewai), Karchhana (parganas Arail and Bara) and Meja (pargana Khairagarh) and the district of Pratapgarh comprises of four subdivisions of tahsil Pratapgarh (parganas Pratapgarh and Ateha), Patti (parganas Patti and Dalippur), and Kunda (parganas Bihar, Manikpur, Dhingwas and Rampur). 2.2 Physiography Physically, the area is divided into three distinct parts i.e. the Trans‐Ganga or the Gangapar tract, the Doab and the Trans‐ Yamuna or the Yamunapar tract. Trans‐Ganga (or Gangapar) Tract: The tract comprises the northern tahsils of Kunda, Soraon, Phulpur and Handia. The southern boundary is formed by the Ganga. The tract has broad and narrow strips of khadar flood plains. Ravines generally break the high banks and the drainage channels are covered with poor sandy soil full of kankar (nodular limestone). To the north of the high bank lies a belt of light loam. And to the north of this belt is a broad depression of clay with stretches of usar (alkali‐laden land unfit for cultivation). The tahsil Handia is formed by a high ridge, which extends into district Varanasi. The water table is high, resulting in the collection of the excess water forming numerous lakes, which forms the most noticeable features of the area. The general slope of the tract is towards the east or the south‐east. The highest altitude being 93.57 m above sea level at Jhusi, the lands then imperceptibly
dropping to 89.30 m at the Allahabad‐ Varanasi border. Doab: This tract lies between the Ganga on the north and the Yamuna on the south. It comprises the tahsils of Chail, Manjhanpur and Sirathu. Between the Ganga and its ridge there is a strip of alluvial land very narrow in places, but elsewhere widening out into broad stretches of sand and silt. The high ridge, which marks the flood banks of the Ganga, is covered with gritty soils full of kankar and is broken by innumerable ravines, some of which extend several kilometres inland. As the level drops inwards from the high ridge the soil becomes light loam, which changes into stiff clay in the central depression formed by the valley of the Sasur Khaderi, along which there is an undulating belt of poor soil near its confluence with the Yamuna, where the ground is broken by a network of ravines. To the south of the depression the soil changes to light loam. The soil is dark and friable and resembles the mar of the adjoining parts of Madhya Pradesh. In this tract the slope is from west to east and the height above sea level is 104.54 m, which gradually drops to 96.01 m at Allahabad. Trans‐Yamuna (or Yamunapar) Tract: This tract, lying to the south of the Yamuna, forms a part of the Bundelkhand region and comprises the tahsils of Karchhana and Meja, the Tons forming the boundaries between the tahsils. To the north of tahsil Karchhana lies a ridge formed by the high banks of the Yamuna and the Ganga, which ranges from 1½ to 5 km in width and is covered with light sandy soil, full of kankar. To the north of this there is a narrow strip of kachhar (lowland) which is more prominent near the confluence of the Ganga and the Tons and in the north‐eastern part of tahsil Meja. To the south (comprised of central parts of tahsil Karchhana and tracts of Chaurasi and Manda in tahsil Meja) lies the 18
2.3 Geology The whole of trans‐Ganga (Gangapar) tract and the greater portion of the doab are composed of Gangetic alluvium (Fig. 2a) deposition of which commenced in the Pleistocene period and is still continuing. The alluvium detritus of the Vindhyas is found in the southern part of the doab where the Vindhyan rock series extends to the north of the Yamuna. In trans‐Yamuna (Yamunapar) tract the Vindhyan detritus merges with the Gangetic sand and silt. The Gangetic alluvial consists of alterations of fluvial deposition of sand, silt and clay. The overall thickness of alluvium increases from south to north. The superimposition of various rock formations found in the Yamunapar tract are: Alluvium (recent), Lateritic capping over rock outcrops (sub‐ recent), Kaimur sandstone and orthoquartzites (Upper Vindhyan).
upland that is covered with loam except in the south‐ western part where the soil is a mixture of clay and mar. To the south of the upland, the ranges of the Vindhyas series lie in three sections; The Vindhyachal, the Plateau and the Panna range. The Vindhyachal is the lowest, rising boldly from the upland and extending in an irregular chain, its greatest elevation beings 188.06 m. at Baghla (in tahsil Karchhana) and 182.88 m. in tahsil Meja. To the south of this escarpment is an irregular plateau of inferior mar and clay, the surface being broken by small hills and rocky outcrops. The Panna range (or the Upper Rewah group) extends about 16 km along the southern border of the district, the highest point being 371.24 m above sea level and the crest in most places exceeding 304.80 m; the level drops from 361.79 m at Parthia to 118.87 m at Badokhar.
Fig. 2a: Geological map of South‐Central Ganga Valley 19
The upper stratum of the Vindhyachal range consists of massive fine textured and soft Kaimur sandstone of a light radish colour. The plateau (Fig. 2a) consists of an upper shaly band known as the Jhiri shales, an intermediate band forming the lower Rewah sandstone and a lower known as the Panna shales. The Upper Rewah group (also known as Panna range) consists of massive sandstone but attains a greater elevation to the Vindhyachal range. Abundant diamond bearing conglomerate, outcrops of stalagmite are found here. The Kaimur sandstone, silicified into orthoquartzites is disposed horizontally and sub‐ horizontally overlies the unexposed greater part of the Vindhyan system. These rocks are supposed to have formed the platforms for younger sediments and Gangetic alluvial deposits further to the
north. The southern fringe of alluvium shows the sandstone’s underlying the former, which shows that the old topography (prior to the deposition of the Gangetic alluvium) generally sloped northwards. 2.4 Mineral Resources The geology exposes nothing but the Gangetic alluvium (Fig. 2b). Though not possessing of many mineral resources, these alluvial plains have enormous agricultural wealth. The clays are an unlimited store for rude earthenware and brick‐making material. The mineral products that are commonly found here are silica sand, extensive deposits of white and friable quartzite suitable for glass manufacture, sandstone, kankar, reh (saline efflorescence) and saltpetre.
Fig. 2b: Geological map of South‐Central Ganga Valley 20
2.5 Soil With uniform physiography and lithology, the soils are by and largely homogeneous. Geologically the uniform alluvium plain deposits can be divided into two common types’ bhangar (old deposits/alluvium) and khadar (new deposits/alluvium). In respect to their geological age these deposits correspond with two main divisions of the Quaternary era, the Pleistocene and the Recent respectively. The older deposits or bhangar occupy the high land, now at a considerable elevation above the rivers, which traverse it, and is not flooded by rivers during rains. The general level of bhangar land is 15‐20 feet above the highest and 50‐70 feet above the lowest level of the river Ganga. The bhangar lands are subjected to erosion by change in the direction of the meandering river channels. The land has clayey composition, generally dark in colour and contains carbonate of lime, usually occurring in nodules called kankar. The soils differ in consistency from drift sand to loams, and from fine silts to stiff clays. A few pebble beds are occasionally found. The presence of impervious clays obstructs the drainage, and also promotes the accumulation of injurious salts of sodium and magnesium, which makes the soils sterile. Also present are the patches of saline and alkaline efflorescence i.e. reh in the drier parts of the alluvial plains. The reh salts are a mixture of the carbonate, sulphate and chloride of sodium, together with calcium and magnesium salts, derived originally from the chemical disintegration of the detritus of the mountains, dissolved by percolating waters and then carried to the surface by capillary action in the warm dry weather. The name usar meaning barren, is frequently applied to land thus affected. The new deposits or khadar occupies a low land, the low plain through which each
river flows, and is prone to inundation during floods. The low level of the khadar land is in uniformity with the principle that as a river gets older, more and more of its deposits are found to be of a younger age, and as the bed of the river sinks lower, these younger deposits come to occupy a level lower than that occupied by the earlier ones. The khadar lands have their origin to the bhangar land through the erosive action of the rivers. The khadar lands are scoured by irregular depressions made by the old courses of the rivers, some of them almost resembling tributary valleys and others resembling narrow lakes. The khadar contains neither kankar nor reh (salts). It has a low percentage of humus, nitrogen and lime, and a high percentage of sand and is generally light in colour. The alluvium found north of the Ganga is clayey, loam to sandy loam, neutral to alkaline, rich to potash, and deficient in P2Oƽ, while the alluvium found in the south is heavier and finer in texture, with higher K2Oƽ and P₂Oƽ content, and of an acidic pH in the southernmost parts. The soil formation is a very slow, but a ceaseless process. The climate, particularly the rainfall, acting over a long period of time, is the most important factor responsible for successive changes in soil development. The soils in the study region are heavier in texture and are mainly alluvial. The alluvium of the region has a common origin and an almost identical environment. Therefore, it has only minor variations in colour and texture, like red and yellow soils (NCA 1976: 5). The prevalent fertile soil in the trans‐Ganga tract and doab has many peculiarities. The high banks of the rivers are frequently capped by hills of wind‐blown sand, during the dry hot months of the year, known 21
locally as bhur or balua. Heavy variety clay is chiefly found in the vicinity of large swamps or jhils are known as matiar or chanchar. Dumat i.e., two earth or loam, is a mixture of sand and clay. It is usually a rich soil and is darker in appearance. The other less fertile variety of sandy loam is locally known as sigon. Dumat further degenerates into the poor sterile stuff known as bhur, where sand largely predominates. In the trans‐ Yamuna tract all these soils occur in the ordinary alluvium but there are other types also which are found along the north bank of the Yamuna. The chief being mar or commonly described as black cotton soil, a dark friable earth, which is capable of absorbing immense amounts of moisture
but on drying splits into great fissures make irrigation almost impossible. It varies in quality in the uplands and is often of very poor quality. Bhota, the stony soils of the hills is of little value, as is chanchar also known locally as chopar, which is found at the foot. 2.6 Drainage System The river Ganga is the main system flowing in west‐east direction. The Ganga comprises several subsystems of which the most important are the Yamuna and the Tons. Other includes minor systems of the Varuna and Sai (Fig. 3). The river receives water from two sets of tributaries: Northern Tributaries and Southern Tributaries
Fig. 3: Drainage Pattern in South‐Central Ganga Valley 22
2.6.1 Rivers 1. Main System: River Ganga: The river Ganga (Fig. 3) touches the study area in a series of bold sweeping curves from its first point of contact at the village of Murassapur and then flows in a south‐easterly direction and is joined by the Yamuna near the fort. Ganga flows for about 125 km in the study area. It continuously shifts its channel within its wide bed (known as kachhar), the deep stream or dhar dhura prevailing everywhere. The old beds of the Ganga are seen near the mouth of the Tons and in several other places. During the monsoon season the river has great depth and attains an average breadth of 3‐5 km but in winter and summer it shrinks considerably. In summer it becomes fordable and changes its course often; position of fords varying from year to year. The high banks are generally cut up by ravines, which are more prominent near its confluence with the Tons. The river Ganga has a number of important streams and northern tributaries like Daur, Bisnar, Mansaita, Bairagia, Andaua and Gondri. The streams and nullah of the Ganga joining from the south or southern tributaries are Sakara and Bara. The subsystem and the southern tributaries of the Ganga are as follows: Yamuna: The Yamuna or Kalindi is the chief tributary of the Ganga (Fig. 3). It is personified in Hindu mythology as Suryatanaya, the daughter of Surya (the sun God) and as Yamasvasa, the sister of Yama (the lord of death). It first touches the study area about 3 km north of Mawai and takes a south‐easterly course after making, sharp bends towards the south and then east and joins the Ganga on its right near the fort. The Yamuna differs from the Ganga in that it possesses steeper banks, a more constant channel and a more rapid flow. Its length in the study area is about 101 km and average breadth of about 2.5 km when it is in spate and about 1 km during the dry weather. Its
depth varies greatly during the rainy season. Several small streams and nullahs join Yamuna on its way to the Ganga are Kanihra, Dorman, Karaia, Kalla, Kilnahi, Jhagrabaria, and Gahera. The Sasur Khaderi is one of the important tributary of the Yamuna (Fig. 3). Tons: Also known as the Saryu it flows along the southern boundary of Allahabad district for 8 km separating it from Madhya Pradesh which lies to the south of the study area and subsequently enters Kundari and runs in north‐eastwards direction in an irregular course for about 64 km separating tahsil Karchhana (on the left) from tahsil Meja (on the right) to join the Ganga near Sirsa. Though it carries a considerable volume of water it is quite unnavigable as its bed is full of boulders. Its banks are generally steep and ravined. During the rainy season it attains a breadth of about 365 m but in dry weather its maximum breadth is no more than 137 m, which at places narrows down to 36 m. The important tributaries of the Tons are the Lapari and the Belan. The Lapari river is an affluent river of the Tons (Fig. 3). It rises from the western slopes of the Manda hills, and is joined by several hill torrents. Its most important tributaries are: on the right the Belha, Majhala, Dolaha and Jora. On the left the Samari, Lahuri, Khoncha and Kharka Khas (Meja), the Teri, Ladhota and Khamari are small nullahs, which feed it during the rains. The river Belan enters the study area on its south‐eastern border (from that of Mirzapur) near Siraual and runs westwards through the gap between the Vindhyachal and Panna ranges past Pura Lachhan, Lonmati and Deoghat (Fig. 3). Its total length in the Allahabad district is about 50 km. It resembles the Tons in its general features, having a narrow and well‐defined 23
valley with no alluvial land. It is essentially a hill torrent and receives the waters of the Gadhia, Belhiaya, Samarawa and Sitla. And from left by Bhasmi, Lohanda, Seoti and Tundiari. It again touches the district about 1.50 km south‐east of Nidaura and forming the southern boundary of the area for about 8 km joins the Tons on the right near Garkata. The chief tributary of the Belan is the Gurman or Gorma. It enters from the south of Hardawan and runs for about 8 km and then forms the southern boundary of the study area for 6 km, leaves to join the Belan in Madhya Pradesh. Several small streams and hill torrents join the Tons. They are Loni, Patpari, Katha, Karchi, Ghughuwa, Kandi, Dholia and Jwalanmukhi.
2.48 km, where it abuts on the adjacent district, Sultanpur (Uttar Pradesh) (Fig. 3). Pili: The Pili River is shallow, rises a few miles above the northern border of the study area (in pargana Patti) and traverses the pargana for about three km (Fig. 3). Varuna: This stream is formed by the overflow from the lake Mailahan and runs along the boundary separating the study area from that of Jaunpur for about 13 km and flows along the boundary of the study area, which it separates from the district of Varanasi and then leaves the study area (Fig. 3). Sariha: This is the principal stream of tahsil Meja and rises about 3 km south of Manda. Running northwards it receives the waters of several hill torrents, the chief being the Mardaha, Mirthia, Khoda and Aonradh which form a single channel south‐east of Manda to join Saraiha near Bedauli. Further north, near Bangalia, it is joined by the Gularia and then running eastwards leaves the study area near Koilari.
2. Other Important Rivers Sai: In the northern area of the study region extends the broad watershed of the Sai (Fig. 3). This river enters the study area (origin in Hardoi, Uttar Pradesh) on the west of Mustafabad. Its course covers an area of 27.9 km. In the dry season the Sai is narrow, shallow and easily fordable, while its tributaries become mere ravines. But in the rains they rise to a considerable height and acquire great velocity. The zigzag twists of the river are formed by the resistance of hard soil and kankar reefs, which compelled the river to turn aside to pierce the softer surrounding land. The banks of the Sai are in many places high and generally well defined, but in many places are broken and pierced by ravines, while elsewhere they slope down gradually to the river bed in long parallel undulations. On its way the Sai is joined by a number of tributaries and streams from northern and southern sides. They are the Naiya, Chamraura and Paraya from the northern side and Chhoiya, Loni, Sakarni and Bakulahi from the south. Gumti: In the extreme north‐east of the study area Gumti forms the boundary for
2.6.2 Lakes There are long and disconnected series of large and shallow lakes and swamps in which the surface water collects devoid of any defined line of drainage. In the trans‐ Ganga tract the chief lakes are in tahsil Kunda where there are exceptionally numerous jhil tracts, which cover the north‐ east of pargana Manikpur and Bihar and the whole of Dingwas and the greater part of Rampur. They are Raipur, Bhagdarwa, Derwa, Benti and Naiya jhil, Jogital, Masiaon and Raiya (all in pargana and tahsil Soraon); Ananchha, Dani Tal, Mijhero, Mailahana, Ranwai, Sahadawa, Jhukachand and Basaudha (in pargana Sikandra, tahsil Phulpur); Kanihar, Bara, Majhla and Karan (all in pargana Jhusi and tahsil Phulpur), 24
Basua and Kazipur (both in pargana Mah, tahsil Phulpur) and Kewai, Upardaha and Baraut (all in pargana Kewai, tahsil Handia). In doab are Mungari Tal (in tahsil Sirathu), Alwara (in pargana Atherban), and Rasulpur Tappa (in pargana Chail). And in the trans‐ Yamuna tract are a few important jhils namely Belsara and Kanti (in pargana Arail, tahsil Karchhana); Amilia Kalan, Jora, Lahadi, Sakari and Sonai (in tahsil Meja). In tahsil Pratapgarh are a number of jhils like, Rangauli, Sirsi and Niwari. In the north‐east part of the study area (in tahsil Patti), due to the inequalities of the surface caused by the river Sai and its tributaries, a number of lakes are found. Some important lakes are Naurehra jhil, Shahpur, Adharganj, Daudpur, Atarsand and Sakra jhil. 2.7 Climate Climate is one of the most important factors governing and controlling the activities of man, natural vegetation, soils etc. In the study region the climate is characterised by a long and hot summer, a fairly pleasant monsoon and a cold season. The winter ordinarily extends from mid‐November to February. The season is dry and bracing, although east winds and cloudy weather are prevalent. Winter is followed by summer, which continues till about the middle of June. During summer the hot weather westerly winds prevail and often blow with considerable strength for days at a time. The south‐west monsoon then ushers in the rainy season, which lasts till the end of September. The post‐monsoon constitutes the months of October and the first half of November. 2.7.1 Temperature: Climate is the sum‐ total of a series of weather conditions, which include temperature besides pressure and other factors. In the study region the temperature falls rapidly from the middle of
November onwards, and in January, the coldest month, the mean daily maximum temperature is 23.7° C (74.7° F.). Due to cold waves in the wake of western disturbances passing eastwards the minimum temperature may go down to a degree or two above the freezing point and cold weather frosts may occur. Temperature rises rapidly after February. The greatest range of temperature occurs in April and the minimum in August in ordinary years. The hottest month is May, with a mean daily maximum temperature at 41.8°C (107.2° F.) and the mean daily minimum at 26.8°C (80.2° F.). This is very closely followed by June (91.3°). The hot, dry and often dusty westerly winds (locally known as loo) make the heat more intense in the trans‐Yamuna tract due to the radiation from the stony outcrops. These hot winds usually cease by mid‐June when, with the advent of the south‐west monsoon, day temperatures drop and night temperatures go up higher than in May. The increased humidity during the rainy season causes general oppressiveness. During a break in the monsoon in September, day temperatures show an increase. In October day temperatures begin to drop gradually and night temperatures somewhat rapidly. 2.7.2 Rainfall: The rainfall generally decreases from the south‐east to the north‐ west. There are four rainfalls, each of which must be propitious for a good harvest. First, the June rains the former rains as they may also be called. Second the main monsoon, which commences in July and ends at the beginning of October. About 88% of the rainfall is received during the monsoon season. The months of maximum rainfall are July and August. The normal rainfall is 975.4 mm. (38.40”) but varies from year to year. Thirdly, the latter or October rains, a moderate rainfall are invaluable for the rice crops, and also moisten the land for the winter ploughings. Otherwise water has to 25
be taken out of the jhils. Fourthly, the January‐February rains. In most years there are good winter rains. 2.8 Flora 2.8.1 Trees: A variety of trees are found in the study area. Except in the Trans‐Yamuna tract, which has a large area under forest, the number and extent of the planted trees gives a well‐wooded appearance consisting of Mango (Mangifera indica Linn.; Aam) and Butter tree (Madhuca indica J.F. Gmel syn., Madhuca latifolia Macbr, Bassia latifolia Roxb.; Mahua), the latter predominating in the doab, especially in the western part. The chief varieties of trees found are Adhatoda vasica Nees (Rus), Acacia arabica Willd. (Babul), Holoptelea integrifolia Planch.(Chilbil, kanju), Ficus glomerata Roxb. syn. and Ficus racemosa Linn. (Gular), Bauhinia racemosa Lam. (Kachnar), Carissa carandas Linn. (Karaunda), Terminalia arjuna Roxb. Wight & Arn (Kahwa), Ziziphus glaberrima Santapau (Kakor), Agave vivipara (Ketki or Hathi chingar), Ficus rumphii Blume (Pakar), Epicarpus orientales (Senhur), Trophis aspera (Sihor), Acacia speciosa (Siras), Aloe spicata (Wild aloe), Almondette (Buchanania lanzan Spreng. syn. Buchanania latifolia Roxb.; Chiraunji), Bael (Aegle marmelos Correa ex Roxb.; Bel), Banyan (Ficus indica Linn.; Bargad), Bead tree (Melia azedarach Linn.; Bakain), Belliric Myrobalan (Terminalia bellirica Roxb.; Bahera), Black Nightshade (Solanum nigrum Linn.; Makoe), Black plum (Syzygium cumini Linn. Skeels syn.), Eugenia jambolana Lam. (Jamun), Chebulic Myrobalan (Terminalia chebula Retz.;Harra), Coromandel Ebony Persimmon (Diospyros melanoxylon Roxb.; Tendu), Cutch tree (Acacia catechu Willd.; Khair), Flame of the Forest (Butea frondosa Koenig ex Roxb; Dhak), Horse radish tree (Moringa pterygosperma Gaetrn.; Sahijna), Indian Gooseberry (Emblica officinalis Gaertn. Syn. Phyllanthus emblica Linn.; Aonla), Indian Jujube; Common Jujube (Ziziphus mauritiana 26
Lam. syn. Zizhphus jujuba Lam., non mill.; Ber), Indian Laburnum, Purging Fistula (Cassia fistula Linn.; Amiltas), Indian Olibanum tree (Boswellia serrata Roxb.; Salai), Indian walnut (Albizia lebbek Benth; Kala siris), Jack fruit (Artocarpus integrifolia Linn. f.; Kathal), Mango‐Ginger (Curcuma amada Roxb.; Haldi), Money Jack (Artocarpus lakoocha Linn., Barhal), Mulberry (Morus indicus; Shahtut), Neem tree (Azadirachta indica A. Juss. syn. Melia azadirachta Linn.; Nim), Night Jasmine, Coral Jasmine (Nyctanthes arbor‐triistis Linn.; Harsinighar), Palmyra Palm (Borassus flabellifer Linn. syn. Borassus flabelliformis Roxb.; Tar), Peepal tree (Ficus religiosa Linn.; Pipal, Peepal), Sandalwood (Ougeinia oojeinensis (Roxb.) Hochr. syn.; Sandan, Ougeinia dalbergioides Benth.(Chhagon or Sandan), Silk cotton tree (Salmalia malabarica (DC.) Schott & Endl.; Semal), Sissoo (Dalbergia sissoo Roxb.; Shisham), Tamarind Tree (Tamarindus indica Linn.; Imli), Teak (Tectona grandis Linn. f.; Sagun or Sagwan), Thorny bamboo (Bambusa arundinacea Willd. Bambusa species; bamboo), Toon (Cedrela toona Roxb. syn. Toona ciliata. Roem.; Tun), Vetiver (Vetiveria zizanioides (Linn.) Nash; Khaskhas), Wild Date Palm (Phoenix sylvestris Roxb.; Khajur), Wild Jujube (Ziziphus nummularia (Burm. f.) Wight & Arn. syn. Ziziphus rotundifolia Lam.; Jharberi or Jhadiaber). 2.8.2 Grasses: Grasses are of several varieties in the area. Those most esteemed are prostrate grasses like, the baib (Eulaliopsis binata (Retz.) C. E. Hubbard), dhub or dub (Cynodon dactylon Pers.), janewar, motha (Cyperus rotundus Linn.), makraili, while senwei and danura are reaped with the rice crop. The standing grasses are the sarpat (Saccharum munja Roxb.), gandar/ tin (Andropogan muricatus Retz), kasa (Saccharum spontaneum Linn.), kus (Chrysopogon gryllus Trin.) and sentha. Besides, weeds like madar (Calatropis hamiltoni) and poisonous plants
like dhatura (Datura alba Nees) are found in abundance. 2.9 Fauna
nigriceps Vigros; Sohan, hukna), Grey partridge (Francolinus pondicerianus Gmelin; Safed teetar), Hoopoe (Upupa epops Linn; Hudhud), Indian myna (Acridotheres tristis Linn; Desi myna), Jungle bush quail (Perdicula asiatica Latham; Lowwa), Jungle crow (Corvus macrorhynchos Wagler; Kala kowwa, jangli kowwa), Koel (Eudynamys scolopacea Linn; Kwal), Lesser florican (Sypheotides indica Miller; Barsati), Painted snipe (Rostratula bengalensis Linn; Ragchaha), Peafowl (Pavo cristatus Linn; Mor), Red munia (Estrilda amandava Linn; Lal), Red turtle dove (Streptopelia tranquebarica Herman; Seroti), Roseringed parakeet (Psittacula krameri Scopoli; Tota), Spotted dove (Streptopelia chinensis Scopoli; Chitroka), Sparrow (Muxicapa ticklias; Gorriya), Strurmus matabaricus (Mynah), Weaver bird (Ploceus philippinus; Baya), Egretta gazretta (Bagula), Crane (Grusantigone; Saras or Bagula), and Pycnonotus cafer (Bulbul).
2.9.1 Animals: The wild fauna is found in the trans‐Yamuna tract and along the banks on the Ganga. But the number and species of wild animals are much greater in the trans‐Yamuna tract. The wild fauna found throughout the area are the bear (Melursus ursinus), boar (Sus scrofa), chinkara or Indian gazelle (Gazella bennetti), fox (Kulpus bengalensis), hare (Lepus ruficaudatus), hyena (Hyaena hyaena), Indian black buck (Anteloppe cervicapra), Indian porcupine or sahi (Hystrix leucura), leopard (Panthera pardus), monkeys, nilgai or blue bull (Boselaphus tragocamelus), sambar (Cervus unicolor) and tigers (Panthera tigris). However Nilgai, wild cattle and pigs are almost entirely confined to the grass or kachhar lands on the borders of the Ganga.
The Greylag goose (Anser anser Linn. i.e. Rajhans, kharhans), Grey Heron (Ardea cinerea Linn. i.e. Khyra) and Large Egret (Ardea alba Linn. i.e. Bada bagula), visit the district during the winter, live on winter crops and are generally found near lakes and rivers. They are also observed during the post‐ monsoon period. Several species of duck, pochards and teal are also found near the lakes as long as they contain water.
2.9.2 Birds: The birds found in the study area are the same species, commonly found in the Gangetic plain. They inhabit chiefly the sarpat and kusa grasses along the banks of the river Ganga. They are Barheaded goose (Anser indicus Lathum; Kareyee hans, hans), Black breasted or rain quail (Coturnix coromandelica Gemlin; China bater), Black partridge (Francolinus francolinus Linn; Kala teetar), Blue rock pigeon (Columba livia Gmelin; Kabutar), Brahminy shelduck (Tadorna ferruginea Pallas; Surkhabh), Bush quail (Perdicula combryensis), Bustard quail (Turnix suscitator Gmelin; Bater), Common or grey quail (Coturnix coturnix Linn; Bada bater), Common Indian sand grouse (Pterocles exustus Temminck; Kuhar, bhat teetar), Common peafowl (Pavo cristatus Linn; Mor, mayur), Crow‐pheasant or coucal (Centropus sinensis Stephens; Mahoka), Common snipe (Gallingo gallingo Linn; Chaha), Great Indian bustard (Choriotis
2.9.3 Reptiles: Snakes are common in the area, the most poisonous being Cobra (Naja naja or Naia tripudians), Krait (Bungaraus caeruleus) and Russell’s viper (Vipera russellii) which, is viviparous and nocturnal in its habits and is seldom found beyond the hilly country of Yamunapar tract. The Gharial (Gavialis gangeticus) and Mugger (Crocodilus palustris) are found in the rivers Ganga, Yamuna and Tons. 2.9.4 Fish: Fish are found in the abundance in rivers, lakes and ponds of the study area. 27
The common species being baikri (Mystus bleekari), bhakur (Catla catla Ham.), bilgara (Rita rita Ham.), conch (Pangesius pangesius Ham.), gonch (Bagarius bagarius), karaunch (Labeo calbasu), katanna (Mystus carvacious), mangoor (Clarius batrachus Linn.), nain (Cirrihina mrigal Ham.), pabda (Callichorous binaculatus), parhain (Wallagonia attu), rohu (Labeo rohita Ham.), tengar (Mystus seenghala Sykes), tengri (Gagalia cenis) and singhi (Heteropneustus fossilis Bl.). The Common European Carp (Cyprinus carpio Linn.), a new species, was introduced in the district in 1959.
About 43 species of fish belonging to 11 different families are found (Table 1) in the river Ganga between Kalakankar to Phaphamau (80° 33’ N; 26° 43’ E. and 24° 47’ N; 26° 15’ E), covering the districts of Pratapgarh on the northern side and Allahabad to the south. No marked variations are seen in different seasons but the maximum variety of fish is found during winter and the post monsoon period. The class of aquatic mammals is represented by its lone member Gangetic dolphin (Platanista gangetic) known as Susa, Sons, or Swis (Bilgrami 1991: 92). (Bilgrami 1991: 87‐89, 91)
Table 1: The systematic list of fishes recorded from the river Ganga between Kalakankar to Phaphamau (Class: Osteichthyes; Sub‐class: Actinopterygii) Order Osteoglossiformes
Family Notopteridae
Perciformes
Centropomidae Mugilidae Gobiidae Channidae
Mastacembeliadae
Cypriniformes
Cyprinidae
Species Notopterus chitala (Ham) Notopterus notopterus (Pallas) Chanda nama (Ham) Chanda ranga (Ham) Rhinomugli corsula (Ham) Glossogobius giuris (Ham) Channa punctatus (Ham) Channa stratus (Bloch) Mastacembelus annatus (Lacep) M. pancalus (Ham) Chela laubuca (Ham) Chela atpar (Ham) Securicula gora (Ham) Salmostoma bacaila (Ham) Salmostoma untrahi (Ham) Aspidoparia morar (Ham) Aspidoparia jaya (Ham) Amblypharyngodon mola (Ham) Puntius chola (Ham) Puntius chrysopterus (McCl) Puntius sophore (Ham) Puntius ticto (Ham) Osteobrama cotio (Ham) Labeo bata (Ham) Labeo dero (Ham) Labeo calbasu (Ham) Labeo rohita (Ham) Catla catla (Ham)
28
Local Name Moi, Chital Moi Chanda Chani Aruari Bulla Garai Soura Gainhi Patgainchi Chelhawa ‐ Darialchalo Chelwa Chalwa Harda ‐ Dhawai Pothia Pothia Pothia Pothia Guda Bata ‐ Calbasu, Karounch Rohu Catla, Bhakur
Siluriformes
Bagridae
Siluridae
Schilbeidae
Sisoridae
Atheriniformes
Belonidae
Mystus aor (Ham) Mystus bleekeri (Day) Mystus cavasius (Ham) Mystus seenghala (Sykes) Mystus vittatus (Bloch) Rita rita (Ham) Ompok bimaculatus (Bloch) Wallago attu ( Schn) Ailia coila (Ham) Chupisoma garua (Ham) Eutropichthys vacha (Ham) Pseudeutropius atherinoides (Bloch) Bagarius bagarius (Ham) Nangra punctata (Ham) Sisor rhabdophorus (Ham)
Aria ‐ Tengra Aria Tengra Ritha Jalkapoor Boari Banspatta Garua Bachwa Barusa
Xenentodon cancila (Ham)
Kaua
The climatic conditions during the prehistoric times were similar but better than the present and the vegetation cover and fauna were much richer. This is known through the examination of soil samples collected from the vicinity of Mahadaha and
Bagari Panhi
Horseshoe Lake at Nevari near Sarai Nahar Rai, which suggests grassland vegetation. Pollen analysis in the Belan and Ganga valleys shows dominance or Gramineae, which might have included edible species of grasses and cereals (Gupta 1976: 109‐199).
29
Chapter 3 ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE The Mesolithic period in India is characterised by a well‐developed Microlithic technology. Wherever found in a stratified context, the Mesolithic period is succeeded by the Upper Palaeolithic period and preceded by the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods in different parts of India (Misra 1989: 24‐26). Southern Uttar Pradesh was occupied since the Palaeolithic times. Abundant cultural remains of the Palaeolithic, the Mesolithic, the Neolithic, the Chalcolithic and the Iron Ages has been found in the study area. The Belan and the Ganga river sections have yielded deposits since Pleistocene times. 3.1 Belan Valley: The Belan river is bounded by the Kaimur on the south and the plateau on the north. It merges with the Ganga Plains to the north of Meja tahsil and enters into Allahabad near Koraon. Together with its tributaries (Adwa, Seoti and Tundari) it has a 61 km wide valley and is a principal drainage of the area between the Kaimur and the plateau. It also forms a part of Baghelkhand region, which is hilly and characterised by step formation, gradually rising from the north‐east to the south‐west. The region, marked by a diverse and rugged topography, is made of granite gneiss, sandstone and serrated ridges of quartz reefs. Soil of the region, with extensive alluvial pockets, is sedentary and Table 2 Belan Section Nature of Geological Deposit Formation (from top downwards) / Layers Aeolian Composed of deposit/ lateritic nodules,
represents in situ development. Calcareous soils, slightly alkaline in reaction, characterise the Belan valley. Section up to the height of 18 m is still in situ right from Daiya to nearly about 5 km to the west of Deoghat Bridge. This 15 km stretch of the banks of the Belan presents an identical picture of succession of Pleistocene deposit. Also a total area of about 5,400 sq km presents an identical picture of the geological formation. Belan Section The various formations constituting the sections (Fig. 4) on the Belan, with an average height of 18 m and maximum of 21 m show marked climatic oscillations in the Pleistocene age and in the beginning of the Holocene. The Belan section (Table 2) shows the climatic fluctuations right from the Pleistocene to the early Holocene. The formation of the yellow silt was deposited due to the dry climate. The Gravel III deposit is the result of aridity in the area, which led to the formation of calcium carbonate on the surface of the yellow silt. The Palaeosol was formed in a humid climate, giving rise to the thick vegetation cover and this is also the reason of its black colour. Geological formations of the Belan section from top downwards are as follows (Table 2);
Age/ Thickness/ Climate
Associated lithic References Industry/ Material
Holocene/ 4 m/ Dry
Non‐Geometric and IAR 1966‐67: 35‐37; Geometric microliths Sharma 1975: 2‐4;
30
calcium carbonate, small stone, loam, silt and clay Blackish coarse Palaeosol/ clay Blackish coarse mottled composed of clay (2) small kankar nodules and stone chops
associated pottery
Brownish clay (1)
Junction of the Pleistocene and Holocene/ 2 to 3 m / Humid
Whitish clay(3) Whitish silt 1.0 m/ Dry composed of calcium carbonate and small stone chips
Gravel III (4)
Yellow silt (5)
Red sand/ silt (6)
Cemented Gravel II (7C, 7B, 7A)
Calcium and iron nodules, angular colluvial fragments of quartzite, lateritic crusts and nodules and coarse grained sand hardened into a mass of lime Yellowish silt composed of lime carbonate, lateritic nodules, and small chips
1.82 m/ Junction of dry and humid phase
with Misra 1977: 30‐34; Sharma et al.1980: 1‐4; Pant 1982: 19‐ 20; Pal 1990b: 3 Transitional stage IAR 1966‐67: 35‐37; from Upper Sharma 1975: 2‐4; Palaeolithic to the Misra 1977: 30‐34; Mesolithic. Upper Sharma et al.1980: Palaeolithic artefacts 1‐4; Pant 1982: 19‐ and non‐geometric 20; Pal 1990b: 3 microliths / chert and other fine‐grained stones Upper Palaeolithic IAR 1966‐67: 35‐37; blade industry and Sharma 1975: 2‐4; Misra 1977: 30‐34; non‐geometric Sharma et al.1980: microliths unassociated with 1‐4; Pant 1982: 19‐ pottery/ chert and 20; Pal 1990b: 3 other fine‐grained stones Upper Palaeolithic IAR 1966‐67: 35‐37; blade industry/ chert Sharma 1975: 2‐4; and other fine‐ Misra 1977: 30‐34; Sharma et al.1980: grained stones 1‐4; Pant 1982: 19‐ 20; Pal 1990b: 3
Tools of Middle and / Upper Palaeolithic (Transitional phase)/ Chert and other fine material 94%, Quartzite 6% Dry Middle Palaeolithic Sand and silt, 1.25m/ tool; blades and sandy cemented climate scrapers/ Mostly sheets (lime intervening chert wet phase carbonate), lateritic nodules, small stone chips and gravels Stone pebbles, 4 m/ Wet / IIC‐Transitional stage Elephas and Bos between Early and calcium Middle stone Age, carbonate, lime namadicus mainly on flakes, and small cleaver (10%) and lateritic nodules scraper (90%)/ Mostly and small block Late Pleistocene 1.52 m/ Dry
31
IAR 1966‐67: 35‐37; Sharma 1975: 2‐4; Misra 1977: 30‐34; Sharma et al.1980: 1‐4; Pant 1982: 19‐ 20; Pal 1990b: 2 IAR 1966‐67: 35‐37; Sharma 1975: 2‐4; Misra 1977: 30‐34; Sharma et al.1980: 1‐4; Pant 1982: 19‐ 20; Pal 1990b: 2 IAR 1966‐67: 35‐37; Sharma 1975: 2‐4; Misra 1977: 30‐34; Sharma et al.1980: 1‐4; Pant 1982: 19‐ 20; Pal 1990b: 2
of stones
quartzite IIB‐Middle Palaeolithic tools (chert 43%, quartzite 57%) IIA‐Middle Palaeolithic tools (chert 80%, quartzite 20%) 3.04 m/ Dry Non‐ IAR 1966‐67: 35‐37; implementiferous Sharma 1975: 2‐4; Misra 1977: 30‐34; Sharma et al.1980: 1‐4; Pant 1982: 19‐ 20; Pal 1990b: 2 Lower Palaeolithic IAR 1966‐67: 35‐37; Mid tool; pebble tools, Sharma 1975: 2‐4; Pleistocene Misra 1977: 30‐34; 1.21 m Humid Abbevillan, or wet climate Acheulian handaxes, Sharma et al.1980: cleavers and 1‐4; Pant 1982: 19‐ scrapers/ Quartzite 20; Pal 1990b: 2 (100%)
Mottled silt (8)
Silt deposit, composed of kankar nodules and clay
Cemented Gravel I (9)
Composed of big stone blocks, pebbles laterite nodules, kankar, laterite plated stones and angular slabs of rock Layer of 1.52 Tropical weathered surface of humid Vindhyan bed rock
Laterite (10)
Bedrock (sandstone)
m Non‐ implementiferous
IAR 1966‐67: 35‐37; Sharma 1975:2‐4; Misra 1977: 30‐34; Sharma et al.1980: 1‐4; Pant 1982: 19‐ 20; Pal 1990b: 2 IAR 1966‐67: 35‐37; Sharma 1975: 2‐4; Misra 1977: 30‐34; Sharma et al.1980: 1‐4; Pant 1982: 19‐ 20; Pal 1990b: 2
Fig. 4: Schematic section on the Belan (After IAR 1966‐67: 36)
32
The Pleistocene formations of the Belan depict the earliest human existed right from the Lower Palaeolithic period to the Neolithic period (Pal 1990b: 4; Varma and Pal 1997: 95). About 40 (12 factory sites) Lower Palaeolithic sites have been reported from the Belan valley. Majority of the tools have been collected either from the beds of the Belan and its tributaries or from factory sites. The assemblage constitutes cores, flakes and finished tools; handaxes, cleavers, scrapers and the pebble tool (Misra 1977: 37). About 60 (24 factory sites) Middle Palaeolithic sites have been reported from the Belan valley. The factory sites are located on the slopes or foothills of the Panna Ranges overlooking the Belan valley or adjacent to them. Fine‐grained quartzite of blackish, brownish and greenish colour was the main raw material used (Misra 1977: 43‐44). The earliest occurrence (in the Belan section) of the Upper Palaeolithic tools is recorded from the yellowish silt, the deposit underlying the gravel III, where these occur along with the Middle Palaeolithic tools. The Belan section indicates a long time‐span for the Upper Palaeolithic industry in the region, undergoing many morphological and technological changes from time to time. About 40 (10 factory sites) sites have been located in the Belan valley (Misra 1977: 48‐49). These sites are located on the foot of the hillocks where the hills meet the low ground and the toe of the low outlying hillocks, slightly away from the present bed of the river. The lithic assemblages of the Upper Palaeolithic period consist of cores, flakes, blades, chips and tools in different stages of manufacture. The characteristic tools are blade tools, blunted backs, burins, borers, scrapers, points and lunates (Misra
1977: 49‐50; Pal 1990b: 4, 6). The Upper Palaeolithic hunters of the Belan valley preferred cherty material for making tools. The use of quartzite was almost abandoned (Misra 1977: 49‐50). The lithic implements of a transitional character from Upper Palaeolithic period to the Early Mesolithic period have been reported from the Belan valley. The tool types consist of blades, blunted backs, points, scrapers, burins and big‐sized lunates. In comparison to the tools of Upper Palaeolithic, tools of this stage are reduced in length, width and thickness, but compared to non‐geometric microliths, are bigger in size. The tools are fashioned on cherty material (Misra 1977: 51‐52). After the Upper Palaeolithic period there was a sharp change in the system of the Vindhyan rivers, and the Belan started to deepen its channel and build its most recent terrace which rests on the Cemented Gravel III. The brackish and brownish clay deposits of the Belan valley are associated with tools of the transitional stage between the upper Palaeolithic and Mesolithic, i.e. Epi Palaeolithic phases. Parallel changes also affected the Ganga, which formed the most recent deposit in the plain‐ the yellowish sand capping. The Ganga gradually withdrew to its present course, leaving behind old meanders in the form of horseshoe lakes. The rich vegetation and fauna of the Belan valley attracted prehistoric inhabitants who moved from the Vindhyas to the fertile new land. The presence of wild rich vegetation and rocks like quartzite, quartz, chert, chalcedony, agate, carnelian and jasper in the nearby Kaimur hills offered prehistoric inhabitants raw material for making tools and to exploit rich supply of wild plants and animal foods (Fig. 5). 33
Fig. 5: Distribution Map of Epi‐Palaeolithic, Mesolithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites
3.2 Excavated Sites in the Belan Valley 1. Chopani‐Mando (24° 55’ 30” N.; 82° 4’ 45” E.) The site Chopani‐Mando is an open‐air settlement, situated on the last terrace of the Belan, at a distance of 77 km south‐east of Allahabad. The site is fairly extensive and covers an area of 15000 sq. m. The surface of the site slopes slightly from east to west. It is
situated within the flood plain of the Belan. In 1967 B.B. Misra and V.D. Misra conducted a small‐scale excavation under the supervision of G.R. Sharma (IAR 1966‐ 67: 38). But later during 1977‐1979 B.B. Misra, Ranjit Singh and B.G. Pandey carried out large‐scale horizontal excavation under the supervision of G.R. Sharma (IAR 1977‐ 78: 51‐52; IAR 1978‐79: 56‐57; Sharma et al. 1980: 33‐76). 34
Stratigraphy: The habitational deposit is 1.55 m thick and comprises 10 layers (Table 4), divisible into three cultural phases. The section and the materials recovered from various levels provide consistent evidence for the beginning and growth of the settlement in evolving sequence, right from the Epi‐Palaeolithic to Advanced Mesolithic or Proto‐Neolithic phase. Due to the absence of soil cover the nature and the reasons for the end of the occupation at the site cannot be ascertained. The occupational deposit corresponds to the geological formations overlying Cemented Gravel III of the Belan valley. On the basis of lithic tools, layer 10 was correlated with the buried soil resting on the Cemented Gravel III. Layer 9 and 8 together correspond with the succeeding Aeolian layer and the layers 7 to 1 correspond with the topmost formation being sub‐aerial in nature (Sharma 1973b: 106‐8). Table 3 Stratigraphy at Chopani‐Mando Layer Deposit (from top) 1 Silty clay loam, light brownish in colour It is brownish black in 2 appearance and loose ashy in composition. 2A Is the debris sealing the floors of huts of the penultimate phase of habitation 3 Composed pf brownish black silty clay loam and contains sporadic stone fragments
4
5
Culture Sequence: The entire deposit has been divided into three cultural phases on the basis of lithic tool Table 4; Phase I Epi‐ Palaeolithic, Phase IIA Early Mesolithic: Non‐Geometric microliths, Phase IIB Early Mesolithic: Geometric microliths and Phase III Advanced Mesolithic or Proto‐Neolithic Structural Feature: Deep digging was confined to only one trench, which served as the index trench. Besides in most of the trenches excavation was suspended at the depths of 30‐35 cm after exposing the ground plans of huts and hearths. The excavation brought to light (Table 3) ground plans of 20 circular or oval huts and four hearths of different phase; Phase IIA‐ 2 huts, Phase IIB‐ 5 huts, Phase III‐ 13 huts and 4 circular pit hearths. Hutments: The huts, round or oval, were situated close to one another and the space between two huts was very limited in all the sub‐periods (Sharma et al. 1980: 38‐40).
Thickness (cm) 10
Phase
Cultural Material
III
The percentage of cryptocrystalline material increases. Emergence of fragile handmade pottery and new tools like isoscelese and tranchet Ground plan of 13 circular or oval huts, 4 hearths, anvils and hammer stones, flat querns, mullers, ring stones, burnt clay lumps with reed marks and animal bones Geo microliths un associated with pottery and made on chert (91.83%) and chalcedony (8.17%) and others. Ground plans of five circular huts constituting
20
III
10
III
Light brownish black in colour, 10 formed of heavy silty clay loam. It is comparatively compact. Contains sporadic stone fragments Brownish black in colour and 15 composed of heavy silty clay loam 35
II B
II B
6
7
8
9
10
Brownish black in colour and is composed of heavily silty clay loam containing kankar nodules of very small size Composed of hard and compact brownish black silty clay loam containing kankar nodules A deposit of very dark grey brownish clay loam with sporadic sprinkling of tiny kankar nodules Dark brown in colour. And contains more clay in comparison to layer 10
10
II B
15
II B
15
IIA
20
II A
Composed of fine sandy clay 20 comparatively compact dark grey brownish deposit and rests on the disintegrated top of the bedrock. The blocky character of soil probably indicates a break or exposure of a short duration before the formation of the succeeding layer.
Huts of Phase IIA: In this phase two huts have been reported. One of them was fully exposed and round in shape. Its diameter measures 3.80 m, twelve post‐holes were found on the periphery of this floor. The intervening space between two post‐holes varied from 0.70 to 1 m. The diameter of the post‐holes ranged from 10 to 20 cm. The other partially exposed hut bears evidence of stone paving. On the floors of these huts several stone pieces, pebbles, nodules and microliths were found. Huts of Phase IIB: This phase is divisible into two structural periods or levels. Out of three floors (layer 7) only one is fully exposed. The diameter of this circular floor is 3 m. Stone fragments of varying sizes surround its periphery (0.50 to 1 m). The diameters of these post‐holes vary from 10 to 15 cm. A fireplace with heaped up ashy loose soil was also reported. On the floors were scattered a large number of stone
I
two structural phases.
Non‐Geometric microliths unassociated with pottery comprising finished tools, cores, flakes and blanks, generally made on chert (94.82%), chalcedony and others. Ground plan of two circular huts Tools fashioned on chert; thick, broad elongated blades, bruins, blunted back blades, parallel‐sided blades, points and scrapers. Large sized cores flakes and blanks.
fragments, microliths, small pieces of bones and burnt clay lumps with reed marks. The remaining two floors were partially exposed and are associated with layer 6. One of these huts with a diameter of 3 m was exposed fully. The stone paved floor of the other hut was partially exposed. The intervening space between two post‐holes varies from 40 to 90 cm. The diameters of the post‐holes generally vary from 10 to 16 cm. On these floors were scattered a large number of stone pieces, microliths, fragmentary bones and a few burnt clay clods. Huts of Phase III: Thirteen huts were exposed out of these 6 i.e. 1,3,4,7,9 and 10 are round and 7 i.e. 2,5,6,8,11,12 and 13 are oval in shape (Fig. 6). The huts are closely situated giving an appearance of a beehive. The average diameter of round huts measures 3.5 m, while the average longer 36
and shorter axes of the oval huts measure 4.7 m and 3.3 m respectively. The periphery of some huts had big stone‐chunks. The floors of these huts were littered with a large number of stone pieces and microliths
(Fig. 7; Pl. 123). Other finds on the floor include numerous anvils, hammer stones, sling balls, pieces of flat querns, mullers, ring stones, burnt clay lumps, fragments of bones and pot sherds (Table 4).
Table 4 Contents on floor Phase III, Chopani Mando (After Sharma et al. 1980: 39) Floor No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Microliths 25 210 40 120 337 227 30 210 160 40 Anvils 1 1 1 2 1 1 4 1 Hammer stones 3 2 5 7 2 2 5 5 3 Ring stones 1 Sling balls 1 1 Querns 1 1 1 1 Rubbers & 1 1 3 2 1 2 1 Mullers Miscellaneous 1 1 1 stone object Animal bones 3 3 3 6 4 7 6 Potsherds 3 4 4 2 Burnt clay 4 5 3 3 10 7 3 6 9 2 Total 38 222 46 138 370 239 40 239 186 45
11 303 2 21 3 1
12 30 1 3 1 1
13 302 1 19 2
10
330
3 39
6 3 5 348
Fig. 6: Plan of huts in Phase III, Chopani‐Mando (After Sharma et al. 1980: 35) 37
Fig. 7: Floor II of Phase III, littered with stone pieces and microliths, Chopani‐Mando, (After Sharma et al. 1980)
Hearths: In phase III four circular pit hearths were found (Fig. 6). Their plans vary from 0.80 to 1 m the average depth measures about 40 cm. The contents of these pit hearths were loose ashy soil, fragmentary bones, charcoals, burnt clay clods and occasionally microliths and stone pieces. The hearths are situated outside the floors. The number of hearths is less than that of the huts. Each cluster of huts had a common hearth (Sharma et al. 1980: 40).
Oval or circular structure: In phase III a number of circular or oval structures made of flat stone slabs of varying sizes have been reported (Pl. 8). The maximum and minimum diameters of these are 70 cm and 30 cm respectively. They are close to the huts. Remains of burnt daub fragments with impressions of bamboo sticks were lying around these circular/oval structures. They were possibly the bases of storage bins made of bamboo and clay (Sharma et al. 1980: 40). 38
reduced in size as compared to those of Phase I. Chert (94.82%) remains the most dominant raw material for manufacturing the artefacts (Table 5; Fig. 8). The other fine‐ grained rocks are chalcedony, agate and carnelian and represent a small percentage (5%) of the entire collection. The artefacts are made on blades or blade‐flakes (74.4%) and on flakes. Cores and nodules constitute 25.6%. Majority of the flakes are tiny and were the by‐product of the process of core dressing (Sharma et al. 1980: 45, 47). The Pl. 8: Stone paved circular platform, Phase III, lithic assemblage comprises cores, flakes Chopani Mando (After Sharma et al. 1980) and waste products (88%) and finished tools Burnt clay lumps: The excavation has (12%). yielded 6463 fragments of burnt clay lumps. Out of which 5692 come from the last Phase III of the settlement. These lumps were found lying on the floors of the huts. Some specimens from this assemblage bear impressions of reeds and bamboo on their inner surface, while their outer surface is generally plain and smooth. The impressions or grooves of varying sizes lie in single direction. These indicate that these were applied on the screen or walls of huts (Sharma et al. 1980: 69‐70). Lithic Industry: The lithic artefacts of Phase I represent an intermediary stage between Upper Palaeolithic and true Mesolithic both typologically and technologically. On the one hand the assemblage shows a persistent blade and burin element and on other, a reductions in the size of fine retouched specimens, the forerunner of the true Fig. 8: Lithic tools from Chopani‐Mando, Phase microlithic industry. The most common raw II A; 1‐2 Elongated broad blades; 3,5 Burins; 6 material for manufacturing the tools of this Borer or awl; 4,7,8 Points; 9‐11 Parallel sided phase is chert of various colours, viz. blades; 12‐14 Backed blades; 15‐16 Notched blades; 17‐18 Penknife blades; 19‐20 Scrapers; 21‐ grayish, whitish, blackish, brownish and 23 Cores (After Sharma et al. 1980: 46) greenish, graying being in majority (Sharma et al. 1980: 41). Phase II B: The artefacts are smaller than those of the preceding sub‐phase and are Phase II A: This phase has yielded true comparatively less patinated, fresh and Mesolithic Non‐geometric artefacts precisely made (Table 5; Fig. 9). Chert unassociated with pottery. The artefacts are (91.83%) of various colours viz. grey, black, 39
white and brownish is still the principal raw material. The other rocks used for manufacturing tools include chalcedony, agate and carnelian (8.12%). There is a very high proportion of waste product comprising flakes, chips, cores and debitage and absence of rolling together demonstrate that the tools were manufactured at the site
itself (Sharma et al. 1980: 49, 51). The majority of the artefacts are made on blades (85.4%) and on flakes. Cores constitute 14.6% of the assemblage. The lithic assemblage comprises of cores, unretouched flakes and blades and debitage (89.74%) and finished tools (10.26%).
Fig. 9: Lithic tools from Chopani‐Mando, Phase II B; 2‐4,17 Backed blades; 5‐7 Parallel sided blades; 1,8,13‐ 14 Penknife blades; 9‐10 Serrated blades; 11‐12 Notched blades; 15‐16 Points; 18‐19 Burins; 20 Microburin; 21‐27 Scrapers; 28‐30 Trapezes; 31‐33 Triangles; 34‐35 Lunates; 36‐38 Cores (After Sharma et al. 1980: 50)
40
Phase III: The artefacts are diminutive in size, but are very precisely manufactured. Chert (87.9%) is still the principal raw material (Table 5; Fig. 10). The other rock used for manufacturing tools includes non‐ cherty material (12.17%). The proportion of tools made on blades further increase to 93.8%. The remaining made on cores and flakes constitute 6.2% of the assemblage. The lithic assemblage comprises of cores, flakes and waste (91.26%) and finished tools (8.74%).
Stone objects: The stone objects are made on
locally
available
quartzite
Fig. 10: Lithic tools from Chopani‐Mando Phase III; 1‐ 3 Parallel sided blades; 4‐11 Backed blades; 12 Notched blade; 13‐14,16,18 Penknife blades; 19‐22 Saw‐edged blades; 23‐24, 26‐27 Borers; 25 Microburin; 28‐33 Points or arrow heads; 34‐36 Scrapers; 37‐40 Lunates; 15, 41‐44 Triangles; 45‐47 Trapezes; 48 Tranchets; 49‐51 Cores (After Sharma et al. 1980: 55)
and
sandstones (Table 6; Pl. 9). Most of the stone objects come from Phase III. Hammer stones and anvils however appear from phase IIB.
Table 5 Typological Classification of tools, Chopani‐Mando (After Sharma et al. 1980) Tool Type Phase IIA Phase IIB Phase III Percentage % Percentage % Percentage % Broad blades 3.6 ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ Burins 3.6 0.81 ‐‐‐‐ Micro‐burins ‐‐‐‐ 0.81 0.28 Parallel sided blades 35.5 25.3 30.75 Blunted back blades 14.6 11.8 Backed blades ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ 28.57 Notched blades 8.5 6.8 6 Penknife blades 3.6 11 10.75 Serrated blades ‐‐‐‐ 1.22 1.77 Borers 1.2 0.81 0.4 Points 12.1 7.72 Points and arrow‐heads ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ 4.89 Scarpers 20.6 17.48 7.07 Lunates ‐‐‐‐ 1.62 4.35 Triangles ‐‐‐‐ 9.76 2.72 Trapezes ‐‐‐‐ 1.89 2.04 Tranchet or transverse arrow‐ ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ 0.14 heads
Table 6 Stone objects, Chopani‐Mando (After Sharma et al. 1980: 61) Stone objects Phase Layers Number Ring stones III 1 8 2 3 41
Total 14
Hammer stones
Anvils
Hammer stone‐cum Anvils
Rubbers and Mullers
Querns
Stone balls
Miscellaneous objects
III IIB III III IIB III III III III
2A 3 1 2 2A 3 4 5 1 2 2A 3 1 2 2A 3 5 1 2 2A 3 1 2 2A 1 2 2A 3 1 2 2A
3 169 115 119 111 3 5 3 2 13 1 2 2 3 1 1 2 9 4 1 7 4 1 7 1 2 3 22 4 1
522
19
9
16
12
13
27
Bone Objects: A solitary specimen of bone object was recovered from the site (Pl. 10a). The fragmentary bone object bearing incised decoration or carving was found in layer 2A of the Phase III.
Pl. 9: Querns; 1 Mahadaha, 2‐3 Mahagara, 4 Chopani Mando (After Sharma et al. 1980)
Pl. 10a: Bone objects, Phase III, Chopani Mando (After Sharma et al. 1980)
42
Ornament: A solitary stone bead was reported from the site (Pl. 10b). This barrel shaped bead comes from layer 2A of the last Phase (III).
ochrous red ware is represented by 35.845% while khaki ware is represented by 57.629%. The impressed potsherds constitute 6.527%. All the wares including the impressed ware share the common functional types. The functional pottery types are represented by simple shapes like bowls (71.622%), vases (22.9272%), dishes (2.7%) and bigger bowls (2.7%) (Sharma et al.1980: 65, 67; Pal 1986b: 81‐82).
Pl. 10b: Stone bead, Phase III, Chopani Mando (After Sharma et al. 1980)
Pottery: The last, Phase III, of the site is characterised by the emergence (layer 3) of handmade fragile pottery. The pottery (1088 potsherds) is represented by 5.699% in layer 3, 17.279% in layer 2A, 34.191 % in layer 2 and 42.831% in layer 1 (Pal 1986b: 80‐81). The fine silty clay used for manufacturing the pots was neither kneaded nor well levigated and contains sand, silica content, occasionally small granules of calcium and laterite. Sometimes straw, husks, chaff and leaf fragments are used as degraissants. No evidence of surface treatment like slip or burnishing is visible. The fabric varies from medium to coarse. The pottery has an irregular rim and an uneven body. The necks and bodies of vases made separately are luted to each other. Red or Ochrous red ware and Khaki or Brownish grey ware comprise the ceramic assemblage. Some of the sherds of both the wares are marked by impressed designs on their outer surface (Pl. 11). There are also considerable number of potsherds of which inner surface is khaki and the outer surface is ochrous. The impressions are unique and generally flora, fauna and conch‐shell like objects constitute the decorative motifs of these sherds. The 43
Pl. 11: Impressed pottery, Phase III, Chopani Mando (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Plant Remains: Remains of charred or carbonised rice were found embedded on the burnt clay lumps (from Phase III). The remains of bamboo were also found either as charcoal or as impression on burnt clay lumps (Sharma et al. 1980: 69) (Pls. 12a, 12b). Grass type of pollen grains indicating grassland vegetation was reported from the soil samples collected. A fair number of trilete spores belonging to pteridophytes or bryophytes and some unidentified pollen grains were also found from the site (Pant and Pant 1980: 230). Faunal Remains: The faunal assemblage constitutes 4624 bone fragments. Out of which, 4455 were reported from the last phase (III). Out of which only 91 specimens were examined (Alur 1980: 206‐207). The
animals identified are cattle and sheep/goat of wild variety.
Pl. 12a: Impression of rice‐husk, Phase III, Chopani Mando (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Pl. 12b: Close‐up of rice husk, Phase III, Chopani Mando (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
3.3 Distribution of Neolithic sites Explored Sites: The explored Neolithic sites in the study area are 26 in number (Appendix II). These Neolithic sites were concentrated on either sides of the Belan valley and its tributaries like Seoti, Tundiari and Gorma all originating from the Kaimur/ 44
Upper Rewa ranges in South (Fig. 5; Appendix II). Excavated sites: The Neolithic culture of the Belan valley is characterised by handmade cord‐impressed pottery, the ground stone celts (rounded variety) with rectangular sections, stone blade industry, domestication of plants and animals, and sedentary settlements (Sharma et al. 1980: 135). The excavated Neolithic sites in the Belan valley are as follows: 1. Mahagara (24° 54’ 50” N.; 82° 3’ 20” E.) The Neolithic site of Mahagara is situated to the west of the village of Kotia on the confluence of the old and new Belan, just opposite Koldihwa, 80 km south‐east of Allahabad district. Located just opposite Mahagara, is the mound of Koldihwa. These Neolithic sites (Mahagara and Koldihwa) are at a distance of only 3 km south‐east of Chopani‐Mando. The site of Mahagara, irregular oval in form, bounded to the south‐east by the old and to the south‐west by the new channels of the river. It is protected from all sides by a natural ridge. It covers an area of 8000 sq m. D. Mandal, and J.N. Pal discovered the site in 1976, and excavated it from 1976‐79 under the supervision of G.R. Sharma, R.K. Varma and V.D. Misra (IAR 1975‐76: 47; IAR 1976‐ 77; IAR 1977‐78: 52‐54; IAR 1978‐79: 57; Sharma et al. 1980: 133‐200). Stratigraphy: The ridge is composed of geological formations representing in succession, reddish clay, yellow silt, brown red clay and Cemented Gravel IV. Cemented Gravel III and the top three overlying deposits (ancient humus and the succeeding two aeolian deposits) are replaced here by the Cemented Gravel IV, which is both fossiliferous, and implementiferous (Sharma et al. 1980: 139, 142). Although in 1982‐83, an excavation was undertaken with a view to ascertaining
characters of Gravel IV at the site. The excavation revealed that Gravel IV was similar to Gravel III, except that it was comparatively loose (IAR 1982‐83: 91). The horizontal excavation revealed a single culture site (Neolithic), having habitation deposit of 2.60 m, and comprising as many as 17 layers. The range of colour and texture of these layers varies from dull yellow to ashy black, and from loose to compressed hard respectively. Ceramic industry and other associated industries were recovered from the uppermost level. The occupational deposit on the whole, is divisible into six structural phases, on the basis of the available evidence; of floors of huts, post‐ hole and pits (Sharma et al. 1980: 140‐141). The layer, which seals the Neolithic deposit, is muddy in texture, its colour ranging from ashy to grey. Its nature and composition indicates that by this time the site was completely deserted. The overlying (30 to 40 cm) soil forms part of the ridge‐wash deposited in recent years. Three successive floors and three separate pits associated with different layers were found in the Index Square. In other squares digging was restricted only to the uppermost phase of the Neolithic deposit. The total area excavated measured 1622 sq. m. revealing eighteen floors, a cattle pen and other findings (Sharma et al. 1980: 140‐ 142). Structural Features: Three successive floors and three separate pits represent the structural feature of the Index Square. The layers of the deposit show that: • The early levels do not show any structural activity. • The mid levels of the deposit are represented by three pits, and 45
• The upper levels by three consecutive floors. Pits: The pits represent the earliest structural activity (5 sq. m) in the middle level. It is comprised of potsherds, charcoal, ash, animal bones, split stones, kankar nodules of both large and small size, and other refuse materials. The nature and purpose of these huge pits are unknown. Floors: The three consecutive floors (one each of Phase IV and V) of huts on the upper levels are roughly circular. The diameters vary from 4.30 m to 4.60 m. The post‐holes are located around the periphery of the floors. The remains lying on the floors are blackish in colour and comprise potsherds, fragments of querns, mullers, hammer stones, animal bones and stone blades. The other squares spread over an area of 1,622 sq. m. also yielded structural features of different structural phases; Floors: The remains of as many as 20 huts, represented mainly by floors and post‐holes belonging to different structural phases, have been recovered in an area of about 1622 sq. m. Of these 18 floors belonging to the last Phase (VI) were excavated (Fig. 11). The other two belong to Phase V and IV of the Index square, the last being the earliest evidence of floor at the site. The distributions of the floors are as follows: • Eleven (FL‐1, FL‐2, FL‐3, FL‐4, FL‐5, FL‐6, FL‐7, FL‐11, FL‐12, FL‐13 and FL‐14) are situated in the south‐eastern sector. • Four (FL‐15, FL‐16, FL‐17 and FL‐18) are situated in the south‐western sector, and • Three (FL‐8, FL‐9 and FL‐10) are situated in the north‐western sector.
Fig. 11: Plan of the floor and cattle pen of the Last Phase, Mahagara (After Sharma et al. 1980)
The floors of the huts were invariably of curvilinear plan, i.e. either circular or oval, none of them rectangular in outline (Pls. 13, 14). The diameters of the circular floors varied from 4.30 m to 6.30 m. The longer and the shorter axes of the ovaloid floors ranged from 6 m to 3.40 m and 4.20 to 2.80 m respectively. The maximum and minimum living area occupied by the individual huts measured 32.24 sq. m. and 9.72 sq. m. respectively, the average being 15.74 sq. m. At the periphery of these floors, postholes varying from six to nine in number are also exposed. The diameters of the post‐holes varied from 12 to 15 cm.
Pl. 13: Circular floors with post‐holes, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University) 46
Pl. 14: General view of the circular floors forming a house unit (Fl. 8, 9 & 10), Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
The floors of the huts have not been rammed or paved. The occurrence of burnt clay lumps with wattle and daub impressions indicates the use of mud plaster on the screen walls of these huts (Pl. 19). The eighteen floors of the upper levels constitute the remains of eight houses (Fig. 11): • House‐1: consisting of three huts (FL‐1, FL‐ 2, and FL‐3) situated at a distance of about 1.80 m from each other. The combined area of the floors of these three huts is 46.42 sq. m. • House‐2: is a single hut (FL‐4). • House‐3: forms a unit of three huts (FL‐5, FL‐6 and FL‐7). It lies about 8 m west of House‐2. The total area of the three floors measures about 35.59 sq. m. • House‐4: forms a unit of three huts (FL‐8, FL‐9 and FL‐10) situated about 12 m north‐ west of FL‐7 of House‐3. The total area of the three floors is about 80.16 sq. m. • House‐5: forms a unit of two huts (FL‐11 and FL‐12) is situated close to the cattle‐ pen. The total area of the floors is about 27.16 sq. m. • House‐6: forms a unit of two huts (FL‐13 and FL‐14) and is situated close to the cattle‐ pen. The total area of the floors is about 31.42 sq. m. • House‐7: forms a unit of two huts (FL‐15 and FL‐16) occupying an area of about 22 sq. m. and is situated south‐west of FL‐5 of House‐3. 47
• House‐ 8: forms a unit of two huts (FL‐17 and FL‐18) and is situated adjacent to House‐7, and is the south‐westernmost house of the settlement. The total area of the floors is about 24.22 sq. m.
Pl. 19: Fragments of burnt daub with reed impressions, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
The houses are situated in a ring and not along a line (Pl. 14; Fig. 11). The floors are overlapping and the houses are sparsely situated, the maximum and minimum spaces between two units are 12 m and 4 m respectively. Each house has sufficient open space on all four sides. The floors display occupational remains consisting of Neolithic
blades and microliths, potsherds, querns, mullers, neoliths, sling balls, clay lumps, terracotta beads and faunal remains. Cattle‐pen: A large cattle‐pen, irregular rectangular on plan, measuring 12.5×7.5 m, the longer axis being oriented roughly north‐south, was exposed in the south‐east sector of the site (Fig. 11). The cattle‐pen is enclosed by 28 post‐holes of varying diameters, ranging from 10 to 15 cm. The average distance between the post‐holes measures about 1.08 m. The metrical analysis between the different post‐holes showed that the cattle‐pen was provided with at least three openings (one on the western side, measuring 2.25 m and two on the eastern side measuring 1.55 and 1.50 m). The openings were controlled by two stronger posts on both the sides with an average diameter of 15 cm. The space enclosed by the pen was more blackish in appearance than the adjoining area and was devoid of pottery and other artefacts. Hoof impressions of cattle, belonging to different age groups, have been found in clusters inside the pen (Pls. 15a, 55b). The hoof‐impressions of sheep/goats have been exposed near floor no. 18. They are situated almost in a straight line, the intervening distance between the two (hoof‐impressions) are 32 and 38 cm. The pen was surrounded with 8 huts (FL‐1, FL‐2, FL‐3, FL‐11, FL‐12, FL‐4, FL‐13 and FL‐ 14). Pottery: The pottery assemblage (each floor of last phase), on the basis (Sharma et al. 1980: 147‐162; Pal 1986b: 96‐114) of surfaces treatment, falls in four distinctive groups: • Cord‐impressed ware (25.86% of total pottery assemblage): The functional pottery types include deep and shallow bowls (with straight, tapering or convex sides) with featureless, sharpened,
thickened, everted, squared or beveled rim (55.5%); tubular spouted bowls with wide mouth (0.5%); platters or flat bowls (2.9%) and straight concave and carinated necked jars (40.9%). The diameter of the mouth of each varies from 11 to 23 cm (bowl), 28.5 to 30.5 cm (spouted bowl), 11 to 24 cm (platter) and 12 to 21 cm (jar).
Pl. 15a: Hoof impressions of cattle in the cattle pen, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Pl. 15b: Hoof impressions of cattle in the cattle pen, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
• Rusticated ware (59.48% of total pottery assemblage): The functional pottery types include straight, tapering and convex sided deep or shallow bowls with featureless, thickened, thinned, pointed or everted rim 48
(7.2%); tubular spouted bowls (2.4%); the appliqué bands. The incised motifs on platters or flat bowls (1.2%); shallow basins the appliqué are represented by criss‐cross, (3.6%) with convex sides and featureless, making a diamond shaped pattern, crosses nail headed or externally drooping rim; jars made by oblique parallel lines, occasionally (with straight, concave and tapering neck bordered by two parallel lines. The incised and featureless, everted, clubbed, flared decoration on the plain surface of the pot out, thickened, collared or splayed out rim, consists of linear designs and criss‐crosses 84.3%) and handis (1.2%). The diameter of connected by horizontal line across the the mouth of each varies from 12 to 17 cm crossing points. Fingertip and nail (bowls), 10.5 to 19 cm (platters), 20 to 31 cm impressed decorations, on the appliqué (basin), 12 to 21 cm (jars) and 20 to 21 cm bands making rope and chain pattern, are (handis). The decoration is confined to an also met. incision on a solitary sherd of a basin with a criss‐cross design on a raised band (Pl. • Burnished black ware (1.67% of total 16). pottery assemblage): The functional pottery types include the convex and straight sided deep and shallow bowls with featureless, rounded, sharpened, thickened and everted rims (57.1%), wide mouthed tubular spouted‐bowls (28.2%) and concave and carinated necked jars with vertical, featureless and thickened rims (14.2%). The diameter of the mouth of Pl. 16: Rusticated decorated ware; criss‐cross each varies from 13 to 21 cm (bowls) and 12 designs and thumb‐nail, Mahagara (Courtesy, to 15 cm (jars). Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University) All four wares are handmade and either ill‐ • Burnished red ware (13.39% of total fired or fired on low temperature. The clay pottery assemblage): The functional used for manufacturing the pottery is not pottery types include straight, tapering and well levigated and contains calcium and convex sided bowls with featureless, iron granules. But for better plasticity of the internally thickened, squared, flared‐out or clay, rice husk, chopped straw and shale everted rim (17.2%), platters with squared fragments are mixed in the clay as and rounded edges (1.7%), tapering and degraissants. Occasionally millet husk and convex sided deep and shallow basins cattle dung was used as a tempering (3.4%) with internally clubbed, sharpened material in the burnished ware. Due to and a nail‐headed rim, jars of globular organic temper and ill firing, colour of the profile with vertical, flared and sharply pottery varies from smoky grey to blackish. carinated necks with internally sharpened, All the wares have mat red surface except everted, squared or nail‐headed rims for the burnished wares, which are coated (77.5%) and miniature vases. The diameter with a thick, ochrous red or black slip. The of the mouth of each varies from 11 to 20.5 pottery of all the wares has an uneven body cm (bowls), 19 to 20.5 cm (platters), 38 to 40 and irregular except for burnished wares cm (basin) and 11 to 17.5 cm (jars). The where special care has been taken to give incised decoration was confined mainly to homogeneous shape to the rim and body. the basins. They are generally executed on The pots were made with the help of dabbers and beaters. Palm and finger 49
impressions on pots (both inner and outer) are indicative of their being handmade (Sharma et al. 1980: 149; Pal 1986b: 98, 105). The shapes of the vessels are simple. The variety comprises mainly of deep bowls (46.48%) and globular jars (45.70%), though spouted bowls, platter, basin and handis (7.82%) are also present. The maximum and minimum numbers of bowls are the cord‐ impressed (79.83%) and the rusticated (5.04%) wares respectively. Jars in the burnished black ware (1.70%) are negligible and is prolific in rusticated and cord‐
impressed wares (together 59.82%). The mean diameters of the rim openings of the bowls and jars read as 16 and 14.5 cm respectively. Decorations are represented by cord‐marked designs and incised ornamentation on raised and appliqué bands; painting however, is completely absent. Distribution of the functional shapes of the eight excavated houses at the site reveals that the larger houses have more storage vessels than dietary pots. The reverse is true in case of smaller houses (Table 7).
Table 7 House‐wise distribution of artefacts, Mahagara (After Sharma et al. 1980: 183) Stone Pottery House Floor Food Processing blades No. No. Artefacts Dining vessels Kitchen Storage (bowl, spouted vessels vessels Quern Muller bowl, platter) % (basin, (jar) % handi) % 1 FL‐1 ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ 0.46 ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ FL‐2 14.60 9.73 ‐‐‐‐ 1.67 3.27 ‐‐‐‐ FL‐3 ‐‐‐‐ 0.37 0.37 5.22 1.63 14.28 Total 14.60 10.10 0.37 7.35 4.90 14.28 2 FL‐4 1.12 ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ 0.37 1.63 7.14 Total 1.12 ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ 0.37 1.63 7.14 3 FL‐5 ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ 0.74 4.66 14.75 21.42 FL‐6 ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ 0.37 ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ FL‐7 2.62 1.49 ‐‐‐‐ 0.74 1.63 ‐‐‐‐ Total 2.62 1.49 0.74 5.77 16.38 21.42 4 FL‐8 3.74 4.86 1.87 4.38 24.59 7.14 FL‐9 8.61 5.24 2.24 3.07 26.22 21.42 FL‐10 2.62 0.74 0.37 0.83 14.75 7.14 Total 14.97 10.84 4.48 8.28 65.56 35.70 5 FL‐11 ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ 2.98 ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ FL‐12 1.12 6.43 1.63 Total 1.12 9.41 1.63 ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ 6 FL‐13 1.87 0.74 ‐‐‐‐ 24.90 ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ FL‐14 ‐‐‐‐ 2.63 18.37 1.63 Total 1.87 3.37 43.27 1.63 ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ 7 FL‐15 3.74 7.11 0.37 3.63 6.55 7.14 FL‐16 2.62 1.49 0.37 4.19 Total 6.36 8.60 0.74 7.82 6.55 7.14 8 FL‐17 2.99 4.11 16.13 1.63 7.14 FL‐18 4.49 4.49 0.37 1.49 7.14 Total 7.48 8.60 0.37 17.62 1.63 14.28 Total % 49.02 44.12 6.70 100 100 100
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Lithic Industry: The excavation yielded 2,052 artefacts, of which 1,072 were recovered from 18 floors of eight houses; the remaining 980 from the contemporary layers of the floors. The total assemblage constitutes tools (13.32%, 274 in number), cores (2.77%, 57 in number) and waste (83.86%, 1,721 in number).
agate (19.88%), carnelian (1.41%), quartz and crystal (1.02%) being the others.
The tools were largely made on blades and partly on flakes (Fig. 12). The tools are comprised of four broad groups of blades (132: 48.17%), scrapers (65: 23.75%), used flakes (36: 13.13%), and points and barbs (41: 14.95%) and also include points, lunates, triangles, trapeze and tranchet (Sharma et al. 1980: 164‐166; Mandal 1997: 167; Table 8).
The raw material includes various cryptocrystalline silica, chalcedony (56.48%) being the most favoured, chert (21.19%),
Table 8 Lithic tools, Mahagara Tools Parallel‐sided blades Scrapers Flakes with use marks Blunted back blades Triangles Points Borer or awls Pen‐knife blades Trapeze Serrated blades Lunates Petit‐tranchet or transverse arrow‐heads Total
Numbers 105 65 36 17 16 10 6 6 4 4 3 2 274
Percentage % 38.32% 23.72% 13.13% 6.20% 5.83% 3.64% 2.18% 2.18% 1.45% 1.45% 1.09% 0.72% 100
Fig. 12 Neolithic Blades, Mahagara; 1‐8 Parallel sided blades; 9‐11 Backed blades; 12‐15 Penknife blades; 16‐18 Serrated blades; 19‐23 Points; 24‐26 Triangles; 27‐29 Trapeze; 30‐31 Tranchet; 32‐34 Side‐scrapers; 35 End‐scraper; 36 Hollow‐scraper; 37‐39 Cores; 40 Core‐rejuvenating flake (After Sharma et al. 1980: 165)
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Neoliths: A total of 44 specimens of neoliths were collected from the site (Sharma et al. 1980: 170‐177). Of which 12 (Mahagara 7, Koldihwa 3 and Panchoh 2) are from excavation and others (32) were collected from the surface. The range of types is limited to celt (4.45 cm width), adze (5.55 cm width) and chisels (Pls. 17a, 17b) There average widths were greater than their half‐ lengths. The neoliths are of a small rounded variety, with rectangular or ovaloid cross‐
sections ground and polished all over the body. Not a single specimen of triangular celts of the southern Neolithic group was found. The most preferred raw materials are basalt (75%), granite (20.45%) and quartzite (4.54%). Though basalt is used in all type of Neoliths, granite and quartzite are limited only to celts. The tools were probably made at the source of raw material since no evidence of debitage of the same was found in the excavation.
Pl. 17a: Neolithic tools from Mahagara; 1‐8 celts, 9‐10 adzes and 11 chisel (After Sharma et al. 1980)
Bone Tools: The bone tools consist of scrapers, pokers and daggers. Besides shafts of long bones antler were used mostly for making the tools (Alur 1980: 222). Four bone arrowheads were also recovered from the site (Pl. 18). The arrowheads recovered belong to the single tanged variety. Their manufacture involved flaking, scraping and grinding. They are considerably advanced in size, shape and technique as compared to the Mesolithic arrowheads of Mahadaha. Stone objects: The total of 184 stone objects was excavated at Mahagara. Off them, 116 were distributed over the various floors and 68 over their contemporary layers. The
Pl. 17b: Neolithic tools from Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University) 52
objects have been made invariably on rough to fine‐grained sandstone. The stone objects are classified under the following main categories:
• Food‐processing equipment (146: 76.84%): Includes querns, mullers and rubbers (Table 7; Pl. 19). On the basis of the morphology of the grinding surface, the quern (63.69%) may be divided into two types: basin‐shaped and flat. The mullers (17.12%) on the basis of wear pattern may be classified into two types: unifacial and multifacial. The rubber stone (19.17%) are mostly irregular spherical in shape. • Tool fabricators (28:14.73%): Include hammer stones and tool sharpeners. The hammer stones are irregular spherical in form and bear evidence of bruises at more than one place of the body. • Miscellaneous stone objects (16: 8.42%): Include stone balls and bored stone and stone discs. The stone balls (6 specimens) were fabricated by chipping, pecking and grinding. The lone specimen of bored stone is circular in form with a bi‐convex cross‐ section. Its central hole has an hourglass section. The discs (9 specimens) are flat and round in shape.
Miscellaneous objects: The finds include: • A large number of burnt fragments of clay daub with reed and split bamboo impressions have been found (Pl. 19). • Earthen discs (4): Earthen discs with a central perforation, generally cut out of broken pottery, and unperforated varieties have been found (Pl. 20). • Beads (4): Spherical clay beads with central perforation have been found (Pl. 21). • Shell‐pendants: A shell object, probably a fragment of a pendant was found (Pl. 22). It has an irregular ring‐shape with a groundside.
Pl. 20: Earthen discs, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Pl. 21: Clay beads, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Pl. 18: Bone arrowheads, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University) 53
Pl. 22: Shell pendants, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Plant remains: The botanical remains recovered are rice, jujube and bamboo. The remains of rice were found as stray seeds/grain as well as embedded in potsherds (Pls. 23a, 23b). Semi carbonised seeds of genus of spiny shrubs or small trees have also been obtained from the site. The remains of bamboo have been found as charcoal or in impressions on burnt daub fragments (Sharma et al. 1980: 182). The preliminary study at Mahagara (IAR 1981‐ 82: 106) suggested the occurrence of perennial wild rice (Oryza rufipogon Griffith), cultivated rice Oryza sativa, wild grass fruit (Ischaemum rugosum) weed that grows in the paddy fields. In addition to this, another species of wild rice (Oryza spontanea Rosc.), a hybrid between the wild and cultivated strains of rice been also reported from the site (IAR 1982‐83: 149).
Pl. 23b: Close‐up of the rice husk impression, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
2. Koldihwa (24° 54’ 30” N.; 82 ° 2’ 0” E.) The site is situated on the left bank of the Belan river, at a distance of 85 km south‐east of Allahabad city, in the hilly tract of the southern part of Meja sub‐division of Allahabad district. The mound is elevated, roughly rectangular in shape, fairly extensive measuring 500× 200 m, the longer axis being west‐east oriented. Neolithic celts, ceramic assemblage, microliths, bone tools, animal bones and beads were found in course of explorations by B.B. Misra (IAR 1962‐63: 37; IAR 1970‐71: 36‐37). The excavations were carried out under the supervision G.R. Sharma, R.K. Varma and V.D. Misra, and B.B. Misra and R. Singh excavated the site in 1972‐73 and 1973‐74. Subsequently D. Mandal and J.N. Pal also excavated it in 1974‐75 and 1975‐76 (IAR 1973‐74: 26‐27; IAR 1975‐76: 45‐47; Pal 1986b: 39‐40; Sharma et al. 1980: 135‐136). Stratigraphy: For determining the cultural index and the nature of the habitational deposit, the excavations were carried out at three mounds. The western (KDW I) mound revealed Chalcolithic deposit, while the eastern (KDW II) and southern (KDW III) mounds go back to the Neolithic period. Excavation revealed a 1.90 m thick habitational deposit (eastern mound),
Pl. 23a: Potsherds with rice husk impression, Mahagara (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Faunal Remains: The assemblage consists of both domesticated and wild animals (151 specimens). They are cattle (Bos indicus‐ Bovidae), sheep/goat (Ovivinei‐capridae), deer (Cervidae), wild boar (Sus scrofa), horse (Equidae), tortoise (Chelonia) and fish (Sharma et al. 1980: 184; Alur: 220). 54
divisible into three cultural periods; Neolithic, Chalcolithic, and Iron Age. The Neolithic deposit, resting on the hard, compact natural soil, is of 45 cm thickness represented by layer 3 and 4. The soil is similar to that found at Mahagara. The evidence of structure at Neolithic Koldihwa is very poor due to limited area excavated and disturbance of Neolithic strata by later pit activities. But evidence of burnt clay pieces with wattle and daub impressions, obtained in profusion, indicate that the Neolithic people used to live in thatched huts made of bamboo and wooden posts, with mud plastered screen walls (Misra 1977: 109; Pal 1986b: 40). Pottery: The pottery (Pal 1986b: 91‐96; Misra 1977: 108‐109; IAR 1973‐74: 26) is generally hand made. On the basis of surface treatment the pottery is divided into four wares: • Cord‐Impressed Ware (69.25% in layer 4, 44.02% in layer 3): The functional types in this ware include convex sided shallow and deep bowls (with averted, thickened and featureless rim), jars (with straight or concave neck having featureless rim), globular jars and a few platters. • Rusticated Ware (18.45% in layer 4, 26.80% in layer 3): The functional types are deep and shallow bowls, platters, spouted bowls and jars. • Burnished Red Ware (11.33% in layer 4, 23.92% in layer 3): The functional types are bowls, lipped bowl, spouts, jars and handis. • Burnished Black Ware (0.97% in layer 4, 5.18% in layer 3): The pottery shapes are not present in layer 4 but in succeeding layer 3, shapes of bowls and jars have been reported. The clay used for manufacturing pottery is not well levigated and contains calcium and
iron granules. However to make the clay levigated, tempering material like rice husk and chopped straw were added to clay, which resulted in cavities on the pot surfaces after firing. The semi‐burnt temper has resulted in the blackish colour of the core of pottery. Dishes are conspicuous by their absence. Sherds bearing soot‐marks are restricted only to red ware, indicating that this ware may have been used for cooking. There was a surplus economy as may be inferred from the occurrence of big storage jars (Pal 1986b: 40; Pl. 24). The Neolithic pottery is devoid of paintings. Decoration is limited to corded patterns, incisions and finger imprints. The incised motifs consist of criss‐cross, zigzag, oblique, horizontal or vertical parallel lines. It is likely that tortoise shells might have been used for making impressions on the pottery (Pal 1986b: 105).
Pl. 24: Decorated corded ware, Pd. I Neolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Lithic Industry: The lithic industry is characterised by Neolithic blades and microlithic assemblage. The microliths are fashioned on chert, chalcedony, agate, carnelian, jasper and quartz; including cores, flakes and tools. The tools consist of parallel‐sided blades, blunted blades, retouched blades, backed blades and scrapers.
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Three Neoliths have been reported from the site are rounded celts with flat sides and rectangular cross‐sections made on basalt and granite (Sharma et al. 1980: 170; Misra 1977: 109; Pl. 25).
rice husk impressions on the potsherds from the Neolithic levels identified both wild and cultivated strains of rice (Oryza rufipogon and Oryza sativa (IAR 1983‐84: 178). However, other wild grain was also part of their diet as suggested by the finding of millet (Pal 1986b: 40). Faunal remains: The assemblage consists (95 specimens) fossilised animal bones of both domesticated and wild varieties. They are cattle (Bos indicus‐Bovidae), sheep/goat (Ovivinei‐capridae), deer (Cervidae), wild boar (Sus scrofa), horse (Equidae), tortoise (Chelonia) and fish (Sharma et al. 1980: 184; Alur: 220). 3. Panchoh (24° 55’ 45” N.; 82° 2’ 30” E.) The Neolithic site of Panchoh is situated 2.5 Pl. 25: Rounded celts with flat sides, Pd. I km north‐west of the Koldihwa site on the Neolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of right bank of the Belan in Allahabad district. Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, The site was discovered in 1971 and Allahabad University) excavated by B.B. Misra excavated in 1975‐ 76 under the supervision of G.R. Sharma Stone objects: Querns, mullers and ring (IAR 1970‐71: 36). stones represent the stone objects found. Stratigraphy: The morphological details of Bone tools are conspicuous by their absence the mound are completely lost due to in this period, but are found in appreciable cultivation in the area (Sharma et al. 1980: numbers in the Chalcolithic phase (IAR 136). The site is a single culture (Neolithic) 1973‐74: 27; Pal 1986b: 40). site having a 60 cm thick habitation deposit (IAR 1975‐76: 47). The cultural deposit Plant remains: The most significant (Table 9) consists of three layers: discovery is of the rice found at the site. The rice remains excavated at Koldihwa belong Structural feature: Traces of some circular to the cultivated variety (Oryza sativa) and oval floors, probably of huts were (Mittre 1977: 141). Some semi‐carbonised reported from the site (Sharma et al. 1980: seeds of jujube, a genus of spiny shrubs or 136). small trees, have also been obtained (Sharma 1980: 184). The scan‐microscopy of Table 9 Stratigraphy at Panchoh Layers (from top Deposit downwards) 1 Whitish layer 2 Blackish layer with small stone pieces and iron nodules 3 Yellowish earth with iron nodules and kankar 56
Thickness (cm) 20 25 15
Lithic Industry: The lithic artefacts found during times of unusual floods, is are similar to that of Koldihwa (Sharma et significant (Sharma et al. 1980: 139). The al. 1980: 136). The tools consist of cores, proximity of the flood plain to the flakes, parallel‐sided blades, blunted backed settlement was most suitable land for blades, scrapers, points, lunates, trapezes, cultivation. The total area of the site triangles and a few crested ridged flakes. Mahagara including the natural ridge is The raw materials used for making the about 8,000 sq m. About 1650 sq m., or microliths are chert, chalcedony, agate, roughly one third, of the total area had been carnelian and quartz (IAR 1975‐76: 47). excavated which brought to light the remains of 18 huts divisible into eight house Neoliths: Two Neoliths have been reported units and also a cattle pen. If five to six from the site (Sharma et al. 1980: 170). The individuals inhabited in one house, the small celts are made on basalt (IAR 1975‐76: likely population of the houses excavated 47). would be about 48 or 50 individuals. The space occupied by the house, cattle pen and Pottery: The pottery (IAR 1975‐76: 47; Pal the associated open space utilised for other 1986b: 114) is highly weathered and worn purposes, is roughly one third of the total out. The typo‐technological features of the habitation area. It means that the settlement pottery are similar to that of Mahagara and had probably at least 24 house units in a Koldihwa. The pottery is hand‐made and ill half‐hectare area, with a minimum of about fired. Four wares represent the ceramic 140 to 150 individuals. The estimated figure industry: of cattle in the cattle pen was about 40 to 60 (Mandal 1977: 169; Sharma et al. 1980: 193‐ • Cord impressed ware (30 %): The 194). functional types are jars; convex sided deep bowls with featureless rim. Mahagara is a single culture Neolithic site • Rusticated ware (40%): The functional (2.60 m deposit). The Neolithic settlement of types are convex sided jar and shallow Koldihwa (45 cm deposit) and Panchoh (60 bowl. cm deposit) is confined to a small area. • Burnished red ware (22%): The functional According to the excavators the sites of type is concave sided jar. Koldihwa and Panchoh were occupied for a • Burnished black ware (8%): The shorter period of time as compared to functional type is small vase. Mahagara (Sharma et al. 1980: 198). The ware were occasionally decorated with Subsistence of the Neolithic people of this incised designs, comprising dots, dashes, region was based on farming, stock raising horizontal, vertical, oblique and wavy lines or herding and selective hunting. It is clear and lattice patterns that rice was cultivated here. The occurrence of standardised forms of querns, Other finds: The other findings are stone mullers and storage vessels from most of mullers and beads (IAR 1975‐76: 47). the houses is also indicative of agriculture. Meat was another principal means of Summary: Both the sites of Mahagara and subsistence as is evident from the large Koldihwa are situated close to the flood number of faunal remains. Besides cattle, plain. The selection of the site for sheep/ goats were also domesticated. Wild occupation near the flood plains, even animal were hunted for consumption, the though there were risks of inundation most preferred being deer and wild boar. 57
The raw materials for tools and other implements were collected from the nearby area. The evidence of the division of settlement into several house units sparsely situated and each comprising two to three huts representing family units. The evidence acquires additional significance when compared with the house patterns of Advanced Mesolithic phase of Chopani‐ Mando. A house was represented by a single hut, groups of which were closely packed giving an appearance of a beehive, suggesting planning of bands. The houses of Mahagara provide clear evidence of development from band to tribe. At Mahagara every house was furnished with necessary articles, like food processing tools, storage, dining and kitchen vessels, and lithic tools. The situation of house furnishing is comparatively different at Chopani‐Mando (Mesolithic phase) where community life is more pronounced. There is evidence of the presence of giant anvils, which could be worked simultaneously by several individuals. This and the common hearth are also indicative of community life (Sharma et al. 1980: 187‐194; Mandal 1997: 168‐169). The remains from houses reflect more on the size of a family rather than status. Most of the industries were domestic in nature as evidenced by the similarity in the different stages of manufacture of tools found from all the houses. Though pottery was handmade it is likely that this industry two was a domestic craft. The evidence of a large cattle pen surrounded by houses indicates perhaps that cattle were community property (Mandal 1997: 169). It is amazing that none of the excavated Neolithic sites has yielded any evidence of hearth although there is evidence of burnt bones and ill fired pottery.
So far no Neolithic sites have been discovered from the Ganga valley from Pratapgarh district. The probable cause could be that most Neolithic sites were located on the alluvial plains. These same plain today are covered by agriculture, in the process destroying evidence of most Neolithic sites. Mesolithic sites however have been found in usar land, which is characterised by alkaline soil. 3.4 Distribution of Chalcolithic sites Explored Sites: A total of 37 Chalcolithic sites have been reported from both the Ganga and Belan valleys in the study area. All the sites are Riverine sites. The sites are situated on higher bhangar land, above flood level and terraces (Fig.5; Appendix III) Excavated Sites: There is no stratigraphical evidence to show that there was contact of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic cultures. However, the cultural traditions of the Neolithic traits survived to the Chalcolithic period, which throw light on the evolution of Chalcolithic culture in the study area (Pal 1990c: 204). The Chalcolithic people in southern Uttar Pradesh built Megalithic monuments (Pal 1990c: 202; Misra and Misra 1977: 319; Pal 1995: 13, 16). These sites are located on the northern slopes of the Vindhyas and the Ganga‐Yamuna alluvium as well as on the banks of the rivers and nalas at the foot of the Kaimur hills. The Megaliths typologically are divisible into three categories: Cairn‐circle, Cist and Cist within cairn. The morphological distribution of the megaliths indicates that the dominant type is cist in Allahabad district. 1. Koldihwa (24° 54’ 30” N.; 82 ° 2’ 0” E.) The occupation of the Chalcolithic culture at Koldihwa does not mark a break with the preceding Neolithic period, but shows a continuation of the life‐style, with 58
Structural Features: In layer 2 the structural remains were found. They consisted of ten postholes, encircling an oblong floor, which was exposed (Pl. 26). The longer and shorter axis of the enclosed area measured 5.25 m and 3.20 m respectively. The floor was made of rammed earth and burnt clay clods. A cluster of complete pots of red and black slipped wares was found lying on the floor. A one‐mouthed chulha belonging to the same phase was also found in the excavation at the southern mound (Misra 2000: 60; Pl. 27). Within the excavated area many refuse pits, going to varying depths (0.29 m to 1.10 m) were also present.
qualitative improvements and certain changes in subsistence (IAR 1973‐74: 27). Stratigraphy: The western (KDW I) mound revealed Chalcolithic deposit, while eastern and southern mounds go back to the Neolithic period. The excavation revealed a 1.90 m thick habitational deposit divisible into three cultural periods: a) Neolithic; b) Chalcolithic; c) Iron Age (IAR 1971‐72: 44; IAR 1975‐76; 45; Pal 1986b: 39‐40; Sharma et al. 1980: 135‐136; Misra 1977: 107‐113).
The Chalcolithic culture at the site is represented by 1 m thick deposit (Pal 1986b: 57‐59; IAR 1971‐72: 44). The occupation strata are comprised of seven layers. The cultural contents of the layers 2 to 7 were Chalcolithic whereas iron was found in the topmost layer (1).
Large numbers of kitchen middens sealed by Layer 1 constitutes the last phase (Iron Age) of the Chalcolithic culture at the site. The cultural content in this phase, pottery, bone arrowheads, microliths, ghata shaped beads, burnt clay lumps with wattle and daub impressions, indicate that it is a continuation of the preceding Chalcolithic culture. The ware and pottery types (painted motifs and incised and appliqué decorations) are similar to those of the preceding phase. In this phase evidence of introduction of iron is present. Other than this no other cultural remains indicate any significant change in the economy of the people at the site. Stratigraphically there is no break. Thus, it was this last phase at Koldihwa that is an Advanced Chalcolithic Culture, having some contact with iron using culture. Occurrence of iron slag and crucibles in this phase indicates that people were also experimenting to produce iron locally (Pal 1986b: 58‐59; IAR 1973‐74: 27; Misra 1977: 112, 118).
Pl. 26: Ground plan of oval hut with post‐holes, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Pl. 27: Single mouthed chullah, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (After Misra 2000)
The structural remains consisted of the remains of two mud walls running almost parallel to each other with an intervening 59
distance of 1.4 m, probably representing the flanking walls of the house‐complex entrance. Chalcolithic people used to construct their houses out of wattle and daub. Wooden posts were employed for walls. For protection from weather, screen walls of reed and bamboo were plastered. Evidence of a mud wall was also found. However, because of the vertical nature of digging no complete house plan was excavated (Misra 1977: 111; Pal 1986b: 57; IAR 1973‐74: 27: Misra 2000: 59). Kitchen Middens: (Mound I and II): A large number of refuse pits termed as kitchen middens (33), divisible into three sub‐phases, have been identified in the Advanced Chalcolithic phase at the site. The kitchen middens are circular or oblong in shape; maximum and minimum diameters range from 4 to 1.26 m respectively. The major and minor axis measures 3× 2.4 m and 1.80× 1m respectively, varying in depth from 1.16 to 0.5 m. The kitchen middens have yielded potsherds, animal bones and other refuse materials. Floor: (Mound I and II): In the last phase (Advanced Chalcolithic), a floor with a partly burnt floor with an open circular pit‐ hearth, a single mouthed chulha and 3 post‐ holes, are the other structural remains of this phase. Pottery: The potsherds of the Neolithic tradition in the Chalcolithic level are very small in size and very few in numbers (IAR 1971‐72: 44; IAR 1973‐74: 27; IAR 1975‐76: 45; Pal 1986b: 131‐14; Misra 1977: 110). These sherds are heavily abraded and weathered. It is interesting to note that the Neolithic potsherds along with the Chalcolithic pottery are found only on two mounds (KDW II & III), which were occupied in the 60
Neolithic period, but at KDW I where habitation started only in the Chalcolithic period no evidence of potsherds of the Neolithic tradition was recovered. The Chalcolithic pottery of Koldihwa is wheel made, although the presence few handmade specimens is also reported. The pottery is made of well‐levigated clay, which contains small calcium granules, iron nodules and silica content. The clay is tempered with straw rice and husk. The pottery is well fired and has slip. Incised decorations are made on the outer surfaces, either on the body itself or on the appliqué (Pls. 28, 29). A limited range of painting is also found (Pl. 30). The assemblage comprises: • Red Ware (64.71%): On the basis of surface treatment the red ware can be grouped into three sub‐divisions: plain red ware, roughened red ware and slipped red ware. The functional pottery types are hemispherical bowls, ovaloid and sub‐ovaloid bowls, pedestalled bowls, dishes, shallow bowls‐cum‐lids, dish‐on‐ stand, shallow and deep bowls (with collared, clubbed or squared rim; footed and perforated basin (with collared rim) containing lime incrustation on the inner surface, lipped bowl, cylindrical tumblers (with convex or conical base), high concave necked or constricted, carinated necked vases handis, basins (with everted rim), bowl‐on‐stand, bowls (with carinated shoulder and everted rim), dishes (with carinated base) and miniature vessels. The pottery furnishes incised designs, comprising dots, oblique strokes, triangles or small rectangles in three or four horizontal lines, vertical strokes on raised horizontal band, incised lines making criss‐cross and floral incised decorations (made by scooping on the outer surface).
Appliqué decoration bearing nail, thumb and finger impressions forming a chain or cord pattern, ripple‐marked decorations and knobbed decorations are reported. These decorations are confined to the shoulder or neck of the pots. Some pots have bands or linear motifs painted in black pigment on the outer surface and rim. In bowls and dishes the painted bands are on both (outer and inner) lower surface, and the painting is executed on washed surfaces of the pots. The jars contain vertical lines or crescentic and circular motifs and linear paintings.
have vertical appliqué decoration with horizontally incised deep strokes. The inner and outer surface of a few potsherds contains painted motifs (in creamy white or grey pigment) comprising horizontal, vertical or slanting lines, groups of dots and dashes, pellets or ovals, emanating from bands (Pl. 31). • Plain Grey Ware: The percentage of this ware is very meagre (1.21%) in the whole pottery assemblage, generally resembles the black slipped ware in fabric, texture and typology.
• Black‐and Red Ware (5.63%): The functional types are hemispherical bowls, ovaloid and sub ovaloid bowls, pedestalled bowls or lids, dishes, shallow and deep bowls (with a clubbed, thickened, beaded out or collared rim), lipped bowls, jars, dishes‐on‐stand, beakers and handis. Some pottery is marked by incised decorations comprising circular lines, criss‐crosses between horizontal lines, oblique incision in registers made of vertical incised lines and strokes in bands. Few sherds are painted in white or grey pigment on the inner black surface. Painted motifs consist of curvilinear and crescent designs. • Black Slipped Ware (29.65%): Functional pottery include hemispherical, ovaloid and sub‐ovaloid bowls, legged bowls, pedestalled bowls, carinated bowls, deep bowls (with convex sided and mid grooves), convex sided dishes (sometime with carinated sagger base), bowls (with concave base), bowls‐cum‐lids, corrugated bowls, ledged dishes, pans with lop handle, high necked small sized vases and handis. The pottery is decorated (outer and inner surface) with incised lines, horizontal lines, and thick criss‐cross lines between thick incised horizontal lines, making triangles in register. Few bowls
Pl. 28: Decorated incised pottery, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Pl. 29: Sherds with appliqué, rippled and knobbed designs and graffiti, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
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Lithic tools: The microliths comprising cores (21.92%), flakes (54.20%) and finished tools (18.11%) were obtained from the Chalcolithic horizon (Misra 2000: 88). The finished tools included short blades, retouched blades, crested‐ridged blades, parallel sided blades, blunted back blades, backed blades, pen knife blades, points, saws, notched blades, scrapers, arrow heads, borers lunates, trapezes, triangles and tranchets, mostly made on chert and chalcedony (Pl. 32). Other siliceous stones like, agate, carnelian and quartz were also Pl. 30: Painted and Incised pottery, Pd II used but their number is very limited. Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Pl. 31: Painted Black‐and‐Red and Black slipped ware sherds, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
There have been stray occurrences of cord impressed pottery (Misra 1977: 109). The red ware, black‐and‐red ware and black slipped ware along with the decorative patterns of Chalcolithic phase are present in the last phase (Iron Age). They are represented by plain and slipped red, black slipped and black‐and‐red ware. The cord‐ impressed pottery was completely absent in the last phase.
Pl. 32: Lithic Short Blade Industry, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Neoliths: Fragments of a few Neolithic celts, fashioned on basalt, in the Chalcolithic horizon were found on the eastern mound. 62
But these seem to be in secondary context and perhaps there is some stratigraphic gap between the Neolithic and the Chalcolithic cultures at the site (Pal 1986b: 57). Ground stone axes were also found (IAR 1973‐74: 27). Stone Objects: Fragments of footed quern and mullers have been found. A few stone pieces with grooved surface, probably used as sharpeners, have also been obtained (Mira 1977: 112; Pal 1986b: 58). The hammer stones and anvils with bruised surfaces, suggests that the tools were manufactured out of locally available raw materials within the settlement (Misra 2000: 88). Bone Industry: Bone tools make their appearance for the first time in this period. Bone tools are found in appreciable numbers, which are conspicuous by their absence in the Neolithic period (Pl. 33a). The tools made of bone, ivory and antlers comprised of simple points and various types of arrowheads, including the plain, tanged variety like bud‐shaped with lozenge cross‐section, arrowheads with conical, rectangular, square or rhombic cross‐section and barbed arrowheads with socketed tangs marked with small circlets, sometimes enclosing dots and cap‐shaped socketed points (IAR 1973‐74: 27; Misra 1977: 111; Pal 1986b: 40, 58; Pal 1990c: 203; Misra 1997: 291). Two objects of intermediate use have been also reported. One of these is a stick with circular cross‐section having four prongs at one end decorated with double grooves, and another having two perforations (Pl. 38). The presence of tools of different stages of manufacture, finished, unfinished and semi‐finished along with raw materials and a few flat‐stone pieces with grooved or channelled surfaces, suggest that they were made within the settlement (Misra 2000: 88‐ 89).
Pl. 33a: Bone arrowheads with circular cross‐ section, barbed arrowheads with socketed tangs, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Pl. 38: Perforated bone objects, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
In the last phase the finds comprised bone arrowheads (Pl. 33b), mostly of double pointed, socketed and barbed types, and bone‐caps to secure bone points (IAR 1975‐ 76: 47). 63
that the beads and pendants, like that of the lithic and bone tools were manufactured locally at the site.
Pl. 33b: Bone and Ivory industry, Pd III Iron Age, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Pl. 34: Terracotta beads, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Miscellaneous Objects: The miscellaneous objects found at the sites are (IAR 1973‐74: 27; Misra 1977: 112; Pal 1986b: 58; Misra 1997: 291; Misra 2000: 89): Copper Objects and Ornaments: Copper makes its appearance for the first time in this period. Three fragmentary copper pieces of indeterminate use were reported. Other objects made of copper comprise ornaments like bangles, beads, pendants and rings. Copper wires, broken blades with very thin section and sticks were also recovered. The beads were made on terracotta (especially ghata shaped and segmented), bone, copper, shell and semi‐ precious stones (like chert, agate, carnelian, quartz and crystal). They are of various types‐barrel shaped, cylindrical, rectangular, conical and spherical and vary in size also (Pls. 34, 35). Pendants are of conical, bell‐shaped, cylindrical or crescent in shape and are made on semi precious stones and some times on bone and copper. A few ear studs of clay were also found (Pl. 37). Terracotta and shell were also used for making bangles. The discovery of finished, semi finished and unfinished specimens along with bead‐making material, indicates
Pl. 35: Beads and Pendants of stone, bone and shell, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Pl. 37: Terracotta objects, Pd II Chalcolithic, Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
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Other objects: Terracotta and stone sling balls of varying sizes were perhaps used for hunting purposes, especially for hitting small games. A large number of stone circular discs probably used as weight (Pl. 36). Terracotta gamesmen, discs and one fragmentary triangular or rectangular cake like objects‐all having incised decorations and a few crucibles were also found. Two fragmentary terracotta figurines, one of a female and another of animal were also obtained. A few iron pieces, from the last phase of the site, such as axe and arrowheads were also found.
found in profusion. The site reveals that 90% of them belong to domesticated animals like cattle, sheep, goat, deer, pig and dog. The remaining 10% consists of wild animals like antelope, deer; aquatic animals like fish, tortoise, fowl, and small birds. The charred bones are almost conspicuously absent in this phase. 2. Khajuri (Panchoh) (24° 54’ 30” N.; 82° 2’ 30” E.) The site is located on the right bank of the river Belan near its junction with Khajuri nala about 80 km from Allahabad and to its eastern and south‐easterly direction. The site was reported for the first time in 1962‐ 63 (IAR 1962‐63: 32). B.B. Misra with assistance of K. Thakur excavated the site during 1985‐86 (IAR 1985‐86: 75‐77). The site measuring 5.5 hectares (250 m from north to south and 220 m from east to west) is irregular, oblong in shape. Stratigraphy: The site represents a transitional stage; from Neolithic through Chalcolithic‐Megalithic (Koldihwa Culture) Pl. 36: Circular stone discs, Pd II Chalcolithic, to Early Iron Age. The total habitational Koldihwa (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, deposit of 2.20 m comprising 10 layers is Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University) divisible into two cultural periods; Plant Remains: Two C‐14 dates (PRL‐100: Chalcolithic (Koldihwa culture) and Early 7390± 240 B.P. and PRL‐101: 6480± 185 B.P.) Iron Age; Period I: Belonging to of the bottom Chalcolithic levels confirm Chalcolithic was the 1.20 m thick deposit, that the wild and cultivated strains of rice comprising layers 5‐10. Layer 4, about 20 cm found there were indeed used at the site. thick represents the transitional stage and Besides rice and rice husks impressions Period II: Layers 1 to 3 belong to Iron Age were also found on the pottery and clay culture. lumps. This is the world’s oldest record of rice, leading credence to the theory that Structural Features‐ Floors: Three regular domestication of rice began in the Gangetic floor levels of Period I, one each in layer 6, 7, and 9 were exposed. The floors were of plains (IAR 1978‐79:109) before in South‐ East Asia. In the last phase‐charred wheat, rammed earth, burnt clay and potsherds. rice, moong were the domesticated varieties These floors were littered with pottery in large numbers, animal bones, querns, of cereals (IAR 1975‐76: 47). mullers, stone pieces, burnt clay lumps Animal Remains: Animal bones, (some bearing bamboo and reed marks) occasionally with cut marks, have been stones and terracotta discs of various sizes, microliths and bone arrow‐heads. 65
The floor from layer 7 also yielded a fireplace on the southern extremity and one post‐hole on the eastern edge of the trench were noticed. These floors were made of rammed earth, burnt clay and potsherds. That the Chalcolithic people lived in huts made of wattle and daub is suggested by the discovery of burnt clay pieces with reed and bamboo impressions as well as a few post‐holes. Lithic Tools: The tools comprised retouched blades, parallel‐sided blades, points, trapezes, triangles, borers, lunates, cores and flakes‐some with crested ridge. The raw material used was chalcedony and chert. Pottery: The pottery is wheel‐thrown and comprises various shades of red ware of, black slipped, black‐and‐red and grey wares. The functional type consists of bowls, dishes, vases, storage jars, basins, footed and perforated vessels, pans, lipped vessels, and fragments of dish‐on‐stand. The Black slipped, grey and black‐and‐red wares account mainly for bowls and dishes. The miscellaneous objects include bone arrowheads and points, beads of semi precious stones and terracotta copper objects (rings and wires), and disc made on stone terracotta and pottery. Faunal Remains: The bones recovered from the deposit belonged to both domesticated (cattle, sheep and goat) as well as wild animals (deer and pig) and aquatic creatures like fish and tortoises. Transitional Phase: The floor representing the transitional phase (layer 4) yielded two giant stone slabs along with other finds i.e., querns and mullers, stone pieces of different sizes, beads, potsherds and microliths. Iron slag, ash and charcoal were also found. A U‐ shaped hearth (chullah) was found on this
floor, in the south‐eastern corner of the trench, near one of the giant stone slabs. Period II‐ Iron Age: (Layer 1 to 3), the structural feature was represented by the brick‐paved floor noticed on the surface in the western end of the settlement, though the excavation did not furnish any evidence of the use of burnt‐bricks. The people in this period, too, used to live in wattle and daub huts as is suggested by the discovery of burnt clay pieces with reed and bamboo‐ marks. The pottery as assemblage on the whole is sturdy and well baked, though the clay used was not well levigated and contains impurities. The pottery comprised red ware, thick grey/black and black‐and‐red ware. The functional types are shallow bowls‐cum‐ dishes with flat/ disc‐base, carinated handis, knobbed lids, bowls or basin‐shaped stoppers, basins, shallow dishes with beaded or rolled rim, medium‐sized vases with grooved and incised rim, pans with lugged handles and large storage jars. The vessels, like carinated handis and pans bear soot marks on their bases suggesting that these were used as cooking vessels. Some of the sherds bear incised decorations on their external surfaces. Other Finds: The other finds include arrowheads, knives, iron nails, spear‐heads, beads of carnelian and agate, copper rings, querns, mullers and a lot of iron slag. Plant Remains: They substituted mainly of agriculture as evident from plant remains. Rice appears to be the staple diet of the people (IAR 1985‐86: 77). Faunal Remains: This period has yielded a number of animal bones (some with‐marks) of cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, fish, tortoise (shells), rodents, deer and birds (Misra 2000: 96). 66
Summary: The site of Koldihwa was occupied in the Chalcolithic period evidently after a considerable break as evident from the Chalcolithic deposit, which is very extensive at the site, and there is no evidence of overlap (Sharma et al. 1980: 198). The huts of both Neolithic and Chalcolithic have common features. Chalcolithic people constructed houses out of wattle and daub; wooden posts were used for walls (structural remains from the site suggests this). Screens of reed and bamboo were plastered with clay as protection from seasonal severities. On the basis of ceramics and short blade industry J.N. Pal (1990c: 202‐203) divided the Chalcolithic sites of Southern Uttar Pradesh into three groups: • Kakoria group: The earliest group (represented by Kakoria (Varanasi) and Magha (Mirzapur) is characterised by crude made plain pottery, prolific short blade industry including crested ridge, and an absence of bone industry. • Koldihwa group: This group (14 sites and is represented by Koldihwa in Allahabad district) is characterised by the painting traditions in the ceramic industry. General characters of pottery show improvement both in firing and finish, in comparison to the earlier group. A presence of bone arrowheads is another marked feature of this group. Though short blade industry is present, it is not as prolific as in the first group. • Khajuri group: This group (3 sites and is represented by Khajuri in Allahabad district) is marginally Chalcolithic and retains features of the Koldihwa group. This phase merges imperceptibly with the succeeding Kotia culture and is characterised by the introduction of Iron. 67
The increase in cooking vessels and charred bones are almost conspicuously absent in Koldihwa (Period II) the fact viewed against the background of abundance of charred bones during the preceding Neolithic period leads one strongly to the conclusion that for cooking meat boiling was perhaps preferred to roasting (Pal 1990c: 204; Misra 1997: 291; Misra 2000: 90). The lithic industry is characterised by small blade industry fashioned on chalcedony, agate, chert and carnelian. Besides lithic tools a number of bone implements were also reported from both Chalcolithic and Iron Age (Advanced Chalcolithic) site of Koldihwa. The use of bone implements marks its significance along with that of metal and lithic tools. Copper was scarcely used for making blades and spearheads. A number of beads and pendants of semiprecious stone, bone, copper, shell and terracotta (especially ghata shaped) was reported from the site. Beads found in different stages of manufacture suggest that these were locally produced (Pal 1990c: 204). The evidence of cultivation of rice has been obtained in the form of grain as well as the impression of husks on potsherds and burnt clay lumps. Querns and mullers were part of the food processing equipments. Storage vessels of varying sizes from almost all the levels at Koldihwa are also indicative of farming. Animals were also domesticated; the evidence from the faunal remains yielding cattle, buffalo and sheep/goat bones. Some of the bones bear cuts and chopping marks suggesting thereby that the animals were deliberately killed for meat. Besides domestication, hunting and fishing was also practiced, as is evidenced from the bone remains of pig, deer, antelope, birds and aquatic animal like fish and turtles. The available evidence suggests that the Chalcolithic people practiced mixed
economy based on farming, hunting and fishing. Small celts found in Neolithic levels were also found in the early level of the Chalcolithic Koldihwa. Thus, it can be concluded that the Chalcolithic culture had a strong root in the Neolithic culture at the area. It is important to mention here that the recently excavated site of Jhusi (25° 26’ 10’’ N.; 81° 54’ 30” E) in Allahabad has yielded five cultural periods; Period I‐Chalcolithic, Period II‐N.B.P., Period III‐Saka‐Kushan, Period IV‐Gupta period and Period V‐Post‐ Gupta period (IAR 1994‐95: 69‐71; Misra et al. 1996: 64). The Chalcolithic period (I) at the site has a total thickness of 70 cm (layers 47, 48 & 49). The period is characterised by Black slipped ware, Black burnished ware, Red ware and Black and Red ware. The common types are pedestalled bowls; deep bowls with everted rim, convex‐sided and hemispherical splayed out rim, convex‐ sided bowls, and lipped vessels. A few sherds are reported to have paintings (black pigments), incised appliqué, and corded or rippled decorations. The other finds are burnt clay lumps with reed‐marks, microliths and bone objects. Besides a few N.B.P.W. sherds were also found in Upper layer (47) of the period. 3.5 Ganga Valley An area covering 10,500 km has been explored, and more than two hundred sites have been located. The Gangetic alluvium is divisible into bhangar and khaddar, the older and newer alluvium respectively. The Mesolithic artefacts are associated with the bhangar formation. The khaddar is devoid of artefacts. A bhangar section (10.50 m thick) between Phaphamau to Allahabad‐Unnao road (a distance of 25 km) was studied. This section
(Fig. 13) is composed of four distinct layers. The earliest is full of lime‐concretion (0.30 to 1.50 m thick). The succeeding deposit is blackish clay containing calcium nodules and small shells (0.90 to 2 m thick). It is overlain by plastic clay (1.50 to 3 m thick). The last deposit is characterised by sandy soil (2 to 4 m thick). The earliest layer is tentatively equated with the Cemented Gravel III of the river Belan, the third from the top with the humus layer of the Belan, and the upper layers with the top or aeolian deposits of the Belan section. The sandy soil of the Ganga‐section is implementiferous throughout the deposit; it was inferred that the Stone Age hunters started coming to the Ganga valley at a time when this layer was in process of formation and they continued to come throughout the formation (Sharma 1975: 5; Misra 1977: 59).
Fig. 13: Schematic section of the Ganga (After G.R. Sharma 1973a: 130)
In the study area, the Ganga is the main stream and a recipient of perennial tributaries like the Gomati, Sai and Varuna and numerous seasonal tributaries. A striking feature of the Ganga valley is the existence of horseshoe or ox‐bow lakes. The area to the north of the Ganga measures about 55 km from the present water channel. It is characterised by a large number of these horseshoe lakes (Fig. 14). The nature of these lakes represents the stages of withdrawal of the Ganga from 55 68
km north to its present course. The ancient meanders of the river were left isolated and were converted into horseshoe lakes before
the end of the Pleistocene (Sharma 1975: 5, 8‐9; Misra 1977: 59).
Fig. 14: Horseshoe lakes in the Ganga valley (After Sharma 1973a: 131)
69
Five Epi–Palaeolithic sites have been explored from the study area (Fig 5; Table 10). Table 10 List of Epi‐Palaeolithic Sites in South‐Central Ganga Valley Sr No. Site Name District Geographical Reference Co‐ordinates 1. Mandah Pratapgarh 25° 59’ N.; 82° 2’ 35 E. IAR 1978‐79: 23; Sharma et al. 1980: 123 2. Shalhipur Pratapgarh 26° 0’ 10” N.; 82° 4’ 30” E. IAR 1978‐79: 23; Sharma et al. 1980: 123 3. Suleman Pratapgarh 25° 59’ 23” N.; 82° 16’ 12” E. IAR 1978‐79: 23; Sharma et Parbatpur al. 1980: 123 4. Ahiri Allahabad 25° 21’N.; 82° 16’ E. Sharma et al. 1980: 123 5. Chopani‐ Allahabad 24° 55’ 30” N.; 82° 4’ 45” E. IAR 1966‐67: 35, 38; Mando Sharma et al. 1980: 33 3.6 Distribution of Mesolithic Sites • Transitional stage (from late Upper Explored Sites: The explored Mesolithic Palaeolithic to early Mesolithic)‐ The tools sites in the study area are 177, in Pratapgarh are identical with those from the layers District and 6 in Allahabad District above the Gravel III of the Belan section. (Appendix I; Fig. 5). The Mesolithic The tool types comprise Upper settlement is represented by four Palaeolithic blade and burin, besides characteristic locations: along rivulets and parallel‐sided blades, blunted blades, their seasonal tributaries, in close points, scrapers, lunates, and a good association to horse‐shoe lakes, Rock number of cores and flakes. The blades are Shelters, and away from rivers and lakes. long and thick and the retouching is bold. Chert is the principal raw material. Location of settlements along rivulets and • Non‐geometric microliths‐ Majority of lakes is probably related to the availability the Ganga valley sites belongs to the non‐ of water and aquatic resources. The geometric microliths. The tool types presence of dense forest in inland areas consist of blades; parallel‐sided blade and might be another probable reason. The blunted backs, scrapers, points and settlements are located generally on barren lunates. land (usar) and are away from the reach of • Geometric microliths‐ The lithic industry annual floods. The settlements are smaller comprises small and finely retouched in size and measure between 4.5 sq m to 5 stone tools, such as symmetrical points, sq m in area. There are also a few larger lunates, blunted‐back blades, scrapers and sites like Sarai Nahar Rai (1800 sq m.), triangles and trapeze. Chalcedony is the Mahadaha (8000 sq m) and Damdama (8750 main raw material used. The size of tools sq m.). The average spacing between two of this stage is small in comparison to the sites is between 5 and 10 km in Pratapgarh above two stages. district and more in Allahabad District Excavated Sites in the Ganga Valley: The (Pandey 1985: 132). excavated Mesolithic sites in the Ganga The lithic industry in the Ganga valley valley are as follows: shows (Sharma 1975: 9; Misra 1977: 60) three stages on typo‐technological considerations: 70
1. Sarai‐Nahar‐Rai (25° 48’ 0” N.; 81° 50’ 0” E.) Sarai Nahar Rai was discovered in 1968 by an Allahabad University team and was excavated for two seasons, 1971‐72 and 1972‐1973, under the supervision of G.R. Sharma, with assistance from R.K. Varma, V.D. Misra and D. Mandal (Sharma 1973a: 129‐146, 1975: 1‐20; Sharma et al. 1980: 79; IAR 1968‐69: 33‐35; 1969‐70: 43‐44). The site, an open‐air settlement, is situated 15 km southwest of Pratapgarh town and covers an area of 1800 sq m. The site is situated on the shore of an ancient oxbow lake (an isolated meander of the Ganga of terminal Pleistocene times) of river Ganga. The ancient soil is characterised by its salinity, yellow or whitish colour and with heavy calcium content (carbonate of lime nodules and black kankar). The ancient lakebeds are characterized by compactness, fertility and blackish colour. However, when the lakebed held water for most of the year, its shore provided an
open‐air settlement and burial ground for the Mesolithic people. The site revealed good evidence of short duration habitation in the form of structures; 8 hearths, 12 graves (15 skeletons), post‐holes, microliths, stone implements, bone and antler tools, plant and faunal evidence. G.R. Sharma (1973a: 132) has classified the cultural associations of Sarai Nahar Rai as belonging to a geometric pre‐pottery microlithic horizon of the early Mesolithic.
Structural Features: A floor and hearths represent the structural activity at the settlement. Floor: A floor, which was probably used as a community hearth, was excavated (IAR 1971‐72: 49). This community hearth was enclosed by four post‐holes forming an irregular rectangle (Pl. 39; Fig. 15). The floor was paved with burnt clay lump and animal bones; charred and semi‐charred.
Fig. 15: Site plan of Sarai Nahar Rai (After G.R. Sharma 1973a: 137) 71
Pl. 39: View of the floor and postholes of the community hearth at Sarai Nahar Rai (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
The floor was constructed directly on the natural soil. A shallow depression had been made from both the ends of the floor. This was littered with hard pieces of burnt clay, probably collected from the other hearths at the site. After filling the depression, the surface was rammed. The maximum length and width of the floor measured 5.66 m and 4.02 m respectively. A large number of microliths in various stages of manufacture were recovered from this floor. Besides, fragments of bone and shells were also recovered. The post‐holes found were roughly U‐ shaped, with splayed mouths and oblique or flat bottoms. The depth of the post‐holes measured 19 to 20 cm (Sharma 1973a: 140). Hearths: Eleven hearths were noticed of which eight were excavated. The hearths encircle the area of the graves. The shapes of the hearths were circular, oblong and irregular (hexagonal on plan with tapering
sides). They vary in size. The dimensions of the top vary from 1.49 m to 0.70 m., of the bottom from 1.02 m. to 0.45 m., and of the depth from 25 to 10 cm. The hearths were dug out with sharp tools made of horn or hardened wood. Excavation has also yielded horns as tools. All the hearths had a constricted base with a wide mouth and contained charred and semi charred animal bones. The soil of the hearths was comparatively loose and ashy black in colour. Leaves and grass, rather than solid wood was used for roasting. The hearths were used for a short period, and after they were filled with ash, fresh hearths were dug as is evident from the large number of hearths at the site. Besides, there is also evidence of small hearths in which fish, tortoise and rodents might have been roasted. The nature and size of the hearths indicate that, whereas different family units used the smaller ones, the larger ones were presumably used for ritualistic purposes for
72
the entire community (Sharma 1973a: 139‐ 140, 142; Sharma 1975: 17, 18).
Industry: The industry of Sarai Nahar Rai consists of both stone and bone tools they are as follows: Stone Tools: Large numbers of tools, flakes and cores have been recovered in different stages of manufacture. The assemblage indicates local manufacture, though the raw material was not locally available and had been brought from the Vindhyas. The scarcity of the raw material at the site is evident from the fact the cores are extremely small and had been finally discarded when they became useless for removing further flakes.
The lithic industry comprises small and finely retouched stone tools (Fig. 16), such as symmetrical points, lunates, blunted‐ back blades, scrapers and triangles (made on fine‐grained stones, such as chalcedony, agate, jasper and carnelian). Large tools are basically absent. Points and blades predominate over puncturing‐boring tools and arrowheads. Non‐geometric microliths are present in high frequency (Sharma 1973a: 132, 143‐145).
Bone Tools: Bone and antler tools were used as a supplement to stone tools. The bone tools comprise sledges and axes, scrapers and points (Sharma 1973a: 142; Alur 1980: 207‐210).
Fig. 16: Microliths from Sarai Nahar Rai; 1‐4 Symmetrical points; 5 Obliquely retouched blade; 6 Backed blade; 7‐9 Blunted‐back blade; 10 Parallel sided flake; 11 Symmetrical lunates; 13‐14 Asymmetrical lunate; 15‐19 Isosceles triangles; 20 Scalene triangle; 21 Cylindrical core (After G.R. Sharma 1973a: 143)
Burials: The human burials occurred in shallow oblong graves in the habitation area. These grave‐pits were dug in the hard soil, after which a soil cushion of 3‐4 cm thickness was prepared on the floor of the pits to receive the skeletons. A tumulus 5 cm thick was constructed over at least two graves. The skeletal series is composed of 15 specimens (Kennedy et al. 1986: 31). Out of which, 10 are reported (Table 11) in detail.
Table 11 Mesolithic Human Remains from Sarai Nahar Rai Year/ Sex Skeleton No. 1972‐I Male 1973‐II
Male
1972‐III
Male
Age
Orientation
Pathological Features
Young Adult 16 to 18 years Young Adult 20 to 24 years
West‐East West‐East
‐‐‐‐
Young Adult 17 to 19 years
West‐East
73
Reference
Kennedy et al. 1986: 12 Osteoarthritis Kennedy et al. 1986: 12‐14; Novell 1992: 142 Dental enamel Kennedy et al. hypoplasias, Brachial 1986: 14‐16 hyperextension
1973‐III
Female
1973‐IV
Male
1970‐IV
Male
1972‐V
Female
1972‐IX
1972‐X
Uncertain ‐probably male Male
1972‐XIII
Female
Young Adult 17 to 20 years Young Adult 22 to 24 years
West‐East West‐East
Young Adult West‐East 24 to 28 years Young Adult West‐East First half of the fourth decade of life Young Adult West‐East 28 to 34 years Young Adult 22 to 28 years Young Adult 14 to 18 years
West‐East West‐East
Both single and multiple graves were found (Pl. 40). One grave contained four individuals buried at the same time, with two males placed to the right side of two females. There were no infants, child or early adolescent burials. The age for males ranges from 16 to 34 years at the time of death, with mean age range of 17 to 31 years and the cumulative mean of 23.28 years. The age range for females is 15 to 35 years with mean age ranges from 16 to 32.5 years and the cumulative mean of 22.33 years. It is
(occupational marker) ‐‐‐‐
stress
Kennedy et al. 1986: 23‐25 Kennedy et al. Osteoarthritis, Inflammation of knee 1986: 16‐18 joints ‐‐‐‐ Kennedy et al. 1986: 28‐31 Osteoarthritis Kennedy et al. 1986: 25‐26
Arthritic modification
Kennedy et al. 1986: 18‐20
Osteoarthritis, Osteochondroma ‐‐‐‐
Kennedy et al. 1986: 20‐22 Kennedy et al. 1986: 26‐28
interesting to note that these sex and age ranges for Sarai Nahar Rai do not coincide with the ranges obtained from the considerably larger skeletal series from Mahadaha. Of the 26 specimens described from Mahadaha, 18 are males, 6 are females, 1 of uncertain sex, and there is a single child skeleton. The age range for Mahadaha males is 17 to 40 years, and from young adulthood to 60+ years for Mahadaha females.
Pl. 40: Shallow Graves; Multiple burials (Skeleton 1973 – II lower and 1973 –III upper) at Sarai Nahar Rai (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University) 74
Grave goods: The material from the hearth was a part of the burial ritual. Microliths were recovered from the burial pits of Skleton no. V, X and XIII (Sharma 1973a: 135): • Skeleton No. V: A microlithic point was found in the left iliac crest. These were presumably offered as grave‐goods (Sharma 1973a: 136, 139). • Skeleton No. X: A microlithic tool (blunted‐back blade) was found pierced in
the seventh rib of the right side. Two microliths were also found in the left hip‐ girdle and one in the right hip‐girdle and a number of microliths (Sharma 1973a: 138). • Skeleton No. XIII: The grave contained 14 microliths (Pl. 41). Out of which, two microlithic points were found close to the distal end of the right humerus (Sharma 1973a: 138‐139).
Pl. 41: Two microlithic points and right humerus of Skl. XIII at Sarai Nahar Rai (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
The burial has thrown light on their ritual and beliefs. The skeletons were found in an extended supine position, and oriented west‐east with the skulls towards the west. The orientation was evidently determined with reference to the sun or some other celestial body (Sharma 1973a: 135; Sharma 1975: 17). The evidences suggest that the cemetery at the site was predominantly for males (7 males and 3 females) with few females also buried alongside. The symmetry of the grave pits, the orientation of body, the use of the material, the hearth, and from the presence of the burial goods (microliths), it conclusion is evident that the burial‐ritual was fully developed. It is significant to note that the earliest burial
from Bagor has some common features, specifically burying the dead in the extended position in west‐east orientation with one hand along the side and the other across the body (Misra 1971: 67). It is reported that in a few cases (Skl. No. V, IX, X and XIII) shells were offered as grave‐ good at the site (Sharma 1973a: 135), and other scholars have identified these as pieces of coiled pottery (Kennedy et al. 1986: 7). However in close examination these shells were found to be calcified white ant or termite hills in the shape of hollow clay balls (Pandey 1990: 315; Pandey 1996: 283).
75
Pathological Features: The presence of osteoarthritis, osteochondroma and dental enamel hypoplasias are the pathological features seen in the skeletal remains at Sarai Nahar Rai. The presence of osteoarthritis by the onset of the third decade of life is intriguing (Kennedy et al. 1986: 32). A.K. Sharma (1980: 231) has described “due to occupational hazards, work that requires constant vertical movement of the fore arm, this thin bony membrane (olecranon fossa of the humerus) slowly gets rubbed, due to constant strokes of the olecranon of ulna, ultimately resulting in the creation of perforation”. But Kennedy et al. (1986: 34) opines that “the perforation of the olecranon fossa is a marker of physiological stress, in a very broad sense, during the skeletal maturation of ontogenetic development, rather that a result of specific brachial activities of apes and men”. In the non‐ pathological anomalous features at Sarai Nahar Rai skeletal series, three examples of squatting facets (1973‐II, 1972‐X, 1970‐IV) are reported on the distal ends of male tibiae. This feature is an occupational, or habitual, stress indicator having to do with rigorous brachial activities, such as throwing a spear, using a slingshot or hurling stones. This feature is also observed in the Mesolithic skeletal series from Mahadaha and Bhimbetka (Kennedy et al.1986: 35). The single evidence of dental hypoplasias in skeleton 1972‐III is not a direct consequence of periodic or chronic nutritional stress as seen in post‐Mesolithic mortuary series (Due to economic shift, from a nomadic hunting‐gathering way of life to the subsistence based upon agriculture and herding practices). The condition may also reflect a wide range of abnormal health conditions suffered by the individual during the earlier period of life when enamel formation is taking place and the
diet inadequate. Although the dentition shows high mesodonty, a feature, which was of adaptive value for pre‐agricultural, pre‐pastoral populations of South Asia (Kennedy et al. 1986: 35‐36, 43). That the Mesolithic people lived on animal meat as principal diet is also indicated from the condition of the teeth. As most of them died young, the teeth are very well preserved, but almost in each case, on account of munching of bones, the right sides of the teeth, in both the jaws, are considerably grounded and worn out (Sharma 1975: 18). Plant Remains: Soil was collected from a 3.30 m deep deposit at the horseshoe lake of Nevari near Sarai Nahar Rai for pollen analysis, which was conducted by Gupta (1976: 109‐199). Suggesting the presence of open grasslands with low tree cover. These conditions characterize the onset of more arid conditions at the termination of the Pleistocene. And the Gangetic Plain gained pedocalic soil cover and greater salinity. Faunal Remains: The faunal remains are fragmentary, and are most often encountered in hearths, with microliths. Sharma (1973a: 142) has identified the mammals as cattle (Bos indicus, Bos bubulis), sheep (Ovis sp.), goats (Capra sp.) and elephants (Elephas indicus) and reptiles like tortoise (Chelonia sp.). This represents a small proportion of the mammals living in the Ganga‐Yamuna region at the end of the Pleistocene, which included Equus onager khur, elephant (Elephas maximus), bison (Bos garus), Gazella sp., Antelope sp., deer (Cervus sp.), Canis sp., Hystrix sp., and Mus (Dutta 1984: 39; Dassarma and Biswas 1976: 35‐39). Remains of fish and tortoise were also found. The animal bones recovered at the site throw light on the economy of the people. It was primarily based on hunting 76
and fishing and flesh was one of the main dietary items. 2. Mahadaha (25° 29’ 2” N.; 82° 11’ 30” E.) The site is situated 5 km north of Patti town and 31 km to the north‐east of Pratapgarh town. The settlement lies on the western bank of an ancient horseshoe lake and covers an area of 8000 sq m. Two‐seasons (1977‐78 and 1978‐79) of excavations are conducted at the site by Allahabad University. First season V.D. Misra, D. Mandal and J.N. Pal carried out excavation under the supervision of G.R. Sharma (IAR 1977‐78: 58‐59; Sharma et al. 1980: 77‐131). The excavation revealed a single culture tradition of 60 cm thick habitation comprising 4 layers. It revealed 15 graves containing 17 individuals and 8 hearths of four different phases.
In 1978‐79 Mahadaha, west of the previously excavated area, was exposed. The excavation was conducted under the direction of J.N. Pal and under the general supervision of G.R. Sharma (IAR 1979‐80: 59‐60). The excavation was confined under the embankment of the canal. After removal of the embankment in the cemetery‐cum‐habitation area a number of hearths and burials were exposed. The excavation was confined only to the last phase of the settlement. Within the area were found 27 oval or circular hearths. Besides hearths 13 graves with 11 individuals were exposed (IAR 1979‐80: 60; Pal 1985: 28‐37). Stratigraphy: The stratigraphy (Table 12) at Mahadaha brought to light a 60 cm thick deposit divisible into four layers.
Table 12 Stratigraphy at Mahadaha Layers (from top Texture and colour
Thickness
downwards) 1
Very loose in texture and grey to black in colour
10 cm
2
Loose but dark black in colour
13 cm
3
Relatively hard and ashy black in colour
19 cm
4
Ranging from hard to compact, is dark in colour
18 cm
5
Habitation deposit rest on very compact soil of light yellow colour containing calcium carbonate
The excavation brought to light three different complexes; Cemetery‐cum‐ habitation complex, Butchering complex, and Lake area (Fig. 17) Cemetery‐cum‐habitation complex: The excavation in the cemetery‐cum‐habitation area brought to light 60 cm thick habitation deposit. The area occupied the central position within the settlement (Fig. 17). This complex comprises the burials (28 grave containing 32 skeletons) and hearths (35)
(Fig. 18). This was divisible into four layers, each corresponding to one phase. Hearths: The distribution of hearths does not form any pattern (Pl. 42; Fig. 18). They are also not confined to a particular segment but distributed throughout the cemetery‐ cum‐habitation area. Thirty‐five oval and circular hearths were exposed. The long circular hearths had a diameter of 47 cm. In the case of oval hearths the longer axis ranged from 80 to 60 cm and the shorter axis from 70 to 40 cm (Pl. 42). Nine hearths were 77
plastered with wet clay on the bottom and sides, which are burnt black and red. The thickness of plaster varies from 2.5 cm. to 3 cm. In some cases multiple layers of plastering were noticed. Pit hearths (Pl. 42) were either circular or oval in shape, the depth measuring 12 cm. These hearths
contained burnt clay lumps, ash and tiny charred animal bones. The hearth seems to be used for roasting flesh of animals, birds, fish and tortoises. In one of the hearths a bison skull with horns was found (Sharma et al. 1980: 98‐99; Pal 1985: 29).
Fig. 17: Site plan of Mahadaha, showing Habitation‐cum‐Cemetery, Butchering complex and Lake area (After Sharma et al. 1980)
78
Fig. 18: Plan of Mahadaha grave and hearths (After J.N. Pal 1992b: 30) 79
intervening encroachment between them. The dead were buried on the habitation‐site itself, but care was taken to separate the burial ground from the area in which hearths were carved out (Sharma et al. 1980: 85). Graves: Stratigraphically and on the basis of superimposition, the graves are divisible Pl. 42: Pit hearth at Mahadaha (Courtesy, into four different phases of the Mesolithic Department of Ancient History, Culture and culture. Three graves belong to phase I, two Archaeology, Allahabad University) to Phase II, ten to Phase III and thirteen to Phase IV (Table 13). A thin cushion of soft Hearths with evidence of roasted animal soil 4 to 6 cm thick was deposited in the bones of varying sizes have been found grave bed prior to burial of the corpse (Pl. scattered throughout the complex, 44). The grave fill consists of light yellow or sometimes very adjacent to graves and in black soil containing burnt clay lumps and some cases disturbing the burials (Fig. 18). fragments of charred animal bones. Hearth The intervening space of graves is normally residues were also used in filling graves. In occupied by hearth. Interesting to note here some grave goods were also found: is that at Sarai Nahar Rai the hearth enclosed the burials and there is no Table 13 Mesolithic Human Remains from Mahadaha Grave/ Field No./ Year I/ XIV / 1978
Burial/ Pathological Features
Orientation/ Position of the hand / Skull
Sex
Age/ Years
Double Burial/ ‐‐ ‐‐
West‐East / Both hands on chest/ left
Female Male
Young Adult
II/ XIII / 1978
Single/ ‐‐‐‐
West‐East/ ‐‐‐‐ / left
Male
Adult/ 28‐32
III/ XII / 1978
Single/‐‐‐‐
West‐East/ Right hand beside the body, left hand missing/ ‐‐‐‐
Male
Adult
II
IV/ XI / 1978
Single/ Slight marginal lipping on patellae
West‐East/ Right hand beside the body, no evidence of the left hand / left
Male
Young Adult/ 22‐26
Phase
I
80
Reference Kennedy et al. 1992: 115; Pal 1992b: 34, 36‐37; Sharma et al. 1980: 87, 90 Kennedy et al. 1992: 114; Pal 1992 b: 34, 37, 39; Sharma et al. 1980: 87, 90 Kennedy et al. 1992: 113; Pal 1992 b: 34, 37, 39; Sharma et al. 1980: 87, 91 Kennedy et al. 1992: 112; Lovell 1992: 144; Pal 1992 b: 34, 37,39; Sharma et al. 1980: 87, 91
V/ X / 1978
Double Burial/ Slight marginal lipping on vertebral bodies Auditory exostosis
West‐East/ Both hands beside the body/ left
Male Male
Young Adult/ 18‐20 Young Adult/ 18‐20
III
VI/ IX / 1978
Single/‐‐‐‐
West‐East/ Both hands beside the body/ ‐‐‐‐
Male
Young Adult/ 19‐22
VII/ VIII / 1978
Single/ Slight marginal lipping on joint and patella, osteosarcoma
East‐West/ Both hands beside the body/ ‐‐‐‐‐
Male
Adult
VIII/ VII / 1978 IX/ VI / 1978
Single/‐‐‐‐
West‐East/ ‐‐‐‐‐/ ‐‐‐‐
Child
Single/ Marginal lipping on lumber bodies
West‐East/ Both hands beside the body/ ‐‐‐‐‐
Male
Young Adult/ 19‐22
X/ V / 1978
Single/ ‐‐‐‐
Male
Adult
XI/ IV / 1978
Single/‐‐‐‐
West‐East/ Both hands beside the body/ ‐‐‐‐‐ West‐East/ ‐‐‐‐/ ‐‐‐‐
Male
Adult
XII/ III / 1978
Single/ Slight marginal lipping on lumber and scapula
West‐East/ Both hands beside the body/ left
Male
Young Adult/ 24‐28
XV/ VIA/ XV / 1978 XVIII/ XVIII / 1979
Single/‐‐‐‐
West‐East/‐‐‐‐/ ‐‐‐‐
‐‐‐‐
‐‐‐‐
Single/‐‐‐‐
West‐East/Right hand on abdomen, left hand beside the body /Right
‐‐‐‐
Child
Pal 1992 b: 34, 37,46,49
XIX/ XIX / 1979
Single/ Severe marginal lipping
Southeast to Northwest/ Both hands beside the body/ left
Female
Older Adult/ 52‐60
Kennedy et al. 1992: 121; Lovell 1992: 144; Pal 1985: 32‐33; Pal 1992 b: 34, 37,49
81
Kennedy et al. 1992: 39, 108, 110‐111;Lovell 1992: 144; Pal 1992 b: 34, 37, 39, 43; Sharma et al. 1980: 87, 92 Kennedy et al. 1992: 107; Pal 1992 b: 34, 37, 43; Sharma et al.1980: 87, 93 Kennedy et al. 1992: 106; Lovell 1992: 144; Pal 1992 b: 34, 37, 43, 46; Sharma et al. 1980: 87, 94 Pal 1992 b: 34, 37,46; Sharma et al. 1980: 87, 94 Kennedy et al. 1992: 105; Lovell 1992: 144; Pal 1992 b: 34, 37, 46; Sharma et al. 1980: 87, 94‐95 Pal 1992 b: 34, 37,46; Sharma et al. 1980: 87, 95 Kennedy et al. 1992: 105; Pal 1992 b: 34, 37,46; Sharma et al. 1980: 87, 95‐96 Kennedy et al. 1992: 104; Lovell 1992: 144; Pal 1992 b: 34, 37, 46; Sharma et al. 1980: 87, 96 Pal 1992 b: 34, 37,46; Sharma et al. 1980: 87, 98
IV
XIII/ II / 1978
Single/‐‐‐‐
Southeast to Northwes Male / Both hands beside the body/ left
XIV/ I / 1978
Single/ Exostosis
West‐East/ Right hand missing, left hand beside the body/ left
Male
XVI/ XVI /1979
Single/ Slight lipping on lumber bodies
East‐West/ Right hand missing, left hand beside the body/‐‐‐‐
Female
XVII/ XVII /1979
Single/ Marked porosity, pronounced marginal lipping
East‐West / Right hand missing, left hand beside the body/ left
Female
XX/ XX /1979
Single/‐‐‐‐
East‐West/ ‐‐‐‐/ ‐‐‐‐
‐‐‐‐
XXI/ XXI /1979 XXII/ XXII /1979
Single/ Marginal lipping
West‐East/ Right hand folded up, left hands on pelvis/ left West‐East / Both hands beside the body/ left
Male
XXIII/ XXIII /1979
Single/ ‐‐‐‐
West‐East / ‐‐‐‐/ Right Female
XXIV/ XXIV /1979
Single/ ‐‐‐‐
Male
XXV/ XXV /1979
Single/‐‐‐‐
West‐East / Right hand on pelvis, left hand below pelvis / Right West‐East / Both hands beside the body/ left
XXVI/ XXVI (Pl. 14) /1979
Single/ ‐‐‐‐
East‐West/ Both hands beside the body/ left
‐‐‐‐
XXVII/
Single/
Southeast to
Male
Single/ Auditory exostosis
82
Male
Female
Kennedy et al. 1992: 101; Pal 1992 b: 34, 37,49,51; Sharma et al. 1980: 87, 96‐ 97 Kennedy et al. Young 1992: 100; Lovell Adult/ 1992: 144; Pal 18‐21 1992 b: 34, 37, 51; Sharma et al. 1980: 87, 97‐98 Adult Kennedy et al. 1992: 115; Lovell 1992: 144; Pal 1985: 30; Pal 1992 b: 34, 37,51 Kennedy et al. Older 1992: 119; Lovell Adult/ 1992: 144; Pal 50‐60 1985: 31‐32; Pal 1992 b: 34, 37,51 Adult Pal 1985: 33‐34; Pal 1992 b: 34, 37,51 Kennedy et al. Middle 1992: 124; Pal Adult/ 1992 b: 35, 37,53 30‐40 Kennedy et al. Young 1992: 128‐129; Adult/ Lovell 1992: 145; 21‐23 Pal 1985: 34; Pal 1992 b: 35, 37,53, 56 Adult Kennedy et al. 1992: 129; Pal 1985: 35; Pal 1992 b: 35, 37,56 Kennedy et al. Young 1992: 133; Pal Adult/ 1985: 35‐36; Pal 19‐21 1992 b: 35, 37, 56 Adult Kennedy et al. 1992: 134; Pal 1985: 36; Pal 1992 b: 35, 37, 56 (Pl. 13; Fig. 14) Child Kennedy et al. 2.5 to 3.5 1992: 134; Pal 1985: 36‐37; Pal 1992 b: 35, 37, 56, 58 Adult Kennedy et al. Young Adult/ 18‐21
XXVII /1979
Pronounced marginal lipping
Northwest/ ‐‐‐‐/ ‐‐‐‐
XXVIII/ XXVIII /1979
Single/ Pronounced marginal lipping
Southeast to Northwes Female Right hand on abdome hand beside the body /Right
Middle Adult/ 30‐40
1992: 134‐ 135;Lovell 1992: 145; Pal 1992 b: 35, 37, 58 Kennedy et al. 1992: 135; Lovell 1992: 145; Pal 1985: 37; Pal 1992 b:35, 37,58
Pl. 45 Flexed burial (Grave XXIV) at Mahadaha (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Grave goods: Phase II (Graves were filled with a light ashy coloured soil containing clay lumps and charred animal bone fragments). • Grave IV: By the side of cervical vertebrae were found five bone rings (suggesting a bone necklace (Kennedy et al. 1992: 39) (Pl. 43). • Grave V: Near the left side of the skull there was a bone pendant. Seven bone rings were found between the proximal end of the left clavicle and the bone pendant (Kennedy et al. 1992: 43). Phase III (Graves were filled with blackish loose soil containing clay lumps and charred animal bone fragments)
• Grave VII: Two small bone rings and one bone arrowhead (Kennedy et al. 1992: 46). Also reported, two small bone rings. • Grave XII: On the left humerus was a Unio shell. And on the third and fourth cervical vertebrae rested a nonhuman calcaneum, possibly as a grave good (Kennedy et al. 1992: 46). • Grave XVIII: An animal limb bone fragment was found above the child skull, possibly as a grave good (Pal 1985: 32; Kennedy et al. 1992: 49). Phase IV (Graves were filled with loose ashy soil containing cultural material) 83
• Grave XVII: A small animal bone fragment lay adjacent to the lumbar vertebra (Kennedy et al. 1992: 51). • Grave XXI: An uncharred carnivorous animal jaw with sharp pointed teeth was found lying over the 9th thoracic vertebra and left portion of the thorax. A bone arrowhead placed below the pelvic girdle indicates the use of weapons and its purpose after death. Charred animal bone and tortoise bone lying to the left of the skull may have been remains of an offering to the dead. (Pal 1985: 34; Kennedy et al. 1992: 53). • Grave XXII: One bovid tooth was lying between the left humerus and ribs as the only grave good recorded in situ (Pal 1985: 34; Kennedy et al. 1992: 56).
Pl. 43: Grave good (five bone rings) suggesting a bone necklace; Grave IV, Mahadaha (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Pl. 44: Shallow grave for the burial (Grave V), Mahadaha (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
The east‐west or west‐east orientation of burial may be an indication of some belief of the Mesolithic people about the courses of
the sun and moon. The ornaments played some significant role in society. Some male
84
and blackish in colour. The underlying deposit is equivalent to layer 5 (Table 12). Also found from these layers were a large number of animal bones and pieces of burnt clay lump were recovered. Most of the animal bones had signs of cut marks. Majority of them were uncharred while some were in a semi‐charred condition. This horizon was littered with animal bone fragments and not a single human bone was obtained. The animal assemblage comprised remains of cattle (bos), bison (bos garus), hippopotamus, deer, stag, boar (sus) and tortoise (chelonia). The majority of bones belonged to stag and deer (Sharma et al. 1980: 99). Antler pieces obtained from the area had incision marks around their periphery, which throws light on the manufacture of bone ornaments. Rings of varying sizes were also recovered as grave goods from the skeleton recovered from the cemetery‐ cum habitation area. Not a single burial has been located in this complex. Lake Complex: The site is situated on the south‐western corner of a horse‐shoe lake (Fig. 11). Though the lake is full, its profile is clearly demarcated. The low‐lying area in the rainy season is completely inundated. At present the lake area has been converted into rice fields. The area surrounding the lake is marked by alkaline soil. The excavation in the lake area clearly indicated that the deposit was lacustrine in character. Exploration conducted by the excavators revealed that animal bones were found scattered over 1,344 sq. m. The excavation revealed a 30 cm thick Mesolithic deposit. The formation was composed of compact clay with dark blackish or grayish colour. The texture was muddy and also contained small sized calcium granules. The layers particularly of
skeletons are reported with such grave goods (Table 13). Most of the pathological features displayed (Table 13) in the skeletal series are characterized as degenerative joint disease, or osteoarthritis. As with Sarai Nahar Rai series, these features appear at an unusually early age i.e., early 20’s. These generative features are manifested principally as marginal lipping on vertebral bodies. Additional pathological features include exostosis, auditory exostosis, osteosarcoma or bone tumor, and cartilaginous exostosis. Several occupational stress markers including squatting facets, and the hyper development of muscles of the forearm that may indicate a habitual activity like spear throwing or use of a sling. Also are the reports of bowing of long weight‐bearing bones in five individuals, which may have resulted due to childhood rickets or osteomalacia, or may alternatively normal individuals. No example of bowing is reported from Sarai Nahar Rai series (Kennedy et al. 1992: 143). The dental pathology profile for Mahadaha indicates a subsistence pattern of hunting and gathering, while the degree of dental attrition suggests a heavily abrasive diet. The prevalence of low dental caries is the single most indicator of diet, and implies that their diet was low in carbohydrates, refined sugars and sticky foods. The high frequency of mild enamel hypoplasias suggests that the growth disruption were common and chronic, but not debilitating (Kennedy et al. 1992: 262). Butchering complex: The butchering area is situated immediately to the east of the main settlement (Fig. 17). The occupation deposit of about 1.2 m divisible into three layers was excavated here. The lowermost layer, i.e. 3rd with a thickness of 26 cm belonged to the Mesolithic phase. It is loose in texture 85
the Mesolithic levels had sloped down from west to east, suggesting thereby that there was a depression towards the eastern side. The layers yielded burnt clay lumps, microliths, querns, mullers, ochre pieces and thousand of animal’s bones. They were in charred, semi‐charred and uncharred condition. The bones obtained from the lake area are either of animals like Bos indicus, Bos gaurus, hippopotamus, antelope and
deer, pig, sheep and goat, birds or aquatic creatures like tortoise, snails and fish. Lithic Tools: The lithic industry of Mahadaha is marked by its small size due to the scarcity of raw material (Fig. 19). The lack of rolling and the retention of sharp edges of the tools on the one hand, and the abundance of flakes and debitage on the other, furnish proof of the manufacture of tools at the site.
Fig. 19 Microliths from Mahadaha; 1‐7 Parallel sided blades; 8‐12 Blunted backed blades; 13 Penknife; 14 Notched blade; 15 Trapeze; 16‐18 Triangles; 19‐22 Lunates; 23‐24 Borers; 25‐32 Points; 33‐ 40 Scrapers (After Sharma et al. 1980: 103) 86
divisible into two groups; mullers, which are rounded or oval in shape and have been worked all over the body, and slightly elongated mullers (Sharma et al. 1980: 105‐ 106).
Microlithic assemblage recovered from the excavations in burial‐cum‐habitation, butchering and the lake area consists of chips, cores and finished tools totalling 1,502 pieces in which 92.21% are chips, 2% are cores and only 5.79% are finished tools. The lithic artefacts were flaked off on chert (53.39%), chalcedony (35.81%), carnelian (6.19%), agate (2.46%), quartz (1.73%), and crystal (0.39%). A total of 87 tools, were classified typologically by the excavator, have been classified within nine categories. The microlithic industry of Mahadaha is essentially a blade‐dominated industry (Table 14).
Bone Objects: The presence of large number of bone objects at the site shows that man had started experimenting and exploring a new basis of tools and supplementing their tools (Sharma et al. 1980: 107‐109). The 45 bone objects are divisible into three groups; Implements, Ornaments and Utensils (Sharma et al. 1980: 107‐109).
• Implements: The group comprises arrowhead (22: 48.8%), points (13: 28.8%), blade (1: 2.2%), knives (2: 4.4%), chisel (1: 2.2%), scrapers (2: 4.4%), saw (1: 2.2%) and others (3: 6.6%) (Pl. 46). The tools found were in various stages of manufacture. The split of tubular bones were preferred; which were subsequently rubbed. Besides, small sized horn cores of sheep, goat and occasionally of stag were used. Some tools have shining surfaces probably due to constant use. The evidence of blunting and sharpening is also distinct, particularly in knives and blades. The working edges of some implements are retouched and serrated.
Table 14 Typological Classification of tools, Mahadaha Tool Type Number Percentage Parallel sided 27 31.03 blades Points 20 22.98 Blunted back 17 19.54 blades Lunates 8 9.19 Scarpers 8 9.19 Triangles 3 3.44 Notched blades 2 2.29 Borers 1 1.14 Trapeze 1 1.14 Total 87 100
Stone objects: A total of 700 odd pieces of stone objects mostly of sandstone were collected (Sharma et al. 1980: 102‐107) from the surface, while others were found during excavation, particularly in the lake area. Of these 301 pieces were used for utilitarian purposes, mainly used as tools for food processing. The assemblage consists of querns (191: 63.45%), sharpeners (70: 23.25%), mullers (25: 8.30%), anvils (4: 1.32%), hammers (6: 1.99%), muller‐cum‐ anvils (2: 0.66%), and sling balls (3: 0.99%).
Querns were found in fragments and are divisible into two groups; flat and in some cases pitted working surface querns and concave working surface querns. The mullers on the basis of morphology are
Pl. 46: Bone implements, Mahadaha (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University) 87
• Ornaments: Ornaments made on antlers (19 finished and 7 unfinished) were found in three graves (Grave IV, V, and VII) at Mahadaha (Pl. 47). The assemblage includes rings, earrings and necklaces. The earrings are open at one end, for inserting in the lobe of the ear. They are small sized, measuring 1.1 cm in diameter and 0.2 cm thick and large sized earrings, measuring 5.1 cm in diameter and 0.6 cm thick.
Pl. 47: Bone ornaments (ear rings, finger rings and necklace), Mahadaha (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
A part of a necklace with 11 small rings each measuring 3.6 cm in diameter and 5 cm thick, and perforation were found. A number of antlers with incisions and deep grooves were reported. These show the initial stages of manufacturing. After the pieces were detached from antlers, they were rubbed from all sides for getting the desired shape of the ornaments. Plant Remains: The pollen analysis of soil sample from lake area indicated sediments are polleniferous. The pollen grains recovered were like grass type, compositae type, monocolpate, pinus, and a large number of detached fungal spores were reported from the soil (Pant & Pant 1980: 230). Biostratigraphy and lithostratigraphy indicates a fourfold climatic oscillation from very arid to semi‐humid through arid and semi arid (Sharma et al. 1980: 111). 88
Faunal Remains: The faunal remains recovered, particularly from the butchering and lake area included thousands of bones. The bones found were in charred semi‐ charred and uncharred condition. The species comprise (Alur 1980: 211) cattle (Bos indicus), sheep/ goat (Ovidae/ Capridae), antelope and deer (Cervidae), bison (Bos garus), hippopotamus (Hippopotamus palacindicus), swine (Sus scorfa), horse (Equidae), carnivores (Carnivoridae), rat (Rattus rattus), tortoise (Chelonia), fish and birds (Gallus Galliformes). Animals like bison and hippopotamus require a more humid climate than the one prevailing in the area at present. Thus, suggesting a greater evidence of rainfall and swampy conditions during the Mesolithic period (Sharma et al. 1980: 110). 3. Damdama (26° 10’ N.; 82° 10’ 36” E.) The site is situated 5 km north‐west of Mahadaha in Warikalan village in Pratapgarh district and covers an area of 8,750 sq m. The site, roughly circular in shape, is situated on a slightly high ground on the confluence of two branches of Tambura nala, a tributary of Phili river. These two nalas are actually remnants of an ancient horse‐shoe lake that has now silted up. Five‐season (1982‐83 to 1986‐87) excavation was carried out by the team of Allahabad University. R.K. Varma, V.D. Misra, J.N. Pandey and J.N. Pal carried out excavation from 1982‐84. The excavation from 1985‐87 was carried under the direction of V.D. Misra, J.N. Pandey, J.N. Pal and assisted by D.K. Shukla, M.C. Gupta, H.N. Kar, L.K. Tewari, V.N. Rai, Rajendra Prasad, V.K. Khatri and Sanjay Kumar (IAR 1982‐83: 99‐100; IAR 1983‐84: 90‐92; IAR 1985‐86: 83‐84; IAR 1986‐87: 83‐ 84; Varma et al. 1985: 45‐65). Stratigraphy: The excavation at the site was conducted in three sectors of the mound‐ western, central and eastern. Excavation
revealed a continuous and uninterrupted habitation deposit of 1.50 m thickness, divisible into 10 layers (Table 15) (Varma et
al. 1985: 52‐53; IAR 1985‐86: 83‐84; IAR 1986‐ 87: 83‐84).
Table 15 Stratigraphy at Damdama Layers (from top Deposit Thickness (cm) downwards) 1 Irregular deposit of 21 soft yellowish clay accumulated at the site after it was deserted 2 It is a loose ashy Varies from 3 to 6.5 deposit and marks the end of the Mesolithic.
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
Cultural Material
Wheel made potsherds, glass bangles, microliths, semi‐ charred and uncharred animal bones, human bones and burnt clay. Microliths, charred animal bones, burnt clay lumps and quern fragments. Hearths (No. 4, 5, 6) and Grave No. (I, III) were found sealed by this layer. animal bone Composed of hard Central sector: 2.5 to 5 Charred ashy black soil Western sector: 5 to 19 fragments, microliths, burnt clay lumps and floor (J2/FI). Eastern sector: 3 to 6 Grave Nos. (II, V, VI, VII, VIII) was found sealed by this layer. Composed of hard Central sector: 5 to 8.5 Microliths, burnt clay lumps, black deposit Western sector: 9 to 7 charred animal bones and Eastern sector: 13 to 20 floor (J2/FII). Grave No. (IX) was found sealed by this layer. This layer is almost Central sector: 5 to 8.5 Microliths, burnt clay lumps, similar in nature Western sector: 8 to 10 charred animal bones and and composition to Eastern sector: 8 to 11 floor (J2/FIII). Grave No. (X) was found the layer 4 except sealed by this layer. that it is slightly harder than the preceding layer. Burnt clay lumps, charred and Composed of Central sector: 6 to 9 compact black clay Western sector: 2.5 to uncharred bones, microliths and floor (J2/ FIV) 10 deposit Eastern sector: 12 to 18 Deposit is black in Central sector: 8 to 14 Burnt clay lumps, charred colour Western sector: 6 to animal bones, microliths and quern fragment. 15.5 Eastern sector: 9 to 17 Grave No. (XI) was found sealed by this layer. Similar in Central sector: 7 to 13 Burnt clay lumps, charred composition to the Western sector: 9 to 17 animal bones, microliths, two Eastern sector: 19 to 16 burnt plastered floors (M‐7/FI, preceding layer M‐7/ FII) Similar in Central sector: 8 to 16 Burnt clay lumps, charred composition to the Western sector: 4 to 7 animal bones and microliths preceding layer with Eastern sector: 19 to 36 the difference that it 89
has got some yellowish bands or patches of the natural soil 10 Is compact and Central sector: 13 to 18 Burnt clay lumps, charred and blackish in colour Western sector: 4 to 12 uncharred animal bones, Eastern sector: 6 to 18 microliths. and Hearth (No. 7) and Grave No. (XII) were found sealed by this layer Sterile Below the 10th Natural soil was Central sector: 37 layer struck in all sectors. Western sector: 10 It is yellowish in Eastern sector: 8 colour and has calcium carbonate
Structural Features: The structural features No. 1 (in WH‐6 square), 2 (in WI‐7 square) in the three areas/sectors are dealt (Varma et and 3 (in WJ‐7 and WJ‐8 squares), sealed by al. 1985: 48‐52) separately (Fig. 20): layer 3. An oblong pit‐hearth (in WS‐3 square) with a length of 52 cm and a depth Western Area/ Sector: The excavation in of 15 cm was found sealed by layer 4. A this area brought light to: hearth (in WP‐3 square) was found sealed by layer 8. Hearths: A plastered hearth (in WS‐3 square) was found sealed by layer 2. Hearth Central Area/ Sector: The excavation in this area brought light to:
Fig. 20 Site plan of Damdama (After Varma et al. 1985: 49) 90
Floors: Within the layer 3 (having a thickness of 3 to 13 cm) a burnt plaster (J2/FI) of 2.5 cm thickness was made of yellow natural soil. This plaster (in J‐2 square) had a levelled surface and sloped towards the west. A similar floor (J2/FII) of burnt yellowish natural clay with a maximum thickness of 3 cm was found within the layer 4. There is a gap of 4 cm between FI and FII. At an interval of 7 cm another floor (J2/ FIII, 4 cm thick) of similar type as described above was found (in J‐2 square). This is highly burnt and has three parallel and regular bands of natural yellow clay in between them. It seems that natural yellow soil was put after each burning activity. However, the purpose is not ascertained. The floor (FIV) characterised by highly burnt red plaster with thickness varying from 3 cm to 3.5 cm was found below J‐2/ FIII. There was a band of yellow soil above the burnt plaster of FIV. Below FIV in layer 7 three bands of natural yellow clay were observed. A fragment of quern was also noticed (in J‐1 square). The association of the quern fragment in the burnt plaster (FIV) is interesting. A plastered burnt floor was found (in M‐7 square) sealed by layer 8. A circular floor measuring 5.35 m in the north‐south axis while its east‐west measured 5.30 m was excavated. Microliths, querns and mullers, burnt clay lumps and animal bone fragments were found scattered on the floor. Complete mullers were found to the south‐west of the floor. At places, the floor had clear evidence of burnt plaster. Excavation of the floor also revealed the evidence of burying the dead within the floor. Four graves of two phases were found just below this floor (IAR 1986‐ 87: 83). Multiple layers of burnt‐red plaster mark the second floor located in the northern part of the excavated area. The floor was
elliptical in shape and sloping towards the periphery. Its longer axis running north‐ west to south‐east measured 5.63 m and shorter axis measured 4.20 m. Five post‐ holes around the periphery of the floor were located. Small fragments of highly charred animal bones, microliths, a bone arrowhead and quern fragments were also found in situ from the floor (IAR 1986‐87: 83). Hearths: Hearth No. 4 (in N‐8 and N‐9 squares) and 5 (in O‐10 square) sealed by layer 2. A circular pit‐hearth was exposed (in K‐16 square) in layer 2. Burnt clay lumps, very small fragments of charred animal bones and ashy clay was found from this pit‐hearth. A segment of a large circular hearth was found (in O‐11 square) on the top of layer 7 along with microliths, burnt clay lumps and animal bone fragments. A pit hearth (in M‐8 and M‐9 squares) was found cut into the natural soil and was sealed by layer 10. A good number of pit hearths and burnt plaster were also exposed (IAR 1986‐87: 83‐ 84). Off these, a cluster of hearths and burnt plaster, sealed by layer 4 was revealed. The sides of the hearths were plastered. The average depth of the hearths was 20 cm: • Hearth A‐ Circular in shape and measuring (85 × 80 cm.) was found full of burnt and semi‐burnt clay lumps and small charred bones. • Hearth B‐ Rectangular in shape and measuring (56 × 40 cm.) was excavated. • Hearth C‐ Elliptical in shape and measuring (133 × 60 cm.) was excavated. A cluster of four burnt flat plasters in the vicinity of these hearths was also located. On the basis of overlapping, these plasters, which are elliptical in shape, were divided into four different phases. 91
• Unmodified waste (3683 pieces; 88.75%). These are the unretouched and unutilised artefacts (Table 16; Fig. 15a), and • Finished and utilised artefacts (514 pieces; 12.25%). Table 14 shows different types of artefacts found at the site. Blades essentially dominate the lithic industry at Damdama (Figs. 21, 22). The lunates and backed blades start coming from the lowest layer 10 and scalene and isosceles triangles and percoirs from layer 9. Trapeze first appears in layer 5 (Pal 1986a: 3).
Eastern Area/ Sector: No structural features and graves are reported from the excavation in eastern sector. Evidence of lumps of burnt clay, fragments of charred and uncharred animal bones were found throughout the deposit. Lithic Industry: A fairly large number of microliths have been collected from different layers. The microlithic industry of Damdama is classified as pre‐pottery and geometric (Varma et al. 1985: 60). The microliths recovered from the excavation are divided into two broad categories:
Fig. 21: Microlithic tools from Damdama; 1‐5 Unmodified blade; 6 Core trimming blade; 7‐10 Core; 11‐12 Exhausted core; 13‐16 Blade with use mark; 15‐23 Retouched blades; 24‐27 Retouched and truncated blades; 28‐33 Straight backed blades; 34‐44 Convex backed blades; 45‐46 Partly backed blades; 47 Partly backed and truncated blade; 48‐54 Straight backed and truncated blades; 55‐56 Convex backed and truncated; 57‐65 Lunates; 66‐76 Isosceles triangles; 77‐83 Scalene triangles; 84‐85 Trapezoid; 86‐87 Trapeze; 88‐91 Drill; 92‐95 Percoirs (After Varma et al. 1985: 59)
92
Fig. 22 Microlithic tools from Damdama; 1‐3 Traverse arrowhead cum drill; 4 Burin; 5‐8 Microburin; 9‐18 Retouched flakes and scrapers (After Varma et al. 1985: 60)
Table 16 Distribution of unmodified waste, Damdama (After J.N. Pal 1986a: 2) Layers 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Artefact type Blade 19 5 3 3 1 4 Blade 157 18 10 8 5 6 7 4 8 fragments Flake 199 34 7 20 8 6 9 4 4 Flake 1752 352 178 110 150 90 74 150 78 fragments Exhausted 20 4 1 3 3 1 1 C Fragments 20 5 1 2 2 2 o Single 9 2 1 r platform e Double 6 3 1 1 1 platform Flake 9 1 Total 64 15 4 5 5 1 3 2 13 5 3 4 1 3 1 Core Trimming Flake 8 4 3 4 Core Rejuvenating Flake Total 2212 433 205 149 172 105 100 163 99 93
10
Total %
1
35 224
0.950 6.082
2 45
296 2979
8.073 80.88 5
1
99 31
2.688 0.841
19
0.515
31
3683
100
Table 17 Finished and utilized artefacts at Damdama Finished and utilized artefacts Utilized blades/ blade fragments Normal retouched blades/ blade fragments Inversely retouched blades/ blade fragments Normal and inversely retouched blades/ blade fragments Quchlata retouched blades/ blade fragments Straight backed blades/ blade fragments Convex backed blades/ blade fragments Concave backed blades Partly backed and retouched blades/ blade fragments Double backed blades/ blade fragments Backed and truncated blades/ blade fragments Truncated blades/ blade fragments Scalene triangles Isosceles triangles Trapezoid Trapezes Lunates Percoirs Drills Transverse arrow heads Tip of triangles/ misc. Utilized flakes Normal scrapers Concave scrapers Convex scrapers Notch scrapers Micro‐burins Total
The analysis of the artefacts shows (Table 18) that the most popular raw material was chalcedony. Though the raw material used here is not available in this region and was perhaps imported from the Vindhyan region, which is the nearest source of cryptocrystalline group of rocks. Regular contact with the people in the Vindhyas through migratory bands of people and a
Numbers 12.79 53.60 16.81 4.19 10.50 78.83 66.21 2.09 7.35 5.25 22.07 8.40 37.83 51.50 3.15 5.25 45.19 13.66 9.45 4.19 3.15 7.35 6.30 5.25 3.15 3.15 8.40 514
Percentage % 2.249 10.429 3.271 0.817 2.044 15.337 12.883 0.408 1.431 1.022 4.294 1.635 7.361 10.020 0.613 1.022 8.793 2.658 1.840 0.817 0.613 1.431 1.226 1.022 0.613 0.613 1.635 100
system of exchange cannot be ruled out (Varma et al. 1985: 64). Also there is a possibility (Pal 1986a: 1) that the Pleistocene and Holocene deposits might have brought with their alluvium the gravels and chalcedony, chert nodules from the hills, and the Mesolithic inhabitants in the Ganga valley collected them from these deposits.
Table 18 Distribution of raw material, Damdama (After J.N. Pal 1986a: 3) Layer Chalcedony Chert Quartz Agate 1 1737 750 53 41 2 339 97 9 8 3 159 61 ‐‐‐‐ 3 4 135 22 ‐‐‐‐ 2
94
Carnelian 7 2 ‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐
Total 2588 455 223 159
5 6 7 8 9 10 Total Percentage
169 99 92 145 81 49 3005 71.59%
15 16 17 47 12 7 1044 24.87%
1 2 1 4 3 1 74 1.76%
The very poor quality of lithic raw material found at Damdama suggests a local source, rather than derivation from high quality chalcedony and chert available in the hills (Pal 1986a: 1). Stone Objects: The excavation at Damdama yielded a total of 166 stone objects. They are querns (141 in number; 84.94%), mullers cum anvils (6 in number; 3.61%), mullers (10 in number; 6.02%), hammer‐stones (8 in number; 4.82%) and retoucher (1; 0.60%). The finding of these heavy stones in the Ganga valley is intriguing. The fact that stones are completely absent in the area within the radius of 100 km suggests that they must have played an important role in the economy. A large number of stone objects (127 objects) were collected from the surface. The finding of such stone objects might have been a prized possession and was probably passed from generation to generation (Varma et al. 1985: 64). Bone Industry: The site of Damdama yielded 92 arrowheads and 13 utilized horns. Antler bones were used for making bone arrowheads. They were usually circular or oval in section with one of the ends sharpened by grinding. It is thicker towards the proximal end, tapering towards the distal end, which is the pointed end. Bone horn cores were also used as tools for digging (Varma et al. 1985: 63‐64). Every second or third bone in the collection was a worked bone, if not a well‐made tool. This also perhaps explains the large quantity of small unidentifiable chips that were by‐
1 3 1 ‐‐‐‐ 1 1 61 1.45%
‐‐‐‐ ‐‐‐‐ 2 1 1 ‐‐‐‐ 13 0.30%
186 120 113 197 98 58 4197 100%
products of the bone industry at Damdama. Bone objects comprise arrowheads, points, blades, knives, chisel, scrapers and saws. Since stone was scarce, bone was the best alternative raw material for tool manufacture (Thomas et al. 1995b: 32; Thomas et al. 1996: 258‐259). Ornaments: Five ornaments of bone and ivory were found (two from surface and three during excavation) at Damdama. Out of these three are pendants, one unfinished bone bead and one piece of a bangle (Varma et al. 1985: 63‐65). However, the wearing of ornaments was not common practice as only a few graves have yielded ornaments. It may be assumed that these belonged to people who enjoyed a special position in society (Pal 1994: 100). • Pendants: Two pendants are made on thick flat pieces of bones, they have black shining surfaces and have hole in each of them. A pendant has seven circular marks on one side. The third pendant (ivory) is rectangular in shape having two eyes on either end. This was found with Grave No. VII along with two arrowheads. • Bead: The bead is unfinished. It is a minute tubular piece of bone with a circular cross‐section. There are three deep incisions indicating that the marker intended to make three beads. • Bangle: Only a segment of the bangle has been obtained. It is made on a tubular long bone of an animal. It has a smooth surface due produced by rubbing.
95
• Numerous nodules of haematite and ochre with rubbed surfaces have been found. Possibly that ochre was used to paint the face and other parts of the body (Pal 1994: 100). Burials: The excavation in the western and central sectors revealed as many as 41 (48 skeletons) graves (Table 19). The technique of the preparation of graves in the different
phases shows a very close similarity with each other. The graves are shallow and oblong with tapering sides (Pl. 48). Some fire activity was performed before the internment of the skeletons in the graves. The burials were noticed in proximity with the hearth. Clear evidence of building tumulus over the graves was noticed, which was missing at Mahadaha (Varma et al. 1985: 54).
Pl. 48: Shallow and oblong grave with tapering sides; Double burial (Grave VI), Damdama (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Grave Goods: Grave VII: Two long antler arrowheads and an ivory pendant with two holes on either end was found, placed near the foot of skeleton as burial goods. The grave was prepared on hearths (Varma et al. 1985: 50). • Grave XVI and XVIII: Long arrowheads of bone have been found (Pal 1988: 117). • Grave XXXVII: A pointed conical arrowhead of red sandstone was found near the head. • Grave XL: A cluster of seven unused unrubbed bright red coloured haematite
pieces was placed together near the foot of grave. Pathology: The dental pathology for females, have a higher prevalence of caries, abscesses, ante mortem tooth loss, and pulp exposures. In contrast, males tend to display higher prevalences of calculus, alveolar resorption, and enamel hypoplasia. The three most commonly occurring lesions‐ enamel hypoplasia, calculus, and alveolar resorption are the same at Mahadaha and Damdama.
96
Out of 41 graves; single burials, double burials (Grave no. VI, XX, XVI, XXX and XXXVI) and a triple burial (Grave no. XVIII) were exposed (Table 16; Pl. 48, Fig. 23). The orientation being west‐east, the head being towards the west except in graves I and XIX where the skeletons were laid in east‐west direction. All the skeletons were laid in
extended and supine position. In Grave XXVIII, and I the skeleton have been laid in flexed position. The skeleton in grave XI has been placed in a prone position and in Grave no. VIII it is in a lateral position. The graves have yielded microliths, burnt and semi‐burnt pieces of bones and bone objects (Pal 1988: 116‐117).
Table 19 Mesolithic Human Remains, Damdama Phase
Grave No. Burial
Orientation
Sex
Age
References Year/ Sector/, Sealed by layer no.
I
XII
Single
West‐East
Female
Adult
1985
II
XXXVIII
Single
West‐East
Male
Old Adult
1987
III
XVI
Double Burial
West‐East
Male
Adult
1985
XVII
Single
East‐West
Male
Adult
1985
XL
‐‐‐‐
‐‐‐‐
‐‐‐‐
‐‐‐‐
Not Excavated
IV
XI
Single
West‐East
Male
Adult
1984/ Central (in N‐12, N‐13 and N‐14 squares)/7
V
XX
Double Burial
West‐East
Female Male
Young Adult Adult
VI
XXII
Single
West‐East
Male
Young Adult
1986/ Central (in O‐6 square)/6 1986/ Central/ 6
X
Single
West‐East
Female
Adult
1984
XV
Single
West‐East
Female
Adult
1985
97
Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 61 IAR 1986‐87: 84; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 62 Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 62 Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 62 Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 62 Varma et al.1985: 50; IAR 1986‐87: 84; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 62 IAR 1985‐86: 83; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 62 IAR 1985‐86: 84; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 62 Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 62 Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 62
IX
‐‐‐‐
‐‐‐‐
‐‐‐‐
‐‐‐‐
VII
XIV
Single
West‐East
‐‐‐‐
‐‐‐‐
XXVII
Single
North‐West to South‐ East
Male
Adult
VIII
II
Single
West‐East
Male
Adult
IV
Single
West‐East
‐‐‐‐
‐‐‐‐
V
Single
West‐East
Female
Adult
VI
Double Burial
South‐North Female
Adult
VII
Single
West‐East
Male
Young Adult
VIII
Single
West‐East
Male
Adult
XVIII
Triple Burial
West‐East
XXX
Double Burial
West‐East
Male Male Female Female
Adult Adult Adult
XXXII
Single
South West Male –North East
Young Adult
XXXIII
Single
West‐East
Adult
Male 98
1984 (Disturbed) / Western (in WS‐2 and WS‐3 squares)/ 4 1985
Varma et al 1985: 48; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 62
Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 62 IAR 1986‐87: 1987 84; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 62 Varma et al 1983/ Western (in 1985: 48; Pal 43; WI‐5, WI‐6 1992a: and WI‐7 Pal 1992c: 62 squares)/3 1984 Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 62 1984 Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 62 Varma et al. 1984/ Central (in 1985: 48; Pal 43; N‐9, N‐10 1992a: and O‐10 Pal 1992c: 62 squares)/3 Varma et al. 1984/ Central (in 1985: 50; Pal 43; M‐12, M‐13 1992a: and M‐14 Pal 1992c: 62 squares)/ 3 Varma et 1984/ Western (in al.1985: 48; WS‐2, WT‐ Pal 1992a: Pal 2, WS‐3 43; and WT‐3 1992c: 62 squares)/ 3 1985‐86 Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 62 IAR 1986‐87: 1987 84; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 62 IAR 1986‐87: 1987 84; Pal 1992a: 43 1987 Pal 1992a:
XXXVI
Double Burial
West‐East
Female Male
Adult Young Adult
XXXVII
Single
West‐East
Female
Young Adult
XXXIX
Single
North‐East to South‐ West
Male
Adult
IX
I
Single
East‐West
Female
Adult
III
Single
West‐East
Female
Adult
XIII XIX
Single Single
West‐East East‐West
Female Male
Adult Adult
XXI
Single
West‐East
Female
Adult
XXIII
Single
North‐East to South‐ West
Female
Adult
XXIV
Single
North‐East to South‐ West
Male
Adult
XXV
Single
North‐East to South‐ West
Female
Adult
XXVI
Single
North‐East to South‐ West
Female
Young Adult
99
43; Pal 1992c: 62 IAR 1986‐87: 1987 84; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 63 IAR 1986‐87: 1987 84; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 63 IAR 1986‐87: 1987 84; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 63 Varma et al. 1983/ Western (in 1985: 48; Pal 43; WI‐5 and 1992a: Pal 1992c: 63 WI‐6 squares)/3 Varma et al. 1984/ Central (in 1985: 50; Pal 43; K‐1, K‐2 1992a: and K‐3 Pal 1992c: 63 squares)/ 2 1985 Pal 1992a: 43 IAR 85‐86: 1986/ Pal Western (in 83; 1992a: 43 I‐16 square)/ 2 IAR 85‐86: 1986/ Pal Central (in 84; 43; V‐3 and W‐ 1992a: 3 squares)/ Pal 1992c: 63 on top of layer 3 IAR 1986‐87: 1987 84; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 63 IAR 1986‐87: 1987 84; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 63 IAR 1986‐87: 1987 84; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 63 IAR 1986‐87: 1987 84; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 63
XXVII
Single
South‐West to North‐ East
Male
Adult
1987
XXIX
Single
South‐West to North‐ East
Male
Adult
1987
XXXI
Single
West‐East
‐‐‐‐
‐‐‐‐
1987
XXXIV
Single
South‐West to North‐ East
Male
Adult
1987
XXXV
Single
West‐East
‐‐‐‐
Adult
1987
XLI
‐‐‐‐
‐‐‐‐
‐‐‐‐
‐‐‐‐
Not Excavated
IAR 1986‐87: 84; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 63 IAR 1986‐ 87:84; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 63 Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 63 IAR 1986‐87: 84; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 63 IAR 1986‐87: 84; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 63 IAR 1986‐87: 84; Pal 1992a: 43; Pal 1992c: 63
Plant Remains: The plant remains from the habitation area include seeds of wild plants; fathen (Chenopodium sp. cf alba Linn.), purslane (Portulaca cf oleracea L.), wild grass (Heteropogon cf contortus? L.), portulaceae, polygonaceae, solanaceae and labiatae types. A few intermediate graminaceous types were also noticed (IAR 1986‐87: 131; Kajale 1990: 100; Kajale 1996: 252). The excavation has also yielded millet like charred grains from all the excavated layers, and charred seeds of ber (IAR 1985‐86: 84; Pal 1994: 100). Faunal Remains: About 90% of the bones from Damdama are charred or semi‐charred and were generally roasted in the pit hearths (Varma et al. 1985: 65; Pal 1994:100). Mammals constituted a major source of food at Damdama. More than 30 species of animals have been identified, comprising Fig. 23: Double (Grave XX) and Multiple (Grave mammals 77.39%, reptiles (12.1%), birds XVIII) burials, Damdama (After J.N. Pal 1988: (8.96%) fish (1.25%) and molluscus (0.30%). 30) The faunal assemblage at Damdama 100
constitute; Bos indicus, Bos sp., Bos garus, Bubalus arnee, Capra (domestic), Capra sp. (wild), Axis axis, Axis porcinus, Axis sp., Cervus sp. Muntiacus muntjak, Moschus moschiferus, Tragulus memina, Boselaphus tragocamelus, Tetracerus quadricornis, Antilope cervicapra, Gazella bennetti, Sus scrofa, Sus salvanius, Canis lupus, Canis aureus, Canis sp., Vulpes bengalensis, Melursus ursinus, Herpestes edwardsi, Hystrix indica, Rattus rattus, Bandicota indica, Rhinoceros unicornis, Elephas maximus, Gallus gallus, Trionyx gangeticus, Lissemys punctata, Chitra indica, Varanus monitor, Calotes versicolor, Pila globosa (Thomas et al. 1996: 257,259). Mammals like rats, hare and porcupine were represented by fewer bones. Birds and tortoise also played an important role in the nourishment. Fish, molluscs and reptiles
like Trionyx gangeticus, Varanus sp. and Calotes versicolor also share in the food economy at the site (Thomas et al. 1996: 258). The aquatic, avian and mammalian resources indicate that there was a specific trend as to which resources were used as against alternative ones (Table 20). The mammalian and aquatic contribution shows a cyclical trend (two phases of increase and two phases of decrease). The increase and decrease in the contribution of mammals were respectively compensated by corresponding decrease and increase of birds. In other words, the changes in the use of mammalian resources were mainly compensated by equivalent changes in the hunting of birds (Thomas et al. 1995b: 34, 36).
Table 20 Changes in animal resources management at Damdama (Thomas et al. 1995b: 36) Changes mammals Layers Changes in other resources Decrease
10‐8
Reduction in mammals mainly compensated by increase in birds
Increase
7‐5
Increase in mammals mainly compensated by decrease in aquatic resources in layer 7 and by birds in layer 6 and 5
Decrease
4‐3
Reduction in mammals mainly compensated by increase in birds
Increase
2‐surface
Increase in mammals mainly compensated by aquatic resources in layer 7 and by birds in layer 6 and 5
In the western sector an uncharred animal bone (in WO‐4 square), possibly of an elephant or rhinoceros was found. It was 18.5 cm in length and 9.5 cm thick (Varma et al. 1985: 48). In the central area a complete vertebra of a big animal, possibly elephant (in S‐7 and T‐7 squares) was found. A few big long animal bones and scapula were found in V‐11 square (IAR 1985‐86: 84). It was postulated that the carcasses or the isolated bones were collected and were utilized for making tools (Thomas et al. 1996: 259). Majority of these bones have cut marks. Thus, these bones were cut off from the original carcass and were dumped at
101
one place near the settlement for further use. Long animal bones (in V‐11 square) along with microliths and burnt clay lumps were found on the top of layer 3 (IAR 1985‐86: 84). However the evidence of microliths with these long animal bones is intriguing. Possibly the animal were hunted for consumption as well as to acquire bones for making bone tools. And because a hunt of such big animals must have required a lot of energy and effort big animals might have been hunted only occasionally.
3.7 Summary: The subsistence strategy of the Mesolithic people of the Gangetic Plains is partially distinct. The view that the Mesolithic culture of the Ganga valley represented seasonal migrations of people from the Vindhyas is no longer tenable. This was based on the thin occupational deposit at Sarai Nahar Rai. But the 60 cm thick deposit divisible by four layers at Mahadaha and the 1.5 m thick deposit divisible by nine layers at Damdama without any interruption indicate that this phase of the Mesolithic does not represent periodic migrations. G.R. Sharma (1975: 19) and colleagues hypothised seasonal settlements of the Mesolithic sites (Sharma et al. 1980: 9). The Mesolithic people came from the Vindhya hills south of the Ganga river. They came in the Ganga valley region during the dry season and occupied the shores of oxbow lakes (Fig. 14). This view was founded on the thin habitation deposit, microlithic assemblage, the unavailability of raw material, availability of raw material only in the southern hills, the abundance of food and water in the plains at the sites like Mahadaha and Sarai Nahar Rai. But R.K. Varma (1981‐83: 31‐32) puts forward the point that the Gangetic plains site contains high concentrations of stone artefacts (e.g. querns and grinding stones), phases of burials and hearths, easy availability of vegetal food, depleted condition of lithic tools, relatively high percentage of bone tools and a population of small children, adult and old people. All this taken together indicates that the Mesolithic people led a sedentary life. Thus, the settlement of Mahadaha presents the picture of an incipient village settlement. And the site of Chopani‐Mando in the Belan valley presents an advanced stage from that of Mahadaha because these people knew pottery and had devised ways for storage. The earlier concept was further supported by Sharma 102
and Sharma (1987: 57‐59) regarding the recent dates and reappraisal of the chronology of the Mesolithic sites in the Ganga valley. Faunal evidence, including the population structure of hog deer and the presence of the commensal bandicoot rat, in support of year‐round occupation of the site Mahadaha is presented by Chattopadhyaya (1996: 468). Chattopadhyaya (1996: 468‐473) also sees the variation in the west‐east orientation of burials suggesting changing patterns of rising and setting sun in the course of an annual round. A pattern of logistic mobility pattern fits the archaeological evidence better than either residential mobility or the kind of sedentism one normally associates with agriculturists. The population would have varied through the year as people undertook periodic journeys across the wider landscape for foraging activities including hunting. Aquatic resources near the permanent sites, particularly tortoise and fish, were the most dependable and predictable resources, and could have been exploited without recourse to arduous hunting trips. The hearths found in the Ganga Plains are of two types; simple shallow pit hearths, and those plastered with wet clay. The pit hearths are one of the most important structural remains of the Mesolithic period in the Ganga plain. These oval and circular hearths, some of which were plastered, were used for cooking. These hearths are found with burnt clay lumps, charred fragments and ash. The distribution of these hearths on the sites indicates that the hearth areas functioned as places for cooking as well as for the manufacture of artefacts (Sarai Nahar Rai). The fragments of charcoal show that they burnt wood, grass and leaves for fuel. In order to roast meat it was placed over the clay lumps in the hearths. At Mahadaha, roasted food was probably
placed on circular platforms, plastered and burnt, which were found near the hearths. Graves were found in association with hearths and were sometimes buried just below the hearths. Sometimes more than one coating of clay was applied in the pits. Some of them are even devoid of burnt clay lumps, animal bones and ash, and were possibly used for storing surplus grain (Pal 1994: 98‐99). At Damdama circular and semi circular burnt plastered floors are present. Some of which have multiple layers of burnt plaster probably to give strength and to line the floor. Such plastered floors were probably associated with habitational area, possibly a hearth was located in the centre of the floor to provide heat during the cold seasons. Charred animal bones also occur near the hearth. The large burnt floor at Sarai Nahar Rai has been identified as a communal hearth (Pal 1994: 99‐100). Pit hearths were used for roasting of flesh. Some circular hearths, which were plastered, were probably used for storing cooked food (Pal 1994: 98‐99). Besides plastered pits with unburnt sides might have been used as storage pits for surplus grain. Although there is no evidence for food production (in the Mesolithic sites of Ganga), it is possible that these were on the threshold of food production. The reason being that seeds of wild cereals were probably seasonally abundant in the rich soil of the Ganga alluvium (Varma 1989: 57). Human burials were found within the habitation area generally in vicinity of hearths and burnt plastered floors. The graves contained refuse material from hearths. These were extended burials placed in shallow oblong graves. There are only three exceptions to these general burial practices, one at Mahadaha (grave XXIV), and two at Damdama (grave I and XXVIII), 103
where flexed burials were found. Generally the skeletons are in a supine position, but in a few graves (VIII and XI) at Damdama, the skeletons were in a prone or lateral position. With few exceptions the skeletons were oriented west‐east or east‐west, possibly signifying the importance of the orientation of the sun and moon in relation to the position of the corpse. Females were generally placed to the left of the males. Two double burials containing one male and one female in each were found at Mahadaha. In one, double burial of two male skeletons placed one above the other, has been reported (Kennedy et al. 1992: 39). Multiple burial containing two males and two females was exposed at Sarai Nahar Rai. At Damdama 4 graves (VI, XX, XXX and XXXVI) contained twin burials of a male and a female. Such burials, it may be presumed, were the burials of husband and wife and thus indicate the concept of family in a hunter‐gatherer society. But grave XVI has revealed both the individuals as male sex. The social relation between these two is an enigma. The grave XVIII contained the burials of three individuals; two males and one female. Such burials are possibly indicative of some social significance (Pal 1988: 122). These burials were found with grave goods with offerings of long bone, arrowheads and unrubbed bright red coloured haematite pieces at Damdama. In a few cases microliths and shells were offered as grave‐ good at Sarai Nahar Rai. Bone necklace or earring at Mahadaha also indicates that these people occupy some significant place in the society during their life span. The burials represent all age groups, particularly those of young individuals, thus suggesting that the life span of Mesolithic people was quite short. The life
probably at that time was hard as most of the skeletal remains are of young people. Querns, mullers and hammers of sand stone and quartzite were used for processing the food (Pal 1994: 97). Edible fruits, tubers, roots and grains were possibly collected from the surrounding area. The richest material culture is the microlithic industry of the Mesolithic culture. The Mesolithic people were largely dependent on the Vindhyas, south of the Ganga for the raw material. The raw materials were brought for making microlithic tools. Stones like sandstone/quartzite and haematite and ochre were also brought from the Vindhyas as the Ganga plain is devoid of raw material. The microlithic industry, based on chert, chalcedony, agate, carnelian and quartz, includes retouched and utilized blades, backed blades, backed and truncated blades, truncated blades, pointed retouched blades, percoirs, drills, lunates, scalene and isosceles triangles, trapezes, tranchet forms as well as scrapers. The micro wear analysis carried out on the microlithic tools from Sarai Nahar Rai, Mahadaha and Damdama, infers the function of the tools, orientation of use and probable contact material on which the tool was used. The microliths were used for scraping, sawing, cutting, drilling, incising and grooving. Evidence of hafted tools and tools used as arrowheads were also inferred. The contact materials may be made of hide, dry hide, meat, soft plant, green grass, green reed, dry reed, green wood, dry wood, fresh bone, dry bone and antler (Pal 1996: 270). Besides microlithic tools, bone tools also were used for hunting and foraging. The 104
bone tools consist mostly of large and small arrowheads. The study of the dentition of the Mesolithic population of north India suggested that the dental crown dimensions and stature of the three Mesolithic sites of the Gangetic Plains displays many more similarities than differences. The presence of heavy dietary stress indicates a pathology pattern consistent with hunting‐foraging and gathering subsistence system and primitive food processing technology (Lukacs et al. 1992: 52‐53; Lukacs et al. 1993: 762). The preliminary work of Vallianatos (1999: 52) suggests that the people of Damdama ate a plant‐based diet, because the levels of strontium and barium are high, and concentrations of zinc are low. A dietary reconstruction based on the carbon and nitrogen stable isotopes in bio‐appetite samples from the Damdama and Lekhahia shows that changes in Carbon‐13 ratios at Damdama were less negative than those for Lekhahia (Lukacs et al. 1996: 302‐304). And that the people at Damdama were eating more C4 foods (grassy plants), while the population at Lekhahia was concentrating mainly on meat and C3 plants (trees, shrubs, and tubers). The Mesolithic settlement located on the banks of oxbow lakes and rivulets facilitated in exploiting rich aquatic fauna. They also hunted elephant, rhino, bison and boar, which were abundantly found in this region. There is also evidence of grassy vegetation and forests in which herbivorous animals like deer, antelope, nilgai, and other small game like rats, hare and porcupine resided; their bones have been recovered during the excavation (Thomas et al. 1996: 258). The preliminary results of dietary and lithic raw materials suggest local procurement of
essential resources in the Gangetic Plains, and do not conform to expectations based on migratory subsistence or interactive trade model. The AMS (accelerator mass spectrometry) dates for Damdama are the first radiometric dates for this site, which can now be accurately placed in the first half of the 7th millennium BC. The new date reported and the homogeneous bio‐cultural expression displayed by sites of the Ganga Plain and Kaimur Hills is strong evidence against the idea of ‘interactive trade’ as an important component of the north central Indian Mesolithic (Lukacs et al. 1996: 305). The excavation at Chopani Mando has furnished important attributes in understanding the Mesolithic period in the Belan valley. The descendants of Phase I (Epi‐Palaeolithic) gave birth to the succeeding Mesolithic period of that area. The evidences postulate the emergence of settlement pattern and life ways of the Mesolithic inhabitants from Phase IIA & IIB onwards. They were adopting a more settled mode of life represented by building activity such as ground plan of circular/oval huts, wattle and daub, stone paved floors and development of lithic industry. The economy was based on hunting‐gathering, as there is no evidence to postulate that the early Mesolithic inhabitants were domesticating plants and animals (Sharma et al. 1980: 75). In the last Phase (III) there was increase in ground plans of several huts, pit hearths, material remains (lithic industry, grinding stones, ring stones, anvils, hammer stones, rubbers and sling balls) and animal bones. Handmade pottery was firstly introduced in this phase. The presence of carbonised rice of wild variety imbedded in clay lumps, looked in context of grinding stones (quern and mullers) suggests collection of wild grains and their processing. Cattle and sheep/goat represented the animal bones. 105
All this evidence suggests a transition from the hunting gathering to a settled mode of life. The pottery is handmade and is very simple and not standardized. Shallow and deep bowls with featureless rim are the most popular pottery types. The incised decorations on the external surface of the pots have also been obtained. According to Sharma and his colleagues (1980: 24) ‘these impressed designs are manifestation, of a remarkable art tradition which finds expression in colour and line drawings in the masterpieces painted on the rock caves abounding in this area. It is evident that each piece is an individual creation of the artist and displays a continuation, through the medium of clay, of a long tradition going back to the Upper Palaeolithic period. Probably it owed its origin to the same magico‐ritual tradition of which the prehistoric paintings are the most eloquent expression’. 3.8 Chronology: In the last glaciation (10, 000 years ago) a number of ecological (climatic and geological) changes occurred, which led ancient people and animal to explore and adapt newly established environmental settings. In Belan valley and Son valley of Central India there was continuous habitation from 24,000 to 10, 000 B.P. (Jayaswal 1990: 237‐237‐54). The Upper Palaeolithic period on account of Carbon 14 dates from Gravel III of Belan‐Seoti valley is dated to 23840± 830 B.C. and 17765± 340 B.C. The Upper Palaeolithic tools extracted from underlying yellow silt deposit dated to 30, 000 B.C. The end of the Upper Palaeolithic culture is ascribed to around 10,000 B.C. (Misra 1977: 63). G.R. Sharma for the first time had recognized the Epi‐Palaeolithic period in the Belan‐Seoti valley on Cemented Gravel III (Sharma et al. 1980: 12, 71). The two‐radiocarbon dates
23840 B.C. and 17765 B.C. are reported (Table 22) from Gravel III. The excavation at Chopani‐Mando (Phase I) brought light to a transitional phase between the Upper Palaeolithic and the Mesolithic technologies in the Vindhyas similar to the Gravel III at Belan section. The Cemented gravel IV of the Belan, a horizon of Epi‐Palaeolithic culture at Mahagara brought light three dates 8080±115 B.C., 9190±410 B.C. and 9350±130 B.C. (Pal 1986b: 33‐34). The three dates from Mahagara from Gravel IV are noteworthy. G.R. Sharma (Sharma et al. 1980: 3‐5) has identified the Gravel IV at Mahagara as horizon of Epi‐Palaeolithic, though it is the base for the Neolithic deposit. The Early Mesolithic is characterised by the sites Sarai Nahar Rai, Mahadaha, Damdama and Chopani‐Mando (II B). The phase is characterised by the nom‐geometric microliths without pottery (Table 21). One of the available radiocarbon dates to 8365±110 B.C. at Sarai Nahar Rai. The Late Mesolithic is characterised by the site Chopani‐Mando (Phase III). This phase has geometric microliths along with pottery. The site of Sarai Nahar Rai is dated to 8365±110 B.C. and a slighter later date was proposed for the Mesolithic settlement of Mahadaha (Sharma et al. 1980: 72, 117). The degree and nature of skeletal preservation are similar from Sarai Nahar Rai and Mahadaha, which lie only 30 km apart, led G.R. Sharma to conclude that the people of both the sites were contemporaries living in similar ecological settings during terminal Pleistocene times. However, with the availability of radiocarbon dates for Mahadaha shows the site was occupied somewhat earlier than Sarai Nahar Rai, i.e. 2675‐2515 B.C. and 2250‐2125 B.C. (Rajagopalan et al. 1982; Sharma and Sharma 1987). 106
The site of Chopani‐Mando (Epi‐ Palaeolithic to Mesolithic) is tentatively placed within a time span of 17th to 7th millennium B.C. In the light of the dates of the Mesolithic site, the Mesolithic of Southern Uttar Pradesh is assigned to c. 9000‐8000 B.C to c. 2000B.C. (Pal 1986b: 32) The dates from the Neolithic site of Koldihwa (Table 22) mark the beginnings of Neolithic stage in this region (Sharma et al. 1980: 196). According to J.N. Pal (1986b: 45), two samples. PRL‐100 and PRL‐101 were sent to date the Chalcolithic deposit at Koldihwa I mound, where no Neolithic is found. The third date PRL‐224 is from the Iron Age deposit of Koldihwa II mound. And the sample PRL‐223 reading 1440±120 B.C. dates to the transitional phase from Neolithic to Chalcolithic. Thus, if these dates are accepted than, two different lithic traditions existed in the Vindhyan during 7th to 5th millennium B.C. The absolute dates from Mahagara indicate late dates (from two TL dates and four radiocarbon dates; Table 22). However, the excavator’s felt that the trench was considerably disturbed the reason why the available dates are not consistent with the corresponding stratigraphic sequence. The Neolithic culture of the Vindhyas is assigned to at least 3rd to 2nd millennium B.C. (Pal 1986b: 47; Mandal 1997: 170). The Chalcolithic culture of the Vindhyas is bracketed to 1500 B.C. to 800 B.C (Table 22; Pal 1986b: 61). Period II at Koldihwa is dated between 1800 B.C. and 700 B.C (Misra 2000: 92). There is no break in strata and is demarcated in the case of preceding microlithic phase, copper yielding phase and the succeeding phase with iron objects. Southern hilly parts of the study area have evidence of megalithic burial practices (60 sites) and have passed through various
stages ranging from the Chalcolithic to the full fledged Iron Age, covering a long span
of time from the middle of the 2nd millennium B.C. to 3rd B.C.
Table 21 Radiocarbon dates for the Mesolithic skeletons, Ganga valley (After Lukacs et al. 1996: 306) Site Unit Layer Date Lab sample Material Source B.P. dated Hearth 1/A3 ? 2,860±120 TF‐1356 Bone Agarwal & Sarai Kusumgar, 1975 Nahar Rai Hearth 2/B4 1 10,050±110 TF_1359 Charred Agarwal & bone Kusumgar, 1973 Loc XII‐XIV 2 4,010±120 BS‐136 Charred Rajagopalan et bone Loc XII‐XVIII 3 2,880±250 BS‐137 Mahadaha Loc VI‐XII carbonate al. 1982 4 3,840±130 BS‐138 AMS C14 dates for Mesolithic Skeletons, Ganga Valley Site Phase Layer Date Lab Sample Skeleton Source B.P. No. VIII 8,640±65 GX‐20829‐ DDM‐36a Lukacs et al. 1996: 306 Damdama AMS I 8,865±65 GX‐20827‐ DDM‐12 AMS Table 22 Dates from the Belan Valley Lab No. Formation Material Age Period Reference Site Shell 23840 B.C. Upper C‐14 Date list 1/1976 PRL, PRL 86 Cemented (C‐14 Date) Palaeolithic Ahmedabad; Sharma et Gravel III al. 1980: 3, 71 Deoghat C‐14 Date List July 1973, Shell 17765 B.C. Upper TF 1245 Cemented Palaeolithic PRL Ahmedabad (C‐14 Date) Gravel III Sharma et al. 1980: 3, 71 Deoghat ? PRL, Ahmedabad D.P. Shell 14,140 ±410 PRL 603 Cemented Agarwal ±390 Gravel IV B.P. (C‐14 (Mahagara) Date) PRL, Ahmedabad D.P. Shell 11,300 ± 130 ? PRL 602 Cemented Agarwal B.P. (C‐14 Gravel IV Date) (Mahagara) Sharma et al. 1980: 72 Shell 10,030± 115 ? SUA* 1421 Cemented B. P. (C‐14 Gravel IV Date) (Mahagara) Neolithic Sharma et al. 1980: 196, Charcoal 6570± 210 PRL 224 Koldihwa 198 B.C. (C‐14 (Kitchen Date) Midden) Sharma et al. 1980: 72, PRL100 Koldihwa Charcoal 5440± 240 Neolithic 196, 198 (Neolithic) B.C. (C‐14 Date) PRL 101
Koldihwa
Neolithic Charcoal 4530±185 B.C. (C‐14 Date) 107
Sharma et al. 1980: 196, 198
Transitional Pal 1986b: 47; Misra 2000: 1440±120 B.C. (C‐14 stage from 92 Neolithic to Date) Chalcolithic TL/AU/M Mahagara 2265 B.C. Neolithic Sharma et al. 1980:199 GR/77‐2 (TL Dates) TL/AU/M Mahagara 1616 B.C. Neolithic Sharma et al. 1980:199 GR/76‐1 (TL Dates) C‐14 Date List/1978, PRL, PRL 409 Mahagara 1400 ±150 Neolithic Ahmedabad; Sharma et B.C. (C‐14 al. 1980:199 Date) Neolithic C‐14 Date List/1978, PRL, PRL 408 Mahagara 1330±120 Ahmedabad; Sharma et B.C. (C‐14 al. 1980:199‐200 Date) Neolithic C‐14 Date List/1978, PRL, PRL 407 Mahagara 1440±100 Ahmedabad; Sharma et B.C. (C‐14 al. 1980: 200 Date) Neolithic C‐14 Date List/1978, PRL, 1480±110 BAI/AU/A Mahagara Ahmedabad; Sharma et B.C. (C‐14 LLD/MGR al. 1980: 200 Date) ‐77‐1 Note: All dates are based on the half‐life= 5730 yrs. except marked with an Asterisk * PRL 223
Koldihwa II
108
Chapter 4 ETHNOGRAPHIC PRESENT Although listings of communities are found in historical literature and inscriptions, they are short and their content local or regional in nature, a mix of Varna and Jati categories. Ain‐i‐Akhbari gave, probably for the first time, comprehensive listings of the lineage of dominant Zamindars in all parts of Emperor Akbar’s empire. The British colonial authorities started preparing detailed lists of communities of the provinces from 1806 onwards. However, it was the census operations from 1881 to 1941 that generated the first comprehensive data set for British India and the princely states, on what was described by the census as ‘Caste, Tribe and Races’, and their classification. Caste is the most important component of social system in India; the identification of each person by his hereditary qualifications, generally derived by origin and occupation. Indian society is segmented by caste into a generally hierarchical order. The classical approach is to view all Indians as belonging to one of four major categories or varnas: Brahmins (priests and teachers), Kshatriyas (leaders and warriors), Vaishyas (merchants), and Shudras (farmers, craftsmen, and labourers). Within each of these four varnas there are hundred of subcategories, jatis, each with its own assigned position in relation to the rest. Outside the traditional caste system are still further categories that include tribal peoples, Christians, Muslims, and others. Since independence, however, the Indian constitution has abolished untouchability, renaming members of this caste Harijans, or “God’s people” as Mahatma Gandhi preferred to call them. Most tribes, in 109
contrast, are comprised of geographically limited groups of people and have social and cultural systems that, in most cases, antedate classical Hinduism. Around 1000 B.C. Indians became aware of iron technology. With the resulting of new tools, geographical boundaries were expanded, and wider areas of the subcontinent opened for agrarian use. Development during the next two thousand years was essentially an internal affair, revolving around the three basic groups of people then inhabiting India. The first, the many non‐Hindu tribal peoples, heirs to the customs and rituals of pre‐Indus Valley, Stone Age India, lived in vast inaccessible forest regions and at the peripheries of cultivated regions. The second, groups of people from pre‐Aryan settled societies resistant to the new foreign influences, created isolated environments in central and south India. The third, spreading throughout the rest of the land, were the orthodox nomadic Aryans and members of the proceeding farming communities. The simple communities selected for present study are Musahars, Kols and Mallahs who come under Scheduled Castes in the State of Uttar Pradesh and fall in the second groups mentioned above. 4.1 Musahars Formerly the Musahars were a tribe but now they are regarded as a separate caste. Their name is derived from a curious association with field. They are mainly distributed in the districts of central and eastern Uttar Pradesh. The Musahars of Uttar Pradesh are called Banmanus, Banraja or Gonr. According to H.H Risley (1891),
‘Musahars are an offshoot of the Bhuiya tribe of Chota Nagpur’. According to J.C. Nesfield (1888: 2) the term Musahar (masa meaning flesh; hera meaning seeker) signifies flesh seeker or hunter, and another view holds that Musahar (musa + har) means rat‐taker or rat‐eater. H.H Risley inclined to accept the second view. In the study region the natives pronounce them as Mushera, Musahar or Musaha. William Crooke (1896, Vol. IV: 12) called Musahar a Dravidian jungle tribe living in the Eastern districts of the Provinces. He also recorded their population in the Allahabad district (361) and in Pratapgarh district (242) in the year 1891 (Crooke 1896, Vol. IV: 12, 37). J.C. Nesfield while quoting the origin of the tribe mentions them as ‘Banmanush’ or “man of the forest”; Deosiya, from their great ancestor Deosi; Banraj or “king of the forest”; Maskhan or “eater of flesh” (Nesfield 1888: 3; Crooke 1896, Vol. IV: 13). The traditional economic activity of Musahars is collection and sale of medicinal roots and herbs, wild honey, preparation and sale of leaf plates, collection and sale of gum, live lizard (goh), lighting of brick kilns, field labourers, rearing silk worm and carrying palanquins (Crooke 1896, Vol. IV: 12‐13, 36‐37). But nowadays, the Musahars are working as palanquin bearers, labourers in brick kilns, and agricultural labourers. Some are involved in piggery (Singh 1993: 969‐970). Soran Singh (1987: 33) defines the Musahars as a criminal tribe (now absorbed in Hinduism), rat catchers, palanquin bearers, field labourers, and cultivators. He also described them as being a servile caste. Distribution and Population (Census years: 1891, 1901, 1911, 1921, 1931, 1981): The earlier reported distribution of the Musahars comes from the Andaman & Nicobar Islands, Orissa, Assam, Bihar, Bengal, Calcutta, the then Mayurbhanj State and North‐West Provinces (Singh 1996: 110
702). Presently, Musahars are found in Assam (Dibrugarh, Kamrup, Karbi, Anglong, and Sibsagar districts); Bihar (the Musahars are found disbursed in over two‐ third of the state’s area); Tripura (West Tripura); Uttar Pradesh (Aligarh, Allahabad, Azamgarh, Bahraich, Ballia, Barabanki, Bareilly, Basti, Deoria, Faizabad, Ghazipur, Gorakhpur, Jaunpur, Kanpur (rural), Meerut, Mirzapur, Piliphit, Pithoragarh, Pratapgarh, Raebareilly, Rampur, Sitapur, Sultanpur, Varanasi districts) and West Bengal (Birbhum, Burdwan, and Murshidabad districts). According to the 1981 census, the Musahars number 126,018 persons (64,136 males and 61,882 females) in Uttar Pradesh. In Bihar the total population is 1,391,000, in West Bengal, 17,628, in Tripura just 237 while in Orissa their total population is only 29 (Singh 1998, Vol. V: 2403‐2406). The language spoken by Musahars in the study area is Hindi, mainly its Awadhi and Bhojpuri dialects. Their height is medium to short. Their head is long and narrow; features tending towards mesocephalic (Singh 1993: 969). They possess a broad face, high cheekbones, high nose and a very broad nasal profile, a full mouth and a pointed chin. Their complexion is dark to coppery brown, a few being of wheatish colour. The following details come from the present ethnographic study among the Musahars and from the earlier reports by Crooke (1896, Vol. IV), Risley (1916) and Singh (1993, 1996): Synonyms (Banmanush, Banraja and Gonr), Groups/ Sub‐groups (Bhagat, Sakatia and Turkahia), Sub‐ divisions (Ahir, Bachgoti, Baghel, Bais, Bhenriha, Bindrabasi, Bijaypuriya, Bishnupuriya, Chandel, Chauhan, Dabgar, Donwar, Dor, Gaharwar, Ghazipuriya, Gusain, Gwal, Gwalbans, Jaiswar, Kanaujiya, Kewatiya, Khadiha, Kharbind,
Kharwar, Kharwara, Khatri, Kuchbandhua, Lodh, Palwar, Purabiya, Raghubansi, Rakhiha, Rawat, Sarwariya in Eastern districts, Baghochhiya (in Gorakhpur), Dhuriya, Jaiswar (in Mirzapur), Bankhadwa, Chauhan, Jangali, Kanaujiya and Mughra (in Jaunpur) (Crooke 1896, Vol. IV: 18, Singh 1996: 1605), Sub‐castes (Bhatawar, Chanrwar, Chiksauri, Chotanagar, Dhar, Kanaujia, Maghaiya, Nathua, Pachhma, Surajia and Tirhutia (in Bihar), Sub‐tribes (Dehati or Dehi, Dolkarha, Jangali or Pahari in Eastern districts (Crooke 1896, Vol. IV: 17), Exogamous units/Clans (Balakumni, Bansghat, Daitinia, Danharia, Gohlaut, Kasmeta, Patil, Rikhmun, Rishimun, Sarpurkha, Sohlaut, Tisbaria (Bihar), and Sections (Baiyar, Balakmum, Bhuiyar, Chirhar, Daitinia, Dhanharia, Diar, Giari, Gihari, Gohlaut, Kashyap, Kosilwar, Pail, Patwari, Rukh‐mun, Sarapukha, Sonwahi, Tisbaria Mahatwar, Mandwar). According to J.C. Nesfield (1888: 4‐20) and W. Crooke (1896, Vol. IV: 12‐17), the following legends explain the origin of the Musahars: Legend 1: When Paramesar (God) created the first man of each caste, he gave to each a horse to ride on and a tool to work with. While all the others took their tools and mounted their horses, the Musahar began to dig a pair of holes in the belly of the horse to place his feet as he rode. Paramesar observing the folly of the Musahar ordered that his descendants should live on rats. Hence, suggesting that the horse is a tabooed animal to the genuine Musahar. Legend 2: Another legend traces their origin to the Chero tribe (belonging to Kolarian group of races; Nesfield 1888: 7). This legend is of a longstanding friendship between a Chero king named Makara Durga Rae and an Ahir, named Lorik. A 111
man named Sanwar brought about this bond of friendship. In course of time the bond broke as they started warring constantly among themselves. At this time Deosi, son of Makara, was absent, and subsequently taunted by his elder brother, Shyamjit, for deserting his father in his hour of need and was then expelled from the family. Deosi was driven away to become a flesh seeker and hunter in the jungle and was known as Musahar, and his descendants as Deosiya. He invented an instrument for digging (gahdala), which is a characteristic tool of the tribe. With this tool he slew Lorik. Thus Deosi, one of the seven sons of king Makara of the Chero tribe became the founder of the Musahars tribe. Legend 3: In this legend J.C. Nesfield quotes the Musahars as a rejected offshoot of the Chhatris. Among the Chandels there was at that time deadly and unceasing warfare. Finally all the Chandels were slain, except for a single woman, who escaped and fled into the forest. Her son became the founder of a tribe named after him as Banmanush or Musahar. But, as he could not prove his origin from the Chandel Chhatris, neither he nor his descendants have been admitted into the Chhatri fraternity. Legend 4: The Musahars hold that they are the descendants of the Banvasi Raja (Baines 1912: 1, 4; Singh 1987: 33,121). Legend 5: J.C. Nesfield quotes that there was a maiden of unknown parentage, who used to serve a hermit and prepare his food; and who was loved and cherished by the hermit as his own daughter. One day on her return to the hermitage she found, Siva and his wife Parvati seated in the disguise of a Savar and Savari; he holding a gahdala and she supporting a basket on her head. The god’s eye fell upon her. From the glance of that eye she became pregnant, and in due course gave birth to twins, a male child and
a female child. The twins bore an exact resemblance to the Savar and the Savari; their features were unlike their mother’s. The hermit, judging from the uncouth features and dark complexion of the babies thought her guilty of an illicit relationship with some wild man of the wood. He therefore banished her from hermitage. From the two children she had borne sprang the Musahar tribe, the men of which are still noted for using the gahdala and the women for carrying baskets. These legends are interesting in that they illustrate the connection between the Musahars, Cheros, and Savar or Seori tribes (Kolarian group of races) and the traditional descent of the caste from a female ancestress. Also the tolerance of intercourse between brother and sister marks a very early social stage. Social, Cultural and Religious Life of the Musahars Law of Exogamy: J.C. Nesfield (Crooke 1896, Vol. IV: 13, 18) divides the tribe into three sub‐tribes, which do not intermarry or eat with each other, which are further sub divided into: Jangli or Pahari (those who inhabit the forests and mountains. They have maintained the largest share of their primitive speech and customs and stand aloof from their descendants of the open plains, whom they regard as degenerates), Dehati or Dehi (those who have become partially hinduised and live within reach of settled and semi‐civilised communities) and Dolkarha (those who have a particular occupation, for which they are disowned and condemned by, rest of society, viz., carrying of palanquins, i.e. doli for hire, from where they obtain their name). The Musahars have seven exogamous septs; Khadiha, who carry manure i.e. khad; Bhenriha, who say that they take their name from living together in the jungles like 112
sheep, i.e. bhenr in pens; Kharwara, who say they are called so because they collect grass, i.e. khar and make leaf platters (dauna, patari); Kuchbandhua, who make brushes, i.e. kuncha, used by weavers in the cleaning of thread; Rakhiha, who are said to derive their name because they cover their bodies with ash, i.e. rakh during cold weather; Dhuriya, men of the dust; Jaiswar, a name common to many low castes and said to be a local term derived from their supposed connection with the town of Jaisi, in the Rae Bareli District of Uttar Pradesh. The Musahars are divided into three groups in the hierarchical order of Bhagat, Sakatiya, and Turkahia. Endogamy is practised at the community and subgroup level, while exogamy exists at the lineage level (Singh 1993: 969). The Khadiha, Kharwara, Bhenriha, Rakhiha and Kuchbandhua are exogamous, and intermarry on equal terms. This rule of exogamy is reinforced by the prohibition of marriage with the daughters of the sister, maternal uncle, and paternal aunt. On the other hand, the Hinduised endogamous sub‐castes the Dhuriyas and Jaiswars, the rule appears to be that marriages between descendants of the maternal grandfather and paternal aunt are disallowed. They intermarry with agnates or cognates after five or six generations, or when all remembrance of previous relationship has been lost (Crooke 1896, Vol. IV: 19). Social control (Crooke 1896, Vol. IV: 19) among the Musahars is maintained by the caste panchayat (biradari panchayat), presided over by a president (Chaudhari); a hereditary post. Social boycott and cash fines are the punishments commonly imposed by the panchayat. Punishment largely depends on the intensity of the crime. Infidelity of any kind is punished by fines and excommunication. Other offences enquired into include charges of adultery and fornication.
The Musahars are a patriarchal society (Singh 1993: 970). They accept kachcha and pucca food from the Gaeriya, Mallah, Kumhar and other communities who are considered superior to them. They accept only pucca food from the Dhobi, Chamar, Pasi and Khatik castes whereas the latter can accept only sidha (uncovered food stuff) from the Musahars. Putative kind ship can be established with a person from any community. Males do not touch the wives of younger brothers, the wives of their elder brothers‐in‐law, nor their daughter‐in‐laws mothers. In remote rural areas the Musahars are restricted from entering temples where people belonging to upper castes offer worship. However, they are not restricted from sharing public utilities like water resources. The Musahars participate in all traditional festivals and festivities and supply leaf‐plates to all castes on these occasions.
The religion of the Musahars cannot be classed together with any of the historic religions of India, although their religion shares certain common features with Hinduism. Their beliefs and practices deviate in many essential aspects from Hinduism. Just as their culture is older and more archaic than that of the Hindu populace and so also is their religion, which contains many elements, which predate the development of Hinduism. The most ancient of all religious practices is the practice of ancestor worship. The religion of the Musahars is largely based on traditional beliefs (Singh 1993: 970) but now they have started worshipping the family deity (pittar), the village deity (gaon deota; Pl. 49), other village deities (dih) and deities of the wider Hindu pantheon. For sacred ceremonies like life‐cycle rituals and exorcism priests from other communities officiate. Polished stones are also worshiped by them (Pl. 50)
Pl. 49: Village deity (Gaon deota) of Musahars 113
broader society. Specific stones or trees as well as other natural phenomena, are worshipped for their healing powers. Water held by the earth is seen as the embodiment of the Mother Goddess, so that a neighbourhood spring, pond, or stream is viewed as sacred and worshipped for strength and fertility.
Pl. 50: Polished stone worshipped by Musahars
According to J.C. Nesfield (Crooke 1896, Vol. IV: 34) goddess Bansapati is worshipped by Musahars in their own houses. They make a platform (chauri) in a corner of the hut, about 2.5 cm in height, above the level of the floor, and 23 cm in length and breadth. This little square is made of clay and the surface is smeared with river water or cow dung. This is the altar on which offerings to her are placed – an altar without an idol, for there is no mound, idol, or other visible symbol representing Bansapati. The festival occurs in the second half of the month of Baisakh, on this day Bansapati is married to Gansam (Krishna), whom the Musahars call Dau Gansham, or “uncle Gansam”. Representing Gansam in his phallic manifestation, a cone‐shaped pillar of mud is erected and it has become a sort of a village guardian deity.
The Musahars also worship Sitala or the Goddess of smallpox. Sitala, a form of the Mother goddess, enjoys an especially high position. Almost all women worship her. According to them ‐ Sitala mata is the most potent of all deities. And it is for this reason that songs of the mata precede all others during marriage and other ceremonies. Like other village deities Sitala is considered to be personal and human. Songs of the goddess show her swinging in a swing hung from the branch of a neem tree (Azadirachta indica), which is believed to be sacred to Sitala. It is for this reason that patients suffering from small pox are fanned by twigs of neem and bathed in water boiled with leaves of the same tree. In many Musahars settlements temples of Sitala devi were noticed (Pl. 51). Phulmati mata is also worshiped during illness (Pl. 52). She is regarded as the sister of Sitala devi and when angry causes skin diseases to them.
The author observed the worship of Bhairon, whose vehicle is dog, and who replaces the phallic deity. He is probably of aboriginal origin, and has been introduced into the Hindu pantheon in the form of Bhairava, “the terrible one” who, like his Dravidian prototype Swaswa, rides on a dog; Swaswa in fact means “one whose horse is a dog” (Crooke 1896, Vol. IV: 35). At present what the Musahars hold sacred depends upon what they have learned to venerate through the influences of family, community, and 114
Pl. 51: Sitala Mata Temple, Musahar settlement
Kajreeteej, Anand Chaudasi and Kartik Purnima. A brief festival calendar of the Musahars is given in Table 23.
Pl. 52: Phulmati Mata worshipped by Musahars
The Musahars observe several festivals and feasts. At present culture contact with outside groups has resulted in the adoption of many Hindu festivals. Hence they are now on the lower rung of Hindu caste hierarchy and many of their festivals are similar to those of the Hindus. On important occasions the Musahars arrange feasts and invite their community members. Some important occasions, when feasts are arranged are: on the sixth day of the child’s birth (Chhathi), on the twelfth day of the child’s birth (Barhi), on the marriage day (Shadi), second return of bride to her husband’s house (Gauna), on the tenth day of after death (Daswa), on the thirteenth day after death (Terheen) and on completion of one year after death (Barsi).
Crooke (1896, Vol. IV: 35) mentions of four festivals among Musahars: Phagua or Holi in the month of Baisakh, Khichari or Khicharwar at the end of month Magh, Pancheinyan or Nagpanchami in the 2nd half of Sawan and Kajari or women’s festival during the rains. Apart from these occasions for feasting, some other important festivals are: Diwali, Dasera, Ramnaumi, Shivratri, Sakat, Nag Panchmi, Basant Panchami, Janmasthami,
115
Phagua or Holi is the most enjoyable festival among the Musahars. They drink mahua (liquor made from the flowers of Mahua tree) and tari (fermented juice of khajur palm) and tease village elders and women. About the origins of this festival they know little. They know that Horika (Holika), Parhlad (Prahlad) and Hirnakus (Hirnakashayap) are connected with this festival. Some village elders do know the whole legend. One of them narrated it correctly to the author. The whole festival is divided into three parts. First, they burn wood and dried leaves as the token of Horika. Second, they sprinkle coloured water on everybody in the village. The colour is made of dry Hara (Harasingar‐ Shephalika), tesu flowers, abir and gulal. Third, they dance around the idol of the village goddess in the evening. The dance continues to the late hours of the night and is accompanied by liquor drinking and puffs of Ganja (marijuana) and beating and clapping sounds. Dasera is the festival, when Ramji killed Ravan, the Rakshas king. This festival is observed only in some villages. Diyari (Diwali) is celebrated, by lighting of earthen lamps. Chait Ramnaumi is another big festival among the Musahars.
Animals are sacrificed during certain festivals and vary according to gods and goddesses. For Kali mata, a goat is sacrificed. During Navaratri either a goat, cock, hen, pigeon or pig is sacrificed. On ordinary occasions the offerings consist of flowers, fruits, grasses, roots, camphor, cooked food, cloth and coconut.
Table 23 Festival calendar of the Musahars Local name for Months of Year Month Magh January‐ February Phagun February ‐March Chait March‐April Baisakh April‐May Jeth May‐June Asarh June‐July Sawan July‐August
Duration
Festival
Winter end Spring Beginning of Summer Summer Beginning of Rainy season Rainy season
Sakat, Basant Panchmi Holi‐Phagua, Shivratri Chait Ramnaumi Nag Panchami, Kajreetee Janmastmi, Kajreeteej, Ananti Dasera, Diwali Mahashivratri, Khichri
Bhadon
August‐September
Third month of rainy season
Kuar Kartik Aghan Poos
September‐October October‐November November‐ December December‐January
End of the rainy season Winter
Life‐Cycle Rituals Marriage: A Musahar man never marries a girl of his own clan and always acquires his mate from outside the village and clan. A marriage in one’s own clan is completely prohibited. The Musahars are endogamous and acquire a mate within the community but they practise exogamy at the same time in respect of choosing partner outside the clan. Monogamy is the general rule (Singh 1993: 969) although a few cases of polygamy are also found. A Musahar widow may seek shelter and protection for herself and her children from the husband’s younger brother. In the long run she marries him and this is one way a Musahar may have two wives. Sometime a wife’s widow sister comes to live with him as a co‐wife with due consent of his legal wife. In normal cases a second marriage is for begetting offspring, when the first wife has proved barren. There are no instances of polyandry, however. Marriages are usually arranged by negotiation. The marriage is performed at the bride’s place, but is consummated at the groom’s residence. Junior levirate and sororate are both practised. Vermilion (sindur), nose‐pin and toe‐rings (bichchia) are the symbols of marriage for women, which are observed rigidly. 116
The forms of marriage under which a young Musahar man can marry are broadly divided into two groups, the regular and the irregular forms: In the regular form of Pairpujvai‐ in which bride’s father pays a fixed amount mutually agreed upon to the groom’s father. This amount is known as tika. It may vary as per the means of the brides’ father. However those persons who are poor and are not in the position to pay the amount of tika practise pairpujvai. So the girl is taken to the bridegroom’s village to perform the marriage ceremony. The marriages performed through this system are not looked down upon; in fact, in their society this form of marriage is quite welcome. The marriage by exchange is not very widely practised form of marriage and is practised when the concerned party is poor to pay tika. In this system a man exchanges his sister/daughter with the other man’s sister/daughter. This system is known as Golait, Gurawat or Adla‐badla. In the Dola, marriage is held in the bride’s house; the girl is merely brought home without any marriage rituals. Later a small feast follows and in biyah all the rituals and customs are
followed. Full consent of members of both the families is required. Irregular forms of marriages are also practised among the Musahars. An elderly Musahar, Jalebi narrated a peculiar form of marriage to the author. After assembling all the relatives under a tree the groom climbs the tree and starts plucking the leaves. The bride standing below requests the groom to come down, promising to feed him. After which the groom comes down and then they exchange garlands. This is followed by a feast. Divorces occur when either the husband or the wife indulges in habitual adultery; either of them can divorce the other with permission of the council (biradari panchayat). If, however, a wife is accused of adultery by her husband, and has been declared guilty by the assembly, her position becomes one of great difficulty. No married man can take her in addition to his own wife, for bigamy is disallowed. Men who cohabit with such woman are excommunicated from the community. The separation of a man and wife is disliked and discouraged by the community. In the Musahar community barrenness in a woman is the greatest misfortune of her life. The other women of the village look down upon her. A barren woman becomes the centre of taunts and jokes of the other women of the village. A woman’s fertility or ability to conceive is highly esteemed and it gives her great respect among family elders. Protective ceremonies are performed and restrictions are enforced during pregnancy. The pregnant woman should not take laxatives. Certain food restrictions are imposed. For example, a pregnant woman is not allowed to consume two different types of vegetables simultaneously but she can consume them separately. These restrictions are strictly observed. Non‐ 117
observance can result in the baby being born deformed. At night going near Pipal and Bargad trees are avoided, as they are believed to be haunted by evil spirits. During an eclipse, the pregnant woman is not allowed to see it and kept inside in the darkest place, as it is believed that the baby will be born deformed. A Musahar woman, when about to deliver a child, is kept alone in separate room. During the delivery a fire is kept burning constantly near the doorway of the room. A mixture of incense (dhup) is burnt in the hut. The belief is that the smoke drives away the evil spirits who could harm the mother and child. The woman lies on the ground with her feet to the north and head to the south. As soon as the child is born, the umbilical cord is cut with a knife. After cutting the cord, old women of the community attend to the mother and the baby who are directed to lie in some suitable place. Birth pollution is observed for forty days. Birth Ceremonies: When a child is born, womenfolk of the household celebrate the birth by singing (sohar). This ritual lasts for a period of six days followed by Chhathi a ritual which takes place on the sixth day after the child’s birth. The entire community is assembled and the child’s father provides tobacco (hukka) and liquor. Generally a feast is also arranged to celebrate the chhathi. The Barahi is observed on the twelfth day after the child’s birth. On this day the mother and infant are bathed, and given new clothes so that taboos are withdrawn from the mother and she is freed from evil spirits. This ceremony is similar to that of chhathi, and the whole community feasts together. The first feeding ceremony is arranged at any time of the year. The ceremony largely depends on the financial condition of the family. The child’s maternal uncle feeds the baby with the first morsel of solid food. This is followed by the naming ceremony, which
is also performed by the maternal uncle. Following the ceremony the father provides drinks and tobacco (hukka) to the people assembled at the occasion. In the third, fifth or seventh year in the child’s age the head shaving ceremony i.e. Mundan takes place. The family goes to a religious place to perform this ceremony. Their arrival back home is followed by a feast. No puberty ceremony is observed among the Musahars. Adoption of children is done within their own community, through the caste panchayat. The adopted child is a son of the nearest kin, normally either brother or sister of the adoptive father. The adoption ceremony is always conducted before the elders of the community. The child is dressed in new clothes. Twigs of mango, dhak, and aonla are placed in his hands by his natural parents. All the members of the community, including both natural and adoptive parents, worship their ancestors and other godlings to ensure that in future the family never faces a break for generations. The worship includes the offering of food and drink to the ancestors. This is done with the worshipper of food always facing south. The priest i.e. purohit names the child. Superstitions in illness and diseases: Illness is thought to be the effect of evil spirits. A churail (witch) and another person’s buri najar (evil eye) are thought to be the cause of most illnesses, which enter the body through an evil spirit. To avoid buri najar kajal (kohl) is applied on the forehead of the child. When the child is believed to be sick due to najar some currency coins and uncooked food is put in a thali (plate) which is then circulated around the head for seven times. It is thought that this process breaks the power of the evil eye i.e. najar ka tor. Besides, the Musahars place peacock feathers in the house to ward of evil spirits. 118
Attire and Ornaments: The attire of the Musahars is simple. Men folk generally wear a shirt or a kurta as the upper garment, a dhoti as the lower garment, a towel or gamcha on the shoulders and a turban on the head. They do not grow their hair long and are generally seen with shaven heads. The Musahar women wear a saree or a dhoti as a drape, choli or blouse as the upper garment. Some women at times are seen without the upper garment. A corner of the dhoti or saree is then used to cover the upper body. Women grow their hair long and oil (mustard & castor) and comb it regularly. The women are fond of tattooing. The Musahar women tattoo their wrists, cheeks, and noses (Pl. 53). Tattoos are also regarded as protective marks. It is believed that after death, tattooed women are granted entry into heaven by Parmeswar or the Supreme one. The Musahar women who do not have the protective tattoo marks are denied entry to heaven and are tortured by Parmeswar or the Supreme one.
Pl. 53: A Musahar woman showing tattoo marks on her hands
The ornaments of the Musahars are simple. Some are made locally while others are got from local market. The ornaments worn by males are made of metal like brass and gillet (an alloy composed of cheap metals). They also wear the mantar (amulets) tied with a black string around the neck and upper arms. The Musahars men also wear ornaments: like pagara and bali (earlobes), dharkaua and churaita (wrist), and Bijayath (arms). The Musahar women are very fond of ornaments. The ornaments are generally made of glass, and metals like brass, gillet and lead. Use of gold ornaments is rare because of poverty. The ornaments worn by Musahar women are: bajhuthi (arms), bali, kanphool, karanphul, kanpasa, and tarki (earlobe), bendi, tika, tikuli (forehead), nathuni, nath, nathiya, bulaq and laung
(nose), hamel and kanthi (neck), muthia, churi and chauraita (wrist), mundri (Finger), kardhania (Waist), kara, charna, paizani and payal (Ankle) and bichiya (Toes). The ornaments for children are generally a pair of bangles or the churaita on the wrists made either of glass or metal. Four to five thick strands of black thread are twisted and worn around the waist, neck, and arms. These black strings are worn as protection from evil eye and malevolent spirits. Music and Dance: The Musahars enjoy song and dance. It is during feasts and marriages that bands of young men in their best and most colourful dresses step out to the beating of drums. The musical instruments played are bansuri (flute), dhol (drum) and manjira (cymbals) (Pl. 54).
Pl. 54: Musahar men playing musical instruments
Indulgence in Drinks and Drugs: The only alcoholic drink consumed by the Musahars is country liquor or daroo, which is made of fermented flowers of mahua. Mahua liquor is served on occasions like feasts, festivals and marriages. The fermented tari is also used as 119
a cheap alcoholic drink. Narcotics and stimulants like tobacco, ganja, bhang and charas (marijuana) are often used at evening gathering of males.
Mortuary Practices: According to J.C. Nesfield (1888: 28) “South of the Son, the Musahars simply leave the corpse in the place where the man or woman died. If he or she died in the jungle, or in the open air, they cover the body with the leaves and bushes and go away. If he or she died inside the cave or hut, no other covering is considered necessary. The place is thenceforth abandoned by the survivors, who take no relic of the dead with them when they migrate to another part of their hill or jungle.” At present no evidence of such practices is found and the dead are disposed of in the following three ways:
•
•
In most of the cases the dead body is disposed of by cremation. It is bathed with water and wrapped with a piece of white cloth. A tikti (bier) of bamboo is made to carry the dead body to the cremation ground. A clay pot is broken before lighting the pyre. The cremation area is always near a water source, be it a river, nullah or the edge of a stream into which the ashes are later thrown (Figs. 24a, 24d; Pl. 55). The mortuary practice differs in different cases such as:
• When a woman dies during her husband’s lifetime, she is regarded as a sohagin. The
•
•
rituals which then follow include bathing the dead body with water, changing the old clothes to red coloured clothes. The hair is combed and then gold ornaments are replaced by brass and gillet ornaments. But no such ritual is performed for a widow. A simple piece of white cloth is wrapped around her body before the cremation. When death is due to old age in the case of a man, the funeral procession is accompanied by the beating of drums i.e. dhols, manjira and kartal. Here the tikti made for the dead is different and is called a biman, which looks like a coffin without a lid. All the ceremonies are observed with joy and merriment and the members of the family express no sorrow or grief. Infants are either buried or immersed in water but for older children cremation is the mode of disposal. When death is due to sickness like small pox (no longer existent today but was very widespread a few decades ago), chicken pox and cholera, the Musahars do not burn the dead. They believe that burning such corpses is tantamount to burning the goddess herself. Smallpox is regarded as a goddess and worshipped as such.
Pl. 55: Cremation ground of Musahars 120
In the majority of cases, the pyre is arranged with locally available wood like jhao and sarpat (reed). The dead body is placed over the pyre and then again covered with logs of wood. Every member of the funeral party puts seven pieces of wood as a token of their assistance in arranging the pyre. An opening is left near the mouth. The pyre is lit by the eldest son (the person who lights the pyre is called the kiria baitha) of the deceased. Fire is given from the mouth side. After the cremation all those present take bath in the river or stream flowing nearby, as an act of purification. Only then are they clean enough to light the hearth fire cooking. On the second day, some relatives of the deceased go to the cremation ground and collect the burnt remains in a heap. Then a line is drawn around it. This is done to provide protection from the soul of the dead. The soul then does not follow them home. After this they bathe in the river and return to their respective homes. On the third day, the Musahars again go to the cremation ground in search of foot or finger marks on the collected ash heap. They believe that if on the ash heap, footprints of animal or bird are found, the dead one will be reincarnated as that bird or animal. They collect the ash in a pot and immerse it in the river along with cooked food and liquor. On the tenth day, the members of the deceased’s family organise a big feast. Death pollution is observed for a period of thirteen days. On the thirteenth day, the clansmen shave their heads. A feast is organised. Each year on the day of the death the dead person is offered food and drink by his relatives. Water burial is a very ancient custom of burial still prevalent among the Musahars. According to legend, the corpse of Deosi himself, the supposed founder of the tribe, was disposed of in this manner. Crooke 121
(1896, Vol. IV: 28, 29) mentions that the Musahars of the Son valley have a crude ceremony. They simply throw the corpse into the river or its nearest tributary. The body floats in the water and is carried out of sight, until at last it may perhaps reach the Ganga. The Musahars carry the dead body to the riverbank and wash it in the river water. The dead body is then covered with a piece of cloth and laid on the ground. The face is upwards, and the head towards the north. The area where the feet are laid is marked off for the purpose of paying future respects. Then the son or the brother’s son or the next closest male relative takes a handful of rice straw, and after placing it on the face of the dead body, sets fire to it. The chief mourner then takes the body by the feet, and, using all his strength, throws it into the river. Sometimes clay pots full of sand are tied to the body, before putting it in the water, thus submerging the body in the river. Children are buried near the water source (Pl. 56; Fig. 24c). The grave is made in north‐ south line and is 1 to 2 m long and 1 m deep. The head is placed towards the north. When body is placed inside the grave it is covered with layers of mud. On top thorny branches are laid to protect the body from scavengers attack. It is then covered with blocks of stone. The remains of the dead like bangles, shoes, toys, and medicine bottles are seen scattered around the grave (Pls. 56; 24c). These burials are located near the streams and during rainy season remains of the dead are washed by flood. This is regarded auspicious for the dead. The Musahars practice a rite in which the earth sepulchre is a characteristic burial. Crooke (1896, Vol. IV: 29, 30) mentions that it was a frequent practice among the Dehati or village Musahars. In this burial practice
the body is washed thoroughly. A fire fed rice straw is put in the mouth of the corpse. However, instead of being thrown into the water the body is deposited by the chief mourner in a tomb (1.50 m long and 1m broad). The tomb is excavated by khanta or gahdala (a steep blade hafted on a long wooden handle; Pls. 98, 113). The head is placed towards the north. If the deceased was a man, the body is placed on the right side of the tomb, if a woman, to the left. The explanation for placing the dead in this fashion is that the man and woman were originally a single body. The right or the stronger half belongs to the male and the left or the weaker to the female. When the two halves split, each becomes a whole and perfect body, one a complete man and the other a complete woman. Crooke (Crooke 1896, Vol. IV: 30) mentions that some Musahars leave the corpse in the ground for six months after burial, committing it to the care of their guardian goddess, Bansapati. At the end of the six months the remains are taken out of the earth and burnt, and the ashes are thrown into the river (Lakhari). But no such rituals are prevalent today among the Musahars. The body remains in the grave and is not removed. Usually children’s bodies are not carried on the tikti (bier), but in the arms of their father or any other male relative. And only during cases of snakebite, cholera or smallpox is the body buried. Religion plays an important role in every stage of the Musahars life, from the cradle to cremation ground, and for a period even after cremation. In the month of Kuar they offer food and water to their ancestors. They have a firm belief that the dead one, or the ancestor, takes rebirth in the same family. And if a birth has occurred in the family, a careful examination of the child’s features and habits is done to determine which ancestor has been reborn. 122
Pl. 56: Musahar burial ground near water source
4.2 Kols The Kols are the most widespread of the simple communities of Uttar Pradesh. They are found in Varanasi, Mirzapur, Allahabad and Banda districts, which form the southern tribal belt of state. A portion of these districts forms the southern fringe (Vindhya‐Kaimur range) of the Central India Plateau. The Kols along with other Mundari (speaking) tribes constitute the largest group of simple communities in India. The Kols of Uttar Pradesh constitute nearly 22% of the total tribal population of the state. They are included among the scheduled tribes in all the states in India except in Uttar Pradesh where they are listed among the scheduled castes. The largest concentration of Kols in India is in Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. The Kols are one of the Kolarian groups of races (i.e. those tribes who inhabit in hill tracts extending from the east to west along the middle India, and who speak, or are known to have formerly spoken, the various dialects or forms of language which have been grouped under the name ‘Kolarian’) like the Mundas, Hos, Santhals, Bhumijs, Tamarias and Juangs. The Kols lent their name to the language family known as
Kolarian, which is also known as the Mundari or Austro‐Asiatic language forms. The Kols belong to the Proto‐Australoid ethnic stratum (Singh 1996: 1763). According to Haddon (1924), they can be placed among the Pre‐Dravidian group of races. The Kols are, as a matter of fact, an offshoot of the Mundas of Chota Nagpur (Russell and Hiralal 1916: 500) but is not at all ascribed to the Kol tribe in Uttar Pradesh. According to Russell and Hiralal (1916: 501) the word Kol is probably derived from the Mundari ‘Ho’, ‘Hore’ or ‘Horo’ meaning ‘man’, which in course of time, assumed different forms i.e. Koro, Kolo, or Kol (Dalton 1871: 178; Nesfield 1888: 5; Crooke 1896, Vol. III: 294). The genesis of the word Kol, is also ascribed to etymological sources, for instance to Korar, a name given to the Mundas by the Kharias of Chota Nagpur, which closely approaches the word Kol. Kola in Sanskrit means ‘a hog’ and some authorities maintain that it is simply a term of contempt applied by the Aryans to the original inhabitants of the country (Nesfield 1888: 5). According to Herr Jellinghause (Risley 1891: 101), the term means a ‘pig killer’. The word Munda, Sir H.H. Risley states, is the common term employed by the Kols for the headman of a village, and has come into general use as an honorific title (Russell and Hiralal 1916: 502). The traditional occupation of Kols is collection and sale of fuel wood and leaves from forests and as agricultural labourers; the more primitive Kols practice slash‐and‐ burn cultivation i.e. dahya (Crooke1896, Vol. III: 294, 315‐316). The Kols are a landless community and at present their occupation ranges from mine workers, rickshaw pullers, and unskilled labourers to cultivators (Singh 1993: 744). They are also water‐carriers and fishermen. 123
Distribution and Population (Census years: 1881, 1891, 1901, 1911, 1921, 1931, 1941): The earlier distribution of Kols was from the Andaman & Nicobar Islands, Assam, Bengal, the then Central Indian Agency, Central Provinces & Berar, and United Provinces (Singh 1996: 558). Presently, the Kols are found in Bihar (Bhagalpur, Deogarh, Giridih, Katihar, Madhubani, Purnia, Ranchi, Saharsa, and Sahebganj districts), Madhya Pradesh (Betul, Chhatarpur, Damoh, Jabalpur, Mandla, Narsinghapur, Rewa, Sagar, Satna, Shahdol, and Sidhi districts), Maharashtra (Nagpur district), Tripura (Kols are found distributed in over two‐third of the State’s area) and Uttar Pradesh (Agra, Aligarh, Allahabad, Banda, Mirzapur, and Varanasi districts). The Kol population according to the 1931 census was 76,800 in United Provinces. According to the 1981 census, it is 196,654 in Uttar Pradesh (formerly United Provinces), 123,811 in Madhya Pradesh, 4187 in Maharashtra, 4234 in Orissa, 582 in Tripura is and negligible in Bihar. The language spoken by Kols is Hindi and the dialects Awadhi, and Bhojpuri. Their features vary in complexion from dark brown to black. Average height of males is 1.62 m to 1.70 m and females is 1.56 m to 1.60 m. They have dull black curly or wavy hair but there are many with straight hair. Eyes are small and bright, noses are broad and flat, lips thick and the chin poorly developed. Males are usually lean and thin and women are lean and stout. The following details are obtained from the present ethnographic study among the Kols and from the earlier reports by Crooke (1896), Russell & Hiralal (1916) and Singh (1993, 1996): Sub‐castes (Bharias, Desaha, Kagwaria, Rautele, Rautia, Savars, Thakuria (Russell & Hiralal 1916: 509), Exogamous units/Clans (kuri) (Barwarira, Kol, Momasi, Rautia, Rojabaria, Thakuria, Turkel), and
Septs (Bandi, Bargaiyan, Binjhwar, Birjhia, Dhanuhar, Gond, Kapat, Karpatia, Katharia, Kathotia, Kawar, Keiari, Khunta, Nathunia, Sonwani (Russel & Hiralal 1916: 510‐511). Banaj, Barwar (descendants of the fig tree), Bin, Chero, Dahait, Hanriyanwa (people of the cooking pot), Harwariya (ploughmen), Mahtiyan (matho i.e. a leader), Pahariya (hill‐dwellers), Rajwaria, Rautel, Rautiya or Rautel (Rajputra i.e. a prince), Thakuriya (Thakur i.e. a lord) (Crooke 1896, Vol. III: 297). Legends of Origin: Sarat Chandra Roy (1912) was one of the first scholars to make a serious study of the traditions and origins of the tribes of Chota Nagpur. The evidence collected on oral traditions of the Kols does not throw much light upon the name or location of their original home. However, one of the legends collected suggested the place of origin as Seva Sandi Bir – ‘the vast desolate forest’. This vague terminology makes it difficult to identify a specific locality. It may refer in general to the highlands of Central India or even to the dense jungle that is said to have covered parts of the Gangetic Valley (Griffiths 1946: 4). The legends of the Kols as mentioned by Crooke (1896, Vol. III: 295‐296) are as follows: Legend 1: The Kols of Allahabad claim to be the descendants of Shivari, an aboriginal, who is portrayed to have treated Rama, Lakaman and Sita to wild fruit during their stay at Chitrakut in Banda district. According to Griffiths (1946: 8‐9) Shivari served them faithfully during their exile, and when they were preparing to leave the forest, Shivari asked for a boon. She asked for two things: First, for many descendants, and secondly, for at least a seer of grain daily for each, so that they would never starve. These boons were immediately granted, and so the Kols rapidly multiplied. The Kols were then divided into seven kuris 124
i.e. Thakuriya, Mawasi, Binjwar, Khairwar, Khangar, Pawai and Kurha. Legend 2: William Crooke (1896, Vol. III: 296) mentions that the Kols of Mirzapur are emigrants from the Gangetic valley. They were expelled by the Savaras (of the Gangetic Valley) and ultimately fled to the hill country of the south. Legend 3: Walter. G. Griffiths (1946: 210) mentions the folklore regarding the divine origin of the Kols. When Rama was in exile in the forest, many of the gods felt compassion for him and descended to earth in human form to assist him. These gods called themselves Kolas. After fourteen years of exile, Rama returned to his kingdom and became King of Ayodhya. The Kolas went back to heaven‐Indrapuri. The Kols of to day are the descendants of the gods who were in the forest along with Rama. Legend 4: Colonel Tickell (Crooke 1896, Vol. III: 296) mentions that the self‐existent primeval deities, Ote Boram and Sing Bonga, created a boy and a girl, and put them together in a cave to people the world. As the deities found them too innocent to cohabit, they taught the couple to prepare and consume rice beer, which ultimately inflamed their passion. In course of time they had twelve sons and twelve daughters. The deity Sing Bonga decided to the type of life each pair would lead in the world on the basis of the food they chose to eat. The first pair chose bullock‐flesh and became Kols, the second pair chose buffalos and became the Bhumiya, the third and fourth pairs chose vegetables only and became Brahmins and Chhatris, the fifth and sixth pairs chose goat and became Sudras, the seventh and eight pairs chose fish and became Sudras, the ninth pair chose shellfish and became Bhuiyas, the tenth and eleventh pairs chose pork and became Santhals and the twelfth pair chose nothing and became the Ghasis.
Legend 5: Yayati, the fifth king of the lunar race, divided his kingdom among his five sons. The descendants of one of his sons, Turvasu, settled in the south, and the tenth generation from inclusive, consisting of four brothers Pandya, Korala, Chola and Kola, divided the empire they had inherited. The offspring’s of Kola are the present day Kols. Social, Cultural and Religious Life of the Kols The Kols were divided into a number of endogamous clans, such as Rautiya, Dehait and Mahtiyan but presently they are divided into seven exogamous divisions i.e. clans (kuris), namely Barwarira, Kol, Momasi, Rautia, Rojaboria, Thakuria and Turkel (Singh 1998: 1764). They also appear to have lost all recollection of the Sun‐God, Sing bonga, who is still held in great reverence by the Mundas (Hasan 1972: 10). The traditional council or panchayat is headed by a group of headmen i.e. chaudhari who have the power to decide questions regarding marriage and morality. The decisions of the panchayat are rarely challenged. The Kols have the power to impose a cash fine and excommunicate the guilty. Punishment largely depends on the intensity of the crime. The Kols practise community endogamy and clan or kuri exogamy. They have a patrilineal social order (Singh 1996: 744). Traditionally they accept and exchange pucca food with the Ahir, Nai, Chero, Kurmi and Manjhi communities, but not with the Chamar, Dom and Dusadh. Putative kinship ties exist within their own community members. They share drinking water sources and the crematorium with other communities.
125
Religion plays a significant role in the life of the Kols. It is linked with their economic and social activities through rituals and festivals. The Kols are Hindus by faith. They worship Hindu gods, Rama, Hanuman and Shankar Bhagwan and goddesses (Devi). The family deities worshiped by them are Bansapati mata, Phulmati Devi, Bhaghuat, Birmidevi, Simoridevi; village deities are Rajalakhan Dhulhadeva, Babadeva, Bhagat, Baradwa, Bhasuria, Bhairon, Mata Sharda, Sivari and Dih; and the regional deities are Bindhyabasinidevi and Bhagbatidevi. Their priest (pandit) is chosen from other communities, while the community priest (sebai) and sorcerer (sokha) are the sacred specialists chosen from amongst their own community members (Singh 1996: 744). The Kols also believe in spirits (bhut paret, churails), witchcraft and various superstitions. The Kols also practise ancestor worship. They sacrifice fowl and goat and offer it to the spirits of the dead. In one corner of the house the Kols make a square platform, which has five small raised, circular mounds of 10 cm diameter each. This is called as Panchon Pir (Pl. 57). One small mound symbolises ancestors. Also in front of every Kol house are two square raised mud platforms (1.20 ×0.60 m), which are worshiped by them as ancestor and deosthan (160 altogether; Pl. 58). Next to the mound is a neem tree, which is worshiped as Sitala Mai and her six sisters. Whenever illnesses strike, women offer rice and sandalwood at the trunk of the tree. Besides, the Kols chew neem leaves as a means of avoiding the death pollution, or driving off the death or evil spirit, which accompanies the mourner home from the cremation or burial ground.
Pl. 57: Panchon Pir the left corner of the hut, worshipped by Kols
Life‐Cycle Rituals The life cycle rituals are borrowed from local Hindus includes feast during Chhathi, Barhin, Shadi, Gauna, Daswa and Barsi. Marriage within the clan is prohibited. No marriage between cross cousins and parallel cousins is possible. Monogamy is the norm of marriage (Singh 1996: 742). Polygamy is seldom practised but is no social taboo. It is considered a mark of social superiority, and prosperity. The marriage economic ceremony is held in the three months of Pl. 58: Deosthan of Kols Aghan, Magh and Phagun. A Kol will marry under some forms of marriage, which are The Kols have a number of festivals which broadly divided into two groups, the they celebrate in months of Magh (Makar regular and the irregular forms: Sankranti, Basant Panchmi), Phagun (Holi‐ Phagua, Shivratri), Chait (Ninth day after Regular form of Marriage: Adult marriages Amavas is celebrated Ramnaumi), Baisakh are the norm though child marriage also (Satva Sankrant), Sawan (Teej of Amavas), prevails among the Kols. In Biyah the Bhadon (Har Chauth, teej), Kuar (Nau parents arrange the marriage. Marriage Durga on the ninth day after Amavas, rituals are performed at the bride’s father Diwali), and Poos (Mahashivratri, Khichri). house whereas the consummation of marriage takes place at the bridegroom’s 126
house. Bride price and dowry are given in cash and kind. The Kol women use vermilion mark on the forehead as a marriage symbol. In the marriage by negotiation, the two parents negotiate when the child is around 2 to 3 years. And the actual marriage takes place when the children reach the age of 16 to 18 years. In the other form the bridegroom simply smears vermilion on the brides forehead, after which water is poured over their heads and they are married. Irregular form of Marriage or Sagai: Widow‐marriage is permissible in the form of junior sororate and junior levirate: • By kidnapping an unmarried girl; though not common, but by no means non‐ existent. • By marrying a widow or separated woman. • When a girl of her own accord goes and lives in a man’s house. The man in this instance shows his acceptance by smearing vermilion on her forehead. But their offspring are of inferior status to those resulting from a regular marriage. Divorce is permitted. It is the panchayat, which tries divorce cases. Either spouse can secure divorce on grounds of adultery, maladjustment, impotency and cruelty. After a divorce is sanctioned by the panchayat, both the parties are free to remarry. Birth: Certain pre‐delivery restrictions are observed. A twelve‐day pollution period is observed after childbirth. When the child is born, the umbilical cord is cut and buried in the room, and over it a fire is lit in an earthen pot. The belief is that the smoke drives away the evil spirits, which may otherwise harm the mother and the child. 127
For the first two days the baby is given goat or cow milk. The birth ceremonies are performed upon the birth of the child; women of the household sing sohar for a period of six days. Chhathi is observed on the sixth day after childbirth. On this occasion, both the child and mother are bathed. The ear of the baby is bored (kan chedan). All community members assemble and the child’s father provides them with drink and tobacco, Barhin is observed on the twelfth day after birth. On this day the mother and infant are bathed, and given new clothes so that taboos are withdrawn from the mother and she is freed from evil spirits. A feast is given, in which only close relatives partake, the first feeding ceremony or Pasani can be arranged at any time of the year. The child’s paternal aunt feeds the baby with the first morsel. This is followed by the naming ceremony, which is performed by the maternal uncle. The ceremony is followed by the father providing drink and tobacco to close relatives and Mundan is the head shaving ceremony. It takes place when the child’s age is between 6 and 12 months. No puberty ceremony is observed among the Kols. The adoption ceremony is always conducted before the elders of the community. A man without a male child can adopt his brother’s eldest son. A boy adopted loses all rights to the property of his natural father, unless the latter dies without other heirs. Superstitions in illness and disease: Superstition plays an important role in the life of Kols. Illness is thought to be the effect of evil spirits. Witch i.e. churails, evil eye i.e. buri najar, bhut and jin are the carriers of evil spirits. To avoid them, the Kols use abusive language and keep ashes in shrines to frighten them away. Bangles of iron and
glass, worn by married women are thought to be particularly effective against the evil eye. Beads of various types are tied around the waist of the child or worn as necklaces to protect them from the evil eye. Kohl i.e. kajal is applied on the forehead of the child for negating the power of the evil eye i.e. najar ka tor. Attire and Ornaments: The usual dress for men is dhoti, kurta or shirt, turban and a gamcha or scarf. The women dress themselves in sarees and kurta. Children are mostly seen with shirt and knickers and frocks. Every woman has tattoo marks (godna) but men are not tattooed. Godna is done either before or after marriage on various parts of the body i.e. arms, palms, legs and forehead. According to their belief it not only wards of the evil spirits but also protects the dead women after death. Kol women love wearing ornaments like: bulaq (nose), kanphul, airan and bali (earlobe), mala, sutiya or hansuli and guria (neck), pahunchi, churee and kare (wrist), bahuta (upper arms), kardahni (waist), gorahra, kare, charre or chhade, harraya and payal (ankle), bichhia and churva (toes). They wear ornaments made of gold, silver, gillet and lac. Women and children wear lac and glass bangles and bead necklaces. Men folk and young boys wear small brass or gillet earrings. Around their necks they wear a casket containing an amulet, which is suspended by a thread. Music and Dance: The Kols are fond of music and song. Singing and dancing is performed during festivals, ceremonies or as recreation. The music instruments played by them are dholak or dhol, majeera, jhanjh, bansuri, nagaria, ghunghuru and nevara. Indulgence in Drinks and Drugs: Drinking is no social taboo among the Kols. They make home brewed liquor from Mahua flowers and also use ganja and bhang as 128
intoxicants. They smoke biri or country made cigarettes, use hukkas and also chew paan and tobacco. Mortuary Practices: As soon as it is ascertained that a death has occurred, the fact of death is proclaimed publicly. The body is immediately moved outside and placed on the ground in front of the house with the head towards north. The body is covered with white cloth. The Kols follow different modes of mortuary practices: In most cases the dead body is disposed of by cremation. Close relatives wash the dead body. In case a male has died, the head is shaved and oiled. When a married woman dies, she is dressed in red saree and decorated with vermilion marks before cremation. The Kols prepare a bamboo sling, a tikti (bier) made of two long bamboo poles and a few crossbars on which the body is placed and fastened. The body is transported on this tikti to the cremation ground and is always near a water source like a stream or a river. From the home of the deceased a fire is brought in an earthen pot. The husband, elder brother or eldest son lights the pyre. Everyone participating in the funeral bathes in the river, tank, stream or nala afterwards. All male kith and kin get their heads and faces shaved after the body is disposed of. On the third day the relatives return to the cremation ground to collect the ashes and unburnt bones in an earthen pot. The collected ashes are then thrown in the water, preferably in the river Ganga. Death pollution is observed for ten days. A feast is organised on the tenth day (daswa) if the deceased was a male and on the ninth day if the deceased was a female. Another feast is given one year (barsi) after the death. In case of death occurring from epidemics or communicable diseases like small pox
and cholera, the dead body is either thrown into the river or is buried. Infants and children who die before the age of twelve are buried. The grave is dug in a north‐ south line; it is 1 to 2 m long and 1 m deep. The head is placed towards the north. After the body is placed in the grave, it is covered with a white cloth and layer of mud. After this a layer of thorns and stones uniformly covers the body. Over this a small tumulus of earth made on which large stones are placed. 4.3 Mallahs The word Mallah is a generic term used for a group of people whose occupation revolves around boating and fishing. In the study area Mallahs are also known as Nishad, Kewat, Dhimar, Karbak, Kachhwaha, Malso, Mallahi or Jalak. According to Russell and Hirallal (1916: 171‐72) the word Mallah is an Arabic word meaning ‘salt’ or, according to another derivation,’ to move its wings as a bird’. The term is no doubt purely occupational, and, being of Arabic origin, must have been introduced in comparatively recent times. Water transport and fishing are their traditional occupations. Those communities that have abandoned fishing have become generally speaking, separate sub castes, which regard themselves as superior in position to those who remain loyal to the net. Basically fishing is the primary occupation of the Mallahs while agriculture is considered a secondary one. The Mallahs sell fish in the market but nowadays some of them are engaged in rickshaw pulling or as agriculture labourers and daily‐wage labourers in factories (Singh 1993: 899; Singh 1998: 2166). Distribution and Population (Census years: 1881, 1891, 1901, 1911, 1921, 1931, 1981) The earlier distribution of the Mallahs comes from the Andaman & Nicobar 129
Islands, Assam, Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, Calcutta, the then Bikaner State, Central India Agency, Central Provinces & Berar, Gwalior State and H.E.H. Nizam’s Dominion (Singh 1996: 655). Presently, the Mallahs are found in Madhya Pradesh (Bilaspur distrct), Bihar (dispersed in over three‐fourth of the State’s area), Uttar Pradesh (Agra, Allahabad, Azamgarh, Ballia, Basti, Deoria, Etah, Ghazipur, Gorakhpur, Jalaun, Jaunpur, Kanpur (rural), Kanpur (Urban), Mirzapur, Sultanpur, Unnao and Varanasi districts), West Bengal (throughout the state) and Delhi. The total population, of Mallahs according to 1931, census was 894,951. Their population in Delhi according to 1981 census is 17,344 and in West Bengal it is 38,101. The language spoken by them in the study area is Hindi, with Awadhi and Bhojpuri dialects. The Mallahs are medium to short in general, posses a broad face, high cheekbones, a high nose, a full mouth and a pointed chin. They are dark complexioned to coppery brown, although a few are wheatish in colour. The following details come from the present ethnographic study among the Mallahs and from the earlier reports by Crooke (1896, Vol. III), Risley (1916), Sherring (1872, 1974) and Singh (1993, 1996): Synonyms: Gonrhi, Kewat, Mallahi, Nishad (Uttar Pradesh), Endogamous sub‐tribes: Agarwala, Balliya, Bathma, Bathmi, or Bhatwa, Bharmare, Bhok, Bhontiya, Chain, Chaudhariya, Dhar, Dhelphora, Ghogh, Gonriya, Goriya, Jalchhatri, Jarya, Kalwant, Kharautiya, Khas Kulwant, Mahohar, Machhar, Muriya, Nathu, Rajghatiya, Sribathawa, Sonhar, Tiyar, Turaiha (Crooke 1896, Vol. III: 462), and Sub‐castes: Bind, Chai, Chain or Chaini (steersmen), Guriya (stone‐mason), Kewat, Kulwant or Kulwat, Muriya or Muriyari, Pandubi, Surahiya or Sorahiya, Tiyar,
Bathawa or Badhariya (Sherring 1974: 346; Crooke 1896, Vol. III: 462, Risley 1916). Legends of Origin Legend 1: According to Russell and Hiralal (1916: 171‐172) and Sherring (1974: 347) the Mallah’s original ancestor was Bali or Baliram who ferried Lord Rama across the Ganga in Benaras. It is said that Rama gave him a horse as a reward. Baliram used to place the bridle on the horse’s tail instead of the head, as he was ignorant, and from this act of Baliram arose the custom of having the rudder of a boat at the stern rather than the bow. The ancestor of the Mallahs of the Ganga valley in the eastern districts of the United Provinces is said to have steered the boat in which Ram Chandra (their name for Lord Rama) crossed the river on his way to Chitrakut during his exile (Crooke 1896, Vol. III: 461). This ancestor settled at the village of Ram Chaura, where there is now a ferry across the Ganga. The headquarters of the Mirzapur Mallahs is at Sirsa on the Tons in Allahabad district, close to where it joins the Ganga. Legend 2: Sherring (1974: 347), while noting ten subgroups among the Mallah, mentions that –‘they are descended from a common father, by name of Nikhad, but that the Kewats, one of the groups, alone are born in lawful wedlock’. Legend 3: Crooke (1896, Vol. III: 461) describes them as the descendants of the Nishada, a mountain tribe of the Vindhya range. The Bathma or Sribastav Mallahs (a subgroup of the Mallahs) have a tradition that they were originally Srivastava Kayasths who migrated from a place called Srinagar in the hills, because they refused to give one of their girls to the king of that country and were consequently driven out. 130
Social, Cultural and Religious Life of the Mallahs Law of Exogamy: The sub‐castes described earlier are strictly endogamous and will not eat and smoke together. Their law of exogamy though is not very clearly defined, but in Allahabad, the descendants of a common ancestor are not allowed to intermarry. The Mallahs practise endogamy at the community level and exogamy at the clan level (Singh 1998: 2164). The Mallahs have a panchayat of their own. Family heads and elders (adult males) lead the panchayat. The panchayat deals with matters of caste discipline and regulates minor disputes over water, social irregularities and community welfare activities. Social boycott and cash fines are the punishments commonly imposed by the panchayat. Punishment largely depends on the intensity of the crime. Infidelity of any kind is punished by fines and excommunication. Other offences enquired into include charges of adultery and fornication. Legal matters are taken to the courts of law. The Mallahs maintain a cordial relationship with all neighbouring communities. They eat kaccha or even pucca food cooked by a Brahmin only when it is cooked at there own fireplace. Traditionally, the Mallahs accept water, kaccha and sidha food from other communities but the higher castes do not accept the same from the Mallahs. The Dhobi and Nai help them in conducting several ceremonies, receiving cash remuneration in return. The Mallahs do not dine and maintain marital relations with the Chamar, Bhangi, Pasi or Muslims. But presently, the younger generation of the Rajput, Saini, Jat, Yadav, Gujjar, Sonar, Lohar and Badai communities accept pucca food from the Mallahs (Singh 1998: 2166).
The Mallahs worship deities of the wider Hindu pantheon. These include Mahadeva, Kali, Ganga Mai, Mahalakshmi, Mahasarswati, Ram, Sita, Lakshman and Shiva. A Brahmin priest performs their rituals and purification ceremonies. The Mallahs have village deities i.e. Dih; Panchon Pir. They worship water deity Barun, who is the representative of the Vedic Varuna or, the God of the sky (Crooke 1896, Vol. III: 465). Milk is poured as an offering in the Ganga before embarking on a journey. After contracting and recovering from diseases like chicken pox, measles and other skin diseases they have start worshipping Sitala Mai. The Navratari festival is celebrated twice in a year on the first to ninth day of the bright half of Chaitra and Asvina months. Goddess Durga is worshipped for nine days in their houses. As part of the worship on the first day of Navratari women make a rectangular diagram on the wall on which the Mallah women then make finger patterns from rice flour, soot and vermilion. In some houses the Mallah women make one small conical clay hump in the corner of the house to mark each day. Their feasts and festivals are similar to those of the Kols. Life‐Cycle Rituals Community endogamy and gotra exogamy are the marriage rules. Monogamy is the norm of marriage. Polygamy, though rare, is also practised and is no social taboo. The forms of marriage a Mallah are broadly divided into two types, regular and the irregular: Regular form of marriage is arranged through negotiation. Adult marriage is common. Bride price and dowry is given in the form of clothes, jewellery and utensils. Marriage rituals are performed at either the 131
bride’s or the bridegroom’s residence. The important rituals are circumambulation of the sacred fire seven times. Vermilion is the symbol of marriage. In irregular form of marriage‐ the widows, widowers and divorcees (both sexes) are allowed to remarry. But, as a rule, it is only widowers who take a widow in marriage by the Sagai form in which widow‐marriage is permissible in the form of junior sororate and junior levirate. The Mallahs practise junior sororate and junior levirate. Prenuptial infidelity is looked down upon but they can be married under the Sagai form of marriage, when the couple has eloped. Both spouses can seek divorce. After divorce, either parent nay look after the children. Birth Ceremonies: There are no ceremonies during pregnancy. After the birth, the umbilical cord is cut and buried under the hut floor. The mother and child are considered impure for six days. If the child is male, they perform chhathi on the sixth day after the birth and if female, on the eighth day. The closest relatives partake of a feast on this occasion. On the tenth day (dasootan) a Pandit (priest) selects the religious name for the child. The first rice giving (anna prasana) ceremony is performed in the seventh month. Tonsure (mundan) is performed for both the sexes. Superstition plays an important role in Mallahs life. Illness is thought to be the effect of evil spirits. To avoid them, bangles of iron and glass are worn by married women, which are considered particularly defensive against the evil eye. Kohl, i.e. kajal is applied on the forehead of the child as it is thought to negate the power of evil eye. Attire and Ornaments: The usual dress for men is dhoti, kurta or shirt, turban and a
gamcha or scarf. The women dress themselves in sarees and kurtas. Children are mostly seen with shirt, knickers and frocks. The Mallah women love to use ornaments made of gold, silver, gillet, glass and lac. The men folk and young boys are rarely seen wearing any ornaments. The ornaments worn by the Mallah women are bulaq (nose ring), kanphul (earring), mala (necklace), hansuli (worn in neck), churee and kare (bangle), kardahani (waist belt), charre and payal (worn in ankle) and bichhia (toe ring). Music and Dance: The Mallahs are fond of music and songs and sing and dance on all festive occasions. The music instruments played by them are dholak or dhol, majeera, jhanjh, bansuri, nagaria and ghunguru. Indulgence in Drinks and Drugs: Drinking is no social taboo among the Mallahs. The adult males gather every evening in a courtyard and drink country made liquor and smoke ganja and bhang as intoxicants. They smoke biri or country made cigarettes, hukka and also chew paan and tobacco.
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Mortuary Practices Children under eight years of age, or unmarried, are buried whereas others are cremated in the usual way. The burial and cremation pattern is similar to that of the Kols. Death pollution is observed for eleven days. Mortuary rituals are performed on the third, thirteenth and thirtieth days. For a male ten holy balls made of dough are offered to the dead on the tenth day, and for a woman, nine on the ninth day. These are offered by the funeral priest i.e., Mahabrahman. On the first anniversary i.e., Barsi, twelve balls are offered. The Mallahs have a special pindu offering for those who did not leave behind any sons. Another ceremony, Narayani‐bal is performed for those who died away from home (Crooke 1896, Vol. III: 465). The following chapters give us the detailed documentation of settlement and subsistence pattern of the three communities so to draw analogies to understand the prehistoric archaeology of the study area.
Chapter 5 SETTLEMENT PATTERN STUDIES OF THE SIMPLE COMMUNITIES The history of settlement pattern studies was briefly described in Chapter 1. Here the settlement patterns of the Musahars, Kols and Mallahs are dealt with for a better understanding of the archaeological evidences from the region. For understanding the settlement according to the degree of permanence, studies by Muller‐Wille (cited in Butzer 1972: 404) were referred to. He recognises the following settlement types based on duration of site occupation, i.e. Ephemeral settlements of a few days duration, Temporary settlements of several weeks duration, Seasonal settlements of some months duration, Semi permanent settlements of some years duration and Permanent settlements lasting for several generations. The term Patterns is applied to the distribution of varied elements of settlement‐individual farmstead, hamlets, villages, market towns or a mixture of all types‐ throughout a landscape or a region (Roberts 1996: 24). In contrast, the term forms, or morphology, is applied to the character of an individual element of settlement, be this the form of a house, of a village or a town. Settlement in the study area takes a number of minor forms and four main types. They vary from each other in a number of ways, i.e. in size and composition of social groups, size and layout, structures size and form and construction materials. The four main types are: Temporary fishing settlements, Seasonal summer agriculture settlements, Semi‐permanent settlements and Year‐ round permanent settlements. The 133
settlement types vary in distribution pattern and locations in the alluvial plains and in the Vindhyan region. Temporary fishing settlements: These settlements are found near riverbanks, lakes and ponds. They are seasonal and specialised. They are mobile and shift according to the availability of resources. The topographic location for temporary settlements is near natural glades along or close to a stream, and near a water source in the forest. Thus, the suitability of the location is a strong motive for the choice. If the site is unsatisfactory the group can move on with little trouble. The distance between two settlements depends largely on the size of social groups and a large distance is maintained between them depending on economic resources. In the Vindhyan region these settlements are located on small hills near a water source. These settlements are constructed to serve a smaller purpose than the permanent settlements and are different in appearance. The structures are huts and are linear in morphology. The huts are made of low mud walls, thatched roof supported by wooden centre posts and cross beams. They are meant mainly for shelter and activities. Occasionally the occupants do a small amount of gardening behind the huts. Periodically male members must return to their villages to irrigate fields or attend to other businesses at home. These temporary settlements are abandoned and reoccupied. Fishing in rivers and tanks begins in November and continues till May or June. In the first week of the rains, when the river starts flooding, larger quantities of fish are
caught in one to two weeks than in several weeks in the summer and winter seasons. Seasonal summer settlements: In plains these settlements are found near agricultural fields in the plains and sandy stretches of receded Ganga waters, as at Jhusi near Allahabad while in the Vindhyan region settlements are found on hilltops for agriculture near water sources like the river Belan and its tributaries. These settlements are at lower heights than the permanent settlements. The distance between two temporary settlements is greater and largely depends on the economic resources and the type of land. The speciality of these settlements is that they are abandoned seasonally and are reoccupied in the next season. During the summer availability of water is paramount. Hence these settlements are mainly near water sources. Semi‐permanent settlements: These settlements are specifically seen among the Musahars and Kols in the plains. The houses are linear and semi circular in morphology and contains 5 to 12 families. The settlement is based near a forest and a water source, just a few kilometres away from the main village. Structures are made of wattle and daub and mud. There are also shelters for domesticated animals. This type of settlement is mainly based on their traditional subsistence of hunting and gathering, fishing, fowling and partially agriculture. Year round settlements: In plains these settlements are more uniformly distributed than in the Vindhyan region. Here the settlements are stable, clustered and evenly distributed and the space between two villages is restricted only from 1.5 to 2 km. In the Vindhyan region the settlements are dispersed and are situated at greater distances (3 to 5 km) from each other because of the hilly terrain. They are 134
generally found on hills. In the year round settlements, half of the structures are used for human shelter. The others are for animal shelter (goats, pig, hen and cattle) and agricultural equipment. Structures for human shelter are mostly made of mud, mud bricks and stone. There are courtyards, vegetable gardens and threshing floors. For domesticated animals there are straw roofed pens, stone or stone slab shelters. Every settlement has a cremation and a burial ground. If the settlements are situated on the riverside, water from the river itself is utilised for cleaning and drinking otherwise wells are dug in the village for water. The simple communities in the study area have both natural and artificial shelters. Topographic locations are carefully chosen, with security and economic development as the dominant motive. It was observed that the Musahars, Kols and Mallahs have varied types of settlement styles. Shelters for human occupation, animals, and storage are mainly designed according to the severity of climate. The climate in the study area is characterised by cold winters, hot summers, with high winds and hot winds (loo) and rains. The settlement types here are dealt with community‐wise to understand their total activity area, hearth area, morphology and the disposal of dead. 5.1 Musahar Settlements Settlement Type I (Seasonal Open Air Settlement): In this type the Musahars reside in mango or mahua plantations belonging to the village head or to an influential villager (Pls. 59a, 59b; Figs. 24a, 24b). The total area occupied is 20 m in diameter. They stay under the trees as a protection against the severity of the season. In this type of settlement, irregular compact mud floors are made under the tree for human occupation while semi‐circular wind shelters are made to store the belongings. The standard technique of making these
wind shelters is to stick two upright stems with forked tops in the ground. A cross pole is placed horizontally on the forked tops. Several branches are placed with one end resting against the cross pole at an angle of 45° and the other end is stuck in the ground in a semicircle. Besides these, wind shelters are also used as protection from rain. The roof framework is covered with piyyara i.e. rice stalk, grass, reed and dried leaves of dhak. The shelters do not have doors, instead a gate of thorny bushes is put in front of the doorways to keep wild animal away.
Pl. 59a: Musahar family living under Mahua tree, Settlement I (Seasonal Open Air Settlement)
Fig. 24a: Layout of Musahar Settlement Type I (Seasonal Open Air Settlement) 135
Fig. 24b: Layout of Musahar Settlement Type I (Seasonal Open Air Settlement), SITE‐1: Dwelling Area
The settlement contains three to four families of about 12 to 16 people in total. Each individual family occupies one shelter, in a dispersed form. The morphology of the houses is variable. Irregular or semicircular arrangements are commonly observed. Dogs are the only domesticated animals seen in this type of settlement who accompany hunters on hunts. 136
These groups show distinct preferences in settlement locations. The size of the group/s is essentially determined by availability of economic resources like leaves (for making leaf plates) from the nearby forest and the availability of food resources in the area. They prefer settling near rivers, agricultural fields and forests because:
• Rivers and lakes provide an extra source of food supply in the form of fish. Fishing is carried out with boats and rivers provide the principal transportation lines. • They prefer to inhabit near agricultural fields, which not only provides them with rat meat but also grain from rat holes. They are sometimes especially called upon to clear the rat menace from the agricultural fields • For collection of leaves for making leaf plates and cups, small game hunting and fowling.
In this settlement winter season causes greater discomfort than any other season. The winter warmth is undoubtedly the most difficult to achieve in terms of cost, and available sources. The cremation and burial ground lies seven meter away from the habitation area in the north of the settlement on a series of natural mounds that are covered with cobbles and grass (Figs. 24c, 24d).
Fig. 24c: Layout of Musahar Settlement Type I (Seasonal Open Air Settlement), SITE‐3: Burial Ground 137
Fig. 24d: Layout of Musahar Settlement Type I (Seasonal Open Air Settlement), SITE‐2: Cremation Ground
Settlement Type II (Seasonal Summer Settlement): In this type, the Musahar settlements are mainly on the outskirts of villages (Fig. 25a). The total habitation area is 20 m in diameter. They make temporary huts of straw, wood and branches. The thatched huts are circular (Pl. 61) or rectangular (Pl. 60) in shape and are always under a large tree. Huts are constructed with rectangular rows of posts joined by wickerwork of plant fibre usually coated with a paste of mud, cow dung and chaff or straw (Pl. 83). 138
Pl. 61: Circular hut in Musahar Settlement II (Seasonal Summer settlement)
Fig. 25a: Layout of Musahar Settlement Type II (Seasonal Summer Settlement), Dwelling Area
About five to six families of about 16 to 22 people inhabit this type of settlement. The morphology of the houses is variable. Irregular or semicircular arrangements were commonly observed. Dogs are the only domesticated animals in these settlements that accompany the hunters on hunts. These groups also show distinct preferences in settlement location and the size of the 139
groups is essentially determined by availability of economic resources, like leaves from the nearby forest and food resources: • They work as agricultural labourers, stonecutters and also make leaf plates and cups. • Besides, they engage in small game hunting, fowling and fishing in the agricultural fields and nearby forest.
In summer and winter most of the activities including cooking and leaf plate making is carried on outside the hut. In summer they sleep outside the hut. The hearth is always outside in the open (Figs. 25a, 25b). Only during the rainy season cooking and other activities are undertaken inside the huts. Otherwise the huts are used only for keeping belongings. There is only one opening (door) in the hut, which is always
without ventilators. The door always faces the north. The huts are designed for protection against summer winds and windy rainy showers. The cremation and burial ground is about 15 m away from the habitation area. Sometimes they cremate their dead at the cremation ground of the nearest village.
Fig. 25b: Layout of Musahar Settlement Type II (Seasonal Summer Settlement), ITE‐1: Abandoned Hut
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Settlement Type III (Semi‐Permanent Settlement): This type of settlement is in the form of small village, which lies on the plains on the outskirts of a forest. The total area (Figs. 26, 27) covered by the settlement is 25 m in diameter. It consists of huts made of wattle and daub (Pl. 83), thatched mud houses and leaf houses (Pl. 62). The houses are rectangular in shape. Most of the rooms
are single hut (Fig. 27), except when the male members of the family get married, a string of rooms are attached to the house, thus, forming a linear orientation of the houses (Fig. 26). Separate huts are also constructed (Fig. 27). Storage facilities like storage bins are constructed to keep agricultural products.
Fig. 26: Layout of Musahar Settlement Type III (Semi Permanent Settlement) 141
Fig. 27: Layout of Musahar Settlement Type III (Semi Permanent Settlement)
About seven to ten families of about 21 to 25 people in total inhabit this type of settlement. The morphology of the houses is variable; linear and semi circular 142
arrangements of houses were commonly observed. Besides human shelters, temples are also constructed. The Musahars domesticate animals and have specially
made hencoops and pigsties (Figs. 26, 27). houses were commonly observed. The They also domesticate dogs, which cremation and burial ground is about 35 m accompany them during hunting away from the habitation area. The operations. Musahars also cremate their dead at the cremation ground of the nearest village. Availability of economic resources, leaves Besides human shelters, temples are also from the nearby forest and food resources constructed (Pl. 51). The Musahars are the essential criteria for settlement domesticate animals and have specially location and the size of the groups: made hencoops and pigsties (Figs. 26, 27). The village has one central pathway, which • They are relatively well off and own land winds between small courts plastered with and are involved in agriculture. mud and cow dung situated immediately in • They work as stonecutters and also make front of the house. The Musahars construct leaf plates and cups. wells as sources of water. • Besides working as labourers they do small game hunting, fowling and fishing in the These Musahars live near agricultural fields. agricultural fields and nearby forest. The Musahars are partly well off and own land and are involved in agriculture. They The huts are mainly used for keeping the work as stonecutters and also make leaf belongings. There is only one opening plates and cups. Besides working as field (door) in the hut and no ventilators. The labourers they do small game hunting, hearth is placed outside in the open. fowling and fishing in agricultural fields Hearths inside the huts are constructed only and nearby forest. during rainy season. During summer, most activities including cooking and sleeping It was observed that in all the settlement are carried out outside the hut. The types of the Musahars, they have a cremation and burial ground is about 20 m superstition against living under thatch away from the habitation area. The roof. If they do construct the huts they are Musahars also cremate their dead at the small and are used mainly for keeping belongings. In fact all the activities like cremation ground of the nearest village. cooking, leaf plate making, and sleeping is Settlement Type IV (Year Round carried out in open, except during rainy Permanent Settlement, Small Village): In season. There is an interesting legend this type, the settlements are situated on the narrated to the author by Budhu Musahars plains and hills away from the forest. The in this connection: ‘Deosi the ancestor of the total area occupied is 40 to 60 m in diameter. Musahars was one of seven brothers. Their The Musahars make thatched huts (Pl. 62) father Makra Durga Rai had a large thatch with wattle and daub, thatched rectangular made to cover his house. All the brothers mud houses, tiled roof rectangular mud except Deosi were present to assist at the houses and rectangular brick houses. lifting of the thatch. Owing to Deosis Storage facilities like storage bins are made absence, the thatch could not be raised, but fell on them and was broken. His brothers to keep agricultural products. were so angry that they expelled him from About 10 to 15 families of about 28 to 40 the house. From then on the Musahars are people in total inhabit this type of condemned never to live under a thatch settlement. The morphology of the houses is roof’. This particular legend is similar to the variable, linear and circular arrangements of one quoted by J.C. Nesfield (1888: 34). 143
5.2 Kol Settlements Settlement Type I (Seasonal Settlement): These settlements are situated near the forest. The total habitation area is 20 m in diameter. About three to four families of 8 to 10 people inhabit the settlement. The morphology of the houses is circular in plan. The settlement tends to be clustered and sometimes there is a summer and winter encampment, each of which remains unoccupied for some months in the year. Dogs are the only domesticated animals seen in this type of settlement. These Kol groups show distinct preferences in settlement location. The size of the group/s is essentially determined by availability of economic resources like fuel wood, herbs and food resources in the nearby forest. They do small game hunting and fowling in the forest. The Kols make thatched circular huts for seasonal use. The huts are made of wild grass, dry leaves and bushes. The grass is collected from the forest during October and November. The roof is made up of two pieces of thatched frames joined together in such a manner as to give a tilted shape to the roof. The ceilings are supported by ballis, i.e., wooden poles, in the middle as well as on the sides, which rest on walls made of thatched frames. The walls are merely bamboo screens or just branches woven together and protected by thorns. This type of house is airy. The other types of walls are made of bamboo screens, plastered with mud. The walls are low, never more than 1 m high, and so it is only in the middle of the hut that one can partially stand erect. The door is usually in the middle of the front wall. Doorframe is made of thatch or bamboo pieces tied together with rope made of munj
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(Erianthus munja). This is the only opening in the hut and is used for ventilation. The huts are of a type that can be destroyed overnight when the collection of wood and herbs from the forest is completed. They cremate and bury their dead about 20 m away form the habitation area. Settlement Type II (Semi‐Permanent Settlement, Hamlet): These settlements consist of hamlets called purwas, which lie between forest and agricultural farmland (Pl. 63). They are on the outskirts (about half a kilometre away) of the main village, which is inhabited by high caste families. They are situated at varying distances (1 to 1.5 km) from each other, intervened by cultivated land and cultivable wasteland. The total area of habitation is 40 m in diameter. About 10 to 12 families comprising 35 to 45 people inhabit the settlement. The preference for the settlement is in the fertile alluvial plains. The morphology of the houses is variable. Linear and semi circular arrangements of houses were commonly observed. The settlement has a wide range of variation. The morphology of the settlement is: • Shapeless cluster with streets not forming an integral part of the settlement. These are either massive or of the dispersed type, in which the village is reckoned to consist of an assemblage of discrete clusters of comparatively small size. • The settlement may have a tortuous or irregular road; but these grow according to local requirements, not as part of the original design. • A protective stonewall for purposes of defence may enclose them (Pl. 63).
Pl. 63: Purwas of Kol, Settlement II (Semi Permanent Settlement, hamlet)
The huts have tilted roofs and are constructed with a rectangular or circular row of posts joined by wickerwork of plant fibre, usually coated with mud, mixed mud and dung, or mud mixed with chaff or straw (wattle and daub). The Kols also make rectangular kaccha or mud houses with tilted roofs. Such houses consist usually of two rooms, with a veranda in the front facing the courtyard. There is also a backyard enclosed by mud wall or thorn fencing. The walls are made of mud or stone, plastered with a mixture of cow dung and clay, and are generally decorated with designs of human and animal figures and deities (Pls. 74a, 74b, 74c). Hands are printed on the walls during the time of a wedding or birth of a son. The roof is covered with hay, or crude country made tiles, i.e. khapra over a framework of thatch. The mud floors are periodically smeared with cow dung. There are no windows and all the light comes through the door leading to a small veranda. Storage bins are made for keeping agricultural products. The big courtyard in front of the house with a shed 145
of thatch on one side is made for cattle and goats. Besides, hencoops are also made inside the house. There are one or more trees in the courtyard with a mud platform (deosthan), which is regarded as the house deity. A neem (Melia azadirachta) tree is always grown on the central pathway. Under it is a raised platform of mud where most of the village worship is observed. A chabutra, i.e., mud platform is also made in front, which is used for evening gatherings. They dig wells as sources of water. The cremation and burial ground is along the riverside or nala and about 35 m away from the habitation area. Settlement Type III (Year Round Permanent Settlement, Small Village): This settlement is found in fertile alluvial plains and hilltops in the Vindhyan region. The total area of habitation is 45 to 65 m in diameter. About 15 to 20 families comprising 35 to 55 people inhabit the settlement. The huts are clustered together and not scattered. The morphology of the
settlement is linear and compact. These settlements have: • Linear cluster with a regular open space (courtyard). • Straight street provided between parallel rows of houses. • Linear cluster may again grow in size as population increases and parallel streets may be added or streets even set at right angles to the old streets so that, eventually, a square form results, which may appear like a shapeless cluster from a distance. • Square or rectangular cluster with straight streets running parallel or at right angles to one another. • A protective stonewall for purposes of defence may enclose them.
The Kols construct kaccha thatched mud houses (Pls. 58, 64), tiled roof mud houses, and brick and cement houses. It is more usual to find the houses grouped together as a single unit. However, some Kols have houses in separate enclosures, each an individual unit (each house having two rooms with a veranda and a spacious backyard). They are located in such a manner that a common courtyard is formed between three to four huts and the front doors face the yard. This courtyard is used for common purposes; for instance, stocking and drying forest produce and community meetings. Windows in the walls are provided for ventilation. Walls are decorated with the figures of deities, animals or of human beings. Sometime imprints of hands are made on the walls at the time of a wedding or birth of a son.
Pl. 64: Thatched hut with painted walls and floor, Settlement III (Year Round Permanent Settlement)
There is a separate enclosure for keeping cattle (Fig. 28). A covered space is provided in the enclosure where goats and cattle are kept at night or during inclement weather 146
(Pl. 97). The poor people keep the cattle in one of the kothries (rooms) inside the house. Storage bins are made for keeping agricultural products.
Every house has deosthan in the courtyard (Pl. 58). Besides, an open‐air temple is also constructed in the settlement. Community buildings like temples serving as a complex for social or religious functions are usual, and stand out by their greater size and ornamentation. The same applies to the house of the local village head. In the latter instance large herds of animals may be enclosed within a circle of huts (Fig. 28; Pls. 95, 96).
The whole settlement has a fencing of thorny bushes of acacia, shrubs, branches of trees and wooden balli as protection against wild animals. The village has one central pathway, which winds between small courts plastered with mud and cow dung situated immediately in front of the house. Refuse, however, is thrown into the manure pits (pansi) right alongside the houses,
which is used as manure for agricultural fields. The Kols dig wells as a source of water. The cremation and burial ground is 35 m away from the main habitation area. 5.3 Mallah Settlements Settlement I (Temporary Fishing Settlement): The settlement is temporary in nature and is abandoned and reoccupied. These settlements are located close to the fishing area and where there is sufficient supply of firewood. The settlement is occupied mainly during rainy and partially in summer seasons. The location of the settlement is about 100 m inland or along the riverside (Pl. 65). Sufficient space is left between the habitation area and the river in the rainy season so that the water level does not reach the settlements during floods. The area of the habitation is along the river.
Pl. 65: Mallah Settlement I (Temporary Fishing Settlement) on the banks of river Tons
About five to ten families comprising 15 to 20 members inhabit these settlements. The occupants are mainly adult males and teenage boys. The morphology of the huts is of linear arrangement, the doors facing the river. Thatched huts of temporary nature are constructed with bamboo or wood with two‐sloped roofs made of hay and branches, which can easily be removed whenever necessary. Due to the movement of the fish 147
during the fishing season the Mallah do not bond to any particular place for a long time. The Mallahs discover new fishing sites for better catches. Houses are rectangular with a two‐room hut, containing a kitchen, store and bedroom. One side is used for cooking and other for storing. Storerooms are also constructed separately lest the residue of food pollutes it. In some cases, the cooking is also done in an open place in one corner
of the hut. Rooms remain open. The northern side of the hut is completely covered with roof due to the chilly northern wind.
Sufficient open space left in the front serves as a courtyard for drying fish. The Mallahs dry fish on the roof of the house, in the open on platforms or open ground. They construct racks for drying fish. These racks are constructed for maximum utilisation of the sunlight. The size of the racks varies depending on the size of fish to be dried. To construct a rack, 8 to 10 bamboo splits are planted vertically at a distance of about 30 cm each. Twelve to eighteen bamboo splits are tied horizontally at a distance of 15 to 20 cm to the vertical posts. A simpler method for hanging half dried fish consists of two vertical posts supporting another one. Sometimes a strong rope is tied horizontally instead of bamboo on which the fish are hung.
Fishermen anchor their boats and nets in their own area. No demarcation of boundary is made at the settlement, but fencing of bamboo splits and dry tree branches is erected to ward off dogs and cats. Along the riverside a small area is
chosen for sorting fish. A clear plot of land is used for this where fish are stacked when brought form the river. Fishing nets are also mended here. Thus utilisation of space in fishing camp is essentially correlated with the life activities of the fisher folk.
A common shrine is constructed in the middle of the settlement. The cremation and burial is done in the main village where they inhabit on a permanent basis.
Settlement Type II a (Seasonal Agricultural Settlement, hill top): The seasonal settlement is temporary (Pls. 66, 67; Figs. 29a, 29b) in nature and is abandoned (Fig. 29c) and reoccupied. The settlement tends to be clustered and sometimes there is a summer and winter encampment, both of which remain unoccupied for some months of the year. These settlements were especially seen in the Vindhyan region on small hills near water sources (Fig. 29a), which are suitable for both agriculture and fishing. No religious structures were noticed in these settlements. The size of these settlements is three to seven families comprising 12 to 20 members. The huts are loosely arranged and tend to display a dispersed morphology.
Pl. 66: Mallah Settlement II a (Agriculture Settlement, hill top) along the river Belan 148
Pl. 67: Hut type and crop protection shed, Mallah Settlement II a (Agricultural Settlement, hill top)
Fig. 29a: Map showing Village Mando, SITE‐1 (Settlement Type II a, Seasonal Agricultural Settlement, hill top) and SITE‐2 (Abandoned Mallah Settlement Type II a) in the Belan Valley 149
Fig. 29b: Layout of Mallah Settlement Type II a (Seasonal Agricultural Settlement, hill top)
150
Pl. 68 Abandoned Mallah Settlement II a (Agricultural Settlement, hill top)
Fig. 29c: Layout of Abandoned Mallah Settlement Type II a (Seasonal Agricultural Settlement, hill top)
151
Thatched rectangular huts are used as shelter. They are loosely arranged and each individual family occupies a shelter. They are made on a temporary basis and are reoccupied after being, abandoned for a few months. When reoccupied, materials like wood and stone are reused for construction. Every hut has courtyard space, storage rooms and outside pens. Living rooms are quite evenly spaced. The rooms are dark, as there is no window or ventilator for light and fresh air to come in. The storerooms are placed close to the living rooms (Fig. 29b). Storage bins are made to keep agricultural products. Threshing mud floors are usually located away from the huts so that the prevailing winds do not carry the chaff towards huts. There is a separate enclosure for keeping cattle (Fig. 29b). A covered space is provided in the enclosure where cattle can be kept at night. Cremation and burial is done near the main village where they inhabit on a permanent basis.
Settlement Type II b (Seasonal Agricultural Settlement, Receding Ganga): These settlements are situated on the receding banks of the Ganga (Pl. 69). They
are seasonal in character and are occupied during summer for growing zaid crops (Pl. 70). The habitation area is vast and huts are loosely arranged at a distance of 30 cm from one another. About seven to ten families comprising 21 to 35 people inhabit these settlements. But at night only male members of the family inhabit these settlements, while other members go back to the nearby permanent settlement. The morphology of the houses is dispersed. No shrine was noticed in these settlements.
Temporary huts are made with bamboo and have thatched roofs. They are used for sleeping, while cooking is done in the Mallah village across the river. The food is then carried to the settlement although sigdi or movable hearth is used for heating food and roasting fish. Wells are dug in the sandy soil to water the plants and for self‐ consumption. It is interesting to note that when the water level of the Ganga rises, all evidence of the settlement is carried away. When the Mallahs settle in the next season they start by building new huts and wells. Cremation and burial is done near their permanent settlement (village).
Pl. 69: Hut type in Mallah settlement II b (Seasonal Agricultural Settlement, Receding Ganga); also seen is sigdi (hearth) 152
Pl. 70: Crops grown in summer on receding Ganga, Mallahs (Settlement II b)
Settlement Type III (Year Round Permanent Settlement): The settlement is situated 1 to 2 km inland. The total area of habitation is 50 m in diameter. About 15 to 25 families comprising 45 to 65 individuals inhabit these settlements. The morphology of the houses is dispersed. Circular and linear arrangement of houses was observed. Thatched huts are constructed with a rectangular row of posts joined by wickerwork usually coated with mud paste, cow dung and chaff or straw (wattle and daub). The rectangular mud houses and huts are constructed in dense concentration. The roof is supported by vertical as well as oblique beams, and covered with grass, straw, reed and sometimes with tiles, i.e., khapra. The typical shelter form is that of a one‐room house. Some of the houses are more elaborate with two to three rooms, a kitchen, a grain store and an extensive courtyard. The main entrance of the house faces north. Storage bins are made to keep agricultural products. The rooms are usually dark, but sometimes a window is
153
provided for ventilation. Cattle, goats and hens are kept in the house at night.
Community buildings like temples, which serve, as centres for religious functions, are usual, and stand out because of their greater size and ornamentation. The same applies to the house of the village head. Where social rather than economic factors prevail, the living huts are located around the core area comprising the village head’s house, temple and other community buildings. Protection is commonly obtained through construction of palisades, thorn fences, and stone and mud boundary. Wells are dug for water. The cremation and burial ground is along the riverside.
5.4 Construction Techniques of Muduses The Musahars, Kols and Mallahs build houses for many reasons, as protection from climatic severities and for storage of belongings. Methods of construction of houses depend very much upon the economic health of the house owner and the nature of the climate. Both men and women participate in house construction, but men do most of the actual labour. Friends and
relatives also participate in a form of a community act and are helped in return when constructing their own houses. Construction is done seasonally. Mud brick walls are made best during summer, when the people are free from agricultural activity. Huts are built mostly in winter and occasionally in summer. They are repaired before and after the rains. Lime plaster is applied on the inner and outer walls to insulate the rooms. For obtaining better insulation from cold, walls are shared and multi‐roomed structures are sheltered by a single roof.
During calamities like heavy rains or storms, huts are blown off or badly damaged. In such emergencies another hut is hurriedly set up using the old material or extensive repairs are carried out to the earlier hut. The house plan is of two types: circular with slanting roofs and rectangular with inclined roofs.
The primary materials of construction comprise mud. It is used for making houses, storage bins, hearths, courtyards and floors. It is brought from nearby pond, i.e. Gadhaye. Stone and clay are other raw materials of construction. Besides mud bricks and mud plaster are also used during construction. Dung is used as a waterproofing agent. Wooden poles, straw and bamboo are used in the construction of doors, window frames
and roofs. Metals and paints are also used for construction of houses. The walls of the mud houses can be differentiated according to their shape and thickness into four types:
Mud walls with stones and slabs at the base of the wall: Among the Musahars this is the most common type of wall construction (Pl. 71). Such construction is also noticeable among the Kols of the Vindhyan region. The walls are made of stone and mud. They are plastered with a mixture of cow dung and clay. These walls are low, never more than 90 cm high. As such it is only in the middle of the hut that a person can stand erect, and that too, with some difficulty. The sidewalls taper upwards where the centre beam is held. The height is up to 1.50 m. Stones are placed at the base of the wall, horizontally, one upon the other for 50 cm with mud in between the stones. Mud blocks are placed on the walls, each course laid (40 cm) so that the bonds are staggered vertically and horizontally. For plastering the walls, layers of clay mixed with chopped straw and dung soaked in water, is applied. With plastering the wall is 20 cm thick. The door is built in the middle of the front wall. The doors (tattar) are made of latticed wood, reeds, bamboo strips and twigs. The doors are 80 cm wide and 90 cm high. The door is the only opening, which lacks ventilators.
Pl. 71: Mud wall with stones and slabs at the base of the wall 154
In the interior is a single room measuring about 2.5 m long and 1.5 m wide. This room serves as bedroom, dining room, living room, kitchen and go down. When there is a marriage a new house is constructed separately or a partition to separate the rooms is erected. Two inclined frames (made of a network of wooden strips/bamboo over which hay, leaves and grasses are attached), seem to be preferred, are supported by a king‐post in the middle (Pl. 72). A thatched roof slants downward on each side of the pole and is supported by the sidewalls and a vertical post in the middle. The way the roof is thatched varies,
as does the degree to which they are inclined. The framework underlying the thatch is made of mango wood or bamboo, sometimes with matting of closely packed reeds. The roof is also thatched with straw or special kinds of grass jhau (Tamarix diocia). Leaves from the local forests are also inter‐woven beautifully and plastered with cow dung and clay (Pl. 62). Floors are poorly plastered. Pebbles are spread over the floor and also outside the house to avoid dampness (Fig. 26; Pl. 124). It also dissuades white and red ants from attacking their food stores and other belongings.
Pl. 72: Musahar men placing thatched frame roof
Mud walls made by sun dried mud blocks: This type of construction is mainly seen among the Kols and Mallahs and partially among the Musahars. To make sun dried mud blocks, mud is prepared for making blocks by first digging a trench and filling it with water. The mud is levigated by foot. Chopped dried straws are mixed into the levigated mud. Then the blocks are either made by hand or with the help of rectangular hollow wooden frames of 155
varying sizes. The sizes of the blocks vary from 25 cm in length, 15 cm in width and 20 cm in height to 35 cm in length, 25 cm in width and 30 cm in height. The blocks are dried in the sun for four to five days before they are ready to be used. Mud bricks are placed in course so that the bonds are staggered vertically and horizontally. The walls are usually 35 to 40 cm thick, including the plaster made of clay and cow dung paste. The height of the walls varies
from 1.50 to 2.50 m but low walls are generally preferred.
Such houses consist usually of two rooms with a veranda in the front, facing the courtyard. The two rooms are adjacent to each other, each about 4 m long, 2.50 m wide and 2 m high. They are used for cooking, sleeping and storage. In many of this type the house does not have any window and all the light comes through the door. The door is usually in the middle of the front wall and is 1.50 m high and 80 cm wide. The door (tattar) is made of thatch or bamboo pieces tied together with rope made of munj (Erianthus munja). The door opens, preferably, into a common courtyard. There is also a backyard enclosed by mud wall or tattar fencing. The walls of the courtyard are built of clods of earth and stones held together with mud and sometimes sand, but without straw. They are generally 30 to 40 cm thick and are about 1.20 m high.
The houses have tilted roofs. Wooden poles are inserted into the holes at the top of the walls on which the thatched roof can stand. Poles in the middle of the house generally support these poles. A thatched roof (hay) slants on each side of the centre pole and rests on the walls. The roof is also covered
with cheap crude country made semi‐ cylindrical or flattish tiles, i.e., khapra over a framework of thatch. Khapra are often turned on the potter’s wheel if the available clay is of good quality. Firstly they make flat thick tiles to which a curvature is given by pressing them down on a cylindrical piece of wood before laying them out to dry. The khapra are laid in a single course and are rarely plastered over at the end with lime and sand, so that the thatch becomes a permanent fixture. The floors are damp and poorly plastered. The mud floor is regularly plastered with a cow‐dung and mud paste. Mud layers for preparing mud walls: This type of house wall is common among the Kols and occasionally found among the Mallahs (Pl. 73). Mud, sand, clay and chopped straw is mixed together in water to form a paste which is staggered horizontally on the wall, simultaneously giving a shape of an unfired long block. After one course has been laid, it is allowed to dry or some time, and then another layer is laid over it. The walls consequently give the appearance of stratification unless the whole wall is smoothened and plastered (clay and cow dung paste wash) over. The plastered walls are usually 25 cm thick.
Pl. 73: Mud wall, remains of an abandoned Kol hut 156
Normally it is a single room house but some of the houses are more elaborate with two to three rooms, a kitchen, a grain store and an extensive courtyard. An average house has a courtyard, which are built one or two kothries (smaller rooms), veranda in front through which is the main entrance. The house wall is 5 m long and 3 m wide, while smaller rooms are 3.5 m long and 2.5 m wide. The height varies from 1.5 to 2.5 m. Timber for a door is locally obtained, mostly from bamboo, neem or mango trees. The rooms are dark, as other then the door there is no window or ventilator for light and fresh air to come in. Wooden poles are inserted into holes at the top of the walls on which the thatched roof can stand. A thatched roof slants on each side of the pole and is supported by the walls. The roofs are made of wooden beams over which are laid planks of wood and dry stalks of arhar (Cajanus cajan Linn.) plants spread with mud. Sometimes khapra are also used. There are slanting thatches in front of the kothries. The floor is levelled by filling of earth and is finally plastered with cow‐dung and liquid mud. Mud walls coated with lime and decoration: Mud walls with lime and decoration are common among the Kols (Pls. 58, 64). Plastering is done once in three years or depending on the weather conditions. Re‐plastering of the interior of the house is done yearly. For plastering the ingredients are clay, chopped straw and dung, which are levigated by foot and soaked in water for a day. This paste is then applied by hand on the walls and the floors of the house. Lime plaster is applied on the surface of these mud walls to give a fine finish. Some mud walls among the Musahars and Mallahs are extremely low measuring 0.60 m. These mud walls are made to prevent rainwater from getting into 157
the hut. The roof of the hut and houses are slanted for draining rain water
The Kol houses have decorations on their walls and windows in the form of painting and embossing (Pls. 74a, 74b, 74c). These decorations hold special marks and symbols on the house walls. They are decorative and also have religious significance. Embossing is done by clay and later desired colours are applied over it. The common motifs are peacocks, lotus, flowers, human figures, leaf patterns, elephants, grazing deer, camels, human faced cats and geometric designs. Paintings are made with lime and other colours, pink being preferred on the floors and house walls. The paintings are of human figures and geometric patterns. Sometime hands signs or handprints are printed on the walls made at the time of a wedding or birth of a son. The Kols believe that these paintings protect them from evil spirits and thus have a religious significance. 5.5 Minor Structures While men are responsible for building the hutments (walls, roofs of houses), boundary walls, courtyard, cattle pens, hen coops and pigsties whereas women add to the finish to these structures. The women add a variety of minor structures like hearths, pit hearths and storage bins (Ansari 2005: 51‐78).
1. Hearths: The place where the cooking is done is called chulha (hearth), while the cooking and serving area together are called chauka. The area for raw food material is stored is called kothar. However, in practice the usage may not necessarily be consistent among various caste groups.
Chulha (hearth) literally refers only to a hearth, which is usually shaped like a ‘U’ resting on its side; with walls on three sides, which are about a foot high. Fuel is fed from the open end. The hearth is often plastered
with clay. Variation in traditional hearth can be commonly seen in the present day rural area.
The chulha is placed outside as well as inside the huts among the Musahars and Mallahs (Figs. 24b, 25a, 25b, 26, 27, 29b). While among the Kols it is always inside the house. Firewood, dried leaves, straw, cow‐ dung cakes, fuel balls and charcoal are used as fuel. The basic method of cooking includes roasting (meat and fish), grilling (meat, fish and vegetables), boiling (meat, fish, vegetables, pulses, rice), frying (cooking food in fat, vegetable oil and ghee), simmering (water or other liquids), and
steaming (vegetables). The hearths used by the Musahars, Kols and Mallahs are as follows: ‘U’ shaped mud hearth: The ‘U’ shaped mud hearth is the most common hearth (Fig. 30a). This type of hearth is constructed and installed in the open as well as inside the house (Pl. 59b, 128). It is made with levigated mixture of mud, clay, chopped straw and water. The ‘U’ shape is given to the hearth to get maximum heat while cooking or roasting. To extend the hearth a similar ‘U’ shaped hearth is constructed adjacent to it.
Pl. 74a: Decorated mud wall of a Kol house
Pl.74c: Embossing of animal figures on the mud walls of a Kol house 158
Fig. 30a: ‘U’ shaped hearths
‘U’ shaped stone hearth: Stones are placed in a ‘U’ shape and are plastered with layers of clay, mud and cow dung paste (Fig. 30a). They are placed inside as well as outside the house among the Musahars and Mallahs. These hearths are mainly constructed for placing large and heavy utensils while cooking during social gatherings. Three stone hearths: This type of hearth is made with three large‐sized stones kept in a triangular fashion (Fig. 30a; Pls. 75, 76). The hearth is always placed outside the hut in the open. The Musahars mainly use these hearths for roasting meat. During rainy season these hearths are sometimes used for cooking. Hearth inside the stone and mud platform: This is a peculiar type of hearth used by the Musahars for providing maximum heat 159
Pl. 75: Abandoned ‘U’ shaped brick hearth with bone remains of roasted animal
from limited amount of fuel (Fig. 30b; Pl. 77). In this type of hearth twigs, dried leaves and chopped wood are sources of fuel. A square but sometimes circular mud and stone slab platform measuring 1.5 m long, 2 m wide and 45 cm high is constructed; in
the middle of the platform a circular cavity having a diameter of 1m and a depth of 35 cm is made. On the periphery of the circular cavity three medium‐sized stones are placed for supporting the utensils. This hearth is used for both cooking and roasting. These hearths, when abandoned, can be identified by the remains i.e. lumps of clay, charred grain, charcoal, ash, partially burnt wood and animal bones.
Pl. 76: Musahar girl grinding turmeric on quern with the help of a muller next to three stone hearth
Fig. 30b: Hearth inside the stone and mud platform
are even used for roasting pigs. These types of hearths are seen scattered all over in the seasonal, temporary (Mallahs) and seasonal (Musahars) settlements.
Pl. 77: Musahar girls cooking chappati on a hearth inside the stone and mud platform
Open hearth: The Musahars roast small animals like rats, squirrels, birds and tortoises directly over a fire of dried leaves and twigs and thus no specific hearth is required (Fig. 30c; Pl. 101). These hearths 160
Fig. 30c: Open hearth
Hearth in the form of mud container, i.e., sigdi: The mud container hearth, i.e. sigdi is made of a levigated mixture of clay,
chopped straw, rice husk and water (Fig. 30d; Pl. 69). This hearth can be moved from one place to another and is very useful in temporary and seasonal settlements for warming food. The Mallahs in their Seasonal Agricultural Settlements near the Ganga especially use this type of hearth. Among the Kols the sigdi is placed near the sleeping area during winters to give warmth.
Fig. 31: Pit Hearth
The pit is usually covered with a dhakana i.e. cover which is made of clay, mud, chopped husk and paddy (Pl. 78). It has a diameter of 1.20 to 1.30 m and a height of 20 cm, and has circular perforations on the top, which help in maintaining a certain amount of heat to be stored in the pit while cooking and warming.
Fig. 30d: Sigdi
Pit hearth: The Musahars and Kols use pit hearths i.e. borsi for cooking, roasting meat and warming food (Fig. 31; Pl. 130). The hearth is placed both outside in the courtyard and inside the house. The pit hearth is a circular cavity dug in the ground. The diameter of the cavity measures between 1 to 1.20 m and is 25 to 35 cm deep. The pit hearth has vertical sides and flat bottom, which are regularly plastered with clay because the hearth turns black due to the heat. Layers of ash, wood charcoal and clay lumps are seen at the bottom of the pit hearth. Among the Kols mostly utensils with milk and food are kept inside the pit hearth to keep them warm for a longer time. The pit hearth is mainly situated next to the cooking hearth. Due to close contact with cooking hearths they also have a mixture of clay lumps, charred grains and pieces of bones. Roasting is always done in the pit hearth in the courtyard. 161
Pl. 78: Dhakna placed over pit hearth
This study has helped in understanding not only the various types of hearth pattern but also their utility and function and possible understanding of hearth pattern in the area: • ‘U’‐shaped mud hearths and hearths inside the stone and mud platform are used for cooking and roasting. • ‘U’ ‐shaped stone hearths are used during occasions and social gatherings. • The three stone hearths are used for roasting and for cooking during rainy season. • Open hearths are used for roasting.
• Sigdi is used for cooking and warmth during winter season. • Pit hearths are used for cooking, roasting meat and warming food. It is very important to understand the context in which the hearth has been found in the archaeological context. Food refuse and the material found associated with the hearth or the cooking area should be collected in this light. This will not only highlight the cooking style but what was the intake like. Cooking done in open hearth will lead to minimal remains. And that in the regular hearth it will lead to many important finds. 2. Storage Bins: An attempt to formulate an ethnographic model of clay storage bins through research among the Kols and the Musahars has been carried out. It discusses the technological details like tempering material used, manufacturing details of platforms, storage bins, their typological variation and the designs and decorative motifs on them. A unique storing facility i.e., wall‐storage has been studied in detail. Besides evidence of storage facilities in the form of platforms, bins, jars and pit–silos from the Mesolithic period onwards from the reported excavated sites in India have already been surveyed by the author (Ansari 2000: 51‐78). The manufacturing process of storage bin involves the following stages: • Making of mud/stone platforms for placing bins. • Preparation of clay storage bins. Mud platforms: Mud platform i.e. ‘Pathara’, precedes the making of the bins. It is rectangular or circular in shape (Pl. 79). It is made from a mixture of clay, mud, sand, salt, dried neem (Azadirachta indica Juss.) leaves and thorny branches of ber (Zizyphus jujuba, Z. nummularia). These special 162
mixtures are added in order to prevent the bin being damage by white ants and rodents. The circular platforms are of varying diameters ranging from 0.50 m to 1.5 m and a height of 0.10 m to 0.15 m. The rectangular platforms are especially designed for rectangular, quadrilateral or square storage bins and circular platforms for cylindrical, barrel, conical and drum shaped bins.
Pl. 79: Decorated Conical and Barrel shaped storage bin placed on mud platform
Stone platforms: These platforms are of three types: • Irregular shaped flat stone slabs are placed on the ground and are then smeared with layers of cow dung paste. The height of the slabs varies from 0.15 m to 0.20 m. • Four flattish slabs daubed with clay and cow dung paste are used as platforms. The height of the slabs ranges between 0.15 m to 0.25 m. • Stone slabs embedded in the ground and then smeared with cow dung paste. These are about 0.05 m above the ground.
The platforms are installed in various locations inside the house such as near the hearth, in one of the corners or inside rooms made specifically for keeping storage bins. In case the house has first floor (Pl. 87) no platforms are required.
Technique of making clay storage bins: Clay storage bins are hand made and are locally known as ‘Kuthila’, ‘Kuthali’ and ‘Kuthala’. They are made before the harvest. During this time the older bins/ platforms are also renovated. They are always placed above ground (Pls. 79, 80, 84, 85, 86).
Pl. 80: Stone platform used for placing storage bins
Pl. 84: Pear shaped storage bin
Pl. 85: Quadrilateral, Barrel & Pot shaped storage bins
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Pl. 86: Drum shaped storage bins
type of combinations of tempering materials is taken into consideration while making the mould; • Mud + Finely chopped paddy straw + Rice husk + Millet husk and water. • Mud + Finely chopped paddy straw + cow dung + Rice husk and water. • Mud + Finely chopped paddy straw and water. The shape of the storage bins varies according to the quantity, grain type and Pl. 87: Cylindrical and Thin Cylindrical shaped space. The manufacturing technique storage bins placed on the first floor of the hut; described below is the basic style for also seen is clay pihna and covered circular making clay storage bins. The stages are as cavity of the storage bin follows: Tempering Material: The main ingredient • The clay is collected from the nearby pond for the manufacture of the clay bin is clay. or riverside and mixed with one of the The clay lump when wet is completely combinations of tempering material and plastic in nature. It disintegrates in excess of kneaded thoroughly. water, sticks to hand while moulding and • During the type selection for bin crumbles to powder if dried. Thus, when manufacture, the shape and height is a the required shape is to be given to the clay prerequisite. Here I have taken an lump, some amount of tempering materials example of the bin having three parts. The is added to it. Generally one of the three lower part is made first, which has four 164
adjoining walls and a base. Then a small triangular protuberance is provided on each of the upper middle portion of the two opposite walls. A circular cavity of a diameter of 0.20 m to 0. 25 m is provided at the bottom of the bin • The measurement of the lower portion is kept in mind before proceeding for the middle part. Four adjoining walls are consequently made resulting to the opening on both lower and upper parts (i.e. no base). Then a small triangular protuberance is provided each on the upper middle portion of the two opposite walls. Then a notch (Pl. 88) is provided in the same wall but on the lower middle portion. • The uppermost part has four adjoining walls, flat top and a rimless mouth. Shoulders are of carinated shape. A notch
is provided each at the lower middle portion of the two opposite walls. • All these parts are simultaneously made and are left to dry in the open. They are either dried on straws or dried grasses, to prevent them from sticking to the ground (Pl. 81). • When all the parts are thoroughly dried, they are placed one above the other (Pl. 82). Thus, small protuberance and notch fits into each other. The joining areas are plastered from both the sides with layers of clay and cow dung paste. Now the bin is left to dry in the open under the sun. • When thoroughly dried, layers of cow dung and lime paste are applied on both the sides to give a smooth finish. The same method is used for restoring old bins.
Pl. 81: Bin parts being dried on grass
A slight variation follows while making the rectangular bin with twin mouth. Here there are two rims with flat tops and a mud partition (0.10 m) in the middle is provided to divide the bin into two equal parts. And during the making of pot inside the clay bin, puri pot (Pl. 83) and wall storage bin (Fig. 165
32), the required type of pot or jar is acquired from the potter. After the bin is completely shaped and thoroughly dried, it is placed on a mud or stone platform at a suitable place in the house. Generally bins are kept in one corner of the room, near the hearth or in separate
room used only for storage purpose. The grains collected from the field are cleaned and filled in the bin from the mouth. The grains of different crops are stored in different types of storage bins (Table 24b).
common decorations is found in almost all types of clay storage bins are crisscross pattern, zigzag lines, grass pattern, leaves, chevron pattern, triangles and abstract lines. Animal motifs like elephant, camel, deer, cow, goat, peacock and lizard are also used (Pl. 79). The animals are also seen in action form like running, eating and grazing. The motifs hold a special meaning to the farmers. They believe that the motif ‘protects the grains from evil eye’. An unusual motif seen on the bin is the standing human faced lizard holding a circular object in one hand (Pl. 88).
Pl. 82: Process of joining clay bin parts
A lid i.e. ‘pihna’ is used for covering the mouth of the storage bin. It is either circular or rectangular in shape. For making ‘pihna’ clay is added with one of the combinations of tempering material and is kneaded thoroughly. The required shape is moulded by hand. This is later dried in open under the sun before use. The other variety is the stone slab ‘pihna’ which again has circular or rectangular shape. When the bin is to be kept airtight or for longer preservation the ‘pihna’ is sealed with layers of clay and cow dung paste. A circular cavity is provided in the lower part of the bin for allowing grain to flow out. This cavity is closed either with a wooden peg, circular slab or piece of cloth before storing grains. The closing device can be removed and fitted again after each use. But for storing grains for a longer period of time the circular slab or the wooden peg is smeared with clay or cow dung paste to make it airtight. Lastly, decoration is done in the form of motif and embossing on storage bins. The 166
Pl. 88: Motif of a human faced lizard on storage bin part
Grain preparation and preservation technique: For grain preservation the people use specific techniques, skills and types as described below: • The grains are first threshed and winnowed in bulk as the grains with culms occupy larger space and are liable to deterioration. • It is very essential to dry the grains in the open field under the sun. Climatic conditions are taken into consideration as wheat and barley are harvested just before the rains and require more time to dry and are difficult to store than rice and
millets that ripen after the rains and dry fast. • Grains are susceptible to deterioration due to the effects of atmospheric variations, moistness, insects and rodents. The grains when ready for storing are added with a certain amount of mixture of ash of cow dung cakes and leaves of neem tree. This is done with a view to protect the grain from pests. The use of pesticides is rare. • When the grains are stored, any undesirable change within them has to be kept in mind. For this purpose three preventive methods are adopted. The grains are either kept with permanent ventilation, use of frequent outer air to renew the atmosphere surrounding the grain or are kept in airtight condition. The
grains are also kept with no special contrivances for ensuring either ventilation or air tightness. They are stored in a heap in one corner of the room. Types of Clay Storage Bins: Various types of clay storage bins are recorded. They are round or square, wide or narrow, tall or low. They are built with clay and placed on mud or stone, they have circular cavity at the bottom or removal lid. They are manufactured according to storing the required grains in different types of bins, quantity, and the space. The type, shape, description and functional properties are shown in Table 24a and 24b in detail. The others are discussed here.
Table 24a Types of Storage Bins Type Shape Description Pear
Pot
Barrel
Drum
Cylindrical
Bin Diameter Height Thickness (In meter) (in metre) (in metre) Mouth: 0.45 1 to 1.20 0.038 Upper part: 0.75 Base: 0.95
Featureless rim with flat top, tapering side with wide carinated base. Also are with wide inverted mouth and tapering sides. Featureless rim with flat Mouth: 0.60 1.20 to 0.025 to 0.038 top, flaring neck, carinated Shoulder: 1.30 1.45 shoulders, tapering side Base: 0.46 and flat base. Featureless rim with flat top, slanting neck, carinated shoulders, irregular and slightly flaring sides and flat base. Featureless rim with flat top, flaring neck, carinated shoulders, straight sides inverting at the bottom and flat base. Featureless rim with flat top, flaring neck, carinated shoulders, straight sides and flat base.
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Mouth: 0.60 1.20 to 0.025 to 0.038 Shoulder: 1.20 1.25 Base: 1. 20
Mouth: 0.70 1.25 to 0.025 to 0.038 Shoulder: 1.20 1.35 Base: 0.95
Mouth: 0.70 0.80 to 0.025 to 0.038 Shoulder: 1.20 0.95 Base: 1.10
Thin Cylindrical
Featureless rim with flat Mouth: 0.70 1.20 to 0.025 to 0.038 top, carinated shoulders, Shoulder: 0. 1.30 slight tapering sides and 95 Base: 0. 93 flat base.
Rectangular
Featureless rim with flat top, flat neck, carinated shoulders, straight sides and flat base.
Quadrilateral
Rectangular bin with Twin mouth
Square
Conical
Pot inside the clay Bin
Featureless rim, flat top with ridged neck, carinated shoulders, quadrilateral section, tapering sides and flat base. Two squarish rims with flat tops, flat neck, straight sides and flat base. There is a mud partition in the middle of the bin thus, dividing it into two equal parts. Featureless rim with flat top, flat neck, carinated shoulders, straight sides and flat base. Featureless rim with flat top, carinated shoulders, conical sides and flat base. The jar/pot (acquired from village potter) is placed inside the bin. Bin has featureless rim, flat top, inverted sides and flat base. Bin is usually placed in one corner touching the sidewalls. Thus, the measurement is accordingly.
Table 24b Types of Storage Bins Type Shape Bin Parts (m) Pear Three parts. slab‘pihna’
Pot
Barrel
Mouth: 0.75 0. 85 to 1 Shoulder breadth: 1.10 x 0.75
Mouth: 0.60 1.35 to 0.050 to 0.063 Shoulder: 1.20 1.50 Base: 1.20
Mouths: 0.30 0. 85 to 1 long x 0.30 wide (each) Shoulder: 1.10 x 0. 75 Mouth: 0.80 Shoulder: 0. 85 x 0. 85 Mouth: 1.20 Shoulder: 2.20 Base: 0.95 Mouth of the bin: 0. 70 Body: 1.35 ‐ 1.45 Base: 0. 95 Pot mouth: 0. 60 Body: 1.20
Storage Stone Wheat, mustard, castor seeds, ber & jowar Rice, pulses Three parts & mustard Clay ‘pihna’ Diameter of circular cavity: 0.30 Rice & Pulses Two/ three parts Stone slab pihna’ Diameter of circular 168
0.025 to 0.038
0.038 to 0.050
0. 95 to 0.038 to 1.20 0.050
2 to 2.20
0.050 to 0.063
Bin: 0. 95 0.038 0.050 to 1.20 Pot: 0. 60 ‐0. 75
Platform (m) Circular stone platform. Diameter: 1.05 Height: 0.10 Circular mud platform Diameter: 0.50 Height: 0.15 Circular mud platform Diameter: 1.25
to
Village Single Purwa & Saidabad Pathartal
Pathartal & Jadipur
cavity: 0. 30 Three parts Clay ‘pihna’
Drum
Cylindric al
Wheat, millets Pulses
Two/ three/ four parts. Clay pihna’ Diameter of circular cavity: 0.30 Three parts. Clay ‘pihna’ Diameter of circular cavity: 0.30 Airtight bin Three parts. Clay ‘pihna’ Diameter of circular cavity: 0.30
Thin Cylindric al Rectangu lar
Quadrila teral
Three parts. Clay ‘pihna’ Diameter of circular cavity: 0.30 Airtight bin
Rectangu lar bin with Twin mouth
Two parts. Two clay ‘pihna’. Thick mud partition in the middle of 0.10 for equal division of the bin
Square
Three parts. Clay ‘pihna’ Diameter of circular cavity: 0.30
Conical
Pot inside the clay Bin
Mustard pulses
Height: 0.15 Four stone slabs & as platform. Height: 0.15
& Circular mud platform Diameter: 1.15 Height: 0.15 Wheat & Circular mud pulses platform Diameter: 1 Height: 0.15 Wheat and Rectangular mud rice platform Measures: 1.15 x 85 Height: 0.15 Design: Lizard motif Wheat Four square stone slabs as platform Measures: 0.35 long x 0.32 wide x 0.15 high To keep two Rectangular shaped mud different types of platform 1.05 grains at a Measures long x 0.70 wide time in a bin. Mostly x 0.15 high varieties of pulses & rice Pulses & rice Square shaped mud platform. Measures: 0.90 long x 0.90 wide x 0.15 high Wheat & rice Circular mud platform Diameter: 1.02 Height: 0.20
Five parts Clay ‘pihna’ Diameter of circular cavity: 0.30 Design: Chevron pattern, worms, elephant, goat and peacock Clay ‘pihna’Storage bin Mustard, is situated next to the Pulses millets hearth.
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Mando
Mando, Jadipur
Jadipur
Baranpur
Pathartal
Mando
Pathartal
Sicro
Circular mud Khurdsuda nipur & platform Diameter: 1.60 Height: 0.30
Wall Storage Bins: This is a peculiar style of storing grains and important belongings among the Musahars. The wall is used as medium to store grains. The thickness of such walls varies from 0.40 m – 0.50 m. The suitable location in the wall for storage is near the window opening (Fig. 32). Usually pots of varying sizes (acquired from the
potters) are placed inside the wall cavity and covered in such a way that only the mouth of the pot is visible. The diameter of the mouth is 0.50 m. Flat stone slab or clay ‘pihna’ covers the mouth. These bins are sometime made airtight. Mustard and pulses are the grains stored in them.
Fig. 32: Placement of Wall Storage bin in the Musahar house
Puri Pot Pots have varied functions the Musahars use them for storing processed food in airtight condition for long preservation. During marriage season the Musahars supply large quantity of leaf plates (pattri) to the villagers. In return they collect leftovers (juthan) after the feast of marriage ceremony of the higher caste. They keep aside some portion of the collected food for later consumption. The technique to store the leftover is as following: • The collected juthan i.e., puri (deep fried puffed bread) and cooked rice is dried in open for many days on leaf plates under the sun till the moisture is evaporated. • Dried neem leaves and salt are placed at the bottom of the pot and then dried puree/ rice is placed inside the pot. This is again covered with neem and salt at the 170
top, which prevents insect and fungus attack. • The mouth of the pot (Pl. 83) is covered with clay to make it airtight and the pot is kept in cool dry place on a mud platform in one corner of the house. Stored food survives in these pots for three to five months and it is used during the lean period.
Pl. 83: ‘Puri pot’ in a corner of the Musahar hut, also seen is the wattle and daub screen
Possible indigenous development of clay storage bins was also investigated. Villagers were interviewed on this aspect and the villages surveyed shows limited number of storage bins of one or more types. According to the villagers the better types of storage bins have gradually replaced less efficient ones. It is seen that wall storage and the pot inside the clay bin are the earliest of the kind followed by puri pot, pot shaped and pear shaped, drum shaped, cylindrical and thin cylindrical shaped, barrel shaped, rectangular and square shaped, rectangular bin with twin mouth, conical shaped and quadrilateral shaped bin. It was also noticed that the sizes of earlier type are gradually increasing today. The probable reasons are the increased amount of surplus grains and population. 3. Structures for Domesticated Animals The animal shelters are more permanent and occupy a certain place in the settlement. Animal shelters are mainly seen in seasonal, semi‐permanent and permanent settlements. Nearly every household owns at least one or two domesticated animals. All simple living communities domesticate hens, goats and cattle while pigs are reared only by the Musahars. Dogs are domesticated among the Musahars and Kols as guards and hunting companions. These animals are raised for: • Food consumption (meat, egg and milk) • Agriculture (cattle) • Sacrificial offerings and rituals (hens, goats, pigs) • Sale (pig bristles, animal skins) and • Fuel (cattle dung) 1. Hen Coops: Hencoops found among the Musahars are of the following varieties: Free standing stone enclosure: The hencoops are mostly constructed outside the huts in the courtyard. These enclosures are made by freestanding stone slabs and 171
paved stone slabs (Pl. 89; Figs. 25a, 26, 27). The enclosure is rectangular in shape measuring 1.10 m long, 85 cm wide and 60 cm high. Stone slabs pressed in the ground are placed next to each other. Slabs cover the structure. In front an opening (20 cm wide) is left for hens to enter. Sliding a stone slab in front of the opening closes it once the chicks are inside. The womenfolk also use the top of these slabs for grinding spices. Pots of grains and water for the birds are placed next to the enclosure. Pebbles are scattered inside the hencoop to protect them from dampness and white and red ants. These hencoops are frequently cleaned to keep out diseases. During rainy season dry straw is scattered near the hencoop to keep the soil dry.
Pl. 89: Free standing stone enclosures as hen coops in Musahar settlement
Paved stone enclosures outside the hut: The stone enclosures where chicks are kept are paved with mud and cow dung (Pl. 90). These enclosures are shorter than the freestanding enclosures measuring 1 m long, 50 cm wide and 30 cm high. The opening left for the chickens to enter is very small measuring 15 cm wide. Sliding a stone slab in front of the opening closes it once the chicks are inside. Pebbles are scattered inside and outside the hencoop to ward off attacks of white and red ants. Besides, the enclosures are frequently cleaned. These enclosures are also used as sitting platforms.
Paved stone hencoops inside hut: Paved hencoops are also seen inside the huts mostly constructed next to the door (Pl. 91). These rectangular structures are 1 m long, 85 cm wide and 50 cm high. The opening left for the chickens to enter measures 25 cm wide. Two wooden sticks are kept in front of the opening, which supports the stone
slab used for covering the opening.
Pl. 90: Paved stone enclosures as hen coops in Musahar settlement
Pl. 91: Paved stone hen coops inside a Musahar hut
Hanged basket: Chicks are also kept in bamboo baskets. The basket is tied with a rope and is pulled up on the tree (Pl. 92).
The chicks are separated from the hens lest they get crushed. The Kols and Mallahs also make such types of coops.
Pl. 92: Chickens are kept in a hanged basket 172
2. Pigsties: The Musahars make a peculiar type of a sty next to their dwelling, preferably in the courtyard (Pl. 93). They collect stone slabs for constructing the sty. These are the enlarged version of the hencoops measuring 2.5 m long, 1.50 m wide and 1 m high. Two openings are kept measuring 40 cm wide each. Stone slabs are used to cover the openings. Broken pots with grain and water are kept near the opening of the sty. Pigs are reared for meat and bristle. Besides, pigs are also used as sacrificial offerings by the other communities. The Kols and Mallahs do not rear pigs.
seen in this type of cattle pen. The area covered by the cattle pen is 4 to 6 m in diameter. To smoothen the area picking up of dung and paving of the ground is done regularly. Straw and chopped grasses are kept nearby the pen area.
Pl. 94: Cattle tied in courtyard; calf eating from mud troughs i.e. chinni
Pl. 93: Pigsties in Musahar settlement
3. Goat pen: Goats are kept outside in the courtyard in the open or inside the huts among the simple living communities. Cover enclosures are also made by the Kols for goats (Pl. 97). Goats are always kept near the cattle pen. Extended roof shade is given next to the huts by a roof, supported posts. Goats are never tied and are kept free under these extended shades. 4. Cattle pen: Variety of cattle pen was observed among the Kols they are as follows: Cattle tied in the open spaces in the courtyard: Cattle are mainly seen tied to small wooden pegs (inserted into the ground at regular intervals), to the tree trunk in front of the huts or in the courtyard (Pl. 94). This type of cattle pen is the most common type. About four to eight cattle are 173
Mud houses surrounding the open cattle pen: A large number of cattle mostly numbering 15 to 40 are kept between the surrounding mud houses forming a rectangular area used as a cattle pen. These pens are either in the front courtyard or behind the house (Fig. 28; Pl. 95). The area covered by this pen is 12 to 25 m in diameter (or 12x 12 m) or depending on the number of cattle. Protection of the cattle is the main idea behind the making of such a cattle pen. Tattar fencing is also done and doors are provided to enter and exist. The floors of these cattle pen are made of: • Stone slabs are spread with wooden pegs (fixed to the ground) at regular intervals. Straw and rice stalk are mainly scattered over these slabs (Pl. 96). The distance between two pegs varies from 1 to 2 m. These stone slabs are placed for protecting the cattle from ants and dampness. • Pebbles and stones are dumped on floors on which layers of mud and cow dung paste is applied. These floors are regularly paved and dung cleaned.
trunk which are circular in shape or the elongated troughs away in middle or in the corner of the cattle pen (Pl. 97). These troughs are made to keep the chopped grasses for the cattle to feed on. Pots are placed inside these troughs to make them suitable to store water. Circular troughs are used to feed two cows at a time. Elongated troughs are mainly used to feed a number of cattle simultaneously. Cow dung and straw is dumped outside the cattle pen and later Pl. 96: Houses surrounding the cattle pen; stone slabs made into cow dung cakes, i.e., oupli for and straw placed in the cattle pen to avoid dampness fuel. Cow dung is also used as manure in agricultural fields and for paving walls and Mud and stone troughs, i.e. chinni are made floors of mud houses and courtyard. for cattle (PL. 94; Fig. 28). These troughs are either made separately attached to tree
Fig. 28: Layout of Cattle pen in Kol Settlement Type III (Year Round Permanent Settlement) 174
Pl. 95: Mud houses surrounding the cattle pen in Kol settlement
Covered enclosure as cattle pen: Cattle pens with covered enclosures are made with thatched roof supported by a number of posts in a rectangular fashion covering an
area 6 m long and 4 m wide (Pl. 97). Wooden pegs are installed inside the pen next to the feeding and drinking troughs. An elongated trough is made in the middle of the enclosure. These enclosures are mainly used for keeping mothers and calves. About 6 to 8 cattle reside in this type of enclosure. The floor of this cattle pen is plastered with cow dung and mud paste. During the rainy season the middle area of the pen is raised for water to flow outwards. A small gully is provided around the pen for water to flow off. Pebbles and straw are also scattered on the surface to avoid dampness and constant attack of ants and other insects.
Pl. 97: Covered enclosure for cattle and goats
Covered space provided (kothris) during night or in inclement weather: Cattle are also kept inside the hut at night in the rainy seasons. The small huts, i.e., kothris used as storerooms are used for keeping cattle in inclement weather. 175
5.6 Sanitary Facilities/ Disposal of Food Refuse Mostly broken or discarded items are thrown next to the dwelling area, over courtyard walls, into gullies and pits. No attempt is made to carry the accumulation
of animal bones, broken pottery and glass pieces, and other broken objects out of the settlement. It is only the settled agriculturists who make manure pits i.e., pansi in which refuse material is collected for use as manure. The houses are without urinals, latrines and bathrooms. Men, women and children go to nearby fields or in the open to answer the call of nature. Musahar Settlement: In the Seasonal Open‐Air Settlements disposal of food refuse is done in the habitation area itself and no specific effort is made to clean the thrown refuse (Fig. 24b). The bones were seen scattered in the following contexts: embedded in the floor of the compact earth of the dwelling area; in the hearth area, in abandoned hearths, when roasting meat in the open with twigs in pit hearths; dumps located about 2 m away from the dwelling area and throughout the habitation area. In Seasonal Summer Settlements the bones were seen scattered in the following places (Figs. 25a, 25b): around the pond or water source; about 2 to 4 m away from the dwelling area; and in hearths, roasting area and abandoned hearths. In Semi‐ Permanent Settlements the bones were seen scattered in the following places; behind huts; about 6 m away from the dwelling area and in the hearth and abandoned hearths (Figs. 26, 27). And in Permanent Settlements the rubbish is fed to the domestic pigs. The bones were seen scattered in the following places: around rice fields to attract rats; behind huts; in the hearths and abandoned hearths and in the manure pits (pansi). Kol Settlement: In all the types of Kol settlements, i.e., Seasonal Settlement; Semi Permanent Settlement, Hamlet; and Year Round Permanent Settlement, Small Village the bones were found behind the hut, in refuse dumps, located about 10 m 176
away from the dwelling area, in hearths and pit hearths, and manure pits (pansi). Mallah Settlement: In Temporary Fishing Settlements disposal of bones were seen on the banks of the river, behind the hut and in the hearth area. In the hearths there were broken fish bones, scooped out after eating the meal (Ansari 2001: 49). In Seasonal Agriculture Settlements, hill top the disposal of bones was seen scattered in the agricultural fields; dumped behind the huts and in the hearth area (Fig. 29b). In Seasonal Agricultural Settlements, Receding Ganga the bones were seen around the dwelling area, mainly near hearths. After the water level of the Ganga rises the river carries away all the material remains, and nothing remains at the settlement, including bones. And in Permanent Settlements the fish bones were disposed of in the hearth fire, or eventually thrown behind the hut or in the rubbish dump situated 15 to 20 m away from the settlement. The animal and fish bones are indicators of the activities of the occupants, their food habits and also, to some extent, the type of settlement in relation to the dispersal and discard of bone remains. They are already studied in the settlement study context elsewhere (Ansari 2001: 51). 5.7 Degree of Permanence and Impermanence of the Settlements Most of the permanent settlements in the plains are occupied throughout the year by most of their inhabitants. Seasonal summer settlements are occupied from May to August, depending on the seasonal conditions suitable for agriculture. Temporary settlements are occupied during the rains (August and September) and in summer seasons.
The occupational stability varies according to settlement type and depending on the location and size, which are interrelated. Among the Musahars settlements, random fluctuations in population have the greatest effect on small seasonal open‐air settlements and seasonal settlements resulting in less stability as compared to semi‐permanent and permanent settlements. The seasonal agricultural settlements‐ farmsteads among the Kols and Mallahs come and go frequently. Seasonal settlements are sensitive to the economic and climatic conditions. Abandonment in a bad agricultural year and reoccupation in good years shows the flexible nature of these settlements. They generally occupy the area near the hut previously occupied or repair them. But at times the Kols and Mallahs do not reside in the same place and construct huts in different places. Therefore ploughing of the land for agricultural destroys most of the traces and evidence of the earlier settlement. The temporary fishing settlements are more occupational and specialised. The speciality of these settlements is that they are mobile according to the actual natural output of the area. The temporary settlements are not far away form the main permanent settlements
177
and constant contact between them is maintained. It was observed that huts of circular or rectangular types are prevalent among all types of settlements. But it is the material used for constructing huts that helps in differentiating between each settlement type. Circular and rectangular thatched huts are the most common type in temporary, seasonal and semi‐permanent settlements. Thatched wattle and daub huts are commonly seen among the seasonal and semi‐permanent settlements. Thatched rectangular mud houses are common in semi‐permanent and permanent settlements. Tiled rectangular mud and stone houses and brick houses are most common in permanent settlements. In temporary and seasonal settlements activity area are recognisable as both the use and discard locations are similar. In semi‐ permanent settlement they throw discarded materials some distance away from the living space. Hence, there is a partial link between used and discard location. In permanent settlement there is no link between the used and discard location and discarded materials are mainly found at a certain place. It was noticed that the longer the stay the higher the yields of trash at any type of settlement.
Chapter 6 ECONOMY, TECHNOLOGY AND MATERIAL CULTURE 6.1 Hunting and Fowling Extensive fieldwork was carried out on small game hunting practices among the simple communities. Rapid destruction of forests and the segmentation of forestlands by roads, buildings, factories and agriculture have severely reduced the natural habitats of big game. The tradition of small game hunting has little economic importance but is still practised among the simple communities in the study area. They usually carry out hunting while gathering leaves from nearby forest areas. The Musahars are expert in the hunting of rats, squirrels, tortoises and birds. They consume about thirty‐six types of small and big animals including snakes but killing of monkeys and cows is a taboo. 6.1.1 Rat hunting: A peculiar type of rat hunting practice sets the Musahars apart from other rat hunters like Irulas, Murias, Bondos and Yanadis. When approached for rat hunting they enthusiastically took to the task even after working all day as part time labourers. The Musahars immediately collected all the items required for hunting. Men, women and children alike actively participate in rat hunting. The tools used for hunting are: • A multipurpose tool ‘khanta’ has an iron head hafted in bamboo. It is generally used for digging, cutting, hunting and also for self‐protection (Pl. 98).
Pl. 98: Tools: khanta (extreme left) and gahdala (extreme right) used for digging rat holes
Two to ten people hunt the rats i.e., mus depending on the quantity required. First and foremost is locating rat holes and to make sure that the rats are in. The Musahars excel in differentiating the rat holes from those of other burrowing animals. Generally the rat holes are near or in the agricultural fields. The average diameter of a burrow varies from 15‐20 cm and some are 2 m deep. Every burrow includes surface openings, feeding tunnels, nesting chambers, and a food cache. Feeding tunnels are parallel to surface, while storage chambers are usually found at greater depths. Sometimes there may be as many as seven to ten adult as well as young rats in a single hole. The Musahars also take out the grain collected by the rats in the hole. The best season for rat catching
• An iron tool ‘gahdala’ is used for digging and burrowing (Pl. 98).
• Sticks of various lengths/sizes
• Water buckets. 178
is when the grain is ripe and threshing of grain starts. After tracing the rat hole one man starts digging the hole with khanta and a second man simultaneously pours water with the bucket after the feeding tunnel is clearly visible (Pl. 99). This whole process is to
scare the rats inside the hole. The water suffocates the rats and they try to escape from other outlets. Meantime the accompanying children stay by the other outlets of the rat holes and wait with sticks in their hands. When a rat tries to escape, it is killed by a stick or is caught by bare hands (Pl. 100).
Pl. 99: Musahar men digging rat hole
In the other situation when the rats do not escape and die inside, the hunters dig them up. The Musahars prefer field rats to other types. They never eat house rats as according to them the house rat stink and don’t taste good. Many Musahars keep rats captive in small pots for later consumption. These pots are generally placed/buried in one corner of the house. After the rats are caught preparations for roasting them begins. An adult rat may attain a length of 30 cm, including the tail. If the kill is only of two or three rats the Musahars roast them there on the spot, and eat them, otherwise they bring them to the settlement. The Musahars collect twigs and
dried leaves from the surrounding area and choose a dry area to roast the kill (Pl. 101). After the fire is lighted, they start roasting the rat by holding the ear and the tail with both hands (Pl. 101). This is done for about 5 to 6 minutes during this time the rat is turned around several times, this process makes the body stiffen, and all the hairs on the body get burnt. Now the rat is removed from the fire and the body is rubbed with dried leaves or with sharp sticks for removing the burnt hair. The second step is to break the rodent tooth (incisor), which works like a sharp blade. The cook cuts open the belly and removes unwanted body parts (Pl.102). Again the 179
fire is lit and the inner body roasted. Sometime this is not done as it depends on individual tastes. The kill is distributed equally among all the hunters (Pl. 103). From the ear to the tail every part is consumed and nothing is wasted. The waste body parts, the incisor and the burnt twigs remain behind. The most important part of rat hunting among the Musahars is minimum use of tools. No blade or knife is required to cut the rat, as its incisors are sharp enough to carry out the task.
while men use sticks to kill them. To hunt a squirrel at least four men are required. When men are hunting only the adolescent boys are allowed to accompany them, the reason being that small children make noise and scare away the squirrels.
Firstly, trees are searched for squirrels, if they are sighted, one of the men climbs the tree and the others stand about 2 to 3 m away on three sides (Pl. 104). Each one knows well his place for chasing the animal once it is on the ground. Now the man up in the tree starts shaking the branches and simultaneously makes loud noises to scare the animal. This takes some time as the squirrel jumps from one branch to other very fast: the idea being to tire the animal. Once the animal comes down the man nearest runs towards it and gives it a blow with the stick. One hit and the animal faints. It is then picked up and the legs are broken, because the Musahars say the animal is smart and fools the man by acting dead and often runs off. The Musahars never kill the animal completely till they start the fire for cooking.
After ten days the above place of roasting was visited to check the remains, and it was noticed that the wind had blown away the twigs and ash and just an ashy appearance and incisors remained. Rats kept in the pots, buried in the ground for later consumption, which for some reasons were never consumed, were the only evidence of rats found from the abandoned Musahar house. 6.1.2 Squirrel hunting: Men and children hunt the common striped squirrel i.e., Sciurus palmarus. Children use catapults
Pl. 104: Musahars hunting squirrels 180
In the other type of squirrel hunting about 15 to 20 men take part. In this a group of trees, or trees in a row are selected. For example, if there are about six trees in a row, then six men climb on individual trees and the others surround the base. The same hunting technique described above follows, the only difference being that large numbers of squirrels can be caught by this technique. The procedure of roasting is similar to that of rats (Pl. 105). However, the squirrels are rarely taken to the settlement, and are always relished at the hunting spot (Pl. 105). The meat is equally distributed among the hunters, and from ear to tail every part, barring incisors is consumed. In one instance the squirrel was pregnant, the babies were removed and placed on green leaves and were disposed of in water, but the adult was consumed. 6.1.3 Tortoise hunting: The Musahars catch tortoises (Chelonia), the slow moving freshwater reptiles. The tools required to catch tortoises underwater are the digging sticks and khanta (Pl. 98). Generally young boys and women catch tortoises from ponds and lakes by hand, and bring them alive to the settlement. To cook the tortoises, first the Musahar women light a fire and wash the tortoise. The body of the tortoise remains within its shell. The neck, limbs and tail are outside the shell but when the tortoise is caught they retreat inside the shell. It is very important to kill them before roasting and hence they are placed near the flames. Due to the warmth the tortoise brings out its head, and the women immediately break the neck with their hands. Tortoises are roasted so that the body can be loosened from the hard outer bony shell. After roasting the inner layer the bony plate is opened by hand. Once it is open the flesh is
removed (Pl. 106). This is then cooked with oil and spices. The outer shell and the bony plates are placed on the roof of the huts to dry, to be later powdered and eaten as medicine for stomach ailments. Large quantities of discarded bones and shells were seen scattered inside the old hearths, behind the huts, and in the settlement (Pls. 75, 107; Figs. 24b, 25a, 26, 27).
Pl. 107: Food refuse, animal bones thrown behind the hut
The ethnographic survey among the Musahars has helped in understanding the reasons why the faunal material at archaeological sites was either found in the hearth or in the habitation area and also the placement of hearths outside in the open: • The placement of the hearth is always outside the hut because roasting gives lot of smoke and the smell of burnt flesh. 181
• For roasting the Musahars often place the hearth wherever suitable with the direction of wind in mind so that the smoke blows away from the house. The tortoise is roasted in the hearth and the remains are left in the hearth. The shells are tossed into the fire. • When new hearths are made, the old ones are left with the remains of tortoise and other animals lying in them (Pl. 75). • If the hearth is cleared, the bones and shells are usually thrown behind the hut (Pl. 107). • The Musahars also bury these shells in rice fields as they attract field rats. 6.1.4 Hare and Porcupine hunting: The Kols and Musahars hunt hares and porcupine while collecting wood in the forest. To trap hares they use nets. To trap porcupines they throw net on them or place nets on the trails frequented by them. Placement of Nets: The net measuring 8 m in length is placed in a rectangular fashion and tied to wooden posts struck on three corners, with a small opening in one corner for the animal to enter. In the middle of the enclosure food is kept to attract the animal. If on the first day the animal is not trapped, on the second day they dig trench measuring 1m × 1m and 2 m deep. It is covered with leaves and branches and food is kept on the cover. The animal visits the specific location and falls in the ditch (this
method is also employed for hunting boar, deer and nilgai).
Once the animal is caught it is brought to the settlement, killed and processed. An open hearth is lit for roasting. The hair is scraped off with a sharp stick. The body is slit open with a sharp stick or knife and the viscera removed. The animal is roasted again in the fire and then consumed. Hares meat is cooked with oil and spices. Remains found around the open‐hearth area are; burnt hair, viscera, teeth and chewed bones. The same procedure is adopted for roasting of porcupines. However before roasting the animal its quills are removed. Remains found at the hearth area are; quills, viscera and chewed bones. Besides open hearths, animals are roasted in regular hearths. 6.1.5 Bird trapping: Musahar men and young boys generally trap all types of birds available in the area except vultures, eagles and owls. The birds are either hunted for consumption or for sale in the market. The birds caught for sale are: blue rock pigeon (kabutar; Columba livia Gmelin), red munia (lal; Estrilda amandava Linn), red turtle dove (seroti; Streptopelia tranquebarica Herman), rose ringed parakeet (tota; Psittacula krameri Scopoli) and spotted dove (chitroka; Streptopelia chinensis Scopoli). The birds hunted by them are given in Table 25 (English and scientific names are based on Salim Ali 1996).
Table 25 Game birds of the Musahars English name Scientific name Barheaded goose Anser indicus Lathum Black breasted or rain quail Coturnix coromandelica Gemlin Black partridge Francolinus francolinus Linn Bustard quail Turnix suscitator Gmelin Common or grey quail Coturnix coturnix Linn Common Indian sand grouse Pterocles exustus Temminck Common peafowl Pavo cristatus Linn 182
Local name Kareyee hans, hans China bater Kala teetar Bater Bada bater Kuhar, bhat teetar Mor, mayur
Crow‐ pheasant or coucal Common snipe Greylag goose Great Indian bustard Grey partridge Hoopoe Indian myna Jungle bush quail Jungle crow Cuckoo Lesser florican Painted snipe
Centropus sinensis Stephens Gallingo gallingo Linn Anser anser Linn Choriotis nigriceps Vigros Francolinus pondicerianus Gmelin Upupa epops Linn Acridotheres tristis Linn Perdicula asiatica Latham Corvus macrorhynchos Wagler Eudynamys scolopacea Linn Sypheotides indica Miller Rostratula bengalensis Linn
The methods described below are to illustrate the ingenuity with which they exploit peculiar habits of various birds for hunting. Nets: To trap the bird the Musahars spread a net made of thread with 61 x 61 cm dimension between two big trees. The net is spread at least 20 cm above the ground and then spread grain on the net to lure birds. When the birds come and sit on the net to eat, they get entangled and are caught. Later they are removed by hand and placed in a bag and carried to the camp, but some are consumed there and then itself. Gummed bamboo sticks: The Musahars apply gum of Acacia arabica Willd. to bamboo sticks about 30 cm long. These are placed in‐between the branches and leaves of any fruit bearing tree. When the birds come into contact with these sticks, they are trapped. Birds, which are to be consumed, are kept separately from the ones to be sold, which are kept in cages. Catapults: Small stones or pellets are used in the catapult. Once hit by the pellet the birds faint, and are then collected. Wells: In this method birds like pigeons, which like to sit in a well for its coolness, are trapped. About four to six people 183
Mahoka Chaha Rajhans Sohan, hukna Safed teetar Hudhud Desi myna Lowwa Kala kowwa, jangli kowwa Kwal Barsati Ragchaha
simultaneously cover the well with a net on which gum is rubbed from the top. Then the birds are scared by making a lot of noise, which causes them to fly upwards. In this process they get entangled in the net and get stuck to the gum applied on it. The net is then overturned and the birds are plucked from it. If the birds are caught in large quantities or are big sized they are brought to the settlement, otherwise they are consumed on the spot. Twisting their necks kills the birds. Immediately the feathers are removed and then the birds are roasted. After this the abdomen is cut with a sharp stick or knife and waste parts are removed. The bird is again roasted from the inside. Small birds are always eaten roasted but large birds are elaborately cooked. It is interesting to note that of the small birds beside the beaks, feathers and waste body parts nothing remains at the site; everything else is consumed. But when big birds are cooked and consumed, the leftover bones are thrown in the hearth or behind the hut. The division of labour is according to age and sex. Men do the more strenuous work while women attend to more delicate and simple tasks and children do the lightest work. The following Table 26 shows the division of work carried out by them:
Table 26 Organisation of labour for small game hunting and fowling among Musahars Men Women Children Hunting of small animals, including Processing and cooking of Hunting of rat and rats, squirrels, hares and porcupine. animals hunted
squirrel
Roasting of the animals hunted ‐ Trapping and roasting birds
Catching of turtles in ponds. Catching of tortoise in Processing and cooking them
ponds and lakes
Processing and cooking them
Trapping of birds with nets
Selling of birds in local market
‐
‐
6.2 Fishing 6.2.1 Fishing Practices among the Mallahs and Musahars: Fishing plays an important role of these communities (Ansari 2001b: 39‐55). The rivers and lakes in the study area contain an abundance of fish of different varieties. The Mallahs live along the rivers and lakes, and have an expert knowledge of the habits of the different varieties of fish found in the area. However, only few Mallahs make their living solely by fishing. The aquatic food has an exceptionally high degree of nutritional value. Characteristically fish is rich in fat, vitamins, calcium, phosphorous, iodine, and common salt and most of these food values are also retained in the fish, which are sun dried and consumed later. The Mallahs and the Musahars have local terms for the fish caught by them. The author collected the local names and the scientific names from Bilgrami (1991: 87‐89) and Jhingran (1983: 5‐66, 98). A list of the fish exploited by the Mallahs and Musahars is given in Table 27. In the Yamuna prawns, locally known as jhinga, (Macrobrachium malcolmsonii and Palaemon lamarrei) are also caught. The local
184
names for the fish exploited from river Tons are; Anduwar, Baikari, Bmia, Banni, Bhakur or Katla, Bhur, Botha, Chalhwa, Chelhwa, Charkhi, Cheena, China, Chitra, Darha, Gegra, Genth, Gonch, Grasskar, Hilsa, Jhekwa, Kaonchi, Kanhva, Kari, Karyee, Khutwa, Kohwa, Kusuma, Lahki, Latur, Mahaser, Maila, Mangur or Manguri, Moi, Nain or Mirgul, Negri, Pahina, Pamflet, Pariyar, Pathari, Petwari, Phulahi, Rohu, Sandhi, Sechaki, Sethia, Silver, Sindha, Singhi, Sorahu, Souur, Suies and Tengra. The common bony fish are carp (Osteoglossiformes, Cypriniformes) and catfish (Siluriformes). Scales are present in carp, while catfish are scale less. The rohu (Labeo Rohita) is the most famous variety of carp. This fish, when full grown, attains a length of 90 cm. The other variety of carp mirka (Crrihinus mrigala), which resembles rohu, is the most famous fish found in the Yamuna River, when full grown it attains a length of 66 cm. The largest variety of carp caught by them is catla (Catla catla), which is about 1m to 1.15 m long. The lengthy catfish caught are boari (Wallago attu), which is 90 cm long, aria (Mystus seenghala), which is 1.20 m long, and ritha (Rita rita), which is 0.75 to 1m long.
Table 27 List of fish exploited by the Mallahs and Musahars from the Ganga and Yamuna rivers Order Family Species Ganga Yamuna Local Name Osteoglossifor Notopteridae Notopterus chitala (Hamilton) + + Moi,Chital mes Notopterus notopterus (Pallas) + ‐ Moi Squaliformes Dasyatidae Dasyatis pastinacus (Linnaeus) ‐ + Sui Dasyatis sephen (Forsskal) ‐ + Suin Ilish, Sunri + ‐ Clupeiformes Clupeidae Hilsa ilisha (Hamilton) Chapri + ‐ Gudusia chapra (Hamilton) Phasa + ‐ Setipinna phasa (Hamilton) Atheriniformes Belonidae Xenentodon cancila (Hamilton) + ‐ Kaua Perciformes Centropomid Chanda nama (Hamilton) + ‐ Chanda ae Chanda ranga (Hamilton) + ‐ Chani Mugilidae Rhinomugli corsula + ‐ Aruari (Hamilton) Gobiidae Glossogobius giuris (Hamilton) + ‐ Bulla Channidae Channa punctatus(Hamilton) + ‐ Garai Channa stratus (Bloch) + ‐ Soura ‐ Gainhi Mastacembel Mastacembelus annatus Lacep) + + ‐ Patgainchi iadae Mastacembelus pancalus (Hamilton) Catla ‐ + Cypriniformes Cyprinidae Catla catla (Hamilton) Mirka + Cirrhinus mrigala (Hamilton) ‐ Reba + ‐ Cirrhinus reba (Hamilton) Chelhawa ‐ + Chela laubuca (Hamilton) Chelwa ‐ + Chela atpar (Hamilton) Darialchal ‐ + Securicula gora (Hamilton) Chelwa ‐ Salmostoma bacaila (Hamilton) + Chelwa ‐ + Salmostoma untrahi (Hamilton) Harda + + Aspidoparia morar (Hamilton) Dhawai ‐ + Aspidoparia jaya (Hamilton) Dhawai ‐ + Amblypharyngodon mola (Hamilton) Pothia ‐ + Puntius chola (Hamilton) Pothia ‐ + Puntius chrysopterus (McClelland) Pothia ‐ + Puntius sophore (Hamilton) Pothia ‐ + Puntius ticto (Hamilton) Pothia + + Osteobrama cotio (Hamilton) Guda ‐ + Labeo bata (Hamilton) Bata + + Labeo dero (Hamilton) Calbasu + + Labeo calbasu (Hamilton) Rohu ‐ + Labeo rohita (Hamilton) Siluriformes Bagridae Mystus aor (Hamilton) + + Aria Mystus bleekeri (Day) + ‐ Tengra ‐ + Bagridae Mystus cavasius (Hamilton) Aria + + Mystus seenghala (Sykes) Tengra ‐ + Mystus vittatus (Bloch) Ritha + + Rita rita (Hamilton)
185
Siluridae Schilbeidae
Pangasiidae Sisoridae
Ompok bimaculatus (Bloch) Wallago attu (Schneider) Ailia coila (Hamilton) Chupisoma garua (Hamilton) Eutropichthys vacha (Hamilton) Pseudeutropius atherinoides (Bloch) Silonia silondia (Hamilton) Pangasius pangasius (Hamilton) Bagarius bagarius (Hamilton) Nangra punctata (Hamilton) Sisor rabdophorus (Hamilton)
6.2.2 Methods and Techniques of Fishing Riverine fishing: Fishing is a year round activity. In the rains the pace of fishing is more hectic, for then some economically important varieties of fish, like rohu and hilsa are found in abundance. In deep river water, fishing is done from boats using nets. During the summer the rivers shrink and change into shallow streams and pools. Then the method of fishing is restricted to using traps and small nets. According to a local Mishrilal Mallah ‘Fishing starts at dawn with the Mallahs sitting in their dongis (small, long and narrow boats, prepared from a single thick tree trunk) enter the river with a sarhat (fishing instrument with 12 pointed iron prongs), a kurail (a big net) and a bisari (a small net) for catching fish’.
Lacustrine fishing: Fishing is also carried out in jhils and tanks, which are the breeding grounds of many fresh water fish. Innumerable tanks are scattered throughout the study area. Fish are caught with nets and traps. In large tanks fishing is done with nets, hooks and prongs. In small tanks fishing is done in summer when the water is shallow. Fish are then caught by hand, sticks, and cover baskets. Paddy field fishing: The paddy fields, which retain water for two to three months, provide an additional supply of fish. 186
+ + + + + + ‐ ‐
‐ + + + ‐ ‐ + +
Jalkapoor Boari Banspatta Garua Bachwa Barusa Sitan Pangus
+ + +
+ ‐ ‐
Bagari Panhi ‐
Fishing is carried out in the rainy season, in small pools in rice fields with baskets, hooks and by hand.
There are eight types of fishing techniques: i. Fence/ Screen fishing: Fence or screen fishing is carried out in rivers or a stream, where there is a strong current and the water is not deep. The screens Chilwan (Pl. 108) are made of bamboo splinters held together by strings twined along the upper and lower margins as well as at regular intervals in between. It is about 3 to 4.5 m long and 1.20 to 1.50 m wide. These screens are placed as barriers across small streams. In jhils, the shallow pockets are enclosed with screens for fishing. These areas are also subdivided into small compartments by erecting low earthen bunds. The screened area is then emptied, by bailing out the water, and the fish remaining behind are caught by hand. Chinta is a screen made of narkul (Phragmites karka Trin. ex Steud.) or with bamboo strips. One screen is placed vertically and the other horizontally (Fig. 33). Both the screen corners are tied together with the help of rope made from sanai, i.e. hemp (Crotalaria juncea Linn.) and placed in shallow water. When water passes through small pores of the screens, fish are stranded on the bottom of the shallow pools. Later
they are caught by hand. Generally children use this technique to fish in the rainy season. In jhils this screen is used to cut off a large shallow area. The enclosed space is divided into small enclosures by throwing
up earthen bunds. Each enclosure in turn is emptied by bailing the water out until the fish are stranded and can be easily picked by hand.
Pl. 108: Chilwan shown by Mallah girls
Traps of different sizes are used for catching fish of different sizes. The most ancient method adopted for trapping fish is to lay down bushes and branches in tanks or ponds in the rainy season. When the water level goes down after the rainy season, fish seek shelter in the depression. Fishermen remove the branches and catch the fish by hand.
Fig. 33: Fishing with screen, hooks and lines
ii. Fishing with traps: Traps and baskets of many kinds are used for fishing especially in shallow tanks, fields inundated by rain and in shallow waters. Traps have an entrance where fish enter and get trapped. 187
Tap is a trap made of bamboo strips tied together with a rope made of hemp (Fig. 34). It has two openings; the upper end is smaller in size than the lower one. This is effectively used in shallow water, not exceeding 60 cm in depth and is generally carried out by women and children. The process to operate the trap is to walk step by step in the opposite direction to the flow of the stream. The fish are caught inside the tap, when the lower opening is pressed on the riverbed. They are then removed through the upper opening.
iii. Fishing with nets: Fishing with nets (jal) is practised in rivers, lakes, open waters and sluggish streams. Nets are made of nylon strands. The shape of the net is circular or elongated. Different types of nets used by them are: Bhawar jal is a circular net weighed down at the edges by net sinkers and has a string Fig. 34: Different types of fishing traps used by attached to the centre. For casting, the net is the Musahars and Mallahs rotated in the air to open it and then thrown Chhaup or Kurimar is a bottomless, conical onto the surface of the water (Pl. 109). basket trap (Fig. 34). It is mostly used in Immediately the weight of the sinkers pulls summer in shallow waters, with muddy the edges down to the bottom. Fish get bottoms preferably not more than 40 cm entangled within the net in the circle formed deep. The chhaup is jabbed down over the by the sinkers. The centre string is then fish, the entrapped fish are fetched by pulled which results in the net shutting like inserting the arm through the narrow upper an umbrella with the fish trapped inside. opening. This trap is also used for catching The net is pulled onto the bank and the fish frogs, which are used as bait. Some removed by hand. fishermen stand in a semi‐circle in a vast stretch of water, while others disturb the surrounding water by hitting the surface with sticks to drive the fish towards the men waiting in a semicircle. The fish are then jabbed and collected. Ganja is a trap made of thin bamboo strips, which are held together with rope at three places. This trap, which resembles a dome, has a round opening at the lower end and a valve in the middle (Fig. 34). The upper end has a small opening, which is covered with Pl. 109: Mallah fishing with bhawar jal a lid and tied with rope. The trap is placed against the flow of the stream in such a way Maha (kurail/ santa/ ber jal) is a large‐sized that the water passes through it and entraps net, operated with boats (dongis) or by fish inside it. When the trap is lifted up, the wading (Fig. 35). The net is 40 to 60 m long. water drains through the valve while the The mesh varies from 0.5 to 4 cm. It is made fish remain entrapped. of hemp and nylon string. When operated from boats the net is loaded on two or more Narrow‐necked earthen jars are kept on the boats. The boats move away from each bottom of tanks creating tempting hiding other spreading the net across the water (Pl. places for burrowing fish like singhi 110). Then the boats are rowed with equal (Saccobranchu fossilis) and mangur (Clarias speed to the riverbank in a semi‐circle by magur). hauling the ropes, attached at the ends of
the net. This is also done by wading by six 188
to ten men tailing on to each end of two long hauling ropes towards the bank in a semicircle trapping the fish in between (Fig.
35). This technique is used both in rivers and lakes.
Fig. 35: Fishing with net i.e. jal 189
Pl. 110: Spreading of maha jal from boat by Mallah children
Bisri or chhot‐ber jal are small variety of nets used for fishing. Fasila jal is a net used by the Kols for trapping fish. It is a fine, thin variety of nylon net, which is used in the river.
In earlier days the nets were made of hemp and silk thread. Now they are made locally of nylon thread, cotton and hemp thread. Net sinkers are made of terracotta, stone, potsherds and brick fragments. The tanning of nets and baskets is done with pulped fruits of kalatendu (Diospyros peregrina Gaertn Gurke), which is a good preservative. To prepare the tan, ripe fruit is boiled in water and kept for several days in an earthen jar till it decomposes to a brown gummy fluid. This fluid is then applied on the net and baskets. iv. Fishing with hooks and lines: The hooks are simple and perfect fishing tools. The Mallahs earlier used thorn, wood or bone hooks, which have now been replaced by iron. This technique is followed in all types of water sources. The most primitive method of fishing is using the thorn hook, which is tied to hemp 190
string. The hook i.e. Katia is a rounded iron object pointed at the curved end. One end of the string is tied to the hook and the other to a long bamboo stick. A small cylindrical piece of wood i.e. bulla tied to the hook with the help of thread works as a float (Fig. 36). While fishing, the bait used is earthworm, grasshopper, snail or dough of flour, i.e. atta is attached on the point of the hook and dropped into the water. As soon as the fish comes to take the bait, its mouth gets impaled on the hook. The fish struggles to free itself leading to the moving of the bulla on the water surface. This movement is an indication of the bait being taken and the person holding the stick withdraws the string from the water. Hooks of different sizes are used to catch different varieties of fish. Besides, the Mallahs also make aromatic clay balls as bait. The balls are a ground mixture of seeds of black gram, lentils, hemp leaves, mustard, akanji (Kaemferia galanga Linn.), tejpatta (Cinnamomum tamala Nees & Eberm.) and ghorboch (Acorus calamus). This mixture is added to a paste of rice, ghee (clarified butter) and black clay.
Another mixture is made of cinnamon bark, mustard seeds and fenugreek seeds, stiff black clay and rice paste. The fishermen use
small mice, cockroaches and small dried fish as bait.
Fig. 36: Fishing with hooks and lines 191
Katia jor or baited pole: Small fish are kept in a vessel to decompose and are used as bait when they start emitting a foul smell. The hooks with baits are tied at the ends of long cords. About three to four sets of these hook cords are tied at equal spaces to a long thick cord, which is tied to a bamboo pole (Fig. 33). These poles are fixed in the water in such a way that they project 50 to 70 cm above the water level. The floats are tied to the hook cords with string. The foul smell of the bait attracts fish in large numbers and they come to feed on the bait. This movement of the floats (bulla) is a signal to the fisherman that the fish have come to feed. He approaches the spot quietly through the water, throws a net, and collects the fish. Barra: This snare consists of a cylindrical float made by joining of narkul (Phragmites karka Trin. ex Steud.) strands (Fig. 36). The middle of the float is tied to a cord. The other end of the cord has a flexible bamboo splint (the two ends are bent till they nearly meet and are placed delicately inside the body of bait) is tied to the bait frogs, snails
or grasshoppers. When the fish tries to seize the bait, the bent splint springs apart within the mouth of the fish resulting in its entrapment. In some cases the fish takes the bait in the mouth and pulls it till the string snaps and it swims away dragging the bait and floating bulla. By allowing the bulla to float on the surface the fish feels less pain from the splint than by trying to pull it down under the water. The struggle gradually weakens and the fish succumbs in the end. The fisherman follows the float and pulls the string trailing under to collect the fish. A number of such floats are set in the evening in paddy fields and the fish are collected the next morning. Ballum, Pachki i.e. pronged spears (Pl. 111; Fig. 37). It is made of iron (14 cm long) and hafted into the hollow end of a long bamboo shaft of over 3 m length. The butt is bound with an iron ring or by a cord or fibre (Fig. 37). It is a heavy weapon and requires considerable strength to hurl. It is generally thrown by a man standing on the prow of a boat, and sometimes from the bank of a stream or from shallow water.
Pl. 111: Mallah man with fishing prongs (ballum and pachki) 192
Fig. 37: Pronged spear used during fishing
A single prong is used principally in the pursuit of large fish and tortoises (Fig. 37). For other types of fish the number of prongs varies widely, from one to six. The names differ both according to the number of prongs and to the locality but ballum is the most common name.
v. Fishing by sticks and hands: Another fishing method is building a low earthen bund between the shallow water and the
main water body. The water is bailed out leaving the fish stranded. Some water is left for drying by evaporation, which saves the labour involved in bailing. This technique is for catching small and medium‐sized fish. It is followed in Gadhaye (pond). Here fishing is productive and large amounts of fish are collected and are distributed equally among villagers. In‐group fishing the fishermen enter the shallow water or rivers, lakes and ponds with sticks. The Mallahs then form a circle and begin to churn the water with sticks. The fish are stunned and start dying from the blows. They are then collected by hand. vi. Fishing by explosives: In this technique the Mallahs and Musahars use an explosive (gollar) and blast it in shallow water. Due to the explosion many fish die immediately. The ones, which survive, are stunned and come to the surface of the water. Meanwhile a group of men barricade the area and collect the startled fish skilfully by hand (Pl. 112). Teenagers and children surround the banks and collect the thrown fish. An explosive can kill about five to a 100 fish at a time.
Pl. 112: Mallahs fishing by explosive 193
vii. Fishing by poison: Fishing by poisoning is a well‐known technique among the Mallahs and Musahars. It is a group activity. Many plants contain substances, which are toxic and are adopted as fish poison. The fishermen use seeds of datura (Datura stramonium Linn.), gonj (Derris scandens Benth.), gidar tamaku (Verbascum thapsus Linn.) and latex of sehund (Euphorbia antiquorum Linn.) as fish poison. The plant, bark or seed is beaten on the rock near the pond and added to the water or sprinkled on the water in powder form. The water is stirred with the help of sticks and feet. The fish become comatose, start floating on the surface of water, and are easily caught. Electric current through naked wires is passed in the pond where fish are in abundance. The fish are electrocuted and start floating on the surface of the water, and the fishermen collect them. viii. Fowling while fishing: This technique of the Musahars and Mallahs for catching birds is a remarkable one. The birds are caught from tal (lake or pond) at night. Two or more persons sit with a lamp in a boat (dongi). One of them holds the brass plate and starts beating it softly which produces a melodious sound to which the birds are attracted. The birds come towards the boat and are easily entrapped by nets thrown over them. Lalsar, teeka, kaigar, laokura, tehuwa and girra are some of the birds caught from the tal. Thus, birds are also caught by fishing nets.
Besides, the oil lamp in the dongi is also lit to attract flies, moths and other insects. They come near the flame, which burns their wings. The burnt wings fall into the stream and float on the water. The fish are attracted to the bits of food floating on the surface and are caught by nets. The dongi is employed for fishing as well as for carrying passengers and goods. While rowing against the current the rower always sits at the fore end of the boat.
Spawn collection: Besides fish spawn or fish eggs are collected from the fish breeding grounds. Mostly the fish eggs are collected from 30 to 60 cm deep meandering rivers, lakes and ponds. The method of collection is by disturbing the bottom of the water and scooping up the eggs with a piece of cloth. Frequently nets of small mesh size are placed against the current and pulled up for the collection of eggs.
In the Ganga the spawns are collected from May to September. Young and newly hatched fish are collected from July to October. The young fish are generally caught for consumption. Catla and rohu eggs are collected for breeding and selling. The eggs when brought are stored in especially prepared mud pits. The size of this mud pits ranges from 0.50 to 1.5 m in diameter 0.50 m in depth.
Organisation of labour: Fishing is primarily a male activity but there is no taboo against women taking part in it. The division of labour among the Mallahs is given in Table 28.
Table 28 Division of labour among the Mallahs Men Women Children ‐ Cut and carry back the bamboo, hemp ‐ and munj grass for making the baskets, nets, ropes and shafts. Acquire iron hooks, net sinkers and nylon Make baskets, and ropes for Make ropes strings from the local market. Help in fishing. making baskets and fences. 194
Make and apply tan to the nets, fences and baskets. Fish with nets, fences prongs, iron hooks, and by poison and explosion and they row boats.
Apply tan to baskets and ‐ fence. Fishing with hands and Fishing with hands and sticks, fences and baskets. sticks, fences and baskets. They row boats. They fish in the deep water, rivers, lakes, Women fish in shallow They fish in shallow ponds, gadhaye and streams. water, by wading in shallow water, lakes and paddy fields. beds. Help in drying and preserving the fish. Carryout different processes Help, in drying small for preservation of fish. fish. Sell fish in the local market. Carry fish in village for sale. ‐ Spawn collection ‐ Spawn collection
6.2.3 Processing and Preservation Due to subtropical climate the fish decompose quickly. Heat and moisture promote the deterioration. For this fishermen take adequate precautions. Before processing they keep small fish alive in earthen pots filled with water. Large fish are stored in water collected in a sand enclosure near the lake and river. Preservation: One of the techniques of preserving fish is to dry them. Sun and wind drying are the common methods employed for drying fish. The other methods employed by the fishermen for preserving the fish for longer period of time are: dry salting method and wet salting method.
In dry salting method, salt powder is rubbed on the fish. The oily fish require more salt. After a day, the fish are washed in salt water and dried in the sun for days (15 to 30 days). These fish last for up to a year. In wet salting method, salt water and turmeric is mixed in a container. The fish are dipped into the containers and left for a day. The next day they are dried in the sun. Wet salting is done for large‐sized fish. Small fish are first washed and cleaned with water to remove slime, bloodstains, mud and sand. They are then dried in the sun. But for big and medium‐sized fish, the 195
internal organs like viscera are removed and the body cavity is washed and salted before drying. The fish are dried on the roof of the house, in the open on platforms, on poles, on the ground and on the racks. The racks are constructed in such a way that fish get maximum exposure to the sunrays. The racks are made according to the size of the fish. To construct a rack, eight to ten bamboo splits are planted vertically at a distance of about 30 cm each and 12 to 18 bamboo splits are tied horizontally at a distance of 15 to 20 cm to the vertical posts. A simple method for hanging half‐dried fish consists of two vertical posts supporting another one. Sometimes instead of bamboo rope is tied horizontally on which the fish are hung. The dehydrated fish are known as sukhi. They are used for sale and for consumption. Fish oil: Oil is extracted from the leftovers like tails, fins, and bones of the fish. The remains are boiled and the oil is extracted by pressing the remains. This oil is used for cooking. Consumption of fish: Fish satisfy food needs. They are dried and stored for later consumptions in the following ways:
Fish are roasted inside a hearth or in an open fire. They are rarely cleaned and cooked whole. Generally small fish are consumed roasted. Fish are cooked with spices. Sometimes all the body parts including head are consumed leaving out only the fins, tail, scales and viscera. Oil extracted out of fish is used for cooking and for massage. The Mallahs supply fish in the nearby villages and to the local market. They also sell fish at the riverside and on bridges. 6.3 Gathering of wild plants among the Kols and Musahars Ethnobotanical fieldwork by the author was carried out for three seasons in a number of villages inhabited by the Kols and the Musahars. The aim was to understand the use of wild plants by these who still largely depend on the forest flora for their sustenance and livelihood. These communities exploit the resources of forests, rivers and hills; they have a rich knowledge of wild plants. From here the Kols and Musahars collect a wide range of foods and utilise many trees, shrubs, herbs, tubers, roots, leaves, flowers, fruits, seeds and gums for their subsistence and for day‐to‐ day needs. To collect these plants the Kols and Musahars use organic made tools like laggi, khara, khonch and baiyya (Fig. 38) besides khanta is always carried along (Pl. 113). The food habits of the Kols and the Musahars are related to the availability of resources. For instance, the Kols for their subsistence collect and sell wood from the forest. In the process of gathering wood, the Kols also collect plants for their consumption and other needs. Both men and women carry out the gathering of plant foods and wood (Table 29). The Musahars collect leaves for making leaf platters and 196
cups and supply them to the villages and the markets in Allahabad. During the collection of leaves, which is carried out by men, women and children, they also gather wild plant from the forest for consumption (Pl. 114). These natural granaries provide them with enough energy, proteins, fibre, vitamins and essential minerals for their diet. They have also learnt to utilise many plants and plant products for medicine, fibre, cordage, oil, timber and wood work, making brooms, basketry, dyes, as fuel and poison since primeval times.
Fig. 38: Bags and tools made of organic material used during gathering by the simple communities; a. Laggi; b. Khara; c. Khonch; d. Baiyya
6.3.1 Ethnobotanical Survey An ethnobotanical survey was carried out in the remote villages inhabited by Kols and the Musahars (Ansari 2009: 144‐166). The aim was to gather information on the traditional use of plant products in day‐to‐ day life and healthcare. Men, women and local herb sellers among the Kols and Musahars were consulted regarding the
details of the plant parts used. The author collected local name of wild plants while the scientific names were collected from published literature (Nair and Mohanan:
1998; Ambasta et al. 1992; Table 29). The plants used by them for various purposes are as follows:
Table 29 Wild plants collected by the Kols and Musahars Parts of plants eaten as vegetables Family Botanical Name Amaranthaceae
Araceae Umbelliferae
Liliaceae
Gramineae
Basellaceae Caesalpiniaceae Chenopodiaceae
Achyranthes aspera L. (Herb) Amaranthus spinous L. (Herb) Digera arvensis Forsk. Amorphophallus campanulatus Blume ex Decne (Herb) Anethum Sowa Kurz Carum copticum Hiern Asparagus racemous Willd. (Climbing shrub) Asphodelus tenuifolius Cav. Avena sativa L. Bambusa arundinacea Willd. (Tree) Echinochlao frumentacea Link. Paspalum scrobiculatum L. (Herb) Basella alba L. (Climbing herb) Cassia tora L. (Herb) Fls. & Frs: August‐June Chenopodium album L.
Local Name Chirchiri Chaulai Latmhuria Jangali suran, zamin‐kand Soya, sowa Jangal jamain, ajwain Shakakuli, sataveri Pyaji Jai Bans Sanwa Kodo Poi Chakaura Bathua sag
Coccinia indica Wight & Arn Momordica dioica Roxb. ex Willd. (Climbing herb) Fls. & Frs.: March‐ August Trichosanthes cucumerina L. (Climber) Commelina benghalensis L. Cyperus esculentus L. Gynandropsis gynandra (Linn.) Briq Ipomoea aquatica Forsk. (Herb)
Kundru Golkandra Jangali chachinda
Nymphaeaceae
Nelumbo nucifera Gaertn. (Aquatic herb) Nymphaea alba L.
Kamala Kumudini
Ophioglossaceae Solanaceae
Ophioglossum sp. Solanum nigrum L. (Herb)
Janglipalak Makoi
Cucurbitaceae
Commelinaceae Cyperaceae Capparidaceae Convolvulaceae
197
Tankaua Gondila Hurhur, hulhul Kalmisag
Parts Used Tender shoot, leaves Leaves Leaves, shoots Underground tuber or corms Tender shoot Seeds Leaves Seeds Bulbs, seeds Tender shoot Seeds Seeds Leaves Tender shoot, leaves Tender shoot, leaves, seeds Raw fruits Unripe fruits Unripe and ripe fruits Shoot Rhizome, tuber Leaves Tender shoot, leaves Rhizome, leaves Tuberous underground stem Whole plant Ripe fruits
Papilionaceae
Compositae
Lathyrus aphaca L. Trigonella incisa Benth. Vicia hirsuta S. F. Gray Vicia sativa L. Vernonia anthelmintica (L.) Willd. (Herb) Fls. & Frs.: October‐January Latuca sativa L.
Janglimatar Chainhari Munmuna Akra Kaliziri Kahu, salad
Flowers cooked as vegetable Family Botanical Name Rubiaceae Anthocephalus cadamba Miq. or A. Chinensis Walp. Caesalpiniaceae Cassia fistula Linn. (Tree) Boraginaceae Cordia dichotoma Frost. f. Sapotaceae Madhuca longifolia (Koenig) Macbr (Tree) Edible fruits Family Botanical Name Alangiaceae Alangium Salviifolium (Linn. f.) Wang. (Shrub or small tree) Rubiaceae Anthocephalus cadamba Miq. or A. Chinensis Walp. Xeromphis pinosa Keay Euphorbiaceae Antidesma ghaesembilla Gaertn. Bridelia stipularis Blume Emblica officinalis Gaertn. Anacardiaceae Buchanania lanzan Spreng. (Tree) Apocynaceae Carissa carandas Linn. ((Shrub) Boraginaceae Cordia dichotoma Forst. f. Rutaceae Feronia limonia (Linn.) Single Moraceae Ficus racemosa Swingle (Tree) Fls. & Frs.: May‐September Tiliaceae Grewia hirsuta Vahl Sapotaceae Madhuca longifolia (Koenig) Macbr. (Tree) Solanaceae Physalis minima Linn. (Herb) Myrtaceae Syzygium cumini (Linn.) Skeels Syzygium heyneanun Wall. Ex Gamble Combretaceae Terminalia bellirica (Gaertn.) Roxb. (Tree) Rhamnaceae Zizyphus nummularia (Burm. f.) W. & A. Zizyphus oenoplia Mill. (Woody scandent shrub) Zizyphus jujuba Lam. Tubers processed before eating Family Botanical Name Dioscoreaceae Dioscorea pentaphylla Linn. (Tuberous twiners) Dioscorea bulbifera Linn. (Tuberous twiners) Dioscorea hispida Dennst. (Tuberous twiners) Papilionaceae; Pueraria tuberosa DC. Fabaceae 198
Seeds Tender shoot Seeds Seeds Tender Shoot Leaves
Local Name Kadamba Amaltas Lasora, chota lasora Mahua
Local Name Akola Kadamba Mainphal Umtao Khaji, khaja Aonla Chironji, chiroli Jangli karaunda Lasora, chota lasora Kavitha Gular Kakrundah, kukurbicha Mahua Tulati pati Jamun Jam Bahera Jharberi, jhdiaber Makai Ber
Local Name Kantaalu Ratalu, suaralu Karukandu Sural
Fibrous plants for making cordage Family Botanical Name Caesalpiniaceae Bauhinia racemosa Lam. Papilionaceae; Fabaceae Asclepiadaceae Dipterocarpaceae Sterculiaceae
Local Name Kachnal, ashta
Butea monosperma (Lam.) Kuntze (Tree) Marsdenia tenacissima Wight & Arn. Shorea robusta Gaertn.f. (Tree) Sterculia urens Roxb. (Tree)
Dhak, palas Jiti, chiti Sal, shal Gular, gulu
Plants used for making leaf plates and cups Family Meliaceae
Botanical Name Azadirachta indica A. Juss. (Tree) Gramineae; Poaceae Bambusa Schreb. (Grass) Saccharum munja Roxb. (Grass) Papilionaceae; Butea monosperma (Lam.) Kuntze Fabaceae (Tree) Moraceae Ficus bengalensis Linn. Sapotaceae Madhuca longifolia (Koenig) Macbr. (Tree)
Local Name Neem
Parts of the plant Leaf twigs
Bans Sarpat Dhak, palas
Twigs, bamboo Leaf Leaf
Bar, bargad Mahua
Leaf Leaf
Plants used of making basket Family Botanical Name Gramineae; Poaceae Bambusa Schreb. Erianthus munja Jesw Saccharum munja (Grass) Saccharum spontaneum Linn. Plants used for Dye Family Botanical Name Caesalpiniaceae Caesalpinia sappan Linn. Melastomataceae Memecylon edule Roxb. Zingiberaceae Curcuma longa Linn. Plants exploited for extracting oil Family Botanical Name Sapotaceae Madhuca longifolia (Koenig) Macbr. (Tree) Euphorbiaceae Ricinus communis Linn. (Shrub) Dipterocarpaceae Shorea robusta Gaertn. f. (Tree) Rhamnaceae Ventilago denticulata Willd. Gums used for fowling Family Botanical Name Mimosaceae Acacia catechu Willd (Tree) Acacia nilotica (Linn.) Willd. ex Delile subsp. Indica (Benth.) Brenan (Tree) Dipterocarpaceae Shorea robusta Gaertn. Papilionaceae; Butea monosperma (Lam.) Kuntze (Tree) Fabaceae Combretaceae Terminilia alata Heyne ex Roth 199
Local Name Bans Munj Sarpat Kans, kas
Local Name Varthangi Kasan Kachchi‐ haldi
Local Name Mahua Erandi Sal, shal Pitti, raidhani
Local Name Khair Babool, babul Sal, sakhu Dhak, palas Asan, sain
Plants used for construction, roofing and thatching Family Mimosaceae
Gramineae; Poaceae Euphorbiaceae Barringtoniaceae Fabaceae Burseraceae Verbenaceae Apocynaceae Lythraceae Sapotaceae Annonaceae Rubiaceae Papilionaceae Dipterocarpaceae Meliaceae Myrtaceae Combretaceae
Botanical Name Acacia catechu Willd (Tree) Saccharum munja (Grass) Vetiveria zizanioides (Linn.) Nash Bambusa Schreb. Bridelia squamosa Gehrm Ricinus communis Linn. (Shrub) Careya arborea Roxb. (Tree) Dalbergia sissoo Roxb. (Tree) Garuga pinnata Roxb. (Tree) Gmelina arborea Roxb. (Tree) Tectona grandis Linn. f. Holarrhena antidysenterica (Linn.) Wall. (Tree) Lagerstroemia parviflora Roxb. Madhuca longifolia (Koenig) Macbr. (Tree) Miliusa tomentosa (Roxb.) J. Sinclair Mitragyna parvifolia (Roxb.) Korth. (Tree) Ougeinia oojeinensis (Roxb.) Hochr. Pterocarpus marsupium Roxb. (Tree) Shorea robusta Gaertn. Soymida febrifuga Juss. Syzygium cuminii (Linn.) Skeels Terminilia arjuna (Roxb.) Wight & Arn Terminilia alata Heyne ex Roth
6.3.2 Plants used for Healthcare The flora growing in the forests plays a vital role in the life and healthcare of the Kols and Musahars. The plants used for treatment of various ailments are locally collected and the ways of application vary according to the methods of traditional use. The same plant is used for treatment of different diseases in different ways (Table Table 30 Plants used for health care Family Botanical Name Papilionaceae; Abrus precatorius L. Fabaceae (Climbing shrub)
30). Various parts of the same plant are utilised for different types of diseases. The glossary of technical terms used for diseases is given in Appendix IV. The plants having medicinal properties used for healthcare were collected by the author and were been studied according to their herbal properties they are as follows:
Local Name Ujarki Ghunchi
200
Local Name Khair Sarpat Khas‐khas Bans Sirai Erandi kumbhi Sheesham Kharpat Gambhar Sagun, sagwan Khurchi, karchi Dhaura Mahua Kari, kirua Kaim, kalmi kadassa Sandan Bijasal, bija Sal, sakhu Rohun, rohunna Jaman, jam Kahwa Asan, sain
Parts Used Root Seed Bruised seeds Leaf
Name of Diseases Anthelmintic and antidote scorpion sting Arthritis, abortifacient, purgative, aphrodisiac, febrifuge, eczema, paralysis, stiffness of joints and skin diseases Poisoning cattle
Leaf decoction
Desmodium triflorium DC. (Under shrub) Indigofera linifolia L.
Kuddalina, kudaliya
Leaf
Neel
Indigofera tinctoria Linn. (Shrub)
Ban nilva
Seeds Shoot Plant paste and roots
Mimosaceae
Amaranthaceae
Acanthaceae
Adiantaceae Rutaceae
Pueraria tuberosa DC. Patalkohra (Large climber) Tephrosia purpurea Sarphonka (L.) Pers. (Shrub)
Tuber
Acacia nilotica (Linn.) Babool Willd. ex Delile subsp. Indica (Benth.) Brenan (Tree) Acacia pennata Willd. Kuchaya (Tree)
Seed Bark Pods Root Decoction of leaf Leaf juice Root Seed Root Shoot
Mimosa pudica Linn. (Herb) Achyranthes aspera Linn. (Herb)
Lajani Chircheria, Chirchiri
Root Seeds
Adhatoda vasica Nees
Arusa, arusha
Asteracantha longifolia Nees
Talmakhan, talimakhana
Adiantum philippense Linn. Aegle marmelos (L.) Correa. ex. Roxb. (Tree)
Hansraj
Leaf juice Powdered leaves Root and seeds Seeds Whole plant
Bel
Fruit pulp
201
Leucoderma and swelling Cough and cold Boils, dysentery and diarrhoea Boils Skin disease Warts, nervous disorders, urinary complaints and jaundice Leucorrhoea Tonsillitis Itch, eczema and skin eruptions Spermatorrhoea Skin diseases, gonorrhoea and leucorrhoea Urino‐genital diseases Wounds and boils Febrifuge Fever during childbirth Urinary complaints Asthma Rheumatism and gout Antidote for scorpion sting and snake bite Cough, upper respiratory infection, bronchial troubles, diarrhoea and dysentery Skin infection Jaundice, cough, upper respiratory infection and urino‐ genital diseases Rheumatism Snake bite, dysentery and applied during body itch To kill intestinal worms of cattle
Liliaceae
Araceae
Papaveraceae
Aristolochiaceae
Meliaceae
Allium cepa L (Herb)
Piyaz
Aloe barbadensis Mill.
Ghee‐ kunvar
Aloe vera L (Herb) Urginea indica (Roxb.) Kunth
Ghikanvar
Amorphophallus campanulatus Blume ex Decne (Herb) Argemone mexicana L. (Herb)
Janglisuran, zamin‐kand
Tuber
Ghamoya
Seeds Root Fruits Leaf Leaf juice Seeds Bark Leaves Twigs
Fumaria indica Pugsley Aristolochia indica Linn. (Climbing herb) Azadirachta indica A. Juss.
Ban piyaz, jangli piyaz
Pitpapra Gadahpurna
Neem, nim
Bulb decoction Leaf pulp Leaf juice Fruits
Leaf pulp Corm paste Bulb
Basellaceae
Basella alba L. (Climbing herb)
Poi
Nyctaginaceae
Boerhavia diffusa Linn (Prostrate herb)
Punarnaba, sant
Asclepiadaceae
Calotropis gigantea (Linn.) R. Br. ex Ait (Shrub) Fls & Frs: Throughout the year Calotropis procera (Ait.) R. Br. Fls & Frs: Throughout the year
Bara madar
Milky juice Tincture of leaves
Madar
Tender leaf Leaf juice Leaf poultice Root and bark
202
Leaves & tender stem juice Root decoction Root
Diarrhoea, cholera, dysentery and hair fall Piles, liver and ailment of spleen Eye trouble Astringent, digestive, stomach‐ache, diarrhoea and dysentery Burn, headache and menstrual disorders Abortion Rheumatism and skin troubles Diarrhoea, dysentery and piles Boils and skin disease Malaria Eczema of cattle Gout and lumbago Malaria fever and cough Inflammations and biliousness Skin trouble Eczema and skin problems Clean teeth and bleeding gums Cold, constipation during pregnancy Anaemia and weakness Asthma, abortifacient, malaria, bronchitis, spermatorrhoea and snake bite Diarrhoea and dysentery Fever
Stomach pain and headache Earache Rheumatism, gout and lumbago Leprosy
Cryptolepis buchanani Roem. & Schult. (Climber) Hemidesmus indicus (Linn.) R. Br. Climbing shrub)
Dudhiya
Stem
Paralysis
Kapoori, Kapuri
Root Bark
Cannabinaceae
Cannabis sativa L. (Shrub)
Bhang, ganja
Solanaceae
Capsicum annuum L.
Lal mircha
Dried leaves Female flowering tops Seeds
Spermatorrhoea, urinary diseases and skin troubles Headache due to sunstroke, antidote to scorpion sting, snake bite and fever Body ache and pneumonia Dysentery, sedative, analgesic
Datura inoxia Mill. Dattura Datura stramonium L. Dhatura
Barringtoniaceae Careya arborea Roxb. (Tree)
kumbhi
Apocynaceae
Carissa carandas Linn (Shrub)
Karaunda
Seed paste Seeds smoked Hot leaf fomentation Dried Leaves Shoot decoction Leaves juice Fruits Root Root decoction Fruit paste Root powder Flowers Bark Root
Sadabahar
Leaves
Caesalpiniaceae
Catharanthus roseus (L.) G. Don (Small shrub) Cassia tora L. (Herb) Fls & Frs: August‐ June
Chkaura
Root Leaves
Nicotiana tabacum L. (Shrub) Solanum nigrum L. (Herb)
Surti
Solanum surattense Burm. f. (Shrub)
Bhatkatiya, katai
Makoya, mokoi
203
Stomach‐ache, vomiting and diarrhoea Arthritis Asthma and bronchitis Gout and lumbago Antidote to scorpion sting and anti spasmodic Piles, diarrhoea and dysentery Fever and eye troubles Piles Asthma, bronchitis, cough and upper respiratory infection Fever Boils and sore throat Paralysis Heal ruptures after childbirth Heals wounds Stomach pain, applied on animal wounds for healing and killing of worms Antidote to scorpion sting, wasp sting Fever Skin troubles
Scrophulariaceae Celsia coromandelina
Gadar tambaku
Chenopodiaceae
Chenopodium album L. Cicer arietinum L. (Herb) Dalbergia sissoo Roxb. (Tree) Lablab purpureus (L.) (Herb) Convolvulus pluricaulis Choisy Cuscuta reflexa Roxb. (Parasitic herb) Fls & Frs: Throughout the year Ipomoea carnea Jacq.
Bathua sag Chana
Seeds
Amoebic dysentery
Shisham
Leaves
Sem
Leaves Shoot decoction Plant sap
Cooling effect during summer Boils and skin diseases Anaemia and weakness
Behaya
Leaf Sap
Curcuma longa Linn. (Herb) Cyperus scariosus R. Br. Dioscorea bulbifera Linn. (Tuberous twiners) Dioscorea hispida Dennst (Tuberous twiners) Eclipta alba Hassk. Vernonia anthelmintica Willd. (Herb) Fls & Frs: October‐ January Eucalyptus citriodora Hook. Syzygium heyneanum Wall. ex. Gamble
Kachchi‐ haldi
Rhizome juice
Nagarmutha
Rhizome powder Corm paste Tuber
Rheumatism and gout Piles and dysentery
Bank
Corm paste
Rheumatism and gout
Ghamira Kaliziri
Shoot Seeds
Boils and skin disease Anthelmintic and skin disease
Liptees
Leaves
Headache
Jamati
Stem bark
Titlee
Plant paste
Dysentery Eczema
Fabaceae
Convolvulaceae
Zingiberaceae
Cyperaceae Dioscoreaceae
Compositae
Myrtaceae
Euphorbiaceae
Cassine glauca (Roth) Kuntze (Tree)
Euphorbia dracunculoides Lam.
Mamri, mamar
Cramp diseases, headache and increase appetite Blood dysentery Diarrhoea and dysentery Eruptions on skin
Leaves Seeds Leaf juice Plant juice Flower
Celastraceae
Shankhpuspi Aakas bel
Genthi, ratalu
204
Anthelmintic proprieties
Burning sensation in the stomach and the urinary tract, headache and liver complaints Arthritis Antidote to scorpion sting Preventing conception, stomach‐ache Antidote to snake bite
Euphorbia nivulia Buch. Ham. (Tree or shrub) Fls & Frs: January‐ July Jatropha curcas L. (Shrub) Phyllanthus fraternus Webster and Phyllanthus niruri L. Hook. f. Ricinus communis Linn. (Shrub)
Sehura
Safed arand Bhui amla
Erandi
Leaf juice Leaf Hot leaf fermentatio n Stem sticks Plant juice Plant Root Root decoction Oil
Toothache Eczema and ringworm Leprosy, stomach trouble, diarrhoea and dysentery Jaundice Stomach‐ache, fever and leprosy Worms in intestine and stomach‐ache Boils, gout and lumbago Stomach‐ache Cough and fever
Boraginaceae
Heliotropium indicum L. (Herb)
Hatesuria, hatta‐ sura
Malvaceae
Hibiscus syriacus L.
Gurhal
Ulmaceae
Holoptelea integrifolia Planch. (Tree) Fls & Frs: February‐ May Gynandropsis gynandra DC. Ficus racemosa L. (Tree) Fls & Frs: May‐ September Ficus religiosa Linn. (Tree) Fls & Frs: May‐ September
Chilbil
Leaf Seeds Fruits
Diarrhoea, dysentery, cooling effect and skin troubles Rickets, boils and leprosy Diarrhoea Purgative
Hurhar
Shoot
Scorpion sting
Gular
Fruit
Cooling effect for eyes turned red and stomach‐ ache
Capparidaceae Moraceae
Streblus asper Lour.
Labiatae; Lamiaceae
Leucas cephalotes (Roth) Spreng. Fls & Frs: September‐ December Ocimum sanctum L.
Peepal
Leaf Seeds Roots Flowers
Earache Fever Rheumatism
Fruit Bark Leaf decoction Sihore Leaf decoction Leaf paste Root paste Seeds Gumma, goma Fruit extract Leaf and flower paste Tulsi Leaf
205
Induces fertility in women Earache, ulcer and skin trouble Cooling effect for eyes turned red Fever Swelling Ulcers and boils Piles and diarrhoea Antidote for snake bite, spleen enlargement and rickets Cough and upper respiratory infection Fever, cough and upper respiratory infection
Verbenaceae
Sapotaceae
Mahua
Leaf decoction Plant paste Root paste Leaves Flowers
Menstrual disorders Boils Boils and blisters Fevers, cough and rheumatism As a tonic
Batas Daman paper
Leaf Plant
Bajra
Grains
Rheumatoid pain Jaundice, stomach‐ache and gastric irritability Headache
Khas‐ khas
Extract of root Decoction of bark Leaf juice Leaf Shoot decoction Leaf decoction Fruit paste Seeds Bark
Lippia nodiflora Rich.
Bukan
Pygmaeopremna herbacea Moldenke
Gathiya
Madhuca longifolia (Koenig) Macbr (Tree) Olacaceae Olax scandens Roxb. Ruiaceae Oldenlandia corymbosa L. Gramineae; Pennisetum typhoides Poaceae (Burm. f.) Stapf & C. E. Hubb. Vetiveria zizanioides (Linn.) Nash Combretaceae Terminalia arjuna (Roxb.) Wight & Arn. (Tree) Cupressaceae Thuja orientalis Linn. Menispermaceae Tinospora cordifolia (Willd.) Miers. ex Hook. f. & Thoms. (Woody climber) Rubiaceae Xeromphis spinosa Keay
Kauha, arjuna
Morepankhi Guruja
Mainphal
Recent studies by the author on the wide variety of botanical evidence from the archaeological sites in the Middle Ganga Plain suggests importance of collection and preference for certain available plants by the ancient men (Table 31). Plants like Lablab purpureus, Argemone mexicana L, Euphorbia
Constipation Asthma and liver Ear ache Dysentery Anaemia and weakness Gout Boils Induce appetite Diarrhoea, dysentery and body ache
sp., Indigofera sp. L., Adhatoda vasica, Acacia catechu/ Acacia nilotica, and Ficus religiosa have medicinal properties suggesting that probably ancient men were suffering from various skin diseases and hence utilising these specific plants for ailment (Ansari 2009: 122‐144).
Table 31 Botanical remains from the archaeological site and the plant by the Kols and the Musahars Reference Remains from Botanical Remains/ Taxa Use of plant by Kols and Archaeological Musahars Sites/Period/Dates (Ansari 2001 a: 362‐374) Saraswat Malhar Acacia catechu/ The plant is used for 2004: 167 Period II: Early Iron Acacia nilotica preparation of gum and for Phase (1700/1600‐800 construction, roofing and BC) thatching/ bark for skin
206
Adhatoda vasica Nees
Aegle marmelos
Alangium Salviifolium
Allium cepa L
Amaranthus sp. L. (Amaranthus spinous L.)
Lahuradewa Period IB Early Farming Phase (c. 5000‐4000 BP) Period II Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000‐3200 BP) Leaf juice is used during cough, Lahuradewa Period IA Early upper respiratory infection, Farming Phase (c. bronchial troubles, diarrhoea 9000‐5000 BP) and dysentery. Powdered Period IB (c. 5000‐4000 leaves is used during skin BP) infection Period II Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000‐3200 BP) Fruit pulp is used to kill Lahuradewa intestinal worms of cattle Period IA Early Farming Phase (c. 9000‐5000 BP) Period IB (c. 5000‐4000 BP) Period II Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000‐3200 BP) Eaten as fruit Lahuradewa Period IB Early Farming Phase (c. 5000‐4000 BP) Period II Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000‐3200 BP) Bulb decoction is used for Waina Diarrhoea, cholera, dysentery Period I (1600‐800 BC) and hair fall diseases, gonorrhoea and leucorrhoea, pods for urino‐ genital diseases, and the seed is used during Spermatorrhoea
Leaves eaten as vegetable
207
Raja‐Nal_Ka‐Tila Early Iron Age/Period II (1300‐700 BC) Senuwar Neolithic (2200‐700/600 BC) Raja‐Nal_Ka‐Tila Pre‐Iron Phase (1600‐ 700 BC) Imlidih‐Khurd Period II 1300‐800 BC
Tewari et al. 2006: 52
Tewari et al. 2006: 52
Tewari et al. 2006: 52
Tewari et al. 2006: 53
Saraswat 2005: 147‐ 151, Pokharia 2008: 291 Pokharia 2008: 291 Pokharia 2008: 293 Pokharia 2008: 293 Saraswat 1993: 39
Anthocephalus cadamba
Argemone mexicana L
Asphodelus tenuifolius Cav.
Bambusa sp.
Buchnania lanzan Spreng.
Butea monosperma (Lam.) Kuntze (Tree)
Manjhi Northern Black Polished Ware (ca. 600 ‐ 50 BC) Redware Period (50 BC. ‐ AD. 300) Lahuradewa Flowers are cooked as vegetable, and fruits are edible Period IB Early Farming Phase (c. 5000‐4000 BP) Period II Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000‐3200 BP) Seeds are used for boils and Raja‐Nal_Ka‐Tila skin disease, Root for Malaria Early Iron Phase (1600‐ and fruits for Eczema of cattle 700 BC) Manjhi Northern Black Polished Ware (ca. 600 ‐ 50 BC) Redware Period (50 BC. ‐ AD. 300) Seeds are eaten as vegetable Senuwar Chalcolithic (2200‐ 700/600 BC) Raja‐Nal_Ka‐Tila Early Iron Phase (1600‐ 700 BC) Tender shoot is eaten as Malhar vegetable, twigs made out of Period 1: Pre Iron bamboo is used while making phase (1900‐1600 BC) leaf platters and cups. It is also Period II: Early Iron used for making basket and hut Phase (1700/1600‐800 construction BC) Lahuradewa Period IB Early Farming Phase (c. 5000‐4000 BP) Period II Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000‐3200 BP) Mahagara (24° 54’ 50” N.; 82° 3’ 20” E.) Neolithic Edible fruits Raja‐Nal_Ka‐Tila Early Iron Phase (1600‐ 700 BC) Used for making cordage, leaf Malhar platters and cups Period II: Early Iron Phase (1700/1600‐800 BC) 208
Srivastava 2001: 144‐ 145
Tewari et al. 2006: 53
Pokharia 2008: 293 Srivastava 2001: 144‐ 145
Pokharia 2008: 293 Pokharia 2008: 293 Saraswat 2004: 167
Tewari et al. 2006: 53
Sharma et al. 1980: 182 Pokharia 2008: 293 Saraswat 2004: 167
Cannabis sativa L.
Carissa carandas
Chenopodium album L.
Lahuradewa Period IB Early Farming Phase (c. 5000‐4000 BP) Period II Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000‐3200 BP) Leaves are eaten during body Senuwar ache and pneumonia. Chalcolithic (2200‐ Flowering tops are eaten 700/600 BC) during dysentery, and used as Lahuradewa sedative and analgesic Period II Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000‐3200 BP) Fruits are edible. Roots are used Lahuradewa Period II Developed during stomach pain, and Farming Phase (c. applied on animal wounds for 4000‐3200 BP) healing and killing of worms Eaten as vegetable, seeds are Damdama (26° 10’ N.; consumed for its anthelmintic 82° 10’ 36” E.) proprieties Mesolithic
Tokwa (24° 54ʹ 20 N; 83° 21ʹ 65.E) Neolithic (3rd‐2nd millennium BC) Senuwar Chalcolithic (2200‐ 700/600 BC) Raja‐Nal_Ka‐Tila Pre and Early Iron Phase (1600‐700 BC) Hulaskhera (26° 41’ N.; 81° 1’ E.) 700 BC‐ 500 AD Imlidih‐Khurd (26° 3’ 30” N; 83° 12’ 5”) Period I‐ 2000‐1400 BC Period II 1300‐800 BC Manjhi (25° 50’ N.; 84° 34’ E.) Northern Black Polished Ware (ca. 600 – 50 BC)
209
Tewari et al. 2006: 53
Pokharia 2008: 293 Tewari et al. 2006: 53
Tewari et al. 2006: 53
IAR 1985‐86: 84, IAR 1986‐87: 131, Kajale 1990: 100, Kajale 1996: 252, Pal 1994: 100 Pokharia 2008 b: 250, 251, 253 Pokharia 2008: 293 Pokharia 2008: 293 Chanchala 92: 68 Saraswat 1993: 39
Srivastava 2001: 144‐ 145
Commelina benghalensis L. Commelina sp.
Shoot is eaten as vegetable
Cyperus sp. L. (Cyperus scariosus R. Br./ Cyperus esculentus L.)
Dalbergia sp./ Dalbergia sissoo
Datura sp. L. (Datura inoxia Mill. /Datura stramonium L.)
Rhizome powder is used as antidote to snakebite/ Rhizome and tuber eaten as vegetable
Leaves are used for its cooling effect during summer. Tree is used for construction, roofing and thatching
Seeds are used for asthma, bronchitis and arthritis/ Hot leaf fomentation for gout and
210
Lahuradewa (26° 46’ N.; 82° 57’ E.) Period IA Early Farming Phase (c. 9000‐5000 BP) Period IB (c. 5000‐4000 BP) Raja‐Nal_Ka‐Tila Early Iron Phase (1600‐ 700 BC) Hulaskhera 700 BC‐ 500 AD Manjhi Redware Period (50 BC. ‐ AD. 300) Malhar Pre and Early Iron Phase (1900‐800 BC) Raja‐Nal_Ka‐Tila Early Iron Phase (1600‐ 700 BC) Hulaskhera 700 BC‐ 500 AD Manjhi Northern Black Polished Ware (ca. 600 – 50 BC) Redware Period (50 BC. ‐ AD. 300) Lahuradewa Period IA Early Farming Phase (c. 9000‐5000 BP) Period IB (c. 5000‐4000 BP) Malhar Period II: Early Iron Phase (1700/1600‐800 BC) Lahuradewa Period IB Early Farming Phase (c. 5000‐4000 BP) Period II Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000‐3200 BP) Senuwar Neolithic‐Chalcolithic (2200‐700/600 BC)
Tewari et al. 2006: 49‐51
Pokharia 2008: 293 Chanchala 92: 68 Srivastava 2001: 144‐ 145 Saraswat 2004: 164, Pokharia 2008: 293 Pokharia 2008: 293 Chanchala 92: 70 Srivastava 2001: 144‐ 145
Tewari et al. 2006: 49‐51
Saraswat 2004: 167
Tewari et al. 2006: 53
Pokharia 2008: 293
lumbago
Euphorbia sp. L. Euphorbia dracunculoides Lam. /Euphorbia nivulia Buch. Ham. Emblica officinalis Gaertn.
Plant paste is used for eczema/ Leaf is used for earache, fever and rheumatism
Ficus religiosa
Heteropogon contortus L.
Edible fruits
Fruit induces fertility in women, bark is used during earache, ulcer and skin trouble and leaf decoction for cooling effect for eyes turned red Fodder for cattle
Holoptelea integrifolia
Leaf is used for rickets, boils and leprosy, seeds during diarrhoea and fruits are purgative
Indigofera sp. L. (Indigofera linifolia L. / Indigofera tinctoria Linn.)
Seeds and shoots is used for boils and skin diseases respectively/ Plant paste and roots are used for warts, nervous disorders, urinary
211
Malhar Period II: Early Iron Phase (1700/1600‐800 BC) Hulaskhera 700 BC‐ 500 AD Senuwar Neolithic‐Chalcolithic (2200‐700/600 BC)
Saraswat 2004: 164, Pokharia 2008: 293 Chanchala 92: 68 Pokharia 2008: 293
Raja‐Nal_Ka‐Tila Pre and Early Iron Phase (1600‐700 BC) Malhar Period II: Early Iron Phase (1700/1600‐800 BC) Imlidih‐Khurd Period I‐ 2000‐1400 BC Period II 1300‐800 BC Lahuradewa Period II Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000‐3200 BP)
Pokharia 2008: 293
Damdama Mesolithic
Lahuradewa Period IA Early Farming Phase (c. 9000‐5000 BP) Period IB (c. 5000‐4000 BP) Period II Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000‐3200 BP) Senuwar Chalcolithic (2200‐ 700/600 BC) Hulaskhera 700 BC‐ 500 AD
Saraswat 2004: 164 Pokharia 2008: 293 Saraswat 1993: 39 Tewari et al. 2006: 53
IAR 1985‐86: 84, IAR 1986‐87: 131, Kajale 1990: 100, Kajale 1996: 252, Pal 1994: 100 Tewari et al. 2006: 53
Pokharia 2008: 293 Chanchala 92: 69
complaints and jaundice
Ipomoea sp. (Ipomoea aquatica Forsk./ Ipomoea carnea Jacq.
Tender shoots and leaves are eaten as vegetable/ leaf sap is used as medicine for Arthritis and is antidote to scorpion sting Leaves are used for boils and skin diseases
Lablab purpureus (L.)
Lagerstroemia parviflora/ Mitragyana parviflora
Plants used for construction, roofing and thatching
Lathyrus aphaca L.
Seeds eaten as vegetable
Manjhi Northern Black Polished Ware (ca. 600 – 50 BC) Redware Period (50 BC. ‐ AD. 300) Malhar Period II: Early Iron Phase (1700/1600‐800 BC)
Srivastava 2001: 144‐ 145
Imlidih‐Khurd Period I‐ 2000‐1400 BC Period II 1300‐800 BC Lahuradewa Period IA Early Farming Phase (c. 9000‐5000 BP) Period II Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000‐3200 BP) Senuwar Neolithic‐Chalcolithic, (2200‐700/600 BC) Hulaskhera 700 BC‐ 500 AD Manjhi Northern Black Polished Ware (ca. 600 – 50 BC) Redware Period (50 BC. ‐ AD. 300) Lahuradewa Period IB Early Farming Phase (c. 5000‐4000 BP) Senuwar Chalcolithic/Period II (1300‐600 BC)
Saraswat 2005: 147‐ 151 Tewari et al. 2006: 53
Paspalum scrobiculatum L.
Eaten as vegetable
Ricinus communis Linn.
Plants used for extracting oil
Recorded as wood charcoals at archaeological site Plants used for extracting oil
Imlidih‐Khurd Period II (1300‐800 BC) Senuwar Chalcolithic/Period II (1300‐600 BC)
Recorded as wood charcoals at archaeological site Leaves are used during fever,
Imlidih‐Khurd Period II (1300‐800 BC) Manjhi
Ricinus communis Linn.
Ocimum americanum
212
Saraswat 2004: 164
Pokharia 2008: 293 Chanchala 1992: 67 Srivastava 2001: 144‐ 145
Tewari et al. 2006: 49‐51
Saraswat 2005: 147‐ 151 Pokharia 2008: 291 Pokharia 2008: 291 Saraswat 2005: 147‐ 151, Pokharia 2008: 291 Pokharia 2008: 291 Srivastava
(Ocimum sanctum L.)
cough and upper respiratory infection Oldenlandia sp. L. Plant is used during jaundice, (Oldenlandia corymbosa L.) stomach‐ache and gastric irritability
Shorea robusta
Solanum nigrum L./ Solanum sp.
Plant used for making cordage and oil. Tree is used for construction, roofing and thatching
Fruit is eaten as vegetable and during piles, shoot decoction is used during piles, diarrhoea and dysentery and leave juice during eye trouble
Syzygium cumini
Fruits are edible
Terminalia arjuna
Medicinal plant; bark decoction is used for asthma and liver and leaf juice for earache
Terminalia bellerica (Gaertn.) Roxb.
Edible fruits
213
Redware Period (50 BC. ‐ AD. 300) Malhar Early Iron Phase (1900‐ 800 BC) Raja‐Nal_Ka‐Tila Pre and Early Iron Phase (1600‐700 BC) Malhar Period 1: Pre Iron phase (1900‐1600 BC) Period II: Early Iron Phase (1700/1600‐800 BC) Lahuradewa Period II Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000‐3200 BP) Malhar Period I: Pre Iron Phase (1900‐1600 BC) Hulaskhera 700 BC‐ 500 AD Manjhi Northern Black Polished Ware (ca. 600 – 50 BC) Redware Period (50 BC. ‐ AD. 300) Lahuradewa Period IA Early Farming Phase (c. 9000‐5000 BP) Period IB (c. 5000‐4000 BP) Malhar Period 1: Pre Iron phase (1900‐1600 BC) Lahuradewa Period IA Early Farming Phase (c. 9000‐5000 BP) Period IB (c. 5000‐4000 BP) Period II Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000‐3200 BP) Raja‐Nal_Ka‐Tila Early Iron Phase (1600‐ 700 BC)
2001: 144‐ 145 Pokharia 2008: 293 Pokharia 2008: 293 Saraswat 2004: 167
Tewari et al. 2006: 54
Saraswat 2004: 164, Pokharia 2008: 293 Chanchala 92: 68 Srivastava 2001: 144‐ 145
Tewari et al. 2006: 54
Saraswat 2004: 167 Tewari et al. 2006: 52
Pokharia 2008: 293
Trigonella sp. (Trigonella incisa Benth.)
Tender shoot is eaten as vegetable
Vicia hirsuta S. F. Gray
Seeds eaten as vegetable
Vicia sativa L.
Ziziphus jujuba Lam./ Ziziphus Juss./ Ziziphus sp.
Seeds eaten as vegetable
Eaten as a fruit, and its seeds as a cure for diarrhoea and abdominal pain
Hulaskhera 700 BC‐ 500 AD Manjhi Northern Black Polished Ware (ca. 600 – 50 BC) Senuwar Neolithic (2200‐700/600 BC) Raja‐Nal_Ka‐Tila Early Iron Phase (1600‐ 700 BC) Tokwa Neolithic (3rd‐2nd millennium BC) Senuwar Neolithic, Neolithic‐ Chalcolithic, Chalcolithic (2200‐ 700/600 BC) Raja‐Nal_Ka‐Tila Pre and Early Iron Phase (1600‐700 BC) Malhar Pre and Early Iron Phase (1900‐800 BC) Hulaskhera 700 BC‐ 500 AD Manjhi Northern Black Polished Ware (ca. 600 – 50 BC) Redware Period (50 BC. ‐ AD. 300) Damdama Mesolithic
Koldihwa (24° 54’ 30” N.; 82 ° 2’ 0” E.) Neolithic Hulaskhera 700 BC‐ 500 AD Manjhi Redware Period (50 BC. ‐ AD. 300) 214
Chanchala 1992: 67‐68 Srivastava 2001: 144‐ 145 Pokharia 2008: 293 Pokharia 2008: 293 Pokharia 2008 b: 250‐ 251 Pokharia 2008: 293
Pokharia 2008: 293 Saraswat 2004: 164, Pokharia 2008: 293 Chanchala 1992: 67 Srivastava 2001: 144‐ 145
IAR 1985‐86: 84, IAR 1986‐87: 131, Kajale 1990: 100, Kajale 1996: 252, Pal 1994: 100 Sharma 1980: 184 Chanchala 1992: 67 Srivastava 2001: 144‐ 145
Ziziphus nummularia (Burm. f.) W. & A.
Ziziphus oenoplia Mill.
Edible fruits
Tokwa Neolithic and Chalcolithic (3rd‐2nd millennium BC) Senuwar Neolithic and Chalcolithic (2200‐ 700/600 BC) Raja‐Nal_Ka‐Tila Pre and Early Iron Phase (1600‐700 BC) Malhar (24° 59’ 16” N.; 83° 15’ 46” E.) Period 1: Pre Iron phase (1900‐1600 BC) Period II: Early Iron Phase (1700/1600‐800 BC) Imlidih‐Khurd Period I: 2000‐1400 BC Senuwar Neolithic‐Chalcolithic (2200‐700/600 BC)
Edible fruits
Raja‐Nal_Ka‐Tila Early Iron Phase (1600‐ 700 BC) Malhar Period 1: Pre Iron phase (1900‐1600 BC) Period II: Early Iron Phase (1700/1600‐800 BC)
6.3.3 Honey collection Honey is collected by the Musahars during spring and summer seasons from beehives situated on trees. They store honey and wax for their own consumption and sell the rest in the market for cash. The technique is as follows: • When climbing the tree on which the hive is located a Musahar carries a hatchet or chot kulhari, a small bucket tied to the waist and a bunch of neem leaves and a rope. • After reaching a spot under the hive the man sets alight the bunch of green
215
Pokharia 2008: 293
Pokharia 2008: 293
Pokharia 2008: 293 Saraswat 2004: 164 Pokharia 2008: 293
Saraswat 1993: 39 Pokharia 2008: 293 Pokharia 2008: 293 Saraswat 2004: 164 Pokharia 2008: 293
leaves, which emit smoke and heat, ultimately driving away the bees. •
The man chops the beehive with the hatchet and collects the hive in the bucket. If the man is on a very high tree he lowers the hive with the help of a long rope. The Musahar women use another method of honey collection from small trees. They place green neem leaves below the hives and light them resulting in emission of smoke. After bees fly away, they climb the tree and collect the honey.
Table 32 Organisation of labour among the Kols and Musahars Men Cutting and collecting wood for fuel, selling in the market Collects and sell medicinal plants in the local market Collecting fibre and making ropes Collection of leaf, making leaf plates and selling in the market Extracting oil from oil seeds Collection of honey
Women Collects wood, branches and twigs for fuel Collects medicinal plants from forest Collecting vegetables, tubers, gums and fruits Collection of leaf, making leaf plates
Collecting vegetables, gums and fruits Collection of leaf plates, making leaf plates
‐ Collection of honey
‐ ‐
Gathering of plants is mainly a woman’s job but men carry out the more arduous jobs of collecting forest products. The Kols and the Musahars are now coming in close contact with more developed communities of the area which has opened to them new avenues of subsistence and resources, resulting in a shift to labour, in the form of field labourers and as menial workers. This acculturation is taking away their knowledge of the plant world and their utility. These communities should be thoroughly studied for more information, especially their knowledge of medicine. 6.3.4 Collection of fuel Fuel is necessary for cooking and for providing heat during the winter season. The main types of fuel used are: • Locally collected firewood, branches and twigs • Farming by‐products such as cow dung, and stalks • Kerosene Of the three, firewood is the most reliable and important source of fuel among the Musahars. Among those who settle in farmsteads and villages and subsist as agricultural labourers and as settled agriculturists, their main source of fuel is
Children Collect fallen braches and twigs ‐
the farming by‐products. Firewood is also collected as dung is used primarily as fertilizer. Kerosene is popular, but it is used mainly for preparing meals and for lamps. 6.4 Agriculture Agricultural activity dominates the cultural landscape of the study region. However, the Kols, Musahars and Mallahs generally do not own cultivable land and work as agricultural labourers i.e. harwah (ploughmen). They work in cooperation in the field and have a division of labour according to sex and age. Men carry out the more strenuous work while women attend to more delicate and simple tasks like sowing and harvesting. 6.4.1 Crops (kharif, rabi and zaid crops) The crops grown by the Musahars, Kols and Mallahs are almost the same. The crops are grown for home consumption and for sale. The crops are mainly grown during the kharif season but some also in rabi season. On the failure of the crop of one season (kharif), the cultivators begin to hope for success of the next season (rabi). The zaid or intermediate crops are of considerable importance and are mainly grown by the Mallahs. The kharif, rabi and zaid crops grown by them are: 216
Kharif crops: Rice (Dhan), Maize (Makai, Jondhari), Millets (Bajra, Kodon, Savan), Green gram (Mung) and Black gram (Urad). Rabi crops: Wheat (Gehun), Gram (Chana), Pea (Matar), Barley (Jau), Mustard (Sarson), Pigeon Pea (Arhar) and Potato (Alu). Zaid crops: The chief crop grown in this harvest is Savan, a variety of millet, melons, vegetables and other miscellaneous crops. The prevalent fertile soils in the doab and the Trans‐Ganga tracts have many peculiarities. They are sandy i.e. balua found along the banks of the rivers corresponding to the bhur of other districts: Matiar or clay (locally called chanchar) found in the depressions, is of a heavy variety, appropriate exclusively for the cultivation of rice and can be worked when thoroughly soaked. Dumat i.e., two earth or loam, a mixture of sand and clay is usually a rich and rather dark soil. There is a less fertile variety, which is the sandy loam, locally known as sigon and is chiefly found in the vicinity of large swamps or jhils and it is of the heavy variety. There is sufficiently rapid evaporation of rainwater fit solely for the cultivation of rice. Wheat and sugarcane are also grown on such soil. Considerable labour, through soaking and cattle is required to prepare the land with such type of soil for sowing. Dumat further
degenerates into the poor sterile stuff known as bhur, where sand largely predominates over the mould. In the Trans‐Yamuna tract all these soils occur in the ordinary alluvium but there are other types also which are found along the north bank of the Yamuna in the Manjhanpur tahsil, the chief being mar, commonly described as a black cotton soil, a dark, friable earth which is capable of absorbing immense amounts of moisture, but on drying splits into great fissures, making irrigation almost impossible. It varies in quality in the uplands of tahsil Meja where it is of a very poor quality. Bhota, the stony soil of the hills is of little value, as is chanchar also known locally as chopar, which is found at the foothills. The richly manured land around the village is known as goind or haschhiana. The latter being close to the towns is generally used for producing vegetables and fruits while the outlying fields are described as siwar, ahar or har. The lands are divided into goind, manjhar or the intermediate fields, which are manured and regularly cultivated. The palo is the outlying cultivation that is treated casually. 6.4.2 Agricultural Calendar The agricultural calendar (Table 33) is as follows:
Table 33 Agriculture Calendar of the Kols, Musahars and Mallahs Hindi English Agriculture Activity Month Months Magh Jan‐Feb Third watering of the rabi, Sugarcane planting. Harvesting of early peas. Feb‐March Fourth irrigation of rabi, however watering confined to wheat. Phagun Continuation of sugarcane planting. Harvesting peas, mustard and barley. Gathering sarson. Chait March‐April Harvesting of wheat, gram and arhar‐ threshing out and winnowing of grains in the khaliyan or threshing floors.
217
Baisakh
April‐May
Storing bhusa brought from the threshing floors. Ploughing the paddy field.
Jeth Asarh Sawan Bhadon Kuar
May‐June June‐July
Kartik Aghan Poos
Oct.‐Nov.
Manuring the paddy fields Ploughing preparation for rabi and kharif harvests. Sowing of dhan, bajra, urad, mung, arhar, savan and kodon. Weeding and earthing up of dhan‐ savan and kodon fields. Ploughing for rabi. Ploughing for the rabi. Weeding the above crops. Harvesting and kodon crops. Sowing urad and arhar. Harvesting dhan, makai, jondhari‐ Threshing and manuring. Sowing of peas. Harvested jondhari. Manuring for the better rabi crops. Sowing Wheat, peas, gram, barley, sarson, and mustard. Making irrigation beds or squares with pharua. Irrigation, first watering of the rabi crop, wheat and pea fields. Reaping, carrying and threshing of Aghan dhan. Irrigation, second watering of rabi crop, wheat and pea fields.
July‐Aug Aug‐ Sept Sept‐Oct
Nov.‐Dec. Dec.‐Jan.
6.4.3 Crop Production Technique Kharif Crops 1. Rice: Botanical Name: Oryza sativa Linn., Local Name: Dhan, chaval For rice production temperatures ranging from 20°‐ 25°C is required, with the annual rainfall between 1.20‐1.50 m. otherwise heavy irrigation is essential. Rice can be grown in diverse soil conditions over a wide range of pH; the essential soil types are alluvial soils, red, laterite and lateritic, black, saline, peaty and marshy soils. The cultivation of rice includes sowing, transplanting, irrigation, manuring and harvesting. Sowing: Sowing is done by three methods i.e. dry, wet and Japanese method. In dry cultivation method the sowing practices involves; broadcasting, dibbling and drilling. • When the field is in the right condition the seed is broadcast. In the broadcasting method, the seeds are soaked for 6‐8 hrs previous to sowing. This way germination is hastened.
• In the dibbling method, the seed is dibbled behind furrows in the country‐ plough (hal) at regular intervals. • In the drilling method seed is drilled into the soil with a distance of 18 inches between two rows and inter culturing operation is done by bullock‐driven plough. The wet method is practiced in the area assured of an adequate supply of water throughout the season. In this system, sprouted seed are directly sown in a puddled and levelled field or the crop is transplanted with seedlings raised in a nursery. In the Japanese method, seedlings (dibbler) are planted in rows in a very well manured field. The furrows are made at a distance of 24 cm. The distance between two rows of plants is about 10 cm. Transplanting: For transplanting, the field is well manured and ploughed twice or thrice at regular intervals. If the field is on a higher level or rain is low, it is watered well. The seedlings, when 20‐28 days old are ready for transplantation. They are transplanted in the puddled field continuously till the process is completed. 218
At the time of planting the top of the leaves is cut for uniform growth. Irrigation: Maintenance of optimum water level in the field is very essential throughout the duration of the crop. Normally, rice requires standing water during most of the growth period right up to grain filling stage. The means of irrigation are wells, tanks and canals. Harvesting: The right stage for harvesting rice is when the ear is nearly ripe and the straw has just turned yellow. If the harvesting is delayed, a loss in grain occurs due to shedding and the milling quality of the grain is also affected. The crop is cut and allowed to dry in the field for three to four days and then brought in the threshing yard or barn i.e. khaliyan. Threshing is done by the cattle moving over the stalks or by beating the ear‐heads against a hard floor or by wooden sticks. Threshing and Winnowing: After threshing the paddy is winnowed to separate the chaff by allowing the grain to fall from a height of about 2 m in the direction of wind. It is essential that a breeze is blowing because the breeze separates the chaff from the grain. Chaff being lighter blows some distance away from the grain. After threshing, grains are collected and the stalk i.e. bhusa is left which is utilised for feeding of cattle and is also sold in the market (Pl. 115). The simple communities spread the stalk during wintertime, under the bedding to keep it warm. Varieties: The simple communities grow a variety of paddy depending on the time taken for crop maturing. These include Maldahi, Bishunparag, Narangi, Motmuri, Duddhi Barjatti, Phairami, Kuari, Boro and Jethi. They are sown in Asarh (June‐July) and harvested in Bhadon (August‐
September). The Jarhan is harvested in Aghan (November‐December) and known as the Agahani dhan. Agricultural Implements: The principle implements (Figs. 40, 41, 42) are hal (wooden plough) for the preparation of the land, pata or patela (clod crusher) for levelling the land, hansiya (sickle) for harvesting and pharua (spade) for digging. However, there are many other indigenous (desi) and introduced implements, which are very widely used. They are; desi plough, mould‐board plough, wetland puddler, levelling board, tined harrow, blade‐ harrow, green manure trampler, seed drills and tractors. Storage: The paddy is stored in large and small storage bins i.e. kuthila made of clay (Pl. 85). Uses: Like all cereals rice is not a complete food. Therefore, it is supplemented by other cereals and pulses, which supply additional amounts of proteins, fat, various vitamins and minerals. 2. Maize: Botanical Name: Zea mays L., Local Name: Makka, makai, jondhari Maize is grown effectively on fertile, well‐ drained loamy soils that are neither too heavy nor too light. Growth of maize in saline or alkaline soils is severely stunted, and the yield is considerably reduced. Sowing: Three methods are adopted for the sowing of maize: Broadcasting, Plough sowing and Dibbling (making holes and putting seeds). Before sowing, the soil is well pulverized, fairly compact and free from weeds. Fields are very well manured before the rains begin in June. When the monsoon arrives fields are ploughed and the seeds are sown. 219
This crop is grown widely and is their (the Kols and Musahars) staple diet. Excess rainfall is harmful to the makai crop, which normally ripens in Kuar (September‐ October). Jondhari is a smaller variety of maize and does not require weeding before sowing. It takes more time to ripen and is not ready to harvest before the month of Kartik (October‐ November) or Aghan (November‐December). Sometimes jondhari is sown together with arhar (pulse). After the harvest, the grain is winnowed and kept in storage bins. Uses: Maize forms the staple diet and is eaten in the form of chapattis and porridge. It is also extensively used as cattle feed, both as fresh green, as silage and as stover (dried corn stalk minus ears). Cattle, chicken, and other domestic animals are fed regularly on maize. 3. Millets (Pearl Millet): Botanical Name: Pennisetum americanum (L.) Schum., Local Name: Bajri, bajra Bajra (millet) grows in light soils and semi‐ arid climates. Sometimes it is also grown as a rabi crop. Sowing: Preparation of land for sowing is done on a very limited scale. First the fields are manured, before the rain. Ploughing is carried out for about six to eight times before the seeds are sown in the months of Sawan (July‐August). When the crop is grown for grain, it is harvested when the heads are ripe. However, when harvested for fodder i.e. chari, the grains are collected during the milk stage i.e. before the stalk become too dry. Generally the crop is ready for the harvest in the month of Kartik (October‐ November). The stalks are cut with hansiya (sickle) and stacked. The ears are threshed under the feet of cattle or by stonerollers. The grain, after adequate drying, is stored
in storage bins and kept in special rooms. Very often the crop is struck by a disease Bajhua (fungal attack) and turns black from inside and looks like black powder ultimately destroying the grain. Two varieties of small millets kodon (Paspalum scrobiculatum Linn.) and savan (Panicum frumentaceum Roxb.) are very popular among the simple communities. The Kols and the Musahars cultivate savan on a large scale. Growth of this crop does not require much labour. The preparation of the field for growing savan is a very simple process. The field is ploughed one or two times, just after the rains. When the field is ready the seeds are sown and field is levelled. Seeds are sown by simply scattering them in the field. The crop ripens in just about 1½ month. So every Musahar and Kol grows these millets in at least 1 to 4 bigha of land. These crops are often cultivated together with arhar (Cajanus cajan). After savan is harvested the arhar crop remains standing, as it takes much longer to be ready for harvest. Uses: These grains are usually without the husk, but there are varieties, which do require dehusking before consumption. Bajra is usually ground into flour from which unleavened bread (roti or chapatti) is made. The flour of roasted bajra (sattu) is consumed after adding salt or with jaggery (gur). 4. Black gram, Botanical name: Vigna mungo (L.) Hepper., Local Name: Urad, urdi, urid Urad is a kharif crop and is grown during rainy season. The crop is sown in the month of Bhadon (August‐September) and fields are ploughed four or five times. The preparation starts from the beginning of July (Sawan) after levelling of the fields prior to the sowing. Unlike other crops, the fields are not manured for urad. 220
Harvesting: The crop reaches maturity in two or three months time i.e. in Kartik (October‐ November). The plants are pulled out, stacked and dried for a week and then threshed by beating with sticks or by being trodden upon by bullocks. Uses: Urad is consumed in the form of dal and a variety of tasty dishes like curry and snacks are prepared from it. Rabi Crops 1. Wheat: Botanical Name: Triticum aestivum L, Local Name: Gehun, giun Wheat is grown on a variety of soils. But loamy texture of the soil and moderate water holding capacity enriches the crop. Generally, soils with a pH of 8.3 are ideal for the cultivation of wheat. Cultivation: Wheat is the main rabi crop. It is generally sown alone but when sown with barley it is known as gujai, with gram as guchani and when wheat, barley, gram and pea are all sown together, the mixed crop is called bejhar. Sowing: The preparation of the fields starts in the month of Asarh (June‐July). Proper ploughing and manuring of the fields is done and seeds are sown in the month of Bhadon (September). Sowing is completed before the Diwali festival. Seeds are either simply dropped into furrows in regular intervals or sown by broadcasting, line sowing or dibbled. Irrigation: Fields are irrigated in the month of Kartik (November) when the plants are about 30 cm high. They are again irrigated towards the end of Aghan (November‐ December). Harvesting: The crop is ready for harvest in the month of Phagun (February‐March) or Chait (March‐April). Wheat is harvested
mostly by hand with saw‐toothed sickles. In recent times, in many Kol villages, tractors are also used for harvesting. The best time for harvesting is in the morning because the slight dampness in the straw and grains retards shattering. When completely dry the movement of the sickle shatters the grains. It is subsequently lost as it is impractical to pick up and also as birds and other small animal start feeding immediately on the fallen grains. Not much care is required for the crop and crop watch is only for birds as the leaves are so sharp on the edges that no cattle dare eat it. After harvesting, the sheaves are spread on the threshing floor. The most common method of threshing is by trampling the sheaves under the feet of bullocks. Many cultivators run a weighed wooden frame or beam, which is pulled by bullocks, over the sheaves. Wheat requires winnowing after it is threshed. After winnowing the threshed stalk (bhusa) of the wheat plant is used as cattle feed or sold in the market. Bhusa generally fetches good prices, as it is very food fodder for cattle. Storage: Wheat is stored mainly in large storage bins, jute bags or in loose bulk. Uses: Wheat is consumed mostly in the form of flour obtained by grinding on a grinder i.e. chakki (Pl. 116; Fig. 50) or by milling the grain. It is ground into atta, suji or rava and maida. Atta or the wheat flour is used for producing chapattis, bread and a variety of baked preparations. 2. Barley: Botanical Name: Hordeum vulgare L., Local Name: Jau Like wheat, barley does best in areas where winters are cool. The growing period lasts for about five months. Warm and moist areas are unsuitable for this crop. The crop thrives well on well‐drained and moderately rich loams. The pattern of 221
Storage: For storage, bins or gunny bags are used. The storage rooms are kept completely free from humidity for good preservation. Extraction of oil: Oil is extracted from the seed in bullock operated mills i.e. ghanis. Uses: The leaves of young plants of rape (yellow sarson, brown sarson) and mustard are used as green vegetables. The plants are used as green fodder for cattle. The oil is used for edible purposes. The feedings of the seed to cattle is reported to be cooling, digestive and preventive for skin diseases. Mustard oil along with rock salt (kala namak) is used as a dental solution in the diseases of the gum. It is also used for personal uses as hair oil, medicinal purposes and as body lotion. 4. Green gram: Botanical Name: Vigna radiata (L.), Local Name: Mung Mung is cultivated on a variety of soils but medium loamy soils are most suited for its cultivation. Generally this crop is grown as both kharif and rabi crop but in the study area it is grown as rabi crop. The optimum sowing period of this crop is middle of October. Cultivation: The preparation of mung field starts just after the harvest of paddy. The field is ploughed and manured properly for sowing. No special manure is essential, decomposed twigs of paddy are sufficient. The seeds are sown in Kuar (September‐ October) just after the ploughing. Seeds are sown in a scattered fashion. Not much care is required for the crop and after sowing the field is levelled up. Harvesting: The crop matures in about three months depending upon the variety and season. The crop generally ripens in the month of Phagun (February‐March) and is ready for harvest in Chait (March‐April).
growing of barley is the same as of wheat. Usually barley is sown together with wheat, gram and peas, but sometimes separately. It is sown in the month of Kartik (October‐ November) and harvested in the month of Phagun (February‐March) and Chait (March‐ April). Storage: The grain is thoroughly dried before being stored in storage bins, which are moisture‐proof and are fumigated to keep away pests that attack stored grain. Uses: Barley grains are ground and the flour is made into rotis or chapattis. It is a good substitute for wheat. It is also given to animals as feed. 3. Mustard: Botanical Name: Brassica juncea Czern. & Coss., Local name: Rai, sarson rai, lahi, sarson lahi, badi rai, kali rai Mustard is grown as a rabi crop. Medium or heavy soils are best for its cultivation. It is cultivated as a main crop or as a mixed crop along with wheat and barley. When sown as a mixed crop, it receives the preparation and manuring of the main crop with which it is associated. Cultivation: The crop is usually sown from the middle of October to the beginning of November. The seeds of mustard are scattered in the wheat field. It is in the month of Poos (December‐January) the plant blossoms. Harvesting: Mustard crop comes to maturity in about 2 months. The crop is ready for harvest in February‐March. The harvesting of the crop is done by hand sickles. The crop is tied in bundles and stacked in the sun for a few days. Threshing is easily done as the pods shatter easily and give away the seeds. The threshed grain is separated from the husk by winnowing. It is then dried in the sun for another few days. 222
The picking of the pods is done at equal intervals; maximum pickings may not be more than three. Threshing is generally done by bullocks. Uses: The tender pods are eaten as vegetables. The ripe seeds are used as dal. Green gram is an esteemed food, as it does not produce heaviness and flatulence. It is employed as a light diet for patients running fever and is considered to have a cooling astringent effect. The seeds are sprouted and are eaten as vegetables. This is considered a very healthy food among the simple communities and today’s research and medicine proves them right. The flour of mung is used as an excellent substitute for soap for cleaning the body. It is used as herbal care and as fodder for cattle. 5. Peas: Botanical Name: Pisum sativum L., Local Name: Matar The pea grows best in areas having cool‐ growing season of at least five months duration. Peas can be grown on a variety of soils, light sandy to heavy clays. Optimum pH is 6.0‐7.5. Cultivation: During the preparation of the pea field, it is ploughed six to eight times and no manuring is done because it is a leguminous plant. It is sown in the month of Kuar (September‐October) and has the honour of being the first sown of all rabi crops. Usually peas are sown in the paddy fields, so that just after the harvest of paddy, preparation for the pea starts. Seeds are sown in the field in furrows. The fields are irrigated two or three times, in Aghan (November‐December) and in Poos (December‐January). Pea fields need proper watching to minimise possible damage from birds and cattle. Excess of cold and water is very harmful to the pea crop. The cereal is generally sown mixed with barley and gram. 223
Harvesting: The green pods for the market are hand picked. The cultivation of pea is very popular among the Musahars. They sell peas in the local market and also in the nearby towns and earn good money. Uses: Peas are consumed in a variety of ways: the fresh ones are consumed as vegetables and the dry ones are processed and stored for later consumption. In the markets peas are sold as split peas (matar dal); flour (besan) and parched or roasted peas (bhuna matar). 6. Pigeon Pea: Botanical Name: Cajanus cajan Linn. Millsp., Local Name: Arhar, Tur and tuver This plant cannot tolerate frost during any stage of its growth. It grows in a variety of soils ranging from sandy to heavy clay loams. Usually, red and light red soils with optimum pH 5‐7 are best for its cultivation. Cultivation: There are two varieties of arhar sown by the Musahars, one is kali arhar that is of an inferior quality and the other is lal arhar, which is of a superior quality. Kali arhar is generally sown with the urad (black gram) in Bhadon (August‐September). Lal arhar is sown in the month of Asarh (June‐ July) in the wheat fields just after the harvest of wheat. The preparation of the ploughing and manuring of the field starts when the monsoon sets in. Sowing is done by scattering the seeds and after sowing the field is levelled. Harvesting: The best time to harvest the crop is when a large percentage of pods are mature. One great advantage of red gram over many other leguminous seed crops is that at maturity the pods do not shatter their seeds even when they are roughly handled. The plant is usually cut with a Gadasa (Pl. 117). After allowing the leaves to dry and shed, the plants bearing the pods are collected at one place and beaten with
sticks, separating the pods. Grains are then separated from the pods by beating or by threshing. Though the sowing periods of kali and lal arhar are different, both the crops ripen at the same time, in the month of Phagun (February‐March), and are ready for harvest in the month of Chait (March‐April). Uses: This grain is used extensively as a protein adjunct to an otherwise starchy diet. It is eaten cooked with spices and vegetables. The husk of the pods and green leaves are used as fodder for cattle and also as manure. The dried stems are used as fuel. The Musahars also grow modified stem i.e. potatoes (Solanum tubersoum Linn., Local Name: Alu). Zaid Crops The zaid crops cultivated by Mallahs are shown in Table 34. The Mallah settle at the sangam of the rivers Ganga, Yamuna and the mythical Sarswati, practise a different type of cultivation i.e. the receding cultivation. The flow of the rivers deposits sand, on the banks. In summer when the water level is low, this deposit becomes a huge mound on which vegetables are grown. Presently vegetables are grown under the Jhusi Bridge at Allahabad (Pl. 70).
A minimum variety of tools are required for cultivation. The most important is the pharua (spade; Fig. 41) for digging and earthen pots for watering the crops. Pits are dug in the sandy riverbed for obtaining water, which is available just below the surface. For digging pits about 1 to 3½ m of sand is dug out and from here the plants are watered. Besides the Mallahs also have temporary settlements in the field for crop protection, although food is not prepared here (Pl. 69). Food is brought from the permanent settlement, which is situated on the bank of river Ganga. According to an old inhabitant of the nearby village, Basessar Mallah, “from ancient times we are cultivating some or the other vegetable for subsistence on these sandy lands of the Ganga. The reason being that as a lower caste we do not have our own agricultural land. Besides sandy land is free for all the communities to use, as it does not belong to any particular community as such. And as long as the man from any community is willing to labour hard on this sandy land he will always benefit through agriculture”. The vegetables grown in these sandy lands are restricted to certain vegetables due to the sandy texture of the soil, although the spread of these sandy lands is immense. The different types of vegetables grown are as follow (Table 34):
Table 34 Vegetables grown by the Mallahs in Receding cultivation in Sangam (Jhusi), Allahabad Family Botanical Name English Name Local Name Lauki Cucurbitaceae Lagenaria siceraria (Mol.) Bottle Gourd Standl. Karela, kareli Bitter Gourd Momordica charantia Linn. Khira Cucumber Cucumis sativus L. Kumra, safed kaddu Pumpkin Cucurbita pepo L., kaddu, lal kumra Cucurbita maxima Duchesne, Cucurbita moschata Duchesne. ex. Poir. 224
Umbelliferae; Apiaceae Liliaceae; Alliaceae Cruciferae; Brassicaceae Solanaceae
Cucumis utilissimus Duthie & Fuller Citrullus vulgaris Schrad. Luffa cylindrica Linn. M.J. Roem. Cuminum cyminum Linn. Allium sativum Linn. Allium cepa Linn. Raphanus sativus Linn. Lycopersicon esculentum Mill.
Snake cucumber Water melon Sponge gourd
Kakri Tarbuj, Tarbuz, Tarmuj, Hainmana Tori
Cumin
Jira, zeera
Garlic Onion Radish
Lahsun, lahsan Piyaz, piyaj Muli, mula
Tomato
Tamatar
6.4.4 Crop Pattern Simple communities cultivate kharif and rabi crops in three patterns i.e. single, double and mixed cropping. Rainfall, topography of the land, availability of manure and irrigational facilities are vital factors for choosing the crop pattern. Single Cropping: This is a very common pattern used for crops like paddy, wheat and barley. Double Cropping: The simple communities prefer double cropping because they cannot afford to depend entirely on one crop. Therefore, they grow several crops in same field at the same time and each time they change the combination. The combination of two crops sown together has benefit of raising the fertility of land. These crops are of the leguminous type, with numerous protuberances on the roots. These protuberances accumulate particular type of bacteria, which in turn collect some nitrogenous matter that reacts on the soil and enhances its fertility. Mixed Cropping: This cropping pattern is adopted when there is a scarcity of water. This technique requires less labour in cultivation and minimum need of irrigation. They prefer to follow this pattern 225
as they can get the maximum output and profit by cultivating several crops at the same time. In mixed cropping, there is one main crop and one or two subsidiary crops. The main crop is sown in larger quantity in comparison to the subsidiary crops. The important subsidiary crops are alsi and sarson. The other crop combination are; wheat with barley and mustard, savan with urad and kali arhar, savan with kali arhar, jondhari with kali arhar and pea with lal arhar. Besides they grow vegetables on the land attached (bari) to the house, like potato (alu), gourd (lauki), beans (sem), pumpkin (kumhra), tomato (tamatar), spinach (palak), chaulai (Amaranthus gangeticus Linn.), chilli (mirchi), fenugreek (methi), garlic (lahsun), ginger (adrak), brinjal (baigan) and turmeric (haldi). 6.4.5 Agricultural Implements Tools which are indispensable for cultivation are: axe (kulhari) for chopping and cutting; spade (pharua) for weeding; lash made of narrow strips of leather tied to a 70 cm long stick of bamboo, for working the oxen, hoe (khurpi) for weeding, and wooden plough (hal). Other not so important tools are pata and bullock cart.
Pl. 118: Agricultural tools
The implements used in agriculture are: hal, pata, hansiya, khurpi, gadasa, pharua, kulhari/ tengari, dheki, okhli and moosal, supa and moth. The description is as follows: • Plough (hal): The plough consists of a wooden shaft i.e. haris (Fig. 39). At one end of the haris are three grooves and the other end is fixed to a heavy wooden piece known as kurh. The haris is fixed in a square (kudh) in the centre of the kurh. To keep the haris tight and intact in the kudh another wooden piece known as birholi is fixed into it. At the upper end of the kurh a wooden piece known as muthia is fixed for handling it. The lower end of the kurh is lightly curved. An iron blade (phal), which is supported from both upper and lower sides by agvansi and kharpi, respectively is fixed to the lower part of the kurh. While ploughing the three grooves of haris are fixed to the harness (jowatha) with the help of a rope. • Harness or jowatha: The wooden harness is used for harnessing the bullocks (Pl. 118; Fig. 41).
Fig. 39: Agricultural Implements; a. Plough i.e. hal; plough parts, 1. Haris; 2. urh; 3. Kudh; 4. Birholi; 5. Agvasi; 6. Khapri; 7. Phal; 8. Muthia b. Clod crusher/leveler i.e. pata or patela
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Fig. 40: Agricultural Implements; a. Katni; b. Sickle i.e. hansiya
Fig. 41: Agricultural Implements; a. Harness i.e. jowatha; b. Hoe i.e. khurpi; c. Spade i.e. pharua
• Clod‐crusher/leveller (pata/ patela): This is used for levelling the field and for flattening and powdering large clods. It is a smooth, flat, long rectangular slab of wood about 3 m long, 60 cm wide and 25 cm thick (Pl. 118; Fig. 39). On top of the slab, two iron pegs are fixed. These pegs are used to attach the pata to the jowatha by rope. While levelling two or three persons stand on the pata which is drawn by a pair of bullocks. The additional weight of humans on the pata helps in better and quicker levelling. • Sickle (hansiya): It is used for reaping the crop. It is made of a curved iron blade, which is hafted to a wooden handle (Fig. 40). • Hoe (khurpi): This is used for weeding. It looks like a small spade. The cutting end of the khurpi is about 8 to 10 cm wide. It is hafted to a wooden handle (Fig. 41).
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• Chopper (gadasa): It is used for chopping stalks into small pieces. It consists of rectangular and heavy iron blade (20 to 25 cm long) and a wooden handle (Pl. 117). • Spade (pharua): This is used for digging and scooping. It resembles the kudari, the only difference is that pharua has a shorter handle and a broader blade. The cutting edge of the pharua is about 15 to 20 cm broad, and is hafted in a wooden handle (Fig. 41). • Axe (kulhari/ tengari): It is used for cutting thick wooden logs and branches of trees and also as a weapon of defence. The iron blade hafted to a wooden stick has a broad cutting edge of about 7 to 10 cm (Pl. 118). • Husking device (dheki): The husking device works manually on a lever system. It has a long wooden rod running horizontally to the ground. Two poles situated on the either sides support this rod. At one end of the long rod a small round piece of wood is fixed. It is 20 cm long and has an iron base. Two cavities are dug in the floor just below both the ends of the horizontal rod. The grains are
placed in the smaller cavity for dehusking. By placing and removing the leg, the far end of the rod alternately goes up and down. In this process the small round piece of wood strikes on the grains and removes the husk. In general the mortar or okhli used by the simple communities is placed above as well as below the floor of the hut. In the case of dheki the placement of mortar is below the floor (Fig. 42).
Fig. 43: Husking Implement i.e. okhli, used by the simple communities; a. Cup shaped mortar; b. Cylindrical mortar; c. Sub‐type decorated mortar; d. Decorated Hourglass mortar
Fig. 42: Husking device i.e. dheki used by the simple communities; (1) Stone or wood mortar fixed in the ground
• Pounder (okhli and moosal): The okhli and moosal are manually husking implements. The okhli is made of a circular or rectangular wooden trunk or stone, with a circular cavity (Fig. 43). This type of okhli is movable and can be placed anywhere for in use. Small okhli made of stone is generally fixed in the floor (Pl. 119). Husking is done with the help of moosal i.e. a cylindrical piece of wood fixed to round iron base (Pl. 119). Both okhli and moosal are usually covered with the engraved designs (Fig. 44).
Fig. 44: Types of pestle i.e. moosal used for husking grain by the simple communities; a. Club headed pestle with constricted grip; b. Pestle with club‐ hand; c. Pestle with grip in the middle
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• Winnowing basket (supa): The chaff and husk from the grains are separated with the help of supa. • Leather bucket (Moth): A moth is a kind of deep leather bucket made of buffalo
skin. Tied with thick jute rope (rassi), it is used for drawing water from the well. When dropped in the well the bag fills with water and is drawn by pulley by two bullocks yoked to the rope or pulled by four or five men (Pl. 120).
Pl. 120: Leather bucket i.e. moth used for drawing water from the well
6.4.6 Manure The farmers use manure for increasing the yield. Animal and vegetable manures, cow‐ dung ash and dhak leaves are spread over the fields and then mixed in the soil by ploughing. The cow dung and domesticate refuse like food, husk, stalk, animal bones, paper, cloth and ash is collected in a pit i.e. pansi or on the surface outside the house or at other convenient place. All the inorganic and organic waste is thrown in the pit every day. The pit is generally fenced with bamboo sticks. At the time of manuring the decomposed matter is taken out of the pit and spread on the field. The matter is left to decompose in the pansi until it is required for use.
These days the farmers also use chemical fertilisers such as urea. Besides, green manure crops like lobia (Vigna catiang), guar (Cyamopsis tetragonoloba), mung (Phaseolous radiatus), sanai (Crotalaria juncea) and dhaincha (Sesbania paludosa) are sown to increase the soil nutrient. The farmers to maintain the fertility of the soil follow the practice of growing crops by rotation. Fields occupied by summer crops like jowar, bajra, lentils and paddy, are left fallow during the winter. After every two or three years the rabi fields are sown with arhar and jowar or bajra. Only rice is sown in the low‐lying areas where no rotation is possible. 229
6.4.7 Irrigation The means of irrigation are wells, tanks, canals, ponds, rivers and lakes. The wells are either kaccha (not lined with bricks) or pucca (lined with bricks). Irrigation is extensively carried on from wells (both bricked and unbricked). Kaccha wells are chiefly dug where the water level is low. Pucca wells or putti are lined with large curved bricks. Rahat, a pulley that is fixed on a rod, supported by two poles is used to draw water from the wells (Pl. 120). A strong rope is passed over the pulley, one end of which has a large leather bucket (i.e. moth and pur, the latter larger than the moth). The other end is attached to the yoke and is operated by a pair of bullocks. The leather bucket carries about 16 to 20 litres of water. The water is brought out of the well and then emptied in a small tank from which it is carried through a drain. Two bighas of land can be irrigated in a day. Tank: Tanks include large natural ponds, jhils or lakes and artificially made tanks (gadhaye). Tanks irrigation is carried out with the means of swing bamboo basket, known as dogla or dauri. The dauri is smaller and lighter than the dogla, and is preferred to the latter where the water is deep, and consequently the labour required for lifting is higher. Men and women both engage in working this. The men stand opposite to each other, dip and swing the basket (dauri or dogla) and release the water in the drains, which run between the tank and field. The apertures of the basket are closed with gum (lasa) or tar. One dogla can irrigate on an average a bigha of land daily. In the rabi season the small tanks are drained first before the wells are worked, but in case of larger jhils the water lasts throughout the season. Canals: Irrigation from canals is not common because of the high charges.
Rivers and streams: Where the banks of the rivers and streams are low, the water is bailed out with dogla. Where the bank of the stream is too high for use of dogla, a moth and pulley apparatus is used. 6.4.8 Crop protection Till the crops are harvested, they are watched day and night to prevent damage by birds, animals and thieves. Five types of protection methods are adopted. They are: • Machan: This is a temporary raised shelter placed in the middle of the field. It consists of a platform erected on four wooden or bamboo posts about 1.5 to 2 m above ground with a roof thatched with rice stalks (piyara). At night the watchmen can sleep on the machan (Pl. 121).
Pl. 121: Machan used as crop protection
• Another crop protection method is when a circular or rectangular thatched shelter is erected on four long bamboo posts. The watchmen use it as a shelter. This type of shelter is erected in the Mallah Settlement Type II a (Seasonal Agricultural Settlement, hill top; Pl. 67). It is made near the living hut and not in the middle of the field (Fig. 29b). • When the grain starts ripening, scarecrows are erected. They have a human appearance and are made of two bamboo sticks crossing each other at right 230
angles. At the top of the vertical stick, an earthen pot with black and white spots is placed. To form the body a torn garment is put on the bamboo framework. This contrivance scares away the animals or birds. • Dhelvano is a stone thrower. It is a cup like device woven from strings and attached to tied strings. To use it the strings are held in the hand and rotated till adequate momentum is gained and then the string is released from the hand, the pebbles or round clods fall in the field scaring the birds. • At times loud sounds are made to scare away birds, animals and thieves. 6.4.9 Agricultural Ceremonies Among the Kols the agricultural season commences with a simple religious ceremony. The plough is bathed with water and the head of the family applies vermilion to it. The plough is carried on shoulders to the field for sowing. After placing the plough in the field, respect is paid to mother earth or earth goddess by bowing low and touching the earth with the forehead while simultaneously chanting the name of Bhagwan (The Almighty) after the ploughing begins. The harvested crop is brought to the courtyard for threshing, a small portion of grain is offered to the gods (devtas), especially to monkey god Hanuman and goddess Sharda. Only after this ceremony, the grain is brought home for storage. The Musahars perform several ceremonies for increased production and for protection of crops. The main ceremonies are described below: • Harwatt: This is observed on the first day of the agricultural season, before commencing any work. The Musahars make a basket (chatava) from arhar stalks
and put some manure in it. Along with the basket they take a part of a plough i.e. phal to the field. They empty the basket of manure in a heap in the middle of the field, strike the phal on the heap, and return home. • Harchatt: In this ritual the Musahars worship the plough by applying turmeric and offering flowers to it. No agricultural work is carried out on this day. Women worship the banyan (bargad) tree by wrapping threads around the trunk and hanging a garland of flowers on it. The Musahars also place a garland on the plough and wear one on their neck. • Agahani: In this ritual the rabi crop is sown on the day of the full moon falling in the month of Aghan (November). A feast follows the sowing. • Asarhi: This is celebrated on the day of the sowing of the kharif crop and is followed by a feast. • Nava: This is of great importance for the Musahars. It is the harvest festival and is observed twice a year, in Magh (January‐ February) and Bhadon (August‐ September). The Musahars bring ears of wheat and savan and ripe peas from the fields and offer them to the local goddess. Bunched grains are tied together and are inserted in the roof and only then can they enter the house. A feast follows this. 6.5 Basketry The author carried out a study of basket making in the study area. The Mallahs, Musahars, Kols, Dharkars and Kahars all specialise in bamboo basket making, the Ansari and Pasi make munj baskets, while cane basketry is a multi‐caste activity. The aim was to understand the utility and usage of organic materials in day‐to‐day life. Therefore, importance was given to the acquisition of raw material and the tools and techniques employed in basket making. 231
• Pichari: It is made of thin bamboo with a cross provided on the top. It is used for smoothening stakes and wefts (Fig. 45). • Hammer (Hathauri): A wooden hammer is utilised for beating, moulding and pushing flat‐headed nails. • Sharpener: A piece of stone is used for sharpening the knives (Fig. 45). Technique: Bamboo baskets are made of plaited work. The bamboo is first split into two and then subdivided into stakes used as the wrap and weft in weaving. The stakes are soaked in water and then arranged in a circular way on the base. Smooth wefts of certain fixed length‐pass over and under the stakes singly or jointly with others to complete the base. The number of wefts, which pass over and under the stakes, depends upon the designs of the basket under preparation. As soon as the base is complete, curving the stakes upwards raises the walls of the basket. The diameter of the basket and its gradual expansion from the bottom to the top is adjusted by widening the distance between the stakes. When the basket is about 15 cm high, two rows of walling are provided for design and durability. The border is then woven by turning the stakes downwards and fixing them into the woven portion of the basket. The weft is turned around, passing over and under the up‐going and in‐coming stakes, and is stitched together to provide a good finish. For making baskets from both bamboo and cane the following styles are adopted: • Checker work: The wrap and weft strips of equal thickness and width are woven alternately over and under each other to form a checked design. Fig. 45: Types of tools used for basket making; a. • Twill work: The weft passes over and Sharpener; b. Banka; c. Banki; d. Knife i.e. Chaku; then under two or more wraps of varying e. Bodkin i.e. Suja; f. Pichari width producing an endless variety of
6.5.1 Bamboo Basket making Bamboo baskets are utility baskets for the masses. To make them good skills and technical knowledge is required. The basket makers work for three to four hours a day to meet the demand. The demand increases during marriage season, festivals and at the Magh mela. Raw Material: The raw material used is bamboo (Bambusa Schreb.) of the local variety and the solid variety (Dendrocalamus stictus), which is brought from Saharanpur and Mirzapur districts of Uttar Pradesh and Rewa and Jabalpur districts of Madhya Pradesh. The plant with a height between 6 to 8 m and a diameter of 18 to 24 cm is preferred. After cutting the bamboo at the base it is left to dry in the sun. Tools: The tools employed for making baskets are: • Long knife (Banka): This is a heavy knife with a 20 to 25 cm long iron blade hafted into 15 cm long wooden handle (Fig. 45). It is used for cutting bamboo and for making stakes. • Small knife (Banki): This knife has a 12 cm long blade and is used for making wefts and for cutting bamboo (Fig. 45).
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effects. This may be worked together with the checked type of weaving for producing a large number of variations in the designs. • Twined work: Two or more wefts pass alternately in front of and behind each of the wraps, crossing them obliquely. In this work, the wrap strands are thicker and stiffer than those of the weft. • Mixed work: This method is used to make baskets of plain and diagonal designs. Colouring: Bamboo baskets are coloured by indigenous red and yellow dyes. They obtain the red colour by boiling the split sedge (grass‐like plant growing in marshes) in water with the wood of varthangi (Caesalpinia sappan Linn.) and the leaves of kasan (Memecylon edule Roxb.). For obtaining yellow colour, turmeric is used as pigment.
6.5.2 Cane Basket making The cane baskets are made for sale in local markets.
Raw Material: Cane (Calamus) is the raw material used for making cane baskets. It grows in swamps of tarai forests and Mirzapur. The raw material is acquired in bulk from contractors. The average height of the plant is 4 m and the diameter varies from 4 to 7 cm. The natural colour of the cane is off white and can be bleached or dyed but generally cane of an ordinary variety, yellowish brown in colour, is used. Tool: The tools used in making cane baskets are: • Picking knife (chaku): This knife is popularly known as shoemaker’s knife (Fig. 45). It is sharp and strong and never Types of baskets: Mainly utility baskets are twists while making a cut. It varies in size made out of bamboo. The baskets are but the longer and springier knives are traditionally circular in shape with a handle not useful for cutting and trimming the and with or without a cover. The different ends inside baskets. varieties are: • Bodkin (suja): The bodkins are of several • Topa and daura, designed for keeping sizes but one with a 3.6 point is domestic articles. commonly used (Fig. 45). Skilled workers • Dalia, dolchi and gagra for keeping fruit prefer the heavy staking bodkin. It is used and vegetables (Fig. 46). for pinning a basket down while weaving and also for making space for the handle or for the border finish. Besides, side cutters (katarni), round‐nosed pliers (jamboor), common pliers (plas) and hammers (hathauri) and nails (keel) are used. An oilstone or a sharpener is necessary to keep the knives sharp. Technique: The cane is cut at the base and is left to dry in the heat. After it has dried the spiny covering is stripped off and it is cut into convenient lengths. Nothing is Fig. 46: Types of baskets made by the simple thrown away as they find use for all communities of the study area; a. Bamboo leftover parts. basket; b. Cane Basket; c. Munj basket 233
For baskets the cane is cut into required sizes and shapes. It is then immersed in cold water to make it more elastic. It is never soaked overnight as longer soaking causes discolouring, although thick cane requires longer soaking because of its texture. Cane baskets require plaited work. Crossing and recrossing of two or more sets of stakes, is called wraps and wefts. Most common cane baskets are of the hanging or shopping bag type (Fig. 46). Following technique is involved in making cane basket: • Eight pieces of cane are cut into suitable sizes and are soaked in water till they become soft. Placing four sticks over the four base sticks thereafter forms a cross, which serves as the foundation of the basket. Robust weaving canes are used while giving the dome shape to the basket at the base. It is about 2 cm deep by the time the 14 cm diameter is reached. • With the side‐cutter, each base stick is cut off as close to the pairing as possible and the stake canes are immediately inserted on either side. All the stakes are held together at their ends and by knocking on bent‐up portions with the rapping iron the stakes are driven further into the base. • Four stakes of a larger size are pushed firmly into the base to secure them on the right of the four adjacent stakes. They are then squeezed gently as close to the weaving as possible. The rear of the stake is to its right and back to the front. Thereafter each left‐hand cane in turn is placed very firmly in front of the three stakes and behind fourth stake. The fourth stake is pushed away towards the base itself and the process is repeated all round the base for one complete row. It is continued for three rows. Each row is slightly larger than the previous one in order to achieve a good curved shape. 234
• The cane is now cut 25 cm long for the liners, which are inserted, to the right of each stake and then each pair of stakes and liners is gently shaped into the desired curve. After a few rows have been woven with the even number of stakes and two weaving canes, a large ring like handle is made. It is placed with the stakes inside it and is usually found helpful in obtaining a better‐curved shape. • Keeping the stakes upright and the distance between them even until weaving is about 14 cm high and gradually shapes the basket. There is a single row of walling in cane for simple decoration and for keeping it tight and firm. There is again return to the weaving for about 5 cm and before the border is woven. There are again two rows of walling. Three rows of plain border are woven with larger size of stake cane, which requires longer soaking in water. • The handle is made by the core cane carefully moulded to a “U” shape to remove springiness. The ends are inserted between a stake and its liner with heavy staking bodkins. After the handle has been adjusted, the wrapping is done with a long cane and the finish is obtained by trimming all the ends inside with a picking knife. Colouring: Generally the cane baskets are not coloured but left in the natural colour of the cane which ranges from brown to buff. Types of cane baskets: Cane baskets are made on a limited scale. They are known for their designs, craftsmanship, finish and usefulness. Popularly used types are baskets, which can be hung, used as fruit baskets, picnic baskets and shopping baskets.
6.5.3 Munj Basket making Raw Material: Munj (Erianthus munja Jesw.) is a kind of grass, which grows wild on riverbanks and on the sides of streams and other water channels. Farmers grow it on the ridges of their fields as protection from animals. The plant is 2.5 to 3 m long when it is cut from the base before it starts blossoming in September. The two tough outer layers covering the stalks are carefully removed and are twined into a ball or balla. It is dried in the sun and preserved in tin or wood containers for later use. The kansa or kas (Saccharum spontaneum Linn.) is a coarse wild grass not relished by cattle. It grows in riverbeds and on the ridges of fields. Like munj it is also cut from the base and is dried in the sun before preserving in containers. The long leaves are coiled and used for lining the munj baskets. Tools: Simple tools like bodkin (suja) and scissors (kainchi) are required for making Munj baskets (Fig. 45). Technique: Munj baskets are of coiled work linked with sewing. The technique is simple. First, they twist the kansa into a long rope of a certain width which is then coiled to form the skeleton of the basket to be made, and is stitched together with the help of munj leaves. Later a coating of colour is applied to the basket or coloured balla is used to give a designed pattern. It is interesting to note that additional accessories like cowrie shells, beads of glass and lac are used for decorating these baskets. Colouring: The indigenous country dye used for colouring the balla has been gradually replaced by modern dyes, which give brilliant colours at less cost. Water is boiled in a brass or copper can to remove oily substances and other impurities. Water is again boiled and the desired colour is
mixed in the boiling water and salt is added. The balla is dipped into the boiling solution and is allowed to remain in it for 10‐15 minutes. It is then taken out to dry in the sun and is preserved in tin or wooden boxes. Types of Munj baskets: Munj baskets are of three types: • Pitari, a circular deep basket with a lid used for keeping clothes and other articles. • Bhaunki, a dish like basket mainly used by married women for keeping jewellery and cosmetics. • Dauri, a dish like basket used for keeping chapattis (Fig. 46). Generally munj baskets have many floral and geometrical designs and are made in different colour combinations. For daily use hanging and carrying bags of varying sizes are made. They also make flower baskets, shopping bags, hanging and fruit baskets for sale in the local markets. Mainly Muslim women and children of Other Backward Classes make munj baskets in spare time. Basket making skills are learnt and perfected from early childhood, when youngsters start participating in the making of baskets. Summary The main occupation of simple communities varies, though basketry supplements their source of income. They hire bamboo plants in the village for a certain period of time as bamboo regenerates after it is cut, and pay the owner in kind. Dharkars mainly supply baskets to the villagers in lieu of a fixed amount of grain collected at each harvest. The remaining baskets are carried to village markets (bazaars) and sold for cash or traded for grains (Pl. 115). 235
The men and women are both involved in basket making. But men mainly acquire the raw material and sell the prepared baskets in the local market, while women make and colour the baskets. The baskets are perishable in nature but their utility in day‐to‐day life is high. They are used as a means for transporting, gathering leaves, sticks and cow dung, as containers for storing grains and vegetables and to keep important belongings. During religious functions, and at birth, marriage and death ceremonies the baskets are used in many ways. Evidence of organic material in archaeological sites is rare. But the ethnographic study helps in understanding the extensive use of this material, manufacturing techniques, utility of baskets and use of multi purpose tools in their manufacture. Banka for example is used during basket making and also for cutting animal flesh (Fig. 45; Pl. 135). These communities use items like beads and cowries to decorate their baskets. This adds a new perspective to the recovery of beads and cowries from archaeological sites, as the prevailing view is that beads and cowries are used only for personal adornment and often as a form of currency or for trade.
Pl. 115: Local market
The baskets are made in front of the houses in the open (Pl. 122). The work is carried out by women working in groups or individually. Besides as a source of income, basket making is culturally important in the sense that it is a group activity and carries social significance as singing and interaction among the community members takes place simultaneously with work.
Pl. 122: Basket making in process outside hut
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Chapter 7 IMPLICATIONS OF ETHNOGRAPHY FOR UNDERSTANDING PREHISTORIC LIVING PATTERNS Ethnography is the study of social, economic and linguistic aspects of a living society of a limited geographical area. The term Ethnoarchaeology is the use of ethnographic methods and information in the interpretation and explanation of archaeological data. Generally, there are two main approaches in Ethnoarchaeology, the direct historical approach or analogy and the general comparative approach. The difference between analogy and general comparative approach is that, in the former there exists a direct historical continuity between the ethnographic and archaeological data while in the later one seeks appropriate analogous any where in the time and space, on the basis of present day ethnographic reality. Since the first kind of analogy (direct historical) has got limited application, the second (general comparative) is thus of concern to archaeologist. Ethnoarchaeological studies mainly concern: • With occupation of past societies with the aim of reconstructing past food acquisition practices, and understanding of artefacts, settlement and subsistence patterns. • Understanding past ways of life, organizational systems and behaviour. By bringing together archaeological and ethnographic data explanations for ancient adaptive patterns and ways of life as well as of symbolic and religious features of ancient communities can be sought. 237
In the present work, the settlement pattern of the Mesolithic hunter‐gatherers and Neolithic and Chalcolithic agriculturists have been studied in the light of three contemporary simple communities namely the Musahars, Kols and Mallahs. These communities have more or less allied economic features, but in terms of micro details, there are a number of differences, which are discussed in chapters 4‐6. The criteria for selection of the area for ethnographic work are as follows: • The area is relatively remote with a high concentration of simple communities. • The area contains prehistoric Mesolithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites. The author has primarily focused her attention on the settlement and subsistence pattern of the simple communities for ethnoarchaeological interpretation. The study reveals that many aspects of the prehistoric culture of the Ganga and Belan valleys have continued today in the villages around the ancient sites. Many elements of the material culture still survive in the communities living in the vicinity of ancient sites. Ethnographic analogies prove to be of great help in explaining the evidence from archaeological sites. The sites in the Ganga and Belan valleys have yielded evidence of the earliest settlement starting from the Mesolithic period. The major finds from these sites include stone tools, animal bones, plant remains, human burials and ceramics. These remains point to the fact that human groups
inhabited this fertile region from the hunting‐gathering stage to the present. The Musahars and the Kols are hunter‐ gatherers and agriculturists and the Mallahs are a fishing community who also practice agriculture. These three communities with diverse cultures and different economic activities coexist in the same region. Similar evidence comes from the archaeological records, where marginal hunter‐gatherers co‐exited with food producing inhabitants in the study area. 7.1 Settlement Patterns The location, size, and contents of Mesolithic sites in the Ganga and Belan valleys were controlled by the availability of lithic raw material and a variety of food resources in the form of wild plants, aquatic animals and safety from flood waters. Even today for the fulfilment of practically every need, from building material to medicinal plants, simple communities like Musahars, Kols and Mallahs turn to the forest. In this respect they are still forest dwellers who are emerging from a way of life that seldom fails to sustain them in the event of crop failure or other calamities which usually affect settled farmers. The settlements among the Musahars, Kols and Mallahs are controlled by the availability of food resources and other factors that render a place suitable for occupation. The settlement pattern study has a number of implications for archaeological analysis in the study area. One cannot have a role model of a settlement pattern type to interpret the archaeological evidences for particular site or sites. The simple communities inhabiting the study area are in contact with advanced communities and 238
they have very distinct settlements. These settlements can be distinguished from one another by the degree of permanence. The settlements of the past have to be distinguished according to their morphology, form and layout of the site, hearth area, dwelling units and other features for an ethnoarchaeological interpretation. 7.1.1 Structure (Hut types) In the Mesolithic site of Sarai Nahar Rai in the Ganga valley the floor area measuring 5.66 m in length and 4.02 m width, and the postholes of the community hearth mark the structural activity at the settlement. The floor is littered with burnt clay lumps, microliths, animal bones and shells (Pl. 39). Community hearths are also prevalent among the Musahars. They construct a hearth on a stone and mud platform, which is used during community cooking at the time of feasts as well as for day‐to‐day cooking and roasting of meat (Pl. 77). This hearth is mainly used in semi‐permanent settlements (Musahars Settlement Type III; Fig. 26). The hearth is 1.5 m long, 2 m wide and 0.45 m high and does not have any superstructure. This type of hearth is always placed outside the hut. When this hearth is abandoned, one can see remains of the mud platform with burnt clay lumps, charred bones and ash. It is interesting to note that the community hearth at Sarai Nahar Rai had four postholes at its periphery, which indicates that there was a superstructure on top of the hearth. The possibility of the existence of a super structure might point towards some social implication for the Mesolithic inhabitants. Among the Musahars, the community hearth area is always in the open. The possible structure on the Sarai Nahar Rai community hearth could have been erected on long wooden posts (Fig. 47).
Fig. 47 Musahars hut type, construction and remnant after abandonment; a. Hut type leading to remains of floor without post‐holes after abandonment; b. Hut type leading to remains of post‐holes inside the periphery of the floor; c. Hut type leading to remains of post‐holes outside the periphery of the floor.
The Mesolithic site of Damdama in the Ganga valley has yielded evidence of circular and elliptical plastered floors with diameters measuring between 4.20 m to 5.35 m. Some of the floors have multiple layers of plaster and postholes. Plastered floors are also commonly seen among the semi‐ permanent and permanent settlements of the present day simple communities. These mud floors are periodically smeared with cow‐dung. This is done to repair and level the broken mud floor. The plastered floor at Damdama was found in association with a quern, which shows that the processing of food was probably done in the floor area. It is observed that the Kols carry out cooking and processing inside the hut. The quern is always placed next to the hearth among the Kols and the Mallahs. Among the Musahars the placement of querns was seen in the floor area in Seasonal open‐air settlements (Settlement Type I; Fig. 24b) and Semi‐ 239
permanent settlements (Settlement Type III; Figs. 26, 27). Otherwise the placement of querns was outside the entrance of the hut. The Mesolithic site of Chopani‐Mando in the Belan valley has yielded evidence of structural features in the form of 20 huts (Fig. 6). The huts are circular or oval in shape and have postholes. The diameter of the floor varies from 3.80 m to 4.70 m. Some of the floors bear evidence of a stone paved floor (Pl. 126). These huts are littered with several stone pieces, pebbles, nodules and microliths (huts of phase IIA, phase III; Pl. 127). An abandoned rectangular hut of the Kol community was studied in Semi‐permanent settlement (Settlement Type III) to understand the nature of structural remains and floor after its abandonment.
• No walls were visible except the stone at the base of the walls (Pl. 124). • Stone and earth rammed floor were littered with a few potsherds, bangle pieces, charcoal and bone fragments. • Hearth area had ashy and burnt patches (Pls. 124, 125). • Remains of circular stone platform.
Pl. 125: Abandoned hut area with stone paved floor, wall and hearth area
Pl. 123: An abandoned Kol hut
Pl. 126: Stone paved floor, Phase II B, Chopani‐ Mando (After Sharma et al. 1980)
During the study the following remains were noticed: 1. Six months after the abandonment of the rectangular hut, measuring 4.30 m long, 2.70 m wide and 1.70 m high, the following features were well preserved and intact (Pl. 123). • Stone/ mud walls • Mud plaster on the walls and floor • Floor • Middle beam • Partial thatched roof • Hearth • Circular stone platform for storage bin
2. The settlement was revisited after four years. The observations showed the size of the hut, to be 4.20 m long and 2.61 m wide. 240
Pl. 124: The remains of abandoned Kol hut after 4 years
This ethnographic study helped the author in understanding what likely remains could be expected after the abandonment of a hut. In the Semi‐permanent settlement (Settlement Type II) of the Kols village (Single purwa) only a single hut was abandoned. The study helped in understanding the possible remains of the stone paved floor of the hut, appearance of abandoned hearth and storage area. It was observed that most of Seasonal summer and Semi‐permanent settlements
(Settlement Type II, III) of the Musahar are littered with pebbles (Pl. 128; Figs. 25a, 26). The pebbles and stone pieces had been spread over the floor as well as outside the hut to control dampness and prevent white and red ants from attacking their food stores and other belongings.
Pl. 127: Floors with stone pieces, anvils, microliths and postholes, Phase III, Chopani‐ Mando (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
The other finds on the floor included flat querns, mullers and potsherds. It shows that though the cooking was carried outside the hut, processing was carried out both inside as well as outside the hut. Important items like flat querns, mullers, and potsherds were found inside the hut. At present in the Musahars Seasonal open‐air settlement (Settlement Type I) and Seasonal summer settlement (Settlement Type II) similar evidences were noticed (Fig. 25a). Four families residing at the Musahar settlement were effectively using a single quern owned by one family. Thus, it cannot be said that a quern symbolizes a family or family unit but as many families at a particular settlement can use a single quern. For example, a settlement comprising seven families can have as many as seven or as less as two querns. These evidences were collected from village Shankargarh in Allahabad district. 241
The arrangement of the huts at Chopani‐ Mando was in a beehive pattern (Fig. 6). Such arrangement of huts was also seen among the Musahar Seasonal summer settlements (Settlement Type II) at Mawaiya and Karchhana village in Allahabad district (Fig 25a). It is very interesting to note that postholes of the huts were inside the periphery of the floor. To understand this phenomenon, abandoned Musahars Seasonal summer settlements huts (Settlement Type II b; Figs. 25b, 47) were studied. The study revealed important facts regarding the construction of such structures. The postholes within the periphery of the floor area were made to support bamboo and straw screen walls. Such screens are supported on a beam across the floor from both sides. The screens thus cover the periphery of the floor. They are plastered with mud or clay in some cases. Remains of burnt wattle and daub fragments with impressions of bamboo sticks were found at the site of Chopani‐ Mando. These indicate that mud plaster was applied on the screens or walls of huts. Even today circular and rectangular hutments are supported by wooden posts and wattle and daub (Pl. 83) is constructed in the Seasonal, Semi‐permanent and Permanent settlements of all simple communities. The wattle and daub construction among the simple communities shows that the walls during the Mesolithic times could not have been higher than 0.70 to 1 m. At the Neolithic site of Mahagara in the Belan valley, 20 huts are reported. The floors of the huts are circular or oval on plan and they are neither paved nor rammed. The occurrence of burnt clay lumps with reed or bamboo impressions indicates the use of mud plaster on the screen walls of the
huts. The floors are overlapping and the houses are sparsely situated (Pl. 14; Fig. 11). Such type of construction of huts was seen among the Semi‐permanent settlements of the simple communities especially among Musahars (Settlement Type III) in Mawaiya and Karchhana in Allahabad district (Fig. 26). It was noticed that after marriage a string of room is attached to the house forming a single unit. A single unit or group of attached house (three rooms) is occupied by six to seven individuals in the Musahar Semi‐permanent settlements (Settlement Type III). Thus, one can postulate that the eight house complex at Mahagara may have housed about 48 to 56 individuals. It is interesting that Mahagara has yielded huts with and without postholes. The Seasonal open air settlement of Musahars (Settlement Type I) has yielded similar evidences where except a few small shelters made for keeping their belongings, they construct irregular floors but do not make any super structure over it (Pls. 59a, 59b; Fig. 24b). Besides, the study of abandoned huts of Seasonal summer settlements of Musahars revealed interesting facts regarding, how structures could be erected without postholes (Fig. 47). First, a raised floor (10 or 15 cm above ground) is made of compact earth. Then the long flexible branches are placed in a semi circular fashion at regular intervals, which are supported by the raised floor. On these straws was placed to cover the spaces between bent branches. Abandoned huts were studied to understand any possibility of postholes. It is interesting to note here that no postholes were visible at the abandoned hut (Fig. 47). Thus, probably such type of construction was made for huts at Mahagara, which resulted in single, double and triple floor huts (as house units) in addition to single 242
floor huts and cattle pen with postholes around its periphery (Fig. 11; Pl. 14). A large cattle pen was enclosed by a cluster of houses at Mahagara (Fig. 11). Such evidence of cattle pen was observed among the Kols. These cattle pens are seen mainly in Permanent settlement of Kols (Settlement Type III; Fig 28; Pls. 95, 96). Such type of cattle pen is constructed for the safety of the cattle from wild animals. Usually only one cattle pen is seen in the Kol settlement as all the cattle, belonging to different families are kept in the same pen. About 25 cattle can be kept in an area covering 12 x 12 m. These pens have plastered floor, which is regularly paved with a mixture of cow dung paste and water, or have stone slabs placed at regular intervals (Pls. 95, 96). The cattle pen at Mahagara covered an area of 12.5 x 7.5 m. Thus, one can estimate that about 14 to 16 cattle were kept in the pen. Thus, 48 to 56 individuals at Mahagara had 14 to 16 cattle implying that the eight‐house complex must have had a common pen. No structural features were reported from the Neolithic site of Koldihwa in the Belan valley, since a very limited area was excavated. However, burnt clay pieces with wattle impressions were found in abundance, which indicates that the Neolithic people lived in thatched huts, with wooden posts and mud plastered screen walls. At the Neolithic site of Panchoh in the Belan valley some circular and oval floors are reported. The site of Koldihwa in the Belan valley has yielded structural remains in the Chalcolithic levels. They consist of postholes encircling an oblong floor measuring 5.25 m and 3.20 m. The floor was rammed with burnt clay clods and earth. Besides, two mud walls were reported. At the Chalcolithic site of Khajuri in the Belan valley the structural feature is represented
by a floor made of rammed earth, burnt clay and potsherds. The floor is littered with hut shreds, animal bones, querns, mullers, stone pieces, burnt clay lumps with reed and bamboo impressions, and stone objects. A fireplace was reported on one of the floors. Among the Musahars the Semi‐permanent and Permanent settlements have floors made of rammed earth (Figs. 26, 27). The Kols and Mallahs have floors, made by filling earth and plastering with cow dung and mud. This application of paste helps in the maintenance of the floor which tends to crack due to constant use. The presence of material remains on the floor of the hut at Khajuri implies that the hut was used for keeping their important belongings. Besides, the fireplace possibly suggests cooking area. At present the Kols and Mallahs use their single huts for keeping their belongings, cooking, sleeping and storage of grains. But among the Musahars, the hut is used mainly for keeping their important belongings and storage, while the cooking and sleeping are always outside the hut (Figs. 25a, 25b, 26, 27). It is only during rainy season that they use the huts for cooking and sleeping. Summary: The existence of limited structural remains at the site of Sarai Nahar Rai indicates that probably it was a seasonal settlement where no permanent structures were erected. This is very similar to seasonal open‐air settlements of the Musahars who generally take shelter under huge Mahua trees and very rarely make a small shelter to keep their belongings (Settlement Type I; Fig. 24b). At Chopani Mando, structures are circular and oval huts, constructed in a beehive fashion. Similar evidence is seen among the Musahar settlements, especially Seasonal 243
summer settlements (Settlement Type II; Fig. 24a). The huts of both Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods in the Belan valley have common features. Thus, it can be said that the Chalcolithic culture had strong roots in the Neolithic culture of the area. The hut varieties of the Semi‐permanent and Permanent settlements of the simple communities are similar to those of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic huts. 7.1.2 Placement and types of hearth At Sarai Nahar Rai beside a community hearth, 11 other hearths were also reported out of which eight were excavated. Four of them were regular hearths and they were circular or oblong in shape but varied in size. As no evidence of huts is observed, it can be said that the site was an open‐air settlement. In the Musahar settlements the hearths are placed outside the floor area (Figs. 24b, 25, 26, 27). In the Seasonal open‐air settlements (Settlement Type I) the hearths are placed outside the floor area though no huts were observed other than a small shelter erected for keeping their belongings (Fig. 24b). The cooking and roasting is carried out in the regular ‘U’ shaped mud or stone hearth (Pls. 75, 106). Besides, three stone hearths are constructed only for roasting purposes. The hearths are constructed as per requirement. The bigger regular ‘U’ shaped mud or stone hearths used for cooking and are regularly cleaned and mud paste is applied on them (Pls. 75, 106, 132). The hearths used for a short period i.e. three stone hearths are the one meant only for roasting meat (Pls. 76, 106). These hearths are characterised by accumulation of ash, burnt twigs, and animal bone remains. In the archaeological site the absence of charcoal might indicate that only leaves,
grasses and twigs were used as fuel. As these are open hearths, large pieces of wood are generally reused and charcoal is carried away by the wind. Besides, many abandoned hearths were found with clay lumps, ash and tossed animal bones (Pl. 75).
Seasonal open‐air settlement (Settlement Type I) with three families has as many as three regular hearths, four or five roasting hearths and a few abandoned hearths (Fig. 24b). It is important to note here that a settlement of four families can have as many as 10 or more hearths, including regular, roasting and abandoned hearths. This accounts for the presence of such a large number of hearths at the site. Thus, it is not tenable to say that a hearth is the marker of a unit or a family when the hearths are found scattered in the settlement with or without the floor context. It is possible to suggest the probable population at the site only when the floor of the hut has evidence of remains of hearth.
Pl. 131: Single mouthed hearth of Transitional phase, Khajuri (After Misra 2000)
The Mesolithic sites of Damdama and Mahadaha have yielded evidence of plastered oval and circular hearths. Plastered hearths are still in use among the simple communities in the study area (Pls. 59b, 132).
It is interesting that the Neolithic sites of Mahagara, Koldihwa and Panchoh in the Belan valley have not yielded any evidence of hearths. In the Advanced Chalcolithic levels at Koldihwa a single‐mouthed chulha has been found (Pl. 27). At Khajuri a floor has yielded a fireplace and a U‐shaped chulha in Transitional phase (Pl. 131). Such U‐shaped chulha are still in use among the simple communities in the study area (Pl. 132).
Pl. 132: Single mouthed chulha (hearth) next to a clay bin inside a Musahar hut
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Pit hearths: The Mesolithic sites of Sarai Nahar Rai, Mahadaha and Damdama in the Ganga valley and Chopani‐Mando in the Belan valley have yielded number of pit hearths (Pl. 129; Figs. 6, 15, 18). The pit hearths are circular, oval or oblong in shape and measure 52 cm in width and 15 cm to 40 cm in depth, and some have a constricted base with a wide mouth. Some of them were plastered with wet clay. The pit hearths contained clay lumps, ash, and tiny charred animal bones. A bison skull with horns was also found in a pit hearth at Mahadaha.
Pl. 129: Hearth (I/B4) at Sarai Nahar Rai (Courtesy, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad University)
Such pit hearths are exclusively used by the Musahars and Kols for cooking, roasting meat and warming food (Pl. 130; Fig. 24b). The diameter of the pit hearth measures between 1 to 1.20 m and depth from 25 to 35 cm. The pit hearth has vertical sides and flat bottom, which is regularly plastered with clay. These hearths are also constructed near the cooking hearths. Due to close contact with regular hearth the pit hearths also have a mixture of clay lumps, charred grains, and semi charred animal bones and ash. This is because the burning fuel is scooped out of the cooking hearth and placed in the pit hearths.
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The placement of hearths at Chopani‐ Mando is outside the floors (Fig. 6). Among the Musahars (Fig. 24b) and the Kols (Pl. 130) the placement of the pit hearths is outside the hut in the open. The reason is that their cooking involves a lot of roasting of meat, which emits smoke and smell of burning of flesh. Summary: The Mesolithic and Chalcolithic sites in the Ganga and Belan valleys have yielded different types of hearths i.e. regular oval or circular hearths, and single mouthed hearths (Pls. 27, 131) and pit hearths, some of them plastered with clay (Pl. 129). Evidence of such hearths also comes from the Musahar, Kol and Mallah settlements. Different types of hearths are made according to their function: • ‘U’ shaped mud hearths are used for cooking. • ‘U’ shaped stone hearths are used for roasting meat as well as cooking during rainy season. • The three stone hearths are used for roasting meat. • Pit hearths are used for cooking, roasting meat and warming food. 7.1.3 Storage Facilities Surplus quantity of grains is kept in storage bins. In Chapter 5 a detailed description of different types of storage bins, the manufacturing techniques, and their importance and preservation techniques have been discussed. The Kols and Musahars use several techniques for preserving and storing food for various lengths of time, both as a future reserve and for obtaining a desired flavour of the stored food. They store their grains in various types of containers like, clay storage bins, jars, pots, tin boxes and aluminium and steel trunks. The clay bins are found to be an inseparable part of their material culture.
The ethnographic study was directed towards understanding the role of clay bins in storing the surplus food. This is done to explain the material remains of the past economies. The Mesolithic site of Chopani Mando from where the earliest hand made pottery has been recovered has also yielded a number of circular or oval structures made of flat slabs of various sizes. The maximum and minimum diameters of these structures are 70 cm and 30 cm respectively. Remains of burnt daub fragments with impressions of bamboo sticks lying around some of these circular/oval structures were obtained (Pl. 8). The probable conclusion drawn was that these stone structures are the bases of storage bins made of bamboo and clay. The excavations have also yielded remains of rice and bamboo. The remains of charred or carbonised rice were found embedded in the burnt clay lumps (Pls. 12a, 12b). Wild rice was used and known in the advanced Mesolithic at Chopani‐Mando dated to 9th– 8th millennium B.C. The Mesolithic site of Sarai Nahar Rai, the lithic assemblage of which is almost identical to that of the Phase II B (Early Mesolithic) of Chopani Mando, has produced a C14 date of 8395± 110 B.C.
The stored food is both a result of surplus production and gathering. Food production particularly necessitates the use of containers of various types, like vessels made of basketry, wood and stone, plastered bins, and storage jars. The containers of various types are more frequently found in the archaeological record after the development of food production than they were in earlier time. This is seen from the appearance of cooking pots in the Neolithic and their complete absence in the Mesolithic period.
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The pottery from the Neolithic sites of Mahagara, Koldihwa and Panchoh is hand made, ill‐fired and has a coarse fabric with thick to medium sections and contains rice husk, cow‐dung or chaff of small grains as tempering materials. The remains of domesticated rice from the Neolithic deposit of Koldihwa are the most significant discovery from the excavation. The wild rice in the Advanced Mesolithic at Chopani‐ Mando is of considerable significance in the context of evidence of domesticated variety of rice from the earliest Neolithic levels at Koldihwa. If the dating is confirmed these would be the earliest rice remains yet found in south Asia (Glover 1985: 265‐79). For Koldihwa two radiocarbon dates of 4,530± 185 B.C. and 5,440± 240 B.C. come from the Neolithic levels which have yielded potsherds containing rice husk. The Neolithic Koldihwa and Mahagara fall within the time bracket of 7th to 5th millennium B.C. At Mahagara 49.06% of the pottery consists of storage jars. The storage vessels are more in comparison to cooking vessels, while dining vessels are moderate (Table 7). At Neolithic levels of Koldihwa and Panchoh big storage jars have been found. Also noticed are appliqué decoration, consisting of chain and rope patterns, on the big jars and straight‐sided troughs. The examination of the fragmentary rice husk imprints from the site of Mahagara has confirmed remains of wild rice (Oryza rufipogon Griffith) and cultivated rice (Oryza sativa) on potsherds (Pls. 23a, 23b). The evidence of storage jars comes from the Chalcolithic sites of Koldihwa and Khajuri. In the transitional phase between Chalcolithic and Iron Age at Khajuri, the floor yielded a giant stone slab near the hearth. The slab was presumably used as a platform for storage bins or jars. Presently, storage bins among the simple communities
are placed next to the hearth (Pl. 132). A large number of circular stone discs stone recovered from Koldihwa were probably used as supports to place the storage jars (Pl. 36). Ethnoarchaeological Interpretation • The entire crop is not consumed immediately after it is reaped. Some quantity of grain is conserved so as to last till the next harvest and for use during lean season, famine, and drought or crop failure. • Some proportion is kept aside for the next sowing. • Evidence of fragments of ‘daub’ without wattle marks can be remnants of storage bins. Thus, the context in which they are found is of critical importance. • The clay section of the present day bins shows that the chaff is used as a tempering material for making storage bins. Chopani‐Mando and Koldihwa have yielded storage bins containing charred grains which help us to understand the function of clay bins and of the grains which were consumed. • Stone slabs in the form of platforms are embedded in the ground so that the storage bins can be installed on them (Pl. 80). In archaeological excavation these are the only probable remnants of the clay storage bins as the clay bins being unbaked were perishable. These stone platforms need not be regular in shape and are usually placed in the corner or along the walls of the hut (Pls. 80, 85). • Mud and stone platforms are very important as bases of storage bins because rodents and pests cannot attack from the bottom of the bin (Pls. 79, 80). Also mud platforms are a must for the storage of wheat because it cannot stand the heat below the ground. Grains can be stored in aboveground containers like storage bins and storage jars. 247
• Placement of the storage bins in the house is of special importance. The hearth next to the storage bins has special significance among the Kols and the Musahars as the storage bins are used for taking out grains for the day’s consumption. On the other hand, the storage bins kept separately in airtight condition indicate use over a longer period of time. • Evidences of wall storage bin among the Musahars enables us to understand the importance of storage walls (Fig. 32). Such knowledge is useful while excavating mud walls. The presence of pits in mud walls with pot or grains is evidence of storage bin. • Not only grains but also prepared food like rice and puri can be kept in storage pots as seen among the Musahars (Pl. 83). • The different types of storage bin shapes also have a special significance. Each bin type has different types of grains stored in them (Table 24b). Decoration as described earlier has special significance of its own. It is interesting to note here that the Chalcolithic site of Navdatoli has yielded evidence of lizard type of figure on one of the huge storage jar (Sankalia 1971). The jar is decorated with embossed figure of a female and a lizard with what looks like a shrine. Dhavalikar (1979: 241) has suggested that the shrine is that of a deity associated with the lizard or alligator. A similar motif (is seen in one of the bins of the Musahars with a standing human‐ faced lizard holding a circular object in one hand). According to villagers ‘it is the protector of the grains from the evil eye’ (Pl. 88). Summary: Food production, even in its simplest form, provides an opportunity and a motive for the accumulation of a surplus as seen from the Mesolithic site of Chopani‐ Mando.
Unfired or lightly fired handmade containers of mud would have been useful for storing food grains. Containers or pots of clay are impervious to insects and rodents, and does not decay as do containers of perishable materials like hide, wood, basket or grass. Storage facilities of varied forms and sizes show that grains can be stored in bins in bulk. But for extraction of small quantities at regular intervals containers like smaller storage jars are more useful. The presence of unfired large storage jars in the early levels of the Mesolithic site of Chopani Mando is of key importance in understanding how prehistoric people in the gathering stage started making pottery first by hand and later by wheel. These containers may have been used for storing grains as well as processed or unprocessed food and water. The storage bins were substituted by the storage jars largely due to their sturdiness and durability. The existence of storage bins in the excavation along with other storage facilities indicates the importance of bins, for the storing of grains. They certainly played a crucial role in life of the people and are one of the important indicators of prosperity of settled agriculturists. The number of storage bins, at a site shows their mode of subsistence and the charred evidence of grains from these bins show the types of grains they consumed. 7.1.4 Pottery While the Mesolithic sites in the Ganga valley have not yielded any evidence of pottery, whereas the Mesolithic site of Chopani‐Mando in the Belan valley has yielded evidence of the earliest hand made pottery. On the basis of ethnoarchaeological study it was observed that no primitive society living in a hunting‐gathering stage 248
generally make their own pottery. They obtain the pottery from neighbouring advanced societies. It can be inferred that in the distant past the Mesolithic people from the Belan valley used pottery by exchange from contemporary advanced societies. But as revealed by the type, technology, morphological shapes, decorative motifs and especially the size of the pots it is evident that the Mesolithic people of the Vindhyas made their own pottery (bowls, vases, dishes and bigger bowls) without any influence from any advanced contemporary culture. These vessels were mainly used during processing and consumption of food. The Neolithic ceramic assemblage in the Belan valley was more advanced, matured and standardized, with functional pottery types like different types of bowls, jars, handis, basin, platter and small vases. This suggests that the late Mesolithic phase of the Vindhyas was in transition from the Mesolithic to the Neolithic culture. The pottery traits of the Neolithic survived into the Chalcolithic phase of the Belan valley. The Chalcolithic pottery included the functional types like different types of bowls, bowls‐cum‐lids, dish‐on‐stand, footed basins, tumblers, vases, handis, jars, beakers, dishes, and miniature vessels. At present the simple communities (i.e. the Musahars, Kols and Mallahs) use pots mainly for storage purposes, which they acquire from village potters. Cooking and storage in many houses is mainly done in aluminium and steel utensils. 7.1.5 Disposal of food refuse The Mesolithic inhabitants of Mahadaha disposed their refuse in the hearths, in habitation area and in the adjoining lake. Whereas at Sarai Nahar Rai, Damdama and Chopani‐Mando refuse was disposed in hearths and pit hearths. The disposal of bones in settlements of the Musahars, Kols and Mallahs is similar and
discussed in Chapter 5 in greater detail (5.6 Sanitary Facilities/ Disposal of Food Refuse). The animal and fish bones are seen in different contexts from different types of settlements. They are important indicators of the activities of the occupants, food habits and also to some extent the type of settlement in relation to the dispersal and discard of bone remains. 7.2 Subsistence Pattern It is evident from the faunal remains that the Mesolithic inhabitants of the Ganga and Belan valleys hunted a wide range of animals, ranging from elephant and hippopotamus to rats. The aquatic fauna included tortoise and fish. They even hunted birds like wild fowl. The Neolithic inhabitants in the Belan valley, besides hunting wild animals, started domesticating animals like cattle, sheep/goat. The cattle pen at Mahagara is a unique evidence of the beginning of domestication. These animals not only provided them with readily available meat but also milk and hide. Domestication of rice in Neolithic level shows the beginning of agriculture, while they also gathered wild rice, millets, and jujube. The Chalcolithic inhabitants of the Belan valley were also hunting wild animals like deer, and wild boar but their main emphasis was on domesticating cattle, sheep and goat. Besides they gathered wild rice and cultivated rice. In the last phase at Koldihwa evidence of charred wheat, rice and mung has been reported. The Musahars, Kols and Mallahs have varied type of subsistence pattern as discussed in Chapter 5. The Musahars and Kols are hunter‐gatherers and agriculturist and the Mallahs are fishermen and agriculturists. Due to the rapid destruction of forests big game hunting is done very rarely and is illegal as well. However the 249
tradition of small game hunting though of little economic importance is still practised among the simple communities. 7.2.1 Small game hunting The Musahars prefer small game hunting to big game hunting, as it requires less energy and tools. They are very much aware of the consequences of excessive hunting and therefore regulate their hunting thus maintaining an ecological balance. The Mesolithic people may have also been well acquainted with how many animals had to be exploited, which invariably left them with the option of exploring new food resources from time to time. But it is interesting that the animal bones are seen either in less or more percentage from all the layers from Damdama resulting to think that the Mesolithic people were experimenting with the choice of game to be hunted in the scarcity of stone tools. This might be the reason why every second bone in Damdama was a worked bone, if not a well‐made tool. The evidence of dog in Mesolithic levels at Sarai Nahar Rai and Damdama is intriguing. The Mesolithic inhabitants were in close contact with dogs that ultimately lived on the bones thrown to them and then gradually got domesticated and accompanied them during hunting expeditions. Domestication of dogs is also common among the simple communities who keep them for hunting and for protection against intruders. The small game hunted by the Musahars mainly consists of rats and squirrels. The faunal assemblage of Mesolithic sites of Mahadaha and Damdama includes the bones of rodent species like Rattus rattus and Bandicota indica. The Chalcolithic site of Khajuri has also yielded evidence of rodents.
It was observed that a single tool i.e. khanta and a bucket of water is enough to catch as many as 5 or 15 rats at a time. Roasting of rats is always carried out on open fires and rarely in regular hearths. The processing does not require any tool and rodents tooth is enough to dissect it. Dried twigs and leaves are used as fuel wood for roasting (Pls. 101, 102). The roasting area after 10 days has remains of ash and tooth of the rodents as every other part of the animal is consumed. In addition, rats collect grains in their nest during harvest, which is collected from their nest by the Musahars after killing the rats. It is probable that the Mesolithic inhabitants of the Ganga valley also initially came in contact with the wild grains while clearing rat holes and this may have ultimately led them to collect these wildly growing grains.
The faunal assemblage of Damdama has yielded evidence of porcupine. The Musahars and Kols of the study area also hunt porcupines. The porcupine is roasted after removing its quills. The roasting is done in the hearth or on open fire. Only the quills, viscera and burnt twigs remain at the site, which is later blown away by wind. Besides, domesticated animals like pig are also roasted in open hearths on twigs and straw (Pls. 133, 134).
7.2.2 Fowling The faunal assemblage of Mahadaha and Damdama has yielded evidence of bird Gallus gallus (8.96% of the total assemblage).
The Musahars and Mallahs also catch birds for consumption. The main tools used are nets, gummed bamboo sticks and catapult. The whole body is consumed leaving behind feathers and beak of the birds in the open or in regular hearth.
Summary: Small mammals like rodents do represent a potentially rich food source. But how much each species contributed to the 250
diet of the Mesolithic people is difficult to evaluate from the meagre amount of remains recovered. Despite dietary potential afforded by small mammals, they are generally assigned minor significance and are constantly overshadowed by larger animals in archaeological interpretation. The importance of small animals in the prehistoric diet can very well be seen from the Mesolithic sites of the Ganga valley.
Since every part of the small animals is consumed it is unlikely that any traces of the same can be found in the archaeological record. Though limited number of bones of small animals in the archaeological record contribute to our knowledge of the types of species exploited by the prehistoric people, it is difficult to estimate the contribution of individual species. Studies show that small animals have relatively high edible meat to live weight ratio. Thus these small animal remains can be an important source for reconstructing prehistoric diet. The hunting of small game requires fewer tools, which would have been important when the raw material was scarce, the nearest source being 100 km from the sites.
The Musahars hunting style sets them apart from other hunters since they use only minimum equipment for hunting operations. The evidence of small game hunting is very well depicted in the rock paintings of early hunters and gatherers at Jaora near Bhimbetka in Madhya Pradesh. An elaborate scene of several women cooperating in catching rats from their burrow is depicted at Jaora (Neumayer 1993: 78; Fig. 48). The other depiction shows rats being carried by the hunters on their back. The use of sticks for digging is interesting because this technique survives among the Musahars. Although there was no scarcity of big animals in prehistoric times, the rats still constituted a part of prehistoric diet.
Fig. 48 Rat hunting and Rock Art, depiction of rat hunting and hunters carrying rats from rock painting, Jaora (Madhya Pradesh)
7.2.3 Fishing The faunal assemblages of the Mesolithic site of the Ganga valley and Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites in the Belan valley has yielded evidence of aquatic animals like tortoise (Lissemys punctata and Chitra indica) and fish. Majority of the bone fragments reported at Damdama were tiny (1 to 3 cm in length) and 90% of the total assemblages of them were charred, suggesting that roasting of 251
meat was the main mode of cooking. At Sarai Nahar Rai bones recovered from the hearths were in different stages of roasting with extensive soot on them. The dorsal plates and shells of tortoise found from hearths also showed signs of roasting. The Musahars hunt tortoise by hand, digging sticks and khanta. The tortoise is always roasted in the regular hearth. The hard outer shell and bony plates are the only remnants after consumption. These
shells are dried and powdered for medicinal use, sometimes thrown near the dwelling area (Pl. 107; Fig. 25a), buried in rice fields to attract rats, or tossed into the hearth and are thus frequently seen inside abandoned hearths (Pl. 75; Fig. 25b). The ethnographic study helped in understanding the importance of fish in the subsistence of the past communities: • Fishing practices develop as a local response to the geography and distribution of fish. Though fishing is done throughout the year, the main fishing season is during rains and summer in rivers and lakes. • Fish remains at the site if analysed can show distribution of species, provide information about the climate, the seasons in which they were caught, food preferences and the fishing methods. • The fish remains found at an archaeological site, or the reconstructed death assemblage may not always shows the extent of fishing activity carried out on the site, because: (a) Fish hunted from the river and lakes are deposited in various places in different settlements. Different types of processing and butchery methods employed lead to different locations for deposition of fish bones. For e.g. the Mallahs do not carry the complete fish back to the settlement as they are already carrying considerable weight. The heads and fins are discarded at the bank of the river. Non‐edible fish are left behind at the riverbanks and only the important fish stock is brought back to the settlement. Fish hunted by children are processed and discarded along the river or on the lakeside, paddy field or elsewhere. Thus, bones of a number of species consumed cannot always be found in the dwelling 252
area but are found near the actual fishing area. (b) It is necessary to excavate both the fishing area (where generally butchering happens) as well as the dwelling area (disposal of bone) for better understanding the fishing activities if the archaeological site is situated along the river or lake. (c) During extraction of oil most of the discarded body parts (tails, fins, and bones) are utilised, leaving the crushed remains behind. Thus, it is very unlikely that any traces of such processing will be seen in the archaeological record. Summary: The Mallahs are specialised fishermen. Their temporary settlements (Settlement Type I) are seasonal in character and reflect successful food acquisition. Some of the Mesolithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic communities must have achieved similar efficiency in fishing. While interpreting any archaeological site it is very important to note the context in which the animal bones are found. The disposal of fish bones in the Mallah settlements is in: hearth area, dump behind the hut or scattered near the settlement, agricultural fields and on the riverbanks. Considering the habits and ecology of the various species recovered, it is possible to reconstruct the sources likely to have been exploited by ancient man. Thus, the fishing methodology adopted by present day simple communities shows many similarities with the prehistoric practices. Bone hooks may have been used, but only limited evidence has come to light during excavation. There is no direct evidence for the use of nets or traps, but small fish could have been collected with the help of cover baskets or by hand.
Fishing by hand and with sticks is the most primitive fishing technique among the Musahars and the Mallahs, where there is a minimal use of tools. The raw materials used for making fishing tools and traps are locally available. Much of it consists of bamboo, which is easily obtained from nearby forest, while cotton and nylon strings for weaving nets, iron hooks and net sinkers are obtained from local markets.
With the lack of substantial evidence for a link between life in the modern era and that of the prehistoric past, it may well be asked whether the stone‐tool using people possessed the technological skill of fishing which is known to the contemporary fishing communities. The Mallahs, Musahars and Kols carry out fishing. They employ varied fishing techniques, which are similar to those found depicted in the rock art from nearby area. With the lack of substantial evidence for a link between life in the modern era and that of the prehistoric period, it may be asked whether the stone‐ tool using men were acquainted with fishing. The evidence of fishing is very well depicted in rock paintings of hunter‐ gatherers at Lakhajoar near Bhimbetka, district Raisen in Madhya Pradesh (Neumayer 1993: 78‐79), a detailed fishing scene depicts people catching fish from a small pond or waterhole (Fig. 49). A person’s pouch is hanging from the branch of a tree; a hand net is placed at the ground to allow its owner to catch a turtle with both hands. Another person has strung several fish on to a rod for easy transport. Others are fishing by nets and by bow and arrow. At one side fish are stacked according to their variety. Rock paintings at Kerwaghat, Kowar Khoh and Gojara, District Mirzapur in Uttar Pradesh depict fishing scenes (Neumayer 1993: 108, 112,113). Here fishing is done by boats, generally manned by two persons, one at the stern handling the 253
paddle, the other spearing fish or turtles (Fig. 49). These paintings show that the fishing techniques used several thousand years ago were not much different from those of today. 7.2.4 Gathering From the Mesolithic site of Chopani Mando and Damdama charcoal remains of bamboo, charred grains of millets, and wild rice have been reported. This shows that the prehistoric people gathered these grains. The evidence of seeds of wild plants from the Mesolithic site of Damdama in the Ganga valley is interesting. For example: • Bathua (Chenopodium album L.) is eaten as vegetable and Musahars and Kols use the seeds for its anthelmintic proprieties. • Kher (Heteropogon contortus L.) is used as fodder for cattle by the Kols. • Ber (Zizyphus jujuba Lam.) is eaten as a fruit, and the Musahars and Kols use the seeds as a cure for diarrhoea and abdominal pain. At the Neolithic site of Mahagara impression of bamboo in clay lumps has been found, which was probably used for construction of huts. Bamboo was also used as fuel as is evident from the charcoal from the site. Besides, the Neolithic inhabitants also gathered wild rice. From Neolithic levels at Koldihwa seeds of jujube (ber) are reported. Due to the perishable nature of plants they are rarely encountered during excavations. Ethnobotanical observations among the Musahars and Kols show that these groups are still greatly dependent on forest resources both for food and medicines. 7.2.5 Agriculture At the Neolithic sites of Mahagara and Koldihwa remains of wild, cultivated and hybrid (between wild and cultivated) grains
Fig. 49 Fishing and Rock art, Painting from Lakhajoar (District Raisen, Madhya Pradesh) and paintings from Kerwaghat, Kowar Khoh and Gojra (Mirzapur, Uttar Pradesh) 254
have been reported. In the Chalcolithic levels at Koldihwa and Khajuri, evidence of cultivated rice and of cultivated wheat and mung from the last phase at Koldihwa is reported. Presence of querns, mullers and rubber stones comes from the Mesolithic sites of Chopani Mando, Mahadaha and Damdama, Neolithic sites of Mahagara and Koldihwa and Chalcolithic sites of Koldihwa and Khajuri (Pl. 9). Querns and mullers are also presently used among the simple communities for grinding not only cereals but also a variety of seeds (Pls. 62, 76; Figs. 24b, 25a, 26, 27, 29b). Besides,
evidence of storage jars indirectly indicates the production and storage of grains on the analogy of the practices of the simple communities. The most interesting feature is the use of rotating quern made of mud and clay by Kols and Musahars (Pl. 132a). This type of quern is used only for dehusking the grains, mainly paddy i.e. dhan. Thus, for dehusking, the rotating quern made of stone i.e. chakki is not required (Pl. 119; Fig. 50). The Mesolithic people may have also constructed a similar device without any of use of stone.
Pl. 119: A Kol women sitting with moosal next to rotating quern i.e. chakki made of mud, clay and bamboo
Fig. 50: Food processing tools; a. Rotating quern i.e. chakki; b. Grinding stone i.e. silbatta 255
agriculture in this fertile area (Fig. 29a). The Mando village during rainy season is completely isolated and becomes an island as the Belan river flowing around rises up and detaches the connection to the land. Most of the agricultural tools used by the simple communities are made of wood. For example, a small piece of iron in the plough is enough to cultivate the fertile area on the hill. A dibbler in the form of microlithic points might have been an effective tool for making holes for sowing grains. Reaping also could have been easily carried out by Pl. 116: Rotating quern used for grinding grain sickles hafted with microliths. The flood plain of the river adjacent to Koldihwa was most suited for the Archaeological evidences show that the cultivation of rice, which could be exploited Neolithic inhabitants in the Belan valleys out hunting‐gathering and without the aid of any man made carried irrigational device and extra manuring. agricultural activities. Though no Neolithic Ploughing tools are not always necessary to site had been excavated in the Ganga plains grow rice in flood plains as is evident from in the study area during my research, it the current practice of rice‐cultivation in could be inferred from the present simple communities that the Neolithic and flood plains of the region. Chalcolithic inhabitants might have had an The Mallahs in their Seasonal agricultural effective agriculture‐based economy in this settlements, hilltop (Settlement Type II a) region which is more fertile than in the carry out agriculture on a seasonal basis on Belan valley. the hills in the Belan valley (Figs. 29a, 29b). Most of the explored Neolithic and 7.3 Technology Chalcolithic sites are found in the nearby Tools play a vital role in the economic hills of the Belan valley. It was observed pursuits of hunting, gathering, fishing, and that a group of Mallah families seasonally agriculture. Today the simple communities come to inhabit these hills during summer. do not use stone for making tools. Instead, The area chosen for agriculture is on the top they use wood, bamboo and iron, which is of the hill a few meters away from the river. much more effective and durable than They cultivate this land and carry out stone. Bamboo and wood are secondary raw fishing simultaneously. They occupy the materials, and are mainly used as shafts and same huts on the hills seasonally by handles. renovating them (Pls. 67, 68; Fig. 29c). The summer hill top settlements are found on The main multipurpose tool of the both sides of the river. A few Mallah Musahars is khanta (Pls. 98, 113). The flat families come from the Mando village iron of khanta looks similar to stone tool where they have permanent settlements chisel with sharp cutting edge, which occurs (Settlement Type III) and others come from at the Neolithic site of Mahagara in the as far as the foothills of Kaimur to do Belan valley (Pls. 27a, 27b). This tool is also 256
used by the Mallahs and is known as ramma. It was observed that four families of Musahars could effectively use a single khanta for collecting leaves, digging roots, cutting wood, hunting rats, and digging holes for dwellings. The Musahars also use another iron digging tool i.e. gahdala which is similar to khanta but is not hafted to bamboo (Pl. 98). Among the Kols this tool is known as faar.
The Kols use three types of hunting tools i.e. gadasa, barcha (spear) and aksi (barbed spear). All these tools are made of iron and hafted to bamboo (Pl. 117). The gadasa is used mainly for cutting the head or legs of the running animal. The barcha and aksi are thrown at animals like wild boar, deer and birds like peacock.
Pl. 117: Hunting tools; different types of gadasa and a barcha (spear) 257
The Mallahs have varied types of fishing tools according to their functional implications and materials used have been discussed in Chapter 6. The ones made with iron are katia (hooks; Fig. 36), katia jor (baited pole; Fig. 33), and ballum or pachki (pronged spear; Pl. 111; Fig. 37). They also do effective fishing without use of iron tools. They also make use of organic materials for fishing. The earliest tools for fishing probably were stick, and thorn hooks. The Mallahs make cover baskets (like tap, chhaup or kurimar, ganja; Fig. 34), screens (chilwan, chinta; Pl. 108; Fig. 33), and barra from organic materials like bamboo, hemp, and nurkul. In earlier days they used hemp, silk thread for the weaving of nets but at present they use nylon thread, cotton and hemp for making nets (bhawar jal, maha/ kurail/ santa/ ber jal, bisri or chhot‐ber jal and fasila jal; Pls. 109, 110). The iron tools hafted in bamboo and used in agriculture are discussed in Chapter 6. They are (Pl. 118) hal (plough; Fig. 39), hansiya (sickle; Fig. 40), khurpi (hoe; Fig. 41), gadasa (chopper; Pl. 117), pharua (spade; Fig. 41), and kulhari/tengari (axe; Pl. 118). Sickles made up of microliths might have served the function of cutting during Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods. Tools for agricultural work are also made entirely of wood and bamboo, for example pata/ patella (clod‐ crusher/leveller; Fig. 39), moosal (pounder; Fig. 44), supa (winnowing basket), jowatha (harness; Pl. 118; Fig. 41), and dheki (husking device; Fig. 42). For basket making iron tools and their materials are discussed in Chapter 6. They are banka (long knife; Fig. 45), banki (small knife; Fig. 45), hathauri (hammer), chaku (picking knife; Fig. 45), suja (bodkin; Fig. 45), kainchi (scissors), katarni (side cutters), jamboor (round‐nosed pliers) and plas (pliers). The tool of organic materials used in basket making is pichari (Fig. 45). An
oilstone or a stone sharpener is necessary to keep the knives sharp. Sharpeners of stone are reported from Mahadaha, Mahagara, and Koldihwa. While gathering wild plants from the forest they employ tools made of organic material like laggi, khara, khonch and baiyya besides khanta, which they always carry along with them (Fig. 38). The Mesolithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites of the Ganga and Belan valleys have yielded a variety of blades and hammer stones. It was observed that while making baskets the use of knife and hammer stone is of major importance. Thus, it can be said that the blades and hammer stone used by prehistoric people may have been for basket making. 7.4 Burial Practices The excavated Mesolithic sites of Ganga valley have yielded graves and skeletons as follows: Sarai Nahar Rai 12 graves, 15 skeletons; Mahadaha 28 graves, 32 skeletons; Damdama 41 graves, 48 skeletons. No evidence of disposal of the dead comes from the Mesolithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites of the Belan valley. The graves of the Mesolithic period were carefully prepared by being provided with a 3‐4 cm thick, cushion of soft soil. They were shallow and oblong and the dead were placed in an extended and supine position in east‐west or west‐east orientation. In a few cases one hand was lying by the side of the body and the other was placed across the abdomen. The Kols and Mallahs bury only their children. But Musahars bury their children as well in few cases the parents about a few meters away from the settlement. For example in the Seasonal open‐air settlements (Settlement Type I) the burial ground is 7 m away from the dwelling area 258
generally near the water source in Shankargarh village (Pl. 56; Figs. 24a, 24c). Among the Musahars and Kols the grave is dug in a north‐south line. They are shallow and measure 1 to 1.50 m in length and 0.50 to 0.70 m in depth. The head is placed towards the north; the body then is covered with a white cloth. The layers of mud, thorns and again mud are put over on the dead body. A small tumulus is made on which large round stones and thorny bushes are placed (Pl. 56) to protect the dead body from scavengers. Sometimes such burials are placed very near to the river section or inside the section, so when the water level rises, the flow stream carries away the dead body (Fig. 24c). At Mahadaha, 35 hearths were found in the cemetery‐cum‐habitation area. The burial grounds of the Musahars are very near (7 to 20 m) to the dwelling area (Settlement Type I; Fig. 24a). In many cases the author was told that in the recent past they used to bury their dead in the settlement itself. The parents were buried usually just outside the hut, as they were thought to protect the family from evil spirits. Besides they strongly believe in ancestor worship. The probable explanation for the Mesolithic inhabitants burying their dead in the settlement itself might have something to do with ancestor worship. As mentioned earlier, the placement of the hearths among the Musahars is always outside the hut. If the dead were also buried outside the hut, then the grave is bound to have hearth and hearth refuse material in it. At Sarai Nahar Rai in Grave no. VII four individuals were buried (Pl. 40). Two of these skeletons belong to males, and two to females. Males were placed to the right of the females. In the burial of the Musahars, the head is placed towards the north. If the deceased was a man, the body is placed on
the right side of the tomb, if a woman, to the left. The explanation for placing the dead body in this fashion is that the man and woman were originally a single body. The right or the stronger half belongs to the male and the left or the weaker half to the female. When the two halves split, each becomes a whole and perfect body, one a complete man and the other a complete woman. The graves at Sarai Nahar Rai, Mahadaha, and Damdama have yielded grave goods like bone arrowheads, microliths, and ground pieces of haematite. The occurrence of burnt clay lumps and charred animal bones in the graves suggests use of hearth refuse in filling the graves. The Mesolithic burials of the Ganga valley have yielded evidence of ornaments in the form of rings, earrings and necklace made of antlers (e.g. at Mahadaha from grave no. IV, V and VII; Pls. 43, 47) and pendants (in Grave no. VII, Damdama). Among the Musahars, burials do not contain any grave goods, but belongings are placed around the stone tumulus of the dead (Pl. 56; Fig. 24c). Ornaments of precious metals like gold and silver are removed and replaced with those of
259
cheaper materials like lead and aluminium before burying the dead. At Damdama Grave no. VII has yielded a male burial with pendant. The male members of the simple communities adorn themselves with few ornaments like pendants and rings. Thus, the grave goods do not always imply a belief that they were needed by the deceased in the after life, but because the use of things of the dead by the living is not considered auspicious and thus they are discarded. The evidence of double burial probably had some social significance for the Mesolithic people. Maybe this symbolised a marital relationship. At Mahadaha two double burials have been reported in grave nos. I/XIV and V/X (Pl. 44). In one of the graves (XIV) the burial is of young male and female. Such evidence also comes from the site of Damdama, which has yielded 5 double burials and one triple burial. Grave no. XX has an adult male and a young adult female, while in grave no. XXXVI the male is a young adult and the female an adult. The triple burial included two male adults and one female adult. Thus, it can be said that they practised both monogamy and polygamy.
Chapter 8 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION The study area i.e. South‐Central Ganga Valley has a tropical climate. The forests contain a number of trees like teak, dhak, bamboo and tendu and large edible flowers and fruit bearing and seed trees like mahua, mango, neem, aonla, and plants having leaves, roots and tubers like kantaalu, ratalu, suaralu, karukandu and sural. The wild animals like deer, antelopes, boar, porcupine and hares are found in abundance in the forests. The climatic conditions during the prehistoric times were better than the present and the vegetation cover and fauna were much richer. The examination of soil samples collected from the vicinity of Mahadaha and horseshoe lake at Nevari near Sarai Nahar Rai suggests a grassland vegetation. Pollen analysis in the Belan and Ganga valleys shows dominance of Gramineae, which might have included edible species of grasses and cereals. The rivers of the Vindhyas during late Pleistocene started building up their flood plains and started flowing in much narrower channels. The Belan and its tributaries Seoti, Tundiari and a large number of smaller streams incised the Pleistocene deposits between the plateau and the Kaimur. The Belan section shows a long sequence of Palaeolithic cultures. The human occupation of the area began during the Lower Palaeolithic. Stone tools of this period are presented in Cemented Gravel I. About 40 Lower Palaeolithic sites have been located in the Belan valley. The Middle Palaeolithic tools are associated with Cemented Gravel II and are represented at 60 sites. The Upper Palaeolithic tools are associated with Cemented Gravel III and 260
are represented at 40 sites. These sites are located on: • The foot of the hillocks, and • The toe of the low outlying hillocks, slightly away from the present bed of the river. After the Upper Palaeolithic period there was a sharp change in the system of the Vindhyan rivers, and the Belan started to deepen its channel and build its most recent terrace which rests on the Cemented Gravel III. The Blackish and Brownish clay deposits in the Belan valley are associated with tools of the transitional stage between the Upper Palaeolithic and Mesolithic, i.e. Epi‐ Palaeolithic phases. Parallel changes also affected the Ganga, which formed the most recent deposit of its plain‐ the yellowish sand capping. The Ganga gradually withdrew to its present course, leaving behind old meanders in the form of horseshoe lakes. The rich vegetation and fauna of the Belan valley attracted prehistoric inhabitants who moved from the Vindhyas to the fertile new land. The presence of wild rich fossil vegetation and rocks like quartzite, quartz, chert, chalcedony, agate, carnelian, and jasper in the nearby Kaimur hills offered prehistoric inhabitants a rich supply of wild plants and animal foods for tools. In its vast plain, the flow of Ganga created meanders in the featureless soft alluvium. Some of these isolated meanders are still surviving and form a perennial source of water. The prehistoric people inhabited these meanders. They arrived in the Ganga
valley from the Vindhyan region. Their presence is recorded at five Epi‐Palaeolithic sites. These provide the earliest evidence of human colonization of the South‐Central Ganga Valley. They can be termed as small camp sites. The tools of Epi‐Palaeolithic period are made of chert. The tools are bigger in size than those of the succeeding Mesolithic period. The main tool types are blunted back blades, lunates points, and scrapers. The human colonization intensified the Holocene as is evident from the discovery of nearly 200 Mesolithic sites in the study area. Of these, 163 sites belong to the Early Mesolithic phase (Non‐Geometric, Phase II A) and 20 to the Late Mesolithic phase (Geometric, Phase IIB). The explored Mesolithic sites of the Ganga valley measures between 4.5 sq m to 5 sq m and average spacing between two sites is 5 to 10 km. However, there are few large sites like Sarai Nahar Rai (1800 sq m), Mahadaha (8000 sq m) and Damdama (8750 sq m). The Mesolithic sites are located along lakes, rivers, away from rivers and in the rock shelters in hills. In the Ganga valley the sites are mainly found on the topmost formation of loose and sandy earth of bhangar (old alluvium), which covers upland, tracts of the plain beyond the annual flood limits. The khadar (new alluvium) is devoid of sites. The fresh water sources played a significant role in the subsistence of the Mesolithic people. The settlements were located near two types of water sources: • River valleys (9 sites) • Horse shoe lake (179 sites) The reason for the occurrence of very few sites along riverbanks is not clear. Presumably the Mesolithic people settled on the sandy patches of the receding rivers like 261
the Ganga and the Tons and rarely settled along the riverbanks. A possible reason for this might be the thick vegetation, which due to limited availability of raw material couldn’t be cleared by microlithic tools and inhabited colonization. The vast sandy patches, devoid of vegetation, were ideal for habitation. No habitational evidence can be found on the sandy patches as the flowing river during rainy season inundates them destroys all evidence. The Mallahs in Settlement Type II b (Seasonal Agricultural Settlement, Receding Ganga) have settlement on the sandy plain of receded Ganga, which they occupy during summer for agricultural purposes. Besides, they do fishing. The traces of this type of settlements are washed away during rainy season by the floodwaters and new settlements (Settlement Type II b) are made every year.
If they choose to stay close to riverbank, the floods and shifting of river course carry away the archaeological remains. It is interesting to mention here that the Mallahs do not settle close to riverbanks because of the threat posed by floods. They establish their settlements (Settlement Type III; Year Round Settlement) about a kilometre away from the river. It is only in Settlement Type I (Temporary Fishing Settlement) that they occupy an area close to the banks during fishing seasons. Because of the movement of fish the Mallahs do not tie themselves to any particular place for a long time. They are always on the move and the location of the settlement is mainly determined by the availability of fish. Temporary thatched huts are constructed with bamboo or wood with two‐sloped roofs made of hay and branches, which can easily be removed whenever necessary. These temporary settlements are usually destroyed during floods, thereby wiping out all evidence of occupation.
The selection of the Mesolithic settlements in the study area on the lakeside was guided by consideration of assured supply of: • Water • Aquatic food resources • Opportunity to hunt large and small animals which come to the lake for drinking water • Availability of wild edible plants food in the vicinity of the lake. The Early Mesolithic sites in the Ganga valley are devoid of habitational deposits. The tools of the Early Mesolithic are smaller in comparison to the Epi‐Palaeolithic tools. The tools are made on chert, chalcedony, agate and carnelian. Phase II A is characterised by microliths of non‐ geometric types. They are blunted back blades, points, scrapers and lunates. In the Belan valley, the Early Mesolithic is characterised by habitational deposit at sites like Chopani‐Mando, which has yielded structural and hearth remains. The tools are characterised by non‐geometric types and are unassociated with pottery. They are mainly fashioned on chert, and to less extent on chalcedony, agate and carnelian. The main tool types are parallel‐sided blades, blunted back blades, penknife blades, notched blades, points, scrapers and burins. The Late Mesolithic (Phase IIB) sites in the Ganga valley have yielded habitational deposit and are associated with structural, hearth and burial remains. Phase IIB is characterised by microliths of geometric types. They are diminutive in comparison to Early Mesolithic (II A) tools and are fashioned on chert, chalcedony, agate, carnelian and jasper. The tool types of Early Mesolithic phase continue, but now types like triangle and trapeze are introduced. 262
Bone tools comprise of axes, scrapers, points, arrowheads, blades, knives, chisels and saw also appear in this phase. The Late Mesolithic (Phase IIB) sites in the Belan valley also have yielded habitational deposit and structural and hearth remains. This phase is characterised by microliths of geometric types. The tools are fashioned mainly on chert. The other raw materials are chalcedony, agate and carnelian. The tools include various types of blades, burins, micro‐burins, borers, points, scrapers, lunates, triangles and trapezes. No bone tools have been reported from the Belan valley. Phase III i.e. Advanced Mesolithic or Proto Neolithic has been reported only from the Belan valley, and is represented at the site of Chopani‐Mando. This phase has yielded habitational deposit and is associated with structural and hearth remains. It is characterised by Geometric microlithic in association with pottery. The lithic tools are made on chert and other materials. They are similar to the earlier phase including micro‐ burins, parallel‐sided blades, backed blades, notched blades, penknife blades, saw‐edged or serrated blades, borers, points, arrow‐ heads, scarpers, lunates and trapezes. The isoscelese triangles and tranchet or transverse arrowheads appear for the first time in this phase. No bone tools have been reported. The chert of the Belan valley is primarily grey in colour. Majority of the Mesolithic sites in the Ganga valley yielded artefacts of this raw material. The appearance of grey colour chert indicates a considerable expansion of population from the Belan valley, who carried this raw material for making microliths from time to time. The tools of Epi‐Palaeolithic period are bigger in size in comparisons to those of the
succeeding Mesolithic period in the Ganga valley. Besides, the tools of the Ganga valley are smaller than those of the Belan valley in size in all the phases. The lack of raw material in the Gangetic plain is the possible reason for the exhaustive use of the cores, the nearest source being 100 km away from the Ganga valley. The lithic assemblage at Chopani‐Mando in the Belan valley comprises waste products and finished tools, the ratio of the two in II A (Early Mesolithic) is 88% and 12 % respectively, in Phase IIB (Late Mesolithic) is 89.74% and 10.26% respectively and in Phase III (Advanced Mesolithic) is 91.26% and 8.74% respectively suggesting the abundance of raw material. It is important to mention here that due to the non availability of stone making tools the Mesolithic inhabitants of the Ganga valley adopted, other available raw materials i.e. bone, antler and horn. The bone and antler tools include arrowheads, points, blades, knives, chisels, axes, scrapers, saws, pokers, daggers and cutting lancets. Besides, a few horn cores of sheep and goat and antler were probably used for digging purposes. Worked bones were found in abundance at Damdama. On the other hand, bone tools are absent in the Mesolithic sites of the Belan valley, obviously due to easy availability of stone. What led the prehistoric inhabitants of the Belan valley to migrate to the Ganga valley and what possible routes did they adopt for their migration? The reason for migration might be the growth of population and scarcity of water and food, which led them to migrate to new lands, which provided them with rich wild flora and fauna. The Belan river was probably the route taken by the Epi‐Palaeolithic and Mesolithic people. It joins the Tons, which ultimately 263
joins with the Ganga. In the past the Ganga valley must have been a vast stretch of forestland with abundant wild fauna. To cross these forests through main land would have been difficult for the Epi‐Palaeolithic and Mesolithic migrants. Probably due to this reason, these groups moved along the rivulets and streams on whose sandy beds the forest cover was thinner than on the main land. The best season for their movement would have been summer, when the water level is low and when they can easily occupy the sandy patches of the receded rivers, which were devoid of thick vegetation. Once they reached the Ganga they would have occupied its banks. How did the prehistoric people cross such a mighty river without the aid of suitable boats? The only suitable season for crossing the river was summer when the water recedes and exposes the riverbed that is a vast sandy patch. At the time of crossing the receded Ganga, some of them probably settled down on its banks and a few others moved along and crossed the river in search of better food resources. Presently, the Mallahs settle (Type II b) in the receded Ganga for cultivation of vegetable and fruit crops and for fishing. These settlements do not leave any traces of habitation as the water during rainy season carries away the material remains. The Prehistoric people must have also occupied the land along the banks of the river in the same way. However, large urban and agricultural settlements along and near the river have probably destroyed the evidence of the prehistoric sites. The Mesolithic people came in small groups to the Ganga valley and settled on alluvial plains with their rich flora and fauna. While a few groups started exploring new locales, and inhabited the area near the horseshoe lakes, which provided them plentiful aquatic foods. Stone for making tools being
absent in the Ganga plains had to be imported from the Vindhyas and were therefore a valuable resource. Exploitation of aquatic animals would have been the easiest source of subsistence, as it didn’t require many tools and could be effectively accomplished by hands and sticks. As the population grew, they moved on to other horseshoe lakes. The Ganga valley is rich in natural food resources require for a hunting‐gathering way of life. Simple communities like the Musahars, Kols and Mallahs occupy the same areas, which were occupied by the prehistoric people. For their subsistence they do hunting, fishing, fowling, gathering and agriculture. Their settlements are of varied types and conditioned by topography and the availability of water and cultivable land. Today simple communities inhabit the southern part of the Ganga pain, which ideally suits their mode of settlement and subsistence. They have maintained their unique settlement and subsistence pattern over a long span of time. Information on their settlement types and mode of subsistence was collected for a better interpretation of the archaeological finds in the region. For understanding settlement pattern following items were studied: • Land use pattern for habitation • Dwelling and village area • House type and construction methods • Structures for housing domestic animals • Storage bins • Population according to settlement types • Disposal of food refuse • Degree of permanence of various settlement types, and • Disposal of the dead To understand the subsistence pattern, studies were undertaken on: 264
• Small game hunting techniques • Fishing techniques • Fowling techniques • Gathering of food and medicinal plants • Agricultural practices, and • Basket making No structures are reported from the Epi‐ Palaeolithic sites of the Belan and Ganga valleys in the study area. The earliest evidence of settlement comes from the Mesolithic levels onwards in the study area. 8. 1 Settlement and Subsistence pattern of the Mesolithic inhabitants in the Belan and Ganga valleys In the Belan valley Phase II A: Early Mesolithic at Chopani‐Mando has yielded two circular huts with postholes. In Phase II B: Late Mesolithic three circular floors with postholes are reported. In Phase III: Advanced Mesolithic 13 circular huts are reported. The structural remains of the period are circular and oblong huts in beehive pattern. The huts were erected with the help of wooden posts. The screen or wall of split bamboo and reed were used, in some cases mud plaster was applied from both the sides (wattle and daub). The floors were paved with stone pieces. The floors yielded tools, anvils, hammer stones, rubber stone, mullers and other miscellaneous objects suggesting that the huts were used for storing and tool making. They were using food‐processing equipments like querns and mullers. The placement of hearths was outside the hut. Every hut did not yield evidence of hearth, suggesting that cooking was carried out outside in the open and that each hut didn’t form a hut unit and the family members though living in independent huts may have shared a single hearth. The ceramic industry (handmade pottery) in Advanced Mesolithic Phase (Phase III) is marked by bowls (deep and shallow) and small sized jars, which show that the cooking in vessels was not yet
started. Besides the evidence of storage bin remains and small sized jars suggests that the Mesolithic people had started collecting and storing wild grains. However, it is to be inferred that the quantity of food material stored was limited and whatever was collected was generally consumed. The presence of pottery in Mesolithic phase in the Belan valley suggests that the migrations of the Mesolithic people in the Ganga valley continued till the pre‐pottery phase (Phase II A, Phase II B) of the Mesolithic culture, as the Mesolithic sites in the Ganga valley are devoid of pottery. A solitary stone bead was reported from the last phase of the site suggesting the use of ornament. The Mesolithic people of the Ganga valley lived in the open or in circular huts made of wattle and daub. The evidence of structures comes from the site of Sarai Nahar Rai and Damdama. In Sarai Nahar Rai the only structure is a community hearth and at Damdama the structures consists of semi‐ circular and circular plastered floors some which were burnt. The plastered floor at Damdama had a quern, which shows that the processing of food was done in the floor area. The hut floors were also associated with microliths, and charred animal bones suggesting that the hut were used for living, cooking, storing and for manufacturing tools. They cooked food in simple shallow pit hearths, those plastered with clay and in the community hearth. The hearths were both outside and inside the dwelling huts. They were used for roasting animals as is evident from the remains of burnt clay lumps, animal bones and ash. Tiny fragments of charcoal at Damdama indicate that wood, grass and leaves were used as fuel. Larger animals were roasted after they were butchered (bones with cut marks are reported), while small animals like fish, tortoise and birds were directly roasted. The people buried their dead within the 265
settlement and generally in the vicinity of hearths. The dead were buried in extended and flexed position in shallow graves, which were oriented in a west‐east or east‐ west direction. But other variations have also been found. The graves contained three types of burials i.e. single, double and multiple. Burial goods associated with dead comprised; microliths, bone tools, shells, and ornament of bone, ivory and antler, comprising rings, earrings, necklaces, pendants, bangles and beads. Varied types of wattle and daub huts were noticed among the simple communities. Circular and beehive pattern was observed among the Musahars in Settlement Type II (Seasonal summer settlements) the population does not exceed 16 to 22 persons consisting of five to six families. The stone paved huts made in Kol Settlement Type II (Semi‐permanent settlements) are to avoid dampness. The Musahar Settlement Type II (Seasonal summer settlements) and Settlement Type III (Semi‐permanent settlements) were littered with pebbles and stone pieces both over the floor and outside the hut to avoid dampness and prevent white and red ants from attacking their food stores and other belongings. The Kols and Mallahs use huts for keeping their belongings, storing, cooking and living. The Musahars use huts mainly for keeping their belonging and storing while cooking is carried out outside the hut. The Kols and Musahars make storage bins to store food grains. The Musahars have, besides regular storage bins, two unique storing facilities namely puri pots and wall storage bins. The storage jars are placed on a stone or mud platform. The placement of hearths and pit hearths in all the Musahar settlements is always in the open because their cooking involves a lot of roasting of meat, which emits smoke and smell burning of flesh. In the Musahars Settlement Type I (Seasonal open‐air settlements) hearth and pit hearth
is always outside the floor, in open as no huts are constructed. But in other settlements types (II, III, IV) the placement of hearth is always outside the hut area and only during rainy season do they construct hearth inside the hut. In Musahar Settlement Type II (Seasonal summer settlement) and Settlement Type III (Semi‐ permanent settlement), a single regular hearth or pit hearth is used by all the family members i.e. parents and married bothers, though they reside in different huts. The Musahars, Kols and Mallahs hunt big and small game and do fishing and fowling. The consumption of big animals involves cutting and roasting the animal in regular hearths. Small game like rats, squirrels, porcupine, hares and birds the mode of cooking is directly roasting the animal on fire. Regular cooking hearths are rarely used in the cooking of small game, unless the quantity of meat is large. Fish and tortoise are generally roasted on lighted twigs and leaves before eating, but when cooked in oil they are cooked in regular hearths (wood, branches, and cow dung used as fuel). Domesticated pigs are roasted on twigs among the Musahars (Pls. 133, 134). The hearths are constructed as per requirement. The bigger regular hearths (‘U’ shaped mud hearths or ‘U’ shaped stone hearths) used for cooking are regularly cleaned and mud paste is applied on them. The hearths used for a short period are three stone hearths and they are used only for roasting. These hearths have accumulation of ash, burnt twigs, and bone remains. At the archaeological sites absence of charcoal indicates the use of leaves and grass, rather than solid wood, for cooking. Large pieces of wood are generally reused and charcoal is carried away by the wind in open hearths. Abandoned hearths among the simple communities were found in association with clay lumps, ash and discarded animal 266
bones. Pit hearths are exclusively used for cooking, roasting meat and warming food among the Musahars and Kols. They have vertical sides and flat bottoms, which is regularly plastered with clay. These hearths are also constructed near the cooking hearths. Due to close contact with regular hearth the pit hearths also have mixture of clay lumps, charred grains, semi charred bones and ash. This is because the burning fuel is scooped out of the cooking hearth and placed in pit hearths. The Musahars till recently used to bury their dead in front of the huts. Presently, such burial are limited to child burials and are found about 7 m away from the dwelling area in Musahars Settlement Type I (Seasonal open air settlements). The dead are buried in shallow graves in a north‐ south direction. Thorny bushes are placed on the grave before making the tumulus. Thorny bushes are again placed on the tumulus and covered by stones to prevent attack by scavenging animals (Pl. 56). The placement of burials in the Mesolithic settlements might have been guided by following reasons: • They worshiped their dead as the Musahars do today. • Belief that the dead ancestors’ spirits protect them from evil spirits, as such beliefs are still prevalent among the Musahars. • Belief in life after death, for which the dead were buried beside the hearth in the belief that the hearths would provide energy to the souls of the dead. • Burial within the settlement would have prevented attack by scavengers. Evidence of burial does not come from the Belan valley sites. Probably they buried their dead in river sections, and when the water level rose, the river carried the dead
along. Such mode of burials is seen in the Seasonal and Semi‐Permanent Settlements of the Musahars. The above‐mentioned evidence suggests that the Mesolithic settlement of Chopani‐ Mando in Early Mesolithic (Phase II A) and Late Mesolithic (Phase II B) phase was seasonal and semi‐permanent in Advanced Mesolithic (Phase III). The site of Sarai Nahar Rai was seasonal, while Mahadaha and Damdama were semi‐permanent settlements. The subsistence of the Mesolithic people of the Ganga and Belan valleys was based on hunting, gathering, fishing and fowling. The animal bones recovered from the Mesolithic sites throw light on the economy of the people. The Mesolithic inhabitants of the Ganga valley hunted big and small mammals. The presence of bones of aquatic animals like fish and tortoise suggests that they were carrying out fishing in the horseshoe lakes and river valleys. Fowling is evident from the remains of bones of birds. The Mesolithic inhabitants collected wild edible plants. The rich flora and fauna yielded sufficient quantity of food to Mesolithic hunter‐gatherers. But in the Ganga valley the unavailability of stone led them to use bone tools. The Belan valley Mesolithic site is characterised by pottery, which is absent in the Ganga Valley. From this it can be inferred that the migration took place in the pre‐pottery phase of Mesolithic culture and probably stopped before the introduction of pottery. And if the Mesolithic inhabitants of the Ganga continued to come to Vindhyas for raw material or seasonally migrated then why did they not adopt the practice of pottery making. This fact suggests that due to the innovative use of bone for tool manufacture, migration of the Mesolithic people to the Ganga valley had reduced. Thus, due to limited interaction between the Mesolithic 267
cultures of the Ganga and Belan valleys two important aspects i.e. bone industry and ceramic industry were not shared. Besides, the subsistence of the Mesolithic people of the Ganga valley was largely based on hunting, fishing and fowling unlike in the Belan valley, where they subsisted only on big game hunting and gathering. The evidence of remains of storage jars from Chopani‐Mando in the Belan valley and wild grains from Damdama suggests that rice and millet grew wild in the area, which they collected. The number of querns recovered from the excavation provides ample evidences for the processing of grains. The querns at Mahadaha and Chopani‐Mando in the Belan valley show rotary motion on the quern. The concavities are shallower and were produced by the pounding and grinding of hard grains, wild grasses and cereals. The Musahars, Kols and Mallahs use such querns for pounding and grinding grain (Pl. 76; Fig. 43). Studies carried out on the dietary reconstruction based on the Carbon and Nitrogen Staple Isotopes show that the people of Damdama ate a plant based diet (Vallianatos 1999: 52). The horseshoe lake sites in the Ganga valley contained a good amount of shells, fish bones, tortoise, rat and bird remains, which suggests that due to the scarcity of stone the Mesolithic inhabitants substituted their subsistence by fishing, small game hunting and fowling. The Musahars do hunting of rats, squirrels, tortoise, hares and porcupine and fowling. The tools used for small game hunting are khanta for digging and sticks for hitting the animal. Traps are employed for hunting porcupine, hares and birds. Besides, tortoises can easily be caught by hand and digging stick (or khanta). The Musahars, Kols and Mallahs do fishing. Fishing by them is done effectively with hands, sticks, nets, traps and poisoning. The Mesolithic inhabitants too must have also
used such techniques for fishing. It is important to note here that most of the tools employed are made of organic materials, which do not survive in the archaeological record. No remains of the small animals, birds and fish are left after they are processed and consumed. The only possible remains are rodents tooth, viscera, feathers, scales and bones, leading to limited evidence from the Mesolithic assemblage. Despite fish dietary potential they are generally assigned minor significance in archaeological interpretation. In addition, rats collect grains in their holes during harvest, which is collected from their nest holes by the Musahars after they are hunted. It is suggested that the Mesolithic inhabitants also initially came in contact with wild grains from rat holes, which ultimately led them to collect these wild grains growing in the area. The evidence of sharpeners at Mahadaha suggests the inhabitants of the site knew that basket making technique. As present an oilstone or a stone sharpener is used to sharpen the knives among the simple communities. The time span of the Mesolithic culture of the Ganga and Belan valleys according to C14 dates and typo‐technological consideration can be tentatively assigned to c. 8000–2000 B.C.
8.2 Settlement and Subsistence pattern of the Neolithic inhabitants in the Belan valley
The Neolithic sites in the study area are so far not been discovered from the Pratapgarh district. The probable cause could be that such sites were located on the alluvial plains and have been destroyed by extensive agriculture. In the Belan valley evidence of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic levels cultures are known from Mahagara, Koldihwa and Panchoh. 268
The 26 Neolithic sites found in the Belan valley were located on both sides of the Belan river and its tributaries like Seoti, Tundiari and Gorma. On the left bank just opposite the site of Mahagara is the site of Koldihwa. Both the sites are located, though above, but quite close to the flood plain. The site of Panchoh is situated 2.5 km north‐ west of Koldihwa on the right bank of the river Belan. These Neolithic sites are at a distance of 3 km from Chopani‐Mando, and have a complete cultural sequence from the Epi‐Palaeolithic to the Neolithic. The Neolithic settlement in the Belan valley was planned according to the demand of the new economy. Huts were constructed for dwelling as well as for the shelter of their livestock. The settlement was enclosed by a natural bund, which offered protection from wind. The Neolithic inhabitants chose natural hill barriers, as no other place could have been better suited as a point of vantage. Besides, their cattle and crops would have been well‐protected from other incoming grazers, agriculturists and wild animals. The hut construction shows continuity from Chopani‐Mando. The huts were roughly circular or oval in shape. They were supported on wooden posts, the screens were made of reed or split bamboo and plastered with mud from both the sides. Some huts were seen without postholes. The huts were larger in comparison to the huts of the Mesolithic period. The floor of two or three huts was joined, which formed a single house unit. Twenty huts (8 house units) of such type have been reported from the Neolithic site of Mahagara. The floor of the hut contained Neolithic celts, hammer stones, querns, mullers, rubber stones, sharpeners, sling balls, handmade pottery for storage, cooking or dining, clay lumps and charred bones. This suggests that the huts were used for living, food processing, manufacturing of tools and storage purposes. It is
surprising that none of the excavated Neolithic sites has yielded evidence of hearth although there is evidence of burnt bones and ill fired pottery. The artefacts of the Neolithic phase comprise stone blade tools and ground stone tools (celts, adzes and chisels) made of basalt. The use of basalt is a connecting link between the Advanced Mesolithic of Chopani‐Mando and the Neolithic sites. They explored new raw materials as suggested by a sharp reduction in the use of chert. Majority of the tools were made on fine‐grained stones, like chalcedony, agate, and carnelian. The bone and antler tools are found only from Mahagara. The use of sharpeners suggests basket making or woodworking by the Neolithic inhabitants. The Neolithic sites have yielded handmade and ill fired pottery. The pottery types indicate that they were used for cooking (basins, handis, bowls with soot marks) and drinking (bowls). The percentage of such utensils are less suggesting that cooking in earthen pots was in infancy and developed in the later phase of Neolithic period. A large number of bigger jars (storage jars constitute 49.06% of the pottery at Mahagara) and basins suggest that these were used for storing surplus grain. The house units with three floors at Mahagara show stone objects related to food processing and storage vessels. Dining vessels were found in majority of the houses. The tradition of cord impressed tradition of the Advanced Mesolithic phase, continued in the Neolithic phase. The Neolithic people adorned themselves with beads, and pendants made of clay and shell. The Neolithic people subsisted by livestock raising, selective hunting, gathering, fishing and farming. The use of rice husks and chaff as pottery temper, and the discovery of rice grains, all of domesticated varieties, points towards the cultivation of rice from the earliest level of the Neolithic The querns show rotating marks and concavities 269
produced by deliberate stone working, which were used for grinding and pounding grain, thus, suggesting that their staple diet was rice. The evidence of cattle pen and large number of domesticated cattle and sheep/goat bones suggests domestication of animals. These domesticated animals were consumed as is evident from cut marks on the bones. Besides, they also did selective hunting of deer and wild boar as is evident from the bone remains. Aquatic animals like tortoise and fish also constituted a part of their diet. The Neolithic sites are situated close to flood plains, which were suitable for cultivation of rice. The Mallahs and Kols inhabit the hilltops adjacent to the Belan river. The former do so seasonally and the latter permanently. In the Kol Settlements Type III (Year round permanent settlements) a large cattle pen is constructed and is enclosed by a group of houses similar to the one found from the Neolithic site of Mahagara. Such type of cattle pen is constructed for the safety of the cattle from wild animals. Usually only one cattle pen is seen in the whole Kol settlement. The cattle, belonging to different families, are kept together in the same pen and the pen is regarded as a community property. It is interesting that no evidence of hearths have been reported from the Neolithic sites of the Belan valley. Presumably the Neolithic inhabitants constructed hearths outside the huts. Similar evidence of the placement of pit hearths comes from the Advanced Mesolithic level from Chopani‐ Mando. The food was cooked and roasted in open fire. Twigs, which would have been used as fire, perhaps carried away by wind, leaving behind patches of ash. The open hearths of the Musahars hardly have any trace of wood or ash remains. Only ashy patches are noticed after roasting an animal.
In Settlement Type II a (Seasonal Agriculture Settlement, hill top) the Mallahs inhabit the hilltops in the Belan valley. These settlements are located 1‐2 km from the Neolithic sites of the Belan valley. Here the Mallahs come seasonally for the cultivation of some of the most important cereals and pulses. These settlements are seasonal in nature and are abandoned and reoccupied. These fertile soils do not require irrigation and manuring. The tools and tillage employed for cultivation are made entirely of wood and bamboo; for example hal (plough), pata/ patella (clod‐ crusher/leveller) and jowatha (harness). The above‐mentioned evidences suggest that the nature of settlements of Neolithic sites of Mahagara, Koldihwa and Panchoh was semi‐permanent to permanent. The Neolithic sites of the Belan valley on the basis of C 14 and TL dates can be assigned between c. 5000 to 1500 B.C. 8.3 Settlement and Subsistence pattern of the Chalcolithic inhabitants in the Belan and Ganga valleys A total of 37 Chalcolithic sites have been reported from the Ganga and Belan valleys. All the sites are riverine sites. They are situated on higher bhangar land, above flood level and terraces. The choice of location of settlements was mainly determined by the availability of fertile land for cultivation and pastureland. The Chalcolithic inhabitants of Koldihwa and Khajuri, like the Neolithic people, constructed circular houses out of wattle and daub. Wooden posts were employed for constructing walls; screen walls of bamboo were plastered. The floors were made of rammed earth. The floors were littered with pottery, animal bones, querns, mullers, stone pieces, burnt clay pieces, stone and terracotta discs, microliths and arrowheads. The food was cooked on 270
hearths i.e. open circular pit hearth and single mouthed chulha, which were found on hut floors. This suggests that the hut was used for cooking, food processing, living, manufacturing tools, and for storage purposes. The stone slab lying on the floor near the hearth in the Transitional phase (Chalcolithic and Iron Age) at Khajuri was presumably used as storage platform. The lithic tools were fashioned mainly on chert and chalcedony but other siliceous stones like agate, carnelian and quartz were also used. The discovery of bone implements from Koldihwa suggests that these implements continued in use even after the introduction of metal. Bone and antler tools were found in different stages of manufacture, suggesting that they were made within the settlement. The use of copper tools was limited in number and the tool types included blade, knife and arrowhead. The last phase at Koldihwa (Advanced Chalcolithic culture), had yielded iron tools, suggesting some contact with iron using cultures. Besides, iron slag from the site indicates that iron was locally made. Ground and polished small celts of rounded variety possibly survived from the preceding Neolithic period, and were collected by the Chalcolithic people when they came to settle on the abandoned site. The pottery of the Chalcolithic period of the Belan valley sites was well fired, wheel made but a few handmade specimens are also reported. Most of the pottery shapes of the Neolithic culture survived in the same or modified from in the Chalcolithic period. The increase in the number of cooking vessels in the Chalcolithic period indicates that cooking was done in utensils. Roasting was less common as is suggested by the scatter of charred bones. The Chalcolithic people adorned themselves with ornaments like bangles, beads, pendants, ear studs and rings made of copper, semi precious stones, terracotta, bone and shell. Beads of finished
and unfinished variety along with raw material suggest that they were manufactured at the settlement. A stone piece with grooved surface at Koldihwa suggests that such stones were used during bead making. Their subsistence was based on mixed economy i.e. farming, hunting, gathering, fishing and fowling. The Chalcolithic people cultivated rice, wheat, mung. Rice appears to be their staple diet. Storage vessels of varying sizes are also indicators of storage of excess grain. Besides, the occurrence of querns and mullers suggests that they were used for food processing. The flood plains and abandoned hill terraces were well suited for the cultivation of cereals like rice without any aid of irrigation and manuring. They domesticated animals like cattle, sheep, goat and pigs. The domesticated animals were used for tillage (cattle) and for meat, as 90% of the bones consist of domesticated animals. The bones had cut and chopping marks suggesting food processing. Cooking rather than roasting was the method employed for cooking, as charred bones are almost absent. They did selective hunting of deer, wild boar and rats. Evidence of bird remains suggests that they did fowling; besides small sling balls were used for hitting birds. Aquatic animals like fish and tortoise were also exploited for consumption. In Settlement Type II a (Seasonal Agriculture Settlement) the Mallahs inhabit the hilltop terraces. These settlements are 1‐ 2 km from the Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites. The permanent settlements of the Mallah are located on the either side of the Belan river. They cross the river to do farming on the hilltops. During their stay they make seasonal huts, which are
271
abandoned and reoccupied. Besides other simple communities come from adjoining districts of Madhya Pradesh to cultivate crops on the adjoining hill terraces during summer. These settlements are similar to the Mallah settlement II a. When they reoccupy the site they utilise remains of abandoned huts for building new huts and use abandoned items like querns and mullers. This might be the reason why Neolithic ground stone tools like small celts were found from the Chalcolithic levels in the Belan valley. Probably Chalcolithic settlements were both permanent and seasonal types and they flourished side by side. Presumably the small settlements were seasonal in nature and were specialize in farming while the Chalcolithic inhabitants of permanent settlements were specialised in farming as well as livestock raising.
The Musahars and Kols use stone platforms for keeping storage bins as are evident from the Chalcolithic site at Khajuri. They distribute the meat after a successful hunt. Big animals like cattle, goat and pig and small game animals like rats, hares, porcupines, tortoise, birds and fish are equally distributed among hunters before consumption (Pl. 135).
The above‐mentioned evidences suggest that the Chalcolithic settlements were of a permanent nature. The Chalcolithic sites of the Belan valley on the basis of C14 dates can be assigned to c. 1800 to 700 B.C.
To conclude the author would like to point out some aspects which require further investigation. These investigations will help us in better understanding the prehistoric settlement patterns of the South‐Central Ganga valley.
Pl. 135: Butchering and distribution of pig
• Exploration along the river Tons for understanding the possible route of migration of the Epi‐Palaeolithic and Mesolithic people. • Exploration in the Ganga valley for Neolithic sites. • Studies of abandoned settlements of the simple communities from a better
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understanding of post‐depositional processes, which determine the nature of preservation of material remains. • Ethnographic study of the simple communities seasonally migrating for agriculture practices to the Belan valley from Madhya Pradesh to understand the route of migration.
273
274
Appendix I List of Mesolithic Sites in South‐Central Ganga Valley Sr. No. 1.
Site Name
District
Bhaidpur
Allahabad
2.
Bhikhampur
Allahabad
River/La ke Rock‐ shelter Lake
3.
Bichhia
Allahabad
Lake
4.
Chandawa
Allahabad
5.
Chopani‐ Mando
Allahabad
Rock‐ ‐ shelter Riverine/ Excavated Belan
6.
Daria
Allahabad
7.
Deoghat
Allahabad
8.
Jamunipur
Allahabad
9.
Kabara
Allahabad
Painted Rock‐ shelter Painted Rock‐ shelter Lake
Rock‐ shelter Painted Rock‐ shelter Lake
10. Koskan‐ Gadha
Allahabad (Tundiari)
11. Kurha
Allahabad
12. Lakhahar
Allahabad
Rock‐ shelter
13. Maharudih
Allahabad
Lake
14. Nibi Kalan
Allahabad
15. Peari
Allahabad
Painted Rock‐ shelter
Referred as ‐ Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) ‐
Geographical Co‐ ordinates 25° 31’ 15” N.; 81° 44’ 41” E.
25° 34’ 13” N.; 81° 43’ 25” E. ‐ 24° 55’ 30” N.; 82° 4’ 45” E.
Reference IAR 1983‐84: 85 Sharma et al. 1980: 130
Sharma et al. 1980: 131 IAR 1973‐74: 25, 26 IAR 1966‐67: 35, 38; Sharma et al. 1980: 33 IAR 1970‐71: 36
‐
‐
‐
‐
IAR 1962‐63: 32
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) ‐
25° 22ʹ 58” N.; 82° 0’ 12” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 130
Pre‐ pottery microlithic
‐
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) ‐
275
‐
25° 35’ 4” N.; 81° 43’ 17” E.
IAR 1973‐74: 25, 26 IAR 1963‐64: 39
Sharma et al. 1980: 130
‐
IAR 1973‐74: 25, 26
‐
25° 31’ 58” N.; 81° 49’ 3” E. ‐
‐
‐
Sharma et al. 1980: 130 IAR 1991‐92: 98 IAR 1970‐71: 36
16. Ramgarh
Allahabad
17. Sujawan Deo temple 18. Vasaha
Allahabad
19. Aip Ka Purwa
Pratapgarh
Painted Rock‐ shelter Lake
20. Akoa/ Akhaua
Pratapgarh
Lake
21. Akodhia
Pratapgarh
Lake
22. Amuwahi
Pratapgarh
Lake
23. Andewari/ Andyuri
Pratapgarh
Lake
24. Ankaripur
Pratapgarh
Lake
25. Asudi
Pratapgarh
Lake
26. Atarsand
Pratapgarh
Lake
27. Bachhuha
Pratapgarh
Lake
28. Baladih
Pratapgarh
Lake
29. Balapur
Pratapgarh
Lake
Allahabad
Painted Rock‐ shelter Riverine
‐
‐
IAR 1962‐63: 32
‐
‐
‐
‐
IAR 1983‐84: 85 IAR 1963‐64: 39
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic ‐ Geometric (Phase II B) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic ‐ Geometric (Phase II B)
276
25° 45’ N.; 81 45° 45’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 123
25° 53’ 45” N.; 82° 11’ 18” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 123
25° 47’ 45” N.; 81° 53’ 35” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 123
26° 0’ 49” N.; 82° 8’ 7” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 123
25° 59’ 45” N.; 82° 13’ 18” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 123
25° 59’ 30” N.; 81° 55’ 15” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 123
25° 53’ 18” N.; 82° 11’ 25” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 123
26° 3’ 50” N.; 82° 5’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 123
25° 47’ N.; 81° 46’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 130
25° 43’ 37” N.; 81° 48’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 123
25° 49’ 37” N.; 81° 51’ 23” E.
IAR 1973‐ 74: 26, Sharma et al. 1980: 130
30. Balipur
Pratapgarh
Lake
31. Bani
Pratapgarh
Lake
32. Banpurwa
Pratapgarh
Lake
33. Bansi Ka Purwa
Pratapgarh
Lake
34. Barahoopur
Pratapgarh
Riverine
35. Baron
Pratapgarh
Lake
36. Basauli
Pratapgarh
Lake
37. Bhainswar
Pratapgarh
Lake
38. Bharbhari‐ka ‐Purawa
Pratapgarh
Lake
39. Bharsaranpur Pratapgarh
Lake
40. Bhavpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
41. Bhewani
Pratapgarh
Lake
42. Bhitar
Pratapgarh
Lake
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) ‐ Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic ‐ Geometric (Phase II B) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic ‐ Geometric (Phase II B) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A)
277
25° 52’ 52” N.; 81° 49’ 15” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 123
25° 46’ 30” N.; 81° 47’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 123
26° 0’ 30” N.; 82° 15’ 18” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 123
25° 47’ N.; 81° 47’ E.
IAR 1973‐74: 26, Sharma et al. 1980: 123
‐ 25° 44’ 50” N.; 81° 42’ 24” E.
IAR 1983‐ 84:85 Sharma et al. 1980: 123
25° 58’ N.; 82° 10’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 123
25° 52’ 50” N.; 81° 50’ 10” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
25° 49’ 30” N.; 81° 51’ 23” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 131
26° 1’ 8” N.; 82° 17’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
26° 1’ 30” N.; 82° 2’ 24” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
25° 49’ 50” N.; 82° 9’ 20” E.
IAR 1977‐78: 57, Sharma et al. 1980: 131 Sharma et al. 1980: 124
26° 0’ 18” N.; 82° 8’ 45” E.
43. Bhusahar
Pratapgarh
Lake
44. Bhusauri
Pratapgarh
Lake
45. Bibharpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
46. Bibipur
Pratapgarh
Lake
47. Bibipur
Pratapgarh
Lake
48. Bikarampur
Pratapgarh
Lake
49. Bilsadi/ Bilasandi
Pratapgarh
Lake
50. Bineka
Pratapgarh
Lake
51. Bishanthganj
Pratapgarh
Lake
52. Buknapur
Pratapgarh
Lake
53. Chamrupur
Pratapgarh
Lake
54. Chaubepur
Pratapgarh
Lake
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A)
278
25° 59’ 40” N.; 82° 14’ 8” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
25° 52’ N.; 81° 55’ 45” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
26° 1’ 8” N.; 82° 18° 7’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
25° 55’ 52” N.; 82° 12’ 12” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
25° 50’ 30” N.; 81° 49’° 45” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
25° 52’ 50” N.; 81° 54’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
25° 54’ 29” N.; 82° 11’ 27” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
25° 58’ 55” N.; 82° 21’ 54” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
25° 48’ 55” N.; 82° 56’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
25° 45’ 45” N.; 81° 50’ 52” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
25° 47’ 40” N.; 81° 48’ 40” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
25° 49’ 35” N.; 81° 53’ 45” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
55. Chauras
Pratapgarh
Lake
56. Cheria
Pratapgarh
Lake
57. Dalapur
Pratapgarh
Lake
58. Damdama (Warikalan)
Pratapgarh
Lake
59. Dautpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
60. Dewapur
Pratapgarh
Lake
61. Dhakhauli
Pratapgarh
Riverine
62. Dhanipur
Pratapgarh
Lake
63. Dharampur
Pratapgarh
Lake
64. Dharauli
Pratapgarh
Lake
65. Dheruhi
Pratapgarh
Lake
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A)
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic ‐ Geometric (Phase II B) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A)
279
25° 50’ 23” N.; 81° 43’ 42” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
25° 53’ 38” N.; 82° 12’ 10” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
25° 58’ 20” N.; 82° 16’ 25” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
26° 1’ 45” N.; 82° 9’ 30” E.
25° 51’ 8” N.; 82° 14’ 50” E.
IAR 1982‐ 83:99; 1983‐ 84:90; 1985‐ 86:83; Pal 1988: 115; Varma et al. 1985: 45‐65; Sharma et al. 1980: 131 Sharma et al. 1980: 124
25° 50’ 7” N.; 81° 47’ 45” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
IAR 1983‐ 84:85
25° 46’ 30” N.; 81° 45’ 10” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 124
26° 1’ N.; 82° 5’ IAR 1977‐78: 10” E. 57, Sharma et al. 1980: 131 26° 2’ N.; 82° 7’ Sharma et al. 30” E. 1980: 124
26° 2’ N.; 82° 14’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 125
66. Diha
Pratapgarh
Lake
67. Dinapur
Pratapgarh
Lake
68. Diwan ka Pura
Pratapgarh
Lake
69. Elahi‐ ka ‐Dih Pratapgarh
Lake
70. Gajrahi
Pratapgarh
Lake
71. Gambhira
Pratapgarh
Lake
72. Garain
Pratapgarh
Sai
73. Garapur
Pratapgarh
Sai
74. Gaura
Pratapgarh
Lake
75. Goderi/ Godwari
Pratapgarh
Lake
76. Gokula
Pratapgarh
Lake
77. Gopalapur
Pratapgarh
Lake
78. Gosainpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Geometric type tools Geometric type tools Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A)
280
25° 50’ 30” N.; 81° 49’ 7” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 125
25° 52’ 25” N.; 81° 53’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 125
26° 0’ 7” N.; 82° 18’ 42” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 125
25° 56’ N.; 82° 20’ 48” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 125
25° 51’ 35” N.; 81° 48’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 125
25° 46’ 45” N.; 81° 47’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 125
‐
25° 44’ 45 N.; 81° 49’ 23” E.
IAR 1977‐ 78:57 IAR 1977‐ 78:57 Sharma et al. 1980: 125
25° 53’ 14” N.; 82° 10’ 12” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 125
25° 46’ 20” N.; 81° 48’ 18” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 125
25° 49’ 45” N.; 81° 49’ 45” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 125
25° 45’ N.; 81° 45’ 30” E.
IAR 1973‐74: 26, Sharma et al. 1980: 125
‐
79. Haidarpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
80. Hainsiparjiya
Pratapgarh
Lake
81. Harahi Bhituli
Pratapgarh
Lake
82. Harcherpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
83. Harraipatti
Pratapgarh
Lake
84. Hathauratal
Pratapgarh
Sai
85. Husainpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
86. Jahanpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
87. Jetapur
Pratapgarh
Lake
88. Jogapur
Pratapgarh
Lake
89. Jogipur
Pratapgarh
Lake
90. Jorapur
Pratapgarh
Lake
91. Kaharia
Pratapgarh
Lake
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic ‐ Geometric (Phase II B) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) ‐
25° 57’ 7” N.; 81° 46’ 45” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 125
25° 46’ 15” N.; 81° 51’ 30” E. 25° 50’ 38 N.; 81° 48’ 25” E.
IAR 1973‐74: 26, Sharma et al. 1980: 131 Sharma et al. 1980: 125
25° 49’ 45” N.; 81° 54’ 33” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 125
26° 0’ 8” N.; 82° 16’ 42” E.
IAR 1978‐79: 23, Sharma et al. 1980: 125
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic ‐ Geometric (Phase II B) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A)
25° 50’ 30” N.; 81° 50’ 30” E.
IAR 1977‐78: 57 Sharma et al. 1980: 125
25° 50’ 15” N.; 81° 48’ 35” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 125
25° 57’ 8” N.; 82° 12’E.
IAR 1977‐78: 57, Sharma et al. 1980: 131 IAR 1973‐74: 26, Sharma et al. 1980: 125
281
‐
25° 43’ 20” N.; 81° 49’ 30” E.
25° 42’ 45” N.; 81° 49’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 125
25° 46’ 30” N.; 81° 46’ 10” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 125
25° 58’ 10” N.; 82° 7’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 125
92. Kalhawari
Pratapgarh
Lake
93. Kalyanpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
94. Kamasin
Pratapgarh
Lake
95. Kandhai‐ Madhupur
Pratapgarh
Lake
96. Kanjakhas
Pratapgarh
Lake
97. Kansa‐ Patti
Pratapgarh
Lake
98. Kanupur‐ Sikari
Pratapgarh Lake
99. Kaptan‐ Ka‐ Jhoba
Pratapgarh
Lake
100. Karia Goria
Pratapgarh
Lake
101. Kashipur
Pratapgarh
Lake
102. Kasipur
Pratapgarh
Lake
103. Katra Indarkumar
Pratapgarh
Lake
104. Kevtali
Pratapgarh
Lake
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic ‐ Geometric (Phase II B) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic ‐ Geometric (Phase II B) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A)
282
25° 49’ 22” N.; 81° 48ʹ 15” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 125
25° 45’ N.; 81° 49’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 44’ 15” N.; 81° 45’ 30” E.
IAR 1973‐74: 26, Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 59’ 50” N.; 82° 4’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 58’ N.; 82° 11’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 131
25° 59’ 30” N.; 82° 10’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
26° 2’ 10” N.; 82° 8’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 49’ 45” N.; 81° 51’ 30 E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 48’ 40” N.; 81° 51’ 25” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 131
25° 54’ 45” N.; 82° 19’ 36” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 48’ 4” N.; 81° 43’ 33” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 51’ 45” N.; 81° 54’ 37” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 50’ 15” N.; 82° 23’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
105. Khargapur
Pratapgarh
Lake
106. Kishtwaripur
Pratapgarh
Lake
107. Kondari
Pratapgarh
Lake
108. Kone
Pratapgarh
Lake
109. Kotia
Pratapgarh
Lake
110. Lakhipur
Pratapgarh
Lake
111. Lehra
Pratapgarh
Lake
112. Madhai‐ Sarai
Pratapgarh
Lake
113. Madipur
Pratapgarh
Lake
114. Mahadaha
Pratapgarh
Lake
115. Mahmoodpu r
Pratapgarh
Lake
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic ‐ Geometric (Phase II B)
25° 42’ 45” N.; 81° 45’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 59’ N.; 82° 4’ 50” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
26° 2’ 7” N.; 82° 7’ 10” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 58’ 37” N.; 82° 2’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 55’ N.; 82° 21’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 59’ N.; 82° 15’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 45’ N.; 81° 46’ 15” E.
IAR 1973‐74: 26, Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 51’ 45” N.; 82° 14’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 44’ 5” N.; 81° 48’ 15” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 59’ 10” N.; 82° 11’ 20” E.
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A)
25° 47’ 35” N.; 81° 46’ 5” E.
Alur 1980:201‐ 27; Pal 1985:28‐37; Pant and Pant 1980:229‐30; et al. 1980: 77‐ 132; Sharma et al. 1980: 131 Sharma et al. 1980: 126
283
116. Mahroopur
Pratapgarh
Lake
117. Majhanpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
118. Majhitee
Pratapgarh
Lake
119. Makhani
Pratapgarh
Lake
120. Misirpur l
Pratapgarh
Lake
121. Misirpur ll
Pratapgarh
Lake
122. Mohanganj
Pratapgarh
Lake
123. Molanapur
Pratapgarh
Lake
124. Muraini
Pratapgarh
Lake
125. Nagapur
Pratapgarh
Lake
126. Naobar
Pratapgarh
Lake
127. Narangpur/ Nganpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
128. Narayanpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic ‐ Geometric (Phase II B) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) 284
26° 0’ 23” N.; 82° 9’ 36” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 58’ 20” N.; 82° 3’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 57’ 20” N.; 82° 11’ 20” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 126
25° 52’ 30” N.; 81° 55’ 30” E.
IAR 1973‐74: 2, Sharma et al. 1980: 127
25° 47’ 10” N.; 81° 50’ 45” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 127
25° 47’ 35” N.; 81° 47’ 50” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 131
25° 53’ 15” N.; 81° 54’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 127
25° 53’ 50” N.; 82° 18’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 127
26° 2’ 10” N.; 82° 13’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 127
25° 45’ 40” N.; 81° 47’ 15” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 127
26° 0’ 7” N.; 82° 3’ 50” E.
Sharma et al. 1980:127
25° 43’ 45” N.; 81° 43’ 6” E.
IAR 1973‐74: 26, Sharma et al. 1980: 127
25° 51’ 15” N.; 81° 49’ 42” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 127
129. Nautarwa
Pratapgarh
Lake
130. Neora
Pratapgarh
Lake
131. Nohi
Pratapgarh
Lake
132. Pachauri
Pratapgarh
Lake
133. Pandari
Pratapgarh
Riverine
134. Paniyari
Pratapgarh
Lake
135. Parbatpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
136. Pargaspur
Pratapgarh
Lake
137. Parhatia Mau
Pratapgarh
Lake
138. Parsrampur
Pratapgarh
Lake
139. Patti
Pratapgarh
Lake
140. Patupur
Pratapgarh
Lake
141. Phulpur Raman
Pratapgarh
Lake
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) ‐ Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A)
285
26° 2’ 30” N.; 82° 10’ 24” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 127
25° 59’ 8” N.; 82° 4’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 127
26° 2’ N.; 82° 15’ 10” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 127
25° 56’ 8” N.; 82° 17’ 18” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 127
‐ 25° 48’ N.; 81° 54’ 30” E.
IAR 1983‐ 84:85 Sharma et al. 1980: 127
25° 50’ N.; 81° 50’ 45” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 127
25° 59’ 45” N.; 82° 10’ 54” E.
IAR 1978‐79: 23, Sharma et al. 1980: 127
25° 52’ 45” N.; 81° 54’ 52” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 127
25° 47’ 45” N.; 81° 47’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 127
25° 49’ 15” N.; 81° 49’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 127
25° 48’ 27” N.; 81° 44’ 33” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 127
25° 44’ 37” N.; 81° 44’ 24” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 127
142. Pidara
Pratapgarh
Lake
143. Pindari
Pratapgarh
Lake
144. Piprababa
Pratapgarh
Lake
145. Pura lal
Pratapgarh
Lake
146. Pura Motilal
Pratapgarh
Lake
147. Pura Nagaiya Pratapgarh
Lake
148. Pura Ramchandra
Pratapgarh
Lake
149. Pura Ramdat
Pratapgarh
Lake
150. Pura Sukh Chain
Pratapgarh
Lake
151. Pura Sukhdeo/ Sukhdeopur
Pratapgarh
Lake
152. Pure Bhawan
Pratapgarh
Lake
153. Raigarh
Pratapgarh
Lake
154. Raipur
Pratapgarh
Lake
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic ‐ Geometric (Phase II B) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic ‐ Geometric (Phase II B) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A)
286
26° 0’ 47” N.; 82° 7’ 15” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 127
26° 3’ N.; 82° 7’ Sharma et al. E. 1980: 127
25° 49’ 15” N.; 81° 49’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
25° 51’ 35” N.; 81° 52’ 23” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
25° 45’ 47” N.; 81° 46’ 57” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
25° 49’ 45” N.; 81° 50’ 15” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 131
25° 51’ 30” N.; 81° 55’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
25° 50’ 50” N.; 81° 53’ 45” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
25° 52’ 45” N.; 82° 11’ 38” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
25° 44’ 45” N.; 81° 46’ 37” E.
IAR 1973‐74: 2, Sharma et al. 1980
25° 52’ N.; 81° 47’ 45” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
25° 44’ 22” N.; 81° 38’ 42” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 131
25° 54’ 30” N.; 82° 12’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
155. Raiya
Pratapgarh
Lake
156. Rajapur
Pratapgarh
Lake
157. Rajpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
158. Ramchandra Patti
Pratapgarh
Lake
159. Ramkola
Pratapgarh
Lake
160. Rampur
Pratapgarh
Lake
161. Rampur‐ Bela Pratapgarh
Lake
162. Ranipur
Pratapgarh Lake
163. Rasulaha
Pratapgarh
Lake
164. Ratnagarpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
165. Rur
Pratapgarh
Lake
166. Sadhaipur
Pratapgarh
Lake
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A)
287
25° 57’ 30” N.; 82° 5’ 25” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
25° 40’ 47” N.; 82° 45’ 38” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
25° 51’ 20” N.; 81° 54’ 45” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
25° 59’ 8” N.; 82° 4’ 12” E.
IAR 1978‐79: 23, Sharma et al. 1980: 128
25° 53’ 20” N.; 82° 12’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
25° 49’ 40” N.; 81° 48’ 25” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
25° 59’ 22” N.; 82° 13’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
25° 59’ 30” N.; 82° 12’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
25° 50’ 24” N.; 82° 11’ 36” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
26° 2’ N.; 82° 7’ Sharma et al. 10” E. 1980: 128
25° 45’ N.; 81° 42’ 8” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
25° 54’ 52” N.; 81° 12’ 37” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
167. Sahadev ka Pura
Pratapgarh
Lake
168. Sahajanpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
169. Samsatpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
170. Sandhi
Pratapgarh
Lake
171. Sandhua
Pratapgarh
Lake
172. Sarai Bhopat
Pratapgarh
Lake
173. Sarai Januari
Pratapgarh
Lake
174. Sarai Mahasingh
Pratapgarh
Lake
175. Sarai Morarsingh
Pratapgarh
Lake
176. Sarai Padman Pratapgarh
Lake
177. Sarai Rajai
Pratapgarh
Riverine
178. Sarai Sojan Soja
Pratapgarh
Lake
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A)
25° 48’ 45” N.; 81° 53’ 15” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 128
25° 47’ 15” N.; 81° 54’ 15” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 129
25° 54’ 10” N.; 82° 11’ 26” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 129
25° 51’ 35” N.; 81° 45’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 129
25° 50’ 52” N.; 81° 50’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 129
25° 45’ N.; 81° 47’ 52” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 129
25° 59’ 30” N.; 82° 5’ 54” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 129
25° 48’ N.; 81° 46’ 37” E.
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A)
25° 51’ N.; 81° 54’ 13” E.
IAR 1973‐74: 26 (mentioned as Geometric tools), Sharma et al. 1980: 129 Sharma et al. 1980: 129
25° 53’ 38” N.; 82° 13’ 48” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 129
IAR 1983‐ 84:85, IAR 1973‐74: 26, Sharma et al. 1980: 129
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A)
288
25° 49’ 22” N.; 81° 52’ 08” E.
179. Sarai‐ Nahar‐ Rai
Pratapgarh
Lake
Mesolithic ‐ Geometric (Phase II B)
25° 48’ N.; 81° 50’ E.
180. Sarailohanga ni
Pratapgarh
Lake
25° 47’ 45” N.; 81° 55’ 15” E.
181. Sarainya/ Saraiya
Pratapgarh
Lake
182. Saraisewak
Pratapgarh
Lake
183. Sarauli
Pratapgarh
Lake
184. Sardih
Pratapgarh
Lake
185. Sarsikhan
Pratapgarh
Lake
186. Semra
Pratapgarh
Lake
187. Shaikhpur/ Saikhpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
188. Sirsa
Pratapgarh
Lake
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic ‐ Geometric (Phase II B) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A)
289
25° 45’ N.; 81° 48’ E.
IAR 1971‐72: 48‐49; Alur 1980; Dutta 1971, 1973, 1984; Dutta and Pal 1972; Dutta et al. 1971, 1972; Kennedy et al. 1986; Misra 1977; Sharma 1973a; 129‐ 145; Sharma et al. 1980: 131 Sharma et al. 1980: 129
25° 47’ 15” N.; 81° 47’ 45” E.
IAR 1973‐74: 26, Sharma et al. 1980: 131 Sharma et al. 1980: 129
26° 1’ 45” N.; 82° 3’ 12” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 129
26° 52’ N.; 82° 17’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 129
25° 59’ 20” N.; 82° 7’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 129
26° 3’ 39 N.; 82° 5’ 15” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 129
25° 46’ 25” N.; 81° 46’ 45” E.
IAR 1973‐74: 26, Sharma et al. 1980: 129
25° 50’ 10” N.; 81° 48’ 45” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 129
189. Sitapur
Pratapgarh
Lake
190. Sobhipur
Pratapgarh
Lake
191. Sona Bahar
Pratapgarh
Lake
192. Taradih
Pratapgarh
Lake
193. Tarapur
Pratapgarh
Lake
194. Tawakkalpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
195. Thakthaiya
Pratapgarh
Lake
196. Tilokpur
Pratapgarh
Lake
197. Tiwaripur
Pratapgarh
Lake
198. Usrapur
Pratapgarh
Lake
199. Utras
Pratapgarh
Lake
Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic ‐ Geometric (Phase II B) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic‐ Non‐ Geometric (Phase II A) Mesolithic ‐ Geometric (Phase II B)
290
25° 55’ 15” N.; 82° 18’ 30” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 129
25° 45’ 39” N.; 81° 50’ 58” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 131
26° 1’ 20” N.; 82° 1’ 10” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 129
25° 55’ N.; 82° 11’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 129
25° 48’ 37” N.; 81° 49’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 129
25° 45’ N.; 81° 57’ 22” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 129
25° 59’ 30” N.; 82° 2’ 6” E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 129
25° 44’ 8” N.; 81° 42’ 18” E.
IAR 1973‐74: 26, Sharma et al. 1980: 130
26° 0’ 15” N.; 82° 2’ E.
Sharma et al. 1980: 130
25° 49’ 25” N.; 81° 54’ 23” E.
IAR 1973‐74: 26, Sharma et al. 1980: 130
25° 58’ 30” N.; 82° 8’ 30” E.
IAR 1977‐78: 57, Sharma et al. 1980: 131
Appendix II
Sr. No. 1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21.
List of Neolithic Sites in South‐Central Ganga Valley Site Name District Nature Geographical References Co‐ ordinates ‐ IAR 1966‐67: 37; IAR Amilia Allahabad Riverine/ 1982‐ 83: 92 Belan /Lapari Ayodhya Allahabad Riverine/ 24° 56’ 15” N; IAR 1982‐83: 92 Belan 82° 7’ 30” E Bahraicha Allahabad Riverine/ ‐ IAR 1982‐83: 92 Lapari Bansghat Allahabad Riverine/ 24° 55’ N.; 82° 5’ Pal 1986: 37 Belan E. Chakauntha‐ Allahabad Riverine/ 25° 16’ N.; 82° IAR 1969‐70: 37; Pal Gaura Ganga 10’ E. 1986: 37 Chaurdih‐ Allahabad Riverine/ 24° 55’ 30” N. Pal 1986: 37 Kotia Belan 82° 4’ 30” E. Chorbana Allahabad Riverine/ 25° 14’ 30” N. IAR 1969‐70: 37; Pal Ganga 82° 8’ E. 1986: 15, 37 Daiya Allahabad Riverine/ 24° 55’ 42” N.; IAR 1975‐76: 44; Pal Belan 82° 4’ 30” E. 1986: 15, 16, 37 Deoghat Allahabad Riverine/ 24° 54’ N.; 82° 2’ IAR 1975‐76: 44; Pal Belan 10” E. 1986:15, 16, 37 Futahwa Allahabad Riverine/ 24° 55’ 30” N. Pal 1986: 37 Belan 82° 2’ 30” E. Galdahawa Allahabad Riverine/ ‐ IAR 1982‐83: 92 Lapari Jamsot Allahabad Riverine ‐ IAR 1975‐76: 44; Pal 1986: 15, 16 Jamua Allahabad Riverine/ 25° 2’ 15” N.; IAR 1975‐76: 44; Pal Lapari 81° 58’ 20” E. 1986: 37 Khajuri Allahabad Riverine/ 24° 54’ 30” N.; IAR 1975‐76: 44; Pal Belan 82° 2’ 30” E. 1986: 15, 37 Khajuri‐ Allahabad Riverine/ ‐ IAR 1982‐83: 92 Khurd Belan Koilariha/ Allahabad Riverine/ 24° 56’ 30” N. IAR 1975‐76: 44; Pal Koilaharia Belan 82° 2’ 12” E. 1986: 37 Koldihwa Allahabad Riverine/ 24° 54’ 30” N.; Misra 1977: 57; Pal 1986: Belan 82° 2’ E. 9, 37 Kukurahata Allahabad Riverine/ 24° 55’ 47” N.; Pal 1986: 37 Belan 82° 1’ 42” E. Mahagara Allahabad Riverine/ 24° 54’ 50” N.; Sharma et al. 1980: 34,38; Belan 82° 3’ 20” E. Pal 1986: 37 Majhiari Allahabad Riverine/ 25°1’ N. 82° 9’ IAR 1970‐71: 36; Pal Lapari E. 1986: 37 Pachoh Allahabad Riverine/ 24° 55’ 45” N.; IAR 1970‐71: 36; Pal Belan 82° 2’ 30” E. 1986: 15, 16, 37 291
22. Patehari
Allahabad
23. Pawari
Allahabad
24. Pipraon
Allahabad
25. Taradaha
Allahabad
26. Unkahali
Allahabad
Riverine/ Belan Riverine/ Lapari Riverine/ Lapari Riverine/ Belan Riverine
292
24° 54’ 45” N.; 82° 7’ 0” E. 25° 2’ 15” N.; 81° 57’ 42” E.
Pal 1986: 37
‐
IAR 1966‐67: 37; IAR 1975‐76: 44; Pal 1986: 15, 16, 37 IAR 1982‐83: 92
‐
IAR 1982‐83: 92
‐
IAR 1975‐76: 44; Pal 1986: 15, 16
Appendix III List of Chalcolithic Sites in South‐Central Ganga Valley Sr.No.
Site Name
District
Nature Riverine/ Belan Riverine/ Lapari Riverine/ Gorma Riverine/ Seoti Riverine/ Gorma Riverine/ Belan Riverine
1.
Ayodhya
Allahabad
2.
Bahraicha
Allahabad
3.
Allahabad
4.
Basaha Haradaun Bataubir
5.
Chiraon
Allahabad
6.
Jadipur
Allahabad
7.
Jhusi
Allahabad
8.
Kapasikalan
Allahabad
9.
Khajuri
Allahabad
10.
Koldihwa
Allahabad
11.
Koilariha
Allahabad
12.
Koskangarha
Allahabad
13. 14.
Kukurahata Lakhahar
Allahabad Allahabad
15.
Lohrakapatpara
Allahabad
16.
Mahuli
Allahabad
17.
Palneodhia/ Allahabad Neodhia Bayalis Panchoh Allahabad
18.
Allahabad
Riverine/ Belan Riverine/ Belan Riverine/ Belan Riverine/ Belan Riverine/ Tundiari Riverine Riverine/ Seoti (Chunarigh at) Riverine/To ns Riverine/ Seoti (Chunarigh at) Riverine/ Tundiari Riverine/ Belan
293
Geographical Co‐ ordinates 24° 56’ 15” N; 82° 7’ 30” E 24° 58’ 0” N; 81° 56’ 0” E 24° 53’ 30” N; 81° 56’ 20” E 24 ° 53’ 10” N; 82° 6’ 0” E 24° 54’ 30” N; 81° 55’ 45” E 24° 55’ 35” N; 82° 4 20” E 25° 26’ 10” N.; 81° 54’ 30” E.
References Pal 1986: 49 IAR 1975‐76: 44; Pal 1986: 52 Pal 1986: 52 IAR 1963‐64: 39; Pal 1986: 50 Pal 1986: 52 Pal 1986: 49
IAR 1994‐95: 69; Misra et al. 1996: 63,64 24° 57’ 0” N; 82° 5’ IAR 1975‐76: 44; 3 E Pal 1986: 49 24° 54’ 30” N; 82° IAR 1975‐76: 44; 2’ 30” E Pal 1986: 50 24° 54’ 30” N; 82° IAR 1970‐71: 36; 2’ 0” E Pal 1986: 50 24° 56’ 30” N; 82° IAR 1975‐76: 44; 2’ 12” E Pal 1986: 50 24° 50’ 0” N; 82° 3’ Pal 1986: 51 30” E IAR 1975‐76: 44 24° 50’ 45” N; 82° Pal 1986: 51 4’ 30” E
25° 3’ 20” N; 81° 45’ 40” E 24° 54’ 0” N; 82° 12’ 0” E
Pal 1986: 52
24° 53’ 6” N; 82° 3’ 30” E 24° 55’ 45” N; 82° 23’ 30” E
IAR 1985‐86:75; Pal 1986: 51 IAR 1970‐71: 36; Pal 1986: 50
IAR 1968‐69:35; Pal 1986: 50
Riverine/ Seoti (Chunarigh at) Riverine
24° 52’ 0” N; 82° 2’ IAR 1968‐69:35; 0” E Pal 1986: 51
Pratapgarh
Riverine/ Lapari Riverine
Bhevani
Pratapgarh
Riverine
24.
Bilsadi
Pratapgarh
Riverine
25. 26.
Dohari Gangehati
Pratapgarh Pratapgarh
Riverine Riverine
27.
Hanumanganj
Pratapgarh
28. 29. 30.
Pratapgarh Pratapgarh Pratapgarh
31. 32.
Itwa Kanjakhas Kanjasarai Gulami Kanpa Maraha
Riverine/ Gorma Riverine Riverine Riverine
24° 59’ 0” N; 81° 59’ 0” E 25° 56’ N; 82° 16’ E 25° 56’ N; 82° 16’ E 25° 54’ 29” N; 82° 11’ 27” E 25° 58’ 10” N; 82° 4’ 30” E
Pratapgarh Pratapgarh
Riverine Riverine
33.
Pelkhawar
Pratapgarh
Riverine
34.
Pure Deojani/ Devajani Sarai Jamuari/ Jamuri Sulemanpar vatpur Tibbipur
Pratapgarh
Riverine
Pratapgarh
Riverine
Pratapgarh
Riverine
Pratapgarh
Riverine
19.
Piyari
Allahabad
20.
Sringaverpura
Allahabad
21.
Sunawa
Allahabad
22.
Bhanti
23.
35. 36. 37.
294
IAR 1977‐78: 54; 78‐79: 57‐59; 79‐ 80: 73‐74; 80‐81: 67‐68; 81‐82: 66‐ 67; 82‐83:91‐92; 83‐84:84‐85; 84‐ 85:85‐86; Lal and Dikshit 1978‐ 79:1‐7. Pal 1986: 52 IAR 1977‐78:57; Misra 1990:197 Misra 1990:197 Misra 1990:197 Misra 1990:197 Misra 1990:197
IAR 1963‐64:39; Misra 1990:197 IAR 1978‐79:23 Misra 1990: 197 25° 58’ 10” N; 82° IAR 1977‐78:57; 11’ 10” E Misra1990: 197 IAR 1978‐79:23 IAR 1977‐78:57; Misra 1990:197 25° 1’ 50” N; 82° 7’ IAR 1977‐78:57; 10” E Misra 1990:197 25° 57’ 30” N’ 82° IAR 1977‐78:57; 9’ 40” E Misra 1990:197 25° 58’ N; 82° 5’ 8” IAR 1977‐78:57; E Misra 1990:197 Misra 1990:197
IAR 1977‐78:57
Appendix IV
Technical Term Abortifacient Anaemia Anthelmintic Antispasmodic Aphrodisiac Asthma Astringent Bronchitis Dysentery Eczema Febrifuge Gonorrhoea Itch Jaundice
Leprosy Leucoderma Leucorrhoea Lumbago Malaria
Paralysis Piles Pneumonia Rheumatism Ringworm Rubefacient Spermatorrhoea Tonsillitis Ulcer Wart
Glossary of technical terms used for diseases and drugs Description An agent that promotes abortion A deficiency of blood or of red blood cells or of the red colouring matter of the blood A drug that kills intestinal worms A drug, which counteracts spasmodic disorders A drug, which promotes sexual desire A chronic disorder of the bronchial tubes A drug, which arrests secretion or bleeding An inflammation of the air passages An infectious disease of which the chief symptoms are acute diarrhoea and discharge of mucus and blood A skin disease accompanied by swelling, redness and exudation of lymph An agent used for reducing fever An infectious venereal disease marked by an inflammatory discharge from the genital organs An infectious skin disease, caused by a mite, without specific lesions and marked by excessive itching; scabies A diseased condition in which there is a yellowish staining of the tissues and excretions with bile A chronic wasting disease caused by a germ; the disease generally results in mutilations and deformities A condition of the skin in which there is loss of pigment wholly or partially An excessive flow of lochia i.e., vaginal discharge following childbirth Rheumatism of the muscles of the back A recurrent disease marked by bouts of shivering, sudden rise of temperature and general aching of the body, ague A disease in which there is loss of power of voluntary movement in any part of the body An inflamed condition of the veins in the rectal region Inflammation of the lungs An indefinite term used for pains in the muscles, joints and certain tissues A parasitic skin disease usually marked by red, scaly, circular patches A mild counter‐irritant Abnormally frequent involuntary emission of the semen without orgasm Inflammation of the tonsils An open sore on the skin A hypertrophy of a growth on the skin
295
296
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